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THE

AFRICAN REPOSITORY,

AXD

COLONIAL JOURNAL.

VOL. XXV. — 1849.

PUBLISHED MONTHLY,

Bg tl)c '^.mcrican (Holonijatxcn Bocictg,

AT ONE DOLLAR PER ANNUM.

WASHINGTON:

C. ALEXANDER, PRINTER,

KEIR WAR AND NAVY DEPARTMENTS.

1849.

INDEX

T O

THE TWEIVTY-FIFTH TOEUITIE

OF THC

AFRICAN REPOSITORY AND COLONIAL JOURNAL.

PAGE.

Address to the colored people of the

United States 20

Addresses delivered at the Annual
Meeting —

By Hon. R. W. Thompson 52

By Hon. R. J. Walker 54

By Hon. J. R. Ingersoll 55

By Hon. R. M. McLane 58

Appeal to the Legislature of Virginia

in behalf of A. C. S 129

Appropriations by Congress and the

State Governments C5

Arrival of the Packet and advices from
the Cojony — letters from John B.

Russwunn, and W. Cassel Ill

Address by Rev. Mr. Robinson, before

Ken. Col. Soc 139

African Discovery 175

A College in Liberia 195

Africa — a Miniature Poem 213

Appeal to the Government and people

of the United Stales 232

African Colonization 13, 253, 315

Annual Meeting (32d) 46

Report (32d) 33

African Repository GJ

Slave Trade 26

Address to the Clergy and Heads of

Churches in Pennsylvania 277

Annual Report of the Massachusetts

Col. Soc. (8th) 257

Address of Rev. T. W. Hume 269

Arrival of the Portsmouth 309

of the Huma 350

A ju.st Tribute to Buchanan 378

African Coffee 380

Board of Directors, proceedings of. . . 48

Colonization, to the friends of. 1

PAGE.

J Colonization, to the friends of, in New

I York 2

Colonization, to the friends of, in Loui-

. siana. Circular 3

I Colored population of Upper Canada

according to census of 1847 10

Colonization, African >...269, 13, 2.53

I Colonizationists, Northern 22

I Colonization is of God 97

Colonists and Natives 138

Colonist, first impressions of a Liberian 115

Collections, 4tli of July 167

Circular to the colored people of Indiana 177

Colonization 315

j and the Cholera 193

funds 194

, fourth of July collections. 194

, worthy emigrants 19.5

in England 201

Cause 290

Meeting 295

, African 315

, , A Lecture.. 325, 353

Cover of July number — correction and

an agent wanted for Georgia 3

College, a Liberian 195, 276

I Clay’s, Hon. Henry, letter on eman-
cipation 104

Clintonia Wright, list of emigrants of. 218

Constitution of the Massachusetts Col.

Soc 268

Central Africa 297

Convention of Congregational Minis-
ters of Massachusetts, on Coloniza-
tion 313

Donations received at the Colonization

Office of the N. Y. S. C. S 91, 188

283, 381

Discovery, African 175

Davis’s, Hon. Jolin, letter 265

‘I

INDEX.

PAGE.

Ethiopia 178

Emigrants for Liberia 185

England, Colonization in 1201

Everett, Hon. Edward 26G

French Mission in South Africa 171

Fourth of July collections 167

Funeral, night, of a slave :21}8

Grand Cape Mount 118

Government and people of the U. S.,

an appeal to "232

Gold Coast, intelligence from the 180

Hotham, Sir Charles 268

Hippopotamus, the Liberian 281

Humes, Rev. T. W 269

Highly interesting intelligence from the

African Gold Coast 180

Hope for Africa, Dr. Parker’s Sermon. 202

Huina, list of emigrants of. 218

Harris’s, S. D., letter 229

Hazzard’s, J. P., letter 267

History of Colonization on western

coast of Africa 324

Huma, arrival of 350

Interesting Extracts — letter of Capt.
Alexander Murray to Capt. Geo.
Mansell, and letter of Sir Charles

Hotham 15

Items of Intelligence — Colonization —
Missionary for Africa — Extracts. . . 185

Ingersoll’s, Hon. J. R., address 55

Items of intelligence — New Agent in
Pennsylvania — Legacy — the High
School in Liberia-African and Texas
Slave Trade — A Slaver captured —

letter of Rev. R. W. Bailey 282

Independence of Liberia 300

Indiana, sentiments in 310

Items of Intelligence — Presbyterian

Herald Colored Missionaries

Novelty at College — Liberia — Cala-
bar Country — Slave Trade in Brazil
and Cuba — The Brazil Slave Trade
— Later from Bahia — A Slaver cap-
tured— African Repository-Remarks
— Colonization 316

Java, the growth of Coffee and Pepper. 308

Late and interesting from Liberia. . . . 377

PAGE.

Letter from Gerard Ralston, Esq. to

Elliott Cresson, Esq 8

Letter from E. J. Roye on Africa 16

Hon. Henry Clay on

emancipation 104

Letterfrom Hon. President Roberts.22, 114

Hon. J. N. Lewis 227

Latest from Liberia 60

Late expedition for Liberia 61

Next expedition for Liberia 61

Life Members of the A. C. S 83, 123

Liberia 117

List of emigrants by the barque Laura. 118

by the Liberia Packet 121

Liberia, Republic of, recognition by

Englemd and France 7

Liberian papers, extracts from — the

Liberian fourth of July 182

Churches 184

Arrival 184

List of emigrants by the barque “Clin-

tonia Wright ” 218

List of emigi'ants by the barque Huma. 218

Letterfrom R. E. Murray 228

Dr. Smith 223

Geo. W. Lee 229

S. D. Harris 229

Dr. Roberts 230

J. B. Philips 231

Late from Liberia 279, 225

Liberia Herald, extracts from, Dec.

1848, to May 1849 — Republican Le-
gislature— One of the first settlers —
Harniettans— Royal funeral — Ladies
Monrovia Literary Institution — Ex-
amination-Married— Died —Marine
List — Acknowledgment of indepen-
dence by England — The arrival of

President Roberts from Europe —
Notes — Rare Phenomenon — Expe-
dition against New Cesters — Death
of John Lewis — Bah-Gay-Obituary

— The Felucca again 235

Liberia, emigrants for 185

Lewis’s, Gen. J. N., letter 227

Lee’s, G. W., letter 229

Letter from the Hon. John Davis. . . . 265

the Hon. E. Everett 266

J. P. Hazard, Esq 267

Rev. Joseph Tracy 267

Sir Charles Hotham 268

Liberia, independence of 300

Letters from Rev. Mr. Payne 302

Rev. Mr. Rambo 304

Rev. Mr. Hoft'man 307

List of emigrants 316

Lecture on African Colonization. .325, 353
M.

Maryland in Liberia 17

Meeting, Annual (32d) 46

Memorial to the Legislature of Ohio . . 69

INDEX.

PAGE.

Money collected in the nortltern part of

the State of New York 124

Missionary influence of Sierra Leone. 133
Massachusetts Colonization Society. .. 199 1
McLane’s, Hon. R. M., address. ... 58

Mission, French, in the South of Africa 171
Members, Life, of the A. C. S. . . .83, 123

Murray’s, R. E., letter 228

Memorial in behalf of American Colo-
nization Society 323

North Carolina Synod, Resolution.. . 27

Native Converts in Liberia 169

Night funeral of a slave 298

Operations in Ohio 379

Finney’s, Rev. J. B., Circular 27

Proceedings of the Board of Directors . 48

Parker’s, Rev. Joel, Sermon, on hope

for Africa 202

Philip’s, J. B., letter 231

Portsmouth, arrival of. 309

Roberts, President, his return 10

, , letters 114, 224

Report, Annual, (32d) of A. C. S. ... 33

Receipts of N. Y. Col Soc. from Sept.

1, to Dec. 1, 1848 28

Receipts of the A. C. S. from 20 Nov.

to 20 Dec. 1848 29

Receipts of A. C. S. from 20 Dec. to

20 Jan. 1849 61

Receipts of A. C. S. from 20 Jan. to

20 Feb. 1849 93

Receipts of A. C. S. from 20 Feb. to

20 Mar. 1849 125

Receipts of A. C. S. from 20 Mar. to

20 Apr. 1849 158

Receipts of A. C. S. from 20 Apr. to

20 May, 1849 190

Receipts of A. C. S. from 20 May to

20 June, 1849 222

Receipts of A. C. S. from 20 June to

20 July, 1849 255

Receipts of A. C. S. from 20 July to

20 Aug. 1849 286

Receipts of A. C. S. from 20 Aug. to

20 Sept. 1849 319

Receipts of A. C. S. from 20 Sept, to

20 Oct. 1849 351

Receipts of A. C. S. from 20 Oct. to

20 Nov. 1849 383

Receipts of Penn. Col. Soc. from 15
Oct. to 15 Nov. 1849 383

PACE.

Receipts and expenditures of the A.

C. S. from 1 Jan. 1848, to 1 Jan.

1849 51

Repository, African 61

Readers, to New York 122

Robinson’s, Rev. Mr., address 139

Ralston’s, Gerard, letter to Elliott Cres-

son. Esq 8

Roye’s, E. J. letter on Africa 16

Roberts, President, letters 114, 220

Roberts, Dr., letter 230

Resolution of the Synod of North

Carolina 27

Resolutions adopted by the General As-
sociation of Massachusetts, June 23,

1847 268

Rambo’s, J., letter 281

Slave Trade, African 26

Statement for 1849 50

Slavery Guestion 155

Seventeenth Annual Report of the N.

Y. S. C. S 161

Summary of late news 234

Smith’s, Dr., letter 228

Sermon by Rev. J. Parker 202

Saw Mill in Liberia 289

Sentiments in Indiana 310

The Learned Slave 28

Tennessee, Colonization in 28

Thirty-second Annual Report of the

A. C. S 33

To Subscribers 123

To our Readers 158, 187

The coming change in Anti-Slave

Trade movements 173

The Fourth of July 187

The latest, but not very late from Li-
beria— Letter from D. L. Carlton —

Colonization Cause 197

Twenty-third Anniversary of the

Greene Co. Col. Soc 252

Thompson’s, Hon. R. W., address. . 52

The Liberian Hippopotamus 281

Tracy’s, Rev. J., letter 267

The Colonization Cause 290

Things in Liberia 292

Three thousand dollars wanted in

thirty days 321

That new race of men 322

That three thousand dollars — and the
sailing of the Liberia Packet 381

Walker’s, Hon. R. J., address 54

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THE AFRICAN REPOSITORY,

AND

COLONIAL JOURNAL.

VoL. XXV.] ' . , WASHINGTON, MAY, 1849. [No. 5.

Sin Sijjpcal to ti)e Htflislature of Tirflinia, in inljalf of tfje Simerican
Colonijation Sociotg.

We approach the Representatives
of the People. They are the deposi-
taries of that power which is to be
used for the public weal. In elec-
tive governments, representatives may
fear the source from whence their
power is derived. But on this sub-
ject, all legislation which falls within
the limits of reason, will coincide
with the views of the people. There
are not in the commonwealth of Vir-
ginia, one hundred persons who dis-
sent from the opinion that our free
people of color ought to be transfer-
red to Africa. Restore them, is the
universal demand. The proofs of this
feeling in the mass of the people, are
clear as light. From the Capes to the
Ridge, and from the Ridge to the
western and north-western boundary
of Virginia, the people have contrib-
uted money and influence to the cause
of colonization. In addition to the
mass of' the people, we can supply
select and illustrious men, whose
names have long worn that sanctity
9

which age, experience, and wisdom,
confer. The sages of Monticello,
Montpelier, and Oak Hill, gave to the
colonization scheme, their living and
dying approbation. To the names
of Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe,
might hundreds be subjoined and none
more promptly than that of John Mar-
shall. Legislators ! we enter your
Hall beneath a galaxy composed of
moral and intellectual luminaries, in
whose light we and our^children are
permitted to rejoice.

In respectfully asking pecuniary
aid from the Legislature of Virginia,
we decline argument. The days of
argument are past, whilst those of
appeal have arrived. Colonization
has been an open question ; but it has
stood the torture of the strictest scru-
tiny. For eight and twenty years,
has this subject of colonizing our free
people of color, been discussed in the
United States, through the press — in
popular assemblies, in the Halls of
Legislation, and even in the pulpit,

130

An Appeal to the Legislature of Virginia.

[May,

Volumes would not hold the reason-
ings which have been employed in
connection with the subject on which
we so urgently address your Hon-
orable Body. Our scheme has been
prosecuted with all the lights which
could be made to converge for its
elucidation. Our thirty States are
combined to some extent, at least, in
this noble enterprise. The advocates
of colonization have, at all times, been
willing to hear and weigh difficulties
and objections. They knew that the
genius of Africa would one day
sublimely close the circle of reason-
ing, and this conviction inspired them
with a perfect willingness that scep-
tics might enter it and be heard, and
that fanatics might rend it if they
pleased. But how stands the result?
The circle is complete, and it holds
within its golden circumference, hun-
dreds of thousands who are the friends
of Africa.

