Aegyptische Urkunden aus den koeniglichen Museen zu Berlin :

THE LIBRARY
BRIGHAM YOUNG UNi v ΜΕΥ
PROVO, UTAH

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Papyrus. H.33 em. Br. 13,5cm. Aus der Tapyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäldg.

Ziemlich grosse, Schulmässi 42 Handschrift. δ εκ ıst leer. ya Jahr des Augustus

Verpachtuns einer Bäckere, ne

Npwrzapryiwı |
maps Elrpnyvmigov τοῦ Σώτου καὶ ταρὰ ᾿Δρεεμιδειώρου!
[τοῦ Διδύμου Τέρσου τῆς Emiyovns καὶ τῆς τούτου
[γυναικὸς “Ἑρμιόνης τῇς Χαι (ἡ μόνος Περσείνης KLITA
5 [kuJptou τοῦ ἀνδρός. Συνγωροῦσιν ᾿Δρτεμίῳρος ker “Ep-
k μεμισϑοόναι παρὰ, τού ΕἸ ἡνᾶου ἐπὶ Χρόνοτνα
Γμιχόνη {ξτὶ ἢ μῆνα [51 sic Ἶ
ζἔπητα καὶ ὀεκάτου L Καίσαρο τὸ ὑπάρχον αὐτῷ etpyia-
[ότη:ριοὸν κλιβάνιον ἐν τῷ βῆτα ἐν τῇ Εὐ δαί μοντοὴς
Γλε]γομόένῃ ῥύμη πλησίον in ἐκ τῆς Μ--
' ἱ αἰ τὺ |
10 Dr κτήσεως δὺν τοῖς ἐν αὐτῷ κλιβάν τοι 5 du-]
KV TE καὶ κλι Bavımois ὄκεύεσδιν καὶ THACIKX) WE. .1

[35 φόρου τοῦ ἑσταμίνου κκϑ'᾽ ἡμέραν Σκασττη νἹ

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[pajv ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἀνυπόλογον παντὸς ὑπολόγου
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15 καί ἄνήηλω ματος τῶν ἐτισικευῶν τοῦ ἐργαστηρίου
ERJaL 0% ων ἀντ ενβόλων καὶ ὠλενῶν ότεγν δε ωτνῚ

Ι κολ fehlt. _ 6 über der Zeile Elpnvoov, Wie auch Ζ ar ἐργοιστήριον
gesichert Here Zu 15124 20 die Korrig. Stelle ist undeutlich geworden ; es scheint
τοῦ “Ῥυαμῶνος gemeint zu sein. Die nahe liegende Vermutun. Kuxusövos (kuXuövss
sind für Alexandrien sowohl durch andre Urkunden wie durch Strabo bezeugt) Kann
ich mit den Schrift zugen n'cht in Einklang bringen. - 1 da he enden
zu bringen; es Kann aber kaum etwas andres als eine Zahl in Frage Kommen. _

Ι τηλγία Ω gehört Zwar zur Backstube, aber das folgende anscheinend mit Vbegin-

hende Wort bleibt dann unklar. - 16 eine ganz. ähnliche Wendung hat No Π|6, Ι2.;

das zwefelhafte Wort sieht wie APHWN aus. Val. die Ann. zu der eben angeführten
Selle. |

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(63 ν᾽) (No 117)"

ΓΣγτὶ ΠΣ καὶ τὸ ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἐργαστηρίου ὀιδόμιεν τον
ἢ es : Υ ὄντων πρὸς
εξναίκιον καὶ τὰ ὑπερ τῆς ξργοισιας πᾶντα τοὺΓ5]

᾿ μεμισϑ μένου ᾿Δρτεμίδωρον καὶ “Ἐρ μιόνην,

20 τογῦς καὶ ἀπο τυῦ νῦν ἀντεχεόναι τῆς μιόϑστῳ 5

Γκχὶ τὰ περὶ Yıyopısvo ἀπυφέοεσναι εἰς τὸ Ἰδγιηον un
(Σηζόν τοῦ αὐτοῖς :γλεητπεῖν τὴν μίσψωσιν ἐντὸς τοῦ
[χρόνου μη δὲ Am) τυῦ νῦν εἰς τὸν οὶ χρόνον a 2
τ..1: ἕτερον ἔργα ὁτήριοιν τῷ κλιβανη ἐγτὸγς TAJE-

25 ΓϑρΊων κυκλόϑεν πέντε, τοῦ di χρόνου διελϑόντοις] πὰ ροί-
dass’ τὸ ἐργαστήριον καϑαρὸν ἂπό τς δι ττηου κατ]

τ 15 ἄλλης ἀκοιϑιιρδιοας σὺν τοῖς κατ᾽ αὐτὸ τοΊκεῦ EST
καὶ κλειβάνοισ οἷα. ἐὰν ὅτι ἢ ἐκ τῆς χρήσετωγσ, er des
γκαηὶ ἀπὸ ἐνοικίων καὶ τελῷν ὁμοίως kavapsrvı, ἔτλην des
20 Γτι] τούττωιν παρα βαίνωσιν, εἶναι αὐτοὺς TRPIRP Γῆ μια
[ER καὶ ἐκτελέσαι καὶ ἐκτεῖσαι τῷ Eipnvalmı

[ὁ ἐπὰν ἐνοφιλησωσιν πρὸς τὸν ἡμερήσιον φορο(ν)

τδὺν ἡ:μιολίαι Γκαὶ οὗ ἐὰν μὴ ταρχ δῷ “' τὴν ἀΐξίαν καὶ τὸ
35 LAK bos] καὶ Jamavn ματα αὶ ξπίτιμον αργυφίου) Fo καὶ]
[To DL EVoV] πρόστιμον τῆς τράΐτως yıvo-

[μένης τῷ Eipn γαίων] FR] τς αὐττῶν: ὄντων ἀλληλεγ-
τγύων εἰς ἔκτισιν και 35 Ἑνὸς καὶ % οὗ Zar ταὐτῶν

7 das Ἰνοίκιον für das Lokal ist von dem φόρος für die Bäckerei zu unterscheiden ._
18 über der Zeile unleserlichz Jburen. - könstruktion zu verb.in: τοῦ - Σνοικίου
καὶ τῶν Omap τῆς ἐργασίας ἐπα 25 erg. era Avrırıdivat oder Ähnliches. -
26 Sirtyou entspricht den. Kesten und scheint auch sachlich nicht unwahrscheinlich. -
28 να]. dagegen ἡ, ας. see] εἧου δεν ἢ σιι entspricht den Jpuren immer nocham
besten , ein paar andre Urkunden, die gleichfalls neben ἐκτελέσαι und ἐκτεῖσαι
ein drittes Verbum haben, sınd grade ee. τ Dagegen hat
119, 34 Ir? ἀναγ Καὶ τ ΣΝ ‚Was aber hier unmöglich scheint:

verte_

199

en nn .

(No 1117) °

γαϊρῆται καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑπαγγόντον οὐτοῖς πάντων
40 Γκαῦαπερ ἐγ dixans ἄκυρον οὐσῶν καὶ ὧν τὰν ἔτ:
! If N ! !
vsykwaı πιότηήξων πασῶν dKams mans μη-
div ἧσσον Σ)ουσία 91 οὐσῃ5 τῷ Elpnvaeiy ἐχν μὲν πα-
' ; > ὩΣ \

epasuyppabwoi] μενιστατμένῳ οοῦτο [51 Ἐνττὸς1

γτοῦ χρόνου Ih
Weitere τι Zeilen sind in sehr kleinen und verwischten Resten erhalten.

SCHUBÄRT.

7aR. No 1113.
Papyrus. H.37, 5 cm. Br.ı3em. Aus der Tapyruscartonnaga von Abusir el maläg.
Die Urkunde war auf 2 an einander geklebte Selides geschrieben, von denen die
rechte sich losgelö'st hat und verloren gegangen ist. Auf dem Verso der linken,
erhaltenen Selis stehen 2 Jarlehnsurkunden aus dem 17. Jahre des Augushis
von andrer Hand als Rekto. Dia Schrift auf ἱκοκίο ist ziemlich sorgfältig,
Der Anfang ist verwischt. 8. Jahr des Augustus.

Richt eines Kartens , Älexandrien.

Τῶι ἐπὶ τοῦ κριτηφίου :
ταρὰ Αἰσίύπου τοῦ Ἔφωτος τἰκκῃφαρτος] καὶ παρὰ... τ᾿.

Apsı vons γμετηὰ κυρίου ... TOU UWPOL TOO Τρύφωνος ἄβατα. ἀπ δ ὴ ἷ
4 ΗΠ ΧΎΟΝ νος δ τε τ λει "Ἔρως τέναΓγος ... ἐπὶ τῆς ar]
5 Kavmpöv ταινίας ....p....g vuv κῆπον... Ὁ...

Rechts fehlen im Durchschnitt 35 Buchstaben. Da die Ergänzungen nur teilweise Sicher
gegeben werden Können, ziehr ıch vor, sie in den Anmerkungen unterzubringen. - 2 Ende: wohl
Ἴῤῴτφωνος TI καὶ τῆς τοῦτου γυναικὸς. - 3-5 sehr unsicher gelesen. Hinter Apsı-
vons müsste der Vatersname stehen; ferner wiirde man erwarten μετὰ κυρίου αὐτῆς
τοῦ ἀνδρὸς Πρύφωνος. In dem fehlenden Stücke etwa: ΠῚ ἢ τῶν διτστα μένων δυγ-
ΠΣ 5 Αἰόῶπος ysuu-1.- 4 viell. Tppowrı καὶ Apsıvon ὃ ya Ἔρως τένα-
Γγ05 ἀρουρῶν .... 5. erg. Lim ἐγιχυτὸν ἕνα...

verte

200

IHRE στ 2... ___.)
(74 R.) (No 118)”

ἀπὸ θΘῶυ ᾽ ἕως Μεσορὴ φόρου τοῦ Σσταμιίένου τῶν .τ...
κοσιων ἄκοσι͵ Is καὶ διορ δούμενοι ἀνυπολόγους TV ΕΣ ὁ ας
Ἰσομερέόι τρισὶν διὰ τετφαμήνου τ τῶν, nee
TOL Αϊσόπῳ ἢ τοῖς apa toü”Epwros, ἰὰν δὲ pri...
0 Kıro φόρον τοῦ τε g καὶ δ" Καίσαρος Apyupriov ... “575. 2.298 ν 66.
τῶν ὄντων ἕν τῶι κήπωι τὰ κρατιστα καὶ βέλτιστα καὶ orbens ;
κράμ βη5 καυλοὺς ὦ κεφαλωνων λαμπάδας. τ...
Vidamas κηπου ρια κὰς ὃν μηκωνί δας Ἵν τς SE
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15 ὀγδοήκοντα κοχλειδίων χοίνεικας ἢ δικύου ταγὰτς ... N Spur-]
| Se | us % N
λίδας καὶ πράσου γλνυκέωσ ταγὰς A οὐκ. ρα Ε...
δεύτλου τυϑμένας ἑκατὸν τέδαρο KwÄoL... εὐ-Ἰ

τοικτοῦν τοῖς ἀποφερεσϑάι τὰ ἐκτῆς μισϑωότγεως] τετιζινόμενα δι
Kon, τὰ δὲ ἐκ τῇ μιόσνωόξις φορτία oe
20 χλωρϑό τελώνιον καὶ ταύονται τὰ Tap αὐττῶ!ν ER UNKLAR]
mostaynara καὶ διαγράμματα καὶ τοὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς Ἐντισμοὺ-...
περὶ τούτων αἰτίαις καὶ ζημίαις, εἴληφοιν δὲ Τρύφτων ΡΝ
ἄτοκον διὰ τῇ ἢ Κάστορος κολλυβιστι κῆς τραπσζησ Ca
Διονυσίου Tpams/ns Apyupdov) Ε Bo, sep τυγχάνίουσιν... Zend
25 KöTsS apa" Epwros τοῦ Καίσαρος dıd τε τῶν αὐτῶτν τραπεζῶν ΡΝ
ἐπιτελεῖν οὗ μεμίδϑωνται κήπου τὰ Kal ROTER N

6 τῶν [Zahl ἀρουρῶν ἀργυρίον ἐραχμῶν νυν ern ταιντὸς ὑτολόγου
kat ἀναλώματος iv ἀνοι φοραῖ41. - [0 rg. ... 2 faipst® de TersosLr].

Il erg. Wer; Ins ξΣκαόστου γένους ὥρας ὅὁτοιν ἀταιτώνται] nach a

13 über dem zweiten ον fehlt der Zahlstrich.- 4 Ende: schwerlich Tafrüpou
val. Anm. zu 1120, Ve ee - ὑφυαλίδοις vgl. 1120, 125. --

Ὁ τρόσαροις.. καλό, nicht κολογκύνταϑ --- - erg. ehwa καὶ ἀντέχεσυοι τῆς
μισϑωσεως καὶ εὖ.1.. 18 erg. εἰινα εἷς τὸ ἴδιον ἕκαστα ὁπόταν. -

I9 erg. viell..... Eis To ee Zn ὁγη τισὶ]: Ἵ ἐνέχεσθαι αὐτοὺς ταῖς κειμέναις 1.-
22. rg. etwa καὶ Apsıvan παρὰ τοῦ Αἰδώπου γρήσιν1. - ἜΩ γάργυρίου
ὑαχμῶν Ἴβυνα καὶ ἑτέραν διὰ 5.21 erg. etwa ἤδη τῷ TE Le Er
ἄπο τοῦ νῦν]... 26 erg. ἔργα πάντα καϑ' ὥραν καὶ κατὰ καιρὸν ἀρεστῶς 1.

vertel

en in συ Ν᾽ Eh an re EEE EEE
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RE = en

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uk NN

n\ Ya IR WER

λ Ϊ RR
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br : E E
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411)

ζιογντς

(74 R.) (No 1113) °

μηδὲ γχραλεί πον τοις Σργον μηόεν τῶν εἰς zöspyrimv...
κατὰ καιρὸν λαχανή κα καὶ παρεχόμενοι ὄύνφυτον KEXL..
κατὰ τρόπον ἐν τοῖς dsovsı καιφοῖς καὶ τῶν δὲ ὄντων 4ἐτν ἔρον...
30 εἰς τὸ ζωφυτεῖν καὶ εὐδηνεῖν μηδὲν ἐκκόττοντες λτ...
ἐκ τοῦ ἰόίου ταὐτὰ γξνγη: αὐτενίαυτο οὐδενὶ χεῖρον τα.
Τοτισ μοὺς μὴ Σξόντος αὐτοῖς syAursiv τὴν Miley Be.
ma pa δοῦναι κὐτοὺς τὸν κῆπον δύνφνυτον καὶ ἑωφυττοῦντοι Rn ßs-]
λαμμένον καὶ iv αὐτῶι όυν ζείμηδιν λαχανήο5 ἀεῖτα:
35 καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν εἰ ϑισμένων δυντειμᾶσϑθαι πλὴν τ...
ξὰν δὲ πλείω παρα δῶσι, προφαποδῶόξι abrois 6 Alswims ...
τὸ λοιπὸν ταγοι χρῆμα, av da ἐλάττονος yirmracı ...
δυντείμηδιν πτροφςαποδώδουδιν καὶ αὐτυὶ τῶι Αἰστώπωι
τοντας ᾿ τοὺς μεμιόϑωμένους ik τοῦ κήπογυ
40 ἢ media περὶ τῆς τούτων aflas ὑπὸ τοῦ Alswrpu ..
ἐὰν 6: τι Ta px βαίνωσιν 01 μεμιόϑῳ μένοι, εἶναι αὐττοὺς ...
πάντα ἐπιτελέσαι καὶ ἐκτεῖσαι τῶι Αἰδώπωι τὰς TETPTOKSLUEVRS ...
ὀραχμίὰς) βυνα καὶ τὰς τις mpoypndsws &pyupiov) Ε Pre...
καὶ ὃς ἐὰν Σνοφι-ἢ
λη wei πρὸς τὸ tvscros ἡ = öpovs, ὡδαχύτωτς δὲ καὶ ... 23/2 ν δέ.
ὁξαιρέτων τὴν τρὸς τὸν γνώμονα τειμὴν καὶ τὰ Bash er
ε ᾿ Rn; ee tn οὐτοὺς Yen ὙΠ

27 erg. ἄνη πόντῶν της τῇ 1 vgl. 19.24.25... 28 9. εὐϑηνοῦντα Tor κῆπον διε χτ-
ΤΟΡΤ241.-- 24 er. ποιεῖόναι τὴν δρμοΐουσαν ἐπιμέλειαν" ΡΠ Asdery,

Aund A Wenig wahrscheinlich, obwohl die Erg. etwa foigende ἘΝ πδένδρον, ἀντι di
τῶν Ξγλειτόντων ἕτερα ὄντι κατα φυτεύειν 1.- 51 erg. ehva Kal τοιεῖσνκι ἘΣ
κα ἢ kovtas] oder ähnlich... 32 erg. ἐντὸς τοῦ Ypovov, διελθόντος ds Tobrau].-
34 ff vgl. 120,20 f., woraus hervorgeht, dass diese συντίμησις mit der yorjois 2.231.
in Beziehung steht. _ 36 πλείω oder An. as, Ende sehr unsicher; erg. einya

\ n ! x : > ͵ ᾿ ͵
χιορί5 τοῦ μένειν τῆν]. - 41 erg. etwa παραχρῆμα ἀγωγίμους, και συνέγεσῦσι μέγρι

τοῦ], jeaoch ıst die Erg. reichlich lang. -- 42 erg. τῆς yposws ἀργυρίου 1. -- 45 τ). τκαὶ

΄σ

ἰαπανήμαται καὶ ἐτίτιμοι, ἀργυρίου) HF... καὶ (oder μηδὲν ἧσσον). -- 46 erg. τῆς

μισνώσεως Σντὸς τοῦ γρόνου καὶ ὅτερσις μετὰ μισθοῦν vermuklich mit Äbkürzun-

{
verre

gen geschrieben.

202

up =

nn eb

en nn

Ze ...-»

rare

* i Bi N, TE

» ib Pi os
aaa ᾿ Pit}

(74R.) (No ta)?

καὶ ὅμοιως ἀναπράσσειν τὸ ἐσόμενον ἀφεύρεμοι RER
n ! j 1 > . a el NN ͵ 3 2
ns πράΐεω yewonivns EK TWV dUVO OVTWV &AAr eyyvar IS TEKTISIV. τ
καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἀρχόντων αὐτοῖς ταντῶν καϑατερ ἐγ' δίκης Lund...
50 αὐτῶν imrsAovvrav καὶ τὸν Alawırov ἡεβαιοῦν KUTOIS πὸ
5 δ NE ΣΝ ἀμρο αδν N Δ ΘΝ τὸν ὦ
ἃ αιρεῖδυκαι ἐντὸς τουτου, ποιρέχεόσαι ὁ αὐτοῖς ἔπι τὸ ....Ὁ...

ἕνογ ος ζόστω. Ἂς ιοϑ(μεν)

Zn Καίσαρος Φχμενὼν᾽ n Sa Hong. 22 v. Op:

47 Ende: k deutlich , sonst gewöhnlich παρὰ τὴν, ἄνα μίσϑω σιν. - 48079. καὶ 2° ἑνὸς
οὗ ἐὰν αὐτῶν αἱ ρῆται1. as |. ὑπαρχόντων. - kanaırap ıst nicht abgekürzt, aber
stark Zusammengezogen: (κλλρ.-- erg. Lärigipzwr τίότεις ἢ ἀκύρους εἶνκκι,, Σκασταῃ.-
50 era. [τὴν μίσθωσιν ἐπὶ τὸν ypovov καὶ μὴ αὐτοὺς1.- 51 Ende unklar, aber ἐπὶ τὸν

yporvov nicht ausgeschlossen erg. en. ἢ kaı αὐτὸς τῷ ἴσῳ ἐτιτίμῳ.
SCHU ΒΑΕΤ.
IR. No 1119.

apyrus. H.37em. Br. Iarekne Aus der Tapyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäläg, Die
an sich deutliche Schrift, ähnlich der von 1118, ist stellenweise sehr verwischt. Auf
Verso Reste von 2. Urkunden einer andern Hand. 25.Jahr des Augustus.
acht eines Orundstücks Alexandrien.

Ἰρωτάρχωι |
τὰ: / 3 » ἢ ἘΠ ͵ 7: x
IT X ᾿πολεμαίου τοῦ Ἀνταίου ημένειου καὶ Πόντος τοῦ |
Θεοδότου A) εὗαν ὀρέως καὶ παρὰ "Απτολλῳνίου τοῦ ᾿Ἀχιλλέῳ [51]
Ἵ ρσου τῆς ἐπιγονῆσ. Ζυνχορεῖ 5 ἡτολλῶνιος μεμισϑ τσναι]
5 ταρὰ τοῦ ἰἰτολεμαίου καὶ /sovros ἐπὶ χρόνον ἔτη πέντε Ko Fun /Icb. |
θωῦν δ᾽ τοῦ εἰσιόντος ἕκτου καὶ εἰκοστοῦ ἔτους Καίσαρος παρὰ μὲν τοῦ Ihre]
\ > en N ͵ Ἐξ OR STE ἱ
λιμαίου τὸ ὑπάργον τῇ γυναικὶ αὐτοῦ Πρυφαίνηι Θέωνος ἄστῆι τ

4

ε------ --- ΠϊἷϊἝἷ; ὁ οὉ-

2 Ἰημόένειος ist ein neues Demohkon.

verte

203

pe

er

»ν

= >
om
Sn

Le |
eb

U

ἐν»

ἢ

a τ“ ΄---------.-ῥθῬ --------------ς-------

cu R.) (No 1119)”

τὰ Kavu a κατὰ ἱερὰν Ἐν τοῖς λεγομένοις I& σὺν-
I r
ἐχόμενα "αμυχήουϑ φόρου τοῦ ὄυν κεγχωφημένου κατ᾽ Σ-
cl x ͵ n el
γιαυτὸν ὁικαστον ἀργυρίου ὀραγμῶν öydonkove, ὃν καὶ
15 ὀιορδδεται ὃ Ἀπολλώνιος ἀποδιογὺς τῶι Nroizspaiwı
\ ! „2 Ξ) > nn 02 ! \ ὦ N
καὶ Asovri κατ᾽ ἔτος ἐν ἀναφοραῖς ἰσομερέσι τρισὶ διὸ
τετφαμηνου ἄνυπτόλογον παντὸς ὑτολόγου καὶ ἂν λό μοι(το 5),
ἐπὶ τούτοις τὸν Ἀπολλώνιον τὸντιχόϊμενον τῶν με-
Ι Ν᾿ Π \ rn
μιόδϑωμένων Σπιτελεῖν ἀτμιττέλων καὶ τῶν κυοι-
20 Γ ον “τὰ τρόφη κόντοι ἔργα τάντα καὶ" ὥρατν καὶ
κοτὰ καιρὸν δρ Σσ Ὁ δ) ς μηδὲν... εργοῦντα μηδὲ
Kata Marrov τοι μηδὲ παραλείπον τοι Ἔργον μηδὲν
TOV &ls εὐεργίαν ἄγη κόντων, IKLKTTIOV τὸ κοινόν
κατὰ τρόπον καὶ ποτίζων τοῖς θέουσι πότιόσμοῖς Kata
n \ \ Ι N. =
23 Vevov τῇ κατὰ καιβον Aayavalz καὶ ἐᾶν τινος Ins

30 καὶ εὐ τύηιν οὖν rn καὶ zuspmusva [kai Kadajpk Ko Ink-

9 über Tiyayous undeutlicha Jchriltspuren . - 10 hinter ἐὰν Spuren von 2 Duch-

Staben, die win eC oder er aussehen, aber schwerlich gültig sein können. - Invuvst

ist das Ende unsicher, jedoch sicher nicht αι. -- 12 ıspav unsicher, aber wahrschen-
licher als Yopav (nämlich κατ᾽ Ayopav). - 23 Ende schr unsicher.- 24/5 κατὰ
200... Wird aber durch 1120, 30 wahrscheinlich; νεῶν hier ziemlich klar und 120, 30
Wenigstens möglich. Jedoch Kann das Tartizip κατανεύωνμ nicht gemeint sein, dq
dann 1120, 30 der Plural stehen müsste. _ 26 ir die rechte Jeite 15} vielfach so ver-
hischt, dass man nichts erkennen kann, solche Stollen werden eingeklaimmert-
30 wohl εὐερῳγ)ημένκ. |

verte,

204

ΠΡ. | (No 119)?

. 35 ἀπιτελγίσαι καὶ ἐκτεῖσαι δὺς TE ἐὰν zvo pschn γτῶν φόρων συν n-]
μιολίᾳ καὶ τὰ βλάβη καὶ ἐατανή ματα καὶ ἄλλας ἐτίτι-Ἵ
μον ἀργυρίου δραχμὰς τεντοακοσίος τέξουσία οὐση 51
τοῖς μεμιόνωκοσι, ἰὰν ἕν τινι ταρασυγγεφάψῃ 6]
Ἀπολλώνιος, ir bAAlsır αὐτὸν ἐντὸς ττοῦ χρόνου πῆ ΞῚ

40 μιόνοσεως καὶ ἑτέροι 5 MIT devalao...... πράσ-
iv di καὶ τὸ ἐσόμενον Top τὴν δίγοι μίσϑῳ σὶν
βλά βοδ γϊνο μένη Tois μεμισϑίρκόσι τῆς πραζξως ἔκ TE
τοῦ AroAAwvrijov καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑπαρχόν τον αὐτῶι τάντον
καϑατερ ἐγ τδίκησ ἀχκύ ρων οὐσιῶν, καὶ ὧν ἐὰν ἔπε ν 5]

45 m τιστενν πασῶν καὶ ἸΓρο5 τοιγ μάτων όκέτη 5
TASNS, τοιοῦ ζν τος φαύτοῦ κατὰ τὰ Toorsppruniva καὶ τὸν
Ἱπολεμαῖον καὶ “έοντα βεβαιοῦν αὐτῶι τὴν μίδϑῳ -

όιν Ἐπὶ Bora Lava Br ea uns
EDS TL......1..0 &modild τῶι φόρωι ἢ καὶ

50 TTrroAsuatov καὶ Λέρηντα ἐγτογους εἶναι τοῖς τχὐητοῖσ βλάβεσι
0 2 RE ρον στδι ταν δυγνχώβησιν 30° ὧι

Tapa ἐξ ξονται τῶι τ᾽ ἀπολλωνίφρι τῶν 7ενδιμένων
55 Kapräv τὴν δυνττί μησΊ ν]

> μὲ [a ke Καίσταρος ον IE v. On:
2 f 2
ΕΟ τον 4 πΠῚ0 δῆριν ὡὐ τ δούη
31 Ende: Suren, die weder zu ποιεῖσῶκι noch zu τηρεῖν passen. - 452 vrıa so aufivıa

Sicher, 34 ἐν Avarkaıs ziemlich klar val. jedoch 117,31, wo man die Jhuren nicht damit
Vereinbaren kann... 35 Erg. sehr lang, aber wie 25 scheint unvermeidlich. _ 40 nicht Wie
sonst μιταμισνοῦν. - 3 dass hier Von der Sorriunds die Rede ist, wird durch da Ἰὰ 3
rallelen in 1113 und 1120 naha geleat.- 56 zum Zeichen ge vgl. 1114,51. Links davon 4.un-

leserliche Zeilen 2.Hand, einer sehr Kleinen Schrift. SCHUBART.

EL “τ ῥ ῥ 8 8ὸὋὸὋὯὋ τ΄ ῸΦῸΦῸΦ|ῸΣῸπ}ΣΛ

205

u un ne a EEE

NN

'
ἃ

ἃ

᾿

\ ν
Y [

Fe: \
FR 2
TE

&

I
. Er
q

e SERSAN }

= x =
BOT
“ ἣ
ἜΣ
ἊΝ ἐγ τὰ
’ x Papas
Bei

109 R. No 1120.

fapyrus. H.38 em. Br. 18,5cm. Aus der Tap ruscartonnage von Abusir el mäldg. Keins,
sehr gewandte Hand. Jehrift teilweise abgerieben. Nur am Ehde Korrekturen, an-
scheinend von erster Hand. Auf Verso schlecht erhaltene Reste einer Urkunde.
26. Jahr des Augustus.

acht von Gärten Alexan drien.

Ἰρωτάρχοι τῶι ἐπὶ τοῦ κριτηρίου
παρὰ Διοδώρου τοῦ ᾿ἀκέστορος θηλείου καὶ ποιρὰ -ρριμίου τοῦ AroAloviov

- ς a Ἵ
καὶ τοῦ τούτου Lvtov Ἕρμίου

D

kxı τῇ τοῦ] πρεόβυτέρου Ἕρμίου γυναικὸς τοῦ δὲ νεωτέρου Ἕρμιου μη-
τρὸς "σι δώ ροις τη SE ei

4 ..0%...[..JpLITwV...$ CJemvns μετὰ κυρίου ἘΞ "Ἱσιδόρας τοῦ ἀνέρος.

Ἱπρὶ τῶν διτεστηαγμίνων.

=

5 [Sujvyn ροῦμεν ἐπὶ τοῖςός ὥστε ἐπετὶ μεημίσϑνωνται δ τε: Ἑρμίας καὶ Ἑρμίας
καὶ Ἶσι δῷ ρα map& τοῦ : SE
ware er ͵ 2Ι ͵ EN n 2 n ἘΠΕ ἮΝ
6 Lodunpov 15 Ypovov Grin Ἰγεντέ. ἄτο Adıax τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος ks Kloa pas
τὰ ὑπαργόν τος τῷ Διοδώρτωι. Ahr. /er. 3u.Ch.
x an} x I n % n
JE ἐπὶ τῆς καττὰ Kavopreıv Taäıvıas ἀν τῷ ἸΤροςοιγορευσμένῳ Φοινικῶνι
͵
Κη ποτοιφίοι τρίο, & ἔστιν κτατὰ msol-]
P) ? δ \
) βολὸν παριτετειγισμένα, 24 ὧι πελέσουσιν τῷ Διοδώριοι φόρον, καιτοὶ
μῆνοι “καστον ἀνυπόλογοιν, γαν-
ΕΠ τὸς ὕπο λόγου κοκὶ ἀνηλώ ματος ἀργυγίου ῥαχμὸς ξίκοσι τοῦ dınmopsvn-
μένου μηνὸς τῇ € τοῦ γξχομέ-
\ ς \ “ \ a .
9 νου καὶ ξζαίρετα di τελέσειν κατ’ ἐνιαυτὸν ἕκαστον τῶν ὄντων ἐν τοῖς
Κη ποταφίοι τ᾽ τηὰ
Ξ I ; \ l Π >» Zr c / 1 ct er 22
" κρατιστα καὶ βέλτιστα κι ουδη ὅ τῇς ἑκοσπου γένους WPXS, ὅτοίν αἴγαι-
᾿ τῶ ναι] κρὰμβηδ καυλοὺς

A in OnAsiov ist A unsicher, auch p ist möglich. 4 Anfang: sehr unwahr-
Schänlich ist τῶν τριῶν Tepssv τῆς ἐτιγονῆς, zumal da weiter unten die Bestim-
mung εἶναι αὐτοὺς παραχρῆμα ἀγωγίμους fehlt; vol. γα. Aufs. im Arch.f. Rip. TR 7.
run Zahlungsweise vgl. {6.1}. -- 11 zum Folgenden vgl. die ähnlichz Aufzählung
ὑπ }}} 2.

νενΐο,

—

nee

(109 R.) (No 1120) *

14
15

16

20

2Ι

Γ-. Ὁ] νει ς δεύτλου τυϑ μένας ὀκτοικοσίους ϑρυαλίδας δυμμίκτους
RE BET

τ. . . κΙαυλοὺς δικκοσίους Τὰν... τοὺς ἑκατὸν κολοιύντοις πεντήκοντο
φοίν προ πάσα χιλίσυς

.ξφ. νους Anumädas τριακοσίας ἐψανῶν τὰ χὰ τριάκοντα ἀσποιράγου

LAUNE aaa koyArsı-]

δίων yourucos dsk& ..... τα γὰς deixa πένττε, πράσου YAursws ways
Tivenkovro

κεφαλωτὰ ΤΉΝ τος StaguAns βοτρύας ἐξή κοιστοι παλίου ρα ὀιςχίλια ὄύ κα

| disyiAıa ..ufay

κολανιχ πέντε dreAsıs χλωρὰσ δκατὸν, Ad. pas πεντή κοντοι κολλυνϑύῥα
φοινίκων

καὶ ος ταργὰ5 τ΄. Ἢ ξκτίνιν αὐτοὺς ὧν ξὰν μὴ ἀποδῶσιν ἐζκίρετα
τῶν προι τε μένων

π΄ τ κ᾿ 1α τὰ... δ εἴλη φοιν δ΄ τε “Eprpiası καὶ Ἕρμίας κεχὶ]

Ἰγόι dpa πρὰ τοῦ Διοδώρου]

ιὰ χειρὸς. 27 οἴκου sis τὴν τῶν κη ποτοιφίων, κοιτοιφυτείαν Era Imus-
Asıav ypodir ἀργυρίου Ἵπολαμαικοῦ)

ὁραγμὰ δια κοστας ἄτοικους, Avid”? ὧν καὶ παρα δοῦναι αὐτοὺς μετὰ τὸν
ἸΓσετ ἐπ ἢ] χρόνοι,

τῷ Διοῤώρωι ἐπι τοῖς KNLMTRJQIILS ἘΣ, λαχανείοσ καὶ δν-

φανικὸν, Σὰν din γρῆσις τῶν

14 nicht κεφαλώνων λαμτάσδας wie 118,12... 17 TAS.EpxS: an Rapyrus ist
hier nicht zu denken, da dieser in φορτία geliefert wird, vol. 211,18, undauch
Schwerlich in diesen Gärten der Kanobischen Landenaz kultiviert worden ist.

18 Ende: oder τὴν προς [ει] μένην, was sogar den Formen besser entspricht; Je-

Beh vermisst man ein Beziehungswort ım Varanstehenden.._ 19 vor d’ könnte
inan !ırsı lesen, jedoch würde der Nachsat; dazu fehlen. - Z.19-29 sind ᾿ς
verwischt, daher ist hier die Lesung mehrfach unsicher geblieben. - 22 ἔν φα-

νικὸν zu., aber τὸν φοινίκων scheint unmöglich, obgleich mit λαχανεία und
1 .
φόινικε ς der wesentliche Ertrag des Irundstücks richtig bezeichnet wäre _

Ver

207

BP ὧν

Land,

IM DE

αὐτὸ
1 ns

A

di“
Bart

RN
FEN

Ye
SER

(109 R.) (No 1120)"

23 διακοσίων ὁροιχμῶν ταρ:ϑῇ duvriunsis ἔσται τὸ ὑπὲρ τῶν μεμισϑῇ μένων
«εἰσι 4... 5
2. --Ἡτεραι 5 se κοντα, ποι γγείχλῃ φαν δὲ wi μεχμιόϑωμιένοι TR...
BEE Π ΦΥ͂
25 μίαν φοινικίνην καὶ καρπῶν δύο“ “9 καὶ ϑύρος καὶ κλεῖς] αὶ ΚΉΓ. ἸΚῸΝ,
ταῖς. ῥματια, ὥφεε.

26 τἄρα δοῦναι αὐτοὺς τῷ Διο δώρωι τμετιὰ τὸν χρόνον, τῶν ἐπιόκευῶν τῆς
ἀνπλίοις καὶ τῶν κηλωνείων

2 ὁσάκις ἰὰν ὀτέῃ] καὶ τῶν τροχὸν ὄντων πρὸς τὸν Διόδωρον, ἀντ γεσναι
τοὺς μεμιδϑδωμένους τῶν ὃν γτίων)]

28 ἢ ἐσομένων ἐπὶ τὸν ypovov καὶ τὰ 2° αὐτῶν TepLysıwonsva ἀπο φέρε-

όϑαι διορϑουμένους τοὺΓς φόγρους καὶ τὰ ξξζαί-

29 psra καὶ Γποιεῖόναι τοὺς μεμιηόϑδο μένους τὴν προς ἡ κουόαν, ἐπιμέλειαι καὶ
karspraciav Kan? Spar Kal]

30 κατὰ κιχι ρὸν, ἀρεόἘτιῶης Γδικηάπτοντας καὶ τοτίζοντας κατὰ τρόποι ἔν τοῖς
δέουσι καιροῖς κατανεύφν

5! τῇ κατὰ καιρὸν λαχανῆς καὶ μὴ χερστύειν und: Kara βλάπτειν μηδὲ

: τοραλιτεῖν ἔργον
3, rndiv τῶν πρὸς εὐεργίαν ἄνη KOrTAV, ἡπὸ τσ πα τῶν δένδρον
τὴν δρμόζουσαν ἀπιμέλ(ειαν)

Ξε τὸ ζωφυτεῖν Και] εὐνῇ νεῖν καὶ μηδὲν ἀπ αὐτῶν ἐκκόπτειν, ἄντὶ
di τῶν γλειπόντων ἕτερα ἄντι-

34. καταφυτεύειν ταὐτὰ ἤένη αὐτενίαυτα μηδενὶ χείρονα, μὴ ξξόντος
αὐτοῖς eryAursiv τὴν ἢ

35. μιόδωσιν ἐντὸς «τοῦ» χρόνου μηδὲ διόλκειν τοὺς φόρους, διελϑόγτος
di τούτου πάρα δοῦναι αὐτοὺς

36. τὰ μεμισθϑ μένα δύμφυτα καὶ εὐϑηνοῦντο,, τὰς δὲ ρας καὶ τὰ κηλώνεια͵
ὅτι di καὶ κατος-

π᾿ ῬὈΓὈ“ -- πο πὶ

23 ἔσται τὸ ὑπὲρ τῶν Sehr unsicher: e (od.c). {Τὸ @der A) Meoder Toder © oder k
oder ΕΝ 24. PXıS eher als ρους; ἐν ἡμέραι allenfalls möglich DE

25 wie μίαν zeist, kann nicht κηποταφίον gemeint sein.-. 29 ποιεῖσθαι ist
für den Aatz reichlich lang. - Schluss erg. nach 1119,20._ 30 Ende vgl. 1119,24.
verte,

208 |

= ne EEE

(109 R.) (No 1120) ἢ

37 πεαφυτευμένους ἁλικακκάβων τυν μένος διακοσίους weis τῇς προκει-
μένῃ 4 συν- |
33 τιμήότως, οὗς καὶ τἷναι τοῦ τγδιοπιδώρου Σΐαιρέτους τῇς δοντιμήόδεως,
εἰσάὕου σι τότ} al
A) n 5 I ' le ED \ \ \ ’ i
35 τὸ ik τῶν μεμιόϑωμενων λάχαν τα] is mV τεὴν καὶ παρα δώσουσιν

Seelen a ον δ᾽ 0 tele lan

! ͵ > ͵ 3 \ a2
40 κεκοριόμένοι, τἐγὰν 6ΐ τι τοι pa βικανωσιν, ikriviv αὐτοὺς ὁ ἔὰιν ἕνοφι-

41 καὶ τὰς τῆς γρήσεως ἄργυρίου δραχμὰς δια κό σίας καὶ τοκους dı δρὰχ-
μους τῇδ μνος κιατὰ μῆνα]
42 καὶ τὰ ῥλάβη καὶ ὀατανή are καὶ ἄλλας ἀργυρίου δραγμὰς τρια kasias
εἰνὸ μένη 5 Γτη 51 πράξεως
43 irre τῶν τριῶν ἀλληλεγγύων sis ἤκτεισιν καὶ 2? ἑνὸς οὗ Av τχὐητῶν
αἱρῆτιι. καὶ εις τῶν ὑταργόντων αὐτοῖς τάντων κα αι
4 τῇ δίκης καὶ μὴ τι φΖρειν, πὶ στεις [h ὀηκύρους εἶναι ἐξουσίας οὐσῃς τῷ Διο-
| ὠρῳῷ, ἐὰν ἔν τιχι ποῖρα -
45 δογγραψωόιν ξγβάλλειν αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῇς μισθώσεως Ἐντὸς «τοῦ; γρένου
καὶ ὑστέροις μεταμισυοῦν καὶ πράσσειν τὸ ἐδομᾷνον)
46 ἀφεύτργεμ [ὰ mIXp& τὴν ἄνα μίσεν υησῖν, ποιούντων di αὐτῶν ἕκαστα ἀκο. ἃ
λούνιυς καὶ τὸν Διόδωρον ῥεβαι-
47 τοῦν αὐτοῖς τὴν] μίτοψωσιν ἐπὶ τὸν χρόνον καὶ τὴν ἀντλίαν zvcIpn καὶ
ΤΕ Ξ νον ee
438 δν τῇ ἀντλίᾳ πηγὴν τοὺς 4 μεμισνῳω μένους χωρὶς πάντων τῶν Tpo- |
κειμένων deudoyaı ar μῆνα |
44 ἕκαστον τὸ Σπε βάλλον EN. τ- -.2.4ουναι τὰ μεμισϑῴτμιενοι κιχὶ μηδὲν
τὸν Αιόδιωρον παραλίτεσϑάαι

37 Nesuch ἁλικάκκαβα᾽ ὃ τοῦ λωτοῦ καρπός. καὶ τόα-ς εἶδος... 59 πεζην,
Zwar nicht sicher, aber wahrscheinlich; ist der δ απ ἀωες,, νοι Kanobos nach Aleran-
drien im Gesensatze zum Wasserwege gemeint ? Vorher την undeutlich, sl Korri-
giert. Ss κεκοριόμένα; eine andre Lesung scheint nicht möglich. - 42. τρια-
kodias, Korr. dus oder in IA coding. — Hinter πρὰ >59 leerer Raum, nicht i
τῷ Arodapmı2. -. 45/7 ps &t- [XV Ta psysoheı statt βεβαιοῦν Stimmt nicht mit
dem Raume,, ist aber sachlich vorzuziehen; viel. war cs stark verkürzt geschrieben. 3
Leri®

a nl

209

ui

(109 R.) re

τῶν uitz.[..]ov καρπίων
τὰ ὄντα. ἐντὸς μηνῶς) Γ-- --" BIO κε του τὸ Διόδωρος Mipors...]
Ε΄, τοὐ Evssräros.... ..].. καὶ τῶν ἑωνημένων τ. οι Γ- .1. τοῦ
.. .XpOVCoV) δυνήλλαχεν
Διοδώρου Las ἣν ἔχξι δυνχώρησιν, ξὰν cds}
μετὰ Tor) χρόνον) DR:
52 οἵ μεμιόνωμέενοι (71 βαίνωσιν, τ κε navaly τῶν “καρπῶν
δυνάλλοιξ 5 ως τοῦ
55 Msysıp μηνὸς τοῦ Ἰσχάτου ἔτους οἷς Ἰὰν οἱ μεμισϑὼ μένοι συναλλάζωσι.

ἌΝ
L KG Kaısa p os] AYöp m Ih Am Sr. Ch:

50 sm’oabrtou ? sehr zw... 52 &- αὐςτῶν) oder πρώτων.

SCHUBART.

135 R. No 1121.

Rpyrus H. ercm: Br. 16cm. Aus der fapyrusca Hronnage von Äbusir al πιὰ] ἀφ.
Schrift Wie 106 R und 108 Κα, wohl auch 47R, eine im Allgeneinen deutliche Kür-
sive. Die Jchrift ıst an vielen Stellen abgerieben und in der Mitte völlig zerstört,
der Text kann aber meistens nach 106, einer gleichlautenden hur Weniger sorg-
fältigen Niederschrift, gewonnen werden, obwohl 106 zum grösseren Teile
Schlechter erhalten ist. Auf Verso von 135 und von 106 befinden sich Neste
von Urkunden derselben Hand. 26. Jahr des Augustus.

Pacht einer Kapyruskultur, Älesan drier.
| Ἰρωτάρεχωι]

2. ταρὰ δΔιονυσιας rans Ἀχιλλέως ἀστῆς μετὰ κυρίου Εὐδη μου τοῦ leer
3 καὶ παρὰ “ἱέρακος τοῦ Τυϑόηους καὶ Ἴαπου τοῦ Avdpovixov ἀμφοτέρων Ἰερσῶν
τῆς srtıyo(wäs).]

2 der letzte Name ist Vom Jehrei ber weggelassen worden, weil er ihn nicht wusste;

er liess aber Platz für Spätere Eintragung . Ebenso in 106. Le
Pi

210

ΣΟΥ dia dab rastet,
a

A 4 u 3 Br

ri Anas
4 ru ΕἾ ER a εν N)
ur 20}
2; ΩΝ ,
νὰ vs

(135 R.) aba

[gsi ὧν εὀιεγότάμεϑα δυγχωροῦ μεν τπιρὸσ ξἑατοὺς ἐπὶ τοτῖς ξ! Bor Ars!

Eurylochos dort ist benannt nach dem. aus rolyb. V’63 bekannten Heerführer. >
9 Διοικητού wird durch beide Texte fast völlig, sicher. -- ὅλα drei ägyptischen |
Namen sind beide Mala schlecht erhalterı , 106 hat τῇ Ten KApıpp.- Es scheint |
EMoyei dazırstehen, nicht ırMoYeı (mMmori' der Löwe). - 14 die ungleiche Höhe

der Monatsraten hängt wohl von der Zeit der apyrusernte ab; die Nechnung Ε

ist richt 9.

verte

|
|
|
|

5 μεμίδϑθων-
Br vo 073 [Tipo? καὶ Nkjmos παρὰ τῆς Διονυσίοις 1 εἰς Ζγτηῃ Γτρία ro
| θωώυ δ τοῦ] Zvsseristos
ς ἕκτετοιν καὶ εἰκοστοῦ ἔτους Καίσκχρος τὸ ὑπάρχον αὐτῇ [te καὶ τῷ Aus fa L
ἀφηλικι αὐτῇσι ee
7 Ἀχιλλεῖ Ἰπολεμαίου περὶ Apsivoida τὴν καὶ Εὐρυλόχου ἐν τῶι λεγοτμίνωι
Kolmwer, 1
8 Mposiysv Tspa 7 6 Tipaxos ἐπὶ τοῖς οὐσι ὁρίοις, ὃ προς κυρεῖ τῆι λε-
γγομιένῃ Baysı παι]
ὁ Καὶ τοῖ6 ἐπικαλοῦ μένοις Διοικητοῦ kai twı Isar Ὁ ΤῈ ΚΟ kul
επί τι μξιρος TeAktapop]
10 ἕλος παπυρικὸν φόρου ἕστο μένου κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἐκαστον ἀντυϊπολόγου
αν τὸς ὕττολο-η
II you καὶ ἀνηλῶ ματος ἀργυρίου Πτολεμαιικοῦ δραχμῶν πεντοκισχιλίων,
2φ᾽ ὧτι [0051
2 ϑωόσόνται ταύτοις τῆι Διονυσία κατ᾽ ἔτος ὀιδόντεςς1 ἀπὸ Θωτον' ἕχως
Mayertpı |
3 κατὰ μῆνα ἄργυρίου δρατχιμὰτα din κοδίος πεντήκοντα, ἀπὸ 08 φαμεν |
ἐως Μ Σότορη] |
4. κατὰ μῆνα ἕκαστον τἀγργυρίου ὀραχμὰδ πεν τοι κυ δτος aydon Kovice Tpjs15
dbo öbroAovs],
15 im τούτοις ἀντέχεσναι αὐτοὺς τῆς μισϑώσεως ἐτὶ τὸν Γχιρόνον
: μὴ ἐξόν τους]
5. nach 106 ergänzt. — 6 nach 106 ergänzt, Ende l.uit, wie 106 bietet._ 7 das |

|

πος u De ee ee ΕΙΣ

er ee a a τ" F
u -ἰὰ ΣῈ
2.
+ | | | |
5 |
5 ν᾽ 4
ι 4 8
y
Dr 7 ’

in τ΄

EEE

ee ττττττττ---.----ς-ς---ἰ
(35 R No 1121) 3
6 αὐτοῖς dıdavmı τοῖς κοιτζργοιζομέγοις τὴν μίσϑωσιν ἔγργάτααις Γπηλεῖον
τῶν τόι δο-
ı7 μένων ἐν τῶι κόλπωι ΓκατῚ γῶν, τελέσουσι. δὲ καὶ : ζοιίρ ara KOT. [ijvi-
χυτὸν ἕγκοιστον
δ φορτία παχὺ ρι κὰ ἐῤτλγκαλΊᾳ ἑκατόν, ἐργάδεσθαι. di τὰ μεμισδὼ μένα

T& ΠΣ ΕΣ,
19 ἐπιτήδεια δευουργοῦνττοις τὰ δὲ λοιπτὰ τῇ καϑὴ κούσῃ εὐνοίᾳ καὶ μὴ
UROA ER]
20° Biv...... rapavötvoloyndsr μηδὲ βᾳριοτομήσειν und? Σπὶ μέτρειὴ

21 γἐργάσεσναι und: Syowvıra πωλεῖν μηδὲ ἕτεροις μεταμιόϑτοῦν ἡ μηδὲ

κα τὰ ν ΓΖ: |
22 ςμεῖν ἐν τῶι fin κτήνη] μήτε, ἴδιο μητ᾽ ἀλλότρια, & δ᾽ ξὰεν καταλα]μ- |
βάνῳ [SV] |
23 Γὐκότήσειν τοῖς ἰδίοις αὐτῶν ὀκτανήμοσι ... βαλεῖν δὲ τὸ ὅλος ἐν τοῖς
Kader

24 Γκουσὶ καιροῖς. ὅτι δὲ καὶ τοὺς κα ξαυτοὺς ποταμοὺς καὶ τὰς mAarious |
u dijmpuyas ππχρο γνὸ-]
25 γψειν καὶ] ὀρύ ξειν γκαὶ Μέξτοι βαλεῖν καὶ ποιρὲ ξασιθνχι πλωτας οἵας παγὶ
: παρείληφαν γτοῖς]
26 γἰδίοις ἀνηλώ μασιν, ἐὰν di συμβή αὐτοῖς πρ.......ὕ.Ψ ἔφοδον γενέσθαι ἢ]
᾿ ᾿ ı 2 ᾿ a ee 21 Bil 95) Ϊ ͵
2) τκατα κλυόμὸν ἢ ξολείας1 Σπκσπὴν ἢ κατὰ ττόλσω 9 αἴτιον ἢ ἐγ ὀγμοδίουγ
οι ΕΝ
Ι6 ἐργάταις erg.nach 106, ebenso cdi δογμένων.. 17 κατέργων dureh 106 gesichert... |
(18 eaykalıa ery.nach 106; die Einheit für lapyrus und ähnliches ist offenbar das „Jechs- |
armvoll” _ 19 ουργοῦντο in 106 sicher, der Anfang zw.; auch SH Scheint möglich. _

EbvoL& auch in 106 unsicher. _ 106 scheint δικελλο- σειν zu bieten; νη]. δίκελλα. εἰ,
20 τὰ ραν ϑίνολο γη σειν an beiden Stellen nicht ganz Klar, aber sehr wahrscheinlich. _
Auch Bapısr allenfalls möglich. - Kzrpzu1 erg. nach 106. 21 Anf.erg.nach 106, wo

24 arg. nach 106 ; ebenso ταραϑαψειν,. — AT erg.nach 106. - 26-23 die aus 106 entnommenen
Ergänzungen sind auf diese Zeilen nach ungefährer Schätzung verteilt, wobei die in 135 R
erhaltenen Stellen dinen Anhalt geben. - 26 τοῖς sehr zw. _ 27 wolsws zw,,; Jedoch
oA sicher.

verte,

a en ———Hh

en ὦ ut τς Ξ

nn -
en nn a

A

(135 R.) (No 1121 )

\

’ 3.2 \ >\ \ NE at / N
28 [Γφορῶγ αφ...ς | Σπογὴῖν TPOS.... Ὁ. ἢ ἄγτο Σοῦ γενηητοι τι πτερὲ ττῆνη
Ms? | ae

͵ > \ ἘΣ \ Zn
πμίδϑωδιν αἴτιον, οὐδὲν τούτων ἔσται mposenr ΖΔιονυϊσίαν καὶ ἢ μὴ ἐξεῖναι cpig

{3
.7

30 Γμεμισνωμένοις ξγλιπηεῖν τὴν μίφϑω διν, ἐν τὸς Touyplovou, ἐὰν ds ττι]

9

235. τκαὶ 205 lvauı τῆι διονυόσίᾳ apa δυγγρα φούτντων αὐτχῶν Σχεβάϊλλειν ELvTös]

2 U ! ὧν a 1 \ [
45 [Σπτίτι]μον καϑᾶτερ ὃ δίκης χω ρὶς τοὺ κυρια εἶνλχι τοι φονΓΚςχωζημάνοι) τὰ δὲ
c ι ] Ι ΝΙΝ κ 2
τ κατοῖν φορτία παρα δ δουσιν Ὁ im voriı AvoArushou ()1
ὅρμου. ᾿Αἰξιοῦςμεν.

—_

28 0@ bis smoynv Sehr zw.- 29 Alovvsiar in 106 sicher. _. 30 #. von hier an ist 106
So vernischt, dass es nur selten eine Köntrolle ermöglicht. el rende
eher αἱ als ὃ... 34 Erg. durch 106 bestätigt. - 35 uviell.ist am Anfang noch eine Zuhl zu
ersänzen,, da καὶ ἐξεῖναι der Grösse der Lücke nicht entspricht. _ 1. παραοσυγεραφοῦνγ-
Tas αὐτούς... τι EL NV co Φ τὐςτας ee 43 Ende, 6 under
τ ) unde.7.- 44 Tpafaı; ın. beiden Niederschriften ist das X von ırdsıorv sehr
Kaglich._ 45 Sur κεχζθρη μένοι ist zwar sachlich wahrscheinlich, aber τὶ beiden Texhn
passen die Jburen nicht besonders gut dazu, ebensowenig zu δυμτεφωνη μένα oder
Morsrpatus va; jedenfalls müsste es abgekürzt sein. — (46 ξκατὸν nach 106 -— Ende,
ἢ ἀγολμσεύτου opuou Sehr zwi_ 106 ATıovc ).- Das Yatuuın fehlt auf beiden Slät-
ern.

SCHUBÄRT:.

ne τ Re a. en |

213

EN
A LEIRVY zvTo-)

van do]

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|
|

|

|

e.
y - » - en ὁ. τρία πε πα = - u eb en τὸ ο΄ a: en dr
| u --«..--΄.......»ν-.-.»»...-τῸὺὔὔᾺἍΆἉ«ἅ0Ψἅ ᾽
a
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|
|

47V Nouz2.
fapyrus. H.36 cm. Br. 14,5 cm. Aus der Fapyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäldg. |
Handschrift wie 116; die Urkunde ist Stark durchiorrigiert und wird ausser.
| dem durch die Sburen früherer Beschriftung des Blattes inehrfach unleserlich
gemacht. Auf Rekto NaufverErag aus dem 1... απ τε,
17. Jahr des August 5.

ΓΙ οἰ} ς vertrag, Alexandrien-
ᾧ

u

κολ

2 Trtorapyawı

3 rmapkı Iratoul.....cr VadıL.]jvou καὶ παρὸ Ncırou καὶ Ἰπολαμαίου)
Ὄπ τ νς |

e.ar.. 3... Izpi τὸ δι: σταμένα δυνγωροῦ μιν, Ἐτὶ Tolsds ὥστε] gms].

slAn(@adır) Co Ts] Icros καὶ Ἰπολαμαῖος) παρὰ τοῦ Ixlow) sis... P-. ven.)
καὶ ἀνοι γὼ (}χὴν) RER, |

en χρόψον) Lrpia ἀπὸ τοῦ visctäros) ız. = Κοίσδιρος ἀρούρας duo οὔσας

Zu Τοῖς Drap- 113 9. ha

.η =

7 xavsı αὐτῶι ."... δι κ (οἷς) κτήμασι περὶ Rouge) Txotdıs ehr aa Be
πίον ἐν ἔπι Bine Μούσαις τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν, ἐν ἐπιόη μι ER:

τῶν dbo ἀρουρῶν) ae
a ac RN Δ ’ ze I ΓΕΑ
ὃ. πριστει μιόσυὐοῦ τοῦ israuivou [ὑπερ τῶν δύο ἀρου ριϑ) ἀργῳρίου ἡτολα μαικοῦ,

ΙΩ ἐρσιγμῶφ) τιτρακοσῖων men körra, ἀφ᾽ ὧν καὶ αὐτόδεν ἔχειν παρὰ τοῦ
ll ἰκίου Es PAT(.. .) διὰ X£tpos δ οἰϊτου Kprwwpiov) Ε 5, τὰς ds Avur(&s)
ESS NL [ΘΗΝ το ἡ ἐπ ΤΉ ΥΞ ἢ
4 hr > P} ’ N \ 2: \ \ N Μ“Μ \
12 nuWbovriau v1 dosscı ἰδσόμερεσι Just Low) τὴν μὲν προ (την) Mayalp
' δ TP ET 2
τοῦ sisıövroß) Cam /e. [2 ψ. On.
3 Hl Καίσαρος ΚΕ Pre τὴν δὲ δευτέραν ἔτσι τῆς ἀναγωγῆς τὰς λοιπὰς)
ΕΜ ραγμὰς pre, ἀπὸ di τοῦ νῦν Σπτιτελέσειν) αὐτοὺς Τά πον καὶ ἹΓγολζμαῖον,)

ΠΤ NE τν πς |
Ι die Ziffer, die neben κολ zu Stehen scheint, gehört offenbar der frücheren Beschriftung, |

Be; der Name schein! aueh Z.1o/ vollständig zu stehen, ist aber beide Male undeutlich _

3/4 ob ἵτρσῶν τῇς ἐπιγονῆς, ist zweifelhaft, em fohlen wird es durch ἄγωγιμους 2.25,

vol.m.Aufs. Arch. f. Fap. v. Sf. 4 auch περὶ ἃ ᾿

7 Ende wahrseh. sehr abgekürzt; die letzten

Mwrnv hätte nicht gestrichen werden dürfen.

Q ; . >
ιεότάμενοι scheint nicht ausgeschlossen. -
τ! e R \ \
Worte. müssen sein ἘΠῚ n2v._ 12 uwusv
'
verte,

ll 00 |
214 :

με Minden ne

EEE EEE EEE MELLE ZELLE LE HUN ALL DON DEE ENDE. ὧν ον

a a u u Dun EEG στ...

A a re PP EEE RE =

(47 V) (No 1122)"

an REN, N er
n ) a ! > a ae ! Er \ \ >
15 τὰ 715 φυ [CTr21]X5 TWV duo “poupwß) τι σταῖς To gurov iv. SPS: :
ἃ 2 ne X © ί nv
BE AR... ......2[0V τὸ Ko) κὸν βάϑος. τοὺ ἰαίου τοι ἔχον τ: 5 Ἶ

\ ER RER \ ! 2 a / a n ] J
19 καὶ morL(o VTAS κατα Tpow(oV) ἐν τοις diovsi Katpols του lxlov πὰρ ὲ-
N τὸ gurow) Ἐπὶ τοῦ ῥοϑύυνου καὶ : , ζει
26 γοντὸς αὐτοῖς χάρακας καὶ φλοῦν καὶ τὸν κάλαμον τὰ αὐταρκ(οῦντα)
\ « 9 \ a \ G 2 το J = x >21
ΓΠ καὶ τὸ ὕδῳ [0 πηι 6) Stacins μὴ ἡφόντοσ αὐτο(,5) Σγλιπαῖν) τὴ) ἔγλημ-
{ ᾿ £ "or καὶ a) τινα τῶν φυτῶν διαλ.. ἡίναι ) Καταφυ.- WAR:
22 Ψψιν ἧἦντος τοῦ ἡ 0 32 καὶ ξπὶ de οι) © υνπληρωο ἤναι) τούτον ταρα dwosır adr[oüs)
ΕΣ “ρ.0.,1.» |
Σις τοῦ δίρυ A er \ ,
τευσειν αὐτο(ὺ5) [ταῦτα γενη αὐτενίαυ τα) Eli τοῦ ἰδίου μηφὲν yzlpolvo)
͵ ͵ Eu !

Na

23 τὰς δύο KpovpcaS) duvpurous καὶ σὺ δ; γουσοις καὶ ἀνα γομέν(αδ5)
sa imroisov, ἐὰν deric.......7 πάρα βαἰνωςόιν) εἶναι αὐτο(ὺ 5) παραυζῆμα)

25 ἀγωγὶμ Lowsy] Καὶ δυνάχεόϑαι μ)έχρι τοῦ ἐκτίσριι) ἅ τὸ ἔχουσι τοῦ μιόδοῦ καὶ
22 ο ἐὰν μὲ ὁ 5 λάβω) Ἔν ον τς διπλοῦν
22] καὶ τὰ βλί(άβη) καὶ damavı ματα) καὶ Στίτιμίον) διργιυρίου) ΓΦ καὶ τὸ ὠριόμενον)
πρό(φτιμον) τῇδ Tp@FfEns) γεινο(μενης) Εἐκ

21 τῶι ἰαίωι ir τι ἃ μφοοτέρων) ἀλλήλων) ἐνγχώων) εἰς ἔκξιόιν) καὶ Σξ νὸς καὶ
ἐξ οὗ ἐὰν αἱρται) καὶ β

5
> n ͵ - ͵ I SE .u ͵ 2 ͵ 2)
29 ἐκ τῶν ὕπα pxovrar) au(Tois) TAVTWV KRVIT (EP) ey dixais) AKLPp(WY) οὐέ(ῶν)

καὶ ὧν ἐὰν ἔπενένκίωσιο) πτίσείεων) Γπχόζῶν)1
390 δκέπη() τάση(5) μηδὲν ἡσόζον) ἐξουσί(.5) οὔσῃ) τῶι Ἰαίων πάρασυνγρα-

----ς-ς-ς-ς _ =

IS uber der Zeile ein fast unleserlicher Nachtrag. - Ende ganz unsicher. _ IE ap, aucn Al
möglich, syov sehr zw. - Hinter ῥά Jos ein Kleines ß, man müsste καὶ erwarten (vor
ökarrovras Z. 18). 18 über pin ὕδιυρ scheint > zu stehen, was aber auch der älteren,
ausgelöschten, Beschriftung. angehören Karın.. 2: Xvayoniras ἘΞ 25 Anf.
ein Strich durch ἄγω γι, der aber nicht als Iilgungszeichen verstanden werden Kann, weil
dann auch die Vorhergeh. Worte durch gestrichen sein müssten; vielleicnt Versehen des
ber: ἘΣ Σχουσι unsicher._ 26 2 ganz klein. - Hinter καὶ gerun dia ältere
und die spätere Schritt so durcheinander, dass unklar bleibt, was gelen soll ; man Kann

Ι

| Ve ῇ
ΓΔ 0 3xv vermuten. -

verte

215

ἐ

en ur

(47V) (No 1122)”

31 pobvras χὐτο(ὺ5) μεστῃστα μέίνωι) τῆς ἐγλήζμψει)6) Ἐγγὺς τοῦ χρόψου) κι ξτέρ(οις

322 μεταμιόθυῦν καὶ πρασζόειν) τὸ ἡσόμῴνον) ἄφευρεμ κα) παρὸ τη! ἄνα μίσϑω σιν),

3 ποιούντων di αὐτῶν ζκαστα ἀκολρούϑως) καὶ τὸν [ἀιοιυ) πιαρέχεσύλι αὐτυ(ὶς)

4 mW) ZyAncpmpıv) ἐπὶ row) ypoWwov) καὶ πρόςαπο ΠΕ

Γ΄ ἢν ταῖς sic ἱμοσιόμέναις ὀόδεόι ἢ καὶ αὐτιὸν;) Ἐκτίνᾷιν) τὸ ἴδο(ν) ἐπίτιμον")
μονα: β

36. δης τῷ ἰάαίωι τῆς im το(ὺ4) αὐ το(ὺ5) ἴαττον καὶ Ἰπτολαμαῖον) ἐφόδου

37 περτῇ τε μιόσϑώσεων τῶν προκειμένων) κτηῃ(μάτων;) καὶ ὧν Εἑτέρων
ὀφείλωσαιν)

ὃ ἄνζευ] Suvywen@sws) EV RAT...) ken (mas) vV... Europe) IR

/ , γε ἡ φῶ τὸ
᾿: 125 kalsapos Φαρμορῦϑι) € δ) day 13u.Chn- |

33 gemeink ist βεβαίαν παρέχεόναι wie 1116, 34 und sonst. -- 98 ἀμιτελικ(οῖς) Scheint |
nicht möglich, Binz 7. |
SCHUBART. |

|

τὰς No 1123.
Rapyrus. H.9, scm. Br.37 cm. Aus der lapyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäidg.

Schöne, sorgfältige Jchrift; stellenweise verwischt. Da Zeilen laufen wiein No
125 parallel der Langseite des Blattes, während fust alle andern Urkunden der
kurzen Jete parallel gehen. Auf Verso verwischte Jpuren einer andern Hand.

|
Zeit des Augustus, ᾿
|

Äuseinanderselzung.unter drei Pächtern, οἰ τς,

) En Ἰτολε tuoıouy nn. ZU Lot] τρεῖς ξατοῖς yalpsıv.
Ἐπεὶ προς εληλύϑαμεν μιόδώσει εἰς ττηὸ πατρικὸν μαμμικυὸν! Mo.aL...

I Fast die ganze erste Hälfte der Zeile ist υδί!ἰς, verlöscht: hier slanden I\ikoınedes,
Älexandros und Sextus mit voller Namensbezeichnung ; der letzte scheint, wie die
Endung svS vermuten lässt, einem alexandrinischen Deinos unzuyehören.. -

Ende ἼΓρο πὰ [τορι κὸν ἜΣ

verte,

" Ἔν
= ρα
UT

# ἐν
᾿ Ϊ
ΩΣ x
|
ἱ ᾿ |
|

2 ᾿

᾿ Ἷ
͵ y ἵ
᾿ rg
j ?
'

es RK) vs (No 1123)”

2 ... γενομένης ἐν ὑτολόγωι περὶ κώμην Ζιύρων μεσόγειον τής 4λε-
᾿ξάρχου νήσου τοῦ Μενελαείτου νομοῦ de Βερενίκης ἄρουρῶν χιλίων
ὀγόοή κοντο τεσόοσιρον καὶ ὅσων ἐὰν N, ἂν αἷς ἄμπελος παροι hV kai
vonar καὶ XL... | |

3 ον πέδωκαν δὲ Ὁ τὸ Νικομηδης καὶ ᾿Αλέεξαν τόγρος ἐκ τοῦ ξατῶν
ὀνόματος τὸ περὶ τῆς μισθώσεως ἄναφόριον, διὰ δὲ τούτου SE dia -
γράψαι στέφανον ἄπο ὑπὲρ τῶν προκειμένων ἄργυφίου ραχμὰς χι-
"πε. |

4 Ἶ Be] φόρον δραχμὰς ὄκτα korsijas, ὁμολογοῦ-
μεν SIVAL τοὺς τρεῖς μευῦτογχους καὶ κοινωνοὺς Kal kupious ξκαστοι, β
Κατὰ τὸ τρίτον μέρος ἀπὸ τοῦ νὸν εἰς τὸν Kst χρόνον, τῆς προκειμένην,

"στ σε τως ...

5 . INTE..JEPG....1. ὧν πατῶν, ἐφ᾽ ὧτι 61 Σ ἐξστος ἢ ὁ Νι.

κομήδης ὀώσουδστιν ἀνταφόριον τῶι Tpa&KToprı] Tüv προς ὁδῶν ὑπὲρ

τοῦ ΡΝ ὄτεφανου ἤτοι ποῦ προκειμένου ἢ οὗ Ξὰν κατὰ τὴν ξσο-
Kilvnv A”,

6 ΠῚ kzandaiou καὶ ἐξοτδιιοίδουσιν ξικ τοῦ
Ἰδίου ἀμφότεροι ἢ ξκάτεγρτος χὐτῶν τὰς ἐδομενας damaves TRIÄS μιέγρι
τοῦ τὰ περὶ Ins Kupsios λαβεῖν γῴάμματα, κομιοζύγνπαι de δ᾽ τε 2: |
5.05 [kat ὃ Νικομή δης 2% EN

Y -Ἑοχότιω)δωότην κιεηφολαίων τιόγικον ἐξ ὧν |
ξὰν εὑρίσκωμεν εὐϑξως γενόμενοι ἐπὶ τῶν τότων ἐκ τῆς μισθώσεως
Kol’ ὁνδήποτε. οὖν τρόπον, av dirı πτεριλετίχπηται ἐγ του τ...

2 Da sich nicht genau armitteln lässt, wieviel fehlt, werden im Folgen den die Zeilen -

anfänge so unter einander gesetzt Wie im Original. - μεόδόγειον Ziemlich sicher . _

Nach En liegt das Syrerdorf in der Adı dar δρείων χώρα, dies Grundstück

ao 2 .T.ın dieser, z.T.im Menelaitischen Gau. _ παρ οι ὁ ξισὸς Kann nicht gele-

Sen werden. _ 3 sd unter 250. _ dsore sehr undeutlich. _ 4 Anf. etwa καὶ

sis τὸν Σνιαύσιον. = @op Unter 2ER 5 SV under 4pov.- Hier wie bei 5/8

efz ist deutlich, dass nicht sehr viel fehlen Kann... ἄνα opıov erg. nach Z.3. _

6 kt unter 5wv.._ Erg. efiva dia rpapweıı oder Erodıkswezu. _ 7 d unter 6x.

Era. eva ὧν ὑιτὲρ ἡμῶν, denn offenbar machen Sextus und Nikomedes zunächst für

alla drei die nötigen Auslagen. ee

en EZ En a ET - = erw EZ
= 2 5 vw. we |

113 R.) (No 1123)? |

0

... HILLEIVWIEHS μετὰ τὴν διόρϑίοτόχιν τῶν κεφαλαίων Ehe
αι ρ: δ ὅς τι sts μέτγρηι ἴσα καὶ ὅμοιοι τρία, καὶ λημψεται ξ κοιστΊ 1 9 ἡμῶν
μὲρος ἕν, yamızddaı “τη Kal mavrors Tova.vL... |
ον ἃ μέρη τρία τῶν ἐκ τῆς μιόν δειὸς Ἐτσγομένων Ara οἰνικῶν
n ἢ a ͵ > D 2" - \
N διτικῶν γξζημμάτων ἡ ἰχϑῦῦας ἢ ἀγρίας ζυλείος ἢ ἑτέρου τινὸς Kay?
ὀνδήποτς, οὖν τρόπον γρωμένου τοῦ τ

J

... τῶν] γάριν τῆς μισϑίυδεως Σδομένων Im πανῶν καὶ λαμ-
eh δ Ὁ ΞΟΌΙΣ 1

bavsıv Sklastovı τὸ γτιρείτοην μέρος τοῦ Νικομή δους καὶ Alzsavdpou

ποιουμένων γι ἐγ 16 Ὁ nen Inge... οὐ τὴν ὅπερ τῆς μιτόσωόσεως ὍΣ
ον μηδενὶ ἡτμιῶν εἶόντος ἀδετεῖν τῶν ὡμολογημέ-
νων μηδὲν γτῶν: κατὰ τὴν μετογὴν und ἄλλο μηδὲν ἐπιτελεῖν Im τῇ
τοῦ ἑτέρου ἀδικία τρόπῳ μηδενὶ ἢ Ξετ-..
...] Ectiilsaı ToV παρὰ βηδόμενον ττῶι ἐμῃημένον-
crıJ τὰ δι᾽ αὐτὸν παρα κολου γϑούντο βλάβη Και CL] ῥαπανήμτατα ὀιπλᾷ
καὶ ὡς ἴδιον xpzos &p Cysvplou δραχμὰς τριφχειλίας, ττὸν δὲ Σέξσετον

{ξδείνι ες Reste einer Zeile.

ὃ HET unter 76W6._ Ende Tova oder Toux.— 9 τῶν ἐκ unter 8 ϑίοσξως. --
ἰχϑύας = ἰχϑυίας, ἀγρίοις = xrpas, Fischfang und Jagd. - Ende viell. λαγυοντυξ.
Ιο yapıv unter Jarwv.- 1 μηδενι unter 10 yapıv. -- Ende viell. Στν ἐχεσύκι. --
ΙΖ όχι unter μῶν.

SCHUBARTT.

.b

r ἢ ri Bin ee .ς
Ben. ... ME 0 22
τσ συ... ie |
a 5
u ET ELLE
Bun nr nn

u neun

193 R. No 1124.
Fapyrus. H. 36,5 cm. Br. 1m. Aus der Fapyruscartonnage von Abusir εἰ πια[ἄφ.
Grosse und unschöne, aber im Ganzen deutliche Kursive, ähnlich der von

No Ill und 47 R. Auf Verso Notiz und Urkundenrest von andrer Hand,
siche No 1106,54 ἢ. 12. Tahr des Augustus.

| Aufhebung lines Lehrvertrages, Alexandrien..

Ayaısı
παρὰ “HpoAecidiov τοῦ ἸΙαμμένου καὶ Ἴαυ ρί-
γου τοῦ Δωρίωνος καὶ παρὰ Νίλου τοῦ Νίλου.
Tzpt τῶν δι:σταμένων δυνχωρῖ ὃ Νῖλος
5 abrovsv ἄκυρον εἵναι ἣν ἀνενηνόχοισιν,
αὑτῶι δ το “ρακλείδης καὶ ἰχυρῖνός δων-
yo ρηόνν ὀτῃὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ κριτηρίου τῷ Ἰίαχῶν
τοῦ ἐνεστῶτοῦ ιβ ι- Καίσαρος περὶ τοῦ ἐγάι-
τὀἀηόκειν ον τὸν Νῖλον τὸν τοῦ Hpu-
10 " γκλεί δου υγίὸν Er μαίδκον μηδέπω ὄντα
πεῖν ἐτῶν τὴν ἡλοκοπικὴν τέχνην,
ὃ di Νῖλος.. ἀπεόχη κέναι Mapa τς τοῦ
Γἢρ1οι κλ εἰ ὅτου: καὶ Ἰαχυρίνου διὰ χιρὸς

7 A 2
Mn E/ Hac
HH UE V. Gr:

8 > n x
ἐξ οἴκου ag ἐτεχρηφέεην αὐτοῖς κατὰ

ı Achaios ist ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐν τῆι ακὐλῆι κριτηρίου͵ wie andere Urkunden zuügen. -
2 zum Inhalte val. PTebt. IE 334 und Ρ Hor. 44, sowie No 1196.- 7 διὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ
kpırn piov bezieht sich auf das lrericht unter Achaios, also τὸ ἐν τῆι αὐλῆι κρι-
τῇριον. - 9 Anf. Lesung unsicher, aber sydıdasiesıv passt besser zu den Spu-
ren und zum Jinne._ schwerlich οὐ τα Νῦν ı2 0 dE scheint dazustehen,
öbaleich 453 unpassend ist, da Nelasebae Vornheren Su biekt des ganzen Satzes ist...
Hinter dem Namen ein oder zwei anscheinend durch gestrichene Buchstaben . _

Ι4 Στεγρηόστην Lesung unsicher, vgl. 2.29. Augenscheinlich steckt hierin der
ehnische. Ausdruck für ein solches Darlehn und das ganze Rechksgeschäft.

An sich ist evyp möglich, erenso Ζ. 23, aber εὐχρηστεῖν will keinen rechten Sinn
ben. £vyp weniger Wahrscheinlich als £m2Yp. Das Wortende dürfte etwa heospv
(Verschleifung der Buchstaben ) zu lesen sein. |

| vertz

en u — — —

δ en EN 1 δα, ΣῚ ἋΣ ""
ee nn or γ ἐἢ

EEE un -ἶ΄ϑ. ——
᾿
᾿
un δας, - « “ὁ.

ee Pe {τ
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᾿ς." I ἢ.
er

a ΜΕΙΒδονΣ +

‚ (193 R,) (No 124)° |

| \ > \ 6 ) >) 1 2] 2
ΠΗ͂ Γτην αὑτήν υνχωῶρηόιν Aplyvplov) ΕΡ ὅτι ἐν
τὴ Torov, kaı undsuliar τῷ No
μη δ᾽ ἄλλωι ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ καταλείπεσδαι ξφ-
Γογόον gr τὸν Ἡρακλείδην καὶ Ἴαυ ρῦνο (ν)
περὶ τούτων, Σζιναὶ δὲ τῷ “ἤρα KA εἰδηι
20 καὶ ἐγόί δοσϑαι τὸν ξχυτοῦ υἱὸν “Ἑρμαίόσ-

κον ἔτι τὸ μανϑανειν τὴν ἥλοκο πὶ κὴ (ν)
τέχνην ἑτέρωι, καὶ Kopis τοῦ κύριοι
εἶναι τὰ δυνφκεγχ ρηφμέρ»να ΣΙΓ. τ οἱ... εἰ του... xoL
καὶ τῷ ὠὡρισμῖν;ωι προςτίμωι ἀποιροι πὸ die-
25 Tu övre, nv de ἀνενήνογεν ὃ εἷς
αὐτῶν Ἰαυρῖῦνος sis τὸν mpoyzsypa-
μένον Νῖλον διὰ τοῦ Katadorsio(o,)

duvyapneiv τῷ Ἐπτὶφ τοῦ αὐτού ΠΣ
Re , : v. EAr:
ιβ - keisa ρος ἹΓερι ἐπι χη davsiov
30 äpcyupiov) ΕΨ καὶ τόκων μενεῖν kUcpijav
To Νίλω καττὰ μηδὲν [3AXT-]
τουμένωι "ΑἹ ᾳοὖμεν) |
/
Liß Καίσαρως ... τὶ
ΓΝ τ᾿ γον ἐπὶ oder νι. -- 16 Γμξρεσι 1 das Folgende sehr zw.; etwa Eräpjse

τὸ τόκον 3 Notwendig scheint eher eine Zeitbestimmung ἐπὶ νας τἐνῃμαυτὸν ?-
23 Anf. sehr zusammengezogen; dann Syn knrr, wober εἰ in der Mitte durch
Rırallel stellen fast sicher ist! Nicht möglich ist ἐνέχεσναι τὸν ma pa βαίνο ντα τοῖςτε
ῥλάβεόι καὶ ἐκπτανήμασι, obgleich der Schluss wia &sı aussieht, denn ı) müsste man. |
ane ausserordentliche Lusammenziehung annehmen und 2) würde ἄπχρα πο diorz
ὄντι nicht passen. - 2) allenfalls auch χρηστιου möglich. - 32 DE -% ea

33 das Datum der Urkunde muss nach Z. 28 ganz ans Ende des ı2. Jahres gesetzt
werden.

SCHUBART.

nen

Ἂν

ben Abe ᾿ς

Bee 0 ὐὐπὐαα απο ασεξα σποοεροΕοήὶπ ππεἔρπε

=’

a τ π-τὰ--.-. - -τἴἝἷ - - -- ὁ π΄΄ΠΠΠὲ π᾿
57 R. No 125.
Fapyrus. H.29 cm. Br. ız cm. Aus der Fapyrusca rFonnage von Abusir <l mäläg . Ziem-

lich r055@, Kursive Jehrift, nach rechts hin 2.1. sehr verwisch- Auf Verso
BGU 1052. Notiz über den Inhalt 45 Κ. 17. Jahr des Augustus.
Lehrvertraa Alexandrien.

ΠΤ ἴχιος "]ούλιος ...... Ϊκίωι Ἰουλίωι Ἔρωτι χαίρειν. Ὁμολτογὼ ἐγά:-
τ τ» δοῦλόν μου Νχρκισόον τ...

ΠΤ τὰ 4 Buchst. μάχϑησιν ἀπὸ Φαρμοῦϑι τοῦ ἐνεσεῶτος ἕπτα καὶ ἐς κάτου
ἔτγους Καίδα ρος ΣῈ Man/Hpul Veh.

5. Lea 30 Buchst. δυριστη ριδηίωι καὶ τερείτηι λειτου ργίος πέντε καὶ τὰ

τούτων ἐπινέματα ὑποαχυςλισμοὺς δύο...

4 r τὰ 37 Buchst. ὄπονἽ ἐτρῷ ὑποαυλισμοὺς δύο Λἰγυπτίοις TEPELTWLS
ὑποαυλισμοὺς do φρυ χειχυλίοις yponas] duo ἐν ἀρ Γιότε] ροῖς
κρούγματα]

5 εόύο μισϑοῦ Toü όυμπεφωνη μένου ἄργυρίου ἽἼτολε μαικοῦ δραχμῶν ἑκα-

FE ci va Rn A SR
τὸν or KL ὅλ᾿ 19 Ta ᾿ὶ τον ler τ ἡμιόυ
[τοῖς τοῦ Rpyupiov palymas Γάντη κον τοι διὰ τγῆ5]
τ τὰ 52 Buchst. τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς τοῦ ἀργυρίου draypes ἹΓεν τη κον τὸς Tpos-

απὸ δώσω σοι μετα [μή νος [277 a IX...
αὐςτοηῦ μηνὸς ΓΕ ὅ 1] '
nn τἰ ἰὐξοσξιασ τν πο δα
| erg. nach Z. 16. Ναριεισσον sehr undentlich, vgl.aber Z. 18. z erg. διαυλεῖν
μόηϑῃσιν und vgl. Zoe erg.nach Z.23. - TEPEITHI fast sicher, ebenso qucch
E72, dagegen Könnte Z. 23 und 29 der Anfangsbuchstabe auch σ΄ vielleicht 7 sein.
4 erg.nach 2.23.- 5 δύο erg.nach 2. 51. ς΄ 6 ΕΣ erg.nach Z.33 ‚nicht γνου-
Br - Zum Inhalt. Es handelt sich um das Erlernen der Flöten begleitung

zu andern Instrumenten ; Una solche Begleitung” haisst ὑπαυλισμός, während
Κκροῦμα. Wohl ein selbständiges Stück ist; λειτουργία schänt εἶπα Ärt der Begleitung
zu san. Der Vertrag ist durchaus zu Gunsten des Lehr meistens ; vol. damit
Tebt. IL 384, Dxy. IE 275. W 724.725. ;

‚verte

221 |

. 4 ‘ 5 4 1 ur R ᾿ 4 j \ ; "τὸ 2.5} (a Fi ; Εν See us"
5 . = Α ἃ Σαῖνον 7 = M ει a Λλ
Be ᾿ ἢ ν: - 5 Er Ὁ:

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-- ραν το ,ν.............0..........σ.0.......».. ὅὄὅὃ«ὑ«ὦό nme

πα UA nn nn συσ το τ ΑΗΒ nn ἝαΝ Bu κς- -΄ὧσξο ας δι τιυ

ET ET TE TEEN TEE STETTEN USERS REES --------- mn πο DEINEN SERIES: EEE RE

CT R.) (No 1125)”
7 Eca 35 Buchst, τὰης μελέτνφ καὶ τὰς ἔπι δζξις ἐγὼν αὐτὸς ὃ δεσπότης

χορη Εγιδωι οἱ ὦ τίν Ναρκίσσωι ἌΠΟΥΝ Re ΣΕ

Bes ur ἡμέρας Στὰ

8 [ ca 35 Buchst. Ξ)μοῦ τρέφοντος καὶ ἱματίζον τος αὐτόν, καὶ ds δὲ ξὰν ἢ

ἄρτοις τήδηι Ale Appascnsnı, ὄντι ππχρέ πξω Soll αὐτὸν
| a TR PO γμένονητοα, por τὸν χερό-ἢ

9 [Vvov "ca 32 Βιιε 5. μοι ϑητὴν πάντα τὰ δυντασσόμενο τῶν κατὰ τὴν
τέχνην καὶ οὐκ ἀπυόπισο αὐτὸν ἀπὸ δοῦ τἐν τὸης
τοῦ χρόνου, γιγερηὶ de τῆς δήημαγινο-1

0 τμένης ca 30 Buchst. Jjuwv τριῶν, ὧν κατὰ κοινὸν ἑλώμεϑα τοῦ αὐ--
τοῦ εἴδους μεμανϑηκότοις τὴν por μένης τέχνην

| ἐπιμελῶς, ἐὰν δέ τὸᾶ
I τούτων ἹΓοίροι βαίνω; ἐντισω σοι τὰς λδῃ τὰς τοῦ μισυσῦ διργυρίου

dpaymas πεντήκοντα δὺν ἡμιολίο καὶ ἄλλας ἐτί- ᾿

τιμον ἀργυρίου ἐραγμὰς dixkostaus τῆς πράξεώς
so οὔ-
12 Lens Ex te ἐμοῦ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν πάντων πο δ (ΠΈΡ ἐγ δίκης. Köpıa]
τὰ διω μολογη μένοι muVveRyob.

13 ‚ Bız. Kalsapos Φαρμοῦϑι Mang/ Hank 9». κά.
3 --

Π Γ2.}. dire ἀμφοάς ) 7

15 τς Aaueoysvaol)

7 Ende: Στὰ zweifelhaft, an etwas Male Oxy. W725, 35 ἄργήσει δὲ ὁ παῖς
εἰς λόγον ἑορτῶν kart 2Tos ἡμέρας Σί κοσί kann hier nicht gedacht werden. —
8 ᾿ ἀτχα κτή δηι) der Schreiber hate ἀργήδηι im Sinne. - 9 etwa maoürıx τ
μαϑητήν. - 10 hier scheint eina Irüfung des Schülers vor 3 Sachverstän digen Vor-
esehen zu sein, erg. etwa ἄνδρῶ νιγνιορίί μων. -- 12 dız Erg., die hier eine

möglichst kurze Formel befolgt, Ist immer noch zu lang für den verfiig baren Matz.

sie muss also mit Abkürzungen geschrieben worden sein. — 14 Kumodos τ
ἀμφοδάργη ς- τ -- Die folgenden Zeichen sind un Klar, weil die Oberfläche des Ta-
pyrus beschädigt a le Ne ἔτους zu deuten wäre, Könnte man weiter
lesen MB vmoyıvsuo( ).

verte,

** > ᾿ δι »-- ᾿ I» ᾿ ᾽ > 5 ge
I 74 ἀρ ρον. une 5 wg JA tr un rn rn “5. --- -- παν N τη τ τε στον
, μ4 Ὶ a “ Ἷ et Er

‚ δ “- > nr

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Se ll 5 ὦ. «(νυ ον ον --

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πᾳ τως τὰ. παρῶσι. .Ὅὁὅ .-σἰὐ ον τὸ τυ ϑϑμδκ ον υνον νυ, ἀξοδδυ, δον -

(Zu 57 R.) (No 1125,)°
Entwurf zu der vorstehenden Urkunde. |

49 Π 1... ἢ} 37 cm. Br. 12. cm. Vielfach verwischt. Meine Shrift.
Auf derselben Seite befinden sich 3 Entwürfe, einer oben rechts, der zweite
ungefähr in der Mitte, der dritte unten, etwas nach links ousgerückt,
alle drei von derselben Hand. Der dritte Enbwurf ist auf 49 VI aus-
eführt, die des ersten ist bis jetzt nicht gefunden ; der zweite gehört zur
oben stehenden Urkunde.

[άιος ]ούλιο( 5) BERNER 065)
Txiwı "TovAiwı "Epwri
doöAov Napkıssov x
ἀιτὸ Pop μοῦ» ϑι
20 διαυλεῖν μάϑησιν,
μι γαιδιος I: Kpıa τετοι γι μένοι
ς ὑταυλιόσμοὺξ β
{«δυφιστηριόδίωι καὶ τερείτῃ λειτουργ ὦ ε
καὶ τὰ τούτων ἐπι ϑέματα
25, ὑποιυλισμοὺς p

22 und 23 die Zeichen am Anfange sind wohl nur Resta einer weiter links
stehenden kölum πᾶ, Von der auch sonst einige Spuren Sichtbar sind. —
23 Stat τερείτῃ ıst hur μιά Ζ. 29 auch σερ möglich nr

verte

223

ξ
ur
N
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Ἷ
᾿
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Ds

2

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TE er ET ET RE ET EEE EEE DEE ERS E ETEEEE!

(Zu 57 R.) (No 1125) 7

Ku fıonpiois Σαρκτιακκοῖς ὑποιυλισμο(ὺς) P

x

KL

GSIEN ur 4 ͵ "€ ἢ
ἐνκαριῳϑι καὶ ὑποϑέτρων ὑπαυλισμο(ὺ 5) β
aN ᾽ ε ; ῃ
Alyumrias TSpELTRLS υτοαυλισμους β

GES

30 Φρυγιαυλίοις ypnas |

ὑπουργεφιο

ἐν ἀριστεροῖς κρούμιοιτοι β |
μιφϑὺς Hp ἔχει τὸ ἡμισὺ διὰ τῆξ) κολλυ(βιστικῆ4) Kot ro pas)
τὸ λοιπὸν) μετὰ piwas) 5 τὸ Amor)
ὃ κύριος γορη(γήστει)

26 Σ αρατι ὀειοις schwer möglıch. — Dicht unter 30 eine nach links dusge-

rückte noch Kleiner geschriebene Zeile, die offentar mt unserem Vertrage nichts
zu tun hat, sondern zu der verlorenen liniven Kol. gehört. - 31 vgl. 2.6. -
82, Ende unsicher ; jedoch 15} Wahrscheinlich gemeint διὰ τῆς Καστορος κολ-

λυβιστικῆ τραπέζηδ.

SCHUBART.

224

u

ng nn --...β.-.

2

φῶς. πα “γ᾽ EEE EN WELLE ENDE MEERE u πος

εἰσὶ ana

SUR, No 1126,

Fapyrus. H.35 cm. Br. 12 cm. Aus der Fapyruscartonnage von Abusir el mälda,
Kleine gewandte Hand wie No ıı20. Auf Verso geringe Spuren weniger Zeilen,
22. Jahr des Augustus. 5

€
Dienstve rtraq Alexandrien.

! Ξ 4 = ΡΝ, a ἤ
Ἰρωτάρεχιωι ΠΡ lem τ See

Ἢ N are 9... 2 ρας ἜΠΡῸ BR \ r "7
ποιρὰ Γι 05 ins DODIKOAOU) ae kbpoU τος τοῦ, ip
Ποὺ TID AwpLwvasg Ζηνειου καὶ mic px Tporapyns τῆς.
- N δ Avdpos ἢ X

W=
Nep&sivns μετὰ κυρίου τοῦ [ὁμομήτρίου ἀδελφοῦ] Ze

u

Areu.icovs. Συγγογεῖ ἡ Ἰρωτάρχη ἔχειν ταρὰ τῆς Ἰαφεσιήους

ὐαντιον ὑιὰ χειρὸς : οἴκου ἀργυρίου ἱτολεμαικοῦ ὀραχμὰς ἑκατῦν, ἀντὶ
ἐς τούτον καὶ τῶν τόκων αὐτῶν καὶ δέον των καὶ ἱματιόμοῦ ἐπάναγκες
τὴν Ipwro ρχην ὅτι χρόνον ἔτη rpin ἀπὸ Mayzip τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος u
τέρου Kal εἰκοστοῦ ἡτους καϊσαρος Ta PX μενεῖν τῇ ἰιφεόὶ ἤτι ἐν ᾧ Ergeen ni

\ V.

5 2. 2 N > a \ > (
αὕτη ἡ ἰαφεδιὴς ζυτοτολίωι ἐπιτελοῦσαν [ra] ἐπι τοχυη Γσσ μιεναῇ
π΄ ...:-|.. Ἰωριάήκοο το Π
αὐτῇ ἐν τούτωι ἀκαϑυστερήτως μὴ γεινομενη KToKoıTas

μη δ᾽ ἀφήμερος ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰαφεδιῆτος ἄνευ τῆς αὐτῆς γνώμης,
τε Σὰν λάβῃ ἢ πιότευνῇ σῶα δυντηρῆ ὅτειν' καὶ ἀπο δώ σειν ταῦ τταῇ :
τῇ ἰαφαόιῆτι) ἢ ἐκτινιν τὴν ἑκάστου ἀξίαν πλὴν δυμφανοῦς ἀπτολεῖλο
Ι5 ἧς καὶ φανερὰς γενηϑίδῃς ἀπολελυόϑω, καὶ μὴ ἐγλείψιν τὴν μεισψωσιν]
ἐντὸς «τοῦ» χρόνον, αν οέτει map batvın, Ἔν τα εν αὐτὴν τοῖς -τοΓὉ]
ἀργυρίου Joaypas ἑκατὸν δὺν ηἡμιολίχι καὶ τόκους ὀιδράχμους καὶ τὸ
pAa os Kal δαπάνημα καὶ ἄλλας Appuptov ραχμὰς : κατὸν ms [rp102 (08
οὐ δὴ = Ἴαφ:σὶ ἢ τι ie τε αὐτῆς Πρωτάρχης καὶ ἐν τῶν ὑπορχόντων [αὐτῇ]
20 kaldacrıp) ΣΚ diens, Καὶ μὴ ἐπιφέρειν πίστεις ἢ ἀκύρους εἶναι, καὶ τὴν di,

Val.im allgem. P-Flor. 44 und lebt.E 334... Z.2viell. κυρίου τοῦ Kvdpoıs,
‚zum Namen vgl. Z.29.- 4 der Nam endete auf 05 wie 2.33 zäst._ 7 δεόντων
sehr wahrsch., jedenfalls nicht τροφῆς. - Jchluss zw. - 9 Erde: die Konstr. und
die dur eines € sprechen füc κέκτηται, während ὑπάρχει ausgeschlossen u
10 val. Ärch.f. Pap.IT 8.565 No 121. 15 Ende: auch ein solcher Vertrag Kanın
μισϑ σις heissen, val. No 1122,37. Ὁ 20 ob Kavarsp abgekürzt, oder ganz.

Zusammengezogen ist, bleibt unklar. N
vert®

997

um 4

P . - » . αὐλόν τῶ ον» ναι νο a τὰ“ πν͵Ὡσ Σὰν σε πε»; DO BEER σε οὠπῸὸ Ἐξ τ κονξι a me

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pr
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Γἰατφεσιῆν ἐπιτελούσης αὐτῆς Ἵρωυταρχης ἕκαστα ἀκολοῦ ϑδ)ς |
ven

τρέφειν KL ἱματίζειν᾽ ἐπὶξ "τὸν χρόνον γκαγς μὴ ἀποτρεί ψασυδι ξγν τὸς
Γτούγχτου, οὗ καὶ διελθόντος μηδὲν xmAns λα βοῦδαν ἀπολύόστειν αὐτὴν]
τῆς .... ὅξως τῶν τοῦ ἀργυρίου ΗΕ ἑκατὸν καὶ προς δώσειν αὐ ΓΤ]

25 ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου ἄλλας ἀργυρίου dpaypas τεστόοη ράκοντο, καὶ Augıvı
ποιηδεσϑαι τῆς ὁ: TS Surympndans ἢ τῶι Ἰσῳ ἔτ πὴ:
ἕνογον Sees ᾿Αξιοῦ(μεν)

μ:ό

(2.5) FE ἰτοφεδιὴς Γδγυνχωρῷ KaTa pr] sp rzypah-
μένοι Mpnrapryos ἐπι ylscypalpacdıy bLpLoIS ταῦ
30 τῆς καὶ γέγρατφα ὑπὲρι αὐτῆς διὰ τὸ ταὐ-Ἱ
τὴν μὴ εἰδέναι Ypanara ἢ

GH.) { Tpwrapyn δυνχωρτῶ! Kara «τὰ» τρογεγραμενο λυ ας
ρος ἐπιγέγραμμιαι KEUPLOIS ΓκΊαὶ yiypaom ὑπὲρ wÜTHS]
un εἰδυίας ypXMaceı“ ἢ
c-H.) ch KB Καί σοι ρ τος Αϑὸὺϊρ ΤῊΝ 772υω. Pr. ὦ.

Reste von 5 Zeilen, die nicht der ersten, eher der zweiten oder dritter.

Hand angehören können.

22 ἀποτφι ψαόναιν sich etwas vom Halse schaffen , jemand abschütteln. - 2A Wieden
γϑήσεως noch ἀποδόσεως passen zu den Spuren. - 25 der dreijährige Lohn
ist also auf Napital + Zinsen + 40 Drachmeu zu berechnen; nimmt man den
häufigen Zinssatz. von I6 Yo an, 50 ergeben Sich insgesamt 183 Drachmen,
jährlich rund 63 Drachmen Arbeitslohn. - 27 ἀξιοῦμεν sehr undeutlich, es
Kann aber kaum etwas anderes sein. - 28-31 und 32-34 Kreuzweise durch-
gestrichen. Die zweite und dritte Hand sind steif und schülerhaft. -

2% kadasp mit κατὰ va po verwechselt.

SCHUBART.

Ben nn.

226

a TEE - EEE LEEREN EZ N PT A En Ἐν
= - ἀκ,

ὗν, en: EC δὴ τσ νοις ὡς τ er

[RT

9

47 R. No 1127.

apyrus. H.37 em. Br. 14,5cm. Aus der fapyruscartonnage von Äbusir εἰ mä-
laa. Schritt nahe verwandt, vielleicht gleich der von No {||; anfangs eng,
später weitläufiger. Auf Verso steht No 122. 12. Jahr des Augustus.

2 2 dm, Σ
Verkau einer lrold (2ssere TX ραν 9 ρῃ δ1- Älexandrien.

Ayausı τῶι Σπὶ τοῦ ἐν τῆι αὐλῆι κριτηρίου
ποιρὰ Εὐαγγέλου τοῦ "Apyn νήου Φιλομητορείσυ τκαὶ παρὰ "Ἀπολλωνίου too]
ΝΕ τ ον τος 1. ἐ Στ νοῦς Anıssavcdpe. *
yapıs τιοῦ kplltn plov το schwache, unkenntliche Jeuren.
Ben... ] κεφαλαίου πρὸς Κομισὰαμεῖνηος τὰς λοιτπας τοῦ ξότα μένου
πιχραγιυρητικοῦ ἀργυρίου κεφαλαίου. Ε- τρια ῃτοσίηοις Γ ως ἐνάτης Ὅρα μενὸν᾽
TOD Ἰνεότῶτος ı καί σα ρος [προ χω]ρηδειν ἢ τῶι αὐτῷ ἢ οἷς ξὰν Ich
ouvraxsynı dıx τοῦ ms dteas AoyLısenaplav τὸ Ümapyov αὐτῷ Ἐν τῷ
βῆτοι ἦν τῆ. τετραγώνῳ ron] ἐν τῷ ἔσω κύκλωι ἐργαστη ρί-
10° dıov χρυδογοὺῦν τσὐν τις ἕνεκα τούτου ᾧ κοδο μη μένσις ;
κιλλίβάσιν RE NEE ττι κατιόντι ds εἰς τὸν λίβα, οὗ
ylrovss νότοι Εἰρηναῖος βιιρρᾶι Ἀπολλοφάνης λιβὶ ὁδὸς ἄπη-

I val. No 1098, 1 und Arch.f. Rap Ve59 2 Φιλομητορείου fast sicher; men Zweifel
Arch.f. RpYs3 Anm.2 ist unbegründet. Die Erg. ist reichlich gross für den Raum ;man
muss sehr enge Schritt annehmen. -- 3 gegen Adıssavcdpsws spricht dia Stellung, es seı denn,
dass der Name des Grossvaters vorausging,, was durchaus ungewöhnlich Wäre. 3-5 vul.
No 129,5f. Hier aber liegt richt eine δυγχώῶρησι5, sondern ein ohne das Gericht” geschlos-
sener Vertrag, δυγγροιφὴ oder nur mündliche Verabredung , voraus. Man Kann ehva ver-
mufen : Σπσὶ κατὰ durrpaanv yeyovulaviywpis τιῦῦ κρχυτιρίου [rd..L ὡμολόγησεν
ἡ Ἀπολλώνιος ἐκτὸς οὗ προσίληφεν ἀρχαίου, κεφαλαίου, aber auch so ist dia Era.nach
zu lang ; Abkürzungen sind unwahrscheinlich. - Zu ἄρχαιου vgl. P Hibeh L 30,19. 92, 15.

᾿ς ἀργ. κεφ. ist im Rap. in einander gezogan, sodass nur xpy und «au deutlich ist. _
7 in παροιχωρήόειν ist pn schwer mit den Resten vereinbar, aber sachlich und nach 1129,7/8
anzunehmen. - 3 6To&s hier undeutlich, jedoch durch 2.34 gesichert, ebenso λογιστηρίου.
9 τετραγώνῳ fast sicher , "τοῦ durch eine andere Urkunde gesichert. _ 10 von ἕνεκα |

ist das erste ς fast sicher, xa& waährsch. - κιλλι δα σιν scheint ziemlich sicher , essind

wohl ungebaute Untergestelle für die Kessel. - u die folgen de Bestimmung ist mir
unverständlich ; statt ἃ Westen würde man ‚rechts” oder „links“ erwarten. (2. din odos zw., aber
ein Rersoneriname kann wohl nicht darın stecken. a

Ἢ

- —
a

a 5 m en — nenn m
tee) ee σ“Ξαν..-

ui

1
ἃ |

(418.

20

30

35.

N ᾿ \ \ 4
' διὰ TAÄVTOS καὶ TAVTA τὸν ἐπελευόδομέενον ἢ Σμποηδομενον

(No 1127) Ἔ

λιώτην Σωσίβιος, νῶν τῆς παραχωρή δ:ις ὀχτανηι-
μάτων ὄντων πρὸς αὕτον τὸν πιχραχω βού μένον, ἐπὶ δὲ
τούτοις τὸν Δπολλώτενηιον ποι ρέχεσύτκι τὴν ταραχῶρηόδιν
“βαίαν καὶ ἀν ἑπαφον καὶ κανχρὰν ἀπὸ ἐνοικίων τῶν ἕως
τοῦ ἐνεότῶτος Γμηνδὴς Μεχὶρ τοῦ ıl L Klaisa)poß), ἀπὸ δὲ ἰδιωτικῶν

αὐτὸν ᾿πολλώνιον ἀφιότανιν ποιροχρῆτμα τοῖς ἰδίοις domarnipasıv.
καὶ μὲ ı τε αι Tor Ἀπολλωνιῳ Aspıv Ἶ οὐκετι παρείληφα, ἀλλὰ

μηι δ᾽ αὐτὸν κτᾷσϑαι μηιδὲ προςγρήόδϑθαι τῷ περὶ τῶν τοι-

οὗτων νόμωι ἢ Σϑιόμῶι, ἐὰν den τουτῶν Emo ρος Braiv] nt, yapLES]
τοῦ κυρια ἦναι τὰ SUV κεχῳρη μένοι ἔττῃ καὶ TPLOSIEKTLVLV αὐτὸν

ὃ ἴλη φεν εἰς To κεφάλαιον δὺν ἡμιολία πχρ κυρ! μοὶ καὶ ἄλλας
ὡς ἴδιον ypsos ἀργυρίου δροιχγιὰς τεντοικτοδιρς Καὶ τὰ ῥλά nu Καὶ
aravnnarte καὶ τὸ ὡριόμένον πρόστιμον τῆς mpJafsws fvonivnG)

τῷ Εὐαγγέλωι trete αὐτοῦ Ἀπολλωνίου καὶ ix τῶν ὑπαρχόν-

|

τῶν αὐτῶι πάντων καϑαπερ ἦγ δίκης, ἐὰν δὲ κατά τι ότροι-

τεύηται ὁ Ἀπολλώνιος ὃν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν τοραγῶρησίν,

ἔζίναι τῷ Εὐαγγέλωι δεματίόαντι ἐπὶ πράτεζον ἔνϑεό-

μὸν ἐς τὸ τοῦ Ἀπολλωνίου ὄνομα τὰς Asımas τοῦ ἀργυ(ίου) FT
τοῦ περὶ τὴς» τρατεΐζαν κινδύνου ὑντοῖς] πρὸς αὐτὸν ᾿Απολλώψνιον)
καὶ μετεν:γκόντι ἂντιγροιφὸν ensds ıns συνγωρηόεως εἰς τὸ
τῇ στοὰς λογιότήριον ἘΠ 2.5 invrov ἢ sis οὕς ἂν αἱρῇ ται

ποι ροιχιῦ ρή σιν’ ποιεῖσϑαι ἐκ τοῦ τοῦ Ἀπολλωνίου Plvonartos καὶ

14 ἐπὶ ds τούτοις - hier fallt der Schreiber aus der Konstruktion, denn ἀρ»
Suyywendis fordert nach einem Zırsı (2.3) jetzt τανῦν συγχωρεῖ 5 Ἀπολλώνιος,
val. Ärch.f. Rap. V’48. Hat aber der Ichreiber in Z.3 begonnen: δυγγωροῦ μιεν sm. Toisds

ὥστε ἐπεὶ, 50 wird es ganz unmöglich, in 2.3/4 den erforderlichen Inhalt unterzu -
bringen. - 17 Καίσαρος abgekürzt Kpo, wenn nicht hier wie 2.45 (lu) in Zu-
‚Sammenziehung Klo p (05) beabsichtigt ist. - 20 die Spuren von παρείληφα ἄλλα
Sind sehr schwach, aber unzweideutio. 75 Ἐπᾶς στρα oder πρα; σεφρατεύ:συαι

Scheint sicher, und zwarin der Bedeutung: Schwierigkeiten, Umstände machen, vgl. No I131,20.-
32 τῆ(νΣ ıst wohl nicht beabsichtigte Abkürzung ἜΣ ΕΞ Von συνγωρήσεως

ist so zusammengezogen, dass die einzelnen Bst. nicht deutlich werden.

(verte)

228

rn u un En ÄLTEREN ME ER NEE DELZETEEEREET TR

nn Br ge a teen DE nr ρ Ὁ"

u ei ae

BE ae

(47 R)

4 Sol ἀκολουνως ὃ Εὐάγγελος μῆι TPoSarad:

ΞΕ “
45 fi 7 ι KxLdap (os) Msycsiıp η ἌΣ ΕΣ τ

38 Ende: ds oder τε.... 39 MipsL = seinerseits. _ 44 die Lesung dieses Zusatzes ist
mir nicht gelungen, das 4 in &g hat einen ziemlich langen waggrechten rich, Sodass
dus rolgenda grosse οἱ der Form ἃ (nicht δ 1) etwas abgerückt erscheint. _ A am Ende |
scheint ἀςτιοῦμεν.) zusen._ 45 vor dem Datum dı ? δικορ ϑωτέον) ? _ Jm Jahres- |
zeichen L ein di? oder das bekannte Blattornament Inschriften der Kaiserzeit) Σ΄

SCHUBART!

130 V. No "ὦ,

ἵὰρ rus. H.22cm. Br.ucm. Aus der fa pyrusca Ftonnage von Abusir οἱ mäldg. |
Kleine Jehrift, dieselbe Hand wie Na 1116. 132. Die wessen Huckrestz, die |
auf dem Kapyrus sitzen geblieben sind, machen dir Jchrift vielfach sehr
undeutlich. Rekto ist leer. 17. Jahr des Augustus.

Vertrag über den Kauf eines Sklaven, Alexandrien.

oA
Ἰρωτάρχιωι) ᾿

map& Armıwvos τοῦ καὶ “Ἑστιαίου τοῦ Ἑστιαίου ΖηνΞίου καὶ map“

| κυ}, να]. ΝῸ 101.1..-. 2 der Name an an den meisten Stellen undeutlich,
u ' τ᾿ P
2 γληγν würde auf Ἄπιες. .) führen, aber die deutliche Jchreibung ın Z.12 zeigt,

dass Ζ. 7 amEnda ein Ligatur von ὦ und v vorliegt.
| ; verte

229

BT EEE BL LCD UND NE τὸ το πο ΟΣ Σ᾿ Te ET EEE a}
& ᾽ν »"

un u an a Ὁ» “πω... ne ee et nee ee run RER σε τ ον

(130 V.) (No 123)

τοῦ πατιρὸ“ «στιαίου τοῦ Νικίου Ζηνεῖου. Τερὶ τῶν ὀι:όταμέ(νων)
δ᾽ δυνγωροῦόσιν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ξΣπὶ τοῖς ἐς ὃ μιὲν πατὴρ Ἑστιαῖο(ς.
] εἰ < \ n / 5 1 Nov.
zmavayxzs ws “Αδὺρ A τοῦ mpouövroß) ιὖ I τ τς Kyopaxs%s ie
1 tdiay 2 Ι 2 \ N 8) \ τ ἷ
δοῦλον 205 Apyucpiov) Ε 2 τοήηστ σῶσαι εις τον VLov Ἀπίων τὴν τούτου

10 ποι ραχώ ρη σΐν), Σπαναγκες τὸν αὐτὸν “Ἑστιαῖον [μετὰ τὴν]
πιτυϊτῶν 2...‘ SPC.) ἘΝ] μέτα της} λ τοῦ “Ανὺρ κεν τα NER
π΄ Karaypabaır τῶν υἱῶν Artwvı E.2222220020.J

ὡς κοινή κει)

wer... διὰ τῶν &Yopa νομῶν) τῃ (v) VrapylWucav) αὐτῶι ἐφύλην Aue.
καὶ Avadmssır ἔτι τὴ) [rar γραφὴ) τῶν κατὰ ταύτη(ν) ὡνῶν,

2 5 ἢ \ N 2 ; Bus
Ι5 ἔφ ὧν [ξἰ41 τὸ ἐν λειψόμενο(ν) mPoS ττὰς1 τοῦ ἀργυ(ρίου) F N Nens
tes γκαὶῃ εἰς τοὺς τόκους) τὸν “ΕἘστιαῖον ἀποδοῦναι τῶι υἱῶι

Es folgen die Reste von acht Zeilen.

‚5 zum Inhalt: Hestiaios verpflichtet sich, einen Sklaven für 1000 Dr. bis zunı
30. Hathyr zu kaufen und dem Apion zu cedieren ; thuteres nicht, so hater durch
eine Sklavin Ersatz zu leisten und für dia verbleibende Differenz des Wertes noch
einen weiteren Ersatz. zu gewähren. Die Gegenleistung des Sohnes (dem ὃ μὲν πα-
τὴρ muss ein ὁ ds υἱὸς entsprechen ) ist nicht mehr erkennbar. .- 7 über der Zeile
wahrscheinlich ix τοῦ 1diov, obgleich die Spuren schlecht dazu passen. - 1/12 aus
dem gestrichenen T in Z.ıı und dem zw. πεν τε. in Ζ.12. kann man vielleicht ent-
nehmen, dass es heissen soll: μετὰ mw) A τοῦ “Αϑὺρ τὲντὸς ἡ μερῶνγπέντε..
Das gestrichene Ain Z.ı erklärt sich wohl daraus, dass der Schreiber bereits den
30. Hathyr in Sinne hatte.- 13 zur Κατο γραφὴ durch die Agoranomen vgl. No
14,14.— Ende: der Nama undeutlich, wohl nicht Anumfvapıov) oder dryl. -
15 Ende: ol τῆς τῆς φούλ(ης), ist sehr zw.- 17 {: nur wenig ist erkennbar,
2.B. 2.17 Ende παρα... φής ..).: δὲ, vipßgv .. Arlava; Z.19 Ende Erarx ypa-
onw)]- Der Papyrus ist unten nicht vollständig, sodass der Vertrag mehr als
23 Zeilen gehabt haben wird.

SCHUBART.

j
|
’
} n
|
4
|
ἡ
) - Y
\ | Υ̓
7 | -
| '
f
’
ὶ ι
ΠῚ y ἢ d
Ἢ
| !
| N
12 4 L
Ἰ ἐ ὅν
| x ; |
| » - δὰ
Ἷ Kirk
1 f j :
| f Aa

58 VT. ; Nor gu
Rapyrus. H.37 ἐπι. Br.24cm. Aus der Fapyruscartonnage von Abusirelmäläg. |
Kursive derselben Hand wie No 1059. 122. Die Schrift ist auf der unteren Hälfte
stark abgerieben. Auf der rechts angeklebten Selis ein Darlehnsvertrag. SV), |

auf Rekto No 1059. Korrekturen wie es scheint von 4. Hand. 17. Jahr des ἐμ.

ustus.

Verkauf eines Äckers (παραγ ρησ15) πα

KoA
Tpwrapymı ᾿

ποιρὰ Τρύφῳ(νο5) τοῦ Σιίμων(5) Kaısxtpos καὶ mp] N rpwrogpryogv τοῦ Sm

un

Zu (vsLov) Γπορούδη καὶ δυνευ δ κου 51
4 τοῖς κατὰ τὴ δυνγώρηφῖν) δ μαινομένοις) τῆς γυναικ(ὸ5) Ὅπῳ ας mis) |
| Ἰρωτάρχου :
5 ἀότή( μετὰ κυρίου) αὐτοῦ Tpwempgov). Ἐπεὶ κατὰ τὴν διὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ)

| προς κομιδοιμίδνος) τὰς λοιπίχ5) TAG) 31
ὃ ξόταμε(νης) τιμῆς) ἀργυφίου) + Ausose Φαρμορϑι) τοῦ ade) Sir
᾿ ΠΕ εὐθέως TRpayW-

8.1} ρήόειν τῶι Ἰρύ(φωνῳ ἢ οἷς τὰν οὐ τς 4 kad’stipeav) συγχώρησιν;
πτὸ τῶν ὑποαρ-

10 χόντων αὐτῷ Ἰίρωταρχ(ῳ) ἕν τῶι Boudsupien ἂν Torapyia Φϑευριη περὶ

I Koum(v) θονοφωι γῆς κατοικική lg) Kpoupäw) διχκοσίων ἀρούρ(ας)
τεόδόοι p&x- | | red

| KoA wie öfter aross geschrieben, wohl von andrer Hand._ 3 der Strich hinter τοῦ
besayt, dass der Vatersname dem Schreiber unbekanntist. _ Erg. sicher, jedoch sind Abkür-
Zungen vorauszusetzen. - 6 μοὶ, nicht 6uveyWpndev. 7 statH τοὺ auch Te möglich, |

Be στο πεα πεσε πον π' ντπιυπτππεστ προσπε τοῖν τττ-ττ “τ τῷ τον σΓΠ:- Ὡ ἊΝ

wofür das anscheinend auf den Namen folgende καὶ sprechen würde. Allein ein zweiter
Nanız Apydov) oder dral. ist schwerlich anzunehmen ; überdies Kann bei dieser Hand
kaı von dı oder ἡ schwer unterschieden werden, wenn wie hier darin korrigiert ist.

I ἀρχαίου) sehr fraglich. Vgl. No 1127, 4/5.- 10 über dem ersten ἐν ein wagerechter

Strich. vertu

281

TE ET ERTL EEE τος ὑπτ τ} FETTE

nn TEE ce LEE NETZE UN Er rn

E -

[77

u -

er

(δὲν τὸ (No 129)"

2 κοντὰ ivvia ἡμιόυ δγόοον iron δέκατον), ἀφ᾽ ὧν εἰσιν ἐν μιὰ ὀφραιγεῖδι
3 ἄρουραι) γηιξ, ὧν parrovss νότωι τὰ πο πε ὁ Τρύφοων) ἄγου μι)
Ἶ ER καὶ tv cp
4. Boppa τὸν κατὰ Napısc...) ἄπηλιιν (πῃ) βουνὸς λιβὶ Ἀλεΐοιν ἐρίων ξοϊ ὲ λοιπαὶ]
5 [Eapovpa) us Sapayatdı ai Adım@aı) Kpoup (au) μεθ ὧν γείτον:ς νότῳ
16 AgArıov γῆ Popp& χῶμα ἀπηλιύτῃ βουνοὶ. λιβὶ “Ἥρωνος καὶ Χελκίσ) |
7.7 ἶφ’ οἷς ἄλλοις ἣ δυνχίορη (615) περιέχει, τανῦν Leuyyopoönev)]

τοῖς προκᾷιμένοις) ἀκολζύ ὼς) |

8 {παρ᾽ ἀλλήλους im Toisds ὥστε ἐπεὶ ἢ ἀπ:όχη κῶν) ὁ Tess (ταρχο5) παρὰ τοῦ Ἴρύφω (ν65)

Ι3 dia τῆς καστίορος) Tpamzens τὰς ἔπρον] τοῦ ἀργυφίου) F Av καὶ συγχωρεῖ

20 πιχραιχινρή (ὅτιν) τῶι Ἰρύφωνι) ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦ ) 35 τὸν Aal γρόζνον) τὰς TPOx(sı vos )
αρού (pas) μϑξη ιζ καὶ σι: τ.)

ἐγμισϑοῦν ᾿ : x |
2 [οἰκονομεῖν καὶ ἐπιτελ(ῖν) περὶ αὐτῶν), ὅτι τὰν an] καὶ ἀτοφέρεσναι Tat αὐτώ)
|

ὅτος ἀπὸ τοῦ Zisıovros inl- Korioapos, dia τὸ τὰ τοῦ ἐνειστῶτος) - |

23. Ἑσόμενα κατ
ν βούλ ἡ ται) |
Ay |

3 n n \ n a a >
4 sivaı τοῦ Ἰρωτάρχου καὶ οἱ κονομ εἶν) καὶ Στιτελ(εῖν) κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ὅτι ἐὰν Εὺς

ἰ ἘΠ ΠΝ ; Am τῆϊ(δ)ός nis)
25 TsAziodv di καὶ οὗς ἐὰν ἑτέρους Wan γρηματιόμοὺς μέτενεγκοντα)

a
δυνχίο ἡ ἢ (65:05) καὶ τῶν πρὸς αὐτὴ) Silk τόνων ?] 3 |
26 ἐπι τοὺς TOT(0VS) τιν Sump ὁ Ὁ κατοιλοχισμ (οὐ) Aa κανη (τ...) E-..-J καὶ

13 τὰ λοιπτὰ Karr. aus Unleserlichem. - Apovpälv) ohne Zahl. 14 statt Karavap®

|
Kann auch karavdp@ gelesen werden ; etwa Kar’ Avdpaw πόλινγξ - ᾿Αλεζανδρίων: |
gemeint ist wohl Ἄλεξαν δρέων σε. pa; darüber ganz undeutlich« wohl absichtlich |
verlöschte Spuren. - Ια es scheint map”, nicht πρὸς dazustehen. — ı9 gemeint ist |
Empor(sinsvas)].- Ende: καὶ aus korr. - 20 Ende: der letzte Bst.eher sase
ξασίᾳειν") scheint unmöglich, Σὑσιίναι ebenso.- 21 Anf. sehr undeutlich, μὲν passt
besser zu den Bst. als τὸν.- Von κρατεῖν ganz geringe Reste .._ 22 Rap. tag. =
25 hierzu vgl. No 1127,33, aber ἀντίγραφον τῆςός τῆς δυνχωρήσεως ergiebt sich hier
Pet. 226 vgl. 1127,33. 130, 22/3... καταλοχιόμοὺφ sehr zw.; dahinter anscheinend |

KAn, jedoch κληρούχων unmöglich..- ὡς καϑη(κει) nicht möglich.
Verte,

nn nn

|
Ϊ
Ι
232

BVL) (No 1129) °

27
28
Ὁ
30
3:
32.
E33

34
35

36
ER
38
>

27 I μετετιγραφεόϑαι. _ In dem auf τοὺς folgenden Worte ist korrigiert; der 5. Bst.
Kann 6 oder &, schwerlich r sein. Dann sehr geringe Spuren, deren Deutung sich qus
No 1127, 36.37 ergiebt. Bes Ndıe gestrichene Stelle ist ganz. unleserlich._ πρὸς τὸν σον |
zw; aber αὐτὸν unmöglich. 29 map« ziemlich sicher; Barca entspricht den Spu- |
ren noch am besten. _ 31 für die Erg. ist Oxy. IL 504 benutzt, da das hechstehende
& am Ende der Lücke am ehesten zu TsAs(@uarwv) passt. - dnmo sehr zw. —

33 Mitte nur schwache Spuren: αὖ (τὖν) po (rapyov) ? _ 36 Ende: von hier an ist
alles unsicher, mit Ausnahmz der nicht unterpunktierten Stellen. - 33 ὀγφίλειν
liegt nahe, verträgt sich aber nicht mit dem zw. ὀφείλει der vorigen Zeile.

x

μέτεπι
γράφεσϑαι του Ποὺ: [μη] mposden Favrı τῆς τοῦ Tpwrupy ou) παρσυσίας

u 5 τὉ--- EN 0] πρὸς, τὸν Loov Kar

Ὁ ΝΣ

|

- Ἢ J \ ͵ . ͵ x N . Η , u 2 2 a ἡ
καϑαρ (Av) αἰτὸ τὸν τ (ων) δὴ μοτόιων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τεληεόματων) ES τοῦ AUTOW)

ιν [- Kalsapos τἀπὸ ο΄ Τ Wwrirwv) εἰς Tom) Avo χρον σιν)
καὶ τάντα τὸν ἐτελευφόζμενον") -.---« ἀφειηόζ(εάνειν) τοῖς ἰδί(οις) damarnmacıw),
f ἥ ον /

ἐὰν δέ τι |

. \ n Ι! 5) x \ ͵ |
τούτων παρα βῇ, ΧΡ 5 του κύρια εὐναι Ta συν κεχωρη(μένν) Στ καὶ πρρόδ᾽ «(τιν Σιν).

αὐτὸς") ὃ εἴληφεν) τεἰσ τὸ κεφίάλαιον) δὺν ἡ μιογλίαι γκαὶ Aus] ἐπίτιμος) |

τῶι ΓΤρύ] φγωνι wi ...... ὀφείλει τῶν ὑπαρχουσῶν Apoupäv diaro-
SV Γ-:.1 φ. λτιν τ... 01. 09 αι εἴτι UN... 0.) μετὰ τὰς αὐτο) |
7 ee! ge 113 Καίσαρος Φαρμι(οῦ δι) ιβ᾿ πω 181.06, |

SCHU BARTT

233

-᾿ =

rn nn ee ei τως

Ben X

1]

Ἢ . nm u nn ὡς nun en Eee

[ΠῚ

ne a -
08 κα. Ä No 130. |
Rapyrus. H.38 cm. Br. 17cm. Aus der Rapyruscartonnage von Äbusir el mäläg.
Jehrift wie No ıa1. Verso leer. Derselba Text von Z.2-21 ist auf πὸ αὶ ταν ||
demselben Blatte über No 1140, von derselben itand) in sehr kleiner Schrift \
enthalten und zwar in 2.7-28 dieses Blattes. Dia ersten 6 Zeilen von [10 R, |
lassen nur geringfügige Reste erkennen, aber die hier vorkommenden Namen |
Demetrios und Diodotos beweisen, dass Z.1-6 nichts mit der folgenden Urkunde, |
zu thun haben, sondern den Entwurf einer andern enthalten. Der Schreiber 1

von 19 αὶ hatalso auf derselben Seise 3 verschie dena. Entwürfe alsfgezeich -
net. Derselba hat auch auf ı28 V eine sehr schlecht erhaltene Urkunde.
eschrieben, in der dieselben Personen wie in unserm Textı begegnen; dagegen 1
steht auf 123 R von derselben Hand wia 108 R eine nur in Resten erhaltene |
Urkunde, worin zwei der Personen von 108 R, Pylaimenes und Hermias, |
erscheinen. 26.Jahr des Augustus. Ἷ

Verkauf eines Grundstücks (TR pRywpndis), Alexandrien . |
ἢ

pur pPyiwı Ι
Ex px Zojpamıcwjvos τοῦ Διοδώρου Ἀλϑαιέοτς καὶ ποχρὸς Πυλαι] μένου τοί,
ΓἈνρηάτου Καίσαρος παρόντος καὶ δυνευ δοκοῦντος τῇ δε τῇ δυνχωρηήσει 1

- τοῦ φεφχότου ΓἈγκράτου τοῦ Καίσαρος |

I]
N) ) !

τΓκίου᾽ Ἰουλίου Ἑρ:μίου ΚΖ χρη ματι κοτῦς δὲ Ἑρμίου τοῦ Ἰρίσκου. Ἵξρι τῶν dıss-7 ἢ

, “ \ \ > δ ᾿ \ > 2) ce
ὑπὸ τοῦ Σ χρ τγτίσωνος καὶ ἀπεσγη πῶς Γποιρ οἰὐτοῦ διὰ χειρος 2 οι Ta :ότοι-

μένον] ποιροαχινρη τι κὸν παροι κεχώρῃ γκέναι αὐτῷ τοὺς ὑτάργοντας αὐτῷ 1
ΝΠ ΞΦ" ' τπΠ΄ πὴ...

ET TEE CE nenne

I die Erg. ist wegen des 26. Juhres sicher, 0 Ν᾽ Τ᾽ lässt nichts erkennen, aber 12x R
hat deutlich diesen Namen. _ Die Zeilen 2-3 sind so schlecht erhalten, dass ihra Herstel-
lung. nur aus IORT gewonnen werden kann; sie ist aber dadurch vollständig gesichert. -

3 "0Ἀτ hat δρνχωργήσει in Starker Zusammendrängung,; an ποίραχολρῆ EI 15 richt
zu denken. _ 4 Ἕρμίου τοῦ Tpiexov ist auch in 110 RT undeutlich,; dagssen 128 R
Klar. - Der Zusatz über der Zeilı fehlt in πο ΒΤ. Dagegen bietet 123 R: τυῦ τοῦ
ἀὔκτου καὶ Ἰυλχιμένου κὑρίου Ἄκράτου τοῦ κκίσχρος ; die Urk. 123 U μα Φεδιότου,
Offenbar schwankte hier der Schreiber, ob er κυρίου oder δεσπότου schräben sollte. |
Für die Stellung. der mit Καίσαρος bezeichneten Rrsanen ist diese Stelle wichtig ; da |
die Lesung erst jetzt gelungen ıst, Konnte ich sie Arch. f. ap. Wire f noch nicht verwerten.
| vertı

234

“σῷ IE ET,

-.- να ee ee παν συδοτἸόα αν πε

.- -«.

᾿

x εν
2 ἃς
᾿ Γ .
>

an ng u ungen, Wir u REDE SHE wi

Lu

(008 R.) | | (No 130)” ἢ

ὃν κώμῃ Yaandy τοῦ Λυκοτολείγτου es Or ıpxtdos sk τοῦ πρὸς
τ μέρους τόπηους [EV οἷς οἰ κία καὶ] ΥΩ δη μό σ᾽ Lo] v

10 ΠΝ τερὸν Διογένους τοῦ Toi despou, ὧν Eysitovjss vorwu ἀρόμιος
τοῦ ἱεροῦ λενογύ βειυς τοῦ μεγίστου βορρ[δι en τοῦ Ὶ
Ἄμενώ θὲ τυ] al ὕδρευμα λιβὶ Ba stsodos ικαὶ 1$odos
τῶν τόπων, καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν κρατεῖν καὶ κυριτεύξῃην τὸν Σ χράπίω |
Tor ma pa STE μένων αὐτῶι καὶ ὙΦ ΠΡΟΣ Γκας ΤΟΣ κκὲ

15 ey nr Γκαὶ] ἑτέροις TApaywpslv καὶ τ" καὶ] διοικεῖν καὶ ἐπιτελεῖνο |

Το αὐτῶν ὁ Σὰν > μὴ ὁ:μίαν δροεἶναι Σφτο] δον, To Τυλαιμεῃ) |
a VOrse] αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τὸν πὐρουτίομοι τὸν παροι Kaya pm μένον) and com |
μέρος αὐτῶν and im τὰ 5 αὐτῶν περιγινόμιεν οι ἀπὸ] μηδενὸς |
KmASS ἐνγγράιπτου ἢ ἀγράφου κατὰ Ἢ; τρόπον, Σῥακολου ϑεῖν

20 αύτῶι τὴν β: βαί υσὶν διὰ παντὸς ἄπο πάντων καὶ ἀφισττάνειν τὸν
π΄ τύϊμενον τοῖς ἰσίδις ὀαπα μή μοαισιν; UT ὁ AL δ᾿ αὐτὸν’ καὶ αἷς
τὰν ἄλλαις ἢ ö Σιαφατίων Ἢ]: τῶν αὑτῶν καὶ διὰ τῶν καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν

τόπων] ἄργείωτν: οἰκονομίαι δὲν i stepov λαβόντα τῶν ὄχπα-
PX US TEE ᾿

: νημᾶτων ὄντων πρὸς τὸν Σαραπίωνοι,, ἢ | ] yopis τοῦ κύρια εἴνοιι τὰ sur-

ὃ Τυλαι μένης |
25 EReywpnnsgve: ξγκτηίνειν es δτς εἴληφεν τα τ δ ΠΤ ς συν is

μειολία καὶ τὰ ῥλάβη KL man ar καὶ ἄλλοίς ὃ ApLyv(piouy] ΒΞ A καὶ τὸ ὡριϊδμένοι
πρόφτεγημον ee 2Y δίκη, ἀνακεκομίσϑατῃ δὲ ὃ Σοαραπίων

3 obwohl der Gegen stand in der "Thebais liegt, ist. die Urkunde in Alexandrien geschlossen;

das beweist‘) ihre en Übereinstimmung mit den übrigen alex. Urkunden, 2) die Ver-
einigung, von [[0 RT mit 110 RE (No 1140), das sicher alexandrinisch ist, er, Blatte |
durch denselben Schreiber, 3) der Hinweis auf die ἐτὶ τῶν τόπων apyzin Z.22/3,d.h.diedes

Lykopolites i im Be zu Alexandrien; 4 4) die Beziehungen der Personen zu Alexandrien,
von denen Sarapion Bürger ist, und Fyluimenes und Hermias nach ı22 R Vert- räge durch |
das καταλογεῖον geschlossen haben. _ 10 Anfı auch in ORT ist πρότερον sehr unsicher, |
Tor δώρου ist auch IO RT zw.- 1 in 110 RT scheint po barıas zu stehen, unsicher ist
nur das Wortende. _ 12. zu Amenothes vgl. Aegyptiaca, Festschr. Ebers 5.107 f. 142.#.
Otto, Riester IT 214. Milne, Greek Inser. $. 37. No 9304. Hier ist ernicht als (04 bezeichnet.
5 ἐπιτελεῖν ist auch Io RL undeutlich._ I6 in ıo RI scheint τὼς ξχν' zustehen.
2! uoRT reicht bis daravnnası

235

[1

ΕΓ

.“.4.--το.»».

nt ce “πὸ το τοδὶ τσ ο.

πόσο σι πο... .0}αὐγ.-ὸὺὕ. ς“..-..

(108 R.) (No 1130)”

πάρα τοῦ Τυλαιμένου ἃς εἶχων κατὰ τῶν προκειμένων ἀσφαλείας
Ben. in... νου τοῦ Σ αραπιωνος ἐν τῇ ἐπὶ τὸν [ἄιον
e ͵ ἢ CR , ὃ Fin ν᾽

30 “Ἑρμίαν ἐφόδωι ὑπὲρ τε βεβαιύδειυς οὗ παρα κεχιυρη κεν ©. .o
KAT τὴν δυνχώφηόσιν χωρίου ὀρουρῶν dvo καὶ οὐ ὀφείλει αὐτῷ.

ας τ υῶ ; :
L ke Καίδα ρος Μεχεὶρ 19 24 Fehr. AV. Ch.
Reste von 2 Zeilen andrer Hand.

29 fängt vielleicht mit καὶ an, dann etwa Miorsis zu vermuten, aber die Spuren kunn-
ich nicht deuten, dann μὴ Σλαττουμηένου 1 ξγγροιφομένου ζ vl. No 1108,26 f._ 30 Anf.
sehr unsieher. Ende. hinter dem letzten αἱ ist die Überschicht abgesprungen, es können noch
2 bis 3: Bst. gefolgt sun; αὐτῷ passt nicht zu den Reste.

SCHUBART!

δον No 1131.

Papyrus. H.33 cm. Br. ı2. cm. Aus der Rapyrus cartonnage von Abusir el mäläg. Kleine,
gewandte Handschrift wie No 1116 mit vielen körrekturen von derselben Hand.
Zwei zusammengehörige Urkunden; die Lesung ist besonders bei der zweiten, wo
viel abgerieben und durch Korrelcturen undeutlich ist, nur teilweise gelungen,
auch dia kleinheit der Schrift strengt das Auge ungewöhnlich an. Obwohl noch

. mehr gelesen werden kann, teile ich das bis jetzt Entzifferte mit, weil der Inhalt

wertvoll ist. Relcho leer. Jahr 17 des Augustus.

Erbteilung „ Alexandrien.

EMpwTapyw]
Ca pa Απολλω vLov τοῦ $ ἘΠΕῚ Kt]
παρὰ γἾσὶ δώρου τοῦ Ἄϑηνοφόρου καὶ τῆς τούτου γυναι κὸς τοῦ δὲ Ἡπολλωνίου
ἀδελφῆς Epniovns tig... μετὰ wuplov ...]
IE dr.

“

"της πέντΓ!:..

ı für das ı7. Jahr ist Trotarchos als Adressat wahrscheinlich. - 2/3 die Vertei-
lung der Namen auf diese Zeilen ist unsicher ; jedenfalls ist init Abkürzungen zu
rechnen. verte

236

(35V) Sr | (No 1131
KOLLTINS De»
Apsıvort. iv

ἀπιόν Else
BE ..«- rn
καὶ τῆς Γ ca 28 Bst »]διόγω ρος ΘΝ T
Asyoms[v ca 28 Bst. Taldycspov Καὶ. τὴν.

Ye ; ἤν

20

Va

ὁ 4 ! 5 N \ me ͵ 3 N ὍΚΩΣ ἐντῷ αὐτῷ moAc..)
τοῦ ηλουμένου οἰ κιτῤγίου καὶ Lens πλροφούδης ἰπαύλεως τὸ [ἡ μὲς...)

Ἀπολλάινιον) κατα γραφή ὄντων πρὸς τὸ(ν) "Ἀπολλώνιον, ὃν Kal ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦ(ν) κερα(τεῖν!

: καὶ κυριεύειν ὦ
τοῦ ἡμίδους μέρο(υς) τοῦ οἰκιδίου καὶ eis mpogouons ἐγαύλεως καὶ ἄλλη)
καὶ ὅτι πὰν ϑέλ(ῃ ἐτιτελαῖν) καὶ ξεῖνοι αὐτῷ δτφατευομιένου) τοῦ Ἰδιδῳ ρου) ἐν τοῖς
κατὰ] τὴς) κατα γραφὴ) μέτενεν κιόντι χρη(ματιόμὸν) ἀπὸ Tüsds τῆς; ὄυγχίαφῆς

᾽ σὺν un ξαυτ(οῦ)
sirpojvi eis τὸ πολειτικ(ὸν) ἄρχύ)ον) ... .... εἰς ξατο(ῦ) ἢ ὧν ξὰν βούληται
γὄνο ματοι)}} κατα γραφὴ)
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12 wie weit gestrichen war, ist unklar. _. +13 trotz des Datums Z.31 ist hier Thamenoth
wahrscheinlicher als Pharmuthi.- 14 cuvrayu unsicher, vgl.aber Ζ. 50. - 15 Ende:

wir es scheint war ἡ(μίδυ) μξ(ρο9) bea bsichtigt. oz δορυντευομένου vgl. No 1127, 29.-

2ı δυγγραφῆς, wahrscheinlicher als duyywpndens, wäre Versehen des Schreibers, da dıe

vorliegende Urkunde unzweifellaft ne δυγχιν ρη δι5 ist. Ende: die Erg.zw., weil
2.22. εἰ κόνιν nicht sicher ist. - 22 τὸ) auch Ta möglich, aber sachlich anstössig.. -
Hinter ἀργῆον" is: zu. erwarten ποιεῖδ χι τὴν" in Abkürzung ; aber die vorhandenen

Spuren kann ich nicht sicher deuten. 24 vgl. No 1129, 29.

vertl

mm nennen

287

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(85V) (No 1131) ?

25 τβιεβαιοῦν δὲ καὶ τάντοι τὸν Σπελιευδόμενον) ἄχοστη (σειν) πριροιχρ ἢ (μου τοῖς

ἮΤΟΡ Ὡς. ΣῚ ΤΟ ΤΑ Ων, απ Πρὸ ΡΝ ϑ ra TREE FIR

ἜΠΟΣ ee

4 tdio(is) δαιτ(ανή μασιν), Σὰν] oem τούτων ππχραβίαινῃ)

| ywpis τοῦ κύρια εἶναι τὰ φῳυνκε)χινρ)γηίμένα) ἔτι ναὶ ἐκτίνιν αὐτὸν δ ξἰληζφεν |
; ma pa τῆ 91 Ἀρσινόης |
᾿

κεφὰ λαιο(ν) δὺν τόν οι) καὶ τὰ βλάβη) καὶ ὀατιανή ματα) καὶ ἄλζλοις) Ἐπίτιμίον

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͵ , ῃ SR N ' ι 1 „more καὶ ἔστιν ! a
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[si despwi ἐν τῇ ἐνεστισῃ ὥρρι χειρόγραφον ἐπὶ τοῖγς δι᾽ αὐτοῦ
30 π΄..." : '
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Π ...:. οὐότπω τετάφῦκι, ὁμοόλογίῶι τῆς [ἐσομένης εἰς τὴν
ταφὴν τῆς Ἀρσινόης Edbssıv damwvns μεριΐο usvns sis μέρη

ἱπροιχ price“) τὰ ... οντιοῖ τῇ) ταφῆς) en Be

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; X bs EL NR δ Ι Ϊ |
EV ELTIEP ............TMep τοῦ Kot ypa@. 2. Γ τ νυν νειν, ἢ

26 es scheint Su da zustehen, was δυν κέχιυρη μένοι bedeuten muss. _ 26/7 vielleicht

war dies Kapital in 2.4 genannt. - 29 ὥρᾳ ist wahrschänlicher als evssenen

ἡμέρᾳ ‚wobei ein ἡ fehlen würde. _ 30 es scheint nicht σῃμαινομένοις ır&cı dazu-
stehen; σήμερον ἃ - Das χειρόγραφον folgt auf demselben Blatte._ 32 zu

ἰδίῳ vgl. MG As ΠῚ} 35, τυγχάνει unmöglich, eher wäre an μξχρι τούτου zu den-
ken, δυμβέβηκε ausgeschlossen. -- 37 über der Zeile νὶο!!. πὰ ὀέξοντα.. ὁ Ts
oder τὴν ist zw.- 33/9 Sinn viell.: Ἐφ᾽ 3 τὴν Ἕρμιόνην δώσειν, τὸ τερον μὲ ἢ
pos sis τὸ ϑάπτεσναι τὴν Πρσινόην. - 38 και ebenso wie 40 καὶ Κάπτι auch |
oder dı Sein; beide Male scheint dasselbe Wort zu stehen. _ 39 τὸ in Tv verb. |
ohne Streichung des Ὁ... 41 Anf. eher ἐὰν als ἐάν... ὑπὲρ τοῦ κατὰ Ypag γειν διὰ |
τοῦ πολειτικί(οῦ)1 Σ EN

238

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(35V) (No 1131 , 7

ἀρχή ου) τὸ ἥμισῳ, ΣᾺΝ εἶνοιι τὸ λοιπὸν) ἡμισὺ τής ᾿ἈΑρφιενόηης

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LIST: ἡημίφους, μιξρτο(υ 4) Tavrov Kadaırsp ἐγ δίκης

42. Ende ap deutlich; entweder Versehen statt Ἕρμιόνη5. oder auf eine frühere Ab-

| der Briefschreiber "Ἀπολλώνιος... 45 links elwos entfernt: ἐπὰν (Ὁ. - 48 vonhier
bis 52 stehen links ausgerückt über den Zeilen mehrere Worte, die augenscheinlich nicht
den Zeilen einzuordnen sind, sondern einen selbständigen re bilden, der ὑπ

50-52 erkennbar ist. -- 48 wie es scheint, war dia ganze Zeile dürehgestrichen ἊΣ
δῸ zu συν τύϑιν vgl. ZEN 53 Ende: Erg. zw... 54 δΦιαστολικὸν ? καὶ ἐπι-

Πα λοὐμενόν με ἕκαστ() scheint nicht möglich. - 56 Zie τε ἐμοῦ καὶ ἐκ τῶν
"Παρχόστων: μον passt nicht zu den Resten. _ χρη viell. ubgekürzt, oder ypn- |
γμιάτεων ξ.. 57 “πηι ἤ εἰ νάτ unter der Zeile bricht der Τάρυγιις ab.

eo”

SCHUBART.

machung, bezüglich. - 44 hier und 47 ist Ἀμμώνιος wahrsch., 52. gewiss , also nicht |

|
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79V | No 32. ἢ
apyrus. Η. 31: cm. Br. 12. cm. Aus der Rapyrusca rfonnage von Abusir elmäläg. Kleine, |
gewa πάτο, und deutliche Schrift, die jedoch anmanchen Stellen abgerieben ist;
vgl. No 1116. "24. Auf Rekto von arıdrer Hand eine Urkunde über Darlehn aus dem

17. Jahre. Jahr 17. des Augustus.

Anfang eines Vertrages Inhaltnicht erkennbar. Alexandrien.

Τρωτάρχωι ,
- παρὰ Ἄμμωνίο(υ) τοῦ Διονυόίο(υ) Ζη νείου) καὶ παρὰ Ads $ardpov τοῦ Νικοδείμου
Maxsdawos). ᾿Επεὶ κατὰ τὰς διὰ τοῦ κριτηρίου σετελξειιυμένοις Um τε.
τοῦ Ἀμμωνίον. κπὶ ἔτι τοῦ μξτηλλαχότοξ ποῦ Ἀλεζὰν ὀρου ἀδελφοῦ
5 Θεοδώρου τοῦ Νικοόῤείμου δυνχωῳ ήσεις d σημαίνεται ; Σ
κοιτὰ μὲν μίαν τῶι ις ἴ- Καίσαρος θωῦϑ’ τὸν Ἀμμώνιον ΠΣ
mpös ἃς ἐδάνεισεν τιῦι θεοδώριωι κατὸι μνημόνικὴν συγ- aa

᾿ς καὶ κατὰ ὀιαγρκφὴ) dıa τή) Κιαρίονος καὶ πθεογγέγφιυς) Tpamasns)
γραφὴν Ε Φ καὶ τόκους mpos βεβλῆσναι διὰ τῶν πρακ-τόρων

τῶν τοῦ θεοθδώρου ὑπαρχόντων Ev τῷ Αὐρινείτῃ uns
10 Ἄλεξαν depiwv, Xwpx ls) περὶ κώμην Σύρων 7γύου & Στισήμου Nacız

Zum Inhalt: Erhulten ist nur der Vordersatz,, der den Inhalt von 4 vorausliegenden
duyywepngsis mitkeilt. Der ersten von ihnen ist εἶτα μνημονικὴ δυγγραφὴ vorausgegangen
die sich auf ein von Ammonios dem Theodorss gewährtes Darlehn bezog. Die hier vorliegen-
de Fuygwpnsis ‚kann die endgültige Erledigung des verwickelten (eschäftes enthalten oder die
Übernahme der Verpflichtung des inzwischen verstorbenen Theodoros durch seinen Bruder Ale-
Xander ausgesprochen haben. Als Datum: darf das 17. Jahr angenommen werden, weil 1) der
Schreiber sonst für dieses Jahr nachweisbar ist und 2) die letztz vorauslicgende συγχώ-
ῥηδ15 gegen Ende des ı6. geschlossen ist, wia 2.33 zeigt. - 5 σὺ Νικοδείμιου oder Νικο-
δήμου ist hier Ζω,; dagegen ıst die erstx Form in 2.2 sicher. _ 3 über der Zeile:
‚zur Bank des Marion und Theoganes vgl. Ζ. 33.-- Statt προς βεβλήσϑαι Kann auch
πρός βεβαιούσϑαι gelesen werden; doch wird das ersta durch dia Schriftrestz und durch
2.7 προς βολὴν mehr empfohlen. - 10 zum Syrerdorfe vgl. No 1123,2.. Das Alexan-
drinerland besteht aus numerierten γύοι, die ein Zeichen haben. Die Erg. Txpıjdipw-
τὸς ist kaum zw.; muıdipws ist nach aus. ἹΓΊΟ, s eine Planze, dienur im Hofe des Aphro-
ditetempels in Sikyon wächst: τὸς δὲ φύλλα ἐλό σδονοι ἢ φηγοῦ͵ μξίζονοι δέ ἐστιν ἢ
πρίνου, ὄχῆμα di όφισιν οἷον τοῖς eis dpvös. ὁ!» »Αβρυτάνου mit der Planze
ἀβρότονον zusammenzustellen ist, bleibt ungewiss. ΕΞ: scheint, dass hier das Zeichen
verte

240

a 3 Vie A + ᾿ . Ξ - - .e wem. nn ee ee ΞΖ... "δ σιτία, φῳ. a ee ἌΣ τ

111111 |

(79 ") «No.1132) Ὁ
dipwros καὶ Aßpuravou mv χέρόον κατα κεικλυσμένην
rn ἐότιν ἀρουφῶν) δ δι λβ' κοινῶν τὸ περιλελιμμενον αὐτῶι
μέρος Γ΄ καὶ ἐν τῶι αὐτῶι γύωι καὶ ἐπ(ισή μι) ἄλλην ἐχομένην χέρό(ον)
ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς νότον μέρους ὅμοίως κατακεκλυσμένην ἀρου(ρῶν) 8

Ι5 καὶ ἐν τῶι αὐτῷ γύωι καὶ ἐπισήμῳ) öMoiws Kara wskAvonernv Kpob(pas) |
ἥμισυ τέταρτον ξκκαιόδέκατον καὶ παρακεχωρήσυδι τὸν αὐτὸν
Ἀμμώνιον παρὰ τοῦ θεοδώρου διὰ τῶν πρακτόρων προσβολὴν τῶν
πρότερον Apısriov τής >Apısctinvos ἐποικίου Ἐν τῇ Σύρων κώμῃ καὶ

ὧν : uv. NE , ὧν ων ΤΉ; a ix WV ᾿
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δραχιμῶν) g FG ναὶ πεπληρώσϑικι τοῖς τῶν ot τόκοις ἕως τοῦ ση-
μανδέντος γρόνου, ὅτι δὲ καὶ εἰληφεναὶ Ετὸν αὐτὸν Ἀμμωνιονῆ
Γπαρὰ τοῦ θεο δώ ργου!]. εἰς τὸν τῆς προς βολῆς λόγο(ν) ὧν παρ εᾶπεῖ
τ χώρη Εμη:ν αὐτῶι τῶν Ἀριστίου Apyucpiou) F. , κατὰ δὲ ἑτέραν
25 τὴν yeyowulav) τῶι αὐτῶι > Φαφι σημαί νετικι. τὰ τε πρὸ κείμ να διό, [τά
4 a » a > a 5) Y = A 2 ͵ 7: Ri ἐ ἢ}
καὶ λοιπῶν οὐδῶν EV τῶι θεοδώρωι ἀπὸ τῶν τοῦ ἀφγυ(ρίου) ΚΦ Ξ
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is Tpamesns) xAAas RE) Ho, ὥστε. γίνεόϑαι ἐν τῶι θεοῤ(ώρω rw
ὧν καὶ ἀν ενηνογέναι εἰς τὸν Ἀμιεμώνιον) ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ
382 δυνχωρή(σει) ὀκν ίου Ε-....ἢ δυνχιν ρη(διν), κατὰ δὲ τὴν τριτὴν

aus Blättern zweier Flanzen bestand, die vielleicht in einen Markstein eingemeisselt
waren. Val. No 1122, I8 das Zeichen Μοῦσαι. Ein Zeichen N, vielleicht aus Alexandrien,
jedenfalls aus einer Stadt, führt PP.IE73 an: πομιεῖον σἱςιόντων ἕν δεξιᾷ ὄγδοον
οὗ ξηπίδη μον, Nest da ns klar ist, muss man an Apisriov als weiblichen Na- |
men denken... ἐπτοι κίου aus ἐπ’ σἱ κίας korr.- 23 προσ βολῆς unsicher gelesen, aber |
im Hinblick auf Z. 7 Kaum zweifelhaft. - 23... der Schreiber hatte zuerst das partic.pf pass
im Sinne. - 24 hinter r unkenntliche Zahl. _ 25 ir den zweiten Vertrag war der Inhalt
des ersten aufgenommen, wie. es auch beim dritten (Z.31/2) und zuletzt bei dem vorliegen-
den geschieht. _ 27 über dem Gestrichenen Schriftspuren, vermutlich tod Ἀμμωνίου. -
Hinter ts eine Spur, die aber Kaum etwas bedeuten kann; τ erklärt sich aus der ersten

Fassung τοῦ αὐτοῦ, hätte jedoch hinter διὰ gestellt und nach Tilgung von τοῦ αὑτοῦ 45:
Strichen werden müssen.
verte,

241

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ἐμ FREE
ἯΙ nn διμο
Ἵ νυ γ
ἢ in: ἡ
ἢ

(73 V. | τς ΡΣ
29)...
τὴν Ysyowvulav) τῶι ich Kalsa po(s) Adöp δηλοῦται τὰς mporspas ἢ
i TR): .

, urgwenssis) Ὁ 1.
ἀγοιφόρεσϑάι Kat προς δς αν εἴόϑαι τον θ:6 dıspow) Tap«

τοῦ Ἡμμιωινίου) διὰ τῆς αὐτῆς Μαρίονο(ς) καὶ θεογένο(υς) τραπέξης

ΒῚ n «Αϑὺ; \ n Naxucv) 3) - a
23V μὲν τῶι Ellaycwv] + 5, ἐν δὲ τῶν ζΑϑυρὴ ἄλλας EG, ὥστε
25 γεν: σθαι ἐντὸς μτηνῶν᾽ Ὑ ἤν να: 1 ‚apyulptou) FA G,&s καὶ W.
ee τὰς πρὸ x {ξιμεξ γα) δυνγιω ἡ (ὅ:ι 2)
ρ΄ lc... Ἵ διαγραψες...) τῶι Θεοδώρι N
ER || 2 συν)χινρη(ό..., κατὰ ds τὴν τετάρτην
Γδυνχώρη σιν τὴν γεγόνυϊοιν τῶι αὐτῶι ις ἴ- Καίσαρος) Taövı .. αἰμέϊω
> ty. Om.
Geringe Spuren mehrerer Zeilen bis zum Rande des Fapyrus.
34 erhalten ist ἴαχε Be 1 ds, daven Tax getilgt, also auch das zu ergänzende ὧν. _

bei der Erg. der Zahl ist vorausgesetzt, dass mit den 1200 Drachmen 2.35 die kesamtschuld 1
angegeben Ist (500-200+500 +200+200). Die Umordnung der Monate durch. körrektur j
muss wohl ein Fehler sein, denn da im Kälender der Bichon später fällt als der Hathyr, |
Kann ın dem im Hathyr geschlossenen Vertrage nicht ein Darlehn vom Rachon desselben |
Jahres angeführt werden; es kann sich nur um den Pachon des vorhergehenden Jahres |
handeln. - 35 μτηνῶν, wenn richtig, fordert die Zahl der Monate, es ist aber unsicher,
ob von der ersten zitierten Suyyapncıs an oder von der vorausgehenden μίνὴ μονικὴ
durrpxen an gerechnet wird, die Spuren Könnten zur Not Stra zulasseh und dem-
nach auf γεΐκοσι] ὅπτὰ führen. - 36 die Spuren legen dia γράψει ) nahe, wus doch
sachlich ausgeschlossen erscheint. _ Über der Zeile: Tas oder της oder Tunis? -

39 f- Es ist möglich, dass dir Urkunde auf diesem Blate zu Ende geführt war, denn
‚Frotz des langen Vordersatzes konnte der Nachsatz. kurz sein. i

SCHUBART..

ar nen

nn =... 20 ee οὐ

BI τ. No 1133,

Papyrus. H.36cm. Br. 14cm. Aus der Fapyruscartonnage von Abusir el πιὰ [ἃ 4 ᾿
(Grosse, unschöne Schrift, stellenweise abgerieben und durch Resta des Stuck-
überzugs der Cartonnage undeutlich geworden. Am linicen Rande ist ein auf- |
liegender Kıpyrusstreifen mit den Zeilen anfängen schon im Altertum abgerissen
worden, wie die weissen Stuekresta an dieser Stelle zeigen. Ursprünglich be-
fand sich hier eina Klebung,; eine solche erkennt man auch nahz dem rechten
Rande, das Blatt war also von dem Fabrikballen in der von H.Ilsscher, ἄγει.
Fap. Κι οι # beschriebenen Weise abgeschnitten, ohne Rücksicht auf Klebungen. |
Unter dieser Urkunda steht No 1138. Auf Verso BGU 1058, von andrer Hand
(17. Jahr). ı2.Jahr des Auquslus. | | |

Urkunde über ein Eranos- Darlehen, Alexandrien.

Ta p&J Χαιρήμον (05) τοῦ Ζωπυρίωζνος) καὶ ππιρὰϊ) Ἀρτεμιδίρο(υ) το(ῦ)

' Ἰαῦρέω συ ἽΠέρστο(υ) |

Lens SImıy(ovns) κταὶ] Ti) τούττου] YYvaık (os) “Eppuövnß) Ti) |

| Χαιρημώονος) Mzpssivngs) |
CHSTIK κυρίου) αὐτοῦ Ἄρτεμι δώρου». ὅπηι ποίρα κλην εὶς ὃ Χατηρήμων

CUT abro(d) Ἄρτεγμιδι] Pod) καὶ ns Ἑρμιόνηξι! δυνανίρηται αὐτοίῖς)

I die Adresse fehlt, Kann aber auf dem abaerissenen Shreifen. gestanden haben; |
an Protarchos ist nicht zu Jenken , da er erst vom 16. Jahre an nachwaäsbar 151. -
mupın ziemlich sicher. - καὶ To px ist geschr. Ba d.h. mist zweimal geschrieben, |
wohl weil das erste nicht deutlich genug schien. _ 3 ich verstehe die Sachlage so: Ärte- |
midaros und Chairemon, vielleicht Schwiegervater des A, gehören demselben Kreditvergne
(@pavos) an. Der Verein gewährt jedem Mitgliade nur bis zu bestimmter Höhe Darlehen.
Da aber Ärtemidoros mehr braucht, bestimmt er den Chairemon, den Strohmann en

kn, um 2 Darlehen aut 2 Namen zu entnehmen. 90 wird dıa Vereinssatzung umgan- |

gen. Jedoch lässt sich Jetzt Chairemen durch die vorligende Urkunde bescheinigen, dass
er selbst kein (reld bekommen hat und von Afemidoros gegen alla Folyen des Schuld-
scheins gesichert werden wird. emgemdSs" steht dia Urkunde den Sicherheitserkid-
Fungen für Bürgen ganz nahe Aur.dass hier nicht Bürgschaft, sondern formelle Teil-. |
hahme am Geschäft vorkeyt.- 4 δυνανιρηται; dia Endung au ist sehr un-

deutlich , aber nicht zweifelhaft: „er hat. sich mit ihnen zusammen pro klamieren
lassen ! 1 ER NE τὴ 9.

|
!
vertz.

©

2 nen ne

m u an in DE τὉ..»-

u

πα rs ae AT a nn ee anne
(68 R.L) (No 133) *
5 εὔὐνηόγμίατοα) Jvo w... ἡμα ποιρὰ Αρτεμιδώ (ρου) τοι) “Ἥροικλ εἰ δ(ου) ἐρανάργο(υ)

[sis] τὸ πτληρ ϑῆναι) χαλικο(ῦ) ΕΣ Jg... A. Kar γόσυνχ] (φησίν) τὴν γεγονυῖα(ν)
[τ] αὐτῇ ἡμέραι διὰ τοιύ) αὐτο(ῦ) κριτη(ρίου) δυνχι ροῦσιν ὁ μὲν
DAprisuldopoß) καὶ ἡ Epmown) τὸν new) Χαιρήμον(ι μηδὲν ἁπλῶς
[jo το(ῦ) προκει μένο(υ) κεφαλαίο() εἰληφένα(ι, αὐτο(ὺ 4) δὲ τῷ Travel)
0 τεὶφ τηὸ Ἰόιο(ν) κατα κεχρῆσϑαι, ὃ καὶ ἀπο δι σειν τῷ Toll) “Ἡροικλ εἰ dom)
εἈριτεμιδώρῳ ὅν τισὶ ϑριόμέναις karapopalis) χκολούδωρ) τ mpo- |
τ JLzivz. μένῃ) φυνχιυ(ρηόει) καὶ περι λύσειν αὐτὸ() τῇ 6) δυντχ!ρη (6Έ,5) kl
τἀγτὸ δὲ τοῦ νῦ(ν) ἀπερίσιταστο(ν] αὐτὸ(ν) καὶ ἂν ίσπροικτο(ν) κατὰ |
Γπάηντοι TporoW) περὶ τούτως) ταρεζεσύσι, πταύτοι ds ποη σιν ἄνευ

Ι5 τγιγγάδη(4) ἀντιλογ(ίας), sl ds un εἶναι Kbro(lds) Ayw(fimous) καὶ συνέςχεσναι)
μέχρι το(ὕ) ξκτήσίαι)
[δὴ ἐὰν ὀνοφιλήσωσ(ι) πρὸς τὰ δύο dvouara δὺν ἢ μιο(λίοι) ποιραχρῆμιῳ
γικαὶ] το(ὺς) καϑηκώντοας) πτόκ(ου5.) καὶ τὸ βλάβη τῆσδ) πράΐ ειυ(9) γεινο-
(μένης) τῷ Χαιρήμῴνω |
5 Anf.zw. Es scheint ein abgekurztes Wort zu sein (Spur eines hoch gesetzten Buchstaben);
auf ὀνόματα führt Z.i6._ Hinter δύο unsicheres Wort; eu oder ὄφλημα simmt
hicht zu den Resten. Eine Abkürzung scheint nicht vorhanden zu sein, obgleich man einen
Plural im Sinne von δάνεια erwarten sollte. 6 Mitte ganz un klar; jedoch χαλκοῦ wahrsch.,
und sicher nicht ἀργυρίου. Dass'huer dia Summa genannt ist, beweist Z.9.- Von mar
Sehr geringe aber gut passende Spuren. Nach der Lücka hochsesetztes ὦ, was auf dur-
year) führt ; der Zusammenhang spricht deutlich dafür. -- 7 Anf. die Lückz ist

für T reichlich gross. Ende : die Spuren scheinun ὅ μιὰν zuergeben, was hier nieht

|

passt, da nur eina Partei Verpflichtungen übernimmt; aber beim Stil der συγχώρη σι
ΣΝ nahe , vgl. meine Bemerkungen Arch.f. Fap. 7 ἢ - lo Erg. sachlich nötig und
paläographisch möglich, weil εἰ nicht mehr Platz als ein Bst. beansprucht. _ 11 dieser Ar- |
emidores ist der Eranarch ‚vgl. = 5._ 12 Anf. weder δεδηλω μένῃ noch γέγραμμένῃ
noch κειμένῃ noch τετελειυ μένῃ noch δημαινομένῃ möglich. -- Ende: dia Lösung

des Chairemon von der vorausliegenden σύγχιο ησῖσ (Artemidwos-(hairemon mitdem
Eranarchen Artemidoros) haben Artemidoros und Hermiöne zu bewirken, — 17 bei
Τοῖς ) ist die Lesung zw.; man könntz auch m” statt To" lesen; allein der Sinn
scheint sich mit der in den Darlehnsurkunden geläufigen Formal ττοῦ δὲ ὑπερπεσόντος |

χρόνον τοὺς κατὰ τὸ διάγραμμα τόκους didp&ynous zu decken. |

|
|
verte |

244

Br
IT τα
μας ἃ

00 τ τὸ ΕΙΣ
(63 R.T.) (No 1133)
IK TS Kuportep(wv) AAAnAgyrior) dvrtwv) sis ἕκτισζιν) καὶ 27 Σνὸ(5) καὶ 2?

ς ! EN
OTOT(Epou) οὐ zxv

RIOTÄW) αἱρῆται καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑποαργό(ν των] αὐτο[ς) πάντίων) καϑχτε() ἐν ὐΐκ(ης
20 τδηκύρων οὐσῶν καὶ ὧν «ἐὰν Σπενεγκωσι πίστεων ποσῶν όκέπη 9 πάσῃ»

ει Ἀκί όσοι» ρ(ος) Χοιὰν in ΣΎ ΒΟ
δι(ορϑιυτέόν) “5 v.Chr.

20 die Schlussformel ist so angadeutet: UROF-- ku. ov sve._ Rechts efwasunterder |
Zeilenhöhe ein grosses s, wohl Schreiberzeichen._ 21 Καίσαρος abgek. WT.- 22 ν4|. Βα |
Wild, 3ı. Ä |

SCHUBART.
ΝΥ .-ἥππρ πο ann Sons
SUR. No 13a 3

Fapy rus. ἢ. 33 cm. Br. gem. Aus der Papyruscartonnage von Äbusir el mäläg.
kleine Schrift, stellenweise schwer lesbar, gegen Ende schlecht erhalten. Von der- |
selben Hand auf dem unteren Teile des Blattes eine andre Urkunde, ebenso aut A
Verso, beida sehr undeutlich. Eine Inhaltsnotiz. zu dem folgenden Texte enthält |

77 R, von derselben Hand (auf 77 R'stehen zwei σοί εἶτα Notizen, auf Verso eine |
Darlehnsurkunde aus dem 20.Jahre). 20. Jahr des Augustus. |

Abzahlung eines Eranos- Darlehens, Alexandrien. |
|

δ ΚΠ Ἰρωτάρχωι ἢ
ΕΒ . παρὰ Tpbpwvos τοῦ Ἰϊτολεμιαίου προότατου
ἐράνων καὶ ποιρὰ Πυσιμάχου τοῦ Θεοδόττου KL] |
[ της γυναικὸς Μαρίου τῆς 1 δχιτιος καὶ Ἱρύφω νος |

τῆς Μαρίου Avcavdpou. "0 kat pzpoucıv
ὄνομ ὃν ἐράνου der δράχγμου ‚Anp.ov, Bee |

Ἢ

5 τοῦ Θεοδότου τῶν Tpınv Ἱερσῶν μετὰ κυρίου] ,
[

Ϊ

|

᾿

5 ἽΓερδῶν ziemlich sicher. _ 6 ὃ sehr Klein, aber deutlich. _ Stat κατα scheint
μάτα nicht ganz unmöglich, aber das erste entspricht dem Etkennbaren besser ; die i
Wortendung. Scheint hier ουσιν, nicht ousv zu sein, 2.9 bei δυγχω ρεῖν ist sie un- |
Sicher. _ 7 zu ὄνομα dv vgl. No 1133, 5 w.16._ Ende: KA oder A oder UA, dann
hoder or oder ὦ, endlich του oder kou oder μου scheint möglich, am ehesten wür- ||
de das sachlich Kaum denkbare ᾿Ιλλυρίου entsprechen, πλήρους ausgeschlossen. |

vert, Ἷ

246 : πρό

.. = Bi

(SIR) --- (No 134)

d IKaToV καὶ μ ἣν ιὦ, οὗ ἡ ἀρχὴ Am Pac Job May ἐν. δέν.
ODER L Koisapos, όυγχινροῦσιν προφ(έρεσθδι)
10 ol d.... zpuor did yaıpda) Hpp kl mper... .ı ER
N ἘΠ \ . En, 3% Marz rd
πτ τοὺς Aoımovs unvas ıy To LroXpuoldvViL‘] DER |

To αὐτοῦ L TuS κατὰ kivakı Cundswoy]
μήν() κοιλοποιούμενοι ἢ ἐφ᾽ τογὺ ἐὰν μητνὸ51
un ὀιον ϑώδῳνται τοῦ τ πὰ μὴ να "ἢ
=. δ > \ no Ι! \ I

15 γὲκτῖσαι ἐντὸς το]ῦ χρόνου Tip ἐνοφιλη(ϑησομενον 1
Γοὺν ἡ μισλίαι τοῦ δ᾽ ὑπερττεσόντο(ς) χρό(νου)]
τὸ κους Die Eng πράξεως γεινομξεινης τῷ
ἔτιδιν} καὶ 25 ἑνὸς καὶ 2} οὗ ἐὰν αὐτῶν αἱρήται

20 kadarsp ir δίκης.

(77 ΕΒ) Inhaltsnotiz.

Λυσίμαχίος) Θεοδότο(υ)
Μάριον δὰ κιος

καὶ Tpug(wrvj Θεοδότου

3 Ἑκατὸν zusammengezogen, aber sicher, danur so der geforder& Sinn: δ᾽ τῶν ὅκα- |

τὸν καὶ τεόόχρα κοντα ραχμῶν ἣν τέταρτον καὶ dskarov μεροφ herauskommt.-

Ve ea τοῖον

> Auflösung, zW.; jedoch ist Papsado) nach No 1135, ıı wahrscheinlich. _ 10 Anfan
οι oder και oder η. wds auch sonst in dieser Hand kaum zu unterscheiden ist; je ἢ

doch 15} καὶ wenig wahrscheinlich, weil das folgende Wort kein Infinitiv zu sein j

scheint. Nötig wäre her eine Bezeichnung der suyywpoüvrss. Val. dazu No

135, 5 und die Anm. _ Ir ıy ist hier und 2.26 undeutlich, aber nach der letzten

Stelle sachlich wahrscheinlich. _ 13 Anfang ov, λαν nicht unmöglich ; jedoch ἢ
spricht der Sinn für zusammengezogenes unv. - Das folgende zw. Am Anfang der ἢ
Zeile kleine laragraphos . 15 für die Erg. ist No 1053, 28 ff zu vergleichen ‚Sir Kann ;
aber nicht so lang gewesen Sein, weshalb ich oben eine ungefähr passen de, kü rzung versucht
habe. _ 17 Anf.zw. _ 18 dieser Iryphon ist der Tpootacns zpavav Z.2.- Vom Folgenden
bis zum Ende von Z.20 nur ganz Schwach Spuren erhalten, die eine genaur Lesung ruicht }
gestalten, wahrscheinlich war das hier Eingesetzt mit einigen Kürzungen geschrieben. — δοΐκὶ
diens Zieinlich sicher. Dann etwa: ακύρων οὐδῶν ὧν ἐὰν ἐπενεγκῶσι πίστεων Ἰπχοῶν Oks- ἶ
Τὴ 6 πλσής; die Reste sind ganz unbestimmbar. - zı Auffallen der Weise fehlt Τρύφων TroAs-'

μαῖου; erwurde wohl als selbstverständlich vorausgesttzt. verli

Bi

IT 000000000

F

246 τ

— u ....- - - να

Ban u EEE

SIR) - (No 1134) °
- Epavol) =
25 ἀπὸ Pause; ιὦ
ὅττι λοιποὺς) μῆνας) [ ἄπο Φικ)ριμοῦϑι)

24-25 ist wohl gemeint ὅρανοι ὀσκά ὀραγ μαι ἀπὸ Φχμενὼν τεόόκχρ ες τοι πος 26 Ende
φ und p dicht zusammen $f.- Zum Inhalte: Vermidlich handelt essich um Abzahlurıg eines
vom Verein gegebenen Darlehens. Bei der Zahlung der ersten Rata erkennen die Schuldner
den (esamtbetrag von 140 Dr. an und verpflichten Sich , in den folgenden: 13 Monaten je eina
Rate zu zahlen. Ζιι beachten sind die technischen Ausdrücke Kata φέρειν, προφέρς-
INKL, ὄνομα. |

SCHUBART.

134 V | No 1135.

Rapyrus. H. 26cm. Br. 17cm. Aus der Fapyrusca Pronnagg von Äbusir el mäläg. Der
Text ist aus zwei getrennt gefundenen Stücken zusammengesetzt, deren Zusam-

a keit aus der Schrift wie aus dem Inhalte hervorgeht; dia Struktur

des apyrus lässt sie zwar nicht klar er kenrun, widerspricht ihr aber auch Nicht
Die Kursiwe ist gross und unschön, vielfach durch Resta des Stucküberzuas |
undeutlich gemacht: Auf Rekto Restz von 3 Zeilen andrer Hand. Wahrschein-
lich 20. Jahr des Augustus.

bzahlung eines Eranos- Darlehens, Alexandrien.

Ἴρωτα ρχῳῷ τῷ ἐπὶ τοῦ κριτὴ γρίου]
ποι ρὰ Ἰρύφωνος τοῦ Ἰπολετγμαίου προγότατου ξράνων καὶ παρὰ Ἡμτύντου
ποῦ Tpv-3
PWVOS καὶ Τρύφωνος ττοῦ Ἰρύφωινος καὶ Νικοόκειράτου Toro ,
Zuvywpoönsv πὶ τοῖζοός ὃ μὲν Πρύφων ἀγτεσχηκέναι πορὰ τῶν]

| 2 zu Iryphon vgl. No II34, 2. - Au γύντου τ ἢ Die Buchstaben:
zahl der 1. Zeile ist infolge engerer Schrift etwas grösser als dia der übrigen -

3 die Erg. des Vatersnamens ist nur Vermutung. — 4 die Erg. ὁ uiv und 2.9 οἷ δὲ
ΕΓ τιπὶ die (liederuna. der Urkunde am besten herzustellen. _ Van u 2oyn κέναι
ganz geringe Spuren, dia nichts Bestimmtes ergeben.

verß,

a 091

247

Dan’ ἢ

ΡΝ ΓΝ

14V) (No 135) *

5 πρὶ τὸν ÄAubvrev Atost.. νῶν δὶ δεῖν οαὐγροὺς διδόναι ὑπέρ τῶν

λοιπών μηνῶν μιατηνιησῖα Dura or ra KT]
νομογραφικὴν ἐπιστολὴν. To A L kixısa pcos ER eg Fra zpavov γός.

Ka dpaymou τῇ μην ειαίαι Nora βολῇ, καὶ εἶν au δηκυρον ἘΠ τ:
λουμένην ἀσφάλειαν, τοὶ δὲ περὶ τὸν ᾿μύνταν ἄκυρον Sir αι]
9 ἡνπροείκατο ὃ ἰρύφωτν τηῆς Kara βολῆς ἰδιο γραφίαν ΠΣ
ατὸ προφέρεσθαι Γκαὶἢ ἀπ ἐσχη κέναι ταύτην καὶ μὴ τγἐπε.-Ἰ
Γλευόδγηςόναι [ταύτην τὸν τ Τρύφωνα μηδ’ ἄλλον. ὑπὲρ κὐτοῦ τἐπὶη
ΠΣ} τῶν προκεζημένων ep... ην, καὶ τοὺς ὁὲ πτερὶ τὺνῚ
γ Ἀμύνταν ran ἐπγεηλεύτόεσθκι ἐπὶ τὸν ἱρύφῳ να An περι πε ΠῚ
Be ἀποόστι] ηόειν. αὐ γτοὺςη Toris ἰόηίοις Το. ΟΠ] οὐ 1
rn... τ -ς- -καλγτὰ χάριν δὺν ἡμιολία
Bet. καὶ yapıs τοῦ κύρια sLjvaı LK δυνκεχῶ ρημὲ-

1

Lv ἐνέχεσθαι ἜΣ ἘΞ βλαβεσι καὶ damarıı μασι καὶ τῷ Apısuz-

νῳ ποτίμῳ. Γυποῦ: ΕΠ Kol ρος 1 Pa pu (ist) De Ε ΠΡ

5 das unsichere hlort scheint dasselbe Ζικ sein wie das nicht gelesene in No 1134,10.
Oben ist dıo ziemlich sicher, am Ende vwv, viell.owv.; in 1134 ist allenfalls möglich
ὁξιοόπερόαι, aber auch δειότερυοι. Vielleicht steckt der Nama des Vereins darin: |
Διὸς pe? 6 zuden, Übrigen Monaten” vgl. No 1I34,11._ 7 eine vonoyp-är. |

dieser Art ist elwa No ı136._ Hinter Καίσαρος der Monat. _ 10 zu Tposiraro val. die

habe ich Arch’f. Rap. V63 mitgeteilt). - ὃ sehr unklar, arıscheinend Korrigierh dus p.-

unpult. alex. Urk. 118 V, 14: ἀφ᾽ οὗ προϊκατο οὗτος «τιττακίου (den Inhalt disser Urk |
ıdıo ziemlich Sichar, der 6. Bst. reicht unter die Zeile, av wahrscheinlich ein Femininum ἢ

|

ist Wegen ἣν erforderlich. _ ı zu προφέρεσνοι vgl. No 1134, 9. 18 in MPOR ELLE
νων treffen dia beiden Fragmente unmittelbar zusammen. _ Ἰγερὶ τούτων, scheint |
unmöglich .— „14/15 zu erwarten ist τὸν δ' ἐπελευσόμε-νον. _- 15/16 viell. ἢ are
rirvsiv ὃν ἀνείλοντο Ζροι νον καγτὰ xapır.- ı8 ein ο(ὐποὺς oder τὸν ποίροι βαί- |
νοντα hinter ἐνέχεσναι einzufügen, ver bietet der Raum... 19. rechts etwas ti |
fer eın Zeichen, das eın grosses A-zu sein scheint.

SCHUBART,

248

ee u νυν - Ὁ ee a en en eg ne nn ED EN

ee

er BER ar « ΝΣ BEER? nn

u u Si

EEE EEE RE υὐτπλδ μου

EWR No 1136.

Fapyrus. H. 12,5 ern. Br. 8,5” cm. Aus der Tapyruscartonnaga von Abusır el πᾶ ἀφ.
Sorgfältige Schrift, gegen die Richtung der Fasern. Aut Verso einz an Protarchos
gerichtete Suyyapneis, die wahrscheinlich ins 20. Jahr gehört, Auch für Rekto
(SH wohl das 20.Jahr des Augustus anzurehmen.

Abzahlung eines Eranos- Darlehens, Alexandrier.

Ἀπολλώνιος Ἰπολτεμαίου καὶ ... φρύφωνι τῷ TroAzualov] |
προότάτηι ἐράντων χαίρειν, Ὃν ἀνειλομεῦδα
ος τοῦ ἐνεσττηῶτγτος vH καίσκρος ἔρανον, ... | τὰς τοῦ ἀρ-1]}
γυρί του] ἐραγμὰς Σζη KoLvTa, amodınaousv sv μησὶ δὼ δςτικα ἀπὲ... ὅρα-1

Do γμὰς πεντς διοσρϑού μεγνσι κατὰ μῆννοι τ .. toü διαττογευο μένου
| μηνὺς μηδεμίαν ἥμέρον κοίλην ποιού-1
μένοι, ἢ ἐφ᾽ ἢς ἐὰν κοιλάνῳωγμεν ἐκτίσειν τὸ ἐνσφειληϑὴ δόμενον δὺν ἡμιολία,
\ 2 ͵ \ 5 ͵

un xvAansivavTlasz τὸν HzmzpısmzvoV]

xpovov, τοῦ de Um ριΓεσόν τος χθόνου τόκους } Γ τῆς πφαΐξιος ͵γεινομεὲν τ
sol 2 ἡμῶν τῶν ὄντων ἀλληλεγγύων εἰν Ektı-]

div καὶ 3% ξνὸς καὶ 7 οὗ ἰὰτν ἡμῶν αἱρῇ καὶ in τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἡμῖν
πάντων καϑα πέρ δγ δίκη ἀκύρων οὐσῶν καὶ ὧν ξὰν
Sans),
ITEVeykwpav πὶ Ἵ

ότεῦν [πάστην διε ὁ ΤῊ σ᾽ γπση 51

Darunter nach einen kleinen Zwischenraum geringe Keste von 4 Zeilen,
deren erste wieder mit Ἀπολλώνιος beginnt.

