Skip to main content

Full text of "Africa and the Discovery of America"

See other formats


This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 

to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 

publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 
We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for in forming people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http: //books .google .com/I 

3 2044 106 387 /49 

I '7' 

'-r^J ] 

Rec'd May 29,1940 










COPTRIGHT, 1922, BY InNBS ft S0N8 














. IX-X 




. 28-86 


. 67-82 


. 86-98 



INDIANS 186-160 


. 180-200 


. 203-228 


. 237-248 







Three Tsrpes of American Cotton, 3 plates 32 

Mexican Lord with YeteotnnaUt 2 plates 42 

Christian Element in Codke Mariano Jimenez, 2 plates 46 

Cotton in Mexican Tribute Lists, 2 plates 52 

Stratification of Guano in Chincha Island 60 

Peruvian Mummy Packs, 2 plates 70 

Ancon Graves, 2 plates 72 

Peanuts in Ancon Graves 74 

Alchemist's Distilling Cap 90 

Ancient Pipes, 2 plates 92 

Mastaria on American Pipes, 2 plates 144 

Stockades and Mounds in Africa and America, 3 plates 176 

Indian Fumigations 176 

Indian Beads, 2 plates 254 

Peruvian Beads 266 


In the present volume I muster the information 
accessible as to the presence in America of tobacco, 
cotton, and shell-money, previous to the so-called dis- 
covery of America by Columbus. I have not know- 
ingly omitted any statement made by an early writer, 
whether in favor of my argument or against it, but the 
mass of material that had to be waded through was so 
great, that I may have overlooked some passages. 
The accumulated evidence is overwhelmingly in favor 
of an introduction of the articles under discussion from 
Africa, by European and Negro traders, decades earlier 
than 1492. Unfortunately certain archaeologists in- 
sist upon denying all but the archaeological evidence 
and shower upon an objective investigator a veritable 
deluge of abuse. Upon these I shall urge the admirable 
concluding words of J. Batalha-Reis in an article 
entitled The Supposed Discovery of South America before 
1448 J and the Critical Methods of the Historians of Geo- 
graphical Discovery: ** The greater probability is, there- 
fore, in my opinion, in favour of the supposition that 
the north-east comer of South America had been seen 
on or before 1448, although this cannot be affirmed 
with the same historical certainty with which we can 
affirm that, in 1492, Columbus landed on some of the 

^^It appears to me (if I dare express my whole feeling 
on the subject) that to answer questions like this with 
an unconditional affirmative or a rigid negative, is not 
to realize, in all their true conditions, historical prob- 
lems — not to realize, in fact, what real life is, and how 
history ought to be studied and written. 


''Almost all the historians of geographical discov- 
eries consider it their absolute duty to arrive at a 
radical conclusion in the study of problematical ques- 
tions, answering with a yea what only deserves a 
perhaps, or, more frequently, dismissing with a no what 
ought to be held as probable.''^ 

Wherever I have occasion, in this volume, to censure 
the archaeologists I have in mind the vociferous 
Philistines who conspicuously pretend to talk for all 
the archaeologists, and not the fairminded scholars of 
the profession, the lineal descendants of Bandelier, 
Squier, Davis, Cyrus Thomas, Holmes, and many 
more, but who unfortunately have been conspicuously 
silent and so cannot be quoted, reverently or otherwise. 
The vast amount of new matter that has turned up 
since I began this investigation compels me to relegate 
the conclusive proof of Mandingo influence upon pre- 
Columbian America through its fetishism to a third 
volume. I take this occasion of thanking Mr. John 
B. Stetson, Jr. for communicating to me from time to 
time important points bearing on my subject, as they 
occurred to him in his wide and judicious readings of 
early authors on South America. 

The Author. 

* In The Geographical Journal, London 1897, vol. IX, p. 210. 


Aoosta, J. de Historia natural y moral de las Indias, vol. I, 

Madrid 1894. 
Alvares d'Almada, A. Tratado breve dos Hob de Guine' do Cabo-Verde, 

ed. by D. Kdpke, Porto 1841. 
American Anthropologist, The, vol. XXIII. 

Andagoya, P. de 

Arriaga, P. J. de 

karrative of the Proceedings of Pedrarias Davila, 
trans, and ed. by C. R. Markham (The Hakluyt 
Society), London 1865. 

Extirpadon de la idolatria del Pir6, Buenos 
Aires 1910. 


Oneirocritica, Lutetiae 1603. 


Artemidori Daldiani & 
Achmetis Sereimi F. 


Atti della Societli Ligure di Storia Patria, vol. IV, Genoa 1866. 

Avezac, A. d' Brcdf r6cit et sucdncte narration de la navigation 

faite en MDXXXV et MDXXXVI par le 
capitaine Jacques Cartier aus ties de Canada, 
Hochelaga, Saguenay et autres, Paris 1863. 

Avicenna. See Ibn-Slnft. 

Baessler, A. 

Baldelli-Boni, G. B. 
Bandolier, A. F. 

Barbosa, Duarte 

Barbot, J. 
Barr^, N. 

Batalha-Reis, J. 

Baxter, J. P. 
Beauchamp, W. M. 

Belon du Mans, P. 

Peruanische Mumien, Untersuchungen mit X- 

Strahlen, Berlin 1906. 
II Milione di Marco Polo, vols. I, II, Firenze 1827. 
The Journey of Alvar Nufies Cabeza de Vaca, 

New York 1905. 
CoUeccSo de noticias para a historia e geografia 

das na^des ultramarinas, vol. II, Ldsboa 1867. 
See Churchill, vol. V. 
Copie de qudques letres sur la navigation du 

chevallier de l^egaignon es terres de T Am^rique 

oultre rAequinoctial, iusques soulz le tropique 

de Capricome, Paris 1558. 
The Supposed Discovery of South America before 

1448, and the Critical Methods of the Historians 

of Greographical Discovery, in The Geographicad 

Journal, vol. IX, London 1897. 
A Memoir of Jacques Cartier, Sieur de Limoilou, 

New York 1906. 
Wampum and Shell Artides Used by the New York 

Indians, in Bulletin of the New York State 

Museum, No. 41, vol. 8. 
Les observations de plusieurs dngularitez & choses 

memorables, trouvto en Grece, Asie, Jud^, 

Egypte, Arable, & autres pays estranges, 

Paris 1555. 


Bentley, W. H. 

Benton, P. A. 

Berthelot, M. 

Beverley, R. 

Binger, G. 
Bledc, W. H. J. 

Bloclunann, H. 
Boban, E. 

Dictionary and Grammar of the Kongo Language, 

London 1887, 1895. 
Notes on some Languagee of the Western Sudan, 

London, New York 1912. 
Collection des anciens alchimistes grecs, vols. II, 

III, Paris 1888. 
The Histonr and Present SUte of Virginia, Book 

III, London 1705. 
Du Niger au Golfe de Guin^, voL II, Paris 1892. 
The Languages of Mosambique, London 1856. 

Xm 1 Akban, in Blbliotheca Indica, published by 
the Asiatic Society of Bengal, new series. No. 
Documents pour servir k Thistoire du Mezique, 
Catalogue raisonn^ de la collection E. Eui^ne 
Goupil, Paris 1891. 
Boletim do conselho ultramarine, Legisla^ antiga, vol. I, Lisboa 1867. 
Bosman, W. A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of 

Guinea, London 1721. 
Bostock, J. and The Natural History of Pliny, London 1855. 

Rilcor, H. T. 
Botamcal Gaiette, vol. LXI. 
Botanisches Centnilblatt, voL III. 

Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee, 

London 1819. 
Ueber die antiken Namen und die geographische 
Verbreitunff der BaumwoUe im Alterthum, in 5, 
Jahresbericht des Vereins von Freunden der 
Erdkunde m Leipzig, 1866. 
Dictionaire caraibeHfrancais, Leipsig 1892. 
Histoiy of the State of New York, vol. I, New 

York 1853. 
Admiranda narratis fida tamen, de conunodis et 
incolarum ritibus Virginiae, Francofurti ad 
Moenum 1590. 
Dictionnaire Idkongo-fran^ais, francaiEkkikongo, 
Roulers [1909]. 

Bowdich, T. E. 
Brandss, H. 

Breton, R. P. R. 
Brodhead, J. R. 

Bry, Th. de 

Butaye, R. 

Camerarius, J. 
CandoUe, A. de 

De plantis epytome utilissima, Francofurti ad 

Moenum 1586. 
Origine des pUmtes cultivte, Paris 1883. 
Origin of Cultivated Plants, New York 1885. 
Cartier, J. See Avesac. 

Catholic Historical Review, The, vol VI, (April 1920). 
Cavazzi, A. Istorica descrizione de' tre' regni, Congo, Matamba, 

et Angola, Bologna 1687. 
Champlain, J. de See Laverdike. 

Chavannes, E. Documents sur les Tou-Kiue (Turcs) ocddentauz, 

St. P^tersbourg 1903. 
Cherbonneau, M. A. Definition lezicographiaue de plusieurs mots usit^ 

dans le lai^^age de 1 Afrique septentrionale, in 
Journal Asiatique, IV. ser., voL AlII. 



Christopher, W. 

Churchill, J. 
Cobo, P. B. 

Vocabulary of the Maldivian Language, in The 
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Socie^ of Great 
Britain and Ireland, vol VI (1841). 
A Collection of Voyages and TravcOs, vols. I, V, 

London 1704, 1732. 
Historia del Nuevo Mundo, vols. II, IV, SeviUa 

Colecci6n de documentos in^tos del archivo de Indias, vol. II. 
Colecci6n de documentos in^toe, para la historia de Espafia, vol. V, 

Madrid 1844. 
Coleoci6n de documentos in^tos, relativos al descubrimiento, conquista 
y organizaci6n de las antiguas posesiones espafiolas de America y Oceania, 
vol XIV. 1. ser., Madrid 1870. 
Colecci6n de doctimentos in^toe, relativos al descubrimiento, conquista 
y organizad6n de las antiguas posesiones espafiolas de Ultramar, vol. V, 
2. ser., Madrid 1890. 
Colecci6n de libros y documentos referentee & la historia del Per6, vol. Ill, 
Lima 1916. 

Histoire, g^graphie, statistique du tabac, 

Naples 1900. 
A Study of Diversity in Egyptian Cotton, in U. S. 
Dept. of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, 
Washington 1909, Bulletin No. 156. 
Memories do Ultramar, '^agens, ezplora$des, e 
conquistas dos Portugueses, part 2(of 1574-1620), 
Da Mina ao Cabo Negro, part 5 (of 1607), 
Estabelecimentos e reM:ates Portugueses na costa 
occidental de Africa, Lisboa 1881. 
Ensaio de dicdonario lambtodu-portuguez, Lisboa 

See Gayangos and MacNutt. 
A Dictionarie of the French and English Tongues, 

London 1632. 
The Popular Relinon and Folk-Lore of Northern 
India, vol. I, Westminster 1896. 


Documentos in^tos del siglo XVI, para la 
historia de M^co, M^co 1914. 
Curtis's Botanical Magazine, No. 8006. 

Comes, O. 

Cook, McLachlan and 

Cordeiro, L. 

Corddro da Matta, J. 

Cortes, H. 
Cotgrave, R. 

Crooke, W. 

Cuevas, M. 

Dames, M. L. 
Dapper, O. 

Daumas, E. 
Defr^mery, C. and 

Sanguinetti, B. R. 
Delafoese, M. 

The Book of Duarte Barbosa (The Hakluyt 

Society), vol. I, London 1918. 
Naukeurige Beschrijvinge der Afrikaensche Ge- 

westen van Egypten, Barbaryen, Lybien, Bile- 

dulgerid, Negroslant, Guinea, Ethiopia, Abys- 

sinie, Amsterdam 1676. 
Le Sahara alg6rien, Paris 1845. 
Voyages dlbn Batoutah, vol. IV, Paris 1879. 

Manuel dahom^n, Paris 1894. 

Sur des traces probables de dviliaation ^^pt- 
ienne et d'hommes de race blanche k la Cdte 
d'lvoire, in L'Anthropologie, vol. XI, Paris 1900. 


Dicdonnaiie francais-fiote, dialecte du Kakongo, Paris 1890. 


Doutt6, E. Magie et religion dans TAfrique du Nord, Algor 

Ducange. GloaBarium mediae et infimae latinitatis, ed. by 

Leopold Favre, Niort 1883-87. 

Elliott, W. A. 

Engler, E. 

Notes for a Sindebele Dictionary and Grammar, 

Bristol [19—]. 
Die Pflanzenwelt Ost-Afrikas und der Nachbar- 

sebiete, Th. B., Berlin 1895. 
Ueber floristische Verwandtschaft zwischen dem 
tropiBdien Afrika und Amerika, in Sitsungs- 
benchte der Kdniglichen Preuasischen Akadmnie 
der Wiasenschaften, Berlin 1905. 
Escalona y Agtiero, G. de Gazophilatium regium perubicum, parte II, lib. II, 

Matriti 1675. 
Extracts from a work called Breeden Raedt aen de vereenighde Neder- 
landsche Provitien, printed in Antwerp in 1649, translated from the 
Dutch original by Mr. C, in E. B. O'Callaghan's The Documentary 
History of the State of New York, vol. IV, Albany 1851. 

Falgairolle, Ed. 
Focke, W. O. 
Poster, W. 

FOrst, J. 

Jean Nicot, Ambassadeur de France en Portugal 

au XVI« si^le, Paris 1897. 
Die Pflansen-Mischlinge, dn Beitrag zur Biologic 

der Gewftchse, Berlin 1881. 
The English Factories in India, 1618-21, 1622-23, 

1624-29, 1630-33, 1634-36, 1637-41, A Calendar 

of Documents in the India Office, British 

Museum and Public Record Office, Oxford 

Hebrftisches und chaldftisches HandwOrterbuch, 

Leipzig 1876. 

Garcia Icazbalceta, J. 

Garcilasso de la Vega. 
Gayangos, P. de 

Gazetteer of the Bombay 
Giacosa, P. 
G6mara, F. L6pez de 

Gonz&lez de la Rosa. 

Bibliograffa mezicana del siglo XVI, vol. I, 

M^oo 1886. 
Colecci6n de documentos para la lustoria de 

M^co, vols. I, II, M^oo 1858-66. 
Monoriales de Fray Toribio de Motolinia, M6jico 

Historia general del Peru, Cordova 1617. 
Cartas y relaciones de Heman Cort^ al Emperador 

Carlos V, Paris 1866. 
Presidency, vols. VI, XI. 
Magistri Salemitani, Torino 1901. 
Conqulsta de M6jico, vol. 11^ Barcelona 1887-88. 
La historia general delas Indias, Anvers 1554. 
Estudio de las antiguedades peruanas halladas 

bajo el huano. in Kevista Hist6rica, 6rgano del 

Instituto Historico del Peril, vol. Ill, Lima 1908. 



Granada, D. 

Gray, A. and 

Bell, H. C. P. 
GrQnbaum, M. 

Guernsey, S. J. and 
Kiddv, A. V. 

Guerreiro, F. 

Vocabulario rioplatense rasonado, Montevideo 

The Voyage of Fran^ok Pyrard (The Haklusrt 

Society), vols. I, II*, London 1887-90. 
Neue Beitrftge zur semitischen Sagenkunde, Leiden 

Basket-Maker Caves of Northeastern Arizona, 

Report on the Explorations. 1916-17, in Papers 

of the Peabody Museum of American Arcnae- 

ol<My and Ethnology, Harvard University, vol. 

VIII, No. 2. 
Rela^am annal das cousas que fizeram os padres 

da Ck>mpanhia de Jesus, nas partes da India 

Oriental, Lisboa 1611. 

Haller, A. de 
Hetmreich, G. 

Henning, G. 

Henslow, G. 

Hem&ndez, F. 

Herrera, A. de 

Heyd, W. 
Hiem, W. P. 

Hirth, F. and 
Rockhill, W. W. 

Hohnes, W. H. 

Homburger, L. 

Hort, A. 

Houdas, 0. 

Artis medicae prindpes, vol. XI, Lausannae 1774. 
Marcelli de medicamentis, lipsiae 1889. 
Scribonii Largi compositiones, Lipsiae 1887. 
Samuel Braun, der erste deutsche wissenschaft- 

liche Afrikfureisende, Beitrag zur Erforschungs- 

geschichte von Westafrika, Basel 1900. 
Medical Works of the Fourteenth Century, 

London 1899. 
Nova plantarum, animalium et mineralium mex- 

icanorum historia, Romae 1651. 

Descripci6n de las Indias occidentales, Decada I, 
Ubro III. 

Geschichte des Levantehandels im Mittelalter, 
vol. II, Stuttgart 1879. 

Histoire du commerce, etc., vol. II, Leipziff 1886. 

Catalogue of the African Plants Collected by Dr. 
Friedrich Welwitsch in 1853-61, vol. I, London 

Chau Ju-Kua: His Work on the Chinese and 
Arab Trade in the twelfth and thirteenth Cen- 
turies, entitled Chu-fan-chI, St. Petersburg 1911. 

Aborijnnal Pottery of the Eastern United States, 
in Twentieth Annual Report of the Bureau of 
American Ethnology to the Secretary of the 
Smithsonian Institution, 1898-99, Washington 

Textile Fabrics of Ancient Peru, in Smithsonian 
Institution, Bureau of Ethnology, Washington 

Etude sur la phon^ique historique du Bantou, in 

Biblioth^ue de r£cole des hautes ^udes, Paris 

Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants and Minor 

Works on Odours and Weather Signs, vol. I, 

London, New York 1916. 
Histoire de la dynastie Saadienne au Maroc, 

(1511-1670), Paris 1889. 


Htlmmerich, F. 

HutchiiiBon, M. 

Qudlen und Unterauchungen sur Fsbrt der enten 
Deutachen nach dem portugieBischen Indien, 
1505-6, in Abhandlungen der Kgl. Bayerisehen 
AkadOTiie der Wiasenschaften, philoeophlach- 
phOologische und historische Klnone, vol. XXX, 
part 3. 

See Lopes. 

Ibn-al-Awam. Le livre de Tagriculture d'Ibn-al-Awam, trans. 

and ed. by J.-J. Clteent-Mullet, vol. II, Paris 
Ibn-Slnft. Avicennae Liber Canonis, Venetiis 1582. 

Informes sobre la ezistenda de huano en las Islas de Chincha presentados 
por la comision nombrada por el Gobiemo peruano, con los pianos levan- 
tados por la misma comision, Lima 1854. 

Jeres, F. de y 
Sancho, P. 

Jim6neB de la 
Espada, M. 
Jobson, R. 

Johnson, Th. 

Josephus Flavins. 
Journal of the Royal 

vol XX. 
Jully, A. 

Las relaciones de la conquista dd Per6, in Ck>l6e- 
ci6n de libros y documentos referentes & la 
historia del PerO, voL V, Lima 1917. 

Relaciones geogr4ficas de Indias, vols. I, III, IV, 
Madrid 1881-97. 

The Golden Trade: or, A discouery of the Riuer 
Gambra, and the Golden Trade of the Aethio- 
pians, London 1623. 

The Workes of that famous Chirurgian Ambrose 
Pare^, London 1634. 

Antiquitates Judaicae. 
Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, The, 

Manuel des dialectes malgaches, Paris 1901. 

Kidder, A. V. and 
Guernsey, S. J. 

King, L. W. 

_ iborough, £. 
Knust, H. 

Krapf , J. L. 

KQhn, D. 

Archeoloffical Eroloradons in Northeastern Ari- 
zona, In Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of 
American Ethnology, Washington 1919, Bulletin 

An Early Mention of Cotton: The Cultivation of 
Gossypium Arboreum, or Tree-Cotton, in Assyria 
in the Seventh Century B. C, in Proceedings of 
the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. XaXI. 

Antiquities m Mexico, London 1830. 

El libro de Marco Polo, ed. by R. Stuebe, Leipzig 

A Dictionary of the Suahili Language, London 

Medicorum mecorum opera, vol. II, Lipsiae 1830. 

Plantae Pechuelianae Hereroenses, in Jahrbuch 
des KOniglichen Botanischen Gartens (1886), 
Berlin 1886. 

Revisio generum plantarum, pars II. 



Labat, J.-B. 

Lagarde, P. de 

Lamer, H. 

Lane, E. W. 

Lane-Poole, S. 
Laufer, B. 

Laverdi^re, C. H. 
Lederc, L. 

Le6n, N. 

Ldry, J. de 

Lescarbot, M. 
Letters Received by the 
vol. I, London 1896. 
Levy, E. 

Liebaut, J. 

Lippmann, E. von 

Littmann, E. 

Lopez, Dnarte 

NouveUe relation de TAfrique occidentale, Paris 

(Petri Hispani) de lini^ua arabica libri duo, 

Gottingae 1883. 
Das Rauchen im Altertume, in Jahresberichte des 

philologischen Vereins, vol. XLIV. 
An Account of the Manners and Customs of the 

Modem Egyptians, vol. II, London 1871. 
Coins and Medals, London 1894. 
The Beginnings of Porcelain in China, in Field 

Museiun of Natural History, Publication 192 

(Anthropological ser.), vol. XV, No. 2. 
Oeuvres de Champlain, Quebec 1870. 
Traits des simples par Ibn El-Belthar, in Notices 

et extraits des manuscrits de la Biblioth^ue 

Nationale, vols. XXV, XXVI. 
C6dice Mariano Jimenez, N6mina de tributos de 

los pueblos Otlazpan y Tepexic en gerogHfico 

Azteca y lenguas Castellana y Nahuatl, 1549, 

Mexico [1904]. 
Cuatro libros de la naturaleza, extracto de las 

obras del Dr. Francisco Hem&ndez, Morelia 

Studies on the Archaeology of Michoacan (Mexico), 

in Smithsonian Report, 1886, Washington 1889. 
Histoire d'un voyage faict en la terre du Br^il, 

vol. I, Paris 1880. 
Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, vol. Ill, Paris 1866. 
East India Company from its Servants in the Eaat, 

Provenzalisches Supplement-Wdrterbuch, Leipzig 

L'agriculture et maison rustique de M. Charles 

Estienne docteur en medecine, Paris 1570. 
Der Leidener und Stockholmer Papyrus, in Ent- 

stehung und Ausbreitung der Aichemie, Berlin 

Bibliotheca abessinica: The Legend of the Queen 

of Sheba in the Tradition of Axum, Leyden, 

Princeton, N. J. 1904. 
A Report of the Kingdom of Congo and of the 

Surrounding Countries; drawn out of the 

Writings and Discourses of the Portuguese. 

Duarte Lopez, by Filippo Pigafetta, trans, ana 

ed. by M. Hutdiinson, London 1881. 

MacDougal, D. T. 

MacNutt, F. A. 
Madan, A. C. 

The Reactions of Plants to New Habitats, in 

Ecology, vol. II (1921). 
Letters of Cortes, vol. I, New York 1908. 
Lala-Lamba-Wisa and English, English and Lala- 

Lamba-Wisa Dictionary, OidoTd 1913. 
Swahili-English Dictionary, Oxford 1903. 


Malgaigne, J.-F. 
Marees, P. de 


Marin, C. A. 
Markham, C. R. 


Matthiolus, P. A. 
Means, P. A. 

Mendieta, G. de 
Middendorf, E. W. 
Monardes, N. 

Moore, C. B. 

Moore, F. 

MoraeB 6 Silva, A. de 
Motolinia, Fray Toribio 

Oeuvres completes d'Ambroise Par^, voL II, 

Paris 1840. 
Beschryvin^he ende historische verhael van het 

gout koninekrijck van Gunea, 's-Gravenhage 

La producci6n de al8:od6n en el Perdi, in Boletin 

del Ministerio de Fomento, primer trimestre de 

1916, Lima 1916. 
Storia civile e politica del commercio de' Venesdani, 

vol. V, Vin^ 1800. 
The Incas of Peru, New York 1910. 
The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon (The 

Hakluyt Society), London 1864. 
Les prairies d'or, ei. by C. B. de Meynard and P. 

de Courteille, Paris 1861-77. 
Commentarii in sex libros Pedacii Dioscoridis 

Anazarbei de medica materia, Venetiis 1565. 
A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art, in Transactions 

of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 

vol. XXI. 
Historia eclesifistica Indiana, Mexico 1870. 
Das Muchik oder die Chimu-iSprache, Leipag 1892. 
Joyfull Newes Out of the New-found Worlde, 

London 1596. 
Antiquities of the St. Francis, White, and Black 

Rivers^ Arkansas, Philadelphia 1910. 
Travels into the Inland Parts of Africa, London 

Dicdonario da lingua portugueza, Lisboa 1877-78. 
See Garcia Icazbalceta. 

Nieuwenhuis, A. W. 

Novisima recopilacion. 

Kunstperlen und ihre kulturelle Bedeutung, in 
Internationales Archiv ftir Etlmographie, vol. 
XVI (1904). 

Ogilby, J. 

Orozco y Berra, M, 
Oviedo, G. F. de 

Africa: Being an accurate Description of the 
Rcsions of Aegypt, Barbary, Lybia, and Bille- 
duQ^erid, the Land of N^roes, Guinee, Aethio- 
pia, and the Abyssines, London 1670. 

Historia antigua y de la conquista de M^co, 
M^co 1880. 

Historia general y natural de las Indias, vols. I, 
II, III, IV, Madrid 1851-55. 

Sumario dela natural y general istoria delas Indias, 
Toledo 1526. 

Pacheco Pereira, D. 

Par6, A. 
Parkinson, J. 

Esmeraldo de situ orbis, in Boletim da Sociedade 
de Geographia de Lisboa, 22* ser., Lisboa 1904. 
See Mal^igne and Johnson. 
Paradisi m Sole Paradisus Terrestris, London 1904. 



Pauthier, G. 
Pearce» F. B. 

Pefiafiel, A. 

Pizarro, P. 

Pob^sruin, H. 
Polo, Marco 
Pomar, J. B. y 
Zurita, A. de 

Le livre de Marco Polo, 2 vols., Paris 1865. 
Zanzibar, the Island Metropolis of Eastern Africa, 

London 1920. 
MonumentoB del arte mexicano antiguo, Berlin 

Vita ApoUonii. 
Descubrimiento y conquista del Peril, in Colecci6n 

de libros y documentoe referentes & la historia 

del Peril, vol. VI, Lima 1917. 
Historia Naturalis. See Boetock. 
De Iside et Osiride. 
Cdte occidentale d'Afrique, Paris 1906. 

See Baldelli-Boni, Knust, Pauthier and Yule. 
Relaci6n de Tezcoco, in Nueva colecci6n de docu- 
mentoe para la Mstoria de M^co, vol. Ill, 
M^co 1891. 

Portusaliae monumenta historica, vol. I, Olisipone 1856. 
Primera parte de las notidas historiales de las conquistas de Tierra Firme 

en las Indias, [Cuenca 16271. 
Purchas, S. Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes, 

vol. VI, Glasgow 1905. 
Pyrard, F. See Gray. 

Raccolta di documenti e studi pubblicati dalla R. Ck>mmissione Colombiana, 
part I, yob. I, II, Roma 1892-96. 

Ramos i Duarte, F. 
Ramusio, G. B. 
Rayenstein, £. G. 

Reber, B. 

Recchi^. A. 
Reiss, W. and 

Stttbel, A. 
Renzi, S. de 

Dicdonario de Mejicanismos, M6jico 1895. 
Delle nayigationi et yiac^, yol. I, Venetia 1588. 
The Strange Adyentures of Andrew Battell of 

Leigh, in Angola and the Adjoining Regions 

(The Hakluyt Society), London 1901. 
Les pipes antiques de la Suisse, in Anzeiger fttr 

schweizerische Altertumskunde, N. F., yols. 

See Hem&ndez. 
The Necropolis of Ancon, yol. I, Berlin 1880-87. 

CoUectio Salemitana, yols. I, II, III, V, Napoli 

Reyista de Archiyos, Bibliotecas y Museos, yol. XXVII, Madrid 1913. 
Reyista do Instituto historico e geographico de SSo Paulo, yol. III. 

Ritter, K. 

Robertson, W. G. 

Rolland, E. 
Roth, H. L. 

Ueber die geographische Verbreitung^ der Baum- 
wolle una ihr Verhftltnis zur Industrie der V5lker 
alter und neuer Zeit, in Abhandlungen der Kgl. 
Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1851. 

An Introductory Handbook to the Language of 
the Bemba-People, London 1904. 

Faune populaire de la France, yol. Ill, Paris 1881. 

Great Benin, its Customs, Art, and Horrors, 
Halifax 1903. 


Rouffaer, G. P. 

Waar kwamen de raadselachtige Moetisalah's 
(Aggri-Kralen) in de Timor-groep oorspronkcdijk 
van daan?, in Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en 
Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indii, vol. VI, 
's-Gravenhage 1899. 

Sagard-Th^dat, F. G. 

Sahagun, B. de 

Schoff, W. H. 

Schulze, F. 

Schweinfurth, G. 
Seler, £. 

Serrano y Sanz, M. 

Smith, B. 

Smith, H. I. 

Soares de Sousa, G. 

Solorzano Pereira, J. de 
Steinen, K. von den 

Steingass, F. 

Stevens, J. 


Sttibel, A., Reias, W. 

and Koppel, B. 
Sudhoff, K. 

Histoire du Canada et voyages que les Fr^res 
Minenrs Recollects y ont f aicts pour la conver- 
sion des infidMes, vol. I, Paris 1866. 

Le grand voyage du pays des Hurons, vol. I, 
Paris 1865. 

Historia general de las cosas de Nueva Espafia, in 
Biblioteca Mezicana, M^co 1890-96. 

The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, New York 

Balthasar Springers Indienfahrt, 1505-06, Strass- 
bu^ 1902. 

The Heart of Africa, vol. I, London 1873. 

Die alten Bewohner der Landschaft Michuacan, 
in Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur amerikan- 
ischen Sprach- und Alterthumskimde, vol. Ill, 
BerUn 1908. 

Die mexikanischen Bilderhandschriften Alexander 
von Himiboldt's in der Kgl. Bibliothek zu Berlin, 
in Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur amerikan- 
ischen Sprach- und Alterthimiskunde, vol. I, 
Berlin 1902. 

Historiadores de Indias, Apolog^ica historia de 
las Indias. de Fr. Bartolom^ de las Casas, in 
Nueva Biblioteca de autores espafioles, vol. I, 
Madrid 1909. 

Narratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto in 
the Conquest of Florida, New York 1866. 

The Archaeological Collection from the Southern 
Interior of British Colimibia, Ottawa 1913. 

Tratado descriptivo do Brasil em 1587, Rio de 
Janeiro 1879. 

Politica Indiana, Madrid 1648. 

Unter den Naturv5lkern Zentral-Brasiliens, Berlin 

A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary, 
London [1892]. 

A New Dictionary, Spanish and English, and Eng- 
lish and Spanish, London 1726. 

Kultur und Industrie stidamerikanischer V5lker, 

vol. I, Berlin 1889. 
BeitrUge zur Geschichte der Chirurgie im Mittel- 

alter, in Studien zur Geschichte der Medizin, 

vol. il, Leipzig 1918. 


TeUo, J. C. 

Terrien de Lacouperie, 

Thacher, J. B. 

Theal, G. McC. 

Thesaurus syriacus. 
Thevet, A. 
Thomas, G. M. 

Tootol, A. 

Torrend, J. 

Torres Saldamando, E. 

Trumbull, J. H. 

Twenty-eighth Annual 
the Secretary of the 

Los antiguos cementerios del Valle de Nasca^ in 
Proceedings of the Second Pan-American Scien- 
tific Confess, vol. I (1917). 

The Metalhc Cowries of Ancient China, in Journal 
of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. XX, London 

Christopher Coliunbus, New York, London 

Records of South-Eastern Africa, [London] 1898- 


La cosmographie universelle, Paris 1575. 
Capitular dee deutschen Hauses in Venedig, 

BerUn 1874. 
The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse in A. D. 

1547-1555, among the Wild Tribes of Eastern 

Brazil (The Hakluyt Society), London 1874. 
A Comparative Granunar of the South-African 

Bantu Languages, London 1891. 
Libro primero de Cabildos de Lima, segunda parte, 

Paris 1900. 
Natick Dictionary, in Smithsonian Institution, 

Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington 

1903, Bulletin 25. 
Report of the Biu'eau of American Ethnology to 
Smithsonian Institution (1906-1907), Washington 

Uhle, M. 

Uricoechea, £. 

La esfera de influendas del pals de los Incas, in 
Revista histdrica, 6rgano del Instituto Hist6rico 
del Perti, vol. IV, Lima 1909. 

Gram&tica, vocabulario, catecismo i confesionario 
de la lengua chibcha, Paris 1871. 

Vieira, A. 
Visseq, A. 
Vries, D. P. de 

Arte de furtar^ in Historia do futuro, Lisboa 1855. 

Dictionnaire fiot-fran$ais, Paris 1890. 

Korte historiael ende joumaels aenteyckeninge van 
verscheyden voyagiens in de vier deelen des 
wereldts-ronde, als Europa, Africa, Asia, ende 
Amerika gedaen, 's-Gravenhage 1911. 

Watt, G. 

Welwitsch, F. 
Wieger, L. 

The Wild and Cultivated Cotton Plants of the 

World, London 1907. 
Chinese Characters, trans, by L. Davrout, vol. I, 

Ho-kien-fu 1915. 


Wiener, L. 

Africa and the Discovery of America, vol. I, 

Philadelphia 1920. 
Ck>ntribution8 toward a History of Arabico-Cxothie 

Culture, vol IV, Philadelphia 1921. 
Economic History and Philology, in The Quarterly 

Journal of Economics, voL XXV. 
German Loan-Words and the Second Sound 

Shifting, in Modem Language Notes, vol. X. 
Pseudo-Karaibisches, in ZeLtschrift ffir Roma- 

nische Philologie, vol. XXXIII. 

Yule, H. 

Hobson-Jobson, a Glossary of Colloquial Anglo- 
Indian Words and Phrases, new ed. by William 
Crooke, London 1903. 

The Book of Ser Marco Polo, vol. II, London 1871. 

Zimmermann, J. 
Zorita, A. de 

A Grammatical Sketch of the Akra- or GS-Lan- 

guage, Stuttgart 1858. 
Historia de la Nueva Espafia, vol. I, Madrid 1909. 
See Pomar. 


The Prehistory of Cotton. 

The earliest datable references to cotton are found in 
two inscriptions of the Assyrian Sennacherib, of the 
year 694 B. C.^ ** A great park, like one on Mt. Ama- 
nus, wherein were included all kinds of herbs, and fruit 
trees, and trees, the products of the mountains and of 
Chaldea, together with trees that bear wool {i^S na-aS 
iipAti), I planted beside it." "The miskannu- trees 
and cypresses that grew in the plantations, and the 
reed-beds that were in the swamp, I cut down and 
used for work, when required, in my lordly palaces. 
The trees that bear wool they sheared, and they shred- 
ded it for garments." 

It is a curious fact that neither here nor for centuries 
later in Greek literature do we get the name of the 
cotton- tree, but only the descriptive title **the tree 
that bears wool or linen." Herodotus tells of a corse- 
let which Amasis, King of Egypt, had sent to the Lace- 
daemonians, and which was embroidered with gold 
and tree wool (eiQioiai dji6 \vk(y\})} However, minute 
microscopical investigations of the mummy bands have 
failed to show the presence of cotton in any of the 
ancient Egyptian graves.^ Herodotus similarly speaks 
of the Indians in Xerxes' army as wearing cotton 

1 L. W. ICing, An Early Mention of Cotton: The CvUivcUion of Gimypium 
arboreum, or Tree-Cotton, in Assyria in the Seventh Century B, C, in Pro- 
ceedings of the Society of Bihlieai Archaeology f vol. XXXI, p. 339 ff. 

« III. 47. 

' K. Ritter, Ueher die geographisehe VerhreUung der BaumwoUe und ihr 
VerhdUnis zur Industrie der Vdlker alter und neuer Zeit, in Ahhandlungen 
der Kgl. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1851, p. 317. 


dresses (eiitaxa cbio |i3Axav 7fE:ioiT)|i8va)^andof the wild- 
growing trees of India which bear wool finer in beauty 
and goodness than that of sheep.' There can be little 
doubt that in the V. century B. C. India was already 
manufacturing cotton cloth, even as Ctesias refers to 
cotton cloth {\vkiva litdxia) in India.' This is con- 
firmed in the IV. century by Theophrastus, who says 
that the island of Tylos, the modem Bahrein, in the 
Persian gulf ''produces the * wool-bearing' tree (xck 
&€v5Qa xd 8Qio(p6Qa) in abundance. This has a leaf 
like that of the vine, but small, and bears no fruit; but 
the vessel in which the 'wool' is contained is as large as 
a spring apple, and closed, but when it is ripe, it unfolds 
and puts forth the 'wool,' of which they weave their 
fabrics, some of which are cheap and some very expen- 
sive. This tree is also found, as was said, in India as 
well as in Arabia."^ But we are also specifically in- 
formed by him that the Indians cultivated these trees. 
"The trees from which they make their clothes have a 
leaf like the mulberry, but the whole tree resembles the 
wild rose. They plant them in the plains in rows, 
wherefore, when seen from a distance, they look like 
vines."* There is no mistaking the description: we 
have here a correct characterization of the Oosaypium 

There is no further reference to cotton in Greek liter- 
ature until after the beginning of the Christian era. In 
the very valuable Periplus of the Erythraean Sea,* of 
the end of the I. century, raw cotton is mentioned as 
xdQjcoGog, while the cheap manufactured goods are 

> VII. 66. 

* <Td bk d^vdoea id. dyo^a onLHc6di <p^oei xoqji^ eloia, xoXXovQ 
Te TCQoqtiQOvxa xal doerfi t&v 6jib x&y 6tayv* xal idHjxi ol 'Ivftol, djc6 
tovxoov T&v devdo^oov xoe(DVTai.> III. 106. 

' 'Ivftued, XXII. 

* Enquiry into Plants, TV. 7. 7., in A. Hort's translation, London 1016. 

* W. H. Schoff, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, London 1012. 


oddvia.^ This is the more remarkable since both 
terms occur in Greek only as the designation for linen 
or some costly textile, while 606viov also occurs in the 
sense of ''ship's sail," even as the Latin carbasus refers 
to linen or a sail. One cannot trust, especially in the 
Belles Lettres, any denomination of fabrics, because 
they are easily confused, and there is a general tend- 
ency to apply the same name to some substitute or 
cheaper material. The author of the Periplus was a 
merchant, and his transfer of oddviov to cotton 
shows that just such a deterioration of the Eastern 
textiles was in progress and that they were manufac- 
tured in India from cotton, which in India was known 
as kdrp&sa; hence he is the only one of the Greek writ^ 
ers who uses xdQJUxaog in the proper sense. 

Strabo knew of the wool-growing trees of the Indians, 
and quoted Nearchus to the effect that their webs of 
fine cotton (aiv56v£g) were made from this wool, and 
that the Macedonians used it for stuffing mattresses 
and the padding of saddles.^ This Nearchus was the 
Admiral of Alexander's Indian fleet, but there is some 
doubt about the genuineness of his work. He is also 
mentioned by Arrian: ** The dress worn by the Indians 
is made of tree-linen (XCvov &nb xcdv SevSpEow). But 
this cotton is either of a brighter white color than any 
cotton found elsewhere, or the darkness of the Indian 
complexion makes their apparel look so much whiter. "' 

At a later time Philostratus called the cotton ^aaog 
and described the plant as a tree: **They describe the 
peoples beyond the Indus as dressed in indigenous flax, 
with shoes of papyrus and a hat for wet weather; dis- 
tinguished persons wear cotton, which grows on a tree 

* €TloXvq)6QO^ bk i\ x^H^ • • • xaojcdoau xol x&>r l£ oMig 'IvtkK&v 
Movicov tAv xv^kiC<ov,> sec. 41; ^ddvia is also mentioned in sees. 6, 14, 
39, 49. 

« XV. 1. 20. 

> 'Ivfiwed, XVI. 


resembling a poplar in the stump, and about corres- 
ponding to the willow in the leaf. ApoUonius says he 
was pleased with the cotton, because it looked like the 
sad-colored habit of a philosopher. Cotton from India 
finds its way into many a temple in Egypt. "^ How- 
ever fanciful the work of Philostratus may be, we have 
here the very important and unquestionably genuine 
statement that cotton was imported into Egypt, which 
may account for its absence in the mummy wrapping 
where the native product was used. It was this im- 
ported article in Egypt, which, no doubt, Philostratus 
knew from an older source, that had caused Pollux be- 
fore him to call the Indian cotton ^vaaogj while in 
Egypt he placed tree-wool, 2qiov ojio ^vXov, whereas 
in Egypt the only substance resembling cotton was 
obtained from the papyrus plant.^ 

Cotton was unquestionably cultivated long before 
Sennacherib; but in Egypt and China substitutes in 
the form of linen and silk were early introduced, and 
in some cases the ancient appellation was transferred 
to the new products, even as the designation of ** linen, " 
whatever its origin, and **woor' was transferred back 
to cotton. For this reason it is not always easy to 
determine whether a particular textile was made of 
cotton or linen. In Egyptian, **flax" and, possibly, 
** linen" are represented by peshty while a garment made 
of fine linen, **byssus," is called peg^ and ** linen cloth, 
threads of flax'* is pir. There can be no doubt as to 
the origin of the words, not only from a study of these 
terms in Egyptian, but in all other languages in which 
they occur. In Egyptian we have the roots pek, peg, 
petchj pest **to spread out," which, as the final con- 

» Vila ApoUonii, 62. 

* VII. 75. For a fuller account of cotton in Greek literature, see H. 
Brandes, Ueher die antiken Namen und die geographiaehe Verbreitung der 
BaumwoUe im AUerthum, in 6, Jahresberieht des Vereins von Freunden der 
Erdhunde zu Leipzig, 1866. p. 91 ff. 


sonant and a comparison with a vast number of langua- 
ges show, go back to a root with a final cerebral r, 
namely par, per **to spread, cover.'* 

The Egyptian terms for ** linen," etc. are found in 
other languages which, no doubt, borrowed them from 
Egyptian, although even here the relation to the older 
** spread out" remains unimpaired. We have Hebrew 
n^J? peSet, fl^^^ pUtah, Talmudic ]^'^^ D'^FI^^ piStdn, 

piStlm, Punic q)OicFt ** linen," while for **to spread out" 
we have Hebrew ^^f pdraS, T^f parag, n'^B pdidh, 

etc. Just as Egyptian pesht has produced Greek 
Pi300oc;, so it led to Hebrew p3 bu§, which was some 
kind of fine linen, but may also have referred to cotton, 
even as Syriac l^io bu^d not only refers to linen but also 
to silk, since the term apparently indicated a fine tex- 
tile of whatever origin. We have also Hebrew ^3 bad 

** linen." In Arabic the forms of the word and the 
meanings run riot. Here we find 'y, bazz ** cloths or 
stuffs of linen or cotton," u^y. birs,^ jyy. ba^uz^ 
** cotton," i^j. biri ** linen."' This even developed 
the meaning ** white," at least in i^y. baraS ** white 
specks in the skin," u^j. bar^ ** leprosy, a certain dis- 
ease which is a whiteness. " Here, too, u^J faraSa **he 

spread out" bears witness to the original meaning, 
while in Assyrian we have pi?tZ, paqu ** white, " and 
parS "to fly," that is, **to spread the wings." In 
Sumerian we get the simple bara^ par **to spread out," 
which is represented in Assyrian in the compound Su- 
paruru **to spread out." 

^ Thesaurus syno^cw, cols. 2923, 1857. 
« Ibid., col. 3134. 
» Ibid., col. 1857. 


In the Dravidian lang^uages the original root-forms of 
the Asiatic languages are best preserved. Here we 
have Kannada pari, pari, hari, hari **to spread, scat- 
ter, run, flow," paru "to leap up, run, fly about," pir, 
peru ** to scatter, spread in different directions, " Tamil, 
Malayalam para " to fly, run very swiftly, " and similarly 
in all the other Dravidian languages. It is not neces- 
sary here to give the enormous mass of such deriva- 
tives, but Kannada pari ''a scale or coat of an onion, 
the skin or slough of a snake, the web of a spider" at 
once shows how the idea of cloth was deduced from 
this root. In Kannada parti, patti, palti, haYiji, hatti, 
Tamil pari, paAji, pa^iju, parutti, paratie, Malayalam 
paii^ii, parutti, Telugu pauttie, paratti, paritt ** cotton 
in the pod, cotton in general" we have, just as is the 
case in Egyptian, derivatives from the root which 
means "to spread out," but here the original meaning 
of "cotton" has not changed and bears witness to 
the antiquity of the term, which is older than the cor- 
responding Egyptian, Semitic or Greek terms. In 
Persian and Turki pakhta "cotton" we have a survival 
of the Dravidian word, possibly through the Dravidian 
Brahui colony which preserved the memory of the 
ancient word. But this is not necessarily so, for various 
forms of this are scattered, as we have seen, from 
Egypt to India. 

The Dravidian paratie, pauttie found their way into 
China. In the first or second century of our era the 
H6u-Han-shu says that the Ai-lau aborigines in Yun- 
nan manufactured i^Vf. P^^^^ ^^ ^ ^ pai'ti4, 

but a later history (Wel-shu) tells that it was a textile 
fabric of hemp.^ In the VI. century the Liang-shu 

1 F. Hirth and W. W. Rockhill, Ckau JurKua: His Work on the Chinese 
and Arab Trade in (he twelfth and thirteenth Centuries, entitled Chu-fanr<hl, 
St. Petersburg 1911, p. 218. 


says that "in K'au-chang (Turf an) there grew in great 
abundance a plant the fruit of which resembled a silk 
cocoon. In the cocoon is a silky substance like fine 
hemp which is called po^tiMzi. The natives weave it 
into a cloth which is soft and white, and which they send 
to the markets (of China). "^ A little later we read for 
the same region, "'there is here a plant called pe-tie; 
they pluck its flower, from which cloth can be woven. "* 
In the V. century Fa-hi6n, who traveled in India, 
called the cotton fabrics there po-M.^ There can be 
thus no doubt that originally cotton was introduced 
into China from India or from Turfan, and that it was 
at home in southern India. In Ceylon, cotton is called 
pichu, which is obviously a corruption of the Dra vidian 
word, and the plant is called pichawya. It is interesting 
to observe that here pichu also means "a cutaneous 
eruption, leprosy," as in the corresponding word in 


Josephus, in describing the vestments of the priest, 
says that over his nether clothes "he wore a linen coat 
of fine flax (<nv86vo5 pD00iVT|g) doubled: it is called 
Chethomene (xBdo|i£vri)> which denotes linen, for we 
call linen by the name of Chethon (xsMv)."* Here 
"linen" and "linen flax" are as general as in previous 
cases, but the name chethomene leaves no doubt behind 
that we are dealing here with an Egyptian name for a 
garment. Chethomene is the Egyptian ketn meni or 
het en meni "linen tunic." 

Meni has not entered into any other languages, though 
it seems to be identical with Chinese mien "soft, downy 

* E. Chavannes, Documents 8ur les TourKiue (Turca) occiderUaux, St. 
P^terebourg 1903, p. 102. 

* Hirth and Rockhill, op. eit., p. 218. 

* AniiquUatea Judaieae, III. 7. 2. 


cotton;" but other forms of it, mah, m'hi **flax," mehi 
**flax, Unen" have had interesting developments. The 
usual Coptic form of this is mahi ** linen, " make "linen, 
girdle," and this also is recorded in a Coptic Bible 
translation as mbai ** spindle," and as mpai, empai, 
empa, with the. article as pempai "linen," and the 
Lord's cloth is translated as "sudarion mpempa,'' that 
is, mpempa means "linens, linen. " This leads at once to 
Persian pambah "cotton, " whence it made its way into 
India. The Persians got this word from their mercan- 
tile colonies along the east coast of Africa, wherefore it 
is also found in Zanzibar as pamba "cotton," mpamba 
"the cotton shrub," hence pomba "to adorn with fine 
dress, gold rings, to put a piece of cotton into the nose, 
etc., of a deceased, " pombo " finery, attire. " This word 
is found in many Bantu languages: Sotho fapa "to 
wrap around," P6di fap^a, Swahili pambaja, Ganda 
wambatira "to embrace," Bondei hamba "to adorn," 
Herero pamba "to weave," Tabwa ipamba "to roll 
around one. "^ The European developments of Coptic 
pempai need not detain us long. It is first recorded in 
Greek in the beginning of the IX. century, in Ahmad's 
Oneirocritica,^ after which it is very common. 

So far I have touched only on such par words as 
lead to "cotton, " leaving the enormous mass of deriva- 
tives for a separate work. It is now necessary to direct 
the attention to another "enclosure, cover" word, 
which leads to important results. By the side of par 
there is a pre-Sumerian kar word, which is widely repre- 
sented. Here again I quote only such forms as will 
ultimately bear upon the determination of cotton in 
Asia, Africa, and Europe. 

1 L. Homburger, 6tvde 8ur la phonitiqtie historique du Bantou, in Bibluh 

thdque de V6cole dea hautes itudes, Paris 1913, p. 379. 

*<T6 (pxn&v i% oi i\ p6|A6a5,» cap. 200; cUidxiov Ixov dvtl 
pdii^axo; \itxi%r\y,> cap. 222, Artemidori DcUdiani & Achmetis Sereimi 
F. Oneiroeritica, Lutetiae 1603. 


The Dravidian lang^ia^ges have only a few reminis- 
oences of these ** cover" words, namely Kannada ki4 
''to make close, shut, cover as darkness does, envelop, " 
which is an umlaut form of Kannada kar^ kdr, kaxH, 
karS, etc., which has preserved here and throughout a 
vast number of other languages the meaning **to cover 
as darkness does, black," and departs too far from our 
immediate connotation. In the Sumerian, * * enclosure ' ' 
is expressed by gid, gil, kil, kir, kur\ kuru, but the original 
meaning is not well preserved in them; but ku ** cloth- 
ing," gady kid **some kind of cloth" are, in all proba- 
bility, reduced forms from this group. The kar forms 
are merely reductions of an older qwar or qbar root, from 
which par is itself a reduction. This can be shown by a 
large number of cases in the languages under discussion. 

In Hebrew we have a vast number of ** cover, wrap" 
words of the type qbar. Some of these are: kdbar **to 
bind, " kdbal ** to wind around, wrap, " kdban ** to bind, " 
kdpar **to cover," kdpal **to bind," kdpas **to bind to- 
gether," kdpat **to wrap around," qdbal **to cover," 
gdbal **to bind," hdbar **to unite, tie together," Ipdbal 
** to unite, wind around, " ^a6a5 ** to cover, wind around," 
t^dpaS **to surround, cover," Jj^dpeS ** coverlet," Ipdpd, 
hdpdh^ hdpap ** to cover. " The list is not by any means 
exhausted, since a study of the corresponding Dravidian 
words shows that "strong" through **to extend the 
arm" is generally derived from the ** cover" words, as 
in the case of Kannada kar a ** great, extensive" by the 
side of kar a ** black." This brings Hebrew gdbar **to 
be strong" into our group. The relationship of all of 
these words in Hebrew was long ago recognized by 
J. Ftirst,^ who tried to explain them as arising from a 
root bar, bai, etc., by means of an epenthetic k, gf, g, h- 
The other Semitic languages have the same profusion of 
derivatives, obviously from an original qbar. 

1 H^diachet und ehalddiaehea HandwMerbuch, Leipzig 1876. 


In the Dravidian languages we have a pu derivative 
from kar, but which originally must have been kar-par 
or kpaxy as a study of the Semitic forms shows. We have 
Kannada karpu, kappu **to cover, extend, black," 
which has further been reduced to universal Dravidian 
kavi **to cover, spread, rush upon, attack." This is 
unquestionably at the foundation of Sanskrit kurpasa 
** bodice, coat of mail, " which is represented in Assyrian 
luhdra, lubaSu, Hebrew libuSj Arabic libds * 'garment," 
Arabic libs ** cuirass," Egyptian rebasha "to be clothed 
in armor, " rebeshaiu ''cuirass, trapping. " The univer- 
sality of this root may be illustrated by Chinese kiah, 
old pronunciation kap, "covering, cuirass," to which 
are related the meanings "to clasp under the arm, a 
lined dress, breast plate, undershirt." The Dravidian 
languages have similarly derivatives from kaviy namely 
Kannada kavadi, kavidi "quilted cover," and the rela- 
tion of Sanskrit kurpdsa to this is seen from the fact that 
Sanskrit also has kavada "cuirass, coat of mail, bodice, " 
which is still nearer to the Dravidian. 

The Sanskrit kurp&sa and Assyrian lubdSu indicate 
a compound kur-puSa, and this is shown to be the case 
from the Sumerian denomination ku, which precedes 
the name of any particular garment, that is, an old kur- 
par was divided up into ku-xpaxy from the usual asso- 
ciation of ku with "garment," and thus arose the 
anomalous Assyrian lubdru^ lubaSu, etc. The second 
part, it appears from the former discussion, referred to 
cotton, from which such protective armor would be 
formed; hence Sanskrit kdrpdsa "cotton" is only an 
extension of the term for "bodice" to the material it- 
self, a process met with constantly. The Greek 
HaQJcaoog, Latin carbasus referred to some fine eastern 
wares, not necessarily of cotton, though the original 
meaning was quite surely "cotton," as in Sanskrit. 


The usual designation for ** cotton" in the Syrio- 

Arabic vocabularies is, for Arabic, ^yj, 0^* aUqutn 

bars, in which we have already found bars as the desig- 
nation for ** cotton." The first part, like Sanskrit 
kurpasa, originally referred to "garment," as in the 
case of Egyptian ketn, Greek xix&v. In Arabic, 

CM qutn frequently varies with o^ katt^n ** linen," 
as the material in qutn and kattdn was not suffi- 
ciently clear without the addition of bars, which is 
the true word for ** cotton;" hence we have in the 
Arabic not only a parallel with a pre-Sumerian kur-par, 
but apparently a development of the same word, for 
Assyrian kittu ** garment," from which the Arabic qutn 
is derived, through its Sumerian equivalent gad, gid, goes 
back to the same kar origin. 

The philological discussion leads to the same results 
as the historical data: Assyria and India were the 
homes of cotton in dim antiquity, and there is no evi- 
dence of any early introduction of the plant into 
Egypt and Europe. Even in the VI. century Coptic 
pempai seems to refer exclusively to linen, and not to 
cotton, and all the new designations for the plant and 
the product, as we shall soon see, proceed from Egypt 
after the Arabic conquest. There seems to be an excep- 
tion to the historical evidence in the direct reference to 
cotton in Pliny, but it will be easy to show that we 
are dealing there with interpolations.^ 

"Tylos insula in eodem «'Ev TvAxp bk rfj vnocp, 

sinu est, repleta silvis qua XEitai 8' axrtt] ev top 'Apa- 

spectat orientem quaque et 6i(p >(6Xji(p, td |i8V ngbq s(0 

ipsa aestu maris perfundi- TO0auTo JiA.fjfl'og elvai qpaoi 

tur. magnitudo singulis ar- SevSQCov ox' 8x6aivei f| jdTi[Ji- 

boribus flci, flos suavitate lnvQig &(n* djicoxvQCOCT&ai. 

» For interpolations in Pliny see my Contributions toward a History of 
Arabico-Goihie CuUure, Philadelphia 1921, vol. IV. 


inenarrabili, pomum lupi- 
no simile, propter asperita- 
tem intaotum omnibus ani- 
malibus. eiusdem insulae 
excelsiore suggestu lani- 
gerae arbores, alio modo 
quam Serum : his folia in- 
fecunda, quae ni minora 
essent, vitium poterant 
videri. ferunt mali cotonei 
amplitudine cucurbitas, 
quae maturitate ruptae os- 
tendunt lanuginis pilas, ex 
quibus vestes pretioso 
linteo faciunt. arborem 
vocant gossypinum, fertil- 
iore etiam Tylo minore, 
quae distat X p. 

**Iuba circa fruticem la- 
nugines esse tradit lintea- 
que ea Indicis praestan- 
tiora, Arabiae autem arbo- 
rem, ex qua vestes f aciant, 
cynas vocari, folio palmae 
simili. sic Indos suae arbo- 
res Tylis autem 
et alia arbor floret albae 
violae specie, sed magni- 
tudine quadriplici, sine 
odore, quod miremur in eo 
tractu. " Pliny, XII. 38, 39. 

jcdvta bh Toirra \i£y^Sh\ yiiv 
exeiv fjXixa (ruKfj, t6 bk 
fivftog WEQ6dXXov tfj efr- 
oo6Cq(, xoQjiov 6e a6Qa>- 

TOV OfiOlOV TQ &^i T$ 

^Q|icp. (pzQEiv 8e rrfv vfjaov 
xal xd bivbga tot eQtoqnSQa 
mKka. xavrta be qniXXov |i8V 
^eiv JiaQ6|ioiov tq ayutsKo^ 
jdrfv [jiixQov, TiaQjtbv bk ov- 
8eva qpepEiv ^ $ 6e to 
Iqiov f|Xixov |Jif)Xov eoQivov 
ov|i^8|Jitm6g' oxov bk (opai- 
ov fj, 8KJiETdv\ru<T&ai xal 
4|eCQ8iv t6 EQiov, fe| oi tag 
aivbovaq vqpaCvoxKTi, tag [lev 
GxrtskAq tag bk jtoXvteXe- 

<rCvetai bk tovro xai tv 

'IvSoig, &omQ sAix^? ^ 
ev 'AQa6iqt. elvai 8e fiAAa 
S€v5Qa t6 av0og ^(yna 
o|ioiov t^ Xeo^Hoicp, jdf|v 
ao6|iov xai top lieyeOEi te- 
tQajddoiov tc5v ioyv,> 
Theophrastus, IV. 7. 7, 8. 



The relation of Pliny to Theophrastus may equally 
be obserred from the English translation of the two 
passages : 

** In the same gulf, there ** 
is the island of Tylos, cov- 
ered with a forest on the 
side which looks towards 
the East, where it is 
washed also by the sea at 
high tides. Each of the 
trees is in size as large as 
the fig; the blossoms are 
of an indescribable sweet- 
ness, and the fruit is simi- 
lar in shape to a lupine, but 
so rough and prickly, that 
it is never touched by any 
animal. On a more ele- 
vated plateau of the same 
island, we find trees that 
bear wool, but of a differ- 
ent nature from those of 
the Seres ; as in these trees 
the leaves produce nothing 
at all, and, indeed, might 
very readily be taken for 
those of the vine, were it 
not that they are of smal- 
ler size. They bear a kind 
of gourd, about the size of 
a quince; which, when ar- 
rived at maturity, bursts 
asunder and discloses a 
ball of down, from which a 
costly kind of linen cloth is 

In the island of Tylos, 
which is situated in the 
Arabian gulf, they say that 
on the east side there is 
such a number of trees 
when the tide goes out that 
they make a regular fence. 
All these are in size as 
large as a fig-tree, the flow- 
er is exceedingly fragrant, 
and the fruit, which is not 
edible, is like in appear- 
ance to the lupin. They 
say that the island also 
produces the 'wool-bear- 
ing' tree (cotton-plant) in 
abundance. This has a 
leaf like that of the vine, 
but small, and bears no 
fruit; but the vessel in 
which the 'wool' is con- 
tained is as large as a 
spring apple, and closed, 
but when it is ripe, it un- 
folds and puts forth the 
'wool,' of which they 
weave their fabrics, some 
of which are cheap and 
some very expensive. 


**This tree is known by 
the name of gossypinus: 
the smaller island of Tylos, 
which is ten miles distant 
from the larger one, pro- 
duces it in even greater 

^'Juba states, that about 
a certain shrub there grows 
a woolly down, from which 
a fabric is manufactured, 
preferable even to those of 
India. He adds, too, that 
certain trees of Arabia, 
from which vestments are 
made, are called cynae,and 
that they have a leaf simi- 
lar to that of the palm. 
Thus do their very trees 
afford clothing for the peo- 
ple of India. In the isl- 
ands of Tylos, there is also 
another tree, with a blos- 
som like the white violet in 
appearance, though four 
times as large, but it is 
destitute of smell, a very 
remarkable fact in these 
climates. ' ' J. Bostock and 
H. T. Riley, The Natural 
History of Pliny, London 
1855, vol. Ill, p. 117 f. 

''This tree is also found, 
as was said, in India as 
well as in Ar^^bia. They 
say that there are other 
trees with a flower like the 
gilliflower, but scentless 
and in size four times as 
large as that flower." A. 
Hort, op. cit., p. 343 f. 

The part which is in Pliny, and not in Theophrastus, 
is an interpolation and partly a forgery. What is pur- 
ported to be taken from Juba is really taken from 
Theophrastus, IV. 4. 8: c^'EI &v bk xa ijidtia jtoiowi 


TO |i8V qnjXXov o|ioiov ex^i tfj <Tu>ca[jiiv(p, x6 88 oXov qnrcov 
Tolg xDvoQoSoig o|ioiov. (pwevotxii Se ev xoig 
jieStoig avTO xax' OQXovq^ 5i' o xal jioQQCodev acpoQ&ai 
a^xjieXoi q)aivcnrrai. ex^i bk xal q)omxag evia fiipT) jioX- 
Xovq. xal tavca jiev ev SevfiQOU qxu0ei.> **The trees 
from which they make their clothes have a leaf like 
the mulberry, but the whole tree resembles the 
wild rose. They plant them in the plains in rows, 
wherefore, when seen from a distance, they look like 
vines. Some parts also have many date-palms. So 
much for what comes under the heading of 'trees.' " 
**Some parts also have many date-palms" was con- 
fused with the cotton-plant; xwoe68oi5 5|ioiov pro- 
duced ''cynas vocari" and **so much for the nature of 
trees," which in Theophrastus refers to India, pro- 
duced **sic Indos suae arbores vestiunt." The sen- 
tence **arborem vocant gossypinum'^ is merely an 

Arabic gloss for **wood," namely *r^^ tj^iSbun, pi. 

httiburij in the oblique case hy^bin^ which produced 
gossypinus. The interpolator went even further and 
changed Theophrastus' jifjXov eapivdv ** spring apple" 
to ** malum cotoneum," as though it were **a 
quince apple;" but in reality this is a reminiscence of 
the Arabic qutn * 'cotton." In another place we find 
in Pliny: "Superior pars Aegypti in Arabiam vergens 
gignit fruticem, quem aliqui gossypion vocant, plures 
xylon et ideo Una inde facta xylina. parvus est similem- 
que barbatae nucis fructum defert, cuius ex interiore 
bombyce lanugo netur. nee ulla sunt cum candore mol- 
liora pexiorave. vestes inde sacerdotibus Aegypti gra- 
tissimae."^ **The upper part of Egypt, in the vicinity 
of Arabia, produces a shrub, known by some as * gossy- 
pium,' but by most persons as * xylon;' hence the name of 
* xylina,' given to the tissues that are manufactured 

» XIX. 14. 


from it. The shrub is small, and bears a fruit, similar in 
appearance to a nut with a beard, and containing in the 
inside a silky substance, the down of which is spun into 
threads. There is no tissue known, that is superior to 
those made from this thread, either for whiteness, soft- 
ness, or dressing : the most esteemed vestments worn by 
the priests of Egypt are made of it. "^ Here we have a 
reminiscence of Greek P6|ipa^, Coptic pempai, which 
now assumes the name of ' 'cotton," and once more 
we get the Arabic word for |t5Xov. The interpolator 
goes on to say that cotton garments were most accept- 
able to the Egyptian priests, whereas we have the 
specific statements in Herodotus* and in Plutarch* 
that the priests were allowed to wear linen garments 
only. Thus we are once more confronted with the fact 
that no cotton is recorded in Egypt before the arrival 
of the Arabs. 


In Africa we can trace the overwhelming Arabic 
influence upon the cotton industry through the geo- 
graphical distribution of the Arabic terms for cotton. 

The ancient Egyptian conception of purification was 
connected with the use of water; hence udb **to be 
innocent, clean, purified, wash clean, pure, holy" has 
for its denominative water flowing from a vessel. The 
enormous significance of this term upon the religious 
conceptions of the Egyptians is found in the deriva- 
tives from this term. We not only have uab '*holy 
man, priest, libationer," but also udbu ** those who are 
ceremonially clean," u&btiu **the holy ones, that is, 
the dead," udb **holy raiment or vestment, apparel 
which is ceremonially pure," udbt **the chamber in a 

^ Bostock and Riley, op. eit,, p. 134 f. 

' II. 37. 

' De laide et Oairide, Z, 4. 


temple in which the ceremonies symbolic of the mum- 
mification of Osiris were performed," ^arudb't **to 
purify. " This latter factitive lies at the foundation of 
a large number of ** purification" words in Coptic: tbbe 
"to purify, be clean," tbbeu **pure, sanctified, holy," 
teba ** purity," etouab, ettbbeu **pure." 

The Arabs took over this term as referring to death; 

hence we have Arab. ^Jae. 'ataba **he died, perished, 

became spoiled," <^a^ 'atbah "perdition, gangrene, 

pest," and, since the Mohammedan purification of the 
dead consisted in cleaning the body with cotton, we get 

Arab. ^J^ 'utb "cotton, " though this and <Jac 'utbah may 

also mean * * a portion of wool. " " The ordinary ablution 
preparatory to prayer having been performed upon the 
corpse, with the exception of the washing of the mouth 
and nose, the whole body is well washed, from head to 
foot, with warm water and soap, and with *leef ' (or 
fibres of the palm-tree) ; or, more properly, with water 
in which some leaves of the lote-tree (*nabk' or *sidr') 
have been boiled. The nostrils, ears, etc., are stuffed 
with cotton ; and the corpse is sprinkled with a mixture 
of water, pounded camphor, and dried and pounded 
leaves of the nabk, and with rose-water. Sometimes, 
other dried and pounded leaves are added to those of the 
nabk. The ankles are bound together, and the hands 
placed upon the breast. 

"The *kefen,' or grave-clothing, of a poor man con- 
sists of a piece, or two pieces, of cotton; or is merely a 
kind of bag. The corpse of a man of wealth is generally 
wrapped first in muslin; then in cotton cloth of thicker 
texture; next in a piece of striped stuff of silk and cotton 
intermixed, or in a kuf t&n of similar stuff, merely stitched 
together ; and over these is wrapped a Kashmeer shawl. ' ' ^ 

^ E. W. Lane, An AeeourU of (he Manners and Customs of the Modem 
Egyptians, London 1871, vol. II, p. 253 f. 


It may be that the Arabs took the word over from 
the Egyptians before reaching Egypt, but this is not 
likely, because we have no record of the Egyptian use 
of cotton for purification. It is far more likely that the 
Arabs got the custom from the Christian Copts who 
employed cotton in their burial ceremony and in mon- 
astic vestments. In any case the distribution of the 
Arabic word among neighboring races shows that the 
** cotton" words of this type are posterior to the Arabic 
invasion. We have Saho *of6e. Afar 'o(6i, Bedauye teb, 
Somali udbiy Qalla jirbi ** cotton," and here there are 
no derivatives from the meaning *' purify." Swahili 
has the Egyptian udb as eupe ''clean, clear, white, " but, 
as we have seen, ** cotton" is derived from a Coptic 
** linen" word. Like the Arabs, the Swahili do not 
bury without having adorned the apertures of the body 
of the deceased, by stuffing cotton into the nose, mouth, 
eyes, ears, vagina, buttocks, and under the nails of the 
deceased person. '' The Suahili take out the excrements 
from the bowels of a dead man by putting the hand 
skilfully through the fundament. When the head can be 
brought to touch the great toe they consider all dirt to 
be gone, and the fumigations begin, in order to clear the 
room from the bad smell which the operation has pro- 
duced. It must be remarked that the corpse is put 
upon a bedstead under which a pit has been dug in the 
ground, to receive all the filth. The reason why the 
Muhammedans take so much trouble is because the 
Angel Gabriel will come to the dead man in the grave, 
to examine him."^ Some of the African languages 
seem to have derivatives of the Egyptian udbt, namely 
Tuareg abduya, Hausa abduga^ audiga, Bagirmi oudega, 
Kandin abdiga, but these, which are much further 
away from Egypt than the first, are more likely trans- 

1 J. L. Krapf, A Dictionary of the Suahili Language, London 1882, p. 205. 


positions of adbuya^ etc., especially since none of them 
has preserved the meaning "purity." 

There is another Arabic word used for the ceremon- 
ial purification, namely *j^j wudiV **the act of ablu- 
tion," also referring to the washing of the dead body. 
This has gone into a large number of African languages. 
We have Somali 'adai ** brighten, whiten," maid **to 
wash clean," Swahili uthu, Bedauye wada^ Kabyl u^u 
** religious ablution before prayer," but in the west 
strange changes have taken place. In Kanuri we get 
wolongin ** ceremonial washing," while in one of the 
Kabyl dialects in Tamazirt the word has united with 
the Arabic article, producing ludhu^ and this has gone 
into Hausa as luUo, allowa ''purification," leading to 
Peul Idti **to wash." But in the Niger valley and 
beyond, this has produced the "cotton" words, just as 
the Coptic "ablution" word produced the "cotton" 
words in the west. Here we find Nupe, Basa, Gbari 
lulu, Pika lolo, Sobo, Egbele, Bini, Ihewe, Oloma olulu, 
Goali lulo, Esitoko lolu, Puka lllu, Kupa eoru, Okuloma 
dure, Isoama, Aro oro, Aku owu, Yoruba owuhy Ekantu- 
lufu newu, Udom lewu, which are all, no doubt, due to 
Hausa influence. 

In the oases and the Mandingo countries and about 
Timbuktu, Arabic qutn words prevail for "cotton." 
In the oases we have gotun, kutarij and, as Kabyl qten, 
it has spread over a large territory. In the Peul langua- 
ges it produced hotollo, given also as potolloy Wolof 
wuten, witen. This is found as kotole in Soninke, while 
in Bornu we get the compound kaUgudan, Kanuri kaU 
gutan. But to us the most important forms are those 
which appear in the Mande languages. Bambara has 
the successive deteriorations kotondo, korandi, kori, 
kuori "cotton." We have similarly Malinke kotodln, 
Mandingo kotondo, korande, Kalumga kutando, Tor- 
onka koyondyl "cotton," Dyula korho "cotton," 


korho-nde "cotton- tree." We have also Akra odontic 
and the scattered Bulonda fkotun^ Landoma akutan^ 
Buduma kundera, Qnrma kunkuntu, Padsadse pakonde, 
Gabun, Fan okondo, Koama kunkun, Bagbalan gungun. 
In the Mandingo region there is also another 
"cotton" word, namely Soso gese-fute, Toma geze^ Kra, 
Gbe gesSy Gio, Dewoi gie^ Mano 5j/6, but Soso, Bambara, 
Malinke gese " thread in the loom" show that the origin 

is Arabic J> gazl "cotton thread." It is significant 

that so many of the "spin, weave" words in the African 
languages are of Arabic origin. Thus, for example, we 
have Hausa s^arre^ ^ari "thread," mazari "spindle," 

zaria "to dance" from Arabic j^ 4(^rra "he ran 

vehemently," o-^ mi4arrah "spindle with which 

a woman spins cotton or wool." In the other African 
languages, where the Mohammedan influence is less 
apparent, there is a large variety of names for "cotton, " 
where the connection with "ablution" is not notice- 
able. It is, therefore, obvious that the Arabs popular- 
ized cotton in Africa, even if the plant existed there be- 
fore, in connection with the ceremonial purification of 
the dead, and that cotton steadily advanced in culti- 
vation from Central and Southern Asia westwards, to 
the Western Sudan. 

Cotton and Columbus. 

In the Middle Ages the western cotton could not 
compete in quality with that which came from the 
east,^ hence Columbus included cotton among the 
things he hoped to find in his discovery of India by 
a western route, and in his Letter he promised the Eling 
to furnish from America all the cotton demanded of 
him.^ But the Journal of the First Voyage does not 
bear out his statement that he had found any cotton 
in the islands visited by him. 

