The age of Justinian and Theodora : a history of the sixth century A.D.

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THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN AND
THEODORA

LONDON: GEORGE BELL AND SONS
PORTUGAL ST. LINCOLN'S INN, W.C.
CAMBRIDGE : DEIGHTON, BELL & CO.
NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN CO.
BOMBAY: A. H. WHEELER & CO.

THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN
AND THEODORA

A HISTORY OF THE SIXTH CENTURY A.D.

BY

WILLIAM GORDON HOLMES

VOL. I

iy;.

SECOND EDITION r^ / . "^

0- /^.

^..A

LONDON

G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.

1912

CHISWICK PRESS : CHAKLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO.
TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON.

PREFACE

ALTHOUGH the age of Justinian is the most interesting
and important in the whole series of the Byzantine
annals, no comprehensive work has hitherto been devoted to
the subject. The valuable and erudite "Vita Justiniani" of
Ludewig is more of a law book than of a biography, and less
of a circumstantial history than of either. The somewhat
strange medley published by Isambert under the title " Vie
de Justinien" is scarcely a complete chronology of the events,
and might be called a manual of the sources rather than a
history of the times. ^ Excellent accounts, however, of Justin-
ian are to be found in some general histories of the Byzantine
Empire as well as in several biographical dictionaries, whilst
monographs of greater or lesser extent exist under the names
of Perrinus, Invernizi, and Padovani, etc., but any student
of the period would decide that it deserves to be treated at
much greater length than has been devoted to it in any of
these books. In the present work the design has been to
place before the reader not only a record of events, but a
presentment of the people amongst whom, and of the stage
upon which those events occurred. I have also attempted
to correlate the aspects of the ancient and the modern
world in relation to science and progress.

W. G. H.

London,

February, 1905.

' To these must now be added Diehl's beautifully illustrated work,
yustinien et la civilization Byzantine au V!' siecle, Paris, 1901. The
leading motive is that of art, and it is replete with interesting details,
but the conception is too narrow to allow of its fully representing the
age to a modern reader.

V

PREFATORY NOTE TO SECOND
EDITION

THIS work has now been carefully revised and slightly
enlarged. I am indebted to suggestions from various
reviewers of the first edition for several of the improvements
introduced. Occasionally, however, they are in error and at
variance among themselves on some of the points noted. A
few of my critics have accused me of being too discursive,
especially in my notes, an impression which is the natural
result of my not having expressed it definitely anywhere that
my object was to present not merely the sociology and events
of a particular period, but also to illustrate, in an abridged

sense, the history of all time.

W. G. H.
London,

August, 191 2.

CONTENTS

PAGE

Proem ix

Chap. I. Constantinople in the Sixth Century i

I. History 2

II. Topography 23

III. Sociology 83

II. The Roman Empire under Anastasius:

the Inheritance OF Justinian . . . 127

I. Political 134

II. Educational 204

III. Religious 233

III. Birth and Fortunes of the Elder

Justin : the Origins of Justinian . 295

IV. Pre-Imperial Career of Theodora :

the Consort OF Justinian .... 321

Index 351

Corrections 360

Additions 361

MAPS

Diagram of Constantinople in Sixth Century . 80

Roman Empire and Vicinity, c. 500 a.d 144

Vll

PROEM

THE birth and death of worlds are ephemeral events
in a cycle of astronomical time. In the life history of
a stellar system, of a planet, of an animal, parallel periods
of origin, exuberance, and of extinction are exhibited to our
experience, or to our understanding. Man, in his material
existence confined to a point, by continuity of effort and
perpetuity of thought, becomes coequal and coextensive with
the infinities of time and space. The intellectual store of
ages has evolved the supremacy of the human race, but the
zenith of its ascendancy may still be far off, and the aspira-
tion after progress has been entailed on the heirs of all
preceding generations. The advancement of humanity is the
sum of the progress of its component members, and the in-
dividual who raises his own life to the highest attainable
eminence becomes a factor in the elevation of the whole
race. Familiarity with history dispels the darkness of the
past, which is so prolific in the myths that feed credulity
and foster superstition, the frequent parents of the most
stubborn obstacles which have lain in the path of progress.
The history of the past comprises the lessons of the future;
and the successes and failures of former times are a pre-
vision of the struggles to come and the errors to be avoided.
The stream of human life having once issued from its
sources, may be equal in endurance to a planet, to a stellar

ix

X The Age of Justinian and Theodora

system, or even to the universe itself. The mind of the uni-
verse may be man, who may be the confluence of universal
intelligence. The eternity of the past, the infinity of the
present, may be peopled with races like our own, but whether
they die out with the worlds they occupy, or enjoy a per-
petual existence, transcends the present limits of our know-
ledge. From century to century the solid ground of science
gains on the illimitable ocean of the unknown, but we are
ignorant as to whether we exist in the dawn or in the noon-
day of enlightenment. The conceptions of one age become
the achievements of the next; and the philosopher may
question whether this world be not some remote, unafifiliated
tract, which remains to be annexed to the empire of uni-
versal civilization. The discoveries of the future may be as
undreamt of as those of the past,^ and the ultimate destiny
of our race is hidden from existing generations.

In the period I have chosen to bring before the reader,
civilization was on the decline, and progress imperceptible,
but the germs of a riper growth were still existent, concealed
within the spreading darkness of mediaevalism. When
Grecian science and philosophy seemed to stand on the
threshold of modern enlightenment the pall of despotism
and superstition descended on the earth and stifled every
impulse of progress for more than fifteen centuries. The
Yggdrasil of Christian superstition spread its roots through-
out the Roman Empire, strangling alike the nascent ethics
of Christendom, and the germinating science of the ancient
world. Had the leading minds of that epoch, instead of ex-
pending their zeal and acumen on theological inanities,
applied themselves to the study of nature, they might have
forestalled the march of the centuries, and advanced us a
^ Radium was unknown in 1901 when the above was written.

Proem xi

thousand years beyond the present tirne. But the atmosphere
of the period was charged with a metaphysical mysticism
whereby all philosophic thought and material research were
arrested. The records of a millennium comprise little more
than the rise, the progress, and the triumph of superstition
and barbarism. The degenerate Greeks became the serfs
and slaves of the land in which they were formerly the
masters, and retreated gradually to a vanishing point in the
vast district from the Adriatic to the Indus, over which the
eagle-wing of i\lexander had swept in uninterrupted con-
quest. Unable to oppose their political solidarity and martial
science to the fanaticism of the half-armed Saracens, they
yielded up to them insensibly their faith and their empire,
and their place was filled by a host of unprogressive Mo-
hammedans, who brought with them a newer religion more
sensuous in its conceptions, but less gross in its practice,
than the Christianity of that day. But the hardy barbarians
of the North, drinking at the fountain of knowledge, had
achieved some political organization, and became the natural
and irresistible barriers against which the waves of Moslem
enthusiasm dashed themselves in vain. The term of Asiatic
encroachment was fixed at the Pyrenees in the west, and at
the Danube in the east by the valorous Franks and Hun-
garians; and on the brink of the turning tide stand the heroic
figures of Charles Martel and Matthias Corvinus. Civiliza-
tion has now included almost the whole globe in its com-
prehensive embrace; both the old world and the new have
been overrun by the intellectual heirs of the Greeks; in
every land the extinction of retrograde races proceeds with
measured certainty, and we appear to be safer from a re-
turning flood of barbarism than from some astronomical
catastrophe. The mediaeval order of things is reversed, the

xii The Age of Justinian and Theodora

ravages of Attila reappear under a new aspect, and the de-
scendants of the Han and the Hun aHke are raised by the
hand, or crushed under the foot of aggressive civiUzation.

In the infancy of human reason intelhgence outstrips
knowledge, and the mature, but vacant, mind soon loses itself
in the dark and trackless wilderness of natural phenomena.
An imaginative system of cosmogony, baseless as the fabric
of a dream, is the creation of a moment ; to dissipate it the
work of ages in study and investigation. Less than a century
ago philosophic scepticism could only vent itself in a sneer
at the credibility of a tradition, or the fidelity of a manu-
script; and the folklore of peasants, encrusted with the hoar
of antiquity, was accepted by erudite mystics as the solution
of cosmogony and the proof of our communion with the
supernatural. An illegible line, a misinterpreted phrase, a
suspected interpolation, in some decaying document, the
proof or the refutation, was often hailed triumphantly by
ardent disputants as announcing the establishment or the
overthrow of revelation. But the most signal achievements
of historic research or criticism were powerless to elucidate
the mysteries of the universe; and the inquirer had to fall
back perpetually on the current mythology for the interpre-
tation of his objective environment. In the hands of science
alone were the keys which could unlock the book of nature,
and open the gates of knowledge as to the enigmas of visible
life. A flood of Hght has been thrown on the order of natural
phenomena, our vision has been prolonged from the dawn of
history to the dawn of terrestrial life, an intelligible hypo-
thesis of existence has been deduced from observation and
experiment, idealism and dogma have been recognized as
the offspring of phantasy and fallacy, and the mystical ele-
ments of Christianity have been dismissed by philosophy to

Proem xiii

that limbo of folly which long ago engulfed the theogonies
of Greece and Rome. The sapless trunk of revelation lies
rotting on the ground, but the undiscerning masses, too
credulous to inquire, too careless to think, have allowed it
to become invested with the weeds of superstition and ignor-
ance; and the progeny of hierophants, who once sheltered
beneath the green and flourishing tree, still find a cover in
the rank growth. In the turn of the ages we are confronted
by new Pagans who adhere to an obsolete religion ; and the
philosopher can only hope for an era when every one will
have sufficient sense and science to think according to the
laws of nature and civilization.

The history of the disintegrating and moribund Byzantine
Empire has been explored by modern scholars with untiring
assiduity ; and the exposition of that debased political system
will always reflect more credit on their brilliant researches
than on the chequered annals of mankind.

ADDITIONAL CORRECTIONS

P. 127, n. I, legends and hearsay; p. 133, n. 3, Kap^ij-idhg ; p. 141,
n. 2, i; p. 165, regions/ own/ other ^ (to n. i next page); p. 166,
soldiers, arms/ etc. ; p. 169, n. 6, Marcellinus; p. 188, herd; id., n. i,
c. 530; p. 191, n. I, XII, not xii; p. 220, judgment; p. 225, n. i,
cadaverique; p. 232, n. i, add, on its way to resolution into the form-
less protyle or ether; p. 283, the outposts; p. 300, n. 6, add, cf. Jn.
Malala, xviii, p. 490; p. 309, n. 2, add, cf. Chron. Paschal., an. 605;
p. 316, mood; p. 330, n. 2, Strabo, VIII, vi, 20; p. 344, near the dis-
trict of Hormisdas, not Palace; id., n. 2, read, which stood on the
Propontis to the east of the Theodosian Port ; see Notitia, reg. ix and
Ducange si>. Honionoea. The suburban St. P. is said to be indicated by
ruins still existing at the foot of the " Giant's Grave," on the Asiatic
side of the Bosphorus; see Gyllius, De Bosp., iii, 6; Procop., etc.
p. 346, n. I, insert, Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 430; ib., an. 6020; p. 362,
read. This question and the Yeri, etc.

THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN
AND THEODORA

CHAPTER I

CONSTANTINOPLE IN THE SIXTH CENTURY ^

THE Byzantine peninsula has been regarded from a very
early date as an ideal situation for a capital city. Placed
at the junction of two great seas which wash the shores of
three continents, and possessed of a safe and extensive
anchorage for shipping, it might become the centre of
empire and commerce for the whole Eastern hemisphere.
Yet, owing to an adverse fate, the full realization of this
splendid conception remains a problem of the future.
Byzantium as an independent city was little more than an
outpost of civilization; as a provincial town of the Roman
Empire its pohtical position allowed it no scope for develop-
ment; as the metropolis of the same Empire in its age of
decadence its fitful splendour is an unsubstantial pageant

^ In presenting this history to the modern reader I shall not imitate
the example of those mediaeval stage-managers, who, in order to in-
dicate the scenery of the play, were content to exhibit a placard such as
"This is a street," "This is a wood," etc. On the contrary, on each
occasion that the scene shifts in this drama of real life, I shall describe
the locality of the events at a length proportionate to their importance.

B

2 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

without moral or political stability. Lastly, in the hands of
the Turk its growth has been fettered by the prejudices of a
nation unable to free itself from the bondage of an effete
civilization.

I. History

The first peopling of the site of Constantinople is a ques-
tion in prehistoric research, which has not yet been elucidated
by the palaeontologist. Unlike the Roman area, no relics of
an age of stone or bronze have been discovered here;^ do
not, perhaps, exist, but doubtless the opportunities, if not the
men, have been wanting for such investigations.' That the
region seemed to the primitive Greeks to be a wild and
desolate one, we learn from the tradition of the Argonautic
expedition;^ and the epithet of "Axine,"^ or inhospitable,

^ Schliemann found neolithic remains at Hissarlik, not far off (Ilios,
p. 236, 1880).

^ In the sixteenth century, as we are told by Gyllius (Top. CP., iv,
11), the Greeks of Stamboul were utterly oblivious of the history of their
country and of the suggestiveness of the remains which lay around them.
But an awakening has now taken place and the modern Greeks are
among the most ardent in the pursuit of archaeological knowledge.
They have even revived the language of Attica for literary purposes, and
it may be said that an Athenian of the age of Pericles could read with
facility the works now issued from the Greek press of Athens or of Con-
stantinople— a unique example, I should think, in the histoiy of philo-
logy. Through Paspates (Bu^amj/a kvciKTopa, pp. 95, 140), we are
made aware of the difficulties the topographical student has to encounter
in the Ottoman capital, where an intruding Giaour is sure to be assailed
in the more sequestered Turkish quarters with abuse and missiles on the
part of men, women, and children.

^ Alluded to by both Homer and Hesiod (Odyss. , xii, 69; Theog.,
992). It was one of those unknown countries which, as Plutarch remarks
(Theseus, l), were looked on as a fitting scene for mythical events.

* Pindar, Pythia, iv, 362; P. Mela, i, 19, etc.

Constafitinople in the Sixth Century 3

applied in the earliest times to the Euxine or Black Sea. By
the beginning, however, of the seventh century before the
Christian era these seas and maritime channels had been
explored, and several colonies^ had been planted by the
adventurous Greeks who issued from the Ionian seaport of
Miletus. Later than the Milesians, a band of Dorians from
Megara penetrated into these parts and, by a strange choice,
as it was afterwards considered, selected a point at the mouth
of the Bosphorus on the Asiatic shore for a settlement, which
they called Chalcedon.^ Seventeen years later ^ a second
party from Megara fixed themselves on the European head-
land, previously known as Lygos,* nearly opposite their first
colony. The leader of this expedition was Byzas,' and from
him the town they built was named Byzantium." The actual

^ Of these Sinope claimed to be the eldest, and honoured the Argonauts
as its founders (Strabo, xii, 3).

2 Ibid., vii, 6. ^ Herodotus, iv, 144.

'' Pliny, Hist. Nat., iv, 18 [11]. Ausonius compares Lygos to the
Byrsa of Carthage (De Clar. Urb., 2).

° Not a Greek name ; most likely that of a local chief.

^ According to the Chronicon of Eusebius, Chalcedon was founded
in Olymp. 26, 4, and Byzantium in Qlymp. 30, 2, or 673, 659 B.C. In
modern works of reference the dales 684, 667 seem to be most generally
accepted. I pass over the legends associated with this foundation — the
divine birth of Byzasj the oracle telling the emigrants to build opposite
the city of the blind ; another, which led the Argives (who were also
concerned in the early history of Byzantium) to choose the confluence of
the Cydarus and Barbyses, at the extremity of the Golden Horn, whence
they were directed to the right spot by birds, who flew away with parts '
of their sacrifice— inventions or hearsay of later times, when the real
circumstances were forgotten (see Strabo, vii, 6; Hesychius Miles, De
Orig. CP., and others, all authors of comparatively late date. Hero-
dotus (iv, 144), the nearest to the events (<r. 450 B.C.), makes the plain
statement that the Persian general Megabyzus said the Chalcedonians
must have been blind when they overlooked the site of Byzantium.

4 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

limits of the original city are now quite unknown, but doubt-
less they were small at first and were gradually extended
according as the community increased in wealth and pro-
sperity.^ During the classic period of Greek history the town
rose to considerable importance, as its commanding position
enabled it to impose a toll on ships sailing to and from the
Eu.xine sea; a power of which, however, it made a very
sparing use.' It was also enriched by the countless shoals of
fish ' which, when the north winds blew, descended from the
Euxine and thronged the narrow but elongated gulf called,
most probably for that reason, Chrysoceras or Golden Horn.*

' The remains of a " cyclopean " wall (Paspates, Y^vtavrn'o. AictKropa,
p. 24), built with blocks of stone (some ten feet long ?) probably belonged
to old Byzantium, respecting which it is only certainly known that it
stood at the north-east extremity of the promontory (Zosimus, ii, 30;
Codinus, p. 24 ; with Mordtmann's Map, etc. ). It can scarcely be
doubted that the site of the Hippodrome was outside the original walls,
and thus we have a limit on the land side. It may be assumed that the
so-called first hill formed an acropolis, round which there was an ex-
ternal wall inclosing the main part of the town (Xenophon, Anabasis,
vii, I, etc.). Doubtless the citadel covered no great area, and the city
walls were kept close to the water for as long a distance as possible to
limit the extent of investment in a siege.

* Polybius, iv, 38, 45, etc. It was abolished aftera war with Rhodes,
219 B.C.

' Tacitus, Annal., xii, 63, and commentators. Strabo, ii, 6; Pliny,
Hist. Nat., ix, 20 [15]. They are mostly tunny fish, a large kind of
mackerel. In the time of Gyllius, women and children caught them
simply by letting down baskets into the water (De Top. CP. pref ;
so also Busbecq). Grosvenor, a resident, mentions that seventy sorts
of fish are found in the sea about the city (Constantinople, 1895, ii,
p. 576.

' Strabo proves that the gulf was called the Horn, Pliny that the
Horn was Golden (the promontory in his view), Dionysius Byzant.
(Gyllius, De Bosp. Thrac, i, 5), that in the second century the inlet
was named Golden Horn. Hesychius {/oc. cif.) and Procopius (De
Aedific, i, 5) say that Ceras was from Ceroessa, mother of Byzas.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 5

Ultimately Byzantium became the largest city in Thrace,
having expanded itself over an area which measured four
and a half miles in circumference, including, probably, the
suburbs.^ It exercised a suzerainty over Chalcedon and
Perinthus,- and reduced the aboriginal Bithynians to a state
of servitude comparable to that of the Spartan Helots.^ Not-
withstanding its natural advantages, the town never won any
pre-eminence among the Hellenic communities, and nothing
more unstable than its pohtical position is presented to us
in the restless concourse of Grecian nationalities. In the
wars of Persians with Greeks, and of Greeks with Greeks, it
always became the sport of the contending parties; and dur-
ing a century and a half (about 506 B.C. to 350 B.C.) it was
taken and re-taken at least six times by Medes, Spartans,
Athenians, and Thebans, a change of constitution following,
of course, each change of political connection.^ In 340 B.C.,
however, the Byzantines, with the aid of the Athenians, with-
stood a siege successfully, an occurrence the more remarkable
as they were attacked by the greatest general of the age,
Philip of Macedon. In the course of this beleaguerment, it
is related, on a certain wet and moonless night the enemy
attempted a surprise, but were foiled by reason of a bright
light which, appearing suddenly in the heavens, startled all
the dogs in the town and thus roused the garrison to a sense
of their danger.' To commemorate this timely phenomenon,
which was attributed to Hecate, they erected a public statue

^ Dionys. Byz. in Gyllius, De Top. CP., i, 2. The statement is
vague and can only be accepted with some modification in view of other
descriptions.

^ Livy, xxxii, 33. ^ Phylarchus in Athenaeus, vi, loi.

* See Midler's Dorians, ii, 177.

= Hesychius, loc. cit.; Diodorus Sic, xvi, 77, etc.

6 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

to that goddess and, as it is supposed, assumed the crescent
for their chief national device. For several centuries after
this event the city enjoyed a nominal autonomy, but it
appears to have been in perpetual conflict with its civilized
or barbarous neighbours; and in 279 b.c. it was even laid
under tribute ^ by the horde of Gauls who penetrated into
Asia and established themselves permanently in Galatia.
After the appearance of the Roman legionaries in the East
the Byzantines were always the faithful friends of the Re-
public, while it was engaged in suppressing the independent
potentates of Macedonia and Asia IMinor. For its services
Byzantium was permitted to retain the rank of a free city,^
and its claim to indulgence was allowed by more than one
of the Roman emperors,' even after a.d. 70, when Vespasian
limited its rights to those of a provincial town.^

Of all the ancient historians one only has left us a descrip-
tion capable of giving some visual impression as to the
appearance of old Byzantium. "This city," says Dion
Cassius,' "is most favourably situated, being built upon an
eminence, which juts out into the sea. The waters, like a
torrent, rushing downwards from the Pontus impinge against
the promontory and flow partly to the right, so as to form
the bay and harbours, but the main stream runs swiftly
alongside the city into the Propontis. The town is also ex-
tremely well fortified, for the wall is faced with great square
stones joined together by brazen clamps, and it is further

' Polybius, iv, 46, etc.
^ Cicero, Orat. de Prov. Consular., 3.
' Tacitus, loc. cit. ; Pliny, Epist. to Trajan, 52.
* Suetonius, Vespasian, 8.

^ Dion Cassius, 10, 14. I have combined and condensed the separate
passages dealing with the subject.

Constantinople in the Sixth Centmy y

strengthened on the inside through mounds and houses
being built up against it. This wall seems to consist of a
solid mass of stone, ^ and it has a covered gallery above,
which is very easily defended. On the outside there are
many large towers, perforated with frequent loopholes and
ranged in an irregular line, so that an attacking party is
surrounded by them and exposed on all sides at once.
Toward the land the fortifications are very lofty, but less so
on the side of the water, as the rocks on which they are
founded and the dangers of the Bosphorus render them
almost unassailable. There are two harbours within the
walls,^ guarded by chains, and at the ends of the moles
inclosing them towers facing each other make the passage
impracticable to an enemy. I have seen the walls standing
and have also heard them speaking; for there are seven
vocal towers stretching from the Thracian gates to the sea.
If one shouts or drops a pebble in the first it not only re-
sounds itself or repeats the syllables, but it transmits the
power for the next in order to do the same; and thus the
voice or echo is cc'rried in regular succession through the
whole series."'

At the end of the second century the Byzantines were
afflicted by the severest trial which had ever come within
their experience. In the tripartite struggle between the
Emperor Severus and his competitors of Gaul and Asia, the
city unfortunately threw in its lot with Niger, the Proconsul

^ Herodian, iii, i; Pausanias, iv, 31. Walls of this kind were built
without cement, so that the joinings were hardly perceptible.

'^ At an earlier period it seems that there was only one harbour (Xeno-
phon, Anabasis, vii, i; Plutarch, Alcibiades, 31).

^ A not uncommon acoustic phenomenon, such as occurs in the so-
called " Ear [prison] of Dionysius" at Syracuse, etc. It can be credited
without seeking for a mythical explanation.

8 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

of Syria. Niger soon fell, but Byzantium held out with in-
flexible obstinacy for three years and, through the ingenuity
of an engineer named Priscus, defied all the efforts of the
victor. During this time the inhabitants suffered progressively
every kind of hardship and horror which has been put on
record in connection with sieges of the most desperate
character. Stones torn from the public buildings were used
as projectiles, statues of men and horses, in brass and marble,
were hurled on the heads of the besiegers, women gave their
hair to be twisted into cords and ropes, leather soaked in
water was eaten, and finally they fell on one another and fed
on human flesh. At last the city yielded, but Severus was
exasperated, and his impulse of hostility only ceased with the
destruction of the prize he had won at such a cost in blood
and treasure. The garrison and all who had borne any public
office, with the exception of Priscus, were put to death, the
chief buildings were razed,^ the municipality was abolished,
property was confiscated, and the town was given over to the
previously subject Perinthians, to be treated as a dependent
village. With immense labour the impregnable fortifications
were levelled with the ground, and the ruins of the first bul-
wark of the Empire against the barbarians of Scythia attested
the wisdom and temperance of the master of the East and
West.'

But the memory of Byzantium dwelt in the mind of
Severus and he was attracted to revisit the spot. In cooler
moments he surveyed the wreck; the citizens, bearing olive
branches in their hands, approached him in a solemn and
suppliant procession; he determined to rebuild, and at his
mandate new edifices were reared to supply the place of

' Suidas, sb. Severus; Herodian, iii, 7.

* The general details are from Dion Cassius, Ixxiv, 12-14.

Consta7itinople in the Sixth Centtuy 9

those which had been ruined. He even purchased ground,
which had been previously occupied by private gardens, for
. the laying out of a hippodrome,' a public luxury with which
the town had never before been adorned. But the hateful
name of Byzantium was abolished and the new city was
called Antonina ^ by Severus, in honour of his eldest son;
a change, however, which scarcely survived the life of its
author. Through Caracalla,^ or some rational statesman act-
ing in the name of that reprobate, the city regained its political
privileges, but the fortifications were not restored, and for
more than half a century it remained defenceless against the
barbarians, and even against the turbulent soldiery of the
Empire. Beginning from about 250 the Goths ravaged the
vicinity of the Bosphorus and plundered most of the towns,
holding their own against Decius and several other short-
lived emperors. Under Gallienus a mutinous legion is said
to have massacred most of the inhabitants, but shortly after-
wards the same emperor gave a commission to two Byzantine
engineers to fortify the district, and henceforward Byzantium
again appears as a stronghold, which was made a centre of
operations against the Goths, in the repulse of whom the
natives and their generals even played an important part.*

^ Suidas, loc. «V.; Jn. Malala, xii, p. 291; Chron. Paschale, i, p. 495,

2 Eustathius a^Dionys., Perieg. 804; Codinus, p. 13.

3 Hist. August. Caracalla, I. He is represented as a boy interced-
ing with his father.

* Hist. August. Gallienus, 6, 13, etc.; Claudius, 9; Zosimus, i,
34, etc.; Aurelius Victor, De Caesar., xxxiii, etc. There is much to
support the views in the text, which reconcile the somewhat discrepant
statements of Dion and Herodian with those of later writers. The Goths
seem to have been in possession of Byzantium — therefore it was un-
fortified (Zosimus, i, 34; Syncellus, i, p. 717). More than a century later,
Fritigern was "at peace with stone walls" (Ammianus, xxxi, 6). I
apply the description of Zosimus (ii, 30) to this wall of Gallienus (so to

lo The Age of Justinian and Theodora

In 323 Licinius, the sole remaining rival of Constantine,
after his defeat in a great battle near Adrianople, took refuge
in Byzantium, and the town again became the scene of a
contest memorable in history, not for the magnitude of the
siege, but for the importance of the events which it inaugur-
ated. Licinius soon yielded, and a new era dawned for
Byzantium, which in a few years became lastingly known to
the nations as the City of Constantine.

The tongue of land on which Constantinople is built is
essentially a low mountainous ridge, rising on three sides by
irregular slopes from the sea. Trending almost directly east-
ward from the continent of Europe, it terminates abruptly in a
rounded headland opposite the Asiatic shore, from which it
is separated by the entrance of the Bosphorus, at this point
a little more than a mile in width. This diminutive peninsula,
which is bounded on the north by the inland extension of
the Bosphorus, called the Golden Korn, and on the south
by the Propontis or Sea of Marmora, has a length of between
three and four miles. At its eastern extremity it is about a
mile broad and it gradually expands until, in the region
where it may be said to join the mainland, its measurement
has increased to more than four times that distance. The
unlevel nature of the ground and reminiscences of the seven
hills of classical Rome have always caused a parallel to be
drawn between the sites of the two capitals of the Empire,
but the resemblance is remote and the historic import of the
Roman hills is totally wanting in the case of those of Con-
stantinople. The hills of the elder city were mostly distinct
mounts, which had borne suggestive names in the earliest
annals of the district. Every citizen had learned to associate

call it), which probably included a larger area, taking in the Hippo-
drome and other buildinsjs of Severus.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 1 1

the Palatine with the Roma Quadrata of Romulus, the
Aventine with the ill-omened auspices of Remus, the Quirinal
with the rape of the Sabine women, the EsquiUne with the
murder of King Servius, the Capitol with the repulse of the
Gauls by Manlius; and knew that when the standard was
raised on the Janiculum the comitia were assembled to
transact the business of the Republic. But the Byzantine
hills are little more than variations in the face of the slope
as it declines on each side from the central dorsum to the
water, and have always been nameless unless in the numerical
descriptions of the topographer. On the north five depres-
sions constitute as many valleys and give rise to six hills,
which are numbered in succession from the narrow end of
the promontory to the west. Thus the first hill is that on
which stood the acropolis of Byzantium. Two of the valleys,
the third and fifth, can be traced across the dorsum of the
peninsular from sea to sea. A rivulet, called the Lycus,
running from the mainland, joins the peninsula near its
centre and then turns in a south-easterly direction so as to
fall into the Propontis. The valley through which this stream
passes, the sixth, bounds the seventh hill, an elevation known
as the Xerolophos or Dry-mount, which, lying in the south-
west, occupies more than a third of the whole area comprised
within the city walls. ^ From every high point of the promon-
tory the eye may range over seas and mountains often cele-
brated in classic story — the Trojan Ida and Olympus, the

^ The tops of the various hills can now be distinguished by the pre-
sence of the following well-known buildings: I. St. Sophia; 2. Burnt
Pillar; 3. Seraskier's Tower ; 4. Mosque of Mohammed II; 5. Mosque
of Selim; 6. Mosque of Mihrimah (Gate of Adrianople); 7. Seven
Towers (south-west extremity). The highest point in the city is the sum-
mit of the sixth hill, 291 ft. (Grosvenor).

1 2 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

Hellespont, Athos and Olympus of Zeus, and the Thracian
Bosphorus embraced by wooded hills up to the "blue
Symplegades " and the Euxine, so suggestive of heroic tradi-
tion to the Greek mind. The Golden Horn itself describes
a curve to the north-west of more than six miles in length,
and at its extremity, where it turns upon itself, becomes
fused with the estuary of two small rivers named Cydarus
and Barbyses.^ Throughout the greater part of its course it
is about a quarter of a mile in width, but at one point below
its centre, it is dilated into a bay of nearly double that
capacity. This inlet was not formerly, in the same sense as
it is now, the port of Constantinople; to the ancients it was
still the sea, a moat on a large scale, which added the safety
of water to the mural defences of the city; and the small ship-
ping of the period was accommodated in artificial harbours
formed by excavations within the walls or by moles thrown
out from the shore.^ The climate of this locality is very
changeable, exposed as it is to north winds chilled by transit
over the Russian steppes, and to warm breezes which
originate in the tropical expanses of Africa and Arabia.
The temperature may range through twenty degrees in a
single day, and winters of such arctic severity that the Golden
Horn and even the Bosphorus are seen covered with ice are
not unknown to the inhabitants.^ Variations of landscape

^ The last reach of the Barbyses runs through a Turkish pleas-
ure ground and is well known locally as the " Sweet Waters o
Europe."

^ Procopius, De Aedific, i, II.

^ Notwithstanding the southerliness of these regions, natives of the
Levant have always been well acquainted with frost and snow. Thus
wintry weather is a favourite theme with Homer:

i"lliari j^Eifiipiq) , . ,

Koifii'iffag 5' avifiovg x^f tfintSov, o^pa Ka\{>\p7^

Constantmople in the Sixth Century 1 3

due to vegetation are found chiefly in the abundance of
plane, pine, chestnut, and other trees, but more especially
of the cypress. Earthquakes are a permanent source of
annoyance, and have sometimes been very destructive. Such
in brief are the geographical features of this region, which
the caprice of a prince, in a higher degree, perhaps, than its
natural endowments, appointed to contain the metropolis of
the East.

When Constantine determined to supplant the ancient
capital on the Tiber by building a new city in a place of his
own choice,^ he does not appear to have been more acute in
discerning the advantages of Byzantium than were the first
colonists from Megara. It is said that Thessalonica first
fixed his attention; it is certain that he began to build in
the Troad, near the site of Homeric Ilios; and it is even
suggested that when he shifted his ground from thence he

v\j/r]\(ijv opHOv Kopv(paQ Kai irpdjovaQ aKpovg,

Kai TTtSia Xiorevi'Ta Kai avdpwv iriova ipya,

Kai r' 60' aXbg vroXiiic kix^toi Xifiicni' Tf Kai (iKTalQ,

Kvfia Sc fiiv TzpoairKaZov IpVKEvai' aWa te Tcavra

(iXvaTai KaQvTctpQ' or tTrij^piay Aioc ofJ^fipoc.

Iliad, xii, 279, K.7-.X.

^ His reasons for this step can only be surmised. Apolitical motive
is scarcely suggested. A second capital cannot have been required to
maintain what Rome had conquered, and was soon made an excuse for
dissolving the unity of the Empire. His nascent zeal for Christianity,
by which he incurred unpopularity at pagan Rome, has been supposed
to have prejudiced him against the old capital, and moved him to build
another in which the new religion should reign supreme, but these
opinions emanate only from writers actuated more or less by bigotiy.
Although he virtually presided at the Council of Nice and accepted
baptism on his death-bed, that he was ever a Christian by conviction is
altogether doubtful. For a resume see Boissier, Revue des Deux
Mondes, July, 1886; also Burchardt's Constantine.

14 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

next commenced operations at Chalcedon.^ By 328,^ how-
ever, he had come to a final decision, and Byzantium was
exalted to be the actual rival of Rome. This event, occur-
ring at so advanced a date and under the eye of civiUzation,
yet became a source of legend, so as to excel even in that
respect the original foundation by Byzas. The oracles had
long been lapsing into silence,^ but their place had been
gradually usurped by Christian visions, and every zealot who
thought upon the subject conceived of Constantine as acting
under a special inspiration from the Deity. More than a
score of writers in verse and prose have described the circum-
stances under which he received the divine injunctions, and
some have presented to us in detail the person and words of
the beatific visitant.* On the faith of an ecclesiastical his-
torian ^ we are asked to believe that an angelic guide even
directed the Emperor as he marked out the boundaries of

' For the founding of Constantinople see Gyllius (De Topogr.
CP., i, 3), but especially Ducange (CP. Christiana, i, p. 23 et seq.),
who has brought together a large number of passages from early and
late writers. According to a nameless author (Muller, Frag. Hist.,
iv, p. 199), Constantine was at one time in the habit of exclaiming: " My
Rome is Sardica." He was born and bred in the East, and hence all
his tastes would naturally lead him to settle on that side of the Em-
pire.

^ It may have been earlier. Petavius (in Ducange) fixes this date,
Baronius makes it 325 {c. 95).

^ Plutarch, De Defect. Orac. He explains it by the death of the
daemons who managed them. These semi-divinities, though long-lived,
were not immortal.

* See Ducange, loc. cii., p. 24.

^ Philostorgius, ii, 9. Copied or repeated with embellishment, but not
corroborated, by later writers, as Nicephorus Cal., viii, 4; Anon.
(Banduri), p. 15; Codinus, p. 75. Eusebius is silent where we should
expect him to be explicit. The allusion in Cod. Theod., XHI, v, 7,
seems to be merely a pious expression.

Constantmople in the Sixth Century 1 5

his future capital. When Constantine, on foot with a spear
in his hand, seemed to his ministers to move onwards for an
inordinate distance, one of them exclaimed: "How far, O
Master?" "Until he who precedes me stands," was the
reply by which the inspired surveyor indicated that he
followed an unseen conductor. Whether Constantine was a
superstitious man is an indeterminate question, but that he
was a shrewd and politic one is self-evident from his career,
and, if we believe that he gave currency to this and similar
marvellous tales, we can perceive that he could not have
acted more judiciously with the view of gaining adherents
during the flush of early Christian enthusiasm.^

The area of the city was more than quadrupled by the wall
of Constantine, which extended right across the peninsula in
the form of a bow, distant at the widest part about a mile
and three-quarters from the old fortifications.^ This space,
by comparison enormous, and which yet included only four
of the hills with part of the Xerolophos, was hastily filled
by the Emperor with buildings and adornments of every de-

^ The result of Diocletian's persecution must have shown every pene-
trating spirit that Christianity had "come to stay ": the numerous con-
verts of the better classes were nearly all fanatics compared with Pagans
of the same class, who were languid and indifferent about religion. He
indulged both parties from time to time.

^ Zosimus, ii, 30, Anon. Patria (Banduri, p. 4), and indications
in Notitia Utriusque Imperii, etc., in which the length of Constan-
tine's city is put down at 14,705 Roman feet. From Un Kapani on the
Golden Horn (near old bridge) it swept round the mosque of Moham-
med II, passed that of Exi Mermer, and turned south-east so as to
strike the sea near Et Jemes, north-east of Sand-gate. I am describing
the imaginary line drawn by Mordtmann (Esquisses topogr. de CP.,
1891), who has given us a critical map without a scale to measure it by.
It was not finished till after Constantine's death, Julian, Orat., i, p. 41,
1696.

1 6 The Age of Justinian mid Theodora

scription. Many cities of the Empire, notably Rome, Athens,
Ephesus, and Antioch, were stripped of some of their most
precious objects of art for the embellishment of the new capi-
tal/ Wherever statues, sculptured columns, or metal castings
were to be found, there the agents of Constantine were busily
engaged in arranging for their transfer to the Bosphorus.
Resolved that no fanatic spirit should mar the cosmopolitan
expectation of his capital the princely architect subdued his
Christian zeal, and three temples " to mythological divinities
arose in regular conformity with pagan custom. Thus the
"Fortune of the City" took her place as the goddess Anthusa^
in a handsome fane, and adherents of the old religion could
not declare that the ambitious foundation was begun under
unfavourable auspices. In another temple a statue of Rhea,
or Cybele, was erected in an abnormal posture, deprived of
her lions and with her hands raised as if in the act of praying
over the city. On this travesty of the mother of the Olym-
pians, we may conjecture, was founded the belief which pre-
vailed in a later age that the capital at its birth had been
dedicated to the Virgin.* That a city permanently distin-
guished by the presence of an Imperial court should remain
deficient in population is opposed to common experience of
the laws which govern the evolution of a metropolis. But

' Anon. (Banduri) and Qod\mx% passim; Eusebius, Vit. Constant.,
Hi, 54, etc.; Jerome, Chron., viii, p. 678 (Migne).

^ Zosimus, ii, 31.

^ Or Florentia (blooming). Jn. Malala, xiii, p. 320, etc. Everything
was done in imitation of Rome, which, as John Lydus tells us (De
Mens., iv, 50), had three names, mystic, sacerdotal, and political — Amor,
Flora, Rome.

* Cedrenus, i, p. 495; Zonaras, xiii, 3. Eusebius knows nothing of
it. See Ducange's collection of authorities (CP. Christ., i, p. 24), all
late, e.g.i Phrantzes, iii, 6.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 17

Constantine could not wait, and various artificial methods
were adopted in order to provide inhabitants for the vacant
inclosure. Patricians were induced to abandon Rome by
grants of lands and houses, and it is even said that several
were persuaded to settle at Constantinople by means of an
ingenious deception. Commanding the attendance in the
East of a number of senators during the Persian war, the
Emperor privately commissioned architects to build counter-
parts of their Roman dwellings on the Golden Horn. To
these were transferred the families and households of the
absent ministers, who were then invited by Constantine to
meet him in his new capital. There they were conducted to
homes in which to their astonishment they seemed to revisit
Rome in a dream, and henceforth they became permanent
residents in obedience to a prince who urged his wishes with
such unanswerable arguments.^ As to the common herd we
have no precise information, but it is asserted by credible
authority that they were raked together from diverse parts,
the rabble of the Empire who derived their maintenance
from the founder and repaid him with servile adulation in
the streets and in the theatre.^

By the spring of 330 ^ the works were sufficiently advanced
for the new capital to begin its political existence, and Con-
stantine decreed that a grand inaugural festival should take

^ Anon. (Banduri), p. 5; Codinus, p. 20. The stories of these writers
do not deserve much credit. Glycas, however, accepts the tale and is a
sounder authority, iv, p. 463. " It is well known that the flower of your
nobility was translated to the royal city of the East," said Frederic
Barbarossa, addressing the Roman Senate in 1155 (Otto Frising,
Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script., vi, 721).

^ Eunapius in Aedesius. Burchardt jeers at C. and his new citizens.

^ Idatius, Descript. Consul. (Migne, S. L., li, 908). The accepted
date.

C

1 8 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

place on the nth of May. The " Fortune of the City" was
consecrated by a pagan ceremony in which Praetextatus, a
priest, and Sopater,a philosopher, played the principal parts ;^
largess was distributed to the populace, and magnificent
games were exhibited in the Hippodrome, where the Em-
peror presided, conspicuous with a costly diadem decked
with pearls and precious stones, which he wore for the first
time.^ On this occasion the celebration is said to have lasted
forty days,' and at the same time Constantine instituted the
permanent " Encaenia," an annual commemoration, which
he enjoined on succeeding emperors for the same date. A
gilded statue of himself, bearing a figure of Anthusa in one
hand, was to be conducted round the city in a chariot, es-
corted by a military guard, dressed in a definite attire,'* and
carrying wax tapers in their hands. Finally, the procession
was to make the circuit of the Hippodrome and, when it
paused before the cathisma, the emperor was to descend from
his throne and adore the effigy.^ We are further told that an
astrologer named Valens was employed to draw the horo-
scope of the city, with the result that he predicted for it an
existence of 696 years.^

' Jn. Lydus, De Mensibus, iv, 2. "A bloodless sacrifice" (Jn.
Malala, p. 320). According to later writers (Anon., Banduri, etc.)
the "Kyrie Eleison" was sung, a statement we can easily disbe-
lieve.

''■ Jn. Malala, xiii, p. 321; Chron. Paschal., i, p. 529.

' Anon. (Banduri), p. 4. Ibid. (Papias), p. 84.

•' Incloaksand Byzantine buskins, "chlaenis et campagis" (Ka/iTrayoj
or Ko^ifSauJv). For the latter see Daremberg and Saglio, Diet. Antiq.,
sb, voc. They covered the toe and heel, leaving the instep bare to the
ground.

' Jn. Malala and Chron. Paschal., loc. cii., etc.

® M. Glycas, iv, p. 463. Eusebius does not describe the founding of
CP., doubtless because he saw nothing in it pertinent to Christian piety,

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 1 9

After the fall of Licinius it appears most probable that Con-
stantine, as a memorial of his accession to undivided power,
gave Byzantium the name of Constantinople/ When, how-
ever, he transformed that town into a metropolis, in order to
express clearly the magnitude of his views as to the future,
he renamed it Second, or New Rome. At the same time he
endowed it with special privileges, known in the legal phra-
seology of the period as the " right of Italy and prerogative
of Rome";'" and to keep these facts in the public eye he
had them inscribed on a stone pillar, which he set up in a
forum, or square, called the Strategium, adjacent to an
equestrian statue of himself.^ To render it in all respects the
image of Rome, Constantinople was provided with a Senate,*
a national council known only at that date in the artificial
form which owes its existence to despots. After his choice of
Byzantium for the eastern capital Constantine never dwelt
at Rome, and in all his acts seems to have aimed at extin-
guishing the prestige of the old city by the grandeur of the
new one, a policy which he initiated so effectively that in
the century after his death the Roman Empire ceased to be
Roman. ^

of which only he professes to treat (ra Trpoc tov 6eo(pi\i'i), Vit. Const.,
i, II.

' The name occurs in Cod. Theod. from 323 onwards, but also as
a palpable error at an earlier date. See Haenel's Chronological
Index. It is thought coins stamped CP. were issued as early as 325
(Smith, Diet. Christ. Biog., i, p. 631). Had Constantine fixed on any
other place it is probable that "New Rome" would have passed into
currency as easily as "New York." But the Greeks did not call their
city Constantinople till later centuries. Thus with Procopius, the chief
writer of the sixth century, it is always still Byzantium.

^ Socrates, i, 16; Sozomen, ii, 3; Cod. Theod., XIV, xiii, etc.

^ Socrates, /oc. cii. * Anon. Valesii, 30.

' The last Roman emperor, in name only, Romulus Augustulus,

20 The Age of Justinian and Theodora ;^-_

Constantine is credited with the erection of many churches
in and around Constantinople, but, with the exception of
St. Irene,^ the Holy Cross,^ and the Twelve Apostles,* their
identification rests with late and untrustworthy writers. One,
St. Mocius,^ is said to have been built with the materials of
a temple of Zeus, which previously stood in the same place,
the summit of the Xerolophos, outside the walls. Another,
St. Mena, occupied the site of the temple of Poseidon
founded by Byzas." Paganism was tolerated as a religion of
the Empire until the last decade of the fourth century, when
it was finally overthrown by the preponderance of Chris
tianity. Laws for its total suppression were enacted by
Theodosius I, destruction of temples was legalized, and at
the beginning of the fifth century it is probable that few

abdicated in 476, but long before that date the Empire had been
gradually falling to pieces. In 410 Alaric sacked Rome; by 419 the
Goths had settled in the south of France and the Vandals had appro-
priated Spain ; in 439 Genseric took possession of Africa ; in 446 Britain
was abandoned; in 455 Rome was again sacked (by Genseric), etc.

^ Ciampini (De Sacr. Aedific, a C. Mag., etc., Rome, 1693),
enumerates twenty-seven. Eusebius says many (Vit. C. , iii, 48). It
is curious, however, that the dialogue Philopatris (in Lucian) gives
an impression that in or after 363 (Gesner's date, formerly accepted)
churches were so few and inconspicuous that the bulk of the popula-
tion knew nothing about them. The Notitia, again, half a century
later, reckons only fourteen within the city proper, including Sycae
(Galata). Probably, therefore, these twenty-seven churches attributed
to Constantine are mostly suppositious, for even in the reign of Ar-
cadius it would seem that there were not many more than half that
number.

^ Socrates, i, 16. Two only, as if Constantine had built no more.

' Chron. Paschal., i, p. 531.

* Eusebius, iv, 58. Op. cit.

° Anon. (Banduri), p. 45; Codinus, p. 72.

* Hesychius, op. cit., 15 (Codinus, p. 6).

Constantinople in the Sixth Centu7y 21

traces remained of the sacred edifices which had adorned
old Byzantium.'

After the age of Constantine the progress of New Rome
as metropoHs of the east was extremely rapid, ^ the suburbs
became densely populous, and in 413 Theodosius II gave a
commission to Anthemius,' the Praetorian Prefect, to build
a new wall in advance of the old one nearly a mile further
down the peninsula. The intramural space was thus in-
creased by an area more than equal to half its former
dimensions; and, with the exception of some small addi-
tions on the Propontis and the Golden Horn, this wall
marked the utmost limit of Constantinople in ancient or
modern times. In 447 a series of earthquakes, which lasted
for three months, laid the greater part of the new wall in
ruins, fifty-seven of the towers, according to one account,'*
having collapsed during the period of commotion. This was
the age of Attila and the Huns, to whom Theodosius, sooner
than offer a military resistance, had already agreed to pay an
annual tribute of seven hundred pounds of gold.' With the
rumour that the barbarians were approaching the undefended

^ Cicero (Orat. De Prov. Consul., 4) says that Byzantium was
" refertissiniam atque ornatissimam signis," a statement which doubtless
applies chiefly to works of art preserved in temples. The buildings
would remain and be restored, notwithstanding the many vicissitudes
through which the town passed. The Anon. (Banduri, p. 2) says that
ruins of a temple of Zeus, columns and arches, were still seen on the
Acropolis (first hill) in the twelfth century.

^ Eunapius, loc. cit., Themistius, Orats., Paris, 1 684, pp. 182, 223,
"equal to Rome"; Sozomen, "more populous than Rome"; Novel
Ixxx forbids the crowding of provincials to CP.

^ Cod. Theod., XV, i. 51 ; Socrates, vii, i, etc.

* Marcellinus, Chron. (Migne, li, 927). See also Evagrius, i, 17,
and Ducange, op. cit., i, p. 38.

^ Priscus, Hist. Goth., p. 168. In 433.

22 The Age of Justinian and Tkeodoi^a

capital the public alarm rose to fever-heat, and the Praetorian
Prefect of the time, Cyrus Constantine, by an extraordinary
effort, not only restored the fortifications of Anthemius, but
added externally a second wall on a smaller scale, together
with a wide and deep fosse, ^ in the short space of sixty days.
To the modern observer it might appear incredible that such
a prodigious mass of masonry, extending over a distance of
four miles, could be reared within two months, but the fact
is attested by two inscriptions still existing on the gates," by
the Byzantine historians,' and by the practice of antiquity
in times of impending hostility/

' The work of Cyrus is not precisely defined by the Byzantine
historians, but Dethier (Der Bosph. u. CP., 1873, pp. 12, 50) and
Mordtmann [op. cit., p. Il) take this view. The words of one inscrip-
tion, "he built a wall to a wall" {sdeinaro Ttixt'i thxoq), support the
theoiy. The walls of Theodosius were afterwards called the "new
walls" (Cod. Just., I, ii, 18; Novel lix, 5, etc.).

- On the Porta Rhegii or Melandesia, about half-way across. See
Paspates (BvZavrival MeXerai, pp. 47, 50). They are preserved in the
Anthol. Graec. (Planudes), iv. 28. The gate called Xylocercus, with
its inscription, has disappeared.

' Marcellinus, /oc. cit.\ Zonaras, xiii, 22; Nicephorus Cal., xiv, i,
confuses the work of the two men. The Anon. Patria (Banduri),
p. 20, says that the two factions of the circus, each containing eight
thousand men, were employed on the work. Beginning at either
end, they met centrally at a gate hence called "of many men " (Poly-
andra). Mordtmann {op. cit., p. 28) wholly rejects this tale, as it does
not fit in with some of his identifications. It would, however, be well
suited to the P. Rhegii, where the existing inscriptions are found. Some
local knowledge must be conceded to an author of the twelfth century,
who probably lived on the spot. Wall-building was a diity of the factions.

* Dionysius caused the Syracusans to build the wall of Epipolae, of
about the same length, in twenty days (Diod. Sic, xiv, 18). The Pelo-
ponnesians built a wall across the isthmus against Xerxes in a short time
(Herodotus, viii, 71, etc.). There was much extemporary wall-building
at Syracuse during the siege by Nicias (Thucydides, vi, 97, etc.). The

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 23

11. Topography

Having now traced the growth of the city on the Golden
Horn from its origin in the dawn of Grecian history until its
expansion into the capital of the greatest empire of the past,
I have reached the threshold of my actual task — to place
before the reader a picture of Constantinople at the be-
ginning of the sixth century in its topographical and socio-
logical aspects. The literary materials, though abundant, are
in great part unreliable and are often devoid of information
which would be found in the most unpretentious guide-book
of modern times.^ On the other hand the monumental re-
wall of Crassus against Spartacus was nearly forty miles long (Plutarch,
Crassus). Except the first, however, these were more or less tem-
porary structures. Very substantial extempore walls are frequently
mentioned by both Greek and Latin historians as having been erected
during sieges, etc. See especially Caesar (i, 8) and Thucydides (iii, 21,
Siege of Plataea).

' The earliest and most reliable source is the Notitia Dignitatis
utriusque Imperii, etc., which dates from the time of Arcadius. To
this work is prefixed a short description of Rome and CP., which
enumerates the chief buildings, the number of streets, etc., in each
division of those cities. Next we have the Aedificia of Procopius,
the matter of which, however, does not come within the scope of the
present chapter. A gap of six centuries now occurs, which can only
be filled by allusions to be found in general and church historians,
patristic literature, etc. We then come to a considerable work, the
Anonymous, edited by A. Banduri (Venice, 1729), a medley of semi-
historical and topographical information, often erroneous, ascribed
to the twelfth century. A second edition of this work, introduced by
the Byzantine fragment of Hesychius of Miletus, passes under the name
of Geo. Codinus, who wrote about 1460. Here we draw the line between
mediaeval and modern authors, and we have next the Topography of
CP., by P. Gyllius, a Frenchman, who wrote on the spot about a
centurj' after the Turkish conquest. His Thracian Bosphorus, which

24 The Age of Jtistinian and Theodora

mains are unusually scanty, insignificant indeed compared
with those of Rome, and few cities, which have been con-
tinuously occupied, have suffered so much during the lapse
of a few centuries as Constantinople. Political revolution
has been less destructive than that of religion, and Moslem
fanaticism, much more than time or war, has achieved the
ruin of the Christian capital. On this ground, the same
calamities which Christianity inflicted on paganism in the
fourth century, she suffered herself at the hands of Islam in
the fifteenth.

The modern visitor, who approaches Constantinople, is at

preserves much of the lost Dionysius of Byzantium, is also vahiable.
Later still comes the monumental CP. Christiana of Ducange (Paris,
1680), a mine of research, by one of those almost mediaeval scholars,
who spent their lives in a library. Of contemporary treatises, which are
numerous and bulky, I will only mention the following, from which I
have derived most assistance: J. Labarte, Le Palais Imperiale de
CP., Paris, 1871; A. G. Paspates, 'S.vlavTivai MtXirai, CP., 1877,
and BvS^ai'Tiva AvciKTOpa, Athens, 1885; W. Mordtmann, Esquisses
topographiques de CP., Lille, 1891. Among books intended less for
the archaeologist than for popular perusal, the only one worthy of
special mention is Constantinople, Lond., 1895, by E. A. Grosvenor, a
fine work, admirably illustrated, but the author relies too implicitly on
Paspates, and he has emasculated his book for literary purposes by
omitting references to authorities. The book also contains several
absurd mistakes, e.g., "The careful historian who . . . wrote under
the name of Anonymos," etc., p. 313. To the above must now be added
the important, Byzantine CP., the Walls, by Van Millingen, Lond.,
1899, a sound and critical work. Another beautiful work has also been
recently issued, viz.. Belie, L'Habitation byzantine, Grenoble, 1902.
A wealth of authentic illustrations renders it extremely valuable for the
study of the subject. This chapter was begun in 1896, and in the mean-
time scholars have not been idle. As the Bonn Codinus gives inter-
textually all the passages of the anonymous Patria which differ, as well
as an appendix of anonymous archaeological tracts, I shall in future, for
the sake of brevity, refer to the whole as Codinus simply in that edition.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 25

once impressed by the imposing vista of gilded domes and
minarets, which are the chief objective feature of the Otto-
man capital. It is scarcely necessary to say that in the sixth
century the minaret, uniquely characteristic as it is of a
Mohammedan city, would be absent, but the statement must
also be extended to the dome, the most distinctive element
in Byzantine architecture, which at the date of my description
scarcely yet existed even in the conception of the builder.^
If we draw near from the Sea of Marmora (the Propontis) at
the time of this history, we shall observe, extending by land
and sea from the southernmost point, the same ranges of
lofty walls and towers, now falling into universal ruin, but
then in a state of perfect repair. Within appear numerous
great houses and several tall columns interspersed among a
myriad of small red-roofed dwellings, densely packed; and
here and there the eye is caught by a gleam of gilded tiles
from the roof of a church or a palace. In order to inspect
the defences on the land side, the aspect of the city most
strongly fortified, we must disembark near the south-west
corner of the Xerolophos, the locality now known as the
Seven Towers. Without the city, towards the west, the
ground consists of flowery meadows diversified by fruit-
gardens and by groves of cypress and plane trees.^ Almost
at the water's edge is an imposing bastion, which from its
circular form is called the Cyclobion.^ Proceeding inland

^ That is the pierced dome elevated to a great height on pendentives.
The splendid dome of the Pantheon dates, of course, from Hadrian, but
the invention of the modern cupola may fairly be assigned to the
Byzantines. The conception, however, had to be completed by raising
it still higher on a tour de dome, the first example of which is St. Augus-
tine's, Rome (1483) ; see Agincourt, Hist, of Art, i, 67.

^ Procopius, De Aedific, i, 3; Nicephorus Cal., xv, 25.

^ KukXojSioj^ or orpoyyuXoi' ; Procopius, ibid., iv, 8. Theophanes, an.

26 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

we shall not at this date find a road winding over hill and
dale from sea to sea as at the present day.^ Most of the
country is occupied by walled philopatia or pleasaunces in
which landscape gardening has been developed with con-
siderable art, suburban residences of the Byzantine aristo-
cracy.^ In a grove about a mile from the shore we come
upon a certain well, which is regarded as sacred and fre-
quented by sufferers from various diseases on account of the
healing virtue attributed to its waters.'' Northwards the
extramural district abutting on the Golden Horn is called
Blachernae from the chief of a Thracian tribe, which for-
merly occupied this quarter.^ Here, contiguous to the wall,
we may notice a small summer palace on two floors, built
of brick with rows of stone-framed, arched windows, now
undergoing restoration and extension by the Emperor An-

6165, p. 541, etc. Possibly it looked like the tomb of Caecilia Metella
or a Martello Tower and was the prototype of the castle shown on the
old maps as the "Grand Turk's Treasure-house," built in 1458 by
Mohammed II within his fortress of the Seven Towers; Map by
Caedicius, CP., 1889; Ducas, p. 317; Laonicus, x, p. 529. Most likely,
however, it was a wall uniting five towers in a round. The Cyclobion is
attributed to Zeno, about 480; Byzantios, '^wvaravTivov-KoKiq, i, 312;
Grosvenor, op cit. , p. 596.

^ Grosvenor calls the existing road the remains of Justinian's "once
well-paved triumphal way," I have found no corroboration of this asser^
tion. From Constant. Porph. (De Cer. Aul. Byz. , i, 18, 96, etc.), I con-
clude there was no continuous road here for many centuries afterwards.
Paspates {op. cit., p. 13) thinks the last passage alludes to it as nXaKiori),
but this is evidently the highway to Rhegium, etc. (Procop., De Aedific. ,
iv, 8).

^ Cod. VIII, X, 10; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25 ; Cinnamus, ii, 14;
Anthol. (Planudes), iv, 15, etc.

' This fount is still extant and accessible beneath the Greek church of
Baloukli (Grosvenor, o/>. cit., p. 485, etc.).

* Gyllius (Dionys. Byz.), De Bosp. Thrac, ii, 2; De Topog. CP. , iv, 5.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 2 7

astasias.' A few paces further on is a Christian chapel
dedicated to the Theotokos or Mother of God, founded by
Pulcheria," the pious but imperious sister of Theodosius II,
and finally the maiden wife of the Emperor Marcian. Hard
by is a natural well,^ which from its interesting associations
is now beginning to ripen into sanctity.

The scheme of fortification consists of three main defences:
(i) a foss, (2) an outer wall with frequent towers, and (3) an
inner wall, similar, but of much greater proportions.

(i) Since the moat necessarily follows the trend of the
ground as it rises on either side from the beach to the dorsum
of the peninsula, this canal, instead of maintaining a uniform
level, consists of a number of sections divided by cross-
walls, the distances between which are determined by the
exigences of ascent or descent. In its course it outlines the
contour of the walls, which advance on the peninsula from
each end in the form of a bow. The average width of this
foss is about sixty, and its depth about thirty feet. It is
lined on both sides from the bottom with substantial stone
walls, but, whilst that on the outside only reaches the level
of the ground, the wall next the city, with a crenellated top,
rises for several feet,* so as to convey the impression of a
triple wall of defence. In peace time the water is allowed
to run low, but if an assault is apprehended the trench can
be quickly flooded by means of earthenware pipes concealed

^ Suidas, sub Anast. Mordtmann {op. cit., p. 33), thinks the ruins
existing at Tekfur Serai may represent the original Palace of Blachernae,
the basement, at least. It is commonly called the palace of Constantine,
etc., but ^^an Millingen proves it to be a late erection.

^ Zonaras, xiii, 24; Codin., p. 95, etc.

^ Const. Porph., De Cer. Aul. Byz., ii, 12. Still frequented (Paspates
op. cit., p. 390, etc.).

■* To " a man's height " (Paspates).

28 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

within the partition walls. From these conduits the city
also derives a secret supply of water not likely to be tampered
with by a besieging army/

(2) At a distance of about twenty yards from the inner
edge of the moat, rising to a height of nearly thirty feet,
with dentated parapets, stands the lesser wall. Towers of
various shapes, square, round, and octagonal, project from
its external face at intervals of about fifty yards. Each tower
overtops the wall and possesses small front and lateral win-
dows, which overlook the level tract" stretching from the
foss. High up in each tower is a fioorway having an exit on
the intramural space behind, and they have also steps out-
side which lead to the roof. The vacant interval between the
walls is about fifty feet wide, usually called i\\Q pen'bolos.^ It
has been artificially raised to within a few feet of the top of
the wall by pouring into it the earth recovered in excavating
the moat.* This is the special vantage-ground of the de-

^ Paspates has all the credit of solving the problem of this moat [op.
cit., p. 7, etc.). It has been maintained that it was a diy moat, owing to
the physical impossibility of the sea flowing into it. The words of
Chrysoloras (Migne, Ser. Grk. , vol. 156, etc.) are alone sufficient to
dispose of this error.

* This space seems to have been called the TzapaTiixiov; Const.
Porph., !oc. cit.; or rather, perhaps, the nfjiDTuxiafia; see the Anon. ,
IrpaTif^iKi} (Koechly, etc.), 12 (r. 550). Paspates calls it the npordxiov,
"because," says he, "I have found no name for it in the Byzantine
historians."

^ Ducas, 39, etc.; Paspates, op. cit., p. 6. It is, however, the usual
word for the walls of a city. yiiaoTtixiov and aravfiw^ia are more
definite; Critobulos, i, 60. Paspates slates that the ground here has
been raised six feet above its ancient level.

* Dethier, Nouv. recherch. a CP., 1867, p. 20; cf. Vegetius, iv, i,
2, 3, etc. These walls have much similarity to the agger of Servius
Tullius, but in the latter case the great wall forms the inner boundary
of the trench and the lesser wall, retaining the excavated earth, was

Consta7itinople in the Sixth Century 29

;nders of the city during a siege : from hence mainly they
Lunch their missiles against the enemy or engage them in a
and-to-hand fight should they succeed in crossing the moat
nd planting their scaling-ladders against the wall.'

(3) Bounding the peribolos posteriorly lies the main land-
all of Constantinople, the great and indisputable work of
'heodosius II. In architectural configuration it is almost
milar to the outer wall, but its height is much greater, and
s towers, placed so as to alternate with the smaller ones in
ont, occupy more than four times as much ground. Built
3 separate structures, but adherent to the wall behind, they
se above it and project forwards into the interspace for
lore than half its breadth. Most of the towers are square,
ut those of circular or octagonal shape are not infrequent,
n level places offering facilities for attack the wall has a
sneral height of seventy feet, but in less accessible situa-
ons, on rising or rugged ground, it attains to little more
lan half that elevation.^ As in the case of the outer de-
;nces, the wall and towers are crested by an uninterrupted
iries of crenated battlements.

The towers are entered from the city at the back, and
ithin each one is a winding stone staircase leading to the
)p. Here, sheltered by the parapet, there is room for sixty
r seventy men to assail an enemy with darts or engines of
ar. There is also a lower floor from which a further body
f soldiers can act on the offensive by means of front and
de windows or loopholes. At intervals certain of the towers
ave an exit on the peribolos for the use of those militants
■ho have their station on that rampart. In time of peace

bout fifty feet behind in the city. See Middleton's Ancient Rome,
tc.
* Paspates, op. cit., p. 17. - Ibid., Grosvenor, op. cit., p. 584.

30 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

these towers serve as guard-houses, and the sentries are en-
joined to maintain their vigilance by passing the word of
each successive hour from post to post during the night.^
The usual thickness of this wall is about eight feet, but no
regular rampart has been prepared along the summit, the
defensive value of such an area being superseded by the
peribolos. Hence the top, the width of which is limited to
less than five feet by the encroachment of the parapet, has
no systematic means of access from the ground or from the
towers. Hewn stone, worked in the vicinity, has been used
for the construction of these fortifications," and in some
places close to the city the ground may be seen to have
been quarried into hills and hollows ' for the supply of the
builders.*

^ Paspates, op. cii., p. lo. See also Texier and PuUan, Architect.
Byzant., Lond., 1864, pp. 24, 56, for diagrams illustrating walls of the
period. Some, unlike the wall of CP., had continuous galleries in the
interior. The towers were also used for quartering soldiers when troops
were massed in the vicinity of the city (Cod. Theod., VII, viii, 13).
There were about one hundred and two of the great, and ninety of the
small ones. Owners of land through which the new wall passed had
also reversionary rights to make use of the towers {Ibid., XV, i, 51).

^ The Roman plan of filling an outer shell with rubble and concrete
was adopted (Grosvenor, loc. cit.). At present the walls appear as a
heterogeneous mass of stone and brick, showing that they have been
repaired hurriedly numbers of times. But little is left of the fifth century
structure. Some parts, better preserved, exhibit alternate courses of
stone and brick, a favourite style of building with the Byzantines, but
not dating further back than the seventh century (Texier and Pullan,
op. cit., p. 165).

^ Paspates (op. cit., p. 14), to whom much more than to historical
indications we are indebted for our knowledge of these walls.

* Those who have a topographical acquaintance with Stamboul are
aware that at about three-quarters of a mile from the Golden Horn the
wall turns abruptly to the west and makes a circuit as if to include a

Constmitinople in the Sixth Century 3 1

At about every half mile of their length these walls are
pierced by main gateways for the passing to and fro of the
inhabitants. In these situations the inner wall is increased
to more than treble its ordinary thickness, and the passage
is flanked by a pair of the greater towers, which here ap-
proximate at much less than their usual distance. The
thoroughfare consists of a deep and lofty archway, which on
occasion can be closed by ponderous doors revolving on
huge iron hinges. Opposite each gate the moat is crossed
by wooden drawbridges easily removable in case of a siege.
The most southerly entrance, being opposite the holy well,
is called the Gate of the Fountain; next comes the Gate of
Rhegium, then that of St. Romanus, fourthly the Charsios
or oblique Gate,^ and lastly the Xylokerkos Gate — that of
the wooden circus. Between the third and fourth gates the
moat is deficient and the walls are tunnelled for the transit
of the streamlet Lycus, which, though almost dry in summer,
swells to a considerable volume in winter. The second and
last portals bear metrical inscriptions, differing verbally, but
each declaring the fact that the Prefect, Cyrus Constantine,
built the wall in two months.^ On the second gate, that of

supplementary area of ground. It is well understood that this part, which
is single for the most part and without a moat, but by compensation on
a still more colossal scale, is the work of later emperors — Heraclius, Leo
Armenius, Manuel Comnenus, and Isaac Angel us (600 to 1200). All
traces of the wall of Theodosius, which ran inside, have disappeared,
according to Paspates, but Mordtmann thinks he can recognize certain
ruined portions {op. cit., p. 11 and Map).

' Or from Charisius, one of the masters of the works (Codin., p. no).

2 It appears that Anthemius in 413 (Cod. Theod., XV, i, 51) only
raised the great wall, and that in 447, when fifty-seven towers collapsed
(Marcellin. Com., a.d. 447; Chron. Pasch., 447, 450 A. D.), Cyrus re-
paired the damage and added the lesser wall (Theophanes, an. 5937?

32 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

Rhegium, the circumstance is recorded in a Latin tristich
as well as in a Greek distich.^

Besides these popular approaches there is another series
of five gates, architecturally similar, but designed only for
military or strategic purposes. About intermediate in position
and in line with neither roads nor bridges, they are closed
to the general public and named merely in numerical suc-
cession from south to north. ^ Just above the third gate, that
is, about half way between the Golden Horn and the Pro-
pontis, the walls dip inwards for a distance of nearly one

Cedrenus, i, p. 598, and the words tSeifiaro rsix^'i reixoc of the inscrip-
tion). Cedrenus states virtually that he demolished the wall and replaced
it by three others, alluding perhaps to the moat, but Cedrenus is often
wrong. All seven (or nine) chronographists relate more or less exactly
that Cyrus gained such popularity by his works that the public acclama-
tions offended the Emperor, who forced the tonsure on him and sent him
to Smyrna as bishop in the hope that the turbulent populace, who had
already killed four of their bishops, would speedily add him to the
number. By his ready wit, however, he diverted their evil designs and
won their respect. Zonaras, xiii, 22, and Nicephorus Cal., xiv, i, have
an incorrect idea of the wall-building. According to the latter, Anthemius
was the man of speed. Malala mentions Cyrus, but not the wall.

^ The Greek verses are given in the Anthology (Planudes, iv, 28).
The Latin I may reproduce here :

Theudosii jussis gemino nee mense peracto
Constantinus ovans haec moenia firma locavit.
Tarn cito tam stabilem Pallas vix conderet arcem.

This epigram and its companion in Greek are still legible on the stone
of the Rhegium Gate (now of Melandesia). See Paspates, o/>. cit.,
pp. 47, 50. The Porta Xylocerci has practically disappeared.

^ Mordtmann's exposition of these gates is the most convincing {op.
cit., p. 16, etc.). I have omitted the Gate of the Seven Towers as it has
always been claimed as a Turkish innovation, a view, however, which
he rejects. In any case it was but a postern — there may have been others
such in the extinct section of the wall.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 33

undred yards, forming a crescent or, as the Greeks call it,
Sigma/

The first strategic gate, first also of the land-wall, being
:arcely a furlong from the Propontis, offers a notable ex-
sption to the constructive plainness of all the other entries,
ntended only as a state entry to the capital for the display
f Imperial pomp, it has been built and adorned with the
bject of rendering it the most splendid object in this part
f the city. A pair of massive towers, each one hundred feet
igh, advance from a fagade of equal altitude, which is
■aversed by three arched portals, that in the centre being
levated to sixty feet. The whole is constructed in white
larble, and this chaste and imposing foundation is made
^splendent by the addition of gilded statues, bas-reliefs, and
louldings. From a central pedestal above rises a figure of
''ictory * with flowing draperies, her hand extended offering

laurel crown. At her feet stands an equestrian statue of
^heodosius the Great,^ and from the extremity of each tower
prings the two-headed Byzantine eagle.* Below, the surfaces
f the monument are ensculptured all round with mytho-
Dgical designs,^ among which we may recognize Prometheus
he Fire-giver, Pegasus, Endymion, the labours of Hercules
,nd many others. Corinthian columns of green-veined
narble" bound the main portal, within which is erected a

^ That is an S, which at this period was formed roughly like our C.

* Cedrenus, ii, p. 173; or a personification of the city; Codin., p. 47.
' Zonaras, xv, 4.

* A fragment still exists on the northern tower. See Grosvenor, op.
it., p. 591.

* Chrysoloras, loc. cit., Gyllius, De Top. CP., iv, 9.

^ Ibid. Gyllius would seem to have been inside when making these
)bservations, but that would be within the fortress of Yedi Koule,
igorously guarded at that time. Doubtless the city side was adorned,

D

34 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

great cross. ^ In the fore area are placed a pair of marble
elephants, recalling those used by Theodosius in his tri-
umphal procession after the defeat of Maximus of Gaul;
and behind these his grandson," the builder of the gate, has
raised a column bearing a statue of himself. Profusely
gilded, this elaborate pile is popularly and ofificially known
as the Golden Gate.^

To proceed with our survey we may re-embark on the
Propontis and skirt the promontory by water from end to
end of the land-wall, passing through the mouth of the

but no description of the gate as a whole is left to us. The ornaments
are only mentioned incidentally when recording damage done by earth-
quakes (in their frequency often the best friends of the modern archae-
ologist) and their arrangement can only be guessed at. Most likely they
were of gilded bronze, a common kind of statue among the Byzantines.
See Codinus, passim. The idea that the Golden Gate opened into a
fortress should be abandoned. The conception of the Seven Towers
seems to have originated with the Palaeologi in 1390, but Bajazet ordered
the demolition of the unfinished works (Ducas, 13), and it was left to
the Turkish conqueror to carry out the idea in 1458. See p. 26. I may
remark here that Mordtmann's map has not been brought up to date as
regards his own text.

^ Cedrenus, i, p. 675.

^ Ibid., i, p. 567; Codin., pp. 26, 47; said to have been brought
from the temple of Mars at Athens.

^ The first Golden Gate was erected, or rather transformed, by Theo-
dosius I, as the following epigram, inscribed on the gate, shows (Corp.
Inscript. Lat., Berlin, 1873, No. 735):

Haec loca Theudosius decorat post fata tyranni,
Aurea secla gerit, qui portam construit auro.

It was, of course, in the wall of Constanline (Codin., p. 122) and seems
to have remained to a late date — Map of Buondelmonte, Uucange, CP.
Christ., etc. For a probable representation see Banduri, Imp. Orient., ii,
pi. xi. But Van Millingen {op. cit.), having found traces of the inscrip-
tion on the remaining structure, considers there never was any other.
In that case it was at first a triumphal arch outside the walls.

Constantinople i7i the Sixth Century 35

Bosphorus between Europe and Asia and finishing our circuit
in the upper reaches of the Golden Horn. The single south
wall, rising from the brink of the sea, is similar to that of
Anthemius, and the towers exhibit the same diversity of
form.' Courses of rough stones immersed in the water lie
along its base and form a kind of primitive breakwater, which
saves its foundations from being sapped by the waves in
tempestuous weather. These are said to have been quarried
from the tops of the hills during the process of levelling the
ground for the extension of the city, and then, at the sug-
gestion of Constantine, sent rolling down the slopes until
they became lodged in their present position.^

Several gates in this wall give access to the water, but
they possess no architectural distinction. Westerly is the
Porta Psamathia or Sand-gate, so called because an area of
new ground has been formed here by silting up of sand out-
side the wall.^ Near the opposite extremity is the Porta
Ferrea or Iron-gate, thus designated from the unstable beach
having been guarded by rails of iron to enable it to sustain
the ponderous burdens imported by Constantine.* Towards
the centre of this shore is situated the Gate of St. Aemilian,
named from its proximity to a church sacred to that martyr.'

' The remarkable structure known as the Marble Tower, rising from
the waters of the Marmora to the height of a hundred feet, near the
junction of the sea- and land-wall is of later date, but its founder is un-
known and it has no clear history in Byzantine times. See Mordtmann,
op. cit., p. 13.

^ Glycas, iv; Codin., p. 128. A legend, perhaps, owing to debris of
walls ruined by earthquakes collecting there in the course of centuries.

^ See Mordtmann, op. cit., p. 60; Codin., p. 109.

* Codin., p. loi. Great hulks of timber were built to float obelisks
and marble columns over the Mediterranean; Ammianus, xvii, 4.

° Ibid., p. 102.

vD

6 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

More noticeable in this range of wall are the entrances to
two excavated harbours, each closed by a chain stretching
between a pair of containing towers. The first, at the foot
of the Xerolophos, dates from the time of Constantine, who
called it the Port of Eleutherius ^ after his master of the
works. Remade by Theodosius I, it has since been most
commonly associated with the name of that emperor.^ Paved
at the bottom and surrounded by a stone quay,^ it is about
a Roman mile in circuit,' and is divided centrally by a dike
into an inner and outer basin." More easterly is another
similar but smaller harbour, having only one basin, designated
Port Julian " from its Imperial founder, but it is more often
spoken of as the New Port.'' Owing, however, to the excep-
tional suitability for shipping of the north side of the city,
both these harbours have gradually fallen into disuse and,
becoming choked with sand, have been looked on merely
as fit receptacles for the rubble accumulated in clearing
building sites.** But the Port of Julian is soon to be re-
opened, for, at the direction of Anastasius, rotatory pumps
have been fixed to empty it of its water and dredging opera-
tions are in progress.^ To insure its continued patency a

^ Codin., pp. 49, 104. ^ Notitia, Reg. 12.

' Codin., loc. cit. * Gyllius, De Top. CP., iv, 8.

' Mordtmann, op. cit., p. 59.

® Zosimus, iii, 11; Codin., p. 87.

''' Notitia, Reg. 3. We hear of a trumpet-tower {\^vkivov, Codin.,
p. 86; j3vKayov, Nicetas Chon., p. 733) by this harbour fitted with a
"siren" formed of brass pipes, whose mouths protruding outside re-
sounded when they caught the wind blowing off the sea. Ducange, i,
p. 13, thinks a later fable has risen out of the vocal towers of Byzantium.
" Sic nugas nugantur Graeculi nugigeruli," says Banduri (ii, p. 487).
There was certainly a watch-tower here, but of origin and date unknown.
Mordtmann, o/). cit., p. 55.

* Codin., loc. cit. "^ Marcel. Com., an. 409.

Constantinople m the Sixth Century yj

mole is even in course of construction in the Propontis over
against its mouth. ^ Passing the Porta Ferrea, as we begin
to round the headland, a large mansion or palace comes
into view, substituted apparently for the wall in about fifty
feet of its length. Fronted along its base with slabs of
white marble, the edifice presents a lofty stone balcony over-
hanging the water,^ and opening on to it, a central group of
three rectangular windows or doors with jambs and lintels
of sculptured stone. Above, a row of seven nearly semi-
circular windows indicates the uppermost floor of the build-
ing, which is known as the palace of the Boukoleon. Con-
tiguous, to the west, we observe a small but very ornate har-
bour, formed on quite a different plan from those previously
seen. Curved piers of masonry, enriched with marbles, ex-
tending from the land, inclose about an acre of water, which
is approached from the city by flights of white marble steps.^
On the intervening quay rests a handsome group of statu-
ary representing a lion and a bull in the agonies of a death
struggle.* This is the exclusive port of the Imperial Palace,'
an important segment of which adjoins the wall at this point.
Both palace and harbour have taken the name of Boukoleon
from the piece of sculpture which so conspicuously marks the
site.^ In this vicinity, behind the wall on the city level, is

^ Suidas, sh., Anast. In a later age this port was enlarged and de-
fended by an iron grill. Anton. Novog. in Mordtmann, op. cit., p. 55.

^ About fifty feet above it ; for a photograph of the existing ruins see
Grosvenor, op. cit. , p. 388. Also Van Millingen's work and others.

' William of Tyre, xx, 25. * Anna Comn., iii, i.

" Zonaras, xv, 25, etc. ; Const. Porph., i, 19, etc.

** Codin., p. 100, says the palace was founded by Theodosius II. The
group was probably ravished from some classic site at an early period
when the mania for decorating CP. was still rife. The existence of the
harbour at this date may be darkly inferred from Socrates, ii, 16 ; Sozo-

o

8 The Age of Justinian mid Theodora

the palace of the once famous Persian refugee, Prince
Hormisdas.'

Farther on is a small entry from the water leading to a
chapel sacred to the Theotokos, surnamed the Conductress,
another foundation of the devout Pulcheria.' Here are pre-
served a portrait of the Virgin painted by St. Luke, the
swaddhng-clothes of Jesus, and other recondite memorials of
Gospel history " grafted by imposture on the credulity of the
age. This Conductress,* by virtue of a holy fount, is credited
with being able to point out the way for the blind to receive
their sight ; ' and a retreat for the blind, therefore, has been
established on the spot/

As soon as we turn the north-east point, which marks the
beginning of the Golden Horn, we exchange the inhospitable
aspect of a fortified coast for a busy scene of maritime life.
The wall recedes gradually to some distance from the water-
line and forms an inconspicuous background to the impressive
spectacle, which indicates the port of entry of a vast city. In

men, iii, 9; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24; Theophanes, an. 6003.
Tdf TxvKaq rov fSaaiXiiov Travraxodtv cnriicXsKTev, Ka'i TrXola £(C to (pvyei)',
Tip TtaXaTi^) TrapeiTTijaav; Theodore Lect., ii, 26. All these passages
prove the existence of a harbour approachable only from the palace,
which probably was then, or afterwards became, the Boukoleon. Van
Millingen {oJ>. cit. ) gives good reasons for placing the Boukoleon on this
site, the only likely one (see Appendix). The name Boukoleon is not
found in literature before 800; Theoph., Cont., i, 11. From ibid., vi,
15, it may be inferred that the main group of statuary had long been in
position.

^ For his story see Zosimus, ii, 27 ; Ammianus, xvi, 10. He was a
Christian who escaped from prison to the court of Constantine; see
Appendix.

^ Nicephorus Cal., xiv, 2, etc.

=* Ibid., Niceph. Greg., iv, 2, etc.; Codin., De Offic. CP., 12.

' 'H "O^/jyog. The place was called 'OSijyt)Tpia; Codin., p. 80.

= /bid.

•* Or a monastery for blind monks, perhaps ; Niceph. Greg., xi, 9, etc.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 39

the course of over a mile the shore has been fashioned into
wharves from which three sets of stairs of ample width de-
scend to the water's edge to facilitate the unloading of vessels.
The first stair, named from its constructor, is that of
Timasius ; ^ next comes that of Chalcedon ; ^ and lastly the
stairs of Sycae,^ a region of the city on the opposite side of
the gulf. Alternating with the stairs are placed the entrances
of two excavated harbours: the Prosphorian Port* for the
landing of all kinds of imported provisions, and the Neorian
Port, used chiefly as a naval station and for ship-building.
The quays of the latter port, which are distinguished by the
brazen statue of an ox, are also habitually frequented by the
merchants of Constantinople, who make it their principal
Exchange.' Similarly the vacant spaces about the Prosphorian
Port are set apart for a cattle market."

The first issue from the city on this side is called the Gate
of Eugenius,^ and is situated in the retreating portion of the

' Probably the Master of the Infantry under Theodosius I ; Zosimus,
iv, 45, etc.

- It is said that those going from Byzantium to Chalcedon, at the
mouth of the Bosphorus on the Asiatic side, were obliged to start from
here and make a peculiar circuit to avoid adverse currents. See Gyllius,
op. cit., iii, I.

^ That is, the fig-region, Codin. (Hesych.), p. 6. Now Galata and
Pera.

* The Constantinopolitans generally confounded this name with the
legendary Phosphoros (see p. 5), and the geographical Bosporos. The
Notitia (Reg. 5) proves its real form and significance; also Evagrius,

ii, 13-

' Codin., pp. 52, 60, 188. This ox was believed to bellow once a
year to warn the city of the advent of some calamity {ibid., p. 60).

® Ibid., p. 113. The wall here formed another Sigma to surround the
inner sweep of the port. These two harbours we may suppose to be
those of Byzantium as known to Dion Cassius (see p. 7).

'' A patrician, who came from Rome with Constantine and took a

40 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

wall. More remarkable is the Tower of Eugenius, called
also the Centenarian Tower/ a massive pile closer to the
bank, which corresponds to a similar erection across the
water. These structures are the work of Constantine, who
raised them to serve as the points of attachment of a pon-
derous iron chain, which should close the Golden Horn
against the attack of a hostile fleet. So far, however, no
enemy has been encountered so adventurous as to necessitate
the practical application of this means of defence."

Beyond the stairs of Sycae the locality is called the
Zeugma.^ This tract is reserved for the storage of wood,
which, coal being unknown, is the only fuel available for
cooking, heating of baths, and all other purposes. Immense
quantities have, therefore, to be brought down by sea from
the wild countries bordering on the Euxine ^ and deposited
here for the use of the Constantinopolitans. At this point
we have reached the limits of the wall of Byzantium and
henceforth to the end of the land-wall at Blachernae this side

share in adorning the city (Glycas, iv, p. 463), or another, who lived
under Theodosius I (Codin., p. 77).

' Codin., p. 114; Cedrenus, ii, p. 80; Leo Diac.,p. 78. This tower
was standing up to 1817; see Y^hivoTavrivial^, Venice, 1824, p. 14, by
Constantius, Archbishop of CP. This appears to be the first attempt by
a modern Greek to investigate the antiquities of CP. He had to disgviise
himself as a dervish to explore Stamboul, for which he was banished to
the Prince's Islands, and his book was publicly burnt.

^ Leo Diac. (Joe. cit. ) explains how the chain was supported at inter-
vals on piles. It seems to have been first used in 717 by Leo Isaurus;
Theophanes, i, p. 609; Manuel Comn. even drew a chain across the
Bosphorus from CP. to the tower called Arcula (Maiden's T., etc.),
which he constructed for the purpose (Nicetas Chon., vii, 3).

^ Theophanes, an. 6024; Codin., p. 93. The "junction," that of the
mules to the vehicle containing the relics of St. Stephen newly arrived
from Alexandria !

* Xenophon notices the plenty of timber on these coasts (Anab., vi, 2).

Constantinople in the Sixth Cejttury 41

of the city lies open to the water. Deeming it improbable
that the town should ever be assaulted from this sequestered
inlet, Constantine and his successors have omitted to fortify
this bank. Originally this shore was indented by a number of
small creeks,^ but the teeming population, overflowing into
every available space, has now so crowded the strand with
houses that the outer rank, founded on piles, extends beyond
the water's edge.^ In the further part of this district the
stream becomes narrower, and from a projecting point a
wooden bridge has been thrown across to the opposite shore,^
In its vicinity a brazen dragon commemorates or suggests a
legend of virgins ravished and devoured until the destruction
of the monster by St. Hypatius.* A slight expansion of the
Golden Horn at Blachernae is called the Silver Bay.^

* Strabo, vii, 6; Gyllius, op. cit., iii, 9.

^ Zosimus, ii, 35. This circumstance, and the fact that almost all the
towers along here bear the name of Theophilus (Paspates, op. cit., p. 4),
suggest that this side was not walled till the ninth century. Chron.
Paschal, (an. 439) doubtless refers only to the completion of the wall on
the Propontis. Grosvenor (p. 570) adopts this view, but as usual with-
out giving reasons or references. He is wrong in saying that the chain
was first broken in 1203 by the Crusaders; it was broken in 823 (Ced-
renus, p. 80; Zonaras, xv, 23). I do not credit the statement of Sidonius
Ap. (Laus Anthemii) that houses were raised in the Propontis on
foundations formed of hydraulic cement from Puteoli. In any case, such
could have been obtained much nearer, viz. , across the water at Cyzicus
(Pliny, Hist. Nat., xxxv, 47). The Bp. of Clermont never visited CP.

^ Notitia, Reg. 14. There was a populous suburb at Blachernae,
which had walls of its own before Theodosius included it within the city
proper.

