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NOVEMBER, 1170. 

To ivhich are added several Appendices on the 
Chronology, &C., of the period. 



Professor of Romance Philology, The University, Leeds. 



NEWPORT, MON. : JOHN E. SOUTHALL, 149 Dock Street. 

H * I ' 







MHE Xllth Century must always have a peculiar interest 
for the Welshman who studies the history of his country. 
It is the time when the struggle is keenest and most dramatic 
between the centralising forces of the Anglo-Norman monarchy 
and the Celtic tribal organisation, between the ecclesiastical 
ideals of the Celtic Church such as they appealed to Sulien, 
and those of the Roman Church such as they were conceived 
by Hildebrand. It is the time when the Literature of Wales 
revives and many of her great writers flourish ; the time 
too when Celtic folklore penetrates into the literature of the 
neighbouring peoples. 

The greatest Welsh figure of the middle of the Xllth 
Century is certainly Owain Gwynedd ; he and he alone, can 
form a central figure for the history of the time. From the 
death of Henry ist in 1135 to the final overthrow of Welsh 
independence by Edward ist, the three great national leaders 
are Owain Gwynedd, Rhys ap Gruffudd and Llywelyn Fawr. 
The present book aims at giving a connected and chrono- 
logically ordered account of the history of Wales during the 
years that Owain ruled in Gwynedd and exercised his 
influence over the destinies of the whole country. (1135 
1170 A.D.) 

It is published exactly as it was written, eleven years ago, 
for the Newport National Eisteddfod. 

An ideal history of Wales is at present an impossibility. 
Up to the present no particular period has found its historian ; 
it is no doubt at present difficult to find men who are 
competent to deal with all the sources. Still, it is only when 
monographs on each particular period will have cleared the 
way, that a complete history of the country will be justified. 





Page 18. Note 5 'Brut y Saerson ' read ' Saeson.' 

26. Title of Chapter II. 'from 1135 to 1147' read 'from 
1135 to 1143.' 

35. Note 3 ' Randulf ' read ' Ranulf.' 

,, 44. Line 23 'Innocent III' read 'Innocent II.' 

,, 47. Last line' Caedfan ' read ' Cadfan.' 

,, 90. Line 10 ' Merionydd ' read ' Meirionydd.' 

1 08. Note 4- 'the First ' read ' the Second.' 

,, 1 1 6. Line 13 ' Faclain ' read ' Faelain.' 





Death of Henry I. Revolt of the Welsh War in the Vale of Llwchvvr and in Gwyr 
Richard of Clare killed in Gwent Defeat and death of Gwenllian, wife of Gruffudd 
ap Rhys, at Cydweli Alliance between Gruffudd ap Cynan and Gruffudd at Rhys 
First invasion of Ceredigion Second invasion of Ceredigion Battle of Crug-mawr 
Affairs in the Southern marches Stephen sends into Wales an army which is forced 
to retreat Siege of Llanstephan Power of Gruffudd ap Rhys Eisteddfod held in 
South Wales TheCantrefoi Rhos ravaged by Gruffudd ap Rhys Imposition of 
tribute on the Flemings Death of Gruffudd ap Rhys Anarawd ap Gruffudd His 
relations with St. David's Invasion of Wales by Baldwin de Clare- -Robert of 
Ewyas unsuccessfully wars against the Welsh Pain Fitz John killed Stephen 
leaves the Welsh to themselves Third invasion of Ceredigion by Owain Gwynedd 
Conquest of the Clare lands Death of Gruffudd ap Cynan Owain Gwynedd, his 
successor- Treaty with the Dublin Princes Truce of 1138 with the Normans 
Sack of St. Dogmael's by the Dublin pirates War in the Welsh marches 
Combination against Stephen Gilbert de Clare made Earl of Pembroke Capture 
of Hereford and Weobley by Stephen He ravages the lands of Gloucester and 
Paganel He takes Shrewsbury from Fitzalan Battle of Northallerton Capture of 
Ludlovv by Stephen in May, 1 1 39 - Organised activity of the nobles against 
Stephen Misery in the Welsh marches -The Welsh used as mercenaries Battle 
of Lincoln, 1141 Petty Warfare in Central Wales Death of Howel ap Maredudd 
of Brycheiniog, and of Madog ab Idnerth Power of Miles Fitz Walter in the Welsh 
marches His alliance with Robert of Gloucester His conflict with Bishop Gilbert 
of Hereferd His death. 

IT ENRY THE FIRST, King of England, died on Sunday 
A A the First of December 1135, in the evening. He 
was one of the most formidable enemies that the Welsh 
ever had to contend with. He never vacillated in the 
policy which he had laid down for himself in his dealings 
with them, taking every advantage offered by the incessant 
quarrels of the native princes, and giving every encourage- 


ment to the encroachments of his own Norman vassals. 
By appointing Norman nominees to the Welsh sees, and 
demanding the oath of obedience to the Archbishop of 
Canterbury as metropolitan, he took the first step in the 
task of assimilating the Welsh church to the English, 

^ o 

which his successors wrought out. He adopted the system 
of plantation of foreign colonists on Welsh soil, which was 
pursued centuries later towards Ireland by the English 
sovereigns. He knew that a race is a race indeed, only as 
long as its idiom is distinct from that of its neighbours ; 
that it can no longer hope for separate existence once its 
own speech is lost ; and by gradual means he purposed to 
extirpate a language which had survived three conquests. 
Henry was the last of the Norman French rulers. 

1 There is a story that on the night when he breathed his 
last, two lakes in Elfael suddenly burst the barriers which 
nature and human labour had together striven to oppose 
to the ravages of the waters. The revolt, which, in Wales, 
followed his death and the removal of his grasp on the 
control of affairs, was no less sudden, no less terrible. 

2 The fierce Welsh lord of Brycheiniog, Howel ap 
Maredudd, dashed down like a beast of prey into the 
plains that stretch from the Llwchwr to the Tawe, and 
ravaged them so fiercely that sixty years later, his passage 
was memorable even in that fierce land of tribal war and 
rapine. 3 The new year had barely dawned when the rock- 
bound peninsula of Gwyr became the scene of carnage ; it 

i. GiraMus Camb , Itin. Kamb , Rolls Ser., vi 19. 
. Gir. Camb., Itin. Kamb , Rolls Ser , vi. 78. 

3. Flor. Wigorn. ad. ann. 1135; Gesta Stephani, ed. Bohn, p. 330. Both authorities give the 
number of killed as 516 ; but Florence says that men were killed on both sides ; whereas 
the account in the Gesta suggests that the 516 slain were all Norman knights and 


is on record that five hundred and sixteen men were killed 
in conflict, and that after the battle, the bodies, wildly 
scattered over the field, were devoured by wolves. 
Throughout Wales princes and people rushed with savage 
joy to fight and plunder the Norman foe ; his castles were 
burnt, his towns laid low, his adherents slain or sold into 
slavery. " Eight years before, Gruffudd ap Rhys, accused 
before Henry by the Norman nobles of South Wales, had 
been deprived of most of his lands ; and the heir of Rhys 
ap Tewdwr was now possessed of the single cwmwd of 
Caeo in Cantref Mawr. But to the Welsh he was still the 
lawful heir to the government of Deheubarth ; and it was 
evident that the present outbreak, if made to suit his 
purpose, was a favourable occasion for the recovery of 
some of the old authority of his house; therefore, leaving 
his wife and sons in the woody district of Ystrad Tywi, 
Gruffudd hastened north to Gwynedd to seek alliance and 
aid from his father-in-law, Gruffudd ap Cynan. 