We hear of cotton in America the very first day 
Columbus landed in Guanahani. Under the date of 
October 11, 1492, we read: **That they might be very 
friendly to us and because I saw that they were people 
who would more easily be freed and converted to our 
Holy Faith by love than by force, I gave some of 
them red caps and some glass beads, which they 
placed around their necks, and many other things of 
little value, which pleased them greatly, and they 
became wonderfully friendly with us. They later 
came swimming to the ships' boats, where we were, 
and brought us parrots and cotton thread in balls, and 
spears and many other things, and traded them with us 
for other things which we gave them, such as small 

1 W. Heyd, GesehiehU des LevatUehandels im MUtelaUer, Stuttgart 1879, 
vol. II, p. 672 fif. 

* "En concliisi6n, 6 fablar d'esto solamente que se a fecho este viage, que 
f u6 as! de corrida, pueden ver Sus Altezas que yo les dar6 oro quanto ovieren 
menester, con muy poquita ayuda que Sus Altezas me darftn; agora, espe- 
derfa y algoddn quanto Sus Altezas mandar&n." RaccoUa di ScumerUi e 
ttudi pubblicati aalla R, Cammisaiane Colanibiana, Roma 1892, part I, 
Yol. I, p. 132. 


glass beads and hawk's bells. Indeed, they took every- 
thing and gladly gave whatever they had, but it 
seemed to me that they were very poor people in every- 
thing. They all go naked, just as their mothers bore 
them, even the women, but I saw only one who was 
very young. "^ 

If Columbus told the truth, then it is exceedingly 
curious that the Indians should have known the value 
of parrots and cotton to the Spaniards, instead of o£Fer- 
ing them their native maguey, maize or dozens of other 
things which are more common in the West Indies. Let 
us assume that ''many other things" included just 
these native products which Columbus did not mention. 
It is still remarkable that Columbus should have singled 
out those articles which Alviso Cada Mosto nearly half 
a century earlier referred to as coming from Africa, 
whence he brought more than 160 parrots.^ He, too, 
speaks of the swimming properties of the Negroes' and of 
the mass of cotton which they raised.* Even the canoes, 
so characteristic of the American Indians, are fully 
described by Cada Mosto. Columbus is made to say: 
''They came to the ship with almadfas, which are made 
of the trunk of a tree, as long as a barque, and all of one 
pi^ce, and marvellously wrought, according to the 
country, and large, in some of which came forty and 

^ 'nro, porque nos tuviesen mucha amistad, porque co^rnosd que era gente 
que meior se librarfa y convertirf a 6 nuestra santa f e con amor que no por 
fuer^a, les df 6 als^nos d'ellos unos bonetes colorados y unas cuentas de 
vidro, <pie se ponfan al pescue$o» y otras cosas muchas de poco valor, con 
que ovieron mucho plazer; y auedaron tanto nuestros que era maravilla. 
los quales, despu^, venfan & las oarcas de loe navfos, adonde nos estdvamos, 
nadando, y nos tra^an papagayos y hylo de cdgod&n en ovillos, y azagayas, 
y otras cosas muchas, y nos las trocavan por otras cosas que nos les d&vamos, 
como cuentezillas de vidro y cascaveles. en fin, todo tomavan y davan, de 
aquello que tenfan, de buena voluntad; mas me pareci6 que era gente muy 
pobre de todo. ellos andan todos desnudos, como su madre los pari6; y 
tambi^n las mugeres, aunque no vide m^ de luia farto mo^/' ibid,, vol. I, 
p. 16. 

* G. B. Ramusio, DeUe navigationi et tnaggi, Venetia 1588, vol. I, fol. 104b. 
» Ibid,, fol. 102a. 

* Ibid,, fol. 104b. 


fifty men, and others smaller, down to the size holding 
but one man. They rowed with something resembling 
a baker's shovel, and the boat went wonderfully, and 
if it turned over they all started swimming, until it 
was righted and bailed out with the calabashes, which 
they carried. They brought skeins of spun cotton and 
azagays and other little things too tedious to enumerate. 
And these they gave for anything given to them."^ 
This is only a modification of Cada Mosto's account of 
the Negroes' canoes and of their manner of barter. Of 
the first he says: "They have certain boats, that is, 
almadlas, all of one piece of wood, with three or four 
men at most in the larger ones, and with these they 
fish, cross the river, and go from place to place. These 
Negroes are the best swimmers in the world. "^ Of the 
Negro market Cada Mosto says: ''In these market 
places I saw plainly that those people were very poor, 
considering the things which they brought to the market 
for sale, namely cottons, but not in quantity, and spun 
cotton, and cotton cloth, vegetables, oil, millet, wooden 

dishes They sell everything by barter, and 

not for money, for they have none, and they are not 
accustomed to money purchases but only to barter, 
that is, one thing for another, two for one, three for 

Columbus gave the Indians, in return for the objects 
obtained from them, glass beads and hawk's bells. As 
we shall later find the hawk's bells in a presumably pre- 
Columbian village, it is necessary to point out the im- 
portance of these hawk's bells in the trading with the 
Indians. The Spanish cascavel ''sleigh bell, small 
round brass bell, with a little clapper inside" is original- 
ly a Coptic word, k(iSabel, hence was introduced into 

» Ibid,, fol. 17 £. 
2 Ibid,, fol. 102. 
« Ibid,, fol. 104b. 


Spain by the Arabs. ^ Columbus carried such bells 
specifically for the purpose of trading with the Indians, 
no doubt, because voyagers to Africa had found them 
acceptable to the Negroes, who used rattles and bells 
in their fetish ceremonies. Columbus showed the 
Indians that such bells could be worn in the ear,^ hence 
they were comparatively small. They were generally 
attached to the legs of a sparrow hawk.' Another time 
he calls them **brass timbrels, worth a maravedi 
apiece."* At every meeting he distributed these to the 
Indians,^ who were crazy for them and ready to give 
much gold for the hawk's bells.* 

On October 13, the Indians again brought spun cot- 
ton, parrots, and spears, and the Spaniards exchanged 
three ceotis of Portugal for sixteen balls of cotton, 
which would be more than an arroba of spun cotton.^ 
Columbus sent the cotton, which grew on this island, 
to the Eling of Spain.® On October 16, Columbus for 
the first time saw veils woven from cotton and clouts 

» See my ContribuHons, vol. IV, p. 114. 

> "Dos cascaveles, que le puse & las orejas/' RaecoUa, vol. I, p. 20. 

* "Algunos d'ellos tra^an algunos pedacos de oro colgado al naiiz, el qual 
de buena gana davan por lui cascavel d'estos de pie de gavilano/' ibid,, p. 28. 

* "Algunas sonagas de lat6n, d'estas que valen en Castilla un maravedf 
cada una/' ibid., p. 22. 

* Ibid., pp. 27, 53, 54, 61, 158. 

* "Vino otra canoa de otro lugar, que tra^a Qiertos pedacoe de oro, los 
quales querf a dar por un cascavel, porque otra coea tanto no deseavan como 
cascaveles, que aim no Uega la canoa & bordo, quando llamavan y mostrava[n] 
los pedacos de oro, didendo "chuque chuque" por cascaveles, que estin 
en puntos de se tomar locos por ellos. despuds de aver visto esto, y parti^- 
dose estas canoas, que eran de los otros lugares, llamaron al alnurante, y le 
rogaron que les mandase guardar im cascavel hasta otro dia, porqu' eUlos] 
traer(a[n] quatro pedacos de oro tan grandes como la mano," ibid., p. 80 f. 

7 "Trajan ovillos de algod6n filado, y papagayoe, y azagayas, y otras 
coeitas que serfa tedio de escrevir, y todo davan por qualqmera cosa que se 
los diese. . . . mas todo lo que tienen lo dan por qualquiera cosa que les 
den que fasta los pedacos de las escudillas y de las ta$as de vidro rotas res- 
catavan, fasta que vf dar .16. ovillos de algod6n por tres ceotis de Portugal, 
que es una blanca de Castilla, y en ellos avria mSs de un' arrova de algoa6n 
filado," ibid., p. 18. 

* "ESsto defendiera y no dexara tomar 6 nadie, salvo que yo lo mandara 
tomar todo para Vuestras Altezas, si oviera en cantidad. aqid nage en esta 
isla; mas por el poco tiempo no pude dar asf del todo fe," ibid., p. 18. 


worn by women.* Similar breech-cloths and ham- 
mocks made of cotton were seen on October 17.^ A 
vast amount of spun cotton was brought by Indian 
canoes on November 1,* and five days later the Span- 
iards saw more than five hundred arrobas of picked, 
spun, and woven cotton in one house, and more than 
four thousand quintals could be obtained there in one 
year. Columbus expressed the opinion that it was not 
sowed and that it bore fruit the whole year.* Colum- 
bus was convinced that the very large quantity of cotton 
which was raised in the islands would not have to be 
taken to Spain, but could be sold in the large cities of 
the Great Khan.* But under November fourth, we 
have Columbus' own statement that the cotton, which 

> "Elsta gente es semejante & aquella de las dichas islas, y una f abla y unas 
costmnbres, salvo qu'estos ya me pare^en algtin tanto m^ domdstica gente, 
y de tractOg y m^ sotiles, porque veo que an tra^do algod6n aquf & la nao, 
y otras cositas, que saben mejor refe[r]tar el pagamento que no hazian los 
otros. y aun en esta isla vide pafios de algod6n fechos como mantillos, y la 

Sente m6a dispuesta, y las mugeres traen por delante su cuerpo una cosita 
e algoddn, que escassamente le cobija su natura/' ibid,, pp. 22, 38. 

* "Aqui vide que unos mo^os de los navfos les trocaron azagayas, imos 
pedacuelos de escudillas rotas y de vidro. y los otros que fueron por el agua 
me aixeron como avian estado en sus casas, v que eran de dentro muy 
barridas y limpias, v sus camas y paramentos de cosas que son como redes 
de algod6n. ellas, scilicet las casas, son todas & manera de alfaneques, y muy 
altas y buenas chimeneas, mas no vide entre muchas poblagiones, que yo 
vide, ninguna que passasse de doze hasta quinze casas. aquf fallaron que las 
mugeres casadas tra^an bragas de algod6n/' ibid., p. 24. 

* "Vinieron luego a los navfos m&s de diez y seis almadfas 6 canoas, con 
algod6n hylado, y otras cosillas suyas, de las quales mand6 el almirante que 
no se tomase nada," ibid,, p. 33. 

* "La tierra muy f^rtil y muy labrada de aquellas mames y fexoes y habaa 
muy diversas de las nuestras, eso mismo panizo, y mucha cantidad de 
algod6n cogido, y filado, y obrado» y que en una sola casa avian visto m6a, 
de quinientas arrobas, y que se pudiera aver all! cada afio quatro mill 
quintales. dize el almirante que le parecia que no lo senbravan, y que da 
fruto todo el afio; es muy fino, tiene el capiuo grande. todo lo que aquella 
gente tenia diz que dava por muy vil precio, y que una gran espuerta de 
algod6n dava por cabo de agujeta 6 otra cosa que se le d€,'* ibid,, p. 37 f. 

* "Tanbi^n aqul se avrfa grande suma de algod6n, y creo que se venderfa 
muy bien ack, sin le Uevar a Espafia, salvo & las grandes ciudades del gran 
can, que se descubrir&n sin duda, y otras muchas de otros sefiores que avr&n 
en dicha servir & Vuestras Altezas, y adonde se les dar&n de otras cosas de 
Espafia y de las tierras de oriente, pues estas son 6 nos en poniente," ibid,, 
p. 39. 


the Indians did not sow, grew in the mountains, on 
high trees, which he saw in flower and with ripe bolls 
at the same time.^ 

If Columbus did not make up his account of cotton 
he found in the West Indies, he did not see any cotton 
at all, but only silk-cotton, the product of the Bombax 
ceiha, which grows in all tropical America. He specifi- 
cally tells us that the cotton was not sowed, but grew on 
high trees. As the Goasypium arboreum, mentioned 
in Arabia in the twelfth century^ by Ibn-al-Awam 
and known to exist from India to the Senegal, is totally 
unknown to America, Columbus' reference to high cot- 
ton trees puts it beyond any possible doubt that he saw 
only ceibas, but the silk-cotton of these trees does not 
twist and cannot be used by itself as a textile. It is 
known in trade under the Javanese name of kapoky and 
is used as a stuffing for mattresses and life belts. 

The Franciscan monks who were in Hispaniola in 
1500 apparently refer to ceiba cotton from which cloth 
was made: ''The Indians have a great abundance of 
wool which grows on trees, and yet they go naked. 
From this wool a certain Brother from necessity spun 
threads and made garments for himself and his com- 
panion."' ''Lana arboribus procreata" may be a 
translation of the German ''BaumwoUe" and so may 
refer to real cotton, but the fact that the monk out of 
necessity had to spin his own threads and weave his 

1 "Estas tierras son mu]^ f^iles, ellos las tienen Uenas de mames, que 
son como ^anahorias, que tienen sabor de caatafias, y tienen faxones y favas 
muy diversas de las nuestras, y mucho algod6n, el qual no siembran, y nace 
por los montes, ^rboles grandes; y creo que en todo tiempo lo aya para 
coger, poroue yf los cogujoe abiertos, y otros que se abrfan, y flores, todo 
en un ithol, y otras miQ maneras de fnitas, que me no es possible escrevir; 
y todo deve ser cosa provechosa/' i&uf.» p. 35 f. 

> Ibn-al-Awam, Le livre de VugricuUure d^Ibiird-Awam, trans, and ed. 
by J.-J. Cltoent-Mullet, Paris 1866, vol. II. 

* "Lanam arboribus procreatam in copia habent et tamen ab antea nudi 
Incedebant; ex qua lana Cfuidam Frater compulsus, filando ipsam, sibi et 
confratri suo habitum fecit/' The Catholic Historical Review, Apnl 1920, 
vol. VI, p. 64. 


own cloth, while the Indians went naked, shows con- 
clusively that the Franciscans found no cotton cloth 
in use in Hispaniola. 

Cotton is frequently mentioned afterwards, but that 
is of no consequence since we have the definite statement 
that in 1493 Columbus loaded his ships in the Canaries 
with animals and seeds, ^ which may have included 
cotton seed as well. Three years later the Indians who 
did not work in the gold mines were compelled to pay 
their tribute in cotton, twenty-five pounds per person, 
that is, the Indians were compelled to raise cotton for 
the white man.^ Authors from Oviedo until the 
present time unanimously assert that under the Span- 
iards the cultivation of cotton declined very rapidly, 
but this is contradicted by Columbus' law of 1496, 
which made every effort to introduce cotton on a large 
scale, but completely failed because the Indians had 
not been used to it. 

In 1498 Columbus, according to the Journal of the 
Third Voyage, wrote to the King of Spain that he sent 
him ''agul, lacar, &mbar, algod6n, pimienta, canela, 
brasil infim'to, estoraque, s&ndalos blancos y cetrinos, 
lino, &loes, gengibre, incensio, mirabolanos de toda 
especie."' As most of these products do not grow in 
America, Columbus simply applied the names of 
spices to similar plants, hence it is not certain that 

» Op. eit., p. 140. 

> "Impuso el almirante & todos los vezinos de la provincia de Cybao y 6 
lo8 de la Vega Real y 6 todos los cercanos & las minas, todos los de catorze 
afios arriba, d^ tres en tres meses, un cascabel de los de Flandes . . . lleno 
de oro . . . ; toda la otra gente, no vezina de las minas, contribuyese con 
una arroba de idgod6n cada persona . . . orden6se despuds de hazer una 
Qierta moneda de cobre 6 de lat6n, en la qual se hiziese una sefial, y esta 
se mudase & cada tributo, para que cada Yndio de los tributarios la trayese 
al cuello, porque se cognoe^ese qui6n la abfa pagado» y qui^n no; por manera 
qu'el que no la truxese abfa de ser castigado, aunque, diz que, moderada- 
mente, por no aber pagado el tributo. pero esta invenQi6n ... no pas6 
adelante por las novedades y turbagiones que luego 8UC(*edieron. . . ," 
ibid., p. 207 f. 

» im., vol. II, p. 24. 


algodon refers to "cotton." It may have been ceiba or 
any other textile fiber, such as maguey. This is made the 
more certain by the letter itself, which is lost, but which 
Herrera apparently quotes more fully, when he says: 
''se hallaua azul,ambar, a{{/odon, pimienta, canela,brasil, 
estoraque,sandalos blancos,y cetrinos,linaloes,gengibre, 
encienso, mirabolanos de toda especie, y la Cabuya, que 
es una yerua que haze pencas como cardo, de que 
es puede hazer muy buena tela, per el buen hilo que 
deella se saca."^ The addition cabuya^ that is, ''a 
variety of maguey, an herb producing spiny leaves like 
a thistle, from which a very fine cloth can be made, on 
account of the fine thread which is gotten from it," 
shows that by that time Columbus knew that the 
Indians made their cloth from the maguey, and not 
from cotton. But, having committed himself to cot- 
ton, he or his editor cut out the damaging sentence in 
his letter when the Journal of the Third Voyage was 
made up. 

In 1626 Oviedo wrote: "(The Indians of the main- 
land) fish with nets, for they have very good ones, of 
cotton, with which nature has provided them abundant- 
ly, and many woods are full of them; but the whitest 
and best is that which they plant in their settlement 
close to their houses or places, where they live."* In 
1535 we have a different story: "There is much wild 
cotton in Hispaniola, and there are also cultivated 
fields, and here it is better than in the open, and whiter 
and taller, and some of these plants grow one cubit and 
a half or two and send out new shoots from the ground. 
And thus it continues to produce cotton without being 
taken care of. But since people do not cultivate it in 
this island, it does not grow as in Indian times. The 

^ A. de Herrera, Descripeidn de las Indies oceidenialea, decada I» libro 
III, cap. 12. 

< G. F. de Oviedo, Sumario dela natural y general ietoria delaa Indiae, 
Toledo 1526, fol. Xlla. 


Christians do not busy themselves on their farms, al- 
though it is very good and would increase as well as on 
the mainland, where it produces ordinary shoots every 
year, and where it is sowed and reaped ; hence it is small 
in comparison with the cotton there, although I have 
seen there some high plants." It is the old story: 
Where we are not, things do well; where we are, we 
cannot verify what has become a conviction, namely 
that cotton was grown by the Indians. Prom Oviedo's 
statement only this can be concluded, that the plant 
deteriorated when it was not cultivated, and that the 
so-called wild species were plants escaped from cultiva- 
tion. If the commercially valuable cotton plant were 
really wild, no such rapid deterioration could have been 
observed as implied by Oviedo. 

This is amply borne out by everything we know of 
the wild species of cotton in America. De Candolle 
regretted that next to nothing was known of it, and 
Watt confirms this absence of any definite knowledge as 
to wild cotton in America : "De Vica is reported to have, 
in 1536, discovered a wild cotton in Texas and Louis- 
iana. Similar reports have subsequently been spasmod- 
ically made, but no qualified botanist has critically 
studied the wild species of Gossypium that exist in the 
American Continent and Islands, and thus the stories 
of travellers have not been confirmed. When first 
made known to Europe, the American Continent as 
also the West Indies, possessed not only a cotton indus- 
try but both wild and cultivated cottons, independent 
of those of the Old World. It is most unfortunate that 
no botanical specimens, no drawings, no descriptions 
exist of the plant or plants seen by Columbus and his 
associates. And, moreover, there is no record of these 
plants having been conveyed to Europe, so that we 
know nothing for certain of the species of American 
cottons until approximately two centuries after their 


original discovery. In fact we know more of the foreign 
stocks supplied to America than of the influences of its 
indigenous plants on the modern staple."^ But the case 
is much worse yet, for when we turn to the specific locali- 
ties from which cotton is recorded in literature since the 
discovery of America, we do not get a single case of 
wild-growing cotton which is not also recorded as grow- 
ing wild in Asia and Africa, so that the best that can be 
said of these varieties is that they have escaped from 
cultivation. Of Goasypium vitifolium, which is sup- 
posed to be the American cotton par excellence, Watt 
says: ** Possibly originally a native of Central and 
South America to the Amazon basin, as also of the Les- 
ser Antilles; recently distributed imder cultivation to 
the Southern States of North America, the West Indies, 
and Africa; occasionally met with in Egypt, India, 
the Celebes, Madagascar, Mauritius, &c. Frequently 
mentioned as seen in a wild condition, but it is possible 
that with better and more extensive material there may 
be found to be two or more perfectly distinct species 
included under the present form. ' ' ^ But it is not certain 
that this kind of cotton has been found in a wild state, 
and it may have been confused with Gossypium harhor 
dense: "If G, vitifolium has any claim to having been 
seen in a truly wild condition, and I am disposed to 
think it has, then it is highly likely that G. barbadense 
is but one of its many cultivated states.'" Of the latter 
he says: **Hemsley says of this species, 'Cultivated and 
wild, probably indigenous in America;' and Schumann 
(Martins, *F1. Bras.') remarks, 'specially cultivated in 
the islands of the Antilles and in Central America, more 
rarely in N.America and the tropics of the Old World.' "^ 

1 G. Watt» The Wild and CulHvated Cotton Plants of the World, London 
1907, p. 17 f. 
« Ibid., p. 267. 
» Ibid., p. 261. 
* Ibid., p. 267. 

From Watt's Tlu Wild and Cullivaud Cotton Plants of the Ifortd. 

GOSSYPIUM BRASILIENSE, from Watt'a Tkt WiU and Callnaled Cotton 
Plants of thf World. 

From Watt's Tht Wild and Cultnaud CoUon Plants oj tlu World. 


It would seem that at least in Mexico there were 
genuinely native varieties of cotton growing wild. 
Watt records Gossypium Palmerii in Mexico as having 
"all the appearance of being a wild species."^ So too, 
Gossypium lanceolatum grows in Mexico by roadsides,^ 
and Gossypium microcarpum "probably originated in 
Mexico;"^ but the fatal admission that "the existence 
of an extensive assortment of specimens collected in 
Africa shows that its cultivation must be fairly ancient, 
seeing that it had got distributed so widely, long anterior 
to its recognition botanically,"^ at once invalidates the 
last assumption, while the previous species and a few 
others, by Watt's own admission, have been variously 
associated with other forms, and no conclusion can be 
drawn as to the original home of the wild or ferine 

Nor are we better oflf in regard to the Peruvian cotton. 
Marie^ recognizes only one wild species there, the Gos- 
sypium religiosum of Linn6; but, according to Watt,® 
this is the Gossypium hirsutum of modern botany, and 
this is "reported from Europe, Persia, China, Java, 
India, Africa, throughout America etc."^ Similarly 
the distinctly South American cotton, Gossypium 
brasiliense, is, even by Watt's discussion, of uncertain 
origin: "Indigenous to South America, more especially 
Brazil and Quiana. Marcgraf speaks of it as growing 
in damp and warm places, but especially on cultivated 
ground. Spruce (see under G. peruvianum^ p. 215) 
says he had never seen it wild, and that it is nowhere the 
common cotton of the Indians. Cultivated in China, 

» Ibid., p. 205. 
« Ibid., p. 210. 
•Ibid., p. 211. 

* Ibid., p. 213. 

* La produeeidn de algod&n en d PerU, in Boletin del Ministerio de FomerUo, 
primer trimestre de 1916, Lima 1916, p. 32. 

* Op. eit., p. 204. 
» Ibid., p. 184. 


Japan, India (twice mentioned as wild), Malaya, Poly- 
nesia, Africa (often spoken of as wild), Mascarene 
Islands, Central andSouth America and the West Indies. 
Koster ('Travels in Brazil,' 1816, p. 368) says 'I have 
seen some species of wild cotton, of which, however, 
as I have neither note nor specimen I cannot pretend to 
give a description.' "^ Hiern* says that Gossypium 
barbadense and vitifolium **are met with wild in the 
neighborhood of villages" in Angola in Africa, and, simi- 
larly, ''Gossypium peruvianum is abundant and wild in 
depressions and on the drier slopes" in Golungo Alto. 
This excludes the presence of cotton in a wild form in 
America as a proof that it is native in America. In a 
pamphlet of the U. S. Department of Agricidture, 
which is A Study of Diversity in Egyptian Cotton,^ we 
read: "The cultivated varieties of cotton appear to fall 
into two series. Varieties native in America find their 
nearest relatives in other New World varieties, and all 
appear to be widely distinct from the indigenous species of 
Asia and Africa. Though very different from the Up- 
land varieties of the United States, the Egyptian cotton 
and the Sea Island cottons are also native of tropical 
America and are not so fundamentally different from 
the Upland cottons as is often supposed. 

**No varieties have as yet been discovered which are 
exactly intermediate between the Egyptian and the 
Upland types, but many of the Central American and 
West Indian varieties which are obviously related to 
our Upland cottons show some of the characteristics of 
the Egyptian and the Sea Island series. At the same 
time it has been found that the West Indian and Central 
American relatives of the Sea Island and Egyptian cot- 

» Ibid^ p. 298. 

« W. P. Hiern, Catalogue of the African PlarUa CoUeeted by Dr. Friedrieh 
Welwitseh in 1868-61, London 1896, vol. I, p. 77 ff. 

* By Cook, McLachlan, and Meade, Wasnington 1909, Biireau of Plant 
Industry, Bulletin No. 156, p. 8. 


tons show many Upland characters. Only a little addi- 
tional evidence is needed to prove that the native Ameri- 
can types of cotton form a continuous series, without 
any larger breaks than those which serve to separate 
the very numerous local varieties still kept in cultiva- 
tion among the agricultural Indians of tropical America. 
The residts of the present study of diversity in Egyptian 
cotton tend to emphasize the relationships of the Ameri- 
can varieties and make it evident that the Egyptian 
cottons have the same wide range of variation that other 
American cottons have been known to display." The 
words italicized by me show how imcertain the 
knowledge of the so-called indigenous American varie- 
ties is, and even if the Egyptian cotton is subordinated 
to the American varieties, we have still the great obsta- 
cle to overcome, observed by Kearney,^ that varieties 
are instantaneously produced by mutation: "Two of 
the best types (the Yuma and Somerton varieties) are 
so distinct from the Mit Aflfl variety from which they 
have been derived as to warrant the belief that they are 
mutations and have originated in the same manner as 
Abbasi, Jannovitch, and other superior types which 
have been developed in Egypt from the Mit Aflfl 
variety." Even if it should turn out that cotton ex- 
isted in the West Indies previous to Columbus, it still 
could have been introduced by earlier colonists, and all 
the varieties recorded in Peru, Mexico and Brazil are 
merely mutations of an original plant, which need not 
be of American origin. 

> IMd., BuUetin No. 200, p. 33. 


Cotton in Mexico. 

We can study the introduction of cotton into Mexico 
from an analysis, in chronological order, of the XVI. 
century references to it. In 1518 Grijalva saw the 
Yucatan Indians wearing cotton cloth about the middle 
of the body.^ As the usual cloth of the Indians from 
all reliable accounts was made from the maguey plant, 
"cotton" is merely a generic name for cloth not made 
from wool, linen or hemp. This is corroborated by the 
fact that Grijalva, according to Oviedo's account, re- 
ferred the word *' cotton" both to a delicate and a 
coarse material.* We have, however, an older account 
of Qrijalva's expedition, which was published in Italian 
in 1522.' Here we find the costly mantles referred to 
as of silk.^ Just as this anonymous author uses '^ silk" 
for hare's wool, so his term bambagia ** cotton" must, 

^ "Por medio de loe cuerpoB trayan muchas vueltas de vendas 6 listones 
de algodon tan anchos, como una mano," 6. F. de Oviedo, HisUnia general 
y naiurol de lae Indias, Madrid 1851, vol. I, p. 512. 

> "Tnizeron alg:unas mantillas de algodon teflido/' ibid., p. 523; "y di6 
el cacique junto con esto al capitan Gnjalva una india mo$a con una vesti- 
dura delgada de algodon," ibid., p. 528; "(iertas mantas gruesas de algodon 
de poco valor/' ibtd., p. 530. 

* J. Garcia Icazbalceta, Coleeeibn de doeumentaa para la histaria de MSxieo, 
MWco 1858, vol. I, p. 281 ff. 

* "La seta con che lavorano, ^ che pieliano i peli della pancia del lepre & 
conigli, & gli tengono in lana di quel colore che vogliono, & glido danno in 
tanta perfettione che non si puo dimandare meglio, dopo lo mano & con esso 
lavorano, & fanno si gentili lavori quasi come con la nostra seta, & ancora che 
si lavi, mai perde il suo colore, et il lavoro che si fa con essi dura gran tempo," 
ibid., p. 377 f. 


to say the least, include the maguey and henequen, 
from which most Indian cloth was made.^ 

The same looseness of expression is found in Cortes* 
letters: **The clothing which they wear is like long 
veils, very curiously worked. The men wear breech- 
cloths about their bodies, and large mantles, very thin, 
and painted in the style of Moorish draperies. The 
women of the ordinary people wear, from their waists 
to their feet, clothes also very much painted, some 
covering their breasts and leaving the rest of the body 
uncovered. The superior women, however, wear very 
thin shirts of cotton, worked and made in the style of 
rochets. "* Not a word is said here of the maguey cloth, 
which was the common material from which the Indian 
cloths were made. Similarly, though cotton cloth is 
specifically named, there is no mention of maguey or 
hare's wool cloth in the collection sent by Cortes in 
1519 to the King of Spain,' nor in the market place of 
the City of Mexico, where **they also sell skeins of dif- 
ferent kinds of spun cotton, in all colours, so that it 
seems quite like one of the silk markets of Qranada, al- 
though it is on a greater scale."* Yet Sahagun, writ- 
ing in the second half of the XVI. century, knows only 
of maguey, nequen and palm cloth, some of which 

I "I vestimenti loro son certi manti di bambagia come lenzuola, ma non 
oosi mndi. lavorati di ^tili lavori di diverse maniere, & con le lor franze 
A orletti, & di questi ciascim n'ha duoi 5 tre & se gli li^ per davanti al 
petto. . . Le donne portano certe lor camicie di bambagia senza maniche, 
che assomigliano a quelle che in Spagna chiamano sopra pelize, sono lunghe 
ft larghe, lavorate di bellissimi, & molto gentili lavori sparsi per esse, con 
le loro frangie, 5 orletti ben lavorati che compariscono benissimo: et di 

aueste portano due, tre & quattro di diverse maniere, & una d piu lungha 
ell'altre, perche si vedano come sottane: portano poi dalla dntura k basso 
una ahra sorte di vestire di bambagia pura, che gli arriba al coUo del piede, 
similmente galante ft molto ben lavorate/' ibid., p. 376 f. 

*F. A. MacNutt, Letters of Cortes, New York, London 1908, vol. I, 
p. 162. 

*P. de Gayangoe, Cartas y relaeiones de Heman Cortis al Emperador 
Carlos y, Paris 1866, p. 33. 

* F. A. MacNutt, op. eit., p. 268. 


was of a delicate texture.^ Sahagun refers to those 
who sell raw cotton, which in his day was apparently 
raised in a few isolated places,^ but there is no reference 
whatsoever to cotton cloth, although we have several 
references to European articles. 

. The same confusion is observed in the references to 
paper. In a grant of Cortes to the caciques of Axa- 
pusco, written probably in 1526, we read: **0n the 
[twenty] second of April of this year (1519), at eleven 
o'clock P. M. there came said Tlamapanatzin and 
Atonaletzin with many of their Indians, loaded with 
presents and provisions, and paintings on cloths such 
as they use, which are called nequene, and books of 

I <*E1 que vende manias delgadas de maguey suele tener lo siguiente: 
conviene k saber tostar las ojas y rasparlas muy bien, echar maza de mafz 
en ellas, y lavar bien la pita, 6 limpiar y sacudirla en el agua, y las manias 
que vende son blancas, adobadas con maza, bruflidas, bien labradas, y de 
piemas anchas, angosias, largas 6 luengas, gordas 6 gruesas, iiesas 6 
fornidas, al fin todas las manias de maguey que iienen labores; algunas vende 
que son muj^ ralas que no parecen sino ioca, como son las manias muy 
delgadas, iejidas en hebras de neauen, y las hechas en hebra iorcida; y por 
el conirario algunas que son goroas, iupidas, y oiras labradas, 6 basias y 
gruesas, ya sean de piia, ya de hilo de maguey," B. de Sahagun, Hisioria 
general de las cosae de Nueva Eapafia, in Biblioteea Mexieana, Mexico 1896, 
Bb. X, cap. 20. "El que hace y vende las manias que se hacen de palmas 
que se llaman IczoiF de la iierra, 116valas f uera & vender y v6ndelas k mas 
de lo que valen. Las manias que vende son de doe brazas, y las que son sin 
cosiura y bien proporcionadas al cuerpo, y las que iienen las bandas como 
arcos de pipas, y las que son como arpilleras para envolver cosas esias 
manias son mucnas maneras como en la leira parece," ibid, 

> "El que vende algodon suele iener semenieras de ^ y sfembralo; es 
regaion el que lo marca de oiros para iomarlos & vender: los capullos de 
al^Klon que vende son buenos, gordos, redondos, y llenos de algodon. El 
mejor alffodon y muy esiimado, es el que se d& en las iierras de riego, y en 
segundo lugar d algodon que se hace h&cia orienie: iambien es de segundo 
lugar el que se d& h&cia el ponienie. Tiene iercer lugar el que viene del 
pueblo que se llama 'Veytlalpan', y el que se d& h&cia el sepienirion; y el 
de posirer lugar el que se dice 'quauhichcatr, y cada uno de esios gineros 
de algodon, se vende por sf segun su valor sin engafiar & nadie: iambien 
por sTse vende el algodon amanllo, y por sf los capullos quebradoe. El mal 
traianie de esto, de cada esquina quiia un poco de algodon, y los capullos 
6 cascoB, vacfalos 6 hinche iupi^ndolos de oiro algodon, 6 espeluz6ndoloB 
con agujas sutilmenie, para que parezcan llenos," ibid. 


maguey paper, such as are in use among them. "^ This 
is in keeping with what Toribio de Motolinia has to say 
of the Mexican paper. '*0f the maguey good paper is 
made in Tlaxcallan, which is in use over a great part of 
New Spain. There are other trees in the hot lands, 
from which a great quantity of paper was made and sold. 
The tree and paper are called amatly and by this name, 
amatl^ the Spaniards call the letters and paper and 
books. "^ It is not possible to ascertain the tree which 
he here calls amatl^ as no other source mentions it, but 
since Hern&ndez has a tree amacoztic or tezcalamatl^ 
literally ** stone paper,"' there must have been a tree 
amatlj as given in Motolinia, from which paper was made. 
Zorita,^ who quotes Motolinia, adds that the paper made 
from maguey was not as good as the one from amatl. 
Orozco y Berra* quotes from an article on anacahuite, 
to show that Hern&ndez described the *' paper tree," 
amacuahuitlj from which paper was made at Tepoxtlan. 
I am unable to find the passage in Hern&ndez, while the 
dictionaries give only amacapulquauitl, literally ** paper 
plum tree," that is, ** mulberry tree." No doubt, 

> "En dos dias del mes de Abiil 21 de dicho aflo, & las once de la noche 
Uegaron los dichos Tlamapanatzin y Atonaletzin con muchoe indios de los 
suyos cargadoB de presentee y bastimentos, y las pinturas en unos lienzos 
que acostumbraban, que se llama nequene, y Ubros del papel de maguey que 
se usa entre ellos; todo se manda por pinturas, estatuas (sic) y figuras impcor- 
fectas, y todo g^ero de la tierra, drboles, cerros 6 rios, calles y todo, sin 
faltar cosa^ en ellas, pintadas y figuradas, y con ellos im buen escribano de 
los que entienden y estudian para sus efectos; y traien imas varitas delgadas 
y sutiles con que iban sefialando y llamando por sus tenores y 6rdenes," 
J. Garcia Icazoalceta, op. ciL, vol. II, p. 8 f. 

> "H&cese del meU buen papel: el pliego es tan grande como dos pliegos 
del nuestro, y desto se hace mucho en TlaxcaUan, que corre i)or gran parte 
de la Nueva Espafia. Otros drboles hay de que se hace en tierra cahente, 
y desto se solia hacer y gastar gran cantidad; el drbol y el papel se llama 
amaU, y eete nombre llaman k las cartas y al papel y & los libros los espafloles 
amatl: el libro su nombre se tiene," J. Garcia Icazbalceta, Memonaka de 
Fray Toribio de Motolinia, M^jico 1903, p. 318 f. 

*N. Le6n, Cuatro libros de la naturcueza, Eztracto de las obras del Dr. 
Francisco Hemdndez, Morelia 1888, p. 52. 

* A. de Zorita, Historia de la Nueva Espafia, Madrid 1909, vol. I, p. 130. 

* M. Orozco y Berra, Historia antigua ydela conquista de MSxico, Mexico 
1880, vol. I, p. 337. 


paper could be made from various barks, even as it is 
manufactured today from pulp, but there is no evidence 
that it was manufactured of anything but maguey. 
At least Orozco y Berra shows that in 1580, at which 
time Hem&ndez wrote, there was a maguey paper mill 
at Culhuacan. 

The large Goupil collection of Mexican manuscripts^ 
records only paper from the agave americana, that is, 
maguey, or European paper.' The same is true of the 
Humboldt collection,* with one exception. Number 
XVI, according to Seler, "looks as though it were 
European ragpaper, but the microscopic investigation 
showed a fiber, which in appearance, strength, and 
luminosity, etc., seemed to be identical with the fiber 
of which the coarse agave paper of pages III and IV is 
made. Only there are among it slender, spirally twisted 
fibers, which seemed to stretch themselves a little 
and to untwist in the water under the cover glass."* 
The stretching and unrolling of the fiber points at once to 
ceiba cotton. This material was also used in the Lienzo 
de Tucutacato: "the fiber of the cloth is brilliant and 
very smooth, much resembling that of cotton{Oo88ypium 
herbaceum) J and identical with that of Eriodendron 
anfractuosum. As it is not possible to subject the 
latter to permanent spinning, we must suppose either 
that it is not of the material, or that the ^Tarascos' 
understood some peculiar method, now lost, of prepar- 
ing it so as to use it to advantage. "* The preparation 
is described by MotoUnia. "The amanteca, who work in 

> E. Boban, DocumenU pour servir d VhisUnre du Mexique, Catalogue 
raisonnS de la eoUeetum E. Eugene Goupil, Paris 1891. 

* "In Sahagun's time Spanish paper was sold in the Mexican market," 
op, cit., lib. X, cap. 21. 

* £. Seler, DU mexikafiMehen BUderhandachrjfien Alexander von Humboldt's 
in der Kdniolichen Bibliothek tu Berlin, in GesammeUe Abhandlungen zur 
amerikanischen Spraeh- und AUerOiumskunde, Berlin 1902, vol. I, p. 162 fF. 

* Ibid,, p. 289. 

* N. Le6n, Studies on the Archaeology of Miehoacan (Mexico), in Smith" 
sonian Report, 1886, Washington 1889, p. 307. 


feathers and gold^ make much use of the shredded 
maguey leaves: over these leaves they make a paper 
of pasty cotton, which is as fine as a thin veil, and on 
this paper and over the leaves they paint their pictures, 
and the paper is the principal instrument of their 
office."^ There can be little doubt that the ''cotton" 
here mentioned was ceiba cotton, which needed a paste 
in order to make the fiber stay twisted. Of real cotton 
paper not a trace has been found in ancient Mexico. 

In 1532 the Indians were compelled to plant those 
things which they had to render as a tribute, and 
mayordomos or calpixques were placed over them, to 
see that the work was done.* These calpixques were 
chiefly Negroes, who immediately after the conquest 
treated the Indians with great severity. • In 1533 some 

> "De eBtas pencas hechas pedazos se sirven mucho Iob maestros, que 
llaman amanteeOf que labran de pluma y oro: endma de estas pencas hacen 
im papel de algodon engrudado, tan delgado como una delgada toca, y sobre 
aquel papel y endma de la penca labran todoe mis debujos, y es de los 
pnndimles instrumentos de su ofido," op. cU., p. 317. 

' "Al presente para les sacar el tributo es meneeter que un mayordomo 6 
calpixque eBt6 en cada pueblo para les hacer sembrar to que son obligados, 
y para que den el tributo que le est& sefialado, y con todo esto no se les saca 
ni k) dan enteramente," J. Garcia Icazbalceta, Pareeer dd Sr. FuenUal, in 
Coleeei&n de documentos para la historia de Mixieo, M^co 1866, vol. II, 
p. 177. 

* "La cuarta plaga fu6 los calpixques 6 estanderos y negros; que luego 
que la tierra se reiHurti6, los conquistadores pusieron en sus repartimientos 
y pueblos & ellos encomendados criadoe 6 negroe para cobrar los tributos 
y para entender en granjerias, y estos residian y residen en los pueblos, y 
aunque por la mayor parte son labradores de Espafia, ac& en esta Nueva 
Espafia se ensefiorean y mandan & los sefiores y principales naturales; y 
porque no querria escribir sus defectos, digo que me parece & los opresores 
eeipdanoe que afligian al pueblo de Israd, porque en todo les semeja en las 
obras y en el hacer de los ladrillos. Tambien son como las moscas gravfsimas 
de la cuarta plaga de Egipto que agraviaba la casa de Faraon y de sus siervoe: 
y de esta pla^ fu6 corrompida la tierra: bien asi estos ealpixquee que digo 
agravian & los sefiores naturales y k todo el pueblo, y ansi se hacen servir y 
temer m&B que si fuesen sefiores naturales, y nunca otra cosa hacen sino 
demandar, y nunca est&n contentos a do estin y allegan: todo lo enconan 
y corrompen, hediondos como came dafiada de moscas por sus malos 
ejemplos; moscas en ser perezosos y no saber hacer nada sino mandar; 
z&nganos que comen la mid que labran las abejas, esto es, que no les basta 
cuanto los pobres indioe pueden dar, sino que dempre son importunes, 
como moscas gravfsimos. En los sAoa primeros eran (tan) absolutes estos 


Indians of the province of Quanavaquez came before 
Pedro Garcia, interpreter of the Real Audiencia, with 
eight paintings of the tribute they were paying to 
Cortes, and complained that the latter treated them 
not as vassals of the King of Spain, but as slaves, who 
were maltreated by his servants and were obliged to 
pay excessive tributes and do excessive services. The 
province of Quanavaquez paid to Cortes every eighty 
days 4800 four-ply sheets of two ells broad and two ells 
long, besides twenty richly worked petticoats and 
shirts, ten damask bed sheets, ten other Indian damask 
sheets, and four cotton quilts, and had to furnish the 
food, the planting, and the house service. They had to 
plant each year twenty units of cotton and eight of 
maize, and to reap and house it all. Among the long list 
of other contributions they made, are mentioned 
Spanish chickens, which shows that we are not dealing 
with lists of Aztec tributes in the paintings, but with 
those of Spanish origin. Indeed, Pedro Garcia testifies 
that the paintings contained lists of tribute, food, and 
services, and of extortions, that is, that they were deal- 
ing with contemporary, not pre-Spanish conditions.^ 

We have a contemporary reference to the extraord- 
inary rapidity with which the Indians accommodated 
themselves to the new conditions, and raised and manu- 
factured European articles or, to be more correct, 
Indian articles with European improvements. In 1541 
the Christian Indians of Tlaxcalla offered on Easter 
day a large number of mantles, "woven of cotton and 
hare's wool, and those are of many kinds: most of them 
have a cross in the middle, and these crosses differ much 
among themselves; other cloths have in the middle a 

ealpixquea en maltratar los indioe y en enviarlos cars^ados lejos tierra, y 
poni6ndolo8 en otros trabajos, de los cnales hartos murieron/' J. Garda 
Icazbalceta, Memorialea de Fray Torihio, p. 22 f. 

^ Coleed&n de doeumerUaa irMUos relativos al deseubrimiento, eonquista y 
arganizac%6n de las antiifuaB poaesumea espafiolae de AnUrica y Oceania, 
Madrid 1870, vol. XIV, p. 142 ff. 

TOCULPOTZIN, from Boban's Docutnenu pour iirvir a rkistoirt du Mexiqut. 

>>*^^|flR*- ^t^^^»r'.. r#*^ -■ I m n j f ff^ 


rf". *. 

QUAUHTLAZACUILOTZIN, from Boban's Docununts pour servir a Phistoire du 



striped colored shield; others have the name of Jesus 
or Mary, with their tassels and embroidery all around 
them ; others have flowers and roses beautifully woven 
into them, and this year a woman offered on one such 
cloth the crucifix woven on both sides, although one 
seemed to be the face of it, and this was so well done 
that all those who saw it, both churchmen and lay 
Spaniards, admired it greatly, and said that she could 
do even better and should produce tapestry."^ The 
Indians of Tlaxcalla built two chapels in Spanish fashion 
soon after 1525, and produced all kinds of cloth on 
Spanish looms, and in a little more than twenty days 
learned to construct a loom and work in wool, estab- 
lishing a factory for wool cloth at QuauhquechuUa.* 

> "Lo que ofrecen es alfirunas mantas de las con que andan cubiertos: 
otrofi pobres traen mantillas de cuatro 6 cinco palmos en largo, 6 poco menos 
de ancho, que valer&n un maravedl: otros paup6rrimos oirecen otras aun 
menores: otras mujeres ofrecen unos pafios como de portapaz, ^ de eso 
sirven despues, que son de obra de tree 6 cuatro palmos, tejidos de labores 
de algodon ^ de pelo de conejo, y estos son muchos 6 de muchas maneras: 
los mas tienen una cruz en el medio, y estas cruces muy diferentes unas de 
otras: otros de aquellos pafios traen en medio im escudo de plagas tejido 
de colores: otros el nombre de Jesus 6 de Maria, con sus caireles 6 labores 
alr^edor: otros son de flores y rosas tejidas y bien asentadas, y aun en 
este afio ofreci6 una mujer en un pafio de estos un Crucifijo tejido 4 dos 
haces, aimque la una parte se parecia ser mas la haz que la otra, harto bien 
hecho, que todos los que lo vieron, ansf frailes como se£[lares espafioles, lo 
tovieron en mucho, diciendo que quien aquel hizo, mejor haria y tejeria 
tapiceria. Estas mantas y psiios tr&enlas cogidas, y allegados cerca las 
gradas del altar, hincan las rodillas, y hecho su acatamiento, sacan y descogen 
su manta 6 pafio, y t6manlas por los cabos con ambas las manos, tendida, y 
levfintanla h4cia La frente ima 6 dos 6 tres veces ^ luego asi^ntanla en las 
gradas, y retr&ense un poco, tomando & hincar las rodillas, oran un poco, 
y mucnos de ellos traen consigo nifios, por quien tambien traen ofrenda, y 
d6nselas en las manos, y av^nlos allf & oirecer y hincar las rodillas, aue 
ver con el recogimiento y devocion que lo hacen, es para poner espfritu 4 los 
muertos," J. Garcia Icazbalceta, Memoriaies de Fray Toribio, p. 96 f. 

' "Tejen estos naturales con telares de Castilla sayal y mantas frazadas, 
pafios y reposteros: en solo Tezeuco hay tantas y muchos telares de pafios, 
que es una hacienda gruesa. T6jense muchas maneras de pafios hasta 
resimos, y de esto los maestros son espafioles, pero en todo entienden 6 ayudan 
los indios, y luego ponen la mano en cualqmer oficio, y en pocos dias salen 
maestros; ya este oficio de pafios esti en otras partes. 

"Un sefior de im pueblo llamado Aquauhquechuia, en los afios primeros que 
comenzaron los telares, como &. toviese ovejas y lana, deseaba tejeria en 
telares de CastiUa y hacer sayal para vestir 4 los frailes que en su pueblo 
tiene, 6 mand6 4 dos indios suyos que fuesen 4 Mexico, 4 ima casa que habia 


The complaint of the Indians that they had to plant 
cotton, as something out of the ordinary, is justified by 
a letter of the same year from the vicar, Fray Francisco 
de Mayorga, who pitied the Indians and tried to have 
their lot alleviated. He wrote: ''He now oppresses 
these poor souls still more and sends them to plant some 
of Montezuma's fallow lands in cotton and other things, 
in order to pay for a certain part of the house they 
are making for him in Mexico, as if they were not doing 
their part, and more than any other vassals."^ We 
have only one reference to cotton being raised in the 
time of Montezuma, but this is from a loose sheet writ* 
ten by an unknown man after 1539: *' The Eang placed 
mayordomos and taxcoUectors over those whom he 
took captive in war, and, although they were governed 
by their masters, they were under control of the King of 
Mexico, and these ordered them to plant every kind of 
seed and tree for the people of the cities, and cotton^ 
over and above the tribute. "* But this is mere hearsay 

telares, para que buscaaen si pudieeen hallar algun indio de loa ya enseliados, 
para que asentaae en su pueblo un telar y eiiBefiaae & otros, y si no, que 
miraaen si ellos podian de^renderlo por alguna via; y como no haUaron 
quien con ellos quisiese venir, ni tampooo c6mo se ensefiar poniendo la mano 
en la obra, ca de otra manera muy nud se deprenden los oficios, sino medendo 
las manoe en ellos: estos indios estuvieron mirando en aquella casa todo 
cuanto es menester, desde que la lana se lava hasta que sale labrada y tejida 
en el telar, y cuanao los otros indios maestros fbaxk a comer y en las fiestas, 
los dos tomaban las medidas de todos los instrumentos y herramientas, ansf 
de peynes, tomos, urdidero, como del telar, peines y todo lo demAs, que 
hasta sacar el pafio son muchos oficios, y en veinte y tantos dias, que no 
Uegaron a treinta dias, Uevaron los oficios en el entendimiento, y sacaaas las 
medidas y vueltos & su sefior, asentaron en QuauhquechuUa y pusieron los 
ofidos, hicieron y asentaron los telaron (telares), y tejieron su sayal. Lo que 
mlui dificultoso se les hizo fu6 el urdir," ibid,, p. 184 f. 

1 «Lo que les afiaden agora nuevamente a estos pobres es que los manda 
sembrar unas derras baldlas que eran de Mimteguma, de akod6n y otras 
cosas, para pagar derta parte de la casa que le hacen en M&co, como si 
estos no hiciesen su parte^ y m&a que los otros sus vasallos," P. M. Cuevas, 
DoeumerUos iniditoa dd nglo XVI, para la hiBtoria de Mkneo, M^co 1914, 
p. 47. 

' "Los que tomaba de guerra decian iequHin UaeoU e, que quiere decir, 
tributan como esclavos. £n estos ponia mayordomos y recogedores y 
recaudadores; y aunque los sefiores mandaban su gente, eran debajo de la 
mano destos de Mexico; y estos mandaban sembrar toda semilla y todo 


to justify precisely the same procedure by the Spaniards 
who tried to make their clauses legal, by referring to 
Aztec customs. The very phrase " cotton^ over and above 
the tribute^' shows that that was not the usual custom. 

This same authority tells of the origin of wheat cul- 
ture in Mexico, which was similarly imposed upon the 
natives, and here we know positively that wheat was 
only introduced by the Spaniards. "When the mar- 
quis had conquered Mexico and while he was at Cuyoa- 
can they brought him from the port a little rice. In it 
three grains of wheat were found. He asked a free 
Negro to plant them. Only one came up, and upon 
investigation it was found that the other two had rot- 
ted. The one which came up produced forty-seven 
ears of wheat. From this there was such an abundance 
that in 1539 I sold good wheat, indeed, especially good 
wheat, at less than a real per hanega. Although the 
marquis later received some wheat, it all spoiled and 
did not grow. From this one grain comes all the wheat 
with all its varieties in the lands where it has been sowed 
and it seems to be different in every province, although 
coming all from one seed."^ 

This account may be apocryphal, since G6mara tells a 
variant of it: **A Negro of Cortes, whose name, I 
believe, was Juan Garrido, planted in a garden three 
grains of wheat which he had found in a bag of rice. 
Two of them sprouted, and one of these produced one 
hundred and eighty grains. They planted these, and 
soon a mass of wheat came from it : one grain produces 
one hundred and even three hundred, and even more if 
properly attended to and irrigated. While some is 
being planted, other wheat is garnered, and other 

&rbol para mnjerfa k los vecinos, y algod6n, demas de los tributos; y tenian 
casas grandes do hacian lleg^ar la gente mujeres de cada pueblo 6 barrio 4 
hilar, tejer, labrar; y demas de todo, en Babiendo que alguno tenia algo de 

cudida tom&banselo/' J. Garcia Icazbalceta, CoUcddn de doeumento8, 
vol. II, p. 592. 
» Ibid., p. 692 f. 


is still green, and all at one time, and thus there are 
several crops a year. All this is due to a Negro and 
slave. "^ 

A number of Mexican picture writings, deaUng with 
the tribute, may now be examined. We begin with a 
dated one, of Otlazpan and Tepexic,^ of the year 1549. 
In this Cddice Mariano Jim4nez\itt\e trace is left of pre- 
Spanish taxes, as we have not only payments in Spanish 
gold, but contributions on Christian hoUdays and plant- 
ing of wheat, as well as maize. Here we also find a pro- 
vision that two thousand women were to weave each a 
piece of a mantle of cotton, altogether 325 mantles. 
The Indians were also to provide tochimitl mantles for 
the chiefs and tequitlatos of the place. We have no 
means of ascertaining the period at which cotton was 
actually employed, since before Spanish times the com- 
mon Indians wore mantles of maguey and henequen, 
if not exclusively, certainly more often than any other 
material, and those are not mentioned here. 

Far more interesting is the very elaborate Codex 
Kingshoroughy^ of the British Museum, which deals with 
the history of the pueblo of Tepetlauztuc from Aztec 
times up to about 1549. Here we can study, not only 
the changes brought about by the Spanish conquest, 
but also the extraordinary rapidity with which Spanish 
ideas and words became incorporated in Aztec thought 
and language. 

The first civilized cacique of Tepetlauztuc was Coco- 
pin, who possessed several villages. From Magagua- 
can, with one hundred households, he received every 
eighty days four feather mantles and one load of rich 

^F. L6pez de G6inara, Conguista de M^ieo, Barcelona 1888, vol. II, 
p. 268. 

'N. Le6n, Cddice Mariano Jiminez, N&mina de tributos de los pwblot 
Oikufpan y Tepexic en geroglifieo Azteea y lenguae Castellana y NakuaU, 1S49, 
Mexico [1904]. 

< The Peabody Museum at Harvard University has both a fine colored 
copy and a photographic reproduction of this Codex, 

CHRISTIAN ELEMENT in Codict Morimo Jimenn. 

Mariano Jminrz. 


petticoats, one of shirts, and two of maguey shirts, one 
load of fine mantles, four of mats, eighty burdens of 
ocotCj and had one sowing of maize of 400 bracas. 
From Caltecoya, with forty households, he received as 
tribute every eighty days twenty fine large mantles and 
twenty shirts, and sowed 400 square tragas of maize. 
Hiecazinco, with forty households, gave the same; from 
Tlapechuacan he got two sowings of maize; Hazahuac, 
with twenty households, gave only building material, 
and so forth. After him came his wife, and then his 
nephew Tlilpotonqui, who, as a Christian, was called 
Don Diego and had left to him by Cortes only a part of 
Cocopin's possessions, namely 265 houses, from which 
he received tribute. There were in all, in Cortes' time, 
twenty chiefs, who received tribute from their tenants, 
which apparently was transferred to Cortes. In the 
three years that Cortes owned the viUages, he received 
forty squares of fine gold, each of which weighed 30 pesos 
of gold, one gold buckle and rich plumes. Besides, he 
received four loads of fine mantles and eleven richly 
wrought mantles, and still another load of rich mantles, 
and 3000 hanegas of maize. 

After three years, Cortes turned this pueblo over to 
Diego de Ocampo, who received in one year forty squares 
of gold, ten loads of richly wrought mantles, and eleven 
loads of more richly wrought mantles of tochomitl, 
** which is the silk of the country." This tribute is 
obviously of the same character as that given to Cortes, 
and we learn from this that the richly wrought mantles 
were made from hare's wool. The following year the 
encomienda was held by Miguel Diaz, who received as 
tribute forty squares of gold, twelve loads of rich cloth, 
80,000 grains of axi, 200 salt loaves, 800 loads of beans, 
800 loads of maize flour, 800 loads of differently ground 
maize, 20 loads of native bread, and a large quantity of 
pots, pigs and dishes, 300 crates of fowls, 60 loads of 


ground cocoa, 200 load carriers, 33,600 loads of maize, 
10 millers per day, and all this although the excessive 
taxes had already greatly reduced the population. The 
terrible extortion in articles not produced on the land 
was an intolerable burden to the Indians: ^'This first 
year the Indians gave to the factor fruit, axi, salt, honey, 
pitchers, pots, coal, ocote^ which they bought in the 
market at the price of 7300 loads of enequen mantles, 
each load containing 20 mantles of enequen. " It is not 
necessary to pursue further the exactions of the factor, 
and the toll in Indian lives. We have so far gleaned a 
number of important points for our purpose. 

By this time we find the gold weighed on Spanish 
scales, which are represented in the Mexican hierogly- 
phics. The Spanish word peso "weight" was at once 
adopted by the Aztec and other languages, and we find 
in the earliest Aztec dictionary pexouia 'Ho weigh,'* 
and similarly, Kiche pis-oCy Pokonchi paj-am, Kakchi- 
quel, Uspanteca paj, Maya ppiz "to weigh, measure," 
hence Maya ppiz-ah "to weigh, compare, arrange, mix 
mortar," ppiz-bo "to try oneself, understand, fight, 
war," ppiz'ib "rule," ppiz-kin "week," ppiz-muk*^ to 
try, attempt." Without a careful study of the whole 
group of the Maya words, one would hardly have sus- 
pected that they are of Spanish origin, and that in the 
twenties of the XVI. century many of these words were 
already current in Mexico and the neighboring coun- 
tries. It was this extraordinary rapidity of the dissemi- 
nation of borrowed words, which immediately undergo 
phonetic changes, that set me to investigate the arch- 
aeological data, which deal with centuries and aeons, 
instead of years, where documentary evidence may be 

Another such word is the Spanish Castilla "Spain." 
In the Codex Kingsborough we have a few references to 
a tribute in chickens, as "gallinas de Castilla. " Hence 


the earliest Aztec dictionary gives caxtil ''chicken." 
In Kekchi caxlan is not only ''chicken/' but also 
"Spanish," hence caxlan lem "Spanish mirror," that 
is, "eyeglasses," caxlan oua "Spanish bread," that is, 
"wheat bread. " In Maya the word has reduced itself 
to cax "chicken." 

But what is of greater importance to us is the fact 
that we have no reference to "cotton" mantles. We 
hear only of those of tochomitU maguey^ and enequen. 
The first refers to wool cloth, the second to common 
mantles, and the last, obviously to the "mantas del- 
gadas," or "ricas," the delicately wrought mantles of 
the text. The statement that the Indians exchanged 
their enequen mantles for articles in the markets is made 
in order to show that it was not common maguey man- 
tles that the Indians paid for them, but the better kind. 
Enequen of the text is the same as pita of the Spaniards. 
Of this Hern&ndez^ says : " Pati^ or metl, from which the 
finest threads are made, resembles metly but has nar- 
rower, smaller, and thinner leaves, which are inclined 
to be purple and form a thick fibrous root. It is the 
kind which is called pita and from it are spun very fine 
threads, which are held in high esteem and are adapted 
for the weaving of costly linen cloth. " " Quetzalychtliy 
which some call metl pitae, seems to belong to the metl. 
It grows as high as a tree and has a large fibrous root, 
which by degrees grows slender. Its leaves are spinous 
and resemble those of the meth From them anything 
can be made that is made from the metl, and from its 
threads very delicate and costly garments are made. It 
grows in hot places. " 

In the third year of the encomienda, which is about the 
year 1527, the factor asked for Don Diego's wife and, 
not getting her, sent Don Diego to pasture his sheep, 

^ F. Hern&ndez, Nova plarUarumt animalium et mineralium mexicanorum 
historia, Romae 1651, p. 275. 


and here we get a very good representation of two 
sheep. A year later the Indians raised wheat for the 
mayordomo, and gathered two thousand hanegas of 
wheat. Here we get, I believe, for the first time, a 
Mexican picture of an ear of wheat. The following 
year we once more hear of mantles of tochomitl ** which 
is the silk of the country." A few years later the 
Indians were obUged at their own expense to paint the 
factor's house, for which they spent 800 loads of mantles 
of enequen, each of twenty mantles. From this night- 
mare of tributes the Indians were freed only after four 
years of the encomienda, approximately in 1548, by 
Doctor Quezada, who examined the case and compelled 
the factor to pay back to the Indians 1600 pesos. 

We can now approach the great Book of Tributes in the 
Codex Mendoza} and the Libro de los tributos.^ The latter 
is, probably, an older copy than the first, but as so many 
deductions have been based on the Spanish interpreta- 
tion in the Codex Mendoza^ we shall examine this one 
more closely. Kingsborough says that ** the M. S. con- 
taining this collection of paintings is not original; the 
outline of figures is done with a pen, and they are 
drawn on European paper. " This copy was, according 
to Orozco y Berra, executed about the year 1549, just 
before Viceroy Mendoza' s reign came to an end. The 
contemporary editor of the Codex craved the excuse of 
the reader for the faulty interpretation of the Mexican 
figure writing, which was frequently a matter of guess- 
work. The Spanish translation was made a few days 
before the departure of the fleet, and the reader should 
keep in view only the subject matter.* 

> E. Kingsborough, AriHquUies in Mexico, London 1830. 

* A. Pefiafiel, MonumenloB del arte mexicano antiffuo, Berlin 1890. 

< "El estilo grosero € interpretacion de lo figurado en esta ystoria supla el 
Lector, porque no se di6 lugar al ynterpretador, y como cosa no acordada ni 
pensada, se interpret6 a uso de proceso . . . Diez dias antes de la partida 
de la flota se di6 al ynterpretador esta ystoria para que la ynterpretase, el 
cual descuido fu^ de los Yndias que acordaron tarde, y como cosa corrida 


The list of tributes paid by the subjected cities to 
Montezuma is found on plates XIX-LVII. What- 
ever reliance there may be placed on the Mexican writ- 
ing, the Spanish interpretation of it is of extremely 
doubtful value. The tribute begins with the city of 
Tlatelulco, which later became a part of the city of 
Mexico, and the Spanish translation says that the 
tribute began in the time of Quauhtlatoa and Moqui- 
huix, masters of Tlatelulco. The masters of Mexico 
who started those of Tlatelulco and made them pay 
tribute recognizing the vassalage were Yzgoagi and 
AxayacaQi.^ In the Mexican text there are merely 
pictures and hieroglyphics of Yzgoagi, Axayacafi, 
Quauhtlatoa, Moquihuix, and Tlatelulco. The Spanish 
interpretation is absurd, since Tlatelulco began to pay 
tribute after Moquihuix's suicide, and more than thirty 
years after Quauhtlatoa' s reign, which was about the 
same time as that of Yzgoa^i of Mexico. Indeed the 
same Spanish interpreter says in the history, which pre- 
cedes the Book of Tributes, that Moquihuix committed 
suicide, "when the Mexicans were victorious, and since 
then the city of Tlatelulco was a vassal of the masters 
of Mexico, until the Spaniards came, paying them trib- 
ute and recognizing the vassalage."^ 

In the Codex there is given a very large number of 
mantles, from pure white to very elaborate colored 
designs, of which the material is not specified, neither 
in the Mexican text, nor in the Spanish interpretation. 
In plates XXXII, XXXV, XXXXI they are specifi- 

no se tuvo punto en el estilo que convenia ynterpretarse, ni se di6 lugar para 
que se sacase en limpio limando los vocablos y orden G|ue convenia, y aunaue 
las interpretaciones van toscas, no se a de tener nota si no 6 substanda de las 
adaradones, lo que significan las figuras, las cuales van bien declaradas por 
ser come es el ynterpretador buena lengua Mexicana." 

1 "Tuvo principio el dicho tributo d^e el tiempo de Quauhtlatoa y 
Moquihuix, sefiores que fueron de Tlatilula. Los sefiores de Mexico que 
dieron principio a los de Tlatilula, y a que le tributasen reconodendo vasa- 
llage, fueron Yz^oa^, y Axayaca^i," ibid., vol. V, p. 64. 

«/6ui., plate X. 


cally mentioned as of henequen (eneguen)^ although the 
Mexican text has no corresponding hieroglyphics. In 
plates XXXI, XXXVII, XXXVIII some of the man- 
tles are crossed by a thorn, and the translator mentions 
them as of henequen. But he is mistaken. The town 
of Co9olan is marked by the same kind of maguey 
needle, and it is clear that here Qogo stands for the 
needle and means ''worked with a needle, peculiar kind 
of weaving or embroidery." The Aztec dictionary 
gives **fOfo ensartar cuentas, axi, flores," goQoa "tender 
6 desplegar mantas 6 abrir libros," and there is no ref* 
erence to material ; hence the thorn mantles have some 
reference to workmanship, not material. In plate 
XXXVI the fairly elaborate and the white mantles are 
given as of eneguen^ the very elaborate mantle is not 
mentioned as to material, but in the preceding r^sum^ 
is given as of cotton. In plate XXXV the more elab- 
orate and the white mantles are given as of eneguen^ 
while the one with a single blue and white border is of 
cotton. In plate XXXVIII only the very elaborate 
mantle is given as of cotton. Pefiafiel, in the Libro de los 
tributos, wisely abstained from mentioning any mater- 
ial in connection with these mantles. 

We have unmistakable references to cotton in plates 
XXXIX, L, LVII, where an enormous mass of raw 
cotton is represented by mat-covered loads topped by 
an open cotton boll. If the tribute is correctly rendered 
in the paintings, there is no escape from the conclusion 
that at least raw cotton was in use among the Aztecs. 
But it can be shown, chiefly from linguistic considera- 
tions, that the reference is to the cotton of the Erioden-- 
dron anfractuoaum, that is, the ceiba tree, which was 
used for stuffing protective garments of war and pillows. 
Of this ceiba Oviedo says: **The fruit of this tree is a 
pad of the size of the middle finger and as thick as two 
fingers, round, and full of fine wool, which opens up 

TRIBUTE OF COTTON, from Kingsborough'i Antiquities in Mixico. 








COTTON MANTLES, from Kingsborough's Anliquitia in Mtxico. 


when ripe by the action of the sun ; and then the wind 
carries this wool, among which there are the seeds, just 
as there are in cotton. This wool seems to be wonderful, 
and the fruit of the ceiba is like the wild cucumber of 
Castille, except that it is larger and thicker, but the 
largest is not bigger than the hand. When it is ripe, 
it opens up lengthwise in four parts, and with the first 
wind the wool is carried away, and it looks as though 
it had snowed, since the wool covers the whole earth. 
This wool is very short, and, it seems to me, it cannot 
be spun ; but for pillows and cushions (when it does not 
get wet) it is very fine, both through its whiteness and 
lightness, and for gentlemen's beds it is the most 
precious of wools : it is like silk, and finer than the finest 
silk fiber, so that no down, cotton or wool can equal it; 
but if it gets wet, it is all ruined."^ 

The Aztec name for cotton is ychca, and this word is 
found in a number of townnames in the Book of Trib- 
utes, such as Ychcatlopan, Ychcatlan, hence must be 
older than the Conquest of Mexico, but did ychca origin- 
ally mean "cotton" or "ceiba wool?" This can be 
determined only from a philological study of the word. 
In Maya ix means "woman, female," hence ix-cax 
"hen," ix-nuc "old woman," ix-tux "turkey hen." 
But ix is also used to express that which is not genuine, 
not good, hence ix-kanabal "bitter cherry," ix-nabatun 
"tinsel gold," ix-tun "chalk," that is, "false stone." 
Similarly we have Kiche x-cab "wax," from cab 

The same evolution has taken place in Nahuatl with 
the related ich. Its original meaning is "female," 
hence teUpocatl "lad," ich-pocatl "lass." No doubt 
ich-tecOj ich'taca "secretly," ich-tequi "thief," ich- 
tectli "a stolen thing" are pejoratives in which ich 
refers to the wrong in the doing, teca "to put away." 

' Historia general y natural de lae Indias, vol. I, p. 842 ff. 


A similar pejorative is found in Maya x^mulis "curli- 
ness," and this idea of curliness, as something un- 
worthy, is found in several languages of Mexico. 
Thus we have Nahuatl ichntli "anything fluflfy," ix- 
pochina ** to fluff, card. " In Tarascan we have, side by 
side, uror-pe-ni ** white, " urorpi ** maguey, '' ura "strong, 
healthy," and x-uror-ni "to unravel," x-uri "worth- 
less, ' ' x^ura * * cotton. ' ' Nahuatl tla-ch-pan-tli * * broom," 
och-pana "to card," by the side of Tarascan pan-qua 
"broom, " shows that ch, och has here the same meaning 
of "fluflfy, " and the same is true of tlor-ch-ayotl "fine 
parrot feathers. " Nahuatl me^cortl "rope" is obviously 
composed from me-W "maguey," and a word which is 
found in Pokonchi c^aj-am, caj-am, Kekchi c^am^ c^am-al, 
Maya kaan "rope, anything rope-like," so that in 
Nahuatl we have the specific reference to maguey rope. 
Hence ych-cortl can only refer to anything rope-like, but 
of a fluflfy character. Whenever real cotton was intro- 
duced, whether before or after the Conquest, the old 
name, which may have referred to ceihay or anything 
else of little value as a textile, was transferred to cotton, 
and similarly to sheep's wool, and the sheep itself, 
which are all given in Nahuatl as ych-cortl. Just as 
ych-cortl, from the very beginning of the Conquest, 
meant " sheep's wool " and " sheep, " both of which were 
unknown before, so the reference to "cotton" under 
the name of ych-cortl is no proof whatsoever that cotton 
was known before the appearance of the Spaniards. 

The complaints of the Indians that they were 
obliged to buy things in the market by means of loads 
of mantles are borne out by Motolinia himself, who in 
1550 testified to this in a letter to the King of Spain. 
He also testified to the fact that the Indians had only 
the cheapest of clothes to wear.^ In 1554 Nicholas de 

^ "Lo que traen vestido, es tan poco y tan vil, que apenas sabr&n qu6 
precio le poner," P. M. Cuevas, op. «/., p. 163. 


Witte answered in full the questions put by the govern- 
ment as to how the Indian tribute was to be distributed.^ 
As to the inquiry whether the Indians could not have 
been taxed according to their ancient pictures, he said 
that there was no order, no time, no precise measure as 
to what they were to give, and that they contributed 
only upon special occasions, as they still did secretly 
among themselves. In reply to the question whether the 
Spaniards were paying any attention to the ancient tri- 
bute, he said : * * They did not pay the slightest attention 
to what they paid anciently, but only to gold and silver 
and their f armwork, for formerly they did not pay such 
large quantities of mantles, nor did they know what beds 
were, nor cotton cloth, nor a thousand other things, such 
as covers and blankets, and shirts, and hueypilles, but 
they only used to do their planting and fix their temples, 
and serve in their masters' houses, and gave only what 
grew upon their lands, whenever the master asked for 
it, and no attention was paid to what they used to pay 
in Aztec times. "^ 

From the examination of all the accessible documents 
it appears that, at whatever time cotton may have been 
introduced into Mexico, whether before or after the 
Conquest, it had not formed a part of the tribute to the 
Mexican Emperor, and that only ceiba wool was 
furnished for the purpose of stuffing the protective 

> Ibid., p. 221 flF. 

* "Acerca de la 9*, si subieron respecto a lo que los indios daban antifi^uamen- 
te, cuando echaron los tributos: No tuvieron respecto ninguno a lo que antes 
daban, sino a oro y plata y sus granjerfas, que antes no daban car^ de 
mantas tan grandes, ni sabf an que eran camas, ni cotonfas, ni cera, m otras 
mil sacalinias, como s&banas y manteles, y camisas y hueypilles, sino hacian 
sus sementeras y reparaban sus cues de los demonios, y nacfan las casas de 
sus sefiores y daban de lo que nacfa en sus tierras cuando el sefior lo pidfa, 
y ningim respecto hubo en si pagaban mfis o menos en su infidelidad/' ibid., 
p. 226. 


military garments with it. Immediately after the Con- 
quest, cotton became as familiar to the Indians as 
maguey, even as they at once began to raise wheat, and 
chickens and sheep, but the evidence up to the year 
1554 is conclusive that the cotton cloth paid as a tribute 
was an innovation by the Spaniards and did not have 
the sanction of the Aztec tribute. 

Cotton in Peru. 

When Pizarro conquered Peru, he, according to his 
secretary's account, found there a large quantity of cot- 
ton garments,^ and thus it would seem that cotton was 
known in Peru before the discovery of America, and 
that the archaeologists may be right in assuming a very 
old date, as far back as 200 A. D., for the cotton cloth 
found in Peruvian sepulchers. We must, therefore, 
first become acquainted with Peruvian chronology, as 
established by the archaeologists, and for this purpose 
we shall examine the interesting work of Ph. A. Means, 
A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art,^ where all the conclu- 
sions are discussed in full. 

Mr. Means attempts in chapter IV. to establish a 
chronology and dates for early Peruvian art, but admits 
that ''the dates hereto presented are only approximate. 
In the nature of things, we must be prepared to allow for 
an error of a century or more in the remoter epochs."* 
After showing the insufficiency in the historical data, as 
deduced from the Peruvian lists of kings, Mr. Means 
proceeds to base his chronology on the one approxi- 
mately certain criterion derived from the guano de- 

1 "Los hombres visten camiaetas sin mangas y unas manias cubiertas. 
Todas en su casa, teien lana y alffCMl6n, y h^n la ropa que es menester, 
y calzado para loe hombres, de lana y algod6n, hecho como zapatos/' 
F. de Jerez y Pedro Sancho, Laa relacionea de la eonquisla del PerU, in Col- 
eeci&n de librosy doeumetUos referentes d la hisioria del PerU, linia 1917, 
vol. V, p. 49; "La ropa es la mejor que en las Indias se ha visto; la mayor 
parte della es de lana muy delgada y prima, y otra de alsod6n de diversas 
colores y bien matizadas/' ibid., p. 63. 

* In Tranaaetuma of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, vol. 
XXI, p. 316 flF. 