■* Codin., pp. 30, 120; Suidas, sb. Mamante (St. Mamas, however,
appears to have been outside the walls ; Theophanes, an. 6304, etc. ) ;
Glycas, iv. Versions of the same story, probably. Gyllius' memory fails
him on this occasion.

' 'ApyvpoXijirr); see Paspates, op. cit., p. 68.

42 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

Having inspected the outside of Constantinople, it now
remains for us to enter the city and pass in review its principal
streets, buildings, and open spaces, whence we shall be led
to make some acquaintance with the manners and customs
of its inhabitants. From the Gate of Eugenius we can pro-
ceed directly to the most aristocratic quarter, where a majority
of the public buildings are clustered round the Imperial
Palace. Inside we shall find that thoroughfares of three
kinds intersect the city for the purposes of general traffic :
(i) main or business streets; (2) squares or market-places;
and (3) lanes or side-streets for private residents.

(i) A main street consists of an open paved road, not
more than fifteen feet wide, bounded on each side by a
colonnade or portico. More than fifty of such porticoes are
in existence at this date, so that a pedestrian can traverse
almost the whole city under shelter from sun or rain.' Many
of them have an upper floor, approached by wooden or stone
steps, which is used as an ambulacrum or promenade. They
are plentifully adorned with statuary of all kinds, especially
above,- and amongst these presentments of the reigning
emperor are not infrequent. The latter may be seen in busts
of brass and marble, in brazen masks, and even in painted
tablets.' Such images are consecrated and are sometimes

^ Chrysoloras, loc. cit. The Notitia enumerates fifty-two, which we
may understand to be pairs, before the enlargement by Theodosius.

• Codin., p. 22. In this account the patricians, who accompanied
Constantine, are represented as undertaking many of the public buildings
at their own expense. See also Nonius Marc, (in Pancirolo ad Notit.).
In this case a testator wills that a portico with silver and marble statues
be erected in his native town.

3 Cod.Theod.,XV, i,44; iv; vii, 12, etc., with Godfrey's commentary.
The imperial portraits were painted in white on a blue ground ; Chry-
sostom, I Cor., x, I (in Migne, iii, 247). "The countenance of the

Constanti7iople in the Sixth Cefttury 43

surreptitiously adored by the populace with religious rites/
They are also endowed with the legal attribute of sanctuary,
and slaves not uncommonly fly to them for refuge as a pro-
test against ill-treatment by their masters/ Portraits of popu-
lar actors, actresses, and charioteers may also be observed,
but they are liable to be torn down if posted close to the
Imperial images or in any position too reputable for their
pretensions.^ On the inside the porticoes are lined for the
most part by shops and workshops.* Opening on to them in
certain positions are public halls or auditoriums, architectur-
ally decorative and furnished with seats, where meetings can
be held and professors can lecture to classes on various topics.
Between the pillars of the colonnades next the thoroughfare
we find stalls and tables for the sale of all kinds of wares. In
the finer parts of the city such stalls or booths must by law
be ornamentally constructed and encrusted outside with
marbles so as not to mar the beauty of the piazza.'' At the
tables especially are seated the money-changers or bankers,
who lend money at usury, receive it at interest, and act
generally as the pawnbrokers of the capital.^ Such pleasant

Emperor must be set up in courts, market-places, assemblies, theatres,
and wherever business is transacted, that he may safeguard the pro-
ceedings"; Severianu3,De Mund. Great., vi, 5 (apud. Chrysost, Migne,
vi, 489).

^ Cod. Theod., loc. cit.\ Philostorgius, ii, 17.

^ Ibid., IX, xliv; Institut., i, 8. On proof the master could be com-
pelled to sell the slave on the chance of his acquiring more congenial
service, but the privilege was often abused.

3 Ibid., XV, vii, 12. * Ibid., XV, i, 52.

° Ibid., 53; Vitruvius, v, 11, etc.

^ Cod., VIII, X, 12. A Greek Constitution of Zeno of considerable
length, and uniquely instructive on some points. These otKij/xara were
limited to six feet of length and seven of height.

'' Novel cxxxvi; Plato, Apol., 17, etc.

44 TJic Age of Jus^tinian aiid Theodora

arcades have naturally become the habitual resort of
courtezans," and they are recognized as the legitimate place
of shelter for the houseless poor.^

(2) The open spaces, to which the Latin name o{ fonim
is applied more often than the Greek word agora, are expan-
sions of the main streets, and, like them, are surrounded on
all sides by porticoes. They are not, however, very numerous
and about a dozen will comprise all that have been con-
structed within the capital. They originate in the necessity
of preserving portions of the ground unoccupied for use as
market-places, but the vacant area is always more or less
decorative and contains one or more monuments of orna-
ment or utility. Each one is named distinctively either from
the nature of the traffic carried on therein or in honour of
its founder, and most of them will deserve special attention
during our itinerary of the city.

(3) The greater part of the ground area of Constantinople
is, of course, occupied by residential streets, and these are
usually, according to modern ideas, of quite preposterous
narrowness.'' Few of them are more than ten feet wide, and
this scanty space is still more contracted above by projecting
floors and balconies. In many places also the public way is
encroached upon by so/a>ia or sun-stages, that is to say by
balconies supported on pillars of wood or marble, and often

' Whence calleil emboUariae (t/i/3o\of being Byzantine for portico).
So say Alemannus aJ Procop. (Plist. Avcan., p. 3S1) and his copyist
Byzantios {op. cti., i, p. 113), but Tliny seems to use the word for an
actress in interhides (H. N., vii, 49), an occupation not, however, very
different.

- Theophanes, Cont., p. 417. In the severe winter of 933, Ronianus
Lecapenus blocked the interspaces and fitted them with windows and
doors.

^ They are, in fact, called the " n.arrows " in the Greek (artiu-joi).

Constafitinople in the Sixth Century 45

furnished with a flight of stairs leading to the pavement
below. In such alleys low windows, affording a view of the
street, or facile to lean out of,^ are considered unseemly by
the inmates of opposite houses. Hence mere light-giving
apertures, placed six feet above the flooring, are the regular
means of illumination. Transparent glass is sometimes used
for the closure of windows, but more often we find thin plates
of marble or alabaster with ornamental designs figured on
the translucent substance.^ Simple wooden shutters, however,
are seen commonly enough in houses of the poorer class.'

Impatient to see the immense vacant area which he added
to Byzantium covered with houses Constantine exercised
little or no supervision over private builders; necessary
thoroughfares became more or less blocked, walls of public
edifices were appropriated as buttresses for hastily erected
tenements, and the task of evolving order out of the resulting
chaos was imposed on succeeding rulers.* On Constantinople
becoming the seat of empire, as a resident of the period
remarks, " such a multitude of people flocked hither from all

' HapaKVTrTiKor, Cod., loc. cit.

^ Texier and Pullan, op. cit., p. 4; Agincourt, Hist, of Art, i, pi. 25.
Mica or talc {lapis specularis) was commonly used at Rome for windows
(Pliny, H. N., xxxvi, 45). Gibbon rather carelessly says that Firmus
{c. 272) had glass windows; they were vitreous squares for wall decora-
tion (Hist. August., si). Firmo). Haifa century later Lactantius is clear
enough — "fenestras lucente vitro aut speculari lapide obductas " (De
Opif. Dei, 8). Pliny tells us that clear glass was most expensive, and,
six centuries later, Isidore of Seville makes the same remark (Hist.
Nat., xxxvi, 67; Etymologies, xvi, 16).

' The climate of the East requires that windows shall generally be
kept open ; even shutters are often dispensed with.

* See Cod. Theod., XV, i, De Op. Pub., passim. This legislation
was initiated by Leo Thrax, probably after the great fire of 469 (Jn,
Malala; Chron. Pasch., etc.).

46 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

parts, allured by military or mercantile pursuits, that the
citizens out of doors and even at home are endangered by
the unprecedented crush of men and animals."^ In 447
Zeno, taking advantage of an extensive fire, promulgated a
very stringent building act, contravention of which renders
the offending structure hable to demolition, and inflicts a fine
of ten pounds of gold on the owner. The architect also be-
comes liable in a similar amount, and is even subjected to
banishment if unable to pay.^ By this act, which remains
permanently in force throughout the Empire, the not very
ample width of twelve feet is fixed for private streets, solaria
and balconies must be at least ten feet distant from similar
projections on the opposite side, and not less than fifteen feet
above the pavement; whilst stairs connecting them directly
with the thoroughfare are entirely abolished. Prospective
windows also are forbidden in streets narrower than the
statutory allowance of twelve feet. These enactments, how-
ever, too restricted in their practical application, have done
but little to relieve the congested thoroughfares. Thus, long
afterwards, another resident complains that every spot of
ground is occupied by contiguous dwellings to such an ex-
tent that " scarcely can an open space be discovered, which
affords a clear view of the sky without raising the eyes
aloft."'

These by-streets, of which there are more than four hun-
dred* in the capital, consist chiefly of houses suitable for
single families of the middle or lower classes. There are also,
however, a large number of dwellings for collective habita-
tion, which cover a greater area and rise by successive stories

^ Zosimus, ii, 35. '^ Cod., loc. cit.

^ Agathias, v, 3.

■' A century earlier there were 322 according to the Notitia.

Constayitmople in the Sixth Century 47

to an unusual height; but by law they are not allowed to
exceed an altitude of one hundred feet.' When one side of
such buildings is situated next a portico the adjacent part of
the ground floor is usually fitted up as a range of shops. ^

Besides the ordinary domiciles, which constitute the bulk
of the city, there are the mansions or palaces of the wealthy,
situated in various choice and open positions throughout the
town. Such residences are generally two-storied, and have
ornamental facades on which sculptured pillars both above
and below are conspicuous. The windows, arched or rectan-
gular, are divided by a central pilaster, and the roof, usually
slanting, is covered with wood or thin slabs of stone. Within,
a lofty hall is supported on tall columns surmounted by
gilded capitals, and the walls are inlaid with polished marbles
of various colours and textures. Throughout the house the
principal apartments are similarly decorated, and even bed-
rooms are not destitute of the columnar adornments so dear
to luxurious Byzantines. Ceilings are almost invariably
fretted and liberally gilt. In houses of this class a central
court, contained by a colonnade, giving air and Hght to the
whole building, is considered a necessity. Much wealth is
often expended in order to give this space the appearance of
a landscape in miniature. Trees wave, fountains play, and
artificial streams roll over counterfeited cliffs into pools
stocked with tame fish.^

Within the gate of Eugenius we are on the northern

^ Zeno, Cod., loc. cit.

^ We know little of the insulae or avvoiKiai of CP. , but we can con-
ceive of no other kind of private house requiring such an elevation.
Besides, insulae are the subject of an argument in Cod., VIII, xxxviii,
15 (enacted at CP. about this time).

^ Chrysostom, In Psal. xlviii, 8 (Migne, v, 510); Agathias, loc. cit. ;
Texier and PuUan, loc. cit.

48 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

slopes of the first hill, whereon was placed the citadel of
Byzantium. Rounding it to the east we soon approach a
tall Corinthian column of white marble, bearing on its sum-
mit a statue of Byzas,^ a memorial of the victories by land
and sea of Venerianus or other Byzantine generals over the
marauding Goths about 266.'^ " Fortune has returned to the
city," so runs the inscription on the base, "since the Goths
have been overcome."^ But these events have now passed
into oblivion, and the vicinity is given up to low taverns,
whilst in the popular mind the monument is associated with
the more signal exploits of Pompey the Great in his Mithri-
datic wars/ To the south of this pillar, and close to the
eastern wall, is situated the Imperial arsenal or Manganon,
founded by Constantine, a repertory of weapons of all
descriptions, and of machines used in the attack and defence
of fortifications.' It contains, besides, a military library.''
Passing the Cynegium, a deserted amphitheatre of pre-

^ Niceph. Greg., viii, 5. Merely a tradition in his time; it is com-
monly called the column of Theodosius. Grosvenor absurdly places on
it an equestrian statue of Theodosius I, with an epigram which belongs
to another place; op. cif., p. 386; see ittfra. Founded on a rock, it has
withstood the commotions of seventeen centuries.

- Hist. August., 5/'. Gallieno. Much more likely than Claudius II;
everything points to its being a local civic memorial. " Putjnatum est
circa Pontum, et a Byzantiis ducibus victi sunt barbari. Veneriano item
duce, navali bello Gothi superati sunt, tum ipse militari periit morte "
(c. 266).

^ "Fortunae reduci ob devictos Gothos." The Goths had been in
possession of Byzantium and the adjacent country on both sides of the
water; G. Syncell., i, p. 717, etc.; Zosimus, i, 34, etc. There was a
temple to Gallienus at Byzantium; Codinus, p. 179. He was evidently
popular here.

■* Jn. Lydus, De Mens., iii, 48.

' Codin., p. 74; Glycas, iv, p. 468.

6 Jl?id.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 49

Constantinian date/ and a small theatre, we may make the
circuit of the first hill on the south side and enter the chief
square of the city. This area, the ancient market-place of
Byzantium,' is called the Augusteum,^ that is the Imperial
forum ; and it forms a court to those edifices which are
particularly frequented by the Emperor. Around it are
situated his Palace, his church, his Senate-House, and a
i^ast Circus or Hippodrome, where the populace and their
:uler are accustomed to meet face to face. Almost all the
public buildings at this date, which aspire to architectural
:>eauty, are constructed more or less exactly after the model
3f the classical Greek temple; that is, they are oblong, and
lave at each end a pediment corresponding to the extremi-
;ies of a slanting roof. The eaves, projecting widely and
jupported on pillars, form a portico round the body of the
building, which, in the most decorative examples, is exca-
vated externally by a series of niches for the reception of
itatues.* The vestibule of the Palace, which opens on the
louthern portico of the Augusteum, is a handsome pillared
lall named Chalke, or the Brazen House, from being roofed
vith tiles of gilded brass.' An image of Christ, devoutly
)laced over the brazen gates which close the entrance, dates
)ack to Constantine," but the remainder of the building has

^ Codin., p. 31; Notitia, Reg. 2. * Zosimus, ii, 31.

^ Jn. Lydus, De Mens., iv, 86; Codinus, pp. 15, 28.

^ See the plates in Banduri, op. cit., ii; repeated in Agincourt on a
mall scale, op. cit., ii, 11 ; i, 27. Dethier {op. cit.) throws some doubt
n the accuracy of these delineations, the foundation of which the reader
an see for himself in Agincourt without resorting to the athleticism im-
posed on himself by Dethier. The Erechtheum shows that the design
ould be varied, the Pantheon that the dome was in use long before this
ate; see Texier and Pullan, etc.

^ Leo Gram., p. 126, etc. ^ Codin., p. 60; Theophanes, i, p. 439.

E

50 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

lately been restored by Anastasius/ This vestibule leads tc
several spacious chambers or courts which are rather of an
official than of a residential character. Amongst these most
room is given to the quarters of the Imperial guards, which
are divided into four companies called Scholars, Excubitors,
Protectors, and Candidates respectively.^ The latter are
distinguished by wearing white robes when in personal
attendance on the Emperor.^ Here also we find a state
prison, the Noumera, a great banqueting hall, the Triclinium
of Nineteen Couches, and a Consistorium or Throne-roomJ
Three porphyry steps at one end of this apartment lead tc
the throne itself, which consists of an elaborately carved
chair adorned with ivory, jewels, and precious metals. It is
placed beneath a silver ciborhim, that is, a small dome raised
on four pillars just sufficiently elevated to permit of the
occupant standing upright. The whole is ornamentally
moulded, a pair of silver eagles spread their wings on the
top of the dome, and the interior can be shut in by drawing
rich curtains hung between the columns."

' His architect was named Aetherius; Cedrenus, i, p. 563. ProbaMy
a short but wide colonnade flanked by double ranges of pillars; Anthol.
(Plan.), iv. 23.

"' Several names are given to these palatines or palace guards, but it
is not always certain which are collective and which special. Procopius
mentions the above; the Scholars were originally Armenians (Anecdot. ,
24, 26, etc.). Four distinct bodies can be collected from Const. Porph.,
De Cer. Aul. Codinus (p. 18) attributes the founding of their quarters
to Constantine; see Cod. Theod., VI, and Cod., XII. All the household
troops were termed Domestics, horse and foot ; Notit. Dig.

^ See Const. Porph., De Cer. Aul., passim, with Reiske's note on
the Candidati.

* Codin., p. 18; Chron. Pasch. (an. 532) calls them porticoes.

"■ See an illustration in Gori, Thesaur. Vet. Diptych. ; reduced in
Agincourt, op. ciL, ii, 12, also another in Montfaucon containing a female

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 5 1

Beyond Chalke, the term includes its dependencies, we
enter a court, colonnaded as usual, which leads on the
right to a small church dedicated to St. Stephen,^ the upper
galleries of which overlook the Hippodrome. On the left,
that is on the east of this court, is an octagonal hall, the first
chamber in a more secluded section of the palace called
Daphne.- It derives its name from a notable statue of
Daphne, so well known in Greek fable as the maiden who
withstood Apollo.^ On the domed roof of this second
vestibule stands a figure, representing the Fortune of the
the City, erected by Constantine.^ The palace of Daphne
contains the private reception rooms of the Emperor and
Empress, whose chief personal attendants are a band of
nobles entitled Silentiaries. The duty of these officers,

figure supposed to be the Empress Placidia Galla; III, i, p. 46 (but
Gori makes it a male figure !). The kiborion (a cup), also called kame-
laukion (literally a sort of head covering), was sometimes fixed, in which
case the columns might be of marble. Silver pillars are mentioned in
Const. Porph., op. cit., i, i ; cf. Texier and Pullan, op. cit., p. 135, a
cut of an elaborate silver kiborion. From Gori it may be seen that the
design of these state chairs is almost always that of a seat supported at
each of the front corners by a lion's head and claw, etc.

' Built by Constantine; Codin., p. 18,

- Another foundation of Constantine, clearly enough from Chron,
Pasch. (an. 328, p. 528), as Labarte remarks {op. cit., p. 137).

^ Codin., p. 100; it had been brought from Rome. I prefer this in-
digenous explanation to the surmise of Reiske (Const. Porph., op. cit.,
ii, p. 49), that it was here that the victors in the games received their
crowns of laurel (Aa^j r\) :

Nay, lady, sit; if I but wave this wand.
Your nerves are all bound up in alabaster,
And you a statue, or, as Daphne was,
Root-bound that fled Apollo.

Milton's Comus.

* Codin., p. loi ; the most likely position, as a surmise.

52 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

amongst whom Anastasius was included before his elevation
to the purple,^ is to keep order in the Imperial chambers.^
The terraces and balconies of Daphne, which face the west,
overlook the Hippodrome. Adjoining the Palace on the
south is an area fitted up as a private circus, which is used
by members of the Court for equestrian exercises.^

Passing through Daphne to the east we enter a further
court, and find ourselves opposite a third vestibule which,
being of a semi-elliptical form, is called the Sigma of the
Palace/ The division of the Imperial residence to which
this hall introduces us is specially the Sacred or " God-
guarded " Palace, because it contains the " sacred cubicle "
or sleeping apartment of the Emperor/ In this quarter a
numerous band of cubicularies or eunuchs of the bed-
chamber have their principal station, controlled by the
Praepositus of the sacred cubicle/ Here also are a crowd

' Jn. Malala, xvi; Zonaras, xiv, 3, etc.

^ Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 21, etc. " Thre^decurions marshalled
the thirty brilliantly armed Silentiaries who paced backwards and
forwards before the purple veil guarding the slumber of the sovereign";
Hodgkin, Cassiodorus, p. 88.

^ Codin. , p. lOl ; see the plans of Labarte and Paspates.

* Built by Constantine according to Codinus (p. 19) as emended by
Lambecius. The original palace extended eastward to the district called
ToTToi {ibid., p. 79), on the shore near the Bucoleon.

' The conception of the sanctity of the Emperor's person, which
originated in the adulation of the proconsuls of the eastern provinces by
the Orientals and in the subservience of the Senate to Augustus, attained
its height under Diocletian {c. 300), who first introduced at Court the
Oriental forms of adoration and prostration (Eutropius, ix, etc.). It was
probably even increased under the Christian emperors, and Theodosius I
was enabled to promulgate a law that merely to doubt the correctness
of the Emperor's opinion or judgement constituted a sacrilege (Cod. , IX,
xxix, 3, etc.).

® Cod. Theod., VI, viii; Cod., XII, v.

Constantinople in the Sixth Centttry 53

of vestiaries or dressers who are occupied with the royal
apparel, including females of various grades with similar
titles for the service of the Empress. At the eastern limit of
the Palace stands the Pharos, a beacon tower afterwards, if
not now, the first of a series throughout Asia Minor by
which signals were flashed to and from the capital.^ The
Tzykanisterion,^ Imperial Gardens, large enough to be called
a park, occupies a great part of the south-eastern corner of
the peninsula.^ It is surrounded, or rather fortified, by sub-
stantial walls which join the sea walls of the city on the east
and south/ The western section, which terminates on the
south near the palace of Hormisdas and Port Juhan, is
surmounted by a covered terrace named the Gallery of

'■ Theophanes, Cont., iv, 35; cf. Symeon, Mag., p. 681, where the
invention is ascribed to Bp. Leo of Thessalonica under Theophilus.
The stations by which an inroad of the Saracens was reported c. 800
are here given. Its use for signalling at this date cannot be asserted
definitely, but it was a relic of old Byzantium erected as a nautical light-
house; Ammianus, xxii, 8.

^ Codin., p. 81 ; the particular area to which this name was applied
seems to have been a polo ground; Theoph., Cont., v, 86, and Reiske's
note to Const. Porph., ii, p. 362. It was encompassed by flower gardens.

^ Marrast has given us his notion of these gardens at some length :
" Entre des haies de phyllyrea taillees de fajon de figurer des lettres
grecques et orientales, des Rentiers dalles de marbre aboutissaient a un
phialee entouree de douze dragons de bronze. . . . Une eau parfumee
en jaillissait et ruisselait par dessus les branches des palmiers et des
cedres dores jusqu'a hauteur d'homme. Des paons de la Chine, des
faisans et des ibis, volaient en liberie dans les arbres ou s'abattaient sur
le sol, seme d'un sable d'or apporte d'Asie a grands frais. " La vie
byzantine au VI' siecle, Paris, 1881, p. 67.

■' Labarte gives these walls, towers, etc. Doubtless the palace was
well protected from the first, but did not assume the appearance of an
actual fortress till the tenth century under Nicephorus Phocas; Leo
Diac. , iv, 6.

54 ^>^^ A£^(^ of Justinian and Theodora

Marcian,' the emperor who caused it to be constructed. A
detached edifice within this inclosure, close to the Bucoleon
Port, possesses considerable historical interest. It is called
the Porphyry Palace, and Constantine is said to have en-
joined on his successors that each empress at her lying-in
should occupy a chamber in this building.- Hence the
royal children are distinguished by the epithet of Porphyro-
geniti or "born in the purple." The edifice is square, and
the roof rises to a point like a pyramid. The walls and
floors are covered with a rare species of speckled purple
marble imported from Rome.^ Hence its name. All parts
of the Imperial palace are profusely adorned with statues,
some mythological, others historical, representing rulers of
the Empire, their families, or prominent statesmen and
generals. Chapels or oratories dedicated to various saints
are attached to every important section of the building/
The north side of the Augusteum, opposite the vestibule

^ Codin., p. 95 (?); Const. Porph., i, 21, etc. Probably a structure
like the elevated portico at Antioch mentioned by Theodoret, iv, 26.

^ Luitprand, Antapodosis, i, 6. A legend of a later age, no doubt,
which may be quietly interred with Constantine's gift to Pope Sylvester.
We hear nothing of it in connection with Arcadius, Theodosius II, etc.,
and it is only foreshadowed in 797 by a late writer (Cedrenus, ii, p. 27),
v.'ho would assume anything. The epithet became fashionable in the
tenth century. One writer thinks the name arose from a ceremonial gift
of purple robes to the wives of the court dignitaries at the beginning of
each winter by the empress ; Theoph., Cont., iii, 44.

^ Anna Comn., vii, 2.

* The archaeological student may refer to the elaborate reconstructions
by Labarte and Paspates of the palace as it existed in the tenth century.
Their conceptions differ considerably, the former writer being generally
in close accord with the literary indications. Paspates is too Procrustean
in his methods, and unduly desirous of identifying every recoverable
fragment of masonry. Their works are based almost entirely on the Book
of Ceremonies of Constantine VII, but even if such a manual existed for

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 55

of Chalke, is occupied by an oblong edifice with an arched
wooden roof/ the basiUca of St. Sophia,^ commonly
called the Great Church. The entrance faces the east,^ and
leads from a cloistered forecourt to a narrow hall, named
the nartliex, which extends across the whole width of the
church. The interior consists of a wide nave separated from
lateral aisles by rows of Corinthian columns, which support
a gallery on each side. At the end of the nave stands the
pulpit or ambo,^ approached by a double flight of steps, one
on each side. Behind the atnbo the body of the church is
divided from the Befna or chancel by a lofty carved screen,
decorated with figures of sacred personages, called later the
Iconostasis or image-stand. Three doors in the Iconostasis
lead to the Bema, which contains the altar,' a table of costly
construction enriched with gold and gems, and covered by
a large and handsome ciborium. The edifice is terminated
by an apse furnished with an elevated seat, which forms the

the date under consideration the historical reader would soon tire of an
exposition setting forth the order and decoration of a hundred chambers.

^ Codin., pp. 16, 130.

^ This name is understood to refer, not to a female saint, but to the
Holy Wisdom ("H "Ayia So^i'a), the Aoyoc, the Word, i.e., Christ; Pro-
copius, De Bel. Vand., i, 6, etc.

' Letheby and Swainson give good reasons for supposing that this
early church opened to the east; St. Sophia, etc., Lond., 1894, p. 17.
It was burnt in the time of Chrysostom, but apparently repaired without
alteration of design.

* Ambo, plainly from avaj3aivu>, to ascend, not, as some imagine,
from the double approach; Reiske, Const. Porph., ii, p. 112; Letheby
and S., op. cit., p. 53.

'' The gift of Pulcheria, presented as a token of the perpetual virginity
to which she devoted herself and her sisters; Sozomen, ix, i; Glycas,
iv, p. 495. The Emperor used to sit in the Bema, but St. Ambrose vin
dicated its sanctity to the priestly caste by expelling Theodosius I ;
Sozomen, vii, 25, etc.

56 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

throne of the Patriarch or Archbishop of Constantinople/
Light enters through mulHoned windows glazed with plates
of translucent marble. Every available space in the church
IS adorned with statues to the number of several hundreds,
the majority of them representing pagan divinities and per-
sonifications of the celestial signs. Among them is a nearly
complete series of the Roman emperors, whilst Helena, the
mother of Constantine, appears thrice over in different
materials, porphyry, silver, and ivory.^ Close to St. Sophia
on the north is the church of St. Irene, one of the earliest
buildings erected for Christian worship by Constantine. It
is usually called the Old Church.^ Between these two sacred
piles stands a charitable foundation, Sampson's Hospital,
practically a refuge for incurables reduced by disease to a
state of destitution.* Yet a third place of worship in this
locality to the north-west of the Great Church may be men-
tioned, Our Lady (Theotokos) of the Brassworkers, built in
a tract previously devoted to Jewish artisans of that class.'

On the east side of the Augusteum are situated two
important public buildings, viz., the Senate-house, and, to
the south of it, a palatial hall, the grand triclinium of
Magnaura." The latter stands back some distance from the

' Socrates, vi, 5 ; Sozomen, viii, 5.

^ Codin.,pp. 16,64. There is no systematic description of this church,
but the numerous references to it and an examination of ecclesiastical
remains of the period show clearly enough what it was ; see Texier and
Pullan, op. cit., p. 134, etc. ; Agincourt, op. cit., i, pi. iv, xvi; Eusebius,
Vit. Const., iv, 46, etc. It may have been founded by Constantine, but
was certainly dedicated by his son Constanlius in 360; Socrates, ii, 16.

^ Ibid. ' Procopius, De Aedific, i, 2, etc.

' Codin., p. 83; cf. IMordtmann, op. cit., p. 4.

^ We know little of the Magnaura or Great Hall {magna aula) at this
date, but its existence is certain; Chron. Paschal., an. 532. Codinus
says it was built by Constantine (p. 19).

Consta7itinople in the Sixth Century 5 7

square in an open space planted with trees/ and consists of
a pillared fagade, from whence we pass into a vast chamber
supported on marble columns. It is the largest of the State
reception rooms, and is the established rendezvous of
Imperial pageantry whenever it is desirable to overawe the
mind of foreign ambassadors.'

Next to Chalke on the west is placed the handsomest public
bath in the city, that of Zeuxippus, the most ambitious work
of Severus during his efforts at restoration.^ It is compassed
by ample colonnades which are conjoined with those of the
Palace,' and are especially notable for their wealth of
statuary in bronze and marble, dating from the best period
of Grecian art. Within and without, in the palatial halls and
chambers encrusted with marble and mosaic work, and in the
niches of the porticoes, are to be found almost all the gods
and goddesses, the poets, pohticians, and philosophers of
Greece and Rome, as celebrated by the Coptic poet Christo-
dorus in a century of epigrams.' Amongst these a draped
full-length figure of Homer is particularly admired : with his
arms crossed upon his breast, his hair and beard unkempt,
his brows bent in deep thought, his eyes fixed and expression-
less in token of blindness, the bard is represented as he
lived, absorbed in the creation of some sublime epic." The

^ Theophanes, Cont., v, 92, etc.

- Const. Porph., ii, 15. The author professes to draw his precepts
from the ancients, but his " antiquity " sometimes does not extend back-
wards for more than half a century.

^ Codin. , pp. 14, 36; Zonaras, xiv, 6, etc. Zeuxippus is either a
cognomen of Zeus or of the sun, or the name of a king of Megara ;
Chron. Paschal., an. 197, etc. ; Jn. Lydus, De Magist., iii, 70.

* Sozomen, iii, 9.

' Anthology (Planudes), v.

^ Cedrenus, i, p. 648; cf. Anthol. (Plan.), v, 61.

58 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

bath, or institution/ as it may properly be called, is brilliantly
illuminated during the dark hours of night and morning on
an improved system devised by the Praefect Cyrus Con-
stantine.'

On the west side of the Augusteum the ground is chiefly
taken up by a large covered bazaar, in which dress fabrics of
the most expensive kind, silks, and cloth of gold, are ware-
housed for sale to the Byzantine aristocracy. It is known as
the House of Lamps, on account of the multitude of lights
which are here ignited for the display of the goods after
nightfall.^ Close by is the Octagon, an edifice bordered by
eight porticoes. It contains a library and a lecture theatre,
and is the meeting-place of a faculty of erudite monks, who
constitute a species of privy council frequently consulted by
the Emperor.^ Preferment to the highest ecclesiastical
dignities is the recognized destiny of its members. In the
same vicinity is a basilica named the Royal Porch, wherein
is preserved a hbrary founded by the Emperor Julian." Here
principally judicial causes are heard, and its colonnades have
become the habitual resort of advocates, who for the
greater part of each day frequent the place in expectation of,
or consulting with, clients. "^

^ The vast baths of the Empire, as is well known, were evolved into
a kind of polytechnic institutes for study and recreation.

^ Chron. Pasch., an. 450. Artificial lighting was first introduced by
Alex. Severus; Hist. August. ; Cod.Theod., XV, i, 52 ; Cod., XI, i, i, etc.

^ Cedrenus, i, p. 648.

* Codin., p. 83; of. Mordtmann, op. cit., p. 66.

' Zosimus, iii, 11. It contained 120,000 volumes, the pride of the
library being a copy of Homer inscribed on the intestine of a serpent
120 feet long. The building, however, was gutted by fire in the reign of
Zeno; Zonaras, xiv, 2, etc.

'^ Suidas, sb. Menandro; Agathias, iii, i ; Procop., De Aedific, i, 11.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 59

In the open area of the Augusteum we may notice several
important monuments. South of St. Sophia are two silver
statues raised on pedestals, one on the west representing the
great Theodosius/ and another on the east opposite the
Senate-house, a female figure in a trailing robe, the Empress
Eudoxia, wife of Arcadius. This is the famous statue round
which the populace used to dance and sing so as to disturb
the church service in the time of Chrysostom, whose in-
vectives against the custom were deemed an insult by the
Court, and made the occasion of his deposition and banish-
ment.^ Adjoining is a third statue, that of Leo Macella,
elevated by means of a succession of steps, whereon popular
suitors for Imperial justice are wont to deposit their petitions.
These are regularly collected and submitted to the Emperor
for his decision, whence the monument is called the Pittakia
or petition-stone.'' Near the same spot is a fountain known
as the Geranium.* The most important structure, however,
is the Golden Milestone or Milion,' situated in the south-
west corner of the square. This is merely a gilded column
to mark the starting-point of the official measurement of
distances, which are registered systematically on mile-stones

^ Zonaras, xiv, 6; Marcellinus, Com., an. 390, etc.

^ Socrates, vi, 18; Theophanes, an. 398; Sozonien (viii, 20) says
merely an inaugural festival. The pedestal, with a bilingual inscription,
was uncovered of late years, precisely where we should expect it to have
stood, and yet Paspates (Bv^airtva kvaKropa, p. 95) in his map removes
it a quarter of a mile southwards to meet his reconstructive views, cf.
Mordtmann, op. cit., p. 64.

2 Codin., p. 35.

* Ibid., p. 19. There is now an Ottoman fountain on the same site.
In the case of doubtful identifications, I usually adopt the conclusions of
Mordtmann {op. cit., p. 64).

^ Milliarium Attreum (Notitia, Reg. 4). In imitation of that set up
by Augustus in the Roman Forum; Tacitus, Hist., i, 27, etc.

6o The Age of Jiistinian and Theodora

fixed along all the main roads of the Empire. But, in order
to signalize its position, a grand triumphal arch, quadrilateral,
with equal sides, and four entries, has been erected above it.
The arch is surmounted by figures of Constantine and his
mother holding a great cross between them. This group is
of such magnitude that it is not dwarfed by equestrian statues
of Trajan and Hadrian, which are placed behind it.^ Beneath
the arch a flying group, representing the chariot of the Sun,
drawn by four flame-coloured horses, is elevated upon two
lofty pillars.^

The Hippodrome or Circus commences near the Milion,
whence it stretches southwards towards the sea and terminates
in the vicinity of the Sigma of Julian,^ a crescentic portico
verging on the harbour of that name. It is an artificially
constructed racecourse having an external length of about a
quarter of a mile, and a breadth of nearly half that distance.
This elongated space, straight on the north and round at the
opposite end, is contained within a corniced wall decorated
outside with engaged Corinthian columns, thirty feet in
height.* Owing to the declivity of the ground as it sinks
towards the shore, the circular portion of the architectural

^ Cedrenus, i, p. 564; Codin., pp. 28, 35, 168, etc. Byzantios and
Paspates speak of an upper storey supported by seven pillars, on the
strength of some remains unearthed in 1848, but the situation does not
seem to apply to this monument as at present located ; see also Gros-
venor [op. cit., p. 298) for an illustration of the figures.

^ Codin., p. 40. Removed to Hippodrome, perhaps, at this date. In
any case the scrappy and contradictory records only allow of a tentative
restoration of the Milion. Close by was the death-place of Arius, in re-
spect of whom, with Sabellius and other heretics, Theodosius I set up a
sculptured tablet devoting the spot to public defilement with excrement,
etc. {ibid. ). Such were the manners and fanaticism of the age.

^ Zosimus, iii, il.

* Gyllius, De Topog. CP., ii, 13.

Constantinople m the Sixth Century 6 1

boundary is supported on arcades which gradually diminish
in altitude on each side as they approach the centre of the
inclosure.^ Interiorly, except at the straight end, a sloping
series of marble benches ^ runs continuously round the arena,
the level of which is maintained in the sphoidotie or rounded
part by the vaulted substructions based on the incHne of the
hill.' The northern extremity is flanked by a pair of towers,
between which, on the ground level, lies the Manganon,*
ofifices for the accommodation of horses, chariots, and chariot-
eers. Above the Manganon is placed the Kathisma,' the
name given to the seat occupied in state by the Emperor,

^ The method of construction can be seen in the sketch of the ruins
(r. 1350) brought to light by Panvinius (De Ludis Circens., Verona,
1600) and reproduced by Banduri and Montfaucon. As to whether the
intercolumnar spaces were adorned with statues we have no information.
The wealth of such works of art at Constantinople would render it ex-
tremely likely. Cassiodorus says the statues at Rome were as numerous
as the living inhabitants (Var. Ep., xv, 7). We know from existing coins
that the Coliseum was so ornamented (see Maffei, Degl' Amfitheatri,
Verona, 1728; Panvinius, £>/. «V., etc.). High up there appears to have
been a range of balconies all round (Cod. Theod., XV, i, 45).

- They were of wood till 498, when they were burnt, but what time
restored in marble is unknown; Chron. Pasch., an. 498; Buondelmonte,
Descript. Urb. CP., 1423.

^ Codin., p. 14, etc. These substructions still exist; Grosvenor, op.
cit., p. 303.

* Const. Porph. , op. cit., ii, 20; Nicetas Chon., De Man. Com., iii,
5. Eight, or perhaps twelve, open-barred gates separated the Manganon
(more often in the plural, Mangana) from the arena ; see the remains in
the engraving of Panvinius.

^ Const. Porph., i, 68, 92, etc. ; Agincourt, op. cit., ii, pi. 10. The
latter gives copies of bas-reliefs in which the Emperor is shown sitting in
his place in the Circus (see below). Procopius calls it simply the throne;
De Bel. Pers., i, 24; cf. Jn. Malala, p. 320; Chron. Pasch., an. 498.
Originally, it appears, merely the seat or throne, but afterwards the
whole tribunal or edifice.

62 The Age of Jtcstinian and Theodora

when viewing the races. It is situated in a covered balcony
or lodge fronted by a low balustrade, and is surrounded by
an ample space for the reception of guards and attendant
courtiers. In advance of the Kathisma, but on a lower level,
is a square platform sustained by marble columns called the
Stama, which is the station of a company of Imperial guards
with standard-bearers.^ Behind the Kathisma is a suite of
retiring rooms, from whence a winding staircase " leads, by
the gallery of St. Stephen's chapel, to the colonnades of
Daphne. This is the royal route to the Circus.' The whole
of the edifice superimposed on the Manganon is named the
Palace of the Kathisma or of the Hippodrome.^ A narrow
terrace constructed in masonry, about three feet high, extends
along the centre of the arena equidistant from all parts of the
peripheral boundary. This Spine, as it was called in the old
Roman nomenclature, but now renamed the Euripus,' serves

^ Const. Porph., i, 9, 92. It was also called the Pi (11) from its shape ;
ibid., i, 69.

* Named the Cochlea or snail-shell; it seems to have been a favourite
gangway for assassinating obnoxious courtiers; Jn. Malala, p. 344;
Chron. Pasch., an. 380; Theophanes, an. 5969; Codin., p. 112, etc.

' Const. Porph., i, 68; of. Procop., De Bel. Pers., i, 24.

* Const. Porph., i, 63; Codin., p. 100. The Circus, begun by Seve-
rus, was finished by Constantine; Codin., pp. 14, 19; see Ducange,
sb. nom.

^ Euripus {ESf)t7rof)- I- The narrow strait at Chalcis, said to ebb and
flow seven times a day; Strabo, x, 2; Suidas, sb. v. II. Tr. Any arti-
ficial ornamental pool or channel, partic. if oblong; see refs. in Latin
Diets., esp. Lewis and S. III. A canal round the area of the Roman
Circus, to shield the spectators from the attack of infuriated beasts; de-
vised apparently by Tarquinius Priscus; Dionysius Hal., iii, 68; rather
by Julius Caesar, and abolished by Nero; Pliny, H. N., viii, 7, etc.
IV. Restored by, or in existence under, Elagabalus as a pool in the
centre; Hist. Aug., 23; so Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., iii, 51; Jn. Malala,
vii, p. 175 (whence Chron. Pasch., Olymp., vii, p. 208; Cedrenus, i,

Constantinople in the Sixth Centtwy 63

to divide the track of departure from that of return. It is
adorned from end to end with a range of monuments of great
diversity. In the middle stands an Egyptian obelisk, inscribed
with the usual hieroglyphs, resting on four balls sustained in
turn by a square pedestal. An inscription at the bottom of
the pedestal, illustrated by diagrams, exhibits the engineering
methods adopted under the great Theodosius for the erection
of the monolith on its present site; higher up elaborate
sculptures show the Emperor in his seat presiding at the
games.^ Farther to the south is a still loftier column of the
same shape, covered with brass plates, called the Colossus.^
Intermediately is the brazen pillar, ravished from the temple
of Delphi, composed of the twisted bodies of three serpents,
whose heads formerly supported the golden tripod dedicated
to Apollo by the Grecian states in memory of the defeat of
the Persians at Plateia.^ The names of the subscribing com-

p. 258) ; Lyons and Barcelona mosaics (see Daremberg and S. Diet.
Antiq. ). V. The name tr. to whole Spine by Byzantines; Jn. Lydus,
De Mens., i, 12, YApi-Koi^ u)vo\iaaQr) ») \.ii(!ov rov 'nnroSpoij,ov KpijTric ;
Const. Porph., op. cit., pp. 338, 345; Cedrenus, ii, p. 343, etc. Labarte
seems strangely to have missed all but one of the numerous allusions to
the Euripus ; op. cit., p. 53. This note is necessary, as no one seems to
have caught the later application of the name.

^ This monument still exists ; see Agincourt, loc. cit. , for reproduction
of the sculptures, etc.

^ Notitia, Col. Civ. This name was not bestowed on it by Gyllius,
as Labarte thinks (p. 50). It remains in position in a dilapidated con-
dition; see Grosvenor, op. cit., p. 320, etc.

' Also in evidence at the present day; see Grosvenor's photographs
of the three, pp. 320, 380. It is mentioned by Herodotus (ix, 80) ; and
by Pausanias (x, 13), who says the golden tripod was made away with
before his time. Some of the Byzantines, however, seem to aver that
Constantine had regamed possession of that memorial ; Eusebius, Vit.
Const., iii, 54; Codin., p. 55; Zosimus; ii, 31, etc. It appears that the
defacement of this monument was carried out methodically during a

64 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

munities can still be read engraved on the folds of the snakes.
Adjacent is a lofty pillar bearing the figure of a nymph with
flowing robes, who holds forth a mail-clad knight mounted on
horseback with one hand.' Near the south end is a fountain
or bath with a central statue, known as the Phial of the
Hippodrome." Contiguous is an aedicule raised on four
pillars, in which is displayed the laurelled bust of the reign-
ing Emperor.^ Above the obelisk, on a column, is a celebrated
statue of Hercules Trihesperus by Lysippus; the hero of

nocturnal incantation under Michael III, c. 835. At the dead of night
"three strong men," each armed with a sledge-hammer, stood over it
('El/ role *'C '■"*' EvpiTTov (see p. 62) rov 'nrTroopofiiov xc^koTc avSpiaaiv
iXtytTo TiQ tlvai av8piag rpia't Sia/xopcpovfiEi'OQ KeibaXcng) prepared to knock
off the respective heads on the signal being given by an unfrocked abbot.
The hammers fell, two of the heads rolled to the ground, but the third
was only partly severed, the lower jaw, of course, remaining; Theoph. ,
Cont, p. 650; Cedrenus, ii, p. 145. On the capture of the city in 1453
the fragment left was demolished by Mahomet II with a stroke of his
battle-axe to prove the strength of his arm on what was reputed to be a
talisman of the Greeks; Thevenot, Voyage au Levant, etc., 1664,1, 17,
" la maschoire d'embas. " So history, as it seems, has given itself the
trouble to account for the mutilation of this antique. I must note, how-
ever, that neither Buondelmonte, Gyllius, Busbecq, Thevenot, norSpon,
has described the damages it had sustained at the time they are supposed
to have contemplated the relic. See also Grosvenor, op. cit., p. 381,
whose account is scarcely intelligible and is not based on references to
any authorities.

^ Nicetas Chon., De Signis CP. This figure appears to be delineated
in the plate of Panvinius, which, however, is not very reliable, as both
the Colossus and the Serpent-pillar are absent from it.

^ Codin. , p. 124. Probably, and supplanted at a later date by one of
Irene Attica. This is the literal Euripus.

^ Theophanes, an. 699. That the Empress sat in this lodge to view
the races (Buondelmonte) is beyond all credence, nor is there any au-
thority for placing it to one side among the public seats (Grosvenor's
diagram), where her presence would be equally absurd. Her bust may
have appeared in it beside that of her husband. It is clearly indicated in

Constantinople in the Sixth Centiuy 65

colossal size, in a downcast mood seated on his lion's hide/
There are also several pyramids in various positions along
the Spine as well as numerous figures of famous charioteers
interspersed among the other ornaments.^ To these are to be
added the necessary furniture of the Spine of a Roman Circus,
viz., the narrow stages raised on a pair of pillars at each end,
the one supporting seven ovoid bodies, by the removal or re-
placing of which the spectators at both extremities are en-
abled to see how many laps of the course have been travelled
over by the chariots; the other, seven dolphins,^ ornamental
waterspouts through which water is pumped into the Phial
beneath.' At each end of the Euripus are the usual triple
cones,' figured with various devices, the "goals " designed to
make the turning-points of the arena conspicuous. Over the
Manganon, on each side external to the Kathisma, are a pair
of gilded horses removed by Theodosius II from the Isle of

its true place on the engineering sculptures of the Theodosian column
(see above).

^ Nicetas Chon., De Alexio, iii, 4; De Signis; Codin. , p. 39. First
at Tarentum ; Plutarch, in Fabius Max. , etc. To the knee it measured
the height of an ordinary man.

^ Nicetas Chon., De Signis; also celebrated by Christodorus, Antho-
logy, loc. cit.

^ The eggs in honour of Castor and Pollux; Tertullian, De Spec-
taculis, 8:

^LaoTopa G' 'nnr65a[Jiov Kai nv^ dyaGov IluXvStvKea.

Iliad, iii.

The dolphins probably referred to Neptune, to whom the horse was
sacred.

* See Lyons and Barcelona mosaics as referred to above.

' See the coins, etc., in Panvinius, which show that these cones with
their stands were about fifteen to twenty feet high Sometimes they
rested on the ends of the Spina, at others on separate foundations three
or four feet off it.

66 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

Chios.^ The Podium, or lower boundary of the marble benches,
is elevated about twelve feet above the floor of the arena by
a columnar wall ; ^ at the upper limit of these seats a level
terrace or promenade is carried completely round the Circus.
This walk is crowded with statues in brass and stone, many
of them inscribed with their place of origin, from whence
they have been carried off.^ A number of them are deserving
of special mention : a bronze eagle with expanded pinions
rending a viper with its talons, and engraved with mystic
symbols beneath the wings, said to have been erected by the
arch-charlatan or illusionist, Apollonius Tyaneus, as a charm
against the serpents which infested Byzantium;^ a group re-
presenting the semi-piscine Scylla devouring the companions
of Ulysses, who had been engulfed by Charybdis;" the figure
of a eunuch named Plato, formerly a Grand Chamberlain,
removed from a church notwithstanding a prohibition cut on
the breast: " May he who moves me be strangled "; ^ a man
driving an ass, set up by Augustus at Actium in memory of
his having met, the night before that battle, a wayfarer thus
engaged, who, on being questioned, replied, " I am named
Victor, my ass is Victoria, and I am going to Caesar's camp ; "^
the infants Romulus and Remus with their foster-mother

^ Nicetas Chon., De Man. Comn., iii, 5; Codin., pp. 53, 192. They
were brought to Venice by the Crusaders in 1204, and now stand before
the cathedral of St. Mark ; Buondelmonte, loc. cit. A much longer
pedigree is given by some accounts (Byzantios, op. cit., i, p. 234), from
Corinth to Rome by Mummius, and thence to CP. by Constantine.
They even had a journey to Paris under Napoleon.

^ Grosvenor, op. cit., p. 351. Some remains of it are still visible.

^ Codin., p. 54. * Nicetas Chon., loc. cit.

^ Ibid., Codin., p. 54. ^ Ibid., p. 31.

' Nicetas Chon., De Signis: Ka\ou//ai N<(cwv (cat 6 uvoc, IsiKavopoc,
K.T.X. Cf. Plutarch, Antony.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 67

the wolf;^ a Helen of the rarest beauty, her charms enhanced
by the most captivating dress and ornaments; a factitious
basihsk crushing an asp between its teeth ; a hippopotamus,
a man grapphng with a Hon, several sphinxes," a well-known
hunchback in a comic attitude,^ statues of emperors on foot
and on horseback, and various subjects from pagan mythology,
the whole representing the spoliation of more than a score of
cities looted in time of peace at the caprice of a despot'
Four handsome arched gateways, two on each side, with con-
taining towers,' give the public access to the interior of the
Hippodrome/ That on the south-east is named the Gate of
the Dead,^a term which originated at the time when a special
entry was reserved for removing the bodies of those slain in
the fatal, but now obsolete, combats of gladiators. The
Sphendone, however, is now frequently used for the execution
of offenders of rank, not always criminal, and this portal has
still, therefore, some practical right to its name." When neces-
sary, the Circus can be covered with an awning as a protection
against the sun or bad weather.^

1 Ibid. 2 Ibid. 3 codin., p. 53.

* Jerome, Chronicon, an. 325. CP. "dedicatur pane omnium urbiuni
nuditate." This Saint, however, is somewhat given to hyperbole.

* See the various illustrations in Panvinius.

*" We hear nothing of votnitoria, approaches beneath the seats to the
various positions, nor do we know how the large space under the incline
of benches was occupied. At Rome, in the Circus Maximus, there were
"dark archways" in this situation, which were let out to brothel-
keepers; Hist. August, sb. Heliogabalo, 26, etc. In the time of Valens,
however, a record office was established here; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr.,
iii, 19.

^ Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24.

** Ducange, op. cit., i, p. 104; a collection of instances.

^ Const. Porph., loc. cit. At Rome such awnings were decorated to
resemble the sky with stars, etc.

68 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

From the western arch of the Milion we enter the Mese,
that is, the Middle, Main, or High Street of the city, which
traverses the whole town from east to west with a southerly
inclination between the Augusteum and the Golden Gate.
It is bounded in almost all of its course by porticoes said to
have been constructed by Eubulus, one of the wealthy Ro-
mans who were induced to migrate by Constantine. The
same patrician gifted the city with two other colonnades
which extend for a considerable distance along the eastern
portion of the north and south shores.' The Mese proceeds
at first between the north of the Hippodrome and the Judicial
or Royal Basilica with the adjacent buildings already men-
tioned. Contiguous to the Royal Porch is a life-size statue
of an elephant with his keeper, erected by Severus to com-
memorate the fact that the animal had killed a money- changer,
who was afterwards proved dishonest, to avenge the death
of his master.^ Near the western flank of the Circus is the
Palace of Lausus, said to be one of those reared by Con-
stantine to allure some of the Roman magnates to reside
permanently in his new capital.^ Subsequently, however, it
was transformed into an inn for the public entertainment of
strangers.* In its vestibule and galleries were collected many
gems of Grecian statuary, but most of these have been de-
stroyed by the great fire which raged in this quarter under
Zeno.' Amongst them were the celebrated Venus of Cnidos
in white marble, a nude work of Praxiteles;'' the Lindian
Athene in smaragdite; the Samian Hera of Lysippus ; a

' Codin., pp. 20, 22; part previously bj' Severus; Zosimus, ii, 30.
2 Codin., p. 39. ' Ibid., p. 37.

•* Cedrenus, p. 564. ^ Ibid,, p. 616; Zonaras, xiv, 2.

^ Resembling, if not the prototype of, the Venus dei Medici; see
Lucian, Amores.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 69

chryselephantine, or ivory and gold statue of Zeus by Phidias,
which Pericles placed in the temple at Olympia; ' an alle-
gorical figure of Time by Lysippus, having hair on the frontal
part of the head, but with the back bald ; and also many fig-
ures of animals, including a cameleopard.'

Proceeding onwards for about a quarter of a mile we pass
on our right the Argyropratia, that is, the abode of the silver-
smiths,'' and arrive at the Forum of Constantine, which
presents itself as an expansion of the Mese. This open space,
the most signal ornament of Constantinople, is called pre-
scriptively the Forum; and sometimes, from its finished
marble floor, " The Pavement." Two lofty arches of white
Proconnesian marble, opposed to each other from east to
west, are connected by curvilinear porticoes so as to inclose
a circular area/ From its centre rises a tall porphyry column
bound at intervals with brazen laurel wreaths. This pillar is
surmounted by a figure of Constantine with the attributes
of the Sun-god, his head resplendent with a halo of gilded
rays.^ The mystic Trojan Palladium, furtively abstracted
from Rome, is buried beneath the monument, on the base
of which an inscription piously invokes Christ to become the
guardian of the city." The sculptural decorations of this

^ See Pausanias, v, 12. ^ Cedrenus, loc. cit.

^ Theophanes, an. 6024.

* Zosimus, ii, 30; Codin., p. 41. Said to have been designed to the
size and shape of Constantine's tent, which was pitched here when he
took Byzantium from Licinius.

' Ibid. ; Jn. Malala, p. 320; Zonaras, xiii, 3, etc. Really a statue of
Apollo taken from Heliopolis in Phrygia and refurbished.

' Ibid. ; Cedrenus, i, p. 565. The blending of Paganism and Christianity
is an interesting phase in the evolution of Constantine's theology. The
crosses of the two thieves were also reputed to have been stowed here
till removed to a safer place by Theodosius I ; also a part of the true
cross; Socrates, i, 17 ; Codin., p. 30. Curiously enough, this Forum has

70 The Age of Justmian a7id Theodora

Forum are very numerous : the Fortune of the City, called
Anthusa, was originally set up here, and adored with blood-
less sacrifices ;' a pair of great crosses inscribed with words
of the Creed and Doxology are erected on opposite sides;
Constantine with his mother Helena, and a pair of winged
angels form a group about the one, whilst the sons of the
same emperor surround the other." Here also may be seen
Athene, her neck encircled by snakes emanating from the
Gorgon's head fixed in her aegis; Amphitrite distinguished
by a crown of crab's claws ; a dozen statues of porphyry ranged
in one portico, and an equal number of gilded sirens or sea-
horses in the other; and lastly the bronze gates bestowed by
Trajan on the temple of Diana at Ephesus, embossed with a
series of subjects illustrating the theogonies of Greece and
Rome. These latter adorn the entrance to the original
Senate-house which is situated on the south side of the Forum.'
If we diverge from the Mese sHghtly to the north-east
of the Pavement, we shall enter a large square named the
Strategium, from its forming a parade-ground to the barracks
of the Palatine troops.* Amongst several monuments a
Theban obelis'k conspicuously occupies the middle place,'
but the most striking object is an equestrian figure of Con-

been confounded with the Augusteum both by Labarte and Paspates, a
mistake ahnost incredible in the latter, a resident, considering that the
pillar of Constantine still exists in a scarred and mutilated condition ;
hence known as the " Burnt Pillar," and called by the Turks " Djem-
berli Tash," or Hooped Stone ; see Grosvenor, op. cit., p. 374, etc.

^ Jn. Malala, loc. cit. ; Codin., pp. 44, 180.

'■* Ibid., pp. 28, 68 ; Cedrenus, ii, p. 564.

^ Notitia, Reg. 6 ; Cedrenus, i, p. 565. It had been burnt down
previous to this date, but seems to have been restored.

' Codin., p. 48,

'" Notitia, Reg. 5; Gyllius, Do Top. CP., iii, i.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 7 1

stantine with the pillar alongside it by which Constanti-
nople is officially declared to be a second Rome/ This local-
ity is associated in historic tradition with Alexander the
Great, of whom it contains a commemorative statue." From
hence he is said to have started on his expedition against
Darius after holding a final review of his forces. On this
account it was chosen by Severus as a permanent site for
military quarters.^ The public prison is also located in this
square.*

Continuing our way beneath the piazzas of the Mese be-
yond the Forum of Constantine we reach the district known
as the Artopolia or public bakeries which lie to the north of
the main street. A strange group of statuary, allegorizing
the fecundity of nature, is collocated in this region, viz., a
many-headed figure in which the faces of a dozen animals
are seen in conjunction; amongst them are those of a lion,
an eagle, a peacock, a ram, a bull, a crow, a mouse, a hare,
a cat, and a weasel. This eccentric presentment is flanked
by a pair of marble Gorgons.' Adjacent we may also observe
a paved area in which a cross stands conspicuously on a
pillar, another record of the hybrid piety of Constantine."

Farther on by a couple of furlongs is the great square of
Taurus, also called the Forum of Theodosius, through its
being specially devoted to memorials of that prince. It covers
an oblong space, extending from level ground on the south
up the slope of the third hill, the summit of which it includes

' Socrates, i, i6. "^ Codin., p. 48.

"^ Jn. Malala, p. 292. * Codin., p. 76.

'• Codin., pp. 41, 170. It fell into decay and was, perhaps, removed
before this date ; cf. Mordtmann, p. 69 ; one of the Gorgons was dug up
in 1870.

® Codin., p. 40.

72 The Age of Jristinian and Theodora

in its northern limit. ^ This eminence, in accordance with the
conception of making Constantinople a counterpart of Rome,
is called the Capitol, and is occupied by an equivalent of the
Tabularium, that is, by a building which contains the
Imperial archives.^ Similarly, this site has been chosen for
an edifice composed of halls and a lecture-theatre assigned
to a faculty of thirty professors appointed by government to
direct the liberal studies of the youth of the capital — in short,
for the University, as we may call it, of Constantinople/ The
principal monument in Taurus is the column of Theodosius
I, the sculptural shaft of which illustrates in an ascending
spiral the Gothic victories of that Emperor.' But the eques-
trian statue which originally crowned this pictured record of
his achievements, having been overthrown by an earthquake,
has lately been replaced by a figure of the unwarlike
Anastasius." To the north of this column, on a tetrapyle or
duplex arch, Theodosius the Less presides over the titular
Forum of his grandfather.'* But in the fading memory of the
populace the figure of this Emperor is already confounded

^ See Mordtmann, op. cit., p. 69, and Map.

* Evidenced by the discovery of a swarm of leaden bullae, or seals for
official documents, about 1877 ; ibid., p. 70. But in the sixth century the
legal records from the time of Valens were kept in the basement of the
Hippodrome; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 19.

' Cod. Theod., XIV, ix, 3, with Godfrey's commentary. The Turkish
Seraskierat has taken the place of Taurus.

^ Cedrenus, i, p. 566 ; Codin., p. 42, etc. The chronographists think
it particularly necessary to mention that this pillar was pervious by means
of a winding stair. In a later age, when the inscriptions on the base be-
came illegible, they were supposed to be prophecies of the future con-
quest of Constantinople by the Russians.

' Marcell., Com., an. 480, 506; Zunaras, xiv, 4.

" Dethier, op. cit., p. 14 ; he discovered a few letters of the epigram
(Anthology, Plan., iv, 4) on a fragment of an arch ; cf. Cedrenus, i,
p. 566.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 73

with a horseman said to have been abstracted from Antioch,
whom some imagine to be Jesus Nava/ and others Bellero-
phon.^ Facing each other from east to west on opposite
sides of the square are arches supporting figures of those
degenerate representatives of the Theodosian dynasty, Ar-
cadius and Honorius.'' To the western of these arches we
may observe that an assortment of troublesome insects,
counterfeited in brass, have been carefully affixed — another
charm of Apollonius Tyaneus intended to protect the
inhabitants against such diminutive pests.* In this vicinity
is also a palace, built by Constantine, in which strangers from
all parts are hospitably entertained without expense or
question.'

From the west side of Taurus we may perceive the great
aqueduct of Valens, which crosses the third valley, and is here
conjoined with the &i\&i Nymphaeum^z. decorative public hall
built around a fountain.^ Several of these Nymphaea exist in
the city, and they are often made use of for private enter-
tainments, especially nuptial festivals, by citizens who have
not sufficient space for such purposes in their own homes.''
The water supply of the town is under the care of a special
Consul, and very stringent laws are in force to prevent waste
or injury to the structures necessary for its storage and

^ The favourite Byzantine appellation for Joshua the son of Nun.

- Ibid. ; Nicetas Chon., De Signis, 4.

^ Codin., p. 42. * Ibid., p. 1 24.

° Ibid., pp. 42, 74; see Anthology (Plan.), iv, 22, for two epigrams
which give some idea of the scope of these Xenodochia.

* Notitia, Reg. 10.

^ Cedrenus, i, p. 610 ; Zonaras, xiv, i ; sufficiently corroborated by
Cod., VIII, xii, 21, and not a mere assumption arising out of the simi-
larity of wfifalov to vvix<l>T], a bride, as argued by some commentators.
Fountains were sacred to the Nymphs ; see Ducange, CP. Christ, sb. voc.

74 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

distribution.^ With the exception, however, of that of Valens,
aerial aqueducts (so conspicuous at Rome) have not been
carried near to, or within, the walls of Constantinople; and
subterranean pipes of lead or earthenware are the usual means
of conveying the precious liquid from place to place. ^ The
public cisterns are in themselves a striking architectural
feature of the city. Some of these are open basins, but many
of them possess vaulted roofs, upborne by hundreds of
columns whose capitals are sculptured in the varied styles of
Byzantine art.^ Most of these receptacles for water are
distinguished by special names; thus, beneath the Sphendone
of the Hippodrome, we have the Cold cistern,* and near to
the palace or hospice of Lausus the Philoxenus, or Travellers'
Friend.^ By a law of Theodosius II, the wharf dues, paid for
the use of the various stairs on the Golden Horn, are applied
to the repair of the aqueducts, the supply of water from which
is free to the public." In connection with the cisterns a group
of three storks in white marble is pointed out as a further

' See the title De Aqueductu in both Codes and Godfrey's com-
mentary.

- This aqueduct seems to have been built originally by Hadrian, re-
stored by Valens, who used for the purpose the walls of Chalcedon as a
punishment for that town having taken the part of the usurper Pro-
copius, and again restored by Theodosius I. Hence it is denoted by the
names of each of these emperors at different times ; Socrates, iv, 8 ;
Zonaras, xiii, i6; and the Codes, loc. cit.

' Chrysoloras, loc. cit., etc. * Codin., p. 14.

'" Ibid., p. 21 ; Byzantios, op. cit., i, p. 262. Still existing in a dry
state, and occupied by silk weavers. Most probably the name arises
from its having been founded by a patrician Philoxenus; the Turks cal
it Bin berderek, meaning 1,001 columns ; see Grosvenor, op. cit., p. 366.

" Cod., XI, xlii, 7 : "It would be execrable," remarks Theodosius II,
"if the houses of this benign city had to pay for their water." By a
constitution of Zeno every new patrician was to pay 100 lb. of gold to-
wards the maintenance of the aqueducts ; Cod., XLI, iii, 3.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 75

result of the fruitful visit of ApoUonius Tyaneus to Byzantium ;
owing to the district becoming infested by serpents, flocks
of these birds were attracted hither, and caused a terrible
nuisance through having contracted a habit of casting the
dead bodies of the reptiles into the water reservoirs; but the
erection of this monument speedily achieved their perpetual
banishment from the city.^

If we step aside a short distance from Taurus, both on the
north and south sides, we shall in each case come upon an
interesting monument, r. On the far side of the Capitol,
overlooking the Zeugma, on a marble pillar, is a noted statue
of Venus, which marks the site of the only lupanar permitted
by Constantine to exist in his new capital.^ Around, each
secluded within its curtained lattice, are a series of bowers
consecrated to the illicit, or rather mercenary, amours of the
town. The goddess, however, who presides here is credited
with a remarkable leaning towards chastity; for, it is believed,
that if a wife or maid suspected of incontinence be brought
to this statue, instead of denying her guilt, she will by an
irresistible impulse cast off her garments so as to give an
ocular proof of her shamelessness.' 2. To the south, elevated
on four pillars, is a lofty pyramid of bronze, the apex of

^ Codin., p. 9.

^ Forty of these at Rome ; Notitia (Romae), Col. Civ.

' Codin., p. 50; cf. Cedrenus, ii, p. 107. "Hypnotic suggestion"
might account for some displays of this kind, and create a popular belief
in the test, which in most instances, however, would be more likely to
prove a convenient method of varnishing a sullied reputation. Near the
Neorium was a shelter called the Cornuted Porch, in which St. Andrew,
the apostle assigned by tradition to these regions, was supposed to have
taught. It took its name from a four-horned statue in the vicinity, which
had the credit of evincing its disapproval of an incontinent wife by turn-
ing three times round on its pedestal if such a one were brought into
its presence; Codin., p. 119.

76 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

which sustains a female figure pivoted so as to turn with every
breath of wind. The surfaces of the pyramid are decorated
with a set of much admired bas-rehefs; on one side a sylvan
scene peopled with birds depicted in flight or song; on
another a pastoral idyl representing shepherds piping to their
flocks, whilst the lambs are seen gambolling over the green;
again, a marine view with fishers casting their nets amid
shoals offish startled and darting in all directions; lastly, a
mimic battle in which mirthful bands of Cupids assault each
other with apples and pomegranates. This elaborate vane,
which is visible over a wide area, is known as the Anemodii-
lion, or Slave of the Winds.^

Beyond Taurus the Mese leads us to the Philadelphiuni,
a spot dedicated to brotherly love and embellished by a group
representing the three sons of Constantine in an affectionate
attitude. The monument commemorates the last meeting of
these noble youths, who, on hearing of the death of their
father, encountered each other here prior to assuming the
government of their respective divisions of the Empire.^
Opposite is another group of the same princes, who ultimately
destroyed each other, erected by Constantine himself with
the usual accompaniment of a large gilt cross. ^ A few paces
farther on, our route is again interrupted by a square, the
entrance to which is marked by a Tetrapyle, or arch of four

' Cedrenus (i, p. 565) attributes it to Theodosius I, Codinus (p. 108)
to Leo Isaurus; Nicetas Chon. (De .Signis) laments its destruction with-
out mentioning the founder.

^ Legendary apparently. They really met in Pannonia; Julian, Orat.

^ Codin., pp. 43, 44, 182, 188. The Philadelphium was considered to
be the fttuonpaXof; or middle of the city. The numerous crosses set up
by Constantine are supposed to refer to the cross which he is said to
have seen in the sky near Rome before his victory over Maxentius — a
fiction, or an afterthought, but whose?

Constantinople in the Sixth Century "]"]

portals, executed in brass. Above the first gateway is afifixed
a significant symbol, namely, a modius or measure for wheat
standing between a pair of severed hands. It records the
punishment by Valentinian I of an unjust dealer who ignored
his law that corn should be sold to the people with the mea-
sure heaped up to overflowing.^ The Forum on which the
Tetrapyle opens is called the Amastrianuni, perhaps from a
wanderer belonging to Amastris in Paphlagonia, who was
found dead on this spot.^ It is the usual place of public
execution for the lower classes, whether capital or by mutila"
tion.^ This square, which is close to the streamlet Lycus,* is
no exception to the rule that such open spaces should be
crowded with statues. Among them we may notice the Sun-
god in a marble chariot, a reclining Hercules, shells with
birds resting on the rim, and nearly a score of dragons.'

Yet two more open spaces on the Mese arrest our progress
as we proceed to the Golden Gate. The first is the Forum
of the Ox, which contains a colossal quadruped of that species
brought hither from Pergamus.*' This is in reality a brazen
furnace for the combustion of malefactors condemned to
perish by fire, and has the credit of having given some mar-
tyrs to the Church, especially under the Emperor Julian.^
Farther on is the last square we shall find it necessary to view,
the Forum of Arcadius, founded by that prince,* Its dis-

^ Codin., pp. 45, 65. ^ Cedrenus, i, p. 566.

^ Ibid. ; Anna Comn., xii, 6.

* Codin., p. 45. Unless the course of the brook has altered, the
Amastrianum should be more to the south or west than shown on
Mordtmann's map.

' Codin., pp. 45, 172; forming some kind of boundary or inclosure
perhaps.

" Cedrenus, i, p. 566. '' Ibid.; Codin., pp. 44, 173.

® Theophanes, an. 5895, etc.; cf. Chron. Paschal., an. 421.

78 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

tinguishing monument is a column similar in every way to
that in Taurus/ but the silver statue which surmounts it is
the figure of Arcadius himself.^ We are now on the top of
the Xerolophos, and the colonnades which lead hence to the
walls of Theodosius are named the Porticus Troadenses?
But about halfway to the present Imperial portal we pass
through the original Golden Gate/ a landmark which has
been spared in the course of the old walls of Constantine.
The extensive tract added by Theodosius II to the interior
of the city was formerly the camping ground of the seven
bodies of Gothic auxiliaries, and for that reason was divided
into seven districts, denoted numerically from south to north.
The whole of this quarter is now spoken of as the Exokion-
iofi, that is, the region outside the Pillar, in allusion to a
well-known statue of Constantine which marks the border/
But, in order to particularize the smaller areas of this quarter,
some of the numbers are still found indispensable, and we
often hear of the Deuteron, Triton, Pempton, and Hebdo-
mon. Adjacent to the Golden Gate is situated the great
monastery of St. John Studii, which maintains a thousand
monks."

* Cedrenus, i, p. 567.

* Zonaras, xiii, 20; the base still xeTm.\n5m Av ret Bazaar; the pillar
was still intact in the time of Gyllius, who ascended it; op. cit., iv, 7.
The sketches supposed to have been taken of the figures on the spiral
and published by Banduri and Agincourt have already been alluded to;
see p. 49.

^ Notitia, Reg. 12, etc.

* Buondelmonte's map; a " very handsome gate"; Codin., p. 122.
I have noted Van Millingen's opinion that this was not the original
" Golden Gate" ; seep. 34. But its mention in Notitia, Reg. 12, seems
fatal to his view. ^ Codin., p. 46.

* Ibid., pp. 102, 121; see Paspates for an illustration of the structure
still on this site ; 'Rvt,avTiva\ MiKtrai, p. 343.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 79

On entering the Exokionion the Mese gives off a branch
thoroughfare which leads to the Gate of the Fountain, skirt-
ing on its way the church of St. Mocius, a place of worship
granted to the Arians by Theodosius I when he established
the Nicene faith at Constantinople/ By this route also we
arrive at a portico which adorns the interior of the mural
Sigma,' and contains a monument to Theodosius II erected
by his Grand Chamberlain, the infamous eunuch Chrys-
aphius.'

If we now retrace our steps to the Philadelphium and di-
verge thence from the Mese in a north-westerly direction,
we shall soon reach the church of the Holy Apostles, the
most imposing of the Christian edifices founded by Con-
stantine. It is contained within an open court surrounded
by cloisters, on which give the numerous offices required for
the guardians of the sacred precincts. This church is one of
the first of those constructed in the form of a cross.* Outside
it is covered with variegated marbles, and the roof is com-
posed of tiles of gilded brass. The interior is elaborately
decorated with a panelled ceiling and walls invested with
trellis-work of an intricate pattern, the whole being profusely
gilded. Cenotaphs ranged in order are consecrated to the
honour and glory of the Twelve Apostles, and in the midst
of these is a porphyry sarcophagus wherein repose the re-
mains of Constantine himself and his mother. The building
is in fact a heroon or mausoleum designed to perpetuate the
fulminating flattery of the period by which Constantine was

^ Codin., p. 72; the Arians, chiefly Goths, were hence called Exoki-
onites; Jn. Malala, p. 325; Chron. Pasch., an. 485.
^ Codinus, p. 47.
3 Ibid.
* Gregory Nazianz,, De Somn. Anast., ix.

8o The Age of Justinian aiid Theodora

declared to be the "equal of the Apostles."^ Subsequently,
however, this religious pile was adopted as the customary
place of interment of the Imperial families, and many tombs
of royal personages are now to be seen scattered around.
Amongst them lie the sons of Constantine, Theodosius I and
II, Arcadius, Marcian, Pulcheria, Leo I, and Zeno.' On
leaving this spot, if we turn to the south for a short distance,
we shall be enabled to examine a tall column with a heavy
capital elaborately sculptured in a Byzantino-Corinthian
style. An inscription on the pedestal testifies to its having
been erected by the Praefect Tatian to the memory of the
Emperor Marcian.^

The region of Sycae, built on the steep slope of the hill
which rises almost from the water's edge to the north of the
Golden Horn, is considered to be an integral part of the
city. It is particularly associated with the brother of Arcadius,
the enervated Honorius, who ruled the Western Empire for
more than thirty years, an efiigy rather than the reality of a
king. Thus the Forum of Honorius constitutes its market-
place, and its public baths are also distinguished by the name
of the same prince. It possesses, moreover, a dock and a
church with gilded tiles, and is fortified in the usual way by
a wall with towers.*

^ Eusebius, Vit. Constant., iv, 58, et seq. ; a later hand has evidently
embellished this description.

* Const. Porph., De Cer. Aul. Byz., ii, 43; Codin. , p. 203.

^ Corp. Inscript. Lat. , Berlin, 1873, no. 738; still existing and called
by the Turks the "Girls' Pillar," from two angels bearing up a shield
figured on the pedestal; see Grosvenor, op. cit., p. 385 ; there is an en-
graving of it in Miss Pardoe's "Bosphorus," etc. The "girls" are
utilized by Texier and P. in their frontispiece.

* Notitia, Reg. 13; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 23, etc. Perhaps not
walled till later; Jn. Malala, xiii, p. 430.

Constantinople i?i the Sixth Century 8i

Rome was divided by Augustus into fourteen regions or
parishes, to each of which he appointed a body of public
officers whose functions much resembled those of a modern
Vestry.^ The municipal government of the new Rome is an
almost exact imitation of that instituted by the founder of
the Empire for the old capital. Here are the same number
of regions, named numerically and counted in order from
east to west, beginning at the end of the promontory. The
last two of these, however, are outside the wall of Constan-
tine, that is to say, Blachernae on the north-west and Sycae
over the water. To each division is assigned a Curator or
chief controller, a Vertiaculus or beadle, who performs the
duties of a public herald, five Vicomagisiri, who form a night
patrol for the streets, and a considerable number of Col-
legiati, in the tenth region as many as ninety, whose duty
it is to rush to the scene of fires with hatchets and water-
buckets.^ At night the main thoroughfares are well lighted
by flaring oil-lamps.^

One remarkable feature of the city, to be encountered by
the visitor at every turn, is an elevated shed which can be ap-
proached on all sides by ranges of steps. These " Steps," as
they are briefly called, are stations for the gratuitous daily
distribution of provisions to the poorer citizens. Every morn-
ing a concourse of the populace repairs to the Step attached
to their district, and each person, on presenting a wooden
tessera or ticket, inscribed with certain amounts, receives a
supply of bread, and also a dole of oil, wine, and flesh.*

^ Suetonius, in Augusto, 30.

* Notitia, Reg. i, with Pancirolus's notes; Pand., I, xv; cf. Gallus by
Becker-Goll, Sc. i, note i.

^ Ammianus, xiv, i, with note by Valesius.

* Cod. Theod., XIV, xvii ; Suidas j^. IlaXartvot ; we do not know the

G

82 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

More than six score of such stations are scattered through-
out the town, and the necessary corn is stored in large
granaries which are for the most part replenished by ships
arriving every season from Alexandria.^ More than twenty
public bakeries furnish daily the required demand of bread.*
Besides free grants of food and houses for the entertainment
of strangers, the city contains various other charities under
the direction of state officials, the chief of which are hospitals
for the sick and aged, orphanages, poor-houses, and institu-
tions for the reception of foundlings/ A medical officer,
entitled an arch-physician, with a public stipend, is attached
to each parish to attend gratuitously to the poor.*

The civic authorities are well aware that disease arises
from putrid effluvia, and hence an elaborate system of deep
drainage has been constructed so that all sewage is carried
by multiple channels into the sea.' Since the introduction of
Christianity, cremation has become obsolete, and burial in the
earth is universally practised.^ Pubhc cemeteries, however,
are not allowed within the walls, but churches and monas-
teries are permitted to devote a portion of their precincts to

exact form of these Gradus, but only that they were high, the design
being doubtless such as would prevent a crush. This state-feeding of the
people was begun at Rome by Julius Caesar, and of course imitated by
Constantine; Socrates, ii, 13, etc. The tickets were checked by a brass
plate for each person fixed at the Step; Cod. Theod., XIV, xvii, 5.

^ Cod. Theod., IV, v, 7; always with Godfrey's commentary; Euna-
pius, Vit. Aedesii.

^ Notitia, Urb. CV., passi?)i.

' See Cod., I, iii, 32, 35, 42, 46, etc. Cf. Schlumberger's work on the
Byzantine bullae.

* Cod. Theod., XIII, iii, 8; Cod., X, Iii, 9.

" Codin. , p. 22; cf. Pandect., XLIII, xxiii, i. It appears probable
that neither middens nor cesspools existed within the walls.

* See Minucius, Octavius, 10.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 83

the purpose of interment. Such limited space is necessarily
reserved for members of the hierarchy and persons of a cer-
tain rank, who have been beneficiaries of the church or order/
We may here terminate our exploration of the topography
of Constantinople, content to leave a multitude of objects,
both interesting and important, beyond the limits of our
survey. Were I to attempt the description of everything
worthy of notice in the city, my exposition would soon resemble
the catalogue of a museum, and the reader's attention would
expire under the sense of interminable enumerations. Our
picture has been filled in with sufficient detail to convey the
impression of a vast capital laid out in colonnaded squares
and streets, to the adornment of which all that Grecian art
could evolve in architecture and statuary has been applied
with a lavishness attainable only by the fiat of a wide-ruling
despot.

III. Sociology

To make this chapter fully consonant to its title it now
remains for us to pass in review the sociological condition
of the inhabitants, whilst we try to learn something of their
mode of life, their national characteristics, and their mental
aptitudes. We have already seen that in the case of the
Neo-Byzantines or Lesser Greeks,'' the path of evolution lay

^ Paspates, Bi/^aiTirai MeXErai, p. 381, etc. There were, perhaps,
over one hundred churches and monasteries in Constantinople at this
time, but the Notitia, a century earlier, reckons only fourteen churches;
see Ducange's list.

^ Western scholars since the Renaissance have fallen into the habit of
applying the diminutive Graeculi to the Byzantines, thereby distinguish-
ing them from the Graeci, their pre-eminent ancestors, who established
the fame of the Dorians and lonians. The Romans, after their conquest of
the country, began to apply it to all Greeks. Cicero, De Orat., i, 22, etc.

84 The Age of Justinian mid Theodora

through a series of historical vicissitudes in which there was
more of artificial forcing than of the insensible growth essen-
tial to the formation of a homogeneous people. Owing to
its geographical position it was perhaps inevitable from the^
first that Byzantium should become a cosmopolitan town,
whose population should develop little political stability or
patriotic coherence. In addition, however, it happened that
the Megareans, their chief progenitors, had gained an un-
enviable notoriety throughout Greece; they were generally
esteemed to be gluttonous, slothful, ineffective, and curiously
prolific in courtesans, who, for some reason which now
escapes us, were peculiarly styled " Megarean sphinxes."*
Once established on the Golden Horn the Byzantines seem
to have found life very easy; their fisheries were inexhaustible
and facile beyond belief; ^ whilst the merchants trading in
those seas soon flocked thither so that port dues furnished
an unearned and considerable income. As a consequence
the bulk of the populace spent their time idling in the mar-
ket-place or about the wharves, each one assured of meeting
some visitor to whom for a valuable consideration he was
willing to let his house and even his wife, whilst he himself
took up his abode in the more congenial wine-shop. ^^^
firmly did this dissolute mode of life gain a footing, that
when the town was besieged the citizens could not be rallied
to defend the walls until the municipal authorities had set
up drinking-booths on the ramparts.^ Law was usually in

^ Suidas, sb. nom. ; TertuUian, Apologia, 39 ; Athenneus, xiii, 25,
There was, however, a minor school of philosophy at Megara.

^ Aristotle, Politica, iv, 4. As late as the sixteenth century the
housewives residing next the water habitually took the fish by simple
devices, which are described by Gyllius; De Top. CP. Praef.

* See the statements by Theopompus, Phylarchus, etc., in Miiller,

Constantinople in the Sixth Centtiry 85

abeyance,^ finance disorganized,^ and political independence
forfeit to the leading power of the moment, whether Greek
or Persian.

Such was the community whose possession of a matchless
site decided Constantine to select them as the nucleus of
population for his new Rome, the meditated capital of the
East. And, in order to fill with life and movement the streets
newly laid out, he engrafted on this doubtful stock a multi-
tude of servile and penurious immigrants, whom he allured
from their native haunts by the promise of free residence and
rations.^ Nevertheless a metropolis constituted from such
elements was scarcely below the level of the times, and was
destined to prove a successful rival of the degenerate Rome
which Constantine aspired to supplant.

The impressions of life and colour which affect a stranger
on entering a new city arise in great part from the costume
of its inhabitants. At Constantinople there prevails in this

Fragm. Hist. Grace, i, pp. 287, 336; ii, p. 154; iv, p. 377. Having
obtained an ascendancy over the frugal and industrious Chalcedonians
they are said to have corrupted them by their vices; cf. Muller's Dorians,
it, pp. 177, 418, etc.

Sextus Empir., Adversus Rhetor., 39. A demagogue, being asked
what laws were in force, replied, " Anything I like " — a frivolous or a
pregnant answer ?

•^ Aristotle in the doubtful Economica (ii, 4) describes some of their
makeshifts to maintain the exchequer. According to Cicero (De Prov.
Consular.) the city was full of art treasures, an evidence, perhaps, of
wasteful extravagance.

^ See p. 17. His daily grant of 80,000 measures of wheat, together
with the other allowances, to those who were served at the Steps, would
seem to indicate as many families, but there is no doubt that the distri-
bution was at first indiscriminate, and many were supplied who could
afford to keep up considerable establishments. Constantius reduced the
amount by one half; Socrates, ii, 13; Sozomen, iii, 7. Heraclius
abolished the free doles altogether; Chron. Paschal., an. 618.

86 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

age a decency in dress foreign to Rome during the first cen-
turies of the Empire, and even to Greece in the most classic
period. Ladies invested with garments of such tenuity as to
reveal more than they conceal of their physical beauties, to
the confusion of some contemporary Seneca, are not here to
be met with in the streets -^ the Athenian maiden, with her
tunic divided almost to the hip, or the Spartan virgin dis-
playing her limbs bare to the middle of the thigh, have no
reflection under the piazzas of renascent Byzantium. A new
modesty, born of Christian influences, has cast a mantle of
uniformity over the licence as well as over the simphcity of
the pagan world. In observing the costume of this time a
modern eye would first, perhaps, note the fact that in civil
life the garb of men differs but little from that of women.
Loose clothing, which hides the shape of the body, and in
general the whole of the lower limbs, is common to both
sexes. Men usually shave, but a moustache is often worn;
their hair is cropped, but not very close." Head-gear is an
exception, and so, for the lower classes, are coverings for the
feet. A workman, an artisan, or a slave, the latter a numerous
class, wears a simple tunic of undyed wool, short-sleeved,
girt round the waist and reaching to the knees, with probably
a hood which can be drawn over the head as a protection
against the weather.^ This garment is in fact the foundation

^ " Matronae nostrae, ne adulteris quidem plus sui in cubiculo, quara
in publico ostendant " ; see Seneca, De Beneficiis, vii, 9 ; cf. Horace,
Sat., I, ii, 102 :

Cois tibi paene videre est

Ut nudam, etc.

'^ By a law of Honorius the Romans were forbidden to wear long hair

(in 416), or garments of fur (in 397), such being characteristic of the

Goths who were then devastating Italy; Cod. Theod., XIV, x, 4, 3, 2.

^ See the lowest bas-reliefs on the Theodosian obelisk (Banduri, ii,

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 87

dress of all ranks of men, but the rich wear fine materials,
often of silk and of varied hues, have long sleeves, and use
girdles of some costly stuff. They, in addition, are invested
in handsome cloaks reaching to the ankles, which are open
for their whole length on the right side and are secured by
a jewelled clasp over the corresponding shoulder. Shoes
often highly ornamented,^ and long hose, coloured according
to taste, complete the dress of an ordinary Byzantine gentle-
man. On less formal occasions a short sleeveless cloak,
fastened at the neck, but open down the front, is the
customary outer vestment. The tunic or gown of women
reaches to the feet, and, in the case of ladies, is embroidered
or woven with designs of various patterns and tints. The
latter usually consist of some small variegated device which
is repeated in oblique lines all over the garment. Shawls,
somewhat similar in colour and texture to the gown, thrown
over the back and shoulders or wound round the bust, are
habitually worn at the same time. Gloves, shoes and stock-
ings of various hues, and a simple form of cap which partly
conceals the hair, are also essential to the attire of a Byzantine
lady. As in all ages, jewellery is much coveted, and women of
any social rank are rarely to be seen without heavy neck-
laces, earrings of an elaborate spreading design,'' and golden

p. 499 ; Agincourt, ii, pi. x) ; Cod, Theod., XIV, x, i ; Hefner- Altenek,
Trachten des Mittelalters, pi. 91, 92.

^ Chrysostom, the pulpit declaimer against the abuses of his time, was
so enraged at seeing the young men delicately picking their steps for
fear of spoiling their fine shoes that he exclaims : " If you cannot bear
to use them for their proper purpose, why not hang them about your neck
or stick them on your head ! " ; In Matt. Hom. xlix, 4 (in Migne, vii,
501).

^ "You bore the lobes of your ears," says Chrysostom, " and fasten
in them enough gold to feed ten thousand poor persons " ; In Matt. Hom.
Ixxxix, 4 (in Migne, vii, 786) ; cf. Sozomen, viii, 23.