We address men of intelligence,
and men who have been elevated to
seats of legislation by the popular will
and by the votes of those who are
free and independent. It would be
an insult to the understanding of such,
to argue whether the whole of any
thing be greater than its part, and
would not the offence be equal in
magnitude if we attempted to show
that colonization in Africa could be
accomplished after it has been accom-
plished ? But we ask the legislature
of Virginia simply to hear a recital
of what private benevolence has

achieved, independently of any direct
help from Government, and to infer
what may be done, provided private
benevolence w’ere aided by legislative
enactment. The recital shall be
short, for the facts to be mentioned
have been circulated over the United
States as freely as that air which
nourishes the life of a population now
amounting to twenty millions.

It is well known that the philan-
thropic institution whose claims we
respectfully but zealously press, was
founded at Washington City, in the
year 1816. We need not state the
names of its founders, for some of
them fill no obscure place in the an-
nals of American legislation. The
assemblage who laid the corner stone
of the American Colonization Society,
was composed of men who loved their
country, both north and south, east
and west. Since that time, the inte-
rest has been gradually deepening in
this scheme, from the St. Croix, to
the mouths of the Mississippi, and
from the Lake of Huron, to the Flor-
idian everglades. Private ^benevo-
lence has purchased on a benighted
coast, a territory of more than three
hundred miles in e.xtent, it has chart-
ered ships, it has bought and started
packets, it has despatched to the home
and continent of their fathers, five
thousand of our free people of color —
it has brought under the canopy of
Liberian laws, about eighty thousand
hitherto wild and untutored sav-
ages, it has restored many victims of

1849.]

An Appeal to the Legislature of Virginia.

131

' the slave trade who reached our
shores in defiance of the law of our
Congress, it has abolished the slave
trade within the jurisdiction of the co-
lony, it has founded schools, churches
and printing presses, it has cleared
farms and sprinkled abroad the tints
of agriculture, it has rendered streams
navigable which were inaccessible to
the boatman, it has planted the tem-
ples of justice, it has translated our
bland and beautiful arts to a distant
continent, it has sent over our melo-
dious language, to be the language
of millions forages to come, and above
all, it has obtained a foothold for the
Christian religion, before whose pro-
gress, paganism and Mohammedan-
ism, will gradually disappear. Li-
beria is a republic reared by private
munificence, and the lone star is
tremulous with hope for the arrival
of new but kindred orbs, that she may
present herself to the world in the
form of a constellation, whose dumb-
ness will be eloquence. We boast
not of what has been done, because
one frown from Heaven might have
disappointed our fondest hopes; but
Heaven has been propitious. We
then call on the Legislature of Vir-
ginia to strengthen our hands, and
encourage our hearts, for the work of
a century remains to be executed.
We believe, indeed, that Liberia left
to itself would live — that her agricul-
ture would flourish, and that her
commerce would increase ; but Libe-
lia' cannot transport our free colored

population. She wants more of our
people, that she may send our arts,
through their agency, among sur-
rounding tribes, and eventually into
the heart of Africa. And many of
the African race wish to leave the
United States. They are even im-
portunate to go, and shall we forbid
them to cherish the hope that they
may one day plant their feet on the
soil whence their fathers came ? The
Legislature must be aware that Li-
beria was founded in the face of doubts
and opposition, and even of ridicule.
But doubts have been resolved — op-
position has lowered its tone, ridicule
has been changed into the smile of
approbation, the clamor of faction has
been silenced, and discontent has been
quelled. The records of the world
may be safely challenged to produce
an experiment more triumphantly
proved. Thousands in the north
have begun to feel a lively interest
in Liberia as a home for the children
of Africa, and as a frontispiece to those
temples of religion and seats of law
and maces of legislation which are
yet to be more extensively established
on the western coast of a continent
which up to this period, has been a
blank on the map of the world. The
independence of the Liberian repub-
lic has been acknowledged by the
Court of St. James, and by that Gov-
ernment in France which has dissolv-
ed the Cabinet of St. Cloud. By these
and a hundred other considerations
which might be numerically stated,

132

An Appeal to the Legislature of Virginia.

[May,

do we ask the Legislature of Virgin-
ia to aid the American Colonization
Society. We pretend not to dictate
or even to suggest the form of the
benefaction. That is left with your
Body, in whose wisdom our confi-
dence is entire. The Legislature of
Maryland have long since occupied
Cape Palmas, where a flourishing
colony bears witness to their gene-
rosity and foresight. Other States
by the purchase of African territory,
are eager to impress their names on
Liberian soil. And shall Virginia,
who has been the parent of States,
decline all interest in the soil of Afri-
ca ? She can exultingly say of seve-
ral members of our confederacy, these
are my jewels nobly given away,
that nations might be enriched. Vir-
ginia has been slow, but when she
shall begin to move, our confidence
is unshaken, that she will overtake
and outstrip all others in the race of
philanthropy.

The people of Virginia never can
forget that they are the children of
colonization. Our fathers received
aid from the Crown of England.
They came to plant a factory, and lo !
they planted thirty empires. A be-
neficent Providence watched over the
infant settlement established on the
James. He reared up in the person
of an Indian Princess, a guardian to
the colony, whose olive hand arrested
the tomahawk of the savage, and who
threaded each sylvan labyrinth where
extermination to the colony was appre-

hended. The commonwealth of Vir-
ginia has sprung from crude mate-
rials, and the contrast between her
infancy and present state is striking.
A million and more of her children
are daily drinking happiness at those
fountains of law, literature, legislation
and religion which she liberally sup-
plies. Her capes, her tinted moun-
tains and unrivalled scenery, have
charmed past generations, and are
destined to charm generations to come
by adding the peculiar pleasure they
give to other sweets of existence. But
in thirty years, our State had not ad-
vanced so far in population as Libe-
ria, and what Liberia may become in
the future, we leave to the pen of his-
tory and to the imagination of the
poet.

With these and a multitude of
cognate considerations which will
readily occur to reflecting men, we
leave our appeal with the legislature.
All sources of information if called
for, can be immediately supplied. We
are fortified by a multitude of docu-
ments, and are able to prove diligence
on our part in prosecuting the enter-
prise, and frugality in the use of all
pecuniary means hitherto placed at
our disposal. We then earnestly, af-
fectionately and importunately invoke
the Legislature of Virginia to look
generously on our cause. We press
our claim from the harmonious sen-
timents of the people, from the concur-
rence of all patriotic men, from the
genius of our institutions, from the

1849.]

Missionary Influence of Sierra Leone,

133

known opinions of illustrious shades
that once animated our counsels, from
the azure wreaths which dress our
mountains, from the horrors of the
slave trade, and the tortures of the
middle passage, from the soil of Libe-
ria which invites additional cultiva-
tors, from the rising commerce of our
colony, from the tropical rivers of

fa t .'5 s i 0 n a r w E n f I u c n

This colony was commenced in
1787, with colonists most of whom
had been slaves in our southern States,
and had served in the British army
during the war of the revolution.
In 1791 and 1792, it was reinforced
by 1,200 colonists from Jamaica, who
had first been removed to Nova Scotia,
but found the climate loo cold for
them. Its prosperity was retarded
by wars with the natives, wars among
themselves, and the wars of England
with France, during which it was
ravaged by a French fleet. Its prin-
cipal accessions have been, not civili-
zed emigrants, but the cargoes of
slave ships, captured by British cruis-
ers. They needed to be civilized and
converted themselves, before they
could exert any good influence on
others. They have been brought in
and landed there, till their number
has risen to some 50,000, or 55,000.

The first missionary attempt in
that region, except two feeble efforts
which had previously ended in noth-
ing, was made by the English Church
Missionary Society in 1804; but the

Africa, whose mouths will be filled
with the music of gratitude, from the
good of millions on a foreign coast,
and the good of millions who are to
occupy those seats which we now oc-
cupy, and inhabit homes which we
are so soon to relinquish to our pos-
terity.

cc of Sierra 2leone.
missionaries were instructed to find
stations beyond the limits of the colo-
ny. In 1806, however, one of them
was induced to serve, temporarily, as
chaplain for the colony ; an office
which the Sierra Leone company had
been laboring in vain to fill for nine
years. This, so far as appears, was
the beginning of clerical labors in the
colony. In 1808, the missionaries
first found stations where they could
labor beyond the limits of the colony.
But in 1816, it was found that the
colony, then numbering 9,000, or
10,000 inhabitants, was the most
promising field of labor. In 1818,
the last of their stations beyond its
limits were given up, and the whole
missionary force concentrated with-
in the colony; “thus making Sierra
Leone the base, from whence future
exertions may be extended, step by
step, to the very interior of Africa.”
The Society now reports, mission-
ary stations 16; missionary laborers,
of various kinds, 146, of whom 128
are natives; average attendance on
public worship 7,628 ; communicants

134

Missionary Influence of Sierra Leone.

[Maji,

2,099; seminaries 2; schools 63;
pupils 4,979.

The English Wesleyans com-
menced a mission at Sierra Leone in
1817. They now report, schools,
45; pupils, 4,180; communicants,
4,883.

Both together report 108 schools,
9,169 pupils, and 6,982 communi-
cants. But these numbers by no
means give an adequate idea of what
has been done. We must consider
where they are.

In 1821, the Wesleyans extended
their operations by commencing a
station at Bathurst, a British settle-
ment at the mouth of the Gambia,
about 400 miles north from Sierra
Leone. In 1832, they advanced 300
miles up that river, and commenced a
station on Macarthy’s Island, in a
settlement of emigrants from Sierra
Leone. Three of their schools, 354
of their pupils, and 292 of their com-
municants are at these stations.

In 1835, they extended their ope-
rations about 900 miles in the oppo-
site direction, to Cape Coast Castle.
Here were about 10,000 Africans,
living under British rule. There
had been a chaplaincy and a school
in the fort nearly all the time since
1751. Some of the more enlighten-
ed among them had been at Sierra
Leone, had become acquainted with
missionaries there, and had requested
the Church Missionary Society to
send them one; but none had been
sent. Their wishes having come to

the knowledge of the Wesleyans, a
mission was commenced there. In
connection with this mission are 27
of their schools, 1,108 of their pupils,
and 959 of their communicants. But
these are not all at Cape Coast town.
One of their stations is at Kumasi, the
capital of the Ashantic Kingdom,
about 100 miles inland. Others are
scattered along the coast for 300
miles or more. One is at Annamaboe ;
one at Accra, and another at Badagry,
and still another at Abbekuta, 60 or
70 miles inland from Badagry.

The church missions, too, have
been extended to Badagry and Abbe-
kuta*. At Badagry, they report 16
communicants, 2 schools, and 76
pupils ; and at Abbekuta, 36 commu-
nicants, 2 schools, and 42 pupils.
But as the history of this extension is
very interesting and instructive, we
must give it more particularly.

The great kingdom of Yoruba for-
merly extended from the ocean, at
Badagry, to the Niger near Rabbab.
From Badagry across the country to
i Rabbah may be some 300 miles; but
the Niger flows from Rabbah, first to-
ward the east and then toward the
south, at least 600 miles, to its nu-
merous mouths in the Bight of Benin.
About the year 1817, a series of wars
broke out among the tribes owing al-
legiance to the king of Yoruba, in
which the country has been ravaged,
a large part of its towns destroyed,
and multitudes of the people seized
and sold to slave traders. Some esti-

1849.]

Missionary Influence of Sierra Leone.

135

mate of the number seized and sold, I
may be formed from the fact, that
such of them as were rescued from
slave ships by British cruisers, form
“ a very large proportion of the pop-
ulation of Sierra Leone.” One of
them, who arrived in 1822, when
there were but few of his countrymen
there, was baptized by the name of
Samuel Crowther, has been educated
and ordained, and is now at the head
of the mission at Abbekuta. His
mother, whom he found soon after his
return, was one of five adults baptized
February 6, 1848. Four children,
his nieces, he found in slavery, re-
deemed them and baptized them. But
we are before our story.

Previous to 1845, several natives
of Yoruba had left Sierra Leone
and gone to Badagry, and some |
of them had penetrated the inte-
rior. They found old friends and
relatives, who were delighted to see
them again and listened with inte- 1
rest to their account of the religion
which they had learned at Sierra
Leone. The report of their reception
and of the encouraging attentiveness
of the people to what they said of
Christianity, led to the establishment
of the mission. We have already
mentioned the Rev. Samuel Crow-
ther as its head at Abbekuta. His
three assistants are all natives of Yo-
ruba, who, like himself, are rescued
victims of the slave trade, educated
at Sierra Leone. One of them, Mr.
Phillip, schoolmaster, arrived at Ab-

bekuta December 4, 1847 ; and a
letter dated December 15, gives an
account of his unexpected meeting
with his mother and several sisters,
from whom he had been torn twenty-
one years before. We have already
given the statistics of the mission, and
stated that the Wesleyans also have
stations at Badagry and Abbekuta.

The wars which we have mentioned,
have resulted in the almost entire polit-
ical dissolution of the kingdom of Yo-
ruba. The several tribes which com-
posed it now act independently of each
other; but the same language still pre-
vails from Badagry to the Niger, and
thus a missionary influence can be ex-
erted from the points already occupied
through that whole region ; and there
are laborers in abundance at Sierra
Leone, to carry the knowledge of the
gospel to all its towns.

But this is not all. There is more
to come, and the way is nearly pre-
pared for it. We have said that Yo-
ruba extends to the Niger. There it
borders upon Haussa; or if Nufi in-
tervenes, the distance is not great, and
presents no formidable obstacle. A
mission to Haussa is already planned,
and the Rev. J. F. Schoen has been
for some time studying the language
at Sierra Leone, intending soon to
proceed to that country. He can
doubtless find at Sierra Leone, pious
and educated natives of Haussa, who
will not only teach him the language,
but accompany him on his mission,
and on his arrival, secure him a fa-

136

Missionary Influence of Sierra Leone.