But rapid was the march of events. The Norman 
nobles were not the men to give up tamely, and at the first 
sign of danger, the lands they had acquired, and many 
hurried to Wales to defend them. Richard was the head 
of the great house of Clare, whose Welsh lands, acquired 
during the preceding reign, extended from the Wye to the 
Irish sea; and the son of 3 Gilbert Fitz Richard to whom 
Henry I. had given Ceredigion, had, perhaps, more 
than any other to lose by the success of the Welsh 
rebellion. 4 He crossed from England into Wales, near 
Abergafeni. Brian of Wallingford, then lord of the castle, 

1. In 1127 (See Brut. Tywysog. ad. ann. 1124). See Gir. Camb. vi. 34. 

2. Gir. Camb. vi. 19. 3. In mo (See Br. Tyw ad. ann. 12107") 
4. Gir. Camb. vi. 47, 48, 118. 


with many knights, accompanied him to the outskirts of 
Coed Gronwy ; but further, Richard, rendered blind by 
arrogance or perhaps ignorant of the fury of the national 
revolt, refused his escort, and in spite of the warnings of 
his friends entered the rocky defile unarmed with his men ; 
having at his side in his reckless confidence, to while away 
the hours of the road, one who alternately played on the 
strings of his lute, and with his voice awoke the echoes 
around by singing some old time ditty. The end was not 
long in coming ; lorwerth ab Owain with his household 
troops and those of his brother, Morgan of Caerlleon, 
ambushed in the woods, rushed out upon Richard and slew 
him and many of his men, and stripping them, bore off" 
their bloody booty. 

Richard of Clare was a man, like the rest of his house, 
of marked magnificence, proud of his race, haughty towards 
those whom he considered his inferiors, but noble withal 
and amiable to his friends. T His death took place on the 
1 5th of April, 1 136. 2 It left the Normans of South Wales 
without their natural leader, but many of their nobles were 
men of energy, capable of defending their own single- 
handed ; and among them * Maurice de Londres, who had 
but lately suceeded his father, William, as lord of Cydweli 
and Ogmore, alike by the vigour and the violence of his 
character, seems to have specially drawn upon himself the 
resentment of the Welsh. 4 Aroused by some action of the 
Norman, or of her own accord taking the offensive, 
Gwenllian, the wife of Gruffudd ap Rhys, and a woman of 

i. See Flor. Wigorn. ad. ann. 1136; B. Tyw ad. ann 1135 = 1136; Ann. Camb ad. ann, 1136. 
3. Gir Camb. vi 118. 

3. Probably before 1126, as in that year he witnessed the Concordia inter. Urb. episc et Rob. 

cons. Glouc. in Liber Landavensis. 

4. Gir. Camb vi 78, 79. 


spirit, in the absence of her husband, took the command of 
his household troops, and accompanied by her two sons, 
Morgan and Maelgwn, marched on Cydweli ; from his 
rocky stronghold Maurice, with the constable Geoffrey, 
sallied forth to meet her army, and defeated her with great 
slaughter ; of her sons, Morgan was killed, and Maelgwn 
captured ; she herself fell into the hands of her foes and 
her head was cut off, and many other prisoners suffered the 
same fate at the hands of the brutal victor. 

But not in vain had Gruffudd ap Rhys journeyed to 
Gwynedd. ' Gruffudd ap Cynan seems, towards the close 
of his life, to have lost the use of his eyesight. He was 
now very old and incapable of taking part in any campaign. 
Sixty years had come and gone since, a young and vigorous 
prince, he had fought Trahaiarn at Bron yr Erw ; and as 
he felt the strength of spirit which had sustained him in his 
early career, fall away from him, he must have handed over 
to his two surviving sons, Owain and Cadwaladr, the 
direction of foreign policy and war. Certain it is that 
these two princes were only too eager for the fray. 2 They 
gathered a strong force and marched into Ceredigion ; the 
castle of Walter de Bee was laid low ; that of the Clares at 
Aberystwyth, where Gruffudd ap Rhys had once suffered 
defeat, was taken and burnt to the ground. No leader 
could the Normans find ; the Welsh on the other hand, 
received accessions of strength at every success. The 
fierce Howel ap Maredudd, of Brycheiniog, with Rhys and 
Maredudd, his sons, and Madog ab Idnerth, lord of Elfael 
and Maelienydd, joined the northern princes. Together 
they destroyed the castle of Richard de la Mare ; and 

i. Hanes Gr. ap. C. (Myf. Arch. p. 734.) 

3. For the ist Inv. of Ceredigion see Brut. Tyw. and Ann. Camb. (Rolls Ser.) 


burnt Dineirth and Caerwedros. After these successes each 
prince returned to his land. 

1 But the fierce warfare of the year was not yet over. 
Owain and Cadwaladr, having gathered together a force 
of six thousand infantry and over two thousand cavalry, 
marched a second time into Ceredigion, at the beginning 
of autumn. Gruffudd ap Rhys from Ystrad Tywi, Howel 
ap Maredudd from Brycheiniog, with his two sons, Rhys 
and Maredudd, and Madog ab Idnerth from the land 
between Wye and Severn, hurried once more to their 
assistance. The concentration of so formidable an army 
compelled the Normans to exert every nerve to meet their 
aggressors. Stephen, constable of Cardigan, Robert Fitz 
Martin, the sons of Gerald, steward of Pembroke, and 
every noble of South West Wales who had something to 
lose by the success of the Welsh, gathered together at 
Aberteifi a large force of Normans, and with them came 
the Flemings of the Cantref of Rhos. Some say that only 
three thousand of Normans were put together, but it is 
probable that their array was far more numerous. In the 
second week of October the two armies met at Crug Mawr 
near Aberteifi ; the Welsh commenced by harassing the 
Normans with flights of arrows ; and then, in three bodies, 
charged across the field upon them. After a bloody battle 
the Normans and Flemings fled from the field. 2 According 
to one account they lost three thousand men ; another 
states that over ten thousand perished. Some were killed 
in conflict ; some fled to the castles and the neighbouring 
churches and were burnt to death within them ; the greater 

T. For the and Inv. of Carcdigion see 13, T. and AC. (Rolls Ser ) ad ami. 1136; also Gesta 

Stephani; CotH. Flor. Wig., ad. ann 1130; and Gir. Camb. vi. 118. 
2 For these discrepancies and the numbers quoted see authorities mentioned. 


part were drowned. The bridge over the Teifi broke down 
under the weight of the men and horses fleeing, but the 
victorious Welsh were enabled to cross the river by another 
made of the corpses of their foes. ' The glory of this great 
victory was by some attributed to the princes of Gwynedd, 
by others to Gruffudd ap Rhys. It was the severest blow 
the Norman power had yet received in Wales. Owain 
and Cadwaladr, loaded with the spoils of victory, the costly 
garments and arms of the Norman knights, and with an 
immense number of prisoners destined, the wealthy to be 
ransomed, the poorer to be sold in the Irish slave market, 
returned once again in triumph to their land of Gwynedd. 