» /Wd., p. 383. 


posits: ''The islands off the coast of Peru have long 
been famous for their deposits of guano. These lie in 
masses of enormous thickness. Markham says that 
two and one-half feet a century is approximately the 
rate of accumulation. The rate no doubt fluctuated 
slightly, but the careful investigations made by Mark- 
ham have led him to accept the above rate as a fair 
average. According to Gonz^ez de la Rosa, antiqui- 
ties occur in the guano at depths varying from nine feet 
to forty or more. This means that in 1870 (at which 
date the investigations were made) the antiquities pre- 
sumably varied in age from about four centuries (i. e. 
9 feet gives a date of about 1450) to about sixteen cen- 
turies (i. e. 40 feet gives a date roughly equal to 200 
A. D.). Perhaps future work will yield more detailed 
information as to which cultures are found at various 
depths in the guano. At all events, it seems possible 
that for want of a better criterion we must bear the 
evidence of the guano deposits in mind."^ 

Mr. Means has apparently not verified Markham's 
''careful investigations," for Markham did not take 
them seriously. Speaking of the guano islands he says : 
''The Islands off the coast, called Guanape and Macabi, 
were looked upon as sacred cemeteries, and had been 
so used for more than a thousand years. Besides pot- 
tery and other works of art, numerous mummies have 
been found at various depths, all females, and all head- 
less."^ To this he adds the footnote: "The height of 
the mass of guano deposit on these islands was 730 feet 
in many places, and the antiquities have been found at 
a depth of 100 feet. The accumulation of guano is 
calculated at ten feet in four centuries, 100 feet in 4000 
years. Articles found at 40 feet must, on this estimate 
of the time taken for the deposits, have been there for 

» Ibid., p. 387 f. 

* C. Markham, The Ineas of Peru, New York 1910, p. 218. 


1600 years. It is now doubted whether the deposits 
can possibly be due entirely to the excreta of birds. 
The deposits are regularly stratified. But no other ex- 
planation has been forthcoming." It will be observed 
that Markham does not speak of careful investigation, 
but only of somebody's calculation. In fact, ten pages 
further on he distinctly admits that there is no cogency 
in the calculation: ''The depth at which ancient relics 
have been found in the deposits of guano on the Chincha 
Islands has been considered as another proof of the very 
remote period when there were inhabitants in these 
coast valleys. There ia, however, some reason to doubt 
the cogency of this argument.^ '^ Here again we have a 
footnote, in which the calculation is completely nega- 
tived: **Mr. Squier argues that articles may have been 
buried in the guano at considerable depths, also that 
they may have been placed on the surface and have 
fallen down to an apparent great depth with the disin- 
tegration of the material in course of removal, and thus 
appear to have been deposited there." But the case 
is much worse. As early as 1854 the Peruvian govern- 
ment made a careful survey of the Chincha Islands^ 
and gave plans of the guano deposits from which it re- 
sults that the guano is found in irregular heaps which 
bear little relation to the physical condition of the 
islands. Sometimes the level of the guano follows that 
of the earth, sometimes it seems to be entirely the re- 
verse, and again the guano sometimes rises abruptly 
without any accountable reason. The thickness of the 
guano varies from a few feet to a few hundred feet. An 
object deposited at the bottom of the guano would not 
be any older in one place than in another, yet there 
would be hundreds of feet difference in the thickness of 

' Ibid., p. 228. 

^ Infarmes sohre la existertcia de huano en laa Islaa de Chincha presentadoa 
par la eomision nombrada por el Gobiemo peruana, eon lo8 pianos levanlados 
por la misma eomision, Lima 1854. 


the layers above them. Similarly, an object deposited 
one hundred feet below the surface would in one place 
be hundreds of feet above the earth, in another fifty or 
more feet below the earth. It is evident that no con- 
clusions whatsoever can be drawn from this, since it 
appears that the guano was not deposited in horizontal 
layers, but arbitrarily in spots, and no calculation is 
equally applicable to the various parts of the islands. 
Thus Mr. Means' only criterion for the determination 
of the age of objects found in the guano deposits 
vanishes completely. 

In 1873 an inquiry was sent to Garcia, governor of 
the guano island of Guanape,^ in regard to the mummies 
and artifacts disinterred from the guano. He says that, 
among other things, a vast number of pieces of some 
kind of cotton (piezas de genero de algodon) in a rotten 
condition had been found there, but that the idols came 
from a depth of three to four meters. To this Gonza- 
lez de la Rosa remarks: ''If the finds come from the 
sacrifices found only at a depth of from three to four 
meters under the guano, according to Garcia, then it is 
to be assumed that they are of a relatively modem 
period, but, in any case, anterior to 1532, when the 
Spaniards came, and most likely, before the Incas ruled 
at the coast and suppressed the sacrifices."^ All this is 
mere supposition, but Gonzalez de la Rosa is certainly 
nearer the truth than Means. 

Unfortunately it is impossible to ascertain from the 
Spanish documents how and when cotton was intro- 
duced into Peru, because from the very beginning of the 
Conquest a number of European or other foreign articles 
were constantly and persistently demanded of the 
Indians. In the cedula of 1537 it was determined that 

^ Gonz&lez de la Rosa, Estudio de las atiHguedades peruanaa haUadaa bajo 
el huanOf in Revista HittMea, &rgano del InstUtUo Httt&rico del PerU, Lima 
1908, vol. Ill, p. 39 ff. 

* Ibid., p. 44. 


the Indians should pay tribute in kind, of what they 
raised or possessed in their own lands, ^ but in the 
Reform of the ^^encomiendas,^^ published by Governor 
Pedro de la Gasca in 1549,^ we have a definite proof 
that the tribute was practically identical with that in 
existence in Mexico, and was based on the Spanish 
needs, and not on the ancient Peruvian custom. The 
Indians had to pay a certain amount of gold, and a 
given quantity of cotton mantles, maize, wheat, fowls, 
fish, eggs, salt, and charcoal, besides planting maize and 
wheat for the encomenderos. The same articles were 
demanded in the Governor's Reform of 1552.' As the 
wheat was an innovation, in comparison with the Inca 
times, so is cotton here an innovation, since at Lima, 
with its moderate cUmate, it is not likely that cotton 
was raised, and since the ancient tribute of the Incas 
refers only to cloth made of llama and vicu&a wool, and 
not to cotton. 

In 1571 and 1577 extensive inquiries were sent out by 
the Spanish government as regards the Indians of Peru, 
and from the answers one sees how greatly at that time, 
and unquestionably much earlier, the European meth- 
ods had been forced upon the natives. Cotton mantles 
formed an important part of the tribute, not only in the 
hot coast region, where cotton prospered,* but also in 
the temperate regions, where they had to buy it from the 
hot yungas.^ Furthermore it is distinctly mentioned 

> E. Torres Saldamando,Lt6fo primero de eabUdoa delAma, segunda parte, 
Paris 1900, p. 98. 
« Ibid., p. 162 ff. 
» Ibid., p. 166 ff. 

* M. Jimenez de la Espada, Retaeionee geogrdficaa de Indiaa, Madrid 
1881-97, voL I, pp. CXI, CXII, 34, 102, vol. Ill, p. 116, voL IV, pp. XLVII, 
XLIX, 136. 

* "A loB treinta y tres capftulos se dice que sus tributes lo pagan en 
dineroe de oro y reales y ganados de la tierra que tienen, y en mafz y triso, 
que en la tasa <iue tienen setialada (asf); y que sus granjerfas son de Toe 
ganadoB de la tierra que tienen y ropa de eumbi y abatea que hacen y las 
venden k espafioles y k indies que vienen k sus pueblos k buscallos, y ellos 
los llevan k laa dudades; y que tambien van ellos k valles callentes k comprar 


that the cloth industry among the Indians was further- 
ed by the Spanish industry,^ and that Spanish cloth was 
equally manufactured by the Indians.^ 

It is only natural that cotton should have at a very 
early time been cultivated by the Indians, since they 
were soon after the Conquest put in charge of Negroes. 
In 1535 a complaint was entered in the Cabildo of Lima 
that the Negroes brought from Panama to Jauja were 
prejudicial to the Indians and caciques by taking their 
food and doing them other harm.' The early legisla- 

axi y camarones y algod6n y otras cosas y k> tornan & revender," ibid,, 
vol. II, p. 20. "Benedlcian y hacen lienzo de algod6n, aunque no se coge 
en 61 por demasiada f escura y fertilidad." "Vfstense todos por la orden 
que loB del Pirti, de algod6n y lana que sua encomenderos les dan/' ibid., 
vol. II, p. 149. 

^ "Criaban avestruces mansas en sua casas, gallinas y patosj y asf lo hacen 
ahora, aunque, despues que los zpianos entraron en aquella tierra, se visten 
todos en general, a fuer de los del Pird, de lana y de algod6n. B2s gente 
bien partida; tenian tratos unos con otros con las cosas que habia en la 
tierra, que son las dos declaradas, no para grangerfas, sino para suplir sus 
necesidades. Hoy tienen algunas granjerfas los que son ladinos que tratan 
con los espafioles." "Dan de tasa el servido de sus personas con mucha 
moderacion, para beneficio de ekdearas y heredades y algodonales de que 
ellos se visten, como dicho es, y despues benefidan en telares este algodon y 
lanas de ganados de Castilla que tienen los zpianos y naturales, de que se 
hace, mediante el industria de los espafioles, sobre-camas, vestidos de indios, 
lienzos y telillas y otras cosas de que se aprovechan los encomenderos y lo 
envian al PirH y dello sacan dineros con que se proveen de cosas de Castilla, 
asf medicinales como neoesarias al sustento de la vida," ibid,, vol. II, p. 144. 

> "C6gese abundancia de miel y cera y cochinilla, pastel y amll (oH), y 
hay mucha rafz con que tifien eualda y otros colores que se crian y dan en 
la tierra, y mucha abundancia de pez y cabuya, que sirve de c&fiamo, y otra 
resina que llaman incienso, olorffera y saludable," ibid., vol. II, p. 145. 
"Hay dos obrajes de jerga 6 sayal," ibtd., vol. I, p. 89. 

' "Dixeron q.e porquanto enla dbdad de xauxa se fizderon dertas hor- 
denanzas sobre los negros q.e enesta govemacion seme tian etrayan dela 
dbdad de panama segund q.e mas largamente porellas pareda eagora parece 
yes publico q.e los dichos negros fazen mucho dafio eperjuizio en los casiques 
e yndios desta cibdad tomandoles sus comydas e haziendas e haziendoles 
otros malos tratamyentos los no seles devia de hazer equebrantando las 
dichas ordenanzas q.e sobre ello estan fechas mandaron q.e qualquier 
espafiol q.e pillare negro eaziendo dafio lo pueda traer preso ala justicia q.e 
lo castigue mandaron q.e qualquier negro o esdavo q.e fuere por yerva 
otraxere hoja de mayz q.e lesean dados dent azotes por la pnmera vez 
eporla segunda q.e pague su amo veynte pesos eporla teroera vez q.e tal 
nesro oesclavo sea echado dela tierra." E. Torres Saldamando, op. eit., 
vol I, p. 27. 


tion against the Negroes^ shows that their influence 
upon the Indians was at least as great as that of the 
white overseers, hence the introduction of African 
methods of agriculture is only natural, and such meth- 
ods would not be specifically mentioned in the docu- 
ments, that is, while we have specific references to the 
introduction of wheat, bananas, sheep, horses, we never 
hear of the similar importations from Africa, which 
were indirect, from one Negro colony of slaves to 
another, as in this case from Panama, without any men- 
tion whatsoever of the fact. 

The oldest literary source for conditions in Peru is 
Pedro Cieza de Leon's account of his travels in Peru 
from 1532 to 1660, which was first published in 1553.^ 
Authorities agree to Markham's judgment that this 
work, "bearing evident marks of honesty of purpose, 
and skill in the selection of materials, on the part of its 
author, is at the same time written by one who examined 
almost every part of the empire of the Yncas, within a 
few years of the conquest. It is, therefore, a work of 
the greatest possible value to the student of early South 
American history, and has always stood very high as an 
authority, in the estimation of modern historians."* 
We shall therefore examine this account closely as to 
the presence of cotton in Peru. Cieza de Leon fre- 
quently refers to the custom or the Indians of burying 
their dead in deep holes. "In the other provinces, 
when a chief dies, they make a very deep sepulchre in 
the lofty parts of the mountains, and, after much lamen- 
tation, they put the body in it, wrapped in many rich 
cloths, with arms on one side and plenty of food on the 
other, great jars of wine, plumes and gold ornaments. 
At his feet they bury some of his most beloved and 

» Ibid., p. 73. 

» C. R. Markham, The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon (The Hakluyt 
Society), London 1864. 
» im., p. XVI. 


beautiful women alive; holding it for certain that he 
will come to life, and make use of what they have placed 
round him."^ **Thus, when the chiefs die, their bodies 
are placed in large and deep tombs, accompanied by 
many live women, and adorned by all they possessed of 
most value when living, according to the general custom 
of the other Indians of these parts."* "When their 
chiefs die, they make large and deep tombs inside their 
houses, into which they put a good supply of food, arms, 
and gold, with the bodies."' "In many other provinces, 
through which I have passed, they bury their dead in 
very deep holes, while in others, as those within the 
jurisdiction of the city of Antioquia, they pile up such 
masses of earth in making their tombs, that they look 
Uke small hills."* 

This custom of burying the dead deep below the 
ground once more emphasizes the correctness of Squier's 
view that the distance below the surface of the guano 
where burial objects have been found is no criterion 
whatsoever as to the age of these deposits. But the 
case is much worse still, for we have the information 
from so excellent an authority as Ondegardo, in 1571, 
that artificial layers of sand were created in the Peruvian 
sepulchers, at least in the cities of Cuzco and Quito: 
"These natives had another kind of tribute, which, 
though not common, was heavy and troublesome and 
arose from their strange whims, engendered by their 
Incas, who wished to impress one with the greatness of 

the City of Cuzco They say that from the 

whole square of Cuzco the earth had been removed and 
had been taken to other parts as of great esteem, and 
that it had been filled in with sand from the sea-shore, 
two palms and a half in thickness and in some places 

» Ibid,, p. 66. 
» Ibid., p. 81. 
» Ibid., p. 102. 
* Ibid., p. 227 f . 


more. In it they placed many gold and silver vessels, 
small sheep and manikins of the same, of which we have 
seen removed a great quantity. The whole square was 
filled with that sand, when I went to govern the city, 
and if it is true that this sand was brought as is affirmed 
and contained in their accounts, it seems to me that the 
whole earth thereabout must be understood by it, for 
the square is large and there is no counting the loads 
that entered unto it, and the nearest coast is more than 
ninety leagues, so far as I know, and I am satisfied, as 
all say, that there is no such sand any nearer than the 
coast; for I made all possible inquiry, both among 
Indians and Spaniards, asking for the cause of its trans- 
portation, and found that they did so out of respect for 
Tizibiracocha, to whom they principally direct their 

sacrifices When the ground was broken for 

the great Church at Cuzco, the sand there being of poor 
quality and far away, the architects said that if the sand 
from the square were not used, the cost would be great, 
for that which was found was poor and hard to trans- 
port, and so I had it all taken from there, and there was 
a great quantity of it, and we leveled it up with other 
dirt, which the Indians out of their superstition took 
very hard, but would not think ill if we restored the 
square to its old condition, and when I understood this, 
I gave it so much more the readily to the church, and 
there is no doubt that it was worth more than four 
thousand castellanos, for it would have cost a great deal 
more to transport it and would not be profitable, and 
with it I made four stone bridges over the river of this 
city, by which much labor and cost was saved, for there 
was a great quantity of it, and other useful works 
were produced with it, but above all it helped to destroy 
the reverence which they had thus had for this square. 
The old people say that they brought it by tambos and 
provinces, the whole people assembling on the highway, 


and every province brought it to its boundaries, which 
they did in times of leisure, and thus this square was 
held in great veneration not only in Cuzco, but also in 
the whole realm .... They also affirm that the 
Inca did the same when a wife of his to whom he was 
attached died in Cuzco, the earth for her sepulcher 
being brought from her place of birth. I satisfied my- 
self that this was so, because they averred that there 
was a sepulcher in the houses of Captain Diego Maldo- 
nado worked in masonry under the ground, where a wife 
of the Inca, a native of the Yungas, was buried. We 
found it very deep and built of very fine masonry, 
three stories high and about twelve feet square, and 
they affirmed that the sand was from the sea-shore, and 
when the sand was brought out there was found but one 
body in a certain hollow in the tomb and to one side, 
which seemed to be a proof of it. There is also no 
doubt that in Quito there is a house which the Incas had 
built, from the stoneworks of Cuzco, from which, 
although not large in itself, it was a big job to bring, 
considering the distance on the road, which is five 
hundred leagues."^ 

I have given this long extract in as readable a form 
as the bad Spanish of the original permits, in order to 
show the faulty method of the archaeologist who applies 
the Egyptian stratification of the sand to the Peruvian 
necropolis, where we have the emphatic statement that 
enormous stratifications were produced by hand and 
suddenly. This also confirms the conviction otherwise 
obtained that the depth at which bodies are found in the 
guano deposits is no criterion whatsoever as to the age 
of the respective interment. But the cotton which is 
found in such artificial sepulchers, or in any other sepul- 
chers in Peru, is frequently not even as old as the 

1 CoUeei&n de libros y doeumeTUos refererUes d la historia del Peril, Lima 
1916, vol. Ill, p. 109 ff. 


original burial. Cieza de Leon tells the following of the 
burial customs in the coast valleys: ''The Indians of 
many of these coast valleys have great walls made, 
where the rocks and barren mountains commence, in 
the way from the valleys to the Sierra. In these places 
each family has its established place for burying its dead, 
where they dig great holes and excavations, with closed 
doors before them. It is certainly a marvellous thing 
to see the great quantity of dead bodies that there are in 
these sandy and barren mountains, with their clothes 
now worn out and mouldering away with time. They 
call these places, which they hold to be sacred, Huaca, a 
mournful name. Many have been opened, and the 
Spaniards, when they conquered the country, found 
a great quantity of gold and silver in them. In these 
valleys the custom is very general of burying precious 
things with the dead, as well as many women and the 
most confidential servants possessed by the chief when 
alive. In former times they used to open the tombs^ and 
renew the clothes and food which were placed in them; and 
when a chief died the principal people of the valley 
assembled, and made great lamentations. Many wom- 
en cut off their hair until none was left, and came forth 
with drums and flutes, making mournful sounds, and 
singing in those places where the dead chief used to make 
merry, so as to make the hearers weep. Having made 
their lamentations, they offered up more sacrifices, and 
had superstitious communion with the devil. Having 
done this, and killed some of the women, they put them 
in the tomb, with the treasure and no small quantity of 
food; holding it for certain that they would go to that 
country concerning which the devil had told them. 
They had, and still have, the custom of mourning for 
the dead before the body is placed in the tomb, during 
four, five, or six days, or ten, according to the import- 
ance of the deceased, for the greater the lord the more 


honour do they show him, lamenting with much sighing 
and groaning, and playing sad music. They also re- 
peat all that the dead man had done while living, in 
their songs; and if he was valiant they recount his 
deeds in the midst of their lamentations. When they 
put the body into the tomb, they burn some ornaments 
and cloths near it, and put others with the body. 

"Many of these ceremonies are now given up, be- 
cause God no longer permits it, and because by de- 
grees these people are finding out the errors of their 
fathers, and how little these vain pomps and honours 
serve them. They are learning that it suffices to inter 
the bodies in common graves, as Christians are interred, 
without taking anything with them other than good 
works. In truth, all other things but serve to please 
the devil, and to send the soul down to hell more heavily 
weighted. Nevertheless, most of the old chiefs order that 
their bodies are to be buried in the manner above described, 
in secret and hidden places, that they may not be seen by 
the Christians; and that they do this is known to us 
from the talk of the younger men."^' 

Cieza de Leon's statement is emphatic. The cloth 
and the food in the graves were frequently changed, 
and the custom was still in use in his day. But we have 
also the positive assertion of Ondegardo that in 1571 the 
practice was still common: **It is common for the 
Indians secretly to disinter the dead from the churches 
or cemeteries, in order to bury them in the huacas, or 
hills, or prairies, or ancient sepulchers, or in their 
houses, or the house of the deceased, in order to give 
them food and drink in proper time. And then they 
drink and dance and sing in company with their rela- 
tives and friends. . . . When the Indians bury 
their dead, they place sUver in their mouths and hands, 
in their bosoms, or elsewhere, and dress them in new 

» Op. cit., p. 228 ff. 


clothes, and place other clothes folded inside the tombs, 
even woolen bags and foot gear and headdresses, to 
serve them in the other life, and in the dirges which they 
recite they tell of their past heathen times. They eat 
and drink a lot during these funerals and give drinks to 
the deceased while reciting a mournful song, wasting 
in this and other ceremonies the time of the funeral, 
which lasts in some parts eight days, in others less, and 
they celebrate their anniversaries from month to month, 
or from year to year, with feasting, chicha, silver, 
clothes and other things, in order to sacrifice them and 
do other ancient ceremonies in all possible secrecy. 
They believe that the souls of the deceased wander 
about alone in this world, suffering hunger, thirst, cold, 
heat and fatigue, and that the heads of their deceased 
or phantasms visit their relatives or other persons, to 
indicate to them that they are about to die or suffer 
some evil. Because of their belief that the souls suffer 
hunger, thirst, or other inconveniences, they offer in 
the sepulchers chicha and food, silver, clothes, wool, 
and other things which may be useful to the deceased, 
and that is why they are so particular in celebrating 
their anniversaries. And the very offerings which 
many Indians bring in the churches for the sake of the 
Christians they make for the very purpose for which 
their ancestors used to make them."^ 

Bemab4 Cobo, nearly one hundred years later, tells 
the same story about the renewal of the clothes and 
food.* Ondegardo says that at the death of Guayana- 
capa, the last Inca, one thousand persons of all ages were 
killed, and that the same immolation took place with 
a number of lords in Spanish times.' The body of a 

1 Op. eU., p. 194 f . 

' "Celebraban bus aniversarioe acudiendo & ciertos tiempos a las sepul- 
turas, y abri^ndolas, renovaban la ropa y comida que en ellas habian puesto» 
y ofrecfan al^noe sacrificios/' P. Bemab^ Cobo, aistoria del Nuevo MundOt 
Sevilla 1893, vol. IV, p. 238. 

*Op.cU.,p. 118 f. 


deceased Inca was taken out every day to the square, 
where a mass of woolen mantles were burned over a 
quantity of cotton. The women, who attended to the 
deceased Inca, never returned home, but were kept **to 
cleanse and wash the corpse and to renew the clothes 
and the cotton." ^ Nothing is said about cotton clothes, 
which do not seem to have been common, because 
under the chapter of De la ropd^ we have long accounts 
of woolen clothes, but not a word is said of cotton 
clothes. Cobo says that the Indians wove both 
woolen and cotton cloth, but only the Yungas and the 
inhabitants of the coast valleys dressed in cotton 
clothes, and that ''the people of the mountains, which 
is the greater part of the realm and where the ancient 
nobility of the Incas and Ore j ones lived, made only 
woolen clothes."' 

That a large number of the Peruvian mummies 
found in museums are no longer encased in their origi- 
nal cloth wrappings, but in later textiles, is proved by 
the archaeologists themselves. Reiss and Stiibel^ 

> "No era pequefla pesadumbre aunque se ha^fa pocas vezes el servi^io 
que estos davan al Yn^a quando suscedfa por Se&or en el ireyno porque 
como estft dicho, el 8ervi$io de su antecraor ny en la rropa que en el discuno 
de 8u vida se hallaba en los depddtos del Cuzco, ny en su vaxilla de oro e 
plata, que era muy notable lo que se ha^ para cada Ynga quando sus^edfa 
en el rreyno, ny en otra cosa quel tuviera por propia, sino que todo esto e la 
gente de su servicio que dava para el cuerpo para el dual e para el servicio se 
le ha^fan ch&caras e tenyan gran gasto porque cada dfa se sacavan loe 
cuerpos todos de los yngas a la pla^, e allf se les hada su fuego, muy cuviertos 
e embueltos en muncha suma de mantaa rricas sobre cantidad de algod6n, y 
estavan devajo sentados en sus sillas, e alii delante se les hagia su f uego como 
al propio Ynga bivo, e su gente y mugeres con sus c&ntaros de chicha ques el 
vino de que eUos usan, hecno de mayz; y esta gente nunca bolbia a su tierra, 
sino siempre estavan alii acompafiando al cuerpo, e antes quando faltava 
se les proveya de mto para aquel servi(^o, e tenya siempre el cuerpo un 
capit&n a cuyo cargo quedava toda aquella gente dende que falles^a, y 
solo €Bte y las mugeres a cuyo cargo estava el linpiarle y lavarle de hardinario 
e rrenovarle la rropa v algod&n, le podian ver el gesto, aunque dizen que 
$iertas vezes le veya el hijo mayor que suscedia en el rreyno; e ansi lo hall6 
yo en diferentes con toda esta custodia/' ibid,, p. 123 f. 

* Ibid,, p. 94 f.; 2a parte, 84 ff. 
' Op. eii,, p. 204. 

* The Necropolia of Ancon, Berlin 1880-1887, vol. I, plate 17. 

MUMMY PACK, from Baesiler'a Perunniicke Jl/umiVn. 

X-RAY PICTURE OF MUMMY PACK, from Baessler's PenaniKh Mumitn. 


write: ''In the present case the bundle contains the 
bones of a human skeleton no longer connected together, 
but packed up in a small space. It would therefore 
appear as if some older body, which had already fallen 
to pieces, had been dug out and again consigned to the 
grave in a fresh and carefully prepared equipment. 
Many peculiarities of the Ancon graves point at such 
opening and re-burial of those who had long departed 
this life, and the practice is confirmed and explained by 
the religious customs of the inhabitants of this coast, as 
handed down by tradition." Baessler^ investigated 
eleven mummy packs consigned to the Royal Museum 
for Anthropology at Berlin, some of them with the aid 
of X-rays, and came to the same conclusion. In one 
pack ''there were bones of four separate individuals, 
but of none were there enough to construct even dis- 
tantly one complete skeleton. Besides, there were 
some animal bones present. Hence these must have 
been older, broken-up bodies, which were exhumed and 
then buried together." Baessler refers to a mummy 
pack from Trujillo which contained two incomplete 
skeletons of adults and one of a child, "hence it seems 
to have happened frequently that the bones of several 
broken-up bodies were disinterred and buried anew in a 
common pack." These were the cases that were 
obvious at a glance, but several other packs of the col- 
lection contain two and three mummies, which would 
indicate later re-burials, since it is not likely that so 
many packs taken at random should represent original 
multiple interments. 

In a paper read before the Second Pan-American 
Congress,^ Tello tells of his investigations of four types, 

^ Arthur Baessler, Peruanisehe Mumien, UtUersuehungen mU X-Strahlen, 
Berlin 1906. 

< J. C. Tello. Los arUiguoB cemenierios del VaUe de Ncuica, in Proceedings 
of the Second Pan-American Scientific Congress, Washington 1917, vol. I, 
p. 283 ff. 


supposedly very ancient, of cemeteries in the Nasca 
Valley. In the Inca cemetery bodies were found only 
one or two feet underground, generally wrapped in cot- 
ton, but these burial places are of late origin, mostly 
post-Columbian, although no objects of Spanish origin 
are found in them.^ In a Tiahuanaco cemetery proof 
was found that the tombs were periodically opened and 
the mummies removed or the space filled up with new 
mummies.^ Since objects of the Inca period, though rare, 
are found here,^ and the native offerings of mummies are 
the same as at Ancon,^ the great antiquity of the cotton, 
which may have been found there, though not specifi- 
cally mentioned, is negatived. In the Nasca cemetery 
so well preserved corpses were found that Tello doubted 
their antiquity.^ It is true he assumes that below that 
stratum the Nasca burials are older, and here cotton is 
recorded. Here again we have no criterion whatsoever 
as to the age of the mummies, for if they were disinterred 
like the other bodies the presence of cotton by the side 
of wool may be of very late origin. 

1 "El aspecto de todas estas tumbas es de data muy redente; algunas 
son seguramente post-colombinas aunque no se encuentra en ellas obje^o 
alguno de origen espafiol/' ibid., p. 284. 

'"La pared occidental est^ protegida por una hilera de estacas bien 
apifiadas que dejan a un lado una ab^tura destinada probablemente a 
servir de entrada a la c&mara. Esta se abrfa quizes pdi6dicamente sea 
para incrementar el contenido o para sacar a las momias ^ hacerlas partlcipes 
de las festividades u otras ceremonias del ayllu o tribu, si es oue aquf existi6 
tambi6n esta curiosa oostumbre consignada como es sabiao por alguno 
de loe cronistas espafioles/' ibid. 

* "Tampoco son infrecuentes los objetos de estilo inc^sico y no pocas 
momias llevan cubierta la cabeza con largas hondas de color rojo predo- 
minante las que se hallan tambito en las momias provenientes de las tumbas 
de esta dase/' ibid,, p. 286. 

< "El unku o comisi6n de tapestrfa, y annas, utensilios diversos y ofrendas 
votivas como las de las momias encontradas en Anc6n y otros lugares de la 
Costa," ibid., p. 285. 

* "Enterradas casi en la superfide se encuentran tambi6n en estos cemen- 
terios unas ollas grandee conteniendo cad&veres de criaturas, algunas tan 
bien conservadas que hace dudar sobre si dichas ollas funera^ias son real- 
mente de la misma 6poca o si son de origen m6s modemo," ibid., p. 287. 


By far the most extensive excavations were made at 
Ancon by Cessac and Savatier and later by Reiss and 
Stdbel. Opinions vary as to the antiquity of the mum- 
mies at Ancon, but Hamy^ is certainly not far from the 
mark when he says that the graves at Ancon do not go be- 
yond the first half of the XVI . century. The proof of this, 
at least for some of the graves, is given in Rochebrune's 
list of plants found in the Cessac and Savatier collec- 
tions,^ where, among other plants, we find the musa 
paradisiacaj that is, the banana. We have already seen 
that the banana was introduced from the Canaries into 
America in 1516.^ Cobo* tells the same story and adds 
that another variety was introduced from Guinea to 
Panama and in 1605 from Panama to Peru. Llano y 
Zapata,^ writing in 1761, mentions a third native vari- 
ety, named coy Mo, which Cuyus-Mancu had trans- 
planted from the Andes, and that Pedro Antonio de 
Llano y Zapata at the end of the XVII. century ex- 
tended its cultivation in Lima. No dictionary, no 
other work records such a banana, and it is impossible 
for any banana to have been transplanted from the 
Andes, where it cannot exist. De CandoUe's conclusion^ 
must stand that there was no native banana in America. 
But there is a blunder in de CandoUe which makes his 
argument appear inconclusive, and which shall be cor- 
rected here. De CandoUe refers to Garcilasso de la 
Vega, who lived between 1530 and 1568 and who spoke 
of the banana as cultivated in the days of the Incas. In 
reality Garcilasso de la Vega was born in 1539 and 
wrote his History at the end of the sixteenth century. 
He nowhere says that the banana was known to the 
Incas and only mentions Acosta and Bias Valera whose 

1 Botanisehes CerUroMOt, Cassel 1880, vol. Ill, p. 1634. 
« /Wd., p. 1633 f. 

* Africa and the Diseovery of America, vol. I, p. 129. 

* Op, cit., vol. II, p. 444 flf. 
> Ibid,, p. 448 n. 

« A. de CandoUe, Origine dee pUmtes ciUHvSes, Paris 1883, p. 242 ff . 


opinion he gives in regard to the banana.^ Acosta^ says 
that ''there are small bananas, white and delicate, 
which in Hispaniola are called dominicoSy while the 
others are larger and red in color. They do not grow 
in Peru. They are brought from the Andes, as in 
Mexico from Cuernavaca and other valleys."' Qar- 
cilasso de la Vega simply mentions the two varieties, but 
Llano y Zapata misunderstood Acosta's ''de los Andes," 
which refers to the eastern province of Peru and not to 
the mountains, and translated "blancos" by the cur- 
rent Ay mar a word coyllu "white," and created a new, 
non-existing variety which his ancestor popularized in 
Lima. It is quite possible that dominico was by him 
misread Cuyus Mancu, and a Chimu chief was thus 
made the originator of the species. With this correc- 
tion the very last trace of a native variety of banana 
in America disappears completely, and the antiquity 
of the Ancon graves is permanently destroyed. 

If bananas are found in Ancon graves, why not pea- 
nuts? Hence the large amount of peanuts (Arachis 
hypogaea) actually deposited in Peruvian tombs is no 
criterion whatsoever as to their age. The sophisticated 
question may be asked, "But why are there no European 
objects, no distinctly European fruits in the graves?" 
Tello, who had no doubt of the post-Columbian origin of 
some of the graves, none the less had to admit that no 
Spanish articles were found in them. The fact is that 
burial customs persevere as nearly as possible according 
to the ancient rites, and new objects make their appear- 
ance in them but sparingly. And yet, Rochebrune 
reports beans in the Ancon graves, and their American 

» VIII. 14. 

« IV. 20. 

* "Hay unos pl&tanos pequefios, y mas delicados y blancoe, que en la 
Espafiola llaman dominieoa: hay otros mas gruesos, recios y colorados. 
En la tierra del Per6 no se dan: traense de los Andes, como & M6jico de 
Cuernavaca y otros valles," J. de Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las 
Indiaa, Madrid 1894, vol. I, p. 377. 

PEANUTS IN PERU, from Rein and Stuebel'* Tlu N(crop«lu of Ancon. 


origin seems doubtful. ^ We have chiefly African plants, 
sweet potatoes, yams, manioc in the mummy packs, 
because the food for the common people was chiefly 
due to Negro influence, and, besides, as Reiss and Stti- 
bel have remarked, the vast majority of the vegetables 
found are those of a starchy nature. 

We have the emphatic and detailed proof that the 
bodies were disinterred at least as late as 1621. In the 
Extirpacidn de la idolatria del Pird, by Pablo Joseph de 
Arriaga, printed at Lima in that year, we are told of 
the continued adoration of the huacas, in spite of their 
wholesale destruction by the Spaniards. ^' Since 
February 1617 up to July 1618, 5694 persons came to 
confession, 679 ministers of idolatry were discovered, 
and did penance as such, 603 principal huacas were 
taken from them, 3418 conopas^ 45 mamazaras, and as 
many compasj 189 huancas (which are different from 
the huacas), 667 malquiSj and 63 wizards were 
chastized in the plains, 357 cradles were burned, 
and 477 bodies were stolen from the church, without 
counting many bodies of chacpas and chuchas, which 
they also reverence and keep in their houses, nor the 
pactosj axomamaSj micsazaraj huantayzara, hayriguazara, 
or other things, with which a thousand superstitions are 
connected, which all were burned, as we shall explain in 
the following chapters. The villages where all these 
were found were to the number of 31, some of them 
very small, four of which were visited three years before 
by Doctor Don Placido Antolinez, who was their curate 
by especial commission of the Archbishop and who had 
taken away and burned many huacas and conopas, 
and yet not a few escaped him."^ The only objects 
we are interested in here are the malquis *' which are 
the bones or whole bodies of their gentile progenitors. 

» Op. eit., p. 1634. 
« Op. eit, p. 9. 


who, they say, are the children of the huacaSj which 
they have in the fields or secluded places, in the mor 
chays, which are their ancient sepulchers, and some- 
times they adorn them with very costly shirts or many 
colored feathers or cumbi; these malquis have their es- 
pecial priests or ministers, and they offer them the same 
sacrifices and celebrate for them the same feasts as for 
their huacas. And they have with them the same tools 
which they used in life, the women spindles and tufts of 
spun cotton, and the men tacllas or lampas with which 
they fought. And in one of these machays of the maU 
quia there was a lance with its iron and shoe, which, 
they say, one of the first conquistadores of this realm 
had given for a church banner, and in another there 
was another handsome lance, which they call quilcasca 
choque 'painted, or sculptured lance,' which was taken 
to the Viceroy. In these malquis^ as in the huacas^ they 
have some dishes, in order to give them to eat and drink, 
which are gourds or vases, some of clay, others of wood 
and sometimes of silver, and seashells."^ Similarly 
**the bodies chuchos^ otherwise called curi^ when two 
are born of one womb, if they die young, are placed in 
a vessel and are kept in the house like a sacred thing, 
and they say that one of them is the child of a ray . . . 
In the same way they keep the chacpas if they die 
young, which are those that are bom by their feet, in 
regard to which they also have great superstitions, and 
if they live, they call them chacpas, and their male child 
they call mascoj their female chachi. The greatest 
abuse in regard to them is that they do not baptize their 
chuchus and chacpas, if they can hide them from the 
curates. Of these chuchus and chacpas, which they had 
kept in their houses, a great number had been burned 
in the exhibitions."^ 

» Ihid., p. 14. 
« Ibid., p. 16 f. 


As regards the disinterment from churches, Arriaga 
says: ''But the greatest abuse consists in disinterring 
and carrying off the dead from the churches and taking 
them to the machays, which are the cemeteries they 
have in the fields for their ancestors, and in some places 
they call them zamay, which means resting places, and 
the dead they equally call zamarcam 'requievit.' And 
when they are asked why they do so, they say it is 
cuyaspa^ for the love of them, because they say that the 
dead are in the church much oppressed by the earth and 
that in the field they are in the air and rest better disin- 
terred. And a few days before we came to a village 
there was a chief Indian with his wife who had carried 
away from the church their two children, and in order 
to do this more easily they had buried them about two 
months one before the other in a kind of vault made of 
slabs, and they took them home and kept them there 
two days and had a great celebration for them and put 
new clothes on them and took them in a procession 
through the village and invited all the relatives to the 
feast and then took them back to the church. We had 
them disinterred a second time and broke up the vault 
and filled it with dirt. And thus it must be understood 
as of importance that by no means should consent be 
given to their being buried in vaults."^ 

We also have a complete explanation for the presence 
of bodies in the guano islands: *'In the village of 
Huacho, whenever they went for guano to the islands 
which are the steep rocks of Huaura, they made oflEer- 
ings of cMcha upon the shore, that their rafts should 
not be wrecked, after two days of fasting, and when they 
came to the island they worshipped the huaca Huaman- 
cantac as the lord of the guano, and offered sacrifices 
to him that he might allow them to take the guano, and 

» Ibid., p. 36. 


upon returning to the harbor they fasted two days and 
then they danced, sang, and drank. "^ 

From Arriaga's account it becomes clear that a vast 
number of the interments in ancient cemeteries were 
made as late as the year 1621, and that the presence of 
multiple burials of imperfect skeletons, of a child's 
skeleton without the lower parts, found in the mummy 
packs by Baessler, is due to the burial of corpses long 
after their death. Moreover, the constant occurrence 
of bodies buried upside down is not, as Baessler thinks, 
the result of mere carelessness, but may be an attempt 
at burying persons bom with their feet foremost, the 
so-called chacpasj whose very children bore special 
designations.^ Similarly the burials in the guano 
islands took place there where excavations were made 
for guano, and the depths at which sacrificial objects 
were found are no indication whatsoever of the age of 
the burial. Thus we once more have upset the chronol- 
ogy derived from mummy-packs and cemeteries, and 
the whole question must be settled in a different way. 

The first apparently authentic account of cotton 
cloth is found in an anonymous account of Pizarro's 
and Almagro's discoveries in 1525, previous to their 
conquest of Peru.^ They departed from Panama in 
1525. Their pilot, Bartolomeo Ruiz, who went down 
the coast, saw an Indian boat with twenty men, which 
he captured. The boat was of about thirty tons, had 
henequen tackle and cotton sails. The Indians were 
carrying a great variety of objects for trade, among 
them woolen and cotton mantles, which they intended 
to exchange for wampum, with which their boat was 
filled. There would seem to be no escape from the fact 
that cotton was already in use in Columbia in 1525, nor 

> Ibid., p. 31. 
« Ibid., p. 17. 

^Coleeci&H de doeumentos inidUoa para la historia de EspafUi, vol. V, 
p. 193 ff. 


is there any need for denjring the fact. But toward the 
end of the report we read: ''There is an island in the 
sea near the villages where there is a meeting-house in 
the form of a tent, made of very rich mantles, where they 
have an image of a woman with a child in her arms, by 
the name of Marfa Meseia. If any one has any infirm- 
ity in a limb, he makes a limb of silver or gold and offers 
it to her, and at a given time sacrifices before the image 
some sheep. '*^ The reporter was not shrewd enough 
to recognize the Virgin Mary and the Catholic adora- 
tion of the Virgin by idolatrous Indians, or he purposely 
omitted to make the obvious deduction. But, if the 
Catholic faith had already made its entrance among a 
distant Indian tribe, there must have been there white 
men or Christianized Negroes before that time, and the 
cotton mantles and cotton sails are a matter of course. 
Again the proof of native cotton vanishes, and we are 
once more in the dark. 

Holmes^ quite correctly remarks: *'But little is 
known chronologically of the various groups of art 
products obtained from the burial places of the coast 
belt of Peru, but most of them belong in all probability 
to what may be called the Incarial epoch ... In 
the Sierra and upland regions, where the conditions of 
burial were not so favorable, but slight traces of the 
more perishable articles appear to have been preserved.'' 
This being the case, the very oldest cotton objects could 
not go beyond the XIII. century, and such representa- 
tions of peanuts as are found in Chimu vessels cannot 
be any older. 

So far we have only established the absence of all 
criteria of chronology for Peruvian cotton, and now we 
shall by the linguistic criterion show that if cotton was 

» Ibid., p. 200. 

> W. H. Holmes, Textile Fabrics ofAndeni Peru, in Smithsonian Institution, 
Bureau of Ethnology , Washington 1889, p. 5 ff. 


present before Columbus, it must have been introduced 
into Peru directly or indirectly by M andingo Negroes. 

We have Bambara kotondo, korandiy kor% kuori^ Ma- 
linke kotondin^ Mandingo korande^ kutandOy koyondyi, 
kodondi, Soninke kotollin * 'cotton," Dyula korho * 'cot- 
ton plant,'' which are all derived from the Arabic word 
for ''cotton." 

In South America the Mandingo kotondo words are 
found southwards from Venezuela to Peru, and Central 
Brazil. In Venezuela the Mandingo word is best 
preserved in some Carib languages. Here we find 
Cumanagota otocuare^ Chayma otoquat^ while Makusi 
(south-west of Guiana) kotoka shows that an initial k has 
been lost in the other languages. Bakairi in Central 
Brazil, near the Xingu River, has atakzera, atakxira^ tata- 
kzera, which in Nahuqua is corrupted in torokire. Still 
farther south, on the Rio Tocantins, we find the non- 
Carib Apinages kathodnie and Guaycurus cottamo. 
Other languages, apparently related to Carib, have 
similar words: Yabarana (on the Bentuari) quetejuate^ 
Mapoyo (between the Paruaza and Suapure) quetate. 
From these forms it would appear that the languages of 
Venezuela and to the south began with a form like Ma- 
linke kotondin or Soninke kotollin, which is still preserved 
in Apinages kathodnie, Guaycurus cottamo, and that 
Makusi kotoka, Cumanagota otocuare are corruptions 
of it. But it is more likely that we have here the 
Soninke kotollin-khare, and similar forms in the other 
Mandingo languages, literally "cotton plant." In the 
extreme south-west the latter Indian forms are abbre- 
viated to Moza cohore, but these forms abound through- 
out the whole region, where we have Mandauaca cauarli, 
Caruzana janderit, Piapoco sawari, Puinabe saurlot, 
Uarao (in the delta of the Orinoco) ahuaramuto, Baniba 
auarli, aualri. Some of these languages seem to have 
Carib aflinities, but Baniba is classed as Nu-Arawak. 


In the Kechua of Peru we have an abbreviated otocuare, 
namely utkuj while Aymara qhuea is another abbrevia- 
tion of an original {ata) kxera of the Bakairi or a similar 
form, while Chibcha quihisa is another transformation 
of the same word. 

All these words apparently proceed from the shores of 
Venezuela, in any case from the north. But there is 
another series of words which began at the eastern 
shores of South America, from somewhere in Brazil, 
and from there proceeded northward and westward. We 
have in the Tupi languages Brazilian amaniu^ amaju, 
amanyju, amyduy Apiaca amuijo^ Emerillon muinijuy 
Cocama amano^ hamaniu, Aueto amatsitUy Kamajrura 
amunijuj Guarani amandyjuy Oyampi amoniu, and in 
the Carib languages these become Galibi amulu^ man-' 
hulu^ mauruy in the islands manholu. Von den Steinen^ 
also records Trumai moneyu, Mehinaku Kustenaa ayupe^ 
Yaulapiti aliupoy ayup6. That these are corruptions of 
the same original word becomes clear from Anti ampe, 
ampegi in the western part of Peru, where the latter is 
obviously a development of Apiaco amuijoj etc. But 
this Anti ampe explains Chimu jam, the furthest cor- 
ruption of the word. Chimu (Mushika) has the tend- 
ency to turn words as much as possible into monosyl- 
lables, and Spanish caballo ''horse" here becomes col and 
coj. Even thus jam represents the Tupi word for cot- 
ton. But the Brazilian words are all obviously de- 
rived from Kimbundu mujinha **cotton." Eimbundu 
is the language of Angola, whence therefore the Portu- 
guese brought the cotton to Brazil, whence it spread 
westward as far as Peru and northward to Guiana and 
the West Indies. But another path of distribution 
very likely preceded it from the West Indies or Vene- 
zuela toward Peru. **Welwitsch in Apontamentos^ 

^ K. Yon den Steinen, VfUer den NcAwvClfkem Zeniral-BranKens, Berlin 


p. 558, states that three distinct kinds of cotton are 
cultivated in Angola with greater or less frequency. 
He calls them G. vitifolium^ G. barbadenscj and G. her* 
baceum, the two first being also met with wild in the 
neighborhood of villages."^ According to Welwitsch, 
Gossypium peruvianum grows wild at Golungo Alto.^ 
It is, therefore, not at all unlikely that the cotton in 
Peru was introduced from Brazil, and, since Angola was 
discovered only in 1482, this introduction must be of a 
more recent date. As the banana in Peru originates 
from the province of the Antis, that is, on the eastern 
side of the Andes, precisely where the Antis are domi- 
ciled, where it still was the source of the Peruvian ba- 
nana in 1555, and this banana has been discovered in 
the Ancon necropolis, it follows that we have no proof 
of any cotton in Peru before that which was brought to 
Brazil from Angola, unless another variety came down 
earlier from Venezuela or Darien, a^d this could have 
come only from a Mandingo pre-Columbian colony in 
America. We are not yet in a position to determine the 
date for such a colony from the data so far obtained. 

1 W. p. Hiern, Catalogue of the African PkifUa eoUeeUd by Dr. Friedrich 
WeltDitsch in 1853-61, London 1896, vol. I, p. 78. 



Smoking in Antiquity. 

Galen has the following remedy for a toothache : ' ' A 
toothache is soon relieved by alcyonium smoke ; another 
smoke of henbane seed relieves pain."^ * 'Alcyonium, " 
says Galen,* * 'wears down and dissolves everything, 
having an acrid quality and hot power, but there are 
different degrees of such acridity and pungency, ac- 
cording to the consistency of their whole nature, for 
one is dense and heavy and of a bad odor, smelling of 
rotten fish, and resembling a sponge in form; another 
is rather long in shape, light and thin, having the odor 
of seaweed ; the third resembles a worm in shape, is of 
a purple color and of soft consistency, and is called 
milesium; there is a fourth, soft and thin like the sec- 
ond, resembling unwashed wool; at last, a fifth has a 
light outside, but is rough within, of no odor, appar- 
ently acrid in taste, and is the hottest of all the alcyonia, 
so that it will bum off the hair. While the first two are 
good for the scurvy, vitiligo, mange, and leprosy, and, 
besides, possess the power of making the skin more 
shining, the last cannot do that, for it does not purify 
the skin, but excoriates it, penetrating into the depth 
and causing sores. The third is by far the most deli- 
cate, hence, when burned, it cures foxbaldness, when 
dissolved in wine, and is of a yellow color and soft sub- 

WYnsAhndoiML %€^ dXYOvoiv dftoGoiv . 'AXxvdviov {miAv[Ua seal 
siHyicoc ^bcovoc ioxax . fiXlo . doooH&iiov otc^qiui dmyihiiiaadiv &iovov 
n(Mlt> Ileol ei^JcooCaTCDv, 11.8.4. 

OS cog %aX 6 V V d ii e o> c, XI. 2.3. 


stance. The fourth shares its powers with it, but is 
not a little weaker." Dioscorides^ tells nearly the same 
about the alcyonium^ but with some important addi- 
tions: **The third is good for those who suffer from 
urinary trouble or bladder stones, also for those who 
suffer from the kidneys, the dropsy, or the spleen. 
Burnt and dissolved in wine it restores the hair. The 
last will whiten the teeth. Mixed with salt it is also 
used for other perfumes or hair removers. If one should 
want to bum it, let him add salt and throw it into an 
unglazed vessel, and close the aperture with clay, and 
put it into the furnace. When the clay is baked, let 
him take it out and keep it for use. It is distilled like 
cadmia." Pliny^ gives nearly the same information 
about alcyonium: ''There is a sea production called 
'halcyoneum,' composed, as some think, of the nests of 
the birds known as the 'halcyon' and 'ceyx,' or, accord- 
ing to others, of the concretion of sea-foam, or of some 
slime of the sea, or a certain lanuginous inflorescence 
thrown up by it. Of this halcyoneum there are four 
different kinds ; the first, of an ashy colour, of a compact 
substance, and possessed of a pungent odour; the sec- 
ond, soft, of a milder nature, and with a smell almost 
identical with that of sea- weed; the third, whiter, and 
with a variegated surface; the fourth, more like pumice 
in appearance, and closely resembling rotten sponge. 
The best of all is that which nearly borders on a purple 
hue, and is known as the 'Milesian' kind; the whiter it 
is, the less highly it is esteemed. 

"The properties of halcyoneum are ulcerative and 
detergent: when required for use, it is parched and 
applied without oil. It is quite marvellous how efllc- 
iently it removes leprous sores, lichens, and freckles, 
used in combination with lupines and two oboli of sul- 

*ne(?l CXtic laxoixfic, V. 118. 
« XXXII. 86 f. 


phur. It is employed, also, for the removal of marks 
upon the eyes."^ 

In spite of the definite references to alcyonium in the 
ancient medical writers and in Avicenna, there is no ref- 
erence to this sea-foam in mediaeval literature as a 
medium for the toothache, no doubt because this zoo- 
phyte was hard to obtain. It is certainly no accident 
that in the XVIII. century the mineral meerschaum was 
being used as a material for pipeheads. The best al- 
cyonium was of a purple color, and the necessity for a 
substitute, which by the purple or brown discoloration 
of the pipehead would prove itself to be an equal of the 
traditional sea-foam^ led to the adoption of the universal 
meerschaum^ which was also found floating in the sea 
near the region from which the alcyonium is recorded. 
Thus a trade device has preserved for us the fact that 
meerschaum^ that is, alcyonium^ was at one time used for 
the fumigation of the mouth, which is the initial step 
toward smoking, as the idea is understood now. That 
other products of the sea were used for fumigation ap- 
pears from the fact that aphronitrum^ that is, an efflores- 
cence of saltpeter, according to Dioscorides and others, 
is mentioned in this cdnnection: ''some place aphronit- 
rum on burning coal, putting it first in a new vessel, 
until it ignites.*'^ 

In the mediaeval medical literature, henbane became 
the **smoke" medicine par excellence^ especially in the 
Salerno school. The Catolica Magistri Salerni says:' 
''Henbane seed wrapped in a little wax may be put on 
hot coal and the smoke should be drawn into the tooth, 
and the worms will soon be killed." There is a poem 
on the toothache which is repeated in all the textbooks 

1 See also Antennae Liber CarumU, Venetiis 1582, fol. 164 (No. 605). 

» Op. eU., V. 130. 

* "Semen iusquiami cum pauco cere involutum seu calido superponatur 
et fimius inde reepiret in dente et statim vermes pemecabuntur," r. Giacosa, 
Magistri Saiemitani, Torino 1901, p. 106. 


of the Salerno school. In the Flos Medicinae^ we read : 
**This is the way to treat the teeth: Collect the grains 
of leek and bum them with henbane, and catch the 
smoke through an embolus into the tooth. "^ 

This is found in a variety of versions, from which it 
follows that incense was mixed with henbane : 

''Dentes sic sana: porrorum collige grana 
Nee careas thure cum iusquiamo simul ure ; 
Hinc ex amboto fumum cape dente remoto."' 

In the De cirurgia we have a longer account, from 
which it follows that henbane, with other ingredients, 
was put on hot coals, and the smoke was inhaled through 
an embolus. Or the ingredients could at first be made 
into troches and then smoked. 

''Aut sic: jusquiami, portulace quoque semen 
Et porri; super ardentes apponito prunas, 
Inde per embotum fumum quem sumat in ore 
Egrotum supra dentem, qui fumus honeste 
Lenit et educit quem fecit reuma dolorem; 
De quorum f oliis tritis formate trociscos 
Quosque super prunas ardentes ponito, fumum 
Embolo capiat patiens in dentibus ipsum. — "* 

The prose accounts are not less interesting. In the 
De advenlu medici ad aegrotum^ we are told that the hen- 
bane was smoked through a reed: ''Semen jusquiami 
et porri igniti cum aliquantulum cere et thuris impone." 
In the Chirurgia Willehelmi de Congenis, of the end of 
the XII. century, we similarly have: **Ad idem accipe 
semen iusquiami et porri et ceram et pone super car- 
bones ardentes et per embotum paciens fumum inde reso- 

^ S. de Renzi, CoUeetio Salemitana, Napoli 1852, vol. I, p. 509 f. 

* "Sic dentes serva: porrorum collige erana, Ne careas jure, cum jus- 
quiamo, quoque ure, Sicque per embotum rumimi cape dente remotimi." 

» Ibid., vol. II, p. 678, vol. V, p. 94. 

* Ibid., vol. IV, p. 69. 
» Ibid., vol. II, p. 178. 


lutum recipiat."^ We are more fully informed of the 
efficacy of the henbane in the Chirurgia of Roger Pru- 
gardi: ''Accipe semen casillaginis (id est iusqniami) 
et porri equaliter et super primas ardentes pone, super 
prunas etiam embotum ponas et per canellum emboti 
patiens super dentem patientem recipiat; hie enim 
f umus qui inde progreditur, reuma, quod dolorem f acit, 
mirabiliter dissoluit et educit et ipsum mitigat."^ 

We must first ascertain the manner in which the hen- 
bane was smoked. The embotus^ embocus would seem 
to be some kind of funnel, and, indeed, Provencal 
embutz is distinctly mentioned as the implement by 
which wine or water is poured into a vessel,* and here 
also it is a surgical implement for introducing smoke 
into the anus.* Only in the XVI. century is embut 
recorded in French as a funnel, and the famous Par6 in 
1573 gave the shape of an implement for producing 
smoke with which to cure the toothache as a vessel top- 
ped by an inverted funnel. His concoction is more 
violent: **Take ginger, pepper, pyretrum, half a dram 
of each, crush it, let it all boil in a pot, in wine and vine- 
gar, and take the smoke to the tooth through a well- 
attached funnel, just like this figure."^ 

Obviously the Middle Ages no longer followed the 
precepts of the ancients, or had forgotten the precise 
method, which must have prevailed among the laymen. 
Dioscorides tells us precisely how fumes were trans- 
ferred from a vessel by distillation: **An iron vessel 

^ Karl Sudhoff, Beitrdge zur Geaehiehte der Chirurgie im MiUdaUer, in 
Studien zur Gesehiehte der Medinn, Leipzig 1918, vol. II, p. 339. 
« Ibid., p. 181. 

* Emil Levy, Provenzalisches SupplemerU-WOrterbueh, Leipzig 1892-1915. 

* "El fendement dels pos . . . pren grana de camilhada e met sobre las 
brasas ardens: pueis met I.I. emhtU desobre las brasas, el malautes reoepia 
aquel fum el fendement," ibid, 

* J.-F. Malgaigne, Oeuvrea computes d'Ambroiee Pari, Paris 1840, vol. II, 
p. 446. But he has still more violent smokes, that must have cured or 
killed the patient: "Faites fumigation de graines de coloquintes, et de 
moutarde, et d'ails, reoeuS par entonnoir," ibid,, p. 447 f. 


containing cinnabar is placed in a clay retort, over 
which an ambiz (a|i6i^) is fastened by means of clay, 
and then the coals are ignited."^ Here we have the top 
of a still through which the fumes pass. Caelius Aure- 
lianus calls ambix a kind of cupping glass, made of glass 
or clay,^ and Athenaeus similarly mentions the word as a 
designation of a cup ending in a sharp point.' 

From the writings of the alchemists it follows that 
the distilling glass, into which the fumes were condensed, 
was called ^ixog, ^ixiov, while the ambix was the cup 
of the still or the whole distilling apparatus. Zosimus, 
in the IV. century, described the process of distillation. 
''Take a male-female (dQaevodTiXt)) glass vessel called 
ambix,' ^ he says, in a discussion of the Divine Water,* 
''and close the ambix and the top (^aardQiov) with the 
receiving cup (q6yiov)," etc. Here the ambix refers to 
the lower containing bottle, but usually it refers to the 
upper part which here is called mastarion, "the teat,'* 
as, indeed, the implement resembles a teat with a long 
nipple. We have a large number of illustrations of 
alchemists' alembics in Berthelot.^ The oldest of these 
is from a manuscript of Zosimus, of the IV. century 
after Christ.* Here the mastarion is of a typical form. 
The same is reproduced in manuscripts up to the XVII. 
century,^ though in some of these the nipple is barely 
indicated by a small knob. It is clear from these illu- 
strations that the process of distillation was conceived 
as a union of the male and the female, the large bowl 
of the mastarion being the uterus in which the ascending 

> Op. eit., v. 110, also in Der Leidener und Sioekholmer Paptf^ma, in 
EfUstehung und Avj^eiiung der Alchemie, by E. von Lippmann, Berlin 
1919, p. 10. 

< A. de Haller, Artis medieae principes, Lausannae 1774, vol. XI, p. 328. 

» XI. 61. 

* M. Berthelot, CoUectUm des anciens dlchimistes ffrecs, Paris 1888, 
vol. II, p. 141, French translation, p. 143. 

* Ibid., vol. I, p. 127 ff. 

* Ibid., p. 164. 

' Ibid., pp. 136, 161. 












fumes, the male sperm, is transformed into the new 
chemical combination, which is deposited in the glass 
vessel at the end of the tube of the mastarion. 

A vast number of pipes have been found in Roman 
graves. The excellent series of articles by B. Beber on 
such pipes from Swiss burial places^ make it possible to 
dispense with other sources, and to discuss their use 
from the illustrations given by him. We shall also refer 
to the r6sum6 of all the latest articles on smoking by H. 
Lamer, Das Rauchen im Altertume} 

Gustave Lejeal describes a pipe found by him in 
Rome : "'This Roman pipe was found in Rome in 1845. 
It is now part of the collection Campana at the Louvre. 
It is a vessel of which the pipe is arranged in such a way 
as to receive the pipestem, which Pliny has clearly indi- 
cated. But, they will say, one testimony does not 
count. Excuse me, the testimony is not unique, for 
some fifty similar pipes were found and thrown into 
the Tiber as useless articles, probably without value in 
the eyes of the official archaeologists. One or two 
specimens were saved, to which ours belongs. The fact 
is attested by Count de TEscalopier, as great a smoker as 
fervent archaeologist, who visited Rome just as the act 
of vandalism was accomplishejj."^ Reber reproduces 
this and a similar pipe. A glsince at them shows that 
they are mastariay if they are turned upside down. The 
large bowl ends in a nipple, and the stem which comes 
out of it at an angle of 45^ is obviously intended to be 
set into a distilling glass, as may be seen from the rim 
at the end of the stem. 

All the other pipes described by Reber, to the number 
of 93, are of a totally different character. Whether 
they are ancient or belong to the Middle Ages, they are 

1 Les pipes aniiquea de la Suisse, in AmeigerfUr sehweizerische Altertums- 
kunde, N.F., vol. XVI, pp. 195, 287, vol. XVII, pp. 33, 241 flf. 
< In Jahresberichte des ihilologisehen Vereins, vol. XLIV, p. 47 ff . 
' Reber, op. eiL, vol. XVI, p. 198. 


distinctly smoking pipes in the modem sense of the 
word. The bowl is much smaller and at an angle of 
135® from the stem. Whether of metal or of red or 
white clay, they are all of nearly the same size. Some 
of them have heads molded upon the bowl, and from 
their position it is evident that the bowl was kept with 
the orifice up as in modem pipes because the heads were 
then standing up. This is still further proved by the 
metal caps attached to many of the pipes, just as in 
certain modem pipes. Nearly all the pipes still have 
visible a protruding knob where the nipple is in the 
mastarionj which shows that the pipes from which sub- 
stances were smoked are a direct development of the 
distilling cap of the alchemists. 

We can now show the tremendous influence which the 
alchemists have exerted upon the European nations by 
means of the distilling apparatus, especially the distil- 
ling cap. In the alchemist's vocabulary the word 
xvoi3q)iov is, according to Ducange, used for the mils' 
tarion. This word is not recorded anywhere else. A 
guess has been made^ that this word is derived from the 
Egyptian God Knuph, whose headgear the lid resembles. 
But as Knuph is represented with a ram's head and a 
headgear totally different from the mastarion, the case 
is impossible. The Greek xvot3q)iav is, indeed, taken 
from the Egyptian, but, in all probability indirectly, 
through the Arabic. We have Egyptian qenu, qend 
* 'embrace, hug, breastbone, bosom, breast, body, belly," 
and qend ''sheaf, bundle of grain," the latter obviously 
from the idea "toembrace,hug," hence qenb "to tie,bind" 
and "comer of a building" are, no doubt, of the same 
origin. The Coptic koun "breast, embrace" and knaau^ 
knauj J)>naUj that is, knaaw^ knaw^ l^naw "sheaf, bundle 
of grain" are from the corresponding Egyptian words. 

This leads to Arabic v^ qunb, pi. qunub^ "the calyx of 

1 Lippmann, op. eU., pp. 306, 344. 

ANCIENT PIPES, from Reber'a Le: pipes anliquei di la Suiue. 

ANCIENT PIPES, from Reber'a Let pipes antiquts it la Swii. 


the flower of a plant, sheath of the penis of a beast, pre- 
puce of the clitoris, part of the f orepaw of the lion into 

which the claws enter,'* hence v^ qnaba **he entered 

into it, withdrew his claw, cut off from the grapevine 
what would be injurious, the flowers, or blossoms, came 
forth from their calyxes." This word is rare in the 

Semitic langu^cs, only the Talmud recording ^jjp 

qSnab **to nip off, pluck," f^S^^p qgnubah **what is 

plucked off." 

Neither Greek nor Latin records any borrowing from 
this Egyptian stem, except the alchemist xvauq)iov, but 
the Qermanic and Romance languages have borrowed 
extensively from the Arabic. German knoph, knopf 
* 'button, bunch" is recorded early, and from this comes 
English knob and a large number of words. The very 
phonetic irregularity indicates a borrowing from with- 
out. ONorse knappr **knob, stud, button, scanty" at 
once indicates how German knapp "scanty," Knabe 
''boy," and English knave^ knap are related to it as 
meaning originally ''bunchy, small." The relation to 
the Arabic is indicated by a large number of Germanic 
words with the underlying meaning of "to pinch off," 
hence German kneifen "to pinch," English nip, nibble, 
etc., ONorse kneif "nippers, pincers," hence Gothic 
dishniupan "to tear to pieces," where the phonetic 
irregularities once more indicate borrowings. Olce- 
landic knifr, modem hnifr, English A;m/6,LLatin knivi^,^ 
O French canivet, ganivet are all derived from the same 
word, since the statement frequently made in the 
mediaeval glosses that it is a small pointed dagger 
places it, with AS. cnafa "parvidus," in the same family 

with Arabic v^ qanaba, but here we have a much closer 
relation still, since already in Arabic there developed 

^ "Cultellum cum cuspide, qui vulgo km9U8 didtur/' (1231), Ducange. 


the meaning ''he cut off from its upper part what would 
not bear and what would perhaps injure its produce," 
that is, **to prune." 

From Greek a|i6i| the word d|i6u(ia|i6g, d|i6'uxia|juSg 
** distilling"^ is formed, and we have also d[i6'uxi^(0 **to 
distil."^ Just as Greek ambix has produced Latin 
embocus, embolus, so to Greek d|i6vxi^(0 corresponds 
Latin imbotare, Catalan embotar, Spanish embudar ''to 
pour through a funnel into a cask." But the Latin 
buttia "cask" is already recorded in the year 562 A. D., 
and from this come Latin buta, butta "vat" and the very 
large Romance family of "bottle "words. But embotua 
is also the equivalent of Greek xvot3q)iov hence we should 
expect the meaning "knob" to develop from it. In- 
deed, an enormous mass of Romance and Germanic 
words is derived from the simpler botus, bocua, meaning 
"bud, boss," such as French bout "end," bouton "bud," 
bosse "boss," etc. All these may be found in Korting's 
Lateiniach-Romanisches Wdrterbuchy though their origin 
is not understood. The two groups of words illustrate 
how wrong philology may be if it does not invoke the 
historical sciences. Without a study of the Graeco- 
Arabic alchemy an enormous mass of words would 
forever remain a mystery. Similarly anthropology 
suffers from a neglect of the historical method. Only 
by overlooking the mediaeval alchemy could the origin 
of tobacco smoking have been placed in America. We 
shall soon see how the tobacco pipes and tl^e tobacco- 
smoking develop from the alchemist's distilling cap. 

Smoking was also resorted to in troubles of the chest, 
especially in coughing. According to one treatise of 
Salerno, "the smoke of orpiment and of colt's foot 
taken through an embotua into the mouth would cure a 

» Berthelot, op. cU,, vol. Ill, p. 273. 
»/6id., p. 411. 


cough."^ According to the same authority, the same 
with arsenic and ammonia was good for asthma.^ Long 
before that Pliny wrote: "The smoke of this plant 
(bechion, colt's foot) in a dry state, inhaled by the aid 
of a reed and swallowed, is curative, they say, of chronic 
cough; it is necessary, however, at each inhalation to 
take a draught of raisin wine,"* and also: "They say, 
too, that the smoke of dried cow-dung — that of the 
animal when grazing, I mean— is remarkably good for 
phthisis, inhaled through a reed."^ For bechion or tu8' 
silago Pliny also uses chamaeleuce, which Linn^ identi- 
fied with colt's foot: "The Chamaeleuce is known 
among us as the 'farfarum' or 'farfugium;' it grows 
on the banks of rivers, and has a leaf like that of the 
poplar, only larger. The root of it is burnt upon cy- 
press charcoal, and, by the aid of a funnel, the smoke 
inhaled, in cases of inveterate cough."^ Similarly Dios- 
corides prescribed smoking of colt's foot for a cough,^ 
and it is right here that we have a good description of 
this pipe. "Fumigation is good for an old cough. 
Through a reed and an ambix perforated at the bottom 
the smoke is taken into the mouth, the ambix being 

^ "Fiimus auripigmenti, radicis ungule caballine per embotum ad divi- 
Bionem ore susdpiatur et tuasis ad expulsionem provocetur/' P. Giacosa, 
op. eit,, p. 205. 

> "FumuB auri pigmenti, arsenid, amoniad puri, radids ungule caballine 
per embotum ore susdpiatur/' ibid,, p. 215. See also De aeorUudinum 
euraiiane, in CoUeetio Salemitana, vol. II, p. 208. 

* "Huius aridae cum radice fumus per harundinem haustus et devoratus 
veterem sanare didtur tuasim, sed in singulos haustus passum gustandum 
est/' XXVI. 30. 

* "Fimi quoque aridi, sed pabulo viridi pasto bove, fumum harundine 
haustum prodesse tradunt/' XXVIII. 230. 

* "Chamaeleucen apud nos farfarum dye farfugium vocant. nasdtur 
secundum fluvios, folio populi, sed ampliore. radix dus inponitur carbonibus 
cupressi, atque is nidor per infundibulum bibitur inveteratae tusd/' 
XXIV. 136. 

* €*Ynodu(iu6|ieva bi ^od elg ^tcoxojcvui^^ xovg imb ^odc pf)* 
xb^ Mol 6o4oawo£ac IvoxXoviiivov; deoajceven, 5xov xav6vT8c x6v yituribv 
S^icovToi t^ <TT6|urci xod xaTajtUD<iu» Ileol OXnc laxoixfic, 
III. 112. 


placed on the fire.''^ The same bechion is smoked for 
cough according to Galen,^ but the best description of 
the pipe is given by Marcellus Empiricus: ''An effica- 
cious medicine for the cough. The herb, called in Gallic 
calliomarcua, in Latin horse's hoof (apparently colt's 
foot), gathered in the old moon, dried on Thursday, is 
at first put in a new vessel with burning coals, which are 
put into the vessel ; the top is closed carefully with clay 
and a reed is inserted, and through it the humor or hot 
smoke is drawn into the mouth, until it penetrates all 
the arteries and the stomach."' 

A large number of other substances were smoked.^ 
The best summary of smoking in mediaeval times was 
made by Par6, and this we give in the English transla- 
tion. ''Suffitus or fumigation is an evaporation of 
medicines having some viscous and fatty moisture : of 
fumigations some are dry, othersome moist, the dry have 
the form of trochisces or pills : their matter ought to be 
fatty and viscous, so that it may send forth a smoake by 
being burnt: such are ladanum, myrrhe, masticke, 
pitch, waxe, rosine, turpentine, castoreum, styrax, 
frankincense, olibanum, and other gummes, which may 
bee mixed with convenient powders: for they yeeld 

^ €*Yja>Ov|U(D^eva bk dxipeXei XQ^^ pTbc<i?> xal b\A xoXoiUvov 
oCqKDvo; Mol &i6ixoc TEXQtuiivov xatd xbv T03^^]iha, bC ci^ xol 6 crlqxov 
xadU|ievoc dvojc^jjucei eI; t6 <n6|jia t6v dxiidv" &Q<f2vm6iy, <Mxv6a(^x*) 
XeCoB, 6oax^vTa €6011. xcd JcXao&ivTa xC^ XBXQtii^q^ ^61x1^ Tcegtrideiii^vou 
T$ jcuqI toO dfiPuco;* 6if)xCou <p6XXa^ iKuuDfieva, ^£i6v fijcuQov, xdXoiAO^, 
dQOO^TiTn? xad' iavxbv xcd 01^ QVl'CiVD xegfuv^VD, nodnohq, oarvfta- 
Qdxn oirv QTyrCvQ xbqvmMyq, &OfpakxoZt Xi6ava)T6c oir^ ^vi^^vq, oxlXXa 
Iviod, Ic^voKAOv, SXaiov x^ftowov, xevxavoCov (C^ iiAoddoou xa<^jc6c,» 
n 8 Q I t{fKOQiax(oy, II. 83. 

»VI. 7. 

' "Ad tussem remedium efficaz: Herba, c](uae Galilee calliomarcus, Latine 
eaui ungula vocatur, coUecta luna vetere hdnna die lovis dccata prius in 
ollam novam mittitur cum prunis ardentibus, quae intra oUam mitti debent; 
superficies sane eius argilla diligenter claudi debet et calamus inseri, per 
quern imior vel fumus caloris hauriatur intra os, donee arteria omnia et 
stomadbum penetret/' II. 101. 

* Lamer, op. eU., p. 56. 


them a body and firme consistence; the fumigations 
that are made of powders only, yeeld neither so strong 
nor long a fume. 

"The quantity of the powders must bee from 5^9. to 
^ but the gummes to 3ii- ds, ^ sandarachae^ masticheSy 
rosar. an. 3 i. benioini^ galang. an. 5 iii. terebinthina ex- 
ctpiantuTy & fiant trochisci^ quibus incensis suffumigentur 
tegumenta capitis. 4. marcaaitae^ 5 ii. bdellii, myrrhae^ 
atyrads, an. 5 i i^- cerae flavae, & terebinth, quod sufficit, 
fiant formulae pro suffumigio. 4. cinnabarisy 5 ii. atyracis 
& benzoini, an. 5 ii. cumterebinth. fiant trochisci pro auf- 
fumigio per embotum. 

"Wee use fumigations in great obstructions of the 
braine, ulcers of the lungs, the asthma^ an old cough, 
paines of the sides, wombe, and the diseases of some 
other parts; sometimes the whole body is fumigated, 
as in the cure of the Lues venerea to procure sweat; some- 
timely onely some one part whereto some reliques of the 
Lue8 adheres; such fumigations are made of dnnaharis, 
wherein there is much hydragyrum. The fume must 
be received by a funnell, that so it may not bee dis- 
persed, but may all be carried unto the part affected, as 
is usually done in the affects of the womb and eares. 

"In fumigations for the braine and chest, the vapour 
would be received with open mouth; which thence may 
passe by the weazon into the chest, by the palate and 
nostrils into the braine : but in the interim let the head 
bee vailed, that none of the vapour may flye away. 
Moist fumigations are made somewhiles of the decoc- 
tion of herbes, otherwhiles of some one simple medicine 
boiled in oile, sometimes a hot fire-stone is quencht in 
vinegar, wine, aqua vitae, or the like liquor, so to raise a 
humide vapour. We oft time use this kinde of fumi- 
gation in overcoming scirrhous affects, when as we 
would cut, discusse, penetrate deep, and dry: take this 
as an example thereof. 