88 The Age of Justinia7i and Theodora

girdles.^ A less numerous class of the community are male
ascetics, celibates of a puritanical cast, who love to placard
themselves by wearing scarlet clothing and binding their
hair with a fillet;^ also virgins devoted to the service of the
churches, who are known by their sombre dress, black
hoods, gray mantles, and black shoes.' Philosophers adopt
gray, rhetoricians crimson, and physicians blue, for the tint
of their cloaks.* To these may be added the courtesans who
try to usurp the costume of every grade of women, even that
of the sacred sisterhood.' Such is the population who usually
crowd the thoroughfares and lend them a gaudy aspect
which is still further heightened by numbers of private
carriages — literally springless carts — bedizened with paint
and gilding, and most fashionable if drawn by a pair of
white mules with golden trappings. Such vehicles are indis-
pensable to the outdoor movements of matrons of any rank;'

' Chrysostom, In Ps. xlviii, 3 (in Migne, v, 515); Sozomen, loc. cit.,
etc. Women's girdles were worn under the breasts.

- See Bingham's Christian Antiquities, vii, i, and Racinet, Costume
historique, iii, pi. 21. Read Lucian's Cynicus for a defence of a some-
what similar life on a different plane.

^ Chrysostom, In Epist. Tim. II, viii, 2 (in Migne, xi, 541). Even
these he rates for coquetry ; cf. Bingham, op. cit., vii, 4, etc. See also
Viollet-le-Duc (Diet, du mobil. fr., i, pi. i) for a coloured figure which,
though of the thirteenth century, corresponds very closely with Chrysos-
tom's description. Formal costume, however, of the present day,
political, legal, ecclesiastical, is for the most part merely a survival of
the ordinary dress of past ages.

* Basil Preabyt. ad Gregor. Naz., Steliteut. Const. Porph., op. cit.,
ii, 52, p. 753, with Reiske's notes, p. 460.

' Cod. Theod., XV, vii, 11, 12 ; Cod., I, iv, 4(5); actresses {Niimae=
meretrices, no doubt) are forbidden to use this and other styles of dress
which might bring women of repute into ridicule.

•^ Cod. Theod., XIV, xii ; Chrysostom, De Perf. Carit. , 6 (in Migne,
vi, 286).

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 89

and in each case a train of eunuchs in gorgeous liveries, and
decked with ornaments of gold, mark the progress of a great
lady.^ Occasionally we may see the Praefect of the City, or
some other man of signal rank, passing in a silver wagon
drawn by four horses yoked abreast.^ Often we meet a noble
riding a white horse, his saddle-cloth embroidered in gold;
around him a throng of attendants bearing rods of ofifice
with which they rudely scatter all meaner citizens to make
way for their haughty master/ A person of any consequence
perambulating the city is followed by at least one slave
bearing a folding seat for incidental rest.* In some retired
nook we may encounter a circle of the populace gazing in-
tently at the performance of a street mountebank; he juggles
with cups and goblets; pipes, dances, and sings a lewd
ballad; the bystanders reward him with a morsel of bread
or an obole; he invokes a thousand blessings on their heads,
and departs to resume his display in some other spot.'

The Byzantine Emperor and Empress are distinguished
in dress from all their subjects by the privilege of wearing
the Imperial purple." The Emperor is further denoted by

^ Chrysostom, loc. at. (in Migne, v, 515).

^ A quadriga.

^ Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Cor. Horn, xl, 5 (in Migne, x, 353).
"Do not be afraid," says the Saint, "you are not among wild beasts ;
no one will bite you. You do not mind the contact of your horse, but a
man must be driven a thousand miles away from you."

■* Cod. Theod., XV, xiii, and Godefroy ad loc,

' Chrysostom, In Epist. I ad Thess., v, Hom. xi, 2 (in Migne, xi, 465).

'^ The laws and restrictions relating to the use of purple and the col-
lection of the mtirex, which was allowed only to certain families or
guilds, are contained in Cod. Theod., X, xx, xxi ; Cod., XI, viii, ix.
Julius Caesar first assumed a full purple toga (Cicero, Philip, ii, 34, prob-
ably from) ; Nero first made a sweeping enactment against the use of
the colour (Suetonius, in Nero, 32 ; cf. Julius, 43). Women, however,

90 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

his jewelled shoes or slippers of a bright scarlet colour, a
feature in his apparel which is even more exclusive than his
cloak or his crown. The latter symbol of majesty is a broad
black hoop expanding towards the top, bordered above and
below with a row of pearls, thickly studded with gems all
round, and bearing four great pendent pearls which fall in
pairs on the nape of the neck. His ample purple robe,
which falls to his feet, is fastened by a costly shoulder-clasp
of precious stones. Its uniformity is diversified by two
squares or tables of cloth of gold embroidered in various
colours, which approach from the back and front the division
on the right side. Purple hose and a white tunic, sleeved to
the wrists and girt with a crimson scarf, complete the civil
attire of the Emperor. When sitting in state he usually
bears a globe surmounted by a cross^ in his left hand. His
attendant nobles, a new order of patricians who are styled
the Fathers of the Emperor,'^ are garbed all in white, but the
tables of their gowns are of plain purple, their girdles are

were generally permitted some latitude and not obliged to banish it al-
together from their dress.

^ The globe as a symbol of the viniversal sway of Rome came into use
at or about the end of the Republic. It was not merely ideographic, but
was sometimes exhibited in bulk, and hollow globes have been found
with three chambers in which are contained samples of earth from the
three continents; see Sabatier, Alon. Byzant., Paris, 1862, p. 33. The
cross came in under the Christian emperors, and is said to be first seen
on a small coin of Jovian (363) ; ibid.

^ Cod., XII, iii, 5; Inst, i, 12. " Imperatoris autem celsitudinem
non valere eum quem sibi patrem elegerit," etc. This new order of
patricians seems to have been instituted by Constantine, their title
being coined directly from pater; Zosimus, ii, 40; cf. Cedrenus, i,
p. 573. They were not lineally connected with the patrician caste of
ancient Rome (see Reiske, ad Const. Porph., sb, voc), but were turned
out of the Imperial workshop as peers are created by an English
premier; see Leo Gram., p. 301.

Constantinople m the Sixth Century 91

red, and their shoes are black. His Protectors or guards
wear green tunics, with red facings, and are shod in black
with white hose; a thick ring of gold, joined to a secondary
oval one in front, encircles the neck of each one; they are
armed with a long spear, and carry an oval shield bordered
with blue and widely starred from the centre in black on
a red ground. Their Count or Captain is distinguished by
a red and purple breasted tunic, and by the Christian mono-
gram of his shield in yellow on a green ground. The dress
of the Empress is very similar to that of her consort, but her
crown is more imposing, being heightened by sprays of
jewels, and laden with strings of pearls which fall over her
neck and shoulders.^ Her purple mantle is without tables,
but is brocaded with gold figures around the skirt ; she wears
besides an under-skirt embroidered in bright hues, golden
slippers with green hose, and all jewels proper to ladies of
the most costly description." Two or three patricians usually
wait on the Empress, but her Court is chiefly composed of
a bevy of noble matrons or maids, female patricians who
act as her tire-women; the leader^ of these is distinguished
by her purple gown.*

^ These crowns have given rise to much discussion, for a clue to which
see Ludewig, op. cit., p. 658. Probably most emperors designed a new
crown.

" Some of the large coloured stones worn by the ancients were not
very valuable according to modern ideas, i.e., cairngorms, topazes,
agates, etc. ; see Pliny, H. N., xxxvii.

' 'H TTUTpiKia Zioart); Codin., pp. 108, 125; cf. Reiske, op. cit., sb. vac.

■* It would be tedious, if not impossible, to put into words the
details of these costumes. They are represented in the great mosaics of
S. Vitale at Ravenna, dating from the sixth century. They have been
beautifully restored in colour by Heffner-AItenek, op. cit. — too well
perhaps. There are also full-sized paper casts at South Kensington.
There are many engravings of the same, but in all of them the details

92 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

Every morning at seven o'clock the Grand Janitor of the
Palace/ taking his bunch of. keys, proceeds with a company
of guards and Silentiaries to open all the doors which lead
from the Augusteum to the Consistorium. After the lapse of
an hour the Primicerius or captain of the watch knocks at
the door of the Emperor's private apartments. Surrounded
by his eunuchs the prince then sallies forth and first, stand-
ing before an image of Christ in a reverential attitude,
recites a formal prayer. On the completion of this pious
office he takes his seat on the throne and calls for the Logo-
thete" or steward of the royal household. Upon this the
Janitor, pushing aside the variegated curtains which close
the door leading to the antechamber, passes out, and in
a short time returns with the desired official. The Logothete
first drops on one knee and adores the majesty of the
Emperor, after which he rises and transaction of business
for the day begins. By this time the antechamber of the
Throne room has become crowded with dignitaries of state,

have been partly omitted, partly misrepresented. The device on the
tables ofthe Emperor's robe consists of green ducks (!) in red circles; that
on the Empress's skirt of 7nagi in short tunics and Phrygian caps,
bearing presents. The men's shoes, or rather slippers, are fitted with
toe and heel pieces only, and are held on by latchets. The ladies' shoes
are red, and have nearly the modern shape, but are not laced at the
division. Their gowns and shawls are of all colours, and much resemble
diagonal printed calico, but in such cases it is the richness of the fabric
which tells. The materials for illustrating the costume of this period
are very scanty; we have neither the countless sculptures, wall-paint-
ings, fictile vases, etc., of earlier times, nor the wealth of illuminated
MSS., which teach so much objectively respecting the later Middle
Ages.

^ The Curopalates at this date probably, a place not beneath the first
prince of the blood.

^ The Byzantine logothetes are first mentioned by Procopius, De Bel.
Goth., iii, I, etc. At this date they were the Imperial accountants.

Constantinople in the Sixth Centtiry 93

patricians, senators, praefects, and logothetes of various
denominations. The Emperor commands the presence from
time to time of such of these as he wishes to confer with,
and all of them at their first entrance salute him with the
same form of submissive obeisance, except those of patrician
rank, who merely bow profoundly, and are greeted by the
Emperor with a kiss.^ Codicils or commissions for the
appointment of officers of state or rulers of provinces are
presented by the Master of the Rolls,^ and the Emperor
signs the documents in purple ink, the use of which is for-
bidden to subjects.^ Such codicils are illustrated in colours
with various devices symbolical of the dignity or duties of
the office conferred. Those of praefects and proconsuls of
the highest rank display a draped abacus or table on which
rests a framed image of the Emperor lighted by wax tapers;
in addition, busts of the Emperor with his imperial asso-
ciates or heirs on a pedestal, and a silver quadriga — insignia
of office, which adorn the local vestibule or denote the
vicegerent of the sovereign in his progress through the
public ways. The provinces or districts are indicated by
female figures or busts labelled with various names; in
many instances by rivers, mountains, indigenous animals,
and miniature fortresses representing the chief towns. In
the case of rulers of lesser rank — dukes, vicars, correctors,
counts, presidents — a portly volume inscribed with the
initials of a conventional sentence^ supplants the painted

' Procopius, Anecd. 30. Hence it appears that the abject prostration
introduced by Diocletian was abandoned by his successors ; see p. 52.

* Magister Scriniorum; Notitia, Or., xvii.

' Cod., I, xxiii, 6; a law of Leo Macella in 470.

* Cryptograms to modern readers if we are to follow the perplexities
of Pancirolus and Bocking, who, misled by the nonsense of Cedrenus as
to CONOB (i, p. 563), cannot realize the obvious as it lies before their

94 The Age of Justiniaji and Theodora

image. For Masters of the Forces the codicils are illustrated
with weapons of war or with the numerous designs, geo-
metrical or pictorial, which distinguish the shields of the
cohorts under their command. Dignitaries of civil rank,
financial or secretarial, are suitably denoted on their diplomas
by vessels loaded with coin, purses, writing-cases, and rolls
of manuscript.^ In addition to those assigning administra-
tive appointments honorary codicils are also issued, by
which the prerogative or precedence only pertaining to
various ranks is conferred. These documents are also called
"nude," as they are not illustrated with those figures which
indicate that the holder is in authority over particular dis-
tricts. They are equivalent to patents of nobility, and are
granted for service to the state, general esteem, and probably
also by mere purchase." Among the throng at the Emperor's
receptions are always a number of officers of a certain rank,
who, on vacating their posts, have the privilege of waiting
on the Emperor in order to adore or kiss his purple.^ In the
absence of urgent business the audience closes at ten o'clock;
at a sign from the Emperor the Janitor passes into the ante-
chamber with his keys, which he agitates noisily as a signal

eyes. Godefroy expanded the legends to their full complement with no
difficulty; that of the Spectabiles is FeLiciter INTer ALLectos COMites
ORDinis PRimi; Cod. Theod., VI, xiii; cf. Bocking's Notitia, F. ii,
pp. 283, 515, 528.

' As the illustrations of the Notitia are not accompanied by any ex-
planation, considerable uncertainty prevails in respect of their point and
intention; it appears almost incontestable, however, that the coloured
figures were depicted in the codicils as they are seen in the MSS. of the
work ; otherwise only verbal descriptions of the insignia would be given ;
cf. Novel XXV, et set}. ; Const. Porph., ii, 52.

* Cod. Theod., VI, xxii; a title omitted from the Code.

' Principes Officii and Comicularii; Notitia, passim; Cod., XII,
liii, etc.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 95

of dismissal. The Palace is then shut up, but at two o'clock
it is reopened with the same formalities for the further trans-
action of affairs. At five o'clock it is again closed and the
routine of Imperial reception is at an end for the day. On
the Dominica or Sunday the assembly is most numerous,
and the company repairs in procession to one of the adjoin-
ing halls to attend the performance of a brief divine service.^
As a concession to the holiness of this day adoration of the
Emperor is less formal. When the Emperor or Empress
drives through the streets the carriage is drawn by four
white horses or mules,^ the vehicle and the trappings of the
animals being ornate in the highest degree.^ Public proces-
sions on festal days of the Church are regular and frequent;
and on these occasions, as well ason those of national rejoicing,
the Emperor rides a white horse amidst his train of eunuchs,
nobles, and guards. At such times the Praefect of the City
enjoins a special cleansing and decoration of the streets on
the prescribed route. The way is adorned from end to end
with myrtle, rosemary, ivy, box, and flowers of all kinds
which are in bloom at the season. The air is filled with the

' Const. Porph., ii, i, 2; cf. Valesius ad Ammianum, xxii, 7. These
early visitations were habitual in the Roman republic, as when the whole
Senate waited on the newly-elected consuls on the Calends of January ;
Dion Cass., Iviii, 5, etc. ; and especially in the regular matutinal calls
of clients on their patrons re the sportula; cf. Sidonius Ap. Epist., i, 2.
His description of the routine of a court c. 450 corresponds closely with
the above. It must have been copied from Rome.

^ Chrysostom, De Perf. Carit., 6 (in Migne, vi, 286); Theophanes,
an. 6094, 6291, etc. ; cf. Suetonius, inNero, 25, etc. ; Ducange, sb. eq. alb.

^ These state carriages, open and closed, painted in gaudy colours,
with gilded pilasters, mouldings, and various figures in relief, resembled
certain vehicles used in the last century and some circus cars of the
present day ; see Banduri, ii, pi. 4, sup. cit. ; the work of Panvinius on
Triumphs, etc.

96 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

odour of incense, and from private windows and balconies
particoloured and embroidered fabrics are suspended by the
inhabitants. Wherever the royal cavalcade passes, cries of
"Long live the Emperor" rise from every throat.' At night
the thoroughfares are illuminated by frequent lamps dis-
played from windows and doorways. But on occasions of
public calamity, such as ruinous earthquakes or prolonged
drought, this scene of splendour is reversed; and the
Emperor, on foot and uncrowned, proceeds amidst the
clergy and populace, all clad in sombre garments, to one of
the sacred shrines outside the walls to offer up supplications
for a remission of the scourge.^ And again the Emperor
may be seen as a humble pedestrian, whilst the Patriarch,
who usually rides upon an ass, is seated in the Imperial
carriage, on his way to the consecration of a new church, or
holding on his knees the relics of some saint prior to their
deposition in one of the sacred edifices.^

At this date conventional titles of distinction or adulation
have attained to the stage of full development. The Em-
peror, in Greek Basileus or Autocrator, the sole Augustus,
is also styled Lord and Master, and is often addressed as
"Your Clemency."^ His appointed heir receives the dignity
of Caesar and perhaps the title of Nobilissimus, an epithet
confined to the nearest associates of the throne.' Below the
Imperial eminence and its attachments the great officers of

^ Const. Porph., i, i, and Append., p. 498, with Reiske's Notes;
Dion Cass., Ixiii, 4; Ixxiv, i, etc.

^ Theophanes, an. 6019, 6050, etc.; Menologium Graec, i, p. 67 ;
Cedrenus, i, p. 599; ii, p. 536.

^ Theophanes, an. 6030, 6042, etc.

* See Reiske a^f Const. Porph., p. 434, et seq.

' See Zosimus, ii, 39; Alemannus ad Procop., iii, p. 390; Ducange,
ih. voc.

Constantinople in the Sixth Centniy 97

state are disposed in three ranks, namely, the Ilhtstres,
Spectabiles^ and Clarissimi. The Illustrious dignitaries are
termed by the Prince and others " Most Glorious," and are
variously addressed as "Your SubUmity," "Magnificence,"
" Eminence," " Excellence," " Highness," " Serenity," or
"Sincerity," etc. The two lower ranks are similarly ad-
dressed, but only the less fulsome of such expressions are
applied to them. Consonant to the same scheme the clergy
receive the epithets of "Most Holy," "Blessed," "Reverend,"
"Beloved of God"; and are addressed as "Your Beati-
tude," " Eminence," etc., the emphasis being graduated
according as they may happen to be Patriarchs, Archbishops,
Metropolitans, Bishops, or simple clericals.^

In the assemblies of the Hippodrome popular fervour
reaches its highest pitch, whether in times of festive or
political excitement. From Daphne, by the gallery of St.
Stephen's and the Cochlea, the Emperor, surrounded by
courtiers and guards, gains his throne in the Kathisma." On
his entry the Protectors, already assembled in the Stama or
Pi, elevate the Standards which have previously been lying
on the ground.' Before seating himself on his throne the
Emperor, advancing to the balustrade of the Kathisma,
greets the assembled populace by making the sign of the
cross in the air. As soon as the answering cries of adula-
tion subside, a set hymn ' is intoned from each side of the

^ See Godfrey's Notitia Dignitatum, ad calc. Cod. Theod. ; Selden's
Titles of Honour, p. 886; the epilogues to the Novels, etc. Minor
dignities, entitled Perfectissimi, Egregii, are also mentioned, but are
obsolete at this date; Superillustres were not unknown; see Ducange,
sb. voc.

^ Const. Porph., i, 68; see Labarte, op. ciL, pp. i6, 140, etc.

' Const. Porph., i, 92, with Reiske's Notes.

^ Const, Porph., i, 68, et seq. This open-air hymn-singing was an

H

98 The Age of JiLstinian and Theodora

Circus in alternate responsions by particular bodies of the
people called Denies, whose importance, not merely agonistic,
but above all political, renders a special account of them
here necessary.

The Demes or factionaries of the Hippodrome occupy the
benches at the end of the arena on each side adjacent to the
Kathisma," and are called the Veneti and Frasini, that is,
the Blues and Greens.' These bodies, which are legally in-
corporated as guilds,^ consist of the contending parties in
the chariot races, and of such others as elect to enroll them-
selves as their followers, and to wear the colours of the
respective sides. Each Deme has a subdivision, or rather, a
pendant, to which the colours white and red are attached
respectively.^ The chief or president of each faction is en-
early feature in Byzantine life ; Socrates, vii, 23 ; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr. ,
iii, 76. Later, at least, each Deme used an organ as well ; Const.
Porph., loc. cit.

^ Procopius, De Bel. Pers. , i, 25.

- Ibid., 24.

'■ Doubtless according to Cod. Theod., XIV, ii; Cod. , XI, xiv-xvii.
These Corporations had certain privileges and immunities, such as ex-
emption from military conscription, but they were bound to defend the
walls on occasion ; Novel, Theod. (Valent. I), xl. Naturally, therefore,
after the earthquake of 447 they were sent by Theod. II to rebuild the
walls (see p. 22), and also in other emergencies they were sent to guard
the Long Walls; Theophanes, an. 6051, 6076. Of course, in view of
such appointed work, they had some military training. Building of forts
was a regular part of a soldier's duties; Cod. Theod., XV, i, 13, and
Godfrey, ad loc. The Demes were probably a later expression of the
parties in the old Greek democracies, who associated themselves with
the colours of the Roman Circus, when imported into the East, as the
most effective outlet for their political feelings.

' These four colours, which date from the first century of the Empire,
are supposed to represent the seasons of the year (Tertullian, De Spec-
taculis, 9); or the different hues of the sea and land (blue and green);
see Chron. Pasch., Olymp., vii, p. 205; Alemannus, Ot/Procop., p. 372;

Constantinople in the Sixth Cent^iry 99

titled the Demarch.^ These two parties form cabals in the
state, who are animated by a fierce rivalry engendering an
intensely factious disposition. Every consideration is sub-
ordinated to a strained sense of personal or party honour,
whence is evolved a generally uncompromising defiance to
the restrictions of law and order. Ties of blood and friend-
ship are habitually set at naught by the insolent clanship of
these factions; even women, although excluded from the
spectacles of the Circus, are liable to become violent partisans
of either colour, and that in opposition sometimes to the
affinities of their own husbands and families. Nor does the
Emperor by an equal distribution of his favours seek to con-
trol the intemperate rivalry of the Demes, but usually becomes
the avowed patron of a particular faction.^ At the present
time the Greens are in the ascendant, and fill the benches to
the left of the Kathisma, a position of honour assigned to
them by the younger Theodosius.' Every town of any magni-
tude has a Circus with its Blue and Green factions, and these
parties are in sympathetic correspondence throughout the
Empire.*

The throng of spectators within the Hippodrome, who can
be accommodated with seats around the arena, amounts to
about 40,000, but this number falls far short of the whole
mass of the populace eager to witness the exhibition. From
early dawn men of all ages, even if maimed or crippled,
assault the gates; and when the interior is filled to repletion

Banduri, op. cii., ii, p. 376, etc. Originally there were but two divisions.
The leading and subsidiary colours are said to distinguish urban from
suburban members of the factions; cf. Jn. Lydus, De !Mens., iv, 25.

' Const. Porph., i, 6, with Reiske's Notes.

" Procopius, loc. cit., ii, li.

' Jn. Malala, xiv, p. 351.

•" Ibid., xvii, p. 416; cf. Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 11.

I oo The Age of Justinian and Theodora

the excluded multitude betake themselves to every post of
vantage in the vicinity which overlooks the Circus. Then
windows and roofs of houses, hill-tops and adjacent eminences
of all kinds are seized on by determined pleasure seekers/
Public entertainments are given regularly in the Hippo-
drome and the theatre during the first week of January, in
celebration of the Consul being newly installed for the year.
They are given also on the nth of May, the foundation day
of the city, and on other occasions to celebrate some great
national event, such as the accession of an emperor, the fifth
or tenth anniversary of his reign, ^ the birth or nomination of
a Caesar or successor to the throne, or the happy termination
of an important war.' Several Praetors, officers who were
formerly the chief oracles of the law, are nominated annually,
their judicial functions being now abrogated in favour of
organizing and paying for the amusements of the people.*

^ Chrysostom, De Anna, iv, i (in Migne, iv, 660); an almost iden-
tical passage; Gregory Naz., Laus Basil., 15.

* The Decennalia represented the ten years for which Augustus origin-
ally " accepted " the supreme power ; the Quinquennalia are said to have
been instituted by Nero, but may have become obsolete at this date; see
the Classical Diets. There were also Tricennalia.

^ Novel cv; Const. Porph.,/^(:. cit., Codin., p. 17; Procop., De Bel.
Vand., ii, 9, etc.

* Cod. Theod., VI, iv, 5, 26, etc. By a law of 384, eight praetors
were appointed to spend between them 3,150 lb. of silver, equal to
about ;^io,ooo at that date, a credible sum; but the common belief that
three annual praetors used to be enjoined to disburse more than a quarter
of a million sterling in games is, I make no doubt, rank nonsense. Large
amounts were, no doubt, expended by some praetors (Maximus, c. 400-
a,20,for his sons'' dr,00Q\\>. of gold, over ;^ 150, 000, yet, only half the sum;
Olympiodorus, p. 470), but these were intended to be great historic
occasions, and are recorded as such, bearing doubtless the same relation
to routine celebrations as the late Queen's Jubilees did to the Lord Mayor's
shows, on which a few thousands are annually squandered. Maximus

Constantinople in the Sixth Century loi

Twelve chariot races take place in the morning, and, after
an interval of retirement, a similar number in the afternoon/
between the races other exhibitions are introduced, especially
fights of men with lions, tigers, and bears," rope walking,' and
matches of boxing and wrestling.* In the contests between
two- or four-horse chariots, the competitors make the circuit
of the arena seven times, whence the whole length of the
course traversed amounts to about a mile and a half." The
start is made from the top of the Euripus on the right-hand
side, where a rope is stretched across to keep the horses in
line after their exit from the Manganon, until the signal is

was then bidding for the purple, in which he was afterwards buried.
The question turns on the enigma of the word foUis, which in some
positions has never been solved. But Cod. Theod., XII, i, 159, makes
it as clear as daylight that 2^,000 folks in ibid., VI, iv, 5, means just
about fifty guineas of our money (he had also to scatter ;i^i25 in silver as
largess), a sum exactly suited to il>id., VII, xx, 3, by which the same
amount is granted to a superannuated soldier to stock a little farm. The
first law publishes the munificence of the Emperor in presenting the sum
of 600 solidi (;!^335) to the people of Antioch that they may not run
short of cash for, and so be depressed at the time of, the public games.
And so the colossal sum doubted by Gibbon, accepted by Milman, ad-
vocated by Smith, and asserted by Bury may be dissipated like a puff of
smoke in the wind. The office ol praetor ludonim seems to have been
falling into abeyance at this time.

' Jn. Lydus, De Mens., i, 12. Twenty-four races were the full number,
but they were gradually reduced to eight; Const. Porph., i, 68, p. 307.

* Anastasius put a stop to this part of the performance — for the time ;
Procop. Gaz. Panegyr., 15, etc.

' H. A. Charisius, 19, etc. A favourite exhibition was that of a man
balancing on his forehead a pole up which two urchins ran and postured
at the top; Chrysostom, Ad Pop. Ant., xix, 4 (De Stat. ; in Migne, ii,
195). Luitprand (Legatio, etc.) six centuries later was entertained with
the same spectacle, an instance of the changeless nature of these times
over long periods.

* Novel cv; Socrates, vii, 22; Cod. Theod., XV, xi, etc.
' Aulus Gell., iii, 10, etc.

I02 The Age of Justinian a?id Theodora

given by the dropping of a white doth or 7nappa} The race
are run with great fury, and the charioteers, standing in their
vehicles, make every effort to win, not merely by speed, but
by fouling each other so as to pass in front or gain the inmost
position of the circuit. Hence serious and fatal accidents are
of habitual occurrence, and help to stimulate the popular
frenzy to the highest pitch. ■^ The antagonists, however, pay
but little attention to the clamours of the spectators, looking
only to the Emperor's eye for their meed of approval or
censure.^ At the conclusion of the games, amid the chanting
of various responsions by the factions and the populace, the
victors, supported by delegates from the four Denies bearing
crosses woven from fresh flowers, wait upon the Emperor in
the Kathisma, and receive from his hand the awards of their
prowess.*

^ Sueton., Nero, 22; Novel cv, i, etc.

" Chrysostom, In Illud, Vidi Dominum, etc. (in Migne, vi, 113);
Ad Pop. Ant., XV, 4 (in Migne, ii, 158); In Illud, Pater Mens, etc.,
Horn, ix, I (in Migne, xii, 512); a particular instance of a youth killed
in the chariot race the day before his intended wedding.

■* Chrysostom, In Illud, Vidi Dominum, etc., Hom. iii, 2 (in Migne,
vi, 113); In Genes. Hom. v, 6 (in Migne, iv, 54).

* Const. Porph., op. cit., i, 69; Theophanes, an. 5969, etc. The
winners usually received about two or three pounds in money, also a
laurel crown and a cloak of a peculiar pattern (Pellenian, perhaps;
Strabo, VIII, vii, 5); Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. liv, 6 (in Migne,
vii> 539) ; but under some of the insensate emperors immense prizes,
small fortunes in fact, were often given; see Reiske's Notes, ad op. cit.,
p. 325. I have not met in Byzantine history with any allusion to the
seven circuits of the races (except Jn. Lydus, De Mens., i, 12), the eggs
or the dolphins; these are assumed from the Latin writers of old Rome
and from the sculptured marbles. It appears from Cod. Theod. (XV,
ix, etc.), that the successful horses, when past their prime, were carefully
nurtured through their old age by the state. The choicest breeds of these
animals came from Spain and Cappadocia; Claudian, De Equis Hon.,

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 103

Less frequently the Circus may be contemplated under a
more serious aspect, as the focus of national agitation. In
the year 491, during Easter week, Constantinople was thrown
into a great commotion by a report that the Emperor Zeno
had died somewhat suddenly,' and that no successor had yet
been nominated for the throne. The people, the Demes, and
the Imperial guards at once rushed to the Hippodrome,
where all took up the stations allotted to them for viewing the
Circensian games. On all sides an incessant clamour then
arose, and the cry, addressed to those in authority, was
vociferously repeated: " Give an Emperor to the Romans."
Simultaneously the great officers of the Court, the Senate,
and the Patriarch assembled hastily within the Palace in
order to decide on what course to pursue. In this convention
the counsel of the chief eunuch Urbicius, Grand Chamber-
lain, had most weight; and, fearing a riot, it was resolved that
the Empress Ariadne, on whose popularity they relied, should
proceed immediately to the Kathisma, and, by a suitable
address, attempt to pacify the populace. On the appearance
of the Empress in the Hippodrome, with the retinue of her
supreme rank, the clamours were redoubled. Exclamations
arose from every throat: "Ariadne Augusta, may you be
victorious ! Lord have mercy on us ! Long live the Augusta 1

etc. All the technical details of the Roman Circus will be found in the
Diets, of Clas. Antiqs. , especially Daremberg and Saglio's; see also
Rambaud, De Byzant. Hip., Paris, 1870.

^ Of epilepsy (Evagrius, etc.). This is not a fatal disease, and hence
a fiction arose that he had l^een buried alive in a fit. A sentry on guard
at the sepulchre heard meanings for two days, and at length a voice,
" Have pity, and let me out!" " But there is another emperor." " Never
mind ; take me to a monastery. " His wife, however, would not disturb
the status quo ; but ultimately an inspection was made, when he was
found to have eaten his arms and boots ; Cedrenus, Zonaras, Glycas, etc.

I04 The Age of Justmian and Theodora

Give an orthodox Emperor to the Romans, to all the earth ! "
The widow of Zeno addressed the multitude at some length,
by the mouth of a crier, who read her speech from a written
document. " Every consideration," said she, " shall be shown
to the majesty of the people. We have referred the matter to
the Lords of the Court, to the Sacred Senate, and to the
Heads of the Army; nor shall the presence of the Holy
Patriarch be wanting to render the election valid. An orthodox
Emperor shall be given to you and one of blameless life.
Restrain yourselves for the present and be careful not to
disturb the tranquillity of our choice." With such promises
and exhortations, often interrupted, Ariadne left the Circus
amid the renewed shouts of the vast assembly. Within the
Palace the council was reformed, and, after some debate,
Urbicius carried his proposition that the election of an Em-
peror should be referred to the widowed Empress. Upon this
Ariadne put forward a much respected officer of the Court,
the Silentiary Anastasius, a man of about sixty years of age.
Her nominee was about to be accepted unanimously when
the Patriarch interposed his authority and demanded that
Anastasius should give him an engagement to uphold the
orthodox faith. The Silentiary was, in fact, suspected of a
strong leaning towards the monophysite heresy, which de-
clared that Christ was possessed of only one nature.' His pro-
position was entertained, and thereupon a guard of honour was
sent to summon Anastasius from his house, and to escort him
to the Palace ; but before any formal question was put they all
set about performing the obsequies of the deceased Emperor
Zeno. The next day Anastasius presided in the Consistorium
to receive the officers of state, all of whom waited on him clad

^ Theoph., an. 5983 ; Cedrenus, i, p. 626, etc. He was a Manichaean
according to Evagrius, iii, 32; cf. Theoph., an. 5999.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 105

in white robes. He subscribed the document as required by
the Patriarch, and took an oath to administer the Empire
with a true conscience. He was then conducted to the
Hippodrome, where he appeared in the undress of an emperor,
but wearing the red buskins. Amid the acclamations of the
populace he was exalted on a buckler, and a military ofificer
crowned him with a golden collar removed from his own
person.^ Anastasius then retired to the antechamber of the
Kathisma to be invested, by the Patriarch himself, with the
Imperial purple, and to have a jewelled crown placed upon
his head. Again he sought the presence of the assembled
multitude, whom he addressed in a set speech which was read
out to them by a crier. Finally the newly-elected Autocrator
departed to the Palace amid repeated cries of " God bless
our Christian Emperor! You have lived virtuously. Reign as
you have lived ! " '

But the proceedings in the Hippodrome were not always
merely pleasurable or peacefully political. The Circus was
also the place where sedition was carried to the culminating
point; and the same Anastasius, in his long reign of twenty-
seven years, had to experience on more than one occasion
the fickle humour of the Byzantine populace. About 498,
during the progress of the games, a cry arose that certain

^ Julian seems to have been the first Roman emperor who was hoisted
on a buckler and crowned with a necklet ; Ammianus, xx, 4. By
Jn. Lydus, however, the use of the collar instead of a diadem would
appear to be a vestige of some archaic custom traceable back to Augustus
or, perhaps, even to the times of Manlius Torquatus; De Magistr., ii, 3.
The Germans originated the custom of elevating a new ruler on a shield ;
Tacitus, Hist., iv, 15.

- See the full details of this election and coronation in Const. Porph.,
op. at. , i, 92. It is to be noted that twelve chapters of this work (i, 84-95 )
are extracted bodily from Petrus Magister, a writer of the sixth century.

1 06 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

rioters, who had been committed to prison for throwing stones
inside the arena, should be liberated. The Emperor refused,
a tumult arose, and the Imperial guards were ordered to
arrest the apparent instigators of the disorder. Stones were
immediately flung at Anastasius himself, who only escaped
injury or death by his precipitate flight from the Kathisma.
The mob then set fire to the wooden benches of the
Hippodrome, and a conflagration ensued, which consumed
part of the Imperial Palace in one direction, and ravaged a
large tract of the city as far as the Forum of Constantine on
the other.^ Again in 512, when the Emperor, yielding to his
heretical tendencies to confound the persons of the Trinity,
proclaimed that in future the Trisagion " should be chanted
with the addition " Who wast crucified for us," the populace
rose in a fury, set fire to the houses of many persons who were
obnoxious to them, decapitated a monk suspected of suggest-
ing the heresy, and, marching through the streets with his
head upon a pole, demanded that "another Emperor should
be given to the Romans." Anastasius, affrighted, rushed into
the Hippodrome without his crown, and protested his
willingness to abdicate the purple. The spectacle, however,
of their Emperor in such an abject state appeased the excited
throng, and, on the withdrawal of the offensive phrase, peace
was restored to the community.''

' Jn. Malala, xvi, p. 394; Chron. Pasch., an. 498.

^ Sc, " Holy God, Holy Mighty, Holy Immortal, pity us! " said to
have been the song of the angels as heard by a boy who was drawn up to
heaven and let down again in the reign of the younger Theodosius;
Menologion Graec., i, p. 67, etc.

^ Evagrius, iii, 32; Jn. Malala, xvi, p. 407; Theoph., an. 6005, etc.
The date is uncertain ; as recounted by some of the chronographists only
518 would suit the incident. As soon as the government felt again on a
stable footing numerous executions were decreed.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 107

The Byzantine theatre, in which there are usually diurnal
performances/ is by no means a lineal descendant of that of
the Greeks and Romans. The names of Aeschylus, Sophocles,
and the rest of those inimitable playwrights, are either
altogether unknown, or are heard with complete indifference.
Pantomime, farce, lewd songs, and dances in which troops
of females ^ virtually dispense wnth clothing, monopolize the
stage to the exclusion of the classic drama. Ribaldry and
obscenity, set off by spectacular displays,^ constitute the
essence of the entertainment; and women even go through
the form of bathing in a state of nudity for the delectation
of the audience.^ A contemporary music-hall, without its
enforced decency, would probably convey to a modern
reader the most correct impression of the stage as maintained
in Christian Constantinople. Actress and prostitute are
synonymous terms, and all persons engaged in the theatrical
profession are regarded in the eye of the law as vile and

^ In 425 theatres and other amusements were forbidden on Sun-
days ; Cod. Theod. , XV, v, 5. In the time ofChrysostom people coming
out of church were liable to encounter bands of roisterers leaving the
theatre.

^ Procopius, Anecdot., ix; Chrysostom, In Coloss. , iii, Horn, ix
(in Migne, xi, 362), "Satanical Songs" is his favourite expression;
also "diabolical display"; In Act. Apost. Hom. xlii, 4 (in Migne,
ix, 301); "naked limbs" of actresses; In Epist. I Thess., iv,
Hom. V, 4 (in Migne, xi, 428); cf. Ammianus, xiv, 6; Lucian, De
Saltatione.

' By a sumptuary law, however, the most precious gems and the
richest fabrics were forbidden to the stage (Cod. Theod., XV, vii, ll);
but the restriction seems to have been relaxed, as this law has been
omitted from the Code. The intention was to prevent mummers from
bringing into disrepute the adornments of the higher social sphere.

^ Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. vii, 5 (in Migne, vii, 79); cf. Cod.,
\', xxii, 9. A trick, doubtless, to evade the law, which forbade absolute
nakedness on the stage; Procop. , Anecdot., ix.

io8 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

disreputable.^ Nevertheless, the pastimes of the public are
jealously protected; and the amorous youth who runs away
with an actress," equally with him who withdraws a favourite
horse from the Circensian games for his private use,^ is
subjected to a heavy fine. A woman, however, who wishes
to reform her life on the plea of religious conviction, is
permitted to quit the stage, but is not afterwards allowed to
relapse into her former life of turpitude.* Should she betray
any incUnation to do so, it is enacted that she shall be kept
in a place of detention until such time as the decrepitude of
age shall afford an involuntary guarantee of her chastity."
The Byzantine aristocracy, from the rank of Clarissimus
upwards is prohibited from marrying an actress or any
woman on a level with that class."^

' Cod. TheocL, XV, vii, 12, etc.

2 Ibid., 5.

3 Ibid., 6; Cod., XI, xl, 3.

* Cod. Theod., XV, vi, 8, etc.

'" The immorality of the stage is the constant theme of Chrysostom.
The fact that he draws no ethical illustrations from the drama seems to
prove that no plays were exhibited in which virtue and vice were repre-
sented as receiving their due award. Fornication and adultery were the
staple allurements of the stage ; Act. Apost. Hom. xlii, 3 (in Migne, ix,
301). From the culminating scene of "The Ass " in the versions both
of Apuleius and of Lucian it would seem that practical acts of fornication
were possible incidents in public performances. It must be remembered,
however, that women did not frequent the Greek or, at least, the
Byzantine theatre. Sathas labours vainly to prove the existence of a
legitimate Byzantine drama; '\<:^to(>. ook. Trepi r. Qtarp. koI t. fiovmK. r.
Bv^avriwu, Ven., 187S; cf. Krumbacher, Byzant. Literaturgesch.,
Munich, 1897, p. 644, c/ seq.

" Haenel, Cod. Theod., IV, vi, 3; Cod., V, xxvii, i. By the first
draft, due to Constantine, the prohibition might apply to any poor but
virtuous girl. This defect was remedied by Pulcheria ; Nov. Mart. iv.
Here we may discern a result of Athenais, the dowerless but well
educated Athenian girl being chosen (by Pulcheria) for her brother's

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 109

A particular form of amusement among the Byzantines is
the installation of a Consul every year on the Calends of
January in imitation of the old republican function at Rome.
The person nominated assumes a gorgeous robe decorated
with purple stripes and gold embroidery,' grasps a sceptre
surmounted with a figure of Victory,^ and proceeds in state
to the Hippodrome, where he displays his authority by
manumitting a number of slaves specially provided for the
purpose.'' He presides at the games from the Kathisma, and
for the moment, if not the Emperor himself, as frequently
happens, the pretence is made of regarding him as the
sovereign of the Empire.^ The year is legally distinguished
by his name and that of his colleague of the West," a series
of public spectacles are exhibited for seven days,^ he scatters

consort ; or, perhaps, of her own union with Martian, at first a private
soldier.

^ Called trabea oxtoga palniata; Claudian, Cons. Olyb. et Prob., 178;
Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., vi, i.

2 Ibid.

^ Ammianus, xxii, 7. Julian, when at CP. , in his enthusiasm for
democratic institutions, followed the consul on foot, but, forgetting him-
self, he performed the act of emancipation, an inadvertence for which he
at once fined himself 10 lb. of gold (;i^400).

* Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., ii,
8, etc.

' Even under the barbarian kings in Italy, Odovacar the Herule and
Theodoric the Goth, a consul was appointed annually at Rome in accord-
ance with the arrangement made when Constantine decreed that the
metropolitan honours should be divided between the old and the new
capital.

° Nov. cv, I, where they are enumerated. The regular cost of the
display was 2,000 lb. of gold (^^80,000), which, with the exception
of a small amount by the consul himself, came from the Imperial trea-
sury; Procopius, Anecdot., 26; cf Jn. Lydus, loc. cit. Hence it ap-
pears that even the consulship need not be held by a millionaire; see
p. 100.

1 1 o The Age op Justinian and Theodora

golden coin as largess among the citizens/ and emissaries are
dispatched in all directions throughout the provinces to
announce his elevation,^ and to deposit in the local archives
his diptychs, a pair of ivory plates inscribed with his likeness
or insignia." Immediately afterwards, the ofifice relapses into
a sinecure, and the Consul resumes his ordinary avocations
in life.

On Sunday there is a cessation of business and pleasure
throughout the city, though not of agricultural labour in the
rural districts.^ At the boom of the great semantron,'' a
sonorous board suspended in the porch of each church, and
beaten with mallets by a deacon, the various congregations
issue forth to attend their respective places of worship. In
the forecourt they are met by a crowd of mendicants, ex-
emplifying every degree of poverty and every form of bodily
infirmity, who enjoy a prescriptive right to solicit alms at this

^ Cod. Theod., XV, v, 2. No lower dignitary was allowed to dis-
tribute anything more precious than silver.

^ Cod. Theod., VIII, xi; Cod., XII, Ixiv.

^ Cod. Theod., XV, ix. Numbers of these diptychs are still preser\-ed.
There is a specimen at South Kensington of those of Anastasius Sabini-
anus, Com. Domest., who was consul in 518. Each plate was usually
about twelve by six inches, and they were hinged so as to close up
together. The designs on each face were practically duplicates. Gener-
ally as to the position of consuls at this time see Godefroy ad Cod.
Theod., VI, vi, and the numerous cross references he has supplied.

■• Constantine instituted a regular observance of Sundayas theDominica
or Lord's Day in 321; Cod. Theod., Ill, viii, with Godfrey's Com.;
Cod., Ill, xii, 3. Towards the end of the ninth century, however, Leo
Sapiens prohibited even farmers from working on Sundays; Novel.
Leo. VI, liv. Daily service was only instituted about 1050 by Constant.
Monom. ; Cedrenus, ii, p. 609.

^ See Ducange, sh. ^rjiJ.ai'Tpof; Reiske's Notes, o/>. a/., p. 235. The
instrument is still in use in the Greek Church, but literary notices of it
seem to be unknown before the seventh century.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 1 1 1

time and place. This practice has, in fact, been encouraged
by the early Fathers of the Church, in order that the heart
may be melted to pity and philanthropy at the sight of so
much human misery as the most fitting preparation for the
order of divine service.^ The centre of the same inclosure
is occupied by a fountain of pure water, in which it is
customary to wash the hands before entering the sacred
edifice.'^ In the narthex or vestibule, in a state of abject
contrition, are found the various penitents, who, for some
offence, have been cut off from the communion of the
faithful, condemned to advance no farther than this part for
a term of years proportionate to the heinousness of their
sin.' The males of the congregation make use of the central
or Beautiful Gate of the church, in order to gain their station
in the nave, whilst the females, passing through the doors on
each side, ascend to the galleries which are set apart for their
special accommodation.* The liturgy consists of reading from
the Scriptures, of prayers, and of hymns sung in responses;'
after which the Patriarch, coming forward from his throne in
the apse to the ambo,^ preaches a homily based on some

^ Chrysostom, Habentes eundem, etc., ii (in Migne, iii, 299).

■^ Ibid. The well-known palindrome, NI^ONANOMHMATAMHMO-
NANO-*-IN (Wash away your sins not only your face), was at one time
inscribed on the basin in front of St. Sophia; Texierand Pullan, op. cit.y
p. 10. This composition is, however, attributed to Leo Sap.

^ Sozomen, vii, 16; Gieseler, Eccles. Hist., i, 71, etc.
^ ' Procopius, De Aedific, i, i, p. 178; Paul Silent., 389, 541. At this
time, however, men and women seem to have been in view of each other
in the nave as well, though separated by a wooden partition ; Chrysostom,
In Matth. Horn. Ixxiii, 3 (in Migne, vii, 677), but in earlier times they
were allowed to mix indiscriminately; ibid.

'" Socrates, vi, 8, etc.
Sozomen, viii, 5 ; not invariably perhaps. Part of the present de-
scription applies, of course, to St. Sophia.

1 1 2 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

portion of the Bible. Finally the Eucharist is administered
to the whole congregation, a spoon being used to give a
portion of wine to each person/ Ladies, to attend public
worship, bedeck themselves with all their jewels and finery,'^
whence female thieves, mingling amongst them, often take
the opportunity to reap their harvest.^ Men, in the most
obvious manner, betray their admiration for the women placed
within their range of vision/ The general behaviour of the
audience is more suggestive of a place of amusement than of
a holy temple; chattering and laughter go on continually,
especially among the females; and, as a popular preacher
makes his points, dealing didactically or reprehensively with
topics of the day, the whole congregation is from time to time
agitated with polemical murmurs, shaken with laughter, or
bursts into uproarious applause." Contiguous to each church
is a small building called the Baptistery, for the performance
of the ceremonial entailed on those who wish to be received
among the Christian elect. The practice of the period is to
subject the body to complete immersion in pure water, but
separate chambers or times are set apart for the convenience
of the two sexes. Here on certain occasions nude females of
all ages and ranks descend by steps into the baptismal font,
whilst the ecclesiastics coldly pronounce the formulas of the

^ Cantacuzenus, i, 41 ; this could easily be done, as the clerical staff
of each church was very numerous — over five hundred in St. Sophia ;
Novel iii, i.

* Chrysostom, In Epist. I Tim., ii, Hom. viii, i (in Migne, xi, 541) ;
In Psal. xlviii, 5 (in Migne, vi, 507).

' Chrysostom, De Virgin., 61 (in Migne, i, 581).

* Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. Ixxiii, 3 (in I^Iigne, vii, 677). " In the
temple of God," says he, " you commit fornication and adultery at the
very time you are admonished against such sins."

' Chrysostom, In Epist. I Tim., ii, Hom. viii, 9 (in Migne, xi, 543).

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 113

mystic rite,^ a triumph of superstition'^ over concupiscence
pretended more often perhaps than real.^

The luxury of the rich, especially in the use of the pre-
cious metals and ivory, is in this age maintained at the
maximum. Practically all the furniture in the house of a
wealthy man, as far at least as the visible parts are concerned,
is constructed of those costly materials. Gilding or plates of
gold or silver are applied to every available surface — to
tables, chairs, footstools, and bedsteads; even silver night-
urns are essential to the comfort of the fastidious plutocracy.^
For banqueting the Byzantines make use of a large semi-

^ Chrysostom, Epist. ad Innocent., Bishop of Rome, 3 (in Migne, iii,
533). He here describes how the women had to fly naked from the
Baptistery during the riots connected with liis deposition from the see of
Constantinople. It must be noted, however, that the severe modesty of
modern times had scarcely been developed amid the simplicity of the
ancient world, as it has not among some fairly civilized peoples even at
the present day.

- I had almost said/zV/r, one of the words destined, with the extinction
of the thing, to become obsolete in the future, or to be applied to some
other mental conception.

^ Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. xvii, 2 (in Migne, vii, 256). He in-
veighs against the farce of ascetics taking virgins to live with them, who
are supposed to remain intact; cf. De Virginitate (in Migne, i, 533) ;
also Cod. Theod., XVI, ii, 20, to which Godefroy supplies practical
illustrations.

' Chi7sostom, In Epist. ad Coloss. , iii, Hom. vii, 5 (in Migne, xi,
350); in Matth. Hom. Ixxxiii, 4 (in Migne, vii, 750). Or even of more
costly materials, gold, crystal ; Plutarch, Adv. Stoic, 22 ; Clement Alex.
Paedag. , ii, 3. The notion of unparalleled luxury has been associated with
the Theodosian age, but without sufficient reason. It was rather the age
of a man of genius who denounced it persistently and strenuously, and
whose diatribes have come down to us in great bulk, viz., Chrysostom.
The period of greatest extravagance was, in fact, during the last century
of the Republic and the first of the Empire, and the names of Crassus,
Lucullus, Nero, Vitellius, etc., are specially connected with it.

I

1 1 4 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

circular table,' on the convex side of which they recline at
meals, still adhering to the custom of the earlier Greeks
and Romans.^ By this table is set a ponderous gold vase
with goblets of the same metal for mixing and serving out
the wine. Rich carpets are strewn over the mosaic pave-
ment; and troops of servants, either eunuchs or of barbarian
origin, permeate the mansion.^ These domestics are cos-
tumed and adorned as expensively as are their masters, and
in the largest establishments are retained to the number of
one or two thousand.* Like animals they are bought and
sold; and, male and female alike, are as much the property
of their owner as his ordinary goods and chattels; their life
is virtually in his hands, but the growth of humanity under
the Empire, and the tenets of Stoicism,' have considerably
ameliorated their condition since the time of the old Re-
public.^ In this, as in every-other age, the artificial forms of

^ Chrysostom, In Epist, ad Coloss., i, Horn. 4 (in Migne, xi, 304).

^ As late as the tenth century, according to Luitprand, Antapodosis,
vi, 8. In the Vienna Genesis (r. 400) a miniature shows banqueters re-
clining at a table of this sort. I will not attempt to enlarge on the courses
at table and the multifarious viands that were consumed, as there are but
few hints on this subject. We may opine, however, that gastronomies
indulged themselves very similarly to what is represented in the pages of
Petronius and Athenaeus, etc., cf. Ammianus, xvi, 5; xxviii, 4.

' Chrysostom, In Psalm xlviii, 8 (in Migne, v, 510). Most of the
eunuchs were of the nation of the Abasgi, who dwelt between the Cas-
pian and Euxine; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 3.

' Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Corinth. Hom. xl, 5 (in Migne, x, 353);
In Matth. Hom. Ixiii, 4 (in Migne, vii, 608). ^ See below.

* Constantine enacted that families — husbands and wives, parents and
children, brothers and sisters — should not be separated; Cod. Theod.,
II, XXV, I ; cf. XVI, V, 40, etc. But there was little practical philan-
thropy in the world until the Middle Ages had long been left behind.
Thus by the Assize of Jerusalem, promulgated by Crusaders in the
twelfth century, a war-horse was valued at three slaves ! Tolerance, the

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 1 1 5

politeness, which spring up as the inseparable concomitant
of every aspect of civilization, have developed in social
circles; and the various formalities and affectations of
manners and speech familiar to the modern observer as
characteristic of the different grades of society may be noted
among the ConstantinopoUtans.'

The Byzantine wife is in possession of complete liberty
of action, and is entirely the mistress in her own household.
She is, as a rule, devoted to enervating luxury and enjoy-
ments, which she gratifies by extravagance in dress and
jewels, by the use of cosdy unguents and the artificial tinting
of her countenance,-^ and by daily visits to the public baths

toning-down of fanaticism, doubt as to whether religious beliefs are really
of any validity, appears to be the foster-mother of humane sentiment. A
slave could be trained to any trade, art, or profession, and their price
varied accordingly. Thus common "slaves were worth about £\2,
eunuchs ^30 ; before ten years of age, half-price. Physicians sold for
;!^35, and skilled artificers for /40; Cod., VII, vii. The modern reader
will smile at the naivete of Aristotle when he states that some nations are
intended by Nature for slavery, but, as they do not see it, war must be
made to reduce them to their proper level ; Politics, i, 8.

' The following directions of a mother to her daughter how to shine
as a society hetaira emanate from a Greek of the second century : " Dress
yourself with taste, carry yourself stylishly, and be courteous to every one.
Never break into a guffaw, as you often do, but smile sweetly and seduc-
tively. Do not throw yourself at a man's head, but behave with tact,
cultivate sincerity, and maintain an amiable reserve. If you are asked to
dinner be careful not to drink too much ; do not grab the viands that are
offered to you, but help yourself gracefully with the tips of your fingers.
Masticate your food noiselessly, and avoid grinding your jaws loudly
whilst eating. Sip your wine delicately, and do not gulp down anything
you drink. Above all things do not talk too much, addressing the whole
company, but pay attention chiefly to your own friends. By acting in this
way you will be most likely to excite love and admiration " ; adapted
from Lucian, Dial. Meretr., vi.

- Chrysostom, In Matth. Horn, xxx, 5 (in Migne, vii, 368); In

1 1 6 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

and squares for the purpose of display and gossip/ At home
she is often a tyrant to her maidservants, and not infre-
quently whips them severely with her own hand.'^ Precisely
the reverse of this picture is the condition of the Byzantine
maiden in her father's house; before her coverture she is
persistently immured in the women's apartments, and sel-
dom passes the outer door of the dwelling; never unless
under strict surveillance.' In most instances, however, her
state of seclusion is not of long duration ; for, at the age of
fourteen or fifteen she is considered to be marriageable.* She

I Tim., i, 3 (in Migne, xi, 524); In Epist. ad Hebr., xxix, 3 (in Migne,
xii, 206). " A country wench," says he, " is stronger than our city men."

^ Chrysostom, De non Iterat. Conj., 4 (in Migne, i, 618). At all times
there were ladies of such lubricity as to court the opportunity of bathing
before men in the public baths; prohibited by Marcus (Hist. Aug., 23),
this commerce of the sexes was encouraged by Elagabalus, and again
forbidden by Alexander (Hist. Aug., 24, 34). Hadrian, however, seems
to have been the first to declare against this promiscuous bathing (Hist.
Aug., 18): " Olim viri foeminaeque mixtim lavabant, nullo pudore
nuditatis,"says Casaubon, commenting on the passage; cf. Aulus GelL,
X, 3; Cod. Theod., IX, iii, 3; Cod., V, xvii, 11 ; Novel, xxii, 16, etc.
Clement Alex. (c. 200) complains that ladies were to be seen in the baths
at Alexandria like slaves exposed for sale ; Paedag., iii, 5. Far different
was the conduct of the Byzantine matrons a thousand years later ; they
then fell into the ways of Oriental exclusiveness as seen amongst the
dominant Turks; see Filelfo, Epistolae, ix, Sphortiae Sec, 1451. A
native of Ancona, who lived at CP. for several years in the half century
preceding the capture of the city.

^ Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Ephes. , iv, Horn, xv, 3 (in Migne, xi,
109). The cries of the girl, often tied to a bedpost, might even be heard
in the street, and if she stripped herself in a public bath the weals on her
back were sometimes the subject of public remark. Whilst counselling
mercy he considers that the whipping is generally deserved.

^ Chrysostom, Quales due. sint Uxores, 7 (in Migne, iii, 236) ; In
Epist. I ad Corinth., Hom. xii, 5 (in Migne, x, 103).

* Fifteen for males and thirteen for females were the marriageable
ages as legally recognized; Leo, Novel., Ixxiv.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 1 1 7

then becomes an article of trafific in the hands of the pro-
fessional match-maker, who is usually an old woman of low
social grade, but remarkable for her tactful and deceptive
aptitudes.' By her arts a suitable family alliance is arranged,
but unless by a subterfuge, the proposed husband is not
permitted to behold his future wife."

Once a marriage has been decided on,' it is considered
fitting that all the innocence of the ingenuous damsel should
be put to flight on the threshold of the wedded state. In
the dusk of the evening the bride is fetched from her home
by a torchlight procession to the sound of pipes and flutes
and orgiastic songs. Although women are not allowed to
attend the theatre, on this occasion the theatre is brought to
the houses of the contracting parties; and the installation of
a wife takes place amid a scene of riot and debauchery, of
lewdness and obscenity, which tears the veil from all the
secrets of sexual co-habitation.^

^ Chrysostoni, Quales due. sint Uxores, 5 (in Migne, iii, 233) ;
Yf>atSia fivOevovra, k.t.X.

- Even Arcadius liad to be content with a portrait and a verbal descrip-
tion of the charms of Eudoxia, the daughter of a subject and a townsman ;
Zosimus, V, 3.

^ The early Christians gradually inclined to the custom of asking a
formal benediction from the clergy as an essential part of the marriage
ceremony, but about the time of Chrysostom the practice began to be
disregarded. With the disuse also of pagan rites it began to be doubted
whether nuptials could be legal unless accompanied at least by an orgi-
astic festival. To dispel this misgiving Theodosius II in 428 decreed
that no sort of formal contract was required, but merely fair evidence
that the parties had agreed to enter the connubial state; Cod. Theod.,
Ill) vii, 3. The Christian rite was not made compulsory till the end of
the ninth century; Leo Sap. Novel., Ixxxix.

* Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. xxxvii, 5 (in Migne, vii, 425);
In Act. Apost., xlii, 3 (in Migne, ix, 300); In Epist. I ad Corinth.
Hom. xii, 5 (in Migne, x, 102), etc. His favourite theme for objurga-

1 1 8 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

Mental culture, even in the mansions of wealthy By-
zantines, occupies a very subordinate place. Everywhere
may be seen dice and draughts, but books are usually con-
spicuous bytheir absence. Bibliophiles there are,however, but
they merely cherish costly bindings and beautiful manuscripts,
and seldom take the trouble to study their literary contents.
They only value fine parchments dyed in various tints,
especially purple, and handsomely inscribed with letters of
gold or silver; these they delight to have bound in jewelled
covers or in plates of carved ivory, and to preserve them in
cabinets, whence they are drawn out on occasion in order
to afford a proof of the taste and affluence of the owner. ^

Popular superstitions are extremely rife at this time in the
Orient; a few examples of such may be here given. In
choosing a name for a child it is the practice to light a
number of candles, and to christen them by various names ;
the candle which burns longest is then selected to convey
its appellation to the infant as an earnest of long life.^
Another custom is to take a baby to one of the public baths
and to sign its forehead with some of the sedimental mud
found there as a charm against the evil eye and all the

lion. He complains especially: "And worse, virgins are present at these
orgies, having laid aside all shame; to do honour to the bride? rather
disgrace," etc. These must be ancillae, or girls of a lower class, as it is
evident from the above account that young ladies of any family could not
be seen even at church by intending suitors ; possibly they were kept
closely veiled. On this point see further Puech's Chrysostom, Paris,
1891, p. 133. An introduction of this kind had always been considered
necessary, as is shown by the equitation of the phallus (Mutinus) imposed
on Roman brides the first night. These old customs were a constant
mark for gibe among the early Christian Fathers ; Lactantius, Div. Inst.,
1, 20; Augustine, De Civ. Dei, iv, 11 ; Arnobius, iv, et passim, etc.

^ Chrysostom, In Joann. Horn, xxxii, 3 (in Migne, vii, 186).

^ Ibid., In Epist. ad Corinth. Horn, xii, 7 (in Migne, x, 105).

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 1 1 9

powers of enchantment.' Amulets are commonly worn, hung
about the neck, and of these, miniature copies of the Gospels
are in great favour, especially for the protection of infants.^
Should a merchant on his way to business for the day first
meet with a sacred virgin, he curses his luck and anticipates
a bad issue to any pending negotiations ; on the contrary,
should the first woman he encounters be a prostitute, he
rejoices in the auspicious omen with which his day has
opened.^ At funerals the old Roman custom of hiring
females to act as mourners, who keep up a discordant wail-
ing and shed tears copiously at will, is still maintained.*
Black clothes are worn as a mark of sorrow for the dead, j
Great extravagance is often shown in the erection of hand-
some sepulchral monuments. °

That the capital of the East, and by inference the whole
Empire, is a hotbed of vice and immorality will impress
itself on the mind of the most superficial reader. The disso-
luteness of youth is in fact so appalling that the most sane of
fathers resort to the extreme measure of expelling their sons
from home in a penniless state, with the view that after a
term of trial and hardship they may return as reformed and

^ Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Corinth. Horn, xii, 7 (in Migne, x,
105).

- Ibid., In Matth. Horn. Ixxii, 2 (in Migne, vii, 669); Ad Pop.
Antioch., xix, 4 (in Migne, ii, 196).

^ Ibid., Ad Ilium. Catech., ii, 5 (in Migne, ii, 240).

* Ibid., In Epist. I ad Corinth., xii, 7 (in Migne, x, 105).

'" Ibid., De Consol. Mort. 6 (in Migne, vi, 303).

° Ibid., Expos, in Psalm cxi, 4 (in Migne, v, 297), etc. He often
protests against this form of luxury. At Rome especially, when the
ownership of these costly piles had passed into oblivion, it was the habit
of builders to pillage them in order to use their architectural adornments
and materials fornew erections ; Cod. Theod., IX, xvii. Apparently the
sepulchres were sometimes violated for the supply of false relics.

I20 The Age of Jtistmian mtd Theodora

chastened members to the family circle.^ Yet to complete
the picture one other sin against morality must be mentioned,
which travels beyond the belief and almost eludes the con-
ception of any ordinary mind. The incredible perversion of
sexual instinct named paederasty is still more than ever rife
in the principal cities of the East. Idealized by the Greek
philosophers,^ tolerated by the later Republic,^ and almost
deified "" under many of the pagan emperors,' it has with-

^ Chrysostom. Habentes autem eumdem, etc. Horn, ii, 9 (in Migne,
iii, 284).

- See Plato's Phaedrus, Symposium, etc. ; Plutarch, Pelopidas, 19.
A modern Democritus might smile at the conclusion of Lucian that,
whilst the commerce of the sexes is necessary for the propagation of the
race, paederasty is the ideal sphere for the love of philosophers ; Amores.
According to Aristotle, Minos introduced the practice into Crete as an
antidote against over-population; Politics, ii, 10; vii, 16. In this re-
spect the Greeks, perhaps, corrupted on the one hand and on the other
Romans and Persians alike; Herodotus, i, 135. It was indigenous,
however, among the Etruscans; Athenaeus, xii, 14, etc.

' The shadowy Scantinian law was enacted against it, but remained
a dead letter; Cicero, Ad Famil., viii, 12, 14, etc. ; cf Plutarch, Mar-
cellus, 2.

* I have not, however, fallen in with any account of the dedication of
a temple to Amor Virilis. Such a shrine would have been quite worthy
of Nero or Elagabalus, indeed of Hadrian.

^ Suetonius, Nero, 28; Hist. Aug. Hadrian, 14; Heliogabalus, 6, 15,
etc. ; Statius, Silvae, iii, 4, etc. The adulation of this vice pervaded even
the golden age of Latin poetry :

But Virgil's songs are pure except that horrid one
Beginning with " P'ormosum pastor Corydon."

Byron, Don Juan, i, 42.

For the estimation in which paederasty was held in Crete see Strabo, X,
iv, 21 ; Athenaeus, xi, 20. Old men even wore a robe of " honour" to
indicate that in youth they had been chosen to act the part of a pathic.
The epigram on Julius Caesar is well known — "omnium mulierum vir,
omnium virorum mulier " ; Suetonius, in Vit. 52. Anastasius, who seems

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 1 2 1

stood the pronouncements of Trajan and Alexander,' the
diatribes of the Christian Fathers,^ and even the laws of
Constantius and Valentinian, by which such delinquents are
condemned to be burnt alive.'' Preaching at Antioch a
century before this time, the earnest and fearless Chrysostom
cannot refrain from expressing his amazement that that
metropolis, in its open addiction to this vice, does not meet
with the biblical fate of Sodom and Gomorrah.^ Nor is
there any evidence to refute the assumption that Constan-
tinople at the beginning of the sixth century is in this
respect less impure than the Syrian capital/

to have been somewhat of a purist for his time, abolished a theatrical
spectacle addressed particularly to the paederasts, against which Chrysos-
tom had vainly launched his declamations ; In Psalm xli, 2 (in Migne,
V, 157). "Boys, assuming the dress and manners of women, with a
mincing gait and erotic gestures, ravished the senses of the observers so
that men raged against each other in their impassioned fury. This stain
on our manners you obliterated," etc. ; Procopius, Gaz. Panegyr., 16.
The saint is much warmer and more analytical in his invective.

^ Hist. Aug. Alexander, 24.

^ Tertullian, De Monogam., 12; Lactantius, Divin. Instit., v, 9;
Salvian, De Gubern. Dei, vii, 17, etc.

' Cod. Theod., IX, vii, with Godefroy's duplex commentary. The
peculiar wording of the law of Constantius almost suggests that it was
enacted in a spirit of mocking complacency ; ibid.. Cod., IX, ix, 31.

* Chrysostom, Adv. Op. Vit. Mon., 8 (in Migne, i, 361). There was
probably a stronger tincture of Greek manners at Antioch, of Roman at
Constantinople, but the difference does not seem to have been material.
We here take leave of Chrysostom. The saint fumes so much that we
must generally suspect him of exaggeration, but doubtless this was the
style which drew large crowds of auditors and won him popularity.

^ Procopius, Anecdot., 9, 11 ; Novel., Ixxvii, etc. The first glimpse of
Byzantine sociology is due to Montfaucon, who, at the end of his edition
of Chrysostom brought together a selection of the most striking passages
he had met with. These excerpts were the germ and foundation of a
larger and more systematized work by P. Mueller, Bishop of Zealand ;

12 2 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

tfhe Byzantine coinage, which has been recast by Anas-
tasius, consists of gold, silver, and copper, tf he standard
gold coin, the aureus or solidus, subdivides the pound ^ of
gold into seventy-two equal parts, and is, therefore, to be
valued at nearly twelve English shillings. Calves and thirds
of the aureus are regularly minted for circulation, •'here is
also a silver soiidus which weighs nearly fifteen times as
much as that of gold.' ^Twelfths, twenty-fourths, and forty-
eighths of this coin are issued; they are named the 7?iil/ia-
resion, the siiigua, and the half-siliqua respectively. In the
copper coinage at the head of the list stands the fol/is, two
hundred and ten of which are contained in the solidus.^
Hence the milliaresio?i is not much less in value than a
shilling, whilst the fol/is represents but little more than a
halfpenny. Yet the /o//is is divided hypothetically into forty
nummia, but pieces of five tiummia are the smallest coins in

De Luxu, Moribus, etc., Aevi Theod., 1794. An article in the Quarterly
Review, vol. Ixxviii, deals briefly with the same materials. I have de-
rived assistance from all three, but, as a rule, my instances are taken
directly from the text of Chrysostom.

' Twelve ounces, ratlier less than the English ounce. The difficulty in
obtaining a just equivalent for ancient money in modern values is almost
insuperable. After various researches I have decided, as the safest
approximation, to reckon the solidus at \\s. 2d. and the lb. Byz. of
gold at £6,0.

'^ This appears to have been merely a " coin of account," but there
were at one time large silver coins, value, perhaps, about six shillings,
also pieces of alloyed silver. For some reason all these were called in
and made obsolete at the beginning of the fifth century; Cod. Theod.,
IX, xxi, xxii, xxiii. No silver coins larger than a shilling seem to
have been preserved to our time.

^ As the price of copper was fixed at 25 lb. for a solidus, these coins
might have been very bulky; "dumps," as such are called by English
sailors abroad, above an ounce in weight, but nothing near so heavy
has come down to us; Cod. Theod., XI, xxi.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 123

actual use,^ approximately quarter-farthings, and less even
than continental centimes, etc. The money of old Byzantium
was generally figured with a crescent and a star, or with a
dolphin contorted round a trident,^ but the Imperial coinage
of Constantinople is stamped on the obverse with the bust of
the reigning emperorj^'andon the reverse, in the case of gold
or silver pieces, with a figure of Victory bearing a cross and a
crown or some similar device. On the reverse of copper coins,
with accompanying crosses and even crescents, we find a
large letter — M, K, I,orE — indicating that they contain 40, 20,
10, or 5 numniia respectively. As specimens of art the coinage
of this epoch appears degraded to the most uncritical eye. '
The population of Constantinople in the sixth century is

^ Other emperors, however, struck single nunnnia, and these may
have remained in use. They are known to collectors and weigh 5 grs.
and upwards.

- See the specimens figured by Ducange, CP. Christ., or in other
works on numismatics.

^ The Macedonian kings in the fifth century B.C. were the first
princes to put their names and portraits on their coinage, but the
practice did not become common till after Alexander the Great; cf.
Procopius, De Bel. Goth. , iii, 33. Very large gold medals were minted
by most of the Roman emperors, weighing even one or two lb. Hist.
Aug., Alexander, 39. This imposing coinage appears to have been
used for paying subsidies or tribute to barbarian nations. They were
carried slung over the backs of horses in those leathern bags, which we
see in the Notitia among the insignia of the Counts of the Treasury;
Cod., XII, li, 12; Paulus Diac, De Gest. Langob., iii, 13.

* The value of money in relation to the necessaries of life, always a
shifting quantity, was not very different in these ages to what it is at
present. To give a few examples: bread was about the same price,
common shoes cost \s. 6d. to ^s. a pair; a workman, according to skill,
earned is. 6d. to ^s. a day; see Bureau de la Malle, Econ. polit. des
Remains, Paris, 1840; also Waddington's Edict of Diocletian; an
ordinary horse fetched ;i^io or ;i^i2; Cod. Theod., XI, i, 29, etc. On
the Byzantine coinage see Sabatier, Monnaies Byzant., etc., Paris, 1862,

124 ^^^^ ^S^ of Justinian and Theodora

unknown, but it may be estimated with some approach to
accuracy at considerably over a million of inhabitants.^ The
suburbs also are extremely populous, and for many miles
around the capital, both in Europe and Asia, are covered
with opulent country villas, farmhouses, and innumerable
habitations of meaner residents." In this district are situated
immense reservoirs for water, and many of the valleys are
spanned by imposing aqueducts raised by a double series of
lofty arches to a great height.^ At a distance of thirty-two
miles westwards from the city is situated the Long Wall, a

i, p. 25, et seq. An imperfect, but so far the only comprehensive work;
cf. Finlay, Hist. Greece, i, p. 432, et seq. Mommsen's work also gives
some space to the subject. False coining and money-clipping were of
course prevalent in this age and punishable capitally, but there was also
a class of magnates who arrogated to themselves the right of coining, a
privilege conceded in earlier times, and who maintained private mints
for the purpose. In spite of legal enactments some of them persisted in
the practice, and their penalty was to be aggregated with all their
apparatus and operatives to the Imperial mints, there to exert their skill
indefinitely for the government; Cod. Theod., IX, xxi, xxii. Their lot
suggests the Miltonic fate of Mulciber :

Nor aught availed him now
To have built in heaven high towers; nor did he 'scape
By all his engines, but was headlong sent
With his industrious crew to build in hell.

Paradise Lost, I.

' In 1885, a "guess" census taken by the Turkish authorities put
it at 873,565, but the modern city is much shrunk within the ancient
walls; Grosvenor, op. cit., p. 8.

- The Avars, during an incursion made in 616, carried off 270,000 cap-
tives of both sexes from the vicinity of the city; Nicephorus CP., p. 16.

^ The largest reservoir, now called the " Bendt of Belgrade," about
ten miles N.W. of CP. is more than a mile long. The water is conveyed,
as a rule, through subterranean pipes, and there is no visible aqueduct
within six miles of the city. The so-called " Long Aqueduct " is about
three-quarters of a mile in length.

Constantinople in the Sixth Century 125

stupendous bulwark against the inroads of barbarians, built
by Anastasius in 512. It stretches between the Euxine and
Propontis, a range of nearly fifty miles, and forms also a safe
and facile road for those travelling from sea to sea.^

The description of manners given in this chapter, although
nominally applied only to Constantinople, may be received
as illustrating at this date the social features of the whole
Roman Empire; or, to speak more accurately, of the
Grecian fragment of that empire which once extended uni-
versally over Latins and Greeks.

Before concluding this sociological exposition of the
Graeco-Roman people during the period I am treating of, a
brief reference to their language may be deemed essential to
the integrity of the subject. Viewed from the philological
side the aspect of the Byzantines is peculiar and, perhaps,
unique,"^ since to them may fairly be applied the epithet of a
trilingual nation. By the union of the Roman and Greek
factors of the Empire the Latin tongue, as the official means
of expression, became engrafted on the Eastern provinces;^
and in the lapse of centuries a third mode of speech, a
popular vernacular,* has been evolved, which often has little
afifinity with the first two. Sustained by the solid foundations

^ Evagrius, iii, 38; Procopius, De Aedific, iv, 9; Chron. Paschal.,
an. 512, etc.

^ In modern Hindostan somewhat of a parallel might be traced, but
very imperfectly. After the third century Gothic must also have become
a familiar language at CP.

^ The partial survival of the Latin language in the East during these
centuries is proved, not merely by the body of law, inscriptions, numis-
matics, etc. , but by the fact that some authors who must have expected
to be read generally at Constantinople, chose to write in that tongue,
especially Ammianus (" Graecus et miles," his own words), Marcellinus
Comes, and Corippus.

' This vulgar dialect has probably never been committed to writing.

126 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

of laws and literature, Latin and Greek of a more or less
classical cast ^ are the requisite equipment of every one who
aims at civil or military employment in any governmental
department/ or who even pretends to recognition as a
person of average culture. In the pride of original supremacy
we may perceive that citizens of Latin lineage despise the
feeble Greeks who forfeited nationality and independence,
whilst the latter, pluming themselves on their inheritance of
the harmonious tongue in which are enshrined all the
masterpieces of poetry and philosophy, contemn the unin-
spired genius of the Romans, whose efforts to create a litera-
ture never soared above imitation and plagiarism.^

Specimens crop up occasionally, particularly in Jn. Malala, alsoinTheo-
phanes, i, p. 283 (De Boor). See Krumbacher, op. cit. , p. 770, et seq.
The cultured Greeks, however, even to the end of the Empire, always
held fast to the language of literary Hellas in her prime ; see Filelfo, loc. cit,

^ It is worthy of remark that assumption of the aspirate was in the
period of best Latinity a vulgar fault decried by Romans of refined
speech :

Chommoda dicebat, si quando commoda vellet

Dicere, et hinsidias Arrius insidias. . . .
lonios fluctus, post quam illuc Arrius isset.
Jam non lonios esse, sed Hionios.

Catullus, Ixxxii.

^ Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 27, 68.

^ In the absence of full contemporary evidence for a complete picture
of Byzantine life at the point of time dealt with, it has often been neces-
sary to have recourse to writers both of earlier and later date ; an
exigency, however, almost confined to Chrysostom and Constantine
Porphyrogennetus. In taking this liberty I have exercised great caution
so as to avoid anachronisms ; and if such exist I may fairly hope them
to be of a kind which will not easily be detected. I have always tried to
obtain some presumptive proof in previous or subsequent periods that
the scene as represented may be shifted backwards and forwards through
the centuries without marring its truth as a picture of the times. In these
unprogressive ages, wherever civilization was maintained, it often had
practically the same aspect even for thousands of years.

CHAPTER II

THE ROMAN EMPIRE UNDER ANASTASIUS: THE INHERITANCE
OF JUSTINIAN

THAT a spirit of dominion was implanted in the breasts
of those early settlers or refugees who rallied around
Romulus, when, about 750 B.C., he raised his standard on
the Palatine hill, is made plain by the subsequent history of
that infant community; and the native daring which first
won wives for a colony of outcasts, foreshadowed the career
of conquest and empire which eventually attached itself to
the Roman name.^ Contemned, doubtless, and disregarded
by their more reputable neighbours as a band of adventurers
with nothing to lose, in despair of being respected they
determined to make themselves feared; and the original
leaven was infused through every further accretion of popu-
lation, and was entailed as an inheritance on all succeeding

^ It is generally conceded that iconoclastic zeal in respect of primitive
Roman history, under the impulse given by Lewis and Niebuhr, has been
carried too far. Even now archaeological researches with the spade on
the site of the Forum, etc., are producing confirmation of some traditional
beliefs already proclaimed as mythical by too astute critics ; see Lanciani,
The Athenaeum, 1899. In any case the hearsay as to their origin, current
among various races, have a psychological interest, and may afford valu-
able indications as to national proclivities, which must rescue them from
the neglect of every judicious historian.

127

1 2 8 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

generations who peopled the expanding city of the Tiber.
When their kings threatened to become despotic they drove
them out; when the patricians attempted to maintain an
exclusive control the more numerous plebs revolted and
gradually achieved the establishment of a republic, in which
political honours and aristocracy became synonymous with
the ability to fill, or the energy to gain, a ruling position.
They devoted themselves with enthusiasm to the task of
self-government, and sacrificed their private interests to the
welfare of the Republic. Without history and without science,
inflated by ambition within their narrow sphere, they applied
the conception of immortality, which millenniums would
not justify, to being acclaimed in the ephemeral fervour of
the populace or to being remembered for a few decades in
the finite language of poetry and rhetoric.

While the Roman state was in its cradle a citizen and a
soldier were equivalent terms, and every man gave his mili-
tary service as a free contribution to the general welfare of
the public. But as wars became frequent and aggressive,
and armies were compelled to keep the field for indefinite
periods, a system of payment ^ was introduced in order to
compensate the soldier for the enforced neglect of his family
duties. By the continued growth of the military system, war
became a profession, veteran legions sprang into existence,
and generals, whose rank was virtually permanent, became
a power among the troops and a menace to the state. Finally
the transition was made from a republic governed by a
democracy to an empire ruled by the army. In the mean-
time the dominion of Rome had been extended on all sides
to the great natural barriers of its position on the hemis-
phere; to the Atlantic ocean on the west, to the Rhine, the
' Livy, iv, 52, etc.

The Roman Empire itnder Anastasius 129

Danube, and the Euxine on the north, to the Euphrates on
the east, and on the south to the securest frontier of all, the
impassable deserts of Libya and Arabia.

The first emperors affected to rule as civil magistrates and
accepted their appointment from the Senate, but their suc-
cessors assumed the purple as the nominees of the troops,
and often held it by right of conquest over less able com-
petitors/ Concurrently the Imperial city had been insensibly
undergoing a transformation; by the persistent influx of
strangers of diverse nationalities its ethnical homogeneity
was lost;^ a new and more populous Rome, in which the
traditions of republican freedom were dissipated, was evolved;
and the inhabitants without a murmur saw themselves de-
prived of the right to elect their own magistrates.^ The laws
of the Republic were submitted for ratification to the citizens,
but in the ascent to absolutism the emperor became the sole
legislator of the nation. ' The elevation of an emperor seemed

' The favourite title of Augustus was Princeps or " First citizen," but
the more martial emperors, such as Galba and Trajan, preferred the
military Imperator, which after their time became distinctive of the
monarch. By the end of the third century, under the administration of
Aurelian and Diocletian, the emperor became an undisguised despot, and
henceforward was regarded as the Doniinus, a term which originally ex-
pressed the relation between a master and his slaves; see Jn. Lydus, De
Magistr., i, 5; the series of coins in Cohen's Numismatics of the
Empire, etc.

- Strabo says it was full of Tarsians and Alexandrians ; xiv, 5. Alhe-
naeus calls it "an epitome of the world"; i, 17; cf. Tacitus, Ann., xv, 44;
"The city which attracts and applauds all things villainous and
shameful."

' Tiberius made an end of the comitia or popular elections, and after
his time the offices of state were conferred in the Senate, a body which
in its elements was constituted at the fiat of the emperor ; Tacitus,
Ann., i, 15, etc.

* Under Diocletian (^. 300) the legislative individualism of the em-

K

1 30 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

at first to be an inalienable privilege of the metropolis, and
the original line of Caesars necessarily descended from a
genuine Roman stock; but in little more than a century the
instability of this law was made plain, and many an able
general of provincial blood was raised to the purple at his
place of casual sojourn.^ In the sequel, when men of an
ahen race, who neither knew nor revered Rome, obtained the
first rank, they chose their place of residence according to
some native preference or in view of its utility as a base for
military operations. The simultaneous assumption of the
purple by several candidates in different localities, each at
the head of an army, foreboded the division of the Empire;
and after the second century an avowed sharing of the
provinces became the rule rather than the exception. As each
partner resided within his own territory, Rome gradually
became neglected and at last preserved only a semblance of
being the capital of the Empire." But after Constantine
founded a capital of his own choice even this semblance was
lost, and the new Rome on the Bosphorus assumed the
highest political rank. From this event we may mark the
beginning of mediaevalism, of the passing of western Europe
under the cloud of the dark ages; and the disintegration of
the Roman Empire in the ^^xst was achieved by the bar-

peror attained maturity ; see Muirhead, Private Law of Rome, Edin. ,

1899. P- 353-

1 The choice of Galba by the soldiers in Spain (68 A. D. ) first "re-
vealed the political secret that emperors could be created elsewhere than
at Rome " ; Tacitus, Hist., i, 4. Trajan, if actually a Spaniard, was the
first emperor of foreign extraction.

* In the quadripartite allotment by Diocletian, he himself fixed his
residence at Nicomedia, his associate Augustus chose Milan, whilst the
scarcely subordinated Caesars, Galerius and Constantius, made Sirmium
and Treves their respective stations ; Aurelius Vict., Diocletian.

The Roman Empire under Anastashis 1 3 r

barians within the following century and a half. In 395 a
final partition of the Empire, naturally halved as it was by
the Adriatic sea, was made; and the incapable sons of Theo-
dosius, Arcadius and Honorius,^ were seated as independent
sovereigns on thrones in the East and West. During this
period a central administrative energy to uphold Rome as
an Imperial seat was entirely wanting; and a succession of
feeble emperors maintained a mere shadow of authority
while their provinces were being appropriated by the surplus
populations of the north. Italy and south-west Gaul became
the prey of East and West Goths; the valorous Franks under
Clovis founded a kingdom which made itself permanently
respected under the name of France; Vandals, with kindred
tribes, gained possession of Spain and even erected a mon-
archy in north Africa, which extended beyond the limits of
ancient Carthage; Britain, divested of Roman soldiers in
409, for centuries became the goal of acquisitive incursions
by the maritime hordes who issued from the adjacent sea-
boards, Saxons, Angles, and Danes.

In the change from a nominally popular or constitutional
monarchy to a professed despotism, a reconstitution of all
subordinate authority was regarded as a matter of necessity.
At first the Empire was administered in about forty provinces,

' Arcadius, as the elder, reigned in the East, a proof that it was es-
teemed to be the most brilliant position. The Notitia also, a contem-
porary work, places the East first as the superior dominion. No doubt
the new tyrants found themselves in an uncongenial atmosphere at Rome,
and the sterner stuff of the Western nations would not tolerate their
sublime affectations. They could stand the follies of Nero, but not the
vain-glory of Constantine, who soon fled from the covert sneers of the
capital and merely paid it a couple of perfunctory visits afterwards. It is
significant that the forms of adoration are omitted from the Notitia of
the West; cf., however, Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., xii, i8, 20.

1 3 2 The Age of Justi7iia7i and Theodora

but under the later scheme of control it was parcelled out
into nearly three times that number. In earlier times a Roman
proconsul in his spacious province was almost an independent
potentate during his term of office,' the head alike of the
civil and military power. But in the new dispensation no man
was intrusted with such plenary authority, and each contracted
province was ruled by a purely civil administrator, whilst the
local army obeyed a different master. For further security,
each of these in turn was dependent on a higher civil or
military officer, to whom was delegated the collective control
of a number of his subordinates. Again a shift of authority was
made, and the reins of government were delivered into fewer
hands, until, at the head of the system, the source of all
power, stood the Emperor himself. In order to perfect this
policy the army itself was treated in detail on a similar plan;
and for the future no homogeneous body of troops of consider-
able number was collocated in the hands of a single leader.
A typical Roman legion had previously consisted of about
six thousand foot, seven hundred horse, and of a band of
auxiliaries drawn from foreign or barbarian sources, in all,
perhaps, ten thousand men. Each legion was thus in itself an
effective force; and as it yielded implicit obedience to a single
praefect, the loyalty or venality of a few such officers in re-
spect of their common general had often sufficed to seat him
firmly on the throne. To obviate the risk, therefore, of revolt,
usurpation, or even of covert resistance to the will of the
Emperor, existing legions were broken up into detachments
which were relegated to different stations so as to be dispersed

' About a year, but sometimes prolonged ; he could be indicted after-
wards for misconduct, unless like Sulla, Caesar, etc., and the aspirants
to the purple later, he found himself strong enough to seize on the
supremacy.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 133

over a wide area. As a consequence the praefect of the legion
could only exist in name, and that office was soon regarded
as obsolete. Consistently, when new legions had to be en-
rolled for the exigences of defence or warfare, their number
was limited to about one fifth of the original amount.^ To com-
plete the fabric of autocracy all the pomp and pretensions of
Oriental exclusiveness were adopted by Diocletian, so that
henceforward the monarch was only accessible to the subject
under forms of such complexity and abasement as seemed to
betoken a being of more than mortal mould.^

Another signal divergence from the simple manners of the
first emperors was the permanent establishment of eunuchs
in high offices about the royal person.^ The Grand Chamber-
lain, as the constant attendant on the privacy of the monarch,
generally became his confidant, and sometimes his master.^

' See Mommsen, Das rom. Militarwesen, etc. Hermes, xxiv, 1889.

^ Aurelius Vict., Diocletian, etc. After Elagabalus Aurelian was the
pioneer in this departure, but in their case it seems to have been not a
policy so much as a love of pompous display. It is worth noting that
these emperors were men of low origin ; Aurelian was a peasant, Diocle-
tian the son of a slave. Yet Aurelian would not let his wife wear silk ;
Hist. Aug. Aurelian, 45.