[May,

vorable reception among their friends.
This movement carries Christianity
across the Niger, 500 miles or more
above its mouth.

Haussa borders on Bournu, the
most important empire of Central Af-
rica. Indeed it is said that Haussa
itself is tributary to Bournu, and that
the languages of- both countries are
so amalgamated on their borders that
the people understand each other.
There are natives of Bournu at Sierra
Leone, and by their assistance, the
Rev. S. W. Roelle is acquiring the
language, proposing, when Mr.Schoen
is established in Haussa, to go on be-
yond him into Bournu. He gives a
literal translation of one of his teach-
er’s narratives, . in the following
words ; —

“ My years were eighteen. There
was war. At that time my mother
died — my father died. I buried them.
I had done. The Fullahs caught
me. They sold me. The Haussa
people bought us. They brought us
to Yoruba. We got up. We came
to the Popo country. The Popoes
took us. To a white man they sold
us. The white man took us. We
had no shirts. We had no trowsers.
We were naked, Into the midst of
the water, into the midst of a ship, they
put us. Thirst killed somebody. Hun-
ger killed somebody. By night we
prayed. At suntime we prayed. —
God heard our prayers. The En-
glish are pious. God sent them.
They came. They took us. Ourhun-

I ger died. Our thirst died. Our
chains went off from our feet. Shirts
they gave us. Trowsers they gave
us. Hats they gave us. Every one
was glad. We all praised the En-
glish. Whoever displeases the En-
glish, into hell let him go.”

The unchristian wish in the last
sentence was probably intended only
as a strong expression of gratitude.
The facts are important. This Bour-
nu man was not enslaved and sold
by his own countrymen, but by the
Fulahs, with whom Bournu is often
at war. From this we may infer that
if he should return, his countrymen,
instead of selling him again, would
receive and protect him. The case
is doubtless the same with others from
Bournu. It also appears, that the
road to Bournu is through Yoruba
and Haussa, the very route contem-
plated by these projected missions.
Guides and interpreters for the whole
route, having countrymen and friends
at the end of it, may be found among
the recaptured Africans at Sierra
Leone.

Let us survey the extent of their
missionary influence.

From Sierra Leone to the Gambia,
is about 400 miles, and from thence
up the river to Macarthy’s Island, is
300 miles more. So far the Wesleyan
missions have extended themselves
northward. From Sierra Leone to
Cape Palmas is about 450 miles
south-eastwardly, and thence to Bad-
agry, about 750 miles east, ma-

1849.]

Missionary Influence of Sierra Leone.

137

king the whole distance about 1,200
miles in that direction. From Bada-
gry to Abbekuta is 64 miles inland.
From Bathurst, at the mouth of the
Gambia, along the coast to Badagry,
is about 1,900 miles, and from Ma-
carthy’s Island down the Gambia to
its mouth, then along the coast to
Badagry, and then inland to Abbeku-
ta, is about 2,300 miles. So far mis-
sions have actually been extended,
and are now in successful operation.
The greatest gap in this line of mis-
sions is occupied by Liberia.

From Badagry, through Yoruba
and Haussa. to the heart of Bournu,
on the great lake Chad, must be
nearly 1,000 miles. We have already
told what means are prepared for this
additional extension. The tributa-
ries of Bournu probably extend
to the Great Desert on the north,
and to the head waters of the western
branch of the Nile on the south east.

It is worthy of special notice, that
this route strikes the Niger far above
the pestilential delta at its mouth, and
thus opens a practicable route to its
rich and populous valley of more
than a thousand miles above, as well
as the valleys of its magnificent
tributaries.

Such are the results, present and
prospective, of a colony, far inferior
to Liberia in every thing but age and
numbers; and, if we may count the
natives lately brought under the ju-
risdiction of Liberia, far inferior, now,
in numbers.

Yet, in one respect. Sierra Leone
has had a decided advantage over Li-
beria. American missions to Liberia
have labored almost exclusively for
the conversion of the reaiwes, neglect-
ing the colonists. British missiona-
ries acted on the same principle till
the experience of twelve years showed
them their error; "and then in 1816,
they changed their policy. Thence-
forth, they made it their first object
to convert the colonists ; to produce
a concentration of gospel light at
Sierra Leone, the rays of which must
of necessity penetrate the surround-
ing darkness. Some of the Ameri-
can missions in that part of the world
have at length made the same dis-
covery, and win henceforth act on
the same principle, with vastly great-
er advantages than the British mis-
sions have enjoyed.

We must not close this article,
without noticing the prospect of an
Americati mission to Central Africa.
The “ Southern Baptist Convention”
have, as we understand, resolved to
send a mission to Yoruba, with a
view to its ultimate extension inland.
Two missionaries have already offer-
ed themselves for this enterprise, one
of whom is from Florida, and “has
long contemplated the subject;” and
other offers are expected. Acommittee
having had the subject under serious
consideration ‘‘for many months,” say
in their Report, speaking of Yoruba:

“ In this salubrious and productive
kingdom, our missionaries might se-

138

The Colonists and the Natives.

[May,

lect a location, whence they might i
easily cross the Niger into Nyffe, “a
very fine country, occupied by the
most industrious and improved of all
the negro nations,” and thence ex-
tend their chains of stations eastward
to the kingdom of Bournu and even
to Abyssinia.

Located near the Niger, the com-
mercial highway of that entire region,
the missionary may, at any time, by
means of the boats that ply on its
waters visit the numerous towns that
stud its banks. Departing from Ka-
tunga, the capital of Yariba, a town
fifteen miles in circumference, with a
large population, he may descend the
river, visiting Rabba, Egga, which
stretches for four miles along its
western bank; Kacunda, with its
“peaceable, friendly and industrious
people;” and proceeding on to the

^i)e Colonists

Extract of a letter from the Rev.
J. Payne, Protestant Episcopal Mis-
sionary at Cape Palmas, to one of
the bishops of that church ;

The natives of the west coast of
Africa, are not only deeply sunk in
vice and superstition, but they have
no written language, and, of course,
no books — no schools. To raise
them from such degradation must be
the work of generations. I would
not limit the power of God, which I
pray daily may be manifested in the
conversion of the adult population,
while I pray, preach and labor for
this end. But, guided by the light
of the past, all intelligent minds must
agree that the moral renovation of
such a people involves a long, syste-
matic, and toilsome work. The lan-
guage must be reduced to writing,
schools established, the Word of God
and other religious books translated
and distributed, ere the blessings of
Christianity can be permanently se-

point of its confluence with the Te-
hadda, ascend the latter and preach
Christ crucified to the immense mul-
titudes of the Funda country. Or he
may ascend the Niger, stopping at
the countless intermediate towns and
villages, up to Boosa, ‘‘ the capital
of a fertile and well cultivated coun-
try;” thence to Yaoori, encompassed
by wooden walls thirty miles in
length, and finally reach Timbuctoo
itself, the mart of an extensive trade,
and distribute among its mixed popu-
lation the word of life. Or he may
diverge from the Niger, and ascend
the river that leads to Soccatoo, ‘‘the
largest city in the interior of Africa,”
and spread within its lofty walls those
sacred influences, which will ulti-
mately open its twelve gates to let the
King of Glory in.”

n& t{)c Watibes.

cured to these people. It is obvious
that, in order to the accomplishment
of these objects, an adequate supply
of well-qualified ministers and teach-
ers must be provided. And the im-
portant question arises, whence are
these to be obtained 1

‘‘Will the church in the United
States furnish them? I think that
facts show that she will not. During
the twelve years of this mission’s ex-
istence, twenty white laborers, male
and female, have been connected
with it. Of these, there remain in
the field, at the present moment, my-
self, the only clergymen, with my
wife and Dr. Perkins, making three
in all ! Some have died, and others
have withdrawn on account of ill
health, or different reasons. But as
these causes are likely to be perma-
nent, it is proper to judge of the fu-
ture by the past, which fully sustains
the opinion just expressed, that the
wants of the mission are not to be
supplied from the church at home.

1849.]

Rev. Mr. Robinson's Address.

139

“ There appears to me to be quite i
as little prospect of an immediate
supply of suitable native agents. The
view has been expressed, that in China
such an agency may reasonably be
hoped for, from the present genera-
tion. But this based upon the idea,
that the Chinese are the Romans of
existing Heathendom. However this
may be, it is very certain that the
people of India are very much su-
perior to those of Africa. And yet,
after generations of missionary toil, j
what is the result, so far as an ade- !
quate supply of superintendents and
clergymen is concerned ? In one of
his communications, written, I think,
in 1846, Bishop Wilson of Calcutta
declared his conviction, that from fu-
ture generations alone, was there any
reasonable hope of obtaining a com-
petent native agency for that field.
‘A fortiori,’ there is less prospect
here.

“There remains but one other source
to which we can look for suitable in-
struments to sustain this mission.
And this, in the Providence of God,
is immediately at hand. It is the
American Colony, within whose
bounds our operations are confined.
To some it may appear unaccountable
that the same advantage should not
raise to a like standard the heathen
and the Christian child. But not so
to those who have carefully observed
the gradual steps by which barbarous
nations advance to Christian civiliza-

tion. The process resembles that by
which infancy attains to the maturity
of manhood. It has its childhood and
its youth, with all attending imper^
fections; and it is only men who are
qualified to be guides and instructors,
so it is found that heathen nations,
even after they have been converted
must pass through their childhood
and youth, before they furnish char-
acters of sufficient maturity to be en-
trusted with their spiritual care.
Now the Americo-African Colonists
having been long living under the
influences of Christian civilization,
have passed through the stages of
childhood and youth. They are
struggling rapidly into manhood.
With all the disadvantages to which
their social condition subjected them
in the U. S., they are, to say the least,
a century in advance of their heath-
en neighbors. Moreover, by consti-
tution they are adapted to the climate,
and what is of still greater consequence,
here is their and their children’s
home. The latter will grow up here,
and by constant intercourse with the
natives, become perfectly familiar
with their languages and customs.
Now it is from amongst these chil-
dren that I would have the church
train up her teachers and ministers
for Africa. Colonists already fill
every civil office in Liberia, the high-
er ones, most ably ; why should they
not also, in time, fill all in the church?”

[From the Presbyterian Herald*]

3^cb. 2£vof)fnson’.s confess.

To those who are acquainted with
the reputation of Mr. Robinson as a
pulpit orator, the length of his address
upon our first page, will be no ob-
stacle to its careful and attentive pe-
rusal. To those who are not, we
would say, if you commence it you
will not stop until you are done, what-
ever may be your views as to the cor-

rectness of his positions. Though
himself a native of “ the Old Domin-
ion ” and comparatively a stranger in
our State, having resided in it only
two or three years, yet he has evi-
dently caught a very correct view and
given a very proper analysis of the
state of public opinion upon the sub-
ject of his address. A very gratify-

140

Rev. Mr. Robinson’s Address.

[May,

ing sign of the times is found in the
unanimity with which all parties in
the State are found advocating the
scheme of African Colonization. One
party advocate it because they believe
that, by a union of it with a system
of gradual emancipation, the State
may be relieved of the incubus of sla-
very, another party, in favor of per-
petual slavery, advocate it because
they believe the presence of a large
body of free negroes will be preju-
dicial to the Government of their
slaves as well as to the whites. Both
parties, however they may divide
upon other points, may agree, in per-
fect consistency with their principles,
in removing the negroes that are now
free and such as shall become such
hereafter, to their fatherland. With
slavery, as such, the colonization
scheme has nothing to do. Its office
is to take the negro after he has had
nominal freedom conferred upon him,
and transfer him to a country where
he may be free indeed. When and
how he shall be released from slavery,
or whether he shall be free at all, it
leaves to be determined by the mas-
ter or the State in which he is held.
It blesses him when freed by taking
him away from the depressing influ-
ences resulting from the constant
presence of a superior race, and pla-
cing him in a new position where
there are stimulants to call into play
all the latent powers of his nature. It
blesses the white man by taking away
a degraded class of inferiors who by
their degradation draw down in the
scale of moral worth all within the
circle of their influence. It blesses
Africa by drying up the accursed
trade by which her sons are torn from
her bosom, and planting on her coast
a colony of her own children redeem-
ed by the Gospel from heathenism
and imbued with the spirit of the In-
stitutions of Christianity. In this
view of it, it is beginning to meet
with favor from English statesmen of

great prominence who have until
lately been its warmest opponents.
Lieut. W. S. Jackson, who has just
returned from the African coast, gives
through the London Times his de-
cided testimony to the futility of at-
tempts to prevent this traffic by a na-
val force. He says that this method
ought to be abandoned and coloniza-
tion substituted. He says :

“ I would rather hold up Liberia
as an example to our Government
than offer my own remarks; the
Americans established a colony, and
from that spread North and South
from Cape Mount to Cape Palmas,
between which places slavery is now
hardly known. When we look upon
this handful of people, unprotected by
their own Government, alone and un-
aided, and consider what they have
done, I think we may well blush at
the futility of our own efforts.”