''^. later em unum satis crassum^ avi marchasitam 
ponderis lb i. heat it red hot, and then let it bee quencht 
in sharpe vinegar, powring thereon in the meane while 
a little aqua vitae, make a fumigation for the grieved 

** Fumes of the decoction of herbes doe very little 
differ from fomentations properly so called; for they 
differ not in the manner of their composure, but onely 
in the application to the affected parts: therefore let 
this be an example of a humide fumigation. 

**^. absinth, salv. rut. origan, an. p. i. rad. hryon. & 
asar. an. 3i^. sem. sinap. & cumin, an. 3 ii- decoquantur 
in duahus partibus aquae, & una vini pro suffitu auris 
cum emboto.^'^ It will be observed that the substance 
smoked must be fatty or viscous, such as pitch. This 
at once leads to Lat. bitumen and Arabic dibq or (dia- 
lectically) tibq, hence tubbaq, as the designation for the 
substance smoked. Before doing so, we shall show 
that smoking was popularized in the Spanish peninsula 
by the Arabs, who left many proofs of the fact in the 
languages of Europe. 

1 Th. Johnson, The Warkes of that famous Chirurffian Ambrose Parey, 
London 1634, p. 1072 f. 


The Smoke Vender. 

In Portuguese we have hufarinha **a peddler's tray, 
trifles, cosmetics," hufarinheiro, bofarinheiro "peddler." 

This is unquestionably from Arabic JJ^y, biihdriy 

"seller of incense, cosmetics," from J^y. bwfedr, j>-V 

bdhur "fumigation, smoke, incense." Indeed, in the 
Spanish-Arabic dictionary^ we get for "sahumar," that 
is, "to use incense or smoke," the Arabic ba/bdr, for 
"sahumaduras" bokdr. This bufarinheiro was early 
corrupted into bufo, as which it appears in the thirteenth 
century Portuguese documents as the designation for a 
small trader. A bofon paid the lowest tax in the Foro 
of Ericeira of 1229.^ The same is recorded at Ega 
(1231)' and at Midoes (1257),* while at Coja (1260) a 
bufonus is mentioned as crying his wares (preconizare).^ 
By a Spanish law of 1562^ the buhoneros were not per- 
mitted to walk the streets or enter the houses in order 
to sell their buhoneria8y even though these could legiti- 
mately be sold. These vagabond hawkers had ob- 
viously never been in favor, and their wares were con- 
sidered as trifles. No wonder, then, that in the XIV. 
century a bufo should have been classed with jugglers 
and should have received the designation of a buffoon. 
The bufonerus originally sold cosmetics, just like the 

^ P. de La^arde, Petri Hitpani de lingua arabiea libri duo, Gottingae 1883. 
' Portugahae monumerUa historica, Olisipone 1856, vol. I, p. 621. 
> Ibid., p. 622. 

* Ibid., p. 674. 

* Ibid., p. 696. 

* Namima reeapilacum, IX. 6. 10. 



Portuguese bufarinheiro^ and the Span, alhafor^ Port. 
albafar ''incense, perfume" still bear witness to the 
Arabic origin of the trade. But we have also the abbre- 
viated Span., Port, bafoy baho ''breath, exhalation," 
Port, baforada "breath, bad odor." The latter word 
also means '^cheating, boasting" and the relation to 
bufo "buffoon" is at once obvious. Hence we have 
Port, bafejar, bofar "to boast, blabber, breathe," hence 
Span., Port, bofe "lung," bufar "to boast, to snort." 
The other Romance words related to these need not be 
adduced here. 

We shall now treat of the particular kind of bufa- 
rinheiro which was developed in Africa and America, as 
this will bear upon the distribution of African plants in 
America. In the pharmacy of the XVI. century, and 
unquestionably much earlier, pulpa was the technical 
term for a jamlike extract from exotic fruits, such as 
pulpa cassiae^ colocynthidia. This was readily confused 
with pulmentumy which may itself be a derivative of 
pulpaj but which, in any case, was early understood, 
like pulpa, to refer to sweetmeats or delicacies, hence 
Joannes Janua wrote: ''pulmentum is said of delicate 
and sweet food, from pulpa, similarly pulmentum or 
pulmentarium is said of any food other than bread. "^ 
We, therefore, read in the Italian ''polpa difichi secchi,^* 
and "si adulterano i tamarindi colla polpa delle susine.** 
Similarly the Portuguese dictionary records "a polpa do 
figo fartum" and '^ polpa de canafiatula concretum casiae 
str amentum. ' ' But the Portuguese has also *'poline, the 
denser part of a liquor" and translates it similarly by 
"crassamentum." There is also here a corrupted pow- 
binha, the fleshy part of the thigh of an ox, "bubulis 
cruris pulpa intima," which is obviously related to the 
Latin pulpa. 

^ Ducange, sub pvlmefUum, 


In the Bantu countries of Africa there is made a 
liquor known as pombe. Andr6 Femandes, writing from 
Mozambique, in 1560, said: ^'As the millet is the best 
and chief part of their provisions and they use what 
would feed them for thirty days to make a drink called 
empombe for one occasion, it is said that they often die 
of hunger."^ A fuller description of the preparation of 
pombe was given by Jofto dos Santos, in 1605: **The 
wine usually drunk by these Kafiftrs is made of millet, 
and is called pombe. It is made in the following manner: 
first they soak about three gallons of millet in water, 
where it remains for two days, in the course of which it 
sprouts; the water is then drained ojff, and it is left to 
dry for two or three hours, and when it is well dried, 
they pound, it thoroughly to a pulp. This is done in a 
large wooden mortar which reaches to a man's waist, 
which the Kaffirs call cuni, and the Portuguese pilao, as 
has been said. This being done, they place a large 
cauldron half full of water on the fire, and when it boils 
they gradually mix in about a gallon and a half of millet 
flour, as if making a broth, and when it has boiled a 
little they take the cauldron off the fire and throw into 
it the pulp made of the ground millet, mixing it until 
it dissolves. The cauldron is then left for two days, 
during which the liquor cooks and boils without fire, 
like the must of grapes, and after these two days they 
drink it. They make it in this manner every day. 
This pombe is as intoxicating as wine if much of it is 
drunk; it is so sustaining that many Kaffirs eat and 
drink nothing else, but live on pombe alone. If they 
leave it in the cauldron for four or five days it becomes 
very sour, and the more sour it is the more intoxicating 

1 6. McC. Theal, Records of SouthrEaOem Africa, [London] 1898, vol. II, 
p. 64. 


it becomes, and the KafiSrs esteem it greatly so, because 
they say it gives them more strength."^ 

It is clear that in poinbe we have a Portuguese word, 
related to pomhinho and meaning "fruit, pulp." A 
word for wine and wine itself could not have been fost- 
ered by the Arabs, who are opposed to it. At the same 
time the word pomhe is not universal in the Bantu 
languages but only coincides with the Portuguese trade, 
hence it is found also in non-Bantu languages. In 
Angola, mbombo is fermented manioc from which fuba 
is made. In the Kongo we have "a fermented liquor 
made from maize and cassava or manioc. The maize 
is malted by placing it on the ground, sprinkling with 
water, and covering with leaves until it sprouts; when 
the grain has run out roots about an inch long it is dried 
by exposure to strong sunshine for a day or two, when it 
becomes menia. It is sweet, and is proper malted 
grain. Cassava is peeled and dried in the sun, when it 
is called kela. The menia and kela are then pounded 
together in a mortar until fairly crushed. It is then 
mixed with a due proportion of water, and the mash 
thus made is boiled for 12 hours, strained and left to 
cool. It is then a sweet, not intoxicating beverage called 
mulu. After two or three days it ferments and be- 
comes intoxicating, sour, and more or less acid, and is 
called mbamvu.'^^ In Swahili we have '^pombe native 
beer, an intoxicant made from many kinds of grains 
and some fruits, e. g. bananas, by fermentation." In 
Hausa we get bumboj bam^ bummi **palmwine," which 
is "obtained by direct incision into the stems of the 
palm-tree, it begins to ferment on the second or third 

1 Ibid,, vol. VII, p. 210. See also vols. II, pp. 293, 329, VII, pp. 190, 
196, 307, VIII, p. 110. 

* W. H. Bentley, Dictionary and Grammar of (he Kongo Language, London 
1887, p. 19. 


Having fostered the habit of intoxication among the 
natives, the Portuguese early employed native traders 
to corrupt the Negroes by the sale of pombe. Such 
traders were known as pombeiros. We have a good de- 
scription of such pombeiros in the Congo region by 
Dapper, who unfortunately tried to derive the word 
from that of a mythical country, Pombo, in the interior 
of Africa. **The country properly called Pombo, hes 
more than one hundred leagues landwards from the sea- 
coast, or from the city of Lovango and, as some say, 
towards Abyssinia. Some think that what the Portu- 
guese call Pombo, is a collection of kingdoms and lands 
near a certain large sea (I think the sea of Zambre which 
lies in the interior between both the seas). But it is 
quite uncertain where that place is, since no Christian 
has ever been there ; but it is said that a certain Kaffir 
of Mozambique who traveled over land from Sofala to 
Angola has come to it, as the Portuguese report. All the 
blacks who dwell at the sea-coast, receive their laws, 
rights and privileges from Pombo. 

"Both the Portuguese who live in Lovango,Congo,and 
Lovango Saint Paul, have a great trade with this Pombo, 
through their trusted slaves, whom they bring up in 
their houses and send thither with merchandise, who 
for slaves, elephants' teeth (but these are not as large 
as those which come from Bukkameale) , and panos lim- 
poBy barter Canary, Spanish, or Madeira wine, large 
simbos from the island of Lovando, beads, and other 
wares. The masters let these their slaves, generally 
called pomberos after the emporium Pombo, if they show 
any aptitude, be instructed in reading, writing, and 
arithmetic, as much as is necessary for the trade. 
These pomberos have yet other slaves under them, some 
times as many as one hundred or one hundred and 
fifty, who carry the goods upon their heads up in the 
country, such as wine in pots called pereleros, which are 


covered with esparto or a certain Spanish grass of which 
frails are made. 

''Sometimes these pomberos stay out a year, some- 
times eighteen months and two years, and then bring 
back with them four, five, and six hundred slaves. 
Some of the most trusted remain up in the country and 
send the slaves they have bought to their masters, who 
return to them other commodities. Occasionally dis- 
honest pomberoa deceive their masters and run away 
with the slaves and commodities. 

''The whites or Portuguese are obliged to carry on 
the trade through these their Negroes or pomberos^ be- 
cause, according to their statement, it is impossible for 
white men to carry on the trade, because of the diffi- 
culty of the journey, the hunger and trouble they have 
to undergo, and especially on account of the unwhole- 
someness of the country and the like. The country is 
said to be so unwholesome that the heat of the sun 
makes the head swell to double its size. 

"The journey from the seacoast, from Lovango and 
Lovango Saint Paul to Pombo, is slow, on account of the 
difficulty of the road, and because of the rocky moun- 
tains and many ravines which sometimes, after a rain, 
hold up the travelers for ten or fourteen days.*'^ 

Diogo de Couto long before that pointed out the fact 
that the Portuguese from Tete carried on their trade far 
inland by means of natives: "Those who wish to do so 
go themselves, others send their Kaffirs, as some of these 
merchants have one or two hundred Kaffir slaves whom 
they employ in this trade, and they are so faithful that 
up to the present no one was ever known to be guilty of 
any dishonesty, or to remain there with his master's 
property.'** It is clear that pombeiro originally meant 

1 O. Dapper, NavkeuHgt Besekrijfinoe der Afrikaensehe GewesUn van 
Eoypten, Barbaryen, Lybum^ BiMidgertd, NegrodaiU, Guinea, Eihiapiin, 
Ahyisinie: Amsterdam 1676, p. 219 f. 

* Theal, op. eU., vol VI, p. 368. 


''a wine dealer/' and that the mythical Pombo is merely 
the interior where the pombeiroa carried on business in 
the name of their Portuguese masters. Just as the 
bufarinheiro was a peddler who began by corrupting 
the people's manners with illicit fumigations, that is, 
smoking, so the pombeiro began his career as a liquor 
dealer. The Kimbundu dictionary^ gives piimb6la as a 
native word and translates it by '*a kind of bufarinheiro, 
merchants' agent for the retail trade." Without these 
pombeiroa the trade with the interior of Africa would 
have been well nigh impossible, and Dapper tells of 
their traveling two hundred leagues inland.^ History 
does not record the deeds of the lowly, and these van- 
guards of European civilization have passed away 

In 1603 ''the king of Congo now reigning is a tyrant 
and shows the same bad will as the previous kings in 
everything he can, because every time that he wants 
to close the roads to the pombeiroa who in his country 
trade cloth, he does so."' A description of the pom- 
beiroa was given by Vieira in his Arte defurtar: **The 
Portuguese go to Guinea, Angola, Cafraria, and Mozam- 
bique, filling ships with Negroes . . . For these pur- 
poses they have instructed people, whom they call pomr- 
beiroa and the Negroes call tan,gomaoa: these carry 
cloths, iron articles, and trifles which they give for 
slaves, and these they fetch naked and in chains."^ 
Prom all this it follows that the pombeiroa were active 
before the XVII. century, in fact, must have had their 
beginning with the first Portuguese settlement in 
Guinea, in the middle of the fifteenth century. 

^ J. Cordeiro da Matta, Ensaio de dieeionario kimbdndtir^poriuguez, 
Lbboa 1803, p. 128. 

* Op. eii., p. 234. 

' L. Cordeiro, Da Mina ao Cabo Negro, in Memarioi do UUramar. 
Viagens, exphrandea e conquitUu dos Partugueus, part 2 (of 1574-1620), 
Lbboa 1881, p. 8. 

< A. Vieira, ArU defwriar, in Hiatoria do future, Lisboa 1855, cap. XLVI. 


Vieira's tangomao throws a light upon the Portuguese 
trade in Africa. A law of the year 1565^ provides 
''that when the heir of a tangomao^ deceased in some 
part of Guinea, asks the Hospital of all the Saints of 
the City of Lisbon to restitute to him the property left 
after such a tangomao he has to go through certain 
formalities in order to ascertain the death of the tan- 
gomao.'' In 1607 a large number of tangos maos con- 
gregated at Cape Verde, to trade with the Negroes in 
ivory, gold, wax, and slaves,* to which the editor quotes 
from Father Femfto Guerreiro's Relagdo annua, 1605: 
''The tangos maos or langados with the Negroes and who 
are slave traders in the interior; who are a sort of people 
who by nativity are Portuguese and by religion or bap- 
tism Christians, but who live in such a fashion as if 
they were neither, for many of them walk about naked, 
and who accomodate themselves to the native customs 
of the country where they trade. They mark their bod- 
ies with an iron, drawing blood and tattooing them, by 
anointing them with the juice of certain herbs, making 
various figures appear, such as locusts, snakes, or what- 
ever they like, and in this way they march through this 
Guinea trading and buying slaves." Guerreiro tells of 
a number of Europeans who settled in Africa and be- 
came thoroughly Negroized.' 

> Boletim do eonseUio uUramarino, Legidafio aniiga, Lisboa 1867, vol. I, 
p. 85 f . 

' L. Cordeiro» op, eit., part V (of 1607), Estabeleeimentoa e resgaks portur 
guezes na eosta oeeidenUU de Africa, Lisboa 1881, p. 8 f. 

* "Neste reino achei hum Christam crioulo da ilhade Sanctiago que 
aula muytos annoe viuia como gentio sem mais differensa que enxergarae 
nelle ainda algum lume da Fd. Estranheilhe quanto era rezam o estado 
em que estaua, & o nam se ter ido confessar comigo despois que vim a estas 
partes podendoo fazer, conheceose & humilhouse, & prometeo que viria 
comprir com esta obrigacam, & traria consig^o hum filho que tinha de 
dezasete. ou dezoito annos pera eu o bautizar, & instniir nas cousas de sua 
saluacam oqual comprio dani a algum tempo, & o filho depois de bautizado 
ficou encarregado a num Portugues casado ^ue o cria, & ensina com muyto 
charidade, & elle se foy a buscar isso que tmha pera se vir morar entre oe 
Chnstftos. Tambem achei hum Alemam que tomaram com certos cossa- 
rios nas ilhas que chamam dos idolos pertencentes ao mesmo Fatema, & por 


Somewhat earlier Alvares d'Almada wrote: "Among 
these Negroes there are many who can talk our Portu- 
guese language, and are dressed like ourselves. And 
there are also many Portuguese (ladinas) Negresses 
called Tangomas^ because they serve the langados. And 
these Negresses and Negroes go with them from one 
river to another and to the Island of Santiago and else- 
where."^ Among the Balolas "there are many langadoa^ 
because the country is pacified and quiet, and many con- 
gregate there for the sake of barter, both of slaves (who 
are very cheap here), and of produce, because these 
Negroes are more addicted to work."* 

Alvares d'Almada gives us a detailed account of 
these lanfados or "outcasts:" "This kingdom of Budu- 
mel has many parts, besides those of the Senegal River, 
and beginning there and running down the coast as far 
as Sereno, the two principal ones being Angra and Bizi- 
guiche, which is a very beautiful bay, constant refuge 
of the English and French, where a large number of 
ships can stay without peril from the weather, since 
they are protected from the winds. And in this very 
Angra there is an island which is in the lee of the winds, 
and between it and the mainland there is a large channel 
where the ships can stay ; and between this island and 
the land the French have several times escaped our 
galleys. In this island a very good port could be built, 

ser grande tangedor de trombeta bastarda Iho mandaram. Fallaua ja bem 
a linj:oa da tern, & viuia como ob outros gentioe tarn contente, que nem con- 
sentimento 9uis dar peraque eu o pedisse disse ao Rey, & tambexn fora 
difficultOBo tirarlho dais mSos porque hia ensinando a tanger a alcpns mo$08 
da terra. He lastima ver como andam estes homens entre gentioe, sem se 
lembrar que sam Christftos, & sem se quererem apartar delles polla largueza, 
& liberdade de conscienda em que viuem. Em Bena achei tres, ou quatro 
tarn arreigadoB na terra, que por mais que fiz polios tirar della com nenhum 
delles o pude acabar." F. Guerreiro, /celocam annai das cauaas que fiaeram 
08 padrea da Compatihia de Jesus, nas partes da India Oriental, Ldsboa 
1611, fol. 234. 

^ A Alvares d'Almada, Tratado breve dos rios de Guine* do Cabo-Verde, 
ed. by D. KOpke. Porto 1841, p. 60. 

' /Md., p. 66. 


and with little cost, because from the land shore the 
island is protected by a rock built by nature itself, and 
on the ocean side it can be fortified at little cost, and 
being fortified would keep the enemy from making port, 
and with brigantines (which are vessels of little cost) 
one could keep the lanfados from giving aid and solace 
to the enemies, as they now do. This island serves the 
English and French as a refuge, where they congregate 
their ships and boats; and is the narrows through which 
most of the hostile ships pass, those that make for 
Sierra Leone, as well as for the Pepper Coast, for Brazil, 
or for the Spanish Indies. All of them stop at Angra, 
and here overhaul and repair their ships, and live on it, 
and consider it their own, as if it were one of the English 
or French ports; so much so that the Negroes of these 
ports speak very good French, and many times travel 
to France, and now, since they are friendly with the 
English, travel to England, to learn English and see the 
country, by order of the Alcaide of the Port of Ale, who 
serves as a commercial agent of the king. This Angra 
is almost at the point of Cape Verde, between it and 
Cape Mastros, but nearer to Cape Verde. Anciently the 
greatest business done by the inhabitants of the Island 
of Santiago was with this land of Budumel, in the days 
when in it ruled a king named Nhogor, a great friend of 
our nation, in the days when the locusts had caused 
such a famine on the coast that slaves were sold for a 
half a bushel of com or beans, and the mothers drew 
among their children and sold them for food, saying 
that it was better to live, even as slaves, than to die of 
mere hunger. And from the Cape Verde Isle each year 
went loads of horses and other wares for this trade. 

''There succeeded in this reign the king called Bud- 
umel Bixirin, who drank no wine and ate no pork. He 
lived constantly in his court at Lambaya, along the sea, 
and treated our people badly and gathered at his ports 


the French, whom he liked, and for this cause the in- 
habitants of the island lost the business, which is now 
more in the hands of the English than of the French, to 
both of them succor is given by many Portugese and 
some strangers, who live at the port of Joala, in the land 
of the Barbacins, in the kingdom of Ale-Embicone. 
And these Portuguese are those who aid the English and 
the French, despatching their business from river to 
river and many leagues inland. And every year the 
English and French export a large quantity of hides of 
oxen, buffaloes, gazelles, and other animals called dacoy 
at the Gambia River, which they say is the true antay 
and also much ivory, wax, gum, amber, musk, and 
gold, and other things, bartering these for iron and other 
wares brought from England and France, and these 
our Portuguese lanqados are much fondled by these our 
enemies. And on the days when they receive their pay 
and hand in their goods the English give them banquets 
on land, with much music of fiddles^and other instru- 
ments, and thus the whole trade from Cape Verde to the 
Gambia River is lost. And nobody does business there 
except these lanqados with the enemies, who at S. Do- 
mingos River and Grande River do business with those 
who live there, whither they send their iron and what- 
ever else they have, and they send their wares to our 
enemies ; and if it were not for these Portuguese langados, 
these two nations would not have such business or com- 
merce in Guinea as they have nowadays, because the 
pagans have not the ability to give them such business, 
since they do not navigate and do not carry the goods 
inland except at a great loss. Now these Portuguese 
larifadoa roam all the rivers and lands of the Negroes, 
acquiring everything they find there for the ships of 
their friends, so much so that there is a Portuguese who 
went inland as far as the Kingdom of the Great Fulo, 
which is many leagues away, and from there he sent 


much ivory to the Senegal River, whence the ships at 
Angra fetch it in their boats. This Portuguese langado 
went to the kingdom of the Great Fulo by order of Duke 
CasSo, who is a powerful Negro living in a port in the 
Gambia River above sixty marine leagues. He sent 
him with his people, and at the court of the Great Fulo 
he married a daughter of his, with whom he had a 
daughter,and wishing to return to the seaport, his father- 
in-law permitted him to take her along, and his name is 
JoSo Ferreira, native of Crato, and called by the Negroes 
Ganagoga, which in the language of the Beaf ares means 
'man who talks all the languages,' as, indeed, he speaks 
the Negro languages, and this man can traverse all the 
hinterland of our Guinea, of whatever Negro tribe. And 
with the aid of these lancados the trade of our enemies 
is growing in Guinea, and ours is disappearing."' 

Jobson describes these langados under the name of 
Porting ales: "I must breake of a while from them, 
and acquainte you first, of another sort of people we 
finde dwelling, or rather lurking, amongst these Mand- 
ingos, onely some certaine way up the Riuer. 

**And these are, as they call themselves, Portingales^ 
and some few of them seeme the same; others of them 
are Molatoes, betweene blacke and white, but the most 
part as blacke, as the naturall inhabitants: they are 
scattered, some two or three dwellers in a place, and 
are all married, or rather keepe with them the countrey 
blacke women, of whom they beget children, howbeit 
they haue amongest them, neither Church, nor Frier, 
nor any other religious order. It doth manifestly ap- 
peare, that they are such, as haue beene banished, or 
fled away, from forth either of Portingall, or the lies 
belonging vnto that gouemement, they doe generally 
imploy themselues in buying such commodities the 
countrey affords, wherein especially they couet the 

» Ibid., p. 13 fif. 


country people, who are sold vnto them, when they 
commit offences, as you shall reade where I write of the 
generall gouemement : all which things they are ready 
to vent, vnto such as come into the riuer, but the blacke 
people are bought away by their owne nation, and by 
them either carried, or solde vnto the Spaniard, for him 
to carry into the West Indies^ to remaine as slaues, 
either in their Mines, or in any other seruile vses, they 
in those countries put them to : Some few of these sort- 
ing themselues together, in one time of the yeare, haue 
vsed to go vp this Riuer, in a boate or small barke, as 
farre as Seticoj and there to remaine in trade, from 
whence it is certainely knowne they haue returned 
much gold, aboue which place they neuer attempted, 
which is not halfe the way, we haue already gone vp, 
since our trading there. With these, in their places of 
dwelling, wee are very conuersant, notwithstanding, 
we receiued such a horrible treachery from them, as is 
set downe in my beginning, in regarde they tell vs, 
those that were the Actors thereof, are banished from 
amongst them, as being hated and detested for the fact. 
Howsoeuer, wee hope, and desire it may stand, for all 
our Nations warning, neuer to let them haue the like 
occasion, but beleeue, euer they will doe as they say, 
in telling vs they do loue and wish vs wel, prouided they 
may neuer haue vs vnder their power, to be able to 
doe vs ill, which it behooueth vs to take especiall care of. 

"The conditions they line subiect vnto, vnder the 
the black Kings, makes it appeare, they haue little 
comfort in any Christian countrey, or else themselues 
are very carelesse what becommeth of their posteritie ; 
for whensoeuer the husband, father, or maister of the 
familie dies, if hee be of any worth, the King seizeth 
vpon what hee hath, without respect, either to wife, 
children, or seruant, except they haue warning to pro- 
uide before, or are capable of themselues, to looke out 


for the future time; whereby we finde in some those 
few places we trade with them, poore distressed child- 
ren left, who as it were exposed to the charitie of the 
country, become in a manner naturalized, and as they 
grow up, apply themselves to buy and sell one thing 
for another as the whole country doth, still reseruing 
carefully, the vse of the PortingaU tongue, and with a 
kinde of an affectionate zeale, the name of Christians, 
taking it in a great disdaine, be they neuer so blacke, to 
be called a Negro : and these, for the most part, are the 
Portingalls^ which line within this Riuer."^ 

A tangomaoy tangomSo was, accordingly, a European 
naturalized in Africa or a Negro speaking Portuguese, 
who traveled through the country for barter, that is, a 
pombeiro. Obviously the word is supposed to be a 
Guinea word, and we can identify it and pursue its 
history. We have the word in many of the Mandingo 
dialects, but generally in that fragmentary form which 
causes the despair of the philologist. In Dyula we have 
tarhama ''to march, travel,'* hence tarha ''to walk, go 
away.'' This is in Bambara contracted to tama "march, 
travel," tamaba "traveler," but also "lance," which 
shows that the latter was formed under Portuguese influ- 
ence, on account of the meaning of Ian f ado "trader," 
that is, "traveler." In Malinke the Bambara "lance" 
word tama (or tarnba) remains, but otherwise we have 
tokhoma "march, travel," while takha is "to walk." In 
Vei we have tamba "lance," but ta "to walk," while 
Mandingo has tama "to walk." 

The Dyula tarhama is clearly Arabic oU>- J» tar^amdn 

"interpreter," which leads to Eng. dragoman^ etc., pre- 
cisely as tav,goma4) is "one who speaks two languages," 
hence "trader," and that this is unquestionably the case 
is proved by the use of the corresponding word in French 

^ R. Jobflon, The Golden Trade: or, A Diseouery of the RU^ Chmbra, and 
fhe Golden Trade of the Aethiopiane, London 1623, p. 28 ff. 


for the Indianized French trader in Brazil in the XVI. 
century. Nicholas Barr^ tells of a Norman truchement, 
who had been given to Villegaignon and who had been 
married to an Indian woman and lived in a truly Indian 
fashion.^ This was about the year 1550. About the 
same time Hans von Staden found in Brazil a number 
of ''mammelucks" of a Portuguese father and Indian 
mother, who were as savage as any Indian,^ while a little 
later, in 1587, Soares de Sousa described the large num- 
ber of descendants of French fathers and Indian women, 
who had turned Indian in their habits: ''When the 
French returned home with their ships filled with brazil 
wood, cotton, and pepper, they left among the natives 
a few lads to learn the language and to help them in the 
country, when they would return to France, to carry on 
their barter. These became naturalized in the country 
where they lived and did not wish to return to France 
and lived like the natives, with many wives, from whom 
and from those who every year came from France to 
Bahia and the Segeripe River, the land was filled with 
mammelucks, who were bom, lived and died as Indians; 
of these there are now many descendants, who are 
blonde, white-skinned and freckled, but are considered to 
be Tupinamba Indians, and are more savage than they."' 

^ "NouB auons soeu que oe auoit est^ conduict par vn truchement, lequel 
auoit, est^ donn6 audict aeiffneur par vn s^entilhomme Normand, qiii auoit 
accompasn6 ledict seigneur lusques en ce lieu. Ce truchemSt estoit mari6 
auec yne femme Sauuage, laquelle il ne voulait ny laiaser ne la tenir pour 
femme. Or ledict seigneur de Villegaignon, en son commencement regla 
la maison en hOme de bien, & craignant Dieu: deffendftt que nul hOme 
n'eust affaire k ces chiSnes Sauuages, & sur peine de la mort. Ce truche- 
ment auoit vescu (comme tous lee autres viuent) en la plus grande abomi- 
nation & vie Epicurienne, qu'il est impossible la raconter: sans Dieu, sans 
foy, ne lo^, Tespace de sept ans." N. Barr6, Capie de qudquea letrea mr 
la narigatton du eheffollier de VUUffaignon ea ierrea de VAmSrique auUre 
VAequinoeHdl, ttcsguet bouIx le trapique de Caprieamef Paris 1558, second 

> A. Tootal, Ths CaptivUy of Hans Stade of Hmm in A. D. 16A7'1666, 
among the Wiid Tribee of Eattem BraxU (The Haklusrt Society), London 
1874, p. 44 f. 

* G. Soares de Sousa, Trotailo deBcripHvo do BraaU em 1687, Rio de Jandro 
1879, p. 300 (cap. CLXXVII). 


That the same Negro pombeiroa were active in Amer- 
ica is shown by a large number of documents. The 
Spanish did not develop the word pombe, but stuck 
closer to the Latin pulpa^ as a base of a word for native 
liquor, hence pulperia is, according to the Spanish dic- 
tionary of the Academy, ''in America, a shop where all 
kinds of products are sold, wine, brandy, liquor, and 
things referring to drugs, buhonerla, market wares, but 
not cloth or any other textile." But the word varies 
in meaning in the different Spanish countries of Amer- 
ica.^ Simon^ says that **a pulpero is he who sells in 
public Spanish and native fruit, but not cloth, especially 
uncooked eatables" and gives an atrocious etymology 
for the word. Garcilasso de la Vega' says that in Peru 
a pulpero was the humblest kind of vender, and gives 
the same etymology, while Escalona more specifically 
says* that wine, bread, honey, cheese, butter, oil, bana- 
nas, sails and other trifles were sold there, although a 
law of the year 1623^ prohibited the manufacture of 
sails by a pulpero, and as early as 1586 a pulpero could 
not sell any **vino cocido," that is, distilled wine. So- 
lorzano^ says that such a shop was in the Indies called 
pulperia or pulqueria, from pulque, the intoxicating 
drink used by the Indians of New Spain. 

There can be little doubt that Span, pulpa entered 
into the American languages, whither it was carried as 

pulque, even as the corresponding Arabic term jt^j:^ 
hdSiS has survived in Spanish and Portuguese chicha 

^ D. Granada, Voeabulario rioplatense razonado, Montevideo 1890, 
p. 329 ff., and L. Wiener, Pseudo-Karaibisches, in Zeiiiehrift fUr Romanische 
Philologie, vol. XXXIII, p. 526 fif. 

* Primera parte de las noticias hiatariaks de las conquistas de Tierra Firme 
en las Indias, [Cuence 1627], in the vocabulary. 

» Historia general del Peru, Cordova 1617, parte II, lib. VI, cap. XX. 

* G. de I^calona y Ag:Uero, GazophilaHvm regivm pervbicvm, Matriti 
1675, parte II, lib. II, cap. XXIV. 

» Reeopilacianes, IV. 18. 14. 

* J. de Solorzano Pereira, PolUiea iridiana, Madrid 1647, p. 751. 


**meat for children," that is, **soft food," hence intoxi- 
cating drink made from '"mash." Ramos i Duarte^ 
derives chicha in the latter sense from Nahuatl chichilia 
** to ferment," while D. Granada^ says that cfeicAa is de- 
rived from the Peruvian. This is at once made impos- 
sible from the fact that chicha is mentioned before either 
Mexico or Peru was discovered, namely in a document 
of the year 1516, from Castilla del Oro: ^^las esposas del 
dicho cacique me enviaban siempre chicha, de su mano 
fecha."^ Chich is an onomatopoetic sound used for 
"suck the breast" in a very large number of uncon- 
nected languages, and it is a mere coincidence that we 
have Nahuatl chicha "spittle," chichi "to suck," chi- 
china "to suck, smoke incense through a pipe." The 
Portuguese dictionary^ says: ''chicha, a plebeian word, 
beef; in general, a certain portion of agreeable food or 
drink, fried food, cake, pastry, sweets, wine, etc. This 
is the meaning given to it in the northern provinces of 
Portugal, food as for children, nursing women, or any 
food which they enjoy." It is just the kind of word 
slaves would pick up, and Portuguese pombinho, 
Spanish pulpa indicate at once that the pulperia, puU 
queria was an establishment to cater to the sweet tooth 
of the lowly. The dissemination of chicha and pulque 
over America at once shows that the Europeans or the 
Negro slaves may be responsible for the inebriety of the 
Indians, so frequently reported by the early writers. 
The very method of preparing chicha by masticating 
the grain, as reported from Peru and elsewhere, is com- 
mon in Africa where the fruit of the baobab is masti- 
cated and made into a sherbet.^ 

^ F. RamoB i Duarte, Dicdonario de m^icanismoat M6jico 1895, p. 165. 

* Op. cU,, p. 190 ff. 

' Colecci&n de doeumeiUoa inSditos del arehivo de Indiaa, vol. 11^ p. 485. 

* A. de Moraes 6 Silva» Diccumario da lingtui portugtieza, Lisboa 1877, 
vol. I. 

* P. A. Benton, Notes on some Languages of the Western Sudan, London 
1912, p. 190. 


The same Portuguese dictionary quotes from a letter 
of Vieira to the effect that in the MaranhSo in Brazil a 
pomheiro traded in slaves^ and Vieira, in his Arte de fur- 
tar, says that the same practice as in Africa prevailed 
in Brazil in connection with the pomheiroa, and pom- 
heiro has survived in Brazil as the name of a chicken 
peddler. But African pombeiros were known in the 
West Indies before the so-called discovery of America 
by Columbus. When Columbus started out, in 1498, 
on his Third Journey, **he wished to go to the south, 
because he intended with the aid of the 'Holy Trinity' 
to find islands and lands, that God may be served and 
their Highnesses and Christianity may have pleasure, 
and that he wishes to prove or test the opinion of King 
Don Juan of Portugal, who said that there was conti- 
nental land to the south: and because of this, he says 
that he had a contention with the Sovereigns of Castile, 
and finally the Admiral says that it was concluded that 
the King of Portugal should have 370 leagues to the 
west from the islands of the Azores and Cape Verde, 
from north to south, from pole to pole. And the Admi- 
ral says further that the said King Don Juan was cer- 
tain that within those limits famous lands and things 
must be found. Certain principal inhabitants of the 
island of Santiago came to see them and they say that 
to the south-west of the island of Huego, which is one 
of the Cape Verdes distant 12 leagues from this, may 
be seen an island, and that the King Don Juan was 
greatly inclined to send to make discoveries to the 
south-west, and that canoes had been found which start 
from the coast of Guinea and navigate to the west with 
merchandise.''^ "He ordered the course laid to the way 
of the south-west, which is the route leading from 
these islands to the south, in the name, he says, of the 
Holy and Individual Trinity, because then he would 

1 J. B. Thacher, ChHstophtr ColunUms, New York 1903, vol II, p. 379. 


be on a parallel with the lands of the Sierra of Loa and 
Gape of Sancta Ana in Guinea, which is below the equi- 
noctial line, where he says that below that line of the 
world are found more gold and things of value: and 
that after, he would navigate, the Lord pleasing, to the 
west, and from there would go to this Espafiola, in 
which route he would prove the theory of the King 
Juan aforesaid : and that he thottght to investigate the re- 
port of the Indian,^ of this Espafiola who said that there 
had come to Espafiola from the south and south^asU a 
black people who have the tops of their spears made of 
a metal which they call ^guanin^* of which he had sent 
samples to the Sovereigns to have them assayed^ when it was 
found that of S2 parts ^ 18 were of gold^ 6 of silver and 8 of 

There can be no question whatsoever as to the reality 
of the statement in regard to the presence in America 
of the African pombeiros previous to Columbus, because 
the guani is a Mandingo word,* and the very alloy is of 
African origin. In 1501 a law was passed forbidding 
persons to sell guanin to the Indians of Hispaniola.' 

1 Ibid., p. 380. 

* See Africa and the Di$eo9ery cf Amerieaf voL I, p. 32 f . 

* "Sepades que a noe es fecha Reladon que pertenesciendo como pertene- 
oen a noe todoe loe mineros de metales e otras coeas que ay e se hayan 
hallado e descubierto f asta aqui e se hallaren e descubrieren de aqui adeluite 
en las dichas yslas e tierra firme del dicho mar ooeano algunaa pefsonas 
«yn tener para ello nuestra licencia e mandado se ban entremetydo a descob- 
ru* e sacar mineroB de dertos metales que se disen gumineB en las yslas de 
la paria e de quibaooa e otras de las dichas ^slas e tierra firme e lo ban 
traydo e traen a yender a los yndios de la dicba ysla espafiola e a otras 
partes lo qual es en nuestro perjuicio e de nuestras rentas e patrimonio Real 
de nuestros R^nos e sefionos e que nuestra merced e voluntad es que lo 
suso dicbo no se basa de aqui adelante aoordamos de mandar dar esta 
nuestra carta en la oicba razon por lo qual defendemos e bordenamos e 
mandamos que ningunos ni alguna persona o personas nuestros subditos e 
naturales vezinos e moradores de nuestros R^ynos e sefiorios e de las dicbas 
Idas e tierrafirme ni otras qualesquier personas de Reynos e provindas 
escriyymos no sean osados de buscar ni descobrir ni Uevar a vender 6 los 


But in 1503 guanines were still imported secretly.^ In 
the same yeax twenty-nine pieces of guanin were to be 
returned from Spain to Hispaniola, because they were 
a base alloy that had more value there than in Spain.^ 
When we turn to Africa we learn that the natives were 
given to the adulteration of gold in precisely the man- 
ner objected to. Bosman wrote: **The Gold which is 
brought us by the DinMrans is very pure, except only 
that 'tis too much mixed with Fetiche's, which are a sort 
of artificial Qold composed of several Ingredients ; among 
which some of them are very odly shaped: These 
Fetiche's they cast (in Moulds made of a sort of black 
and very heavy Earth) into what Form they please ; and 
this artificial Gold is frequently mixed with a third part^ 
and sometimes with half Silver and Copper, and conse- 
quently less worth, and yet we are pestered with it on 
all parts of the Coast; and if we refuse to receive it, 
some Negroes are so unreasonable that they will unde- 
niably take back all their pure Gold: So that we are 

yndios de la dicha ysla espafiola ni a otras partes loe dichos guanines ni otros 
metales ni mineros de las dichas yslas de la paria e cuquibacoa ni de otras 
algunas de las dichas yslas e tierra firme syn tener para ello nuestra licencia 
e mandado so pena quel que lo contrario ficyere por el mismo fecho sin otra 
sentencia ni declaracion alguna aya perdido e pierda los dichos guanines 
e mineros e metales e todos sus bienes los que desde agora aplicamos a nuestra 
camara e fisco e el cargo sea a la nuestra merced/' Coleccidn de doeumenlos 
inSditos de UUrantar, Madrid 1890» series II, vol. V, p. 20 f. 

1 "En quanto a lo que desds que Rodrigo de la bastida trae muchos 
guaninos e cosas de algodon que en esa ysla valen mucho mas que aca e 
que lo deviamos mandar conpartir para lo tomar e enviar all&, en esto nos lo 
mandaremos proveer para que se faga asy/' ibid., p. 47. 

' '^Y en lo que dezis de las veynte y nueve piezas de guanynes que 
recivystes y que vos envie a mandar sy se f undirian para sacar el oro que 
tiene 6 sy se tomaran a enviar al my govemador de ut ysla espafiola, pues 
que alia valen mas cantidad que aca, en quanto a esto y^e por la carta quel 
dicho my govemador me escrivio abreys visto como por ella dize que los 
guanynes el los avia fecho dexar alia en la ysla y que enviaba 6 my dertas 
piezas de cobre rico; asy que vos debeys ynformar sy estas veynte y nueve 
piezas que recivystes son de gtumynes 6 de cobre, e savyda la verdad dello 
ynformadme de lo ques. para que yo vos envie 6 mandar lo que fagays/' 
ihid.f p. 61. 


obliged sometimes to suffer them to shuffle in some of 
it. There are also Fetiche's east of unalloyed Moun- 
tain Gold; which very seldom come to our Hands, be- 
cause they keep them to adorn themselves : So that if 
ever we meet with them, those who part with them are 
obliged to it by Necessity, or they are filled with the 
mentioned black heavy Earth.**^ But long before, in 
1602, Marees^ has a long chapter on the deception 
practised by the Negroes with just such an alloy. 

Now, that the presence of pombeiroa in America be- 
fore Columbus is made certain, we can at once see why 
tobacco should have been introduced by them before 
Columbus, and the passages in all the early writers on 
America receive a new interpretation. The African 
slaves, who swarmed in Spain and Portugal ever since the 
discovery of the Guinea Coast by the Portuguese, that 
is, since 1440, had become acquainted with the customs 
and vices of their surroundings and had carried these 
back to Guinea where they, as pombeirosy spread the 
new ideas into the interior and, simultaneously, into 
the New World, which their masters, the traders, kept 
from the knowledge of the authorities, in order to carry 
on their illicit and profitable trade without molestation 
from the Portuguese government. Just as they had 
learned in Portugal and Spain of the use of wine and 
sweetmeats from children and nurses, so they had be- 
come acquainted with the practice of smoking from 
quacks and bufarinheiros^ even though the medical 
property of fumigation had reached them long before 
through the Arabic medical science. 

* W. Bosman, A New and Accurate Deaeripiion of the Coast of Guinea, 
London 1721, p. 65. 

* P. de Marees, Besehryvinghe ende hiatorische verhael van het gout kon- 
inckrijck van Gunea, 's-Gravenhage 1912, p. 197 ff. 


That smoking was already known to them from the 
Arabs follows from the fact that in the Niger valley 

buckoor, that is, Arabic ^>*^ bdj^tZr, is still the name of 

"incense smoked with tobacco for cold/'^ even as it was 
in Spain a name for the medical ''sahumerias" of Villa- 
lobos and the older physicians. We have in Spain an 
old reference to smoking in the thirteenth century, 
though the manuscript is of a later date, in any case long 
before the discovery of America. Mosen Jaime Febrer 
composed in 1276 a poem on the Conquest of VaUneia 
by Jaime I, in which the following occurs: "They say 
of the lavender (espigol) that it has the property to 
withhold sleep and give valor to him who takes it in 
smoke, because it dries up the humidity of the brain, 
and the cause being easily removed, it works with great 
vigor. Peter Espigol, noble Catalan, who came from 
Qerona, took part in the Conquest and was esteemed 
by the King, for he contrived to give him great rewards 
and granted him five stalks of lavender to be placed in 
his escutcheon over a crimson field, and these look well."* 

In Spain the Negroes had sufficient opportunity to 
learn of the sovereign remedy from the quacks. The 
bane of the average man was the toothache, and there 
is, as we have already seen, a large number of references 
to it in the mediaeval medical works. The quack who 

^ P. A. Benton, op. cU., p. 190. 

> "Dihu^i del espigol, que t6 propietat 
de llevar la son 6 de dar valor 
a qui en f um lo pren, perque la humitat 
del celebro trau, 6 ab agilitat 
Uevada la causa, obra ab gran vigor: 
El que Pere Espigol, noble catal&, 
Vengut de Gerona, tingu6 en la Conquista, 
Conegu6 lo Rey, puiz que procur& 
de darli grans premis, 6 li senyaUt 
dnch mates de espigol, que en orles allist&, 
sobre camp bermell, ctpiB fan bona vista." 
RevUta de Arehivos, BTblioteeas y Mtiaeos, Madrid 1913, vol. 
XXVII, p. 283. 


furnished the sufferer with a pipe and henbane^ was a 
deliverer, and other smoking remedies were offered. 

^ The fourteenth century English medical writinsB are full of such refer- 
ences: "Take >e sed of hennebane and >e sed of idcys and recheles and 
do |>es iii )>ynges vp-on an hot glowving tilstoun; and make a pipe )>at 
ha)> a wyd hende and hold hit ouer pe smoke )>at may rounse borwe )>e 
pipe into )>y teyth and hit schal sle >e wormes and do a-wey pe ache/' 
G. Henslow. Medical Works of the Fourteenth CetUury, London 1899, p. 8. 
"For tothache of wurmes.—- Tuce hennebane-eeede and Idce-eeed and poudre 
of encens^ of iche Dike mychil, and ley hem on a t^l-ston hot glowyng and 
make a pipe of latoun that the nether ende be wyde that it may ouer-dosen 
the sedes and the poudre and hald his mouth there ouer the ouerende that 
the eyre may in-to the sore tothe and that wil tlea the wurmes and do away 
the ache," ibid., p. 95. "For wormys )>at eten teth.— Tkke henbane-sede 
and Idce-eede and stare, and 1^ t^ese on a red glowine tile-ston; and make 
a pipe with a wyde aide, and hold )>i mouth ouyr pe ston, )>at )>e breth 
may come )K>rw >e pipe to )>i teth; and it shal sle pe wormys and don 
awey pe akyng," ibid., p. Ill f. 


Tobacco of the Moors. 

Marcellus Empiricus facetiously begins his chapter 
on the toothache with the words: "Although very many 
say that the best remedy for the toothache is the forceps, 
yet I know that many things less forcible have been use- 
ful/' and he goes on to give two substances which should 
be smoked for the toothache, the first thing henbane 
seed, the second bitumen} But this remedy is much 
older since the recipe is taken word for word from 
Scribonius Largus.^ We have already seen from Park's 
r^sum^ that bitumen^ that is, a viscous substance, in 

Arabic jJ^ tibqy is the toothache remedy par excellence, 

even as it may be used for the cough or headache. 
Scribonius Largus also recommends chewing of pyre^ 
thrum for the toothache.^ In the mediaeval medical 
works Spanish pyrethrum is a common substitution for 
henbane. In the XIII. century pelydr yabain was used 
for toothache by Welsh pharmacists;^ in England it is 
frequently mentioned as peletre of Spain,^ but it seems 
to have been chewed and not smoked. It is interesting 
merely from the fact that a Spanish plant is mentioned 
as in use in English medicine. 

We have seen from Park's discussion of fumigations 
that any pungent, viscous substance could be used for 

^ 'Ijevat dolorem dentium et bitumen suffitum," G. Helmrdch, MareeUi 
de medieamentis, Lapsiae 1889, cap. XII, p. 120. 

* G. Helmreich, Saribonii Largi campwUiones, Lipeiae 1887, No. LIIII, 
(p. 25). 

» Ibid., Noe. Villi and LV, (pp. 9 and 25). 

* G. Henslow, op, eit., p. 234. 

» Ibid., pp. 47, 80, 95, 111, 130. 


them. In the Arabic practice one of several varieties 
of resin could be employed for the purpose: ''Steep a 
cloth in oil of resin, dry it in the sun, then use it for 
fumigations in the case of a cold in the head, and it will 
be quickly cured. These fumigations are equally 
efficacious in an old fever. If you take it in powdered 
form a mithkal in two eggs in the shell and before 
breakfast, it will help in the case of a cough, asthma, 
and lung ulcers. Take a part of it, add half of rabbits' 
dung, red arsenic, and lard, melt it all in a gentle fire, 
and make it into tablets, each a mithkal worth, and then 
it can be used, when needed, in a cough a tablet at a 
time in a fumigation produced by a gentle fire, and 
taken through a tube and funnel."^ For lung ulcers 
bitumen could be used instead of resin.^ But for our 
purposes the most interesting viscous plant is the one 

known in Arabic as jA' tubbdq or tabbdq. Of this Ibn- 
al-Baitftr, an Arabic physician of Malaga, in Spain, 
wrote: ''Al-Gafeki. In Spain the people call it tob^ 

bdqah ^^ , while the Berbers call it tarheldn or tarheUt. 
Our physicians used to employ it, thinking that it was 

the Eupatoriunij ^^ , before they knew the true Eupa- 

torium. I learn that the Eastern people made the 
same use of it, then by mistake applying to it the defi- 
nitions of Qalen and Dioscorides. Abu Hanlfa. The 
tobbdq is a plant which attains the size of a man. It 
lives in groups, and one never finds one alone. It has 
long, narrow, green, viscous leaves. Soaked in water 
it is applied to fractures where they cause agglutination 
and consolidation. Its fiowers are conglomerate and 
are visited by the bees." The same author adds: 
''This plant heats in an obvious manner. It is of ad- 

1 L. Leclerc, Traiti des simples par Ibn El-Be^Uhar, in Notices et extraits 
des manuserits de la Bihliothique Naiionale, vol. XXV, No. 1581. 
» Ibid., vol. XXVI, No. 1818. 


vantage in cold alff actions of the liver: it dilates the 
obstructions, lowers the inflammation and oedema, 
which follow from its weakening, and bring it back to 
its functions. Hence, I think, proceeds the error of the 
ancient physicians who have taken the tobbdq for the 
Eupatorium. Razes says, in regard to the Eupatoriunty 
that it is an emmenagogue, but this is the action of 
tohhdqj and not of Eupatorium. It is good against 
poisoning by animals, especially against scorpion poi- 
son, both internally and externally, and against shoot- 
ing pains. It gently evacuates the burnt humors, and 
on that account it is good for refractory fevers, the 
mange and the itch, taken as a decoction or as an ex- 
tract. As to the stinking tobbdq^ dr^^ almantan, which 

in Greek is called qunizd^ ^Jf j^, it is more active and 

hotter, but less efficacious, in the affections of the liver. 
It is recognized by the fetidness of its odor. The tob- 
bdqah properly called has an agreeable, though some- 
what strong odor. Its savor is sweet. As to the qun- 
izd^ it has an acridity and evident bitterness. Many 
physicians use it as a substitute for tobbdqah and Eupa- 
toriumy but they are deceived by the resemblance of the 
qunlzdy which the people call 'fleabane.' "^ 

Ibn-al-Baitfir confuses two distinct plants. The tar- 
heldn of the Berbers is given in Avicenna as tarifilon^^ 
which is the Latin Trifoliuniy and which is, like Con- 
yzay used against snake bites. The tobbdqah of Spain 
is still found in Andalusia as altabaca,^ and is the Inula 
viacosa of the botanists. The Spanish and Arabic name 
of the plant is due to its viscosity. Since Eupator- 
ium was also used against snake bites, tobbdq was occa- 
sionally applied to this plant as well.^ From all these 

» Ibid., vol. XXV, No. 1448. 

* Op. eU., II. 688. 

^ Lederc, op. eit., vol. XXV, No. 1448. 

^ Ibid., vol. XXVI, No. 1618. 


botanical names it follows that tobhSq was subsequently 
applied to any viscous plant, which was supposed to be 
good in fumigations and as a styptic or poison-killer. 
Ibn-al-Bait&r specifically informs us that in Persia, 
Syria, and Egypt "they employed another plant, of an 
extreme bitterness, with blue flowers, slightly elong- 
ated, with roundish branches, as thin as the stem, with 
leaves and stems of a yellowish color in all its parts; it 
is of an extreme bitterness, more bitter than aloe, more 
active and efficacious in obstructions of the liver and the 
other organs than the medicine considered by the inter- 
preters to be the gafets of Dioscorides and Qalen."^ 
The name of the plant is not given, but it apparently is 
different from Abu Hanifa's tubb&q of the IX. century. 

From the Arabic sources it follows that tubbdq was the 
name of a number of medicinal plants, not in the Greek 
pharmacopoeia, which, containing a pungent, aromatic, 
viscous juice, were eminently fit to the popular mind as 
a cure-all. We are specifically informed that such a 
cure-all was in use in Eg3rpt and in Africa, from a plant 
unknown to the Greek pharmacopoeia. But fumigation 
spread from the Arabic north to the Negro lands, and 
there something must have been used which corres^ 
ponded to the tubbdq of the north. The wide distribu- 
tion of this word for the Nicotiana tabacum^ which, ac- 
cording to Welwitsch,^ is found in a wild state, makes 
it more than plausible that, containing as it does the 
qualities of a cure-all in a high degree, it must have been 
in use, since very early time, at least as a medicine. 

The anthropologists and historians make much of it 
that the absence of any reference to tobacco in Africa 
before the XVII. century is a convincing proof that it 
was imported there from America. To this it must be 
remarked that smoking is but once mentioned in the 

>SeeTol. I, p. 111. 


Belles Lettres of Europe, namely in Febrw, that pipes 
are not mentioned at all, and that if it were not for the 
overwhelming proof from medical works that smoking 
and pipes have been in use for at least 1700 years, and 
for the corroborative evidence of the finds of pipes in 
ancient tombs, one would jump to the conclusion that 
smoking and pipes never existed. Smoking none the 
less was so common as a medical practice that it did 
not attract any attention, anymore than hundreds of 
medical phenomena which existed but did not find their 
way into literature. Only when the vice of smoking as 
a pleasure became common in Europe, and that was 
only at the end of the XVI. century, did people begin 
to observe more closely the same phenomenon in Africa, 
while in America, where the vice spread immediately 
after the discovery, this observation was being made 
from the start. 

There is no evidence that the tobacco plant was 
known in Europe before its importation by Thevet in 
1556.^ A few years later the Nicotiana ruatica was de- 
scribed by Dodoens as Hyoscamus luteua and as some 
kind of henbane by Matthiolus and others. In 1586 
it was given as Ital. lusquiamo nuovo^ luaquiamo mag- 
giore, German Wundt Bilaam^ gelb Wundkraut} Ger- 
arde, in his Herbalj in 1597, named it **yeUow henbane" 
or ''English tobacco,"' and thus it was named by J. 

In the second half of the XV. century an Arabic 
source refers to smoking in Africa: ''At Kubacca the 
tobacco serves also as money. By a singular homo- 

* For the European data on tobacco I use O. Comes' HiBioire, giographie, 
siaHsHque du tabae, Naples 1900. Unfortunately this interesting and 
important work abounds m wrong dates and statements, due to quotations 
at second hand. 

* I. Camerarius, De plantia epytame tUilissima, Francofurti ad Moenum 

» II. LXII. 284. 

* Paradisi in Sole Paradisua Terrestris, London 1904, p. 363. 


phony with the European name the inhabitants of the 
Darfur call it in their langfuage taba. Moreover, this 
is the usual name in the Sudan. In Fezzan and at 
Tripoli in Barbary it is called tabgha. I have read a 
kaaidahy or a poem, composed by a Bakride or des- 
cendant of the Khalif Abu Bakr, to prove that smoking 
is no sin. These verses, I think, date from the middle of 
the IX. century of the hegirah. Here are a few of them : 
'All powerful God has made a plant to grow in our fields 
of which the true name is tabqha. If any one in his 
ignorance maintains that this plant is forbidden, ask 
him to prove his assertion. By what verse in the Koran 
can he prove it?' *'^ 

We have a more definite reference to Negro smoking 
in 1599 : "In the year 1001 (October 8, 1592.September 
27, 1593) they brought to Elmansur an elephant from 
the Sudan. When this animal entered Morocco, it was 
a great event, for the whole population of the city, men, 
women, children, and old people, came from their 
dwellings to see the sight. In the month of Ramadan 
1007 (March 28-April 17, 1599) the elephant was taken 
to Fez. Certain authors pretend that it was as a re- 
sult of the arrival of this elephant that the use of the 
dire plant called tobacco was introduced into the 
Magreb, since the Negroes who had brought the ele- 
phant also had brought tobacco which they smoked, 
claiming that the use of it offered great advantages. 
The habit of smoking which they brought then became 
general in the Draa, later at Morocco, and at last in the 
whole Magreb."^ 

These are but late recollections of what has been a 
custom for centuries. With the XVII. century the 
references to an inveterate habit of smoking among the 
Negroes are common. They chiefly come in English 

1 G. Binger, Du Niger au Golfe de GuinSe, Paris 1892, vol. II, p. 364. 
' O. Houdas, Histoire de la dynastie Saadienne au Maroe (1611-1670), Paris 
1889, p. 264. 


sources, since it was the English who by their Virginia 
venture were most active in the tobacco trade. Job- 
son,^ who in 1620 and 21 visited Gambia, wrote: 
''Another profession we finde, and those are they who 
temper the earth, and makes the walles of their houses, 
and likewise earthen pots they set to the fire, to boyle 
and dresse their food in for all other occasions, they 
vse no other mettle, but serue themselues with the 
gourd, which . performs it very neatly ; onely one prin- 
cipall thing, they canoot misse, and that is their To 
bacco pipes, whereof there is few or none of them, be 
they men or women doth walke or go without, they do 
make onely the bowle of earth, with a necke of the 
same, about two inches long, very neatly, and artificially 
colouring or glasing the earth, very hansomly, all 
the bowles being very great, and for the most part will 
hold halfe an ounce of Tobacco; they put into the necke 
a long kane, many times a yard of length, and in that 
manner draw their smoake, whereof they are great 
takers, and cannot of all other things line without it." 
''They doe likewise obserue their seasons, to set 
other plants, as Tobacco^ which is euer growing about 
their houses."^ Jobson also tells of some Negroes from 
the interior who "had neuer seene white men before; 
and the woemen that came with them were very shye, 
and fearefull of vs, insomuch as they would runne be- 
hind the men, and into the houses to hide from vs; when 
we offered to come neare them: I sent thwefore into 
the boate for some beades and such things, and went 
vnto some of the boldest, giuing them thereof into their 
hands, which they were willing to receiue, and with 
these curtesies imboldned them, that they soone became 
familiar, and in requitall gaue me againe. Tobacco^ and 
fine neate Canes they had to take Tobacco with.*'' 

^ R. Jobflon, op. cU,, p. 122. 
« Ibid., p. 125. 
< Ibid., p. 94. 


The tobacco habit must have had some time to 
spread so far, hence it is certain that it was known in 
Guinea before the XVII. century- We have abeady 
seen that tobacco has been found growing wild in 
Africa.^ The most emphatic statement to this effect 
is from the beginning of the XIX. century, when 
Bowdich* saw it growing wild in the Gaboon: "The 
tobacco grows spontaneously, but I do not consider this 
so strong a proof of its being indigenous to Africa, as 
that it grows in Inta. The Portuguese have probably 
introduced it into Gaboon." Bowdich did not wish to 
be positive on a wild-growing variety in a region reached 
by the Portuguese. Although the superiority of the 
imported tobacco caused the Asantes to buy it from 
the Portuguese, they had recourse to the wild-growing 
native species, if necessary: "A serious disadvantage 
opposed to the English trade, is that the Ashantees 
will purchase no tobacco but the Portuguese, and that 
eagerly even at 2 oz. of gold the roll. Of this (the 
Portuguese and Spanish slave ships regularly calling 
at Elmina), the Dutch Governor-General is enabled to 
obtain frequent supplies, in exchange for canoes, two 
of which, though they cost him comparatively nothing, 
fetch 32 rolls of tobacco; and the General has some- 
times received 80 oz. of gold a day from the Ashantees 
for tobacco only. If they cannot have this tobacco, 
they will content themselves with that grown in the 
interior, of which I have brought a sample."' But, as 
he had remarked before, tobacco grew wild in the in- 
terior, toward the Mandingo country: **Mr. Park 
observed the tobacco-plant, which grows luxuriantly 
in Inta and Dagwumba, and is called toah. The visi- 
tors from those countries recognized it in a botanical 

» Vol. I, p. 111. 

> T. E. Bowdich, Miition from Cape Coast CaslU to Atkaniee, London 
1819, p. 444. 
• Ibid., p. 337. 


work. They first dry the leaves in the sun, then, hav- 
ing rubbed them well between their hands, mix them 
with water into oval masses."^ 

Long before Bowdich knew of the wild tobacco in the 
interior, Labat described the excellent quality of the 
tobacco in Guinea,^ although very poorly cultivated by 
the natives. "The tobacco is here (near Fort St. 
Louis) excellent. It is a wonder that the heads of the 
Company have not yet been able to find the means for 
getting the Negroes to plant a larger quantity. It 
could be bought from them at a very low price, and a 
more considerable profit could be obtained from it than 
from other articles of merchandise which have to be 
bought for cash from the English and the Dutch. The 
Island of Jean Barre, which is next to Fort St. Louis, 
and most of the land of Cajor are supremely adapted 
for this plant and produce the best possible tobacco 
that can be expected. It is true, the Negroes manu- 
facture it poorly, since they pound it as soon as it is 
picked, without curing or drying it, in short, without 
giving it the form which the Americans gave it even be- 
fore the Spaniards who seized their country, taught 
them to give this plant the necessary treatment. The 
Negroes do nothing of the kind. After they have 
pounded or beaten the tobacco leaves, they press them 
and make them into bricks or a kind of twists, which 
they tie tightly and dry slowly in the shade. This 
tobacco is none the less excellent in spite of the poor 
treatment. What would it be if it were worked care- 
fully and regularly? For this it would be necessary 
to have a larger quantity planted and sell it on the spot 
to people who would give it the proper treatment and 
make it into cords, leaves, twists, and torquettes, 
such as would be demanded by the French manufac- 

» Ibid., p. 327. 

* J.-B. Labat, Nouvelle relation de VAfrique occidentale, Paris 1728. 


turers. This is easy enough, but what is harder is to 
overcome the laziness of the Negroes. Mr. Brue has 
tried it several times, but in vain. He has frequently 
convinced Jean Barre and Jamsec of the great advan- 
tage to be derived from the cultivation of this plant, and 
of other things which they could get from their land. 
They agreed with him, but when it came to put a hand 
to the work, their arms dropped, and they said that their 
ancestors had not done so and consequently they must 
not undertake it, and this reason, pitiable as it was, 
kept them in inaction."^ '*They produce a lot of to- 
bacco in this region (at Bievert), whole fields being 
occupied by it. I have said elsewhere that the Negroes 
neither take it as snuff, nor chew it, it all being con- 
sumed in smoking. They pound it when it is ripe, and 
put it into bricks. Although they give it little attention 
even as they lack a number of things necessary for it in 
other countries, it is none the less excellent. One can 
imagine what it would be if it were treated as in 

From the preceding extracts it follows that the to- 
bacco in and near the Mandingo country was of excep- 
tional quality even though it was not properly treated. 
In other localities the tobacco was apparently of an 
inferior quality, but precise information on this point 
is not obtainable. Some American archaeologists 
point to this inferiority in the treatment of the tobacco 
as a prima facie proof that it was imported to Africa 
from America, because there it has received a better 
treatment. This reasoning may be paralleled by the 
statement that the potato is a native of Maine or Ire- 
land, whence it was imported to Peru, because in Maine 
or Ireland it receives a better treatment, or that the 
double roses are native in those countries where they 

Ibid., vol. Ill, p. 202 f. 
Ibid., vol. IV, p. 185. 


are produced and have been imported into those coun* 
tries where they grow single and wild. The absurdity 
of this is self-evident and needs no further discussion. 

Labat tells of the Negro pipes as follows: "The 
cassots are pipes, of which the bowl is nicely made of 
clay, while those of the women are of gold or silver. 
The stem, which is always at least eighteen inches long, 
is a reed set in circles of gold, silver, coral, and amber. 
One sees cassots made by Moors which are perfect in 
beauty."^ "The Negroes of these regions are the most 
skilful makers of cassots or pipe bowls in the whole coun- 
try."* This cassot is obviously the Arabic qa^ahah 
"pipe," which once more shows that the habit of smoking 
the tabbdq was derived by the Guinea Negroes from the 
Arabs. Other authors. Dapper half a century earlier, 
and later ones, all agree that the cultivation of a good 
quality of tobacco was universal in the Guinea region.' 
Bosman, who found the Guinea tobacco stinking, had 
no higher opinion of the Brazilian kind: "This country 
produces none of those green Herbs common in Europe, 
except Tarragon and Tobacco; of both which here is 
great Plenty, especially of the last, which stinks so 
abominably, that it is impossible for one that is even 
not very nice to continue near the Negroes when they 
smoak this devilish Weed; which yet agrees very well 
with them. 

"Some of them have Pipes made of Reeds, which are 
about six Foot long; to the End of which is fixed a 
Stone or Earthen Bowl, so large that they cram in two 
or three Handfuls of Tobacco; which Pipe thus filled, 
they without ceasing can easily smoak out: and they 
are not put to hold their Pipe, for being so long, it rests 
on the Ground. 

» Ihid., vol. Ill, p. 134 f. 
» Ibid., vol. rV, p. 63. 
* Comes, op, eit., p. 130 ff. 


''All the Inland Negroes take this Tobacco^ but those 
who live amongst us, and daily converse with the Euro- 
peans, have Portugueze, or rather Braail Tobacco, 
which, tho' a little better, yet stinks to a great degree. 

"Both the Male and Female of the Negroes, are 
so very fond of this Tobacco, that they will part with 
the very last Penny which should buy them Bread, and 
suffer Hunger rather than be without it; which so en- 
hances the Price, that for a Portugueze Fathom, which 
is much less than one Pound of this Trash, they wiU 
give five Shillings, or a Gold Quarter of a Jacobus. 

''Let us therefore rather praise those Smoakers (my 
good friend) who take the noble Spanish or Virginia 
Tobacco; but as for those stupid wretches who content 
themselves with the Amorsfort Weed, I heartily wish, 
as a Punishment of their depraved taste, that during 
their lives they may never smoak better than our 
Negroes, and Brasil on Sundays and Holidays; yet 
under Condition they be obliged to keep Company with 
each other, and be banish'd the Company of genteel 
Smoakers: But this by the way only. 

"The Tobacco-Leaf here grows on a plant about two 
Foot high, and is of the Length of two or three Hands- 
breadth, and the Breadth of one, bears a small Bell- 
flower; which, when ripe, turns to seed."^ 

Not in the coast region of Guinea, but far in the 
interior, whether one proceeds from the Senegal or the 
Gold Coast toward the Niger basin, was the ancient 
native home of the tobacco, after it may have been 
transported thither from farther north by the Arabs. 
The farther one gets away from Arabic influence, the 
less ancient is the custom of smoking. In the Portu- 
guese Congo, where the smoking must have been 
known from its association with Brazil, one hears noth- 
ing of smoking tobacco until the middle of the XVII. 

1 W. Bosnian, op. eU., p. 286 f . 


century, when it spreads through the south and east, 
mostly through the Dutch trade. But smoking of 
another substance by the Portuguese in Angola is 
mentioned earlier, in Purchas' rendering of Pigafetta's 
account of the Congo,^ where we read: "Signor 
Odoardo affirmed, that the Portugals have proved it 
(the Sanders) for the head-ache, by laying it on the 
coales, and taking the smoake of it." 

^ S. Purchas, Hakluytua Posthumua or Purehaa His PUgrimes, Glasgow 
1905, vol. VI, p. 424. 

The Sovereign Remedy of the Indians. 

It is not necessary to go once more^ over the American 
side of the tobacco smoking, since it has become appar- 
ent that it is derived from the Negro habit. A few 
additions, however, can be made that will illustrate the 
Negro influence. Thevet^ showed that the tobacco 
was dried by the Indians in the shade, that is, precisely 
as it is dried by the Negroes of Guinea. Although 
The vet, in the middle of the XVI. century, described 
the smoking among the Indians of Brazil, yet the cus- 
tom was only sporadic and, according to an anonymous 
authority, who wrote after 1668, ^Hohacco was not yet 
raised at that time, nor was its usefulness known.^^^ 

In Nicaragua smoking in our sense of the word is al- 
ready reported in the year 1629: **One Saturday, 
August 19, 1629, in the square of Nicoya, Don Alonso, 
otherwise called Nambi, which in his Chorotega langu- 
age means 'dog,' two hours before it became night, 
while at one part of the square eighty or one hundred 
Indians, apparently common or plebeian people, be- 
gan to sing and dance about in an areyto, the cacique 
sat down in another part of the square with great pleas- 
ure and solemnity upon a duho or small bench, and his 
chiefs and about seventy or eighty others on similar 
duhos. And a lass began to bring them drink in small 
calabashes like plates or saucers, some chicha or wine, 

1 See the chapter on Tobacco in vol. I. 

» Ibid., p. 132 f. 

' ''De tabaco se nSo tratava ainda neste tempo, nem se entendia a sua 
utilidade/' Revista do InsiUuio kistorieo e geograpkieo de SfSo Paulo, vol. Ill, 
p. 171. 


which they make of maize, and which is very strong 
and acid, which in color resembles chicken broth, when 
one or two yolks of eggs are dissolved in it. And when 
they began to drink, the same cacique brought a hand- 
ful of tabacos, which are a span in length and a finger in 
thickness, and are made of a certain rolled leaf and tied 
with two or three cabuya strings, which leaf and plant 
they raise with great care for the sake of these tabacos^ 
and they light them a little at one end; it bums slowly 
down like an incense stick until it stops burning, which 
lasts a day; and from time to time they put it in the 
mouth at the other end from the one at which it bums, 
and they draw in the smoke for a little while and take 
it out, and hold the mouth closed and retain the breath 
for a while, and then breathe forth, and the smoke 
comes out of the mouth and nostrils. And every one 
of the Indians mentioned held one of these leaf rolls, 
which they called yapoquetCj and in the language of this 
Island of Hayti or Hispaniola it is called tabaco.^'^ 

Unfortunately no trust can be placed in the whole 
account, since it is at variance with Oviedo's later 
statements. I have already shown' that in 1535 he 
knew of tobacco, which he in virtue significantly com- 
pared with henbane, only from hearsay accounts, and 
as falsely recorded by Ramon Pane as being smoked 
through the T-shaped fork and through the nose. Be- 
sides, tabaco was to him the T-shaped instrument, 
and not the weed. He also knew at that time that the 
Negroes of Hispaniola were smoking. In 1547 he still 
repeated the same account, but, in 1557, when he com- 
posed his larger work, he correctly stated that tahaco 
was the thing smoked, ''the smoke,"as he puts it. As 
the account of the year 1529, which refers to Nicoya in 
Nicaragua (modern Costa Rica), was also written in 

^ G. F. de Oviedo, Historia general y naiural de laa Indias, Madrid 1855, 
voL IV, p. 96. 
« Vol. I, p. 116 ff. 


1557, it follows that he was giving here his knowledge 
of the year 1557, and not that of 1529. Whatever he 
may have seen at Nicoya in that earlier period did not 
make an impression upon him until he knew precisely 
what tabaco was. There can be no doubt whatsoever 
that he had seen the Negroes smoking in or before 1535, 
but he did not dare to tear himself away from the 
Columbian myth of smoking, and so perverted the facts, 
until the universal knowledge of smoking, which was 
becoming known throughout Europe in the years 1556- 

1558, especially through Thevet in 1557, who boasted 
of being the first to bring tobacco seed to Europe, led 
him to making corrections in the direction of truth, and 
not of myth. 

Now, it would be strange, indeed, if in 1529 the caci- 
ques of Nicoya had not been smoking. Nicaragua was 
opened up in 1513, after Central America had been 
known for eleven years, through Columbus' discovery, 
and the city of Panama, not more than three hundred 
or four hundred miles away from Nicoya, had been 
founded in 1519. Panama became the distributing 
centre of Negro superintendents, as we have seen from 
the specific reference to them in 1535 in Peru,^ and the 
Gulf of Nicoya, on the west coast, was the very region 
where Avila had opened up Nicaragua to Spanish set- 
tlement. Even as early as the year 1513 there was a 
Negro* in Balboa's expedition for the discovery of the 
western ocean. Ever since Gil Gonzalez de Avila had 
come to Nicoya, that is, several years before 1529, the 
Indians of the region had at least nominally turned 
Christians,' and consequently had fallen under Spanish 

But the case is far worse still. Negroes were resi- 
dents in Darien before 1513, that is, before any white 

1 Seep. 62 f . 

< G. F. de Oviedo, op. cU., vol. Ill, p. 12. 

» Ibid., p. 111. 


men had made permanent settlements there. Peter 
Martyr says: '*The Spaniards found Negro slaves in 
this province. They only live in regions one day's 
march from Quarequa, and they are fierce and crueL 
It is thought that Negro pirates of Ethiopia estab- 
lished themselves after the wreck of their ships in these 
mountains. The natives of Quarequa carry on i^ces- 
sant war with these Negroes. Massacre or slavery is 
the alternate fortune of the two peoples."^ Q6mara 
similarly remarks: ' 'Balboa found some Negroes, 
slaves of the lord. He asked them whence they got 
them, but they could not tell, nor did they know more 
than this that men of this color were living nearby, and 
they were constantly waging war with them. These 
were the first Negroes that had been seen in the Indies, 
and I think no others have been noticed."^ 

Of course, the explanations given by Peter Martyr 
and G6mara as to the presence of the Negroes in Darien 
and their fierceness are of no consequence, since the 
conquerors could not understand the natives. What is 
certain is that Negroes were present in 1513 in Darien 
and we shall later see that these or their like were there 
in the interest of trade, along the trade route to Peru 
and Mexico. The presence of tobacco in this region 
cannot be dated earlier than the presence of Negroes 
there, at whatever time they may have come there. 
Oviedo mentions chicha in the same, breath with 
tobacco, and here at least the name is of Negro origin. 
In another place^ Oviedo informs us that in Nicaragua 
yaat was ''a certain herb which the Indians hold in their 
mouths, and with which, they say, they do not get so 
tired as if they did not have it." The Chorotega lang- 
uage of Nicaragua is a corrupted Nahuatl, and yaat 

» III. 1. 