It is not to be supposed that King Stephen made no 
effort to stem the tide of Welsh rebellion in this year. 
Upon the death of his uncle he found that in the Welsh 
marches two nobles ruled supreme. Miles of Gloucester 
had in 1121 been given the hand of Sibyl, daughter of 
Bernard de Neufmarche, the conqueror of Brycheiniog, 
with the reversion of her father's possessions. 2 In 1 129 he 
succeeded his father Walter, and henceforward was sheriff 
of Gloucester and Stafford. 3 Pain Fitz John was at 
Stephen's accession sheriff of Shropshire and Hereford, and 
in Wales Lord of the cwmwd of Ewyas. 4 To these two 
men Henry I. seems to have entrusted the chief conduct of 
his Welsh affairs ; 5 and one chronicler tells us that they 
ruled the land from Severn to the sea. They seem to have 
worked hand in hand together for several years ; and the 
union was cemented by a marriage. Roger, Miles' eldest 

1. See the Brut. Tyw. and Gir. Camb vi. ir8. 

2. Rot. Pip. 31 H. i. 3. Gesta Steph. p. 334 ; Gir. Camb. vi. 34. 
4. Gir. Camb. vi. 34 35. 5. Gesta Stephani, ed. Bohn., p. 334. 


son, became the husband of Cicely, Pain's only daughter 
and heiress. Miles and Pain first held aloof from Stephen ; 
but the latter set to work to win them over to his side, and 
early in 1136 they came together to meet him at Reading, 
and did him homage. 

1 This first obstacle being overcome, Stephen, at much 
expense, raised a considerable force of horse and foot, and 
despatched it against the insurgents. They fought bravely 
against the Welsh, but many were slain ; the rest retreated, 
panic-stricken at the success and savage harrying of the 

2 The King was once more forced to turn his attention 
to Welsh affairs by the news of the decisive defeat of the 
Normans near Aberteifi, and of the siege sustained by 
3 Adelise, sister of Ranulf, of Chester, and widow of Richard 
Fitz Gilbert de Clare, against the Welsh in one of her late 
husband's castles. 4 From the Gwentian Chronicle, we may 
hesitatingly infer this castle to have been in the cwmwd of 
Mabudrud ; and since it is spoken of as a place of great 
strength by the author of the Acts of Stephen, it was 
probably Llanstephan. Miles Fitz Walter was ordered by 
the King to relieve the beleaguered castle and its lady, 
whom her Norman neighbours were now unable to assist. 
Through the centre of the revolted country, by gloomy 
forest and hill, probably crossing the difficult country which 
lay between his own lordship of Brycheiniog and woody 
Ystrad Tywi, he picked his way down the valley and 
accomplished his object ; and with Adelise, in safety 
returned to his own lands. 

i. Gesta St. p. 330. 2. Gesta Steph. p. 330332. 

3. Christiana ace. to Clark, Land of Morgan, p. 82, in a charter of Bury Abbey. 

4. In Myv. Arch., ad. ann. 1138, where there is a very mixed account of the Battle of Lincoln, and 

Gilbert de Clare is confounded with his brother Richard. 


The advantages conferred on Gruffudd ap Rhys by the 
victory near Aberteifi were lasting. It very much weakened 
the aggressive power of the Normans in Wales for several 
years. ' So much did he feel his newly won security that, 
if we are to believe a rather untrustworthy authority, he 
held a Great Eisteddfod which lasted forty days, and to it 
came men from every part of Wales and the Marches to 
compete for the prizes awarded for the best bardic, musical 
and learned compositions, and to enjoy the good cheer 
provided by Gruffudd. The support given by the princes 
of Wales to their national learning and art during the 
twelfth century, when harassed by incessant warfare, is to 
their high praise, and accounts for much of its excellence at 
this period. If we are to believe a further statement of the 
same Gwentian Chronicle, the aged Gruffudd ap Cynan and 
his sons came from Gwynedd to witness the festival ; and 
the result of a conference between the princes of North and 
South Wales was the revision of the national law of the 
Cymry, and the organisation of a more effective justice in 
the land by the establishment of courts in every cantref, 
and subordinate courts in the cwmwds. 

2 The year 1 137 had but commenced when Gruffudd ap 
Rhys resolved to take the offensive against the Flemings. 
This hardy race were now masters of the Cantref of Rhos, 
whence, in face of every danger, they carried on their 
woollen trade by sea and land ; and they had grown rich by 
thrift and labour. Equally fit and ready for the tilling of 
land and the waging of war, they had been conspicuous for 
the help they had given the Normans in the preceding 

1. Gwent. Chron., Myv. Arch. ad. arm. 1135. 

2. Ann. Camb., B.MS.; Ann. Marg. ; Cont. H. Wigorn ; Gir. Camb. vi. 834. See the whole of 

Ch. xi. of It in. Kamb., " De Haverfordia et Ros ' in Gir. vi. 829. 


year. Their great unpopularity among the Welsh was no 
doubt largely due to the fact that wherever they settled, the 
original inhabitants disappeared ; either withdrew of their 
own will or were exterminated. The first attack of the 
revolted Welsh had been upon the Fleming settlements in 
Gwyr which they had savagely harried ; and Gruffudd 
probably found no more enthusiastic support from his 
subjects than when he marched into the Cantref of Rhos 
with an army. He ravaged it with fire and sword, and 
1 reduced the Flemings to the payment of a heavy tribute. 

Gruffudd ap Rhys was a prince of no ordinary ability. 
Left a child at the death of his father, he had spent the 
years of his childhood in exile among strangers, and even 
when by his valour he had forced some sort of recognition of 
his rights, during the last eight years of Henry Beauclerc's 
reign, a single cwmwd was considered sufficient for him 
who was the heir of the overlord of Deheubarth. When 
the hand of death had removed his lifelong enemy, the last 
of the Norman kings, Gruffudd quickly recovered authority 
in Dyfed, Ceredigion and Ystrad Ty wi ; 2 but hardly had 
his satisfied ambition grasped the old authority of his 
fathers, when the same hand was stretched forth to with- 
draw him from the scene of his labours. He was in the 
prime of life. 3 One chronicle ascribes his death to the 
perfidy of a wife, but no such reason is elsewhere mentioned, 
and we are forced to discard this as improbable. 

He left four sons, named in the order of their birth, 
Anarawd, Cadell, Maredudd and Rhys ; Maredudd was 

i. He did not conquer them in the sense implied in Continuation of Florence of Worcester for we 

find them at war with his son Cadell in 1146 [Brut, ad. ann. 1145 6]. 
a. Brut, ad. ann. 1136 = 7; Ann. Camb ; Ann. Marg. 
3. Contn. of Flor. Wigorn. 


but seven, and Rhys certainly younger The eldest, 
Anarawd, had just made himself very popular with the 
clergy of St. David's and his subjects, by killing Litard 
Littleking without the knowledge and against the will of 
Gruffudd. This Litard, of whom we know nothing else, 
must have incurred the enmity of the clergy, possibly by the 
spoliation of the churches and lands of the see. During the 
six years which followed GrufTudd's death, Anarawd suc- 
ceeded to most of the authority, and consistently pursued 
the policy of his father. 