The London Morning Post suggests
a system of measures for civilizing
Africa by establishing intimate con-
nection between the West Indies and
Africa, through a comprehensive sys-
tem of transports between the two
places, and by enlisting native Afri-
cans in the army, and training them
in connection with the black soldiers
of the West Indies, and by employ-
ing them partly in military and part-
ly in agricultural labor. In this way
it is proposed to make the West In-
dies a training school for Africans
and then to have them return to Af-
rica in possession of the habits of ci-
vilized life, and in this way to exclude
the slave traffic.

Upon this scheme then all parties
may unite and shake hands. The
North and the South, the East and
the West, may here stand upon one
common platform, and urge forward
this glorious scheme, and bless them-
selves, and bless the negro, and bless
Africa.

1849.]

Rev. Mr. Robinson's Address.

Substance of the speech of Rev. Stuart

Robinson, before the Colonization Socie-
ty of Kentucky, at its meeting, January

18th, 1849.

Mr. President: — I presume, that
in expressing some embarrassment at
rising to perform the duty to which
you have called me on this occasion,
I shall not be suspected of affectation,
by any one who is acquainted with
the character of the speeches which
this Society has been accustomed to
hear at its annual meetings; or who
has any adequate conception of the
greatness of the cause which it is now
my duty to defend and to enforce. I
have been preceded in this duty by
men, of all others, most competent to
fill the place. Men, who instead of
borrowing reputation from the posi-
tions which they have occupied, have
had reputation to lend to any cause;*
who have done their share of the
thinking in this age : who, as States-
men, Jurists and Divines, have adorn-
ed the highest places of the country
— whose names will be land-marks
of future history, and add lustre to
the immortality of Kentucky.

Aside from this reflection, the sub-
ject which we are to consider, is one
which above all other schemes of
modern philanthropy, has filled my
imagination with the grandeur of its
conceptions, and overpowered my
faculties with the magnitude of its
probable results. It is an enterprise
worthy to have been conceived of,
and set on foot, “ when there were
giants in those days.” It bears marks
of its paternity in every feature. Every
point of it is on a grand scale. One j
cannot here, as in many other cases,
when feeling his incompetency to the
whole subject, select some one branch
of it, as more suitable to his strength ;
for here every part of the subject is
immense in its scope. Like the bones |

of the Mastodon, or of those wonder-
ful organic remains which have made
our Commonwealth so famous — “ the
disjecta membra" of the huge fabric
— a limb — a horn — a single tusk, is
an overmatch for ordinary strength.

A scheme of benevolence which
should have been devised by the
great hearts that yearned over an in-
fant nation, and the great minds whose
ordinary topics of thought were the
profoundest truths in the problem of
human society, would be presumed a
priori to have in it the elements of
grandeur. This project of African
Colonization, a project which turns
to account of benevolence, one of the
direst calamities ever inflicted by an
angry Providence upon men, and
makes it a channel of blessing to the
millions of two continents — is one
that fully meets all our anticipations,
as to the character of the work even
of such men.

If, however, sir, there is any ad-
vantage in a deep impression of the
grandeur and importance of one’s
subject — if there is any benefit in a
full persuasion of the righteousness
of the principles and the sound com-
mon sense of the practice of one’s
cause — and if any advantage in an
unwavering confidence in its ability
to accomplish all, and more than all
which it proposes for the benefit of
society, then I am not altogether de-
void of qualifications for the task now
appointed me.

I have proposed to myself simply
some general remarks, going to illus-
trate these two propositions :

1. That the plan of African Colo-
nization— involving the separation of
the black from the white race, as the
only means of promoting the highest
good of both — is the true exponent of
the national feeling of our country in
reference to the African race.

* Among the speakers who have at different times addressed this Society, are Hon.
H. Clay, Hon. J. R. Underwood, Rev. R. J. Breckinridge, D. D., Judge W. F. Bul-
lock, John A. McClung, Esq., &c.

142 Rev. Mr. Robinson's Address. [May,

2. That the Colonization Society,
while in good faith it abstains from
any interference with the question of
slavery, has devised, and by experi-
ment, proved the feasibility .of a
scheme by which the slave-holding
States who are looking to the remov-
al of slavery from among them may
effectually carry out their designs.

That there is a national feeling
averse to the institution of slavery
among our people, is one of the most
obvious facts in the past history of
the country, and in present daily oc-
currences among us.

I call it the national feeling for the
purpose of distinguishing this feeling
from that spurious anti-slavery effer-
vescence, with which a ranting fanati-
cism, or all grasping political ambi-
tion has of late, so frequently agitated
the country.

Apart from all this, and entirely
distinct from it, except perhaps as af-
fording the self-seeking fanatic, or the
designing politician, a prejudice to
play upon, there has ever been and
still is, a deep-seated aversion to the
system of slave labor. This feeling
is older than the present government,
and knows no distinction of North
and South. If the sentiments of those
who were the leaders of public opin-
ion sixty years ago, are a fair crite-
rion— or even of the public acts of
this country are a fair criterion, then
we are fully justified in saying that
Southern men have been from the first,
the leaders of public sentiment against
the system of slavery — and further,
that Southern men have been the
originators and most efficient support-
ers of every measure which has gone
to limit the system in its extent, or to
relieve the evils of it.

Washington declared it to be a first
wish with him, “to see some plan
adopted by which slavery might be

abolished by law.”t •* I believe a
time will come,” said Patrick Henry,
in 1773, •' when the opportunity will
be offered to abolish this lamentable
; evil — every thing that we can do, is
to improve it if it happens in our day
— if not, let us transmit to our de-
scendants, with our slaves, a pity for
their unhappy lot, and our abhorrence
j for slavery.’’^: “ Nobody wishes,”

- said Mr. Jefferson of himself, in 1788,
'“more ardently to see an abolition,
i not only of the slave trade, but of the
I condition of slavery ; and certainly
! nobody will be more willing to en-
! counter every sacrifice for that ob-
ject.”§ “We have found that this
1 evil,” said Mr. Monroe, in the Vir-
ginia Convention, has preyed upon
the very vitals of our Union, and has
been prejudicial to all States in which
it has existed.”|| Let these suffice
for illustration. If we turn now to
the public acts of the nation, all go
to show the existence of the sentiment
here expressed— and the fact that
Southern men were here also promi-
nent in their public actions on this
subject, in conformity with their pri-
I vate opinions.

j At the period of the Declaration of
Independence, the whole thirteen
were slave-holding States — and yet
it is well known there was a clause
in the original draft of that instru-
ment— though struck out afterwards
for reasons not involving any objec-
tions to its general sentiment — enu-
merating the infliction of slavery
upon the colonies prominently in the
list of grievances therein set forth, as
justifying resistance to the mother
country.

The first efficient step for the ab-
olition of the African slave trade, and
consequently the first limit put to the
extension of slavery, was by an act of
the American Congress, originated

t See Letter to J. F. Mercer. t Letter to R. Pleasants, Jan. 18, 1773-

^ Letter to Dr. Warville, 1788, and to E. Cole, 1814. || Speech in the Vir-

ginia Convention.

1849.]

Rev. Mr. Robinson's Address.

143

and carried through by American [
slave-holders. For twenty years an-
terior to 1804, the annual motion for
the abolition of the slave trade, though
urged by all the influence and elo-
quence of Wilberforce, of Pitt, of
Fox, and of Sheridan, was uni-i
formly voted down under the pleaj
of ‘‘ mischief to the colonies ” —
“ of ruin to individuals,” and “dimi-
nution of supplies to the nation.”
The American government cotem-
poraneously with becoming a gov-
ernment, denounced the slave trade,
and set limits to its duration. At the
suggestion of Mr. Jefferson, in his
eagerness to anticipate the period
fixed by the Constitution in 1807,
the act was passed providing for the
annihilation of the traffic at the very
earliest moment fixed by the Con-
stitution.

Mr. Randolph, in 1816, made the
first motion to abolish the slave trade
in the District of Columbia. It was
on motion of a member from Vir-
ginia, in 1819, that the resolution was
adopted by Congress, the carrying
out of which, the subsequent year,
led to the memorable declaration, in
advance of all other nations, that by
our law, the slave trade is piracy, to
be punished with death.

These are but few specimens of
facts which might be cited indefinitely,
going to show a strong current of na-
tional feeling on this subject from the
earliest period.

It is true that the rights of the
slave-holder were secured under the
Constitution — and that moreover from
the very first there has existed a strong
disposition to protect the rights thus
guarantied by legislation, in all the
States in which slavery still exists.
It is further true, that in proportion as ,
a disposition has manifested itself to !
encroach upon these rights by the
Northern portion of the confederacy,
a corresponding determination has
been manifested by the Southern peo-
ple, and with great unanimity, to re- !

I sist these encroachments. This, how-
j ever, is a fact, not at all adverse to
the existence of such a national feel-
ing as I have described, even in the
Southern country. The feeling of
hostility to the system of slavery, as
at war with the highest prosperity of
the country, is by no means inconsis-
i tent with a feeling of resistance to im-
pertinence and encroachment under
the guise of humanity. Nor is the
fact that active measures have notbeen
! taken for the removal of this evil by
legislation in the slave-holding States,
contradictory to the assertion of an
anti-slavery feeling in those States —
however much some have ranted of
the insincerity of such a position.
The legislation of the South on this
subject, is governed by the same great
principle which governed the foun-
ders of the government in forming the
Constitution — a principle commend-
ing itself to the sound common sense
of mankind — that an evil is rather to
be borne with, than removed by
means inconsistent with the great in-
terest of the people and militating
against the great principles of gov-
ernment. The cases of those who
lament slavery as an evil, and yet
oppose legislation for its extinction,
is but another of the thousand cases
in which even great evils must be
endured, rather than endanger great
principles in the effort to remove
them. The rats that infest the far-
mer’s barn, are often an evil too great
for human patience, yet it is not the
part of wisdom to apply the torch to
the pile, in order to expel the vermin
that infest it.

It is not my province here to dis-
cuss the reasons why such measures
for the extinction of slavery have not
been taken — I simply allude to the
fact, as one well known — and as ac-
counting satisfactorily for the appa-
rent inconsistency of the state of legis-
lation in the Southern States, with
such a sentiment hostile to slavery as
‘ I have ascribed to them.

144

Rev. Mr. RohinsorCs Address.

[May,

While this sentiment of hostility to
the permanence of slavery has gene-
rally prevailed, there has prevailed
co-extensively with it, a deep convic-
tion of the incompatibility of the two
races with each other as tenants in
common of the same country, and cit-
izens in common under the same laws.
I stop not now to consider the ground
of this general conviction — or to in-
quire whether it be philosophical or
unphilosophical — whether it is, as
some Northern philosophers have af-
firmed, a prejudice only “skin deep”
— or whether it be deep in the mys-
teries of human nature. It exists —
has always existed, and some very
sensible people imagine it ever will
exist — all ihe philosophy of metaphy-
sicians to the contrary notwithstanding.

Such I believe to be a fair analysis
of the state of feeling in reference to
the African race throughout the coun-
try— North and South. This strong
current of sentiment could hardly be
expected to exist, without being fre-
quently played .upon by various pas-
sions and interests of men. The in-
ference naturally drawn from such a
state of public feeling would be, the
temporary character of the institution
— which in turn would suggest va-
rious schemes for its extinction. And
just as naturally as the demagogue
plays upon the sentiment of universal
political equality, it must be expected
that this prevailing feeling will be
played upon as the means of promot-
ing the design of various social and
political schemers. Accordingly the
self-seeking fanatic appealing to this
feeling of the people, has been able
to agitate the nation with modern
Abolitionism. The religious Radical
plays upon it, and agitates the church
of God — the scheming politician has
played upon it, to secure to himself
the balance of power between the two
great contending parties. And now
the leaders of one great section of the
confederacy seem disposed to make
capital out of it, in their schemes for

gaining power beyond that which the
Constitution fairly allows them.

While this and other directions
have been given to this feeling — all
ending in evil — or all certain to yet
end in evil — the wise benevolence of
the last age sought to direct it into a
channel which should give it efficien-
cy and make it a blessing to both
races. Looking at the subject sin-
cerely with a view to remedy the
evils under which the country was
suffering — and at the same time ele-
vate the African race from its degra-
dation— they sought to bring this na-
tional sentiment to bear in the great
measure of separating the races —
and to affect this, proposed the ex-
periment of colonizing, with their
own consent, the free people of color
on the coast of Africa.

If I have given a correct analysis
of the feeling, you see at once the
truth of my first proposition — that
Colonization is the exact exponent of
American feeling in reference to the
African race. The great purpose of
this organization was two fold — first
to furnish a system of action to the
benevolence of the country, in estab-
lishing a colony by which the feasi-
bility of separating the races should
be practically demonstrated, and se-
condly, to keep open a channel through
which the national feeling of the
country in reference to the African
race should find expression, and ’in
turn, through which that feeling might
be reached by reason and intelligence,
and thereby be enlightened as to its
best modes of operation. The thing
to be done, was not to attack slavery,
but to elevate the free — not to raise
funds to pay agitators, but to purchase
a home for the free, and send them to
it. Not to call upon the States to
legislate, but to show how they might
remove the evil, when they choose to
undertake it. There was one great
idea kept ever before them, the plant-
ing of a colony. And never has the
great idea been kept more faithfully

1849.]