* F. L. de G6mara, La hiataria general de laa Indiaa, Anvere 1554, cap. 
» Op. eiL, vol. Ill, p. 106. 


corresponds to Nahuatl yetl ''incense, perfume, tobacco," 
and yapoquete ''cigar" is compounded of Nahuatl yetl 
"tobacco" and poctli "smoke." This latter tautologi- 
cal compound at once betrays an attempt at popular 
etymology, where tahaco^ through tapacoj since Nahuatl 
has no 6, has become yorpoqu-ete. In Nahuatl itself 
the compound has been inverted and pooyetl has been 
further transformed to pioyetl "small, crushed incense," 
which it is not, for Molina's dictionary gives for picyetl 
"a plant like henbane, which is medicinal," thus fully 
agreeing with Oviedo's definition of tabaco in 1535, and 
with the African plant which was used for the henbane 
of European medicine. Oviedo is the only early author 
on America who records the placing of tobacco in the 
mouth in order to cure fatigue, although this is the 
common method of using tobacco in East Africa,^ 
hence it is more likely that Oviedo confused the tobacco 
with the coca, even as another time he confused it with 
the datura arborea. 

I have already pointed out the fact that picyetl^ in all 
probability, was formed from a Maya language.^ This 
assumption is greatly strengthened by the fact that in 
the Maya country we have a compound which is much 
nearer to tobacoj and which at once explains Chorotega 
yapoquete and Nahuatl piety etl. Las Casas quotes a law 
of the Indians of Vera Cruz: "If a married man sinned 
with a widow or married woman, he was chastized once 
or twice, and if they saw him persevere in his sin, they 
tied the hands of both behind their backs, and so high 
that they could not reach the ground, and burned be- 
neath them an herb which they called tabacoyay, which 
must have been stinking, and put the smoke through 
their nostrils for a good while, and then let them go, 

> Comes, op. eU,, p. 152 et passim, 
» Vol. I, p. 150. 


advising them to mend their ways."^ The law is un- 
questionably apocryphal, but it is interesting to observe 
that in Las Casas' time the name of ''tobacco," which 
was here not yet used for pleasure smoking, but for a 
punishment, was named tabaco^yay^ the second part 
corresponding to yetl of the Mexicans, while the first 
is obviously the same as yapoquete. I have already 
pointed out that yetl is, in all likelihood, a ''smoke" 
word and of Mandingo origin.' This is again shown 
by the extraordinary distribution of the word, for we 
fiiid it not only in Vera Paz, but also in Chibcha, where 
we have ie "smoke." 

In Venezuela, Oviedo says, "the boratio (wizard) says 
that he will give his answer after having consulted with 
the devil, and for this conversation and consultation 
they lock themselves up in a room alone, and here they 
make certain smokes (ahumadas) which they call 
tabacos with such herbs as bereave them of their sense; 
and here the boratio remains a day, or two, or three, and 
sometimes longer, and, after coming out, he says that 
the devil has told him so and so, answering the questions 
put to him, according to the desires of those whom he 
wishes to satisfy ; and for this they give the boratio some 
gold trinket or other things. For less important mat- 
ters the Indians have another way. There is in this 
country an herb called tabacoj which is a kind of plant 
as high as a man's breast, and more or less branching, 
which puts forth leaves a palm in length and four fingers 
in width, and of the shape of a lance iron, and they are 
hairy. And they sow this herb, and the seed which it 
makes they keep for the next year's planting, and they 
watch it carefully for the following purpose: When 
they reap it they put the leaves in bunches and dry it 

M. Serrano y Sanz, Hisioriadores de Indias, Apohgitiea histaria de la» 
Indias, de Fr, BartolomS de lae Casae, in Nueva Biblioteea de atUores eepafioles, 
Madrid 1909, vol. I, p. 627. 
« Vol. I, p. 164. 


in the smoke in bunches, and they keep it, and it is 
a much appreciated article of commerce among the 
Indians. In our Hispaniola there is much of it in the 
ranches, and the Negroes whom we employ value it 
highly for the effect which it produces by smoking it 
until they fall down like dead, and thus they are the 
greater part of the night, and they say that they do not 
feel the fatigue of the previous day."^ 

This account is of extraordinary importance, since it 
shows that tobacco was raised in the middle of the cen- 
tury in Hispaniola, where the Negroes were addicted 
to it, for the trade among the Indians, that is, that the 
Indians were encouraged by the Whites and Negroes 
to smoke it, not that it was a common native article 
among the Indians, precisely as in Nicaragua we are told 
that only the caciques and their chosen men smoked in 
1529. However, Oviedo, as before, is not certain of 
his grounds. While his description of the tobacco 
plant is correct for Hispaniola, except as to its soporific 
effect, he confuses the plant with the action by attach- 
ing in the first part the name tabaco to the act of smok- 
ing. Here the substance smoked is obviously supposed 
to be different from tobacco. We have in Q6mara the 
same account for New Qranada, where we are told, 
**they offered incense to the gods with herbs; they have 
oracles with the gods, from whom they seek advice and 
answer as to temporal wars, suffering, marriage, and 
such things. For this purpose they put on their joints 
certain herbs which they call jop and oscay they take 
the smoke. ''^ 

The last sentence nms in the Medina 1553 edition 
''unas yerbas que llaman jop^ y osca. T toman el 
humo.'* The Saragossa 1554 edition reads **jop y osca^ 
y toman el humo," while the An vers 1554 edition has it 

^ Op. eU., vol. II, p. 298. 
* Gomara, op. eU,^ cap. I 

cap. LXXII. 



jopy y 08ca. Toman el humo.*' The many varia- 
tions show that we have here a printer's error, most 
likely for 'Haba4^08j y toman el humo/' acos having pied 
into oacGj tab into jop^ while the y before **toman'* got 
between the two. However, osca has assumed in 
Chibcha the name for either "tobacco" or datura ar-- 
borea. In the Chibcha dictionary^ we read "tabaco, 
borrachero, hosca^^^ and **borrachero" is given in the 
Spanish dictionaries as the name of the datura arborea, 
''b, shrub of South America which grows to the height of 
from sixteen to eighteen feet; it is very branching, has 
large hairy leaves, and white funnel-shaped flowers. 
The whole plant exhales a disagreeable odor, and its 
food causes delirium, hence its name." Under ''bor- 
rachero" the Chibcha dictionary gives tyhyquy, which 
is doubled in Oviedo's tectec. **There is in this country 
a plant called tecteCj which drives one mad, and if a man 
eats enough of it, it will kill him. To craze a man, 
they throw it into a pot in which they cook food and 
if the guests eat of the plant with the meat with which 
it was cooked they become crazed for three or four days 
and the madness is according to the quantity thrown 
in."* Apparently the leaves of the datura arborea were 
used like the tobacco for narcotic purposes, and with 
this G6mara's references to tobacco are reduced to ex- 
tremely slim proportions for we have only one in regard 
to the use of cohoba in Hispaniola which is based on 
Ramon Pane, and this is of no consequence, besides 
suspiciously resembling the effect of the datura arborea^^ 
and another, which relates to Darien, where there is 
merely reference to a smoke offering to the gods.* 

^ E. Uricoechea, Gramdtiea, voeabulario, eateeismo i confeaianario de la 
lengua ehibcha, Paris 1871. 

» Op. eil., vol. II, p. 390. 

» Op. eil., cap. XXVII. 

* Ihid., cap. LXVIII. 


We have already seen that in Mexico no definite ac- 
count of smoking is contained in the early historians, 
who simply tell of the use of liquid amber wrapped in 
tobacco leaves as incense, employed by Montezuma 
after a repast, in order to induce sleep. This acayetl, 
literally "reed incense," is very frequently depicted in 
the Mexican manuscripts as an attribute of power, as, 
for example, in the splendid portraits of Toculpotzin 
and Quauhtlazacuilotzin, and was held in the hand 
without being taken into the mouth. ^ Even as late as 
1582 very few Indians smoked tobacco, and of these 
only laborers, that is, such as came in contact with the 
Negro slaves, while the custom had become universal 
with the Spaniards.^ For this reason hardly any pipes 
have been found in Mexico. But the case is quite dif- 
ferent in Michuacan, where the Tarascans were addicted 
to smoking. 

> "n ne faut pas confondre Vaeayetl ou roseau brtUe-parfums, avec la 
pipe proprement dite; dans les premiers temps, ces roseaux parfumte se 
portaient iJlumte k la main; ce n'est plus tard qu'ils se convertirent en 
pipes, c'est-li-dire, qu'on s'avisa d'en aspirer la fum^ par une extr^mit^/' 
E. Boban, Documents pour servir d VhisUnre du Mexique, Paris 1891, p. 177, 
and see Tables 66 and 68. 

' "La yerba que llaman pideil, que segiin dioen es la misma que en 
Espafla llaman belefio, aprov6chanse de ella para dormir y amortiguar las 
Games y no sentir el mucho trabajo que padece el cuerpo trabajando, la 
cual toman seca, molida y mojada y envuelta con una poca de cal en la 
boca, puesta entre el labio y las encfas, tanta cantidad como cabr& en una 
avellana, al tiempo que se van & dormir 6 k trabajar; aunque muy pocos 
de los indios que se crfan con espafioles usan de ella, ni aun de la gente 
polltica y ciudadana, sino hombres rtisticos y trabajadores. Tambi^n 
toman de esta yerba por humo en caflutos de cafia, envuelta con liquid- 
&mbar, porque atestaaos de ella los encienden por el un cabo, y por el otro 
lo chupan, con que dicen que enjugan el cerebro y purgan las reumas por 
la boca; y est^ ya tan admitido de los espafioles que imdecen estas enfer- 
medades, que la usan para su remedio, y se hallan muy bien con ellos; y 
tambi^ usan de ella para ddones, tercianas y cuartanas, tom&ndolo por 
via de calilla, porque les hace puivar. Asimismo las hojas tostadas y 
puestas en la hijada, cuando hay dolor se quita con ellas," J. B. Pomar y 
A. de Zurita, Relaci6n de Tezeoco, in Nueva eoleeeidn de documerUos para la 
historia de Mhnco, Mexico 1891, vol. Ill, p. 64 f. 


In a XVII. century pictorial account of Michuacan^ 
the caciques are represented as smoking a long pipe, of 
which the bowl ends at the bottom in two mastaria.^ 
The pipes have an amazing resemblance to the Roman 
pipes, except that instead of one nipple there are two. 
This type of pipe is widely distributed through 
America. "The remaining pipe of the seven belongs 
to a type before referred to by us as common on St. 
Francis river, and figured by Holmes as coming from 
Arkansas, on which two feet, or supports, project for- 
ward from the base of the bowl to enable the pipe to 
maintain an erect position when placed on a level sur- 
face. It is interesting to note that pipes are on sale at 
the present day, having precisely similar supports in- 
tended for the same purpose. The pipe here shown by 
us has these supports well defined which display fiat- 
tening on the under surface as if through wear. Some 
Arkansas pipes of this type, however, show the projec- 
tions as mere knobs, as if conventionalizing had begun."' 
Holmes* reports a number of pipes from the Eastern 
part of the United States with ''a fiattening of the base 
as though to permit the bowl to rest steadily on the 
ground while the smoking was going on, probably 
through a long tube or stem. This fiattening is in many 
cases accompanied by an expansion at the margins, as 
in plate XXXIII a, 6, or by a fiattish projection beyond 
the elbow."* As the knob in many of these pipes is 
beyond the lower surface, it could not represent a sur- 
face to rest upon. Indeed, it would not be possible to 

1 E. Seler, Die aUen Betoohner der Landsehafi Miekuaean, in Geaammelte 
Abhandlungen zur amerikaniaehen Spraehr und AUerthumskunde, Berlin 
1908, vol. Ill, p. 33 ff. 

« Ibid., pp. 63, 102. 

> C. B. Moore, AntiquiHes of the St Francis, White, and Black Riven, 
Arkansas, Philadelphia 1910, p. 278 f. 

* Aboriginal PoUery of the Eastern United States, in TtpenHeth Annual 
Report of the Bureau^ American Ethnoloify to the Secretary of the Smithsonian 
InsHtuttcn 1898-99, Washington 1903, part II. 

» Ibid., p. 99. 

From E. Seler'i Gesammitu AbhandUmgen, vol. III. 

From C. B. Moore'l Jntiguilitj of the St. Francis, White, and Black Rivers, Arkansas. 


insert a straight reed in such a way as to smoke out 
of the pipe. The reverse is true, the flat surface being 
a development of the original knob, which universally 
appears in old European pipes. 

Although the fame of the tobacco plant had been 
slowly reaching Europe, and Nicot's experiments with 
the tobacco for medical purposes had been going on for 
some time, the real sensation was produced only in 1571 
when Monardes published the second part of his work 
dealing with the medicinal plants of the New World. 
In Mexico the interest in the native plants had been 
fostered chiefly by Fray Bernardino de Sahagun, who, 
since 1536, had off and on been connected with the Col- 
lege at Tlatelulco, where he instructed promising young 
Indians in Latin and European learning.^ The pro- 
gress which they made was phenomenal, and many of 
them entered the learned professions. Here at Tlate- 
lulco he got his information about Mexican plants and 
medicine from old, illiterate physicians: **This above 
account of the medicinal plants and other objects men- 
tioned was given by the doctors of Tlatelulco, old men, 
and very experienced in matters of medicine, since they 
all cure publicly. Their names and that of the notary 
who wrote it are as follows, and since they cannot write 
they asked the notary to put down their names: 
Gaspar Matias, resident of Concepci6n; Pedro Des- 
trago, resident of Santa In^s; Francisco Simon and 
Miguel Damian, residents of Santo Toribio; Felipe 
Hem&ndez, resident of Santa Anna; Pedro de Requena, 
resident of Concepci6n; Miguel Garcia, resident of 
Santo Toribio; Miguel Motilinia, resident of Santa 

^ B. de Sahagun, Historia general de las eosaa de Nueva EapaJfla, in Bib-- 
lioteea Mexicana, Mexico 1896, lib. X, cap. 27 (p. 307). 

« Ibid., Ub. XI, cap. 7, §5 (p. 146). 


Icazbalceta^ says that the ignorance of reading makes 
it believe that the physicians were not of those who had 
studied medicine in the college, but natives of the pre- 
Columbian kind. But it is not even certain that all the 
physicians were Indians. A. de Remesal tells of a 
quack in Santiago of Guatemala who in the year 1541 
had killed many people by his ignorance, and yet, in 
less than a year, the cabildo of the city ''passed an 
ordinance that, considering that the city has at present 
no physician who can read and knows medicine, said 
N. may do as his conscience of a good Christian prompts 
him, to the best of his knowledge and belief ; and if any- 
one called him to cure him, and some trouble should be- 
fall him from such a cure, it should be at the risk of the 
person who thus called him, and he should from now on 
be relieved of the fine."^ In the city of Mexico condi- 
tions were probably better, but the small towns where 
**the doctors of Tlatelulco" practised were lucky 
enough to have quacks of the Santiago type, if they had 
any smattering of medicine. The college of Tlatelulco, 
where medicine was taught to the Indians, was in very 
bad shape between 1546 and 1566, when the school was 
left entirely in the hands of the Indians,^ and in 1572 
its rector was an Indian, Martin Jacobita.* *'The doc- 
tors of Tlatelulco" can only mean * 'those who had 
studied at Tlatelulco," where they were put through 
their paces on a minimum of information, apparently 
by a viva voce instruction. What **the doctors" learned 
there, was a medley of European medicine and native 
practices, which Sahagun gave out as the Nahuatl art 
of medicine. 

^ J. Garda Icazbalceta, BibliografUi mexicana del aiglo XVI, M^co 
1886, vol. I, p. 160. 

* Ibid., p. 163. 

» Ibid., p. 259. 



In 1595 a pestilence broke out among the Indians of 
Tezouco, and this is the way it was handled by the 
Spaniards: **The Father Superior of this monastery, 
Fray Juan Baptista, in the beginning of this pestilence 
(which had raged for the space of two months) pro- 
vided himself with such medicines and provisions as 
seemed proper to him. And when the Indians came 
to confession (because the moment they fall sick they 
immediately rush to confession on foot, or carried on 
their relatives' shoulders, or on stretchers, or the best 
way they can), he had in readiness barbers who, when 
they confessed, immediately bled them at the portals 
of the monastery, and there they remained for a while, 
and then they were given syrups of cassia and warm 
water, and soothing syrups, if they coughed a great 
deal. And of this syrup as much as four large jars or 
vats each day were used, for there were days when as 
many as three hundred sick, and usually two hundred 
to two hundred and fifty, were treated. Pregnant 
women, who could not be bled, had cups placed on their 
shoulders, and they received the specific of their disease, 
which in the language of Mexico is called cohuanenepilliy 
in hot wine manufactured by the Indians, and this cured 
them. The children had their cuppings on the legs, 
and they, too, got cohuanenepilli. All the sick in gen- 
eral received a purging with a peculiar root called matla- 
litzic, which is far better than the one of Michuacan, or 
with another root called ytetic tlanoquilon% while others 
received cassia, whatever each needed, because the best 
doctor of the village each time attended to it and ordered it. 
These purging medicines were given to them to take 
home, and they were instructed how to use them. The 
most needy persons received from the Father Superior 
quince jam or some other preserve or dainty, which he 
had ordered in quantity from Mexico. Just think 
what were in those days the portals and court of the 


Tezcuco Monastery, full of so many sick people, some 
being confessed, others being bled, others syrupped, 
and others again attended to and consoled! What 
angels walked in the exercise of this ministry! Other- 
wise, what number of men would have been sufficient 
to attend to so many diverse needs, especially since 
some of the clerics had themselves fallen ill ? Besides 
this, those who were well went out to attend upon In- 
dians from a distance, who could not come to the Mon- 
astery, and there were many of them, and they took with 
them barbers and purges and everything else needed, 
and at first they confessed them and then they treated 
them as in the monastery. And for many who suffered 
from diarrhoea they used other native medicines, such 
as would cure them fastest. This care and extreme 
diligence, applied more than ever before, was the second 
cause why not so many were endangered or died, as in 
other plagues."^ 

From this account it follows clearly that the village 
doctors, whether they were Indians or Spaniards, used 
an eclectic system of medicine from the European and 
Nahuatl pharmacopoeia. Again and again we hear of 
the extraordinary capacity for European learning in the 
Indians, and, on the other hand, Sahagim was so fasci- 
nated by the Nahuatl that he not only composed ser- 
mons in that language, but also wrote his great history 
of Mexico in the same, and only later translated it into 
Spanish. When the protomedic Hernfindez about the 
same time composed his work on Mexican plants, he 
wrote it in Latin, but had it translated into Nahuatl by 
an Indian, who also was to make a Spanish translation 
of it.^ It is, therefore, not safe in any particular case 
to ascribe to a Nahuatl source what was accepted by 
Sahagun as of such an origin. I have already shown 

^ G. de Mendieta, Hiataria eelesidstica indiarui, M^co 1870, p. 516 f. 
* N. Le6n, Cuatro libroa de la naturalesa, extraeto de las obrae del Dr. 
Francisco Hemdndez, Morelia 1888, p. XIV. 


that his chapopotli is described in identical terms as the 
piasasphaltum of Belon.^ Hern&ndez, too, used the 
same terms. Hence it follows that the passage from 
Belon had passed through a Nahuatl source at the Tlate- 
lulco Medical School. 

Similarly, the European medical practice of smoking, 
however with a substitution of the newer, and, there- 
fore, reputed better tobacco, was applied by the Mexi- 
cans in precisely those cures in which henbane and its 
substitutes had been used in Europe. Sahagun wrote : 
''Against continued headache we shall use the following 
remedies: smell a certain herb called ecuxo, or the 
pidetl, when it is green ; tie the head with a kerchief and 
take some smoke. "^ ''For a cold in the head or catarrh 
take the herb called in Mexican yecuxoton, or picietl, and 
smell it while it is green, and crush it and rub it with the 
finger inside of the mouth, in order to expel the 

Unfortunately Hem&ndez has come down to us only 
in Ximenez' annotated edition of 1615^ and the still later 
Latin edition of Recchi,^ but Ximenez' text is, in all 
probability, not far distant from that of Hern&ndez, 
and, besides, the forty years intervening cannot have 
made much of a change in the medical concepts of the 
City of Mexico. In Ximenez' edition we read: "Of 
the tauacosy which they use in Hispaniola, which the 
Mexicans call picietl. In Hispaniola they call tauacoa 
certain hollow pieces of cane, one and a half palms in 
length, which are outside smeared over with coal dust, 
and inside are full of tauaco, liquid amber (or xochi 
oco1zotl)y and also of some other hot and fragrant ma- 
terials, which, being lighted on the side where the filling 

1 See vol. I, p. 181 flf. 

* Op. eit, lib. X, cap. 28, § 1 (p. 313). 
» Ibid,, (p. 317). 

* Le6n, iv. eU, 

* N. A. Kecchi, Nova plantarvm, animalitnn, et minercUitnn mexieanorvm 
historia, Romae 1651. 


is, emit the smoke through the other end, and which, 
swallowed through the mouth, gently sooth the senses 
and all labor and fatigue, and, besides, this remedy re- 
moves all pains, especially of the head, and the phlegm 
from the chest, which causes asthma, is rejected, and it 
comforts the stomach, but its abundant use should be 
avoided, because it greatly disturbs the liver, charging 
it with too much heat, which is the cause of cachexy, an 
ill habit of the body, and other incurable diseases."^ 

This passage shows that only the curative properties 
of the tobacco, which corresponded to those of henbane, 
etc., were recognized, and smoking as a pleasure was 
still considered to be injurious. In another part of his 
work Hem&ndez has a much longer and more circum- 
stantial account of tobacco, and makes it clear that he 
got his story out of Estienne and Liebaut, whose work 
appeared in 1570, that is, one year earlier than the 
story of tobacco as given by Monardes. Hence it will 
be best to consider the matter in the chronological order 
in which the tobacco and its properties became known. 

1 Op. eit., p. 245 f. 

The Redibcotery op Tobacco. 

In 1557 Thevet had brought some tobacco seeds to 
France, where no doubt it was grown in gardens, but 
it did not attract any attention. In 1560 Jean Nicot 
was the French ambassador in Portugal. On April 26 
of that year he wrote to the Cardinal of Lorraine: "I 
have acquired an herb of India, of marvellous and ap- 
proved property against the Noli me tangere (certain 
cancerous ulcers) and fistulas, declared incurable by 
the physicians and of prompt and certain cure among 
the Moors. As soon as it has produced its seed, I will 
send it to your gardener, at Marmoustier, and the 
plant itself in a barrel with the instruction for trans- 
planting and caring for it.'*^ Nicot obviously knew 
that the Moors, that is, the Negroes or Arabs, were 
using the tobacco in medicine. The Papal Nunzio at 
Lisbon during the same year was Cardinal Santa-Croce, 
and he is said to have sent the tobacco seed to Rome. 
In any case, from Italy a specimen of what seems to 
be Nicotiana rustica was about this time sent to Mat- 
thioli in Austria, and he identified the plant with hen- 

Nicot's plant produced a tremendous sensation in 
France. His name was permanently attached to it, 
and Dr. Liebaut in 1570^ extolled its properties to the 

^ E. Falgairolle, Jean Nieoi, Ambasaadeur de France en Portugal au XVU 
aUck, Pans 1897, pp. 50 and XC. 

' Petri Andreae MatthioliBenensis medici, Commeniarii in sex Itbroa Pedacii 
Diosearidis Anazarbei de mediea materia, VenetiiB 1565, p. 1063 f. 

* J. Liebaut, L'agricuUure et maison rustique de M, Charles Eetienne 
dodeur en medeeine, Paris 1570. 


sky. Liebaut's U agriculture et maison rustique was 
frequently reprinted, and it was translated into several 
languages. We shall give here his chapter on the to- 
bacco from the English translation of 1596:^ ^^Nico- 
tianej although it bee not long since it hath been known 
in Fraunce, notwithstanding deserueth palme and 
pryce: and among all other medicinall hearbs, it de- 
serueth to stande in the firste rancke, by reason of his 
singuler vertues, and as it were almost to bee had in 
admyration as hereafter you shall vnderstand. And 
for that none such as of auncient tyme, or of late dayes 
haue written the nature of plantes, did neuer make 
mention thereof, I haue therfore learned the whole 
historic touching the same, which I learned of a gentle- 
man my very friend, ye first author, inuenter, and bring- 
er of this herb into France: wherfore I thought good 
to publish it in writing for their sakes, that haue so 
often heard speaking of this saide hearbe, and yet 
neyther knewe the hearbe not the effects thereof. 

'^Thys hearbe is called Nicotiane, of the name of him 
that gaue the firste intelligence thereof vnto this 
Realme, as many other plantes haue taken their names 
of certeyne Qreekes and Romaines, who hauying beene 
in straunge Countries (for seruice of their common 
Weales) haue brought into their countries many plants, 
which were before vnknowne. Some haue called thys 
Hearbe the Queenes Hearbe, because it was firste sent 
vnto her, as heeraf ter shalbe declared by the Gentle- 
man, that was the first inuenter of it, and since was by 
her giuen to diuers for to sow, whereby it may be 
planted in this lande. Others haue named it the great 
Priors hearbe, for that he caused it to multiply in 
Fraimce, more than^any other, for the great reuerence 
that he bare to this hearb, for the diuine effectes there- 

^ N. Monardea, JoyfuU Newes out of the Newfound WoHde, London 1596. 
fol. 42 ff. It 18 already contained in the edition of 1580, but the Harvard 
University copy is imperfect. 


in contayned. Many have giuen the name, Petum, 
which is indeede the proper name of the Hearbe, as 
they which haue trauelled that Countrie can tell. Not- 
withstanding, it is better to name it NicotianCj by the 
name of him that sent it into Frannce first, to the ende 
that he may haue the honour thereof, according to his 
desert, for that hee hath enriched our Countrie, with 
so singular an Hearbe. Thus much for the name, and 
now hearken for the whole Historic. 

''Maister John Nicot, Counsellor to the King being 
Embassadour for his Maiestie in Portugall, in the yeere 
of our Lorde 1559.60.61. went one day to see the 
Prysons ^f the King of Portugall: and a Gentleman 
being the keeper of the said Prisons presented him with 
this hearb, as a strange plant brought from Florida. 
The same Maister Nicot, hauing caused the said hearb 
to be set in his Garden, where it grewe and multiplyed 
maruellously, was vpon a tyme aduertised by one of 
his Pages, that a yong man, of kinne to that Page 
made a say of that hearbe, brused both the hearbe and 
the Juyce together, vpon an vlcer, which he had vpon 
his cheeke neere vnto his nose, comming of a Noli me 
tangere, which began to take roote already at the 
gristles of the Nose, wherewith he founde himselfe 
maruellously eased. Therefore the saide Maister Nicot 
caused the sick young man to bee brought before him, 
and causing the said hearb to be continued to the sore 
eight or ten dales, this saide Noli me tangere was utterly 
extinguished and healed : and he had sent it, while this 
cure was a woorking to a certeyne Phisition of the 
King of Portugall one of the greatest fame to examine 
the further working and effect of ye said Nicotiane, and 
sending for the same yoimg man at the end of ten dayes, 
the sayde Phisition seeing the visage of the said sicke 
young man, certified that the saide Noli me tangere was 
vtterly extinguished, as indeed he neuer felt it since. 


''Within a while after, one of the Cookes of the sayde 
Embassadour hauing almost cutte of his thombe, with 
a greate Chopping knyiej the Steward of the house of 
the sayde Gentleman ran to the saide Nicotiane, and 
dressed him therewith fine or sixe tymes, and so in the 
ende thereof hee was healed : from that ty me f orwarde 
this hearb began to bee famous throughout Lisheborn, 
where the court of the king of Portugall was at that 
present, and the vertue of this saide hearbe was extolled, 
and the people began to name it the Ambassadours 
hearbe. Wherefore there came certeine dayes after, a 
Gentleman of the Countrie, Father to one of the Pages 
of the Ambassadour, who was troubled with an vlcer 
in his Legge, hauing had the same twoo yeares, and de- 
maunded of the sayde Embassadour for his hearbe, and 
Ysing the same in such order as is before written, at the 
end of ten or twelve dales he was healed. From that 
tyme forth the fame of that same hearbe increased in 
such sort, that many came from al places to haue 
some of it. Among al others there was a woman that 
had her face couered with a Ringworme rooted, as 
though she had a visour on her face, to whome the 
saide L. Embassadour caused the hearb to be given, 
and told how she should use it, and at the ende of eight 
or ten dales, this woman was thoroughly healed, who 
came and presented her selfe to the Embassadour, 
shewing him of her healing. 

''After there came a Captayne to present his sonne 
sicke of the kinges euill to the saide L. Embassadour, 
for to send him into Fraunce, vnto whome there was a 
saye made of the sayde hearbe, which in fewe dayes 
did begin to shewe great signes of healing: and finally 
he was altogether healed therby of the kinges evill. 

"The L. Embassadour seeing so great eflfectes pro- 
ceding of this hearbe, and hauing heard say that the 
Lady Montigue that was, died at Saint Germans, of an 


vlcer bred in her brest, that did tume to a Noli me tarir 
gercj for the which there coulde neuer remedy be found : 
and lykewise that the Countesse of Ruffe, had sought 
for al the famous Phisitions of that Realme, for to 
heale her face, vnto whom they could giue no remedy : 
he thought it good to communicate the same into 
France, and did sende it to king Frauncis the seconde, 
and to the Queene Mother, and to many other Lords 
of the Court, with the maner of ministring the same, 
and how to apply it vnto the said diseases, euen as he 
had found it by experience, and chiefly to the Lorde of 
larnac, Gouernour of Rogel, with whom the said Lorde 
Embassadour had great amity for the sendee of the 
king. The which Lord of larnac told one day at the 
Queenes table, y he had caused the saide Nicotiane to 
be distilled, and the water to be drunke, mingled with 
water of Euphrasiej otherwise called eiebright, to one 
that was short breathed, who was therewith healed. 

''This hearbe hath the stalke greate, bearded and 
slimie, the leaf e large and long bearded slimye, it grow- 
eth in branches halfe foote to halfe foote, and is very 
ful of leaues, and groweth in height foure or flue foot. 
In hot countries it is nyne or tenne monethes in the 
yeere laden, in one selfe tyme, with leaues, flowers and 
Coddes, ful of rype graynes, which is when they are 
waxed blacke and to be ripe, which is when they are 
yet greene. It sproutes f oorth neere the roote muche, 
and reuyueth by a great quantitie of buddes, notwith- 
standing the graine is the least seede in the worlde, and 
the rootes be like small threeds. 

'^Nicotiane doth require a fat grounde finely digged, 
and in colde Countreyes very well dunged, that is to 
saye, a grounde in the which the dung must be so wel 
mingled and incorporated, that it be altogether 
turned into earth, and that there appeare no more 


''It requireth the south Sunne, and to be planted by 
a wal, which may defende it against the North winde 
recouering the heat of the Sunne against it, being a 
warrant vnto the said hearbe against the tossing up of 
the winde, because of the weaknes and highnes thereof. 

"It groweth the better being often watered, and re- 
uiueth it self e by reason of the water in time of droughts. 
It hateth the colde, therefore to preserue if from dying 
in the Winter time, it must be either kept in caues 
made of purpose within the said gardens, or els couered 
with a double matte, and a Penthouse of Reede made 
on the Wall ouer the hearbe, and when the South Sunne 
shineth, the dore of the place must be opened where the 
hearbe is on the Southside. 

''For to sowe it, there must bee made a hole in the 
ground with your finger, as deepe as your finger can 
reache, then cast into that hole 40. or 50. graines of the 
sayde Seede together, stopping againe your hole, for it 
is so small a Seede, that if there bee put in the hole but 
three or four graynes thereof, the earth would choke 
them, and if the weather be drye, the place must be 
watered lightly during the time of flf teene dayes after 
the sowing thereof: it may also be sowen like vnto 
Lettis and other such hearbes. 

"And when the hearbe is out of the ground, for so 
muche as euerie graine thereof will bring foorth his 
Twigge, and that the little threeds of the Roote are 
the one within the other, you must make with a great 
knife a greate compasse within the earth rounde about 
the sayde place, and lift up the earth together with 
the Seede, and cast it into a payle of water, so that the 
earth be separated, and that the little twigges may 
swimme about the water, then shal you take them 
without breaking, the one after the other, and you shal 
plant each of them again by themselves, with the selfe 
same earth, and shall set them three foote from the 


wall, leauing foure foote space from one Twigge to 
another, and if the earth which is neere vnto the wall, 
be not so good as it ought to bee, you shall prepare and 
amende it as aforesaide, helping the sayd Twigges so 
remoued by often watering. 

"The time to sowe it is in the middest of April, or at 
the beginning: As touching the vertues, it will heale 
Noli me tangere, all olde Sores and cankered Vlcers, 
hurts, Ringwormes, great Scabbes, what euill soeuer 
be in them, in stamping the leaues of the said hearbe 
in a deane Morter, and applying the hearbe and the 
Juyce together vppon the griefe, and the parties must 
abstaine from meate that is salt, sower, and spiced, 
and from strong wine, except that it be well watered. 

"The leafe of this hearbe being dried in the shadow, 
and hanged vp in the house, so that there come neither 
Simne, winde, nor fire thenmto, and being cast on a 
Chaffyng dish of Coales to bee burned, taking the 
smoke thereof at your mouth through a f onnel or cane 
your head being wel couered, causeth to auoide at the 
mouth great quantitie of slimy and flegmatike water, 
wherby the body will be extenuated and weakened, as 
though one had long fasted, thereby it is thought by 
some, that the dropsie not hauing taken roote, will be 
healed by this Perfume. 

"Moreouer the inhabitantes of Florida doe nourish 
themselues certaine times, with the smoke of this 
Hearbe, which they receiue at the mouth through 
certayne coffins, such as the Grocers doe vse to put in 
their spices. There be other oyntmentes prepared of 
the saide hearbe, with other simples, but for a truth 
this only simple hearbe, taken and applyed as afore- 
saide, is of greater efficacie, notwithstanding one may 
make therof an oyntment, which is singidar, to cleanse, 
incarnate, and knit together all manner of woundes: 
the making of the sayde Oyntmentes, is thus. Take a 


pounde of the freshe Leaues of the sayde Hearbe, 
stampe them, and mingle them with newe Ware, Rosine, 
common oyle, of each three ounces, let them boyle alto- 
gether, vntill the Juice of Nicotiane be consumed, then 
adde therto three ounces of Venise Turpentine, straine 
the same through a Linen cloth, and keepe it in Pottes 
to your vse. 

*'Loe, here you haue the true Historic of Nicotianey 
of the which the sayde Lorde Nicot, one of the Eanges 
Counsellers first founder out of this hearbe, hath made 
mee priuie aswel by woorde as by writing, to make thee 
(friendly Reader) partaker thereof, to whome I require 
thee to yeeld as harty thankes as I acknowledge myself 
bound vnto him for this benefite receiued." 

Monardes had twice brought out a book on the plants 
coming from the West Indies, namely in 1565 and 
1569, but tobacco was not among them. In 1571 he 
published a second part, chiefly on tobacco and sassa- 
fras, and in the introduction to this work he said: 
*' These dayes past I wrote a booke of all thinges which 
come from your OccidentaU Indias, seruing for the vse 
of Medicine, and surely it hath beene taken in that esti- 
mation, that the thinges which in it are intreated of 
doe deserue. And seeing the profite that it hath done, 
and how manny haue beene remedy ed and healed with 
those remedies, I dyd determine to proceede f orwardes, 
and to write of the thinges, which after that the first 
part was written, haue come from those countries of 
the which I haue vnderstood, that no lesse vtilitie & 
profite shal come, then of those which are past, for 
there shalbe discouered newe thinges and secrets, which 
will bring admiration, neuer to this day scene nor 
knowne before. And seeing that these medicinall 
thinges which we doe treate of, and the Realmes, and 
countries from whence they come, belong vnto your 
Maiestie, and he also that writeth of them, is your 


Maiesties subject: I doe desire your Maiestie, to re- 
ceiue this trauell into your protection, and that the 
rewarde may be such, as for the like works dedicated 
to your Maiestie is accustomed to be given."^ As 
tobacco was unquestionably known in Spain in 1569, 
as it was in Portugal, Monardes can only mean that 
the attention to tobacco was directed to him by the 
very Liebaut in his famous work which is always quoted 
by the name La maison ruatiquey that is, it was only 
Nicot's published experiments that made it necessary 
to emphasize the marvellous qualities which of right 
should be claimed for a plant from the Spanish colonies. 
His account of the tobacco in the English translation 
of 1596 runs as follows : ''Of the Tabaco, and of his 
great vertues. — This Hearbe which commonly is called 
Tabacoj is an Hearbe of much antiquitie, and knowen 
amongst the Indians, and inespecially among them of 
the newe Spaine, and after that those Countries were 
gotten by our Spaniards, being taught of the Indians, 
they did profite themselues with those thinges, in the 
woundes which they received in their Warres, healing 
themselves therewith to their great benefite. 

''Within these few yeeres there hath beene brought 
into Spayne of it more to adornate Gardens with the 
f airenesse thereof, and too giue a pleasaunt sight, than 
that it was thought to haue the meruelous medicinable 
vertues which it hath, but nowe we doe vse it more for 
his vertues, than for his fairenesse. For surely they 
are such which doe bring admiration. 

"It is growing in many partes of the Indias, but ordi- 
narilie in moyst and shadowie places, and it is neede- 
full that the grounde where it is sowne, be well tilled, 
and that it be a fruiteful grounde and at all times it is 
sowen, in the hot Countries. But in the colde Coun- 

1 Ibid., fol. 33a. 


tries it must bee sowen in the Moneth of Marche, for 
that is may defende it selfe from the frost. 

''The proper name of it amongst the Indians is 
Picielt. For the name of Tabaco is giuen to it by our 
Spaniards, by reason of an Island that is named Tabaco. 

''It is an hearbe that dooth growe and come to bee 
very greate: many times too bee greater then a Lem- 
mon tree. It casteth f oorth one steame from the roote 
which groweth vpright, without declining to any parte, 
it sendeth f oorth many Bowes, straight, that well neere 
they bee equal with the principall steame of the tree: 
his Leafe is wel neere like to the Leaf e of a Citron tree, 
they come to bee verie great, and be of colour greene, 
the Plant it heauie, they be in the Garden as Cytrons 
and Orenges are, for all the yeere they are greene, and 
haue leaues, and if any whyther they be those that are 
lowest. In the highest parte of all the Plante, there 
doth growe out the flower, the which is after the man- 
ner of white Campanillia, and in the middest of Carna- 
tion colour: it hath a good shew when it is drie, it is 
like to blacke Poppie seede, and in it is shut vp: the 
seede is very small, and of the colour of a dark Tawny. 

"The Roote is great, conformable to the greatness of 
the Plante, deuided into many partes, and it is like to 
wood in substaunce, the which being parted, it hath 
the hearte within, like vnto the colour of Saffron, and 
beeying tosted, it hath some bitterness with it. The 
Rinde cometh away easilie, we knowe not that the 
roote hath any vertue at all: Of the Leaues onely we 
know the vertues, which we will speake of, although 
that I belieeve that the roote hath medicinall vertues 
enough, the which time shall discouer. And some will 
say that it hath the vertue of Ruibarbe, but I haue not 
experimented it as yet, they doo keepe the leaues after 
they be drie in the shadow, for the effects that we wil 
speak of, and they be made into pouder, to be vsed of 


them in place of the Leaues, for it is not in all partes. 
The one and the other is to bee kept a great time, with- 
out corrupting. The complexion thereof is hot and 
drie in the second degree, it hath vertue to heate and 
to dissolue, with some bynding and comforting, it glew- 
eth together and sodereth the fresh wounds and healeth 
them : the filthy wounds and sores it doth cleanse and 
reduce to a perfect health, as it shal be spoken of here- 
after, and so likewise wee will speake of the vertues of 
these hearbes, and of the thinges that they are good 
for euery one perticulerly. 

'*This hearbe Tabaco^ hath perticuler vertue to heale 
grief es of the heade and in especially comming of colde 
causes, and so it cureth the headake when it commeth 
of a cold humor, or of a windy cause. The leaues must 
be laid hotte to the griefe, and multiplying them the 
tyme that is nedeful vntill the griefe be taken away. 
Some there be that doo annoynt them with the Gyle 
of Orenges, and so they performe a verie good woorke. 

*'If any manner of griefe that is in the body or any 
other part thereof it helpeth, proceeding of a cold 
cause, and applyed thereunto, it taketh it away, not 
without great admiration. 

''In grief es of the brest it worketh a maruellous effect 
and inespecially in those that doo cast out matter and 
rottenness at the mouth, and in them that are short 
breathed, and in anie other olde euilles making of the 
hearbe a decoction, or with Sugar a Syrope, and being 
taken in little quantity, it doth expel the Matters, and 
rottenness of the brest maruellously, and the smoke 
being taken in at the niouth, doth cause that the matter 
be expelled out of the brest of them that doo fetch 
their breath short. 

'In the griefe of the stomack, caused of colde, or 
winde, the leaues being put very hot, it dooth take it 
away, and dissolueth it by multiplying the vse, vntil it 


be taken away. And it is to be noted, that the leaues 
are to be warmed better than any other, amongst Ashes 
or Embers very hotte, thrusting the hearbes into them, 
and so to warme them wel, and although they be layde 
to with some ashes, they make the worke better, and 
of more strong effectes. 

''In epilations of the stomacke, and of the inner 
partes principally, this hearbe is a great remedie: for 
that it dooth dissolue, and consume them, and this 
same it dooth in any other manner of epilations or 
hardness that are in the belly, the cause being of a colde 
humor, or of windiness. 

''They must take the hearbe greene, and stampe it, 
and with those stamped leaues rubbe the hardness a 
good while, and at the tyme as the hearbe is in the 
Morter a stamping, let there be put to it a f ewe droppes 
of Vinegar, that hys worke may be made the better: 
and after the place is rubbed where the paine is, then 
lay vpon it one leafe or two leaues of the Tobaco being 
hotte, and so let it alone til the next day, and then do 
the like againe, or in place of the leaves vse a Linnen 
cloth wet in the hotte iuice. Some there bee, that after 
they haue rubbed it with the stamped leaues, do an- 
noint it with o3mtments, made for the like euils, and 
vpon it they lay the leaves for the iuyce of the Tahaco, 
And surely with this cure they haue desolued great and 
hard opilations, and very old swellings. In the griefe 
of the stone of the kidneies and Reines, this hearbe 
woorketh great effects, by putting the Leaues into 
Ashes, or Embers, hotte, that they may warme wel, 
and then being laid vpon the griefe, multiplying the 
vse of it as often as it is needfull. It is necessarie in 
the seethinges that are vsed to bee made for Glisters to 
put into them with the other things, the Leaues of this 
hearbe, for that they shal profit much : and likewise for 
Fomentations and Plaisters, that they shall make. 


**In grief es of windes they woorke the like effect, 
taking away the paines that come of the windinesse, 
applying the leaues after the same sort as is aboue saide. 

''In the grief e of women, which is called the euill of 
the Mother, laying too one leafe of this hearbe Tohaco 
very hotte, in the manner as it is saide, it dooth mani- 
festly profit and it must be layde vppon the Nauell. 
And vnder it some do vse it first of all, thinges of good 
smell vppon the Nauel, and then vpon that they lay 
the leafe. In that which they finde most profite, is to 
lay the Tacamahaca, or the oyle of liquid Amber, and 
Balsamo, and Caranna, or any of those vnto the Nauel, 
and to keep it to it continually, that it may cleane 
vnto it, and this worketh manifest profit in griefes of 
the Mother. 

''In one thing, the women that dwel in the Indias do 
celebrate this hearbe, that is, in the euil breathing at 
ye mouth of children, when they are ouer filled with 
meat, and also of olde people, ano3mting their bellies 
with lampe oyle, and laying some of those leaues in 
ashes hotte to their bellies, and also to their shoulders, 
for it doth take away their naughtie breathing, and 
maketh them go to the stoole, applying it vnto the 
fundement at what time it is needfuU, and if the leaves 
be ashed it is the better. 

"Wormes, of all kindes of them, it killeth, and expel- 
leth them maruellously, the seething of the hearbe 
made into a Syrope delicately, being taken in very lit- 
tle quantitie, and the iuyce thereof put on the nauel. 
It is needful after this be done to giue a Glister, that 
may auoide them, and expell them out of the guttes. 

"In griefes of the Joyntes comming of a colde cause 
it maketh a maruellous worke, the Leaues of this 
Tahaco being laid hotte vpon the griefe the like doth 
the Juyce layd vpon a little cloth hotte, for that it 
doeth dissolue the humor, and taketh away the paines 


therof . If it come of a hot cause it doth hurt^ sauing 
when the humor hath bene hot, and the subtill part is 
dissolued, and the grosse remaineth, then it doeth 
profite as of the cause were colde, and it is to be vnder- 
stood, that the leaues being layde, where as is griefe of 
the sayde cause, in any part of the bodie, it profiteth 

''In swellings or in cold Impostumes, it doth dis- 
solue and vndoe them, washing them with the hot 
Juyce, and laying the beaten leaues, after they be 
stampt, or the leaues being whole of the said Tabaco^ 
vpon it. 

''In the Toothache^ when the griefe commeth of a 
colde cause or of a colde Rumes, putting to it a little 
ball made of the leafe of the Tabacoj washing first the 
tooth with a smal cloth wet in the Juyce, it taketh 
away the paine, and stayeth it, that the putrification 
goe not f orwarde : in hot causes it doth not profite, and 
this remedie is so common that it healeth euerie one. 

"This hearbe doth meruellously heale Chilblaines, 
rubbing them with the stamped leaues, and after put- 
ting the hands and Feete in hot water, with Salt, and 
keping them warme: this is done with great exper- 
ience in many. 

"In venom and venomous wounds our Tabaco hath 
great commendation, which hath beene knowne but a 
short time since: for when the wilde people of the 
Indias, which eate mans fieshe doe shoote their Arrowes, 
they annointe them with an hearb or Composition made 
of many poysons, with the which they shoote at al 
things that they would kiU, and this venom is so strong 
and pernicious, that it killeth without remedie, and they 
that bee hurte die with great paines and accidents, and 
with madnes, vnless that there be found remedy for so 
great an euill. A fewe yeeres past they laid to their 
wounds Sublimatum, and so were remedied, and surely 


in those partes they haue suffered much with this 
vexation of poyson. 

''A little whiles past, certain wilde people going in 
their Bootes to S. John De puerto Rico, to shoote at 
Indians, or Spaniards (if that they might find them) 
came to a place and killed certain Indians and Span- 
iards, and did hurt many, and as by chaunce there was 
no Sublimatum at that place to heale them, they re- 
membered to lay vpon the wounds the Juice of the 
Tabacoy and the leaues stamped. And Qod would, that 
laying it vpon the hurts, the griefs, madnes, and acci- 
dents wherewith they died, were mittigated, and in 
such sorte they were deliuered of that euill, that the 
strength of the Venom was taken away, and the wounds 
were healed, of the which there was greate admiration. 
Which thing being known to them of the Ilande, they 
vse it also on other hurtes and woundes, which they 
take when they fight with the wilde people, now they 
stand in no feare of them, by reason they haue founde 
so great a remedie, in case so desperate. 

''This Hearbe hath also vertue against the hearbe 
called of the Crosseboweshooter, which our hunters doe 
vse to kill the wilde beastes withall, which hearbe is 
Venom most strong, and doth kill without remedie, 
which the Kinges pleasure was to proue, and com- 
maunded to make experience therof , and they wounded 
a little dogge in the throate, and put forthwith into the 
wound the hearbe of the Crosseboweshooter, and after 
a little whyle they powred into the selfe same wound 
that they had annointed with the Crosseboweshooters 
hearbe, a good quantitie of the Juice of Tdbaco^ and lay- 
de the stamped leauves vpon it, and they tied vp the 
dogge and he escaped, not without great admiration 
of all men that saw him. Of the which, the excellent 
Phisition of the Chamber of his Maiestie, Doctor 
Barnarde in the margent of this booke, that saw it, by 


the commaundement of his Maiestie, writeth these 
wordes : I made this experience by the commaundment 
of the kinges Maiestie. I wounded the dogge with a 
knife, and after I put the Crosseboweshooters hearbe 
into the wound, and the hearbe was chosen, and the 
dogge was taken of the hearbe, and the Tahaco and his 
Juyce being put into the wounde, the dogge escaped 
and remained whole. 

**In the venomous Carbuncles, the Tahaco being ap- 
plied in manner as is aforesaid doth extinguish ye malice 
of the venom, and doth that which all the workes of 
Surgerie can doe, vntill it be whole. The same effect 
it worketh in bytings of venomous beastes, for it killeth 
and extinguisheth the malice of the venom and healeth 

*'In woundes newely hurt, and cuttes strokes prickes, 
or any other manner of wounde, our Tahaco worketh 
maruellous effectes, for that it doeth heale them and 
maketh them sound. The wound must be washed with 
wine, and procure to annoynt the sides of it, taking 
away that which is superfluous, and then powre into 
it the Juice of this hearbe, and lay vpon it the stamped 
leaues, and being wel bound it shall continue on vntill 
the next day that thou shalt return to dresse it. After 
the same fashion the pacientes shall keepe good order 
in their meate, vsing the diet necessary, and if it be 
needful of any euacuation by stoole, the cause being 
greate, let be done what shall be conuenient. And 
with this order they shalbe healed without any need 
of any more Surgerie then this hearbe only. Here in 
this Country, and in this City they know not what 
other to doe, hauing cut or hurt themselues, but to 
runne to the Tahaco ^ as to a most ready remedie. It 
doth meruellous workes, without any need of other 
Surgery, but this only hearbe. In restraining the fluxe 
of blood of the wounds it procureth most maruellous 


workes, for that the Juyce and the Leaues being 
stamped, are sufGicient to restraine any fluxe of blood. 

''In olde Sores it is maruellous the woorkes and the 
effects that this hearbe doeth, for it healeth them won- 
derfully, making cleane and mundifying them of all 
humors that are superfluous, and of the rottennes, that 
they haue, and bringeth vp the flesh, reducing them to 
perfite health, the which is so common in this Citie, 
that euery man doeth knowe it : and I hauing ministred 
it to many people as well men as women, in greate 
number, and being grieved often, and of twentie yeeres, 
haue healed olde rotten sores in legges, and other partes 
of the body, with this remedy only to the great admira- 
tion of all men. 

**The order of the cure that is to bee wrought with 
thys hearbe is this following. For the old rotten sores 
although they may be cankered, let the sicke man bee 
purged with the counsell of a Phisition, and let him 
blood if it bee needef uU and then take this hearbe and 
pounde it in a Morter, and wring out the Juyce, and 
pur it into the sore, and then after the manner of a 
playster lay the stamped leaues vpon it, which are the 
Leaues that the Juyce is taken out of, and this doe 
once euerie day eating good Meates, and not exceeding 
in any disorder, for other wise it will not proflt. And 
doing this it wil make cleane the euil flesh that is rot- 
ten, and superfluous, vntil it come to the whole flesh, 
and it is not to be maruelled at, if the wounde be made 
very great. For the euil must be eaten vp, vntil it 
come to the good, and in the same cure putting in lesse 
quantitie of iuyce, it wil incarnate, and reduce it to 
perfit health, in such sort, that it accomplisheth all the 
workes of Surgery, that all the Medicines of the world 
are able to doo, without hauing neede of any other 
manner of Medicine. 


''This worke dooth cure old Sores, with very great 
admiration : and not only in men but in bruite beastes 
also. As at this day in all partes of the Indias, where 
there are any cattell haning wounds or gaules : and the 
countrey being hotte and moyst ouer muche, dooth 
soone rotte them, an very quickly they come to bee 
cankered, and for this cause many great cattel doo die : 
To remedy this and the wormes that doo increase in 
the sores, they had for remedy to put into the sores 
Sublimatum, for that in this remedy they dyd flnde 
more benefite then in any other, that they had vsed. 
And for that the Sublimatum beares there so high a 
price, manytimes it was more worth then the cattell 
that it healed. For this cause and for hauing founde 
in the TabacOj so muche vertue too heale newe woundes 
and rotten, they did accorde and agree togeather to vse 
the Tabcxoy in the healing of beastes, as they had done 
in the cure and remedy of men, powring the Juyce of 
the Tabaco into the wounds, and washing them there- 
with, and laying vpon them the stamped leaues of the 
Tabaco^ after that the Juyce is taken from them. And 
it is of so great efficacie and vertue, that it killeth the 
wormes, and maketh cleane the sore, eating away the 
euill fleshe, and ingendering newe vntill it be whole, as 
in the other thinges which we haue spoken of. The 
like it doth in the gaules of the beasts of Cariege, the 
iuice being powred in, and the beaten leaues wherout 
the iuice commeth of the Tabaco as it is sayde : although 
they may be cankered it doth make them cleane and 
incarnate them, and cureth and helpeth them. And 
so the Indians doo carrie it, when they ioumey, for this 
purpose and effect, and it procureth the profite that 
the iuyce doeth. 

''I sawe a man that had certeyne old sores in his nose, 
wherby he did cast out from him much matter, which 
dayly did rotte and canker inwarde, and I caused him 


to take at his nose the iuyce of this Tabaco^ and so he 
did: and at the seoonde tyme, he caste out from him, 
more than twenty little wormes, and afterwards a f ewe 
more, vntyl that he remained cleane of them, and vsing 
it so certeyne dayes, hee was healed of the sore, that 
he had in the inner part of his nose : and if he had tar- 
ried any longer, I thinke that there had remained 
nothing of his nose, but all had been eaten away, as it 
happeneth to many, which we see without them. And 
beeing wryting of this, a daughter of a Gentleman of 
this Cittie, had many yeares a certeyne kinde of skabbes, 
or wel neere skuruie in her head. I had her in cure and 
did vnto her many benifits vniuersal, and perticuler: 
and also Maisters of Surgerie had done their diligence, 
and all did not profite. And a Gentlewoman, which 
had the charge of her, as shee heard mee speake one 
day much good of the Tabaco^ that it was good and 
profitable, for so many infirmities, she sent for it, and 
did rubbe hard the disease that the wench had, and 
that day she was very euill as though shee had beene 
foolishe: and ye gentle woman did not let (in seing 
her after that sort) to rubbe her harder, and then the 
wench did not feele so muche griefe, but the dry 
skabbes began to fall, and the white scurffe of her head 
in such sorte, that it made cleane and healed her head, 
with dooing so certeyne dayes, so that shee was healed 
of her skuruie disease very well, without knowing what 
she did. 

''One of the meruelles of this hearbe, and that whiche 
bringeth most admiration, is, the maner howe the 
Priests of the Indias did vse it, which was in this man- 
ner: when there was amongst the Indians any manner 
of businesse, of greate importaunce, in which the 
chiefe Gentlemen called Casiques or any of the princi- 
pall people of the Countrey, had necessitie to consult 
with their Priests in any businesse of importance: 


then they went and propounded their matter to their 
chiefe Priest, foorthwith in their presence, he tooke 
certeyne leaues of the Tabcxo and cast them into ye 
fire, and did receiue the smoke of them at his mouth, 
and at his nose with a Cane, and in taking of it, he fell 
downe vpon the ground, as a Dead man, and remayn- 
yng so according to the quantity of the smoke that he 
had taken when the hearbe had done his worke he did 
reuiue and awake, and gaue them their aunsweares 
according to the visions, and illusions which he sawe, 
whiles hee was rapte in the same manner, and he did 
interprete to them, as to him seemed best, or as the 
Diuell had counselled him giuing them continually 
doubtful aunswers, in such sorte, that howsoeuer it 
fell out, they might say that it was the same, which was 
declared, and the answere that he made. 

''In like sort the rest of the Indians for their pastime, 
do take the smoke of the Tabaco, to make themselues 
drunke withall, and to see the visions, and things that 
represent vnto them, that wherein they do delight : and 
other times they take it to know their businesse, and 
successe, because conformable to that which they haue 
scene, being drunke therwith, euen so they iudge of 
heir businesse. And as the deuil is a deceiuer, and 
hath the knowledge of the vertue of hearbs, so he did 
shew the vertue of this Hearb, that by the meanes 
thereof, they might see their imaginations, and visions, 
that he hath represented vnto them, and by that 
meanes deceiue them. 

''To haue hearbes that haue the like vertue, is a com- 
mon thing, and in the booke of the Phisition, Dioscor-^ 
ides dooth say, that one Dramme of the roote of Solatro, 
beeyng taken in wine, which roote is very straunge and 
furious, prouoketh sleepe greatlie, and maketh him 
that taketh it, to dreame of thinges variable, and dooth 
represent vnto hym terrible imaginations, and visions. 


Others doe giue delectation and pleasure. Of the Anis 
seed they say, being eaten at the houre, when that any 
shal sleep, it maketh a pleasant, and delectable dreame. 
The Radish doth make them greeuous and very heauie, 
and so likewise of many other hearbs, which would be 
ouer large to speake of, as of this matter, the auncient 
writers report. 

"Diego Qratia de Guerta, in the booke that hee wryt- 
eth of the Spicerie and drugs of the Orientall Indias, 
reporteth that in those parts there is an hearbe, which 
is called Bague, which being mingled with thinges of 
sweet smell, there is made of it a confection of excellent 
smell and taste: and when the Indians of those parts, 
will depriue themselves of iudgement, and see visions 
that giue them pleasure, then they take a certayne 
quantitie of this confection, and in taking of it, they 
remaine depriued of all iudgement, and while the ver- 
tue of theyr Medicine dooth endure, they receiue muche 
delight, and see thinges, whereby they receive pleasure, 
and be glad of them. There was a mightie Emperor, 
being Lorde of many Realmes, sayde vnto Martine 
Alfonso de Sosa, who was the vice Roy of the East 
India, that when he woulde see Realmes, and Cities, 
and other thinges, of the which he did receiue pleasure, 
that hee should then take the Bague, made in a cer- 
teyne confection, and that in dooing so, he did receiue 
pleasure. The vse of this confection is very common, 
and very muche vsed amongst the Indians of those 
parts, and they do sel it in the publico market, for that 

"The Indians of our Occidentall Indias, doo vse the 
Tabaco to take away wearinesse, and for to make light- 
somnesse in their Labour, for in their daunces they bee 
so much wearied, and they remaine so wearie, that they 
can scarcely stirre: and because that they may labour 
the next day, and returne to that foolish exercise, they 


receiue at ye mouth and nose, the smoke of the Tabaco, 
and remain as dead people: and being so, they be 
eased in such sorte, that when they be awakened out 
of their sleepe, they remain without wearinesse, and 
may retume to their labour as much as before, and so 
they doe alwaies, when they haue need of it: for with 
that sleepe, they receiue their strength, and be much 
the lustier. 

''The blacke people that haue gone from these partes 
to the Indias, haue practised the same manner and vse 
of the TobcLCO^ that ye Indians haue, for when they see 
themselues weary, they take it at the nose, and mouth, 
and it happeneth vnto them, as vnto our Indians, lying 
as though they were dead three of foure houres, and 
after they remayne lightened, without wearinesse, for 
to labour againe: and they do this with great pleasure, 
that although they bee not weary yet they are verie 
desirous to doe it: and the things is come to suche 
effecte, that their Masters chasten them for it, and doe 
bume the Tabaco, because they shoulde not vse it: 
whervppon they goe to the desertes, and secrete places 
to doe it, because they may not be permitted, to drinke 
themselues drunke with Wine, and therfore they are 
gladde to make themselves drunken with the smoke of 
Tabcxoy I haue seen them doe it here, and it happened 
to them as is saide. And they say, that when they 
come out of the same traunce or dream they finde 
themselu^ very lusty, and they reioyce to haue beene 
after the same sort and manner, seeing that therby they 
doe receiue no hurt. 

**Thees barbarous people do vse ye like things to take 
away weariness; and not only this custom is vsed in 
our Occidental Indias, but it is also a common thing in 
the Oriental Indias. And also in the Portugall Indias, 
for this effecte, they doe sell the Opio in their Shoppes, 
euen as they sell Conserua, with the which the Indians 


vse to ease themselves, of their labour that they take, 
and to be merrie, and not to feele paines of any greate 
labour of the bodie, or mynde that may come vnto 
them, and they call it there amongst themselves 
Aphion. This Aphion the Turkes doe vse for this 
effecte. The Souldiers and Captaines that goe to 
Warres, when they labour muche, after the time that 
they be lodged, that they may take their rest, they 
receiue Aphion, and sleepe with it, and remaine 
lightened of their labour. The most principall people 
take Bague, and it hath a better taste, and a better 
smel, for there is put to it much Amber, and Muske and 
Clones, and other spices. And surely it is a thing of 
admiration, to see howe these Barbarous people doe 
take such Medicines, and how many of them doe take 
them, and that they doe not kill them, but rather they 
take them for health and remedie for their necessities. 

**I sawe an Indian of those partes, that in my presence 
did aske an Apothecarie for a quart of Opio, and I de- 
manded of him wherf ore he would haue it : and he told 
me that he tooke it to put away weariness, when he felt 
himself ouer much grieued, and afflicted with labour, 
and he tooke the halfe of that which he caried, for the 
Apothecary gaue hym more then a pint for twelue 
pence, and therewith he slept so soundly, that when he 
awoke from sleepe, hee founde himselfe verie much 
eased of his wearinesse, in suche sorte, that he might 
continue his labour. I meruelled at it, and it seemed 
to me a thing of Mockerie, seeing that fine or sixe 
graines, bee the most that wee can giue to a sicke Person 
howe stronge sooner hee bee, which beeing very well 
prepared, doeth cause many times Accidentes of Death. 
And many yeeres after standing in the Shoppe of an 
other Apothecary of this Citie, there came an other 
Indian, of the same Orientall Indias, and he asked of 
the Apothecarie for some Opio called Aphion, the which 


Apothecarie vnderstoode him not. And I remembring 
my selfe of the other Indian, caused him to shewe vnto 
the Indian Opio, and in shewing it to him, hee said that 
is was that which he asked for, and he bought a quarter 
of a Pinte of it, and I asked of the Indian, wherefore 
he would haue it, and he tolde me the same that the 
other Indian did, that it was because he might labour: 
and ease himselfe of his wearinesse, for that hee did 
beare burdens, and should helpe to discharge a shippe: 
wherefore he sayde hee would take the one halfe, that 
he might therwith labour, and the other halfe after he 
had laboured, that therwith he might take ease, and 
rest. Then I gave him credite to the first Indian, of 
that he sayd vnto me, and since I haue beleeued that 
which I haue scene and read, in those partes to bee a 
thing in common vse, for the like effectes. And truely 
it is a thing worthy of greate consideration, that fine 
graines of Opio do kill vs, and threescore doe giue them 
health and rest. 

"The Indians doe vse the Tahaco^ for to suffer drieth, 
and also to suffer hunger, and to passe dales without 
hauing neede to eate or drinke, when they shal trauel 
by any desert or dispeopled countrie, where they shal 
flnde neither water, nor meate. They receiue thereof 
little balles, which they make of the Tabcxo. For they 
take the leaues of it, and chew them, and as they goe 
chewing of them, they goe mingling with them cer- 
taine pouder, made of the shelles of Cockels burned, and 
they mingle it in the mouth altogether vntil they make 
it like dowe, of the which they frame certaine little 
Balles, little greater then Peason, and lay them to drie 
in the shadow, and after they keep them, and vse them 
in this forme following. 

**When they vse to trauel by the wayes, where they 
finde no water nor meate, they take a little ball of these, 
and out it betweene the lower lippe and the teeth, and 


goe chewing it all the time that they trauell, and that 
which they chew, they swallow downe, and in this sort 
they journey three or foure dayes, without hauing 
neede of meate, or drinke, for they feel no hunger, 
drieth nor weaknesse, nor their trauel doth trouble 
them. I thinke that to iourney after this sort, is the 
cause they goe chewing continually the little balles: 
for they bring Fleume into the mouth, and swallow it 
into the stomacke, the which doth retaine the naturall 
heate, which it doth consume, and so they maintain 
themselues therby, the like wheref or wee see to happen 
in many beastes, for that a great part of the winter, 
they be shut vp in their Caues, and hollows places of 
the earth, and passe their time there without any meate, 
for that they haue to consume the naturall heate, of 
the fatnes, which they had gotten in the Summer. 
The beare being a great and fierce beast, much time in 
the Winter remaineth in his Caue, and liueth without 
meate or drink, with onely chewing his pawes, which 
perhaps he doeth for the sayd cause. This is the sub- 
stance which I haue gathered of this hearb, so cele- 
brated and called Tabaco for that surely it is an hearb 
of great estimation, for the excellent vertues that it 
hath, as wee haue say de. " ^ 

Monardes' discussion of tobacco consists of two 
parts. The account of the use of tobacco by the 
Indians and Negroes is taken out from Peter Martyr, 
Oviedo, and other contemporary writers, but even here 
we have a touch of personal experience, when Monardes 
says that he saw the Negroes in Spain use tobacco for 
the same purposes. The rest of the story is dealing 
with experiments in the application to diseases, and 
here we get the whole list of virtues, anciently applied 
to viscous substances, by Ibn-al-BaitSr specifically re- 
ferred to tubbdq in Syria, Egypt, and Africa. But the 

^ Ibid., fol. 3db to 41b. 


chief virtue, according to Monardes, is in the healing 
of cankerous sores, that is, of the very noli me tangere, 
to which Nicot directed the attention, and which was 
the subject of Liebaut's discussion. If Monardes did 
not get this suggestion directly from Nicot or Liebaut, 
they must all have received it from the same source, to 
which Nicot refers, namely the Negroes. 

From Oviedo we learned that tobacco was raised by 
Negroes in the Spanish plantations for the trade with 
the Indians. We also know that early in the XVI. 
century Arawaks from the West Indies crossed over to 
Florida, hence a relation must have subsisted between 
the two countries. Jacques Cartier tells us of the 
travels of Indians from the Great Lakes somewhere to 
the Gulf of Mexico, ostensibly in order to meet 
European traders, and I have already suggested that 
the mounds of the Mound-builders were constructed by 
the Indians or the traders as fortifications, to secure 
the trade. It will now be shown that tobacco was 
one of the articles which was carried along these routes 
by persons who were acquainted with the African 
stockade posts. 

De Soto distinctly refers to the mounds as built for 
defence: "The Chief's house stood near the beach, 
upon a very high mount made by hand for defence."* 
Biedma tells the same: **It is the custom of the Caci- 
ques to have near their houses a high hill, made by hand, 
some having the houses placed thereon."^ Just such a 
hill is described by Marees, who says that here they 
gather on Tuesdays, which is their Sunday, for religious 
services,^ and a comparison of the Peul African stockade* 
with Le Moyne's drawing of a Florida stockade, made 

* B. Smith, Narratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto in the Conquest 
of Florida, New York 1866. p. 23. 

« Ibid., p. 261. 

* P. de Marees, op. cit., p. 67. 

* F. Moore, Travels into the Inland Parts of Africa, London 1738, p. 35. 

AFRICAN SI OCKADE, from F. Moore's Trmeh into the Inland Paris of Afrie 


in 1564,^ is most striking. Both are circular, built of 
heavy upright posts, have a similar gate entrance, con- 
tain rows of circular huts, and within the stockade 
there are two fields. 

Cabeza de Vaca, who traversed North America from 
1528-1536, found tobacco already in use among the 
Indians: ''In this whole country they make them- 
selves drunk by a certain smoke for which they give 
all they have."^ In Le Moyne's illustration the smoke 
is taken both in the form of fumigation or through a 
pipe,^ but in either case it is merely as a medical prac- 
tice, and not as a universal habit. The very fact that, 
according to Cabeza de Vaca, the Indians gave their 
all for a smoke shows that tobacco was hard to obtain 
and expensive. When Hariot, in 1587,* described the 
tobacco of Virginia, he not only mentioned it as culti- 
vated, but finished his account with the words, **and 
these are all the commodities for sustenance of life that 
I know and can remember vse to husband: all else 
that foUowe are found growing naturally or wilde," by 
which he showed that tobacco was not known to him 
as growing wild. Again, Strachey, in the beginning of 
the XVII. century,^ remarked that tobacco was taken 
in proportion to the number of wives a man had, that 
is, according to his wealth, which once more shows that 
smoking was an expensive luxury still. Even as late 
as the year 1600 Champlain thought of St. Domingo, 
that is, Hispaniola, as the great exporting place Of 

' Th. de Bry, Admiranda narratis fida tamen, de eommodis et incolarum 
riiibus Virginiae, Francofurti ad Moenum 1590. 

2 F. Bandelier, The Journey of Alvar Nufiez Cabeza de Vaca, New York 
1905, p. 124. 

' De Bry, op. cit, 

* See vol. I, p. 141 ff. 

«» Ibid., p. 143. 


tobacco.^ Champlain only once mentions tobacco as 
in use in Canada, when at a tabagie, or festive occas- 
ion, the Great Sagamo exchanged a smoke with Sieur 
du Pont-Grau^ of Saint Malo and himself,^ that is, to- 
bacco was used, as in Mexico, Nicaragua, Darien, only 
by the rich who could afford it. Nowhere, except near 
Spanish plantations, where Negroes raised the tobacco, 
do we hear of the generality of Indians as smoking. 
The further we go away from this, the more solemn is 
the occasion at which tobacco is smoked. It took a 
whole century for tobacco to become popular and uni- 
versal, and then, after Nicot and Monardes had raised 
it to the dignity of a sovereign remedy, the English and 
Dutch, at the end of the XVI. century, began a furious 
rivalry to spread the precious product of Virginia and 
Guiana to all the comers of the earth. Only then did 
people begin to take notice of the smoking, which before 
was not even referred to, except in America, because 
of the notoriety given to it by Peter Martyr and Oviedo. 
It must be remarked that Champlain's tahagie has 
nothing whatsoever to do with ''tobacco" and is an ad- 
ditional proof of the African influence upon Indian 
matters. Lescarbot devotes a whole chapter to the 
Indian tabagie,^ but all we learn from him is that tabagie, 
Indian tabaguia, is ''a banquet." No Indian language 
seems to have the word, but it is found everywhere in 
Guinea, where the French writers got it. Alvares d' 
Almada says that the great feast among the Wolofs is 
called tabaaquio} Indeed, the Wolof dictionary re- 

^ "n faut que ie dye encore qu'ii coot^ dudict canal de Bahan, au sudsuest, 
Ton voict Tisle St Domingue, dont i'ay parl6 cy dessus, qui est fort bonne 
& marchande en cuirs» gingembre & casse* tabac^ que Ton nomme autrement 
petung, ou herbe k la Royne» que Von faict seicner, puis Ton en faict des 
petits tourteaux. Les mariniers* mesme les Anglois, & autres personnes en 
vsent & prennent la fum^ d'iceluy k Timitation des sauuaiges," C.-H. 
Laverdi^re, Oeuvres de Champlain, Quebec 1870, p. 50 f. 

« Ibid., p. 71. 

» Op. cU., vol. Ill, chap. XIV. 

* Op. eit., p. 19. 


cords tahaskia '"the December feast," and we have 
Mandingo tabaski^ Peul tabaske^ taaake^ taske '"feast of 
the sacrifices/' from Berber tafaske, tafeske * 'feast of the 
sacrifices." It is only accidental that in French to- 
bacco was connected with tahaquia, leading to tabagie 
''a place where tobacco is smoked." 


Tobacco and the Sciences. 

We can now summarize the history of tobacco smok- 
ing from its inception to the end of the XVI. century. 
Smoking for medicinal purposes is very old, and goes 
back at least to Greek medicine. A large number of 
viscous substances, especially henbane and bitumen, 
were employed in fumigation and taken through the 
mouth, sometimes through the nose, for certain diseases, 
especially catarrh, toothache, and pulmonary troubles. 
This fumigation took place through a funnel which 
very much resembles a modem pipe, but by its knob- 
like end at the bottom of the bowl shows its deriva- 
tion from the distilling cap of the alchemist's retort. 
The large number of pipes found in Roman or early 
mediaeval graves show by the lids on the bowls that 
the distilling cap was employed, as today, by inverting 
its position on the alchemist's retort. 

The Arabic sources make it clear that in Persia and 
Syria a substance, tubbdq, obviously the tobacco of our 
day, was employed for the same purpose for which the 
henbane and bitumen were used in the Graeco- Roman 
medicine, and that in Africa another plant of the same 
kind was in use by the Arabic physicians. These two 
plants are unquestionably the Nicotiana tabacum and 
Nicotiana rustica. Among the Negroes the narcotic 
quality of the tobacco also led to a sacerdotal use of the 
same, and this will be discussed in full in my next 
volume. From Africa the tobacco found its way into 
America, half a century, possibly a century, before the 
so-called discovery, chiefly in its sacerdotal significance. 