^ The brood of eunuchs (bed-keepers) flows to us from prehistoric
times. Ammianus (xiv, 6) attributes the invention to Semiramis, whose
date, if any, is about 2000 B.C. They appear to be engendered naturally
by polygamy. Isidore of Seville characterizes them as follows : " Horum
quidam coeunt, sed tamen virtus in semine nulla est. Liquorem enim
habent, et emittunt, sed ad gignendum inanem et invalidum " ; Ety-
molog., X, sb, voc. Hence the demand for such an enactment as that of
Leo, Novel., xcviii, against their marrying, which, however, would be
unnecessary in the case of the Kap!:^ifxaScQ.

* The names of Eusebius, Eutropius, Chrysaphius, etc., are well
known as despots of the Court and Empire. " Apud quem [si vere dici
debeat] Constantius multum potuit," is the sarcasm of Ammianus on the
masterful favourite Eutropius ; xviii, 4. Ultimately members of the loyal
family were castrated to allow of their being intrusted with the office of

1 34 The Age of Jiistinian and Theodora

Ultimately, by habitude, or perhaps with a feeling for the
vicious propensities of the times, the Emperor developed an
almost feminine reserve in relation to the " bearded " or
masculine sex; and in his movements he was guarded by his
staff of eunuchs with as much jealousy as if his virtue were
something as deUcate as that of a woman.^

Having dismissed these general considerations, I will now
attempt to depict briefly the state of the remaining moiety
of the Empire, of the Eastern provinces, at the beginning of
the sixth century. In order to render my descriptions more
compact and intelligible, I shall treat the subject under three
distinct headings, viz., Political, Educational, and Religious.

I. Political

The dominions of Anastasius the elder," for there was a later
emperor of that name, corresponded generally to those ruled
during the first quarter of the past century by the Ottoman
sultans, who were the last to conquer them, and who became
possessed of the whole in 1461.^ Proceeding from east to west,

Chamberlain, practically the premiership, whilst unfitting them to usurp
the throne ; see Schlumberger, L'epopee byzant. au dix. siecle, 1896, p. 6.

' See Const. Porph.,/<25j?V;/. The emperor cannot even uncover his
head without the castrates closing round him to intercept the gaze of
rude mankind ; Reiske, ii, p. 259.

- The use of numerical affixes to the names of monarchs did not exist
among the ancients, and hence many cruxes arise for antiquarians to
distinguish those of the same name. Popularly they were often differ-
entiated by nicknames. Thus we read of Artaxerxes the Longhanded,
Ptolemy the Bloated, the Flute-player; Charles the Bald, the Fat; Philip
the Fair, Frederic Barbarossa, etc. The grandson of the last, Frederic II,
seems to have been the first who assumed a number as part of his regal
title; see Ludewig, Vita Justin., VIII, viii, 53.

^ CP. fell to Mahomet II in 1453, and the kingdom of Trebizond,

The Roman Empire binder Anastasms 135

the northern boundary of the Empire followed the coast of the
Euxine in its sweep from the mouth of the Phasis (adjacent
to the modern town of Batoum)to the estuaries of the Danube,
as it delimits Asia on the north and Europe on the east,
by the bold curve of its unequal arms. From the latter point,
taking the Danube for its guide, the northern frontier stretched
westwards to its termination on the banks of that river in the
neighbourhood of Sirmium.^ The western border, descending
from thence almost due south, was directed in part of its
course by the river Drina, and halved nearly vertically the
modern principality of Montenegro as it struck towards the
shores of the Adriatic. The coast of Greece, with its associated
islands on this aspect, traced the western outline of the
Empire for the rest of its course, excepting a small portion
to be reached by crossing the Mediterranean to the Syrtis
Major, where at this date the confines of Roman Africa
were to be found. In this vicinity the Egyptian territory
began, and the southern frontier coincided for the most
part with the edge of the Libyan desert as it skirts the
fertile lands of the north and east, that is, the Cyrenaica
and the valley of the Nile. An artificial line, cutting that
valley on a level with the first cataract and the Isle of
Philae, marked the southern extension of Egypt as far as
claimed by the Byzantine emperors.^ From a corresponding

a fragment which still existed under a Comnenian dynasty, in 146 1.
Bosnia, Herzegovina, Roumania, Armenia proper, Georgia, and the
lower part of Mesopotamia did not, however, belong to the Eastern
Empire, but there was suzerainty over most of the adjacent territory
except Persia.

' The town itself was in the hands of the Bulgarians till 504, w hen it
was won by Theodoric for Italy; Cassiodorus, Chron.

^ This frontier was delimited by Diocletian, c. 295 ; Eutropius, ix ;
Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 19.

136 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

point on the opposite shore of the Red Sea the Asiatic
border of their dominions began. Passing northwards to
regain that part of the Euxine from whence we started, the
eastern frontier pursued a long and irregular track, at first
along the margin of the Arabian desert as it verges on the
Sinaitic peninsula, Palestine, and Syria; then crossing the
Euphrates it gained the Tigris, so as to include the northern
portion of Mesopotamia. Finally, returning to the former
river, it joined it in its course along the western limits of
Armenia,^ whence it reached the Phasis on the return journey,
the point from which we set out." Considered in their greatest
length, from the Danube above Sirmium, to Syene on the
Nile, and in their extreme width, from the Tigris in the longi-
tude of Daras or Nisibis, to the Acroceraunian rocks on the
coast of Epirus, these ample dominions stretch from north to
south for nearly eighteen hundred miles, and from east to
west for more than twelve hundred. In superficial area this
tract may be estimated to contain about half a miUion of
square miles, that is, an amount of surface fully four times

' At this time Western Armenia, about one-third of the whole, was
called Roman, the rest Persian. It was divided at the end of the fourth
century, but no taxes were collected there by the Byzantines ; see below.

^ Neither the north-eastern nor the north-western boundaries can now
be precisely defined. According to Theodoret, the north-eastern verge
of the Empire was Pityus, about seventy miles farther north ; Hist.
Eccles., V, 34. After the reign of Trajan the Euxine was virtually a
Roman lake, and a garrisoned fort was kept at Sehastopol, considerably
north of the Phasis, Bosphorus (Crimea) under its Greek kings being
still allowed a nominal autonomy ; Arrian, Periplus Pont. Euxin. After
250, however, under Gallienus, etc., these regions were overrun by the
Goths. In 275 Trajan's great province of Dacia was abandoned by
Aurelian, but he preserved the remembrance of it by forming a small
province with the same name south of the Danube ; Hist. Aug., Aurelian,
39. etc.

The Roman Empire under Anastasms 137

greater than that covered by Great Britain and Ireland/ At
the present day it is calculated that these vast regions are
peopled by only about twenty-eight millions of inhabitants,*
but their modern state of decay is practically the reverse of
their condition in the sixth century, when they were the
flourishing, though already failing, seat of the highest civil-
ization at that time existing on the earth; and there is good
reason to believe that they were then considerably more,
perhaps even double as, populous.^

For the purposes of civil government the Empire was
divided into sixty-four provinces, each of which was placed
under an administrator, who was usually drawn from the
profession of the law." These officers were, as a rule, of
nearly equal rank, but in three instances the exceptional
extent and importance of the provinces necessitated the
bestowal of a title more lofty than usual on the governors.

^ This geographical sketch is based chiefly on the Notitia, the Synec-
demus of Hierocles, and Spruner's maps.

^ Less than the present population of England, which has barely a
tenth of the area of the Empire.

^ To take a few instances: Thessalonica and Hadrianople, former
population not less than 300,000 each, now about 70,000 each ; Antioch,
formerly 500,000 (Chrysostom mentions 200,000, doubtless only free-
men), now 7,500; Alexandria, formerly 750,000, now again growing
into prosperity, 230,000 ; on the other hand, Ephesus, Palmyra, Baalbec,
etc., once great cities, have entirely disappeared. Nor have any modern
towns sprung up to replace those mentioned ; Cairo alone, with its
371,000, is an apparent exception, but it is almost on the site of Memphis,
still a busy town in the sixth century. For these and many similar
examples the modern gazetteers, etc., are a sufficient reference. Taking
all things into consideration, to give a hundred millions to the countries
forming the Eastern Empire, in their palmy days, might not be an over-
estimate ; and even then the density of population would be only about -
one-third of what it is in England at tl)e present day. \ ■ / y/rj j

* Institut. Just., Prooem., etc. , 7\ '^Ic •S''^" .^ j t/^ V ^ J

.i-rxz ji,.t^rv^J^'r:Td>j^'''^ a', r-

138 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

I. The whole of Greece, including Hellas proper and the
Peloponnesus, though now no longer classical, was ruled
under the name of Achaia by a vicegerent, to whom was
conceded the almost obsolete dignity of a proconsul. 2.
Similarly, the central maritime division of Asia Minor,
containing the important cities of Smyrna and Ephesus
with many others and grandiosely named "Asia,"' was also
allowed to confer on its ruler the title of proconsul. This
magistrate had the privilege of reporting directly to the
Emperor without an intermediary, and had also jurisdiction
over the governors of two adjacent provinces, viz.: the
Hellespont, which abutted on the strait of that name, and
The Islands, a term applied collectively to about a score of
the Cyclades and Sporades. 3. The main district of Lower
Egypt, adorned by the magnificent and populous city of
Alexandria, the second capital of the Empire, was placed
under an administrator bearing the unique title of the
Augustal Praefect. The sixty-one remaining provinces were
intrusted to governors of practically the same standing; of
these, twenty-seven were called consulars, thirty-one presidents,
two correctors, and one duke, the latter officer being on the
southern frontier of Egypt, apparently in both civil and
military charge.^

To enumerate severally in this place all the petty provinces
of the Empire would be mere prolixity, but there are a few
whose designations present peculiarities which may save them
from being passed over without notice. The comprehensive

^ Here, however, seems to have been the tract first known to the
Greeks as Asia, but the name was extended to the whole continent fully
ten centuries before this time.

^ Hierocles, op. cit. By the Notitia the civil and military government
of Isauria and Arabia are in each case vested in the same person.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 139

names of Europe and Scythia, which in general suggest such
vast expansions of country, were given to two small portions
of Thrace, the first to that which extended up to the walls
of Constantinople, and the second to the north-east corner
which lay between the Danube and the Euxine.^ With
parallel magniloquence, a limited area adjoining the south-
east border of Palestine was denominated Arabia. The
maritime province of Honorias on the north of Asia Minor,
perpetuated the memory of the despicable Emperor of the
Vv^est, Honorius. The name of Arcadia awakens us to re-
miniscences of Mount Cyllene with Hermes and " universal "
Pan,- of Artemis with her train of nymphs heading the chase
through the woods of Erymanthus, or of the historic career
of Epaminondas and the foundation of Megalopolis. But the
Arcadia officially recognized in the Eastern Empire had no
higher associations than the feeble son of Theodosius,
brother of the above-named, and we may be surprised to find
it in central Egypt with Oxyrhyncus and Memphis for its
chief towns.

By a second disposition of the Empire of an inclusive
kind the provinces were grouped in seven Dioceses, namely:
three European, Dacia,^ Thrace, and Macedonia; three
Asiatic, the Asian, the Pontic, and the Orient; and one
African, Egypt. The first of these obeys the Praetorian
Praefect of Illyricum, the sixth the Count of the Orient or

^ Now the Dobrudscha.

^ The birds their choir apply; airs, vernal airs,
Breathing the smell of field and grove, attune
The trembling leaves, while universal Pan,
Knit with the Graces and the Hours in dance,
Led on the eternal Spring,

Paradise Lost, IV.

^ Including the small province of that name.

140 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

East, and the last the Augustal Praefect, whilst the rulers
of the remaining four are entitled Vicars.^ When I add that
the Orient, the most extensive of these divisions, comprised
in fifteen provinces the whole of Palestine and Syria as well
as the southern tract of Asia Minor, from the Tigris to the
Mediterranean, and the island of Cyprus, the limits of the
other dioceses may be conjectured from their names with
sufficient accuracy for our present purpose.* By a final
partition the dominions of the Byzantine Emperor were
assigned, but very unequally, to two officers of the highest
or Illustrious rank, viz. : the Praetorian Praefects of the East
and of Illyricum. Dacia and Macedonia fell to the rule of
the latter, whilst the remaining five dioceses were con-
solidated under the control of the former minister.^ The
Praefect of the East is in general to be regarded as the
subject in closest proximity to the throne, in fact, the first
minister of the crown. ^ The Imperial capital, as being out-
side all these subordinate arrangements, was treated as a
microcosm in itself; and with its Court in permanent re-
sidence, its bureaus of central administration, and its special
Praefect of Illustrious rank, may almost be considered as
a third of the prime divisions of the Empire. Here, as a
rule, through the long series of Byzantine annals, by the
voice of the populace and the army, or by the intrigues of
the Court, emperors were made or unmade.

^ On the roll of precedence the Vicars and Proconsuls were Spectabiles,
the ordinary governors Clarissimi. The intendant of the Long Walls
was also called a Vicar; Novel., viii. ^ See the Notitia.

^ The independence of proconsular Asia has already been mentioned.

•* " Yielding only to the sceptre " ; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., ii, 5. On
the roll of precedence, however, he came after consuls and patricians,
but he was usually an ex-consul and patrician as well; see Godefroy ad
Cod. Theod., VI, vi.

The Roman Evtph^e under Anastasius 141

The whole Empire was traversed by those narrow, but
soUdly constructed roads, the abundant remains of which still
attest how thoroughly his work was done by the Roman
engineer.^ The repair and maintenance of these pubhc ways
was enjoined on the possessors of the lands through which
they passed; and similarly in the case of waterways, the care
of bridges and banks was an onus on the shoulders of the
riparian owners."^ On all the main roads an elaborate system
of public posts was studiously maintained; and at certain
intervals, about the length of an average day's journey,
mansions or inns were located for the accommodation of
those travelling on the public service.^ Each of such stations

^ The most noted of these roads, the Via Appia, ran from Rome to
Brindisi. It was about fifteen feet wide, with raised footpaths proportion-
ately narrow. The only road in the Eastern Empire with a special name
was the Via Egnatia, leading from the coast of the Adriatic through
Thessalonica to Cypsela (Ipsala, about forty miles north of Gallipoli).
The Antonine Itinerary shows the distance between most of the towns
and ports in the Empire {^c. 300). The Tabula Peutingeriana is a sort of
panoramic chart on which towns, roads, mountains, forests, etc., are
marked without any approach to delineating the outline of the countries,
except in the vicinity of the Bosphorus and CP. (third century, but
brought up to a later date ; about 1 5 feet x i ). There is a photographic
reproduction, Vienna, 1888. Strabo (IV, iii, 8) notes how careless the
Greeks were, as compared with the Romans, in the matter of public
works of ordinary utility.

^ Cod. Theod., XV, iii. By the absence of this title from the Code
and from Procopius (De Bel. Goth., i, 14; De Aedific, iv, 8; v, 5) we
can discern that the roads in the East were generally in bad condition.
No rubbish or filth or obstructive matter of any kind was allowed to be
discharged into the roads or rivers. All roads or canals, that is, by-paths,
were to be maintained in their primary condition, whether paved or
unpaved; Pand., XLIII, x-xv. Soldiers were enjoined not to shock the
public decency by bathing shamelessly in the rivers ; Cod. Theod., VII,

^ The modern caravanserai, a great square building with open central

142 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

was equipped with a sufficient number of light and heavy
vehicles, of draught horses and oxen, of pack-horses, sumpter
mules, and asses for the exigences of local transit.' Stringent
rules were laid down for the equitable loading of both animals
and carriages, and also for the humane treatment of the
former. Thus a span of four oxen was allowed to draw a load
of fifteen hundred pounds, but the burden of an ordinary
pack-horse was limited to thirty." It was forbidden to beat
the animals with heavy or knotted sticks; they were to be
urged onwards by the use only of a sharp whip or rod fit to
"admonish their lagging limbs with a harmless sting." ^ In
addition to the mansions there were usually four or five
intermediate stations called imitations, where a few relays
were kept for the benefit of those speeding on an urgent
mission.* The abuse of the public posts was jealously guarded
against, and only those bearing an order from the Emperor
or one of the Praetorian Praefects could command their

court and chambers on two floors (see Texier and Pullan, op. cit.,
p. 142, for a description and plans of one attributed to the times of the
Empire), is supposed to represent not only these mansions, but even the
pattern of the original Persian angaH of the classic period. Travellers
could stop at them gratuitously and obtain provender, etc. Cicero,
Atticus, V, 16, etc.

1 About forty animals were kept at each station ; Procopius, Anecd., 30.

^ Cod. Theod., VIII, v, 28, etc. 22^ lb. avd. seems absurdly little
for a horse to carry; a parhippus, an extra-strong horse, was kept, and
might take 100 lb. (75 avd.), but even that is only half the weight of an
average man; Cassiodorous, Var. Epist., iv, 47; v, 5, C. remarks,
however, that it is absurd to load an animal who has to travel at a high
speed. I think, therefore, that the load is in addition to a rider (hippo-
comus),

3 Cod. Theod., VIII, v, 2.

* The Jerusalem Itinerary [c. 350) shows the mansions and mutations
from Bordeaux to J., etc. The former seem to have been in or near large
towns, the latter by the wayside.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 143

facilities, and then only to an extent restricted to their purely
official requirements. A Vicar could dispose of a train of ten
horses and thirteen asses on a dozen occasions in the year,
in order to make tours of inspection throughout his diocese;
legates from foreign countries and delegates from provincial
centres, journeying to Constantinople to negotiate a treaty or
to lay their grievances before the Emperor, were provided for
according to circumstances.^ The highways were constantly
permeated by the Imperial couriers bearing dispatches to or
from the capital." These emissaries were also deputed to act
as spies, and to report at headquarters any suspicious
occurrences they might observe on their route,^ whence they
were popularly spoken of as "the eyes of the Emperor."^
They were known by their military cloak and belt, their tight
trousers,^ and by a spray of feathers'' in their hair to symbolize
the swiftness of their course. One or two were appointed
permanently to each province with the task of scouring the

^ Cod. Theod. , VIII, v, with Godefroy's paratitlon.

- Cod. Theod., VI, xxvii; called Agentes in rebus.

^ They appear to have originated in the Frttmentarii (corn-collectors),
who were sent into the provinces to purvey for the wants of the capital.
Encouraged on their return to tattle about what they had seen, signs of
disaffection, etc., their secondary vocation became paramount ; and under
Diocletian they were reconstituted with a more consonant title, whilst
their license was restrained; Aurelius Vict., Diocletian; Hist. Aug.
Commodus, 4, etc.

* Libanius, Epitaph. Juliani (R., I, p. 568); cf. Xenophon, Cyro-
paedia, viii, 2. The Persian king was the original begetter of " eyes and
ears " of this description ; Herodotus, i, 114.

' Liban., Adv. eos qui suam Docendi Rat., etc. At this time they were
generally called Veredarii, veredus being the name of the post-horses
they always rode; Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 16; De Bel. Pers. ,
ii, 20.

^ Vetus Glossarium, sb. Vered. eq. (Godefroy ad Cod. Theod., VI,
xxix, i).

1 44 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

district continually as inspectors of the public posts/ There
was also a regular police patrol on the roads, called Irenarchs,
whose duty it was to act as guardians of the peace.''^

A Roman emperor of this age, as an admitted despot sub-
jected to no constitutional restraints, could formulate and
promulgate whatever measures commended themselves to
his arbitrary will. But such authority, however absolute in
theory, must always be restricted in practice by the operation
of sociological laws. Although a prince with a masterful
personality might dominate his subordinates to become the
father or the scourge of his country, a feeble monarch would
always be the slave of his great officers of state. Yet even
the former had to stoop to conciliate the people or the army,
and a sovereign usually stood on treacherous ground when
attempting to maintain a balance between the two.^ The
army, as the immediate and effectual instrument of repres-
sion, was generally chosen as the first stay of the autocracy,
and there are few instances of a Byzantine emperor whose
throne was not on more than one occasion cemented with
the blood of his subjects. But many a virtuous prince in
his efforts to curb the licence of the troops lost both his
sceptre and his life.'

The Council of the Emperor, besides the three Praefects
already mentioned, consisted of five civil and of an equal
number of military members, all of Illustrious dignity.' Their
designations were severally: i. Praepositus of the Sacred

^ Curiosi; Cod. Theod., VI, xxix.

^ Irenarchi', ibid., XII, xiv; Cod., X, Ixxv.

' In no instance better exemplified than in that of Anastasius.

■* Galba, Pertinax, Alexander, Probus, Maurice, etc.

' See their insignia and appointments in the Notitia; there was a
separate set for the East and West even after the extinction of the Roman
dynasty of the latter division.

The Roman Empire under Anastasitis 145

Cubicle, or Grand Chamberlain, Master of the Offices,
Quaestor, Count of the Sacred Largesses, and Count of
the Privy Purse, 2. Five Masters of Horse and Foot,' two
at head-quarters,^ and one each for the Orient, Thrace, and
lUyricum. To these may be added the Archbishop or
Patriarch of Constantinople, always a great power in the
State. In the presence of a variable number of these minis-
ters it was usual for the Emperor to declare his will, to appeal
to their judgment, or to act on their representations, but
the time, place, and circumstances of meeting were entirely
in the discretion of the prince.^ The formal sittings of
the Council were not held in secret, but before an audience
of such of the Spectabiles as might wish to attend.' The
legislation of the Emperor, comprised under the general
name of Constitutions, fell naturally into two classes, viz.,
laws promulgated on his own initiative and those issued in
response to some petition. Edicts, Acts, Mandates, Prag-
matic Sanctions, and Epistles usually ranked in the first
division; Rescripts in the second.' A Rescript was granted,
as a rule, in compliance with an ex parte application, and
might be disregarded by the authority to whom it was ad-
dressed should it appear to have been obtained by false pre-

' Or more briefly, Masters of Soldiers, of Troops, or of the Forces ;
in the Notitia the five military magnates are placed before the Counts of
the Treasury.

^ In praesenti, in the Presence ; to be with the Emperor travelling was
to be in sacro Comitaiu ; to send anything to Court was to send it ad
Coniitatum, etc.

^ For the probable daily order of the Consistorium see p. 92; Cod.
Theod., XI, xxxix, 5, 8 ; the materials at this date are too scanty to fill
an objective picture; cf. Schiller, Gesch. d. rom. Kaiserzeit, Gotha,
18S7, ii, p. 66.

* Cod. Theod., VI, xii, and Godefroy ad loc.

" Ibid,, I, i, ii, with Godefroy's paratitla.

L

146 The Age of Justinian afid Theodora

tences, but the Court which set it aside did so at its own
peril. ^

The Senate of Constantinople, created in imitation of that
of Rome, was designed by Constantine rather to grace his
new capital than to exercise any of the functions of govern-
ment.'* Like the new order of patricians, the position of
Senator was mainly an honorary and not an executive rank.
All the members enjoyed the title of Clarissimus, that of the
third grade of nobihty, and assembled under the presidency
of the Praefect of the city.^ As a body the Senate was treated
with great ostensible consideration by the Emperor, and was
never referred to in the public acts without expressions of
the highest esteem, such as " the Venerable," " the Most
Noble Order," " amongst whom we reckon ourselves." * This
public parade of their importance, however, endowed them
with a considerable moral power in the popular idea; and
the subscription of the impotent Senate was not seldom
demanded by a prudent monarch to give a wider sanction to
his acts of oppression or cruelty." During an interregnum

* They had much the force of a decree nisi, to be made absolute only
in the quarter where all the circumstances were known. The Codes are
full of warnings against acting too hastily on the Emperor's rescript;
thus Constantine says, "Contra jus Rescripta non valeant," but his son
on the same page, " JNIultabuntur Judicesqui Rescripta contempserint."
They had to steer between Scylla and Chaiybdis ; in most cases, how-
ever, an easy task enough in Byzantine administration; Cod. Theod.,

I, i, I, 5-

- Julian, in his zeal for constitutional government, tried to make it a
real power in the state, but his effort was quietly ignored after his
short career by his successors ; Zosimus, iii, 11.

' In theory the Consul (Cod. Theod., VI, vi), but practically the
V.\J.;ilnd., ii, and Godefroy's paratitlon; cf. Cassiodorus, Var. Epist.,
i, 42, 43, etc.

' Cod. Theod., VI, xxiii, l; XII, i, 122; IX, ii, i, etc.

^ Ammianus, xxviii, i; Cod., I, xiv. Thus even Theodosius based

The Roman Empire under Anastashis 147

their voice was usually heard with attention;^ and a prince
with a weak or faihng title to the throne would naturally
cling to them for support.^ They were sometimes constituted
as a High Court for the trial of criminal cases of national
importance, such as conspiring against the rule or life of the
Emperor.' They could pass resolutions to be submitted for
the approval of the crown ; * they had a share in the nomina-
tion of some of the higher and lower officials; and they per-
formed generally the duties of a municipal council.'

In addition to the Imperial provinces there was also, to
facilitate the work of local government, a subsidiary division
of the Empire into Municipia. Every large town or city, with
a tract of the surrounding country, was formed into a muni-
cipal district and placed under the charge of a local Senate

himself on a decree of the Senate before embarking on the war with
Maximus; Zosimus, v, 43, 44.

^ When there was no emperor in the East, after the death of Valens,
Julius, the Master of the Forces, applied for sanction to the Senate
before ordering the massacre of all the Gothic youth detained as hostages
throughout Asia; Zosimus, iv, 26.

^ As in the case of Anastasius himself; Marcellinus Com., an. 5 15, etc.

^ Ammianus, xxviii, i; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 32.

^ Cod. Theod., VI, ii, 4; XV, ix; Cod., I, xiv. Leo Sap. at last
abolished the Senatusconsulta; Nov. Leo., Ixxviii.

^ References to, and a resume of, modern authorities who have tried
to work out the political significance of the Senate at this epoch will be
found in Schiller, op.cit. p. 31. I may add that fifty members formed a
quorum (Cod. Theod., VI, iv, 9), but a couple of thousand may have
borne the title of Senator; Themistius, xxxiv, p. 456 (Dind.). Many
of these, however, had merely the " naked " honour by purchase (Cod.
Theod., XII, i, 48, et passim), or received it on being superannuated
from the public service, but the potential Senators inherited the office
or assimilated it naturally on account of their rank. Many of the titular
Senators lived on their estates in the provinces; Cod. Theod., VI, ii, 2;
of. Cassiodorus, Var. Epist., iii, 6, etc.

148 The Age of Justmia7i and Theodora

or Curia. The members of a Curia were called Decurions,^
and were selected officially to the number of about one hun-
dred from the more reputable inhabitants of the vicinity.
They not only held office for life, but transmitted it com-
pulsorily to their heirs, so that the State obtained a perpetual
lien on the services of their descendants. In each Municipium
the official of highest rank was the " Defender of the City," '^
who was elected to his post for five years by the independent
suffrage of the community. His chief duty was to defend
the interests of his native district against the Imperial officers
who, as aliens to the locality, were assumed to have little
knowledge or concern as to its actual welfare. He became
ex officio president of the Curia; and in conjunction with
them acted as a judge of first instance or magistrate in causes
of lesser importance.^

A provincial governor, generally called the Rector or
Ordinary Judge, held open court at his Praetorium and sat
within his chancel every morning to hear all causes brought
before him.* His chancellors guarded the trellis, which fenced
off the outer court against the onrush of eager suitors;'
within, the advocates delivered their pleadings, whilst a body
of scribes and actuaries took a record in writing of the whole

' Cod. Theod., XII, i; Godefroy reckons seventy-nine Curiae in the
Eastern Empire, but there must have been many more not definitely in-
dicated; paratitlon ac/ /cir.

^ Cod. Theod., I, xxix.

' Ibid., XII, i, 151; Novel., xv; see Savigny, Hist. Roman Law, I,
ii. They seem to have been created by Valentinian I; Cod., I,
Iv, I, etc.

* Cod. Theod., I, vii, 3; the first book contains most of Haenel's
additions, and his numbers often differ from Godefroy's, to which I
always refer on account of the commentary.

^ Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 37; cf. Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., xi, 6.
Cancellaritis, from the canceUi or grille, within which they sat or stood.

The Roman Empire tuider Anastasius 149

proceedings/ The precinctswere crowded withhisapparitors,^
ofificers upon whom devolved the duty of executing the judge-
ments of the court. With the aid of his assessor/ a legal ex-
pert well versed in the text of the law, the Rector elaborated
his judgment, a written copy of which he was bound to
deliver to each litigant.* But if his decision were asked in
cases which seemed too trivial for his personal attention, he
was empowered to hand them over to a class of petty judges
CQ-Wed pedanei Judices.^ From the provincial court an appeal
lay to the Vicar of the Diocese, or even to the Emperor him-
self,^ but appellants were severely mulcted if convicted of
merely contentious litigation.'' At certain seasons the Rector
went on circuit throughout his province to judge causes and
to inspect abuses.^

I. The permanent existence of any community in a state
of political cohesion depends on its possession of the means
to defray the expenses of government; and, therefore, the
first duty of every primary ruler or administrative body in
chief is to collect a revenue for the maintenance of a national
treasury. The Roman or Byzantine system of raising money
or its equivalent, by means of imposts laid on the subjects
of the Empire, included every conceivable device of taxing
the individual for the benefit of the state. The public were

^ Plutarch, Cato Min., 23, etc.; cf. Savigny, loc. cit,

^ Generally about 400 in number; the Count of the East was allowed
600; Cod., XII, Ivi, Ivii, etc. A sort of constabulary lower in rank
than ordinary soldiers; Cod., XII, Iviii, 12, etc.

' I6u/., I, xii. * /did., IV, xvii.

^ Cod. Theod., I, vii, 2; Cod., Ill, iii. Notwithstanding a long article
by Bethmann-HoUweg (Civilprozessen, Bonn, 1864, iii, p. 116), nothing
is known as to how they held their court, etc.

® Cod. Theod., XI, xxx.

•^ /did., I, V. 8 /^^-^^^ i^ vii^ 2^ 6,

1 50 The Age of JiLstinian and Theodora

called on not only to fill the treasury, but were constrained
to devote their resources in kind, their time, and their
labour to the needs of the government. To obtain every
requisite without purchase for the administration was the
economical policy of the ruling class. Food and clothing,
arms and horses, commuted to a money payment if the
thing were unattainable, were levied systematically for the
use of the civil and military establishment. The degree of
personal liability was determined by the assessment of pro-
perty, and those who were possessed of nothing were made
liable for their heads. Social distinctions and commercial
transactions were also taxed under well-defined categories.
A considerable section of the community was, however,
legally freed from the regular imposts. This indulgence was
granted especially to the inhabitants of cities, whose facilities
for combination and sedition were always contemplated with
apprehension by the jealous despot. But immunity from
taxation was also extended with some liberality to all who
devoted themselves to art or learning.

I. The financial year began with the first of September,
and was spoken of numerically as an indiction, according to
its place in a perpetually recurring series of fifteen. Properly
an indiction was the period of fifteen years ^ which separated
each new survey and revaluation of the private estates through-
out the Empire. At the beginning of such a term the Im-
perial Censitors or surveyors pervaded the country districts,
registering in their books and on their plans all the details

^ Thus the first, the fifteenth, indiction were the first and last years
of the round of fifteen. This method of reckoning mostly supersedetl all
other dates, both in speaking and writing. The first Indiction is usually
calculated from ist September, 312. Fundamentally, indiction means
rating or assessment.

The RomctJi Empire under Anastasius 151

of the new census.^ Their record showed the amount of the
possessions of each landowner; the quahty of the land; to
what extent it was cultivated or lay waste; in what propor-
tions it was laid out in vineyards and olive-grounds; in woods,
pastures, and arable land. The number and magnitude of
the farm and residential buildings were carefully noted, and
even the geniality of the climate, and the apparent fecundity
of the fruit-bearing trees, which were separately counted and
disposed in classes, exercised the judgement of the Censitor
in furnishing materials for a just estimate as to the value of
an estate. Essential also to the cataster, or assessment, was
a list of the flocks and herds possessed by the owner." The
particulars supplied by the Censitor passed into the hands
of another official named a Peraequator. He divided the
district into " heads " of property, each computed to be of
the value of 1,000 solidi,' and assigned to each landowner
his census, that is, the number of heads for which in future
he would be taxed. This assessment was not based on a
mere valuation of the property of each person; it was com-
plicated by the principle of Byzantine finance that all land
should pay to the Imperial exchequer. It was the duty,

' Hyginus, de Limitibus, etc., is our chief source of knowledge as to
Roman land-surveying. Permanent maps were engraved on brass plates
and copies were made on linen, etc. See Godefroy ad Cod. Theod.,
XI, xxvii.

2 Pand., L, xv, 4; Cod. Theod., IX, xlii, 7; Cod., IX, xlix, 7.

^ From a Syriac MS. in the British Museum, it appears that to every
caput ox jugHin of 1,000 solidi (^560) were reckoned ^jugera (about %
acre) of vineyard, 20, 40, or 60 of arable land, according to quality,
250 olive trees, ist cl., and 450 2nd cl. ; see Alommsen on this docu-
ment, Hermes, iii, 1868, p. 429; cf. Nov. Majorian, i. The amount
exacted for each head varied with time and place. When Julian was in
Gaul {c. 356), the inhabitants were paying 25 solidi {£\i,) per caput or
jugum, which he managed to reduce to 7 solidi (£a,) ; Ammianus, xvi, 5.

152 The Age of Jzistinian and Theodoi'a

therefore, of a Peraequator, to assign a nominal possession
in barren or deserted land to each owner in fair proportion
to his apparent means. Thus the possessor of a valuable
farm was often encumbered with a large increment of worth-
less ground, whilst the owner of a poor one might escape
such a burthen/ Yet a third official, called an Irispector^
came upon the scene, but his services were not always con-
stant or comprehensive. He visited the province in response
to petitions or appeals from dissatisfied owners, or was sent
to solve matters of perplexity.^ His acquirements were the
same as those of a Peraequator, but, whereas the latter was
obliged to impose a rate on some one for every hide of land,
the Inspector was allowed considerable discretion. After a
strict scrutiny he was empowered to give relief in clear cases
of over-assessment, and even to exclude altogether any tracts
of land which could not fairly be imposed on any of the in-
habitants of the district. Before final ratification, the cataster
had to pass under the eyes of the local Curia, the provincial
Rector, and of the Imperial financiers at the capital. The
polyptica or censual books were then closed, and remained
immutable until the next indiction.'

2. Appended to the land survey was a register of the
labourers, slaves, and animals employed by the possessors of
estates; and upon every ordinary adult of this caste a poll-

1 Cod. Theod., XI, i, 10; XIII, xi, 12; Cod., XI, Iviii, etc. De-
serted lands were mostly near the borders, from which the occupiers had
been driven by hostile incursions. Barren lands presumably were put
in the worst class.

^ The duties of these officials are nowhere precisely defined, and a
consistent account must be presumed from the scattered indications con-
tained in the Codes, Cassiodorus, etc. ; see Cod. Theod., XIII, xi; Cod.,
XI, Ivii, etc.

3 Cod. Theod., XIII, x, 5; xi, 4, etc. * Ibid., XIII, x, 8.

The Roman Empire render Anastasius 153

tax was imposed.^ Similarly with respect to every animal
which performed a task, horses, oxen, mules, and asses for
draught purposes, and even dogs.' For this demand the
landowner alone was dealt with by the authorities, but he
was entitled to recover from his labourers whatever he paid
on account of themselves or their families. As this capitation
was very moderate, the individual was freed from it by the
possession of the smallest holding, and subjected to the land-
tax instead;' but the farmer still paid vicariously for his
work-people, even when assessed on property of their own.
Slaves were always, of course, a mere personal asset of their
masters, and incapable of ownership. A sweeping immunity
from poll-tax was conferred on all urban communities,* whence
nobles and plutocrats escaped the impost for the hosts of
servants they sometimes maintained at their city mansions;
but even in the rural districts, virgins,' widows, certain pro-
fessional men, and skilled artizans generally, were exempt."

^ For this assessment the adult age was in general i8, but in Syria,
males 14, females 12; Pand., L, xv, 3.

^ " Capitatio humana atque animalium"; Cod. Theod., XI, xx, 6;
cf. Cedrenus, i, p. 627 ; Zonaras, xiv, 3 ; Glykas, iv, p. 493, etc. Owing
to the use in the Codes of the words caput and capitatio with respect to
both land-tax and poll-tax, these were generally confounded together,
till Savigny made the distinction clear in his monograph, Ueber d. rom.
Steuerverfassung, pub. 1823 in the Transact, of the Berlin Acad, of
Science. The poll-tax is usually distinguished z.%plebeiacapitatio. The epi-
gram of Sidonius Ap. is always quoted, and has often misled the expo-
sitors of the Codes, in this connection. To the Emperor Majorian he says:
Geryones nos esse puta, monstrumque tributum,
Hie capita, ut vivam, tu mihi tolle tria.
The taxes must have been again very high for him to anticipate so much
relief from the remission of only three heads (c. 460).

^ Cod. Theod., XI, i, 14; " quantulacumque terrarum possessio."

* Ibid., XIII, X, 2. ^ Ibid., XIII, x, 4, 6.

^ Ibid., XIII, iii, iv. A list of thirty-five handicrafts exempted is

154 ^'^^ ^^^ of J2istinian and Theodora

3. Port or transit dues, called vedigalia^ were levied on
all merchandise transported from one province to another
for the sake of gain, that is, for resale at a profit; but for
purely personal use residents were permitted to pass a limited
quantity of goods free of tax. In this category may be in-
cluded licenses for gold-mining, which cost the venturer
about a guinea a year." Taxes of this class were let out by
public auction for a term of three years to those who bid
highest for the concession of collecting them.^ Export of
gold from the Empire was forbidden, and those who had the
opportunity, were exhorted to use every subterfuge in order
to obtain it from the barbarians.^

4. A tax, peculiar in some respects to the Byzantine Em-
pire, was the lustral collation or chrysargyron, a duty of the
most comprehensive character on the profits of all commercial
transactions.' Trade in every shape and form was subjected
to it, not excepting the earnings of public prostitutes, beggars,
and probably even of catamites.'' The chrysargyron was
collected every fourth year only, and for this reason, as it

given, including professionals, such as physicians, painters, architects,
and geometers. I find no relief, however, in the case of lawyers.

^ Cod. Theod., IV, xii; Godefroy could only recover one Constitution
of this title, but Ilaenel has been able to collect nine ; thirteen are con-
tained in the corresponding title of the Code, IV, Ixi. On imported
eunuchs ^ was paid; Cod., IV, xlii, 2.

2 Ibid., X, xix, 3, 12. 3 IlnJ., IV, xii.

* Cod., IV, Ixiii, 2; "subtili auferatur ingenio."

* Cod. Theod., XIII, i; Cod., XI, i. Evagrius (iii, 39), one of the
nearest in time, is most copious on the subject of this tax. Cedrenus,
Glykas, Zonaras ("an annual tribute!") evidently confused it with the
poll-tax, but their remarks show that every animal useful to the farmer
returned something to the revenue ; a horse or an ox one shilling, an ass
or a dog fourpence, etc.

" Evagrius alone mentions these ; cf. Hist. August. Alexander, 34.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 155

appears, was felt to be a most oppressive tax/ Doubtless
the deniand was large in proportion to the lapse of time since
the last exaction, and weighed upon those taxed, like a sud-
den claim for accumulated arrears. When the time for pay-
ment arrived, a wail went up from all the small traders whose
traffic barely sufficed to keep them in the necessaries of life.
To procure the money, parents frequently, it is said, had to
sell their sons into servitude and their daughters for prostitu-
tion.' There were limited exemptions in favour of ministers
of the orthodox faith and retired veterans, who might en-
gage in petty trade; of artists selling their own works; and of
farmers who sold only their own produce.' The most popular
and, perhaps, the boldest measure of Anastasius, was the
abrogation of this tax.' Fortifying himself with the acquies-

^ According to an old Biblical commentator, it was called the penaliz-
ing gold, "the price of sorrow," as we might say (aurum poenosum or
pannosum, the gold of rags, levied even on beggars) ; see Valesius ad
Evagr. loc. cit. ; Quaest. Vet. et Nov. Test. 75, ad calc. St. August,
(in Migne, iii, 2269). He also is thinking of a poll-tax, didrach?na,
less than two shillings a head. The Theodosian Code in twenty-one
Constitutions is clear and precise as to the incidence of the chrysargyron,
and nothing can be interjected extraneous to the definitions there con-
stituted. The quadriennial contribution of Edessa was 140 lb. of gold
(^5,600); Joshua Stylites (Wright), Camb. 18S2, 31.

^ Zosimus, ii, 38. He is severe on Constantine for inflicting it, but
there must have been something like it before ; see Godefroy ad Cod.
Theod., Xin, i, i.

' Cod. Theod., XVI, ii, 8, 14, 15; XHI, i, 11, etc.; VII, xx, 3, 9,
etc. (also some Court officers; XI, xii, 3); XIII, iv; i, 10.

■* It is the signal action of Anastasius respecting it which has caused
so much notice to be taken of the impost; see esp. Procopius, Gaz.
Panegyric, 13. One Timotheus of Gaza is said to have aimed a tra-
gedy at the harshness of it ; Cedrenus ; Suidas, sb. Timoth. By Code,
XI, i, I, it seems that traces of it remained permanently. Evagrius
alludes vaguely to some compensating financial measures of Anastasius ;
iii, 42 ; cf. Jn. Malala, p. 394.

156 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

cence of the Senate, he proclaimed its aboUtion, caused all
the books and papers relating to this branch of the revenue
to be heaped up in the sphendone of the Hippodrome, and
publicly committed them to the flames.^ The chrysargyron
was never afterwards reimposed.

5. With some special taxes reaped from dignitaries of
state, the income derived from crown lands and state mines,
and with fines, forfeitures, and heirless patrimonies, the flow of
revenue into the Imperial coffers ceased. From a fiscal point
of view there were four classes of Senators, or to consider
more accurately, perhaps, only two: those who were held to
contribute something to the treasury in respect of their rank,
and those who were absolved from paying anything. Wealthy
Senators, possessed of great estates, paid an extraordinary
capitation proportioned to the amount of their property, but
lands merely adjected to fill up the census were exempt
under this heading; those of only moderate means were
uniformly indicted for two folks, or purses of silver, about
;£i2 of our money; whilst the poorest class of all were
obliged to a payment of seven soltdi only, about ^^4, with a
recommendation to resign if they felt unequal to this small
demand.* Members who enjoyed complete immunity were
such as received the title of Senator in recognition of long,
but comparatively humble, service to the state; amongst these
we find certain officers of the Guards, physicians, professors

^ This was the regular procedure when state debtors were officially
forgiven — a ceremonial burning of the accounts; Cod. Theod., XI,
xxviii, 2, 3, etc.

^ Cod. Theod., VI, ii, i, 4, 13, etc. The idea of abolishing these
senatorial taxes was entertained in the time of Arcadius, but the scheme
fell through; Cod., XII, ii. Senatorial estates were kept distinct from .
all others during peraequation at the quindecennial survey ; Cod. Theod. ,
VI, iii, 2, 3.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 1 5 7

of the liberal arts, and others.' Not even, however, with
their set contributions were the Senators released from the
pecuniary onus of their dignity, for they were expected to
subscribe handsome sums collectively to be presented to the
sovereign on every signal occasion, such as New Year's day,
lustral anniversaries of his reign, birth of an heir, etc." When
any of the great functionaries of state, during or on vacating
office, were ennobled with the supreme title of patrician, an
offering of 100 lb. of gold (^4,000) was considered to be the
smallest sum by which he could fittingly express his gratitude
to the Emperor; this accession of revenue was particularly
devoted to the expenses of the aqueducts.^ An oblation of
two or three horses was also exacted every five years for the
public service from those who acquired honorary codicils of
ex-president or ex-count.* Finally a tax, also under the
semblance of a present, was laid on the Decurions of each
municipality, who, in acknowledgement of their public ser-
vices, were freed from all the lesser imposts. To this con-
tribution was applied the name of coronary gold, the con-
ception of which arose in earher times when gold, in the form
of crowns or figures of Victory, was presented to the Senate,
or to the generals of the Republic who had succeeded in
subjecting them, by conquered nations in token of their
subservience." These presentations were enjoined on every
plausible occasion of public rejoicing and the Imperial
officials did not forget to remind the local Curiae of their
duty to overlook no opportunity of conveying their con-
gratulations in a substantial manner to the Emperor. The

' Cod. Theod., VI, xxiv, 8, 9; XIII, iii, 15, 17, etc., see Godefroy's
paratitlon to VI, ii. - Ibid., VI, ii, 5, 9; VII, xxiv, etc.

3 Cod., XII, iii, 3. * Cod. Theod., VII, xxiii.

'" Ibid., XII, xiii, and Godefroy's commentaries. Cod., X, Ixxiv.

158 The Age ofjtistinian and Theodora

Imperial demesnes lay chiefly in Cappadocia, which con-
tained some breadths of pasture land unequalled in any
other part of the Empire.^ The province was from the
earliest times famous for its horses, which were considered
as equal, though not quite, to the highly-prized Spanish
breeds in the West.^ Mines for gold, silver, and other valu-
able minerals, including marble quarries, were regularly
worked by the Byzantine government in several localities
both in Europe and Asia; but history has furnished us with
no precise indications as to the gains drawn from them.^
Under the penal code, to send criminals to work in the
mines was classed as one of the severest forms of punish-
ment*

The exaction of the annones and tributes, expressions
which virtually included all the imposts, was the incessant
business of the official class. At the beginning of each
financial year the measure of the precept to be paid by each
district was determined in the office of the Praetorian Prae-
fect, subscribed by the Emperor, and disseminated through
the provinces by means of notices affixed in the most public
places/ A grace of four months was conceded and then the

^ Cod. Theod., VI, xxx, 2; Nov., xxx, etc.

^ Cod. Theod., X, vi; XV, x, and Godefroy ad loc.

^ Ibid., X, xix ; Cod., XI, vi ; see Bureau de la Malle {op. cii., iv,
17), who summarizes with refs. our scanty information on the subject.
It seems that the ancient methods of working the ore were very defective,
and the scoriae of the famous silver mines at Laurium have been treated
for the third time in recent years with good results ; see Cordelia, Berg u.
hiittenman. Zeitung, xlii, 1883, p. 21; Strabo, IX, i.

* Cod. Theod., I, v, I, etc. Chrysostom alludes to the severity of the
miner's existence; Stagirium, 13; Mart. Aegypt., 2 (in Migne, i, 490;
'i> 697). During the Gothic revolt of 376 the Thracian miners joined
the insurgents ; Ammianus, xxxi, 6.

" Cod. Theod., XI, i, I, 34; v, 3, 4; xvi, 8, etc.

The Roman Empire under Anastasms 1 59

gathering in of the annones or canon of provisions, which
included corn, wine, oil, flesh, and every other necessary for
the support of the army and the free distributions to the
urban populace, began. Delivery was enjoined in three in-
stalments at intervals of four months,' but payments in gold
were not enforced until the end of the year.^ The Exactors,
who waited on the tributaries to urge them to performance,
were usually decurions or apparitors of the Rector.' The Im-
perial constitutions directed with studied benignity that no
ungracious demeanour should be adopted towards the tax-
payers,^ that no application should be made on Sundays,"
that they should not be approached by opinators, that is, by
soldiers in charge of the military commissariat,'' that they
should, when possible, be allowed the privilege oi autopragias
or voluntary delivery,^ and that, if recalcitrant, they should
not be sent to prison or tortured, but allowed their liberty
under formal arrest.'* Only in the last resource was anything
of their substance seized as a pledge, to be sold " under the
spear " if unredeemed,^ but in general any valid excuse was
accepted and the tributaries were allowed to run into arrears."
Consonantly, however, to the prevailing principle every
effort was made by the Exactors to amass the full precept
from the locality, and those who could pay were convened
to make up for the defaulters.'^ The actual receivers of the

' Cod. Theod., XI, i, 15, 16; xxv; XII, vi, 15, etc.

■■^ Ibid., XII, vi, 2, etc. ^ Ibid., XI, vii, 14, 16, etc.

^ Ibid., XI, vii, i, etc.

° Ibid., XI, vii, 10, 13; VIII, viii, i, 3; this privilege was extended
to the Jews' Sabbath; II, viii, 3. '^ Ibid., XI, vii, 16, etc.

■^ Ibid., XI, i, 34, 35; x.\ii, 4, etc. ■* Ibid., XI, vii, 3, etc.

^ Ibid., X, xvii; XI, ix; that is by auction.

^° Ibid., xxviii; of. Cassiodorus, Var. Epist., xi, 7.

" Ibid., XI, vii, 2, 6, etc., cf. Cassiodorus, op. cit., iv, 14.

1 60 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

canon were named Suscepto7-s, and their usual place of cus-
tom was at the mansions or mutations of the public posts/
Scales and measures were regularly kept at these stations,*
and on stated occasions a Susceptor was in attendance ac-
companied by a tabiilarius, a clerk who was in charge of the
censual register which showed the liability of each person in
the municipality.^ The tabularhis gave a receipt couched in
precise terms to each tributary for the amount of his pay-
ment or consignment, particulars of which he also entered
in a book kept permanently for the purpose/ The system
of adaeratio, or commutation of species for money, was ex-
tensively adopted to obviate difficulties of delivery in kind;
and this was especially the case with respect to clothing or
horses for the army, or when transit was arduous by reason
of distance or rough country.' The transport of the annones
and tributes to their destination was a work of some magni-
tude, and was under the special supervision of the Vicar of
the diocese.^ Inland the bastagarit, the appointed branch

1 Cod. Theod., XI, i, 9, 21; XII, vi, 19, and Godefroy ad loc. ; ibid.,
XII, vii, 2, etc.

'^ Jhid., XII, vi, 19, 21, etc.

^ Ibid., XI, vii, i; XIII, x, I, etc. The demand notes had to be
signed by the Rector; XI, i, 3.

* /bid., XI, i, 19; xxvi, 2; XII, vi, 18, 23, 27. The Defender of the
City was generally present to act as referee on these occasions. A single
annone was valued at 4 soi. {£2. 55.) per annum; Novel., Theod., xxiii.
It appears that the precious metals were accepted by weight only to
guard against adulteration, clipping, etc. Thus, in 321, Constantine en-
acted that 7 sol. should be paid for an ounce by tale instead of six, in-
dicating ^ alloy in his own gold coin at that period ; see Bureau de la
Malle, op. cit., i, 10; Cod. Theod., XII, vii, i; cf. vi, 13.

'" Ibid., VII, vi ; xxiii; XI, i, 9; cf. Cassiodorus, op. cit., xi, 39.
When it was found that sheep and oxen fell into poor condition after
being driven a long way the estimated price was exacted instead.

^ Cod. Theod., I, xv ; one law only in Godefroy, 17 in Haenel.

The Roman Empire under Anastasiiis i6i

of the public service, effected the transmission by means of
the beasts of burden kept at the mansions of the Posts; ' by
sea the navicularii performed the same task. The latter
formed a corporation of considerable importance to which
they were addicted as the decurions were to the Curia.
Selected from the seafaring population who possessed ships
of sufficient tonnage, their vessels were chartered for the
conveyance of the canon of provisions as a permanent and
compulsory duty.^ Money payments, in coin or ingots, went
to the capital;^ provisions to the public granaries of Con-

' Cod. Theod., VIII, v, 13, 18; X, xx, 4, 11, etc.

■^ Ibid., XIII, V, 28; ix; Cod., XI, iii, 2, etc. In an emergency any
one possessing a ship of sufficient size was liable to be impressed. The
prescribed least capacity seems to have been about ten measured tons
according to the modern system (100 cub. ft. per ton register), that is,
cargo space for 2,000 modii, about 650 cub. ft.

^ There were three grand treasuries at CP. , viz., that of the Praefect
of the East, of the Count Sacrarum Largitionum, and of the Count Rerum
Privatarum (his local agents were called Katio7iales, but seem from the
Notitia to have become extinct in the East), but the Praefect was the
chief minister of finance and ruled both the returns and the disburse-
ments ; see Godefroy's Notitia, ad calc. Cod. Theod. ; Jn. Lydus, De
Magistr., ii, 27 ; Cassiodorus, Var. Epist., vi, 3, etc. The Rectors and
the Curiae could levy local rates for public works, to which purpose a
third of the revenue from the customs in each district and from national
estates (mostly property of abolished temples) was regularly devoted ;
see Cod. Theod., XV, i, with Godefroy's paratitlon and commentaries.
The Emperor indulged his fancy in building out of the public funds or
granted sums in the form of largess, as when Anastasius bestowed a con-
siderable amount on the island of Rhodes to repair the damage done by
an earthquake ; Jn. Malala, xvi. There were some small taxes I have
not noticed, such as the siliquaticum, pay for the army, by which each
party to a sale gave a \ siliqua (^d. ). This was devised by Valentinian III
(Novel., Theodos., xlviii; Do. Valent. , xviii) and existed in the time
of Cassiodorus (op. cit., iv, 19, etc.), but does not seem to have been
adopted in the East.

M

1 62 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

stantinople or Alexandria, the two cities endowed with a free
victuaUing market,^ or were widely dispersed to various
centres to supply rations for the troops.^ Besides the ordinary
officials engaged in exaction there were several of higher
rank to supervise their proceedings: Discussors, the Greek
logothetes, who made expeditions into the provinces from
time to time to scrutinize and audit the accounts;'^ sur-
veyors of taxes, Senators preferably, whose duties were de-
fined by the X&cxa protostasia,'" to whom the Susceptors were
immediately responsible; and lastly Compulsors, officers of
the central bureaucracy, Agentes-in-rebus, palatines attached
to the treasury, even Protectors, who were sent on special
missions to stimulate the Rectors when the taxes of a province
were coming in badly.'

As to the revenue of the Roman Empire at this or at
any previous period, the historian can pronounce no de-
finitive word, but it concerns us to note here one important
fact, viz., that Anastasius during the twenty-seven years of

' Antioch also had an allowance of free provisions, but there is no pre-
cise evidence in this case.

2 Cod. Theod., VIII, iv, 6; XI, i, ii, etc. ^ Ibid., XI, xxvi.

* Considerable obscurity envelops the office of protostasia. I con-
jecture it to have been a supervision imposed on local nobles, chiefly
residential Senators, who had to serve for two years; Cod. Theod., XI,
xxiii. In theory all the superior offices had to be vacated on the expira-
tion of a year, but they were often prolonged. Thus a trustworthy and
efficient Siisceptor retained his post for five years; ibid., XII, vi, 24.
The latter were mostly elected by the Curiae, who were liable for their
defalcations; ibid., i, etc.

' Cod. Theod., VIII, viii ; x; XI, vii, 17, etc. These palatine
emissaries, coming as Compiihors or otherwise, were detested by the
Rectors, etc., who could scarcely show them the deference due to their
brevet-rank, which was high : doubtless they gave themselves airs;
ibid., VI, xxiv, 4; xxvi, 5, etc. They were entitled to be greeted with
a kiss and to sit with the Judge on his bench.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius i6

o

his reign saved about half a miUion sterling per annum, so
that at his death he left a surplus in the treasury of nearly
^13,000,000.'

II. The political position of the Roman Empire in respect
of its foreign relations presents a remarkable contrast to
anything we are accustomed to conceive of in the case of a
modern state. Having absorbed into its own system every-
thing of civilization which lay within reach of its arms, there
was henceforth no field in which statesmanship could exert
itself by methods of negotiation or diplomacy in relation to
the dwellers beyond its borders. Encompassed by barbarians,
to live by definite treaty on peaceful terms with its neighbours
became outside the range of policy or foresight ; and its
position is only comparable to that of some great bulwark
founded to resist the convulsions of nature, which may leave
it unassailed for an indefinite period, or attack it without a
moment's warning with irresistible violence. The vast terri-
tories stretching from the Rhine and the Danube to the
frontiers of China, nearly a quarter of the circumference of

' 320,000 lb. of gold ; Procopius, Anecdot. , 19. In the time of Pompey
it was thought a considerable achievement when that general raised the
income of the Republic to the trifling sum, according to modern ideas,
of ;^3, 500,000; Plutarch, Pompey, 45. On the other hand we have
the statement of Vespasian, a century later, that he needed close on
;^400,ooo,ooo to keep the Empire on its legs, a sum almost equal to
the requirements of modern Europe, but the scope of his remark is not
plain; Suetonius, Vespas. , 16. Antoninus Pius, again, with the finances
of the whole Empire under his hand during his reign of twenty-three
years saved ;^22,ooo,ooo, nearly the same amount per annum as
Anastasius for a similar extent of territory ; Dion Cass., Ixxiii, 8.
Such small savings by the most thrifty emperors do not argue a large
income. In our own best years a surplus may reach about five per cent,
of the receipts. This gives us grounds for a guess that the revenue of
Rome after Augustus was something like ^20,000,000.

164 The Age of Justinian a7id Theodora

the globe, engendered a teeming population, nomads for the
most part, without fixed abodes, who threatened continually
to overflow their boundaries and bring destruction on every
settled state lying in their path. Among such races the army
and the nation were equivalent terms; the whole people
moved together, and inhabited for the time being whatever
lands they had gained by right of conquest. But their career
was brought to a close when they subdued nations much
more numerous than themselves, with fixed habitations and
engaged in the arts of peace ; and they then possessed the
country as a dominant minority, which, whilst giving a
peculiar tincture to the greater mass, was gradually assimi-
lated by it. In classical and modern times conquest usually
signifies merely annexation, but in the Middle Ages it
implied actual occupation by the victors. Such was the fate
of the Western Empire, when Italy, Africa, Spain, Gaul, and
Britain were dissevered from each other by various inroads;
and those countries at the time I am writing of are found
to be in such a transitional state.' Nor can Thrace and
Illyricum, though forming a main portion of the Eastern
Empire, be properly omitted from this list ; for, exposed to
barbarian incursions " during more than two centuries, they
enjoyed a merely nominal settlement under the Imperial
government; and if we contemplate the Long WalP of

^ See p. 131 for the names of those hordes who shared the Western
F.mpire between them. Overflow of population and pressure by the
most powerful nomads, the Huns and Alani, were the general causes
which precipitated the barbarian hosts on the Empire.

^ About this time the Bulgarians made their first appearance on the
Danube as the foes of civilization. They were lured into a treaty by
Zeno ; Miiller, Fr. Hist. Grace, iv, p. 619 (Jn. Antioch.) ; cf. Zonaras,
xiv, 3, etc.

' See p. 124.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 165

Anastasius, at a distance of only forty miles from the capital,
we shall need no further evidence that the Byzantines ex-
ercised no more than a shadow of political supremacy in
these regions.' But an exception to the foregoing conditions
was generally experienced by the Romans on their eastern
frontier, where the Parthian or Persian power was often able
to meet them with a civil and military organization equal to
their own."

The elaborate scheme for the defence of the Empire
against its restless and reckless foes was brought to perfec-
tion under Diocletian and Constantino. Armies and fleets
judiciously posted were always ready to repel an attack or to
carry offensive operations into an enemy's country. A chain
of muniments guarded the frontiers in every locality where
an assault could be feared. Forts and fortified camps suf-
ficiently garrisoned lined every barrier, natural or artificial,
at measured distances. Suitable war vessels floated on the
great circumscribing waterways; and where these were de-
ficient their place was supplied by walls of masonry, by
trenches, embankments, and pallisades, or even by hetero-
geneous obstructions formed of felled trees with their
branches entangled one with the other.^ Border lands were

' The capitation tax was remitted in Thrace; Cod., XI, li. In fact,
hardly any taxes were drawn from that Diocese, for, as Anastasius
himself remarks, the inhabitants were ruined by barbarian irruptions;
ibid., X, xxvii, 2. How irrepressible were the wild tribes across the
Danube can best be appreciated by a perusal of Ammianus, xxxi, etc.,
and Jordanes passim.

^ The new Persian Empire which dissolved the Parthian sovereignty
was founded, c. 218, by Ardashir (Artaxerxes) ; see Agathias, ii,
26, etc.

^ See Godefroy ad Cod. Theod., VII, xiv, xv, xvii; Hist. Aug.
Hadrian, II, 12; Probus, 13, 14; Ammianus, xxviii, 2, etc. The
walls of Hadrian and Antonine in North Britain are well known, and

1 66 The Age of Justhiian and Theodora

granted only to military occupants, who held them by a
kind of feudal tenure in return for their service on the
frontier/ Every important station was guarded by from
2,000 to 3,000 soldiers; and in the Eastern Empire the
division of the army to which such duties were assigned may
have amounted to over 200,000 men of all arms.' These
forces were called the Limitanei Milites, or Border Soldiers,
and in each province of the exterior range were under the
command collectively of a Count or Duke.' Such were the
stationary forces of the Empire, of whose services the frontiers
could not be depleted should a mobile army be required to
meet the exigences of strategic warfare. Large bodies of
troops were, therefore, quartered in the interior of the
country, which could be concentrated in any particular
locality under the immediate disposition of the Masters of
the Forces. This portion of the army was organized in two
divisions to which were given the names of Palatines and
Comitatenses. The former, which held the first rank, were
stationed in or near the capital under the two Masters * at
head-quarters; and, in accordance with their designation,
were identified most nearly with the conception of defending
the Imperial Palace or heart of the state. The latter were
distributed throughout the provinces under the three Masters

have been exhaustively described. The camps are represented as mili-
tary cities. See Bruce's Handbook to the Roman Wall, 1885, etc.

1 Cod. Theod., VII, xv, etc.

^ Arrian, Peripl. Pont. Eux. This force was reduced by Constantine;
Zosimus, ii, 34.

^ In the Notitia Or., there are two Counts and thirteen Dukes. All
of the latter, however, were Counts of the First Order, as evidenced by
their insignia. In rank they were Spectabiles, that is, a step higher than
the Rectors and ordinary Senators.

* Evidently from the Notitia.

The Roman Empire under Anastasins 167

whose military rule extended over the East, Thrace, and
Illyricum respectively. The Palatine troops comprised about
50,000 men, the Cofnitatenses about 70,000/ Cavalry formed
a large proportion of all the forces, and may be estimated at
about one third of the Lvnitafiei and nearly one fourth of
the ouier branches. In addition to these troops a fourth
military class, the highest of all, was formed, the Imperial
Guards already mentioned," viz., the Excubitors, Protectors,
Candidates, and Scholars. The latter body consisted of seven
troops of cavalry, each 500 strong, 3,500 in all.^ Owing their
position solely to birth or veteran service, the three former
groups were probably much less numerous, but their actual
number is unknown.^ The usual division of the infantry was
the legion of 1,000 men, that of the horse the vexillatio con-
taining 500.' The various bodies of foot soldiers were dis-
tinguished by the particular emblems which were depicted
on their brightly painted shields," but amongst horse and
foot alike each separate body was recognizable by an ensign
of special design, for the former a vexillian, for the latter a

' See Godefroy ad Cod. Theod., VII, i, i8; Momnisen, op. cit.,
Hermes, 1889. In Agathias (v, 13) we have the vague statement that
the whole forces of the Empire amounted to 645,000 men at the period
of highest military efficiency. More than half of these would be assigned
to the East. But John of Antioch, in making a similar statement, seems
to have the Eastern Empire only in his mind; Miiller, Fr. Hist. Graec,
iv, p. 622. 2 ggg p jQ

^ Procopius, Anecdot., 24, 26; Agathias, v, 15.

* See Godefroy aa' Cod. Theod., VI, xxiv; XIV, xvii, 8, 9, 10. On
the Candidati see Reiske ad Const. Porph., p. 77. In the field they
seem to have been the closest bodyguard of the Emperor, as were the
eunuchs on civil occasions ; Ammianus, xxxi, 13.

' See the Notitia and Mommsen, op. cit.

' These are all given in the Notitia, some copies of which are
coloured.

1 68 TJie Age of Jtistijiian and Theodora

dragon. The Imperial standard, or that of the general in
chief command, was a purple banner embroidered with gold
and of exceptional size. The vexilla were dependent hori-
zontally from a cross-bar fixed to the pole or spear by which
they were elevated. Mounted lancers displayed small pen-
nons or streamers near the points of their weapons,^ but
these were removed as an encumbrance on the eve of battle.^
Full armour was worn, in some troops even by the horses.^
Besides the weapons adapted for close conflict, much reliance
was placed on missiles, javelins and slings, but especially
bows and arrows in the hands of mounted archers.' In re-
plenishing the ranks great discrimination was exercised; and
not only the physical fitness of the recruit," but the social
atmosphere in which he had sprung up was made the subject
of strict inquiry. No slave was accepted as a soldier,*^ nor
any youth whose mind had been debased by menial employ-
ment or by traffic for petty gains in the slums of a city.'' The

' The general appearance was probably : " The tuft of the helmet, the
lance pennon, and the surcoat were all of a fixed colour for each band ;
Oman, Art of War, p. l86.

^ For the ensign see Ammianus, xvi, lO; Vegetius, ii, 7, 13, 14, etc. ;
Cod., I, xxvii, I (8); Jn. Lydus, De Magistr. , i, 46; Maurice, Strate-
gikon, ii, 9, 13, 14, 19 ; Cedrenus, i, p. 298. The dragons were hollow so
as to become inflated with the wind ; Gregory Naz., Adv. Julian, i, 66.

' The cavalry with mail-clad horses were called cataphrcutarii or
(libanarii ; Ammianus, xvi, 10; Cod. Theod., XIV, xxvii, 9.

* Ammianus, xx, 1 1 ; xxix, 5 ; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, i ; Maurice,
op. cit.f XII, viii, 2, 4, 11, etc. There were fifteen factories for the
forging of arms ; Nolitia ; see below.

'•' Vegetius, i, 4, 5, 6 ; Cod. Theod., VII, xiii, 3; xx, 12, etc.

« Cod. Theod., VII, xiii, 8; Pand., XLIX, xvi, 11, etc.

' Vegetius, i, 7 ; Cod. Theod., VII, xiii, etc. ; eighteen was the usual
age for the recruit, 5 ft. 8 in. the height. They were branded in a con-
spicuous part of the body; Cod. Theod., X, xxi, 4, and Godefroy
a J he.

The Roma7i Empire under Anastasius 169

sons of veterans were impressed into the service/ and the
landowners had periodically either to provide from their own
family or to pay a computed sum for the purchase of a sub-
stitute among such as were not liable to conscription.^ Many of
the turbulent barbarian tribes on being subdued were obliged
by the articles of a treaty to pay an annual tribute of their
choicest youths to the armies of the Empire.' In addition to
the regular forces, barbarian contingents, called foederati^^
obeying their own leaders, were often bound by a league to
serve under the Imperial government. In Europe the Goths,
in Asia the Saracens, were usually the most important of
such allies. Of the former nation Constantine at one time
attached to himself as many as 40,000, an effort in which
he was afterwards emulated by the great Theodosius.' The
warships of the period were mostly long, low galleys im-
pelled by one bank of oars from twenty to thirty in number,
built entirely with a view to swiftness and hence called
dromons or "runners." The smaller ones were employed on
the rivers, the larger for operations at sea.^ After a period
of service varying from fifteen to twenty-four years the
soldier could retire as a veteran with a gratuity, a grant of

' Provided they were physically fit; Cod. Theod., VII, xxii.

^ Ammianus, xxi, 6; Cod. Theod., VII, xiii. An officer called a
temonarins collected the quittance money for the recruits, which varied
from £\i,\.o £zo apiece.

^ Ammianus, xvii, 13 ; xix, 11 ; xxviii, 5, etc.; Zosimus, iv, 12, etc.
Barbarians of this class were called Dedititii.

* Cod. Theod., VII, xiii, l6, and Godefroy ad loc.

'" Jordanes, De Reb. Get., 21, 28. The enlistment of barbarians
seems to have reached its height under Justin II, when Tiberius led
150,000 mercenaries against the Persians {c. 576) ; Evagrius, v, 14 ; cf.
Theophanes, an. 6072, etc.

* Godefroy ad Cod. Theod., VII, xvii; Vegetius, v (the Liburnian
galleys) ; Marcellus Com., an. 508 (" centum armatis navibus totidemque

I 70 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

land, and exemption from taxation on a graduated scale for
himself and his family.^

Such was the carefully digested scheme of military defence
bequeathed to his successors by Constantine, who doubtless
anticipated that he had granted a lease of endurance to the
regenerated Empire for many centuries to come. But in the
course of a hundred and fifty years this fine system fell
gradually to pieces ; and by the beginning of the sixth
century no more than a cento of the original fabric can be
discerned in the chronicles of the times. The whole forces
were diminished almost to a moiety of their full comple-
ment; ^ the great peripheral bulwark of the Limitanei, scarcely
discoverable on the Illyrian frontier, in other regions was
represented by meagre bodies of one or two hundred men;'
whilst the Falatifies and Comitatenses betrayed such an
altered character that they could claim merely a nominal
existence.' The very name of legion, so identified with
Roman conquest, but no longer available in the deteriorated
military organization, became obsolete. In a Byzantine
army at this period three constituents exist officially, but
with little i)ractical distinction. They appear as the Numeric"
the Foederati, and the Biiccellarii. i. The Numeri are the

dromonibus. " By "armed ships" I presume he means bulky transports
laden with soldiers and munitions of war) ; Procopius, Dc Bel. Vand.,
i, II, etc.

» Cod. Theod., VII, xx.

- Evidently from Agathias, v, 15, and the following.

^ Rescript of Anastasius, Mommsen, op. cit., pp. 199, 256.

' The Limitanei and Comitatenses are mentioned in the Code (I,
xxvii, 2 (8), etc.), but the Palatine troops do not occur by name in the
literature of the sixth century (?).

'• The term was used long before the word legion dropped out; Cod.
Theod., VII, i, 18, etc. By the Greeks the Numeri were called the
Catalogues ; Procopius, passim (also in previous use).

The Roman Empire tinder Anastasins i 71

regular troops of the Empire, horse and foot, enrolled under
the direct command of the Masters of the Forces, but the
principle of strict selection has been virtually abandoned,
applicants are accepted indiscriminately,^ and even slaves
are enlisted and retained under any plausible pretext.^ 2. The
Foederati now consist of bodies of mercenaries raised as a
private speculation by soldiers of fortune, with the expecta-
tion of obtaining lucrative terms for their services from the
Imperial government.^ Such regiments were formed without
regard to nationality, and might be composed mainly, or in
part, of subjects of the Empire, or be wholly derived from,
some tribe of outer barbarians who offered themselves in a
body for hire. On being engaged, each band received an
optio or adjutant, who formed the connecting link between
them and the central authorities, and arranged all matters
relating to their a?iuofies and stipend.' But the tie was so
loose that even on a foreign expedition they might arbitrarily
dissolve the contract for some trivial reason, and possibly
join the enemy's forces.' 3. The BucceUarii'- are the armed
retainers or satellites of the Byzantine magnates, whether

' Cod. Theod., vii, i6, 17, etc.; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 39;
iv, 26. Applicants of all sorts were on occasion attracted by the offer
of albounty called pulveraiicum.

* Cod., XII, xxxiv, 6, 7.

^ Olympiodorus, p. 450; Novel., Theod., xx ; Procopius, De Bel.
\'and., i, II ; De Bel. Goth., iv, 5, etc.

'Cod., IV, Ixv, 35; Novel., cxvii, 11 ; cf. Benjamin, Berlin
Dissert., 1892.

^ Procopius, De Bel. ^'and., i, 2, 3 ; Agathias, ii, 7, 9, etc. There
were no true allies of the Empire at this time, although all those who
fought for her may not have been technically Foederati; cf. Mommsen,
"/. cit., pp. 217, 272.

" The name defines them as "biscuit-eaters," in allusion to their
being maintained at the table of their lord.

1 7 2 The Age of Jtistinian and Theodora

civil or military, but especially of the latter. Officially they
are reckoned among the Foederati^ and are obliged to take
an oath of allegiance, not only to their actual chief, but also
to the Emperor.^ Their number varied according to the
rank and wealth of their employers, and in the case of the
Praetorian Praefects, or the Masters of the Forces, might
amount to several thousands.^ In each company they were
divided into two classes, named respectively the lancers and
the shieldmen. The former were selected men who formed
the personal guard of their leader, the latter the rank and
file who were officered by them.' The lancers were invari-
ably cavalry, the shieldmen not necessarily so. These satel-
lites were recruited preferably amongst the Isaurians,' a
hardy race of highlanders, who, though within the Empire,
always maintained a quasi-independence in their mountain
fastnesses, and devoted themselves openly to brigandage."
To check their depredations a military Count was always
set over that region, which thus resembled a frontier rather
than an interior province. A fleet of warships was not kept
up systematically at this epoch, but in view of an expedition,
owing to the small size of the vessels, a navy could be created
in a few weeks.''

From the foregoing specification it will be perceived that

' Benjamin's essay is written to oppose this view which is favoured
by Mommsen ; op. cii. , in both cases.
^ Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, i8.
^ Ibid., De Bel. Pers., i, 25 ; De Bel. Goth., iii, i, etc.

* Ih'd., De Bel. Vand., i, 17 ; ii, 19, etc.
« Cod., IX, xii, 10.

* Amniianus, xiv, 2 ; xxvii, 9, etc.

' Cassiodorus, Var. Epist.,v, 16, 17. An order for 1,000 dnvnofis
was executed for Theodoric in an incredibly short time. " Renuntias
completum quod vix credi potest inchoatum."

The Roman E^npire under Anastasius 173

the method of enrollment constituted the only practical differ-
ence between the three classes of soldiers who marched in
the ranks of a Byzantine army. The maintenance of the
Empire rested, therefore, on a heterogeneous multitude,
trained to the profession of arms no doubt, but without the
cohesion of nationality or uniform military discipline.' In
the multifarious host the word of command was given in
Latin, which Greek and barbarian alike were taught to under-
stand."

Every student of ancient history is familiar with the
methods of warfare among the Greeks and Romans; with the
impenetrable, but inactive, phalanx which subdued the eastern
world; and with the less solid, but mobile, legion which
ultimately succeeded in mastering it.^ Such armies consisted
mainly of infantry; and the small bodies of cavalry attached
to them, amounting to one tenth, or, perhaps, to as little as
one twentieth part of the whole, were intended merely to
protect the flanks of each division, or to render more effective
the pursuit of a flying enemy. In those times, therefore, the
horsemen were only an auxiliary force, which never engaged
in battle as an independent army. But in the multiple
operations against elusive barbarians in the wide circuit of
the Roman Empire, experience made it evident that the

^ The general character given to Byzantine soldiers is exceptionally
bad: "The vile and comtemptible military class " ; Isidore Pelus., Epist.,
i> 390 : " as free from crime as you might say the sea is free from waves " ;
Chrysostom, In Matth. Horn. LXI, 2 (in Migne, vii, 590). These, of
course, are priests, but cf. Ammianus, xxii, 4 ; Zosimus, ii, 34, etc.
Thus a century earlier the army had already fallen into a wretched con-
dition ; see also Synesius, De Regno.

- Maurice, op. cit., XII, viii, 16.

^ From the anonymous Strategikeit would seem that the phalanx was
restored on occasion during the sixth century (Kochly and Riistow).

174 T^^^^ ^'^S'^ of Justinian and Theodora

mobility of cavalry was indispensable in order to deal effect-
ively with such wary and reckless foes.^ Early in the fourth cen-
tury the number and importance of the cavalry had increased
to such an extent that they were relegated to a separate
command ; and the Master of the Horse was regarded as of
superior rank to his colleague of the infantry.^ In the East,
however, both branches of the service were soon combined
under a single commander-in-chief; and henceforward the
first military officers are entitled Masters of the Horse and
Foot, or, collectively, of the Forces.^

At the period I am writing about, the usual routine of a
pitched battle is to range the infantry in the centre with large
squadrons of cavalry on either flank/ Both armies first exhaust
their supply of missiles, after which a general engagement at
close quarters ensues. By the aid of various evolutions, con-
cealed reserves, and unexpected manoeuvres, the opposing
generals strive to take each other at a disadvantage, and victory
rests with the most skilful or fortunate tactician. Single com-
bats in the interspace between the two armies are not un-

' See Arrian's Tactica I'. Alanos. For an interesting exposition of the
vicissitudes of warfare by means of cavalry, infantry, and missiles pure,
see Oman's Art of War, but the author's selection of the battle of
Adrianople (378) as marking a sharp turn in the evolution of Roman
cavahy is quite arbitrary and could not be historically maintained.
That disaster made no demonstrable difference in the constitution of the
armies of the Empire. The forces of Rome were consumed to a greater
extent at the battle of Mursa less than thirty years previously (351), when
the army of the victor contained, perhaps, 40,000 cavalry, half of the
whole amount; Julian, Orat. I, ii (p. 98, etc., Hertlein); Zonaras, xiii,
8, etc.

■■' Constantine, according to Zosimus (ii, 33), first appointed a Magistcr
Equitum in the new sense; cf. Cod. Theod., XI, i, i (315).

3 Notitia Or.

* Procopius, De Bel. Pers. , i, 13, etc.

The Roman Empire under A nastasius 1 7 5

frequently initiatory to a battle; ^ and sometimes a campaign
is decided by conflicts of cavalry alone.'

The various classes of Imperial guards still exist as a fourth
division of the army, but, owing to the introduction of a
system of purchase, these corps have degenerated into the
condition of being mere figures to be mechanically paraded
in the course of state pageantry; soldiers apparently, and
in resplendent uniforms, but unversed in war, who would
sooner buy their release for a large sum than enter on a
campaign.'^

The wars of Anastasius may be reviewed briefly in this
section. They were four in number, i. At the outset of his
reign he found himself opposed within the capital by a strong
faction of turbulent Isaurians, the relations and adherents of
the late Emperor Zeno. Some of these held high office, and had
even aspired to the throne.* On their dismissal and banishment
from Constantinople the leaders fled to Isauria, where they
levied large forces, and raised a rebellion by the aid of arms
and treasure which Zeno had seen fit to amass in his native
province.' The insurgents kept up hostilities for a long period
with declining success against the Imperial generals, and the

^ Procop., De Bel. Pers., i, 13, etc. ^ Ibid., De Bel. Vand., i, 19.

^ Ibid., Anecdot. , 24; Agathias, v, 15. Under Leo Macella the
Scholars consisted of selected Armenians, but Zeno introduced a rabble
of Isaurians, his own countrymen; these, of course, were chased by
Anastasius; Theodore Lect., ii, 9, etc. Leo also levied the Excubitors to
be a genuine fighting corps of the Domestics; Jn. Lydus, DeMagist.,i, 16.

* Longinus, brother of Zeno, expected to succeed him, but he was
seized promptly, shaved, and banished as a presbyter to Alexandria;
Theophanes, an. 5984, etc.

* //'/(/., an. 5985. To his power among the Isaurians Zeno owed his
elevation, being taken up by Leo as a counterpoise to Aspar and his
Goths, the authors of his own fortune, of whom he was in danger of
becoming the tool; Candidus, Excerpt., p. 473, etc.

I ']6 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

revolt was not fully suppressed till the seventh year (498).^
In the fourth year of the war, however, the ringleaders were
captured and decapitated, and their heads were sent to
Constantinople, where they were exhibited to the populace
fixed on poles in the suburb of Sycae.' The pacification of
the province was achieved by this war more effectually than
on any previous occasion, and the Isaurians do not again
appear in history as refractory subjects of the Empire.'

2. In 502 the Persian king, Cavades,^ applied to Anastasius
for the loan of a large sum of money which he required in
order to cement an alliance with the barbarian nation of the
Nephthalites or White Huns." For politic reasons this loan
was refused, and the exasperated potentate immediately
turned his arms against the Empire. He invaded the western
portion of Armenia, which was under Roman suzerainty,*^ and
took one or two towns of minor importance before an army
could be sent against him. The principal feature of this war,
which lasted about four years, was the capture and recovery

^ Marcellinus Com., an. 498.

'■^ This was the end of the war according to Theophanes (an. 5988),
who gives it only three years; of. Jn. Malala, xvi.

•* These brigands had been subsidized to the amount of 5,000 lb. of
gold annually (Jn. Antioch., Mliller, v, p. 30, says only 1,500 lb.), which
was henceforth saved to the treasury ; Evagrius, iii, 35. All the raost
troublesome characters were captured and settled permanently in Thrace ;
Procopius, Gaz. Paneg. , 10. For a monograph on this war see Brooks,
Eng. Hist. Rev., 1S93.

* Kavadh in recent transliteration. Persian history has been greatly
advanced by modern Orientalists ; see especially Noldeke, Geschichte
der Perser, Leyden, 1887. But the history of Tabari is absurdly wrong
in nearly all statements respecting the Romans and the translations of
Noldeke and Zotenberg vary so much that we often seem to be reading
different works.

^ Theodora Lect., ii ; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 7, et seq. ; De
Aedific, iii, 2, et seq. * Ibid. ; De Bel. Pars., ii, 3.

The Roman Efupire under Anastasiiis 177

of Amida, a strongly fortified city of considerable size, situated
in northern Mesopotamia, on the banks of the Tigris. Al-
though ill-garrisoned, and neither armed nor provisioned to
stand a siege, the inhabitants received the Persians with the
most insulting defiance and made a very determined resist-
ance for some months. The massive walls withstood the
attacking engines, and all the devices of the besiegers were
baffled by the ingenuity of those within the city. In despair
Cavades had already given orders to raise the siege when the
downfall of Amida was brought about by a very singular
circumstance, as related by the chief historian of the period.^
In the excess of popular frenzy at the news of the proposed
retreat, the harlots of the town hastened to the battlements
in order to jeer at the Persian monarch as he passed on his
rounds, by making an indecent exposure of their persons.
This obscene conduct so impressed the Magi in attendance
that they gave it a mystical signification, and imparted their
opinion to the King that " everything hidden and secret in
Amida would shortly be laid bare." The departure was
countermanded, and ultimately, through the supineness or
treachery of some monks, to whom the guard of one of the
main towers had been confided, an entry was made. A venge-
ful massacre of the vanquished then took place," which was
only stayed by the wit of a suppliant priest, who, in answer
to the irate question of Cavades, " How did you dare to re-
sist me so violently?" replied, "That the city might be won

' Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 7; cf. his parallel story of Attila and
the storks at Aquileia; DeBel. Vand., 1,4 (copied, perhaps, by Jordanes).
While such anecdotes may enliven the page of history, their effectivity
must always be accepted with suspicion.

* If the statements of Zacharias Myt. and Michael Melit. can be ac-
cepted, the town must have been very populous, as the number of citizens
slain is put by them at eighty thousand.

N

1 yS The Age of Justinian and Theodora

by your valour and not by our cowardice." Two years later,
as a result of a protracted but ineffective siege, the Persians
agreed to evacuate the town for a payment of one thousand
pounds of gold (;^4o,ooo). On entering, the Romans dis-
covered to their chagrin that such a state of destitution pre-
vailed as would have compelled the surrender of the strong-
hold within a few days. The conclusion of this war was
brought about by an invasion of the Huns,^ who threatened
Persia from the north ; and hence Cavades was glad to make
peace for seven years, on terms which left both parties in the
same position as before the commencement of hostilities.
The issue of this conflict was, on the whole, favourable to
Anastasius, who, in the sense of being the superior power,
soon proceeded to infringe the articles of the treaty by erect-
ing commanding fortresses against his late foes along his
eastern border. Especially as a counterpoise to the impreg-
nable Nisibis, which had been ceded to the Persians a century
and a half previously by the inept Jovian,'^ he raised the in-
significant village of Daras to the rank of an important town,
and surrounded it with bastions of imposing strength*^ The
impotent protests of the Persians were disregarded, and
the two empires did not again come into martial collision for
more than twenty years.

3. In 505 Anastasius and Theodoric, the Gothic king in
Italy, by mutual inadvertence, as it may be judged, became
involved in a conflict. Simultaneously the Master of the
Forces in Illyricum and the Gothic general Petza were

* The Nephthalites or White Huns who occupied Bactria, previously
the seat of a powerful Greek kingdom under a dynasty of Alexander's
successors.

* Ammianus, xxv, 7.

' Procopius, De Aedific, ii, 1 ; cf. Jn. Malala, xvi, etc.

The Roman Empire tender Anastasms 1 79

engaged in suppressing their several enemies in that region.'
The antagonist of the Byzantine general was Mundo, a bandit
chief of the blood of Attila, who, with a body of Hunnish
marauders, was preying on the country. He, on the point of
being w^orsted, craved the assistance of Petza, who, seeing in
him a natural ally of kindred race, joined him with his
forces. The Goth had, in fact, just achieved the object of
his expedition and probably made this move in the heat of
success. Together they routed the Imperial army, which was
shattered beyond all chance of reparation.^ To avenge this
defeat, Anastasius in 508 fitted out a naval expedition, which
conveyed a landing force of 8,000 soldiers to the Italian
coast. Making an unforeseen descent on Tarentum, they
ravaged the vicinity with piratical ferocity, and returned as
hastily as they came.' Theodoric, however, did not feel equal
to pitting himself against the forces and resources of the East,
and decided not to resent these reprisals. He deprecated the
wrath of the Emperor in deferential language, and these
encounters were soon forgotten as merely fortuitous dis-
turbances of the peace.*

4. In 514 the studied economy of Anastasius provoked
an upheaval of the incongruous elements of the state, which

' Jordanes, 58. I am putting it, perhaps, too mildly in the text if
Theodoric, who was a vassal of the Empire, knew beforehand of the
course taken by his general. Sabinianus was chiefly supported by
Bulgarians in consequence of Zeno's treaty with them ; cf. Ennodius,
Panegyr. Theodor. Petza had only 2,000 foot and 500 horse.

- Marcellinus Com., an. 505; Ennodius, loc. cit.

' Marcellinus Com., an. 508. Doubtless this was the event which
caused Theodoric to build a large fleet; Cassiodorus, Var. Epist., v,
IS, 16.