Rev. Mr. Robinson's Address,

145

prominent, though a thousand influ-
ences have continually tempted to
straying away after collateral objects.
And in no scheme of modern bene-
volence have we a more striking il-
lustration of the truth of the harmony
of every true good, with every other
good. A golden chain binds them.
And one great good steadily pursued,
incidentally must effect other great
good. Like the great system of sal-
vation in the gospel, in whose spirit
this work has been prosecuted, one is
often at a loss to measure and enu-
merate the. train of incidental benefits
growing up in its path.

While this scheme of a colony has
been pursued with a singleness of
purpose unparalleled, and succeeded
as a cause only can succeed, thus
pursued — yet throwing all its suc-
cess as to the main purpose out of
view — the other benefits to the world
which have grown oufof this enter-
prise, are among the most remarkable
results of modern benevolence. The
colony has been planted, and in less
than thirty years has become a nation,
and has been received among the
civilized nations of the earth. The
experiment, made in the midst of ad-
verse influences — abuse and denunci-
ations from one quarter, suspicion and
distrust from the other — unprotected
by government at home, and imposed
upon by governments abroad — -has
yet been made, and gloriously suc-
ceeded. Its friends no longer need
found their defence of it in hypothe-
sis and analogy — they need only pro-
claim the facts.

And in effecting the main work,
the incidental good accomplished is
wonderful. 1. It has permanently
fixed the influences of Christianity
upon a continent upon which all
other efforts have failed. 2. It has
practically done more to abolish the
slave trade than the combined fleets
of Christendom have been able to ef-
fect, though spending more money

annually, to effect it, than Liberia has
cost from its origin. 3. While it has
never looked beyond the free people
of color, who with their own con-
sent, might be colonized, it numbers
among the beneficiaries of its charity,
some 6,000 slaves who have been
emancipated, in most cases, directly
or indirectly through its influence.
4. It has kept in healthful action,
the national feeling on the subject of
the African race — standing proudly
conservative, amid the storms of op-
position from either extreme, and ex-
ists now, to encourage and to reani-
mate the friends of the African, by its
triumph over all obstacles.

This scheme is then, obviously,
what I have declared it to be, the true
exponent of the American national
feeling on this subject of the African
race. And our cause has triumphed
over an amount of opposition that
would have prostrated it long ago,
had it not been, that it is so founded
in the hearts of the American people.

Let me now call your attention to
the other topic to which I proposed
to direct my remarks this evening —
the relation of African Colonization
to the probable future action of the
slave-holding States on the subject of
slavery. In this view, I think we
shall find, that as this plan is the true
expression of American feeling, so it
holds forth the only feasible mode of
American action.

That we may reasonably anticipate
some action at no distant day, by sev-
eral of the slave-holding States, with
a view to the limitation of slavery, is
a proposition which few will dispute,
after a full and fair analysis of the
condition of the system of slavery in
those States, and of the public feeling
in regard to it.

At your last annual meeting, no
one present but was struck with the
profound and eloquent train of rea-
soning by which the gentleman* who
addressed you, demonstrated the po-

* Hon. John A. McClung, of Mason Co.

1^6

Rev. Mr. Robimq^i' s A^ddress.

[Hity.

sjtion, that slavery in the slave-hpW-
ing States was gradually, but surely
appr, caching to extinction- That ar-
gument was foundetj on the general
statistics of slavery. It was no part
of the orator’s aim to enter info de-
tail^, or to assign the causes of the
phenomena op which he founded his
argument — he simply established the
fact, that from the origin of the gov-
ernment, slavery had been constantly
moving southward, and that too, with
remarkable regularity of progression.

A more minute investigation of
facts relating to our Commonwealth
in particular, will tend still more ful-
ly to corroborate the general view of
the subject then presented. And an
inquiry into the causes which pro-
duced the results then set forth, will
most clearly show, that the e.^pecta-
tions founded on those results, must
be realized; that Kentucky is rapid-
ly preparing to take her place in the
line of march, in the wake of the long
list of Stales who have already exclu-
ded, or must soon exclude slavery
from their limits. I have not time,
indeed it lies not within the scope of
my main purpose to enter lully into
the investigation — 1 quote, therefore,
a few items from the statistical tables
by way of specimen, in support of the
general argument above referred to.

The increase of slaves in Kentuc-
ky, has hardly reached 3,000 annu-
ally, for eighteen years past. The
increase since 1840, has been 27,653
— the increase for the year just clos-
ed, 2,921. In twenty-six counties of
the State, embracing one-fourth of
the slave population — some of them
the largest slave-holding counties,
there has been an actual decrease in
the last year, of 881 slaves. In
twelve other counties, the increase
h^s been only 23i. There are ten
countie? in the State, which contain
one-third of all the slave population
of Kentucky; in these ten counties,
the increase of slaves for five years

pas^ has. been 2,728 — an increase of
less than one per cenp per annppi.
Nor is this slow increase of slavery
to be attributed to any stagnafiop. or
decline of public prosperity, for in thp
meantime, the Statp has been grow-
ing in population and wealth as herpr
tofore. During these five years, the
taxable property of the Common-
wealth has increased in value more
than seventy-six millions of dollars.
Now this decrease of slaves while the
other property of the Commonwealth
is increasing, must arise from one of
three causes — and in either case, the
inference is the same, as to the fate
of slavery in Kentucky. Is it be-
cause the climate is unhealthy to the
African? Then the climate is not
adapted to the African constitution
and of course African labor cannot
continue. Is it owing to emigration ?
Then something is wrong in the sys-
tem of labor, that causes thp emigra-
tion of our people — for no finer soil,
no more desirable residence can be
found in the world. Or is it owing
to the domestic slave trade? Then,
for some reason, slave labor is less
profitable here than elsewhere, and
therefore must soon be given up. Not
to dwell, however, on facts of this
kind, which might be multiplied in-
definitely, I pass on to a brief en-
quiry into some of the causes which
have produced the state of feeling
which exists in most of the Northern
slave-holding States, and even in
many of the South-western States in
reference to slavery. Which causps
most clearly indicate that slavery
cannot be in those States perpetual.

I have already referred to the ex-
istence of a national sentimpnt adverse
to perpetual slavery, as inconsistent
with the highest civil, political, and
econpmical interests of the country —
as an evil at present to be borne, be-
cause as yet, no remedy for it, con-
sistent with the rights and the safety
of society, can yet be applied. The

1849.]

Rev. Mr. Robinson's Address.

147

very existence of such a sentiment,
goes far to render probable the ex-
pectation of action at no distant day,
with a view to its removal.

Not only, as I have just shown,
are there reasons for such an expec-
tation in regard to this Common-
wealth, from her statistical history —
but the same inference must be drawn
from general considerations relating
to ours, in common vvith other States
of this Union. The whole tendency
of the civil and political development
of our country, indicates a state of
things unfavorable to the much longer
existence of slavery in it.

[ have little sympathy, sir, with
those abstractionists who profess to
regard the existence of slavery in any
condition of the social system, as in-
compatible with true love of civil lib-
erty, and a high degree of the enjoy-
ment of it. The history of our coun-
try is all in the teeth of this abstrac-
tion. It was the sagacious observa-
tion of Mr. Burke* in reference to
the Southern Colonies in the days of
the Revolution — “slave-holders are
most jealous of freedom, for with
them, liberty is not only an enjoy-
ment, but a kind of rank and privi-
lege— the haughtiness of domination
is by no means inconsistent with the
loftiest spirit of freedom.”

I see not either the inconsistency
which seems to surprise many mod-
ern theorists, of the holding of slaves
in any circumstances, with the ab-
stract declaration — “All men are, by
nature, free and equal.” The ab-
stract rights of man are one thing,
and the demands of self-preservation
and the safety of society are another.
As the- profound Philosopher just
quoted, well remarks: “The meta-

physical rights of man, when they
enter into common life, like rays of
light which pierce into a denser me-
dium, are by the laws of nature re-
fracted from their straight line.”t But

* Burke’s Speech, 22d March, 1775.

at the same time it is obvious to the
reflecting, that the tendency of our
system to still more democratic forms
is unfavorable to that peculiar phase
of the social system under which alone
slavery can exist with comfort, to both
servant and master. In Virginia and
South Carolina alone, of all the other
slave-holding States, has ever that
form of social organization fully ob-
tained. Its peculiarity is a sort of
aristocratic democracy, in which
wealth, rather than numbers, holds
the control in government. “ Repre-
sentation according to taxation,’’ is its
fundamental theory — and the practi-
cal operation of the theory, is to give
dignity and unbounded influence to
slave-holder — making him in effect,
a feudal Baron in his little circle,
only with more absolute sway. Oc-
cupying such a position, service is
rendered him, not under the mere
pressure of physical force, but with
the willing homage of feudal loyalty.
He has no one to question his autho-
rity, and his vassals never learn to
dream of any other law than his com-
mand— any other standard of taste and
manners than his conduct— any other
standard of right and wrong than his
opinions.

But this order of things is fast pass-
ing away — the old Virginia gentle-
man has become almost a historic
character. Power is passing over
from wealth to numbers, and just as
that change goes onward, it lets down
the master from his high position in
the eye of his vassals, and introduces
force instead of loyalty as the motive
of obedience. Then the law and dis-
cipline of slavery necessarily relaxes
— for the obedience of mere force, is
too ungrateful to be exacted to the ut-
most— and just as the law and disci-
pline of slavery relaxes, the system
itself becomes uncomfortable and bur-
densome. Slavery as seen here, or
in West Virginia, is indeed spoken of

t Burke’s French Revolution, p. 91,

148

Rev. Mr. Robinson's Address.

[Mayv

as the " milder form" of the sys-
tem, yet it is very questionable wheth-
er it is not, all things considered, its
very worst phase. A phase of it, in
which masters no longer assert their
lights or discharge their duties. The
only law for the system, in the very
nature of the case, is absolute autho-
rity and absolute obedience. When
the habits and feelings and customs of
society sustain the master in the ex-
ercise of the one, and impress the
slave with the necessity of the other,
then slavery may exist compatible
with the peace and comfort of all con-
cerned. With no sources of constant
irritation, the master will be the more
disposed to kindness, and the bondage
will be less felt in the slave. But so
soon as that authority is restrained in
the least, either by interference of law,
or by scruples of conscience, or by
the influence of social opinion, the
system becomes at once burdensome
and hateful. The reins of authority
held with a faltering hand, encour-
ages the governed to become refrac-
tory. Then bribery is the resort.
But obedience purchased by bribes,
soon becomes unreasonably exacting.
And then commences the contest to
be waged through life — who is to be
master — the owner or the slave. In
this state of affairs, labor soon becomes
unprofitable, and the half free indo-
lent negro has worked out more per-
fectly than any other character of la-
borer, the problem, of the least possi-
ble amount of work for the greatest
possible amount of pay. Now the
whole tendency of political opinions,
is to the destruction of that form of
civil society, in which alone slavery
can exist to advantage. The tenden-
cy is ever to the government of num-
bers, rather than of wealth. To di-
vest the tax-paying slave-holder of the
dignity and influence which he has
heretofore occupied — to bring as
equals with him into the government,
the laborers around him, who dispute

his opinions, rather than learn them,
and thereby destroy the charm which
has heretofore held his vassals in will-
ing obedience. The obvious effect of
all this, is to weaken his authority on
the one hand, and generate imperti-
nence and insubordination on the other.
Aside then, from considerations which
might be urged from the inability of
slave labor to compete with free, from
the climate and the soil, here are in-
fluences at work which every one can
see and understand, to account for
the stand-still, to which slavery has
been brought in some States, and its
decline in others. And more than
all this, who does not see the tendency
of a government of numbers to the
overthrow of this species of property,
when it is known, that in this gov-
ernment, four out of every five of the
sovereigns, have no interest in this
species of property whatever ; that
the thing exists by mere sufference of
those who have no interest in it.
Nor can any reasonable man expect
that sufference to be prolonged forever
in an age when the power of the
masses, heretofore only a theory, is
becoming every year more and more
a practical and operating fact.

These influences alone, independ-
ent of other considerations, must lead
ultimately to a revolution in the sys-
tem of labor. In this view, the war
against slavery began long ago in the
slave States. Every extension of the
right of suffrage is a blow to slavery;
for it is taking from the property
power to protect itself Every or-
ganic change which brings the offi-
cers of the State more directly to the
vote of the people, is a blow at the
system, for it adds to the number of
causes which make the masses feel
their power. Every shortening of
the tenure of office is a blow at the
system, for it adds to the number of oc-
casions that remind the people of their
power, and that expose the slave to in-
fluences which will make him more

1849.]

Rev. Mr. Robinson’s Address.

149

discontented and therefore more refrac-
tory— and therefore more worthless.

The question therefore of the con-
tinuance or the extension of slavery
is under the control of causes, which
no temporary excitements, no party
spirit, no legislation can reach. They
are causes no more to be checked in
their operation by the wishes of in-
terest, or the schemes of political sa-
gacity, than the great causes which
produce the phenomena of nature.
They move onward with the certainty
of time, and irresistible as destiny.

When Blaise Pasha 1 was told of
the decree of Rome, condemning the
theory of Copernicus, of the revolu-
tion of the earth on its axis, he simply
answered — but what if the world were
to go round still, in spite of the decree !
This revolution will go in defiance
of all the excitement of parties, and
all the legislation of States.