Zur Bruefform vgl No 1135, 7, EN zu en dass in der 1.Z. mehrere,
Personen genannt waren, zeigt die Länge der Zeile, (die aus den letzten 3 Zeilen ungezähr erschlossen
werden kann, und 2.8.. Zu Tryphor, Sohn des Plolemaios ναὶ. SS de laser

und der folgenden Zeilen sucht nur ungefähr den Sinn War zu: το ἘΠῚ ὙΠ rein

Monate führt die Rechnung. — 5 hier muss ein bestirnmter Tay im Monat als Zahlungster-

Min vorgeschrieben Sein, da 2.6 ἐφ᾽ ἧς ein fyuspx voraussetzt, val. No Itte, ı1. 120,9. —
6 vielleicht ist zu ery. sıvoı ἡμᾶς LEITETE, &ywpimovs καὶ σὺν ἔγεσσιχι Heypı τοῦ Σκπτίσχι
K.s.W., jedenfalls ıst hier eine San Formel als 1134, IS anzunehm

en, aber gerume lasst sich dee.
nie wader hier noch ın den μὰς

sten Zeilen erinitteln. Zur Rımal vol. No 1053,28 f -
vielleicht τοὺς κατα To διάγραμμα τόκους u.sW._ 83 die sichere Erg. dieser Zeile ıst
I die Länge der vebrigen nicht unbedingt massgebend, du man gerade hier Abkürzungen |
am ehesten voraussetzen könnte. |

SCHUBART

249

ῃ
\
1

vi

ne be

an ei

[ Κ: | No 1137.
fapyrus. H. 19 em. Br. 14cm. Aus der Kapyruscartonnage von Äbusir el mäläg. Sorgfälti-
4. Schrift, ähnlich der von No 1114. Spuren früherer Beschriftung. sind mehrfach sicht-
bar. Auf Verso geringe Reste von andrer Hand. 25 Jahr des Augustus.
Vereinsbeschluss Alexandrien.

"Erovs ὑπ: Kxısapos Adup xß, ii Ts 12 Er 48 ονου. Euch
δεῖ σης συνοιγὴ γῆ 9 Σν τῷ Ἰαρατόμιωιν συνόδου ι |
Σεβαστής τοῦ δεοῦ αὐτοκράτυρος Καίσαρος ns δυνοι Γγωγεὺς1
| καὶ mpostarns Ἰρῖμος Καίσαρος ἱερεὺς Tovroürdtas]

: 5 Koalsapos γυμνασίαρχος Ἀλεξαν ὀτροὶς [SUMTWpJOV-

Ϊ των τῶν πὴ είοστων. Ἐπεὶ δυντετάχα μὲν ΓΞ

Ὶ προκιμένωι Ἰερεὶ Ϊουκούνδωι πὰφ ὧν ey zu Tns

συνόδου κεφαλαίων ὅττι ὀξξασϑαι. υι δὼ Kolaapos
Kmadoügvja. ὑπὲρ Συντρόφυυ vol Kalsapos συνοδείτου

al Ceus] HELIXS τρια κα δος το ἀνε τωτὸὺς ἐτσὺς ἃς 1-7

ἢ Γφείηλει αὐτῶι ἄργυριου MoAsunıckied + Pk,

' 2dofz κοινῇ yvayn Tov μὲν Tovroüvdor 2[$0-] δ:

dıasaı ἕως τῆς τρια κάσος τοῦ Adup sws Ümsp Tal oA. br. Ch
Ζυντρόφ CouJ τας TwÜ] Kpyiwplou) F PCI ἄτοκυυς, τοὺς de ἀπὸ τῆς
15 Suvodou To ρα ὁξ)οι δ οἷι wa, Aber kolvdn ταύτας

| ΕἸ ΠΟ ἃ δφτε( gs τ ηΐ surdduı κεφάλαια, sivaı δὲ

γἀνυγπεύὑυν γον τὸν Tou kEouvdojv map Tobtwv

Eunaderi ἐόντος ἐπ’ Kcvayı wrn τούτων Λόγον

ΓΓοι:ῖ 61 ΓΙ] ἢ ποῦ}. colou Love XL, Beßmu-ı

ED “

a ὰδ

lc. Y: vgl. Inschr. Arch.f. ἔτ. 1 129 No6 (Strack), ähnlich fing.wohl auch die
4 Inschr. Arch.f Rap. T430N San. 2 TR p&Touwı unbekannter Platz in Alexandrien.. Ὸ
& Tulmıs Caesar oder Augustus, on ΤΩ Lebzeiten σὸς hiess. _ Erg. etwas lang..-
5 ἀὰ τοῦ; neichlJaus, wenn man vorher einen kleinen leeren Kaum annimmt; dia Schrift
ist hier völlig. verwischt und unleserlich_ 8 vor Kolsapos ein Nurme.— Ιὸ Anf. nicht
Γἡμῶνγ' - &S Sicher, {πὶ γος sehr wahrsch. _ ὅτους etwas undeutlich , aber sicher
nicht unvos.- 12 nach links ausgerückt, grosser Änfangsbst. _ 13 hinter Αϑὺρ ziem-
lich deutlich £ws; ist im gemeint ?- 1% ἡ deutlich, dagegen wy sehr zw. - λόγον un-
Sicher. _ 19 Stat ασῦχι auch «σϑαι allenfalls möglich, vorher vielleicht k.

250

I%
IF
3
I

er BE u ee

c137 R.) (No 1137) =

20 γοῦν ὦ: τὸ ὑπυγραφὲν ΠΤ, Eysupoypapav
me ν) τὐ ὲ κατῖν
ΠΣ}: τερον, Ἐν

Her bricht der Fapyrus al;

22/3 hier war wohl der Aufbewahrungsort zweier Ausfertigungen angegeben.

SCHUBART.

6 RT. Ä No 1138

Rapyrus. H.36cm. Br. 14 ern. Aus der Rapyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäläy. Der
Text ist von derselben Hand unter den der No 1133 geschrieben, die Schrift ist roch
mehr verwischt. ı2. Jahr des Augustus.

Eingabe, Alexandrien.

γΛ1ευ κτίῳ)
cmjap& Νεὶ κάνο(ρ6ς5) τοῦ Σωσιϑέρυ) τῶν ἀπὸ ΕΛ βώνϑεως). Ἐκ TG)
τγωνηϑείσηςς) now &vrı le πρὸς ᾿Ισχυρίων(ι) πρὸ ἰχει τ
πη Πορ. ( ) Tp....0() ὅττι “Ἐρα(τη γ..) Ein Tor) τῆς δικαιοσύνης) Su!
5 Ecxiptykarisuov) καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὕπο δειχν ἐντίων) σοὶ τῇ κα του]
Γτόχιεληλυ δοτ(5) μην(ὁ4) “Αὐὺρ ΣΎ αν ἰδ (ἘΣ 5) δοῦναι ἡμε(ν) Κριτη()1
γόγέδω κοῖς edv) Kfm) Kasıo(v), καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὕπο διχϑξν των
ὑπ᾽ ἐμο(ῦ) ἐπὶ Toll) Kastow) ἐπὶ παρόντ(65) Καὶ το(ῦ) Ἰσχυρίωνος Ein] |
nn EEE
I nach 2.4 könnte man den Adressaten für nen Epistrategen halten; jedenfails
muss man annehmen, dass schon damals eirı Epistratege für Unterägypten vorhanden war.
I 2 das Dorf Elvonthis oder Helbonthis dürfte etwa in der Νά von Sais zu suchen sein,
ἔ vl. Bor 3 Zu ἀντι κατασταόις vgl. Gradenwitz, Arch .£. R p. I 7 Erforderlich, ist
ein Verbum : ich wandte mich an’ oder dral.; Tposysicpjogopouv) ὃ. 6 in der Mitte yanz
— verwischte Bst., die ein Verbum enthalten müssen ᾿ ἐδεήδημεν oder drgl._ Keen)
ganz. verwischt‘, aber nach der folg. Zeile mit Sicherheit zu vermuten. .. 7 δέδωκας
Schliesst nach Wegfall des vom Schreiber Lestrichenen unmittelbar an das überge-
Schriebene καὶ in Z.4an._ Der Schreiber hatin kasıov zuerst das & fust su wie
sonst αι in καὶ geschrieben und setzt deshalb- ein grosses & darüber.

ve Era

nn ——

(6 RL.) (No 138) °
Ἐετηῷ Kadıwı] καὶ παλιν ἐπι το(ῦ) ἱκασΊο(υ) ἐξαιρνο(υ) αὐτοῦ

10 γεινομιενο(υ) ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ παραδεδωκέναι τὸν Παπίαν
χάριν told) ὀιαδείσματο(ς) ἐφάνη τῷ Kasımı ὄντ( Ἐν-
Tauna τὸν τῇ) Σάιεως ἐεόμοφύλα καὶ λαιρήμονα
καὶ ἐλένχεζν) : ; >
καλέσαι Exil] αὐτο(ῦ) προς «λενχο(μένου) τοῦ ’Löyvpiowos) δ Ndixyder
ἐμαρτύρηόᾳςεν) ὃ ὀεόμοφύλαΐ Χαιρημώων περὶ το(ῦ) παρα -

15 dedosyaL αὑτῷ τὸν Ἰαπίαςν" πρὸς Ta) Tolü) &pyv(plou) + "

\ \ n 2 ! \ I 2 , λ
καὶ μετὰ TAUTK ἐλϑοντια) τον λσχυρίων() ξέρη Κι αι
ποτ τι \siol...) IE ONE AI Ur N τ (& ἀπολεῖς
i 4 2 a n ΕΣ ΤΣ a
| γψηομαι τὸν Maria) ἐκ ri) φυλακῆφ) .... Afım δε
τὸν TAVT(WV) δωτῆφο) καὶ ἀντιλήμπτορα) ἐάτν ὅλοι φαίνηζται) συι-
er) Tafaı κοατοι ὁτῆ(σαι) τὸν Kasıow) ἐπὶ 6ER καὶ] ἐπιλα βύντρυ παρ᾿ αὐτ(οῦ
| τὸν κεχωρηκιότο) ἔπαναν κα γόαι τὸ(ν) ’Issxuplowa) ἀποδοῦναί
' διασείόματο ἐκ ἀν 2 { ἢ
| μοι) τὰς Toll) ἀργυρίου) HAy καὶ auTov) Eirıım Agaı Karaflus,
iv? ὧϊ ἄντιλημμέ(νος). Ὁ εν
ἷ

N | __

| "13 das übergeschriebena ἔλεγχε, bis auf X ganz unsicher; hinter καλέσαι scheint

| ein Καὶ gestrichen zu Sein, αὐτο(ῦ) unsicher. Dann eher προς τὴ als mposA,obwohl |
s dann nur angedeutet area Ant unsicher gelesen, aber sachlich Wwahrsch.-
Ev7 Lesung nicht gelungen. — Enda Ası scheint unvermeidlich und damit auch ἀπὸ --
λείψομαι, obgleich man ἀπολύσω erwarten sollte ._ 18 statt μιᾶι ansich Καὶ

| möglich, aber sachlich nicht wahrsch. - Vor ἀξιῶ Reste, die eher zu ὃς... alszu
διὸ bassen. - 20 von ἀπὶ an nur Versuch, die schwachen Spuren zu deuten;
Ende sehr zw.- ZI Sicher χυρηκ, ‚daher Kaywpn κ(ότα) Kaum zweitelhaft;

| Zuerwarten wäre ὄνοι τ ρη κότα. hix es scheint, (st der Schuldner des Nikunor,
| Mapias, derin Sais in Schuldhaft sass, Widerrechtlich von Ischyrion entlassen

| worden, und Kasios hat.als Richter den Ischyrion frei gesprochen.

\

2 1

SCHUBART.
Nachtrag. 2.43 Ast μὴ Stelle cler oben gegeben Auflosu ngen wahrscheinlich Folgen-
Ges anzunehmen: ΚΙΚῚ ἐλενχοίμένου) , rmfos EAeyxolv). — Ferner scheint Z 17/718 möglıch:

wnoAtı- πὲ μοι. Sehe

ee δα Er

τερεύρωνο τς“ ς

Ξε τ En -------:--.

12. R.I: No 1139.
Fapyrus. Mesa hr Bien Ns der Kapyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäläg.

Unter No ıtıo von derselben Hand geschrieben; auch dia Korrekturen stammen
von derselben Hand. 26. Jahr des Augustus, vermutlich wie No Illd am 3. Nov,
5 v.Chr. eschrieben , vgl, Z.u/z und ıe. |

ı ἴχίμι Toppavimı

2 πιρὰ Zmvöhpo(s) To) Ἁρπαήσιος καὶ τῇ(5) το(ύτου) γυψαικὸς)
| Ἀπολλωνίου τῆς Λύκου ἄμι φῦ ΠΣ
3 παρόντων ἀπὸ Λύκων πόλευ() τῆσ) θη βαίδιος.. [Τὴν δὐγατέρα
πᾶρεόμεν
usw) Ἰαὺρ εἶφιν ἢ
BE 4 yapayv ns Ed Kulas ἡμᾶς [ Κοιψκη 1 βι es VArcipzws ὅποι ἡ ὅνι-

5 μὲν sis Τάρϑον doökow) Xprtotw) [-. 2 ταρα μονὴν Eäypxpov

Erspi τοῦ ἐΐ ἀλλήλων
ὁ ἧς καὶ ὡμολογήσαμες(ν.}3

I über der ersten Zeile Schriftspuren, vgl. No 110 Ende; links vom Datum (No 110, 25)
elwas tiefer steht APC oder Αρε.-- 2 dass hier die Frau des Spinther genannt sein muss,
zeigt der ganze Text; die Sch rift ist hier undeutlich. AroAAuviou wahrscheinlicher als AroA- |
Awvıas, es wäre also ein Frauennama Ἀπολλώνιον anzunehmen. Ende sehr undeutlich; |
möglich ἀμφο-τέρωον τῶν (3 Anfang), jedoch ist wegen des deutlichen τῶν wohl παρόντων,
Vorzuziehen, vgl.auch πάρεσμεν am Ende der 3. Zeile. - 3 Nurwv fast sicher und deshalb- |
θη Bi deos) trotz der sehr undeutlichen Spuren wahrscheinlich; NirwroAswcsj, woran ich |
i früher dachte, schant mir jetzt unhaltbar. Augenscheinlich haben sich dia Biltsteller nach Ale-'
Xandrien begeben, um ihre Sacha zu verfechten; überdies scheint auch der dargestellte |
Vorgang sich nicht in Lykonpolis sondern in Alexandrien abgespielt zu haben , vgl.dü Bezia-
hung auf das κατα λογεῖον 2.10. Vielleicht ist Spinther ein Einwohner Alexandriens,der
Sich nur vorkbergchend in LyKonpolis aufgehalten hat.- 3 Ende: diese körrektur vinauc |

die folgenden ist nicht nachträglich, sondern während des Schreibens gemacht worden ;auch |
der Korrigierte Text ist stilistisch noch nicht in Ordnung. - 4 χαριν: der πεῖνα θα. μα.

ginnt häufig das N mit einem Änstrich W, der vielleicht hier das fehlende Jota ersetzt -
Zuerst wohl κοινῇ 4 beabsichtigt. _ βι oder bp, dann ...ns oder ov.- 5 μὲν eher als |
„urSa.- Nicht Xonsrow) ! |
vertz 1

σα Sl ΝΣ

rn Fe ὦ. Ὁ EEE

2 δὸό " a =
Ft » 2 ai
A -». Eee
a en
= ‚ = ?
> r ee “
nn un a πρῶ». MN LAUTE WERE ρυττσοσσε ς. τὰ δον T Ὁ τὸ = a ARTE ἌΣ νὰ, ἐπα,
4 ἰ : m >
q te
er
DT mi
4 s

cuzR.L.) (No 1139)”
παιδίου ἢ ἔτι δὲ καὶ τροφεῖτιν τοῦ Ysvonıvou)
6 Erpogsim...@(..)..&p...apo(.) Tos'pstrous] Bi ἀλληλῶν παιδίου
Tavpzigtos

8 μττο vo UXEXS

ct 1 N 6} n Ü /
7 Omsp ἐμιτωνομαόεν ἢ Maps .......... αὐτῇ ἐχέθη κεν “ρίμα,
εἰ ᾿ B BER , τ Bi ἀπελύϑημεν ΣΝ Ἃ
ἃ ev ds τῷ μέτα ῴν. τος SO, mol eis εὐεγκαμενων ξτυχομεν ὕπτὸ τοῦ
9 Ἰάρϑου [ὠόσαχύτως τῆς τς παρα μονῆς καὶ τῆς τροφείτι δος 1 Kata τὴν +
0 yeyo vulov διὰ τοῦ καταλογείου TspL Ins ἀτολύσξως ὦ ἘΞ παράμον ἢ σε αϊξία

"Καὶ τῆς tpogstdos τοῦ ἐξονο μμαζομέ(νου) παιϑίου ἀσφάλειαν, τῷ δὲ Ἐτεὶ
Fi μηνὲ ToÜ kz - Kollsap)ocs) Πάρις E doökoLs) τοῦ Χρήτου δοῦλος) τῶν Χρήτου

ΓΕ σῶν ; Ger]
13 γνοὺς] τὸν Ἰἰἀρϑὸν ὃν τοῖς Σζω τύποις ὄντοι Στόλμησε. εν μηδὲν
“4 εἥμῶν αὐτῷ μηδέ τι ἀδικήσαντας ἡμᾶς μηδὲ οἰκονοόπιον
Es Kmogrepsiv ἀπαγαγεῖν τὴν ὑυγατέρα ἡμῶν Ἰοὺ εἶφιν καὶ τὴν Tpluo
et καὶ ὕχειν map? ἐκ τιν tv εἰρικ τῇ sm] μήνοις Σ. Διὸ διζιοῦμεν [6:2]
τη τὸν πάντων σιυτῆρα καὶ ἀντιλήμπτορα δτὲρ στλάγχνου τὸν ἀγῶνα
35 ποιούμενοι 3 ν φαίνηται mpoS Ta ja ποίους το ἡ χο TOM .. cc...
ὃ. Ἰδργην καὶ [προς] ἐπαναγ κάσίχι παραγαγεῖν τὴν ϑύυγατερα ἡ μῶν, τἵνα
22 ἀποκομιόωμεῦοι αὑτὴν καὶ ὥτμεν εὐεργετη(μένοι).

Geringe Spuren des Datums.

Tee <<< ee

E 6 vor Ἰαϑρείγφιος augenscheinlich nicht VuyaTpoß) ες Über der Zeile: yzvou sehr
- undeutlich._ 7 über der Zeile : vor μέτονο μᾶσοις eine vielleicht ausgestrichene Gruppa,
ala ds ?_ αὐτῇ sehr unsicher, im Vorhergehenden etwa dvona.- ἃ τυχόμεν
oder Tayouav.- 1 l. Tpogiridos. - 12 Kiisxpos geschrieben ; = RS lm
νους Kaum sichtbar. - Fap. 2, was aber nicht zur Annahme einer Abkürzung.
nötigt, da der Schreiber öfters den Ietzten Bst. hoch setzt, z.B. 2.17 SwrHp%, Avrı-
Anpmtop“; er gebrauchte drgl. wohl ziemlich gedankenlos.- 13 Ende κκτὰ undav2-
4 xdırnaav zw. (auch 'αχι möglich), aber dem Sinne entsprechend. - Endeunklar,
dber auch schwerlich in Ordnung. - 15 ἀποστερεῖν zw.- [. τὴν καὶ. -- 16 obwohl
die Spuren von μην nicht Klar sind, scheint es doch sicher.- 18 Ende muss δῃ μαι-
νόμιενόν, θηλούμενον oder drgl. gestanden haben.

SCHUBART.

254

en nn er ἀμ ee

»-σ ἢ een νυ, νὰν ae

a u ic

ul

EEE a euer rn Ber

IT:

a ae U LE δυν ϑυ νυν D 200 2 U SE

40- ΟΝ

Β. 10 Reli:

: No 1140.-

, Kapyrus. H.33cm. Br. 10cm. Aus der Rıpyruscartonnage von Abusir'el Be
ZU. Schrift vgl. No 1130 Vorbemerkung . Die Schrift (st durch Abreibung.
vielfach zerstört und durch Korrekturen undeutlich yeworden. 26. Jahr -
des Augustus, vermutlich von demselben age wia No 1130. |

Eingabe an den Statthalter, Alexandrien.

»--

ἰαίωι Ἰυρρανίωι
Re Toudatou τῶν mo Adztovdpsclas) ᾿
παρὰ Ἕλένου told) Ἰρυφωνο(5) Ελλεΐξαν ὁρέως5)3 :
μέγιδτε. a : |

Hyrenow E βελτιστε, ὧν ξκ πατρὸς Akstovdpkws)
[καὶ] διατρεί ψας ἐνταῦϑα τὸν πάντα Ypavov
Baia μεταλαβὼν καϑ' ὃ δυνατὸν καὶ τῷ πατρὶ

[EIS ἀρεόκούσης“ παι ὁ εἴας κινδυνεύω
ἽΝ οὗ μόνον τῆς ἰδίας πατρί δος ότερη ϑή-
ΝΠ ἀλλὰ καὶ sis τὸν τ...1..ὦ.0)... ενσιοι. τον

ray βίαν. Συμβέβηκε γὰρ ΕΟ

10 demuösi(ov) οἱ κονόμιτον,. Far BR: Ἐπ ᾿ ΤΣ ͵

Obgleich die Lesung zum grossen Teile sehr unsicher ist uund keinen zusammenhän-
genden Text ergiebt, publiziere ich, was ich lesen Kann, weil der Inhalt besonders beach -
tenswert ist. Val. dazır meine Ausführungen Arch.f. Rıp.v af. ae Korrekturen

scheinen von derselben Hand zu sein.-4 Καὶ links vorder Zeile. _ 5 über ck}

undeutliche Spuren. ἃ 3 stadt sı auch sA möglich. - τον zw.; dann ein scheinbar

abgekürztes Wort; darauf ar τ. Ende τὸν oder En 09 entiseder. sis rar

. mEsstv (oder dryl.) βίον ae ln: πονεῖν βίαν; zur. Sicherheit bin ich nicht ge-

schen olkov. in Prolemais, Sfrack, Dyn.225.No3s.36. Am Anf. kö

langt. πὰ scheinen nes vor der Zeile etwa 2 Bst gestanden zı haben. _
Ende: ξΩ ρον EEE

Io ganz. unsicher, besonders olmovouor, bel. jedoch den städti-

ante das Ζίκ erÄAlur-
ende TOV viber der Zeile sichen.- Der.hianisiewelleicht der Beamte Horos hat am

x. Tybi (%) um einer erdichteten (Ὁ Ursache willen den Vater des Helenos beschuldigt (ὦ),
er habe zu seinem väterlichen ..... hinzu sich mit Gewalt angeeignet?) BRUT.
10 Ende ῥ sehr zw.

veriz

255

(0 RT.) | (No 140) *

a Tp.. md 6) αἰτίοις ἐγ τεκο ER παι τὸν
12. τατερα μου 2yziv mpos τὸν TATpIov αὐτοῦ
Ἦν νάφιον EL di κκαὶ ἢ όχῆμα lc ‚Ahtovi
13 la ;TIRKOV av praroe... ” Xzıpieas]j
χειριόας vdor
14 ε...... χὴν ἀτὸ τῆς ἐφ.. ΠΣ,
| π΄."
‚16 Kov. Kauısapos Sr ἡτικοῦσξε: ΣΤΡ μιαὲ-
| 7 [πῆν . ὅτι ΤΙ BEN ARTEN
I; 18 SE ne Men
19 πρὸς en SIE or |
| οἱ δον n L- us i
]: 20 ᾿ς amo [τοῦ ἢ. ιβ ρον λυ" |
| περαιουν ..
a τ Bo, Edi τοῦ ee χρόνου τῆς
ΠῚ 2 | Auoypagıas διὰ τὸ ἜΝ" εὐζή)κοντα, δι ιῷ ὅς.
! 23 τὸ(ν) πάντων ὅτ (PX) μὴ πταρι(δ εἶν) Ε καϑὼς καὶ ὑπὸ τῴν
‚24 Emparwv σὺ ἀπταρενόχλητος 7έγ.- ἢ
ΤΩ Eva καὶ ὑπὸ σού τὸ ὁμοιον οὐδὲ Ὕ ας δ τη
26 τ τ = ea um“

er ge En ι΄ de

Il ὕπο TS) scheint nicht unmöglich, damit fällt aber ἕν τὲ κα... Vor αἰ eine
Hasta unter der Zeile: p, 9%, ne ee der Zeile ein nach links ausgerück-
tes Wort, γυμνάσιον ?- Wohinter σχῆμα das Durchgestrichene beginnt, ist nicht
zu sehen. _ 14 sehr unsicher, Zonßsi(ns) *- 16 Kaısapos sehr zw. - 20 ist
das ı2. Jahr des Augustus, 19/12 v. Or., gemeint _ 21/2. ist in meinem Auf-
Sdtze Arch £. Rp. V’8ı Anm. A falsch zitiert, weil ich die jetzige Lesung damals
noch nicht gewonnen hatte. -- To ἘΠῚ sen Kovra - das Fivileg der 60 Jahre.-
23 mapı sehr zw.

SCHUBART.

256

πὰ u na EEE EEE N ELLE REED BELEGEN? EEEEN

70 ν. No I141.

Papyrus. H.36 cm. Br. 13,5 cm. Aus der Papyruscartonn.age von Abusir el malä
Schrift der von Rekto (BGU 1057) gleich, aber Weniger flächkig_ ; am Anfang und
am Ende stark zerstört; zahlreiche Korrekturen derselben Hand. Zeit vernut=
lich wie Rekto : 17. Jahr des Augustus.

Fi vatbri et, Älexandrien.

Epwenri πλεῖστοι γαίφειν). “Ἔλαβον Τριὰς Prudot τὲνου] τὴ τό ἐπτιότολ(ν) μόνην

ιότιν ἐλεύδερον ὡς ἐπὶ δύμιοι Iposvaykas τὴν ἐπιστολζν,. Ἔρωτα οὖς
ἀπέσταλκας Kay” ἑκαστὸν εἶδος καὶ ὀξόω καὶ amodsıssıs ἀληδινας —
5 Ι 2 5 N ;
a \ « ͵ VRR \ ᾿
[Σλοῖος τὶ di γράφων, ὅτι κὰν ὅθι “Ἐρως τὸ ἱκανὸν, πτοή δἢ γράψον μοι κοι
ὶ

ἡ. τ τον δι,δτὰ μενα SRG, EA De RE Rz Eee
moAAns aapas KOALSNOV RDTOULS.... τον πο ds -τούτους ξκ. .1
; ᾿ ἱ 2 δέον τοι DR ee Ὁ 60 done ὑφ ασ. τπν ee Qu Wolziv
Ἷ κἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ Γἐτείγονται πγαγματα Γ. 20.) 020.0). δνα γραφομεναι 1
| 5 κατοαν Ῥω πί ξεττζαι1. "Erzudas οὖν LEI0V τε Φριλόξεγνοιν) καὶ ἼἽλαρον, Live Ἐτιγνῶσιν,
| πρὸς ἃ Ἐγραψὰ gar ἢ ἔστιν 1) οὐ. Κε κι τοῦ. κένῃαι δοκεῖς, ὅτι μῳράντι Sol γράψαι
x \ 1 a 1 [dj ι δ τῇ
} ἀναγκάζομαι μηκέτι δοὶ μηνεν γράψαι, εἵναῃ. νσήσδῃς, ὅτι ὡς πρώτῃ you
| Σπιότολὴ οὐδὲν ἁμάρτημα Zvsı, οὐδὲ Lylap Εεἰμὶ iv] ἔργον ἐπιτελῶν δν-
h ψανιστοῦ, οὐδὲ δὲ γὰρ ὁοκῶι εἰς von τντιδτοῦ τόπον με ἔχειν. "Eon
fi 5 x n Veen , 2% 1 ἱ ῃ ει \
10 ὅς οὖν καὶ παρχκαλιῶι καὶ τὴν Küisnpos τύτςχηιν ὅς ἀξορκίζωι καὶ τοῦ)τως 68
|
8
|

Ypa-

Das vorliegende Stück st nur der Entwurf eines Briefes, den al eın
Treigelassener an seinen fatron richtet. _ ı der Name des Schreibenden Könnte”Epus
sen, Wenn dann nicht βάν den des een Zu wenig übrig bliebe, obam Änfange
Bst verlöscht sind, ist nicht zu entscheiden. _ Zu Hiloxenos vgl. Z.5u.27. - Über dem
Ende der Zeile Spuren von 3 sehr kleinen geschriebenen Zusatzzeilen.- 2 δι:στάμς va
sehr zu. _ ἀφ’ ὡς - ἃ οὗ, vgl..Z. 18; ἀπ᾿ ἀλλήλων nicht unmöglich. -.- 3 αὐτου oder

EEE LEREUZEE ED EEEEERERNSDEEEETTEN

auTaL ;viell. sind die Boten Miiloxenos und Hilaros gemeint. 6 h=3L, vgl. 27.31.49.-

Weder Hupov noch μακραν schänt möglich Ein Kartizip im Dativ passt am besten ,
und das lat. moranti ist wohl nicht ganz. abzuweisen , da der Schreiber nach manchen un-
"dern Anzeichen mehr lateinisch als griechisch denkt. Am Ende ist γράψαι währsscheunlicher
als ypabuı. N deist nachträglich Wngaschoben, aberzustreichen. _ 8 l.&vı._ Zuerst
beabsichtigt οὐδὲ γάρ sine ἐνφανιστήό. - 10 καὶ τοῦχτως τες nldsiv möglich, aber
G 2 ı ß N - 2 Zu \ ᾿
sinn 2_ Entw. ırpo ZUEy καὸ = TpOEVE/INDV odir προένεγκας - τροηνεγκοις. ee,
ERSCHEINEN ee en er er
257

Di are an ὦ re ih ὦ
ee τε ραν πῖον τ «"

En a

Ἢ
f

δῳδο ς γ΄ ρα σι γεν ρα χ.

2 ἢ \ n 1 ! Ἵ Σόϊ
35 μητις sim ὕπνωκς, καὶ ὁ τῆς οἱ κίας οὐδεπώποτέ, μοι Εμοί 3.7. νον

; 2.
(70 V) (No 1141}
ψαδ αὐτῶι ὑβρίσαι [τ πρὸς γέλωτα μοι τοῦτο ἔγραψοις. Ἔχω μὲν οὐ
ΝΠ υὐκῶιν αζιος εἶναι ὑβριξ ἐσϑχι Eis καὶ μαρτυ ρηϑη δεταί δοὶ. ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων
p τη νη ?
; οὐδὲ
x RR: Ὰ gavnlsscau) ὑβρίξ σθαι με '
. Yap ἥμαρτηκα τι εἰς δέ, οὐδὲ, τοῖς σοῖς φίλοις [ τὸ ἱκανόν μοι ποιςῖν |
[φχνή δετοι τὸ ἱικα νύν ὅοι ποιοῦντοι.. ἵ |
. Ι e ‚ ͵ ı \ 3 n εἰ > ͵ ,
[τούτωι Da a. ne] Nero rap zparoı, [ὅτι οὐ κατέλειψοι Lrönrov)
ἐμὸν] ἀφ᾽ ὧδ δοὶ ἐφιλίοισα͵ οὐ κατελιψα τόπον. Ἕν de μοι, ἐνκοιλέδεις,
εἰ δὺ μὲν μοι καὶ τιμὴν πέριτι δεῖς καὶ δέλεις Hi εἶναι δινώφιωπ.. ᾿
ΠΟ Καὶ suvscendas καὶ δυνόδούλοις καὶ δυνξζελευ δέροις͵ ὅπερ ἐμοὶ."
χρήματά ἐότιν Ἰτοιρὰ δοὶ KL οὗ ὑβρίζων τοζὶης γεγονόσι. πλουδίοις ποιρὰ τὸν
δύνδουλόν δου καὶ δυνεξελεύ ερον. [ Top’ ἕκαστοι di δρῶ ς 5.665 .... 7
Eivodifsı us λέγων] Ode γὰρ SgıAiusa δον. εἰς τὸ ἀφα ρπτισίκι τι.) ἄλλος ἡ
En ψυχὴ ἐπίσταται, ὅτι. ὡς δοῦλός ἐπ’ βλευνερίᾳ Wisı ἀρέσαι οὕτω
“πέλων
25 κα γιὰ τὴς] φιλίαν όου EVsAuı) ἄμεμπτον: Σματὸν ἐτή pe“ Γοὕτως |

BERN 6 \ A x 2 DEE ἢ cı 4 E) n ᾽ὔ >
ERXAAX Uer® dobAou Ep] [οΐἵοιν yap ὕβριν μοι πεπδηνεεν ὅν τῷ κήπῳ καὶ ἐν

ΟΣ ἈΠῸ

3. kss, Ἑλνητερ μὴ δελήδω div pos ya pi σοι 0a ὅυν δούλωι, Ed. εἰφροιτι (ν}}

-.ς

ἐσιυι ἵνα εἰδῶι. “Ἡμέρας δὲ ἐν αἷς ἀνα βαίνιοι, εὑρίδιωι αὐτὸν καϑήμενο()
καὶ τειπειζόμενον κρόκην, αν ἡμέραν δὲ τὸν ϑυλωρὸν ἐξερωτῶι

IS zu οὐ ἐς γάρ, was häufig wiedertcchrt, vgl.neque enim.- 17 vgl.mihi persuasi._ 18 deut
lich ὡς... 19 εἰ vorder Zeile nach getragen. -- Ende: ἀν ϑρωτπον, passt nicht‘; am Schlusse scheint

auf ein r eine ÄbK. zu olgen. RO ZU δυν δούλοις vgl. 2.22 dısp vgl. quod.- zı οὗ oder οὐκ
Die Endung von mÄovdioıs Scheint korrigiert zu sein und ist undeutlich._ 22 δυν vor der Zeile
hachgetragen._ 23 νι ὀνειῤίζει. _ 26 das erste olav schien dem Schreiber wohl undeutlich zu san..
27 ‚wenn Ihränen ein Brief wären _ 23 ἀπὸ für ὑπὸ Ὁ. Pateia in Alexandrien._ In kes ist
korrigiert, aus x? 31 n wohl = 21.- Τὰρ. μέν... 34 auch πεινιζόμιενον, ist möglich ; mırufsive
τιπὶ δ κ εἰν, κρόκην den Faden benetzen ? Val. aber auch rıvvo. _ L.Aupwpov.- 35 Ende Ἐσῃ-
μανεν nicht möglich. verte

268 .

FE WE EEE Ἐν, WERBBOTTETN

un ee Zi ee ee ee u

(70V)

οὐδὲ Σΐω dadsurvn KEVaL. Ξ ύότον δὲ ἐπιγνοὺς δεῤειπνη ττένοι Ὁ 47)

(No 1121}

ἂν τῇ οἰκίαι mu pa Ἔρωτα dis mpos ελαβόμην οὐτὸν εἰς οἶκον ππαρ᾿ ἐμὲ. καὶ ἐσί-- |

douv aurıd ὀικστολὰςσ μηδὲν αὐτῶι καὶ ἐκείνωι εἶναι, εὔλοι β ὡς

8 x ’
διὰ τὸ eyaı mE

- ἔχων Tposyvorews] περὶ τῶν ὀοκικτυλι δίων Εγεγονέναι ὧν ἐπόησε ὁἜρως,

, ar in) ΟἹ τυ ;
40 μήτι παρανατπείσῃ αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ θηλῶ οί τι ἐν τῶι χειριόμῶι. Ἰΐερι ds

: ͵ ᾿ 4 ; Ἶ h Kara τοῦ Φιλοξέωου) καὶ As pou
τῆς σκιὰς φανερόν μόι ἔγενήνη ξἐκζητήσαντι Et μὲν τὴν πορ- |
n σι ὦ a Ι \ \ N Nor eV, nf
φυρᾶν ὑπὸ τοῦ Διοδώρου καὶ μὴ δεδωκέναι Sol, πρὸς ὃ ἔδειξέ Eau
διὰ τὸ For

ὑπόδειγμοι Crov di] κρύπτοντοι [.... εἰαῖ τὴν διιὰν' γέρον το ξρω-

ϑέντα εἰρηκέναι ἠλλαχϑαιν αὐτὴ» ον με der) εἰρηρεένα αὐτῷ
a ΠῚ ’ 2 n > , ΠῚ "u
ττασ ϑαν ὑπ’ ἐμοῦ, dia τί ἀπ’ ἀρχῆσ ıruı οὐκ ἐνεφάνιδας ταῦτα, ἵνα

45. Ὁ καὶ φιλαν ϑρωπη ῆς ?, ἢ ὑφεότακῶς μοι vs ὃ Διόδωρος φιλάνϑρω-

mov ἑοῦναι, ὃς di οὔτε τοὺς μτηδϑούς μοι ἀπεόω κε. οὖτε. τὸ φιλάν ωπον)" |
\ ͵ ΕΣ » ͵ » \ ZEy Po sowısas οὖν 3 x
διὸ ἄνοι γκη με Σόχη κε ἐνφανιόαυ. DEywı οὖν NMEWTASAJ οὔν τον
ἠρώτων κατ᾽ ἰδίαν λόάδρᾳ τοῦ Ξύστου ϑέλων ξπιγνῶναι, A καὶ o Ξύστος
. [γέροντα μη τι πιστὸς ... «τῇ προ! Κροαΐεν αὐτῷ ebpiscnı]
δυνιότοροῖ, εἶτεν ὁ γέρων μιὴ εἰδέναι αὐτὸν τὸ κοιϑόλον περὶ τούτων
50 μηδέν. Εἶπα δὲ αὐτῶι „kai χειρυγραφήῆ σαί, ὅε. δεῖ περὶ τοῦ μὴ δυνειδέναι

ππρΦΔᾳΔοτ a τῆχε χειρογραφῆδαν,ς
τουτοις τὸν -USTOV , 05 ὁξ TPWELTOVEMEIV Ay δυνιστορεῖν 05 av ὄινεῖ-ἢ

ὃ Lem τῆς παρὰ το τ τ ἢ r 4
Ernr..su...... vrapaz...[..... Ἵ-««μξισαν ὃν Auödwpov διὰ To]

Von den folgenden Zeilen habeich bis jetzt nur einzelnes lesen können: 53 μὴ δεδωκέναι μι-
όϑοὺς ..... 54-60 sind erheblich nach rechts eingerückt; von 56an sicht man links davor Reste |
von 5 Zusatzzeilen, ähnlich wie bei \o 131,48. Von Z.61, die den unteren Rand des Papyrus er-
reicht, sind nur geringe Spuren sichtbar. 34 Anf. ὃς παρακαλεῖ με ἀναμεῖναι aloe:

55 Ant. αὐτῷ τὸν Διόδιυρον dıx τὸ μὴ dsduwsvar... 56 Ant. γοιρχῇ OVTL-KUTRL...
(etwa ἔρον] vapyr er Anf. ὑγιαίνω (...) παραγένης...)... >& ganz zerstört, Ende χρα-
59 Ant. ψαι καὶ yendıpsbaw..., darüber ἐφάνη οὖν μοι 60 δυνατο τοῦ... darüber
χει ρὸ Lypaglacv). R ee

΄

36 οὐδὲ νον der Zeile nachgetragen. _ 41 δκκιὸι viell. Sonnenschirm, wie δικιά διον. _ 44 ıruL
ziemlich deutlich; weder μοὶ noch ημὶ möglich. Über der Zeile viell.zu erg. Era μὲ diB2.-
45 ὑφεστακώς: der. Bst. ganz undeutlich, dann poderp; zur Form να]. 2.47 Apwrasa,
wo sicher nicht Apwrnda stand. 48 γέροντα aus Versehen gestrichen. -

SCHUBART.

>.

259

ME ER BL 2 1 ee

ie Mi Ἢ» ἐξ er
E FR » ΐ n 2 . an er ER ne ER Ψ ᾿ῃϑῷ Ἢ ξῶδ, τσ

x 3 wo. — ὦ ἜΝ. ee a et a ni ren E r
dm _ u ι- - - = Ω -« 4
A “δ ἢ, -- he
σον | r E-
Ra “ nd &
4 - ᾿ ᾿. ὦν ὟΣ
ie de ὃ £ fen >
-. ei = ὡν Φ €
x ἣν = vun - ᾿
᾿ »Ξ
Pi zur”)
ar, - h 3
Ἂ ᾽ u
BR »
."
«
|
" ὃ
»
= Ze - —
———— ge ag
= num - ee Se El

!

ΝΕ ES N ET STETTEN Eee rn ee Eee GEBEN EEE SEES NG

τς τ πίε Dr = EEE RER RETTEN

ι84 ΒΚ.

* No 1142.

Rapyrus. H.24 cm. Br. I5cm. Ans der Kapyruscartonnagı von Abusir el mäläg. |
(rose, deutliche Schrift, sehr ähnlich der von No 14. Auf Verso verwischte Urkundz
in sehr Kleiner Schrift. 6. Jahr des Augustus.

E20

| 2 für die Erg.as καὶ &mo-reicht der Raum nicht. _ 4 unsere Urkunde istdie
älteste der alexandrinischen._ 5 Ende: für einen Gaunamen hinter den Dorfnamen
ist der Platz zu gering. -- 10 zu erg. ist vermutlich der Name des anderen Ver-
Tragschliessenden .— 12. vgl.m. Aufsatz Arch.f. Rap. W113/4 und όχι T 271,10. - 17einz
andere Erg. scheint richt möglich zusein;, der Jinn ist vielleicht, dass die Marktpreise in Ale-
Xandrien öffentlich angeschlagen werden.

x eferungs vertrag Alexandrı en.

Der Anfang fehlt.
μοτ. Ἴιοις τὰς Sta μένοιτς ΠΡΟΣ 61
ξικοιτον TEVTNKOVTK [XS Καὶ
dodvaı τὸν ᾿Λπολλοφάνῃν γδπὸ ]

ς na 2 n «
τοῦ ἐνεόδτῶτος ὅκου ἔτους

29° ὅρμον κώμης τς er ae 27, v. δία:

mapadıdovr« πυρὸν νέον κοι οι ρὸν
ἄδολον μέτρων Ἕρμοῦςσ καὶ σκτυχτάληι
Γδιηκαίᾳι πρὸς zu boAnv sis τὸ Tapasyz-
ϑησόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν παρὰ τοῦ

BR Ἰοὺ πλγογῖον ὄνευ mans ὕπερ ν:-

ὅενος ΄ είναι TIOV ᾿Ἀπογλλοφάνην ἄγωγι-

μον 5 πεχρηματικότοι Ἱ ρσην
ns zmıryojväg Kal συνέχεσθαι Maypı

: n n a a N
. ποῦ ἀποδοῦναι τὰς τοῦ πυροῦ — ξκατὸν

τη κοντα συν ἡμιολίᾳ ἢ τιμὴν |
Skosens “praßns iv ὅπὶ τοῦ καιροῦ
Γπρχοότη δομιένην, Ἔν Ἄλεξα ν δρ εἴα ΓιῚ
πλείστην καὶ τὸ BAaßos τῆς Tpacgsws]
οὔσης Zr TE αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑχαρχόν-

ν-- 2 a ͵ NG 5 δι

γτλκύρων οὐδηῶν καὶ ὧν ἐὰν ἐγπς.-
ΓΚ Κη πιδτειον προισῶ ν᾽, «δ ἰκξ ΤῊ 5 ποισΉ 51
Hier bricht der Fapyrus ab

δ. ΒΑ Ἐπ

russ

192. R. | No 1143.
Rıpyrus. H.27cm. Br. il, 5 ἐπι. Aus der Rpyruscarkonnage von Abusirelmälag.

Grosse, unschöne Schrift, 2.T.abgerieben. Auf Verso sehr verwischte Urkun-

de von einer andern Hand. 13. Jahr des Augustus.

Lieferungsvertrag,, Alexandrien.
Ayo ἘΠ

ποιρὰ Μοντανοῦ τοῦ Διογένους senrn-
Γτο] Ὁ καὶ παρὰ NMamiokou γτηοῦ Ἰΐχίτου Ἴ ἐρ-
ΕΠ πο TS] Σπιγονῆς. Tzpı cemS Γξηότοι μένης.
5 πττελειωϑηιῆναι agignAnas δυνχωρῖ ὃ Na-.
ττίόκοφ ἃ προφοφίλι πρὸς ἣν ἀνενήνο-
γχετῶι Μονητανῶιν δυνχώρη σιν. διὰ -τοῦ
γα τοῦ Kpıryyplov ἐν τοῖς ἔνπφροσϑεν
γχρονογις κούφων ὀιτλῆς κεραμίων
Ιο [37 κισιχιλίων λοιπὸς κερὰ μιοι χίλι
| | τἀποδωσγιν κὐτῷ 8us πτένττης Ayo
τοῦ sisıJovros Tpıskaıdsickrou Frovs

A NW: sFr.

τ ἰκχὶ σοι ροη6 7) To ὑπάρχοντι τῷ Διογένει
π΄ Σην co λεγομτξινῳ 28060 TOD LL..]
FE ı5 Bern... |ὺν ke m μιξνοῃ ka diruyas-

I zu Ächaios, dem Vorsteher des Hofgerichts, vgl. No 109 3,1. 124,1. 1127,1. 1146.
Ber bei ξξηγητού braucht man nicht an den höchsten Stadtbeamten Äle-
Xandriens zu denken. - 5 zur Erg.val. No liıl, 6/7 und 1146, 6. Hier ıst ετροσογϑῆ- h
νον ebenso möglich. 8 offenbar laq die zitierte Suyywendis weit zurück, noch
vor Augustus. a vgl. Wileieen,, Ostr. T759f.768.- 10 nur refawısıylAın ent-
Spricht der Grösse der Lücke._ Der Artikel vor λοντὸς ist entbehrlich, wenn

2.6 &, nicht ὧν stand. _ 14 Anl. γοΐκῳ - Statt ap wohl auch αι oder λιὼ

)

>“
- er ern De nette nt a nn ee ee Fe ee -

RN .».»ν--,.-.....-.-.ς-.- -».«ἢ

(192. R.) | (No 1143)
γμένκ καὶ ὅτι διε γοσμένα καὶ Κε-
εκαυμηένα τῇ καϑή κούσῃ ὀπτησι
RR 1.λιαότην καὶ οὔτε. ποτας οὔ-
re ...121das, ταῦτα ἐς moinsiv ἄνευ

20 τικφιδειυ]ς καὶ mass avridorıns, Sav

redet τούτων TA δα. εἶναι οαὐτὸγν
Γάγωγη μον καὶ ὅυν ἐχεό eu μεχρι TOO
τἰκτίδοηι τιμὴν, οὗ τὰν μη ἃπο δῷ

| . Γκεηραμίου τὴν ἐσταμένην ἀργυρίου

E25 Hr: ραχμηὰς .... καὶ κλιλιας ἐπίτιμον

γαργυρηίου δραχμὰς γιλίος Kal τοὶ βλάβη
Γκαὶ Ἰαποιν ἡ μιοιτοι τῆς ττῆρο ἕο 5 γινο-
γμξινη6 τῷ Μοντανῷ ἢ τῷ Διογξνῃ
Sets αὐτοῦ ἰοιπτισίκου Καὶ im τῶν ὑπαρχόντων)
3. πηὐτῷ παντῶν καϑχτερ dry δίκης
| γἀκύχροων οὐσῶν καὶ ὧν av ἀπτενένι()
ΓγΓίσητειυν ποσῶν σΊς ἐττη σ TacHS, Acvı
di δηνενή Voxzv δ Ὅτ πο ἼΓο τοί ΓσΊ ΚῸὸ [5]
[sis] τὸν Μοντανὸν συ τγχῦ ρησιν
Spuren einer Zeile.

16 da x& den gerıngan Spuren noch am besten entspricht, ıs+ κεκαὺυ μι ἕ γι
_ wahrscheinlich._- [ am Anfange muss era Γξχον τῆος oder dral. ergänzt
werden. öde um möglich. Tebt. W342, zı f. ergiebt hierfür nichts. _
5) ξὰν offenbar zusamm engezogun, der Buchstabe hinter der Lücka sieht
“an sich nicht nie v aus.- Deutlich am; L.ömevzrien).- 32/f vgl. 116, 28.

4

ἢ
SCHUBART:

262

2.

nn —

au Ir
u DET IE

> -». δ.» ᾶ = . I er u ᾿ - ᾿ μ᾿ Ν j & ᾿
Fl | nr STE TE

ων. vn + >. e ᾿ δ + a
; ἢ τ᾿ = ee
Dr ς᾽ " Sr

nn Eee ne u a τοῦθ .«΄--- -.»͵α΄ --

Papyrus. H.36,5 cm. Br. 10,>cm. Aus der Fapyruscartonnage von Abusir elmaläg,
Kleine, wandte Kürsive wie No 1116. Der lex+ ΓᾺΔ} noch nicht die Hält.

© trdes Blattes. Verso leer. 17. Jahr des Augustus.
ἢ Vertra über Sicheruna. von Bür n Aleramerlien

Tpwrapywı
παρὰ Tpugwvog τοῦ Ἰρύφωνος καὶ παρὰ [σμιτηίου τοῦ Πομιπτηίου καὶ 1
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> Παμφίλου: κατὰ Ka τ} δυγγραφὴν SVLTÜNSEV SS a τς
0 ππτο ἱκκίσοα ρος Φοιμενὼϑ' ἀργυρίου Πτολεμαικοῦ 4,
ὁραγμὰς ξἦα ικοσίοις Σντόκους, ἀπὸ de τούτων κατα κἐχρην Ὁ Eh.

ὃ μὲν Ἴομπτή τος ἀργυρίου δραχμαῖς τενταικοόίαις εἴκοσι,

ὁ δὲ ἽΓτολεμαῖος ταῖς λοιποιῖς ὀραχμιαῖς δγδοή κοντοι͵ δυνχιυϑροῦμεενη

AT)

4

10 mi rolsds ἀτοῤούναι ἕκαστον τὸ dv κεφάλαιον τι τ ER Türıres
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; χρόνων καὶ πρό ζε δ αι ἀμφότεροι μὲν τὸν Ἴρυφω va μη-

ὀὲν προσδόμενον τοῦ davsiou χάριν, ξκάτερος δὲ τὸν

ἕτερον οὗ κατα κέχρηται κεφαλαίου, καὶ ἐκτείσειν δ ἐὰν rpx- |
Ι5 yon ἢ mpassgem ὁ ἕτερος χάριν τούτων καὶ τόκους καὶ |
ΕΑ τὰ βλαβη KL damavnnore eng πράξεως γεινομένης Er τοῦ ποι-

ριδυγγροι φοῦντος Kol ἐκ τῶν Umapyovrwv αὐτῷ πάντων κοὐ ἀπε ρ

ἐγ diens ἀκύρων οὐσῶν καὶ ὧν ἐὰν «ὀπενέγικη» πίστεων πασῶν Ὁ

όκεττης mass. |

ἔς Καισαρος Φαρμοῦϑι) za 50 I. chang Br. Ch.

| Über der Urk. Schriftspuren, vielleicht durch Abdruck entstanden ; jedoch ist KoA richt |
© unmöglich. _ 4 ap unsicher, zumal da Z.ı0 Endenichts ergiebt; an der letzteren Stelle
— Konnte man κεφάλαιον Τίτωι lesen, wenn nicht das Fehlen des Artikels αὐ [εἰς und
Ε Ζ.4 widerspräche. _ 5 zum Darlehn durch μνημ.όυγγρ. und Bankdiagraphx val. No

£1132,7.3.- το ἰ- ἐν Saco._ Tu fast sicher. _ 12 Iryphon ist Bürge für Pom peius und
Frolemaios, diese wiederum für einander. — 1415’ BAa- βῇ scheint unmöglich. --
I6 Ende 1x korr. aus rpx. - 18 nach ἐὰν wenige unbestimmbare Lüge, die ἐπτενέγκῃ j
andeuten. SCH UBA RT ΐ
| |

a πστ΄. ππὐν EEE
Ἂν 9268

ne en nn ne a ne De Sr

ne EEE u EEE Eu nn nn

21; | No 1145. |
Papyrus. H.37, 5 cm. Br. 12,5cm. Aus der Fapyruscartonnage von Äbusir el mäldgq.

Schrift ähnlich der von No 112.0, wohl von derselben Hand, aber flüchtiger; sie ist |
vielfach infolax der ubgeriebenen Überfläche sehr undeutlich. Rekto und Verso ent- |
halten zwei eng zusammen gehörige Urkunden ; auf der unteren Hälfte des Verso
Reste einer anderen Urkunde derselben Hand. 26. Jahr des Augustus.

"Darlehen mit Bürgschaft, Alexandrien.

REKTO

ENprrapıywı τῶι ξπὶ τοῦ τκριτηρίου ἢ ;
παρὰ Ἀχιλλέως τοῦ θτέωνος ᾿Ἀλθκιξως καὶ πορὰ Λύκας τῆς
Ζωίλου elljepssivns μετὰ κτυρίου τοῦ ὅιν ἀρὸ 52 Διοτνυδίου τοῦ ἴϊπολ-:-
Ο Μμαίου Πέρσου τῆς ὀπι γονῆς καὶ αὐτοῦ Διονυσίου. ZUVEXWpoÜ-]
5 dv Λύκα καὶ Διονύσιος ἔχειν τπχρὰ τοῦ ᾿ἰχιλλέως davsıov dımı
χειρὸς 2? οἴκου ἀργυρίου Ἴπολεμαιικοῦ δραχμδό τρια κοσίος
δέκα [30 οὗ dwssw ττόγκ τον ὀβολοὺς erw τῆς μνὰς ξκαστης
κατὰ μῆνα ἀπὸ Αϑὺρ τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος ἕκτου τκαὶ εἰκοστοῦ “ἢ
Καίσαρος, τὸ δὲ κεφάλαιον ἄπο ὁ ὅειτν ἣν μησὶν τριτδὶὶν ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐγτοῦ]
Ι. μηνὸς ἄνευ ποιόης ὑπερθέσεως ἢ εἶναι ταὐτηοὺς ποαρατχρῆγμοι ἄγωχί -
| CHoIvS ἢ τὸν ξσόμενον αὐτῶν Γἐμηφ ταν ῇ καὶ γσυνέχεαόϑαι γμέχρι τοῦ "
ἐκτῖσαι τὸ μὲν δάνειον δὺν ἡμιολίᾳ, ττοὺς δὲ τόκους ἁπλευῦς: Okt plan 5 0
τοῦ di ὑπερπεσόντος γρόνου τοὺς κατὰ τὸ din γραμμα ὀιδράχμους
γειντολμενης τῆς pa ὅ:Γ[ὡδ1 τῷ Ἀχιλλεῖ Ἐκτετῶν ὑποχρ Be
15 [av ὄντων διλληλεντγύχων εἰς ἔκτει σιν, Kol Σξ Σν τὸς οὗ ξὰν αὐ ττῶν]
γαΐ ρχῆ γτι καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑπριρχό VLTWV] αὐτοῖς [LTAVTWV καϑαηγηερ ἐγ ὀϊκης
ἀκύρων οὐδῶν γκαὶ ὧν ἐὰν) Στεῦνεγικωσιῃ TIETEWV ποιότῶ νἹ
όκέπης πάσης. Austen). |

|

H Die erste Urkunde zeigt keine Abkürzungen und-trägt eigenhändige Unterschriften;
sie galt demnach als fertig und zur Einreichung bereit. Sie muss aber aus irgend <inem
Grunde zurückbehalten worden sein, denn sonst hätte Verso nicht für den Entwurfder
zweiten Urkunde, die mıtzahlreichun Kürzungen geschrieben ist, benutzt werden
Können. - 2 zur Erg.vgl,2.27ff.- 3 zu ἀνδρὸς vgl.Z. 23/4 Anm. u.2.31._ 5 Änf.
Rap. ae 7. nach 2.33 wäre zu erwarten [kai] τελέσειν, was zwar nicht ganz
unmöglich ist, aber den Resten weniger gut entspricht. _ 18 nur angedeutet; je-
doch ist ἀξιοῦ (μὲν) sicher. ΤῊΣ ;

264

cı21.) | (No 1145)”
| (@.Hy’Aycı\Asus SUVYIWPLW κατὰ τὰ ἸΓΠΡΟῚ ζεγζραμ-
20 μένα |
@.H4), Λύκα καὶ Διονύσιος δυνχιυρῷ
καττὰ τὰ προγεγραμμένα Διονύσιο--
φ ἔπι γε γροίμιμιαι τής μη---
| KLag κύρισ4 καὶ γέγραφα περὶ
35 γαὐητῆς γράμματα μὴ ἰδύης. :
Darunter mehrere ganz verwischtz Zeilen, die in entgegen gesetzter Richtung.
geschrieben Sind.

| VERSO
(ΠΗ εἰρωτάρχηων
LTR pc PayıMsarsı τοῦ θίωνος Ἀλϑιαιέως καὶ παρὰ Λύγκας τῆς Ζτωῆλου καὶ τοῦ
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30 πρὸς τοῦ ds Διονυσίου ἀδελφῆρ) Διδύμη() τῆς Ἰπολεμαίου πάντωεν Mizs(övy]
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ÖLx(oV) ὀιργυ(ρίου) ἹΠολᾳμαικοῦ) CH
τριοικοόίοις ὀξκα καὶ τελέδειν τόκον τῆς μνᾶς ἑκάστης κατὰ μιῇ von
ὀβολοὺς διστὼ ἀπὺ ἩἉνὺρ τοῦ ἐνε(ότιῦτος) Kg Καίσαρος͵ τὸ δὲ κεφάλαιο(ν) Kmpdnsun)
35 ἦν Adv) τριόϊν; ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοῦ μηνὸς) ἄνεν πδης) ὑπτερϑόσεως) ἢ εἶναι αὐ(τοὺς) Πύκιιν
| καὶ Διονύσιοιν) ποιραχρῆ(μα) ἀγωγίμο(υ4) ἢ τὸν ἐσόμεν(ον) αὐζεῶν) ἐνφανῆ καὶ δυνέγτεσθάῃ

: 9 die grossen, ungeschickten Züge der Unterschriften sind schr verwischt ; von der Hand des A-
chilleus ist so wenig erhalten, dass man sie kaum von der des Dionysios unterscheiden kann. -
21 nicht Surywpoüusv._ 22 Änf. undeutliche Spuren sichtbar. _ 23/4 Dienysios ist
nach 2.31 der Mann der Lyka, zugleich aber ihr Onkel. Da er Z. 28 anscheinend als solcher
bezeichnet wird, wäre hier zu erwarten τῆς AdsA φιδῆς, wasaber sicher nicht dasteht. _
24 περὶ sta ὑπὲρ fast sicher. _ 26 am oberen Blattrande geringe Schriftspuren.- 27 Ende
ganz undeutlich.- 23 πρὸς μηζερὸς) passt nicht zu den Spuren ; μὴ möglich. Dann zıou
oder viov, aber υἱοῦ ist sachlich unmöglich. - 29 iyrui oder Σνφανη τιν. -- Ein τῆς
ist zu streichen._ 30 Ende: nicht τῶν pay. - ,3i Any. zw. _ 32. Verbum ımJSin-
gular wie Z.21, weil Lyka die eigentliche Schuldnerin ist.

verte
| |

265

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(21) (No 1145) °
μέχρι τοῦ ἐκτῖσαι) τὸ μὲν ὀάνηρν) δὺν ἡ(μιολίᾳ) τοὺς ds τόκους) ἅπβοῦς), τοῦ δὲ ὑπεριγεσόν.-
CTES) χρώνου»)1
τοὺς κατὰ τὸ διὰγραιμμα) dudpay (aus) τῆς πραΐε(ω 5) Favolnevns) τῷ AyıAdst ξκ τεττῶν
ὑποχρεί(ων) Ὄντων ἀλληλεγγύων) sis ἐκίτισιν) καὶ ἐἶ ἐνὸς) οὗ ἐὰν αὐξετῶν) οἱ ρῆζται)
καὶ ἐν τῶν ὑπαρχώντων) αὐτοῖς)
40 παντω(ν) Κα ϑκπα 0) &r ὀίκ(ς). Ἐὰν δὲ καὶ ἣ Διδύμη μὴ Ἰγταργέγηται τεὴν: |
Avrar καὶ Διονύσιον τῷ Ἀχιλλεῦ ἐνφανεῖς, εἶναι. καὶ αὐ(τὴν) αι γογίμη) καὶ
' [δυνἐχεσνικι μέχρι τοῦ ξκτῖσαχι τὸ
προκ(είμενον) δάνη(ον) καὶ τοὺς τόκους) καὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν τῷ Add) ..... εἴσυαι
καὶ 27 ατὐς(τῆς)1
Adoung) καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων) αὐ (τῇ) πάντ) kadar(sp) ἐγ δίκης ἀκύρω(ν)
ἐπενένκ(ῃ) πίιστείων) πασιῶ ψ) σκέπης) πάσ(ης). ᾿Αξιοῦ μεν).
45 L ko Koisapos “Ayvp. Ir TH od" 24. A. Sr. Ca.

A Ende: wahrsch. sehr stark abgekürzt. - 422 πίε χίνεσϑαι; am ehesten könnte man
ἀπο stehn lesen. ἣν
! SCHUBART.

"5 Κας No 1146.

Rapy rus. H.33 cm. Br. 14,5° cm. Aus der Rapyrusca rtonnage von Abusir el maälag. Jorgfältige |

und deutliche Schrift, ähnlich der von No 1123. Der untere Teil des Blattes wird von

| Notizen einer andern Hard, die nicht vor dem 16. Jahre nachweisbur ist, ausge-
füllt. Verso ist Leer. ı2. Jahr des Augustus.

| Vertrag über Ratenzahlung einzs Kaufpreises τς: : |

ΕῚ ων 3 x nn» a »\n 4
Ἀχαιῶν ττῶιν ξηπὶ τοῦ ἐν τῇ αὐλῇ Κριτηρίου

παρὰ Σττώδου τοῦ Λύπτου καὶ apa Apa biovos τοῦ Διδύμου καὶ Arovvsodaporv]

Die Urkunde macht den Eindruck einer Reinschrift; Abkürzungen und Verbesserungen sind sehr |
selten. Der grosse freie Raum unter ihr war für die Unterschriften bestimmt, die bei 9 Forsonen viel Hatz_
beanspruchten. Weshalb dia Ausfertigung unterblieb, ist nicht zu ermitteln; jedenfalls zeigen die späteren |
und inhaltlich nicht zugehörigen Notizen zweiter Hand, dass das Blaltals Konzept zurückbehalten

Worden ıst._. I zum Hofgerichte vgl. No 1093. 1124. 127. 143. 1156. -- 2 Σττῶσος = Sponsus ?

verte

Me TILL N DEEELDEDTET 0 Nun ED u nr συ γῆχ ας
᾿ φ -

u. nie ee ar

(33R.). (No 1146 ) 2
τοῦ Ἡρακλείδου καὶ Ἀπολλωνίου τοῦ Εἰρηναίου kar“llpandsidov τοῦ Αιολλω νίου
᾿ καὶ Zx px Timvos τοῦ Avopiwvos καὶ Ἥρα κλεί συ τοῦ. Ἕρμον εἰκου καὶ τι... .. ττοῦ]
5 Σωτηρίχου καὶ Ἀμμωνίου τοῦ ἙἝρμίου --ὧν δκτὼι Tepsov τῆς äircıyovnis. ἼΓε-1
pi τῆς ἐστοι μένης τεληδῆναι ἀόφαλ εία5 δυνχευροῦσιν οἱ περὶ τὸν Apm-]
βίω νοι ἄπο δ δὅτειν τῷ ΣπτωηφωΓῃῇ ἣν δφείλουδιν αὐτῷ τει μὴν
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ἕν καὶ ὀραγμιὰς τριφχειλίος ΣζοιΓκοδίος ὀγδοή κοὴντοι ἄτόκτους ἐν σοόδεσιν ἡ |
0 ἴδομερεόι ττέσόδοιρόι: διδόντες “Ατϑὺρ μὲν πένχττηι τοτῦ ἐνεδτῶτος dag
8 ὁεκάτου [2jTouS τὰς πού ἀργυρίου dpaxtpaas εδισχεωλίας τετροικοόίοις Ἔχ

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χεὶρ ὡτόγαύτως πένττῃ disysiAlag τετρακοσίοις slmosı, τὰς δὲ λοιττὰ [(] δ λα,
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15 τὸ ροιχ μηὰς disysıllas τευφακοόιας εἴκοσι οὐδεμίαν δόσιν κοιλὴν on
τπτοιούμηενοι, ταῦτα ds ποήόδειν ἄνευ κρίόεως καὶ mans ἀντιλογίας,
ετὶ ds μὴ εῖναι αὐτοὺς ἀγωγίμους H τὸν ἐσόμενον αὐτῶν ἐνφανῇ
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τχρῆ μα) τὸ προκείμενον κεφάλαιον τὸ τοῦ ἀργυρίου τάλαντον ἕν τρις-
20. DyzıAlası δα Kodias ὀγόοη κοντα ἢ τὸ ἔνοφιλὴ ϑη δόμενον δὺν ἡ μιολ(ίᾳ)
ττοῦ δὲ ὑγτεριτεσόντος χρόνου TVs κατὰ τὸ διάγραμμα toroursı διῤι(ράχμους)
τῆς Tpagenıs γεινομένης τῶι Σππωσπωηι ἔκ τε αὐτῶν τῶν GV
τἄλληλ ἐγγιύων ὄντων τὶς ἔκτιόιν καὶ ἐξ ἑνὸς καὶ Ex οὗ ἐὰν αἱρήται
γκαὶ δι τῶν ὑπαρχόντων αὐτοῖς πάντων KRddep ξὶς direns &-
25 γκύρων οὐδὼν καὶ ὧν ἐὰν ἐπενένκωσι πίστεων ποιόῶν δκέπης
mans. Atuoölnev). |

Be. = ıß Καίσαρος Φαῶφι ip | 44.0. 192.Ch.

6 zur Formel vgl. Arch.t.Fap.749._ 3 Bu ziemlich deutlich, das folgende b Weniger; die

4 hahe liegende Erg. Buß γλιοϑή κη 41} ( Buchhandlung 2) ist mir nicht sicher genug, um sie

| oben einzusetzen. _ 4 δόσεσιν passt zum Rauma besser als ἄνα φοραῖς. - ιο Mitte:
die Lücke ist so gross, dass μὲν nötig scheint; vgl. δὲ, Z.ı3.- Der 5. αἱς Zahlungstermin:
No 1120, 9. 129,3. -- 15 2x9 eher als 105, daher γΚαίδοαρηος nicht wahrscheinlich. _. Ende:
Füllungs strich. _ 2ı Ende: eher did als β bH.- 23 Ende: διστῷ unmöglich , ebenso
ὑπυχρξων. -- 26 rechts: Schreiberzeichen..

| SCHUBART
ne Dei Zus. 2 SE

267

Dev

2 fi - δλὰ Pe R er =,
| 2 2 zer , Rz 4 4 πὶ E ᾿ RE er ἐξ
ee. «

| 5
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TER EEE EZILEEDBEEEEZEDEN ee

a ie ee ee ὦ RS, SUR ων

79 R.

No 1147.

Papyrus. H.3ıcm. Brızem. Aus der Rapyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäläg. Mittelgrosse,
deutliche Kursive; zT. schlecht erhalten. Auf Verso No 1132 von andrer Hand.
17: Jahr des Augustus.

Darlehn mit Pfand, Alexandrun.

Tporapymı τῶι ἐπὶ τοῦ 'κριτηρίου

20

παρὰ Διονυσίου Tod Διονυσίου καὶ παρὰ Εἰρήνης ms
Txrpordov ἼΓερό είνης μετὰ κυρίου τοῦ ἀόελ-

φοῦ τοῦ Πατρόκλου τοῦ Ἀμμωνίου. “Περὶ τῶν:
διςότα μένων δυνχωρεῖ ἡ Εἰρήνη ἔχειν παρὰ

τοῦ Διονυσίου ἀάνειον διὰ χειρὸς 25 οἴκου &pyuprlou]

. Ἰτολεμαικοῦ δραχμὰς Σζοικοσίοας τόκων

τριῳ βόλων ττῆ)ς μνᾶς Koca τὸν μῆ-
a δ a ἣν 58 f ͵ 9 \ Aa
[YaX ξικοιόγτον,, ὁ Kal amoduwdır EV μηόσιν εξ

8 x n n < 4 Feb.
ἀπὸ Μεχεὶρ τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος sta kaıdcs-] . Fam

43. Chr:
Ι 2! ͵ n \ x '
Γκη του gTovs Kalsapos διδοῦσα. τὸν μὲν το-

Kov kara μῆνοί sbrartWs τὸ ds «z-

cga2 Aaıov iv τῶν ἔόχάτωι μηνὺ ἄνευ
LTIALENIS ὑπερϑεσεζωηφ, ἢ εἶναι γχὐτὴν 1
[rapayıpnpa ἀγωγίμην. καὶ δυν ἐχεό-
γεύσηι μέχρι τοῦ ἐκτεῖσαι τὸ μὲν δάνειον
όὺν ἡμιολία τοὺς δὲ τόκους ἁπλοῦς

τοῦ de ὑπερπεσόντος χρόνου τοὺς κα-

τὰ τὸ διάγραμμα τόκους διδράχμους,
τῆς πραζηεως γινομένης τῶι Διονυδίωι

Ἷ: LER TE αὐτῆς Εἰρήνης καὶ ἐκ- τῶν ὑποιργόν"-

τῶν αὐτῇ πόγντων καϑάπερ ἐγ δίκης).

εἔτι δὲ καὶ ἐκ ἘΠ: ὑπαρχούσης τῇ Ἰρήνῃ
δούλης Ἐρωτίου ; Kay’ ἧςπερ καὶ ἀνα δξόῦ κεν
αὐτῶν Δειοηνυδίω ἐν ὑπαλλάγματι nv ἔχει

8 Anf. ZW.; der Zinssatz ist auffallend niedrig. - 23 vgl. 1149, 26 ff. -
24 ἀνοιδέδιοκεν deutlich, obgleich δέ δωκεν richtig wäre.- 25 auch ἧς ist möglich.

veri

268

Ε τῶι >> h ἜΣ ® - ᾿ © κε
1 - - . a en ee ων» Bene ὁ. ϑ. Ὡνθνο En Σ Ὑ τδ στα. ἘΣ 4, ξ ἐπι

ne gun me m Ὁ. — ‚ » fi ar 2 I ἢ € Με “ ; τ a ἡ, τς Ἷ
” I ᾿ 4 ες -- 2 εὖ: hai w Z Po

EEE: Te

(79 0 | - (No 1147)
nn ὑμερας ἀπτογραφην Kal He-
χρι ποῦ διτευλυηγτῆ σαι ππχρὲ ξε δ όχι denn
[&vsgaddojeplotov καὶ ἀκατοιχρημοτιστίον),
εἐὰν di δυ"μεβῇ για ὀρδιναι αὐτὴν ἢ καὶ παϑεῖν
30 LTL ἀνηϑερώππινον, καὶ οὕτως εἶναι To ὀάνειον kol
ττοὺς τόγκους ἀκίνδυνον παντὸς κιν-
duvou ἄκύρων οὐδῶν καὶ ὧν dv ἐπενεν κῃ
πιότεων πασῶν. δϊς ἐπτὴς πιάση: Kl ο(. ἸτροῖςΓ. .2
Undeutliche Reste vor. vier Zeilen.

26 die Spuren sind ausreichend, um mık Hilfe üner Analogia die Lesung zu ermöglichen ._
μέρας oder μειας) auch verag nicht ganz ausgeschlossen. -- Zu &moyrpagn vgl. No 148,51.
27 dia vorh.Spuren lassen dıevAuräsaı nicht sicher erivennen; es ist aber nach Oxy
7263,15 wahrscheinlich, vgl. auch Oxy W271, 22 ἐξευλυτῆσϑαι, wo der Zusammenhang
ähnlich dem obigen ist. Auch No "151, 42. scheint dasselbe Wort zu haben, ebenso No 1156,
24. In N0 1053, 527 muss eine entsprechende Wendung vorliegen. Eine Mifung des in käi-
ro befindlichen Originals, die FR Zucker vorgenommen hat, ergiebt, dass Z.52 diraı
richtig ist; dann folgt ırpo- 53 . vatou.. 252091. Demnach scheint auch hier map-
ἐξεόῦαι möalich, vorher vielleicht προϑεῖναι. Dagegen scheint in der folgenden Zeile
ἀνεζαλλοτρίωτον nicht gestanden zu haben.- 28 vgl. 18} πεῖς 33-37 sehr
zerstört. Das in Z.35 erkennbare ἀκολούγζλξως erinnert an No 1149,33, und Z.33/a
menhang herzustellen. Z.35-37 werden etva eine Wendung wie No 1053 ıC Ende oder
No 51, 46 enthalten haben. Unter der letzten Zeile ist links der gewöhnliche Jchluss-

strich sichtbar. |
SCHUBART.

73 V. Bean | No 1148.

Papyrus. H.37 cm. Br. 10,5 cm. Aus der Papyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäläg. Schrift
wie No 1116, z.T-abgerieben. Spuren früherer Beschriftung sind sichtlrar. Auf Rekto
No Π|5. 17. Jahr des Augustus.

Rückzahlung eines Darlehns mıt Pfand, Alexandrien.

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(73 V.) (No 1148, °

dt (Ach.
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Ἴφένισζι.

οχὴν τὴν Διονυσίου δυγγροιφὴτν] Αἰεγυγττίαν καὶ &L-

3 zum Namen laphasies vgl. No 1126, wo gleichfalls zwei verschiedene Genetivformen gebildet
werden , wie hier Z.3 und Z.10. _ 4 nach Σ ἀροιπίω νος eine Bezeichnung , die sich vermut-
lich auf Taphasies, nicht auf ihren Vater bezieht; demnach ist ein Dermotikon unwahr-

“ scheinlich. Das auffallend grosse p scheint allein zustehen. Val. Arch.f. Rap. 732 Anm.y. _

15 ὑτερ- πεσόντος steh} augenscheinlich nicht da. _ Die Korr.über der Zeile hier wie fast
überall von ı.Hand._ 16 Tr) über der Zeile unsicher, da die vorhergehenden Bst nicht gela-
Ensind. ἢ Korr. über der Zeile viell. von 2. Hand. _ Schluss der Zeile sehr undeutlich,
darüber ganz geringe Spuren, die Oberfläche ist abgerieben._ 18 nin oynv korr. viell.

aus ξι.- τὴν τιν. aber τον wegen des deutlichen Διονυσίου unmöglich. _ Zur Sache:

© 2.17/8 muss gesagt sein, mit welchem Rechte "laphasies dia Ἰκχτοχὴ geltend machen

konnte, daher ist ein Partizip im Sinne von „einreichen, vorlagen” erforderlich. Da dis

in 2.17 Ende nicht unterzubringen ist, nehme ich an, dass es darüber geschrieben waız,

und erganze [imdoösavz mPoS Trmv ISTRTJoyrV τὴν Διονυσίου Suyyp- Aty. In
dem zu Grunde liegenden aeg. Vertrage erblicke ich den Ehevertrag, val. Petition of

_ Dionysia ΚΠ 21 ff und Eger, Zum ἀφ᾽. Grundbuchwesen 49 f. Der vorausaggangene

Darlehnsvertrag Kann nicht gemeint säin, da 2.10 Von Surgwengsis die Rede ist. In
Übereinstimmung mit den Edikten des MeHius Rufus und des Sulpieius Smilis wird
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25 yapıv Ir τοῦ κατὰ τὸ) Διονύσιο(ν) ὑνόματο(ς) ἀπτὸ τῆς: αὐτῆς)
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προ τητικί(ὰς) κατὰ τῆς ὑπαρχούσης ξχυτῆ oLisias
35 :ντῇ αὑτῇ ἑφρᾳ, a di τὰ Boßiia ...... 6x
Ξ---- 15 Καίσαρος Pa τρι μοζῦϑι) ἢ τ Mana,
zum griechischen, im besonderen me Rechte ist unverkennbar. _ Anstössig 151 1
Z.ıg Διονυ δΐου nicht nur, weil der Artikel fehlt, sondern auch weil ein Ehevertrag kaumals
„Vertrag des Dionysios” bezeichnet warden kann ; sollte der Schreiber sich verschrieben und δυν-
olrıdlov gemeint haben ?- 22 ᾿Απολλω(νίας) anscheinend verschrieben statt τῶν abrör,.-
. 24 und 25 Sind die Zeilenschlüsse sehr undeutlich._ 27 Rap. a"; mit der Abkürzung muss
δυγκεχωρη μένα oder drgt. gemeint sein._ Rap. Ζτι καιςε όχι. - Ende: Spuren vorhanden,
aber zu undeutlich, um identifiziert zuwerden.- 23 ἂἀνκικεικομίσνάι (von συγχωρεῖ Z6
abhängig) oder ἀνοακεκόμισται; das letztere 15} weniger wahrscheinlich ._ 239 Ende unklar;
zu erwarten wäre ἐν ὑχαλλάγματι, —_ 31 Avtı oder ἀττὸ möglich, aber @0 ziemlich sicher;
ναὶ. 1149,25._ Ὁ2 von τού ὄντος nur ganz undeutlicha Spuren. = Σόρα (vgl. Ζ.35) basst
schlecht, dia weitere Ortsbestimmung. scheint über der Zeile zu shehen. _ 33 über der Zeile
IMac.- Ende: auch ἀΓόφαλ Σἰ ας oder ἑτερα KOCH βολαῇ scheint möglich. - 35 ἕῤρα,
undeutlicha körr.in zd._ Ende: wahrsch. ein fartizip im finne von: unverändert; unverletzt
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Rapyrus. H.37cm. Br.za cm. Aus der Papyruscartonnags. von Äbusir el maldg. Hand-
schrift wıa No 1129, aber flüchtiger und mit stärkeren Verschleifungen. Rekto ist
leer. Auf der linkes angeklebten Selis stehen No 1059 und 1129. Körrekturen von

erster Hand. 17. Jahr des Augustus.

Darlehen mit Pfand, Alexan dran.

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Ἰρωτὰ PywL
παρὰ Ιαίου Ἰουλίου Φιλίου καὶ παρὰ Μάρκου Μουνατίου Ἔπινα...
Nzpsou τῆς ἐπιγονῆς καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς ᾿Γσιδώρας is ᾿Αρείου Πρδείνη()
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καὶ ir τοῦ δούλου Ζωόσίμου καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων αὐτοοῖ;ς ὑπορχόντρωυν).

35 καὶ οὕτως εἶναι τὰ ὀφιλόμενα ἀκίνδυνο παντὸς
κινδύνου ἀκύρων οὐσῶν καὶ ὧν ἐὰν ETEVEYKWELV EI,
MIETEWV τγπχόῶν όκέπης masnS. ἔξ κκίσα ρος Φαρμοῦϑι 1005,
AIECH -

20 6vor T ZW.;

21 Anf. sehr undeutlich._ Ende: hinter duo könnte dem Raums nach noch ein kurzes Wort
gestanden haben._ 22 nicht monssshoL !_ 23 statt xva ist auch mo möglich.-

viell.nur Anstrich zur; ich vermisse hier eine Erwähnung der Zinsen. -

Ende: Spur eines Βαϊ.) viell. wollte der Schreiber hier schon ’Isıdispa beginnen. —

24 Anf.verwischt, so dass es scheint, als wäre’Isıdopx durchgestrichen.. - 26 Ζωσίμου
weder hier noch 32. ganz. sicher. _ Zur Sache vgl. BGU 741 und 1147. - 27 oia oder οἷον;
vgl. 1150, 12.- 29 τχυτης deutlich, aber schwerlich richtig, zu erwa:ten wäre τόκους,
denn &inz Beziehung auf suyywpnsis oder din ϑὴ κη in Z.25 ist nicht anzunehmen. _
32 bei αὐτοῖς scheint ein Fall der sehr seltenen. Innenlvürzung vorzuliegen, denn dies

Eu unterscheidet sich deutlich von dem‘ 2» = αὐτῶν des Schreibers. _ 34 τὸν δοῦλον dıa-

doavaı verwischt, so dass ες wie durchgestrichen aussieht. - 37 Extimns πάδης wieoft
nur angedeutet. - 38 val. 1116,43. 131,32.

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74 V. No 1150.
Fapyrus. H.37, 5cm. Br. 13cm. Aus der Fapyruscartonnage von Abusir el maäläg.
Schrift von derselben Hand wie 116, aber grösser und noch füchtiger als diese
Hand sonst schon ist; vieles wird nur angedeutet. Auf Verso Entwürfe zu
zuei Urkunden , auf Rekto von andrer Hand No ııg (3.Jahr): 17. Jahırdes
Augustus. |
IE,

Rückzahlung eines Darlehens mit Pfand Allexandrien®

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Die Oberfläche des fap. ist links oben stark beschädiat, so dass von der Adresse keine Jpur -
blieben ist._ Uber der ı. Zeile "Tintenspuren, die wohl nur durch Abdruck entstanden sind ._ 3 ἀπῇ der ᾿
Querstrich , dessen Ende sichtbar ist, bed eutet; dass der Namu nicht ei ngetragen war. - Zu Fotarchos
und Obora vgl. No 1129, wo ebenfalls der Vater des Pnicht &ingeragen ist. _ 4 vor μετὰ eine Jpur, die
nach 1129,2 als ἀσ(τῆς) zu deuten wäre._ Ende: erkennbar nur son; Jedoch ist jedenfalls ἄτεσχη '
Min enger Zusammenziehung beabsichtigt. - 5 stark zusam mengezogen, ebenso 9 Ende und be-
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β Bssı καὶ τῷ op. Τρ. -
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274

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(74 V) (No 1150) *
ὀπώρα παρὰ τῆς) A ρτσ: μιό(ος) ἃς ξδωκ(ν) αὐτῇ ἐν ὑπαλλὰγματὺ ἀπαργὰς δύο κατὰ

δουλικιῶν) δωμάτων Διονυσίου καὶ ᾿Ἐρωτίου οἵοις κκαὶ 2a Bev. “Δ
STE 8 Kxısapos Φαρμοιῦϑι) ιβ᾽ ΡῈ τοῦ Ga

11 zur ἀπτα ῥχὴ vgl. Tebt.E 316,10 und die Anm.dazu; in unserm Falle ist aber eina feuer wenig
wahrscheinlich, denn verpfändet war doch wahl ein geldwertes Recht auf ἀὼ Sklaven. Val. No
1149, 25 ff, wo auch der Schlusssatz zu finden ist, der dort wieder gestrichen wurde (2.27).

II,

| Darlehen, Älexandrun.

— Tpwrapywı |
15 παρὰ Δίου τοῦ Ἀρτωστοντίκρυ): Ἀλὺκιξως) καὶ παρὰ) ἠπολλωνίου τοῦ ΞΞ ἐνω(ν65)
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: L 5 Καίσαρος Φαρμοιῦϑδυ Bd 7 Οὐ

19 Ende: Lesung sehr unsicher. _ 20 stark zusammengezogen, ebenso 22.

2 SCHUBART:

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49 V. No 151.
Rapyrus. Hay, cm. Br. 12. cn. Aus der apyruscartonnas von Abusirel mäläg. |
Schrift wie. No II16, sehr kursiv Und vielfach zerstört, besonders in der arslen
Urkunde, deren Lesung daher teihueise unsicher bleibt. Auf Reto Inhalts-
notizen Von derselben Hand au 3 Urkunden: oben rechts zu 49 Verso ΤΙ in
der Mitfe zu No 25 (vgl. dort Ζι 6 [) ‚unten zu 49 VersoL. Alle drei Urkunden
Sind jedenfalls von demselben Dahım. 17. Jahr des Augustus,

1

Vertrag über cin Legat, Alexandrien.
Ἰρωτάρχωι

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νου τοῦ Φιλώτου καὶ Ἰπλρὰ) "Λλεξάνόρου τοῦ Νεικοδή μου. Εἰ ρὲ τῶν
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‘ Wanıger deutlich als Z.20._ Zur Erg. γη. 5. 21: Alexander John des Nikodemos und
Sean Bruder Theodoros erscheinen auch in No 1132, ivo τὶς als Makedonan bezeichnetsind. _
60 μετηλλαχ sehr undeutlich, namentlich am Ende zıw., wo man eher E15 (= £Vaı?t)zu sehen
glaubt, aber dem Zusammen hanga nach ist es vorauszusetzen.- Ende anschänend durchge-
Strichen. -- 7 Ende: ı sicher, der 4.Bst. doder &, Khluss ὧν sehr wahrsch. Demnach bleibt
Kaun elwas andres übrig als Ἰουδαίων. Die Existenz eines jüdischen Urkundenamtes ist
im Hinblick auf Joseph. ant. 31,7, 2 nicht befremdend und stellt das πολιτικὸν ἀρχεῖον No
I31, 14.22 erst ins rechte Licht; wohl aber muss es auffallen, dass der Makedone Theodoros
sein Testament dort errichtet. _ τὸ Mitte sehr unsicher ; ἃς öpslAsı) ὃ-- Pie

| Zahl der
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τ τες. τ ἐν Koısa ρος Porpporöty ὅσα
; Inhaltsnotiz. auf 49 R unten: a

᾿Αλέξαν ὄρος Νιιο δήμου
20 Διονυσία Ἀρίστωνος

ἂδελιφὸς μητρὸς. ;
κύζριος) Ἀγαϑεῖνος Φιλώτου

διοι ἡ κ(η) am FG)
BB διὰ χειρὸς ζῇ \ \
τὰς λοιπτὰς) Hp ὥξως Mssopn ᾧ τοῦ εἰςιόντος η Καίσαρος ah Gen
25 ἀτόπ(ου 5) a

πα“

1/2 Was man etya erwarten Könnte, wäre: περιλύόσειν τὴν ξπὶ ταῦτα (ὦ) κατοχήν; jedoch
ist ı) Karoynw) unmöglich und 2) auch Aoıgsiv (-Avssıv) Kaum mit dem Erhaltenen zur
‚Vereinbaren. - 13 ἀπο didweı scheint dazustehen; ἱ ἀποδῷ. -- 14 wohl vom Schreiber versehen;
lies etwa: τὰς τοῦ Ἰγροκ(ειμένου) κεφα(λαίου) ἀργυςρίου) "Ὁ, ἐκτίνειν αὐτὸν) u.5.W.—
215 Ende ganz unkenntliche Spuren, ebenso 16 Ende._ ις kai _ πάντων sehr zusammen-
gezogen.- 7 η ἃ) wohl= ἢ ἀξ; ἀκύρους εἶναι ist als selbstverständlich weggelassen. --
18 fast noch inder ἢ δῆ α. von 17.— Das Monatsdatum hier noch undewtlicher als in der folgenden

Urkunde. - 24 Μεσορὴ antspricht am ehestan undwird durch Ζ..10 bestätigt; ob fit
nicht ganz Sicher. τ ; ᾿

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nn mn on -

(49 "0 | | (No 11) ®

all,
Darlehen ΤΕΣ Pfand Alexandrien.

Πρωτάρχωι) |

N ' ' \ Δ ἕ ; For pa dı you \ ;
mapa Ixtotw)’LovAloru) Φιλίου) mL Ἰτιβοι! Ἀγχϑοκλέους Γτοῦτᾳ. ἢ * ΟἿ KaL Aurepiovası

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καὶ ἡΠυκαρίων) ἔχειν) παρὰ τοιῦ) ἰαίο(υ) Ἰουλίου) Φιλιίου) ἀάνηρν) διὰ τῆς) Κάστοροίο) koAAubı-
δτικῆφτραπζέζης)
30 ἀργυρίου) Treo) euaıxod) δραχμῶν Σβόομηκοντα͵ ἃς οος καὶ ἀτοσώόαιν) ἐν μηδι(ὰν)
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| Κεφάλαιο(ν)
οὐδεμίᾳιν) δόσιν κοιλὴςν) ποιού μένοι, τιχύτοι δὲ ποήσειν ἄνευ γικρ(ίόξως)}

|
|
|

Kal πάδη() &vrıdorilas), εἰ δὲ μὴ sivaı ο(ὐτο(ὺς) ἀγωγίμους) καὶ [δυνέχεσύαι μέχρι! ἐφ᾽ ἧς ἷ

35 ἐὰν ἡμέρας) κοιλάν(ωσι) μὴ ἀνα μείναντοις τὸν μεμεριόμίένον)

j αὐτοῖς ypowov) μέχρι τοῦ irrisaı τὸ ὅλον κεφάλίκιον) ἢ τὸ ἐνοφιλη δ σόμενον) δὺν Πιμιολίᾳ)
τοῦ δὲ ὑπερπεσιόν τος) χρόνου) τοὺς κατ τὸ diaypa (ua) τόκυυς Br τῆς mpafens γεινρομένηφ τῷ
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Eko ἐξ οὗ ἐὰν αἱρῆται
καὶ ἐκ ςτῶν» ὑπαρχόντων! αὐ(τοῖς) πάνί(των) καϑάπᾳρ) ἐγ ὀΐκ(ης), ἔτι δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῶν)
ὑποιρ(χόντων) τῷ ἑνὶ αὐτῶν
40, Ayadordst) ἐργαστηρίων) ξυλοιτωλίων) ᾿ ἐν τῶι Δ ξνὸς μὲν τὲν τῇ]
λεγομέ(νη) Κάμπρᾳ πρὸς τῇ Κειβωτῷ, τοῦ ds &

U >
au Er

27 über der Zeile: schwerlich Σαραπίωνος. -- Lykarion entnimmt in No 1053 ein andres Darlehen von

| |
Ομ]. Philios._ 28 Tr.emy. sehr undeutlich, aber wegen Z.34 wahrscheinlich. _ 30 ἼΓΓολ sehr un-

deutlich. Hinter ἃς ist nach 2.52 viell.zu vermuten ὡς και ϑή κει..-- 51 eher A alsÄ.-. 32.täglich
500. ergiebt auf 3 Monate 75 Drachmen, also 20 % Zinsen.- 34-36 hier hat der Schreiber Verwirrung
angerichtet; richtig wäre : ἀγωγίμους ἐφ᾽ ἧς ἐὰν AA. κοιλ. μὴ ἄνοιμ.τι μ. οὐ. χρ. καὶ δυνέχεσϑαι
μὲέχρι..-- 39 schr zusammengedrängt.- Ende undeutlich. _ 40 ξυλοπλ ziemlich sicher; vermutlich
ist auch No 1053,49 so zulesen. Da das Original sich in Kairo befindet, kann ichnicht nachprüfen. _
4: Kappa, nur I ZW., & unwahrsch. Kamp ist wohl= Käpumepa und an sich ebensowenig
zu beanstanden wie κιβωτὸς als Ortsnama..

verte

2378

nn a rn EEE ce an une

(49 U) | (No lısı) * |
τῶι λεγομ(νῳ) Κητικ() βαλανείωι, καὶ μέχρι τοῦ διευλυτῇ αι |
πορὲ ἕεσύαι αὐτὰ ἀνεζαλλοτρίωιςτο) καὶ δ κατοιχρη(μάτισεο), ἐὰν δὲ κίνδυνος]

Ἱγερὶ αὐτὰ τι... ε( ), καὶ οὕτως sivaı τὸ δάνειον -τοῦτο &rrivduvovy
45 τὰν τὸ(ς) κινδώνου) Akbpw(v) οὐσ(ῶν) καὶ ὧν ἐὰν Ertewiykodı) TIITEWV) TuS (IV) δκέπ(ης)
ASS

Kavobonß) τῶι ἰαίωι lovAliy) Φιλ(ῳ) τῆς) ἐπὶ τοὺς αὐτο(ὺ 5) ἐφγόδου περὶ ὧν

ἄλλων ὀφείλουσιν κὐτῷ ἀμφοτέρους καὶ ..

Γ΄ ἄλλους Kay? ἑτέρας ἀδφαλείας. ᾿Αζιοῦμεν)

E BE Li? Καίσαρος Pappolütt) πῇ 72 Mu ΤΑ

Die Inhaltsnotiz. auf Rekto ist so zerstört, dass ich nur einzelnes lesen kann:

50 καὶ Λυκαρίωνμ .......
ἘΝ : λεγομάνῳ) Κη (τι κῷ)

: Ῥοιλοιν είῳω

kalt (κὸν τοι) Ε ΕΓ τ τὰς ;
[χωρὶς ὧν δφείλῴυόιν) δ᾽ γαϑὼ κλῆς)

᾿ καὶ ὃ Aukapiav .......

55 RR

Pr εν. karte. - ὀιευλυτῆσαι zw.; vgl.1147,27.- 43 vgl. Tebt. I,512.- Ende un-
Sicher. _ A4 τι fast sicher, aber τις γένηται ergiebt sich nicht, obwohl der Sinn klar ist; ἐὰν δὲ
δυμβῇ κιν ὁ. π΄ αὖ. 7γΊ:ινἐ(ὅϑαι) passt auch nicht. _. 47 Ende etwa: καὶ τοὺς δὺν οὐτοῖς t_

3 ἃ) - ἀξιοῦμεν.
᾿ διοῦμεν SCHUBART:

77V. No 1152,

᾿ Papyrus H.19,5cm. Br. ticm. Aus der Papyruscartonnagz von Abusir ei mäläq. Schrift sehr

4 ähnlich der von No 1155. Auf Rekto Inhaltsnotiz. zu No 1134. Da disse Urkunde ins 20, |

Jahr gehört und so gut wir sicher auch 1155, ist für den folgenden Text das 20. Jahr des
Augustus sehr wahrscheinlich.

Rückzahlung eines Darlehens mit Pfand, Alexandrien.
Ἰρωτάρχων
παρὰ Στεφάνου τοῦ Καί so pas Kol mapaı Διοδώρου
τοῦ Διοόδιυρου. Σ υγχωρτεΐη ὃ Σιοτέφαηνος Arch
γχηκέναι παρὰ τοῦ Διοδώρου 4ιὰ τῆς Ἑλένου κολ-
3 hinter Διοδώρου leerer Raum._ Ende: τ᾽ also eine beabsichtigte Abkürzung. - 4 Ἕλενου

sehr τω. -- Ende xoN, vgl.9 του", 10 suv"; auch sonst ist diese falscha Jchreibweise häufig, nicht nuram
Ende der Zeilen. Ὁ verte

279

y “- > > . - nn nen unten Ku s an
r 5 - u nn
- Pr »

Υ y ’ ΑΙ " netz nn
— nn mn)

(77V) (No 1152) ?

5 λυβιστικῆς τραπέξης davna δι kdavısıv αὐτῷ
κατὰ δυνχω ρήδις τὸς di“ τοῦ αὐτοῦ κριτηρίου
γεγονυίας dvo τῶι u Kaisapos μίαν μὲν Por- Sep RE 2300.
ὥφι ἀργωρίου) Κ τ τὴν ds ἑτέραν Φομενκὼ δ᾽ ἀργυζφφίου) Feb./März 22. ch.

m...

| τραπέζης, μὴ ἐπελεύσεσθιι de τὸν 2rion-

5 νον μηδ᾽ ἄλλον ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τὸν Ausdo-
ρον μηδὲ τερὶ τῶν αὐτῶν μηδὲ περὶ &rAAogu μηόε--
νὸς ἁπλῶς ἐνγράπτου ἢ ἀγράφου Km τιν ἔν.-
προγόνεν χρόνων μίχρι τῆς ἐνεόστῷ [ins ἥμέ-

Ὶ pas n yapis τοῦ κύρια ἵναι τὰ ότυ)ν κεχτωρη!μιενοι

20 ἐνέχεσσιαι αὐτὸν τοῖς τς βλαβεόι Ka cı τῷ] Sp LLE-]

μένῳ προςτίμῳ. Συνχωρὶ di καὶ 6 A tod προς
ἀνοι κεικομίφυκι ποτρὸ τοῦ Στεφανου ἃ ἔγδωτικεν
αὐτῷ Γκατὰ τὴν παρὰ τοῦ Φχῶφι. μὴν ὐφ1 δυν-
χώρησιν βυβλία... .WEIVCIV Ἰάντοι Col Ave

25 γροίφον δτυγνχω ρητόϊεως κατὰ δούλτου, οὗ τὰ

δ Φαμενὼ δ sehr zw. 12. mpög fast sicher, jedenfalls nicht κατά... 13 val. No ΠΟ, 12. und
156, 3/9: dirk τε] χειρὸς καὶ διὰ τῆς ἱκάστορος roAl. cp. Jedoch schänt- oben χειρὸς un-
möglich, ἰδίου ist zw., und der Nachtrag über der Zeile Lässt sich kaum mit dem erforder-
lichen ὀιὰ τῆς vereinbaren. Zwei Namen, wir sie No 132,3 zu finden sind, können
hier wegen des deutlichen Te nicht in Betracht kommen. _. 23 vgl. No 48, 25}. Κατὰ
Stimmt zur Not, τὴν sehr schlacht zu den Spuren, scheint aber unvermeidlich. _
παρὰ (oder πτερὶ) unsicher, jedoch nicht ἐπί. - Gemeint ist die frühere δυγχώρησίιδ,
vl. 2.78. -- 25 zu δούλου vgl. No 1147,24 ff. 1149,26 ff. 150,12. _ 26 wısca fast sicher.

SCHULBART,

280

δον ᾿ No 153.

Rapyrus. H. 19cm. » 10,5 cm. Aus der Papyruscartonnaga von Äbusir el mäläg. Das διαὶ
ist oben unvollständig. Kleine kurrsive mit viel Abkürzungen wie No ΠΠ6 und 122.
Auf Verso zwei Urkunden unter einander; auf Rekto von andrer Hand Darlehens ver-
trag, aus dem 14. Jahre. Verso vom 16. Jahre des Augustus.

| Sr,
Sehluss eires Ammenvertrages, Alexandrien.

Von der ersten Zeile sind nur geringe Tests erhalten.
Ber. 2 Kaugapo(s) kpovons dovAı (οὔ) ξαυτῆ (S) mKıdtow) ΓἈγαλυμᾳτίου, DIITE
Tudnvelsvau διὰ τῆς οἰὐτῆς Μάρϑας Kal μηδεμίαν) τῇ Σου os)
παν τὸ nnd’ ἄλλιυι ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς) μηδεμίαν) καταλ σι γιςόνοι) zoodow) 2 ἐπὶ τὴ} Ἐδιφης- -:

! ἣν καὶ εἶναι ὁ οἰ κυροι)

5 μηδὲ Σ Σπὶ, τῆι) προκιξιμένης) δυνχωρήιδεως) μηδὲ ἐπὶ ἄλλου μηδενὸς) om(Auds) ἢ ἐγγράπ(του) ἢ &-
rp&lgou)

[oo TV) ἔμ(αγοόϑεν) χριόνων) μέχρι! τή ὦ) ἐν εἰδτώδης) ἡ μέρκ(.), τὴν δὲ Μάρϑαν ἐπὶ τὴν Μάριον) μηδὲ

TEEN \ ͵ VER \ „Tatdiov)
τ. 2... τυϑην.. πρὶ. ..) τοῦ μεταξὺ χρόνου μηδὲ ἐπὶ τὸ δουλιιτ(ὸν) Sicririav)

Γἐπελεύχφεσθαι κατὰ μη(δένα) τρόπον), τὸν ds καὶ ἐπελευσόμι ἀνον) ἐπὶ τὴ) Σονεβίούν νη ἢ παράᾶ-

τόυμχνγροιφοῦν τα ἀιτοότη(όειν) Ἰγχροιχ(ρῆ μαι) τοῖς idions) daravnuasıv) καὶ χωρὶ τοῦ κύρια
sivaı τὰ δ(υν κεγχίωργη(μένοι

N: ETL καὶ ἐνάχγεόϑθαι τῆ) το bealvausar) τοῖς τς. Baaßesı) καὶ τῷ ζὡριόμεένῳ»
mpo(sTinWt). ἕξ (ἰοῦ μεν)
Lir kuisapols) Toyo) κα 75 «κε 140.

\/2 etwa nach No 1112, 5 ff zu rekonstruieren. _ 2 χρόνοις zeigt, dass der Vertrag über Kinder-
| schon ziemlich weit zurückliegen muss, viell. vor Augustus; weshalb dia Erledigung erst
im I6. Tahr erfo olgt, ist nicht ersichtlich. _ . ’Aynd parte nur versuchsweise erg. 4 din
Namen ae Schwierigkeiten, denn ausser Martha scheinen noch 3 andre Frauen betei-
ligt zu sein. - Am Ende scheint Zovspoögv) vgl. Ζ. 8 nichtmöglich.- 5 ἐπὶ nicht
ὙΠ aber πρὶ ausgeschlossen; dass der Genetiv darauf folgt, zeigt μηδενόςς )-.
6 Anf. Spuren; Platz für etwa 8 Bst; also war die Formel sehr stark verkürzt. -
7 statt τινῇ ‚scheint duch rı sm möglich; ci τὰ 76) a τι ϑήνης τροφεῖοι ) ζ ie
Ende: anscheinend korrigiert. - 9 Ende stark verkürzt. _ 10 dsal.

verte

}

nn ne En nu
4

En NT τον ui

-.

. @oV) | | (No 153)% |
᾿ Rückzahluna eines Darlehens mit ποιροιμεονή, Alexandrien.

uam”

; Mpwsrapxwı) |
Ε΄ παρὰ ᾿Αρσινόη5 96) ἠἡμμῳινίου) ἀστῆς) μετὰ κωρίου) τοῦ υἱο(ῦ) Νικο-
| [δήμου τοῦ Διονυδίο(υ) Μοιρωφνέως) καὶ map) Ospulo(w) τῆς Ἑρμίο(υ) μετὰ Kluplou)
15 Ἀμμωνίου) τοῦ ψκμμιδο(ς) Εὐσεβείου). ΤΉΝΕ, nApsıvon) ἀιτέχ(ειν) |
παρὰ Ti) Θερμίο(υ) dıa γειρδ() ἐν οἴϊκίου) As Ecavsicv) αὐτῇ KAT δυνχώρη(διν)
τδγιὰ τοῦ καταλ(ογείου) τῶι ιεἷ- Kaısapocs) dar ἀργυρίου δραχμὰς Aug flpt. 067 |
TpIaKodiag, Γκαὶ εἶναι Alcupow) τὴν τοῦ davstaw) δυνχώρηίόιν) δὺν τῇ φιὰ τῆ) αὐτῆς.)
᾿ Γδυγχίωρηότως)} όημαινομί(ἐνῃ) πτοιροιμοψῇ) τοῦ υἹἱο(ύ) αὐτῇ) Ἰάρωνος, καὶ μηδεμί αν) τῇ
20 Apsıvom μηδ᾽ «ἄλλῳ» ὑπὲρ αὐιτῆς) καταλείπεσθαι) ἔφοόδ(ον) ἐπὶ τὴν) Θέρ μιο(ν) μήτε,
᾿ ; | περὶ τῶν αὐ(τῶν) μη-
di τερὶ Ἄλ(λου) undevös) ἁπι(λῶς) ἐγγράπί(του) ἢ ἀγράφου τῶν ἕως τῇς) ἐνε(ότώσης)
ὙΠ 0] ΤῊ ι ἡμέρα() καὶ ἐνἐχεσῦσι, τρν) ταῦ (τα)
{τοι ρα β(αίνοντου «τοῖς τε βλάβεσι καὶ τῷ ριόμένῳ προςτίμῳλ χωρὶς τοῦ ιεύρια a

zn. | εἶναι Ta ὀςζυνκεγχίώρη μέν. ᾿Ἀζξιούμεν) |
Lie Καίδαρος) Toyo, Ic 16. Mac ten. CAT).

18 Ende: Lesung, sehr unsicher, für δια ist προς möglich, dann wxurn; allein Z.19 δὅημαινο-
μένῃ zeigt, dass hier diaselbe Wendung vorliegt wie 154,212 - 19 Anf. das erforderliche |
Suyywendsws muss Stark verkürzt sein. — mapaovn, vgl.154, 23 ff. Auch 1139, su.9 |
| ommt in Betracht, wo die παρα μονῇ miteiner συγχώρησις Tpopiris zusammenhängt; |
die letztere braucht nicht immer Ammenvertrag zu sein, sondern Kann jeden Vertrag über |
/ nterhalt bezeichnen. Es ist beachtenswert, dass mehrfach die mx pa μονὴ inder Arbeit der |
Kinder an Stelle der Zahlung der Eltern besteht. Ein ausgeführter Dienstvertrag ist No |
1126. Val. ferner For. 44 und Tebt.L 384 sowie Wilckens Bemer kungen dazu Arch.f. Fap. |
7241. Auch in den beiden nauen Beispielen ersetzt der Dienst die Zinsen. Eing andre Er- |
satzleistung zeigt No 1115. - Über pin Ixpuvos scheint ein gebogener Strich zustehen, |
50 dass man auf παιδ(ίου) kommen könnte; jedoch widerspricht dem das kaum zwei- |
felhafte υἱοῦ und dia auf Xp folgen. de Gruppe, die kein selbständiges Wort bedeuten
"Kann.- 2ı Ende stark zusammengezogen normal wäre τὸν τούτον τι. -- 22 hinkr

mupaß hat der Schreiber die folgende selbstverständliche Thrase einfach wegglassen.

m: SCHUBART. |

- - - -- π“π-...- ne ww τίς, ἐν et ee 5 N m. %

οὐ}, | No 1154.
Papyrus. H.33 cm. Br. 10,5 cm. Aus der Papyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäläg. Deutliche

Kursive; dieselbe Hand ist auch in einer andern Urkunde desselben Jahres vertre-
ten. 20. Jahr des Augustus.

Rückzahlung eines Darlehens mit mXpa μον, Älexandrien.

a
Ἷ
ἐς;

᾿-

;
x
N Ἰρωτάφχωι
Ἷ παρὰ Πλιοδώρου τοῦ “Ἡλιτοδγχῴρου
ἣ τοῦ καὶ Ἄφροδει τόγίου Ἀτνλγϑαιέως
Καὶ πυιρὰ Διδύμου καὶ Σεύϑοτυ ἀμ-1
᾿ς. φοτέρων Διῳόδύμου καὶ τῆς γτοῦ]
Διόδύμου γυναικὸς Ösordörins τῆς
θΘ:ο δώρου μετὰ κυρίου τιοῦη ἄν δρόφ.
Συνχωρεῖ ὁ “Πλιόδωρος ἄπεόχη τόνον
map& τοῦ Διδύμου καὶ Ζιεύδου τικιαὶ Oso-
Di; | dorns διὰ χειρὸς ἐξ οἴκου τὰ δάνησι
ἃ ἐδάνεισεν αὐτοῖς κατὰ όυνχιῦ-
ρήόεις δύο τὰς dık τοῦ αὐτοῦ κριτη- ἮΝ ἫΝ
ρίου γίγονυίοις τῶν ip > Kouisapog x
Φαμενὼ ὃ μίαν μὲν δροιχ μὰ ϑ Feb. / Marz a
5 3% kodios ἑγήκοντα καὶ τοὺς τού- :
τῶν τόνους, τὴν ds ξτέραν dpa-
χμὰσ ἑκατόν, καὶ εἶναι ἀ κύρφευης
ἀμφοτέροις τὰς δυνχιυρήδεις καὶ
; | πὴ ν τὰς EyaevqVelcsias Kor αὐτὰς ἀιο-
20 a. 70. φὰς διὰ τῆς Ζωίλου Tpars(qs
| δὺν τῇ διὰ τῇ (1 τῶν Σκατὸν ὁρα-
χμῶν δυνχωφήόσεως δημοιν ὃ ε(--

3 Beispiele für Doppelnamen Sind inden alex. Urkunden schr selten... 4 der Name
Didymos ist so häufig, dass man hier nicht an den Challenteros zu denken braucht, ob-
Wohl für diesen auch der Vatersname stimmt und das Fehlen von Ads$avdpsbs oder
© Demohkon mit dem geringen Stande des Vaters, er war ταριχοττύλης, im Einklang ste-
hen würde. _ 17 Ende undeutlich; vielleicht war fehlerhaft ἀκ ύροι 4 geschrieben.
22. 61 μανϑει zu.,jedoch ist δημιιίνειν der gewöhnliche Ausdruck, vgl. No 1132, 5.25.

verte

a ee ESESEESSESEEESEESEEEESEEES EEE EEE NENNE EGKEIELSENSRGEREEIENEEELINEENIIE ...........»

2383

(No 1154) *

SL ποιρα μονῇ ποῦ Διδύμου
καὶ θεοδότης υἱοῦ Διδύμου im
25 μὴ ἐπελεύσεδ διχι τὸν Ἡλιότόγωρον

μηδ᾽ ἄλλον ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ru ττὸην Aldo-
μὸν καὶ Σεύϑην καὶ Θεοδότην
μήτε περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν μήτε.
περὶ ἄλλου μηδενὸς ἁπλῶς πὀγφτεγιλή-
30 . ματος ἢ Amuenuntos ἐγγρόπτου
ἢ ἀγράφου ἄτὸ τῶν ἑμπροσνεν
χρόνων μέχρι τε" ἐνεστώσης
ἡμέροις, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ ἐπὶ τὸν ευχίὸν
᾿Αἰδυμον ἐπελεύδεσϑαι περὶ τῶν
"35 ες Kara τὴν τταροι μονὴν τρόπωι
μη δενὶ ἢ χωρὶς τοῦ κύριαι εἶναι
τὰ όυν κεχωρη μένα ἐνέχεσϑαι
αὐτὸν Ἰγσιροι βαί νον πα τοῖς τε βλάβε-
| I Kal τῶι ὡριόμένωι προφτίμιωι. |
40 ΄ς--- Lk Kauısapos Tayov ὃ AM 10 v. Ch.

23 das zweite Darlehen von 100 Dr. war. zinslos, daher Ersatz durch Dienst. Auffallend
ist die langa Dauer, vom (3. bis zum 20. Jahre. — 33 Ende undeHlich, jedoch Stimmen dia
Spuren zu der obigen Lesung hinreichend. _ 40 Nayav zw.

Fu f Rekto stehen Bon andrer Hand vermischte Notizen, deren letzte 5 Zeilen sich wohl
auf diz mifgeteilte Urkunde beziehen:
a ο΄ τἀμῃφοτέρῳ () Lebaigs καὶ Δίδυ μο(ς)
ἘΠῚ Δίδυμος
καὶ Osodorn Özordi;pov]
τῶι τἩλιοδώριωιλ
45 ἀρχωρίουγ FW [51
"ἢ ὶ - Ἔ 5 .
Δι anscheinend nicht ἀμφότεροι. -- 44 hinter τῶι ist din Öberflächz zerstört.

SCHUBART:.

A

= ΨΩ" Hi in ee ra
j N x ne

nn ne ed een “

= a
| ἐὰν ας.
; ᾿ ἘΚ ἜΣ τς EN En ee

Bee Te το τη

apyrus. H.34.cm. Br. ı cm. Aus der Papyruscarlonnagz von Äbusir el mäläg. Charak-
teristische Hand mit Neigung zu Ansatzstrichen anf der Zeile, gleich der von. No
152. Der Text steht auf Verso, während Rekto leer ist, rechts am Rande dına kle-
bung,, das folgende Blat schliesst sich mit Relcto an das Verso des ersten an. Vermut-
lich ist unser Blatt das erste Bla# einer Rolle (Schutzblatt), das ohna Rücksicht
auf die Klebung abgeschnitten und für das Konzept einer Urkunde verwendet wurde.
Val. H.Ibscher, Arch.f.Rap. 7193. 20. Jahr des Augustus.

Teilzahlung einer Schuld, Alexandrien.. |

koN
Ἰρωπτάρχιωι) |
παρὰ "AroAAwviou τοῦ θέωνος Kal Dr pc]
τ Mapiias τῆς Npwrapyov μετὰ κυρίου FHpa-ı
5 κλίδου τοῦ Ἡρακλίδου. Ἐπὶ τυτγιχάνει .Ἀπολλώ-]
νιὸς ἐπιόςδω κὼς Ἀρτεμιδώρῳι τῷ ἄργχι- ἷ
δι ικοιστῇ τῷ ἐνεότῶτι ıc ἰ- Καίσαρος Aycdp OL. dar σι δ.
ὑπόμνημα ἀπχίτησιν ποιούμενος
: ποιρὰ te τῆς ἥάρϑας wagt ἔτι Mpw-
Bo ΕΠ τοῦ Npwrapyorws ἀργυρίου) FG καὶ
τοιτων, Ägırap ὀφίλεσδαι αὑτῷ ἔγρα-
φεν ὑπὸ τοῦ μετηλλαχότος τῆς μὲν
Μάρϑας πατρωνόος τοῦ δὲ Ἱρωτάρχου
πτοτρὸς ἸΠιυτάρχου τοῦ Ἰἰολέμωνος
5 ὀιφ᾽ οὗ Ἰγροίικοιπο οὗτος πιπτιςίου μεμαρ-
τυρημένου δὲ δι᾿ ὧν ἄνηνεν κεν ὃ Ἰρῶταρ-

2 die Adresse ist stark zusammengezogen, aber der Nama des Protarchos sicher. _ \
6 zu Artemidoros vgl. No 1168, 1 und m, ı.. Zur Sache vgl. Ärch.f.Pap. 763, ferner Ory τοι ἢ
Wo ein danz. analogas ὑπύμνημα angeführt wird. 7 dia Jahreszahl ist nicht ganz deutlich
da aber No 1152 von derselben Hand ist und durch No 1134, 21-26 mit Wahrschänlichkkeit ins
020. Jahr gesetzt werden kann, ist auch hier dasselbe Jahr anzunehmen: _ 15 zu TTPOLIKKTO ;
vgl. No 1135, 1ο..-- Liber die Bedeutung des mırr&kıow ist viell. aus der noch unpubl. alex.
2 Urk. 127: Aufschluss zu gewinnen; jedoch ist mir die ausserordentlich Schwierige
. Lesung des Textes noch nicht gelungen. Es scheint, als würde zwischen einem rirraiıov der
3 Bank und einem πιττάκιον ἴόιον ein Unterschied gemacht,

4
. ἢ
IR

verte,
nn 333
an , 288

ἢ

ἣν
Ἔ ἕ
᾿ς ἕ
᾿. | nn

a ὍΝ ᾿ SEN 73 Br
. u + Ν᾿

--Φυ παν BA IE

BE 22 225

> ὁ. .- - πο nein nn ee un ne re ον T
\ 4 > φ “δῶ. σ-ὦ.. « ᾿ FE | ; | Fr

ö 1; 4 LP 2 2 u:
ς : , E
2 ὃ | =

’ h Mn =
ω z - ᾿ Y
> 5
-:
.

(18) (No 155) *
χοὸς δυνχωρήσεων, νυνὶ δὲ εὐπτεγιϑὴς γεγο-
vos ὑπὸ cms) M&pdas Emmi Torl κατ᾽ αὐτὴν μέ-
pous ἀρεῖς kat SuesKeglas map’ αὐτῇ [51
20 dı& χιρὸς ἐξ οἴκου τὸ [ev | τ ἥμισυ]
Ken "Ἀπολλώνιος γμητ’ αὐτὸς Bi ἄλλος RE
αὐτοῦ μηδὶς ἐπελεύφετόϑθαι ἔτ’ u und’ ἐπὶ ı
τὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ τετελγηύττη κότος πτάτρωνος ἵρωτάρ-1
| yov ἀτολελιμιμένοι πεγρὶ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν
25 Μάρϑαν μέρους "Ὁ: τοῦ ἀν
| yxeı τῶν τόκων Γ.
| μήτε περὶ τῶν τ. μὴτε περὶ
| | οὐ μηδενὸς ἁπλῶς ee
mo Eee ἢ τον ἢ ἀγρίτ3
30 . φου πράγματος TOLV γενομένων ἄπο τῶνῇ
ἐμπροόϑεν ypov των μέχρι τῆς U 56-7
Twens ἡ μιτέροις :
δηλῳ ΣΝ
την τ.
Br τὸ συν κχορημένα ἐνέχεσθαι -τ-ὸν Ἵ
mapmaßaivovex τοῖς TE βλάβεσι καὶ τῷ ἢ

ἜΝ Ἂν Te en ch

(ριόῃ μένῳ mpostimw, μὴ ἐλαττουμένου To]
᾿Απολλτγωνίου ἐν τῇ ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰρώτοαρχον
τ Εἰγτερὶ τοῦ ἑτέρου τοῦ τ
20 που μερους a τῶν τοῦ ἀργυ(ρίου) Ερ kai]
| τῶν γτούτων τόκων...

μετ
τ.

af der untere Teil der Urkunde ist nöch mehr zerstört und verwischt als der obere. -
21 dia Erg. istreichlich lang, aber kaum zw.; ebenso 22... 24 ἀπῇ x.sehr zw., daher
auch fraglich, ob der Name Frotarchos en war. _ Erg. etwas kurz.._. 26 Anl. καὶ
unmöglich, daher dir Erg.der vorigen Zeile unsicher. 27 περὶ τῶν ταὐτῶν scheint
ποτὰ τ =: 1 hier muss, jedenfalls mit Kürzungen, ἃ gestanden haben:
ἢ χωρὶς τοῦ κεύριοι εἶναι... 37} die Er bilden nur einen Versuch, dız erhaltener

Reste zur deuten.
SCHUBART.

286

in nn nn

κατα

nn

en PER
ee > 0,
FF]
=

194 R. u Noase
Papyrus. H.38 cm. Br.23cm. Aus der Fapyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäläg.
Schrift von mittlerer Grösse, mit starker Neigung zur Zusammenziehung, daher
stellenweise undeutlich. Auf Verso Darlehensurkunde aus dem 17. Jahre. 15.Jahr
des Augustus. |
Darlehensurkunde, Alexandrien.

RT ER LES) Ne

μοι Ka

Al
sa τῶι ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐν τῆι αὐλῆι κριτηρίου N
παρὰ latou ᾿Ιουλίου Φιλίου καὶ Ἰγιρὰ Νίλου τοῦ τ... . 1
ἵ καὶ τῆς τούτου γυναικὸς Ζωίδος Γτής ...... καὶ τοῦ] |
δ΄. ἀμφοτέρων υἱοῦ Εἰρηναίου τοῦ καὶ Awpormjov

μετὰ κυρίου τῆς Zwidos αὐτοῦ τοῦ Avdpös. Mrzpi τῶν
ὀι:6ταμιέντωμν δυνχωροῦδιν δτε Νῖλος καὶ Ζωὶς καὶ ἔτι 1
ΕἸρη ναῖος ἔχειν apa τοῦ [κίτογυ Φιλίου davsıroıv di τε]
χειρὸς καὶ διὰ τῆς Kastopos κολλυβιόστιτκῆς: τραπιγέδηης

10 Γἀργυργίου Ἰτολεμαι κοῦ δραχμὰς ξικατὸν ὑγδοή κοντοι |
y BJ; a \ ͵ Ε N 4 ΔΈΚΑ h
[XTo]kov, ὃ καὶ ἀποδώσειν ἐν μησὶν Ὁ amo νουμηνιας EEE |

| Meysip τοῦ ἐνεότῶτος πεντεκαιόεκάτου ἕτους Kaisapos, διδόντείς: 7;
Kay? ἑκάστην ἡμέραν εἰς τὸ mpoksimeivo]V κεφάλαιον τὴν ἐπι - |
= ὕβδόγλλονδαν ὁραχμὴν μίαν εὐτάκτως μηδεμίαν κοιλὴν ᾿
᾿ ᾿ς γποιῃούμενοι μέχρι τοῦ ἐκπληρῳ θῆναι τὸν [ἀιον Φίλι γον τοῖς τοῦ
᾿ς τἀρῃυρίου ὁραγμαῖς ἑκατὸν ὀγδοήκοντα, ταῦτα ds ποοήότειν |
τἄνγευ κρίέεως καὶ πάσης ἀντιλογίας, ἐὰν δέτινα. τῶν καϑ' ἡ τμέραιν]
Ν᾿ τδηόδεων κοιλάνωσι, εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἀγωγίμους μὴ ἀνα μείναντας ᾿

1

Fe Men
ı von andrer Hand als die Urk.; vor u mögl. Weise mehrer2 Bst.abgerieben. _ 2 vgl.No
1098, 124.127. 148.1146.- 3 Nilos ist viell.identisch mit dem Nilos von No 1124.) dann wäre
τοῦ τΝίλου zur erg._ 5 Ende sehr unsicher; wenn καὶ ganzeng geschrieben war, könnte
man τοῦ καὶ Ἰσιόώροςυ lesen, wobei jedoch amı Ende unerklärte Reste bleiben würden.
Erwarten sollte man τῶν τριῶν Tepsov vgl.Z.18, aber die Reste stimmen nicht dazu. -
7 καὶ ἔτι isthäufige Verbindung. -- 9 vgl. No 119, 12. 1152,13. 10 hinter öydohmovex geringe
Spuren, die wohl ohna Bedeutung sind. — ff vgl. die ganz analoge Urk.No 1053. - 18 inder
ΜΙ τὸ zusammengezogen, dass eine genaue Transkription nicht möglich ist, erkennbar ist
hur einzelnes; dasselbe gilt far zı, 23,24. Ohne Analogien wären solche Stellen nicht-lesbar.

verte

ΝΞΟ ου δ τδπδο. π ππΠπ ee 2 er

281

nn Fe BED 3 ae 1 ΚΣΤ ὙΡ δ ετ ον πὰ τς Ἐπον πο σηνν,
(HR) | (No 1156)”

25

5

--.

τὸν μέμεριόμένον αὐτοῖς χρόνον καὶ δυνέχεσϑαι μέχρι ττοῦ ἐκτῖσαι
τὸ ὅλον κεφάλαιον n τὸ Σνοφειλη δησόμεινιον δὺζν ἡ) μιτλεῆς
παραχρῆμα τοῦ δὲ ὑτεριγεδόντος χρόνου τοὺς κατὰ τὸ διταγηραμμῖτα τόκους διδράχμου):

tig TPALFIEWS γεινομένης τῷ [ἀίῳ Φιτλίῳ ik τε] αὐτῶν τῶν πρτειῶιν ἄλλτηλιεγγύων)
τὔντων εἰς ξδκτισῖν κυὶ 7 Σνὸφ καὶ ἐΐ οὗ ἐὰν αἱρῆται κκὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων

αὐτογῖης πάντων καϑιάπερ) ἐγ δίκης, καὶ μέχρι τοῦ διευλυτῆσαι μὴ ἐΐξιναυ
αὐτοῖς ἐπιφέρειν πίστεις μήτε κατιφεύγειν ἐπὶ...

und’ ἐπ᾿ ἀσυλὸον τόπον μηδ᾽ ἐπὶ πρόςταγμα φιλῃχν ϑρωττων 7 ξργᾳισίας
μηδ᾽ ἐπ’ ἄλλην μηδεμίαν ἁπλιῶς όκέπην, ἢ οἷς ἐὰν προςχρήσωντικι

Ἰότω αν ἄκυρα. “Ἣν ds προς αψενηντόχασιν οἱ μὲν δύο,

τῶν προγεγραμμένων Νῖλος καὶ Ζωὶς δὺτν Σαγραπίωνι Trug

Σώωδου ἑτέραν δανείου συνχιορησιν διὰ τοῦ ζαὐτοῦ;» κριτηρίσυ |
τῷ Αϑὺρ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ις ἵ- εἰς τὸν ἴάιον Φίλιον ὀρταιχμῶν δίζ.. 2. τὄν, En:
ἑκατὸν εἴκοδτ εἶναι ἄγκυηρον τ΄. di“ Γ...2ονώ...

en πΠπΠ|ρὴὴ KaTov καὶ τὸ προδω

[un ἐπελεύσεσϑ᾽αι ἐπὶ τὸ «τῶν τοῦ» ἀργυρίου H ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι κεφάλαιον)

ἑκατὸν oyd Con kovra J

u.

24 Lesung ganz unsicher; vgl. No 1053152. 1147,27. 51,42... 25 Ende: hier muss
etwas Ähnliches wie 1053 1 5 ff gestanden haben, ixzrirov ἀξίωμα, λαικὴν βο-
ἡδεῖαν oder drgl. - 26 ἐργασίας, das den Spuren ungefähr entspricht; nach
1053 7,8; der dort gegebene Hinweis auf εὐεργεσία ist sicher nichl-richtig, vielmehr
dürfte an einen Erlass zu.Gunsten der Arbeiter zu denken sein. Vielleicht wurde.
“dadurch der Ärbeiter für eina gewisse Zeit, etıya die der Ernte, der Verfolgung ent-
zogen, oder dia Pfändung grwisser Arbeitsgeräte verboten. - 28 vol. 1053 C 13 ff. -
30 ob αὐτοῦ aeschrieben war, Wann ich bei der Zusammenziehung der Bst nicht
entscheiden. =.132, f hier scheint 1053 IT ı3 ff rucht weiter zu helfen, obwohl der
kedankengany ungefähr gleich sein muss. -- 33 καὶ τὸ mpodW = „und in Zu-
Kunft”? mpdsw-Lrov passt noch viel weniger. -- 36 es kann ἀξιοῦμεν da-
gestanden haben.- Das Datum fehlt.

SCHUBART.

Ϊ
I

03 Κ᾿ No 1157.
Fapyrus. H.33 cm. Br. σύμ. Aus der apyruscarlonnage von Her elmaläg. Schrift wie
No 1120, stellenweise stark beschädigt; von den ersten 4 Zeilen sind nur Reste erhalten
und unter Z.24 ist die obere Faserschicht abgesprungart. Jedoch fehit von der mit-
eteiten Urkunde vermutlich nicht viel, die am unteren Ende des Blattes sichtbaren
Schriftspuren dürften Zu einer zweiten, gänzlich verlorenen Urkunde gehören.

Auf Verso nur ganz gerunge Schriftreste. 20. Jahr des Augustus.

Verkauf eines Pootes, Alexandrien.

Tpw Γτάρχωι 1
ΠΣ Anumviouroö... καὶ παρὰ [Πνεφερῶτος τοῦ ....1
καὶ Mssınovs ol καὶ Tersapsvpoıs τοῦ ἰῃιεσιήους.

[Ἐπεὶ κατὰ δυνχωρήσ (4 τρεῖς τὰς τελείῳ ϑξίσοις διὰ τοῦ κριτηρίου κατὰ μὲν μίαν]
\ - 2 “
ἶ Era τ
5 L Köcıi Ἴταῦνι ὦ | ae
5 FoIrTpiproL DLR POS RL Ne een. ee VEpspudg kml
Tissıns καὶ ὅτι NMsrsapsvgois ᾿ΠΠι:σιῆος παρὰ τοῦ Ἀμμωνίου ἀρτγιυρίου ῥαγμας
, χιλίας τριάκοντα
dba ivrökous, κατὰ τὴν ἑτέραν ὡμολόγηκεν ὁ Λμμώνιος κομιόχμενος ταύτας καὶ
τοὺς To LNOUS]
2 ! 2 \ a ' \ 7ὔ n h Fi Fr v Sn
ἀνοϊόειν sis τοὺς τρεῖς δυνχώρησίν, περὶ μισυδπρασίοις -ττῆ!ς ὑπαρχούσης ἀὐτῷ
δκάφης ξυλη-
N Ξ f ͵ ' Pc ἥ τ γα ΠΝ. εἰ τη ας ͵ &
ἴου 8... τ κα κοντα πεντς τλατοὺυς ππ]χίον νος κοι, KATX δὲ ἐξέέραν συνγιρηστιν
᾿ n ) 2 d , 2, k , γέ N τὸν ͵ Ep
10 τὴν γεγονυῖαν avTwu ἐννο καιόξκατωι. ZTEL Καισοιρος Eırzup Auuoviov ERrouL-

5h κατειλη: ὀτιεϊνω Aal
δρλιμενος ἢ ππχρὰ 4 v.Oba«\

4 vor IenW) einige unbestimmte Jpuren. . Die Erg. folgt aus der Konstruktion des Gan- |
Zen._ 5 Ant. die Spuren passen am ehesten noch zu Tstaptw.. Vor Ὁ Te unbest. Reste... |
Da die folgenden Namen im Nominativ slehen, wäre etwa Σἰλήφασιν zu ergänzen. Jedach
fordert Aof ein regieren des Verbum und setzt voraus: σημαίνεται. Offenbar istdie Ur. |
stilistisch nicht in Ordnung. _ 6 dia Namen sind in der Lesung zweifelhaft. _ 3 μισϑὀπρασία,
ist nur noch durch Pond. IE 1164 Seite 164/5 belagt, Wo 85 gleichfalls von einen Schiffe dt; 1}
dort die Anm.dazu. Dort wie:hier Hrit einmalige Zahlung an dis Stelle wiederholter Mietszah-
lung. Der eigentliche Inhalt der Urkunde besteht in der μισθό πρασία und kommt im Wesentli- |
chen auf einen Ver kauf hinaus. _. 3/9 Ξϑυληγοῦ unsicher; μήκους ausgzlassen. ne |
μώνιον aus Aupwvios ‘Korr., val.Kouus@ μενος u.die Korr. zu ἀνήνεν κεν in AZ. |

werte, Ἰ

289 ἱ

᾿

in

«ας nn .ὦ- re nn -

τς u Er RER ZENTREN ἀπ π΄ πὰς

(93 R.) | (No 1157) 7

< n 3 ᾽ {11,09 . = ΄
kosiag ζκατὰ τὸ ὑπ’ αὐτῶν εὐδο NETZ ἀνή νενκεν εἰς Tersapsypög Ἰγερὶ μιόνόπροι-

SE: I n N 1 ͵ n n
δίας τρίτου Hipovs τῆς δηλουμένης IKapns δυνχωρησίν, Tavov δονχο ρου μεν)

« \ \ “ 7 ] a Ν \ N \
πγὸς ἑατοὺς ἐπὶ τοῖς ὃς; ὃ Ἀμμώνιος κεκομισμένος παρὰ τοῦ Ϊνεφερὼς καὶ Πιεσίήους 107

|

a a u

Adurl&s)

| [dvo τῆς αὐτῆς ὅκα φις Spuren Be ‚ipyasssdaı TER a a
Ὁ; en

τὸ προς κομίζειν καὶ ὅτι ἐὰν ϑέλῳ σι δυντελεῖν, αὐτόνε δ ΣΝ
Lrundstipoug αὐτῶν μηδ᾽ ἄλλον ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ μηδέ(να) ἐτελεύσεσαι περὶ. « «νον ν τον νοι
our... Jer.. καὶ τῶν τόκων, βεβαιώσειν di τὰ dvo μσρη τῆτς SION... or Ἶ
“-“---“----. δυσὶ παραχρῆμα ἀποιραποόίφτως ἢ χωρὶς τοῦ κύρια εἶναι

5

[Κα ϑα τοῦ ἐγ δίκης. Ἴ

Ι2. die korr. erscheint eher ἀνενη όχέναι als Avsveyksiv zu ergeben, ist aber un-

deutlich. _ L. Tersapsvgois ΓΝ 13. der Nachtrag über der Zeile scheint zu -
nächst auf Dio0 zu führen, was unmöglich ist; vielmehr dürfte, die vermisste Zeitbe-

Stimmung darin stecken und Vin = 31 χρόνον ζτη 3vvEX gemänt san, vgl. 47/38.-
14 L. Ἰνεφερῶτος τὰ πε το ὁραγμὰς ein 0 (570 ἢ). wohl Schreibfehler. =

| [6 μιόνὸ προισίος stimmt zwar schlecht zu.den Spuren, scheint aber unvermeidlich, -
Die Spuren über χικύρους sind wohl nur durch Abdruck entstanden. - καὶ vor man
; ist zu streichen. _ 20 am Ende nz gerınga Schriftreste. _ 21 αὑτόνεν Sehr
unsicher; nach δὲ etwa: und’ αὐτὸς δ᾿ ἡμμώνιος mi zu ergänzen. 22. ἰ. μη-

ὀέτερον. _ 22/3 etwa Περὶ τοὗ ὃ Ἀμμώνιος: κεκόμτισται κεφαλαίου. %
26 vermutlich schloss hiermit die Urkunde.

SCHUBART.

Ἢ

290

“-«χιὶ.

a 5.0. ...».... 0 a

"τ Ὁ

139 V No 1153.

ΝΗ H.27cm. Br.ıl,scm. Aus der Kapyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäläg.
chrift wie No 1120, 2.T.abgerieben. Das obere Drittel der Seite füllt eine un-
vollständig2 Urkunde von derselben Hand, vom 9. Choiak desselben Jahres;
auf Rekto No 1172. 22. Jahr des Augustus.

Abkommen über Rückgabe verpfändeten Ackers Alexandrien.

Mpwrerge) 2

παρὰ WAoU Κορνηλίο(υ) ᾿Ἰδαίου) καὶ πιαρὰ) Κορνηλίας ἰατίας τῆς κόρ-

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Wegen des folgenden Namens kaum möglich ıst. I αλλ so gut wie Sicher, ob- |
‚gleich ein römischer Gentilname zu erwarten wäre. _ 5 eher οὗτος als αὐτῇ. ..-
6 val. 1127,7.8. 129,9. - Die erste wapayapnsis (Z.7) bestand darin, dass der
Schuldner die 5 Aruren- als Sicherheit für das Darlehn. gab; nach Abzahluna.
der Schuld soll sie rückgängig gemacht werden. _ 7 zum καταλο γεῖον, ναί.
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δαυτὸν erklären sich daraus, dass der Stil der δυγχώ φησί beide Köntrahenten
als Subjekt voraussetzt. |

Ve rt

ΠΝ τ τὺ σεν το σου

291

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139) | | (No 1158)”

15 Κσχιυφη(μένων! αὑτῇ Κα νόυ ts] προκειτίαι) μὴ προς ὀξην (σαν; μηδεμιᾶς
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!

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τῶν πξεντης. κα -

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A

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16/7 vgl. 21, 26 F (wo Ζ. 28 wohl φόρων ἀφέσεις zu lesen ist), zu erwarte. |
wäre οἰἴτιὸν τι τυνχάνειν,. _ 47... ἔσται sta# ότι... 20 Lesung unsicher; |

= a τι . 4 . . . Ä ’
wenn rıchHi so ıst dia Konstruktion ungenau; vielleicht war ἐπὶ τὸν ὕπο-

;
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entsprechen de Anderung übernommun wurde. _ 207 vgl. 127, 23. --
25 dia grwöhnliche Formel irrivsiv τὸν mapa βαίνον το τοί τε βλαβη ταὶ
᾿δαπανή ματα lässt sich mit dem Erkennbaren nicht zusammen bringen;
zur Not möglich wäre ἀνοηλιῴσοιι τὸν πηοιραβαίνοντο).

τ

AR

SCHUBART.

ΓΚ: No 115.

Rapurus. H,33,5cm. Br. 12, 5 εἴτ Aus der Rapyruscartonnage von Abusir el mä-
läg. Deutliche Kursive ähnlich der von No 171, jedoch ist die Schrift beson-
ders der ersten achtzehn Zeilen so abgarieben und verwischt, dass die Le-
sung vielfach ganz unsicher bleibt. Auf Verso Reste von Urkunden ander
Hand. Zeit des Augustus. |

Vetrau eines Strategen mit seinem Stellvertreter, Älexandriuen,
Ἴρῳωτάρφχοι τῶι ἐπὶ τοῦ κριτηρίου
ππχρὰ TMroAsualov τοῦ Πτολεμαίου "Αλϑαιέωσ
Καὶ τπηαρὰ Ζωδιμου τοῦ ... |

[ Zvvywpsi ö ISSUE wa ae ya 1-7
a x /
5 τησάντος τοῦ TroAsuntov τὸν Μενάλγαειί-
τὰν γον τ νου &. TOU

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Hıpalıy ᾿ ᾿ \ RS
10 ὅτι δὲ cal πεπιότευμάνος vo EtTov]
ER et a Ἶ R ä 2
αὐτοῦ TtoAsnalov τὸς φυλακὰς τοῦ

1 Im Einzelnen fast überall unklar, aber im Ganzen als sicher zu betrachten. _
3 nurauf Grund des Inhalts erkennbar. - 4 Undeutbare Reste vorhanden. 5 Ende:
- deutlich nuer am Schluss ası oder Ası oder ὄξει oder asL; jedoch passt ası am besten.
Danun nach 42 und Wegen des Gesamtinhaltes in den ersten Zeilen die Nennung des
Baus zu erwarten ist, scheint hier der Name wohl möglich ; xsı weist auf den Mene- ς
[αἰ τεσ, wobei allerdings ein Schreibfehler vorliegen müsste. Μενδήσιον ist unmög- |
lich, auch Zrhpwsimv passt nicht, alle auf voAltns ausgehenden Namen scheiden
Jaus. Steht hier der Nam, sowäre in Z.4 etwa din Ösfaısvos oder δια δεδεμένος zul
| ergänzen. Dass Zosimos nicht elwa ein Unterbeamter des Strategen ist (vgl. BGUAE 981), |
: zeigt sicher 23/4, dass er nicht Vorgänger des Polemaios ist, beweist Z.10; daher
| bleibt nur übrig, inihm zinen zeitweiligen Vertreter zu sehen. „)emnach sichert digser
Vertrag den Plolemaios gegen Ansprüche, dia efwa aus den Amtshandlungen des
Zosimos hervorgehen könnten. - ὁ τεταγμένος ὑτ᾽ αὐτοῦ Kann ich nicht identifi-
zieren... 8 Anf. viell. wat, da die Konstruktion dies empfiehlt; dann unbestiminte

Spuren. _ 9 |. ποιρεσκευακώς. ι ἰ
vert®, |

293

nn 2

— euer

—— ur

(91 R.) ag | (No 159)”
αὐτοῦ νομοῦ καὶ ἠόχφλη μένος ἰχτὸ |
Owün τοῦ ivstststos .... 3rous Kat-]
Iapos Ems Aoıatr τοῦ αὐτοῦ [ejroug FE... Li
15 τοῦ Ἱττολεμαίου, μευϑεσταγμένος ds]
Ts ὅτρατη yias, armo Tod Xoläk ...]
Ber job Skinpögas Er el
we gehingz Schriffspuren iv di τις 3y-)
κταγλῇ τῶι Ἰπολεμαίωπη TV ὑπὸ τοῦ]
20 Zwsinov ὑπὲρ τούτων ΚΕ ΤΉ Κἢ
Σργατηαν END τοῦ χειριόμοῦ τεξετασιν
λαβὼν ἢ Στέρου Ey&pıva γτιηνὸς ὧν
αὐτὸς ὃ Ζώσιμιος ὑπηόσχώληται. Ἷ λε-
λιτούργηκεν DE: Sparnyia εἰ...
25 Ζὠάδιμος Sossdor αὐ σῦς. καὶ
Σκτείσιν τῶι Ἰπολεμαίωι ὃ ξὰν δι’ αὖ-
τὸν βῥλαβῇ ἢ προχνῆ: δὺν ἡμιολίᾳ Be
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μον} ὡς ἴδιον τχιρέος ἀργυρίου ὁραχμὰς
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τ λ μαι Kert.....L..2..018 τὸ ταῦτ΄,
Ic TE αὐτοῦ Ζωόσίμου καὶ ἐκ τῶν γὑπιαρχόν-
τῶν αὐτῶι πάντων kadamsp ἐγ δίκης.
Unleserliche Reste des Ῥαΐωπις.

14 Ende scheint gestrichen zu sin; ob διν τί, ist sehr zw. 15 μεϑεσταμένος auf Zosi-

| mos bezogen passt besser als μεϑέσταμένου ZU Polemaios. Ἐς 17 τοῦ (χρόνῃου ἔκπλη-

| pwVzrrros nicht unmöglich. _ 17/8 ist viell. zur ergänzen: παρέξεσναι αὐτὸν ἀπερίόπα-
ὅτον. -- 19 Tv ganz unsicher._2.0 τούτων ganz unsicher. _ Nach 9 wäre etwa KaTsskeu-

| ἀόμένην möglich. - 21 zu γειριόμὸς vgl. Tebt.1L315, u mit Änm.und P.&iss. 1 Eini.
ἐξέτασιν λαμβάνειν Demosth.48,246. - 23 LönmsyöAne. - 24 demnach halte der
Stratege auch Liturgien zu leisten.- Gemeint ist etwa: ἐν τοῖς τῇ ὀτρατηγίᾳ ἄνῃ kousi,
ob am Ende übergeschrieben war αὐτὸς ὃ, kann ich nicht erkennen. -- 25 zu erwarten wäre:
ὑπεύνυνος͵ ἔνοχος, allenfalls ἐμφανής. - 26} die Jchlussformel entspricht der zur Siche-
rung. eines Bürgen üblichen, vg!.No 1163, 14. - 3 der Schluss der Zeile scheint nicht

ausggstrich νι 561π.-
an SCHUBART:

294

uf » αν» Ὁ». a rer οὐδέ

BRL. No 1160.

Tapyrus. H.37cm. Br. ı2cm. Aus der Fapyruscartonnage vor Abvzsırel mäläg.
Der Text steht auf demselben Blate unter No 1112 und ist von derselben Hand
geschrieben. 26.Jahr des Augustus.

Handschein, Alexandrien.

παρα Isınorparous τοῦ ἢ
cr ἴσιμο Στρόβειλοϑ Ὶ Tsinorparens Trnorparovs Zrpoßziio
Hpwvos καὶ Φιλή μονι Σπφοβείλου χαῖρ ταν): Ὅμολογῶ μιήττε
αὐτὺς() μήτ᾽ ἄλλορ) ὑπέρμου μηδένα) ἐπελαύσεσναι) ΣΦ᾽ ὑμᾶς Γκανάπερ.....Ψ
5 ὑπὲρ ὧν τερὶ μηδενὸδ(ς) ἁτλῶρ) ἐνγράπί(του) ἡ ἀγράφου) ἢ ὀφειλήςματος)
ἢ [Are (ματος }1
ἢ διαγραφῶν κα" ὁντινοῦν, τρόπ(ον) ἀπὸ τῶν Σμπροόναον) ypowav) μύχρι
' τῇ) ἐνε(ότωσης) ἡμέρῶϑ) ΓΞ ]
} Εδιὰ τὸν Tapsupzesı μηδεμιᾷ ἢ χωρὶδ τοῦ κύρια εἶναι τὰ ὥιμολοχτη-1
ὶ μένα, ἔκτείδει nd Rad? ὃ ἐὰν παρα βαίνων τὰ τεδυ βλάβη) "καὶ dir ανῆ ματα) |
καὶ ὡς ἴδ(ιον) χρξοῦ) &pryu@lov)) 2 |
n d3 ὯΝ ἥδε κυρία ἔστω. | ἰ

| ı der Schreiber begann zuerst irrtümlich im Stile, der Suygwpndis.- 2 Tzıno- |

κράτης ist ΚΟΥΎ. aus Tsıuas, der zugehörigen Kurzform. Dies zeigt besonders deut- |
"lich, dass der Schreiber die Leute oder Wenigstens den "Timokrates persönlich vor sich |
hatte; auf dr Frage nach dem Namen erhielt er die Antwort: Timas.- 3 das dem Hand-
Scheine vorausliegende Rechtsgeschäft wird nicht erwähnt, während sonst dergleichen Er- |
- Klärungen an den Vertrag selbst angehängt werden. 4 durch aristein Auerstrich- |
Be... der T herstellt: 7°. _ Ende: wahrscheinlich geriet der Schreiber fälschlich auf |
καϑαπερ ἢν δίκη. _ 8 τὰν nur angedeutet, apa undeutlich.

=

SCHUBART.

r
a
N

36 V 2 No 16].

fapy rus.H. Ι9, 5᾽'σππι. Br. em. Aus der apyruscartonnage von Abusirel imäläg.
Schrift wie auf Rekto (= No 1099). Die Datierung ist nicht ganz. sicher; wie
es scheint, 7. Jahr des Augustus.

| Darlehnsurkunde \ Alexandrien-

- 295

(56) (No τιθι )”
Geringe Jburen einer Zeila,.

| παρὰ Ἴπολε μαίου τοῦ Ἰπογλεμαίου ........ Ἴ

| τκιαὶ παρὰ Ἑ ρμαφίλου TIDUNEN Tipsov]

| τῇ πιγονῆς καὶ ττῆς τούτου fovau-]

5 κὸς Ayadoviens Ts ER 3 Tzp-3 ;

δτίνη 5 μετα κυρίοζυ τοῦ ἀνδρός. za
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10 τόκων ξἔννεοβολῶν Γτῆς μιᾶς Σικ 6.1
τὴς τοῦ μηνὸς Ἱκάτσοτου, ὃ Kal ἀπο-]

γόγώδιν ἐν μηδὲν ξξ ἀττὸ .... τοῦ iver πῶς
γόγτῶτος ς ἐ- ΚΚιαὶ δορὸς dıddvrss τὸν 2.9 ΟΞ Σ
μὲν τόκον κατὰ μεῆνα εὐτάκτωσ1
15 Se) di κεφάλαιον Div τῷ ξόχάτῳ μη-1
| νὶ ἄνευ TEENS ὑττερϑέσεως, ἢ εἶς
| var αὐτοὺς ποιραγτρῇ μα ἀγωγίμους 1
| καὶ Suvayscdaı Γμέχρι τοῦ ἐκτῖ-
όχι τὸ μὲν ὀάνῃτον Sur ἡμιολία
20 τοὺς di τόκους ἀιτλοῦς, τοῦ ὁὲ1
ὑπερπεσοόντος Γχρόνου τοὺς κατὰ]
τὸ διὰ γραμμιοι τόκους ᾿ 1
πράφτιυς yworpeums τῶν Iro-3
Γλεμπαίῳ ἔκ τε [τῶν ὑπυγρέων ὃν"-3 |

25 γττων ὀῃᾳλληλενγύτων sis ἐκτισὶν
Γικαὶ 1; νὸς καΓΙ ἐξ οὔ av αὐ(τῶν) αἱ ρῆςται 1
γκαὶ Ὧν τῶν ὑπαγργόντων αὐτοῖς 1
γτάντηων κα υδίτ. Ἦγ δίκης δ κύ.2
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20 γκωδι MIETTEWEV πασῶν ὄκέτπτης παδῃ5.1 |
Spu ren einer Zeile. |

| zur Erg.der Adresse vgl. No 1099 Anm. 4. — 13 z-ist deutlich; ‚jedoch ist nicht ganz tusceschls-.
| sen, dass ein dicht daran gadrängtes I vorherging. Für ız würde No πος von derselben Hand
Sprechen. Val. 1099 Anm.4 und 1106 Anm. 1. SCHUBART i

—

296 ᾿

soR. No 62.

Fapyrus. H.29cn. br. 10,5 cm. Aus der Tapyruscartonnage von Abusır el mälägq. Grosse, Ver-

Schnörlvelte Schrift, die sich von den Händen der οὐ τα Schreiber charakteristisch unter-
scheidet. Eigentümlich ist die Auslassung einzelner Buchstaben, die nicht durch Zusam.
Menzichung oder Abkürzung erklärt wird, z.B. Z.4.5.6.9. 1.12.18. Auf Verso steht
No 1153. 14.Jahr des August | |

ἢ τ ΠΝ ἷ Älexandrien.

Der fehlende Anfa ng ist zuergänzen: ΓἸρωτάρχωι παρὰ Σωσιποτρου tod... κοὶ παρὰ Apı -

n

droxdnas τῆς... Ἵξρσίνης μετὰ κυρίου Tod... καὶ Ipvoatvns τ τς Nepsirns μετὰ
κυρίου τεσ. Συνχωροῦδιν Ἷ ApısrorAna kal Tpboavo zysır Tap& τοῦ]

[Aweinatpovg di νηὸν dıa Xp Ds 2 Ὁ ÖLKOU ἀργυρίου) aA
μαικοῦ ὁροχμὰς χιλίας ὀγδοὴ κοντα αττοικον, 1

0 καὶ ἀποδώῴσιν ἂν μησὶν dixa οὖσιν ἀπὸ [Monat]

τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος T306axpis καὶ ὃς κάτρου ὅτου ς [Kot sa ρος Ἱ 776 v. O1.
ἄνευ τὸιδη4 ὑπερϑεόειο5, st ὁὲ «μὴ» εἶναι αὖ γτὰς ἀγω-Ἱ

ferss καὶ SuvsyKscydaı μέχρι τοῦ ἡςκχτίόδοι τὸ μὲν δά-Ἰ

Κριτηρίου ἄλλων ἀργυρίου ταλάντων τριῶτν]
-------. ;

Anfang: Fotarchos ist sonst nicht vor dem 16. Jahre des Augustus nachweisbar;

᾿ daher ist hier die Erg.ungeniss. Vgl. jedoch No 1163, 17 Anm. 5 Wegen der ἀγώγιμον-
N Klausel ist anzunehmen, dass die Schuldnerinnen Tspsivoı sind. - [0 der Name

ZU

ἡ jedoch führt die ın "7 erhaltena Endung auf dü hier eingesetzte Lesung. —

50% im Hinblick auf ein nachher Vergessenes ἀχνήου.

SCHUBART

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᾿ ΠΈΣ ΠΕΣ
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38 R. No 1!62.
Fapyrus. en Κεἰ Husder apyruscartonnaga von Abusir el mälag. Jhritt

wie No 1116. Auf Verso eine ganz zerstörte Urkunde von anderer Hand. Ewa

3 Jahr 14-17 des Augustus.
i Erledigung einer Schuld, Alexanarien.

κολ

Διονυφίου κολιλυβιόστικῆς) τραπίζης)» Ἰάτρων δὲ da τῆς) adens) Trardins)
ἐν τῶν αὐτῶι αὶ δε ΣΙ Σ

\ \ EN n N \ δ
τρια kodias ὀραχεμας 1 ἜΤ τος dı& τὸ υτερ τῶν Σπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ ὁρανμῶν τρια κοδι-

10 Terpove) μὴ Σπιτορευόμενον HL τὸ(ν) αὐτὸ Φιλάμμοινα) περὶ τῶν τοῦ
| ἀργυ(ρίου) ΚΕ diankosiwov τμη:2

Ei κολ, gross geschrieben, viell.von anderer Hand._ 3 wahrsch. Ἀμμωνίου, aber auch

Ἀπολλωνίου möglich. -- Ende sehr undeutlich._ 4 αὐτοὺς deutlich ; obwohl diz ganze
Urk. zeigt, dass nur Demetrios sie dem Philammon ausstellt, wird durch den Plural auch
| Ratron einbezogen , der in der Sachz , aber nicht in der Form neben Demetrios steht. — 5 der
Reis für Papyrus blätter ist im Vergleich mit dem Verbrauch eines Dorfschreibers, Tebt.
ΤΙ, 61.81, nicht hoch. Zur Sacha: Demetrios und Patron haben Rapyrusblätter bezahlt,

d.h.wohl gekauft. Philammon hat den D. entschädigt, zugleich für Patron. Vielleicht

handelt es sich um Beamte, so dass hilammon die von seinem Vorgänger Demetrios

angeschajften Papiervorräte Abernähme; vgl. auch Z.14._ 6 Ende TXoas oder
dral.

verte

298

ur

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(138 R.) (No 1163 )
δὲ περὶ ἄλλου μηόδενο() απτιλῶρ) ἐνγραπίου) τὺ τῶν ὥζως Tl) ἡψεφειοσῃ ()
ἥμξερας͵ Kndsniav
& Annnerpio) kataÄsir@sVaı) Epodon ἰ Em τὸς) Φιλάμμοίνα, Ἰγερὶ jdıvößs,
δμιοί (5) τ τ 7 ἀγρά φου ἀπὸ
τῆ) αὐτῆς) ἡμερί 5), τὸν ds καὶ ἡπτελσυσόμενον): ? Σπὶ τὸν Φιλάμμυκνα) περὶ τῶρ)
αὐ(τὧῶν) αὐτὸν nen Tpıolv) are Wu
} παραχρῆ(μα) τοῖς Ldiüs) en καὶ ξκτείσιν κὐτῷ ὃ ἐὰν πραχθῇ Γ m βλια-
Par} ὑπό τινος ὃ Φιλάμμων or ]
15 [pJLv TOUTWV δὺν ἡςμιολίᾳ) καὶ τὰ el καὶ δα τττϑινή μοι το) ἰκος δόττερ 3 ΦΥ͂ δέκ (η5)
#3 χωρά5) τοῦ κύρια sivaı τὰ δ γκτχίρη μένα,
ἔτι καὶ wvsgsodaı τὸν map P&Lvo vra) τῷ Spisp@vi) προς Ti) ]

Γ : ] τι, Kalsapog Φαρμοῦηνί κὸ γφ Ku
Ἢ /b-/3 ν. Cha.
14 vgl. No 1169 ,26.27._ 16 geringe und unbestinnmte Spuren sind noch sichtbar; ob ἀξιοῦμεν

dastand,, bleibt ungewiss. _ 17 jedenfalls später als Jahr 13; die Hand des Schrei bers wür-
da auf ie Ι6. oder 17. Jahr führen. - Falls fhilammon Nachfolger des Demetrios ist, würde

sich das ı4. Jahr ergeben. Damit wäre auch Frobarchos für dieses nachgewiesen; vgl. No |
1162 Anm. |
|
|

SCHUBART.

γί. 5 No 1164.
Kap rus. H.35,5cm. Br. ıocm. Aus der Mapyruscartonnage von Äbusir el mäldg. Schritt
ähnlich wie No [16 teilweise abgerieben und daher schwer lesbar. Das untere Prit-

tel das Rekto und das ganze Verso sind leer 15-19. Jahr des Ausustus,

Rückzahlun eines NDarlehns, Alexandrien.
A

Ko
Τρωτάρχωι
παρὰ Νικάνορο() τοῦ Ἰσιϑώ μου Φιλομητορείου καὶ map“
Ἔρωτος τοῦ Ἴπολεμαίου. Tepi τὸν διεσττ μένων
5 συνχωρεῖ ὃ Νικάνωρ χτεχειν ταρὰ τοῦ Ἔρωτος διὰ yal-

vertı |

299

ine ---. en a u na u EEE

Bl)... (No 1164)”
pos Η öLKov ἡπὶ τεριλύόει. καὶ is γυναικὸς RUEDUN. 23:
Τύχης τῆς Διονυσίου

,

| καὶ Zrı Χρυδογονου τοῦ Ἰσιδώροω) dsip μετήχ “ἃς Σϑδάνειόεν
αὐτοῖς Kata δυγχζσ φησιν) διὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ Κριτηρίου τῶι τεόδαρε5-
| καὶ ὀς κγάτῳ L Kalsopog] ’Ersıo ἀργυρίου φραγμὰς Die [Tal (iv.
skartov...... καὶ τόκουφ, καὶ εἶναι ὄκυρσιν |
τὴν τοῦ davslov δυνχώρασιν) καὶ μὴ ἐπελθεῖν τὸν
Νι κάνοροι μηδ᾽ ἄλλον ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ἐτὶ τὸν Ἔρωτου
διὰ τὴν Toynv μήτε περὶ τῶν RIDTWV μῆτς. περὶ

ἀπολελειμμένα περὶ ...v τοῦ δαντείου
τοῦ αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν τόκων, καὶ χωρὶδ τοῦ κυρία τις
20 νι τὰ συν κεχο ρη(μένα) ξτι καὶ ὄζυνξχε) SYaı αὐτὸν ma pa βιαίνο τοι)

ταῦτα τοῖς τε βλά βεσι καὶ τῶι ὡριασμζένῳ) προςτίμωι τὸ
Li. Καίσαρος Φαρμοι(ῦϑι) x 2
6 ἐπὶ περιλύόει sehr undeutlich und nur mit Hilfe von No 1174, 4 gwonnen; νοὶ ἄς,
Stellen führen zusammen auf diese Lesung, die auch inhaltlich fast allein möglich
erscheint. _- 8 vor αὐ eine Schriftspur, die wohl durch Abdruck entstanden Kar
ähnlich bei gAnf._ 13 Anf. δι und και sind häufig kaum zu unterscheiden;
da aber das folgende & deutlich ist, Kommt hür nur δι in Betracht. _ 19 zur er-

warten Wäre τούτου, und vielleicht ist auch nichts anderes gemeint. - 22 für

das Datum ergrebt sich aus Z.8/9 und 22, dass nur dia Jahre 15-19 in Frage,

)

πὰ u KL ee Zu
υ

kommen.

SCHUBART,

300

nn en u ὠ ---ὦ «τὰ ρεισων τε

ad u u a Dr u «ὦ τ!

SIR. No 1165.
apyrus. H. 37cm. Br. 10,5 cm, Aus der Rapyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäldg Schritt
| ähnlich der von No 1135, da sie vielfach ganz oder teilweise abgerieben ist, bleiben
Unsicherheiten in der Lesung. Auf Verso steht No 1102, da diese Urkunde aus dem
17. Jahre des Augustus stammt, kann für die auf Rekto dasselbe angenommen wserden.

PRickzahlung eines Darlehns, Alexandvien.

γἰπρωτάρχωι
παρὰ «“Προικλείδου τοῦ Ἡρακλείδου καὶ τῆς τού-
του γυναικὸς θΘ:ρμούϑιος ns Torparovg)
| μετὰ κυρίου αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς κιχὶ πριρὰς Ζττγι γν τ
Ε΄. Srpos τοῦ Φιλάμμονος Ἀλεΐαν ὁρέως. Ἵϊ-
οἱ τῶν ὀιτόταμτ:νων δυνχωρεῖ ὃ De
Νὴρ ἀπέχιν ποιρὰ τε τοῦ “Προι κλεί ὁοτυ]
καὶ Θερμού δ ος διὰ χειρὸς 27 οἴκοι) οἷς
2davıdav αὐτοῖς κατὰ συνχώρησιν
[10 τὴν διὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ κριτηρίου τελειω-

fer. 99 Im 19

|

|

|

τῇ σιν τῶι ivdirdkewı ὅτι ἰκικί σδιρὸς

| Toßı ἀργυρίου) FS καὶ τοὺς τούτων Törfe-] :
- wur: > x & . a:
28, πεπληρῶσναι ds ὁ xUDTLoS] Σπτινῆρ υ- ἰ
no τοῦ αὐτοῦ “ρατκλτίδου καὶ θ:ρ-1

ΠΡ σμούνϊος ὧι ἀνίληφαν τκατὰ δυν-

" γραφὴν Σράνων Kal τόκοις dı& ysıpos)
27 οἴκου, καὶ μηδετμίοιν 7) Σπινϑήρι]

9 Ant. eng zusammengrzogen. — Il ee 12/3 die Wortbrechung darf Keinen
Anstoss erregen ; jedenfalls passen die Spuren 3 Auf. besser zu Ye als zu εἰς Grmerinp@-
| IR). _ B=-I6 dıe Herstellung istinfolga schlechter Erhaltung schwierig; besonders ὧι

ἀνίλη φαν bleibt unsicher, ist aber immerhin eher möglich als ᾧ gsudov. Da in 2.18 ξρά-

Fywı annähernd sicher ist, muss in (δ entsprechend konstruiert werden. - Die Erg. τόκοις
ἡ echtfertigt sich aus Z.21, wenn auch hier die Lesung nichtüber jedem Zweifel steht. Beim
[Eranosdarlehn fällt der Zins auf, da er nicht üblich zu sein scheint, vgl. No 1133. 134.135. 136;
diese Eranosurkunden zeigen auch, dass man ἔρανον ἀναλαμβάνειν Sayte. Zu Κατὰ
1 δυγγραφὴν vgl. 2 29,50. Wie esscheint, war die Eranosurkunde ingen dusie indir Dar-
| lehns- suyxipneis einbezogen; ist Spinther ein Eranarch ?

4
ετῖς,

(55 δ) (No 1165) |
und’ ἄλλωι sp αὐττοῦ KntaAsumzd-]
&ı ἔφοδον ἐτὶ τὸν Ἥρα κλείδτην. καὶ

= . θερμοῦνιν μήτε ἸΓερὶ τοῦ αὐγτοῦ 2-]
ράνου ἢ τόκων ἢ ἑτέρου ὀφειλήμα-

᾿ τὸς ἢ ἀπαιτή ματος ἢ ἄλλου τινὸς

- 3 A a >) : NTRBEN: a 2 I ee

| ἁπλῶς ὙΠ μὲ Π ὉΠ ταν εν

, ματος τὸ kadoAov τῶν ir TOV

δἸγόιν (Ὁ χρόνων μήχρι τῆς ἕνεό-
τω σῃ 5 ἥμερα ποιρευρξόξι pn-

οὐδεμιᾷ, εἶναι d’abrovtr Arupov

RE

τὴν τροκει μένην γτοῦ deval-ı
PU] δυνχώρησιν, dur a7 κατ᾽ αὖ-

30 ev 4η μαν σῇ ξρανεκῇ συν ρει φῇ
καὶ ἑτέρα dev τιόγτικῇ δυνχιυ φήσει,
δι ἧς καὶ ὀνομάζεται ὁ τοῦ Ἥρᾳ κλείφου)
Kal τῆς θερμούϑιος υἱὸς “ρα κλιεδηγς],
καὶ mapa ταῦτοι El ΡΤ τ τον DR

ἔτι γκαὶ Ὠνέχεσυσι αὐτὸν
mapa& [' κί γον τ τα os βλά-
| εβιςφι καὶ τῷ τῶιριάμένῳα mogri-
10 Ba
πα 0%, 0
21 zunächst würde man eher povov lesen, jedenfalls nich νυ Von Ypovov
kann nicht die Rede sein, es bleibt nur ἐράνου, dessen Erwähnung an dieserStelle
berechtigt ἰσξ..-. 29/30 vgl. 15/6 und 20/1.- Von spavircn ist nur spa und von dbv-
ἴροιφῇ ur ppa einigermassen deutlich. 31 Stipa«, wenn auch nur undeutlich
| erkennbar, wird durch den Zusammenhan gesichert, da es sich offenbar unı Una
dritte Urkunde handalt, an der auch der Sohn des H.und der Ih. beteiligt war.
34 Ende: dia Reste sicher zu deuten, ist mir nicht gelungen.

SCHUBART:

Ἷ ὶ 802

ann nn ne

RE

191 VI: No π6ς
Rapyrus. H.28cm. Br. Il,scm. Aus der Tapyruscartonnaga von Abusir el mäläg. Schrift Wir

No ING mut.sehr zahlreichen Abkürzungen. Den oberen Teil des nicht vollständigen

Blattes nimmt der Schluss einer Urkunde von derselben Hand und von denselben.
Tage ein. Auf Rekto zwei schlecht erhaltene Urkunden derselben Hand. 17. Jahr

j des Augustus. | |

N arlehns urkunde κε:

‘

Tpwrapx

Mapa KtotwyLovAtofu) Φιλίου) καὶ ταρὰ Ἑλένου τοῦ Kotsapos Iipsou TÄß)
ἐπιγοινῆσ) καὶ τῆς γυναι κιὸ5) ἱρυφαίνης) τῆς TroAcsualov) TpszirnG)

μετὰ Klupiou) τοῦ ἀνόρό(5). Tspl τῶψ) dısstanevov) δζυν»χιορο(ῦόιν) “Ἕλενος

καὶ Ἴρύφαιναοι ὕχειν πορὰ τοῦ ἰαίο(υ) Ἰουλίο(υ) Φιλ(ίου) davsıov διὰ τῆσδ)
Kastopo(s) κολίλυβιστικῆ 5) Tpamgins) ἀργυρίου ἴπολς μαι κοῦ) ΕΕ ἑκατὸν τύκων Br

n \ cu « ἘΣ ! 2 \
τοῦ μηνὸς Σκοαστου͵ ὁ Kal ἀποδώσειν ὃν μηόιν ee εἶ
2, ; , - . n ͵ N I, EN: -
ἀπὸ Φαμινὼ (7 τοῦ wvs(dtOros) Nds καίσαρος ὀιότόνγτες τοὺς μὲν E/UR5 πα,
Tasms)

Tox(0vS) κατὰ μῆψα) εὐτάκίτως) τὸ ὁὲ κεφάλιαιον" ἐν τῷ ἐσχάτῳ μηνὶ ἄνευ
ὑπερυόότως), ἤ sivoı αὐτο(ὺς) παραγρῆςμῳ ἄγω(γι μους) καὶ δυνετχεσναι μέχαρι
τοῦ ἐκτῖσαι

τὸ μὲν davsıo(v) δὺν ἡ(μιολίᾳ) τοὺς δὲ τόκ(ους) ἀπγλοῦς) τοῦ δὲ ὕπερπεσζόντος) γρόνο(υ)

τοὺς Ἰόους͵ τῆς asus) 7ξινο(μένης) τῷ Ιἀίωι Ἰουλίτωιη Φιλιίῳγ ix γτετῶην

ὑπογρέ(ων) (ὄντων ἀλληλογγχύων) εἰς ἔκ(τισιν) κκαὶ Σ΄ Σινὸς) καὶ 3% οὗ τὰν αἱρή ται).
γκαὶ ik τῶν) ὑπαρχ(όντων) αὐτοῖς

πάντων Kadaırtsp) ἐκ δίκίη4) ἀκύρ(ων) σὐσζῶν) καὶ ὧν ἐὰν ἐπενέν κεωσι Tieren)

Τοιδ(ῶν) ὄκέπ(η5) πάσ(η5)1.

Ἴοῦτο ὁ Ξστὶν τὸ δάνηίον) ξκτὸς οὗ ὀφείλει. ὃ aurrösı"EArzvos]

δὺν Apro κρατίω (νι) "Ἀρείου Kal Τρυφαίνῃ Ἀρείου [Tod τ |

atoı lovAlwı Pıldmı) Kay? ἑτέρ(ν) SKuvpxwptnsir,) διὰ τοῦ χὐ (τοῦ) kprırnpioug|

ἄλλου κεφαλαίου. ᾿Λ(ζιοῦμεν). : |

I ur Harp #3 v.Chr.

L ις Kaloapos Φαμεκνὼ ὃ) εν en

ε 2 zu Helenos vgl. No 1175, wo er mit seiner zweiten Frau Zinmyrna erscheint. - 5zur!
schreibung davsıov vgl. Z.15, won deutlich ist._ 6 Ende lTorwv δι ράχμων. -- YEnde

T(asns) von derselben Hand nach getragen. - 13 Ὄντων, sicher ausgelassen. - Ende sehr
Stark Zusamm engezogen und verkürzt; ebenso 14 Ende, _ 13 4 = ἀγιοῦ μεν. ;
SCHUBART.
|
803 ᾿

- δέρω- RER nn nn
A u ΓΕ . y

on

127 | No 1167.
fapyrus. H36cem. Br. 24,5cm. Aus der apyruscartonnage von Abusir elmäläg. Das Nlai-ist
j aus 3 Selides zusammengaklebt, die zur Zeit der Beschrif
Zwei von diesen zeigen wuderum in der Mil einz Kebung, ixber die die Schrift Ainngg-

ht; sie waren also ohne Richoicht auf Nlebungen aus der volle geschniken, vgi.h.Ibscner,
Arch f. Kap. Vigz. Die erste Selis istauf beiden Seiten, die zweite nurauf Verso, dia dritte

bu ng noch getrenn? Waren.
J

nur auf Rekto beschrieben. Abgesehen von der ganz zerstörten Urk.auf I Rekto sind 3
Urkunden erhalten, wir esscheint alle 3 von demselben laga ; unter Urt. I steht aneIn-
haltsnotiz zu Urk.IE. Die Schrift ist sehr kursiv und zeichnet sich auch unter den inall-

meinen nicht leichten alexandrinischen Urkunden durch besandere Jehwierigkeitaus,
Zumal da ia nicht aut erhalten ist. Von der ersten Urkunde kann zur Zeit nurein Versuch
der Iransskription geboten werden. _ 18. Jahr des Augustus.

3 Rückzahlung einer Schuld, Menden

παρὰ Eppiou τοῦ Ζυμμάχου ’Eiriog(vsiov)

καὶ ποιρὰ Φιλαργύρου τις . PXLoCU) >Adstawwdpins):

γζυνχιωρεῶ Epntes) avadıdovau δ᾽ Tposikxco
| Γεὶῆς αὐςτὸν) ὃ PıA@prupos) ὃν τοῖς «ἔμιροόνεν xpo wars) ψιλῶν) πιττάκιον)
BB ἀτὺ τῆς) Ἑρμίου τραπ ζη5) ἀργυρίου ΕἾ: |

| Zupp.ganz unsicher. _ 3 avadıdovaı passt zu den Spureri besser, als «rzoyn κέναι; über-

® folgt, es scheint ἯΙ Einpfangsbescheinigung erst in Z.6._ Zu προξί κατ ναὶ. Νο 135,
ei ; ea der zweiten le lien privater Schuldsch ein, der erstdurch
ΕΝ ‚bezeu Fyyird. Jedoch scheint in unserer Urk. das mırtamıov durch
Vermittlung der Bank zustande zu Kominen , ob 5 Anf. ἀπὸ oder di bleibt zw. Vielleicht
muss aus 2.9/ı0 ein Unterschied zwischen πιττάκιον Ἰδιον und wırrantov der Bankher.

ausgelesen werden. Ganz dunkel ist Z.4 ψιλῶν), da das Täfelchen doch zwailellos nicht
leer sondern beschrieben war; oder ıst etwa „einfach” im Unterschiede von „dopnelt” ge-
Smeint Ὁ Die sonstigen Erwähnungen des mırcawıov sind unklar, vgl. vor allem > Genf.2,
Fo es auch Schuldschein ist; ähnlich vielleicht Lond.IE 1007. Genf. 62. Oxy T136.137. 153;
Jals Rechnung, Konto: Tebt.T 112.209. Oxy 1297. PGoodsp.30; als Auiltung: Lond.IC720.
᾿ Oxy T 142.143. 145.146. für sich zu betrachten sind PFior. 18, P-Class.Philol.T 174, PStrassb.
46, wenn auch die hier von Mreisigkr gebotene Erklärung bedenklich ist._ 4 sichernur
xeo; das vorausgehende wird aber so win oben zu deuten sein.

vert®

nn a u en .

"0
| “
᾿
| HP
} Pr

- δ ER
|
Ϊ

(127r.) ; (No 1167)”
ϊ . ἀφεσχη(κε..) αὐ(ζτὸς) Ἑρμίας} παρὰ τοῦ Pılaprüpou)
ταῦτας το καὶ τοῦ ὕΤΣΡΥΣΥΣ νημένο()
N μιτὰ ταῦτα χρ τ] νου τούτων τόκί(ου 4) )ιδράχμοζυς)
Σ 1: κι -.)-ατῷ -.... Ag.) TirTalo(v)

ἢ εἰγδίου ᾿ 5 ͵ » 92) ER > μὰ
10 Kal undsulanv) τῷ Epuca) μητ ἄλλο ὑπερ αὐ(του)

μηδανὶ) καταλ(ίπεσθαι) ἔφοδον ἐπὶ: τὸν Φιλάργυ ρον)

μιήτο περὶ τιοῦ αὐτοῦ) μηὸς περὶ ἄλ(λου) μηδενὸς) ἁπιλῶς) ἀπιαιτήματος)

ἀγιγράπτου ἢ τἀγράφου τῶν ἀπὸ τῶν ITaAvW χρόνων μέχρι τῆς ἐνεστωγδης (μέρας)
τὸν δὲ καὶ

ἑπελαυδόμενον) “τὶ τὸ τοῦ Φιλαριγύρωυ) πιττακιοίν) ἀπτοότη στιν)

Ι5 ποιραχζ(ῆμιαιῃ τοῖς ἰόζίοι δ) ζατ(ανἡμοσιν) (ἢ χορὶσ τοῦ κύρια εἶναι τὰ δυγκεχωφη-
μένα) ἔτι καὶ (ἐνέχε) ὁδὰι
αὐτὸν παρα βιαίνοντου τοῖς τε βλώβεσι) καὶ τῶι γῷπρ(ισμένῳ προςτίμῳ)

τ τ ἢ ΚΤ ΣΝ ἢ “7
ıdı Zn Καίσταροις Mayo A er es. / 12 vr. a.

6 Anf. nicht gelesen: νῦν δὲ zur Not möglich. - 7 Anf. ταύτας ganz unsicher. ὃ Ende:

4 YA --τοικλιλραχμο, wobei K und δι zusammengtzogen, M undxın &nan der geschriz-
ben sind. - 9 nach allen Analogien wäre zu erwarten: kai εἶναι δικυρον τὸ ὀηλούμενον πιτ-
τάκιον, oder dral., wasgedoch dıe erkennbaren Schriftzüge nicht zulassen. Auch rırtartov

ἰδίου zeigt, dass von etwas anderem die Rede ıst._ τὸ die hier beginnende [ölussformel
ist in Z.10 und ıı noch ziemlich deutlich erkennbar, in Z.12.nur schwer herauszufinden und
von 2.13 lediglich angedeutet, so dass nur hier und da einfester Rınkt sich ergiebt. Dis vom
Schema abweichenden Wörter WIR πιττάκιο(ν) Z.14 sınd deutlich gaschrieben. Eine genaur
"Transskription ist bei der Menga_der Verschleifungen und Abkürzungen unmöglich. PR:
die Formal ἤχω pis- duyiay. ist durch eine im einzelnen undeutbare rich gruppe be-

zeichnet.- Probe: 2.15: ET NIIT: - 17 vgl. No 1149,38.