' Cassiodorus, Var. Epist., i, i, might apply here; in any case the
sentiments of Theodoric are clearly expressed by Jordanes, 59; cf. 57.

i8o The Age of Jtistinian and Theodora

threatened the immediate collapse of his administration.
From the hordes of barbarians massed on the banks of the
Danube, troops were continually detached to take service
under the Empire as Foederati; and their numbers had
increased to such an extent that the annones due to them
became an intolerable drain on the revenue. A sweeping
reduction of these supplies was, therefore, decreed;^ a
measure judicious in itself, which would probably have been
supported in sullen silence by the barbarians had not Count
Vitalian, a Goth, and their principal leader, perceived that a
specious means of retaliation was to hand. Taking advantage
of the religious intractability of Anastasius, which was the
bane of his rule and had alienated from him most of his
pious subjects, he announced himself as the champion of
orthodoxy, and proclaimed a holy war against the heretical
Emperor." The cry was taken up universally, and, especially
within the capital, all the factious fanatics clamoured for
Vitalian as the legitimate occupant of the throne. An
immense host of Foederati followed the standard of the rebel ;
a great battle was fought in Thrace, with the result that the
Imperial army was cut to pieces, suffering a loss, it is said,
of more than sixty thousand.' A fleet was placed at the
disposal of the pretender, whereupon Vitalian moved on the
capital and blockaded Constantinople by land and sea.
Against this attack the Emperor concerted measures within

' Jn. Antioch. and Jn. Malala, Hermes, vi (Mommsen), pp. 344, 389.

- Marcellinus Com., an. 514; Jn. Malala, xvi; Theophanes, an.
6005, etc.

^ Marcellinus Com., an. 514; Theophanes, an. 6005. The texts
merely imply, perhaps, that they deserted to Vitalian. Hypatius, the
Byzantine general, and nephew to Anastasius, was taken prisoner,
deliberately given up in fact. A second engagement, however, under
Cyril, was undoubtedly bloody; Jn. Malala, xvi.

The Roman Empire tmder Anastasius i8i

the city with some Athenian philosophers, their chemical
knowledge was utilized effectively, galleys which ejected
bituminous combustibles were launched against the hostile
ships, and the investing fleet retreated precipitately amid
volumes of fire and smoke/ The diplomacy of the almost
nonagenarian monarch during this revolt was marked by
much temporizing and duplicity; he disarmed the Foederati
by a liberal donative,^ and by raising their captain to the
rank of Master of the Forces in Thrace;" he mollified the
orthodox ecclesiastics by promises and prepared instruments
for the recall of exiled bishops; and he appealed to Pope
Hormisdas praying that a synod should meet at Heraclea in
order to appease the dissensions of the Church/ The synod
met after protracted negotiations, but the combination was
already dissolved, and the head of rebellion was broken;
the concessions offered by the Emperor were presented and
found to be illusory, and the futile assembly separated
without any tangible result/ Anastasius had carried his
point; active, yet impotent discontent reigned everywhere,
but he had yielded nothing; and soon afterwards, in extreme
old age, he sank into the grave'' amid the familiar waves of

' Jn. Malala, xvi; Zonaras (xiv, 3) says the fleet was inflamed by
burning (concave) mirrors.

^ As a ransom for their captives; Marcellinus Com., an. 515;
Theophanes, an. 6006. The Senate negotiated for Anastasius.

'^ Marcellinus Com., an. 515.

* See, besides the above authorities, the correspondence between
Emperor and Pope (in Migne, S.L., Ixiii, also Concil. and Baronius).

'" Theophanes, an. 6006; Cedrenus, i, p. 632.

" All the chronographists relate the vision of Anastasius, to whom,
just before his death, a figure with a book appeared, saying: "For
your insatiable avarice I erase fourteen years." Every one must regret
the inherent defect of character which deprived us of a centenarian
emperor.

1 82 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

sedition which for twenty-seven years had raged ineffectually
round his throne.^

III. The commercial activities of the ancient world, as far
as they come within the vision of history, were almost con-
fined to these countries which encircle the basin of the
Mediterranean; and in the early centuries of our era the
varied regions to be measured between the Ganges and
Gades were conceived to represent approximately the whole
extent of the habitable earth. ^ Although the theory of a
globe was held by advanced geographers and astronomers,
the fact had not been established by circumnavigation and
survey; and the idea was so far from being realized by the
masses, that the notion of antipodes seemed to them to be
little less than preposterous.' In the obscurity of prehistoric

} That of Anastasius is the last life written by Tillemont, which, as
usual, he has illustrated by his wide erudition in ecclesiastical literature.
But the infantile credulity of the man in theological matters abates much
of the critical value of his work. Thus he gravely questions if the action
of the Deity was correct when, for the benefit of the Persian king, he
allowed a Christian bishop to release a treasure guarded by demons
whom the Magi had failed to exorcise. He believes implicitly that an
orthodox bishop emerged from the flames intact so as to convince an
Arian congener of his error, etc. Rose's thesis (Halle, 1886) on these
wars is of some value.

■ Strabo, II, i, 30, etc.; Pliny, Hist. Nat., ii, 112. The earth was
thought to be about 9,000 miles long and half that width, north to
south.

' Cosmas Indicopleustes, a merchant who eventually turned monk, in
his Christian Topography is our chief authority for popular cosmogony
and trade in the sixth century (in Migne, S.G. ). The theories of philo-
sophers jar with his Biblical convictions and excite his antagonism. He
writes to prove that the world is flat, that the sun rounds a great
mountain in the north to cause night, etc. Being something of a draughts-
man he explains his views by cosmographical diagrams, and figures many
objects seen in his travels. There is an annotated translation by
McCrindle, Lond., 1899 (Hakluyt Soc).

The Roman E)iipire tmder Anastasitis 183

times the arts and sciences appear to have originated in the
East; and from thence, by the aid of Greece and Rome,
civilization extended until it included almost all the known
parts of Western Africa and Europe. Before the beginning
of the sixth century, however, owing to the incursions and
settlements of Goths and Vandals, those western countries
had retrograded nearly to the same level of barbarism from
which they had been rescued formerly by the civilizing arms
of Rome.

In the earliest ages the trade of the Mediterranean was
entirely in the hands of the Semitic race; and from their
great ports of Tyre and Sidon the Phoenicians penetrated with
their well-laden ships even as far as Spain and Britain,^
disposing of their native manufactures and imported wares
on every coast within their reach. ^ But with the rise and
spread of Hellenic civilization, commerce became more
cosmopolitan; and by the conquests of Alexander the
Greeks were made practically cognizant of a Far East teeming

^ Diodorus, Sic, v, 19, 22, etc. For tin to the Scilly Is., etc.

^ Phoenician trade is summarized with considerable detail by Ezekiel,
xxvii ; of. Genesis, xxxvii, 25. But a couple of centuries earlier the
race was well known to Homer, who often adverts to their skill in
manufactures, as aiso to their knavery and chicanery :

kvTr] S' ig QaKafiov Kartjii]<jaTo (cijaitira,
Ev9' t(jav 01 ttettXoi TrafinoiKiXot, tfjyn yvvaiKuiv

^iSoviuJV. K.T.X.

Iliad, vi, 288.

Ei'^ Si <i>oirtKEc; lavffiKXvroi V/XDyor di'Sptg
TpioKTai, f^ivpi' dyovTii; aOupfiara t>r}X [leXaiify . . .
T(}i-' d' dpa (poij'tKFQ TroXvnaiTraXot ijtripoirtvov. k.t.X.
Odyssey, xv, 415.

The recently discovered ruins in Mashonaland (Rhodesia) prove, per-
haps, that their unrecorded expeditions reached to S. Africa; see works
by Bent, Neal and Hall, Keane, etc.

1 84 The Age of J7cstinian and Theodora

with productions which could minister to the needs of
increasing wealth and luxury. At the same period, about
330 B.C., the foundation of Alexandria by that monarch gave
them the command of Egypt, and they began to explore the
borders of the Arabian Gulf or Red Sea as far as the Gulf
of Aden and the confines of equatorial Africa. Concomitantly
the laborious voyage of Nearchus,' undertaken at the
instigation of the Macedonian conqueror, along inhospitable
shores from the mouth of the Indus to the head of the
Persian Gulf, revealed to the Greeks the existence of a chain
of navigable seas by which the treasures of the Indies might
be brought by water to the wharves of the new capital.
Through the establishment of this commerce Alexandria
became the greatest trading centre of the ISIediterranean,
and distributed its exports to every civilized community who
peopled the extended litoral of that sea.^

The first merchants who crossed the Indian ocean, em-
barking in small ships of light draught, timidly hugged the
shore during their whole voyage, dipping into every bight
for fear of losing sight of land. But in the reign of Claudius
a navigator named Hippalus discovered the monsoons, and
noted their stability as to force and direction at certain sea-
sons of the year.' Thenceforward the merchants, furnishing
themselves with larger vessels,^ boldly spread their sails to

^ 326 B.C. In Arrian's Indica, 18, et seq.

* Strabo, XVII, i, 13.

' Pliny, Hist. Nat. , vi, 26; Pseud- Arrian, Peripl. Mar. Erythr., 57.
For a discussion as to the date of Hippalus see Vincent, Commerce of
the Ancients, ii, p. 47, etc. The S.W. monsoon blows from April to
October, the N.E. in the interval.

* Very small, however, according to modern ideas ; Pliny (^op. cit. ,
vi, 24) gives them 3,000 aruphorae, not more than 40 or 50 tons register.
Arrian {op. cit., 19) marks the distinction between "long, narrow

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 185

the wind, ventured into mid-ocean, and made a swift and
continuous passage from the southern coast of Arabia to some
chosen port in thevicinity of Bombay/ Suchwasthe southern,
and, within the Christian era, most frequented trade route
between the Roman Empire and the Indies. There were,
however, two other avenues, more ancient, but less safe and
less constant, by which merchandise from the far East, mainly
by inland transit, could enter the Empire. By the first of
these, which traversed many barbarous nations, the eastern
shores of the Euxine were brought into communication with
northern India through the Oxus, the Caspian Sea, and the
Cyrus. From a bend in the latter river, the emporium of the
trade, the town of Phasis, was easily attainable.^ The second,

war-galleys and round, capacious trading ships." A few great ships —
floating palaces rather — were built by the Ptolemies and Hiero of Syra-
cuse, but they were never seriously employed in navigation; Athenaeus,
V, 36, et seq. Yet ships of at least 250 tons register were in common use
by 170; Pand., L, v, 3.

' Pliny, op. cit., vi, 26, et seq. ; Pseud- Arrian, op. cit, 57. The vessels
had to be armed lest they should fall in with pirates. " The merchant
floating down the stream; the caravan crossing the desert, mounting
the defile, looking out upon the sea and its harbours; the ferry passing
the river; the mariners in their little ship — they are real figures, yet they
are nameless, all but a few ; they suffer and they succumb without ever
finding a voice for their story. On the desert, perhaps, a cloud of robber
horse burst upon them ; on the river the boat sinks, overladen ; in the
mountain passes they drop with cold ; in the dirty lanes of the mart they
die of disease. Commerce is not organized, safeguarded, universalized,
as at present, but, such as it is, it reaches wide, and its life is never
quite extinct." Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography, i, p. 177.

^ Pliny, op. cit., vi, 19. He remarks that Pompey, during the Mith-
ridatic war, first made the existence of this trade known to the Romans;
cf. Strabo, XI, ii, 16; the geographer notes that Dioscurias, about 50
miles north of Phasis, was a great barbarian mart frequented by 70, or
even, as some said, by 3CK) different nations; see also Ammianus,
xxiii, 6.

1 86 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

intermediately situated, was the most direct and facile of
the three, but, as it lay through the Persian dominions, the
activity of commerce by this route depended on the main-
tenance of peace between the two empires.^ The Byzantine
government, jealous of the intercourse of its subjects with their
hereditary enemies, fixed Artaxata, Nisibis, and Callinicus^
as marts beyond which it was illegal for Roman merchants
to advance for the purposes of trade on this frontier.^

In the sixth century the Ethiopian kingdom of Axume,*
nearly corresponding with Abyssinia, became the southern
centre of international trade; and its great port of Adule was
frequented by ships and traders from all parts of the East.'
Ethiopian, Persian, and Indian merchants scoured the
Gangetic Gulf, and, having loaded their vessels with aloes,
cloves, and sandalwood, obtained at Tranquebar and other
ports, returned to Siedeliba or Ceylon" to dispose of their
goods. There transhipments were effected, and sapphires,
pearls, and tortoise-shell, the chief exports of that island,
were added to the cargoes of ships westward bound. In the

^ Cosmas, op.cit., ii; cf. Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 20.

^ So called from a sophist who was murdered there; Libanius,
Epist., 20. Previously Nicephorium.

3 Cod. Theod., VII, xvi, 2, 3, and Godfrey ad he; Cod., IV,
Ixiii, 4.

•* The inhabitants were a mixed race, containing Semitic and Hellenic
elements, etc. Greek inscriptions were common there ; Cosmas, op. cit. ,
ii; cf. Philostorgius, iii, 6, etc.

'' For the transport of an army to the opposite coast the king was able
to collect 120 Roman, Persian, and native vessels; Act. Sanct. (Boll.),
Iviii, p. 747 (not 1,300 as Finlay, i, p. 264, which comes from adding
a cipher to the figures in Surius).

^ Called Taprobane by the Greek and Roman writers. It was dis-
tinguished by the possession of an immense lustrous jewel (ruby perhaps)
which scintillated from the top of a temple; Cosmas, op. cii., xi.

The Ro7]ian Empire tender Anastasins 187

same market a limited supply of silk was obtained from such
Chinese merchants as were venturesome enough to sail so
far.' From Ceylon such vessels voyaged along the Malabar
coast between Cape Comorin and Sindu, near the mouth of
the Indus, receiving on board at various places supplies of
cotton and linen fabrics for clothing, copper and rare woods,
together with spices and aromatics, musk, castor, and
especially pepper. In the harbours of that seaboard they
also met with the merchants from Adule, most of whom
sailed no farther, and provided them with the freight for
their homeward voyage."

The traders of Axume were not, however, wholly depend-
ent for supplies on their intercourse with the Indies. Ad-
jacent to their own borders lay wide tracts of country which
were to them a fruitful source of the most valuable com-
modities; and with such their ships were laden when out-
ward bound for the further East. Journeying to the south-
east they entered an extensive but wild region called Bar-
baria,'' part of which was known as the Land of Frankincense,
from its peculiar fecundity in that odoriferous balsam. In
this region cinnamon and tortoise-shell were also obtained;
black slaves were purchased from various savage tribes;
elephants were hunted by the natives for food; and ivory

' The junks from Annam, as it appears, ploughed round the Malay
peninsula to Galle; Hiith, China and the Roman Orient, 1885, p. 178.
The Cingalese took no active part in the trade!; Tennant, Ceylon, i,
p. 568 (ibid. ).

- Cosmas, op. cit., xi. His own trade seems to have Iain chiefly be-
tween Adule and Malabar. In this age all the southern regions eastward
of the Nile were commonly referred to as India ; and that river was often
named as the botindary between Africa and Asia. Hence the Nile was
said to rise in India; Procopius, De Aedific, vi, I, etc.

' Now Somaliland.

1 88 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

was supplied in greatest quantity to the markets of the world. ^
Every other year a caravan of several hundred merchants
set out from Axume, well armed and equipped for a distant
expedition. For six months continuously they travelled
southward until they had penetrated far into the interior of
the African continent. Gold was the object of their journey,
and they took with them a heard of oxen as well as a quantity
of salt and iron to barter for the precious metal. On arriving
at the auriferous region they slaughtered the oxen and cut
up the flesh into joints which they arranged along with the
other objects of trade on the top of a specially erected bar-
rier formed of thorn bushes. They then retreated to some
distance, upon which the inhabitants, who had been watching
their proceedings, came forward and placed pellets of gold
on such lots as they wished to purchase. On the savages
retreating the traders again advanced and removed or left
the gold, according as they accepted or refused the amount
offered. In this way, after various advances and retreats, bar-
gains were satisfactorily concluded." In the southern parts
of Arabia bordering on the ocean, myrrh and frankincense
were gathered in considerable quantity, whence the country
acquired the epithet of Felix or Happy.' The richest source

' Cosmas, op. cit., xi; cf. Strabo, XVI, iv, 14. When Nonnosus went
to Axume, c. 330, he saw 5>ooo elephants grazing in a vast plain ; Ex-
cerpt., p. 480.

- Cosmas, op. cit., ii. This kind of wordless barter was also the mode
of trading with the Serae or Chinese on the higher reaches of the Brah-
maputra(?); Pliny, Hist. Nat., vi, 24; Ammianus, xxiii, 6; cf. Hero-
dotus, iv, 196.

^ Pliny, op. cit., xii, 30. This district was also called the land of
Frankincense; cf. Slrabo, XVI, iv, 25; Pseud-Arrian, op. cit., 29.
There was also a port called Arabia Felix on or near the site of modern
Aden.

The Roman Empire undei" Anastasius 189

of emeralds lay in the uncivilized territory between Egypt
and Axume, where the mines were worked by a ferocious
tribe of nomads called Blemmyes. From them the Axumite
merchants obtained the gems, which they exported chiefly
to northern India. Amongst the White Huns, the dominant
race in that region, they were esteemed so highly that the
traders were enabled to load their ships with the proceeds
of a few of these precious stones.'

Down the Red Sea to Adule resorted the Byzantine mer-
chants, engaged in the home trade, in great numbers." After
loading their vessels they again sailed northward, a propor-
tion of them to the small island of Jotabe,^ situated near the
apex of the peninsula of Mount Sinai, which separated the
Elanitic from the Heroopolitan gulf. At a station there they
were awaited by the ofificials of the excise, who collected
from them a tenth part of the value of their merchandise.*
Some of these ships proceeded up the eastern arm of the
sea to Elath; the rest of them chose the western inlet and

^ Cosmas, op. cit., xi. White slaves, especially beautiful females for
concubinage, were among the most important exports to India ; Pseud-
Arrian, op. cit., 49. One Eudoxus tried to reach that country by round-
ing West Africa with a cargo of choir girls, physicians, and artisans, but
twice failed ; Strabo, II, iii, 4. In the time of Pliny the Empire was
drained by the East yearly to the amount of ^f 800,000 in specie ; Hist.
Nat., xii, 41. Statues and paintings were also exported from the Empire ;
Strabo, XVI, iv, 26; Pseud-Arrian, op. cit., 48; Philostratus, Vit. Apol.,
V, 20. The import of precious stones, etc., may be conceived from the
statement that Lollia Paulina appeared in the theatre wearing emeralds
and pearls to the value of ;i^304,ooo ; Pliny, op. cit., ix, 58.

^ Cosmas, op. cit., ii.

^ Malchus, p. 234 ; Theophanes, an. 5990. The island was taken by
the Scenite (tent-dwelling) Arabs under Theodosius II, but was recovered
by Anastasius.

* Ibid.

igo The Age of Justinian and Theodora

cast anchor at Clysma/ The wares landed at these ports were
intended chiefly for the markets of Palestine and Syria.^ By
far the greater portion of the fleet, however, terminated their
northward voyage at Berenice,^ the last port of Egypt, on the
same parallel with Syene. Here they discharged their cargoes
and transferred the goods to the backs of camels, who bore
them swiftly to the emporium of Coptos on the Nile/ A
crowd of small boats then received the merchandise and
made a rapid transit down stream to the Canopic arm of the
river, from which by canal they emerged on lake Mareotis,'
the inland and busiest harbour of Alexandria. The maritime
traffic between the Egyptian capital and all other parts of
the Empire, Constantinople especially, was constant and
extensive, so that commodities could be dispersed from
thence in every direction with the greatest facility.

Within the Eastern Empire itself there were manufactories
for the fabrication of everything essential to the requirements
of civilized life, but production was much restricted by the
establishment universally of a system of monopolies. Several
of these were held by the government, who employed both

' Antoninus Martyr, Perambulatio, etc., 38, 41 (trans, in Pal. Pilgr.
Text Soc, ii). The martyr, however, is a liar, as he professes to have
produced wine from water at Cana, unless some brother monk in copying
has been anxious to enhance his reputation. Clysma is now Suez.

' Rhinocolura, near Gaza, was the depot for this trade in the time of
Strabo (XVI, iv, 24).

^ Strabo, XVII, i, 45; Pliny, Hist. Nat., vi, 26 ; Pseud- Arrian, op.
cit., passim. Cosmas does not mention Berenice, but it was flourishing
in the time of Procopius (De Aedific, vi, 2).

•> Strabo, XVII, i, 45; Pliny, op. cit., vi, 26.

■" Strabo, XVI, iv, 24; XVII, iv, 10, et seq. There was a canal from
the Red Sea to the Nile, but it silted up too rapidly to be permanently
used. In Roman times Trajan last re-opened it ; see Lethaby and S. , op.
cit., p. 236, for monographs on this subject.

The Roman Empire imder Anastasiiis 191

men and women in the manufacture of whatever was neces-
sary to the Court and the army/ At Adrianople, Thessalonica,
Antioch, Damascus, and other towns, arms and armour were
forged, inlaid with gold when for the use of officers of rank ;
the costly purple robes of the Imperial household emanated
from Tyre," where dye-works and a fleet of fishing-boats for
collecting the murex were maintained; these industries were
strictly forbidden to the subject. There were, besides, at
Cyzicus ' and Scythopolis,^ official factories for the weaving
of cloth and linen. The military workshops were under the
direction of the Master of the Offices, the arts of peace under
that of the Count of the Sacred Largesses. Public manu-
facturers or traders were incorporated in a college or guild
controlled by the latter Count, the privileges of which were
limited to some five or six hundred members.'' Among the
staple productions of the Empire we find that Miletus " and
Laodicea' were famous for woollen fabrics, Sardes " especially
for carpets, Cos'' for cotton materials, Tyre'° and Berytus '^

' Notitia Or., X, xii; Cod. Theod., X, xx, xxi, xxii, and Godefroy's
commentaries; Cod., XI, viii, ix, x.

- Strabo, XVI, iv, 24 ; Pliny, op. cit., v, i6. There were different
shades of purple and only the imperial shade was prohibited ; Pliny, op.
cit., xxi, 22. The murex was gathered in several other places, especially
Laconia, where it was inferior only to that of Tyre; Pausanias, iii, 21, etc.

^ Sozomen, v, 15. Much money was also coined at Cyzicus.

^ Cod. Theod., X, xx, 8.

" Cod., IV, Ixxxiii, 6. This doubtless applied only to great houses,
not to petty retail dealers and shopkeepers (to the t/xTropoc not the
KanrjXog) ; the number seems too large to understand it of the capital
alone. ^ Pliny, op. cit., viii, 73; Athenaeus, i, 50; xv, 17, etc.

^ Strabo, XII, viii, 16; Pliny, op. cit., 73, etc.

* Athenaeus, ii, 30; vi, 67.

" Pliny, op. cit., xi, 27, etc. It is a question whether the transparent
Coan fabrics were of silk, linen, or cotton, or a mixture.

'" Procopius, Anecdol,, 25. " Ibid.

192 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

for silks, Attica * and Samos ' for pottery, Sidon ^ for glass
Cibyra* for chased iron, Thessaly" for cabinet furniture,
Pergamus® for parchment, and Alexandria ' for paper. The
fields of Elis were given over to the cultivation of flax,
and all the women at Patrae were engaged in spinning
and weaving it/ Hierapolis '^ in Phrygia was noted for its
vegetable dyes; and Hierapolis ^° in Syria was the great
rendezvous for the hunters of the desert, who captured wild
animals for the man and beast fights of the public shows.
Slave dealers, held to be an infamous class, infested the verge
of the Empire along the Danube, but at this date Romans
and barbarians mutually enslaved each other. ^^ On this
frontier, also, consignments of amber and furs were received
from the shores of the Baltic and the Far North. '^ With
respect to articles of diet, almost every district produced wine,
but Lesbian and Pramnian were most esteemed.'' A wide
tract at Cyrene was reserved for the growth of a savoury pot-
herb, hence called the Land of Silphium." Egypt was the

' Athenaeus, i, 50. ^ Pliny, op. cit., xxxv, 46.

' Strabo, XVI, ii, 25 ; Pliny, op. cit., xxxvi, 65. False stones were
plentifully manufactured; ibid,, xxxvii, 78, etc.

* Strabo, XIII, iv, 17. '" Athenaeus, i, 50; xiii, 24.
^ Pliny, op. cit., xiii, 21.

' Strabo, XVII, i, 15; Pliny, op. cit., xiii, 22 ; Hist. August. Firmus,
etc.

* Pausanias, v, 5 ; vii, 21. " Strabo, XIII, iv, 14.

'" Cod. Theod., XV, xi ; Cod., XI, xliv. Indigenously called Mabog.
It was a mart of venal beauty as well as of beasts ; Lucian, De Syria Dea.

" Ammianus, xxix, 4; Procopius, Anecdot. 21.

'■^ Pliny, op. cit., iv, 27; xxxvii, 11.

'^ Pliny, op. cit., \\w, passim ; Athenaeus, i, 52, 55 ; y., passim.

'* Strabo, XVII, iii, 23 ; Pliny, xxiv, 48 ; measuring more than 100
by 30 miles. What silphium really was is now indeterminate, but it was
economically akin to garlic and asafoetida. It seems to have been in-
dispensable in ordinary cooking.

The Roman Empire under Afiastasius 193

granary of the whole Orient.^ Dardania and Dalmatia were
rich in cheese,^ Rhodes ^ exported raisins and figs, Phoenicia^
dates, and the capital itself had a large trade in preserved
tunnies.'

China was always topographicallyunknown to the ancients,
and about the sixth century only did they begin to discern
clearly that an ocean existed beyond it." The country was
regarded as unapproachable by the Greek and Roman mer-
chants," but nevertheless became recognized at a very early
period as the source of silk. Fully four hundred years before
the Christian era the cocoons were carried westward, and the
art of unwinding them was discovered by Pamphile of Cos,
one of the women engaged in weaving the diaphanous textiles
for which that island was celebrated.'* Owing to the com-
parative vicinity of the Persian and Chinese frontiers, the
silk exported by the Celestial Empire always tended to
accumulate in Persia, so that the merchants of that nation

' Totius Orb. Descript. (Mliller, Geog. Graec. Min., Paris, 1861)
36; Procopius, De Aedific, v, I.

- Tot. Orb. Descr. , 51, 53. This tract from a Greek original (c. 350)
summarizes the productions of the whole Empire, and for the most part
confirms the continuance of the industries adverted to by the earlier and
more copious writers.

' Athenaeus, i, 49. * Ibid.

^ Strabo, VII, vi, 2; Pliny, ix, 17, el seq.

** Cosmas, op. cit., ii.

' Several "embassies" from Rome are mentioned in the Chinese
annals, but nothing seems to have been known of them in the West.
Stray merchants sometimes penetrated very far; Strabo, XV, i, 4. At
first Rome is disguised as Ta-thsin, but later (643) the Byzantine power
figures as Fou-lin; see Pauthier, Relat. polit. de la Chine avec les
puiss. occid., 1859 ; cf. Hirth, op. cit., who was without books to pursue
the inquiry; Florus, iv, 12, etc.

* Aristotle, Hist. Animal., v, 19; Pliny, op. cit., xi, 26; Pausanias,
vi, 26.

O

1 94 1^^^^ -^g^ of Justinian and Theodora

enjoyed almost a monopoly of the trade/ Hence Byzantine
commerce suffered severely during a Persian war, and strenu-
ous efforts would be made to supply the deficiency of silk
by stimulating its importation along the circuitous routes.
Such attempts, however, invariably proved ineffective ' until
the invention of the compass and the discovery of the south-
east passage opened the navigation of the globe between the
nations of the East and West.

IV. In general condition the Byzantine people exhibit,
almost uniformly in every age, a picture of oppressed
humanity, devoid of either spirit or cohesion to nerve them
for a struggle to be free. With the experience of a thousand
years, the wisdom of Roman statesmen and jurists failed to
evolve a political system which could insure stability to
the throne or prosperity to the nation. Seditious in the
cities, abject in the country, ill-disciplined in the camp, un-
faithful in office, the subjects of the Empire never rose in
the social scale, but languished through many centuries to
extinction, the common grave of Grecian culture and Roman
prowess.

In the rural districts almost all the inhabitants, except the
actual landowners, were in a state of virtual slavery. The
labourers who tilled the soil were usually attached, with
their offspring, to each particular estate in the condition of
slaves or serfs. They could neither quit the land of their own
free will, nor could they be alienated from it by the owner,
but, if the demesne were sold, they were forced to pass with
it to the new master.^ The position of a serf was nominally

' Cosmas, op. cii., ii. '•' Procopius, De Bel. Peis. , i, 30.

* A serf was called coionus, hujuilinns, or adscripiiis glebae, terms
fairly synonymous; Cod., XI, xlvii, 13. Godefroy's paratitlon to Cod.
Theod., V, ix, x, is an epitome of everything relating to the serfs of

The Rojnan Empire under Anastasius 195

superior to that of a slave, but the distinction was so Httle
practical that the lawyers of the period were unable to dis-
criminate the difference.' Any freeman who settled in a
neighbourhood to work for hire on an estate lost his liberty
and became a serf bound to the soil, unless he migrated again
before the expiration of thirty years. ^ The use and possession
of arms was interdicted to private persons throughout the
Empire, and only such small knives as were useless for
weapons of war were allowed to be exposed for sale.^

In every department of the State the same principle of
hereditary bondage was applied to the lower grades of the
service, and even in some cases to ofificials of considerable
rank. Here, however, a release was conceded to those who
could provide an acceptable substitute, a condition but rarely
possible to fulfil.* Armourers, mintmen, weavers, dyers,
purple-gatherers, miners, and muleteers, in government em-
ploy ' could neither resign their posts nor even intermarry ''

antiquity; cf. Savigny, Romische Colonat u.s.w. Berlin Acad., 1822-3.
The name of modern works on slavery and serfdom is legion.

1 Cod., XI, xlvii, 21. - Ibid., 18, 23.

^ Cod. Theod., X, xv, and Godefroy ad loc; Pand., XLVII, vi ;
Novel., xvii, 17; Ixxxv, 4, etc. This general disarmament of the
industrial classes often left them defenceless against the barbarian raiders,
as is instanced practically by Synesius, Epist. 107. Yet in an age of non-
explosives peasants armed only with agricultural implements could
become terrible, as was shown in Paphlagonia (359), when the incensed
Novatian sectaries routed the legionaries sent against them with their
hatchets, reaping-hooks, etc. ; Socrates, ii, 30; Sozomen, iv, 21.

^ Cod. Theod., X, xx, 16.

•^ Ibid,, X, XX, xxi, xxii; Cod., XT, viii, ix, x. To be a public baker
(manceps) was a particular sort of punishment; Cod. Theod., XI\',
lii, 22, etc.

* Ibid., X, XX, 3, 5, 10, 15. Male and female alike, as well as their
offspring, became bound to the sodality into which they married.
The addict i were branded on the arm like recruits; ibid., X, .xxi, 4;

1 96 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

with associates on a different staff, or the general public, unless
under restrictions which were almost prohibitive. Within the
same category were ruled the masters or owners of freight-
ships,' chartered to convey the annones and tributes, of which
the Alexandrian corn-fleet " constituted the main section.
Those addicted to this vocation in the public interest were
necessarily men of some private means, as they were obliged
to build and maintain the vessels at their own expense; but
they were rewarded by liberal allowances, and were almost
exempt in respect of the laws affecting the persons and
property of ordinary citizens. The lot of this class of the
community appears to have been tolerable, and was even,
perhaps, desirable,' but that of the Decurions, the members
of the local senates, was absolutely unbearable.* In relation
to their fellow townsmen their duties do not seem to have
been onerous, but as collectors of the revenue they were

cf. IX, xl, 2 ; Cod., XI, ix, 2. Scarcely less stringent were the rules by
which even the private guilds or colleges were governed. All the trades
were incorporated in such associations under an official charter; Cod.
Theod., XIV, ii-viii. But the note of personal liberty had already been
sounded, and the more coercive restrictions were omitted from the later
Code; cf. Choisy, L'art de batir chez les Byzantins, Paris, 1883, p. 200,
etc. (Mommsen's pioneer work on guilds is well known).

' Cod. Theod., XIII, v, vi, ix ; Cod., X, ii, etc. (and Godefroy).

^ Procopius, De Aedfiic. , v, i.

^ Although their property was held in lien by the state as security for
the maintenance of ships, it appears that they could grow rich through
the facilities they enjoyed for private commerce and possess an inde-
pendent fortune; Cod. Theod., XIII, vi; cf. Pand., L, iv, 5. Hence
some joined voluntarily.

' Cod. Theod., XII, i. This title, the longest of all (192 laws),
provides us with a plummet with which we may sound the depths of
their miser}', and exemplifies their eagerness to escape to any other
mode of existence as well as the stringency with which they were
reclaimed.

The Rovian Empire tinder Anastasuis 197

made responsible for the full precept levied four-monthly on
each district, and had to make good any deficiency from
their own resources.^ As natives of the locality to which their
activities were constrained, their intimate knowledge of the
inhabitants was invaluable to the government in its inquisi-
torial and compulsive efforts to gather in the imposts; and,
subordinated to the Imperial officials resident in, or on special
missions to, the provinces, they became consequently the
prime object of their assaults when dealing with the defaulting
tributaries. In view of such hardships, municipal dignities
and immunities were illusory; and, as the local senates were
very numerous, there were few families among the middle
classes, from whom those bodies were regularly replenished,
whose members did not live in dread of a hereditary obligation
to become a Decurion. In every ordinary sphere of exertion,
not excepting the Court, the Church, or the army, men, long
embarked on their career, were liable to receive a mandate
enjoining them to return to their native town or village in
order to spend the rest of their lives in the management of
local affairs.' Occupation of the highest offices of State, or

' Hence their property was always in chancery, as we may say, and
the Curia to which they belonged was their reversionary heir, neces-
sarily to a fourth ; Cod. , X, xxxiv. In the Code the laws relating
to them are reduced to about seventy ; X, xxxi, et seq. Their duties
and liabilities are indexed in Godefroy's paratitlon. Libanius had seen
people of substance reduced to beggary by these obligations; Epitaph.
Juliani (R., I., p. 571). Majorian (457-61) attempted reforms in the West.

^ See Libanius, Epist., 248, 339, 825, 1079, "43) etc. The sophist
had much interest owing to the number of pupils he had trained to
succeed in advocacy, etc., and could often beg off one old disciple by
appealing to another. A Rector's nod in such cases was more potent
than an Imperial rescript; Cod. Theod., XII, i, 17; ibid., i, notwith-
standing. Zeno enacted that even some Illustrious officials should not
be exempt after vacating their office; Cod., X, xxxi, 64, 65.

198 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

many years' service in some official post, could alone free
them from the municipal bond.^

Life under accustomed conditions, though with restricted
liberty, may be supportable or even pleasant, but the Byzan-
tine subject could seldom realize the extent of his obligations
or foresee to what exactions he might have to submit. He
might review with satisfaction a series of admirable laws
which seemed to promise him tranquillity and freedom from
oppression, but experience soon taught him that it was against
the interest of the authorities to administer them with equity.
By an ineradicable tradition, dating from the first centuries of
the expansion of the Empire, it was presumed that the con-
trol of a province offered a fair field to a placeman for en-
riching himself.^ Hence the prevalence of a universal cor-
ruption and a guilty collusion between the Rector and all the

' Fathers of a dozen children were released or not called upon; Cod.
Theod., XII, i, 55; Cod., X, xxxi, 24. Otherwise disease or decrepit
old age seem to have the only effective claims for relief, apart from
interest, bribery, etc. The general result of this political economy was
that the Empire resembled a great factory, in which each one had
a special place, and was excluded from ever}'where else. "In England
a resident of Leeds is at home in Manchester, and has judicially the
same position as a citizen of Manchester, whereas in the Roman Empire
a citizen of Thessalonica was an alien in Dyrrachiuni ; a citizen of
Corinth an alien in Patras "; Bury, Later Rom. Emp. , i, p. 38.

- The Verrine sequence of Cicero's speeches remains a picture up to
this date of the usual tyranny of a Roman governor. Few went to the
provinces with any other idea but that of rapine. "Cessent jam nunc
rapaces officialium manus," says Constantine, "cessent inquam : nam
si moniti non cessaverint, gladiis praecidentur," etc. ; Cod. Theod.,
I, vii, I. The revolution of two centuries brings no improvement :
*' Confluunt hue (Constantinople) omnes ingemiscentes, sacerdotes, et
curiales, et officiales, et possessores, et populi, et agricfilae, judicum
furta merito et injustitias accusantes," etc. ; Novel., viii, Pro. For this
law, ineffective as ever, all are enjoined to return thanks to God ! a vain
parade of legislation.

The Roman Empire under Anastasiiis 199

lesser officials, who afforded him essential aid in his devices
for despoiling the provincials.^ While the fisc never scrupled
to aggravate the prescribed imposts by superindictions,'^ its
agents were insatiate in their efforts at harvesting for them-
selves. The tyranny of the first emperors was local and
transient, but under the rule of the Byzantine princes the
vitals of the whole Empire were persistently sapped. In the
adaeratio of the annones a value was set upon the produce
far above the market price; ^ taxes paid were redemanded,
and receipts in proper form repudiated because the tabellio
who had signed them, purposely removed, was not present to
acknowledge his signature;^ unexpected local rates were
levied, to which the assent of the Decurions was forced, with
the avowed object of executing public works which were
never undertaken ; ' sales of property at a vile estimate were
pressed on owners who dared not provoke the officials by a
refusal;'' decisions in the law courts were ruled by bribery,
and suitors were overawed into not appealing against unjust
judgements;"^ forfeitures of estates to the crown were pro-

' Cod. Theod., X, xxiv ; XII, ix ; Salvian, De Gubern. Dei, v, 4,
et passim. Titles x, xi, xii, xiii, xiv (of X) deal with the self-seekers
who, in the guise of delators or informers, infested the Court in un-
settled times and tried to oust people from their possessions by accusing
them of treason; cf. Ammianus, xix, 12, etc.

^ Cod. Theod., XI, vi ; Ammianus, xvii, 3 ; Salvian, op. cit., v, 7,
etc.

* So Verres, ii, 38, etc. ^ Cod. Theod., XII, vi, 27, etc.

'' Ibid., XI, vi ; viii ; XV, i; and Godefroy's commentaries. The
Defenders of the Cities seem to have been in general too cowed to
exercise their prerogative or were gained over.

•^ Ibid., VIII, XV. In this, as in other instances, I refer to the laws
against the offences which were committed in disregard of them.
Godefroy usually supplies exemplifications.

■ Ibid., XI, XXX, 4; xxxiv.

200 The Age of Jtistinian and Theodora

claimed under pretence of lapse of ownership or question-
able right of inheritance, and their release had to be negoti-
ated for the payment of a sufificient ransom;^ even special
grants from the Imperial treasury for reinstatement of forti-
fications or other purposes were sometimes embezzled ■with-
out apprehension of more serious trouble, if detected, than
disgorgement.- In all these cases the excess extorted was
appropriated by the rapacious officials. Such were the hard-
ships inflicted systematically on the small proprietors who,
if unable to pay or considered to be recalcitrant, were not
seldom subjected to bodily tortures. For hours together
they were suspended by the thumbs, ' or had to undergo the
application of finger-crushers or foot-racks,' or were beaten
on the nape of the neck with cords loaded with lead.'
Nevertheless, remainders accumulated constantly, and a remis-
sion of hopeless arrears for a decade or more was often made
the instance of Imperial indulgence. But the old vouchers
were habitually secreted and preserved by the collectors so
that the ignorant rustics might be harassed persistently for

^ Cod. Theod., X, ix, i, and Godefroy ad he. ; cf. ibid., i, 2 ; Novel.
xvii, 15 ; Agathias, v, 4. They even attempted to invalidate Imperial
grants. Notices on purple cloth were suspended to denote confiscation of
estates to the crown.

■^ Cassiodorus, Var. Epist., v, 34; ix, 14, etc.

' Palladius, Vit. Paphnutii ; Hist. Lausiaca, 63 (not by Jerome, as
Godefroy aoTCod. Theod., Ill, iii).

'' Synesius, Epist., 79, 96, etc. These may have been isolated devices
of Andronicus at Ptolemais. One of his subordinates used to seize
objects of art a la Verres. Yet these men were only reached by the
happy thought of excommunicating them. In this the great Athanasius
had set the example.

^ Cod. Theod., I.\, xxxv, and Godefroy. This was the regular method
of scourging, but illegal as a means of enforcing payment of taxes ;
ibid., XI, vii, 7. The Egyptians were particularly obstinate, and even

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 201

debts which they no longer owed.' The existence of such
frauds was patent even to the exalted perceptions of the
Court; and hence Anastasius, in order to render his aboli-
tion of the chrysargyron effective, resorted to an artifice
which appealed to the avarice of his financial delegates
throughout the country.* But an emperor, however well-
intentioned, could rarely attempt to lighten the burdens of
even the humblest of his subjects. His immediate ministers
had sold the chief posts in the provinces," and were under a
tacit convention to shield their nominees unless in the case
of some rash and flagrant delinquent who abandoned all
discretion. The public good was ignored in practice; to
keep the treasury full was the simple and narrow policy of
the Byzantine financier, who never fostered any enlightened
measure for making the Empire rich.^ Zeno essayed to
remedy the widespread evil of venality, but his effort was
futile; although his constitution was re-enacted more than
once and permanently adorned the statute-book.^ According

proud to show the weals they had suffered sooner than pay ; Ammianus,
xxii, 6, 16.

' Cod. Theod., XI, xxviii, lo, 14; cf. vii, 20.

- Evagrius, iii, 39. He pretended to have made a sad mistake, and
spread a report that he would promptly reimpose it were he not without
documentary evidence to enable the books to be reopened. Enticed by
this ruse the knavish collectors brought in the accounts they had kept
back and a second conflagration was made with them.

' Under Arcadius the traffic was barefaced by Eutropius, and prob-
ably little less so in the succeeding reign by Chrysaphius :

Vestibule pretiis distinguit regula gentes.

Tot Galatae, tot Pontus, eat, tot Lydia nummis.

Si Lyciam tenuisse velis, tot millia ponas, etc.

Claudian, In Eutropium, i, 202.

Afterwards it was more underhand ; see Novel, viii.

^ As Bury well observes; Gibbon, v, p. 533. '" Cod., I, xlviii.

202 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

to this legislator every governor was bound to abide within
his province in some public and accessible place for fifty
days after the expiration of his term of ofifice. Thus detained
within the reach of his late constituents when divested of
his authority, it was hoped that they would be emboldened
to come forward and call him to account for his misdeeds.
The reiteration of the law at no great intervals of time suf-
ficiently proves that it was promulgated only to be disre-
garded.'

Without legitimate protectors from whom they might seek
redress, the wretched tributaries either tried to match their
oppressors in craft, or yielded abjectly to all their demands.
Some parted with whatever they possessed, and finally sold
their sons and daughters into slavery or prostitution ; ■ others
posted their holdings against the visits of the surveyors with
notices designating them as the property of some influential
neighbour.^ Such local magnates, who maintained, perhaps,
a guard of Isaurian bandits, were wont to bid defiance to

' Novel, viii ; xcv ; clxi.

- Cod. Theod., Ill, iii; V, viii; XI, xxvii, and Godefroy's illustra-
tions. Sold in this way, Roman citizens were not held in perpetual
bondage, but regained their liberty after serving for a term ; cf. Cassio-
dorus, Var. Ep. , viii, 33. Constantine was shocked to find that deaths from
starvation were frequent in his dominions, and so advertised a measure
of outdoor relief, which Rectors were instructed to exhibit conspicuously
in all parts; cf. Lactantius, Divin. Inst., vi, 20. The same Constantine
is the author of an extravagant law by which lovers who elope together
are subjected to capital (?) punishment without any suffrance of accom-
modation, whilst even persons who may have counselled them to the
step are condemned to perish by having molten lead poured down their
throats. By such frantic whims could legislation be travestied in those
days; Cod. Theod., IX, xxiv.

^ Cod. Theod., II, xiv ; Cod., II, xvi ; Augustine, Enarr. in Psalm.
XXI, etc.

The RoTnau Empire tinder Anastasius 203

the law as well as to the lawlessness of the Rector and his
satellites/ To their protection, in many instances, the lesser
owners were impelled to consign themselves unconditionally,
hoping to find with them a haven of refuge against merciless
exaction. The patron implored readily accepted the trust,
but the suppHant soon discovered that his condition was
assimilated to that of a serf.' The web of social order was
strained or ruptured in every grade of life; traders joined
the ranks of the clergy in order to abuse the faciUties for
commerce conceded to ministers of religion;' the proceed-
ings of the Irenarchs among the rustic population were so
vexatious, that they were accounted disturbers, instead of
guardians of the peace,^ and the simple pastor had to be
denied the use of a horse, lest it should enable him to rob
with too much security on the public highways. '

' Cod., IX, xii, 10. See Priscus for a general outline of some of the
grievances dealt with in this article; Hist. Goth. Excerpt., p. 190; of.
Nov. xxxiii, etc.

2 Cod. Theod., XI, xxiv; Cod., XI, liii; cf. liv. Libanius in the
East and Salvian in the West, at the distance of nearly a century, com-
plain in analogous terms of the manner in which the wealthy residents
turned the tribulations of their poorer neighbours to their own profit; De
Prostasiis (ii, p. 493 R.); De Gubern. Dei, v, 8, 9; cf Nov. xxxiii, etc.

' Cod. Theod., XIII, i, 16; XVI, ii, 10, etc. " Distincta enim
stipendia sunt religionis et calliditatis" is the caustic taunt put into the
mouth of Arcadius. The concessions were withdrawn by Valentinian III
(Novel. II, xii), ineffectively we may safely assume from Nov. xliii;
1,100 duty-free shops at CP. belonging to St. Sophia alone.

' Cod. Theod., XII, xiv.

' Ibid., IX, XXX, 2, 5; xxxi. A further hardship was the quartering
of soldiers on private persons, but this, of course, was only local and
temporary. The Goths and other barbarians were especially harsh and
grasping among those who had to receive them when in transit through
the country; see Jos. Stylites, op. cit., 86. Generally the military were
arrogant towards, and contemned the civil population ; Zosimus, ii, 34.

204 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

II. Educational
Superstition flourishes because knowledge is still the
luxury of the few. By education alone can we hope to attain
to the extinction of that phase of mind termed belief, or
faith, which has always been inculcated as a virtue or a duty
by the priest, and condemned as a vice of the intellect by
the philosopher. In every age, the ability to discern the lines
of demarcation which separate the known from the unknown
is the initial stage of advancement; and in the training of
youth, the prime object of the educator should be to confer
this power on every individual; for in the uninformed minds
of a great majority of mankind, fact and fancy are for the
most part inextricably entangled. The efforts of authority
to dispel or perpetuate error are most potent when acting on
the impressionable faculties of early life. In a sane and pro-
gressive world the first conception to be engrafted in the
expanding mind should be that knowledge has no foothold
beyond the causeways pushed by science into the ocean of
the unknown.'

^ There seems to be no good reason why children should not now be
taught from a primer of scientific cosmology, and have a catechism of
ethics as well to the exclusion of everything mythological. The human
brain is a weak organ of mind, and requires, above all things, a tonic
treatment. Nothing can be more enfeebling than any teaching which
causes children to imagine that they are surrounded by unseen intelli-
gences having the power to affect them for good or evil. In most
instances, a mind so subdued never recovers its resiliency; liberty of
thought is always hampered by dread of the invisible ; and many of our
greatest men have been unable in after life to free themselves from this
fatuity. There should, however, be places of public assembly where
people could resort for ethical direction and encouragement, without the
lessons taught being vitiated or nullified by being made to depend on
mytholog}'. But the objectionable name "agnostic" should be discarded,

The Roma7i Empire under Anas t asms 205

I do not design to produce under this heading a lengthy-
disquisition on paedagogics among the Byzantines, but
merely to indicate, by some broad lines, upon what stock of
common knowledge the foundations of civilization rested in
this age. The student of early Roman history will scarcely
need to be reminded that the virtues of the Republic were
not derived from the schools of art or philosophy; or that
the aesthetic tastes of those blunt citizens only developed in
proportion as they found themselves lords over the culture
as well as over the country of the Greeks.' Towards the
middle of the second century B.C., Greek professors of litera-
ture and eloquence began to establish themselves at Rome,
where they held their ground for some decades on a very
precarious footing, owing to the strong disfavour with which
they were regarded by those who considered the preservation
of ancient manners as the salvation of the state." Gradually,
however, the new discipline prevailed; eminent teachers
were accorded recognition by the government, and before
the end of the first century a.d., the privilege of maintaining
at the public expense a faculty of professors to impart higher
instruction to the rising generation, was granted to every
town of any magnitude throughout the Empire.^ To facilitate,

as if to be properly educated were to belong to a peculiar sect. It sug-
gests a country in which a special designation has to be given to all who
are neither diseased nor deformed.

^ Even Cicero affects to think it infra dig. for him to show any correct
knowledge of the most famous Greek sculptors; Verres, II, iv.

^ Suetonius, De 111. Gram., 2; De Clar. Rhet., i; Aul. Gell., xv,
II. Crates Mallotes has the credit of being the first Greek Grammarian
who taught at Rome, c. 157 B.C. The Rhetoricians had migrated earlier,
and in 161 a SC. was launched against them, and again a few years
later.

^ When the system was fully organized under Ant. Pius (138-161),
the largest communities were allowed ten Physicians, five Rhetoricians

2o6 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

therefore, the prosecution of liberal studies, for such they
were officially named, suitable buildings were erected in
every populous centre. Architecturally, a state school com-
prised a handsome hall or lecture theatre, with class-rooms
attached, the whole being surrounded essentially by a portico.^
The extent and decorative elaboration of these edifices
depended doubtless on their local or general importance.
The greater institutions, as denoted by their being the resort
of a large concourse of students, were liberally provided with
the adornments of painting and statuary.' Objective instruc-

(or Sophists), and three Grammarians; the smallest recognized under
the scheme, five Physicians, three Rhetoricians, and three Grammarians;
Pand. , XXVII, i, 6 ; Hist. August. Ant. Pius, 1 1. Antonius Musa, physi-
cian to Augustus, seems to have been the first learned man to whom
public honours were decreed at Rome, viz., a statue of brass on the
recovery of the Emperor, 23 B.C.; Suetonius, August., 59, 81. He was
even the cause of privileges being conferred on his profession generally;
Dion Cass., liii, 30. Vespasian was the first to give regular salaries to
Rhetoricians; he also gave handsome presents to poets, artists, and
architects, and granted relief from public burdens to physicians and
philosophers; Suetonius in Vita, 18; Pand., L, iv, 18(30). But the
idea of remitting their taxes to learned men was old; Diogenes Laert.,
Pyrrho, 5. That of selling philosophers for slaves when they could not
pay them, was also old; ibid., Xenocrates; Bion. Hadrian, called
Graeculus from his pedantry, also did much for the cause of learning ;
Hist. August, in Vita, i, 17, and commentators. The Athenaeum at
Rome was his foundation, an educational college of which no details are
known ; Aurel. Victor, in Vita. Alexander Sev. went further than any
of his predecessors in granting an allowance to poor students ; Hist.
August, in Vita, 44.

' Cod. Theod., XV, i, 53, and Godefroy ad loc.

* Zacharias, De Opific, Mund., 40, et scq. (in Migne, S. G., Ixxxv,
ion); See Hasaeus, De Acad. Beryt., etc. Halae Magd., 1716. The
humblest school was adorned with figures of the Muses ; Athenaeus, viii,
41; Diogenes Laert., Diog., 6. A lecture hall was generally called a
"Theatre of the Muses"; Himerius, Or., xxii; Themistius, Or., xxi.

The Roman Empire under Anastasms 207

tion was given by means of tabular expositions of the subjects
taught affixed to the walls of the colonnades, among which
maps conveying not only geographical, but also historical
information, were particularly conspicuous.' Until the bar-
barian invasion of Greece by Alaric at the close of the fourth
century, Athens maintained an easy pre-eminence as a centre
of polite learning, and bestowed the greatest prestige on
those who passed through her schools.^ The most pro-
nounced effort for the advancement of higher education in
the East at this epoch was the definite constitution of the
schools of Constantinople in an Auditorum on the Capitol,

^ Diogenes Laert., Theophrastus, 14; Eumenius, De Schol. Instaur. ;
Themistius, Or., xxvi, etc.

^ Gregory Naz., Laud. Basil, 14, et seq. In Julian, ii; Zosimus, v, 5.
Synesius pictures the schools as deserted when he visited Athens {c. 410);
no philosophers, no painted porches, nothing in evidence but the jars of
honey from Hymettus. Hypatia, in fact, was attracting every one to
Alexandria. After her murder, however, it doubtless began to recuperate
(c. 415). Themistius inveighs against those parents who sent their sons
to a place on account of its repute, instead of looking out for the best
man. He mentions that pupils came to him at CP. from Greece and
Ionia; Or., xxvii ; xxiii. The students of this age are described as
extremely fractious. At Athens, a great commotion greeted the arrival
of a freshman, who was put through a rude ordeal until they had passed
him into the public bath, whence he issued again as an accepted comrade ;
Gregory Naz., Laud. Basil., 16. There also they fought duels, and
Libanius reprobates their presenting themselves to him slashed with
knives; Epist., 627; Himerius, Or., xxii. Practical jokes amongst
themselves, or played on the professors, were often pushed by the
students to the verge of criminality; Pand. praef., 2(9). At Carthage
St. Augustine found his class for rhetoric so unruly that he threw it up
and migrated to Rome. There, indeed, they were more orderly, but
indulged in the galling practice of flocking in a body to a certain teacher,
whom they suddenly abandoned after a time, forgetting to pay their fees.
Sick of it all, he eagerly closed with an offer of the P. U. to take up a
salaried post at Milan; Confess., v, 8, 12, 13.

2o8 The Age of Justinian and Theodo7'a

almost as the counterpart of a modern University, by Theo-
dosius II, in 425. The teaching staff of this college consisted,
under their official titles, of three Orators and ten Gram-
marians for the Latin language; of five Sophists and ten
Grammarians for the Greek tongue; of one Philosopher; and
of two Jurists, thirty-one members in all.' To insure the
success of this foundation, the decree for its establishment
was accompanied by an injunction against the public lectur-
ing of professors other than those appointed to hold forth
within its walls. ^ A body of scriveners, technically named
antiquarians, was also maintained for the multiplication of
copies of manuscripts in the public libraries of the capital^
which were rich in literature.'

In addition to these teachers, who were settled in various
localities, the itinerant professor, who travelled from place
to place delivering public harangues and taking pupils for
a short course of instruction, was a feature in the life of the
period. With considerable vanity they distinguished them-
selves by wearing a long beard, carrying a staff, and enfold-
ing themselves in a cloak of an unusual tint,* Rhetoricians
affected a garb of scarlet or white, philosophers of gray, and
physicians of blue.' When addressing an audience, they
usually presented themselves crowned with flowers, reeking

1 Cod. Theod., XIV, ix, 3; Cod., XI, xviii. * Ibid.

' Cod. Theod., XIV, ix, 2. Constantius seems to have founded the
first great library [c. 351), and another was originated by Julian; The-
mistius, Or., iv; see p. 88. Themistius says that he spent twenty years in
studying the "old treasures" of literature at CP.; Or., xxxiii (p. 359,
Dind.).

* Themistius, Or., xxiii ; xxviii, etc. Chrysostom, Ad Pop. Ant. Horn,
xvii, 2 (in Migne, ii, 173).

' See p. 58; Themistius, Or., xxiv; cf. Cresollius, Theatr. Vet. Rhet.,
Paris, 1620, a huge repertory of details relating to this class.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 209

with perfumes, and displaying a gold ring of remarkable
size/ The advent of these self-ordained instructors of the
public into a provincial town was often the occasion of much
local enthusiasm, and a throng of citizens advanced to meet
them for some distance, in order to conduct them to their
lodgings." All professors, whether in the pay of the state or
otherwise, enjoyed a complete immunity from the civil duties
and imposts enforced on ordinary individuals, thus present-
ing the singular contrast of being licensed to live in a con-
dition of ideal freedom under a political system which
restricted personal liberty at every turn.^ Such material
advantages inevitably became liable to abuse through im-
posture, and the country was permeated by charlatans in
the guise of philosophers, who coveted distinction and
emolument at the easy price of a merely personal assertion
of competence/ In the fourth century this evil was scarcely
checked by Imperial enactments which required that pro-

^ Themistius, Or., xxviii, etc.

^ Themistius, Or., xiii; Chiysostom, In Epist. ad Ephes. Horn, xxi,
3 (in Migne, xi, 153); Eunapius, Proaeresius. These popular lectures
were often merely colloquial efttertainments, such as used to be associ-
ated with the name of Corney Grain, without the music. See the
correspondence of Basil Mag. with Libanius, Epist., 351 (Migne), et seq.,
L.'s most effective piece, a dialogue in which he mimicked the fretfulness
of a morose man.

' Cod. Theod., XIII, iii, i, and Godefroy ad loc. At this time, how-
ever, pagan professors were often much persecuted by Christian fanatics,
and Themistius complains that they were even officially muzzled; Or.,
xxvi, and ibid. Professors were naturally the last to become converts.
As to the general esteem in which the class was held, see the poetical
commemoration of the Bordeaux professors by Ausonius. Lucian deals
satirically with philosophers in his Eunuch, De Merc. Cond., Hermo-
timus, etc.

^ Cod. Theod., XIII, iii, 7, and Godefroy ad loc; Cod., X, Hi, 8;
Themistius, Or., xxi, etc. Chrysostom, loc. cit. (note 4 st4pra).

P

2IO The Age of [tcstinian and Theodora

fessors of every grade should procure credentials as to char-
acter and attainments from the Curia of their native place.'
The cost of education is a somewhat obscure subject, but we
are justified in assuming that all the state seminaries were
open gratuitously to the youth of the district; and we know
that even private teachers of eminence were accustomed to
remit the fees to students who were unable to pay."

The ancients, like the moderns, assigned certain courses
of instruction to pupils according to their age and the esti-
mated development of their intelligence. As with us, the
recipient of a full liberal education passed through three
stages, adapted respectively to the capacity of the child, the
boy, and the youth, which may be discussed under the head-
ings of Elementary, Intermediate, and Final. To these must
necessarily be added, in the case of those destined for a
special vocation, a fourth stage, viz., the Professional. Their
conception, however, of the periods of early life was more
defined, and differed somewhat from our own, the first ter-

^ Cod. Theod., XIII, iii, 5. A law of Julian to facilitate his ousting
Christian professors, but retained for its literal application.

- Themistius fairly covers the ground as to this question; Or., xxi ;
xxiii. The inferior teachers were exacting, and even extortionate. They
accused him of requiring a talent (;^240 ?), but he asked nothing at CP.
where he was subsidized ; on the contrary, he assisted needy pupils.
Still, he received a great deal of money as presents. At Antioch, where
it was the custom, he took fees like the rest. For more ancient times
and generally, see Cresollius, op. cit., v, 3, 4, etc. What the govern-
ment paid is uncertain. Augustus gave V. Flaccus ;if 800 a year for acting
exclusively as tutor to his nephews; Suetonius, De III. Gram., 17.
;!^i,040 has been conjectured as the salary of Eumenius (600,000 niimvii,
op. cit.). In Diocletian's Act for fixing prices, ordinary schoolmasters
are allowed only about 4^^. a month, professors \2s.; for each pupil in a
class, of course. The case of M. Aurelius bestowing ^^400 per ann. on
the professors at Athens is also to be noted; Dion Cass., Ixxxi, 31.

The Roman Empire 7cnder Anastasius 2 1 1

minating at twelve, the second at fourteen, the third at
twenty, and the fourth at twenty-five years of age/ Primary
education began at from five to seven, and the pupils were
usually sent to a day-school in the charge of a slave, named
a paedagogue. There they were taught to read, write, and to
count; and suitable pieces were given to them to learn by
rote. A wooden tablet faced with wax, upon which they
scratched with a style, took the place of the modern slate or
copy-book. Calculation was restricted to some simple opera-
tions of mental arithmetic, owing to the cumbersome method
of figuring employed by the ancients, which did not lend
itself easily to the manipulation of written numbers.'^ The
schoolmasters who presided over such preparatory establish-

^ Chrysostom, Genesis, i, Horn, iii, 3 (in Migne, iv, 29); In Epist.
ad Coloss. Horn, iv, 3 (in Migne, xi, 328); Paulus Aegin., i, 14; cf.
Quintilian, i, i, etc. Youths from the provinces studying at Rome were
packed home again at twenty, but this order seems to have been dropped
later on; Cod. Theod., XIV, ix, i (not retained in Code).

^ On first methods with children, see Quintilian, i; Jerome, Episf.,
107; Chrysostom, Ad Pop. Ant. Horn, xvi, 14 (in Migne, ii, 168);
De Mut. Norn, ii, i (in Migne, iii, 125); Genesis, i, Horn, iii, 3;
Epist. Coloss. i, Horn, iv, 3 (in Migne, xi, 329), etc. Libanius, In
Chriis (Reiske, ii, p. 868). The first book of Augustine's Confessions
gives many particulars as to his own bringing up in childhood. Greek
nursemaids were hired at Rome so that young children might learn the
language; Tacitus, De Caus. Cor. Eloq., 29. Wooden or ivory letters
were used as playthings. These schoolmasters are represented as very
harsh instructors, who cowed the spirit of their pupils. The rod was
freely used, and chiefly by the paedagogue. Even scholars of maturer
age were corrected by whipping. Libanius used to ' ' wake up the lazy
ones with a strap, the incorrigible he expelled." Epist., 1119. Chry-
sostom himself accepts as axiomatic that nothing can be done with boys
without beating; Act. Apost. Horn, xlii, 4 (in Migne, ix, 308).
Quintilian and Paul of Aegina, however, advise going on the opposite
tack ; loc. cit.

2 1 2 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

ments did not rank as professors, and were not accorded any
privileges beyond those of ordinary citizens."

II. At twelve the work of mental cultivation commenced
seriously, and the pupil entered on the study of the seven
liberal arts, viz., grammar, dialectic, rhetoric, geometry,
arithmetic, astronomy, and music." These subjects were
taken in two stages, which in the West were beginning to be
called the Trivium and Quad?-ivmm.^ Two years were de-
voted to the Trivium, the scope of which may be appre-
hended from a brief summary, i. The grammar of the
period dealt with the eight parts of speech in a sufificiently
exhaustive manner; conveyed some notions, often crude
and erroneous, as to the derivation of words ; and, in the
absence of precise anatomical or acoustic science, attempted
in a primitive fashion a classification of the letters and a
physiology of vocalization. The construction of sentences
was analyzed with considerable minuteness ; and passages
selected from eminent writers were set for the student to
parse with an exactitude seldom called for at the present

^ Pand., L, v, 2, etc.

- Martianus Capella, an African who lived in the fifth century, is the
author of the only self-contained manual of liberal education which has
come down to us. His treatise seems to contain all the book-work a
student was expected to do while under oral teaching by the professors.
Cassiodorus has left a slight tract, but he recommends other volumes to
supplement his own merely tentative work. Isidore of Seville, a century
later, has also included an epitome of the seven liberal arts in the first
three books of his Etymologies, but his exposition is almost as thin as
that of Cassiodorus. The remaining seventeen books are a sort of en-
cyclopaedic dictionary with explanatory jottings on almost every subject,
well worth dipping into.

^ Introduced, perhaps, by Boethius ; De Arith. , i, i. TtrpaKn'f is
found in Greek ; Anna Comn. ; i, pref. ; see Ducange, sh. voc. The
latter word is really the original and goes back to Pythagorean limes.

The Roman Empire binder Anastasiiis 2 1 3

day.^ The laws of poetical metre were taught as a leading
branch of the subject ; and a familiarity with literature was
promoted by reading the best authors, especially Homer.
The copious Latin grammarian Priscian flourished at Con-
stantinople under Anastasius, and his monumental work in
eighteen books is still extant.'

2. In the province of dialectics it was sought to instill the
art of reasoning correctly into the mind of the pupil. Thus
he was introduced to the elementary principles of logic ; the
categories, or the modes of regarding and classifying phe-
nomena, were explained to him ; and he was exercised in
the practice of accurate deduction according to the various
forms of the syllogism.

3. Without a practical acquaintance with the art of rhetoric
it was considered that no one could pretend to occupy any
desirable position in the civil service of the Empire.^ This
course was the extension and application of the two previous
ones of grammar and logic, upon which it was based. The
rules of composition and the arts of argument, which the
ingenuity of the Greeks had unravelled and defined under a
hundred apposite names, were exemplified to the student,'

^ See Priscian, Partitiones, xii, Vers. Aen., etc.

^ After Rome had produced good writers, such as Virgil, Horace,
Livy, etc., they were added to the course of literature in the West;
Quintilian, i, 8; x.

^ There is some obscurity about his date, which suggests that he was
a centenarian. Ordericus Vit. says he died in 425 ; cf. Cassiodorus, De
Orthograph., 12, etc.

* "One father," says Chrysostom, "points out to his son how some
one of low birth by learning eloquence obtained promotion to high office,
won a rich wife, and became possessed of wealth with a fine house, etc. ,
or how another through a mastery of Latin achieved a great position at
Court"; Adv. Oppug. Vit. Mon., iii, 5 (in Migne, i, 357).

■' The details of teaching are presented most circumstantially in th
rhetorical catechism of Fortunatianus {c. 450).

2 1 4 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

who wrote extracts to dictation chosen from various illustra-
tive authors. The sophist or rhetorician addressed his class
on some stated theme, and spoke alternately on both sides
of the question. The management of the voice and the use
of appropriate gesture were systematically taught.' Finally
the pupils were set to compose speeches of their own and
to debate among themselves on suitable subjects.'

III. The four divisions of the Qiiadrivium were grouped
together as the mathematical arts ; and six years were allotted
to their study, i. In geometry the discipline did not include
the learning of theorems and problems as set forth in the
Elements of Euclid, but merely an acquaintance with the
definitions and with the ordinary plane and solid figures.*
The teaching in this section, however, was mainly of geo-
graphy.^ It was asserted doubtfully that the earth was a
globe and that there was an inferior hemisphere of which
nothing certain could be predicated.'

^ Cresollius has brought together an immense amount of information
on this branch of the art in his Vacationes Autumnales, Paris, 1620;
cf. Kayser in his introduction to the lives of Philostratus (Teubner).
Blandness of voice was sedulously pursued by professional sophists, and
plastnata, or emollient medicaments were much resorted to. There was
a phonascus, or voice-trainer, who paid special attention to such matters.
^ Libanius has outlined very clearly the course of instruction through
which he put his class; Epist., 407.

^ Nothing could be more meagre than the allusions to this subject ;
even the treatise on geometry by Boethius, which seems to have been
the only one current, contains little more than enunciations of proposi-
tions.

" I have already referred to the geography of this period, see p. 182.
Altera pars orbis sub aquis jacet invia nobis,
Ignotaeque hominum gentes, nee transita regna,
Commune ex uno lumen ducentia sole, etc.

Manilius (Weber), i, 375.
The (.'hristian fathers ridicule the antipodes severely. " More rational

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 2 1 5

2. Arithmetic was not practised methodically by the
setting of sums to be worked out by the pupils, but con-
sisted chiefly in demonstrating the more obvious properties
of numbers, such as odd, even, prime, perfect, etc., together
with many fanciful absurdities/ Operations with figures
were indicated verbally in a disconnected manner ; multipli-
cation tables to be learnt by heart had not been invented ;
the higher rules and decimal fractions were unknown.

3. Systematic astronomy at this period and for long after,
as is well known, was conceived of on false principles which,
whilst admitting of the correct solution of some problems,
such as the prediction of eclipses, left the vastness of the
universe and its physical constitution totally unapprehended.
All the heavenly bodies were regarded as mathematically, if
not teleogically, disposed about the earth, to which as a
centre even the fixed stars, at varying and immeasurable
distances as they are, were constrained fantastically by a re-
volving sphere of crystal.^ The reasoning, however, by which

to say that black was white"; Lactantius, Div. Inst., iii, 24 ; Epitome,
39. " The earth stands firm on water [going back to Thales] and does
not turn"; Chrysostom, Genesis, Hom. xii, 3, 4 (in Migne, iv, loi);
In Titum Hom. iii, 3 (in Migne, xi, 680); cf. Cosmas Ind., oJ>. at., x,
for other theological authorities on cosmology.

^ Such as that five represents the world, being made up of three and
two, which typify male and female respectively ; or that seven equates
Minerva, the virgin, neither contained or containing; and other Pytha-
gorean notions ; see M. Capella, vii, and the arithmetic of Boethius.

'■* Such is the well-known system elaborated by Hipparchus and
Ptolemy, but the Pythagoreans put the sun at the centre, though with-
out definite reasons and with imaginative details ; see Diogenes Laert.
and Delambre's Hist. Astron. Ant. Although Democritus, Epicurus,
and others held that there were an infinite number of worlds (Kudfioi),
they regarded the objective universe as only one of them, and had no
idea that myriads of systems similar to that in which they lived lay be-
fore their eyes.

2 1 6 The Age of Justinian and Tkeodo7'a

these views were upheld was not sufficiently convincing to
gain universal acceptance ; and the outlines of the science
communicated to students generally received some modifica-
tions from the minds of individual teachers.^ Much of the
course was taken up with treating of the constellations and
the zodiac, not without a tincture of astrology, and some
primitive observations on meteorology were included. "

4. Music as known to us is virtually a modern creation ;
and that of the Greeks would doubtless impress us as a wild
and disorderly performance, adapted only to the ears of
some semi-barbaric people of the East. Their most extended
scale did not range beyond eighteen notes ; ' in order to
obtain variety their only resource was a shift of key, that is,
a change of pitch, or the adoption of a different mode, that
is, of a gamut in which the semitones assumed novel positions;
and their harmony was restricted to the consonance of oc-
taves. Time was not measured according to the modern
method, but there was a rhythm fixed in relation to the
various metres of poetic verse. Their usual instruments
were the pipe or flute, the lyre, a simple form of organ,* and,
of course, the human voice. Practically, therefore, their
music consisted of melody of a declamatory or recitatival

' Thus M. Capella states that Mercury and Venus revolve round the
sun ; and Isidore of .Seville says the crystalline sphere runs so fast that
did not the stars retard it by running the opposite way the universe
would fall to pieces; Etymolog. , iii, 35.

^ See Themistius, Or., xxvi (p. 327 Dind.); cf. Boethius (?), De
Discipl. Scholar., iii.

^ Graduated from about A below treble stave to E in fourth space (A
to E"— La2 to Mi^), butthere seems to have been great variety in pitcli.

* Cassiodorus often alludes to the organ of his time, especially in Ex-
posit. Psal. CL, where he describes many instruments. See Daremberg
and Saglio, sb. voc.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 2 1 7

type, to which a pecuHar character was sometimes given by
the use of quarter tones ; and choral singing was purely
symphonic. But the vibrational numbers of the scale had
been discovered by Pythagoras when making experiments
with strings ; and each of the eighteen notes and fifteen
modes had received a descriptive name. Hence the limited
scope of the art did not prevent the theory of music from
ultimately becoming elaborated with a complexity not un-
worthy of the native subtlety of the Greeks.^ In practice the
musical training of pupils consisted in their learning to sing
to the lyre.^

Such in brief were the component parts of a liberal educa-
tion, with which, however, under the name of philosophy, it
was considered essential that a complement of ethical teach-
ing should be conjoined. This complement was digested
into three branches, under which were discussed the duty of
the individual to himself, to the household, and to the com-
munity at large or to the state. ^

' See M. Capella, ix; Boethius on Music, etc., and Hadow's Ox-
ford History of Music, 1901.

* See Plato, Protagoras, 43, etc. Even in the time of Homer the
Greek warriors were practical musicians, but the Romans were not so
orginally. I can make no definite statement as to how far the Byzantine
upper classes were performers on instruments at this date, but see Jerome,
Ep., 107. Further remarks on Greek education, with references to an
earlier stratum of authors, will be found in Hatch, Hibbert Lectures,
1888, ii, et seq. There is a great compilation by Conringius (De Antiq.
Academ., Helmstadt, 165 1), which I have found extremely useful. From
the observations of Chrysostom (see p. 118), it appears that little ad-
vantage was taken of educational facilities in his day, but it may be
assumed that the foundation of the Auditorium caused mental culture to
be fashionable, at least for a time.

^ Themistius, Or., xxvi, loc. cit. Theodosius W was the first Christian
emperor who systematically fostered philosophy by creating a faculty at

2 1 8 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

IV. It now remains for us to glance at the more pro-
tracted training of those who had resolved to devote their
lives to some particular sphere of activity. Aspirants for the
position of professor of the liberal arts, or who wished to
utilize their acquirements in a political career, would con-
tinue and extend their studies on the lines above indicated ;
but those who intended to follow the professions of law or
physic, or engage in practice of art proper, had to direct
their energies into new channels.

I, As the administration of the Empire was almost
monopolized by the members of the legal profession, it may
be inferred that the throng of youths intent on becoming
lawyers fully equalled in number the students of every other
calling. Hence we find that not only were schools of law
established in every city of importance, notably Constantin-
ople, Alexandria, and Caesarea, but that a provincial town
of minor rank obtained a unique celebrity through the teach-
ing of jurisprudence. Berytus, on the Syrian coast, in the
province of Phoenicia, with an academic history of several
centuries' at this date, had attained to that position; and

CP. and extending clearly to philosophers the immunities granted to
others professors; Cod. Theod., XIII, iii, i6; XIV, ix, 3; Cod., X, lii,
14, etc. We are continually reminded that Socrates brought down the
sophists of his time from star-gazing and speculation as to the origin of
things to the ethics of common life. Thence arose a succession of
dialogues in which Utopian republics were discussed, where wives should
be in common so that everybody might be the supposititious brother,
etc., of every one else. A more harmonious community could not be en-
gendered by such a device; cf. Herodotus, iv, 104.

^ See the elogium of Berytus in Nonnus, Dionysiacs, xli. From
389, etc., Hasaeus {op. cii.) thinks that the school was founded by
Augustus after the battle of Actium, but it is first distinctly noted as
flourishing c. 231; Gregory Thaum., Panegyric, in Origen, i, 5 (in
Migne, S. G., 1051).

The Roman Empire mider Anastashts 2 19

was habitually spoken of as the " mother " and " nurse of
the laws." ^ Four jurists of eminence, double the number
allotted to any other school, under the title of Antecessors,
lectured in the auditorium ; ' and a progressive course of
study was arranged to extend over five years. In each suc-
cessive year the candidate assumed a distinctive designation
which marked his seniority or denoted the branch of law on
which he was engaged.' Before the sixth century the legal
archives of the Empire had been swollen to such proportions
that it had become an almost impossible task to thread the
maze of their innumerable enactments. During the lapse of a
thousand years the constitutions of the emperors had been en-
grafted on the legislation of the Republic, and the complexity
of the resultant growth was capable of bewildering the most
acute of legal minds. On three occasions, beginning from
the time of Constantine, attempts had been made to separate
and classify the effective laws;' and the Code of Theo-
dosius II, published in 438, the only official one, was at

' Pand. praef., 2 [7]; Totius Orb. Descript. ; Godefroy ad Cod.
Theod., XI, i, 19, etc.

"^ Nowhere definitely expressed, but inferred from Pand. praef., 2
(superscription), with confirmative evidence; see Hasaeus, op. cii., viii,
2, ei seq.

' The freshmen rejoiced in the " frivolous and ridiculous cognomen "
of Z?«/o«(/n (equivalent to " Tuppennies," apparently) ; in the second
year they became Edicdonaries (students of Hadrian's Perpetual Edict) ;
thirdly, Papinianistac (engaged on the works of Papinian); fourthly,
Avrai (when reading Paulus); fifthly, the last year, Prolytae (mainly
given up to reviewing previous studies); Pand. praef., 2. The last two
terms are not explained ; the idea is evidently that of being loosed or
dismissed from the courses. Cf. Macarius Aegypt. Ilom. xv, 42 (in
Migne, S. G., xxxiv, 604), who presents a different scheme, perhaps,
from the Alexandrian law-school.

* The first attempt at consolidating the laws v\as the Perpetual Edict
of Hadrian, c. I20.

2 20 The Age of Jtistinian and Theodora

present in force. But this work, executed in a narrow spirit
of piety which decreed that only the enactments of Christian
emperors should be included, was universally recognized as
both redundant and insufficient. A still wider entanglement
existed in the literature which had accumulated around the
interpretation and application of the statutes ; during the
administration of justice a myriad of perplexing points had
arisen to exercise the keenest forensic judgement in order to
arrive at equitable decisions ; and it was estimated that two
thousand treatises, emanating from nearly forty authors, con-
tained in scattered passages matter essential to a correct ap-
prehension of the principles and practice of the law.' Such
was the arduous prospect before a legal student who desired
to win a position of repute in his profession.'^

2. As Berytus had become famous for its law school, so
Alexandria, and even some centuries earlier, had gained a
noted pre-eminence as a centre of medical education ; ' but
with respect to the course of study and the methods of in-

' Pand., loc. cit. And many more were probably dragged up in court
from time to time, which it would be the bent of despotism to taboo.
Cod. Theod., I, iv, gives the rule as to deciding knotty points by the
collation of legal experts.

* It was specially decreed by Diocletian that students might remain
at B. to the age of twenty-five; Cod. ,X,xlix, i. This law could doubtless
be pleaded even against a call to their native Curia. We need not suppose
that the periods allotted to the various branches of education were al-
ways rigidly adhered to in spite of circumstances. Thus Libanius com-
plains that his pupils used to run off to the study of law before he had
put them through the proper routine of rhetorical training, the moment
they had mastered a little Latin in fact ; iii, p. 441-2 (Reiske).

^ Sufficiat medico ad commendandam artis auctoritatem, si Alex-
andriae se dixerit eruditum; Ammianus, xxii, 16. This celebrity was
won (. 300 B.C. through the distinction acquired by Erasistratus and
Herophilus. See Conringius, op. cit., i, 26.

The Romafi Empij^e ttnder Anastasius 221

struction no details have come down to us. We have seen
that the regulations for the establishment of the auditorium
at Constantinople did not provide for a chair of physic,
whence it may be inferred that it was left entirely to those
who had attained to the position of senior or archphysician
to organize the teaching and training of pupils. The public
medical officers, who attended the poor at their own homes
or in the twsocomia or hospitals existing at this date,' would
doubtless have excellent opportunities for forming classes
and rendering students familiar with the aspect and treat-
ment of disease. The medical and surgical science of
antiquity had come to a standstill by the end of the second
century, when the indefatigable Galen composed his great
repertory of the knowledge of his own times. That know-
ledge comprised almost all the details of macroscopic anatomy,
but had advanced but a little way towards solving the physio-
logical problems as to the working of the vital machine.
The gross absurdities of the preceding centuries had, how-
ever, been finally disposed of, such as that fluids passed
down the windpipe into the lungs,^ or that the arteries con-
tained air. ^ Ordinary operations were performed freely; and
the surgeon was conscious that it was more creditable to
save a limb than to amputate it.* Three centuries before
the Christian era Theophrastus had laid the foundations of
systematic botany, as had his master Aristotle those of

' Cod., I, ii, 19, 22 ; this and the next title for charities /<zj-j-////.

^ Even Plato held this notion (Timaeus, 72), but it was flouted at
once by Chrysippus ; Plutarch, De Stoic. Repug., 29.

^ Galen gives very correct descriptions of the action of the larynx ;
Oribasius, xxiv, 9; and tells us how he satisfied himself by various
vivisections that the blood actually flowed in the arteries ; An Sanguis
in Arter. Nat. Cont. ; De Placit., i, 5 ; vi, 7, 8, etc.

' Themistius, Or., i.

2 2 2 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

zoology and comparative anatomy.^ The resources of thera-
peutics were extensive and varied, but the action of drugs
was not well understood. Remedies were compounded not
only from the vegetable kingdom, but also with animal sub-
stances ^ to an extent which seems likely to be equalled by
the piore precise medication with the principles of living
tissues gaining ground at the present day. Knowledge of
minerals, however, was too deficient for such bodies to take
a prominent place in pharmacology.^

3. The arts of Greece, after having flourished in perfection
from the time of Pericles to that of Alexander in the various
departments of architecture, sculpture, painting, and litera-
ture, remained dormant for some centuries until the estab-
lishment of universal peace under the dominion of Rome
provided a new theatre for their exercise. Fostered in the
Augustan age by the indolence and luxury of the Imperial
city, which offered the prospect of fortune to every artist of
ambition and talent, they were communicated to the Latins,
who strove earnestly to imitate and equal their masters. The

' What appears to be an epitome of current knowledge of natural
history and botany is given by Cicero in De Nat. Deor. , ii, 47, etc.

^ See especially Dioscorides, ii. Tinctures and ointments made from
toads, scorpions, bugs, woodlice, centipedes, cockroaches, testes of
stag and horse, etc., were staple preparations. The realistic coloured
illustrations in the great edition published by Lonicerus in 1563 with a
colossal commentary, are worth looking at. The pills of seminal fluid
((Z la Brown-Sequard) decried in the Pistis Sophia appear to have been
merely a mystic remedy.

^ The profession did not yet stand apart from the lay community as
pronouncedly as at present. Thus Celsus, author of a noted medical
treatise, was an amateur, a Roman patrician in fact ; and the precious
MS. of Dioscorides, with coloured miniatures, preserved at Vienna, was
executed {c. 500) for a Byzantine princess, Julia Anicia, daughter of
Olybrius, one of the fleeting emperors of the West.

The Roman Empire under Anastasiiis 223

exotic art bloomed on the foreign soil to which it had been
transplanted ; and the Italians, if they never displayed
creative genius or originality of conception, at least learned
to reproduce with consummate skill and novelty of invest-
ment the emanations of Hellenic inspiration. But the
elements of permanency were wanting to such factitious
aptitudes, as they were in fact to the fabric of the Empire
itself; and the wave of political stability was closely followed
in its rise and fall by the advance or decline of the arts.
After the reign of Augustus the tide of prosperity ebbed for
about half a century until it reached its lowest level during
the Civil Wars which heralded the settlement of Vespasian
on the throne. It rose again, and for more than fifty years
maintained an active flow during the reigns of Trajan and
Hadrian, subsequent to which its course is marked by a
gently descending line, under the benign rule of the
Antonines, until it sinks somewhat abruptly in the temporary
dissolution of the Empire, which preceded the triumph of
Severus. Thenceforward, but two centuries from its founda-
tion,^ the sovereignty of Rome entered on shoals and quick-
sands, calamity succeeded calamity, and a position of stable
equilibrium was never afterwards regained ; but in the
vicissitudes of fortune before the final catastrophe, an illusive
glow appeared to signalize more than once a return of the
supremacy of the Caesars,"

' Less than a century previously Plutarch had declared the common
opinion that Fortune, having divested herself of her pinions and winged
shoes, had settled down as a permanent inhabitant of the Palatine Hill ;
De Fortuna Rom.

^ Art in the time of Augustus and Tiberius has to be judged mainly
by the wall-paintings recovered at Rome and Pompeii, many of which
are highly meritorious. For succeeding centuries a series of sculptures
remain which allow us to keep the retreat of art ih constant view. The

2 24 ^'^^ -^^^ of Justinian and Theodora

By the time of Constantine the neglect and degradation
of art had become so pronounced that artists could scarcely
be found competent to execute, even in an inferior style,
any monumental record of the events of the age ; or for the
construction of the public buildings so lavishly planned by
that monarch in his attempted renovation of the Empire/
To meet the difficulty he promulgated decrees, which were
kept in force and multiplied by his successors, with the view
of stimulating his subjects to devote themselves to arts and
the allied handicrafts. Immunity from all civil burdens
was guaranteed ; and salaries, with the free occupation of
suitable premises in public places, were offered to those who
would undertake to teach/ These measures undoubtedly
tended to the elevation of taste and the maintenance of
civilization, although they could not infuse a new genius
into the people of a decadent age.

At the opening of the sixth century Constantinople was
the focus of civilization not only in the East, but also with

chief landmarks are : i. The arch of Titus and the column of Trajan;
2. The Antonine column and the arch of Severus ; 3. The arch of Con-
stantine, remarkable for its crudity and for some spaces being filled by
figures ravished from that of Titus ; 4. The Theodosian column at CP. ;
though much defaced, the incapacity of the executant is still recognizable.
The reproduction of the Arcadian pillar published by Banduri (see
p. 49) cannot be regarded as a faithful copy, it being evident that the
artist has elevated the bas-reliefs to his own standard. In Agincourt,
op. cit., and Mau's Pompeii these subjects are pictorially represented,
as well as in many other works.

' Cod. Theod., XIII, iv, i. Architectis plurimis opus est, sed quia
non sunt, etc. (334). His buildings were so hastily run up that they
soon went to ruin ; Zosimus, ii, 32. Hence, perhaps, C.'s opinion that
there were no proper architects.

^ Cod. Theod., XIII, iv, i, 4. Few, however, of these regulations,
if any, were new ; they were mostly in force before the reign of Com-
modus; Pand., L, vi, 9.

The Roman Empire U7ider Anastasitis 225

respect to those western countries which had until lately been
united as members of the same political system. The
suzerainty of the eastern Emperor was still tacitly allowed,
or, at least, upheld ; and the prestige of his capital was felt
actively throughout the ruder West as a refining influence
which only waned after the period of the Renaissance. The
main characteristic of art at this epoch is an unskilled imita-
tion of ancient models ; and the conventional style regarded
as typically Byzantine, which at one time prevailed so widely
in Europe, was not to become apparent for many centuries
to come.^ But by the fifth century certain modifications of
design, betraying the infiltration of Oriental tastes, also be-
gan to be observable."

a. Architecture at Constantinople remained essentially
Greek, or, at least, Graeco-Roman ; and the constant de-
mand for new buildings, especially churches, ordained that
it should still be zealously studied. In the provinces, how-
ever, particularly on the Asiatic side, some transitional ex-
amples would have enabled an observer to forecast already
an era of cupolar construction.''