2 The year 1137 saw the last efforts which were 
made by Stephen directly to stem the torrent of Welsh 
revolt. Baldwin Fitz Gilbert de Clare was despatched 
by him to carry relief to his dead brother Richard's 
lands in Ceredigion and Ystrad Tywi. With the large 
sums placed at his disposal by the king, Baldwin hired a 
body of horse and some five hundred stout archers, and 
advanced into Central Wales as far as Aberhonddu Castle, 
in the Usk valley. Here he halted, alarmed by the 
intelligence that a large army had gathered to meet him, 
and that the Welsh, to impede his further progress, had 
blocked the roads with felled tree trunks. Vainly counting 
on the failing of provisions and eventual disbanding of the 
foe, he wasted his time until his own supplies falling short, 
he was forced to retreat. 

3 Robert Fitz Harold of Ewyas was also employed by 
Stephen against the Welsh. 4 He was grandson of Earl 
Ralph, who had met defeat and death in battle with 

i. Ann. Camb. 13, Letardus Litelking Dei inimicus ct Sancti David, 

z. See Gest. Steph., 332. 

3. For Robert's warfare with the Welsh, see Gesta Steph, pp. 332 3. 

4. Brut, ad. ann. 1054 5, p.p 423 ; See also Anglo-Sax. Chron. and Flor, Wigorn 


Gruffudd ap Llywelyn more than eighty years before. 
1 His father Harold was established as a Norman landowner 
in South Brycheiniog, and is found on the list of benefactors 
of St. Peter's at Gloucester. Robert himself seems to 
have had ability, and met with more success than Baldwin. 
He completely defeated the Welsh in a first encounter, and 
strongly fortified and garrisoned a castle against them ; but 
finding his own forces insufficient to cope with the numbers 
of the enemy, he returned to England to bring reinforce- 
ments. The Welsh acted promptly ; and before he could 
return had forced his castle to surrender. 

2 Pain Fitz John, too, excited to action by the ravages 
of the Welsh in his own lands in Ewyas, had led an army 
against them. This noble belonged to the class of jurists 
who had risen to eminence in Henry's reign, and both he 
and his ally, Miles, had made themselves notorious for 
extortion. He and his forces defeated the Welsh ; but 
Pain was, alone of his side, mortally wounded, an arrow 
piercing his brain. The Chronicles speak of his wonderful 
bodily strength. He was one of the numerous benefactors 
of St. Peter's, Gloucester, and was buried in the chapter 
house there. 

3 Stephen, discouraged by these results, and relying 
upon the outbreak of the internecine warfare which was an 
almost necessary consequence of the Welsh law of gavel- 
kind, adopted the plan of leaving the Welsh to themselves ; 
and his own misfortunes, and the growing weakness of his 
kingdom, to which the Welsh contributed no small part, 
compelled him never to swerve from this feeble policy. 

1. Cart. Sti. Petr. Glouc., i. 76. 

2. Gest. Steph., 334; < 

had been burn 

3. Gest. Steph. 3323. 

2. Gest. Steph., 334; Cont. Flor. Wigorn, ad. ann. 1137; Cart. S. Petr. Glouc. One of Pain's castle 
had been burnt in 1134 by th Welsh, and the garrison put to the sword, Orderic. Vital, v. 43 


While the attempts of the Normans were everywhere 
baffled, the Welsh met with nothing but success. The 
failure of Baldwin's mission left the Clare lands to shift for 
themselves. T Owain and Cadwaladr a third time marched 
into Ceredigion. 2 Ystrad Meurug, a strong castle situated 
between the valleys of the Ystwyth and the Teifi, one of 
the first erected by Gilbert Fitz Richard, was also the last 
to fall. The Welsh burnt it to the ground. Thence Owain 
and Cadwaladr went south to attack the Clare lands and 
castles in Ystrad Tywi. They were joined by Anarawd ap 
Gruffudd and his brother Cadell. and the two fortresses of 
Caerfyrddin and Llanstephan were laid low. The power of 
the great Norman house of Clare seemed destroyed. Of 
Richard's brothers, neither Baldwin nor Gilbert succeeded 
in keeping a hold on his vast Welsh domains ; and his two 
sons were too young to take part in the conflict. For 
eight years the name of their house disappears from the 
Welsh annals. 

3 When the princes, Owain and Cadwaladr, returned 
from their great inroad into South Wales, their father was 
dying. We cannot look without interest at that aged 
prince who, during his long life, withstood the whole torrent 
of the Norman conquest when the tide was at the full, and 
not recognise, that it is probably largely due to the wisdom 
he had acquired in his first wars and the pacific policy he 
pursued during the last years of his life, that so much 
vigour sprung from Gwynedd during the reign of his 
successor, and that Wales during Stephen's time was 

1. Brut, 1136 = 7 ; Ann. Camb. ; Cont. Flor. Wigorn. 

2. Ystrad Meurug was alseady built in 1116. See Brut, 1113 = 6. 

3. I have followed the order of events as they are given in the B.MS, used for the Rolls Edition of the 

Ann. Cambriae, 


enabled to obtain another lease of her turbulent life. ' His 
biographer is enthusiastic in his description of the good rule 
of Gruffudd, and warmly describes the prosperity of the 
land, the development of agriculture, and the numerous 
churches that were built in his reign. 2 For Gruffudd was a 
builder and benefactor of churches. To Dublin where he 
had been reared in childhood, to Mynyw or St. David's 
which claimed metropolitan authority over the Welsh 
churches, to the monasteries of Chester and Shrewsbury, to 
his own church of Bangor, to the great Celtic foundations 
of Enlli and Celynog Fawr, to Caergybi and Penmon, to 
Llanarmon and Dineirth, he sent before his death, donations 
of money for the benefit of his soul. 

The biographer gives us an account of the death-bed 
scene. Bishop Dafydd, of Bangor, Archdeacon Simeon, 
the prior of the Monastery of Chester to whom Gruffudd 
seems to have been generous and many other Welsh 
priests and scholars came to see his body anointed with the 
consecrated oil ; among them moved the sons of Gruffudd. 
Their father turned to them and blessed them, and with his 
last words exhorted them to be brave and united against 
the foemen. To his wife, Angharad, daughter of his old 
enemy Owain ab Edwin, of Tegeingl, he left half his 
personalty, two randir, and the harbour dues of Abermenai. 
To his daughters and nephews he left wherewith to main- 
tain themselves after his day was done. 3 He was eighty-two 
years of age. They buried him near the great altar in 
Bangor Cathedral. 

1. For much of what follows, see Hanes Gruffudd in Myv. Arch, pp. 733 4. 

2. See Brut ad. 1136 7. 

3. This is very probable. It is given by the Biographer. Gruffudd was defeated at Bron yr Erw 

1075 [Brut, Rolls Ed. 1073], He could hardly have been born after 1055. 


1 Gruffudd was a true Cymric Celt. Round and ruddy 
faced, with yellow hair, large eyes and full beard, in youth 
he had been straight and strong-limbed ; with the hot 
temper of his race ; their eloquence and skill in debate ; 
their reckless bravery ; and if we are to believe the con- 
current voice of history and tradition, their love of music 
and poetry. 2 We are told that from Ireland he introduced 
the pipe, which may have solaced the weary days of his 
exile ; 3 and we know that the first of the Gogynfeirdd was 
a bard at his court, and wrote an elegy on his death. 