IL. Rückzahlung einer Schuld, ΠΣ ΧΙ ΤΣ:

Πρωτάρφχωι
| apa Lsıdıspas) τῆς AroAAwwiov) μετὰ k(uplou) τοῦ
"20 ἀδελ(φοῦ) Ἰσιδίρου τοῦ Ἰσιδώρου καὶ παρὰ)

20 Isidoros ist {πεξρειιάεν der Isidora, jedoch fehlt ὃμο μητφίου vor ἀδελφοῦ.

ve rte,

305

f en Ἐ > +
% ΟΝ ᾿ 5
u πόνον a a u u u a DE EREEANLDEE BUBEN EDS WE ξετ - τς ER

ER : ὃ

a 4, A mi "ἀνα. en «ὦ δι. “Στὰ τ νον δῦ

u‘

x
3
fi
I
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“Ἑρμίορ) τοῦ “Ἑρμίοω) Ἀλναιξωφ,. ΣΌνχωρ: Led; οι(τεδχ(ηκένας)- y
ou‘ ἰ Nu N 2 τ a Ι ΞῪΝ ἜΞΩ : RN
ποιρὰ τοῦ Ἕρ μίο(υ) διὰ χειρὸς) Sf wo as ξότά(νειόεν) αὐςτῷ) Klara zn
x n En εν SR ͵ n N; ' Re 3 ᾿ ͵ IL V- -
διὰ τοῦ (KUTOD) len N Kaleapoß) Sappodrt) Apyupiolo)
Ἴπολαμαι κοῦ) H Gr καὶ τοὺς τούτων" Tor(oug) Kal εἶ )ναι AkupoW)
\ n , ͵ \ en 2 σι are
25 την Tod) davsiov) (υγ)χώῶφη (τιν) {ἡ N...) ξόημανν Σιό(η}}
\ δὺν τῇ Kor τὴς) ἠκυρορμένην, ἔτερᾳ-
τόὺν ταῖς Kara erw) ἤκυρω(μένην) tyreyrwiels@usy‘

davsısrurd δτυγαχώρή (1) ,
[δια γρα (φαῖς ῃ καὶ Anderer) τῇ Ἰσιτόζῶφοο καταλςείπεσνοχι ξφοφ(ον)

ἐπὶ τὸν Eppiv) μή(τὉἢ περὶ (τῶν αὐτῶν μήτε περὶ ὀϊλλου) μηδαν)ὸσ και ϑύλου)
un.@...) ἐγγράπτου ἢ ἀγράφου)ςτῶν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπάνω χρόνων μέχρι τῆς ἔν ε)δτῷ-
δης (ἡμέροα) ἢ ----

A aviys) oa (αὐγτὴ(ν) ταραγ(ρῆ μα; (τοῖς TE βλά bssı καὶ doravn madı hal

τῷ ὡρισμένῳ τροφτίμῳ). ἡτναικεικκόμισται δὲ

21 dieser Hermias ist nicht derselbe&, wie in No i67r._ Ende: nur ἃ geschrieben. =
22 Ende: exp”. _ 23 wahrsch. Iharmusthi, aber auch Thamenoth allenfalls niöglich. -

24 vordem € geschriebenen Drachmenzeichen ein kleiner Hacken =; dass dieser das Drach-

menzeichen und e - Sovo sei, ist nicht wahrscheinlich. _ u) = καὶ sivar.- 25 nach

1: 4.5 ;das letztere dürfte η0.. sein αὶ nach Z.26 mit ἠ(κυρο μένην) aufar-

löst werden. Dann wäre das vorhergehende Zeichen k und aufzulösen κατὰ τὴν).

_ Ende: δη μαν ϑτίση wurde sofort, vor Dayinn der nächsten Zeile, wieder gastwichen.

᾿ς 26 über der Zeile: die Zeichen führen eher aut κατ᾽ αὐτὴν als ανιΐ κατὰ τὴν; 4α

jedoch dann ἡκυρω(μένῃ) aufgelöst werden müsste, was den Sinn stört, so zichz ichdie
im Texte geben. Lesung vor. Z.26 selbst giebt kaına Enischeiduna.. - 27 Ende:
zgodtov) Sachlich unabweislich, paläographisch nicht klar; ADaA av, 158 ıminde-
stens ebenso möglich, Übrigens auch in No 16 Di; man müsste dann einen
Schreibfehler annehmen. _ Für 28-30 val. die Bemerkung zu No 167 E, 10) im
“einzelnen ist nur wenig sicher erkennlar._. 29 Anf. 2” will weder τράγμία-
τος noch ὀφειλημικτος noch ἀπταυτή ματος ergeben. - Ende: ἢ ywpis τοῦ κύρια
elyaı τὰ συγκέχωρη μένα; Im einzelnen ganz unlcenntlich. — 30 Änf.:

Ah Ws2-; ähnlich No 167, 15 Ende; ob ὅτι καὶ σνεχ;όναι oder ἀποστή τιν), |

|
|
|
entscheide ich nicht. Dann möglich τη. d.h. (αὐγτῆω) oder τὴς} ΕἸσὶ ὀζώραν.}1

Darauf nach Analog von No "ΠΟΤῚ, 15 Anf. παρ αν nicht ausszschlossen .

verte_

(127 1.) (No 11s7)*
“Epnias παρὸ, τῆς) Ἴσιδι ρ() ἃς ἔδω(Κεν) αὐ(τῆ) ὃν ὑπιαλλάχματι)
ἀσφαλαία 5) δύο Kara (τοῦ) ὑζπόγρχοντος) αὐ(τῷ) ὃν τῇ τετραγώζνι)
ὅτοᾷ οἰ κητη ρίο(υ) mpLITspov) ὄντος τραῖ-
ἢ 5. iq’ ὧι ὁμοίως μὴ ιἐπελεύσε)οόναι τὴν 1σὶ δώ αν)

Βι Kara undevay TPOTEr)

Je "; Καί σοι ρος Μεχεὶρ λ “24. Ser. BEIGE ΩΣ.
21 der Schluss satz. ist ein wenig deutlicher geschrieben .— 33 zu terp.grox vgl. No

127, 3 und Hipparch ap. Plolem. mag. constr. I'p.60 (Lumbroso).- 33/4 da mins
ziemlich deutlich ist, muss vorher Tpx" wohl alseina wieder aufgegeben« Kürzung

betrachtet werden.

ΟΠ. Darlehn nit Hupothek, Alexandre

᾿ς πρητάρχωωυ

β ταρὰ Ἡρώδου τοῦ ZuAa.sidou ᾿Ἀλεξα(νόρέως) καὶ PX)

| Δρὰ Κοντος τοῦ Ixsıros ΤΣ ρσζου) τῆ(5) Σπιγο(νῆς). Ζυγχωρεῖ ὃ

240 Δράκων) ἔχειν παρὰ τοῦ “ρῴ(δου) r.10 ὁιὰ χειρὸς) Ὁ olxtou) aydou ὁραγ(μῶν)

| ἑκατὸν εἴκοσί Kroxlov), ὃ γκαὶ ἀποηδῴ γόειν ev μηόδὶν Irck | |
[70] Px (usvayY τοῦ ἐνεόδτῶτος) ιη Ι. ἱκκίσα ρος, oo ἀπὸ τοῦ Ah. Malz.
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45 πρὸς ἀόφάλᾳιαν) τοῦ davslou ἀσφάλειαν sis

τὸν πατέρα αὐτοῦ Ἰάτι ν, ösırsp μετήλ-

Zr Eee

38 der 2.Name ist hier wir 66 undeutlich, jedoch Zydx wahrschänlicher als Zuvo, viell.von
Ζήλας gebildet. _ 39 Tkıs, nicht Zaıs, was an manchen Stellen zunächst lesbar erscheint.
40 MP. ἀκ(ων) aa; die Abkürzung enthält nıcht z (ἔχειν), sondern V._ Hinter
ἱ η0“ kleine Lücke, dann ὁ) der Zusammenhang fordert δάντιο(ν).-- Nach 25 οἴκου; folgt
f hicht ἀργυρίου͵ aucht nicht γαλκοῦ, sondern eine mır unverständliche Gruppe, deren An-
fans dw bekannten ptolemäischen πο τ οὔ τ
liegen. _ 44 zU Avadıdavaı val. BGU 301, 13.— 46 ofen bar lautet die ansbedun-
| &saaAsın auf den Namen des fais, obwohl dieser tot ist und Dralcon ihn

beerbt hat; vielleicht ist Drakon noch nicht als Besitzer eingetragen, sodass dız

verte, |

!
H

307

ΞΡ

| (127 IT.)

γι

7

λαχεν, κατὰ τῶν εἰς αὐτὸν) ἐληλυνυιῶν γῆς
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Ἡρακλεοπιολίτου) ἀρουζρῶν) γ ἐκ τοῦ προ:

2

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“Ἡρώ (dn) τὰ ἴδια, ᾧ κιχὶ ἐζεστω Me

καὶ πράσσειν") ταὶ! ἐμβαῤεύςιν εἰς τὰς τρεῖς τἀρού(ρας}}
καὶ glisovonziv περὶ αὐτῶν ὡς ἰὰν βούλ(ηται)
Geringe Reste von ὅ Zeilen.
TInhaltsnotiz. (unter 127.2),
Hpisdng) ZrAar. 2. ὅου

Δρὰ κων Ixsıros

(No 1167)?

ypothek τῷ ὥρη Namen des Valor auerzehreihen πον de :

Fehlt, dürfte es sich um einen solchen handeln. _ 50 Ende: ganz unsicher; ὑπερνέμενος
passt nicht, vgl. 51) eher brolfusvog.- 55 der Schreiber schrieb zuerst richtig ἀνχμείναντα. |

ren Formalitäten beim Besitzuwechsel eines Katöken kleros in Betracht, denn obwohl das Wort !

Ende: ganz unkla r; möglich δια, oder κι oder n.— 56 smı zw. 59 Ende: die Grösse der

Lücke würde gestalten, ἐκ τῶν προκσιμένων,.) zu schreiben. -- 60 Ende: ganz undeutlich.:

ve rte,

808

amen ναὶ. 38.

ala. P Strassburg. 52,6f.- 61 Ende: hinter x einige undeutbare Spuren. — 63 & Iganz.
unsicher. 66 ff. kleiner, aber von derselben Hand geschrieben. Zum 2.N

ἱ
ἅ

Ἵ
ιἢ

"ΞΕ

a

nn EEE ELITE rn ERLEDIGE σα

Bu ze

᾿
IS

(127 IC.) | (No 1167) ®
E; re δόςν ἐ(ιον) Mpk Krox(ov) Kwan)
F: ar. ὃ ἀπὸ Φαμει(νὼδ᾽ καὶ ἀστύχαιν)
δον πος ἀσφάλτιοι ἔν αὐ(τῷ) Ewspiz
” ka (ca) τῶν ὑπαρχουσῶν) add) A... «ἢ.
δρου(φῶν) y τερὶ κώμη) Μαχὸρ ᾿ ;
Eis τοῦ Γκλήρουῃ “Ἰσροζένο(υ)

κλήρου.

Ende: &, was sonst öfter als kürzung für ἀπέχειν begegnet. Hier widerspricht esge-
dem ἀνα δώσει Z.44. Ferner passt dazu nicht die Streichung des V nach ἀσφάλεια
2.70. Beides dürfte falsch sein, der Schreiber wird gedanktenlos & stalt ἀναδόσειν
jesetzt haben, weil ihm & » ἀπέχειν geläufig war. 71 Ende blass, vielleicht absicht-

ich verwischt.
ἤν SCHUBART.

No 1162.
rus. H.33 cm. Br.gem.. Aus der Papyruscartonnaar von Äbusir el mälä „Schrift
wie auf Rekcto (= No 1134), schlecht erhalten. Am unteren Ende des Blattes 4 Zeilen
Ἃ in en etzter Richtung , wahrscheinlich der Schluss der ganz zerstörten
Urkunde, dia den unteren Tal des Rekto einnimmt. 20. Jahr des Augustus.
kzahlung eines Darlehns, Älexandtrien.

“3

A δα

a
N peosrapyısı

παρὰ Mpr rotuys Πγελλίο(υ) Ἰαλύφου τκαὶ πριρὰ) Ἔρηῳ γτος τοῦ] Διτο-ἢ
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γχοφη δες) do ἰςχλάνου τοῦ καὶ Φιλγήμμονος a ee
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Tr Καλά οι κατὰ γσυνιχώρη σιν) διὰ τῆς τοῦ κταταλ(ογείου)]

| 1. der Nanız des Rotarchos ist zwar undeutlich, aber kaum zw. -- 7 zur Bank des
lermias. val. No ih: -- Ende: ganz. undeutbara Reste; statt Ovöluaros) kKommtauch
δ ματος) in Betracht.

verte

BIN rn
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DET να. δ πρῶτον τασσο Σ ὩΖτωΣ τας ΣΥπς Σα τσαρ πητσσσωσστπ πῆ σιν ERTEILT TEN πσάσετειΣ τ᾿
1

|

51V) | (No 168)?
10 ἐφημερίδρς) ἢν τοῖς ἐμπροόνξν, χρόνοις), ὅτι δὲ τ καὶ!
πάντας ττηῶν ζῆς τοῦ γΓχιρίόνου) τύκ(ους)᾽ εἶνται ἄκυρον) eV]
τοῦ davhen) SKY pnElr) καὶ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὴ) ζεγονυῖα(ν)
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τὸν καὶ Φιλη μοίνοὶ μήτε Tat τῶν αὐζκῶν) μη s πισρὶ &AoujJ
μηδενὸς ἁτλῶς ὀφειλιήματος) ἢ ἀπαιτή (ματος, τῇ] ἐγγράτιτου) ἢ τἀγρά φου)
πράγιμοτος καϑόλ(ου) τῶν Ara τῶν ξνπροσύν; γρόζνω v) μέχερι τῆς)
γξνειστώσῃς)Ἅ ἢ μέρος ἣ χεωρὶ51 τοῦ κύρια εἶναι τὰ συγεκεχιρη(μένα)
τἐνέχεσϑηαι αὐ(τὸν) παραβιαΐνον το) ττοῖς τε βλάβεσι; καὶ τῷ ὁφιόμένῳ)
ΗΝ προζαείμι.
20 | Lx Καίσαρος ΕἸ εὐ" τ) γο v, ΘΟ».

10 zur ἔφη μιτοὶς des Kataloaeion vgl. χα. ἼΤ 26, ιο. 271,8) ἀθεράϊος macht diese μοί
Wahrscheinlich, dass das katalogeion schon vor Augustus als Urkundenbehörde tätig
har, denn die ἔμιτρ. χρόνοι di rften hur wur sonst in den alex. Urkunden dir vordem
Jahre 30 v.Chr. liegende Zeit bezeichnen. - Ende sehr undautlich. _ U Lesung zu,
Nenn richtig ‚ist zu Korrigieren: πάν τοις τοὺς τῶν 2ens χρόνων Tökeug. — BAnf:
inbestimmte Spuren. 16 vor syrpamrou wird ἣ zu ergänzen sein, W&l in [7 noch
in Substantiv folgt. _ 17 πράγματος passt schlecht zu den Spuren; 65 bleib aber

aum etwas anderes übrig.

92. V. = No 1189.
fapyrus. H.34 cm. Br.&,5 cm. Äus der Rapyruscartennage von Abusir elmäläg. |
Ungeschickte Schrift (2. ἢ, sehr ähnlich der von No lisa und 1155. Auf Reiche |
geringe Schrifispuren. Wahrscheinlich 20. Jahr des Augustus. |
Ackzahlung eines Darlehns, Älexandrien.

(ἢ) Jburen von-2 Zeilen... | 3 nbovs καὶ παρὰ Als-
(.Η Ἰρωτάρχωι) 4 αν ὅρου τοῦ. ἰχιλ ὩΣ
παρὰ (0. Ἰηϑδήους τοῦ A.- 5 WS Kal γτῆς τούτου Add

1 von der 1.Hand ist die Adresse und παρὰ geschrieben; der Schreiber wurde abgerufen undüber-
liess din Forts. einem Kollegen. — 2} In oder Tr ist zw. - Äuf Α scheintnoch I Buchst. zu yolgen..

verte

310

92V) | (No 1169)”

ons ᾿Αδηνίου τῆς Ἄχιτλ- λουμένην δυνχώρη-
λέως μετὰ κυρίου αὖ- 25 ιν καὶ ἃς ἂν ὑότέρας
τοῦ Ἀλεξάνδτριου. Συν- ἑζωδιν αὐτοῦ Tıyo-
| χωροῦσιν ᾿Αλέξανό eh, ἤους τι τὰς Acan-
\ 10 καὶ Αϑῆνιον ἀπτεόχη- Anas, μὴ ἐπελεύδσεσ-
κέναι παῤὰ τοῦ ἴῃ τ"δ-1 δὲ ἶ κι δὲ τὸν Adstanrdtev
Nous διὰ χιρὸς ἐξ 06°” 30 καὶ ᾿ἀνήνιον μηδ᾽ ἄλλον
ἀργυζρίου) πα μ καὶ τοὺς τούτω(ν) ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὸν
᾿ς τόκους, äsısp ξόάνιόε(ν) Tıvonv μῆτ- περὶ τῶν
5 αὐτῷ ἡ μήτηρ αὐτῶν . οὐτῶν μηὸξ περὶ ἄλλου
Ἴακον φομιν Νώχεος μηδενὸς ἁπλῶς ὄφι-
Kata δυνγώφησιν dc | SS Λήματος ἢ ἀπαιτή μιθα
τοῦ αὐτοῦ κριτηρίου τῷ τος zvppacov ἢ ἀγρά-
| Blow ὅτι ἱκαίσοιρος pov ἀπὸ τῶν ξνττροόνε(ν)
2 Alp, ἧςπερ μετηλλα- Da χρόνων μέχρι Γτῆς 2vs-]
ἷἱ λυΐοαδ κατήντη κεν ἧς | γότωσης ἥ μέρας u.s.w.7
| aan; τὰ ταύτης, καὶ Der Fapyrus bricht ab.

BY] x
ιναι. AKULPOV την dq-

"18 Gpeher als Gy. _ 16 der zweite Tail des Namens ist nicht Enmus.- 25 und«utlich, auch
ἃ ἐὰν, πιδαίϊειι; [ἃς ἐὰν... ὑστέρας passt besser zu den Formen als ἑτέρας. -- 27 1.davaı-
ὅτιικὰς. - 39 erg. ἢ ἐνέχεσθαι τῷ ὡρισμένῳ προφτίμῳ. χωρὶς τοῦ küpın εἶναι τὰ συγ κε-
χύρη μῖναι. | SCHUBART.

122. | No 1170.
Rapyrus. H.33, 5cm. Br. 24.cm. Aus der Rapyruscartonnage von Äbusir el mäläg. Schrift
j ähnlich der von No 20. Auf zwei ananander ge klebten Selides stehen 6 Urkunden;
TundI auf dem Rekto der ersten Jelis, Ifrund Wauf dem Rekto der zweiten Jelis, 7
und WTauf dem Verso derselben, das Verso der ersten ist leer. Soweit es sich fest-
stellen lässt, sind sie alle an zwei auf einandur Folgen den Tagan von derselben

Hand geschrieben. 20. Jahr des Augustus.

‚verte .

Ἱ ' a

EHE _ -- ΠῚ’.
(22) (No 170)”
TI. Darlehnsurkunde Alexandrien. |

κολ
εἸΠρωτάρχῳι
ποιρὰ Φήλιικος τοῦ ἱκαίσαρος' καὶ ποιρὰ Σοιφαττίωνος τοῦ Trrz-
π..-. .} Συνχωφτγεῖ ὃ Ζικγφοπγίων ἔχιν
TXp& τοῦ Φήλικος ὁάνειον διὰ χειρὸς ἐξ οἴκου ἀργυρίου ἽἼπολιμαι κοῦ)
[ὀγραχμὰς τεσόσερακοντα ὀκτὼ Krokov, ὁ καὶ Krodässıv Zus |
Masopn τρια κάδος τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος εἰκοστοῦ mus ἱΚαίσοιρο 5 13 Ho. 1 v.Chr:
τἂν :υἹ TanS ὑπερυζότως, ἢ εἶναι αὐτι(ὸν) παραχρῆμα ἀγωγιμοίν) .
γκαὶ συνἐχεόναι μαξχρι τοῦ ἐκτεῖσαι τὸ μὲν δάνειον σὺν ἡμιολάῳ)

ο τοῦ di ὕπερπεσόντηος χρόνου τοὺς κατὰ τὸ διάγραμμοι τόκους διόδρά-
χμους, τῆς πράξεως γσινομένης τῶι Φήλικι ἔκ τὸ αὐτοῦ
Σοραιγτίωνος καὶ τῶν γτὑπηαρχόντον αὐτῷ πάντζ(ον) κα ϑότερ &y δίκης
ἀκύρων οὐσῶν καὶ ὧν ἐὰν ἐπενοίικῃ πίστγων ποσῶν διε (της)
ποισῆς. ᾿Αξιοῦδ μεν) ᾿ ἷ

=. εὐτύχει

Lx Καίσαρος Φαρμοιῦϑι) Κα 7, Ὡς LI
c2.H,) Bar δυνχωρὼ κατὰ τὰ προγεγραμμὲν al ;
Ἄτγς.... Σαραπίωνος rpegq« πγστᾷι αὐτοῦ
| γρόμματα μὴ εἰδότος
20 g-H.) Σατραπίηχων συνχώρῶι κατὰ τὰ τρο-
γραμμένα εἰ πιολεμοαῖος γέγροίφοι
ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπίστασαι

feapmar

I neben und über κολ Tintenspuren, die von Äbdruck herrühren. - 3 zu Felix vgl.
C.Julius Relix No Ili6,2.- 4 wahrscheinlich ist Tipsov τῆς ἐπιγονῆς zu ergänzen, da

| 6 yo yınov ἃ darauf hinweist, vol. No 142 ,u.12,— 13 nicht Smeviykn, obwohl dies un-
zueifelhaft gemeint ist. - πτιότῶν für πίστειον ist wohl nur Jhreibfehler. — 15 ander
Lesung. εὐτύχει. ist Kaum ein Ziseifel möglich. Damit ist ein Beispiel gewonnen, das 4ὰ
Hür dia Surgwendis charakteristischa Form der Eingabe sogar ın der Grussformel be-

| Wahrt hat. Ebenso No 171,43. N72,17. 173,22.- 17 F. dir eioanhändigen Unterschriften

| Sind verhältnismässig geläufig. — 18 etwa Arsiv oder drgl.- Weder ὑπὲρ nochTept,
sondern fast sicher metaL, bei dem ich den Ursprung des Fehlars nicht erklären kunn.
h — .

Ϊ..

A

[c122.) (No 1170) 3
| T. Rückzahlun; eines Darlehns, Alexandrien.
| (ἢ) Ἰρωςτάρχῳ) |
25 Ta cpa2 Ἐρωταρίου τῆς) Κλεωνύμοω) ἱστὸς κ(υρίου) τοῦ ἀνόρο(5) Ta.ı0”
Καὶ τοιρὰ p Yevavmbloos τοῦ Apmansıos. Zurywpain
’Epwrapıo(v) SmEyslıy) παρὰ τοῦ ψενανούφιος! dı& τῆς) Ana (τρίου)

0.0.00

30 N’Epwcraptov) τῷ Apmanzdı Kapc&] τὸ) 7:}ο(νότο) 2
Von den nächsten 5 Zeilen sind nur geringe Reste erhalten.
36 L x katsapos) Φαρμοῦδῃ) κα AL ανέ “συ. Ch.

25 über der Endung οὐ einStrich._ 26 φ war wohl ein falscher Ansatz Ζια dem folgenden
Namen. - Zu Psenanuphis val. Urkunde W,_ 28 Ende sehr zu.; ebenso 29 Ende... 30 an-
scheinend to, nicht nd, also nicht an δυγχιϑρησιν zu denken.

IT. Eine sehr schlecht erhultena Urkunde, wie es scheint über Pacht, von erster Hand.
13 Zeilen = 2.37-49.

Ἴ Verkauf einer Forderung Älexandrier.

150 Mpustäpxwu |
παρὰ Ἀμμωνίου τοῦ Ἀμενούϑου καὶ Tape) Ὑσνοινούφιος τοῦ Äpmansios.
Zurgwpst) ö Ψενα-

αὐτοῦ Apmanssı Ἄνου βί-
ὠνος ὑπὸ Ἀμμωνοῦτος τῆς καὶ Σεμινούφιος τῇς Πετεχνούφιος Περσιίνη5) κατὰ Dan)

ürzungen, aber ohne Korrekturen. Indessen.stellt auch diese Niederschrift noch keine endailtiga
δ ssung vor. Einige schwer lesbara Stellen des obigen Textes konnten erst auf Grund von No vr

intziffert werden. Zum Inhalt.ugl. κυ 1 271.-- 51 στ: Tersqvov δος τοῦ Apır. δυνγ.
εν τανοῦπφις; vgl.dazi 574, wo beständig Tsrspvoöhs gebraucht wird. Beide Fassungen
| bringen also für ein und dieselbe Rrson verschiedene Namen, was vielleicht auf Doppelnamen
beruht. - 52 ποιροιχωρῇ (σειν) wahrschanlicher als mapxgwpeiv), obgleich das ἡ undeutlich
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V klar zu sehen. veri«

313

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ΠΩΣ δυγχουρη(σιν) μητδὴ Aldor)
μηδένα, ΤῊΣ δὲ ττὸ δγάινη(ον) ἀπτερίλωτον) καὶ 5τι τὸν Σγπεηλ (ευδό μενον)
acer) παροιχ(ρῆμα) τοῖς ἰδί L(015) τὀγαπανήμας v) ἢ χὺ-
βὶς τιοῦ κύρια ἑἢ ναι τὸ) ὙΠ Ἐς Ἐκτίναιν) τὸν Teregvo@dir) τὸ κηεφάλ(αιον)
δὺν τοῖς τόκοις) καϑιάπερ) ἐγ δίκογχς) ἀναόξδωκῳ δὲ τῷ Ἀμμωνίῳ
δ0 καὶ τὰς πγερὶ τῆς δφιλιῆς) ἀόφαλρίας. Lx Καίσαρος Φαρμοιῦϑι) Kb Aust
-- > -

Yo v Φῷ.
Reste von zwei Zeiler,

54 VI. Ε εἴκοσι 24- Das Folgende istin Vinoch undeutlicher als hier; ob 2fztvaı oder nur σῖναι͵
bleibt zw. _ Hinter Ἀμμωνίῳ folgt in MT dio‘ (δι δλωουγ).-- Ällenfalls möglich erscheint 55
Anf. ἐχελςεύδεσδιαι), worauf ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπόχρεζον) περὶ τούτωι folgen müsste ; πράσσειν Kann
nicht herausgelesen werden. χρ ist sicher; der hochgeseizte Bst. kann A, Ε, auch 0 sein.- ehr un-
Sicher istin beiden Ausfertigungen τοὺς τόκους. Wenn dıa Lesung zutrifft, so wärawohl dia nach
dern Verfallstage zahlbaren τόκοι didpaypoı gemeint und der Verfallstermin im Hathyr des 19. Jah-
res. Die vom Jehreiber gestrichenen Worte fehlen in VI; sie entsprechen inhaltlich der κομιδὴ in
oxy 1 27ι.-- 56 statt γενομ. auch ἐσομ,, viell.auch γενησόμ. möglich.- 57 vrhat hinter im-
γαλεῖν: τὸν di Ἴτεφνο(ῦ ιν) ἀπεόχη καναι) παρὰ τοῦ Ἀμμωσίου) διὰ χειρὸς) 37 σἴκρυ) τὰ

, Sa, ὃν καὶ μὴ msA.u.s.w._ 58 W: μηδένα περὶ au 59 Anf. ganz zusamınen gezogen.
2° = PIcTNaiTtt.

7. Reste einer Urkunde derselben Hand von 28 Zeilen.

VI. Zweite Ausfertigung von W, von derselben Hand, 40 Zeilen.

Di | | SCHUBART:

|

ἕ

|

64V

Ice‘.
Tpwrkpgwi

παρὰ Στεφγάντου τοῦ ἱκαίσαρος καὶ παρὰ

. τοῦ Isı cdispovg ΠΠἐρόου τῇς ἐτιγονῆς. Συντχιω-

ροῦμεν πρὸς daraus ἐπὶ τοῖφός, ὁ μὲν
Ζαμανος τερναι ἄκυρον ἣν ἀνήνεγκεν,
θ τὸς τοῦ Ἣρῴῤτου) συνχιύρησιν διὰ τοῦ
αὐτοῦ τκριτεηρίτου: τῶι ιν 2 Καίσαρος
Ἵκωχὼν παραϊχιωφήσεως φανείου
Εῶν..... ς ὃ Στίφανος ἐδάνεισεν

Apr/Mai ᾿
το

No 1171.
Tapyrus. H.29,5cm. Br.9,s cm. Aus der Fapyruscartonnaga von Abusir el matäg. Jorgfäl-
tige Schrift, ähnlich wie No 1159. Die ersten 15 Zeilen sind stark abgerieben und deshalb-

schwer lesbar. Auf Rekto von andrer Hand No A051. 20. Jahr des Augustus.
Au hebung der (Cession eines Darlehns Älexandrien.

| τῶι Ἡρώδῃ κατ᾽ ἄλλην φυντχώλρη-

όιν διὰ τοῦ ταὐγτοῦ πριτηρίου τῶι
L Kai M ὴ ὁ ἣν Ali
L aLsapoc 260 αγμῶν JuliyAug.
᾿ , cı i ᾿ n x 5 N 5. δῇ
γειλίων ἀγεικα τοῦ κατὰ πίστιν ςεἰ-
5 αὐττὸιν Ζαμαενοην ταύτην γεγονέναι
ESG. 2 ο ͵ ͵7
καὶ ξἸεῖναι κὐτῶι Στεφάνῳ πρά-

\
KV τὸν Örroxpzov τὸ davsıov καὶ

E \ 2 1 ı \
τοὺς ὀφειλομένους Tokous κοιϑὼς

καὶ] τὸ Ἰγρότερον᾽ ὃ δὲ Ζιτέφανος ἼΠΞ:Ξ-
Anpw μένος ὑπὸ τοῦ “ρῴδου
druck τῶν μετὰ τὴν ππχραχώρησιν,

is γξ-. «ας
πα

25 μηνῶν τοῦ κεφαλαίου ἔτων ἢ το-

I hinter koA scheint noch eine Sur sichtbar. - 3 zu Jtephanos vgl. No 1152.- 4.der Nam. ist
veder hier rıoch in Bund 16 deutlich. - 5 Ende: Hundeutlich, jedoch kann hier nur der Namedes

larodes gestanden haben. 6 Jachlage: Stephanos hat im Mesore des 17. Jahres dem Herodes 1000

Dr. geliehen (Z.16) und diese Forderung im Pachon des ı9. Jahres an Zamanos (2) cediert. Am 1, Rachon

des 20. Jahres, im vorliegenden Vertrag, wird dia Cession aufgehoben, und Stephanos trit wieder

in sein frücheres Recht ein.- 7 δ μὲν folgt aus ὃ ὁδ in 22... 8 ἄκυρον ziemlich deutlich. - 9αὐ-

ὃν zwar kaum erkennbar, aber. vom Zusammenhange gefordert. — 10 auch “Hpisdov ist mehr er-

Schlossen als gelesen . 12 Tapay.ın der Lesung unsicher, da aber in 24 die TRPRyWENGIS als be-

Kannt erwähnt wird, muss sie vorher angeführt sein; ferner muss dia in Z.10 genannte συγχιό-

φησ! ihrem Inhalte nach bestimmt werden. Beides führt mit Sicherheit zu der gegebenen Le-

sung in 12... 13 ὧν scheint getilgt zu sein, das zu erwartende οὗ Kann ichnicht identifizieren.

| Ob οὗ αὐτὸς ö Zr.,ıst sehr zw. bei der Dürftigkeit der Spuren. 7 zur Korttrennung vgl.

"2.345. - 19/20 1. rp&össıv.— 24 erkennbar 4a, dazwischen Kann I ausgefallen sein. Die Kon-
struktion ist unbefriedigend; zu erwarten wäre τοῖς --τόποις. -- 25 Vom Schreiber getilgt: ΤΩ Ν (viel-

leicht re 1); darüber ein noch nicht entziferten Nachtrag: σα! εἰς ist ev, statt N allenfalls πὶ mög-

ΙΕ’. ᾿
| lich ,s0 dass man zur Not ἐνπίδτει. vermuten könnte...

>
ὍΝ
ἱ

.- ΘΝ

verte,

(64V) (No 171) *

Π τκιὼν μέχρι Ῥαρμοῦνϑι τοῦ ἐνεότῶ. Me πλὴν ἢ τὸν Στέφανον ἐπὶ τὴν
τὸς ἔτους μεμερικέναι εἰς τὴν louChr πγερὶ τῶν τοῦ ἀργυρίου ὁραχμῶν
2 Ü a 2 E ΤῈ κου / Δ τ > \ DER
Amodosıv μή νοις OKTWL Ko ᾿ ειλίων καὶ τῶν ἄπο τοῦ Ix-
© = RE: n
Ἰοαιχὼν τοῦ αὐτοῦ Zrous, ΣΙ Οἷς ΚΟ eher NOV τόκων, ἢ χωρὶς τοῦ κύρικ
30 Κομιόοιμίεντον τὰ Ἰόια περιλύ- 40 εἶναι τὰ όυν κεχωφημέᾶνα WvE-
όειν τὴν τοῦ davsiov ὁυνχώρησι", εὐϑίκι TOV πίκρα ῥαίνοντα τοῖς
32 ͵ \ n ε !
ἀμφότεροι ds μὴ Σπελεύσεσυαι ἘΣ βλάβεσι καὶ τῶι ὡριόμὲνῶι
ἐπὶ τὸν “Ἡρώδην περὶ μηδενὸς. προφτείμωοι. ᾿Λξιού(μεν) Εὐτύᾳχει)

ὡς Apr.

ῶ N, ; ON n
amAds zvypattov ἢ δγράφου TÄL- ες Καίδαρος ΠΠαχῶν & u.chr.

v ἕως τῆς Σνεστώδης ἥμερος

απ πὰ πο τ τῆρν
:

Ν᾿ Π über der Zeile: vielleicht das genau Datum; statt & scheint auch ιῤ allen-
alls möglich. _ 33 in TON ist N aus ei Korrigierk. AS ZU εὐτύχει vgl. No 1170, 18.
| | SCHU BART-

139 R. No 1172.

fapyrus. H.27cm. Br. 1,5 cm. Aus der Papyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäläg. Schritt wie
No 1104., 1126. Auf Verso No 1158. 22. Jahr des Augustus.

VDarlehnsurkunde, Alexandrien.

τΠρωτάρχωι
γταρὰ Πρίνκιπος Tod... καὶ πορὰ Διονυσίου τοῦ ..... 1
γΠέράου τῆς ἐτιγονῆς καὶ τῆς τούτου 7υναικὸς Alovusias oe
νίου μετὰ κευρίου αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἀνδρός. Ζυυχωροῦσιην Διονύ-
dog καὶ Διονυδία ἔχειν γπαρὰ τοῦ TpLvktroig davsıov διὰ
χειρὸς 2° οἴκου γτἀργυρίου Ἰπτολεῖμαικοῦ δραχμὰς ἑβόομη-
κοντὰ ἄτοκον, ὃ καὶ ἀποδώδειν, ἐν μησὶν TEVTE |
ἀπτὸ «Λνὺρ τοῦ ἐν: στῶτος ὀὁτυτέρου καὶ εἰκοστοῦ τους Ok ass Iv.C.
Καίσαρος ἄντυ mans Umpvidsws, ἢ εἶναι αὐτοὺς παρα-
χρῆμα ἀγωγίμους καὶ δυνειχιτόναι μέχρι τοῦ ἐκτῖσαι

= Das Blatt ist oben abgerissen . Bee Erg. Tepsov τ΄ 2ırıy. beruht auf 10, da die ἀγῶ- |
Tınos- Klausel nurfürdiese Bevölkerungsklasse nachweisbar ist. Dionysia ist wahrsch. |
die Frau des J.; sıa ist nicht Nspdivn, da dieser Zusatz. in 4 hinter dem Namen ihres Vaters |
ah iz verte,
ξ |

316

:
I
|

|
(139 Κα.

To μὲν γτόάνειον δὺν ἡμιολία τοῦ di τες τος

(No 1172)”

χρόνου τοὺς κατὰ τὸ διάγραμμα τόκους „pr τῆσδ πρύς--
sws οὔσης τῶι Ἰρίνκιτι ἔκτε τῶν δύο ὄντων

ἢ ἀκύρους ξῖναι, ᾿Ἀξιο(ῦμεν).

μι... ὧν ἡμῶν τῶν δύο"

ἀλληλεγγύων εἰς ξἘκτεισιν καὶ 27: ἐντὸς καὶ ὄγχτοτέρου οὗ
ἐὰν αὐττῶν. τ ἢ καὶ ἐκ τῶν NE, κὐτοῖς
τάντον aut ἐγ δίκης καὶ μὴ ἐπιφέρειν πίστεις

Εὐτύ χει.

Spuren, die vielleicht nur durch Abdruck entstanden sind.

EIER.
| Fapyrus. H.24,5cm. Br. locm. Mus der Fapyruscartonnage von Äbusir el mäläd. Steife un-

13 hierher gehört eeklurenterder Urkunde. _ az εὐτύχει ναί. Νο 1170, 15. --
18 das erste Wort der Korrektur ist nicht ὕ ὕποχῃ ξῶν.

SCHUBART.

No 1173.

regelmässige Jcheift, teilweise verwischt. Auf Verso Schluss einer Urkunde vom
"Roth des 26. Jahres, von andrer Hand. 26. Jahr des Augustus.

un eines _Darlehns, Älexandrien.

Ἰροτάρχων

map“ Ἰαείου Ἰουλίου Ἴρι μου καὶ παρὰ ἠευκίου
Κορνηλίου "ἠκούτου. ni! ὃ ἴοίιος Area

sn κέναι τοῖς τοῦ Asuriov διὰ XıpDs1

ἐξ οἴκου ds ἐδόινισεν αὐτῷ κατὰ 15
δυνχώρηδετινα dix τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἢ τῇ -

pi [UV] τῷ .. . [kalj εἰκοστῷ ἔτισι. Katıs
[0051 ΕΠ Πῦϑι ἀργυρίου Ἵπτολεμαιι ne
κιργῦ Fp καὶ τοὺς τούτων τόκους

Ι0 τοῦ ὕτερτεπτο κότος χρόνου" ΝΣ

ναι μὲν en τὴν τοῦ τὁκντήου
duvyapndiv, μὴ ἐγελετύδεσναι
ὁὲ τὸν Γάιον μηδ᾽ ἄλλον ὑ ὑπὲρ αὖ-

τοῦ ἐπὶ τὸν ἠεύκπον βῆ TE-

N τῶν αὐτῶν μηῤὲ τερὶ ἄλλου τμη5
dsvös ὥγλῶς ξ ἐνγράπτου cn οὔ
φοῦ ἀτὸ τῶν ELumposVirr] γρόνων
μέχρι τῆς ὙΠ ἡμέρας

᾿ ven τῷ ὡριόμέντῳι TPLoS-]
τίμῳ xopis τοῦ κύρια σίναι τὰ δυὴν-

2 C Julius Primus ist viell. identisch mit Tptpog Καίσαρος No 137,4.- 7 wahrsch. nicht
᾿ das 26. Jahr; dem Rauma nach käme τρίτῳ in Betracht, jedoch sind dir Spuren ganz. unbe-
᾿ stimmt. _ 10 b, ὑπερπεπτωκότος.

817

verte

(76 R.) (No 1173)
2 κεχωρη μένα. ᾿Ἀξιοῦμεν οὖν. 22. Εὐςεύχει)

21 οὖν nach ἀξιοῦμεν 15} ziemlich sicher und passt Nieder δυγχώφησισ als einer Eingabe,
_ 22 die geringen Jburen lassen ey zu; zu Σὐτύχει vol. No 1170,15. Das Datum fehlt.
SCHUBART!

103 Rır. | No 1174.
Papyrus. H.32,5cm. Br. II,5 cm. Aus der Rapyruscartonnage von Abusir elmäläg. Der Text
istunter No 109 auf demselben Blalte von derselben Nand geschrieben. 26 Jahr des Augustus,

| Rückzahlung, eines Darlehns, Alexandrin.

Ἰρωτάγχου
᾿ παρὰ Λουκίου Μακκίου Μελεάγρο(υ) καὶ πίχρὰ) «Ἡρώδου τοῦ Ἀπολλω-
γίου Mauss). Συνχωρεῖ ὃ Λούκιος) ἀπξόχη κέναι) Tap& το(ῦ) Ἥρώόδου
διὰ χειρὸς δ Οἴικ(ου. ἐπὶ περτηλύσει καὶ τῆς) ζυναικ(ὁ5) αὐ(τοὔ) “Ἑρμιόνης
5 τῆ Διονυσίου ἃς ἐδάνειόᾳν) «αὐτῷ κιτὰ δυγγχώρησιν) du τοῦ αὐ(τοῦ) pt)
Tnpıou τῶι
καὶ Καίσαρος... ος..) ἀργωρίου) Ἱπολεμαικοῦ) ἀροχιμὰφ) eva κοδίας 29.0:
καὶ τοὺς TobrwwW) Tok(ovg) εἶναι μὲν δὄικυρτον τὴν τοῦ] davziov φωγρχρρηιν»,
μὴ ἐπελαύσωσναι δὲ τὸν Λούκ(ον) und’ ἄβλλον) ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ) ἐπὶ τὸ(ν) Hpwden
᾿ς μῆτε τερὶ τοῦ ὀαν(ίου) καὶ τῶν τόκ(ωον) μηδὲ γπερὶ ἄλλου unds-ı
lo νὸς διγλῶς ἐνγράπ(ου) ἢ ἀγράφῴου) τῶν ἕωτς τῆς ἐνε(στώδης) ἥμερ(.5)1
E ἢ ἐνέχεσναι τῷ τῶριόσιμέίνωι) προς τίμωι ywpis τοῦ γκύρια εἶναι 1
τὰ δυντκεχίύρη (μένα). ᾿Αξιο(ῦμεν") | N
L ko [Kal dapos “Αιδὺρ η1 7: OkL. SU. CAR:
2 Ende: Ἀπολλω sehr zw.- 4 ἐπὶ περιλύδσει val. No 1164, 6 und die Anmerkung
dazu._ 5 αὐτῷ scheint zu fehlen; doch ist hinter aan das Einzelne unklar. -- 6 hinter
Katsapos' Kommt Papnoödy, Μεδο(ρὴ) οἀεγ Ἐπιχγοζμένων) in Betracht νότι Ἴτολ ganz
geringe Jpuren. - U über ἢ anscheinend Faragraphos. - 13 das Datum istnach No 1109
ersänzt.

SCHUBÄRT.

318

Ϊ 04. R. No 1175.
| apyrus. ἢ. 38 cm. Br. ı2.cm. Aus der Rıpyruscartonnage von Abusır el mäldg. Schrift wie
No 1120. Die Urkunde füllt nur das obere Driltel, unter ihr steht eine zweite, längere,
die sehr schlecht erhalten ist, von derselben Hand und von demselben Tage. Auf Verso Reste
| von Urkunden und Notizen. 26. Jahr des Augustus.

Darlehnsurkunde Alexandrun.

Ἰρωτάρχω Eu
παρὰ Txtov Γ΄... -τυτηνίρυ καὶ παρὰ Ζμύρνης τῆς ᾿Λόκλητπιάδο(υ)
Tepssivgs μετὰ κυρίου τοῦ ἀνδρὸς Ἑλένου τοῦ Klo pos ἘΠ ρόου TAG) ἐπιγο(νῆς) καὶ]

; τ κὐ(τοῦ
«ΕἘλένου. (041) ; καὶ EAsvocsı j \ (ToV)
'ö υνχωρ ζεῖ ἡ] Zuvpva ἔχειν παρὰ τοῦ Ixlov davsıov διὰ χειρὸς
| % οἴκου ἀργυρίου Ἵπολεμαικοῦ ὁραχτμὰς] ὁ κα τὸν τόκων
|
| ἡραιχμιαίων τῆς μνᾶς κατὰ μῆνα, δ᾽ καὶ ἀποδώσειν 5 Bu:
Le 9 Lu. γε.

ἐν μησὶν δυσὶν ἀπὸ Ἴδβι τοῦ ἐνεσκῶτος ἕκτου καὶ ἢ
εἰκοστοῦ ἔτους ἱκαιόαρος ἄνευ πάσης ὑτερϑέσεως ἢ ἔκτί-
νειν τὸ μὲν, δάνειον δὺν ἡμιολίο, τοὺς δὲ τόκους ἀιγλοῦς
0 τοῦς ὑπερπττηόόνττος χρόϊνου τοὺς ἴότοχυς τῆς πράξεσως γινο(μένη 4).
τῶν κάτω

τῶι ἰαίωι ξκτς ζαὐτῆς Ζμύρνης καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑιταρχόντων il

ES EN
ὑποχρέίων) ὄντων ἀλληλαγγύων) εἰς ἔκτιόζιν) καὶ ξξ ἕνὸζ) οὗ ξὰν αὐ(τῶνυ αἱρῆζται) καὶ ἐκ τῶν

7 ὑπαρχώντων) Yücrols) Er. ze” καυᾶ(τςρ) ἐγ dies)
| eo Kaisapos Tößı & gIrlez. Sr Chr.

ΤΣ nicht Iatov’lovAlov Φιλίου; dasunach der Lücke gehört wahrscheinlich zum dritten Namen. _ 3 zu Nelenos
| vgl. No I16G, wo auch seine erste Frau Tryphaina erscheint. - Hinter Καίσαρος noch undeutliche Spuren. - ΕΝ
Τ καὶ αὐτοῦ-- Ἕλενον. Συνχωροῦσι Ζμ. κα Ἔλ. - 3 obwohl Zmyrna und Helenos Rersersind, fehlt die
ὃ γὅγιμο5 - Formel. -- 11 κάτ weist auf dia unten stehende Verbesserung , die von derselben !and
Stammt. Sir ısurde wie auch die Nachträga in Z.4 sofort vom Schreiber vollzogen ; vor κάτω firgteer τῶν
tinzu, weil er esin der Korrektur Z.14 vergessen hatte. - 13 Ende: zu erwarten wäre Kfıoöfnev); ich kann
die Abkürzung nicht deuten. _ 15 auf αὐτοῖς müsste πάντων folgen, was sich mit den Resten nicht ver-
Τ einbaren lässt; das deutliche hochgesetzte ὦ weist auf ein Wort, das nicht auf ὧν endigt, da hierfür
I eine feststehende Form gebraucht wird (z.B. γ΄. των»).
' SCHUBART.

319

No 1176-1124.
E . Beschreibung.
einiger alexandrinischen Urkunden, deren vollständige Wiedergabe zur Zeit
| nicht möglich ist.
| No 1176 (87V, Reno). Rückzahlung eines Darlehns an?’Ewalvsrog Πτολεμαίου Ἄλεζαν ῥρεύς;
von 2 Händen geschr. suyyapnedis. 14/13 v.Chr.
No 1177 (133 R). Darlehn des Ο Julius Miilios an Ἴαγκράτης Kaleapos Πέρδης τῆς ἐτιγονῆς; Zins-
satz monatlich 2 Drachmen. δυγχώρησι5. 14/13 v.Chr.
No 173 (41). Kleine Fragmente; darin dia Namen Akamas und Orysermos sowie das Demoti-
Kon Φιλάπρηος (Lesung fast sicher) .
N 0 1179.Cı9ı Vr, darunter No 1166). Schluss eines Kaufvertrages über ein Boot, όκάφη, für 300
E Dr. δυγχώρηδις. 25.März 13 v.Chr. Auf Rekto 2 schlecht erhaltene Urkunden, darunter
j Eingabe des ᾿Ἀδκληπιάδης "Ἀρείου an Νεικηφόρος, worin: τὸν τοῦ νομοῦ ἀμφοόδόργωην!.
\o 1180.(62 Rverwischte Urk; V:) Darlehn von 200 Dr., zinslos, gegen Lieferung von Natura-
‚lien, anscheinend Papyrus ζἀγκάλας 50000, Σξάνκαλα di φορτία 3300) und tägliche Äb-
zahlung einer Drachma. Gläubiger M&pxos Πγέλλιος M&pkou υἱός, vol. No lag.
Surgapngis. Ehisa 14/13 v.Chr.
No 1181 (5oRu.V). R: Notizen 1) zu No 1123, woraus als Datum Jahr I6, Rayni (Mai-Juni
i4v.Chr.) hervorgeht. 2)... taıkı Ἀλεξάνόφου) ἀστὴ kai) πγοιρὰ) Μᾶρκος Οὐξετιος
Ἷ Maprtov) ΒΓ τὸς... «ὦ. Ποιλατείναι . Zapamz(...) τ kuı κυροα νοῦν.
V: Darlehn des C.Julius Milios; von 2. Händen geschr. Soygapnais. 14/13 v. Chr.
\o 1182. (εἰ Ru.V). R: unvollständige Eingabe von Fächtern betr. Acker bei ἱξερ κεσοῦ κα und
᾿ Φνεβιή (im Fajum), deren Besitzer οἱ ὅπτο τοῦ οἴκου sind (Besitz der Stadt Alexandrien 1),
; val. TA PK τοῦ τοῦ οἴκου ὑπηρέττου. Der Fachtvertrag scheint aus der Zeit der Kieopatra
zu stammen: BaisiAtsans sts ἔτη πέντε-. Die Eingabe ist offenbar an den Statthalter ge-
tichtet: σὲ τὸν πάντων τδωτῆρα καὶ ἀντι λή μιπττοβοι 1 und bezweckt eine Weisung an
den Hypomnematographos (2): προφτάξαι χρηματίσαι ἡμῶν ττὴν Σγτευξιν,... Ürope]
3 Ynuarorpsouı, iv? οὗτος δυνταξῃ Γ... 14/13 v.Chr.
= Auf Verso Reste von 4 Urkunden andrer Hand.
ο 1183 (&6R unter No ı050). Skizze eines Privatbriefes von andrer Hand.
ὁ 1184 (83 R unter No 1146). Skizze eines Vertrages über Gemüseland ἐπὶ τῆς) κατὰ
: Kavu β(ὸν) Ta Wins), geschlossen map&”Epwros τοῦ Λευκίου Λοκκηίου mit ζὼ εἰ
“andern. Vonanderer Hand.

τ

SCHUBART.

en 0 ce

320

f

Bi3183. No 1185.

Fapyrus. H.13,5cm. Br.zıcm. Aus der Fapyruscartonnage von Abusir el mälä
Erhalten die Überteile von 2 Kolumnen ; vorher und nachher stand mindesiens
je eine Kolumne. Grosse, deutliche Kursive, teilweise etwas verwischt, Ende
der Rolemiäerzeit oder Zeit des Augustus. Aus dem Herakleopolites. Auf
Verso eine Liste. |

Könis licher (nadenerlass.

[Basıliws TitoAspuatou προφητάξανττος
; κοι. 1.
ἀμεστ.} "τοὺς δὲ τκατοηκους Ἱπτεῖς τετηρηκότος
νῶν ὡς τὰ τραγματα εὌνοιοιν καὶ ἐν τοῖς

EN ἐτειγουόι κατιργοῖσ τοὺς Τς διτικγοὺς} καὶ
5 Γότσφα) νοὺς &vsumodıstus εἰσ ένη ψοχότοις

γαὐτοὺς σὺν ζυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις καὶ RN ἢ
Π τἀγνοημλάτων ἅμαφτημάτωον καταγνωόμάτωτν
τ- -Ἰνόκεπεστικῶν αἰτιῶν πασῶν ξπιγραφῶν)
{m μιῶν map«Aoyydv ἐτιτείμων προς τετῇ μτων]
14 L&S τηοῦ un L (φειλημάτων basıdırav TAYTW(V)
“ΠΠυὺὐλι.... Ἵ τισὶν τούτων, mposqypivoıs
Bd ττοῦ .1. L, μένειν ὁ αὐτοῖς οὃς κατεό-
χήητκαόι κλήρους καὶ τοῖς} ἐνγονοιδ edv τοῖς στοιῦμοῖϊς

die Überschrift stand über 2 kolumnen, ihre letzten Buchstaben über dam Anfang der ersten
erhaltenen kol. Der König ist wahrscheinlich Ptol. Alexander I, und der Erlass gehört frühestens in
*in 22. Jahr (vgl. 2.20), no ermit Berenike zusammen regierte, vgl. νῶν Z.3, also 93/2 v.Chr.
Die vorliegende Abschrift ist später... 2 vgl. Tebt.T 124,2f, wo Z.3 τετηρήκαμεν u.Z.4
Σύμοιαν zu lesen sein wird. Zu diesem aufs Fajum bezüglichen Texte bietet unser Rap.eine,
Analogie aus dem Herakleopolites. _ 4 von.hieran scheinen die Zeilen nach links ausgeruckt
zu sein, sicher istes von Z.8an. -- Σκεῖ zw., aber k sicher, daher ταν τγχχῆ unmöglich. 4
5 erg. Wilken, der nach Tebt.L 124, 14 χρυόδικοὺ ς στ. annimmt. - 6 das Verbum ἀφίεμεν (Tebt.
T 5,10) oder ἀπολύομεν muss in der verlorenen Kol.gestanden haben. δὺν yovaıfl usw. ge-
hört wohl nicht zu. sis svıVoyöTas; vielmehr soll die Geltung. des Erlasses auch auf Frau-
en u.sı.der Katökenreiter ausgedehnt werden. 7 zur Erg. vgl. Tebl.T5, 4 u. 124,2,

ir Zur
h 4

J

ἃ Wilcken: oxsmasrırdv val. Arch 7311. u viel. Eos τηοῦ ὃ τι.) Azw... dann Σν) τιόιν
| oder sur τισίν. -- zu mposnyp.val. ΤΕΡῚ. Τ 60, 69. 61 δ; af. 12.13 vgl-Tebt.T5, 47.43 u. 124, 25.

verte,

(R 3183, as \?
Βι. τ--. ἡΚάτη- 5
Β'. οητἴ..- | Der Fapyrus bricht al.
E Kol. IL.
ἡ βασιλικά. Ἐὰν ds Tıvss 2° αὐτῶν τελευτηστ σι

Adıadsraı, ἔρχεόν αι τοὺς κλήρους τοῦ 12.) εἰς

τοὺς ἔγγιστα γίνους καϑότι καὶ ἐπὴ τῶν Ἄρσινο-

| sırav ἐστιν Καὶ τοὺς ἀμτελόνας καὶ παραδείσους ᾿
20 ὧν τετελέκασι εἰς τὴν τοῦ Kal γ:ο μετρίαν δύς- GAGIU 5:..
ῥροχον dia τὸ λείαν ὑψηλὴν εἶναι καὶ εἰς ἀμτ,- |

2

Nov καὶ παρα ῤείσων purengav Kat ἄλλα αὐτὰ μόνον
τοί ἀργυρικὰ καὶ διτικὰ ὀντελξη]ος καὶ ταύταις μερυ-
iiens. Tors ϑεοῖς ἀνιςρισόειον καὶ μισϑ ϑόεων δὲ
725 καὶ :ἷς τὸ λοιπὸν μηδένα ᾿οἰτεῖόυσχι μηδὲ κατα-
καλεῖσϑαι ἀπὸ μηδεν(ὸδν κρατήδξις SUVLITÄK αι

a ὀγκάτη -Γγορήτοιϑ hach Tebt.15,47 zu erganzen, ist gewagt, da 2.15 Anf.nicht dazu stimmt;
"ällerdings stehen die Anfänge von Z.13.14.15° aufeinem losen Fragment, dessen Einerdnung nicht
ganz sicher ıst.- 16 ap. BACIAIKA (Interpunktionszeichen). ER ZUR Vererbung der κλῆροι val.Tebt.
T 124,25 u.Seite 556 ; für den Heraklaopolites lag das Vorbild des Ärsinsites besonders nahe; eswird
hier an den lebt.T 124 erhaltenen Erlass zu denken sein. Ferner giebt ein unpubl. Berliner Rıpyrus
das Testament eines Katökenreiters aus dem 2.Jahrh. v.Chr, ein Baspiel für die Vererbung des
κλῆρος auf den ältesten John. _ 18 L.äml.-. τ9 von hier an ist der Text mehrfach in Unordnung.
Als redierendes Verbum ist ein ἀφίεμεν anzusetzen, wozu ὧν 2.20 gehört. Ich vermure: καὶ
τοὺς Kyım κι παρα δ. κεκτημένους oder κατεσχηκότας.- 20 Steuernachtass nit rückwirkender |
raft!_ Zu γε μετρία val. Wilcken, Ostr. Tı73, dagegen Grenf.-Hunt, Tebt.T5, 59 Ann; faner |
ib.24, 42. 93,3. 94,3. Auch unsre Stella entscheidet nicht. _. 2ı dus ße. usınw.gilt vonden Ländereien, |
jedoch ist die Beziehung zu yswpirtpia erträglich und verständlich. _ 22. αὐτὰ korr.aus καὶ
τὰ; gemeint ist wohl ἄλλα τοιαῦτοι.. Yann I. μένοντα; demnach wäre auch fürandre Abgaben
ein Nachlass für das 21. Jahr bewilligt, gedoch ohne ihr Fortbestehen zu berühren... 23 muras |
bezieht sich auf γτω μετρία und φυτεία. _ 244. zur κράτησὶς über Tempelgut vgl. Tebt.L5,
57.73-38. I 294. Otto, friester u.Tempel 1 236. 139". 329. Sinn etwa: es soll von keinen verlangt

werden, dass er die kpxrnaıs rechtfertige, durch Dokumente belege. συνιστάναι scheint
ähnlich Lond. τὸ 164/5 (io v.Chr.) gebraucht zu sein._ 26 ursprgl. MHZENoc, dann das folgen-
de Κρ in oc hineingeschrieben ; ι. ὑπὸ μηδενός.

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κεχωρή καμτν en ρα ΕΣ τεί μιοι καὶ τοὺς ἐυϊσμοὺς

. μηδένα ..« IDOL.»
Der Fapyrus bricht hier ab.

I 1

(Na 185)?

ἢ etwa: nung is ἀπὸ τ 30: τ τὶ καὶ ὅπὶ ἄλλοι (= B. Petikionen \ ) EITLKEXN-
Inkausv; oder τοῖς ml 6. κ. ὁ ἄλλα ἐπικεχωρη μένοι .- 28 <karp& Wilcken.- Zu τίμια

᾿ Τοιέ. Em. er 29 uber der Zeile sur einer len vorher Reste von 2 bst ΞΕ Im
janzen vol. Freisigke, Arch f. Fap. ν v30f.

|
]

SCHUBAKT.

em No 1136,

| Rapyrus. H.23cm. Br.25 cm. Aus der Fapyruscartonnase von Äbusir el mäläg. Grosse, deut-
liche Schrift des 4. Jahrh.v. ὅν». stellenweise ist das Bla stark beschädigt. Herakleopalis.
Königs eid.
τ RUE 29, dh.
"Etous ἑκκαιόγεκάγτου μηνὸξ Ξανδικτιοῦ) Μεαχετὰρ Ἴ ἐν πὴ: Be..3
Ὀμνύω pagina ἽΓτολε μαῖον τὸν καὶ ᾿Αλέζαν ὁ ρον ὑτὸν Selle καὶ βαστιλι ev]
Bapsvi Ἢ mv] ἀδελφὴν Naar Φιλάδετληφον γκηαὶ Igor Eöspystiv καὶ πὴ, Εὐετργέτηνς
5 καὶ τὸν νέον Ὁ Τα το να καὶ Ssov Φιλομήτορα καὶ Vsov Εὐπάτορα καὶ Vor ἔγπιφανῆ:
᾿ς καὶ Νιοὺς φιλογτηάτορας καὶ ϑιεοὺης ᾿Αδελφτοὺς) καὶ γήσους Σωτῆρας καὶ τὸν Σάρατιτν,

καὶ τὴν ῥΙσιν «αἱ τοὺς}
ἄλλους δεοὺς πάντας καὶ πάσις.
"...-... ὁ κ7τὺςτῷ7Ὸ7

ΕΠ γον τ.. ατου ἼΓρσητς τῶν τοῦ ne: κατησι κῶν ee E*.
| TMepsns τῶτν] ..τ. ὧν κατοίκων ἱππέων καὶ συναριϑτμηνεὶς..
Ιο Σνμενεῖςν κιαὶ ποιήσειν οὐδ Ὁ 6 ἢ ὁ τον 108 apa σοῦ ER κα 91
ö nv τεντιμαί σοι ἅμα τῇ χειτρογραφίᾳ :

͵εγονυίαι σοι μετεπιγρα φῆ ΚΓ...

᾿ς Zum Königseid vol. Wilckeen, Zeitschr. f.agg. Sprache 1911, 161 ff u.die dort angeführte Lifira-

E-. Ferner val. P Eleph. 2X u.s.w.- Aus demselben Jahre stammen BGUAT99g. Plond. ir
1207 p.16._ 1 rechts viell.der Name des andern Kontrahenten. 2 Xandikos- Mechir vgl.
Hibeh 192. Tebt.L25. 33. 104. Ferner: Hiller v. ua Festschr. en [εἰ ὁ 95. - Lei με-

Yalyı scheint zulang zu sein, erst recht γτῇ ὑπὲρ Μέμφιν.-- 6 Euergetes fehlt. -
8 es handelt sich augenscheinlich um einen Katökenkleros; vgl. bes.C.PR. 224. - Auf τοῦ

dürfte eir Gaunama folsen, aber "Apsivoltou passt nicht.
verie,

323

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(R 13161.) No ugs, ?
NA.pwı ἀρουρτῶν A een: τε.
Be ANLEITOL dıx γτηὴν ERDE γον, οας 1.αἀφριον τ...
15 τὸ τ με. τό ποτ. :
᾿ ΠΤ παλτ.. 1. τοῖς. κε...
ΐ Γ΄ ... ἡλιρῶν ὁς...
Ἴ nn Be... ᾿" εν , | ξπι τὸν ἅπαντα

χρόνον βεβαιτώσειν ΚΝ
| Reste einer Zeile sichtbar.
20 VERSO: .. «ἐλ. ἐρ. ιαι

| 13 Änf.: dasselbe Wort wie is kKAnpwı unmöglich; statto in beiden Fallen ı möglich.
SCHUBÄRT.

| R 13144. No 1187.
| Papyrus. H.30 cm. Br. 13cm. Aus der apyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäläg. Deutliche,
spätptolemäische Kursive, eva 4. Jahrh.v. Chr. Aus dem Herakleopolites.

i Eingabe an den Strateger.

"Avdpoı Mayıı guyysval καὶ ότρατηγῶι καὶ
πὶ τῶν προφόδων
παρὰ Καστοροό τοῦ MoAvdsbkov τῶν
ἀκ κῶμης Ἰοικώτωφ, “Υγαρχόντων μοι
5 ἣν τῆν αὐτῆι Konnı μητρικῶν
τόπων ψιλῶν βίκου ξνὸς ἡμίδους,
Dvrsp ἡ κράτησι5 καὶ κυριείαι
περὶ τὴν μητάρα γέγονεν, καὶ
| ἐφ᾽ ὃν περιῆ χρότνηον κφατῶν desnd-
[0 ὅου 6x ἀνεμφτοθηϊστοῦς μηδενὸς
ἅπλγρης διατκωλύοντος ποτ lens

I wie die beiden folgenden Nummern zeigen, hatsich der Titel Sep. καὶ ἐπὶ τ᾿ γγ. bisin die

τ

Kaiserzeit erhalten; gedoch 15} unser Text nach der Schrift früher anzusetzen. Vai. Tebt,
ἜΤ ει 1 ,ς. 8.2. Amh.ir35,2. - 4 zu loköis vol. Hibeh Ip.8, unser Tap. würde cher
Auf ToRweonc als auf TWRwew@c führen. - 6 zu βῖκος val. BAUT 12,45 und ÖxyE

400, 10.- 7 ἰ. κυριεία.- 9 Ι. περιῆν - κρατοῦσα. -- 10 ἱ ἀνεμποδίστως. ᾿
i verte

4 924
ΓΝ
AR

ΟΝ

(TR 13144.) (No 1187.) ”

Rn Et μι τὰ τὴν τού της
RUE Kuala
por La Vol.
| 15 προς πέπτῳ κέν μοι ΕΟ
{ Isudios καὶ Στοτόη ΠΕ
τ ῶνος τῶν ἐκ τῆς αὐττῆς ko (μη501

ξξηλλοτφιω Kivaı τοὺς σηματι-}
νομήνους πότους unLdisvos
20 δικατίοιυ ἀντεχόμενοι, τῆι di
παρὶ ἑαυτὰς βίαι καὶ αὖδα δίᾳ
[δυγνχρηδάμενοι, olopeveı
chi λλα ϑεῖν καὶ μὴ ὑπέξειν
τὸν περὶ τούτων λόγον." Kivdu-
25 νεύων" οὖν τῶν ἰδίον στερη-
σῇ vor, εἰς μὴ τυχοιτμιὴ τῆς παρὰ σοῦ
τθηντιληῴεως, ἀξιῶ Σὰν φαίνηται
γόυγν το οι κατυιστῆ σαι αὐτὰς ἐπὶ σὲ
[Kat τυχεῖν Hz τῶν ὀικαίω ν΄
30 Γχωρὶῃς di ὧν προς ἡ κι πρὸς
τόὐηστοιόιν ἑτερων μενούση δ μόι
ἔτῆς1 κυφιείας καὶ dssrornas
γτῶην δηλουμένων τόπων
τκηκϑότι καί ἔστιν ἡμέτεροι, “ν᾽ ὧι
35 ηντειλημένος.
: (2. Εὐτύχει

12. die Konstr. ist ζω." viell. ein Rrrallelglied zu καὶ ἐφ᾽ öv τι.5.... (3/9); San: καὶ ἐγὼ
μετὰ τὴν ταύτης τελευτὴν παρέλαβον τὸ προκ. -- 13 κύριε wahrscheinlicher als
eine Form von κυριεύειν, da dies den Genet. fordern würde. 14. nach προκείμενον

dersatz. ist und hier der Nachsatz_folgt._ 15 προς πτεπτ. sc. dia Nachricht, dass... ;
wir es scheint, ist Kastor abwesend. Vorher vielleicht ἀπσόη μοῦντι zu erg. 20 1.

I ἀντεχομίνας. 2.07 ἰ.δυνχρησχ μένα, dousvas. 23. δικλα δ εἶνν. .-- 30 die Erg.
χωρὶς ergiebt sich aus dem Jinne des ganzen Schlusssatzes. _ 31 nicht γκατάηστα -
div. 1.1. εἰσῖν.- 35 ἰ.ἀντειλημμένος.

SCHUBART.

| dürfte ein neuer Satz beginnen; jedoch ıst auch möglich, dass alles Verhergehende Vor- |

anne

|
Be 13117. No 1182.
fapyrus. H.25cm. Br.23cm. Aus der Fapyruscarlonnaga von Äbusır ei mälda .(prosse,

deutliche Kursive, teilweise abgerieben; Resta früherer Beschriftung sind Sicht
bar. Aus dem Herakleopolites. Zeit des Augustus.

Eing abe anden Srategen,

“Ἡρακλείδηι διτραπτηγῶι καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν προς δον"
apa Καστο 6 5 Γ[γτυμν τισι χου κόμα καὶ τῶν
λον γτῶγν ἐν τῆι κώμηι κατοικῶν καὶ τῶν
ἄλλων γιωφγῶν καὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν ζεο γῶν
5 τῶν ἦν τῆι κώμηι κατοικούντων, “ἔτι ἀπὸ τοῦ
ις Καιόαρος τοῦ κατὰ τὴν κώμην ἀγομένου γῆ 2. Or.
θη μοσίοτυ] διοζώ ματος, διὰ δὲ τοὺς ἐκ τούτου
fevopsvous dinxomeis ὑπάρχει ἡμεῖν ἐν τῆι
κώμη: τορμῆ ον, dv οὗ καὶ τὰ νερινὰ Ἔργα Kai) τὴν
10 ἄλλην κκτος στο ρὸν, πᾶ σον, Ἔν, τούτρι ἐικπορμευόμενοι
τοιού με va. τελοῦντος δὲ τοῦ Top Ynins Ixrov Dvrios
sis τὸ δημότδγιον ὑπὲρ τούτου ἀργυρίου ὀραχμὰς τριοικοσίοις
"Πὰς τιρ.-..... τὸν λόγων, χρησοι μενος ’Aroions -:
Tafsvou τοιρᾳ γενόμενος εἰς τὴν κώμηι σὺν στρατιότῇ
I val. No 1187, ı mit Anm. Hinter προςόδων ein hoch gesetzer Punkt. _. 2 zum Dorfjym-
nasiarchen vgl. No 189,2. 1201, 13 u. Oxyrh.ilC2so. köum im Herakleopolites νάϊ. Hibeh Τ᾿ δ
u.a... 5 ὅτι, nicht Ἔστι, was zunächst möglıch erscheint. _ 7 διάΐο μαι nicht ganz “)-
cher; darüber Reste, di nicht der früheren Beschriftung anzugehören scheinen. - L.ras-
fivonsvas diaxom&s.- 9 πορνεῖον; vol. Oxy.Tırs Ve. ΒΡ ΤΕ 37 Varıy. Lips.32,2. Amh.
T 419, ı6 (8 Fährleute in Joknop. Nesos) und bes. Οχι. 7. 732.... 1 hier wie Oxy. 17.752. be-
trägt die Abgabe des Fährmanns 300 Pr. Val. Wilcken Ostr. Τ δ 48 u.197. Mehrere unpubl.
Berliner Östr. aus ptol. Zeit, die solche Seuerquiltungen aus Edfu enthalten, ergeben
sehr hohe Jummen (natürlich Kupfer). Dia Steuer wird als πορν μεικὸι bezeichnet. 2.8.
Ρι ozı: ἔτους € Μιδορὴ τότακται) ἐπὶ τὴν ἐν Ἀπόλλωνος πόλει) τῇ μεγάλῃ, τρά-
(ms (av) πτορνμάκῶν) τοῦ αὖ (τοῦ) ι Ποῆ ριςΑρδότου χιλίας πεντακοσίας — Ao.- P 11030:
Τέτακται sis τὰ πορϑμικὰ τοῦ ηἰ- Ἰατοῦς Δρεμούνιος γκ(βΔκοῦ) ujv In Töße ἘΝ
13 καναρὰς Gegensatz ZU ῥυπαρᾶς % oder: ohne Abzug, vgl. Lond. IL 220. -- tipcherals
en, obwohl man τῇ ἐξετάσει oder deal. erwartat._ Ende: unklar; wohl Anfang des Va-

tersnamens. _ 14. > κώμην. νεγῖς.

|
(PR 13117.) (ἡ π 11:.)"

ἥ \ . 4 a > ve φ ε B} =
15 τὴν οἰκίαν ατὐγτοῦ :νῳῴκηόσεν καὶ ἃ τῦρεν ἱμάτια ἐκεῖ

R καινὰ δύο ἤρ: τ] καὶ ἄπηγεν κατὰ μηδὲν αὐτοῦ ὀφείλοντος,
αὐτός TEL καταπονούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν τελωνῶν, ἀνα φορὰν
ἡμεῖν τἀνήνεγκεν...

Hier bricht der Fapyrus ab:

| E augenscheinlich hat der Fährmann sich an den Gymnasiarchen gewandt, el:
Tagen weiter geht. Das Datuın des von Apollo. begangenen Überg riffes wird auffälliger heise nicht
Ἵ tgeteilt. παν τῇ SCHUBART.
7.9910. No 1189.
Papyrus. H. cm. Br. 55cm. Aus der Papyruscartonnage von Abusir οἱ mäldy. Deutliche
Kursive; vereinzelte Interpunktionen. Aus dem Herakleopolites. 30. Jahr des Augustus.
| ingabe an den Strategen. IE
θέωνι δτφατηγῶι καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν mposoduv-
“παρ᾽ Ἀνταίου τοῦ Ὀννῴφριος ζυμνασιαρχῶν κόώ-
uns δουσίρεως τὸ Al kalsapog- Ἱκανοόῤότης ἐγενό- Lv Ein.
μην θεοζένου τοῦ Λύκου καὶ Ἰανετβεύιος τοῦ Istz -
-γῶντος τῶν ἀπὸ ΤῊΣ αὐτῆς κώμης ἑεκανῶν
χώματος τοῦ κατὰ Köna, καὶ τῶν προκιμένων
ἀνδρῶν ἡγνενευκότων τὴν ἐνφανήαν ἤναγ-
κάόσϑήν ὑπὸ Ἀπολλωνίου τοῦ τοπάρχου τῶν
περὶ Bougtıpiv ὀγια γράψαι εἷς τὸ δημόσιον ὑπὲρ τού- |
τῶν ἄργυ φίου) [d1pay (Mas) URKa καὶ τὰ τούτων προς δια γραφό- .2}
μενα. ’Ercei] οὖν οἱ δημαιψόμενοι Ardpss πόρτογν
ἔχουσιν) οἰτκίοης καὶ κλήρους καὶ Bora κτήνηι kaı

I zum Titel vgl. No 187,1.- Hinter mposödur Punkt oben._ 2. kleine Paragraphas. --
| l. γυμνασιαρχοῦν τος) das Amt ıst jährlich. _ Busiris im Herıkl. Gau jedenfalls gleich
‚dem heutigen Abusir elmäläg, vzl. Zeitschr. f.aeg. Jpr. Igio, Bd 4Z, 157.-- Hinter Καίσαρος
Runkt oben._. Zu ix&vodorns vgl ἱκανοῤοτεῖν τ 23.- 5 δεκανοὶ ptol.Zeit
Tebt.T 27,31 ; vgl. ib.251.. 6 Kin κόμα korr. aus To. _ Zu Κομὰ vol. No )5,2.. - 7 ἢ ın
Hvay Korr.aus &._ ὃ τὰ περὶ Bovsipiv ist eine loparchie des Herakl. Gaus, vgl. Zeitschr.

f.aeg.Jpr. ἰ910, Bd 47,158.- 11 Tin mopov anscheinend aus N Korrig Va

N 827 ;

re

Ἰ

([99100 | (No 1139.)
πόρους, ἀξιῶ ἐὰν φαίνηται imitagaı τῷ α(ὐτῷ")

Tomapynı ὅυν :πισχύετιην μοι Ἀταιτοῦντι [ra]

= ı5 διαγίγραμμαι οὐ ΠΡ δργχύριτογν" IK EEK} Re εὐ ων

προκι μένων πόρων, ἵν ὧι τῆς σῆς γβοηνείοι 5
γτετηυτχη κῶς.

r )ζαὺν +
.

14 Ende: der Schreiber dachte an Ἰγχρ᾽ αὐτῶν. -- 15 Konstr. unklar, wenn ὃ συζν ἐτέλεσα

ἢ ᾿
Ἑ

oder dral. gemeint ist, so schwebt διαιγέγραμμαι in der Luft._ 17 Εὐτύχει und Datum
fehlen. SCHUBART.

Ῥ (3160. No 1190,
Papyrus. H.20,5cm.Br.iscm. Aus der fapyruscartonnagr von Abusir el mäläg.Jorgfältige
aber teilweise verblasste Kursive spätptolemäischer Zeit. Verso leer. Vermutlich Zeit
des Auletes oder später. Aus dem Herakleopolites.
Eingabe eines Joldatenvereins.

᾿Αἀντιόχῳι Suyyaval καὶ γραμματεῖ τῶν duvansuev]

τα ρ ΓΔ] Δωρίωνος προστάτου καὶ Διονυσίδυ ρα μμαιτέω

δυνόδου pl γ' τῶν ἀόφαλῶν καὶ R- καὶ περὶ

τοὺς βασιλεῖς μαχαιροφόρων, ’Ididwpos Is δώρου
"-- φυ τι... τὰς μὲν χρείας παρεχομένου ἐν

τἈλεξζανηὸρείαι, διταρχου μένου ds ir! τοῦ

[HpawAsyomoAriroyv τοῦ ὑπὲρ Μέμφιν νομοῦ ὀφείλων

γτῆι τ τς κεφάλαια καὶ ὥνεκα τοῦ τας

Γόιταρχί οι αὐτοῦ ἐπ τῶν Torwv ἀναρπταζειι
π΄. .- ὡς τὴν πρᾶξιν ποιεῖσδαι
ΤῊΣ ; >

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μαχαιροφόρων Pu'n'; jedoch Kann oben nicht für Ygelesan werden. Das Folgande zu,
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© Pı13158 Rexro. Er No 1191,
| Rapyrus. H. 19cm. Br. 22.cm. Aus der Papyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäldäg. Deutliche
Kursive aus spätptolemäischer oder augustischer Zeit. Auf Verso verblasste Reste
einer Eingabe an aınen Hegemon.- Vor dem Anfanga der Zeilen leerer Raum von
fast 12cm Breite , vielleicht ist eine voruusgehende Kolumne gänzlich ausgelöscht
worden. Aus dem Herakleopolites. | |
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lich. SCHUBART.

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ΕΓ 3150 κεκτο. No 1192.
Ξ Rapyrus. Η. 25 cm. Br. 16, 5 cm. Aus der Fapyruscartonnage von Abusir elmdäläg. Auf Rekto
5 Abdrücke deanotischer Schrift, auf Verso Jburen derselben. Dix griech. Kursive auf Rek-
to gehört spätptolemäischer oder augustischer Zeit an. Korrekturen von 2. Hand.
Rechts Anfänge einer 2.Kolumne mit daneben stehenden Notizen von 2. Hand.‘ He-
[ rakleopolites.

Aus ei SEHE Berichte :_

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5 die runden Klammern bei “λιό ὁ ρον, nach τῶν und κατεσταλμένων stehen

im Papyrus. Die übergeschriebenen Notizen in 4,5 und sonst durchweg von 2.H. —
über der Zeile: Apaßov sehr zw.; καζεσταλμένων nicht zu erkennen. Die Araber
| sind die Bewohner des ößllichen Gebelrandes, der grade hier (bei Ben Suet) dem Nil

sanz nahrist._ 40 die Erg. βαι νόντων scheint unvermeidlich.

ἣ SCHUBÄRT.

Δ, ὐλεκυποβῥνόκνον ὐουοκουνικτονικνο acer nern tern en werner

330

|

13 129. | No 1193.

ν᾽ Papyrus. H.So cm. Br.10cm. Aus der Papyruscartonnage von Abusir el mälde. Un-
gewandte Kursive. Die Ergänzungen ergeban sich von Z.6 an dus P 13132, einer
δ andern Ausfertigung Von derselben Hand. 22. Jahr des Augustus. Herakleo-
᾿ polı tes.

ἕ Eingabe an den Jorfschreiber. |

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u.0._ 6 hier setzt die 2. Ausfertigung (B) in. B: ... σὺ yis ἀρούρας... Rechts von

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R 13166 Rexro. No 1194.
Papyrus. H. Siem. Br. 17 cm. Aus der Pepyrus cartonnaga von Abusir el maläg. Verso
leer. Kursive; die unteren Zeilen sind verwischt und verblasst; rechts Reste

einer zweien Kalle 3. Jahr des Augustus.
Zahlung von "Tem paleinkünften durch eine Bank.

res y’Etizp ᾿ς. ἐν ἫἩρα(κλέους πόλεω.
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7 A= dpaymat.

SCHU BART..

‚PR ı3198. No 1195.
Papyrus. H. 24cm. Br. 14, 5. cm. Aus der EEE von Äbusi sir el mäldg.
Von derselben land wie No 1196. Elisa 20. Jahr des Augustus,

Antrag eines Friesters auf Gehaltszahlung.

Elsjps0s “Ἀρυώτης Te. xpiw RES 113
). os Πὰν kaAds mansıs a
emzept ἐμοῦ τς ἢκόγχη κα Tax“ περι ὁΐ LE
Ber... a ὑπὲρ τοῦ οὐπτο KRLTEKATOU
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Εμιη νὸς ἀρτοι βῶν ξικατὸν ὀΐκα ἕν ἧμος | ὌΝ
ιφωρον ἀρταβὸν MEXV>TE ἦμος καὶ τοῦ ’Eır: τῷ ἐν 37 ε΄
Bis λαχάνου Be τριάκοντα mivre Bat
᾿ ἀργυρίου pay mas Skatov Ἔν: 7
Bo ἀντὶ ἀργυρίου ὀραχμὰς ἑκατὸν πε SA
Ἷ Bevor καταλίτεντε. ἀργυρίου
ὁραχμὰς ἴκοσις pm βούρου ΛῈ kr sh

ι Priester Namens Haryotes begegnen mehrlach i in der Liste No 1196. Zum Namen
des s Ropheten να]. No 1196, 32, es handelt sich ohne Zweifel um dieselbe Person. — L.wpo-
φήτῃ ΠΤ. Ὧη|. viel. on des Bolfes. Dann I. λέγει entsprechend dem Stile der de-

motischen Urkunden. Der Schreiber verstand nicht viel grigchisen ; dia Eingabe musste

aber wohl griechisch geschrieben werden, weil der Propher anscheinend ein Grieche war,

Dies ist schuserlich Zufall, sondern wahrscheinlich De ies dtdates. Dass die Zah-

der Juntaxis, unı dia es sich handelt, durch Vermittlung des es leinpelvorstehers 4ε-
Εἰ π΄ πὴ Ölto, Priester u-Tempel IL, 123 !F. _ 2 Wahrsch = iv; ἱ, καλῶ 5. --
Nach Ἐμοῦ ziemlich deutlich ır(._ Es ist Ζιυ,, οὐ nicht τοὺς zu lesen ist und nichts

weiter folgte; δτιτο-ἸΓλόγου] ist Kaum annehmbar. - 4 vor τ viell. Jbatium; da-

1er ist der Umfang des zu Ergänzenden unsicher. ur dis Icio) keudercrov. 2.026 l.un-
genau ZU 14/15,
wo auf 5 Monate 464 Art. gerechnet werden. 2 damit+ die 2 Ärltaben Olyra der

willinge PLond.T p.22/3. Öito l.c. 1374 {Tas ἢ τ 248. Ferner vol. PTebt.E 224..--

2 διάφορον ἀρτα βῶν -- ὁ ἥμισυ. = ’Ersio; woher das Jond Be ım Epiph

yov. .- ἡμισυ. - | Artaben ergeben monatlich 9,3, dies stimmt
B

5 Be. Ist nicht ersichtlich. _ Ἢ ἰ-τριώβολον. - kartaistmovzear. ız 1. doxy; μιν |
“βόλον. - Das Drachmenzeichen hat durchizeg dıa Form οἱ
Ver

333

ee τ Ὁ τσ σ΄ ὃ ὃ ὃ ΦὋὋὍἝΘΘϑΘοΘ-.- τα A
(R 13 196) (No 1195.) *
καὶ τοῦ ἐννσακαι ὁςκάτου ἔπους ἱκαίσαρο 5 ΟΣ Cm:
μηνὸς πέντε ὧν ἄρτα βὸν δεσαρα κον τοὶ
15 :2 nos διάφορον ἀρταβδν δύω δετάτατον
γτλείποντε διάφορον ἀρταβᾶν τ: ὦ καὶ ἀργυρίου
| ὁραχοι μιὰς IKosı τριοβούρου oo φόρτετρον
, ἀργυρίου ἐραχμὰξ ὀέκα ἡπῷ HAf 0-4
| καὶ ἐλατωνῖ ἀπὸ τῶν — us 3Asou
od κουυλῶώῶν «λ τι(μῇ) we / = 4 το τὰ

| “1 μηνῶν. - ὧν ὃ man erwartet λαχάνου oder alrajıle IR τεόσσαράποντοι. Εἰ ι.ἡ-
ΕΠ dvo rzraprov._ ιό λείπονται ?_ Der Betrag von 7% + scheint sich aus
5: wen?) 4 2: zu ergeben. - 17 18 δραχμὰς. Ἐς [-Σλαττον:ῖ; gement 1st wohl:

25 bleibt zurück hinter den 46% Art: um den Reis von 230 Kotylen δι; über dia Ölsyn-

Eaxis Otto Weis, SCHUBART

213135. No 1196.
Papurus. H.isen. Br. 53 em. Aus der apyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäläg. Von derselben Hand

wie No 1195, also elwa aus dem 20. Jahre des Augustus. Auf Verso Reste einer Liste.

Verzeichnis von Phyl an priestern.

| Kol.[. art = ἘΠ. ΘΟ: τόγτος
ei δ φυλή 3 Osüsros vios

Zu Priesterlisten vol. in allg. Olte, Priester u. Tempel, Register; bes. τ 34 ff, zu den Pay-
len ibid. T23 ff. Die neuz Liste gehört in die Zeitdes Augustus unıdinden Gau von Hera- |
Kleopolis, wahrscheinlich einen Tem pel in Busiris, aber auch Koma, Lina und andre Dorfer
Kommen in Betracht: Dass es sich nicht um ein ganz Kleines Heiligtum handeln Kann, zeigt
die mine von 133 Phylenpriestern. In den sonst bekannten Listen pflegt ausser dem Va-
bersnamen auch der der Mutter an egeben zu werden. In den übrigen Priesterurkun den
von Rusiris begegnen folgende Priester. Stotoötis JS. des Nuchis, Soterichos S.des Nuchis,
Haryotes, Harsiesis,. Joterichos, Horos J.des Theos (Teos), aber Keiner lässt sich sicher |
; miteinem Namen der Liste identifizieren, auch nicht Horos S des Theos mit dem 2.28
genannten Horos. Zu beachten ıst die häufige Wiederkehr gewisser Namen, ferner die |
Familienbezichungen. _ 3 1.0eos, vielfach ist der Gen. statt des Nom. gesetzt, Das

Im Folgenden ΠΣ: beson ders notiert werden wird. veorte

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sich auf das Dorf B. bezieht, ist zw._ 30 die Zahl 28 ist von Hausa aus normal semäss
den 28 Tagen des Mondmonats. _ 32 der Prophet scheint einen gricch. Namen zu pühren
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Ἴετειμούϑης υἱὸς
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Do βόνχις. Νυχϑῆμμτως ξ φυλή
Νεχϑμμῆστος Νχϑέμμεως 140 Φίβιος Στοστοητιῦ σ᾽
os Fu N’iuns Στοστοῆτις υἱός
12 Anf. nicht Stzpos! !_ 133 der leer gelassene Raum war vielleicht für einen kachzutra-
aanden Namen bestimmt; freilich weiss man nicht, nach welcher Folsa die Fries-c cu!-
Eh werden. 141 unter dieser Zeile ist noch reichlich Platz vor) anden, daner scaüni
65, als haba dia 5. Payle wirklich nur 2 Personen umfasst. Vielleicht ist, wie Ir Möller ver.
μεν, die 5. Thyle ı in manchem kleineren Tempel nur pro Forma eingefül πρὶ warden. _
Auf Ir zum grössten Teile leeren Rückseite des Papyrus stehen Reste εἶνε; > Liste von

Personen mit folgenden Zahlen ; demnach handelt es sich nicht etwa um die Yersscheur
der auf Rekto stehenden Liste.

SCHUB ARTE
Pogıe. No 1197.

Rap rus. H.25 cm. Br.43 cm. Aus der Fapyruscarton ınage von Äbusir εἰ mräläe.

Deutliche Kursive; jedoch vielfach verblas 2, abgerieben. Das blatt &ı

| ΠΣ ΣΡ ΤΕ. N en kon

hält eine Kopie von drei auf den Tempel in Busieis_bezüglichen Ältterskücken.

" 96.Jahr des Augustus.

ee
Vi cc

Te —
([.4916. (No ι9.)5
kol.L.

Eingabe betreffs der Syntaxiıs.
᾿λόκληπιάδῃ τῷ ὕὅτῶι καὶ κυρίωι

᾿ παρὰ Στοτοήτιος τοῦ Novyeog ἵερξως karl προφήστου Apbsvına
OS καὶ Zapamıos ὑςῶν μτιγίστων ἱγεροῦ πιοῦ ὄντος ἐν κῷ ea
βουσίρι τοῦ ὑπερ Μεμφιν. Ἥραικλ Ξοπολίτίου. Ὑγοκεηι ται τῶι
τροκιμένῳ ἱγερῷ σὺν τυιζι5 ἐκ τῆς Ἅρτίσιος πιρηφοούου καὺ ἐ-
νιαυτὸν era ρν, καὶ ὑπὺ δοῦ ἀπεδοδῇ σαν ἕως τοῦ ın L- 7222 v. Chr:

“-

τΚαγίδσαι ρο5, ἐκόη μή αν τος δὲ σοῦ :ἰς τοὺ“ Σικγτὸ)ς γτόπου-ς1
[ot δοὶ 1 προόδετοτοι ἕως τοῦ νῦν ἄττοι τοῦ ivvsa καὶ ἐξκγάτουι ἰ- Ahr νυ. Ch.
τΚαγίδα ρος οὖκ ἔδωκαν ἡμῖν. Καὶ οἵ μὲν ἀτὸ Λινῆ καὶ Κόμα

10 κωμῶν τι γερῖς μὴ λαμβάνοντες τὰ ὑποκίμενα αὐτοῖς

Σ ψεγρχέχον τες τῷ ἡγεμόνι Tuppaviwı ἀπεκομίσαντο,

| ἥμειῖς δὲ τὴν Στ ἀγα ϑῷ ὅου παρουσίαν, πρὸς καλ γύην, προι --

ὲ ογὕμηεν, ἵνα μὲν τοῖς ὁτοῖς söyonsvor de ὅλου καὶ διὰ παν-

[ros.] En! En: pr: nv Avsmaapodısiay ὙΠ δ ΠΡ Κ΄

Ι5 αὐτὸν κηαὶ γκύριοην Κταί δγαιρα Αὐτο κράτορα καὶ τοὺς αὖ-

Γτοῦ υἱούς. Διεόμενοι οὖςν» τῆς ταρὰ σοῦ zöse nos

Γμέταλαβ U. Jsttov ἀξιοῦμεν av φαίνηται
προς ταῦῖαι Ko Kara ra ϑήγναι ἡμῖν τὴν ὀφιλομένην, |
τόύνταξιν τυ ὅτὺς τὰς υόϊοις

20 γόυνώμ:ε ϑα ἐπιτελεῖν καὶ τἄλλα τοῖς ὑεοῖς ψομιζομε-
: νοι ἀνεμποδίστως ποιῶμεν ὑ τπξρ πτεσοῦ Kal τῶν
Lrikvov, ἵν᾽ ὦμεν εὐτργετηλ μένοι.

᾿

’ I
Διευτυχι
®

= 1 cr. No 201, ı. Vsos scheint sonst nıcht vorzukommen; vgl. jedsch Dif: .EI 15... Asklesiades \

: in Pe: 2 , Se. Su
auch No 1209 14; erist jedenfalls ein höherer Jtaatsbeamter. _ 2 προφήτου zw.; val.Ülto, PriesteruTempzi |)
ἃ

v._ Zu Harpsenesis vgl. TebETBE 40. _ 3 1.15p00. _ 4 ὑπόκειται erj.nach ὑποκίμενα Z,i0.-

ἥ

- c a 5 . δ ῃ ? ,
ΝΕ 70 Aprisios zu; wa hrsch. Name eines frivatmannes, aus dessan Stittuna die rodcodo πηι. |
re J J ] u f 5 δ᾽ |

:

Ε, Α '
γχι σα ρος. - Ζξω nichtwahrsch._. 8 Erg.zu.; προστάται. auch No 1200, 15._ Jauch Line ist ein δου ἐξ νοι Yurcklo-|i
lites ; cf.No 1200,24... (2. Ende zu)., aber Ἰγρὸς kaıpov unmöglich. 14 dass vsraap.als ein Wort zu betrachten 1}
st, zeigt das vorausgehende nv. — 15 Ery.sehrzw., cf.No 1200,11, vorher etwa cın Verbum mit de. _ 18 wenn υἱοὺς ᾿
ichtig ıst, Könnte man an die damals, 54 v.Chr., lebenden Claesaru.L.laesar denken. _ I6oı korr aus 05.-5da ἢ
. - ͵Ἱ ͵ n A ς a ΠΕΡ: '
ahe lieg. Erg. duvrafıv μέχρι τοῦ dvssgruscros κς ἢ passt nicht χε den Jburen .- MS u.s.W, ver Ama. 35,49 Fu. [Ὁ

2b. Tsr,49.— 22 tv’u.sw. istreichlich lang u.deshall zu. SCHUBART.

R99 IE. Ä No 1193.
Kol.IL.

Eingabe an den ale: betre ffs der Kopfsteuer.

φυώτου καὶ Apsınsuos καὶ Σωτηρίχου ἱγερέ-
5 wv”Isidos καὶ Σαράπιδος καὶ Ἁρψενήσιος καὶ

Asıcın πιοῦ τῶν ἐν βουσίρι τοῦ ὑπὲρ Μέμφιν

Ἥρα κλεοπολίτου. Μέγιστε ἥγεμῶν, ἐπάνω -

ὧςν καὶ τῶν täs βαδιλίσση χρόνων μέχρις

τοῦ πέμπτου καὶ εἰκοστοῦ Εἴτους Καίσαρος ἢ 80 ΓΟ] ; as '
10 καὶ Σεβαζόγτοῦ kalsapos ἔτους οἱ τέσκρες ἱγερῖς ὃν-
ἰ rss Ὁ ἱερέων ἘΣ ὑτκηρετουτοσ τὰ ἱζ: ἃ καὶ

ποιούμενοι ayvnas καὶ δυσίας δύο παρὰ τδύ-

ö ἀποαρενόχλητοι γεγόναμεν ὑπὲρ λα-

ογραφίας͵ τῷ ds ὑἐνεστῶτι κς L Kal pos 472 2, Cr.
15 Ἠτιοδώρου τοῦ βασιλικοῦ ζραμματίω [51

τοῦ νομοῦ sisdovros ἡμᾶς εἰς ἀταί-

τηδιν ὑπὲρ Anoppagias ἐκράχημεν

ἐτῶν τεσσάρων ἕκαστος ἡμῶν

γἀχργυφρίου Ε &d καὶ χοματικῶν ἀργυ(ρίου)
20 F pn- Διὸ ἀφιοῦ(μεν).

De Schrift Wird gegen Enda immer grösser. - Über die Kopfsteuer der Priester vgl.
Otto, Priester u.lempal s.v._ 2 zu Soterichos vgl. No 1201,13. - 4 ἰ. ἱερέων; antspre-
chend auch ı10.1._ 8 βασιλίσσης bezieht sich auf die letzte, Kleopatra. -

I, ὑπηρετοῦντες auf dıe 4 Petenten bezogen; aber auch ὑπηρετούντων von den

6 Priestern gesagt gabe einen Sinn. _ 12. über den Dienst zu 12 zu ei scheint sonst nichts
bekannt zu sein. 13 L.yspovansv. -- δ᾿. ἐπτράχϑη ἐς Ind ἡμῶν linten-
Spuren. -— 20 wohl pn, nicht in.

SCHUBART.

339

P.9g1E. nn
Kol. IE.
Schreiben des Statthalter.

Ἀντίγραφον sm coToJANg. T&uos Tuppkvıos ver
ός. γημανται μὴ ἱκανοὺς εἰ κογίσϑ'αι
Eko τοὺς κατ᾿ 2Tos προ ὀεχυμ:νους ἱερεῖς 1
καὶ ταστο φόρου“ μήτε ἐξ ἵερέων ὄντος γμὴ-2
5 ΠΣ τοῖς Ayıtouppias Tax pm ἀεχομένους ER
“ -. 1 Κελεύω οὖν ἀναγράψασϑαι ΓΟ [Ss]
τορος δεχομένου “1 ἱερεῖς καὶ πταστοφύρους καὶ ττοὺς51
r&AJlovs τους ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν IE Ἐπ
καὶ Tatdas, καὶ τίνες χρήας πταιρέχον [TXL]
10 dinsaander, δπως ἐν τοῖς τοῦ Kl koaiceaposı
ἐπικρίνωι, τοὺς δὲ μὴ Dvras 2% lepsov ἀπ τὶ 7
τ. ὅὸν ἄνυπερδέτωξ.
L κῷ αισαροφ Παῦνι τ ψ. ΠΥ 4o.cCh.'
Von andrer Hand als kol. Tund I, zum grossen Teile stark verblasst. _ Rechtstehlt
π΄ manchen Zeilen nichts, Ζ. 8. ın Z.i u.2.8, an deren Ende kaum εἴτις
ὅρων festgestellt werden kann, _ 1/2 der Ädressat scheintnicht genannt zu sein,
denn 2.2 Anfang lässt sich nicht mit einem Namen vereinbaren

; war etwa statt des.
san λέγει gesetzt Ὁ Wie es scheint, ist der Brief eine nicht nur für Busiris, son-
dern allgemein für Argypten gültıga Verfügung befr. zine allg. Ypxan Ispwr. --

2 δὁτεσγχήμανται liagt nahe, giebt aber Keinen Ehen ie
Ve d d p

vgl. Ütto , Priester u. lernpel ἢ a et πτοιροι ὁ. ἱερεῖς να]. παρα όόχιμον in
Prebi.IE u. Otte, a.a.0.2326.- 4 vgl. (1.5 πὸ 5 ΓΤ N ΓΕ κί.

ΟΚριόδι δ der Priester noch Sache des Satthalters zu sein, ein Über riester ist wohl
noch nicht vorhanden. Val. Üto Les ff. Zweck der ἐπί ιερισις ist; wie der Zusammer
hang mit der vorigen Urkunde zeigt, festzustellen, welche Priester von der Kopf-
Steuer frei sein Sollen. Dafür sind massgebend |) priesterliche Herkunft, Zjhirk-
liche priesterliche Funktionen. _ Hinter ἀπὸ fehlt vielleicht nichts, Jinn: scheide aus
streiche. aus oder drgl. Val. bes. Tebt. 2 258 795: τῶν μὲν παρα δοχίμων Kal ἐπι
κεκριμένων ἀπολυδσίμων,.
SCHUBART.

340

«Ὁ

Ὗ
Ep
Ta
r
“π᾿
bh.
Pr
“
ἃ
'
‘
-
᾿
Π
<
Ἕν
ch

ei ΩΣ
re % Dar ö 7
PER, Τ᾽ er a

“-- 2

ENDE

ee een μὲς we a ea A ἡ 885
P 9914. No 1266.
Rı pyrus. H.3ı cm. Br. 27 em. Aus der Fapyruscartonnage von Äbusir dmäläg. Deutliche

Kursive. 29. Jahr des Augustus.

Eingabe der Priester an den Statthalter.

Ἰϊοπελίωι κταίωι
ταρὰ “Ὥρου ἘΠ Tsötos wol τῶν Γάλλον περι Er... . καὶ
Ἀπόλλωνος δεῶν μεγίστων εὄνχττων ἀπτὸ πγώμης βουσίρεινς3

u...

— εἰς τὸ δημτόχόιον τῶν ἐδαφῶν ee ὀοννταν duven ji)

πυροῦ apra as ἑκατόν, ὥστ᾽ εἶναι] Tars πάσαις διακοσίας κατ᾽ Στυ 51 ζ9 79 ὑοῦ
10 ‘mo τοῦ rıja γί καίσαρος μέχρι τοῦ ἐγὺ "πὸ ὁννννν ος καὶ εἰς τὰς ar
ὑπὲρ τοῦ ϑετοῦ! καὶ κυρίου Αὐτοκράτορος Karısapos καὶ θΉ κόύ σκ 51
ϑυσίας καὶ drovdas καὶ sis τὰς γσυνητελου μένος ὑφ᾽ [ἡμῶν λιτουργία 51
κατ᾽ ἔτος ἀργυρίου dpaymäs δια κοότίηας ördonxovrexg ᾿Απτὸ di τοῦ τὸ [1

2 ἄλλων Passt besser als Surılspiov zur Grösse der Lückse._ Horos fohn des Teös
Gonst Iheos) vgl. No Izoi,z.- Ende etua Σαράπιδος καὶ vgl. No 1197.1201._ 3 die Eis.
des Namens Busiris ist nach den übrigen Priesterurkunden dieser Gruppe sehr wahrschän-
lich._ 4 hierund in den folgen den Zeilen ıst bai der Erg. zu berücksichtigen, dass die Schrift
allmählich Kleiner und enger wird. Im Allg. wird bei den versuchten Ergänzungen Folgendes
angenommen: Bis zum u1.Jahre besass der Tempal gewisse gestiftete Ländereien sowiz Natural-
einkünftz, diese scheinen noch ausser dem Ertrage der Ländereien angeführt zu werden, wie
die 2 Beträge in 2.3 u.J! nahe legen. Im 11. Jahre wurden die Äcicer gingezogan und dafür dem
Tempel eine Beisteuer von 100 Artaben jährlich ausgesetzt, während jene πρόςο das teil-
weise bestahen blieb. Dazu kommen Barbehräge in Höhe von 230 Drachmen. Im 19.
Jahre aber, als Äsklepiades nach Italien rdıste, liessen sich Seine Vertreter, die Sitologen,
von den Riestern 6} des Dorfes Line bestechen, die wpagodos, die augenscheinlich vom
Dorfe Linz geleistet wurde, dem Dorfa zurückzuerstalten. Dia Prtenten bitten 1) diecuf
diese Weise verlorenen 900+ 100 Artaben zu ersetzen, 2) die mposodos für die Zukunft zurück.
zugeben. _ 4 wa κώμην Awi._ 5 ein Beispiel einer wpögodos bildet die Siiftung
No 1202.- x. δια δ. vgl. Tebt. IE 302,17. - 6 τα vgl. 10, wo dia Erg. von ἜΝ abhänsz, das
durch 2. 19 gesichert wird. _ 10 schwerlich ist Kaisapos zu erg. - 13 zur Reise des Äskle-
biades val. No 1197, 7. | vert

841 En

1

(P. 9914.) (No 1200.
᾿Ἀδκλητιάδου τοῦ τὴν πρόφοδον ἀνηγμένου εἰς Γταλίαν τἐγόη μή σαντος ol]

15 Tposraraı Kool διτολόγοι Ἥρακλ εἰδης καὶ Διονύσιος ἀμφόττεροι ὄντ: 51
τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ τοῦ ᾿Ασκληπιάδου υἱοὶ, ὄντων JE &ıra γκ]ῷ μης Aus πειόὺ ἐν τος ἢ

πυρὰ τῶν (δἰ
a « rn a B) n I El, j
οὐ μικρῶι κεφαλαίωι ὕπο τῶν ἐκ τῆς κώμης αὐτῶν ἀπτεσεσψη αν |
Σ
ἡμᾶς DV ἦχομεν ἐς τῆς προςοόου πυροῦ ἀρτα av ikarov L-..... μέχρι |
τοῦ ıY "- Καίσαρος. “Ὁ πρὸ γιγραμμένος “Ἡρακλείδης πο πο = |
a ar ῃ a \ Ϊ
20 ἐζουσίοιν ἔχοντες τῶν ᾿Ἀσδκληπιχόου ἀνόμως ἀποδέδωκαν τοῖτο ἀπὸ Λινῆι
μηδέπω Ἰσχηκότες Ἐκ τῆς προσόδου Ἔ πλῷ un TuS er εἰς πλήρωσιν ετηῷγ' ρος, LP
τὰς ἡμῶν ἔτυρου ἀρτά βας ὁκατὸν ἢ Καὶ μέχρι του νύν διεμῴλῳσαν, τἡμᾶς. ΠῚ
ότευσμενόοι ὑπ’ αὐτῶν. (Nuvsi ds ἐπιόκεψάμενοι co dnnosiorv καὶ εὑρόντες]
ὅι:} βαλλομένας εἰς τὸ ἡμῶν ἱερὸν τὰς προκειμένας πυροῦ [aJpr« has ξκαττὸν καὶ 1
αὐτῶν τῶν Kırö Λινὴ πυροῦ ἀγτά βας ἑβδομήκοντα mivtz) edıy ἐπὶ ὅς κατταπεφεύ-1
9 ἀξιοῦμεν δ: τὸν πάνττων „ebsprirnv Be
35 γαμιν Ετὸν πάντων 1)δωτῆρα καὶ Γαντιλήμπτορα, ὅπιως ἢ ὄυνταΐῃ 5 κλεηϑῆναι αὐτοὺς
2 x \ nel. 1 siv \ A 2 , c 3 πεότερ: σαν c us
ram ὅς καὶ δια λὰ Bas τερι τῆς ἀλλο ἐς; πῶ ον S ητμῶν......2 ΡΝ
CHlsypı τοῦ kn 5 τυροῦ ἀρταβῶν ἐνα κοδτίων καὶ τοῦός τοῦ κϑ'"- ckaylcapes 7 ἀγρτὰ bus 1
καὶ) τὴν mposodov ἀποδοῦναι ἡμεῖν [TAG κατ᾽ 2Tos ὑποκειμένας τυροῦ Apcraßas ξκατύν
᾽ « n 3 / v. Opa:
Liv’ ὦγμεν εὖ πὸ 6300 εὐεργετημένοι. u

Ι9 val. No 197,8. - 16 dass sıe aus Line stammen, wird durch ihre Parteinahme für das Jorf nahe
gelegt. Β ντες.. 7 die Verbesserungen hier und weiterhin von 2.H. - Zur Ery. vgl. 2.26. —
18 es ıst wohl ἤόγομεν gemeint. - ἀρταβῶν Korr.aus ἀρτά us. 20 erg.nach 24. Vielleicht
"sind Speziell die Priester von Line gemeint; dann wäre 25 der Tempel von Line, dem ein Teil
der mposodos zustand. Dass diese Mriester für sich zıı sorgen verstanden, zeigt No 1197,10...
a nach dem Zusatz über der Zeile scheint die gesamte wposodos i75 Artaben betragen zu
- haben, wovon l0oo dem Tempel ZU ame 2.22 mu6Tsvowevor-giebt Keinen angemessa-
nen Sinn. _ διεμώλυσαν - sin machten uns mürbe. _ 22 die arossen ‚felten Klammern hier
wiein den folgenden Zeilen stehen ını Fapyrus. N ER! Auch hieraus geht harvor, dass
75 Artaben jener τρόζοδος dem Dorfe Line zukanıen. _ 24 25 sollte wohl mit dıo ange-
& farıgen werden, κατὰ πεφεύγαμιν ist aus Versehen nicht gestrichen worden... 251.
E δυντά ται. Re AdTovs, das kaum flatz. findet, ıst allenfalls entbehrlich... 27 derunge-

sctzlicht Zustand wird vom 20. Jahre arı gerechnet. _ 29 von διευτύχει ist keine pur sicht-

bar.

SCHUBART.

Pagı. No 1201.
Papyrus. H.32 cm. Br. 12. cm. Aus der Fapyruscartonnage von Abusir el mäldg. Deutliche
Kursive, teilweise stark abgerieben. 31. Jahr des Augustus.

Eingabe. ’
Σωτηρείχῳι τῶν ϑεῶτι καὶ κυρίων
a x ) 1 a
παρὰ Ὥ ρου καὶ ........ ov-AMgoTzpWv
rec καὶ Ier...... ἕρέῶν κώμης

—

Bousipsus. ᾿Ὀρϑρίτερον τῆς τ΄ ττογῦ iv) ;
5 ότῶτος μηνὸς Ἰαῦ νει τοῦ λα L Καίσταροης | Aa nu ν τς
᾿ς τῶν ἀγνευόνττηων, ἵερξων, διαπεραι-
μένων πρὸς τὰς λιτουργείας καὶ
δυδείας τῶν ϑιῶν εὕρω μεν τὰς
ϑύρας τοῦ ἱεροῦ Σαράτειδος διοῦ
lo μεγίστου ὑφημίνας φωτί. Καὶ ἡμώ-
ν ἀνακράΐζαντες εἱς τὴν κώμην
πρὸς βοήϑηαν κατετή ησεν
ὃ γυμνα δίοιρχος τῆς κώμη
καὶ οἱ mpos βύτεροι καὶ οἱ λοιιγοὶ πᾷάν-
15 τις καὶ εὕροσαν ἀπὸ μέρους τὰς
δύρας κατα κεκαυμξν χα καὶ εὖ -
pocav τὸν ὄτροφέα τοῦ ἑνὸς
μέρους ττιῆς ϑύρας Apmsvov rs]
ρ4:ίν. Aıröy ἀναφέρογμηεν διὰ ἀνα-
ἶ 2. φορᾶς, iv’ εἰσης. Εὐτύχες
en ________.
R ı Soterichos ist vielleicht der in No 1193, 2 genanntz Priester. _ Zur Anrede δ ἐδ vgl.
} No 197, ι.- 2. Horos John des Theos No 1200,2. τ ἄς ἰ. ὀρϑφιαίτερον. -- 6 zu ἁγνεύειν
val. Otto, Priester u. Tempel I 28 ff. - θυ. ὀδιατερανυμένων ( für δια τεραιου μένων! oder
diamopsumpivuv, ist zw. Wenn das erste richtig ist, so wäre an das Übersetzen über ci-
nen Kanal, schwerlich über den Nil, zu denken. 3. zu den Göttern von Busieis vel. No
157. 198.- io L.öonnmivas; φιοτὶ falsch statt πυρί oder φλογί... ii ι.ἄνα κραζάνε,
των. -- 13 Dorfgymnasiarchen vgl, No 183,2. 1189,2 u. Wilcicen, Arch. 412. - 14 ἱ πρεσ-
| βύτεροι. _ 15 1. sÖpov.- 18/19 χεειρόειν ist nicht Sicher ; jedoch spricht die fal-
sch Trennung nicht dagsgen, vgl. 2. 1o/u.
| ; SCHUBART.

343

Leihgabe der Deulschen Orientg esallschaft.

tertumskunde 1910, [57 ff Val. Wileken, Arch.f. Pa "71:2.
tiftung für οἷ nen ἰἐπιρ εἰ.

Advns τοπογραμματεὺς τῶν περὶ βουσῖριν τοῖς Am’ Ὄνν ἕους
ἱρεῦόδι τοῦ Μὲν ητος Kol Aruykavrois καὶ Χώνσιος καὶ
«Ἀρποχράτου δ ξῶν μεγίστων yaipzıv. Ὁμολογῶι Hetpnosicv].

|
ὑμεῖν ἅπὸ τοῦ lb Kat” ξεινηιγχαυτηὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἘΠῚ AsxoAlms]

"275 v. Cha.
Ι͵ \ 3 Ι Ga ὥς v2 ; ͵
5 Aoyov τοίς avıspwutsvas) Dm’SHoD SiS To Kprokomiov TLoVJ
ı . n I = \
Mporzımivou ἱεροῦ δλυρῶν ἄρταβας ὁξικα τρεῖς, ὧν Kita]
n εἰ 3: ! Ἢ ͵
μήνα τκαστον ἀρτάβην μτίοην καὶ εἰς τὰς ἜἘπαγομενα τοι
ἵ in
πέντε τὴν λοιτὴν τἀρτάβην1 μίαν, ὥστ᾽ εἶναι τὰς προκειμτένος ἢ
ty a εἰ ‘ a .
ἀρτάβας τω ον Tpsi5, ὅπ 5 ὑπαργηι τῶι ἱερῶι sis τιον

Γἄπηαντα χρόνον τὸ δηλούτμεινον φιλάνδφωπον, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ δια τή sau
κιατὰ νουμηνίαν ἑκάστην τῶι Toro γραμματεῖ 2 ΟΣ
καρει κύλληστιν sts τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον,

Ξ ιβ Ἰαχὼν κα ἐν 5

Im Allg. val. Dittenberger 0.6.7 177. 179.- "Ovviovs sc.kopns._ 4 Amor. ἀσχ: λόγου
Zeigt, dass die Stiftung offiziell USE VER; Tempelbäckereı, val. Ötro, Priester u.-Tempei I275.
10 δια τη ὅ1ι scheint den Resten am besten zu genügen, zum Begriffe vgl. din sn ca. Sub-

gekt ist hier τὸ Lspov._ u dem geweiligen Bezirksschreiber _ 12 zum Kullestisbröte
j vol. dıa sonstigen Jpezialbrote der Tempel bei ΟΠ, a.c.0.1 17.35; ferner Herodot 1777.
᾿ : SCHU BART".

ἣ Die Nenmern 12.03--1209 umfassen du Mivatkorrespondenz einer Familie, Isidora, Asklepiades und

Tryphon sınd dia Briefschreiber. Der Sitz der Familie ist wohl in Busiris (Abusir al mäläu)zusuchen; von

Orten werden nur Memphis, Hermupalıs und Divomia genannt. Die Briafe der Isıdors sind zT.
von einer gewandten Hand [τ von τὰν eignen sehr rohen Hand Ch) geschrieben. Nicht
alle Fragen auf der Rückseitx die Adresse, mehrere haben auf Reicto oben einen Vermerk Aber
den Eingang . Der Empfänger hut su 44 nach dem Eintreflan zusamnten geklzbt, 50 dass ın

&inem Falle der Spätere Brief vor dem früheren steht. Dazu ναὶ. Arch.f. Rap. 1372, auch Reiss-

mann, Licht Vom Osten τ 470. Zat ΕΝ Korrespon denz.: = Ἵ: Jah r des Augustus.

84:1

No 1202.
anyrus. H.27 cm..ßr. [7 cm. Aus der fapyruscartonnage von Abusır el mäläg. Deutliche

Kursive. 12. Jahr des Augustus. Publiziert in der Zeitschrift für ang. Jprachz Be Al-

\

Pı3155 No 1203.
Rapyrus. ἢ. το cm. Br. ııcm. Äus der Ripyruscartonnage von Abusir elmäläg. Hand a. 2.Jahrdes Augustus,

Brief des Asklepiades ? an Iryphon.
| ΓἈόκλη πιά δης Πρύφχῳνε τῶι δι ὀελφῶτι χαίρειν
[kat ὑγιαίνειν καϑιυης γεὔχομαι. Ἃς ὀπίστιλας

x Be .. ] ka καταλαβὼν τεὸν οἶνον
ἶ ξεν ο ἀπέ κά... πΠ λεγόμιε-
ἱ Beaver )...2022.2222°.. 1 μαι. Ἐπεὶ οὖν καὶ τὰ λοιτὰ
“πΠΠΠ 1.240. κέκλικε δύ τε περὶ τὸν
ΓΟ τ τ νιν νννν ] Περι σκᾷ, καλιῶς ποιήσεις [Ἅψαι
πν.-:.... 7τῆι ἀδελ φῆι dou καὶ “Ἀρυώτηι τῶι ταιδίῳ
Γ- 2.2... Tanndodrmar ἥμεῖν αὐτόν, τούτον ἐξ χάριν
π΄. 12Aav ἀτεστάλκαμεν Ε 51 δοῦ κατα όχεϑηδομένου
-- ἐπιμελοῦ) ὅ πποῦς iv’ ὑ(χιαίνῃς)
"Eppuco = Φαχῶφι τ Δ akt. 22». βία.

δε Hand ist der a-Handin den [9] dora- Briefen so ähnlich, dass derselbe Schreiber, wohl ein Jklave die-
Ser wohlnabenden Familie, anzunehmen ist _ ı dass ein Bruder Tryphon heisst, zeigt No 1209; ob iskle.
piades mıt Recht ergänzt Wird, bleibt dahingestellt, _ 3 diese Jchwester kann Isidora sein. _ 11 die Khluss

formel ist nur ang edeutat. SCHUBÄRT.

Bısısı No 1204.
Rapyrus. H.23cm. Br. 13cm. Aus der Mapyruscartonnage von Abusir οἱ tmdläg. Versoleer.Handa.
Drief der Isidora an Asiclepiades .

δι δώτραη AskAnmiadn: τῶι ἀδελφῶι

Yelpsmva κατὶ ὑμγιαίνειν διὰ παντός. “Ἔρρωζ) en Pas(gı) E
Tr πρὸς Tavisxov γράμματα δυνεόφραγιόμαι ιο τὸ ἐνκοίμητρον tod“ ἼΩΝ

ὑμεῖν. Τὴν οὖν ἁπάντων ἀντιφώνη σιν, παιδίου πέμψον

iv τάχγει πέμηψον διὰ τὸ τὸ πλοῖον,

χορίζεσῦκι. Καὶ σὺ di διανδραγάϑει͵ nF

wg οὗ ἂν παραγένηται, καὶ -ὁξατοῦ
γἰπιμτελοῦ ἵνὴ ὑγιαίνῃς, δ δὴ μήγιστον ἴστι.

$
f 3 Raniskas begegnet auch No 1205, 10. 1206,4. 1207, 4. - Sxwpifsehe sehr unsicher. _ div dpays- |
τῖν Kehrt in den Briefen der Isidora häufig wieder. _ 7 οὗ ἂν sehr unsicher. - 10 val. No 1205 ı8. -

| 2 möglich u, cher aber Örilavor).-. Das Blatt ist vereinzelt und zeigt keine Jpur eines Eingangs- |
Vermerkes. SCH UBART.

P 13153. No 1205.

Rapyrus. H.zscm. Br. 33cm. Aus der Rapyruscartonnage von Äbusire

qustus. 3 Kolumnen.

Zwei Briefe der Isidora an Asklepiades.

| mäläg. Hand Ir 3.Jahr des Au-

Vom ersten, kol.L, sind nur Reste seiner 2.Kolumne erhalten, die nichts Vollständiges ergeben,

Das Datum ist Φχῶ φι). ᾿
Zweiter Brief.
Koll.
3.H. t\abov)"y AdUp ῆ N
H.b. Plısıdisipan Askdarı τῶι ἀδελφῶι
Cyatpswv] καὶ διὰ παντὸς ὑγυαιαί- 20
cvjsiv καϑάτερ γτοὔχομαι. Κεκό-
5. μιόμαι ἃ iysypagıs διὰ γλατυ- |
τς γράμματα τῆι κ΄. Kor- το
εψῶς ἐμοὶ ϑέλετε τὴν αἰτίαν
γράψαι τοτῦ] φα κοῦ καὶ πίσον 95
τ 2 o0di Yap όυν ὅτοιχοι IxTov

Kol.IE.

Mivgis ἑπέδῃς. Terou-
pa dor τιμὴν τοῦ ἐν κοιμή -
Tpov ΓΗ] PK, ἐπι yvisıch de
ἐὰν ἔλθῃς, τίς κὐτὸ εἴλῃ-

:. Οὐκ ζότιν δὲ πλήωι
ἀτζιν:. Δὸς Ἀλεξίοινι
τῶι βαφῖ τῶι Σμῶι ὀνόμα-
Tı dv ἐνκοιμήτρο τῶι
maLdiıı ᾿Ἀρτεμᾶτι ΕΡ
ὀτερεὸν μὴ κενόν, Μὴι

, Ιο τγυίνεσϑς 7εγύκ φη κότες Tx- Katasıns Ἀχειλλέα
τνίσγκωι, ὅτι πέπρακα, Τετοτε. ἄλλα dos αὐτῶι τὰ δύ-
L. .J00 πεπφάκαμεν, ὅμως ο πλοῖα διὰ τὸ πορεύ ισ-
ὡς ἡέλετε ποιεῖτε. Μόνον ἀν- 30 Ja εἰς Ἕρμοῦ πόλιν, καὶ
ὁραγαϑι ἐν τῆι ἀριϑ μήδε καὶ dsntoü ἐπειμελοῦ, iv’ Ü-

Ι5 ἐν γτιῆι τἰσαγωγῆι, ὅπως μὴ πα- γιαίνῃς. ΠΕΣ
ραγενομένου Τανίσικου εἰς "Eppwso Ly Fe)

I dıe Dauer der Briefbeförderung ist in diesem Falle ungewöhnlich lang; vgl. No 1207... 2 der
linke Rand düses Briefes ist so unter das vorhergehende Blatt geklebt, dass I-2 Bst. ganz oder
Reilwäse bedeckt sind,- Dass mit der Kurzform Asklas derselbe Asklepiades gemeint ist, steht
‚fest._ 576 Name. _ 67 die Erg. κομ- ψῶ)ς ist ein Notbehelf, κομ- τίς μοι - κομίσαι μοι ist
wagen ypaypeı unmöglich. _ 9 Anf. Raum für etwa 2 Bst., es scheint aber nichts dagestanden zu
haben. _ δόνστοιχος - übereinstimmend ; Sinn: ‚ihr widersprecht euch selbst” _ μι Ende unklar. -

17 entweder πέσῃ mit ägyptisierendem Vorschlag , oder - ξικπτέσῃς. -- 19 der Preis für eine Jchlaf-
"decke scheint so hoch, dass man nur an reiche Leute denken kann. _ 21 eher πηι als πλῆ -
ον. -- 22 viel. ἄξιςονν, 2 (sc. δραχμῶν), was frealich zum Vorhergehenden nicht passen will. |
24 ἰ. ἐνκοιμήτρῳ; gemeint ıst wohl: für eine Schlafdecks ; diese ist für Artemas (Arte-
Inidoros) bestimmt. _ 29/36 1. τορεύεσϑαι.
verte,

346

Ἵ

nn
(P. 13 153.) (No 1205 )*
Aus dem fhaophi des 3. Jahres stammen ferner 2. schlecht erhaltene Briefe, der eine von Isi-

dora an Asklepiades, der andre: ἡ μήτηρ "λόκλᾶτι χαίρετιν καὶ διὰ παντὸς ὑγιαίνειν

κοι ὑπερ εὔχομαι, SCHUBART.
P 13152. | τ ΝΠ 56..."

Fapyrus. H.25cm. Br szem. Aus der Fapyruscartohnage von Abusir el mälda. Hand ὑς Der Ta-
pyrus war an den vorigen Brief rechts angeklebt. : |

ἽΣ Brief der Isıdora an Asklepiades. |

|

Ἴδιδώιρα AskAarı τῶι ἀδελφίδι καὶ στατοῦ ἐπειμελοῦ, ἵν᾽ ὑγιαί- |
χαίρειν καὶ διὰ ταντὸς ὑγειαίψειν» vnS.

kasamsp εὔχομαι. Κεκόμιόμαι ἼἜἜρρωδο Ly Adop A
& ἐγεγράφις. Ὁ ἀῤελφοὺς Tavis- 20 πρωΐ Br

|
|
5 Kos γέγραφε Νουμήνιν πιπομ- |
var PiAwıva τὸν οἰκονόμον |
ὁπ αὐτὸν καταόπου δέως ἐ- vERso: Δόκλατι τῶι ἀδελφῶτι! |
Tst τὴν διοίκησιν, οὔπωι ὅ:-
᾿ ὅη μαγκε: τί ἐπβέβητκας. Tipi
10 δὲ Ἄρήου αὐτὸς Tarp.. γάφι.
ἐπ’ αὐτὸν χάριν τορῦ παρα γρά-
τό. Var πυρούς. Σὺ δὲ καὶ Ἅρα-
μωιτης διαν δραγατϑἸεῖτε, ἐν
τ εἰσαγῆι Tas τιζιῇ5 ΓΕ]5Ὁ
15 αἰκοῦ καὶ ὀλύρος. Ὲ ἂν τι
ἄλλο πρὸς πέδῃ δημανῶις dor,

Σ νεῖν ist vergessen. - 4 ι. ἀδελφός; vol.zum Folgenden den nächsten Brief. _

Bı. Νουμήνιον. _ 7 likocasrov datiws, κατὰ σπουδήν). -- ἰ. ἐπὶ... ΙΖ πατῇ ὅ

ein getilgter Bst._ 4 in sıs xymı istnausw korrig.; 1. εἰςαγωγῆι... 15. zwischen
Tund ἂν leere, beschädigte Stelle im Rapyrus._ 19 dieser Brief ist später g2-
Schrieben als der folaande, aber wie dur Anklebung zeigt, früher angekommen. —
20 πρωὶ % πρωΐας ῖ

SCH UBART.

213152.

UT. Brief der ΤΙ τ Asklopiades , Hand &.

5

20

3.H.'EA(apovy I Ay, τ᾽ ὀιὰ Ἰπτολ(λίωνος Suter But
ED )

LH. >Lsı 415 ι ᾿Δἀκληπιάδηι τς ἀδελφῶι χαίρειν

καὶ ὑγιαίνσξιν γδιηὰ πανττός...1 Κ᾿ τους 1μη-.. ἔγεγράφεις
κεκτόμιόμαι ΑΓ Τὰ τον περι] ὁτρωματα
τ ὑκινα L....2....2..wvin ὦ δισρος τι1 δι γ
περι όὁτρώματται δυκανιώνια ὑπ: ὶ δὲ
Tavıskou τοῦ ἃ δελφοῦ πέπομ φε Νουμήνιτος2
Φρίλωνα τὸν ἀδελφὸν κὐτού ἐπ’αύτον
καῦτα ὅπου δὴν. ἐπὶ τὴν διοίκησίῖν. Σὺ οὖν. καὶ
.Ἀραμώτης1 ἀνόραγαν εῖτε Καὶ ξὶς ἀγέσν
τειμὴν DIR od OAupiw. καὶ τἄλλα σκχτοῦ di
ἐπιμιέλοῦῃ ἵν᾽ ὑ(γιαΐνῃ5). | ER
"Eopwoo ἐγ Ἁϑὺρ ἡ ᾿ 27 ἀξέ. 24 γι.
"Ἐὰν ds τι προς πτέηδηι σημανῶ ὑμεῖν,
τοὶ δηοκεῖ ἄγεσϑε 205 γράψω
Κεκόμισμαι διὰ τὸῦ χειριστοῦ ἀργυφίου) H Ro
καὶ κομίζει sol πολλίων ἀπολογη....
’Exv οὖν πέβιπῃς Γὰρι γύριον ΜΊλη τξλος
εἰ κοότόν. ᾿ ,
VERSO: Asılymadnı

Il. Fragmente eines Briefes der Isidora an Asklepiades, geschrieben von Hand a.

ΠῚ wie das Datum zeigt, ist dieser an den vorigen rechts angeklebte Brief trotz früherer
Absendung Später angelangt. - TroAAiwvog) nach Z.18. _ 2 unleserliche Suren. -

4 Kadamıp εὔγομαι lässt sich nicht unterbringen. _ 6 Ende: da xspo sicher, das folgendk

ἢ ς fast sicher ıst, bleibt kaum eina andrea Erganzung übrig. _ 7# val.den vorigen Brief. _

10 für κατὰ ὁπτου ὀκίω ς reicht der Raum nicht. _ 11 erg.nach No 1206, 12. 13 Schluss nur
angedeutet. _ 13 über der Zeile durchgestrichena Spuren, die vielleicht nur Reste frühcrer

Beschriftung sind. - Ende: nicht ἀπολογιόμόν..- ι9 μέλη στ unmöglich.

ὅζηυβάκτ.

848

P 13143. - Ἴ No 1208.
Papyrus. N.23em. Br. 31cm. Aus der fapyruscartonnage von Abusır gl mäläg. Grosse, deut-
liche Kursive, im Gesamfcharakter der von No 1061 sehr ähnlich; teilweise verwisch‘
4. Jahr des Augustus.
Brief des Tryphon (2) «ὦ Asklepiades (2)
ol
εἰρύφοῦν τῶι ἀδελφῶτῃ χαίρεν καὶ διὰ παντὸς
ὑγιαίνειν. Καταν τὴ Γόκἢ ς ἐκ τῶν ἄνω εν
γτόττωνδ :} Σκομισάζμηιν dia Zotnpiyov

π΄ [δ ἐπτιτεύτειόχηι τοῖς map’ αὐτοῦ
5. τιιττάκπιον, δι᾿ οὐ γμοιῃ ἱστορεῖς τὴν
ckaAarujrsus πτλτάνηην, 0 ἀναγνοὺς
-΄-. γἵάμην ττὸν. ὅτρατηγὸν ἐφ᾽ T
γὖστιν ujsusortovnipiau, 37 ὧν ᾿Ἀπολλώ(νιος) ᾿
-. 1 ἔζρα ψε το: ze
ι΄. .-. ..... τῶν δημῆναι καὶ
Ben ΄΄ - ν ἄναγγξλλοντα
π΄. τερὶ] ὧν ἐτγραχψας ἐντύφσων
2... JA8L....privar
ae.
Bar. -,. 6 0.0 ee - 3 KV τῶν TUR.
Ber. .......2.... χὰν περὶ qwv...
0... TInv ἀποτομίαν

I die Era. ist unsicher; da aber das Blattaus derselben Cartonnage stammt wie die vor
hergehenden Briefe, so ist die Beziehung auf dieselbe Familie nicht unwahrscheinlich. Dass
dia Hand mit der des folgenden Briefes nicht übereinstimmt, beweist kaum etwas dagegen. --
ἱ χαίρειν. - 4 0 Steht allein, so dass ὃ sich sofort ergiebt. _ Zum Verbum vgl. 2.25;
möglich ist auch ἐπιτέϑεειταηι.. 5 πιττακίον erg.nach Z.22; es ist hier dır Jchreib-
tafel._ Vielleicht ist ἱστόρ εις gemeint. Ewa zur Erg.des Namens vgl. 2.39. - Stat-
TÄL-. τὴν istauch mar. αν möglich._ 7 das passende Verbum habe ich nicht gejun-
den ; vor ? scheint s,& odar ἡ gestanden zu haben, jedoch weder δυνεταηγίά μην,
noch mas ὁεγζάμην giebt einen Sinn. _ 8 Pap. ἀπτολλῶ _ 16 zu ἁποτομία vgl.
Wilekens Bemerkungen Arch. 303 über BGU. 1024. Jaita 52.14, ın Verbindung mıt
der Nilschwalle ist der Ausdruck auffällig. -

verte_

(P 13143.) | + (No 1208)
κοὶ. 1
τῆς ἀνα βάσεως Lob μόνον, χρτοκοπηνῆναι
ἀλλὰ καὶ χορήγησιν ποιεῖόϑαι͵ εἰκὸς σξ μετειληφέναι
παρὰ τοῦ πολυτιμήτου Ἰσίλιος τοῦ μὴ μετα-
20 μελομένου. περὶ οὗ γράψαντός dou εἰς τὸ μὴ
δια τρέψαι αὐτὸν πταριαγσνη δι εἷς Δικωμίαν
ἡόδτασάμηεν ἐπινὴ ἐντὸς αὐτοῦ πιττάκιον καὶ
ἄποτρει βομένου μου καὶ ἵνα μὴ ἐκπέσηι ἄπο-
τετρεῖφδαί με αὐτὸ ἐδεξάμην. “να δὲ εἰδῇς |
5" τὸ ὀρδφιον τοῦ ἀν ϑρώςτου), πεῖγομ oa όοι ἣν τένειται
μίσθωσιν, περὶ Or μνήσϑην ἀλιευττ. 1. δολας
ὡς ὑπὸ τούτου πρὸς Mersflivy u τρύςεχο τ]
Taxp? ἡμῶν. To δὲ γπόηντων χείρ Te. Ἴ Touv
Ττοηρ μεῖον τῆς ττῶνλ προβάτων ὠτνγῆς 1 ης
30 τῶν ὡς τοῦ δυν κεχωριόμενου Ti, IXoVOr.T.]
ὠνῶν ἐπιβαλομένου ᾿λντιλόχου καϑάπερ ἐπὶ
τῶν ἄλλον διαμισϑοῦν, καὶ σοῦ μνηόϑεντος dav
τοῦτον δυνχρησὰμενον τῶι ἄνωδεν ἦτιν... «ἐς τῇ
χρεία όου διαμισϑοῦν δοΐζοις duv καταριὃμεῖσναι, τῆς

25 ληγομένης ὦν ῆς σοῦ μνηόδνεντος εἰς τὸ νῦ(ν)

17 vorher atıa ὅτι Xen dıa τ]ὴν ἀποπομίαν. -- 19 Τοιλιος, αὐιοἢ πτοία ὁ Sg, πιο. POS, muss
Biohl ein Name sein. _ 2ı gemeint ist wohl διατρῖψαι. - Dikomia Hibeh LAT, 29; es liegt
offenbar im Herakleopolites. _ 22 hinter der Lück ist s fast sicher , μηὲν τὸ σαυτοῦ füllt die
Lücke nicht und ist sachlich unwahrschaänlich. Zu ἐπιτιϑσναι vgl. 2.4. - ἀποτρίβεσθαι
im dinne von: etwas los zu werden suchen. _ 25 dppıov deutlich ; ist gemeint, sein
Morgengruss "@säne ersta Tat) %_ 26 zu ἐμνηόϑην vgl. 2.32 1.35. Möglich wäre auch:
| περὶ ὠτντῶν, ἡόϑην, da der Jchluss von .w samt Verbindungsstrich ebenso aussieht
wie bei u. αλι oder av, aber Aviv oder ἂν εὖ führen zunichts.. γἐτ στολὰς wäre
nicht ganz ausgeschlossen. _ 27 Anf. zw. _ 327271 Kann kin griech. Wort sein. _
28 wenn χείρω richtig ist, so wäre χεῖρον zu verbessern... Am Rande klein tour oder
Tovs miteinem Reste über σ΄, ob-das vorhergehende Wort bis heran reichte, ist zw.
29 nur ὡτνῇς schant möglich. - 30 τοῦ sehr zw. Es Kann sich wohl nur um die Pacht
der Fähre handeln, vgl. 2.40. 32 Ende d’Av *_ 33 τοῦτον ganz unsicher. _ 34 Änf. ganz
unsicher. _ δόξῃ statt δόξας nicht unmöglich, allein es fehlt vorher ἐὰν oder drat. 1
verte

350

Pe »
ἊΝ ΨΥ) Ἢ

j ken
u... ᾿
ni 2:

ΠΡ 13143.) # (No 1208.)°
kol.IT.
ἐν μηδενὶ ἄντει] λογία (ν»
γένη δὴ (ναι) ἐγεστην. κἀμοῦ
αὐνεντη κότος πρὸς αὐτὸν
; περι ποιῆσαι Καλατύτει
40 τῶι ναυτικῶι ἐπὶ τῷ
αὐτῶι φόροι ἂν at ὥραι
ἐπεχώ ρηόεν. In di
Mira ταῦτα Σξηκολου-
νη κυῖϊαν ὕβριν μετα -
45 : πτεγμηφι εἰς ὑπὸ soo ὃ
Καλατηύτις ἐζηγή-
τόατό μοι ἀκεραίως.
Τὰ δὲγ ἄλλα χαριτῖ τοῦ δῴμα cos)
δ τι ειλόμενος) ἵν" ὑγιένης, δ' δὴ
50 μέγιότον ἡγοῦμται, '
"Eppw(o) "dr... a

36 weniger Wahrsch. ist ὃν μηδεμιᾷ ἀντιλογία... 40 hiernach handelt gssich um
Verpachtung der Fähre, vgl. No 1188.- 491. Örintvns.- 8 dn μέγιστον vgl. No 1204 5.

SCHUBART.

P. 13199, No 1209.
Papy rus. H.24 cm. Br. Isem. Aus der Tapyruscartonnage von Abusir elmäläg. Deutliche

Kursive. 7.Jahr des Augustus.

Brief des Iry phon an As klepiades.

πῇ "EA@Bov) δι. ale Pas (von) nz a. Lv. σ΄.
2,H. Τρύφων ἸἈδκληπιάδηι τῶι ἀδελφῶι χαίρειν
καὶ ὑγιαίνειν, Λαβὼν τὸ MX pa σοῦ. γράμμα

I die Hand scheint mit der aus den vorhergehenden Briefen bekannten Hand des Äskic-

biades üubereinzustimmen.- Hinter Aa bov wäre etwa der Name des Boten zu erwarten.

verte

861.

BEER NEE

CR 13199.)
περὶ τῶν κατὰ τοὺς Zugavifovtas τὰ

5: ὑπάρχοντα τοῦ εὐκλήρου ἀδελφοῦ δου
ἡμῶν δὲ φίλου γινομίνου Tersydvros
οὐδὲν ὅπου δῆς οὐδὲ κακοταϑίας
παρέλιπον, ξὼ 5 οὗ ἕκαστα Σπιγνῶ
Νεάρχου τοῦ παιδίου imakoAouYdüvtos.

10 Erst οὖν σὺν ϑεοῖς οὐδὲν μὲν προ βέβη (κέν!,
3% ἰδίων δὲ γέγονεν ἡ καταρχὴ τοῦ
πραγματος χαλκοῦ τριῶν daran
ἐξιννν Κηϑήσεται τὸ πρᾶγμα, ὡς dv
λάβῃς τὸ γράμμα ἱμβαλοῦ τόντε ὀρφανὸν

15 καὶ τὴν τούτου unTipa, ἵνα πγὸς μὲν
κατὰ τληζιν τῶν τολμησάντων ἔχωμεν
ατὐτογὺς ἑτοίμους πρὸς ἐντυχίαν, πρὸς di
λύδφιν αὐτοὶ πάλιν ἐπα κόλου ϑή σωσιν
τοῖς ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν οἰκονομηϑησομένοι5. Καὶ

20 davroü Σπιμ(ελοῦ) iv’ ὑκικίνῃ 5.

" Eppwco nr Μιχα) cd”

VERSO: τῶι ἀδελ(φῶ!) Ἀδκληπιάζδηι

(No 1209.

5 εὖ] κληρος - „der seliae, offenbar vom Verstorbenen gebraucht. _ uf das Verständ-
nis hängt von 2.13 ab: wenn hier, wie es möglich scheint, am Anfang di zu lesen ist,
40 ergiebt sich, dass mit χαλικοῦ ein zweites Glied (mit δὲ) beginnt. Dann ist damavn
zu lesen und der Sinn: durch Aufwand von 3 kupfer(talenten) wird dia Sache ... wer-
den. Im andern Falle aber müsste δαπάνη Subjekt zu γέγονεν sein, wobei sich dia

Änderung, κατ᾿ ἀρχὴ «Ὑ» nicht vermeiden liesse. Davon hängt auch ab, ob mit ὡς

nur der Nachsatz zu ἐπεὶ u.s.w., oder ein neuer Hauptsatz beginnt. - 14 ἐμ βαλοῦ
Sc. εἰς πλοῖον. _ 15 ist etwa Isidora dia Witwat_ 16 die Absicht ist also, dia Wit-
wa und dia Waise gegen Nachstellungen zu schützen, die sich wohl auf ἀὰ Hinter-

lassenschaft des Petechons bezogen, vgl. 2.4/5.

362

SCHUBARTT.

1155
1191
1192
1137
1199
1159

1095
1096

1047

1180
1190

1138
- 1155
1060
1061
1152
1195

1197
1193
1198
1140
1139
1200

1187

Inhalt des vierten

9vyX. = Urkunde in der Form der συγχώρησις.

Königlicher Gnadenerlaß.

Aus einem amtlichen Bericht.

Aus einem amtlichen Bericht,

Vereinsbesehluß. Alex.

Schreiben des Statthalters.

Vertrag eines Strategen mit seinem
Stellvertreter. Alex.

Brief eines στρατηγὺς Περιϑήβας.

Schreiben eines Beamten an einen
Untergebenen (iroaxı wo).

Amtliche Correspondenz.

11.

Köünigseid.
singabe eines Soldatenvereins.

Eingabe. Alex.

Lingabe an den Strategen.
Eingabe. |
Eingabe,

Eingabe an den Statthalter. Alex.
Antrag eines Priesters auf Gehalts-

zahlung.
Eingabe betreffs der Syntaxis.
Eingabe an den Dorfsehreiber,
Eingabe an den Statthalter betrefls
der Kopfsteuer.
Eingabe an den Statthalter. Alex.
Eingabe an den Statthalter. Alex.
Eingabe von Priestern an den
Statthalter.
Eingabe an den Strategen.

Zablung von Tempeleinkünften
durch eine Bank.

> Verzeichnis von Phylenpriestern.

I.
Ptol.— Aug. |
Ptol.— Aug. |
P’tol.— Aug.
60:
ἀν

Aug.
57 κα, C,

1. oder 2. Jahrh.

Dadııian.

0 τὸ Ὁ:

Zeit des Auletes
oder später.

18 v.C©.

15/14 venG: 2

14 v. C.

14v.C.

14/13 v. C.

13/12 v. C.
13/12 v. C.
8 ν. (ἃ,

6/5 ν. Ὁ. :
5v.C.

DVB: 7

σὺν.
1. Jahrh.

γα

III. Listen und

Day; ων
13/12 v. C.

Alex. = Alexandreia.

- 1023 Eingabe enthaltend eine

Dandes,

Amtliche Schriftsticke.

1055
1056

Iixzerpte aus (rom, narouot.
Schreiben eines prael. Acer. an die
vrocanyol einer Epistrategie
1073
1074

Amtliches Sehreiben der Povkn.

Aktenstücke, dionysische Vereine
‚betrellend.

Amtliches

ericht an den Comes.

1027
1035

Schreiben.

1024
1033
1032 Epikrisisverbandlung.

Aus einem Prozebprotokoll.
Kpikrisisverhandlun:.

Eingaben und Erklärungen an Behörden.

1159 Eingabe an den Stratezen. x
1201 _löing abe, _

1036 | Eingabe an den Strategen.

1038 Binssbe.

1019 Aus einer Binzabe?

γραφὴ

ἁ εχ" USW.
1022 Kinzabeanden Ratvon.; \ntinoupolis.

1091 Pachtangebot auf ὦ, τρία τῆς τοῦ

ἰδίου λόγου ἐκίγρο, UNE:
1070 Eingabe an den dozevers.
1071 Bingabe an den dpzidızaaı lie

1202 Stiftung für einen Tempel.

1065 Anzeige eines Todesfalls.

1009) R. Apographe.

103£ Apograplıe.

1094 ἐχμάρι ὑρίον (über Grenzverletzung
seitens eines γεωργός)

Quittungen.

1083 Liste von Soldaten,

1072 Auszüge
Verso:

aus Ötenronuare.

Abrechnung.

Aug. = Zeit des Augustus.

ab ne 6,

150 ouer 153 oder
loan

27 1.6

2 5
ln ἢ. U.
1. Hälfte des 5.

Jahn.

4'5. Jahrh. n. (ἡ.
10:4/5 n. C.

U Ὁ ὦ

His. (6, C
2m. &

Τύϑι- ὦ

EIS DE:

Mitte 2. Jalırh.n.C.

ΤΟΌΤΟ 1020
ERS I (OL

AR NE
2
Jabrh. ı.
N ΡῚ ὰ ς
Τὰ Ὁ:
9482}: ἢ, ὦ

BEN, ἣν ἢ.

τ RE _
(

τυ Ὁ

᾿
rt

1046
1084

1057

Liste von Steuerbeamten.

Auszug aus dem Ephebenregister
in Alex.

Gewerbesteuerlisten aus Arsinoe.

1069 V. Abrechnung.
1058. Torzollquittungen.

1075

1050
1051
1092
1098
1099
1100
1101

1104
1102
1103
1105

1045

Bescheinigung über Dammarbeiten.

Nach: 167 n. ©.

ΟΡ τ ἴα Ὁ
3. Jahrh. n. ©.

Iinde 3.Jahrh.n.C,

ΠῚ Ό ἢ ὦ
147/8n.C.

1076
1077
1089

1090
1029
1025

Bescheinisung über Dammarbeiten.

3escheinizung über Dammarbeiten,

Dekaprotenquitiungen aus dem
Ilermopolites.

Dekaprotenquittungen.
Quittung,
Quittungen.

IV, Privaturkunden.

Ehevertrag, συγχ. Alex.
Jöhevertrag, συγχ. Alex.
Ehevertrag, ouyy. Alex,
Ehevertrag, συγχ. Alex.
I;hevertrag, ouyx. Alex.
löhevertrag, συγχ. Alex.

Erneuerung eines Ehevertrags,ouyx.
a ©

Aug.
Aus.
13 ν. C.
Aug.
Aug.
Aug.

13 v2C.

8 ν. Ο.

Alex.
AufhebungeinesEhevertrages, συγχ.
Alex.
Ehescheidung, συγχ. Alex.
Ehescheidung, συγχ. Alex.

Antrag auf Ehescheidung, συγχ.
Alex.
Ehevertrag.

13 v.C.
14 v. C.

Aug.
154 N. 6,

1153 1.Schluß einesAmmenvertrages,00Y%.

1058
1106
1107
1108
1109
1110
1111

1112

Alex.
Vertrag mit einer Amme, συγχ. Alex.
Vertrag mit einer Amme, συγχ- Alex.
Vertrag mit einer Amme, 0077. Alex.
Vertrag mit einer Amme, συγχ. Alex.
Vertrag über eine Amme, συγχ. Alex.
Vertrag mit einer Amme, 007%. Alex.
Aufhebung der Kinderpflege, συγχ.

Alex.

Aufhebung eines Vertrages über
eine Amme, ovyy. Alex.,

1151
1131
1037
1013

1125
1124

1021

1161

1165
1133
1101

1162
1163

1164

Vertrag über ein Legat, ovyx. Alex.
Erbteilung, συγχ. Alex.
Teilungsvertrag.
Auseinandersetzungsurkunde. ἡ

Lehrvertrag, ovyy. Alex.

Aufhebung eines Lehrvertrages,
συγχ. lex.

Lehrlingsvertrag.

Darlehn, συγχ. Alex.

Rückzahlung eines Darlehns, 007%.
Alex.

Urkunde über ein Eranosdarlehn,
ou>7. Alex.

Rückzahlung eines Darlehns mit
sragauorn), συγχ. Alex.

Darlehn, συγχ. Alex.

Erledigung einer Schuld, συγχ:
Alex.

Rückzahlung eines Darlechns, συγχ.
Alex.

14 v. ©.
13 v. ©.
13 v.C.
13V. €
b.v. C.
v6.
bvC.

15 v. C.

4 ν. 6.
13 v.C.
13 v.C©.
47 n.0.
Claudius

Nero.
13 v. ©.

oder

18 v.,C.
3. Jahrh. n. C.
24/3 (14/3) v. C.

20/19 v. Οἱ

1156
1153

1176

1177
1150
1053
1054
1055
1056
1057
1147
11415

1149

Darlehn, o0yz. Alex.
11. Itückzahlung eines Darlehns
mit zraoanon), 0077. Alex.

Nena ΠΣ ΩΣ la 12%
Rüekzahlung eines Darlehns, 0077.

Alex.
Dirlehn, 0072. Alex.
Darlehn, o0y7. Alex.
Darlehn, oryg. Alex.
Darlehn, 0177. Alex.
Darlehn, o0yz. Alex.
Darlehn, o0yy. Alex.
Darlehn, 0077. Alex.

Alex.
Rückzahlung eines Darlehns mit
Alex.

Darlehn mit Pfand, 0077.

Darlehhn mit Pfand, συλ.

Pfand, 007%.
Alex.

1150 I Rückzahlung eines Darlehns mit

1166
1167

111 Darlehnmitllypothek,o0yz. Alex.

1134

1135

1136

1152

1155

1165
1169

1170

72 Darlehn, 0177.

ll Darleln, συγ.

Alex.
Alex.
Alex.

Pfand, 0077.

Darlehn, o0y7.
1 Rückzahlung einer Schuld, 0077.
Alex.

Il Rückzahlung einer Schuld, 0077.

Alex.

Abzahlung eines Ersmos-Darlehns,
συγ.

Abzahlung eines Eranos-Darlehns,
σι").

Abzahlung eines Eranos-Darlehns.
συγ. Alex.

Riekzahlung eines Darlehns mit

Alex.

Alex.

Pfand, 0072. Alex.
" 44

Teilzahlungeiner ΒΟ να}, 0077. Alex.

Rückzahlung eines Darlehns, 0077.
Rückzahlung eines Dauiehns, σὺν.

Alex.
I Darlehn, σὐγχ. Alex.
II Rückzahlung eines Darlelns,

01777. Alex.
Aufhebung der Zession eines Dar-
Alex.
Alex.
Rückzahlung eines Darlehns, σὺ.
Alex.
Darlehnmit Bürgschaft, σὸγχ. Alex.
Darlehn, o0yz. Alex.
Rückzahlung eines Darlehns, συγ.
Alex.

lelhns, 0072.

Τα C.
ΠΥ), (ὦ

1). (ἢ
ΡΤ 1". C.
Delalien. ἢ (

4.5. Jahrh. n.

De ι
IH NS
Als. (;
τ} τς (
14/3 v. &
ar se, Al
ar No
LEN
13. νυ, (
IH NEE
1 Se
as τῷ, ΤᾺ
τ 16H
a3 365-108
᾿νοῦ.
15.ἐὖῷὸὸ
ONE
18 v.G
1

Ἰ ν 18)
10). 4 ὺ
INSEL
ION
10 v. C
ἘΠῚ ἀν 19)
0
τ
Unna (l
ENTE ᾿
ἘΣ A x
UNTEN 1%)
δ... ᾿
Deal)
ἥου

. “τα

ey

ε
1160 HWandschein, ovyz. Alex.
101. Darleln.

- W1» Darlehn.

1155 Rückgabe verpfändeten
a7. Alex.

1146 Ratenzahlung eines Kaufpreises,

oz. Alex. Ρ
1127
Alex.
1125 Kauf eines Sklaven, 0077.

1129 Verkauf eines Ackers, 0177.
1157 Verkauf eines Bootes, συγ.
1139 Kaufvertrag über ein Boot,

Alex.

1170 IV Verkauf einer Forderung,

Alex.

1130 Verkauf eines Grundstücks,

Alex.
1059 Kauf einer Sklavin, ov/%.
1045 Kauf,
1065 Verkauf eines Esels.
1049 Kauf.

Verkauf einer Goldgießerei,

Ackers,

07%.
Alex.
Alex.
Alex.
συγχ.
συγχ.
συγ.

Alex.

1115 Darlehn mit Wohnungsmiete, 00yz.

1116 Hausmiete, ouyz. Alex.

111S Pacht eines Gartens, συγ.
1117 Verpachtung einer Bäckerei, συγχ.

Alex.

1170 III Pacht, ouyy. Alex.

1119 Pacht eines "Grundstücks,

Alex.
1120 Pacht von Gärten, ovyy.

Alex.

συγ χ.'

Alex.

1203 Asklepiades (Ὁ) an Tryphon.

190. Isidora
1205 Isidora an

an Asklepiades.
Asklepiades,.
1206 Isidora an

1207 Isidora an

Asklepiades.
Asklepiades.

1208 Tryphon (2) an Asklepiades (Ὁ)

1209 Tryphon an Asklepiades.
1141 Vrivatbrief. Alex.

1153 Skizze eines Privatbriefes.
11078 Vrivatbrief.

1079 Privatbrief.

Alex.

1097 Brief einer Frau an ihren Mann.

1031 Privatbrief.

4v. 0

138 n. ©.

2223 ἢ,
gIv.C.
19,18 v.

IS:
la) 1%, (&%

Ω

13 5%, Ὁ;
102920:
Aug.
10 ν. Οἱ
ἐν τῷ (OR
Aug.
Nero?

DB a (CE

4. Jahrh.

τὴν (Oh
13 v6,

25/toder 24/3 v.C.

1 γ. α.
10 v0,

ςι
Pr

σι
SiS
=

au
28
28

Val
ν, (..
ν, (ἃ
On,
238 v0.
27/26 v.
23V ὦ
Τὰν ὦ
Δι...

39 ἢ ὦ;
41 n. ©,
Glaudius
Nero.

2. Jahrh.

γ .

4)»}

-

Il
115:

1067
1017
1015
1092
1020
11}
1113
1114

1028

1063

1064

11H
110"
1126

1093
1062
1132

1010

1113

1121 Pacht einer Papyruskultur, συγ.

Alex.

Auseinandersetzung unter drei
Liächtern. Alex.

Skizze einesVertrages über Ge-
miüseland. Alex.

Pacht einer Mühle.

Pachtvertrag.

Pachtangebot.

Pachtangebot auf Privatland.

[9]

Pacht.

Lieferung, Οὐ). Alex.

Γιὰ] τη συ, Διῦτς.:

Barzahlung statt Lieferung eines
Sklaven, 9077. Alex.

Abrechnung über Baulieferungen.

1065 Abschrift einer drezgagı).

Zuahlungsanweisung.

Rechtsgeschäft dureh Vermittlung
einer Dank,

Zuhlungsanweisung.

Aufhebung einer Vormundschaft,

συ NICK.
Sieherung von Bürgen, 00777. Alex,
Arbeitsvertrag, 0077. Alex.
Dienstvertrag, 0077. Alex.

(Vgl. auch die Darlehnsverträge
1153 I, 1154.)
Vollmacht (ovorarızon).
ouvahkuyua ἐπι π ἡρή σεως,

Anfang eines Vertrages, 077. Alex.

Briefe u. ἃ.

1010
1011
[051
1030
1042
1013
1050
104+
1082

1178
1151]
1026

Privatbrief,
Privatbrief.
Privatbrief.
Privatbrief.
Privatbrief.
Privatbrief,
Privatbrief.
Privatbriel.
Privatbriel,

1039 Bericht eines Gutsverwalters.

Kleine Praginente. Alex.
Notizen. Alex.

Zaubertext.

Nur.

ARE m (62
vl

Ko) Si, (

ONTEN EN

> lallindl, ni 6b

Sr EC
ἡ ον in, (Ei

Τοῦ τ. (ὦ.
er We Ab

Jahthe n.

7.)

[9]

9. Jahrh. n.
213. Jalchen.
>
.

RUNNING, a (08

3. Jahrli..n.

3. (2) Jahrh.
+. Jahrh. n.
Ἢ 1}. ἢ:

Aus byzant, Zeit.

Aus.

Auer.
os Jahrken. C.

Berichtigungen und Nachträge

zum IV. Bande der Griechischen Urkunden werden von P, Preisigke in den Berichtigungslisten
AM . mitgeteilt werden.
INDICENS.
Ausgearbeitet von Dr. Alfred Wolff.
1, Eigennamen.
Bocges 1087 IL, δ. 9 u.Ö, Mdozog Al. Μάρκου 1059, 21, 28. 1069, 11.-1- "Lrrowia Φιλιπάτεων 1116,
"Dovras 1018, 18. Wehrıdia 1106, 2, 40. la, u LE a | 8 τ|. ,

Aloaau, αὐρήλιος A. 1020, | οχίσωπος 1115, 2, 8 (Ὁ). 1157, 2 u. ὃ. ᾿χιενούϑου | ᾿αἰνττώνιος 11 10.0 (Triumvir?,
17. Ἴζρωτος 1118, ı u. Ὁ. 1170, 51 u.0. Wunomioe | "dceoovı [[2) 1097, 24.
Ayayeivos Φιλώτου 1101, “κώμας 1178. 1100, 1 u. ö. Z/mmeBiemos | ἡ πίων τῇ 3. Morbın:

mal. Ircuw» 1087 ΠΠ 8. 1051, 2u.0. 1055,3 τὰ ἢ Juozooos «ἢ 1062, 28,
ya | nnepos la 17, 20. | lrvıg ΤΏΙ Jıdeuoe 1058, 12. u. 0. A VE una
“γαϑοχλὴς 1052, 37. Σαρα- | ἀκοῦτος, «Ἱεύκεος Kogrı)ktog Jorvsiov 1101, 4 u. ö. | 1128, 3 u.ö. "Loecen u

σίνου (Ὁ) 1151, 27 u. ὃ. 2 OR Ὁ ‚au, a anno ad 6, RL, Si,
Ayasorian 1161, 5, 7. 1167, | "Wzocros 1130, 3, 4. 1146, 5 Lo. Πυδαί ον "Axahıvdoroz. Deioz’Incking
5 ἢ: ἢ. δ" ϑείτης 1046 1, 11. oz A. Hhoweiwros | Zr DS
ἡ γαϑὺς Jaiuov 1049, ı. | “l.eScardoa «ονυσίου 1052, 1018, 1. Tenwdos 1153, | "troskodidenos. Kork ἡ,

1093, 10. Z4umonlou 1046 | 39, «1. Ik le EA er Hlovıiewos 1073, 9. 1074,

1 15. «Χὐρίλιος Könoons | ArSardgos 1034, 2, 1062, 10416 II, 11. εἶς

nat “ 1073, 8, 1074, | 8. 119... ἢ ΤῺ ΤῸ ἢ: ’Auuenion 1031, 5. "brobkoyg ars 1073,0. 167-4,

10. Σύρος ὁ χαὶ 44. I. 1063, | 1181. sKuleog 1169,38 | "Lunar ἡ zei Nemwocgpis ἢ in ee er EN

6, 10. ὁ χαὶ «Τἰδιμος ΓΤ], 1. ı u.ö. TSaos Τούλιος 4, Ilevegyocipıos 1170, 53. | u. 0.

Ayabucrıo» 1110, 7 u.) 1062, 7 u. ö. Διχοδείμου | "Audes’ Analog 1062, ὁ. ὃ... "brokkomcomr Τοῦ ας Tu. 0.

1153, 2(2) 1058, 13 u. 6. (Ὁ). | DR Aa, en or /uovlns 1087 1,9. | ᾿.«Λεολλωνία Sorestor DAS,
᾿μγαρίστεος 1059, 28. | 0.70 Aomer , . 1034, 2,| ἢ 1135, 2 0.0. 5, Nato Si
Hyontiivas 1040, 1. Irokeucios ὁ χαὶ A. | ᾿.διώασις LOST ΠῚ, 13. 3.1.0. δ γαίων. 1102.
Zerion 1037 V, 7. | 1180, ὁ. 3 "hndoonczos 1187, 1. ἢ ἢ ὦ:

Eis 1169, 2. | 2 Scogos 1128, 2. "idoontzos 1121, 2. Liokkonmton (7) Lzun
Htercwıos 1025, 16, 1, 14. | ἀεεξίων 1205, 22. | "my dos 1087 1, 10. ae

Lorkıns 4. 1049, 2 u. ö. Drinas Hastwontog 1046, | ἦς ον ἴων 1054, 3. 1055, 3. lıral.komıos Sy RU.
ld vıoy ᾿ἰχιλλέως 1169, 6 | ΤΠ] 25. 1170, 32. 10.201,22. 105 L.r 1099 +.

u. ὦ, ; \ zog 1009, 5. Saas MB σε, Ne ὦ πε τος, ΠΕ Si LEHE
.“74..νὐδώρος 1109, A. | 2/knzrs 1067 ILL, 18, Irreios 1119,2. Orveoy oros ΤΣ he, ΟΣ
; dr wor Boos lo Send: WIRD 1061, 12. ΤΠ Ὁ ΚΙ ον 1 1 NEAR
-ἰἰλιανός, Aboykıng’.L 1095, | ἐμιενούϑης LITO, Bi. brradoous 1134, 6. a ullaze ok - JUNG RB

15, 1, 8. Tr luen, „Ldaykıos SL. 100,5. | Zrriozos 1208, δ. | US SE ΠΡ ΣΝ ".:
Ubovglen 1080, 3,. 14, 1090, | Yunovageor 1100, 9 u. ὕ, Ehnto70& 1059, 2190, 1. | 1052,37,.11. -Atolkaner

5,14. | Aruowäg LOS0, 11. 1087 111,4. "wrlic gas Τὺ 32. Uli BT Ayırldtng

a «Ἱμίλιος, Magros di. 1033, | 2/umemiog 1046 II, 15. Ζῴνωνος 1103, 5 u. ὃ. | 1119, 3 u. 0. Zion πίοι

1146, 3. “Πραχλείδου
1054, 2 u.ö. 1055, 3.
Dias, Die ὑ.
1150, 15, 17.
Ihoksucdov 1052, 4 u. ὃ.
136, . 1.
27, 2 u 0.
1059, 4. «ΤΠ ρήλιος 4.
«Πιυγένους 1017, 1. Jeiog
oz 5.1. WO4T IV, 4.
Eiroirws ἐπιχαλ. K. ...
1046 ΠῚ, 1. 1188, 13 (2).
"Lıöyzıs 1036, 22. 1093, 10,
Lrpiyzios 1082, 1.
"Asgyoös 1044, 3.
᾿ πραγίων
2,0.
“oaucsurng 1206, 12. 1207,
11.
“ρασις 1017, 3.
“ραιρῆς 1196, 20.
"eos 1030, 1. 1149, 4.
1166, ı6. 1179. 1206, 10.
Διεμεσίωνος 1046, 13.
"on τίων Μύσϑου 1046 II, 8.
"Aoivteas 1092, 2.
"Agıor 1038, 20.
doigreıos 1116, 4.
deiorios "Agiöriovos 1132
18.
Adpiortor 1132, 18.
forwro#ine 1162, 16.
Jprororızos 1150, 15. Aow-
σι" 1115, 3 u. ὑ.

Θέωνος

ZEIEMOS

Laos ίωνος

«ἡ ρέου

Jıövunv 1146,

'

)

“ἰρίσιων 1151, 3, 20.
tondis “Aoucus 1014, 4
u. ὃ.

“ρμεσῦσις 1087 V, 6.
ones 1170, 20 u. .
1139, 2.

Josta)os 1086, 13.
‚Jostey... 1034, 2.

-fonigrs 1197, 5.
/o.tuzoas Jdöuov 1046, 2.
Πρ γοχρατίων 1047, 6,
᾿Μρείου 1166, 16,

lo. 10/0«r1051079,34.1202.:
lonoyoariav
EI, 2 u. ὕ.
Iooıwos 1030, 6.

Τοσιῆ σις 1198,58u.0.1198 4.
gneron 1118.53. 1131, 70.0.
"unemwioe 1153, 13 u. ὋΣ

Καίσαρος

' Ἕ oreude 1205, 23.

“ρει μίδωρος 1108, 1. 1111;
1. 1155, 6. 1100 7, 1.
hl "oremdooon 1100, «αι,
Ι Jıötuov 1117, 2 u ὃ.
| “Ιραχλείδου 1133, 5. Ma-
ϑρέως 1133, ı u. ö,

|

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de.

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φλάσιος

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3. u. Ὁ:

᾿“τίλιος 1104, 31.

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1020, 17. +40." AYavaoıos
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Λερχεσουχείτης
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1130,4,29. 1." fovi. 00:
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Jıonnöns 1126, 5.
Jtorvocorov 1104, 3 u. ö.
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2 u. 0 (ἡ): ““ρίσεωνος
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1101, 3 u. ö.
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8 ἃ, ὃ.

«ΜἹιον ὕσις-.πονύσιος ΤῸ 81 1,8
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1038, 7. 1062, 35, 37. 1087,
\, 14.

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4. 1062, 4, 10.

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1103, 4.

u. 0.

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I,+ r‚
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Ἰούλιος 1072, 11. "7. Yrrovoıog

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Λάσιος 1138, 8 u. 6.
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Λάσιωρ 1053, 16. 1118 23.
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Θευγένων Beozirwros 1066, 1.
Θευδόν 1106, 3 u. ὃ. Geo-

U0. IN GZZIOS NER
1113 δ τὰ

Οὐκλέριος Πρύχλως 1038,

Tauos ’I. ἔρως 1040, 1,

Negzedvoeirys, Iltokeucios
K. 1068, 30.

((;, 0 1).
᾿ 3 υ is "-
Πίος I. Σου-

] 15... Δ Hlouseiwros lovzior

1054, 7, 55.

δώρου 1154, 6 u. ö.

@e0öoros1119,3. 1134, 3 u.0.
Θευδιύρα 1024, 7,9. 8, 11.
Θεύδωρος 1056, 2.

1058, 4.
Bez 1|0., 6, an.
Ntzodeiuov 1132, 5 u. ö.
Geouväs 1068, 4.

Qrgumv ᾿Μπίωνος 1052, 3
u.ö. Koufov 1153, 14 u.Ö.
Oeounödlıs oder
1077, 8.
Θερμουΐάριον 1Πἰρηναίου
1109, 3 ν, ὕ.
θεριοὔϑιες Παγχράτους 1105,
8. ὅ, Παδάλλου 1057,
8... ὕ. Αανδάνου 1057,
τη. ὅ.
Θέων 1022, 15. 1060, 2.
1062,0. 1070, 12. 1119,
1145, 2,27. 1155, 3. „4
“on 1115,2 u. ö.

agıov)

7.
2
Θέ)"
Τρούρονος
10184, 18. „or kung Θ. ἡ
καὶ δειχάμμων 1093, 1,20.
«Τὐρήλιος @. 1021, 3, 0.
Πανάρετος ὁ χαὶ 9.1070,2.

(Ges 1196 2, 8, 4.0. 1901, 8.

Θησεύς (?) 1015, 8.
Θ΄... αρ.. διος 1014, δ.

7

' Θεύξενος Aüzov 1189, 4, 7

|

> ‚
᾿σχυρίων

Laos. Iloiuos 1173, 2,
Iaos I. Φῆλιξ 1112, 4.
1116, 4. Dos 1. Φίλιως
1053,83 u.6. 1149,35 u. ö.
1151 11,2u.0. 1156, 8.0.
1166, 2u.ö. 1177, λΙᾶρχος
ἡ. Φῆλιξ 1119, 8,

Ἰοῦστος 1033, 20.
Ἰρήνη 1147, 25.

Toazıs 1134, 4, 22.
᾿Ισιδώρα 1009, 1.

1098, 9
τ 0 1204712721205. Ὁ,
1206,1. 120 7,8. οΜὐρηλία
1. 1069, 14, ’L ᾿φκολ-
Aoviou 1167, w u. ὃ.
/oeiov 1149, 4, ὕ. ’%...
1120, 3 ἃ. ὃ. “πΠρακλείδου
1050, 2 u. ὃ.
1107, 3 u. ὃ.
1045, 8 u. ὕ. „lonkle
Arywo... ἡ καὶ I. 10702.

Kon

Στύρου

᾿σίδωρωος 1057, », 23. 1068,

RN Si
1096, 1. 1130, 10, 1148,
ou. ὅ, 1164 8, 7. 1711,
5. 1190, 14. Ἡϑηνοφύρου
1131, 3 u. ö. ᾿σιδώρου
1167, 20. 1190, 4.

1138, 3 u ö.
Anokkuvlov 1107, 5, 34.

.

Λερχεσούχειος 1046 IIl, 15,
Ipoodas N. 1046 ΠῚ, 23.
Keozeoovzelins 1046 Ill, 15.
Λερακίων 1150, 16.
KNeoros 10-47 III, 7 I ὁ:
Kreis 1046 II, 9.
Kraras 1046 II, 2.
Kos 1196, 45—02— 94.
Λλαύδευς «μονύσιως 1074, 2.
Enayados 1074, 2, Gant-
os 1074, 2.
ON), SO), πῇ,
1074, 2.
Keowouos 1170, 25.
Kheoscaroc 1108, 28.

TH = .
NEuoy0S

DO de

Koömros Λαιχίλιος. Kaoıcro
1114, 3 u.0. Aowros Kur-
zikıos Otvoyerys 1114, 5.

Kovze£ooos, Nakrolonios Δ.
I022g21:

Kostons 1087 11,7. 111,12. Vl,s.

Koommkı, ρων “ΤΙΣ

IKooryAlce Taric 1158,2 u. 0.

Κορνήλιος 1158, 2. Aelzıos
N. lzoö1os 1173, 3, Wins
I. Wing late Ὁ, ἃ
(1025, 16, 214?)

Koruos, Maozos Δ΄ derizös
1113, 4 u. 0.

KNonvsivog 1014, 20.

Rec Ale ;
ὑὸς Kuga ΕΠ ἢ

«1. Πυ τ ΝΜ Π0 1}11.

ἘΠ ΠΣ οὐ Ort lor-

zo os 1022, 3, I.
en
Jdoyyeivos Eorvrıoz 1032,

A. „lorzıınz 1154.

„lovzorhksivos 1032, 15.

28:

Jovzo tuor0s, «Τούχιος Οὐκ-
JEotns 1. 1022, 3, 29.
Autos. Maozoz “δ ωυείλιος

I NR ie Bft
1940 11, ©.
1145, 2 u. ὃ.
Aözava Aozbıytıcöoe 1051,

Jover, οἹ

“Ἱέχα Ζωΐλωι

2u.0.
-Avzaoiew .Lrobkwriov 1058,
Kiolsorasen:
Nonne u RR. οἷ
11S9, 4

+ U.0.

AUA0S

li 1: ἢ,

11:3,

Seoruezus Ὁ αι

3,21

Medelaz bios Bar beriez re

1094, 3.

zei «“ΖΦωρούϑ ει
« -
‚hortos, 1094, 7.
Ν ne
Merzios, ἰού M. Me-
r.rroos 1174, 2.

Meknfis 1061, ı0.

u.0,

εν

.MaSıuos 1087 II, 11. Δ ἄος
Tanne 2 1109, 4, τ.

ΜΙ ἄρσενος 1028, 25.

Mapa 1153, Sn 0.
τείρχοι; 1155, 4 u. ὃ,

Μάριον 1153, 6 (9). ᾿Ινάχιος
1134, 4, 22.

ΟΠ Meoros, Ἰούλιος MM. Tiptoei-
oc 1032, 19.

Μαρίων 1132, 8, 33.

Maozos „Hurkıos

Ilow-

1033, 90
τ. ὃ. M. Iutlkıos Meozov
ΤΠ} τ τι 1105, 5... ὁ. 97.
«Πὐρήλιος 1071, 3. 1... ]ὺ-
onkınz Laolkodidrnos
Πλουτίωνος 1074, 15. 1}.
᾿Ιούλιος Φῆλιξ 1112..5|. 0.
I. Νόντιος ᾿Πιτικύς 1113,
1 ἢ ὕ. 27. Που»άτγιος
. 1149, 3 u. 0.

M. Οὐμλέριος. Πρεῖμπος

10.12.1. Οὐέτ τος Γ1δ1.
I Povuikios.locnos1033,

1. ΔΜ]. Σιρι τιν 1074,

Era .

18. U. Σ εν ἐρεύγος Δ. ὑός
1105, 2 ὦ. ὕ. .Μ]. Σολτιέκιος
Iocnapyos 1059, 4. AI.
Tizehkıos Ιάλυσος 1168, 2
τὺ 1 Tiyelkıog MM.
ὑιύς 1180.

eo... vos 1063, 1.

aoocas 1194, 6.

Μάρων ἐπιχαλ. Mogos 1046
II, 22.

Meızevaoos 1059, 21, 28.

Μέλας, «Πὐρίλιος M. 1015,35.

“Μελέαγρος, „Jolzios Mdzztos
4. 1174, 2.

Μενέλαος 1065, 5,18. 1148, 0.

Meodeoeg 100], ©.

ἡΠπεύς 1014, 8. -

Μίκκαλος 1087 1, 8.

‚Modsoros, κε«ἰημίτιος Δ.
1092, 1.
Moyrawos Jıoy&voug 1143,
2u.0.
- Moog 1196, 72 u. 6.

Morrearog, ἄρκος A.
1:0. ἢ:
Mocoa 1059, 7, 19.
Movzeiing 1046 II, 12.
Muoionos 1046 11, 2.
Mtodas Mevercou 1065, 5,
18.
Mods 1046 1,5. 11,6. 111,6.
R 1087 1, 12,
“Πωρίων 1087 IV, 7.
ogos 1046 1], 22.

}η,»ν
“αν...

Δτωκώς 1110, 4.
N«o210008 1125, 1 u. Ö.
05 ARE 1

Neouoährz 1030, A.

Neo
Ὁ .

Necoyos 1060, 2. 1061, 2. |
12009, 9. Khabdıng N.
1090, 10, 17.

Nerzamm, „Ignktos Θέων
ὃ “τὶ N. 1093, 1.

ΔΝειχάνωρ Σωσιϑέου 1138, 2.

Νειχιμρύρος 1179.

Νειχύδιμιος 1151,4, 10. Jıo-
veolon 1153, 19.

Neilos 1087 IV, ı2.

Nezduns 1196, 78.

Neusoas Kıanidıs Errızah.
Jovunot 1046 IL, 0. |
Autor uovos 1046 II, 18.

Δεμεσίων 1046, 13.

Νεοχύδης 1019, 5.

Neoirogis Neorviptos 1046
{1 0}

Δεχϑεμμής 1 90,40-- 98 154...

Νεχϑενέλεωος 1017, 3.

Nröenos 1079, 4.

Nizevmo 1037, 9, 10.
δώρων 1164, 3 u. Ö.

Nizy 1002, 8.

Nizias 1128, 4.

Nrzoundıs 1123, 3 u. ὃ.

1132, 6.

Ntzooro«ros 1135, 8.

Νιλίων 1087 Ill, 6.

Niros 1156, 3 u. ὦ:
1124, 3 u. ö.

Διλοῦς 1062, 7. ΕἾ

Nik. 1075, 8.

Nrpveoos 1069, 10,

Nirvas, “ὐρήλιος N. 1069, 12.

Nöowos 1028, 19.

Ntuots 1148, 5.

Novunvis (Νουμήνιος) 1206,
DUB:
Noözıs 1197 1, 2.
Nozts, 1169, 16.

Ε
loıt-

Nizodemos 1132, 2.

Δήλου

1198, 2. |

Ξένων 1150, 15.
Ξρλίς 1046 1, 3.
Ξύστος 1141, 31 u. Öö.

Otvorömg, Komros Ναιχίλιος
Οἱ. 1114, 5 u. ὃ.

Oxıcaos, Ivaiog Ὁ. Janüs
1111, 5u.0. Aodnkıog Ὁ.
1200, 1.

O4 10-49, 3 u. ἢ;

’Orvöspoug 1014, 5. 1067, 2.
1189, 2. 1196, 8-12—48
—57— 60 ἃ. ὕ.

"Oberrios, λΙάρχος Οὐ. 1181.

Ὀξυνύγων 1080 V, 1.
Onraros 111.-}, 8 u. 0.
θη ρα ΤΙ;
ir ἢ» Ze
Ogocus 1072 1, τ.
᾿οσενοῦις 1014, 7 u. 6.
Ὁ. Livizch. Dovpaoredlıns
oa ἡ τ Τὶ
ἘΞ 10461, 1. 0, ἐπι.
1046 III, 4. |
Οὐάλενς, Γάιος Οὐκλέριως On. |
132 11- |
Oltahloos, Paıos Οὐ, Οὐάλενς

1032, 11. «Ἱυύχιως Ob. Ior- |

Ilnwı (χω)
{ OR

ἈΠ ΤΙ,

zonmmaros 1022, 3, 29. «1,
Οὐ. 11002405 1038,18. Μάρ-
+05 Οὐ. Hoeinog 1032, 12.

Orcponjs 1196, 51 u. 0. |

Οὐΐτλος 111-4, 8.

Οὔκουν (2) 1087 ΠῚ, 5,.
12,

Ὃμ ελλικνύς,
1046 III, 0.

Ὃμφέλλεος 1093, 18. Aorkıos
Ὁ 106-4, 5.

Aöozzeums Ὁ).

IHepfvııs, Hayuoög II. 1046
Il, 1.

Ileyzocıns 11065, ἡ),
wos 1111.

Πάδαλλος 1057, 3.

{εις 1167,59 u. ὃ.

πΠαϑῆρις 1196, 88.

IHIapevrios

Ki-

a9 uoüs 1046
ΠῚ, ı.

Παωϑρεύς 1135, 1.

Πακερχή 1051, 3. (2 5. auch
Ind. VII B δὴ

Ic. oz (2) 1170, 25.

]“αίων, Aeuzios Kakktas I.
U, ἢ:

IHeuulys 1124, 2.

Iauocvıs (2) 1025, 16, 9.

Ilcugıkos 1100 Z.1. 11-44, 5.

Ianeoenoso. 2. Θέων 1070, 2,

Hertoreßg “Ὅρων 1076, ©.

Ihantıpectg
1159, 4.