As a vice, smoking was in America for a long time and 
everywhere confined at first to caciques and the rich, 
and in North America tobacco could be obtained only 
at great cost. 

Although smoking among Indians and Negroes is 
recorded in America from the beginning of the XVI. 
century, it is clear, from the statements made by 
Oviedo, that the white planters of Hispaniola and, 
later, of Venezuela, encouraged their Negro slaves to 
raise tobacco, to be used in the barter trade with the 
Indians, and that nearly a century passed before the 
habit of smoking became universal among the Indians 
and Europeans. In Mexico, where tobacco was, in the 
middle of the XVI. century, included in the Nahuatl 
pharmacopoeia, the whole medical science was a crea- 
tion of the Aztecophile Spaniards in the College of 

In 1557 Europe for the first time became acquainted 
with tobacco, through Thevet's importation, though, 
no doubt, locally it may have been known earlier. Ni- 
cot, who learned of its medicinal properties at Lisbon, 
specifically tells us that the Moors, that is, the Arabs 
or Mohammedan Negroes, employed this weed in their 
therapeutics, which once more confirms the fact that, 
although tobacco was reimported from America^ it had 
its origin in Arabic medicine. The experiments, car- 
ried on by Nicot, received full publicity in Ldebaut's 
La maison rustique, in 1570, and only next year, Mon- 
ardes, infiuenced by the prevailing notion in Mexico 
that the College of Tlatelulco taught a native medical 
science, perpetuated the error, which from then on 
became universal, that America was the original home 
of smoking. From that time on the dozen or more 
editions of La maison rustique and a host of newer works 
set the pace for the popularity of tobacco, especially 
that from Virginia, where, we are definitely informed, 


it did not grow wild. Since then the accumulated 
errors of Peter Martyr, Oviedo, Sahagron, Monardes, as 
to the American origin of tobacco smoking, have be- 
come so firmly embedded in the belief of philologists, 
botanists, and archaeologists, that they are blinded to 
the obvious proof to the contrary. It, therefore, be- 
comes necessary to pass in review these indurated 
errors, and point out their obvious fallacies. 

One of the commonest philological arguments re- 
sorted to by botanists and archaeologists, to prove the 
origin of a plant in the Old or New World, is to point to 
the universality of a word as a sign of importation, and 
to a diversity of names for a particular plant as a sign 
of its native origin. No experienced philologist would 
for a moment countenance such a procedure, because 
he knows that while the distribution of the same root 
word does point to a common origin, the absence of 
such a common word is proof of nothing whatsoever. 
The use of the word automobile over a vast territory is 
a prima facie evidence that it spread from some focus 
into all cUrections, but the fact that there is no common 
word for potato or buckwheat in the European lang- 
uages is not a proof of their nativity in Europe. The 
potato, which is known in England from the Spanish 
name for ''sweet potato," in Germany as KartoffeU from 
the French name for ''truffles," in French as pomme 
de terre and, in the culinary language, simply as pomme^ 
in Yiddish as bulbe, in Polish as ziemniak^ etc., etc., is 
none the less not a native of Europe. Buckwheat, in 
French known as BaraeBin, that is, "the Saracen plant," 
in Russian as greiikha^ "the Greek plant," was imported 
into Europe by the Arabs, and "maize," in spite of its 
name of kukuruza in Russian, and similar divergen- 
names in the other languages, comes from America. 

On the other hand the appearance of a common root, 
even in isolated locations, speaks volumes for the relat 


tionship of the idea or object, at least in these isolated 
positions. The Japanese bargandcy for ''sales/' from 
the English ''bargain day/' is clear evidence of the 
derivation of the Japanese idea from England or Ameri- 
ca, even though no other language possesses this term. 
Not a thousand quotations from other languages, where 
no such term exists, even distantly affects the conclu- 
sion from the Japanese and English. Meringer has 
clearly shown the absurdity of any generalization from 
the absence of common terms in the Indo-European 
vernaculars as to the existence of the object or idea in 
the original language, from which these vernaculars are 
derived. He pointed out the highly amusing result 
from such type of philology that the Indo-European 
ancestors must have possessed feet but not legs, hands 
but not arms, fathers but not sons, and so on. 

When two civilizations come into contact, a number 
of things may happen philologically. In the first im- 
pact of such a conflict, the lower civilization may ac- 
cept without hesitancy any foreign term for any object 
that even in a slight degree differs from the native state, 
hence, while the Anglo-Saxons had pigs, sheep, and 
cows, they, during the Norman invasion, adopted 
"pork," "mutton," and "beef" as terms for the same as 
transformed by the foreign culinary art. For the same 
reason, words, literally by the thousand, have been 
transferred from Greek and Latin into the European 
languages, for the new religious, scientific, political 
terms, forced upon them by the superior culture. 
But soon the lower type of civilization accomodates 
itself to the level of the higher, and it borrows the ideas 
without taking over the words. Thus the German 
Erziehung and Begriff are clearly transferences of Latin 
educatio and cotnprehensio into the German vernacular. 
At this stage the ascertainment of the cultural borrow- 
ing becomes increasingly more difficult, although the 


borrowing is just as obvious, when the proper precau- 
tions have been observed. Now, this accomodation 
of the lower civilization to the level of the higher in 
many oases begins amazingly early after the first 

Some native languages are, by their peculiar struc- 
ture, very resistent to mere borrowings, and employ 
various means to disguise them. The Chinese, on 
account of its monosyllabic structure, changes foreign 
polysyllabic words into a semblance of native mono- 
syllabic compounds, where popular etymology and 
native sounds play frightful havoc with the foreign 
words. Something similar may be observed in the case 
of the almost monosyllabic Otomi in Mexico and, to 
some extent, in the Maya languages, while the highly 
analytical Nahuatl generally scorns borrowings and 
disguises the foreign idea so completely that it may be 
taken for a native from the start. Only a very few 
years after the conquest of Mexico, the Nahuatl used 
peaouia for ''to measure, weigh," etc., although it is 
obviously a borrowing from the Spanish peso. 

The universality of a term depends entirely upon the 
impact of its introduction. ''Automobile, telephone, 
aviation" have come too fast, to show many variations. 
Similarly, as Oviedo has shown, the banana spread with 
tremendous rapidity over Central and South America, 
hence the word is well-nigh universal, although fre- 
quently much corrupted, over an enormous territory. 
Wherever the white man came in contact with the 
Indian, the horse and cow were at once made familiar 
to the natives, hence Spanish caballo and vaca lie at the 
base of the peripheral contact of the two races, but in 
the interior, where the horse and cow were not received 
by the fij*st impact, the terms are generally of native 
origin, generally borrowings, with proper variations, 
from native names for supposedly similar animals, the 


riverhorse and stag. From this it follows that the 
philology of the periphery is frequently different from 
the philology of the interior, and this must constantly 
be kept in mind, if errors are not to be perpetuated. 

Even thus, the mere philological data are insuf- 
ficient to establish the relationship of words, because 
of the possibility of accidental resemblance, and be- 
cause, in the case of plants, names have a tendency to 
shift from one to another. For this reason, I long ago 
wrote: ** Phonetic studies are not the end of etymolo- 
gical investigation of these words but merely an assistance 
in the chronological data of sources. Loan-words must 
mainly be studied historically."^ And again: "Philo- 
logy cannot dissociate itself from the history of civiliza- 
tion in the treatment of the origin of words, for words 
are carried along roads of communication with the 
things which they represent, and it is idle to speculate 
on any prehistoric history until all the roads of com- 
munication have been traced and mapped out. These 
prehistoric histories base their conclusions on the 
universality of certain words in a linguistic group, but 
this is no more indicative of the presence of the things 
represented by these words in the original stock from 
which the group is derived than the universal use of the 
word 'automobile' is indicative that the aborigines of 
Europe had invented this machine, just as the absence 
of a common word for 'hand' cannot lead to the con- 
clusion that the Indo-Germanic primitive man had 
not yet emerged from the quadruped stage. "^ 

We shall soon see that neither botany nor archaeo- 
logy possesses a decisive method for the solution of the 
history of cultivated plants, hence their ultima ratio is 
invariably philology. Thus de CandoUe tried to settle 
the American origin of tobacco by philological con- 

1 Modem Language Nates, vol. X, No. 1, col. 10 ff. 

* The Quarterly Journal of Economical vol. XXV, p. 241. 


si derations: ''The common names of tobacco confirm 
its American origin. If there had been any indigenous 
species in the old world there would be a great number 
of different names; but, on the contrary, the Chinese, 
Japanese, Javanese, Indian, Persian, etc., names are 
derived from the American names, petumj or tabaky 
tabok, tambocy slightly modified. It is true that Pid- 
dington gives Sanskrit names, dhumrapatra and tamro' 
koutaj but Adolphe Pictet informs me that the first of 
these names, which is not in Wilson's dictionary, means 
only leaf for smoking, and appears to be of modern 
composition; while the second is probably no older, 
and seems to be a modem modification of the American 
names. The Arabic word docchan simply means 

De CandoUe is right in assuming that the wide dis- 
tribution of petum and tabak words in the Old World 
indicated a borrowing from a common source, but the 
same wide distribution of petum words in Brazil, Chile, 
and Canada, and of tabak words along the periphery, 
where Europeans first came in contact in America with 
the Indians, similarly proves that the Indian words 
are not of native origin. I have shown by historical 
and documentary proof that Latin bitumen and Arabic 
tubbdq were the medical terms for the sovereign remedy 
taken through a pipe in the form of smoke, hence the 
petum and tabak words, whether in America, Africa, or 
Europe, go back to the Oraeco-Arabic medicine, no 
matter at what time, whether at the discovery of Amer- 
ica or earlier, such habit was introduced by Negroes 
under Arabic influence. 

Schweinf urth, whose standing as a botanist cannot be 
denied, draws the conclusion from the same philologi- 
cal data: **0f all the plants which are cultivated by 
these wild people, none raises a greater interest than 

1 A. de CandoUe, Origin of CuUivaied Plants, New York 1885, p. 144. 


tobacco, none exhibits a more curious conformity of 
habit amongst peoples far remote. The same two 
kinds which are cultivated amongst ourselves have 
become most generally recognized. These kinds are 
the Virginian tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum) and the 
common tobacco {N. ruatica). It is little short of a cer- 
tainty that the Virginian tobacco has only made its 
way into the Old World within the few centuries since 
the discovery of America. No production more than 
this has trampled over every obstacle to its propaga- 
tion, so that it has been kept to no limits; and it must 
be matter of surprise that even Africa (notorious as 
it has ever been for excluding every sort of novelty in 
the way of cultivation) should have allowed the Vir- 
ginian tobacco to penetrate to its very centre. 

''It is a great indication of the foreign origin of this 
plant that there is not a tribe from the Niger to the 
Nile which has a native word of their own to denote it. 
Throughout all the districts over which I travelled, 
the Niam-niam formed the solitary exception to this 
by naming the Virginian tobacco 'gundeh;' but the 
Monbuttoo, who grow only this one kind and are as 
little familiar with N. rustica as the Niam-niam, call it 
^Eh-tohbooJ* The rest of the people ring every kind 
of change upon the root word, and call it Hah, tabbay 
tabdeet,' or 'tom.^ The plant is remarkable here for 
only attaining a height of about eighteen inches, for 
its leaves being nearly as long as one could span, and for 
its blossoms being invariably white. 

"Quite an open question I think it is, whether the 
N. rustica is of American origin. Several of the tribes 
had their own names for it. Here amongst the Bongo, 
in distinction from the Habba,' it wap known as *ma- 
sheer.' The growth it makes is less than in Europe, but 
it is distinguished by the extreme strength and by the 
intense narcotic qualities which it possesses. It is dif- 


ferent in this respect from what is grown in Persia, 
where it is used for the narghileh or water-pipes, and 
whence there is a large export of it, because of its mild- 
ness and aromatic qualities. Barth has given his 
opinion that the tobacco is a native of Logane (Mos- 
goo.) At all events, the people of Africa have far sur- 
passed every other people in inventing various contriv- 
ances for smoking, rising from the very simplest ap- 
paratus to the most elaborate; and thus the conjec- 
ture is tenable, that they probably favoured the propa- 
gation of the foreign growth, because smoking, either 
of the common tobacco (AT. ruatica) or of some other 
aromatic weed, had in some way already been a prac- 
tice amongst them. To such a hypothesis might be 
opposed the important fact that on all the monuments 
of the ancient Egyptians that afford us so clear an in- 
sight into the details of their domestic life, there has 
never been found a written inscription or pictorial 
representation that could possibly afford a proof that 
such a custom was known to exist. In conclusion, it 
deserves to be mentioned that the pagan negroes, as 
far as they have remained uninfluenced by Islamism, 
smoke the tobacco, whilst those who have embraced 
Mohammedanism prefer the chewing of the leaf to the 
enjoyment of a pipe.''^ 

Schweinfurth correctly assumes, like de Candolle, 
that the wide distribution of tabba words in Africa indi- 
cates that it proceeds from some common source. His 
mistake in placing it in America is due to the accepted 
theory that it was first used there, but my investigation 
of the medical method of fumigation makes it certain, 
beyond any dispute, that the tubbdq of the Arabs 
spread throughout Africa without any reference to 
America. Schweinfurth's argument that the Nicotiana 
rustica may be native in Africa, because of the variety 

1 G. Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, New York 1874, vol I, p. 254 f . 



of names for it, is, of course, inconclusive, for the same 
variety of tobacco names in the many American families 
of languages has with similar logic and inconclusive- 
ness been used to prove that native origin of tobacco 
in America.^ We have already seen from the state- 
ments of the Arabs that in Africa a different plant was 
used for the tubbdq of the Arabic pharmacopoeia; 
hence there was no restraining principle in the preser- 
vation of native names or the formation of native 
words for a foreign plant, but the variety of names 
does not permit of any solution whether the Nicotiana 
ruatica was originally native in Africa or not, though it 
most likely was. But the definite use of tubbdq for the 
sovereign remedy, recorded not only in Ibn-al-Baitar, 
but also specifically referred to by Nicot as of Moorish 
origin, leaves no doubt behind that the Nicotiana 
tabacum was introduced in Africa either by the Arabs 
or natives and was popularized by a common name 
through the Arabic medical science, which substituted 
the viscous plant for the bitumen, henbane, or other 
viscous plants of the Qraeco-Roman pharmacopoeia. 
Engler says: **It is amazing how rapidly tobacco 
spread in the interior of Africa, that is, if one accepts 
the very likely justified assumption (falls man der 
wohl sicher berechtigten Ansicht beipfiichtet), that at 
least the Virginian tobacco reached the Old World only 
after the discovery of America."* **Since this Nico- 
tiana rustica nearly always has varying native names, 
while the Virginian tobacco is designated by deriva- 
tives from tumbaco^ the assumption is satisfied that the 
latter plant is a new introduction, while the Nicotiana 
rustica has been at home there for a long time. The 
hypothesis established by some that the plant was na- 
tive in Africa before the discovery of America, might 

1 The American AtUhrapologiet, vol. XXm, p. 19 ff. 
< Die PflamenweU OetrAfrikae und der Nachbargebiete, Thdl B., Berlin 
1895, p. 255. 


be going too far, if it were based only on the variant 
names (dtlrfte wohl, wenn einzig auf die verschiedenen 
Namen basirt, etwas zu weit gehen), since other plants, 
unquestionably introduced at a later time, as, for ex- 
ample, maize, have assumed different names in the 
African Babel of languages."^ 

Engler, one of the great authorities in botany, has 
only philological arguments for the antiquity of to- 
bacco in America, but is more cautious than either de 
CandoUe or Schweinf urth, from whom he gets the phil- 
ological data. He is not at all certain that Nicotiana 
ruatica is not a native of Africa, although he is inclined 
to believe that it was introduced into Africa from 
America as late as the undoubtedly American maize. 
But here his philology goes astray. In what way does 
a later introduction produce a variety of names when 
an earlier introduction did not do so? No such cri- 
terion is of the slightest value, since length of time has 
nothing whatsoever to do with the various treatment 
of the two species. Not a thousand years could have 
changed matters. If a late introduction of maize 
could bring about a multiplicity of names, then there 
must have been a corresponding period when the N. 
tabacum had variant names. When and how were they 
all of a sudden abandoned for the one name? Engler 
obviously felt uncomfortable with his modified view 
of de Candolle's and Schweinfurth's opinion, and so 
expressed himself in the hypothetical forms which 
nullify his conclusions. 

We turn to the botanical methods of ascertaining the 
original home of tobacco, and here again we find that 
botany can approach this question only hypothet- 
ically. The limitations imposed by climate and soil 
conditions may help somewhat in narrowing down the 
possible early habitat of a plant, so that one could not 

» Ibid., p. 261. 


look for palms in the temperate zone. But the reverse 
process of migration from the temperate zone to the 
tropical regions is by far a more difficult proposition: 
''It can not be said that the vegetation of the principal 
land areas shows that the movements of species are 
chiefly from colder to warmer regions, yet it is obvious 
that in any series of experiments species from cool re- 
gions may be more easily established in warm places 
than the reverse, and montane plants may come to the 
seashore more easily than the plants of maritime zones 
may spread over a mountain. Disseminational move- 
ments are seen to be freer when they are from regions 
presenting climatic extremes to more equable climates, 
as amply illustrated by the success of so many species 
from the Atlantic states and Arizona highlands on the 
Pacific seashore. Possibly the occurrence of the suc- 
culent Opuntia in Saskatchewan may be considered as 
an example of this as the predominant feature in dis- 
semination."^ Where plants, either naturally or by 
main action, are transferred from one habitat to another, 
variations, sometimes of startling character, may spring 
up immediately, and the new favorable environment 
generally causes a multiplication of the species un- 
known in its original habitat: ''The experiments 
again make it plain that the habitat in which a plant 
may be found, or in which it may have originated, may 
not furnish the most favorable environmental complex, 
as amply illustrated by the behavior of species that 
have become weeds. In other words the fitness of a 
species for its native habitat may not be so close as its 
fitness for other, as yet untried conditions."* "The 
nuts from trees at the lower and higher levels taken to 
the Coastal plantation develop into trees easily separ- 

^ D. T. MacDougal, The Reactiona of Plants to New Habiiata, in Ecology, 
vol. II, (1921), p. 19. 

« Ibid., p. 20. 


able as to form and behavior."^ **The transferrals 
resulted in a development of rootstocks, shoots and 
flowers which in some cases were notably different from 
that exhibited by the species in their native habitats. 
The behavior and formation of an extra leaflet by 
Arisaema has been mentioned above. Fragaria Cali- 
fornia taken to the warmer and more arid climate of 
Tucson developed one or two extra leaflets. F. ovalia 
from the Montane region showed a similar departure 
both at Tucson and at the Coastal plantation. F. 
virginiana did not make extra leaflets at the Montane 
plantation, but did so under the stimulating environ- 
ment at the coast, also showing some ascidial leaves. 
F. California from the coastal region likewise formed 
ascidial leaves when under the influence of unaccus- 
tomed conditions, including high temperatures and 
aridity, at the Desert Laboratory."* **The plants 
transferred developed in some cases rootstocks, shoots, 
and flowers notably different from those of their native 
habitats.'*' When, therefore, the same or closely al- 
lied species are found in two continents, say in Africa 
and South America, we have but the slimmest chance 
of determining the original home by ''botanical'' means. 
Did we not otherwise know that the cardoon and milk 
thistle are of European origin, the interminable tangles 
which these weeds form in some spots in South America 
would lead to the supposition that they started here. 
Hence a botanist can only cautiously refer to the di- 
rection of migration or may entirely refrain from sug- 
gesting it. Engler has pointed out the identity or 
close relationship of nearly two hundred species or 
even families in Africa and America. Of these some 
are ascribed to a conscious introduction into Africa 

» Ibid., p. 17. 
« Ibid., p. 11. 
> Ibid., p. 20. 


from America,^ but the majority are supposed to have 
been carried in the ooze of the bottoms or in some other 
way, and the direction is not indicated. 

The rapidity with which new varieties and species 
arise in new surroundings, by climatic or soil influences, 
has already been pointed out. To this must be added 
the endless and striking possibility of hybridization 
which takes place, not only under cultivation but natur- 
ally in new circumstances. This has been demonstra- 
ted by Focke* and others, who have given long lists of 
new varieties and species, many of which have retained 
permanent characteristics. No plant has in this re- 
spect yielded such remarkable results as the genus 
Nicotiana: "The genus Nicotiana has become especially 
important for the knowledge of the plant bastards. It 
formed the point of issue for the epochal investigations 
of Kolreuter, and has later held the attention of the 
investigators of hybrids, because its varieties enter 
into combinations with each other with astounding 
ease. Plant forms which are so unlike to each other 
that ordinarily one could hardly think of a possibility of 
their crossing, in the genus Nicotiana often produce bas- 
tards without any difficulty."* Focke classes all the 
species of tobacco under three heads. The varieties and 
species which contain in their midst N. ruatica he denom- 
inates as ChlorotabacuiUy those that contain N. tabacum 
as Eutabacuviy and those which contain N. suaveolena 
of New Holland Petuniopsia. Focke remarks that 
N. suaveolens **i8 the only New Holland species which 
in its native home is unusually rich in form and variety; 
the authors of the Flora Auatralis know of no signifi- 
cant difference between it and the American Nicotiana 

1 Ueber floritliaehe Verwandttehaft zimschen dem iropischen Afrika und 
Am^rika^ in SiUmnaaberiehie der KCniglieh Preuasisehen Akademie der 
Wisaetuehaften, Berun 1905, p. 225. 

* W. O. Focke, Die Pfianzen-MiaMinge, ein Beiirag zur Biologic der 
GewOehee, Berlin 1881. 

« Ihid., p. 271. 


acuminata, while the forms of both cultivated in 
Europe diflfer considerably."^ There is no way of 
determining whether the Nicotiana suaveolena is a very 
old plant in Australia or a late sport from an American 
or African variety. A vast number of crosses have 
been produced by botanists and gardeners, many of 
which have developed permanent characteristics. 
Every once in a while a new variety springs up, of whose 
pedigree nothing is known. Thus, in 1905, a beautiful 
garden plant, Nicotiana forgetiana, was brought out of 
Brazil, and a hybrid from this, Nicotiana Sanderae, 
was advertized by a gardening firm.^ A Nicotiana 
torreyana was in 1916 announced from Montana, the 
Yellowstone and Wyoming.' The number of varieties 
in America is very large, but of their antecedents next 
to nothing is known. We shall confine ourselves to 
one of them, Nicotiana glauca, found in Brazil, Argen- 
tine, Chile, Mexico, Texas, and California. Kuntze 
records it growing wild in the whole Mediterranean 
region, in Granda, Monaco, Alexandria, Tripolis, 
Greece, Morocco, Sicily, Sardinia, in the Canary and 
Cape Verde Islands, and in the Herero country.* His 
preconceived notion that it must originate from America 
leads him to state that it apparently spread in late times, 
but of this there naturally is no certainty. We have 
already seen that both Nicotiana tdbacum and rustica 

1 Ibid., p. 286. 

* Curtis^s Botanical Magazine, London 1905, No. 8006. 

< Botanical Gazette, vol. LXI, p. 43 f . 

^ ''Nicotiana glauca, Diese hochstrauchige amerikanische Art hat sich 
anschdnend erst in neuerer Zeit im ganzen Mittdmeergebiet (ich fand sie 
bei Granda und Monaco eigebUrgert, habe sie von Alexandrien (Schwein- 
furth), Tripolis (Ruhmer} gesehen, nach gefl. Mittheilunsen des Herm 
Prof. Knecht kommt sie in Griechenland vor, nach Herm Kector Rensch 
in Marocco, nach Borzi in Sidlien, nach Ascheron in Sardinien) verbreitet, 
nach Christ wftchst sie auf den Ganaren, nach Urban auf den Capverdischen 
Inseln (Leg. Kurtz) und jetzt ist sie auch aus SUdwestafrika bdcannt," 
Kuntze, Flantae Pechudianae Hereroenaes, in Jahrbuch des KCniglichen 
Botanisehen GarieiM, Berlin 1886, p. 268. See also his Revisio generum 
plantarum, Leipzig 1891, pars II, p. 451. 


have been found growing wild in Africa, and they are 
mentioned by H. Pob^guin as indigenous in French 

It is clear from the botanical data that the original 
home of tobacco cannot be ascertained otherwise than 
historically and philologically, as the botanical data 
prove nothing and are correct either way. But some 
archaeologists reck neither philology, history, nor 
botany, and boldly proclaim the antiquity of tobacco and 
the pipe in America on the basis of archaeological data. 
In the chapter on cotton I show how insecure and 
absolutely wrong the data derived from archaeology 
may be. The guano test has completely collapsed 
under close scrutiny, and chronology is in consequence 
demoralized. Some American archaeologists make the 
inexcusable blunder of generalizing archaeological data 
arrived at in Egypt, Babylonia, or Greece, to condi- 
tions in America. In the first place, Egyptian and 
Babylonian chronology has been shifted by centuries 
and even milleniums, even though we have document- 
ary and inscriptional evidence for a large number of 
data. In America we have, with a few insignificant 
exceptions, no written documents for pre-Columbian 
times. Besides, the stratifications formed in the soil 
of Egypt or Babylonia lead to no result whatsoever, if 
applied to Peru, Mexico, or Arizona. We see, in the 
chapter on cotton, how burials and reburials completely 
upset the orderly geological formations, and how the 
guano deposits show no tendency whatsoever for regu- 
lar average increments. Long and painful studies in 
soil changes in Arizona may some day determine 
whether anything like a regular increment of soil de- 
posits is formed there. The chances are against it, 
for in the region of the sandstorms one season may 
transform a region as much as decades and centiuies. 

^ Cdte oceideniale d^Afrique, Paris 1906, p. 332. 


Suppose that here successive layers of various cul- 
tures are found. No matter how different these may 
be, we have not even distantly any criterion for the 
length of each cultural period, which may count by 
milleniums, centiuies, or decades. The fact that a lay- 
er of Basket-makers' culture is found beneath a layer 
of cotton textile culture helps us little, since even the 
stone age is found side by side with the copper and iron 
age. The vagaries of special cultural ages are very 
puzzling and disconcerting, and unless chronological 
data are obtained independently from archaeology the 
latter becomes the most elusive and dangerous of all 
the sciences. Suppose a tobacco pipe filled with the 
substance smoked is found twenty or forty feet below 
the ground, in what is supposed to be a layer of Basket- 
makers' culture. Let us assume that the contents of 
the pipe are analyzed chemically and no trace of nico- 
tine is found in it. This does not prove that tobacco 
was not smoked at that period. Let us assume that 
nicotine is found in it. This would show that tobacco 
was smoked then, but we should still have to ascertain 
the date of the Basket-makers' culture, and here we 
would be let loose in a sea of uncertainty, without 
even a distant chance of solution. The twenty or 
forty feet of soil above the pipe may have originated in 
a vast number of ways, as, indeed, we have found buri- 
als in Peru in deep wells and in guano, where the depth 
may be of human formation. It would take a great 
deal more than the word of an explorer to ascertain the 
position of an object in situ before the exploration, and 
thus the whole archaeological argument disappears as 

Only when archaeological data are checked by his- 
torical and philological considerations is there the least 
chance of arriving at the truth. Where these fail us, 
archaeology is nothing more than guesswork, and the 


conclusions drawn from it are not worth the paper they 
are written on. In the case of tobacco, not a single 
authenticated archaeological datum has been brought 
forward in America to prove that in which even botany 
falters, while philology and history alone furnish us the 
unmistakable data for smoking and pipes in Europe, 
centuries and, possibly, milleniums before the discovery 
of America. 

The hypothetical case of the Basket-maker culture 
was based on the vagaries of an archaeologist. Since 
writing it there have come to my notice two works 
bearing on the subject.^ The authors in an elaborate 
and, on the whole, satisfactory manner have investi- 
gated the Basket-maker caves in Arizona, and we shall 
here analyze the references to tobacco pipes. 

In the earlier expedition * 'pipes of stone were found 
at Sayodneechee (two examples), and in Cave I (one 
example). One of the Sayodneechee pipes is of very 
soft, red sandstone and is in fragmentary condition 
(A-191 1). The shape is very squat and the walls thick; 
what is left of the bowl is lined with a heavy *crust' 
deposited by the smoke. The stem hole, very small in 
proportion to the size of the bowl, holds the rotted 
remains of a wooden mouthpiece. The other Sayod- 
neechee pipe (fig. 94, b) and the one from Einboko 
(fig. 94, a) are much alike in size, shape, and material. 
The bowls are made of fine-grained limestone, banded 
horizontally and darkened by long use. The outer sur- 
faces are polished, but not highly enough to obliterate 
entirely the marks of the pecking tool with which they 
were originally roughed out. The rims are thick, in 
one case flat, in the other rounded. The bowl of each 

^ A. v. Sdder and S. J. Guernsey, Areheotogieal Exploraiuma in North- 
eoBiem Arimma, in Smithsonian Inmtiution, Bureau of Ameriean Ethnology, 
Washineton 1919, Bulletin 65; and S. J. Guernsey and A. V. Kidder, 
Basket-Maker Caves of Northeastern Arisona, Report on the Explorations, 
1916-17, in Papers of the Peabody Museum of Ameriean Archaeology and 
Ethnology, Harvard University, Cambridge 1921, vol. VIII, No. 2. 


is heavily encrusted with the carbonized remains of the 
smoking mixture. The relative size and shape of bowl 
and stem hole is best shown in the illustration. In the 
stem hole of the Kinboko specimen may be seen rem- 
nants of the gum that once fastened the stem in place, 
and the same material was used to mend an incipient 
crack in the bowl. The dimensions of this example are : 
Length, iVie inches; greatest diameter, 1^/4 inches; 
thickness of rim, three-sixteenths inch ; diameter of stem 
hole, one-eighth inch. 

"Two pipes of clay may perhaps best be described 
here. They were the only pottery objects found by 
us that are surely identifiable as Basket Maker prod- 
ucts. One (fig. 94, d. Cave I) is crudely modeled from 
a bit of dark-gray clay ; the surface is lumpy and care- 
lessly finished. The second (A-1967, Sayodneechee) is 
also very poorly made and the surface is irregular. 
While both these specimens are longer and slimmer 
than the stone pipes, they are, nevertheless, much 
squatter than the long, tubular cliff-dwelling type; 
they differ from it also in having a distinct bowl much 
larger than the orifice which receives the stem. Al- 
though we recovered no example with the mouth- 
piece preserved, its nature is illustrated by a pipe in 
the Deseret Museum, Salt Lake City, probably from 
Cottonwood Canyon, Utah, which has a short, straight 
stem made from a 2-inch section of hollow bird bone. 
The bowl is of horizontally banded limestone, heavy, 
squat, and flat-lipped; in every way similar to our 
specimens. A Basket-maker pipe with wooden stem 
is figured by Montgomery in Moorehead's *Stone Age 
in North America,' vol. II, p. 38, fig. 436."^ One 
stone pipe and part of a clay pipe come from Cist E, 
of which the authors say: **Cist E, a circular slab 

^ Kidder and Guernsey, Areheologieal Exphratians in Northeaatem 
Arizona, p. 187 f. 


inclosure, had evidently been plundered; there re- 
mained in it, however, a stone pipe, part of a clay 
pipe .''^ Plundered graves cannot form the 

starting point for any chronology or the ascertainment 
of culture to which the objects belong, since these pipes 
may have gotten much later into the opened graves. 
Besides, as, by the authors' own statement, pottery has 
not been definitely ascribed to the Basket-makers,^ no 
clay pipe can be definitely ascribed to them. Again, 
since **a (tubular) clay pipe was found on the surface 
of a small ruin on the top of the mesa at the mouth of 
Sagi Canyon,''* which they do not ascribe to the Basket- 
makers, there is no reason to give another chronology 
for the first clay pipe. One stone pipe was found in 
Cist B at Sayodneechee where skeletons of nineteen 
persons were packed together, and the origin or fate 
of this cist was a puzzle to the authors.^ I cannot lo- 
cate in the book the remaining stone pipe, but as it is 
identical in shape with others, nothing new is learned 
from it. In their later work the authors asserted that 
**no specimens of true pottery, either vessel or sherd, 
have yet been found by us under circumstances indi- 
cating that it was a Basket-maker product. All but 
one of the several jars discovered came from the sur- 
face sand overlying the Basket-maker deposits; they 
are of common cliff-house ware, and were undoubtedly 
cached in the caves at a comparatively late date. 
The exception is a pot found in Sunflower Cave in 1915, 
lying below a cliff-house floor. This was figured in 
our previous report and referred to as possibly of 
Basket-maker origin. It is of plain black ware, un- 
corrugated; in shape it is almost spherical. No 
further evidence that the Basket-makers produced ves- 

> /Wd., p. 82. 
« Ihid., p. 208 f. 
» /Wd., p. 144. 
* Ihid., p. 29 f . 


sels of this type has since come to light, and we are 
inclined to consider it early Puebloan."^ This once 
more excludes the clay pipe, and, indeed, ''no pipes 
were found in 1916-1917."^ "The Casa Grande people 
used in smoking perforated tubes of clay or stone re- 
sembling pipes. The cane cigarette also was common- 
ly used as shown by rejected canes found in great 
abundance in some of the rooms of Compound A. A 
large number of these canes are found also in shrines 
or other sacred places of the Hohokam, where they were 
placed by the ancients. 

**A broken pipe made of clay was excavated at Casa 
Grande and another was found on the ground. The 
former object has a slight enlargement of the perfora- 
tion at one end. Although much of the stem is missing, 
there is no doubt that this pipe belongs to the type 
called the straight-tube variety, which is considered by 
the best authorities to be the prehistoric form in the 
Southwest.'" We have here, in the same region, but 
not in Basket-maker territory, the same tubular pipe, 
obviously a development of the Mexican yetecomatl, 
when tobacco became common in Mexico. From here 
the specifically Mexican tubular pipe spread to the 
North-west. It is found abundantly in British Col- 
umbia, where ''as late as 1891 there were Indians who 
still used the straight tubular pipe."^ With these facts 
before us, the proof of the antiquity of tobacco smoking 
in North America turns out to be of a piece with the 
proof of the antiquity of cotton in South America, as 
based on the guano deposits. 

^ Guernsey and Kidder, Baaket-Maker Caves of Nariheastem AriMona, 
p. 98. 

» Ibid., p. 95. 

< TweiUy^hth Annual Report of ike Bureau of American Ethnology to 
the Secretary of tke SmUheonian InetUuHan, (1906-1907), Washington 1912, 
p. 135 f . 

* H. I. Smith, The Arehaeologieal CoUeetUm from the Southern Interior of 
British Columbia, Ottawa 1913, p. 33. 


The Cowries. 

The 154th Chinese radical is ^ pei, which, in the 

older rounded form, is ^: ''A cowrie, a small shell 

used for money in China in early feudal times. They 
were current together with the coppers invented later 
on, till under the Ch'in Dynasty (3rd Century B. C); 
then the cowries were left out. The character repre- 
sents the shell, and the feelers with which it moves. It 
is the 154th radical of characters relating to values 
and trade. ''^ The very large number of derivatives 
from this character relating to barter, and the presence 
of these derivatives in the ancient classics make it 
certain that the shell of certain marine animals was 
employed more than a millenium before the Christian 
era as currency. Indeed, it is already mentioned under 
the Hia dynasty (2000-1550 B. C.),* and in the Pen- 
tsao the compounds pei-tze, peirtcKi are used for the 
cowries of the Eastern Sea, that is, south-east of the 
Shantung peninsula,' but the modern ho^pei^ also goes 
back to an earlier form, as we shall later see. In the 
second century B. C. there are also references to tze-pei 
**purple shell,"* which was two or three inches long and 
**was formerly found on the shores of the prefecture 

* L. Wieger, Chinese Charaeters, trans, by L. Davrout, Ho-kien-fu 1915, 
vol. I, p. 323. 

* S. Lane-Poole, Coine and Medah, London 1894, p. 192. 
» Ibid., p. 194. 

* The Journal of the Royal AsiaHe Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 
London 1888, vol. XX, p. 432. 

» Lane-Poole, op. eit., p. 194. 


of Teng-tchou, north of the Shantung peninsula."^ In 
mediaeval Chinese works dealing with the trade in the 
East Indies, the cowries are mentioned as pei^ pev-tze, 
and tze-pei. 

The earliest European account of Chinese cowries 
is contained in Marco Polo, where their use as cur- 
rency is mentioned in the province of Carajan: "Their 
money is such as I will tell you. They use for the 
purpose certain white porcelain shells that are found 
in the sea, such as are sometimes put on dogs' collars; 
and 80 of these porcelain shells pass for a single weight 
of silver, equivalent to two Venice groats, i. e. 24 pic- 
coli. Also eight such weights of silver count equal to 
one such weight of gold."* The Italian version' has 
^'porcellane bianche" for **white porcelain shells." The 
lYench version has for it '^pourcelaines blanches,"* but 
the old Spanish translation writes ''lur moneda es 
porgellas qui se troban en la mar et LXXX daquellas 
porcellanas valen un peso."* From these it is clear 
that Marco Polo's porcellanas was understood in the 
XIV. century as being in some way derived from porco 
**pig." This is also brought out in the Genoese inven- 
tories of 1389 and 1390, where there is reference to 
''conchetta una nigra purzelette, couchette due de 
porcelleta, conchete quatuor porcellete,''^ where, what- 
ever the word may have been, it is freely derived from 
porcellana, just as in the case of the Span, porcella. 
Marco Polo asserted that these porcellane were not 
native to Carajan, but were brought from India.*^ 

^ /Wd., p. 193. 

* H. Yule, The Book of Marco Polo, London 1871, vol. II, p. 39. 

< G. B. BaldeUi-Boni, II MUione di Marco Poh, Firenze 1827, vol. I, 
p. 110 f. 

* M. G. Pauthier, Le line de Marco Polo, Paris 1865, p. 389. 

* H. Knust, El libro de Marco Polo, ed. by R. Stuebe, Leipzig 1902, p. 44. 

* AUi deOa Societd Ligwre di Storia Patria, Genoa 1866, vol. IV, p. 184. 
' Yule, op, eit., vol. II, p. 46. 


Marco Polo also mentions the manufacture of por- 
celain at Tyunju in China, using the same word for it 
as for the cowrie shell: ''Let me tell you also that in 
this province there is a town called Tyunju, where 
they make vessels of porcelain of all sizes, the finest 
that can be imagined. They make it nowhere but in 
that city, and thence it is exported all over the world. 
Here it is abundant and very cheap, insomuch that for 
a Venice groat you can buy three dishes so fine that 
you could not imagine better."^ A later edition of 
the Italian text has an amplification of the story, ac- 
cording to which the porcelain is found in a mine, from 
which it is brought out into the open, to weather for 
forty years, in order to refine it. Consequently the 
porcelain is gathered up so that only the children or 
grandchildren are benefited by it.* The confusion be- 
tween "cowrie shell" and * 'porcelain" in Marco Polo 
is due to a double popular etymology, one Chinese, the 
other Italian. Marco Polo heard in southern China 
the common diminutive pei tsz, where it sounds puitsz 
"cowrie shell," which reminded him of Ital. porce. At 
the same time the "white porcelain," which is called 
pai ts^z, in Canton pak U'z, at Fu-Kien, where 
he saw the porcelain, was pronounced almost as the 
word for the "cowrie shell."* Marco Polo also knew 
that Ital. porcellano was used for puzzolana, as at 

» Ibid., p. 186. 

> "E doye si parte dall' alveo maestro vi ^ la citt4 di Tinfiiii. Delia quale 
non si ha da dir altro, se non che in quella si fanno le scodelle e piadene di 
VoreeUa'M in guesto modo, secondo che li fu detto. Raccolgono una certa 
terra come di una miniera, e ne fanno monti ^ndi, e lasdanli al vento, 
alia pioggia e al sole, per trenta, e quaranta anni, che non li muovono. E in 
questo spazio di tempo la detta terra si affina, che poi si pu6 far dette 
scodelle, alle quali danno disopra li colori che vogliono, e poi le cuocono 
nella fomace. E sempre quelli, che raccolgono detta terra, la raccolgono per 
suoi figliuoli, o nepoti. Vi h in detta dttii a gran mercato, di sortech^ per 
un groeso veneziano si aveHt otto scodelle," Baldelli-Boni, op. dUt vol. II, 
p. 354 f . 

* "Selon la G6ographie impdriale, on y fabriquait anciennement des 
'vases en parcelaine blanche' (vi-tsi-k'i); quand la blancheur en 6tait pure, 
sans tache, ils ^aient tr^recherch^/' Pauthier, op, eit., p. 532. 


Genoa, ^ and since to him porcelain was some kind of 
cement, and the shells had a glaze similar to that of 
porcelain, he with easy conscience chose porcellana to 
express both ideas. 

The confusion of the Italian editor of Marco Polo, 
who told of the long time it took for the mined porce- 
lain to weather, is due to an exaggeration of the Arabic 
account of Ibn-Batutah, according to whom the ma- 
terial which was mined in a mountain had to be burnt 
and weathered for a month, in order to produce the 
whitest of porcelain.* This apocryphal story took 
possession of the authors who had read Marco Polo, 
and, from the latter 's use of porcellana both for * 'cowrie'* 
and ''porcelain," arose the story of the manufacture of 
porcelain from cowrie shells. Damiano a Goes, at 
the end of the XV. century, wrote, "scutellae mira arte 
ex calce concharum fictae, quas porcellanas vocant."^ 
"Barbosa wrote about 1616, 'They make in this coun- 
try a great quantity of porcelains of different sorts, 
very fine and good, which form for them a great article 
of trade for all parts, and they make them in this way. 
They take the shells of sea-snails, and egg-shells, and 
pound them, and with other ingredients make a paste, 
which they put underground to refine for the space of 

' We have also Catalan poreeUana "puxEolana, cement." 

* "On ne fabrique pas en Chine la poroelaine, d ce n'est dans les villes de 
Zeltoiin et de Stn-calftn. EUe est faite au moyen d'une terre tir^e des 
montagnes qui se trouvent dans oes districts, laquelle terre prend feu comme 
du chsA>on, ainsi que nous le dirons plus tard. Les potiers y ajoutent une 
certaine pierre qui se trouve dans le pays; ils la font brCUer pendant trois 
jours, puis versent Teau par-dessus, et le tout devient comme une poussi^re 
ou une terre qu'ils font fermenter. Celle dont la fermentation a dur^ un 
mois ender, mais pas plus, donne la meilleure porcelaine; celle qui n'a 
ferments que pendant six jours, en donne une de quality inf^eure k la 
pr6c6dente. La poroelaine en Chine vaut le m6me priz que la poterie ehes 
nous, ou encore moins. On I'exporte dans Tlnde et les autres contr6es» 
jusqu'i ce qu'elle arrive dans la ndtre, le Maghreb. C'est I'esp^ la plus 
belle de toutes les poteries/' C. Defrtoery and B. R. Sanguinetti, Voyages 
d^Ibn Batautah, Paris 1879, vol IV, p. 256. 

* W. Heyd, Histaire du commerce du Levant au moyenrdge, Leipzig 1886, 
voL II, p. 678. 


eighty or a hundred years, and this mass of paste they 
leave as a fortune to their children.' In 1615, Bacon 
said, ^If we had in England beds of porcelain such as 
they have in China, which porcelain is a kind of plaster 
buried in the earth and by length of time congealed and 
glazed into that substance; this were an artificial mine, 
and part of that substance/ Sir Thomas Browne, in 
his Vulgar Errors, asserted, *We are not thoroughly 
resolved concerning Porcellane or China dishes, that 
according to common belief they are made of earth, 
which Ueth in preparation about an hundred years 
underground; for the relations thereof are not only 
divers but contrary; and Authors agree not herein.' 
These fables were refuted at the end of the sixteenth 
and seventeenth centuries by travellers who had occa- 
sion to make observations on the spot. Juan Gonzalez 
de Mendoza, who wrote in 1585, reiterated Barbosa's 
story, and (in the early English translation) called its 
validity into doubt; for, if it were true, the Chinese, 
in his opinion, could not turn out so great a number of 
porcelains as is made in that kingdom and exported to 
Portugal, Peru, New Spain, and other parts of the 
world. J. Neuhof, who accompanied the embassy of 
the East India Company of the Netherlands to China 
from 1655 to 1657, scorns the 'foolish fabulists of whom 
there are not a few still nowadays who made people 
believe that porcelain is baked from egg-shells pounded 
and kneaded into a paste with the white of an egg, or 
from shells and snail-shells, after such a paste has been 
prepared by nature itself in the ground for some hun- 
dred years.' The Jesuit, L. Le Compte, rectified this 
error by saying that it is a mistake to think that there 
is requisite one or two hundred years to the preparing 
of the matter for the porcelain, and that its composi- 
tion is so very difficult; if that were so, it would be 
neither so common, nor so cheap.' These two authors 



were seconded by E. Tsbrants Ides. The analogy of 
the beliefs in the origin of mnrrines and porcelain is 
striking; and this fancy has doubtless taken its root in 
the Orient, whence crafty dealers propagated it in the 
interest of their business."^ 

From the IX. century on we have many references 
in the Arabic authors to the cowries in Asia and Africa. 
Suleiman says: ** Their (the Maldivians') money con- 
sists of cowries (t^J wa4a*). The queen stores these 

cowries in her treasuries. ' ' * 'The cowries come up to the 
surface of the water, and contain a living creature ; a coco- 
tree branch is thrown into the water, and the cowries 
attach themselves to it. The cowry is called kabath/^* 
The foreign name is a transcription of Sinhalese kava- 
diya or Malayalam kavadi. Mas'tidl tells very nearly 
the same story: ''The queen has no other money but 
cowries, which are a kind of molluscs. When sljie sees 
her treasure diminishing, she orders her islanders to 
cut coco-branches with their leaves, and to throw them 
upon the surface of the water. To these the creatures 
attach themselves, and are then collected and spread 
upon the sandy beach, where the sun rots them, and 
leaves only the empty shells, which are then carried to 
the treasury."' Albiruni (A. D. 1030) calls the islands 
Divah Kauzah (or Kavzah or Kuzah) "the island of 
cowries, because there they gather cowries from the 
branches of the coco-nut palms, which they plant in 
the sea."* Edrisi (1099-1186) writes: "Commerce is 
carried on by means of shells. They are distant from 
one another about six miles. Their king preserves 

^ B. Laufer, The Beginnings of Porcelain in China, in Field Museum of 
Natural HieUiry, Publication 192 (Anthropological Series), vol. XV, No. 2, 
p. 135 f. 

* A. Gray and H. C. P. Bell, The Voyage of Francois Pyrard (The Hakluyt 
Society}, London 1890, vol. IP, p. 429. 

< lUd., p. 430. 

« Ibid., p. 431. 


these shells in his treasury, and he possesses the greater 
portion of them They say that the shells 

which compose the royal treasure are found on the sur- 
face of the water in calm weather. They throw into 
the sea pieces of coco-wood, and the shell-fish attach 

themselves thereto."^ They are called j^^, obviously 
a mispointed kavadi, as before. 

Ibn Batutah (c. 1350) is of especial interest in con- 
nection with the cowries, because of his reference to their 
use as ballast and sale in Africa. ''The money of the 
islanders consist of wa4a\ This is the name of a mol- 
lusc, collected in the sea and placed in pits dug out on 
the beach. Its flesh decays and only the white shell 
remains. A hundred of them is called siya, and 700 
f&l; 12,000 are called kotta, and 100,000 bostfi. Bar- 
gains are struck through the medium of these shells, 
at the rate of four bostfi to a dtnftr of gold. Often they 
are of less value, such as twelve bostfi to a dtn&r. The 
islanders sell them for rice to the people of Bengal, 
where also they are used for money. They are sold in 
the same way to the people of Yemen, who use them 
for ballast in their ships in place of sand. These shells 
serve also as a medium of exchange with the negroes 
in their native country. I have seen them sold, at 
M&li and at Jfijfi, at the rate of 1,150 to a dtn&r."' In- 
deed, Jo&o de Barros, in the beginning of the XVI. 
century, confirms the earlier Arabic accounts of the 
cowries in the Maldive Islands and their export to 
Africa, and adds the important item that the cowries 
were exported from Asia to Portugal, and from there only 
to Guinea: ''There is also a kind of shellfish, as small 
as a snail, but differently shaped, with a hard, white, 
lustrous shell, some of them, however, being so highly 
coloured and lustrous that, when made into buttons 
and set in gold, they look like enamel. With these shells 

1 Ibid., p. 432. < /Md., p. 444. 


for ballast many ships are laden for Bengal and Siam, 
where they are used for money, just as we use small 
copper money for buying things of little value. And 
even to this kingdom of Portugal, in some years as 
much as two or three thousand quintals are brought 
by way of ballast; they are then exported to Guinea, 
and the kingdoms of Benin and Congo, where also they 
are used for money, the Gentiles of the interior in those 
parts making their treasure of it. Now the manner in 
which the islanders gather these shells is this: — they 
make large bushes of palm leaves tied together so as 
not to break, which they cast into the sea. To these 
the shellfish attach themselves in quest of food; and 
when the bushes are all covered with them, they are 
hauled ashore and the creatures collected. All are 
then buried in the earth till the fish within have rotted 
away. The shells (buzios as we, and Igovos as the 
negroes, call them) are then washed in the sea, be- 
coming quite white, and so dirtying the hands less than 
copper money. In this kingdom (Portugal) a quintal 
of them is worth from three to ten cruzados, according 
as the supply from India is large or small. "^ 

Cowries were still in use in the Sahara oases in the 
XIX. century: "Small wares are sold by the wadah, 
which are the currency of the Sudan, while those of a 
greater value are bartered for gold dust. The wadah 
of the Christian countries are not the only ones which 
are current ; they fish for some in the Niger by throwing 
in the skins of freshly flayed cattle and taking them 
out the next day, when they remove the shells caught 
in the night. "^ Daumas pronounces the word uda, and 
Cherbonneau tide.' 

» Ibid., p. 484 f. 

* £. Daumas, Le Sahara algMen, Paris 1845, p. 300. 

* "OudS, coquiUage de mer bigarr^, en forme de grain de caf6 et fendu par 
le milieu (porcelaine de mer), DifinUion lexiffraphique de plusieurs motB 
uHUs datu le Umgage de VAfrique eeptentrionale, in journal asiatique, ser. 
IV. vol. XIII, p. 70. 


In the beginning of the XVI. century, Pacheco 
Pereira told of the use of cowries as currency in South 
Africa: ''In the Goat Islands the Negroes gather cer- 
tain small snails (buzios), which are not larger than 
pine-nuts with their shells and which they call zimbos. 
These pass in Manicongo for money, and fifty of them 
they give for a chicken, and three hundred are the 
price of one goat, and similarly other things ; and when 
Manicongo wants to do a favor to some of his noble- 
men or to pay for a service done him, he orders a cer- 
tain number of these zimbos to be given him, in the 
same manner as our princes give a money favor in our 
Kingdom to him who deserves it, and many times to 
him who does not deserve it; and in the land of Beny 
they use snails for money, which are somewhat larger 
then the zimbos of Manicongo and which they call in 
Benj iguou.''^ 

Pigafetta, at the end of the XVI. century, described 
the same sea-shells in Congo: ''This island (Loanda) 
furnishes the money used by the King of Congo and the 
neighbouring people; for along its shores women dive 
under water, a depth of two yards and more, and, filling 
their baskets with sand, they sift out certain small 
shell-fish called Lumachej and then separate the male 

^ "Duas ilhaa pequenaa, baizas e rrasas, de pouco aruoredo, que chamam 
as ilhas das Cabras, e estas estam miiito perto de terra e sam pouoradas doe 
nesjos do senhorio de Maniconguo; e ainda vay adiante a terra de Conguo; 
e nestas ilhas apanham os ditos negros huHa bumoa pequenos, que nam sam 
maiores que piniioeSs com sua casca, a que dies chamam 'einboa*, os quaes em 
terra de Maniconguo correm por mo^la, e sinooenta d'elles dam por htia 
galinha, e trezentos valem hfla cabra, e aay as outras cousas segundo sam; 
e quando Manicon«> quer faser mero^ a algufis seus fidalguos ou paguar 
algufl servi^o que Ine lazem, manda-lhe dar certo numero d'estes zimbos 
pmo modo que os nossos prindpes faiem mercd da moeda d'estes Reynos a 

auem Iha merece, e muitas vezes a quem Iha nam merece; e na terra do 
ieny, de que ja he escrito no quarto item do sedmo capitolo do seg^mdo 
liuro, husam hufis bussws por moeda, hum pouco mayores que estes zimboa 
de Maniconguo, aos quaes bmhs no Beny chamam 'ignou*, e todalas cousas 
por elles compram, e quem mays d'elles tem, mais rico he/' Eamenddo de 
aUu arbis, in BoleUm da Sociedade de geographia de Lisboa, Lisboa 1904, 22*. 
ser., p. 346 f. 


from the female, the latter being most prized for its 
colour and brightness. These Lumache are found 
along all the coasts of Congo, but those of Loanda are 
finest, being transparent, and in colour somewhat like 
the chrysolite, with other kinds, not as greatly valued. 
It must be remembered that gold, silver, and other 
metals are not valued, nor used as money in these coun- 
tries; and so it happens that with gold and silver in 
abundance, either in mass or in coin, yet nothing can 
be bought except with Lumache. In this island are 
seven or eight towns, known in the language of the 
country as Libata. The principal one, called il Santo 
Spirito, is where the Governor resides, who is sent from 
Congo to administer justice, and amasses riches from 
these Lumache.''^ Nearly a century later Dapper gave 
their Bantu name as cimbo, which appears in Ogilby's 
translation as ''simhoy or little horn-shell." **They have 
two sorts of Simbo'Sy which serve in lieu of Money, 
viz. pure Simbo'Sj taken under the Island of Lovando, 
and used for Trade in Punto; and impure, or Brazile, 
brought from Rio de Janero, and used in Songo and 
Pinda, and in the Countreys of Anna Xinga, beyond 
Massingam, and among the Jages. The Simbo's of 
Lovando are also of two sorts, a finer and a courser, 
separated by Sifting, the latter they name Simbos Sis- 
ado's; the other; Fonda and Bomba. Both these they 
send to Congo, being carried thither upon the Heads of 
the Blacks, in Sacks made of Straw, every Sack weigh- 
ing two Aroba's, that is, threescore and four Pound."* 
"They have no Coyn'd Money, either of Gold, Silver, 
or Copper; but, as we have often mention'd, make all 
their Markets with little Shells, call'd Simboes^ which 

^ M. Hutchinson, A Report of the Kingdom of Congo, and of the Surround- 
ing Countries; Drawn out of we WrUings and Discourses of the Portuguese, 
DuarU Logest, by Filippo Pigafetta, in Rome, 1691, London 1881» p. 18 f. 

* J. Onibv, Africa: Being an Accwraie Description of the Regions of 
Aegupt, Baroary, Lyhia, and Billedulgerid, the Land of Negroes, Guinee, 
Amtopia, and the Ahyssines, London 1670, p. 561. 


pass here as Current, but in other Countreys of no es- 
teem or value: And the Portuguese use them in their 
Passage, when they or their Pomberoes, that is Slaves, 
are sent with Merchandise to Pombo, and other Places 
lying up the Countrey, out of Angola, Lovando, Sante 
Paulo, through Congo. "^ Cavazzi says that the zimbij 
as he calls them, were taken out of the sea at Benguela,^ 
as well as at Loanda, where the ''lumachette" or 
**chiocciolette,*' that is, * 'little snails," were more dim 
in color and so more esteemed ;' but the most precious 
came from Cabocco.^ In Kimbundu, of Angola, njim' 
bu still has the meaning of ''conch, shell, "^ but in 
Kongo, njimbu means "beads, money, blue currency,"* 
in a dialect of this language, Kikongo, mimbu "currency, 
blue beads, "^ in Piote, mimbu "necklace of beads."® 

According to Knivet, the native money was {gull) 
ginbo "a shell of a fish that they find by the shore-side; 
and from Brazil the Portugals do carry great store of 
them to Angola."^ In 1782 one hundred thousand of 

1 Ibid., p. 536. 

* "Alle spiaggie si pescano i Zimbi, de' quali, dicemmo valersi la gente in 
vece di moneta, spenden doli k numero, & k misura/' Istoriea deservswm de' 
tre* regrU^ Congo, Malamba, et Angola, Bologna 1687» p. 11 (I. 20}. 

* "Dinmpetto alia Cittii distante un quarto di miglio stendesi nel Mare 
un' Isola lunga cinque leghe, e larga, al pid, un miglio scarso: ^ui pescansi 
lumaehdte, d ehioeeiolette, che per essere di colore pi5 oscuro, lisae, et aottili, 
8ono in maggiore stima, e corrono trk Neri in vece di moneta ne loro con- 
tratti," ibiSr, p. 17 (l- 32). 

* "In Cabocco, Terra dell' istessa Prouincia, trouand Lumaehette di gran 
preszo appresso la gente del Congo, ascendendo il valore di una collana di 
queste al cambio di uno Schiauo; se ne seruono le Persone di condizione, 
e singolarmente le femmine per omamento, dngendosene tutto il corpo; 
& ^ mercanda, dalla quale gli nabitatori cauano considerabile emolumento/' 
ihid., p. 19 (I. 37). 

* J. D. Cordeiro da Matta, Ensaio de diedonario ldwMnd%ir^poriugun, 
Lisboa 1893. 

* W. H. Bentley* Dictionary oM Grammar of the Kongo Language, London 
1887, 1895. 

"* R. Butaye, Didtomtam kUcongo-fran^aii, frangaMnkongo, Roulers 
> A. Yiflseq, DicUonnaire fiot-frangais, Paris 1890. 

* E. G. Ravenstein, The Strange Adieniures of Andrew BatM of Leigh, 
in Angola and the Adjoining Regions (The Hakluyt Society), London 1901, 
p. 96. 


these mimbu formed a cofoy that is, '"box," but the term 
cofo was already employed in 1516.^ In the XVII. 
centiuy the nzimbu^ like the nsanga^ was the common 
coin in Congo: ''There are Shells they call Zimbi 
which come from Congo, for which all things are to be 
bought as if they were Mony; two thousand of them 
are worth a Maccute. The People of Congo value 
these Shells, tho they are of no use to them, but only 
to trade with other Africans who adore the Sea, and 
call these Shells which their Country does not afford, 
God's Children: For which reason they look upon 
them as a Treasure, and take them in exchange for any 
sort of Goods they have. Among them he is richest 
and happiest who has most of them."^ 

The Chinese Cypraea moneta "was derived chiefly 
from the Pescadores Islands, between Formosa Sea and 
the mainland,'' from which region not less than 44 
species of cowries are recorded.' But it is clear, not 
only from the Chinese sources, but also from Dap- 
per, Cavazzi, and others, that the darker kind was 
more highly valued in Africa, which is merely a preser- 
vation of the relative values of the Chinese tsze-pei and 
pet, the * 'purple shell" and the ordinary "shell," as 
existing for milleniums. It is not easy to determine 
the original pronunciation of Chinese pet, but since the 
pearl oyster was in Athenaeus given as P8q68Qi, in 
Mas'udI as balbaly^ while in the Maldives the name of 
the Cypraea moneta stiU is boli or boliy the original form 
of pet was, in all probability, par or per. Pyrard de 
Laval has the following references to the word: "At 

1 L. Cordeiro, Memorias do UUramar. Viagens, exphraedes e eonqui^^a8 
do8 Partuguetes, Lisboa 1881, p. 8. 

* J. ChurchUl, A CoUeetian of Voyages and TraivdB, London 1704, vol. I, 
p. 620. 

* Terrien de Laoouperie, The MetaUie Cowries of Ancient China, in The 
Journal of the Royal Asiatie Society, London 1888, vol. XX, p. 439. 

* C. B. de Meynard and P. de Courteille, Les prairies (for, Paris 1861-77, 
p. 328 f. 


first, when our people came there, a Portuguese ship 
of 400 tons was at anchor in the roads, having come 
from Cochin with a full cargo of rice, to take away 
bolysy or shells, to Bengal, where they are in great 
demand."^ **From the house to the place of burial 
they scatter over the road bolys (which are little shells, 
of which I shall speak in their place), to the end that the 
poor may collect them and make a profit."* "There 
is another kind of wealth at the Maldives, viz., certain 
little shells containing a little animal, large as the tip of 
the little finger, and quite white, polished, and bright: 
they are fished twice a month, three days before and 
three days after the new moon, as well as at the full, 
and none would be got at any other season. The 
women gather them on the sands and in the shallows 
of the sea, standing in the water up to their waists. 
They called them Boly^ and export to all parts an 
infinite quantity, in such wise that in one year I have 
seen thirty or forty whole ships loaded with them with- 
out other cargo. All go to Bengal, for there only is 
there a demand for a large quantity at high prices. The 
people of Bengal use them for ordinary money, al- 
though they have gold and silver and plenty of other 
metals; and, what is more strange, kings and great 
lords have houses built expressly to store these shells, 
and treat them as part of their treasure. All the 
merchants from other places in India take a large quan- 
tity to carry to Bengal, where they are always in de- 
mand ; for they are produced nowhere but at the Mal- 
dives, on which account they serve as petty cash, as I 
have said. When I came to Mal4 for the first time, 
there was a vessel at anchor from Cochin, a town of the 
Portuguese, of 400 tons burthen; the captain and 
merchants were Mestifs, the others Christianised 

* Gray, op. ciL, vol. I, p. 78. 
» Ibid., p. 157. 


Indians, all habited in the Portugaese fashion, and they 
had come solely to load with these shells for the Bengal 
market. They give 20 coquetees [?kegs] of rice for a 
parcel of shells: for all these Bolys are put in parcels of 
12,000, in little baskets of coco leaves of open work, 
lined inside with cloth of the same coco tree, to prevent 
the shells falling out. These parcels or baskets of 
12,000 are negotiated there as bags of silver are here, 
which between merchants are taken as counted, but 
not by others: for they are so clever at counting, that 
in less than no time they will take tally of a whole par- 
cel. Also in Cambaye and elsewhere in India they 
set the prettiest of these shells in articles of furniture, 
as if they were marbles or precious stones.'*^ "The next 
greatest trade is carried on with Bengal, and the mer- 
chandise carried there most frequently is the little 
shells of the Maldives, wherewith every year many 
vessels are laden. The Maldive i>eople call them 
Boly, but the other Indians call them Caury: in these 
they make a marvellous profit all over India. "^ To 
this must be added the Malay beya^ hiya ''cowrie shell, 
duties, toll, taxes,'' which is also found in Sundanese 
and other Malay languages. This is ejther a deriva- 
tive from the Sinhalese bella or the Chin. pei. The 
latter is more likely, however, since we have also Siam- 
ese bia "cowrie." In any case, the "cowrie" words in 
Asia so far discussed are all derived from one source. 

Samuel Braun, in the beginning of the XVII. century, 
says that the Dutch bought accary, precious beads, at 
Benin and Amboy, giving in exchange "little white 
horns and snails with which horse bridles are adorned," 
and which the natives call abuy.^ Nearly a century 

1 Ibid., p. 236 ff. 

< Ibid., p. 438. 

* G. Heimhig, Samuel Braun, der ente deutsehe wissensehafUiehe Afrikor 
reisertde, Beitrag zur ErforsehungsgeschichU won Westafrika, Baad 1900, 
p. 60. 


later Barbot gives an English word hoejiesy which, he 
says, has the same sound in Wolof and Peul, and at the 
Gold Coast.^ The absence of the word in the modern 
Negro languages shows that it was not of native origin 
and did not succeed in maintaining itself. The history 
of the ahuy words is best studied in their chronological 

We have already met with the Portuguese term 
huzio for "cowrie.'* Ramusio quotes a Portuguese 
pilot in 1520 to the effect that in Ethiopia, that is, in 
the interior of Africa, money was represented by the 
shells which in Italy were called porcellette, in Portugal 
btLzios.^ Two years earlier Barbosa told of the small 
buzios of the Maldive Islands, which were current in 
Cambay and Bengal and were cleaner than copper 
coin.' Another Portuguese account, of about the same 
time, found its way into Ramusio. Here we have a 
very detailed statement as to the Maldive shell cur- 
rency of India.* 

I Churchill, op. eit., vol. V, p. 417. 

* G. B. Ramusio, Ddle navigatumi et viaggi, Venetia 1588, vol. I, fol. 117a. 

* "Daquy leuaom tambem hiius huMios pequenge, que he grande merca- 
doiia pera ho r^^no de Cambaia e Bengala, honde corempor moeda baixa, 
e hamna por mais limpa e melhor que ha do cobre," Livro de Duarte Barbosa, 
in CoUeec^ de iwtieias para a hMma e geo(frafia dae nacdes uUramarinas, 
Usboa 1867, vol. II, p. 348. 

* "Ciaacuno pou vale 80, bunos, do kporeeUeUe, di sorte che dascuno 
caho vale 1280. pareeUeUe, vale dascuno Tamcat 9870. pareeUeUe d Bwnos; 
& un Calaim h 458. che h il prezzo. per il quale danno una gallina buona. 
& per questo si potra sapere quello che potranno comprare per quelle, 
chiamansi li Bunos in Bengala Curi. questi Busiae corrono per moneta in 
Oriza, & in tutto il Regno di Bengala, A in Arquam, A in Martabane, & 
per tutto il regno di Pegu, li Bwrias di Bengala sono maggiori, & tengono 
un segno giallo per il mezso, li ^uali vagliono per tutta la terra di Bengala, 
li piguano in gran quantitk di mercantie cod come oro, & in Orizanon 
vaghono tanto come m altre parti sono ai>prezsati^ massimamente in questi 
duoi luo^ di Pegu, & Araquam. gli eletti & mighori vengono portati dalle 
isole di Diua in gran quantitli," op. cit., vol. I, fol. 334a. "La moneta 
piccola di pegu sono Buwioe piccoli bianchi: ^neralmente vi^ono in 
Martabane qmndidmila una viza, che sono x. catais, quando h buon mercato 
sededmila, quido sono molto cari quattordidmila, il generale quattor- 
dicimila, vale in calain millednquecento Buzios, & per quattrocento 6 
dnquecento danno una gallina: (che viene al modo di Venetia un marchetto;) 


In the XVII. century Dapper referred to hoesjea as 
used instead of money at Benin, ^ and Ogilby, who 
borrowed his material chiefly out of Dapper, spoke 
soon after of ''East-India little horns, or Shells, which 
they use in stead of Money. ''^ Still later Barbot called 
these shells in English boesjes^ hottsiesy hoejiea, and in 
French houges: "Two BousieSy or Cauries^ East-India 
shells, which serve for ornaments in necklaces, and go 
for money at Fida and Ardra."' ''At the common 
price of three Boeajes (or Cauris) a sort of little white 
shells, of the Maldivy islands in the East-Indies, which 
are there the current money, and those three Cauris 
may perhaps cost us about a farthing."^ "For an in- 
stance of their great dexterity herein, tho* some factors 
have their BoejieSy in small barrels, sewed up in sacks, 
the Blacks, as they carry them along the way, cut the 
sacks, and dig out the BoejieSy at the chinks of the bar- 
rel, with an iron chissel."^ "Besides which, there is a 
crown, or five shillings a head duty for every slave that 
is sold for goods; but the collectors of it, cheat their 
prince considerably, by agreeing underhand with those 
who sell these slaves, so that a small matter comes into 
the treasury, only for such as are sold for Boejies: this 
being the money of the land, it is always paid in the 
king's presence, and out of that, he takes three crowns 
for every slave; and yet, some are so sly, as to fetch 
the Boejies from us in the nighttime, or at some other 
unseasonable hours, to cheat the prince of his customs."^ 

& per questx) prezso danno le cose k gueste simiglianti» &per questa maniera 
corre in Araquem. vengono questi Biieioa dallisole di Diua, doue fanno li 
mandli fortflifleimi in gran copia: & similmente dell' isole di Bandam & 
di Bumei le portano k Malaca, & di li sono portati k Pegu/' Und., fol. 335a. 

^ '*Boesje8, of Ooetindische horentjes, die by hen in stede van gelt gebniikt 
worden/' op. cU., part 2, fol. 126; see also fols. 218 and 139. 

« Op. eU., p. 474. 

» CnurchilJ, op, eit., vol. V, p. 264. 

* Ibid., p. 247. 
» JWd., p. 332. 

• Ibid., p. 335. 


**The Boejies or Cauris, which the French call BougeSj 
are small milk-white shells, commonly as big as small 
olives, and are produced and gathered among the 
shoals and rocks of the Maldivy islands, near the 
coast of Malabar in the East-Indies ; and thence trans- 
ported as ballast to Qoa, Cochin, and other ports in the 
East-Indies, by the natives of those numerous islands : 
and from the above-named places, are dispersed to the 
Dutch and English factories in India; then brought 
over to Europe, more especially by the Dutch, who 
make a great advantage of them, according to the oc- 
casion the several trading nations of Europe have for 
this trash, to carry on their traffick at the coast of 
Guinea, and of Angola; to purchase slaves or other 
goods of Africa, and are only proper for that trade ; no 
other people in the universe putting such a value on 
them as the Guineans; and more especially those of 
Fida and Ardra have long done, and still do to this very 
day. And so, proportionably to the occasion the 
European Guinea adventurers have for those Cauris, 
and the quantity or scarcity there happens to be of them, 
either in England or Holland, their price by the hundred 
weight is higher or lower. I can give no reason why 
they are usually sold by weight, and not by measure. 

''These Cauris are of many different sizes, the small- 
est hardly larger than a common pea; and the largest, 
as an ordinary walnut, longish like an olive; but of such 
great ones there is no considerable quantity in propor- 
tion to the inferior sizes; and are all intermixt, great 
and small. They are commonly brought over from 
the East-Indies, in packs or bundles, well wrapp'd, and 
put into small barrels in England or Holland, for the 
better conveniency of the Guinea trade. 

''Having given this account of the nature of these 
Boejies, it remains to observe the use made thereof, by 
the Guineans. 


''At Fida and Ardra, where, as I have hinted before, 
they are most fond of them, they either serve to adorn 
their bodies, or as current coin. At Fida the natives 
bore a little hole through each BoejiCj with an iron tool 
made for that purpose, and thread them, forty Boejiea 
in a string, which they call Toques in Portuguese; and 
in their natural language Genre. 

**Five such strings, or Genres, of forty Boejies each, 
make a certain small measure, called a Galinha, and in 
their own language a Fore. Two hundred Cauris, and 
fifty such Fores, make an Alcove, or a Guinbotton, in 
their language; the word Alcove being Portuguese, as 
well as that of Galinha, but as frequently used by the 
Blacks, as the other names of Fore and Guinbotton, of 
their own language. This Alcove measure weighs, as 
I have before observed, about sixty pounds, and con- 
tains four thousand Boejies. 

"With these strings, or Toques, or Genres, of forty 
Boejies J they buy and sell all sorts of goods among them- 
selves, as if they were silver or gold money; and are so 
very much taken with them, as to tell us they are pre- 
ferable to gold, both for ornament and traffick; inso- 
much, that a handful of them is better for those pur- 
poses, than an ounce of fine gold: and it is a general 
rule there, to reckon a man's wealth by the number of 
the Alcoves of Boejies^ and the quantity of slaves he 

We find in Pyrard de Laval the Maldive name of 
the cowries as 6oZi, bolli. This is given by Christopher* 
boli, boU ''shell, in the general, also the name of the 
money cowry." The first I is pronounced "as in Eng- 
lish, sometimes it is liquid, as in million," while the 
second is pronounced "with the tongue reverting to 
the palate." The first would, therefore, appear to an 

1 Ibid., p. 338 f. 

* Voechulary of the Maidinan LangtuLge, in The Journal of the Royal AeiaHe 
JSociety of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. VI (1841), p. 66. 


Italian like bogli^ and this we shall meet later; while 
the second would be heard with a soft rasping sound, 
leading to Port. buziOy Pr. houge, or would have the I 
entirely omitted as in Dutch boejie, which is mentioned 
as abuy in Africa. While the latter has not survived in 
Wolof or Peul, it appears in Benin, according to Duarte 
Pacheco, as iguou, and, according to Barros, as igovo. 
Modern Yoruba oti?o, Ewe agaga, possibly Neule negbie, 
Dahome akwe ''cowrie, money" indicate that the Benin 
word was approximately igwo. In Dahome akwe has 
received the largest development, for here we find 
akweho 'Value,'' akwejo "tribute," akweno "rich," etc. 
As 6 is a rare sound in Dahome and gb is generally sub- 
stituted for it,^ the original abuy for "cowrie" would 
appear in Dahome as agbwy, which at once explains 
Dahome akwe and the other related forms. Thus we 
are still under the influence of the Maldivian word, due 
to the importation of the Maldivian cowries into Africa, 
as mentioned by the Arabic writers. 

The Bantu zimbOy nzimbo is clearly a Bantuized 
plural form of the same abuy. There is in Bantu a 
class of nouns which has in, n, t, in the singular, and 2in, 
jiuj sin J in the plural. "The classifier in or n may 
originally have been no other than the indefinite adjec- 
tive -mue 'one, another, some.' "* We actually have 
Kongo mbiya "a single bead," which unquestionably 
belongs here. But single cowries were never in use, 
although forming the lowest unit of the currency, and 
only the plural of an original imbuy, namely zimbuy, 
coidd survive. This zimbuy, as we have seen, is dis- 
tributed south of the Gold Coast over a wide territory. 
In some regions it has assumed the meaning "iron" 
in a peculiar way. In Kaffir we have in^tsimbi "beads, 
a bell, iron in bars," in Zulu in-simbi "metal, iron, 

^ M. Delafoese. Manuel ddhomSen, Paris 1894. 