^ In the eleventh century, after a flush of splendour in the already
greatly contracted Empire, owing to the conquests of the Saracens, this
particular form of degeneracy began to be manifested. ' ' Les personnages
sont trop longs, leur bras trop maigres, leur gestes et leur mouvements
plain d'affectation; une rigidite cadaverique est repandue sur I'ensemble";
Kondakoff, Hist, de I'artbyz,, Paris, 1886, ii, p. 138.

^ This was not altogether new to the Greeks ; for in the juxtaposition
of Athenian and Assyrian bas-reliefs at the British Museum it can be
seen that even the school of Phidias adhered to some types which had
originated in the East, drawing of horses, etc.

^ See Lethaby and Swainson for arguments on this head. Certain
churches in the domical style at Antioch, Salonica, etc., are maintained
by some authorities to be anterior to the sixth century; op. cit., x.
For illustrations see VogUe, Archit. de la Syrie cent., Paris, 1865-77.

Q

2 26 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

b. On the other hand, statuary almost threatened to be-
come a lost art. The devotion to athletic contests, which
prevailed among the Greeks, caused them to lay great stress
on physical culture ; and at the public games, as well as in
the preparatory gymnasia, they were constantly familiarized
with the aspect of the human figure undraped in every phase
of action and repose.^ The eye of the artist thus acquired a
precision which enabled him to execute works in marble
with a perfection unapproached in any later age. To the
anthropomorphic spirit of polytheism it was necessary that
the images of the gods should be multiplied in temples and
even in public places ; and the Greeks essayed to express
the ideal beauty of their divinities under those corporeal
forms which appeared most exquisite to the human senses.
Received as being of both sexes and as fulfilling the con-
ception of faultless excellence in a variety of spheres, a
boundless field lay open before the artist in which to repre-
sent them according to their diverse attributes of sovereignty,
of intellect, or of grace.^ But the traditions of Hebrew

^ Thus even maidens in a state of nudity engaged publicly in the
athletic games at Sparta and Chios ; Plutarch, Lycurgus ; Athenaeus,
xiii, 20. The parade of virgins before Zeuxis at Agrigentum in order
that he might select models for his great picture of the birth of Venus,
as related by Pliny, has often been quoted ; Hist. Nat., xxxv, 36. Yet
even among the Greeks a squeamish modesty existed in some quarters,
as is evidenced by the famous statue of Venus by Praxiteles having been
rejected by the Coans in favour of a draped one, previous to its being
set up at Cnidus; ibid., xxxvi, 4 ; of. Lucian, Amores.
* Thus Shakespeare :

See what a grace was seated on this brow :

Hyperion's curls ; the front of Jove himself;

An eye like Mars, to threaten and command ;

A station like the herald Mercury,

New-lighted on a heaven -kissing hill.

Hamlet, HI, 4.

The Roman Empire tmder Anastasius 227

monotheism sternly forbid any material presentation of the
Deity, and sculpture in the round was almost abolished at
the advent of Christianity. In one minor department, how-
ever, that of ivory carving, a school of artists was constantly
exercised in order to provide the annual batch of consular
diptychs, which it was customary to distribute throughout
the provinces every new year,^ On each set of these plates,
figured in low relief, appeared generally duplicate likenesses
of the consul of the day, clad in his state robes and sur-
rounded by subsidiary designs. The style of these pro-
ductions, perfunctorily executed it may be, suggests that the
average artist of the period was incapable of portraiture or
of tracing correctly the lines of any living form.'"'

c. Less unfortunate with reference to religion were the
pictorial arts at this date. The decoration of churches, in
brilliant colour and appropriate iconography, was gradually
carried to a degree of elaboration which has never since been
surpassed. The intrinsic nature of popular devotion insen-
sibly established the convention that images in the flat did
not contravene the divine prohibitions ; and ecclesiastical
prejudice yielded to expediency. On the iconostasis and
around the walls of the sacred edifice, in proximity to the
worshippers, Christ, the Virgin, the Apostles, and the Saints,
with many a scene of Gospel history, were depicted in glow-
ing tints on a blue or a golden ground. On every available
space of the ceiling similar subjects, but of larger dimen-
sions, were executed in a brilliant glass mosaic, and the
mass of colour overhead completed the gorgeous effect of

^ See p. 109.

^ They vary in merit considerably; see some reproductions of the
better ones in Bayet, L'art byz., Paris, 1892, ii, 3, and other similar
works, especially Gori, op. cit. Specimens at South Kensington.

2 28 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

the interior.' Accordantly it was considered that reverence
for the holy scriptures was fittingly shown by the repro-
duction of copies in the most costly form ; and hence the
painting of manuscripts in miniature revived and endured
as one of the staple industries of the age. But in all these
cases defective drawing and perspective are often painfully
conspicuous, and a meretricious display of colour seems
to be regarded by the artist as the highest expression of his
skill.'

d. By the end of the fifth century we are on the verge of
that new era in literature, introduced by the Byzantines,
when to make a transcript of some previous writer was to

' Choiicius of Gaza {c. 520) has left us an elaborate description of
such a church interior and also of the frescoes in a palace. The whole
has been republished by Bertrand in his work, Un art crit. dans I'antiq.,
Paris, 1882. Modern Greek churches are precisely similar, and those
belonging to the monasteries of Mt. Athos are especially noteworthy ;
see Bayet, op. cit., iv, 2. Two can be inspected in London. That in
Bayswater is a " Kutchuk Aya Sofia." Walsh's CP., Lond., 1838, has
a good engraving; ii, p. 31. See also the striking mosaics of St.
George's, Salonica (Texier and P., op. cit.), the Pompeiesque style of
which suggest an early date in church building — vistas of superimposed
arcades raised on a forest of fantastically graceful, but impossible columns,
architecture nm wild in fact.

^ "Du moment qu'il avail execute une composition dans la maniere
antique et qu'il y avait mis toute la splendeur de sa palette, il ne se de-
mandait pas si le dessin de ses personnages etait correct ou non, s'ils se
trainaient bien sur leur jambes, s'ils etaient reellement assis sur une
chaise ou un fauteuil, ou simplement appuyes contre ces meubles " ;
Kondakoff, op. cit., \, 108. Of existing MSS. with coloured miniatures,
only some six or eight date back to these early centuries. Labarte's
Hist, des arts indust. , Paris, 1892, with coloured facsimiles is the most
satisfying work in which to study mediaeval art objectively. At South
Kensington a variety of specimens are to be found, including ivories,
enamels, paper casts of mosaics, reproductions of frescoes, etc, many of
which go as far back as the sixth century.

The Roman Empij'e itJidcr Anastasius 229

become an author/ In other branches of art from time to
time some obvious merit becomes visible on the surface, but
in the domain of poetry, during nearly fourteen centuries
previous to the fall of the Empire, a single name only, that
of Claudian, survives to remind us that both Greeks and
Latins once possessed the faculty of expressing themselves
in verse with nobility of thought and felicity of diction.
Poetasters existed in abundance, but without exception their
compositions exemplify the futility of striving after an object
which in that age had resolved itself into the unattainable.
The usefulness of prose as a medium of information, how-
ever low may be its literary level, often compensates us for
lack of talent in an author ; and the bald chronicler, who
plagiarized his predecessors in the same field and presented
their work as his own, is sometimes as welcome to the in-
vestigator as a writer of more ambitious aims. In these bar-
ren centuries, however, history and theology are occasionally
illustrated by some work of original power.

In the foregoing paragraphs I have dealt with education
in relation only to the male sex, and it remains for me to
say a few words respecting the mental training of the female.
In keeping with the rule as to their social seclusion, the
instruction of girls was conducted in the privacy of the family
circle. There they received, in addition to the usual rudi-
ments, a certain tincture of polite learning, which implied
the methodical reading of Homer and a limited acquaintance
with some of the other Greek poets and the dramatists.'

^ Oribasius, physician to Julian, seems to be the genuine father of
bookmaking, the real prototype of the "scissors and paste " author, but
he foreran the swarming of the brood by a couple of centuries.

^ Gregoiy Nys., De Vit. S. Macrinae (in Migne, iii, 960). Whence
it appears that it was unusual for them to be taught to apply themselves

230 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

Music, as being an elegant accomplishment, was also taught
to them.' They were not, however, debarred from extending
the scope of their studies, and instances of learned ladies are
not altogether wanting to this age, for example, the Empress
Athenais or Eudocia " and the celebrated Hypatia.'

A glance at the slight structure of knowledge, the leading
lines of which I have just lightly traced, may enable the
modern reader to appreciate the conditions of intellectual life
among the ancients, and to perceive within how narrow an

to the distaff or the needle. Maidenhood was mostly passed in luxury
and adornment ; Chrysostom, Qual. Due. Sint Uxores, 9 (in Migne,
iii, 239) ; in Epist. ad Ephes., iv, Horn, xiii, 3 (in Migne, xi, 97); cf.
Jerome, Epist., 128, 130. The latter sets forth his ideas as to the train-
ing of a girl at some length. As soon as she has imbibed the first nidi-
nients she is to begin psalm-singing and reading of prophets, apostles,
etc. Later she should proceed to the study of the fathers, especially
Cyprian, Athanasius, and Hilarius. She should spend much time in
church with her parents, and must be guarded circumspectly from the
attentions of the curled youth {cincinatti, calainistratt). She rises be-
times to sing hymns, and employs herself generally in weaving plain
textures. Silks and jewellery are to be rigorously eschewed ; and the
saint cannot reconcile himself to the idea of an adult virgin making use
of the bath, as she should blush to see herself naked; Epist., 107. His
remarks, of course, apply directly to life at Rome.

^ From Jerome's letter just quoted it appears that it was usual for girls
to play on the lyre, pipe, and organ.

^ See her life by Gregorovius, 1892. Her cento of Homeric verses
applied to Christ is extant. To her inspiration most probably is due the
foundation of the Auditorium at CP., and the prominence given to
philosophy. Pulcheria was occupied in building churches and in disin-
terring the relics of martyrs.

^ She is best known from the epistles of Synesius. Nothing of hers is
extant. Murdered 415, wife or maid uncertain; see Suidas, x/'. nom.
She was scraped to pieces with shells, a mode of official torture peculiar
to the Thebais, which may have been inflicted often on Christian ladies
during Pagan persecutions. In other districts an iron scraper was used;
Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. , viii, 9; 3, etc.

The Roman Empire 2tnder A7iastasius 231

area was confined the exercise of their reasoning faculties.
Viewed in comparison with the vast body of contemporary
science, all the information acquired by the Greeks must
appear as an inconsiderable residue scarcely capable of con-
veying a perceptible tinge to the whole mass. For fully
eighteen hundred years, from the age of Aristotle to that of
Columbus and Copernicus, no advance was made in the
elucidation of natural phenomena or even towards exploring
the surface of the globe. The same globe has been surveyed
and dehneated in its widest extent by the industry of our
cartographers, has. been seamed with a labyrinth of railways
for the conveyance of substance, and invested in a network
of wire for the transmission of thought. In the universe of
suns our solar system appears to us as a minute and isolated
disc, the earth a speck within that disc; to the ancients the
revelations of telescopic astronomy were undreamt of, and
the world they inhabited (all but a tithe of which was con-
cealed from them, and whose form they only mistily realized)
seemed to them to be the heart of the universe, of which the
rest of the celestial bodies were assumed to be merely sub-
ordinate appendages. Geological investigation has penetrated
the past history of the earth through a million of centuries to
those primeval times when meteorological conditions first
favoured the existence of organic life; the people of antiquity
were blinded by unfounded legends which antedated the
origin of things to a few thousand years before their own age.
Spectroscopic observation has assimilated the composition
of the most distant stars to that of our own planet. Chemical
analysis has achieved the dissolution of the numberless
varieties of matter presented to our notice, and proved them
to arise merely from diverse combinations of a few simple
elements; and electrical research has almost visually ap-

232 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

preached that primordial substance in which is conceived to
exist the ultimate unity of all things.^ Synthetical chemistry
has acquired the skill to control the inherent affinities of
nature, and to compel her energies to the production of
myriads of hitherto unknown compounds.^ By the aid of the
microscope we can survey the activities of those otherwise
invisible protoplasmic cells which lie at the foundation of
every vital process; and the possibility is foreshadowed that,
in the alliance of biology and chemistry, we may one day
succeed in crossing the bridge which links the organic to the
inorganic world and command the beginnings of life.^ In all
these departments of objective knowledge the speculations
and researches of the Greek philosophers had not even broken
the ground. For these primitive observers, without history
and without science, the world was a thing of yesterday, a

^ I need not refer more particularly to the phenomena of radio-activity
and cathode rays, information concerning which has been exploited by
every popular periodical. The atoms (electrons) which become visible in
the low-pressure tube have been calculated to be of but ^ J^ the magni-
tude of the hydrogen atom, and many physicists are inclined to regard
them as the first state of matter.

^ A great part of modern books on chemistry is now devoted to s)^!-
thesis. Not only have such well-known organic substances as indigo,
vanilla, citric acid, etc., been prepared artificially, but also those new
articles of commerce, the aniline dyes, saccharine, etc. Numbers of new
drugs for therapeutic experiment are synthetized annually in the great
German laboratories of Bayer, Merck, etc.

^ Especially suggestive are the ingenious experiments with ferments,
which tend to show that the anabolic and katabolic activities of living
matter may soon be imitated in the laboratory; see Buchner, Bericht d.
deutsch. chem. Gesel., xxx, xxxi, xxxii; also recent physiological
treatises in which are contained the speculations of Flliiger and others as
to the "biogens" of protoplasm, etc. Most important of all is Loeb's
discovery of the possibility of chemical fertilization ; see Boveri, Das
Problem der Befruchtung, Jena, 1902.

The Roman Empire under Anastasitts 233

novel appearance of which almost anything might be affirmed
or denied. Magnetism was known merely as an interesting
property of the loadstone; electricity, as yet unnamed, had
barely arrested attention as a peculiarity of amber, when
excited by friction, to attract light substances. Nor had the
mechanical arts been developed so as to admit of any practical
application and stimulate the industries of civilization.
Although automatic toys were sometimes constructed with
considerable ingenuity,' the simplest labour-saving machine
was as yet uninvented.'^ In the early centuries of our era
knowledge had become stagnant, and further progress was
not conceived of. One half of the world lived on frivoUty j
the individuality of the other half was sunk in metaphysical
illusion. The people of this age contemplated nature without
comprehending her operations; her forces were displayed
before their eyes, but it never entered into their heads to
master them and make them subservient to the needs of
human life; they moved within a narrow cage unconscious
of the barriers which confined them, without a thought of
emerging to the freedom of the beyond; and an ordinary
citizen of the present day is in the possession of information
which would surprise and instruct the greatest sage of ancient
Greece.

III. Religious.

The increase of knowledge in the nineteenth century has
stripped every shred of supernaturalism from our conception
of popular reUgions. The studies and inventions of modern

^ Archytas, with his flying wooden dove, was the most noted mechanic-
ian in this line ; A. Gellius, x, 12, etc.

- Even windmills were unknown until they were introduced into
Europe by the Saracens in the twelfth century.

234 Tf^e Age of Justinian and Theodora

science have illuminated every corner of the universe; and
our discovery of the origins has cleared the greatest stumbling-
block from the path of philosophy and removed the last prop
which sustained the fabric of organized superstition. The
world will one day have to face the truth about religion; and
it may then become necessary to restrain by legal enactment
those who would draw away the masses to some old historical,
or to some new-born superstition.'

In primitive times the curiosity and impatience of mankind
demanded an immediate explanation of the activities of
nature; and by a simple analogy they soon conceived the
existence of a demiurge or maker of worlds who, in his loftier
sphere, disposed of the materials of the universe by methods
comparable to those of their own constructive operations.'^

* It appears that of late years a dearth of candidates for orders in
every religious denomination of Christendom has been experienced, but
this may be due merely to the usual poverty of the career. The Church
should fall to principle not to poverty. And here we may catch a glimpse
of the process by which the various Protestant sects may ultimately die
out naturally: that young men of high character, ambitious of honour-
able distinction, will avoid a profession which entails an attitude of dis-
ingenuous reserve towards those whom they are deputed to instruct.
On the other hand it may be foreseen that the Romish and Orthodox
churches, upholding as they do a gross superstition and instituting the
members of their priesthood almost from childhood, will retain their
power over the masses for a much longer period, until at last they
have to face suppression by force. Those who at the present time are
engaged in impressing a belief in obsolete mythologies on the community
should realize that they are doing an evil service to their generation
instead of exerting themselves for the liberation and elevation of thought.
However brilliant their temporary position, they deserve, much more
than the oblivious patriot, to go down

To the vile dust from whence they sprung.
Unwept, unhonoured, and unsung.
^ Grotius has made a large collection of those passages in classical

The Roman Empire under Anastasuis 235

Or, perchance, by even less speculative reasoning they were
led to accept the phenomenal world as the result of a per-
petual generation and growth which accorded closely with
their everyday experience of nature ; whilst a divinity of some
kind seemed to lurk in every obscurity and all visible objects
to be instinct with a life and intelligence of their own.^ In
either case they believed themselves to be in the presence of
beings of superior attributes whom it was desirable or neces-
sary to conciliate by some form of address adapted to gain
their favour or to avert their enmity. Hence worship, the
parent of some system of ritual likely to become more elabor-
ate in the lapse of time; and the ultimate establishment of
a priestly caste who would soon profess to an intercourse
with the unseen not vouchsafed to ordinary mortals. Gradu-
ally the first vague notions of a celestial hierarchy grew more
realistic by imaginative or expedient accretions; and in a

and other ancient writers, which seem to support the creation-myth of
Genesis; De Veritate Relig. Christ., i, 1 6. For the Chaldaean or
Babylonian variations, and some earlier associations of Adam, see
King's Seven Tablets of Creation, Lond., 1903. It appears that the
protoplast in the original account was created by Marduk, the tutelary
deity of Babylonia, out of his own blood, a circumstance which the
"priestly" redactor of Genesis has suppressed, together with many
other interesting details; cf. Radau, Creation Story of Genesis i,
Chicago, 1903. Margoliouth's attempt to show that Abraham's Jehovah
was the male moon-god of Ur is interesting ; Contemporary Review,
1896.

^ In this country the subject of comparative mythology and the origin
of theistic notions has been exhaustively treated by Herbert Spencer,
Andrew Lang, J. G. Frazer, and others. Nevertheless, it cannot be
determined whether the fear of ghosts or the innate bent of the human
mind to speculate as to casuality is the germ of religious systems.
Their development has, no doubt, always been much indebted to the
ascendancy to be gained as the reward of successful imposture in such
matters.

•J

6 The Age of Justinian afid Theodoi'a

later age the sense of a less ignorant community would not
be revolted by incredible details as to the personal interven-
tion of divinities in the history of their progenitors when such
events were relegated to a dimly realized past. But, although
a belief in revelation as seen through the mists of antiquity
prevails readily at all times among the unthinking masses, a
spirit of scepticism and inquiry arises with the advent of
civilization and increases concurrently with the vigour of its
growth. Then the national mythology is submitted to the
test of a dispassionate logic, and its crude constituents become
more and more rejected by the sagacity of a cultured class.
They, however, always hitherto an inconsiderable minority,
feel constrained to an indulgence more or less qualified of
the superstitions of the vulgar for fear of disturbing the.
political harmony of the state.

The early Greek philosophers awoke into life to find
themselves endowed with vast intelligence in a world of
which they knew nothing. No record of the past, no fore-
cast of the future disturbed the serenity of their intellectual
horizon. In a more aesthetic environment they renewed
the impulse to interpret nature with a finer sense of con-
gruity than was possessed by their rude ancestors, but their
methods were identical, and they believed they could ad-
vance beyond the bounds of experience by the exercise
of a vivid imagination. The coarse myths of polythe-
ism were thrust aside, and the void was filled with fan-
tastic cosmogonies, some of which included, whilst others
dispensed with, the agency of a Deity.' The truth and

^ Avowed atheists were rare among the Greeks, as there was always
some personal risk in ventilating opinions which clashed with the
popular superstitions. Some, however, incurred the odium of holding
such views. Of these the most noteworthy was Diagoras, who is said

The Roman Empire tinder Anastasius 237

finality of such speculations was shortly assumed, and schools
of philosophy, representing every variety of doctrine, were
formed, except that in which it was foreseen that knowledge
would be attained only by the long and laborious path of
experimental investigation. But whilst disciples were at-
tracted to different sects by the personal influence of a
teacher, by the novelty of his tenets, or by their own mental
bias, the general sense of the community remained uncon-
vinced; and the independent thinkers of the next generation
perceived the futility of inquiries which evolved nothing
coherent and revealed no new facts. Scientific research, for
the deliberate striving after deeper insight ranked as such
in the unpractised mind of the period, was discredited, and

to have impiously chopped up his image of Heixules to boil his turnips ;
Athenagoras, ApoL, 4. The jaunty impiety of Dionysius, tyrant of
Syracuse [c. 4CX> B.C.), was celebrated in antiquity. After pillaging
ihe temple of the Locrian Proserpine, he sailed back home and, finding
the wind favourable, remarked to his companions, "See what a fine
passage the gods are granting to us sacrilegious reprobates." He seized
the golden cloak from the shoulders of Jupiter Olympus, observing
that it was ' ' too heavy for summer and too cold for winter, whereas a
woollen one would suit him well for all seasons." Noticing a gold
beard on ^sculapius at Epidaurus, he removed it, saying, that it was
" improper for him to wear it, since his father, Apollo, was always re-
presented beardless." Whenever in the temples he met with statues
proffering, as it were, jewels and plate with their projecting hands, he
took possession of the valuables, asserting that it "would be folly not
to accept the good things offered by the gods." The pious were aghast
at the example of such a man enjoying a long and prosperous reign and
transmitting the throne to his son; Cicero, De Nat. Deor., iii, 34;
Lactantius, Div. Instit., ii, 4, etc. With a view to such instances,
Plutarch wrote a treatise to prove that "the mills of God grind slow,
but very sure." Euhemerus and Palaephatus transformed mythology
into history by a rationalizing process, assigning the origin to popular
exaggeration of common occurrences.

238 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

an impression that the Hmits of human knowledge had
already been reached began to prevail universally. A reign
of scepticism was inaugurated, the evidence of the senses
in respect even of the most patent facts was doubted, and
the study of nature was virtually abandoned/ Then philo-
sophy became synonymous with ethics, but by ethics was
understood merely the rule of expediency in public life, a
subject which was debated with much sophistry. The in-
spiration of Socrates impelled him to combat this tendency,
to search earnestly after truth, and to inculcate an elevated
sense of duty. His mind was pervaded by an intense phil-
anthropy which affected his associates so profoundly that
his teaching did not lose its influence for centuries after his
death. From the time of Socrates the fruits of experience
began to be gathered, and new schools of philosophy were
organized on the sounder basis of divulging to their votaries
how to make the best use of their lives. The views enter-
tained on this question were as various as the divergences
of human temperament, and adapted to countenance the
serious or the frivolous proclivities of mankind.^ A theo-
logical or cosmical theory was a usual part of the equipment

^ A system of verbal trickery originated with the Eleatics, of which
Zeno (f. 400 B.C.) was the chief exponent. Their catches were gener-
ally ingenious; that disproving the reality of motion is best known —
" If a thing moves, it must do so in the place in which it is, or in a
place in which it is not ; but it cannot move in the place in which it is,
and it certainly does not move in a place in which it is not ; therefore
there is no motion at all ; Diogenes Laert., Pyrrho, 99, etc. See
Plato's Euthydemus for a sample of ridiculous word-chopping.

^ There were six principal sects which achieved a sort of permanency
and retained their vitality for several centuries. They may be charac-
terized briefly: Academics (Plato), sceptical and respectable; Peripa-
thetics (Aristotle), inquisitive and progressive; Stoics (Zeno of Citiuni,
Chrysippus), ethical and intense ; Cynics (Antisthenes, Diogenes),

The Roman Empire snider Anastashis 239

of these schools, but in outward demeanour they conformed,
more or less strictly, with the religion of the state. The
intellectual movement among the Greeks culminated after
about two centuries of activity in the career of Aristotle,
who undertook to sift, to harmonize, and to codify all the
knowledge of his age/ A great work had been accom-
plished ; all that wild outgrowth with which savage intellec-
tion is wont to encumber the domain of reason had been
swept away, and the ground had been subjected to an
orderly, though unproductive planting. The conception that
nature would yield a harvest as the reward of rational study
had been awakened, but the efforts lapsed because the
method had yet to be discovered of fertilizing the vacant
soil.^

The conception of social ethics or of mutual obligation
among the members of a community appears to have been
one of those influences which presided at the birth of civil-
ization, and to have attained theoretical perfection far back
in the prehistoric past; whilst the perpetual conflict between

squalid, morose, and sententious; Epicureans, tranquil enjoyment and
indifference; Cyreneans (Aristippus), pure hedonism with discretion.
In general the Epicureans are wrongly associated with the last con-
ception.

^ Aristotle (f. 350 B.C.) was the first to perceive the importance of
collecting facts and disposing them into their proper groups. Thus
zoology, botany, anatomy, physiology, mineralogy, astronomy, meteor-
ology, etc., began to take form in his hands, each being relegated to a
separate compartment for consideration as a concordant whole and to
receive future additions.

* Even with his limited outlook Aristotle had sufficient astuteness to
divine that nature might become the "slave of man," and expresses
himself clearly to that effect ; Metaphysics, i, 2. Such a claim may
provoke a smile from the modern who reviews the mild conquests of the
embryo science of his day.

240 The Age of Jitstinian and Theodora

duty and individual advantage has always inhibited altruism
from being accepted as an invariable guide to conduct
without the artificial support of penal law. In Homer and
Hesiod we find almost every rule for living uprightly ade-
quately expressed. A man should honour his parents,
love and be generous to his friends, be a good neighbour,
and succour strangers and suppliants. He should be truth-
ful, honest, continent, and industrious; and should con-
sider sloth to be a disgrace.^ In the next age Hellenic
refinement could add little more than fuller expression to
these simple precepts. But from Pythagoras to Socrates,
from Aristotle to Cicero, from Seneca to Marcus Aurelius,
a constant emission of ethical doctrine was maintained.
Amid the wealth of disquisition, innumerable striking aphor-
isms might be selected, but only a few such can be recorded
here: We should scan the actions of each day before
resigning ourselves to sleep ;^ We have contracted with the
government under which we live to submit ourselves to its
laws, even should they condemn us to death unjustly;^ We
should pity the man who inflicts an injury more than him
who suffers it, for the one is harmed only in his body, the

' A few of their utterances may be quoted :

'E^Qpof ydp ^01 kCivoq ofiOJQ AtSdo vvXyaiv.,
"Oq \ sTepuv fiii' KtvQy hn (ppecr.v aXXo Si elTry.

Iliad, ix, 312.
'Epyov 5' ovS't)' ortiSog, aepyl)] dt t oviiSog.

Op. et Dies, 311.
Al;) KaKa KepSait'iiv, kokcI KtpSea Ja' drycnv.

Ibid., 352.
^ From the Golden Verses of Pythagoras ; Epictetus, iii, 10.
^ Hence Socrates would not save his life by flight from Athens after
his condemnation, although his friends had made everything secure for
his escape; see the Crito.

The Roma7i E7npire under Anastasiiis 241

other in his more precious soul;^ Do not unto others what
it angers you to suffer yourself;' Even should we be able
to conceal our conduct from gods and men, we are not the
less bound to act uprightly;' The judge, as well as the
criminal, is on his trial that he may deliver just decisions; '
Do not revile the malefactor, but commiserate him as one
who knows not right from wrong;" Blame none, for men
only do evil involuntarily.*^ By the first century slaves had
begun to be considered in a more humane light; and
masters were enjoined to look on them as humble friends, as
brothers with whom it was no disgrace to sit at meat/ The
iniquity of the gladiatorial shows was beginning to be felt
in the time of Cicero,'^ and they were denounced in no
measured terms by Seneca.^ Such exhibitions had never
been proper to the Greek communities and, when an at-
tempt was made to introduce them at Athens in the second
century, the cynic philosopher Demonax restrained his
fellow citizens by declaring that before doing so they should

1 Plato, Gorgias, 55, etc.; Protagoras, loi, etc.

2 Isocrates, Ad Nicoclem, 61. This maxim, in slightly differing
forms, has been attributed to Confucius and many others. Pythagoras
enjoined his disciples to love a friend as oneself; see Bigg, Christian
Platonists, London, 1886, p. 242. "Love your fellow men from your
heart," says Marcus Aurelius, viii, 34.

' Cicero, De Officiis, iii, 8. In this treatise the author is for the
most part merely voicing the sentiments of the Stoic Panaetius.

* Epictetus, ii, 2.

'" Ibid., i, 18.

^ Marcus Aurelius, xii, 12.

"^ Seneca, Epist. , 47; De Beneficiis, 18, etc. To a master who ill-
treats his servants Epictetus addresses himself: "Slave ! can you not
be patient with your brother, the offspring of God and a son of heaven
as much as you are " ; i, 13.

« Tuscul. Disp., ii, 17. ^ Epist. 7.

R

242 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

first demolish the altar of Pity.^ The exposure of new-born
infants was one of the besetting sins of antiquity, and the
practice was universal among the Latins and Greeks.^ The
inhumanity of it was, however, perceived early in our era;
yet not until the reign of Severus do we find a legal pro-
nouncement against it.' Constantine discountenanced it,
but no comprehensive enactment for its suppression was
promulgated till the end of the fourth century.* Charity
towards the needy was a recognized duty from the earliest
times, and Homer voices the general sentiment when he
writes that strangers and the poor are to be treated as
emissaries from the gods.' At Athens, in its palmy days,
an allowance was made to indigent citizens;^ and the lavish
system of outdoor relief denoted by the trite phrase, Panem
et circenses, as introduced by the Caesars, threatened to
pauperize the urban population of the Empire." The origin
of charitable asylums is not well ascertained, but there is
evidence that in the first century at least the foundation of
such institutions was already being promoted by the rulers
of the state." The Roman Empire entered the Christian

' Lucian, Demonax.

* It was, however, prohibited early at Thebes; AeHan, Var. Hist.,
ii, 7.

•'' Pand., XXV, iii, 4; see Noodt's Julius Paulus, etc., 1710. Aris-
totle upheld the custom without scruple; Politics, viii, 16.
, * Then Valentinian proscribed it with a penalty, but the legislation
was tentative, and the practice was scarcely suppressed until modern
times; Cod. Theod., V, vii; Cod., VIII, Hi, 2; cf. Lactantius, Div. Inst.,
vi, 20. It was palliated by the institution of the brephotrophia; see
p. 82. * Odyssey, xx, 55.

^ See Lysias, Orat., 'Y-Kfp tov uIvvutov, etc., Plutarch, Aristides
ad Jin.

' See p. 81.

** Trajan appears to have established orphanages and homes for the

The Roman Empire iinder Anastasius 243

era equipped with a civilization scarcely at all inferior to
that of the present day in relation to art, literature, and
social ethics, but a sustaining principle, which could endow
the splendid fabric with quality of permanency, was want-
ing. It was vulnerable within and without; and two power-
ful enemies, superstition and the barbarian, were awaiting
the opportune moment to prey upon it. The dissolution
commenced within; ignorance of natural science allowed
the first to work havoc in its vital parts; the barbarian
assaulted the infected mass from without, and the ruin be-
came complete.

The political unification of the most civilized portion of
the globe was begun by the conquests of Alexander and com-
pleted by those of Rome. Sociological homogeneity was at-
tendant on centraUzation of government. From Britain to
North Africa and from Spain to Asia Minor thought flowed
through the same channels. Rome and Greece dominated
the world between them; while the former assumed the
physical control of the nations, the latter held their mental
faculties in subjection. Progressively, however, influences
began to permeate the Empire which were foreign to both
Latins and Hellenes. East and west confronted each other
on the Asiatic frontier; Egyptians and Jews were commingled
with the Latin and Greek races in the great mart of Alex-
andria. Oriental mysticism became rife, and gods of every
nationality were received into the bosom of Rome.^ In the

children of needy parents; see Pliny, Panegyric, 27, etc. The fact is
also indicated by coins (ALIMENTA ITALIAE), and a sculptured
slab found in the Roman forum; Cohen, ii, p. 18; Middleton, Rome,
etc., Lond., 1892, p. 346. Faustina, wife of Antoninus Pius, also
busied herself in a similar way, as is evidenced by well-known coins
(PUELLULAE FAUSTINIANAE) ; Cohen, ii, p. 433.

' Isis and Serapis, after a stormy career which lasted more than a

244 ^/^^ ^£^^ of Justinian and Theodora

first century of the Christian era the times were ripe for new
religious beliefs. By the expansion of the Roman dominions
the classes had become cosmopolitan, and a wide experience
of men and manners had dissipated the rustic simplicity of
the Republic. The society of the Empire was enlightened
by the speculations of Greek philosophy; it became versed
in metaphysical discussion, and soon conceived an irreverence
for the divinities of a ruder age.^ Everywhere the same level of
mental apprehension was ultimately reached. Then the inanity
of earthly existence began to be acutely felt. The thoughtful
looked through the void and saw nowhere for the mind to
rest. Zeal for public distinction had been suppressed by

centur}', became finally seated in the city under Vespasian; see "Isis"
in Smith's Classical Dictionary and similar works. But the greatest run
was on Mithras, a sun-god extracted from the Persian mytholog)', who
grew in favour from the time of Pompey until his worship reached even
to the north of Britain. Quite a literature exists under his name at pre-
sent; see Cumont, Mysteries of Mithras, Lond., 1903. For the account
of a regular invasion of Syrian deities see Hist. August. , Heliogabalus.
' Polybius complains of the rising scepticism at Rome in his time;
vi, 56. I need not reproduce the oft-quoted lines of Juvenal (ii, 149),
but the following are not generally brought forward :

Sunt, in fortunae qui casibus omnia ponunt,
Et nullo credant mundum rectore moveri, etc.

xiii, 86.

Such unbelief, however, did not penetrate beyond the upper social
stratum; and even at Athens in the second century those who scouted
the ancient myths were considered to be impious and senseless by the
multitude; see Lucian, Philopseudes, 2, etc. The voluminous dialogues
of Cicero are sufficient to prove how practised the Romans had become
in tearing the old mythology to pieces. But the pretence of piety was
kept up in the highest places. "The soul of Augustus is not in those
stones," exclaimed Agrippina in a moment of vexation when she found
Tiberius sacrificing to the statues of his predecessor; Tacitus, Ann.,
iv, 52.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 245

military despotism, and the pride which animates the strenu-
ous virtues of a rising commonwealth was extinct. Levity
pervaded the aimless crowd who lived only for the diversion
of the hour. Nature had been interrogated repeatedly with
an invariably negative result; her secret, if she possessed one,
seemed to be impenetrable and destined to remain for ever
unknown. No discovery in science had opened up the vista
of a path which led through inexhaustible fields of know-
ledge. The psychical unrest longed for new ideals and was
willing to be appeased by the slightest semblance of a revela-
tion. Religion-making became a craft which was followed
by more than one practitioner in all the chief cities of the
Empire. A host of charlatans arose and made many victims by
pretending to theurgic powers.^ Agitated by vague impulses
the social units drifted with indeterminable currents, for more
than a century before the heterogeneous elements which
were in commotion showed a tendency to group themselves
under any concrete forms. At length the appearances of a
settlement became visible, and three distinct forms emerged
successively from the previously existing chaos, each of
which claimed to have sounded the abysmal depths and to
have brought to the surface the inestimable balm which was
to salve the bruised souls of humanity. But they beheld
each other with horror and contempt, and a contest was
initiated between them on the theatre of the Empire for the
spiritual dominion of mankind.

I. In the year 28 a.d., the fifteenth of the reign of Tiberius,
Pontius Pilate was governor of Judaea, the subordinate officer

' There were many grades of charlatans from Apollonius of Tyana,
who seems to have been a genuine illusionist or mystic, to Alexander
Abonoteichos, an impudent impostor, and Marcus, an infamous rascal ;
Philostratus, Vit. Apol. ; Lucian, Pseudomantis; Irenaeus, i, 13.

246 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

of Aelius Lamia, the Imperial legate of Syria/ At that point
of time a man, previously unknown among the Jews, assumed
the role of a public teacher of religion and ethics and devoted
himself to an itinerant mission throughout the cities and dis-
tricts of Palestine. He seemed to be about thirty years old
and it was soon realized that he was a certain Jesus who had
hitherto worked as a carpenter, his father's trade, in his
native village of Nazareth. He preached a reformation of
manners among the people generally, and rebuked with a
penetrating bitterness the pride and hypocrisy of the chief
men of his own race. At the outset of his career he sum-
moned to his assistance twelve men of the same humble
rank as himself and enjoined them to follow his example.
He did not confine himself to hortatory discourses, but
proved on numerous occasions that he had the gift of work-
ing miracles. At his command the sick were healed and
even the dead returned to life. Those who were possessed
with devils he immediately released from their baleful thral-
dom." The laws of nature appeared to be subject to his will
and were reversed whenever he thought fit to exert his power
over them. Finally he declared himself to be the Messiah
or Christ, a more than mortal being whom the Jews expected
to rescue them from their political abasement and raise
them to a position of national supremacy. Israel as a body
rejected his claims with scorn and derision; his ministry of

' But he never left Rome and the duties were performed by Pomponius
Flaccus; Tacitus, Ann., ii, 32; vi, 27, etc. Jn. Malala mentions one
Cassius, p. 241.

^ That is, sufferers from epilepsy, St. Vitus's dance, mania, etc.,
diseases which might be cured by hypnotic suggestion, neuroses of
various kinds. This popular fallacy was not held universally, but was
derided by the more educated, including the medical faculty; see Philo-
storgius, viii, lo.

The Roman Empire utider Anastasms 247

peace afforded no prospect of the rehabilitation they aspired
to.^ He met them in the temple at Jerusalem and they de-
manded of him a sign that he was an emissary sent from
heaven. In reply he assailed them with vituperation and
hurried from the precincts. Amongst his own following he
explained himself; his design had been entirely misconceived;
he was the son of Jehovah and his kingdom was not of this
world. He had been sent to reconcile his own nation to his
father, the ruler of the universe, whom they had offended by
their moral laxity and corruption. He would shortly depart
from the earth, but he would soon return with all the powers
of heaven to judge the inhabitants of this lower sphere.
Then the just would be received into a state of bUss without
end, whilst the wicked should be consigned to everlasting
torment. He persisted in his didactic work, which tended to
make the chief priests and elders odious in the eyes of the
people, until they determined to compass his destruction.
Ultimately he was seized and brought before the Roman
governor as a mover of sedition, but Pilate was unconcerned
and wished to release him. His accusers insisted, he yielded
and, after suffering every indignity, Jesus was crucified be-
tween two thieves on mount Calvary during the Paschal
festival of a.d. 29, under the consulship of the two Gemini.^
But his disciples had been forewarned by their master that

' Thus a century later, when a true messianic note was struck, half a
million of Jews rushed frantically to destruction in the wake of Barco-
chebas, the leader of their revolt under Hadrian, though not without the
satisfaction of dragging 100,000 Gentiles to their doom at the same time.
Some exegetes are tempted to see in John, v, 4, an allusion to this war,
and hence to find a date for that gospel (the bridge, via Philo Judaeus,
between Judaeism and Hellenism), c. 140.

2 Rufus (or Fufius) and Rubellius are probably meant ; Lactantius,
De Morte Persec, 2. See the differing statements in the Chronicles from

248 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

his death in the guise of a malefactor was preordained as an
atonement to effect the redemption of the world from sin.
Had it been otherwise legions of angels would descend to
discomfort his impious antagonists. At the same time he
predicted that he would rise from the dead on the third day
after the burial of his body. This promise was fulfilled, his
sepulchre was found empty, and Jesus appeared again to his
disciples. He discoursed with them for forty days, consti-
tuted them apostles to preach his Gospel not only to the
Jews, but also to the Gentiles, and in their presence ascended
into the heavens until the clouds received him out of their
sight.

Such was the astounding relation elicited with some dififi-
culty from a sect of new religionists called Christians, who,
as early as the reign of Nero, were sufficiently numerous at
Rome to have incurred the hatred of the populace through
their austere disposition and their stern abjuration of the
national gods.^ In the year 64 the city was devastated by
an appalling conflagration of which the insensate emperor
was himself accused, but he shifted the odium to the already
discredited recusants, and condemned many of them to perish

Jn. Malala onwards; also articles on biblical chronology in recent ency-
clopaedias, Chron. of Eusebius, Consular Fasti appended to Chron.
Paschal., etc. By the synoptical gospels the ministry of Jesus seems to
have lasted one year only, but two, three, and even four years have been
assumed from the later composition of John, e.g., in Jerome's chronicle,
sb. A.D. 33.

' It is, however, improbable that any Christian could have given a
consecutive account of the life of Jesus prior to 120 or thereabouts. The
newly-discovered Apology of Aristides seems to be the earliest evidence
for the existence of gospels. It was presented to Hadrian, perhaps,
c. 125. On the other hand First Clement, moored at 95, but with an
incorrigible tendency to rise to 140, is clearly by a writer who possessed
no biography, but merely Logia of Jesus.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 249

in the flames by a peculiarly atrocious method.' Neverthe-
less the Christians maintained their ground and thirty years
later were regarded with hostility by the tyrant Domitian as
a body of proselytizing Jews in the capital.^ At the dawn of
the second century the younger Pliny found them so numer-
ous in his province of Bithynia as almost to have subverted
the established religion. In great concern he wrote to the
Emperor Trajan questioning whether he should proceed to
extremities in his efforts to suppress them. This epistle is
extant, and through it some details were first made public as
to their tenets and mode of worship. Before daybreak on a
certain day they met and recited an address to Christ as to
a god ; bound themselves by oath to commit no crime against
society, and partook together of a common meal. The cul-
tured Roman, imbued with literature and philosophy, estim-
ated the Christian belief as a depraved and extravagant
superstition, the eradication of which was dictated by state
policy, but his master counselled him to disregard it unless
popular animosity should in particular instances compel him
to drag its devotees from their obscurity.^ The Christian
missionaries pursued their labours unremittingly and were

' They were coated with inflammable matter, pitch, etc., and used for
torches to illuminate the public gardens at night (Nov., 64); Tacitus,
Ann., XV, 44; Suetonius, Nero, 16, etc.

- Dion Cass., Ixvii, 14; Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., iii, 18, et seq.; cf.
Lactantius, De Morte Persec, 3; Suetonius, Domitian. Clement, a
cousin of this emperor, appears to have been put to death for being a
Christian, and has been claimed by some as one of the first popes.

' Pliny, Epist., x, 97, 98. This correspondence and, indeed, the
whole book which contains it has been stigmatized as a forgery by some
investigators; see Gieseler, Eccles. Hist., i, 33, for refs. The same
suspicion rests, in fact, on every early allusion to the Christians. It cer-
tainly seems strange that they should be such unfamiliar sectaries to
Trajan and Pliny if they were well known at Rome under Nero and

250 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

especially active among the proletariat, from whom during
the first centuries their converts were almost exclusively
drawn.' Throughout the length and breadth of the Empire
they persistently undermined the existing order of things by
teaching doctrines which were at variance with the received
conception of Roman citizenship. Not only did they revile
the pagan deities, whom they classed as demons instead of
gods, and shun their festivals,"^ but they evinced an utter
aversion for military service.^ The polytheists were incensed

Domitian. Much less can we believe that in the destruction of Jerusalem
Titus was actuated chiefly by a desire to extinguish Christianity, or that
he had weighed the differences in theological standpoint between Jesvs
and Christians; Sulp. Severus, Hist. Sacr., ii, 30. Such is history "as
she was wrote " at that epoch. The whole evidence that Christians were
popularly known and recognized politically during the first centurj' is
scanty and unsatisfactory. Trajan achieved a great reputation, which
never died out even among the Christians, perhaps on account of the
tolerant attitude attributed to him on this occasion. He was prayed out
of hell by one of the popes along with one or two other noted pagans
whom the Church was anxious to take under its wing,

Quivi era storiata I'alta gloria
Del roman prince, lo cui gran valore
Mosse Gregorio alia sua gran vittoria :
lo dico di Traiano imperadore ; etc.

Dante, Purg., x; Parad., xx.

' Hence the anti-Christian philosopher Celsus (c. 160) exclaims: "You
say that no educated, wise or intellectual person need approach you, but
only those that are ignorant, silly, and childish. In fact you are able to
persuade the vulgar only, slaves, women, and children"; Origen c.
Celsum, iii, 44.

- Minucius Felix, Octavius, 12, etc. Their gloomy austerity is strongly
brought out by Tertullian in his tract De Spectaculis.

' Tertullian, De Idololatria, 17, et seq.; De Corona Militis, ii;
Origen c. Celsum, viii, 55, 60, et seq. Not only did they refuse the
quasi-divine honours to the Emperor, but they would not even join m
the illumination and floral decoration of their houses required of all loyal

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 251

at the pretensions of a deity who would not share the theo-
cracy, but claimed to oust all other divinities from their
seats and occupy the celestial throne alone/ whilst statesmen
became alarmed at the prospect of political defection, and
began to second the vulgar prejudice by systematic efforts
at exterminating the spreading sect. The benignant Marcus
Aurelius was induced to believe that the Christians were a
danger to the state and he issued a decree {c. I'j']) that they
should be sought out and put to death unless willing to
abandon their faith." This was the first decided persecution,
but, although many perished, it proved ineffective, as no
means available were strong enough to extinguish the flames
of fanaticism. On the contrary, those who stood firm before
the tribunals and were allowed to escape with their lives
ranked afterwards as " Confessors," a title more glorious in

citizens during imperial festivals; Tertullian, De Idololatria, 13, et seq. ;
Ad Nationes, i, 17; Theophilus, Autolycus, i, 11, etc. The causes of the
unpopularity of the Christians can be studied very completely with the
aid of Gieseler (Eccles. Hist., i, 41), who has brought together numerous
extracts and references bearing on the subject. As was natural under the
circumstances, atrocious libels began to be spread abroad against them,
such as that they worshipped an ass's head, that the sacrifice of new-born
infants was a part of their ritual, etc. ; Tertullian, Apology, 16; Minucius
Felix, 9, etc.

' Origen c. Celsum, viii, the latter half especially. As early as 500 B.C.
Xenophanes had said "God is the One," but this was recondite philo-
sophy which could not penetrate to the masses, and, if preached openly,
would have aroused popular fanaticism; Aristotle, Metaphysics, i, 5.

-' The prohibitive campaign was almost confined to Lyons and Vienna
in Gaul; Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., v, \, et seq. The animus against the
Christians was so intense that slaves were even allowed to inform on
their owners, ordinarily a criminal act; Pand., XLVHI, xviii, i, 18,
etc. The Acts of the Martyrdom of Polycarp {c. 155-161), after holding
their ground so long, are now at last beginning to be classed as spurious;
see Van Manen in Encyclop. Biblica, sb. Old Christ. Literal.

252 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

the eyes of their fellows than any temporal dignity; whilst
constancy to the death became the essential qualification of
Martyrs or witnesses to the truth, Saints who were admitted
forthwith among the heavenly host as mediators between
God and man.^ As soon as the repressive measures were
relaxed all the weaker brethren, who had abjured in the face
of danger, prayed for readmission to the conventicles, and
were usually received after the infliction of a term of penance.
Once and again during the next century and a half widespread
persecution was had recourse to by Decius and by Diocletian,
but the Christians throve and prospered in the intervals
despite of fitful and local hostility.^ The memorable battle
of the Milvian bridge in 312 proved to be a turning-point
in the history of Rome and of Christianity; and the state
religion of the ancient world was involved in the fall of the
dissolute Maxentius. The victorious Constantine, as sole
Emperor of the West, immediately concerted a measure with
his colleague of the East, Licinius, for the establishment
of religious toleration throughout their dominions.^ Thence-

' See Tertullian's Address to the Martyrs ; also Cyprian's restrained
efforts to modify the reverence paid to them; Epist., 22, 83, etc. ; cf.
Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine; Lactantius. De Morte Persec. ; Neander,
Church Hist., ii.

^ Ten persecutions were reckoned by those who wished to make up a
mystic number to accord with the ten plagues of Egypt, Revelat., xvii,
etc., but the specification of them does not correspond in different
writers. After a certain date, which cannot be accurately fixed, there
was always local animosity against the sect, the practical issue of which
varied relatively to the temper of the populace and the provincial
governor; see Gieseler, i, 56.

^ Lactantius, De Morte Persec, 48; Eusebius, Eccles. Ilist., x, 5.
Advanced critics, however, are now beginning to doubt the authenticity
of this decree as presented by the Fathers of the Church ; see Seeck,
Gesch d. Untergangs d. antiken Welt, 1895, ii, pp. 457, 460.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 253

forward Christianity was free to expand in obedience to the
charge she had received at her origin and to apply herself to
the task of supplanting every other belief.

The acceptance of all religions is pressed by an appeal to
the supernatural sub-structure on which they profess to be
based; and this claim is substantiated by the presentment of
some miraculous circumstances from which they are asserted
to have derived their birth. Evidential obscurity has always
been the soul of such pretensions; and the truth of the most
improbable occurrences has been resolutely maintained be-
cause assured witnesses could not be produced in order to
prove a negative. But the time for historical discussion or
sifting of evidence in relation to such matters has long gone
by; and in the twentieth century the philosopher is enabled
without examination to dismiss with a smile the mere sug-
gestion that such events have occurred.^ That any narrative,
which in its essential statements consists largely of the
marvellous, should be rejected as false in its entirety has
almost risen to the dignity of a canon of historical criticism.
The principle, however, has often been unduly strained in
its application; and no judicious investigator would refuse
to allow that a slender thread of fact may sometimes be
extricated from a mass of incredible legend. The awe-in-
spiring life of Jesus emanates from authors of unascertain-

^ At present it appears that some nourish a hope of the reality ol
miracles being still believed in by supposing them to have occurred as
an " extension of the natural." In this way it may become credible that
cartloads of baked bread and cooked fish — vertebrate animals with all
their physiological parts — suddenly sprang into existence out of the air.
A travesty of the ridiculous, not an extension of the natural, is the more
proper description of such assumptions. Natural phenomena, observed,
but so far ill understood, lie in quite a different plane from contradictions
of natural law in which consists the essence of legendary miracles. ^

2 54 T^^^^ ^S^ of Justinian and Theodora

able date and repute. No neutral scribe, no adverse critic,
has furnished us with any personal impressions of his career
bearing the intrinsic marks of truth and simplicity. Nor can
it be affirmed that any character fairly discernible on the
stage of history ever knew an apostle. The Twelve who are
credited with having disseminated the faith of the Gospel
from east to west lie buried in a more than prehistoric
obscurity, the writings ascribed to them doubted, denied, or
clearly disproved.^ It can scarcely be a matter of surprise,
therefore, if some serious scholars of modern times have
committed themselves to an absolute denial that the nominal
founder of Christianity has had any real existence." Yet the

' The more timorous critics still cling to one or two of the Epistles
grouped together under the name of St. Paul, but the advanced school
has decided to reject them in their entirety; see Van Alanen, Encycl.
Biblica, sb. "Paul." I may exemplify the general discrepancy of views
still prevailing in this field of research by a single illustration: " It has
now been established that the latter (Epistles of Ignatius) are genuine " ;
Encycl. Britan., sb. "Gospels" and "Ignatius": "certainly not by
Ignatius"; Encycl. Biblica, sb. "Old Christ. Lit." Such opposing
statements will continue to be put forward as long as we have Faculties
of Divinity at Universities filled by scholars who are constrained to treat
historical questions in conformity with the requirements of an established
ministry ; and so long shall we be edified by the spectacle of men engaged
in balancing truth and error in such a manner as to pretend not to be
refuting the latter, so that in perusing their treatises we must either
suspect their candour or distrust their judgement. Yet in not a few in-
stances the men may be observed exulting amid the ruins of the fortress
which they had entered to hold as an invincible garrison.

^ A. D. Loman decided in 1881 that Jesus had not been a real
personage, but he now thinks he went too far; Encycl. Biblica, sb.
" Resurrection." Edwin Johnson, author of Antiqua Mater, 1887, has
marshalled the evidence against his existence very fully and fairly, but
in some of his later work he has gone too far, and such exaggerated
scepticism, while it may often amuse, can scarcely succeed in convincing.
Jn. M. Robertson, author of A Short History of Christianity, 1902, and

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 255

cause of mysticism was well served by the impenetrable
cloud which hung over the mundane activity of Jesus. No
common inquiry enabled the diligent adversaries of Chris-
previous works of some magnitude from similar studies, argues on the
same side. Havet says, " Sa trace dans I'histoire est pour ainsi dire
imperceptible"; Le Christianisme, iii, 1878, p. 493. Bruno Brauer
concludes that " the historic Jesus becomes a phantom which mocks all
the laws of history"; Kritik d. evang. Geschichte, 1842, iii, p. 308;
see also Frazer's Golden Bough, 1900, iii, p. 186, et seq. Disregarding
the Gospels, a form of narrative which could not be accepted by us as
historical in connection with any other religion, the slight allusions to
Jesus in known writers (Josephus, Tacitus, Suetonius), are evidently
mere hearsay derived from the Christians themselves. Hegesippus, a
lost church historian (c. 170), gives some details as to the death of
"James, the brother of the Lord," and also states that some poor
labourers of Judaea, for whom a descent from the Holy Family was
claimed, were brought before Domitian and dismissed as of no account ;
fragments in Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., iii, 20. Remarkable is the
silence, in his voluminous writings, of Philo Judaeus, a philosophico-
theological Jew of Alexandria, a prominent citizen, and a man of middle
age at the time of the Crucifixion. So close to the scene itself he could
scarcely have failed to have heard of any popular agitation centring
round a Messiah at Jerusalem. When Augustus was told that Herod
had executed two of his sons he observed that "it was better to be
Herod's pig than his son." In ignorant repetition at a later date this
remark was construed into an allusion to the slaughter of the innocents;
Macrobius, ii, 4. Several (non-extant) Jewish historians, Justus
Tiberiensis for example, made no mention of Jesus. Still worse is the
case for the Apostles ; they are not noticed outside the N. T. unless in
Acts conceded on all hands to be apocryphal. Most singular is it that
no descendants of theirs were ever known. Towards the middle of the
second century when the Christians loom into view as a compact body
of co-religionists we should assuredly expect to find relations of the
Apostles, direct or collateral, moving with extraordinary prestige among
the Saints on earth. But, beyond a vague allusion to two daughters of
Philip (Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., iii, 39), there is no trace of any such
individuals. The descendants of Mahomet alone were numerous a
century after his death, but the Twelve proved as barren of progeny as

256 The Age o/Jiisiinian and Theodora

tianity to strip the veil from the idealized figure, and expose
its features to the gaze of vulgar observation. The philo-
sophic critic was reduced to mere expressions of incredulity;

if they had never existed. With respect to the canon of the N. T. it is
known that it was formed almost as at present before the third century,
a great many similar works being put aside as apocryphal or unsuitable.
Those selected were altered to some extent to meet the requirements of
doctrine ; Origen c. Celsum, ii, 27 ; Dionysius of Corinth in Eusebius,
op. cit., iv, 23, etc. They were, in fact, edited from time to time in the
interests of orthodoxy or heresy, interchangeable terms, as is shown by
Origen, Epiphanius, and Jerome; see Nestle's Textual Criticism, Lond.,
1899. Much of the Apocrypha remains to this day, including circum-
stantial accounts of the childhood of Jesus ; see Clark's Ante-Nicene
Library, in which Tatian's Diatessaron {c. 170, an Arabic version only
remains), shows the absence of texts now found in the Gospels, especially
that relating to the Church being founded on a rock (Peter). The strik-
ing likeness between the legend of Buddha [c. 500 B.C.), and the life of
Jesus has been set forth by several Orientalists; see Seydel, Die Buddha-
Legende and das Leben Jesu, 1884. The resemblance to early Egyptian
folklore may be seen in Griffith's High Priests of Memphis (story of
Khammuas), 1900 (from recent demotic papyri). Some interesting
questions are raised in Mead's Did Jesus Live 100 B.C.? (on Talmudic
legends or libels). It must be borne in mind that scarcely a MS. of a
classical author (excepting some scraps recently recovered in Egypt)
exists, which has not passed the pen of monkish copyists. Hardouin taxes
them with having forged nearly all patristic literature, both Greek and
Latin. They had, he says, suitable materials for various ages, parch-
ments, inks, etc. , and executants who practised various styles of writing.
In recording his conclusions he deprecates the accusation of insanity.
Such is the deliberate verdict of a Roman Cardinal whose learning is
indisputable, and whose discrimination in other matters has not been
impugned; Ad Censur. Vet. Script. Prolegomena, Lend., 1766. At any
rate the acknowledged forgeries make up an enormous bulk. Gospels,
Acts, Epistles, laws, decretals, etc. It seems scarcely possible that the
question as to the existence of Jesus and the Twelve can ever be defin-
itely disposed of; and it must take its place beside such problems as to
whether there was ever a Siege of Troy, a King Arthur, etc. In the
cases of Pope Joan and William Tell, local and contemporary records

The Roman Empire under Astasia shis 257

and the despair of historians became the firmest pillar of
belief in the church/

were obtainable sufficiently comprehensive to prove a negative; but no
evidence is likely to come to hand close enough to exclude the credible
details of the Gospel narrative from the possible occurrences at Jerusalem
during the period. The English reader now possesses in the Encyclo-
paedia Biblica, a repertory in which Biblical investigations are treated
in a manner as free from bias and obscurantism as is attainable at the
present time. Such a work has long been needed in English literature,
and marks a national advance. But much more remains to be done, and
within a score or two of years we may see such discussions take up a
stable position between the advanced critics who still feel obliged to
entertain some illogical propositions, and the rather wild free-lances
who would dissipate all marvel-tainted evidence by their uncompromis-
ing scepticism, in which they sometimes do more harm than good by
their disregard of critical sanity. By that time a liberal application of
the critic's broom will have swept many documents now held up to
public respect into the limbo to which they properly belong.

^ Previous to the overthrow of Biblical and other ancient cosmogonies
by the extension of natural knowledge the historic inquiry as to the
truth of supernatural religion was paramount. As recently as the
fifties of the last century a sceptic, if asked to give reasons for his dis-
belief, might have answered that it was due to the absence of wit-
nesses of known position and integrity to attest the occurrences ; and
that if such evidence were forthcoming he should certainly consider that
Christianity rested on foundations which could never be shaken. Let us
see whether it is in our power to prove that if a religion based on
miracles could pass such an ordeal it would not necessarily even then
hold an impregnable position. In 1848 certain phenomena, termed the
" Rochester knockings," occurring at a place in New England, impelled
a wave of credulity as to spiritual manifestations throughout Christendom,
which has not wholly subsided up to the present date. Prof. Robt.
Hare, an eminent chemist and electrician, was attracted to investigate
the matter with the firm intention of exposing the folly. But he became
convinced instead, and by the aid of a lady who could produce " raps,"
apparently unconnected with her person, he devised a code of signals from
which resulted a couple of bulky volumes devoted by the professor to
explicit details of the doings in, and the beauties of, the spirit-land, the
whole recounted by deceased relations of his own ; Spiritualism Scientific-

S

258 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

II. In an idle hour Plato applied himself to shadowing

ally Demonstrated, New York, 1855. But the spirits did not for long
restrict themselves to merely audible signs; they responded generously
to the attention paid to them and soon began to reveal their hands,
faces, and even their whole persons for physical observation, often
pelting the audience with flowers, presenting them with bouquets, and
showing themselves to be accomplished musicians in the negro mode by
performances on unseen instruments. Although their deeds were never
dark, yet they always insisted on darkness as indispensable for the per-
petration of them. In 1852, after the craze reached England, many men
of academical and scientific repute observed and attested incredible
phenomena, of which Prof. Challis of Cambridge said that, if the state-
ments had to be rejected, "the possibility of ascertaining facts by
human testimony must be given up." Mr. A. R. Wallace, the congener
of Darwin, became a convert, and bore witness to the miracles of
Mrs. Guppy, her floral materializations, etc. ; Modern Miracles and
Spiritualism, 1874, etc. (I cannot omit to mention that this author, at
one time at least, was an anti-vaccinationist). Sir W. Crookes, the
celebrated scientist, had seances in his own house, where he walked and
talked with a young lady from the Orient, dead a century before, sub-
jected her to a quasi-medical examination, and possessed himself of a
lock of her hair; Researches on the Phenomena of Spiritualism, 1870.
The professors of Leipzig University received the celebrated medium,
Dr. Slade, in their private study on several occasions, when he satisfied
them of his ability to perform the impossible by producing untieable
knots, passing matter through matter, and causing writing to appear on
slates from invisible correspondents; Transcendental Physics, by Prof.
Zbllner, Lond., 1883. Other observers who upheld the reality of
spiritual achievements are Sir R. Burton, Mr. Cromwell Varley,
F.R.S., Dr. Lockhart Robinson, Lord Lindsay, etc. The list of
veracious witnesses is, in fact, a long one and a weighty. Yet all these
eminent men have been deceived by cunning impostors. See the
Reports of the Societies for Psychical Research, English and American,
which have been issued regularly for nearly twenty years. Hallucina-
tions, ghost-stories, and hypnosis have been exhaustively investigated,
but no spirits have ventured to materialize themselves whenever con-
clusive tests were insisted on. At the most it has been demonstrated
that telepathy, a kind of wireless telegraphy between brain and brain,
may occur under favourable but rare conditions. Whenever trickery

The Roman Empire under Anastasms 259

forth a theological doctrine which should account for the
origin and guidance of the objective universe.^ A supreme

was excluded the pretended mediums were invariably unsuccessful. The
redoubtable Dr. Slade, when he found that dupes failed him, retired
from the profession, and shortly after, on meeting a friend who chal-
lenged him, replied, "you never believed in the old spirits, did you?"
The absurdities which were effective among the credulous when their
superstitions were appealed to were often a ludicrous feature. A stone
picked up by the wayside and ejected adroitly from the medium's
pocket during a dance is looked upon as a supernatural occurrence.
See Truesdell's ridiculous exposure of Slade and other charlatans of
that class; Bottom Facts of Spiritualism, N.Y.. 1883. The career of an
English impostor has been unveiled throughout by a confederate in
Confessions of a Medium, Lond., 1S82. The literature on both sides is
very large and is still accumulating. Several spiritual journals are pub-
lished with the support of thousands of believers in Europe and America,
etc. This modern illustration teaches us very conclusively: (i) That had
the Gospels come down to us as the acknowledged writings of some of
the best known and trustworthy men of antiquity, their contents would
still have to be discredited as originating in fraud or illusion : (2) That
devotion to a branch of science, or even to science generally, is not
essentially productive of any critical insight into matters theological or
professedly supernatural : (3) That phenomena of cerebration, normal,
aberrant, and perhaps supranormal (exalted sensitiveness), may easily
be utilized for purposes of imposture ; and are a proper subject for
methodized psychical study. Since a contemporary religion, supported
by a mass of direct and definite evidence thus collapses before a strict
scrutiny, we must ask what truth could reside in those generated in the
womb of Oriental mysticism, for which no solid foundations can be per-
ceived ? When we see that even scientists do not always succeed in
persuading themselves that nothing is credible but fact, quod semper,
quod iibique, quod onmibus demonstrabile sit, how little reliance can be
placed on popular reports and unauthentic tracts. Even if we had not
spiritualism to hand, a practically similar lesson might be taught from a
consideration of Shakerism, Mormonism, Harris's Brotherhood of the
New Life, the Zion Restoration Host, with its reincarnated Elijah, etc.
See Oxley's Modern Messiahs, 1889, for many interesting details as to
popular illusionists who have assumed the prophet's mantle.

^ Timaeus, 9, et seq. Plato is not here inventing, but for the most

26o The Age of Justinian and Theodora

god, the One or the Good,^ at a certain moment conceived
a creative design and fashioned the material world out of
pre-existing elements.' This task completed, he created intel-
lect and soul; and by combining the two together produced
living intelligence.^ He was now provided with all the requi-
site ingredients for peopling the world he had made ; and his
next step was to form a primal race of spiritual beings or
daemons whom he endowed with immortality. From these
by generation issued the whole progeny of gods worshipped
by the Greeks, for whom their pedigrees and actions were
recorded by Orpheus, Homer, and Hesiod. Among the
divine existences were also to be reckoned the stars. At
this stage the creative work of the One came to an end.
He addressed the daemons and said: "You have observed
my method of procedure when engaged in moulding your-
selves. Follow my example and set about the production of
mortal natures to inhabit the air, the water, and the earth."
They obeyed his behests, and the whole animal kingdom
was the result of their labours. But the grosser matter with
which mortal souls are weighed down is the essence of
evil, and the just man will, therefore, desire to escape from
the body in order to be free from its impure passions.*
For the Creator had appointed that each soul should be

part merely co-ordinating previous notions, especially those of the
philosopher whose name is affixed to the dialogue. Reference to some
other dialogues is necessary to complete the picture of his religion and
theology.

^ Parmenides; Republic, vi, 19; Plotinus, Enneads, vi, 9.

* That is fire, air, water, and earth ; not our chemical elements.

' The original (?) Trinity here invented consists of: i. The 7roi;;r/;i-»
nariip, or ^rj/Kioi'ioyof. 2. Nofif. 3. ^I'X'h From the spurious Epinomis
Noi't; may be equaled with Aoyog.

* Phaedo, 19, 25, etc.

The Roman Empire imder Anastasius 261

associated with a particular star, to whose bUssful abode it
might return as the reward of a Ufe well spent on earth.
The unrighteous soul, however, must first be chastened by
an ordeal of transmigration through descending grades
of lower animal natures, the least abased being that of a
woman.

This cosmological phantasy of Plato was destined, after
lying dormant for more than five centuries, to breathe a new
spirit into the almost inanimate body of polytheism. The
higher social caste, still adhering languidly to the old belief,
counted among them many elevated minds devoted to the
traditions of the past, who apprehended with dismay the
dissolution of all they prized in the ebbing tide of Paganism.
The effete superstition could only be sustained by some pro-
cess of depuration capable of reconciling it with the more
refined perceptions of the age. The required influence was
at hand. From Alexandria, where an international fusion of
philosophies and religions had been in progress almost since
the foundation of the city, a new dispensation proceeded
before the middle of the third century. In that capital, the
Greek was penetrated by the spirit of Oriental mysticism,
and the Jew was fascinated by the intellectual ascendancy
of the schools of Athens. The ancient rivalry of sects had
almost died out, and a later generation of inquirers adopted
freely whatever they could assimilate from various systems
of philosophy.^ After passing tentatively through several
stages from the first years of our era, a theological doctrine
under the name of Platonism was elaborated by the Egyptian,

^ Thus the period of eclecticism was entered on, for an account of
which see Zeller's Eclectics, Lond., 1883. It began about the age of
Cicero, but a definite system did not crystalhze out of it till the time I
am treating of.

262 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

Plotinus,' with sufficient completeness to be presented to
the devout polytheist as a rule of life. In general conception,
the new faith did not differ essentially from the scheme ad-
vanced by the founder of the Academy, but, with its defici-
encies supplied from exotic sources, it was propounded
solemnly as a theosophy which revealed the whole purport
of human existence. As a practical religion, this revival,
Neoplatonism by name, enjoined a purity of life which should
free the soul from defilement by contact with the world, and
allow it to coalesce with the divine potential whence it had
emanated.^ The crowning allurement of the system was that
this blissful conjunction might be attained by the fervid
votary even during life. Those who had subjugated all their
natural, and, therefore, evil passions, might rise by contem-
plation to an ecstatic union with the Deity, the transcendant

^ Born at L}'copolis in 205 ; died in Campania, 270.

- There was no creed in Neoplatonism, and, therefore, what was
believed has to be deduced from a study of the Enneads of Plotinus, so-
called as consisting of a series of books, six in all, each containing nine
treatises. The logical germ of the conception is that the One emits con-
tinually the Nous or intelligence; and the latter the Soul. The Soul
animates the world, but becomes lost should it allow itself to coalesce
with matter by yielding to sin. The subject has been treated exhaust-
ively by Vacherot, L'ecole d'Alexandrie, Paris, 1846; and by Zeller,
Philosophic der Griechen, iii, Leipzig, 188 1. Neither of these works
has been translated, but there is an excellent summary by Bigg (Neo-
platonism, Lond., 1892), who has dealt with some phases of the move-
ment at length in his Christian Platonists of Alexandria, 1886. According
to Bigg's expression, the Christian Father, Clement Alex. [c. 190),
"separated the thinker from the thought, and thus founded Neoplat-
onism." Numenius, who was, perhaps, a Jew, made some advances in
the definition of the Platonic trinity; and Plotinus was accused of
borrowing from him ; see Bigg's latter work, pp. 64, 250, etc. Ammonius
Saccas, a porter of Alexandria, was the teacher of Plotinus, and is con-
sidered to be the immediate begetter of Neoplatonism.

The Roman Empwe under Anastasius 263

One; or, to express it irreverently in modern language, might
acquire the faculty of passing into a hypnotic trance/ As
soon as Plotinus had perfected his invention, he proceeded
to Rome {c. 244), with the view of professing his doctrine
to the mystically inclined on the most extended theatre
in the Empire. Here his success was very considerable,
and he gained numerous adherents, especially as he
conceded that all forms of Pagan worship availed as a real
approach to the Deity and enshrined germs of truth derived
from some primitive revelation. He became influential
at Court and was about to organize a Utopian community
on the lines of Plato's ideal republic under the auspices
of Gallienus when the fall of that Emperor frustrated his
design.

Plotinus died in 270, leaving many disciples to continue
the work of his school, the foremost of whom was Porphyry,
known as a keen assailant of Christianity.' To him succeeded

^ Philo Judaeus {c. 20) is the first known to have taught this doctrine
of ecstasy, but it is not certain that the Neoplatonists utilized his works.
He also was the first to corrupt the rigid monotheism of the Jews by
assuming the Platonic (?) Logos as a necessary mediator between Jehovah
and the world; see Harnack, History of Dogma, Lond., 1892, i, p. 115,
etc. ; also Bigg as above, and the Histories of Philosophy by Zeller,
Ueberweg, etc.

^ The details of the life of Plotinus are due to Porphyry, who gives
the most succinct account of his doctrine, and describes his excursions
into the higher sphere by means of self-hypnosis. The whole field of
modern spiritualism seems to have been cultivated by the Neoplatonists,
and, indeed, by other mystics long before; allusions by Plotinus him-
self will be found in Enneads, v, 9; vi, 7; iii, 8, etc. Porphyry relates
that during the six years of his intimacy with him, his master attained
to ecstatic union on four occasions. It will be seen, therefore, that
Plotinus was very abstemious in indulging in such a luxury; he would
have much to learn from modern improvements under which Mrs. Piper
and other trance-mediums enter the vacuous realm regularly day by day;

264 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

the Syrian, lamblichus, a contemporary of Constantine, who
gave the final form to Neoplatonism and adapted it for widest
acceptance. The religion of Plotinus was an ineffable creed
which avowedly excluded vulgar participation, and was
addressed only to cultured aspirants;^ but a descent was
made by his successors who, with the object of amplifying
their influence, embraced gradually all the crass superstitions
of the multitude. A mystical signification was read into the
sacred books of the Greeks, as the poems of Orpheus,
Homer, and Hesiod may appropriately be termed, by an
allegorical interpretation of every phrase or incident in the
text. All trivial circumstances or immoral pictures were thus
disclosed to be fraught with spiritual or ethical meaning for
the pious reader.^ The endless procession of invisible beings
with which Eastern fancy had peopled space, angels, demons,
archons, and demigods, were accepted by the latter school
and associated to the theocracy as mediators who could be
summoned and suborned to human purposes by magic rites,

seethe Psychical Society's Reports; cf. Bigg, Christian Platonists, etc.,
p. 248; also Myers' Classical Essays, 1883, p. ^l, ct seq.

' " Only the cultured," he remarks, "can aspire to the summit and
upwards; as for the vulgar crowd, they are bound down to common
necessaries"; Enneads, II, ix, 9.

^ The Stoics began this allegorizing of the ancient books; see Zeller
(Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics, Lond., 1892) for an account of their
conceits. Philo Judaeus performed a similar service for the Pentateuch,
of which the Jews do not seem to have believed much literally in his
day ; nor, in fact, did the early Christian Fathers ; see Origen, Comment,
in Genesim, etc. He notices, amongst other things, the difficulty which
arises from the production of light before the sun was created ; Gen., i,
3, 16. Porphyry's treatise on the Cave of the Nymphs (Odyssey, xiii,
102) remains to show the method of exegesis adopted by the Neoplaton-
ists in order to demonstrate the divine inspiration of the old Greek
poets. Kingsley's novel, "Hypatia," gives a good picture of Neopla-
tonism in some of its popular aspects.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 265

incantations, and sacrifices/ By the time this stage had been
reached, Neoplatonism appeared to be fully equipped for
satisfying the occult proclivities of all classes, and asserting
its right to become the prevailing religion of the state.

III. The most distinctive and irrepressible theological
principle which entered Western civilization from the East,
was the dualistic conception of nature inherent in the old
Babylonian religions. The seers of that ancient people could
not resolve the problem as to the providential government
of the world, without postulating a perpetual strife between
two opposed powers, who were engaged in determining the
course of events. The spectacle of suffering humanity en-
forced the belief that a potent spirit of evil shared the control
of the existing order of things to an equal extent with the
benign Deity from whom all blessings flowed. The eastern
provinces of the Empire became saturated with these views,
and the prime mover in diffusing them was said to be that
Simon Magus who, although he makes but a brief and in-
significant appearance in Gospel history, occupies a very
considerable space in extra-biblical literature." Under the

^ A treatise emanating from the school of lamblichus is extant, viz.,
The Mysteries of the Egyptians, an exposition supposed to be written
by Abamon in answer to a sceptical letter from Porphyry to Anebo,
assumed characters apparently. It includes a whole system of Neopla-
tonic magic and theurgy, and describes the various appearances of dae-
monic phantasms with the accuracy of one accustomed to be familiarly
associated with them. Objectively the series descends from the celestial
light which defines the personality of a god to a turbid fire indicative of
the form of a lower daemon, perhaps of malignant propensities. There
is a recent edition of this work in English, probably a venture addressed
to spiritualistic circles.

^ Irenaeus, i, 23 ; Hippolytus, vi, 7, etc. His contests with St. Peter
were a favourite subject in early Christian literature ; see Ordericus
Vitalis (ii, 2), who has extracted some amusing incidents as to their

266 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

name of Gnostics, recipients of a special enlightenment or
gnosis, his reputed progeny swarmed about the early Christian
Church, whose presence seemed to rouse them into vitality;
for, in the doctrine of redemption by Jesus, they found, as
they imagined, the key to much that was unexplained in
their own system/ Diversity in the apprehension of detail

rivalry at Rome, etc. In the Clementine Homilies and Recognitions,
which form a kind of religious novel, at the time put forward as genuine,
he fills the stage as the villain of the piece, but is considered to be merely
a pseudonym for St. Paul, a name which typified a policy to which the
author of the composition was opposed. See the article on Simon in
any comprehensive encyclopaedia of recent date.

^ Hansel's Gnostic Heresies (1875) supersedes to a great extent the
larger treatises of Matter and others, as it embodies a discussion of de-
tails more recently derived from Hippolytus, etc. Their sects increased
rapidly in number, from the thirty-seven dealt with by Irenaeus {c. 185),
to the eighty refuted by Epiphanius [c. 350). There were two main
schools of Gnostics, the Syrian and the Alexandrian. The former was
frankly dualistic, but the Egyptian assimilated Buddhistic notions, which
saw in matter the essence of evil; only, however, when vitalized by the
celestial emanations after they had become impoverished, as the result
of their descent to an infinite distance from the throne of light. In
general the attitude of Gnostics towards Christianity was rejection of
the Jewish creator as an evil demiurge, and the acceptance of Jesus as
an emissary from the god of love to rescue the world from sin and dark-
ness. Their Christology was docetic; that is, the Saviour was merely a
phantom who appeared suddenly on the banks of the Jordan, in the
semblance of a man of mature age. Their greatest leader, though not a
pure Gnostic, was Marcion of Pontus. His bible consisted of the Pauline
Epistles, and a Gospel said to be Luke mutilated, but more justly re-
cognized as an independent redaction of the primitive tradition.
Marcion's Jesus said, " I come not to fulfil the law, but to destroy it ";
see Tertullian, Adv. Marcion, iv, "j, 9. The modern Christian might
imagine that his faith is dualistic, owing to the power and prominence
given to the devil, but such a view would be inexpiable heresy. Satan
and his crew are merely rebellious angels, whose relations to Jehovah
are similar to that of sinful men in general, so much so that some of
the Fathers in the early Church held that Christ would descend into

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 267

was an innate characteristic of the Gnostic brood; whence it
followed that they became apparent in small sects only,
computed at some scores, and, though numerous, never
attained the weight of union as a religious body. Gradually
they were dissolved by the preponderance of the Catholic
Church, which absorbed their members and proscribed their
peculiar tenets/

There was, however, one form of dualism which arose
beyond the borders of the Empire, and, from its centre in
Persia, spread with great rapidity eastwards to the frontiers
of China, and westwards as far as the Atlantic ocean. This
international faith, for such it became in less than a century,
was called Manichaeism from its founder Mani, of whom
little certain is known; but he was probably a native of
Ecbatana, the Median capital.' As the prophet of a new
dispensation, Mani belongs to the second class of makers of
religion, that is, he did not claim to be himself a god, but
only an apostle commissioned by the Deity. His life ex-
Hell to be crucified there a second time for the salvation of devils ; see
Origen, De Principiis, I, vi, 2, 3 ; Labbe, Concil. (1759), ix, 533, can.
7, etc.

^ Unless it should be maintained that Christianity germinated in
Gnostic soil, the most vigorous growth which overshadowed and in the
end annihilated its weaker associates, a not untenable hypothesis.

* The two portly folios devoted to the history of Manichaeism
(Amst, 1734)} by Beausobre, must now be supplemented by more re-
cent, though less extensive, works, owing to the activity of modern
scholars among Oriental sources. St. Augustine was a Manichaean for
eight years, and the most reliable details are to be collected from his
writings after he became a Christian, and issued diatribes against his
former teachers. Socrates gives a short life of Mani, fabulous in great
part most likely ; i, 22 ; the latest researches are those of Kessler. The
best summary will be foundin Harnack, Hist, of Dogma, iii, p.317, to
which is appended a bibliography of the subject.

2 68 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

tended to upwards of sixty years, and he was countenanced
by more than one of the Sassanian kings. At length, how-
ever, he fell a victim to the jealousy of the Magi, the ex-
ponents of the established belief of Zarathushtra, at whose
instigation he was crucified and flayed by Bahram I. In the
system of Mani the fundamental conception is the antithesis
of light and darkness, by which the opposition between good
and evil is vividly denoted; and the present world originates
in the accident of a war breaking out between the respective
powers. Satan, the Prince of Darkness, discovers by chance
the kingdom of light, the existence of which was previously
unknown to him, and, with his army of demons, makes an
incursion into it. The God of Light, sustained by his pure
spirits, engages and defeats him, but during the campaign a
commingling has occurred of elements of the two realms.
The contest now resolves into the efforts of the Deity to re-
gain, and of Satan to retain, the portions of light which were
lost in the darkness. The first step is the formation by the
former of this world, but the latter creates man as a secure
receptacle for the light he had acquired. Hence this creature
is animated by two souls, an evil one as well as a soul of
light; and Satan enslaves him by exciting his bad passions.^
The process of restoring the light goes on continually, and
the sun and moon are great reservoirs into which it is poured
by the active agents of the superior Deity. The human race
is placed in possession of the clue to paradise by having this
gnosis imparted to it. A rigid asceticism must be practised
according to prescribed rules. There were, however, two
ranks of Manichaeans, the Elect and the Auditors. The
earnest votaries joined the first, and on them celibacy and a
vegetarian diet were imposed. Membership of the second
^ An old Persian notion; see Xenophon, Cyropaedia, vi, i.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 269

was adapted to the masses, from whom only moderate abs-
tinence was required. They ministered religiously to the
Elect, whom they thus enhsted as redeemers on their behalf,
so that with the addition of a term of purgatory after death,
they also became fitted for paradise. Mani utihzed some of
the ideas of Christianity in order to connect his religion
practically with mankind, but his transferences are rather
imitations than acceptances of anything really Christian.
Thus he acknowledged a Jesus Christ, who abides in the
son, as the " primal man " or first-born of the Deity. ^ He
had visited the earth as a prophet, and from him Mani had
received his apostolic mission, whence he usurped the title
of the Paraclete, whose advent was promised in the Gospels.
He also instructed twelve disciples to preach his doctrine.
The success and prevalence of Manichaeism was at one time
very great, for it arose as the revivifying force of more than
one aspect of dualism in the East and West. It fostered the
time-honoured traditions of the inhabitants of the Euphrates
valley, and drew to itself the disintegrating coteries of
Gnostics within the Roman Empire. A Manichaean pope-
dom was established, which had its seat for several centuries
in Babylon. As early as 287 Diocletian denounced the pro-
pagation of the religion as a capital offence, on the grounds
that the " execrable customs and cruel laws" of the Persians
might thereby gain a footing among his " mild and peaceful"
subjects.^

^ ' ' Not the devilish Messiah of the Jews, but a contemporaneous
phantom Jesus, who neither suffered nor died"; Harnack, Encycl. Brit.,
sb. "Manichaeism."

^ The text of his edict, with references to the sources, is given by
Gieseler, Hist. Eccles., i, 6i. The enactment, however, is regarded
with suspicion, and is never mentioned unless accompanied by a query
as to its genuineness. See also Haenel, Cod. Theod., 44*.

2 70 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

From the foregoing summary it will be seen that in the
first years of the fourth century polytheism, as resuscitated
by Neoplatonism, held the field against its rivals with the
support and approval of the government. We cannot attempt
here to fathom the motives, so prolific as a literary theme,
which induced Constantine first to favour Christianity, then
to embrace it for himself and his family, and finally to raise
it into the safe position of being the only religion recognized
by the state. In the blank outlook of the times some definite
belief was a necessity, and, whether from policy or con-
viction, he steered his course in the direction where the tide
seemed to set most strongly. Pure Neoplatonism was con-
genial only to persons of a meditative temperament; to the
sober-minded it was artificial and unconvincing. Its loftier
heights were inaccessible to the masses, and in its later
development it threatened to make common cause with the
jugglers and charlatans who risked a conflict with the law.^
Manichaeism had only begun to rear its head, and at the
best contained much that was fantastic and incomprehensible
to a non-Semitic people.' Christianity was simple, positive,

' See the laws against mathematicians, etc., for so were sorcerers and
witches designated at the time, from the Antonines onwards; Cod.
Theod., IX, xvi; Cod., IX, xviii.

^ As Harnack remarks {loc. ciL), it commended itself successfully to
the partly Semitic inhabitants of North Africa, among whom was
Augustine. But it permeated Europe as well, and in a more Christian-
ized form flourished among such comparatively modern sects as the
Cathari, Albigenses, Bogomils, etc. Its fate in these quarters is traced
out by Gieseler and other church historians. But the Manichaean pedigree
of these sects is not now accepted so freely as formerly ; see Bury's
Gibbon, vi, p. 543. At one time all heretics were stigmatized as
Manichaeans in the vituperation of the orthodox, especially when their
views approached the docetism held by all Gnostics, as in the case of
the Monophysites ; Labbe, Concil., v, 147, etc.

The Roman Empire unde7^ Anastasius 271

socialistic, a leveller of class distinctions, for the slave as well
as for the free man, and absolutely intolerant of every other
religion. Its emissaries believed implicitly in their mission,
and worked incessantly among the lower stratum of the
population, to whom they delivered the message of their
Gospel in clear and precise terms. By their vehement asser-
tion there was no escape from, and no alternative to the
acceptance of their creed. The Day of Judgment was at
hand; at any moment Jesus might return to inaugurate a
golden age of one thousand years upon the earth; and all
those who had been regenerated by baptism would participate
in His glory."' The primitive church was communistic in
principle, and exceptional solicitude was shown in the ad-
ministration of charity to its indigent members. LiberaUty
in this sense was doubtless the means of winning over many
converts, for its bounty was not withheld from the poor on
account of any difference in religion."

' Justin. Apol., i, II; Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., v, i6; see Gieseler,
op. cit., i, 41, 48, etc. The belief in the Millennium was, doubtless, the
most potent influence in segregating the first Christians from their fellow
subjects. It was conceived by some that as the world was created in six
days it would last for six thousand years, and the seventh thousand
would be distinguished by the reign of Christ on earth ; see the Church
Histories and Harnack's article " Millennium," in Encycl. Brit., etc.
As the chronology was uncertain the critical transition might be revealed
at any moment. Christian writers now began to date from the creation
of the world as per Genesis; some iTiade it about 5500 B.C., so that the
Millennium should have been entered on during the reign of Anastasius.
But according to others it should have begun under Nero or Trajan.
Michael Melit. (Langlois); Jn. Malala, p. 428, etc.

^ See Apostolical Constit. , ii, 25; Hatch, Early Church, pp. 40,
69, etc. The Emperor Julian was rather exasperated at finding that the
Christians took the wind out of his sails by their indiscriminate charity,
and so cultivated the good will of all the lower classes ; Epist. (frag.),
p. 391 (H). He seems to be addressing some Pagan priest.