IHaveyocuus 1036, 4.
11 τ:

“ΠΠει χώνη ος
1037,

Ileveyaı 1078, 13. |

Icwtozos 1192, 3. 1204, 3.
AD πῶ. NAD, 1.
1207, 8.

Ikworıpıg Πύρρος 1055,

2,810: .
Παούϑης 1196,97 ellavadı)s
1196, 100) 102. |

“νεῶν Her etonoz 1069, 5.

sta SF}, Ko) τὶ ὦ

Ikeniozogs Ilaron 1143, 3
u. 0.

IHesorıos 1048, 6.

Π| 7 1063, 12, 1122,53 u.0.

1143, 3 Z/rdoorizor 1 2)

3,»
EI Or
106». >.

Inne 1082, 3, \

Ilasrsrten'

Herz 1159, 12, 10.

Πάώρων 1153, τὸ,

Πὰς 1106, 8.

Ilesteov 1046 1. 15.

Πα ῦς 10-46 ΠῚ, 25. 1072

I, 6.

Icrenrıs 1196. 4.

Hevnllız 1061, 5.

IHerorowris 1155, 11.

"ΟΠ 5 € 1206, 10.

Ikeoerzihbız 1046 Ill. 22.

IHcı 0024.02 πιο 1147,
De

Ilerocm 1163. ὁ, τὸ.

Inu 10-49, 3 u. 0. 1074. 17.

Ilurvooootzos VAN. 2,

Ile ln, 1 NE NETZ
4 τ΄. ὃ.

Hevvsars Catzah. Duo
Jeirng 1046 II, 11.

Moog INIE IE 10: τῶ;

BE non MANN

ITeraodez 1196, 130.

lleraöoz 1196, &5.

Iercae 1196, 67.

Ieraforos 1196, 105.

ER 50 5 ALTES

IHereeoenyors Hnonors
τὰς

Ilerens 1196, ὑὺ;

Uevenols IND in, ΤᾺΣ 55: Ὁ
DE for 195 0}8: Dre
δὲ

Seo Atos

ITersiuoudne 1196. 22, «0,
56, 50, 82, 08 u. 0.

llersozeens 1071, 7.

Iıoviors 1196, τῇ; τ, un,

103, 110.

Ileresoöyos 1013, 5,23. 1001,
SIR 1 ZUTAGE

His voödırt= Tercwroöftz?)
170,

Ilereyroöyız I170, 52.

Nana NE NENNE

Iso 1110, 5.

Hfroos (Hier 2?) 10S7 V

127 Avaya ll 1020 ΤΌ.

2% 20.

᾽

Πειυσίοιος 1082, 7.

llevcors 1052, 3.

Ile.cofio 1195, 1.

Iheoıys 1157, 3 u. ὕ.

Ilivöaons 1192, 4, 18.

Πισώπις 1196, 90. ς

Πλάτων Oeodwoor 1056, 2
u. ὃ.

Ilhovrauuen» 1069, 9, 12.

7λούταρχος 1087 Ν, 8.

Ikovriov 1018, 2. 1073, 10.
1074, 11 u. ὃ.

IIve ... 1187, 10.
Ilvegeows 1157, 2 u. 6.

Παυσορσούχου 1048, 3, 24.
Πνερορὼς “Πραχλείου 1061,
3. ]ετεσούχου 1061, 13.
Hothıos? (Ποιαίος Ποιαρος)

1208, 19.
Πολέμων 1155, 14.
Πολυδεύχης 1187, 3.
Ilouzeytog Πομ τηίου 1144
2, 8.
Houiemeos, „Iovzıng I. Aov-

ziov υἱὸς “Πογίρος 1113,2
u. 0. /ovzıos II.1113, au.0.
Hosrthhtos Σαραπίων 1149, 9.
Ildaktos Ὀχτάιος 1200, 1.
Hosiuog 1108, 8. Mapxos
Οὐαλέριος II. 1032, 12.
Iloteuog 1141, 27.
Iloiua 1139, 7, 16.
Ilginos 1137, 4.
Ἰούλιος U. 1172, 2.
Ilotvzep 1172, 2 u. ὃ.
Inivzurzros 1046, 8 (Ὁ).
IIeiozos 1130, 4.
Ilgnitog 1194, 5.
Πρόκλος, Aovzıos Οὐαλέριος
II. 1045,18.
Πρωτάρχη 1190, 3 u. ö.
Iewraegos 1050, 1. 1051, 1.
1052,2,35. 1053, 1. 1054, 1.
1055,1.1056, 1.1057,1, 18.
1058,1. 1059,1. 1099, 1.

Γάιος

1101,1. 1102,2. 1108, 2.
1104,2. 1105,1. 1106. 1.
072092 1110, 2.
112,1. 1113,2, 111-4, 1.
OST 1110.,.2. 1117 1.
DEE 1120 1. 1121, 1.
212272. 126,1. 1198, 2.
17129,2. 1130,1. 1131, 1.
1132,1. 1134,1. 1135, 1.
11.4.1. 1145,1. 1147, 1.

1148, 1.1149, 2. 1150, 1, 14.
1151,2,16.1152,1.1153, 12,
1154,1. 1155,2. 1157, 1.

1158,1. 1159, 1. 11632, ı.
1163,2. 1164,2. 1165,1.

1166,1.1167,18,37.1168. 1.
1169, 1. 1170, 2, 24, 50.

«Σστέρων..

Ne ze ze
1174,1. 1175,1. — 1104,
3. 1104, 4. 1129, 3 u.
1150,3. 1150,4. 1159,4.
— Jwolwvog 1126, 2, 29.
Ilowraoyov 1155, 9 u. Ö.
Maozog Σολνιίχιος 1.
1059, 4.
Ilvok.£ua
16, 17.
Uro).cucios 1021,7. 1052,5
u.ö. 1053,5 τι. ὃ. 1056, 4.
1058,2. 1062,7. 1069, 1.
1085, ı2. 1095, 14, 23.
114,2. 1121,72. 1129,1.
1134, 2. 1136, 1. 1145,3
u. ὃ, 1164, 4. 1166, 3.
1170, 21. 1176. 1194, 3.
ἐδ αίου 1119, 2 u.ö. Arrı-
zucwoov 10,8... 31. Ζήνωνος
1056, 1 u. ὃ. “ραχλείδου
1066, 2. ΔΛερχεϑυρείτιης
1062,36. “εολεμαίου 1052,
36,42. 1053, 5. 1159, 2 u. ö.
1101, 2 u. ö. Σίέλλιδος
1058, 6. Φιλωοχλέους 1144,
3,0.
Πτολλαρίων 1079,10. 1048, 7.
IItokhäs 1017, 2.
Πτολλίων 1190, 18,
1, 18.
Hekauerns υἰχράτοι 1130,

1150,

Kegziumos

1207,

2 1|. ὃ.
Πωλλαροῦς 1109, 10.
Prvaya 1111, 12, 18, 32.
“ύδων 1046, 21. 1193, 4.
“Ῥουτίλιος, Mügxog “P. Aoö-
γος 1033, 1, 31.
“Ῥοῦφος, Jlovzıog Πουιυώνιος
«Ἱουχέου υἱός P.1113, 8.0.

Σϑεῖνος 1046 III, 2.
5. 1087 V, 9.

. 6 1076, 8.

Suzoeiv 1196, 94.

Δ αλάχων 1087 1, 11.

Σιωιϑαϑίων 1102, 8, 17.

δι μόναρος 1087 11,0. ΥἹ, 7.

διωσνεύς Ὀρσάννος 10721, 1.

Scauws 1190, 22, 51.

Σανιρέων 1087 111,14. VI, 1.
VIL, ©.

ον ÜBTETVIEN.

1049,

a

Σαρα

Iapasrcuuwv 1080,.1. 1038, -Ί-

10. 1069, 10. 1071, 3.

1074, 17. 1077,6. .4ὐ-
ρήλιος ΣΟ 1069,11. Μάρκος
lvo. Σ. 1074, 18.

‚Lulßorog

Lagarcag 1097, ὕ.

Leeds 1078, 1. 1057 11};
7 Mavedia Br one, 2:
JSiwos 108-1, 10.

1181.

Σαριωτίων 1046 Il, 12. 1065,
ie, Nie, is; Weite N 2x
Wa Ne OL.
7, 17. 1090, 5, 14. 1096,
Ὁ, ΤΩ UT, er, UBER
τὸ, 30, 1197. ἢ. DOES
11-9, 13. 1156, 29. 1163, 3.
Leu, ὦ τ ὡς ΤΠ ΘΕ 7
᾿χρισιείου 1116, 4 u. ἃ
“Πποδώρου 1), ὦ τ ἧς
“ὩὨωρίωνος 1146, 4. ./-
onykıos X. 1062, 3. 1064,
1,19. 1089 11, 10. «ΤἹὐρήίλεος
N. ὁ χαὶ Sios 1062, 1 u. ὃ.

INNE 56 €
X

Nraprucıyg ὁ καὶ N. 1089
III, 13. "Eonias 3. 1062, 2.

Naocowos (Ὁ) 1101, 27.
Iavoc 1008. 7.

Naroros 1195, 6.
Ncrvoog 1045, 8. 11, 20.

Lt... ϑέων 1046 II, 1.
Σεγάϑης 1056, 9.

Σερη 1196, 40.

ΟΣελη) Πτολεμαίου 1056,
4, 7.

Σεμέλη tunwniov 1100),
ὦ, 8,

δε συ 1072 Il, 1,0. 1187,

iv. 1196, 42-4350 U. Ö.
Zeuderpeists 1196, 65.
Leudovnors 1196, 135.
Σεμνοῦφις, Iuuwroös), καὶ

2. Ileveyvougpıos 1170, 53.
1126, 4. ‘1187, 15.

Maozos N.

DEE
Σε τρύνιος,
ΤΙ) 8.5:

Δ ένετος, „lwonkıos X. 1021,

Tell.

Σέξσιος 113, δ. ὃ. 1149, 8.
Σέρῆνος 1038, 8.
8 1070, 11.
Leine «Πιδύμιου 1154, 4 u. ὃ.
1025, 15, 9,

16, 13, 26. 1092, u, 27.
NAkız 1058, 6.
1058, 2 u. 0.
Στ 1129, 3.
Σχύλαξ Σκύλακος 1045, 5
Il, 6. :

Lremeows LOTD, 0.

«{ὐρηλίος

29
cu.

Hvokeneon

Nokirtzios, Μάρκος 2. Πριώ-
᾿ D x rc
ı«oy%os 1059, 4.
Loveooöe 1081, 7. 1153, 8.
Noryeuonr 1087 11, 5. VI, ὁ.
Irraprians ὁ καὶ Σκαρωίων

10S9 III, 19:

ler } :
“ἀν. „losen arms 1139,
{ X ᾿

tz

> φιλίως 1165,
au. ὃ.

Izeovonos, Jarhınz 8. 1092,
I7 UV

Yirooos (eSponsus?) Ar-

zcov 1140, 2 u. 0.
STeode 11 115:
9

δέος Karoaoos 1152, 2

et z.B ὕς
Ntoosaıhos ΠΩΣ 1100,
ΣΝ
ὙΠ οι 1187, 10.
Nroronııs 1036, 10. 1196,
in Mar ale, Ak, 1 π 141.

Nocyeos 1197.

DD}
SEM (ἡ UST SI

Lerroopos Ναίσκους 1137,

{ Ξ ὍΣ ;
Ὁ, 14

"oe. Τὐοη λία 1089, 4, 8,

"ons 1053, 50.
"oos 1018, 20. 1046 III, 11.
a, II:
οι, τς δὸ

-ἰκαίν 1062, ὑ, 10.
1196, 3%, 38, 30

EL, 7
02002200 NO
Ὁ

ΕΠ ΠΣ >.

: Ἦ ι
u zur ἢ ιἅως
δ χερεῖ)ς
u >

Swolptos 1127, 13.

Δωσίώεος 1138, 2

Itworzraroos 1OTY V,3. 116%,
Us (0)

Nas Min, Si

Noms 1087 30, 10. 1100,
17, 127.
Σωτέλης Ιωσίττου 1068,

18,

Swwro, -πἰιο ες ἃ “αὶ N.
Τ 91. ΤΌ:

Iuenorzos 11-46, 5. 1208, 3.
I AO ΤΗῈ
1198,4. Noogeos 1198, 2.
1201, 1 (ἢ

δ. NÜlT, 8

τοῦ Elödciuoros 103-4, 6.

Nö. ὙΠ

N Troamor

Iuroovie (?) 1024, 3, 15, 50.
:

δώρων 1100. 5 u. ὑ.

“ρει IR ἣν τῇ: ἐπὶ

Tezorowmun Nerzens 1169.
N

Telreros 1046 ΠῚ, τὸ.

Taoveıs 1075, 7.

Tesruraoros 1082. 2 (8, auch
Ind. XI).

Terie, ΝΟ Δί TV. 1158. 2.

Tuoivos «Τίνος 1124,
DEN ὉΣ

Terooocecıs 1021, 4.

Tapavıns 1148, 3 u. ὃ.

TEEN pe NE

Ταφεσιῆς Βουκόλου 1126, 2
u. ὦ.
Tae...v.cag 1046 1], 3.
Teras 1160, 2.
Teiuozoarıs 1160, 1, 2.
Teitiwws 1029, 1.
Teoevrios 1141, 27.
Teoe@pts 1036, 3, 31.
Teoeroögts 1019,
1013, 9, 10, 25.
Yerooipews

8, 10.

Teyoovıng
1023, 3.

Teıpoooas 1018, 3.

Τέως 1075, 6. 1200,°2.

1,9ojs ἰδίους 1169, 2
(Teı.) u. ὃ.

Tıpepsivog, ᾿Ιούλιος λιάριος
T. 1032, 18.

Τιβέριος, «Πρώδης ὃ καὶ T.
1047 III, ı4. IV, 2.

ψιγέλλιος, Μάρκος T. Ἰάλυ-
σος 1108, 2 u.ö. “Πάρχου
ὑός 1180.

Τιϑοὴῆς 1121, 3.

Τμοῦνις «ΜΠ λουρίωνος 1089
πὸ Ὁ 1000, 5 u. ὑ.
ἁ“Πραχλήου 1090 HI, 23.
Θαιχὶς ἡ καὶ T. 1090, 4
u. 6.

Τοϑοῆς 1196, 65, 66 u. .ö.
(Ta. 67) 81, 84.

Τούοδων Τεκισῶτος 1029, 1.

Tovpeva1105,2,4. 1119, 7.
1162, 16. ᾿ψρείου 1166,
16. “Πτολεμαίου 1166, 3
u. ὃ.

Τρύφων 1038, 8.
ΠΕ ἢ ὃ. 1111, a
ΠΠ Β. 8. τ 0. 1135, 2
1140,2. 1186, 1,8. 1203, ı,
1208,1. 1209,2. ᾿ηολ-
λωνίου 1038, 13 u. ὃ. Θεο-
δότου 1134, 4, 23. Ilro-

1084, 19.

u. ὃ. 1136, 1. ruwvog
1129, 3 u. ὃ Toupwvog

1135, 4. 1144, 2, 12.
Teocarmıos, 1 κίος T. 1139, 1.

1140,1. 1197,11. 1198, ı..

DD, ἢ,
τύραννος, Storkıos T. Jıo0-
1015, 1. 0 zw
Ayıkheis 1034, 4,7. “ὐδαί-
πόνος 1034, 6.
Τύχη 1106, 18, δῦ.
σίου 1104, 7, 13.

χύρου
3

Jıovv-

us Θεῶσιος 1196, 2.

Φαῆσις 1044, 6.

Daidoos 1114, τ.

φαραχλείων 1087 Ν, 11.

Φαρίων 1047, 12.

φέλις 1196, 24.

Φέστιος, EyvanıogD.Kvgeiva
1104, 33.

Diss, Is Ἰούλιος Φ.
1112, 4. 1116, 4. Maoxog
las) 00 alla
Λαίσαρος 1170, 3 u. ὃ.

Dißtos 1196, 140.

Dıladehpos, «“ὐρήλιος Φ.
1049, 3 u. ὃ:

1165, 5.

twnrlon 1163, 3 u. 6. „/u-

Dikcanon Au-
ρήλιος Φ. 1025, 15, 2, 12.
16, 2, 16.

Φιλάργυρος 1116,40. 1167, 2
u, ὃ.

Φιλέταιρυς 1114, τ.

Φιλημάτιον, ᾿“ντωνία Φ.
1110, 3 u. ὃ.

Φιλήμων Σεροβείλου 1100, 3.
Κάλαϑος ὃ χαὶ Φ. 1108,
4, 10.

λεμαίου 1134, 2. 1135, 2. Ὑ φίλιος, Τάιος ᾿Ιούλιος Φ.

Ptolemaios Soter 1.
ϑεοὶ Σωτῆρες 1186, 6.

Ptolemaios Philadelphos.
ϑεοὶ 1dehyot 1186, 6.

Ptolemaios Philopator.

ϑεοὶ Φιλοτάτορες 1186, 6.

Ptolemaios Epiphancs.
ϑεὸς "Errıpavig 1186, δ.

Dihtwiros 1020, 18, 22.

φιλοχλῆς 1111... |

D14.0Sevos 1057, 5 u.0. 114], |

“ιλῶις 1206, ὁ,
φίλων 1207, 9. |

φιλωτέρα

φιλιύνης 1101, A, 21.

φφλάνος Iocrehhıeros 1046,

Doreen 1020, 17.

Do... 00, Kravdıos 1074, 2.

Acuo£as 1034, 18.
Ncoyuovraros 1013, 7, 20.

Aaıoıuwv 1038, 18.

Τὴ, ἢ τὺ NEE α τὶ ὃ
ΠΣ N ar ἢ τ ὑ: |
UND, ὦ ἃ ἃ OT '
1087 |
I, 13. “Μ“ύρήλιος ®. 1025,
L5, 10, 19.

1. ὃ. Φιλοξένου 1057,

ΤΠ ΠῚ
110700 1059, 2 π

Θεοδώρου» 1058, 2.
Ν

10 τι. ὃ. Φ. Sontnıos ..10-
«ληγιιάδης 1027, 90, 8. |
ᾧ. SvooPeos 1094, 1, 15.
D. ᾿ωζννης 1004, 2.

1020,

19. Bizıooos 1020, 90. |

1052, 4. |

1046 |

ἢ is URN, a, 2,

12, 14. Ζωμυρίωνωος 1133, |
4: {ἢ (ἢ ᾿σιδιύρου 1057, |
Δι. ὃ. Jiodon 1046 |
Ill, 6. Zlereıjoros 1110, |
4 U. Ö. |

Actors 1029, 1.
Naotvos 1059, 25.
Naouns 1037, 10.
Neiziag 1129, 16.
Noreos 1139, 5 u. Ö.
Novoeouos 1178.

“Χρυσόγονος ᾿Ισιδώρου 1164,

7, 17.

11, Könige und Kaiser.

Ptolemaios Bupator.
Weog “ύπάτωρ 1180, 5.
Ptolemaios Philometor,
Veos Φιλοι τωρ 1186, 5.
Ptolemaios Philopator Neos.

Heos νέος Φιλοάτωρ 1180,

Ptolemaios Buergetes Il.
Jeog “ὐεργένης 1186, 4.

N\owrdaorov 1109, 5 u 0.
Norio» 1087 Ill. 11. VL. 4.

SE N

τς

ΕΝ ες
x

ται χω 1148, 5.

ram 11). τ.

Tercworyızfzlleueg vor dic?)
“ρα ίσιος 1170, wu. ὑ.

Ternoioız 1023,53. Ternoi-
DES 1 ἢ, 4.

Teros {{10 0, 50 —1196, 56

— 1196, 62-107 u. 0,

Ὅλος Koovıkıros Ieros 1158,
“Postem 1021, 4.
IDSza\Ie2:

rar
ZA IE TUT:

Rdn 11.

11:18. 3 ἡ

“Ορι γένη SEO NT U,
13.

Ὅρως 1098, 8. 1076.65. 1140,
Te en, τ

τς ir Da SR

Antonius 1083, 13.
Baecbius 1083, 3.
Clanidius 1083. 2.
Cornelius 1085, 4.
Julius (2) 1083. ©.
Octavius 1085, 0.
Sallustius 1083, 11.
Sponsus (?) s. Yırdoos.
Sulpieius 1083. 5.

-— dius 1083, 8.

— lius 1083, ©.

— nuclus LOS, 1.
— nutius 1083, 12.
— ranius 1083, 7.
— torius 1083, 14.

υ.

Kleopatra III, ϑεὰ Kveoyerız 1156, 4.
l ; 0) ;

Ptolemaios Alexander I.

Buurleiz Πεολειεαῖας ὁ καὶ .MESerdoos ϑεὸς Prlamjrwg
(und Berenike Ill: Μισέλεσσα Beoerien ἢ ἀδελφὴ ϑεὰ
φιλάδελεγος:) 1136, 3. |

Beskeis Mroleneios 1185, ı. (93/92 v. Ο Ὁ

Kleopatra VIL
ἔλεσσα 1182. 1198, 8.
eis αὐτοχοίεωρ Καῖσαρ 1137, 3 (ἢ). ᾿ |
Augustus.
Χαῖσαρ 1050 — 1061. 1098 - 1175. |1176—1184.| 1188. |
1189. 1193—1195.[1196.] 1197 —1201.[1202—1208.]
eos αἰτοχοίτωο Καῖσαρ 1137, 3 (Ὁ).
En χαὶ χύριο.- airozacıwo Καῖσαο 1197, 15. 1200, 11.
ϑεὸς καὶ Σεβασεὸς Keioce 1198, 10.
benz Σεβαστός (2). 1074, 22.

᾿ς Ζάιος Καῖσαρ Σεβασεὸς Τεριιανιχός 1078, ı5. (39).

Claudius.

Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος Καῖσαρ Σεβασεὸς 1 ριιανεχὼς Aöro-
χοάτωρ 1079, 35 (41). 1037, 1. «5. (47). Τιβέριος
ἈΑλαύδιος Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς Teouarızös 1074, 1. —
Τιβέριο: Κλαύδιος Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς καὶ Οὐιτέλλιος
τὸ 3. ὕπατοι 1074, 3 (43) — ΟΑλαύδεος Καῖσαρ
“Σεβασεὸς Τ᾿ ριιανεχὸς «Ζὐτοκράλωρ 1013, 5 (ὃ). 1097, |

᾿ς 220}.

Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς Τερμανιχὸς ἀρχιε-

ρεὺς μέγιστος 1074, 1.

Νέρων Κλαύδιος Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς Γεριανεχὸς «Τὐτο-
χράτωρ 1095, 23 (57). ;

Kleibıos Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς Γεριανικὸς αὐτοχράτωρ
1013, 5 (ὃ. 1097, 22 (ὦ

““Ἰὐτοχράτωρ Καῖσαρ Νέρων 1048, 1, 13 (7).

ralanus. Ἕ

{ Atrozocıwo Καῖσαρ Neonva Τραιανὸς Neßaumos 1ὲρ-

᾿ς μενιχύς 1065, 3 (97 ὦ. 1063, υ (100). 1007, 8.

(101/102). 1068, ı5 (101).

᾿ς Ιὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ Νέρουα Τραιανὸς Σεβαστὸς 1066, 10

ο΄ (98) 1068, 5:.

Τραιανὰς Καῖσαρ ὃ κύριος 1068, τὸ (100/101) 1033, 6 u. ὃ.

Ιὐτοχράτωρ Καῖσαρ Negova Τραιανὸς Σεβαστὸς Tep-

μανεχὸς Jezızös 1036, 7. 32 (108).

Tadrianus.

Aöroxecıwo Καῖσαρ Torweroc δριανὸς Σεβασεός 1084,
27 (136).

Beog Wgrevig 1022, 9. 1072 1,4. 11,4. 1074,35 .

Antoninus.

_ Aerozgcroo Καῖσαρ Τίτος Ükıos “Adoreras "Avramiros
Σεβαστὸς Eisehjs 1014, ı (138). 1038, 10, 27 (145).
1075, ı (147/8). 1076, ı (147/8). 1084, a (149).
1045, 2 (154).

᾿Ἡντωνῖνως Καῖσαρ ὁ κύριος 1088, 0, 18 (142). 1038, δ
(135) (2).

᾿ντωνῖνος Σι ασιὸς Πὐσεβες 1038, 30.

Σεβαστὸς Πἰσεβῆς 1038, 18.

«ἥλιος ᾿Ἱντωνεῖνης Yeis 1032, 3.

Antoninus oder Commodus oder Severus.
Σεουῆρος 1074, >.

Mareus und Verus

» » - - > » " » =
Acıoznzıea Κι Meoenz Manko ΄. ἤγη ον γς
ὍΣΟ: or

δ λας zu δ ὐκωιζεο Kuioea Amczunz Men kamz
Οὐζωως δὺ Hang 1077, 1 (ὐϑ 1016. ı (1).
Aland "ἥν ὠνεῖνος χαὶ Οὐΐφος οἱ zig δὲ ασεοῖ
1085, 11 (165).
Marcus.
Ada dos’ ἀνεωνεῖνος ὃ κύριος Σὲ λασεύός 1085, 17 (170/71).
Commodux,

Acoznz Adojkıos Kouuodos "Artowirnz Kaioao 1023, 8

(155/6). x
Septimius Severus,

«εοχοζε ον Kuaioco Anszınz Nzrrinınz Nam vons Platz
Heorwes Σεδαστὼς "Io denn ᾿Ἰδιαϑηνειχός 1022, 5ὸ
(196 u. GC.

Sceptimius Severus und Caracalla.

» - > > - -
ϑεοὶ Σεουῆοος zur ἠντινεῖνος 1074, 7.

Σεονῆρος 1074, 3 (2).

Caracalla,

Atrorodıog Keiveo Μάρκος Aarbınz Iinozons "Arıer
γῖνος Παρϑεχὸὺς Μέγιστος Βοεντανιχὴς λέγεστος Ei δὲς
Σεγασεώς 1091, 50 (212/3).
1074, 8.

Blagabal.

Ὰ ΡῚ > -
Hens ονεωνεῖνγος 1074, 8.

Son Sr
ϑεὼς Οὐῆρος ΓΣεουζοοςν)

«{ὐτοχοίεοο Καῖσαρ Mdoznz Πὐρήλιος" ἰνεωνῖνος Εὐσεδὴς
Σεβασεύός 1070, (318).
Elagabal und N, Aurelius Severas Alexander.
Maozos Πὐρήλιος "Arrewivnz χαὶ "AEZardgn; Καΐσαρις
οἱ κύριοι 1015, 9 (222/3).
Severus Alexander.
299

Σεουῆους ᾿λέξανδρος ὃ χύριος 1084, 30. no. C.)
ϑεὸὼς ᾿“Ἰλέξανδρως 1074, 8.
Maximinus und Maximus.
«{ὐτοχράϊωρ Καῖσαρ "Γάϊος Ἰούλιος Οὐῆφος Εὐσεβὴς
ιυιυχὴς Σεβασεὺς χαὶ “ως Ἰούλιος Οὐΐρος Μάξιμος
ὁ αἰώνιος Καῖσαρ Σεδασις blog τοῦ
1062, 50. (236 n. C.)
Gallienus.
6 χύριος jucm Tehlımös Iedearöz 1093, 50 (265 u. C.)
Aurelianus.
«ἐὐτοχρίτωρ

Σεα ωῦ

Καῖσαρ «Ἰούχιος Janis -ἰὐρη ανὸς
Τωϑεχὴς M&uoros Keoatzuos ΔΙέγιστος Εὐσεδὴς Εὐτυ-
zus Σεβαστός 1074, 13 (275).
« " ᾿ - > = ” -"
ὦ χύριος ya αἰδρηλεανός 1073, 21.
Probus.
Mcozos «ἰὐρήλιος Πρύβος Σεβαστὸς 1064, 15 (277). 1059
ΠΙ, 2 (9801).
ἡ κύριος ὑἑμιὼν ὐρίλιος Πρήϑος Σερασιὺς 1089 UI, 2
1}
(280/1).
ὁ zus Wucw Πρύβος Σεβαστός 1089 IV, 3.
I, 3 u..ö. (280),

1040

Dioeletian und Maximim.
χύριος Deros „Aandan Οὐκλέριος Jeorzkı ταγὸς χαὶ
Migros -Ἰὐρήλιος Οὐαλέριος. ΔΙαξιμεανὸς Irsugıai
1090, 8. (286).
Constantius und Constans.
ὕπατοι οἱ δεσιόται Komardrrios τὼ γ᾽
τὸ 8°. Ἡγοῦστοι 1049, ı (342 n. Οἡ

zart Κώνσεανς

II. Datierung nach Konsuln und Indiktionen.

A) Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς καὶ Οὐιτέλλιος τὸ
β. ὕπατοι (43 n. C.) 1074, 3.
Σεουῆῖρος καὶ Zlouzeniards τὸ 2. ὕπατοι (173) 1032, 6.
ὕπατοι οἱ δεσιιύται Νωνστάντιος τὸ γ᾽. καὶ Κώνστωνς

τὸ ῥ. "Ayocoror (342 n. C.) 1049, 1.
ὑπατείας Jonıtlov Modeorov τοῦ λαμπροτάτου ἐπάρχου
τοῦ ἱεροῦ ττραιτωρίοι" καὶ ᾿Ιρινύδέου τοῦ λαμ τροτάτου
χκόμιτος χαὶ μαγίστρου στρατιωτῶν (372n.C.) 1092, 1.
ὑπατείας Φλαυίου Φιλοξένου τοῦ ἐνδοξοτάτου (525 n.C.)
1094, 17.

ἀγορανοιι σας.

— Τὐρήλεος “Πόσκορος ἀ. βουλευτής 1002, 28.

᾿ς ἀγορανόιμιος 1072, 4. 1114, 14. 1128, 18.
᾿ς -- μΜιόσκορος ἀ. 1062, 35.
4 Ὀφέλλιος &. 1093, 18.
| ἀμφοδάρχης 1125, 14 (?)

ὃ τοῦ νοιιοῦ d. 2179:

ἀμφοδογραμιιατεύς.

= «“{ὐρήλιος Σαραπίων

᾿ ἀρχεῖον (ἀρχῆο»)

᾿ - διὰ τοῦ πολιτιχοῦ ἀρχείου᾽

1062, 8 u. ö.

1130, 23.
1131, 14, 22.

— διὰ τοῦ τῶν ᾿Ιοιδαίων ἀρχείου 1101... 8.
᾿ - διὰ δημοσίου ἀρχείου 1158, ὁ.
ἀρχέφοδος.
— ἀ. χαὶ τιρεσλύτερος 1041, 8.

- Θέων ἀ.
᾿ς ἀρχιγραμμιατεύς

1060, 33.
1074, 26.
ἀρχιδιχαστής.

ψ-Ὲ

— ᾿χγαϑὺς -Ιαίμων ὃ χαὶ Jlöruns ἱερεὺς &. καὶ χιρὺς τὴ

ἐπιμελεία τῶν χρηματιστῶν χαὶ τῶν ἄλλων χριτη-
: 1071, 1.
— Horeuldwons ἀ. zul πρὸς τὴ ἐπιμελείᾳ τῶν χρημα-

τιστῶν χαὶ τῶν ἄλλων χριτηρίων OBEN:
1155, ὁ.
1038, 11.

ρίων

— μρτεμέίδωρος ὁ ἀ.

— ἱερεὺς καὶ ἀρχιδ.

ἄρχισα...
᾿Ισίδωρος ἀ.

ET EIN Er

1071, ὁ.
ἀρχιυπηρέτης
— ἡνούϑιος 103, 8... 0, 8.

1118, «0.
1074, 17 u. ὃ,

1024, 5, 8.

ἄρχων

ἄ. Σαραπάμμων
ἀστύαρχος
ἀσχολέα.
— ὁ τῆς ἀσχολίας λύγος 1202, 4.
1098, 1. 1127, ı.

1047 Il, ı7.

αὐλή, ὁ ἔκπὶ τοῦ ἐν τῇ αὐλὴ: i
Nr ; ἢ αὐλῇ κριτηρίου
βασιλικὸς γραμματεύς.

— 3) ᾿ἠρσινοίτου, “Πραχλείδου uepldos

Aegrjkıos ᾿Ἰχιλλεύς 1069, 4.

B) 372 — ἐχχαιδεκάτγη ἤτοι room ἰ. 1092, ἢ.
ee : 2 > ;
325 -- ἢ χιαροῦσα τετάριι ἰ. TODE τε:
C) ἡ δευτέρα ἐ MD. on
ρα ἰ. 1002, 22.
ἡ τικρελϑοῦ ἐννά 1 ) Ξ
χεαρελϑοῦσα ἐννάτη ἰ, 1020, 15.
‘ ’ ’ >
„ ran) t. 1052, 8.
ἡ τικροῦσα δεκάτη tl. (6. Jahrh.) alaul, ΤΟΣ
ι
ve I. Lu, zu.

c RB ET -
ἑκχαιδεχάτη ἰ. 1049, 18, 19.

| IV. Beamte, Ämter, Behörden.

Θεμίστου μερίδος
Ἰσίδωρος (100/101) 1008, 1.
— διαδεχόμενος καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Πολέμωνος πεοίδα
(185/186) 1023, 1.
Πολέμωνος μερίδος

=)

Oenioron u. δικδεχόμενος χαὶ χατὰ τὴν Πολέμωνος

“ερίδα (185/186) 102391.
— d) ρικλεοωντολίτου

> a E1

IHnuodweos (5/4)

In: “
ΟΣξεουγχίτου

ΤΥ 15.
=) |
“Ορείων ὃ zar “πίων Ötadezonevos τὶν OL-

Loeie . A: δεχόμενος τὐν OT

JKORIE, BE
ΠΕ EN RR
7103033.

τι ίαν Ὀξυρυγχίτου (212/3)
βενειικιάριος
βῆμα 1042, 7.
βιβλιοϑήίκη ἐγχτήσεων
βιβλιος υλάκιον
βιβλιοφύλαξ
Fa DR

N 1038, 4.
10 Ἰ ττ αν

1047, 8.
ον ΤᾺ
URS ὃ.
1093211.

ἐγχτήσεων
— ἡ ἃ
βοηϑός

) ’
«]Ἱρσινοίτου
1047 III, ı1.
βουλευτήριον 1024,28, τῶϑ: 10220 le.
βουλεῦυτ ἧς.
— Eounmirokeog 10250157810.
10-9, 2.

1002, 18.

— τῆς haaiporanms ’ leSanrdocius

— -Πρίλεέος S0020008 ἀγψοριο GAS 3.

— ἀρχιερεὺς ἔναρχος ἐξηγητὴς δ. τῆς ὈΞυρύγχων areenz
1070, 1.

10753, 0.

1093, 18.

— PB. Üraoyos τ:τιρύτανιες
— Ὀφέλλιος ῥ.
βουλ

, - ) Di
— ἡ χραιίστη βουλὴ be 102271.

In: τ = Try ἮΝ τις ͵ z ᾿ “8
-- ΟὈξιυρυ χιτῶν τὴς λα ιρᾶς καὶ δία θη τ( ὰ IHRES

ἡ χραιίσεη PD. 1078, 2. 1074, 10.
{

γραμματεὺς Ἰ 11 2 TODE.
— ’Aurewıos Jıötuor (2) 1038, 12.

— Μάρχος Aboykıos ’Anohbhodidcuos γ. τὴς ἱερᾶς συνόδων
107.4 11 u. Ö.
1.1902.

1190, 183.
1047 Il, 11.
ΩΣ 8

- -μονύσιος γ. συνόδου

- ταχιιϊχὺς γ.
- γ. τὴς μι τροηολεως

— MY

y. τῶν δυνάμεων

u ——

ee;

win κα

En un DEE

ER WTETBEERELT τ Θὰ!

τ πο τῶ: τι

En
ER

— γ. χαταληγείου 1038, 12,

— Πετεσύριος 1082, 7 (?)
— Yaoanlır 1096, 2, 11.
yoauuarevwv' 1074, 17. 1082, 7 (9)
γραμιματεύσας 1074, 20.
γραμπατηφόρος 1039, 11.
yoayelior.

— yo. ᾿Ἱλαρϑίδος 1045, 4. II, 23.

—_ mo Ναρανίδι γρ. 1037, 49,
γυμνασίαρχος 1201, 12.
— ’.Ivtaiog Ὀν)πύίρριος γυμνασιαρχὼν κώμης Πουσίρεως

1189, 2.

-— Kaorwo z. Koua 1188, 2.
— y. ᾿ἡλέξανδρος (συνόδου Σεβαστῆς x. τ. 4.) 1137, 5.
γυμνασιαρχήσας 1084, 2.

1089 II, ı u. ö. 1090, 2 u. ὃ.
1189, 5.

1074, τ.

δεχάντρωτος
dezards
δημαρχικὴ ἐξουσία
διαδότις

— -ρήλεος «ἡἰλιανός δι Φιλῶν
— ὐρήλεος Πὐδόξιος d. Σοήνης
— «ΤΠ ρήλιος Φίλιτιττος

1025, 15, 2, 8.
1025, 16, 1, 16.
1025, 15, 20.

δικαιοδότης 1042, 5.
Neozvöns 1019, 3, 10.
διοικητής
᾿Ιουλιανός 1019, 12.

εἰρηνάρχης (ἠρην.) 1044, 9.
ἔχδιχος
Φλάυιος “Ιωρόϑεος σχολαστικὸς χαὶ E, (Verso koptisch)
1094, 1, 15.
ἐκλογιστής 1033, 11.
ἐξάχτορες καὶ τιρόεδροι “Ιρμοισεόλεως 1027, 26, 10.
1062, ı9.
1074, 10.
1093, 16.
1064, 5.
— ἀρχιερεὺς ἔναρχος ἐ. Borkevriig τῆς ᾿ὈΞυρύγχων zrökewg
1070, 1.
— -πὐρήλιος εὔπορος ὃ χαὶ ’Ayasog «Ιαίμων γενόμενος
1073, 4.
1143, 1.

?t ‚
eleragrng

ἐξηγητεύσας

ξηγητῆς

’ “ἡ > ,n. "" -
— “ύρηλιος Ὀφέλλιος ἐ. Ὀξυρυγχειτῶν

1034, ὃ.

κοσιη τὴς ἐς ὑπομνηπαιογράρος
— MHorıavos Jıoy&vovs ἐ.
ἔπαρχος
Magzos Vorstkios -Ποὔπος ἐν Miycarov 1033, 1, 91.
Jonitiosg Modevios ἐ, τοῦ ἱεροῦ τιραιτωρίου 1092, 2.
ἐσειελητής
-Wgykıos Φιλάμμων 1025, 15, 8, 125. 1025, 10, 3, 17.
ἐπιστρατηγήσας
φλάυλιος Γρατιλλιανός 1046, 1. ö. (ILs.)
1138 4.
1022, 20.
1046 ΠῚ, 9.

1062, 3 u. ö.

ἐκπισιρίτηγος

— ὁ χράϊεστος ἐ. Ναληούρνιος Κονχέσσος
— -“όχχκειος Ὀιςελλιανὸς ὁ χράιχιστος ἐ.
ἐπιτήρησις

ἐγειτροτεή,

ER ;
ἡ τοῦ ἰδίου λόγου

1091, 14.

εὐθηνεάρχης
υϑηνιάρχὴης

ὑπ ἦν ε ν ν ;

προς Fvnwooog ὦ zud Iyados οἹκίουν τ πα
N Die ° ’ ΄ ΄ -

= - γ᾿ ἘΠ » ᾿ ᾿ ᾿ “0γ(ι7 δ (

ZOGUNENS ἐξηγητὴς εὐν Dion, πα γριά ς UT, το,
᾽ , ΤΠ
εἐρημερίς ΤῚΝ 10.
ς ὙΠ
NyEeuoVYLZzı, TAStS

1019, 9.

ΠΤ τ ei ὦ
1053, 5.
IKB GE Πα. EB

1024, 3,5 u. ὦ:

ΤΟ Ὁ:

[ ΄
"7 ξ μα»

2 ’ > τ ΄ c - , 2
— Φλάινος Jonirios υἹσχλι «τάδε. ὁ Lautgoraiuz χης

zer pheniahtos καὶ 1. (5. IV. ἢ 1027, 20, ἡ.

-- Τάς Trocamos τ.
— Laos Τυρρίηπος τ εϊοτ τ-
ἔδεος λόγος 1033, 20.
ἡ τοῦ ἰδίου λόγου Extras 1091. 1..

χαταλογεῖον 10 38,9. 1124,27. 1153,17. 1158,τ. 1165,90.

κύμιες

— Φλάνιος. Soutrios ἡ. σαλη τάδ: ὁ kaustodıaınz 2.
za φλιάλιος zei ἱγεμιών (5. IV.

— ὁ μεγιλολ ρει έσεκιος zur ἐνκρει ὠνανος 4. ΤΟ ἢ, ον να,

— "Ioiv nos ὁ λιαι ρόϊακιος “. zu με ἰσιρος σι βία “0110

Ze 2.

χοσμη τῆς

«{ὐρήλιος Künooos ὁ za απ ὴὺς Jeinen ψευδὴς

2. ἐξηγητὴς bromnuarozocpos 1073, 4. 1074, 10.
zoıroro» (vgl. «ws, aozıdızaoı,.) 1053 Il. τον 1v54.1.
1057,24. 1050, 1. 1071, 22 1098, 1. 1099,17. 270212-
1103,90. 11048. 1105,9,27. 1106,1. 1108, 1. I111.3.
Da. ae OD ze ze. 127,1; A
11 πρὶ A ze SU Be Is BE
1146,1. 1147,1. 1148,11. 1149,10. 1150,06. 1152,06.

1154, 12. 1156, 2.30, 1157,5. 1159, 1. 1164,3. 1165, 10.
EOS, 110 7, 18. 59: 110. 18. 1101 τ το Jule ee

11 0 ἢ,
Poser.

119218.

κριτής

- μεσείτης χαὶ χ. Jonitios

1046 II, 14. 1065, 13.
1071, ἢ.
τ 9» 15:
11231.
1069, 4.

χωμογραμμαιεύς 11, 24.
--- “Δι οσοκαίων

— ᾿Μῳ ουδᾶς Θέωνος 7. Φιλαδελι ίας

— “μεεριος

λαογράφος

1257, 8 4

λογιστηριον

μεσείτης καὶ χριτὴς Jonireos 1019, 18. u. Τυῦθ 1. «τ

VOLIZAUS 1020, 18.

vouodlzuns 107-4, 21.
᾽ ’ ; ὩΣ *
OIKOVOULOG 1206, u.

ρος δημόσιος οἰκονόμος 1.40, 10.

1024, 6. 11 u. ὃ.

TO.

wohrrevoneros ᾿οἱλεξαυδοείας
— Ὡρμουτόλεως

TOAZFUATENOUMENOS 1073. 517)
OAzJUArLAOS 1073, 5\?2)
KISS.

1010 II,

"ράχιορ 10-40, 1.

5 -
«or vorzen!
SION

-- Serrzin 1035, ae
+ 100000 112%
— dttirom = 1046, ὦ
γρεσρύτερος 1301, 14
ἀρχέροδος zul 7ι. 1041, 4

7) 1027, 26, 9.

|
|

πρόεδρος
1027, 26, 10.

1024, 6,3.

ΔΒ. x ’ Cr en

EIUZIOOEL ZU 10080001 Konovitoleus
O0.LOKITEUONEVOS

ν Re

προσόδων, et om
σιρία ηγὺς Kal ἐπὶ τῶν
1187, 2.
1185, 1.
1159, 1.

— ".Irdoonayos
προσόδων

c I x x > x -
-- Hocz)eidns στρατηγὸς καὶ Et τῶν τι.

— Θέων σιρατηγὺς γαὶ ἐπχιὶ τιν στ.

= 5 ΣΝ “ὃ ΠΡ Σαταν Ἡ λ Κι i
— ὁ ἐμὴὶ 70» 77000000 τοῦ ἱεροῦ 7ιύργου 119., 8.
προσιάτης 1190, 2. 1197, 8:
σι. χαὶ σιτολύγος 1200, 15.
ar. ἐράνου 1134,

‚1074, 10.
1084, 10,
1073, 6.

σιτολόγος 1046 II, 7. III, 17.
γροσιάτης καὶ 0. (Πρακλείδης καὶ Jıovövıos) 1200, 15.

σχιρυτανεύσας Ν

σχιρύτανες
Δουλειτὴς ἔναρχος sr.

στρατηγηήσας

— τοῦ γομοῦ

— ᾿ ρσινοΐτου “Πραχλείδου μερίδος

ν ἐφηϑεία

9278.
1192, .
1208, 7.
1019, ὑ.
1030, 1.
1035, 23.
1069, 3.
‚1936, 1.
1038, 8.
1095, 20,

Πανίσχος ὃ στ.
1001, 2.
1093, 14.

orparnyyiw

σιρατηγύς
— Σεραπτάμμων

«ἡὐρήλιος «Πδυμος
«Ἱοκρήτιος Κεριᾶλις (108)
Σερῆνος (ca. 145)

— Περὶ Θήβας (67)

Υ:
1190, 8.
1021, 3.

1033, 21 (Ὁ).

1033, 5, 10.
1084, 1. 1095, 2.

dpahos
δουπλικιάριος
εἴλη ᾿Ἱπριανή

ἐτιίκρισις

ἡ γεζιεύς

«

k
ι
4

FAgT 01

1060, 8. 1185, 1. 1186, 8, 9.
1025, 15, 5.

χάτοιχοι lıvıteigs

λεγειῶν

δευτέρα καὶ εἰκοσιὴ A. 1104, 34, 1108, 3.
μαγίσιρος στρατιωτῶν
1092 3.
1190, 4.
1033, 2.
1097, υ.

tolvbengs ὃ λαμτιρόταιος zog καὶ μ. στρ.
μαχαιροςύρος 1079, 5. 1095, ., 0.
οὐει ρανός 1021, 2.
παρεμβολή

-- grpar. zii ἐμὴ τῶν 0000

le:
« A) ξ -
Hoarkeiöns στρα, AUL., ΓΙ ΘΗΣ Sp

nv oroar. χιλ. ΠΩ:
συγγεν ἧς

"rdoonezos 0, χαὶ σιραιηγὸς zul ἐμὴ om sonanden
are.
ΠῚ:

LIND

\

> , \ x ἊΣ Ὁ

δ" οχος σ᾿. και γος Γξὺς Tun Örvaneyı
τ bes 4 ἧς .

συμ γοκιρος

σχολασιιχύς

109-4, 1, 15;

1094, 2.

φλάσιος JwooWEos 0. χαὶ ἔχδιχος

η ‚ ) ς ΄
bhanıos Ιωάννς ὁ ἐλλογιμώτατος 0.
πὴ 2.
INS, Ze

TAATILOS γρωιμαιεύς
zanlas
τοτείρχης

” lwohkamios ὃ τ. 1189, S, 14.

r

TOILOYDOAUUATEUS Syst.
Alt.

1063, 2 (0) 1064, 2.
1070, ı3, 14. 1182 (2)

“Ἰυνῆς
Toamwelinng
tzenofıya 1024,93, 21. 1038, 7.

118% (7)
Iorkıos Eöirooos ὁ zul Ayasdos Sduen zero was
1073, 4. 107-4, 10,

{ D
vzron }"}}8} ((1 oypampoc

ß νυ PASSEN ἼΩΝ] Ἦν
Z09UNENS ESYYNUıSs ὃν

c ΄
VITOITOETNYOSG
1060, 2. 1061, 2.

120017:

Νέαρχος
χειριστής
χρηματιστής (8. ἀρχιδιχαστής) 1071, 1, 1108, 2. 1111, 2.

Militärisches.-

TUE TWDLOV
Jowitios Modeoros ὁ Aaurroorarnz ἔπταρχος τοῦ ἱεροῦ τ,
A252!

103221m.

I 108,3.
1104, 34.
Τὰ Is Stab
1033, 34.
τῶν ἀφάλων χαὶ (Ziktodoazuem) καὶ .uEQt
E02.

1038, 21 τη τι.
1043, 10,
1108, 3.

gItelo«
.αῆς δερτέρας zei εἰχουνὴς δε γεῶνωος
τρίτη, derselben leg.
σιαἁμός
στύλος
r ἣ ) r > rn
σύνοδυς οἷαι)
τοὺς βασιλεῖς uayargopooon
101978:
1027, 14.
110.4, 34.

σιριιεύεσίαι
19923.
IISS, 14.
1100, 15.
Mes.
1190, 3.

oroarıwıns 1024, 5, 11.

ve
“(κειχύς

χιλιόδράχμοι (Ὁ)

VI. Götter, Priester, Feste und Heiligtümer, Zauberworte.

A) Götter.

᾿“μενώϑης 1130, 12.
ἥλων 1202, 2.
᾿“πύλλων 1026, 22, 14. 1200, 8.

14

Ἢ.
120253.
118,5.

1198, ὁ.

» ἮΝ ΤᾺ ῃ

Sons os μέγισιος
c Tee De
„losroyoaums

c En ( c
οἱριμθενήησις 119722:

> ΟῚ ᾿
«Ἰσχλητειύς

> Iyoodtın 10-45 J, 14.
Jınv vooS 107.4, 1 u. ὦ.
Ζεύς 1024, 3, 14. (ΟἿ γὰρ Fa) 1026, 22, 21.
ψεὺς 1090, 22. 1093, 5. 1026, 28, 6. 1035, 6, 13.

1039, 8. 1080, 5. 1081, 4. 1085 II, 5. 112}, 8.

s. Ind. 1.
1201, 1.

1130, 11. 1185 1], 24.
ϑεὺὴς καὶ χύριος (von Menschen)

1186, 3 u. ö.
1197, 1.

"ns 1180, 6. 1198, 5.
«Τη τι 1095, 7.(2)
Meröng 1202, 2.
Σαρα ιαχύς 1125, 20.
Nagatıs 1186,06. 1197 1,3. 1198, 6. 1201, Ὁ.
ΣΧ οχουμεχόνσις 1023, 5.
Δοῦρις ϑεὺς μέγισιος 1130, 11.
αὥνσις 1202, 2.
Priester.
ἁγνεία ? 1198, 12.
ἁγνεύειν 1201, 6.
ἀρχιερατεύειν 1093, 5.
ἀρχιερεὺς 1070, 1.
πέγισιος 1074, 1.
ἐπιστάϊης ἕερῶν 1197, δ.)
προιρήτης καὶ Ed. 1194, 4.
ϑεαγός (ϑεαν.) 1093, 4, 0.
ϑυσία 1107, 19. 1198, 12. 1900, 12. 1201, 8.

ἱερεύς 1036,14. 1071, 1 (Ὁ). 1195, 1. 1197, 2, 10. 1198,
2u.0. 1199, 3 u. ö. 1200, 2. 1201, 9. 1202, 2.

— 1. za ἀρχιδιχασιής 1 1033, 11.
— ᾿“ηαὺς Seinem ὁ χιὼ “ίδυμος ἱ. ἀρχιδιχασεὴς
χαὶ γτρὺς τῇ ἐπιμελείᾳ τῶν χρημαιισιῶν καὶ
1071, 1.
ΙΔ Σ; ὰ
1137, 4, 7.

τῶν ἄλλων χρίτηρίων
c x ΄
ἱ. χαὶ προφήτης
«
ἱ

. (συνόδου)

ἱερευτικύς 1036, 14.
ἱεροϑύται 1050, 25. 1098, 43 1101, 20.
ἱερός 1053 11, ὁ. 1059, 8. 1092, 2. 1119, ı2. 1150, 11.
1198, 11. 1201,70.

ἱερὰ σύνοδος [0713, 11. 1074, a u. ὑ.

1093, 3.
1194, 9, 13.

ἱερὼν sroatwero» 8. Ind. V
ἱερὸς z0VoyoS

τὰς λιτοιργίας τεαραδεχόμενοι 119977.
σεαστοιρύρος ' 1190, 4.
“ταστοφόριον 1001, 8,
6 ἐπὶ τῶν προσόδων τοῦ ἱεροῦ πιύργου 1194, 8.
προιςήτης ᾿ 1195, 1

1194, 4.
Ἰδὲ

ar. καὶ ἐπιστάτης ἱερῶν
ἱερεὺς καὶ 71.

0)

shaniahtos
“λα «λιὺς
"ἊΣ n B ; ; er ,
“λίθος Jontrtos AszLı ads ω LUMONLUTOS
1027, τ:

11} τ.

zog καὶ ph. za ἡγε

yukı) ((-- ἐ:

l’este, Spiele, Jleiligtümer.

dev 10724, 1021.20. 2er.
ἀγωνοδένης 107-4, 0.
yerragıov (Ὁ) LIE, 13%.

107-4, us,
Mal
TE 2
107-4, 16 u. 0.
ἱερόν ᾿ς
ἐν zwun Πουσίρει 1001, 8 1107, 3 u.0. 1100. 8.
1200, 28) 1201, 0. 1202,

1005, 7.
aa IE
IND:

γι χύς
“Πεχκαολυμ νίκης
“Ιωδεχεκιχειονείχης

’ 7 R ’
εἰσελια σι σὸς

τς
τῆς ho
Αὐνούϑεως

ς

ἱερονείχις 1074, 1 u ;

« ͵

LUHLZOS IRRE IGEUSLV.
ἰσοχε πλείους IT τ τ τ τὺ:
IKeererookree ἀἐγάλα τ 17 u. 0.
Wastiwkrovelzns 107-4, 17.
ons τε 17.

INT τὰ ἀἰ. ὃ.
ΤΟΙ. 23.
τ: ΠῚ
107-4. 0 u. 0.
107.4, 16 u. Ö.
ΠΡ dr II (03
ΤΟ πο:
107-4, 16 u. ὃ,
ROTER ὺ:
4

HOUOLAOS
Neuoveizns
οἰχου εν ός 1074, 14 u. Ö.
“το γυρις

γεν ηριχύς
“ἐριὐλισειχύς

σελ αχιής

σαι ύς

σιεςανείτης

er re N
σύλλογος τῆς ἱερᾶς συνόδου

συναγώωγσι ἧς

“σύνοδος

— ἡ ἱερὰ μουσιχὴ eo zroliotizi, „LEO, λει) οἰχου εν
γι. 15 τ LER GR
— Σερασιὴ 100 Θεοῦ Abrorgaropog Kuioeoos
ΤΠ 9 τ ὑ:
1074, 14.
107-4. 23.
107-4, 23.

μεγάλη, σύνοδος

τεχυείτης
Τριυσχαιδεχαασαλιειονείκης
Τρισηυϑιονείκις

Zauberworte.

“άρϑαρα 1026, 23.222;
Daponmk 120 2202235
cn DRAN Ὁ:
Acihar 1026, 23, 22
Myank 1026, 23. 23
Σαβαώθ 1026, 23, 21

VII Geographisches.

A. Länder, Völker, Gaue, Toparchien, Städte usw.

συνϑυσία 1074, 4.

συνιερεύς 1198, 3. Ὁ

σύνταξις 1197, 6, 10. 1200, 7.
Adrymetum ὃ 1088, 9.
᾿ϑηναῖος (μέτρον 4.) 1092, 23.

15

Aiyureriog
"
“{ἰγυτίτος

1125, 4, 20. 1148,18.
10 99. 1.85 τὺ ϑ 9, τὸ 1102. 88,

"Dasarteling 8. Ind. 1.

ἐψλεξάνδρεια 1024, 6,11. 1049, 2. 1079 V,ı. 1093, 9.

; 1142, 17. 1190, 6.

᾿λεξωνδρεύς 1024, 6, 4. 1033, 2, 1073, 6. 1101,4. 1119, 8.
1127, 3. 1140, 2,8 u. ö. 1165, δ. 1167, 2, 38. 1176.

DeSardgewy χώρα 1132, 10.
» Altinum 1083, 14
ı Ancyra 1083, 2, 3, 4.

zer ᾿μδρῶν τεύλιν (2) 1129, 14.

ἡ νεινοεύς 1018, 2. 1022, 1, 107.}, 18720.
“᾽“ραβιχός 1088, 5, 18.
I” Jocay 1079, 2. 1192, 5, 0.

᾿Δρσινοέτης 1013 4. 1014, 3. 1022, 11. 1034, 3. 1036, 2.
1037, 2. 1038, a u. 6. 1045, 4. 1048, 2. 1049, ı u.ö,
1068, 2. 1069, 8. 1071, 4. 1085, 18.

-Τὐρινείτης (τ. ᾿“λεξανδρέων χώρας) 1132, 9.

Πουθασιείτης 8. Ind. 1.

Dovgeplıng 1129, 10.
'Chrysopolis 1083, 15.
!Cremona 1083, 6.

“Πποπολείτης ' 1095, 11.

)ε]στρικός (ἢ 1111, ae.
δ ἥβλληνες, Δ'έοι “E. (᾽«Ἱντινοεῖς) 1029, a,
“ Egnortokeiens 1015, 3. 1079, ı8. 1092, ı2.

“Πρμούπολις 1020, 19, 21. 1095, 15,1 u ö, 1025, 16, 2
u.ö. 1027, 26, 10. 1064, 7. 10901, ı u.ö. 1002, 4.
1094, 1, 14. 1205, 30.

“Πρακλείδου μερίς 1013, 4. 1022, 12. 1034, 8. 1036, 2.
1037, 2. 1038, ı u.ö. 1045, 4. 1048, 2. 1069, 5,
“Πρακλεοπολίτης 1104, 20. 1167, 40. 1190, 7. 1197, 6.
1198, 7. 1200 4.

Ivzomwokelung
Auzw γεύλιες,
Μακεδών

) Mearz£ıc

1130. 8. 1170, 54
1139, 3.
1132, 3,

105, ΠᾺ

1052, 36. 1065,

nm

Meuıs 1033, 15. 1104, 20. 1167, as. Lie 6;

Mevekeeinmng

1198, 6. 1200, 4 1205, 11.
109 22150), 5.

mtoosnokıs von’ Aoomworiıov 10184. 1047 ὑπ DEZE

— 100 "Eonosoktıov
Movgeirys 5. Ind. 1.

> yr u
Onptrnsg

) US - VAT
ΟΣ ρου χει rokıc

1086 II, 3. 1090, IL. 10.

ι

1035, 11.

» re ᾿
οἱ ἐκ τοῦ OSrpeyyirov 1081. 15.

1062, 5. ἃ. 0A. ὑ.

ἡ λιᾳιμρὰ χαὶ λαμη ρον nohıs 1.0, 1075, 1. 1074,

ΤΟ τ. ὕ.

» Ὀξυρύγχων χίλι 1017, 1. 1091, 5. 1070, 1. 1091, 3, c.

΄ ‚ -«. 2 ‚ -
σείγος, δεύτερος ar. τοῦ οΠρσινοίτου νομοῦ ΠΝ τς 25.

“Πάρος (Ὁ)

ἥ 2) ὙΠ
Περγαμηνός

I Ilegoiv 1052, 40. 1053, 0. 1056, 5. 1057, 4,19. 1058, 4.

ll 5. 1107. 1.

SOSE. 0.
107-4, 23,

E33 oe ENT, 1.

1149, A. 1161, 5. 1166, 3. 1170, 53. ΠῚ 5.
liegen: 1087, α: 1052, 98. 1053, 6. 1054, 3. 1055, 5.
1056, 3. 1057, 5, 20. 1067,3. 1106, 6. 1107,5. 1115, 3.

nl, 25 AUT, δὶ
1110. 15. 111}:

UBER) > N TI
RER Er TORE ER

1149,24, 16. 1151,28. 1161,42. 116602: 1167. 39.

al:
ı Pesinus
" Philomedia

Πολέμωνος μερίς

Der Bla, 5. ΠῚ RS, ἢ.
EDS. 1.

1083, 0.

101-4, 3. 1023, 2,

“Ιρακλέους πόλις 1180, 2. 1194, 1,11. Πόλιν, zuigb zw. ἄνω, (τογαρχία) ΤΙ 2 Γ υ.
Θεμίστου μερίς 1023, 2. 1047 1Π|,18. 1068, 2. Hrokunais “ὐεργέτις 1049, 1, 24.
Θι βαιχός 1007, 5. 11 Wodros 107-4, 95,
Θηδαῖς 1130, 8. 1139, 3. ἡ Porcizös ὙΠ π.
᾿γουδαῖος 1079,25. :| ωμαῖος 1093220 10717105 7.
τῶν ἀγτὺ ᾿“λεξανδρείας 1140, 2. ““χύμη 1074, 3, 23.
διὰ τοῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἀρχείου 1151, 8. Neu 1138, ı2.
' Irakla 1200, 14. δ εβεννύνης 1158, 11.
Νανωβύς TB 1110 15: 112) 7 1184, Fo) 1025, 16, τ ö.
AN radorla 1024, 5, 18. I Syrer 8, Σύρων χώμη VILD. a) ΤᾺΣ 21192210, 18.
Κουσσείτης κάτω (Toparchie des Herakleopol. Gaus) |” roxupyia (ἡ ἄνω τ. Ὀξιυρυγχ.) 1091, 18.
’ 1083 II, 11: Φϑευρεὴ (im Bovorgeirys) 1029710.
τς Laudicea ΐ 1083, 12, 13. ' Utiea 1083, 11.
; Aevxorevgyeliyg ἄνω (Toparchie) 1090, 28. Φιλαί Τρ ΝῊ 2.
2 B. Dörfer.

a) ᾿“λεξανδρέων χώρα.

ἡ ᾿“λεξάρχου νῆσος 1193, 2.

(Ὁ) ᾿““ἡρσινοίς ἡ καί Ζὐρυλόχου ἢ) 1121, 7.

(?) «Πέννις 1142, 5.

Σύρων κώμη 1123, 2. 1132, 10, 18.

(?) Tayıkıs 1122, 7.
b) Arsinoites.

"Naar Hg 1045 I, 4. II, 24.

ὃ) (9 ‘vor dem Dorfnamen bedeutet: Gauzugehörigkeit
nur vermutet. ;

16

᾿“πολλωνιάς
Bovpaoros
Wan ao
Jenöc)ıreıa
KNaoarts
Λερχαισὴρι
Neozeooöge
Λερχῆσις
Napuoödıs
Ὀξύρυγχα

1068, 5.

1038, 4.

1067, 2.

1067, 4. 1075, 5.
ΤΟ 8. τη.

1.1 Ὁ, 7.

1034, s. 1182,
1035. 4, 10.
oa;
1035, 5 u, ὃ.

Πολυδευχία :
Σοχνολι αἰου Νῆσος (Π]ηνήσου Ὁ) 1018, 17.
Τεβτῦνις 2,

: 1076, 5, 1077, 6.
1036, 5. 1088, 1,9.
1014, 6. 1023, 0.

Toeigrouos 1072 ΥἹ, 2.

Φιλαδέλφεια 1022, 11. 1049, 8, 20.

Ῥιλαδεριρέος 1049, 0.

Dvepıı) 1182.
0) Busirites.

@oropwi 9 9} EN:

d) Herakleopolites,
Bovoigıs 1061, 8. 1189, 3, 0. 1196, 27. 1197, 4. 1198, 0.

1200, 3. 1201, 4. 1202, 1.
-Πικωμέα 1208, 21.
() Θω,.... χαρει 1202, 11.
Kona 1188, 2. 1189, 6. 1193, 4. 1197, 9.
dv) 1197, 9. 1200, 17 u. ö.
Maxog 1104, ὅθ. 1167, 48, 72.

Ὀννέους (κώμη)
(?) Σιυναρὺ (τοῦ πέραν)

1202, 1.
1001, 3 u. Ö,

Σχμῶνϑις 1192, 16.

?) Τιαῶϑις 1060, 10.
᾽

Τοχῶις: 1187, 4.

6) Iermopolites.
1089 II, 6 u. ö. 1090, ı u. ὅ:
1089 II, 4 u. ö. 1090, 8 u. Ö. 1092, 19,
1089 11,8 u. ö. 1090, 6 u. ö.
1089 II, 7 u. ö. 1090, 28, 80.
1094, 5, 7.
1089 II, 5.

’Evroed
Ooayı)
NMoyzanei
Σενοίϑεως
Σιγχερή

εν σενσϑωλεω

ἢ Lykopolites.

“ψηλή 1130, s,
g) Oxyrlynebites,

. Lau 1091, 17.

‚ Παχέρχη 1031, 3 (?).

h) Saites.

᾿μλβῶνϑις 1138, 2.
1) Sebennytes.

“ηττακωμία 1158, 10.

Θῶώλϑις 1158, 10.

k) unbestimmt.
"Eoxovons

C. ἐποίκια, römoı, Straßen, Plätze, öffentliche Gebäude usw.

(Alexandria oder Nähe von Alexandria ist besonders hervorgehoben. Ohne jeden Vermerk —

> x >
IFyeuitztiarı οὐσία
"Azav$eiov (Arsinoe)
ἄμιροδον ᾿“πολλωνίου “Teguxiov (Arsinoe)

1087 1,4. 1Π, 11. Vs. ὙΠ], 4.
1069, o.

Bovpagron (Arsinoe) 1045, 6.
Touovdraz (Arsinoe) 1016, 10, 14. 1046 I, 15.
Δοήρεως (Arsinoe) 1069, 5, 8. 1071, 4.
Anroßooziw “Er£gwv (Arsinoe) 1046 I, 14.
"Arokuestov (Ὁ) ὥριος (Niühe Alexandria) 1121, 46.
ἀγυιὰ "Aoomon Neben (Alexandria) 1084, 22.
᾿᾿ρτοχόξτοι (Arsinoe) 1087 V, 7,8.
παϑεῖα, ἣ λεγομένη (Nähe Alexandria) 1121, 8.
Bite (Alexandria) 1117, 8. 1127, ὁ;
Bovraytov (Arsinoe) 1087 V, 6.

Τυμνάσιον (Arsinoe)
srlareia Γυμνασίοι" (Arsinoe)
“ύος ς᾽ ἐπίσημος ἡ“;αιδέρωτος καὶ ᾿“βρυιάνου (Nähe von
Alex.) 1132, 10 u. ὃ.
Jö.ra (Alexandria) 1115, 17. 1167. 1151, 40 (2%).
“Ποιχητοῦ, τὰ ἐπιχαλούμενα 4. (Nähe Alex.) 1121, 9.
δρόμος τοῦ ἱεροῦ Χνούλεως ϑεοῦ μεγίστου (Ilypsele)
Ü 1130, 10.
Euovet (Nähe Alex.) 1121, o.
ἐπίσημος 8. Μοῦσαι, Παιδέρως, γύος 1122, 8. 1132, 12.
ἐπιοίχιον 1039, 1046 1,7 u. ö,
1046 1, 25,
1132, 15.
1046 1, 3.
1046 II, ı2.
1046 II, ı4. III, 24.
1047 II, 2.
10165, 2 u. ö.

ἀμπελ(ῶνος) (Arsinoe)
"Igrontov (Syron Kome)
Zvkldos (Arsinoe)
Σαραπέωνος (Arsinoe)
χωμογραμματέως (Arsinoe)
γραμματέως (Arsinoe) _
T£grov Yaxı; (Hermopolis?)

1047 II, 1a.

1087 ], 3,4. III, 7.
1016, 6,

17

unsicher),

“πρμουϑιαχή (Arsinoö 1016, 11, 14. 1046 ein:

ΠῚ 10 (NN 14.
Eröcinovos ῥύμη, (Alexandria) 1117, 8.
Θαραπία (Arsinoe) 108721 SV 10.

Θέκτρον (Arsinoe)
Θέωνος (Arsinoe)

Kazcltov (Arsinoe) 1087 IV, 7.
Kanıge (Kaunıoe) (Alexandria) 1151, aı.
Kußoros (Alexandria) 1151, 41.

Kyrızov δ αλανεῖον (Alexandria)

χλῆρος
“Ζωΐέλοι (Ὁ. «Μαχόρ) 1104, 30.
“εροξένου (b. “Μαχύρ) 1167, 50, 74.
Kıno.ov φοριχός (Ὁ. Σχώ) 1091, 19.
ΤΠ}. τον τος 1048, 10.
“όδωνος (b. κόμα) 1193, 4.
ἐἔιάριος 1064, 4.

Khonergior (Arsinoe) 1087 1, 5.

Λοιλάς (Arsinoe)
Kobsros (Nähe von Alexandria)
-Sayeiov (Arsinoe)

ID S17:

Moigts (Arsinoe)
Μοῦσαι (Nähe Alex.) 1122, 8.
Nuupeior (Neugior) 1087 1,10. 11, 5. III, a, 14. V],6. VIL, 0.
(Nvwor II,» — Aue VI, 6) (Arsinoe).
ὕρμος "broken Hor (Nähe Alex.)
Παιδέρωτος καὶ “.Dovrdvor γύος (Nähe Alex.) 1132, 10.
1075, 5. 1076, 5.
Παλαιὰ Παραβϑολή (Arsinoe) ΤΡ ΠΡ 18.
Παλάτιον (Arsinoe) 1087 1, ı2. II, ..
Παμυχήους, τὰ συνεχύμενα Π. (Nähe Alexandria) 1119, 18 (2).

112], 46.

graka ἐξάϑυρος Θεαδελῳ είς

-- ὃ

1025, 16, 9.

1087 I, 9.

LISTET ET 7.
1087 UI, s, 11. VI, 8.

1151, 42, 51.

1087 III, e.

1087 IV, ὁ.
3087 I], ia.

EEE NL EA EEE Een nm en

SELTEFEIE :

ΠῸάνειον (Arsinoe) 1087 IV, 12.

ITeoarouos (Alexandria) 1137, 2.
Ihocr (Nähe von Alex.) 1121, 9.
πλατεῖα (Alexandria) 1141, 28.

Πρόπυλον (Arsinoe) 1087 II, 4.
πύλη Σοχνοπαίου Διησου 1088, 1, 9.
“Ῥεμουϑισακὴς (Ξε ἩὩρμουϑιακῆς ὃ) (Arsinoe) 1087 III, 10.
“Par (Alexandria) 1117, 0.0).
Σανττάλλιον (Arsinoe) 1087 UI, 8. V, τὸ. VI, 4.
Σεδαστὴ 1087 1, 18.

ἀγορὰ (Alex.) 1079 V, 2.
τιρὸς τῷ Nenmjonv (Arsinoe) 1087 Il, 14. IV, 11. V, 18.
Itepavorsioxoı (Arsinoe) 5 1087 IV, 18.
Συριαχὴ (Arsinoe) 1087 Ill, 12. IV,3 V,i1. VII, δ.

σφραγίς (b. Philadelphia)
ταινέα, ἡ κατὰ Κανωβὸν τ. (Nähe Alex.)
ΤΠ 8.5: 1119,12. 1120,7. 1184.

Telzaowo (Nähe Alex.) 1121,09.
Teorov Tazı) (Hermopolis?) 1015, 2.
Torumaov (Ὁ) 1037 VW, 6,
Tiusravov (Arsinoe) 1087 III, ».

φιλοξένου (Arsinoe) INSTANT, 7
1120, 7.
1087 IV, 4.
Anv@ (b. Kerkesephis) 1018, ı0,
Ἱιναλειτ(ρείῳ) (ἐν 17T. διώ(ρυγι) Θεαδελ(ιρείας) resp. «ὐλ-

(εως)}) 1076, 5.
ἐν τῷ λεγομένῳ ... ἄρῳ (Alexandria?)

Domiraw (Nähe von Alex.)
boeuel (Arsinoe)

D. Demotika und Phylen, Tribus.

a) Demotica und Phylen.
᾿λϑαιεύς 1034, 4. 1050, 4. 1059, 28. 1100, 1, 5. 1130, 2.

1145, 2,27. 1148, 8. 1150, 8, 16. 1154, 8, 1159, 2.
1167, 21. 1174, 8.

Προπαποσεβάστειος ὃ καὶ ’A. 1084, 8.
Διουσοπτατέρειος 6 καὶ "A. 1084, 19.
᾿ἡρχηγέτης (?) 1102, 7.
ΠΡ οὐδ lat ... 1099, 4.
᾿Ἐπιφάνειος 1099, ἃ. 1107, 1.
Εὐσέβειος 1153, 15.
». Ζήνειος 1114,2. 1120,8. 1128,8,4. 1129,8. 1132,2. 1160, 3.
Θήλειος 1120, 2.
᾿Ισίδειος 1050, 5.
Κανωπίευς (ἢ 1148, 4.
, ΦΙαρωνεύς 1153, 14.
}2ᾳατίδειος ὃ καὶ Πλωτίνιος 1022, 4.
Meyaleloıog, Παυλείνιος ὁ καὶ ΔΛ. 1022, 6.
Μουσοπατέρειος ὁ καὶ ᾿ἀλϑαιεύς 1084, 10.

Παυλείνιος ὁ zul λιεγαλείσιος

IToosrastıcooedaorteiog ὃ x. ᾿λϑαιεύς 1084, 8.
Trueveiog 1119, 2.
Φιλάπρηος 1178,

Φιλοιιητόρειος 1058, 2, 5. 1127, 2, 7.
b) Tribus,

1163, 3.

Atuukla
Cornelia

Fabia 1083, 14.
τ Lemonia 1083, 6.
Kakkıdia 1106, 2.
Λυρείνα 110-4, 33.
Πολλία 1113, 3.
Pomentina 1083, 2.
Romilia 1083, 7, 8, 9.
Παλατείνα 1181.

Σουβουράνα

VIII. Steuern, Abgaben u. dgl.

ἀπαιτήσιμον" 1047 II, o.
Aayyıoya 1027, 26, 16. 1049, 10.
ἀπαρχή (Ὁ) 1150, 11.
ἀργυρικά 1046 III, 7. 1049, 16. 1185, 23.
βασιλικά 1185, 10.
γερδιακόν 1040, 83.
γεωμετρέα 1185 Il, 20.
δημύσια 1018, 21. 1049, 16. 1091, 28. 1129, 81.
ἐπιϑολή

χώμης 1048, 18.

ἐπερχόμεναι 1049, 10.
ἐρημοφυλακία (-ἐρλ.) . 1088, 2, 10.
χανών 1047 III, 16.

1049, 6, 2. i

1077, 6.
1143, 14.

1022, 6.

1164, 3.

1108, 2.
1083, 11, 12, 18.

1062, 8.

καιάχριμα 1048, 14.
Aaoyourpia 1068, 8. 1140, 17 ἃ. ὃ. 1198, 13, 17. |
ξενικά 1038, 15, 98. ἢ
σιελωχιχόν 1062, 3.

τέλος Ir. TOB2AV,. 1:
χεροσδιαγραρόμενα

σιτικά 1040, 87. 1049, 15.

1046 I, 9. III, 2ı.
1123, 0.

τέλεσμα 1048, 12, 18. 1049, 18. 1129, 81.
τέλος 1024, 7, 28. 1049, 10. 1062 V, 1. 1117, 20.

1140, 0. 1207, 10.
φύρετρον 1018, 23. 1198, 11.

1180, 10.
1067, 14.
11851, 2011,28. ἢ

er

πατῶ IE RL A σκιὰν ὃ παι

IX.

“ἡδριανός (27. November bis 26. Dezember) 1038, 21,
1046 Ill, 14.
1045, 3.
1032, 5.
1038, 27,

’Ane),)aiog (28. September bis 27. Oktober)
οὐὐγοῦστος

Τεριιανίχιος (26. April bis 25. Mai)

l oortıaiog 1037, 2.
“Ιαίσιος 1013, 3,
Καισάρειος (25.Julibis23. August) 1014,14. 1065, 4. 1079,37.

Zardıros (26. Januar bis 24. Februar) 1186, 2.
Σεβαστός (29. August bis 27. September) 1084, 6.
Σωτήρ (26. Mai bis 24. Juni?) 1078, 16.

Monate und Tage.

1032, 5.
εἰκές 1020, 5: 1078, 11. 1084, 30.
Ervayoneraı € 1047 Ill, 8. 1061 Υ (Ὁ). 1062, 12. 1065, 2.
1163,37 120277.

1156, ı1. 1203, 11.
Ko Ne

1120, 21.

Klödaı “ὐγοῦστοι

veonmmla 1021, 7. 1053, 20, 24.
zUerı 100g

ZUEVTAELNG

τετράμηνος 1118. 8; ΤΠ 17.
τριαχάς 1052, 48. 1063, 3. 1137, 11, ı3. 1170, 7.
τριετής 1027, 26, 17.

X.

ἀγκάλη 1180.
ἄρουρα passim
ἀρτάβη passim .
βάϊον 1094, 12.
Pixos 1047 Ill, 5. 1187, ὁ.
γνώμων 1062, 14. 1118, 45.
ἐξάγκαλον 1121, 18. 1180,
ἡμιχάδιον 1090, 10, 10.
χοτύλη 1055, 17. 1107, 11. 1108, 0. 1195, 20.
λαγύνιον 1090, 17.
λάγυνος 1095, 19.
λίτρα 1025, 15, 4 u.,ö. 16, 4 u. ö. 1080, 20.
μέτρον 1015, 12. 1192, 17.
μ. ᾿ιϑηναῖον 1092, 28.
ἁἙρμοῦς 1142, 7.
χαλκοῦν ᾿“βουτᾶτος 1018, 18.

ΧΙ.

ἀργύριον passim

ἀ. Πτολεμαιχόν 1051, 11. 1052, 48. 1053, 17. 1054, 5.
1055, 9. 1066, Ὁ. 1057, 8.1. 1104, 35. 1115, 0.
1116, 8 1120. 1121, 11. 1122, 9ὁ. 1120, 5.
1126, 6. 1137, 11. 1144, 0. 1145, 0, 82. 1146, 8.
1147,6. 1150, 18. 1151,80. 1156, 106, 1162, 1.
1167, 23. 1168, 8. 1170, δ, 20. 1172,06. 1173, 8.

1174, 6. 1175, δ.

@. Π|τολ. ἐπίσημον 1050, 10.

a. ἐπίσημον 1105, 18.

a. Σεβαστῶν νομίσματος

ἀ. καινοῦ νομίσματος 1064, 7.
δεχάδραχμος 1134, 7.
δηνάριος 1045, 12. 1049, 13, 27. 1074, 10.

δοκίμιος 8. χρυσίον 1065, ὁ, 20.

deayın) passim

1045, τι. 11, 12.

δραχμιαῖος 1038, 20, 21. 1175, 6.
ἐννεοδολός 1161, 10.
εὐὔσταϑμος

1020, 7, 11, 14.
1078, 6.

χρυσοῦ νομίσματα εὖ.
χερμάτιον (oder χεράμιον Ὁ)

1049, 18."

Maße, Gewichte.

1028, 20.
16, 18; 24.
1055, 16.

wurd
1025, 15, ı6.

ξέστης

ὀχιοχαιδεκαχότυλον

γγῆχιυς 1094, 12. 1141, 51. 1107, 9.
γί. ἐμβαδικός 1037, 15. τ 06.

χιλέφρον 1117, 24.

σχυι άλη 8. Wortindex.

σιαϑιὺς ᾿“ρσινουϊτιχός 1065, ἡ.

σφραγίς 1037, 7u.ö. 1104, 80. 1119, 11. 1129, 12, 15.

oyoırıra ΤΠ 21.

σχοινίον 1060, 21. 1092, 15.
ταγή 1118, 16. 10. 1120, ı4 u. ὃ;
φορτίον 1180.
χοῖνιξ 1118 τς. 90. 15.
χοῦς 1097, 18.
Münzen.
μνᾷ 1028, 6 u.ö. 1120,41. 1127,43. 1145, 33. 1147, 8. 1175, 6.
μναιαῖος Ἷ 1065, 7 u.ö.

νόμισμα
1020, 7, 11, 14.
1064, 7. 1090, 37.
1049, 13, 17.
1083, 8.
Του,
1052, 5.
10207 11.

χρυσοῦ εὔσεαϑμα ν.

xamov ν.

Σεδασεῶν ν.
VOLIOELLOV χρυσοῦν
1055, 22. 1090, 27. 1121, 14. 1145, 34.

c ἔξ
ὁλοκύτιον

ὀβολύς

πακιύς 8. χρυσός

vrarıo 1030, 18.
τάλαντον 1049, 13. 1064, 8,9. 1079, 10. 1085, 4.
1146, 8. 116%, 18.

1orwpoAog (tguopongos) 1115, 10, 43. 11-47, 8. 1195, 11 u.0.
1018, 18. 1133, 0(9). 1194, 16. 1209, 15,
τυ (Ὁ)
1065, 6, 20.

χιλκύς
χιλιύδραχμοι
1045, 11. 1} ı2.

χρυσίον doxtutor

χρυσοῦ νομίσματα τρία εἴσταϑιια 1020, 7.
αἰωνίου τταχτοῦ χρυσοῦ νομίσμ. τρία εὖ. 1020, 11.
χρυσοῦ νομισμάτιον 1082, 8.

— ΠΩ

ἀβαρής 1080, 17.
ἀβελτέρεια 1024, ὃ, 4.

ἄβολος 1014, | 12 (Ὁ) 1092, 21.

ἄβροχος (Ὁ) 1080, 10.

ἀγαθός 1080, 8. 1197, 12.

ἄγαμος 1026, 23, 24.

᾿ ἄγειν 1080, 20. 1049, 10.

1074, 6, 16 u. ὅ. 1107, 28.
1188, 6. 1207,10.

ἀγχάλη 8. Ind. X.

ἁγνεία 8. Ind. VI.

ἁγνεύειν 8. Ind. VI.

ἀγνοεῖν 1022, 6.

ἀγνόημα 1185 1, 7.

ἄγνοια 1086 I, 8. 1114, 9.

ἄγονος 1026, 22, 23.

ἀγορά 8. Ind. VII 1).

ἀγοράζειν 1034, 12. 1049, 22.
1066, 5. 1128, 6. 1131, 44.

"dyogavoueiv 8. Ind. IV.

ἀγορανόμος 8. Ind. IV,

ἀγορασμός 1128, 9.

ἀγράμματος 1049, 30,

seneapos 1045, 7,0. II,

1084, 24. 1104, 19. an,
161213, 16. 1130, 10.
1139, 5. 1148, 23. 1150, o.
1153, 21. 1154, 31. 1155,
29. 1160, 5. 1163, 11, 12.
1164, 15. 1165, 23. 1167,
13, 29. 1168, ı6. 1169, 36,
1171, 34. 1173, ı6. 1174,
10.

= ἀγρία — ἄγρα 1123, 9.

ἀγυιά 8. Ind. VII 1).

«ἄγω... 1045, 24.

. ἀγώγιμος 1053, 30. 1054, 9.
1055, 27. 1056, 10. EL
11. 1106, 36. 1115, 2
1116, 27. 1117, 31. una
88: 1121, 31. 1122, 25.
1133, 15. 1141, 22. 1145,
10 π. ὅ. 1146, 17. 1147,
15. 1150, 20. 1151,
1156, 18. 1159, 8. 1161, 17.
1162, 5. 1166, 10. 1167,

. 53. 1170, 8. 1172, ı0.

ἀγών 8. Ind. VI.

ἀγωνίζειν 1078, 5.

ἀγωνοϑέτης 8. Ind. VI.

ἀδελιρή 1034, 5. 1036, “ἡ.
1042,2, 18.1078, 1. 1085, 8.
1107, 81, 84. 1115, 15.
1131,2 u. 6. 1145, 80.
1148,4. 1169,5. 1186,4.
1203, 8.

ἀδελφός 1031, 6. 1039, 9.
1040,2. 1042, 1. 1043, 20.

AU.

1144, ı. 1048, 4,
1050, 3. 10594. 1061, 15:
1062, 37. 1069, 13. 1072
II, 5. 1080, 11. 1082, ı
ταν, ὅν 1098, 48. 1109, 5
1103,4 1104,3,6. 1107, 5.
1126, 4.1132, 4. 1147, 3.
1151, 3 u. ö. 1167, 20.
1196, 10. 1200, 10.1203, 1.
1204, 2. 1205, 2. 1206, 1
u.ö. 1207, 3u.d. 1208, τ.
1209, 2 u. ö.
ἀδέσπτοτος 1049, 8, 9
adıa$erog 1185 II, 17.
ἀδιαίρετος 1119, 9.
ἀδιαχώλυτος 1048, 19.
ἀδιχεῖν 1138, 19. 1139, 14.
ἀδίκημα 1061, 20. 1098, 22.
1099, 16. 1100, 24.
adızla 1123, 11.
ἄδολος 1015, 12.
1149: 7:
ἀεί 1108, 20.
ἀεροειδής 1207, 6.
ἀζήμιος 10682, 22.
ἀϑάνατος 1058, 28. 1106, 25.
ἀϑελγία 1024, 6, 17.
ἀϑετεῖν 1013, 20. 1028, 10.
1128, 11.

ἀϑετήσιμος 1098, 18. ,

1092, 22.

αἰγιαλός 1035, 4

αἰδεῖσϑαι 1024, 3, 6.

αἴϑριον 1038, δ.

αἱμαροΐα 1026, 22, 10.

αἱμαροϊκός 1026, 22, 11.

αἱρεῖν 1013, 18. 1017, 11.
1049, 20. 1051, 26. 1053,
44. 1056, 22. 1057, 15, 30
1058, 24. 1067, 13. 1092, 13.
1106, 42. 1108, 21. 1117,
39. 1118, 9. 1120, 43.
1121, 38. 1122, 28. 1125,

10. 1127, 34, 1133, 10.
1134, ı9. 1136, 8. 1149,
31. 1151, 38. 1156,23.

1161, 26. 1162, ı2. 1166,
13. 1172, 15. 1175, 10.
αἴρειν 1188, 106. 1201, 18.
αἵρεσις 1047 IV, 11. 1070, 0.

αἰσχρός 1024, 7, 20.

αἰτεῖν 1070, 11. 1169, 4.
1185 II, 20.

αἰτία 1024, δ, 2. 1061, 20.
1118,22. 1140,11. 1158,17.
1185 I, 8. 1205, 7.

αἴτιος 1131, 27.

αἰώνιος 1020, 11. 1062, 27.

20.

20

Wortindex.

rd apole ΓΙᾺ, 3:
ἀχαεϑυσιέρηνος 1126, τι.

ἄχαχος 1015, 12.

ἀχαικχρημάτισιος 11-47, 28,

1151, 43
ἀκατηγύρητος 1045, 20.
ἀχέραιος 1208, 37

ἀχένδονος 105311, 8. 1067, 12.
1147,81. 1149,36. 1151,44.

‚1158, 18

ἀκίσκλα 1028,
ἀχοή 1080, 6.
ἀχολουϑεῖν 1079, 10, 20.

13, 16.

ἀχόλουϑος 1038, 18, 25. 1049,
6.1059, 22. 1070,8.107: 2,14.

1074,12. 1116,34. 1120,40.
1122,33. 1126,21. 1127,40.

1129,18. 1133, 11.
1149, 33. 1185, 11, 27
ἀκούειν 1020, 20, 21. 1024
6,14. 7,5. 1040, 17.

1148, 17.

ἄκυρος 1053 II, 13. 1054, 14.
1055,38. 1056,24. 1057, 10.

1102, 21. 1103, 14.
Ὁ, 14. 1107, 23.

1104,
1108, 22.

1113,21. 1115,36. 1116,50.
1117,40. 1119,44. 1120,14.
1121,39. 1122,29. 1124, 5.

1126, 20. 1133, 20.
8,9. 1142, 21.
1144, 18.
. 1146,24. 1147,32. 1148, 19.
1149, 36. 1150, 7,22. 1151,
17,45. 1152, 11. 1153, 5, 18.
1101, 17.

1155,
1143, 31.
1145, 17, 43.

1156, 28, 32.

1157,16. 1161,28. 1162, 12.
1163, 9. 1164, 10. 1165, 27.

1166,14. 1167,24. 1168,11, |

1169, 23. 1170, 18. 1171,8.

1172,17. 1173, 11.
1175, 18.

1174, 7.

ἀκυροῦν 1053 1, 14. 1167, 26.

ἄλγος 1026, 22, ı9,
ἀλέκεωρ 1067, 11.
ἀλεῖν 1067, 18, 15.

ἀλήϑεια 1024,3, 22. 1200, 26.

ἀληϑής 1024, 6, 17.
ἀληϑινός 1141, 12.
QLLEUSEIDSH Yon
ἀλιευν .. . 1208, 26. —
ἁλικάχκαβα 1 120, 37.
ahloreo ta 1024,
ἀλλαγή 1194, 17.

5,1.

ἀλλάττειν 1141, 41, 44.
ἀλλαχοῦ 1022, 8.
ἀλληλεγγύη 1062,

ἀλληλέγγυοι ὯΝ en

1106,11. L117.37, 11 IS, 48,
1120,43. 1192.08, 1133, 18.
1134, 18. 1136, 7. 1145, 15.
1150,22, L151,:8. 1156,20,
1161,25. 1162,11, 1166, 12.
Ol oe 1175: 1
ἄλλονε 1096, 5. Ρ
ἀλλότριος 1032, 14,
1034,
ἄλογος 1024,

\12], 22,
4, 10.

b, 15.
ἁλοητύς BE Fur,

τ 1067, 14.

ἀλλοι o1ocy

ἁλυχι 1069 Verso I, 9:

Ἁλως 1018, 1τ. 1090, 1, 28.

ana 1186, 11.

ἁμαρτάνειν 1141, 10.

egepıyucllAl,s, 1185 Ir:

ἀμελεῖν 1031, 11 1010, 30,
1080, 14. 1082, ὦ.

ἄμεισετος 1045, 17. 1141,25.

ἀμεριμνῶν 1031, 14.

anegrunta 1082, 7

(ἀιεσ. . . 1185, 2,

cam 1028, ı1.

anzrehitis 1034, 9. 1158, ».

ἀμιελος 1] 19, 10 u.ö,. 1123,
2. 1185 II, >21

uzrehos 1049, τ (Ὁ

ἀμτεελιν 1046 1, 3 (?).
1049, 7(2). 1185 II, 19. |

aupodagxns s. Ind. IV.

ἀμοδογραμματεύς s. Ind.!

ἵν
ἄμιροδον 1038, 5.
1062, 11.
Ind. VII).

F

1045, u!

ἀνώ 1091, 2) passim. |
|

1125, 14 (2) 8.

ἀναβαίνειν 1097,38. 1141,33.
aradaoız 1208, 17.
Ware... αἱ. 1040, 22.)
ἀναγγέλλειν (Ὁ) 1908. 11. |
1122523:
wazızwehwzsem O8, 13.1079, |
8. 1208, 0. N
1141, 7. 1189, 7.1
ἀναγκαῖος 1022, 17. 1040, 1
10427127 710702:
avazzn 1074, 4. 1119, “ἢ
1141, 47

ἀνάγνωσις 1038, 14.

u
ana, ei

» ‚„
ANA AUS ev

Ba: πε --

1037,)

) ng a 5]
wezgrafen 1028, τὸ,

1047 1), τον ἢ

43.1045, 5.

1068, 13. 1069, 11. 1141,.M

1199, 6.
ἀναγωγὴ 1122, 5,18. 1137, Ἰ

18

ἀναδιδόναι 1046 11, 17. 1059,

18. 1125, 14. 1147, 24
1149,23. 1151, 11. 1167,3
u.ö. 1170, 9.
ἀνκιρεῖν 1058, 11, 22. 1106,
ı2, 22. 1107, 9. 1108, 12.
1110, 3. 1135, 6. 1136, 2
ἀναχοπέζειν 1130,27. 1148,28.
1150,10. 1152,22. 1167,30.
1201, 11.
ἀναλαμβάνειν 1024, 6, 2.
1165, 156. 1170,55, 1200, 0.
ἀναλέγειν 1141, 51.
ἀνάλωια 1049,22. 1069 1,5.
ἀνεμιένειν 1053,83. 1055, 29.
1136, 6. 1151,35. 1156, 18.
1167, 54.
araniotooıs 1116,33. 1119,
0,40. 1121, 37.
1109. 535.
ἄναξ 1026, 22, 14.
ἀνάπαυμα 1092, 10.
ἀναπέμπειν 1019, 9. 1085,32.
ἀνεωτράσσειν 1118, 47.
ἀναρττάζειν 1140,13. 1190, 9.
ἀνασπᾶν 1041, 8.
ἀνάστασις 1028, 0.
-ἀναστατοῦν 1079, 2
ἀνατολὴ 1021, 18. 1049, 8,
«ἀναφέρειν 1022,10. 1053 11,
15. 1058, 48. 1073, 15.
1104,6. 1124, 5, 25.
46. 1132, 29,32. 1157, 8,12.
1171,8. 1143,6,33. 1155,
"188. 18. 1193, 12.
Z1201, 10.
ἀναιρορά 1027.26, 19.. 1119,
16. 1188, ı7. 1201, 19.
ἀναφόριον 1123, 3, δ.
ἀνδραγαϑεῖν 1205,13. 1207,
11.
ἀνδράποδον 1059, 9.
ἀνδροκοιτεῖν 1058, 30. 1106,
29. 1107, 13. 1108, 14.
-1109, 18.
areisitgarıos 1062, 22. 1133,
13.
ἀνεισιρορία 1074, 4.
aveuscodiorog 1185 1, 5.
ἘΠ ΘΥ 10. 11971, 21.
ἀνενεχύραστος 1049, 15.
ἀνεξαλλοτρίωτος 1147, 28.
1151, 43.
ἀνέκπατος (ἀνέπ αιρο.)} 1049,
τ 11:27. 10. 1159. 3].
ἀνεγγιιΓρυδίσιος 1197, 14.
ἀνεσπι ηρέαστυς (Ὁ) 1022, 25.
ἀνεπιφράρειστος 1049, 16.
ἀνέρχεσϑαι 1043, 22.
ἄνευ. 1050, 21. 1051, 29.
1052, 26. 1053, 27 passim.

arazouQer

1181,

1039, δ.
ἀνεχομονὴ (2) 1105, 8
10, 24. ἘΣ

ἀνέχειν

ἀνήχειν 1062,
23. 1120, 32.

ἀνήλωμα 1116, 10. 1117, 15.
1119, ı7. 1120, 9. 1121,
11, 26

arg 1022, 7. 1024,
1033, 2. 1047 II, 11. (zer -

ἄνδρα) 1048, 4. 1049, 2.
u.ö. 1050, 22. 1051, 31.
105%, 23 u. ö. 1053, 11.

1056,
1069,
1100, 10.

6. 1058,4. 1061, 7.
0, 12. 1098, 33, 98.
1101, 14, 17.
1102, 32. 1103, 23. 1104,
10, 25. 1106, 5,55. 1110,4.
1117, 5. 1120, 4. 1126, 4
1148, 9,10. 1149, 5. 1150,
3, 4. 1154, 7. 1156, 6.
1161, 6. 1165, 4. 1166, 4.
1170,25. 1172, 4. 1175, 2.
1189, 7, 11. 1196, 30 u. ὃ.

dardowie ... 1141, 19.
ἀνϑρώσινος 1026, 23, 18.
1106, 21. 1108, 11. 1147,

30. 1149, a4.
ἄνϑρωμος 1024, 4, ὁ u. Ö.
1030,7. 1031, 13. 1208, 25.
ἀνιεροῦν 1194, 12. 1200, δ.
1909, 5.
ἀνιέρωσις 1185 1], 24.
ἄνομος 1200, 20.
arıanpodav 1030, δ.
ἀνιέμβολον 1116, 12(). 1117,
10.
ἀντέχειν 1110, 10. 1117, 20.
1119, 18. 1120, 27.
. 1187, 20.
ἀντί ; 1088, 23. 1044, 14. 1093,

7. 1115, 7. 1120, 3%. 1126,

6. 1195, 10 Ve
οὗ --- ὁ καί 1062, 1

ἀντίγραρον 1013, 1. 1034, 1.

passim

1038, 7 u. ö. 1045, 1
1047 II, 10. 1065, τ.

1069, 2. 1086 II, 3. 1105,
30. 1127, 32. 1148, 31.
1149,25. 1152, 24. 1199, 1.
dwridix ... 1043, 23.
ἀντίδικος 1097, 8.
ἀντιχατάσιασις 1138, 8.
ἀν καταιυτεύειν 1119, 20.
1120, 89.
ἀντιχιχάνεσθϑαι 1024, 7, 20.
avrıkaudanveıv 1105,41. 11385
23. 1187, 35. 1193, 13.
ἀντιλείστειν 1131, 24.
@vriknuretwe 1138, 19. 1139,
17. 1182. 1200, 26.

1191,

ἀνείληη ες 1187, 27.

ἀντιλογίκ. 1158, 15. 1143, 22.
1146, 16. 1151, 34. 1156,
17. 1209, 36

arriivagazwoetiv 1158, 0,21.

awrızwageyenr 1125, 8.

ἀνα τοιεῖν 1047 11,12. 1129,
29.

(Οὐ ρτλη σις 1204, 4

ἀνελεῖν 1039, 11.

ἀνιλία 1120, 26 u. ö.

ἀνυτιέρϑειος 1014,15. 1015,
in, 2020), 10. 1101, ΟἹ

ΤΙ ΩΣ ΤῸ:

ἀνυσεὐώδνος 110

25. 1137, 17.

2,34. 1103,

owzokoyos 1067, 12. 1116,
105 1110: 5 ΤΠ τ
1120, 8. 1121, 10

ἄνω 1091, 18. 1129, 32. ἀνω-
varın 1027, 27, 15.

ara (Ὁ) 1043, οὐ,

ἄνωϑεν 1074, 8. 1208, 2,38.

awrcva 8. Ind. VI.

aSıye (?) 1205, 21.

1074, 11.

dSıos 1058, 34. 1106, 38
1107, 15. 1108, 17. 1109,
21. 1116, 28. 1117, 34
1118, 40. 1126, 14.

1022, 10. 1024, 0.

EEE
astokoyoSs

ἀξιοῦν

19. Ὁ fe τ 8. 1
1036, 29. 1038, 0. 1044,
10. 1050, πὸ. 1060, 26,
1061, 20. 1068, 11. 1074,
12.ὡ Ι08ῦ, ὁ. [0,9Ὁ8,. 53,
1101, 23. 1104, 27. 1107,
29. 1108, 28. 1109, 30.
ἘΠῚ ss 1115. 1 ].δ᾽

52. 1121, 46. 1124, 82.
1126, 27. 1127, 44. 1138,
15. 1150 ae EMI, 2
1145, 18, 44. 1146, 20:
1151, 17, 48. 1153, 10, 22.
1166, 18. 1170, 14. 1171,
Ἴἢ ΤΠ 1. Te 41:
1174, ı2. 1157, 27. 1189,
τ ΤΟ 15:
1198, 20. 1200, 25.
ἀξίωμα 1053 11, 7.
ἀξίωσις 1024, 6, 15.
ἀπάγειν 1139, 15. 1188, τὸ
ἀναγορεύειν 1100, 23. 27.
1118, 8.
ἀπαίρειν 1035, 9.
azveıreiv 1027, 27, χα.
26. 1058, 33. 1106, 32.
ΤΠ ie ER, az
1109, 20. 1120, ı1. 1189,
14. 1192, 7.

|

1197, 17.

1045, |

aseedsnseel113, 15. 1154,30.
1155,29. 1160, 5.1164, 14.
1165,22. 1167,12. 1168.10.
IMEDO Er

rraiınoız 1027, 26, 22.
ΤΟΣ 111 τὴ ΤῊ 9 13.
1102, 25. 1103, 18. 1155, 8.
Re, ΠΟ

1045, 23.

102022, 16.

ΤΙΝ

ὥπαξ 1020, 15. 1123. 3.

ς ΥΩ.
(ὐὐ ξιλῶς 104, 10.

te ka,
wrahhanttiv

curarıay

ar apadarnz 1020, 9.
1038, 25,
111 πῶς 03.

ἀκαριστόδισιος
1124, 24.
Ua ΤΣ AUSH BE
uraomwozhnıos ΤΟΥ,
1062,22. 1140,24. 1198,13
dwreoyn 5. Ind. VII.
ἀπειλή 1060, 25.

ἀπεῖναι 1080), 7.

Φ N

ἀπελεύδερος 1045. 5. 11, 6.
1062, 2. 1109,98. 1112, 3.
1116, ".

ἀπερίλυτος 1038, ὁ, 112],

42. 1170, 58
ἀσεέριν = wralgeıw 1035, 9.
arreoiostaoros1057,21.1133,

13.
ἀπέρχεσύαι

1040, 10. 1097, 6.
ἀγιέχειν 1048, 0. 1049, 10.

1050, 11. 1058, 18. 1059, 5.

ΠΡ ΒΒ 18:

1065, 6, 10. 1066,7. 1109,
15 1102,14. 1103, 10, 35.
1104, 10. 1106, 16. 55.
1107, 17. 1110, 11. 1111, 8.

2711081821124, 12.
1129,18. 1130,6. 131,8
1135,4,11. 1148, 6.1150, 4.

ΤΙ 1 153: Ὁ 1153. 15.
1154,8. 1155, 10. 1163, .
1181. 51109707, «
τ ὃς 168: 0110; 10
1170, 27, 57. 1173, 3.
1174, 3

ἀπηλιώτης 1013,27. 1037, 12
1060, 15. 1127, 12,
ἘΓΏ ἢ, 12.

1056, ı8.

u. 0.
1129, 14, 10:
ἁπλοῦς 105 II, 11.
ΤΠ δ, 18. N. 2.
1103,20. 1103.21. ld, ın,
11108321193, 152 1120, 23.
ΤΠ 1 1:0, 12.
1146.37. 1147,17. J 145,23.
1150, 9. 1152. 17. 1153, 21.
, 1154,20. 1153.08. 1156,27.
1160, 5. 1161,20. 1169, 11.
1164,14. 1165,23. 1167,

12, 50. 1168, 16. 1169,34.
1171, ı6, 34. 1174, 10.
1175, 9. 1187, 11.
ἀπό 1013,8. 1014,6. 1015,
2. 1016, 13 passim.
ἀποβαίνειν (?) 1062, 18.
‚arodıaleıv 1060, 18.
ἀπογράφειν 1034, 8. 1049, o.
1009, 6, 8.
ἀπογραφή 1033, 22. 1034,
1. 1049, 6, 8. 1069, 7, 8,
1147, 20. 1148, aı.
ἀπύγραιον 1033, 1.
ἀποδεικνύναι 1024, 3, 0,
ἀγύόδειξις 1094, 13. 1141, 12.
ἀποδημεῖν 1093, 8.
ἀποδιδόναι 1018, 16. 1045 11,
17. 1052, 44. 1053, 10.
1054, 6. 1055, 10. 1056, 11.
1057,9. 1058, 33. 1065, 17,
22.1074, 16.)078V, 1.1079
Υ, 1. 1092, 20. 1106, 82.
1107,15. 1108,16. 1109,20.
1115,26. 1119,15. 1120, ıs.
1121,34. 1126,13. 1128,26.
1132,10. 1136,4. 1137, 0.
1138,21. 1141,46. 1143, 11.
1144, 10. 1145, 9,34. 1146,
7. 1147, 9. 1149, 27.
1150, 18. 1151, 18, 30.
1156,11. 1158,12. 1161,11.
11623. 1166,7,41. 1170, 0.
172722 1175,86. 1197,6..
1200, 20, 28.
ἀπόδοσις 1014,13. 1038, 20.
1041,6. 1045,22. 1158, 19.
1171, 28.
ἀποϑνήσχειν 1024, 4, 9.
ἀποχαϑιστάναι 1060,
1114, 6. 1197, 18.
ἀποκεῖσθαι 1023, 7.
ἀπόκχοιτος 1050, 10, 1052,
24. 1098, 34. 1100, 33.
1101, 15. 1126, 11.
ano... κόμαιος 1072 II, 6.
ἀποχομέζειν 1139,20. 1197,
11.
ἀπόχρυ.... 1191, 7.
ἀποχιείνειν 1024, 3, 90.
ἀπολαμβάνειν 1065, 28.
ἀπολείπειν 1098, 40. 1104,
18. 1113, 6, 14. 1138, 17.
1148, 22. 1155, 24. 1164,
18. ;
ἀπολλύναι 1024, 4,26. 8, 16.
1026, 22, 24. 1070, o.
ἀπολογὴ .... 1207, 18.
ἀπολύειν 1021, 2. 1024, 6,
13 u.ö. 1058, a6. 1061,
19. 1106, 84. 1107, 16.

28.

1108, ı8. 1109, 22. 1126,
15, 23. 1139, 8.
ἀπόλυσις 1139, 10.

@rwoscousen 1045, 24.

@rrovsav 1106, 47. 1107, 20.
1108, 24. 1109, 28. 1125, 0.

ἀπιοστέλλειν 1027, 26, 18.
27,11, 13. 1.062,18. 1105,
25. 1141, ı2, 20. 1203, 2
10.

Grcogregeiv 1024, 4, 13 u. ὅ,
1139, 15. 1200, 17, 20.

ἀποσυνισι dran 1093, 7.

ἀποσιράλλειν 1105, 21.

ἀπτοσιάιτειν 1024, 7, 20.

ἀγότακτος 1017, 8u.0. 1092,
13 ((ύρος &).

ἀσιοτάττειν 1061, 9.

ἀποτιϑέναι 1119, 49.

ἀγιοτομή (2) 1038, 22.

ἀποτομία 1024, δ, 13. 1208,
16.

ἀπτυτρίβεσϑαι 1126,22. 1208,
23.

ἀπουσία 1065, 15, 17.

ἀποιέρειν 1060, 21. 1100
7,3. 1116, 17. 1117, 91.
1118, 18. 1120, 28. 1121,
42. 1129, 22. 1143, 81.
1170, 56.

ἀποχή 1116, Ai.

ἄποχον 1026, 15, 6. 16, 6,
22 (yocunara).

ἄπρατα 1091, 13.

ἀτιρύσδεκτος 1113, 21.

ἀπιύλεια (na) 1058, 35. 1106,
33. 1107, ı6. 1108, 17.
1109, 21. 1126, 14.

ἀργός 1078, 7.

ἀργυραμοιβύός 1034, 10.

ἀργυρικόν 1048, 10 8. Ind.
VI.

ἀργύριον passim.

ἀργυροῦς 1034,15. 1036, 14.
1101, 8.

ἀργυρώνητος 1105, 21 (Ὁ).

ἀρέσκειν 1140, 6. 1141, .24.

ἀρεσιύς 1055, 17. 1119,‘ 21.
1120, 80.

ἀρίϑμησις 1205, 14.

ἀριϑμός 1064, 10. 1085, 25.
1095, 19. ᾿

ἀριστερός 1013, 25. 1010, 8,
1018, 28. 1045 II, 6. 1059,
20. 1125, 4, 33.

ἁρμόζειν 1120, 32,

ἁριιοζόντως 1060, 81.

ἄρουρα 1026, 22, 21 8. Ind.
X,

ἀρρωστεῖν 1125, 8.

22

ἀρτάβη 8. Ind. X.

ἀριαχτεῖν--ἀτακτεῖν 1125, 8.

ἀρτᾶν 1073, 8.

ἄριι 1020, 15.

apıozonıov 1202, 5.

ἀρτεκόσπος (ἀρτοκ.} 1087 V,5.

ἄρτος 1067, 11, 14. 1095, 15.

ἀρτυματᾶς 1087 I, 9.

ἄρχ... 1060, 2.

ἀρχαῖος 1086 II, 2.1129 7 (ἡ)

ἄρχειν 1118, 49.

ἀρχεῖον 8. Ind. IV.

ἀρχέφοδος 8. Ind. IV,

ἀρχή 1049, 10.1074, 9. 1118,
21. 1134, 8. 1141, 44.

ἀρχιγραμματεύς 8. Ind. IV. |

ἀρχιδιχαστής 8. Ind. IV.
ἀρχιερεύς 8. Ind. Vl.
ἀρχιερατεύειν 3. Ind. VI.
ἀρχισ΄.. 8. 1μἀ. 1Υ.
ἀρχιτέχτων 1028 1.
ἀρχιευττηρέτης 8. Ind._IV.

ἄρχων 8. Ind. IV,

ἀσαγαστος (?) 1196, 42.
1024, 3, 23.
ἄσειινος 1024, 7, 22.

> )
αὐσεβὴ ..

ἄσηιιος 1045, τ, 9. 106], 14. |

ἀσϑένεια 1109, 11.
ἀσϑενεῖν 1024, 6, δ.
ἄσχυλτος 1062, 22.
ἀσπάζεσθαι 1024, 6, 12, 19.
1040, 40. 1041, 20. 1042,
17. 1043, 26. 1078, 12.
1079, 33, 34. 1080, 2. 1081,
3, 0. 1097, 23. 1208, 22.
ἀσπάραγος 1120, 14.
ἀσιή 1034, 6. 11. 1059, 2
1084, ı2. 1099, 2. 1100,

3. 1101, 3. 1104, 4. 1109, |

ἂς {ΠῚ το 1121. Ὁ. 1120]
5. 1150, 8. 1153, 13.
ἀστός 1034, 6.
ἀσεύαρχος 5. Ind. IV.
ἀσυχοιάντητος 1059, 8.
ἀσυλία 1074, 3, 12.

ἄσυλος 1063 11, 9. 1156, 20. |
ἀσιράλεια 1059, 18. 1110, 0. |

1111, 7. 1130, 8. 1131, 40.
135,0. 1139, 11. 114,5.
1146, 6. 1149, 24, 25.

1151,12, 48. 1167, 32 u. ö.

1169, 28. 1170, 54. 00.
ἀσιαλής 1031, 14 8. Ind. V,
ἀσφαλίζειν 1036, 11.
ἀσχολεῖν 1159, 12.
ἀσχολία 5. Ind. IV.
ἀτελία 1073, 17. 1185 Il, 23.
ἀτιμάζειν 1024, 7, 28.
&rozog 1053, 18, 1054, 6.

1055, ı0. 1115, 26, 46.

1118, 23. 1120, 21. 1137,
14. 1146, 9. 1150, 18.
1151, 25. 1156, 11. 1158,
HOT. 41, v8.
1170, 16. 20° 1172, 7.
αὐϑαδία 1187, 21.
αὐθαίρετος 1092, 7.
αὐϑεντεῖν 1208, 38.
αὐλή 1013, 12; 26. 1037, 8
u.ö. 1038, 5 5. Ind. IV.
αὔριον 1035, 17. "
anragreiv 1122, ı8, 90.
abıertanıds 1118. 81. 1110;
27. 1120, 34. 1122, 24.
αὐτόϑεν 1098, 44. 1102, 20.
1103, 14. 1107, 16. 1108,
Ὁ. 1122, 10. 1124, 6. 1157,
21. 1163, 0. 1165, 27.
αὐτύϑει 1017, 14.
αὐτοκρατοριχός 1074, 12.
α«ὐτοχράτωρ 8. Ind. II.
ἀφαιρεῖν 1118, 51.
ἄφαλος 8. Ind. V.
ἀφαρπάζειν 1141, 23. 1200,
26.

ἀρεύρεμα 1116, 33. 1118,
47. 1120, 46. 1121, 530.
1122 80.

apikı5 1068, 7. 1070, 3,
1121, 6.

dpruegos 1050, 20. 1051,

28. 1052, 25.. 1098, 35.
1100, 33. 1101, 15. 1126,
τῆν το.
ἄφρϑορος 1106, 11. 1107, 7.
1108772110977:
ἀφιέναι 1022, 8.
ἀφίλημα = ὀφίλημα 1049, 15.
apısıarc 1049, 21. 1059,
Selle l1, 20.
1127,2102:10129233°,1130,
0. ὙΠ 1 95 1150, 15;
1148, 20. 1153, 0. 1163,
13. 1167, ı4. 1170, 58.
ἀφορίζειν 1060, 34.
ἀχαριστεῖν 1026, 22,
ἄχρι 1042, 0.
ἄχυρον (ayazıgow) 1025, 15,
ou. 0. 16, 10, 20. 1027,

27, 15. 1092, 28.

10.

Bados 1122, 10. |

βαίνειν 1192, 10.

βίιον 8. Ind. X.

βαλανεῖον 1130, 9. |

βάλλειν 1026, 22, 17. 1121.23.)

βαρβαριχός (?) 1027, 26,
20.

Ϊ
᾿
|
|

Bagıoroueiv (Ὁ) 1121, 20.

βασιλεία 1074, δ.

βασιλεύς 9. Ind. II.

βασιλικός 1047, II, 17 (Ὁ).
1060 6,30. 1074,16, 1185,
10. B. δύμη 1013, 27. 1037,
16. 8. Ind. IV, ὙΠ}.

βασίλισσα 8. Ind. 11.

βαφεύς 1205, 23.

βέβαιος 1020, ı7. 1058, 47.

1116, 34. 1127, 16. 1128, |

80. 1131, 28.

βεβαιοῦν 1048, 11. 1049, 12.
1059, ı2. 1073, ı3. 1118,
50. 1119, 47. 1120, 40.
1131, 25. 1137, 10. 1157,
23. 1186, 18.

βεβαίωσις 1048, 12. 1049,
15.. 1114,24. 1130, 20, 80.

βέλτιστος 1118, 11. 1120, 11.
1140, 8.

βελτίων 1086 1], 2.

βενειρικιάριος 8. Ind. IV.

βῆμια 8. Ind. IV.

βία 1060, ı7. 1140, 0. 1187,
21.

βιβλέδιον 1047 111, το. IV,4.
1070, 8. 1085, 24.

Den 7201139, 4.

βιβλεοϑήκη 8. il. IV,

βιβλιοφυλάκιον 8. 1π4. IV.

ϑιβλιοςρύλαξ 8, Ind. IV,

βῖκος 8. Ind. X.

βίος 1024, 7, 12, 22. 1051, 0.
1052, 7, 24. 1098, 34.
1099, 6. 1100, 10. 1101,
6, 16.

βλάβος 1058, 40. 1059, 15.
1103, z8. 1104, 26. 1105,
88. 1106, 30. 1107, 20.
1108, 20. 1109, 24. 1110,
ΠΡ ΕῚῚ, 27. 1112, 16.
1113, 22, 23. 1114, .27.
1116, 28. 1117, 35. 1118,

᾿ 45. 1119, 3 0. ö. 1120, a2.
1121, 44. 1122, 27. 1123
12. 1126, ı8. 1127, 25.
1130, 26. 1131, 27, 55.
1133, 7. 1135, ı8. 1142,
18. 1143, 26. 1144, 16.
1148, 27. 1152, 20, 1153,
10, 22. 1154, 38. 1155, 30,
1157, 25. 1158, zo. 1159,

,

28. 1160, 8. 1163, 16.
1164, 21. 1165, 88, 1167,
16, 806. 1168, 10. 1171,
42.

βλάπτειν 1057, 28. 1080, 21.
1118, 83. 1159, 27. 1163,
14.

_Buva (Ὁ) 1118, 48.

BA&ıreıv 1040, 17. 1042, 14.
1079, 24 (wo).

βοᾶν 1024, 6, 26.

βύειος 1055, 17.

βοήϑεια 1053 Al, 10. 1189,
16. 1201, 12.

βϑοηϑεῖν 1035, 7.

βοηϑύός 8. Ind. IV,

βόϑυνος 1122, 17, 20.

Boos 1189, 12.

βορρᾶς 1697, 11 u. ö. 1048,
7. 1127, ı2. 1129, 14, 10.
1130, 11.

βότρυς 1118, 14. 1120, 10.

βούλεσθαι 1018, 5. 1024, 7,
25. 1044, 12. 1065, 18, 25.
1067, 3. 1074, 6. 1080, 10.
1108, 10. 1116, 10. 1129,
24. 1130, ı6. 1131, 22.
1167, 65.

βουλεύειν 1097, 8

βουλή, βουλευτήριον 5.1π4.1..

βουλευτής 8. Ind. IV.

βουνός 1045, 6. 1129, 14, 10.

βραχύς 1027, 27, 18.

βρέβδεια = brevia 1027, 27,

ἡ 15: (Ὁ):

βρέφος 1104, 24.

BuP... 1146, 8.

βυβλίον 1096, 7.
35. 1152, 24.-

1148, 31,

γάλα 1055, 17, 26. 1058, 13,"
29. 1106, 11 u.ö. 1107, 7
u. ö. 1108, 7 u.ö. 1109, 6
u.d. 1110, 8, 10.

γαμεῖν 1050, 20.

γαμετή 1045, 19. 1050, 18.
1051, 17. 1052, 14. 1099,
13. 1100, 20. 1101, 11.

γαμμοειδής 1037, 8.

γάμος 1032, 10. 1050, 6, 25.
1102, 21. 1103, 16. 1106,
10.

γαστροχνημία 1037, 4.

γειτνία 1049, 10, 37. 1158,
11.

γειτνιᾶν 1060, 14.

γείτων :1013, 26. 1037, 8
u.ö. 1048, 5. 1049, 7.
1127, ı2. 1129, 13, 10:
1130, 10.

γελοῖος 1141, 18.

γέλως 1141, 14. .

γεμὴ .. 1049, 8.

γενεά 1020, 23, 18.

γένειον 1069, 20.

23

γένημα 1022, 14. 1060, 22.

1089.11 ἰ ὁ τὐο τ 5:

u..0. 1097, 18. 1123, 0.
γενναῖος 1027, 26, 14.
γένος 1024, 4, 11. 1026, 22,

2 ΠῚ 9. 41. UNE Erz

ἘΠ u 119, 55.

1185 II, 15.
γευυχεῖν 1022, 12. 10461, 5

u.ö. II, 6 u.ö. III, δ ὦ. ö.

1049, 2, 24. :
γεούχος 1018, 22.
γέρδειν 1040, 38 (ἡ)
γερδιαχόν 8. Ind. VIII.
γέρων 1141, 43 u.ö.
γεωμετρία 1092, 15.
γεωργεῖν 1094, 0.
yenoyıov 1092, 10.
γεωργός 1040, 26. 1046 II, 3.

1198, 4.
γὴ 1068,

1132,

28.
11.

I ah
1167,

«φύρος 1104, 30. σπορίμη
1049, 7.

γίγνεσθαι 1018, 10. 1019, 5.
1022, 10. 1024, 5, 16, 20.
1025, 15,4 u. ö. 1026
23, 20. 1029, 4, 6.
4. 1033, ı u.ö. 1055, 7.
14. 1036, 23. 1038, 15, 19.
1039, 8. 1041, ı9. 1042,
9. 1043, 24. 1045, 21, 25.
1046 II, 7, 16. III, 17.
1047 II, 3, 16. III, 10. IV,
11. 1049, 24, 29. 1050, 17,
20. 1051, 23, 20. 1052, 10,
25. 1053 1, 40. II, 2. 1054,
12, Ἰ0δδ, ὃ5. 1050, 10.
1057, ı3, 29. 1058,

9 u.ö. 1070, 8. 1073, 4.

1074, 10, 11. 1078, 9.1080, ᾿

9, 13. 1086 II, 1. 1089 II,
8 u ὃ.
1093, 11. 1095, 12. 1098,
80 u.6. 1099, 20. 1100,
28, 34. 1101,13 u.d. 1104,
23. 1106, 34, 40. 1107, 10,
21. 1108, 11 u. ö. 1109,
πη, ὙΜΠ0, Ὁ. 111... 5’
1115, 33. 1116, 20: 1117,
36. 1118, 37, 48. 1119, 42,
54. 1120, 42. 1121, 26 u. 0.
1122 723 ον ἃ ὃ:
1126, 11, 10. 1127, 20.
1131, 56. 1132, 25 u. ὃ.
1133, 6, 17, 1134, 17. 1136,
ἡ. 1157, 1: 1158, 3; 10:

48. |
> r ..

ἰδιωτιχή 1049, 7 uw ὃ. |
χατοικιχή 1129, it. σιτο- |

1038, |

42. |
1060, 17. 1062, 25. 1069,

1090 Lu uö. |

1139, 6, 10. 1140, 24. 1141,

21 uwö. 1143. 27. 1144,
10. 1145, 14, 34. 11-416, 22,
1147, 20. 1149, 10, an.
ΤΠ ΡΠ] 15,37:
1152, 7, 12. 1154, 15, 10]
1155, 17,30. 1156. 22.
1157, 4 u. ö. 1159. 30,

1161, 23. 1162, ı0. 1163,
8. 1166, 1210167, 26, 58:
τι 0 ey ΠΛ ren Were
1171, 18. 1175, 10. 1186,
ΤΡ 197. 5. 1188, 13:
1189, 3. 1192, 6, 9. 1198.
1221205; 1208, 7:
12093, 6, 11. ᾿

1024, 6, 8, 25.
1040, 4, 15 u.ö. 1042, 3,
1043, 2. 1073, ı4. 1074,
14. 1078, z,
- zerıvia 1049, 10,

10,

γιχνώσσειν

10.
yırvia
ykvzosrvoos 1067, 10.
γλυκύς 1118, 16. 1120, 15.
γνώμῃ 1024, 3, 10. 1036,
οὐ (7). 1050, 21. 1051, 30.
1052, 27. 1098, 36. 1100
80. 110]. 0:
1137, 12.
γνώμων 8. Ind. X,
γνῶσις 1039, 9.
γνωστήρ 1032, 11.
yoveis 1102, 10:
1200, 6.
γόνυ 1014, τ.
γονωσία () 1049, 10.
7007E ... 1097, 16.
yodunc 1020, ı8. 1022, 31.
1025, 15,6 u.ö. 16, 22.
IS π΄ 137. 0, 42.
1038, 17. 1045 Il, 10. 1070,
12. 1080, 15, 36. 1107, 32.
1123, 6. 1126, 31,34. 1145,
24. 1170, 10, 23. 1204, 8,
1205, 6. 1209, 2, 14.
zoaunareveıv 8. Ind. IV.

᾽

1126, 12

1105, 4.

γραμματεὺς 8. Ind. IV.
zoaunerypopos 8. Ind. IV,
yowrrgov 1062, 20.

γραῦς 1024, 7, 9.
γραάήρειν 1020, ıs. 1022, 80.
1026, 22, 20, 24. 1027,
21,019821.095,2345.1037,
38, 41. 1040, 12u.0, 1041,
13, 15. 10-42, 7. 1043, 4 u.ö.
1045 Il ıs. 1047 111, 4,
13. 1049, 28, 30. 1062, 31,
81. 1070, ı2. 1074, 3, 19,
1096, 5. 1097, 1. 1107, 36.
1126, 2s ἃ. ὃ. 1141,6 u.ö.
1145, 24. 1155, 11. 1170,

18, 21. 1192, 1. -1202, 7.

1202, 7. 1205, 5 u. ὃ. 1206,
.3.u.ö. 1207, 4, 16. 1208,

ὁ α. ὅ. : ;
γραφεῖον 8, Ind. IV.
γραιρὴ 1023, 6. 1049, 10.
γυμνασιαρχεῖν 8. Ind. IV.

yuwaordoxns 8. Ind. IV.

γυμνιχός 8. Ind. VI.

γυμνός 1027, 26, 18.

yuvarxeios 1024, 7, 18. 1050,
8. 1101, 7.

"γυνή 1024, 3, 8 u. ὃ. 7, 20.

1026, 23, 18, 10. 1036, 9
ud, 1042, 4. 1045 1, ἃ,
10. Il, 10. 1050, 18, 10.
1051, 10, 20. 1052, 14 u.Ö.
.1053, 8. 1056, 4. 1061, 10.
1069, 14. 1072 R. 1, δ.
1079, 80. 1084, 11. 1098,
21. 1099, 13. 1100, 9 u.ö.
1101, 11: u. ὃ. 1102, 34.
03, 22 1117, 4. 1119,
8. 1129. 4, 6.
71131, 59. τὦὸ 0. 1133, 2.
1134,4. 1138,1. 1145, 31.
1149, 4. 1150, 3, 6. 1154,
6. 1156, 4. 1161, 4. 1164,
6.1165,3. 1166, 8. 1168, 18.
1169, 39. 1172,3. 1174, 4.
1185, 1, 8. δα
γύον 8. Ind, VII.
γύργαϑον 1092, 20.
γύψινον 1028, 22, 28.

δάκρυον 1141, 27, 28.
δαχτυλίδιον 1104, 13. 1141,
daxzullögvov 1036, 14.
δαχεύλιον 1045, 12.
δανείζειν 1057, 28. 1115, 0.
- 1132, 7. 1144, 4. 1148, 7.
1150, 5. 1152,5. 1153, 16.
1154, 11. 1164, 7. 1165,
9. 1167, 22. 1168, 8. 1169,
- 14. 1170, 29. 1171, 18.
1173, 5. 1174, δ.
δάνειον 1038, 24. 1052, 42.
1053, 15. 11, 8, 17. 1054,
. 4, 16. 1055, 8 u. ö. 1056,
- 8,17.1057,7u.d. 1103, 33.
' 1115,30. 1124, 20. 1126, 6.
1132, 30. 1144, ı3. 1145,
δ. 1147, 6 αἱ ὃ. 1148, 14.
1149, 9, 15. 1150, 7 u. ὕ.
1151, 28, 44. 1152, 5,0.
1153, 18. 1154, 10. 1156,
8, 80. 1157, 16, 16. 1161,
- 8, 10. 1162, ı u. 6. 1164,

Öazramıa 104), 22.

11, 18. 1165, 28. 1166, 5
u.ö., 1167, 25 u.ö. 1168,
12. 1170, δ u. ö. 1171, 12
u. ὃ, 1172, ö, 11. 1173, 11.
1174, 7, 0. 1175, 4, 0.

d«reiorıxög 1149, 23. 1165,
31. 1167, 27. 1169, 27.

δανισιής 1079, 19.

da&... 1046 1, 1 8. Ind. 1.

δαπάνη 1105, 36. 1112, 6.
1123, 6, 10. 1131, 36. 1209,
12.

1058,
40. 1059, 18, 16. 1105, 88,
1106, 30. 1107, 20. 1108,
20. 1109, 24. 1110, 10.
LUG Sri, Br DU {ὦ
1113, 22. 1116, 28. 117:
35. 1119, 36. 1120, a2.
1191} 25. 44. 1122,27:
1123, 12. 1126, 18. 1127,
13 u.ö. 1129, 83. 1130,
1. u 0. 1131, 17 uÖ.
1135, ı5, 18. 1143, 27.
1144, 10. 1148, 20, 27.
1153, 9. 1157, 25. 1158,
25. 1159, 28. 1160, 8.
1163, 14, 15. 1167, 10, 30.
1170, 58.

δεικνύναι 1141, 42.

δεῖν 1045, 18. 1051, 15.
1052, 18. 1062, 18. 1073,
17. 1078, 7. 1080, 12.
1085 R. 2. 1099, ı2. 1100,
18, 23. 1101, 10. 1115, 22.
1118, 29. 1119, 24. 1120,

ἐν 7, 30. 1122, 19. 1126, 7.
1135, 5. 1141,4. 1197, 16.

δεῖνα 1026, 23, 20. 1097, 27.

δεῖν. 1028, 1. :

εἰδεῖος = λεῖος 1073, 18.

δεισινᾶν 1141, 80.
δεῖσα 1119, 31.
δεχάδραχμος 8. Ind. ΧΙ.
δεχανός 8. Ind. IV.
δεκώχρωτος 8, Ind. IV.
δέλτον 1032, 2, 8. -
δένδρον 1118, 20. 1120,
- 82.
δεξιός 1013, 0. 10147. 1037,
37. 1088, 12.
δεόντως 1028, 5 u. ὃ.
derrah"yw ... 1026, 22, 16.
δεσμός 1120, 14.
deouoyöhes 1138, 12, 14.

δεσμωτήριον 1024, 6, 10, 29.

TARA:

. δεσηεόζειν 1187, 9. .
᾿ δεσχότεια 1187, 82.

δεσηότης 1021, 16. 1035, 1

Ἢ ὦν OS, 10
{100 2.
δεῦρο 1027, 26, 21.
δευτερο)όλος 1088, 4.
öezıodaı 1074, 4. 1208, 24.
δηλοῦν 1021, 8. 1027, 27, 18.
1031, 4. 1039, 10. 1047
Ilease πὰ τ πὸ 0.1049,
‚4. 1058, 19. 1060, 17.
1062, 11. 1110, 16. 1123, 3.
1131,15. 1132,83. 1135,8.
1141,10. 1152,11. 1155,33.
1157, 18, 16. 1158, 11.
1169,23. 1187, 38. 1192, 1.
1202, 10.
δημαρχικός 8. Ind. IV.
δημόσια 8. Ind. VIN.
τὸ δημόσιον 1092, 14. 1097,
20. 1158, ı8s. 1188, 12.
1189, 9. 1200, 7, 21.
δημόσιος 1022, 18. 1024,
4,4. 6,50 1040 1], 3.
1048, 12, 10. 1049, 10, 18.
1062, ı6. 1067, 17. 1086
LS 1090- er. LT.
DU, 15. 19. IR 7
1129, 31. 1130, 9. 1140, 10.°
1158, 6. 1188, 7.
δηνάριος 8. Ind. Al. .
διὰ ὁ. Gen. 1016, 5. 1020,
9,22. 1051, 10. 1088, 1,9.
1093, 13, 15 passim.
διά ὁ. Acc. 1018, 10. 1024,
τ 8.19, ἀπ 1097;
39. 1114, 20 passim.
Nıasahkeı 1040, 22. 1105, 14.
διάγειν 1024, 7, 22.

1049, 1.

διάγραμμια 1053, 38. 1004,
11. 1055, 33. 1115, 32.
1118,21. 11456, 13, 38.
1146,21. 1147,10. 1150,21.
1151, ın, 87. 1156, 2ı.
1161,22. 1162,90. 1167, 67.
1170, 10. 1172, 12.

Ötaygaupeıv 1047 11, 6. 1062,
1m AT = 1103, 3:
1132, 5 οὐ (ὁ). 1163, 4.
1189,29, 10:

διαγραρη 1038, 10, 10 ἃ. ὃ.
1062, 10, 17. 1065, 1. 1115,
ὙΠ a SL
1152, 12. 1154, 19. 1160, 6.
1163, 9.1167, 27. 1168, 18.

διαδέχεσθαι 1019, 11. 1023,
1. 1091, 2 (& Ind. IV
βασιλιχὺς γραμματεύς.

διαδιδράσκειν 1147,20. 1149,
94.

διαδότιςς 8. Ind. IV.

διαδοχή 1200, .

Dr —

διάζωμα 1188, 7.

διάϑεσις 1047 1V, 13. 1080,
15:

διαϑήχκη 1037, 80. 1113, 5.
Τὴ ΔἸ Υ55:

διρεῖν 1122, 8.

διίρεσις 1015, 1.

Örcezeioteu 1027, 26,25.1034,
ΠΕ ΠΤ GI,

δικχοτγή 1188, 8.

drezoareiv 1047 1], ὁ.

διακωλύειν 1187, 11.

διαχών 1046 Il, 24.

Örahen άνειν" 1019, 12. 1028,
21001200225:

drecheonbancıy 1187, 23.

διιλέγειν 1037, 5. 1080, 11.

(ὁ) 1122, 22.

διαμισϑοῦν 1047 11, 14.1208,
32, 34.

διασϑωσις

ÖL:

1047211214.

δικμωλύειν 1200, 21.

διωδραγαϑεῖν 1204,6. 1206,
12.

Örasreldenm 1062, 10.

drwsrenserv 1093, 24.

Öreregcuoöv (9) 1201, 6.

διαπορεύεσθι 1116, 11.
1120, 9.1136, 5.1201, 6 (?).

dtasrootueneıw 1183, 10.

diazroorehleıw 10383, 14, 20.
1168, ἡ:

Örwrpearerv 1050, 23. 1051,
32. 1052, 0. 1098, 22.
1099, 17. 1100,24. 1101,17.

διασας εἴν 1141,29. 1199, 10.

διάσεισιια 1138, 11. 22.

διασχορείξειν 1049, 7.

διαστολεύς 1064, 19.

διασιολή 1131,54. 1141,38.
1158, 16.

διάσιρωμα 1072 1,3. 1, 2.

διάταγμα 107-4, 8,
διάταξις 1022, 9.
διατάετειν 1022,17. 1151,06.
drareiveır1037.29.1110, 9 (?).
διατελεῖν 1187, 11.
drarevrı (2) 1127, 44.
δικιιένα 1109,11. 1110, 8.
1202, τὸ (Ὁ).
δι ρέει" 1208, 21.
διατρέφειν 10 14.%
διατρίβειν 11:8}. 4.
διατροφή 1024, 7, 11, 18.
διαυλεῖν 1125, 20.
dtapeoew 1062, 21.
διαφεύγειν 1027, 90, 28.
deep Feigen 1109,11. 1 110,10.
‚Sueupoge 1045, 21.
διάφορος 1195, 7 u. Ö.

1074, 12.

en unten A ν᾿ « . - a nn ...-...-ἕ a a.

διαφυλάτιειν 1081, 4.

διδάσχαλος. 1021, 12 u. ὃ.
1024, 3, 20.

διδόναι 1024, 4,15. 7,193 u. 0,
1025, 16, 21. 1026, 22,
19, 20. 23, 12, 17. 1032,
11. 1033, ı6. 1039, 5.
1043,18. 1053,22. 1055, 14.
1056, ı2. 1065, 14, 16.
1074, 2 u. ö. 1084, 18,
1097,21. 1117,17. 1120,48.
1121,12 u.ö. 1123,3 u.ö.
118), 36 u. ὃ. 1135, 5.
1138, 6,8. 1141, ı2 u. ὃ.
1142,3. 1145,7. 1146, 10.
1147,11. 1148,20. 1150, 11.
1151,31. 1152,22. 1156, 10.
1161, 13. 1166, 8. 1167, 31.
1197, Ὁ. 1205,

ölögazuos, τόκοι δίδραχμοι
1052, 45. 1053, 39. 1054},
11. 1055, 34. 1056, 9.
1057,8,24. 1104,35. 1118,
48. 1126, 17. 1145, 12 u.Ö.
1147, Τὴ 1150, 21. 116],
15, 37. 1162, 0. 1166, 9.
1167, 67.

διεγβάλλειν 1200, 23.

διέλχειν 1116, 21. 1120, 35.

det .... 1024, 8, 2.

διέρχεσθαι 1036, 6. 1040, 7.
1061, 4. 1069, 7. 1090 I,
6. III, 22. 1108, 7. 1115,

22, 28.

25. 1116, 22. 1117, 20.
1119, 28. 1120, 35. 1126,
23. 1138, 6. 1149, 28.

1151, ı3. 1167, 52.
διευγάξειν 1143, 10.
Öreehvreiv 1147, 27, 1151, 32.

1156, 24.
διευτυχεῖν 1022,20. 1197, 23.
διηνεχής 1024, 7, 20.
öldvons 1028, υ.
διιστάναι 1048, 10. 1053, 11.

1055, 6. 1056, 6. 1057, 6,

21. 1058, 0. 1059, 4. 1099,

5. 1100, 5. 1106, 8. A115,

Bis, a. 1120, 4. 1121,

4. 1122, 4. 1124, 4. 1128,

21130, 4. 1141, 2. 1145,

81. 1147,5. 1148,86. 1149,

5. 1151, 5, 28. 1156, 7.

1163, 3. 1164, 4. 1165, 0.

1166, 4.
δικάζειν 1024,5,5,14 1085, 5,

15.
διχαιοδωσία 1036, 30. 1085,

31 (?).
διχαιοδύτης 8. Ind. IV.
δίκαιος 1022,22. 1047, II, 7.

1049, 10. 1052, 24. 1053,
πῶ. 1054, 24. 1009, ©.
1073, 8. 1074,07. 1098,
15. 1093, 20. 1098, 94.
1101, ı5. 1142, 8. 1187,
20, 20.
drzcaoonnn 1138, 4.
drzuioua 1033, 7 u.0.1069, 2.
Örzansns 1065, 8.
διχασεῖς 10827, 27,6 (2).
δίκελλα 1028, 11, 12.
ἐκ δίκης 1045 U, 3. 1050,
τὴ. 1001. a N, 2
1053, 47. 105-4, 14. 1055,
38. 1056, 24. 1057,15, 30.
1058, 44. 1059, 16. 1098,
ar OD, 2er 100 Ὁ:
1101, 14. 1106, 43. 1107,
108, 29... 110)}9,. 50,
1110, 22. 1111, 20. 1112,
17. 1115, 36. 1116, 30.
1117, 40. 1118, 40. 1119,
44. 1120, 43. 1121, 30, 49.
1122, 90. 1125, ı2. 1126,
20, 1127,28. 1129, 36:
1130, 27. 1131, 28, 57.
1133, 19. 1134, 20. 1136,
8. 1142, 20. 1143, 80.
1144, ı8. 1145, 10 u. 0.
1146, 24. 1147, 22. 1150,
22. 1151, ı6, 30. 1156, 24,
1157, 26. 1158, 26. 1159,
33. 1161, 28. 1162, 18.
1163, 15. 1166, 14. 1167,
59. 1170, 12, 59. 1172, 16.
1175, 12, 15.
1121, 19.
Öluorgpo» 1037, 20.
28, 24.
διό 1024, 5, 23.
1040, 12.
Örmixeiv 1049, 20. 1130, 15.

30
ὡῶν

διχολ....
1090,

1036, 29.

᾿διοέχησις 1090 IV, 37. 1206,

8. 1207, 10.
διοικητής 8. Ind. IV.
διοιχητικός 1019, 12.
dionokoyeiv 1125, 12.

" ÖeoeYoör 1027, 27, 11. 1060,

24, 1114, 38. 1116, 9, 38.
1118, 7. 1119, ı5. 1120,
28. .1121, 21. 1133, 22.
1134, 14. 1136, 6.

διόρϑωσις 1022, 13. 1123, 8.

dran) 1074, 26.

δειλοὺς 1049, 22. 1080, 0.
1122,20. 1123,12. 1143, 0.

Ölrrkwua 1113, 9.

öis 1141, 37.

δισσός 1137, 20.

δίστεγος 1013, 11 u. d.

δίψους 1116, 20.

drmzem 1035, 5.

διῶρυξ 1121,24 8. Ind. VITG.
Tinakelı,

Öozeiv 1022, 18. 1094, 4, 5.
1024, 6, 14. 1040, "5,
10-41, 15. 1093, 25. 1137,
12. 1141, 6 u. ὅν, 1207, 10.
1208, 34.

Öozinos Ss. Ind. XI.

δόσις 1122, 2,35. 1110. ὦ

1101, 5}.

darin 1058, 7 u. ö. 1059, 7

ὦ. τἰ.

1156, ı8.

u.6. 1109, 5, 17. 1112, 11.

1128, 13. 1147, 24.

δουλιχύώς 1058, 12, 49. 1106,
a TG, ὧν AL 7
ERIO ER LUTT τὰ
1112, ı0. 1150, ı2. 1153
I Τὰ

δούλος 1021, 7. 1033, vu. ὃ,
Ill17 u. 1116, 40.
1 ΒΤ: Bi US
12. 1141,24, 26. 1149, 20

1152, 20,

’

τι. ὃ.

δου λιχιίριος 3. Ind. V.

δυχικόν 1089 Il, 4 u.ö. 1090,

bu.
δραχονοχέφαλος 1065,09 (Ὁ).
δρᾶν 1024, 1. 5,7. 8, 1.
δρασπιός 1059, 17.
doazun passim.
Öoazuios ἘΞ Ind. X.

δρόμος 1141,20. 8. Ind. VIIC. |

Övvarug 1045, 19. 1050, 14.
1051,17. 1052, 15. 1009, 13.
1100, 19. 1101, 11. (Joau-
μια ὐς τῶν ὃ. 8. Ind. IV.)

δύν αι 1024, ὅν, 15. 6,22.
7, 14. 1039, 10 1040, 41.
1079, 12 u. ὃ.
1141, 32. 1193, 10. 1197,
20.

Öuraros 1080, 18, 1140, 5.

duopooyos 1185 II, 20.

drodaiumm 1024, 7, 24.

δύοις 1021, 14.

Övouog 1049, 8.

dwreos (τύπος) 1018, 9.

δωρεά 1074, 8.

δῶρον 1111, 7 u. ὃ.

Ὁ

ἐὰν 1024, 5,5. 1095, 11-
1115, 11. 112], 12:

ἐγγενὴς 1059, 7.

ἔγγισι 1185, 18.

ἔγγονος 1185 1, 18.

Eyyoazırog 1104, 19. 1111,
16. 1113, iv. 1130, 10.

1085, 5. |

AS 17.

ΤΠ ΠΡ ὙΡῚ, 30.
1155, 20. 1160, 5. 1165,
DH, 23.

ΤΙ τ 108, 16.
ΤΙ τ 173, 16.
117.4,

ἐγγρά εν 1049, ἡ,
1108, 26.

tyzoayos 1020, 9, ὕ,

10,

27T.

1U50,

Eco 1051, 5. 1087, 6, :
1145, 20.

) =,
een ΤΩ 4.

τς
τῷ

ἐγχύὴς 1051, 10,25. 1097,14.
IV er DE, 11.
110, ΠΣ

etc 1039, 4. 10-40, 10.

ἐγχαχεῖν 1043, 3 (2). 2

ἐγκαλεῖν A1LO, 18, 17. 1113,
a ὙΠ 1 are

Ipzuotodı(?) 1125, 28.

l 199, 18.

zzerezen(?) INS, τῷ
ezzeiotta 1020, 6.

ἔγχλη μα 1036, 32.

Erz yore 1113. 21.

&yzotun, ρον 1204, 10. 1205,

18, 95}.
Eyzındts 8.

IV

Irzn Bipkro ὑλαξ.
RAN -

ind. Ziphto-

ἔγκυος 1104, 21.

Eh Β᾽ ἐσ τος ᾿

ἐγχειρίζειν 1106, 12. 1109,,0.
MOSE

ἐγχώρησις 11. 181

ἔα 1060, 33. 1129, 13.
1158, 0. 1200, 5.

&oe 1148, 35.

ehem 1024, 8,8. 1035, 9.
1071, 6. 1078, #

&dtleo 1073, 12. 1118, 35.

armer 1118,21. 2127, 22.
1185 11, v8.

Eos 1050, 28.

eidereı 1022, 30. 1035, 12.
τ αἰ ΤΣ ΤΠ, 17.
1040212, 902221042 8.
10-44,4. 1045 1], 10. 1070,

15: “ἸΠ τ ὐὐλ8, 5.
Τὶ ΤΠ ὩΣ 1101;
92780, 190 81.5: 114],

33,39. 1115. 25. 1201, 20.
1205, 24.
εἶδος 1049, 16.
LUI-EL, 12,
εἰχάς 5. Ind. IN.
δἰχο ξεν τι, ἃς
εἰχύώς 1208, 18.
εἰσι» τ ΤΠ, 386.
1129280. 1 22,
etlkasıdın 1US0, τὸ.

1125, 10.

4

εἴλη 5. Ind. V.

εἱπατισμός 1013, 4.
13 (iu.) 1100, 18.
10. 1051, 10.

εἴργειν 1074, 4.

εἰοι "άρχης 5. Ind. IV.

1099,
1101,

storm 1102, 6, 11.
εἰρχι 115), 106.
εἰς 1013,19. 1017,5 passim.
eisayeın 1088, 3, 11. 1120,
Del, 3. 1207, 11.
eisayuayı) 1205,15. 1206, 14,
εἰς διδόναι, 1062, 2. 1090 1,
6. 1108, 10.
εἰκελαστιχύς 8. Ind. 0].
εἰςέρχεσίλαι 1059, 12. 1078,
Ile. 1122, 12.
, 1120,23. 1143,12. 1151,24.
εἴσοδος 1037.13 0.6. 1130, 12.
εἰς τράττειν 1041, 7. 1043,13.
εἰς(έρειν 1139,8. 1185 1,5.
εἶτα 1019, 4.
ἐκ 1014, 17, 18 (8. ἐκ δίκης,
ἐξ olzov) 1015, 14 passim.
ran ϑελέιης 1026, 22, 14.
ἐχβαίνειν 1095. 3. 1120, a2.
1206, 9.
ἐσβάλλειν 1050, 15. 1051. 10.
1052,10. 1100,2t. 1101,11.
1115,23. 1119,30. 1120,45.
1121, 35, 43.
ἐχβαρβαροῦν 103. 4, 1 (?).
ἐκβαυανέζειν 1141, 47.

--- ἐχρολὶ 1116, 19.

endezentan 1024, 4, 10.
ἐχδημεῖν 1197, 7. 1200, 14.
ἐγδιδάσχειν 1124, 8.
ἐχδιδύόνεω 1021, ὁ. 1025, 15,
6. 16, 6. 1031, 19. 1058,

11. 1062, 15. 1064, 12.
1092, 14, 16. 1100, 7.
1105.5. 1107,83. 1110, 0.

1112,0. 1124,20. 110,1.

ἐκδιέρχεσϑαι 1105, 30.

ἔχδιχος 8. Ind. IV.

ἐχδύειν 1061, 16.

ἐχεῖ 1030, 5. 1039, 9. 1040,
8, 25. 1185, 4, 1188, 16.

&uörreiv 1141, 41.

ἑχηϑόλος 1026, 22, 10.

Intorau Ze 1061, 10.

run 1121, 27.

duroarem 1118,30. 1120, 38.

Erkner 1047 IV, 9.

ἐχλείγεειν 1058,36. 1106,34
1107,18. 1108,18. 1109,22.
1116,20. 1117,22. 1118,32.
1119, 26, 27. 1120, 34.
1121, 30. 1122, 21. 1126,
1b.

ἔχληψις 1122, 21 u. ὃ.
ἐχλογή 1013, 16. 1158, 13.
izkoyıornys 8. Ind. IV.

ἐχμιακρτύριον 1094, 16.
6

ἐχαισϑοῦν 1092, 25. 1129,
22, 1130, 15.

ἐχυείει 1189, 7.

£zototos 1013,20. 1045, 25.

1092, 7.

&ası&uiceiw 1027, 26, 10. 27,
17. |

ἐκαίκα ιν 1205,17 (2). 1208,
23.

ἐχηιληροῦν 1053 Il, 18. 1055,
45. 1149, 14. 1156, 16.
1159, 17.

ἐχηορεύεσ σαι 1OTS, 4.

ἐχσιξοάγισμα 1094, 14.

ἐκτελεῖν 1021,15 u.ö. 1117,
ἥρι ΤΩ 32:

ἐχτελῶς 1116, 39.

ἐχτιϑέναι 1104, 24.

ἐχτίνειν. O5, τὰ. 1061, 20.
1059,18. 1053.32. LOBA, 10.

1060, 30.

ἑχιὼν 1106, 51.

&icemos 1049, 7 u. ὕ.

ἔλαιον 1058, 15. 1097, 18.
DD, Sr ul Tue ἢ
IE ἢ τ DIOR 18:
1195, ı9.

ekaovozeiov 1037, 31, 22.

dia 1037, 14. 1047 1,
2u. 0.

ἐλάσσων 1047 IV, 18,
37. 1108, 0.

&harroveiv 1105, 19.

ἐλ ποῦν 1093,25. 11294, 81.
1155, 37.

ker ine 1060, 20.

ἔλεγχος (Ὁ) 1138, 13.

ἐλέγχειν 1024. Ὁ, 17,22. 1138,

ΤΡ

ἐλεεῖν 1024, 1, 5. 7
1079. 23.

ἐλεεινός 1027, 26, 18 (Ὁ).

ἐλευώερία ΤΊ41, 24.

ἐλεύδερος 1111, 11.

1118,

1055,28. 1056,17. 1007,» ἐλέφας 1026, 23, 13. \
12,27. 1058. 34,38. 1098, ehzızy (Ὁ) 1081, 7.

eu. 1099, 18. 1100, 26 | ἐλλείγειν 1127, 15. 1140,
1101,12. 1105,32. 1106,32 91.

u.ö. 1107,15 u.ö. 1108, ἐλλογεῖν 1028, 2 u. Ö.

10 ie LIKE. οἷ 50:
1110, ı9, 20. 1111, 23.
1115, 30. 1116, 27,36.
1117,82. 1118,24. 1119,35.

1120, ı8, 40. 1121,92, 44.

1122, 25, 35. 1123, 12.
1125, 11. 1126, 14, 16.
1127,41. 1130,25. 1131,

26, 55. 1133,15. 1134,15.
1150, 0. 1143, 23. 11-414, 14.
11-45, τῷ u.0. 1146, ı#.
1147,16. 1150,20. 1151,30.
1156,10. 1157,25. 1158,20.
1160,8. 1161,18. 1162, 6.
1163,14. 1166,10. 1167,
53, 54. 1170, 9, 50. 1172,
10. 1175, 8.

ἔχτισις 1051, 5. 1053, #3.
1056, 21. 1057, 0,30. 1106,
41. 1117, a8. 1118, 418.
1120,49, 1122,28. 1133,18.
113-4, 18. 1136, 7. 1145,
15, 89, 1146, 23. 1149, 30.
1150,22. 1151,38. 1156,23.
1161,25. 1162,11. 1166,18.
1172, 14. 1175, 14.

&rıok.. 1034, 9 (Ὁ).

ἐχτύός 1054, 1506. 1055, 41.
1129, 7 1197, 7. passim.

Exıpögıov 1018,11. 1029, 8,5.

ἐλλόγιος 1094, 2.

ἕλος 1121, 10 u. Ö.

ἐλιείς 1024, 4,13. 5, 10.
ἐμθαδένει 1167, 04.
Zußadızos 1037, 21 u. ὃ,
ἐμβάλλειν 1039,8,10.1209,14.
euperevem 1130, 14.
Euphnua 1040, 24, 30.
eupokı) 1142, s. ee
&upooxos 1193, 9, 13.
ἐμμένειν 1123, 12. 1186, 10.

ἐμ μ ρα 1047 Il, 13.
eumeoreiv 1049,21. 1127, 18.
ἐϊτοίησις 1049, 16.
Euzrooos 1061, 15. 1078, 17.
Euzroootev 1104,20. 1113,16.
1143,8. 11-48, 23. 1152, 17,
1153,6. 1154, 31. 1155, 31.
1160, 6. 1167, 4. 1168,
᾿ς Τὰ τὴ. 11}: IE
1187, 7.
dnpeon)s 1145, 11 u.0. 1146,

’ ’ -
pers 1145, 20.

Ir
&ugenien IL,
1209, 4.

Zuparızos(?) 1120, 22.

44, 47.

euparor)s 11H, 8,9.
ἐμπιρυτεύει» 1020, 4.

ἐν m. Gen. elliptieus 1095, 11.
ἐν 1014, 14.

26

a

1015, 8 passim, |

&rariog 1024, 5, 10. 1038,
10. 1131, 24.
ercoeros 1035, 2. V, 1.

ἀπο" 1070, 1. 1073, 6.

IR EL Ba

Erdr,uos 1024. 6, 10.
ardayı 9 ΡΠ

ΠΣ ἢ

ἔνόνξως 1020,23,23. 1004,17.
11-ε1. 8.
1100, s.

ἐγ δι)"

ersivar 1091. 5, θυ,
UN. ἤϊπ.

1192, 8 passim,

Eve Ft

ἐν ογύς ΓΤ, 4.

ἐνέοχεσώκαι 1145, 27.

ἐνέχει J05L, 3. 1052, 02.
1061,25. 1098,32. 1101. 1%.
1102.36. 1105,27. 1104,25.
1114,97. IL 15.52, 1135, 1x.
11 9 ei. AS a
115-4,37. L155,35. 1163, τὸς
I Te ἴπ 8ι).
1168, 10. 1171.40. 1173.19.
1174, 11.

evezvodze 1038, 9, 17. 1170,
Ab,

Fre zeoestee 1033, 11.

&rdae 1032, 12

rede 1042, 10.

ἔνϑεσμος 1127.30. 1158, 22,

&rYcınoıs 1024, 4, 12.

ἐπαύσιως 1002, 12.

ἐνιαυτός 1011, κα. ὃ, 1084,
2 ΠῚ OST
ΠΕ τ 5.

χαι᾿ evranıon J202, A.

101-4, 15.

Onoranca 1015. 8.

ΓΟ SS SDR 1023,
7. 1056. 7. 1048, 5. 1049,
SENDEN 1, 21.
1054, 7. 1055. 15. 1056,

1 1) Ὁ; 1 SE
1062, 3, 13. 1003... 1067,
8 1068, 0. 1072 τ
1084, 1τ. 1089 1]. 2. IV,
1090-1 Sn 1091,
11. 1102, 80 110%, ἢ, 21.
1104, 20. 1100. 0. 1107 ὃ.
1108, 6. 1109, 8 1110, 23.
ΤΠ τ ΤΌ 1110.
belle ΠῚ 11}
Eee, 6;
EHE ER 90, 8.
ΠΣ 6, 2%.
Passen 1 ἢ. 11437,
10. 1142, 4. 11-44, 5. 1140,
6, 34. 1146, ı0 1147, 10,
1148, 24. 11-49, τὺ. 1150,
po, 19. 1151, 10, 81. 1152,
18. 1153, 6, 21. 1154, 92.
115, τ, ἃ 11π0, 12.

| Οὐ Ὡς HR

27

ΘΝ

1157, 18.1158, 5, 12.1109,
ΤᾺ 1160, 6. 1161, 12. 1162,
4. 1163, ı1. 1164, 16.

1165, 25. 1166, 8. 1167,
13 u. ὃ. 1168, 17. 1169,
37. 11@0,27. 1171, 26, 85.
1172, 8. 1173, 18, 1174,
τ ὙΠ715, 7. 1198; 14.
1201, 4.

5 ἐν»...

Erkeruue 1047 11, 13.
ἐννεύδολος s. Ind. XL.
ἐνοιδίζειν 1141, 23.
ἐνοιχεῖν 1115,14,45. 1188, 15.
ἐνοίχη σις 1115, 39.
&vorzile 1116, 18.
ἐνοίχιον 1117, 29. 1127, 10.
ἔνοιχος 1069, 12.
vogelkeın 1053,35. 1055, 31.
1110, 28. 1117, 83. 1118,
Bd, 35. 1120, 40.
1121, 32. 1133, ı6. 1134,
15.1136,6. 1146,20. 1151,
36. 1156, 20.
ἔνοχος 1108, 24. 1109, 28.
1118, 52. 1119, so. 1120,
50. 1126, 27.
EUER Erst...
ἐντάγιον 1074, 15.
ἐντάττειν 1039, 0
23. 1074, 12.
ἐνταῖϑα 1059, 22, 26. 1114,
6. 1138, 11. 1140, 4.
ἐντεῖϑεν 1031, 13. 1062, 10,
ἔντευξις 1024, 5, 28. 1038,
13. 1182. 1208, 12.
ἔντιιιος 1021, 2. 1026, 23, 23.
ἔντοχος 1014, 10. 1015, 5
ἘΠΕΊ ἡ 1157, 7.
ἐντός 1058, 21, 38. 1106, 48.
1108,12. 1115,25. 1116,32.
1118, 51. 1126, 22 passim.
ἐντρέχειν 1197, 11.
ἐντυγχάνειν 1019, 8. 1040,
27. 1042, 5. 1074, 7. 1085
II, ».
erunyia 1209, 17.
ἐνεώμ (ον 1038, 17, 28.
1050, 0. 1052, 10.
1101,7. 1103, 13. 1104,13.

1045 II,

Ir
ErWTIor

ἐξάγειν 1191, 2,

ἐξάγχαλον 8. Ind. X,

ἐξάϑυρος 1075, 5.
ἐξαίρετον 1067, 11. 1118, 45.
1120, 10 u. ö. 1121, 17.

ἐξαχολοι' ϑεῖν 1130, 10, 1208,
43.

ἐξάκτωρ 8. Ind. IV.

ἐξαλλοτριοῦν 1167, 62. 1187,

18.

ἔξαρνος 1138, 9.
ἐξαρτέζειν 11-43, 11
ἐς
ἀπε τὸ 1024, 7, 70,
eivca 1013, 20. 1002, 24.
1092, 25. 1100, »2. 1102,
1, 1103, 22. 1104, 51.
OS, 5 LE, 20. ST
22. 1118, 32, 4u. 1120, 34
nz, 119} at:
1123, 11. 1124, 19. 1127,
20, 830. 1131, 20, Di . 1137,
in. 1156, 24. 1158, 22.
1167, 60, 63. 1170, 54.
1171, 19. ö
ἐξέρχεσϑαι 1024, 6,18. 1039.
τ 104. ὃ.
ἐξερωτᾶν 1141, 34.
ἐξετάζειν 1047 III, 16.
ἐξέτασις 1088, 5.u.ö. 1159,21.

&
ἕξ
ὃ
5
ξαυτῆς 1096, 8,
δ
s
est

Sereong 8. Ind. IV.
ξηγεῖσϑαι 1208, 40. Ξ
ξηγητεύειν s. Ind. IV.
ἐξηγητής 5. Ind. IV.
τὼ Ta ἑξήχοντα
ἑξῆς 1024, 4, 22.

1027,27, 8, 24.

1048, 9.
ἐξιστάναι 1065, 16, 26.
23. 1208, 37.

1140, 22.
1024, 6, 10.
1038, 20.
1070,8. 1168, 11.
1121,

?
ἔξοδος 1037, 13 u. ö.
24, 28. 1130, 12.

ἐξοικίζειν 1116, 18.

Sorzovoneiv 1047 IV, 7.

ξονημάζειν Ill4,14. 1139,
11.

ἐξορχίζειν 1141, 10,

ἐξορύττειν 1024, 4, 4.

ἐξουδενεῖν 1117, 91 (0).
ἐξουσία 1013, 17. 1024, 5,14.
8, 21. 1035, 15. 1049, 20.
1074, 1 (8. Ind. IV). 1116,
18, 31. 1117,42. 1119,37,
1120,44. 1122,30. 1158, 13.
1200, zo.

ἐξυνηρέτησις 1159, 7.

ἔξω 1106, 10. 1107, 6. 1108, 0.
1114, 5. 1141, 831 u. ὃ.
1139, 18.

oe 1024, 6, 23.

Erteoyonenrce 8, Kl IX.

ἐπιαχολουϑεῖν 1070,7. 1209,
ῃ, 18,

ἐπακούειν 1080, 6.

Enan....1020, 10.

ἐγιαναγκείζειν» 1138,21. 1139,
19.

Erravayzes ΤΟ δῦ, 14. 1067, 25.
1058,21. 1115, 10. 1126, 7.

1105,

mu mu

Sodtalemw1123,6,7. 1137,12.

27

1128, 6, 10. 1131,13, 1167,
38.
ἐν ύρϑωσις 1086, 9,
ἐπάνω 1040, σαι, ὃ. 1164, 15.
1165, 24. 1167, 18, 20.
er
1097,

, ᾿ :
neozanng 10214,

Bravo den
ἐμ ρει 26, 9}.
ὑ, 24.
Örepzos 8. Ind. ΤΥ:
ἔπαυλις 1131, 15 u. ὕ.
1059, ῳ,
ἐπείγει, 1030, 6.
Ash
ἐπεισάγειν 050), 16. 1051, 90.
1052,17. 1098,21. 1100,22.
1101, 12.
ἐκειηδίκ (Ὁ) 1027, 27,7,
ἐχενδιχεζειν 1105, 31.

’ ‚
errcapı)

111,4.

ἐπέρχεσθαι 1049, 16, 21.
1053 ΤΠ, 21. 1102,22. 1103,

15. 1104,15,22. 1110, 15.
1111,14 u. 0. 1112, 11,13.
1113,11. 1114,23. 1127, 1.
1129,33. 1130,21. 1131,25.
1135, 11, 14. 1148, 20, 24.
1150,7. 1151,8. 1152, ı
1153, 8. 115-4, 25,34. in
"22, 1156, 84, 1157, 80,
1160,4. 1108,.4,.15.. 1164,
11, 16. 1167,14, 34. 1168
13. 1169,28. 1170, 5
. 1171,52. 1173, ı2. N 8.
ἐπερωτᾶν 1015, 15. 1020, 17.
1049, 24. 1062, 25 u. ὕ.
1064,14. 1092,26. 1093, 18.
1191, 7(?).
1047 111, 7
erregen 1040, 90,
1022, 15.
ἐπὶ ec. Gen. 1092, 13, 10.
1025,16,25. 1028,5 τι. ὕ.
1032,2. 1045, 24. 1050, 30
(ἐμὴ) τοῦ χριτηρέοι"). 1063 3,
3 passim,

&nt ce. Dat. 1018, 1,

’

Erreohau

τω Τὴ
el Dt [0

1085,

15,5 u.ö. 1027, 26, 15.
1041,06. 1121,4. 1149, 13
passim.

ἐπὶ ὁ. Ace. 1013, 12, 15.

1019, 5, 10. 1020, 12. 1021,
9, 11 passim,
ἐπιβάλλειν» 1061,5. 1120,19,
1131,48. 1151,32. 1156, 13.
1208,
&irepody 1110, 13, 8. Ind. VIIL,
ἐκ δουλεύειν 1024, +4, 10,
eneybyveodea 1069, 12, 15 (2).
emiyiyvoooze 1139, 12.1141,
5 u. ö. 1205, 19. 1209, s.
&zeıyorj 1017, 4. 1052, 95.

1053, 2. 1054, 3. 1055, ἢ,
1056, ἢ 1057, 5, 20. 1067,
DI IT, 1115.
2, AL LT
ὙΠ 9 Τ| 9 5 5, 1145
1; ΤΠ Ὁ ΠΡΉ 11:15,
A le 1 0 πὶ Π110. 4,
SOSE LIn 28 1101,
4.1166. ». 1167. 39. 1171,

Deko:
ertzocpen 1040, 2.
Ne JUTE ΠΕ :
Du Al 5).

ἢ ΟῚ ἢ ἣν
ΠΟ: τ 0.
ΤΟΣ ΔΌΣ 18.

l 175, ”.
1070,
1190,

Frizoen,

ἐγγιδεω"εί “ει

ἐγγιδ ει Ζλ τε
1098, 39.

ἐχυίδειξις 1195,

1047 UN 17.

1091, 9. 1106,

ΠΝ,
1058, "0,
Drama ΠΝ

ἐπιδιδόναι ar 16,20
al ΤΠ 15:
ΤΠ. ὃς

Ne
ELLILEN,

1036,
12105523.
«em 1143, (Ὁ).
ἐπίδοσις 1193, 11.
ἐπι ζητεῖν 1047, δ.

ἐλ δ ειικ ΤΙ ἢ. ΘΗΝ

ἐχεεϑδεωρεῖν 1106, 51. 1107,
2). 1108, 206.

eruhian 1064, 11.

Ertizaheiv 1046 IL, ἢ: 06,
1191, 9

Errezeindhea 1024, 4, 24. 5
3, 27. 1049, 10.
ΤΙ], 15:
ἐπιχρίνειν 1032, 10.
OEL Σ
Ind. V.
ἐπιχιασίλαι 1072 1,9.
1058, 30.
ἐχιχυεῖν 1106, 29. 1107, 13.
ΤΙ. τ DS, Τὴ
ἐπιλίι ἡάνειν 1138, %.
ἐπι ελέια 1058, zu. 1106,
a 117,15... 1710 8 4.
WINDE, mar, MIST kant
Int 3%

’

> ,
ETLLOS 1)

1069,
ὙΠ
ἐῶ Ππ| τ 8.

einrtzeonn

᾿
dozidt-

Us:

ZUOTIS.

erriuicheaken 1078, 11. 11195,
a BADEN Sue 150}. 8:
1205, 31. 1200 17.1207,

3. 1208, 40. 1209, 20.
ἐκ απ} ἧς s. Ind. IV.
:1095, 22. 1195, 10.
ΤΟ ἢ:
ΤΟΣ, Ἐς
1138, 23
1049, 20.

\ ran iu IS
ἐπα ἑ νος
en lısdor
Errritbalrıen
᾽ ‚ ε
EITLTOQEVUET FAUL
1163, 10.

4"

ἐπίσηιιος 1050, 10. 1086,
II, 4. 1099, 9. 1100, 12.

1105, 13 5. Ind. ὙΠ C.
ἐπισχέπτεσίγαι 1200, 22.
ἐπισχευή 1028, 21. 1115, 20.

1116, 11. 1117, 16. 1120,

20.
ἐπίσκεψις 1091, 24.

2 (?).
ἐπιητ... 1040, 22.
ἐπίστασϑαι 1020, ı9. 1141,

24, 32. 1170, 22.
ἐκιστάτης ἱερῶν 8. Index VI.
ἐπιστέλλειν 1047, 1V,2.1073,

19. 1080, 16. 1081, 5.
ἐπιστολή 1041, 13. 1043, 2.

1046 ], 11 u. ὃ. 1047,

11, 13. 1079, 3, 8. 1086,

II, 3. 1095, 5, 7. 1097, 19.

1155, 1 1141, ı u ὕ.

1199, 1.
ἐπιστολίδιον 1043, 18.
ἐπιστρατηγεῖν s. Ind. IV.
ἐπιστράτηγος 5. Ind. IV.
ἐπτιστύλιον 1028, 19.
ἐπιτάττειν 1126, 10.

18.
ἐπιτελεῖν 1048, 8. 1059, 10.

1062, 19. 1105, 27. 1106,

45. 1107, 24, 1108, 23.

1109, 20. 1116, 27. 1118,

24, 60. 1119, 9. 35. 1121,

40. 1122, 14. 1123, 11.

1126, 10, 21. 1129, 24, 29.

1130, 15. 1131, 20, 24.

1141, 8. 1165, 35. 1167,

61. 1170, 57. 1197, 20.

1095

1189,

ἐπιτήδειος 1027, 27, 7.1039,

3. 1121, 10.
ἐπιτήρησις 8. Ind. IV.
ἐπιτιϑέναι 1019, 7. 1061,
14. 1139, 7. 1208, 4, 22.
ἐπιτίμιον 1058, 4.
ἐπίτιμιον 1059,15. 1106,40.
1107,27. 1108,25. 1110,21.
1111, 26. 1116, 28, 80.
1117,35. 1119,36. 1120,50.
1121, 94, 45. 1122, 27, 90.
1125,11. 1126,26. 1129,35.
1131, 27, 55. 1143, 25.
1159, 28. 1185 1, 9.
ἐπιτρέπειν 1020,5. 1021,10
u. Ὁ:
ἐπιτροστ 1047 III, 11. 1070,
6, 7. 1191, 14.
ἐπτιτροπία 1113, 8, 18.
ἐπειτροπεύειν 1113, 0.
ἐπίτροπος 1033,8. 1070, 3.
113,7
ἐπιτυχία 1060, 8.

ἐστι έρειν 1055, 80. 1050, 25.
1057, 16, 81. 1058, 45.
1070, 18, 14. 1074, 12.
1105,20. 1106,44. 1107,22.
1108,22. 1115,37. 1116,30.
1117,40. 1119,44. 1120,44.
1121,39. 1122,29. 1126,20.
1133,20. 1136, 8. 1142, 21.
1144, ı8. 1145, 17, 44.
1146,25. 1147,32. 1149,86.
1150, 23. 1151, 17, 45.
1156,25. 1161,20, 1162,14.
1166,14. 1170,18. 1172,10.
1175, 12.

1043, 15.

tızoonyeiv 1045, 18.

ἐπιχροησιεῖν 1124, 14 (Ὁ).

ἐπιχρήτιον 1124, 20. ἐπι-
χρήστιον (Ὁ).

ἐπιχωρεῖν 1180 11,27. 1208,
42.

Zwotxeov s. Ind. VILC.

Errorzodoueiv 1130, 14.

ἐσπουρώμος 1026, 23, 16.

ἐσχιοχή 1121, 28.

Errreovoaros 1026, 23, 17.

&oc... 1024, 5, 32.

S

>
BIC:

2 G

ἐρανάρχης 1133, 6.

ἐρανικός (?) 1165, 80.

ἐρᾶν 1024, 6, 4,

ἔρανος 1134, 8 u.0. 1135,
2,7. 1136, 2,3. 1166,
16, 20.

᾿ἐργάζεσϑωι 1028, 13. 1044, 9.

1075,3. 1076,3. 1077,5.
1121, 18, 21.- 1157, 19.
ἐργασία 1039, 9. 1053 II, 8.
1117, ı8. 1156, 20.
ἐργασι ηρίδιον 1127, 9.
oyagıorov 1028,20. 1053,
49. 1116, 8,20. 1117, 7 u.ö.
1132, 9. 1151, 40.
£oyarela 1159, 9, 21.
ἔργον 1042,8. 1075,3. 1076,3.
1078,8. 1118,27. 1119, 20,
ἢ, 1120, 31. 1141, 8:
1159, 7. 1188, 0.
ἔρημος 1027, 2b 20212.
ἐρέζειν 1043, δ.
ἔριον 1061, 17.
lorosroohns 1046 1,7 8. Ind. 1.
ἐργάτης 1044, 7. 1121, 16.
. ἀργεῖν 1119, 21.
ἐρημοιρυλαχία 8. Ind. ὙΠ],
.. 1046, 14.
ἔρχεσψωι 1030, 3. 1034, Ὁ.
1035, 4, 16. 1040, 16. 10.43,
17. 1049,65. 1081,2. 1138,
16. 1167, 47. 1185 II, 17.
ἔρως 1024, 4, 10,24. 5, 4.

ἐρυχ... ϑωώχιο.

28

ἐρωτᾶν 1079, 21. 1141,0u.0. |
1195, 2 (0).

ἑσπερινός 1024, 6, 0. |

ἔσχατος 1017, 11. 1024, 4,19. |
1052,47. 1056,14. 1120,53. |
1147, 13. 1161,15. 1166, 0. |

ἔσω 1127,09. 1141, 33, 30. |

ἕτοιμος 1020, 9. 1127, 80,
1158, 20. 1209, 17.

ἔτος passim.

χατ᾽ #1081067,11u.0.1192,1.
1199, 3. 1200,0, 28. 1017,8 |
τι. ὃ. 1018, 11. 1020, 6,10. 1
10.000), OT, 11, ὑ.
ΠΡ ΠΡῸΣ 29:

ὡς ἐτῶν 1013, 5,7. 1014,6,8. |
1037, 3 u. ὃ. 1045, 6 u. ©.

εὖ 1081, 4. 1096, 5. 1097,
12, 17.

εὐ δεῖν 1080, 24.

εὐδοχεῖν 1062, 21. 1070, 6, 12.
ΤΠ 12:

εὐεογεῖν 1119, 80 (?).

εὐεργετεῖν 1139,20. 1197, 22.
1200, 29.

εὐεργέτης 1200," 25.

εὐεργία 1118, 27. 1119, 22.

” ah), 32;

Ee0J)£ws1030,2.1123,7. 1158,
ὥς ΠΟ Eh

εὐδη νεῖν 1118,30. 1119,90.
1190, 35, 80 u.0. 1122,23. |

εὐϑηνιάρχης 5. Ind. IV.

εὐΐύρριν 1059, 20.

evzargeiv 1035, 12 (Ὁ).

edzeuole 1081, 2.

euzuosreiv 1040, 5.

εὔχληρος 1209, 5.

εὐχωσμία 1191, ἡ.

εὐλαβεῖσθαι 1116, 42.

εὐλαβῶς 1141, 38.

εὔλυτος 1079, 12.

εὐναὶ 1121, 19. 1185-1, 2.

εὐ εειϑ ὴς 1104, 23. 1130, 5.
1155, 17. 1100, 7.

εὔπορος 1070, 5.

>26. LO81,2.1005, 10.1123, 7. |
LIT, 3, 18. Ἐ188., 10 1
1200, 25. 3201, su ὅν"
εὐσεϑής 1080, 5.
εὐσέβεια 1024,4,2 (7).
10.

εὑρίσχειν 1024, 6, 20. 1038, |

1197, |

edoradıns 8. Ind. Al.
edrezreiv 1106,26. 1107, 11.
1108,13. 1109,10. 1118,17. |
ἀπολο 1056, ἢ 1147, 12.0)
1156, 14. 1161, 14. 1166, 9. |
εὔτονος 1047 UI, 15. |
εὐτυχεῖν 1060,82. 1074, 7,8. |

1170,15. 1171,43. 1172, 17.
1173,22. 1187,36. 1201,20.

εὐτυχής 1049, 18. 1080, 4.
1086 II, 2. 1032, ἃ.

εὐφραίνειν 1080, 7.

εἰχεσώα 1030, 8. 1031, 15.

1040,3,43.1042.20.1043,7.
1073, 20. 1050, 25. 1081, 3.
1082, 11. 1085 IT, 4. 1197,
13. 1203,2. 1205,4. 1206,3.

enzı) 1080, 5.

erzonoreiv 1063, 6,

erh zeiv 097, 15.

erusne 1020, 13.

ἐφηϑεία 5. Ind. V.

&ynueois 8. Ind. IV.

£&piorcnvca 1115,50. 1116, 22.

&podıov 1116, 7, 19.

ἔφοδος 1059, ı2. 1108, 27.
1113,20. 1121,26. 1122,36.
ΤΠ ὙΠ} 30.
1101. A 2. 20.
1155,30. 1163,12. 1165,19.
ΤΠ 7 ΤΥ:

ἐπ US, 2

ἔχειν 1013, 10, 1τ 1014. 0.
1015,4. 1020,10. 1024,5,9
u.ö. 1024, 4,0. 1025, 15,3

u.0. 16,2 u.0. 1027, 19.
1028,14. 102,3. 1036, 10
ce 1038: ὃ DER

1040,21. 1045 1, 10. 11,8.
1049, 20 u.ö. 1052, 41.
1053 1,14. 1054. 4. 1055, 7.
1056,7. 1057,7. 1059, 18,
23. 1060, 10,13. 1062,37.
1063,13. 1064, 6. 1072 RI,
Ὁ. 1074,65. 1079, 10. 1080,
17. 1085 Il, 6. 1095, 4.
1096,38 u.0. 1097, 12.14 U.0.
1099, 7. 1103,11. 1109, 18.
1113, 19. 1115, 88-. 1116,
1.18. 1118;».. Δ 0030, 51.
1122, 10 u.0. 1125, 5,33.
1126,5. 1127,30. 1132, 13.
1137,». 1139, 4, 16. 1140,
12. 11-41. ou. ὃ: 11-15, 5,32.
11-47, 5,25. 1150, 17. 1156,
#. 1158,20. 1161, ». 1166,
5. 1167, 10. 1169, 26. 1172,
5 ΤΙ Ὁ 1189,12 1195,
4“ Ὑυ). ἢ 1209, 16.

Kinos 1120, 14. (2).

Eonter 1039, 8.

ἕως 1024,5,17. 1033, 6. 1102,
30.1110,23. 1116,11 passiın.

u. (1,

La. ϑήχη 1045 1, 16 (2).
ζείδωρος 1026, 22, 21.

ζεῦγος Τ0 50,9. 1052,10. 1065,
8, 23. 1101, 14. 1103, 14.

ζημία 1118, 22. 1186 I, 9.

Inmorr 1044, 13.

En 1094, 7, 25, 30.

ζητεῖν 1039, 4.

ζήτησις 1049, 23.

ζύτον 1069 V, 8 ud.

ζυτοττώλης 1087 II, 2 (?).

ζυτοπώλιον 1126, 10.