If Gruffudd ap Cynan was the hero of Welsh defensive 
warfare, Owain was the hero of victory. The son he left 
to succeed to the head rule in Gwynedd was worthy to 
guide his nation. Had not the inherent weakness of the 
Welsh system of hereditary succession prevented him from 
uniting the whole race under his banner and leading the 
Cymry in peace and war, the work which he did would 
have had more scope and been more lasting. 

4 Owain was now between forty and fifty years old. He 
did not delay in putting himself to his work, the aim of his 
life, the diminution of the Norman power in Wales. 5 Early 
in 1138, having made an arrangement with the piratical 
princes of Dublin whereby they were to furnish him with a 
fleet of fifteen ships, Owain with his brother Cadwaladr 
advanced once more to Aberteifi, which had been fixed as 
the place of meeting. There he was joined by Anarawd 
and Cadell, the two eldest of the sons of Gruffudd ap Rhys, 
and by the fleet from Ireland. But nothing was done, and 

i. See Hanes Gruff, in Myv. Arch., p. 728. 2. Stephens, Literature of the Kymry, pp. 55 69 

3. Meilir's elegy in Myv. Arch., pp. 140, 141. 

4. He is first referred to in Brut, ad. 1111 = 4, i n connection with Henry the First's campaign. 
5 Ann. Camb. an 1138 in MS. C, 


a treaty of truce was concluded with the Normans to last 
till the iith of November. This, however, probably 
displeased O wain's Irish allies. They determined not to 
withdraw without some plunder. 

Beyond the Teifi lay the Cantref of Cemmaes, of which 
Robert Fitz Martin was Lord Marcher. His father, Martin 
de Turribus, had conquered the district, and at his death 
Robert became one of the greater Norman nobles of South 
Wales. In 1 126 he had been one of the witnesses to the 
Charter of Agreement between the Lord of Glamorgan and 
the Bishop of Llandaff; and about the same time had 
founded the only establishment of the Tironian Benedictines 
in Wales, at St. Dogmael's or Llandydoch, which was the 
chief seat of his influence. ' We have contemporary 
evidence of the vigour of the new institution, and it is 
probable that with the Welsh it must have excited much 
distrust from its increasing wealth. It was situated favour- 
ably for a coup-de-main near the estuary of the Teifi ; and 
the pirates seem to have been unable to withstand so great 
a temptation. In spite of truce, village and church alike 
they sacked, and bore off to their ships a very large booty 
Owain and Cadwaladr returned to Gwynedd. 

Late in the spring of this year war began in the Welsh 
Marches. The reason of the hostility to Stephen which 
the Welsh seem to have shown throughout the reign, was 
due, partly to the identification of that prince in the Welsh 
mind with the Norman monarchy which had been so 
formidable under the two Williams and Henry, and partly 
to the fact that the great nobles who owned Welsh land 

i. See in Arch. Camb. Fifth Series, Vol. vii., pp. 205 8, Canon Sevan's Extracts from the Statute Book 
of St. David's Cathedral, concerning the appropriation of the land and the church of St. Mary 
of Ccmaes and the Abbey of St. Dogmael's ; temp. Bernardi, 


were the chief opponents of the crown, and had Welsh 
mercenaries or auxiliaries in the war. On the one hand, it 
was clear, that more the king became powerful, the more 
chance there was of vigorous and united action on the 
Norman side, and the more danger to Welsh independence. 
On the other and the Welsh princes knew it well the 
most energetic enemies of the king's increasing power 
were the great marcher nobles, who feared for their 
immense influence and the unusual privileges they enjoyed 
in their Welsh lands. Robert of Gloucester, the great 
enemy of Stephen, who, by the right of his wife was Lord 
of Glamorgan, was a bastard of Henry's ; he had inherited 
the ability and vast energy of his father and grandfather, 
more than his grandfather's tact in government, more than 
his father's tastes for literary pursuits. ' The popularity 
which Stephen had acquired at first by his sympathetic 
character, and a lavish expenditure of his uncle's hoarded 
treasures, had forced Robert to recognise him as King at 
Easter, 1136, but only on condition that his own rights and 
estates were guaranteed, and no doubt provisionally, await- 
ing a more favourable time for opposition. Miles Fitz 
Walter and Pain Fitz John had followed the same course ; 
Ranulf of Chester, an ambitious and unscrupulous man 
who played with any party to gain his own ends, also 
acknowledged Stephen. 

But these provisional successes were soon to be counter- 
acted by greater mischances. No race has shown itself 
more prone to treason than the Normans ; and when after 
crushing the first attempts at rebellion in 1136, Stephen, 
departing from the policy of his predecessors, spared the 

i. Wm. of Malmesbury, ii. 541 ; Gesta Steph p. 329. 


conquered, treason became rife against him. He had 
prodigally thrown away the treasure he had acquired, ' and 
in May, 1138, while spending Rogation tide at Gloucester, 
he heard that Geoffrey Talbot had fortified Hereford Castle 
against him, and that a new revolt had broken out. 
2 Morgan ab Owain, of Caerlleon, was to hold Usk ; 
William de Moun, Dunster, in Somerset. The castles of 
the younger Peveril, 3 Whittington, Bryn, Overtoil, Elles- 
mere, were clustered together in North Shropshire and the 
Flintshire Cantref of Maelawr. The insurgents relied upon 
the help of the invading Scots. 

Stephen at first showed vigour in coping with his 
difficulties. 4 Gilbert Fitz Gilbert had succeeded his brother 
Richard as chief of the house of Clare. From his uncle 
5 Robert he had acquired estates in Normandy, and the 
death of Walter, another uncle, lord of Nether Gwent and 
founder of Tintern, made him powerful in that district. To 
conciliate him and bring over his great influence to his 
side, the King created him Earl of Pembroke, and des- 
patched him to oppose his enemies in the North. 6 He 
himself marched on Hereford and remained before it four 
weeks, during which time the town below the Wye bridge 
was burnt. At last he forced the castle to surrender. He 
spared its garrison. Pursuing Talbot, he took Weobley. 
Having manned these two castles, the King withdrew. 
But hardly had he left when Talbot, re-appearing, burnt all 

1. Cent. Fl. Wigorn. 

2. This is what I gather from the " Morgan Gunlus Ucham tenuit" of Ord. Vit v. no. 

3. In Ord. Vital, v. in. they .ippear as : Brunam, Elesmaram, Obretotiam et Guitentonam. See note 2 ; 

Forester suggested Overtoil (Rutland), and Geddinglon (Northampton). These suggestions are 
wrong ; the Overtoil referred to is evidently Overtoil in the Cantref of Maelawr. 

4. Ord. Vit. v. 112. 

5. In 1136 Robert died. See lit. de Monte ; Walter possibly in 1139. See Brut y Saerson ad. ami. tT38 

in Myv. Arch. p. 676. 

6. Ord. Vit. v. no 4; Cont. Fl. Wijjorn, ad. ann. 113^. 


the city beyond Wye, and then fled to Bristol, held by 
William, son of Robert of Gloucester, who had now 
renounced his allegiance. This outrage revealed the King's 
weakness. Things went worse. A powerful Shropshire 
noble, William Fitz Alan, who had married Gloucester's 
niece, joined the rebels ; Paganel followed suit ; and the 
castles of Shrewsbury and Ludlow in the Welsh Marches 
were closed against the King. 