272 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

The Christian Church from its inception gradually un-
folded itself as an anarchical association, consisting of
affiliated branches scattered throughout the Empire. At first
all members possessed equal rank, and the status of each
one as a presbyter or propagandist was limited only by his
natural capacity for the work. Enthusiasm prevailed in the
secret assemblies, and the excitable, whether male or female,
relieved themselves by impassioned utterances which were ac-
cepted by the listeners as prophetic inspiration.' Subsequent
history relates the development of a hierarchy with the con-
sequent formation of two parties in the Church, clergy and
laity, and the ultimate suppression of all spiritual assumption
by the latter.^ Rites and ceremonies of increasing complexity
were instituted, rules of discipline were elaborated, and
proselytes were no longer admitted hastily to the congrega-
tions, but were previously relegated for a course of instruction
to the class of catechumens or probationers. About the end
of the second century Christianity assumed some importance
in the eyes of the educated and wealthy,' so that its doctrines
began to be scrutinized in the spirit of Greek philosophy.
A catechetical school was founded at Alexandria {c. 170) for

^ See The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, i\, et seq. ; Gieseler,
op. cit., i, 30. It is uncertain whether the first asseml)lies were con-
vened after the pattern of the Jewish synagogue or the guild meetings
of the Empire ; probably after one or the other according to local
affinity.

^ It may be imagined that this transformation was not effected without
a conflict when parties with opposed views found themselves at the
parting of the ways. This rupture was called Montanism, from Montanus,
a Phrygian who, with two "prophetesses," proclaimed a renewal of
the original dispensation. The movement spread to the West, where the
celebrated TertuUian became one of its most ardent advocates. See
Gieseler, op. czL, i, 48, etc., or Harnack in Encycl. Brit., sb. nom.

' Origen c. Celsum, iii, 9.

The Roman E7npire under Anastasms 273

the training of converts of higher mental capacity ; and
learned teachers, notably Clement and Origen, essayed to
prove that the new religion could be substantiated theologi-
cally by reference to Plato and Aristotle/ At the same time
the Church began to discard the policy of stealthiness under
which it had grown up, and to indulge the expansive vigour
which pervaded its constitution. Soon the conventicles ceased
to meet under the cloak of secrecy; and by a few decades
public edifices were erected with an architectural ostentation
and a treasure of ornaments rubric which roused the indig-
nation of those who frequented the Pagan temples in the
vicinity.^ From that moment the encroaching temper of
Christianity and its uncompromising antagonism to poly-
theism became manifest to the government, and zealous
officials prepared themselves for a determined effort to over-
throw the upstart power which was undermining the old

^ Some details of the catechetical course are known. The student was
first taken through the "science" of the period until, like Socrates, he
found that he knew nothing. Then the current of Jewish-Christian
legend and mythology was allowed to flow, and everything was lighted up
instantly as by an electric illumination ; Gregory Thaumaturgus, Panegyr.
in Origen, 5, et seq. Almost the strongest argument the Fathers found
for the acceptance of their creed was the failure of Greek philosophical
speculation to explain the universe. Many of them dwell at great length
on this subject; see Tatian, Athenagoras, Lactantius, etc. One of the
best summaries of ancient metaphysics is given by Hippolytus in his
first book against heresies. But Clement and Origen were more con-
cerned to correlate the two, thinking there was something divine in both.
Eusebius is on similar ground in his Praep. Evang., etc.

^ As late as 160, or so, the Christians were taunted with having no
visible places of worship; Origen c. Celsum, viii, 17, 19, etc. ; Minucius
Felix, 10. About a century later the handsome churches began to be
erected; Apostolic Constit., ii, 57; Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., viii, i;
X, 4, etc. An inventory of the actual contents of a church at Cirta, in
N. Africa, c. 300, is extant ; Routh, Reliquiae Sacrae, ii, p. 100.

T

2 74 ^^^^ ^S^ of Justinian and Theodora

order of society.^ The futile struggle of Paganism against
Christianity was terminated by Theodosius the Great, who
promulgated edicts both in the East and in the West for the
abolition of the pristine religion of the Empire.^ During
more than half a century previously the battle between the
two faiths had been open and violent ; and the mild Christians
of earlier times often appeared in the light of ruthless fanatics
more conspicuously than had their heathen adversaries in
the heat of a legalized persecution.' The Church triumphant
now entered on its career of quasi-political predominance;
wealth and honours were showered on those who attained
to its highest offices; and the precepts of the poor carpenter,
whose constant theme was humility, were inculcated by a

^ See the account of Hierocles, the hostile pro-consul, in Lactantius,
Div. Inst., V, 2 ; De Morte Persec, i6. He and the Emperor Galerius
appear to have been the prime movers of the Diocletian persecution in
303; cf. Eusebius, op. cit., viii, 2, etc. After several years, however,
Galerius found the task of stamping out Christianity beyond him, and
issued an edict of toleration. Hence there was really no call for Constan-
tine to legislate anew. This Hierocles was one of those who set up the
idealized Apollonius of Tyana as an avatar of the Deity, and tried to
exalt him as an object of adoration above Jesus. But the attempt failed;
Apollonius was a real personage with a familiar name ; Jesus was a
dream ; see the controversial tract of Eusebius against Hierocles.

^ Cod. Theod., XVI, vii, i; x, i, 7, etc., and Godefroy ad loc.
About this time (380) Gratian discarded the dignity of Pontifex Maximus,
which the previous Christian emperors had continued to assume;
Zosimus, iv, 36.

' A civil war was opened throughout the East by many bishops, who
proceeded to demolish the temples at the head of gangs of monks and
other enthusiasts. On both sides infuriated mobs fought zealously for
their religion, and much slaughter resulted. The most violent commo-
tion was occasioned by the destruction of the great temple of Serapis at
Alexandria (389) ; see the ecclesiastical historians : Socrates, v, 16 ;
Sozomen, vii, 15 ; Theodoret, v, 21, etc. Such doings became official
under Arcadius ; Cod. Theod., XVI, x, 16 (399) ; cf. Gieseler, i, 79.

The Roman Empire under A nastasiiis 275

succession of haughty prelates who equalled the magnificence
and exceeded the arrogance of kings. ^

From the day of its birth almost to the present hour the
Church has been agitated by internal dissensions generated
by the efforts of reason to understand and to define those
inscrutable mysteries, to a belief in which every supernatural
religion must owe its existence. The primitive religion of
the ancients was a natural growth, accepted insensibly during
a state of savagery and maintained politically long after it
had been repudiated by philosophy, but Christianity was
offered to a world already advanced in civilization, and had
to pass through a process of intellectual digestion before it
could take its place as an unassailable national belief. The
Church, before it stands clearly revealed in the light of
history, had been inspired with the conception of a Trinity
by a contemplation of the Platonic philosophyj and the
problem as to how this doctrine could be expounded as not
inconsistent with monotheism occasioned the first of those
great councils called Oecumenical. It met in 325 at Nicaea

^ In 367 Damasus and Ursinus fought a battle in one of the Roman
churches for the papal seat ; 137 corpses were removed next day from
the pavement of the sacred edifice. " I am not surprised at the con-
tention," says Ammianus, "when I consider the splendour of the dignity.
The successful aspirant is enriched by the offerings of matrons, rolls
about in his chariot sumptuously apparelled, and surpasses the profusion
of royalty in his banquets"; xxvii, 3. As the Vicar of God, bishops
professed to stand above temporal princes; Apostol. Constit., ii, 34.
The Bishop of Tripolis declared to the Empress Eusebia {c. 350) that
he would not visit her unless she descended from the throne to meet him,
kissed his hands, and waited his permission to reseat herself after he
had sat down, etc. ; Suidas, sb. Xtvvnoc. St. Martin of Tours (c. 370)
was waited on at table by the Empress ; he handed the cup to his
chaplain, thus giving him precedence over the Emperor; Sulp. Severus,
Vita St. M., 20; Dial., ii, 6. See further Gieseler, op. cii., i, 91.

276 The Age of Justiiiian and Theodora

of Bithynia, and there formulated the Nicene creed, which
branded as heretics the presbyter Arius and his supporters
for asserting that the Word, the Son, the man Jesus, had not
eternally existed as of one substance with the Father, but had
been created out of nothing at some date of an inconceivably
remote past. Under the emperors who succeeded Constan-
tine, however, the Arians returned to power in the East, and
for long oppressed their opponents, the Catholics, until they
were finally reduced to impotence by the orthodox Theodo-
sius I.' But centuries were yet to elapse before the Church
could desist from weaving those subtleties of dogma as to the
inexpressible nature of the Godhead, in the study of which
later theologians discover an exercise for their memory rather
than for their understanding.^ Numerous other councils were

' See the original church historians. Theodoret's account is the most
definite and satisfactory ; i, 2, et seq. Recently Arianism has been treated
by Gwalkin in a separate work. Harnack's exposition of it is, as usual,
most lucid and interesting ; Hist. Dogma, iv. This is the great contro-
versy in which the celebrated words Ho?nootisios and Homoiousios were
combined to distinguish the contending theories :

D'une syllabe impie un saint mot augmente
Remplit tous les esprits d'aigreurs si meurtrieres,
Et fit de sang chretien couler tant de rivieres, etc.

Boileau, Sat. xii.
Homoean and Anomoean denote Arian sub-sects who differed more or
less from orthodoxy. In fact, the Arian heresy has never really died
out, and is now represented by Unitarianism.

* " Tradendi ratio sicca est, memoriaeque potius, quam intelligentiae
accommodata " ; Mosheim, Eccles. Hist., IX, ii, 3. The first great
theological debates concerned the mutual relations of the persons of the
Trinity in their celestial abode; and were decided against those who
confounded the persons (Sabellians, Monarchians) or divided the sub-
stance (Ari.ins). Such momentous matters being settled as finally
registered in the so-called Athanasian Creed, the P'athers descended to
earth and busied tiiemselves in analyzing the mystic conjunction of the

The Roman Empire binder Anastasius 277

convened before the opening of the sixth century, but of
these only three were allowed to rank as Oecumenical, that
of Constantinople in 381, that of Ephesus in 431, and that
of Chalcedon in 451. The first of these did little more than
to confirm the decisions of Nicaea, but it won from Theodo-
sius a tacit permission to proceed to extremities against
Paganism.^ The second anathematized the heresy of Nestor-
ius, Patriarch of the Eastern capital, who wished to deprive
the Virgin Mary of the title of Theotokos, or Mother of God.
The bishops who assembled at the Asiatic suburb of Chal-
cedon, under the supervision of the Emperor Marcian, were
less successful in producing concord in the Church than
those who composed any of the previous councils; and their
resolutions were debated for long afterwards by dissentient

Godhead with the flesh, viz., the Incarnation of Jesus. These contro-
versies were determined by the ejection from the fold of Orthodoxy of
those who maintained the existence of but one nature or one will in the
God-man (Monophysites, Monotheletes), and also of a small party who
propounded the incorruptibility of the body of Jesus ( Aphthartodocetae).
The erection of this fabric of dogma was essential to Orthodoxy, the
underlying conception of which was that God became man so that man
might become God; ii Clement, 9; cf. Bigg, op. cit., p. 71. Hence if
the Saviour were made out to be merely a sham human being the whole
scheme of redemption must fall through at once. The last step led them
to consult about the mundane relatives of Jesus, and ended in the dogma
that Mary's was an asexual birth, the Immaculate Conception, and that,
as she could never have been sullied by any carnal conversation, the
brothers of Jesus, as represented, must merely have been his cousins.
But the Church did not approach some of these latter considerations
till a later age.

^ His laws have already been referred to. For the result as repre-
sented by an educated Pagan, see Libanius, De Templis. This Council
enacted that the Bishop of CP. should hold the next rank to the Roman
Pontiff; Socrates, v, 8 (Concil., can. 3). About this time the title of
Patriarch began to be restricted to the higher bishops ; ibid. Constan-
tine's pagan temples at CP. were now ruined; Jn. Malala, p. 345.

2 "jS The Age of Jtistinian and Theodora

ecclesiastics throughout the East. On this occasion the
orthodox party delivered their last word as the mystic junc-
tion of the divine and human in the Incarnate Christ, and
repudiated for ever the error of the Monophysites that the
Saviour was animated only by a celestial essence.^ This was
the first instance in which the new Rome triumphed over her
great rival in the East, Alexandria, which had previously
trampled on her Patriarchs, Chrysostom, Nestorius, Flavian;
as the doctrine of the one nature was peculiarly dear to the
Egyptian Church. But the spiritual peace of the Asiatic and
African provinces had been too rudely disturbed for an im-
mediate settlement to ensue; and more than thirty years
later the Emperor Zeno was forced to issue a Hetioticon, or
Act of Union, in which he sought to induce unanimity among
the prelates of his dominions by effacing the harsher expres-
sions of the Chalcedonian canons." The measure, however,
was ineffectual ; the conflict of doctrine could not be quelled ;
and even Anastasius was branded as a heretic by the Byzan-
tines for not adopting a hostile attitude towards the Mono-
physites.^ The state of religious parties under that Emperor
may be summarized briefly as follows: Europe was firmly
attached to the Council of Chalcedon, Egypt was bitterly
opposed to it, whilst in Asia its adversaries and adherents
were almost equally divided. Of Arians there were not a few,

* The chief source for the Council of Chalcedon is Evagrius, ii, i,
et seq. By Canon 21 the equality of the Byzantine Patriarch with the
Pope was affirmed; Labbe, Concil., vii, 369 ; cf. Cod. Theod., XVI,
ii, 45, etc.

^ Evagrius, iii, 13, et seq. It was composed by Acacius, the Patriarch
of the capital.

^ See pp. 104, 180. To the Monophysites, Anastasius is, of course,
"the pious and orthodox Emperor" ; see John of Nikiu (Zotenberg) ;
Zachariah of Mytilene (Hamilton), etc.

The Roma7i Empire imdei' Anastasius 279

but they were everywhere severely repressed. Nevertheless,
in the capital itself a handsome church was reserved for those
addicted to that heresy, St. Mocius in the Exokionion. But
this was an indulgence conceded exclusively to the Gothic
soldiery, all bigoted Arians, with whose faith no emperor ever
dared to tamper.^ At the same time polytheism appeared to
be extinct; the Pagan temples were everywhere evacuated,
and for the most part purposely ruined." After the murder of
Hypatia the Neoplatonists deserted Alexandria and betook
themselves to Athens, where they were disregarded as a
merely philosophical association without the privilege of
public worship.' Manichaeans were numerous within the
Empire, but could only exist in secret as a proscribed sect
subject to severe penalties, confiscation, loss of civil rights,
and relegation to the mines, if convicted.* Relics of minor

' Cod., I, V, 12; Codinus, p. 72; Procopius, De Aedific, i, 4. See
Ducange, CP. Christ., sb. norii., for a collection of passages relating to
St. Mocius.

^ In 423 Theodosius II considered that Paganism was virtually extinct,
so little in evidence were those who still adhered to the old religion ;
Cod. Theod., XVI, x, 22. But subsequent events proved that his con-
fidence was premature. I have anticipated the use of the word " Pagan "
[paganus, rustic, villager) as a term of reproach to those who had not
been illuminated by Christianity. In this sense it is first found in a law
of Valentinian I ; Cod. Theod., XVI, ii, 18 (365). It arose at a time
when the urban population exhibited a sharp contrast to the country
people in the matter of religion. Long after the former had been con-
verted en masse, polytheism lingered in the rural districts, the scattered
inhabitants of which did not come into touch with the Christian propa-
gandists and their new creed for a considerable time. Hence the
idea of a country fellow became synonymous with that of a worshipper
of the gods long since despised.

' The history of their migration and subsequent activity at the local

source of their inspiration will deserve our attention in a future chapter.

* Valentinian I and the succeeding emperors legislated definitely

28o The Age of Justinian and Theodora

denominations, more or less obscure and impotent, need not
be more particularly alluded to in this place.

Nothing in this age accelerated the social descent towards
barbarism so much as the illusion that bliss in a future state
was most positively assured to those Christians who denied
themselves every natural gratification whilst on earth. By the
end of the fourth century the passion for the mortification of
the flesh had risen to such a height that almost one half of
the population of the Empire, male and female, had aban-
doned civilized life and devoted themselves to celibacy and
ascetic practices.' By choice, and even by legal prescrip-

against them ; Cod. Theod., XVI, v, 3, 18, 40, 43, 59 ; cf. Cod., I, v.
The whole title against heretics contains sixty-six laws, a monument of
Christian bigotry and intolerance. The novelty of the Christian doc-
trines and the constant dissensions of ecclesiastics as to the proper mode
of apprehending them, caused all classes to be infected with a mania for
drawing theological distinctions, ex. gr., " If you require some small
change, the person you address will begin to argue about ' begotten and
unbegotten ' ; should you ask the price of bread you will hear that the
Father is greater and the Son inferior ; or in reply to an inquiry whether
your bath is prepared, the attendant will define for your benefit that the
Son was made out of nothing"; Gregory Nys., Orat. De Deitate, etc.,
2 (in Migne, i, 557). Yet sometimes a prelate would assume a jocular
tone in the pulpit when speaking on these grave questions. Thus Eu-
doxius. Bishop of CP., began his discourse one day with the assertion,
"The Father is impious, but the Son is pious." The congregation
seemed awe-struck, but he at once continued, " Be not alarmed ; the
Son is pious because he worships the Father, but the Father worships
no one"; Socrates, ii, 43. Marrast has devised some scenes to bring
out the absurd way in which theological hair-splitting disturbed every-
day social relations at this period ; o/<. cit., p. 89.

' Chrysostom mentions the fact with exultation. Objectors fear that
the race may die out as the result of the widespread celibacy, but the
Saint knows better ; the women who remain w ill be rendered more
fecund by the Deity, and thus the numerical complement of mankind will
be maintained. He also knows that there is a countless host of heaven,

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 281

tion,' they sought desert places and vast soUtudes to pass their
lives in sordid discomfort, at one time grazing like wild
beasts, at another immured in noisome cells too narrow to
admit of any restful position of the body or limbs." Some
joined the class of stylites, or pillar saints, who lived in the
air at a considerable altitude from the ground on the bare
top of a slender column/ Such were the anchorites or her-
mits, who arose first in order of time and claimed for their
founder an illiterate though well-born youth of Alexandria,*

asexual, who are propagated in a passionless manner by divine ordina-
tion ; In Epist. Rom. Horn, xiii, 7 (in Migne, ix, 517) ; De Virginitate,
14, et seq. (in Migne, i, 544); cf. Ambrose, De Virginitate, 3 ; Rufinus,
Hist. Monach., 7 (in Migne, 413).

' Monks are enjoined by Theodosius I " deserta loca et vastas solitu-
dines sequi atque habitare" ; Cod. Theod., XVI, iii.

- The literature of early monkish life, descriptive and laudatory, is
very extensive; see Gieseler, Eccles. Hist., i, 95, 96, etc. The most
striking picture will be found in Evagrius, i, 21 ; iv, 33, etc. He is lost;
in admiration of them ; they suppressed their natural appetites so rigidly
that they looked like corpses wandering away from their graves. Some
lived in dens and caves where they could neither stand nor lie. Some
dwelt in the open air almost naked, exposed to excessive heat or cold.
Others rejected human food and took to grazing like cattle, shunning
human beings as if they were wild beasts. Both sexes embraced such
lives of unremitting castigation. Some of the males made a practice of
repairing from time to time to the cities in order to demonstrate their
sexual frigidity by bathing in the public baths amongst nude women.
They applied themselves to prayer, of course, until they brought them-
selves to the verge of exhaustion ; cf. Sozomen, vi, 28, et seq. One
Apelles had a conflict with the devil similar to that related of the Eng-
lish St. Dunstan.

^ The celebrated Simeon Stylites was the inventor of this sublime
method of serving the Deity. From 420 he lived on columns near
Antioch for thirty-seven years ; Evagrius, i, 13; see Gieseler, i, loc. cit.,
for reference to fuller accounts, separate biographies, etc.

* He was contemporary with Athanasius, who wrote an extant life of
him; see Sozomen, i, 13, etc.

282 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

Anthony, the subject of familiar legends. A little later, how-
ever, Pachomius,^ also an Egyptian, instituted the coenobites,
or gregarious fraternity of ascetics, whose assemblage of cells,
called a laura, was generally disposed in a circle around their
common chapel and refectory. The extensive waste lands of
Egypt greatly favoured the development of monachism ; and
within half a century the isle of Tabenna in the Nile, the
Nitrian mountain, and the wilderness of Sketis, became
densely populated with these fanatic recluses." From Egypt
the mania for leading a monastic life spread in all directions,
and religious houses, on the initiative of Basil, began to in-
vade the towns and suburban districts.^ One of the most re-
markable of these foundations was the monastery of Studius,
erected at Constantinople (in 460) for the Acoemeti, or
sleepless monks, whose devotional vigils were ceaseless both
night and day.^ After the promotion of Christianity to be the
state religion, one emperor only, the ordinarily ineffective

' Sozomen, iii, 14.

^ Socrates, iv, 23; Sozomen, i, 12, et seq. Previous to Christianity
there were at least two communities of Jewish ascetics in the near East,
the Essenes, who dwelt west of the Dead Sea, and the Therapeutae, who
lived by Lake Moeris, near Alexandria. The first have been described
briefly by Pliny (Hist. Nat., v, 15) and the second by Philo Judaeus in
a separate tract (De Vita Contemplativa) respecting the authorship and
date of which, however, opinion continually fluctuates ; I do not know
whether at present it is on the crest of the wave or in the trough of the
sea. These solitaries consisted of males and females, and were recruited
regularly by persons who became sick of the world and determined to
fly far from the madding crowd. About them generally see Neander,
Church Hist., Introd.

^ Socrates, iv, 21; Gregory Nazianz., Laud. Basil (in Migne, ii,

577).

* Nicephorus, Gal., xv, 23; seep. 78. Not psalmody, however, says
Card. Hardouin, but restless application to work. Manufacture of
fictitious documents he insinuates, doubtless.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 283

Valens, assumed a hostile attitude towards the monks/ He
denounced them as slothful renegades from their social duties
and dispatched companies of soldiers to expel them from
their retreats and reclaim them for civil and military life. A
considerable number were massacred for attempting resist-
ance to the decree; but under the successors of Valens
monachism flourished as before with the Imperial counten-
ance and the popular regard.'

The supersession of dogmatic religions founded on pre-
historic mythologies by the success of modern research,
confers the right of free speculation on contemporary philo-
sophers, and urges them to construct, from the ample
materials at their command, an intellectual theory of the
universe. In proportion as experimental physics teaches us
to apprehend more profoundly the constitution of matter,
reason advances impulsively from outposts of knowledge to
suspend itself over the abyss in those dimly-lighted regions
where science and mysticism seem to hold each other by
the hand. The atomic conception of nature, first broached
as a phantasy by the Greeks, derives an actuality from the
growth of chemical and electrical discoveries at the present
day, which goes far to establish it as an immediate, if not
the ultimate, explanation of phenomena. Our mind has thus
been prepared to realize the vision of swarms of atoms in
the possession of limitless space, each one of which is in-
stinct in the prime degree with all the attributes of life : with

' Cod., XII, i, 63; Orosius, vii, 33; Jerome, Chron., an. 375 ; cf.
Socrates, iv, 24.

* The histories of monachism are numerous and voluminous, especially
those composed some two or three centuries ago. Helyot's Hist, des
Ordres Mon., Paris, 1714, etc., in 8 vols., may be read for amusement
as well as instruction.

284 The Age of Justinia7i and Theodora

consciousness, will, motion, the bias of habit, and an un-
quenchable desire for association and aggregation.^ They
become conjoined, numerically and morphologically, in pro-
gressive grades of complexity, originating by one kind of
alliance the chemical elements which constitute the organic
world, and by another the vital elements, Avhich form the
protoplasmic basis of animal and plant life.^ The organic
kingdom rests upon the inorganic, and preys upon it, evolving

^ Epicurus, the unavowed disciple of Leucippus and Democritus, the
earliest atomists, conceived the coalescence of the particles to result
from their rushing onwards always under the influence of a certain
natural deflection which led to their meeting continually so as to become
conjoined. As an Academic, and, therefore, a sceptic, Carneades could
not accept this or any other theory, but in criticizing its fortuity, he
remarked that it might have been perfected, or, at least, made more
intelligible if Epicurus had conferred some faculty of will or intention
on his atoms; Cicero, De Finibus, i, 6; De Fato, li. With our in-
creased knowledge of physics, we may now venture to supply the
deficiency in accordance with the suggestion of Carneades. Not even
in the process of crystallization can the motion of the atoms or molecules
be considered as fortuitous, since they seem to be borne towards each
other under the influence of some irresistible desire. The recent investi-
gators strongly uphold the vitality of the process.

^ The question of abiogenesis or spontaneous generation, remains still
indeterminate. Substances in transitional stages between the vital and
the non-vital state have not been observed ; perhaps because such matter
is too inconspicuous to have been discovered so far and recognized, or,
it may be, that the swarm of germs by descent is now so great, that the
incipiently organic at once becomes their prey, and forms, perhaps, their
constant pabulum. If identical atoms underlie all kinds of matter, and
the recent debzit of electrons brings the proof appreciably nearer that it
is so, we are still at a loss to explain why they should at one time, by
their association, exhibit vital phenomena, and at another reveal to
us their versatility in aggregating under the species of gold, sulphur,
etc. The statement in the text might run that the chemical compounds
combine with each other in greater complexity to form the elements of
protoplasm.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 285

itself throughout endless time into more highly differentiated
forms by its incessant appetite for material acquisition and
sensuous stimulation in its environment.'

Whilst the records of ages assiduously collated from every
quarter of the globe exhibit the irrepressible folly of un-
disciplined human thought and the immeasurable credulity
of ignorance, the boundless expansion of our intellectual
horizon compels us to reject as irrational, the belief in an
almighty and intelligent Father, who regards with equanimity
the disruption of worlds, but is capable of being delighted
by a choir of fulsome praise emanating from their ephemeral
inhabitants." From the earliest times the infertile efforts to

^ That the effective origin of evolution consists in vk^ill capable of
responding to a stimulus, being an essential attribute of matter, is a con-
clusion to which we are led necessarily by a consideration of the subject.
When an amoeba protrudes a process, incited from within or without
by some desire, it is already on the way to evolve itself into a higher
form; and when a hygienist essays to preserve or prolong life by his
studies in bacteriology, etc., in his immeasurably higher sphere, he
literally does no more. The earlier evolutionists, Huxley, for example,
were inclined to hold that the potency of cosmic evolution became
evanescent progressively with the elaboration of purposive intelligence
and social institutions, but such a view is manifestly erroneous, and
would not now, I presume, be maintained by any contemporary scientists.

^ Our means of astronomical research are not sufficiently definite to
enable us to explain conclusively the appearance of previously unobserved
stars (,e.g. Nova Persii, 1903), but there is good reason to suppose that
these new lights sometimes signal to us the catastrophe of millions of
beings more or less similar to ourselves. We are, however, well acquainted
with the convulsions of nature, which often bring swift destruction to
thousands of those dwelling on this small globe; for instance, the Mont
Pelee eruption of 1903, which claimed some 40,000 victims. It might
indeed be imagined from the occurrence of such disasters that animated
nature is merely a kind of surface disease of the earth, which undergoes
a spontaneous cure from time to time by means of earthquakes, floods,
volcanic action, etc. Certainly, if we are the only result of the activities

286 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

approach and win the favour of such a being have constituted
the heaviest drag on civiHzation and progress; and, as man
rises in the sphere of rationaUty, the highest lesson he can
learn is to discard definitively all such dreams. He must
convince himself that there is nothing divine, nothing super-
natural, no providence but his own, that prayer is futile, piety
impossible; and the sage may postulate that humanity is
God until some higher divinity be discovered. The mytho-
logical terrors of antiquity are effete in the world of to-day,
and any citizen who has learned to live uprightly should be
above all religion, and free from the bondage of every super-
stition. By self-reliance and his own exertions alone can
man be led upwards; his advancement depends on the ex-
tent to which he can penetrate the mystery of, and subdue
the forces which surround him; and to preach the dominion
of man over nature is the work of the modern prophet or
apostle.' By a retrospect of the past he is justified in cherish-

of this solar system, there would seem to be much superfluous expendi-
ture of power and materials. The conception of God, when cleared of
all irrelevancy, is merely that of a perpetual source of energj' ; and that
we must find in the medium we exist in or nowhere. It is nugatory to
talk of beginnings and endings when dealing with the infinite, unless as
regards phases of phenomena ; if there had to be an end of the universe,
there would never have been a beginning.

1 Amongst some follies, the Stoic philosophers, in their pantheistic
conception of nature, reached the highest level which has yet been at-
tained in the expression of theocratic dogma. With them, the universe
is the very body of the divine essence, and the good and wise man is in
no way inferior to the sublimest manifestation of it. He is rightly called
a god upon earth, and his intellect is an efflux of the Deity. " Back to
the Porch for your ideas of God and nature," the modern philosopher
m.iy cry to his age. " You are gods yourselves, and nature is your realm
to conquer and hold in subjection." The religion of the future will be
more akin to Stoicism than to any other doctrine which has been formu-
lated by thinkers in the past — a high ethical code upheld by a pride of

The Ro7nan Empire under Anastasius 287

ing the hope of a brighter future for his descendants; no
obstacle appears in view to bar their journey along the up-
ward path; the illimitable capacity of protoplasm for physio-
logical elevation may triumph over the universal cycle of
birth, maturity, and decay ; and in humanity as it exists we
may see the progenitors of an infinitely superior, perhaps of
an immortal race, the ultimate expression and end of evolu-
tion and generation/

race and a devotion to the evolution of humanity. The Stoic would not
now be ready to make his own quietus with a bare bodkin should the
currents turn awry. He would stand to his post till the last hour, work-
ing for the advancement of science. " Les stoiciens n'etaient occupes
qu'a travailler an bonheur des hommes, a exercer les devoirs de la
societe : il semblait qu'ils regardassant cet esprit sacrc qu'ils croyaient
etre en eux-memes, comma une espece de providence favorable qui
veillait sur le genre humain"; Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois, xxiv, lo.
See Plutarch, De Stoic. Repug., 13; Adv. Stoicos, 33; Seneca, De
Provid., I; Epist.,cvi; cxvii, etc. ; Epictetus, ii, 8, 9; Lactantius, Div.
Inst., i, 5, 27, etc.

' Accepting the identity of the evolutionary process at all grades of
its prepotency, we may suppose that future advancement will be the
result of deliberate effort; and that the more determinate such effort,
the more rapid must be the progress. While the aptitude of our faculties
must be increased by their being constantly exercised in study and re-
search, the knowledge attainable by such work may ultimately win for
us some controlling influence over our physiological constitution. The
wild dreams of mediaeval alchemists now seem to us less unreal since
we have had experience of the properties of radium ; and the vision of
an elixir vitae, which illuded those investigators, appears more realiz-
able in the light of recent research. The arrest of senility may come
within the range of the future therapeutist ; and a new Demeter may
subject the modern Triptolemus to some alchemical fire, to render him
proof against mortality. Less remotely, the systematic administration of
sexual associations would exert a powerful influence over mental and
bodily development ; and it would be physiologically correct if famous
stallions should stand to cover brood mares in the human as well as in
the equine world? The Spartans realized something of this in practice ;

288 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

The student of European civilization cannot fail to wonder
what sociological manifestation would have taken the place
of Christianity had that religion never seen the light, or
failed to win a predominant position in the Graeco-Roman
world. Was the disintegration of the Empire, he must ask,
and the retreat of its inhabitants almost to the threshold of
barbarism a result of the prevalence of the Gospel creed?
or was the new faith merely a fortuitous phenomenon which
became conspicuous on the surface of an uncontrollable
social cataclysm ? No decision could be accepted as incon-
testable when dealing with such far-reaching questions, but
with the wisdom which follows the event we may recognize

Plutarch, Lycurgus. The tendency to equalization of the sexes which
has been growing of late years, is undoubtedly a forward movement on
the path of evolution. The possibility of man in the future being en-
dowed with greatly increased intellectual power must not be lost sight
of. Exceptional gifts of genius, in some cases uniquely manifested, and
the occurrence of "prodigies," especially in relation to mathematics,
music, and art, teach that the mental faculties of the human race may
yet be evolved in a much higher degree. The limitations imagined by
Greg, which are, perhaps, generally entertained, must now be con-
templated with suspended judgement : " Two glorious futures lie before
us : the progress of the race here, the progress of the man hereafter.
History indicates that the individual man needs to be translated in order
to excel the past. He appears to have reached his perfection centuries
ago. . . . What sculptor has surpassed Phidias? What poet has tran-
scended Homer?" etc.; Enigmas of Life, 1891, p. 177. This is an
evident misconception of the pace at which evolution moves; such short
periods count for nothing. In evolutionary time. Homer and Phidias
are our contemporaries. We know nothing of the final state of such
beings as ourselves after they have passed through some millions of
years, to which most probably the life of this planet must extend. They
may well attain to some condition resembling that of the "gods" of
Epicurus, who existed with a "quasi corpus, quasi sanguis," etc. The
chemist and biologist have a wide field before them in which they will
yet make many conquests.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 289

that contingencies not very remote might have altered
materially the course of history. The dissolution of power-
ful political organizations was no new feature in the ancient
world ; in Egypt, in Asia, dynasties with their dominions
had periodically collapsed, but in Europe the Roman
supremacy was the first to consolidate the principal countries
into a compact and homogeneous state. Civil wars, how-
ever, had been waged on several occasions ; princes unfit to
reign had been the cause of serious administrative perturba-
tion. Did these vicissitudes, we may inquire, herald the
break-up of the Empire, unassailable as it was by any
civilized adversary ? Had the national genius and vigour so
decUned that armies could not be recruited to repeat the
successes of Marius, of Trajan, of Diocletian, against hordes
of barbarians ill-disciplined and ill-armed ? The proposition
cannot be entertained ; the individuals were as capable as
ever, but the purview of Hfe had changed. Religious dissen-
sion had engendered personal rancour, neighbour distrusted
neighbour, and the name of Roman no longer denoted a
community with kindred feelings and aspirations. The Per-
sian and the Teuton beyond the border were not more hos-
tile to the subjects of the Empire than were they among
themselves when viewed as separate groups of Pagans, of
Manichaeans, of Arians, and of Catholics. This disseverance
was not, however, quite permanent ; after a couple of genera-
tions had passed away a partial reunion was effected by the
submission of all classes to Christianity ; and strife was
limited to controversies between differing sects of the same
church. But in the process mankind were led to break with
all past traditions ; the world became effete in their eyes ;
and to be released from it in order to gain admission to the
celestial sphere was preached as the sole object of human

u

290 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

existence. Civilization succumbed to the despotic influence
of religion, a new field of effort was opened to the race of
mortals, and all the genius of the age was exhausted in the
attempt to advance the pseudo-science of theology. That
genius was as brilliant as any which has hitherto been seen
upon the earth. The administrative and literary powers of
a TertuUian, an Origen, a Cyprian, a Eusebius, an Athana-
sius, of the Gregories, of Basil, Ambrose, Augustine, Chry-
sostom, and many others might have raised the Empire
above the level of the most glorious period of the past. It
is scarcely an exaggeration to say that these ecclesiastics
founded a dominion which surpassed that of Rome in its
widest extent; but it was a dominion over men's minds
which precipitated material progress into a gulf out of which
it was not to rise again for more than a thousand years.
Their success was facilitated by the confirmation of despotism
and the abolition of free institutions under the first Caesars ;
but without Christianity there would probably have been no
exacerbation of religious fervour more intense than was in-
volved in Neoplatonism. That new departure in polytheism
was not likely to have caused a serious drain upon the
energies of the state. Julian, its most impassioned votary,
was not less imbued with the spirit of a conqueror than were
Alexander and Trajan.' Neoplatonism, and especially Mani-

^ Compare the account of the soldier Ammianus with those of the
church historians; Socrates, iii ; Sozomen, v; Philostorgius (an Arian),
vii; Theodoret, iii, etc. These are honest writers and, although they
often relied on mere hearsay, most of the matter they bring forward is
historical. On the other hand the Church History of Eusebius, who was
infinitely above them in abilities and learning, contains little but popu-
lar report and legend. It is improbable that Julian inflicted any physical
persecution on the Christians, but no doubt his subordinates did so on
the strength of his attitude towards them and he afterwards got all the
credit of it.

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 291

chaeism, borrowed Christian elements and might not have
aspired to more than a passive influence but for their rivalry
with that religion. From these considerations we may draAV
the inference that only for the Palestinian capture of the
psychical yearnings of the age history might never have had
to record the lapse of social Europe into the slough of
mediaevalism ; and the experience of a terrestrial hierarch
who should give laws to kings and incite the masses to rebel
against their political rulers would have been lost to Western
civilization. That the Empire would have subsisted until
modern times is inconceivable; the tendency to disruption
of the vast fabric soon became apparent, and its unity was
only restored by reconquest on several occasions ; notably by
Severus, by Constantine, by Theodosius. Under Diocletian
it was virtually transformed into a number of federated
states ; and by the sixth or seventh century a somewhat
similar partition might have become definite and permanent.
With the maintenance of sociological institutions at the
original level, barbarism would have been repelled and
civilization would have penetrated more rapidly the forests
of Scythia and Germany. The spirit of scientific inquiry
which was manifest in Strabo, in Pliny, in Ptolemy, in Galen,
might have been fostered and extended ; and many a lead-
ing mind, whose vigour was absorbed by the arid waste of
theology, might have taken up the work of Aristotle and
carried his researches into the heart of contemporary science.^

^ It is generally suggested that the constant immigration of barbarians
and their wholesale collocation in the army must have gradually under-
mined the civilization of the Empire. But a great state is able to digest
an enormous quantity of such accretions ; and in the pride of their re-
cent elevation such nev*' citizens would have become more Roman than
the Romans themselves. The great Transatlantic Republic has been
built up during three centuries by the immigration of alien barbarians.

292 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

The condition of the proletariat was not elevated by the
diffusion of the Gospel after their wholesale acceptance of it
had been assured by coercion. Whatever ethical purity may
have adorned the lives of the first converts, Christianity as
an established religion was not less of a grovelling super-
stition than Paganism in its worst forms. The worship of
martyrs, of saints, the factitious miracles wrought at their
graves, the veneration of their relics and images, were but a
travesty of polytheism under another name without the
saving graces of the old belief.^ A large section of the com-
munity were encouraged to fritter away their lives in the
sloth of the cloister ; and the ecclesiastical murder, disguised
under the charge of heresy, of opponents who dared to think
and speak became a social terror in grim contrast with the
easy tolerance of Pagan times." At length the night of super-

For a good summary of the peaceful settlement of barbarians in the
Roman territories see Bury, op. cit., i, p. 31.

^ See Gieseler [op. cit., i, 99), where the assimilation of heathenism is
well summarized and instanced. Augustine (c 400) draws a striking
picture of the impostors, who, in the garb of monks, tramped the
country selling sham relics, phylacteries, etc. ; De Op. Monach. , 28, 31,
etc. ; Epist. ad Jan. (118). Jerome, in his diatribe against Vigilantius,
unwittingly makes a display of the gross superstition which that earnest
reformer sought to suppress. Bayle's article on Vigilantius (Dictionnaire,
etc.) is a full and interesting account of the subject, but there is more
still in Gilly's V. and his Tim*s, Lond., 1844.

* The first victims of ecclesiastical rancour were the Priscillianists,
who arose in Spain about 380. They were tainted with Manichaeism,
and two bishops persuaded the tyrant of Gaul, Maximus, to put several
of them to death in 385. Generally the Fathers of the Church were
shocked at this execution, but the utility of subjecting heretics to the
capital penalty was soon perceived and the practice thenceforward be-
came an intrinsic part of Christian discipline. The result is well known
to students of Church history and the religious wars waged against the
Paulicians, Albigenses, Huguenots, etc., and the horrors of the Inquisi-

The Roman Empire under Anastasius 293

stition began to wane and the unexpected advent of a
brighter era was announced by a great social upheaval.
Again the tide of cosmopolitanism began to flow between
the Atlantic and the Euphrates, and a new unification of the
detached fragments of the Roman Empire was brought
about. Amid the turmoil of two centuries of barren Crusades^
the active intercourse of numerous peoples taught Europe
to think and judge ; and she began to appraise the harvest
which had been reaped during so long a period of blind de-
votion to a creed. The result of the scrutiny was dishearten-
ing ; the store of gold was found to have turned to dross ;
and, while one type of man struggled to break the chains

lion are familiar subjects in popular literature. During three centuries
in Spain (1471-1781), the first and the last scene of the judicial slaughter
of heretics, nearly 250,000 persons were dealt with by the Inquisitors,
a circumstance which Gallon considers to have been equivalent to the
suppression of national genius and to account for " the superstitious
and unintelligent Spanish race of the present day " ; see Hereditary
Genius, 1869, p. 359. The same reasoning would, of course, apply to
any process, such as is occurring in Russia at the present day, by which
the more active and effective members of a community are being con-
stantly weeded out. Paganism was not, of course, absolutely free from
intolerance ; and the cases of Socrates, Anaxagoras, etc., will occur to
every one. Even Cieanthes, the Stoic, denounced Aristarchus of Samos
for running counter to the popular religion when he put forth some
astronomical anticipations of the Copernican system ; Plutarch, De
Facie in Orbe Lunae, 6. Even Cicero in his " Laws " (ii, 8) decidedly
proscribes nonconformity with the state religion. Polytheism was toler-
ant because it was comprehensive and could easily assimilate all kindred
beliefs. Thus a hospitable reception was ensured to any new arrival
who was fairly accredited as a member of the Olympian family.

' Seven Crusades to Palestine were undertaken between 1096 and
1270. During that period more than 7,000,000 persons are said to have
started from Western Europe on their way to the East. Perhaps the
weeding out of the worst fanatics in this way may have conduced to sub-
sequent progress.

294 T"^^^ ^S^ of Justinian and Theodora

which bound them in spiritual subjection, another bent
their minds to discover whether through nature and art they
could not reach some goal worthy of human ambition. The
Renaissance and the Reformation were almost contemporary
movements/ From that period to the present, more than
five centuries, the history of the world has been one of con-
tinued advancement. Since Dante composed his great poem
and Copernicus elaborated his theory of the heavens, the
well of literature has not run dry nor has the lamp of science
been extinguished. Yet in all these years while the rising
light has been breaking continuously over the mountain tops
the spacious valleys beneath have lain buried in the gloom
of unenlightened ages. The peace of society has never
ceased to be disturbed by the discord of religious factions j
and the task of a modern statesman is still to reconcile con-
flicting prejudices in a world of ignorance and folly."

^ Dante (1265-1321) may be considered as the first prominent figure
of the Renaissance ; Wyclifife (1325-84) of the Reformation, but
Arnold of Brescia {c. 1100-55) ^^s some claim to the credit of being
the first Protestant.

^ In the daily press of March 15, 1896, we read the utterance of a
R. C. prelate when speaking of the Anglican clergy : " Do they claim
the power to produce the actual living Jesus Christ by transubstanliation
on the altar, according to the claims of the priesthood of the Eastern and
Western Churches ? " Persons who address a public audience in the
Metropolis in this manner are not considered to be insane nor are they
classed as charlatans. Concomitantly with such proceedings we find
that the greatest of English encyclopaedias is published with intro-
ductory articles in which it is allowed that the old religion is now a
mere phantasm on the stage of reality. At the present moment every
form of religious belief rests secure and stable on the broad back of
popular ignorance ; and it remains for posterity in ages to come to solve
the problem as to how long humanity will have to wait for the evolution
of that elevation of mind which will decline to pay the tribute of hypocrisy
and reticence for the assurance of a stipend.

CHAPTER III

BIRTH AND FORTUNES OF THE ELDER JUSTIN : THE ORIGINS
OF JUSTINIAN

THE function of a government is to administer the
affairs of mankind in accordance with the spirit of
the age. Not from the poUtical arena, but from the labora-
tory emanates that expansion of knowledge which surely,
though fitfully, changes the aspect and methods of civiliza-
tion both in peace and war. An impulse which controls the
passions of millions may originate with some obscure in-
vestigator who reveals a more immediate means to individual
or national advantage ; and the executive of government is
called on to create legislative facilities for the utilization of
the new discovery. During the modern period such influences
have been continuous and paramount. In the course of
a single century a transformation of the world has been
achieved by fruitful research, greater than in all previously
recorded time. The Georgian era contrasts less strongly
with the times of Aristotle and Cicero than with the present
day ; and the rapid progress of the nineteenth century almost
throws the age of Johnson and Gibbon into the shadow of
mediaevalism.

Far back in the prehistoric past a bridge was thrown across
the chasm which separates savage from civilized life by the

295

296 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

discovery of a process for the smelting of metallic ore ; and
the birth of all the arts may be dated from the time when
some primitive race passed from the age of stone into that
of bronze or iron. To the ancient world that first step in
science must have appeared also to be the last ; and ages
rolled away during which man learned no more than to em-
ploy effectively the materials thus acquired. If the expecta-
tion that diligent research may be rewarded by some signal
increase of knowledge be excluded from the sphere of human
activity, individual aspirations must be restricted to what-
ever is social and national ; and those desirous of distinction
have no choice but to devote themselves to art or politics.
Within these channels were confined the energies of the
people of antiquity ; in some states the leading character-
istic was civic adornment ; in others the cultivation of mar-
tial efficiency ; to rise to despotic power was the usual am-
bition of a democratic statesman; to attain to an imperial
position that of a flourishing state. Wars of aggression were
constantly undertaken, and defensive wars uniformly became
so whenever superiority was manifested. Such conflicts in
the past have had no permanent influence on the advance-
ment of mankind ; and from time to time have been equally
conducive to the spread of civilization or barbarism. During
the classical period the arts and learning of Athens were at-
tendant on the success of the Grecian or the Roman arms ;
in the Middle Ages the Goth, the Hun, the Saracen, and
the Tartar closed in on the Roman Empire and nullified the
work of those enlightened nations. At the present day the
advance of civilization, though independent of conquest, is
often hastened by aggression ; ' and there seems no likeli-

* Sooner or later the progress of colonization is always resisted by the

Birth and Fortunes of the Elder Jtistin 297

hood that it will ever again recede from a territory where it
has once been established. At all times scarcity of the
necessaries of hfe, real or conventional, tends to initiate a
contest ; nor is it possible to foresee an age when, in the ab-
sence of a struggle for existence, the world will subside into
a condition of perpetual peace.

In the sixth century, among the Byzantines, the public
mind was still oppressed with a sense of the supreme im-
portance of religion. That orthodox Christianity must pre-
vail remained the passion of the day ; and in the view of
each dissentient sect their creed alone was orthodox. Hence
government became an instrument of hierarchy, poUtics
synonymous with sectarianism, and the chief business of the
state was to eradicate heresy. Mediaevalism was created by
this spirit; in the East the Emperor became a pope;' in the
West the Pope was to become a sovereign. The conception
of being ruled from the steps of an altar was foreign to the
genius of classical antiquity, and Christianity almost effected
a reversal of the political spirit of the ancient world.

In the midsummer of 518 occurred the death of Anas-
aborigines, but the numbers of them who fall in war would soon be re-
generated and their gradual extinction is due to the restrictions imposed
on them by civilization or to their becoming addicted to its vices. The
decrease of the U. S. Indians (303,000, 1880; 266,000, 1900; previous
decrease unknown) and of the Maoris (100,000, 1780; 46,000, 1901) is
partly due to conflicts with the whites, but that of the Hawaiians
(200,000, 1780; 31,000, 1900) results solely from the immigration of
higher races. Similarly the Tasmanians have become extinct in the last
half of the nineteenth century. The peaceful pioneer of civilization,
perhaps a missionary, is more deadly to the native races than periodical
invasions by an armed force.

^ The ecclesiastical dictatorship of the Byzantine emperors, for which
the term " Caesarpapism " has been coined, is specially illustrated by
Gfrorer, Byzant. Geschichte, Graz, 1874, ii, 17, et seq.

298 The Age of Justinian and Theodo7'a

tasius,^ one of the few capable and moderate Emperors whom
the Byzantines produced. Although imbued with a heresy
by his mother,^ and zealous for its acceptance/ he refrained
from persecution, and declared that he would not shed a
drop of blood to effect the removal of his ecclesiastical op-
ponents/ All his efforts were conciliatory, and he would
have obliterated disunion in the Church if his influence
could have induced fanaticism to accord in the Henoticon
of Zeno/ He dealt impartially with the Demes, but inclined
slightly to one faction, the Green, in formal compliance
with traditional usage in the Circus/ He relieved oppressive

' All the chronographers connect his death with a thunderstorm, and
it appears at least probable that he was aftected with brontophobia in
his later years. He is even said to have built a chamber to retire into,
for fear of being struck by lightning; Cedrenus, etc.

^ Theodore Lect. , ii, 7, etc.

■* It appears that he set up a private chair or stand in one of the
churches, from which he used to address a crowd to gain converts for
his doctrine. He was ejected thence by the same Patriarch, who shortly
afterwards had to crown him; Theophanes, an. 5982; Suidas, sb,
(parpia ; see p. 104. ' Evagrius, iii, 34.

' He tried to obtain its acceptance in 496, and again 508 ; Victor
Ton., an. 496; Theophanes, an. 6001, etc. He even tried to convert
the Pope, Anastasius H; Theodore Lect., ii, 17.

"^ He favoured the Reds, a mere appendix of the Greens, and so kept
himself free from any absolute partisanship ; Jn. Malala, xvi. Ram-
baud (op. cit., 4, 5) is successful in proving by texts that the Demes did
not represent definitely any political or religious party ; and the notion
of comparing them to a sort of popular house, with " supporters of the
government," and an " opposition " cannot be substantiated. They
were rivals in the games and threefold rivals for the Emperor's favour,
in the Hippodrome, for interpreting his will to the people, and for
conveying to him the popular sentiment. Thus they had a place in the
administration, but not one that can be paralleled in any modern con-
stitution. They were practically indifferent to creed or policy. The
numbers recruited under each colour at CP. might be from 900 to 1,500;
Theophylact Sim., viii, 7.

Bi7'th and Fortunes of the Elder Justi7i 299

taxation,' restrained extravagance, and, though practising
thrift,- responded Uberally to every genuine appUcation.'
His administration was much admired by those who were
free from sectarian prejudice ; ' and even the bigoted adher-
ents of the Chalcedonian synod cannot avoid being eulogistic
when recounting some of his measures.^

Within the Byzantine province of Dardania, to the south
of modern Servia, was situated the municipal town of Scupi,*
in a plain almost contained by a mountainous amphitheatre,
consisting of the Scardus chain, and its connections with the
greater ranges of Pindus and Haemus. ' Among its dependent
villages, lying along the banks of the Axius or Vardar, the
river of the plain, were the hamlets of Bederiana and Taur-
esium.' Under Roman rule the language and manners of

^ See p. 155. But the exactions of Marinus the Syrian, P.P. who
committed the local supervision of the taxes to so-called vindices of his
own creation, instead of to the Decurions, ultimately branded A. with
the opprobrium of being a grasping character: Jn. Lydus, De Magistr.,
iii, 36, 46, 49 ; Evagrius, iii, 42, etc.

^ The large sum he left in the Treasury has already been alluded to ;
see p. 163.

^ The closest personal view of him is to be got from Cyril Scythop.
Vit. S. Saba, 50, et seq. He was surnamed Dicorus (double-pupil), be-
cause his eyes differed in colour.

* Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 10; De Aeditic, iii, 2, etc. ; Jn. Lydus,
De Magistr., iii, 47, et passim.

^ Especially Evagrius and Cyril Scythop., both of whom condemned
him as a heretic.

^ Marcellinus Com., an. 518. Now Uskiub, a flourishing Turkish
town, nearly on the same site. The whole district has recently been ex-
plored by Evans ; Antiquarian Researches in lUyricum, Archaeologia,
xlix, 1885.

"^ The Balkans. See generally Tozer's Travels in the Turkish High-
lands, 1869, i, 16, etc.

* Procopius, De Aedific, iv, I. It seems that they are still repre-
sented by villages called Taor and Bader ; see Tozer, op. cit. , ii, Append.

300 The Age of Jtistinian and Theodora

Latium became indigenous to this region; and, although the
barbarians in their periodical inroads poured through the
passes of Scardus on the north-west to spread themselves
over Thrace and Macedonia,' the Latinized stock still main-
tained its ground in the fifth century." Throughout the
Empire it was a usual practice for sons of the free peasantry
to abandon agricultural penury, and, without a change of
clothing, provided only with a wallet containing a few days
provisions, to betake themselves on foot to the capital, in
the hope of chancing on better fortune/ About the year
470, when Leo the Thracian occupied the throne, a young
herdsman of Bederiana, bearing the classical name of Justin,
resolved on this enterprise, and arrived at Constantinople
with two companions whose lot had been similar to his
own/ There they presented themselves for enlistment in the
army, and, as the three youths were distinguished by a fine
physique, they were gladly accepted, and enrolled among
the palace guards/ Two of them are lost to our view for
ever afterwards in the obscurity of a private soldier's life,*
but Justin, though wholly illiterate, entered on a successful
military career. At the end of a score of years he reappears
under Anastasius, with the rank of a general, and intrusted

^ See Tozer's narrative of his journey through the Pass from Prisrend
to Uskiub; loc. cit.

^ Novel, vii, i. The extensive remains of the Latin occupation still
to be seen are described by Evans, 0/. cit.

^ Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 16.

* /did., Anecdot., 6. The names of the other two are given as
Zimarchus and Ditybistus, but I see no reason to call them his brothers
as is sometimes done. Justin was cowherd, or swineherd, or field
labourer according to Zonaras, xiv, 5.

° Procopius, /oi. cit.

' According to Alemannus (pp. 361, 461), however, Zimarchus as a
centenarian (!) was active in important posts; Theophanes, an. 6054-5.

Birth and Fortunes of the Elder Justin 301

with a subordinate command in the Isaurian war/ A decade
later he is again heard of among those who prosecuted the
siege of Amida, which led to its recovery from the Persians;^
and before the death of the Emperor he becomes conspicu-
ous at head-quarters, with the dignities of a Patrician, a
Senator, and of Commander of the household troops,'' While
holding this office he was also deputed to a command at
sea, and took an active part in repelling the naval attack of
Vitalian.'

During the vicissitudes of his life in the camp, Justin re-
mained unmarried and childless, but he became the pur-
chaser of a barbarian captive, named Lupicina, whom he
retained as a concubine, and never afterwards repudiated.'
While, however, he was rising to a position of importance
and affluence, he was not unmindful of those relatives from
whom he had separated at his native place. At Tauresium
dwelt a sister," the wife of one Sabbatius,'^ and the mother
of two children, a son and a daughter.* As soon as young
Sabbatius,"^ for the nephew of Justin bore his father's name,
had arrived at a suitable age, he was invited to the capital by
his uncle, who became his guardian, and had him educated

^ Jn. Antioch.'{Muller, Frag. Hist. Graec, v, p. 31); Procopius,
loc. cit.

^ Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 8.

^ Theodore Lect. , ii, 37; Const. Porph. De Cerim., i, 93, etc. His
title was Count of the Excubitors.

* Jn. of Antioch., loc. cit,, p. 35.

® Procopius, Anecdot., 6.

' Ibid., De Aedific, iv, i.

^ Ibid,, Anecdot,, 12; Theophanes, an. 6024. The name seems to have
been common at this epoch; see Socrates, v, 21, etc.

' The girl's name was Vigilantia ; Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 24,
etc. Probably her mother's name,

' Corp. Insc. Lat., v, 8120.

302 The Age of Jjistinian and Theodora

in a manner befitting a youth of high rank.' On the com-
pletion of his studies, it was natural that Sabbatius should
be claimed for mihtary service, wherein his guardian's in-
fluence was centred, and he was drafted forthwith into the
ranks of the Candidati or bodyguards of the Emperor."
Finally Justin legally adopted Sabbatius ; ' and in token of
the fact the latter assumed the derivative name of Justinian.*
On the death of Anastasius, as at his accession, the Grand
Chamberlain appeared to be master of the situation.' But
the chief eunuch of the day, Amantius, was less influential
than his predecessor, Urbicius, who, with the Empress
Ariadne as an ally, had invested the popular silentiary with
the purple; and the means he devised to ensure the accept-
ance of his candidate were the actual cause of his rejection.
He decided to bribe the palace guards to proclaim his
favourite. Count Theocritus, and placed a large sum of
money in the hands of Justin for that purpose ; but the pro-
cedure only served to render those soldiers conscious of their
power to elect an emperor, and they immediately acclaimed
their own commandant as the fittest occupant of the throne.*^

* Inferred from subsequent history. The point is discussed by Lude-
wig, op. cit., viii, 5; cf. Alemannus, p. 437, ei seq.

- Victor Ton., an. 520; Const. Porph., op. cit., i, 93.

^ The circumstances and date of the adoption are not recorded, but
that it must have taken place appears evident from Cod., II, ii, 9 ;
Noveh xxviii, 4, etc. Ludewig argues against it in the face of facts.

* Ahnost certainly: the correct form would have been Justinus Sab-
batianus, but the Byzantines were ignorant or varied old rules ad lib.
There seems to have been no classical Justinian, but two of that name
flit across the stage under Honorius ; Zosimus, v, 30 ; vi, 2.

' See pp. 103, 104.

•^ From Chron. Paschal, and Theophanes it might be argued that
there was an interregnum, but the contemporary accounts of Peter
Magister (Const. Porph., loc. cit.) and Cyril Scythop. [op. cit., 60) prove

Birth and ForUuies of the Elder Justin 303

The venerable Justin, for he was now long past three score,
did not decline ; the Senate bowed to the nomination of the
guards, and the former herdsman took his place in line with
the successors of Augustus/

The Emperor Justin was a rude soldier, devoid of ad-
ministrative capacity except in relation to military affairs,
and so illiterate that he could only append his sign-manual
to a document by passing his pen through the openings in a

that Anastasius died early in the morning on July 9, and that Justin was
elevated on the same day. Some give Justin the credit of having be-
trayed the cause of the eunuch by his astuteness, but it appears rather
that his greatness was thrust upon him ; Jn. Malala, xvii ; Evagrius, iv,
12; Zonaras, xiv, 51, etc.

^ The official record of the election by Peter Magister {loc, siifra cit. )
has been preserved. It was Justin's own duty to announce publicly that
the throne was vacant. The Circus was immediately filled and, as there
was no known claimant to the succession, a wild scene ensued. First
one of Justin's subordinates was set up on a shield by a company of the
guards, but the Blues, disapproving, made a rush and dispersed the
throng. Then a patrician general was seized on by a body of the
Scholars, but the Excubitors attacked them and were dragging the
unlucky officer away to lynch him when he was rescued by the Candi-
date Justinian, who was watching the tumult. Upon this the crowd
scurried round Justinian himself, but he declined the dangerous distinc-
tion, being doubtless aware that a decisive election was maturing behind
the scenes among responsible representatives. Still, however, the
attempts to create an emperor went on, until at last the doors of the
Cathisma were thrown open and Justin appeared, supported by the
Patriarch, the Senate, and the chief military officers. All then perceived
that an emperor had been chosen by legitimate methods, and both
factions with the rest of the populace applauded the new monarch in the
usual way: "Justin Augustus, may you be victorious! Reign as you
have lived! "etc. It will be observed that Justin did not ascend the
throne as the emperor of the Blues or the Greens, but that both Demes
joined in their acquiescence. This apparently was always the case unless
some party usurper, such as Phocas, managed to seize the reins of
power; see Theophanes, an. 6094.

304 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

plate perforated so as to indicate the first four letters of his
name.^ After his coronation he married Lupicina; and the
populace, while accepting her as his consort, renamed her
Euphemia." On his accession Justin promoted his nephew
to the rank of Patrician^ and Nobilissimus ;■• and Justinian
became so closely associated with his uncle that he was
generally regarded as the predominant partner in ruling the
state." But the Emperor was jealous of his authority, and
when the Senate petitioned that the younger man should be
formally recognized as his colleague, he grasped his robe and
answered, " Be on your guard against any young man having
the right to wear this garment." ^ Owing to the suddenness
of their elevation both princes were ignorant of the routine
of government, a circumstance which rendered the position
of Proclus, the Quaestor or private adviser of the crown,
peculiarly influential during this reign."

^ Procopius, Anecdot., 6. Nearly all the chronographers note his
illiteracy. A certain Marinus painted in one of the public baths a sequence
of pictures in which he portrayed the career of Justin from his youth
upwards. For this he was taken to task by the Emperor, but he extri-
cated himself by explaining that his intention was an ethical one, in
order to teach the people that in the Byzantine Empire a man might
raise himself by his talents from the dunghill to the first position in the
state; Zachariah Mytil., viii, I.

* Theodore Lect., ii, 37, etc. The name Lupicina was, of course, the
popular sobriquet for a prostitute, being connected with lupa, lu-
panar, etc.

' Victor Ton., an. 523; Cyril Scythop., op. cit., 68.

* Marcellinus Com., an. 527. He also took over his uncle's post of
Count of the Excubitors; Hormisdas, Epist., 37.

^ Procopius, Anecdot., 6; De Bel. Vand., i, 9; Jn. Lydus, De
Magistn, iii, 51, etc. ^ Zonaras, xiv, 5.

'' Procopius, Anecdot., 6. He was probably the ex officio president
of the Consistorium. It was generally anticipated that Anastasius would
have chosen a successor from one of his three nephews, Hypatius,

Birth and Fortunes of the Elder Justin 305

The first act of Justin, who adhered to the orthodox creed,
was to reverse the temporizing religious poUcy of Anastasius;
and he at once prepared an edict to render the Council of
Chalcedon compulsory in all the churches. Amantius,
Theocritus, and their party saw in this measure an oppor-
tunity of disputing the unforeseen succession, the overthrow
of which they were eager to accomplish. A conspiracy was
hastily organized, and the malcontents assembled in one of
the principal churches, where they entered on a public de-
nunciation of the new dynasty. The movement, however,
was ill supported, and Justin with military promptness seized
the chiefs of the opposition, executed several, including the
eunuch and his satellite, and banished the others to some

Pompeius, and Probus, all of whom he had raised to important positions.
His failure to do so is accounted for seriously by a singular story. Being
undecided as to which of them he should select to inherit the Empire,
he arranged that they should dine together at the Palace on a certain
day in an apartment by themselves. Here he provided three couches, on
which, according to custom, they would take a siesta after the meal.
One of these he designated in his own mind as the Imperial bed, and
kept watch in order to see which of them would occupy it. As it
happened, however, two of the three threw themselves down together
on the same couch, and the significant position remained vacant. Judg-
ing that a higher power had ruled the event, he then prayed that his
successor might be revealed to him as the first person who should enter
to him next morning. This proved to be that very likely officer of his
household, Justin, a result which appears to have satisfied him ; Anon.
Vales., 13. Such relations cannot be rejected in this age on the grounds
that so-and-so had too much good sense, etc. On the contrary, they
serve to indicate the mental calibre of the time. The slaughter of
several "Theos " as possible successors by Valens (Ammianus, xxix, i)
may be remembered, and Zeno is said to have executed an unfortunate
silentiary anent of a silly prediction; Jn. Malala, xv; Theophanes, an.
5982. But Justin and Justinian, being arrested on two occasions, as it
is said, were providentially preserved by visions which enjoined their
release; Procopius, Anecdot., 8 ; Cedrenus, i, p. 635, etc.

X

3o6 The Age of Justinian and Theodo7'a

distant part.^ The edict was then issued and a ruthless per-
secution instituted against all recalcitrants throughout the
Asiatic provinces, where ecclesiastics of every grade profess-
ing the monophysite heresy were put to death in great
numbers." At the same time the Emperor recalled those
extremists whom Anastasius had been unable to mollify and
restored them to their former or to similar appointments.^
One danger still remained which might at any moment sub-
vert the newly erected throne; the powerful Vitalian was at
large, apparently, if not in reality, master of the forces in
Thrace and Illyria. Emissaries were therefore dispatched to
him with an invitation to reside at Constantinople as the
chief military supporter of the government.* He accepted
the proposals, stipulating that an assurance of good faith
should previously be given with religious formalities. The
parties met in the church of St. Euphemia, at Chalcedon,*
and there Justin, Justinian, and Vitalian pledged themselves

' Procopius, Anecdot., 6; Jn. Malala, xvii (the fuller transcript by
Mommsen, Hermes, vi, 1885, p. 375); Zachariah Mytil., viii, i, etc.
The cruel fate of Theocritus is specially indicated by Marcellinus Com.,
an. 519. Before the death of Anastasius, Amantius was indulged with
a pre-vision of his destiny, having seen himself in a dream on the point
of being devoured by a great pig, symbolizing, of course, Justin the
swineherd.

^ The massacres of Monophysites in Asia Minor are described at
length with the names of numerous sufferers by Michael Melit.
(Langlois). Among them, two stylites with their pillars were hurled to
the ground.

^ Jn. Malala, xvii, etc.

* Ibid. It was proposed that he should become one of the two
Masters of the Forces in praescnti.

' Zachariah Mytil., viii, 2. This was the church in which the great
Council of Chalcedon was held. Evagrius gives a picturesque descrip-
tion of it.

Birth a7id Fortunes of the Elder Jtcstin 307

to each other with solemn oaths while they partook of the
Christian sacraments.^ The rebel general was, however, too
weighty a personage to subside into the position of a tame
subordinate, and his masterful presence threatened to nullify
the authority of the Emperor and his nephew.^ His ascend-
ancy was endured for more than a twelvemonth, and the
consulship of 520 was conceded to him. But while he cele-
brated the games in the Hippodrome popular enthusiasm in
his favour rose to a dangerous height.^ The Court became
alarmed, and a hasty resolution was arrived at to do away
with him. In the interval of the display he repaired to the
palace with two of his lieutenants to be entertained at a
collation, and on entering the banqueting hall they were
attacked by a company of Justinian's satellites,"* and Vitalian
fell pierced with a multitude of wounds.' Shortly afterwards
Justinian succeeded to his place and was created a Master
of Soldiers, with the virtual rank of commander-in-chief of
the Imperial forces." The next year he was raised to the

^ Zachariah My til., viii, 2; Procopius, Anecdot., 6. After this
Justinian spoke of him as his "most distinguished brother"; Hormisdas,
Epist., 55.

^ In the government of the Church he showed great activity, traces
of which will be found in Concil. and Baronius, etc., during these
years.

^ Jn. Malala, especially in Hermes, loc. cit.

* Procopius, loc. cit.; Evagrius, iv, 3; Victor Ton., an. 523. As to
the Delphicum, or banqueting room, see Procopius, De Bel. Vand.,
i, 21.

^ Marcellinus Com., an. 520. Theophanes says he was killed in an
emeuie by the Byzantines to avenge those who perished through his in-
surrection under Anastasius, but this is evidently a report circulated
later on to cover Justinian's guilt. Zonaras mentions both versions of
the murder.

^ Const. Porph., De Them., i, 12.

3o8 The Age of Justiniaii and Theodora

consulship ^ and, in order to consolidate his popularity, he
determined to signalize the occasion by those lavish festivities
which were recorded from time to time among the wonders
of the age. But times had changed since the Roman public
might be edified or disgraced by those spectacles in which
human and animal combatants fought to the death, in mimic
land and sea warfare or hunting encounters, to the number
of many thousands; and the chronicler, in referring to a
half-hundred of lions and pards, evolutions of mail-clad
horses, and an increased largess of scattered coin, in addition
to the usual races, bear-baiting, and theatrical shows, thinks
he indicates sufficiently how far the Consul of the day sur-
passed the ordinary expectations of the Byzantine populace."
Having finally won over the capital by these gratifications,

^ Memorials of this consulate still exist, and samples of the diptychs
are preserved at Paris and Milan; Corp. Insc. Lat., loc. cit. Unfor-
tunately they are simple in design and do not attempt a likeness of
Justinian. From them we learn that at this time he had assumed the
names of Flavius Petrus Sabbatius Justinianus ; for reproductions see
Molinier, Hist. gen. des Arts, etc., Paris, 1896, and Diehl, op. cit.
Perhaps the later diptych in Gori represents him ; see p. 50. As to the
adulatory attempts to fasten the name of Anicius on Justin and his
nephew in order to connect them with the most distinguished Roman
family of the age, see Ludewig and Isambert {op. cit.), who have dis-
cussed the question at length. Justinian and St. Benedict, a contempor-
ary, are brought into relationship and presented as scions of the same
race as the existing royal house of Hapsburg.

■^ Marcellinus Com., an. 521. Trajan, after his conquest of the
Dacians, exhibited 10,000 gladiators and 11,000 animals in the Colos-
seum; Dion Cass., Ixviii, 15. Under Claudius I a naval battle for sport
on Lake Fucinus brought 100 ships, manned by 19,000 combatants,
into play; Tacitus, Ann., xii, 56; Dion Cass., Ix, 33. Real warfare
among the Grecian states was often on a less extensive scale. Justinian's
display costabout ;^i50,ooo, his first considerable draught on the savings
of Anastasius.

Birth and Fortunes of the Elder Justin 309

Justinian in his military capacity departed on a tour for the
inspection of garrisons and fortresses throughout the East.^
During this period he made the palace of Hormisdas his
official residence.^

The reign of Justin was uneventful politically, the age of
the Autocrator and his incapacity for state affairs precluding
the initiation of any reforms of importance ; whilst, although
the foreign relations of the Empire were often in a state of
tension, no considerable hostilities were undertaken.^ At
home official activity was chiefly engrossed with the planning
of police precautions for the repression of sedition. During
three or four years all the chief cities were agitated by the
turbulence of the Blue faction, which sought to suppress
their rivals of the Green by stoning, assassination, and
wrecking of their dwellings. At length, in 523, the rioters
were subdued by the appointment of special Praefects, whose
severity of character did not shrink from making the culprits
pay the extreme penalty of the law.* With its neighbours of
the East and West the Empire might have existed at this

^ Const. Porph., De Them., i, 12.

^ Procopius, De Aedific. , i, 4; Codinus, p. %"] ; see p. 37.

^ A history of the reign of Justin is enumerated among the works of
Hesychius of Miletus, but nothing remains to us but the jottings, more
or less brief, of the chroniclers. Nicephorus Callistus {c. 1400) has
rolled into one nearly all previous Church historians.

■* Jn. Malala, xvii ; cf. Marcellinus Com., an. 523, etc. Theo-
dotus, the P. U. of CP. was especially severe in his repressive meas-
ures and went too far in executing a man of rank. On the strength of
a serious illness of Justinian it seems likely that he even aimed at
the purple, but Justinian recovered and immediately brought him
to trial for his excesses. By the influence of Proclus he escaped with
exile; Procopius, Anecdot., 9; Jn. Malala, xvii; cf. Alemannus, p.
368.

3 1 o The Age of Justinian and, Theodora

period on terms of perfect amity but for the disturbing in-
fluence of religion. Incensed at Justin's oppressive treatment
of the Arians, Theodoric, the Gothic king, declared that he
would exterminate the Catholics in Italy ' if freedom of
belief were not granted to his co-religionists; and he com-
pelled Pope John I to lead an embassy to Constantinople
with the object of pleading the cause of those heretics at the
Byzantine court. John, the first of his line to visit New Rome,
was received with enthusiasm by the orthodox Emperor:^
but, if the head of the Western Church urged his appeal with
sincerity, Justin at least proved obdurate, and no con-
cession to the Arians could be extorted from his bigotry.
The Pope returned to Ravenna, the regal seat of the bar-
barian king, to expiate his abortive mission by being incar-
cerated for the last few months of his life; and the death of
Theodoric shortly afterwards, before he had time to execute
his threats, saved Italy from becoming the scene of brutal
reprisals.^

The interspace between the Caspian Sea and the Euxine,
the modern Transcaucasia, was inhabited by semi-savage
races, over whom Rome and Persia preferred almost equal
claims to suzerainty. A perpetual source of friction between
the two powers in this region arose from the necessity of

^ Paulus Diaconus, Hist. Miscel., xvii.

^ Ibid. ; Marcellinus Com., an. 525 ; Theophanes, an. 6016, etc.

' Paulus Diac. , /^c. «V. ; Anon. Vales., 16. These writers, however,
represent Justin as conceding everything demanded, although the state-
ment is at variance with the general tenor of their own account, and
there is no trace of a wave of leniency in the literature of the East. That
John got the credit of having betrayed his trust in the interests of
orthodoxy is shown by a spurious letter in which he is seen urging
the Italian bishops from his prison to persecute the Arians; Labbe,
Concil., viii, 605.

Birth and Fortunes of the Elder Justin 3 1 1

guarding the Caspian Gates/ now the Pass of Darial," a
practicable gorge through the Caucasus, often traversed by
the Scythian hordes when carrying their devastations to the
south. Alexander is said to have blocked the entry with an
iron barrier,^ and subsequently the pass was kept by the
Romans until the Sassanian dynasty became predominant
in those parts. The utility to both nations, however, of main-
taining the defence, caused the Persians, after the collapse
of Julian's expedition, to demand that the Romans should
share the expense.* Theodosius I bought off the claims, but
by the time of Anastasius a Hunnish king, in friendly league
with that emperor, had obtained possession of the forts.®
On his death they passed to the Persians, with the consent
of Anastasius, who engaged vaguely to contribute annually."
Justin tried to evade this payment, but the Persian monarch
declined to be put off, and, as often as the Emperor fell into
arrears, proceeded to recover the amount by distraint." His
chosen bailiff, whenever he put in an execution, was a fero-
cious sheik of the Saracens, named Alamundar,* who raided

^ Pliny (Hist. Nat., vi, 15) adverts to the common error of calling
them Caspian, instead of Caucasian. Properly the Caspian, also Albanian
Gates (now Pass of Derbend), were situated at the abutment of the
Caucasus on the sea of that name. There were other Caspian Gates south
of that sea in Hyrcania.

^ On the Russian military road from Vladikavkaz to Tiflis. It rises
to 8,000 feet.

^ Pliny, Hist. Nat., vi, 12; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 10. An old
way of blocking dangerous passes ; Xenophon, Anab., i, 4.

■* Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 52, et seq.

^ Ibid., Procopius, loc. cit.

^ Jn. Lydus, loc. cit.

' Zachariah Mytil., viii, 5. Cavades demanded 500 lb. of gold
(;^20,ooo) each year.

« Al Mundhir (Noldeke).

3 1 2 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

Syria up to the walls of Antioch, massacring the population
indiscriminately, and holding captives of substance against
their being replevied by the Romans.^ On one occasion he
burst into the city of Emesa, and finding there four hundred
virgins congregated in a church, he sacrificed them all on
the same day to Al Uzza, the Arabian Venus. ^

In two states of the Caucasian region, both under kingly
rule, Christianity had gained a footing about the time of
Constantine/ Lazica, previously Colchis, the subject of
heroic legends, and now Mingrelia, occupied the coast of the
Black Sea north and south of the river Phasis. On its eastern
border, watered by the Cyrus, lay Iberia, at present known
as Georgia.* In 522 the young king of the Lazi, alarmed lest
the Persian religion should be forced on him, fled to Con-
stantinople, and prayed for Christian baptism under the
immediate countenance of the Emperor. Justin assented,

^ Zachariah Mytil., loc. cit.', cf. Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 17.

* Zachariah Mytil. , loc. cit. This account seems to emanate from a con-
temporary native of Syria; cf. Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 28. Al Lit
and Al Uzza, names of a lascivious duality, held sway at Mecca till over-
thrown by Mahomet. This Arab, like most of his tribe, appears to
have possessed a subtle wit, a circumstance which was utilized for the
invention of a skit pointed at the Monophysites. It was related that
two bishops of that sect, paying him a visit in the hope of converting
him to Christianity, found him apparently in a state of great despair.
On being questioned, Alamundar replied that he was shocked at having
just heard of the death of the archangel Michael. The missionaries as-
sured him that the death of an angel was an impossibility. " How
then," exclaimed the Arab, "can you pretend that Christ, being very
God, died on the cross, if he had but one divine nature?" The bishops
retired discomfited; Theodore Lect. , ii, 35, etc.

^ Rufinus, X, 10; Socrates, i, 20, etc. A Christian captive, a female,
won over the royal family by miraculous cures, etc.

* In the classical period Iberia was the usual name for Spain among
the Greeks.

Birth and Fortunes of the Elder Justin 3 1 3

and not only sustained him at the sacred font, but afterwards
united him to a Roman wife, the daughter of one of the
patricians of his court. Before his departure Tzathus was
formally invested with ornaments and robes of state, ex-
pressly designed to denote the closeness of his relationship
to Justin and to Rome/ A letter of remonstrance against
surreptitiously tampering with the allegiance of Persian
subjects soon resulted from these proceedings ; but Justin
denied their poUtical significance, and dwelt with fanatical
insistence on the exigences of the faith, and the urgency of
resisting heathen error. ^ The throne of Persia was still oc-
cupied by Cavades,^ and that monarch now began to think
seriously of going to war with Rome. On reviewing his re-
sources he decided to enhst the Hunnish tribes, who dwelt
beyond the Caucasus, as allies against the Empire. One of
the most powerful chiefs agreed to his proposals, and met
him by prearrangement with a large following of his nation,
but during the conference messengers arrived who protested
that a short time previously the Hun had been induced by
a large subsidy to pledge his support to the Byzantines.
" We are at peace," said Justin, "and should not allow our-
selves to be duped by these dogs." In reply to an amicable
inquiry the barbarian boasted shamelessly of the circum-
stance, w^hereupon Cavades, convinced of his treachery, at
once ordered him to be cut down by his guards. Forthwith
a night attack was secretly planned against his forces, who,
without becoming aware of the author of the calamity, were
dispersed and slain to the number of many thousands.*

* Jn. Malala, xvii, etc. The tables (see p. 90) of his cloak, were
embroidered with the likeness of Justin.

^ Jn. Malala, xvii, etc. ^ ggg p_ j^g_

■* Jn. Malala, loc. cit., etc.

314 The Age of Jjcstinian and Theodora

More friendly counsels now began to prevail with the Persian,
as it occurred to him that he might compose his differences
with the Emperor to his own advantage. He was extremely
anxious to secure the succession to his favourite son
Chosroes/ to the exclusion of his two elder brothers. There
was reason to fear, however, that on his decease, by the in-
tervention of the Court or the populace, one of the senior
princes might be raised to the throne. Cavades, therefore,
proposed to Justin that he should adopt Chosroes, con-
sidering that no party would have the temerity to dispute
the tiara with a ward of the Empire. Justin and Justinian
were elated at the prospect of exercising a controlling in-
fluence in Persian affairs, but the Quaestor Proclus quickly
intervened, and by specious arguments, led them to see the
matter in a totally different light. The adoption of the
Sassanian prince, he urged with heat, would convey to him a
title to inherit the crown of the Empire, Justinian might be
ousted from the succession, and Justin would live in dread
of being the last of the Roman emperors." An evasive
course was resolved on, and a commission was dispatched
to meet the Persian delegates in the vicinity of Nisibis.
Chosroes himself advanced to the Tigris in the expectation
of being escorted to Constantinople by the Roman envoys.
The representatives of the two nations met without cor-
diahty, and the Persians, contrary to their instructions, began
by taunting the Byzantines with having usurped their rights

^ Khosrau (Noldeke); also called Nushirvan (Anosharwan), as
Zotenberg always names him in his translation of Tabari.

^ Procopius, De Bel. Pers. , i, 11. He even tried to make out that it
was a cunningly devised plot to annex the Empire to Persia. The power
of Proclus, who seems to have been an alarmist, is clearly brought out
by this incident.

Birth and Fortunes of the Elder Justin 3 1 5

in Lazica. The Romans then announced that the Emperor
could not adopt a foreigner with legal formalities, but only
by an act of arms, such as was customary among barbarians.
The suggestion was taken as a deUberate insult by the
Persians; the colloquy came to an end abruptly, and
Chosroes returned to his father, vowing vengeance against
the Romans.^

It was now evident that war at no distant date could
scarcely be averted, but a further embroilment with respect
to religion provoked overt hostilities, which rendered a posi-
tive conflict inevitable. Having experienced that defection
to Rome was a natural sequence of Christianity being pro-
mulgated in his dependencies, Cavades determined to enforce
Magism among the Iberians. But, at the first intimation,
the king of that people made an earnest appeal to Justin,
and prepared to take up arms in defence of his faith. The
Emperor responded by sending two of his generals,^ pro-
vided with a large sum of money, to levy auxiliaries for the
Iberians, among the Huns who inhabited the northern shores
of the Euxine.^ Such was the practical overture to a war
with Persia, which was to last for several years, without any
appreciable gain to either side. During the reign of Justin,
however, hostihties were carried on in a desultory manner,
and no battle of any magnitude was fought. Military de-
tachments were told off to ravage Persian territory to the
north, in the vicinity of the frontier. They were opposed by
similar bands of the enemy, and from time to time inde-

^ Procopius, loc. cit. Theophanes (followed by Clinton, Fast. Rom.)
places this affair in 521, a date which removes it altogether out of its
setting; 525 is the most likely year.

^ Hypatius and Probus, the nephews of Anastasius.

^ Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 12.

3 1 6 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

cisive skirmishes took place. As to Iberia, that country was
abandoned for the time being, the forces raised being in-
sufficient to withstand the Persian host, and the king with
all the native magnates retreated into Lazica by a narrow
pass, called the Iberian Gates, which was then fortified by
a Byzantine garrison.' During these operations the first men-
tion occurs of some names which became associated later
on with the most notable events in the annals of the age.
An advance into Persarmenia was conducted by two young
officers, specially deputed by Justinian, named Sittas and
Belisarius. After the lapse of a few months (in 527) the
latter was transferred to a more important command at
Daras. There, among the civil members of his staff, he
received the future historian Procopius as his legal adviser
or assessor.^ About the same time occurred the death
of Justin, whose reign lasted for nine years and a few
weeks.

If the sea of politics remained comparatively unruffled in
Justin's time, nature made amends for the lack of excitement
by showing herself physically in her most active mode. His
reign opened with the appearance of a remarkable comet,
the most dreaded portent of impending disaster.^ Nor were
the forebodings belied, as the provinces on both continents

^ Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 12. As, however, the Roman guard
could only be victualled by the active co-operation of the Lazi, and
after a short time they proved too lazy to bring in provisions to the
fort, it was evacuated and left to the Persians; ibid. ^ Ibid.

^ "Sidus cometes effiilsit; de quo vulgi opinio est tanquam muta-
tionem regnis portendat," etc. ; Tacitus, Ann., xiv, 22; cf. xv, 47. As
Milton expresses it :

Satan stood
Unterrified, and like a comet burn'd,
That fires the length of Ophiuchus huge

Birth and Fortunes of the Elder Justin 3 1 7

were afflicted progressively with violent earthquakes, inten-
sified by volcanic phenomena.^ In Europe, Dyrrachium,
the birthplace of Anastasius, recently adorned by him at
great cost, was overthrown; and Corinth shortly after ex-
perienced a similar fate. In Asia, Anazarbus, the capital of
Cilicia, suffered; the central half of Pompeiopolis sunk into
the earth; ^ and Edessa was ruined by a flood of the river
Scirtus.^ The withdrawal of large sums from the Imperial
treasury was entailed by the restoration of these cities. This
series of calamities culminated in the almost total destruc-
tion of Antioch, where the seismological disturbances persisted
for more than a year, the eighth of Justin's reign, and upwards
of a quarter of a million of the inhabitants perished.^ The
ground was rifted in all directions with great gaps which
ejected flames; the houses caught fire or collapsed with their
occupants into the yawning chasms; and a hill of consider-
able size, overhanging the city, was shattered with such vio-
lence that the streets and buildings in that quarter lay buried

In the arctic sky, and from his horrid hair
Shakes pestilence and war.

Paradise Lost, ii.

^ The fullest account of these calamities is given by Jn. Malala,
xvii.

- Cedrenus and Zonaras place it in this reign. Jn. Malala a little
later.

' This was not the first occurrence of the kind, and all the chrono-
graphers are anxious to record that a slab now came to light with a
punning inscription or prophecy, which may be rendered in English as,
" The river Skip will skip some evil skippings for the townspeople " ;
as anxious as they are to note the peregrinations of a Cilician giantess,
over seven feet high, who tramped the Empire, begging a penny at all
the workshops for showing herself. After its restoration Edessa was
called Justinopolis in legal acts.

* Procopius puts it as high as 300,000; De Bel. Pers., ii, 14.

3 1 8 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

beneath a uniform surface formed by the debris/ The pre-
Hminary shocks were generally disregarded, and the climax,
which occurred during the dinner hour,^ was so sudden and
widespread, that the bulk of the population was overwhelmed
before they had a chance to escape. Then only the residue
of the citizens made a rush for the open country, carrying
with them whatever valuables they could seize on in their
hasty flight. As soon, however, as they had arrived at a safe
distance, they found themselves beset by bands of rustics,
who had gathered together from every side in order to
plunder the fugitives. Conspicuous among the despoilers
was a certain Thomas, a man with the rank of a silentiary,
and wealthy enough to keep a private guard. Posting himself
daily in a convenient position, he directed his retainers in
the operation of stripping systematically all who came in
their way. It is satisfactory to learn from the contemporary
historian that all these wretches were soon overtaken by a
miserable death, as the penalty of their inhumanity; but as
we are assured that, without legal intervention, their retribu-
tion emanated from an indignant providence, which had im-
pelled, or, at least, lain dormant during the catastrophe, we
must conclude that the Nemesis was desiderated rather
than real. The assertion, however, need not be questioned
that the said Thomas died suddenly, to the great joy of the
survivors, on the fourth day of his nefarious enterprise.
Great consolation was also derived from the preternatural
appearance of a cross in the clouds; and all burst into tears
and supplications at this signal proof of the compassion felt
for them by a beneficent Deity. In two or three weeks after
the crisis, nature assum.ed her wonted quiescence, and the

^ Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 54. 2 Zachariah My til., viii, 4.