ζωφυτεῖν 1118, 80, 88. 1120),
38.

ἡγεῖσθαι 1208, 50.

eur 8. Ind. IV.

„yeuonezos 8. Ind. IV.

ἥδεσθαι 1074, 5. 1208, 20.

„dn 1019, 3. 1024, 4, ı2
u. ὅ. 1081, 2 (Ὁ).

ἡδύς 1080, 17.

ἥχειν 1019, 6.

ἥλιος 1021, 13. 1026, 23,10.

ἡλοκοπιχός 1124, 11, 21.

ἡλοχόπος 1028, 10.

ἧλος 1028, 19 u. ü.

ἡμέρα 1013, 8. 1021, 1}.
1024, 4, 22. 6, 10. 1039,
2 ἃ. ὅ. 1040, 20. 1045, 25.
1048, 5. 1050, 26. 1051,
0. 1053 1, 23, 28. 1054,
15u.ö. 1057, ou.ö. 1079,
20. 1094, 3. 1098, aı.
1101, ıe. 1102, 30 1103,
22. 1104, 20. 1107, 28,
1110, 23. 1113, 17. 1117,
12ἰ Ὁ. 1125, 7. 1133, 7.
ΤΠ δ 114], 335, 84.
1150, 10. 1151, 31, a5.
1152,18. 1153,6, 21. 1154,
17, 33. 1155, 32. 1156, 13.
1160, 6. 1163, 11, 13. 1164,
16. 1165, 26. 1167, 13, 20.
1173, 18. 1174, 10.

ἡμερήσιος 1117, 33 (f0o02).

yunaderrau (Ὁ) 1013, 27.

ἡμιχάδιον (ἱμιχατ.) s,Ind.X,

ἡμιολία 1049, 22, 1050, τὺ,
151, 23. 1052, 10, 1053,
30. 1054, 10. 1055, 32,
1056, 17. 1057, ı2. 1058,
3%. 1059, 15. 1098, »n,
1099, 19. 1101, 10. 1106,
38. 1107, 20. 1108, 10.
1109, 24. 1110, 20, 2ı.
1111, 25.1113, 15. 1115,
81. 1110, 28. 1117, "4.
1119, 85. 1121, 33. 1123,
26. 1125, 11, 1126, 17.
1127, 24, 42. 1129, 35.

1130, 25 1133, 16. 1134,
16. 1135, 16. 1136, 6.
1142,15. 1145, 12, 37.
1126,20 1047,17. 1150,

20. 1151, 14, 80. 1156,
20. 1157, 25. 1169, 27.

1161, 10, 1162, 8. 1163,
15. 1166, 11. 1170, Ὁ.
1172, 11. 1175, 9.

ἡμίονος 1026, 22, 25.

ἥμισυς 1017, 7. 1028, 17.
1040, 37. 1067, 10. 1082,
5,02. 10S9 IL, au.ö. 1090
III, 25. 1091, 21, 22. 1119,
10, 1128, 83, 1129, 12,
1131, 16 u. ὕ. 1132, 10.
1118, 30. 1156, 10. ἃ, ὕ.
1180, 6.

ἧμος 1195, 6, 7. u.ö,

ἠρεμεῖν 1019, 2,

ἧσσον 1116, 31. 1122, 30.

ψάλλειν 1080, 10.

Jararos 1059, 17. 1060, 12.

ἡ)άπτειν 1024, 4, 2 ἃ, ö,
1131, 35.

ϑαρσεῖν 1080, 14. ,

ϑαυμάζειν 1041, 12.

ea 8. Ind. I, VI.

Jeros (ϑεαχός) 8. Ind, VI.

FElos, αν ον 1073, 18. 1074,
12.

ϑεῖος 1070, 5. 11-45, 28.

ϑέλειν 1024, δ, 14. 1040, 5.
1042, 3. 1043, 2, 23. 1059,
10. 1129, 22 u.ö. 1131,
20. 1141, ı0 ἃ ö. 1167,
21. 1170, 57. 1206, 7, 18.
1208, 9.

ϑεματίζειν 1127, 30. 1158, 22.

ϑεύς 8. Ind. 11, VI.

θερίζειν 11:41, 10.

ϑερινός 1188, 9.

-.. ϑήκη 1079 V, 3.
ϑηλάζειν 1106, 10, 23. 1107,
6. 1108, 6, 12. 1109, ὁ.
Aus 1058, 12. 1088, 8, 11.'
101, 21. 1109, 10.

-“ηράζειν 1058, 30,
- ϑηρίον 1024, 4,6 u.ö.
Ψη σαυρύς 1089 IL, ı u. ö,
“Bio er πα
ϑλεῖμις 1139, 4.
VoldaS 1118, 18,
ϑοΙξ 1026, 28, 90.
ϑρυκλίς 1118, 15. 1120, 12.
ϑυγάτηρ 1013, 8. 1024, 5,9
u.ö. 1026, 22, 21. 1049,
1,24. 1100,9. 1139, 3 α. ὕ.

-Ξ- 20

ϑιυμός 1141, 11,

ϑύρα 1028, 21 τὶ. ὃ. 1037, ı7,

30. 1116, 23. 1120, 25,30. |

1201,0 u. ö.
Jrordoöv 1116, 15.
ψυρίς 1116, 23.
ϑυροῦν 1116, 15.
Jvowuce 1028, 20,
Jromoos 1001, 10. 1141, 34.
ϑυσία 8. Ind. VI.

lad N 2, τ,
(deoyoeupla 1135, 10 (2).
ἰδιύγριρον 1025,
1093, 27.
ἴδιος 1036, 50.
22. 1059,13. 1061, 21,24
1106, 11. 1107, 6. 1108,7

1109,6.1110,8,15. 1111,21. |

1113,23. 1116,18. 1117,21.
Al), φῇς. RS it
1122, 23. 1123, 6,12. 1196

’

25. 1127,19,25. 1129,35, |

1130,21. 1131,25. 1133, 10,
1135, 15. 11-40, 7. L1-H1, 48,
1148, 26. 1152, 13. 1 153,9.
1159, 29. 1160, 8. 1163, 14.
1167, 10 u. 6. 1170, 56,58,
1171,30. 1187,25. 1209,11.

ἴδιος λόγος s. Ind, IV.

ἰδιωτικά 1049, 16. 1127, 17.
1129, 32.

1dov 1035, 14.

ἱερεύς Ss. Ind. VL,

ἱερευτιχός 5, Ind, VL.

ἐροϑύται 85, Ind, VL

eoov 8. Ind. VI.

eonveizng 8. Ind. VI.

ἱερός 8. Ind. VI.

ἱχανοδότης 1189, 3.

ἱκανός 1019, 1, 1141,13 0,0,
1199, 2, τ

ἱχετιχός 1053 II, 6.

ἱματίδιον 1103, 12.

ἱματίζειν 1021, 14. 1050, 13.
1125, 8. 1126, 22.

Inero» 1045, 14. 1050, 4.
1099, 8. 1100, 12, 1101,7.
1104,12. 1105, 12. 1188, 15.

ineartouds 1045, 18. 1052, 14.
[099, 13. 1100, ı8. 1126, 7.

trzreis 8. Ind. V.

l
ς
͵
ς
Ι
ς
ί
fi

ἑιτιχός 8. Ind. VL

ἰσάτις 1017, 11.

lnoxemıroltos s, Ind. WR

ἰσομερής 1118, 8. 1119, 10.
1122, ı2. 1146, 10.

. 1008 10925, 15, 0,22. 16, 20.

1027, 27,14. 1034, 8. 1056,

16, 8. (Ὁ) "

1058... 1049, |

19. 1057, 13. 1062, ıs.
1069, 6. 1064, 0, 1080, 15.
NO, Ey A) 207, 27.
1108,25. 1109, oa. 1121,44.
1122 024° 35: een!
1126, 28.7 1129, 28, 2
1131, 37. 1166, 12. 11τῦ,
10.

toravcı 1053 Il, 18. 1058, 13.
105%, 6. 1109, 12. Y111,6,
1116,8. 1117,12. 1118, e,
12T, τὴ, 1199 ἢ, 1127, ἢ,
σα ΕΠ 44.
DEE TE or 1146,6.
1156, 2»,

ioronrin 1208, ἢ.

ἰχϑύς 1123, 9.

zacuıoeiv 1024, 5, 8

za' «ro 104511, 2. 1050, 19,

1054.14. 1055,37. 1056,24,
IK, a, 0} 1058, 44.
1059, 16. 1098,32. 1099, 22.
1109.30. LIOL,14. 1106,43,
1107,22. 1108,22. 1109,25.
1110,22. 1111,20, 112 17,
1115,36. 1716,50. IItz 40.
ΓΙ ΤΙ ΠΕ 1119,44. 1120,43,
ΓΘ. ἀπ 1 Ὁ μὴ,
1125,12. 1126,o0, 1812798;
1129,36. 1130,27. 1131,28,
"Ὁ 11 1 50,
1140,8. 1142, 20. 11-43, 30.
ΤῸ τ ΤΙ ἢ ὑ;
11-46,24. 1147,22. 1150,23,
1151, 16,39. 1358, 24.
1157,26. 1158,26. 1150,53,
1160, 4. 1161.28. 1162, 18.
1163,15. 1166,14. 1167,59.
TE 16;
ΤΠ ὩΣ 10. ΤΠ. 1905, ..
1206, 3. 1208, 31.
καϑαρίζειν 1024, 4, 10.
καϑαρύς 1015. 11. 1018,24,
1040,21. 1049,15. 1002 07,
ΠΟ TTERLNS 7.
1109, 6. 1115,49. 1116, ıs,
1117, 26. 29. 211102 30.
1120,39. 1127,16. 1129,31.
IE alles ΤῊΝ
καϑεύδειν 1141, 32.
τς a
zart κει 1048,09. 1060, 29,
1068,14. 1101,20. 1105,28.
δον ποῦν, ΠΡ SL, ΤῊΣ
1122,16. 1127,13. 1133 17.
1143,17. 1151,52. 1195,10.
1200, 11.

ῃ
}

χαϑῆσθαι 1078,8. 1141,39.

χαϑισιάναι 1022,23. 1027,
96. 11. 1046 I, 10 u. ©.
1104,21. 1138,20. 1187,28.

xatıararıım 1074, 4.

χαϑολιχύς 1073,.9.

χαϑόύλου passim.

χαϑοσιοῦν 1027, 26, 14.

zaoıı 1185, 18. 1187, 84.

χα υϑρίξειν 1105, 10.

χαϑιύς 1018,4.. 1024, 6, 23.
1036, 32. 1116,26. 1171,21.
1203, 2.

χαέειν (Ὁ) 1143, 10,

χαινύς 1188, 16, 8. Ind. Al
8. POULgU«

καιρύς 1031, 14. 1040, 6.
1050, 30. 1065, 27. 1078, 9.

02, 21. 1098, 44.
ΠῚ ΤΡ 1118, 28, 29.
ΠΥ 5. 1120, 80.
1121, 24, 34. 1142, 10.

1185 1, 3.

χαιρυτδετε — κηρύττειν (Ὁ)
1024, 3, 8.

xazorrarla 1209, 7.

xaxos 1035, 19.

xaxoryeiv 1050,14. 1051, 18.
1052,16. 1099, 14. 1100,20.
NO τὰς

χαχουχία 1105, 18.

χαλάψεον 1120, 17.

κάλαμος 1122, 17, 20.

καλεῖν 1024, 6,3. 1071, 6.
1138, ı3. 1200, 25,

χάλλυνϑρον 1120, 17.

alone. 1118, 17.

χαλός 1026, 23,20. 1049, 24.
1060, 10. 1062,25. 1064, 3.
1078, 3.1080,10.1081,2(7).
1097,7. 1195,2. 1197, 12.
1202, 7.

xaueıvog 1028, 4.

κάμηλος 1088, 3, 11.

χαναρ.. .. 1040, 9.

χανών 1047 III, 15.

χαπηλεύειν 1024, 7, 23.

zatırwäroreizys 8. Ind. VI.

zıscvos 1026, 22, 17.

zantıie (Ὁ) 1104, 10.

„ragiuov 1120, 50.

xapos 1020,12. 1025,16, 23.
1059,24. 1002,10. L119,5n.
1120, 25,02. 4

χασιτέρινος 1036, 15,

χασιτερᾶς 1087 IV,9 (χασσι-
τερᾶς).

χάστρα 8. Ind. V.

κατά c.Gen. 1013,18. 1020, 8
passim.

xarce, Ace. 1021,12. 1022, 0
u.0. 1023, 2. 102}, 4, 12.
6,29. 1051,17. 1084, 4,8.
1153, 8 passim.

χαιιάλλειν 1024, 8, 10.
1057, 26. 1149,24. 1153, 21.

zaradha re 1052,28. 1098,
37. 1101, 16. 1119722.
1120, a1. ° [122, 26.

zaraßohn A135, 8, 10.

1061, 20.

χατάγνωσια 1185 1, 7.

καταγρίίειν 1114,11. 1128,
τον 1181. A

χαταγραρή 1128, 14. 119],
{1 nl ὃ.

χατάγειν 1009), 90.

IE ΠΆΜΙΣ ——
xaraywyı) 16.

1022,
zarcnreoıg 1092, 18.
xarcezete 1201, 16.
χαιαχαλεῖν 1185 1], 25.
χαταχλύϊειν 1132, 11, 14.
zarerkvonog 1121, 27.
καὶ «χομίζειν (2) 1095, 14.
zarazorua 8. Ind. VIII.
καταλιιβάνειν 1024, 3, 11,17.
A, A u
1157, 10. 1208, 8.
καταλέγειν 1073, 10.
χαταλείχειν 1059,11. 1124,
17. 1141, 17,18. 1153, 4, 18.
1163,12. 1165,18. 1167,
ul, 57 JS, Si
καταλήγειν 1068, 7.
zurahoyciov 8. Ind. IV.
χει αλουχισμός (Ὁ) 1129, 26.
χαα αλύειν 1097, 5.
κατιανϑάνειν 1041, 5.
χατάμονον — χατὰ μόνας
1095, 98.
χαταναγχάζειν 1024, 7, 10.
χαταυδρίξζειϑαι 1095, 14.
χατανέμειν 1121, 21.
χαιανεύων (?)1119,24. 1120,
30.
χατι ρου ίζειν 1141, 5.
χα τὰν 1101,5. 1169,21.
1208, 2.
χαιάξιος 1138, 22.
zuraSsıonv 1080, 15.
χαιερ --χια ὰ νὰ TOO...»
1120, 28.
xaraındar 1201, 12.
xercrhnSte 1209, 10.
xareılorg 1114. 9, 11.
xaranovein 1060,24. 1188,17.
καταρχὴ 1209, 11.
χαιισημαίνειν 1024, 5 2 (2).
κατασκευάζειν 1065, 7, 21.
κατασπορά 1092, 9, 16.1188,
10..

30

χαι αὐ τουδιίως 1206, 7,
χαιάστασις 1019, A. 1027,
27, 10.
χαιασιέλλειν 1102, Ὁ,
zarerarteıv 1074, 19 u. 0.
χατατι ένα 1059, 22. 1002,
16, 18. 1094, 6.
κατειρέρειν 1043,14. 1134, 6.
χα εὐγειν 1024,3,14. 1053
Il, 4. 1156, 25. 1200, 24.
χα ορ 1133, 11.
zarayvrele 1120, 20.
χατιαρυτεύει" 1120, 36. 1122,
22.
zerczontcrtceo 1167, 61.
xarczonodcı 1105, 17. 1133,
10. 11.111, 7, 14.
χαιαχωρισμός 1038,50. 1047.
1, 4. 1062, 18.
xareoyalsodee 1121, 16,
χατεργασία 1120, 29.
χάτεργος 1121, 17.
κατέρχισηαι 1127, 11.
xareızEod«t 1080, 8,
κατέχειν 112-4, 4, 20. 1064,
τ 1111 3. 218071, 12.
1203, 10. 1205, 27.
1185, 14.
χατοιχεῖν 1069, 6.

χώνη τς:
1188, 6.
zaroızia 1061, 14.
xaroızızoa 1018, 7. 1048, 6.
1129, 11.
xarorzos 1046 1,9. 11, 22.
1060, 8. 1185 I, 1. 1186,
8,0. 1188, 3. 1199, 8.
χαιοχη 1113, 17.
χάνι 1110, 11.
χαυλύς 1118, 12. 1120, 11, 13.
χειχεχτεύειν 1141, 31.
xeigyar 1113, 24.
nerero.nevaı 1 141, 6.
χελεύειν 1022, 22. 1024, 6,9.
8, 8. 1039, 8. 10-47 11, 14.
IL, 14. 1062, 17. 1199, 0.
κέλλα 1036, 10 u. Ö.
κενώς 1205, 20.
κεράμιον 1143, 9 u. ὃ,
κερμάτιον 8, Ind, Al.
κειράλιον 1014, 11. 1038,
2,3. 1047 IV, 8. 1048, 10.
1053 1, 55. 105-4, 10. 1055,
1056, 14. 1058, 17,
"0. 1059, 6, 10. 1065, ἡ.
1074,82 I 7211123,
vu. ὃ. 1197, 5. 1129, 38.
1131, 27. 1132, 10. 1200,
17 0).
zul, 1024, 4, 17.
χεξαλών 1118, 12.
χεραλωτός 1120, 10.

22, 30.

5, 28.

znöruonle 1074, 5.

ZZ 20 wa

κιλώνειον LL16, 24, 25. 1120,
26, 936.

7108 1118, 5u.0. 11-1, 26.

zyiorcafeor 1120, 7 u. ὕ,

ziustovptazos 1118, 18.

znorS 5. Ind. Vl.

“γούνατα 1024, ἢ, 8.

zu)eoo,orow 1125,20, (La-
MUITALON ).

zu. AlDas 1127, 11.

χιυν διε ύει" 1140,06, 1187,24.

“ιν οτος 1020,15. 1027.26,
11 55. 1038,22 1053.11; 4.
1070,3. 1127, 32. 1147, 31.
ΤΠ 0. 1101} 49, 45.

ἘΠ 7: 13:
yAalıov 1051, 12.
ze 1042, 11.

χλειδοτιοιύ 1028,25. 1036,27.

χλείειν 1116. τὺ,

χλείς 1028,25. 1036,25. 1116, —
27112072:

zAnporoneiv 1024, 8, 16.

“Anoomvonde 1034, 10. 1070, 4.

zhı,oovouos 10} 4,11. 1090, 2,

χλῆρος 1060, 14,20. 1061,21.
τ} 7 ἢ 5 N
1189, 12. zarorzızu2 1018,
TEN, 8.
Ind. VILE.

χληροῦν 1037, 27, 34,

zlıdanızog 1117, 11.

χλιϑώνιον 1117 8, 24.

χλίδανὴὸς 1117, 10, 28.

χλέϑιων 1028, ax.

“λίνειν 1024. 4.12. 1203, 6.

χοιλαίνειν 1053,20. 1055, 25.
1136,6. 1146, 18. 1151, 35.
1156, 18.

vorhosroreiv 1134, 18.

κοίλης 1053, 24. 1055, 19.
11306,5. 1146, 15. 1151,39.
1156, 14.

zomos 1034, 8.
1052, 24, 28.
1098, 34 u. ö. 1101, 15. 16
ἴτὺ 1115 Τὺ τι...
1125,10. 1130,12. 1132, 12.
11: 18:

κοι πῆς 1024, ὅς 10,

zorrerie 1051. ὦ, 1052, 7.
1099, 6. 1100, 10.

ΤΌ θ ς 1... |

zonanros 1062, 35. 1123, 4.

κὐλλιμια 100 3,1. 1053 1,1, 16. |
il, ı. 1055, 1. 1057, 1. |
1089, 3u.ö. 1101, 1. 1102, }
1 1309,.1.892.1104, ı. |

1050. 30,

1080, Zu

ze“ ")" “ἐς

νυ σ᾽}

i

1107,1. 1109,11. 1110,1.
BIO 22 1 1198:1.
1129,1. 1149,1. 1151, 1.
τοι 116} 5 1 ΤΟΥ Ὶ:
ΠΣ ARZT

χόλλον 1110, 37.
χολλυβιστιχύς 118,55. 1125,
32. 1144,5. 1110. 7, 1151,
20. 1152, 4, 13. 1156, Ὁ.
1163,6. 1166,46. 1170,28.
χολοχύντη 1120, 13.
χομίζειν 1027,27,20. 1046
1,11 u.Ö. 1095, 10. 1114,18.
1115,45. 1123,06. 1149, ı0.
Ro. 1157, 7 u ὃ.
1158, 4. 1167,62. 1170, oo.
1171,30. 1205,4. 1206, 3.
1207, 5 u.ö. 1208, 8.
χύόμις 8. Ind. IV.
xouyos(?) 1205, 6.
χοπή 1118, 19.
κότιριον 1115,50,
χύπρος 1110, 14.
χύπτειν 1067, 13, 15.
χορίζειν 1120, 40.
χοσχενεύειν 1092, 22.
χοσμάριον 080,17. 1045 1,23.
χοσμεῖν 1086 |, δ.
κύσιιημα: 1024, 4, 14.
κόσμησις 1024, 8, 10.
χοσμητής 8. Ind. IV.
κύσμιος 1024, 5, 27, 81.
χοτύλη 8. Ind. X,
χοῦφος 1143, 9.
χόφινος 1028 IM.

1116, 16.

᾿κοχλείδιον 1118, 15. 1120, 14.

χράμβη 1118, 12. 1120, 11.

xgareiv ἸΟΑ4ΤΊΥ, 18, 1049, 17.
1059, 9. 1129, 21. 1130, 18.
1151. 18. 1158, 14, 29.
1185 11, 26. 1187, 9.

χράτησις 1187, 7.

xgarıgrog 1022, 1 u. 6.1033,
δ. 1046 III, o. 1073, 2,
1118, ı1. 1120, 11.

κρέας 1025, 15,4 u.ö. 16,
4u.0.

χρεϑὴ 1041, 0. 1090, 28 u. ὃ.
1092, 10, 21.

xelvhvos 1092, an,

χρίνειν 1024, 3, 27. ὅ, 8.
1050, 24, 30. 1051, 33.
1052, 30. 1074, 4. 1096,
10. 1098, 40, 44. 1101, ı8,
22,

κρίσις 1143, 20. 1146, 16,
1161, 88. 1156, 17.

χριτήριον 8. Ind. IV,

χριτής 8. Ind. IV.

xodxn 1141, 84.

xvorela 1187, 7, 32.

zooütc 1125, 4, 81.

zovscıeev 1141, 43,

xıcodcı 1126, 0. 1127, 21.

χε σι ἧς 1021, 5. |

xznuc 1031.90. 1122, 7, 88.
u. ö,

zeiivos 1121, 22. 1189, 12,

χτῆσις 1049, 8. 1053, δι.
1117, 10,

χικαύν 1119, 11, 10.

κυχλύϑεν 1117, 25.

χύχλος 1127, 0.

χύλληστις 1202, 12.

xuptle 1123, 6.

χυριεύειν 1037, 34. 1048, 21.
1049, 17. 1059, 0. 1129,
Ὧι. nl er ΠΝ, ΠΕ
1158, 14, 23.

χύριος 1022, 18. 1032, 8.
1033, 6. 1034, 7. 1035, ı
u. ö. 1038, 5, 28. 1044, ı,
τ ἢ 11 51: ΟῚ:
ΠῚ, 6. 1048, 3, 25. 1049,
2, 24. 1050, 3. 1061, 3, 7.
1052, 2,40. 1053, 10. 1056,
δ. 1057, 4, 20. 1058, 4,47.
1059, 2 u. ὅ. 1062, 24.
1064, 11, 15. 1068, 11.
1069, 6. 1070, 11. 1073,
21. 1080, 25. 1081, 1.
1082, 10, 11. 1084, 18, 88.
1085, 12, 18. 1088, 7. 1089,
1, 8... ὅ. 1090 1, 8 u. ὃ.
1093, 26. 1096, 18. 1099,
3. 1100, 3. 1101, 3. 1102,
ZB 101 3
u.ö. 1106, 3. 1107, 3 u. ö.
1108, 4. 1109, 3. 1110}.
EI προ 12312.
1113, 20. 1114, 20. 1116,
3. 1117,5. 1118, 3. 1120,
4. 1121, 2,45. 1123, 4.

1124 25.830 21195, 34.
Plan δ 2011274093.
1129, 5, 34. 1130, 24.

1131, 320. ὕ, 1133, 3.
1134, 5. 1135, 17. 1145,
su. ὕ, 1147, ἡ, 1148, a,
27. 1149, 5. 1150, 2 u. 6.
la ee ee [ἢ
1153, 9 u. ü. 1154, 7, 80.
1155, 4, 6. 1156, 6. 1157,
24. 1158, 3, 24. 1160, 7, 9.
1161, 6. 1163, ı5. 1164,
. 10. 1165, 4, 35. 1167, 15,
19. 1168, ı8. 1169, 7.
1170, so. 1171, 80. 1173,
20. 1174, 11.1175, 2.
1187,5.1188, 8 u.0.1189 5.

— 3l

“υροῦν 1038, 22. 10-47, IV ız.
zen 85. Ind, VII B.

zWnoyocuer£eos 5. Ind. IV.

zuzeer 11-43, 15,
xy 1067, D. |

zopos 1196, 49, ὁ.

λαγύνον 8. Ind. X.

λάγυνος 8. Ind. X.

λάσρα 11-41, 48. |

λαιχός 1053 II, 10.

λάχχος 1092, 11.

λαμ νειν 1018, 13. 1024, 6,
27. 1026,22 17. 1030, 5.
1050, 7. 1051, 9. 1059, ». |
1058, 25 u. ö. 1071, 5. |

1078, 6, 1079, 6. 1082,
RR τῶν. ΠΝ, ἀ
1102, 16. 1106, ı6 u. ö.
1107, 10 u. ö. 1108, o |

u.ö. 1109, 20 u. 6. 1110,
20, 21. 1111, 24. 1112, 15. |
1114, 4,12. 1116,30. 1118, |
22. 1120,19. 1122 5 u. 0.
1123 6 u. ö. 1126, 13, 23. |
1127, 24. 1120, 35. 1130, |
ΟΣ 25a 5. 11} ὩΣ
2052251133 591 Tee
1149, ὁ. ὅ. 110, 10.
1151, 5. 1159, 22. 1190, |
16. 1197, 10. 1205, 1, 20. |
1207, 1. 1209, ı u. ö.
λαμτεάς 1118, 12. 1120, 14.
Aauzroos 1025, 15, 11. 16,
15. 1027, 26, 8. 1049, 3.
1073, 1. u. ö. 1074, 10
u. ὃ. 1092, 1 u.ö. 1093, 8.
λαμ ερότης 1020, 6. 1094, 8.
Auvshreiv 1024, 3,9. 5, 13.
AuSos 1028, 19. A
Aaoyoayla s. Ind. VI.
Aaoyoapos 8. Ind. IV.
λασανέτης 1116, 25. |
λαχανήα 1118, 28. 34. 1119,
25. 1120, 22, 31.

u.ö. L120, |

λάχανον 1015, 7
30. 1195, 5, 8.

λέγειν LOS, 0. 1024. 5,8. |
0. ΡΠ ΘΝ 1} 1020.92:
22. 1039, ὁ. 1040, 90. |
1044, 6. 1079, 19. 1085," |
11 en NO |
1097, Bor ua ln
1119, pol 811er,
Ai 11} 105 1158: 1}
mE δῆτ 11 12.
1161, a1, 42. 1196, 2. |
1203, 4.

λεγειών 8. Ind. V.

1155. 21.
λεινοῦς 1036, 1-4.

λείων

Lemolifos Wen.
Jet 1195, 10,
ἀείν αι" 1120, 50,
OB τ.

1066, ὁ,

LEITEN

hei ZOUUNFOONS

kevzos 1088, 9,

Ayyen 1205435:

AnuceriZc 1025, 15, 5, 17.
10; Die Di

Tan: N

Ayıalns 1097, 27, τη.

Ansıorzos 106L, 14.

wos 1067, 6.

hızuan 1040, 11.

Jrunvezen 1097, 16.

Arrovgyeiv 1159, 23,

λειτουργία 10-44, 8,

λειτουργία 109, 5, 1027, 81,
+(2). 1199°5,7. 1200, 12.
aller

Jlıoe S. Ind. Na

Auronpnoriv Τρ 22, 22,

Abm 1037,11 u. Ö.
15. 112 914 ΤΠ

inardofe URS 7

λογίζεσθαι LO2S, 17.

λογισιιύς 1074, 15.

λογχγιστήριον 5, Ind. IV.

λογηϑ)εσία 1019, 7.

λύγος 1013,19 u.0. 1090, 5,
1022,24. 1024, 4,27. 7, 11.
1025, 16, 23. 1047 III, 2.,
WDoIsaweel06h, 10.
1062,17. 10691,2. 1072
VI, 1.1099, 9. 1100, 13.
1101,9. 1105, 11. ] 113.16:
1116,37. 1133,23. 1137, 18:
114%), 13. 1151,10. T187,24.
1188, 13. 1202, 5.
8: ΠῚ:
1047 II, 15. ὁ τῆς ἀσχολίας
ἐπ πι Πὺς

λοι τύς 1024, 6,24. 1028, 17,
1038,5. 1039, 8. 1067, 7.
1078,6. 1079,06. 1085, τὸ.
SR Si SUDIN 7.
1107,25. 1108.24. 1116,35.
1118,37. 1121, 1m. 112%, 11
τς ὦ. 1129,00.0. 1197, 5.
112913020. Klang, 49.
9 τοῦ; 113. ὙΠ 9ι;.
1135,6. 1143,10. 1144, 0.
1146, 13. 1149,16. 1151,10,
21. 1157, 13, 18. 1185 11, 25.
1201,14. 1202,58. 1203, δ.

λουτηρι ον 1046 Il, o.

λοχεῖον 1104, 22 (Ὁ).

kuneiv 1079, 9.

ἔλεος ἡ.

οὐσιχύός 1.

λύσις 1115,46. 1126,25. 1149,
22. 1209, 18.

nayadıor 1125, 21.
μαγίστρος
Ind. V.
μαγιανός (Ὁ) 1065, 8, 22.
ac .. 1026, 22, 20.
μάϑησις 1021, 8. 1125, 2, 20.
μαϑητὴς 1125. 9.
μαγροπρόσωττος 1059, 20.
μᾶλλον 1024, 4, 7.
μάμμη 1049, 5.
᾿μωιμικός 1123, 2.
navdaveıw 1124,21. 1125, 10.
narl« 1024, 5,3.
μαρτυρεῖν 1020, 19 ἃ. ὅ.
1138,14. 1141,15. 1155,10.
μαρτύρημα 1024, 8, δ.
μαρτυροποιεῖν 1032, 9.
μαρτυροποίημα 1093, 22.

στρα τιυτῶν Β,

μαρτυροττοίησις 1032, 4.
μάρτυς 1093, 15, 23.
μαχαιρο(ρόρος 5. Ind. V.

weyakosroemig 1035,2. V,1.

μεγάλως 1079, "8,

μέγας 1023,5. 1026, 23,22.
1040, 18. 1042, 17. 1074, 1
u.ö. 1092, 5. 1095, 4.
1192,06. 1197,3. 1198, 7.
1200,3. 1201,8. 1202,3.
1204, 8. 1208, 50.

μεϑείτης — μεσίτης (?) 1069
l, 4.

᾿μεϑιστάναι 1039, 4. 1116, 32.
1117,43. 1118,40. 1122,31.
1159, 15.

μεῖον 1053 II, 6 (Ὁ).

μελέτη 1125, 7.

nein... 1207, 19.

μελίχρως 1059, 19.

μέλλειν 1040, 11 u.Ö. 1080, 8.

μέμιρεσϑαι 1041, 10. 1042,

LT), 2

μένειν 1049, 21. 1058, 47.

“1114,26. 1120,52. 1122,35.
1124,30. 1151,46. 1158,13,
17. 1185 I, ı2. 1187, 31.
1192, 11.

μερίζειν 1013,8 u.ö. 1053,
88, 1055, 20. 1131, 80.
1136,0. 1149,21. 1151, 9,
35. 1156, iv. 1167, 55.
1171, 27. 1185 11, 23.

neols1013,4. 1014,3. 1021,
12. 1023,1 u.ö. 1034,8.
1036, 2, 5, 8. Ind. VITA.

μέρον 1053 11, 6 (Ὁ).

μέρος 1020, 8. 1024, 8, 17.

1028 11,19. 1037,10 u. Ö.
1049,26. 1053 11,6. 1060,
15. 1068, 6. 1105, 36.
1110,12. 1111,23. 1119, 8.
1121,9,20. 1122, 26. 1123,
4u.ö. 1127,30. 1130, 9, 18.
1131,16 u.ö. 1132,13, 14.
1118, 32,33. 1157, 13,23.
1201, 15, 18.
μεσείτης 8. Ind. IV.
μεσιιεύειν 1048, 17.
μεσιτία 1038, 6.
μεσύόγειος 1123, 2.
μέσος 113,8. 1016, 12 u. Ö.
1045,10. 1059, 19. 1097,12.
μετά c. Gen. 1013,6, 29. 1024,
3,12. 4,2,20. 1041,3passim.
nera c. Ace. 1024, 6, 19.
1033,11. 1084, 15. 1142, 2
passim.
μεταβάλλειν 1064, 3.1121,25.
μεταγίγνεσϑαι 1038, 22.
ueraderchag ... Ὁ) 1119,40.
μειαδιδόναι 1033,15. 1038,
9. 10471V, 10, 17. 1105, 29.
μεταλαμβάνειν 1140, 5. 1197,
17. 1208, 18.
nerekcrrew 1104, 0 u Ö.
1131, 11, 34. 1132, 4.
1148, 81. ὃ. 1149, 0. 1151,
6. 1155,12. 1164, 7. 1167,
40, 1169, 20.
μέταλλον 1024, 5, 6.
μεταμέλεσϑαι 1040,20. 1208,
10.
μεταμισϑοῦν 1116, 19, 82.
1120, 45. 1121, 21, 86.
52232
μετανοεῖν 1024, 4, 25.
era&il020,5. 1113,8. 1139,
8, 1153, 7 passim.
μετισιαραλαμβάνειν 1192, 8.
μειεστέμητειν 1095, 13. 1208,
44.
uerazconiv 1065, 19, 20.
μετατιϑέναι 1085, 22.
μεταφέρειν 1127,33. 1129,
ΕΣ 191 07, j
neramon« 1127, 37.
μετετιιγράώειν 1129, 27.
μετεπιγραρή 1048, ὅ,
1180, 11. 1187, 18.

μειέρχεσϑαι 1019, 2.

20.

μειονομάξειν 1139, 7.
μετοχή 1123, 11.
μέιοχος 1037, 10.
1190, 3.
μειρεῖν 1015, 8. 1090], ı u.ö.
1092, 20. 1097,20. 1202, 3.
μέτρησις 1018,19. 1090 II, 17.

1123, 4.

ΝΕ Dr ER BE ΟΣ δ

32

μέτριος 1024, 7, 17. |

μέτρον 1188, 17 8, Ind. X. |

μέτωτιον 1013, 7. 1037, 8. |

μέχοις 1021, 13. 1027, 26, 21. |
1055, 52. 1055, 23, 28.

unzos 1094, 19.

unzorls 1118, 13.,

μῆλον 1013, 22.

ojv passim 5. Ind. IX, |

m» (οὐ μὴν ἀλλά) 1020, 14. |
1024, 7, 24 (zul μι.)
μην αῖος 1062, 16. 1135, 6,8. |
μῆνις 1026, 22, 14,
μηνύειν 1047 1, 11.
μηρύς 1088, 12.
mmoraoy ... (2) 1037, 35. |
μήτηρ 1014, 5. 1015, 1. 1017,
2 00, ONE 1051. 1:
1024,5,0u.0. 8,12. 1034, |
10. 1040, ὁ. 1045, 1 1.0. |
1046 1,2,24. 1051,6. 1054,
16. 1055, 42. 1058, 3.
1062, 6 u.ö. 1063, 4, 6. |
1069, 1u.0. 1071,6.1072R |
ra N OEIR 8
1093, 21. 1097, 23 u.ö..
1102,4. 1108,28. 1120, 3.
1131, 11,34. 1145, 28,20.
1151, 3,21. 1169, 15. 1187,
831209715:
wjroc« 1026, 22, 20.
20, 26.

μητγράδελφος (Ὁ) 11 58, 3.

1028, |

μηιρικύός 1187, 5.
μητρόγεολις s. Ind. VILA.
μιαίνειν 1026, 23, 14.
μιχρός 1200, 17.
μιμνήσχειν 1024, 5, 6, 24.
1208, 26 u. Ö. i
μίσϑιος 1069, 11, 13.
ı0)o,roaola« 1157, 8 u. ὃ,
μισϑύς 1024, 6,26. 1028,25, |
28.1039, 5.1058, 13.1106, |
15. 1107, ı0. 1108,8. 1109, |
26 ὅδ: ΤΠ ΟΣ ὩΣ τις ὑ:
1125,5 u. 0. J141, 40, 58.
μισϑοῦν 10 17,1. 1018, 6. ὃ.
1020,22. 1067,3. 109],υ.
1092, 8,27. 1104.30. 1116,5.
1117,6,10.1118,3u.0. 1119,
+ wo. 1120,5 u.0. 112127]

es Re
μίσϑωσις 1020, 21. 104711, |
(6 τι. ὅν. 1092,20. 1116,17 |
αἰ ὃ. L117,20,22. 1118,18 |
u.ö. 1119,28 u.ö. 1120,35
υ. ὃ. 1121, 15 u.ö. 1122, 37.
1123,2u.ö. 1126,15. 1185. |
Il, 24. 1208, 26. |
μισϑωτής 1047 1], 12. IV, 18.

nıgononnola 1208, 8.
“σον ους 105, 40.
μῖσος 1067, 15.
μν 5. Ind. X und ΧΙ.
uwercins Ss. Ind. Al.
mruc 1024, 4, 22,
μνημονεύειν 1024, 5, 20.
1043, 7.
tonyuowızos 1132,7. 1144, 5.
100708 102, 3, 12,14.
uoveyn 1064, 11. i
τύνη 1013, 25. 1024, 3,13.
102720, 1105 11.
1035,12. 1037,28. 10-10, 20.
1043,09, 18. 1092,8. I114,
ΠΕ Υ185. 22.
1200, Bat.
εν (πον αλμος) (Ὁ
1196, 97.
μουσικός Ss. Ind. VI.
uovoozevein. (ἡ 1125, 15.
μὐύλαιον 1067, 4 u. ὃ,
μῦλος 1067, 5. 1116,
urgosjan 1042 1. 15.

over

24.

umoarrı = moranti(?) 141,0.
“μῶρος 1046 ΠΠῊῊΡΡ Β; Ind. I.
uerrızos 1118, 14.

να σιάζειν 1097, 4.
vaurızos (ὅρος) 1208, 40.-
1105, 15.
19. (ὦ).
νεχρύς 1034... αἱ. ὕ,
γέμειν 10 7.1 5.
γεριηνία s. Ind. IX.
νέης 1013, 9 u. ὃ. 1015, 11.
1020, 15. 1036,3. 1037, 4
u.ö. 1061, ı2. 1078, 18. |
1092,21. 1120.3. 1142, 6. |
νεύρου (?) Τοῦτ»:
vn) (γὰρ Jia) 1024, 4, 18.
1123, 2.

γεκίν ει
veizos 1035,

7, 26.

νῆσος 1031, 12.

voeiv 1141, 7.

vorepzia 1072 Ν᾽, 2

von 1123, 2.

νομέξζειν 1024, 3, 23. 5, 12.
5. ι19.. 220:

νοχύς 5. Ind. IV.

ἡδμιτον 101: 2.

1085 II, 3.

voran 8. Ind. Xl.

νόμος 1032, 10.

voroenton Ss. Ind. XI.

ὉΠ} κα ες ΠΣ

vonodlzins 8. Ind. IV.

γόμος 1024, 4, 14. 5, 13, 21.
8. 10,20. 1073, 9,17. 1127,

11-48, 17.

νομὸς 1013, 5. 1014, 4. 1019,
11. 1038, 15,23. 1062, 15,

Ὁ
22.

16. 1048, 2, 1049, 1 u. ὅ.
1159, ı2 8. Ind. VII A.
vo0os 1059, 8.
νότος 1013, 20. 1037, ou. ö,
1048, ὁ. 1127, 12. 1129,
1:91132..14.
γυνεί 1041, 10.
1200, 22.

1119, ı0.

ξένος 1024, 6, 24. 1074, 4.

ξέστης 8. Ind. X.

ξηραίνειν 1040, 43,

ξέφος 1024, 3, 18 u. ὕ, 4,21.
8, 10.

ξυλαμεῖν 1017, 10.

stltla 1121, 27. 1123, 9,

τξυληγός 1157, 8. ᾿

“ξύλινος 1116, 24, 25.

ξύλον 1028, 111.

ξυλογοιός 1063, 40 (? 8,
Sukorrokton).

ξυλοπιύλιον (Ὁ) 1053, 49 (Ὁ).
1151, 40.

ὀβολός 8. Ind. ΧΙ.
ὁδήχτοτε 1123, 9.
ὁδός 1127, 12.
᾿οἴεσϑαι 1027, 26, 22. 1187,
\ 22.
ι olxeiv 1024, δ, 28.
olxeiog 1105, 10
4 οἴκησις 1113, 19.
ἡ οἰκητήριον 1115, 48. 1167,
wo.33,
’ οἰκία 1013, 11 u.ö. 1024,
ı 6, 18. 1033, 22. 1036, 11.
1037, 8 u. ö. 1038, δ,
1050, 21. 1051, 20. 1052,
26. 1069, 6,7. 1072 RII, 9.
1087 I, 8. 1098, 36. 1100,
35. 1101, 10. 1105, 10.
1116, 7 u. ö. 1130, o,
1141, 27 u. ὅ. 1148, 84.
1188, 156. 1189} 12,
οἰχίδιον 1131, 15 u. ὅ, 1148,
82... ;
οἰχιίμαρτοι (?) 1044, 8,
οἰκιστής 1022, 9.
οἰχογενεία 1033, 25.
« οἰκοδομεῖν 1013, 17. 1127,
10.
τοἰχκοδόμος (ὑχωδωμος) 1009
ΜΠ 8.
οἰκονομεῖν 1038, 16, 1049,
20. 1167, 66. 1129, 22, 24,
1909, 19.
οἰχονομέα 1038, 12. 1048, 9.
1180, 28,

οἰχονόι(ιος 8. Ind. IV.

olkovrosıov 1139, 14.

οἰκόκεδον 1037, 7. 1132, 19.

οἶχος 1050, 22. 1061, 81.
1052, 28. 1067, 6. 1078,
13. 1097, 12. 1098, 88.
1101, 17, 1110, 16 ἃ. ὅ.
1141, 37. 1182.

ἐξ οἴκου 1048, 11. 1050, 8.
1051, 11.1052 9,42. 1054,
5. 1055, Ὁ. 1056, 8. 1067,
7. 1058, 10. 1009, 5. 1099,
8. 1100, 16. 1101,77. 1102,
16. 1103, 11. 1104, 11.
1106, 18. 1107, ı7. 1109,
1... ΤΙ]. 15. 1111 Ὁ.
Ὁ 6. 1115, Ὁ 1120;
20. 1122, 11. 1124, 14.
1126, 6. 1130, 6. 1145,
0, 32%, 1147, 6. 1148, 7.
1149, 10. 1150, 5, 18.
1151, 5. 1153, 10... 1104,
10. 1155, 20. 1161, 9.
1162, 1. 1163,8. 1164, 6.
1165, 8, 16. 1167, 22, 40.

1169, ı2. 1170, δ, 7.
1172, 6.1173, 5. 1174,4.
1175, 6

οἰχουμένη 1074, 1.

οἰχουμενικύς 8. Ind. VI.

οἰνιχός 1123, 9.

οἶνος 1025, 15, 18, 16. 16,
18,24. 1039 8u.ö. 1203, 3.

ὀχτοχαιδεκότυλος 1055, 16,

ὄλεθρος 1027, 26, 11.

ὀλίγος 1024, 7, 12, 18. 1027,
26, 15.

ὀλιγωρεῖν 1039, 7. 1095, 8.
1097, 10.

ὁλχή 1028, ὁ u. ὕ.

ὕλμος 1067, 6.

ὁλόχληρος 1020, 4. 1027, 26,
12.

ὁλοχότιον 8. Ind. ΧΙ.

ὅλος 1024, 6, 13. 1027, 26,
17. 1028, 16. 1039, 11.
1049,8,9. 1097, 8. 1197,18.

ὀλύρα 1202, 0. 1206, 16.
1207, 12.

ὀμνύναι 1038, 5. 1068, 20.
1186, 3.

ὅμοιος 1025, 16,8, 23. 1029,

5. 1033, 18, 1047 IV, 8,

1065, 16.1108, 11. 1117,
29. 1118,47. 1119, 8. 1123,
8. 1132, 14, 16. 1140, 25.
1146, ı2. 1163, ı2. 1167,
34.
ὁμοιότης 1028, 16.
ὁμολογεῖν 1018, 5u.d. 1014,

33

4. 1015, 4 u. ö. 1020, 9
u.ö. 1021, ı. 1024, 7, 17.
1037, 8. 1045 Lv. I, 8.
1048, 2 u. ὕ. 1049, ı u.ö,.
1062, ı u. ö. 1064, 14.
1092, 7, 26. 1093, 15, 28.
πο ἀν 1Π|9 0}. 1: 119976.
1131, 85. 1139, 5. 1900, 3.

ὁμολογία 1020, 9 u. ὃ. 1049,
4,20.

ὁμόλογος 1049, 13. 11922

ὁμομήτριος 1034, 5. 1069,
13, 1126, 4.

öuosargıog 1034, 5. 1069,
12.

öucovouog 1047 1, δ.

ὅμως 1205, 13.

ὀνειδίζειν 1024, 7, 21.

ὄνομα 1021, 7. 1026, 23, τὸ,
1033, 32. 1047 IV, 5. 1049,
5. 1068, 13. 1059, 7. 1073,
18. 1101,21. 1107,90. 1108,
8. 1100. 710. 1110, 7, 0.
1111, 11. 1114, τὸ" 1123,
3. 1131, 22. 1133, 5, τὰ
1134, 7. 1148, 25. 1108,
23. 1168, 7. 1205, 23.

κατ᾽ üvoua 1041, 21.

εἰς τὸ ὄνομα 1127, 31.

ἐχ τοῦ ὀνόματος 1127, 80.
11θ8ι 7.

er ὀνόματος 1033, 33,

ὀνομάζειν 1165, 32.

ὄνος 1066, 6.
. ovrapyns 1025, 16, 9.

ὀξυπώγων 1080, V.

ὕγγλον 1024, 5, 11.

örıyaıg 1143, 17.

ὑρᾶν 1031, 11. 1078, 7.

ὄργανον 1061, 7.

ὀργή 1024, 4, 20.

ὀρϑός 1049, 24. 1062, 25.

ὀρϑριαίτερος 1201, 4.

ὄρϑριος 1208, 25.

ὁρίζειν 1051, 35. 1052, 33.
1058, 41. 1059, 10. 1098,
53. 1101, ı8. 1102, 30.
1103, 20. 1104, 26. 1107,
21. 1110, 10,. 20.111], 28.
1114, 27. 1115, 52. 1116,
29. 1117, 36. 1124, 24.
1127, 26, 41. 1129, 38.
1130226. 1131, 7. 1133,
11. 1136, ı8. 1148, 28.
1150, 10. 1162, 20. 1153,
10, 22. 1154, 30. 1155, 97.
1163, 10. 1164, 21. 1165,

39. 1167, 10, 30. 1168, 10. |

1171, a2. 1173, 10. 1174,
11;

ὕρως 1027, 26,

ὕριον 1049, 9. 1121, 8,

ὁρισμός 1091, 24.

ὕρμος 1121, 40. 1142, 6, —
2n.

ὀρύττειν 1121, 25

ὀριγανός 1209, 14,

ὑσώκις 1115, 22. 1120, 27.

öosrgrov 1092, 18.

ὑσιισοῦν 1113, 14. 1160, ὁ.

οὐετρανός 8. Inıl. V.
οὐλή 1013, 6, τ, 22. 1014,

7, 9. 1015, 2. 1016, 11,14.

1018 28. ΤΠ u 6,
1045 1, ı0. Il, 5. 1059,
20.

οὐρανός 1043, 21.

οὐσία 5. Ind. ὙΠ C.

ὀφείλειν 1026, 22, 23, 1027,
27, 17. 1025 Il, ı6. 1031,
6. 1047 Il, 12. IV, 15.
1054, 16. 1055, 41. 1108,
ΤΡ ἢ) 9), 1).
ΕΟ STE. 10.
1146, 7.1149, 17, 85. 115],
47, 53. 1155, 11. 1158, δ.
1162, 15. 1166, 15. 1170,
52. 1171, 21. 1188, 16.
ΤΟ 19. 8: 107: 18;

ὀγειλή 1038, 6, 22. 1053,35.
1055, 31. 1170, #0. 1158,
19.

öypeiknua 1049, 15. 1113, 15.
1148, 23. 1154, 20. 1155,
28. 1160, 5. 1164, 14. 1165,
21. 1168, 10. : 1169, 84.
1185 I, 10.

ὀφρυαία 1018, 28.

ὀφρύς 1045 1], 5.

ὀχειός 1116, 12.

ὀχομένεον 1017, 11.

ὀψάριον 1095, 17.

ötfıhvıov 1062, 20.

σπαγανός 1043, 25.

zrayos 8. VII A.

“ταἰδάριον 1079, 15.

srcadetae 1140, 0.

παιδιχός 1027, 27, 9.

zeaıdiov 1058, 12 u. ὃ. 1078,
12. 1101, 21, 22. 1106, ı3
u.ö. 1107, 9 u. ö. 1108,
7u.ö. 1109, 10.6.1110, 6
u.ö. 1111, 31. 1112, 10u.ö,
1139, 6, 11.1153, 1.7. 1203,
8.1204,10.1205,24.1209, 0.

zwwaıdigzn 1033, 27.

παῖς 1032, 3. 1199, 9,

σαχτός 8. Ind. ΧΙ.

zcalcı1036,24.1045 111. I,11.

u

BE. Di. ©

zualaıos 1043 3, 25.. 1075,
5. 1076, 5. 1095, 10.
zrahıv 1040, 37. 1138, 9.

1209, 18.
zraklovgosg 1120, 16.
γγανήγυρις 8. Ind. VI.
γανταχοῦ 1125, 12.
zrarıoiog 1020, 16. 1049, 18.
1092, 24. -
zravroxgarıvo 1026, 10.
zrarrore 1123, 8.
χγάνυ 1074, τ.
zrasırog 1071, 6. 1074, 8.
χγατυριχός 1121, 19. 18.
zraoa c. Gen. 1014, 9 passim.
zraga c. Dat. 1020, 18. 1024,
3, 10. 1039, 6. 1080, 20.
1141, 20 passim.
παρά c. Acc. 1022, 17. 1097,
6. 1141,21.1198, 12 passim.
παραβαίνειν 1051,34. 1052,
32. 1057, 27. 1058, 88.
1069, 13. 1062, 24. 1098,
27, 52. 1100, 25. 1101, 18.
1102, 35. 1103, 28. 1104,
26. 1106, »5. 1107, 19.
1108, 18: 1109, 23. 1110,
19, 20. 1114, 27. 1115, 28.
1116, 27. 1117, 80. 1118,
41. 1119, 83. 1120, 40.
1121, 31. 1122, 24. 1123,
1 1150 11. 1126, 10.
1127, 22. 1129, 29, 84.
ΕΠ σὺ, 05. 1143, 21.
1118, 26. 1108, 10, 22.
1154, 38. 1155, 36. 1160,
8. 1163, 16: 1164, 21.
1165, 38. 1167, 16. 1168,
19. 1171, 41.
παραβάλλειν 1106, 49. 1107,
‚27. 1108, 25. 1109, 29.
παράγειν 1139, 10.
παραγίγνεσθαι 1041, 2, 18.
.1033, 4. 1188, 14. 1204,
7. 1205, 15. 1208, 21.
παραγράφειν 1040,32. 1206,
11.
παραγραφή 108711, 5, 13 (Ὁ).
παράδεισος 1185 11, 19, 22.
παραδέχεσθαι 1119,04.1137,
16. 1199, 3 u. ὅ. (8. Ind. ΥἹ]).
παράαδὴν (?) 1123, 2.
παραδιδόναι 1018,24. 1047
- 111, 4. 1061,18. 1092, 28.
1096,6. 1115,30. 1116, 22,
27. 1117,25,34. 1118,33, 36.
1119,29.1120,21u.6.1121,
46. 1138, 10, 14. 1142, 6.
1152, 26. 1170, 6. 1203, 9.
παράδοξος 1074, 17, 28.

zraoadooıg 1047 IV 11.

jrapadarereıv 1121, 24.

“αράϑεσις 1034,12 (?). 1073,
ἽΝ:

᾿ σιαραίηλάζειν 1100,50.1107,

14, 1108, 15. 1109, 10.

«παραϑηράζειν 1058, 81.

zwagaueiv 1040, 82.
γπιαραχαλεῖν 1095, 22. 1133,
8. 1141, 10, 54.
σγαραχολουυϑεῖν 1123, 12.
zragakanpavreıv 1018, 2n.
1059, 8..1065, 10. 1110, 6.
1111, 30. 1112, 17. 1115,
51. 1116, 15, 26. 1119, 32.
1120, 24. 1121, 25. 1127,
20.
ragakeineıv 1118, 27. 1119,
22. 1120, 31, 49. 1209, 8.
zragakoyela 1185 1, 9.
zrapaueveıv 1043, 10. 1097,
15. 1125, 8. 1126, 9.
zrapauor) 1139, 5. 0.0.1153,
10 u. 0,
wapaur dia 1020, 7. 1024,
ἢ 12.
“γαρι κω τείϑειν 1141, 40.
σγαρανϑινολογεῖν (Ὁ) 1121,
20),
ταρασχευκίζειν 1027, 20, 10.
1039, 7. 1159, 9.
zwaoagvyygampeiv 1116, 31.
1117, 43. 1118, 46. 1119,
38. 1120, 44. 1121, 30.
1122, 30.1144, 10. 1153, 8.
waoavıyyocapn 1072 1, 5.
παρατιϑέναι 1033, 7. 1042,
9. 1073, 8. 1084, 34.
παράφερνα 1045 1, 14. Il, 15.
σταραχρῆμα 1045 I, 24. 1048,
11. 1049, 18. 1051, 21.
1052, 18. 1053, 80. 1054,
Ὁ. 1055, 57. 1056, 15.
1057, 11. 1059, 18. 1061,
11, 1098, 28. 1099, 18.
1111, 25. 1115, 28. 1116,
27. 1117, 30. 1118, 37.
1119, 33. 1121, 31. 1122,
24.1125, 5. 1127,19. 1131,
20, 37. 1145, 10, 06. 1146,

ı8. 1147, {πὸ 1150, 20.
1163, 0. 1156, 21. 1157,
24. 1161, ı6. 1162, 8.

1163, 14, 1166, 10. 1167,
165. ὅ, 1170,8,58. 1172, 0.
παραχωρεῖν 1048, 4, 12.
1059, 6, 10, 1094, 10. 1127,
8 π.ὅ, 1129, 20, 21. 1130,
᾿ 7. ὅ. 1132, 16, 28. 1157,
7, 14. 1170, 52.

34

zragayworoıs 1127, 13 u. 0. |

1128, 8, 10.
wagazwonrızos 1048,
ΤΊ Ὁ: 1130}. 20:

10.

1171, 12, 25. |

χεαρεῖνει 1020, 8 u.0. 1037,

5.1049, 10. 1080, 7. 1094,
RO ἢ:
1138, 8. 1139,53. 1141, 27.
117], 4.

γτκρειβολή 8. Ind. V.

“αρέρχεσϑαι 1020, 15. 1024,
4, 25.

wapelgpeöig J113, 17. 1160,
7. 1165, 26.

1021, 11.

γγαρέχειν 1024,
DE],

7, ı1. 1028, ı7. 1045, 21. |
1049, 15. 1057,21. 1058, 7

u.0.1062,23. 1080, 0. 1082,
6. 1092, 28. 1095, 1.1109,
5, 17. 1116, 35. 1118, 28.

1121,25, 41. 1122, 16. ὕ. |

1127, 15. 1129, 30. 1135,
14. 1142, 8. 1145, 41. 1147,
27. 1151,43. 1163, 9. 1170,
58. 1190, 5. 1199, ».
wagıevcı 1037, 26. 1120, 28.

zwapıorcraı 1027, 27, 15.

1058, 23. 1106, 23. 1139, |

18.
zrapogav 1140, 23.
χγαρορίζειν 1094, 8.
zragovola 1127, 37.
a, 110 12.
διὰ zreorıos 1197, 14. 1204,
2.1206, 2. 1207, 4. 1208, 1.
ziaoropogıor 8. Ind. VI.

1129,

σγαστοιρόρος 8. Ind. VI.

raoyeıy 1058, 20. 1106, 21.
1108, 11. 1147, 29. 1149,
34.

πατάσσειν 1024, 3, 17.

πατήρ 1036, 11. 1062, A, 8.
1051, ἃ. 1070, 5. 1084,
40. 1093, 12. 1097, 10, 27.
1105, 22.1113, 4. 13. 1128,
4 u. ὃ. 1140, 3 u. ὃ. 1167,
46. 1170, 28, 52.
ir. γιατρίδος 1074, 5.

γατητής 1039, 4.

raroızös 1070, 4. 1023, 2.

πάτριος 1140, 12.

zarols 1074, 5. 1140, 7.

zrarowv 1112, 4. 1114, 4,
1155, 13, 28,

σιεδίον 1060, 16. 1092, 12.

releıw 1024, 7, 26.

γτεζός 1120, 30.

χεείϑειν 1024, 6, 27. 1095,
12. 1118, 40. 1200, 16.

χεειϑαρχεῖν 1074, 9.

1120; 2]

γγεινίζειν (Ὁ) 1141, 24.
γγει ,γείζειν (?) 1141, 34.

sreio@ 1027, 20.

Ei able All

γιελωχιχόν 8. Ind. VII.

zrenireıw 1040, 12. 1043, 4
τ Ὁ. 1|):.7 ΠῚ τὸν 1079,
2, 1005... 1 ll 14,
21,297 111 5
11.1205, 17. 1206,5.1207,
8, 19. 1208, 24.

zreveia 1024, υτι ὃ, 14.

4)
Ἷ᾽ ;
zreyns 1024, ἢν ἢ,
srerdjueoos Ss. Ind. IX.
zreviyoa 1024, 8, 12.
γενταειη οιχός 5. Ind. IV.
jrevraenys 8. Ind. IX.
zrestordevrar 1141. 17.
zreger 1022, 25. 1061, 8,
"γέρας 1019, 7.

zreoı e. Gen. 1013, 19. 1022,
1031, 3.
1121, 4 passiim.

af. 1 ἡ N:
1080, 6.

sreot c. Acc. 1017, 6. 1018,
6. 1121, 7 passim,

1061, ı8. 1085

ZTEDLALOELV
ee:
zreplaune 1026, 22, 17.
zreoıd).eien® 107, 3.
γγερίϑολος 1120. 7.
σιερι, ἰγνεσϑαι 1041,11.1116,
17. 1117. 21201078, 18.
1120, 28. 1130, 18.
zregieivca 1013, 15. 1187, 9.
wegi£pyeotcı 1074, 5.
zregieyeiv 1047 III, 11. 1049,
RL 1.
zreogtıorarcı 1019, 8.
περιλεί,τειν 1123, 7. 1132,

12.

γγεριλύειν 1057, 27. 1133, 12.

1171, 30.
σερίλυσις 1072 11, 3. 1164,
vo. 1174, 4.
χγεριπένειν 1039, 9.
zregtsroreiv 1208, 39.
στεδιπολιστιχός 8. Ind. VI.
σγερισπῶν 1208, τ.
γερισσός 1024, 7, 26.
χερισιερά 1095, 20.
“γεριστέριον 1095, 16.
zeolorgwuc 1207, 5, 7.
περιτειχίξειν 1120, 8. 1158,
10. 3
zweomihevaı 1141, 10.
1043, 25.
zreoota 1028, 9.
γέρωϑε (Ὁ) 103], 12.
m 1120, 48.
sunyus 8. Ind. X.
zrıscoaozeıv 1049, 8 u. ὃ,

70...

πη)

1204, 5, .

TE Dana

1066, 3. 1078, 2. 1079, 10.
1171, 19. 1205, 11, 12.

πίπτειν 1205, 17 (Ὁ).

πίσος 1205, 8.

Ζτιστεύειν 1058, 32. 1106,
31. 1107, 14. 1108, 16, 17.
1109, 20. 1126, 18. 1159,

10:

πίστις 1047 11], 17. IV, 6.
1053 II, 5 (Ὁ). 1054, 14.
1055, 39. 1056, 25. 1057,
16, 31. 1058, 46. 1106, 44.
1107, 23. 1108, 22. 1115,

87. 1116, 80. 1117, 4.
1119, 45. 1120, 44. 1121,
40. 1122, 20. 1126, 20.
1133, 20. 1136, 8. 1142,
22. 1143, 32. 1144, 18.
1145, 17,44. 1146, 26.

1147, 33. 1149, 37. 1150,
23. 1151, 17, 45. 1156, 25.
1161, 30. 1162, 14. 1166,
14. 1170, 18. 1171, 17.
1172, ı6. 1175, 12.

πιστός 1141, 48. 1152, 26.

πιττάκεον 1155, 15. 1167,
4 u. ö. 1208, δ, 22.

πλάγιος 1028, 20, 20. 1121,
24.

zrhayıov 1084, 31.

σελάζειν 1031, 7.

πλάνη 1208, 6.

πλάτος 1094, 12. 1157, 0.

σπλέϑρον 8. Ind. X.

σπλὴν 1024, 6, 16. --- 1059, 8.
1109,21. 1116, 26 passim.

πλήρης 1015, 5. 1024, 7,20.
1049, 29. 1064, ı0, 1074,
15.
πληροῦν 1020, 14. 1055, 23.

021110, 11. 1132,
21.1133, 6. 1151, 32.
1165, ı3. 1171, 22. 1189,
17. ξ

σελήρωσις 1200, 21.

πλησίον 1094, 10. 1117, 9.

πλίνϑος 1031, 8.

πλοῖον "1039, 8. ‘1061, 20.
1142, 10. 1204, 5. 1205,
πο, :

τιλούσιος 1026, 33,21. 1141,
21.

σιλωτύς 1121, 25.

zeorsiv 1014, 18. 1019, 4.
1022, 18. 1024, 5, 18.
1026, 23, 20. 1027, 27, 9.
1031, 6, 7. 1039, 7. 1040,
19, 28. 1044, δ, 18. 1047,
11, 18, IV, 2. 1053, 26, 27.
1055, 19. 1058, 37. 1069,

21. 1060, 10. 1061, 28.
1062, 13, 18. 1064, 3. 1073,
18. 1078, 3,7. 1079,13, 18 (?),
31. 1081, 5. 1085 III, 80.
1093, 22. 1095, 5, 12.
1097, 2 u. ὃ. 1098, an.
1106, 27.: 1107, ı2. 1108,
ΤᾺ 1 ΠΟΘ 17. 111047:
1110, 33. 1119, 46. 1120,
29 u. ö. ‚1122, 33. 1123,
10. 1120, 26. 1127, 35. 40.
1128,7, 9. 1131,28. 1133,
14. 1136, 6. 1137, 10. 1139,
4, 18. 1141, 4 u, 6. 1143,
10. 1146, 10. 1140, 22,
1151, 33. 1155, 8. 1156,
15, 16. 1157, 16. 1167, 51.
1186, 10. 1188, 11. 1189,
10. 1193, ı2, 18. 1195, 2,
IT ta οἷ 1108. 12:
1203, 7. 1205, 18. 1208,
18.

“χοὸς 1061, 16,

zo)eiv = zuımAeiv 1013, 17.

σολεμεῖν 1035, 9, 11. (μετά).

zroA£uıos 1024, δ, 11.

σύλις 1022, 10. 1024, 4, π.
8, 0. 1062, 3 u. ö. 1089,
ı u. ö. 1091, 8. 1106, 10,
56. 1107, 6. 1108, 6. 1109,
7. 1121, 17 s. Ind. VIL A.

zvoltıela 1071, δ. 1086 11,2.

σολιιιχύς 1131, 22. (8. ἀρ-
χεῖον).

zcolıreveodar 8. Ind. IV.

σεολέτης 1074, 4,

σεολλάκις 1043, 9. 1044, 4.

πολυτίμητος 1208, 19.

πόνος 1024, 7, 20. 1026,
22, 20.

ζιορεύεσϑαι 1205, 20.

σιορϑμεύς 1188, 11.

zcopYueiov (-Dov) 1188, 9.

1208 zo

zcogvn 1024, 6,4 u. ö. 7,8
u. ὃ.

zrogvoßooxog 1024, 7, 14.

τιύρος 1020, 16. 1047 IV,
5 u. d, 1189, 11, 16.

noorg 1191, Ὁ. Ι

zorauog 1121, 24,

σοτας (Ὁ) 1143, 18,

σοτήριον 1036, 15, 10.

αἰοτίζειν 1119, 24. 1120, 30.
1122, 10.

χιοτισμός 1118, 32. 1119,
24.

rorlorge« 1040, 42. 1049, 9.

πούς 1015, 3.

πρᾶγμα 1027, 26, 18, 1061,

35

19, 27. 1080, 12. 1113, ı0.
1141, 4. 1155,35. 1165, 23.
1168, 17. 11851, 2. 1209,
12, 13.
zrgayuereicr (Ὁ) 8. Ind. IV.
ro«yuarızos (Ὁ) 8. Ind, IV,
τγραιτιύριον 8. Ind. V,
roa@zrwg 5, Ind. IV.

|

4

σερᾶξις 1014, 16. 1015, 14. |

1024, 5, 24. 1045,
1050, 17. 1051, 23. 1052,

19. 1053 I, 40. 1054, 12. |
1055, 34. 1056, 19. 1057,
13, 20. 1058, 42. 1098, 20. |

1099, 20. 1100, 27. 1101,
13. 1106, 40. 1107, 21.
1108, 20. 1109, 25. 1115,
88. 1716, 202 1117, 36:
1118, 48. 1119, 42. 1120,
42. 1121, 97. 1122, 27.
1126, 11. 1126, 18, 1127,
20: 1121 πὸ, 1159. 2
1134, ı7. 1136, 7. 1142,
18. 111... 27 EEE si:
1145, 14, 38, 42. 1146, 22.
1147, 20. 1149, 29. 1150,
21. 1151, 10, 37. 1156, 22.
1159, 80. 1161, 23. 1162,
10.211166, 12
nz, So ae 12;
1175, 10. 1189, 10:
zro@oıs 1047 IV,
1049, 14. 1129, 80.
zroaoov 1118, 16. 1120, 5.
woarreıv 1024, 3, 7. 1024,
ὅ, 17. 1081, 3. 1038, 6.
1057, 28, 1060, 18, 1062,
14. 1074, 12.
1119, 40. 1120, 45. 1121,
30, 44. 1122, 32. 1144, 13
u. ö. 1108, 11. 1159, 27.

10, 10,

1163, 14. 1167, 64. 1198, |

17.

ττρέσϑυς 1013 9 u. ö. 1023,

3. 1037, 3 u. ö. 1074, 2.

1120, 3.
τρεσδύτερος 8, Ind. IV.
zroeopvung 1024, 8, 12.
χιρειέριτος 1027, 26, 16,
go 1040, 2. 1042, 8. 1072,

I, 2. IL, 2 passim.
zroodyeıv 1060, 25.
zroncugpeiv 1130, 22.
σεροαίρεσις 1024, 3, 9.
σιροϑ)αίνειν 1209, 10.
woodahkeıv 1089 II, ı u. ὃ.
apoparıov 1130, 11.
χιρύϑατον 1208, 20.
σρογιγνιύσκειν 1141, 30.
zcooyovog 1074, 8.

20. |

1167, 57. |

NIS, Be ΝῚ

τρογρώρειν 1032, 7. 1133,
10. 24. 1046 I, ıı u. ö
Τοῦ 8. oz: 33.
DIS 9. ΓΙ 27, 28.
1119, 46. 1121, 41. 1124,

26. 1126, 42. 1131, 65.
1145, 19, 21.. 1156, 20.
1167, 17, 20. 1200, 10,
“ρυγρίαρή 1033. 2.
zroodı, λοῦν 1049, au. ὕ,
1069, 8.
onedpos 5, Ind. IV,
‚ooeivau 1045 1, 7. Il, 9,
‚oorzem 1121, 8.
gonyeisde 1193, 11.
zigodeos 1024, 6, 20 (2)
irgosteonie 1038, 4.
γέροιέναι 1033, 25. 1128, 6.
1135, 10. 1167, 3.
zrooiS 1045 1], 23.
zrgoıoravcı 1028, 8,25. 1105,
A ΟῚ 17.
γίροκαλεῖν 1024, 5, ἢ.
ζερηκεῖσσθαι 1020, 18. 102%,
14. 1025, 15, 8. 16, 7, 8.
1036, 32. 1037, 38, 40.
1045 Il, ı8. 1049, 20 u. ö,
1050, ı2. 1051, 22. 1155,
22, 46. 1057, 26. 1062, 22.
u. ö. 1065, 15, 30. 1069,
7,122109282751094,, 15,
16. 1098, 15, 28. 1099, 18.
1100, 16, 26. 1105, 18.
1106, ı8. 1107, 25. 1108,
Too elle, 42.
1120, ı8 u. ö. 1122, 37.
1123, 3 u. ὃ. 1125, 10.
1128, 8.1129, 18, 20. 1130,
28: 119} Ὁ: ΤΠ
Ὁ, 80. 11... Ὁ. 1135; 13.
1137, 7. 1145, 42. 1146,
19.2.1149 ΡΟΣ 33 Gel 151,
14, 32. 1153, 5. 1156, 13.
Lo an Ὑ758: ἴδ᾽ 21.
1165, 28. 1187, ı4. 1189,
6, 16. 1197, 5. 1200, 23.
1202, 6, 8.
zroozVonSts 1085 Il, 7.
sıoozoa_em (2) 1111, 48.
zoozle 1157, 21.
zuonerntızos 1148, 34.
σχιρολιιι δάνειν 1129, 6.
σχιρολέγειν 1049, 6. 1050, 27.
1051,37. 1098,42. 1101,19.

zronvoeiv 1024, 7,
af:

zroovore 1060,

zrpozrarogıaos 1123, 2 (2).

σιροτιολιτεύεσίλαι 5. Ind. IV.

res c. Gen. 1038,20. 1070, 6
passim.

-

πρός c. Dat.
1031, 9. 1061,
1140, 19 passim.

zroös c. Acc. 1015, 6. 1019,
4. 1021, 8. 1024, 1. 3, 11.
4, ı passim.

προσαγγέλλειν 1061, 4.

προσάγειν 1111, 6. 1185 1],

11.11.92, 2.

προσαγορεύειν 1080,22.1097,

8 (Ὁ). 1120, 7.

προσαγωγι 1192, 10. —— '
σπροσαναφέρειν (?) 1156, 28.
85.
1122, 34.

προσαποδιδόναι
1118, 86, 88.
1125, 6. 1127, 40.

προσαυξενειν 1074, 6.

1116,

srooodeioraı 1127, 86. 1129,

27. 1158, 15.
προσδιαγρα(όιιενα 8.

VI.

προσδιαλαμβάνειν 1060, 30.
προσδιδόναι (διδέναι) 1115,

42. 1120, 24.
σεροσβάλλειν 1026, 22
1132, 8.
προσβολή 1132, 17, 23.
προσγράγειν 1026, 22, 18.

προσδανείζειν 1132, 27, 32.
προσεῖναι 1024, 4, 8. 1067,

6. 1131, 16 u. 0.

προσεχτίνειν 1059, 14. 1113,

21. 1127, 23. 1129, 84.
προσελέγχειν 1138, 13.

προσέρχεσϑαι 1019,10. 1024,
16. IV,
6, 11.1085, 12, 10. 1123, 2.

δ, 20. 1047 II,

1148, 10.
προσευχή 1080, 5.
zoousy.. 1208, 27.
. προσέχειν 1042, 18.

προσήχειν 1045 I, 10. 1058,
1106, 28.
1108, 14. 1119, 20. 1120,

28. 1085, 27.

29. 1187, 30. 1192, 4.
προσχαρτερεῖν 1042, 6.
σπεροσχεῖσϑαι 1036, 29.

zroooxAnoıg 1131, 54. 1168,

10.

προσκομίέζειν 1127,5. 1129,

7.

nooorvveiv 1073,12. 1191, 0.

προσχυρεῖν 1121, 8.
προσλαμβάνειν 1060,

10, 1141, 27.

πρόσοδος 1022,18. 1047 IV,
12.1187, 2.1194, 8. 1197,
5. 1200, 5 u. ö. s. Ind.

IV, VI

1027, 26, 24.
9. 1071, 1.

Ind.

17,25.

17.
1061, 6. 1107, 20. 1108,

groooorpelkeıw 1143, 6.

zrooonclzereıv 1187, 16. 1206,

15, 10.
zrooosvoteiv 1042, 18,
σερυσσυγχιυρεῖν 1098, 45.

πρύσταγμα 1053 1], 7. 1118,

21. 1119, 45. 1156, 26.
σερηοστάς 1115, 18 u. ὃ.
προστάσσειν

1139, 18. 1182.
1197, 18.

σιροστάτης 8. Ind. IV.

χιρυστελεῖν 1115, 8.

προστιϑέναι 1047 II, 8, 16.

IV, 18.
πρόστιμον 100], 35.
33. 1058, 42.
1098,
37. 1103, 29.
1107, 21.
10. 1111,

1104,

29. 1117, 36.

80. 1130, 27. 1131,

10. 1152, 21.

16. 1164, 21.

1167, 10, 80. 1168,
11.

προσφέρειν 1024, 7,
1100, 11. 1104, 11.

προσφιλής 1043, 24.

zrooogpwveiv 1047, 8. 1068,

14.

σπροσχαρίζεσϑαι 1141, 50.

σζεροσχρῆσϑαι
1096, 8. 1127, 21.
27.

πρόσω 1156, 33.

scooowscov 1028, 20. 1045,

I, 10.

σερύτερος 1038, 4, 22. 1045,
7. 1048, 7. 1091, 15. 1096,
1167, 88.

4. 1132, 18, 31.
1171, 22. 1193, 0.
προτιϑέναι 1086 1], 4.
zroopaoıs 1024, 6, 21.

zoopegeıw 1024, 7, 4. 1134,

9 1135, 11. 1141, 11.
zroopnens 8. Ind. VI.
zroopooa 1093, 10.
γιροχειρέζειν» 1198, 2.
zrooyeiporoveiv 119], 6

χεροχειροφορεῖν (Ὁ) 1138, 8.

σπιρόχρησις 1118, 43.
χερυτανέυειν 8. Ind. IV.

---

1024, b, 21.
1027, 26, 17. 1038, 18, 25.
1185, 1.

1052,
1059, 16.
53. 1101, ı8. 1102,
27.
1109, 20. 1110,

90. 1113, 24.
1114, 27. 1115, 52. 1116,
1122, 27.
1124, 24. 1127, 26. 1129,
27
1135, 19. 1148, 28. 1150,
1153, 10, 22.
1154, 39. 1155, 37. 1163,
1165, 80.
10.
1171, 42. 1173, 19. 1174,

20.

1053 II, 12.
1156,

36

σερύτανις 8. Ind. IV.

rot (towias?) 1206,

zro@wros 1024, 3, 6. 1039, 2.
1065, ἃ. 1069, 7. 1, 1.
1074, 16, 25. 1092, o.

γιτεραιςόρος (τττερλ.) 1196,
37.

πυϑμήν 1118, 17. 1120, 12,
37.

20,

N

σεύλη 1072, VI, 2. (1188, 1.0.1

arukis 1028, 9.
στυλιύν" 1028, 10.

σύργος 1194, 9, 14.

zevoös 1017, 9 u. ὃ. 1018,
11 u. ö. 1089 II, 10 u. ὃ,
1090 I, 6 u. ὃ. 1092, 17
Ὁ. ὃ, 1142, ı u.ö. 1192,
2. 1200, 8 u. ö. 1206, 12.

σχεωλεῖν 1024, 7, 27. 1121,
21.

damanıyog 1097,

ῥίζα 1026, 22, 17.

ölsereıw 1024, 3, 1

eis 1014, 9. ἘΠ 12, 15.

ῥοδεών 1119, 11, 28.

ῥύμη 1013, 27. 1037,
(βασιλικὴ) 1117, 8.

δύσις 1039, 10.

16.

ERSEL?

ῥωννύναι 1030, 8. 1031, 15.

1038, 11.
22. 1042,

1040,
20.

14. 1079, 34.
1081, 8. 1082,
II, 4. 1096, 13.
1204, 0. 1205,
19. 1207, 14.
1209, 21

1080,
10. 1086

33.

σαλάριον 1049, 19.
σαλτιιχτῆς 8. Ind. VI.
σωδύχενος 1207, 6.

1095, 21.
σεμίδαλις 1067, 15.

σειινός 1024, 8. 7.
oenovpyeiv 1121, 19 (?).
σεῦτλον 1118, 17. 1120, 12.

σαργανίέτιον

48. 1041,
1043, 27.
1044, 15 1073, 20. 1078,
24.

1203, 12.
1206,
1208, Bi.

σημαίνειν 1078, 4, 9. 1097,
ΤΠ; τῷ Ὑτ10θ᾽ τ’
1122, 85, 1125, υ. 1129, |
4. 1132, 5 u. ὃ. 1144, 11.
1153, 19. 1154, 22. 1163,
ἢ. 1165, 30. 1167, 25.
1187, 18. 1189, ı1. 1206,

8, 10. 1207, 16. 1208, 10
σημεῖον 1064, 18 (Ὁ).
σημειοῦν 1028, 15,8 u. ὅ.

"σίχιος 1118,

. ga&ırn 1053 II, 11.

168 u. 6.

1038, 12, 27.
1072 1], 10, ı2. 1075, 8.
1076, 8. 1089, 10, 1090,
9.

σηπίωσις 1032, 16. 1033, 34.
σῆς 1110, 26.

15,

σίσεττιον 1080, 18.

1190, 6.

σιταρχία 1190, 9, 14.

σιτία 1067, 14.
σιτιχύς 1066, 14 8. Ind, VIII.
σιτολύγος 5. Ind. IV.

σιταρχεῖν

σῖτος 1022, 17. 1117, 20.
σιτοιρύρος 1104, 30. 1167,
48,

σκάπτειν 1119, 23. 1120, 80.
1121, 18

σκάφη 1157, 8 ἃ. ὃ,

σχεττεστιχύς 1185 1, 8.
1054, 15.
1055, 40. 1056, 26. 1057,
16, 31. 1058, 46, 51. 1106,
44. 1107,23. 1115,3. 1116,
50. Πα 19. 45:
el 40. 1122, 30. en

32. ke 19. 1145, 18, 44.
1146, 25. 1147, 33. 1149,
37. 1150, 23. 1151, 46.
1156, 27. 1161, 0. 1162,
14. 1166, 14. 1170, 133

᾿σχεῦος 1061,23. 1065, 14, 28.

ul, Suln 27%
σχηνιχός 8. Ind. VI.
oxıa 1141, At, :
σχυτάλη RS
Ind. \
σπείρειν 1097, 17. 1193, 11.
σπέρμα 1018, 13. 1097, 20.
σηλάγχνον 1139, 17.
ee 1200, 12.
1049, ıv0. 1092,
σττύριμος 1049, 7, 12.
osrogos 1189, 18. 1192, 2.
σπουδάζειν 1080, 14.
στουδή 1207, 10. 1209, 7.
N

1).

OTTELDE B.

σττορά 12.

σταϑιός 8. Ind.
1055, 21.
18, 21.

ΧΙ.

σικαιὺς
στάσις 1121,
oraıyo 8. Ind.
σταιυλὴ
1120, 16.

1039, 2. 1118, 14. %

Fe

στέγνωσις 1116, 12. 1117, 18.

στελεις (Ὁ) 1120, 17.

σιερεύς 1208, 20.
σιέρεσϑαι 1050, 24. 1051,
33. 1052, 81. 1098, 40.
1101, 18. 1140, 7. 1187. 5
25.
΄

στεανείτις 5. Ind. VI.

στέφανος 1123, 3, 5. 1185
le:

στιβεύς 1087 I, 0.

orlyos 1026, 22, 18. 23, 12.

στοά 1127, 3 u. ὅ. 1167, 88.

στοιχεῖν 1020, 17.

στολή 1036, 13, 18.

στύλος s. Ind. V,

στόμωμα 1028, 14.

στρατεύεσθαι 1127,28. 1131,
20 8. Ind. V,

στρατηγεῖν 8. Ind. IV.

στρατηγία 1159, 160, 324. 8.
Ind. IV.

στρατηγός 8. Ind. IV.

oroatunrns 5. Ind. V.

orpopevs 1201, 17.

στύλος 1028, 13.

συγγενής 1045 1,9. II, 21.
1108, 4 s. Ind. IV.

συγγεωργεῖν 1094, 7.

ovyyeapı) 1045 I, 1, 1050,
26. 1098, 43. 1101, 20.
1131, 21.1144, 5, 11. 1148,
18. 55. 1100, 15, 30.

σιγκαταρεϑιιεῖν 1208, 84.

συιγκομιδή 1092, 21.

συγχομέζειν 1040, 39.

συγχρίνειν 1038, 14.

σύγχρισις 1185 11, 27.

συγχύρειν 1132, 10,

συγχαίρειν 1080, 2.

συγχειρογραφεῖν 1032, 13.
συγχρῆσϑαι 1187, 22. 1192,

"8. 1208, 33.

συγχωρεῖν 1013, 21. 1050,
5. 1051, 7. 1052 5, 40.
1053 I, 12. II, 14. 1054,
3. 1055, 6. 1056, 6. 1057,
6, 21. 1058, 6. 1059, 5, 14.
1099, 5. 1100, 5. 1101, 6.
1102, 7. 1103, 5,26. 1104,
5, 25. 1106, 7. 1107, 5
u. ö. 1108, δ, 206. 1109,
4. 1110, 10, 18. 1111, 7,
22. 1112, δ, 14. 1113, 10
u.ö. 1114, ı7, 26. 1115,
5. 1116, δ. 1117, δ. 1119,
4, 13. 1120, 5. 1121, 4,45.
1122, 4. 1124,4,23. 1126,
5 u. ö. 1127, 23. 1128, δ.
1129, 17 u. d. 1130, δ, 24.
1131, ı2. 1133, 7. 1134,
Ὁ... 1135, 4, 17. 1143, o.
1144, 9. 1145, 4 u. ö,
1146, 6. 1147 δ. 1148, 6,
27. 1149, 5. 1150, 4 u. 6,
1151, δ, 28. 1152, 3 u. ὅ.
1153 9 u. ö. 1154 8, 97.

DD -

1155, 21,35. 1156, 7. 1167,
13, 25. 1158, 3, 22. 1159,
4. 1161, 0. 1163, 8, ın.
1164 5. 20. 1165, 6 u. ö.
11664. 1167, 8u.0. 1168,
5, 17. 1169,8. 1170 4. ὃ.
11771562 1172,42 1173; 13,
20. 1174, 4, 12. 1175, 4.
συγχιύρησις 1053 II, 17, 24.
1054, 17. 1055, 44. 1057,
24. 1058, 49. 1102, 11 u.ö.
1103 8, 15. 1104, 9, 14.
1105, 8, 1106,4. 1108, 28.
t112, 8. 1113, 24. 1115,
47. 1119, 63. 1120, δ].
1122, 38. 1123, 7. 1124,
15, 28. 1126, 206. 1127, 33.
1129, 4 u. ö. 1130, 31.
1131,46. 1132, 5,30. 1133,
6, 12. 1143, 7, 34. 1148,
10 u. ö. 1149, 10 u. Ö.
1150 6,7. 1152,06 u. 0.
11563, 6 u.ö. 1154, ıt u. ὃ.
1155, 17. 1156, 30. 1157,
4 u. ö. 1158, 7, 11. 1162,
17. 1164 8, ı1. 1165, 9
u. ö. 1166, ı7. 1167, 22
u. ö. 1168, 4. ὃ. 1169,
7 ἃ. ὃ, 1170, 57. 1171, δ
u. ö. 1173, 0, 12. 1174,
5, 2. 1176. 1177.
συγχωρίζειν 1208, 80.
guvzarıwvıa (Ὁ) 1207, 7.
σῦχον 1120, 16.
συλᾶν 1036, 28.
σύλληψις 1047 IV, 14
σύλλογος 8. Ind. VI.
συμβαίνειν 1058, 20. 1060,

23. 1106, 20. 1108, 11.
1110, 0. 1191, 26. 1199,
22. 1140, 9. 1147, 290.

1149, 33. 1158, 16.
συιβεβαιοῦν 1071, 7.
σύμβιος 1049, 28,
συμβιοῦν 1045 ], 16.
συμβίωσις 1080, 4. 1102, 10,

28. 1103, 7, 20. 1104, 18.

1105, 10. ᾿
ovußoAwoyampos 8. Ind. IV.
ovupBokarov 1047 I, 8
σύμβολον 1062, 14. 1089 II,

uö,
σιμβουλεύειν 1097, 8 (Ὁ).
σύμμικτος 1120, 12.
συμταίζειν 1027, 26, 20.
συμπαρεῖναι (ἢ 1137, 6.
σύμπας 1014, 10.
συμπείϑειν 1163, 8. 1168, 5.
συμπληροῦν 1044, 7. 1122,

22.

37

σύμτελησις (σὐμιϑλησις) 1024,
5, 20.

ovucveiv 1024, 8, 20.

ovupams 1058, 34. 1106,
ὃ ANORG, τ TOUR zz
10922123126, 12:

ovump£osıy 1024, 6, 28,

ovpuros 1118, 28, 33. 1119,
29. 1120, 36. 1122, 23.

συμφωνεῖν 1015, 6. 1025,

15, 21. 1049, 11. 1065, 10. |

“1092, 14, 112, 6.
σύν 1020, 22.

13. 1055,32. 1110,21 passim,

συνάγειν 1017, 14. 1058, 10, |

1106, ı9. 1109, 14.
συναγωγεύς 1137, 3.
συναγωγή 1137, 2.
συναγιυνιστής 8. Ind. Vi.
συναίρειν 1080, 9.

1035, 16. 1OBL, |

συνάλλαγμα 1062, 24. V,ı. |

vvvarkasız 1120, 52.

συναλλάττειν 1062, 10 u. ὃ.

1116, 17. 1120, 51, 03.
gorewahfr/en 1133, 4.
ourascooreileı 1080, 18.
ovvagı8)ıeiv 1186, 9.
συναρμόζειν 1103, 23. 1104,

24,
συνδιαλέγειν 1037, 10.
σύνδουλος 1111, 20 u. ὕ,
συνειδέναι 1141, 50.
συνείδησις 1024, 3, 7.
1045 1, 7. II, 9.

1049, 2. 1050, 23. 1051,

31. 1052, 29. 1084, 24.

1098, 38. 1101, 4, 17.
συνεχ τέμσιειν 1127, 80.

συνεῖναι

συνεξελεύδδερος 1141, 20, 22.

συνεγεισχύειν 1189, 14.

συνέρχεσϑαι 1050, 6. 1051
8. 1052, 6. 1098, 8. 1099
6. 1105, 9.

ovvevdozeiv 1171, 4, 9. 1129
3,6. 1171, 4,9.

σύνευνος 1080, 23.

I

)

συνέχειν 1024, 8, 13. 1008,

31. 1054, 9. 1055, 28.
1056, 10. 1057, 12. 1106,
37.1110, 18. 1113, 323.
1115, 20. 1116, 27. 1117,
31. 1119, 34. 1121, 31.
1122, 25. 1133, 15. 1142,
18. 1143, 22. 1145, 11 u. ὕ.
1146, 18. 1147, 15. 1150,
10, 20. 1151, 34. 1156, ı0.
1161, ı8. 1162, 6. 1164,
20. 1166, 10. 1167, 54.
1170, 9. 1172, 10.

συνεχής 1024, 6, 5. 1037, 7.
συ τι 1049, 10. 1062, 15.
συν υσίτ 3. Ind. VL.
grvrege"s 8. Ind. VL
swrıorcorce 1062,
Ὧν 1107.
1185 II, >26.
συμστορεῖν 1141, 49, 51.
συνοδείτης 1137, 9.
σύνοδης 5. Ind. V, VI.
svvorzia« 1047 I, 13. 111,
10, 19.
συνοιχίσιον 1101, 20.

17. 1102,

L141, 20, 82.

συνορᾶν 1024, 4, 25.
13.
συνγύ. = GUUGT.

1139,

σύνσιοιχος 1205, 9.

ovvoroayl-ew1113,9.1204.3.

σύνταγιια 1131, 14.

ovyrarıeıw 1125, 9. 1127, 8.
1129,09 1131,40,50. 1136,
0. 1138, 10: 1157,08, 1182.
1187, 28. 1190, ı3. 1200,
20.

συντελεῖν 1157, 51. 1200, 12.

συντηρεῖν 1058, 32. 107.}, 2.
1101, 14. 1106, 31. 1108,
10. 11 ΡΟ ΤΠ 6, 13.

συντιϑέναι 1024, 6, 18.

ovvrıuav 1118, 35.

συντίμησις 1045 1, 14. Il, 15.
1085 II, 3. 1118, 8a, 88.
PIE. ὃ.

σύίντροίρος 1058, 60.

GUT. = GVU.

συν. = 007%.

συριστηρέδιον 1508 3; .28.

σύσιασις 1187, 31.

συσιατιχόν 1093, 20,

σφάλμα 1035, 8.

orodoos 1024, 4, iv.

oroayilew 1074, 19 u, ὃ.

σφραγίς 1032, 2,4 8. Ind.
V11C.

σφράγισμα 1094 V, 1 (kop-
tisch).

σχάζειν 1097, 4.

σχῆμα 1140, 13.

oyowıza 8. Ind. X.

ΧΟ ΩΝ Ξ. NEN -

σχολαστιχός 8. Ind. IV.

σώμα 1024, 4, 10. 1150, 12.
1208, 48,

σωμάτιον 1111. 11, 17. 1153,
7.

σῶος 1058, 32. 1106, 31.
1107, 14. 1108, 10. 1109,
20. 1126, 13.

σωτήρ 1138, 190. 1139, 17.
1140, 23. 1182. 1200, 25.

σωιηρία 1047, 27, 9..
σωφρησύνη 1024, 8, 10.

τάβλα 1079, 29.
. tayerov (Eigenname Ὁ)
1188, 14.
ταγὴ 5. Ind. X.
τάγμα 8. Ind. V.
ταγματιχός 1118, 14.
ταινία 5. Ind. VII C.
ταχτιχύς 8. Ind. IV. V,
τάλαντον 5. Ind. ΧΙ.
ταμεῖον 1037, 8.
ταμίας 5. Ind. IV.
ταμιε... 1194, 1τυ(ταμιεῖον Ὁ)
τανῦν 1113, 10. 1114, 17.
1129, 17. 1167, 18.
tase.ouarıa 1120, 25.
τάξις 1027, 26, 21. 27, 6 (Ὁ).
1096, 7.
τάξις, ἡγεμονικὴ τ. 8.Ind. IV.
ταπιτάριος 8. Ind. 1.
ταριχηρός 1095, 17.
τάττειν 1028, 24. 1069, 9.
1068, 12. 1118,20. 1125,21.
ταφή 1131, 86, 37.
τάγος 1085 II, 6.
τάχα 1040, 41. 1079, 11, 22.
τάχος 1204, υ.

zexvov 1934, 11. 1069 5, 10.
10702 3.1097, 23, 25.
1185 I, 6. 1197, 22.

τέχτων 1030, 8.

τελεῖν 1049, 18, 1074, 20.
ἘΠ 1 1120, 3 u. 6.
1121, 17. 1145, 33, 1158,
18. 1185 II, 20. 1188, 11.
1194, 11.

τέλειος 1066, 7, 14. 1067,
12, 14. 1080, 5. 1100, 10.

τελειοῦν 1057, 23. 1105, 8,
25. 1112, 8. 1129, δ, 20.
1132, 3. 1143, 5. 1146, 0,
1157, 4. 1165, 10.

τελείωσις 1108, 3.

τέλεσμα 1067, 14.

τελευτῶν 1034, 7, 16. 1034,
11. 1036, 0. 1046 III, 5,
0 (0). 1068, 8 u. ö. 1069,
9, 14. 1113, 5. 1100, 25,
1170, 28. 1185 1], 10.

τελευτή 1050, 20. 1098, 61.
1187, 18.

τελωνεῖν 1088, 1, 0.

τελώνη 1188, 17.

, τελιύνιον 1118, 20.

“τέναγος 1118, 4. 1119, 0,

τερείτης 1126, 8, ὕ. (σερ. ἡ).

: τέχνη. 1124, 11, 22.

τετράγωνος 1127 9. 1167, 82.

τετράμηνος 5. Ind, IX,

τέτρωρος 1060, 15, 18.

τεχνείτης 1028, 16undInd.VI.

1126,
9, 10.

τηλία 1117, 11.

τηρεῖν 1098, 8. 1141, 20.
1190 11:

τήρησις 1061, 10.

τίαιν 1119, 48,

τιϑέναι 1026, 22, 17. 1050,
24. 1053 1, 36. 1055, 81.
1072 1, 6. 1098, 42. 1101,
p. 1113, 0. 1122, 15. 1161,
7.1186, 11.1192, 6. 1208,
25.

τιϑηνεῖν 1153, 8.

τίκτειν 1020, 22, 21.

τιμή 1015, 6 u. ὃ. 1024, 7,
28. 1028 II, 8 u. ö. 1049,
12, 22 ἃ. ὃ. 1050, 18. 1051,
13. 1055, 21. 1062, 20.
1065, 6 u. ö. 1066, 8.
10691, 7u.ö. 1074, 6, 15.
1080, 20. 1090 IV, 37.
1101, 8. 1114, ı2. 1118,
45.1121,34. 1129, 8. 1131,
50. 1142, 10, 1143, 23.
1146, 7. 1163, 6. 1194, 9.
1195, 8, 20. 1205, 18. 1206,
14. 1207, 12.

τίμιος 1185 II, 28.

τιμωρία 1024, 4, 17 τ. ὅ.
1027, 27, 7, 10.

τίνειν 1044, 4.

τοίνυν 1024, 3, 28. 4, 16.

τοῖχος 1116, 20..

τόκος 1038, 20, 21. 1052, 43.
1053, 39. 1054, 11. 1055,

84, 40. 1056, υ u. ö. 1057,
8 ἃ. ὅ. 1115, 8, 32. 1120,
41. 1123, 7. 1124, 10, 30.
1126, 7. 1128, 16, 1131,
27. 1132, 8, 21. 1133, 17.
1134, ı7. 1136, 7. 1144,
11, 15. 1145. 7 u. ὃ. 1146,
21. 1147, 7 u. ö. 1148; 15,
1149, 15. 1150, 6, 21. 1151,
15, 87. 1152, 10. 1154, 10.
1155, 11 u.ö. 1157, zu. ὃ.
1161, 10 u. d. 1162, o.
1164, 10, ı9. 1165, 12 u. d.
1166, 6 u. ὃ. 1167, 8 u. ὃ.
1168, 11. 1169, 14. 1170,
10. ὕ. 1171, 21,39. 1172,
12. 1173, 2. 1174, 7,0.
1175, δ, 9.

τόχος = τύπος oder σείχος
1024, 8, 10.

N

38

τολμᾶν 1022, 24. 1139, 13.
1209, 10.

Torrcoyns 8. Ind. IV.

tosceoyla 5. Ind. VII A.

τοτογραμματεύς 8. Ind.

τύπος 1018, 9. 1025, 16,
10, 25. 1027, 26, 25. 27,
2, 12. 1037, 10.1038, on,
1047 IH, 5: 1053 II, Ὁ

IV.

1086 Il, 4. 1114, 0. 1118, |

01. 1 τι 1199 0.10.0
- 18: 1139,19. 1141,9u.0.

πες. UST BE

ἩΠΟΟΣ ἡ. ΤΠ 208 ἢ.
rovveza 1026, 22, 10.
τράγεεζα 1010, 0. 1038, 19.

1047 Il, 3. 1053, 17. 1059, |

25. 1062, 16, 1065, 2.
1067, 5. 1110, 15. 1114,
16, 19. 1118,23 u.ö. 1197,
30, 32. 1129, 19. 1132, 8.
1144, 6. 1149, 7. 1151, 29.
1152, 5, 14. 1154, 20. 1156,
9. 1158, 22. 1163, 6. 1166,
6. 1167, 5, 88, 1168, 7, 18.
1170, 28. 1194, 2.
roaiwelteng s. Ind. IV.
τρέγρειν 1026, 22, 21. 1050,
2125311205228
τριαχάς 8. Ind IX.
τριβή 1116, 20.

τριετής 1026, 17 8. Ind. IX. |

τρέχλινος (Ὁ) 1115, 17.

τριύβολος 8. Ind. XI.

τρόνιος 1013, 18, 1049, 21.
1060, 4. 1061, 14. 1100,
32. 1110, 14, 24. 1113, 14.
1114, 25. 1119, 24. 1120,
RE BER TA
1130, ı9. 1133, 14. 1153,
8. 1154, 35. 1160, 6. 1167,
35.

zonpela 1058, 14,
15, 85. 1107, 10,
18. 1109, ı2, 22.
18.

86. 1106,
18. 1108,

toomeiov 1059, 39. 1106, 19 |
Om

u.ö. 1107, 10, 25.
0) An u ὃ:
1110, 13u.ö. 1111, ou.ö.
1112,06 u. Ö.

roopeiric 1139,06 u. ὃ,

τροιεύειν 1058, vu. 6.1106, |
1108, 0 |

9 τι. ὃ: 1107, 6.

1108, |

ιι. ᾧ. 1109, 6. 1110, 7.11. |

1112, 10.

zoo 1013, 13. 1024, 7, 16.
1027, 26, 18.

τροχιλλέα 1116, 24,

τροχός 1120, 27.

|
|
|

πὸ τ 1

τρυγῶν 1039, 10,

τρυγή 1039, 7.

τρυφερός 1080, 19.

τυγχάνειν 1036, 20. 1110, 5.
1114, 5. 1118, 24. 1139,
8. 1155, 5. 1158, 17. 1187,
26, 20. 1189, 17. 1200, 4.

τύχη 1024, 7, 21, 27. 114],
10.

ὑβρίζειν 1050, 14. 1051, 190.
1052, 17. 1099, ı5. 1100,
51. 1101. 12. 1131. 14 u. 0.

ὕβρις 1141, 20, 1208, 44.

ὑγιαίνειν 1040, 3. 1078, 2,
1 10} 7} 29. ΣἸΔ|}}, 2, 11.
ol wol, 3, 31-
O0 zT, 4, 13:
1208, 2, 49. 1209, 3, 20.

ὑγιεία 1041, 17. 108], δ.

ὑγεής 1119, 35.

ὕδρευμια 1130,

ὕδωρ 1120, 47. 1122, 18,21.

υἱός 1016, 18. 1032, o, 17.
1057,4, 20. 1061,6. 1062,
7 u. ὅ. 1068, 6. 1069, 15.
1070, 13. 1078, ı8. 1080,
1. V, 1.1081, 6. 1084, 25.
1093, 6. 1094, 5. 1097, 5.
NIE El, 8. 26:
1120, 2. 1124, 20. 1128,
7 u.0. 1153, 13, ı0. 1154,
24, 33. 1156, 5. 1165, 33.
1180. 1195, 3 u. 6. 1197,
16. 1200, 10.

12.

1122

ὑχωδώωμκιος = olzndauog 1069,

1.3.
ὑλητιὶρ 1069 1, 7.
özcazoveıw 1062, 16.
ὑχεάλλαγια 1147, 25. 1149,
ΡᾺῚ ΤΠ 1107: 31.
ὑπαλλάτιειν 1038, 4, 24.
ΤΟ ΝΕ ΤΟ 1, 8. °
ὑτεάρχειν 1013, 11 u. ὃ. 1014,
18. 1017,6. 1018,6. 1022,
1024, 8, 17. 1037, 6.
1038,25. 1045 II, ı. 1047,
Ill, τὸς 17. 1047 IV, υ, 15.
1048, 5. 1049, 5. 1050,
18. 1051, 18, 1052,
11, 21. 1093, 45, 48. 1054,
13. 1055, 80. 1056, 2.
1057, 15, 30. 1058, 44.
1059, ὁ. 1066, 4. 1067, 4.
1069, 6. 1073, 18. 107-4,
7. 1080, 3. 1092, 10. 1098,
31, 50. 1099, 14, 22. 1100,
20, 20. 1101, 11, 13. 1106,
42. 1107, 22. 1108, 17, 22.

>92

20.

1115, 14.35. 1116, .7, 80.
1117, 7,39. 1118, 49. 1119,
7 u. ὃ: 1120, 6, 43. 1121,
0,88. 1122, 6, 20. 1126,
ER Br ERBE
1129,9,372.-1132, Ὁ. 1133,
19..1136, 8 1142, 19.
1143, 18,206. 1144, 17.
1145, 10 u. ὃ. 1146. 24.
1147, 21. 1148, 34. 1149,

20 u. ö. 1150, 22. 1351,

16, 30. 1156, 23. 1157, 8,
1159, 32. 1161, 27. 1162,
12.1166, 18. 1167, 32 u. ὑ.
1170, 12. 1172, 15. 1175,
11, 15. 1187, 4. 1188, 8.
1202, 9. 1209, 3.

ὑχγασχωλεῖν 1159, 23.

ὑπέρ c. Gen. 1020, 10, 18.
passim.

reg c. Acc. 1026, 22, 17
passim.

ὑπεραίρειν 1085 11, 3.

ὑ,γεργίγνεσθϑαι 1148,14. 1167,
τὰ

ὑπέρϑεσις 1053, 27. 1056,
1b, 1115, 27.
1142, ı0. 1145, 10, 35.
1147,14. 1150,19. 1161, 16.
1162,5. 1166, 10. 1170, 8.
1172202 1175, 8.

ὑπερκεῖσθαι 1047 IV, 10, 16.

vrreongav 1027, 27, 12.

ὑπερπίσττειν 1053, 37. 1054,
11. 1055, 32. 1056, 18.
1057, 13. 1115, 31. 1127,
42. 1134, 16. 1136, 7. 1145,
18, 37. 1146, 21. 1147, 18,
1160, 7, 20. 1151, 14, 87.
1152, 10. 1156, 21. 1161,
21162, 8 1166, 11.
1167, 56. 1170, ı0. 1173,
11. 1173, 9. 1175, 10.

ὑπερτιϑέναι 1158, 12.

ὑπερῷος 1203, 4.

ὑπέχειν 1022, 24. 1187, 23.

ὑπηρετεῖν 1038, 7. 1198, 11.

τ ὑπηρέτης s. Ind. IV.

ὑχπνοῦν 1141, 35.

ὑπό c. Gen. 1021, 186. 1024,
3, 12 passim,

ὑπό 6. Dat. 1045, 5 passim.

ὑπὸ c. Acc. 1013, 22 passim,

ὑποαυλισμός 1125, 8 u, ὅ.

ὑποβάλλειν 1024, 8, ın.
1027, 26, 21. 27, 16 (ὃ).
1062, 86.

ὑπόβλητος 1086 1, 2,

ὑπΌγεγ ... 1191, δ.

ὑγγογεένειο (Ὁ) 1125, 14.
ὑπογράφειν 1033, 13. 1038,
14. 1062, 35. 1074, 20 u.ö.
1093, 23. 1137, 20.
ὑπογραιεύς 1014, 20. 1045,
ll, 8.
vzroyoapı) 1085, 24. 1094, 14.
turodeıyua 1141, 43.
troderzrörae 1060, 19. 1138,
5. 1191, 4.
vrroönreiv 1024, 4, 21.
turoWergur 1125, 4, 28.
ὑτγόϑημια 1024, 5, 4.
ὑγγεοκεῖσϑαι 1038, 9,11. 1059,
7. 1197, 10, 4. 1200, 28.
Urokoyeiv 1055, 20. 1116,30.
Örrokoyos 1116, 10. 1117, 14.
1119,17. 1120,9. 1123,2.
ὑγομισϑωτής 1047 IV, δ, 17.
ὑπόμνημα 1084,14. 1085 11, 8.
1093, 13. 1105, 28, 30.
1155, 8. 1190, 11:
on ouryuaroyoaposs.Ind.IV.
Öurovıaoıs 1020, 10.
ὑχιοσιέλλειν 1062, 14.
Örroorgarnyos 8. Ind, IV.
Urorarreıv 1038, 7. 1047,
ΠῚ, 18. IV, 4,
ὑχγγοτελής 1027, 27, 10.
ὑγοτεϑέναι 1013, 17. 1167,
50 (?).
ὑγιοτίϑιον 1058, 12. 1106,
18. 1107, 9. 1110, 6.
ὑπουργέσιον 1125, 27 (Ὁ).
ὑπόχρεος 105311, 16. 1056, 20.
1057, 14. 1145, 14, 80.
1149,27. 1151,38. 1161,24.
1162,11. 1166,18. 1170, 5.
1171,20. 1175, 14.
ὑσιερεῖν 1074, 7.
ὕστερος (Ὁ) 1169, 20.
ὑφηγεῖσϑαι 1041, 19.
ὑφιέναι 1201, 10.
ὑζιστάναι (Ὁ) 1141, 46.
ὑψηλός 1185 1], 21.

φάβον 1097, 18.

φάγρος 1095, 18, 20.

yalveıv 1013, 21. 1018, 20,
1047 IV, 18, 1091, 25.
1092, 16, 20. 1138,8 u.d.
1139, ı8. 1141, 16, 50.
1187, 27. 1189, ı8.

φαχινᾶς 1087 1, 18, V, 10.

(αχός 120ῦ, 8. 1206,15. 1207,
12.

φάναι 1049, 5. 1084, 23.

φανερός 1058, 34. 1073, 16.
1074, 5. 1086 11,1. 1106,

39

34. 1107, 10. 1108, τ.
1109,22. 1126,15. 1141,41.
φείδεσϑαι 1024, 4, 9.
(φέρειν 1035, 17. 1037, 16, 30.
1061, 13.
«φερνάριον LO52,10u.0. 101,
18. 1102, 19,26. 1103,12, 18.
yeon) 1045 I], 11. II, ı2.
1050,8 u.6. 1051,11 u. 0.
1072 I, ®&. 1098, 10 u. ü.
1099, 8,19. 1100, 12 u. ö.
= LO 12. 1104, 15. 18.
1105, 11.
(φεύγειν 1024, 3, 17
1026, 22, 1}.
φήμη 1024, 7, 28.
ϑώνειν 1024, 4, 23.
φϑείρειν 1050,22. 1051,50.
1052.27. 1058,29. 1098,37.
1101,16. 1106,20. 1107,13.
1108, 14. 1109, 18.
“ιλωϑρωκεία 1094, 5, 15.
3, 19.
φιλωϑρωμεῖν I14L, 45.

u. 0.

yıkardowırov 1074, 2 u. ὃ,
1141, 45, 46. 1156, 26.
1202, 10,

φιλεῖν 1024,4,18.1026, 23,21.

(φιλία 1141, 25.

φιλιάζειν 1079, 27.
18, 23.

(φίλος 1024, A, 18, 23. 1097,
A RE, πῃ,
7, 20. 1078, 4. 1080, 23.
1091,8. 1096, 1. 1141, 15,
16. 1209, 6.

φλαιιάλιος 8. Ind. VL.

φλοῦς 1122, 17, 20.

φοβεῖσθαι 1097, 4,

1141,

portawos 1120, 20.

ροῖνιξ 1026, 23, 13. 1040,
7. 1049, 7 u. ö. 1095, 9.
1120, 13, 17.

φονᾶν 1094, 7, 2%

φονεύς 1024, 8, 11.

(ονεύειν 1024, 3, 18. 4, 20.
6,7. 1061, 11:

φύνος 1024, 6, 2.

(ύρειρον 8. Ind. VII.

φοριχὸς χλῆρος 1091, 20.

φόρος 1018, 16. 1047 IV, 18.
1067,09. 1091,22. 1116,
878. ὃ. 1119, 13 u.ö. 1120,
8. 1123, 4. 1208, 40.
ἀμπόναχτος 1017, 8 u. ὃ.

1092, 18.
ἡμερήσιος 1117, 32.
0.08 ἐγεισκέψεως ὁρισμοῦ
γενόμενος 1091, 22.

1073, |

ἐσιαμένος 1110, 8. 1117,
127332 20118, 6 u. ὃ:
1120,35, 40. 1121, 10.

συναγόμενος 1092, 19,

συγχέχωρι πένος 1119), 13.

yogılov 1079, 17. 1118, 10.Ψ

1121. 1 1. ὶ

(ριχψιύς 1119, 35,

yooreiv 10,21. τι 1040, 15,

φροντίζειν 1.)4}.. 7. 1074, 7:
1086 II, 4.

roorga 1LOT4, 4. (Ὁ).

«ρυγιαύλιος 1125, 5.

υλαχή 1138, 18. 1159, 8
11.

φυλάττειν 1022, 25, 1024,
6, 29. 1074, 0.

pwin 3. Ind, VI, VII E.

alla» 11,29.

rerov 1049, 7u.0.1122,15u.0,

(ὡς 1201, 10.

’

yer&eia 1122,
swepmgla 1037, 28.

χαίρειν 1025, 15,3. 16. 3.
1026, 23, 15. 1029, 2. 1030,
1. 101. 5: 10) 2,. 10:
1042, 2. 1043, 1. 1044, 3.

1063, 2. 1064, 2. 1066, 3,

1073, 7. 1074, 1. 1078, ı.

1079, 2. 1080,.1. 1081,
Is Eeln, 2,
1195}. 11955.1..11}..88,
1136, 2. 1141, ı. 1160, 3.
1202, 3.1203, 1. 1204, 2.
1205, 3. 1206, 2. 1207, 3.
1208,71. 120972;

χαλχεύς 1028, 8.

yakzıyos 1036, 18.

χαλχύς 8. Ind. X.

χαλχοῦς 1036, 16. 1045 1, 15.

χιῳιουλγός 1028, 22, 24.

χαρά 1141, 3.

χάραγμα 1088, 5, 13.

χάραξ 1122, 17, 20.

χαράττειν 1088, 4, 12.

χαρίζειν 1044, 11. 1208, 48.

χάριν 1139, 4. 1144, 10.
1159, 22 passim.

χαιὰ χάριν 1135, 10.

χάρις 1026, 23, 17. 1085 II,
5.

χάρισμα 1044, 5.

xaorroör 1026, 23, 24.

χάρτης 1062, 20. 1163, 0.

χείρ 1027, 26, ı9. 1049, 23.
1095, ı2. 1105, 10. 1160, 0.
1201, 18.

διὰ χειρός 1048, 11. 1049,
18. ER, 5 ee

᾿

!

1052, 9, 42. 1053 Il, zı.
1054, 5. 1055, 8. 1056, a.
1057, 7. 1058, 10. 1059,
5. 1099, 8. 1100, 15. 1101,
711025151103, 1
1104, 11. 1106, 18. 1107,
17. 1109, 14. 1110, 12.
1111, o. 1112, 6. 1115, e.
1120, 20. 1122, 11. 1124,
18. 1126, 6. 1130, 6. 1134,
10. 1145, 5, 32. 1147, 0.
1148, 7. 1149, ı6. 1150,
5. 18. 1151, 5, 28. 1153,
10. 1154, 10. 1155, 20.
1156, 8. 1161, 8. 1163, ı.
1163, 8. 1164, δ. 1165,
8, 17. 1167, 22, 40. 1169,
12.

χειρίξειν 1080,20.1140,18(?).

χειρισμός 1025, 16, 8 (Ὁ).
1141, 40. 1169, 21.

χειρισι ἧς 8. Ind. IV.

χειρογραιρεῖν 1141, 50, 51.

χειρογραιία 1068, 14. 1186,
11.

χειρύγραψον 1131, 20. 1137,
20.

χείρων 1118, 31. Ε19.. 31.
1120, 84. 1122, 23. 1208,
28.

χελώνιον 1028, 20, 26.

xeguauzeiog 1031, 0.

χερσεύειν 1034, 0. 1120, 81.

χέρσος 1049, 8 u. d. 1132,
13. 1158, 8.

χιλεύδραχμος 8. Ind, V.

χλωρύός 1118, 20. 1120, 7.

χλωροφόρος 1018, 14, 20.
1029, 4, 6.

χοῖνιξ 8. Ind. X,

χοραγῖον 1028, 21.

χορηγεῖν 1051, 16. 1099, 11.
1100, 17.. 1101, 10. 1106,
46. 1107, 24. 1108, 23-
1109, 27. 1125, 7, 84.

χορήγησις 1208, 18,

χορηγία 1055, 20.

xoös 8. Ind. X.

χρεία 1028, 13, 1074, 4.
1125, 4. 1190, o. 1199, o.
1208, 34.

χρεοχοεεῖν 1208, 17.

χρέος 1027, 26, 21. 1113, 23,
1123, ı2. 1127, 80. 1159,
20. 1160, 8,

xorworeiv 1027,
27, 10.

χρῆμα 1141, 21.

χρηματίζειν 1050, 26. 1051,
36. 1063, 2. 1069, 5. 1073,
6. 1093, 6. 1098, 41. 1101,
19. 1130, 4. 1142, 12. 1182,

xeyuazıouog 1038,7 u. ὃ.
1129, 26. 1131, 21. 1138,
D.

χρηματιστής 8. Ind. IV.

χρῆσϑαι 1027, 26, 20. 1032,
14. 1105, 20. 1115, 19.
1123, 9. 1130, 16. 1188,
13.

χρησιμεύειν 1141, op.

χρῆσις 1049, 10. 1065, 11.
1117, 28. 1120, 20, 22.

χρησι ριον 1067, 7. 1099, 11.
1110, 20.

χρόνος 1027, 26, 15, 17.

. 1037,86. 1047 III, 16. IV, 6.

26, 10.

1048, δ, 16. 1049, δ u.ö,
1053, 34, 37. 1054, 11.
1056, 80, 83. 1056, 10.

1067,13. 1068,8,87. 1060,
20. 1062, ı2. 1082, 11.

1084, 1,16. 110-4, 20. 1 106,
8 u.ö. 1107, Τ ι. ὃ. 1108,
18, 24. 1109, 7 u.ö, 1110, 8.
1113, 17. 1115, ı2 u. Ὁ.
LIIG eu IT TO Uu.G
1119, δα. ὃ, 1190), en,
1121,15 u.ö. 1122, 6 u.ö,
1123, 4. 1125, 8. 1126, 8
u.6. 1127,41,42. 1128, 8.
1129, 20, 32, 1132, 20,
ἘΠ τ 10 1136, 7.
1140, 4,21. 1143, 9. 1144,
12. 1145, 13,37. 1146, 21.
11:47, ı8. 1148, 15, 24,
INES ae NL, τ, πὴ
1151, 10. ὃ. 1152, 10, 18.
1153, 1 u. ἢ 1154, 32,
1155,31. 1156, 21. ΤΊ, 17.
1108, 12, 21. 1160, 6. 1161,
21. 1162,9. 1164,15. 1165,
25. 1166, 11. 1167,4 ἃ. ὃ.
1168, 10 τι. ὕ. 1169, a8.
1170,10. 1172,12. 1173,10,
1175, 10. 1186, ı8. 1187, 0.
1198, 8. 1202, 10, 12.

χρυσιχύν 1035, 18.

χρυσίον 8. Ind. XI.

χρυσός 8. Ind. XI.

χρυσοῦς 1050, 9. 1052, 10.
1101, 8. 1103, ı3.

χρυσοχύος 1065, 5,18. 1127,
10.

xovomwztov 1100, 12.

χρωμάτινος 1036, 18.

χωλός 1196, 67.

χῶμα 1031, 10.
.1189, 0.

χωματιχός 1078, 8, 1070, 8,
1077, 5. 1198, 19.

χώρα 1024, 5,28. 1132, 10,
1148, ı7, 8. Ind. VILA.

1129, 16.

— 40

χωρεῖν 1138, οἱ (2):
χωρίζειν 1045, 20

γ) “ὦ.

1047 IV,
10. 1101,5. 1102, 9. 1103,
6. 1204, 6.

χωρίον 1130, 31.

χωρίς 1017,11. 1110,18. 1111,

1112732721113, 19:

1114,26. 1120,37. 1150,10.

1152, 19. 1158,24. 1163, 15.

1164,10. 1168, ı8, 1173,10,

1174, ı1,

22

hhis 1028, 9.
ektov 1065, 8, 22, 1101, 8.
Yıyıouc1074,5u.0. 1191, 5.

vılos 1132, 19. 1167, 4.
1187, Ὁ:

Ἰνυχή 1024, 4, 6, 1040, 21.
1141, 24.

Yondor 1069 I, 11.
Yon 1058, 15.

ὠδιοτα (Ὁ) 1043, 10,

ὠλένη 1116, 12. 1117, 10.

ὠνεῖσθαι 1037, 27,3. 1037,
19. 1120, 51. 1129, 18.
1146, 8.

mi) 1043, 4. 1062, 3 u,
1127, 14. 1148, a3. 1208,
20 τ ἢ:

ὥρα 1024, 0, 7. 1070, 11.

ΓἈΠΗΒ δον 1120,: 11, 29.
1208, 41.

ὧρος — ὕρος 1035, 10.

ὡσαύτως 1139, 9. 1118, 44.
1146, 19.

Ῥ'

1114
7132
7138
7141
7158
7162
7324
7816
7939
7955
80:0".
8144R,
8353
8403
8423
8795
8871
8914
9727
9729
9740
9746
9809 V.
9819
9830
9832 ᾿
9833
9873

9910
9911
9914
9916

Nr.

1039
1032
1042
1041
1043
10:0
1036
1049
1044
1037
1047
1046
1038
1019
1048
1045
1034
1035
1022
1033
1088
1013
1030°
1020
1018
1023

1029

1024

—1027

1189

1201

1200

1197

—1199

p.

9919
9920
9928
9930
931
It
9936
10520
10521
10524
10527
10528
10530
10537
10538
10540
10541
11037
11038
11039
11043
11046
11049R.
11049 V.
11050
11051A.
11051B.
—D.
11052
13047 RR.
13047 V.|
13048V.

13049 ΕἸ].

13049 V.

Nummern der Papyri in Band IV.

Nr.
1021
1017
1016
1014
1015
1028
1031
1080
1078
1062
1079
1070
1095
1074
1073
1082
1064
1092
1091
1093
1096
1094
1085
1080
1007
1089
1090

1084
1127
1122
1116
1125
1151

4 Nr. ἘΣ Nr.
13050R.uV.|s.1181 | 13073. 1115
13051R. 1134 | 13073V. 1148
13051V. | 1168 | 13074R. 1118
13052V. 1103 | 13074V. 1150
13053V. | 1154 | 13075R. 1098
13054R. | 1105 | 13076R. 1173
13055 1053 || 13077R. |1134, 21f.
13056R. 1055 | 13077V. 1152
13056V. | 1054 | 13079R. | 1147
13057R. 1125 | 13079V. 1132
13057V. | 1052 | 13080R. 1162
13058R1. |’ 1129 | 13080V. 1153
13058R1.| 1149 | 13081R, 1056
13058V. | 1059 | 13083RL| 1146
13059R. | 1165 | 13083 RIL) s.1184
13059V. 1102 | 13085V. 1131
13060R. 1107 7 13089R. 1144
130611t.u.V.|8s.1182 13090R. 1100
13062V. \9.1180 | 13091R, 1159
13063V. 1117 | 13092V. 1169
13064R. 1051 | 13093R. 1157
13064V. | 1171 | 13100 1061
19 θυ 111} 1310] 1060
13066RI1. | 1050 | 13103RL| 1109
13066R11.|s.1183 | 13103RIL! 1174
13067R. | 1111 | 13104R, 1175
13067V. |8.1176 } 13108, 1130
13068R1, |) 1133 | 13109R. 1120
13068R1L| 1138 | 13110RL| 8.1130
13068V. | 1058 | 13110RIL| 1140
13070R. 1057 | 13111R. 1119
13070V. | 1141 | 13112RL| 1110
13071 1164 | 13112RIl.| 1139
13072V, | 1101 | 13113R. 1123

Druck von Ὁ. Bchulao ἃ Co. G. m. b. H., Orflfonbalnichen.

P
13 11+RR,
13 110RRl.
13115RD.
all
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13 119R.
13121
15102
13127
18129
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13135R.
13 136R.
13136V.
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13138R.
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13139V.
13141
1314 1RI.

13 141RIl.
131411IVR.
13143
13 1-44
13150
13 151
13152

13153
13155

13158 -
13 160

Nr.

1113
1112
1160 |
1188 |
1155

1108

1145 |
1179 |
1167 |
1193 |
1128

8.1177

1139 |
1121|
1099 |
1161 |
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1103}
1172
1158
3.1178 ἢ
1113 |
11352]
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1208 |
1187 |
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1204 |
1206
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1205 |
1203 |
1101.

1190 |

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13 166
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13 1SLR.
13 183
13 1S+R.
131855
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139 VASE:
ΠΟ ἢ
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13193 RR.
13194R.
13196
13199
13211
13310
13311
13312 |
Isar |
13.918. |
13319
13334
13341
13344
13357\V.
13363
13364
19373
13390

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Nr.
1186
119.
1104
1126
1185
11-42
1196
1106
1179
1166
1143
1124
1156
1195
1209
1202
1077
1076
1075
1008
1007
1083
1063
1072
1069
1087
1081
1066
1071

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LONDON:
PRINTED BY GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, LIMITED,
ST. JOHN’S HOUSE, CLERKENWELL ROAD.

TANIS.

PART II.

NEBESHEH (AM)

AND

DEFENNEH (TAHPANHESD..

W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE.

WITH CHAPTERS BY

A. S. MURRAY AND F. LL. GRIFFITH.

FOURTH MEMOIR OF

THE EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND.

PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE COMMITTEE.

RARSSSZ

LONDON:
TRUBNER & CO, 57 & 59, LUDGATE HILL, E.C.

1888.

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EN REA)
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Andiert Studi23
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Dı

TANIS.

BY

W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE

AND

ἘΠῚ ἘΠΊ ΕΙΣ ΕἸ

FOURTH MEMOIR OF

THE EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND.

PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE 0OMMITTEE.

LONDON:
TRÜBNER ἃ CO,, 57 & 59, LUDGATE HILL, E.C.

1888.

δ: ΓῈ
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SECT.

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--
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11.
12.
19.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.

CONTENTS.

. Altars, Shrines, and Stel®

. Architraves and Columns

. Fragments of Colossus, &e. ...
. The later Ramessides

Monuments of Si-Amen

. Pylon of Sheshonk
. Stela of Taharka
. Ptolemaie Stel®

. Statues now at Bulak
. The Wells

TRANSLATIONS.
Br F. Lı. GRIFFITH.

Old Kingdom ...

Middle Kingdom

Hyksos

Rameses II. %
Merenptah and his Successors
XXL—XXL. Dynasties

Stela of Taharga

The Ptolemies

Statues at Bulaq

Notes on Local Worship
Notes on Geographical Position
Notes on History

Addenda

Plan numbers u er
Classified Index to the Inscriptions
General Index

12
12
12
13

39

ENT,

PART 11.

1. As these pages are a continuation of the
description of the monuments of Tanis, which was
begun in Part I., there is no need of any prefatory
remarks before resuming the chronological descrip-
tions, which it may be remembered were laid aside
in the midst of the monuments of Ramessu II. The
numbering of the inscriptions here is continuous
from Part I. The only work that I have done at
Tanis, since writing the first part of this memoir,
is the further clearing of the two stone-lined
wells, of which an account will here be given.

At the south end of the line of early statues lie
two altars or tables of offerings some little way
apart (Plan, 105 and 115); they have the usual
representations of cakes, vases, vegetables, &c.,
upon them, and the inscriptions Nos. 66 and 67;
the interest of these is in the dedications, which
are almost the only references to other places found
at San, one naming Tahuti, lord of Hermopolis,
and the other Menthu, lord of Thebes. Both are
cut in a very hard white limestone, breaking with
a splintering fracture, and No. 115 is considerably
broken.

On either side of the temple stood a large
shrine of a deep form, cut in yellow sandstone
(Plan, 80, and 81), see pl. xvi. 6; the southern
shrine is broken into many pieces and several
parts are missing, but the northern shrine has lost
only a part of one side, and one block of this part
still lies near to it. These shrines seem to have
been placed facing each other on either hand of
the axial roadway, and were each flanked on either

side by two of the large granite obelisks; while
beyond these again stood on one side the sand-
stone colossi of Ramessu II., and on the other the
long line of early statues. Each shrine had three
seated deities, carved all in the solid block, at
the back of its recess; and these seem to be the
same in both shrines, apparently Amen, with Ra
on his left, and Tum on his right. The deities
represented in the scenes of offering (inserip. 68),
however, are Khepera, Tum, and Haremkhuti on
the sides, and Seb and Shu on the back. A
similar shrine, but with a sphinx carved in it,
was found at Tell-el-Maskhuta, and is now at
Ismailiyeh (pl. xvi. 5).

The great series of granite stele at San have
suffered severely ; every one of them having been
used up for building material in later times, and
all but one being broken. Their loss, however,
is not so much due to this injury as to the severe
weathering, which had before they were thus used
up, scaled off the surface from most of them.
For a statement of their dimensions see Part I.,
sect. 24, where the plan number of the largest is
misprinted 161 for 164. The inscriptions, so far
as they are legible, are given here in Nos. 69 to 82.
No 78 bis I had supposed might be the missing
piece of No. 78, but on comparing them together
this is seen not to be the case for several reasons.
The upper part of stele 196 (Plan) may be seen
in the foreground of the photograph, pl. xiv.
5, in Part I. The fragments (inscrips. 83 to 86)
appear to belong to large monuments such as

B

10 TANIS.

obelisks ; 83 and 84 are probably parts of one
block, by the style and the thickness of the pieces.

2. Of the architraves of the temple (inscrip.
87 to 93) not much remains; of the large ones
but four, and two smaller lintel blocks. These
architraves are a double cubit square (41 to 42
in.); but No. 25, used up in building the pylon,
is 48 in. wide, —perhaps it belonged to the pylon of
Ramessu, and not to the temple. The unfinished
figures in inserip. 89 show the incompletion of the
work as in parts of the Great Hall at Karnak.
Of the sanctuary walls (described in Part 1.,
sect. 23) but few pieces bear any continuous
inseriptions (Nos. 94 to 101); the general ap-
pearance of them may be seen by the block at
the right hand of the photograph, pl. xiv. 5, in
Part 1. The block inser. 94 is curious, as
having a piece of disused sculpture on the joint
surface ; seulpture which from its style can hard!y
be placed to any period before Ramessu II.
This is another case of Ramessu II. cutting up
his own work, like the change in the obelisk 77
(Plan), which was noticed in Part I., sect. 31.
A third instance, perhaps, will be seen in the
inseription 144, noticed below.

The great columns of the avenue from the
pylon (insers. 102 to 108) have been in course of
appropriation apparently by Sheshonk III., in
connection with his rebuilding of the pylon
(Part I., sect. 19). But they have suffered even
more than this apparently, for the cartouches in
the first two lines of inser. 102 have been
entirely cut out, and then reinserted in their
present form, before the erasure of the half
cartouche by Sheshonk II. We might think
that this was another freak of Ramessu himself,
only he had no other standard cartouches to
insert, the cartouche form and arrangement
being scarcely ever varied. No later king would,
however, have the piety to insert a predecessor’s
cartouches, and so this must be credited to
some vagary of the sculptors. The scenes around
the lower part have been intentionally eut out,

and specially the small cartouches, leaving the
titles. The object of this again is not clear, as
an appropriator would have used the previous
figures without any demur ; and a mere defacer
would have eut away the titles as well. We see
here the only mention of the ram of Tattu, beside
that on the pillar 64 a. One of the capitals of
these columns has been ceuriously patched up, by
inserting blocks of granite and pegging them on
by metal pins; the hole for one of these has
been drilled out by a tube drill, made of thin
sheet bronze, and fed with loose eutting powder ;
the drill was 4 inch diameter, making a groove
only -ἶς inch wide, and a part of the core still
remains in the hole, which is 1'7 inch deep.

One of the few remains of doorways (Plan, 134)
seems to have belonged to the entrance of a side
court ; it has the characteristie slope of the front,
and bears figures of Ptah and Mut (inser. 109).

3. Among the ruins of the granite pylon of
Sheshonk III. are many pieces of the great colossus
of Ramessu II., as have been deseribed in Part 1.,
(sect. 28); and beside these are several blocks,
which though not bearing any surface of the
statue itself, yet from the size oftheir hieroglyphies
seem to have belonged to the inseribed pilaster of
it, or to the built base on which it stood. The
inseriptions of these are shown in Nos. 110 to 118.
No. 110 bears evidently the beginning of the
banner of Ramessu II.,the bull, with part of the
sign nekht below, and the tip of the tail of the
hawk above it. The large size of this banner,
about 45 inches wide, is, however, paralleled by a
part of a cartouche (No. 113, plan 29) which must
have been about 38inches wide. Such inseriptions
are about proportionate to the size of the great
colossus, as compared with the insceriptions on
other colossi; and, moreover, the granite of some
of these blocks is distinctively the same as that of
the pieces of the great colossus. "The seulpturing
on block 110 is important to the history of the
temple of San: the banner of Ramessu II., 1108,
is plainly the earliest piece of sculpture on this,

TANIS. 11

since the legs on the adjoining side, 110 A, are on
a curved surface which would not be exposed, and
could not well be built up, and that sidewould there-
fore have been entirely dressed away if existing in
Ramesside times. The dressing down of the face
110 A to build it in must be due to Sheshonk III.,
when he used this block, filling up the bull
hieroglyph with mortar in laying it. The legs,
therefore, which remain from a group of the
two Niles, on 110 A, must belong to some work
between Ramessu II. and Sheshonk III. Now
Siamen did not execute large work, nor generally
good work, to judge by the examples we have
here, some of which are wretched ; and yet there
does not seem to be any other king to whom this
can be ascribed. The sculpture being on a curved
surface is very peculiar, and there is, perhaps, no
similar instance of a large group onacurve. The
fragments of inscriptions on various granite blocks
(Nos. 119 to 135) are a selection from the many
remains of the temple buildings ; the blocks which
only bore isolated signs, or some ofthe innumerable
fragments of cartouches or titles of Ramessu, could
be of no importance, except in an attempt at
restoring the plans of the buildings; and such a
task seems quite hopeless when such a small
proportion of the material is left. No. 122 has a
fragment of early inseription on it, already given
as No. 24. No. 124 has an unusual arrangement
ofthe sam and lotus. Nos. 123 and 127, with
the pieces mentioned on the plate, show at least
four Ramesside lintels, as the heights preelude our
supposing any to belong together, except perhaps
the first two pieces mentioned, Nos. 124 and 129
on the plan. Inseription 129 is an instance of
almost complete erasure in later times. No. 130
has part of a group of Ramessu fighting, accom-
panied by his lion, as at Abu Simbel. No. 132
is a portion of Ramesside inseription on the under-
side of the south of the pair of bases of columns
placed by Siamen in front of the sanctuary ; this
shows that Siamen did not merely inseribe existing
bases, but had cut these out of ruined blocks of
the buildings of Ramessu.

4. Merenptah placed two fine statues of himself
in the temple here (insers. 136, 137), one of grey,
the other of pink granite. Both are now broken
in two, and have lost the feet; but they are in fair
condition, and worth preserving. The inscriptions
are given in Nos. 136 and 137; and the many
appropriations by Merenptah will be found before
in Part I., Nos. 3, 4, 5, 8, 14, 15, 25, 26, 27, 28,
and 29. Apiece of his work in limestone, No.
138 (Plan, 226), was used by Siamen in founding
the eolonnade in front of the sanetuary ; while
two other blocks, Nos. 139 and 140, show that
he also worked here in granite. Seti II. has
one block of his work remaining, No. 141. Of
Ramessu III. are two kneeling statues, one bearing
a table of offerings (inser. 142) carved in sand-
stone; this has unfortunately lost the upper part
ofthe figure. The other statue (inser. 143) is
in dark grey granite, and ismuch weathered ; but
the shrine it holds still elearly contains figures of
Ptah and Sekhet hand in hand. There remains
one conspieuous block of the Ramesside period
(No. 144) which is hard to attribute. By the
inseription 144 B alone it would be at once
supposed to belong to Ramessu II.; but on the
adjacent side is a plainly Ramesside inseription
144 a, and this side is evidently the first eut, as
it is much better work, and has had dovetailed
cramp-holes made in its ends when used afterwards.
Either, then, Ramessu II. broke up his own work,
and had the pieces sculptured in a very inferior
style, on a rough and irregularly eurved surface,
or else these must belong to a later Ramesside
king, perhaps the twelfth. The inseription 88
(Plan, 262) is strikingly like this, but on a smaller
scale; and the lower part of a somewhat similar
arrangement remains at Abydos, only there thera
is placed immediately over the sotep as usual, and
not— as here—to be read into place from the top.
This would seem to show that the re-use of this
block is due to Ramessu II. himself.

5. Pl. viii contains all that can be attributed to
Siamen at San, beside the appropriations given

Β9

12 TANIS.

before in inser. 15 8. Of these No. 145 is
inseribed in one line, across what is now the
underside of a great roofing block, Plan 236, but
which was formerly the upper side. From the
inseription being thus on a horizontal surface, and
from the crab-hole cut into the top of it, it has
evidently been re-used, perhaps by Pisebkhanu,
since he built in the sanetuary. Of the inserip-
tions around the two bases of columns (186-7, Plan)
enough remains (inser. 146) to see the character,
plainly borrowed from the Ramesside inseriptions.
The lintel (inser. 158) is very rudely cut, being
merely marked in by a bruising away of the surface.
The inseriptions 150 and 151 are two of the best
examples of the work of Siamen, and should be
preserved ; the latter I found on elearing beneath
the immense block, No. 236 in plan, and it had
not been seen before. The block with inseription
No. 152 is attributed to Siamen, because the style
is too shallow and rough to be of Ramessu II.;
and yet having crab-holes cut in it at a later time,
it is probably before Sheshonk III., who built the
pylon where this lies. No. 153 is a very rude
and slight inscription, on the side of a base of an
obelisk, the front of which is occupied with the
usual decoration of Siamen, as on inser. 150.
The other fragments, 154-5-6, are attributed to
Siamen from their style.

6. The great granite pylon built by Sheshonk
III. out of earlier materials is more than half
fallen. The most complete side is shown in Part
1., pl. xv. 1, on which Sheshonk has been offering
to some god, with Mut standing behind him.
Many of the blocks of this pylon bear fragments
of the figures with which it has been covered;
but all the inscriptions remaining are given in
pl. ix. No. 157 is on a piece of the back of the
pilaster of the great: colossus, and is a good piece
of work ofits age. No. 161 is remarkable, as it
shows one stage of cutting an inscription ; after
painting it on the granite, particular signs were
eut out first, apparently the easiest, such as ποῦ ;
and in this case the engraver got no further.

7. The stela of Taharka is broken in two
pieces; the lower was found in Mariette’s
clearance, and was copied and published by De
Rouge, but—strange to say—no search seems to
have been made for the upper part, which lay
exposed. I arrived at the business from the
opposite end; seeing the upper part of an in-
scription lying face up on a block of granite, I
examined the quality of the stone, and then
searched around for any pieces of the same kind;
turning one such over, I found the lower part of
the inseription, which had been placed face down
by Mariette. The text here given is taken from
a squeeze aided by a hand copy, but is of course
rendered somewhat doubtful by the bad state of
the stone.

8. Coming now to Ptolemaie monuments on pl.
x., all of these were found during my excavations;
only one inscription of this age was known here
before, the great stele of San, now at Bulak.
The value of these tablets mainly lies in their
naming Am the capital of the nineteenth nome
Am Pehu, and each of the deities represented is
said to be of Am. This pointed to Am being at
or near San, instead of at Buto or Pelusium, and
the later discoveries at Tell Nebesheh seem to
point to that as the actual capital. This will be
more fully considered in dealing with those
monuments. Photographs of the two important
tablets, No. 164 of Ptolemy IV. and Arsinoe III.,
and No. 165 of Ptolemy II. and Arsinoe II., will
be seen in Part 1., pl. xv. 2, 3, and these finds
are fully described in Part I., secs. 38, 39.
(Misprint p. 32, line 6, read except; line 8, read
The.) The whole of these tablets are now in the
British Museum, exhibited in one of the bays of
the Egyptian Gallery. No. 167 is a fragment of
the back of a basalt statue, found in digging
between the avenue of columns and the sphinxes.
No. 169 is a fragment of a statue in grey granite,
which was found on the site of a Ptolemaic temple,
on the southern slope of the mounds of San. A
large square area had there been dug out through

TANIS. τ

a great depth of artificial soil, and then filled
with elean sand, to serve for the foundation of a
Piolemaic temple. A pylon of sandstone stood
some way to the west of it, connected by an
avenue, of which two rows of large blocks of red
granite remain loose on the surface of the ground.
Probably this part has been much denuded by
weathering, and has thus exposed what were
foundations originally. The inscription 170 is
on a block of limestone, which I found in what
appears to have been the great Ptolemaic temple
of San, just outside the wall of Pisebkhanu on
the south.

9. At the Bulak Museum are four statues with
long inscriptions, found in Mariette’s clearance
of San; beside the sphinxes, &c., with short
titular inscriptions like those already published
here. The most important of these statues is
that of Nefert, the queen of Usertesen II., finely
wrought in black granite. The wig is very full,
in a broad lumpy mass, which descends on the
shoulders in two spiral coils, quite unlike the
later wig of many plaits. The eyes were inlaid
originally. There is also a similar bust which
may perhaps belong to some of the fragments
stil at San. This inscription shows how
manifestly those on the front of No. 11, and on
No. 12 (Part I.), belong to the twelfth dynasty;
most probably all these similar statues (for that
usurped by Ramessu II. for his mother was like
the others originally) were a set of the family of
Usertesen II. The standing statue of Ramessu
II. at Bulak (inscrip. 172) is like that I found
some distance in front of the pylon at San; it is
one of the best pieces of work of his in red granite.
It was probably made rather late in life, as
Merenptah appears on the side, and not Kha-
em-uas; indeed, four of the eight lines of inscrip-
tion belong to Merenptah ; and the arrangement,
holding a baton or standard in each hand, is
more usual in the reign of Merenptah than under
Ramessu. The seated statue (inscrip. 173) has
clearly been altered from an earlier statue, traces

of the inscription of which may be seen in the
front inscription. The head has been reworked,
a pectoral carved on the chest, the girdle cut
away and a cartouche inserted, and the inscriptions
changed. Still it is a fine work, and the two
hawks, cut in half round, standing face to face
behind the head are unusual. There is no trace
of any Hyksos appropriation on the shoulders.
The other statue (inscrip.. 174) is as plainly an
original work of Ramessu. It is much poorer
work—more clumsy, thick, and skew—than any
statue before that age that I know, and most like
a worse copy of the sandstone statues of Ramessu;
the stripes of the kalantika are far wider than in
early statues, and are unpolished in the hollows;
it wears the pschent; the name on the girdle is
not over any erasure, but on a place left for it in
the carving, nor is there any sign of erasures;
and it has a collar on. It was recognized by
Mariette as an original of Ramessu: II., but seems
since then to have somehow gained the rank of
an early statue undeservedly. These two statues
are placed one on either side of the entranee to
the Bulak Museum.

10. Having now noticed the inseriptions of
San, we will turn lastly to the large stone well
which I found there, and which is shown in
pl. xii., and marked 40 in the general plan,
Part I. This seems to be of the later Ptolemaic
or Roman period, as the pottery found low down
in it is distinetly of the second century Aa.D. It
is a fine piece of work, and is of value to us as
bearing on the question of the change of water-
level in the country, which is probably equivalent
to the rise in level of the inundated parts and
river beds. The present water-level (and nearly
the lowest, being in May) is marked in it, and
covers half of the spiral staircase.

When we had by active work baled and dug it
clear down to the lowest step in the middle of the
well, the flow of water was so strong, streaming
up from below, and pouring in at the joints of the
stones, that it was impossible to go to the base of

14 TANIS.

the wall; indeed, it rose an inch in five minutes.
From this it is at first manifest that the water-
level must have been much lower, when they
could excavate a much wider hole to build the
well in, for the stones certainly extend 3 feet
below our lowest water-level. Further, there
would be no object in having steps descending
7 feet below the water, or in having the well
so deep. It seems most likely that the well was
planned anticipating that the end of the spiral
staircase would reach the water, and then (per-
haps in a drought), finding that it was not low
enough, two additional steps were placed in the
middle. Thus the lowest step would probably
represent the lowest water-level. Moreover, there
are holes eut in the ends of three steps, evidently
to hold the peg-bottomed amphor& upright; and
these would be somewhat above water-level, as
the use of them would be to enable a drawer of
water to sit on the step and lay hold of the am-
phora to carry on the back. That these amphor&
must have been carried on the back is evident
from their shape; probably a loop of rope was
slipped round the peg-bottom, and kept from
rising by the rim which surrounds the peg; then
holding up the rope over one shoulder, and
steadying the top with the other hand, the swell
of the body of the amphora would rest on the
shoulders and in the neck of the carrier. Look-
ing then at these holes we should suppose that
the water ranged from about the lowest step to
about the level of the lowest hole. This would
imply a rise of water-leve! of about 7 feet in 2000

years (4} in. per century). The Nile levels are
of course lower than the country water-level, as
all the rain which soaks into the ground cannot
percolate but very slowly through the tenacious
fine mud soil; and the high Nile during some
months tends to raise the water-level to its own.
But probably a change in the country water-level
is attendant on a similar change in the Nile water-
levels. The result here agrees very nearly with
evidences of deposit elsewhere. At Naukratis the
rise has been about 9 feet in 2500 years (44 in.
per century), and the well-known data of Helio-
polis and Memphis are not very different, though
more accurate information as to the time of
deposit is needed in those cases. Some further
notes on the changes in the country will be found
in the account of Nebesheh and Defenneh, in
secs. 2, 3, &e.

Another large stone well was discovered about
a furlong south of the pylon. This well had a
square shaft to light the stairs; and, therefore,
probably the stairs were a long flight, and the
well was roofed over to keep out blown dust.
This well is now about 20 feet beneath aceu-
mulated dust, and we needed to dig out a very
large hole to work at it. Unfortunately, the
water rose too rapidly for the men to be able to
clear even to the base of the doorway in the well-
side; and it was hopeless to examine it fully,
without force pump and hose to throw the
water and mud up about 40 or 50 feet. The
levels observed here will be found in Part I.,
p- 51.

TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS IN « TANIS,” PARTS I. AND II.

Br FE. Lr.

Tue Inscriptions from 1 to 65 are published in
= Fanız 1,”

11. No. 1. Block of red granite from a
doorway showing part of prenomen Pa» I.,
sixth dynasty.

2. Block of red granite from a doorway,?
published also by De Rouge, Insc. pl. Ixxv.?
The two copies agree. “King of Upper and
Lower Egypt, Πα meri (beloved of Rä), wearing
the two diadems, loving the body (?), triple
golden Horus, Sa Hather nebt ant Pepi (son
of Hathor, mistress of Tentyra Pepi), giver of
all life, all stability . . .”

The connection of Pepi I. with Tentyra
(Denderah) is shown by the tradition recorded
in the Ptolemaie temple of the finding of a
plan of the temple in the palace during his
reign. The alabaster lid, pl. xii. 5, bears the
same cartouche, and was bought at Qeneh, op-
posite Denderah, by Professor Sayce.

The cartouche οἱ Pepi, beloved of [Hathor],
of Ant and [Tum] of Anu, found in the temple
of Bubastis, shows that he was a builder in the

1 M. Naville has correeted the plates of inscriptions,
before publication, throughout ihe two volumes of “ Tanis,”
together with those of Nebesheh, Qantarah, and Defeneh, by
reference in part to the originals, in part to photographs and
squeezes. He has also looked through proofs of the whole
of my translations. His notes to this chapter are distin-
guished by the letter N. He kindly drew my attention to
the publication of some of the inseriptions in Burton’s
“Excerpta Hieroglyphica,” and especially to the name of
Usertesen I., that appears there on the statue numbered 5
in this work; as wellas to an interesting discussion of the
monuments which appeared in the “ Me&langes d’Archeologie,”
p. 280, &e., from notes taken at De Roug@’s lectures in 1869,
by M. F. Robiou.

2. Cf. De Rouge, “ Melanges,” ].c.

ἡ Discovered by Burton, ef. Rouge, “ Etudes sur les Six
Premieres Dynasties,” pp. 115 and 116.—N.

GRIFFITH.!

temple of On, probably at a later date. He
seems, therefore, to have built temples succes-
sively at Tentyra, Tanis, Heliopolis, and
Bubastis, in chronological order during his
important reign. f

12. No. 3. Statue red granite, AmENEMHAT I.,
cf. 23. Front of throne; right side, 30. “ Be-
loved of Ptah Seker, lord of the crypt....
living for ever.”

Left side, 30, “the beloved of Ptah Res
Änbuf (Ptah south of his wall (?)), lord of the
two lands, son of the Sun, Amenemhäft], living
for ever.”

Back support, 34, ““beloved of Ptah Res
Änbuf, lord of the life of the two lands,” "
followed by the standard name nem mesu,
“renewing births,’” and throne name sAetep ab
ra, ““ pacifying the heart of Rä.”

Back of base, rows of cartouches of Meren-
ptah, ““giver of all life, all stability and purity,
all health, all joy (or fatness ?).”

Side of throne, 88, cartouches of Merenptah.

Side of base, 88, “the King of Upper and
Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, mer amen
ba n ra, son of the Sun, Merenpteh hetep her
mad, beloved of Uati ap taui.

Allthe gods named in the early inseriptions
of Tanis, except those on 2, 13, and 19, are
Memphite forms of Ptah, Osiris, and of the

* M. Naville reminds me that a: is the name of
the temple of Memphis But did
obtain its geographical significancee at a later period,

when even 471}

graphical expression formed from the local title οἵ Ῥίδῃ 1
T was also a title of the Memphite Bast.
ἘΝ —

not the phrase

is found, like Wer „as a geo-

16 TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.

tomb gods. Uati ap taui, in the inseription of
Merenptah, is the form of Uat worshipped at
Pe Dep, and may be considered as the repre-
sentative goddess of the northern marshes.

4. Statue black granite, UsErTEsen 1., cf. 5
and 8.

Front, 4c, and 48, similar, “good god, lord
of gladness, King of Upper and Lower Egypt.
Rä xeper ka, son of the Sun [Usertesen],
beloved of Anubis, chief of his hill, giver of life,
"like Rä, eternally.”

Back support, 44, “King of Upper and
Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, Ba n ra
mer neteru, son of the Sun, lord of diadems,
Merenptah hetep her maa, beloved of the most
valiant Set for ever.” This line belongs entirely
to the usurper.

Back of base, 44, 1. 1 “[prince on the two
thrones of] Seb, may he inherit the monarchy
of! the two lands, prince of...

(2)... . administrator of the two countries,
the royal scribe, general in chief, royal son
Merenptah justified (sie).

(3) The offering is made to “ Set, the very
valiant . . .” by “his loving adorer, the here-
ditary chief of the two countries, the royal
scribe, keeper of the seal, the commander of
the troops, the king’s son Merenptah justified.”
Beneath : “an offering of incense and liquid.’

"This inscription and scene were added on
behalf of Merenptah when heir-apparent. He
appears also :on the statue No. 172 of his
father Rameses II., and is there also called
“ justified.”

5. Black granite statue, supposed by Mr.
Petrie to represent Amenemhat II., but the
copy of the front inscription, ὅσ, in Burton’s
“ Exc. Hierog.,” xl. 5, shows the full titles of
UsERTESEN I. partly erased and partly usurped
by Merenptah.

Original scene of Niles, ὅλ, on left, partly
repeated from other side, 58. ““ Hesays I give to

Ὁ .< His heir before.”—N.

thee all life, stability, and purity, all health, all
joy (N.), like Rä, for ever.”

Front (original), 50 (see the copy in Burton,
l.c.), “ The life of (Ὁ) Horus [life] of births,
lord of the two diadems, life of births, the
golden Horus, life of births, the king of Upper
and Lower Egypt... . ka (Usertesen I.) son
of the Sun (Merenptah), beloved (?) of Anubis
in his localities, lord of heaven, giver of life,
stability, and purity, like Rä, for ever.”

Back (usurped), ὅσο. Full titles of Meren-
ptah twice repeated. “Life of Horus, strong
bull, rejoicing in truth: King of Upper and
Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, Ba n ra
mer neteru (soul of Rä, loving the gods): son of
the sun, lord of diadems, Mernptah hetep hr
maä (Merenptah resting on truth), giver of life
for ever: Merenptah, beloved of Set.”

Line round base (usurpation); onleft,“ Meren-
ptah, beloved of Set, lord of Hat uärt (Avaris),?
giver of life, stability, and purity, like Ra,
for ever ;” right, similar, but “ beloved of Set,
the very valiant, @a pehti.”

6. Fragments sandstone statue, ÜsERTESEN 11.
(?), (Ra χὰ xeper), cf. 171. 64, part of the
Nile formula ; 68, part of cartouche. Raya...

7. Fragment pink granite architrave, UsEr-
TESEN ΠῚ. “Ra χὰ kau (brightness of the
images of Rä), beloved of Osiris.” Rouge,
Mel., 1.e., mentions also a large limestone block
with the name of this king. Burton publishes
an inscription from Tanis of ““ Usertesen IIL,
beloved of Khent amenti (a form of Osiris,
° chief of the West ’).”

8. Base of grey granite colossus. Upper
line original; cartouche only altered, “ Life of
Horus, änx mestu (life of births), good god,
lord of activity, King of Upper and Lower
Egypt (Merenptah inserted), beloved of Osiris,
lord of änkh taui.” ὃ

® For the hieroglyphie name of Tanis, see pp. 34, 35.
3. The = was carved by mistake in the middle of the

line, as if for a group ἢ ἜΞΞΦ,» but + not fitting the gap, a
second T was added.

TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. 17.

Second line (usurpation). “Life of Horus,
strong bull, rejoieing in equity, King of Upper
and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, Ba n
ra mer neteru (Merenptah).” Mr. Petrie must
have overlooked the standard name änlkh
mestu which fixes the statue to Usertesen
I. This king seems to have had a pair of
statues in black granite and a third in red
granite in the temple. The leg of another ? is
at Berlin.

9. Block grey granite, apparently twelfth
dynasty, “ giver of life, stability, and purity, like
Ra.”

10. Fragment foot, twelfth dynasty. 104
(original), “like Rä, eternally.” 105 (usur-
pation), beginning of cartouche “Rä .. .”

11. Black granite statue of a twelfth ? dynasty
queen, altered for the mother of Rameses II.

Front (original), left side, “the hereditary
princess, the great favourite (N.), the very
gracious, the consort . . .’; right side, same
title, followed by others difficult to understand.!

Back (inscribed by Rameses II.), “the royal
mother who bare the strong bull, Ra user maa
setep n ra, son of the Sun? (Rameses II.).

Side and back of throne (altered by Rameses
II.), and inseribed with titles of his mother,
imitating those of the earlier princesses.

Left side 1. 1=right 1. 1, “the hereditary
princess, the great favourite, the very gra-
cious τῶ

1. 2, “the royal mother, the mistress

1. 8, “the divine wife, the chief royal

Β8ΟΚΊ1. 1, [ wife: .....”

1. 3, ] “the chief wife of the king, loving

rt. sidel. 1, / him.”
1,2, “the
mother . .

39

the

divine wife,

39

royal

“ M. Naville’s copy reads, “The duat of the R
favourites of the palace” : the “ favourites’ are women ὃ
of the royal household, so also, very likely, is the =
hest.—N. ἣ

ἢ The wife of Seti I. and mother of Rameses II. w.
named 7 μώ.

1. 8, “the hereditary princess, the
great favourite, the very gra-
οἷοιβ.. .᾿

12. Black granite statue; inscription in
front, titles of a queen of the middle kingdom,
“the hereditary princess.”

13. Part of red granite obelisk of middle
kingdom, altered by Rameses 1I.; see also No.
60. The part shown is all original except the
cartouches.

Apex, early cartouche erased and replaced
by Rameses II. It was “supported” in a
unique manner by two hawks wearing the lower
crown, possibly a symbol of the Horus which
appears in the name of the nineteenth nome.

Beneath, scene of a king (?) offering to a
hawk-headed god erowned with shu feathers;
at the top is the vulture called ““ Nekhebt, lady
of heaven.”

Then follows an erasure of the king’s (Ὁ)
name (replaced by Rameses II.), “ beloved of
Horus, lord of the desert hills (or of the
foreigners),’ giver of life eternally.” The
attitude of the king offering is explained as
“taking or offering (a vessel of peculiar shape)
as a drink-offering.”

14. Red granite sphinx, now in the Louvre. On
chest, 14}, erased standard possibly of Ämenem-
hät II. (cf. Tan. I., p. 7); over it is the name
of Merenptah; on base, right side, 14r, part of
royal titles of Apepi(?). N.B.—The usual titles
beginning with Set and ending with mer?, 1.6.
τε Äpepi, beloved of Set,” seem to have been on
the right shoulder. On left shoulder, 14c, titles
of “ Merenptah, giver of life for ever ;”’ on right,
148, “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, het'
xeper ra setep n γᾶ (the upper crown, offspring
of the Sun, chosen of the Sun), son of the Sun,

° In the chapter on the Nebesheh inscriptions I have
endeavoured to show that Horus ποῦ xasxet, or neb setu, is the
god who was gradually developed in the course of Egyptian
history into Khem as the god either of the desert portion of
the nineteenth nome, or of the foreign people settled in the
north-east portion of Lower Egypt.

ο

18 TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.

Amen mer Sasang (Shashang, beloved of Ämen),
giver of life like the Sun.”

Round base, standard inseription of Shashanq
I.; begins apparently at right end of 148 and
continues round corner of 144, where a shorter
inscription meets it from the left “. . . lord of
the two lands, Ra het! xeper setep n ra, son of
the Sun, lord of diadems, Ämen mer Sasang,
wearer of the two diadems, crowned with the
pschent like Horus son of Isis, pacifying [the
gods] with (?) justice, King of Upper and Lower
Egypt, the very mighty? (ür next (?)), lord of
action, R& het xeper setep n ra, son of the Sun,
lord of diadems, Amen mer Sasang, beloved of
Amen rä, lord of the thrones of the two spheres
[dwelling in?] (144) Apt (East Thebes), lord
ofheaven ... . the very mighty in [all ?] lands”
(or “in the land οὗ... .”).

The early part of the twenty-second dynasty
seems to have had much more connection with
Thebes than with Bubastis.. Thebes was the
unquestioned capital of the country and Amen
supreme in the dedications.

15. Red granite sphinx. 154, part of early
erased titles near base, “ giver of life, stability,
and purity for ever... .”

On side, 15», titles of Merenptah; see140 above.

Inseription of Saamen, “ lord of the two
lands, mer Ämen sa Amen (beloved of Ämen
Saamen), beloved of Ämen τᾶ, king of the
gods.”

Inscription round base, 15c, standard inscrip-
tion of “Shashang I., [golden] Horus, wielder
of might, smiting the nine [bows], very vic-
torious in all lands.”

16. Brown-pink granite statue, SEBERHETEP
III. Front right side, 164, “the good god, lord
ofthetwo lands, lord of activity, Ra χα nefer (the
beautiful brightness of the sun), son of the Sun,
of his body, loving him, Sebekhetep, beloved of
Ptah of the fair face on his great throne (or
‘sanetuary,’ N.).”

Left side, 168, same as last, but “ beloved of
Ptah res anbuf, lord of Ankh taui.”

17. Black granite statue of Mermeshnau. 175,
“The good god, lord of the two lands, lord of
activity, King of Upper and Lower Egypt;
Smenx ka ra (perfecting the soul of Rä), son of
the sun, of his body, loving him; Mer mesau,
beloved of Pteh res anbuf, lord of the life of the
two worlds.”

The name mer mesau means “ chief of the
infantry.” It is the commonest military title,
and was also the name of the high priests of
Mendes. The cartouche occurs only on these
statues at Tanis, and doubtfully in the Turin
Papyrus in the thirteenth dynasty. The style
of inseription and the dedication agree with
this date.

On shoulder, inscription of Arepı II. 176,
“Good god Ra aa genen(?) (very victorious Rä),
son of the Sun, Äpepa, giver of life, beloved of
[Set].

The god’s name beginning the inscription
of Apepi (but read at the end) is erased.
The reading of the throne name is not very
clear on any monument and most indistinct on
this.

Side of throne (usurpation of Rameses 11.).
At the top the serpent goddess Dat of the north
with the symbol of eternal purity faces the
vulture Nexeb (?) of the south with the symbol of
eternal life. Beneath these are the Niles of
Upper and Lower Egypt and the hieroglyphs,
“She (1.6. Nekheb and Uat respectively) gives
life and purity like Rä.” The Niles are binding
the hieroglyph sam, unity, with water-plants,
symbolizing the union of Upper and Lower
Egypt. Above the sam are the cartouches of
Rameses II.

On back, standard and cartouches of Rameses
IIL.; cf. 432.

At base, ““ Rameses IL., beloved of Sutekh.”

18. From front of a similar statue? “as
ruler of the two lands for ever.”

19. Fragments of one or more obelisks.
194,1. 1on right, “... royal son ΝΉΒΕΘΒΙ ;᾽᾽ 1.2,
“νος [made it as] his memorial to Set, lord

TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. 19

of Re ahtu, who directs his countenance (i.e.
counsels him (?));” 1. 3, The eldest [royal] son
Nehesi, beloved of Set, lord of Re ahtu.

I cannot make any connected sense out of
the other fragments, but 19} should probably be
placed over 198. 198, the pyramidion of a
broken obelisk, is important. The hieroglyphs
read, “ beloved of Hershef” (not). The squeeze
brought home by Mr. Petrie shows the head,
high feathers, and ram’s horns of the figure of
Hershef apparently with both hands raised
behind the back, one holding the whip. The
rest is lost. For the date, &c., of the obelisk,
see p. 32, note.

20. Pillar (2 and 3), “good god, lord of the
two lands, lord of activity, Ra AA ARQ, son of
the Sun... .;” (land 4) “he made it as his
monument to his mother Per... .”

The style seems late, and Wiedemann may
be right in attributing it to the twenty-first
dynasty. Mr. Petrie unfortunately did not
find the original, which had been hidden by
Mariette.

2la. Part of early obelisk altered by
Rameses II., a portion of whose standard is
shown.

21». Part of early obelisk altered by Rameses
IL., part of whose standard appears. The
remains of original inscription do not admit of
translation.

22. False door, red
dynasty ?

23. False door, red granite, with remains of
a cartouche. On the squeeze I could recognize
the name of Ra sehetep ab, i.e. AmenzmHär IL,
the first king of the twelfth dynasty. It may
have formed part of a chapel in which his
statue 3 was placed. It is not unlikely that
the king had a special chapel in which offerings
were made to his statue.

24. Block of granite with early inseription
on & large scale, reversed and re-used by
Rameses II.

25. Sphinx in the Louvre from Tanis.

granite, thirteenth

250,

name of Rameses I]. in front over erasure; 250,
name of Merenptah on shoulder; inseription of
Rameses II. round base, 254 and 258, running
in two ways. Each starts from the cruz ansata
near the left end of 25B; that running from
right to left may be completed by reference to
the fragment 28r, “Life of Horus, strong
bull, beloved of Maä, lord of Sed festivals
(panegyries of thirty years) like his father Ptah
Tathnen (?), the King of Upper and Lower
Egypt, lord of the two lands; Ra user maa setep
n Rä, son of the Sun, lord of diadems; Amen
mer Ramessu, giver of life, beloved of Set.”

Inscription from left to right, “Life of
Horus, mighty bull, giving birth to the gods,
possessing the two lands [King of Upper and
Lower Egypt]; Ra user maa setep n ra, son of the
Sun, of his body, loving him, lord of diadems ;
Ämen mer Rämessu, giver of life, beloved of:
Set.”

The inscriptions on the base are completed
by two shorter ones, ‘“ Rameses II., giver of
life, stability, and purity, (seated), on: the throne
of Rä for ever,” and ‘““ Rameses II., giver of
life, stability, and purity, image of all living (Ὁ)
(or health of all living)”

13. No. 26. Hyksos sphinx, unfinished in-
scription of Rameses II. on base, completed by
Merenptah, who erased his father’s cartouche.
“ Mer Amen Rämessu (erased), giver of life, like
Rä, for ever, [giver of] life upon the throne of
Tum” and“. ..son of the Sun, Merenptah
hetep her maa.”’

On the chest, 28, part of cartouche of Paseb-
khänen.

27. Fragments of one or more Hyksos
sphinxes.

278, c, on one fragment; 278, “ giver of
life upon the throne of Ra,” “giver of life,
stability, and purity like Rä.” 270, part of
name of Rameses II.

27D, E, F on another fragment to which 276
also belongs. Right shoulder, 270 and 27a,
shows erased inscription of Äpepi (Ὁ) and

σι

20

portion of cartouches of Merenptah. 278, on
left shoulder, portion of inscription of Meren-
ptah.

27r. On chest, cartouche, Amen mer Pa seb

xänen PISEBKHANU of the twenty-first dynasty. |

27a, on base, “like his father Ptah, King
Rameses 11.”

28. Fore part Hyksos sphinx ; on chest, 280,
“Son of the Sun, beloved, Pisebkhänu, beloved
of Ämen τᾶ, king of the gods,! giving life for
ever.”

On right shoulder, 28Ρ, erased Hyksos in-
scription with cartouches of Merenptah.

On left shoulder, 285, inscription of Meren-
ptah.

On front of base, 288, inscription of Rameses
11:

Side of base 28}, * Horus, mighty bull, be-
loved of Maä lord of Sed festivals like his father
Ptah, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Rä..
(Rameses II.).’’

29. Fore part of Hyksos sphinx ; on chest,
298, same as 280, but begius “ good god ” in-
stead of “son of the Sun.”

Right shoulder, 294, same as 28p, but “ good
god” visible in the Hyksos inscription.

On base, 29c, inscription of Rameses II.
same as 28F.

30. Base of forequarters of Hyksos sphinx ;
front same as 288, chest same as 280, left side,
908, “ possessing the two lands, King of Upper
and Lower Egypt, Rameses II.”

31. Hindquarters of Hyksos sphinx ; inscrip-
tion of Rameses II. on base, 31a.

14. No. 32. Portion of great colossus of
Rausses 11.

33. North colossus of Rameses II. at the
Pylon. Inscription on back: 1. 1, “Lord of Sed
festivals like his father Ptah .
like Menthu (Jin... .;”1.2“ .. Ra giving
birth to the gods, possessing the two lands,
king... .;”1.3“ . .crowned with the double

. . very mighty

1 This makes it probable that Pisebkhänu, like Siämen,
was a Theban king.

TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.

diadem, protecting Egypt, binding foreign
lands (part of standard inscription) . . .;” 1.4,
‘“ golden (vietorious) Horus, strong in years ;”
ar ἐτον

Side inseriptions “. . . prince, lord of might,
subduing the Sati (Asiatics), King Rameses II.
overthrowing the strength of the foreign lands ;
none can stand before him.”

34. South granite colossus at Pylon; back,

l. 1“... [emblem] of the universal lord,
Rameses II., giver of life;” 1.2 “.... A
1.3, “what is pleasing to Harmachis . . . ;”

l. 4, “ doing pious acts ;’’1.5, “ of the universal
lord, given by (?) the lord of the two lands,
the lord of diadems, giver of life, stability,
and purity, like Rä, for everand ever.”

35. Sandstone colossus. 354. Throne name
of Rameses Il. 858. Personal name Rameses
Il. 35c. Personal name Rameses II. with ad-
dition @r mennü, “ greatin monuments.” 35n.
“ The daughter of the king, loving him (merert
7, N.), the royal wife Amen (?) merit living.”
35E. “. . . the royal [wife] Ban-ta änt living.”
35v. Names of Rameses II. Amen merit and
Banta änt were daughters of Rameses II. raised
to the position of queens. M. Naville’s copy
(1882) reads Ra... τί in 35D, and..
hmt Ban-tau (3 änt in 35E.

000

. sut

36. Sandstone colossus. 364. Throne name of
Rameses II. with the addition “ beloved of Maä.”
360. Names of Rameses II. 36». “ The great
royal wife, mistress of the two lands 74 mat
neferu (seeing the beauties of Rä), daughter of
the great chief of the land of Kheta.” Mr.
Petrie informs me that the bird in this name is
an eagle as in De Rouge’s copy, Inser. pl. exxiv.,
which agrees throughout with Mr. Petrie’s.
M. Naville’s copy also has the eagle. The
reading in the plate is also confirmed by an
interesting plaque found at Tell el Yahudiyeh, in
which, however, the bird appears to be a hawk.
The name was misread Ra maa ür neferu by
Lepsius at Abusimbel? He mistook the eye of

TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. 21

mat for the cubit, the eagle a for the wagtail
ur, and the semicircle ὁ forthe mouth r. He
also read ta instead of aa in the title of her
father. Rä
neferu is the name of an Egyptian queen,
daughter of the prince of Bekhten, in the
mythical story of the possessed princess, which
seems to refer to the times of Rameses II.

37. Sandstone colossus. 378. Throne name
of Rameses II. 374. Rä user maä, taken from
the throne name. 37c. “The daughter of the
king, the great royal wife Ba[n-tau ὃ änjt
living.”

38. Grey granite statue Rameses II.
Throne name Rameses II.

39. Black granite statue Rameses II. 39a, B.
Names of Rameses II. and portion of standard
inscription, “mighty bull,beloved of Maä(?), lord
ofthetwolands...
mightyking ..

The name 'is entirely Egyptian.

988.

. erushing every foreign
people... . . strong in years.”
39c. Personal name of Rameses II.

40. Standing statue. Ovals of Rameses II.
three times repeated, twice horizontally and
once vertically, with “ giving life for ever and
giving life like RA”; also twice repeated, “ be-
loved οὗ Anubis (or Reshpu?), lord of the
papyrus marshes.'

41. Grey granite statue, attributed by Mr.
Petrie to Rameses II. (Mr. Petrie agrees that
this is probably of Osorkonx II.) 418. Cartouche
on shoulder, « Amen mer sa Bast Uasadrken
Osorkon (II.) beloved of Amen, son of Bast.”
4la, c, D. Portions of standard inscription
round base resembling that of Shashang I. on
the sphinx 15c, and therefore probably Bubas-
tite,and of Osorkon II. 41 ν. “ [Live the Horus,

' M. Naville read the combination of signs following ἢ
in the last word as a fish caught by a snare, and taking
as part of the geographical name, translated “ Anubis,
lord of the lake of the net, of the fishing lake.” This was from
the original, but the squeeze, which so often proves clearer,

seemed to me to show plainly a monogram of —>= Ὁ and

and Mr. Petrie agreed with me about the reading. I fear,
therefore, that M. Naville’s interpretation must be given up,
in spite of its interest, and appropriateness to Lake Menzaleh.

strong "bullimz ] erowned in Thebes ?
lord of the two lands [Osorkon 11.]. 41a.
““ Wearer of the two diadems, uniting the two
portions (i.e. Upper and Lower Egypt, the
portions of Set and Horus), like the son of Isis,
” 4lc. A squeeze of
this shows that the fragment begins with
andendswith &®. “ .. thetwo lands [golden]
Horus, wielder of might, smiting his enemy
(singular), strong, spreading wide [his] terror

. . These titles of Osorkon II., I believe,
do not occur elsewhere.

pacifying the gods. .. .

42. Fragment of red granite statue, portion
of cartouche, and title “Lord of the two
lands.”

43. Granite triad. 434. Side inscription,
Rameses II., ““ beloved of Ptah Tathnen.” In
the horizontal line Tathnen is phonetically
spelt. In the vertical line it appears to be
implied by the determinative, as elsewhere.
Inscription on back, 438. The four centre lines
are taken up with the titles of Rameses II.
“ beloved” of Tum, of the moon god Aäh, of
On the right side,
“Harkhuti gives all happiness to the king
Rameses II., beloved of Harkhuti,” and on the
left “ Ptah gives all life and purity to the king
Rameses II., beloved of Ptah Tathnen (?),”
Ptah and Harmachis therefore, with Rameses,
formed the triad represented on the monument.
They were the two chief gods of Lower Egypt,
Ptah of the civil metropolis of Lower Egypt,
Memphis, and Harmachis the royal deity of the
religious capital, Heliopolis. The latter half of
the standard name in these lines besidesthe usual
“ heloved of Maä” varies to “son of Amen (god
of Thebes),” “son of Ptah (god of Memphis),
“beloved of Rä (god of Heliopolis).” Such
variations occur not uncommonly, but seldom
cause any trouble in identifying a king.

44. North obelisk of the Hall; on Pyramidion,
Rameses, Harkhuti (Harmachis), lord of heaven,
and Tum, lord of the two lands [of On]; vertical
lines, ““ Rameses II. (in standard Τα mer, Sa

Khepra, and of Tum again.

22 TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.

Tum, and . . .), smiting the lands of the Satı,
erushing the nine bows, reducing every foreign
land to non-existence; strong of heart in war,
a very Menthu in conflicts, a mäher of Antha,
bull of... ., lord of diadems, .. . youth...
valiant in arm... Amen mer Ramessu, like
the sun.” Mäher would seem to be a tech-
nical Semitic term for some grade in the
college of devotees to Anaitis (4ηθὰ). There
were male and female slaves devoted to
Anaitis, with which one may compare Mäher
Anda and Banta Ant. Mäher was adopted
into the Ramesside vocabulary as a proverbial
expression for a man trained to hardship, a
courageous warrior or pioneer, a “ brave.”

45. South obelisk (Rouge, Inser. cexcvi.,
gives the fourth side, but omits the middle line).
On pyramidion, Rameses II., Ptah nefer[her]
and Ptah res änbuf (or Tathnen Ὁ), “the
very valiant.” Vertical lines “ Rameses II. (in
standard name “ strong bull with horns ready,”
“beloved of Ptah” and “ beloved of Maä’),
valiant like Menthu, bull, son of a bull, sub-
duing every foreign land, slaying their chiefs,
directing his face (boldly) in battle, he is first
in the combat ; he conquers the land of Kens
(Nubia) with his valour, he spoils the Thehennu
(Libyans) ; very valiant like... ., bull in the
land of the Retnu (Syria); he conquers every
land with his strength (?), he brings them to
Egypt, (he) the lord of the two lands, Rameses
11"

46 and 47. West pair of obelisks in the
temple. 46. (Northern) on pyramidion, Ra-
meses II. offering to “ Tum, lord of the two
lands, and ἢ [of On],” “to Har[khuti?],” “he
gives wine to his father” and to “[Ptah
Tath]nen ?”

Vertical lines, Rameses II. (in standard son
of Ptah, beloved of Maä, and...)... mighty,
strong of heart like Menthu in the conflicts,
(protecting) his soldiers, making a mighty
overthrow οὗ...

South obelisk 47. On pyramidion Rameses

II., Harmachis, “ Shu son of the Sun,” and
ÄMER τσ

Vertical lines, “Rameses II. (in standard
“,..ofRa,. “baloved of Maa” ander ἢ
the two lands’’), strong bull, wearing the two
diadems, protector of Egypt, binding foreign
countries, golden Horus, master of times
(mighty in years, N.), great in victories (so far
standard inscription), carrying away the chiefs
of the Rethenu (Syrians) as living prisoners,
crushing the land of the Hittites.”

48, 49. Middle pair of obelisks in temple.

48. North obelisk.

Vertical lines; centre line, usual title and
standard inscription of Rameses II. as on 47
with the addition ““ beloved of Amen rä, king
of the gods.” Other lines, “ Rameses II. (in
standard “strong bull, mighty and valiant ”
and “ strong (?) bull, beloved of Menthu ?),” he
.. . the foreign lands, he penetrates them, he
makes them bring the produce of their work
to his palace ..... very terrible?; extending
his boundaries to the ends of the waters ὃ
(mouths of the rivers?); none can turn his
arm from his desire; ... . foreign land, opening
its roads, he subdues it with his might (and
brings it) to Ta mera (Egypt), Rameses II.,
giver of life, like Rä, for ever.”

Scenes of offering beneath these lines.

49. South obelisk. On pyramidion, Rameses
offering to Tum, lord of Heliopolis. ..., and
Amen rä suten neteru.

Vertical lines. First line, standard inscrip-
tion of Rameses II., beloved of Harmachis.
Other lines, “ Rameses II. (in standard “ be-
loved of Rä” and...) opening the land...
the land of Kheta, conquering it with his
might, making a great overthrow in his
vietories: . . . the well-beloved, πκ Tum,
making bright the two lands, shining like the
two horizons, image (N.) of the universal lord,
reigning in Heliopolis, lord of duration like
the sun, Rä in heaven, Rameses II., living for
ever.”

TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. 23

At the base, “ The life of Horus, the good
god Rameses II.,” “ gives white bread to his
father, performing the service of giving life ”
before “ Amen τᾶ, king of the gods, who gives
all pure life, like Rä, every day.”

50. Western obelisk in temple. On pyra-
midion, Rameses II. offers to “ Shu, son of Rä,
the great (?) god.”

Vertical lines. “ Rameses Il. (in standard,
“beloved of Rä,” “strong and valiant,” and
“ bull, son of Khepra ?” or “bull Khepra ὃ ”),
strong of arm, lord of the scimitar (?), protect-
ing his soldiers; all lands are bowing before his
terrors, king placing his boundaries at his will;
none can stand before him; his scimitar (?) is
vietorious. Tum magnifies him as king of the
two lands; he causes Egypt and Deshert
(Arabia) to submit to him (N.); he gives him
valour like his creator (N.).”

At the base, Rameses II. “offers a tray”
or cake? to “Tum, lord of Heliopolis, great
god, lord of heaven.”

In a second scene the king “ gives wine” to
“Shu, son of Rä, great god, lord of heaven,
lord of earth, giving all life and stability.”

In a third the king “gives a tray” or cake
to “ Seb, father [of the gods].”