It is the operation of such causes
as these, which not only brings sla-
very to a stand in our State, but
which produces that increase of free
colored population, which in many
of the more Northern slave-holding
States has become so alarming. Mas-
ters, owing to the change of public
sentiment, no longer maintain their
rights, nor discharge their duties.
As a consequence, the relation be-
comes to one, and another, for various
reasons, exceedingly irksome — and
from various motives, one and another
is disposed to emancipate. One be-
cause he can no longer govern in
peace and safety — another, because
his conscience becomes scrupulous at
the exaction of a forced obedience — a
third, because of the evil influence
which the system is exerting over his
own temper and character, and a
fourth because he is unwilling longer
to expose his children to the tempta-
tions which slavery as a part of the
domestic economy-^and especially a
semi-slavery — must necessarily ex-
pose them to. So in spite of legal

enactments, one after another turns
his slaves loose to become an annoy-
ance to his neighboring slave-holders,
and increase their troubles and dis-
gust with the system. Here we have
the explanation of the fact, that in
Virginia alone, there are now 60,000
free negroes — and increasing at a
rate which doubles their number
every 12 years. The evil is just be-
ginning to be felt in Kentucky —
which, unless some change takes
place, will become most alarming to
our children in the next generation.

If we turn now to the actual state of
public sentiment in our own Common-
wealth, we shall find it in accordance
with what would be expected from the
foregoing reasoning and statistics —
and therein, we have a strong confir-
mation of the opinion, that action will
be had at no distant day in Kentucky,
which will call into requisition the
plan of African Colonization, in aid
of the efforts of the State.

At first sight it is true, an analysis
of the present state of public sentiment
on this subject would seem a hopeless
task. Perhaps at no recent period of
our history has there appeared on the
surface so confused and^discordant ap-
pearances. The agitation of the great
question of power between the North
and the South, combined with the agi-
tation of questions of domestic policy,
naturally incident to a prospective re-
modeling of the organic law of the
State, must of course disturb the or-
dinary current of opinion on this
subject. And in addition to these
causes, there is furthermore an evi-
dent effort on the part of mere politi-
cians to play upon the prejudices
connected with this subject, and create
an apparent public opinion which
shall hold in check the evident aver-
sion of our people to the perpetuity of
slavery in Kentucky ; while many
again, from mere personal motives,
are disposed to be violent in their de-
nunciations of the opinion that slavery

150

Rev. Mr. Robinson's Address.

[May,

here is not perpetual, and to proscribe
those who entertain it. But notwith-
standing all this, there is plainly dis-
coverable below the surface, subject
thus to temporary agitations, a strong
current of feeling pursuing the same
general direction, and bearing every
thing on with it to the one great re-
sult, a separation of the black from
the white race. The storms of party,
and the excitements of passion and
self interest, may indeed seem often
to have turned the very current itself
in a contrary direction, but they affect
only the surface. The winds some-
times sweep up the Mississippi, with
such violence as to carry back in
spite of the current, objects floating on
its surface, yet are as transient as they
are violent, and are scarcely to be
reckoned in the problem of the speed
of the mighty current toward the
Gulf whither it is moving. In re-
ference to the whole subject, these
may be regarded as the main points
of general agreement:

1. As fo the great questions of
power between the North and the
South there is nearly enlireunanimity.
The demand of the North for the ex-
clusion of slavery from the territories,
though under the guise of zeal for the
limitation of slavery, is conceived to
have little to do with the moral prin-
ciple of slavery. It is regarded as a
mere grasping at power,by the North,
to which the terms of the National
Constitution give no title. Being
thus considered as a contest for fower,
the demand of the North finds little
sympathy among even the most ar-
dent friends of the limitation of slav-
ery in Kentucky.

2. On the other hand, there is a
very generally prevailing opinion,
that slavery as it now exists in Ken-
tucky, is not consistent with the
highest civil and economical interests
of the State. There is an almost
universal disposition to trace the in-
feriority of the Commonwealth in

wealth and political power, as com-
pared with some of the neighboring
Commonwealths, to the existence of
slavery among us. And hence, very
naturally, there is a feeling of dissat-
isfaction with the present state of
things, and a desire for some change,

3. While some of the ablest men
in the Commonwealth are so ardent
in their desires for the extinction of
slavery, as to be willing to risk a
provision for the gradual emancipa-
tion of all children of slaves born
hereafter, without . any provision for
their removal, yet the almost uni-
versal feeling of the people is against
such emancipation, without removal.
The exchange of slaves for a free co-
lored population is deemed a change
for the worse to both races.

Both as to the mode of action, and
the time for action, there is greater
diversity of sentiment. Yet any mode
of action which can be shown to be
feasible, and which will produce no
violent shock to the wealth and eco-
nomical interests of the State, will
receive general support. As to the
time for action, there seems to be an
indisposition to entangle this question
with other questions of reform of the
organic law. Perhaps, however, it
would meet the views of all parties,
if this question could be brought be-
fore the people, with the new Consti-
tution, yet apart from it, as an inde-
pendent question, after the manner in
which the question of negro suffrage
was submitted, wijtii their new Con-
stitution, to the people of New York.
However this may be, it is evident
that slavery cannot be a permaiient
thing in Kentucky. The tendency
to pure democracy of numbers, is
against it. The statistics of wealth
and population are against it. The
intelligent sentiment of the people is
against it. Sooner or later, therefore,
the question as to the mode of bring-
ing it to an end must be considered.

Now the scheme of Colonization

1849.]

Rev. Mr. Robinson's Address.

15^1

is probably the only means of meet- 1
ing the question when it shall occur.
This scheme does fully meet it in all
its aspects — it satisfies the general de-
mand of public opinion for a separa-
tion of the races, while public opin-
ion in favor of a gradual post nali
scheme of emancipation on the other
hand, brings the work of removal
within the abilities of colonization.
True to its principles, as set forth
in the second article of its constitution,
this Society has nothing to do with
slaves as such. It deals only with
the free. Yet while its primary ob-
ject is the removal of the free people
of color, it incidentally furniishes the
very instrumentality requisite to carry
out the wishes of public sentiment
here as to slavery.

I most earnestly invite attention to
the scheme of this Society, in this
point of view. I am satisfied that a
full consideration of the subject will
produce the conviction, that here is a
means adequate to the removal of the
slaves of Kentucky, whenever the
people demand it. And the great
law of progression demonstrated to
this Society a year since, renders the
whole thing feasible as a practical
operation. If we were compelled to
face at once the mass of three mil-
lions, it might appal us, but it is not
so. The action of the country must
not only be gradual in each State, as
by some post nati law, requiring the
transportation only of the annual in-
crease, but in reference to the States,
it must also be gradual — one follow-
ing the other at greater or less inter-
vals,.as the pressure of circumstances
and the growing evils of the system
in each State shall urge it onward.
It is therefore entirely a reasonable
calculation to confine the question of
Colonization to the black population
of Kentucky. Can it be done? I
ask particular attention to this propo-
sition, because I fear even ardent
Colonizationists have been too much

disposed to put by the question, as
one too visionary to merit serious
consideration. Why such an im-
pression should have become so gen-
eral, lam at a loss to conceive, un-
less it be from the grandeur and
magnitude of the whole scheme for
which this Society has been organ-
ized, and the infinite consequences
which must flow from it, even if no
farther successful. In this view, there
is in its primary work of colonizing
something visionary in the whole
project — just so was the mighty con-
ception of Columbus of a new conti-
nent visionary, and yet that continent
has become the theatre of the grand-
est events in history — ^just so, the con-
ception of the steamboat by Fulton,
was once visionary, though now
practical as the driving of a dray
horse, and doing the labor of millions
of men — ^just so, the Telegraph was
once visionary, and very shrewd men
would have suspected Morse of hal-
lucination, while working in the par-
lor over his mouldings of lead and his
old clock, and his bands of carpet
binding, and yet it is now one of the
most practical of all the inventions of
men. So is this scheme visionary —
visionary for the same reason, that
great minds ever seem to smaller
minds visionary; because the ordi-
nary beat and movement of the for-
mer, is oft more powerful than the
highest strain of excited energy in the
latter. Visionary for the same rea-
son, that the great scheme of men’s
salvation has ever appeared wild and
visionary to the perceptions of a cold
and selfish philosophy. For no
other reason can we conceive how it
appears so, and yet its profTer of the
solution of the great problem of the
age is treated as a dream by a large
portion of even the reflecting men of
the country. It seems one of the
peculiar weaknesses of the human
mind as developed in its history —
that at certain periods, certain opin-

152

Rev. Mr. Robinson's Address.

[May.

ions, however unfounded, should be
contagious — like those great physi-
cal epidemics which, taking their
rise in some unknown corner, make
the circuit of the globe and sweep
every tribe of the human family. So
once the opinion of many gods —
which it required the direct influences
of the Almighty through a long se-
ries of ages to restrain from univer-
sal possession of the human race — so
once the opinion of witchcraft — of the
right of men to bind the conscience.
So in every branch of physical phi-
losphy; the opinion rose, no one
knows how — passed unchallenged —
was received into universal favor —
reigned supreme — till some accident
opened the eyes of some inquirer, to
the truth lying obvious to the mean-
est capacity.

On a much similar ground, would
I account for the singular prevalence
of the idea of the removal of the Af-
rican race from among us as vision-
ary. It is time for the friends of
that view to divest themselves fully
of this lingering delusion, and look-
ing to the facts m the history of their
own effort, and in the daily occur-
rences of the world, set their own
minds right, and endeavor to set the
public right on this great subject. I
have heard it said, sir, that, at the
first project of the railroad scheme,
some men high in the departments of
science, thought they saw obstacles
in the way of the practical applica-
tion of the scheme, which rendered it
visionary in the extreme for all prac-
tical ends. It might be they said,
that with no weight to carry, the car
could perhaps attain some speed —
but how could the projector expect a
smooth wheel on a smooth rail to
have friction enough to move a great
weight; the wheel will evidently
turn but not move forward. And
some learned philosopher after in-
tense study, had actually devised a
scheme to obviate the want of friction.

and enable the car to move with a load.
He proposed a wheel with cogs to
run on an iron rail with cogs. Un-
fortunately however for his well in-
tended kindness — by the time he had
got ready to remove the mountain,
there was no mountain to move.
Some practical engineer who knew
nothing about the laws of friction, had
loaded a car with an immense weight
— put to the steam — and away it
went ! Give him only the steam —
and let the friction take care of itself.

I am fully satisfied that the obsta-
cles in the way of Colonization as a
means of removing slavery, are of a
similar character. The figures and
facts in its history at once dissipate
them. The great work has been
done. A colony has been planted —
it has lived — flourished — has become
a nation. Now what is there to be
done in the gradual removal of the
African race from Kentucky, in prin-
ciple, different from what has been
done ? To what particular feature
I of the undertaking shall we point as
■ visionary? Is it the vast number?
200,000? Why cannot the same
scheme which has transported 6,000,
transport 600,000? Let us look a
little more narrowly into the subject.
For the sake of illustration, let us sup-
pose that the people of Kentucky, by
solemn vote two years hence, resolve
that all children born of slave mothers,
after a fixed date, shall be free on ar-
riving— females, at the age of 18, and
males, at the age of 25, respectively,
and forbidding further importation of
slaves (and that the Legislature prev-
ious to the coming of the period when
any shall become free,) shall make
such provision for paying the expen-
ses of their transportation to Africa,
or some other point, as in their wisdom
it shall then seem best. This provi-
sion to be made by the hire of servants
so becoming free, for the- necessary
length of time to raise the funds.

How many under the operation of

1849.]

Rev. Mr. Robinson's Address.

153

such a rule would it be necessary to
colonize annually, in order to effect,
in time, the complete separation of the
races? Obviously only a number
equal to the annual increase of slaves
in Kentucky ; and that number select-
ed from those aged 18 and 25, would
of course soon cause the diminution,
rather than the increase of negroes
amongst us. In 20 years from the
commencement of such an operation,
slavery would exist in Kentucky, as
it does now in Delaware. In 40
years its existence would be only
nominal, and Kentucky would have
commenced, as a free State, that pro-
gress to wealth and political power to
which her natural resources and the
energy of her people entitle her.

Is, then, the idea of removing 3,000
negroes annually from Kentucky, by
aid of their own labor tor raising funds,
visionary? The cost of removal and
support for six months in Africa, is
$50. Is the scheme visionary, even
though the funds be provided inde-
pendent of the labor of the slave?
Make the largest estimate, and what
is the amount ? Suppose we take the
number annually arriving at the ages
of 18 and 25, at 4,000. 'rhen the an-
nual expenditure would be $200,000
— for, say, the first five years — after
that continually and rapidly diminish-
ing. Is then $200,000 an alarming
sum to be raised from the 273,000,000
of property in Kentucky ?

All this however aside, it is a plain
proposition that any can comprehend,
that the labor of such freed men, for
two years at farthest, would pay the
cost of colonization, and the needful
support in the colony for six months.
Men can be found, I doubt not, who
will take the contract for colonizing
every African of that age in Kentucky,
for two years services.

The difficulty cannot then be in res-
pect to the cost and expense. Where
then? A place to colonize? The
place has been procured — if not large

enough, $20,000 will purchase terri-
tory enough to locate the whole

200.000 of Africans now in Kentucky.
There would be no difficulty, I pre-
sume, in procuring territory indepen-
dent of Liberia, over which the pro-
tection of government would be ex-
tended, till the new colony could pro-
tect itself.