Stephen seems to have been aroused by these news, 
and to have resolved on stringent measures. He ravaged 
in succession the lands of Gloucester and those of Paganel, 
and then marched against Fitz Alan. The latter did not 
dare to remain himself, but left Shrewsbury strongly 
garrisoned. Nothing availed. The town was taken by 
storm in August, and Fitz Alan's uncle, Arnoul de Hesdin, 
hanged, and the whole garrison put to the sword. The 
news of this unwonted severity struck terror into the hearts 
of many, and Paganel, among others, fearing for his Castle 
of Ludlow, hastened to make peace with the King. 
Fortune again smiled on Stephen. The invading army of 
the Scotch, from whom his enemies had hoped much, was 
broken on the 22nd of August on the Yorkshire plains at 

A little peace, that was no peace, followed. At Christ- 
mas Stephen took Slede. And after a march to Scotland, 
he returned to take Ludlow in May. He was always at 
his best when fighting, but he failed dismally at everything 
else. By an insane political blunder he now threw the 
whole weight of the Church into the scale against him. 
His enemies no longer hesitated. In August, 1139, 
Matilda and Robert came over to Portsmouth, Hence 


Robert hastened to Bristol, where his son William and the 
chief seat of his influence were, there to concert with Miles 
Fitz Walter, Brian Fitz Count, and his other allies, the plan 
of campaign. Matilda, at first besieged by Stephen in 
Arundel, was by him foolishly allowed by treaty to join her 
brother at Bristol. 

Then followed a truly miserable time. The Welsh 
Marches suffered more than can be told. Wales and the 
West had declared for Matilda, and on them she relied. 
' Robert of Gloucester constantly employed Welsh mer- 
cenary troops ; more than ten thousand, one writer tells us, 
were scattered through England, where, careless alike of 
human life and reverence for consecrated places, they 
plundered and burnt and slew, mindful, perhaps, of other 
days when their father's blood had called for vengeance 
on the Saxon, and their own holy houses been wantonly 
profaned by the Teuton foe. The year 1140 was spent 
in endless, hopeless fighting, without any clear gain to 
either party. 

2 But a change came. It did not close before Ranulf of 
Chester, and his half brother, William of Roumare, had 
surprised and taken Lincoln by strategem. Ever vigorous 
in action, Stephen rushed northwards, and immediately 
after Christmas blockaded his foes, with their wives, in 
their new town. A bold blow was necessary to avoid the 
resentment of the King. Ranulf escaped by night with a 
few men from the beleaguered city, and sending word to his 
father-in-law, Gloucester, to come to his assistance, hastened 
to his own Cheshire, where he quickly gathered together 

1. Ord. Vit. v. 112 : " Gualis ad auxilium sui ascitis " sq. ; Wm. of Malm. ii. 557. 

2. Ord. Vit. v. 124 6 ; W-n. of Malmesbury, ii. 369 70. 


a large force of his subjects, of men disaffected with 
Stephen's rule, of Welshmen from Powys and Gwynedd. 
Robert of Gloucester, with the forces he could muster, 
joined him, and they hurried to the relief of Lincoln. 

'On the 2nd February, 1141, the armies met. Ranulf 
of Chester led the van, and Robert of Gloucester the rear ; 
on the flank were the Welsh, badly armed for a war outside 
their own land of hill and forest, but formidable from their 
numbers and their wild valour, with two brothers, 2 Mare- 
dudd and Cadwaladr at their head. The battle was fierce. 
But treachery, as usual, told against Stephen. His 
Flemings and Bretons were the first to flee ; and at this 
sign of defeat Gilbert de Clare left the field. But the King 
himself fought like a King, wielding his double-edged axe 
of battle, one against all, until the axe, unable to do its 
work, broke in his hands ; then fronting his foes with his 
sword, until that too, splitting, left him unarmed, and he 
was made a captive. Baldwin de Clare, who had addressed 
the King's host before battle, and had fought on with him 
to the end, also fell into the enemies' hands. Stephen was 
incarcerated in Bristol. 

3 The terrified citizens fled at the news of the King's 
defeat, and more of them perished drowned in the river 
than had been killed of soldiers in the field. They left 
their wives and their town of Lincoln, a prey to the troops 
of Chester ; and the Welsh, in their fury of race, took 

1. For the account of the Battle of Lincoln see: Ord. Vit. v. 126 9; Anglo Saxon Ckron. t ad. 1140; 

Cont. of Flor. Wigorn, ad. 1141 ; R. de Monte ; Henry of Huntington ; William of Malmesbury, 
ii. 571 2 ; Gesta Steph. pp. 3779. 

2. " Mariadoth et Kaladrius" in Ord. Vit. v. 127. The fact that they are distinctly referred to as 

brothers precludes the confusion of Kaladrius with Cadwaladr ap Gruffudd, who had no brother 
called Maredudd. The only princes in Welsh history of the time to whom reference is possible 
are Maredudd and Cadwallon, sons of Madog ab Idnerth. 

3. Ord. Vit. v. 129. 


pleasure in the slaughter of those who had been unwilling 
or unable to flee. 

While the Cymry were carrying far into England their 
arms and their valour, events were happening nearer home 
which had plunged large tracts of Central Wales into the 
most deplorable petty warfare. Powys, under the chieftain- 
ship of Maredudd ap Bleddyn, had shown more resistance 
to the Normans than any other part of the country, and 
against that district Henry I. had twice led his Welsh 
expeditions. 'But the death of Maredudd in 1132, and 
more than that, the steadily growing power of Gwynedd 
under O wain and Cad waladr, tended much to the diminution 
of Powysian influence, and to the growth of enmity between 
the two regions. 

2 Gruffudd, son of Maredudd, had died four years before 
his father. It is probable that of his other sons, Madog 
and Howel succeeded to most of his power, and we have 
reason to believe that Howel commanded the troops of 
Powys when 3 Cynfrig, son of Owain, was killed in 1140, 
and the breach between Powys and Gwynedd widened. 
4 But in 1142 Howel was slain, and Madog practically ruled 
alone for the next eighteen years. 

Meanwhile Howel ap Maredudd, of Brycheiniog, died, 
and in 1140 s his son Maredudd was slain by the men of 
Powys, so that his other son, Rhys, was his successor. 
6 This Prince was soon engaged in war with Howel ap 
Maredudd ap Rhydderch, lord of Cantref Bychan, and in 
1141 he slew him with his own hand. 

j. Ann. Camb. ; Brut. ad. 1129=1132. 2. Ann. Camb. ; Brut. ad. 1125-8. 

3. Ann. Camb., C.MS. 4. Ann. Camb. ; Brut. ad. 1141 = 2. 

5. Ann. Camb. ; Brut. ad. 1139 = 40. 6. Ann. Camb. ; Brut. ad. 11401. 


In the same year, 1140, not only Howel and his son 
Maredudd, but another Prince, who had fought the good 
fight for the independence of his country and lived to see 
it consummated, viz : ' Madog, son of Idnerth, lord of 
Wales between Wye and Severn, died. His death was 
the signal for an outbreak of fearful anarchy. 2 Maelienydd, 
Elfael, and Gwerthrynion became infamous for the policy 
of blinding and castrating cousins which had been chiefly 
confined to Powys during Henry the First's reign. 
? Madog's own sons fell out at once among themselves, 
and two of them, Howel and Cadwgan, were killed in 1 142. 