51, 52. East pair of obelisks in middle of
temple.

öl. North obelisk. On pyramidion names of
Rameses II. without cartouches in the boat of
Rä over scenes of the king offering to Tum,
lord of the two lands (and of?) On to “ Ptah
ur dmaxf, to ‘ Har khuti,” and to “ Ptah neb
maat.”

Vertical lines, “ Rameses II. (in one stan-
dard “beloved of Menthu’”) Menthu among the
kings, repelling millions, valiant like (Set ?)
when he enters the conflict; mighty king,
smiting every land, spoiling the land of the
Nahsi (Negroes), harrying (seizing) all lands
with the strength of victory, possessing the land
anew as at the first.”

52. South obelisk. Pyramidion similar to 51,

Rameses offers to “ Harkhuti, great god, lord
of heaven,” to “Tum, lord of On,” to “ Ptah
Tathnen,’’ and to “ Ptah neb maä (lord of truth),
father of the gods.”’

Vertical lines, “ Rameses II. (in one standard
name called “son of Ptah””), king, son of Tum,
mighty and valiant, smiting every land with
his seimitar, bringing them to Egypt: King
with vietorious scimitar, striking the Sati,
strong in arm and valiant, saviour of his
soldiers . . . vietorious ... upon (their?)
horses...

93, 94. Eastern obelisks.
cexcvil., gives all four sides).
titles of Rameses II.

Vertical lines, “ Rameses II., royal child of
Tum, the much beloved, warrior mighty with
the scimitar, rescuing his soldiers: . . . uniting
his limbs, beloved like the sun’s disk, going
forth in heaven... . Kash (Ethiopia), subduing
the land of the Shasu, valiant like (Set?), a
bull in the land of Rethenu.”

54. South obelisk similar to 53.

Vertical lines, “ Rameses II. (in one standard
“belovedofRä”).. . strong in his arms, bull,
son of a bull: sacred (or mighty).... of Rä
coming forth from the horizon?; he puts all
lands beneath thy? feet... battlefields (N.),
none can stand before him in any land.”

55. Refaced obelisk in temple (see 21). On
pyramidion Rameses offers to “ Har khuti” and
“ Har neb setu ” or “ khaskhet.”

Vertical lines, ““ Rameses II. (in standard be-
loved of Seb, Rä, and Maä), king, very mighty,
valiant and mighty with the scimitar, beloved
of Menthu, overthrower; he hits his mark ἢ
always in a moment, he is courageous .. . he
is the offspring of Tum ἢ issuing from his limbs

99

393

53 North (Rouge,
On pyramidion,

The oceurrence of the god “Horus of the
foreigners” again is interesting.

56. Sandstone obelisk in wall of Pylon.
““ Rameses II. (in one standard called “ son of

3)

Tum’), great ruler of...

24

57. Fragment of obelisk. On pyramidion,
Rameses II. and Shu.

58. Fragment of obelisk. On pyramidion,
Rameses II. ““ gives wine” to “ Tum, ruler of |

On,” and “ Shu, son of Ra.”
59. Fragment of obelisk. On pyramidion,

““ Rameses I]. gives wine” to “[Harmachis],

3

great god, lord of heaven,” and “a figure of
Maä to [Tum of] Heliopolis.”

60. On pyramidion, Rameses II. offers to

«Set... .” ‘“Har khuti,” “ Tum, lord of On,”

99

and =/Horus.cee

Vertical lines, standards of Rameses IL,

“very valiant,” “son of Tum,” ‘beloved of
Maä,” “beloved of Rä.”

61. Refaced obelisk; cf. also No. 13. On
pyramidion, names of Rameses II.; in vertical
lines, ‘“ Rameses II.” in standard called “ be-
loved of Maä,” “beloved of Rä,” “son of
Amen.”

62. Part of obelisk, with names of Rameses
II. in standard, also “beloved of Amen? (or
Menthu)” and “ Rä.”

634, B. Fragments of inscription on base
of obelisk, usual titles of Rameses II.

64. Pillar, with sixteen scenes of Ramessu
offering (1) to “ Ptah nefer her,” (2) “ Ba ποῦ
Dadat (Mendes),” (3) “ Sepdu nefer ba n ra, the
beautiful mummied hawk Sepdu, the soul of
Rä” (god of the city of Goshen), (4) “ Set,
the most valiant, son of Nut,” (4). ..., (5)
“Shu, son of Rä,” (6) “Seb, father of the
gods,” (7) “ Set, great god, lord of heaven, the
most valiant.” (The rest are illegible.)

65. Pillar. Inscriptions of Rameses II. of the
usual style, mentioning the Thehenu (Libyans) ;
the second line from the left contained the
standard inscription: in the last line it is
said that “he reduced the land of Kheta to
non-existence.”

Note also in “ Tanis,” I., pl. ΧΙ.

No. 5. Alabaster lid from Qeneh with name
of Pepi, son of Hathor, mistress of Ant (Den-
derah) (see p. 15).

TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.

No. 25. Blue pottery disk with name Rä nefer

ἂν of Psammetichus II.

No. 32. Seal from South Tell of Zuwelen
οὖν singing priestess of Mut. . . perfected.”
The rest of the inscriptions are in the plates
of the present volume.
66. White limestone altar, Rameses II.
“Live? the (the living, N.) King of Upper

ςς

and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands; Ra

user maä setep n ra, son of the Sun, lord of
diadems; Amen mer Ramessu, giver of life like
the sun every day, beloved of Thoth, lord of
Sesennu (Hermopolis in Upper Egypt), great
god, lord of heaven,” repeated inscription run-
ning both ways.

Thoth of Hermopolis was a very important
god, and it is not surprising to find an altar
dedicated to him at Tanıs.

67. White limestone altar, Rameses II.

“Live the King of Upper and Lower Egypt,
Ra user maa setep n ra, son of the Sun, lord of
diadems ; Amen mer Ramessu, giver οὗ 1116...
beloved of Menthu, lord of Uast (West Thebes),
great god, lord of heaven.”

68. Two sandstone shrines, almost identical.
On outside of roof vultures alter'nate with names
of Rameses II. Down the middle “.. .the
dignity of (N.) Tum as lord of eternity, lord
of diadems, Amen mer Ramessu upon the
throne of Horus, like Rä.” Onedge of roof
“as exists the sky, so (N.) are thy memorials
established, OÖ King Rameses II.... Räin
his? rising; thou art like (N.) the circuit of
the disk, lord of diadems; Amen mer Rämessu
da ankh.’ On right side, “... . Tum resting
upon thy handiwork, King Rameses II. Thou
dost flourish as king for ever and ever.”

Back of shrine. Upper scene. Beneath the
winged disk Tum and Harmachis give the sign
of life to the hawk upon the standard name
ofthe king. “He gives all life, all stability,
and purity, all health, all happiness to King
Rameses II.”

Lower scene. Rameses II., “ beloved of Seb

TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. 25

and Shu,” offers to “ Seb, father of the gods,
and Shu, son of Rä.” In a general way at
the sides Rameses II. is styled “beloved of
Tum, lord of Heliopolis,”” and “ of Harmachis.”

On sides of shrines in centre Rameses II.,
“ beloved of Tum, lord of On” (var. “ofthe two
lands of On, great god’’), “ offers white bread
and performs the service of giving life” to
“ Tum, lord of Heliopolis.”

On right, the king, “ beloved of Harmachis,”
““ gives wine, performing the service of giving
life” to Harmachis, great god, lord of heaven
(var. “lord of the great temple of Heliopolis ”).

On left, the king, ““ beloved of Khepra (var.
Khepra in his boat)” gives incense? to
“ Kheprä in his barge.”

Inside shrine. On right side, “the king, of
pious acts, Rameses 11.” ‘“ gives wine ” to ““ Tum,
lord of the two lands of On,’ also called “ Tum
lord of the two lands of On, great god, lord of
the great temple of Heliopolis,” who “ gives
all life and all health.”

On left much broken, apparently the same
scene with “ Khepra, great god,” instead of
Tum.

69. Fragment of scene from top of stela.
Rameses II. “ offers incense to his father Har-
machis,” or Ptah (?).

70. Fragment similar to last. Rameses II.
offers to “ Harmachis, lord of heaven.”

71. Fragment of commencement of inscrip-
tion on granite stela. “Horus, mighty bull,
beloved of Maä (Rameses II.).... many, sub-
duing ... Rameses 11.”

72. Fragment granite stela.
beneath his sandals.’’

73. Fragment granite stela. 1.1,“ ..
meses II. giving life ... .”

1.2,...ye.. . making you guardians upon
theroad ...

1. 8, “ every day’

1. 4, * give to me”

1. 5, “my spirits . . .

74. Fragment granite stela. 1. 1, Rameses II.

“ All [lands]

. Ra-

39

l.2,... (Of. 44, middle line, N.)
1. 8, “. ... bearine their labours. .
75. Fragment granite stela. 1. 1, “ slaying.”
1. 2, Rameses II.

Dana ;.
76. Obverse. 1.1,“..... mighty, strong in
valour.... his arm.”

1.2, “. . . Menthu, done by his arm, fishting,
preserving his might, bull of Baal ?”

1.3,“ .. King Rameses II.”

1l.4,“. ... The great chiefs of all lands at
home and abroad felt reverence for him. (When)
his spirits came they bowed their heads ?”

Reverse. 1. 2, King Rameses II.

1.3, “. . . than millions of soldiers united in
destruction (N.).”

1. 4, King Rameses II.

77. Portion of granite stela. 1.1,“ . . with
his strength ? upon the foreign land, sallying
forthiueser;

1. 2, “son of the sun, mer Amen Ramessu, king,
wielding power, subduing ... .”

l. 8, “all lands fighting, with him, King
Rameses II.”

1. 4, “ The very valorous upon horses.
seized his bow, he shoots . . .”

1.5, “. ... tens of thousands by his own might,
he was stronger than thousands, he was at its
head (N.), heknew... .”

l. 6, “King of Upper and Lower Egypt,
Rameses II, great ruler, rampart of Egypt,
remembered by... .”

78. Granite stela; ef. De R. (Inser. pl. Ixvii.),
from whose copy this translation is made.

“Live? the Horus, mighty bull, beloved of
Maä, trampling [every land beneath his feet,
bringing away] their chiefs? King of Upper
and Lower Egypt; Rameses II., giver of life
for ever.

(2) mighty king, strong in battles, valiant
in fight against 10,000, overthrowing on his
right, slaying upon his left like Set in his time
of fury (N.).

(3) mighty bull, repelling every foreign

D

He

26 TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.

people, opposing them with the might of his
arms; defending Egypt, smiting the nine
bows; every land trembles before him; he? is
as a

(4) lion who hath tasted battle; no land
can stand before him; King of Upper and
Lower Egypt, Rameses II. ; entering the com-
bats.

(5) he doth not turn back: he marches at
the head of his warriors, strong upon his
horses; he seizes his bow, he shoots on his
right, he does not miss; he stands firm on the
ground, mighty, valiant.

(6) and vietorious; his arm holds the mace
and the shield ; he dashes the chiefs beneath his
sandals, (they) know not how to receive the
onset; every foreign land flees before him, his
terrors are like fire pursuing them.

(7) King Rameses 11. living for ever. He
spoiled the lands of the Sati with his might; he
brings their chiefs as living prisoners.

(8) ... With the strength of his might,
a youth, mighty ... . victorious like Menthu,
strength of the plains (Ὁ) (this half-line is
omitted in Rouge, and the end of the next
misplaced).

(9) husband of Egypt, protecting her from
every foreign land, his spirits are courageous. ...
the negroes with his might; he slays the Anu
of the vile Kush. (10) bythe might of his arms
vietorious, he makes Egypt rejoice, Ta Mera to
be glad of heart, king [Rameses II.].

(11) spoiling the chiefs of the Sati in their
lands, he destroys their inheritance?... he
makes them...

(12) slain beneath his sandals he makes (read
sexem in R. after P.) his onslaughts upon them,
he harries the western desert, making it...

(13)... . Menthu upon his right fighting,
King Rameses II. he travels ... .

(14) to himwith their products, he opens. . .
the Sharutani failing in (N.) heart.

(15) themhe seizes...... . the ships fighting
in the midst of [the sea]... .

(16) before them. . .”

Other side, not in Rouge. (1.1) “Live the
Horus, mighty bull, beloved of Maä, carrying
away alllands with the force of his might, King
Rameses II.

(2) king, strong in arm, mighty in valour,
prince, victorious, watchful, smiting every land,
great in spirits, mighty in valour, smiting the
nine bows, reducing the foreign lands to non-
existence.

(3) ruler.... bold warrior, protecting Egypt
with his seimitar ; the land is possessed with
fear of him, the mighty ones yield (? rare word)
before him, their limbs fail.

(4) fear is within their hearts (N.), their
bellies... King Rameses II., every land trem-
blen.. 5%

(5) making their hearts firm, their spirits

. calling upon the gods when he comes and
rescues them? . ...

(6) which no light shines.... upon their
horses ; he smites the foreign lands, he overruns
them.

(7) making a great overthrow in the land of
the Hittites ... .. fighting in the plains (N.),
namely, the king, Rameses II.

(8). . . smiting the foreign lands, marching
at the head of his soldiers.

(9)... „bull... Menthu on his right hand...

(10) Rameses II., giver of life, smiting every
foreign land beneath his feet.”

78. bis. 1 ΠΥ τ

l. 2, I will provide you...

l. 3, Rameses II. he said to his messengers. ..

l. 4, camping-station provided with every-
thines 6 8

79. Granite stela, scene Rameses II. and Ptah
neb maä, “who says I give to thee all offer-
ings (Ὁ), all happiness.”

On the other half, RamesesII.and Set äa pehti,
“ who says I give thee all pure life and victory.”
Behind the king, “ preserving life behind him
like Ra.”

80. Portion of granite stela.

TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. 27

81. Granite stela (cf. De Roug£, Insc. pl.
lxvii., from which this translation is made), scene
a. Rameses II. and Set äa pehti, lord of heaven,
making him live. 5. the king, beloved of Seb.

Inscription, “ (1) the Horus, strong bull,
beloved of Rä, trampling all [foreign countries
beneath] his [feet], King Rameses II. master ?
of vietory, setting a watch, mighty and valiant,
harrying all lands with vietory. Strong, mighty
in valour like Set, strong of arm, King Rameses
II., giving life, smiting every land with his
scimitar, carrying them to Egypt. He smites
the inhabitants of the South land, he slays their
chiefs, reducing the rebellious countries to non-
existence.

Great of spirit, wielding courage, smiting the
Satı, King Rameses II.

Prince whose fame reaches to heaven, making
a great overthrow intheland ofthe Shasu. King
Rameses II., giver of life. The chiefs bring their
works to [his palace |.”

82. Stela of Rameses II. with defaced inscrip-
tion. In one of the scenes Rameses offers to
“Tum, lord of the two lands of? On.

83, 84. Portions of one obelisk of Rameses
II. 84 should be placed immediately above 83.

834, 844, line 1, standard‘ inscription of
Rameses 11.

1.2,‘ .. he came, he celebrated a festival

39

8

898, 1. 2, “. .. the camp of his soldiers . . .’

85. Portion of obelisk, “like Tum ? lofty in
station (duration, N.) like the sun’s disk.”

86. Portion of obelisk of Rameses II.

87. Portion of granite architrave with name
of Rameses II.

88. Portion of granite architrave, cartouches
of Rameses II. alternating with a kind of mono-
grammatic, Rä user maä setep πὶ (9) νᾶ.

89. Portion of granite architrave with name
of Rameses II., ‘“beloved of Tum, lord of
On,

90. Portion of unfinished granite architrave
with name of ““ Rameses, beloved of Tum ;”

apparently the temple is compared to “the
horizon in heaven” in which Tum rested.

91, 92, 93. Portions of granite architrave with
name of Rameses II.

94. Portion of granite sanctuary with name
of Rameses II.

95. Portion of the same; “ giving wine to his
father, performing the service of giving life.”

96. Portion of the same, the god is named
“. .„. Räofthe East, Tum.”

97. Portion of the same.

93. Portion of the same.“ “ Offering of wine
as a gift of Rameses II. ;” the god says “I give
to thee the festivals of thirty years of Ra.”

99. Similar.

100. Portion of the same. Rameses II., be-
loved of Harkhuti and other gods.

101. Portion of the same. Rameses II.,
“beloved of Tum, lord of the two lands of On.”
The inscription at the side begins with Unn, a
strong form of is. “ Thus it is: the king, &e.”

Rameses II. “ offers a figure οἵ Maät.”

102. Granite column. Upper inscription,
“(1) good god, mighty in rule, like his father
Rä in heaven, brightening the two lands like
his horizon.

(2) Rameses 1I. ... . lord of Sed festivals
like his father Ptah Tathnen ?

(3) Standard inscription.

Middle inscription, Rameses II., “may he be
joyful (N.) together with his ka.” BRameses II.,
“ beloved of Amen rä, lord of the thrones of the
world, lord of heaven, and of Tum the lord (?).
Harkhuti, great god, lord of heaven.”

Lower inscription, “son of the sun, of his
body, loving him; Rameses II., beloved of Ptah,
lord of heaven, king ofthe two lands,” and ““ son
of the sun, of his body, loving him ; lord of the
scimitar Rameses II., beloved of Ba neb Dada
(Ram Ba, lord of Mendes).”

At the side of the erased scene “ his admirer,
who loves him, his son coming forth from . . .”
The latter half of the personal name of Rameses
II. is erased, probably to make way for Sa Bast

D2

28 TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.

Uasaärken (Osorkon II.) or for Shashang III,
both of whom would also alter the Rä to Bast
by changing the hawk’s head to that of the lion.

103. Granite column, with fragments of similar
inseriptions, “ hemade it as his memorial to his
father... . Rameses II., beloved of Harkhuti.”

104. Portion of granite column. “ Good god,
likeness of Rä, avenging (fabricated “by” N.)
Harkhuti, making the lower crown of Tum.”
This perhaps refers to the myth of Horbehud
erushing the rebellion against his father Har-
khuti. On the other side is part of the standard
inscription, “golden Horus’’ being written in
a curious way more frequent on papyri than on
stone monuments.

105, 106, 107, 108. Fragments of column
inseriptions.

109. Part of doorway, names of ““ Rameses
II.,” “Ptah, lord of heaven,” and “ Mut, lady
of heaven.”

110—118. Fragments probably of the great
colossus.

112. “(says) the ΝΘ god Häpi.” This
inscription, no doubt, belongs to the scene of
the Niles, a portion of which appears in 1104.
See p. 10, col. 1, for Mr. Petrie’s note on 110;
but the columns of small inscription on 112
being parallel to the large ones make it probable
that they are contemporary and Ramesside, the
scene to which they belong being placed at
right angles on the curved surface of the statue ?

114. “[Amen] rä, king of the gods dwelling
in...” The name of the city is unfor-
tunately lost.

119—122. Miscellaneous granite blocks, in-
scriptions of Rameses II.

123. Portion of the lintel with title of the
winged disk. “The Behud, great god, the ray,
lord of heaven, coming forth.”

124. Granite block with name of Rameses II.

125. Granite block with traces of historical
inscription relating to the building of the temple
by Rameses II.? “... with good stone of An:
TOTEN. 0...

126. “He places Maä upon his hands.”

127. Portion of lintel.

128. “ The Behud, great god, ray coming
forth from the horizon.”

129. Erased inscription of Rameses II.

130.

131. “.... as ruler, happiness, upon the throne
of Horus.”

132. Inscription of Rameses II. on block
re-used by Siamen.

133. “I am lord of the scimitar to every
land.”

134, 135. Granite blocks with names of
Rameses II., ‘“ beloved of Seb, father of the
gods.”

For other inseriptions of Rameses II., see
Nos. 172, 173, and 174.

15. No. 136. Standing statue, MERENPTAH.

Beginning from right side, 1. 1, “Live the
Horus, strong bull, son of Amen, King of Upper
and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands; Mer
Amen ban ra (beloved of Amen, soul of Rä), son
of the Sun, lord of diadems; mer Ptah hetep her
maä (Merenptah resting on Maä), beloved of
Amen, lord of the diadems ? of the world.”

1. 2, Same as last, but “son of Ptah Tath-
nen’ in standard, and “Dbeloved of Ptah
Tathnen.”

1. 8, “Son of Amen’ in standard, “ prince
strong in years.”

1. 4, ““ (great) in rule, Ra as king.”

1.6, “Ra as king of the two lands.”

1. 7, Merenptah, son of the Sun, beloved of
Amen; lord of the diadems and crowns, giver
of life, Iike the Sun, the first for ever and ever
twice over.”

Round capital of sceptre Merenptah, ‘“ be-
loved of Amen, lord of the diadems (?), of the
two lands.”

The usual title of the standard of Merenptah
is haa m maät, “ rejoicing in truth,” as on the
other statue.

137. Standing statue Merenptah.

Side of sceptre. Translation doubtful, “ giving

TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. 29

truth? to Rä daily? King Merenptah, beloved
of Ptah Tathnen (the god) whose feathers are
high, who is furnished with horns.”’

138. Name of Merenptah on limestone block
re-used by Siamen.

139. Granite block, Merenptah and Tum nefer
“the hawk.” (The name of Nefer Tum is
determined by the feather crown that he wears
and by the seated figure of a god.)

140. Granite block, Merenptah and...

141. Block of ὅτι II, “lord of the two
lands, Ra user xeperu mer amen, Rä, strength
of all creatures, beloved of Amen, lord of
diadems, Seti Merenptah” and “Tum .. .”

142. Sandstone kneeling statue of Ramkses
III. holding table of offerings. “Live the
Horus, strong bull, great in rule, King of
Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands;
Ra user mad mer Ämen (the veritahle strength
of Rä, beloved of Amen), son of the Sun, lord of
diadems, Rämessu Aag An (ruler of Heliopolis)
giver of life;” on table of offerings, “live the
good god... Egypt? Rameses III.”

143. Grey granite statue, ““ Rameses III,
beloved of Amen τᾶ... .”

144. A. “. . . hundreds of thousands of Sed
festivals (1.6. periods of thirty years each), tens
of millions of years.”

16. No. 145. Block of Sıimzn, re-used by a
later king. “ King of Upper and Lower Egypt,
piety? to his father, Ra netr xeper setep
n amen, godlike, offspring of Ra, chosen of Rä,
son of the Sun, lord of diadems ; mer amen sa
amen (Siamen), beloved of Ämen γᾷ, lord of the
thrones of the earth.”

146. Block with titles of Siamen, re-used by
a later king. “Live the Horus, mighty bull,
beloved of Maä, son of Ämen, issuing
from his limbs.” This fragment of the standard
title of Siamen, from the base of a column,
appears to be unique.

147.

148, 149, 150. Fragments with name of
Siamen

151. Siamen and the god Khem amen, who
says, “I give to thee the nine bows as thy
property (N.).”

152. Name of vulture Nekhebt.

153. Fragment with cartouches of Siamen
and illegible inseription.

154, 155, 156. Fragments.

157. Fragment of scene of Ra user maa setep
n ra Ämen mer sa Bast shashang neter hag An.
SHASHANG III.

158. Similar to last.

159. Fragment of same date with cow-headed
goddess Hathor, of N... h.

160. Fragment of same date with Moon god
Thoth, lord of Hermopolis Magna.

161. Fragment of same date (?) with Khem-
like god.

162. Fragment with Sekhet? mer? Pteh

aa it.
These inscriptions, from 157, are on blocks
of the pylon built by Shashangq III. The
scenes with which it was covered represented
the king worshipping a number of divinities..

17. No. 163. Stela of TaHaraa.

Latter half in Rouge£, Insc. Ixxii.-iv. (trans-
lated by Rouge, “Melanges d’Arch£ologie,”
I. p. 21, and Birch, Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch.,
1880, p. 195). His copy is different in some
places. The stela is much weathered. Mr.
Petrie’s excellent copy was revised by M.
Naville from the squeezes.

1.1. [says the king Taharga, I was the younger

son of myfather? ... .], he [gave] me a goodly

ΠΟΙ 2.

1.2... . around it? he prevented the locusts
from devouring . . .

l. 3... . he took (as his share) of it the
animals. I took as my share the harvest.

EN τ οτε κι all the flax? and corn .

1. 5. [I was brought up Ὁ] amongst the king’s
children ... .

1.6. [lo I was] loved by my father more
than the (rest of) the royal children.

LG

30 TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.

118:
1.9. [Now when] my father Amen [had
placed] all lands beneath my feet.

1.10... .. [Eastward] to the sunrise (N.),
westward to... .
l.11.... as sister of the king, palm of

love, royal mother.

1.12... . Behold I had parted from? her
as a youth of twenty years.

1.13. [For] he (that is king Taharga ?) went
to the north land. Now she descended the
river to!

1. 14. [and reaching this city] after many
years she found me crowned .

1.15... Ihad received the diadems of Rä,
I had united the two uri upon ἢ

1. 16. [my forehead? the god... .] was
proteeting mylimbs. She rejoieed exceedingly,

1. 17. [looking upon] the beauties of his
majesty, even as Isis views her son Horus
erowned upon the throne

1. 18. [of Seb (Masp.)], after he had been as
a youth in the marshes (Ses) of [Natho (or the
papyrus beds).

l. 19. Then] all foreign lands bowed their
heads to the earth, to this royal mother, [they]
were

1. 20... . to the earth (P), their great ones
together with their little ones

l. 21. [were doing obeisance ?] to this
[royal?] mother, saying, “ as Isis received

1. 22. [Horus so the queen finds] her son the
King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Taharga
(Tahelg) living for ever.

1. 23... . Thou art living for ever in
prosperity.
1.24... . he (the god Amen?) loves him

who knows his will, he causes to join

1. 25... . beautiful things that he (thy
father ?) did to thee, thou mighty king.

1.26... .. [as Horus . . .] to his mother Isis.
Thou art erowned upon [the throne of Seb ?].”

! See Addenda for the eorrect reading.

' on original), and “ Arsa (sic) sen mer

18. No. 164, 165, and 166. Tablets now in
the British Museum. I have compared the
plates with the originals and can guarantee the
readings in the following, as far as they go.
The inseriptions are carelessly eut.

164. Limestone tablet from shrine in Ptole-
Above ““Behud, the great god,
lord of heaven.”

On the right the “lord of the two lands, Au
netrui menyxui setepn amen ra Ptah.. . any,
offspring of the gods Euergetes, chosen of
Amen, Lord of diadems, Ptualmis anx Teta
Ast mer, Ptolemy, living for ever, beloved of
Isis (Prouemy IV.?),”

and the “lady of the two lands, Arsin sen
mer Arsinoe Philadelphos,”

stand before (1) ‘ Khem, lord of Amt, Horus,
dwelling in Set häa.”

maic chapel.

(2) “Hor Sa Ast Sam taui, the prince (appears
to have the crown of Lower Egypt), great god,
dwelling in Amt.”

(3) “ Uat of Ämt, eye of Rä, lord of heaven,
mistress of all the gods.”

She says, “I give to thee (sic) all pure life,
all vietory, all prosperity.”

165. Limestone tablet from a site south of
the temple.

Two scenes, (1) the King of Upper and Lower
Egypt, lord of the two lands, Ra user ka meri
Amen, strength and ka of the Sun, beloved
of Amen, son of the Sun, lord of diadems,
Ptualmis (Prousmy II. PuitApeLpnos).

Offers to (a) “ Khem, Lord of Amt.”

(Ὁ) “The Net, regent of the two lands,
princess, lady of thrones (traces of same car-
touches as in 166); Alsin mer senu? (very
indistinet), Arsinoe Philadelphos (loving her
brother ?).

(2) The same king offers to “ Hor sam tauwi
pa xred, dwelling in Ämt, and Uat, lady of Ämt,
eye of Rä, lady of heaven, mistress of the gods.”’

166. Limestone tablet from chapel. King Pto-
lemy Philadelphos, ‘son of the sun ποὺ ta’ (so
” (Arsinoe

TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. 31

Philadelphos), whose second cartouche xnem ab
suten ὃ neteru mer is legible and may be trans-
lated “ uniting the heart of the king, beloved of
the gods.”’ Sheis again entitled (on the original)
Net neb taui and Erpet. As to the title Net,
her second cartouche has been found only in
Lower Egypt, at San and Tell el Maskhüta.
Thus Net must mean queen of Lower Egypt,
and not simply “queen” or ‘“queen bee” as
might otherwise be supposed. At Tell el Mas-
khüta the first oval of Arsinoe begins “ uniting
the heart of Shu.”

There is a squeeze of another tablet from
the chapel without inscriptions, showing a
Ptolemy in Egyptian dress, Philadelphos (?)
offering to (1) Khem, (2) Horus, (3) Uat, and
(4) a queen Arsinoe (?).

167. Back of basalt statue of the Ptolemaic
or Roman period, from great temple. Inscrip-
tion doubtful.

168. ““Hor neb mesen [dwelling in T’a]l.”
For T’al, the capital of the fourteenth Sethroite
nome, see the memoir on Qantarah. “ Khensu
[pa] khred (the child), the very great, son of
Ämen.” Both of these gods appear on the
statues of Teos, from Tanis, Brugsch, Z.F.A.S.,
1872, p. 16 ff.

169. “King Ptolemy restoring the places
(temples). . .” The cartouche corresponds best
in Kgsb. with cartouche K of Prouzmy XI.

170. Limestone block. “Ptolemy (in the
standard nem mesu “ renewing birth”’) performs
the ceremonies of... house of (Ὁ) writing”
before the goddess “Mer? or Mehit? Ast
(Isis) raising high the offerings of the house of
gold.” (The king holds a large paddle.)

(She says) “I am going at the head of the
house of... my arms are warding off Shu
and Tefnut (?), while there goes and brings ...
to me (Ὁ)... They place them in the hidden
house.”

Beneath is a bull galloping, called “ Horus
in Bennut in his form of a black bull.”

“ They bring ? him to ? the house of gold.”

Upper lines: “the water to... . in order to
enrich the earth with products (N.).

Horus dwelling in Bennut, bull with horns
ready (to attack).

Climbing he ascends the two Niles.

He performs his wish, he searches out...
that he made.”

The standard name nem mesu does not oceur
in Lepsius. The cartouche belongs perhaps to
Prosemy IX.

19. No. 171. Statue from Tanis at Bulag.
On breast Ra khä kheper (Usertesen II.).

““ The hereditary princess, the great favourite,
the very gracious, the consort of Rä khä kheper,
beloved mistress of the two lands, royal
daughter... .”

““ The hereditary princess, the great favourite,
the very gracious, the consort of the wearer of
the two diadems, beloved, mistress of women,
the lady, the king’s daughter, of his body, Nefert
perfected.”

172. Statue of Rameses II. at Bulag.

On back, Rameses II., “beloved of Hathor,
lady of Mat’” and “ Äpuat sekhem taui.” “All
life, stability, and purity, all health to the here-
ditary (heir-apparent).”

Front of right standard, Rameses II., “lord
of Sed festivals like his father Ptah .... beloved
of the southern (Ὁ) Apuat regent of the two
lands.”

Front of left standard, Rameses II. “...
subduing the foreign peoples; Ra, father of the
gods, joining the two lands; beloved of Hathor,
mistress of Mta, regent of the gods.”

Other parts are prayers in behalf of the
heir-apparent Merenptah. They are: “all life,
sam (stability), and health” (on left standard);
“all power and vietory” (on right standard);
“all life, stability, plenty and health for the
hereditary chief of the two lands, the royal
scribe, the chief general, the royal son, the
Sam Merenptah justified” (right
side).

The Apuat mentioned was god of Lycopolis

δ'[ΠΠυ αὐ Ὁ u"

32

(Siyüt), and the Hathor of Mat’ was worshipped |
in the Lycopolite or the Hypselite nome.

173. Seated statue altered by Rameses II.

On back, Rameses, “ beloved by Set,” “ Tum-
Kheper,” and “Nut”; and “ eonciliating the
two hawk gods,” 1.6. Set and Horkhuti (9).

On the sides he is “ beloved of Tum lord of
On, Horkhuti, Ptah lord of truth, Amen rä lord
of heaven.”

174. Seated statue of Rameses II.

“The good god, son of Ptah, beloved of
Sekhet-Bast, Rameses II. Thou art even as
Ptah.’’

20. The series of inscriptions translated above
forms almost a corpus of the inscriptions of the
great temple of Tanis. A few important ones
are indeed omitted. The stela of 400 years, for
instance, was re-buried by Mariette and could
not be found. Some have been previously
copied by the learned De Roug£, and his publi-
cations of the stele are searcely to be surpassed.
But there was still much to be gleaned by Mr.
Petrie, and, except where an inscription was in-
accessible by any ordinary contrivance, we now
have a complete set of those remaining on
the ground. Moreover, some entirely new
discoveries were made in the Ptolemaic chapels
and temples ihat are of great importance for
the geography of the district.

Now that the inscriptions are known en masse,
it is worth while to see what conclusions may be
drawn from them (1) as to the local worship
of Tanis, (2) as to the position of Tanis in the
political geography of Egypt, (3) as to the
history of the kings. I therefore append a few
notes on each of these questions.

The local mythology of a city is to be learnt
from the dedications of its temples and of the
monuments adorning the temples. Often it is
found that nearly every monument bears a dedi-
cation or an expression of homage to a parti-
cular god or goddess brought into connection
with a particular geographieal name, and the

TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.

name of the city and its local worship can then
beidentified at once. At Tanis the case is very
different, and nothing can yet be considered
certain with regard to it.

The dedications of the middle kingdom all,
with only two exceptions,' relate to the deities of
Memphis and those of the underworld. Ptah
res anbuf neb änkh taui, Ptah nefer her, Uasar
neb shetait are titles of the deities, which being
the chief gods of the capital, were no doubt
at that time representative of Lower Egypt.
We only learn from this, that if the statues and
architraves were originally dedicated in the
temple of Tanis,? the mythological position of
the city was not at that time prominent enough
to force the Pharaohs of the period to venerate
the local god by placing his name upon these
monuments.

Δ One exception is the obelisk of Nehesi, which I was
inelined to attribute to the twenty-second dynasty, but Mr.
Petrie has kindly communicated to me his reasons for the
earlier attribution. They are (1) that the style of cutting
in the hieroglyphs, though rough, is like that of the thirteenth
dynasty, and unlike the work of later times, the edges of the
signs being sunk deeper than the central parts. (2) That it
has been re-used at a later date, and bears no sign of usurping
earlier work, as the later inseriptions usually do. (3) He quotes
instances from which it seems certain that \/ was used for » in
the thirteenth dynasty. (4) He has seen a scarab which bears
the name, “royal son Nehesi,” in the style of that time.
These arguments seem conelusive, and lead to the important
result that Set was in some manner recognized at San before
the Hyksos invasion. Harshef, the deity of Heracleopolis
Magna, appears on the apex. This monument is distinetly
dedicated to Set, lord of re ahtu, “the entrance of the fields,”
which if not actually the name of the distriet round Tanis,
was possibly a designation of the entrance of one of the
roads from the eastern desert. The objeetion that Horus,
the conqueror of Set, was more likely to be the guardian
and lord of all these roads, does not perhaps apply
to all periods of Egyptian history. The same myth may
have different sides, and each side may have a time of
popularity or of preference by the autocrat. However, re
ahtu may have been in Upper Egypt : cf. Br. Rec. 1. vi.

The other exception is the re-used obelisk of the middle
kingdom, in which Hor neb khaskhet appears.

3. The large block of limestone inscribed with the name of
Usertesen III., as De Rouge, who records it, points out,
Mel. l.c., is strong evidence that the monuments of the early
dynasties were originally at Tanis, and not brought there at
a later period.

TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. 33

After the fall of the native dynasties the
Hyksos have left memorials inthe temple. The
name of the king Äpepi, beloved of Set, is the
only one now legible This dedication tells us
nothing of value for the local mythology. Set
was the especial deity of the Hyksos, and ap-
pears on an altar of the period found in Cairo
(and therefore, perhaps, from Heliopolis) as
“ Lord of Avaris.”

The nineteenth and twentieth dynasties bring
in a flood of divinities. The god of Thebes,
the capital of Egypt, holds perhaps the third
place, the first being given to Ptah Tathnen,!
with whom Rameses II. continually com-
pares himself. This god was again, perhaps, a
form of the Memphite god, and held a very
high place in the worship of the king. On an
almost equal footing appear the gods of Helio-
polis, the emblems of living and conquering
royalty. Tum and Harmachis with Shu are
the gods to be attributed to the pre-eminent
religious influence of that eity. Uati ap taui is
brought in owing to her connection with the
marsh lands of the Delta, and Horus of the
foreigners, or of the desert hills, similarly occurs
once in this dynasty.?

Amongst the other gods, while Menthu is
often made use of in warlike boasts of Rameses,
the only one of any prominence in the dedica-
tion is Set, who is called ““ the very valiant,” and
once, on a monument of Merenptah, “lord of
Avaris.” Set was the Hyksos divinity and an
Asiatic god, and the kings of the nineteenth
dynasty not only bore names compounded with
that of Set, but also frequently dedicated monu-
ments to him. It is not reasonable, therefore,
from these occasional mentions of Set in the
dedieation, to conclude that Set was the
especial god of the city. Set, lord of Avaris,

" Compare the decree of Ptah Tatunen or Tathnen at
Abusimbel (E. Naville, Trans. S.B.A., vol. vii. p. 119, ete.),
and below, p. 34, note.

® De Rouge, Mel. l.c., also mentions Sekhet nebt Ant,
mistress of the valley, and Hor äa pehti, as occurring at Sän.

appears also in a dedication by Merenptah at
Tel Mugdam, Mar. Mon. Div. 63; while if Tanis
were Avaris,and Set the especial deity,we should
expect to find that the dedieations of the nine-
teenth dynasty in the temple, unless very
strongly influenced by other causes, were mono-
polized entirely by that god.

In the twenty-first dynasty we find no special
dedication beyond that to Ämen rä as god
of the Theban capital. In the twenty-second
Ämen τὰ continues. The only exception in or
about this period is on the pillar of Aaärgq νᾶ,
which is of doubtful period. Unfortunately
it has not been seen by any one except
Mariette; but it seems probable that it belongs
to the time between the Ramessides and the
Saites rather than to the middle kingdom. The
dedication upon this to a goddess Per... . is
hard to restore.

I have examined a number of the objects
found in the tombs at Zuwelen by Mr. Petrie.
The eyes, &c., are distinctly of thetwenty-second
dynasty in most cases, while some are twenty-
sixth. A scarab from the town? bears the throne
name of Osorkon II., which was adopted also
by other kings of the same family; and the
bones from the jars have been identified as
those of cats by Mr. O. Thomas, assistant in
the Zoological Department of the British
Museum. This throws some light on the
condition and religion of Tanis at the period.
The ushabti of the priestess of Amen Ankhsnäst
(see Nebesheh, p. 46) must also be of the
twenty-first or twenty-second dynasty.

There is a great blank after the twenty-
second dynasty, and with the exception of a
statue at Bulag, the only materials for filling it
up are the Ptolemaic remains found by Mr.
Petrie. These point two ways. The monuments
in the chapel are dedicated to the deities of Ämt,
the capital of the nineteenth nome; the block
from the temple is concerned with a black bull,
Horus in the city of Bennu. And Bennu was the
name of the territory of the fourteenth nome.

E

34 TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.

The monuments of the chapel must probably
give way to the single block from the temple,
especially as Ämt seems to have been situated
at Neb&sheh.

The search for a local mythology and really
local worship has not been successful. When
we have sifted out the national gods who change
with the dynasties (the Ptah, Osiris, and Sokar
of the middle kingdom; Set of the Hyksos;
Set, Harmachis, Tum, Tathnen and Amen of
the Ramessides ; Amen also of the Bubas-
tites) there is no residuum left sufficient to
certify a local worship. Set, Uati ap taui, and
Horus of the foreigners, wear a semblance of
localization. The preference perhaps should be
given to the first on the strength of the obelisk
of Nehesi and the strange monument called the
stela of 400 years.!
on the pair of obelisks of the middle kingdom
adopted by Rameses II., is probably local only
in a general sense, and proves that the north-east
of the Delta was at an early period full of non-
Egyptians.

Horus of the foreigners,

21. The position of Tanis in the political
geography of Egypt is not much easier to
determine. The fact that there was no hard
and fast local worship seems to prove that it

! Does this not really allude to the vietorious introduetion
of the Syrian Set into Lower Egypt by the Hyksos, rather
than to the era of aking Nubti? The supposed Hyksos king
has not the usual Räin the name. Τῇ so it records the four
hundredth anniversary of the conquest of Lower Egypt, by
which Set (or Nubti) became king both of Upper and Lower
Egypt. It was ereeted on the order of Rameses II. by Seti,
who was governor of the foreigners and of the fortress of T’al

here Horus of Mesen, the especial enemy of the Asiatie Set,
was worshipped. It would thus be a sign of thetendeney of
Rameses II. to make a patronizing alliance with the Asiaties
and their gods, and his desire to adopt the worship of the
foreigners. It was Rameses II. and his father Seti that
first raised the northern Delta from the disgrace into which
it had fallen, probably as the seat of growth of the Hyksos,
and restored its temples.

The head-dress of Set on the monument is very eurious.
The cap is that of Upper Egypt with a lotus flower instead
of the ur&us, while from the apex hangs a long ribbon or cord,
forked at the end which reaches below the knees. It is
probably this ribbon that is seen behind the figure of Set on
the statue of Merenptah, son of Pa mer kau, from Nebesheh.

was not a capital city in the earliest times; the
religion of a distriet or of a family must have
fixed itself in their chief settlement in times of
extreme antiquity, and the centre of a cult
seems to have continued by a natural process
as the centre of a district and the capital of a
nome: although after the overthrow of old
traditions at and before the Hyksos period, and
the neglect of the temples of Lower Egypt by
the succeeding native dynasty, the nineteenth
dynasty seems to have made a new distribution
to some extent, traces of which appear in the
list of Rameses II. in the temple of Memphis,
while other lists of the same period follow the
earlier lines.

It seems very probable that Brugsch was
right in identifying Tanis with the royal eity
of Pa Rämessu mer amen. Its temple was
filled with the name and monuments of Rameses
II., who erected in it to represent himself the
largest monolith statue in the world. No city
but, perhaps, Thebes, Meınphis, and Heliopolis
can have shown such a monument of his reign
as this temple itself formed.

If this be granted, Rameses seems to have
planted one of his capitals not in a religious
centre, but in a position the importance of
which had been noted by the Pharaohs of the
middle kingdom, and close to the very centre of
the Hyksos rule—a position which commanded
the northern route to Syria and placed the
king after the conquest of that country in easy
communication with all his dominions.!

There was no strong local cult, and;Rameses
in renewing the temple, which had no doubt
been entirely neglected since the Hyksos rule,
introduced the worship of the gods who pleased
him most. Ptah Tathnen of Memphis, Harma-
chis and Tum of Heliopolis, Amen of Thebes,

! The inseription of Abusimbel (published by Ed. Naville,
Trans. S.B.A., vol. vii. pl. 1. p. 119, &c.) says appropriately
that it was built “to strengthen the two lands of Egypt” (see
1.16 of the stela), and it is evidently counted as one of the

most important achievements of the king.

TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.

held the chief places. A chapel was given to
Set äa pehti or Sutekh, the Hyksos god, and
much honour shown to him. Thoth of Hermo-
polis also probably had a chapel, and certainly
an altar. 1

We must recollect that the limestone walls
have entirely disappeared, and that while occa-
sionally limestone monuments were saved by
being covered up with rubbish, we have only a
portion of the decorations of the temple to
assist usin our researches, and practically none
of the temple itself. There is a fragment of a
local name, no doubt of the name of Tanis, ın
Inscription 114. It perhaps preserves a portion
of the sign ha, “ house,” 1.6. of Rameses II.
The name of the city of Rameses II. occurs on
the Roman or Ptolemaic statues of Teos, from
San, in the Bulaqg Museum, and therefore
remained to a very late period.'

That Tanis was Avaris is not probable.
As to the Biblical Rameses: the land of
Rameses in which the Israelites were settled,
Gen. xlvii. 11, was approximately the same as
Goshen, v. 6. There is also the store-city
Rameses or Raamses, Ex. 1. 11. If the land
of Rameses, which was “the best of the land,”
means the district of the eity of Rameses, then
the latter must be sought for near Goshen.
If, however, the district is not connected with
the city, then Tanis—Pa.Ramessu mer amen
—Pa Rames is probably Raamses. Cf. M.
Naville’s “ Goshen,” especially pp. 17 and 20.

There is also the question whether Rameses,
from which the Israelites started, was the city
or the district. From Tanis to Tel el Mas-
khuta (Pithom) the distance in a straight line
is thirty miles, and would be at least two days’
journey for the mixed multitude.

In all probability Tanis was the royal eity in

! The inseription mentions Amen of Rameses in Pa Rames
(i.e. Pa ramessu mer amen). Other geographieal names are
Khent abt, name of the sixteenth nome, T’ar its capital,
Mesen nut dat, “the great city,” aatu nu sexet Van, “ villages
in the fields of Zoan.”

E

35

the field of Zoan where, according to Exodus
and Psalm Ixxviii. v. 43, Moses performed the
miracles before Pharaoh.

That Tanis was considered to belong to the
distriet of the fourteenth nome may be con-
sidered nearly certain. In Roman times it
seems to have been the capital of a separate
nome, the Tanite, with the worship of the same
hawk god as the fourteenth. This separate
nome has not been identified in the Ptolemaic
lists, and on the blocks of the temple built by the
Greek dynasty the city seenis to have the name
of Bennu, the name that the territory of the
fourteenth nome bears in the lists. The capital,
i.e. the religious centre, at that time was still
Tal, which probably lay at Tell Belim. Tal
remained a nome capita also in the Roman
period, but its distriet was then only the
Sethroite nome, outside the arms of the Nile.

There are still many questions to be settled
Let us hope that the papyri of
Tanis will help us out of some ofthe difficulties.

in this region.

22. Historically, one looks for light from the
sum total of these inscriptions on the question
of the Tanite dynasties. But not much is to be
obtained from the monuments. The evidence
of the preference for Amen τᾶ, king of the gods,
is in favour of the hypothesis thatthe Theban
and the Tanite kings of the twenty-first dynasty
were identical, and that Thebes was their
original home, Tanis being only adopted as their
chief seat in Lower Egypt, as seems to have
been the case with Bubastis under the succeed-
ing dynasty. There is no trace at Tanis of the
XXIII. dynasty, which Africanus calls Tanite.

The earlymonuments of Tanis are provokingly
suggestive of having been brought by Rameses
II. to adorn his new capital. It has never been
absolutely proved that this was not done.
The truth about the age of Tanis can only
be ascertained when deep excavations are made
inthe mound itself or a suflicient examination
of the extensive cemeteries has been carried out.
9

[4]

36

The latter are in danger of being entirely worked
out bythe Arabs before the explorer comes upon
the ground.' The Saite kings may have built
a separatetemple in the city. Only one monu-
ment later than Taharga seems to have existed
in the great temple; but the site was at least
inhabited then, for Mr. Petrie found the car-
touche of Psammetikhus II. on a porcelain disk.
The decree of Canopus must have been placed
in a Ptolemaic temple on almost the same
ground as the great temple.

The stela of Taharga is an important monu-
ment, and it is very unfortunate that it is not
more perfect. It is probable that the stela is
not only a record of the visit of the queen-

TRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.

mother to Tanis, and of the submission of the
people to her and her son, but is also intended
to put forth the claims of Taharga to the
throne by recounting the king’s early favours
to him, and then the nomination of his mother
as queen-mother. The stela throws a good
deal of light on the family of Taharga. It is
clear that he belonged to the royal stock, but
was not in the direct succession, and no doubt he
gained his throne chiefly through Shabatok’s
defeat and his own success in the Assyrian
war. A feud in the family is hinted at in the
comparison of Taharga to Horus, and the
following genealogical table is probably not far
from the truth :—

I. Kashta, King of Thebes ἢ
|

|
II. Shabako (King of Thebes, and of
Lower Egypt by conquest).

III. Shabatok, contemporary with
Shabako, defeated by Sennacherib, and
displaced by Taharga ?

IV. Ameniritis, claimed as daughter ?

of Kashta : supported claim of Shabako
and Shabatok, reigned also in her own
right, and married Paankhi, who thus
became nominally king; put down by
Taharga ?

V. Shepenapt, an πίες of Ameniritis
and Paankhi, gave rights to her husband
Psammetichus I., in Lower Egypt, one
year ? after death of Taharga.

Agleq ἢ succeeded to the rights of
Ameniritis.

|
VI. Taharga (Tirhaka) her son, King
of Ethiopia and Egypt by force and
conceded right of his mother.

|
VII. Urdamane, stepson of Taharga,
king with Taharga, and after Tahargqa’s
defeat by Assurbanhabal remained King

That the five members of the families of
Shabako and Ameniritis held together and
reigned contemporaneously is rendered probable
by their names being found upon one stela at
Turin. Ameniritis is also found in conjunction
with Shabako. Their monuments never mention
the family of Taharga, and those of Taharga
are silent about them.

There is a point worth noting about the
queen of Ptolemy Philadelphos. In Lower

! In 1884, Mr. Petrie made some trials at Zuwelen at a
time when he was taking the first steps in obtaining those
dated series of common objects which have already altered
the whole aspect of an excavation to those who pursue the
study. As long as the cemeteries of Tanis can wait, his
method will attain greater preeision year by year; but
destruetion of tombs for the sake of amulets to sell to dealers
and travellers is going on at aterrible rate throughout Egypt.

of Ethiopia. He invaded Egypt, but
was driven back by Assurbanhabal.
The same as Amen ta nuath of the
hieroglyphie inscriptions ὃ
Egypt she appears to have had a second royal
oval, and she bore in addition to the usual
titles of the queens, the regal title Net, implying
sovereignty over Lower Egypt. This adds
another to the list of honours paid her by the
king. The title Net was not found at Pithom,
but appears plainly on the two stela of San.

It is important, now that the “Livre des
Rois” of MM. Brugsch and Bouriant is in the
hands of so many who take an interest in
Egyptology, to point out that the king’s name,
Sa Menthu, which is retained there, does not
really exist. M. Naville (Insc. Historique de
Pinodjem III, p. 16) showed that all the
monuments on which Sa Menthu was supposed

ITRANSLATIONS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. 37

to occur, really bore the name Saamen, and
with Wiedemann drew the conclusion that Sa
amen of Tanis and other places was the same
as Herhor Saamen of Thebes.

M. Naville, in a private letter to me, states
that he finds it difficult to explain the discovery
at San of the Ptolemaic tablets in the chapel,
unless Tanis was in the nome of Am peh at
that period; and since the blocks of the Ptole-
maic temple, which bear the name of Bennu, may
merely form part of a nome list, he thinks it is
most probable that Tanis was a second principal
eity in the same nome with Nebösheh.

I had considered this possibility before, but
rejected it for two reasons. Of the supposed
nome list, the only city name that has survived
15. Bennu, the territory and capital of a nome
to which strong arguments point independently
as being the Tanite. This would at least be a

wonderful coineidence. Moreover, the capital
of the fourteenth nome is referred to again
under the name of T’al on the tablet No. 168,
and of Mesen on the statue from the temple,
167, as well as on the statues of Teos, which
omit all reference to the gods of Amt.

M. Naville also makes the interesting remark
that neither of the nomes of Am, that is, of
Neb&sheh and Bubastis, occur in the lists of
Seti I. at Abydos, and suggests that these
nomes may not have been organized at the
time. It may be said, however, that the East
of the Delta seems to have been more honoured
by the early kings than the West. Possibly
the architects of Seti I. lacked space for the
full list, and had to be content to omit those
nomes which, like Athribis and many of the
Eastern nomes, came late in their arrangement
of the list.

In “ Tanis I.” the following corrections can now be made :—

P. 6, col. 1,1. 5, the statue is of Usertesen I. (above, p. 16).

P. 6, col. 2,1. 18, the statue is also of Usertesen I. (above,
p- 17).

P. 15, col. 2,1. 10, for Ramessu II. read Osorkon II. (above,
p- 21).

P. 15, col. 2, 11.11 and 13 from below, for Amenemhat II.
and Usertesen III. read Usertesen 1.

Pl. ziii., 3 and 4, Usertesen I.

Pl. xiv., 3, Osorkon II.

Pl. xv., 3, is of a later Ptolemy ; so also p. 32, 1. 8 (above,
p. 30).

Index of Pl. xii., 1, Usertesen I.?

(38)

ADDENDA TO THE TRANSLATIONS.

. . - NW
M. Maspero has kindly written to me in veply to some 1.6. _& After benz there is nothing distinct.
questions about the stela of Taharga. After some important Km Me
remarks of which I have availed myself in eorreeting the 1. 7. Last part very indistinet.
genealogy, as well as a point which I have noted in the al ἬΕΙ = se
translation, he coneludes by saying :—

᾿ Kashta est roi de Ὑπέροβ probablement mais. non 1. 11. The first parts ἘΠΕ like NE (sie).
d@’Egypte. Il me parait certain qu’apres !’expedition de =
Piankhi Miamoun la Th&baide resta un fief de I’Bthiopie, 1. 12. Q.

independante de la dynastie qui regnait dans le Delta.” 13 ng [6)

The squeezes of this stela, which had gone astray, have at 1 | u ta mel ; N 5
the last moment been found. After a very careful examina- a
tion of them I can make the following corrections in the ΠῺΣ ἘΞ l. T doubt whether the. end of" allSwirEsHlEt
Plate (ix. No. 163) :— are not broken away.

1: ΤΠ Bor ad >, l is very doubtful. 1. 22. a ur

1223:
12 1.09 Well ΞΞΞΞ δὰὲ ran SE
a ξεῖν >

Some other slight alterations will suggest themselves as
1. 5. There are several indistinet signs beneath =. probable, although they cannot be confirmed by the stela.

(39) ᾿

NUMBERING OF PLANS AND INSCRIPTIONS.

The general arrangements of the numbering have been fully stated in Part I. (see Ay-leaf
before the inseription plates); hence it is only needful here to give the list of numbers of blocks
on the plan, with corresponding numbers of inscriptions on those blocks, so as to enable any one
to find the inscription of any given stone.

Plan. SR Plan. Ko. Plan. ne Plan. N Plan. u
M 33 59 49 100 147 147 123 204 106
8 80 60 26 101 4 152 24 206 105
9 34 61 27 102 16 122 208 198

10 43 62 52 103 3 155 121 211 69
11 161 63 68 104 144, 158 142 212, 213,101
12 157 65 134 105 66 159 120 214 82
13 158 66 135 106 137 160 150 215 77
15 162 68 35 108 131 163 60 217 19c
18 160 69 36 111 130 164 79 219 99
19 32 70 136 112 129 167 58 220 100
22 159 71 29 113 2 168 57 226 138
25 93 72 28 115 67 169 98 228 94
26 118 73 91 116 154 170 84, 229 96
27 56 74 30 117 21 173 119 236 145
28 111 75 41 I 55 175 153 238

29 113 76 48 118 139 176 107 ἢ 90
99 112 77 51 121 125 177 83 240

34 110 79 63 122 149 179 97 241 62
36 114 80 68 124 (127) 180 22 242, 243, 81
98 162 Sa 98 125 128 189 29 244 64
39 103 82 99 128 (127) 180 146 247 89
Ὁ ἢ» 86 17 129 (127) 187 132 248, 249, 65
43 45 87 8 130 127 190 76 961 13
44 104 89 163 134 109 194 73 61
47 44 99 163 136 59 195 92 262 88
49 50 95 9 138 148 196 78 264 87
61 15 96 1 139 126 197 19Ε 269 42
52 133 97 5 141 141 198 194 271 89
δ4 97 98 17 142 140 200 92 276 54
87 46 99 11 144 124 202 78 bis 279 10
58 47 |

(Errata in plan numbers attached to plates of Tanis I. : Inserip. 32 should read plan 19; Inserip. 45 should read
plan 43.)

CLASSIFIED INDEX TO INSCRIPTIONS.

(a) Chronological Name List.

(Some royal names and notices in [7816 completed from
other publicatiens.)
K. Pepi I., 2, Pl. xüi. 5.
K. Amenemhat 1., 3, [23] (text).
K. Usertesen IL, 4, [5] (text), 8.
K. Usertesen II., 6?
Q. Nefert, 171 (titles).
K. Amenemhat II.? sphinx, 14,
K. Usertesen III., 7.
K. Sebekhetep III., 16.
K. Mermeshau, 17.
P. Nehesi, 19.
K. Apepa, partial usurpation, statue of Mermeshau, 17.
(Hyksos) partial usurpation, XII. Dynasty sphinx, [14],
Hyksos sphinx monuments and usurpation ? 27, 28, 29.
K. Rameses II. monuments, 32—135 and 172—174, ineluding
great colossus and [stela of 400 years].
K. Rameses II. usurpation, XII. Dynasty (none certain).
XTIH. Dynasty, Mermeshau (partial).
Middle Kingdom, complete usurp., statues, 11, 173.
obelisks, 55, 61.
Hyksos sphinxes, almost complete, 25—31.
Q. [Tua], 11 (titles).
Q. Ra mat neferu, 36 (titles).
Q. Ra merit or Amen merit (see text), 35 2.
Q. Bantau ant, 35 E, 37 c.
P. Merenptah (heir apparent), 172 (titles).
usurpation, XII. Dynasty, statue, 4 (titles).
K. Merenptah, monuments, 136—140.
usurpations, XII. Dyn., statues, 3, 4, 5, 8 (partial).
sphinxes, 14, 15 (entire).
Hyksos sphinxes, 25—31 (entire).
K. Seti II., 141.
K. Rameses IIL., 142, 143.
K. Siamen monuments, 145—151 (titles, 146).
usurpation, XII. Dynasty, sphinx, 15 8 (partial).
K. Pasebkhanu I. [bricks of temenos wall].
usurpation, Hyksos sphinxes, 27—31 (partial).
K. Ra aa arq, 20.

K. Shashang I., usurp., XII. Dyn., sphinxes, 14, 15 (partial).
K. Osorkon I., 41 (titles, see eorrection in text) ) usurpation ?
K. Shashang IIL., 157, &e. } column 102.
K. Tahelg, 163 (stela).
(his mother), 163.

K. Psemthek IL, Pl. xii. 25.
K. Ptolemzus II., 165, 166.

Q. Arsinoe, 165, 166.
[K. Ptolemxus III, deeree of Canopus. ]
K. Ptolemsus IV, ? 164.

Q. Arsinoe, 164.
K. Ptolemseus IX. ? 169, 170 (title).
[Tether (Teos) statues. ]
Bakakhuiu (statue), Tanis I., Frontispiece.

(b) Conquests of Rameses IT.

Anun Kesh, 78.
Deshert, 50.
Kesh, 53.
Kheta, 47, 49, 65 (cf. 36 B).
Nehsi, 51, 78.
Rethnu, 45, 47, 53.
Sati, 33, 44, 52, 78.
Set Amentet, 78 obv., 1. 12.
Sharutani, 78 obv. (sea fight).
Shasu, 53, 81.
Ta Kenset, 45.
Thehennu, 45, 65.
(c) Deities.
Aah, 43 8 (R. II.).
Amen ra, 163, addenda (Tahelg), 136 (Merenptah), 146
(Siamen).
Amen ra, 173 (R. II.).
Amen τῇ neb nes taui, 148 (Sheshanq I.), 102 (R. II.),
136 (Merenptah).
Amen τῷ suten neteru, 15 8, 145 (Siamen), 29 Β (Piseb-
khanu), 48, 114 (R. II.).
Apuat res sekhem taui, 172 (R. II.).
Aptaui, 3 8 (Merenptah).
Anpu tep tuf, 4» (Usert. 1.).
[An ?] pu neb pa ahdu, 40 (R. II.).

CLASSIFIED INDEX TO INSCRIPTIONS. 41

Antha, 44 (R. II.).
Asar (Osiris), 7 (Usert. III.).
Asar neb ankh taui, 8A (Usert. I., adopted by Merenptah).
Uat Aptaui? 3 8 (Merenptah).
Uat nebt Amt, 164, 165 (Ptol. 11., IV.).
Ba neb dadat, 644, 102 (R. Il.).
Per . . (goddess), 20 (Ra aa arg).
Ptah, 102, 174 (R. 11.).
Ptah ur amakh??f, 51 (R. 11.).
Ptah neb maat, 51 (R. II.).
Ptah nefer her, 16 A, Sebekhetep III., 45 (R. II.).
Ptah res anbuf neb taui? 3 0 (Amenemhat I.), neb ankh
taui, XII. and XIII. Dyn., passim.
Ptah Seker neb shethit, ὃ Ὁ (Amenemhat ].).
Ptah Tathnen (in comparisons), 25 A et 5644. passim (in
dedication, 438, 52 (R. 11.), 137 (Merenptah),
P. T. (Ὁ) aa pehti, 45 (R. II.).
Menthu, 44 et segg. (R. II.).
Menthu neb uas, 67 (R. II.).
Mert Ast, 170 (Ptolemaie).
Met (Maut), 1094 (R. II.).
Neb r ter, 34 (R. Il.).
Nut, 173 (R. II.).
Ra, 254 (R. II.).
Hather, 159, Shashangq III.
Hather neb Ant, 2, Pl. zii. 5.
Hather neb Mted, 172 (R. 11.),
Hapi, 112 (R. IL).
Her (hawk), two hawks, 173 (R. II.).
with lower erown, 13 (Middle Kingdom).
Her neb mesen, 168 (Ptolemaie).
Her neb setu, 13,55 (Middle Kingdom, adopted by R. 11.).
Her her ab benu, 170 (Ptolemaie).
Her her ab set haa, 164 (Ptolemaic).
Her khuti, 47, ete. (R. II.).
Her sa Ast, 163 (Tahelg).
Her sam taui her ab Amt, 164, 165 (Ptolemaic).
Her shef, 19 (Nehesi?).
Khepra, 49 8, 68 (R. II.).
Khem Amen, 151 (Siamen).
Khem neb Amt, 164, 165 (Ptolemaie).
Khensu, 168 (Ptolemaice).
Sutekh, 17 8 (R. II.).
Seb, 4A (Merenptah), 50, ete. (R. II.).
Sepd, 644 (R. 11.).
Sekhet Bast, 174 (R. II.).

Set, 54 (Merenptah), 17 8 (Apepa), 25 A, 78, 173 (R. IL.).
Set aa pehti, 4A (Merenptah).
Set neb re ahtu, 19 a (Nehesi).
Set neb hat uart, 5 a (Merenptah).
Set nefer? pehti, 5A (Merenptah).
Shu, 47, ete. (R. II.).
Ka gem (black bull), 170 (Ptolemaie).
Tum, 26 a, 44, 58, etc. (R. IL), 141 (Seti II), heq An, 59
(R. II.).
Tum Nefer, 139 (R. III.).
Tum Kheper, 173 (R. 11.).
Thuti (Thoth) neb khemenu, 66 (R. II.).

(d) Geographical Names.
At Ament: 170 (Ptolemaie).
Amt: Khem, Uat, Hor sam taui, 164, 165 (Ptolemaie).
Anu (Heliopolis): Tum, 49, 50, ete., Tum neb taui Anu,
51, οἷο. (R. II.).
Ant: Hathor, 2, XII. 5 (Pepi 1.).
re Ahtu: Set, 19 A (Nehesi).
pa Ahdu: [An]pu, 40 (R. II.).
hat Aat: Tum, Herkhuti, 68 (R. II.).
re A mu (mouth of Nile?), 48.
An, 125.
Ankh taui Ptah res anbuf, 3 A, ete. (XII, XIII. Dyn.),
Asar, 8A (βου. 1.).
pa Arg, 151 (Siamen).
hat Uart:: Set, 5A (Merenptah).
Uast: Menthu, 67 (R. II.).
Benu: Her, 170 (Ptolemaie).
Mesent: 168, Hor, 170, 167 1 Ptolemaic.
ha Nub, 170 (Ptolemaie).
Set Haa: Khem = Hor, 164 (Ptolemaie).
Sesenu: Thoth, 66 (R. 11.).
Shethit: Ptah Seker, ὃ Ὁ (Amenemhat 1.).
Dadat (Mendes): Ba, 64 Aa, 102 (R. II.).
Tal: Her neb mesent, 168 (Ptolemaie).
hat... (lost): Amen ra sutn neteru, 114 (R. Il.).

(6) Some Rare Words.
NUM AWMN 5
A & 10 1,174 78 obw, 1. 8,

N,
el] Ι

od ἰὼ An (?), 78 (reverse).

\A (title of queen), 165, 166.
sd

(4)

GENERAL INDEX.

PAGE
Abusimbel . 11, 33 wer 34 (note)
Ahydos name er μος τοῦ ητ δε οἷ Τὰ
ΑΙ ΟΣ ΟΕ τ ον του ἡ ποτ a hraa u LO
Am, nome of . ΤΊ, Pal deren Harn
Amen in XXI. ee 18, 20, 35
inXXI. ,, Re ae 18, 35
πο nn, ἃ τινε τ mern OO)
priestess of . AR: en er KARO

ra suten en (Amenr: τὸν εν u: of the
gods) 18, 20, 22, 35
Amenemhat I. (inser.) ... πὰ ade Wei 15—19
YA menern ΙΗ ΠΕ τὺ στο Fee τ ae ee
sphinx of Θ᾽, ee NT,
Amen (Π) merit ... ... % a a
Amphora, method of raising En earrying, kon well... 14
Amt (Am), Nebesheh 12,80, 33, 37
gods of EN)
An, stone of (limestone) RE ae Υ 1)
FADBUIS USER ae meer Alla uns Keule area here sea en 2
Ankhsenast ... . a ee
Ankh taui, life of the in ἘΠ οἷν 15 (note)
ee ER 0
FANUSOTSRUSHh 2 ΤΣ τέο wos τον Arge 5 ec no)
Anubis Ἔν 16, 16, 21 (Ὁ
AN ee le,
Aptaui (Uat) .. ee ee Pi ξὸς 15, 16
Apuat ... τι ee.
Appropriation er Shachang 1 ΠῚ. ( Ω 2 10, 28
Arabia... ,- ee ee)
Architraves of Bi ἿΣ Ἐν τε ΠΟ ον 0)
ΟΠ ΕΠ ΠΙΘ ΒΝ εἷν ἐόν πα στ πα 0
of Usertesen III. SE oe ale
Arsinoe II. 12, 30, 36

Arsinoe III. ... 12, 30
Avaris 16, 33, 35
Banta ant Bar EL Flach. 20, 21, 22
Basalt statue, fragment of ee il
Bedawin (Shasu) . 23, 27
Bekhten, princess τὶ 21

PAGE
Bennüt ον, Hess ale 31, 33, 35
Berlin Museum ... . ee a re
Blocks of Rameses II., EEE . 9, 101

by Stachang III. and en 11

British Museum ... . τς.
Building, inseription es to ἘᾺΝ πὸ
Bubastis ers 18, 35, 37
Bulaqg Museum ΠΡ ΤῊΝ er τς .. 18, 31, 33, 35
Bull (Horus) ... .. ee ee τς 7
Burton, “ Ἡ ΠΤ, Hirsgyphicn” 35: 15 τη 16
Buto not Amt ae στ τ
Cartouches of Arsinoe II. 30, 31
Cat mummies va Sue πὸ mus, ee:
Cemetery of Tanis at en ne DER 33, 36
Chapel οὗ Amenemhat I. ... ... «τ «ον 19
Ptolemaie ee ee ee "30, 31, 37
Ramesside ... oT ΤΕ ΡΝ
Colossus, great, of Ban IL, v. π᾿ IL.
Cramp-holes, dovetailed ρος εἰς νεῖν τῶν ΡΥ
Crypt, Ptah Seker, lord ofthe ... .... ... ΠΣ
Cubit measure in architraves a ill
Denderah σοῖο τ Ὁ
Doorway, Ramesside ... τ΄. τ΄ ππ'’Πρ τ ΠΡ"
of.Pepi. ... πω ΠΩ ΣΕ
Drilling in granite 12 ee eeree 10

Dynasty XXL, Theban— Tanite ν᾿ B 20 ἀπ 35

XII, Theban—Bubastite a 18, 35

XXIII, Tanite? ... 33,

XXV., probable el es. 1}:
Early monuments originally at Tanis ων 32 (note), 35
Edfu, myth of Horbehudat ... 00. τ τον
Engraver's mistake ΠΣ μεν ρων ἈΕΜΕΙ
Erasure, double, of ΠΥ ΑΚ ΗΝ on a des ee re
Errata in Part 1. 12, 37
Ethiopia (Kush) ee ee τ: 23, 26
Eyes, inlaid, of early statue ... ... ... u... 15
Exodus. alias wer Sana ar nee her

False doors
Goshen

Harmakhis τι RE

Hawks behind head of slatıte
supporting cartouche

Hawk with lower crown

Heliopolis (Anu, On)

Her shef :

Hittites (K'heta)

Hor aa pehti ...

Horus

Horus of the ae

Hyksos sphinxes

GENERAL INDEX. 43

PAGE
19

24, 35

91

13

17

17

... 99
: 19, 82 (not)
22, 26

.. 38 (note)
PB)
"ΤΊ, 23, 32, 33

119, 20, 33, 34 (note)

Isis 30
Justified (Maa kheru) 16
a ne 27
Kalantika 13
Karnak ... 10
Kashta Be une. 88
Khem . 17 (note), 30
Khem Amen ... 29
Khensu ... 81
Khent Amenti 16
Khepra in his boat 25
Kheta (Hittites) 22, 24
Limestone altars i 9, 24
bloek of Mesnpläh al

of Usertesen III. 16, 32 (note)

walls . 90

wells δὲ 18,.14

(stone of An) 28

Lintels οὗ Rameses II. 10, 11
Lion in war 11
Louvre Museum 17
Lybia 22, 24
Lyeopolis 31, 32
Maher (Mohar) Ἐπ ρον ΠΩΣ
Maskhuta, Tel el (Pithom), Arsinoe I.ab ... ... .... ol
distance from San ... ... 35

shrine 9

Maspero, Prof. 38
Memphis 15, 32
Memphite gods 15
Mendes ... 24, 27
Menthu ... 20
altar of 5 24
Merenptah, erown prince 13, 16, 91
king, monuments al

inscriptions 15—20, 28, 29

Mermeshau inscriptions 18
Mugdam, Tell 33

PAGE
Mut NR nn ns RT ED 10, 12, 24
Nathor. "2:2 Was u: a ro ll)
Naville, M. .. "ἜΣ . 15 (note), 37
Nefert, wife of Usern ΤΙ. EI 13, 31
MNeferTum’ 1.2 rc Dem en ΣΕ 29
Nehesi, obelisk of ... 18, 32 (note)
scarab of la 32 (note)
Net, title of queen ER A ee 836
Nökhebt.. u. ae ae
Niles, scene of Pk 18, 28
Nome list of Seti I. a N EEE RR]
Nubia un. Sr Ra BR LEERE 2.7,
Osorkon II., erasure by ? 20
scarab 0"... u Ve ee ὦὅὉ
statuerokl, Se ee er
titles of MN ET ER ee ce: ll
Paddleı 5 ἜΣ Bi A Ἢ
Pa ramessu mer amen ... cu ee ee
Patching imperfect columns ... ... er 0 0 10
Pedepi. ἤν τς sr Se len ee a are 0
Pelusium not Amt a N αν ΤΟΝ δ}
Pepi ἘΣ ΟΣ] πση ee πο er.
inseriptions 15, 24
Per . . (goddess) el wen 19, 33
Bisebkhanu walleor ee
ΘῈ 6 τ ἀν Κορ OERLS
inscription Be er ee 19, 20
& Thebanlkinae. 2 ee)

Pithom (see Maskhuta, Tell ἮΝ
Psammetiehus IE pe a ΠΠ τ Ποὺ Ἱ
Ptah Sn ee ae ee
Ptah nefer her, of Ihe ir a ee a ΣῊΝ
Ptah res anbuf ee ee τς ΣΡ Ὑλ|
Ptah Tathnen, god of 00a ΤῊ 21, 29, 33
Ptolemaic;avenuen... τορος el
chapels ... δὲ 33, 34, 37
monuments . 12, 30, 33, 35, 37
ΡΣ ΕΝ Men we τὺ ες πὴ ee
statue ... TIER Dad er ΔΝ
temple on S. of ounda RR 7
S. of great temple 13, 34
Ptolemy II. BE oe ee RE 300 12, 30
ΤΥ ΠΣ ΣΩΣ ἘΣ ΤΉ ΛΗ)
IX.? unknown andard lc!
Bylons.ShashangplllEer Sn στ τέ τ»
blocks built into Ser 10, 11
Btolemaiesr vuot van rs nee με ee
Qeneh ... ... Ds Be ἐλ εεν ΤΣ ΤΨΉΚΙ ἈΣΙΕ
Queen, title of encl' en a a νέον τ οον τ γ
statnerokearly,salteredl τ u ὁ τ Π τ 17
Ra aa arq : 19, 33
Ra maa ur neferu, ed, ἥδε: αν ἐπι a. 20
Ra mat neferu σειν το 20)

44 GENERAL INDEX.

PAGE

Ra Myamienib uote we 5 Sun τ Ban ee σπ Ὸ
Rameses (city) 35
(district) .. rs eh)
Rameses 11. a re- τε Ἧ ΒΒ πηπαν ΤΙ. ek)

eonquers Sati (Asiatics), Shasu (Boden),
Thehenu (Libyans), Kash (Ethiopia),
Takens (Nubia), see Classified Index.

early obelisks altered by ... ... 17, 19, 23, 24

early statue altered by ... ... .. .. 18

hebtinpAlons ee el:

great in monuments 2 20

builds Pa ramessu mer amen ... ... ... 84

re-cuts his own work re 10, 11

block of, re-used by Siamen ... ... ... 11

Rarmnesan- TAN πὸ π᾿ ἄρ 220

Rameses Ki leere πεν se ΜΗ.

Ra neferu a een yes ae 9}

Re ahtu ... ae. 10,0% a

Reshpu ? τῇ ΒΡ τ RER |
Rethnu, see ne

Roman? statue a ee ee ΠΠΨρΠψρρΚρ[Π[ι4«ζ[ὁνψΚυ..

Rouge de... τ πε τ" tan),

Saale se) da er 265 oa τ: Se

Sandstone,colonsie Sram en eee Vers τοῖς Yan 9, 20

eg Me Wer 0 ὃς πριν νγ5

TOT ee ee

SOTIDORS ee Base Ian 9, 24

Sati (Asiaties) ae PR 20, 22, 26, 27

Seb “ἘΣ NE Be See ars 7 υἀτ16

Sebekhotep II. ὌΡΟΣ: ΡΝ ΣΟ Ὁ ἢ

Sed festival (trigintenary, period οἱ PR 80. ve) τὰς, 20

Sekhet nebt Ant ... ... . 33

Set . 1, 19, 34, ei note

Ἢ Er Be ie .. 32 (note)

of Hyksos a ro RL, Ren ano che, τὰκ τὸ 1:9)

Bethrolte Nomen anne une Bee ee ΠΡ Ὁ

Seti I., nome list of ΕΣ το ee ee EU ἐμ

Seti II. BE ΠΕΡ ΣΝ 11, 29

ΒΗ το τῆς ΠΕ re in)

Shashangq 1. en te 1 18

Shashanq TIL. ‚ pylon 10, ΠΝ 12

erasure by} F 28

IDECHDWORE a 2

Shasu (Bedawin) τὸ eh 23, 27

BErINEBIERBINONERAHT: A nn ee ae een kauen Ὁ

ἘΠΕ ΤΥ ΚΞΝ ΤΙΣ ΜΈΝ ἘΣ ee ΤῊΝ ed

held by statue of Rameses Im. il

Siamen a 11, 11, 20, 28, 36, 37

a Theban En 5 20 (cf. 18)

monuments er ER el

inscriptions 18, 19

Simenthu ar ee a πον 36, 37

Sphinx, XII. Dre DE TER Lese RE)

Hyksos a τὰ ΣΕ ΜῊ 20

IN ERTIDON τ ας προ τὺ τἷν κι

Standard (staff)
(name) re
inseription : Rameses II.

Siamen

Shashanq I.

Osorkon II.

Statue, basalt sr τος

Stela, Rameses II.

of 400 years ER
of Ptah Tathnen at An δε:
of Taharga ...
of San (Deeree of a
“ Supporters” of cartouche ...
Sutekh
Taharga stela ...
genealogy ...
Tal. ῷ
Tr importance of 1% ἘΝ
mythology
religion

position in ἘΠ πο αἵ Bay

cemetery ot, at Zuwelen
Tanis, Part I., corrections in
Tanite nome ... SR
Temple, great, arrangement ...
granite sanetuary of
Ptolemaie .. se
en οἱ.
of Denderah
Teos, statues of, at Bulaq
Thebes in XIX. Dynasty a
capital of XXI. Dynasty ...
> XXI. Dynasty ...
Thoth, altar of EEE ΑΣΣ
Triad a
Tua, mother of a IL.

Uat Ap taui, or Uat and Ap taui
Unfinished work, Shashanq II. ...
Rameses I.
Usertesen I.
Usertesen II. &
wife N. ter
Usertesen III.

Water levels at San
Naueratis
Heliopolis and Νίονιημῖν

Weathering of granite stele in early times ...

Wells Be VER
holes in steps of, for amphors

Wig of early queen

Work at Tanis in 1885

Yahudiyeh, Tel el ...

Zuwelen ...

PAGE
13

17, 21, 31

32, 34, and note

. 33, 34 (note)
29, 30, 36

12
Σ 15
31, 88, 35

21

᾽16

24, 33, 36

12

SAN RAMESSUI.

limestone Altars.
6b.

Fenatlte

White

Gap

FierstTEasg

25 Sandstone shrines.
6

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(persone) PATAYSN 79 BRIS-Y

94

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L.imseode of N shrine and 5. shrine.

Te
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Saramz.side oINshrime „(revorsed) beginning
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R. outside ofN.shkmune
Same onR -oulscde of S-shrime £reebt

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ἐς οἱ δ“ ζακεα ἢ 9 shrine 275 7

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plan 164. 7 £

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Sp Anolher half linlel wxzs2. side 129
Another half liulel 68x23 Aside 128
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R- side Sideof Backof Dutarsik Fendt Buck of
piluslir ba ster of stätuell, ε
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Around capıbalofsceptre.

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ZONE LINERD WELL
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GREAT TEMPLE,SAN.

SCALE 1:60

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ἐν N 2

All

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WMER mens etdel.

NEBESHEH (AM)

AND

DEFENNEH (TAHPANHED).

W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE.

WITH CHAPTERS BY

Α. 5. MURRAY,

KEEPER OF GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES, BRITISH MUSEUM,
AND

F. LL. GRIFFITH.

FOURTH MEMOIR OF

THE EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND.

4

PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE COMMITTEE.

LONDON:
MESSRS. TRÜBNER & CO,., 57 & 59, LUDGATE HILL, E.C.

1858.

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« Antiquity ! thou wondrous charm, what art ἔοι ἢ"
ν Σ ; Erıa.

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SECT.

ΕΘ

Or

CONTENTS.

PREFACE
INTRODUCTION ...

NEBESHEH.

Char. I.—PosıTıon anp Hıstory.
. Present State e :
. Changes in the Country an
. Changes elsewhere ;

terles

. The City Am, =. nome lie
. In Ramesside and later Times

CHap. Il. —TeMmptEs.

. Discovery of the Temples

. Egyptian System of Foundations
. Temenos Has Ξ

. Column and Propylon ...

. Pylon and Statues

. First Temple

12. Second Temple

13. Shrine :

14. Foundation τ τῆς ke.

15. Altar ;

16. Government of τ allen:
παρ. IIl.—ÜCEMETERY.

17. Classes of Tombs

18. Red Brick Tombs

19. Tombs of the XXth Near.

. Cypriote Tombs
. Baitic Tombs

. Amulets τὰς
. Objects from Saitie τ sis: Tombs ne

ChHap. IV.— Town.

. Destroyed Building with Deposits
. Plan of Town _... : τὰς
. Ptolemaie Houses, Coon, ὅσ. ...
. Miscellaneous Objects ...

and loss of Ceme-

PAGE

BECT.

28.
29.
90.
91.
92.
99.
34.

85.

CHap. V.—INscRIPpTIons.
By F. Lr. GRIFFITH.

The City of Am

Inscriptions of the XIIth Da
Inseriptions of the XIXth Dynasty
Ushabti before XXVIth Dynasty
Inscriptions of XXVIth Dynasty
Sarcophagi of XXVIth Dynasty
Ushabti of XXVIth Dynasty .

Coaap. VL.—GEMAIYEMI.

By F. Lr. ΘΕΙΡΕΙΤΗ.
Position

. Temenos

. Inlaid Shrine

. Foundation Deposits
. Glass-working ...

. History ..

. Sites near Ν Shesheh

DEFENNEH.

Cnap. VIL.—Posıtıon ann HısTory.
9. Position 5

. Ramesside Period

. The Camp of Psamtik 1..

. The Jewish Migration .

. Hellenization of Jews ...

. “The Palace of the Jew’s Bacher

. Pavement before the Entry

. Removal of the Greeks

. Later Notices

Caap. VIIIL—Toe Kasr anD Canp.
. Nature of the Kasr

. Periods of Building

. Original Form ...

. Foundation Deposits

iv

SECT.

55.
56.
57.

58.
59.
60.
61.

Additions to the Kasr ...
The Mastaba or Pavement
Buildings around the Kasr

Cnar. IX.—Toe PoTTERY.

Earliest pottery -
Comparison with Naukratite
Classes of painted pottery
Classes of unpainted pottery

ChHap. N.—REMARKS ON SOME VAasEs.

By A. S. Muzkar.

62. Bellerophon and Chimzra

. Nike

;4. Boreas ...

. Agonistic
. Asiatic type
7. Panathenaic type

Caap. XI. —TuE SMALL ÄNTIQUITIES.

. Archaie Figures

59. Sealings of Amphor® .
. Stone Carvings and Scarabei ...
. Draught-boards, &e.

2. Glazed Ware, ἄς.

. Gold Objects

. Gold Working .

. Silver Objects _...

. Bronze and Lead Objects

. Iron-work,-Military

. Iron-work, Civil = 2
. Later Stone and Glass Objects

. Later Metal Objects :

Caap. ΧΙ.---Τῆῆξ WEIGHTS.

. Numbers and Changes

2. Catalogue

. Notes on Catalogue

. Curves of Naukratite Weighis

. Archetypes shown by Curves ..

. Dafniote and Naukratite Weights
. Curves similar from different Sources.
. Families of varieties of Standard
. The Phenician Standard

. The S0-grain Standard

. Balance-errors of Egyptians

2. Weights found together

Coar. XIIIL.—LevELs ap MEASUREMENTS.

93.
94.
95.

Ground Level ...
Building Levels
Sizes of Bricks

EGYPTIAN TRANSLITERATIONS.

96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
‚103.

Cnaap. XIV. —QanTaRra.
By F. Lı. ΘΕΙΕΕΊΤΗ.

Sites and Mounds
Latin Inseriptions, ἄς.
Cemetery --
Pelusium

Other Sites ΜῊ
Monuments of Kankare
The Position of T’al ...
Stela of Defenneh

CONTENTS OF SOME PLATES.

. Funereal Objects, XXth to

. Plan of Temple.

. Plan of Cemetery.

. Plans of Tombs.

. Plan of Town, and General Plan.
. Glass Mosaics.

. Foundation Deposits.
. Bronzes.

. Plan of Temple of Gemayemi.

EEATEHS.

NEBESHEH. |
XXVth |
Dynasty.

. Funereal Objects, XXth Dynasty.

Cypriote Tombs.

32 32

. Great Shrine of Uati.

. Foundation Deposits, Temple of Uati.

393 35 Plans.
Objects from House 100, ἄς.

. Beads, Scarabs, &e.
. Inseriptions, XITIth and XXVIth Dy-

!
I

nasty.

. Inseriptions, XIIth to XXVIth Dymasty. |

= XIXth Dynasty. |
ἘΣ XXVlIth Dynasty.
Ξ Ushabti.

DEFENNEH.
XXI. Foundation Deposits of Kasr,
XXIII. 7 -.. Blank,

XXIV. Greek Figures and Pottery, VIIth

cent. B.C.
XXV.—XXXI Painted Greek Vases.
XXXII Lined Greek Vases.
XXXIMI.—XXXV. Plain Pottery.
XXXVI. Lids and Sealings.
XXXVIL Military Iron-work.
XXXVIIH. Civil Iron-work.
XXXIX. Bronze Work.
XL. Objects from Camp.
XLI. Small Antiquities.
XLI. Inseription of Stela.
XLIII. General Plan.
XLIV. Plan of Kasr.
XLV. Plan of Eastern Buildings.
. Types of Weights.
. Types of Weights.
. Curves of Naukratite Weights.
. Curves of Dafniote Weishts.
. Curves of Weights compared.

. Inscriptions of Kantara.

PREFACE.

ΙΝ placing before the public another record of explorations in Egypt, it seems
a fitting opportunity to define the general principles which I have had in
view in conducting and publishing these researches. The need of some such
definition is apparent from certain misconceptions which I have observed;
and as it may serve to some extent as an end in itself, as well as an explanation
with regard to this work, I need not apologize for stating it.

Just as one person has, for economy of time and means, to perform many
different functions in carrying on such work ; so, in the same way, it is needful
for one expedition to be made to serve many different ends, in such wise that
the explorer in striving for one end should not disregard the rest. In working
on any site the opportunities are many-sided, and our research should neglect
none of them if we would use well our advantages. The collector, whose
desire it is to see something beautiful in a museum, should remember the
larger and more scientific interests; the student of art, who seeks to recover
links in his dim pedigrees, must remember how much history can help him ;
the linguist, whose idea of Egyptology is restrieted to hieroglyphies, may
recollect that Egypt is not the name οἵ ἃ dead language, but the country ofa
grand civilization. To look to modern times, our own thoughts and doings
will be found quite as well recorded by the homely Metropolitan Board of
Works, as in the archives of the War Office.

Our object then should be not onlythe discovery of an historical text, or a
geographical identification, or a new construction in the language, or the
development of an art, or the history of pottery, or the details of manufactures,
or the mode of living, but all of these together—the whole body of arch&ology.
Archxology is the history of men’s thoughts and works; it is to the history of

vi PREFACE.

mind, what mineralogy, and geology, and pal&ontology, are to matter.*
Doubtless language and political history are the grand sciences within the
domain of archeology ; but they are only sections, and not the whole.

Another point not to be overlooked is thatthe condition of objects has little
to do with their true value. Perfect and pretty things are no doubt very useful
to serve aslures for attracting the public tothe education prepared forthem; but
it often happens that for real instruction a broken thing is worth more than one
whole, and in no case should we neglect an injured specimen because it has
been better originally. A Frenchwoman, it is reported, said on seeing the
Parthenon sculptures, that she “did not come there to see a hospital of
cripples ;” but then she should rather have visited the Crystal Palace or a
wax-work show. A museum is in the first place a treasure-house for
systematic and scientific research, and in the second place an educational
establishment for the publie; in no case should it descend to the past indignity
of a collection of curiosities or a place of amusement. To reject anything
because it is not popularly attractive is a concession to mere showmanism.
Let us suppose, in biology for instance, that a set of preparations illustrating
each of the main discoveries of recent times were placed on one side οἵα gallery,
and a row of execrably stuffed beasts on the other; does any one doubt which
side would be worth most? Or doubt that the populace would flock to the
worthless side ?

The lines, therefore, on which exploration should be conducted, are the
ascertaining of all facts concerning the history and ways of the people whose
remains we are examining. But.a dificultyatonce meets us in the discrimina-
tion of what is accidental and what is general, in the immediate valuing ofeach
isolated fact as it appears ; in short, in dealing with a larger amount than can
be recorded or preserved, and abstraceting from it as we go along what is
intelligibly connected. A perfect excavator would need a perfect memory,
since it is impossible to record or preserve a tenth or even a hundredth part
of all that isseen and found. There is no more troublesome question than,

What is worth keeping? Sometimes one trifling chip of pottery may be worth

* Nothing shows better the ignoring of true archzology than the journalistie heading “ Archwology
and Art,” two titles which have the same relation as archzology and history, or arch®ology and poetry.

PREFACE. via

keeping and recording, when thousands of sherds and pieces of bronze have
been rejected. The difference between collecting things because of their value
in themselves, er because of the information their site, position, and age
impart, is just the difference between a bibliomaniac collecting “ (411 copies,”
and the historian who studies the copies regardless of large paper or fine
binding.

Now it will be evident that, for all purposes of true archxology, specimens

-of which the age and locality are unknown have lost more than half their value.
Yet it is unfortunately just such specimens, collected by dealers and travellers
for the sake of their value in themselves, which form nearly the whole of all
collections, public and private. Here lies, then, the great value of systematic
and striet excavation, in the obtaining of a scale of comparison by which to
arrange and date the various objects we already possess. A specimen may be
inferior to others already in a museum, and yet it will be worth more than all
of them if it has its history; and it will be the necessary key, to be preserved
with the better examples as a voucher of their historical position. When itcan
be said that a dated collection consists mainly of objects already in a publie
museum, it shows how invaluable such a series will be for helping to reduce the
undated and unlocalized chaos to some order, and for stamping it with an
historical value. The aim, then, in excavating should be to obtain and preserve
such specimens in particular as may serve as keys to the colleetions already
existing.

Whenever, therefore, I have the opportunity of carrying on such work, I
wish to glean every fact which can be intelligibly built into the general fabric
of arch&ology ; and specially to attend to such details as have not yet been
recorded, and can only be ascertained by means of close attention to every step
of the work.

Much of the work described in the present volume has been carried on
with the help of Mr. F. Ll. Griffith, who has also contributed some chapters on
those matters to which he paid particular attention. As I have only briefly
visited Gemayemi, and not seen the Kantara remains at all, he of course writes
quite independently. Of the plates Mr. Perey Newberry has again aided me
this year by drawing five, and Mr. Grifith has done six plates of inscription ;

vill PREFACE.

the remaining plates are of my own drawing: and I wish here to discelaim
any intention that these should be looked on from an artistie point of view;
they are simply representations of antiquities, and their only value consists
in their scientifie accuracy. Mr. Spurrell has also generously helped me
with a serious task, by weighing nearly a thousand weights; and only those
who have done such wearisome work will know how to appreciate such service.

I much regret that eircumstances make it likely that I shall carry on my
work in Egypt independently of the Fund, with which I have had the pleasure

of opening so much new ground.

W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE.

BROMLEY, ΚΕΧΊ,
November 26, 1886.

INTRODUCTION.

Tue work of this year has lain at places scarcely
ever visited by any European, and at which
no exploration had previously been attempted.
Naukratis was wholly unknown, even as an
ancient site, until I first visited it two years ago,
and its exploration only dates from last year.
Nebesheh, on the opposite side of the Delta, was
never seen by any arch&ologist, until my flying
visit when I was at Tanıs; and Defenneh,
though seen by one or two passing travellers,
was untouched and unheeded until I settled there
at the end of last March.

Of Naukratis I need say but little, having
already described it. I stayed less than a month
there, merely to induct Mr. Gardner ; but in
that time I saw the cemetery successfully opened
by him in the mound which had been suspected
the year before to be probably the site of it, and
he also found the temenos of Hera. The temple
of the Dioscuri came out, so far as it remained, as
I cleared more in the area of the temenos which
‚I found last year; and, most happily, within ten
days I had the clue to the temenos of Aphrodite,
and identified the temple. There the pottery of
the finest Naukratite ware, with the dedications,
came abundantly to light, and a rich field was
opened, which was most successfully worked out
by Mr. Gardner. Other points of interest also
appeared; all of which will be duly recorded in
his fortheoming volume. At Tell Nebesheh the
ground was wholly different : there was no flourish-
ing native village as at Naukratis, but only a
few scattered huts of settled Bedawin, or Arabs
as they should be called in their present state, in
contradistinetion to the fellahin, in whom old
Egyptian blood is prominent. These people live
here under their aged shekh Nebesheh, almost cut

off from the world ; except in the driest months
there is but one path through the marshes, and
that impossible for any but a native to find, while
on most sides are desert or marshy tracts down
to Lake Menzaleh. The old shekh was delighted
to have his solitude enlivened, and his affection
was almost embarrassing. He had seen much in
his life ; about as old as the century, he had in
his younger days been the shekh of the Bedawin,
far and wide on the E. of the Nile, about Esneh:
he had fought along with Ibrahim Pasha in his
campaigns, and was never weary of telling long
tales of his doings with Ibrahim and Abbas.
Falling into some disgrace with the Government,
he was pitchforked out of his high position, and
sent down to near Naukratis, in the quagmires
about Tell Afrin; then after a while removed
again, and given the grant of two or three
hundred acres of marshy ground where he still
lives. He feels his change and his present state,
and longs for some one to listen to the stories
of his old wild days; he is truly solitary, with
only a few rough attendants, and one son who is
but a sorry result for all the six and forty wives
which the old shekh is credited with having had
in times past. He provided us with a guest-
room, and a smaller roofless room adjoining; the
walls of both were tunnelled by rats and white ,
ants, who had to be kept in check respectively by
heaps of broken shabti and insect powder. With
some iron roofing from my house at San, this
place was inhabitable, and Mr. Griffith or myself
oceupied it for full three months.

Of Defenneh no real account could be obtained;
before I left England I was told that it was in-
accessible until near the summer. At San I was
told there was no water there to drink. At

B

2 INTRODUCTION.

Nebesheh I heard of a farm there. All of this
information proved wrong. The best time there
would be in the inundation, for then there would
be a full supply of fresh water; and the place,
and the way there, is dry desert all the year.
The water begins to turn brackish in the canal
about the time I went there, in March, and
fluctuates between better and worse according as
more or less is let down from the upper canals.
Some of the scrubbiest corn is grown on a few
patches 5.1}. ofthe site, but it is attended to by its
owners from the nearest inhabited place a dozen
miles off, and no trace of any habitation is to be
seen beside the ruins and a stray tent of the
Bedawin. These tents they pitch out in the
remotest edges of the lake, hidden by bushes;
and it is only when their fires send up a ruddy
glow at night that they can be found. All the
marsh ground of the north Delta is more or less
inhabited by men who have fled from the con-
scription, and two of my stoutest workers were
men of Zagazig, who had thus saved their liberty
by settling on the borders of the inhabited land
near Defenneh. Lon before I went there, my
people at Nebesheh were all elamorous to go with
me, and the questions about my intentions were
more pressing as time went on. When at last I
started, we formed a procession of about forty,
with two baggage camels of mine; the men with
bundles of bread on their backs—for no food can
be bought in the desert,—the boys with the hoes,
and the girls with the baskets on their heads, with
a few kullehs and utensils. In spite of the work
still being carried on at Nebesheh by Mr. Griffith,
the difieulty only was to keep the people back from
going. This settlement at Defenneh was a sort
of experiment I had often wished for; I went with
only my faithful reis Muhammed—a lad of about
twenty,—and his younger cousin, a fine, sturdy
boy named Tulbeh; the rest were all stray workers
whom I had never seen till a short time before.
We had no soldiers, no police, no shekhs, no
guards, nor any of the usual machinery of
Egyptian rule; there was no authority to be in-

voked under several hours’ journey. The experi-
ment answered better than I could have supposed;
though I had up to seventy people there, far from
all dwellings, in the desert, I never had the least
trouble with any one, and Inever heard a squabble
between them during the whole two months.
They worked as well as Ihave ever known them
work, they obeyed completely, and a thoroughly
contented and happy spirit was always seen.
Not only so, but the Bedawin around, who used
to hunt for stray antiquities and weights, were as
quiet and respectful as could be wished; our
camp used to be left without any guard, and only
a pin in the flap of my tent, while we were half
a mile away; yet nothing was ever disturbed, nor
had we any complaint to make. I never spent
two months more smoothly than while heading
our desert camp. Yet the people had not much
to content them; they came without any shelter,
and nothing but what they wore; they had dry
bread to eat, and brackish water to drink; and
they worked for sixpence a day, most of them for
but five days of the week, as they had to walk
twenty-five to forty miles to fetch their food. Some
of them, indeed, never left the place, but had a
donkey-load of provisions brought over once a
week. Their shelter they made up, partly by
digging a hole in the sand mounds, partly by
booths of thin tamarısk bushes; some were
content with a lair hardly more than a dog’s
hole, while some made an approach to distinct
chambers in their construction. With all this, a
merry party they were; excepting one or two
older men, there was scarcely a lad over twenty or
a girl over fifteen in the whole lot. Each night
a blazing row of camp-fires flickered their yellow
flames up into the starlight, all along the line of
booths which skirted the canal banks; mounds of
sand tufted over with dark tamarisk bushes (in
which they mined their dwellings) backed the
line, while the distant ruins of the kasr showed
dimly on one side, and the gleam of the sluggish
canal on the other. Parties would go into the
half darkness, and form a cirele to hold a zikr of

INTRODUCTION. 3

the howling derwishes, for we had one holy man
among us who led such devotions; and the grim
sawing howl would go up by the hour together.
Perhaps some girls would sing on in their wild
Arab unison on another side, or a group of boys
enjoy a hearty game. Such was our feast of
tabernacles, where we had at last got clear of
the official’curse of the mammon of unrighteous-
ness.

One result, which was very plain, is that it is
hopeless to try to begin work in an out-of-the-way
place, unless you can carry over with you a party
who already know and trust you. At Nebesheh I
had to wait some days before a working gang
could be got together; but so soon as they knew
the work, they were ready to go anywhere to
continue it. This experience at Defenneh has
also a decisive bearing on the real hardships of
the much abused institution, the corvee. - It is
clear now what .natives will gladly do, and what
they will go without, for the lowest ordinary
wages, and without any compulsion. The real

hardship is taking ten men to do the work of one,
and removing them beyond reach of their homes.
Ötherwise, shelter and food supply they will
manage easily without any arrangement, and do
a long tramp in the bargain.

I must not conclude this without acknowledging
what is a necessary part of my facilities for work,
the characters of my overseers. By continual
selection and weeding, I have now three or four
men whom I respect and trust more, the better I
know them. The three brothers—Mahajub, Said,
and Muhammed—abu Daud el Gabri have
proved unequalled for sturdy independence, un-
ceasing goodwill and kindliness, obedience, and
readiness for any service, asked or unasked;
while Tulbeh, their little cousin, promises to be
quite their equal. Though they never stand
between me and my workers in any matter, yet
it would be impossible to maintain such a good
spirit and straightforwardness in the work with
men inferior to my good friends.

TEUIT N EBESIELBEN

CHAPTER 1.
POSITION AND HISTORY.

1. One ofthe furthest outposts of eultivation,
bordering on the salt desert swamps which
surround the marshes of Lake Menzaleh, is the
low mound of Tell Nebesheh. Originally known
as Tell Farun, with the great monolith shrine
called Ras Farun—or “ Pharoah’s head ”—it
acquired the name of Tell Bedawi from the settle-
ment there of a number of Bedawin about a
generation back. Neither of these names, how-
ever, were convenient to use, as very similar names
existed elsewhere, and would cause confusion in
future ; so the third name of Tell Nebesheh, so
called after Shekh Nebesheh, the old chief of the
Bedawin, seemed the best to adopt permanently

for arch&ological purposes. The other names are,
however, better known, and are sometimes marked
on maps. The position, as may be seen on the
War Office map (Tell Badaui), is about 8 miles
S.E. of Tanis or San, and about 9 miles N.W.
of Salahieh.

At this point one of the many sandy rises of
ground that oceur in this distriet swells up from
beneath the general plain of Nile mud. All the
eastern part ofthe Delta clearly shows its desert
origin ; it is a piece of rolling sandy country, just
like the entirely desert regions outside of the
Delta ; but being at a lower level it has been
inundated by the Nile, and a sea of mud deposited
over nearly the whole of it, leaving only the tops
of the sandy hillocks and low ridges exposed in
the midst ofthe black soil. Thus these “gezirehs’”’
or islands, as they are called, crop out at every
few miles, and have formed from the earliest days
the sites for dwellings, temples, and cemeteries.

Tanis is built upon one of the largest of these
islands; the double cemetery of Sueilen is on
another; and Tell Gemeyemi, Tell Nebesheh, and
many lesser sites rest on the gezirehs around.
The present appearance of Tell Nebesheh is a
low dusty rise of ground, with sand hillocks on one
side of it, as it is seen in crossing the swamp,
three miles of which lie between the edge of the
regular cultivation and this furthest outpost.
The whole site is about a mile across, with the
temple at thewest end (see general plan on pl. xvii.)
projecting into the cultivated ground ; the town
adjoins it on the eastern side, and east of the whole
is a hillocky, sandy plain covered with tombs.
The highest part does not rise more than fifteen
or twenty feet above the country. On the south
ofthe plain is the mud-house ofthe Bedawi shekh,
Nebesheh, and on the east and north of the plain
are the mud-huts of the Bedawin settled there.

2. But though the present elevation of this
mound is so slight, 10. must have had a far more
imposing appearance when it first attracted settlers
there in the early days of the twelfth dynasty.
The changes which the Delta has undergone within
historie times are as great, perhaps, as those of
almost any other country. Egypt is so often
spoken of as unchanged land, ever the same,
owing to the similarity in many respects of its
ancient people and ways to those of the present
time, that the great physical changes which have
taken place, in especially this eastern side of the
country, are liable to be overlooked altogether.
Some new and important evidences of the past
state of the land have come to light in this last
year; and, broadly speaking, we may say that
when the ancient inhabitants settled and built

CHAP. I.— POSITION AND HISTORY. 5

here it was not, as we now see, almost all a level
plain, but retained much more ofits desert features,
having high hills of sand still remaining.

Not only has a levelling action been constantly
at work in the filling up of the valleys by the mud
deposits ofthe river, until they are all but obli-
terated, but a converse action has been at work in
the denudation of the exposed parts by the wind;
thus, from being a piece of native desert such as
is seen around Ismailiyeh, or almost anywhere
outside ofthe Nile valley, the country has approxi-
mated to a perfectly level plain, filled up and worn
down until its original elevations have all but
disappeared. The deposits of the Nile we know
to have averaged about four inches per century in
depth; being this or rather more at Naukratis in
the rise since Greek times, at Tanis in the rise of
water-level since Greek times, and about this
same amount at Heliopolis and Memphis. Hence
at the time of even the twelfth dynasty (to say
nothing of earlier times), the black plain must
have been about fifteen feet lower than it now is,
and all the elevations accordingly standing by
this amount higher above the general level of the
country.

But this is probably only half of the tale. The
denudation of the high sandy ground by the wind
is something hitherto quite disregarded, but is
now seen to be a great factor. At Nebesheh
the tombs at first sight appeared as if they were
merely the ruins of built tombs which had stood
above the ground; perhaps a foot or two, perhaps
only an inch or two, remain of their walls,
sometimes even two or three walls have wholly
disappeared. But these tombs, while they seem
to have been like the modern Arab cemeteries of
dome tombs, yet bear in most cases the evidence
that they were really all subterranean chambers.
Not only may they be found in every stage, from
being nearly entire beneath the ground, to being
almost swept away, but they have usually the well
ofaccess remaining (see Nos. 1,11, 38, and 42, for
instance, on pl. xvi.); and no such chimney with
foot-holes could have been built by the side of a

sepulchre above ground. Now these tombs were
naturally sunk to various depths when they were
constructed ; some only just beneath the surface,
others to a greater depth more resembling the
profound tombs that pierce the clifis of the
Memphite hills to their very base. From the
almost complete removal of some tombs of the
sixth century B.c., and the height of those tombs
which have escaped denudation, it may be safely
said that at least six feet, and more probably ten
feet of the whole surface of the ground has been
blown away within little more than two thousand
years. Hence the hills of the twelfth dynasty
must have stood some fifteen feet higher than their
present tops. The plain being also by about as
much lower than it now is, there were thirty feet
more of apparent elevation, or a total of about
fifty feetin place of the twenty feet or thereabouts
now to be seen.

Not only does this affect so vastly what we now
see, but there can be no doubt that many parts
now covered by the black plain stood then some
feet above it as sand islets ; so that the country
then more resembled a piece of desert with its
valleys covered by the inundation, than a plain
of mud broken by a few low rises of sand.

3. To turn briefly to other places, the extent
of this denudation is fully borne out by the state
of the camp at Defenneh. There a solid brick
wall, fifty feet thick, and doubtless more than half
as much in height, has been completely carried
away, swept off the surface of the ground, without
leaving an inch above the plain, within twenty-five
centuries. The bearing of this evidence on the
state of the hydrography of the country, especially
of the isthmus of Suez, is all-important. If fifteen
feet of sand has been scoured away, or even less,
it must have completely modified the water depths;
for it must be remembered that all this storm of
dust must be dropped somewhere, and the water
and wet country is an ever-ready trap for it, into
which all goes in, but none comes out again.
The Bitter Lakes, and other stretches of water

6 TELL NEBESHEH. ἢ

across the isthmus of Suez, are less in area by far
than the country around them, which has been
scoured by the wind, so that ἃ foot off the country
would mean much more than that depth of deposit
in the water. It will thus be seen that, so far as
this evidence goes, a depth of twenty or even fifty
feet of sand may have been laid over these lakes
during historie times; thus completely altering
the conditions of the water communication, without
any need of relying on geologie changes of
upheaval. From other considerations it is not
likely that the changes have been so extensive as
this scale of denudation would produce ; but at least
we have here to reckon with a factor capable of

doing allthat we need to account for, and even more.
This fact of the denudation opens our eyes in a
melancholy way to the reason why early cemeteries
seem to be unattainable in the Delta. If tombs
of the nineteenth, and even of the twenty-sixth,
dynasty are often so scoured away that barely
anything remains of them, it is a simple conclusion
that earlier tombs, perhaps of double that age, have
vanished into air, entirely denuded away may be
a couple of thousand years ago. Only tombs of
exceptional depth, or preserved by some accidental
protection, would have any chance of coming down
to our days. We may see this also shown by the
proportions of tombs of different ages at Nebesheh ;
one of the nineteenth dynasty, two or three of the
twentieth, half a dozen or a dozen before the
twenty-sixth, and ahundred or more of the twenty-
sixth and Persian periods. Yet the place was
grander, to judge by the remains of the temples,
under the twelfth and nineteenth dynasties, than
in later times. What, therefore, with fifteen feet
of mud over all the works of man in the plains, and
fifteen feet of denudation sweeping away the tombs
in the hills, there is a poor chance of recovering
the remains of early ages, except in the rocky sites
of Upper Egypt.

4. From the statues found in the temple it is
clear that this place was of importance in the
twelfthdynasty; its history is probably parallel to

that of Tanis, and these two sand-hills of Nebesheh
and Tanis were very likely settled at the same
time. How far they were related is yet undecided.
At first it seemed as if Nebesheh might have been
a cemetery of Tanis, and it is not certain that this
was not the case to some extent; especially since
we see that the temple and cemetery of Nebesheh
are larger and more important than would be
expected in proportion to the size of the town.
Sueilen, about three miles from Tanis, was
certainly one cemetery of Tanis; and if a funeral
procession once took boat to a place three miles
distant, there is no reason against their going
eight miles.

The name of the eity Am, capital of the
nineteenth nome of Lower Egypt, is closely con-
nected with Nebesheh, having been found there
on eight different monuments; and since three of
these were in the temple (to the exclusion of all:
other town names), one of them being on a list of
the temple festivals in honour of Uati, lady of Am,
there is scarcely a possibility of Nebesheh not
being this eity of Am. This leaves still the
question whether there was a separate nome for
Tanis, or whether that lay in the nome Am Pehu,
of which Am was the capital. The latter seems
the more likely; and thus Nebesheh would be the
legal and religious capital, Am, while Tanis, owing
to superior position and importance, overshadowed
its legal superior, —much as Chatham exceeds
Maidstone, and Liverpool and Manchester eclipse
Lancaster. Then in the reconstitution of Greek
times, Nebesheh, having dwindled away, the nome
was called, from its most important city, Tanis.
Such seems, so far as we know, to be the probable
case; and the discovery which I made three years
ago of two tablets, at Tanis, naming Uati lady of
Am, Khem of Am, and Horus of Am, points to
there not being a religious centre of equal impor-
tance to rival it at Tanis.

This fixing of Am, and the nome of Am Pehu,
at Nebesheh is a step of the first class in the
geography of the Delta. Am had been supposed
to be equivalent to Buto, somewhere in the central

CHAP. I.—POSITION AND HISTORY. 7

delta (owing to Uati being its goddess), and had
otherwise been placed at Pelusium. Now it is
safely fixed by the monuments, both in and out
of the temple, to the region of Nebesheh, and
most probably to the mounds themselves.

5. Founded in the twelfth dynasty, or earlier,
the temple of Am underwent, like Tanis, a
complete rearrangement by Ramessu II. How
far he redecorated the temple, or founded a new
building, we cannot learn until we extract the
foundation deposits of the great temple; but it is
certain that he practically appropriated the place,
as he did Tanis, and re-established the worship
of Uati, dedicating a beautiful statue of that
goddess in highly polished black syenite. He
also dedicated a pair of colossi of himself, in the
same material, beside covering the walls with
his inscriptions, and ereeting clustered columns
like those of Gurneh. In fact, the temple of
Gurneh may very likely enable us to realize that
of Nebesheh as to general appearance. Private
persons apparently also offered monuments, as a
large crouching figure was found here in this
temple. Merenptah continued to favour the
place, as a unique monument of a free-standing
column was placed by him at some distance in
front of the pylon, by the side of the roadway.

Setnekht and Ramessu III. placed their names
on a sphinx here, but throughout the decadence
of the empire the place appears to have been
neglected. The tombs of this time are poor, and
no monuments of Siamen, or the Bubastites,
have been found. The flourishing time of the
Renascence at last brought favour to Am, though
strange to say it did nothing for Tanis. It
rather seems as if two cities were too much to
support in this distriet in later times. Tanis
rose again under the Bubastites, while Am was
effaced; then Am was re-established under the
Saites, while Tanis was neglected; again Tanis
flourished under the Ptolemies and Romans,
while Am sunk to be a mere village, and the
temple was finally ruined.

Though no monuments of the earlier part of
the twenty-sixth dynasty have been found in
the temple, yet this place arose by the time
of Aahmes to be of considerable importance.
Apparently some Cypriote mercenaries were
stationed here in the military reorganization of
Psamtik I., when he established the Greek garrison
at the fortress of Tell Defenneh, seventeen miles
to the east. Tombs with Cypriote pottery and
spears have been found here, and in one case
earlier than a tomb which is of the twenty-sixth
dynasty, and therefore early in that dynasty.
Aahmes undertook the rebuilding of the temple,
but apparently considering the old site in the
middle of the temenos as too large to refill, and
perhaps too much encumbered with rubbish, he
adopted a new site at right angles to the old one,
and at the north-east corner of it (see pl. xvii.).
Here he erected a new temple to Uati, of large
blocks of limestone, with a pavement two courses
in thiekness. Bringing from the old temple the
beautiful statue dedieated by Ramessu II., he
placed it in a great monolithie shrine of red
granite, which weighed nearly sixty tons.. The
remains of the Ramesside temple were doubtless
largely used up for this new temple, as they were
for the pylon which Aahmes constructed in the
entrance to the temenos. The other statues
which adorned the early temple were removed
and placed in the later temple, though not all of
them.

At the same time the tombs here rose in
splendour; in place of small chambers of crude
brick, with rudely formed pottery coffins, we find
fine limestone chambers, and sarcophagi of the best
class sculptured in basalt, and even encased in
outer cases of limestone. The place, however,
seems to have suffered severely at the Persian
invasion; and it is most likely that the great
destruction of the statues and shrine happened at
that time, since we find that the temple was
desecrated in the Ptolemaie times, and small
workshops and houses established in the temenos,
even just in front of the temple of Aahmes. The

8 TELL NEBESHEH.

town, however, continued to be inhabited in the
Ptolemaie period, though apparently deserted
before the Roman conquest. Another town had,
however, sprung up at the north end of the
cemetery, and this lasted until late Roman times
(see small plan on pl. xvii.).

CHAPTER II.
TEMPLES.

6. On first visiting Tell Nebesheh three years
ago, I saw there a great mass of granite, which
from its rounded top appeared to be the bottom
of a sarcophagus turned up on end. This proved,
however, on digging to be the back of a shrine,
with a semieireular top (see pl. iv.). It was
known all over the neighbourhood as the Ras
Farun (Pharaoh’s head) or Taget Farun, and
might be seen for a mile or two, standing up high
above the ground. It was one of the first places
I began to work on at Nebesheh, and I soon
found that there were remains of a building near
it. This building we cleared all over, and traced
the limits of its foundations (see pl. xiv.), finding
several inscribed monuments lying broken up and
scattered about among the blocks of paving
which remained.

Shortly after arriving, and before beginning
work here, Inoticed, while making a plan, a line on
the ground, on one side of which the tufts of eoarse
grass grew scattered about, while on the other
side the ground was nearly barren. Suspecting
at once that this was a wall, I traced it as well
as the surface would allow, and found that it
enclosed the ground around the shrine. This
showed that I had a large temenos to deal with ;
and after working a few days at the shrine, I
began to try for the pylon of the temenos. This
was found very quickly, and the foundations of
the pylon were uncovered: here were more
monuments, a pair of sphinxes of the twelfth
dynasty (one broken to chips), and a pair of
colossi of Ramessu II., one much defaced, but the

other nearly perfect. Mr. Griffith found these
statues while I was away.

Having thus defined the temenos and pylon,
I observed how much to one side the temple site
was which I had first found (temple of Aahmes,
pl. xiv.); and the site in the middle of the
temenos looked very much as if some building
had stood there, being a flat space of blown dust,
with more or less of chips of stone around it.
Several pits dug in it brought up nothing, until
one showed at 12 feet below the surface a vertical
face of mud with sand against it. This was un-
mistakably the retaining wall of a foundation,
filled up with sand, on which to lay a building;
and sinking a row of deep pits, we tracked this
at last all round the site of the building, and
found all the corners of the area. (First temple
of Uati, pl. xiv.). In this way we recovered two
temple sites which were quite unknown before.

7. Before entering on the description of these
remains, it will be well to notice what has been
observed here, and in other examples, to be the
Egyptian mode of founding a building in the
Delta. First a space, each way about a foot or
more larger than the intended building, was
marked out, and a wall of erude bricks built
around it; in some cases the space was excavated
in hard rammed mud:: the bottom of the space
was quite flat and level. This enclosure thus
formed a shallow sunken chamber, which was
partly filled with clean desert sand, and on that
sand the building was placed, standing clear of
the retaining walls of the foundation, with a few
inches, or two or three feet of sand filled in
between its foundation courses and the wall.
The depth of the sand enclosure varies greatly ;
it may be only a few inches, a mere ceremonial
film, as at Naukratis; it is usually 2 or 3
feet ; but at the little Ptolemaie site on the south
side of the mounds of Tanis, a pit has been ex-
cavated through the mass of dirty rubbish-ground
to more than 12 feet deep, and filled up with
dirty sand and chips for 4 feet, and with 8 feet

CHAP. II.—TEMPLES. 9

of clean sand over that. The foundation deposits
are always placed in the sand, about two feet
inward from each face of the corner-stone, and a
foot or so below the stone. This same order of
building a retaining wall around the foundation
is followed even when the building stands on a
sand plain. The retaining wall is sometimes of
stone, possibly in the earlier periods.” Such is
the regular system of foundation, which has been
traced during my work in Egypt by the com-
parison of half a dozen different buildings.

8. Turning now to pl. xiv. we will notice the
details there represented. The great temenos
wall is far from regular in its plan; but this
may be to a great extent accounted for. On the
general plan (pl. xvii.) it will be seen how elosely
the eultivated ground approaches it on the 8.W.;
the ground falling away there into a small canal.
The dip must have been still greater before the
plain rose by deposits, and may well have caused
the builders to contract the enclosed space at that
corner. The north side, it will be seen, is also
askew to the axis. But while planning the
temenos, and in fact while excavating to find the
edges of the wall, I was puzzled by two strange
changes in its thickness, at the northern ends of
the east and west sides. I carefully fixed the
position of these variations, and when I came to
plot them found that, quite unexpectedly, they were
opposite one to another; so that a line drawn
parallel to the axis.of the temple, as on the plan,
exactly connected the two points. It seems, there-
fore, very probable that originally the temenos
wall on the west side was parallel to the temple ;
but after being ruined, say in the post-Ramesside
times, it was rebuilt rather further out, and re-
taining a portion of each of the old comers. A
still later addition to it was noticed at the north-
east corner, where it has plainly been thickened on
the north side. Some further details might appear
if it were it completely uncovered ; but I could
not spare time or men for more than a row of
small pits and trenches around it, just to show the

position of the inner and outer faces in three or
four spots on each side. . The wall is 30 feet
thick at the thinnest point, inereasing to 45
feet elsewhere, and 63 feet atthe exceptional part
on the N.W. It was not so gigantic, therefore,
as the great walls of Tanis (80 feet), Sais, or
Buto, but still was a vast piece of work, being just
half a mile in circuit; if 30 feet high, which is
the least we can expect (Buto is over 30 feet,
and Tanis 27 feet, after all their denudation), then
it would contain 100,000 eubie yards of brickwork.

9. At 170 feet in front of the propylon of the
temenos stood a monument of Merenptah, which
is—so far as we know— unique. Itis a column
of red granite, now broken in three parts; its
surface is divided by the large ceurves of a sub-
clustered form, the projeetion of each rib of the
surface not being sufficient to interrupt the
seulpturing of groups on its sides. Around it were
scenes of adoration and offering by the king
before different gods. Unhappily it is too much
decomposed on the surface to show much of the
sculptures. The top was quite flat, without any
sort of capital or even moulding around it; but
on the flat surface stood a group, of the king
kneeling, overshadowed by a hawk which stands
behind him. The total height was 12 feet, and
the diameter is 31 inches. No other example
of a statue on the top of a column has been
found in Egypt, until Roman times, I believe;
nor any case of free-standing columns placed far
out in front of a building, to flank the avenue of
approach. Statues of Ramessu II. were placed as
far out as 230 feet in front of the pylon of Tanis,
but no columns. This column was doubtless one
of a pair, as it would never have stood alone on one
side of the road; but though many trenches were
dug around this region, no trace of the second
column could be found. Architeeturally, such a
column seems Asiatic rather than Egyptian, re-
membering the two great free-standing columns,
with special names, placed in front of Solomon’s
temple ; and again the great column remaining at

c

10 TELL NEBESHEH.

Persepolis, some way in front of the bulls which
lead up to the great square building there.
Passing this column, and a square base of lime-
stone lying on the other side of the roadway, we
come to the propylon site, in front of the gateway.
Though none of the stonework, except part of the
substructure of the pavement, remains, we can
hardly doubt from the form of the shallow chamber
filled with sand, that a propylon stood here. The
central hollow (shaded with dots) is the deepest,
having 34 inches of sand in it beneath the pave-
ment slabs; while the side hollows had only 6 or
8 inches of sand. No foundation deposits were
found in these spaces, which were discovered and
eleared by Mr. Grifäth after I left Nebesheh.
The width of this propylon must have been about
70 feet, judging by the foundation space. In front
of it two drains were found ; they were cut in lime-
stone, with two equal upper and lower pieces
fitted together. The outside is cylindrical, 2 feet
or rather more in diameter ; and the inside is
hexagonal, each face about 6 inches wide, three
sides of the hollow being eut in the upper, and
three sides in the lower stone. Another, similar,
drain was found atthe S.E. ofthe great temple site.

10. Beyond this sand foundation ofthe propylon
is a deep and massive pavement of four courses in
thickness ; the top course, which runs on overthe
sand hollow, is 13 inches thick, and those below
it 27, 21, and 20 inches respectively. The last
of these reaches to 9 inches below the water-level
ofthe beginning of April. Thus the whole four
courses of this pavement are 81 inches ‚thick, and
reach up to 72 inches over the present low-water
level.

Just beyond the propylon, guarding the entrance
to the pylon, were two seated colossi of Ramessu
II, One of these remains lying on the pavement
in a fair state of preservation, the face is rather
bruised, and part of the beard and ureus knocked
off, but otherwise it is perfect. It is carved in
black syenite, and is 82 inches high over all,
and therefore considerably over life size. It is

an original work of Ramessu II., and has not
been appropriated by any other king. On further
search, the fellow-statue was found, a good deal
injured, to the north of this.

The whole of the substructure of this pylon has
been built from the ruins of the temple of
Ramessu II., evidently by Aahmes, when he re-
established the place with the new temple. On
many of the blocks are portions of hieroglyphie
inscriptions of a large scale, and one of them bore
a fine portrait of Ramessu II., happily quite un-
injured as to the face, though the back of the head
is lost. "This we were allowed to remove, by ΝΜ.
Maspero’s permission, and it will, I hope, be added
to the Fine Art Museum at Boston. The central
pavement has been less injured than other parts
of the substructure of the pylon; for the reason
that, not having to bear any weight, the stones
were smaller and inferior, and hence less worth
removal. The sides of the pylon are, on the con-
trary, nearly all cleared away, leaving only a few
large blocks of the lowest course. The edge of
the pavement substructure which remains, shows
that the passage was about 103 feet wide, and
the mass of the pylon on each side about 14 feet
wide, and 30 or 40 feet through from back to
front.

At the inner side of the pylon stood two sphinxes
of black syenite. One of these remains complete,
with the exception of the head, and a flake off the
left flank ; itis 67 inches long. The other, on the
north side, was broken up into chips, and thrown
down into a deep hollow left by the extraction of
the foundations. These sphinxes have a most
remarkable history of appropriation, which seems
to show that they were yalued. First carved, and
well carved, under the twelfth dynasty apparently,
they bore the founder’s name on the usual space
between the paws and on the chest. Secondly, they
were appropriated by a high ofücial, probably of
the thirteenth to seventeenth dynasties, the same
apparently who appropriated an altar which we
shall notice farther on. He cut a long inscription
all round the base, which has unfortunately been

CHAP. II.—TEMPLES. 11

nearly all erased in later times. Thirdly, there is
an erased space on the right shoulder, which
doubtless contained ceartouches. Fourthly, there
is an erased space on the right flank, which also
contained cartouches. , Fifthly, there is an erased
space similarly on the left shoulder. Sixthly,
there are cartouches of Seti II. on the chest.
Seventhly, there are cartouches of Set-nekht on
the left shoulder. Eighthly, there are cartouches
of Ramessu III. cut across the ribbed lines of the
wig on either side of the chest. Aahmes forebore
any further claims on this defaced animal. Indeed,
it seems very probable that the head had been
knocked off before his time. The broken surface
is very much smoothed by repeated rubbing, in
spite ofthe hardness ofthe stone; ifit had been
only broken when the place was in course of
demolition finally, there would not be likely to
have been enough passing to have gradually worn
away the surface. It seems rather as if it had
been injured before Aahmes placed it here, and
had been worn by loungers and passers, while the
new temple was frequented.

Within the pylon, in the area of the temenos, are
various pieces of substructure remaining;; pave-
ment was found between the pylon and the temple,
and just at the S.W. of the pylon is a piece of
banded lotus column placed at the base of some
masonry. This is valuable as showing the style
of the destroyed temple of Ramessu II. The ribs
of it are semieylindrical, without any ridge or
break in the curvature, like the elustered eolumns
ofthe temaple of Gurneh; and from the appearance
of the foundation of the first temple, it seems
most likely that such columns formed a colonnade
in front of the temple, like the colonnade of
Gurneh. This drum was measured as about 6
feet diameter; orthe colonnets as 22% inches each
across, which would give a circuit of 175 inches
for the whole, there being eight colonnets around
it. -

11. Of the first temple scarcely anything
remains in situ, so far as our excavations have

gone. The retaining wall of the foundation was
traced by pits around the eircuit of it, and a
piece of substructure remains at the Κ΄. Εἰ, corner,
on which a statue of an official was found Iying.
Along the front is a broad bed of sand in a
hollow, for a foundation ; beyond this is a mass
of briekwork (shaded in the plan); and then,
beyond that, was another sand hollow for another
foundation. All around the rest of the building
there is only the retaining wall, with elean sand
against the face of it; this sand was about 30
inches wide, and immediately within it, where the
stones had been extracted, the ground is formed
of dirty earth and stone chips. The sand has
been partly dug out in removing the stones, and
15. heaped up outside, over the top of the retaining
wall; while all around the area is a bank of earth
and chips, which reaches up to the present
surface of the ground. These particulars were
observed by sinking pits eutting through the
wall, sand, and earth, so as to show a clean
section. The depth is 10 or 12 feet below the
present surface of blown earth accumulated in
the temenos.

When I left the work in Mr. Griffith’s hands,
after finding most of the eircuit of the foundation
by pits, I urgently desired him to finish elearing
the form of the foundation, and to extract, if
possible, the foundation deposits. This, un-
happily, he was unable to do with the most
strenuous efforts, owing to the depth below the
water. Atthe N.E. corner he went to 25 inches
below water, at the S.E. to 35 inches, at the
S.W. to 25 inches, and at the N.W. to 40
inches below the low-water level of April; yet
in no case was -any deposit reached, or the bottom
of the retaining wall discovered. In the $.W.
corner a fine limestone wall was found below the
briek wall, flush with the face of it, and forming
the lower part of the retaining wall. This
limestone wall was of three courses, each 20
inches thick, and 12 inches deep back; the
courses beginning at 6 inches above water-level,
and being found by probing to a depth of 54

σ 2

12 TELL NEBESHEH.

inches below the water. The sumptuous work
of placing a fine limestone lining to a mere
underground retaining wall suggests that a fine
deposit probably awaits the explorer here; but
the permeability of the great sand bed of the
foundation enables the water to flow in so readily,
that it is impossible to reach it without some
extraordinary means, such as freezing the soil, a
diving caisson, or pumping the whole area around
dry with large pumps. As has been observed
in Chapter I, the water-level of the country
has risen 10 or 11 feet since this temple was
founded, perhaps even 15 feet, if it is the original
foundation of the twelfth dynasty. Hence the
deposits may easily be 6 or 8 feet below the
present water-level.

At the S.E. corner there remains one course of
substructure, of which the joints are shown on
the plan; its base is 12 inches over the water-
level, and it is 16 inches thick. There are
traces of the blocks above having been set back
8 inches along the front; just as the blocks
of the Aahmes temple foundation recede. On
the block with a spot on it was a mason’s mark.
Now it is evident that this wall did not run round
the front of the building, as it has a smooth
facing in line on the north side; and from the
mass of brickwork (shaded) ending so flatly on the
west, and the disturbed soil going down to below
water-level there, it seems that a more massive
and important wall existed on the west of this
brick mass. It seems likely, then, that this brick
represents the space within a colonnade in front
of the temple; that the real front of the temple
stood on the west ofit; and a colonnade, flanked
by ante, stood in front of the temple: From the
drum found by the pylon, and the intercolum-
niation of the colonnade of similar columns at
Gurneh, we may conclude that there were two
columns on either side of the entrance. In
classical phrase it would thus be tetrastyle in
antis. A dotted line is placed around the area
of the building, showing the probable size of the
interior, up to the inner face of the stone walls.

The size of the temple, therefore, was about
208x92 feet outside, and 155x70 feet inside:
that is to say, about the size of the temple of
Amenhotep III, or either of the temples of
Ramessu III. at Karnak.

The only statue found here was lying on the
northern part of the substructure, at the south-
east corner. It is a figure represented as seated
on the ground, with the arms resting on the
knees in the usual position. It represents an
official, Merenptah, son of Pa-mer-kau, whose
ushabti were found in a tomb in the cemetery
(No. 35). Between the hands is the cartouche
of Ramessu II., showing the age, and on the front
were two divinities standing ; one is Uati, lady of
Am, and the other is defaced. The inscriptions
mention also the mother of Merenptah, Ta-usert,
and two other sons of Pa-mer-kau; evidently this
family were the great people of the distriet in
those days. The whole statue weighs about a
ton. Probably other sculptures lie beneath the
sand in the area of this temple, but as it would
take several weeks’ work and cost a hundred
pounds to clear it out, and there did not seem
much prospect of obtaining fresh information, it
still remains to be examined. There is some
chance of finding Hyksos remains here, or in-
seriptions of officials of their period, which would
perhaps make further work desirable.

12. Wenowturn tothesecondand smaller temple
built by Aahmes II. The only remains of this
in situ, above the foundation enclosure, are portions
of a thick double pavement near the front, and the
back of the great granite shrine still standing erect
upon a block of quartzite sandstone, which rests
on some other blocks of ihe pavement. The front
is peculiar in form, having a projeetion, unlike
the usual flat front of Egyptian temples. Asa
porch or portico seems to be unknown elsewhere
in temples, it seems probable that this was a
small platform in front of the entrance, perhaps
approached by one or two steps, for the basis of
the statues of quartzite sandstone which stood on

CHAP. IL.—TEMPLES. 13

either side of the door. The thrones of these
two statues were found lying in the hollow left by
the abstraction of the double pavement. They
were seated figures of Usertesen III, with
standing figures of his daughters at either side
of his knees. The sides of the throne were
sculptured with the group of the two Niles hold-
ing the lotus plants twisted around the sam.
One of these thrones is in good state, the group
on the side being in perfect condition. The total
height of the statues was about 6 feet. No
trace of the upper parts was found.

The temple itself would seem to have been
about 76x 47 ft. outside, and therefore probably
not more than 66x37 ft. inside. The roof
would, therefore, be doubtless supported by two
rows of pillars, dividing the breadth in three
parts. Perhaps some indication of the internal
- divisions of it may be seen by the foundation
deposit, found near the middle of the area. If
this was only a sole central deposit, it would
probably have been put in the middle, and not
80 in. to one side. It seems most likely that
this was placed beneath one jamb of the door of
the cella. If about 30 in. inward from the face
of the stone, like the other deposits, it would
imply that the doorway was about 100 in. wide ;
and it seems not’ improbable that the door might
have been of the same width as the shrine, which
is just 100 in.

In the area of the temple were several blocks
of red granite remaining, sculptured with scenes
“of offering, and cartouches which have un-
fortunately been entirely erased. Beside these
the lower part of a beautiful statue of Uati, in
hichly polished black syenite, was found, bearing
a dedication by Ramessu II. on the back. From
the size of this fragment, broken off just above
the hand holding the papyrus sceptre, and at the
ankles, it seems probable that it was about 75 in.
high when perfect. This, with the crown, would
apparently just fit the great granite shrine, which
was about 90 in. hish inside above the bench in
which the base of the statue would be placed (pl.

iv.). It seems very probable, therefore, that this
was the statue of the temple, originally placed in
the great temple by Ramessu II., and then removed
and enshrined afresh by Aahmes on founding the
new temple.

Beside this a group of three persons seated
was found, holding a table of offerings in front of
them, on the front of which a long inseription
records the festivals in honour of Uati, the lady
of Am, and other divinities of the place (see sect.
30).

13. Finally, at the north end stood the great
granite monolith shrine, which first drew me to
examine the place (see pl. iv.). This is over all
15 ft. 4 in. hish, 8 ft. 7 in. wide at the base,
and 10 ft. 4 in. from back to front; the total
weight being about 58 tons. This does not quite
rival the great shrine of Thmuis, as that is 18 ft.
high, and wrought to a fine pyramidal top, instead
of being rather roughly rounded ; but still it is a
fine piece of work, the sides being flat and well
polished, and the edges neatly bevelled off to
avoid their being aceidentally chipped. At the
back, however, the stuff ran rather short, and both
the back edges are sloped away irregularly. The
front was decorated along the top by a frieze of
cerowned ur&i surmounting the globe and wings,
so familiar in late work. Up the sides of the
doorway were two columns of inscriptions, un-
happily defaced. All that can be traced is
marked on the drawing in pl. iv. The banner
begins with S-men, and this limits it to Aahmes
II., Nekht-har-heb, or Nekht-neb-f. As there is
no trace of the two latter kings here, and Aahmes
is known from the foundation deposits to have
built this temple, there seems no doubt but that
he had this shrine made on re-establishing the
worship of Uati at Am. The dotted outline will
show how the statue, of which the lower part was
found, would fit in the shrine.

The plan and elevation here given are, of
course, a restoration, as will be seen from the
sketch of the present state of the shrine on the

14 TELL NEBESHEH.

same plate. The materials for this restoration
were the fragments found lying around the shrine
when excavated. In all, twenty blocks were
carefully examined and measured. The depth
from back to front was determined by the present
back, the piece of sculptured front shown in the
elevation, and a block which went between them
and could be identified by the fractures. The
only uncertain points in this restoration are the
height of the doorway, and the verticality of the
doorway and inscription, or its parallelism with
the slightly sloping side, and also the thickness
of the reveals or jambs of the doorway. That
these did not extend up to the bench in the
inside is certain, as there is a piece of the side
near the bottom which is only 20 in. thick.
The positions of the hieroglyphs on the sides
were all measured on the fallen jamb, which lies
a little way in front of the shrine. The bench
inside has a recess in it, evidently intended to
hold the base of the statue. What the arrange-

ment of the statue and its base block was, we -

can best realize from the alabaster statue of
Queen Ameniritis, still fixed on its base block of
grey granite, in the Bulak Museum.

14. Beside the large monuments, two pieces of
statuettes were found in the chips of the temple.
The first piece found within this temple, on the
second day of digging, was a fragment of the legs
of a statuette in limestone, much injured, but yet
bearing the precious mention of the eity of Am
close to its upper fracture (see pl. x. 12). Two
and a half weeks later, a torso of a very fine
green basalt statuette was found, with a delicately
eut inscription on its back, apparently of the style
of the thirtieth dynasty; this again bore the
name of Am, but close to its lower fracture (see
pl.x.11). Beside these the group with a table of
offerings, and the statue of Merenptah, both
mention the city of Am, making four notices of
it in this temple.

We will lastly notice the small objects, the
foundation deposits. In pl. vi. will be seen the

positions of these finds in relation to the comers
of the brick retaining wall of the foundation.
The bricks of this wall are 179 x 89 x 52
inches. The S.W. was the first deposit for which
I tried. Here we came down on the pottery, and
after removing that carefully I found I was below
water-level. Seraping out the sand, I groped down
below the water, scarcely expecting to find any-
thing; but after going nearly a foot below the
water I brought up a porcelain plaque, which on
hastily rubbing the sand off it showed the name of
Aahmes. Many möre plaques were found by
further groping, and this proved to be the richest
corner of all, having a double supply of plaques,
and some pottery stands not found elsewhere.
After this, Inext excavated the other corners
with more space, and arranged to have baling
kept going actively all the time I was at work
below water-level. In this way I was able to lay
bare all the deposits regularly, and draw and
measure their exact positions, as shown onpl. vi.
Atthe N.E. no deposit could be found, although
we searched far lower and wider than for the
others; and as a double set of plaques was
found at the S8.W., Ican only suppose that the
N.E. corner was accidentally not prepared pro-
perly, and that the surplus was put in the S.W.
After the comers, a set of pottery was found
near the middle of the area, probably below one
jamb of the door of the cella, as already noticed.
No plaques were placed with this, though I cleared
it to a far greater depth than the other deposits.
The pottery was two feet over water-level, and
I searched to below the water.

On looking at the types of the deposits (pl. v.),
the stone plaques are ground but not highly
polished, and the gold and silver are marked by
punching with delicate punches, curved and
straight. No. 9 is of green limestone apparently,
rather hard. The green glazed plaques are varied ;
the two cartouches appear one on each side, but
the title is either nuter nofer or suten sekhet. The
lead plaque is distinctly not insceribed; and the
copper is too much corroded to show whether it

CHAP. IL.—TEMPLES. ᾿ 15

was inscribed or not. The types of the pottery
vessels plainly show them to be ceremonial
imitations of various vessels of larger size and
sometimes of different material. They may,
therefore, be the cheap substitutes for more
valuable vessels which were deposited in earlier
times under temples, either as the vessels
consecrated by having been used in the ceremony
of the foundation, and therefore not to be used
again for other purposes, or else as models of
what were to be used in the temple. The view
of consecrated articles buried to prevent their
re-use seems the more likely; and it would
explain the models of tools found at Naukratis
and Gemeyemi as not the models of what would be
used in the building, but as representing the tools
which would otherwise have been forfeit to the
gods as having been already used in the foundation
ceremony ;—much as if the silver trowel used at
a modern masonie ceremony should be left in the
mortar beneath the stone, or a cheaper substitute
‚forit. The vessels Nos. 12 and 13 are evidently
copied from the bronze situla with a swinging
handle; Nos. 18 and 19, again, look as if modelled
from metal prototypes; Nos. 24, 25, and 33 may
well be imitations of stone vessels; and Nos. 11,
15, 29 and 35 are clear copies of the larger
pottery vessels of the twenty-sixth dynasty, such
as I found at Defenneh (see pl. xxxiii. 4, xsxiv.
19, 21).

The full catalogue of all that was found in
these deposits is as follows, referring to the
numbers on pl. v. :—

S.E. S.W. N.W.
1,10 Green glaze 1 δ 1
« N πιο ς, 1 2 1
6 BUY τὴν... ἢ 1 2 2
ον τὺ τ τὴς 1 1 1
Ἐν ἘΝ ΟΟΡΡΕΝ ea τοῖς 1 Ἵ 1
2 1μρὶ5 lazuli " 1 1
3 Comelian . . a 4 4 9
8 Limestone, brown . 1 ἘΣ 1
88 > mottled . 1 1 ıl
9 ΡῈ P green. . 3 4 9
9a Felspar, green. . . ... ες 2
‘Bitumen τς ἘῸΝ 1
12 varieties 15 21 17

PoTTERY.

S.E. S.W. N.W. W. Central. Total.
110,03 2 1 15. τ 22
2 2 1 2 5
TI NE ER Br 1
14 2 1 1 4
DT 1
16
39} rn: 1 19
Un Der 3 3
ET ER ἊΣ % 1
19 EHE 1
OA en il
DI A TA ER 1
DDR UERE TE E BEE 1 1
DE τ τον Er τ
4 1 2 2 1 6
BE RE ὯΝ 1
ss ı 1 2 1 5
DT ER μὲ 1
DB ET en 1
89.) ran: 2 2
80
: a δ “ἢ τ
32 (see 16)

BEN Nee) 9 τ 4
Bl 177, a 2
δ ἐν ἘΦ κκ0 8

Totals 23 24, 25 91 (2) 95

The two numbers in parentheses had lost their
marks when I catalogued them in London; 16
and 32 are the extremes of a very common, but
variable family of saucers; 30 and 31 are two
forms of one other type; the numbers in each
deposit seem to have been intended to be roughly
equal. Very probably there may be another
deposit, on the east side, matching that found on
the west of the middle; but as the west central
had no plaques, and a sufficient amount of pottery
had been secured, I thought better to leave that
alone for antiquaries of future ages.

15. The one other monument in the temenos
which now remains to be noticed is the altar
found outside the smalltemple, behind the shrine.
This altar may have been originally in the
temple, and have been rolled out; but as it was
found outside, and lying just behind the shrine,
and yet duly oriented, it seems more likely to
have been placed by Aahmes at the back of the
small temple. It was originally a work of
Amenemhat II., carved with the usual low relief,

16 TELL NEBESHEH.

fine lines, and high polish of the twelfth
dynasty. The upper surface has unfortunately

suffered severely from the salt, which has scaled
off much of it, and has also so swollen the
syenite that the corners are flaked away likewise.
This action of salt on syenite was still more shown
by some sculptured fragments found close to the
surface just N. ofthe altar. These were entirely
frayed into their component crystals by the
erystallizing force of the salt in the interstitial
joints of the stone, so that the mass was held
together—so far as it would hold—by the salt
alone. Any porous material lying near the
surface, where the salt erystallizes out of the soil,
above the permanently damp earth, is always
thus attacked, pottery being flaked to pieces, or
large chips blistered out of it. Even mud bricks
are frequently reduced to powder, and show as
much salt as mud on cutting them through.

The inseriptions added to this altar in later
times than the twelfth dynasty are, however, the
most important part ofit (seepl. ix. 1). They were
engraved by a certain ‘ chief of the chancellors
and royal seal bearer,’’ whose name and further
titles are effaced. This person was one of a
series of officials whose titles were singularly
parallel to the English Lord High Chancellor and
Lord Privy Seal. Such titles imply a unique
position, or one which would only be held in
duplicate by a viceroy in a different province,
such as the Princes of Cush under the eishteenth
dynasty. The further evidences of the power of
the successive holders of this double office is seen
from their having a series of scarabs, like those
of the kings and members of the royal families of
the twelfth and fourteenth dynasties, with their
names and titles; many such are known, as for in-
stance, Ha-sa-r, Ptah-ran, Ka-em.. ... hes, Se-neb,
Senb-su-ma, Senb-a, Hor-em. . ., and Herfu.

Beside this no other instance is known, so
far as I remember, of a personage not actually
reiening who has usurped royal monuments in a
publie temple, and even in a capital of a nome, as
this chief chancellor has appropriated the two

sphinxes before mentioned, and this monument,
by long insceriptions. This altar gives, therefore,
much fresh light on this obscure class of ofhicials;
it shows that they existed after the twelfth dynasty,
though of course before the eighteenth, and that
they usurped prerogatives otherwise reserved to
reigning kings. So far we are on certain facts.

16. To turn now briefly to an hypothesis
suggested by these facts. We find in the Hyksos
invasion the rule of a hated and conquering race ;
yet a rule which did not at all crush out the
eivilization which it already found in Egypt.
Further, after a time, it gradually imbibed the
ceivilization over which it dominated. And yet it
was a rule without much civil organization, if
any, since it was only as Manetho says, “at
length they made one of themselves king’ after
conquering and pillaging the country (Jos. Cont.
Ap.i. 14). Πέρας δέ implies ““ finally,” “at the
end” of all the invasion, struggle, and capture
of the inhabitants.. The nearest historical
parallel, by the light of which we must judge this
case, is the Arab invasion of Egypt, and sub-
jugation of the Copts: here the conquered were
under the debasement of Byzantine rule, as the
Egyptians ofthe thirteenth and fourteenth dynasty
were living under the decayed forms of the civili-
zation of the twelfth; but the conquerors were
more civilized probably than the Hyksos, and more
capable of organizing themselves ; yet we see that
they adopted the arts and the government which
they found in the country to a great extent, and—
like the Hyksos—became Egyptianized. But one
thing they took much as they found it,—the
bureaucracey who managed all the details of
the needful administration of the country. The
officials continued to be Copts, and there was
probably little break in the inherited offices of
the internal organization. Now this is exactly
an explanation of what we can see under the
Hyksos. They conquered the countıy as a
military horde, without even a king ; they levied
tribute (1st Sall. Pap. line 2); but they probably

CHAP. III-—THE CEMETERY. : 17

had the sense to let the natives collect it for
them, and left the native organization to follow
its own ways. A very curious evidence of this
being in after times believed to have been the
case, even when the Hyksos were as much
Egyptianized as possible, is given us in the cele-
brated fragment of the first Sallier Papyrus,
which at least shows us what was the tradition of
their rule. In that we find, that even for a royal
letter the Hyksos Apapi is said not to dietate his
own words, but to be completely in the hands of
his scribes, for ““ King Apapi sent to the Ruler of
the South a notice, according as his scribes
knowing in affairs said.” This view explains
the continuity so evident between the middle
kingdom and the rise of the empire;; it exactly
agrees with the one or two fragments of informa-
tion that remain to us, and it accords with the
historie parallel of the later invasion from Asia.
Now to apply the facts we have noticed above :—
There is a series of viziers, men who acted for
the king over the treasury and taxes, and over
the royal decrees and public documents, bearing
the king’s seal. These men lived after the twelfth,
and before the eighteenth dynasty. And, further,
they would seem to have acted for rulers who did
not care about the public monuments, and would
allow them to usurp them at their pleasure.
Here we have the exact description of a native
vizier of a Hyksos king. We have but fragments
and suggestions to lead us, but every item that
we can glean exactly falls into a consistent place
on this hypothesis, and would be hard to adjust
to any other. Leiblein has already pointed out
how the fourteenth dynasty, with its short reigns
averaging only two years and a half, represents
viceroys of the Hyksos; but may these not be
identical with the men who in the Hyksos country
were reckoned as viziers, while by their own
countrymen in the upper country they were
counted as kings? They may have even had a
different. title, and acted as viziers in one part
of the country, and as semi-independent kings in
another part, Or the viziers may have been the

lower title which the chief of the native ad-
ministration had to adopt when the Hyksos
made themselves a king. This is a point on
which we must wait for more light.

But yet one further document may be quoted,
as giving and receiving light on this question:
the account of Joseph in the book of Genesis
undoubtedly refers to the Hyksos period, and
there we read, ‘“ Let Pharaoh look out a man
discreet and wise, and set him over the land of
Egypt,’’—not, let Pharaoh give orders to: his
own officers. ‘And Pharaoh said unto Joseph
..... Thou shalt be over my house, and according
unto thy word shall all my people be ruled; only
in the throne will I be greater than thou. And
Pharaoh said unto Joseph, See, I have set thee over
all the land of Egypt. And Pharaoh took off his
signet-ring from his hand, and put it upon Joseph’s
hand, and arrayed him in vestures of fine linen, and
put a gold chain about his neck ; and he made him
to ride in the second chariot which he had; and they
cried before him, Abrech ; and he set him over all
the land of Egypt.” Here we read of the investiture
of a vizier under the Hyksos, creating him royal
seal-bearer, and giving him the honour of the
second chariot. This we now see was not an
extraordinary act of an autocrat, but the filling
up of a regular office of the head of the native
administration.

CHAPTER III.
THE CEMETERY.

17. The cemetery of Tell Nebesheh covers a
large space of ground (see pl. xv.), but does not
seem to have been arranged on any regular plan,
or to have conformed to any lines of road across
it. The tombs are placed, as will be seen, at
almost all angles, though roughly to the cardinal
points in general. The earlier tombs, however,
seem to be inclined more to the east of north
than the later; Nos. 4, 3, 5, 7, 8, 27, 31 of the
Ramesside period are all considerably to the
east, only No. 21 is less so. The Cypriote tombs
are rather less inclined on the whole, Nos. 1, 17,

D

18 TELL NEBESHEH.

18, 26, 29, 33. The later tombs of the twenty-
sixth dynasty, such as Nos. 28, 12, 42, 38, 39,
are nearly due north and south; while No. 23,
which is certainly of the Persian period, is even a
little to the west of north; so is also the great
tomb No. 77, which is probably late in the
twenty-sixth dynasty. Note also the two tombs
marked “ earlier ” and “ later.’

A far greater number of tombs were exeavated
than those here shown on the map—many times
more than these in fact. But nearly all which
were of interest from their form or contents have
been planned and mapped. A few were lost
from the record, as their numbers (which I always
cut deeply in the brick walls with a knife) erumbled
away while Mr. Griffith was finishing the εἷ-
cavations before my return to Nebesheh to make
the plan. Otherwise, the record of all that was
noticeable is complete.

There are here two entirely separate classes of
tombs, if not three (see pl. xv. and xvi.). First,
there are the great hoshes (as they may be called,
from the Arab name for a large chambered tomb
building), which were certainly built on the surface
of the ground, and rose to probably 10 or 15 feet
in height (see No. 76). The chambers in them
sometimes communicated with one another, but
no instance of an outer doorway is seen, and it
rather appears that the access to the chambers
must have been from the top, as in the sub-
terranean tombs.. Many of these have been
rebuilt, sometimes two or three times, on the
same lines, and many reinterments have taken
place in them. Their state is consequently very
confused; but in no case have I found anything
earlier than the twenty-sixth dynasty, and they
seem to have come into use at that time. The
second class is entirely subterranean, with wells
of access built by the side of the tombs, and
provided with foot-holes in the sides (see Nos.
42, 20). The entrance to the tomb from the
well is always carefully bricked up. Very usually
there were two or more chambers opening off a
common passage (see Nos. 1, 38). These tombs

when more complex, as in No. 31, developed into
hoshes, as in No. 28, which is nevertheless still
subterranean. They also were lined with stone
in the twenty-sixth dynasty (No. 46), and all
such tombs have a wide well of access, with one
or two ledges narrowing it part of the way down,
on the side opposite to the doorway. These
tombs developed into what must be reckoned a
distinet class, the third; these are large square
hollows, such as the Psamtikmenkh tomb, No.
77, which is 60 feet square, lined with brick
walls and having stone chambers built in the
space, and filling it up to the lining with a mass
of constructions.

The positions of the bodies are not constant,
though they generally lie east and west. Those
planned in pl. xvi., and some others noted, give
the following results :—Kamessid. Head 2 E.,
2W.,1N.,1S8S. Cyprote. 6E.,1 5: Saite.
17 W., 3 N. Here a very clear distinction
between the classes may be seen. The Rames-
sides were nearly indifferent, but the Cypriotes
were exactly the reverse of the Saites. As the
Cypriote tombs are, at least in part, contemporary .
with the Saite, this complete contrast shows a
real and important distinetion between the two
classes. The position of the tomb well of entrance
does not seem so fixed; though usually on the
east, the Saites—who were most regular in
plaeing the bodies—yet placed the well on the
east or west indifferently.

18. The earliest tomb opened, was one built of
red baked bricks, No. 35, almost at the extreme east
of the cemetery. Ithad been much disturbed and
broken up in earlytimes; and I could not plan it,
as the people fell on itin the night after we found
it, and carried off all the bricks. This was early
in my residence here, and before I had them well
in hand; but it gave occasion for me to promise
so absolute a decree of dismissal against the whole
village, if any further disturbance of my work took
place, that I never had a brick or a stone removed.
afterwards,, This tomb was of Pa-mer-kau, ac-

CHAP. IIL—THE CEMETERY.

cording to the two limestone ushabti found in it;
and from a statue found in the temple, representing
Merenptah, son of Pa-mer-kau, and bearing the
cartouche of Ramessu II., it may be dated to the
nineteenth dynasty. The style of the two ushabti
(see pl. i., top line, numbered 35) also exactly
accords with that period; and some fragments of
wrought granite found in this tomb, again agree
to a Ramesside period.

The employment of red brick in this tomb, and
in the next to be described, which is also Ramesside,
is of great importance. Hitherto I had never
seen anyred brick in Egypt of earlier times than
the Constantine period; and it appeared to be a
test of that age. Now we see from these cases,
and from the discovery of red brick beneath the
black mud brick of the twenty-sixth dynasty, at
Defenneh, that baked brick was introduced in the
Ramesside times in the Delta. There is, however, a
distinetion between these and the Roman bricks in
point of size; those in tomb 21 are 13°5 inches
long, and at Defenneh, 126; whereas the Roman
are usually 8 or 9 in., and only at Dendera rise
to 117. These early bricks seem to have been
made much like the thick pottery coffins as to
material; and differing in size as they do from
other Ramesside bricks, they rather seem to be
classable with the large articles of baked clay
than with the crude mud bricks.

The next tomb in point of age is No. 21 (pl.
xv., xvi.). This is entirely of red baked bricks,
placed together dry, and irregularly bonded. The
shaded part in the plan was of brick on edge; the
rest of the bricks flat. The N. wall ran across
the foot of the coffin recesses; and all the walls
rose around the group of recesses, in’ a square
well, to several feet high. The upper part had
been disturbed in later times and much denuded,
so that no further details could be obtained. The
coffin in the E. recess was either of the slipper or
lid type, not of two large pots mouth to mouth.
It was of very hard, good pottery, painted with
yellow bands outside on the red surface. On the
outside, beneath the head, was a black line traced,

19

forming an ellipse 44 x 4 inches, and the sand
stuck to the pottery within the line. Over the
head of this coffin were the two ushabti marked
21 on pl. i,, made of rough red pottery; these
are of a style never found again.at Nebesheh.
With these, over the head of this E. coffin, was
the upper scarab marked 21 on pl.i.: by the
name User kheper ma, it represents Ramessu V.;
it is made of schist, white, and has been glazed.
In the N. part of the middle coffin was a large
heart amulet of red glass, deecomposed to green
on the surface. In the W. coffin was the lower
scarab marked 21 on pl.i.; itis clearly Ramesside
in style, and from the oeeurrence of Si-Neit in the
tilles, may be of Ramessu XIII. (Kgsb.); the
character of the eutting is like the scarab exliii. of
Mr. Loftie’s collection, which is ofthe same period;
it is made of highly polished dark green jasper.
These scarabs and heart amulet are now at Bulak.
Probably also of the twentieth dynastyis the tomb
of Nekht-Amen, No. 31. This was disturbed by
the Arabs before I began to work that region, and
they brought me six glazed-ware ushabti of the
type marked 31 on pl.i. Further working here
brought out pieces of the beautifully engraved
alabaster vase (marked 81 also) and the two plugs
of alabaster, probably from the ears. These
objects were in the S.W. corner ofthe chamber
containing the two coffins; probably the tomb
had been rifled in early times, and the alabaster
vessels smashed up in this antechamber. The
southern chamber of the tomb was almost entirely
lost by denudation, though more remained of the

others owing to a great sand hillock rising on the

N.E. side. The chambers were floored with bricks
two deep, and were all mud plastered and white-
washed inside.

Slight remains of other tombs, probably of the
same age, were found on the 8. side, and on the
top of the same hillock; also remains of fine
work in granite, &c., from destroyed tombs E. of
No. 25. Further to the N.E. were more tomb
chambers, No. 41, and in the N.W. one of the
group were the two alabaster vessels, marked 41,

D2

3

50 TELL NEBESHEH.

pl. i., standing in the S.W. corner; and in the
same chamber three terra-cotta ushabti ofPatekh,
of the type marked 41, pl.i. From the style of
the alabaster vessels and the ushabti it is almost
eertain that this tomb is of the twentieth dynasty.

Another early tomb ofthe nineteenth or twen-
tieth dynasty was found at No. 4 (pl. xv., xvi.)
with two limestone ushabti, see 4, on pl. i.

19. The best group of tombs of the twentieth
dynasty was that of Ha-ra and Ra-mes-nekht,
Nos. 3, 5, 7, and 8. The objects from these
tombs are all on pl. 11. Tomb 8 I cleared entirely
myself, and so it is certain that the very varying
styles ofthe ushabti were all really found together.
Beneath the coffin of pottery, which lay on a raised
bench of brickwork covered with cement, were the
ushabti, of sandstone, of limestone, and three of
pottery beneath the head, and of limestone and
two of pottery beneath the feet: they lay pointing
in all directions. Across the head was the food
vessel. That such very diverse types of ushabti
should all be not only of one period, but belonging
to one interment, is a strange and unexpected
result. From the style of the stone ones, and
from the green glazed ones of Ra-mes-nekht in
tomb 3, it is fairly certain that this set of tombs
is of the twentieth dynasty. Two heads from the
pottery coffins, painted with black, red and yellow,
were sufhiciently well preserved to bring away; and
parts of the coffins were brightly coloured with
stripes of the same paint. The square box of
pottery, found in tomb 3, is unhappily much
broken up; it appears to have had a lid fitting in
the groove around the top, and the pottery jackal
of Anubis most likely was couchant on the lid.
We now know from this tomb the age of several
varieties of ushabti, and of these painted pottery
coffins.

Tomb 27 (pl. xv., xvi.) appears, from the style
of the ushabti, to be rather later, but still long
before the Saitie renascenee. We may provision-
ally call it of the twenty-second dynasty. It had
been nearly denuded away, and the contents had

been smashed up in early times, but I carefully
cleared out whatremained. The broken alabaster
vessel, marked 27, right side of pl. i., had
apparently a lid of slate (shown above it), with a
knob of alabaster to cap the pin on which it turned,
and another knob to serve as a handle. Beside
this were pieces of a bowl, a small dish, and a
symbolic eye, all in alabaster ; pieces of two cups,
one with a spout, made of blue-green glazed ware,
ribbed ; and five ushabti of blue-green, very rudely
painted with black. All these are marked 27,
pl.i. There were also pieces of an ivory flask,
and of a blue glazed flat dish, rather like the
colour of Roman glazed ware.

20. We now come to a wholly different class of
tombs, which, from the pottery found in them, I
have called here Cypriote. Though such pottery
was not found in everytomb so named, yet as the
bronze spear-heads and forks often accompany
this pottery, and are never found in purely Saitie
tombs with ushabti, I inelude them in this class.
The Cypriote class, then, may be defined as having
Cypriote pottery, or bronze spears or forks, and
never having any ushabti. Moreover, as already
noticed, the bodies always lie with the heads to
the E. or rarely to the S., and never to the W.
or the N. as in the Saitic tombs.

Yet we must not conclude that these belong to
a wholly different period to the Saitie tombs; on
the contrary, it will be seen on pl. xv. that tomb
No. 2, a great brick-lined well of Saitic work, has
cut into the corner of the group of Cypriote tombs,
Nos. 17, 18. Hence 17 and 18 must have been
disregarded when tomb 2 was made. Yet, on the
other hand, after tomb 2 was ruined, and the
stone sarcophagi in it smashed and looted, a later
interment in a pottery coffin was made over
them, and yet later still an interment near the
present surface, with a bronze spear-head of the
Cypriote class. Thus it is clear that these
Cypriote tombs began early in the twenty-sixth
dynasty, and probably lasted till the middle of the
Persian period ; perhaps even extending beyond

CHAP. IIL.—THE CEMETERY. 21

these limits. F'rrom the pottery, the spears, and the
entire absence of ushabti, it seems certain that
these belong to a colony of Cypriote mercenaries,
brought over by Psamtik I. when he settled the
Carıans and Ionians at Defenneh, one day’s journey
to the E. of this site; and that this colony lasted
for some two centuries or more.

As the contents of these tombs are nearly all
illustrated on pl. 111., with the numbers of the
tombs to which each object belongs, and the tombs
are planned on pl. xvi., and mapped on pl. xv., it
is only needful to notice such as were peculiar.
The only tomb containing iron was 17, which
contained both bronze and iron spear-heads in the
positions shown in the plan. In the same tomb
was one of the best preserved pottery coffins, the
lid of which has been brought away, and is
represented on pl. i. It hasalse a curious round
hole, made intentionally, in the head of the coffin.
Tomb 26 is of interest as having three gold
earrings (see pl. viii., fig. 18) and a rude glazed
scarab (fig. 19), together with an indistinet blue
glazed figure of Mut. Tomb 33, beside five vases
of pilgrim bottle type, had the curious vase in the
mid-bottom of pl. iii., and pieces of pumice, sand-
stone, and alabaster, together with apparently a
bronze knife, with hilt-plate and finial for the end
of the handle (see pl. iii.). The positions of the
spear-heads and forks, whenever noted, are marked
on the plans.

The use of the eurious bronze forks here found,
is stillundecided. They are generally found along
with the spear-heads; yet they cannot be weapons,
as they are never sharpened, and they frequently
have a cross-bar. This bar also prevents our
thinking them to be fishing spears. The only
explanation that occurs to me is that they were
the shoeing of the butt ends of spears. It will
be remembered how the Egyptian sceptres always
end in a fork at the base, which suggests that
such a type was familiar. Again, for utility, it
was needful to have a point which could be driven
into the ground, to stand the spear upright; and
yet a means of fastening a leather thong on to

the butt end, so as to get better grip of the
spear in charging, would not be at all unlikely.
On the whole, therefore, it seems probable that the
butt ends of the spears had a fork on them to stick
in the ground, and to put a thong over, which
could be fastened to the hand; and that a later
form had a bar across the fork to prevent the
thong slipping off in action. The fork from tomb
24 was intended to fit on to a naturally forking
staff of wood.

The presence of this Cypriote pottery so com-
monly here, in the beginning of the twenty-sixth
dynasty, suggests that it was really from this type
of pottery that the Egyptians formed the “pilgrim
bottle’’ type of red pottery made on a sand bag,
and of green glazed pottery so often found with
lotus necks, and inseriptions impressed down the
edge. Such forms are, so far as I remember,
unknown in Egypt until the Cypriote types were
introduced.

21. The Saitie tombs are characterized by the
stone sarcophagi, and the abundance of ushabti. As
Mr. Griffith will describe the ushabti as a separate
subject in Chapter V., there is not much to be
said here of these remains. The usual course was
to place one or two finely inseribed ushabti, with
several rougher ones, and a few hundred small
uninseribed ones, in a wooden box in the tomb.
Generally the outline ofthe square box-full could
be traced on clearing the ground. Thus in tomb
11 (Plan, pl. xvi.) were 11 ushabti together, and
only one inscribed ; again 16 ushabti, and only
one inscribed, lying parallel, one on the other,
with feet broken off. In the next chamber was a
box with 5 ushabti, all plain ; then a wooden box,
which had been 26 inches square and 15 inches
high, had contained 45 ushabti, of which only 5
were inscribed. Thistomb had part of a wooden
flooring and panelling which had been covered
with stucco ; possibly, however, this was part of a
large flat coffin placed close against the wall. In
tomb No. 39, again, were two boxes of ushabti;
one had been about 17 inches square, and contained

22 TELL NEBESHEH.

154 ushabti ; and another, 19 x 123% inches,
had 171, of which only 3 were inscribed. In
tomb 46, which is stone lined, with a brick well
of access on the west side, was a box 194 x 22
inches, with 204 uninscribed ushabti ; and another
heap of 62 more, pell-mell in the corner. In
tomb No. 39 (map, pl. xv., not planned) was a
box of plain ushabti, lying on the legs of the
two mummies.

The great tomb No. 77 is probably the finest of
all inthe cemetery. It still hasthe sarcophagi in
situ, and the limestone pavement; but the whole
of the stone structure which has stood in the great
lining of brickwork has been removed. The two
western sarcophagi are of limestone, rough-adzed
on the outside, and with a band of hieroglyphs
running all round on each of them. The in-
scriptions record a chief secretary of the city Am,
Psamtik, son of Uat-em-hat ; and Psamtik-menkh-
ab, son of Aset-khebt, who held the same office.
The great sarcophagus is of polished basalt, with
the usual head, collar, and columns of inseription
on the lid, found on the best examples of the
twenty-sixth dynasty; the body ofthe sarcophagus
is also of basalt, and has a line oftitles around the
upper part. The whole is encased in an enormous
outer case of hard limestone, the body part is
cemented in, and the lid was covered with a cor-
responding block of limestone. It belonged to
Psamtik, son of Paserf and his wife Naisharu.
For the inscriptions see Chapter V.

In the tomb 60, on the N.W. of the cemetery,
is a similar coffin; but as the huge upper block
has been only broken away, and the basalt lid

broken up to force an entrance, this is in a very
bad condition.

Tomb No. 42 of Pet-amen has another fine
sarcophagus in it, but entirely of limestone ; the
lid sloping to a flat space along the middle, on
which is a column of inscription of Pet-amen, a
general (mer-mashau), son of Psamtik-mer-ptah
and Ta-asar. This again mentions the city Am.
The bricks of this tomb are 141 x 69 x 50
inches.

Out of the hundreds of tombs which we eleared,
very few proved to have been unrifled before, and
only one contained the bodies with a full supply
of amulets undisturbed. This was tomb 23
(map, pl. xv.), where in seven chambers we found
one undisturbed (marked with a spot), and in this
were four bodies lying as in the plan (pl. xvi.).
There were traces of the paint of wooden boxes
left, sticking to the walls against which they had
been placed, although the wood had entirely
disappeared. It seemed that there had been
wooden canopie jars, wooden boxes, and a
wooden door just inside the brieking up of the
doorway.

22. The amulets found on the four mummies
were all carefully collected, and (excepting what
were accidentally disturbed in A by the workman’s
pick, before the bodies were seen) the positions
of nearly all ofthem were noted. Ihave mounted
each set on a card in their original order, and
noted the positions. Bodies A and B contained
stone amulets, and bodies C and D, green glazed
pottery amulets of fine work. The positions
were :—

A B 9 D
6 urei
Between eyes 5 oye
Mouth οἷν 008 Tongue piece (limesn.) ah ΤᾺ 3
Back of neck ? Counterpoise (g. fels) re zpeise(e. 2) } Counterpoise Counterpoise
Throat one x ὩΣ ΤΕΣ ers Square eye
Scarab with legs
Below ER: we Danbleiikeie:
Below ? Serpent head (agate) Serpent, neck and
head
On collar-bones

?11 beads, (agate, la-
zuli, white quartz,
beryl, jasper, syenite,
brown silicate, red
and green glass)

Right wrist

9 beads (agate, black
silicate, beryl, green
glaze pottery)

Heart
ar 9 beads (possibly
on neck)

Left hand

Top right breast
Left breast

Above heart
Heart

Left of heart

Across chest

Lower part of chest

Bottom of chest
Stomach

Navel

Lower partstomach
Pelvis, top

„ right

» R. by spine

» middle
»{. left

Between thighs

From these many positions of amulets are

CHAP. IIL.—THE CEMETERY.

A

? Frog (lazuli)

ἢ Square (lazuli) ;

? 9 hearts (agate, beryl,
obsidian, basalt, wt.
limestone, lazuli,
brown, brown and
white, and green sili-
cates) ;

? Papyrus
(bevyl) ;

P Strips gold foil.

on tablet

Plummet stand and
square (basalt)

Large scarab (greenish
syenite);

6 Scarabs (obsidian,
syenite, beryl, brown
silicate, greenish sye-
nite, wt. limestone)

2 Eyes (red glass, lazuli);

4 Tats (obsidian, lazuli,
cornelian, br, and wt.
silicate) ;

P 3 Girdle ties (obsidian,
red and brown paste)

Ὁ 2 Discs on stand (ba-
salt)

Square pendant (limesn.)
Ὁ Papyrus (g. fels.)
Plumes (obsidian)

Ὁ Feathers (lazuli)

3 Eyes (obsidian, hema-
tite, green silicate)

Eye (limesn.)

P Double fingers (basalt)

Eye (jasper)

Frog (g. fels) ;

4 Hearts (basalt, lime-
stone brown and
white, lazuli) ;

Square pendant (lazuli);

Scarab (limestone)

Plummet stand and
square (basalt)

Double feathers (basalt)

ἢ Large scarab (slate)

P Scarab (basalt)

Gold foil ureus

2 Eyes (limesn. and
caleite)

Gold [01] ureus
2 Scarabs (basalt)

L. Altar? and scarab
(limesn.)

2 Eyes (g. fels.)
mid., Horus (lazuli)

Square pendant
R. Eye (basalt)
Gold foil ureus

Girdle tie, red glass
Dise on stand and
heart (g. fels.)

Eye (red glass)

Double fingers (basalt)

Ring, scarab, stea-

Frog

ἢ Girdle tie (red
glass)

Square pendant
(limestone)

L. Human
hawk

Tahuti
Serpent
Triad
Scarab with legs
Isis

R. Nebhat

Horus

Tat

head

2 Tats

Girdle tie (red
glass)

3 Tats

2 Serpents

Serpent
Papyrus

D
ἢ Scarab and ring

Large scarab
(brown basalt)

Hawk,
headed.

R. Ape

L. Anubis
baster)

R. Nebhat
Neit
Isis

L. Papyrus
P Tahuti

2 Hearts (red
glass) R.and L.

3 Tats

(ala-

4 Tats

Plumes (brown

glass)
Feathers(alabaster)

ἢ Double fingers
(black glass)

(Limesn.) = white limestone; (g. fels.) = green felspar.

evidently constant; such as the menat counter-
poise behind the neck; frog at top of chest;
plummet stand and square by heart ; large scarab
at heart, and smaller ones with it ; the triad (Isis,

human:

23

Nebhat, and Horus), and other divinities across the
chest; the Tats in the stomach ; girdle ties of
red glass atthegirdle; eyes in the pelvis; double
fingers in the left of the pelvis.
positions are indicated here, but not confirmed

Many other

24 TELL NEBESHEH.

by several examples. The body B was pitched
and gilt, eyes inlaid with white glass and thin
glass edging.

Beside these, some other sets of amulets were
found, but not in position on the bodies, and
therefore not needing notice in detail. But of
types not included above are, in tomb 39, the sun
on the horizon; cartouche plaque, plain; breasts?;
and in tomb 49, Tat with feathers; dise with
feathers; and head-rest.

23. In the S.E. corner of the great hosh No. 76
we found, high up, a tetradrachm of Alexander
III. ; below this level a great miscellaneous bed
of loose bones, ransacked out of tombs near, and
all thrown in together ; below that two sarcophagi
built of stones and mortar, one of large blocks
well laid, the other thinner; and below these again,
at the bottom, the remains of a rich interment.
There were silver cases for the fingers, and portions
of foot-cases of silver with the toes modelled on
them ; 15 silver gilt figures of Neit seated, 3 of
winged Isis, and an eye, similar. Cow’s head in
red glass; green jasper scarab, large size, from
the heart ; square and altar of Bast in lapis lazuli.
Also great quantities of beads, over a dozen pounds
weight ; these are mostly of blue paste, some
gilt; many hundreds of lapis lazuli, but mostly
made in two pieces cemented together to save the
labour of drilling the hole, which could thus be
made by a saw-cut ; many dozens of small round
carnelian, of blue glass sloping to a ridge around
the middle, and of silver made by coiling a piece
of sheet silver. This interment, which from the
style could not be dated before the twenty-sixth
dynasty, had been made before the hosh was built in
its present form, as a great deal was taken out from
under the walls.

Among other artieles from the tombs may be
noted the large bronze pail and lid (pl. xx. 5),
found deep in the sandin tomb 16. The pail has
been wrought in one piece, with handles riveted
on; and the lid seems to have had a leather (?)
handle riveted on it. A pottery jar with two

demotie inseriptions was found in the hosh W. of
No. 76. In tomb 25 wefound a few amulets and
part of an armlet ofhorn, such as are known from
Thebes ; this is fixed by the amulets to the twenty-
sixth dynasty. In a tomb 8.W. of the plain,
towards the town, some Arabs found a set of gold
foil objects, shown in pl. vüi. 10 to 17, which
look most like Ptolemaic work. In another tomb
near that, two large scarabs of jasper and basalt ;
two carnelian eyes; three crescents, tongue-piece,
and figures of Hapi and Tuaut-maut-f, all in gold
[01] ; with a quantity of small blue glazed beads.

In a late tomb in the plain, No. 70, was found
a number of beads of glass, pottery, bone, and
vertebr& of fish, which are shown in pl. vüi. 1:
with these was an oval plano-convex piece of dark
green glass, polished, for setting : as several small
brass coins of Constantine II. were found with
these, they may be dated to the middle of the
fourth century A.D. In some other interments in
the mound on the extreme E. were five brass
cymbals, a turned bone pot (gnawed by rats), and
a clear glass flask with wavy brown rings on the
neck ; the neck of a glass flask, with a bronze
handle looped in the ears,; also a piece of a
pottery mould for making patterned pottery,
scribbled on in Cufic; and some pieces of very
coarse black wrapper. The interments here
seemed to be of various ages, some poor ones
perhaps only a century or two old, but the,
cymbals and flask were probably of the Byzantine
or early Cufic period.

Among miscellaneous objects from tombs, of
which a great quantity of amulets, &e., were
obtained from the Arabs, a few require notice.
A double Tat, joined by the sides, in schist, glazed;;
plaques of bright blue glaze, with four deities
(viii. 2); an gis of Bast in blue, with yellow
facing to the disc and bands (vi. 3). Quadruple
eyes, two plaques, 2 inches long. Amulet of
greyish green glaze, about thirtieth dynasty, in
form of a kalantika wig (pl. vii. 7). Bes seated,
fine work. Large plaque with head of Bes, 2

inches wide. Lotus flower of blue paste (viii. 6).

CHAP. IV.—THE TOWN. 25

Blue glaze flat cups, 13 and 24 in. across. Bronze
Osiris, poor work, on original wooden base.
Limestone Isis, of Ramesside period (?),on original
bronze base, 21 hish. It is evident that a large
amount of sepulchral objects may still be obtained
from this cemetery ; but it is doubtful whether
much of interest or of scientific value would repay
the time required.

CHAPTER IV.

THE TOWN.

24. We may begin by noticing the slight
remains of a building, which, thoush in the
cemetery, is not a tomb, but rather the site of a
small chapel. Just north of tomb No. 42 will be
seen (pl. xv.) the site of a ““ Destroyed Limestone
building.” Nothing remains of this but the
retaining wall of the foundation, and a quantity of
chips of limestone; but in tracing it out the
dieger came—to my surprise—on a foundation
deposit in the N.E. corner, of which he preserved
only the mortar and a plaque. The S.E. corner
I carefully cleared myself, obtaining the set of
objects shown at the foot of pl. xix. Their
positions are shown on the plan at the top of
pl. vi. This more resembles the Ptolemaic de-
posits of Naukratis than the deposits of Nebesheh
᾿ and Defenneh of the twenty-sixth dynasty; and it
seems probably as late as the Persian period at
least. No name is marked on the plaques. No
trace of a deposit could be found in either of the
other corners. The enclosure measures 697 in.
N., 712 S., 408 E., 405 W.; so the building
must have been about 57 feet X 33 feet.

25. Turning now to the town proper, there will
be seen on pl. xvü. a plan of such parts of it as
have been cleared by the natives in digging for
earth. AsI have not before seen a site on which
they have so consistently carried away the filling
and left the walls, this offered a good opportunity
to get a plan without spending the time or money

required to excavate it. It will be noticed that
though several long lines of street may be followed,
yet the houses are mostly separate insule. In
several of them we can see the one larger space,
sometimes indeed with an outer doorway into it,
which was the open court off which the rooms
branched. Such is now the almost universal form
of even poor Egyptian huts, the court serving in
such a climate most of the purposes of a room.
But the greater number of the walls are evidently
only the foundations, below the level of doorways,
and so the internal arrangements are not ex-
plained. A few chambers were excavated, and
some articles found; in chamber 99 a terra-cotta
impression of a mould with a good head of Horus,
of Ptolemaic work; a piece of a dark blue glazed
cup, and a piece of aniron pruning-hook. Others
of these pruning-hooks, probably for use in vine-
yards, were found in the town (see pl. vii. 14, 15).