* J. Torrend, A CamparaHve Grammar of the SatUh-Afriean Bantu Lan- 
guages, London 1891, p. 86. 


appearance/' The word is the same as Lug:anda en- 
simbi^ Nyamwesi Iv^simbi and the "cowrie" words in 
the other Bantu languages. The change of meaning 
is due to the fact that iron bars were introduced by the 
Europeans as currency among the Negroes, especially 
to the south of the Gold Coast. Dapper speaks of 
^^staven yzer, tot de lengte van een, twee, en drie voe- 
ten,"^ ''staven yzers van acht-en-twintigh en dertigh 
staven in het duizent pont,"^ which Ogilby translates 
'Hron bars of one, two, or three foot long,"' "bars of 
iron, of which eight and twenty or thirty make a 
thousand Weight."^ Although the Bantu word for 
the cowrie seems to be a pluralized form of original 
Chinese pei, it is more likely, since in the Bantu langua- 
ges the word generally means "blue currency, blue 
beads," that it represents Chinese tsze^pei "purple 
shell," as introduced by Arab or Portuguese traders. 

The Chinese ho-pei for "cowrie" was originally pro- 
nounced something like kd-par, and this is, no doubt, the 
origin of the Sanskrit kaparda "a small shell or cowrie, 
used as a coin and a die in gambling, Cypraea monetaJ*^ 
This produced Hindustani kaurij kau^i, Marathi 
kau4d, kau^, Guzerati koid,^ etc., and in the Dravidian 
languages Kannada kavaii^ kava4e, Tulu kouiij etc. 
We have already met with the "cowrie" words in 

Arabic, but t^J wa4d is more likely the Dravidian 

woia "shell," than a corruption of kavaii, although the 
African languages, which have borrowed the term from 
the Arabic, frequently have the shorter and the longer 
term side by side. We meet it first in Zanzibar, where 
we have kauri "cowrie," and in Madagascar, where we 
get Hova akorany, Betsileo akorane^ Taukarana ankaoraj 

» Op. eU., part 1, fol. 419. 

* Ibid., fol. 411, and again, part 2, pp. 10, 118. 

» Op. eii., p. 367. 

• up. eu., 

* Ibid., p. 



Taimarona akord} The Hausas, who are the great mer- 
cantile people of the Sahara, have wuri, plural kurd^, 
kudij kawara^ alrkawara ^^cowrie^ money, price.'* The 

first is, no doubt, a form of Arabic t^J 'ti<^, while the 

rest are all Arabic forms or adaptions of Arabic forms 
for the Hindustani kauri. We find also the Arabic 
word in Wolof khorre "cowrie," Bambara, Dyula wari, 
Malinke wori "money." But we have also Malinke 
kurun, Bambara kuro "cowrie." Thus it is clear that 
while the abuy words for "cowrie" came up with the 
ocean traders from the Maldive Islands, the kauri words 
are chiefly due to an overland trade connecting Zanzi- 
bar with the north of Africa and the Western Sudan. 

^ A. Jully, Manuel des dialeete$ malgacheB, Paris 1901. 


The Onyx. 

In the Arabic apocryphal stories about Solomon 
there is frequently reference to the onyx which he 
caused to be strung by a white worm.^ For this rea- 
son the mottled onyx, a variety of the camelian, is 
known among Mohammedan nations as ''Solomon's 
stone," and is accredited with certain magical quali- 
ties. He who carries an onyx remains calm during a 
dispute or laughter; it whitens teeth, sweetens the 
breath, etc. Mohammed was supposed to have said: 
''He who carries a carnelian seal in his ring is constantly 
blessed and fortunate."* No wonder, then, that it 
formed as important an amulet as the cowries, which 

were known under the name of t^J waia\ *j>' ^az\ Jj- 

haraz, and with which the ancient Arabs used to adorn 
their idols, even as is the case with the Mohammedan 
Negroes.^ It is significant that ^az' is also the current 
name for the onyx, but the onyx is usually classed with 

the carnelians as an J^ 'aqlq. 

In Persian the onyx is known as sang-i-sulaimdnl, 
literally "stone of Solomon," although the Persian 
dictionary* says: "An onyx, agate imported from 
Sulaimaniya, whence the name, and used for amulets;" 
but neither Yakut nor Al-Bakri records such a place 
name. The anomalous sulaimdni for sulaiman is due to 

^ M. Grtinbaum, Neue Beiirdge 9ur semitisehen Sagenkunde, Leiden 1893, 
p. 218. 
* E. Doutt6, Magie et religion dans VAfrique du Nard, Alger 1909, p. 83 f. 
» Ibid,, p. 82. 
^ F. Stemgass, A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary , London [ 1892] . 


the Arabic adjective s/^^ stdaimdni, for s/^^ <3e^ 
' aqiq sulaimdnl "Solomon's carnelian," that is, **onyx." 
The Persian word is found also in Hindustani, where we 
get sulaimdnlj or sulaim&nl patthar ''onjrx," literally 
"Solomon's stone," sang-e-aulaimdnl "agate, onyx." 
Toward the west, Pers. sang became generalized as "gem, 
bead" in general, since the chief purpose of the sang-i" 
sulaimdnl was to furnish beads. But in Arabic it pro- 
duced a number of words, in which the original meaning 
of "stone" can be discovered only by a careful analysis. 

We have here ^^^ V^ san^ah, ^an^ah "scale for weigh- 
ing. ' ' We shall later see that small onyx balls were actu- 
ally used as weights, hence the Persian name for "stone 
(of Solomon)" received the meaning "scale for weigh- 
ing." But we have also several times ^*^ san^ah used 

as "small metal ball, a small ball dropped hourly by 
a clock," where the reference to the onyx weights is 

still more obvious. Again, Arab. ^*^ sun^ah means 

"blackness mixed with speckles of white, and of red, 
and of yellow in an animal," which is the description 
of the color of the onyic. But there is also an Arab. 

Cr-* sanlh "pearls, the string upon which they are to 

be strung, ornaments of a woman, of moulded metal, 
stones, gold, silver, or jewels, or gems," which, in all 
probability, is a derivative from the same Persian 

The Persian word found its way into Africa, from 
Zanzibar or further down the coast. We have, in 
Zanzibar, Swahili ushanga (plural shanga, mashanga) 
"a bead; beads are sold in the interior, being imported 
in large variety of shape and color to suit the peculiar 
taste and demand of different localities."^ Among the 
Warundi, on the opposite shore, a string of beads used 

1 A. C. Madan, SwahiluEngltBh Dietumary, Oxford 1903. 


ae a monetary unit is known as unuanga. The Swa- 
hili ushanga was carried down the coast into Portu- 
guese territory, when we get Inhambane urafiga, Sofala 
vusafiga^ Tette usanga, Sena usafigaj Quellimane nsafigay 
Cape Delgado usafiga "'beads/' and, since the favorite 
bead was blue, we get Quellimane ormisafiga ''blue- 
glazed/'^ from the plural for bead, which also pro- 
duced Port, missanga ''glass bead, string of glass 
beads, trifle/' In Kongo we get nsanga "string of 
beads, a string of 100 blue beads of the currency,"^ in 
Fiote m^sanga^ pi. miaanga^ "small pearl."' Kongo 
nsungu "cowrie shell" is unquestionably related to 
these words. As we get away from the direct influence 
of the traders, the original sanga gets more and more 
corrupted. Thus we have Bemba ubulungu,^ where 
the relation to sanga, through the form uratiga, as in 
Inhambane, and Kongo nsunguy is still obvious. The 
same is true of Lala-Lamba uulungu^ but in Sindebele 
ultt-cu "a string (of beads)"* the first syllable has itself 
become a class prefix, leaving cu, from the original 
$anga, to do the work of the Persian word. 

In the very beginning of the. XVI. century beads 
were imported into Africa from Cambay in India, by 
the way of Mozambique: "There went also in the 
little ship some honourable merchants of Mozambique, 
who carried with them cloth of Cambaya and red 
beads, these being the principal articles used in that 
trade. Sancho de Toar took also for the king a present 
of pieces of crimson silk, mirrors, caps, trappings for 
hawks, little bells from Flanders, small transparent 

1 W. H. J. Bleek, The LcmguaoeB of Mozambique^ London 1856. 

* W. H. Bentley, op. eit. 

< Dietionnaire franeaiB-fioU, diaheU du Kahmffo, Paris 1890. 

* W. G. Robertson, An IrUroduetory Handbook to the Language of the 
Bemba-People, London 1904. 

* A. C. Madan, LaiarLamba-Wiea and English, English and LakL-Lamba- 
Wiea Dictionary, Oxford 1913. 

* W. A. Elliott, Notes for a Sindebele Dieticnary and Grammar, Bristol 
[19 -1. 


glass beads, and other things to be had in that country, 
and which delight the people of Sofala."^ Duarte 
Barbosa, who described Africa and Asia in 1518, fre- 
quently refers to Cambay and the beads manufactured 
there. At Sofala he met Moors who brought beads 
from the east coast, whither they were carried from 
Cambay: ''And the manner of their traffic was this: 
they came in small vessels named zambucos from the 
kingdoms of Quiloa, Mombasa, and Melynde, bring- 
ing many cotton cloths, some spotted and others white 
and blue, also some of silk, and many small beads, grey, 
red, and yellow, which things come to the said kingdoms 
from the great kingdom of Cambaya in other greater 
ships. And these wares the said Moors who came 
from Melynde and Mombasa [purchased from others 
who bring them hither and] paid for in gold at such a 
price that those merchants departed well pleased; 
which gold they gave by weight."* "The road thereto 
[Zimbaoche] goes inland from Cofala towards the 
Cape of Good Hope. In this town of Benametapa is 
the King's most usual abode, in a very large building, 
and thence the traders carry the inland gold to Qofala 
and give it unweighed to the Moors for coloured cloths 
and beads, which are greatly esteemed among them; 
which beads come from Cambaya."' ''Further on, 
leaving this Cuama, a hundred and forty leagues from 
it, skirting the coast, is a very great town of Moors 
called Angoya [which has its own king]. In it dwell 
many merchants who deal in gold, ivory, silk and 
cotton cloths and Cambay beads as those of CofalA 
were wont to do."^ The Melinde, Zanzibar, and Maga- 
doxo Moors carried on an active trade with Cambay: 

1 Theal, op. eit., vol. II, p. 26. 

s M. L. Dames, The Book of Duarte Barboaa (The Hakluyt Society), 
London 1918, vol. I, p. 6 ff. 
» Ibid,, p. 11 f. 
* Ibid., p. 14 f. 


**They are great barterers, and deal in cloth, gold, ivory, 
and divers other wares with the Moors and Heathen 
of the great kingdom of Cambaya; and to their haven 
come every year many ships with cargoes of merchan- 
dize, from which they get great store of gold, ivory 
and wax. In this traffic the Cambay merchants make 
great profits, and thus, on one side and the other, they 
earn much money. "^ **The kings of these isles [Zan- 
zibar] Uve in great luxury; they are clad in very fine 
silk and cotton garments, which they purchase at 
Mombasa from the Cambaya merchants. The women 
of these Moors go bravely decked, they wear many 
jewels of fine Cofala gold, silver too in plenty, earrings, 
necklaces, bangles and bracelets, and they go clad in 
good silk garments."^ ''The place [Magadoxo] has 
much trade in divers kinds, by reason whereof many 
ships come hither from the great kingdom of Cambaya, 
bringing great plenty of cloths of many sorts, and 
divers other wares, also spices: and in the same way 
they come from Adem. And they carry away much 
gold, ivory, wax and many other things, whereby they 
make exceeding great profits in their dealings."* 

Apparently Aden Arabs and Jews carried on the most 
active trade with Cambay, whence came the alaquecas, 
that is, the carnelians: ''To the harbour of this city 
come ships from all parts, more especially from the 
port of Juda, whence they bring copper, quicksilver, 
vermilion, coral and woollen and silken cloths, and 
they take thither on their return great store of spices 
and drugs, cotton cloths and other wares of the great 
kingdom of Cambaya. From Zeila and Barbora too 
come many ships with food-stuffs in abundance; [in 
return they take back Cambay cloth and beads both 
large and small, and all the goods in which they trade 

» Ibid., p. 22 f. 
» Ibid., p. 27 f . 
« Ibid., p. 31. 


for Arabia Felix and Preste Joam's country also come 
here, as do the ships of Ormuz and Cambaya] and 
those of Cambaya come laden with cloth of many kinds ; 
so great is the number of them that it seems an aston- 
ishing thing! And, as I have already said, they bring 
cotton, drugs (great quantity), gems, seed pearl in 
abundance, alaquequas, and to the said kingdom of 
Cambaya they take back madder, opium, raisins of the 
sun, copper, quicksilver, vermilion and great store of 
rosewater, which is made here. They also take much 
woollen cloth, coloured Meca velvets, gold in ingots, 
coined and to be coined (and also some in strings), and 
camlets, and it seems an impossible thing that they 
should use so much cotton cloth as these ships bring 
from Cambaya."^ These carnelians were found be- 
yond Cambay, at Limodara: ** Beyond this city of 
Cambaya, further inland is a town called Limadura. 
Here is found an alaquequa (carnelian) rock, which is a 
white, milky or red stone, which is made much redder 
in the fire. They extract it in large pieces, and there 
are cunning craftsmen here who shape it, bore it and 
make it up in divers fashions, that is to say; long, 
eight-sided, round and olive-leaf shapes, also rings, 
knobs for hilts of short swords and daggers, and other 
ways. The dealers come hither from Cambaya to 
buy them, and they [thread them, and] sell them on 
the Red Sea coast whence they pass to our lands by way 
of Cairo and Alexandria. They take them also to 
Arabia and Persia, and to India where our people buy 
them to take to Portugal. And here they find great 
abundance of babagoure, which we call calsadonia (chal- 
cedony), which are stones with grey and white veins 
in them, which they fashion perfectly round, and after 
they are bored the Moors wear them on their arms in 
such a manner that they touch the skin, saying that 

> Ihid., p. 55 f. 


they are good to preserve chastity : as these stones are 
plentiful they are not worth much."^ 

At about the same time, the factor at Sof ala informed 
King Don Manuel of the importation of /'red beads of 
Cambaya three and a half quintals nine pounds, which 
cost in Diu eight hundred and forty reis the farazola, 
which, when they are good, are valued in the factory 
at fifty miticals and more."* Even as late as the mid- 
dle of the XVI. century there seemed to be no beads 
in South Africa except those which were imported from 
India, for the wearing of a bead necklace by a Kaffir 
was taken by shipwrecked people as a proof that they 
were within the territory frequented by European 
traders: ''Among them was one of whom the rest 
seemed to make the most account, and he it was who 
answered our questions, which he understood as little 
as we did his, and though there was no pomp or dignity 
about his person, being naked like the rest, yet he was 
distinguished from them by wearing a few beads red 
in colour, round, and about the same size as coriander 
seeds, which we rejoiced to see, it seeming to us that 
these beads being in his possession proved that we were 
near some river frequented by trading vessels, for they 
are only made in the kingdom of Cambaya, and are 
brought by the hands of our people to this coast."' At 
the end of the century the red beads were also manu- 
factured at Negapatam and imported into South Africa 
by the Portuguese: "The dress of these negroes is 
similar to that of the negroes of Tizombe, but they 
wear red beads in their ears, which the others do not. 
Nuno Yelho asked the Kaffir to whom he gave the lid 
where these were obtained, and he saw from their ap- 
pearance that they came from the land of the Inhaca, 
who is king of the people living by the river of Lour- 

* Ibid., p. 142 flf. 

* Theal, op. eit,, vol. I, p. 104 f. 
» Ibid,, p. 226. 


engo Marques. These beads are made of clay of all 
colours, of the size of a coriander seed. They are made 
in India at Negapatam, whence they are brought to 
Mozambique, and thence they reach these negroes 
through the Portuguese who exchange them for ivory. "^ 
Beads were also imported from Chaul, whence they 
came in bars: ''Above Sena to the eastward, which 
is the other side of the river, along it and in the interior 
there is much cotton, and of it the inhabitants weave 
the cloth for the machiras, which are very plentiful in 
all that province; and that country is called Bororo. 
The beads for which these machiras are bartered are 
bought in Chaul, generally at fifty pardaos a bar, 
each bar containing four quintals. This bar, however, 
in Sena, with the expenses, may be worth one hundred 
cruzados, which is the highest rate at which it can be 
estimated. There of one bar of beads they make a 
thousand to a thousand four hundred montanas, which 
are bundles of strings of beads held together in the 
fashion of a horse's tassel. These montanas in Bororo 
are worth two machiras each, and thus they make two 
thousand four hundred and more from the bar. These 
machiras are sold to the negroes on the western bank 
of the river, who are called Botongas, at a mitical of 
gold apiece, which there is the weight of a cruzado and 
a testoon. In this way one hundred cruzados may well 
be made to yield three thousand cruzados, if order is 
kept, and Portuguese are not allowed to go about 
spoiling the trade, as they did on our departure."* 
Some beads were made of potter's clay, and at the 
end of the XVI. century Kaffir traders, in the employ 
of the Portuguese, carried them far inland: ''They 
also take for this trade some small beads made of 
potter's clay, some green and others blue or yellow, 

1 Ibid., vol. II, p. 303. 
« Ibid., vol. Ill, p. 234. 


with which the necklets are made that the Kaffir 
women wear round their necks, like our rich necklaces. 
These beads are threaded on fibres of macosi, which is 
like the leaves of the palm, and they make necklets of 
ten or twelve rows, each being a palm's length. They 
call them metins, which is a weight in use with them. 
Ten of these metins they call a lipate, and twenty a 
lipote, which is worth a cruzado and costs in that place 
about forty reis. All these things are sold forthwith, 
and double or more than double the money is made."^ 

Alaquecaa, that is, Arab. Js^ *a?tg ''agate, onyx," are 

mentioned on the west coast of Africa even before 
Duarte Barbosa,^ but these do not seem to have been 
introduced there directly from Cambay or through 
Melinde, but indirectly from Europe. There is no 
evidence of any trade relation between Cambay and 
the west coast of Africa above Angola. 

Barbosa distinguishes between the camelians and 
bdbdgurl, which he calls * 'chalcedony." In Cambay 
the Guzerati name for "onyx" is still bawaghori^* and 
the usual Turkish word for "agate, onyx" is bdbdqurl. 
We do not meet with any earlier references to this word 
than in Barbosa, but a Turkish author, Sidi 'Ali Ka- 
pud&n, mentions it in 1554 : "In this country (Guzerat) 
is a profusion of bdbdghurl and camelians ; but the best 

» Ibid., vol VI, p. 368. 

> "Alaquequas, que 9am hilas pedras a que n6B chamamoe de estancar 
sangue/' D. Pacheco Pereira, Esmeraldo de stlu arhis, in BoUHm da Sociedade 
de Geogrixphia de LMoa, 2>. a6rie (1904), p. 88; "em toda esta terra na 
costa do mar h& ouro, hamda que he em pouca cantidade, o qual custumamoe 
resguatar por halaquequae e por contas amarellas e verdes," ibid,, p. 162; 
also pp. 130, 166. See also F. Htimmerich, QueUen und Unienuehungen 9ur 
Fahrt der enten Deutsehen naeh dem portugieiieehen Indien, 1606-6 , in Abkand- 
lumpen der K^iglieh Bayerisehen Akademie der Wissensehaften, phUoeo- 
phisehr^hHologistm und hxstorische KUuee, voL XXX, part 3, p. 79 ff. 

u* ' ''The mora or bawa ghari onyx is of two kinds, one dark with white 
veins, the other greyish white with dark veins," Ga»Ueer of the Bombay 
Preeideney, vol. VI, p. 199. 


of these last are those coining from Yaman."^ In 1592 
grain weights of bdbdghurl were made in northern India, 
to be used in weighing,^ especially of jewels,' and in 
one Persian author the veins of the eye are compared 
with bdbdgurl threads/ 

Of the origin of the carnelian manufacture at Cam- 
bay little is known. ''So far as has been traced, the 
Musalm&n travellers of the ninth and tenth centuries 
make no mention of an agate trade at Cambay. Marco 
Polo (1290) says nothing of a special agate trade, either 
in his description of Cambay or in the notices of the 
Arabian and African ports then connected by commerce 
with Gujar&t. The fifteenth century travellers make 
only a casual reference to the agate as one of the pro- 
ducts of Cambay. Early in the sixteenth century, the 
agate trade seems to have risen to importance. Var- 
thema (1503-1508) speaks of two mountains, one of 
camelians about seventy, the other of diamonds about 
one hundred miles, from Cambay. About this time, 
according to a tradition of the Cambay agate workers, 
an Abyssinian merchant came to Gujar&t, and estab- 
lished an agate factory at N&ndod in R&jpipla. At 
first the stones were prepared by Musalm&ns, but the 
Kanbis were not long in learning the craft. The mer- 
chant died at N&ndod, and his tomb is near the well 
known tomb of B&wa Ghor at the ford of that name 
across the river Narbada. After some time, according 
to the same account, the Kanbi agate workers left 
N&ndod and came to settle in Broach, and from Broach 
went to Cambay. The Sidi merchant is still remember- 
ed by the Hindu agate workers. Each year on the day 
of his death Shr&van sud pumima (July- August fuU- 

^ H. Yule, Hoibaon^obson, a Glossary of CoUoquiai Anglo-Indian Words 
4ind Phrases, new William Crooke. London 1903. 

* H. Blochmann, Afn t Akhari, in Bioliotheea Indica, published by the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal, new series, No. 140, p. 36. 

»/Wd.,p. 616. 


moon), they offer flowers and cocoanuts at his tomb. 
As it is far to go from Cambay to B&wa Ghor, they have 
in Cambay a cenotaph, takiya, in his honour, and those 
of them who are settled in Bombay have brought with 
them this memorial of the founder of their craft. The 
Cambay agate workers assert that the well known 
shrine of B&wa Ghor was raised in honour of their 
patron. According to their story, while wandering 
from place to place as a religious beggar, the B&wa did 
business in precious stones, and, becoming skilled in 
agates, set up a factory at Nimodra. Here he pros- 
pered and died rich. The local legend of the saint of 
B&wa Ghor makes no mention of his success as an 
agate dealer.''^ 

* 'About the middle of the fifteenth century (1437), 
when the Bahmani dynasty became independent of 
Delhi and intercourse with north India ceased, the 
fashion arose of bringing to western India large numbers 
of Abyssinians and other East Africans. These men, 
from the Arab El Habish the people of north-east 
Africa, were known as Habshis, or more often as Sidis, 
which was originally a term of respect, a corrupt form 
of Syed. Though most Habshis came to India as 
slaves, their faithfulness, courage, and energy often 
raised them to positions of high trust in the Bahmani 
court. According to Orme the successful Abyssinians 
gathered round them all of their countrymen whom 
they could procure either by purchase or invitation, 
including Negroes from other parts of Africa, as well as 
Abyssinians. From their marriages, first with natives 
of India and afterwards among their own families, there 
arose a separate community, distinct from other Musal- 
m&ns in figure, colour, and character. As soon as they 
were strong enough they formed themselves into an 
aristocratic republic, the skill and utility of the lowest 

1 GauUeer of the Bombay Pretideney, vol. VI, p. 206. 


orders giving them influence, and influence fostering a 
pride in their name which made them among the 
most skilful and daring sailors and soldiers in Western 

From these accounts it follows that the modern agate 
trade of Cambay was started by Abyssinians, who 
derived the name of the mottled onyx or agate from a 
patron saint, B&bdgur. The real onyx, known as 
aulaimdnl^ was brought to Cambay from Jabalpur,^ and 
the bdbdgurl was apparently inferior only to the aulav- 
mdnlj if it was not identical with it. In any case one 
would expect the Abyssinians, like the Arabs, to con- 
nect the Cambay onyx with their patron saint. King 
Solomon, from whom they claimed descent, through 
the Queen of Sheba.' Now, one of the mystic names 
of King Solomon is Agur, from Proverbs XXX. 1, 
where these proverbs are ascribed to him. The expla- 
nation of this name was that he was called so because 
he * 'gathered," "lai^, the words of the Law.* Hence the 
Latin Vulgate translates Heb. niai^ of Proverbs 
XXX. 1 by *'congregans." The Syriac version left 
Agur untranslated, but Barhebraeus derived the word 
from ^Jt< **he hired out," **Solomo seipsum vocat 
AghuTj utpote qui se sapientiae locaverit." It is most 
likely, therefore, that the Abyssinians got their story 
of "B&ba Agur,'' instead of "Bftba Salftma," from 
some Jews, with whom they were associated in Abys- 
sinia and at Aden, in order to explain the relation of 
King Solomon to the onyx, which he '' gathers," as in 
the Arabic story. 

It is a curious fact that Bdb&gur is not only the 
Abyssinian patron saint, but, as Gur-bdbd, is also wor- 

» Ibid., vol. XI, p. 433 f. 
« /6td.j vol. VI, p. 199. 

* E. Littmaim, Bibliotheea abesiiniea; The Legend of the Qiuen of Sheba 
in the TradiHon of Axum, Leyden, Princeton, N. J. 1904. 

* Grtinbaum, op, eii., p. 207. 


shipped by the Bhils and other native races in the 
neighborhood of Cambay and further away.^ **The 
familiar Gor Bdba, a deified ghost of the aboriginal 
races, has in many places become a new manifestation 
of Siva, as Goreawara.^^^ That this is not a chance 
transference is proved by the fact that the milkstone, 
or chalcedony, which we have so far found as aulai- 
mdnl and bdbdgurlj is recorded in an XVIII. century 
Sanskrit dictionary as Siva-dh&tu, that is, "Siva's 
mineral." Of course, the Hindustani gaur, gord, from 
Prakrit gor ad, Sanslorit gaura "white, of fair com- 
plexion," which is also an epithet of Siva, caused the 
confusion of Bdbdgur with Siva on one hand, and with 
the white onyx on the other, even as it led to the popu- 
lar Gor bdba "white spectre," but this confusion is of 
late origin and would not have taken place so readily, 
if it had not been for the importance of the agate bead 
and its magical powers. It is even possible that 
Hindustani guriyd "glass bead, bead or stones of a 
rosary or necklace" owes its form to the same "agate" 
word, instead of being derived from Sanskrit gufikd 

round ball," from which comes Hindustani gotl 

round pebble, bead." 

^ Dames, op. eit., p. 144. 

' W. CrooKe, The Papukar Rdigion artd Folk-Lore of Northern Iridia, 
Westminster 1896, vol. I, p. 84. 



Aggrt Beads. ^ 

Duarte Pacheco, who wrote his Esmeraldo de situ 
orbia in 1506, mentions at Elmina blue beads called 
coris:^ '*At Rio dos Forcados, in Benin territory, barter 
takes place, chiefly in slaves, cotton cloth, and a few 
leopard skins, and palm oil, and certain blue beads 
with red lines, which they call coris. These things we 
buy for brass and copper armrings, and all this is of 
value at the Castle of Jorze da Mina, and our chief's 
factor sells it for gold to the Negro merchants. "• A 
similar statement was made soon after by a Portuguese 
pilot: ''In this place (Elmina) a large number of 
Negroes congregate with gold found in the river and 
the sand, and trade with above mentioned factors, tak- 
ing from them all kinds of things, mostly beads made 
of glass and another kind of beads made of a blue stone, 
I will not say lapis lazuli, but some other mineral, 
which our king gets from Manicongo, where this stone 
grows; and these beads are made in the form of slender 
pipes and are called coril, and for these they give con- 

1 For genial literature on Aggry Beads see: G. P. Rouffaer, Waar 
kwamen de raadselaehHge Moeti»alah*s (Aggri-Kralen) in de Timor-grcep 
oofvpronkdijk van daant, in Bijdraaen M de Tool-, Landr en VMenkunae 
fan Nederkmdaeh'IndijL 's-Gravenhage 1899, voL VL pp. 409-675, and 
A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Kunsiperlen una ihre kiiUureUe Bedeutung, in /nter- 
naiionale$ Arehiv fUr Eihnographie, vol. XVI (1904), pp. 13&-153. 

> "Estea leuam d'esta casa muitaa mercadorias asy oomo lambSs, que he 
a principal d'ellas, de que j6 no noveno item do auarto capitolo d'este 
aegundo livro falamos, e pano vermelho e asul e manilhas de latam e lencoe 
e ooraes e hilas conchas vermelhas, que antre elles sam muito estimadas, 
asy como n6s ca estimamos pedras predosas; isso mesmo val aquy muito 
ho vinho branco e hilas contos asues. a que elles chamam 'earie, e outras 
muitas cousas de desvairados modes, op. eit,, p. 253. 

* Ibid., p. 313. 


siderable gold, because they are greatly esteemed by all 
the Negroes, who put them into the fire, to see that 
they are not counterfeit, since many are imported that 
are made of glass, which resemble them greatly, but 
will not stand the fire test/'^ 

In Benin the name of these beads is still **koli, a 
kind of precious beads or coloured stones, worn as 
ornament by the natives of this coast and paid by the 
same weight of gold. It is said, that they are digged 
out of the ground all along the Slave-coast and found 
in ordered strings, as the bones of a decayed snake or 
as if formerly bound together, the string being decayed. 
Some suppose that they are of animal origin (such is 
the idea of the natives themselves), some that they 
were manufactured in Eg3rpt, some thousand years 
ago and brought here by the first settlers, and some 
that they were formerly manufactured in Venice and 
the art lost.''* There is a great diversity of opinion 
as to the material from which these beads were made. 
**The wearing of coral was a royal privilege, which the 
king conferred on his subjects. Where the ofllce of 
the holder was not hereditary, as, for instance, with the 
fiadors, the bunches of coral had to be returned to the 
king on the holder's decease. According to Bold, 
coral beads 'are the intrinsic treasures of the rich, being 
held in the highest estimation, and from their rarity, 
are only in the hands of a few chiefs, whose avidity for 
them is immeasurable; the species admired are the 
pipe beads of various dimensions, and are valued at 
ten large jars of oil an ounce, of the smaller sort, and 
so on in proportion for the larger sized.' Mr. Punch 
informs me that 'as a matter of fact, the King of Benin 
had few, if any, of the large coral beads such as Nana, 
Dor6, Dudu, and the Jekri chiefs obtained from the 

* Ramusio, vol. I, fol. 116a. 

> J. Zimmermaim, A GrammaHeal Sketch of the Akror or G^Langucge^ 
Stuttgart 1858, p. 157. 


merchants in Benin River. His coral was insignificant 
pipe coral, and was only striking when made up into 
vests and hats. The Binis valued more the agate 
beads, and especially the dull kind. A necklet of this 
dull agate was a king's gift, and no one could wear such 
a necklet, unless it were given him by the king. It 
was death, in fact, to wear it otherwise. The shiny 
chrystalline agate, with white quartz veins, anyone 
could use. Such coral as the Binis had was obtained 
through Jekri traders, either from the Benin River or 
Lagos. The Binis said it was dug up at the ''back of 
Benin,'' but everything, in the days I am speaking of, 
14-15 years ago, which was at all mysterious came from 
the back of Benin.' 

''Nyendael describes the coral beads as made of 
'pale red coctile earth or stone and very well glazed,' 
and says they are very like 'speckled red marble.' 
While no doubt the material of which the so-called 
coral beads are made varies, all the beads which have 
come into my hands are either red coral or agate beads, 
the former having the characteristic structure and 
composition of coral, while the latter show the concen- 
tric zones of chalcedony, some red and some white. 
Vast numbers of artificial beads go to the African 
market, but the above specimens are all natural. At 
the famous agate works at Oberstein in Rhenish 
Bavaria, large numbers of trivial ornamental articles 
are specially made for the African trade. In Burton's 
time the red coral was brought from the Mediterran- 
ean."^ But Dapper assumed that akori was a bluish 
coral growing in the water: "The Commodities, 
which the Europeans and other Whites Trade for in 
the River of Benyn, are Cotton-Cloathes, Jasi>er-Stone, 
and Women-Slaves, Leopard-Skins, some Pepper and 

1 H. L. Roth, Great Benin, Ua CusUme, Art and Horrors, Halifax 1903, 
p. 26 f . 


Akori, which is a certain bluish Coral, growing like a 
Tree in the Water. This Akori, carried to the Gold- 
Coast, the Women wear for an Ornament in their 

Akori is obviously a generic name for "bead/' made of 
a large variety of material. The word is actually used 
in this sense elsewhere, as in Neule gri "beads/' and is 
unquestionably identical with the "cowrie" words, which 
on the Ivory Coast and among the Mandingos have 
assumed the meaning "money." This is made cer- 
tain by the fact that Mandingo wari, wori is found in 
the Baule country as worye "blue bead." 

The common story that these beads were dug up 
from ancient graves has led Delafosse to investigate 
such a necropolis in the Baule country,* where these 
beads are called worye. Delafosse found these made 
of glass, but, as he thought, of a manufacture common 
to ancient Eygpt or Assyria. The same deposits of 
blue beads are found at Zanzibar. "Besides camelian 
beads, pierced amethysts and garnets and great quanti- 
ties of glass beads are also found at certain states of the 
tide at the ruined towns in Pemba. They are gener- 
ally considered to be of Arabian or Persian manufac- 
ture, and to date from the twelfth to the fifteenth cen- 
tury; although some specimens may be considerably 
older and date from the Ptolemaic period. 

"The most common bead found at Ndagoni is a large, 
irregularly shaped, bluish-green glass bead of a dis- 
tinctive character. After heavy rain they may be 
picked up on the sea-beach by hundreds. That they 
are of somewhat archaic manufacture is evident from 
the irregularity of their shape and size. Many of them 
appear to have become distorted in the process of being 

1 J. Ogilby, op. eit., p. 473. 

' Sur des traces vrohtMes de Hnlisaiian igypHenne et d^hommes de race 
blanche d la Cto d^Itxnre, in UAnihropologie, Paris 1900, vol. XI, p. 677 ff. 


"The question is often asked how the existence of 
such quantities of beads in the sea-sands of Pemba can 
be accounted for. 

''The suggestions generally put forward in reply are: 

''1. That they formed a portion of a cargo of a 
wrecked ship. 

''2. That they have been washed out of ancient 
graves by the encroaching sea. 

"3. That they are the remains of some propitia- 
tory or thank-offering made by the former inhabitants 
of the ruins, to the sea. 

''4. That a bead factory or depot existed at the towns 
where beads are now found, and that the encroaching 
sea has liberated the beads. 

**With reference to the above propositions, it will be 
realised of course that beads formed until quite recent 
times — and in fact to some extent form still — the chief 
currency of native Africa : and everything from a tusk 
of ivory to a cob of Indian com had to be paid for in 
beads, cloth, and in more recent times by brass wire and 
gunpowder, so there is nothing inherently extraordinary 
that beads should be found at the sites of these ancient 
and deserted trading-stations. The only surprising 
thing about them is that they should be found concen- 
trated in particular spots on the sea-shore. 

"With regard to the above suggestions as to how the 
beads came in their present position, all are reasonable 
except perhaps the first. It would be too remarkable 
a coincidence that ships had run ashore, and been 
wrecked exactly opposite most of the towns of Pemba 
and Zanzibar. It is, moreover, reasonable to suppose 
that had they run ashore as is suggested, the cargo 
would have been saved and taken out of them, for all 
the sites where beads are found are on the shore of a 
harbour, and the sea in these sheltered tropical waters 
is never rough enough to break up a ship. At these 


'bead-sites/ the sea is seldom rougher than the Serpen- 

''The fourth explanation seems the most probable, 
and it possesses none of the objections of the previous 
ones. It not only accounts for the glass beads, but 
also for the glass fragments, some of which, especially 
at the Ndagoni ruins, appear to be, not pieces of glass 
vessels, but melted fragments and slag from crucibles 
used in the manufacture of the blue beads. 

''It is worthy of note that at Mogdishu, in Italian 
Somaliland, one of the oldest Persian or Arab settle- 
ments on the coast, complete apparatus for the manu- 
facture of glass beads, such as crucibles, paste for mak- 
ing beads, glass stems, and coloured beads have actually 
been discovered. 

"If a glass-bead manufactury existed at Mogdishu, 
there is no reason why similar establishments should 
not have been erected elsewhere : although it is as well 
to restate the fact that while the existence of bead 
factories will explain the presence of special varieties 
of beads at these old ruins, it must not be concluded 
that they account for all such deposits."^ 

While it may be perfectly true that old graves con- 
tained necklaces of precious beads and were actually 
dug up for the purpose in the XIX. century, it stands 
to reason that if this had been an old practice, not a 
necropolis would have yielded any beads for centuries 
earlier. Obviously there must be some other explana- 
tion to the presence of large bead deposits in the soil at 
Benin and in Zanzibar, and the presence of complete 
apparatus for the manufacture of glass beads makes it 
certain that we are dealing with a commercial practice, 
most likely of Arabic origin. We have already seen 
that the more precious shell was blue and dates back 

1 F. B. Pearoe, Zanzibar, the Idand Metropolis of Eastern Africa, London 
1920, p. 355 ff. 


to a Chinese commeroial custom. With the growth 
of the glass industry the great advantage of manufac- 
turing blue beads to take the place of the drilled shell 
beads must have presented itself to the Chinese mind. 
We actually have a documentary proof of the fact. In 
1608 John Saris, in a letter from Bantam to the East 
India Company, wrote: '''I have many times certified 
your worships of the trade the Flemings follow to 
Soocadanna (Sukadana) which place jieldeth great 
store of diamonds, and of their manner of dealing for 
them for gold principally which comes from Benier- 
massen (Banjarmasim) and blue glass beads which the 
Chinese make and sell 300 for a ps of eight, and they 
are there worth a mas a 100 which is 3/. s. and some- 
times more sometimes less according as gold doth rise 
and fall. I have delivered one of those beads tmto 
our General to show unto your worships, to the end 
that if we shall trade there, we may have the like beads 
brought out of England at a cheaper rate."^ 

But Chinese wares, in enormous quantities, have 
been found at Zanzibar and the whole eastern littoral: 
'Tortious of similar Chinese property belonging to the 
Ming djmasty have been found, it is understood, at 
Zimbabwe, and certainly along the littoral of East 
Africa. The variety of markings and pattern is very 
great; and from the quantities which strew the beaches 
and ruined sites, the importation of china ware to East 
Africa during the later Middle Ages must have been 
on an extensive scale. 

**Much of the pottery found at various places on the 
East African coast, and also at the ruins in Zanzibar and 
Pemba, cannot be included with the older and rarer 
specimens referred to above. It is of later date, and, 
as will be seen from the list of the Victoria and Albert 

^ Letters Received hy the East India Company from its Serfanis in the Eaet, 
London 1896, vol I, p. 22. 


Museum, belongs to the seventeenth and eighteenth 
centuries. In some instances this more recent ware 
may have come from Persia."^ There can, therefore, 
be no doubt that the glass beads of Zanzibar, hence 
of any other emporium in Africa, are due to the efforts 
of the Persians and Arabians in popularizing Chinese 
commercial customs among the savages. But the 
Arabs, as well as Marco Polo, were convinced that the 
shells and porcelain were in some way related, and that 
the porcelain had to weather in the ground for a long 
time before it could be utilized.^ From this arose the 
custom in Africa of considering glass or porcelain beads 
of especial value, if they had weathered in the ground, 
hence the preference shown by the Negroes to the 
dimmed beads washed out from the soil, and the large 
deposits of such beads in Arabic or European empori- 
ums in Africa. 

Duarte Pacheco does not speak of the Benin beads 
as being of glass, but the Portuguese pilot distinctly 
says that the aggry beads were not of glass, but of a 
certain mineral. In 1624 Braun said that the natives 
considered accarey to be a precious stone, but that it 
grew in the sea like a coral, and that it was of a sky- 
blue color, but transparently sea-green.* However, 
Braun's opinion is merely based on hearsay and does 
not tell us anything certain of the material of these 
beads. Balthasar Springer, in 1509, told of long blue 
crystals which were current as money in West Africa.* 
Similarly the Valentin Ferdinand Manuscript speaks of 

* F. B. Pearce, op. eit., p. 358. 
> See p. 206 ff. 

* G. Henningp op. cit., p. 38. 

* "Diss volck braucht noch nympt bei ynen gantz kein eelt sunder allein 
seltzam auenturige Ding als Spigel Messingring lang blawe Cristallein 
vnd der geleichen manigerlei was yn seltzam ist vnd ynen do hyn bracht 
wirt Do geben sie ware vmb ware vnnd was sie haben vnd bei yn wechst 
stuck vor stuck noch yrer Hebe und s^mlicher achtung der selben Ding/' 
F. Schulze, BaUhasar Springers Indienfahrt, 1606-06, Strassburg 1902, p. 37. 


''oontas matamungos e ohristalina.'*^ "Crystal" may 
refer to glass, but since we know that the Venetians 
manufactured rock crystal beads before they took to 
those of glass, it is more likely that we are here still in 
the presence of stone beads. Matamungo is unques- 
tionably of Hindu origin, of which the second part is 
Hindustani manka, Guzerati manako "bead, gem," and 
the first tells, no doubt, the material of which it was 
made. At the end of the XVI. century, beads were 
received both from India and Venice, for we read in 
Alvares d'Almada^ of ^^contaria da India'' and ^'contaria, 
continha de Veneza.''^ It is, therefore, apparent that 
the bead money for Africa originated in Asia, that is, 
principally Cambay, whence came the stone beads, 
but in the XVI. century soon gave way to the counter- 
feit Chinese and Venetian glass beads. 

A study of the bead-trade in the XVI. century re- 
veals its enormous importance in Africa. In 1618 the 
English factories still used agate and crystal beads,^ 
by the side of a great quantity of coral beads from the 
Red Sea,^ and glass beads are also mentioned.^ Beads 
from Cambay were soon dispatched to Surat, as an 
experiment in the Madagascar trade.^ Red and white 
Cambay beads^ and camelian beads from the same 

> Franz Htimmerich, QueUen und UrUenuehungen 9ur Fahrt der enten 
Deutsehen nach dem portuffiesiaehen Indien, 1505-6, in AbhandLungen der 
Kgl. Bayerisehen Akademie der Wissensehaften, philosophisch-^hiMogisehe 
und historiaehe Klasse, Miinchen 1918, vol. XXX, part 3, p. 82. 

• A. Alvares d'Almada, op, eit. 
» Ibid., pp. 16, 30. 

« "Bloodstonee are difficult to get. 'Aggat or babagoria beadee' can be 
furnished." W. Foster, The English Factories in India, 1618-1621, A 
Calendar of Doeumenis in the India Office, British Museum and Public 
Record Office, Oxford 1906, p. 52. 

• Ibid., p. 131. 

• Ibid,, p. 184. 

' "Send 48 strings (24 corge) of beads suitable for barter in Madagascar, 
costing half a rupee per corge. Will procure a further supply if these are 
approved," ibid,, 162t-2S, p. 154. 

• Ibid,, 162J^-29, p. 74. 


place^ remained popular, but the Cambay trade de- 
teriorated rapidly.' At the same time the European 
beads were becoming more popular. At first much 
opposition was met with in Asia against the European 
amber beads,' while coral became *' 'the most staple and 
vendible commodity' that Europe produces.*'* At the 
same time the Portuguese made the small European 
glass beads popular.^ 

In Africa Dapper, in the XVII. century, once refers 
to rock-crystal (Bergh-Kristael)* as current on the river 
Qambia; occasionally he uses kriatal^ kristallein' alone, 
which may mean glass or coral, for he once himself adds 
the remark that instead of rock-crystal (Bergh-Kristal) 
they in his day rather used coral or beads.^ Somewhat 
later, Barbot mentions rock-crystal as imported at 
James-Fort* and crystals at Qoeree^^ and crystal beads 
at Sierra Leone, ^^ but as in the latter place he also speaks 
of all sorts of counterfeit pearls and refers to false crys- 
tals imported by the French at Qoeree, while elsewhere 
glass beads predominate to an overwhelming degree, 
we get a definite proof of the tremendous deteriora- 

1 Ibid., p. 209. "Hare just unexpectedly procured 216,550 red cornelian 
beadSp'' ibid., 16S0-SS, p. 39. 

' "Long r^ cornelian beads sent in the Mary for use in the next fleet. A 
further supply shall be provided for the Jonas; as for quality, Cambaia, 
where they are made, is so miserably decayed in those land of artificers 
that we must take what we can have, if wee will hould ourselves to such a 
number as you command/' ibid., 16S^-16S6, p. 62 f . 

» Ibid., pp. 131, 144, 173. 

* Ibid., 16$7-16J^, p. 20S. 

> "Forward a quantity of long beads, round comdian beads, and *a 
small sort of glasse beads called by the Portugalls eaniaria.* The two latter 
lands were found by the Franeia to be much more desired than the long 
bemads, 'wluch are not here (unlesse forebespoake) procurable without mu^ 
difficulty, and those scarse worth the buvme,' " (bid., p. 289 f . "Cantaria 
bcAds are also popular (at Madagascar), boui there and along the coast of 
Sofala," ibid., p. 296. 

* O. Dapper, op. cit., part 1, fol. 419. 
f Ibid., part 2, fols. 10, 126. 

• Ibid., part 1, fol. 411. 

• J. Churchill, op. eit., vol. V, p. 75. 
" Ibid., p. 44. 

" Ibid., p. 102. 


tion in the bead material which had taken place in two 
hundred years in Africa. Barbot, like Dapper, defi- 
nitely tells of akori as made at Benin from a blue coral, ^ 
which again shows a deterioration of the bead material, 
already mentioned by Braun, as compared with Duarte 
Pacheco's cori^ which was still made from some stone. 
In the XIV. century crystal jewels were taken from 
Italy to China,* obviously because they were manufac- 
tured there for export. In 1493 a Venetian document 
still speaks of the manufacture of glass crystal pipes 
(cannal vitrorum cristalinorum) at Murano,' but it is 
impossible to determine whether the reference is to 
rock-crystal or the glass substitute. In the XVII. c, as 
we have seen, we have frequently references to Vene- 
tian glass beads, but these are also manufactured in 
France,* especially in Rouen. It was apparently the 
Venetians who introduced the long pipes into the 
African trade, as the Negroes preferred to cut their 
own beads out of them, and the French glass factories 
continued this practice^ as appears from philological 
considerations. In the Walloon region a pipe is called 
hu88 or buzaij and in Old French the word was huae or 
huise. The latter produced Dutch heviese **long Vene- 
tian bead.'' Marees tells of the Venetian hevieaen^ 
brought to the Guinea Coast by the Dutch,* which they 
break into four or five pieces and regrind.^ These 

' " . . . Aceory, or blue earal . . . The blue corai grows in branchy 
bushee, like the red coral, at the bottom of the river and lakes in Benin; 
which the natives have a peculiar art to grind or work into beads like olives," 
ibid,, p. 361; "the Aeeory is to be found no where but at Rio del Rey, and 
thence along to Camarones River," ibid., p. 384. 

> C. A. Marin, Storia eivUe e poliHea del ammereio de V€:MiAam, Vinegia 
1800, vol. V, p. 261. 

* G. M. Thomas, CapUvlar dee deuitehen Hauaes in Venedig, Berlin 1874, 
p. 270. 

* "They use glassbeads (glaze kralen), and other commodities, which the 
French bring to them, instead of mon^," Dapper, op. eit., p. 703; "the 
French import false crystal," J. Cnurchill, op, eit., vol. V, p. 44. 

* "Large beads from Rouen," ibid., p. 349. 

* Op. ai,, p. 274. 


long beads were popularized in England at least as 
early as 1579, when they were mentioned by Spenser 
in his Shepherd's Calendar under the name of bugles. 
The word bugle is due to a confusion of the French 
term buise with Old French buisine * 'trumpet, bugle/' 
In Cotgrave^ we find ^^buisinej buzine^ busine a little 
pipe, conduct pipe, water pipe, bag pipe,*' while in Old 
French buisine is ''trumpet, flute, pipe" and buse is also 
"some kind of trumpet." Hence the name of the 
musical instrument bugle was in England transferred 
to the Venetian glass-pipe bead. 

We thus get a confirmation of the fact that the stone 
and coral beads of antiquity reentered commerce in the 
Middle Ages as a substitute for money, the supremacy 
held by Cambay in the XVI. century passing over to 
the countries which manufactured glass counterfeits, 
China, Venice, France. In Africa, the old emporiums 
in the Benin country preserved a reminiscence of the 
early stone-bead money until the XVII. century, but 
as early as the XVI. century the glass beads usurped 
their place throughout the greater part of Africa, by 
the side of the two-valued shell-money. 

^ R. Cotgrare, A Didionane of the French and Enolith TofHrvM, London 


Jacques Cartier, in 1534, described the shell-money 
of Canada as follows: ''The most precious thing that 
they have in this worid is esnogny, the which is white as 
snow, and they take it in the same river from the 
cornibotz in the manner which follows: When a man 
has deserved death, or when they have taken any 
enemies in war, they kill them, then cut them upon the 
buttocks, thighs, and shoulders with great gashes; 
afterward in the places where the said esnogny is they 
sink the said body to the bottom of the water, and leave 
it ten or twelve hours ; then draw it up and find within 
the said gashes and incisions the said cornibotz^ of 
which they make bead money and use it as we do gold 
and silver, and hold it the most precious thing in the 
world. It has the virtue of stanching blood from the 
nostrils, because we have tried it."* 

The French texts write esurgny, esnogny, enogny, 
esvognj^ as the name of the shell, and the correct form can 
be established from the still existing word in some of the 
Algonquin languages. We have Cree soniyaw * 'silver,'* 
soniyawikamik **bank," Otchipwe jonua * 'money, silver," 
joniians ''shilling," where the meaning "silver" is due 
to an association with French "argent," which means 

> For a full account read W. M. Beauchamp, Wampum and Shell Artieies 
Uud hy the New York Indiana, in BuUelin of the New York SUOe Museum, 
No. 41, vol. 8, p. 327 ft. Here I deal only with orinns. 

« J. P. Baxter, A Memoir of Jacques Cartier, Sieur de lAmoilou, New York 
1906, p. 165 f. 

* A. d'Avezac, Bref rMt el sueeinele narration de la natrigaHon faite 
en MDXXXV el MDXXXVI par U eapiUnne Jacques CaHier aux ties de 
Canada, Hoehdaga, Saguenay el auires, Paris 1863, p. 68. 


both ''silver'* and "money." Micmac sooleawa, Mon- 
tagnais shuliau ''money*' is most likely a corruption 
of English "silver," while Abnaki manni "money" is 
obviously the corresponding English word. Cree sonv- 
yaw is found again in Long Island in 1642, when the 
Dutch are called by the Indians Swanneke,^ that is, the 
"money people."* This is derived from sewan, zea- 
want: "This money consists of zeawant, which is noth- 
ing more than the inside little pillars of the conckshells, 
which the sea casts up twice a year. These pillars they 
polish smooth, drill a hole through the centre, reduce it 
to a certain size, and string the pieces on threads. The 
strings fill the place of gold, silver and copper coin."' 
"Their money is certain shells or horns found at the 
seashore, and these horns they rub on a stone as thin 
as they wish. Then they drill a hole through them and 
string them on a wire, or make of them strings a hand 
wide or more, and these they hang around the neck or 
body or through holes in their ears, or make caps for 
their heads of them, and there are two kinds of them, 
the white being the cheaper, the brownish-blue the 
better, and they give two white shells for one brown, 
and these are called by them zeewan, and they prize 
them as much as Christians prize gold, silver, and 

From these considerations it follows that suogny is 
nearly the form intended by Cartier, and that it has the 
general meaning of "money." We have already seen 

^ D. P. de Vriee, KorU hitUma/A ende jaumadB aentevekeninge van ver- 
Bcheuden voyagiena in de vier deden des wereldt9-fande, aU Europa, Africa, 
Aata, ende Amerika gedaen, 's-Gravenhage 1911, p. 250. 

* "Sewanrhaekv, the name frequently appliei by the Dutch to Long Island, 
was compounded from eewan, and the Delaware word kacky, or hoMng 
'the land/ " J. R. Brodhead, Hietary of the StaU of New York, New York 
1863, vol. I, p. 172. 

* Extracts from a work called Breeden Raedi aen de vereenighde Neder- 
kmdeche Provintien, printed in Antwerp in 1649, translated from the Dutch 
original by Mr. C. in E. B. O'Callaghan's The DoeumenU»ry History of the 
State of New York, Albany 1861, vol. IV, p. 128. 

* De Vries, op. eit., p. 243. 


that Cartier several times referred to Brazil^ in con- 
nection with Canada, hence we may expect him here, 
too, to give the name current in Brazil for * 'money, " 
which, no doubt, had been carried north before him. 
Indeed, in the native language of Brazil we have gaang 
*'to experiment, prove, try," gaangaba ''token, mold, 
picture, signal, figure, form," while the Portuguese itself 
has missanga **bead," from the Bantu word for **blue 
currency,"^ which shows that the Brazilian word was de- 
rived from the transference of the African word to Euro- 
pean stamped money. In the other Tupi languages 
this gaang was taken to be a compound with the personal 
prefix f , producing a root aang^ haang, and even haa^ 
with nearly the same meaning. We have Guarani 
haa^ haangaba ''signal, picture, image, medal, attempt, 
resemblance," which again leads back to a meaning 
''token." Cartier calls the mussel from which the shell 
is obtained comibotz. This is a real French name for 
the mussel, the modern escargot, for which there are re- 
corded escorobotj escarbot, icharbot} 

It is apparent from the account of the catching of the 
mussels that we have here an exaggeration of the 
African manner of obtaining them by means of a hide,^ 
except that a more gruesome practice of killing men 
for the purpose is substituted. That the whole story 
is of African origin is further proved by the reference 
to the stanching of blood with the shell, which is due 
to a confusion with the account of the camelian beads, 
which were reputed to stanch the blood. Thus Duarte 
Pacheco says that the alaquequas, that is, the agates, 
are called estancar sangue "blood stanchers."* 

' See Africa and the Discovery of America, vol. I, p. 137. 
2 See D 226 

* E. Rolland, Faune pajndaire de la France, Paris 1881, vol. Ill, p. 193. 

* See p. 210. 

* Op. eU,, lib. I, cap. XXXI, p. 161, and Ibn-al-Baitftr, op. cU., Nob. 
1565, 1566. 


In the beginning of the XVII. century we have fuller 
accounts of the beads used by the Indians in Canada. 
Lescarbot/ whose work appeared in 1609, that is, a 
little over seventy years after Jacques Cartier, shows 
what great changes had taken place in the use of beads 
among the Indians of Canada: ''They are content to 
have matachiaz hanging in their ears and about their 
necks, bodies, arms, and legs. The Brazilians, Flori- 
dians, and Armouchiquois make necklaces and brace- 
lets (called bovrre in Brazil and matachiaz by us) from 
the shells of the large sea mussels, called vignols and 
resembling snails, which they cut and collect in a thou- 
sand pieces, then polish them on a sandstone and make 
them very small and, piercing them, make of them 
rosaries which resemble those that we call 'porcelain.' 
In these necklaces they alternate other beads, which 
are as black as the others are white, of jet or hard 
black wood which resembles it, which they polish and 
reduce as they wish, and all this is very gracefully done ; 
and if things are to be esteemed according to the fashion, 
even as we have things done among our merchants, 
these necklaces, sashes, and bracelets of vignol or por- 
celain are finer than pearls (albeit I shall not be 
believed), and they are prized more than pearls, gold 
or silver, and what those of the Qreat River of Canada 
in the days of Jacques Cartier called esurgni, a word 
which I find it hard to understand and which Belle- 
Forest did not understand when he spoke of it. Nowa- 
days they do not have them, or have lost the trade, for 
they make great use of the matachiaz brought to them 
from France. At Port Royal and in the sur- 

rounding country, and near Terre Neuve and Tadous- 
sac, where they have no pearls, nor vignols, the girls 
and women make matachiaz from fishbone or porcupine 
quills, which they tint black, white and vermilion, as 

^ M. LeBCarbot, op. dLt vol. Ill, p. 707 ff. 


bright as possible, for our scarlet has nothing like the 
luster of their red color. But they prefer the matar- 
chiaz which come from the country of the Armouchi- 
quois, and buy them at high prices. And since they 
get but little of it, on account of the war which the two 
constantly wage with each other, they bring to them 
from France the matachiaz made from small glass pipes 
mixed with tin or lead, which is sold to them by the 
fathom, for lack of an ell measure Some of 

them have belts made of matachiaz, which they use 
only when they want to make a show or appear brave." 
The shell-beads were not entirely abandoned, for 
twenty-three years later Sagard-Th^odat found them 
still in use among the Hurons, under the name of ono- 
coirota,^ the modern onekorha. Sagard's matachiaz is 
the French madache, mataascj originally ''silk stuff," 
but more commonly used in the sense of ''string," that 
is, in our case "string of beads," which formed the unit 
of money value, in Africa as well as in America. It is 
interesting to find in Lescarbot's vocabulary of native 
words "needle" translated by mocouschiSy "awl" by 
mocouSj^ obviously the same word, and referring to the 
imported steel implements, the latter used in the drilling 
of the shells. Not all the Algonquin languages possess 
the word. We have Otchipwe migoss "awl, bodkin," 
Delaware muckooa "awl, nail," Natick mukqs "awl," 
Narraganset mucksuk "awl blades." But a confusion 
with English "nail," which refers to the extremities of 
the body, produced Abnaki m^kuse "nail, claw, hoof," 
Natick muhkosy muhkas "nail, claw, talon, hoof." 
Trumbull' tries to derive all these from a root uhqude 

^ F. G. Sagard-Th6odat» Le grand tfoyage du pays des Hwrons, Paris 1865, 
vol. I, p. 135» and G. SagarcUTh^odat, HisUnre du Canada et voyages qwB 
Us F fires Mineurs Reeodeds y ont faiets paw la eansersion des infidHUs, Paris 
1866, vol I, p. 252 f. 

* Ov> eU., vol. Ill, p. 667. 

* J. H. Trumbull, NoHck Dictumary^ in SmUhisonian IntlUuitum^ Bureau 
of American Ethnoiogy, Washington 1903, Bulletin 25, p. 168. 


**at the point or extremity of/' and this will be dis- 
cussed further on. Forty years before Cartier the 
needle became known in the Carribean, through the 
Spaniards, as Carib acoHcha, Arawak akussa, Galibi 
cacoasa, etc.,^ and we shall see that the oldest refer- 
ence to shell-money is found in the Spanish Darien, 
hence in migosa, mocouachis, muckoos, all in regions 
where shell-money is mentioned at an early time, we 
must look for derivations of Spanish aguxa, that is, 
modern aguja "needle." 

We have already seen that the Dutch popularized 
shell-money at Long Island. In New England it was 
unknown until introduced there by Governor Bradford 
in 1627, but it took two years to familiarize the Indians 
with its use: "That which turned out most to their 
profite in time, was an entrance into the trade of Wam- 
pompeake; for they now bought aboute 60" worth of 
it of them; and they told them how vendable it was at 
their forte Crania, [Aurania, now Albany] and did per- 
swade them they would find it so at Kenebeck; and so 
it came to pass in time, though at first it stuck, & it 
was 2 years before they could put of this small quantity, 
till y* inland people knew of it; and afterwards they 
could scarcely ever gett enough for them, for many 
years togeather And strange it was to see 

the great alteration it made in a few years amonge y* 
Indeans themselves; for all the Indeans of these parts, 
& y* Massachusetts, had none or very little of it; but 
y* sachems & some spetiall persons that wore a little 
of it for ornaments. Only it was made and kepte 
amonge y* Nariganssetts & Pequents, which grew rich 
& potent by it, and these people were poore & begerly, 
and had no use of it. Neither did the English of this 
plantation, or any other in y* land, till now that they 
had knowledge of it from y* Dutch, so much as know 

> See vol. I, p. 60. 


'9 ic^ 

INDIAN LONG BEADS, from W. M. Beiuchimp'g Wamptttn and ShtU Atttdti. 


what it was, much less y* it was a comoditie of that 
worth & valew. But after it grue thus to be a comodi- 
tie in these parts, these Indeans fell into it allso, and to 
leame how to make it ; for y* Narigansets doe geather 
y* shells of which y*^ make it from their shors. And 
it hath now continued a current comoditie aboute 
this 20 years, and it may prove a drugg in time. In y^ 
mean time it makes y* Indeans of these parts rich and 
power full, and allso prowd therby ; and fills them with 
peeces, powder, and shots, which no laws can re- 
straine."^ In the State of New York the shell-beads 
dug up from the graves present the same distinction 
between white and blue beads' as in Canada and Africa, 
and, besides, we find here a large number of pipe beads,' 
originally popularized in Africa by the Venetians. 
Similar pipes have been found in the graves of the 
Mound-builders,^ which is significant for the dating of 
these graves. 

We have already seen that the Dutch and Indian name 
aewan, zeewant for **money" is related to Cartier's 
esnogny and some modern Indian names for ''money," 
hence the assumed derivation from an Algonquin word 
meaning ''to scatter" is inadmissible. The beads 
themselves are recorded under &i, pi, plural biak, peak, 
which, again, are related to the African and Chinese 
words for "shell-bead." The white bead was known 
as Buckauhoek. This hiak, peak is unfortunately not 
recorded in many Indian languages, as representing a 
rare connotation outside of the region where it was 
found and distributed by the aid of white traders, but 
none the less, it is found in scattered places throughout 
both Americas. 

^ Beauchamp, op. cU,, p. 355. 
* /Wa., p. 332. 
» Ibid., p. 369 ff . 
Ibid., p. 337. 


It can, however, be shown, that the Canadian and 
New York wampum belts are related to the Brazilian 
wampum belt, which itself is of African origin. In his 
La coamographie universelle^ Thevet tells of **a certain 
kind of white necklaces made of very small cockle shells 
(vignotz), which they take in the sea and prize very 
highly. The beads which come to France, which are 
as white as ivory, are brought from this country, and 
the savages themselves make them, and the sailors 
buy them at a low price; and from there came the first 
heltSj which were ever seen in France as made of that 
material; which they make so round, without file or 
other iron utensil, but only with rough stones, with 
which they cut and round them: with which stones, 
that are black and gray, they used to cut trees, and 
make wedges of them, before the Christians taught them 
the use of iron. When the beads were first brought to 
France, they thought that they were of white coral, 
and some said that it was porcelain. Call them what 
you may, I have seen them made of bones and fishscales 
of which the women over there wear bracelets as large 
as are those of soldiers over here."^ From this we 
learn that the first wampum belts in Europe came from 
Brazil. Hans Stade similarly tells of the white rosa- 
ries made of a kind of sea-shell: "Of these the king 
had also some six fathoms length hanging round his 
neck.'** "They wear an ornament, which they make 
out of large snail-shells; these they call mattepvs. It 
is made like a crescent, to hang round the neck, and it 
is snow-white ; they call it hogessy. ' '' L6ry gives a some- 
what different account of the Brazilian bead necklace: 
"When after a long time they have polished on a piece 
of sandstone an infinity of small pieces of a large sea- 
shell called vignoly which they round out and make as 

1 Op. eU., fol. 931 b. 

* Ch>. cU., p. 72 f. (cap. 28). 

> Ibid., p. 139 (cap. 15). 


fine and round as a Tours dime, pierced through the 
middle, they make necklaces of them called hoii-re, 
which, when they so wish, they put around their necks, 
as we do in our country with gold chains. This is 
what, in my opinion, some call 'porcelaine' of which 
we see our women over here wear belts, some of them 
more than three fathoms, as beautiful as you may wish 
to see, when I arrived in France. The savages also 
make necklaces called hou-re from a certain kind of 
black wood, which, being almost as heavy and shining 
as jet, is quite appropriate for it."^ **And so, to use 
them for that purpose, they consider as very beauti- 
ful the small yellow, blue, green, and other glass but- 
tons, strung like beads and called mauroubij of which 
we have brought such a large number to traffic with 
them over there. Indeed, as soon as we land in their 
villages, or they come to our fort, to get them from us, 
they present us some fruit or other native article, with 
their speeches full of flattery, as they are wont to do, 
bothering our heads, they incessantly keep repeating: 
*Af air, deagatorem amabi mauroubij Frenchman, you 
are good, give me some of your glass button bracelets.' "^ 

Stade's bogeasy, L6ry's bou-re ''necklace" are the 
modern Guarani mboi-rici "bead necklace," preserved 
in Tupi as moyra^ while Lory's mauroubi is the Guarani 
mboi robi **blue beads." We thus get the Guarani 
mboi^ pot "shell-bead," which is obviously identical 
with the African abuy^ etc. It is strange that the 
French writers on Brazil, who so freely use vignot, 
vignol for "a large shell," should not have known that 
it is a French word. Belon, before L6ry, wrote: "The 
French call the beads made from large vignoh, por- 

1 J. de L6ry. HisUnre d'un voyoQe faid en la terre du Brisil, Paris 1880, 
vol. I, p. 126 f. (chap. VIII). 

* Ibid., p. 136 f. 


celain beads. "^ These shells are found in enormous 
quantities at Dieppe, hence it is. most likely that the 
French accounts referring to the shell-beads in Brazil 
hark back to Dieppe accounts, and so may precede the 
discovery of America by a century. It is, therefore, 
in the Norman country that the wampum belt, as a 
precious ornament for European women, had its origin 
and was by the Frenchmen transferred to Brazil and 

''Shell" and "bead" words are not often given in the 
scanty vocabularies that have come down to us, and 
only fragmentary information is possible here. It is 
not at all surprising that Brazilian poi should turn up 
as peag, etc., in Canada, since again and again we will 
find the close relationship of European and African 
influence skipping from Brazil to the St. Lawrence. 

The other Algonquin languages do not seem to have 
a word corresponding to bij pi, but the Canadian 
languages of this group throw a bright light on the 
relation of the shell-money to the French art of drilling. 
Cree mokisis **bead" and mikiai-yagan **plate, porce- 
lain," which has the meaning both of ''chinaware" and 
**shell-bead," Otchipwe migiskan "fish-hook" once more 
show the relation to "awl, bodkin" and, at the same 
time, help us to determine the origin of the Natick 
words uhquae, originally "sharp point," uhkos "nail," 
uhquan "fish-hook" as either contaminations with some 
other Algonquin roots, or, more likely, as derived 
directly from a Spanish aguxa, aguja "needle," of 
which all the others are derivatives. 

We have a full description of shell-money in Virginia 
in the beginning of the XVIII. century: "The In- 
dians had nothing which they reckoned Riches, before 
the English went among them, except Peak, Roenoke, 

1 P. Belon du Mans, Les obsertHUums de ^usieurs Hngularitez & ehose9 
memorablet, trauviea en Greee, Aaie, Jud^e, agypte, AraMe, & atUres payt 
e9irange9, Paris 1555, fol. 134a (cap. LXXI). 


and such like trifles made out of the Cunk shell. These 
past with them instead of Gold and Silver, and serv'd 
them both for Money and Ornament. It was the 
English alone that taught them first to put a value on 
their Skins and Furs, and to make a Trade of them. 

**Peafc is of two sorts, or rather of two colours, for 
both are made of one shell, tho of different parts; one 
is a dark Purple Cylinder, and the other a white ; they 
are both made in size, and figure alike, and commonly 
much resembling the English Buglas^ but not so trans- 
parent nor so brittle. They are wrought as smooth 
as Glass, being one third of an inch long, and about a 
quarter, diameter, strung by a hole drill'd thro the 
Center. The dark colour is the dearest, and dis- 
tinguish' d by the name of Wampom Peak. The 
English men that are called Indian Traders, value the 
Wampom Peak, at eighteen pence per Yard, and the 
white Peak at nine pence. The Indians also make 
Pipes of this, two or three inches long, and thicker than 
ordinary, which are much more valuable. They also 
make Runtees of the same Shell, and grind them as 
smooth as Peak. These are either large like an Oval 
Bead, and drill' d the length of the Oval, or else they 
are circular and fiat, almost an inch over, and one 
third of an inch thick, and drill'd edgeways. Of this 
Shell they also make round Tablets of about four inches 
diameter, which they polish as smooth as the other, and 
sometimes they etch or grave thereon. Circles, Stars, a 
Half Moon, or any other figure suitable to their fancy. 
These they wear instead of Medals before or behind 
their Neck, and use the Peak, Runtees and Pipes for 
Coronets, Bracelets, Belts or long Strings hanging 
down before the Breast, or else they lace their garments 
with them, and adorn their Tomahawks, and every 
other thing that they value. 



They have also another sort which is as current 
among them, but of far less value; and this is made of 
the Cockle shell, broke into small bits with rough 
edges, drill'd through in the same manner as Beads, 
and this they call Roenoke, and use it as the Peak. 

''These sorts of Money have their rates set upon them 
as unalterable, and current as the values of our Money 

''The Indians have likewise some Pearl amongst 
them, and formerly had many more, but where they 
got them is uncertain, except they found 'em in the 
Oyster Banks, which are frequent in this Country."^ 

Captain Smith gives the meaning "chain" to roenoke 
or rawrenock; hence there is, in all likelihood, no essen- 
tial difference between this and wampum, except that 
the first was thought of as part of a necklace, while the 
second, being more carefully worked, was money proper. 
It is also clear that the shell-money was introduced 
into Virginia from the north by the traders acquainted 
with the Long Island or New England method of shell 
grinding and boring. Thus we see that since the day 
of Jacques Cartier the shell-money was taken from 
Canada first to and near Long Island, and then to 
Virginia. In the beginning of the XVI. century two 
streams of commercial enterprise are observable in the 
region of the Great Lakes, one emanating from Brazil, 
through the acquaintance of the French and, possibly, 
Portuguese traders along the St. Lawrence with the 
conditions prevailing in Brazil, and the other, an over- 
land influence, obviously along the Mound-builders' 
route, from the Gulf of Mexico, whence the Spanish 
or Negro method of working shell-money was trans- 
ferred to the region of the Great Lakes. 

1 R. Beverley, The History and Present State of Virginia, London 1705, 
Book III, p. 58 f. 


Fortunately we get ten years earlier than in Cartier a 
documentary proof of the extension of the shell-money 
trade from Panama of Nicaragua at least toward Peru ; 
thus the Carribean wampum trade is, at least as re- 
corded, older than the one in the north. We have 
already seen^ that in 1525 Indians from Peru exchanged 
a large number of commodities for shell-money oflf the 
coast of Nicaragua or Darien.* Uhle' says that all 
these articles mentioned were manufactured by the 
Chimus, and that the Spondilua pictorum and Conus 
Ferguaoni^ the shells found very near the shores of 
Lower California and Central America and abundantly 
deposited in graves at Trujillo^ and Ancon,^ are sufficient 
proof of a commercial relation between Peru and Central 
America. At Tiahuanaco a great number of shell- 
beads are found which must have come from the sea, 

» See p. 78. 

' "Este navfo que digo que tom6, tenia parecer de cabida de hasta treinta 
toneles; era hecho por el plan y quiUa de unas cafias tan gruesas como 
postes, ligadas con sogas de uno que dioen eneguen, que es como cafiamo, 
y loB altos de otraa cafiias mas delgadas, ligadas con las dichas sogas, adonde 
venian sus personas y la mercadurfa en enjuto porque lo bajo se bafiaba. 
Traia sus zn&stiles y antenas de muy fina madera y velas de algodon del 
mismo talle, de numera que los nuestros navios, y muy buena jarda dd dicho 
eneguen que digo, que es como c4fiamo, y unas potalas por andas & numera 
de muela de barbero. Y traian muchas piezas de plata y de oro por el 
ario de sus personas para hacer rescate con aquellas con quien iban i con- 
tratar, en que intervenian coronas y diademas y cintos y ponietes y arma- 
duras como de piemas, y petoe y tenazuelas y cascabeles y sartas y mazos 
de cuentas y rosecleres y espejos guameddos de la dicha plata, y tazas y 
otra vasijas para beber; traian muchas mantas de lana y de algodon, y 
camisas y aljulas y alcaceres y alaremes y otras muchas ropas, todo lo mas 
de ello muy labrado de labores muy ricos de colores de grana y carmisf , y 
azul y amariUo, y de todas otras coores de diversas maneras de labores 
y figuras de aves y animales y pescadoe y arboledas; y traian unos pesos 
chiquitos de pesar oro, como hechura de romana, y otras muchas cosas. 
En algunas sartas de cuentas venian algunas piedras pequefias de esmeraldas 
y ca<»donias, y otras piedras y pedazos de crista! y &nime. Todo esto 
traian para rescatar por unas conchas de pescado de que ellos hacen cuentas 
coloradas como corales, y blancas, que traian casi el navio cargado de ellas." 
Coleeei&n de doeumentoa inidiios para la historia de Espaila, Madrid 1844, 
vol. V, p. 196 f. 

' La esfera de influeneias del pais de los Ineaa, in Revista hi8t6riea, ^gano 
del InsUtuio HisiMeo del Peril, Lima 1909, vol. IV, p. 22. 

* Ibid., p. 10. 