Meanwhile, the personal power of Miles Fitz Walter in 
the Welsh Marches had been increasing steadily. In 1139, 
Matilda had given him St. Briavel's Castle and the Forest 
of Dean ; and by a grant of the 25th of July, 1 141, as a 
recompense for his faithful services in her cause, 4 he had 
obtained from her the earldom of the shire. For Matilda 
was then at the height of her triumph. But before the 
end of September her brother Robert fell into the hands 
of the enemy and 5 then was exchanged for Stephen. This 
caused a renewal of the hopeless warfare of the two years 
which had preceded the fight at Lincoln, and, though both 
parties were exhausted, the fate of war turned more and 
more against Matilda. Miles, however, was her constant 
friend, 6 and there is singular unanimity in the chronicles 

i. Ann. Camb. ; Brut. ad. 1139 = 40. 2. Gir. Camb. vi. 19. 

3. Brut ad. 11412; the Ann. Chmb. C.M.S. adds "machinante Elya de se,' which is unintelligible 

Elya is possibly a mistake for Enea, which would suggest that these two princes perished by 
the machinations of their brother Einion Clud. As usual the compiler of the Gwentian Chron. 
seems to have misunderstood his authorities, or to have added from the mere love of adding. 
He says : " Ac y bu ymryson rwng Hywel a Chadwgawn, meibion Madawc ab Idnerth, ac 
y lladdasant y naill y Hall." 

4. Rymer's Foedera, Syllabus i. 4 ; Gir. Camb., Op. vi. 29. 

j. Will. Malm. ii. 583 ; lien. Hunt. 6. Gesta Steph., p. 370. 


of the period testifying to his fidelity to her cause. ' So 
we find her in 1 142 giving him permission to hold of Brian 
Fitz-Count the Castle of Abergafenni, which, forming a 
connecting link between his possessions in Brycheiniog 
and those in the Forest of Dean, remained in his family 
until, after extinction of the male line, his daughter Bertha, 
by marriage, brought it to De Braose. 2 To further 
consolidate his power Miles, probably in the summer of the 
same year, made a close alliance with Robert of Gloucester, 
and gave him his youngest son Mahel as a hostage. 

3 But in 1 143, being much in want of money to pay his 
troops, he was forced to lay his exactions upon the churches 
of the diocese of Hereford, and came into conflict with 
Bishop Robert, who promised him excommunication if he 
did not withdraw his demands. Miles, enraged at this 
unusual display of energy, ravaged the Bishop's land. 
The threatened sentence was formulated against him, and 
his lordship placed under an interdict. Seeing that the 
efforts of his kinsman Gilbert Foliot for appeal to the Pope 
were unavailing, and fearing he had gone too far, Miles 
came to terms with the Bishop, and promised indemnity 
for the losses sustained by the churches of the diocese at 
his hands. 

4 He was still engaged in legal proceedings with the 
latter, when, hunting deer on Christmas eve, he was struck 
by an arrow in the breast ; and the superstition of the time 

1. Dy. of Lanes. Charters, No. 17 (Publ. Rec. Off.). 

2. This alliance was renewed later by their sons, Earls Roger of Hereford and William of Gloucester 

[Dy. of Lancaster Charters, Publ. Rec. Off.]. 

3. Gesta Steph., pp. 402 4. 

4. Gerv. Cant. i. 126 ; Gesta Steph., p. 403 ; Ann Camb ; Brut, ad ann. 1142 = 3. 


saw in his fall the just judgment of God. ' A dispute arose 
between Llanthony and Gloucester for- the possession of 
his body ; and the bishops of Worcester, Hereford and 
St. David's tried the case, and on the 28th of December, 
gave judgment in favour of the former. 2 Miles left his 
earldom and his immense influence in the Marches to the 
eldest of his five sons, Roger, who had already by marriage 
obtained the lands of Pain Fitz John. This young noble 
was a brilliant soldier, and seems to have had much 
ability ; he continued his father's policy, keeping to the 
alliance with Gloucester and the party of Matilda ; but he 
never forgot his father's excommunication, and was a 
vigorous enemy of the Church till his death. 

1. Miles had in 1136 transferred the original house of Austin canons at Llanthony, in Monmouthshire, 

to a site on the south of Gloucester. This was henceforth known as Llanthonia Secunda. 
[Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi. (i) 127, 132] For a Xllth Century account of Llanthony, see Gir. 
Camb. Op. vi. 3745. 

2. Gerv. Cant., i. 126; Gesta Steph., p. 40.4. 




Struggle for Independence of Welsh sees from the Norman Archbishop of Canterbury 
Bernard of St. David's His conflicts with the Bishop of Llandaff His alienation 
of Ecclesiastical Lands Claims the right of a metropolitan see for St. David's 
Obtains support from the Welsh princes- -Election of Uchtryd, a Welshman, to the 
see of Llandaff, 1139, and of Meurug, another Welshman, to the see at Bangor 
Meurug swears fealty to the King Owain Gwynedd appeals to Bernard of 
St. David's against him Conference at Aberdyfi, 1140 -Action of Bishop 
Uchtryd with regard to Western monasteries holding land in Wales Conflict with 
St. Peter's, Gloucester Conflict with Goldcliff, 1143 Conflict with Tewkesbury ; 
arbitration by Robert of Gloucester Gilbert consecrated Bishop of St. Asaph, 1143. 

OIDE by side with the struggle for political indepen- 
dence, another was going on throughout Wales for 
the liberation of four Welsh sees from the yoke of the 
Norman Archbishop. Till the time of King Henry's 
death, the vigorous Bernard of St. David's had been 
chiefly engaged in continuous disputes with the Bishops of 
Llandaff and Hereford for the spiritual jurisdiction of 
certain debateable lands on the frontier of the three 
dioceses ; but the war of independence and the national 
success opened a new field to his activity. 

1 Bernard was a man of learning. Accustomed to the 
luxurious life of the court of the Norman, he was not 
contented by the revenues of his see, 2 and to face his 
expenses was compelled to alienate many of its lands, 

1. Gir. Camb , Op. iii. 152 4. 

2. Gir. Camb., iii. 154. 


notably the cantref of Pebidiog, which the generosity of 
the princes of Deheubarth had bestowed on the Church. 
1 He had applied himself with energy to assimilate the 
clergy of St. David's to Roman ritual and discipline ; and 
had established a body of canons but without a Dean, at 
his Cathedral. 2 He had been the first bishop of Mynyw 
who was not Welsh by race ; but the same motives of 
ambition, which had urged him to accept the oath of 
illegiance to Canterbury, when he obtained promotion to 
the see, now influenced him to make an effort for the 
delivery of his Church from a foreign servitude. 