26. The most important house we cleared
was one in that part of the town which had
encroached into the temenos of the temple. In
the S.E. corner of the temenos is a con-
siderable mound of house remains, and one house,
No. 100, can happily be well dated by a find
of twenty-five Ptolemaie tetradrachms which we
found in it, the latest of which (in good condition)
is of the year 4 of Ptolemy III., or 244-3 2.c.
So the burning of this house and its contents
can scarcely be put later than 230 2.c. Several
curious objects were found in this house, as
well as many ordinary things. On pl. vii. will
be seen some of them. In bronze there is the
jackal standard (fig. 3), the bronze bowl (fig. 6),
and the little bell (fig. 4) ; beside these there were
three large bronze nails, 54 in. long; Nefertum
in bronze, large but worn; Osiris in bronze ; and
a piece of iron inlaid with strips of bronze. In
stone are the small alabaster pot (fig. 2); a rude
hawk in limestone ; a marble foot from a statue
of Greek work, 13 in. wide; a marble tongue-
piece, such as those found with mummies; anda
necklace of carnelian, onyx, and coral beads of

E

26 Ὶ TELL NEBESHEH.

the globular, bugle, ribbed, and truncated paral-
lelopiped forms. In glazed ware are the pot
(fig. 1), and the very curious draped figure (fig. 8)
which seems to have been a small flask ; also a
scarab with legs, and an ibis amulet. In terra-
cotta is the remarkable lamp (fig. 5) with a
central open tube; the tube lamps of Naukratis
all belonged to the sixth century, instead of the
third century 2.c., and are in a hard, close-grained
Greek pottery: this is the only instance I know
of a tube lamp of such late date. In ivory is the
female figure (fig. 7) and a scrap of ornamental
rod. The tetradrachms found (with the numbers
in R. S. Poole’s B. M. Catalogue of the Ptolemies)
are of—

Ptolemy I. Cos? B.M. 75
Alexandria ? 90
. Ptolemy 1. andII. ΕΥ̓͂ as 1 to 6
(but monogram \AP)
Cyprus as 6
(but X for X)
Paphos 16
Miletos 97
Ptolemais 87 ἰο 88
and two worn.
Ptolemy II. Sidon 32
(two examples)
Sidon as 33
(but X monogram)
Sidon 33
Tyre year 22 47
Sidon year 31 65
Sidon year 32 68
(two examples)
Sidon year 35 75
Ptolemy III. Sidon year 4 20
(latest dated coin here)
Ptolemais 36
Ptolemais? as 47
(but Γ for X)
Ptolemais as 74
(but with N
Ptolemais as 74

(but with ni three examples).

Beside these a small lot of eleven later Ptole-

maic coins was found elsewhere in the town, and | head (fig. 11).

and 131 2.c., are in fine condition, and all of the
Cypriote mints, Paphos, Salamis, and Kition.

Ptolemy VIII. Year 25 ΓΑ Β.Μ. 55
(Euergetes 11.) 30 zA 17
30 ΚΙ 94
91 ΓΑ 4
(two examples)
32 zA 21
32 ΚΙ 41
39 ΞΑ 28
35 zA 25
39 Kl new
40 Kl 52

Another house cleared was apparently a work-
shop of about 200 B.c., by the side of the “ Late
Foundation,’ marked close to the S.E. corner of
the great temple.. Here were pieces of green
felspar, rock crystal, and black schist, all in
unwrought lumps. In blue paste—part of the
wing of a statuette; piece of “pilgrim bottle,”
with the wish ““ Sekhet give a good new year to
the owner;” ribbed cylinder with square hole in
middle to fasten on a metal τοῦ for furniture; a
symbolie eye; and two star-pattern dises (pl.
vi. 8), with two others of white paste. The
pattern of these, which extends from the time
of Psamtik II. (Tanis, pl. xii. 25), and is found
in a hishly raised form on bosses at Sueilen, is
probably derived from the star-patterned echini so
commonly found in the tertiary limestone of
Egypt. DBeside these were pieces of lapis lazuli
and blue paste, formed for inlaying. In bronze—
Horus, situla, and a cat, all 3 to 4 inches high ;
and some nails. The date of these objects is
tolerably given by a small bronze coin of Ptolemy
III., about 230 2.c.; as it was rather worn, the
house probably belonged to about 200 B.c.

27. Of miscellaneous objects in terra-cotta
from Nebesheh, there are figured in pl. vii. two
pieces of statuettes of the Pheenician Venus type
(figs. 10 and 12), possibly connected with the
Cypriote mercenaries. A mould for a sistrum
A remarkable figure, which does

brought in by Arabs; they all date between 146 | not seem to be an ushabti, but is more mediseval

CHAP. IV.—THE TOWN.

than Egyptian in its appearance (fig. 20). A
plaque with a female figure standing with the
hands on the hips, and a vase beside her
(fig. 23). Two rude heads of animals (figs. 17
and 19). 'A four-handled model vase (fig. 16),
and a curious form of two-handled bowl in hard,
smooth pottery of dark brown colour. Also, not
figured, several small long-necked flasks of dark
brown pottery, with loop handles, such as are
often found in Cyprus and in Egypt ; until their
age shall be established, their origin must
remain unsettled. Also a piece of pottery painted
with a cross-line pattern in brown on a white
ground; as this is not like late Roman, it is more
probably of the beginning of the twenty-sixth
dynasty, when the Ramesside painting still
lingered in a very rude form.

Of stone objeets there is a recumbent female
in limestone, like those figured in “ Naukratis ”
(zix. 9), but of rather better work : this seems to
show that such figures are Egyptian, and not
Greek. A whetstone, 5% inches long, of dark
green fine-grained stone, and well shaped. Two
small alabaster vases, with very rude lotus
pattern. A Bennu mould in limestone. A piece
of a trachyte corn-rubber (pl. vi. 21). Right-
angled pieces of black trachyte ‘are often met
with in late sites, and hitherto their object was
unknown; at Naukratis and Nebesheh, this year,
pieces with a wheel on the side were found, and
this implied that some motion was connected
with them; at Defenneh I found pieces which
plainly showed them to be corn-rubbers. Made
of a flat slab, with a slit down the middle nearly
from end to end, the sides sloped down to the
slit, out of which the corn passed to be rubbed
on the slab below; the small plan and section
with fig. 21 show the form. Three dice of
limestone, large erystal of caleite, and a rock-
crystal seal of Pehlevi period.

Of bronzes, a king kneeling, 15 figures of
Osiris, 5 of Har-pe-khruti, 5 of Nefertum, 3 of
Khem, 3 of Isis and Horus, and 1 of Khonsu.
Flat bronze head of Isis chased both sides. Ikis

10)

27

head, Triad, Khem, Amen Ra, and Horus.
Three beards; a ureus inlaid with red glass and
gilt; Osiris feather, 7 in. long; and feathers of
Osiris with urei pendants. Situla with swing
handle, 4 in. high. Situla 52 in. high, with
ineised figures. Model situla and basket.
Bodkins (2), kohl sticks (8), arrows (16).
Bowl, 6 in. across, 1% high. Plummet, 14 in.
long.

We may also note an iron axehead 6 in.
long, 2 wide, and ὅ thick. A slab of iron
31 x 21 x 2, found with the broken pieces of
the sarcophagus in tomb 77. A base Athenian
tetradrachm. An Athenian drachma. Silver ring
with Har-pe-khruti (pl. νη]. 4), which may be con#
nected with the hieroglyph of the city of Am.
A second like this was kept at Bulak. Two
plain silver rings. Silver ring with gold foil inlaid
(pl. vüi. 5). Three silver earrings, and one gold.
A piece of a throne of a large. statuette of glazed
pottery; on the back Horus holding a hare and
another animal; Nebkau and eynocephali on the
sides. A die of blackened bone; and a piece
of skull, of the extraordinary thickness of 3
inch.

The scarab&i only remain to be noticed. The
whole of them are drawn on pl. vüi. The general
style characteristic of the Nebesheh scarabs is the
small size, high finish, and often bright apple-
green colour of the glaze on the pottery. Schist
scarabs are not so characteristic here in their work,
and do not so clearly belong to the place. Of
scarabs most distinetly belonging to Nebesheh, we
may notice 20 to 28, 33, 37, 44 to 48, 63 to 67.
The Tanis scarabs, on the other hand, are nearly
always of schist, and are often still smaller, as
figs. 69, 71, and 80 to 83. The fig. 36 is not a
scarab, but a little plaque of schist with Sekhet in
relief on either side. The hetes scarabs (47, 48)
are now known to be of Psamtik II., by a double
name on one of Dr. Grant Bey’s collection. No.
60 seems to read Ra-en-ka, but it is hardly to be
supposed that a king of the obscure eichth
dynasty would be noticed in the later times : it,
9 ;

28 TELL NEBESHEH.

as well as scarabs 61 and 62 of Naukratis, is
probably a blunder for Ra-men-ka, who was much
noticed in later times. The most singular scarab
to find is one of a queen Aahmes, who must be
of the beginning of the eighteenth dynasty; and
the work in clear carnelian is exactly of that
period. Whether this be of Aahmes, one wife of
Amenhotep I., or of Nofertari or Meritamen, it
is the first fragment of the eighteenth dynasty
which I have seen in the Delta. No. 63 is one
of the well-wishing scarabs, “ Allgood business ;”
and Nos. 65 and 66 the very usual ‘“ praise to
Khonsu ” or “ devoted to Khonsu.”

The Tanite scarabs were brought over by my
“workmen who came from there. No. 71 is of
Sheshank I. or Takelut II. No. 75 proves that the
bright Indian red glaze, of which I had suspected
the genuineness, is undoubtedly ancient, and of
the twenty-fourth dynasty; this also shows that
the series of scarabs of possible vassals of Piankhi
(Ra-men-kheper) do belong to the Delta, this one
being of Ra-men-.. The others do not show
anything of importance, beyond the general con-
nection of the very rude schist scarabs with the
San distriet. No. 81, of “ praise Tahuti,” is one
of the smallest inscribed scarabs known.

CHAPTER Υ.
THE INSCRIPTIONS.
Br F. Lr. GRIFFITH.

28. The hieroglyphie inscriptions of Neb&sheh
are fairly numerous, and add considerably to our
knowledge of local history and religion in this
corner of the Delta.

The inscriptions on the sarcophagi and temple
monuments show that here were the city, temple,
and cemetery of Amt, capital of the nineteenth
nome of Lower Egypt, Am peh. This name was
formerly identified with that of Buto, owing to
the worship of Uat (Buto) as the chief divinity of
the eity. Dümichen in his History of Egypt had
in 1879 shown that Amt was not the same as Pauat
(Buto), and Brugsch removed it from the N.W.

of the Delta to Pelusium by a guess not far from
the truth.

In 1884 Mr. Petrie found at Tanis a chapel ofthe
gods of Ämt, in which were limestone sphinxes and
tablets (now in the British Museum). *One of the
tablets represented Ptolemy IV. Philopator ? and
Arsinoe giving land to these gods; another smaller
one was a plain representation of Ptolemy II.
Philadelphus and Arsinoe. This chapel was on the
N. side of the road leading E. from the river to
the temple (cf. Tanis, Pt. I.,p. 31). Besides this,
a similar scene of Ptolemy II. and Arsinoe offering
land to the same gods was found on a large tablet
discovered with a sphinx “just on the watershed
at the S. end of the valley that runs S. from the
pylon.”’” From these discoveries it was concluded
that Amt was probably none other than the eity
of Tanis. A possibility of this remains still, but
the site of Neb&sheh is quite important enough
to be that of the capital of the nineteenth nome.
The name of Ämt occurs continually on its Rames-
side and Saite monuments, and its great temple
adorned with fine statues and monuments was
dedieated to Uat of Ämt, a very different matter
from the chapels at Sän.

Returning to the hieroglyphic name of Nebesheh,
Dümichen shows that the wine of Amt was
celebrated in the earliest times ; while in Ptolemaie
times wine was also imported into it from Syria.
The land now would scarcely grow vines, being
very salt, except southward along the edge of the
desert about Salhiyeh and Fäqüs, where palm
trees grow abundantly and to a great size. Some
small sickle-shaped implements of iron, that were
found in houses of Ptolemaic date at Nebe&sheh,
were perhaps used in vine-dressing, when under a
better system of irrigation “the fields of Äanru,”
as the territory of this nome was named (like
those bearing the same name in the lower world),
produced rich corn crops, such as appear in the
vignettes of the Book of the Dead, instead of the
meagre and stunted growth of the small part that
is still ceultivable. At the present day there is
only a very narrow strip of good land on the edge

CHAP. V.—THE INSCRIPTIONS. 29

of the desert, and every mile that one proceeds .

northward the land becomes rapidly more barren,
until at Nebösheh, six miles N., we reach the limit
of eultivation, and north of that for miles no
tilled ground is seen, except where a village such
as Sän, existing for other reasons, has contrived
to till a small patch.

29. The earliest inseriptions of Nebesheh are
those upon the monuments of the twelfth dynasty in
the small temple. Here were found three monu-
ments of this date. The earliest is a large part
of an altar dedicated by Ämenemhät II. The
king is described as beloved of Osiris lord of Tattu
and of Anubis on his sacred mount (pl. ix. 1).
These are the usual epithets of kings of this
dynasty, and have no local reference. Itis unfor-
tunate that the dedication is imperfect, as it might
have eontained the name of the chief god of the
city at that period. Inseriptions have been added
in later times on the sides of the altar. A hori-
zontal line commeneing with the titles “erpa ha”
appears on the top of each side (i b and c) with a
vertical line (d and e) cut below it, giving the
titles “the chancellor, the chief of the sealers
nub mertu.’ Those on the right side have
been almost entirely erased, while on the left
they were allowed to remain, being probably out
of sight. This side is now unfortunately much
broken. The horizontal and vertical lines pro-
bably belong to the same person. The hiero-
elyphs are so rudely eut in both that they are
diffieult to recognize.

The other two monuments are thrones of statues
(pl. ix. 2). The name of one is lost, but they
appear to be a pair, and the name of the second
was found on a fragment which fitted the throne,
showing it to have belonged to a statue of
Usertesen III. The name of the princess who
stood at his knee is not legible.

The inscriptions of the twelfth dynasty are,
therefore, without local signification. But from
them we learn that Nebösheh has to be counted
with Sän and Khata’neh as one of a group of

sites in this far-off corner of the Delta which was
honoured by these early monarchs. It is strange
that in the rest of the Delta, Heliopolis alone can
as yet show a monument of equal age.

Perhaps from the same remote period date two
sphinxes of black granite which were found in
the gateway of the temenos. Oneis headless, and
has been so for ages, the broken edges being worn
smooth ; the other is broken into small fragments.
They seem to have corresponded exactly. An
inscription cut in the rough style of those that
were added to the altar ran round the base of each,
but had been almost erased, having itself appa-
rently replaced an earlier erased inscription. That
on the right side ofthe base ofthe southern sphinx
is given inpl. x. θα. The left side is entirely
erased. The remains of that on the northern
sphinx are in pl. x. 6c. The legible part shows
the end of a proper name, perhaps ‘ Bai—says,
I was...’” and “says, ‘I was chosen.
This is the formula of a high functionary, not of
a king.

The head of the sphinx had been recut before it
was broken off. Between the paws and upon the
breast were erased cartouches. On the right
shoulder also was an erased cartouche over which
Setnekht placed his ovals (pl. x. 6b). They are
found on both the sphinxes, while Rameses III.
chiselled his name lightly upon the front flaps
of the wig of the southern sphinx. These early
usurped sphinxes are a feature of Sän, Nebesheh,
Khata’neh, Mugdäm, and Ismailiyeh (from Tel
el Maskhüta). A fragment of another with part
of the cartouche of Rameses III. lies exposed
amongst Roman remains at Neb&sheh, W. of the
huts of El Ebshäni.

“08.

30. The only remains ofthe eighteenth dynasty
hitherto found in the Delta were in the south cen-
tral part at Heliopolisand Benha. Neb&sheh, too,
was under the ban, and a long blank follows the
twelfth dynasty monuments and their unknown
usurpers. Even SetiI. has left norecord. Rameses
II. perhaps built the great temple whose founda-

30 TELL NEBESHEH.

tions still remain there. He at least rebuilt the
templeandpylon. Part ofa black granite statue of

with the cartouches of Rameses II., ‘“ beloved of
Sekhet, Uat, and Tum ?” on the back support:
the last figure is distinetly bearded, and wears
the lower erown (pl. x. 7).

In the pavement at the gateway, but not built
into the substructures, was a block with the titles
of this king. He adorned the entrance with two
large black granite statues of himself. The in-
scriptions on these are of no particular interest.

Several other monuments should probably be
attributed to this period. In the great temple was
a crouching figure of a functionary, life size, and
wearing a large and carefully worked wig, upon
whose knees between the hands was the cartouche
of Ramessu Meramen the god (pl. xi. 160).
The statue represents the “Pa urshi (astro-
nomer ?) Merenptah, son of the judge and
governor of the desert hill country, Pa-mer-qau,
and of the singer of Uati Ta-usert,’” while a
deceased son of his was “ first prophet of Uati,
named Se Uati, whose mother was the Urt xenrät,
Uati...” (pl. xi. 169.; οἵ, 16c). He was also
entitled gaten or ““ royal courier.” He professes
himself to be “the high priest of Uat” Amt (pl. si.
167), ““ one near the noble portico ? (of the temple)
of the mistress of the two lands (Uat),' and calls
upon the priests to offer food and incense to his
statue (pl. xi. 169). The statue was dedicated by
another son, the priest Ämen nu ? aswe are informed
by a kind of grafito roughly chiselled on the right
arm.

On the front of the garment below the knees is
a curious scene of Uat, mistress of Ämt, regent of
the two lands, confronted by a half-erased figure.
This person’s name and speech and Uat’s speech
to him have been carefully erased. The figure
can scarcely have been a king, and at any rate
not Rameses II., to whose period the statue un-
doubtedly belongs. Probably it was Merenptah
himself, and the priests or the laity considered the
Scene a piece of presumption.

The family of Merenptah was an important one

' at Ämt for at least three generations, as we see by
a goddess or of Ptah lies in the temple of Amasis |

the recurrence ofthe name of Uat. Of his father
Pa-mer-gau we probably have the ushabti. The
name of Merenptah occurs also on a fragment
of another granite monument from the small
temple.

Uat is supreme again upon the monument of
black granite found in the small temple, which
represented three figures seated before two altars
(pl. x. 5). The inscriptions are cut on the
front of the altars. The columns succeed each
other from left to right, but the inscription in each
column reads from right to left. Before the first
altar was one figure. Funeral offerings are
demanded of Uati, lady of Amt, for the judge ΑἹ
by his son, the royal scribe Khemmes. Before
the next altar are two persons. Similar offerings
are demanded for Rennefer by her son, the royal
seribe Khemmes, and finally in a longer inscrip-
tion funereal offerings are prayed for from “ Uati,
lady of Ämt, on the occasion of the feast of Uati
lady of Amt, in the month... . on the 15th day,
the feast of the new year, the feast of Uag, of .
Thoth, of Sokar, of the going forth of Khem, in
the feast of the beginning of the season, each one
that takes place in this temple of the two justices,
to this great goddess, mistress of the two lands,
for the ga of the erp@ [μιᾷ superintendent of the
prophets of Menthu lord of Uas, the chief super-
intendent of the buildings in the temples of the
gods of the north and south, the superintendent
of the cattle of Amen (this god’s name has been
altered probably owing to another mistake of the
engraver) the scribe of the king loving him,
Khemmes.”

His office in connection with the temples of
Upper and Lower Egypt is a sufficient reason to
explain the discovery of a monument of this
Theban functionary in the temple of Ämt. His
name is a common one at this period. At Edfu
the date of the feast of Uat is from the 12th
to the 17th day of Payni.

Another monument probably of this time is a

CHAP. V.—THE INSCRIPTIONS. 31

small erouching figure in black granite of Amer-
hotep (pl. x. 15). He invokes Menthu, lord of
ἀπ or Hermonthis, and calls himself seribe of the
district of Ani and priest of Menthu. It 15 ἃ puzzle
to know why this statue should have been found
here in Lower Egypt. Thereisno local reference
to Ämt, oreven to Lower Egypt, in any remaining
passage of the inscription, which is nearly perfect.
Ämenhotep is a name belonging to the eighteenth
dynasty. Perhaps for some reason his family had
to flee from Upper Egypt, and carried with them
the statue oftheir ancestor.

This figure was not found in the temple, but
was brought to our hut a few days after our
settlement at Nebesheh, and sold to us for a few
shillings. Its weight would prevent its being
brought from far.

The name of Merenptah, successor of Rameses
II., was found on a block of limestone built into
a tomb in the cemetery. He also left an unusual
monument in front of the gateway ofthe enclosure.
Here a red granite column surmounted by a
colossal hawk overshadowing a small kneeling
figure of the king bears upon its sides the
standard name of Merenptah (pl. x. 9a), alter-
nating with figures of Amen rä neb nes taui
(pl. x. 9b) and Merenptah exchänging figures of
mät (Truth) with the god for vietory.

At the beginning of the next dynasty comes
Setnekht, who chiselled his cartouche upon the
sphinxes in the temple (pl..x. 6b). His son
Rameses III. did likewise, and his cartouche is
found on the fragment of another sphinx (see
above), and in a rather unusual form upon a
block of pavement in the gateway (pl. x. 8).
Another limestone block (pl. x. 10) built into the
pavement of the gateway of about this period
contains the titles of Horbehud of Edfu, who was
also god of the capital eity of the fourteenth
nome of Lower Egypt; but perhaps this is only
from the representation of the god (the winged
disk) usually placed over the entrance to a
temple.

A fragment of limestone with hieroglyphs in

relief was found at the gateway, and two more in
the great temple. The style is that of Seti I.
One of the blocks at the S.E. corner of the great
temple was engraved underneath with the eurious
mason’s mark (pl. xi. 17), which is therefore
probably of the nineteenth dynasty. Another
uncertain fragment of this period (pl. xii. 4)
contains the title of a priest of Ämen τῷ neb nes
taui, and probably camefrom a tomb. It is very
finely eut. Other traces of rich tombs of this
period exist at Nebesheh in small fragments of
sandstone sarcophagi with elaborate sculpture.
After Rameses III. there is a complete blank
until the twenty-sixth dynasty.

31. Ihave hitherto neglected to speak of the
ushabti found in the cemetery. Before proceeding
to the inseriptions of the twenty-sixth dynasty, I
will make a few remarks on those figures that can
be placed earlier (ef. pls. 1. and ii.).

The prineipal distinetion between the early and
late kinds of ushabti is that the Saite type is that
of a bearded, mummified figure, resembling Osiris,
placed upon a square base; the earlier type being
beardless, not so completely mummified, and
without either back-support or stand. The former
at Nebösheh stood up in their boxes, the latter
were lying down, as far as could be ascertained,
beneath the earthenware coffins; but nearly all
the early tombs had been disturbed. Inthe early
ushabti the elbows almost invariably project, and
the arms are frequently traceable and crossed
upwards instead of horizontally. These early
statuettes show much more variety than the Saite,
which seem never to depart from the closely
mummified type, while the former often approach
the figure of the living person.

The collection from Nebesheh contains speci-
mens of various materials: limestone, sandstone,
red pottery, and glazed ware. The style varies
according to material, but all these materials are
found together in one tomb, the group of chambers
8, ὅ, 1,8.

The red pottery specimens are the most elon-

32 TELL NEBESHEH.

gated, and the porcelain the most stumpy. The
single specimen of sandstone is rather stumpy, the
limestone specimens are less so.

Those in stone and red pottery have the features
elearly marked in the eutting and moulding. Those
in red pottery have been moulded in front, the
lump of clay in the mould being then roughly
shaped with a knife; the marks of this shaving
are often apparent on the side and back. The
end ofthe figure is bent forward at the feet, without
any stand being formed.

In the porcelain specimens the features are very
slightly indicated in the moulding, and colour laid
beneath the glaze was depended on for marking
details.

The legs and feet of the figures of this period
are very shapeless.

The earliest specimens to which a date may be
assigned, are those of tomb 35. The inseription
(pl. xili. 35a), now almost entirely lost through
efllorescence of the salt contained in the lime-
stone, seems to have been... mer gau in half
hieratie script. This may be compared with the
name, Pa mer qau, of the father of Merenptah
on the statue of the latter in the great temple,
unlessit is a title as on the group of three figures.
They were found amongst the rubbish of a de-
stroyed tomb in which red tiles had been used.
(Two specimens, fair work, limestone, rounded
from back to front, erossed hands hold two hoes,
basket hangs between shoulders, wig painted
black, straight lappets, inseription in thick black
hieratie in vertical lines (?) 53 inches (elongate)
and 64, nineteenth dynasty).

Tomb 31. Six speeimens porcelain, pale yellow-
brown glaze, inscription lines, and features dark
brown, sht‘ dsar adennu n pa amen Next ämen,
“ lieutenant-governor of Diospolis Nekhtämen.”
Diospolis in the Delta was probably the same as
Pachnamounis, in the direetion of Damietta, near
the coast. Inseription in horizontal lines in front,
finishing with a vertical line down the back, figure
holds two hoes, and basket between the shoulders,
straight lappets, legs rounded. The best of the

early ushabti from Neb£sheh, 5 inches (nineteenth
dynasty).

Tomb 41. Three speceimens, inseription, sht'
Äsar Pa tex....? now illegible, red elay, well
made, lips and implements coloured red, hair
and inscription black. One entirely painted
with reddish stucco, lappets straight, 64 inches ;
found with two large alabaster vessels (nineteenth
dynasty?).

Tomb 4, two specimens limestone with ineised
inscriptions illegible, 7 inches, one rather flattened
(nineteenth or twentieth dynasty).

Tomb of chambers 3, 5, 8,7. 7and 8 are
two parallel chambers, crossed at the end at right
anglesby 3. 5 seemsto be a later addition. 7 is
the innermost, a man entering 3 from the added
5 passing through 8 into 7 (cf. pl. üi.).

7. Two specimens red pottery.

8. One very heavy features and stumpy, red
pottery. Three slender, red pottery, one being
coloured yellow. These are marked with ineised
lines (pl. 11. 8) in front below waist.

Also two specimens limestone, 6 and 7 inches,
rather flattened, holding two hoes. Wig curves
away over back; lappets, small and pointed, come
out in front from beneath the wig.

Also sandstone one specimen, 74 inches, coloured
red; inscription incised, hair ὅδ. and inseriptions
coloured black. Tunie projects in front; holds
hoe in right, broad-bladed hoe with cross-bar in
left; wig short, lappets very short. Inscription in
vertical lines down tunie and legs, shat’ Asär
Harud, &e., part of Chapter VI. of the Ritual.

3. Two of red pottery, one with very heavy .
features, the other coloured yellow.

Also ten speceimens bluish porcelain, wig
markings &c. black, collar, straight lappets. Two
specimens have the tunic projecting in front. In
these the wig is short, the implements are more
like curved clubs, and the basket is absent. The
deceased is named Rämsesnekht.

5. Two slender speeimens. A hieratie inscrip-
tion is written on the back of one in two lines.

From 21, a tomb in which the sarcophagi were

CHAP. V.—THE INSCRIPTIONS. 33

built up of red tiles, were taken two scarabs
indicating the twentieth dynasty, and two ushabti
of curious form. They are of red pottery. The
clay lump has not been shaved off at the heads,
nor has the foot been turned. Lappets straight.
To one have been added two arms raising the
tunie in front.

These are the larger specimens of early ushabti
in the collection. But there are besides a number
of small ones which have many pecullarities.
They are all made of porcelain.

(A tomb at Zuwelen furnished about fifty small
ushabti of a female musician of Amen gemät n
Amen named Ankhsnäst, 23 inches long. They
are of a greyish colour, the markings black,
holding two hoes. The back is cut flat, with
painted inseription upon it from head to foot
(twentieth to twenty-fifth dynasty ?).

Ushabti of priestesses are not uncommon in the
early period.)

‘Tomb 27, Nebösheh, with alabaster, pottery,
and porcelain vessels, and an alabaster eye,
six specimens, 24 inches long, very slender,
roughly modelled and ridged at the back,
markings and illegible inscriptions black, ground
colour pale blue (twentieth to twenty - fifth
dynasty). '

From Nebesheh also are the following, but
their exact provenance is not known.

Three specimens of a pale greenish-blue. They
appear to have heen pressed into a mould on a
piece of linen to facilitate their removal from the
mould. Theyare veryrough. The back has been
eut flat, leaving projections at the hips and the
bottom of the wig. The arms project. A fillet
round the head, tools and basket are daubed in
black 24 inches.

Another, of much finer work, has been similarly
shaved at the back and painted.

Another, well modelled, is of pale-greenish
porcelain, elbows prominent, figure that of a
female, feet lost. Probable height 24 inches.

Amongst the small specimens, most of which
seem to belong to a transition period, are many

examples in which characteristics of the early and
late types are combined.

About 200 specimens were brought together
of a broad flat shape, elbows and shoulders very
prominent, the wig curved somewhat like that of
Hathor, cream colour with a tinge of chocolate,
the wig chocolate, back almost flat, tools scarcely
indicated, bearded. 2-27 inches.

One specimen green (not Saite) porcelain, wig
black, rough work, beard, square pedestal and back
support. 14 inches long.

One specimen, featureless, cylindrical like an
irregular column, but has indication of a square
base and back support. 24 inches.

One roush, very stumpy below the arms, back
cut flat, bearded, pale green porcelain, lines of wig
impressed. 2 inches.

These two last are probably degradations of the
Saite type.

A more interesting specimen from Nebesheh
is of red earthenware (black inside) impressed in
a double mould. It has been shaved at the side
where the two halves of the mould joined. The
face projects very little, the ears are distinct, the
wig as usual. No arms or hands are visible, but
the implements are indicated, and the basket in
the form of the sign Neb is slung over the shoulder.
There is a very doubtful trace of a beard. The
elbows do not project, and the whole figure is
smooth, as if well bandaged.
impressed, tet an Asar hnnir pra . ..ὄ
the prophet Phrä.....
the figure is unfortunately lost.

The inscription is
. ‘says
The lower portion of
33 inches (?).

3)
.

32. Returming now to the larger monuments,
no cartouche oceurs of any king between Rameses
III. and Amasis II. The name ofthe latter is found
on the plaques of the foundation deposits in the
smaller temple,'and on two fragments of limestone.

! In this connection it is interesting to note that a small
clay seal is preserved at Bulag of Amasis II., “ beloved of
Uat lady of Amt.” Salle du Centre, Vitrine P. No. 3937
(see pl. 11.). The monuments of Sais show that at this
period Uat of Amt had a chapel dedicated to her worship
in the Egyptian capital.

F

34 TELL NEBESHEH.

One of these is earefully eut, and the sign mer,
beloved, remains, but the god’s name is broken
away; the other is a rough piece with the
cartouches of the king eut upon it, and portions
of the name of Uat and Khem remaining. The
former name is beneath the prenomen, the latter
beneath the personal name.

In the hieroglyphie lists and the papyri, Uat’
is always mentioned as the goddess of Ämt, but on
the Ptolemaie tablets from Sän there is a triad
eonsisting of Khem (called Hor her ab set had),
Horus sam taui, and Uat, the latter pair being
closely connected together.

We now see that two members of this triad
date back at least as far as the reign of Amasis.
There is no appearance of a third name having
been inseribed on the block.

When the temple of Amasis was being ex-
cavated, several red granite blocks were found
between the vestibule and the shrine, with scraps
of hieroglyphs and sculpture on one face. These
blocks had been much scaled by decomposition of
the stone. The inseriptions had been very lightly
engraved, and parts had been eut out. Squeezes
were taken of them as each was found, before they
were passed and covered up by the advancing
lines of trench and rubbish. It was not until the
squeezes were compared together in England that
any idea could be formed about them. By good luck
these blocks, the only granite blocks that occurred
in the small temple besides those that obviously
belonged to the shrine and lay around it, make
up the greater part of a large stele (pl. ix. 4).

In the upper part in two compartments the
vultures of the north and south shadowed with
their wings a royal name and titles which are un-
fortunately no longer legible, having been erased.
Below this two more compartments, edged on
either side with a line of symbols of life and
stability, contain figures of Khem back to back
before the standard of the sameking. Behind the
god are traces of the usual altar or stand. Below
these again are the king’s titles. He is ““beloved
of Horus, her tep xas-xet.”’

The royal titles have been almost entirely
erased, but there is an important remnant of the
standard which begins with S. The same letter
is the first in the standard on the side of the great
shrine, the inseription upon which has likewise
been erased. No. 3.

For many reasons I at first supposed the stele

and the shrine to belong to the period of the
middle kingdom, but it is clear that they were
placed here by Amasis. Nearly the whole of the
standard name ofthe king, smen maät, can be traced
on the side of the great shrine ; and the material,
the fine shallow cutting and polish, and the
erasures are sufficient to show that the stele was
made and defaced at the same time as the other
monument.
To dispose at once of the shrine, the only
hieroglyph that has been left untouched when few
signs can be even traced elsewhere, is an eye
following the cartouche. To suppose it to be the
first letter of the formula of dedication, ür-nef m
mennuf, &e., seems insufhicient: it should be part
of the name of Osiris. The dedication must have
been to Uat, but Amasis may have styled himself
beloved of Osiris, her ab set haa, or meriti her äb
Amt, or even as in early dedications Neb Tattu.

There are two instances in the British Museum
Gallery that I have noticed of erasures of the
name of Amasis: No. 134, statue of Henaat,
whose great or good name was Räkhnemäab men:
the basalt has resisted the evident attempt at
erasure ; and No. 94, which is not so clear an
instance, as much of the inscription has been
battered. These monuments are undoubtedly
from Sais.

If at Sais itself the cartouche of Amasis is
found to be defaced on a statue placed in the
tomb-chapel of a functionary (for his sarcophagus
also is in the British Museum), we need not be
surprised if the people of Amt, terrified by the
approach of the victorious army of Cambyses from
Pelusium, hastened to own themselves vanquished,
and to show their zeal in the cause of the con-

| queror by chiselling out the name of the king

CHAP. V.—THE INSCRIPTIONS. 835

who had offended him from the temple monu-
ments, with the whole of the dedication of the
shrine.

Returning to the stele, it can scarcely have been
built up of separate blocks, but must have been
eut up in order to be reused. Perhaps the
Sebennyte kings required the granite of the de-
faced stele for some alterations above ground, in
which the foundations of Amasis were not dis-
turbed. The basalt statuette (pl. x. 11) found in
the temple seems to show that it was not entirely
abandoned after the Persian invasion.

The god Hor hr tep xasxet of the stele is
found on two monuments at San, on the pyra-
midion of an early obelisk re-cut by Rameses II.
(Tanis, 1., pl. x., No. 55), and on the original
part of an altered obelisk of the middle empire
(pl. ii., 13, and p. 7).

This latter is remarkable for the two hawks,
crowned with the lower crown, which support the
king’s cartouche on the pyramidion. Beneath
this is a scene of a king offering to ahawk-headed
god who is connected with the representation of
Khem by the double straight feathers on his
head. The king is ““ beloved of Horus ποῦ xasxet.’’
Probably the hawk wearing the lower erown is a
symbol of this god as well. But on the Saite
monument we see that Horus her tep xasxet has
assumed the full Khem form, and even bears the
god’s name upon his head. This reminds us of
the Khem hor-ür of Coptus, a city which lay at
the Nile end of another desert route, and the
god of Panopolis was a form of Horus. Very
probably Horus of the desert is identical with
Khem, who takes the first place in the Ptolemaie
triad of Am, and the second place on the block of
Amasis, and is there called Hor her ab set haa.

The word xasxet is considered by Brugsch to
mean “ foreigners,’” in which case Horus, at the
head of the foreigners, would be the god of the
Phonicians and Greeks settled in the district;
and non-Egyptians must have been in this border-
land as early as the twelfth dynasty. But it is,
perhaps, possible to take it in its original sense of

“undulating desert,”’ as opposed to tau, alluvial
plains of the Nile valley, delta, etc. Heq xas-
xet, a title occurring both in the earliest and the
latest periods, may be the equivalent of Hyksos.
Heq is used most commonly, if not excelusively,
with names of places, not of peoples.

It would seem that the desert, or half dasert,
portion of the nome was called Set or Xas haa,
‘““ desert of exultation,”’ over a town of which
name Osiris mertu presided as well as Khem (sar-
cophagus of Nekhtnebf at Berlin), while the inun-
dated portion was the Sexet haa, ‘field of exul-
tation,’’ celebrated for the abundance of its canals
and herbage (cf. Brugsch, Dict. Geog., 482).

The triad then seems to combine the desert god
Khem with the goddess Uat of the marshes, and
her nursling, the young Horus, destined to unite
the lands of upper and lower Egypt. This Horus
sam ἰατ is crowned on the Ptolemaic monuments
with the double crown. The prince in the nome
sign probably has no mythological reference,
and the crown which he wears varies only to
indieate the relative position of the two halves
of the province of Am which formed the nomes
of Bubastis and of the Eastern Buto or eity of
Uat. I purchased in Alexandria a bronze figure
of the young Horus with the lower crown only, in
the act of walking. This form, however, refers
to the division of Egypt between Horus and Set,
in which Lower Egypt fell to Horus.

33. In addition to these monuments from the
temple, several inscribed sarcophagi were found
in the cemetery. The fine basalt sarcophagus
of Psemthek, son of Pathenf and Nais-sharu
(pl. xii. 18), servant of the erown af Lower
Egypt (worn by Uat), Amt, or ‘high priest,” and
“seeretary of the eity of Ämt the friend loving
his master,’’ was found with two other inferior
ones of limestone (pl. xii. 19 and 20) of Psemthek
menkh äb, son of Ast khebt, and of Psemthek,
son of Uat emhät. The inseriptions upon these
latter are cut in one line round the edge of each,
starting at the centre of the head and running

F2

36 TELL NEBESHEH.

both ways. The limestone has not been smoothed
for the inseription, and the cuts have been filled
with lime deposit, making it impossible to take
a squeeze, and diffieult to copy. The titles are
nearly the same on the three sarcophagi. The
religious texts are made up of sentences that are
found in the pyramids, and the use of which
was revived under the twenty-sixth dynasty.
They compare the deceased to Osiris, rescued
by his son Horus, and eventually seated among
the gods. The translation of the inscription
upon the basalt lid is as follows: “ (says...
to the Osirian) the servant of the lower erown
the Amt, the seeretary of the nome ? of Amt,
Psemthek whose mother is Nais-sharu, Thou
art perfected by the eye of Horus namely the
lower erown: great are thy spirits many are thy
colours. It (the crown) rescues thee as it rescued
(its) Horus. It places thy spirits Ὁ Osirian
Psemthek at the head of the gods with the
ureus on thy forehead. Rise thou Osiris
Psemthek, it leads thee to thy mother Nut while
she takes thine arm. Be not dispirited be not
cast down be not... . Horus places thy in-
telligence at the head of all intelligences, thy
power at the head of all living, O Osiris servant
of the lower erown. Amt, secretary of the nome-
capital, friend loving his master, Psemthek whose
father is Pathenf.’’ In the lines at the’side Amseth,
(Hapi), Tuautmetf (and Kebhsenuf) say “ I come
to protect thee, Osirian Psemthek son of Pathenf.”’

In the rubbish of this tomb were found two
ushabti, unfortunately much damaged. They are
of a son οὗ ἃ servant of the lower erown (pl. xii.
21 and 23), and probably would have given the
genealogy on the father’s side of some of the
tenants,

The name of Psemthek menkh ab points to the
time of Psammetichus II.

In tomb 42 was a limestone sarcophagus with
an inscription in one line down the middle of the
lid, containing an address to ‘“ Osiris meriti, in
the midst of Ämt,” for the commander of infantry
Peduämen, son of Psemthek merptah, and of the

lady Teduäsär (pl. xii. 21). The chapel of Osiris
meriti may be marked by the adjacent building
with foundation deposits.

In the temple was found the burnt fragment of
a limestone statuette (pl. x. 12) of a priest (?) of
Uat of Amt, chief of the singers of the king’s
house Se hotep . . .

The two basalt statuettes (pl. x. 11 and 13)
belong, 'perhaps, to the Sebennyte and Ptolemaie
periods. 11 was found in the temple, and is the
back support of a figure of fine work. The in-
scription upon it is in two vertical lines. Several
of the signs which cross the lines are to be read
with both. 13 is from the back support, and
134 from the side of the advanced left leg of a
fragmentary male figure brought from the village.

34. The ushabti of this late period were very
numerous. In general no colour was used, and
the moulding is therefore much deeper, sharper,
and more careful than in the former period.
Several types may be distinguished. Probably
the earliest are those with legs flat, broad, and
eurveless ; the latest, those in which the swell of
the calves and of the chest is exaggerated. The
former type only occurs in small specimens.
The implements are usually a “ fas,”” a hoe, and
a basket.

There were frequently several interments in the
same tomb-chamber, two earthenware coffins or
stone sarcophagi, or an earthenware coffin and a
sarcophagus being often found together. And
more than one type of ushabti is also often found
inatomb. The figures were generally scattered
and broken, lying in the rubbish of the tomb ; but
in 46 and 39 the boxes lying against the wall of
the tomb had escaped the general ruin, and
although the wood had decayed away, the figures
were found standing in a rectangular group as
they had stood in the box thirty or forty together.
From one tomb, No. 46, over 250 were taken of
one type, in several lots, all uninseribed. These
figures often vary in size in the same tomb, while
the same type of features is preserved. The
most remarkable specimen from Nebesheh is

CHAP. VI—GEMAIYEMI.

from tomb 20. It is of the true Saite form, but
the inscription is not only impressed, but filled
with dark colour, which in some of the specimens
is almost hidden by the thick coat of bluish-green
glaze. The name is difficult to read, but seems
to be As(?)ames, a commander of troops, son of
Teduasär. In the same tomb were several small
specimens with the name of Seni (?), four inches
high, coarse work. Asämes, which is of the larger
Size, 64 inches, is very flat-chested, the shoulders
low and square from the neck, the elbows rather
prominent. Seni, though of small size, has no
mark of a particularly early date, the swell of the
calves being clear, and is probably later than
Äsames.

Some of the early type, with straight legs, four
inches high, were found in tomb 45 with three
small peg-bottomed pots ofrough red earthenware,
24 inches high. (e) in the plate is of this type.

The ushabti of “the chief of the singers, the
priest Har ut’a son of Uat m hät,’ tomb 40, is
perfect for material and workmanship. The
contour of the slender mummified body is har-
moniously curved, while the angular details are
sharply cut. This may be taken as typical of
the Saite style. The specimens measure seven
inches: with them were found some well-worked
figures only 24 inches high, more stumpy.

Of the later style are a number of figures
brought in together, one of which is inscribed
Her hä ar neb, or Hor kheb ar neb (?). (f), a
specimen ofthe same type, in the British Museum,
bears the name of T’ether, thus affording an in-
dieation of date.

As tothe inscriptions upon them, we find one
‘“erpa hä” (tomb 39); eight ““commanders of
troops ” (tomb 39; 50 a. ‘““Hor, son of Khabes ””),
12 (“Ποῖ m heb, son of Ment ?”), 11 (“Pa hor
pesh ? son of Tefnut”’); and ofthe general collec-
tion, perhaps g (but the inscriptions on the
numerous ushabti of this person are all blundered
and no two are alike), and 1 (“ commander of
troops (2) . . . son of Teduamen’’), also k, and ὦ
(““ Peduasar son of . . .”).

37

Other names are 50 “Hun,” co “ A her un nub
son of Ta du ast,”” Ε, ‘“ T’ed nub,” Ἢ ““Peduchonsu,”’
I“ Ast?” son of “Ta hetr,” and the two more
interesting ones, Ὁ “commander of ? troops of
Khent δύ (fourteenth nome), ““ Pef (8) chonsu son
of the mistress of the house? .... ..” very much
blundered (this was brought from the excava-
tions in the town: probably it was a keepsake
when the family of ““ Pefä chonsu ” removed to
the nineteenth nome); and B, governor of the
great house “ Pef ἃ (?) net deceased, (son of) the
sexem hau of Sais? Sebek (or Se sebek) and
Ol

There are no Greek or Latin insceriptions and
it is difficult to find any classical name to cor-
respond with Nebesheh. Perhaps it is the Arabian
Buto of Herodotus II., 75.

CHAPTER VI.
GEMAIYEMI.
BryF. 1... GRIrFITH.

35. On the right bank of the canal which
connects Sän with Fägqüs, and three and a half
miles north-west of the hamlet of Neb£sheh, rises
the small high mound of Gemaiyemi. It stands
a conspicuous landmark on the brown, barren,
salt-enerusted plain that stretches northward
from Nebesheh almost without a break. From
the temple enclosure of Amt itis visible asa high,
reddish-coloured hill, due south of the distant
mountain-like heaps of Tanis. As one walks
over these hot, level plains, the sense of size is
almost lost. Against the horizon rise mounds
on all sides, while a succession of hill barriers
appears to blockthe way. Yet when these mounds
are reached they prove to be mere heaps of dust
collected round the desert thorn-bushes—the
long barriers are little more than a succession of
such heaps run together into banks. From
Gemaiyemi the landmarks are, on the south, the
mound and sand ridge of Tel Far’un with a col-
leetion of Arab huts, called ’Ezbet Beshäre, on
its northern edge, and the ruins of Amt on the

38 TELL NEBESHEH.

west. Beyond rises the sand gezireh of Menägi,
crowned by the buildings and huge tent of the
sheikh of the Hanädi Arabs. Northward lie the
twin cemeteries of Zuwelön, now as completely
ravaged as that of Nebösheh. Far beyond these
is Sän. South-west along the canal lies the
sand mound, and a few palm-trees of the Geziret
Abu Q&h marking the landing-place from the
Bahr Fäqüs, while, though scarcely visible, the
mound of Khata’neh is but seven miles distant.

The mound of Gemaiyemi consists of the
remains of cerude brick houses, dating from
Roman, Ptolemaie, and perhaps earlier times.
Arab remains are absent. Round it, on the
north, are the walls of isolated buildings almost
washed away by the rush of water! from the
hicher part during the winter rains. Eastward
a few insignificant tombs have been found, with
earthenware cofins. At the south-east corner,
however, is a place of more promise,—a space
of about three acres with limestone chips on
the surface, enclosed by a brick wall. About
200 yards from the southern extremity of the
mound is another smaller enclosure. This latter
I tested in several places, but found nothing.
It had doubtless been for defence, but contained
no building of importancee. Denudation had
carried away the wall almost to the foundation,
and inside the enclosure nothing remained but a
foot or so of dirty sand, with scanty chips of
pottery. From the bricks it appeared to be
Ptolemaie, but I could obtain no exact measure-
ment of them.

36. The other enelosure, however, is of greater
interest (see Pl. xxi.).” The sides of the rectangle

' Water action was visible everywhere wlıere there was
a slope. The water does not generally run in deep channels,
but washes over the surface of the lower slopes, wearing
them down nearly evenly year by year. Much of the loose
and erumbling material must be carried away by the high
winds.

® Ihave to thank Mr. Petrie for the plan of this en-
elosure, and for many valuable suggestions with regard to
the antiquities obtained there.

were duly oriented, and measured about 420 ft.
from east to west, by 310 ft. north to south. The
entrance was in the centre of the west side, 25 ft.
wide. The massive enclosure wall on the outer
edge was generally levelled by denudatien to the
last brick, sometimes even that being washed
away. ‘It was of variable thickness 24—28 ft.,
and built of brieks 91x18} ins. on all but the
east side. These bricks were laid at right angles
to the direction of the walls, many of the courses
at the base being inclined breadthwise at an
angle of about 45°. The wall was lined inside
with one or two thicknesses of bricks laid
parallel to its direction. The whole of the east
wall and the two side walls for about, 70 ft. of
their length from the east were built of smaller
bricks, 8x 16 in. The gateway was lined with
brieks 7 x 13-5 in. ; two low walls connecting its
sides were of similar bricks, and made a complete
enclosure or chamber, which was filled with sand,
and had foundation deposits at the corners as at
Naueratis in the gateway-building of the great
temenos. On reference to the plan (pl. xxi.) it
will be seen that a few courses of brick wall were
traceable a few feet south of the centre, running
east and west to within a short distance of the
east and west walls. If there ever existed a
corresponding one on the north, it has completely
disappeared. A quantity of limestone blocks and
chips shows that these walls were part of the
substructures of a stone gateway, and were
intended to hold in the sand beneath the stones.
This late Ptolemaice gateway opened opposite the
extreme south end of the mound, and also in the
direction of the present canal. It is quite possible,
however, that in earlier times the gateway was on
the east side towards a canal which must have
run beside Amt, and probably between Nebesheh
and Gemaiyemi. As I have pointed out, the
east wall is all of Ptolemaic date, of the same
period as the earlier buildings in the mound itself,
and may therefore replace an earlier entrance.
Within the enclosure was a large building,
apparently a temple or chapel, on the east of

CHAP. VI. —-GEMAIYEMI. 39

the middle. Besides this, along the south wall
were numerous small brick chambers, bricks
8 Χ 16, in places projecting far into the enclosure.
A block of chambers of 15 in. briek was built on
to the west wall on each side of the entrance.
Here and there traces remained of extensive
buildings at a higher level, which had been
destroyed by denudation. In several places were
eireular, semi-circular, or square constructions of
the smaller brick, like shallow wells, that were
perhaps intended for storing com. They were
placed either singly in the sand or in groups of
two or three against the chamber walls. They
descended to about the level of the foundations
of the walls, and were filled with dark earth or
sand.

The remains of the principal building eonsisted
simply of the four brick walls of the foundation,
descending about 6 ft. into white sand, with a
thickness in parts of 18 in. of limestone rubbish
and dust covering the sand in the enclosed space.
The bricks measured 84x 17 in.; length of the
sides from north to south 70 ft., east to west
110 ft., the thiekness of the wall being 6ft. In
the north-west, south-east, and south-west corners,
and in the centre, were foundation deposits,
between four and five feet above ‘the base of the
wall. As in the temple of Amasis at Nebesheh,
there was no deposit in the north-east corner.
The whole of the ground enclosed by these walls
was dug out to the depth of the foundation
deposits, and many objects were found with their
bases at about the same level, i.e. within the
first 18 in. of sand. Two pits had also been sunk
in it in Ptolemaie and Roman times, and filled
with pottery and rubbish. The positions of the
prineipal objects found are marked upon the plan.
A find that occurred in the first few hours, and
made me stay and work out the place thorough]y,
was made as follows.

37. One of my men digging a shallow trench
through surface rubbish and into the sand to test
the place, at a point where a quantity of fragments

of coloured glass lay among the chips, came
upon a large bronze socket. In a few moments
two more sockets were found beside it at the
very top of the sand. Digging deeper, he found
immediately beneath them two gilt bronze figures
of a king in adoration; and from the number of
fine pieces of glass that were scratched out of the
clean sand, and not from the layer of chips, with
the next stroke it became evident that we were
on delicate ground. Scraping away some of the
sand with my fingers, I laid bare a piece of
mosaie in situ. 1 therefore stopped the work at
that point, and hastily fetching a tent from
Nebesheh, established a camp of labourers on the
spot. It was not until several days had passed,
and I had made out something of the nature and
plan of the buildings, and had determined how to
rescue some of the mosaic, that we proceeded with
this delicate job. I scraped away more sand, and
laid bare, and took off bit by bit, a small panel of
glass mosaie representing a flying hawk of blue
glass in an upper compartment, taking up nearly
one-half of the panel. Beneath the hawk were
four horizontal lines of different colours. Beneath
these lines were uprights something like the sign
da or xa, of pale greenish-blue, alternating with
rectangular plaques of lapis blue. Below this
came a row of baskets neb, and another horizontal
line. After this the mosaie was much disturbed,
but the hieroglyph aa was near the edge, and a
piece of minute bordering. A bronze τοῦ stretched
along the whole length of the mosaic, which was
lying on its side and in an almost perpendicular
position. It had been inlaid on a panel of wood.
The wood having entirely decayed away and left
gaps between each minute piece of the mosaiec
and its neighbours, and no backing, it was
difieult to save any of the design in the loose
sand; only a small portion could be exposed at
a time. Pasted brown paper applied to the sand
face took off the mosaic very fairly. but when it
was left to dry the paper bent up and broke the
larger pieces. To complete the disaster, the
plaster of Paris sent down from Cairo, to which I

40 TELL NEBESHEH.

transferred it, was so bad that it broke into many
pieces on the voyage home. Of course, the
elimate of Upper Egypt would have preserved the
whole cache just as it was deposited.

This find eonsisted of—(1) Four bronze rods of
square section -;thsof an inch thick, two measuring
321 inches, and two 35and 354. These had been
partially gilt and cased with rings. A blue porce-
lain ring 18 inches long and of the same diameter
remains cemented on to onerodofeach size. When

thiek rings of some substance, probably glass,
which I found also amongst the plaques of the
foundation deposits, decomposed into a erumbling
translucent yellow mass. The rings were spaced
as if athird kind, perhaps of wood, had alternated
with them. There were also traces of gilding in
places on the rods, but they seemed to have been
entirely cased with rings. Three of these rods

were found together, the fourth lay parallel to |

them at 2 or 3 inches distance.

(2) The mosaic, which lay in two planes sloping
down at right angles to each other and meeting
at the bundle of rods, extended the whole length
of the rods.

Of one panel very little remained, and it seemed
to have been left unfinished. The other I have
already described. Traces of wood were found
where the panels met the bronze rods. The height
of the panels may have been 18 inches, but the
upper part had been destroyed.

(3) The bronze sockets were 6 inches high and
33 square. They were intended to support some
framework, and were furnished with square stave-
holes 34 inches wide, in order that it might be
carried like a sedan chair. The socket itself is
2 inches deep and about 34 square. Cement
remains in it as well as nails, which were driven
through uprights 'rising 2 inches above the sides.
The wood was therefore in the sockets when
they were buried. They were evidently deposited
in a linen or canvas wrapping. The two gilt
bronze figures were 43 inches high, kneeling

with hands stretehed out in adoration. Several

small hooks, holdfasts, and nails of bronze were
also found.

Perhaps all these belonged to the same un-
finished work of art. On the surface amongst the
limestone rubbish a quantity of fragments of glass
from similar mosaics were found, having probably
been thrown out when the rubbish pits were dug.
I found several moulds for hieroglyphs, &e., in
limestone and terra-cotta in rubbish amongst the

| chambers on the 8. side.
I found them there were adhering to them similar |

38. The following is a list of the prineipal
objects found.

In the large building: foundation deposits
(see Pl. xix). These were found in the N.W.,
S.E., and S.W. corners, and in the centre. There
was no deposit in the undisturbed N.E. corner.
They were buried about 18 inches deep in the
clean sand, and 4 or 5 feet above the base of
the wall. The centre of each corner deposit was
about 30 inches from each wall. The objects
were arranged close together and upright in a
rough oval which pointed to the corner and
measured about 16x18 inches. They included
eight platters, one being of large size, three
plain pots, one or two long jars, and one or two
short ribbed ones, in all fourteen in each case.
These were all of roush red ware. There was
also a limestone mortar in each deposit, towards
the eomer. This arrangement differed in its
details in the three deposits, and it is probable
that some objects were overlooked.

In the N.W. corner was found a corn-rubber,
a model bronze fas with a socket in a platter N.
of the mortar, a chisel in that to the S. The
following plaques were found under the rim of a
large platter in the centre: red (now dark green)
glass, bronze, alabaster, lead ? tin ?; and a spear-
shaped model trowel.

In the S.E., a pair of corn-rubbers, and plaques
of gold, bronze, and light-blue glass.

In the S.W., plaques of alabaster, red glass
(dark green), and yellow decomposed glass; model
chisel and socketed fas.

CHAP. VI—GEMAIYEMI. 41

The central deposit consisted merely of six (or
seven ?) platters. A corner of it with one or two
platters was cut away before it was observed, but
the rest was dug out with great care.

Other finds were (in order from W.) (1) A large
bowl of trachyte, with three feet.

(2) Three bronze pans nested together. Two
ofthem are small and of equal size, 43 inches in
diameter. The third is much larger, 8 inches
in diameter, and has a socket inside near the edge,
and a chain fixed opposite to it, also on the edge
(pl. xx. 2). It seems to be a lamp reflector.
But what kind of lamp was to be used with it I
cannot say. No such thing is known from Egypt.
The others seem to be a pair of scale pans, not
yet pierced for suspension.

(3) A large and finely worked figure in stea-
tite, 16 inches high, and in perfect condition
except for a slight injury to the nose. It repre-
sented Isis crowned with the disk and horns, and
seated on the ground in the attitude of Mät, i.e.
with the knees bent up. Now at Bulagq.

(4) Beyond these, in a pit filled with late
rubbish and pottery, two slabs of limestone were
found, marked I. and III. near the centre.

(5) A heap of figures of gods moulded in
plaster. Some were of parts only, showing that
they must have been for use as models. The
following is a list ofthem: (i.) Osiris, complete
figure with headdress, on throne, beardless, 30
incheshigh. (ii.) Osiris with headdress, and beard,
upper part down to waist, 15 inches. (ii.)
The same without beard. (iv.) Isis, complete
figure on throne without headdress, 19 inches.
(v.) Horus as child, complete figure seated as in
the arms of Isis, but without arms, headdress, or
lock of hair, 144 inches. (vi.) The same much
broken. (vi.) The same, front only, 13
inches. (viii.) The same, back only to knees, 10
inches. (ix.) Same aslast, 8} inches. (x.) Khem,
head and neck on stand with ring of erown, but no
feathers; the head is 23 inches high. (xi.) The
same, left arm, 6 inches from shoulder to elbow.
(xii.) Head and neck on stand. (xiii.) Back of a

large head, 7 inches high. (xiv. and xv.)
Cylindrical pieces. These are all in coarse and
crumbling plaster.

From some other part of the enclosure come the
fore legs broken from a small sphinx, in a
harder plaster.

(6) An immense jar with wide mouth, sawn in
two across the middle. The base was about at
the level ofthe bottom of the wall. It was the
deepest object found. Traces of two wooden
staves, painted green, and decorated with glass
mosaics, were found projecting from it to the
surface. The jar must have been used as a bin,
for corn(?).

(7) Two pieces of limestone sculptured on both
sides. They were evidently pieces of trial work.
Also from the sand were taken a bead of black
glass with eyes of yellow and black, and a bronze
plume-holder pierced with holes for sewing on to a
leather cap or helmet (?).

On the N. side were many bronze figures of
a late period on the surface amongst the lime-
stone rubbish; two are of base Greek style, a
head and a figure of Harpocrates. There were
also two specimens of Isis and Horus, four of
Osiris, head of Thoth, a large ureus with disk,
small cat, and Anubis ; and similarly on ‘the
whole ofthe E.side up to the middle of the chamber
were innumerable pieces of glass from mosaic
work, together with fragments of porcelain figures,
rings for bronze rods, and other ornaments:
amongst these was part of a very fine winged
scarab for inlaying. Some of these objects must
have been thrown out when the Roman pits were
dug in the sand, or left on the surface as the
sand was drifted away by the wind.

In other parts of the enclosure many objects
were found. At the N.E. corner, apparently
under the wall (if the very detailed statement
made to me was correct), which had been almost
washed away, were found four small door hinges,
two upper and two lower, of massive cast bronze
for a pair of doors, two portions of a bronze
framework representirg the hind quarters of a

G

42 TELL NEBESHEH.

lion, hollowed for tbe insertion of the wood with
cement in the sockets, by means of which the
wood was fastened a fine bronze Ptah,
probably from the shrine to which the door
hinges belonged, a gilt steatite Osiris (apparently
later than the rest), two bell-shaped bronze
objects, perhaps capitals of pillars of the shrine
or else stands, and two right-angled pieces of
bronze not pierced for nails, and therefore only
omamental. They were probably from the sides
of the staircase of Ptah (pl. xx. 3, 4).

At the gateway the foundation deposits in three
corners consisted of a small limestone mortar ;

in;

a pair of corm-rubbers, the upper one with
distinet handles, modelled in limestone ; and two
plaques of green porcelain. The N.W. corner
was destroyed and the deposit lost (pl. xix.).

Pieces of bronze slag were found in several
parts of the enclosure, and a small bronze
oinochoe in a chamber near the W. wall. This
had been bunt; a lump of lead at the bottom
had apparently been put in to steady it. Of iron
there were found a knife, a nail, a chisel, and the
tip of a broad hoe (?) made of two plates sloping
together to anedge. The edge measures 7 inches
in breadth, and the sheath is 23 incheshigh. This
was found in a chamber on the south. A few
bronze arrow-heads were also found, and many
eylinders of blue porcelain to be fitted to bronze
rods, ἃ mould in hard limestone for a skeleton eye
(uta), and disks of porcelain pierced with three or
four small holes, or, like buttons, with pierced
cross bars at the back.

39. The remains of glass-working are of con-
siderable interest (see pl. xviil.). They consist of
moulds in limestone and terra-cotta found in a
chamber between the central building and the
S. enclosure wall; pieces of waste glass, &e.,
from various places; and portions of mosaic
including the fragments of the hawk mosaie, and
pieces intended for similar designs picked out
of the sand in the temple area. Many pieces
were found above the sand in the rubbish, with

which they had become mixed by later disturb-
ances of the sand, and by its gradually drifting
away.

The pieces of glass are of many forms. The
larger figures are usually made in several pieces.
There are also hieroglyphs, each one generally
complete; a few pieces of background moulded to
fit the figures, and many pieces of border ornament
and patterns. Some are flat, others in relief.
The surface is nearly always shiny. The colours
are various: deep blue imitating lapis lazuli (in
which material there were two specimens of the
hieroglyphs re (the mouth) amongst the glass),
pale blue, green, yellow or orange red, brown (?),
dark green or sealing-wax red, and black. The
colours vary slightly in tinge and intensity, and
change entirely by decomposition. The deep
blue is often clouded with white or grey-white, no
doubt intentionally to imitate the pale cerystals in
lapis lazuli. Thepale blue has often decomposed
white. So has a red imitation of jasper (?). A
sealing-wax red decomposes dark green. Another
pale green turns brownish.

Different colours in the same piece were ob-
tained (1) by simple inlaying in hollowed pieces,
probably when heated and without cement. There
are several pieces of large star and other patterns
of this kind, without the inlay, and feathers, &c.,
of two or three colours. Or (2) by mixing colours
in lumps, as in one piece of imitation marble (red,
white, and green). Or (3) by laying rods of dif-
ferent colours side by side to form a pattern, fusing
them, and reducing them to the required thickness
by drawing them out in one rod, which was then eut
into sections. The finest work was done in this
way, as by careful manipulation a pattern on a
large scale could be reduced to any degree of
fineness, the bar remaining of the same quality
throughout. Several bars were found, all of
square or rectangular section. Clear evidence of
the manner in which the bar was formed is found
in a piece where one of the three bars that formed
a rectangular pattern has slipped from the pliers
and been left in the rear. In this example three

CHAP. VI—GEMAIYEMI.

square bars of star pattern have been joined and
drawn out again. Other pieces have been drawn
out of unequal thickness, and the bars generally
have a thickening at the end. In one case a saw-
cut is visible where a section has been nearly
sawn to the centre from each side.

Flower and star. patterns are very numerous
done in this way, and there are many pieces of
chequer pattern, sometimes of five colours. A
bar one-sixth of an inch square contains the
figure of a vulture crowned with the double crown.
Irregular patterns were squared with blue glass.

The commonest colour is lapis lazuli blue, and
next to this the pale blue. To economize the
rarer and the mixed colours, very thin slices were
cut and mounted on hot plates of dark blue glass,
and occasionally of the pale blue.

Some of the bars that were found have been
eut up for distribution. The original colours are
shown in these sections, all of them being much
brighter than on the outside.

The forms found at Gemaiyemi are very nu-
merous (see pl. xviil.). There are portions of
male figures kneeling in adoration, the largest
being about 4 inches high: these are in red
glass turned dark green. They are in relief, and
made in several pieces. The head and the
advanced arm are separate from the body, and
the figure is cut off above the waist, apparently
for a tunic of different colour to be inserted.
There are several wigs and beards of lapis blue in
relief, probably from these figures, and a large
wig of a dull slaty blue.

There are also robes from the figures of women,
of red or bluish glass, flat and streaked, the
ceurving folds of the garments being indicated by
manipulation of the rods in drawing out the
piece, which is clearly composite.

There is the leg of a large standing figure in
red glass relief, and portions of a smaller one, and
an arm seems to be in the act of holding a pri-
soner bythe hair. In relief also is a well-worked
tie from a girdle, and a hand in green glass. A
calf’s head and a fist are worked all round.

G

43

The mosaic hawk is flying, and measures 8
inches across the wings, and probably was 8
inches in length. It is all of glass in relief.
Each feather is a separate piece. The five long
feathers of the tail are of green glass tipped with
brown. The small feathers of the back and neck
and upper edges of the wings are represented by
numerous hexagons of blue glass. The long
feathers down the middle of the wing are green,
those on the inner edge blue. These wing
feathers are all graduated, and those that overlap
the back of the bird are tipped with brown.

The head is lost from the mosaic, but several
upper mandibles are preserved of blue glass in
relief, and of different sizes. A blue glass shank
of a bird’s leg probably held the signet-ring.
There are also eyes hollowed to receive the pupils.

Of hieroglyphs, part of the bolt which forms
the name of Khem is very large, and must have
been borne above the head of a figure of the
god.

The following are some of the smaller signs,
which are of various sizes and colours, turning in

either direction, and either flat or in relief.

Bird pa? head and wings sepa-
rate, the eyeinlaid, and a spot
on the cheek inlaid with lower

Woman seated, wig separate.
Separate heads of deities, &e.;
one is hawk-headed.

Child se. pattern.
Arm remen, ἃ and next. Hawk.
Mouth (lapis and red glass). Owl.

Leg b. Owl and arm ma.

Hand t. Ibis on stand.
Animal, ram or ox. Vulture met.
Lion. &e., &e.

Amongst the purely ornamental pieces are flat
oblong plaques, pieces like small stele with
curved tops, but themselves curving out as if for
cornice decoration (amongst them are several
sloping corner pieces), bars or narrow lines of
different colours, pieces like fore legs of animals,
and like the disk on the horizon (this turned
sideways is part of the decoration in front of the
hawk).

Pieces of background are very scarce, but
several forms occur that cannot be attributed to
anything else. :

The glass was shaped by being run into moulds.
For the hieroglyphs and elaborate forms earthen-

Ω

-

41 TELL NEBESHEH.

ware moulds were used. In this material there
are moulds for the hawk’s beak, for hieroglyphs,
sacred eyes, and a Bes head. They are cut with
the sides sloping in, so that the moulded pieces
are narrower at the back than in front. The
same is the case with the limestone moulds which
seem to have been used here exclusively for the
large and simple forms, bars, &e.

A few words must be said as to how they were
put together into patterns. The glass varies in
thiekness from 4 to τς of an inch, and pieces of
different thickness were used together. The panel
of the hawk mosaic seems to have been covered
with the thinnest possible layer of gilt stucco, and
wherever there was no glass, even between the
feathers, the gilding appeared.

Sometimes a piece of backing was inserted
behind the glass, and in one place a large triangle
of slaty stone had been put at the back of a group
of pieces to raise them, and cemented on to the
wood with yellow paste. The work does not seem
to have been cloisonne in the wood. Probably
the panel was grooved and channelled where re-
quired, and then filled in with glass, gilt stucco,
and cement, like the wings of the wooden Isis in
the Museum of Practical Geology.

Amongst the glass pieces are numerous frag-
ments of the outlines of cartouches. These
are unfortunately in every case made separately
from the signs enclosed, and there is no certain
indieation of the king’s name amongst the hiero-
elyphs found. These include Su (ten) se τᾶ, &c.
The oceurrence of sen suggests Philadelphus or
his son, and the lions might very well oceur in
Ptolemaic cartouches. The hawk upon the panel
was no doubt the hawk of Lower Egypt over-
shadowing a king’s title. An early Ptolemaie
date will agree very weil with the rest of the
remains found in the sand, which included a piece
of Greek pottery, a small black and buff bowl of
bad glaze, but probably made at the end of the
fourth century.

Returning to the buildings in the temenos (see
pl. xxi.), the walls of the central chamber are

evidently only retaining walls for the foundations
of a stone building, for there is no exit. The
sand inside was quite clean, except where the pits
had been sunk in it, or wooden objeets had decayed.
That the building was a temple seems almost
proved by the fact that no Egyptian stone building
has been found of an early date that is not either
atomb or atemple. On the analogy of similar
buildings the space enclosed must have been paved
with large blocks of stone over the sand. Yet in
this sand were found many objects, some of them
of small value and deposited separately. It is
clear that the paving-blocks would not have been
raised all over the building in order to hide
these objects. It is evident, therefore, that with
the exception of the foundation deposits, they were
placed there after the complete destruction of the
building. Appearances are all in favour of this,
Some of the objects are unfinished, and parts only
of large designs which were hurriedly buried in
small lots at some time of panic.

40. The history of Gemaiyemi may now be
traced somewhat as follows. There was no
building here of which I found any traces, until,
about the time of the twenty-first or twenty-
second dynasty, a strong enclosure was built.
Of this nearly square building three sides of
the great wall remain, together with a small
detached piece of brickwork buried in the sand
between the E. end of the central chamber and
the later Εἰ. side of the encelosure, near the middle.
This is curved, and may be the last trace of a
gateway looking E. The wall perhaps enclosed
a temple of the same date, which has now entirely
vanished. I trenched the whole enclosure tho-
roughly without finding any other bricks as large
as those of the enclosure wall. This massive wall
no doubt served to guard the point at which the
canal or river branched to Tanis and Nebesheh.
Nothing more can be told of it until during the
flourishing Saite epoch the enclosure was repaired;
the E. end, which was then probably in ruins, was
carried out further, and the entrance stopped, while

CHAP. VI—GEMAIYEMI. 45

a new gateway was cut through on the W. towards
the growing settlement on the N.W. In this
rebuilding, if the account of the workmen is to be
trusted, the N.E. corner was built over the remains
of a shrine, perhaps part of the buried treasures
ofan early bronze-working community, or even of
the old temple. The style of the bronze, which
is unusually massive, makes this possible. A
temple or chapel was at the same time built, and
the enclosure filled with chambers. But this was
soon destroyed, perhaps in the first Persian in-
vasion. The enclosure was taken up by artistie
workers, who covered the ruins with fresh buildings,
now almost entirely washed away. Here they
seem to have flourished into the Ptolemaiec period,
when their trade was suddenly put a stop to bya
panic. The artisans buried their unfinished work
and some oftheir less portable stock in trade before
taking flight, but never returned to claim them.
The village, however, still flourished, and a new
camp or enclosure was built on the S. But later
the place declined, and before the Arab conquest
Gemaiyemi, as well as Neb&sheh, was abandoned.

41. Notes onvillages, &c., in the neighbourhood
of Nebesheh.! -

1. Fägüs (F. Eng.), low mounds on both sides
of the railway, now almost levelled by the
sebakhin. In Baedeker’s Lower Egypt it is
stated that there are inscriptions here, some even
of the time of Rameses II. I have not been able
to find any of these. Probably those at Qantir
are intended.

2. Geziret Dedamün, a sand-island, so called
from the village of Ed Dedamün (Fr. Dahdamoun)
on its western edge.

3. Hata‘ne (Eng. El Khatanah) lies on the
west of the extensive though low mound? I
purchased here a small fragmentary group in dark
limestone of two persons standing with an inscrip-
tion between them with an invocation to the king

1 F. denotes the Atlas G&ographique of the Deseription
de ’Egypte ; Eng., the War Office Map of tbe Delta,

2. M. Naville has described the results of lıiis excavations
here in “ Goshen,” pp. 21-23.

of Upper and Lower Egypt, Sänkhgarä, to grant
funeral offerings. The names of the two persons
are unfortunately lost, with the heads and feet.
The style is that ofthe eleventh or twelfth dynasty
(see pl. xlii.). Sänkhgarä, a king of the eleventh
dynasty, celebrated for an expedition to Punt
undertaken in his reign by an officer named Hennu,
is next to Khufu in a doubtful eonnection on the
San papyri, and Pepi similarly doubtful on some
blocks at Tanis, the earliest king whose name has
been found in the Delta. It would appear that he
was especially connected with this unknown city.
Perhaps he had a temple here. It is worthy of
remark that the cartouche on the curious false
doorwayin the great temple at Sän (Tanis, p. 10,
and pl. iv. 28) seems to read Sehotep ab ra on
the squeeze. If so, in all probability it belonged
to a chapel or cenotaph of Amenemhät I. It
is probable that this king was regarded as the
founder (or second founder) of Tanis, and that he
was worshipped here at a tomb, or chapel in the
temple, in which his statue was placed, his real
tomb being more probably at Thebes or in Middle
Egypt. This throws light on the oceurrence of
King Sänkhgarä in the place of a god at Hata‘ne.
He may have founded the temple afterwards
adorned by the kings of the twelfth dynasty, and
his memory was kept sacred there. We must
recollect, however, that, as the story of Saneha
shows, living kings were counted almost as gods
at that period.

4. Sema‘ne, F. Eng. West of this isa stretch
of sand with pottery on the surface and remains of
buildings. A large heap of limestone debris mixed
with granite lies immediately N.W.

5. Qantir, F. Eng. The base οἵ ἃ column of
Rameses II. is visible in the cemetery. A quantity
of limestone remains and a basalt architrave of the
same king have also been found. Outside one of
the houses is an inscribed box or trough of rough
limestone, 26inches x 18, with the base rounded.
The hollow is rectangular, 9 inches deep. The in-
sceription runs, ““ The hereditary prince, the divine
father loving the god, the royal scribe, the chief

46

commander of the troops Set her khepshef,'’ and
the name of Rameses II. is inscribed in the centre.

The mound here is very slight, but almost con-

tinuous with that of Hata‘ne.

6. Samakin (= Amarin, Eng.) is a name that
recurs on the road to Salhiye. Some palm trees
in the desert beyond Pelusium belong to this clan.

7. Geziret Abu Q&h (Abou Qahar, F.; Abu
Kabih, Eng.).

8. Tel Farin (marked but not named due E. of |

Abou Qahar, F.; Tell Badaui, Eng.). The site of
Amt, but the name is rarely used. Mr. Petrie has
heard it spoken of as Tel Nebese. The great
granite shrine is well known in the neighbourhood,
and is called at Fägüs Taqiyet el Far‘un, or
« Pharaoh’s cap,” which is not inappropriate,
though evidently arising from a mistake. Its
local name, however, is Taq‘at el Farün, or Et
tag‘a simply, 1.6. Pharaoh’s niche. In future the
mound is likely to be known as Tel Neb&sheh, for
a well-known Bedawin sheikh, named Muhammad
en Nebesheh, has recently settled there and
founded a struggling ‘Ezbe.

9. (Tel) Gemaiyemi (Eng.; Mehallet el Ga-
nam, F.).

10. Tel Zuwelen (Zäwälin, F.; Tell Abu Uelin,
Eng.). The name of two sandhills ; the southern
one, about 3 miles N. of Gemaiyemi, is the site of
an extensive ancient cemetery now ravaged by
the Bedawin. From one tomb I obtained about
50 ushabti of a priestess of Ämen Ankhsnäst.
Amongst them was a piece of limestone cut into
the shape of a tent peg with a head similar to
those of the ushabti. Other objects apparently
from the same tomb are a portion of a green
porcelain vessel with long spout and small false
handles projeeting above the rim and pierced

with small holes for suspension, a lion’s head of |

porcelain, porcelain rings, with sistrum and hawk’s
head and disc on bezel; Isis and Horus of good
work, wig coloured black, on back of throne Ast
neb taui; Neb qau, porcelain; scorpion with human
head, porcelain; two blundered scarabs of steatite
and porcelain, and innumerable short beads.

TELL NEBESHEH.

| These are all pre-Saite. From another tomb
came some long beads, and from a third bronze
and lead eyes and eyebrows with long beads.
These are probably of the twenty-sixth dynasty.

The other mound of Zuwelen is 1 mile N.,
also covered with opened tombs, but with some
town remains at its N. end. This is only 24
miles S. of Sän, and the two mounds together
must have formed its cemetery. For previous
finds at Zuwelen (Sueilin), see Tanis I. p. 29.

11. Sän el Hagar (the village), and Tel Sän
(Fr. Eng.).

12. Tel Dibqu (ruines d’Ebgou, F.; Tell Dengu
(but too far north), Eng.), according to Mr. Petrie,
5 miles N.E. of Sän, and on the 31st degree of
latitude; a large mound covered with Arab brick.
It is lofty and steep on tke N., the sides sloping
away towards the E., and forming almost an
amphitheatre round a central hollow. The bricks
are regularly dug out and carried away. Large
quantities ofwood and woollen material are found
in the ruins.

13. Hamadin.

14. El Menägi (el Kebire and es saßire).
Severalin F. Eng. At M. el Kebire, on the bare
sandhill E. of the village and S. of the cemetery,
lies a block of sandstone, 16 x 20 inches (see
pl. xlii.). There is shallow seulpture on one side
representing the two Niles kneeling, and holding
the Sam; over the Sam sign are the ovals of
Nekhtnebef. The tunie and feet of the king
standing and his arm raised in adoration are
visible behind the figure of the lower Nile. Uati
probably stood at the other side. An inscription
above the head of the lower Nile is restored with
the help of a duplicate on the other half, and
traces ofa partial repetition of it remain behind the
god. Theinscription runs as follows :—“* O Uati
lady of Amt, thy son, lord of the two lands Ra
xeper qa lord of diadems Next neb f, cometh, he
conducteth to thee the lower Nile with (?) all
good things of the North country, that he (the

Nile) may give all pure life” (of which the border
of änx was is emblematie).

CHAP. VIIL.—POSITION AND HISTORY. 47

There are no mounds here. Nekhtnebf must
have set this up as a record of cutting or elearing
a canal, the water being admitted under the
auspices of Uat of Amt, whose temple lay six
miles distant. On the other side of the village,
amongst the palm trees, there is a large block of
granite almost buried, that probably belonged to
a similar monument of another king. The canal
perhaps corresponded to the Bahr el Baqgar (Eng.),
which is the usual name of the once large canal
that flowed past Defeneh, and which is usually
supposed to represent the Pelusiac branch.

A portion of a small canal running E. and
W., and lying. on the road from Nebösheh to
Hamadın before the great canal or so-called
Pelusiae branch is reached, bears the curious name
of Habres.

15. Samakin (F. Eng.).

16. Qassasin.

17. Salhiye (F.; Es Sälahiyeh, Eng.).

CHAPTER VI.
TELL DEFENNEH—POSITION AND HISTORY.

49. In the sandy desert bordering on Lake
Menzaleh, some hours distant on the one hand
from the cultivated Delta, and on the other hand
from the Suez Canal, stand the ruins of the old
frontier fortress of Tahpanhes, Taphne, Daphnai,
or Defenneh, That such a point should have
been selected may seem strange at first sicht,
but it was the advanced post to guard the great
highway into Syria; and when we look at the
details of its position, the advantages of it are
evident (see small map on pl. xliii.). ΑἸ] traffie
taking the northern ronte by Kantara, which was
more fertile and convenient than that by the Wady
Tumilat, must have skirted the southern shore of
Lake Menzaleh, or of the swampy and canalized
region which may have occupied that site in
ancient times. The edge of the desert was the
only suitable route within reach of the Pelusiac
branch of the Nile for watering. This line is now

the caravan road, and there can be no doubt but
that men have gone down into Egypt along this
line from the dawn of history. Immediately after
passing the southern end of Lake Menzaleh there
oceurs a sandy plain, about a mile across, and
bounded on three sides by water (see pl. xliii.);
Menzaleh lies on the E., the Pelusiac branch or
canal on the N., and a fresh-water lake, through
which the canal runs, on the W. This site is
only open on the south, and on that side it faces
the line of the Syrian road. It was, therefore,
admirably adapted for a frontier guard, and we
find that at least as early as Ramesside times it
was occupied.

Till this year, so far as I know, no attempt has
been made to work in this site, beyond a stay of
two or tree days by a native reis of the Bulak
Museum. But my work there during two months
in this spring has brought to licht much of the
history of the place. The first evening that I
arrived there, I saw that the brick ruins in the
midst of the plain were of a large building of the
twenty-sixth dynasty; and I heard, to my surprise
(for I had only come with the Karian camp in my
mind), that it was known as the “ Kasr el Bint el
Yehudi,’ or “the Palace of the Jew’s daughter.”
This at once called up the connection of Tah-
panhes, or Taphn& as the Septuagint version is,
with Daphne; and with the situation of the place
before one, it is impossible to disconneet the
modern name, Defenneh, from the ancient. Indeed
the identity of these names seems to have been
taken for granted by most writers on the topo-
graphy of the Delta.

43. The earliest remains found here are a
part of the foundation of a building of red bricks
remaining beneath the pavement or platform in
front of the entrance. From the oceurrence of
similar red brieks in the tombs of Ramesside age
at Nebesheh, and from this being shown to be
older than the twenty-sixth dynasty, it is clear that
some buildings existed here in the nineteenth or
twentieth dynasty. Curiously, a tale related by

48 TELL DEFENNEH.

Herodotos bears upon this; he says (ii. 107) that
Sesostris (Ramessu II.) was, on his return from

an Asiatic campaign, invited to a banquet by his

brother at the Pelusian Daphnai.

44. But we reach firm ground when we come
to the beginning of the twenty-sixth dynasty under
Psamtik I. Thefoundationdepositsherediscovered
give positive monumental evidence that the fort
still remaining was founded by Psamtik I.
Here the evidence of Herodotos is very valuable.
He says that “in the reign of king Psammötikhos
guards were stationed in Elephantine against the
Ethiopians, and others in the Pelusian Daphnai
against the Arabians and Syrians, and others in
Marea against Libya; and even in my time
guards of the Persians are stationed in the same
places as they were in the time of Psammetikhos,
for they keep a garrison in Elephantine and in
Daphnai ” (ii. 30). So far the agreement is just
what might be expected; but there is another
passage which is apparently shown by tha excava-
tions at Defenneh to eoncern Daphnai also. At
Defenneh, the bulk of the population seems to
have been Greek; Greek pottery abounds, not
only painted vases in the palace, but all the
common pottery appears by the potters’ marks to
have been made by Greeks. Iron works and iron
tools are abundant, just as at Naukratis; and
there is, on the whole, more evidence of Greeks
than of Egyptians in the place. The garrison
therefore must have been Greek, at least in part.
Here then were the Stratopeda or Camps men-
tioned by Herodotos: “ To the Ionians, and the
Karians, and those who had laboured with him,
Psammetikhos gave places to dwell in opposite
each other, with the Nile flowing between; these
were named Camps. . . . The Ionians and Karians
continued to dwell in these places a long time;
the places are towards the sea, a little below the
city of Boubastos, upon the mouth of the Nile
called the Pelusiac” (ii.154). Here the camps
appear to have been nearer to the sea than to
Bubastis, as they are πρὸς θαλάσσης, and ὀλίγον

ἔνερθε Bovßaorıos πόλιος. It will be seen that
they must have lain on the arm which flows by
Defenneh, and it seems certain that there is no
other Greek settlement anywhere near Defenneh
on that line.

We see then that the guard which Psamtik
stationed at Daphnai was the body of Karian and
Ionian troops with whom he had fought his way
to the throne, the reason for placing them in
this region being doubtless to keep them as far
as possible out of the way of offending the Egyp-
tians, and yet to make use of them by posting
them in the line from which danger was most to
be feared, namely, the high road from Assyria.
The settlement probably took place very shortly
after the civil war and accession of Psamtik, and
we cannot be far wrong, if we date the founding of
this fort and camp at about 664 B.c. Not long
after this other buildings were added around the
fort, probably all of them being built within a
generation after the first great block. It was most
likely Psamtik. I. who set up the great tablet at
Defenneh in the temple of Khem, recording the
elearing of the canal in order to supply his troops.
Unhappily the king’s name in the inscription is
lost, butthere is an indication that it contained $; ἡ
and if so, it would be Psamtik, in accordance with
all the probabilities of the case.

After the fort and camp were built, the Greeks
seem to have settled there largely outside of the
camp, especially on the eastern part of the plain.
And considering that Herodotos says, ““ From the
time of the settlement of these people in Egypt,
we Greeks have had such constant communication
with them, that we know accurately all that has
happened in Egypt from the reign of Psammetikhos
till now” (ii. 154), it is evident that the Greek
troops were not merely settled in a strange country,
but were a base of communication with tbe Greek
world. And this again is shown by his continuing,
“The slips of the ships, and the ruins of the
habitations, existed upto mytime.’”” The shipping
mentioned shows that a foreign traffic was kept up.
“OXkoi, variously rendered ““ docks ”’ or “ rollers,””

CHAP. VIIL.—POSITION AND HISTORY. 49

would seem most naturally to be the slips up
which the ships could be drawn from the water
for repairs, the sense being a place to draw a
vessel on. The settlement outside the camp is
probably then the civil quarter, for merchants and
sailors, apart from the garrison dwelling in the
camp, which would easily hold 20,000 men.

45. The reign of Nekau gave, doubtless, an
occasion for the use of the Daphniote garrison,
when that king made his great expedition against
Assyria. Then for the first time did a body of
Greeks come in contact with the Syrians and
Babylonians, and the Jews must have heard in
the speech of their conqueror’s troops the tongue
with which they were afterwards to become so
familiar. The slaying of Josiah, the deposition of
Jehoahaz, the setting up of the tributary Jehoiakim,
and the removal of Jehoahaz into Egypt, marked
the first period of intercourse between Jews and
Greeks. “The children also of Noph and Tah-
panhes have broken the crown of thy head’
(Jer. ii. 16).

This intercourse, however, was soon to be in-
creased; three years later Nebuch adrezzar invaded
Judea, and all who fled from the war would arrive
at Tahpanhes in their flight into Egypt, and most
likely stop there. In short, during all the troubles
and continual invasions and sieges of Jerusalem
in 607, 603, 599 (in which a wholesale deportation
of the people took place), and above all in the
final long siege and destruction of 590—588 2.c.,
when “the city was broken up,’ and all the men
of war fled, every one who sought to avoid the
miseries of war, or who was politically obnoxious,
would naturally fee down into Egypt. Such
refugees would necessarily reach the frontier fort
on the caravan road, and would there find a mixed
and mainly foreign population, Greek, Phenician,
and Egyptian, among whom their presence would
not be resented, as it would by the still strietly
protectionist Egyptians further in the country.
That they should largely, or perhaps mainly,
settle there would be the most natural course;

they would be tolerated, they would find a constant
communication with their own countrymen, and
they would be as near to Judea as they could in
safety remain, while they awaited a chance of
returning.

The last and greatest migration to Tahpanhes
is that fully recorded by Jeremiah, which gives us
the pattern of what doubtless had been going on
long before. After Nebuchadrezzar had retired
with his spoils, Gedaliah, the governor whom he
had set up, was quickly elain, the country fell into
anarchy, and all the responsible inhabitants who
were left fled into Egypt to avoid the vengeance of
Nebuchadrezzar. “Johanan the son of Kareah,
and all the captains of the forces, took all the
remnant of Judah, that were returned (from all
nations whither they had been driven), to sojourn
in the land of Judah; the men, and the women,
and the children, and the king’s daughters, and
every person that Nebuzaradan the captain of the
guard had left with Gedaliah the son of Ahikam
the son of Shaphan, and Jeremiah the prophet,
and Baruch the son of Neriah; and they came
into the land of Egypt; for they obeyed not the
voice of the Lord: and they came even to Tah-
panhes” (Jer. xliii. 5, 6, 7). The last act in
this history is mentioned by Josephus, when he
says that Nebuchadrezzar “fell upon Esypt....
and took those Jews that were there captives, and
led them away to Babylon; and such was the end
ofthe nation of the Hebrews” (Ant. ix. 7). As
these Jews were fugitive and rebellious subjects of
Nebuchadrezzar’s own kingdom, it is most probable
that he would avenge their last rebellion and
flight from Judea by taking captive all whom he
could. Thisindeed was contemplated by Jeremiah:
“such as are for captivity to captivity” (xlii. 11).

46. We are now in a position, after finding
that Tahpanhes was the seat of the Greek frontier
garrison, to estimate the extent ofthe Hellenization
of the Jewish race during the five successive
periods of trouble in Judea between 607 and 587
B.c. In this twenty years a constant intercourse

H

50 TELL DEFENNEH,

with the Greek settlers must have been going on,
and a wider intercourse than even a Greek colony
in Palestine would have produced. Here were
numbers of the upper and more cultivated classes
continually thrown into the company of Greeks;
all who could afford to flee had to become more
or less acquainted with Greek language and
ideas in their temporary exile. It was not a case
of a single body of Jews going into Egypt, and
not returning, but of continual ebb and flow, of
alternate dwelling in the Greek settlement and of
return to their own land, as the tide of Babylonian
conquest repeatedly poured over Judea, and then
retired; and finally came the deportation to Baby-
lonia of a large number of those who had settled
permanently to dwell in Daphnai. The whole
eireumstances were such as to give the best
possible opportunity for the permeation of Greek
words and Greek ideas among the upper classes
ofthe Jewish nation. The bearing of this on the
employment of Greek names for musical instru-
ments and other objeets among the Hebrews, at
and after the removal to Babylon, is too obvious
to need mention in detail. A fresh and unex-
pected light is thus thrown upon a question which
has been an important element of Biblical criti-
eism.

47. Of the residence of the Jewish fugitives
here no material remains have been found in the
excavation of the palace; nor is this surprising,
considering the short time during which they
oceupied the place as an important political body.
But it is not at all impossible that some part of
the plain around the camp was occupied as the
Jewish quarter; in fact, the little prominent part
of the site on the S.E. seems just such a locality
as would be likely. A full search of the plain
might result in the discovery of Jewish remains.

Yet two connections with the Jewish residence
may be noticed. First there is the remarkable
name of the fort, “The palace of the Jew’s
daushter”; no such name is known anywhere
else in the whole of Egypt. This is the one town

in Egypt to which the “king’s daughters” of
Judah came, and probably this is the one building
which would be allotted to royal persons, who
came with a large body of the more important
inhabitants of Judea as political refugees. Here,
if anywhere, history locates the Jew’s daughters,
the last remnant of the royal family recognized as
such; and here to this day the Bedawin, the de-
scendants of the very tribes who were kept in awe
by that garrison, call the palace-fort after the Jew’s
daughter.

48. Another connection of a different kind is
to be seen with the narrative ofJeremiah. “ Then
came the word of the Lord unto Jeremiah in
Tahpanhes, saying, Take great stones in thine
hand, and hide them in mortar in the brieckwork
(or pavement), which is at the entry of Pharaoh’s
house in Tahpanhes, in the sight of the men of
Judah; and say unto them, Thus saith the Lord
of hosts, the God of Israel: Behold, I will send
and take Nebuchadrezzar the king of Babylon,
my servant, and will set his throne upon these
stones that I have hid; and he shall spread his
royal pavilion over them. And he shall come,
and shall smite the land of Egypt; such as are
for death shall be given to death, and such as are
for captivity to captivity, and such as are for the
sword to the sword ” (R.V., Jer. xliii. 8 to 11).
Now this brickwork or pavement at the entry of
Pharaoh’s house has always been misunderstood,
and served as a puzzle to translators. But as
soon as the plan of the palace began to be
uncovered, the exactness of the description was
manifest. On the Plan pl. xliv. will be seen a
large dotted area on the N.W. ofthe fort. This
was a great open-air platform of brickwork, a sort of
mastaba, as the Egyptians call it, such as is now seen
outside all great houses, and most small ones, in
this country. A space is reserved outside of the
door, generally along the side of the house,
covered with hard beaten mud, edged with a ridge
of bricks if not much raised from the ground, and
kept swept clean. On this platform the inhabitants

CHAP. VII.—POSITION AND HISTORY. öl

sit, when they wish to converse with their neigh-
bours or the passers-by; a great man will settle
himself to receive his friends and drink coffee, and
publie business is generally transacted there.
Such seems to have been the object of this large
platform ; a place to meet persons who would not
be admitted to the palace or fort, to assemble
guards, to hold large levces, to receive tribute and
stores, to unlade goods, and to transact the
multifarious business which in such a climate is
best done in the open air.

At.the same time the actual way into the palace
was along a raised causeway which rose at the
back of this platform. From the platform a
framing of removable wooden steps most probably
led up to the causeway, along which the way led
to the entrance to the palace at the east end of it,
at a height of 6 feet 9 inches above the great
pavement. This platform or mastaba is there-
fore unmistakably the ‘““brickwork, or pavement,
which is at the entry of Pharaoh’s house in
Tahpanhes.” Here the ceremony described by
Jeremiah took place before the chiefs of the
fugitives assembled on the platform, and here
Nebuchadrezzar ‘“spread his royal pavilion.”

The very nature of the site is precisely applicable.

to allthe events. Unhappily, the great denudation
which has gone. on has swept away most of this
platform, and we could not expect to find the
stones whose hiding is described by Jeremiah. I
turned over-all that remained of the platform, but
found no stones within it. Some blocks of lime-
stone lay loose upon its surface, but they had
evidently never been embedded in it, but had only
fallen from the masonry of the fort, and were
covered with burnt earth and mud washed down
from the destroyed walls. The site, however, is
unmistakable.

Another discovery which is probably connected
with this place occurred some years ago; but
unhappily it fell into Arab hands, and certainty is
not to be looked for.
Museum three cylinders of terra-cotta bearing an
inseription of Nebuchadrezzar, an ordinary text

A native sold to the Bulak.

referring to his constructions in Babylon, such as
would be used for foundation memorials (see Prof.
Saycein Academy, 19th Jan., 1884). These were
said to come from the Isthmus of Suez; and they
apparently belong to some place where Nebuchad-
rezzar had “set up his throne,’”’ and “ spread his
royal pavilion.’’ As he only passed by the Syrian
road, and Daphnai would be the only stopping-
place on that road in the region of the isthmus,
all the inferences point to these having come from
Defenneh, and being the memorials of his esta-
blishment there. That they should be now found
after having been buried, is just explained by the
denuded state of the great platform.

49. There does not seem to have been much
activity in the place during the reign of Haa-ab-ra
(Apries) ; of his predecessor, Psamtik II., many
sealings of wine jars stamped with cartouches were
found; of Haa-ab-ra only one plaque with his
name, and not a single sealing; and of his successor
Aahmes many sealings and other objects. This
suggests that the place was not inhabited by any
important officials, nor visited by the king during
the time of Haa-ab-ra, and therefore it would be
the more likely to be granted as an asylum to the
Jewish refugees.

The next important step that we can trace in
the history is the result of the accession of
Aahmes. He had, as I have pointed out in
“ Naukratis” (p. 7), obtained the throne as the
representative of the Old-Egyptian party, pledged
to resist the Greeks. In consequence he restrieted
the Greek trade to Naukratis, and repressed it
elsewhere under the most stringent regulations.
Daphnai was the place which suffered most
severely from this policy; and in order to com-
pletely break up the Greek commerce which had
existed here, he deported the whole Greek garrison.
This, as part of the changes on his accession,
probably took place between 570 and 565 2.c.
As Herodotos relates of the Karian and Ionian
guards, “These at a later time king Amasis took
away from hence and planted at Memphis, making

Η 2

52 TELL DEFENNEH.

them his guard against the Egyptians’” (ii. 154).
The eivil population of Greeks was also removed,
as “the slips for their ships and the ruins of their
habitations’”’ were left desolate. All trade here
was abolished, as any merchant going even by
stress of weather to any port but Naukratis was
forced to make the best of his way to Naukratis,
and not allowed to break cargo anywhere else (ii.
179). A garrison of Egyptians was put in to
keep up the fort, as is shown by the quantity of
objects of the age of Amasis; and these were
succeeded in later times by a Persian garrison
(Hdt. 1. 30).

That the Greek trade was really stopped here
entirely is shown by the remains found. An
abundance of painted vase fragments belonging to
the beginning of the sixth century occur in the
chambers of the palace, and also in the camp.
The latest fragments could not be later than the
beginning of the Persian period; and yet if the
trade had lasted in the slightest form till the
free-trade days of the Persians, it is certain it
would then have revived, and we should find the
red-figured and later ware left here. The total
cessation of Greek trade before the Persian period
is then a strong confirmation of the exclusive
privileges of Naukratis; and since there is nothing
in the Greek pottery found which obliges us to
date it after the beginning of the reign of Amasis,
we may well accept the statement of Herodotos
that all Greek influence here ceased at that time,
and take the date about 560 2.c. as the extreme
limit assignable to the varieties of Greek vase-
painting found here.

50. One mention of Taphnes occurs in the
Apocrypha; in the list of people summoned to his
aid by Nabuchodnosor appear “all that were in
...Kades, and the river of Egypt, and Taphnes, and
Ramesse, and all the land of Gesem, until you
come beyond Tanis, and Memphis, and to all the
inhabitants of Egypt, until you come to the borders
of Ethiopia’’ (Judith i. 9, 10). This is manifestly
unhistorical, as Nebuchadrezzar did not maintain

any suzerainty over Egypt, only overrunning the
country to an uncertain extent, and then retiring.
But itis at least an interesting evidence of the
importance attached to the fortress of Taphnes in
later times, when this was written.

It will now be as well to state the varieties of
the name of this place in different authors.

B.C.
puarın eirc. 609 (Jer. ii. 16), but many. MSS.
read as follows.

en 588 | (Jer. xlii. 7, 8; xlvi. 14).
(Ezek. xxx. 18).

Δαφναί 454 (Hdt. ii. 30, 107).

Tadvai circ. 200 (LXX, Jer. and Ezek.).

Taphnes Coptic.

Dafno Itin. Anton.

Δάφνη Steph. Byz.

Def’neh modern pronunciation.

There are two suppositions on the origin of the
name, beside Brugsch’s theory of Ta-benet; one
by Rev. H.G. Tomkins (see Acad. Sept. 11, 1886),
and the other by Mr. Griffith (see Chapter XIV.).

In Ptolemaie times the dwellings here were
restricted to a small compass in the N.W. quarter
of the plain, and do not seem to have been of much
consequence. Of the Roman period there is
scarcely a trace on the south of the canal, but
many fragments of Roman glass, &c., on the
mound north of the canal. Some tombs there
seem to belong to an earlier period, and possibly
a cemetery of the flourishing times of Daphnai
may be found there.

CHAPTER VII.
THE KASR AND CAMP.

51. Ashas been already mentioned, the ruined
mass of the fort at Defenneh is known by tlıe name
of the “ Kasr el Bint el Yehudi,” or Palace of the
Jew’s daughter. That this was more than a mere
garrison fortress is indicated by certain additional
chambers built around it, which contained many
articles that common troops would not be expected

CHAP. VIIL—THE KASR AND CAMP. 53

to require; by the large quantity of the best
painted Greek pottery, which belonged to the
Kasr; bythe fragments of very fine sculptured
and painted hieroglyphs on limestone; by the
large quantity of plaster sealings of jars impressed
with the royal cartouches; and by the name
Pharaoh’s house—Beth Pharaoch—used by Jere-
miah, who certainly was familiar with it. The
Arab name of Kasr echoes the same, as that is not
merely a fort (hisn or kalah), but a palace-fort,
where a ruler would live with his troops; and as
the mounds to ordinary view were not different
from any other mounds in the country, not having
any stone walls or statues to attract attention,
this name of Kasr, so exactly suited to the character
of the place according to other indications, seems
to be a genuine tradition from ancient times, and
not merely a chance appellation.

On referring to the Plan pl. xliv. it will be seen
that several different periods are indicated by the
differences of shading employed. The original fort
of Psamtik I., founded about 664 2.c., is marked
full black. Unhappily all the upper part of it had
disappeared by denudation, and nothing that
remains reached up to the platform of the top,
on which the actual dwelling rooms were placed.
Yet the height of the highest parts is 24 feet above
the bases of the chambers. Probably the platform
of the top was about 30 feet above the ground, as
several of the chambers in the best preserved parts
show signs of the springing of domes in their
corners; the corners are rounded, and gather in
toward the vaulting, which has now disappeared.
It is not certain that all the chambers were thus
domed over; many ofthem were filled not with fallen
and washed-down brickwork, but with sand; this
was the case with the southern large chamber in
the middle, which is not likely to have been vaulted,
as it is 16 feet 4 inches wide. Remembering how
a sand foundation was always provided for stone
buildings, it seems not unlikely that some superior
building stood over this sand chamber. An indi-
eation of this was, that in the square chamber
35 adjoining this there were great numbers of

chips of limestone flaked off a piece of the finest
hieroglyphie seulpture. Many of these chambers
had probably had an opening in their vaulted
roof, so as to be used as store-rooms; and that
they were not all filled up to the level of the plat-
form is shown not only by the sculptured chips
found in 35, but by a few other things found
in them, such as the upper part of a good
statuette of a captive found in the third chamber
W. of 35. The northern large chamber was
either hollow and vaulted, or else a deep open-
air store place, as some large blocks of fallen
stone were found lying near the bottom of it. The
form of its north end was not fully ascertained.
On the eastern side the pile appears to be far
more solid; but many small chambers might have
existed there, filled up solid with brickwork, as
several of those were which I cleared. When once
a chamber is filled solid, it needs much searching
to detect it, as the wall and filling are all of the
same material—mud brick. When I first began
work, the outlines of the chambers were nearly all
invisible, and it was only by continual attacks on
the surface that they were discovered, and their
forms and sizes shown. The whole pile of the
Kasr was a smooth rounded hillock of mud, capped
in parts by bricks burnt in the conflagration, which
had preserved the parts beneath them from
crumbling into indistinguishable paste. Even the
direetions of the main walls had to be found out,
and it was some days before the outline of the
fort was clear.

52. There are many indications of changes
in the construction, and these form the most
puzzling question of the whole place. Continually
on clearing a chamber to near its base, the wall
was found to stand out in a different alignment
(some cases are shown by lines in the chambers) ;
sometimes the upper wall only rested on sand
below, sometimes a fresh wall appeared within a
chamber. In the northern large chamber were
several dividing walls near the base, not at all in
one with the upper walls. On the northern side,

54 TELL DEFENNEH:.

where a chamber showed walls breaking line, I
made a clear section through them to the outside;
but both upper and lower walls seemed to end in
one smooth face, without any difference on the
outside. The sizes of the bricks again do not clear
up the matter, for in one distinet case of earlier
and later wall, there was no difference between
the brieks. A positive case of different arrange-
ment oceurs in the southern large chamber, where
the upper walls end, and a smaller square chamber
is found within the larger going down 8 or 10 feet
further, and slightly eutting under the upper wall.
Yet the base of this lower chamber was just about
the base level of the corners of the fort, and some
pieces of pottery which cannot be referred to
Ramesside, but rather to Psametic times, were
found in the bottom of it. The evidence from
dated objects seems against any earlier fort having
been ruined and built over again. The foundation
deposits, which were well beneath the cormers of
the foundation, lower down than the bases of any
of the chambers, bore the eartouches of Psamtik 1;
so the building could hardly be earlier than his
rein. Then the jar sealing of Nekau was found
on the flooring of chamber 22, and this is
not only of the age of the fort, but after four
periods of building (A, B, c,D of the plan) had
all passed here since the curious basis of the fort
waslaid. The only explanation seems to be that
the fort was begun with a different arrangement of
chambers, and that for some unknown reason it
was stopped for a time; then fresh builders came
to work, and began with the present plan, only
attending to the regularity of the outside.

53. How the original fort on the top of the
platform 30 feet high was entered is unknown.
Probably the approach was from the north, as the
later entrance was on that side; and it seems
most likely that a flight of wooden steps, which
could be removed, was placed on the broad parapet
along the inner side of the mastaba, and so bridged
across the ditch left between this parapet and the
fort wall. It is certain that at the fort in the

Pan-Hellenion at Naukratis the entrance was by a
wooden slope or staircase, as no trace of building
existed before the high entrance, and the wall was
clear and bare.

The outer walls of the fort were covered with
two or three coats of plaster; and beneath the
present surface of the mound I often found this
perfectly preserved, as fresh as when the Karians
lounged around it. The bricks had been all
pointed in the joints with mud mortar stifly
pressed in by the fingers, and not merely laid with
a coat of mortar.

All the chambers, except one or two of the
smaller ones which are filled with solid brick-
work, were completely cleared out to the founda-
tions; but scarcely anything was found inthe sand
and rubbish with which they were filled. In
chamber 35 there were many flakes of fine
hieroglyphs from an inscribed block, evidently
chipped off on purpose to reface it. In cham-
ber 40 was the upper part of a statuette of a
captive, in hard limestone, of fine work, now at
Bulak. In chamber 30 were some jars of the
type pl. xxxiv. 23, of rough-faced red ware,
rather thin and fairly hard, but poorly made:
these were partly beneath the foundation of the
wall. In the lower square chamber within the
southern large chamber were some fragments of
similarly rough pottery; and a piece with a rude
wavy brown line on a white facing, which might
at first be almost mistaken for the roughest late
Roman painting, but which from its position must
be the latest degradation of the fine colouring
of the eighteenth dynasty, which fell off even
in the Ramesside times.

54. The most important find belonging to
this fort was that of the foundation deposits. I
had become familiar with such in connection with
stone buildings placed within a retaining wall, from
finding them at Naukratis, and twice at Nebesheh,
beside Mr. Griffith’s find at Gemaiyemi; , but
nothing was known about the arrangements for
brick buildings; indeed Imuch doubted whether

CHAP. VIIL—THE KASR AND CAMP. 58

any deposits would have been placed beneath a
purely civil building of such material. At last I
tried the two most accessible corners, the
N.W. and S.W; unfortunately at the S.W. the
man disobeyed orders, and began to work in
beneath the wall. Before long he brought me a
green glazed plaque (pl. xxii. 5) with cartouches
of Psamtik I., which showed at once who was the
founder, and proved the fruitfulness of brick
foundations. This corner was thus broken up,
and onlythe copper plaque beside was saved; but
the other corners I entirely worked out with my
own hands, and noted the position of everything.
The plans of each corner are given on pl. xxiii.
with sections of the lowest courses showing the
depth of the deposits beneath them, and the
absolute levels in inches above an arbitiary datum
about 17 feet below sea level (212 to 227 below
Menzaleh), or 500 inches below the highest point
of the mounds, to which I always measured. In
the N.W. and N.E. corners deposits of plaques
(pl. xxii. 1to 9) were found, all of which were
engraved, both metal and stone, with the cartouche
of Psamtik I. No other set of deposits have I
yet seen with the hard stone plaques of jasper,
green felspar, &c., engraved. But at the S.E.
corner a greater surprise awaited me: there I
first came on some teeth and bones of an ox, in
tunnelling in below the wall, evidently the sacrifice
of the ceremony; then a huge pair of cormn
grinders of full size in quartzite sandstone (figs.
15, 16); not mere models in limestone or
sandstone, but the same things that were used in
each household. They had not been worn at all,
and were therefore a new pair used in some part
of the ceremony for grinding wheat. Below the
great lower stone was the libation cup (fig. 13) of
green glazed ware, and beside that lay the various
plaques. Here also were samples of lead ore and
copper ore (figs. 10, 11). May these have
referred to smelting works of the Greeks here, as
they certainly did smelt copper and iron ? or may
they refer to the protection which the fort afforded
to the caravan road for the metal trade from Asia?

The curious piece of alabaster (fig. 14) is of un-
known purport; but it is paralleled by a much
smaller piece of the same form in the little late
foundation deposit of the building in the cemetery
of Nebesheh (pl. xix., Nebesheh, fig. 7.). The
following is a catalogue of the objects found in
each corner :—

Pr. xxır. ΝΕ, S.E. S.W. ΝΥ͂.
Gold plaque . el 1 τ 1
Silver . 3 . fig. 8 l Be 1
Lead . : . fig. 6 1 1 1
Copper . : . fig. 9 1 1 1 1
Carnelian Ἔ ΠΡ καὶ ἜΣ οὖς ]
Green Felspar . fig. 2 1 Er 1
Lapis Lazuli . . fig. 3 1 1 - 1
Jasper . : A 1 1 5 ]
Green glazed . . fe. 5 1 1 1 1
Mudbrick . . fig. 12 1 1 Ar
Lead ore e . fig. 10 er pieces ...
Copper ore . fg. 11 pieces ...
Libation cup . . fig. 13 Est
Alabaster - . fig. 14 ze 1
Corn-rubbers . figs. 1ὅ, 16... 2
Bones cf sacrifice ὃ many...

This is the oldest set of foundation deposits yet
discovered, and it is the finest in the quality of
the objects: the models of tools, however, give
the deposits of Ptolemaie age a different interest.

We may notice here a very trifling deposit
found beneath the buildings which we shall next
notice. Beneath the S.W. corner of the block of
building E. of the fort, just S.W. of the chamber
19 C, a hole had been scooped out of the sand,
cylindrical, 4 to 7 inches from W. face, 10 to 14
inches from $S. face, and 1 to 12 inches deep
below the base of the brickwork. This hole was
filled with charcoal, and burnt bones of a small
bird, of which I could preserve only one piece.
Evidently a sacrifice (probably of pigeons) had
been made on founding this addition; and the
bones and ashes were collected and buried in a
hole beneath the corner. This, and the ox bones
above, show that a sacrificial intent was prominent
in the ceremony, and that the rest of the objects
were subordinate.

55. Turning now to the other buildings of the
Kasr, the different ages of them may be seen
marked on pl. xliv. The first addition was the
large square block with eross shading (8) which

66 TELL DEFENNEH.

joins the fort-wallontheN.side. This apparently
served as a new entrance to the fort, in place of
the older plan of wooden stairs. At a level of
over 6 feet above the mastaba (dotted in the plan),
or 12 feet above the plain, was the sill of the
doorway leading to these chambers. The block
still remains in position, with a block beneath
having a drain cut in its upper side, as shown in the
plan. Rising about a foot and a half more up the
passage, we enter an open-air court 12 feet 2 inches
x 14feet 5 inches, which had a comice and fluted
moulding of limestone around the top of its wall.
Another passage led out to the east, serving as a
second entrance apparently; while a third led
northward into the mass of building. The north
part of this building having been greatly denuded,
we cannot trace this passage for more than 22
feet from the court, up to which point it is hori-
zontal; but it probably led to an ascent by which
the upper platform was reached. As its floor is
now about 18 or 20 feet below the probable level
of the upper platform, and the distance to the
N. wall only 60 feet, the ascent must either have
been by steps, or else have turned in its course if
it were a slope. The walls and floors of this
court and passages are smoothly plastered; and
though they were filled with burnt earth from the
conflagration of the upper parts of the palace,
yet the sides were in good condition when ex-
cavated. On the W. side of this block were
found pieces of cornice with ordinary Egyptian
cavetto moulding ; these show that the outside
was decorated with a limestone top, as well as the
inner court.

After this block had been built, a second mass
was added all along the E. side (period c); this
only touched the previous block at a small point ;
but later a blocking was put in (period Ὁ) on the
N. side, so as to leave a space enclosed between
them (chamber 22). This space was floored with
a smooth clay floor, and roofed over with a
sloping roof some way below the level of the
platform. This roof must have been very slight,
probably of thin cross beams covered with palm

"lower part.

sticks and mud, just to keep out sun, rain, and
dust; and the space below served as a store place.
The trace of this roof remains on the W. wall,
which is preserved above that level, owing to the
complete baking it has had in the conflagration.
On it may be seen a gently sloping groove on the
face of the wall, beam holes below it, and the mor-
taring of the wall perfect beneath it, but washed off
aboveit. This shows that a roof had protected the
Around the top of the court thus left
was a band of stone frieze, sculptured with the
khaker ornament, painted in red and blue, so usual
from the twenty-first dynasty onward. Within
this chamber 22 was found the jar sealing of
Nekau (pl. xxxvi. 2), which proves that the
fourth period, D, of building was before his reign.

This block of buildings was by far the most
fruitful in antiquities, as it includes a line of
kitchens or store-rooms on the ground level. The
group of chambers 2, 3, 4, 9, all entered by one
doorway (of which the stone sill remains), was
full of jars and pottery, and two or three weights
were found in most of these chambers. The
chambers 11 and 17 (entered by the previous
second entrance to the palace which was turned
into a passage) were filled up with earth to a
higher level, about 5 feet above the outside group,
and only 2 feet below the passage which led to
them from the entrance court. In No. 17 was
found the great Triton vase (pl. xxv.), which is
the largest and finest discovered at Defenneh.
It was in 99 pieces, evidently having been carried
out of the palace above, and thrown away as
broken in the first disused room that was handy.
The further chambers 19 A, B, c, had no doorways
on the ground level, and were probably reached by
a wooden staircase from an upper floor, the long
recesses in 19 a and 19 » being just suited for a
staircase or ladder. On the N. and W. sides of
19 a are benches or recesses which were covered
with pottery, jars stacked on their sides, dishes,
cups, and a fine black and buff Greek vase (pl.
xxxi. fig. 17). Iron pokers, a large flat knife, and
other things were found here, beside several

CHAP. VIIIL.—THE KASR AND CAMP. 57

weights. In the floor was a large sink-jar, placed
half in the sand. In 19 c was a recess on the
E. side, and a sink-jar placed in the wall on the
E. of that with two little recesses on each side of
the jar to stand small things in as they were
washed up. The sink-jar was full of pottery
(including the pieces of the fine vase, pl. xxxii. 5)
and organic remains and fish bones mixed with
it. This whole block of chambers was built with
a slight batter in the wall, and covered with white
plastering like the fort.

At a later time, perhaps soon after the building
ofthese chambers, the great block of briekwork of
period z was inserted to block off communication
outwards from the palace on the E. side, leaving
only the front entrance on the W. This block is
still 20 feet high, and had to be cut through from
top to bottom, to extract the N.E. corner deposit.
Later still the long enelosing wall of period πὶ
was built around the chambers 19, and also the
small block to narrow the passage in the palace.
It seems probable that the space 26 was an open

‘court, so as to light the chambers 11 and 17
without needing external windows.

56. Before deseribing the lesser buildings
around, we will now notice the great mastaba or
pavement in front of the entrance (dotted in pl.
xliv.). All the N. end of this is so completely
denuded away, that its limits can only be found
where the briekwork is unusually deep around the
edge. The southern end, and eastern side par-
tieularly, were, on the contrary, buried deep in
wash and rubbish from the ruins above. This
made it not at all easy to examine, and time
failed me to work it out as closely as I should
have wished. To at least determine whether
any such stones as those mentioned by
Jeremiah still remained, or any cylinders of
Nebuchadrezzar in the lesser part yet undenuded,
I had the whole of the mastaba (excepting
a ledge on the 8. side left as evidence) cut
away to over a foot in depth and turned over,
but without finding anything but a silver ring

(pl. xli. 33) and a few arrow-heads which had
been lost there.

The body ofthe mastaba is from 20 to 40 inches
thick of mud and briekwork, with a foundation of
brickwork about a foot deeper all round the edge.
The precise form ofthe N. end ofthe mastaba is not
very certain, as only the foundation of the edging
wall remains, and that may have been altered by
enlargements or otherwise; but so far as it could
be detected it is here marked. It was useless to
try to follow it, as it was much worn away into a
slope, and yet buried in washed mud, so that
scarcely any Arab could track it correctly ; it was
only by cutting frequent sections through it that
anything could be determined. On the W. side
it seems to have had a bounding wall, at least on
the southern part; possibly an awning was
stretched across the corner thus formed between
the western and southern walls, so asto make a
shady corner. The two recesses in the southern
wall at this corner seem as if they might be sentry-
boxes for guards to stand in, so as to be sheltered
from the sun. From off this mastaba there must
have been a set of steps to reach a broad causeway
which was all in one with the south wall of the
mastaba; this causeway is 11 feet 4 inches wide,
and probably had ἃ parapet wall on either hand,
now washed away. But from the raised ledge, or
roadway, over 10 feet wide, along the west wall of
the block of period B, there was probably also a
flight of steps up to the causeway, for direct access
without going on to the mastaba. The mastaba
was about 3 feet above the original plain, and the
causeway and entrance about ΟΣ feet above the
mastaba (the exactlevelsaregivenin Chapter XIII.).
For defensive purposes it will be observed that
the mastaba is carefully kept away from the fort
wall, there being a complete drop down to. ground
level between the parapet and the fort, a drop of
10 feet on one side and probably 40 feet on the
other, with a gap 10 feet wide. The wall was
only allowed to touch at the N.W. corner, but
here it probably did not reach within 30 feet of
the top of the fort. The entrance, it will be

I

58 TELL DEFENNEH.

noticed, is well protected; an enemy’s force
must colleet on the causeway, which was com-
pletely open to attack all along by missiles from
the fort above; while the low roadway ran
alongside of the wall from which it could be
attacked. The mastaba was commanded by a
cross attack from two sides, and no shelter
could be obtained by means of any of the walls
belonging to it.

The burnt brick wall marked on the plan in the
mastaba is a piece of the foundation of a building,
of which two or three courses remain. At the
eastern end it was distinetly seen to be beneath
the undisturbed surface of the mastaba, and
therefore older, although the north part has been
exposed by denudation. This is probably of
Ramesside age, as compared with Ramesside
red-brick tombs at Nebesheh. The bricks are
12:6x6'2x3'2, the Nebesheh bricks being
13:5x 6:2.

The roadway which led up to the entrance can
be traced by lines of chips, &c., down to the camp
wall; and there is a distinet break in the inner
wall near the Kasr, and remains of a stone gate,
in that line.

57. To turn now to the other buildings around
the Kasr. The oldest, so far as evidence goes, is
the chamber 8 on the W., as in this the jar
sealings of Psamtik I. were found. But from
various indications (such as the stamp of Nekau
in chamber 22, and the depth of remains
in the eastern chambers 18 and 19 below
articles of Psamtik II. and Aahmes) it would
seem that all the buildings here were probably
of the time of Psamtik I. Chamber 8 seems
to have been devoted entirely to unsealing
large jars; not a single jar was found in
it, but dozens of lids and pieces of the plaster
sealings. At1,just at the N.W. corner of the
fort, ascrap of painted pottery of the seventh century
(pl. xxiv. 6) was found down on the sand, The
chamber adjoining it is curious, with four recesses
at the corners. The foundation of an enclosure

wall can be traced along the western side of the
mastaba; but it is so nearly all gone (only an
inch or two of mud remaining), that I could only
find it by cutting cross sections.

On the southern side many chambers have been
built to a considerable height against the fort,
that at the eastern half reaching as high as the
fort is preserved. Why such a mass of building
was allowed, when the fort was kept so insulated
on the E. and N., is not intelligible. One result
is clear, that a great mass of limestone building
stood on the top of the fort along this side,
possibly such a high blank wall that they were
indifferent to buildings being set against the lower
wall. Most ofthese chambers are full of stone
chips, from the breaking up and trimming of
the stones when carried away. The chamber at
12, however, seems to have been the receptacle
of all the broken pottery thrown down from
the fort; it was entirely filled with shards. It
looks on the plan as if the broad, long wall had
been part of the defences of the fort, within which
chambers had encroached. In fact, on each side
may be seen a.length of wall at 10 to 14 feet
distant from the fort wall.

At the S.E. corner were some more chambers,
18 and 29, which seem to have been solely used
in later times for throwing away good pottery,
most of it painted Greek pottery. Why this
should have been thus accumulated here, and
nowhere else, is a puzzle. Fully nine-tenths of
all the painted pottery of Defenneh was found in
these two chambers. It lay in a bed of dust,
which appeared close to the surface by denuda-
tion, in fact, the painted fragments were sticking
out of the ground; and—first picked up by chil-
dren in the dinner hour—they led me to begin
work at 18, and then to search all the pottery of
the neighbourhood, and find chamber 29 also.
The bed of dust with pottery was only 9 inches
or soin depth, and lay on a hard, smooth, mud
floor. After elearing away the whole of it from
18, I then dug down below, and found two or
three feet lower down a quantity of twenty-sixth

CHAP. VIIL—THE KASR AND CAMP. 59

dynasty pottery, showing that the chamber must
have been in use long before. This shows that
this deposit of Greek pottery does not date back
to the foundation of the fort by any means ; but
must probably be half a century or more later.
Moreover, though a jar handle stamped by Nekau
was found among the pottery, that might easily
be twenty years old when thrown away. The
best dating is obtained by finding jar sealings of
Psamtik II.and Aahmes, mixed with the potsherds.
This shows that the upper level—of painted Greek
pottery—belongs to 595 to 565 B.c. But, as
already noticed, the removal of the Greeks from
here by Aahmes, and cessation of all Greek trade
prevents our dating this pottery later than about
565 2.c. for its introduction, though it might,
perhaps, be thrown out broken at a later date.
With the pottery in 18 were found an iron knife,
and a quantity of iron scale armour. A stone
door-sill lay on the ground at the north end of
the chambers of 18.

Having now described all the buildings of the
Kasr, we will notice the rest of the camp (see
pl. xlii.) In front of the Kasr was a brick
wall, with a gateway in it; but the ends of this
I could not trace on the surface, and I could not
give time to clear up the course of the wall, as
that is generaily a very tedious affair, and takes
up a large share of attention. The wall is only
detected by the cessation of a strewing of pottery
on its inner side, and a similar cessation of stone
chips on its outer side; the brickwork is com-
pletely swept away to the ground, and the wash
of rain and wind-blown sand disguise the founda-
tions. Further out to the north wall of the camp
is a quantity of stone chips; basalt, granite, sand-
stone, and limestone lie thickly on the ground,
and apparently important buildings have been
destroyed here. A line of chips of basalt, sand-
stone, and limestone mark the side of the road-
way up to the entrance of the Kasr.

Just outside ofthe wall, lying on its edge, is half
of a great sandstone stela, probably of Psamtik1.,
which states that it was dedicated in the temple

of Khem. But it would be strange if a temple
should be built so close against the camp wall.
Yet this seems as if it were the original place of
the stela, as many flakes and blocks broken from
it, lie all around it. The account of the in-
seription will be found in Mr. Griffith’s chapter
on the inseriptions (chap. v.); most unhappily, a
flaw in the stone has just broken out the name of
the place, that it endsin... . hor-t isall that we
can say.

On the west of the Kasr many chambers may
be seen in the soil, filled up with stone chips: as
these chips have hindered the denudation more
than the mere brickwork, so they are left as a
heap in the chamber walls. These chambers are
shown by dot shade on the plan. Away to the
S.E. were a quantity of buildings inhabited by
workmen, the armoury ofthe camp. Iron arrow-
heads strewed the ground, and were excavated by
hundreds;; the same of bronze; iron and copper
slag abounded; and many other small objects
were found. As it would not be worth while to
excavate on a large scale without a definite clue,
and yet, owing to denudation, the surface dust
was richer than the general soil, I determined,
instead of trying to dig down two or three feet to
the sand, to only turn over thedust. This was far
less labour, as it did not need to be put ina basket
to remove it, but could be just raked over with a
hoe, and pushed back by a child with a bit of pot-
sherd; and in this way about six acres of ground
were allturned up to about 6inches deep. Some-
times a chamber would be worked out if anything
good was found; and after thus turning the soil
the plan of chambers and walls showed very
plainly. For a description of the objects found,
chap. xi. must be referred to.

At the south wall of the camp three heaps of
chips were noticed in the middle, and I guessed ἡ
that these represented the chips left in the road-
way, and on either side, of a stone pylon that
stood here. On excavating we found the commers
of the foundation, where the stones had stood,
but no foundation deposits had been placed

ι 2

60 TELL DEFENNEH.

here. The N.E. and S.W. corners of the camp
wall were also cleared, but no deposits were found.
The great wall of the camp has been entirely
swept away down to the ground by denudation ;
removed by wind and not by rain, as there is no
wash of mud around its site. I walked across it
from my tent to the work a couple of hundred
times without perceiving it. At last I noticed a
space clear of potsherds on the Εἰ. of the Kası,
and finding I could track it southward to where it
turned a corner, I then guessed it was the wall of
the camp. On eutting into it, it was found to be
all clear mud, and therefore probably brickwork,
though all semblance of bricks had long since
vanished under the soaking rains. I had some
diffieulty in fixing it at the N.W. corner, and
several pits there did not clear the matter up, as
so much mud identical with it lies around it;
hence I could only settle it by the direction of the
north and west walls.

Beyond the camp there is little to be noted ;
the plain is covered with potsherds, as shown on
the map (pl. xlii.), and walls can be found in
almost any part. I searched in every direction
for stone chips or broad walls that would indicate
the site of a Greek temple, but was unsuccessful.
A group of walls away to the east of the Kasr, I
began on early in the work, hoping Ihad a temple
site; but I found small dwelling chambers all
over it, and sinks for washing-up, without any
sign of an important building. A plan of these
walls is given in pl. xlv. The work was very
slow, as the walls were all but identical with
the soil around them, and only two fellows were
competent to track them. Onelad, Khallil Sidah-
med, was most skilful at this, and often it took
me a long examination to prove to myself that he
was right, and not merely eutting a trench as
faney directed. Yet some result was obtained, as
this turned out to be the earliest Greek locality
that we cleared, and most of the objects in
pl. xxiv. were found here (marked 51).

The sinks which often occur here deserve notice,
as it ıs the first time that such arrangements have

been cleared up. It was a custom in most rooms
to have close to the wall, sometimes cut a little
into it, a hole in the floor; lined down to, and
into, the sand beneath, with an amphora which
had holes in its bottom and sides to let the water
out. This amphora was filled with large shards,
and smaller pieces on the top, so as to let water
flow freely away and yet support any cup or dish
that might be washed. Fish bones are often found
in these sinks, and the pottery is always covered
with a coneretion of yellow matter which seems
of organie origin. Sometimes the sinks are much
deeper, and prove to be veritable dry wells, one
S.W. of the Kasr being about 10 feet in depth to
the sand, all filled with shards. Sometimes jars
were made on purpose for small sinks, as is
shown in No. 37 (pl. xxxiv.).

At some distance south of the camp there is a
mound bordering on the caravan road, with some
pottery scattered to the north of it. On excava-
ting in the mound, large quantities of limestone
chips were found, together with some pieces of
granite and basalt; and some limestone pave-
ment was found in situ, as well as several brick
walls, which are marked on the map (pl. xlüi.).
The bricks were between the rather varying sizes of
those of the Kasr, and therefore probably of the
same age, certainly not Ptolemaie or Roman. This
may well have been the site of a guard-house by
the side of the road, or, from the fine stones used,
perhaps a temple. Itis a very striking proof of
the fixity of the line of road; for, had not a road
passed here, there would have been no apparent
reason for placing a large building far away from
all the rest of the town, with a stretch of deep,
sandy desert between; but its place by the road-
side exactly explains this. It lies also just in the
axis of the camp, probably where the branch
road turned off to go up to the southern pylon of
the camp.

Many pits were sunk at intervals all over the
ΝΥ. mound marked ‘ Ptolemaic.’ This was
evidently the site of tie reduced town, after the
Greek exodus had left the great plain deserted,

CHAP. IX.—THE POTTERY. 61

All across the plain there is not a fragment which
can be dated later than the fifth century, 2.0.; it
is absolutely. clear of later pottery, so far as Ihave
been able to find. But on the N.W. mound
there is pottery as late as perhaps early Roman
times. Scarcely anything was found in these
excavations, though I generally sunk large pits
down to the water level, and cleared some large
chambers. Three bronze pots of cylindrical form,
and a lot of late amulets were about all that was
found.

On the other side of the canal, which I rarely
visited, there is late Roman glass strewn about,
and an impressed glass seal with a galley in full
5811 wasfound here. Tombs also exist, and some
have been of limestone. Doubtless objects might
be obtained from here, but my time did not permit
of working on that: side.

CHAPTER IX.
THE POTTERY.

58. Tue study of the pottery of Defenneh is
the natural complement of the work last year at
Naukratis ; each explains the other, and shows
by its relations and differences fresh results of
the painted Greek pottery, which is one of the
most valuable finds at Defenneh. Of the eircum-
stances which give a chronological value to the
main find of Greek vases here, I have already
rendered an account in the previous chapter.

The earliest pottery found here, to judge by its
style, is that among the buildings away to the
E. of the Kasr. Here were found two bowls
(pl. xxiv. 12, 13) which are distinetly non-
Egyptian, and yet are not familiar in Greek types;
they seem like the prototypes of the forms so
common in the temples of Naukratis; with a
reduction and a. sharpening of the brim they
would reach the black and buff bowl which may
be called the Naukratite Apollo bowl ; and on
the other hand, a narrower form, with a base,
reaches the white-faceed Aphrodite bowl of

Naukratis. The Egyptians were not familiar
with a wide neck or contracted rim to bowls and
flat vessels, their forms are either an open bowl
or a distinet neck, and the break of the curve
and slight narrowing is distinetively Greek.
Another early type here is the stamnos (xxiv. 10),
the plain line pattern of which is like the early
pottery at Naukratis, and distinetly archaie in
comparison with the later. ornament found on
stamni among the fragments of chambers 18 and
29; there, about 580 2.c., this form is always
decorated with the lotus flower, like pl. xxvi. 8.
Again the neck (xxiv. 9) is earlier than the
necks of the black and buff vases (xxxi. 8), of
which it is the prototype. And the fragment
of a stamnos with TET ineised upon it retro-
grade, seems certainly to belong to the seventh
century.

With this pottery was found the archaic stone
idol (xxiv. 3), the terra-cotta, (xxiv. 4), and
probably the rude idol (zxiv. 2). The finding
of such figures here is of great value, owing to the
narrow limits of the Greek occupation here.
For once it can be safely said that we have
figures certainly made within one century. The
other pottery found in this early site, is marked
50 and 51 in the numbering of sites, which will
be seen at the lower right hand side of the types
or vases in pls. xxxiii. to xxxvi. The types are
Nos. 1, 2, 4, 6, 8, 9, 10,12, 14 without a base,
16, 19, 21, 22, 35, 37, 38, 39, 63, 75, 78, 98.

59. The bulk of the painted pottery, found in
chambers 18 and 29, is remarkably different
from the pottery found at Naukratis. The
difference is partly due to age, as Naukratis
lasted until Roman times, but that is far from
accounting for the whole difference. The main
fact is that all the types most usual at Naukratis
are absent at Defenneh, and all those most usual
at Defenneh are never found at Naukratis.

Naukratis. Defenneh,
Buff and black “ Apollo bowls” Hundreds de- One piece on
(Naukratis x. 4, 5, 6). dieated to plain.

Apollo.

62 TELL DEFENNEH.

Naukratis. Defenneh.

White-faced “ Aphrodite bowls”” Hundreds de- One piece on
(Naukratis x. 1, 3). dieated to plain.
Apollo and
Aphrodite
“Rhodian ” pirakes, black and Hundreds of None.
red radii and eircles of spots. pieces in
town.
“ Korinthian ” vases Common. None.
“ Phenician-Greek.” Common. None,
Naukratis lines, purple and
white. General. None.
On the other hand :—
Situla-form vases (Defenneh None. Common.
xxv. 3, xxvi. 8).
Stamni (Defenneh xxiv. 10). None General.
Fikellura pattern (xxviii.). Rare Common.
Fan lotus pattern (xxvi. 8). None General.
White spots and crosses (xxix.). Very rare. Common.
Imbricated, with dancers,
sphinxes, &e., (xxx. 2). None. Common.

On looking at such a state of things, and
remembering that this list includes most of the
pottery found at these sites, it seems impossible
to think that this ware came to these places in
the ordinary course of trade from Greece and
Asia Minor. Even if vases had been made by
a wholly alien people, such as the Samnites or
Phenicians, it would be unlikely that the lines of
trade would be so absolutely isolated to two cities
in the Delta at the same period; but when both
those cities were inhabited by Ionians, and both of
them kept up a continual intercourse with Ionia
for trading and information, and derived their
imports through that Greek trade, this isolation
is the more extraordinary. To agree that each
of these types peculiar to one or other site was
made on the spot, and that but little of all the
pottery was imported, may be scarcely allowed by
archologists ; yet the facts of the case point
unmistakably in that direction; and the proba-
bility that a ton of rough clay was easier to ship
to Egypt than a ton of brittle and bulky vases
is entirely in favour of this conclusion.

But there is also strong evidence that one of
the most important classes of the pottery of
Defenneh was made in the country. The situla-
type of vase (pl. xxv. 3, xxvi. 8) is unknown,
until discovered now at Defenneh, and it is obvi-
ously copied from the bronze situla of the Egyp-
tians, which was very common from this period on
to Ptolemaic times. Further, the designs on these

situla vases are in some cases of Egyptian origin.
On pl. xxvi., which contains solely the situla
designs on vases like fig. 8, will be seen (fig.
1) a hawk on a basket, which is a purely
Egyptian sign, being the hieroglyphie neb. In
fig 3is a direct drawing of an Egyptian, which I
have given again on a larger scale (reduced from
a full-sized copy) on pl. xxix. 2.; the shaving of
the face, the close cut hair (the lines of which
are yellow on black), the circumeision, and the
mode of fighting (which is just what is seen in
Egyptian figures from the earliest age), all show
that this is an Egyptian and not a Greek. The
lotus group between the two fighters is again
not a Greek lotus pattern, but like the lotus
flowers on piles of Egyptian offerings. It
cannot be doubted that this was painted with
living Egyptians under the artist’s eyes. Ifthen
there is good reason to attribute the situla vases
to Daphniote potters, we are also led to attribute
to the same source the stamni, which are of
exactly the same clay, and decorated with the
same fan-Jotus ornament. With regard to the age
of the pottery, it seems certain that all Greek
pottery from Defenneh must be included within
just about a century. The fort was founded, and
the Ionians settled here, about 665 2.c., and the
Greeks were entirely removed by Aahmes about
565 B.c. Few sites can give such a well-defined
period ; but probably no large collection of
painted fragments is so closely limited as is the
bulk of the pottery here, which comes from
chambers 18 and 29, as this may be dated
between 595 and 565 2.c., with a probability
which only some very clear exception could
refute. As, however, in no instance apparently is
there any pattern or style which is known not to
have been in use then, the case must be accepted
at least for the present.

We have above seen what a great separation
there is between the pottery of Naukratis and
Defenneh ; but so far as they can be compared,
—mainly on unpainted pottery—the result is
very satisfactory. The following are styles of

CHAP. IX.—THE POTTERY. 63

pottery which were found at Naukratis, and can
be approximately dated by the levels as published
in “ Naukratis’ I. (pp. 19, et seq.).

Apollo level. ὌΞΩ.

Fikellura 290 550
„ in town before 570
Polemarchos 250 600
Polledrara 230—310 630—540
Loop handles (D. xxxiii. 6). 230—320 630—530
τῇ in town before 570
Light drab. 270—290 580—550
White-faced rough red. 240 610

These data were published before Defenneh
was touched, and yet these are the varieties
which are required by the results at Defenneh to
date between 595 and 565 2.c.; excepting the
last which is found in older sites there. The
agreement is as complete as we could wish it,
thoush working from very different data in
places which had evidently very little connection.
If we tried to date the Defenneh deposit by
means of the Naukratis results, we could but
say about 600 to 560 B.c., or just the period
which the Defenneh results yield independently.
Nothing could give us greater confidence in the
conclusions than this agreement.

Since we have not a long stratigraphical com-
parison to work out, as in the Apollo deposits, it
is not needful to provide such a classification as
was required for Naukratis. But a brief descrip-
tion of the prineipal varieties should be given.

60. The situle are. of fine-grained hard pale buff
clay, the examples of pl. xxv. being harder and
browner, those of pl. xxvi. paler, and some (such
as fig. 8) are soft light grey. The stamm are of
exactly the same clays, colouring, and designs,
but never figured.

The Fikellura ware of pl. xxvii. is dark grey-
brown, rough ribbed inside, and white-faced in
figs. 1 and 2; but pale red-brown with a creamy face
and red pattern in fig. 3. On pl. xxviii. the ware
is light brown with creamy face and red-brown
figures in 1 and 2, or black figures in 3 and 4,
with applied red (or “ purple’) in the fret and
leaves of fig. 4.

The fine painted ware on xxix. 1, 8, 4, and

xxx. 1,2, is of a hard light buff-brown, close-
grained, and without any coloured facing; pl.
xxx. 3 is very thin pottery for its size, with
lustrous black and much applied red.

The black and buff ware of pl. xxxi. is usually
rather dark in the body, and might be called red-
brown in many cases (as 10 and 17); while others
are almost grey (as5, 11, 21),though this seems
to belong more to the oinochoe or aryballos type
of11and 21, than to the amphora type of 17.
Figs. 1to 8 are all on necks of amphore like 17.
In many cases applied white is largely used, as
on 1, 9, 10, 11, 15, 16, 19, 20, and 21.

The unfigured pottery of pl. xxxii. varies
much. 1and 2 are brown with a whitish facing,
and red design. 4 15 of a soft brown ware, with
a ruddy-fawn facing, and brown design. And 5
is of a hard light brown ware with darker brown
lines, the pattern on the shoulder being three times
repeated, though there are two handles. This
style of stamnos was common in chambers 18
and 29, both of this colour, and black lines on
grey-brown ware.

Before leaving the painted pottery, it may be
just noted how a single example may correct our
apprehension, and warn us against relying too
much on designs. The Fikellura vase, xxvii. 3,
is almost identical in the upper part with the
Polemarchos vase of Naukratis (N. iv. 3), the birds
and fret forbidding us to suppose any great interval
between them. Yet the lower part has a pattern
which might be otherwise supposed to be half
a century or even a century later. We
could not have expected to see the honeysuckle
pattern so developed and florid at such an early
date as we must assign to this vase. An impor-
tant detail of fabrie is seen on the piece xxxi.
14, which shows the ineised lines made before
the black figuring was baked, and while the clay
was still softened on the face by the application
ofthe black wash; the lines have thrown up a
burr without digging into the clay. This
suggests that the fair long free sweeps of the
ineising, such as on the horses’ manes of xxix. 4,

64 TELL DEFENNEH.

and xxxi. 11, were done on the unfired clay, and
not after it had been rendered almost unscratch-
able by the final baking.

61. To turn now to the unpainted pottery, we
have at Defenneh a mixture which is confusing at
first, but at the same time very instructive. We
find purely Greek pottery, and purely Egyptian
pottery; and we have first to distinguish between
them, and next to see, if possible, whether there is
a mixed style, whether the Greeks learned from the
Egyptians, or whether they stood quite separate.
These latter questions we cannot finally settle,
until we have examined purely Egyptian sites of
the same age. The figures in plates xxxiil.—
xxxvi. of types arenumbered continuously, so that
we shall not need to quote the plate number tor
these in the following account. And the
numbers at the lower right hand of each type,
refer to the list of sites, and the chambers on
the plan, pl. xliv.

First we can set aside a number of forms as
certainly made by Greek potters, since on pieces
of such vases Greek letters (or Karian in some
cases) are found incised by the potter while wet.
Thus figs. 1, 6, 10, 12, and 39 may all be appro-
priated. Besides this some other types are
common at Naukratis, and are therefore presum-
ably Greek; such as 2, 26, and 44. And we
may probably assign by their forms the following
also to Greek hands, 5, 27, 32, 42, 43, 44, 48,
49, and 67.

Of Egyptian origin much may be distinguished,
by its agreement with forms in other Egyptian
sites. 9, 4, 8, 13 to 25, 28, 30, 31, 33, 34, 40,
45, 52, 53, 54, 55, 60, 61, 63 to 66, 69, 70, 75
to 100 may be fairly attributed to native potters.
But there are some cases in which the form
seems Egyptian, and yet with a Greek character
in the curves ofit; such as 41, 46, 47, 51, 68, 72,
and 74. As something like these is found else-
where in the Delta, I should be rather inclined
to attribute them to Egyptians who were inpressed
by Greek models, or perhaps by Greek blood.

Some ofthe types figured call for notice. 2isa
form found in the early levels in the oldest stra-
tum of Naukratis, from which I obtained a perfect
amphora(Nauk. xvi. 4) only slightly shorter in the
stem, which I attributed to themiddle of theseventh
century(Nauk. p. 21). Here this form is believed to
range from the seventh century down to 565 8.0.
A strange fact is that the amphorx sealed with
the royal stamps of Aahmes are of this type, with
the characteristice white facing, and red lines
curling about their surface. Whether Greek
potters were employed to make the jars for the
royal vineyards, or whether the wine was trans-
ported in skins and then poured into Greek
jars and sealed in the palace at Defenneh is
doubtful; or possibly it was Greek wine im-
ported in these jars and sealed in Egypt, but this is
less likely. All varieties of this pattern are found at
Defenneh, the light brown with red lines, the
white-faced with red lines, and the white-faced
with black lines, just as at Naukratis.

The great loop-handled amphora, 6 (which is
here shown with a pole passed through the
handles to illustrate the mode of carrying it), is
very common in fragments at Naukratis, as far
as 530 B.c., when it appears to have died out.
Itis always of a light drab ware, sometimes
whiter, sometimes more green. The bottom is
always scraped and not turned, showing that it
was made bottomless on the wheel, and hand-
finished afterwards. The massive cylindrical
handles are firmly applied, and never break off
the surface, but crack through the jar when
broken. The form is most admirably adapted
for carrying a great weight, the strain coming
nearly as a direct pull on the material with the
least possible transverse stress, both when carry-
ing it suspended or resting it on the ground.
When placed in store it was buried in the sand
floor up to near the middle ; and this fine exam-
ple, which still rings clearly, was preserved by
standing thus upright, while all the amphore
around it in chamber 9 were crushed in sideways
by the pressure of the earth.

CHAP. IX.—THE POTTERY. 65

The small furnace 7 isa new type; the long
nozzle to it being to attach the skin bellows
without overheating them; such seems to be its
explanation. The stands for trays or dishes, 8
and 9, are not common elsewhere ; 9 is found in
all parts of the plain at Defenneh, and may be a
stool for sitting on.

The “‘ Polledrara ” ware, 12, ofthick dark grey,
has the massive eylindrical handles which charac-
terize a rather different form found at Naukratis
(Nauk. xvi. 6). While referring to this plate it
may be noticed that a piece of a swollen-neck
amphora like Nauk. xvi. 7, was found in
chamber 19. »., showing that this belongs to the
sixth as well as the fifth century B.c.

The curious form 13 seems to be a cover for
placing over food to keep flies and dust away ; ifto
be placed on a jar it would probably have some sign
of fitting, and not be so deep. This form is also
found with a small opening at the top, and with
a short tube atthe top: asifto allow the escape of
steam, or to put a few flowers or herbs in, as is
commonly done with water-jars at the present
day. A large disc-shaped lid of the finest
greenish-drab ware, which was kept at Bulak, has
a eylindrical tube at the top with a perforated
bottom to it, suggesting the same purposes as
these bell-shaped covers.

The types 19 to 25 are all purely Egyptian,
and are most characteristie of the twenty-sixth
dynasty : the ware is always red and thin (except
22), but varies from a coarse lumpy surface, as
in 23, to the finest polished dark red face, as
in 20.

The strange pot 26 is exactly like what was
found at Naukratis ; the knob inside it is shown
by the series there to be the prototype of the
ἐς Baechie handles ” of later times, the develop-
ment of which can be seen in the types from Nau-
kratis in the British Museum.

The type 29 bears on the origin of the
“ pilgrim bottle”’ form (67); but it looks, with
the neck on one side, as if derived from the
askos, and not from the Cypriote bottles such as

are found at Nebesheh (pl. 111.). It seems ün-
mistakably the parent of the long barrel-shaped
pilgrim bottles of the second century A.D., such as
are found at Tanis.

The platters 35 and 36 are of the white or
yellow-faced brown ware, which characterizes the
twenty-sixth dynasty, and is found at Naukratis,
until 610 8.0. It looks as ifit were made to imitate
the fine close drab pottery which belongs to
the same period.

The sink pot, 37, has been already noticed ;
it is made on purpose to place in the sand,
hole downwards, for pouring away water.

The amphora 39 was found with about a
dozen others lying on the benches in chamber
19 a. They are of a dark dull red-brown.

The forms 40, 46, 47, and 51 are all of un-
certain use, whether for cups or lids we cannot
say. 40 is purely Egyptian, being found at
Nebesheh.

The pot 55 is rather common in chamber 18,
and one filled with resin was found in chamber
3. They are of brown-red ware, faced with
bright polished red.

Whether 57 is early, or not, is uncertain ; it
was picked up by the Bedawin and brought to me,
and its use, with the curious hole in the side, is
unknown.

The Bes vases 64, 65, 66 are useful as show-
ing how early that type began, and what its
forms were. A fragment of the fine drab ware
has an arm of Bes on it likewise.

The cups 75, 76, 78, 79 are difficult to get
perfeet. Dozens of broken ones were found ;
but the only perfect examples of the thin drab cups,
76, were taken out of the insides of large am-
phorz&, which were eracked, but not crushed in by
the earth. The greater number of cups are
shallower than No. 76, and sometimes have a
slightly turned-out side.

The braziers, type 77, are rather common, but
only one has survived with the top complete.
The base of a large one was found in 19.

The various types of lids are placed together

K

66 TELL DEFENNEH.

on pl. xxxvi. figs. 80 to 100. They are the
commonest of all forms at Defenneh, and are
found by the dozen in any digging, but seldom
perfect. They are of all wares, the fine close
drab, the polished red, and the rough thick
brown. They were many of them, 81, 95, 97,
98, intended to fit on ajar, like 96 or 19, 20,
21, 23, and 28. Others, as 81, 84, 85, 93, 94,
fitted into ajar neck. And others again (87 to
92) seem as if intended to fit the cups 75—79.
The reason for such an excess of lids at Defenneh
may be seen in its isolated situation in the desert;
all liquids (except water) had to be brought in
jars, neither milk, honey, oil, nor wine, could
be obtained under about a day’s journey at least.
Therefore every jar that came needed a lid, to
keep out sand and flies; and the jars were soon
broken into indistinguishable shards, while the
lids retained their form.

The sealing up of the jars is illustrated by the
examples on pl.xxxvi. A large bung-lid, such as
84, was put in and then fastened down and
sealed (as will be noticed in chap. xi.); some
lids have cross grooves, as 85, and others single
grooves, to hold the string for tying.

Beside the pottery here illustrated, the finest
of all, the beautiful drab ware, remains ; but that
is so generally broken up that its forms can hardly
be ascertained. It is perfectly characteristie
of the twenty-sixth dynasty, so far as I have seen,
and therefore the forms are of less consequence,
as the material suffices to show the age. It is
sometimes, perhaps in the earlier examples, thick
and massive, but always finely finished ; a few
types are given in 15, 70, 81, 91, 94, also
thinner in 76 and 86 ; while it was reduced often
to a thickness not greater than thin card, a sort
of egg-shell pottery, of the most exquisite finish.
Another very fine pottery, but seldom met with,
is of arich brown, rather soft, and polished with a
glassy surface; it is only found in the form of
thin plates, almost flat.

The sites of each type of form are marked to
each figure, but a complementary list of the types

found in each site may be given. Where sites
are practically equivalent they are here grouped
together.

The earliest is ofthe beginning of Psamtik L,
chamber 30, type 23. Then the sites 50, 51, on
the east plain, types 1, 2, 4, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12, 14
without base, 16, 19, 21, 22, between 34 and 36,
35, 37, 38, 39, 68, 75, 78, 93, all probably of
the middle ofthe seventh century. Then chamber
8 with Psamtik jar stamps, many lids of 88 type,
and others varying from 91 to 93. Then 28
under the floor of chamber 18, with types 15, 17,
28 (no handles), 50, 54, 58, 76, many thick and
coarse ones of 83, 91, and 99. Under 19 a. was
a quantity numbered 32, with types 17, 30 (no
brim), between 31 and 35, between 84 and 36,
35, 36, 58, 83, 90, 92 coarse, and 98. This so
far probably includes only pottery of the seventh
century B.C.

Of the first half of the sixth century, or possibly
earlier, we have in chamber 35 type 19, and
between 31 and 35. In the chambers 2, 3, 4,
and 9, the types 2, 4, 6, 9, 11, 17, 20, 28 (no
handles), 30, 81 (no base), between 31 and 35,
34,47 (flat base), 55, 59, 61, 65,79, 80, 84, 91, 99,
and 100. In the chambers 11 and 17, were
types 14 (small base), 30 (no brim), 31, 61, 80,
82, 83 (also coarser), and 100 (also shallower).
In chambers 19 and 27, were types 4, 13, 19, 26,
29, between 31 and 35, 39, 46, 76, 77 (also
larger), 81, 92 (coarse), 93, and 94. In the
rubbish chamber on the south of the fort, 12,
were many pieces of type 10, with Greek letters,
On the east of the fort, 16, were types 35 and
98, with plates with low brim. In the painted
vase chamber, 18, weretypes 2, 4, 12, 35, 47, 55,
61, 82, 83, 90, 92, 97, and 90 ; and in the other
chamber, 29, were similar forms.

Beyond chamber 18 at site 25 were types 14,
19, 30 (no brim), between 31 and 35, 61, 88,
between 91 and 93, and 92. In the dry well
S.W. of the Kasr, 21, were types 2, 4, 10, 20,
79, and 98. In the dry well east of 19,
numbered 31, were types 23 (no handles), 36,

CHAP. X.—REMARKS ON SOME OF THE VASES OF DEFENNEH. 67

and 46. In the dıy well 5. of the Kasr,
numbered 54, were large quantities of the types
54 and 80. In chamber 22, high up, and later
than other sites, were types 24, 83 thick and
coarse, and 98. In the camp in general, reach-
ing perhaps to the end of the sixth century B.c.
were types 5, 7, 14 (small base), between 15
and 70, 16, 19, 21, 22, 25, 28 (23 without
handles), between 31 and 35, 34 and 36, 35 and
70, 88, 42, 43 (two handles), 44, 45, 46, 48, 54,
ὅθ, 58,62, 08, 64, 69, 71, 74, 76, 77,79, 83,
83 coarser and very coarse, 90, between 91 and
93, 93, 97, 98, 99. The lid 85 is the latest
drawn, as it was found in the Ptolemaie mound.

CHAPTER X.

REMARKS ON SOME OF THE VASES OF
DEFENNEH.

62. [Mr. Murray has kindly favoured me with
the following important observations on the
vase paintings of Defenneh, as compared with
those of other sites; and I gladly avail myself
of his permission to publish them here.—W.
M. F. P.]

« Nothing is more noticeable in Greek archxo-
logy at the present daythan the eagerness with
which painted vases are on all hands examined
and discussed. It is noticeable also that a
large share of this discussion turns on ques-
tions of date and the local origin of this or
that style of vase painting. In these circum-
stances, the pottery of Daphn® is a most
valuable acquisition, by reason of the limits of
time which Mr. Petrie has worked out for it, i.e.
the earlier half of the sixth century 2.C.

In addition, however, to these considerations
of date and local influence or origin, the
Daphn®an vases present some interesting
points οἵ view to which attention may be called.
For example, it is interesting to find on one
of the situle (pl. xxvi. 8) a representation of
Bellerophon and the Chimzera, especially when

Kk2

it is observed that Bellerophon, mounted on
Pegasos, is kept to one side of the vase, while
the Chimzera, with open jaws, stands waiting
for him on the other side. More than that, the
drawing is full of archaic spirit and beauty,

though the illustrations here and elsewhere
may not convey as much. It is surely strange

to find a subject thus divided into two parts
at so early a date. Weare accustomed to such
things in later vase painting, and even then
they are not very common. DBellerophon was a
Corinthian hero, but the scene of his adventure
with the Chimzera was Lycia, and it is conceiv-
able that the vase painter had chosen his subject;
from a consideration that any scene thuslocalized
would be attractiveto the Carians and Ioniansin
Daphn&. DBesides, Bellerophon would naturally
share some of the popular favour accorded to-
Perseus in Egypt, seeing that thehorse, Pegasos,
on which he rides was brought into being
by Perseus. Wehave a Medusa on the frag-

ment, pl. xxvi. 10, and may reasonably supply a
Perseus as the missing companion figure.

Bellerophon andthe Chimx»ra were sculptured
on the throne of Apollo at Amykl® by Bathykles
of Magnesia, and those who believe that this.
subject had been first worked into artistic shape
in Ionia will be confirmed in their view by the-
oceurrence ofitin so Ionian a placeas Daphne.

63. On a fragment of a situla, pl. xxvi. 4, is
a figure of Nike, which suggests a comparison
with the marble statue of her from Delos, the
work of the sculptors Mikkiades and Archer-

τῶν 5 τ δ 9 ν5---------ς-ς--ςςς-ς-ςς-ς---ς-

! Compare the /Rgina vase in Berlin with Perseus and
Gorgons, Arch. Zeit., 1882, pls. ix.,x. The figures of bulls,
horses, sphinxes, lions, which decorate that vase from
ZEgina, remind one of the animals on the Daphnzan pottery,
while there is also a similarity in the system of geometric
ornament employed to fill vacant spaces ; but there is always
this difference,that the AEgina vase is the more advanced ofthe
two. The alphabet used on it is Attie. But Furtwaengler,
who publishes it, loe. eit., and in his Catalogue of the Berlin
Vases, No. 1682, does not go further as to date than say that
it is older than the Frangois vase.

68 TELL DEFENNEH.

mos, 1

father and son.' The wings of the
marble Nike rise from her back, and not,
as on the fragment of pottery, from her breast,
which latter seems to have been the older
manner. Both figures are alike in having
wings to their heels, but they differ again in
the rendering of the face and hair. Possibly
in these matters, also, the vase painting repre-
sents a slightly older stage of art. Archermos
was reported? in antiquity to have been the
first to give Nike wings. If this report was
true, and if the statue found at Delos was the
one from which it originated, then the statue
must be older than the vase. There was, how-
ever, another claimant for priority in giving
Nike wings—Aglaophon, the painter, and in
view of this uncertainty we may perhaps
fairly decline to draw any argument from the
report. Archermos® is calculated to have lived
in the first half of the sixth century 8.0.

64. On another of these situl® (pl. xxv. 3) is
represented a winged and bearded figure whose
body ends in a serpent, while in each hand he
holds out asnake. The design answers to what
we know of Typhon, and if that is so, we have
here another instance of a vase painter utilizing
local traditions or belief ; for it was in the Ser-
bonian lake near at hand that Typhon lay buried,
‚according to the legend referred to by Herodotus
Ὁ. 5).* This much is certain, that the figure
'belongs to the class of earthborn beings,
γηγενεῖς, giants. At the same time there is the
fact attested by Pausanias,? that on the box of
Kypselos, Boreas, a kindred figure to Typhon

' See Petersen in the Mittheilungen des Inst. in Athen,
1886, pl. xi., p. 372.

ἢ Scholiast to Aristophanes, Birds, 573.

° Pliny,N.H.,xxxvi.11,gives the genealogy of Archermos,
and states that his two sons, Boupalos and Athenis, made a
statue of the poet Hipponax, who flourished Olymp. 60,
from which it is estimated that their father must have lived
towards the end of the first half of the sixth century B.c,

ὁ Pindar, Frag. 7, says that Zeus slew Typhon ἐν
"Apinoıs.

° v. 19, 1, οὐραὶ δὲ ὄφεων ἀντὶ ποδῶν εἰσὶν αὐτῷ.

in some respects, was represented with the
“tails of serpents instead of feet.” If we,
then, decide to name this figure Boreas,
instead of Typhon, and if, further, we expect on
the analogy of Bellerophon and the Chimzera,
a figure related to him on the other side of the
vase, we shall have no difficulty in identifying
the figure actually there with one of the wind-
gods, sons of Boreas, either Zetes or Kalais,
both of whom Pindar ® describes as “ men with
purple wings rising from their backs.” The
figure being beardless and winged, would
answer perfectly, so far, to one of the sons of
Boreas. It is true that the wings do not
start from his back; they start from his breast
as usual, in archaic art, at least in art older
than the chariot vietory of Arkesilaos of Cyrene
which Pindar here celebrates. The figure
appears to be in the act of letting loose two
birds of prey, which swoop down on a hare.
That, again, seems a not inappropriate act for a
wind-god. In the field above the hare is a
grasshopper, or tettix, which from its associa-
tion with the Athenians and Ionians,” may be
held to localize the figure in some measure to
Attica, where the legend of Boreas and his
sons was at home, if it was not also at home in
Ionia,as some believe. On the wholethenwe may
venture to identify these two figures as Boreas
and one of his sons; and here it may be noticed
also that the owl on the fragment, pl. xxvi. ὅδ,
clearly points to an acquaintance with Athenian
symbols. The drawing of Boreas and his com-
panion figure seems to be more archaic than
that of Bellerophon and the Chimzera already
spoken of. The figures are painted in black
and purple on a white slip; a process which
is attended by this disadvantage, that the
white slip is apt to peel off, taking the black
design with it, and leaving only the outlines

° Pyth. iv. 182, ἄνδρας πτεροῖσιν νῶτα mebpikovras ἄμφω
πορφυρέοις.

” Thucydides, 1. 6, speaks of the golden tettiges which the
old Athenians and Ionians before his time used to wear.

CHAP. X.—REMARKS ON SOME OF THE VASES OF DEFENNEH. 69

and the inner markings where they happen to
have been incised through the slip.

65. This disadvantage had apparently come
to be perceived by the potters of Daphne, or
wherever else the makers of these vases may
have lived. For in another class of vases
yielded by Mr. Petrie’s excavations, we see
that the figures have been painted in black
straight on to the red clay, and next fired at a
heat which has burnt the colour into the vase,
and has at the same time brought out a lustrous
glaze. Among the instances of this process is
a fragment of peculiar interest (pl. xxx. 3). It
has the remains of two scenes, disposed in
parallel bands, the one above the other. On
the lower band are athletes wrestling and box-
ing, with a judge beside them, and three tripods
as prizes for the vietors. Evidently this is a
representation of games held at the funeral
obsequies of some legendary person, like the
games in honour of Pelias on the box of
Kypselos, or of Akastos on the throne of
Apollo at Amykle. On the box of Kypselos,
Pausanias (v. 17, 4), says that the tripods
were represented in the scene, as they are
here. It should be observed that the athletes,
though they are drawn nude, are yet painted
over the body with purple colour, as if to
indicate a close-fitting dress, though none of
the details of the dress are given. Thueydides
(1. 6) tells us that it was not long before his
time that the ancient habit of athletes wearing
διαζώματα had been given up in the games at
Olympia. There is, however, a vase, known as
the Amphiaraos vase,! which shows that what-
ever may have been the case at Olympia,
athletes were certainly in the habit of wrestling
nudely in the games much before the time of
Thucydides. In the case of our fragment we
may, perhaps, assume ἃ transitional state of
things when the new custom of contesting
games nudely had not yet been fully esta-

! Mon. dell’ Inst., x. pls. iv., v.

blished, that is to say, a state of things anterior
to the Amphiaraos vase. On this latter vase
was represented also the chariot race, with
three tripods for prizes, and three judges to
decide, and a horse race. T'he horsemen and
horses have a strong resemblance to Bellero-
phon on our situla already described ; while
the bird which flies behind each horse is an
element of design which occurs frequently in
this same manner on the class of vases known,
rightly or wrongly, as Cyrenaic. On otber
vacant spaces of the Amphiaraos vase, the
painter has put lizards, a serpent, a hare, and
a creature which looks not unlike a hedgehog.
This vase has been assigned to the end of the
sixth century 2.c. by Professor Robert,” who
claims it as of Corinthian workmanship, and
points out the coincidences between it and the
designs on the box of Kypselos. But this may
be too late a period if our fragment represents
a more advanced art, as it seems to do, and
if the whole of the pottery οὗ Daphn® belongs
to the first half of the sixth century. On the
famous Francois® vase in Florence is also to
be seen a chariot race for prize tripods.

So far we have noticed only the lower band
of figures on our fragment, with its resem-
blances to the Amphiaraos and Frangois vases.
But on the upper band of it there is the
remains of ascene which bears a striking like-
ness to the uppermost band of the Frangois
vase. This scene has represented the hunt of the
Calydonian boar. Inthe centre is Antxos lying
prostrate under the boar, in almost identically
the attitude ofthe Frangois vase. In some points
of detail, as in being ‘beardless and having a
spear in his hand and a helmet on his head, he
differs as if the drawing might be a little older;
while on the other hand, he differs from the
Antxos on an archaic vase from Corneto,‘ in
the direction of being a little later and more

2 Annali dell’ Inst., 1874, p. 110.
3 Mon. dell’ Inst., iv. pls. liv., lv.
s Mon. dell’ Inst., xü. pl. x.

70 TELL DEFENNEH.

advanced instyle. Our fragment ought then to
stand between these two vases in point of
date. Over the body of Antxos is the boar,
behind which are the remains of a dog leaping
on the flank of the boar, and the remains of
two heroes, who on the analogy of the Francois
vase ought to be Kastor and Pollux, while
on the analogy of the other vase just men-
tioned they ought to be Meilanion and some one
else.

We have thus on the fragment from Daphne
two parallel scenes corresponding in general to
two parallel scenes on the Francois vase, with
strong resemblances also to scenes on other,
apparently more archaic vases, found in Etruria,
but bearing inscriptions in the Corinthian al-
phabet. There is no more dificult problem at
present, in the history of vase painting, than
these vases found in Etruria with Corinthian
inscriptions; the problem being how far they are
Corinthian productions imported into Etruria, or
the productions of descendants of those Corin-
thian potters who, in 8.0. 655, settled in Etruria,
after being expelled from Corinth by the family
of Kypselos. Unfortunately our fragment has
no insceription. In other ways, however, it may
have its uses in discussing this problem further.
With reference to the manner in which the
hide of the boar is rendered, that is, by means
of short incised lines, we may compare the
figure of an ape on an archaic vase from Caere,
representing also the hunt of the Calydonian
boar.' It is true that on this Caere vase the
hide of the boar is not rendered as on our
fragment, but the hairy skin of the ape is most
distinetly so rendered. It has been usual to
assign vases of this Caere class to the sixth
century B.c., and some of them even to the
latter half of the seventh century.”

! Mon. dell’ Inst., vi. pl. Ixxvii.

3. See Dumont et Chaplain, C&ramiques, p. 261, where the
amphora, Mon. dell’ Inst., vi. pl.xiv., with Tydeus killing
Ismene is assigned to the second half of the seventh century
B.0., and the vase, Mon. dell’ Inst., vi. pl. xxxiii., with the
banquet of Herakles is assigned to the sixth century. For

66. Another class of vases belonging to the
black figure style, in the true sense of having
the black figures burnt in on the red clay, is
represented by the fragment, pl. xxix. 4, on
which is painted a nude female figure on horse-
back; behind her flies an eagle; the space
among her horse’s feet is partly covered by a
dog. The great size ofthe horse compared with
the rider, the use of a saddlecloth, and the form
ofthe bridle and collar, are features which we
find also on one of the fragments of the sarco
phagi from Clazomenz,?’ and on archaic reliefs
from Xanthus in Lycia.* These are features
which may be traced to the influence of Persian,
or at all events, Ionian art. Nude women—not
Amazons—riding on horseback seem more to
Asiatic than to Greek taste. Daphnx» is said
by Herodotus to have been occupied by a Per-
sian garrison in his time, and possibly it had
been so held from the date of the invasion of
Cambyses, who also had Ionians in his army,
according to Herodotus (iii. 1). Ifthefacts are
otherwise in accord, there would be no objection
in point of style to place these vases in the time
of Cambyses instead of Amasis, whom he dis-
possessed. But it is hardly necessary to take
into consideration the question of direct Persian
influence, when there is every probability that
Carians and Ionians living in a frontier town
like Daphn& would have been from the begin-
ning of their settlement there affected by the
arts and tastes of Asia Minor, if not of Persia.

67. The amphora given pl. xxxi. 17 is identi-
cal in shape with the Burgon Panathenaic vase.
More than that, among the fragments of vases
of this shape from Daphn&, are several necks
of amphor&, from which it is to be,seen that

the opposite view of Brunn, see his recent addition to his
Probleme in der Geschichte der Vasenmalerei, p. 45.

° See the fragment in the British Museum engraved in
Hellen. Journ., iv. p. 19, fig. 14. The two sarcophagi now
in Constantinople are engraved, Mon. dell’ Inst., xi. pl. liii.,
liv.

* Murray, Gr. Sculpt., i. pl. v.

CHAP. XI.—THE SMALL ANTIQUITIES. 71

on the body of the vase there had been left
a red panel on which had been painted black
figures exactly in the manner of the Burgon
vase. They have also, in common with that
vase, a purple ridge or cord round the neck.
It has been argued, and is apparently accepted
in most quarters, that the amphora with red
panel was an Athenian invention.

On the neck of the Burgon vase is on the
front a Harpy, and on the back an owl, the
faces being in white and the wings aided with
purple. One of our fragments, pl. xxxi. 5,
represents the neck of such a vase with the
firure of a Harpy very much like that of the
Burgon vase, in respect of colours, but the
drawing may be a little more archaic on our
fragment. Whatever is true, therefore, of the
Burgon vase as to date, will be at least nearly
true ofthese fragments. The Burgon' vase can-
not be older than 8.0. 566, when the Panathe-
naic games were instituted. Certainly there is
no older specimen of these prize vases known.
Some assign it to 2.0. 550. It may be added
that a vase found in the tomb of Aristion was
of this description, and as the stele of Aris-
tion is generally placed in the first half of the
sixth century 2.c., we may assume the same
_ period for the vases of this kind from Daphn«.

With reference to the upper part of an
amphora, which is sealed over the mouth, pl.
xxxvi. ὅ, it may be possible to trace to this cus-
tom of sealing, a shape of vase which is still a
source of some perplexity. It has been found
at Mycen®», Ialyssos, in Egypt and elsewhere,
always of comparatively small dimensions,
having a neck, two handles and spout. But
the neck is useless for ordinary purposes,
because it is completely closed over the mouth.
It is, in fact, a false neck. The vase must be
both filled and emptied from the spout alone.
The shape of the vase has thus every appearance
of being a derived, and not a simple shape, in

‚\ Pottier in Dumont and Chaplain, Ceramiques, pp. 315-
317.

which case it may have had its origin in observ-
ing these amphor® sealed up over the mouth.
The name of pseudamphor® might therefore be
applied to vases of this form.”

A. S. Mourkar.

CHAPTER X1.
THE SMALL ANTIQUITIES.

68. In deseribing the small antiquities it will be
best to notice first those few which there is good
reason to assign to the seventh century 2.c.;
next the general bulk of the remains, which are
of the sixth century; and lastly, the later
objects, found at Defenneh and elsewhere in the
neighbourhood, reaching down to Cufie times.

The earliest objects—after the foundation de-
posits, and some pottery—are probably the very
rude figures found in the buildings on the plain,
eastward of the. Kasr (pl. xxiv. 1 to 4). These
are of a style which has been hitherto very un-
defined in age; and when I found several such
figures at Naukratis, it could not be decided
whether they were archaic—i.e. of the earliest
Greek times in Egypt, before the rise of better
work—or archaistic, and belonging to the de-
cadence of a barbarie relapse. Now such figures
being found at Defenneh, and in a site which, by
the pottery and other indications, is not even as
late as the sixth century, at once fixes them to
the archaic period ; and further, as we know that
nothing of Greek work here (unless, possibly, an
ancient object imported) can be. earlier than
665 B.c., we at once gain a fixed age for this
class of figures. The horseman (fig. 1) was
picked up by chance, and the preeise locality is
unknown; but its similarity to the stone idol
(fig. 3), and the complete absenee of Greek
objects after the middle of the sixth century 2.c.,
warrants us in dating it to the seventh century.
This carries with it the age of a large class of
such figures picked up at Naukratis (Nauk.
xix. 5). The stone figure (3) is of the rudest
type possible, without limbs or features ; were it

72 TELL DEFENNEH.

not for a ledge representing the feet, it might be
almost doubted if it were not a loom weight,
with a notch to tie a string in. The terra-cotta
(fig. 4) is comparatively shapely, but still very
rude. This and fig. 3 were found with the bowls
figs. 12 and 13. The terra-cotta (fig. 2) is much
like some of the idols found by Dr. Schliemann
in the early Greek sites; here we, at least, can
date it to between 665 and 565 »2.c., but its
precise locality on the plain of Defenneh was not
known, as it was picked up on the denuded
surface. The terra-cotta soldiers’ heads (figs. 7
and 8) are probably of the seventh century also,
by the extreme rudeness of them ; they both show
the crested helmet.

Shell-carving seems to have been carried on
here, as at Naukratis; a piece of a large cone
shell cut up was found, as well as some small
cones pierced for necklaces; and a piece of en-
graved Tridaena, like those found at Naukratis,
was also picked up on the surface (Nauk. xx. 16).
A button of shell (pl. xl. 16) is a new form in
Egyptian remains.

The piece of a whetstone (pl. xxiv. 5) is
noticeable, as it appears to bear an attempt at a
cartouche by some one who knew nothing of
hieroglyphs, norindeed ofany writing apparently.

69. The sealings of the amphor&® extend over
the whole of the Greek period at Defenneh. The
general system of sealing may be seen by the
example of a complete jar neck (pl. xxxvi. 5),
found with the painted Greek vases in chamber
18. First a large bung of pottery, made hollow,
such as xxxvi. 84, was put into the mouth of
the jar. This was next fastened down, some-
times by string alone, sometimes by a piece of
thin linen beneath the string: the cast of the
linen—as thin as muslin—may be seen in the
inside of the plaster cap xxxvi. 4; here it was a
band wound round the neck, and then drawn into
a lump in the middle to tie it. The strings also
passed across and across it, and then, on'the
tying up in the middle, a lump of sealing-clay

was placed, and six different seals of inspeetors
(like those in pl. xli. 32—35) were impressed
upon it. (In two instances there are six seals,
in one case there is the royal cartouche.) This
clay erumbled and washed out afterwards, and
left a cast in the plaster, showing the seals as in
fig. 4. After the six inspeetors had thus each
put his seal on it, the jar was sent out to the
plasterer, who capped the whole top with a head
of plaster, and sealed it with the royal cartouche
all over (fig. 5). But even this did not secure it;
the neck (fig. 5) is an instance of a successful
attack on the royal stores ; the cap of plaster has
been bored through just at the edge ofthejar, and
the large bung inside smashed through, so as to
freely reach the wine; the piece of plaster broken
out is here shown missing in fig. 5, though it was
found with the jar ; the hole just shows the edge
of the neck, and was filled up with a scrap of the
old plaster, and a smear of new of a different
quality; no attempt was made tb imitate the
missing half of the cartouche, and this probably
raised the cellarer’s suspicions, and made him
break off and preserve the whole jar-neck as
evidence. The jar is one of the great white-faced
Greek amphor with red lines ; the pentagon on
it is incised, like a pentagon on a piece of early
pottery at Naukratis.

The series of sealings begins with a large
number of Psamtik I. (pl. xxxvi. 1), found with
a quantity of lids in chamber 8, on the west of
the Kasr. Next there is but one of Nekau (pl.
xxxvi. 2), found on the mud and mortar floor
of chamber 22. Next, several of Psamtik II.
(ig. 3), which are generally very indistinct, and
were all found in the Greek vase-chambers, 18
and 29, mostly in the latter. None were found
of Haa-ab-ra, unless some illegible ones, like
those of Psamtik II., might be his. Two com-
plete jar-necks and many pieces (including a fine
top now at Bulak) were found of Aahmes, all in
the vase-chambers, 18 and 29. A very neat
little stamp of Nekau was found impressed on a
drab pottery vase-handle in chamber 18.

CHAP. XI.—THE SMALL ANTIQUITIES. 73

In notieing the general antiquities of the sixth
century, it will be best to group them according
to material—stone, pottery, bone, &e., gold,
silver, bronze, and iron ; for though this is
usually the least yet
here the impossibility of separating Egyptian
from Greek work, and the main need of show-
ing the special work and products of the place,
make this the best system.

rational arrangement,

70. Of stone remains there are the curious
figures of captives carved in limestone; they are
all represented as having the legs bent back from
the knees, and the ancles and elbows bound to-
gether (pl. xl. 8to 13). The cutting varies from
the rudest scratches on a mere peg of limestone,
as in fig. 8, up to rather good work of a rough
kind, as in fig. 12. The form being always an
approach to a peg in the rougher ones, suggests
that they may have been draughtmen for playing
with on the sand, sticking them in a draught-
board marked by little rows of pits in the sand
made by the fingers, as the Arabs do at present.
The form of the head-dress is peculiar: it generally
rises in a ridge from back to front; sometimes, as
in fig. 11, it resembles a wig. These were all
found together, some thirty or forty in all, many
being broken, lying in the desert on the east of
the Kasr, beyond 29.

Of limestone also is the piece of a cake stamp
(pl. xl. 14, 144 the reverse side) found in
chamber 27. This is clearly Greek, and there-
fore before the middle of the sixth century, yet
the style of it is what otherwise would be attri-
buted to a later period. It shows that the cake-
stamps of Naukratis (Nauk. pl. xxix.) may in
some cases be much earlier than was supposed.
With this before us, we might not be wrong in
attributing some with the honeysuckle, leaf, or
drop patterns to the fifth, or perhaps sixth,
century B.c., instead of to the Roman imitative
archaistie taste. Two limestone dice were also
found, also seven alabastra 24 inches to 4 inches
high, from the camp.

The Egyptian objects in stone are mostly amu-
lets. Several examples of caleite (Iceland spar)
have been found about Defenneh: beads, seal-
stones, &c., but the only engraved one is the
natural rhomb (pl. xli. 40) engraved with the
name of the spirit Ket in a cartouche, and two
nefers or neferui on the other side; this was
doubtless a charm. A small hawk in greenish-
white translucent steatite was found in the camp.
Other amulets found were Taurt, eynocephalus
ape, and three scarabs in haematite ; lion curled
round, ram with a scarab head, scarab, Horus,
hawk, lion-headed ursus (pl. xli. 39) of very
delicate work, star (fig. 38), and Tat of lapis lazuli ;
fifteen symbolie eyes and Taurt of grey syenite ;
snake’s head in green felspar ; papyrus in beryl ;
three symbolic eye-plaques in schist; crocodile
and frog in steatite. The cover of an eye, hemi-
spherical, probably from a cat’s head, is brilli-
antly eut in rock-erystal, with the corners of the
eye produced. A model rubber-stone was found
in the camp, cut in slate (pl. xl. 2); also part
of large dish of slate. A scarab in banded agate,
found in or near Defenneh, is exactly ofthe stone
and work ofthe Phonician scarabs.. A piece of
a finely-polished syenite bowl was found in cham-
ber 19. Three jasper earrings were found, the
ring form with a slit in one side; one of them
with a erenellated edge. Also a carnelian finger-
ring, and draughtman.

The scarab&i are not important. One (zli.
42) of green paste, imitating jasper, is of the
regular style of fine Phenician work ; it comes
from the north of Defenneh. Fig. 54 looks
Ramesside in its style. Fig. 55 is another ofthe
rather common scarabs of Sheshonk IV., Ra-
ἔπαρον (““ Tanis,” p. 40). Two scarabs of dark
green jasper, 56 and 58, name Psamtik I. (or
Uah-ab-ra)and Ra men, probably a Greek mistake.
The obsidian scarab, fig. 57, is of a new king,
probably of the thirteenth dynasty. Two blue
paste scarabs, figs. 68, 69, are the only represen-
tatives at Defenneh of the great class of Nau-
kratite scarabs, another evidence of the strange

L

74 TELL DEFENNEH.

isolation of these towns. Two small bronze | in chamber 9. Also a large plate scored up

scarabs were picked up.