* Reiss & StUbd, The Necropolis of Ancon, vol. Ill, plate 83. 


and the question arises whether these do not belong to 
a later Inca period.^ Thus we are once more con- 
fronted with the fact that the Chimu culture belongs 
to a later time than generally assumed. No wonder, 
then, that the Chimu graves contain representations 
of peanuts and other fruits which have been shown to 
be of African origin. According to the pilot's state- 
ment, Christianity was already known in 1525 off the 
coast of Peru,' and now, that we are sure that this 
report refers to the Chimus, we can determine the 
name Maria Meaeia, obviously that of the Virgin Mary, 
from the Chimu language. In Chimu* mecherrdk 
means ''woman, dofia," hence Maria Meaeia literally 
means **Lady Mary," and the presence of Christianity 
off the shore of Peru is once more established. But 
if there was Christianity there, traders must have 
existed there before, and the relation of Peru to Pan- 
ama or Nicaragua is simply the result of the influence 
of traders, either white or black, who emanated from 
that region, and we have seen that Negroes were settled 
in Darien before the first white settlement. 

Indeed, Andagoya tells that in Careta, about thirty 
leagues from Darien, ''shells were used as articles of 

1 "Auch ist nicht anzunehmen, daas der Titicaca See selbst solche Muachdn 
wie die, aus welcher Fig. 57 gearbeitet ist, darbietet. Das Material dtlrfte 
dem Ocean entnommen sein. Durch alle aolche Umst&nde wird die Frage 
geweckt, ob bier nicht die Beweise einer KetBchuischen Werkstfttte feinerer 
Arbeitsnciateriale, statt einer einheimischen der Colla vorliegen. Solite es 
eine von Ketschuas gefaaltene geweeen sein, so wftre hdchst auffallend deren 
Niederlaaeung auf dem Platse anderer ftlterer DenkmiUer einer ganz anderen 
Kulturperiode, gewissermassen unter den Trtimmem derselben," A. StUbel, 
W. ReisB und B. Koppel, KvUur und Industrie sUdamerikaniseher VMer, 
Berlin 1889, vol. I, p. 52. 

* "Hay una isla en la mar junto 4 los pueblos donde tienen una casa de 
oracion necha & manera de tienda de campo, toldada de muy ricas mantas 
labradas, adonde tienen una im&gen de una muger con un nifio en los 
brazos que tiene por nombre Mana Meseia: cuando alguno tiene alguna 
enfermedad en alguno miembro, h&cele un miembro de plata 6 de oro, y 
ofr^cesela, y le sacrifican delante de la im&gen dertas ovejas en dertos 
tiempos." CoUeci&n de doeumenioe irUdiioe para la kisiaria de Espafla, 
vol. V, p. 200. 

3 E. W. Middendorf, Das Muehik oder die Chimu^praehe, Leipzig 1892. 


barter with the inner lands, for they were not found 
anywhere except on the sea coast, "^ and in the region 
nearby "there was a principal woman of this land who 
said that there was a belief among the chiefs (for the 
common people do not talk of these things) , that there is 
a beautiful woman with a child in heaven; but the story 
goes no further."^ There is a great deal of confusion 
about this region, for Careta also appears as the name 
of a cacique near Darien, and both seem to be identical 
with Quarecay given by G6mara as the name of a 
province nearby, while Herrera records it as the name 
of a region. In any case, it is right here that Q6mara 
records the only Negroes in America, hence we once 
more get the close relation between the shell trade 
and semi-Christian Negroes, that is, those of Portu- 
guese or French origin. 

We are again brought back to the transference to 
America of African commerce, of which we have heard 
so much. The bread roots, tobacco, wampum, all pro- 
ceeded in their dissemination in America along the 
same roads. The only question is to determine the 
date of the first contact. There can be little doubt 
that in some things the African influence was exerted 
before Columbus, and that this influence could not 
have existed before the XI. century is plain from the 
fact that the many Mandingo words met with in con- 
nection with our words are of Arabic origin. Most 
likely the Mandingos first reached America in the middle 
of the XV. century, with the Portuguese explorers, but 
should it be possible to prove that the French traders 
had reached America from the Guinea coast, where 
they were found already at the end of the XIV. cen- 
tury, the first contact of Africa and America may be 
set back another half a century. Here we enter a 

^ P. de Andagoya, Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrarias Damla, trans, 
and ed. by C. R. Markham (Tne Hakluyt Society), London 1865, p. 9. 
* Ibid,, p. 15. 


field of speculation only and must patiently wait for 
further evidence, before the final judgment can be 

The Chimus got their shells from Darien or Nicara- 
gua, but they also received the impetus for the making 
of the shell-beads from the same region, for we have 
accounts in regard to the manufacture of such beads 
in these regions. ''In these islands (off the coast of 
Nicaragua), there are some fishes which the Christians 
call *pi6 de burro,' which are like large and fat wafers, 
and in them pearls are also found. The sea people affirm 
that it is the best fish of all. From their conchs the 
Indians make very fine and colored beads for their 
necklaces and bracelets, which they call chaquira^ and 
which look like corals ; and they also make them mur- 
rey and white, and each color is perfect in the beads 
which they make of these conches of the 'pi6 de burro,' 
and they are quite hard; these 'pi6s de burro' are as 
large as a man's hand, and further down they are some- 
what smaller."^ The same is told of the province of 
Cueva in Castilla del Oro: "From these large shells 
they make certain small white beads, and others red, 
and others black, and others murrey, and little pipes 
of the same: and they make bracelets in which they 
mix with these beads others, and beads of gold which 
are placed on the wrists and above the ankles and below 
the knees for ornament, especially the women who 
consider themselves highly and belong to the leading 
class wear all these things on the limbs, as above men- 
tioned, and about their necks, and they call these neck- 
laces and such like things cachiraJ*'^ 

But we possess also another version of the pilot's 
voyage toward Peru, by Oviedo, who received it 
directly from the participants in the expedition from 

^ G. F. de Oviedo, HisUnia general y fKOural de Uu Iiidias, Madrid 1853, 
vol. Ill, p. 110. 
* Ibid., p. 13S. 


which we learn that the Nicaraguan and Peruvian shell 
ornaments were identical with those used by the Portu- 
guese in the Guinea trade: ''We saw on the ocean side 
a ship of great size, which looked like lateen sails, and 
the captain and people voyaging in it were getting 
ready to fight, if it was necessary. And he bore down 
upon the boat and took it, and they found that it was 
a ship of merchants from those parts, who were going 
on their commercial errand, and in it were as many as 
twenty people, men, women, and children. This boat 
was constructed of heavy timbers strongly tied together 
with henequen ropes, with its quarterdecks, cabins, 
rudder, sails and tackle, and large stone blocks of the 
size of barber stones, which served in the place of 
anchors. They carried red conchshells, which there are 
in Chaquiray that is, strings of beads, such as are found 
in the Canary Islands, which are sold to the king of 
Portugal for Guinea, and for these the Indians give 
all the gold and silver and cloth which they carry for 
barter. They carried many black vessels and many 
garments of various colors, made of wool, shirts, finely- 
wrought colored mantles, white cloth with fringes, all 
new, for the trade, and dyed wool, wool dye, and many 
other delicate and fine things, from which it appeared 
that they were a clever people, but they look something 
like Berberisci. They told us the way they mined 
gold, and they said that they had sheep which they 
sheared every year, and that there were inhabited 
islands, and many pearls, and that they slept in beds 
with cotton sheets. They worship certain idols; their 
arms are lances, bows, and macanas, like those of the 
Indians of certain parts of Cueva, and in other 
parts they had no wars. They salt their fish, to keep 
it, as we do. The Indians are dressed in sidrts, and 
the women in enaguas and shirts and mantles thrown 
under their arms, like the women of the Moors or in 


the Canary Islands. They have assays with which to 
tell the gold, and scales to weigh it ; they worked silver 
and other metals, and knew it very well: and they 
carried a certain quantity of either, and they informed 
us that in their country there were many precious 

Oviedo was not sure what the chaquira or cachira was, 
except that it referred to some kind of fine bead, and 
thought that it might be the name of the bead necklace. 
We learn more from Cieza de Leon, who says that in Peru 
they wear ''a few ornaments, such as jewels of gold and 
very small beads, called chaquira. In some provinces I 
have myself seen that the people put so high a value on 
these chaquiras, that they will give their weight in gold 
for them. "* * * Few are the things they now make in com- 
parison with the great and rich ornaments they made 

^ "£ yido venir del bordo de la mar un navio que hada muy grand bulto, 
que parescia vela latina, y el maestre 6 los que con €i yban se apareiaron 
para pelear, si f uesse meneeter ; 6 arrib6 sobrel navio 6 le tpmaron, e hallaron 
que era un navio de tractantee de aquellas partes, que venian & hager bus 
rescates, en el qual venian hasta veynte personas, hombres 6 mugeres 6 

"La manera deste navio era de muy gruessoe maderos reatados fuerte- 
mente con so^ res^ias de henequen, con su alc&^u* 6 retretes 6 gobemalles, 
velas 6 zarcias 6 potales de piedras grandes, tunafias como piedras de 
barbero, que sirven en lugar de toooras. Uevaban conchas coloradas, de 
que hay en Chaquira, id eti sartales, como los de las islas de Canaria, que se 
venden al rey de rortugal para el rescate de Guinea; 6 por estas dan los indios 
todo el oro I plata 6 ropas que traen de rescate. Traian muchos cintaros 
negros 6 mucha ropa de diverssas colores, de lana, 6 camisas 6 ayubas, 
6 mantas de colores muy labradas, pafios blancos con franja, todo nuevo, 
para contractar; 6 lana de colores, tinta en lana 6 otras muchas cosas sutiles 
i muy primas, en que pares^a bien ser gente entendida. Y eran de buena 
dispusicion de personas; mas tienen alguna semejanca de berberisoos. 
Degian la manera de c6mo sacan el oro; e decian que hay oveias 6 que las 
tresquilan cada afio, 6 que hay islas pobladas, 6 que hay muchas perlas, 6 
que duermen en camas con sabanas de algodon. Adoran ^ertoa ydolos: 
sus armas son lan^as 6 tiraderas 6 macanas, como los indios de Cueva en 
algunas partes, 6 que en otras no tienen guerra. Salan los pescados, para 
su mantenimiento, como nosotros. Los Indios andan vestidos con camisas, 
^ las indias con sus enaguas ^ camisas ^ mantas echadas debaxo del brago, 
i, manera de moras 6 canarias. Traen toque para conos^er el oro 6 romana 

Eara pessarlo 6 pessar la plata labrada 6 otros metales, 6 con6scenlo muy 
ien: ^ traian ci^rta cantidad de lo uno 6 de lo otro, 6 dieron notigia que 
en la tierra avia muchas piedras de valor," ibid,, vol. IV, p. 121 f. 
> C. R. Markham, op. eii., p. 176 (chap. XLVI). 

PERUVIAN BEADS, from Reisi and Stuebel'i Tlu Necropdii of Aneon. 


in the time of the Yncas. They, however, make the 
chaquiras, so small and accurately worked, by which 
they show themselves still to be eminent workers in 
silver."^ To this Garcilasso de la Vega says: *Tedro 
Cieza, in chapter XLIV, speaks at length of the wealth 
found in those temples and royal chambers of the prov- 
inces of the Canaries as far as Tumipampa, which the 
Spaniards call Tomebamba outside of which 

wealth there was a very great quantity of treasure in 
pitchers and pots, and other vessels, and much clothing, 
very rich and full of silver work and chaquira . 
The Spaniards name chaquira certain very small gold 
beads, smaller than any glass beads, which the Indians 
make with such skill and dexterity, that the best silver- 
smiths whom I knew in Seville asked me how that was 
done, because although so small the joints are soldered; 
I found a few in Spain, and they marveled at them 
greatly."* Pedro Pizarro, in 1571, similarly wrote: 
"There were mantles made of gold and silver chaquira, 
which are certain very small beads, marvelous to look 
at, because everything was full of these beads, without a 
thread showing, like cloth of a closely woven net, and 
these mantles were for the ladies."^ 

It follows from Garcilasso de la Vega that chaquiras 
is not a native Peruvian word, but was introduced by 
the Spaniards from Castillo del Oro. Here the form 
cachira prevails over an enormous territory. It is 
still found in Carib and Arawak, for we get Arawak 
kassuru **bead," Carib ''cachourou rassade, sont petits 
grains de verre blanc, rond comme petites perles, on 
I'apporte de Venise, au moins la plus gr&de partie, les 
Sauuages es en sont fort curieux en enfiUent dans des 
petites cordes de pitte, puis la tournent au lieu de la 

» Ibid., p. 404 f. (chap. CXIV). 

* Op. eit., parte 1, lib. VIII, cap. 5 (The Hakluyt Society). 

* P. Pizarro, DeaeubrimierUo y eanquista del Peril, in Coleeeidn de libros 
y documerUos referentes d la historia del Perd, Lima 1917, vol. VI, p. 74. 


iartiere la largeiir de trois doigts, au toiir du bras, entre 
Tepaule & le coude, au poignet au lieu de brasselets 
(outre les escharpes dont i'ay parl4 cy-deuant) & cela 
paroist fort sur leur corps rougis: les femmes n'en 
sont pas moins ourieuses que les hommes."^ In Campa 
we have shanquiro ''mussel," which is, no doubt, related 
to the Carib and Arawak words. 

It is not difficult to show how all these arose in the 
gold trade of the Gold Coast of Africa. De Marees 
tells of the kakrauw, small bits of gold, used by the 
Negroes in the trade, and originally introduced by the 
Europeans into Africa.* Bosman^ says: "These Fe- 
tiches are cut into small Bits by the Negroes, about the 
worth of one, two or three Farthings. 'Tis a common 
Proverb, That you cannot buy much Gold for a Farth- 
ing, yet even with that value in Gold you may here go 
to Market and buy Bread or Fruit for your Necessities. 
The Negroe Women know the exact value of these Bits 
so well at sight, that they never are mistaken; and 
accordingly they tell them to each other without weigh- 
ing, as we do coined Money. They are here called 
Kakeraas, the Word expressing something of very little 
value; and the Gold it self is indeed very little worth: 
For we cannot sell it in Europe for above forty shillings 
the Ounce ; and yet it passes currant all over the Coast ; 
and our Garrisons are paid their subsistence Money 
in it. And for this they may buy all sorts of Edibles 
of the Negroes; who mixing it with other Gold, bring 
it to us again; and as soon as received, the Clerks are 
ordered to pick it out of the other with which it is 
mixed; so that this Stuff seems to pass backward and 
forward without the least diminution, notwithstanding 
large quantities of it are annually sent to Eiirope by 

' R. P. R. Breton and J. Platzmann, DieHonaire caraibe-franfois, 
Leipzig 1892, p. 99 f. 
* Op, eit., pp. 66 f., 197 flf. 
» Op. eit,, p. 72 f . 


the French and Portuguese, besides what we our selves 
spend: But the Negroes making them faster than we 
export them, they are like to continue long enough." 
At about the same time Barbot wrote: ''These pieces 
of gold are by the Blacks cut into small bits worth one, 
two, or three farthings, used as coined money in the 
markets, to buy provisions, as bread, fruit, fish, flesh, 
etc. The Black women are so well acquainted with 
the value of those bits, which they call Kakeraas, or 
Krakraaa, a word signifying a very Uttle value, that 
they are never mistaken, and tell them to one another 
without weighing, as we do farthings oi: half-pence in 
England. And this sort of money is more generaUy 
found at Commendo, Mina, cape Corse, and the adja- 
cent parts, than elsewhere. Those Krakraas are indeed 
worth very little, for that gold in any part of Europe, 
will not yield above forty shillings an ounce; and yet 
it passes current all over the coast, and the European 
garrisons are paid their subsistence in it, and can with 
it buy all sorts of eatables of the Blacks, who mix it 
with other gold, and carry it again to the European 
forts and ships. " ^ ' ' In former times those people had no 
other way of vending their commodities among them- 
selves, than by bartering or exchange; but since the 
French first, and after them the Portuguese, taught them 
the way of cutting coarse gold into very small bits, by 
them call'd Kra-kra, to facilitate the buying and selling 
of small things, the Blacks have so well improv'd that 
sort of money, that now pretty large sums are paid 
in it."* 

The etymology given by Bosman and Barbot is cor- 
rect, for we have Asante kakra "little, small," kakrawa 
''little, very little," kakawa "the smallest, least, a kind 
of yellow precious bead," that is, in imitation of a gold 

» J. Churchill, op. cU., vol. V, p. 230 f. 

t ThiA n 9A0 

« Ibid., p. 269. 


bead. This is not originaUy an African word, but 
Portuguese caracole pliiral caracoes, ''shell, trifle, small 
thing." The Spanish caracol has the same meaning, 
hence, as we have seen,^ we get, in American, Galibi 
caracoulis **copper trinkets," cacones "trifles, trinkets," 
Carib callttculi^ Accawai corrocor% Chayma, Cumana- 
gote carcuririj Cariniaco cureuco ** trinkets, gold," 
Roucouyenne caracouli "silver." This word, from the 
form chaquira, is also found in Aymara and Kechua, 
geminated as cheque and cori "gold." This brings us 
to the very important question whether all the Inca 
gold artifacts 3J*e due to tangomao initiative, a question 
which will have to be investigated in full. For the 
present this much is certain, — the tiny gold beads of 
Peru, the necklaces of Castillo del Oro are of African 
origin and belong to the same trade activity which 
produced the wampum belt. From Darien this ac- 
tivity extended down the coast as far as Peru, and to 
the north, in California, it resolved itself into a local 
point of distribution far inland of abalone and oli- 
vella shells. 

» VoL I, p. 61 f. 


abdiga, Kandin, 20. 
abdug<it Hausa, 20. 
abduya, Tuareg, 20. 
abuy, African, 216. 
aeayiU, Nahuatl, 143. 
aeearey, Bexiin, 244. 
aeeary, African, 216. 
aeoHcha, Carib, 254. 
'adai, Somali, 21. 
agaga, Ewe, 221. 
agUr, Hebrew, 235. 
aguxa, Spanish, 254, 258. 
akuaramuto, Uarao, 80. 
akord, Taimarona, 223. 
akorane, Betsileo, 222. 
okorantL Hova, 222. 
akori, Benin, 240. 
aku88a, Arawak, 254. 
akiitan, Landoma, 22. 
akwe, Dahome, 221. 
aktpeho, Dahome, 221. 
akwejOf Dahome, 221. 
akwenOf Dahome, 221. 
alagueea, Portuguese, 232. 
albafar, Portuguese, 100. 
alb<ifor, Spanish, 100. 
aliupd, Yaubipiti, 81. 
al-kawara, Hausa, 223. 
aHowa, Hausa, 21. 
cUtdbaea, Spanish, 124. 
amaeapulquauUl, Nahuatl, 39. 
amacuahuUl, Nahuatl, 39. 
amcaju, Braalian, 81. 
amindyju, Guarani, 81. 
amaniu, Brazilian, 81. 
amano, Cocama, 81. 
amanyjUt Brazilian, 81. 
amaU, Nahuatl, 39. 
amaisiiu, Auetd. 81. 
'a/ifiuuff/tit, Greek, 94. 
anibix, Latin, 90. 
'oftfivKliia, Greek, 94. 
'a/ijSvKur/i^, Greek, 94. 
Ormisaflga, Quelliinane,{226. 
amoniu, O^ampi, 81. 
ampe, Anti, 81. 
ampegif Anti, 81. 

amuijo, Apiaca, 81. 
amtUu, Galibi, 81. 
amuniju, Kamayura, 81. 
amydu, Brazilian, 81. 
ankaora, Taukarana, 222. 
'(Kpto, Arabic, 224, 232. 
'otooo, Arabic, 19. 
atdkxera^ Bakairi, 80. 
Qtakxira, Bakairi, 80. 
^aJOnih, Arabic, 19. 
aua/rt, Baniba, 80. 
awurli, Baniba, 80. 
audiga, Hausa, 20. 
ayupe, Mehinaku, 81. 
ayupO, Yaulapiti, 81. 

BdbdgUr, Abyssinian, 235. 
bdbdguri, Guzerati, 232. 
bdbdcari, Turkish, 232. 
bad, Hebrew, 7. 
hafejar, Portuguese, 100. 
hafo, Spanish, 100. 
fxtfarada, Portuguese, 100. 
hafiHz, Arabic, 7. 
bcJu), Spanish, 100. 
iUr, Arabic, 99. 
if, Arabic, 99. 
I, Arabic, 214. 
bam, Hausa, 102. 
5ara, Sumerian, 7. 
baras, Arabic, 7. 
bargande, Japanese, 183. 
bar^, Arabic, 7. 
bawaghori, Guzerati, 232. 
bazz, Arabic, 7. 
beUa, Sinhalese, 216. 
fiepfiepi, Greek, 214. 
beviese, Dutch, 247. 
beya, Malay, 216. 
bi, biak, Algonquin, 255. 
bia, Siamese, 216. 
pUot, Greek, 90. 
bira, Arabic, 7. 
biri, Arabic, 7. 
biy<i, Malay, 216. 
boejie8, African, 217. 



boe^es, Dutch, 218. 
bofar, Portugueee, 100. 
bofarinheiro, Portuguese, 99. 
bofe, Spanish, 100. 
bofon, LLatin, 99. 
baaessy, Tupi, 256. 
bok6r, Arabic, 99. 
bolt, Maldivian, 214. 
boUi, Maldivian, 220. 
boly, Maldivian, 214. 
/86/i/3a(, Greek, 10. 
bombyee, Latin, 17. 
bo88e, French, 94. 
baugea, French, 218. 
baOrre, Tupi. 257. 
bouaies, English, 218. 
bout, Fi^nch, 94. 
bmUon, French, 94. 
buekoor, Nepro, 120. 
bufar, Spanish, 100. 
bufarinha, Portuguese, 99. 
bufaHnheirOf Portuguese, 99. 
bufo, LLatin, 99. 
buf<meru8, LLatin, 99. 
bufonua, LLatin, 99. 
jle, English, 248. 

ir, Arabic, 99. 

Iriy, Arabic, 99. 
buhoneria, Spanish, 99. 
buhonero, Spanish, 99. 
buise, OFrench, 247. 
buisine, OFrench, 248. 
bulbe, Yiddish, 182. 
bumbo, Hausa, 102. 
bummi, Hausa, 102. 
bUf, Hebrew, 7. 
ba^d, Syriac, 7. 
buse, OFrench, 247. 
busine, OFrench, 248. 
buss, Walloon, 247. 
fidaaot, Greek, 7. 
buzio, Portuguese, 210, 217. 
buta, LLatin, 94. 
buUa, LLatin, 94. 
buUis, LLatin, 94. 
buzai, Walloon, 247. 
buzine, OFrench, 248. 

gaang, Tupi, 251. 
^aangaba, Tupi, 251. 
eab, Kiche, 53. 
cabaHo, SpanishJ81. 
eaekira, Castillaldel Oro, 264. 

eachourou, Carib, 267. 
eaeones, Galibi, 270. 
eacossa, Galibi, 254. 
^aj--am, Pokonchi, 54. 
ediiofnareus, Latin, 96. 
eaUueuli, Carib, 270. 
e'am, Kekchi, 54. 
d'amral, Kekchi, 54. 
eanivet, OFrench, 93. 
earaeol, Portuguese, 270. 
earaeouli, Roucouyenne, 270. 
earaeoulis, Galibi, 270. 
earbasus, Latin, 12. 
eareuriri, Chayma, 270. 
caseavd, Spanish, 25. 
eassot, Frca&ch, 132. 
CasHUa, Spanish, 48. 
cauarli, Mandauaca, 80. 
eax, Maya, 49. 
eaxlan, Kekchi, 49. 
eaxlan km, Kekchi, 49. 
easdan oua, Kekchi, 49. 
ecaM, Nahuatl, 49. 
ghanquiro, Campa, 268. 
ehaquira, Nicaragua, 264. 
X«BofUwii, Greek, 9. 
X«B6w, Greek, 9. 
Meha, Spanish, 114 f. 
ehiehi, Nahuatl, 115. 
ehichUia, Nahuatl, 115. 
ehiehina, Nahuatl, 115. 
Xw<6f, Greek, 13. 
ehoque, Aymara, 270. 
enaja, ASaxon, 93. 
goQo, Nahuatl, 52. 
Wjf^f^ Nahuatl, 52. 
cohore, Moxa, 80. 
et^, Chimu, 81. 
col, Chimu, 81. 
eontaria, Portuguese, 245. 
eonHnha, Portuguese, 245. 
cori, Aymara, 270. 
cori, Benin, 237. 
eoril, Manicongo, 237. 
eomibotz, OFrench, 249. 
oorrocori, Accawai, 270. 
cottamo, Guaycurus, 80. 
coyllu, Aymara, 73 f . 
eureneo, Cariniaco, 270. 
cynae, Latin, 17. 

4arra, Arabic, 22. 
dishniupan, Gothic, 93. 
dragoman, English, 112. 


icharbat, French, 251. 
embocua, LLatin, 89. 
emboiar, Catalan, 94. 
embatua, LLatin, 88 ft. 
embudar, Spanish, 94. 
embiU, OFrench, 89. 
embulz, Provencal, 89. 
empa, Coptic, 10. 
empai, Coptic, 10. 
empontfre, Mozambique, 101. 
eriogny, Canada, 249. 
erireimbi, Luganda, 222. 
e6ru, Kupa, 21. 
esearM, French, 251. 
eseargot, French, 251. 
esearobat, French, 251. 
esnogny, Canada, 249. 
€9wgny, Canada, 249. 
eavogny, Canada, 249. 
eUnuxb, Coptic, 19. 
eUbbiu, Coptic, 19. 
eupe, Swaluli, 20. 

fapa, Sotho, 10. 
fap'a, PMi, 10. 
fardiat Arabic, 7. 
fkotUn, Bulonda, 22. 

gdbal, Hebrew, 11. 

gdbar, Hebrew, 11. 

gad, Sumerian, 11. 

ffonivet, French, 93. 

ffaur, Hindustani, 236. 

gaura, Sanskrit, 236. 

Jos', Arabic, 224. 

gad, Arabic, 22. 

gese, Malinke, 22. 

^esS, Era, 22. 

geae-fuU, Soeo, 22. 

geze, Toma, 22. 

gid, Sumerian, 11. 

gif, Gio, 22. 

gU, Sumerian, 11. 

ginbo, Angola, 213. 

gord, Hindustani, 236. 

gara5, Prakrit, 236. 

Gar Bdba, Northern India, 236. 

ga88ypinu8, Latin, 17. 

gatun, Arabic (oases), 21. 

gr^Wia, Russian, 182. 

gri, Neule, 240. 

guani, Taino, 117. 

guanin, Taino, 117 f. 
gungun, Bagbalan, 22. 
GUr-bdbd, Bhil, 235. 
guriyd, Hindustani, 236. 
gutikd, Sanskrit, 236. 

haa, Guarani, 251. 
haanaaba, Guarani, 251. 

r, Hebrew, 11. 

% Hebrew, 11. 

f, Hebrew, 11. 

imu, Cocama, 81. 
hamba, Bondei, 10. 
haiiji, Kannada, 8. 
hdpd, Hebrew, 11. 
hdpdh, Hebrew, 11. 
kdvav, Hebrew, 11. 

f, Hebrew, 11. 
Arabic, 224. 
hari, Kannada, 8. 
hart, Kannada, 8. 
h<j£bun, Arabic, 17. 
haiii, Arabic, 114 f. 
haUi, Kannada, 8. 
het en meni, Egyptian, 9. 
knau, Coptic, 92. 
knifr, Icelandic, 93. 
ho-^, Chinese, 203, 222. 
hapei, Hebrew, 11. 
luiea, Chibcha, 142. 
ftotoUo, Peul. 21. 
^uibun, Arabic, 17. 

ieh-paeail, Nahuatl, 53. 
iehriaea, Nahuatl, 53. 
ieh4eea, Nahuatl, 53. 
ich4eeai, Nahuatl, 53. 
ichriepti, Nahuatl, 53. 
iehrUt, Nahuatl, 54. 
ie, Chibcha, 140. 
iga9a, Negro, 210. 
igaw, Benin, 221. 
iguou, Benin, 221. 
imbaiare, LLatin, 94. 
in-fotmdt, Kaffir, 221. 
ipamba, Tabwa, 10. 
lye, Mano, 22. 
ix, Maya, 53. 
ix<ax, Maya, 53. 
is^kanabal, Maya, 53. 
tx^nabaiun, Maya, 53. 
ix-nue, Maya, 53. 


ix-poehiita, Nahuatl, 64. 
ix-tun, M^B, 63. 
ix-tux, iiayt, S3. 

jam, Chimu, 81. 
jaridtrli, Caruzana, 80. 
jirbi, Galla, 20. 
;ontia, Otctu»w«, 249. 
joniiant, Otchipwe, 249. 
jap, Chibcha, 141 f. 

kaan, iHayA, 54. 
IMal, Hebrew, 11. 
ibdtan, Hebrew, U. 
k^Oar, Hebrew, 11. 
kahalh, MaUivian, 208. 
kakaum, Asante, 269. 
kakeraoM, Gold Coast, 268. 
kakra, Aaante, 269. 
kakramt. Gold Coaat, 268. 
kairava, Aaante, 269. 
kal-ffudan, Borau, 21. 
kaHmlan, Eanuri, 21. 
kap, Chinese, 12. 
iUpaJ, Hebrew, 11. 
kapar, Hebrew, 11. 
teparda, Sanskrit, 222. 
kaptu, Hebrew, 11. 
ibapat, Hebrew, 11. 
kappti, Kannada, 12. 
k/an, Kannada, 11. 
karpOaa, Sanskrit, S, 12. 
Upwant Gndc, 4 S. 
katp», Kannada, 12. 
Kartoffa, German, 182. 
kaioM, Coptic, 26. 
fcowunt, Arawak, 267. 
kathodnie, Apinages. 80. 
fcafldn, Arabic, 13. 
toidd, Maratibl, 222. 
kmt4i, HindusUni, 222. 
kawii, Hindustani, 222. 
kixKiia, Sanskrit, 12. 
kamtdi, Kannada, 12. 
kmadi, Halayalun, 208. 
kaeoM, Kannada, 222. 
kModiya, Sinhalese, 208. 
kati, Dra vidian, 12. 
karidi, Kannada, 12. 
kawara, Hausa, 223. 
ketn, Egyptian, 13. 
leln m«nt, Egyptian, 9. 
khom, Wolof, 223. 

kiak, Chinese, 12. 
kid, Sumerian, 11. 
^4, Kannada, 11. 
UI, Sumwian, 1 1. 
Mt, Sumerian, 11. 
MUh, Assyrian, 13. 
knaau, Coptic, 92. 
Kiuibe, German, 93. 
knap, English, 93. 
fettapp, German, 93. 

Toronka, 21. 

krakroM, Gold Coast, 268. 
ib-ictaj, Dutch, 246. 
k«, Sumerian, II. 
kHdl. Hausa, 223. 
iwbiruai, Russian. 182. 
jhindlra, Buduma, 22. 
tKNJbim, Koama, 22. 
kmtkwnlu, Gurma, 22. 
kuori, Bambara, 21. 
kitr, Sumerian, II. 
kwdl, Hausa, 223. 
kuro, Bambara, 223. 
twrpdsa, Sanskrit, 12. 
fcuTH, Sumerian, 11. 
kwHn, Malinke, 223. 
kvtan, Arabic (oases), 21. 
kvtanda, Kalumga, 21. 


lancado, Portuguese, 106 ff. 

UbiU, Hebrew, 12. 

lewUf Udom, 21. 

libda, Arabic, 12. 

libs, Arabic, 12. 

mu, Puka, 21. 

I6h, Pika, 21. 

lolu, Edtoko, 21. 

UH%, Peul, 21. 

ItMra, Assyrian, 12. 

Ittddhi, Asi^rian, 12. 

ludhu, Tamazirt, 21. 

ly^o, Hausa, 21. 

iMlo, Goali, 21. 

Iviu, Nupe, 21. 

lumaea, Italian, 211 f. 

lursimbi, Nyamwesi, 222. 

madaehe, French, 253. 
mOh, EsypUan, 10. 
make, Coptic, 10. 
mahi, Coptic, 10. 
nuM, Somali, 21. 
manako, Guzerati, 245. 
manholu, Carib, 81. 
manhtUu, Galibi, 81. 
manka, Hindustani, 245. 
manni, Abnaki. 250. 
mashanga, Swanili, 225. 
fiorrdpiow, Greek, 90. 
mataehiaz, Canada, 252. 
matamungo, Portuguese, 245. 
maUuse, French, 253. 
mattepue, Tupi^ 256. 
mauroubi, Tupi, 257. 
mauru, Galibi, 81. 
moairt, Hausa, 22. 
mbai, Coptic, 10. 
m5afii9u, Kongo, 102. 
mMya, Kongo, 221. 
mbovTiei, Guarani, 257. 
m6o{-ro6t, Guarani, 257. 
mbambo, Ansola, 102. 
me^Ortl, Nimuatl, 54. 
meeherr&k, Chimu, 262. 
mef^i, Egyptian, 10. 
mewi, Egyptian, 9. 
metlf NiSuatl, 49. 
m'ht, Egyptian, 10. 
mi4orran, Arabic, 22. 
mien, Chinese. 9. 
migiikan, Otchipwe, 258. 
migo88, Otchipwe, 253. 

mikisi-^fagan, Cree, 258. 
miBanga, Fiote, 226. 
miawngfi, Portuguese, 226, 251. 
m*kuse, Abnaki, 253. 
moeous, Canada, 253. 
moeotuehM, Canada, 253. 
mokisia, Cree, 258. 
moneffu, Trumai, 81. 
mpai, Coptic, 10. 
mpamba, SwahUi, 10. 
mvempa, Coptic, 10. 
mrsangd, Fiote, 226. 
muekoos, Delaware, 253. 
mucksuk, Narraganset, 253. 
muhkaa, Natick, 253. 
muhkos, Natick, 253. 
muiniju, EhneriUon, 81. 
mujifuia, Kimbundu, 81. 
mtucqa, Natick, 253. 

negbie, Neule, 221. 
newH, Ekantulufu, 21. 
nibble, Enfi^ish, 93. 
nif, English, 93. 
njvmbu, Kimbundu, 213. 
neaflga, Quellimane, 226. 
neunou, Kongo, 226. 
ngimbu, Kikongo, 213. 

oeh-pana, Nahuatl, 54. 
odonii, Akra, 22. 
okondo, Fan, 22. 
chdu, Sobo, 21. 
(hro, Isoama, 21. 
oeca, Chibcha, 141 f. 
*€i(be, Saho, 20. 
'o0t. Afar, 20. 
'oe6wuiw, Greek, 5. 
olocwwe, Cumanagota, 80. 
aUnmcA, Chayma, 80. 
ouaega, Bagirmi, 20. 
diird, Okuloma, 21. 
owo, Yoruba, 221. 
(hou, Aku, 21. 
(nouh, Yoruba, 21. 

pairiii, Chinese, 8. 
pot to'«, Cantonese, 205. 
poQ, Kakchiquel, 48. 
pc^m, Pokonchi, 48. 
ptuchta, Persian, 8. 



pakonde, Padsadse, 22. 
pajfi, Elannada, 8. 
pambOt Herero, 10. 
pambcJh Persian, 10. 
pai/iji, Tanul, 8. 
paiiju, Tamil, 8. 
paniii, Malayalam, 8. 
panrmia, Tarascan, 54. 
par, Sumerian, 7. 
para, Malayalam, 8. 
paras, Hebrew, 7. 
pdrai, Hebrew, 7. 
paratie, Tamil, 8. 
paraUL Teliura, 8. 
pari, Eamiada, 8. 
port, Kamiada, 8. 
pariU, Telupi, 8. 
pari, Aasynan, 7. 
parti, Kannada, 8. 
p4f«, Kamiada, 8. 
parutti, Tamil, 8. 
pMh, Hebrew, 7. 
pofil, Assyrian, 7. 
paki, Elannada, 8. 
paiUiie, Telugu, 8. 
peag, Canada, 258. 
pea*, Virginia, 258. 
peg, Egyptian, 6. 

pel, Cb&ese, 203, 222. 

pei4eh'i, Chinese, 203. 

pel tez, Chinese, 205. 

p^rize, Chinese, 203. 

pek, Egyptian, 6. 

pMre, OEnsbsh, 122. 

pdydr, Welsh, 122. 

pempai, Coptic, 10. 

p»u, Kannada, 8. 

piiet, Hebrew, 7. 

peaht, Egyptian, 6. 

pe90, Spanish, 48. 

pesmda, Nahuatl, 184. 

pett, Egyptian, 6. 

peteh, Egyptian, 6. 

petum, Iwazilian, 186. 

pexauia, Nahuati, 48. 

^ourr, Plinic, 7. 

pi, peak, Alf onouin, 255. 

pUMawya, Smhalese, 9. 

piehu, Sinhalese, 9. 

pieieU, Nahuatl, 160. 

pieyea, Nahuatl, 139. 

pir, Egyptian, 6. 

pUf, Kan^da, 8. 

puHK, Kiche, 48. 

piiUih, Hebrew, 7. 
piUAn, Talmudic, 7. 
piiVim, Talmudic, 7. 
pi^, Assyrian, 7. 
ptto, Spanish, 49. 
poeyeU, Nahuatl, 139. 
pot, Guarani, 257. 
polme, Portuguese, 100. 
polpa, Italian. 100. 
pombo, Swahili, 10. 
pom5e, Bantu, 101. 
pwnibeiro, Portuguese, 103 ff. 
pont6en>, Portuguese, 103 f . 
ptmbi'nha, Portuguese, 100. 
pombifiho, Portuguese, 102. 
poin5o, Swahili, 10. 
pcmme, French, 182. 
poree, Italian, 205. 
poreeua, Spanish, 204. 

pareellana, Oltalian, 204. 

pareeUetta, Italian, 217. 

po4ii, Chinese, 8. 

po4ii43^, Chinese, 9. 

patoUo, Peul, 21. 

powredaine, OFrench, 204. 

ppiz, Maya, 48. 

ppiz-ah, Maya, 48. 

ppt2-5o, Maya, 48. 

ppixHib, Maya, 48. 

ppia^kin, Maya, 48. 

ppiz^mvk, Maya, 48. 

puitsz, Chinese, 205. 

ptUmentum, Latin, 100. 

ptUpa, Latin, 100 ff. 

puiperia, Spanish, 114. 

pulpero, Spanish, 114, 

pulque, Spanish, 114. 

pu^ueria, Spanish, 114. 

pUmbila, Kimbundu, 105. 

pusszolana, Italian, 205. 

qdbal, Hebrew, 11. 
qanaba, Arabic, 93. 
qa^abah, Arabic, 132. 
qend, Egyptian, 92. 
^hiab, Tahnudic, 93. 
9en5, Egyptian, 92. 
^eittt, Eg]nptian, 92. 
^ubah, Talmudic, 9 
qhuea, Aymara, 81. 
^nafra, Arabic, 93. 
qien, Kabyl, 21. 
1 queUUe, Mapoyo, 80. 


qtt^uaU, Yabarana, 80. 
quthtsa, Chibcha, 81. 
qunb, Arabic, 92. 
qunub, Arabic, 92. 
qtUn, Arabic, 13. 


'ph»ow. Ore*, 90. 

9aniah, Arabic, 225. 
aang-e-^uUUmanl, Hindustani, 225 
sang-v^ulaimdm, Persian, 224 
saniJ^, Arabic, 225. 
9ara88in, French, 182. 
saurht, Puinabe, 80. 
aawari, Piapoco, 80. 
sevfan, Long Island, 260. 
shanga, Swahili, 225. 
shuliau, Montagnais, 260. 
nrnbo, Angola, 212. 
soniyaw, Cree, 249. 
sooleawa, Micmac, 250. 
suckauhoek, Algonquin, 255. 
siOaimdni, Arabic, 225. 
sunfah, Arabic, 225. 
hiparuru, Assyrian, 7. 
Swanneke, Long Island, 250. 

ta, Vei, 112. 

Uuuke, Peul, 179. 

tab, African, 187. 

tabaeo, Taino, 136 f. 

tabaeayayu Vera Cruz, 140. 

tabagie, Canada, 178. 

tabagU, French, 179. 

tabaske, Peul, 179. 

tabaaki, Mandingo, 179. 

tabaakia, Wolof, 179. 

tabba, African, 187. 

UMOq, Arabic, 123. 

tabdeet, African, 187. 

tafaake, Berber, 179. 

tafeske, Berber, 179. 

takha, Malinke, 112. 

tama, Bambara, 112. 

tanuAd, Bambara, 112. 

tarnba, Vei, 112. 

iangamao, Negro, 105. 

tangmrOo, Portuguese, 106, 112 ff. 

taradmdn, Arabic, 112. 
tarha, Dyula, 112. 
tarhama, Dyula, 112. 
taake, Peul, 179. 
tarMdb-4, Egyi>tian, 19. 
tauaeo, Taino, 149. 
ibbe, Coptic, 19. 
tbbiu, Coptic, 19. 
Hb, Bedaiure, 20. 
teba, Coptic, 19. 
teea, Nahuatl, 53. 
teetee, Chibcha, 142. 
tibq, Arabic, 122. 
Uorekrayoa, Nahuatl, 54. 
U^hrpan^i, Nahuatl, 54. 
tobbdqah, Arabic, 123. 
iokhama, Malinke, 112. 
torn, African, 187. 
torokire, Nahuqua, 80. 
teBe-p«t, Chinese, 222. 
tubbOq, Arabic, 123. 
tyhyquy, Chibcha, 142. 
toc^, Chinese, 203. 

^*^f Egyptian, 18. 

^Mt, E^ptian, 18. 

udbHu, Egyptian, 18. 

^Mu, Egyptian, 18. 

^ibtdungu, Bemba, 226. 

uda, Sudanese, 210. 

udbi, Somali, 20. 

ude, Sudanese, 210. 

v4u, Kabyl, 21. 

uhkas. Natick. 258. 

vhqude, Natick, 253. 

vjvrcu, Sindebele, 226. 

ura, Tarascan, 54. 
urafiga, Inhambane, 226. 
ura-pe^, Tarascan, 54. 
uranpi, Tarascan, 54. 
uruwnga, Warundi, 225 f . 
ilaanga, Tette, 226. 
ushanga, Swahili, 225. 
'utb, Arabic, 19. 
'Mtbdh, Arabic, 19. 
uthu, Swahili, 21. 
uiku, Kechua, 81. 
uulungu, Lala-Lamba, 226, 

vignol, OFrench, 256. 
vignoi, OFrench, 257. 
vuaaflga, Sofala, 226. 



wada, Bedauye, 21. 
wa4o.*, Arabic, 208 f. 
wadah, Sudanese, 210. 
vrnmbaiira, Ganda, 10. 
noampofM^ Virginia, 259. 
wari, Mandingo, 240. 
toori, Bambara, 223. 
toUen, Wolof, 21. 
looda, Dravidian, 222. 
wotongin, Kanuri, 21. 
toon, Malinke, 223. 
tpori, Mandingo, 240. 
vnrye. Battle, 240. 
umoil', Arabic, 21. 
umrt, Hausa, 223. 
wvien, Wolof, 21. 

x-€a6, Kiche, 53. 
x-wuUb, Maya, 54. 

a^ura, Tarascan, 54. 
x-KrcM»t, Tarascan, 54. 
a^ttH, Tarascan, 54. 

yaat^ Chorotega, 138. 
yapoqueU, Chorotega, 139. 
ytkca, NaJiuatl, 53. 
ychrcoril, Nahuatl, 54. 
yea, Nahuatl, 139 f. 

^ari, Hausa, 22. 
isorta, Hausa, 22. 
i^rre, Hausa, 22. 
uawatd, 1^^ Island, 250. 
nemmak, Polish, 182. 
timbo, Manicongo, 211. 


AhlnHon words for "cotton" in Ara- 
bic and the African languages, 21. 

Acosta and the banana, 73 f . 

Africa, "cotton" words in, 18 £f.; 
and the Arabic "purification" 
words for "cotton/' 18 ff.; and 
the Arabic "ablution" words for 
"cotton," 21; agriculture of, in 
Peru, 63; fruits from, in Ancon 
graves, 75; and wine, 101 ff.; uni- 
versalitsr of smoking in, 188; 
cowries in, 209 f.; beads imported 
from Camba;r to, 226 ff.; b^uis in 
North America ori^piate in, 251; 
commerce in America from, 263; 
origin of American culture in, 263. 

Agate trade of Cambay, 235. 

AGGRY BEADS^ 237—248. 

Agifry beads, theur history, 237 ff.; 
in Benin, 2i38 ff . ; supposed to grow 
in the sea, 244. 

AUjimni on cowries, 208. 

Alehemff and the distilling cap, 92 ff. 

Alcifonium and smoking, 85 ff. 

Algonquin languages and "bead" 
words, 258. 

AUoy of gold in Africa and in Ameri- 
ca, 118 f. 

Almagro on cotton in Peru, 78 f. 

America visited by Negroes before 
Columbus, 116 ff. 

Ancon, mummies at, 72; graves of 
recent origin, 73 f . 

Andagoya on bead mone^r, 262 f . 

Arabic, "cotton" words in, 7; word 
for "tree" basis for Pliny's gossy- 
pium, 17; influence in Africa m 
''cotton" words, 18 ff.; "purifi- 
cation" words for "cotton," 19. 

Arch4ieolooij has no means for deter- 
mining history of cultivated plants, 
185; its fallacy in applying Egyp- 
tian and Babylonian data to Amer- 
ica, 195; must be checked by his- 
tory and philology, 196 ff. 

Arriaga and rebunals in Peru, 75 ff.; 
and guano, 77 f . 

Arrian mentions cotton in India, 5. 

Assyria, cotton in, 3. 

AwU in North America, 253 f . 

Bdbdg^rl from Cambay, 229; name 
for onyx at Cambay, 232 ; and Solo- 
mon's stone, 235; see Solomon*8 

Baeeeter and reburials in Peru, 71. 

Bahrein, cotton in, 4. 

Banana in Peruvian graves, 73; spu- 
riousness of native varietur of coyl- 
lo in Peru, 73; and Garolasso de 
la Vega, 73 ff . 

BanUt, "cotton" words in. 10. 

Barhda, his account of the Cambay 
beads, 227 f . 

Barhot on cr>^rt;als in Africa, 246; on 
gold beads in Africa, 269. 

BarmM Cobo and reburials in Peru, 
69 f. 

Barros on cowries in Africa. 209 f . 

Batketrmakers* culture and tobacco 
pipes, 196 ff. 

Bwds and Columbus, 25; imported 
into Africa from Cambay, 226 ff.; 
red, from Cambay at Sofala, 230 
f.; blue, called "coris," 237 f.; 
opinion of their origin, 238; coral, 
238; artificial, made in Europe for 
African trade, 239; of Arabic man- 
ufacture, 240; blue, in Benin, 
240; at Zanzibar, 2^ ff.; manu- 
factured in China for Arabic trade, 
243; from Cambay in Madagascar, 
245; from India and Venice in 
Africa, 245; the African trade in 
XVI. c, 245 f.; their deteriora- 
tion in Africa in the last two cen- 
turies, 246 f.; manufactured at 
Venice, 247; substitute for money, 
248; stanch blood, 249; names for, 
in North America, 249 f . ; names in 
Brazil, 251 ; obtained in America as 
in Africa, 251; among Indians of 
Canada, 252; at Long Island, 254 



f.; of late importation in North 
America, 254 ff.; from France in 
Brazil, 257; words in America, 258; 
in A^onquin languages, 258; in 
Virginia, 258 ff.; their progress 
from Canada, 260; methods of 
their manufacture in North Amer- 
ica from Brazil and Central Amer- 
ica, 260; in Nicaragua, 261; at 
Darien, 262 f.; see Gold beads. 

BeUes Lettrea, fabrics in, not reliable, 

Bitumen mn6kedf 122. 

Bomhax, its etymology, 10. 

Bo9man on gold beads in Africa, 268. 

Botany possesses no decisive method 
for the history of cultivated plants, 
185; its hypothetical solution of 
origins of plants, 190 f.; changes 
in species due to changed condi- 
tions, 191 f.; its ultimate sources 
for original home of tobacco are 
history and philology, 195. 

Bradford on beads in Massachusetts, 
254 f. 

Braun on African cowries, 216; on 
ag^ beads, 244. 

BrcufU, the "cotton" words in, 81 f.; 
the tangomao in, 113; tobacco not 
common in XVI. c. m, 135; bead 
words from, in North America, 
251; beads in, 256 f.; its culture at 
the St. Lawrence, 260. 

Bufarinheiro, history of the, 99 ff. 

Buffoon, history of the, 99 ff . 

Burial ceremony and cotton, 19 ff.; 
custom of deep, in Peru, 64 ff.; re- 
newal in Peru, 67 f.; as men- 
tioned by Ondegardo, 68 f.; as 
mentioned by Bernab^ Cobo, 69 f.; 
in cotton, in Peru, no proof of 
antiquity, 70 ff.; renewal of, in 
Peru, and cotton wrappings, 71 ; at 
Tiahuanaco, 72; in ancient Peru- 
vian cemeteries in XVII. c, 78. 

Byseus and Philostratus, 5 f.; and 
Pollux, 6; etymology of, 7. 

Cabeza de Vaea and tobacco in North 

America, 177. 
Cada Mosto and Columbus, 24; his 

description of canoes, 24 f.; refers 

to cotton in Africa, 25. 

Cambay and African beads, 226 ff.; 

its trade with East Africa, 226 ff.; 

camelians from, 228 f., 233 ff.; 

beads in West Africa, 245; its 

trade deteriorates, 246. 

Canada, beads in, 249 ff. 

Canoee in Cada Mosto, 24 f . 

Carbasus defined, 5; its etymology, 

Carib languages, "cotton" in the, 

Cameliana from Cambay, 228 f., 233 

Cartier on shell-money in Canada, 

Ceiba confused by Columbus with 
cotton, 28; paper, 40 f.; described 
by Oviedo, 52 f . 

Central America, its commercial 
relations with Peru, 261. 

Ceseae and Savatier and excavation 
at Ancon, 73. 

Ceylon and "cotton" words, 9. 

Chaquifo, see Gold beads, 

Chicha, its philological history, 1 14 f . 

Chickens in Mexico and Central 
America, 48 f. 

Chvmu culture apparently of late 
origin, 262. 

China and "cotton" words, 8 f.; its 
manufacture of blue beads for 
Arabic trade, 243; its wares at 
Zanzibar, 243 f. 

Christianity in Peru before 1525, 78 
f ., 262. 

Chronology in Peru, 57 ff.; from cem- 
eteries upset, 78. 

Cieza de Leon and the Peruvian buri- 
al custom, 63 f., 67 f.; on gold 
beads, 266. 

Codex Kingsborough, its tribute, 46 

Codex Mendoza and cotton mantles, 
50 ff.; and the Mexican figure 
writing, 50. 

Codice Mariano Jimenez and the In- 
dian tribute, 46. 

Colt's foot and smoking, 95 f . 

Columbus promised to bring cotton 
from newly discovered \axk6a, 23; 
and cotton, 23 ff.; and Cada Mosto 
24; trades with the Indians as 
with the Negroes, 26; speaks of 
large quantity of cotton, 27; says 


cotton grows on high trees, 28; 
introduces cotton as Indian trib- 
ute, 29 f.; knew of Negroes in 
America before him, 1 16 ff. 
Congo, cowries in, 211 f. 

ConuB Fergummi lued as shell-money, 

CopHe, "purification" words in, 19. 

Cortes and cotton, 37. 




CoUan, earliest date for, in Assyria, 
3; not found in Egyptian mummy 
bands, 3; sent m>m Egypt to 
Greece, 3; mentioned by Cftesias 
and Theophrastus, 4; in the Peri- 

SluB, 4 f.; in Arrian, 6; in the Bd- 
» Lettres, 6; in Strabo, 6; used by 
the Macedonians for stuffing, 6; 
mentioned as byssus, 6 f.; in Phi- 
lostratus, 6 f.; unen and silk sub- 
stitutes for, 6; and par "spread," 6 
ff.; words for, in Arabic, 7; leads to 
"leprosy" in Arabic, 7; in the Dra- 
vidian languages, 8; in China, 8 
f.; in Ceylon, 9; leads to "leprosy" 
in Sinhalese, 9; spreads from sou- 
thern India, 9; m Greek, 10; in 
Persian and Bantu, 10; and kar 
"enclosure," 10 ff.; etymology of, 
13; in Pliny. 13 ff.; in Africa, 18 
ff.; in burial ceremony in Africa, 
19 f.; in Hamitic languages, 20; 
in Ne^^ro languages, 20 ff.; and 
"ablution," 21 ; from Arabic quin, 
in African languages, 21 f.; first 
mentioned in Columbus, 23; con- 
fusing statements of Columbus in 
regard to, 26 ff.; popularized in 
Amca by AralM, 22; not necessar- 
ily seen by Columbus, 23 ff.; 
spun by Franciscan monks, 28 f.; 
as Indian tribute established by 
Columbus, 29 f.; declined in cuf- 
tiyation but never was a success 
before, 29; variant accounts of, in 
Oviedo, 30 f.; lack of information 
about indigenous, in America, 
according to Watt, 31 ff.; wild in 
Mexico, 33; in Peru, 33; in Africa, 
34; uncertainty as to American 
species of, 34 f.; produced by mu- 

tation, 36; in America merely a 
name for textile, 36 f.; in Cortes 
includes various textiles, 37; as 
tribute, 40 f.; mantks with Chris- 
tian designs, 42 f.; planted over 
and above the tribute, 44 f.; plan- 
ted as a Spanish extortion, 44 f.; 
in the tribute lists, 46 ff.; not 
mentioned in Codex KingBboroupk, 
49; mantles in Libro de los trtSu- 
ios not reliable, 62; in bulk in Co- 
dex Mendota, 62 f.; in Nahuatl 
and the Maya languages and in 
Tarascan, 63; unknown in ancient 
Mexican tribute, 66 f.; as jMurt of 
Peruvian tribute,^ of Spanish ori- 
pn, 61 ff.; cloth in Peru still rare 
m XVII. c, 70; antiquity of, in 
Peruvian cemeteries, ncmtived, 
72; in Peru not older than Xlll. c, 
79; its philology in Peru and in 
South Ammca, 80 ff.; in Brazil in- 
troduced at various times, 81 f. 

COWRIES, THE, 203—223. 

Cowries, wMte and purple, in China, 
203; Chinese, in Marco Polo, 204; 
in Asia and Africa, from IX. c on, 
according to Arabic sources, 208 
ff.; in Amca, 209 f.; in Congo, 211 
f.; cypraea moneta, from Pesc^o- 
res Islands, 214; and iron in South 
AfnetL, 221 f.; wmtls in Asia, 222; 
words in Africa, 222 f . 

CoyUo banana non-existent, 74. 

CrvsUds, blue, in Africa, 244; as told 
by Dapper, 246; jewels from Italy 
in China, 247. 

Ctesias mentions cotton in India, 4. 

Cypraea moneta, see Cowries. 

Dapper on cowries in Africa, 218 ff.; 
on blue beads, 239 f.; on ciystals 
in Africa, 246. 

Darien, Negroes in, 138 f.; beads at, 

Datura arborea confused with to- 
bacco, 139 ff. 

Delafosse on blue beads, 240. 

De CandoUe and American cotton, 
31; and the banana, 73; employs 
philology for settlements of origin 
of tobacco, 186 f. 

De Soto on the mounds, 176. 



Dtstnterm^n^ from cemeteries in Peru, 

75 ff.; from churches in Peru, 77. 
DUtiUing cap and the pipe, 89 ff.; 

and the mastarion, 90 ff.; and 

alchemy, 92 ff . 
Dragoman, its philological history in 

Africa, 112. 
Dramdian langtutges and "cotton" 

words, 8. 
Dutch popularized shell-money in 

Long Island, 260. 

Edrisi on cowries, 208. 

Egypt, cotton imported into, from 

India, 6; philology of "cotton" 

words in, 6 f.; and linen garments, 

9; stratification of soil in, not 

applicable to Peru, 66 f . 
Emhihia, its phflological histoiy, 94; 

see Pipe. 
Enclosure words and "cotton," 10 

Engler on tobacco in Africa, 189 f.: 

on identity of plants in Africa ana 

America, 192 f. 
Europeans Negroized, 106 f . 

Focke on hybridization of tobacco, 

193 ff. 
Franciscan monks and cotton, 28 f. 
Fumigation and smoking, 95 f . 

Galen and smoking, 85. 

CrarcHasso de la Vega on gold beads 

in Peru, 267. 
Gold, African, in Ammca, 1 17 ff. 
Gold beads manufactured at Nicara- 

fVOL, 264; at CastiUa de< Oro, 264; 

m America, according to Oviedo, 

such as are found in Africa, 265 f.; 

in Africa, 268 f. 
Gomara on Negroes at Quarequa, 

Gonzdlez de la Rosa and the guano 

deposits, 60. 
Gossifpiwm an Arabic word, 17; ar- 

boreum in India, 4. 
Greek, cotton in, 10. 
Grijalva and cotton and silk, 36 f. 
Guanin, African, in America before 

Columbus, 117 ff. 

Guano and Peruvian chronology, 57 
ff.; deposits irregular, and furnish 
no historical data, 59 ff.; survey 
of, by Peruvian ^vemment, 69 f.; 
depth of burial m, not a proof of 
antiquity, 64; and Arriaga, 77 f. 

Hamy and antiquity of Peruvian 

graves, 93. 
Hariot and tobacco, 177. 
Hawk's heUs and Columbus, 25 f. 
HdMrew, linen words in, 7. 
Henbane, smoking of, 87 ff . 
Henequen, in C<Mrtes, 38 f.; cloth in 

tribute lists, 49; in Codex Mendoza, 

Herodotus mentions cotton in Egypt, 

3; in India, 3 f. 
Hispaniola, tobacco raised in, for 

trade with Indians, 141; exporting 

tobacco, according to Champlain, 

177 f. 

IbnroJrBaitdr and tabbaq, 123 f. 

Ihn Batutah on cowries, 209. 

India, cotton in, mentioned by Hero- 
dotus, 3 f.; by Ctesias, 4; by Theo- 
phrastus, 4; by Strabo, 5; by Phil- 
ostratus, 6 f.; exportins cotton 
to Egypt, 6; southern, nome of 
cotton, 9. 

Indian weights of Spanish origin, 

Indians know value of parrots and 
cotton, 24; and jflass beads and 
bells, 26 f.; their extraordinary 
accommodation to new conditions, 
42 f.; as masons and weavers soon 
after 1526, 43 f.; raise wheat in 
1528, 60; of Peru very early under 
Spanish influence, 61 f.; and the 
^rgin Mary, 78 f . 

Lavender smoked, 120. 

Leprosy and "cotton" in Arabic, 7; 
m Sinhalese, 9. 

Liry on Brazflian beads, 256 f . 

Lescarbot on beads in Canada, 252. 

lAbto de hs tributos and cotton man- 
tles, 50 ff . 


LiehatU diaseminating Nicot's 6zi>er- 

iments in his work on asriculture, 

151 f. 
Linen a substitute for cotton, 6; 

.words for, in Semitic lanj:uage8. 

7; in Josephus, 9; in Egyptian ana 

Coptic, 9!. 
Loanrwords, 185; see Philology, 
Long Idand, beads in, 250, 254. 

Maguey mantles in tribute lists, 49. 

Mande languages and "cotton," 21 f . 

MareeUue Empiricue and smoking, 

Marco Polo on Chinese cowries, 204. 

Marees on gold beads in Africa, 268. 

Markham and the guano deposits, 
58 f. 

MasaaehuaeUs, beads in, 254 f . 

Maatarion on Roman pipes, 91; its 
philology, 92 ff.; on Tarascan 
pipes, 144; on American pipes, 
144 f. 

Maa'Udi on cowries, 208. 

Means and Peruvian chronology, 57 

Medicine, mediaeval, and smoking, 
85 ff . ; condition of, in Mexico, aft^ 
the conquest, 146; in Mexico a 
mixture of European science and 
native practices, 146 f.; in Mexico 
soon after the conquest, 147 f . 

Meerschaum, a substitute for alcy- 
onium, 87. 

Mexico, history of cotton in, 36 ff.; 
and origin of its wheat culture, 
45 f.; its figure writing unreliable, 

Moncurdes and tobacco smoking, 
145; issues chapter on tobacco as 
residt of Ldebaut's publication, 
158 ff.; quotes Peter Martyr on 
tobacco, 175. 

Money, b^ds as, 248; names for, in 
North America, 249 f . 

Moors using tobacco in medicine, 

Motdinia on paper, 39. 

MoundrbuUders and de Soto, 176; 
their mounds built for defence, 176; 
identical with African mounds, 
176 f.; and the bead trade, 260. 

Nasca Valley, cemeteries in, of late 
origin, 72. 

Needles and awls in North America, 
253 f. 

Negroes, words for "cotton" among 
the, 20 ff.; described by Cada 
Mosto, 25; overseers in Mexico, 
41 f.; and wheat culture in Mexico, 
45 f.; very early in charge of Pe- 
ruvian Indians, 62 f.; and Chris- 
tianity in Peru, 79; and the ped- 
dler, 106 ff . ; pombeiros in America, 
114; before Columbus in America, 
116 f.; inveterate smokers, 133 f.; 
smoking in Hispaniola, 136; in 
Darien before 1513, 137 f.; or 
Moors using tobacco before Ni- 
cot, 151; slaves first tobacco grow- 
ers, 181; near Darien, 263. 

Nicaragua and shell-money, 261. 

Nioot, his experiments disseminated 
by liebaut, 151 ff.; and his intro- 
duction of tobacco, 151 f. 

Ondegardo on the formation of soil 
by the Peruvians, 64 ff.; and re- 
burial in Peru, 68 f. 

ONYX, THE, 224—236. 

Onyx, history of, 224 ff.; see Bdbd- 
gUri, Solomon's stone, 

Onedo and cotton, 30 f.; and ceiba, 
52 f.; his contradictions about 
smokmg, 136 f.; confuses tobacco 
with datura arborea, 139; on gold 
beads in America, 265. 

Paeheco Pereira on cowries in Africa, 

21 1; on blue beads, 237 f . 
Paper from maguey, 38 ff.; from 

ceiba, 40; not found in Mexico, 41. 
Par "cotton" words in Es^tian, 6 

f.; in Semitic, 7; in the Dravidian 

languages. 8; in Chinese, 8 f. 
Pari on smoking, 96 ff . 
Parrots and American Indians, 23 f . 
Peanuts in Ancon graves, 74. 
Pearce on blue beads at Zanzibar, 

240 ff. 
Pearls, false, from France in Africa, 

Peddier, see Bufarinheiro, Pombeiro, 

Smoke vender, Tangomaos. 



Perivlua, cotton mentioned in the, 

Persian, "cotton" words in, 10. 

Peru, cotton in^ 67 ff.; tribute in, 
based on Mexican, 61; methods of 
soil formation in, 64 ff.; burial in, 
64 ff.; stratification in, not skn 
of antiquity, 66 f.: reburials m, 

67 ff . ; as mentioned by Ondegardo. 

68 f.; as mentioned by Bemabe 
Cobo, 69 f . ; antiauity of cemeteries 
in, 70 ff . ; reburials in, and Baessler, 
71; antiquity of cemeteries nega- 
tived by presence of banana, 73; 
peanuts in, 74; its commercial re- 
lations with Central America, 261; 
gold beads in, 266 f . 

Peter Martyr on the Negroes of Qua- 
requa, 138; his account of tobacco 
quoted by Monardes, 175. 

PhUoloify of "cotton" words in 
E^ptj 6 f .; of jhor "spread" words, 
6 ff.; m Semitic languages, 7; in 
the Dravidian languages, 8; in 
Chinese, 8 f . ; in Persian and Bantu. 
10; in Greek, 10; of kar "spread'* 
words. 10 ff.; leads to conclusion 
that Assyria and India are origi- 

words for "cotton," 1, 8 ff.; of 
"ablution" words for "cotton," 
21; of "cotton" from Arabic quin 
in Africa, 21 f.; of "weigh" words 
In Mexico and Central America, 
48; of "chicken" words in Mexico 
and Central America, 48 f.; of 
"cotton" in Nahuatl, the Maya 
languages and Tarascan, 53 f.; of 
"cotton" in Peru and South Amer- 
ica, 80 ff.; of the "mastarion" 92, 
ff . ; of "bud" words, 94 ; of "smoke" 
words, 99 ff.; of "pulp" words, 
100 ff.; of pofkbe, 101 ff.; of "dra- 
goman" words hi Africa, 112 f.; 
of jnUque, 114; of pulpero, 114; 
of tabagie, 178 f.; falLsMsy of apply- 
ing absence of a common term to 
separate origin, 182 f.; a common 
root nearly uways a proof of com- 
mon origin, 183; rapidity of dis- 
tribution of common idea, 183 f.; 
ultima ratio of botanists and ar- 

chaeologists, 185 f.; chief argu- 
ment for origin of tobacco by 
Bngler, 190; its place in archaeo- 
logy, 196 ff.; of "porcelain," 205 
f.; of timbo, 213: of "cowrie" 
words, 214 ff.; of Chinese pet, 214 
f.; of French bouges for "cowries," 
217 ff.; of limbo and almy, 221 
f.; of "cowrie," 222 f.; of Persian 
eanga, 225 f.: of hdbdgHH. 232 ff.; 
of Dutch 6emese, 247 f .: of English 
bugles, 248; of French eormboHa, 
251; of Canadian ffuUaehiaz, 253; 
of Alftonquin migoss, 253 f.; of 
Tupi Mrfe, 257; of chaquira, 267 
ff.; of Asante kakra, 269 f.; of 
Spanish earaeol, 270. 

PhUostratue and byssus, 5 f . 

Phffeieians, Mexican, and the college 
at Tlatelulco, 146. 

Pigafetta on cowries, 21 1 f. 

Pipe, history of, 88 ff.; the embolus, 

88 ff.; originaUy a distilling vessel, 

89 ff.; hi Roman graves, 91 ff.; 
of Negroes, 132; few found in 
Mexico, }43; in Basket-makers' 
culture, 197 ff.; Mexican, in the 
North-west, 200; tubular, in Ariz- 
ona, 200. 

Pizarro and cotton in Peru, 78; on 
|[old beads in Peru, 267. 

Plxny on cotton cribbed from Theo- 
phrastus, 13 ff.; interpolations in, 
13 ff.; and cotton in Egypt, 17. 

PMguin on indigenous African to- 
bacco, 195. 

Pombe, history of, 101 ff. 

Pombeiro, history of, 103 ff . ; In Brazil, 
114 ff.; in America before Colum- 
bus, 119. 

Porcelain and cowries in Marco Polo, 
204 f.; story of its manufacture 
from cowrie shells, 206; and beads 
In Africa, 244; weathering of, as 
understood in Africa, 244. 

Pulperia, its history, 1 14 ff. 

Pu^ue, its philological history, 1 14 ff . 

Punfieaiion and cotton, 18 ff.; in 
Coptic, 19; words for "cotton" in 
Arabic, 19; in Hamitic and Negro 
languages, 20 f. 

Pyrard de Laval on Maldivian cow- 
ries, 214 ff. 

Pyrethrum smoked, 122. 


Quarequa, Nei^roeB at, 138. 

Reber, on Roman pipes, 91 ff. 

THE, 151—179. 
Reiss and SiUbd, and reburials, in 

Peru, 70 f . 
Religi4>n and cotton, 18 ff. 
Rochebrune found banana in Ancon 

graves, 73. 
Rouen manufactures beads, 247. 

Sahagun does not refer to cotton 
cloth, 37 f.; and Mexican botany, 

Schweinfurth employs philology to 
determine origin of cultivated 
plants, 186 ff.; on the native origin 
of tobacco in Africa, 188. 

Scribonius Largus and smoking, 122. 

Seler and Mexican pap^, 40. 

Sheep in Mexican tribute list, 49 f. 

Shell^numey. See Bead$, Wampwn. 

Silk, a substitute for cotton, 6; in 
America refers to hare's wool, 36. 


Smoke vender, his history, 99 ff.; in 
Africa, 100 ff.; see Bufarinheiro, 


Smoking, history of, 85 ff.; of alcy- 
onium, 85 ff.; of henbane, 87 ff.; 
with pipes in Roman times, 91 ff.; 
for chest troubles, 94 f.; in Par6, 
96 ff.; in the XIII. c, 120; in 
Africa, 120 f.; of pyrethrum, 122; 
of bitumen, 122 ff.; of viscous sub- 
stances, 122 ff.; not mentioned in 
mediaeval BeUes LeUres, 125 f.; in 
Africa, 126 ff.; among Negroes an 
inveterate habit, 133 f.; in Braadl 
in XVI. e. not common, 135; in 
Nicaragua in 1529, 133 f.; not de- 
finitely referred to in pre-Coltmi- 
bian Mexico, 143; common anK>ng 
the Tarascans, 143 f.; and Mo- 
nardes, 145, 158 ff.; in Mexico of 
European origin, 149; reintroduced 
by Nicot, 151 ff.; in North Amer- 
ica, as told b^ Cabeza de Vaca, 
177; in America of slow growth, 
181; for medicinal purposes very 
old, 181; in America based on 
philological fallacy, 182. 

Solomon's stone and the onyx, 224; 

in Persia, 224 f.; and bdbdgHH, 235. 
Spondilus jrietorwm used as shdl- 

numey, 261. 
"Spread* foundation of "doth" 

words, 6 ff . 
Springer on blue crystals in Africa, 

Squier and the guano deposits, 59. 
Stade on Brazilian beads, 256. 
Stone, in Peraian, and the Arabic 

words derived from it, 225; in the 

African languages, 225 f . 
Sirabo and cotton, 5. 
Suleiman on cowries, 208. 
Sumerian "cloth" words, 7. 

Tabogie in Champlain not oi Indian 
origin. 178. 

Tabbiq in Arabic medicine, 123 ff. 

Tangomaos, history of, 105 ff.; Portu- 
ffueee law concerning, 106; are 
Negroized Europeans, 107; as 
outcasts, 107 ff.; as smuggiers, 

Taraaeans addicted to smoking, 
143 f. 

Tello and antiquity of graves, 72. 

ThMUd on beads in Canada, 253. 

Theophrastus mentions cotton in 
India and Arabia, 4; cribbed by 
Pliny, 13 ff. 

Thevet and tobacco in Europe, 151; 
on Brazilian wampum, 256. 

Tiahuanaco, reburials at, 72; its 
beads apparently of late origin, 
261 f. 

TUMuleo, college at, and Sahagun's 
interest in M^can botany, 145 ff . 



Tobacco among the Arabs, 181; in 
Africa, 125; various names tor, 
126; not known in Europe before 
1556, 126; among Negroes of good 
quality, 129; growing wild in Af- 
rica, 1 29 ff.; smoking among Negro- 
es, 133 f.; not common in Bnudl 
in XVI. c, 135; confused with 
datura arborea, 139, 141 f.; smoke 
used as a punishment at Vera 



Cruz, 139 f.; used b^ wizard in 
Venezuela, 140 f.; raised by Ne- 
groes in HispanioU for trade with 
Indians, 141; and Monardes, 145; 
its curative properties not of Mex- 
ican origin, 50; its rediscovery, 
151 ff.; introduoed into European 
medicine by Nicot, 151 ff.^ dis- 
tributed from the West Indies to 
Florida and the Great Lakes, 176; 
and Cabeza de Vaca, 177; culti- 
vated in Virginia, not ^wing 
wild, 177; from Hispaniola in 
North America, 177 f.; used only 
by the rich, 178; fallacy of its 
American origin, 181 f.; its origin 
determined on philological ^unds 
by Schweinfurth, 186 ff.; similarly 
by de CandoUe, 186 ff.; N. rt»- 
tica possibly native of Africa, ac- 
cordmg to Schweinfurth, 188 f .; ul- 
timate source for its orighi found 
by botanists in philology, 190; 
N. suopeolena according to Focke, 
not different from the American 
N, acuminata, 193 f.; its easy 
hybridization, as told by Focke, 

193 ff.; N. glauea found wild in 
America,^ Africa and Europe, 194; 
new varieties of, 194; indigenous 
in Africa, according to Pob^guin, 

194 f. 

Tribute payed by Indians in 1537, 41 
f.; of 1549 in Mexico and cotton 
mantles, 46 f.; in Co<kz Kings- 

borough, 46 ff.j ancient Mexican, 
irregular and mdefinite, 54 f.; in 
Peru based on Mexican, 60 f . 
Tuhbdq, see Tabbdq, 

UMe on commercial relations of Peru 
with Central America, 261. 

Venice, its beads in Africa, 245; its 
manufacture of glass pipes, 247. 

Virgin Mary in Peru in 1525, 78 f.; 
in Indian belief, 262; at Darien, 

Virginia, beads in, 258 ff . 

Viaooua substances smoked, 122 f. 

WAMPUM, 249—270. 

Wampum, how procured, according 
to Cartier, 249; belts in France 
in XVI. c, 256; see Beads. 

Watt and indigenous American cot- 
ton, 31 ff. 

Wheat, origin of its culture in Mex- 
ico, 45 f.; raised by Indians, 50. 

Wine in Africa, 101 ff. 

Zanzibar, blue beads at, 240 ff.; Chi- 
nese wares at, 243 f .