But there is something visionary to
a far inland people, in the idea of car-
rying such numbers across the Atlan-
tic, They forget the 500,000 that
cross that ocean every year — yea,

100.000 are said to be now annually
stolen from Africa and brought to this
continent. Benevolence and law can
surely devise means to do one-twen-
ty-fifth part of the work that piracy
does. If the whole African popula-
tion of the United States, were, within
ten years, to cross the Atlantic, it
would be no greater wonder than
that the same number of paupers from
Europe will in the same time have
crossed the ocean. Is the removal of
one African from Kentucky to Libe-
ria, then, more difficult to accom-
plish, than the removal of one white
man from the crowded pauperism of
Europe to America? Yet many
seem to conceive of a voyage to Afri-
ca as men in the age of Columbus
would conceive of a voyage to Amer-
ica.

The voyage to California is a far
greater enterprise — yet more than are
slaves in Kentucky, will in ten years
have gone to California.

Or is the visionary point in this
scheme, the idea of leaving free blacks
on that or any other coast to take care
of themselves? It is only doing
what 6,000 of them are doing already
to the admiration of the civilized
world. It is no longer a terra incog-
nita, concerning the capacities of
which for the support of men we are
left to vague conjecture. It has
been explored — its properties are
known — its climate has been proved

154

Rev. Mr. Robinson's Address.

[May,

to be adapted to the African — there
has been among the colonists no more
sickness than in new settlements in
our own country — by unanimous tes-
timony, it is fertile, and yields large
products to the labor of man.

Or is it visionary to expect such a
race of people even to be capable of
governing and providing for them-
selves? Such an idea is natural,
where men see the race only in the
state of bondage and dependence.
None can now say so who will take
the pains to investigate the state of
things in Liberia. Read the message
of its President — observe the acts of
its legislature — observe its commerce
and enterprise, and all such impres-
sions will vanish. Nor will coloni-
zation under Stale action, prove less
favorable. It is a beautiful ordinance
that the same thing that makes sla-
very intolerable, prepares the slaves
for freedom.

I confess myself unable to discover
the marks of wildness and extrava-
gance in the scheme of applying the
system of colonization to the proba-
ble future action of this Common-
wealth, or any other Commonwealth,
for the removal of slavery.

It reduces itself to the simple pro-
position, of removing 2,000 to 4,000
freed slaves annually from Kentucky
to Africa — the means of their trans-
portation being provided in their own
labor. It involves no danger or hard-
ship to them, over what 300,000 un-
dergo every year. It involves no
expectation of the negro, beyond what
experiment has shown to be just. It
involves, in short, nothing else than
the application to a great social pro-
blem, the plainest and most practical
common sense truth and action.
Let it be shown, if it can, wherein it
is visionary. The problem of Af-
rican Colonization has been before
the world for thirty years; has been
subjected to trial; it has done what it
proposed to do. And to apply its

principle to the removal of slavery
from State by State, as facts or ci'r-
cumstances compel the system of
slavery to give way, is not a task of
half the difficulty which has attend-
ed the working out of the great prin-
ciple. It is but taking the model
telegraph, which at first transmitted
intelligence from one hall of the na-
tional capital to the other; and ex-
tending its principle, to sending its
messages around the vast boundary
of the country which gave it birth.

Sir, I conceive that the American
Colonization Society has already
worked out the great problem of the
age, next to the problem of the Ame-
rican government. It is a work, in
its glorious result, worthy of the great
men who planned it. And I gravely
doubt whether, if their measures are
fully carried out, and this proves to
be the solution of the great problem
of slavery in America — future ages
will not doubt whether their fame as
the founders and guardians of the
American government will not be
equaled by their fame, as the origi-
nators of this mighty plan of benevo-
lence. When we reflect on the prob-
able influence of this work on the
destiny of two races — on its connec-
tion with the future prosperity of this
country — on the effect of its labors in
the moral and political renovation of
the millions of that mighty continent
— and of the final extinction of that
traffic which has for centuries black-
ened the commercial history of Chris-
tendom with a stain more damning
than ever before disgraced the annals
of man — we will not think it extrav-
agant to doubt, whether their first or
last work, most challenges the ap-
plause of mankind.

When the artist was selecting from
among the illustrious acts of one of
the greatest British statesmen of the
last age, a subject for his chisel, which
should adorn his tomb, and attest his
right to sleep among the mighty dead ;

1849.]

Ihe Slavery Question.

155

he chose the victory of his Eloquence
over British Avarice, in crushing the
slave trade, as the crowning glory of
his life. The monument as it now
adorns his tomb, is worthy of the
great idea. The dying statesman is
recumbent on his couch, the head fall-
ing back, and showing full that no-
ble face, from which the light of ge-
nius and wit and eloquence is fast fa-
ding forever. At his feet rises the
figure of a poor African on his knees
— the broken manacles yet pendent
from the hands, which are raised,
■with streaming eyes to heaven, implo-
ring blessings on his dying benefactor.
The universal voice of Christendom
has applauded the artist’s choice.

Sir, it is perhaps a visionary fancy,
but so I think it may yet be, with the
names of some of the great American
statesmen who have been the projec-
tors of this system of benevolence.
The time may yet come, when their

[From the Joun

Ef) e SI a b er

We copy with great pleasure the
following remarks from the New
York Observer of the present week.
The spirit of them is so different from
that of most articles which we meet
with in northern papers of late, that,
coming from a widely circulated and
influential religious journal, and from
an editor (Sidney E. Morse, Esq.,)
who with a Christian heart has studied
the subject of slavery in all its bear-
ings more thoroughly than almost
any other person within our know-
ledge, and who is accustomed to
form his judgment deliberately, care-
fully, candidly, and in view of all
the considerations pertaining to the
case, — that we cannot but regard them
as of real interest and importance. In
the view we have taken of the sub-
ject in its present bearings and rela-
tions, as affecting not only the welfare

reputation will rest, not alone on their
work as authors of the American
Constitution ; for their memory will
be held blessed, not only by the mil-
lions of the American Union, but
among the millions of two continents,
who shall unite with equal zeal, to do
them honor.

I question whether, in future time,
the fame of that man whom Kentucky
delights to honor, as one who has
stood forth for near half a century,
the idol of our Commonwealth and
the admiration of the Union — shall
not rest somewhat on his relation to
this cause, as well as on his relation
to the great public acts of his coun-
try. And in time to come, among
the inscriptions which shall honor his
monument, there shall not be want-
ing one to hold him in remembrance,
as the firm, enlightened, long-tried
friend of African Colonization.

of Commerce.]

2 (SLuestion.

of master and slave, and the prosperi-
ty of the Union, but even its existence,
we have found ourselves almost alone j
and if we cannot add, with old Elijah,
‘‘they seek my life,” we can at least
say that by our course in this matter
we have brought upon ourselves, from
certain quarters, no small measure of
abuse. But when did ever a man op-
pose the current of public opinion
around him, on a question where it
was active and strong, without find-
ing his integrity assailed and his
motives impeached? It is a matter
of course. Although it is always
more pleasant to float with the cur-
rent than to struggle against it, yet a
conscientious man, who acts upon
conviction, after using his best en-
deavors to understand a subject and
his own duty, cannot be swerved from
his course by any such considerations,.

156

The Slavery Question.

[May

To us the case is a plain one ; and has
become more so by the lapse of time.
When the discussion began, it was
not quite certain that the people of
California and New Mexico, on being
admitted into the Union as States,
would repudiate slavery. But in re-
gard to California, there is not now
the slightest perad venture; nor scarce-
ly any in regard to New Mexico.
Under suchcircumstances we say, that
to force the Wilmot Proviso through
Congress, against the unanimous voice
of the slave-holding States, if not
against the spirit of the Constitution
itself, would be a wanton trifling with
the feelings of our brethren of those
States, and with the harmony of the
Union, and therefore with the dear-
est interests of the country, of freedom,
and of man. Let the Proviso alone,
and all will be well. The harmony
of the Union will be preserved — the
shame and infamy of an open rupture
will be avoided — while yet the object
of the Proviso in regard to slavery in
the new Territories, will be fully ac-
complished. It will not be accom-
plished by the Proviso, but without
it, and in spite of it. There is noth-
ing for us to do on the subject, except
to empower the people of the new
Territories to act for themselves — to
form constitutions preparatory to their
admission into the Union as States.
This is provided for by Mr. Douglass'
bill now before the Senate, which we
sincerely hope will be adopted at the
present session ;

‘‘We devote a large space in
our columns this week to the ad-
dresses of the Southern Convention on
the slavery question. The subject
has now become deeply interesting
and, in the view of some, threatens
the stability of our happy Union. It
is time, therefore, that all who love
their country should reflect seriously
and prayerfully upon it, and speak
and act as becomes Christian patriots.
Our own views on the general sub-

ject have been frequently given ; but
we regard this as a proper moment
for referring again to those conside-
rations which should induce the North
to avoid all action and language in
reference to slavery, which will un-
necessarily irritate the South. Among
these considerations are the following:

“1. Our Southern brethren are not
responsible for the origin of the evil.

“Slavery was forced upon the Ame-
rican people by Britain, to gratify her
vile lust of gold, in opposition to the
entreaties and remonstrances of the
wise and good in every part of the
land, and in every period of its colo-
nial history.

“2. It is not easy now to get rid of
the evil, suddenly.

‘‘ Slavery is the fundamental law
upon Avhich all the political institu-
tions of the South have been based
from the beginning. That law was
established by Britain at the very
commencement of the political exist-
ence of those communities. It gave
to the white man despotic power
over the negro. It constituted the
whites a privileged class — the aristo-
cracy of the land. The abolition of
slavery in the South, would be, in
other words, a voluntary surrender
by this aristocracy, of the power and
privileges which they hold under the
ancient law of their country. Ought
we to be greatly surprised, if this
surrender should not be made sudden-
ly, even though demanded by public
sentiment in the North, and in every
other civilized country on the globe?
Where, in history, is there an example
of the surrender by an aristocracy of
their ancient powers and privileges,
however exorbitant and oppressive
those powers, and however earnest
the demand for their surrender, when
that demand was not backed by a
competent physical force. No one
wishes to see slavery abolished in the
South by physical force, and without
physical force, it would be a moral

1849.]

The Slavery Question.

157

miracle if it were abolished suddetily.
We must not be too impatient.

“ 3. Our Southern brethren have
done more to get rid of the evil than
could have been reasonably antici-
pated.

“When we reflect upon the demora-
lizing character of slavery, and the
obstructions it opposes to all improve-
ment, physical, intellectual and moral,
we are prone to think at the North,
that there can be nothing good in a
community where such an institution
exists. The census of 1840, how-
ever, shows that there are, as the
result of voluntary emancipation, in
little Delaware, 14,000 free blacks,
or more than five-sixths of the whole
negro population of that State; in
Maryland, 62,000 free blacks, or
nearly one-half of the negro popula-
tion of that State ; in Virginia, 50,000
free blacks; in Louisiana, 25,000; and
in all the slaveholding States, 215,000
free blacks, whose value as slaves, at
the moderate estimate of §500 each,
would be more than $100,000,000!
— more than the boasted £20,000,000
which Britain paid for the emanci-
pation of her West India negroes 1 —
more than the aggregate of the State
debts of the whole slaveholding sec-
tion of the Union ! This vast sum
is the voluntary sacrifice made by
Southern slaveholders on the altar of
anti-slavery feeling and principle !
In making it, thousands of noble-
minded men have reduced themselves
from affluence to poverty. One would
think that such men could be safely
trusted with the management of the
anti-slave I y cause in their own States.

‘‘4. Christ and his apostles did not
dene unce or irritate the Slaveholder.

•‘They lived and preached in coun-
tries where the law gave man des-
potic power over his fellows, but they
did not denounce the law or the men
who held power under it. They did
not require the despot to abdicate, or
the slaveholder to emancipate his

slaves, without regard to consequen-
ces. Paul did not aid and abet On-
esimus in his escape from his master;
nor did he threaten to cut his connec-
tion with the master, if he continued
to employ the labor of the slave. He
used no harsh epithets. He called
Philemon, slaveholder as he was, his
‘dearly beloved fellow-laborer’ in
the Gospel, and thanked God for his
‘ love and faith,’ and all his noble
Christian graces. He sent back the
penitent runaway slave to his master
with a courteous, conciliatory and af-
fectionate letter, calculated to soften
the feelings, and render all the future
intercourse of the parties pleasant and
profitable.

“ 5. The Bible method of dealing
with slavery and slaveholders is the
best method.

“The Bible is the source of all the
rational liberty we enjoy. Wherever
its principles are heartily embraced,
slavery, or at least the evil of slavery,
is sure to die. But how does it ef-
fect this? By denouncing the law,
and stigmatising all who hold power
under it? No. It does not seek to
change the law as the first and great
thing. It seeks first to change the
heart of the master. It goes to him,
and in the accents of Christian love
and kindness tells him ‘ that his slave
is his brother; made in the image of
God his father; an object of his Sa-
viour’s most tender love; endowed
4ike himself with an immortal soul;
possessed of powers which will ex-
pand forever; capable of being fitted
here, in this momentary life, to enjoy
ineffable glory with God, in heaven,
through endless ages ; and that such
a being should be treated with all the
consideration due to his near relation-
ship, his vast capacities and his lofty
destiny.’ It addresses not the fears,
not the pride of the master, but the
noblest feelings of his nature; and
when it has thus gained the master, it
trusts to him in ^due time to change

158

Receipts.