Of stone-working there are many examples.
Four plain seal-stones unengraved, one broken
in drilling, were found, three of pale green trans-
lucent caleite (fig. 74), the other of white erystal-
lized caleite (fig. 75); the three former are of the
Syrian type, of which an engraved porcelain one
(fig. 73) was found in the Kasr. A piece of a
polished ceylinder of jasper, which had been 2
inches across, was picked up bythe Arabs. Drill-
cores from tubular drillings were found of ala-
baster, obsidian, syenite, basalt, and jasper ; also
a piece of sliced lapis lazuli, showing all those
stones to have been worked at Defenneh. Many
pieces of designing tablets of limestone ruled in
squares were found in the camp and in a chamber
of the fort. Whetstones abounded; two of very
fine-grained, soft stone, quick eutting, and of
excellent quality, were found, 3 and 4 inches
long, pierceed at one end for hanging up. An-
other larger and coarser whetstone, 9 inches x
24 inches, of a sharp grit, fine grain sandstone,
worn rounded by sharpening knives on it, was
found in chamber 19 ; also a similar piece, 44
inches, was in chamber 17. A large number of
tapering square whetstones of sandstone were
found in the camp; and on a piece of one were
some Phonieian and Kypriote characters (pl.
xl. 1). Two basalt mullers for grinding were
found in the camp. One syenite pebble pendant
was found, like the dozens which occur at Nau-
kratis. A piece of pumice was found in chamber
19; and some pieces of lead ore (galena) in the
camp, from thin veins of ore, like the pieces of the
foundation deposit. Of flint the only objects were
a burnisher 24 inches long, and three struck flakes.

71. Of pottery, beside the archaie figures noticed
before, there is a torso of a seated figure of rude
work, found in the camp. A draught-board, made
of a rectangular slab of terra-cotta marked in
3 x 10 squares, found broken up, with some
draughtmen made of rounded chips of pottery,

into 3 x 10 squares very roughly. Many other
pieces of plates scored up in the same way were
found, suggestive of a habit of playing at draughts
after dinner. Two or three stone slabs similarly
divided were found. It was probably the idle life
of a garrison which causes these objects to be
commoner here than elsewhere. A curious little
neck of a vase of drab pottery is distinetly Greek
and not Egyptian (pl. xl. 3). A whistle in the
form of an animal’s. head, blown through the
mouth, is also in drab pottery, much like a whistle
I found at Tell-el-Yehudiyeh, perhaps modern.
Many instances of inseribed pottery were found;
one large jar with a symbolie eye incised beneath
one handle, and one painted beneath the other,
with a demotie inseription; another jar with
demotie inscription ; a demotic inscription on the
large vase, pl. xxv.; and about a dozen frag-
ments of demotie inscriptions on pieces of jars
and cups. Also a shuttle of Neit incised on pot-
tery, by rocking an edge-tool about 4 inch wide
from side to side to produce a line; and an ineised
fragment, with k-m-khu (bowl, owl, sun on hills).

72. Of glazed ware there is a blue ushabti
with inscription, a Shu, and an eye in green glaze,
found with the painted vases in chamber 18, along
with a smaller green Tahuti. A blue-glazed
Taurt, 34 inches high down to the thighs, erowned
and holding one breast. A green-glazed monkey
from chamber 29, with the painted vases. A
Taurt (pl. xli. 72), a combination of Ptah-Sokar,
Khnum, and hawk (70), a symbolie eye (71), all
in green glaze of fairly good work, found with the
porcelain seal (xli. 73) in chamber 2 or 3. Also
a small crown of Lower Egypt, 4 inch high, blue
glaze of delicate work, in chamber 4 Some
finely made symbolie eyes, a plain blue ushabti,
Isis and Horus, blue, found with a tiny drab lid
14 inch across, a conoid draughtman, and a piece
of imbricated pattern vase (as xxx. 2), all in
chamber 17. Pieces of thick blue ware “ pilgrim
bottle” in chamber 19. Some draughtmen of

CHAP. XI.—THE SMALL ANTIQUITIES. 75

white pottery (glaze lost), in form spherical, flat-
tened below, in chamber 2; and an Anubis in
green glaze, deep in 2. A blue paste button,
with stitching holes in a rib behind it, from cham-
ber 3. Allthese being from the Kasr, are dated
to the twenty-sixth dynasty for certain, and pro-
bably about the middle ofit. In the camp were
also found many objects of glazed ware ; the
lotus heads of green and blue glaze (pl. xl. 5, 6),
pierced, probably for handles of feather fly-flaps.
The plaque of Haa-ab-ra (Hophra) (xl. 7), which
seems as if made for a foundation plaque, but was
found in a chamber in the camp along with other
pottery. Many varieties of “ pilgrim bottles ” of
green or yellow paste, with necks of lotus and
palm patterns, some very graceful, and wreathed
around the body with very varied patterns; many
bearing portions of inscriptions, and one a longer
wish than usual (pl. xl. 4): “May Neit give
life and health always to the souls of all children,”
or ‘to all beautiful souls.”” One bottle is very
peeuliar : it is of a dark greenish-grey, with a
band of bright, thick, green glaze around the
wreath and around the edge; it is thin and
small, but such thick glaze is rarely, if ever, seen
before Roman times. A largenumber of blue-
glazed amulets, beads, &c., were found in the
camp, and a selection of these will be kept to-
gether in the British Museum to show the style
of known work of the twenty-sixth dynasty. A
ring bezel of grey-blue glaze, almost like that of
Tell-el-Amarna, bears the head. of Hat-hor (pl.
xli. 41). A piece of a pot of refractory material,
in which blue frit has been prepared in the
furnace, for blue paint, was also found in the
camp ; it is just like what occurred in the scarab
factory at Naukratis, and points to a manufacture
of blue-glazed articles here.

Of other materials we may note the following.
An ivory die found in chamber 27 (pl. xl. 15),
and so carıying back such dice to the sixth
century. Three ivory hemispheres >; to τὸς inch
across, and top of an ivory papyrus flower, from the
camp. Alarge quantity of white coral in natural

branches found in the south part ofthe camp. A
jar of resin, the jar of type 55 (pl. xxxv.), the
resin clear brown, found in chamber 3. And
some incense, and native sulphur in chamber 17.

73. Coming now to metal work, the most
striking object found was the piece of gold work
(pl. xli. 10); the lower ends of this have been
violently wrenched off some object, and as they
have been made with a bend at right angles a
little below the lotus, it seems most probable
that this was the handle of a tray, with the
straps of gold passing beneath it. The body of
this was cast ; and the dividing ribs of the lotus
flowers, for holding the inlaying, were soldered on.
The whole was polished and burnished quite
smoothly, so as not to show any joint. No trace
ofthe inlaying remained when this was found,
but the two flowers were bent one half over the
other, by the violence of the grasp with which it
had been wrenched off the tray. Thus, found in
a camp, we can hardly look on it as other than
loot of some soldier. The question then arises,
when would an Egyptian soldier loot a piece of
Egyptian work? And we see an event which
would exactly account for this, oceurring at the
most likely time, during the civil war between
Apries and Amasis. It seems then more likely
than not that this handle is a part of the royal
plate of Haa-ab-ra (Apries, Hophra), and is thus
the only relice of such luxury of living which is
left tous. It was found along with about 14 Ibs. of
silver in lumps, buried in the camp on the S.E.
of the Kasr.

Another fine object is the gold statuette of Ra
(xli. 9), which is highly finished and burnished,
ofthe finest work ofthe Saitie period. It was
found in the silver amulet case, or shrine (fig. 8),
the sliding lid of which had been left slightly drawn
and forced inwards, showing the toes of the figure.
It is the more satisfaetory to find it so, since not
only is this little suspensory box a unique object,
but it guarantees the genuineness of the image
found within it, since the lid is stuck tight, and

ı 2

τὸ TELL DEFENNEH.

the side of the box had to be broken open to
remove the figure. This was picked up by one
of my workmen on the plain, and brought to me
uninjured.

Other pieces of gold work are shown on pl. xli.;
a funerary finger-ring (fig. 1), a large plain finger-
ring kept at Bulak; earrings (figs. 2 to 7), of
which about forty were found (including frag-
ınents) by the Bedawin who hunt the neighbour-
hood: pieces of globule work, probably of ear-
rings (figs. 12, 13), and of chains (14, 17);
symbolie eyes (figs. 26, 30); pieces of chain
(figs. 18, 24,25); beads and foil ornaments (figs.
19—23, 27); setting of a stone (29); and a
piece of dioptase set in gold. Where this diop-
tase came from is not clear; it is now only
known in Hungary and Siberia, but considering
the copper-mines of Sinai, it is not impossible
it may be found there.

74. Among the multitude of fragments of gold-
work picked up by the Bedawin who hunt over
the denuded surface of the site, were some impor-
tant scraps bearing on the manufacture of these
articles at the place. There are many globules
and little dumps of melted gold; scraps of gold
cut out of a plane surface by chiselling, and
above all, one piece chiselled out bearing a
beautiful hieroglyphic feather (a), evidently
because of a mistake in the work which had to be
altered; further, a piece of gold-foil, eut into the
form for making one of the hollow earrings (such
as xli. 2), was found with one end partly begun.
The large plain gold ring found here, also seems
as if it was still unsold and unengraved. Placing
all these facts together, we can hardly doubt
but that a jewellery trade was carried on,
especially as scraps of gold ormament are com-
moner here than in any other place I know of.
Again there is a profusion of minute weights,
most of them under thirty or forty grains, many of
only three or four grains; over a thousand
having been collected in a couple of months by
me, and such could only be of use for weighing

preeious metals.. We see then by all these signs
that this was a manufacturing centre; and if so,
may not Daphn® be the source of much of the
Greek gold-work with quasi-oriental designs
found all over the Mediterranean ? Here are all
the elements: Greek workmen, on the high-road
to Assyria, living in Egypt, close to Pheenicia,
constantly trading to Greece, and making jewel-
lery (as the abundance of their weights shows) on
a large scale.

75. Of silver several wrought . objects were
found, and many pounds’ weight of lumps of silver,
melted and roughly cut up, besides large quan-
tities of scrap silver in fragments of 20 to 200
grains found by the Bedawin. It seems most
likely, on considering it, that this serap silver
was the equivalent of coinage in the pre-Persian
days in Egypt, when the metal went by weight;
and we should not conclude such finds to be a
sign of a silversmith’s place, but merely of a
man’s exchangeable wealth buried, as coins were
buried in later times. Several lumps of silver
were found with a silver bowl at the S.E. corner
of the camp, buried close against the wall: the
bowl is 63 inches across, and 1$ inch deep ; it is or-
namented with three rowsof broad dots punched on
it; four dots in a group extending one inch, then
a space and then another group, and so on round
each of the three eircles. With this was found a
silver dipper (ἔγινα), the long handle broken and
twisted up. Both of these articles are now at Bulak.

Many silver rings were found, mostly on the
surface, by the Bedawin, but one (xli. 33) on the
pavement outside of the Kasr. They all
belonged apparently to priests or temple officials
(see pl. xli. 32 to 35). One bears a winged
scarabxus (36); and one has a silver scarab
which turned on the ring anciently (37).

A fine ram’s head with the ureus on it (pl.
xli. 11), probably from a statuette of Khnum,
was found in the camp, with two silver ur«i, and
abronze Apis. A small silver Horus, much worn,
four tetradrachms of Athens, and one of Ptolemy

CHAP. XI.—THE SMALL ANTIQUITIES. 77

II., complete the list of silver objects found at
Defenneh and the neighbourhood.

76. Bronze objects were common in the camp,
particularly arrow-heads, of which many hundreds
were collected (pl. xxxix. 8 to 16). It is useless
to do more than describe the principal objects, or
those of interest. A bowl, 74 inches across and
2 inches deep (pl. xli. 17), was found in the
camp with a dipper (ἐγὼ) 17 inches long, and
the large bronze lid (xxxix. 23). Two small pans,
which from their convexity cannot be mirrors,
seem to be most probably frying-pans (xxxix. 6, 7).
The bronze stamp of Aahmes (pl. xli. 76) was
found in chamber 19, with the stem of a dipper,
and some arrow-heads which still retained the
wood in the sockets. The knives found (xxxix. 19,
21) are a puzzle, as they do not seem ever to
have had any sort of edge; perhaps they were
manufactured here, and not yet sharpened for
use ; fig. 21, however, is from chamber 3.
Chisels were found of various shapes (xxxix. 24 to
28), one in chamber 194, and a duplicate of this
is kept at Bulak. A staple found in chamber 2
is of interest, as it has been fastened to a thin
bronze vessel ; a washer of bronze was put round
its tangs before they were bent over, so as to
prevent its tearing the vessel by straining. A
large quantity of bronze tubes were found, often
curved, 4th of an inch across, and with signs of
having been bound over with some string or
stuff: they seem as if part of some furniture, or
possibly, a metal-piping sewn into the edge of
tents. More Egyptian articles are an Osiris
found in chamber 18, a sistrum head in chamber
3, a situla 23 in. hish in chamber 3, another 34
in. high in chamber 14, and a double-ended kohl-

‚stick in chamber 18. That copper was largely
wrought here, and indeed smelted, is evident
from the large amount of waste lying about ; the
ground is thick with scraps and drops of copper
and bits of slag in many parts, and pieces of large
cerucibles covered with copper slag are found.

Of lead a few pieces of ore (galena) were

found, and some pieces of a U shape, which were
doubtless net sinkers.

77. Iron is as common as bronze, or rather
commoner, and this shows well the relation of
the metals in the early historie period to which
these remains belong. The remains may be
broadly divided into military and eivil. Of
military iron the prineipal pieces are shown on
pl. xxxvii. The horses’ bits are sometimes bars
which have had loops of cord or leather at the
ends, as in fig. 1, or with holes for the attach-
ment, as in fig. 2, or fiveted through cheek-pieces,
as in figs. 5, 5a, 6. The twisted pattern of fig.
1 is shown also in 5a. Several lance-heads (fie.
4) and pieces of such, were found. The bident
(fig. 3) may be perhaps for fishing, or it may be
the butt of a spear like the bronze tridents of
Nebesheh. The sword (fig. 7) shows the guard
well developed (though now much broken away),
and an equal stay at the end of the handle to
prevent its slipping out of the grasp. The blade
had a rib on each side for some little way from
the hilt. The handle is curiously shaped, with a
groove on either side; partly to lighten it, and
partly to hold the rivets by which a leather cover
was probably fastened on, without a chance of
their galling the hand; such a hollow also would
help the grip. A rather different sword-handle
was kept at Bulak ; it has a knob or pommel at
the end of the handle to balance the blade.
Another form, more like an ordinary knife, is fig.
17; the thickness of the middle of blade (the
section being rhombic) seems to show that this
was for warfare, but, if so, a guard was probably
fastened to the handle. The knife (fig. 20) may
be perhaps for civil uses; the handle shows well
the grain of the wood, which was fastened on by
five rivets of iron. The objects 8 to 11 are
diffieult to explain ; possibly they may be orna-
ments for the peaks of helmets: the thin strips
bent out splay at the bases of 9, 10, 11, seem as
if to fasten the spike into some leather object,
and yet it would not be suited for a spur, owing

78 TELL DEFENNEH.

to the barbed form : these barbs could hardly
be for use, as the attachment of the spike by
the splay branches would scarcely be strong
enough to bear the wrench of dragging the barbed
spike out from anything. On the whole then
they were more probably ornamental. Similar
spikes were kept at Bulak. Iron arrow-heads
(xxxvil. 12 to 16) were found in great quantities,
the denuded surface of the ground being strewn
with them along the south side of the camp;
only the unweathered ones were collected, but
about a couple of hundred of these were brought
away. They are always of a tang form, and not
socketed, which is exactly contrary to the usage
for bronze arrow-heads ; the reason is that the
iron were wrought, while the bronze were cast so
that a socket could be readily made. The solid
triangular form is the commonest (12, 13),
though some are bladed (14, 15, 16) ; none are of
the three-blade type of the bronze (xxxix. 9, 12).
The large swivel ring (xxxviü. 18) is probably a
part of chariot fittings. The scale armour (figs.
19, 19a, 190) is the most unusual find of all;
scale armour is represented on a statue at
Karnak, probably of Ramessu 11., a corslet of
scales is shown in the tomb of Ramessu III.,
there is scale armour on a bas-relief at Tanis,
probably of Sheshonk IIL, while a piece of a
corslet of leather with bronze scales, two of which
bear the name of Sheshonk, is in the Abbott
collection. The present example seems to have
been a large part of a leather corslet, which was
thrown away in the Greek vase chamber, No. 18;
it was covered with scales of iron of the form
shown in pl. xxxvii. 19b (all objects on this plate
are half-size), which were originally about τῆς of
an inch thick ; these scales were sewn on by six
holes, each line of scales lapped over half the line
below it so as to completely cover the stitching ;
and each scale lapped over two-thirds of the pre-
vious scale in the row; thus as each scale was
put on the right-hand pair of holes was stitched
through, going through the middle pair of the
previous scale, and the left-hand pair of holes of

the scale next before that. Thus the result was
a mass three deep sideways and two deep from
top to bottom, making the whole mass six scales
thick at every part. The inner surface showing
the stitching holes is given in fig. 19, and the
outer surface at fig. 19a.

78. Ofecivil iron-work the most common objects
are chisels (pl. xxxviii. 15 to 20), of which about 40
were kept, beside many rejected. One was found
low down in chamber 11, left before the higher-
level floor was made opening on to the entrance
from passage 26. Another was found with an
iron staple in chamber 19. A broad form of .
wood chisel is shown in fig. 22, and the socket of
a large wood chisel like those found at Naukratis
in fig. 3. Alarge long metal chisel was found,
with a square shank and pointed end (fig. 2).
Two pickaxes are ofa form new to us (fig. 1),
none like this being found at Naukratis. The
large double-edged knife (fig. 6) is a splendid
specimen in perfect condition, found in chamber
194 ; the grain of the wood on the handle is very
plain, both the cross-piece on the haft of the
blade fastened by three rivets, and the handle
itself fastened by two rivets. Three pokers (figs.
11, 12) were found with it, of the type of that
from Naukratis. A small knife (fig. 23) was
found in chamber 18, and another in the camp.
The knife or razor without a handle (fig. 8) was
also found in chamber 18. A large auger or
rymer, apparently, with a cross-head handle is
shown in fig. 4, and some very curious rasps or
borers in figs. 9, 10; these are made of a piece
of thin sheet-iron, punched all over with holes
like a modern grater, and coiled round into a
cone; they have been found with string at the
base, and fitted on to wooden handles, making a
sort of rat-tail file or rasp: five were found, three
of them in chamber 17. The axe (fig. 24) is of
a different type to that of Naukratis, which had a
socket ; but fig. 21 seems to be a socketed
plough-share of rough form. A block ‘of iron
4x 4x 1 was found at the bottom of the

CHAP. XIL.—THE SMALL ANTIQUITIES. 79

chamber adjoining site 1 on the plan, lying on
the sand in the corner. The trident, fig. 5, may
be intended either for fishing or for a spear-butt.
The fish-hooks, fig. 14, are exactly like those of
Naukratis. The object, fig. 7, is of unknown
use. A large quantity of iron scraps, apparently a
workman’s scrap heap, was found in the camp,
ineluding the side piece of a horse’s bit, arrows,
a hook, a cruciform piece of thin sheet-iron,
squares of sheet-iron 13, 14, $ inch, &e.; a piece
with a square-toothed edge, probably for riveting
it on by a row of laps to another piece of sheet,
and much slag. In another place was a mass of
thin sheet-iron with strips of bronze and iron,
apparently part of some armour inlaid with ribs
of metal. The amount of slag found all over the
S.E. of the camp was astonishing ;
brought away, including a complete crucible
bottom of slag mixed with charcoal. Some very
fine hematite was also found. It is evident that
Defenneh was as important a place for smelting,
and iron working, as Naukratis; and the light
that these finds of arms, armour, and tools of all
kinds, throws on archaic Greek metallurgy and
workmanship is of permanent value.

some was

79. We now turn to the later objects found at
and near Defenneh, the exact site of which is
uncertain unless here specified; they were mostly
pieked up by the Bedawin, who hunted all the
neighbourhood for me as far as Tell Sherig (or
Belim as they call it) at nine miles to the north.

The plain of Daphn«, in the midst of which
the camp and Kasr lie, is absolutely free from all
objects of a later period than the twenty-sixth
dynasty, so far as I could find by eontinually
searching it during my stay there; but at the
N.W. of it is a mound, which is the highest
of the place, and usually called Tell Defenneh ;
this is of later age, but not reaching to Roman
times. In excavating here two bronze vessels
were found, eylindrical with flat bases, 4°0 in.
acrossand 48 in. high, and parts of a large bronze
pan with a handle; with these were a large quan-

tity of glazed pottery amulets of late work, prob-
ably late Ptolemaie ; as the varieties of a large
number are worth noting they are here cata-
logued. Khnum 4, Tahuti 4, Shu 4, Taurt 5,
Hapi bull 5, Lion 5, Monkey 5, Ram 2, Rabbit
5, Scarabs 5, Eyes 4, Papyrus sceptres 5,
Lower crowns 5, Upper crowns 5; beside some
much smaller and ruder ones, Shu 2, Bes 1,
Cynocephalus seated 2, Hawk 6, Cat 6, Lion 2,
Rabbit 2.

Of stone objects the main class is that of beads,
which were found in large quantities in the neigh-
bourhood. As the age is uncertain, it is useless
to deseribe them exactly ; suffice to say that the
forms are spherical, ovoid, bugle, pear-shaped,
diseoid, discoid with edge or double cone (only
amethyst and camnelian), square prism, hexagonal
prism, square prism with replaced corners (only
carnelian), and pentagonal rounded bead (only
syenite), fluted, beside irregular shapes. The
materials are clear quartz (rock erystal), milky
quartz, amethyst, carnelian, clear chalcedony,
agate, jasper (red, black, green, and yellow),
onyx, plasma, beryl, felspar (green, red), brown
porphyry, garnet, lapis lazuli, turquoise, caleite
(Iceland spar), syenite, and mother-of-pearl.
Ten examples of engraved stones of the Roman
period were found, on garnet, clear quartz, and
carnelian, some of very good work of its period. I
found half a Cufie seal of lapis lazuli at Tell Sherig.

Of glass a tolerable amount was obtained, both
of beads and of pieces of vases; all probably of
the Roman age, and mainly from Tell Sherig.
The beads are of the usual types, blue eye-beads,
green with yellow, fluted, zigzag, hexagonal mock
beryl, flatted hexagonal blue, amber polyhedra
and fluted, elear with gilding inside, mock onyx,
black with red waves, green stripe with red and
white eyes, blue and white millepore with red
ends (hexagonal prism) twisted yellow, black
with red or white zigzag, and covered with broken
scraps stuck in. The fragments of cups, &e., are
of the usual varieties of Roman glass ; millepore,
of yellow in green, yellow in brown, red and

80 TELL DEFENNEH.

yellow in green, white in purple, and yellow in
white; wavy “ Phenieian ” of white on blue,
white on purple, blue, yellow and brown on
brown, yellow and white on blue, jasper-red on
black, yellow on blue: wavy cups of pink-opaque,
blue, and yellow mixed, also clear green on opaque
white; a bangle of elear white with twisted red ;
yellow glass ““ Phenician ” heads, figures of Bes
in yellow, Baubo in clear green (xli. 78), a term
in clear blue (xli. 79), Isis in light blue, and a
cat in brown; stamped pendants with Cupid on
lion (xli. 77), and Cupid with goat (xli. 81)
of amber glass, head of Anubis (?) of green
glass (xli. 80), and a full face from a bottle-
handle of green glass; knobs or bosses for in-
laying of clear white, yellow, blue, pink, and
green ; pieces of eups engraved with line patterns,
of yellow and blue; mosaie of an owl’s head,
very delicate and minute, of which (fortunately
getting a piece of the rod) eight slices have been
cut and mounted on glass slips; also a wing and
a piece with red and black rosettes. Two Qufic
glass weights are the latest glass objects. I
found many pieces of coloured flat glass, probably
from windows, at Tell Sherig; purple, pale
purple, blue-green, and pale blue.

80. An aureus of Valens, and a Cufic dinar,
were brought up to me, and several of the pieces
of gold ornaments already described may have
come from the northern sites.

Of bronzes a large quantity of small objects
were brought in; but it is needless to do more
than note the main classes. The numbers of
figures of deities were, Osiris 13, Horus 10,
Isis and Horus 7, Anubis 9, Nefertum 4, Khonsu
6, Tahuti 1, Amen Ra 1, Bes, seated squat, 1,
standing with sword 1, part of Neit 1, upper part
of winged cat-headed Bast (?) 1, Aegis of Bast 3,
one with handle (pl. xxxix. 4). The usual sistra,
feathers, discs, flails, sacred animals, &c., were
found. Two arms from a figure holding a tam-
bourine, with a bennu on each side of it, were
found in a chamber of the Kasr. A bell3°3 inches

high (xxxix. 3) comes from’a northern tell. Bronze
rings were common, 33 in all being brought up,
mainly Roman and Cufic, of no particular interest,
with the usual devices; one is Egyptian, minutely
inseribed Ptah-hotep. Buttons made concavo-
convex, with a bar across the concave back
pierced for sewing on. DBeads, pentagonal,
hexagonal, and round. Swivels for putting
through eye-holes. Chain of O and of 8 links,
and of woven wire. Nail-heads of all forms, flat,
round, massive parabolic, pyramidal, rosette, and
concentric eireles. Earrings of the type of xliii.
2, and of wire. Also many small pieces of
unknown use, such as xxxix. 5. A curious seal
with a man, bearded, with long hair, holding up
two crocodiles by the tails is worth notice (pl.
xxxix. 1). Many rings were also found, 43 in all,
varying from 14 to 4 inch across, probably from
curtains or tents. It seems evident that there
considerable sites to the N. of
Defenneh, and Tell Sherig will scarcely account
for all the things brought to me ; there may be
another camp somewhere (according to the notice
of the two camps of Herodotus), beside the small
settlement with tombs close to the Defenneh canal.
This distriet is worth more examination, which I
should have given it had not Defenneh occupied
every day up to the close of the working season.

are some

CHAPTER XII.
THE WEIGHTS.

81. Tue past year has proved even more
important for the study of weights than the
first season at Naukratis. While at Naukratis
last season with Mr. Gardner a large number
came in from the native diggings, and after I
left still more were brought, so that he returned
with 358 altogether, which I have worked out
and treat of in the present chapter ; thus we
have 874 weights from Naukratis in two
seasons. At Nebesheh but few weights were
to be had, only 21 in all being obtained there.
But at Defenneh the supply seemed inex-
haustible. I have bought over 70 in one day,

CHAP. XIL—THE WEIGHTS. 81

picked up on the denuded surface of the ground
by the Bedawin, who find them both at
Defenneh, and at sites to the north of that on
to Tell Belim. The whole supply there in two
months was 397 stone weights and 1600 metal
weights. Altogether over 4000 weighings were
performed, of which Mr. Spurrell most kindly
did nearly a thousand. Unhappily, owing to
the weights of Defenneh being found exposed
on the surface, they have on the whole suffered
more by weathering than those of Naukratis,
which are found bedded in stiff mud that has
prevented any access of air, and has preserved
all the products of corrosion around the weight.
The metal weights of Defenneh I have therefore
found it needful to set aside for a special
research; though every one has been weighed
in air and in water, and it did not seem a very
serious matter to work out their original values,
yet a fresh dificulty stood in the way, for they
proved to consist of all sorts and conditions of
alloys, from almost pure copper down to
sulphides of copper and tin, with perhaps other
materials. Probably these alloys are the black
and white bronze of the inscriptions. Under
these circumstances even the specific gravity
fails to show us the internal state of a weight;
and fresh modes of examination must be
worked out and formulated before we can say
anything exact as to the original values. The
whole subject of the modes of patination
requires discussion, and some unexpected
results have appeared; as, for instance, that
weights lose by exudation of their more oxidiz-
able alloys from the whole mass, leaving a
sponge of metal; and the last stage of this
course ends in the complete replacement of the
weight by a siliceous or calcareous pseudomorph
of the exact form and polish of the original.
Thus are produced those strange casts of coins,
which appear as if made artificially in plaster
(see “ Tanis,” p. 40). The whole of thestages
and proofs of this alteration I hope to work
out and state in future: suflice to mention it

here, to show the questions which arise in
dealing with 1600 metal weights. The setting
aside of these, however, does not much affect in
any case the results which are here stated ; for
the changes of metal weights are in general so
great that they are worthless for showing the
exact standard, though of as much value as any
for ascertaining the distribution of different
standards and the forms. The limit of 2°/,
error excluding a weight from the curves of
results, which I saw need to impose in dealing
with the Naukratis weights before, I have still
maintained as essential to a proper treatment
of the results. I have also found the need of
another limit, when a large quantity of minute
weights are in hand ; it is clear that a weight
of 10 grains cannot (with a given imperfection
of balance) show a standard as accurately as a
weight of 100 grains; hence some limit of
smallness is need£ul, below which weights fall
under much the same uncertainty as when they
have lost any considerable percentage of their
substancee. From comparing the curves of
distribution of the #ths, #rds, and other Kat
weights (as the standard most fully repre-
sented), it seemed best to draw the line at 40
grains, thus including in the curves all the Ards
of the shekels and kats. Perhaps, seeing the
number of erratically low and high %rd kats,
this may be too low a limit, and 60 grains
might be safer; but, at least, if the source of
these stray groups is noted, not much harm
will have been done.

82. The general arrangement of the catalogue
of weights is on the same lines as that of last
year, and therefore the prolegomena need not
be repeated. The only difference is that where
a weight is under the limit of size a bar is put
across the change column, “ Ch,” to call atten-
tion to it; the other entries in that column
call attention as before to weights which have
suffered more than 2°/, of change, and the
broken ones are marked B. The numbering

M

82

of the weights is continuous from last year’s
catalogue, so that in future the number alone
will suflice to refer to any weight published in
these works. The types of form are also
numbered the same as last year; only as
several between 50 and 100 were not required
for reference, this year I have substituted for
them on pl. xlvii. the new forms over 100,
which are referred to in the present catalogue,
and only those numbers appear on that plate
to which I need to refer. In defining the
materials of the weights it is necessary to use
terms with a meaning more general than in a
severely geological system; the subject, indeed,
of Egyptian geology and mineralogy may be
well studied on such a collection, but that was
far from my present object, and as few names
have been used as would suflice to mark the
most distinet groups of materials. To avoid
misunderstanding, it will be as well to give
general definitions of the use made of these
terms, as follows :—

Basalt: a fine-grained uniform silicate,
black, green, grey, or brown, with earthy
fracture, except in the brown which is sub-
erystalline. Syenite: quartz, hornblende, and
felspar, quartz always scarce, sometimes in-
visible; varying from coarse grain to a micro-
scopic magma. Granite: quartz, mica, and
felspar or hornblende. Diorite: felspar and
hornblende, including all hard mixed maenesic
silicates. Serpentine: all soft magnesic sili-
cates. Gneiss: “any hard quartzose semi-
erystalline schistose rock,” according to the
“ very vague” but convenient definition men-
tioned by Geikie. Porphyry: a lighter hard
silicate dispersed in a darker hard silicate, and
not hornblendic. Silicate: any homogenous
hard silicate of undetermined nature. The
haematite, it should be noted, is almost always
very rough, and coarse brown, often a mere
pebble or nodule ground on one side; thus
quite unlike the exquisite polished weights of
black hamatite from Syria.

TELL DEFENNEH.

------- --- - --------

NAUKRATIS. II.
Esvprian ΚΑΤ StanvarD (107).

No, Material, Form. | Present. | Ch, | Ancient, x
517 | Basalt, bk. 40 5597” | B| 6900 | 50
518| Gneiss, gr. 38—43 690 690| 4
519 | Limestone, wt.| 44 689°9 6906 | 5
520 | Gneiss, gr. 42—43 401 401; 1
521| Alabaster 33—37 | 13715 1384 | 10
522 Porphyry, red 10—54 | 27644 2768 | 20
523 | Syenite, gr. 27—33 | 27,570 27,750 [200
524 | Limestone 106 6930 6935| 5
525 | Bronze 26 38:6 | 8:9 347| 1
526 | Basalt, bk. 39 1389:0 13895 | 10
527 | Bronze 26—33 1312| & 139 | 1
528| Basalt, bk. 26—27 1390 1390| 1
529| Gneiss, gr. 43 69:7 697 | ἃ
530| Syenite, red 25 2785'8 2789 | 20
531 | Limestone, gr. 36 46°5 465| 4
532 | Limestone 33—40 1396 1396| 1
533 | Gneiss, gr. 3—54 | 3490'5 9600: | 25
534 | Basalt, bk. 40 7010 7010 | 50
535 | Basalt, bk. 37—39 | 6989 7010 | 50
536 | Syenite, gr. 27—40 | 700'9 7009| 5
537 | Limestone, wt. | 33—39 | 28060 2806 | 20
538 Basalt, br. 27—40 | 14008 14030 | 10
539| Quartz, bk. 84 2809 2809 2
540| Basalt, br. 26—27 7009 7024| 5
541 | Syenite, gr. 7—16 | 28039 2814 | 20
542 | Basalt, br. 23—33 | 2815°6 2816 | 20
543 | Basalt, br. 44, 7052 7052| 5
544 | Basalt, br. 17—18 1412 1412| 1
545 | Basalt, br. 40 7009 7060 | 50
546 | Syenite, bk. 38 28242 2826 | 20
547 | Basalt, br. 19 14040 1415 10
548 | Sandstone, red | 12—23 | 1415'8 1416 10
549 | Basalt, bk. 43 2837 2837| 2
550 | Basalt, bk. 38 283°9 283:9| 2
551| Marble, wt. 15 710 710] 1
552| Limestone, bk. | 84 47'5 475) 4
553 | Limestone, wt. | 27—38 | 14243 14256 | 10
554 | Syenite, bk. 38 7135 7135 | 50
555 | Basalt, bk, 33 ‚14,280 14,280 |100
556 | Bronze 16 397 | 4 357| 4
557 | Basalt, br. 25—27| 14251 1429 | 10
558 | Basalt, br. 23—33 2858 2858| 2
559 | Lead 16 oval 2978 | 12° 286 2
560 | Basalt, bk. 4—54 | 28624 28624 | 20
561 | Basalt, bk. 33 2867 2867| 2
562 | Basalt, br. 23 | 28,680 28,700 [200
563 | Basalt, br. 27—33 2870 2870| 2
564: | Lead 124 72065 7188 | 50
565 | Syenite, bk. 10—54 | 28300 2880:0 | 20
566 | Sandstone 33—37 | 72,030: 72,030 | 500
567 | Basalt, bk. 19 14409 1441 | 10
568 | Basalt, br. 33—40| 14411 1444 | 10
569 | Basalt, gen. 41—43 72:2 722| 1
570 Basalt, bk. 31—37 283°8 2888| 2
571| Bronze 38—40 2958 | 7° 289: | 2
572| Diorite, bk. 26—33 48:3 485) 1
573| Basalt, bk. 26—27 2899 2899 2
574 | Basalt, bk. 33 1449 1449| 1
575| Basalt, bk. 27—33 290°3 ‚2903| 2
576 | Limestone, gr. | 80—S1 242 | — 242| 4
577 | Syenite, bk. 56 14428 1453 | 10
578 Basalt, bk. 26 2907 2907| 2
579| Limestone, br. | 20—40 7274 7274| 5
580 | Syenite, bk. 54 29130 2913°0 | 20
581| Basalt, br. 33—40 | 2906°0 2913 | 20
582 | Basalt, br. 25—27 | 14566 1456°6 | 10
583 | Syenite, gr. ὃς 2914 2914| 2
584. | Silicate, br. 98 145'7 1457 | 1
585 | Limestone, wt. | 37—38 2919 2918| 2
586 | Limestone, er. | 28—31 1462 1462| 1

Unit,

138

1980
1381
138:3
1384
1384,
138:7
138:7
138:8
138:9
139

1590
139:4
139:4
139'5
139°6
140'0
1402
1402
1402
1403
1409
1404
1405
1407
1408
1410
1412
141°2
141°3
141'5
1410
141:8
1419
1420
142:
142:0
1427
142'8
1428
1429
1429
148

1431
143.3
148:
143°5
1438
1440
1440
1441

144.4
144:4
1444,
1445
1449
1449
1449
1461
145:2
145'3
145:
145°5
145°6
145°6
1457
145'7
145'7
145°9
1462

CHAP. XIL.—THE WEIGHTS.

Material. Form. Present. | Ch. | Ancient.
Basalt, br. 26—33 | 14640 14644,
Sandstone, br. | 37—40 | 2928: 2932:
Basalt, bk. 11—43 293°5 293°5
Bronze 26 394 | 27 367
Basalt, bk. 38 49:0 49:0
Basalt, br. 37—38 7379 7380
Limestone, wt. | 33—43 798: 738°6
Syenite, bk. 37 14477 14477
Bronze 105 7459 739
Basalt, br. 38 14793 14793
Limestone 30—31| 14768 1480:
Glass, dark 40---44. 7118 2:2 74
Basalt, bk. 33 296°3 2963
Basalt, bk. 20—40 | 5866'6 5930
Basalt, br. 19—27 741 741
Basalt, br. 12—26 | 14798 1484,
Basalt, bk. 38—43 296.9 296°9
Basalt, bk. 33 2976 2976
Basalt, bk. 5—43 | 29764 2976°4
Pottery, brown | 41 14877 1488
Basalt, gr. 10—35 | 2981 2983
Limestone 112 14947 1495
Lead 65 9191 19’ 800
Syenite, gr. 33 300'3 3009
Basalt, bk. 10—54 | 3010:6 | 3010:6
Basalt, br. 27—33 7530 7530
Basalt, br. 3 1506°6 1506°6
Basalt, br. 33 301°4 9014
Limestone, gr. 84 754 754
Basalt, br. 26—33 1513 1513
Bronze 17—25 41°4 | 3:5 97:9
Quartz, bk. 11—13 303°8 9038
Bronze 12 290| 6 254
Syenite, br. 54 30627 3065
Syenite, bk, 44 907: 907 δ
Basalt, bk. 33 774 774
Basalt, bk. 33 22288| B | 3100

AssyYRIAN SHEKEL STANDARD (90).
Basalt, bk. 26 19:6 | — 196
Alabaster 107 196 | — 190
Bronze 37 3741 20’ 354?
Serpentine 11—13 5892| ᾿Ἣ 59:2
Bronze 38—43 33:9 | 43 29:6
Bronze 26—33 615 [21 594
Bronze 37—38 61:1 |1'6 595
Limestone, wt. | 33—41 9098 900
Bronze, L.? 26 2406 | 66 240
Bronze 26 2450 240
Bronze 27 34.6 | 26° 60
Bronze 27—33 5948 604,
Bronze 26—33 125°0 [4:2 120:8
Bronze 12—25 387°5 | 24: 363
Bronze 58 131'1 | 10° 1210
Bronze 26 1342 |12: 1290
Bronze ° 33—36 1192 | 3° 122:
Bronze 33—36 342 5:7 30:5
Bronze 33—36 2547 | 10° 245
Limestone, br. 79 122°6 1226
Limestone 110 617 614
Bronze 26 32:8 [211 307
Bronze 33—37 400°5 | 30° 370
Bronze 25 419 | 9 41'0
Basalt, br. 40 24602 2462
Alabaster 37—40 | 12284 1231
Alabaster 31—32 123°2 123:2
Bronze 33 41:0 | 45 411
Limestone 11—40 | 12295 1240
Bronze 32—34 126°3 | 16 124
Serpentine 24—27 41'6 410
Syenite, bk. 10 3730'8 3730'8
Basalt, br. 104 36950 3740
Basalt, bk. 55 1873:9 1879:9

ἘΦ ΕΘ Su- Bwu- SS Τι ἘΞ uou- m DE

Du m Da wa mu m 5 or

= = Der fan Ser - Ξ Ser Wa μα WR μα μα μα m Or OD Wie iin Vokal

Unit. No. Material. Form. Present. | Ch. | Ancient. x
1464| 658) Lead 8 95.786 313
1466] 659) Bronze 33—37 627°6 627 5
1467 | 660] Bronze 33—34 3857| 9 377 3
146'8 | 661| Syenite, bk. 10—54 | 37743 37743 | 30
1470} 662| Bronze 26—46 1201 1258| 1
147.6} 663| Limestone, wt.| 11]--- 44, 226:1 [26’ 252" 2
1477} 604] Gneiss, gr. 54 3780'0 9782: | 30
147'8| 665 | Serpentine 38 5048 5048| 4
147'8|, 666| Basalt, br. 11 1262-8 1262-8 | 10
147'9| 667 | Basalt, bk. 11—83 | 25295 25295 20
1480} 668| Basalt, bk. 38—39 7587 7587 | 6
148° | 669] Bronze 32—36 θ6 2.4 632| 1
1481] 670] Bronze 26—27 661 12:8 633| 4
1482| 671| Syenite, gr. 18—26 | 38041 3809 | 30
1482| 672) Basalt, br. 44. 1522-9 1523 | 12
148'4| 673| Basalt, br. 33 761°2 7612| 6
1484| 674| Alabaster 53 11953 |75° | 1270 | 10
1488] 675) Limestone, wt.| 46—47 | 148077 |44 | 1525 | 12
1488| 676| Limestone, γε]. 33—43 635°5 6355| 5
148:8} 677| Alabaster 25—40 635°4 636 5
149'1| 678| Basalt, br. 38—40 127°2 1272| 1
1495| 679) Hzmatite, bk. 11 37180 3718°0 | 30
150° 680) Limestone, wt. 1 12617 1274 | 10
1501} 681| Limestone, br. | 11—19 6390 6390| 5
1505] 682| Basalt, bk. 18 1278:8 1279. [10
150'6 | 683| Basalt, br. 25—40 7654 7678| 6
150'7 | 684| Syenite, bk. 33 1535°1 15362 | 12
1507 | 685| Basalt, bk. 18—27 128°0 1280| 1
150'8 | 686| Syenite, gr. 2—-55 | 25622 25622 | 20
151'31 687) Bronze 33—837 6507 642 5
1516| 688| Syenite, bk. 54, 1927°2 1927°5 | 15
15191 689) Basalt, br. * 8—9 12854 12854 | 10
1524| 690| Bronze 25 1290 1285| 1
153:2} 691 Limestone 11—36 | 12846 1286°0 | 10
1537 | 692| Basalt, bk. 23—38 | 25745 25745 | 20
1548| 693) Syenite, bk. 58—86 | 19324 19324 | 15
155 694| Bronze 33— 836 7061 774 6
695 Basalt, br. 383—39 | 30973 3098 | 24
696 | Porphyry, bk. |10—54 | 38817 38817 | 30
117-6 697 | Basalt, bk. 40 647°6 6476| 5
117:6 698 Syenite, bi. 95 2595°9 25959 | 20
118 699| Limestone 19—29 1291 129.8] 1
118-4 700| Bronze 27 136°2 | 6°4 1298| 1
118-4 701) Bronze 26 46:5 3:2 433| }
118-8 702| Bronze 14—21 45:6 [2.9 433| 4
119- 708 Bronze 20—33 6667 650 5
120 704| Basalt, bk. 40 7731 7800 | 60
120 705 | Bronze 67 64752 6510 | 50
120 706 | Serpentine ball »_ 2604 2604| 2
120 707| Basalt, bk. 20—26 | 1303°5 13035 | 10
120-8 708 Basalt, br. 38 2608°5 2610: | 20
120-8 709) Bronze 62 1333 1305| 1
121 710] Basalt, bk. 25—40 261°4 2614| 2
121-0 711 Bronze 26— 36 138°6 [7:9 1307| 1
122-0 712 Basalt, bk. 33 7859 7862| 6
192- 713| Bronze 33—89 2697 |77 262° 2
en Arrıc DRACHMA STANDARD (54).
1226| 714 | Bronze, L. 26—33 8232| B 1300? | 20
1228] 715 | Limestone 60 32588 3259 | 50
1228| 716 | Basalt, br. 37—38 | 130177 1305 | 20
123 717 |Syenite, gr. 23—25 | 13,050 13,080 | 200
123° | 718 |Basalt, bk. low 37 |130,700 130,900 2000
1231| 719 | Bronze 25 13278 1310 | 20
123:1| 720 | Basalt, br. 38 13097 13110 | 20
123'2] 721 | Bronze 33—837 670°6 | 13° 658 | 10
1233| 722 |Syenite, bk. low 37 2634 2634| 4
1240| 723 |Basalt, br. 20 1317 1317| 2
124° | 724 |Basalt, br. 11—38 | 13186 1318°6 | 20
1242| 725 |Shelly deposit | 2—3 |13,190 13,200 |200
1243| 726 | Basait, br.» 19—33 | 3288'2 3300 | 50
12477 | 727 | Bronze 104 13683 |48° | 1320 | 20
1249| 728 | Basalt, bk. 117 13292 °5 3301 | 50
I

83

Unit,

1252
125-4
1957
125-8
125-8
196:

1261
126-2
126-3
1264
126-4
126-4
1266
126-9
126-9
126-9
1370
127-1
127-1
1272
127-2
1273
127-4
1278
127-9
1279
128-0
128-0
1281
128-4
128:5
1285
198:
198:
198:7
128-8
1290
129-1
129-4
1295
129-8
1298
129-8
129-9
129-9
130:

130:0
130:2
1302
130:3
130:
180:
1807
1307
131:0
131:

65°
65:18
6525
6540
6545
65°5
65:55
65°8
658
65:8
65:93
66°0
66°0
66:0
66'02

TELL DEFENNEH.

84
No, Material. Form. Present. | Ch. | Ancient. x | Unit. No. Material, Form, Present. | Ch. | Ancient.
729| Limestone 19—33 | 33023 3303 50 |66:06 | 797 Syenite, gr. 10 44379 44379
730| Bronze 58—59 | 5547 | 26° 529 8 [6001 798| Basalt, br. 14—19 | 5503°5 5560
791. Basalt, bk. 79 1321°5 13223 | 20 6011} 799 Gneiss, gr. 38—40 | 17769 1777:
732. Basalt, br. 11—36 | 32973 3309 50 |66'18] 800. Bronze 20—26 60°4 | 47 557
733 Basalt, br. 33 13192 1323°6 | 20 6018} 801 Gneiss, bk. 13 55818 5582
734| Basalt, br. 18 6620 662:0 | 10 66.930} 802| Lead 62—86 | 11582 | 80 | 1120
735| Bronze 33—37 6692 662° | 10 602 803 | Bronze 26 2395 | 15° 224
736| Bronze, L. 26 13457 1328 | 20 664 | 804| Basalt, br. 14 22500 22502
737 Bronze 33—37 1292| 4 133 2 [606 805| Bronze 25 1261 | 14 112: ὅ
733| Bronze 26—33 3383| 5 333 | ἃ 1666 806| Bronze 26—36 1193 | 6 1150
730. Limestone 102 13320 13325 | 20 |66'62] 807 | Bronze 26—36 599 | 8.4 56°5
740) Basalt, br. 23—40 6657 667° | 10 [667 808| Bronze 121 20:8 |1'9 18:9
741 Syenite, gr. 38 6669 6670 | 10 1667 809| Bronze 26 20:6 16 190
742| Bronze 33—37 705 |3°8 667 | 1 |667 810. Bronze 67 2449 | 16* 229
743| Basalt, bk. 23—40 667°3 6673 | 10 16673] 811| Brouze 33 2392| 9 230
744. Basalt, br. 37—39 | 6604 6680 | 100 | 068 812) Bronze 25 593 | 18 57:5
745| Syenite, bk. 38 2671 2671| 4 [668 | 513, Bronze 20,120) 1171] 1151
740 Jasper, bk. 14—17 33:4 334| 4 6668 | 814| Bronze 95,120| 11453 115°5
747 Bronze 33 5453 | 60 535 8 6609 815! Bronze 40, 120 60123 57'8
748| Basalt, bk. 27 133°8 1338| 2 |66°9 | 810 Basalt, gn. ξ 1156-6 1156°6
749. Limestone, br. 36 671 6717 1 1071 817 Basalt, br. 12 1158-4 1158-4
750| Gneiss, gr. 55 33578 33578 | 50 67:16} 818| Bronze 25 597 |17 580
751) Syenite, gr. 33 26747 2088: | 40 |67°2 819) Steatite, gr. 36 1162 1162
752| Basalt, bk. 37—38 1345 1315 | 2 |67'2 | 590) Bronze 36—37 957 | 24 935
753 Basalt, bk. 33—40 672) 67:2) 1 [672 | 821| Syenite, gr. 33 59:0 59:0
754| Basalt, br. 20-40) 1332:0 1345 | 20 |67°25 | 599) Basalt, bk. 55 1193-4 11950
755 | Syenite, gr. 26 [18,440 13470 | 200 | 67°35
756| Basalt, br. ,39—40 | 13491 1349'1 | 20 67:45 EIGHTY GRAIN STANDARD (24).
757, Alabaster ven) 2544 17’ 271 4 [67:7 Ζ
758| Basalt, br. 19-- 40] 27193 2720 | 40 080 | 833] Bronze 87 | 1778. 28, 155
759| Bronze 33 6703 681: [10 [681 | 824| Syenite,gr. |10-54| 31113 3111'5
760 Basalt, bk. "20 | 27271 8798 | 40 |682 | 825| Gneiss,bk. [1054| 39103 3912°
761| Basalt, ΒΚ. | 38 1364 | 1304) 2 [682 | 826| Gneiss, bk. [1939| 6249 6295
762) Basalt, bk. 33 | 136465 1365°5 | 20 [6827 | 827 Sandstone [21-41 31,470 31,470
763, Basalt, δ. 4445| 1373 157. 2 [686 | 828 Bronze 33 1681| 10 | 1580
704. Syenite,gr. |11-38| 13713 1374 | 20 [687 | 829 Basalt, br. 13740 | 31508 3163°
765| Basalt, ὃ. [10-38 | 6867- 6871 11006871 | 830) Sandstone 54 | 19793 1980
766, Alabaster 26 1376| 137:6| 2 |68:8 | 831) Basalt, ΒΕ. |38—39 | 6343 6347°
767 | Limestone 193891, 219 — 119 | 4 |714 | 832] Syenite, br. 113 | 15871 15871
833| Basalt, br. 40 6348 6352
ETAN ' 834| Syenite, bk. 2—54 | 32003 32002
AEGINETAN DRACHMA STANDARD (15). 835| Basalt, br. 33 3191-6 3210
768 Gneiss, bk. ı 21 23572 \ 23572| 25 | 943 | 836) Syenite, bk. 9—10 | 32214 32214
769 Bronze 17 168| I: 158 4 | 948] 837| Basalt, bk. 79 322-7 3227
770. Basalt, bk. 10—54 23730 23730| 25 949] 838) Basalt, br. 33 8131 813:4
771 Bronze BB; 93:5 | 19 95 1 | 9 839| Limestone 38 32543 3253
772, Basalt, bk. 10 23756 23756 | 25 | 950] 840] Alabaster 13—16 | 16082 1630
773, Basalt, bk. | 11—38 | 23550 2385'0 | 25 | 95.4}] 841| Basalt, br. 11—43 4081 4081
774 Sandstone 11—43 | 23872 23872| 25 | 95'51 842) Limestone 12—14 163°5 163°5
775 Bronze 17—23 7:8 8 160| 4 | 96 843| Gneiss, bk. 114 32707 32707
776, Bronze ae ben 182| 21 1061) 9606] 844) Porphyry 10 4095:2 40952
777 Steatite \ 26—29 586°9 5870| 6 | 97:8] 845| Basalt, bk. 79 8223 822:3
778 H:ematite, red 38 981 981 1 981] 846. Limestone 7 3294 329
779| Basalt, bk. 20—33 | 11775 11793 | 12 | 983 ᾿
780, Gneiss, bk. u 49241 49241 | 50 | 98: Penstan SıgLos STANDARD (5).
781 Sandstone 24733 | 2473 25 | 98:9 41: ὲ 6 1688-5 1688-5
782| Basalt, bk. 33 49,050 19,500 |500| 990| 12 er Ba, a τς 101863
849| Basalt, br. 22—35 | 34212 3424
PH@ENICIAN SHEREL STANDARD (40). 850| Syenite, bk. [5458| 34641 34641
788) Alabastr |37—40| 1047°3 1047-5 δ [2096] 851! Silieate, gr. N 1172 un
784 Bronze 58 2162 | 6 2100 1 210’ 5
785 Bronze 37 666 138} 526| 4 210: Roman Unora Srannaen (2). )
786 | Bronze 36 | 2929 21: 212° | 1 |212: | 852| Bronze | 123 396-7 | 398
787 Marble, wt. |10—11| 1060'8 10608 | 5 [2122| 553] Bronze 71—72| 400-9 403
788. Alabaster 26 533 5335| + 12132
789. Porphyry, br. 10 53560 53560 | 25 |2142 ARABIC DIRHEM STANDARD (13).
790. Bronze 26 54:6 | 6? 54?| 4 1216
791| Bronze 26—36 54.8 | 6? 54? | 4 [216 854 | Bronze 71—72 4088 | 11 410
792| Syenite, gr. 38—43 | 2143 2171 |10 2171| 855, Bronze 72 841°0 833
793. Bronze 40, 120 576128 548| 4 1219 856 | Bronze 72 2045 208
794 | Basalt, bk, 27 8776 8776| 4 2194| 8567 Bronze 72 2207 217
795 | Bronze 40 1290 | 19 110 4 1220 858| Bronze 72 8370 883
796| Bronze 40 20:6 | 2:8 18:6 | 5, |221 869. Bronze 72—74 8877 885

aD

Dem Haie ai Or Te τ μα Haha am 5 μι σι Du ου 9 Ὁ

805
80:7

8177
818
8119

82:2

84-4

86:9

398

410

41:0
434,
441
442

CHAP. XIL.—THE WEIGHTS. 85
No. Material. Form. Present. | Ch. | Ancient. x Unit. No. Material. Form. Present. | Ch. | Ancient. x | Unit.
860| Bronze 72—74| 4880 444 | 10 | 444] 909| Basalt, gr. 33 2750 2750| 2 |137-5
861| Bronze 73 891-9 894 | 20 447] 910 Syenite, ὃ. |20-33| 13751 —| 1375| ; [187:5
862| Bronze 72 223-9 225 | 5 | 450| 911) Diorite, gr. 26—27 344| — 344| 4 |137-6
863| Bronze γῶ---8 4488 452 10 | 452} 912. Sandstone, br. 15 13726 1378 10 1378
864 | Bronze 72 4510 453 |10 453] 913| Basalt, bk. 42 44 22:9| — 250) + 1880
865 | Bronze 72 4490 454 10 45.4] 914) Ἡφτηδίϊίο 2—8 345 | — 345 | 4 [1980
866 | Bronze 2—73| 4528 456 |10 | 456] 915| Diorite, bk. |63—84| 1377 1380| 1 [1380
916| Basalt, br. 36—43| 1343| 4 1380| 1 [1880
ÜUNCERTAIN STANDARDS (8). 917 Basalt, br. 33 2645| 12 276 2 \138
Ἢ 918 Syenite,bk.,wt. 158-16) 9805 -- | 2305| + |1383
867| Silicate, bk. 16 891 891 919) Alabaster 21-35 691 092. 1 [1384
868| Basalt, bk. 18 9609 9609 920\ Alabaster 38 13817 1384 | 10 |138-4
869, Pottery, br. |41—45 | 1791:3 1796° 991 Limestone, wt.| 6466 90:8. — 2331| 1 [1886
870) Porphyry 11—54| 35595 35595 929 Hzematite 546 462 462, 1 |1386
871) Diorite, bk. 1154| 35952 35952 923| Basait, br. 421 462 462 | ı 1987
872 Syenite, ἘΚ. |11—54| 36455 8646: 994| Basalt, br. [1140| 694 694 1 1388
879 Syenite, bk. 8-54 | 41441 41441 925 Basalt, bk. || 170 138-8| 1 |138-8
874| Silicate, br. 3—16 |10,455° 10,455 926 | Syenite,gr.,wt. 33 38:8 1388| 1 11388
927| Basalt, bk. 38—43 | 1388-4 1389:3 | 10 1889
NEBESHEH. 9238| Basalt, gn. 33 1106 — 11:6 | τ [1992
= Bone 42 e 10:6 | — 11:6 |; |1392
7 Ὁ] Silicate, br. 16—1 2332| — 2332| £ 1392
Eee Auenpr(il). 931| Diorite, ik. 15. 17} 381 -- 389 5 11392
875| Alabaster 43—79 13:9 --- 13:9! = [139’ ? Diorite, bk. 19—27 46:2 464 7 1392
876 | Basalt, bk. | 33—40 2702 2792| 2 Ι1896 999) Syenite,bk,wt.20-33| 291) — | 233| ὁ 1398
877 | Basalt, δῖ. |20-33 | 28766 2879 | 20 1489 934) Silieate,bk. [1517| 295. — | 2833| 5 1398
878 Basalt, ὃ". |7—19 | 7221 7221| 5 |1444| 2935| Alabaster 419 464 166 | τ 1998
880. Basalt, bk. 90. 38 1489-4 1490 | 10 [1490] 937| Alabaster 2023| 2331| —| 2333| 5 |1400
881| Basalt, br. | 8-10 | 3018:6 3019 | 20 [1609] 9398. Basalt 40 692 700| 3 1400
882 | Limestone 119 727:6\32 | 760 | 5 |15% | 999) Quartz, τί, | 5-16 700 700| 5 1400
: i 6 ἢ 941) Gabbro, bk. |20—23| 5558| B 700 | 5 140
884 | Basalt, bk. 33 1545 1546| 1 |154%6 > Ξ >
885 | Syenite, gr. 33 154.8 1548| 1 [1548| 942| Basalt, br. & ΘΕ 8. ΤΙΣ EI EN
“πὶ Basalt, bk. 14-39 | 13996 14002 | 10 1400
: Basalt, bk. 1920| 13987 1399-8 | 10 |140:0
ASSYRIAN SHEREL STANDARD (9). 945| Basalt, br. 26 | 23647 | B | 2800? | 20 140
886| Limestone 41-45 476°9 480 |4P|120?| 946| Basalt, bk. 118 [12,510 | B |14,000 [100 140
887 | Limestone 101 |43,510 43,520 360 |120:9| 947) Sandstone 19 165,200 | B |70,000 |500|140
888) Granite 33—34 | 12537 1264 | 10 |126‘4| 948᾽ Limestone 11—43 | 6932 701 | 5 ‚1402
949| Limestone, wt.| 19—42 347 | — 351| 1404
ΑΤΤΙΟ DrACHMA STANDARD (9). 950) Hzmatite rough 1404 1404| 1 [140,4
; 951 Steatite 8 140Ὸ 1405] 1 [140
889 Limestone, wt.| 23—27 | 26,630 26,750 |400[66°87 | 952| Gneiss, bk. 33—40 | 6936 7040 | 50 1408 '
890| Limestone, wt.| 80—82 | 6770 6772 |\109|67:721 953| Basalt, br. 20—3: 7045 7047| 5 [1409
891| Syenite, bk. 3—10 | 2737-8 2738 | 40 68:45} 954) Syenite, bk. 101 69-5 705| 1 141Ὁ
955| Syenite, gr. 38 3658| 16 | 282 | 2 [14]
PH@ENICIAN SHEKEL STANDARD (1). 900] Basalt, bk. 10—19 3533| — 353| + |1412
899) Limestne [1240| 4267 | 430 | 2 [215 a ae Ik = AT nn : ΠΝ
959) Basalt, br. %6—33| 9883 9834| 2 1417
Eısury GrAIN STANDARD (9). 960| Glass, bk. 46--47 709 709 1 [1418
. ἜΣ ᾿ Υ 9] 961] Basalt, br. 26—33 47-1 47:3 ἃ |141°9
898. Limestone |thin12| 1678 1578| 2 | 789] ὁ60 Basalt, br. 90 88) 1418) --ἰ 1492] ἶ [19:
894 Basalt, bk. 33 1598 1598| 2 | 799] 2 ἐς 5 Zn Irre
895 Alabaster 431 814 81:4 1 91:4 905 Basalt, br. 38—102 1420°4 14204 | 10 [1490
904 Basalt, bk. 20—33)| 6640 |460| 7100 | 50 [142
965] Syenite, bk.,wt.| 15—16 | 23:05 | — 2337| 1 11422
DEFENNEH. 966 | Syenite, bk.,wt.| 20—24 aa | — 237 | 4 |1422
967| Basalt, br. 25—40 46:8 474) 4 [1499
ἘΘΎΡΤΙΑΝ ΚΑΤ ΞΤΑΝΡΑΕΡ (251). 968 Syenite, bk. 40 1417 1422| 1 149:
5 969| Basalt, br. 40 1422 1422| 1 |1422
896| Syenite,bk.,wt.| 116 225] — 22:5 | 4 |135° | 970] Limestone 27 7109 7110| 5 11422
897 | Limestone,hard 30—31 45:0 45°0| 1 [186] 971| Basalt, br. 20—27 | 14222 14228 10 |142:3
898. Serpentine, &e.| 26—36 4580 460 1 1350| 972) Porphyry, gr. | 17—20 14:25 | — 14:25 | -ς |142°5
899| Diorite, bk. 15 22:6| — 22:6) ἃ 11556| 973| Alabaster 38 46:55] 1: 47-5| τ [1495
900 Basalt, bk. 36 45:9 452) 4 1835.6] 974) Granite, pink |19—20| 2763:1| 90 | 2850 | 20 [149:5
901| Silicate, br. 20 45:2 452) 1 1356} 975] Hxmatite, bk.| 80--48 71:8 713| 1 [1498
902 Silicate, gn. | 5—46 452 452) 1 |1356| 976| Basalt, br. hich 33) 1427°0 1427°5 | 10 |142:7
903| Basalt, gn. 16 22:6 | — 22:7 ἃ 1862} 977) Syenite,bk., wt.! 24—31 2338| — 2338| ı 1498
904| Basalt, br. 43 442 | 1:2 45) 4, 1 1369} 978] Alabaster 25—26 712 714| & 1498
905| Serpentine, ὅθ. 27 450 454) 4 1862] 979) Diorite, gr. 101 142-8 1428| 1 |1428
906 | Syenite,bk.,wt.. 33 45:0 457 | 3 1971} 980] Syenite, gr. 36—38 142°6 1428| 1 |142°8
907 | Basalt, Dr. 20—33 45:5 457) 1 1871} 981] Porphyvy, gr. 39 14Ὁ “5 149 ἃς |148°
Θ08. , Limestone,wt.| 12 De — 22:9| 1 |137’4! 982! Hmatite, bk. | 1—45 715 15135 11480

Material,

Alabaster
Basalt, gn.
Sandstone
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, bk.
Hzmatite
Hzmatite
Syenite, gr.
Diorite
Syenite, gr.
Basalt, bk.
H:amatite
Basalt, bk.
Diorite, bk.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Limestone, wt.
Basalt, br.
Granite, red
Basalt
Basalt, bk.
Syenite, gr.
Syenite, gr.
Quartz, bk.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Diorite, bk.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, bk.
Basalt, bk.
Hzmatite
Basalt, br.
Basalt, bk.
Alabaster
Syenite, gr.
Basalt, br.
Limestone
Basalt, br.
Alabaster
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Syenite, gr., wt.
Basalt, br.
Gneiss, gr.
Basalt, br.
Gneiss, bk.
Basalt, br.
Sandstone
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Gneiss, gr.
Diorite, bk.
Syenite, bk.
Basalt, bk.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, bk.
Basalt, br.
Basalt
Basalt, bk.
Basalt, bk.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Hzmatite
Silicate, bk.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Syenite, gr.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, bk.

TELL DEFENNEH.

Form. Present. | Ch. | Ancient.
20—33 70:0 715
33 23:85 | — 2385
40 1430°7 1430°7
20—26 1432 1432
33 1429 1432
27—33 7160 - 7160
33—40 1433 1433
98---44 145: 1433
2—79 145: 143°3
33 239 | — 23:9
26 236 | — 23:9
46 238 | — 23:9
99 1484 1454.
2—41 145: 1450
33—36 2877 2877
32 240 | — 240
19—27 47:2 480
32—33 480 480
20—33 672| 5 72°
high 33 6696 | 50 720°
26—33 | 1412°6 1440’
38—40 | 12,000: 3400 14,400
33 12,710 B |14,400
33 1441°6 14428
37—39 | 14,430 14,430
38—39 144-4 144-4
17—24 1445 | — 1445
32 282 | — 28:9
33 7227 7228
14 241 — 241
27—33 481 48:2
20—33 48:2 48:2
99 48:2 48:2
1 718 72:3
19—40 | 14,350 14,460
38—40 1447 1447
33—36 2879 289:8
99 144 .-- 14:5
33 1450 1450
38—43 5631| 17 580
36—38 1451 1451
24 239 | — 24:2
33 47'5 48:4,
38—40 2909 2904
26 1453 1453
20—33 48: 48:5
ὅ--45 48:5 48°5
33 29041 2911:
11—12 1460 1450
99 2912 2912
40 7250 7280
27—40 7280 7288
26—33 243 | — 243
26—33 240 | — 243
26—33 47:9 480
26—33 72:6 72:9
26—33- 1458 145°8
40 7242 7300
20—33 | 14551 1461:
26—33 731 731
19—20 145'7 1462
20—40 7313 7313
33 1466 1400
99 2933 293°3
33 2937 2938
27 7339 7344,
1—47 245 | — 245
52 319| B 49
33 718|17 735
26—33 735 735
33 1270 20 147°
33 1391| 8 147°
20—833 2775 \17° 294,
39—44 791 735°

x

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Unit,

1450
1431
1491
145:
148:2
1452
143°3
1489
149.9
1454
149.4
149.4
149.4
145:
143'8
144
1440
1440
144
144
1440
144:
144
1443
1443
144.4
1445
1445
1445
1440
1440
1446
1440
1440
1440
1447
1449
1450
1450
145°
1451
145:2
1452
145'2
1453
145°5
1455
145'5
145'6
145°6
145°6
1457
1458
145'8
145'8
145'8
145°8
146°0
1461
146'2
1462
1463
1466
146°6
1469
1469
1470
147
147°
1470
147°
147°
147°
1470

No.

1057
1058
1059
1060
1061
1062
1063
1064
1065
1066
1067
1068
1069
1070
1071
1072
1073
1074
1075
1076
1077
1078
1079
1080
1081
1082
1083
1084
1085
1086
1087
1088
1089
1090
1091
1092
1093
1094.
1095
1096
1097
1098
1099
1100
1101
1102
1103
1104
1105
1106
1107
1108
1109
1110
1111
1112
1118
1114
1115
1116
1117
1118
1119
1120
1121
1122
1123
1124
1125
1126
1127
1128
1129
1130

Material.

Basalt, br.
Gneiss, gr.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, bk.
Syenite, bk.
Syenite, gr.
Syenite, bk.,wt.
H:xmatite
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Syenite, bk.
Sandstone
Syenite, bk.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Gmeiss, gr.
Hamatite
Basalt, br,
Basalt, br.
Gneiss, gr.
Basalt, br.
Syenite, bk.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, gn.
Gneiss, bk.
Silicate, gr.
Basalt, gr.
Basalt, Lk.
Diorite, bk.
Diorite, bk.
Syenite,bk.,wt.
Syenite, bk.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Syenite, gr.
Syenite, bk.
Silieate, bk.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, gr.
Limestone
Hzmatite
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, bk.
Basalt, br.
Alabaster
Basalt, br.
Syenite, gr.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Basalt, br.
Syenite, bk.
Limestone,
Syenite, gr.
Basalt, gr.
Alabaster
Alabaster
Basalt, br.
Syenite, bk.
Syenite, bk.
Basalt, br.
Quartz, wt.
Basalt, bk.
Serpentine, bk.
Diorite, bk.
Limestone, gr.
Basalt, br.
Sandstone
Basalt, br.
Alabaster
Basalt, gr.
Basalt, br.

Form.

Present,

14662
147:
2948
7368
7373

24:6
241
147°6
2952

73790

294.9
73,830
73,790

7390

72:6
675

1480

140:

14022

1481
49:3
494.

296°5

7204,

14828
14-85

29625

247
246
248
24:6
371
400
743
1487°6

14,800

1486°9
143
745
72:5
146°8

2901

24-85

7457
24:9
747

2990

747°5

29916
1498
2998

150
750
72:9
5933

Ch.

80

else

ers

|

Ancient.

1471:
7147.4,
2950
737-3
7374

24:6
24:6
147°6
2952
73797
2954

73,830

73,850
7390

740
74
148°0
1480

1480
1481
49:4
49:4
2965

741:
1482:8
14:85

2970
248
248
248
248
372
49:6
744
1487°8

14,880

1488°6
149
745
74:5
1490
298:
24-85
7457
24:9
747
299-0
747°5
29945
149°8
299-8
150
750
75:
750
1500
7515
752
752
50.2
1506
508
3020
252
252
1514
25:25
95:8
δ0Ὁ
7596
76:0
507
15279
3055*

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CHAP. XIL.—THE WEIGHTS. 87
No, Material, Form. Present. | Ch. | Ancient, Unit.
Arttıc DracHMA STANDARD (43).
1131| Haematite 8--16 δ1Ὸ 610} 1 |153:0 @
1132| Silicate, bk. 14-17 2355| — 2555 = 1533] Νο. Material, Form. Present. | Ch. | Ancient. | x Unit.
1133) Basalt, gn. 33 511 5611: 1 |153'3
1134| Basalt, gr. 26—33 307°3 307:3| 2 [1536
1135| Basalt, bk 38—40 769 | — γ7) 2 1154 1202 Quartz, wt. 26—27 1310 1310| 2 | 655
1136) Diorite, bk. 39-39 2357| — 257| + |1542| 1203| Basalt, br. 33P 6051 1500| 6550 |10U| 65°5
1137) H:ematite, bk. 5 51-4 51-4| 4 1549] 1204| Limestone, pink) 15—16 21:85 | — 2185 | 4 | 65'6
1139) Basalt, br. 33 772 77.8 & |1546 | 1206| Limestone 15—16 657 657 | 1 | 657
1140| Basalt, br. 33 1825 | B| 3100 | 20 [155 [1307] Alabaster 81 110 1170| 5 | 66
1141| Gneiss, bk. |21—41 51:9 519 | 1 |1557 | 1208| Alabaster 21—33 218| — 22:0 | 5 | 660
1142| Basalt, bk. 55 15571 1557-1 | 10 [155:7 1209| Syenite, bk. | 5—59 22:0 | — 220 τ | 660
1143| Syenite, bk. 4—19 52:0 52:0 | τ |156°0 1210| Basalt, bk. 12—83 1313 1320| 2 | 660
1144| Flint, br. 38—43 52:0 52:0 | ἃ [1560] 1211| Basalt, br. 26 25870 2640 | 40 | 66:0
1145| Basalt, br. 38—39| 312:5 3125| 2 [156-2] 1212| Basalt, be. | 37—38 661 662| 1 | 662
1146) Basalt, br. 96 52-1 521| 1 11563 1213| Basalt, br. 40 2040 2648| 4 | 662
1214| Alabaster 29—43 | 12919 | 33 | 1325 20 | 662
‘ ASSYRIAN SHEKEL STANDARD (55). 1215 | Basalt, bk. 36—38 | 266'2 2662| 4 | 665
1216| Basalt, br. 20 21|—| 222| 2 | 666
1147| Basalt, bk. 15—-16| 1945| — 197: 2 [118° [1917] Basalt, be. | 39-45 668 | 6668) 1 666
1148| Limestone, gr.| 5—17 59:8 593| Ζ 1189 1218] Basalt, ᾿ς. 320. 38. 1332 | 1332| 2 668
1149| Limestone, bk.| 16 113 | — 119 | -ς [119 |1219) Alabaster 33 653| 4 667| 1 667
1150| Basalt, br. 23—26 595 598| Σ [119-6 | 1220| Hornblende 59 33:4) — 334| 1 | 668
1151| Syenite,bk,,wt.| 115 19:95 | — 200 1 190: 11221| Basalt, br. 21 262-5 | 268 | 4 | 670
1152, Beryl 108 901 — 20:1 | 4 |120:6| 1222| Syenite, gr. 109 667-8 670 [10] 670
1153| Limestone 9—11 | 11150 100 1210 |10 12] 1298 Syenite, gr. | 3840 67:0 671| ı | 671
1154| Basalt, bk. 15 18:85 | 15 205. 1 [1918] 1224| Basalt, br. 80. 38) 2684 2684| 4. 671
1155| Mica slate 64 20:3 | — 20:3| 1 |121'8 | 1225| Limestone, gr.,wt. | 20—33 2244| — 224| 1 | 672
1156| Sandstone 20—33 | 43,950 43,950 |360|122-1 | 1226| Basalt, bk. 20—33 1346 1346| 2 | 673
1157| Marble, wt.,gr.| 33 122-2 1230| 1 [1980 [1227| Syenite,gr. |14-19| 1345 1348| 2 | 674
1158 Granite, pink | 33 |44,420 44,700 \360|124 [1228| Syenite, bs. |19-35| 9478 59. 270 | 4a | 675
1159| Sandstone 20—31 [43,480 [1000| 44,500 360/124 |1229| Basalt, br. 33 945.9 850. 270 | 4 | 675
1160| Silieate, bk. 32 808 12:5 |, [195 | 1230| Limestone 19 2425|30| 270 | A | 675
1161) Limestone, gr. | 26—33 41-6 411 1 |125-1 1281) Limestone 19---91}] 6695 | 676 [10] 676
1162| Steatite, bk. | 4-32 | 1255| — | 9855 -ς 11255|1232| Basalt, ΒΙς. 10-38 | 1349-9 1352 |20 | 676
1163| Chlorite 20—22 83 | — 8.4 - |126° | 1233| Serpentine,gr.,wt.| 26 1354 1555| 2 | 677
1164| Basalt, br. 36—38 1215 | 45 126° 1 1126: [1234| Hzmatite 44. -4δ 16:95 | — 16:95 | + | 678
1165 Alabaster 26 1181| 8 126 1 |126° | 1235| Syenite, bk. 110 6790 679: | 10 | 679
1166| Limestone 11 24628 | 60 | 2520 | 20 1126: | 1236| Alabaster 26— 33 655°9 | 25 680° | 10 | 680
1167 Limestone 32—4N 62:9 632 | 1 [1264 | 1237| Alabaster 10—35 6811 682: | 10 | 682
1168| Diorite, bk. 16—21 12:65 | — 12:65 | —; 1265 | 1238| Alabaster 3 2098 275 4 | 682
1169 Basalt, br. 338—39 7591 7592| 6 1268] 1239| Alabaster 33 1357 1566 | 2 | 683
1170| Limestone, wt.| 19—21 | 15,200 15,200 1120| 126-7 | 1240| Basalt, br. 33 1327| 4 137 2 | 685
1171| Syenite, gr. 37—39 | 38073 8807°3 | 30 1126°9 | 1241| Basalt, br. 19—40 | 2743 2744 | 20 6886
1172| Silieate,bk.,wt.| 59 127 | — 12:7 | 5 [127 | 1242| Sandstone 26—32 | 6778 6860 [100 68:6
1173| Ha&matite 33 106 | — 10:6 | 5 [127:2} 1243| Hamatite, br. | 2—41 68:3 687 | 1 | 687
"7: el en. h Ba 1a — ΤῊΣ το nn 1244| Basalt, br. 717-110. 2758 2758| 4 | 689
11 yenite,bk., wt. ᾿ -- ἢ Pe ἢ:
1176 Basalt, br. 33 | 7641 7649 | 60 197
HR an ΠΩ | Aa) sl 872} Pannen Some sum en
1179| Basalt, br. |37—38 | 3068 3068 | 24 1978
1180| Basalt, bk. [32-33 134,480 | B [46,000 |360|128 [1245| Hzmatite 44 2625) —| 2625| 1 [2100
1181| Alabaster 23—33 42:8 42:8| τ [1284] 1246| Sandstone 18—27 | 126,120 126,120 | 600 2102
1182| Alabaster 18—19) 24917 | 80 | 2570 | 20 |128:5[ 1247| Syenite,er. |23—33| 2615| — 2653| „ [210,4
1183 | Alabaster 43 6358 643 5 [1280] 1248 Syenite, bk. 33 264 | — 26°4| + [2112
1184 | Silieate,bk.,wt.| 11—81 42:9 429. ı [128:7] 1249 Limestone 9 8340 849° 4 [212°
1185 | Basalt, br. 20—33 | 12745 1287: | 10 |128-7 [1250| Felspar, red | 7—18 | 2675| — | 2675| 1 1214
1186 | Diorite ? 22—35 128 — 129 | „,; [129 |1251| Syenite, gr. 38—39 9634 | 110 1070 δ 214
1187 | Basalt, ὃ. ἀ4-86᾽) 708: 774 | 6 [1290 1282 Basalt, br. 33 | 8606 8606 40 [2151
1188 | Granite, pink 43 12471 | 40 | 1290 | 10 [1290 | 1253| Quartz, clear 24 269 | — 2609) 1 |2152
1189. Limestone 111 92585:8 2586°5 | 20 1298] 1254| Syenite, bk. |19—33 | 4964:9 43645 | 20 |218°2
1190 Bach, gn. a 2 432| τ [1296 2. ee bl.,wt. en Rn — Es Er a
1191| Basalt, gn. 12—38 42:75 432| τ [1290] 1: asalt, gn. > al 4} κ |
1192 Timesieie high 33) 1261 B| 1560 | [180 [1267 Alabaster 33 2070| 13 220 1 [220
1193| Granite, gr. 33 21,320 B |26,000 [200/130 11258| Limestone 111 8292| B 1100 5 [220
1194 Granite, gr. 99--40 | 33,070 B |39,000 |300|130 |1259| Basalt, bk. hieh23| 19747 \230| 2200? | 10 [220
1195| Slate? gn. 16 43:6 43:6) τ [1308] 1260| Basalt, br. 20—23 2204 223° 1 223°
1196 | Syenite, bk. | 33—36 | 15,720 15,720 |120,131:0| 1261| Basalt, br. 18 9010 9040 | 40 [226°
1197 | Basalt, gn. 23 13:15 | — 1315 | 2; 1315 | 1262| Sandstone 18—19 907-4 9074| 4 226°8
1198 Basalt, gr. 83—84 498 438| 1 |131'8| 1263| Basalt, on. 16 9:45 | — 95| 2; |228°
1199 | Limestone, br. 20 441 441, 4 1899] 1264| Basalt, gn. 20—23 97 -- 9:7 | 2; |232°8
1200 | Basalt, br. 44, 44:9 442 ἃ 1585] 1206 Basalt, gn. 37—40 9:75 - 9:75 τρ 294,
1201 | Basalt, bk. 36—40 | 2586 | B |. 4000 | 30 |133'6 | 1266! Limestone, bk. | 24—83 995 | — 9:95 | zz [299

88

JEGINETAN DrACHMA STANDARD (10).

TELL DEFENNEH.

895. From Gemaiyemi.

Those found together at Defenneh are stated in discussion
of variations.

896, 899, 903, 908. These might well be Attie di oboli,
but for two considerations ; first, the proportion of 4rds and
ıths of the kat is generally about equal throughout, and as the
Ards cannot be tetroboli (at least in such numbers) and must be
attributed to the kat, so the ths are required here to maintain

| the usual proportion ; and, second, on tuming to the Attie
| list it will be seen that dioboli are not common, and are very

| |
No. | Material. Form. Present. | Ch. | Ancient. x | Unit.
| |
1267 | Alabaster 16—23 89:8 900| 1 | 900
1268| Ha&matite 57 15°65 | — 1565 | 4 | 999
1269| Basalt, br. 33 158 | — 158| 4 | 948
1270| Serpentine 16 1575 | — 158| 4 | 948
1271| Syenite,bk.,wt.| 14—22 15:85 | — 159| 1 | 954
1272| Basalt, gn. 99 1585 | — 159 | τ} 954
1273| Basalt, br, 38—40 3815 3815| 4 | 954
1274| Basalt, bk. 37—39 1595 | — 1595| 1 | 957
1275| Basalt, br. 20—26 | 23647 2400 |25 | 960
1276| Limestone 122 9493 | 40 990 |! 10 | 990
PERSIAN SIGLos STANDARD (2).
1277 | Basalt, gr. 2 51457 51457 | 60 [85:76
1278| Syenite, gr. 20—33 164-2 | 10 174 2 |87°
EIGHTY GRAIN STANDARD (14).
[1142] Basalt, bk. 55 1557°1 1557 '1| 20 | 77:9]
1279| Basalt, br. 33 156°0 1560| 2 | 780 |
[1145] Basalt, br. 38—39 3125 3125| 4 |781]
1280| Basalt, br. 20—33 9151 9151} 4 78:8
1281| Basalt, br. 33 787 ’94| 1 | 794
1282| Basalt, br. 26—31 | 7920 7960 100. 790
1288 Basalt, br. hish 33 8041 8041 10 | 804
1284| Basalt, br. 20—23 | 6123 B| 6450 | 80 | 806
1285| Basalt, br. 26—38 | 3240 3240 40 | 810
1286| Basalt, br. 33 8112 8116 [100] 812
1287 | Syenite, bk. 36—40 8116 8118 10 | 812
1288| Gneiss, bk. 2—8 32518 2264 | 40 816
1289| Limestone 9—10 8087 818 10 | 818
1290| Limestone 18—38 | 32818 3286 | 40 | 821
1291| Basalt, br. 33 328°3 3283| 4 | 821
1292| Basalt, br. 39—44 8301 830:5 | 10 | 890

83.—NOTES ON THE WEIGHTS.

533. This has three small holes drilled in one side, and
one in another side, apparently for plugging it; and the
allowance of loss is by reckoning these holes to have been
nearly filled with lead.

564. This seems least likely to be a kat weight from its
appearance, yet it agrees to no other standard. The letters
NAY retrograde on the top evidently refer-to "Naukratis,

602. This is drilled with one hole, like those above.

729. Very roughly eut in soft limestone.

762. The base of this is merely rough fractured.

767. An onyx-like limesfone, with a white layer between
two black ones.

782. This has had an iron handle, fixed in with lead, on
the top ofit; the tangs of the handle remain in.

793, 813, 814, 815. All these are marked with a cross on
the top, lightly marked by a chisel cut; as the fractions of
the shekel vary, and as also three others with erosses were
attributed to the Pheenician shekel last year (Nos. 360, 383,
403),it seems that this mark denotes this standard ; seven
examples on one standard, and none on weights of any other
standard, is a strong case.

883. May be a plummet ; there is a patch of rust as from
a piece of iron wire upon it (see figure).

885. Found in Ptolemaie workshop in temenos.

889. Found in a large hosh at extreme $S. of plain.

892. Found with 885.

| Attie begin lower than this at ‘Naukratis.

scarce in the higher range. The materials bear out this
arrangement.

1142, 1145 may be doubtful, and might the rather rank
as low examples of the 80-grain unit, as they are entered in
the diagram, and bracketed in the list of 80-grain units ;
the presence of many 4rds of the kat is, however, somewhat
in favour of the kat.

1147. It is impossible, perhaps, to disentangle the small

‚ fraetions of the low Assyrian and high Phenieian units,

but there 15 ἃ well-marked gap between the larger and certain
examples ; the highest Phonieian being 226'8, and the
lowest Assyrian 4 of 2372.

1195—1201. All these safely belong to the Assyrian
unit, by their multiples, though they trench on the lowest
range of the Attie.

1202. This may be attributed to the Attie, as there is no

| good Assyrian example anywhere higher than this; and the

1203 also is
elearly Attic by the multiple.

1244. This is probably Attie by the ovoid form. The
exact division between high Attic and low Egyptian is hard
to fix, but -considering forms and materials the separation
seens to be as here given.

84. We will now turn to the plates of
curves in which the whole results of these
tables can be grasped by the eye. On
pl. xlvii. we have a diagram exactly like that
published last year, only the curves there
published are here in dotted lines, and the
total curves representing all the weights of
Naukratis in both years are in full lines.
First we must notice the remarkable way in
which almost every sweep and bend in the
curves of 1885 finds a repetition on an en-
larged scale in the total curves. If all these
small details of a curve (such as, for instance,
the Egyptian curve) were but mere accidents
of distribution—as indeed any one without
a familiarity with curves and their teachings
might well suppose them to be—it would be
wholly unlikely that a fresh series collected
another year should offer just the same

CHAP. XIL.— THE WEIGHTS. 89

peculiarities. A larger and more extended
collection might just as likely have blotted
out all these rises and falls in a dead level, or
even reversed them, if they were but accidents
of a chance distribution or selection; but
when we see every one of these details still
prominent, and even reinforced into more
striking proportions, no one can doubt but
that there is a distinet meaning in almost
every turn and twist of the curves. In fact
they represent a whole history of changes
which have gone before, and to unravel which
needs similar information of other ages.
Looking at them in detail, we see that the
80-grain curve has lost the slight dip it
had in 1885, and is carried rather lower.
The Persian curve is precisely enlarged,
though still very small. The ABginetan re-
tains even more markedly the sudden division
into two varieties, which we might distinguish
perhaps as the monetary and the commercial.
Some examples included in it last, year should,
I now think, be otherwise attributed; Nos.
415 and 416 to the Persian, and Nos. 419,
490, 427, 429, 431, 434, and 436 to the $rd
and ith kat, since more of these are now un-
doubtedly found. These changes I have made
in the curves. The Phoenician curve follows
much the same irregular course, and the rises
at 223 and 231 grains are well reinforced.
The Assyrian, though rather irregular in the
changes of the sparse beginning of it, shows
the same characteristics generally strengthened
and brought out. The Attic is a fine case of
every feature being well reinforced. Lastly,
the Egyptian is also bettered in a remarkable
way; the slight pause in the dotted curve at
140 is deepened into a distinct separation in the
general curve, the rises and falls of the curve
beyond are heightened and deepened, and the
hump in the old curve at 150 is developed into
a distinet and second rise in the total curve.

85. The meaning of all these fluctuations

in the commonness of different value of the
standard is that several archetypal standards
existed ; and these by more care being exer-
cised in later times became fixed, and were
transmitted in different proportions. Thus in
the Attie group there were standards of 65°2,
66:8, 67:8, and, 68°4 grains; and these were
transmitted and all used contemporaneously in
the same place. The lowest, 65°2, is the
standard of the earliest coinage; later the
coinage went over to the standard of 66'3,
passing from a rather low 66°0 to a higher
66:6, but still distinetly belonging to this group,
and not to that of 67'3 or 68°4, which seem to
have been entirely commercial varieties.

86. Having then, by the close similarity
of the results of the two different collections
of weights from one place, proved the sub-
stantial reality of their fluctuations of
standards, we now turn to the Defenneh
results to see how far such fluctuations ex-
tend. Are they the results of local accidents
of mixture, or are they general characteristics ?
On pl. xlix. will be seen the Defenneh results
shown in full line, and the Naukratite results
in dotted line, which are reduced to half the
height in the Assyrian, three-fourths in the
Attic, and to one-third the height in the
Egyptian standard, in order to bring them
within the sheet and avoid confusion; this
merely affeets the height, without in the least
altering the form or range of the curves.
The results are most instructive.
of the curves are almost unaltered, though in
some cases (i.e. Aiginetan and Phenician)
certain groups are missing. The 80-grain
has a main development high up at 81
grains. The fluctuations of the Pheenician
are seen to be purely local. The Assyrian,
though irregular in the scanty beginning of
it, swells up at just the same point, 126
grains; and has a corresponding fall between
this and the larger group at 129 grains, which

N

The ranges

90 TELL DEFENNEH.

may be called the monetary standard, the
Daries all belonging to this group. The Attie
entirely omits the earliest monetary variety of
65'2, and begins with the group of 66°3; but
this and the next group of 67'3 are well de-
fined; the last group extends higher at
Defenneh, and this may be accounted for by
the great use made here of }rd and ;ths of the
kat, which would incline the Greeks to stretch
the Attic drachma to meet it by the oboli. In
fact it is very possible that the low group of
ἀνὰ and 4th kats may have been intended as
amphibious weights, serving for these fractions
of the kat or for tetroboli and dioboli of the
Attie system. In the Egyptian kat curves,
which are the most perfect owing to the large
number of examples, we have the most com-
plete accordance. Not a wave of the Naukratis
curve is lost in the Defenneh curve ; two cases
at 143 and 150 are smudged and reduced to
mere humps, but still the same cause is plainly
at work which produced the stable types of the
Naukratis curves, which appeared in 1885, and
in both years together.

87. Seeing then that the archetype varieties
of Naukratis in the sixth century 2.c. and on-
ward areidentical with the archetypes of Defen-
neh, on the opposite side of the Delta but at

the same time, there comes the still broader

question, are these archetypes common to the
whole οὗ Egyptian weights? Unfortunately
existing collections are but scanty in compari-
son with the large numbers we have been
dealing with; and we are in almost entire
ignorance of the site or age of a single example.
Still, taking the whole of existing collections
(including all published and half as much again
of unpublished examples) without proper cor-
rections for loss or changes, we have the curve
shown in dotted line in the top diagram of pl. 1.
Here we see the Naukratis curve of the kat,
the Defenneh curve, and the curve of all pre-
vious collections, given on the same scale.

Here, after a little confusion of scanty exam-
ples, there is, out of half-a-dozen waves and
intermediate dips from 138 to 152 grainsrange,
but one turn not fully shown in the general
collection asinthe Naukratite. The dip at 139
grains is filled up, but only two examples sur-
plus here suflices to extinguish it. The
correspondence is most remarkable; and the
comparison of these three curves of the same
nature, but from different sources, establishes
more firmly than any reasoning could the
decisive importance of even small turns in such
curves of distribution, whenever the number
of examples suflices to avoid casual errors.
The numbers are never large in the general
collections curve, never over 8, and usually
but 3 or 4in each grain space ; and yet a change
of omitting or including a couple more weights
at almost any point would impair the resem-
blance between it and the Naukratite curve.
As many of these weights come from Thebes
and Upper Egypt, we are clear of the suspieion
that they were all derived from Naukratis to
begin with, though that is probably the case
with some of them.

88. We are then face to face with the con-
clusion that for the later periods of Egyptian
history there were different families of kat
weights, perpetuated and transmitted without
their archetypes ever being quite masked in the
process, and that these families were gene-
rally diffused in somewhat similar proportions
throughout the country. There is a close
literary parallel to this in the history of manu-
scripts; they can be traced into families of
readings, any given MS. can be assigned to its
general group, and yet often cases occur which
are intermediate, just like those weights in the
dips between the groups. These families of
MSS. have come down from certain archetypes:
such as, in the case of the New Testament, the
Byzantine, the Alexandrine, and the Western
families; and the versions, Italic, Syriac, Coptic,

CHAP. XIL—THE WEIGHTS. 91

Vulgate, Gothic, Ethiopie, Armenian, &e., each
leading off with their family of readings. In
the case of manuseripts the varieties are far
more perplexing, but there is also far more to
work on; they vary, in short, in n dimensions,
while weights vary but in one dimension. Still
the parallel historically is very close ; and we
can realize from it that what now needs to be
done for each standard of weight, Egyptian,
Assyrian, Attic, &c., is to determine what the
pure archetype of each variety was as closely as
we can (like the pure text of a version), then to
settle when that archetype arose (the date of a
version), and what its subsequent histöry and
dispersion has been (like the history of a ver-
sion): in this way an approach to scientific
metrology may be made. At present the study
of weights is much where the study of MSS.
was some centuries ago.

89. Having now seen the permanent and im-
portant character of curves of distribution, we
will turn to see what can be further learned
from them. . There are two theories of the
derivation of the Phoenician standard, one
through an uncertain relation between electrum,
gold, and silver, deriving it from the ABginetan,
as proposed by Brandis; unfortunately the un-
certainty of the value of electrum, andindeed its
variable composition, prevent this being accu-
rately tested. But the other theory, that of
Mr. Head, deriving the Phoenician drachm of
silver from being of an equal value to the τσ
Assyrian shekel of gold, is readily tested on
the recognized basis of 40 of silver being worth
3 of gold. According to this the Assyrian
shekel x ν΄ should be equal to the Phoenician
shekel. In the middle diagram, pl. 1., we have
the curve of the Assyrian unit so multiplied,
both the Naukratite examples, and the curve
of all the Asiatic examples (Syrian, Assyrian,
and Babylonian) of the same unit; while
the Naukratite Phoenician curve and the few
examples of the same standard which I have

from Syria are compared with these. The
general result is that the Asiatic Assyrian,.
though showing the same general range as the
Naukratite, does not develop nearly so markedly
in the higher values. In short the two great
archetypes of the Naukratite were only general
examples from Asia, without having much lead-
ing importance there. The Assyrian standard
at Naukratis was then established in the
country, and developed in families on its own
account, and was not merely dependent on
stray examples washed in by waves of com”
merce from Asia. This type is not nearly so
strong at Defenneh, which seems therefore to
have been more continuously supplied by the
Syrian road. On looking to the Naukratite
Phoenician, we see that though not in close
conformity as to waves with either of the
Assyrian curves, it is of just the same range
and the same general position of the most
frequent examples as those curves, which are
here translated by X 5’ so as to meet it on its
own ground. The results from this are that
the connection between the Phosnician and
Assyrian had been quite lost before the Nau-
kratite families arose, or they would be repre-
sented ; also even before the Asiatic Assyrian
families and curves. In fact, though its source
is strongly shown by the agreement in the
general range of the curves, we are bound to
carry back the derivation of the Phoenician
standard to a time remote in the history of the
Assyrian standard. This shows that though
to all äppearances originating in the relation-
ships of metals, it yet is far earlier than the
introduction of a coinage, which in Syria and
the East did not take place until during and
after the age of the weights which we are now
studying.

90. We now turn to another point, the origin
of the 80-grain standard, as I have provisionally
called it. I had suggested that it was derived
by a binary division of the Assyrian shekel, or

Nn2

92 TELL DEFENNEH.

a weight of 5 shekels, and supposed that it
might belocal to Naukratis. In classifying the
Defenneh weights I refused to attribute to this
standard any example, until it distinetly stood
outside any other unit; and at last there was
a collection outstanding, belonging clearly to
this and not to any of. the other standards.
We therefore now see that it was more wide-
spread, and we may well examine if it were a
general standard. On comparing together in
the lower diagram of pl. 1. the Naukratite
Assyrian weights, and the Asiatic examples,
with the 80-grain curve, it is seen that the
general range agrees very nearly, and we are
therefore warranted in attributing the origin
of the 80-grain to the binarily divided shekel.
But the 80-grain curve has none of the charac-
teristies of the Naukratite Assyrian curve, pro-
bably it was not therefore derived in Egypt;
and it agrees much more nearly to the style
ofthe Asiatic Assyrian curve, its lower varieties
being probably cut off by being attributed to
the kat instead.

Can we then find any Asiatie connection
with this standard? We perhaps have some
traces of it ina series usually smothered over
as a low variety of the Persian unit: Kil-
kian and Kypriote coins, and the Phoenician
coins with a king’s head and ship attributed
to Aradus are of 160 grains or a trifle over
that. Further on, referring to the tribute
lists of Thothmes III., we find from the

Kats. Kats. Means,
1100 — 2000 = 55
11000 — 20000 = 55

Asi, lapis lazuli
! 556
558 — 1000 = '558 7

Naharaina, lead
Rutennu, gold

Khita, gold rings, mean 3762 — 720 = 523
Khita, gold tribute 3144 3; — 60000 = 32
‚Assaru, silver dishes 1045 — 2000 = 522 2
Assaru, block lapis lazulii 209 — 22

And, in the offerings of Ramessu III.,

Electrum rings, mean 526 — 1 = 526
a4 στ-- 680)
2) 2» 2) τ 2 “πο
N EU 6:66 191 = 539 \ =
3. ‚plates; 23,5 4 2093,

Silver erater 1125 — 2000 = 5623

» ladle 277— 500 = 554

4 ,„ eraters, mean 144 — 9250 = :576

3l , eensers, ,„ 94:8 — 60 = 580

6.55,» vessels,. τὸ 505 — 90 = 561

2 tablets, „, 28705 — 5000 = 574
2 Br lazuli blocks 1405— 250 = 562 /

Here we have a long series of quantities
which are all irregular numbers of kats, but
which are manifestly connected, and all agree
to being simple multiples of a unit of about
"55 kat, equal to about 80 grains. Taking the
range of the kat as between 138 and 150 grains,

the units found above will be respectively
76°6 to 89:2 grains.

75} γος,
8 „
78:0 „ 86Ὁ

Hence if these are all on8 standard, rather
variously reported owing to the variations of
the kat, it would be fixed to between 78 and 79
grains. Probably the Asiatie standard also fluc-
tuated, so that if we say that it was between
77 and 80 grains we cannot be far from the
truth. Now this is just within the observed
varieties of the 80-grain unit, as that ranges
from 77 to 83 grains.

Now it will be seen that this tribute is all
Asiatie, and the silver vessels probably came
from Asia, silver being the favourite metal of
the Khita. Seeing that this comprises also the
express tribute of the Khita, it might not be
too bold to call the 80-grain unit in future the
Hittite standard, and its presence in coinage
attributed to Kilikia will the rather confirm
this. This unit seems to have been known in
later times as the Alexandrian drachma, on
which was based the Alexandrian mina, and
the Alexandrian ‘“ wood ” talent; also a talent
mentioned by Alian. ,

91. At Defenneh we have for the first time
obtained many sets of weights together ; the
outer chambers of the Kasr mostly contained
three or four weights apiece, and in one spot
in the camp the large find of seventeen weights
was obtained. Hence we can at last ascertain

CHAP. XIL.—THE WEIGHTS. 93

how far the variations we know of were not only
contemporary, and in use in one town, but how
much they were mixed together, and used side
by side indifferently. Or, in other words,
what amount of error was treated as negligable
in ancient sets of weights. This is a question
hitherto entirely untouched and unknown. The
weights here referred to are all published in the
preceding list, and hence it is needless to repeat
their details; the list number, the true weight,
the multiple and the unit is all that is required.

The large find (numbered find 58) in the
camp contained the following weights ; and as
they are nearly all small, the balance errors
will probably be more shown by them than the
errors of standard (i.e. the absolute errors will
be larger than the proportional variations) ;
therefore the defections from a mean scale are
stated, the mean (excepting the one heavy
weight) being 1445.

No. Weight. 4 Unit. Error.
900 45:2 4 135°6 30
936 69-9 3 139-8 2:3
956 353 1 1412 8
989 143°3 1 143°3 12
995 1454 1 145:4 11
1014 48:2 τ 1446 0
1015 42.ϑ 0.2 146 0
1039 145°8 1 145°8 1:9
1043 731 I 146°2 ‘9
1046 146°6 1 146°6 9-1
1057 1471 10 147°1
1086 24:8 ΕἸ 148:8 ET,
1102 Ja a ἸῸ οὉ
1121 252 4 151.2 ΠῚ
Mean 1.9

It follows, then, no matter whether these
weights were derived from different archetypes
er not, that a balance variation averaging 1'3
grain was tolerated. Probably all these were
derived from one archetype, since only the lesser
ones,and ofthose onlyone-third of thewholenum-
ber, fall outside of the important family shown
in the curve by the rise from 143°5 t0146°5. If
these weights had been miscellaneously collected
together, their range of variation would have
covered the whole kat range more widely ; as it

is, only a third of them fall outside one family,
and those may well be due to balance errors,
as their mean divergence is only 13 grains.
The one larger weight agrees also more nearly
to this family than to any other, since the
critical division between this and the next
family seems (at-Naukratis at least) to lie at
147'3, looking to the marks representing the
weights (pl.1.). With these were found

1170 15200 120 1267
of the Assyrian shekel standard, and
1217 66°6 1 66°6
1226 1346 2 607:

of the Attie standard, showing a balance varia-
tion of much under a grain.

92. Of the weights found scattered in the
camp there are two of a lower family, five of
the same family as the above set, and three of

the next higher family. They are—
897 40 1 1350
963 14204 10 1420
1003 720 5 144
1017 14,460 100 1446
1026 23904 2 145:2
1034 7288 5 1457
1048 7344 5 146°9
1068 73,830 500 1477
1069 73,350 500 1477
1074 148°0 1 1480
Besides these were four of three other stan-
dards, 1176 769 60 137
1246 126,120 600 23102
1252 8606 40 215.1
1291 928: 4 821

In the set of chambers at the N.E. and E. of
the Kasr were the following weights, the bronze
ones not being yet worked out.

Rats. Others.
Chamber 3 1103 299-0 2 1495
1105 29945 20 149-7
1283 8041 10 80-4
Deep in 2 Bronze
In 20r3 1070 739.0 5 1478
1091 14878 10 1488
1214 1325 20 66:3
1318 1599:2 2 66°6
In 19 A 1019 2898 3 1449
1046 399: 3 1400

94 TELL DEFENNEH.

Bronze kat
1129 1527-0 10 1527
1134 3073 3 153°6
In 198 997 2877 2 143°8
1041 1461 10 146°1
1066 73197 50 1410
Kats. Others.
In 19 c 988 716°0 5 1432
1185 12837 10 1287
1287 8118 10 812
In 27 971 1422-8 10 143:
976 14275 10 1437
1032 2912 2 1450
1109 750 4 1500
In 17 926 138°8 1 1388
1006 1442-8 10 144.
1149 ΤῊ 30 178
1145 312°5 4 781
In 18 1028 48:8 Ἴ 145°5
1065 995-2 9 1470
1113 1515 5 1503
1261 9040 40 2360
At 25 920 1384 10 1584
1107 299-8 5 1409:
Another 973 47 4 1425
chamber Bronze kat
1010 98:9 - 144.
1110 50:9 1 1506

Now reviewing these weights found thus
connectedly, we see that in many cases there
are close relations between them, not only of
one family, but some almost identical in
standard. In some cases two distinct families
may:be seen, as in19 A, where there are the 145
and the 153 families together. On the later tell
of Ptolemaic age were found together

1018 147 11 147
1081 1482-8 10 148:

The other questions of forms and materials of
different standards still remain to be examined
after working out the 1600 bronze weights ;
but the present research has carried us forward
a decisive step by proving the fixity and gene-
rality of the variations shown us by the curves.

CHAPTER XIII.
LEVELS AND MEASUREMENTS,

93. Tax levels at Defenneh were taken by

sighting to the horizon over the top of the
highest point; this from a purely arbitrary
datum level was called 500 inches, and the
levels of all points were recorded in inches
above the datum, which is 500 inches below the
highest point. Here the levels are classified
according to their subject.

The original level of the sandy plain may be
taken as about 227 inches above datum (i.e.
500—227=273 below the highest point at
present); the sand beneath the walls in
chambers ὃ and 36 being at this level, the
sand between the mastaba and the fort being
230, and the sand beneath the mastaba about
235, which probably was raised a little; again
the base of the outlying west wall being 220,
probably built a little below the surface. The
foundations of the fort were naturally sunk in
the ground. The present sea-level according
to Lake Menzaleh in May, when scarcely any
Nile water runs into it, is 212, but in high Nile
it rises to 227. This is probably much higher
than in ancient times, for as 15 feet of mud have
been deposited in the Delta since the twelfth
dynasty alone, it is clear that the country must
have sunk as well, or else the parts near the sea
would have then been under water ; the 8-foot
rise of water so close to the sea as at Tanis
since Greek times shows that a sinking of the
country must have taken place along with the
rise by deposit of mud. The whole Delta has
apparently been slowly-depressed by the weight
of superimposed deposits, at about the same
rate as those deposits have grown. Hence this
sea level relatively to the sandy desert has risen
considerably, and in some centuries more it
may cover large tracts. The level of the plain
at the lowest point to the east of the Kasr now
is 222, over a mass ofremains, which is below
the high Menzaleh level; while the foundation
deposits of the fort were two feet below even
sea level. Nothing but the evaporation over a
flat plain almost at water level keeps the water
down enoush for these to be reached. In a

CHAP. XIIL—LEVELS AND MEASUREMENTS. 95

few centuries more Tell Defenneh will be an
island in Lake Menzaleh, like the many other
tells which appear now in the water.

94. The ground level being 227, the founda-
tions of the fort were sunk to 197 N.E., 190
S.E., and 187 at N.W.; the bottom courses
retreated, however, inward, so that the wall
face ended at 210 N.W., 209 N.E., and 197
S.E., or 14 to 21 feet below the ground. These
and the deposit levels are shown in pl. xxüi.
The sand beneath the mastaba is about 235,
and the top of the mastaba varied from 268 to
272, mean 270, or 34 feet above the general
ground. The north wall of the mastaba reaches
down to 199, being a retaining wall for the
whole mass. The raised road along the west
of the palace up to the entry is 277. Thelevels
of the sand in different chambers, &c., is as
follows :—In 36 and 8, beneath wall, 227;
between mastaba and fort, 230; in 9, beneath
wall, 251; in 42, 254; in 4, 259; in 41, 260;
in 22, 260 beneath walls; in 43, from 275 at
south to 340 at north end; and in 38, 299
inches: these are evidently the sand fillings
in the latter instances, put in to fill up the
chambers. The laid floors are in 45, 245; in
22, 265; threshold in the north of chamber 18,
269; in 4,271; in 45, a higher pavement at
279; in 11, 283 ; in 10, 284; the stone sill of
11, and plastering on the walls of a later date,
331; the stone sill of the entry, 351; the
mortared floor of the entry court and pas-
sages, 368: this last is the only piece of
true floor of the palace itself which remains.
Thus the outlying oflices stood at about 2 to 5
feet above the ground level, and the lowest
passages of the palace at about 12 feet above
the ground. The present highest points when
I went to Defenneh, on the worn-away surface
of the ruins, were rubbish on south of mastaba,
310; general level on west part of fort, 324;
on east part of fort, 329; along south side of
fort, 342; and in middle, 349; at the N.W.

corner of the fort, 410; at the S.W., 414; at
the E. of chamber 44, 425 ; at the N.E. of the
fort (period A), 448; at the S.E. of the fort,
498; and the highest point of all just west of
chamber 22 was 500 inches above datum.
Judging from the beginning of doming, to be
seenin the highest parts of the cells of the fort,
it seems probable that it rose originallyto atleast
500 in. before being closed over into a uniform
platform, on which the buildings of the fort
proper were placed. Those buildings were very
probably 20 feet in height, at least to the watch
tower, which would thus rise more than 60 feet
above the plain. It would thus easily commu-
nicate with Kantara, Tell Ginn, and Tell Sherig.

95. The sizes of the bricks were noted in
different parts of the Kasr: they are, in the
great square of the fort, period A, taking the
mean of two or three examples,

E.N.E. side 162 x 79x49

S.S.E. side 163x 78x45

W.N.W. side . 164 x 81x 42

Mid-chamber . 166 x 82 x 43

Above that 174x 82x 42
The mid-chamber is the deep square chamber
below the large south chamber, and the bricks
above that are those of the large south chamber
itself. These are erratically long, and ex-
cluding these, we may say for the

Fort, period A 164 x 80x 44

Entry eourt, prriodB . 172 Χ δῖ Χ 51
additions . 10] x 8Ὸ x 5'0

” 393

: 16°0 x 7°8
2 „ periodC . 165 SEE
„ period E 161x 80x 42

N. ofE., period Ε΄. 161x 78x41
Wall round 19, period F 15:2 x 68

Chamber 8 (Psamtikl). 142 x ΤΊ Χ 35
Wall between S and fort 152 x 73 x 37
Walls S. of fort . 164x 81x45

All ofthese are known to belong to the earlier
part of the twenty-sixth dynasty, and show well
how much variation may be expected in various
lots of bricks of the same general period. The
usual sizes of 16'4 agree closely to those of
bricks of the same age at Kom Afrin 10:9, and
Naukratis 16°3, while those of Sais agree to

96 TELL DEFENNEH.

the longer length of 173. The only erratie
sizes are in chamber 8 and the walls by it, and
in the wall around 19; and these warn us that
the sizes, though generally a close indication of
age, may be in a few cases rather below the
standard. The wallsof the building down by
the caravan road are of bricks measuring
159 x 87 x 50

which seem to be therefore of the same age as
the Kasr.

The red baked bricks beneath the mastaba,
of Ramesside age probably, are

125 x62x31.
NOTE.
The transliteration of Egyptian words and
names varies so much in the usage of the best
scholars, that any single system which could be
followed would be but in a small minority.
The only system ever formally agreed to by
authorities in general is perhaps less followed
than any other. Persons not familiar with the
literature οὗ Egyptology readily suppose that
some system must prevail, and may therefore
be confused by finding a different name to what
they happen to be familiar with. I have there-
fore put together here some spellings used in
the best authorities in recent years (and others
that are familiar) for various of the names
oceurring in this volume ; premising that many
writers use two or three forms of the same
name according to the style of their subject.
I usually follow the spelling most familiar to
English readers, except in cases where it incurs
the use of Greek perversions. The letters denote
the authors : B, Birch ; Br, Brugsch ; E, Ebers;
G,Gardner Wilkinson; L,Lepsius; M, Maspero;
P, Pierret ; R, Renouf; W, Wiedemann.
Aahmes, B, E,G, R; Aahmas, L; Ahmos, M; Amasis, B
G; Ähmes, W ; Ahmöes, P.
(Pre-nomen Ra-nem-ab, or Ra-knum-ab.)

Amen, B, E,G, M, W; Ammon, E, M,R; Amon, Cook ;
Amun, L.

Amenemhat, E, G; Amunemhat, G, L; Amenemhäit, Μ ;
Amenemha, P; Amenemhä, W.

Ameniritis, M, P; Ameneritis, G, W; Amuniritis, L;
Amenartas, R.

3

Hat hor, E, M, P, R; Athor, G, R; Hat hor, W.

Horus, P,R; Hor, P,R; Har, B, R; Hor, W,

Hotep, B, L, P; hetp, R; hotpou, M; hotep, E; hetep, W.

Khem, E, G,P,R; xem, P; Chem, W; Min, M; Ames, R.

Khnum, E; Khnoum, M, P; xnum, P; Chnum, W,R;
Knum, G.

Khonsu ; Khons, Ὁ, E, G, P; xonsu, P; Chonsu, R;
Chunsu, G; Khonsou, M; Khunsu, E; Chons, R.

Khita, B; Cheta, W ; xeta, P.

Merenptah, P, W ; Mineptah, M; Meneptah, E ; Mienptah,
L; Menephthah, R.

Nekht-har-heb. Next-hor-heb, P; Necht-Hor-heb, W;
Necht-har-heb, R; Next-har-heb, L; Nakht-hor-heb, E.

Neit, P, W; Neith, G,R; Nit, M; Net, Br.

Nekau, L,.R,W ; Necho, R; Neku,P; Neko, M; Nego, E.

Nofer, E; Nofir, M; Nofre, R; Nefer, Br, P,R,W; Newer, P.

Piankhi, BE; P-anyi, P; Pianchi, W ; Piönkh, M ; Panyi, L.

Psamtik ; Psemtek, W; Psametik, E, P; Psamitik, M;
Psammetichus, G, R.

Ptah, B,E, P,R; Phtah, M, R; Ptah, W.

Siamen ; Siamoun, M ,; Sih-, E; Se-, P; Sa-, Br, W.

Sekhet, E, R; Sechet, R,W; Sokhit, M.

Sheshank, P; Sheshonk, G, P,R; Sheshonq, Εἰ ; Shishong,
ΔΙ; Scheschenk, W ; Sesang, P; Sesonk, L.

Tahuti, L, R; Thoth, R; Tahuti, E; Thuti, W.

Tum, G ; Toum, M ; Atum, G; Atmu, R; Tmu, R,

Uah-ab-ra, P, R; Uahbra, G; Uahabrä, E; Uahäbra, W.

Uati; Uat, R; Uat’i, W ; Ueti, P; Uedji, P; Bouto, M.

Usertesen; Sesurtesen, L; Usortesen, Εἰ; Usertsen, R;
Osirtasen, G ; Ousirtasen, M.

Ushabti (or shabti also in hieroglyphies). shabti, R; usabti,
Sabti, usebti, suabti, P; uschebti, W.

The above will serve asa sample of what may
be easily extended as to authorities, and carried

throughout Egyptian words.

CHAPTER XIV.
QANTARAH.
Br F. Τα, GRirrIne. ᾿

96. For four weeks from the middle of April
I was at Qantarah, the village at which the
caravan route to Syria crosses the Suez Canal,
It is quite modern, dating from the time
when the canal was begun. The houses and
hospital run up at that: time for the engineers,
and built chiefly of materials obtained from the
neighbouring tell, now stand deserted a quarter
of amile RE. of the canal, the little village having
grown upsince on the E.bank. It is ἃ wealthy
little community,owing its existence to thecanal,
and its comparative prosperity to the erossing
ofthecaravanroute. It consists of government

CHAP. XIV.—QANTARAH. 97

offices, a mosque, and a well-furnished Arab
market, together with such huts and houses
as are necessary for those who keep them
going. On all sides is the desert with its
meagre vegetation, or the salt marshes which
support no life but wild ἴον]. The inhabi-
tants, with characteristie indolence, which has
spread also to the Europeans amongst them,
have never looked the desert; their
interest lies solely in the market-place and along
the canal. It is therefore impossible to obtain
information from them of any value either as
to the geography or to the past history of the
distrietround. Atelegraph wire is carried along
the Arish road to Syria, but although an
engineer has continually to pass backwards
and forwards between El Arish and Qantarah,
no
no information can be obtained in this direc-
tion. Maps of this district are not to be
trusted. The scanty Bedawin are the best
guides, and except where otherwise stated, I
have seen everything that I record with my
own eyes.

In Qantarah, near the west end of the old
Canal Company’s buildings, stands a peculiar
monument of sandstone, inscribed with the
name of Rameses II., his father Seti I., and his
grandfather Rameses I., and dedicated in the
“ house of Horus.” On walking to the mound
two miles E. one finds remains of a similar
monument, likewise mentioning Rameses II.
and Horus, Lord of Mesen. On this spot
then was a temple of Ramesside epoch. How-
ever, a fortnight spent in trenching the mound
produced nothing further that was certainly of
a period earlier than the later Ptolemies, nor
were any more hieroglyphic inscriptions dis-
covered. Therubbish was exceedingly shallow ;
a few trenches reached a depth of three metres ;
1 to 14 metre was suflicient to bring up desert
sand in most parts, and often even near the
centre the sand was practically at the surface.
This proves a short occupation; nearly all is

into

survey was made for it, and little or

Roman, so the previous occupation must have
been very short indeed.'

The mound lies two miles E. of the Suez Canal,
slightly N. from Qantarah, and three-quarters of
a mile ὃ. of the present caravan road. The
southern side is bounded by the dry bed of
Lake Balah, and the dry bed of Menzaleh on the
N. and W. is less than two miles away. Thus
there were marshes on three sides, and the
title “ Lord of Seshu,” or the marshes, given
to the local god on one of the monuments, is not
an inappropriate one, notwithstanding the dry
and desert appearance of the district at the
On the whole of the
eastern side from N. to S. the desert hills rise
conspicuously, skirting the Balah lake and the
marshes of Pelusium.

The mound measures from N. to ὃ. 500
yards, from E. to W. 700. The Ramesside
blocks lie near the centre, and close to them
I found the square limestone base upon which
one of the monuments had been raised. It
measured 584 inches square, and was built
up of separate blocks. Round it at two
levels were traces οἵ pavements, made of small
chips and fragments of limestone cemented
together. The lower pavement was 40 inches
below the top of the base. Seventy-nine feet
E. of this I found a recumbent lion, natural
size, in limestone, the head turned eastward
to the right, the left paw crossed over the
right. It was in bad condition, and without
inscriptions. There were also considerable
remains of rubble pavement, with occasional

present time in spring.”

1 ΤῸ 15 ποῦ necessary to suppose that the Ramesside monu-
ments were brought here to adorn the Roman camp. The
early settlement, which probably existed only for a short
time, may have been entirely destroyed, and being abandoned
for seven or eight centuries, the brick foundation in the sand,
even if not removed to clear the ground when new buildings
were erected, might itself be carried away by wind and rain.
The bricks everywhere were small, 13 inches being the largest
measurement.

? The eutting of the Suez Canal below sea level having
drained considerable tracts on the E. side.

0

98 QANTARAH.

squares of fine limestone measuring about
80 inches, apparently bases of monuments.

The mound had been much trenched at the
time of the excavation of the canal, partly
perhaps for antiquities, partly for the sake of
the limestone and burnt brick. A large well,
which doubtless supplied the settlement with
brackish water, was at that time completely
excavated and stripped of its limestone lining::
this was S.W. of the sandstone blocks, which
were discovered at the same time.

97. Near the well I found fragments of a lime-
stone slab which had been broken up and used
for paving-stones. Upon it was a Latin inscrip-
tion dating from the joint reign of Diocletian and
Maximian, and recording the dedication by these
emperors of the camp of the first ala of the Thra-
cian cavalry, termed the Mauretanian on account
of some honourable service in North Africa,! to
Jupiter, Hercules, and Victory. Latin inscrip-
tions are rare in Egypt, and it is curious to find
published in the C. I. L., vol. iii. p. 8, an inscrip-
tion from a basalt block built into a Coptic
church near Manfalüt,? in which the camp of the
first cohort of the Lusitanians, distinguished as
the Augustan pratorian (Cohors I. Aug. pret.
Lusitanorum), was dedicated in the same year
by the same emperors to the same deities.

The explanation may be found in history.
It is well known that when Diocletian had
raised Maximian to the position of his colleague
in the Empire, and had entrusted him with the
western part of it, he turned his own attention

' This ala is also mentioned in an inseription of the
year 199 a.p., found at Ramleh near Alexandria. The de-
curiones alares of the Ala veterana Gallica and the Alal.
Thrac. Mauret. dedicated a statue to Septimius Severus.
The first of these was stationed at Rinocolura (El Arish) when
the Notitia Imperii was drawn up. Perhaps one may sup-
pose that these garrisons were not changed for a century,
and that the oflicers of the two frontier stations on the land
route between Egypt and Syria clubbed together to set up
the statue of Septimius. The Notitia places the Ala 1.
ZEgyptiorum at Sella (Sile).

2 Der el Gebrawi, Murray’s Egypt, 1880, p. 422.

especially to strengthening the eastern frontier.
We find this aim referred to in the inscription
in the words providentid sue majestatis (in fore-
thought for the safety of their majesty). And
as to the dedication, we know that Diocletian
styled himself Jovius, as being supreme in
council, and Maximian Herculius, as being a
brave soldier. Thus it is clear that we have
here the settled form of dedication in that year
in Egypt.

The inscription is dated in the third consulship
or year of Diocletian, giving the approximate
date of 288 a.nd. The revolt of Egypt under
Achilleus had to be suppressed eight years later.

From the largest fragment it appears that
the inscription was painted red. The forms
of the letters are mixed. The A is distinetly
Greek, except in one case where the engraver
has followed his Latin model more celosely. I
have completed the inscription in the plate by
dotting in words from the Manfalüt inscription.
Where the two can be compared they agree
exactly, except in the abbreviations and the
name of the garrison.

The inscription does not give us much
assistance in determining the classical name of
the place. The dedication being a fixed one
can have no bearing on the local worship; and
as to the garrison, the Notitia Dienitatum,
enumerating the imperial offices in the time of
Constantine, mentions Pelusium, Sella (Sile of
the Itinerary), Thaubastus, and perhaps other
posts on this line as occupied by cavalry ; but
the Thracians are not named amongst them.
The fact of a garrison being stationed here does,
however, strengthen the proof of its being Sile.

In the mound itself there were remains of a
thick wall of unbaked brick that seemed to be
continuous for more than a hundred yards on
the north of the centre. This may have been
part of the camp enclosure of Diocletian.

Besides this inscription, I found a fine bronze
vase in the form of a female head with inlaid
eyes of glass, of good Roman work, kept at

CHAP. XIV.—QANTARAH. 99

the Bulaq Museum. Also of bronze, a slender
knife, a figure of Osiris, a. small bell (for horse’s
trappings ?), a girdle-fastener (hollow triangle
with button αὖ the apex), cylindrical socket
with traces of wood inside, perhaps the ferrule
of astandard. Of glass, fragments of a large
bottle? in the form of a bird of dark blue, and
a Roman bottle of clear glass. Several disks of
porcelain and rings for bronze rods. Earthen-
ware moulds for glass hieroglyphs, knotted
cord 9, and- cynocephalus. Large mould for
earthenware, of limestone. Large porcelain
feather Several pieces of limestone
squared for sculpture, on one a lotus flower
was delicately drawn in black ink. Coins of
the latest Ptolemies were abundant.

mad.

98. Amongst the deserted houses of Qantarah
are to be seen several limestone coffins of the
usual Roman type. The cemetery from which
they were taken is very extensive, stretching
N.E. from the old hospital atthe eastern end of
these houses, where there is also the modern
cemetery, for about half a mile.

The more distant half of this is full of inter-
ments. Some of the bodies, none of which are
mummified, have been enclosed in cofins formed
of two jars joined in the middle, measuring
6 feet in length, with blunt ends, wide in the
middle ; some in terra-cotta coffins rounded at
the ends with flat base and cover. Some are
laid at length in the sand, some apparently in
a crouching position, some again gathered
under half a large jar broken longitudinally.
Others again were laid either with or without
stone or terra-cotta cofliins in constructed
chambers of brick or stone rubble. The
bricks are both burnt and unburnt, measuring
5x 10 inches. All these seem to belong to a
very late period, and are apparently without anti-
quities. Itrenched in all parts of the ceme-
tery wıthout finding anything more than the
interments, which were always undisturbed
except where M. Paponot had excavated pre-

viously, or where the limestone had induced
the Arabs to dig for building materials. This
cemetery in fact, from its size and position,
would seem to belong to the caravan route as
much as to the town, from which it is three-
quarters of a mile distant at its nearest point.

99. I proceed to give a list of sites! in the
neishbourhood.

Tel Farama (F.’ gives a good idea of the
form and position of the mounds, Eng. quite
wrong), the ancient Pelusium, consists of two
principal mounds, about three-quarters of a mile
from the edge of the desert on the E., but com-
pletely surrounded by marsh. The mounds are
narrow, stretehing 14 miles or more from E. to
W.ina straight line. The Εἰ. mound is small, but
high ; an Arab fort 120 yards square completely
occupies the summit. Details of the plan of this
building could probably be easily made out by
excavation, as the lower part is well preserved.
Between this and the W. mound a consider-
able space intervenes, through which a canal
or perhaps the main stream of the Pelusiae
branch ran. The second mound is long and
narrow, well defined, but sloping gradually
down on all sides to the marsh level, except
where the Arab citadel (see French map) in the
centre of the N. side rises abruptly from the
edge. The N. and S. walls of this measure
about 360 yards, the E. and W. about half as
much. The principal gateway is on the N.,
near the Εἰ. end, where a narrow mound (not

! Place names are always diffieult to collect, and at
Qantarah they are partieularly so, since the population is very
scanty, and the sites are often at a distance from the beaten
tracks, and seldom passed even by the Bedawin. Tell Dahab
and Tell Fadda, which were the names applied to the mounds
of Pelusium by Mr. Chester’s guide, who came from Salhiyeh,
I often heard of at Nebesheh. But they were semi-mythical
names, and the Bedawin about Qantarah only once mentioned
Tel el Fadda, by which the mound E. of Pelusium was perhaps
intended. Tel Farama was known by report to every one at
Qantarah. Tel el Dahab I never heard mentioned there.

2 «F.” refers to the Atlas Geographique of the French
“ Description ;” “ Eng.” to the Map of Lower Egypt issued
by the English War Ofüce.

0o2

100

marked in F.) runs out northward nearly 300

yards, perhaps for quays. Starting now from
the extreme W. end of the principal mound, we
first travel along a narrow projection 800 yards
in length, of uniform breadth, and only 30-90
inches above lake level. This seems entirely with-
out Arab remains, but Roman red brick occurs
at the extreme end. On it may have been
built the quays and warehouses of earlier times.
No large blocks of stone are visible upon it.
At the E. end of this tail the mound widens
and rises much higher with Arab walls and
forts. At the junction there seems to be a
gateway. Immediately W. of the eitadel is a
large depression, in the centre of which lie
several columns of granite, making three sides
of a rectangle, probably having been rolled
against the sides of a building which has now
vanished. They lie half buried, probably three
metres above lake level. They are all of red
granite, and so much weathered as to make it
diffieult to decide their original form.

Outside the citadel gate lie two granite
blocks about the centre of the projecting arm.
E. of the citadel about 150 yards are two
groups of grey granite blocks. Beyond on the
N. side of the mound lie four red granite
columns parallel and close to each other,
evidently rolled together by the medisval in-
habitants in some open space in the town (as
one sees them now at Rosetta), and after its
desertion denuded by wind and rain, and left
lying high and exposed. They are large, but
apparently οὗ Roman date. S. of these is a
depression with columns and blocks of grey
and red granite almost buried, scattered over
a space of 150 yards square. This is evidently
the site of the principal temple. Further E.,
near the end of the mound, are small blocks
of a basalt similar to that used in the pavement
ofthe great pyramid. In a depression on the
N. are two small columns.!

! Tel Farama is probably best visited from Qantarah at
end of April or beginning of May. Theair is then cool with

Ϊ

QANTARAH.

It is much to be regretted that no inseriptions

remain on the surface. The numerous granite

| blocks are so weathered that not a trace of

“ working ” remains, except where a column or
square block has been polished with an even
face. The level of the country has no doubt
changed greatly, and remains would be found
far below the level of the marsh, which now
dries in spring. Another reason of the low
level of the mound lies in the denudation by
rain, which must go on here to a greater
extent even than at San and Defeneh. It
would be of great value to learn the ancient
name? and earlier history of Pelusium, the
frontier eity in which Phoenicians, Persians,
Cypriotes, Carians, and Ionians met with the
Esyptians in peace or war a thousand times,
Perhaps, too, the Hyksos and Assyrians may be
added to the catalogue of Eastern nations who
struggled for the possession of this “key of
Egypt,” but classical historians can take us
back with certainty only as far as the begin-
ning of the Saite dynasty, and then Daphn»
was made the frontier fortress, garrisoned, as
it appears from the remains, by Greeks and
Carians. The notices of Pelusium as the chief
object of attack before this time may be due to
misconception of the condition of the times or
inaccuracy.

This is one of the questions which would be
solved by excavation. There is no doubt of

N. winds, and the marshes are almost dry, but there is a
heavy dew, and occasionally rain. The distance can easily
be accomplished in a day with a camel, passing Tel el Her.
A supply of water should be taken, as none can be obtained
on the journey fit to drink. The place is quite deserted. In
the desert E. of Tel el Her the Bedawin pasture large herds
of breeding camels with their young, but no milk can be ob-
tained. Only in the date season do Arabs pass Tel Farama
on their way between Port Said and the scanty groups of
palm-trees in the desert. There was only one camel to ve
hired this year at Qantarah.

2 The Coptic name of Pelusium, TEPELROYN, was perhaps
the source of the Arabie name Farama, and possibly represents
the hieroglyphie (p-)ru-men. Nothing, however, is known
of this Prumen, except that it was situated in this part of
the Delta, and even the reading of the name is uncertain.

CHAP. XIV.—QANTARAH.

the importance of the city as early as Hero-
dotus (Hdt. ii. 141).

Along the coast N. of Pelusium is a strip
of sand with vegetation. A fort N.W. is
called by the Arabs El Beläha (Qalafet et
. Tineh of the French map). N.E. are two or
three low mounds, in the lake. There is a
very small mound about 1 mile S., covered with
Arab brick, evidently a guard-house on the
river or canal, which passed between the two
main mounds.

100. Tel el Fadda is said to bethe name of an
insignificant mound 30 yards square in the desert
opposite Tel Farama, situated where the hills
begin to rise from the marsh level.!

Tel el Her (F. Her; Eng.), a small shallow
mound next in point of size to that at Qantarah.
It stands on the S. side of a spit of sand run-
ning westward into the bed of the lake. Mr.
Greville Chester’s map shows its position most
correctly. It is conspicuous for a high medi»val
fortress of red brick at ıts E. end, about 100
yards square. Tel Farama is partly visible from
it, partly shut off by intervening sand heights.

Tel Habwe, on the S. side of the caravan
route; a small heap of red brick on the sand,
20.yards square, and very unimportant in itself.
However, it is a landmark from its colour to
the caravans, and is worth noting, as it occupies
the place of the “ Tel Semut’’ of the maps,
which has been the subject of several identifi-
cations.
here, as it was to the French expedition, who
only dot in surface ruins here on the map.
A mound on the road between Qantarah and
Salhiyeh, as well as the name of Qantarah, “the
bridge,” is connected by the natives with
Ibrahim Pasha’s expedition to Syria (inf.). Both
of these mounds, however, I suspect, are guard-
houses of an earlier date.

The latter name is quite unknown

! Mr. Chester, when he visited this part of the country in
1880, was informed that this was the name of one of the
great mounds of Pelusium. This is much more probable.

101

Tell abu Sefe, called “Old Qantarah” (0. el
Qadime) by the inhabitants of the modern
village, is themound E. of Qantarah. Itis not
marked in the French map in its proper place.
The large mound (marked Ruines),3 or 4 miles
S. ofits true position, is perhaps intended for it.

Qantarah “ bridge” (F., Qanätir), is called
invariably Qanätir ““bridges” by the inhabitants
of the neighbouring villages on the W. This
must therefore have been the old name of the
crossing, which seems to have been only a few
hundred yards S. of the modern village.” As
Tell abu S£fe lay on the S. side of the N.E. end
of the isthmus between the lakes, so a small
station represented now by a low nameless
mound on the northern edge seems to have
guarded the south-west end. It is difficult to
reconcile the details of the French map with the
present appearance of the place. If the place
is carefully gone over map in hand, it will, I
think, appear that much that is marked as marsh
was reallysand. Abouta mile farther along the
road is the heap known as Qahwet Ibrahim Basa,
“ Ibrahim Pasha’s coffee-house.” The road then
passes by a southern outlier of Defeneh (F.,
Tell Defeineh) to Salhiyeh. This succession, T.
Farama, T. el Fadda, T. el Hör, [T. Habwe,] Tell
abu Sefe, Qanätir, the nameless mound, [Qahwet
Ibrahim Basha,] Defeneh, seems to mark the
land route from Pelusium. It seems strange
that so important a pointas the passage between
Lakes Balah and Menzaleh should have been
left unguarded from the time of Rameses
almost to the Romans, but the history of his
important corner of the Delta and of the desert
E. of it, as well as the whole question of the
ancient routes, is as yet too little known for
one to venture on much speculation.

There is nothing of importance S.E. of this line.

3 This is confirmed by the name Qanätir in the French
map, where two channels from Menzaleh to Balah are marked
as crossed by the caravan road. Abu Asab is the name of
a conspicuous hill, visible even from Defeneh, and lying
perhaps 15 miles on the caravan road from Qantarah.

102

Only S.E. οἵ Tel Habwe, by the side of half-a-
dozen palm-trees, there are the remains of a few
red-brick and other buildings. On the other
hand, N. and N.E. of Qantarah the ground is
frequently strewn with fragments of pottery.
The occurrence of large stones for corn-grind-
ing, &c., shows that there must have been in
some cases settled villages.

These remains often stretch far into the
dried-up marsh. A diffieulty in ascertaining
the course of the ancient canals and river-beds
in this region lies in the complete silting up of
the lake. : We know from the fact of village
remains occurring in abundance in places which
have evidently been under water all the winter,
as well as from other indications, either that the
drainage of the land has been stopped, or that
the surface has sunk. We know also from

classical authors that there were lakes and
swamps all over the district in early times.
The canals of such a distriet would require
continual attention to keep them open. We
know even that a navigable branch of the river
passed this way, and yet in spring the whole
is a streteh of barren salt sand, the level of
which to the eye is absolutely uniform, although
a difference in consistency betrays slight varia-
tions of level to the foot: for instance, round
the edges of Tel Farama the current formed by
tke obstruction has left a space of 20 yards
in breadth, perhaps 3 inches lower than the rest.
Under such circumstances it is hopeless to look
for channels." The only method is to seek for
lines of mounds, natural or artificial, which
would exclude a channel or would mark sites
upon its banks. Thus, I think, a channel may
be traced past the low mounds N.E. of Tel
Farama, and between the eastern and western
mound, past the small red-brick mound S.W.,
past another low mound visible from Tel el
Her, past a sand island, and another low mound

! The French map, however, marks a distinet channel W. |
of the Pelusiac mouth. Some traces of this may exist. I
did not visit that part.

| resembles slag.

QANTARAH.

4 miles N.W. of Qantara,’ and into the canal
that skirts the N. edge of Defeneh. This
canal, now known as the Bahr el Bagar, or
‘“canal of the cow,’ is certainly artificial, as
may be gathered from its running through
sand for at least 9 miles near Defeneh. .
The Pelusiae branch, on the other hand, running
W. of Heracleopolis, seems to have turned to
the N. a little before reaching Defeneh.

In the Itinerary of Antoninus, from Pelusium
to Memphis, Daphno is the first station
mentioned. It therefore followed this channel
or “short cut,” by the side of which a road
probably ran through the marshes at that
time. The road from Serapiu (at the E. end
of the Wadi Tumilät) to Pelusium is given as
a Serapiu Pelusio, 1x. (zl.).

Thaubasio (Thausasio), viii. (viiil.).
5116, xxvill.

Magdolo, ΧΙ].

Pelusio, ΧΙ]. (xv.).

Thaubasion, a place of some importance in
Roman times, has not been identified, and no
likely placeis marked on the maps. The identi-
fication of Sile with Tell abu S&fe-may remain.
Magdolon was formerly identified with Tel
Semut. The latter, however, does not exist.
Tel el Her is more probable. It stands on the
direct road, 11 or 12 miles from Tell abu Säfe,
and 6 from the E. end of Pelusium, which is

5 From this mound there is still observable a peculiar line
(an artificial roadway 1) strewed: with pottery, running S.W.,
and eutting the Suez Canal close to a group of deserted houses,
I picked up on the mound a late Ptolemaie coin. I found
also two double corn-grinder stones of a peculiar form,
being shaped like a doubly-concave vertebra and pierced:
diameter 18 inches, length 14 inches. On each side is
a hollow handle forming a square socket, the sides of
which are pierced with a small hole parallel to the eircum-
ference of the stone. The socket must have been for the
insertion of a wooden lever fixed by a thin rod or wire
througb the hole. It was then evidently worked on ἃ convex
stone, the upper bowl being kept full of com. The material
One of the convex stones for a similar mill
(See Plate
No doubt these are Roman, and the material is

lies on the mound N. of the canal at Defeneh.
li.)

| perhaps trachyte from Syria.

CHAP. XIV.—QANTARAH.

the nearest on the desert road. These distances
would be more correct than that given for
Daphno (xvi., really about xxvi.) from Pelusium.
The Arab fort at Tel el Hör, which is by far the
most important in appearance on the road, may
very well stand on an earlier structure of the
same kind, called by the Semiticname Magdolon
(Migdol,' or “tower’”), which would point to
an early date” South of @antarah I have
nothing to record. There is said to be a ruin
“as of a single house’’ near the canal W. of
Lake Balah, but I could not find it, nor did I
find any pottery on the sand in that direction.

The name Tineh given to the mounds and
neishbourhood of Pelusium in some maps I
have never heard, but I am not sure that it
does not exist. In an early Arabic dictionary
the name is applied to a fort near Farama,
and in the French map to the fort El Belahah.
I heard of no more mounds in the W. portion
of the lake cut off by the Suez Canal.

101. I will now proceed to describe the hiero-
glyphice monuments at Qantarah and Tell abu
Sefe. Isaw inall five fragments of inscribed
sandstone, belonging to two monuments. The
first of these monuments, a large part of which
now stands in Qantarah (see pl. li.), was copied

ı A makör (migdol) of Seti I. in the neighbourhood is
represented on the route of his triumphalreturn from Canaan
at Karmak. This seems to be the Migdol of-the prophets,
which they speak of with the town of Seveneh (Syene) as a
boundary of Egypt. It was, no doubt, the first place in
Esypt reached on the northern road from Syria. See Ez.
xxix. lOandxxx. 6; Jer. xliv. land xlvi. 14. It probably
differed from the Migdol of the Exodus, which must have
been on the svuthern road through the Wadi Tumilät.

® Another route from Pelusium is across the Delta past

Tanis and Thmuis.
Pelusio.

Heraclius, xxii.

Tanis, xx.

Thumuis, xxii.
Tell Bein (Tell esh Sherig, Eng. ; Tell Sehrig, F.), visited
by Mr. Petrie, isan important mound lying between Pelusium
and Tanis, and must be Heraclius or Heracleopolis. This
place was capital of the Sethroite nome, according to Ptolemy,
and thenome and city lay outside the Delta, i.e. E. of the
Pelusiac arm.

103

by Prisse (or a friend ofhis) whenit wasin amuch
more complete state, and with the help of his
plate (Prisse, Monuments, pl. xix.) I have been
able tomake almost a complete restoration of it.?
Onan oblong rectangular base, 211 inches hich,
32 inches broad, and about 40 inches long, stood
a kind of truncated obelisk, about 5 feet high,
the faces sloping slightly inwards, and crowned
byacornice. Onthetop of this stood a colossal
hawk, the figure of the god Horus. There
were inscriptions on each face and round the
base. Above the inscriptions were scenes of
offering. The details of these are as follows :—

Front (Prisse, Monuments, xix. 3). Scene.
Seti I., wearing uraeus, presents two vases to

® Three fragments remain. The portion that stands in the
village shows the back as in the plate. The front is completely
broken away, but portions of the eight lines of inscription
shown in Prisse remain on the right side, and seven on the left.
The greatest length that remainsis35 inches. Prisse figures
the front, back, and left side of the obelisk (the left side
only repeating the inseription of the right), but omits the
inseription on the left side of the base, which is necessary to
complete the sense. His figure is misleading, as the monu-
ment appears much more broken in the plate than it really
was. Probably he had never seen it himself. His copy of
the inseription is fairly correct, but is again misleading in
the front of the base, where änx hor ga next maa mr and
änx sut xbt Ra user maäa sotep n ra should be read in the two
lines, starting in the centre and running both ways. The
top was lost in Prisse’s time, but fortunately one of the
remaining small fragments on the mound shows part of the
throne name of Rameses II. and part of the title of Horus
in front of the double erown of a figure of the god, probably
from the scene on the back. The sides of this fragment
slope, and there is therefore no doubt of its belonging to
the same monument. Above the titles is the cornice and a
portion of the worked top, which is flat and polished for a
few inches from the edge, after which is an irregular rise,
where something has been broken off. This is evidently the
last trace of a figure upon the top, which from the shape of
the base and from the dedication to Horus must have been
ahawk. Thus we can restore the monument completely.
The only question is whether Rameses II. did not take the
place of Seti on the left side. No other monuments were
visible in Prisse’s time (1840). “ Abou Seyfeh, l’ancienne
Migdol ou Magdolum, ne presente plus aujourd’hui que des
monticules couverts de tessons de poterie, parmi lesquels on
voit les fragments d’une superbe monolithe. Il est de gres
ferrugineux et couvert de hieroglyphes bien taille&s.” The
second monument was probably found by M. Paponot, one
of the engineers of the Suez Canal.

104

Horus, lord of Mesen, who stands on a low
pedestal, and holds emblems of life and purity.

Inscription. Titles of Seti I., beloved of
Horus, lord of Mesen. “ He set up his image
of good and enduring work. Behold, the desire
of his Majesty was to establish the name of
his father, King Rameses I., before this god
for ever and ever.”

The scenes and inscriptions on the two sides
appear to have been similar. Prisse gives the
remains of the scene on the right, representing
Rameses I. cerowned with the ätef (ntr nfr ra
men ph) kneeling before a figure enthroned, of
which the upper half is lost (perhaps Tum or
Harmachis). Behind Rameses stands “ Horus,
lord of Mesen, lord of heaven,” hawk-headed,
holding in his right hand the palm branch,
symbol of many years, in a slanting position.
Behind Horus is Uati, “ mistress of heaven,
regent of the gods,” crowned with the disk,
horns, and uraeus. Prisse has evidently com-
pleted some of this from the duplicate on the
left.

Below the scene were eight narrow vertical
lines of inseription. The first two lines
contain the name and titles of Seti L,
“heloved of Horus, lord of Mesen, m des &.’
11. 3, 4. ““ He made this as his monument to his
father, Horus, lord of Mesen, m des &, setting
up his image of a great stone (of Gebel Ahmar) ἢ
of excellent workmanship to last for ever:
acting as a son who does what is generous, and
searches out what is fitting.”’” The fifth Iine
addresses Rameses I.; the last three are the
grants to him from Harmachis, Tum, and Horus
of Mesen. Harmachis promises health and
happiness; Tum promises food of all kinds,
and Horus of Mesen promises long life, with
dominion over all countries.

! m bat äat on one side. Mesen with and without the ἡ
written, and Rä men peh = Rä men ph ph, are the most im-
portant variants in the remains of the inscriptions on the
two sides, >

2 αν bu äger.

QANTARAH.

Back (see plate). Scene, apparently, Rame-
ses II. offering to Horus of Mesen.

Insceription. “The Horus, mighty bull, &e.
Rameses II., beloved of Horus, lord of Mesen,
carved (this) monument of his father, Seti I.,
making the name of his grandfather, Rame-
ses I., live in the temple of Horus.”

Inscription round base in two lines, begin-
ning in the middle of the front, and running
each way.

Left side 1. Anx hor φα next (maa mri nexebt
wat) mak Qamt uaf set, sut xbt Ra user maa stp τ
ra se ra Amen mri, &c., mü ra.

Left side 2. Anx sut xbt Raa user maa, &e.,
(ärnf m mennuf n) tef hor neb mesen seha nef
semf m an n ba ar f da any.

Right side 1. Anx hor ga next maa mri ..
sut xebt hq aut ab neb ἂν xet Rd user maa, &e.,
se ra, δ.

Right side 2. Any sut xbt Rauser maa, δ...
(hor) neb mesen seha nef semf m an ba as6 gem
n Ihn f met? r hbs m satw hnti rnpt asawı.
The meaning of the last phrase is not clear.

The monument was therefore a monolith
figure of Horus as a hawk upon a pedestal,
which Seti I. had intended to dedicate in the
temple of Horus in memory of his father.
Rameses II., like a dutiful son, completed
the monument which was left unfinished
at Seti’s death, and joined in the dedication.
A parallel to this on a large scale may be
found in the temple of Qurnah, dedicated to
Rameses I. by Seti I, who is accompanied by
Rameses II.

The second monument was also of sandstone.
The remains of it consist of two fragments from
the upper part of the back, which fit together.
They lie close together in the middle of the
mound. The sides are straight, and are sur-
mounted by a cornice, beneath which run three
lines of insceription, terminating in the centre
of the back. The top is flat and unpolished.
Below the cornice the back measures 38
inches. Nearly 40 inches remain of the

CHAP. XIV.—QANTARAH.

length." It perhaps served as the pedestal of
a colossal hawk, made in a separate block.

The front is completely destroyed. Perhaps
it was ornamented with a scene of offering, or
with the titles of Rameses. The side inscrip-
tions end in the middle of the back.

First line; left: (Anx hor χα next) maa mri sut
xbt Rü user maa, &c., daanx hor neb mesen mr
da any ra ma.

Right: (Any) hor ga next maa mri sut xbt
Rä user maäa, &c., da anx (hor) her ab xbt”? mr,
&c.

Second line; left: (Nxbt uat’ mak) gemt uaf set
se ra Amen mrt, &c., ra ma ΠΟΥ nb seSu mr, ὅσο.

Richt: (Hor nub) us rnpt aa nxt se ra Rame-
ses (sic) ra ma, hor dem a mr, &e.

Third line; left: (Ar nef m mennuf) nt f hor
nbmesen sehänef semf m an n ba ar n nef se ra
Amen mr Ramessu.

Right: identical with the last.

The name of the place in which these monu-
ments were set up was the temple of Horus
Pa hor, and the god of the temple was Horus,
lord of Mesen. The same form of Horus, the
winged disk of the sun, was worshipped at Edfu
under the name of Horbehud, and the inscrip-
tions on the temple at Edfu relate the history
of a war in which he drove out the enemies
of his father Harmachis from Egypt. These
rebels have the appearance in the sculptures of
Asiaties. According to the legend, Horbehud
and Harmachis, accompanied by other gods
in the bark of Rä, attacked and defeated them
four times in Upper Egypt. Driven thencethe
enemy fled eastward along the Pelusiac arm,
and only stopped when they reached the
heights afterwards called Tal. There the gods
found them, and Horbehud, assuming the form

These 40 inches would be sufficient to complete the
inseriptions on the sides, and therefore are the original
measurement. No portion, however, of the front face
remains.

° This title of Horus and the following one refer to his
birthplace, Chemmis, near Buto, and the marshes in which
he was hidden.

105

of a lion with the face οἵ a man and with its
claws like knives, @f πιὰ des, pursued them as
they fled into the desert, and slew many, and
took numerous prisoners. After this vietory
commemorative titles were given to the god,
and the place was named Tal and Khent abt.?
The gods then re-embarked, and sailed in
pursuit of part of the fugitives that had taken
to the water. They sailed upon the water of
Sqedi for several days, and then having reached
Ethiopia, attacked and routed the last remnant
of the enemy.

In this text the expression af mä& des evidently
refers to the same thing as m des @ of the
Qantarah inscription. The exact construction
of both of these expressions is dificult to see.
The general meaning is clear, and would suit a
hawk as well as a lion. From the shape of
the Ramesside pedestals it is clear that they
cannot have supported lions.. But this same
god was a lion, Tam m xent abt, the lion
watching over Egypt, good guardian of the
two lands, the protector of Egypt (Naville,
Mythe d’Horus, pl. ii.); the form is repre-
sented by the limestone lion that I found, and
is perhaps referred to in the epithet dem ἃ
of the second pedestal, which seems to be con-
trasted with the epithet neb mesen. The former
epithet is obscure, but might refer to the
gathered up, sheathed claws of the victorious
lion asleep, or resting, and watching at the
gate of Egypt. Warlike kings are compared
to this form of Horus.

102. This eity of Tal, which Thothmes III.
passed in his twenty-second year on his
way to Syria, was capital of the fourteenth
nome Xent ἀνέ (beginning of the East). The
determinative of its name, and the account
mentioning a hill in the Edfu texts, suggest
that it was in the desert on the edge of the
Delta. The waters of Sqedi leading to Ethiopia

would, moreover, suggest a communication with

® Mesen in this account is figured as a rectangular pedestal.
P

106

the Red Sea. All this points either to the region
of Wadi Tumilät or to that about Pelusium
as the situation of the nome. The former place
is, however, excluded by the discovery that
Pithom lay there, for neither space nor the
order of the nomes will allow the fourteenth
nome to be placed there as well.

But there are no such reasons against con-
cluding that the fourteenth nome was in the
distriet which I have been describing. Perhaps
the canal (?) of Sqedi had been successfully cut
through the rocks of El Gisr and to the Red
Sea, or perhaps the gods sailed up the Pelusiac
branch, and then turned into the ancient canal
cut by Sesostris in the Wadiı Tumilät.

But although we find a temple of the god
of Tal at Tell abu S&fe, we must not immediately
conclude that we have found the city of T’al
itself. The name Sile or Sella with which the
mound is now satisfactorily identified might
correspond to T’al. But if we turn to the
nome lists of Ptolemy, we find that the nome
occupying that part of the N.E. corner of Lower
Egypt which lay outside the Pelusiac branch
was called the Sethroite, and the capital of the
Sethroite nome was Heracleopolis. This city,
as we have seen (p. 103, note 2), lay at or near
Tell Belim, and cannot possibly have been Sile.
And the name suggests the worship of a god
victorious in many combats like Horus of
Mesen, and very likely it is Tal itself, for
there are ridges of sand leading up to Tel
Belim in conformity with the Edfou account.

T’al, determined with the sign of the desert
or hill country, was also the ancient name of
the half-desert district afterwards included in
the Sethroite nome. In it was a fortress,
Paxetm n Tal or Paxetm u nti m Tal, “ the fort of
T’al” or “ which isin T’al,” frequently men-
tioned in the inscriptions and papyri of the
nineteenth dynasty, and the history of this fort
agrees exactly with the remains at Tel abu S£fe.
It is first mentioned in a campaign of the first
year of Seti I. against the Shasu, in which he

QANTARAH.

drove them out of a’ number of fortresses,
extending from this frontier fortress of Egypt
to the fort of Kanana. It is clear from the
context that the fort existed before that time.
It is also mentioned in inscriptions and papyri
of the time of Rameses II. and Merenptah,
but certainly not after the nineteenth dynasty.

The sculptures at Karnak representing the
triumphal return of Seti show Paxetm n Tal as
a large fort built on both sides of a fresh-water
canal, Ta denat, filled with crocodiles and
running northwards into a lake or sea filled
with fish (Menzaleh?). There is a bridge
across the canal, the larger part of the fort
lying at the W. end of the bridge. The canal
was cut perhaps between Lakes Balah and
Menzaleh, and the fort guarded the point where
the Syrian road crossed the canal and the
frontier. The importance of the place, as
lying on the isthmus between the lakes, and on
the shortest route from Syria, must have
engaged the attention of the monarchs of the
twelfth dynasty, who left so many monuments
in the east of the Delta. But nothing now can
be traced of their work or of that of succeeding
dynasties down to the Ptolemies, with the
exception of the stone monuments of the
magnificent Pharaohs, Seti I. and Rameses II.,
who founded and adorned a chapel to the hero-
god of Mesen. Under Merenptah it was a
station on the road from one part of his
dominions to another. For a long period after
the nineteenth dynasty it must have lain in
ruins.. The twenty-sixth dynasty no doubt
learned a lesson from the Assyrian invasion,
but with the growing importance of the naval
powers of the Mediterranean and of intercourse
with other countries by sea, it became of more
importance to the kings of this and following
dynasties to defend the sea coast, and river
mouth even than the land route.

Thus, instead of finding extensive works of
this period at Tel abu Söfe, we must look to
Pelusium as the strongly fortified “key of

CHAP. XIV.—QANTARAH.

Egypt,” and instead of the little fort at the
“ bridges,” we find a great camp established at
Defeneh, from which all points that needed
defence could be easily reinforced, while provi-
sions could be obtained in suflicient abundance.

When under the Ptolemies the place began
again to be inhabited, the ancient walls had
probably entirely disappeared, or if any founda-
tions remained they were cleared out for new
buildings. The settlement with its garrison
flourished throuch the Roman period, but there
is no trace of Arab occupation. If any Arab
bricks have existed there, they have been carried
off to Qantarah.

With regard to the extent of the nome of
Khent äbt, we have two points to help us in
fixing it. The Sethroite nome under the
Roman Empire lay on the E. of the Pelusiac
branch. The south-western end of Khent abt
lay perhaps between Defeneh and Menägi; at
the latter place the Pelusiac arm touched the
edge of the desert, and the nome goddess Uat
of the nineteenth nome appears.

103. In connection with this nome, however,
I must discuss one other place, and that is
Defeneh, and the inscription which Mr. Petrie
found there.

The sandstone monument upon which the in-
seription is cut has been a large stela. The
upper part is entirely destroyed, and the rest,
with the exception of the last six lines, is much
mutilated. The date and king’s name, with
which it undoubtedly began, are therefore lost.

1... . his Majesty ... .

2... . which is in Sais of ΝΘ...

3....16 was good. They said to his
Majesty ... .

5... „on this hill (Defeneh ?). His Majesty
Bald . ..

6. .΄. ᾿ ΒΟΙΘΊΘΙΒ ἢ...
had not ascended . . .

cycle of years. He

107

8... . rain of heaven... the 13th day
of Pharmouthi.

I TE RR ΡΝ ΤΟ ΠΕ" SONG:
reign lord

105% according to the
measure of

1l.... his Majesty. The heart of his
Majesty was pleased with it more than any-
thing. The soldiers began to adore his
Majesty.

12. (saying).... . thy spirits, O mighty king,
chief beloved of all the gods, a great marvel
took (?) place in thy reign.

13. such as had not been seen or heard of,
the heavens rained upon the mount of Punt,
rain being scanty in the fields of the south.

14... in this month in which the rainfall
took place at a time when rain was out of season
even in the north land,

15. thy mother Neith of the temple of Sais
came to thee to conduct to thee the Nile giving
life to thy soldiers.

16. The king made a great sacrifice and a
great offering to all the gods of this land, and
performed (the service of) giving life stability,
purity, and eternity.

17. His Majesty commanded to set up this
tablet of white bennu stone in the temple of
Khem, lord of... Coptos (Ὁ) of Khem (?)
making it stand there for ever!

There can be little doubt that the name of
Coptos has to be restored in the lastline. The
remains of the name show the legs and tail of
a hawk-like bird, therefore probably ti of Qebti.
The date of the stela is given roughly by the
prominent introduction of Sais and Neith. It
must belong to the period of the twenty-sixth
dynasty. The inscription is so fragmentary
that but little can be certainly made out of its
purport. No distinet reason appears for its
being found at Defeneh. The last lines mention
an extraordinary fall of rain in the Red Sea
distriet, the land of Punt. Perhaps it was in
commemoration of this that a copy of the stela,

P2

108

if not this stela itself, was set up at the repre-
sentative city of Coptos, which lay at the
entrance of the road to Punt. The fifteenth
line may refer to the opening of a canal at
Defeneh. Perhaps the completion and formal
“opening” of the palace and camp there was
the event chiefly intended to be recorded, while
the rainfall in the same month on the eastern
mountains was taken as a sign of the favour of
heaven upon the undertaking.
the stela would have been set up by Psam-
metichus I. This will agree with the trace
which Mr. Petrie thinks he discovered of the
name of Psemthek upon a fragment of the
stela.

The name of Daphn® may be compared to
one that is found in connection with the nome of
Tal. Ina geographical inscription at Phile (cf.
Ptolemaic block, Tanis II. pl. X.) Horus appears
as the chief god of the fourteenth nome in a city
called Bennut or Ta Bennut. This might well
stand for Daphn&. But Bennut seems to be the
capital of the nome, and the same as Tal, which
certainly was not the same as Daphn&. In the

1 The name Tal may be pronounced Zal.

On this view |
‚it from the Ha bennu of Heliopolis, it may

QANTARAH.

present state of our knowledge it is perhaps
impossible to settle absolutely the hieroglyphic
equivalent οὐ Defeneh, Daphne», Tahpanhes.
There are already several plausible identifica-
tions. But I will offer a further suggestion.
Bennu, “the phoenix,’” was the name of the
uw of the fourteenth nome, and it is quite
possible that there was a Ta ha pa benmu
Daphn® (“house of the phoenix”) in the
desert portion of the nome. To distinguish

„

sometimes have been called Ta ha pa bennu
her set, “ The house of the pheenix in the desert
Ta-hapanhes.’

The phoenix or bennu bird may possibly
have some connection with the black ibises
mentioned in Hdt. ἢ. 75, which met and de-
stroyed the yearly flight of winged serpents in
anarrow pass in the Arabian hills near Buto.
This Buto cannot be the well-known cityin the
ΝΥ. of the Delta, but must, if Herodotus’s
account have any truth in it, be the other seat
of the goddess at Neb&sheh, which may there-
fore be called the Eastern Buto, in the absence
of any other known classical name.

Since the above was printed I have received a notice of
the Qantarah inseription by M. Mowat, inserted in the
“ Bulletin Epigraphique” (vol. vi. 1886, pp. 243—247).

The learned author restores the text from the inscription
of “ Hieraconpolis” (meaning that of Manfalüt, see p. 98), and
quotes a diploma of Domitian (C. I. L. iüi. dipl. 14, p. 857),
which shows that the ala 1 Thracum Mauretana (of Qanta-
rah) was in the year 80 in Judxa, together with the
cohors 1 Aug. Preet. Lusit. of the Manfalüt inseription.
This proves satisfactorily that MAVRETANA there written
out in full is to be restored in the Qantarah inseription.
M. Mowat’s interpretation of the name of the ala differs
slightly from that given in Marquardt and Mommsen, whose
view of the meaning of such titles I had followed.

He draws the following conelusions with regard to the
history of thıe ala :

It was originally formed in Mauretania of auxiliaries
recruited in Thrace: thus at first it belonged to the army
of Africa.

It was then detached and despatched to Juda&a to co-
operate in the repression of the revolt of the Jews in the
year 70.

Later it is found in garrison at Alexandria, under Sep-
timius Severus. This authoritative interpretation of the
inseription mentioned in the note !on p. 98 must, I suppose,
be accepted as the true one.

Lastly, in a.o. 288, it was in garrison at Qantarah,

[As to the eitizen Lusitanian cohort, this is found again
at Hieraconpolis at the time of the compilation of the
Notitia. Hieraconpolis was certainly not far from Der
el Gebräwi and Manfalüt.]

F. Lr. G.

Mr. B. V. Head has kindly examined the coins which I picked up at Tell abu δέξο, They include a Ptolemaic coin,
146—122 2.c., another of Maximian, and two of the family of Constantine; with others- of earlier Roman emperors not
identifiable. An Arabie coin which was in the packet was, I believe, from one of the neighbouring sites. It seems probable
that the military station was given up soon after the Notitia was compiled.

SıouPom τι

[9 9)

22.

ῷῶ Οο Ὃ ou 1 αὶ ὦ Ια κὶ

CONTENTS

OF

SOME PLATES.

Pıate VI.

. Blue glazed pot.
. Alabaster pot.

. Bronze standard.
. Bronze bell.

. Pottery lamp.

. Bronze bowl.

Bone figure.

. Blue glazed flask.

(All above from House 100, 230 2.c.).
. Incised pottery.

. Figure suckling apes.

. Pottery sistrum-mould.

. Figure holding breasts.

. Incised pottery.

15. Iron pruning hooks.

. Small flask, pottery.

19. Pottery heads of animals.

. Disc of blue or of white paste.
. Unusual pottery figure.
. Piece of trachyte corn rubber.

Dark brown hard pottery bowl.

. Figure with vase at side.

PrAte VIII.

. Glass necklace of fourth century A.n.
. Blue glazed plaque with deities.

. Aegis of Bast, yellow on blue glaze.

. Silver ring with Horus of Am.

. Silver ring with gold foil bezel.

. Lotus in blue paste, hard.

. Amulet of green glaze; Kalantika ?

. Gold pendant.

. Man bearing a lamb, green glaze.

10—15. Gold foil amulets from one tomb.

18, 19. Gold earring and scarab from tomb 26.

20—28. Amulets, bead, and scarabs
together.

29—83. Various scarabs.

found

PLATEe XX.

1. One of the bronze sockets of the large shrine.

2. Lamp reflector.

3. Bronze Ptah.

3a. Hinges of shrine of Ptah.

3b. Capitals of shrine of Ptah.

4. Hind-quarters of animals from a stand;
bronze.

(1 to 4 from Gemayemi.)

5. Bronze pail and cover, twenty-sixth dynasty.

Tomb 16.

Pate XXIV.

. Limestone horseman.

. Pottery figure.

. Limestone figure.

Pottery figure.

. Whetstone with characters.

. Piece of early pottery.

7, 8. Heads of warriors in red pottery.
9—13. Pottery found in plain east of Kasr.

50 σι μὰ Φο τῷ τι

Pate ΧΧΧΥ͂Ι.

Seal of Psamtik I.

Seals of Nekan.

Seal of Psamtik 11.

. Seals of inspectors, on inner side.
. Seals of Aahmes.

newen

110
PrLATE XXXVII.

1, 2. Horses’ bits.
3. Trident.
4. Lance-head.
5, 5a, 6. Pieces of horses’ bits.
7. Sword.
S—11. Helmet peaks ἢ
12—16. Arrow-heads.
17. Large knife.
18. Swivel ring.
19, 19a, 19b. Scale armour.
20. Large knife.

PLATE XXXVII.

. Pickaxe.

. Chisel.

. Socket of chisel.

. Auger ?

. Bident.

. Large knife, chamber 19 a.

. Sail needle ? or netting needle.
Razor.

10. Cones of sheet iron, punched ; rasps.
. Chisel.

. Poker.

. Spring ?

14. Fish-hook.

15—20. Chisels.

21. Plough-iron.

22. Chisel.

23. Knife.

24. Axe.

Boom HH

“

ee μὶὶ
9 τὸ κὶ ὁ οὐ -ἢ ὦ σι

PLATE ΧΙ].

(Objects from Defenneh and neighbouring tells,
unless specified.)

1. Small gold finger ring.

2. Gold earring, hollow.

3—7. Gold earrings, solid.

8. Silver amulet case or shrine, with sliding lid
partly drawn up and pressed in, as when
found. Defenneh.

TELL DEFENNEH.

9. Gold statuette found in the shrine No. 8.

10. Gold handle of a tray, the long ends having
been bent at right angles beneath the tray :
the whole is cast, excepting the ribs of the
petals for holding the inlay, which are strips
soldered on. Found, evidently looted, along
with lumps of silver, in the camp on the east
ofthe Kasr. Defenneh.

11. Silver ram’s head, probably from a statuette
of Khnum. Camp, Defenneh.

12. Gold earring, open work of soldered globules.

13. Part of gold earring, trihedral pyramid of
soldered globules.

14. Gold bead of two pentagonal dises soldered
together.

15. Gold foil, thick ribbed ; from an earring ὃ

16. Gold [01], floret.

17. Gold bead, soldered globules.

18. Piece of gold chain, a pendant; probably a
glass bead lost from end.

19—23. Gold [01] ornaments.

24. Piece of gold chain with a band round each
link.

25. Piece of gold chain with pendant.

26. Gold symbolic eye; hollow, sheet, same both
sides, ribs soldered on.

27. Gold pendant, hollow, flat back.

28. Gold wire, square, twisted.

29. Gold setting of a gem.

30. Gold symbolic eye.

31. Dioptase in gold setting with row of globules.

32. Silver ring of a “ priest of Amen, Hon-Ra-ab-
nefer-neb-teshert ” (or “the slave of Psam-
tik II., lord of the red crown ”’).,

33. Silver bezel of ring of ““ Anch-hor-menkh-ab,
first priest of Tum’”” (?).

33a. Silver bezel of Teta-nub-hotep.

34. Silver bezel of ring of a ““servant of Neit,
Psamtik-se-Neit.”’

35. Silver bezel of ring of “ servant of Neit, Har-
em-heb.”

36.

CONTENTS OF SOME PLATES.

60.

Silver bezel of ring, engraved with winged
scarabzus.

. Silver ring with silver scarab.

. Star of lapis-lazuli.
. Lion-headed urzus of most delicate work.

Lapis-lazuli.

. Crystal of Iceland-spar (caleite),with cartouche

of ““ Ket’’ and “ nefrui’” on reverse.

. Part of bezel of violet glazed pottery.

. Part of a scarab of dark green paste, imitating

jasper.

43—54. Scarabs.

58.
59.

. Scarab of Sheshonk IV.

Scarab of Psamtik I. or Haa-ab-ra. Dark

green jasper.

. Scarab of Ra-nefer-ankh, fourteenth dynasty ?

Obsidian.

Scarab of Ra-men ; green jasper.

Scarab of Ra-ar ; green pottery. Twenty-
fourth or twenty-ffth dynasty ?

111

Scarab of Psamtik ; schist.

61—67. Scarabs.
68, 69. Scarabs of blue paste, probably made at

70.
71, 72. Eye plaque and Taurt.
73.
74.

75.
76.

IT.
18.
19.
80.

81.

Naukratis. 69 seems to have the winged
sphinx walking, found on such scarabs.
Combination of Khnum, Ptah-sokar, and hawk.
Chamber 2 or 8, Kasr.

Chamber 7, Kasr,
Defenneh.

Seal of green glazed ware.
Defenneh.

Block for a seal, damaged in drilline.
green, translucent, calecite.

Block for a seal; white caleite.
Bronze seal of Aahmes. Chamber 194, Kasr,

Chamber T, Kasr,

Pale

Defenneh.

Amber-coloured glass, stamped with eupid
on lion. Roman.

Baubo, clear light green glass. Roman.
Term, in clear dark blue glass. ᾿

Head of Anubis, stamped on clear green
glass. Roman.

Amber-coloured glass, stamped with cupid
driving goat. Roman.

ERRATA.

The arrival of the monuments from Nebesheh enables me
to correet some errors.

Pl. x. 5a, 6: The sign seps has disk and horms, and is
apparently lion-headed.

Pl.x. 5b. \ εἴ.
TR δ ον δα

Pl.x. 7. C£.p. 80, col. 1,line 3. Mr. Petrie has pointed
out to me that there is a bracelet on the arm of the statue:
it must, therefore, be of a goddess.

Pl. xi. 160. The mm of is joined to the tail of

ἅς. The name is (En) δ τῇ

Pl. xi. 164. The figure on the right is certainly of ἃ god.
The erasure suggests Set. There seems to be a εὐ behind
him.

Pl. xii. 18. The figures of the genii shoul« be represented
walking. F. L1.G.

Aahmes II.: deposits of...
name of
poliey of ...
seals of
bronze stamp of
temple of ...

Abu Sefe, Tell

Agonistie vase

Altar, Nebesheh

Am: fixed

name occuIS ...

(see Nebesheh).
Amenemhat II., altar
Amenhotep, (private) statue of
Amulets ... en
found on mummies ...

at Defenneh

Antoninus itinerary

Archaic stone figures

Armour scale ...

Arrowheads: bronze
iron ...

Basalt sarcophagi ...
statuettes

Beads: carnelian
glass ...
lapis lazuli
silver...
stones, various ...
pieces joined

Belim, Tell

Bellerophon and denen vaso

Bes vases

Boreas vase

Brick: burnt, ΗΕ
SIZES ...

Bronze arrowheads
figures, ὅσο,
smelted

INDEX.

. 108, 106
67

65
17.68
18, 47

un 99, 88, 58, 60, 95, 97, 99

77
80
τῇ

Bronze tools ...
Bucket of bronze

Cake stamp a his
Camps of Karians and Ionians
Captives, figures of (draughtsmen ?)
Cemeteries in Delta destroyed
Cemetery: Nebesheh

Defenneh
Cofäns, terra-cotta...
Coins

Column, in ae of a ae

Coral at Defenneh ...
Corn rubbers ...
Curves of weights ... ἐξ
Cylinders of Nebuchadrezzar
Cypriote tombs

characters

Dedamun Ξ
Defenneh: ΓΕ a
workers αὖ...

Kasr el Bint el Yahndi

history of
pavement at
removal of Greeks
names of
fort
camp nn
painted ei ἜΣ
plain pottery
pottery made there
gold work made there
bronze and iron smelted
archaic figures
stela of

Demotie inscriptions

Denudation :

Deposits in Delta ...

Dibgu, Tell

17,18, 50, 21

PAGE

τὸ
21
88
50

114

Dioeletian, inscription of
Dioptase at Defenneh
Drains

Deere

Drill cores

Egyptian words, spelling of ...
Eighteenth dynasty in Delta
Erased inseriptions... ”

Fadda, Tell

Fakus

Farama, Tell ...

Forks of bronze

Fort of Daphne

Foundations of buildings
first temple, Mebeeh
deposits at Defenneh

Gemaiyemi
Nebesheh
Gemaiyemi
enelosure ὁ
foundation es
history of

mosaie of glass
Glass beads, &e.
mosaics .
moulds and a
Glaze, thick ν IR
Gods: figures at N en
Defenneh ...
Gold work at Defenneh
Greek garrison at Daphne
pottery (see Vases)

Haa-ab-ra :
Habwe, Tell ...
Handle of tray, gold
Her, Tell.. Ela: τὸς
“ἘΠΕ ΣΙΝ N of Ἐν
Honeysuckle ornament, age .
Horn bracelets
Horus Zep xas xet .
neb Mesen >
Hosh tombs, Nebeslıeh ...
Houses, Nebesheh ...
Hyksos, government of ...

Ichneumon on scarabs of Psamtik II. .

Inscriptions of Defenneh
Qantara ...
Menagi ...
Nebesheh

INDEX.

10, 57, 60

28

27
. 107
97, 98, 103

Iron tools at Nebesheh
pruning-hooks
tools at Defenneh
weapons αὖ Defenneh
smelting at Defenneh ...
Ivory at Defenneh ...

Jar sealings το:
Jeremiah αὖ Tahpanhes ...
Jews fleeing to Tahpanhes
Hellenization of
tradition of, at ΤΡ ΤῊΣ
Joseph, position in Egypt

Kalantika, amulet ...
Kantara (see Qantara)
Kantir :

Karian troops at Doptme,
Kasr el Bint el Yehudi .
Ket (spirit) on rhomb ...
Khatanah be

Lakes, changes in ...
Lamp : tube type ...
reflector of
Latin inscription at Qantara ...
Levels of buildings, Defenneh
of ground
of water
Limestone sarcophagi

Magdolon
Menagi ...
Merenptah: en of. ne
(private) labı of
Migdol ὅς en
Models of vases in dere 08
in plaster, for a sculptor ...
Mosaics of glass
Moulds for glass
for cake be
Mummies with amulets ...

Naukratis pottery not found at Daphn&

work αὖ
Nebesheh : people of
appearance of
site of Am...
history
temples ee. τς
shrine...
temenos
wall

45

48, 51
47, 50, 52
73

45

.. 102, 103
„BR
...9, 81
12, 30

. 102, 103

Nebesheh: pylon ...
foundation Bose
altar
cemetery
town ...
plan
inseriptions...
stela

Nebuchadrezzar’s invasion

Nekau at Daphne ...

Nike on vase ...

Orientation of tombs

Pail of bronze
Pavement at Denen.
Pelusium τὸς
Pentagon, ineised ...
Pheenician characters
Venus, figures
Physical changes in Delta
Pilgrim bottle type
Plaster models, Gemaiyemi ...
Pottery of Defenneh
(see Vases).
inseribed ... ...
Psamtik I.: founds fort
deposits of...
jar sealings
stela of
Psamtik II.: sealings of
scarabs of
Ptolemaie house and coins

Qantara ... 360
monuments

Ra, statuette, gold ..
Ramessu 11. ἢ Πηλέα statue of τι
buildings by
statues
head of (9)
at Qantara
Ramessu III.: inscription
Ramesside tombs_...
Rasps

Saite tombs, &e.

Sand, denuded

Sarcophagi: basalt...
limestone ...

Scale armour, iron ...

INDEX.

PAGE
10

49
0, se 72
67

18

48, 59, 107
51, 72

27

25

96—98, 101
97

75
13

7,29

10

ων 30
97, 103
11, 29, 31
ie
78

Scarabs
Bealings of jars
Semaneh ...

Sethroite nome
Seti I. inscription ...
Seti II. inseription
Set-nekht A
Shell carving . ἐξ
Shrine of N obere
with glass mosaic
of Ptah, small
silver, with statuette

Sile . 5
a cases or mummy Bande
beads
rings

shrine-box
at Defenneh
Sink jars
Skull, thick BERN ἘΠ ΡΓῊ
Spear-heads: Oypriote ... ...
ae, BG oo on
Spelling of Egyptian words ...
Sphinxes, early =
Statuettes with name of Ne
Stone figures, archaic
of captives
objects
Swords

Tahpanhes (see er
Tal, eity ev Fe
Tanis, tablets of

Tat, double

Temenos walls

Temple: first, at Ne en

second

Tombs destroyed by ἘΠ ΤΠ

at Nebesheh

at Defenneh
Tools : bronze...

iron
Town plan «τ ἴδον
Tribute lists, nn er
Tridachna shell “

Uati: goddess of Am
festival inseription
statue of See
Usertesen III., statues of
Ushabti ... sy τονὲ
varied, found together
varieties described

11, 29, 31
BD
13

40

41

75

. 108, 106

10, 29

4952
. 105, 106

25,27, 78
25
92

72

20
"31-33, 36

116

Vases: painted
ages of το
Agonistie type ...
Asiatie style
Bellerophon type
black figured
Boreas type
Chimeera type ...
Nike type...
Panathenaie style
pseudamphore...

Water levels ...

INDEX.

PAGE
58, 61
59, 63, 68—71

5, 6,11, 12

Weights of Naukratis ...
of Nebesheh. ...
of Defenneh ...
changes in
curves of

archetypes of ...

varlations of ...

derivation of ...

sets of
Whetstones

Zuwelen ...

ee TE ET DE WERE SE Te ΞΟ Het Ὁ"
GILBERT & RIVINGTON LD., ST. JOHN’S HOUSE, CLERKENWELL ROAD, E.C,

1:4 NEBESHEH. FUNEREAL OBJECTS XX-XXV DYNASTY. PL. 1.

Haren
M h
Na, ἐπ

Bröcks,.

Alabaster

Ze

\
labaster

——

Σινα ne herleiten lan. ss WM.F.P. di.

N.

Terracotta Limeslone Terracofta Sandstone Terracolla Limeslöne Terracotta

The numbers refer ἐκ με lombs. Re

ξ

MAR Be Re PRLOTEITOMBS VI-VCENT BE ΒΕ

Tom bs Hard

wethoub lines Temcb 26.

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se ß - £ WER
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123

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hidden ey water

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% welt

: ar 4955».
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N
plagues bencath βοτίετῳ e ,
=

Ὶ
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The numbers γε εν

ΠΕ SHE HT ΒΊΑΝ

OF FOUNDARONZEE POSITSE

PEN

Number vefer ἐσ bottom of PI.XIX,

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corner

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Buctding

un emelery.

W. cenlral Deposil

3
34 We ER hlaguas
ΟΝ DD je

SE.Deposil

Ring wa.

ἐσ ῥέειν.

er. ΒΕ Ss HERE PL. VI

From house 00 in Temanos,. About 230 B.c.

Er EER EI BYZ Υ

a, 2223.»
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MWM.F.P. del.

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OR
green.

# fr
AT N ET un hie Ν he ε
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Yamı black en os black

on black stur ει

5... : ἡ ππππὶ ἡ, | ii en
WEN, ner >

Sex Scaralbs Amulets, | Bead, Found. Bye Eher.

do Φ ὃ Θ

Searabs from Tanis.

W.M.F. Ῥ. eLel.

a
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BEBESHEH, PL.IX

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DEFENNEH. FOUNDATION DEPOSITS OFKASR.PSAMTIK I. XXVIDYN. PLAXIL

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CARNELIAN GREEN FELSPAR

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N.W N.E

᾿ς ZEINZ 2 |
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Level 187
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S.W- Deposit pragqwes. leval 177

es erbed and lose.

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DET ENNIEH

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PLXXIV.

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The a numbers are Opposilz sides of others.

1:3 DEFENNEH.KASR. PL.XRVII

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1:500 EL KASRTEIEBINT EL YVEHUDEZDEFENNER PL. XLIV.
(The Palace of the Jew’s Daughter, Tahpanhes.)

Section.

Ber en

Ζ3

- TLE

Successive Periods

of B weldung.

0
ζζῷϑϑ

an

en
77

- Er relalion
G

ἐδ others; but of Psam tk), mostly.
W.MFP. dal.

PL. XLV

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W.M.F.P. del.

DEFENDER. TY PES OF WERSSHTS: PREV

ΠΝ,
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113

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