I

Birth and Fortunes of the Elder Justin 319

deserted city began to be re-peopled by the returning in-
habitants. The work of restoration at once commenced ; and
it is recorded that many persons were then rescued by being
dug out of the ruins, under which they had been buried;
among them numbers of women, who in the meantime had
passed safely through the pangs of childbirth.^ As soon as
the news of the downfall of Antioch was carried to Constan-
tinople, the capital was thrown into a state of consternation,
and all public festivities for the season of Whitsuntide, which
was at hand, were renounced. The Emperor, discarding all
regal pomp, debased himself in sackcloth and ashes," and
led a suppliant procession of the Senate, wearing mourning
garments, to the church of St. John at the Hebdomon.
Commissioners were immediately dispatched with ample
funds for reparation, and the ruined city again became visible
on the face of the earth with a rapidity which, in the words
of a writer of the period, gave the impression that it had re-
appeared suddenly out of the infernal regions.^ But the
earthquakes continued and ultimately, as a safeguard against
further visitations of the kind, Antioch was demised to the
special care of the Deity by being renamed Theopolis, or
the City of God.*

^ Nearly all these particulars are due to John Malala, who, from the
amount of detail he supplies about his native city, may be called the
historian of Antioch. From him we learn that the Olympic games con-
tinued to be celebrated at Antioch, but were finally suppressed in 521
by Justin, for reasons similar to those which about half a century ago
led to the abolition of Donnybrook Fair.

- Cedrenus, i, p. 641. Perhaps he is only speaking figuratively.

^ Jn. Lydus, loc. cit.

* Evagrius, iv, 6. Jn. Malala (xviii, p. 443) puts the re-christening
in 528. He adds that Justinian remitted three years' taxes to several of
the towns then damaged by earthquakes.

320 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

The desultory war with Persia was maintained all the time
under the chief command of Licelarius, a Thracian. But that
general, while pushing hostilities over the border into the
vicinity of Nisibis, managed so unskilfully that his whole
forces were seized with a panic and fled back to Roman terri-
tory without ever having sighted an enemy. As an immediate
result Licelarius was disgraced and Belisarius promoted to
fill his place. The youth, as he must be called, fulfilled the
expectations he inspired and thenceforward entered on that
career of achievement which was to render him the military
hero of his age.

On the ist of April, 527, Justin formally associated his
nephew to the throne, with the rank of Augustus. He lived
exactly four months afterwards,' and on the ist of August in
the same year the sole reign of Justinian began.^

^ His death is said to have resuhed from the recradescence of an old
wound in the foot at the age of seventy-five (Jn. Malala) or seventy-seven
(Chron. Paschal.). The higher number is to be preferred, as Procopius
says that at his accession he was rvfifioyspiov, that is, an old man "with
one foot in the grave" ; Anecdot., 6 ; cf. Alemannus, p. 385.

- The age of Justinian is not satisfactorily known, but Cedrenus and
Zonaras give him forty-five years at his coronation. I need only allude
to the reputed life of Justinian by his so-called tutor, Bogomil or Theo-
philus, quoted implicitly by Alemannus, a historical puzzle for nearly
three centuries, but at last solved a few years ago ; see Bryce, English
Hist. Rev., 1887. It is little more than a MS. leaflet (in the Barberini
library at Rome), and proves to be devoid of any sort of authenticity.
The chief non-corroborated statement is that Justinian spent some time
at Ravenna, as a hostage, with Theodoric the Goth. Justinian himself
was, in fact, a barbarian of some tribe, and the bogus name given him,
Uprauda, seems to have some affinity with " upright " and " Justinian."

CHAPTER IV

PRE-IMPERIAL CAREER OF THEODORA: THE CONSORT OF
JUSTINIAN

THE influence of women in antiquity varied extremely
according to circumstances of time and place. During
the mythical age they are celebrated as the heroines of many
a legend; and in the epics of Homer the free woman seems
to live on terms of equality with her male relations.^ Down
to the historical period the same consideration was continued
to them at Sparta, where the mental and physical integrity
of the females was cultivated as essential to the designed
superiority of the race ; ^ but among the Athenians we find

^ The characters of Helen, Andromache, and Penelope, as they
appear in the Iliad and Odyssey, have taken a place permanently in
modern literature.

^ See Plutarch's account of the legislation of Lycurgus. A king of
Sparta was fined by the Ephors for marrying a wife of poor physique
for money, instead of choosing a strapping young lady with a view to
having a vigorous family; ibid., Agesilaus; Athenaeus, xiii, 20. The
Spartans applauded the adulterous union of Acrotatus and Chelidonis,
because they seemed to be physically well matched for the production
of offspring; Plutarch, Pyrrhus. In fact Lycurgus thought that wives
might properly be lent to suitable mates for breeding purposes. As an
example of noble character in the female, the conduct of Chelonis is
recorded: also the resolution and bravery of the female relatives of
Cleomenes when they all met their death at Alexandria; ibid., Agis;
Cleomenes.

322 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

the women of the community ignored as factors in the state
to such an extent, that they rank Uttle higher than domes-
ticated animals.' In neither of these states, however, were
they ever invested with any pohtical office; and their power
could only be felt indirectly by the executive as the result
of their activity as wives and mothers in the family circle.^
But outside Greece, in those wider territories more or less
permeated by Hellenes, women sometimes attained to a full
share of government, inherited or assumed a sovereignty on
the death of their husbands, commanded armies, and even
appeared in martial attire at the head of their troops. Two
Ionian princesses, both of whom bore the name of Artemisia,
reigned in Caria : the elder distinguished herself at sea as
an ally of Xerxes in the naval battle of Salamis (480 b.c.);^
her successor erected the magnificent monument at Hali-
carnassus in memory of her husband Mausolus, hence called
the Mausoleum, which was admired as one of the seven
wonders of the world.* Cynane, a daughter of Phihp of
Macedon, led an expedition into Illyria, and is said to have

^ On the Athenian women in general, see Becker-Goll, Charicles,
Excurs.

^ To a female visitor from another country it seemed that the Lace-
daemonian women ruled the men; Plutarch, Lycurgus; cf. Aristotle,
Politics, ii, 9. He makes out that things were muddled at Sparta, owing
to interference by the women.

^ Herodotus, vii, 99; viii, 87, etc. Several of her ruses in war are
mentioned by Polyaenus, Stratagems, viii, 53.

■* Pliny, Hist. Nat., xxxvi, 5, etc. The fragments of it to a large
amount are now in a special room of the British Museum, together with
attempted restorations in the solid and on the flat. It was delightfully
situated on the Bay of Halicarnassus, a sight in itself, and a point of
sight for a splendid prospect of sea, contained in a circuit of rising coast,
covered with specimens of Greek architecture. Herodotus himself hailed
from this town.

Pre- Imperial Career of Theodora 323

killed the queen of that country, in an engagement which
ensued, with her own hand.^ This lady had applied herself
vigorously to military exercises, and similarly trained up her
daughter Eurydice in the school of arms. As the wife of the
imbecile Arrhidaeus, one of the successors of Alexander,
Eurydice advanced into Asia to meet Olympias, the mother
of that monarch, in a contest which was to decide the fate
of Macedonia. While the young queen, as we are told, dis-
played herself with all the attributes of a female warrior, the
dowager chose to accompany her forces with a train of
attendants, who seemed rather to be acting their part in a
Bacchanalian procession.- This war, however, proved ultim-
ately fatal to all three women, who were merely moved as
puppets by the firmer hands of Alexander's generals in their
rivalry for shares at the dissolution of his empire.^ After
the partition of the extensive dominions of Alexander among
his numerous heirs, the number of Grecian women who en-
joyed, or were allied to, sovereign power, was proportionately
increased; and the names of many princesses of varied dis-
tinction in that age have been recorded historically, and
even perpetuated popularly to the present day by towns
designated in their honour, and spread over the three con-
tinents.* While some of these ladies won an unusual share
of marital respect and affection, not only by the graces of
their person, but by their capacity for taking part in the

^ Polyaenus, Stratagems, viii, 60.

^ Athenaeus, xiii, 10.

' Dioclorus Sic, xix, 52; 11 ; 51 ; Justin, xiv, 5, 6, etc.

* Laodicea in Phrygia (and elsewhere), by Seleucus after his mother
Laodice; Thessalonica by Cassander, and Nice (Nicaea) in Bithynia,
of ecclesiastical fame, by Lysimachus, from their wives. These were
generals and successors of Alexander, c. 320 B.C.

324 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

councils of state,^ there were not a few who signahzed them-
selves by a cruelty or criminality hardly exceeded by the
male tyrants of that semi-lawless and contentious epoch.
Two Egyptian princesses, sisters named Cleopatra, were am-
bitious of occupying the thrones of Egypt and Syria, re-
spectively, to the exclusion of their own sons. The Syrian
queen, having murdered one of her sons, was obliged to
accept his brother as a colleague, but being unable to nullify
his authority, resolved to make away with him also. On his
return from military drill one day, she presented him with a
poisoned cup, which, however, he declined to empty, having
had an intimation of her design, and bade her swallow the
draught herself. She refused, while denying her guilt, but
he insisted that in no other way could she clear herself, and
she thus fell a victim to her intended treachery." Her sister,
who reigned in Egypt, under almost similar circumstances
was not more fortunate; for, having expelled one of her
sons and committed various cruelties, she raised another to
a partnership in the kingdom. Finding still that her ascend-
ancy could not be maintained, she planned to assassinate
him, but, being forestalled, perished herself in the attempt.^
Precocious in guilt, but, perhaps, more excusable, was the
Cyrenean princess Berenice, who caused her intended hus-
band to be murdered in the arms of her own mother, as the
penalty of his having slighted her for this adulterous inter-

^ The most illustrious lady of this age was Phila, wife of Demetrius
Poliorcetes (her third marriage). She acted the part of political adviser
and ambassadress ; and was amiable and pacific as well as intellectual ;
Plutarch, Demetrius; Diodorus Sic, xx, 93. A flatterer of D. raised a
temple to her, and called it the Philaeum; Athenaeus, vi, 65.

^ Justin, xxxix, i, 2.

^ Ibid., 4. These queens flourished c. loo B.C.

Pre- Imperial Career of Theodora 325

course.^ Her name has been preserved to us in the nomen-
clature of science, and through an astronomical compliment
a cluster of stars is still distinguished as the Coma Bere-
nices.^ From these few examples the reader may derive
some notion of the social relations of the ruling families in
that extended Greek realm which came into being as the
result of the conquests of Alexander. One by one the se-
parate autonomies succumbed to the force of the Latin arms,
and before the beginning of the Christian era all of them
which lay to the west of the Euphrates had become merged
in the provincial system of the Roman Empire.

When we turn our attention to the Roman Republic, we
find that the females, although in law subjected absolutely to
the will of their male relatives,' were virtually as influential
in the state as were the women at Sparta. From Cloelia * to

^ Justin, xxvi, 3. He was called Demetrius the Handsome, son of the
D. above-named, but not by Phila. She stood at the door of the cham-
ber, while the ministers of her vengeance were operating within, calling
out to them to spare her mother (c. 250 B.C.). Her own fate was to be
put to death by her son, Ptolemy IV of Egypt, in 221 B.C.

' That is, her hair cut off and suspended in the temple of Aphrodite
to propitiate divine favour for her husband (Ptolemy IH), during his
Syrian war, c. 245 B.C. It became a constellation according to the
adulators of the day, as is shown in the poem of Catullus, a translation
from the Greek of Callimachus.

^ The constitution of the Roman family can be apprehended readily
by running through the consecutive expositions in Muirhead's Private
Law of Rome, Edin., 1886, pp. 24, 64, 115, 248, 345, 514. In law the
mother and children were practically the slaves of the paterfamilias : he
could divorce his wife at pleasure, and yet 500 years elapsed before a
husband made use of this power, so potent was the high ethical code
which sustained the Republic.

* The story or legend of Cloelia used to be well known. Being de.
livered as a hostage, with a number of other maidens, to Porsena, she
encouraged them to escape, and headed the band in swimming across

326 The Age of Jzistinian and Theodora

Portia ^ the maidens and matrons of that community dis-
played the spirit and resolution which we should assume to
be characteristic of the wives and sisters of the men who
made themselves gradually the masters of the earth. Nor
were they backward in applying themselves to intellectual
pursuits when the rusticity of the Republic began to be
dissipated by the infiltration of Hellenic culture; and by
their assiduous studies in philosophy, geometry, literature,
and music, they kept pace determinedly with the mental
development of the sterner sex.^ With the establishment of
the Empire, a greatly enhanced authority became the per-
manent endowment of a limited class. It followed naturally
that the female connections of the emperors and their chief
ministers could aspire to participate in the despotic govern-
ment, but the throne itself always remained debarred to
women, and to the last days of the Empire the Romans
never acquiesced in a female reign. When Agrippina, pre-
suming on her power over a son whom her intrigues had

the Tiber. But they were all punctiliously returned (c-. 508 B.C.) ; Liv7,
ii, 13; Plutarch, Publicola, etc.

' Portia, daughter of Cato, and wife of Brutus, the assassin of Caesar,
aspired to be the confidante of her husband, but, distrusting her feminine
nature, she refrained from soliciting him to trust her, until, by stabbing
herself in the thigh, she felt satisfied of possessing sufficient masculine
strength of mind to become the repository' of state secrets (44 B.C.) ;
Plutarch, Brutus, etc. See Shakespeare's delineation of her m/ulius
Caesar, where she recounts her action to Brutus.

- The accomplishments of Cornelia, the fifth wife of Pompey, are
given in detail by Plutarch. She was well read in literature, played the
lyre, had made progress in geometry, and fortified herself by the study
of philosophy. Julia, the mother of Mark Antony, is called "a most
learned woman " by Cicero, Catiline, iv, 6. Greek culture was fashion-
able at this time among the Romans. But an earlier Cornelia (r. 330
B.C.) became famous in infamy as the centre of a female society for
poisoning men of note; Livy, viii, 18.

Pre- Imperial Career of Theodora 327

raised to the throne, pressed forward amid general amaze-
ment to preside as of equal authority with him at a recep-
tion of ambassadors, the philosopher Seneca hastily impelled
the young Emperor to arrest his mother with a respectful
greeting, and thus, in the words of Tacitus, "under the
semblance of filial devotion the impending disgrace was
obviated." ' Yet, in several instances, as the guardian of an
immature heir to the crown, or as the associate of an incap-
able husband or brother, a woman was able to retain for a
considerable time all the attributes of monarchy. The Syrian
Soaemias, the equal in profligacy of her son Elagabalus,
assumed the reigns of government, and took her seat in the
Senate, which then beheld for the first time a female assist-
ing at its deliberations.^ Her career speedily terminated in
disaster,^ but during the break-up of the Western Empire,
two centuries later, no opposition was offered to the pre-
dominance of her sex by a dejected people. The Empress
Placidia Galla, after enduring many misfortunes, exercised
a regency scarcely distinguishable from absolutism for more
than a decade, in the name of her son Valentinian III.^ In

^ Tacitus, Ann., xiii, 5.

^ Hist. Aug. Heliogabalus, 2, et seq. She " lived the life of a pro-
stitute," and she also instituted a "petty senate" of females, which
prescribed the fashions of the day to women. Manners, dress, jewellery,
style of carriages, choice of draught-animals, horses, asses, or oxen,
etc., were the subject of their jurisdiction.

^ Ibid. , IT, et seq. Both were murdered, and their bodies dragged
through the streets by the Praetorian guard, before their reign had
lasted quite four years.

* She was a daughter of the great Theodosius. The turning-point in
the fall of the Western Empire was the sacking of Rome by Alaric in
410. From about 425 her authority was paramount at Ravenna, the pro-
visional capital or rather refuge of the mouldering government. Most
information about her is contained in Zosimus, vi, 12, and Procopius,
De Bel. Vand., i, 3, et seq.

328 The Age of J7istinian and Theodora

the East the rule of Pulcheria, as the adviser of her brother
Theodosius II, and afterwards of her nominal husband
Marcian, extended almost to half a century.^ The import-
ance of an Augusta in disposing of the crown on the decease
of her husband has been indicated in the description of the
elevation of Anastasius ; '^ and the ofificial who records the
election of Justin, ascribes the turbulence of the populace
on that occasion to the absence of control by a princess of
that rank.^ But the power of a dowager empress was most
signally exemplified in the case of Verina, widow of Leo I,
who, in her dissatisfaction with the policy of her son-in-law
Zeno, succeeded in provoking a revolution, placed the chief
of her party on the throne for more than a twelvemonth, and
continued to involve the Empire in bloodshed for a series
of years. ^ Below the Imperial dignity the feminine element
was perpetually active and widely exerted, especially through-
out the provinces. The wives of legates, of proconsuls or
governors, accompanied their husbands on their missions to
distant parts, and were often responsible, both in peace and
war, for the complexion assumed by the local administra-
tion.' They displayed themselves ostentatiously in public,
addressed themselves authoritatively to the army, and in-
stigated measures of finance, to such an extent that they
were sometimes regarded as the moving spirit in whatever

' I have several times had occasion to mention this princess. There
is no consecutive history of this period, but merely scraps to be collected
from brief chronicles, Church historians, and fragments of lost works,
etc.

- See pp. 103, 302. ' Const. Porph., i, 93 ; see p. 303.

* Jn. Malala, xv. ; Theophanes, an. 5967, et seq.

' Tacitus, Ann., iv, 19; the case of Sosia Galla. Cf. the account of
Salonina and her gorgeous appearance, riding in the van of the army
with her husband Caecina ; ihid., Hist., ii, 20.

Pre- Imperial Career of Theodora 329

was transacted.^ Agrippina shared the hardships of Ger-
manicus in his campaign against the Germans, opposed
herself to the disorder of the troops when retreating through
fear of the enemy, preserved the bridge over the Rhine,
which in their panic they were about to demohsh, and, com-
bining the duties of a general with those of the intendant
of an ambulance, restored confidence to the legions.^ Yet
Germanicus, in his Asiatic command, fell a victim to the
machinations of Plancina, the wife of a colleague ; and
Agrippina strove ineffectively to withstand the malignant
arts of another woman.^ In some instances oppression of
the provincials was clearly traceable to female arrogance
and intrigue ; and at length it was seriously proposed in the
Senate that no official should be accompanied by his con-
sort, when deputed to the government of a province. The
motion was hotly debated, but was ultimately lost through
the vehemency of opposition.*

Nothing in antiquity is more remarkable than the diversity
of sentiment as to prostitution among the Greeks. Consider-
ing the deification of amorous passion and fecundity ex-
pressed by polytheism in the cult of Aphrodite, and the
ethics of social order which instilled a reverence for chastity,
the popular mind continually wavered as to whether the
hetaira or courtesan should be contemned as an outcast, or

^ Tacitus, Ann., iii, 33. ^ Ibid., i, 69.

^ Ibid., ii, 55, 74 ; iii, 17, etc. As she acted with the secret approval
of the Court, she was acquitted at a mock trial (20), but a dozen years
later, on the death of her accessories, she anticipated her fate by suicide;
ibid., vi, 26.

-* Ibid., iii, 33. Plutarch (De Mul. Virt.), has collected twenty-seven
instances of the notable doings of women, and Polyaenus (Stratagemata,
viii) has repeated most of them, and added almost as many more. The
latter record extends up to about 170.

330 The Age of Jtistinian and Theodora

adored as the priestess of a goddess. Among the Semites
who dwelt along the Oriental borders of the Grecian domi-
nions an act of prostitution at the temple of the goddess of
concupiscence was enjoined on every woman at least once in
her life as a religious rite; ' but the nicer ethical discrimina-
tion of the Greeks debarred this custom from ever establish-
ing itself in Hellenic religion. At Corinth, however, one of
the most distinguished art centres of Greece, it obtained a
footing in a modified form; and in that city a thousand
female slaves sacred to Aphrodite were maintained as public
courtesans attached to her temple.^ At Athens, Solon regarded
the state regulation of prostitution as an essential safeguard
to public morality, whence he constituted a number of

' Herodotus, i, 199. This applies to Babylon and Cyprus, but there
were several other places, and the custom was carried by the Semites as
far west as Sicca Veneria, in Numidia, N. Africa; Valerius Max., ii, 6
(15). See the commentators on the passage of Herodotus; Strabo, XVI,
i, 20, etc. At all times the simplicity of devout females was liable to be
abused, several instances of which are recounted. For example, an
ancient rite ordained that a Phrygian damsel should on the eve of her
marriage bathe in the Scamander, whilst invoking the river-god to accept
her virginity. In this custom on one occasion a youth of the neighbour-
hood found his opportunity. Hearing of the nuptials of a young lady
who was socially unapproachable to him, but of whom he had long been
enamoured, he bedizened himself with reeds and water-flowers and
posted himself in a recess to await her coming. On her entering the
water he came forward thus in the guise of the divinity she was supposed
to meet, and the guileless maid permitted him to embrace her without
resistance, devoutly unconscious of anything being wrong. Subsequently,
as she was walking in the bridal procession, her eyes fell upon him
among the spectators, whereupon she made him a profound obeisance
and pointed him out to those who accompanied her as the genius of the
sacred stream; Aeschines, Epist., 10. This was an isolated and com-
paratively blameless case, but later on some of the semi-Christian
charlatans managed such matters wholesale ; see the account of Marcus
in Irenaeus, i, 13. ^ Strabo, viii, 6.

Pre-Imperial Career of Theodora 331

brothels under definite rules throughout the town, thus pro-
viding, in his opinion, an outlet for irrepressible passions
which might otherwise be manifested in a more unseemly
manner.' As in all ages there were two grades of females
who led a life of incontinence for the sake of gain; and of
these the higher class, the hetairas, filled a place not devoid
of a certain distinction in most of the Grecian cities. This
class relied not on their personal attractions only, but also
on their mental accomphshments, aspiring to become the
intellectual companions of their lovers by applying them-
selves to the study of literature and philosophy." Hence they
ranked as the best educated women of the community, and
exerted more influence in the state than the usually dull and
secluded housewives. The majority and the most noted of
such courtesans flourished, of course, in Athenian society,
the ascendancy of the women which obtained at Sparta being
altogether adverse to their pretensions. Thus it happened
that the hetairas of Athens were generally regarded as persons
of some consequence; and several writers of the period
thought it no unworthy task to compose their biographies, as
might be done at the present day in the case of eminent
women. ^ To the connection of Aspasia with Pericles and her

^ Athenaeus, xiii, 25. St. Augustine was of the same opinion:
" Aufer meretrices de rebus humanis, turbaveris omnia libidinibus " ; De
Ordine, ii, 4 (in Migne, i, 1000).

^ Athenaeus, xiii, 46. Nicarete of Megara is noted as being a disciple
of Stilpo of the same town, a philosopher who achieved a great and
lasting reputation; ibid., 70; Diogenes Laert. in Vita, "A wife is
legally countenanced in sulking and keeping to the house, but a hetaira
knows that it is only by her social talents that she can attach friends to
herself" ; Athenaeus, xiii, 7.

^ The names of these biographers are preserved, viz., Aristophanes
of Byzantium, ApoUodorus, Antiphanes, Ammonius, and Gorgias of

332 The Age of Justmian and Theodora

position as the leader of Athenian society during his tenure
of power, an important page is devoted in all histories of
Greece; and it appears that even matrons were permitted to
frequent her salon in order to improve themselves mentally
by listening to the elevated discourses held there.' Socrates
visited Theodote for the purpose of augmenting his socio-
logical insight, and Xenophon has included an account of
his debate with her in his memoirs of that father of philo-
sophers.^ Leontium was a conspicuous figure in the garden
of Epicurus, where he convened his disciples; and she
penned a treatise against the Peripatetics, which deserved
the commendation of Cicero.' Scarcely, indeed, can a man
of note in this age, whether potentate, orator, philosopher,
or poet, be found whose name does not occur in anecdote

Athens, but their works are lost; Athenaeus, xiii, 2i, 46. The first-
named composed as many as 135 lives, and Apollodorus exceeded even
this number. The gist of their writings, however, seems to have been
preserved by Athenaeus in his thirteenth book ; and among the moderns,
Jacobs has attempted to reconstruct all the principal biographies;
Attische Museum, 1798-1S05. The accounts of them are almost wholly
made up of anecdotes as to their witty remarks and rejoinders. But at
least one modern author has written biographies of courtesans; see
Devaux-Mousk, Fleurs du Persil, Paris, 18S7 (with portraits and auto-
graphs).

' Plutarch, Pericles, etc. At the same time it was not beneath her to
become a procuress, and it is said that all Greece was supplied with girls
by her agency. It was even maintained that the immediate cause of the
Pelopennesian war was the abduction of one of these girls imported from
Megara; Athenaeus, xiii, 25; Plutarch, loc. cit. Parallels to Aspasia
are not altogether wanting in very recent times. Thus of Cora Pearl
(«£V Crouch, of Plymouth) we read: "For some time she excited the
greatest interest among all classes of Parisian society, and ladies imitated
her dress and manners"; Diet. Nat. Biog., sb. noni.

^ Memorabilia, iii, 11.

^ Diogenes Laert., Epicurus; Cicero, De Nat. Deor., i, 33; see an
imaginary letter of hers in Alciphron, ii, 2.

Pre-Imperial Career of Theodora 333

or more serious record as the associate of some hetaira. It
follows that courtesans should appear not rarely as the
mothers of persons of distinction. Themistocles, the younger
Pericles, Timotheus, and Nicomachus, the son of Aristotle,
are mentioned in this connection;^ and more than one
sovereign prince is allowed to have been the offspring of
some hetaira, namely, Arrhidaeus, king of Macedonia, alluded
to above, and Philetaerus, the founder of the kingdom of
Pergamus.^ Many of these hetairas realized wealth, and
some had the faculty of keeping it; nor were they disincHned
to spend it patriotically if an opportunity offered. Lamia
erected a splendid portico at Sicyon ; ^ and Phryne proposed

^ Athenaeus, xiii, 37, 38, 56. Timotheus, when it was thrown in his
teeth that his mother was a prostitute, replied that he was very much
obliged to her for making him the son of Conon. The son of Pericles by
Aspasia was legitimated and became a general.

^ Ibid., 40, 38. Hieronymus, the last king of Syracuse, is said to
have married a common prostitute, but their issue did not succeed to
any crown ; ibid. In modern times the assumption of the premiership
of Bavaria by the notorious Lola Montez {nee Gilbert of Limerick) will
be remembered. " She now ruled the kingdom of Bavaria, and, singular
to say, ruled it with wisdom and ability. Her audacity confounded alike
the policy of the Jesuits and of Metternich " ; Diet. Nat. Biog., sb. nam.
Her regime did not, however, last more than a year, being unable to
stem the tide of revolution in 1848. More fortunate was the cast7-ato
singer, Farinelli, who retained a position differing little from that of
prime minister under Philip V of Spain and his successor for nearly
twenty-five years. The reign of courtesans in the seventeenth century,
when the aristocratic blood of France and England was enriched by
" legitimated princes " and peers under Louis XIV and Charles II is too
well known to need comment here ; but the acquisition of governmental
power at the hands of Louis XV by Jeanne Vaubernier (Countess Du
Barry), a low-class strumpet, doubtless helped decidedly to bring that dis-
graceful epoch to a close ; see Voltaire's Louis X/l^and Louis XV, etc

^ Athenaeus, xiii, 38; Alciphron, ii, i.

334 T^f^^ -^g^ of Justinian and Theodora

to rebuild the walls of Thebes, which had been levelled by
Alexander, provided that the fact should be commemorated
by a suitable inscription. The Thebans, however, were too
proud to owe the restoration of their town to such a source.^
As the result of their notoriety and the consideration ac-
corded to them, some courtesans won the distinction of living
in metal or marble; and it was remarked that, whilst no wife
had been honoured by a public monument, the memory of
hetairas had often been perpetuated by the statuary.- The
reasons, however, why courtesans happened to be thus dis-
tinguished were in many instances totally dissimilar: some for
actual merit, others merely through the caprice of passionate
lovers, challenged the popular eye from a pedestal. Leaena
was represented at Athens under the form of a tongueless
lioness, because she preferred to die by the torture rather than
disclose the conspiracy of Harmodius and Aristogeiton
against the tyrants of the day.' Even at Sparta the image of
Cottina was a familiar object, standing beside a brazen cow
which she had consecrated to Athena.^ A sculptured tomb
to Lais was set up at Corinth,' and a golden statue of Phryne
was dedicated at Delphi,^ to express the admiration of their

1 Athenaeus, xiii, 60. Here, again, a parallel is afforded by Cora Pearl.
During the war of 1870 she transformed her house into an " ambulance,"
where she spent her time and money to the amount of ;,^i,ooo in nursing
wounded soldiers. Afterwards she claimed to be reimbursed, but £(iO
only was granted to her by the government ; see her Memoires, Paris,
1886. Ultimately she was expelled from Paris.

^ Ibid., xiii, 7, 31.

^ Ibid., xiii, 70; Polyaenus, viii, 45, etc.

^ Athenaeus, xiii, 34.

° Ibid., xiii, 54. A figurative memorial, a lioness tearing a ram;
Pausanias, ii, 2.

" Ibid., xiii, 59; Aelian, Var. Hist., ix, 32. Crates, the Cynic, said
that it was an advertisement of the profligacy of Greece.

Pre-Imperial Career of Theodora 335

townsmen for their pre-eminence as venal beauties. A mag-
nificent cenotaph on the Sacred Way from Athens to Eleusis
surprised a wayfarer into the belief that he was approaching
the tomb of some great general or statesman; it was no
more than the fantasy of Harpalus, an extravagant viceroy
of Alexander's, constructed in glorification of his deceased
mistress, Pythionice/ At Abydos, a temple to Aphrodite,
styled the Prostitute, recorded the patriotic treachery of a
band of loose women, which conduced to the slaughter of an
alien garrison ; " but when the degradation of Greece was
already far advanced, both Athens and Thebes descended
to flatter Demetrius Poliorcetes by rearing fanes in honour
of his favourite concubine, Lamia.^

In the earlier centuries of the Republic the strict censor-
ship upheld at Rome kept the city purged of dissoluteness ;
and prostitution, regularly supervised and licensed,^ was re-
duced to the inevitable minimum; but in proportion as
Hellenic manners permeated the community, the courtesan
established herself on the same footing as in Greece. We
are told that a fortune gained by her harlotry was willed to
Sulla by Nicopolis ; ' and the relations of Flora with the
great Pompey are given in detail by Plutarch. Captivated
by the beauty of the latter, Caecilius Metellus included her
portrait among the adornments of the temple of Castor and
Pollux.'^ Precia, a notorious strumpet, won the devotion of

^ Athenaeus, xiii, 69 ; and another at Babylon, the seat of his governor-
ship. Plutarch (Phocion) says it cost about ^7,000, and was poor value
for the money, but Pausanias extols it ; i, 37. ^ Athenaeus, xiii, 34.

' Ibid., vi, 62. Plutarch tells us that he fined the Athenians ;,^70,ooo,
which he handed over to Lamia and the rest of his harem to buy soap!

* A licentia stupri was issued to each woman by the aediles; Tacitus,
Ann., ii, 85,

^ Plutarch, Sulla. <= Ibid., Pompey.

2,S^ The Age of Justinian and Theodora

Cethegus, one of the abettors of Sulla, and the heritor of a
large share of his power. At Rome he carried all before him
for some years, whilst he surrendered himself absolutely to
the caprices of his mistress. The provinces were distributed
to her nominees; and the command against Mithridates, in
which Lucullus acquired such extensive territories for the
Republic, was obtained by courting her favour by costly
presents and blandishments.' It is needless to inquire how
far illicit sexual connections were politically operative during
the rule of insensate emperors, for in these times every ex-
cess had its parallel; '" but it may be noted that the stern and
sordid Vespasian abandoned the patronage of the Empire
to a mistress, into whose lap riches were poured by governors,
generals, and pontiffs, in the form of bribes for securing
coveted appointments.^ Concurrently with the decline of
the Empire, municipal institutions decayed, especially in the
West, and the sense of public decency became blunted.
When Theodosius visited Rome in 389, he found prostitu-
tion in league with crime and administrative measures more
offensive than the moral laxity they were intended to correct.^

^ Plutarch, Lucullus.

^ In the year 19 Rome was shocked by Vistilia, a married woman of
noble birth, applying for a licence. She was banished, and a law passed
to prevent the repetition of such an occurrence; Tacitus, Ann., ii, 85.
Half a century later probably no notice would have been taken, but
the ethics of the day varied regularly with the character of the reigning
emperor.

^ Dion Cass., Ixvi, 14. As a proof of the meanness of Vespasian,
he relates that Titus expostulated with his father on the unseemliness of
maintaining a tax on the collection of urine, whereupon the Emperor,
drawing a handful of gold from his pocket, tendered it to his son, saying,
" Smell, does it stink?" cf. Suetonius, 23.

•* Socrates, v, 1 8. The punishment of an adultress at this epoch took
the ridiculous form of impounding her in a narrow cabinet next the

Pre-Impe7'ial Career of Theodora 337

Nor was the balance of public morality redressed until
Europe had passed through mediaevalism, and advanced for
two or three centuries into the modern period.^

During the greater part of the reign of Justinian the
fortunes of the Empire were influenced to an unusual extent
by two women, the Empress Theodora and Antonina, the
wife of Belisarius, whom chance had raised from a base
origin to the highest rank in the state. In the early years

street, where she was forced to prostitute herself to all comers. Every
time she received a companion a jingling of little bells was kept up to
publish the circumstance to passers by. At the same period immense
underground bakeries were run by contractors for the supply of the Steps
(see p. 81), and they hit on a remarkable expedient for procuring slaves
to work in them. Taverns served by prostitutes were set up contiguous
to the vaults ; and customers, chiefly strangers, were lured into a com-
partment, from which they were suddenly lowered into the cavity
beneath, hy a sinking floor. There they ended their days in enforced
labour, being never again allowed to see the light. A bold soldier of
Theodosius, however, being thus entrapped, drew a dagger and fought
his way out. He then laid information, which brought about the de-
struction of all such infamous dungeons ; ibid.

^ In the Middle Ages the absence of judicious and uniform legislation
is one of the most marked features, and in every province the extremes
of sociological phenomena are commonly to be observed. Side by side
with measures for the total abolition of prostitution we find brothels
tolerated as a regular department of royal palaces. In 1546, for ex-
ample, prostitution was suppressed at Strasbourg, and at Toulouse in
1587. On the other hand, from the eleventh century onwards, a com-
munity of courtesans was maintained as part of the establishment of
the kings of France. They were placed in the charge of an officer,
named le Roi des Ribands. His position, however, was low, and his
right to eat at the same board with the other members of the household
was disputed ; see Rabutaux, La Prostitution {ati moyen age), Paris,
1851, ff. 16, 21, 32, TjT,. Again, it is well authenticated, though almost
incredible, that in the sixteenth century nobles and generals of the south
of Europe kept in the camp elegantly caparisoned goats for amatory
purposes ; see Bayle, sb. Bathyllus.

Z

338 The Age of Justinian a7id Theodora

of the reign of Anastasius, a man named Acacius filled the
post of bear-keeper to the Green faction. Dying somewhat
unexpectedly, he left his wife and three daughters, Comito,
Theodora, and Anastasia, totally unprovided for. The eldest
child was but seven years old, and the widow immediately
attempted to provide for the future by uniting herself with
the man who was expected to become her late husband's
successor. Another candidate, however, presented himself,
and by bribing the master of the shows, whose decision was
final, despoiled them of the situation. The family was now
destitute, but the mother resolved on a last effort to enlist
the sympathy of the faction. Binding the heads and hands
of her little girls with wreaths of flowers, according to ancient
custom, she displayed herself with them in the crowded
Hippodrome in the posture of suppliants. These tactics
proved successful, for, although the Greens rejected her
prayer, it happened that the Blue faction were at the moment
in want of a bear-keeper, and they at once preferred the step-
father to the vacant place. In course of time the daughters
developed into handsome young women, and one by one
were consigned to the theatre, as the sphere most congenial
to the associations in which they had been reared. The
eldest, Comito, was the first to make her appearance, and
she soon became a person of some consequence, if not as
an actress, at least as a hetaira, a career indissolubly linked
with that of a female performer on the stage. At the same
time her younger sister Theodora became a familiar object
to the public. Dressed in a short tunic, such as was worn
by young slaves, she was always to be seen in the wake of
Comito, bearing on her shoulder the folding seat ' without

^ See p. 89.

Pre-ImpeiHal Career of Theodora 339

which no one of any pretensions could stir abroad. Thrown
into the haunts of vice thus prematurely, she became in-
itiated objectively, before she attained the age of woman-
hood, in all the excesses of lasciviousness.' In her turn, as
soon as she was old enough, she was pushed to the front to
play a part upon the scene, where she soon captivated the
audience by her special gifts. Theodora was snort of stature,
of slight physique and pale," whence she became possessed
with the procacity and insistence peculiar to those who fear
to be slighted on account of some physical defect. Her
accomplishments included neither singing nor dancing, but
she proved herself to be a burlesque comedienne of singular
aptitudes. She was quick-witted and full of repartee, and her
air in coming on the stage was at once provocative of mirth.
She excelled particularly in the comic piteousness with which
she resented a mock chastisement delivered, according to a
trick of the day, on her puffed-out cheeks, which seemed to
resound with the severity of the infliction.'' But she was far
from trusting to merely histrionic art to gain the notoriety
she craved for, and she applied herself sedulously to charm
that considerable section of humanity for whom the salt of
life is indecency. On the scene, or at private reunions, she

^ Our knowledge of these facts in detail is due to Procopius (Anec-
dota or Hist. Arcana), but sufficient corroboration from other sources is
not wanting. The question as to the authenticity of this work of Pro-
copius has been finally set at rest by the recent researches of Dahn and
Haury. It is doubtless as true as all history in detail, i.e., vitiated by
prejudice, ignorance, and mistakes. The life and literary activity of P.
will be noticed later on.

^ Procopius, Anecdot., lo.

^ This was a staple piece of "gag " for centuries, and is another in-
stance of the uniformity of Byzantine life during long periods ; see
Tertullian and Gregory Naz., as quoted by Alemannus, op. cit., p. 380.

340 The Age of Jiistinian a7id Theodora

distinguished herself by her impudicity above any of her
companions. Her ingenuity was inexhaustible in inventing
occasions for the exposition of her nudities, and in sexual
vice she became a mistress of everything fantastic and un-
natural. She dispensed with drapery as far as was per-
missible by law, and one of her favourite devices was to
prostrate herself on the stage, with grains of corn distributed
about her person, so that a number of geese, in searching
for their food, might throw her scanty clothing into obscene
disorder.^ At orgies of the dissolute she was the life and
soul of the festivities; and she assumed the role of instruct-
ress in depravity among her compeers of the theatre." Yet

^ See Mirecourt (Les Contemporains, Paris, 1855, 78) for an amus-
ing account (with portrait) of Lola Montez, and her bold procedure
in dispensing with her maillots, " to the delight of the gentlemen of the
orchestra," when dancing at Paris. Some may still remember the popu-
larity of "the Menken," as Mazeppa at Astley's, the result of her
having been counselled to turn "to account her fine physique" ; see
Die. Nat. Biog. , sb. noi?i., for her career and distinguished associates.
Her apology, protesting against the performance being denounced as an
exhibition of nakedness, was published, and is extant. This hetaira ap-
proached somewhat to her Greek prototypes, and issued a volume of
poems, which, if not equal to Sappho's, had a merit of their own. The
same significance cannot, however, be attached to such displays as at
the present day. The indiscriminate bathing was only just passing into
disrepute, and ingenuous exhibitions of that kind were still possible.
See, for instance, Aristaenetus (i, 7), where a " modest " young lady
trips down to the beach, coolly divests herself of her clothing, and asks
a young gentleman, who happens to be reclining there, to keep an eye
on her things while she is in the water. This author, writing c. 500,
could scarcely have deemed such an incident preposterous in his time.
As to naked women in the theatre, in addition to the notices already
given from Chiysostom, see In Matth. Hom. xix, 4 (in Migne, viii,
120).

' Her proceedings are described by Procopius, with the openness
and detail which was natural to the age in which he lived. For this,

Pi'e-Imperial Career of Theodora 34

with respect to the latter, she also achieved a reputation for
being quarrelsome and spiteful beyond the usual measure of
her tribe. By her habitual and flagrant excesses, she became
universally known in the capital, and she was shunned by all
worthy citizens to such an extent, that they shrunk from
being sullied by her touch, should they chance to meet her
in the street/ If a merchant encountered her in the morning
he was as much scared at the sight as at that of a bird of

however, he has been censured, to the damage of his historical credit,
as if he thereby proved himself to be a dissolute person, unusually ex-
perienced in the vices of the times. But the charge is unjust, and might
be urged with greater force against almost all of the Christian fathers
who continually inveigh against abuses of the sexual instinct, in the in-
tricacies of which they show themselves to be far better versed. Begin-
ning with the Epistle of Barnabas they never tire of decrying circum-
stantially all sexual relations, especially those who ' ' medios viros
lambunt, libidinoso ore inguinibus inhaerescunt " ; Minucius Felix, 28;
cf. Arnobius, Adv. Gen., ii ; Lactantius, Div. Inst., vi, 23, etc. Their
rigid text is "genitalem corporis partem nulla alia causa nisi efficiendae
sobolis accepimus " ; ibid. Nor was it regarded as proper that the know-
ledge and discussion of such matters should be ordinarily thrust out of
sight; on the contrary they were included in the category of topics
habitually invested with interest to ' ' society. " Thus the polished Agathias
in an amatory epigram (28), after lamenting the pangs and torments of
love, makes his point with :

n«iV apa Aioy'svrjQ 'ifvytv rctSi, rov 5' 'Tjus I'aiov
i'lHCef TraXdj.iy, AatSoc; ov xarkwi'.

This graphic effusion duly found its place in that book of " elegant ex-
tracts," compiled for the delectation of the Byzantine drawing-room, the
Greek Anthology, where it remains enshrined amid a crowd of com-
panions, at least ten times as remote as itself from modern ideas of
decency.

^ One example of her unusual turpitude may be reproduced. After
enlivening a party of ten or more young men for a whole evening, she
" Trapd Tovq iKtivii)v otKiTag lovaa TpiciKovTa ovtuq, av ovtoi Tvyoi, ^vv-
tSva^iTo f.iiv TovTuv tKacTiji " ; Procopius, Anecdot., 9. Unconsciously

342 The Age of J7istinian and Theodora

ill-omen.' Animated by a genius so restless and aspiring, it
is evident that such a woman needed only transference to a
field of higher potential, to become one of the most notable
characters of the age. Such a place had been prepared for
her by fate, and she was destined to renew on the throne
of the Empire the triumphs she had won on the boards of
the theatre."^

she was emulating the activities of the Empress JMessalina five centuries
previously :

Claudius audi

Quae tulerit : dormire virum cum senserat uxor . . .

Intravit calidum veteri centone lupanar . . .

Excepit blanda intrantes, atque aera poposcit:

Mox lenone suas jam dimittente puellas,

Tristis abit ; etc.

Juvenal, Sat. vi, 115, et seq.
Pliny discusses her proclivities in the inquiring mood of a physiologist ;
Hist. Nat., X, 83.

^ This is in direct opposition to the established views of Byzantine
superstition; seep. 119,

- The age of Theodora is nowhere mentioned, but Ludewig and
Isambert favour 497. Nicephorus Cal. (xvi, 39) says that she was born
in Cyprus, an assertion which cannot be contradicted, but which is, on
the whole unlikely, and some of his collateral statements are erroneous.
The following information pour rire has found its way into so con-
siderable a work as Hefner- Altneck's Trachten : "Theodora was the
daughter of Acacius, Patriarch of CP., and was trained by her mother(!)
for the theatre, in which she distinguished herself by her art as a pan-
tomimist "; i, p. 124. The Patriarch Acacius was doubtless a celibate.
The whitewashing of Theodora has, of course, been undertaken, but
late, not till 1731, by Ludewig. She was, in fact, in bad odour with the
Church, and the worst that could be said of her was acceptable. Re-
cently a further attempt has been made by Debidour (L'Imperatrice
Theodora, Paris, 1885, Latin Thesis, 1877), called forth by Sardou's well-
known play of Theodora, in w^hich she is undoubtedly misrepresented.
A pendant to this brochure, containing all the facts of the defence, will
be found in Eng. Hist. Rev., 1887 (Mallet). Present flatterers were, of
course, ready to swear that she was an Anician ! See p. 308.

Pre-Imperial Career of Theodora 343

By a mischance, which she had always practised every
expedient to avert/ Theodora became the mother of a son
while at Constantinople. His father christened him John
and, fearing that the repugnance evinced towards the boy
by his mother might endanger his life, he carried him off
into Arabia, the province of his permanent residence.^ Soon
afterwards Theodora was induced to quit the capital by a
Tyrian named Hecebolus, who was proceeding to North
Africa to occupy the seat of government in the Pentapolis.
In a short time, however, she alienated this lover by her
petulant temper until, provoked by her insolence, he expelled
her from his establishment without making any provision
for her future. This consummation was assuredly a valuable
lesson by which she did not fail to profit at a later date.
Devoid of resources, she betook herself from Cyrene to
Alexandria, where she attempted to live by prostitution; but
in a strange city, without the entry of a congenial circle, she
discovered that her talents or her attractions were unavailing
to procure a livelihood. From city to city of the East she
proceeded, repeating always the same experience in a state
of incurable distress.' She directed her steps constantly
northwards in her wanderings, keeping her mind fixed on
the capital, to which she longed to return, and at length she
found herself on the southern shores of the Euxine, within
the limits of Paphlagonia.^ In that austere province, where

^ Procopius, Anecdot., lo, 17. His horror at the practice of abortion
teaches us that a great revulsion of public sentiment must have taken
place since the time of Aristotle, who counsels resorting to it when
over-population is threatened; Politics, vii, 16.

^ Procopius, Anecdot., 17. ^ Ibid., 9.

* Codinus, p. 104 (Anon, of Banduri). This information dates from
the early part of the eleventh century, but must have been copied from
some earlier document. It is in general agreement with Procopius,
Anecdot., 9.

344 ^^^ ^S^ of Jtistinian and Theodora

the circus and the theatre were eschewed, and fornication
and adultery were looked on as the most abominable crimes,^
it is possible that she may have been affected by the puritan-
ism of the inhabitants, certain that she must have felt
chastened by the trials she had undergone. It is probable
also that she remained there for some time in the receipt of
hospitality, whilst being exhorted and encouraged to live a
life of continence. Ultimately, however, she found means to
regain Constantinople, where she arrived in a sober frame of
mind and with the resolution not to relapse into her former
habits. She sought out a humble tenement in a portico near
the Palace,' where she resigned herself to earn a modest living
by feminine industry.^ A veil of obscurity hangs over the cir-
cumstances which preceded the social elevation of Theodora,
which can only be partly dissipated by surmise. It appears
that after the accession of Justin she was discovered by Justin-
ian sitting demurely at her spinning-wheel, and that he was
fascinated by her at once with a force which he was unable
to resist.^ It is allowed that she was not devoid of beauty,''
but if she captivated him by that quality, it was one which
she possessed in common with a thousand others of her class.
Rather must we conclude that she won her dominion over
him by her distinction of mind and character, by her wit,

^ Socrates, iv, 28. The Novation purists made great headway there ;
ibid,, ii, 30, etc.

* Contiguous to the church of St. Panteleemon, which stood on the
Propontis, near the Bosphorus ; Notitia, reg. ix ; Ducange, sb. Homo-
noca; Procopius, De Aedific, i, 9. There was also a suburban St. P.
(ruins still near "Giants' Grave"?).

^ Codinus, loc. cit. ^ Procopius, Anecdot., 9.

* Ibid., 10. He allows that she was sufficiently well looking, but he
also states that her countenance was disfigured by debauchery ; ibid., 9.
At a later date he praises her beauty as something almost superhuman,
but this was intended for the eyes of the Court; De Aedific, i, il.

Pre- Imperial Career of Theodora 345

vivacity, insight, and social address.^ He was now verging
on his fortieth year, and, as we shall recognize more fully
hereafter, must always have been of a staid disposition, as
free as possible from the wildness of youth. How far he was
acquainted with her past is altogether unknown; if her
travels had extended to a few years her former intimates
might now for the most part be scattered, her person might
be half forgotten, and her meretricious enormities but faintly
remembered. Her scenic extravagances may never have
been witnessed by Justinian, but it is certain that before
long her former mode of life was at least partially revealed
to him. Their intercourse soon ripened into familiarity; he
made her his mistress, but without concealment, and with
the fixed intention of marrying her ; and as the first step
towards that end he raised her to the rank of a patrician.^
Theodora was now removed from her sordid surroundings
and housed in a style suitable to her enhanced fortunes.^
At the same time her sisters, Comito and Anastasia, were
rescued from their degrading vocation and maintained in a

^ In natural gifts she may have had some resemblance to Cleopatra ;
see Shakespeare's presentation of the latter:

Age cannot wither her, nor custom stale
Her infinite variety, etc.

Act ii, 2.

- Procopius, Anecdot., 9; cf. John of Ephesus, Com. de Beat. Orient.
(Van Douven and Land), p. 68, where the words occur, "adTheodoram
Tr]v 6K Tov iropreiov, quae illo tempore patricia erat." She is often men-
tioned in this work in a laudatory strain, with which this sentence, as
Diehl {op. cit.) forcibly observes, is decidedly incongruous. Probably,
therefore, it has been introduced by a copyist, but of what date I cannot
surmise.

3 Probably she now took up her residence in the palace of Hormisdas ;
see pp. 37, 309.

34^ The Age of Justinian and Theodora

manner befitting their semi-royal relationship.' Her influence
with Justinian became unbounded, and, as the favourite of
the virtual master of the Empire, she was courted by all
aspirants to the emoluments of state. ^ Her age was now
more mature; she had been taught discretion and self-
restraint in the school of adversity, and she was wise enough
for the future not to hazard her ascendancy by yielding in-
temperately to her passions. Her physical mould was not
that of a sensual woman, her amazing immorahty resulted
merely from an inordinate desire to outrun all competition
in the career on which she had been launched, and we may
believe that, after every incentive to sexual excess had been
removed from her path, she found no difficulty in leading a
life of the strictest chastity. Her energies were now directed
into other channels; she did not deny herself the indulgence
of using the exceptional power with which she was invested
to gratify her ambition to the full; she accumulated wealth
by every means possible to an official of the highest authority,
and she seldom allowed the machinery of government to
escape altogether from her control.

Two obstacles stood in the way of Justinian when he pro-
posed to make Theodora his wife. In the first place he was
confronted by the old law of Constantine which aimed at
preserving the aristocratic families of the Empire free from
any taint in their blood. It was enacted thereby that no
woman of vicious life, actress or courtesan, or even of lowly
birth, could become the legal spouse of a man who had
attained to the rank of Clarissimus or Senator, the third

^ As shown by subsequent events; Theophanes, an. 6019; Victor
Ton., an. 566.

^ Her position was now very similar to that of Caenis under
Vespasian ; see p. 336.

Pre-Imperial Career of Theodora 347

grade of nobility.^ To abrogate this statute was therefore a
necessity before he could carry out his design, but he easily
prevailed on Justin to give the Imperial sanction to a Con-
stitution which recites at length the expediency of granting
to such women, who have repented and abjured their errors,
an equality of civil privileges with their unblemished sisters.^
A further impediment arose from the opposition of the .
Empress Euphemia, who withstood the marriage with an
obstinacy which neither argument nor entreaty could over-
come/ Although her relationship to Justin had until recently
been abased, the quondam slave had never deviated from
the path of virtue and had imbibed all the prejudices of
the strictest matron against women who made a traffic of
their persons. A critical delay thus became inevitable, but
Theodora passed through it triumphantly, and in 524, by
the death of Euphemia, Justinian was freed from all restraint.
Their nuptials were then celebrated with official acquiescence
and without even popular protest. The Church, the Senate,
and the Army at once accepted the former actress as their
mistress, and the populace, who had contemplated her ex-
travagances on the theatre, now implored her protection with
outstretched hands.^ The crown with the title of Augusta

1 See p. 108.

^ Procopius, Anecdot., lo; the law itself, Cod., V, iv, 23 (De Nuptiis).
This relaxation, however, was quite in accordance with the development
of Christian sentiment. Thus Chrysostom expresses it: "Inflamed by
this fire (Christian repentance) the prostitute becomes holier than
virgins " ; In Matth. viii, Horn, vi, 5 (in Migne, vii, 69).

^ Procopius, Anecdot. , 9. The spurious life by Theophilus (see p. 320)
tells us also that Justinian's mother, her name Biglenitza (Vigilantia),
opposed the marriage, not on account of unchastity, but because Theo-
dora was too clever and addicted to magic, etc. There is no historical
mention of this Vigilantia. * Ibid., 10,

34S The Age of Jzistinian and Theodora

was bestowed on her by Justinian at the time of his own
coronation;' and she acquired an authority in the Empire
almost superior to that of her husband. After her elevation
Theodora became a zealous churchwoman, and extended
her protection far and wide to ecclesiastics and monks who
had fallen into distress or disrepute through being worsted
in the theological feuds which were characteristic of the age.
But she was always bitterly hostile to those who opposed
her particular religious views or political plans, and proceeded
to the last extremity to subject them to her will."

Antonina sprang from the same coterie as Theodora, but
her birth was more disreputable. Her father was a charioteer
of the Circus at Thessalonica, and her mother a stage-strum-
pet.^ The two women were not, however, companions, per-
haps not even acquainted, as the wife of Belisarius was
almost a score of years senior to the Empress, and she also
exceeded the age of her husband by an even greater amount.
It appears, therefore, that whilst Justinian was probably
twenty years older than Theodora, Belisarius was at least as

^ Jn. Malala, xvii, etc.

^ According to Michael the Syrian, Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch,
Theodora was the daughter of an "orthodox" {i.e., Monophysite) priest,
who would not part with his daughter until Justinian had pledged his
word not to coerce her to conform to Chalcedon ! See Chabot's trans,
from the Syriac, 1901, ix, 20. She built St. P. (p. 344) on the site of
her chaste pre-nuptial life.

^ Procopius, Anecdot. , i. Almoin (Hist. Franc. , ii, 5), a western author
of the eleventh century, but in great part fabulous, relates that Belisarius
and Justinian entered a brothel and chose there two prostitutes, Antonina
and Antonia, sisters, whom they subsequently married. If this is not
merely loose hearsay emanating originally from a reader of Procopius, it
shows the sort of stories which were popularly current on the subject.
Although the anecdote is scarcely far-fetched, it is rendered impossible
by the fact that the ages of the two men differed by something like a
score of years.

Pre-Imperial Career of Theodora 349

much junior to Antonina. The latter was, in fact, the mother
of several illegitimate children before being married, and a
son of hers named Photius, not more than eight or ten years
junior to his stepfather, is an observable figure in the historic
panorama.' We have no details as to the career of Antonina
previous to her becoming involved in the current of political
affairs, nor can we regret the loss of another story of moral
obliquity, but there is evidence to prove that she was a
woman of a totally different stamp from the Empress, one
disposed by natural propensity to debauchery, and at no
time inclined to deny herself the pleasures of incontinency.
At the outset of Justinian's reign Theodora regarded her
with the greatest aversion, but whether because the charac-
ter of Antonina was at variance with her own or that she
loathed the presence of one too well informed as to her own
antecedents cannot now be determined. In the political
vortex they were unavoidably thrown much together, and it
will often be necessary to inquire as to how far the course of
history may have been modified by their respective activities
and temperaments.^

^ Later we hear from Procopius (De Bel. Goth., i, 5) that in 535 he
had just become old enough to receive a separate command in the army;
which probably indicates that he had then attained to the age of eighteen,
the period when a young Roman was freed from his guardian {curator)
and became sui juris. About nine years earlier {c. 526, De Bel. Pers. , i,
12) Belisarius is referred to in very similar terms, so that the relative ages
of these two characters can be determined with tolerable accuracy.
Belisarius was then " -KfiSiToc, vTrTjvfiTtiQ."

^ Antonina and her son Photius are personages almost peculiar to
Procopius and do not come to light noticeably in the ordinary chrono-
graphers.

END OF VOL. I.

INDEX

AcoEMETi, sleepless monks, 282.

Acrobats, loi.

Actresses, at Constantinople, 107 ;
marriage with, forbidden to
senators, etc., 107, 346.

Adule, port of Axume or Abys-
sinia, 186, 187.

Adultery, punishment of, at Rome,

336.

Agathias, on military decline. 167;
epigram by, 341.

Agentes-in-rebus, Imperial mes-
sengers, 143.

Agrippina, mother of Nero, her
arrogance, 326.

Agrippina, wife of Germanicus,
her courage, etc., 329.

Aimoin on marriages of Justinian
and Belisarius, 348.

Alamundar, Arab sheik, his enor-
mities, 312.

Alemannus, his notes on secret
history of Procopius, 320.

Allegories of Neoplatonists, 264.

Amantius, chief eunuch, his plots
and execution by Justin, 302,

305-
Amida, siege of, 177.
Ammianus, on Papal luxury, 275.
Ambrose, St., opposes Theodosius

I>55-

Anastasia, sister of Theodora, 338,

345-

Anastasius, Emperor, his corona-
tion, 104; wars, 175; character,
298.

Anemodulion or Wind-slave, 76.

Animals, draught, humane treat-
ment of, 142.

Anthology, Greek, obscenity of,

341-

Antioch, earthquake at, 317.

Antipodes, Church against, 182,
214.

Antonina, wife of Belisarius, her
origin, etc., 348.

Apostles, Twelve, Church of, 79;
credibility of statements as to,
254 ; authenticity of epistles by,
ib.

Apollonius Tyaneus, at Constanti-
nople, 66, 73 ; character of, 245,
274.

Apparitors, officers of provincial
judges, 149.

Arches, triumphal, at Constanti-
nople, 33, 69, 72, 73, 77,
78.

Arians, at Nice, 276 ; Gothic, 79,

279,
Aristippus, his Cyrenean philo-
sophy, 239.

351

352 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

Aristotle, his scientific work, 239;

on slavery, 115; on women, 322;

on abortion, 343.
Army, Byzantine, 165, sqq.
Artemisia I and II, queens of

Caria, 322.
Art-schools, 224.

Aspirate, abuse of, at Rome, 126.
Athenais or Eudocia, Empress,

108, 230.
Atomic theory of Epicurus, etc.,

284.
Augustine, St., his early life, 207;

on prostitution, 331.
Aurelius, Marcus, his ethics, 241;

persecutes Christians, 251.

Bakeries, public, 82; at Rome,
kidnapping for, 337.

Banduri, anon. Patria of, 23.

Baptism, early form of, 112.

Basil the Great, founder of mon-
asteries, etc., 209, 282.

Baths, public, 57; mixing of sexes
in, 116, 340.

Beazley, on early trade, 185.

Beylie on Byzantine houses, 24.

Belisarius, first appearance as a
general, 316; marriage of, 348.

Bema or chancel in Greek church,

55-
Berenice, queen, her crime, 324;

her fate, 325.
Berytus, seat of law-school, 218.
Bigg on Platonists at Alexandria,

262.
Blachernae, region and palace of,

at Constantinople, 26, 81.
Blemmyes or Nubians, emerald

mines worked by, 189.

Blues and Greens, factions of Cir-
cus, 22, 98, 298.

Books at Constantinople, public,
58, 208; private, 118.

Bosphorus, Thracian, 7, 9, 12.

Bryce on life of Justinian by
Theophilus or Bogomil, 320.

Buckler, elevation of emperor on,
105.

Bury on Byzantine economics,
198, 201.

Byzantium, foundation of, 3 ; vocal
walls of, 7 ; character of inhabi-
tants of, 84.

Byzanti7iische Zeitschrift, 361.

Byzas, founder of Byzantium, 3, 48.

Caecina, his motion against wives

of provincial governors, 329.
Caenis, concubine of Vespasian,

336, 346.
Candidates, Imperial guards, 50,

167.
Cassius, Dion, on old Byzantium,

6; on Vespasian's parsimony,

336.

Cavades or Kavadh, king of
Persia, 176, 313.

Cethegus and Precia, 335.

Ceylon, ancient trade at, 186.

Chain of Golden Horn, 40.

Chalcedon, foundation of, 3 ; coun-
cil of, 277, sqq.

Chalke, palace at Constantinople,
49.

Charity, public, at Constantino-
ple, 81.

China and silk trade, 193.

Chosroes or Nushirvan, prince of
Persia, 314.

Index

Z^Z

Chrysargyron, tax on petty trade,
154; abolition of, 155, 201.

Chrysoceras or Golden Horn, 4,
12, 38.

Chrysopolis or Scutari, 80 (map).

Chrysostom on luxury of Byzan-
tines, 87, 113, sqq. ; on immor-
ality of, 112, 121.

Churches, Greek, 55; conduct in,
112.

Circus or Hippodrome, 60, 97, sqq.

Cisterns at Constantinople, 173,
sqq.

Cleopatra, sister queens so named,
their crimes, 324.

Clergy, trade duty free to, 155,

293-

Codicils or Imperial commissions,

93-

Codinus on antiquities of Con-
stantinople, 23, etc.

Coinage of Byzantium and Con-
stantinople, 122.

Colchis or Lazica, relations of
Empire with, 312, 316.

Columns at Constantinople, 48,
69, 72, 78, 80.

Coma Berenices, 325.

Comito, sister of Theodora, 338,

345-

Consistorium, Imperial council,
144.

Constantine the Great founds Con-
stantinople, 10, 13, 85; estab-
lishes Christianity, 15, 270.

Consul, installation of, 109.

Cornelia, wife of Pompey, her
learning, etc. , 326.

Cosmas Indicopleustes, his travels,
etc., 182, 187, etc.

Cost of commodities, etc., 123; of

slaves, 115.
Costume at Constantinople, 85,

sqq.
Councils, Oecumenical, 276, sqq.
Creeds, Christian, elaboration of,

275'

Crescent, chosen emblem of By-
zantines, 6.

Cresollius on sophists and voice
culture, 208, 214.

Crowns, Byzantine, 91.

Crusades, effects of, 293.

Cyclobion, a fort at Constanti-
nople, 25.

Cynane, daughter of Philip of
Macedon, her warlike exploits,
322.

Cynic philosophers, 238, 241.

Daphne, palace at Constantinople,

51-

Dardania, site of Taor and Bader,
299.

Debidour, his defence of Theo-
dora, 342,

Decurions in local government,
148; captains of silentiaries, 52.

Denies, factions of Circus, 22, 98,
298.

Diehl, his work on Justinian, V, 345.

Dion Cassius. See Cassius.

Diptychs, consular, no, 227.

Dome or cupola, introduction of,
25, 225.

Ducange on Christian Constanti-
nople, 24, etc.

Earthquakes in Eastern Empire,
I3> 317.

A A

354 ^^^^ ^S^ of Jtistinian and Theodora

Emperor, B3'zantine, dress of, 89;

portraits of, 42.
Epicurus, his philosophy, 239,

284; and Leontium, 332.
Eucharist, early method of admin-
istering, 112.
Eugenius, tower and gate of, 39,

40.
Eunuchs, origin of, 133 ; in By-
zantine Empire, ib.
Euphemia, Empress, her change
of name, 301, 304; opposes
Justinian's marriage, 347.
Euripus of Circus, 62, 64.
Eurydice, daughter of Cynane,
her war against Olympias, 323.
Eusebius, his " Church History,"

290.
Evagrius on abolition of chrysar-

gyron, 154; on monks, 281.
Evans on Illyrian antiquities,

299, 300.
Evolution, nature and prospects

of, 285, sqj.
Exokionion, region of Constanti-
nople, 78, 79.
Exposure of infants, 242; pro-
hibited at Thebes, ib.

Filelfo of Ancona, his letters on
later Byzantine manners, 116;
on preservation of classical
Greek, 126.

Financial officials, bureaucrats,
152, 161 ; surveyors and asses-
sors, 150, scjq.; collectors, 158,
sqq.

Fish, plenty of, at Constantinople,
4, 84; miraculous creation of,
253-

Foederati, foreign mercenaries,
169, 170.

FoUis, coin and sum, uncertainty
about, 100, sqq.

Forum, of Constantine, 69 ; Im-
perial or Augusteum, 49 ; Stra-
tegium, 70; of Theodosius I or
Taurus, 71, j'l^f/.; Amastrianum,
77; of Arcadius, 77 ; of Honor-
ius, 80.

Fountains, sacred, at Constanti-
nople, 26, 27, 38.

Galen, his works, 221.
Gallienus, his connection with

Byzantium, 9, 48.
Gallon on Inquisition, 293.
Gates of Constantinople, 31 ;

Caspian or Caucasian, Golden,

33-

Gieseler, Church History of, 249,

251, etc.
Gladiators, abolition of, 67, 241.
Godefroy (or Godfrey), Theodo-

sian code by, 42, 160, et passim.
Golden Gate of Constantinople,

33-
Golden Horn or Chrysoceras, 4,

12, 38.
Gospels, credibility of, 253.
Governors of provinces. Rectors or

judges, 148.
Greek churches, decoration of,

55. 227.
Greek learning, introduction of,

at Rome, 205, sqq.
Greens and Blues, factions of

Circus, 22, 98, 298.
Gregory of Nazianzus on military

Index

355

dragons, i68 ; on furore at Cir-
cus, io8; on theatre, 339.

Gregory of Nyssa on female edu-
cation, 229 ; on popular theo-
logy, 280.

Grosvenor on antiquities of Con-
stantinople, 4, 24, 41, 48, etc.

Guards, Imperial, 50, 167; private,
171.

Gyllius on antiquities of Constan-
tinople, 4, 5, 24, 33, etc.

Halicarnassus, mausoleum at, 322.

Harbours of Byzantium, 7 ; of
Constantinople, ib.; ofTheodo-
sius, or Eleutherium, 36 ; of
Julian, ib.; of Bucoleon, 37;
of Neorion or Golden Horn,

39-
Hardouin, Cardinal, on forgery
of ecclesiastical works, 256,
282.
Harpalus, his monuments to a

helaira, 335.
Hebdomon, a suburb seven miles

from Milion, 319,
Hefner- Alteneck on costume, 91;

on family of Theodora, 342.
Hetairas or courtesans, their

manners, etc., 115, 329, sqq.
Hierocles against Christians, 274.
Hills, seven, of Constantinople,

10, II; of Rome, ib.
Hippalus, a navigator, discovers

the monsoons, 184.
Hippodrome or Circus, descrip-
tion of, 60, 97 ; exhibitions in,
100 ; records kept under, 67,
72.
Hodgkin on silentiaries, 52.

Hormisdas, palace of, 37 ; occu-
pied by Justinian, 309.

Huns, Attila and, 21 ; Persia and,
176, 178; Romans and, 313.

Hymn-singing in church, iii ;
in open air, 97.

Hypatia,her murder, etc., 207,230.

lamblichus, his philosophy, 264.
Iberia or Georgia, relations of

Empire with, 315.
Iconostasis, image-screen in Greek

church, 55.
Infant exposure, 242.
Ink, Imperial purple, 93.
Inquisition, effects of, in Spain,

293-

Inscriptions on gates of Constan-
tinople, 32, 34 ; on codicils, 93;
solution of, 94.

Irenarchs or rural police, 144,
203.

Irene, church of, at Constanti-
nople, 56.

Isambert, his work on Justinian,
V, 308.

Isaurians, character of, 172; war
with, 175.

Isidore of Seville, his " Etymolo-
gies," 212; on eunuchs, 133;
on astronomy, 216.

Isocrates, his ethics, 241.

Jerome on female education, 230.
Jesus, life of, 245, sqq,; its credi-
: bility, 253.

; John of Antioch on military de-
cline, 167; on Justin, 301.
John of Ephesus on Theodora,
345-

3d

6 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

John Lydus on Circus, 63, 99,
101, 102 ; on Anastasius, 299.

Julian, Emperor, his character,
etc., 271, 280.

Justin, Emperor, his birth and
success, 300, sqq. ; his accession
to the throne, 302.
•Justinian, Emperor, birth, educa-
tion, and adoption by Justin,
'}p\,sqq. ; his consulship and dip-
tychs, 308; his marriage, 344,
sqq.

Juvenal on unbelief at Rome,
244; on Messalina, 342.

Kathisma, Imperial seat in Circus,

61, 97.
Khosr, Chosroes, or Nushirvan,

prince of Persia, 314.
Kobad, Cavades, or Kavadh, king

of Persia, 176, sqq., 313.
Kondakoff on Byzantine art, 225,

228.

Lais, a courtesan, her tomb, 334.
Lamia, a courtesan, a temple to,

335-

Latin language, use of in East,

125.

Law, intricacies of, etc., 219, sqq.

Law schools at Berytus, etc., 218,
sqq.

Law students, grades of, 219; ill
conduct of, 207.

Lazica or Colchis, relations of
Empire with, 312, 316.

Leaena, a courtesan, her monu-
ment, 334.

Leontium, a courtesan, and Epi-
curus, 332 ; her writings, ib.

Lethaby and Swainson on St.
Sophia, 55.

Libanius, sophist, method of
training scholars, 211, 214; on
decurions, 197.

Libraries, public, at Constanti-
nople, 58, 208.

Long wall of Anastasius, 124, 164.

Lucian on sham philosophers,
209 ; on manners of hetairas,

115-
Ludewig, his work on Justinian,

V ; on Theodora, 342.
Luitprand on gymnastics, loi ;

on reclining at meals, 114.
Lupanars or brothels, 75.
Lupicina, later Empress Euphe-

mia, 301, 304, 347.

Magnaura, Imperial reception hall,

56.
Man and beast fights in Circus,

lOI.

Manganon of Circus, 61 ; an

arsenal, 48.
Mani and Manichaeans, 267, sqq.;

laws against, 269.
Mansions for relays of post horses,

etc., 141.
Marble tower at Constantinople,

35-
Marinus, a painter, illustrates life

of Justin, 304.
Marinus, Praetorian Praefect, his

extortions, 299.
Marrast on Byzantine gardens,

etc,, 53 ; on popular theology,

280.
Mausoleum at Halicarnassus, 322.

Index

;57

Megara, a colony of Byzantium,
3, 84 ; character of inhabitants
of, ib.

Menken, A. I., actress, her career,
etc., 340.

Messalina, Empress, wife of
Claudius, her debauchery, 342.

Milion, official milestone at Con-
stantinople, 59.

Moat at Constantinople, 27.

Monasteries, origin of, 280, sqq.

Money of Byzantium, 123 ; of
Constantinople, 122.

Monks, origin of, 280, sqq. ; acoe-
meti or sleepless, 78, 282.

Monophysites at Chalcedon, 278;
persecution of, 306.

Monsoons, discovery of, 184.

Montez, Lola, actress, her career,
333. 340.

Mordtmann on antiquities of Con-
stantinople, 15, 24, et passim.

Mosheim, Church history of, 276.

Mythology, comparative, 235.

Narthex, vestibule of Greek

church, 55, III.
Neander, Church history of, 252,

282.
Neoplatonists, philosophy of, 261,

sqq.
Nicopolis, a courtesan, leaves her

fortune to Sulla, 335.
Noldeke, history of Persians and

Arabians by, 176.
Notitia, official guide to civil and

military service of Empire, 23,

93, et passim.
Nude model, facilities for studying

in Greece, 226.

Nushirvan or Chosroes, prince of
Persia, 314.

Obelisk in Hippodrome, 63.
Olympias, mother of Alexander,

her war, etc., 323.
Oman on art of war, 168, 174.

Pachomius, founder of monas-
teries, 282.

Paederasty, prevalence of, 120.

Palace, Imperial, of Constanti-
nople, 49, sqq.

Panaetius, a Stoic philosopher, his
ethics, 241.

Paspates on antiquities of Con-
stantinople, 2, 24, 28, etc.

Pavement, the, at Constantinople,
69.

Pearl, Cora, a courtesan, her
career, etc., 332, 334.

Pericles and Aspasia, 331.

Peripatetic philosophers, 238.

Phila, wife of Demetrius Polior-
cetes, her character and temple,

324-

Photius, son of Antonina, 348.

Physicians, public, at Constanti-
nople, 82, 88.

Placidia Galla, Empress, her
sovereignty, 51, 327.

Plagiarism, habitual, of Byzantine
writers, 228.

Plancina and Germanicus, 329.

Plato on education, 217 ; on
cosmogony, 258, sqq.

Pliny on early Christians, 249.

Plotinus, founder of Neoplatonism,
261, sqq.

Poll tax, 152.

358 The Age of Jtistinian and Theodora

Polybius on unbelief at Rome,

244.
Pompeius, nephew of Anastasius,

305-
Pompey the Great, his wife, 326 ;

his pillar at Constantinople, 48.
Popes, ostentation of, 275.
Population of Constantinople, 123.
Porch, Royal, at Constantinople,

Porphyry, a Neoplatonist, his

philosophy, 263.
Portia, wife of Brutus, wounds

herself, 326.
Posts, public, of Empire, 141.
Praetorium, government house in

provinces, 148.
Precia, a courtesan, rules Cethegus

and Rome, 335.
Primitive races, extinction of, by

civilization, 296.
Priscian on grammar, etc., 213;

a centenarian, ib.
Processions, Imperial, 95, 319.
Procopius first appears in history,

316 ; his " Secret History," 339.
Professors officially appointed,

205, aqq.; salaries of, 210.
Prostitution, 329, sqq., 337.
Prostration before emperor, 52,

92, 133-

Public shows, expenses of, loo.

Purple, imperial, laws as to, 191.

Puteoli, hydraulic cement of, 41.

Pythagoras, philosopher, on num-
bers, 215 ; on music, 216.

Pythionice, a courtesan, her
monuments, 335.

Quintilian on education, 211.

Rabutaux on mediaeval prostitu-
tion, 337.

Rectors or provincial governors,
148; extortions of, 198.

Reformation, the, 294.

Renaissance, the, 294.

Rhetoricians or sophists, their
teaching, 211, 212, sqq.\ affecta-
tion of, 208.

Roads, Roman, 141.

Roi des Ribands, intendant of
palace courtesans, 337.

Rome, fall of, 20.

Salaries of professors, 210.
Salonina, wife of Caecina, her

arrogant display, 328.
Sampson, hospital of, 56.
Scamander river, anecdote of, 330.
Schools of art, 224.
Semantron, call to church, no.
Senate-houses, 56, 70.
Senate of Constantinople, 146 ;

Constantine and, 19 ; Julian

and, 146.
Serpent column in Hippodrome,

origin of, 63 ; destruction of,

64.'
Seven hills at Constantinople, 10,

1 1 ; at Rome, ib.
Seven towers at Constantinople,

34-

Severus, Emperor, at Byzan-
tium, 8.

Ships, capacity of ancient, 161,
184.

Siedeliba or Ceylon, trade at,
1S6, 1S7.

Sigma or crescent at Constanti-
nople, 33, 60.

Index

i59

Silk, mercantile routes from China

for, 185, 193.
Silphium, a pot-herb, land of, 192.
Slave of Winds or Anemodulion,

76.
Soaemias, mother of Elagabalus,

her character and conduct, 327.
Socrates, Church historian, 290,

etc.
Socrates, philosopher, his ethics,

238, 240; visits Theodote, 332.
Sophists or rhetoricians, their

teaching, 212, sqq.; affectation,

208.
Spiritualism, ancient and modern,

257, sqq., 263.
St. Sophia, old church of, 55.
Statues, public, multitude of, 61.
Steps, public rations served from,

80.
Stoics, their ethics, 238, 264, 286.
Streets at Constantinople, 42, 46.
Strzygowski, his researches on the

Golden Gate, 34, 362 ; on cis-
terns, 362.
Studius, monastery of, 78, 2S0.
Stylites or pillar-saints, 281.
Suburbs of Constantinople, 124.
Sycae, now Galata, 39, So.

Tabari, translation of, by Nol-

deke, 176; by Zotenberg, ib.
Taurus, square of, 71.
Taxes, ways of levying, 149, sqq.
Theocritus aspires to purple, 302 ;

executed by Justin, 306.
Theodora, origin and career of, 337;

her reformation, 344 ; marriage,

etc., 347.
Theodoric the Goth, 178, 310.

Theodosius I, his laws against

Pagans, 274, 277.
Theodote, a courtesan, Socrates

visits, 332.
Theodotus, P. U., opposes Justin-
ian, 309.
Thomas, a silentiary, plunders

fugitives at Antioch, 318.
Throne, Byzantine, 50.
Titles of honour, 96.
Torture, taxes enforced by, 200.
Towers at Constantinople, 28, 29,

40.
Trade routes, 184, sqq.
Trajan, Emperor, and Christians,

250.
Treasury, Imperial, etc., 161.
Tzykanisterion or palace garden,

53-

University or Auditorium of Con-
stantinople, 72, 207, sqq.

Urbicius, chief eunuch, nominates
Anastasius for throne, 104.

\^andals in Spain and Africa, 131.
Van Millingen on Golden Gate,

34 ; on Bucoleon harbour, 38.
Verina, Empress, wife of Leo I,

provokes a revolution against

Zeno, 328.
Vespasian and Caenis, 336, 346.
Vigilantia, mother of Justinian,

347; sister of, 301.
Vigilantius against relic worship,

etc., 292.
Vistilia, a noble lady, applies for

licentia stupri, 336.

360 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

Vitalian, a general, his revolt,
180; consulship and murder of,
306, sqq.

Wall, Long, of Anastasius, 124,
164.

Walls of Byzantium, vocal, 7 ;
of Constantinople, 27, sqq.

Water, public supply of, at Con-
stantinople, 73, 74.

Women at Athens, 321 ; at Spar-
ta, ib. ; towns named in honour
of, 323-

Wood for fuel, brought from Eux-
ine, 40.

Xenophanes, the Eleatic, his phi-
losophy, 238, 251.

Xerolophos, or dry-hill, at Con-
stantinople, II, 78.

Xylocercus Gate, 31.

Youth, dissoluteness of, 119; edu-
cation of, 204, sqq', legal, 219;
for art, 224.

Zachariah of Mytilene, translated
by Hamilton and Brooks, 278,
312, etc.

Zeno, Eleatic philosopher, 238.

Zeno, Emperor, his Henoticon,
278; death of, 103.

Zeno, Stoic philosopher, 238.

Zeugma, a quarter of Constantin-
ople, 40.

Zeuxippus, baths of, at Constan-
tinople, 57.

Zoroaster or Zarathushtra, 268.

Zotenberg, translation of Tabari
by, 176.

ERRATA

P. II, peninsula; p. 17, n. i, Frising. ; p. 24, note, Beylie; p. 55,
n. 3, Lethaby; p. 118, n. 4, Lactant., i, 20; p. 158, n. 3, Berg-; p.
188, herd; p. 225, n. i, cadaverique; p. 256, note, und.

Additions 361

ADDITIONS

r. 20, n. I. The date of the dialogue Philopatris has been the subject
of much argument, notably in Byzant. Zeitschrtft, vols, v and vi, 1896-7.
It has been placed under Carus, Julian, Heraclius, and John Zimisces. The
matter is unintelligible unless at an early period of Christianity, and I
should be inclined to maintain that interpolations in one or two places
by late copyists (see p. 256) have given it a false semblance of recency.

P. 24, note. John Malala was unknown to Ducange (not having been
published till 1691), and hence has been neglected to a great extent by
later writers on Byzantine antiquities. He is the earliest authority for
much of what is to be found in the later chronographers. According to
Conybeare the Paschal Chronicle did not copy Malala, but an original
common to both ; Byzant. Zeitsch., 1902.

P. 33. There is no record of the building of the Golden Gate, but
John Malala (p. 360), says that Theodosius II gilded it, whence the
name. Most probably this statement includes the erection of the monu-
ment. I am now satisfied that the Golden Gate had no direct connec-
tion with Theodosius the Great, but was raised by his grandson to com-
memorate the overthrow of the usurper John by his generals Aspar and
Ardaburius at Ravenna in 425. This is the " tyrant " alluded to ("post
fata tyranni "), who had supplanted the infant Valentinian III in the
West, afterwards the husband of Eudoxia, daughter of Theodosius II.
The victory caused the greatest excitement at CP., of which Socrates
(vii, 23) gives a striking account. They were all sitting in the Hippo-
drome when the news arrived, whereupon the Emperor, with the whole
audience, rose up, abandoned the games, marched through the streets
singing enthusiastically, and the rest of the day was spent in the
churches giving utterance to fervid prayers. It is inconceivable that so
tame a couplet could have been composed to celebrate the martial deeds
of Theodosius I. The clash of arms would have been heard in any in-
scription designed to record the achievements of an Emperor who won
battles in the field by his own tactics and strategy. But in a generally
quiet reign, with the palace under the rule of the women, any decided
success would be magnified and the weakling Theodosius II would
naturally be associated with the prestige of his grandfather, whose name
he bore. The case is one on all fours with that of the great statue in
Taurus (erected after a minor Persian war), so skilfully allocated by

2,62 The Age of Jtistinian and Theodora

Dethier (see p. 72) and the boastful inscription on it (Gk. Anthol. Plan.,
iv, 65). The inscription on the Golden Gate was not sculptured, but
was composed of metal letters fastened to the stone by rivets. Many of
these holes can still be located on the decayed surface. These were first
observed by Strzygowski in 1893, ^^^^ by joining them judiciously the
form of the letters originally attached could be made out. The lines ran
across the top of the gate, the first verse of the couplet being on the left
side, the second on the right. See the monograph by S. on the Golden
Gate, Jahrb. d. Kaiser. Deutsche Archaeol. Instit., 1893, viii, i. But the
origin of the old Golden Gate in the Constantinian wall remains un-
solved ; for surmises see Van Millingen.

P. 31. It is highly improbable that the wall of Theodosius ever ran
through to the Golden Horn, as, in order to do so, it would have had
to cut the parish or region of Blachernae in two. It must have pulled
up therefore at the previously existing wall which surrounded that part ;
see the Notitia, reg. xiv. Hence there must always have been a pro-
jecting portion of the fortifications at this end.

P. 37. Van Millingen decides to identify the palace of Bucoleon with
that of Hormisdas, as hitherto the building on the wall has been popularly
named. This identification now seems to me quite tenable. Both the
Anon, and Codinus (pp. 45, 87) mention, in somewhat different terms,
the locality of H., and connect it with Port Julian, evidently to the
west of the existing ruin. I am satisfied that the latter is really the
Bucoleon built by Theodosius II, and that the Hormisdas, which must
have been altogether reconstructed by Justinian (Procop., Aedific, i,
10), has quite disappeared. Theodosius could not by any sort of impli-
cation be said to have built a house of Hormisdas, who was dead long
before he was born. Later this palace (Hormisdas) was diverted to
ecclesiastical purposes, became, in fact, a sort of Church House, where
meetings were held, and also a hostelry for members of the priesthood
when visiting the capital ; see pp. 669, sqq. In the latter connection it is
often mentioned by John of Ephesus in the work already referred to (p.

345. n- 2).

P. 74. The identification of the Bi7i bir derek with the cistern of
Philoxenus is a mere surmise — a monogram on the columns is said to
stand for Euye <^i\()l,ivt ! The researches of Forscheimer (and Strzygowski)
give a more likely elucidation which, with the Yeri Batan Serai, a
much larger cistern still full of water, will be considered later on. See
p. 539 and cf Lethaby and S., p. 248.

Pp- 78, 319. There were three localities at CP. which might con-

Additions 363

ceivably have been called Hebdomon by the inhabitants : i. The seventh
of the fourteen parishes of the city as described in the Notitia ; 2. The
camping ground near Blachernae of the seventh regiment of Gothic
mercenaries ; 3. A kind of Field of Mars for reviewing the troops situ-
ated seven miles from the Milion on the shore of the Propontis. When
processions to the Hebdomon are mentioned, it is always the last place
which is meant, and there the church of St. John was founded. I do
not know whether there is any literary reference to either of the first
two localities under that name, but much confusion has been occasioned
by the contradictory views of various writers, especially Gyllius and
Ducange; see Mordtmann, op. cit., p. 29.

P. 100. The actual sums which it appears that scholars accept as ob-
ligatory on three praetors to spend annually for the public shows are
respectively ^^150,000, ;^i20,ooo, and ;^90,ooo, in all ^^360,000 ! Under
these circumstances it was scarcely worth while for Olympiodorus to
mention such a trifle as the 1,200 lb. of gold (^48,000), expended by
Probus in his praetorship, unless it was to show how beggarly he was
in comparison with his predecessors in office, the least of whom had to
disburse under legal compulsion nearly double that amount. It is
strange that none of Gibbon's editors has noticed that his "ridiculous
four or five pounds " is in reality ;^57 S-*'- > ^^ his own estimate of the
value oiihefollis (.548</.), viz., 215V5 of the silver fo/h's or purse, which
he makes equal to £6 ; iii, p. 293 (Bury). I have read somewhere that
Sir Isaac Newton could not work the simple rules of arithmetic.

Pp. 252, 274. The evidence for Galerius's edict of toleration and
Constantine's Edict of Milan (313) is the same, viz., Lactantius and
Eusebius. There is no good reason to doubt the latter. The attitude of
Galerius towards Christianity was mere toleration after failure to sup-
press ; Constantine's that of favour and adoption. Every one knew that
Galerius would spring again if he got the chance. If C. took up
Christianity as one of his religions c. 312, he would naturally, after his
victory, issue a manifesto to define his personal policy and inclinations.
Too much stress is often laid on the light doubts of recent investigators.

P. 294, n. 2. Since this section on religion was written, two move-
ments on the lines indicated have come to the surface, one a petition by
university teachers for more freedom in dealing with the mythological
texts in relation to students, the other a similar petition by ministers of
the establishment, for the same freedom, with respect to the public.
Both failed, but doubtless the tide of rationalism will rise again and
again until the desired emancipation be achieved. These are symptoms

364 The Age of Justinian and Theodora

of a readjustment of popular religious beliefs at no distant date, perhaps
within a generation or two, a consummation I had not anticipated as
likely to occur for centuries to come. But, as the chick emerges suddenly
from the egg which immediately before was to all appearances physically
unaltered, so sociological revolutions, long brooding beneath the surface,
are sometimes fully achieved in a moment of time.

Pp- 34S> 348- Were we without the Anecdotes of Procopius we should
still know practically all that he has revealed about Theodora, i. That
she was a prostitute. John of Ephesus, Almoin. 2. That she was in a
very lowly condition before her marriage, Codinus. 3. That she was vin-
dictive and cruel when on the throne, Liber Pontificalis, Vigilius. All
this evidence is adverted to circumstantially in its proper setting through-
out the work.

^^ * ^j For Corrigenda et Addenda to the whole work see end of
Vol. II.

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