[May,

the law, and until the law is changed,
to deprive it of its power to harm.
This is the Bible way of dealing with
slavery, and it is the true way.

So our

It is due to our readers to say,
that the Editor having been absent,
attending to important business of the
Society, has been unable to give to
the present and the last two numbers
of the Repository, that attention which
its necessities demand.

‘‘The policy of the North is a ‘mas-
terly inactivity,’ a ‘Let-alone,’ ‘Dqt
nothing’ policy.”

3£leatiers.

That the present and last numbers
come to hand later in the month
than usual, is owing to the embarrass-
ments caused by the burning of the
office of our Printer. We hope that
soon all will be in order again.

From the 2Qth of March, to the 20/A of April, 1849.

VERMONT.

By Luther Wheatley, Esq ;
Brookfield — Capt. A. Edson, Si.
mon Cotter, E.sq., Capt. G. S.
Allen, each 50 cents, Homer
Hatch, Esq., 25 eta., J. VV.
Hopkins, $1, Colonel Nathan
Wheatley, 50 cents, Robert C.
Fay, 25 cents, David Bigelow,
Andrevv Wheatley, each 50
cents, Dea. S. Griswold, 25
cents, Mrs. Maria Merrill, 11
cts., Luther Wheatley, 50 cts.

RHODE ISLAND.
By Capt. George Barker ; —
Providence — J. P. Hazzard, for
the expense of one emigrant to
Liberia, $50, Female friend,
25 cents

CONNECTICUT.
By Rev. James Ely: —
Suffield — Maria Hanchett, $5,
N. Loomis, Julius Fowler,
Dr. Rising, each $2, D. W.
Norton, Miss Gay, Betsey
Hanchett, each $1, Rev. A.
B. Washburn, Mrs. Palmer,
Dea. Shelden, C. Pomeroy,
Cash, Rev. D. Heminway, Dea.
King, S. King, George Fuller,
H. Fuller, H. & F. King, each

5 36

50 25

50 cents, H. Burbank, 27 cts..

Cash, 12 cents 19 89

Guilford — Collection in Rev. E.

E. Hall’s congregation 21 01

Hartford — Thomas S. Williams,

$20, Alfred Smith, L. Wilcox,
each $15, A. Dunham, L. C.

Ives, D. P. Crosby, David
Watkirison, Joseph Trumbull,

D. F. Robinson, T. C. Brown,
ell, Hetty B. Hart, Charles
Seymour, F. Parsons. Wm. T.

Lee, each $10, H. A. Grant,

Elisha Colt, S. L. Loomis, C.C.

Lyman, John S. Boswell, S. S.

Ward, Rev. W. W. Turner, T.

M. Allyn, Calvin Day, E. N.

Kellogg, C. Nichols, Philip
Ripley, S. Spencer, J. M.

Bunce, each $5, Wm. Hooker,

C. Ives, R. Mather, C. H. Nor.
thum, E. G. Ripley, Charles
Hosmer, J. W. Bull, each $3,

J. F. Judd, C. Seymour, jr., H.

Fitch, D. Hillyr, H. L. Porter,

George Burnham, Rev. T. Rob-
bins, William Hungerford, E.
Goodwin, R. G. Talcott, D.

Buck, jr., A. W. Butler, Rev.

G. Robbins, Virgil Cornish, A.

H. Pomeroy, E. Terry, each
$2, Wm. Thompson, S. Board-

Receipts.

159

man, Rev. J. A. fiemsted. Cash,

5. Savage, Timothy Williams,

Z. PreatoD, J. B. Gilbert, J. C.

Burgees, G. W. Moore, Foster

6, Co , T. D. Boardman, Den-
nip &• Ives, S. Woodruff, E. B.

Hull, George S. Lincoln, A.
Saunders, H. King, J-. H. Good-
win, W. S. Wright, C. H.
Langdon, H. W. Hutchinson,

E. G. Drake, D. W. Clark, C,

L. Lincoln, Dr. Butler, C.
Howard,!. Langdon, each $1,

Cash, 50 cents, J. Hamner, 25
cents, Ruth Patten, $6, L. H.
Sigourney, ^7, J. Warburton,

^8 332 75

New Haven Wm. Boat wick,

$20, Henry White, T. Sher-
man, each $10, Mrs. M. A. War-
ing, $4, E. W, Blake, Mrs.
Salisbury, T. Bishop, Pres’t
Woolsey, S. Collis, B. Silli-
man, D. Kimberly, each $5,

N. A, Bacon, Rev. S. W. S.

Dutton, Ja,o. Brewster, Hotch-
kiss & Whittlesey, B. L. Ham-
lin, King &. Abbe, Elisha At-
water, each $3, S. Blair, Cash,

Cash, M, G. Elliot, H. N.
Whittlesey, R. Burrit, William
Lewis, jr., C. A. Judson, A.

D. Stanley, each $2, Dr. Dow,

Dr. C. Hooker, Rev. J. Mur-
dock. Prof. Fitch, B. Silliman,
jr., A. N. Skinner, Cash, .M.

Tyler, J. Punderford, D. W,
Buckingham, A. Treat, Dr.

Ives, G. B. Rich, C. L. Eng-
lish, Cash, S. Noyes, George
Hoadley, S. M. Barrett, T.

Lester, S. Gilbert, Mrs. J.

Root, each $1, L. Fitch, Wm.

Benton, Cash, Cash, each 50

cents 141 00

Manchester — Rev. B. F. North-
rop, Dr. Williams, Wells Wood-
bridge, Mrs. N. Hubbard, E.

Hubbard, M. Kenney, R. R.

Phelps, S. C. McKee, Walter
McKee, Walter Bunce, each
$1, Benjamin Lyman, $4,

Norman Spencer, $1 25, John
McLain, $1 50, G. W. Will-
iams, J. Withrell, M.T. Land-
fear, R. Eldrige, G, M. Bunce,
each 50 cents, Mrs. Cook,

Cash, Cash, A. K. Parsons,
each 25 cents, Mrs. Parmele,

12 cents, D. B. Phelps, 45 cts. 20 82

NEW YOIIK.

Charlton — From A.B.C., to con-
stitute Rev. Joseph 8weetman,

D. D., a life member of the
Am. Col. Soc., by J. A. Sweet.

man, Esq 30 00

Elmira — Collection in Rev. P. H.

Fowler’s church, $51 73—^30
of which is to constitute him a
life member of the A. C. S 51 73

81 73

PENNSYLVANIA.
Chambersburgh — William Good-

hart, Esq 1 OO

VIRGINIA.

Norfolk — L. Westray, Esq 4 00

Chriatiansburg — Mr. Thos. Ing-

lis, by Rev. Nicholas Chevalier. 5 Op
Prince William County — Joseph
Janney, Esq 20 00

29 00

SOUTH CAROLINA.

Torbit’s Store — Rev. W. Flenni-

ken 10 00

ALABAMA.

Havanna-Frof. Henry Tutwiler. 10 00

KENTUCKY.

By Rev. Alex. M. Cowan ; —

Covington — J. M. Preston 20 00

Louisville — Robert Montgomery,

Wm. Miller, each $10 20 00

Shelby County-hindaej Thomas,
Clayborne G. White, William
Hanna, Miss Sally Logan, each
$5, Preston Thomas, $3, Rob’t

Cooper, $2 25 00

Frankfort — Thomas S. Page.... 10 00

Lexington — A. Vanmeter, M. T.

Scott, P'. Dewes, each $20,

Isaac C. Vanmeter, Jas. Ward-
law, Solomon Vanmeter, J. M.

C. Irwine, each $10 100 00

Danville — James Barbour, F. T.

Bell, each $5 10 00

Daviess County — James Lash-
brook, Esq., to constitute him-
self a life member of the Am.

Col. Soc., by Rev. A. H. Trip.

lett 30 00

215 00

OHIO.

Bellfontaine Rev. Joseph Stev-
enson, to constitute himself a
life member of the Am. Col.

Soc., by Rev. Jas. H. Gill 30 00

Walnut Hills — S, D. Kemper,

Esq., by Charles H. Kemper... 75

535 47

30 75

160

Receipts.

[May, 1849.]

INDIANA,

Princeton — Collec’n in the Pres-
byterian Church, by Hon. £.

Embree 3 00

Johnson County — J. Clifford, J.

Vorass, W. Santa, each $1.... 3 00

Montgomery County — S. Gray, J.

Gray, each $1, C. Saley, 50

cents 2 50

Fountain County — Hon. E. A.
Hannegan, J. Ristine, Esq.,
each |10, W. H. Mallory, Dr.
Richmond, each $2 24 00

32 50

FLORIDA.

■Quincy — Rev. Joshua Phelps 5 00

ENGLAND.

JLi»er/)ooZ— Donations to the Am.
Col. Soc., received by Rev.
John Miller, viz : — From Wm.
Rathburn, Robert Armstrong,
Donald Currie, each £5, Jas.
Stith, :C3, Daniel Macaulay,
.£2 2, John Clow, John Bol-
ton, James K. Richardson,
each £2, W. Furguson, JCI 1,
James Adam, Wm. Gardner,
R. Higgin, Francis Boult,
Ross T. Smyth, T. D, Ander-
son, Wm. Tarbet, R. Bicker-
steth, Robert Lamont, George
James Duncan, Samuel Job,
Wm. Duncan, James McHen-
ry, John Rea, A friend to the
cause, W. Adamson, Isaac
Hadwen, jr., R. A. McFie,
each £1, Thomas R. Arnott,
John McCulloch, W. W. Con-
brough, T. Martin, Miss S.
Semple, A friend, Thos. Mar-
tin, Friend, each 10 shillings.
Miss Smith, G. Botterill, A
friend, each 5 shillings, £49 18

— equal to 237 30

Total Contributions 1,243 24

FOR REPOSITORY.

Massachusetts. — By Capt. Geo.
Barker ; — Charlestown — Hon.
Abraham R. Thompson, Jas.
Adams, Thos. Marshall, each
to ’50, ®5 50, A. Carleton, for
’48 and ’49, $2 50, Elias Craft,
to ’50, $5 50, Henry Forster,
for ’46 and ’47, ^3, Dr. Daniel
While, Dr. Samuel Kidder,
Sam’l Abbott, Elbridge Brown,
A. W. Crowningshield, each
to ’50, !$5 50, Chester Adams,
to March, ’49, $5, Rev. Jared

Curtis, to ’50, $5 50. Boston-
James Hunnewell, for ’49, $1,

Henry Forster, to April,’50, $1.

Brookline — Dea. Thos. Grigg,
to Jan. ’50, $4, Samuel A.

Robinson, for ’49, $1 72 50

Connecticut .-iSoutAing’ton-Dea.

Oliver Lewis, to April, ’49 5 OO

New York. — Sag i/arior-Cbas.

H. Dering, Esq., for the Libe-
ria Herald, one year 2 00

Pennsylvania. — Philadelphia —

Petty Vaughn,Esq. to ’51, $12,

Michael Baker, Elijah Brown,

Isaac C, Jones, Chas. £. Lex,

Geo. Mellor, Dr. Sami. Moore,

Isaac Norris, Wm Primrose,

Michael Reed, Benjamin W.

Richards, John Roset, Jacob
M. Sellers, Mrs. Wm. Spohn,

Josiah White, Dr. George B.

Wood, each to ’51, $4, John
Ellioit, Moses Johnson, Ste-
phen Colwell, A. B. Rockey,
each for ’48, $2, Gov. E. Coles,
for old numbers, $3 50. Bris-
tol— H. N. Bostwick, on acc’t,

$4 50. Churchtown — Miss

Carmichael, on account, $3... 90 00

Virginia. — Williarmhurgh~3. C.

Shelden, Esq., to July, ’51, $10.

Raccoon Ford — Walter Somer-
ville, Esq., Mrs. Mary F.

Brigsrs, each to March, ’50, $1.

Tye River Warehouse — Mr.

Mayo Cabell, to July, ’51, $10. 22 00

North Carolina.— Jaci«on-Jno.

B. Odon, Esq., to March, ’50,

by L. Westray, Esq 1 00

Georgia. — Cuthbert — Rev. Jos.

T. Turner, to 1 April, ’49 3 00

Kentucky. — Paris — William C.

Lyle, by Jos. H. Hall, Esq.,
for ’49, $1. Shelbyville — Rev.

J. D. Paxton, to ’49, $1. Ma-
sonville — Rev. A. H. Triplett,

for ’49, $1 3 00

Tennessee. — Unilia — H. Matth-
ews, to March ’50 1 00

OHio.-WoZnul Hills— S. D. Kem-
per, Esq., to 4 July, ’49 1 25

Illinois — Mount Pulaski-J sbez

Capps, Esq., to June, ’47 I 00

Mississippi. Columbus Mrs.

Elizabeth B. Randolph, for the
Liberia Herald, by Rev. J. B.

Pinney 1 90

Total Repository 202 75

Total Contributions 1,243 24

Aggregate Amount $1,445 99

andCo\ot«a'^

Princeton Y'..,,,

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