3 Giraldus deliberately states that Bernard did not 
formulate the metropolitan claim of St. David's till twenty 
years had elapsed from the time of his consecration. He 
applied to Pope Innocent II. for the pallium, and we may 
gather from Giraldus Cambrensis that the pontiff promised 
to view the matter favourably, but put off his decision to 
a future occasion. 4 Bernard turned to the Welsh princes 
for support, and not only Anarawd ap Gruffudd, prince 
of Deheubarth, but Owain and Cadwaladr of Gwynedd 
gave him help in his efforts. 5 He also relied on the 
Welsh clergy ; his own chapter was heart and soul with 
with him ; and Archdeacon Simeon t>f Bangor seems to 
have been on his side. 6 At any rate, Bernard interrupted 
the prescriptive rights of Canterbury over St. David's, and 
in his confidence caused the cross to be carried before him 
in his episcopal journeys. 

i. Gir. Camb., Op. iii. 153, 154, 184. 2. Brut, ad 1112=1115. 

3. Gir. Carab., Op. iii., 49 ; 58. 4. Gir. Camb., Op. iii. 50. 

5. Gir. Camb., Op. iii. 59, 60. 6. Gir. Camb., Op. iii. 109, 153, 155. 


1 Another triumph for the Welsh clergy was the filling 
of the see of Landaff, which had been vacant six years. 
2 Uchtryd, who had been Archdeacon at any rate as early 
as 1 126, when he had taken part in the agreement between 
the Bishop of Landaff and Earl Robert of Gloucester, had 
probably governed the see in the meantime. 3 He was 
looked upon with great disfavour by the stricter churchmen, 
and was afterwards branded by Giraldus as a man of 
scandalous life. As a matter of fact, he was a Celtic 
bishop, uninfluenced by the dictates of the Roman Church 
on the celibacy of the clergy, and had married. 4 His 
daughter Angharad, by her union with lorwerth, brother of 
Morgan ap Owain of Caerlleon, had allied him with the 
great Welsh families of Gwent. Above all, he was a 
vigorous defender of the rights of his see, and in 1 139 was 
elected Urban's successor. 

5 In the North, too, Dafydd had died, and the people 
and clergy of the church of Bangor, chose as bishop a 
pious clerk called Meurug. At the beginning of December, 
1139, accompanied by Robert, Bishop of Hereford, and 
Sigefrid, Bishop of Chichester, he presented himself before 
King Stephen at Worcester to obtain confirmation of the 
election. Alleging the authority of Simeon, the Arch- 
deacon of Bangor, a man whose influence was great and 
who seems to have been the head of the Anti- Norman 
party in Church matters in Gwynedd, Meurug refused to 

1. Urban died in 1134. See Hen. Hunt., Rolls. Ed. p. 253. 

2. Concordia inter. Urb. et Rob. cons. Glouc. in Lib. Land. 

3. Gir. Camb. , Op. iii. 53. 

Howel ap lorwerth was his nephew. Brut, ad 1171, pp. 212 3 
5. Cont., Fl. Wigorn ad ann. 11^9. 


swear fealty to the king ; but he eventually did so, influ- 
enced by the arguments of his brother Bishops, and 
perhaps but too well pleased to show his independence of 
the popular archdeacon. 

T Meurug was consecrated with Uchtryd of Llandaff 
early in 1140, by Archbishop Theobald, in the presence of 
the Bishops of Hereford and Exeter. 2 Owain and Cad- 
waladr, indignant that Meurug should have done fealty to 
the King of England in spite of their wishes and have 
obtained consecration from Canterbury, determined to 
oppose him with vigour. To the energetic Bernard of 
St. David's they appealed, complaining that Meurug had 
entered the church of Bangor like a thief, and asking 
Bernard to hold a conference with them to oppose Norman 
ecclesiastical influence. It was proposed that Owain 
and Cadwaladr should meet Anarawd ap Gruffudd and 
Bernard at Aberdyfi, on the ist of November, 1140; but 
we are left in utter ignorance as to what was said 
and done at that conference, and we know nothing more 
of Meurug's life. 

In the South, Bishop Uchtryd had at once commenced 
his war upon the Western monasteries which had con- 
tinually been receiving grants of land in Wales from the 
Norman lords of the country. This had caused endless 
confusion ; Tewkesbury, Gloucester, and the others 
claimed for their Welsh lands exemption from the juris- 
diction of the Bishop of the Welsh diocese. The first to 
attract Uchtryd's wrath was St. Peter's, Gloucester. Not 
only in Gwent and Glamorgan, but as far west as Cere- 

1. Cent. Fl. Wigorn, ad ann. 1140. 

2. Gir. Camb., Op. iii. 59. 


digion had this monastery obtained a hold ; x for there 
Gilbert Fitz Richard de Clare had made to it donations of 
land at Ystrad Meurug and Llanpadarn and in the valley 
of the Clarach, in the early days of Bernard's episcopate. 
2 In Glamorgan, Robert of Gloucester and his father-in-law, 
Fitz Hamon had given land themselves at Cynffig and 
Llancarfan ; their nobles imitated this example, and 
Maurice de Londres and Gilbert de Turberville dis- 
tinguished themselves by their generosity. 3 The former 
founded Ewenny Priory as a cell of Gloucester, and in 
1141, confirmed all his grants in Ogmore, Gwyr, and 
Cydweli. Uchtryd's opposition to such grants roused 
Gilbert Foliot, who had become two years before Abbot 
of Gloucester through the influence of his kinsman Miles 
Fitz Walter, and was not a man to allow tampering with 
what he called his rights. He wrote to both Archbishop 
Theobald of Canterbury and Bishop Henry of Winchester, 
who was then legate of the Apostolic See, complaining that 
churches were built in Llancarfan without his permission, 
and begging the prelates to extend their protection over 
De Londres' grants in Ogmore; 4 and letters are extant 
from both Canterbury and Winchester to Uchtryd, 
supporting Gilbert's claims. 

5 In 1 143 Uchtryd was engaged in another quarrel with 
the Priory of Goldcliff in Monmouthshire. Theobald 
summoned the disputants before him, but Uchtryd was too 

1. Cart. Monast. S. Pcir. Glouc. ii. 73-9. Between 1115, the year of Bernard's consecration, and 

1117 that of Gilbert's death. - 

2. Cart. Mon. S. Petr. Glouc. ii. 10, 14. 

3. Hist. Sti. Petri. Glouc., i. 75. 

4. Cart. Sti. Petri de Glouc. ii. 14 

5. Epistles of Gilb. Foliot., xlvi., xlvii., xlviii. See in Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, . 346 7 


crafty to give up his case so easily, and alleging in suc- 
cession the difficulties of the journey, the wiles of his foes, 
his own age and growing infirmities, he succeeded in 
forcing the Archbishop who went abroad before Christmas, 
to put off at Foliot's suggestion, the hearing of the case 
till his return in the following year. 

1 In 1 145, Richard, the first abbot of Neath, died. 2 In 
the next year Uchtryd's quarrel with the monastery of 
Tewkesbury was brought to a close by the arbitration of 
Earl Robert of Gloucester. It was agreed that in return 
for the concession to the bishop of their whole tithe on 
land between Taff and Ely, and two-thirds of their tithe 
at Merthyr Mawr, Uchtryd would allow abbot Roger 
and the Convent to hold all tenths and benefices legally 
granted them. Meanwhile Uchtryd constantly maintained 
his own rights to ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the diocese, 
and in the same year (1146), 3 he settled in the episcopal 
court a dispute between the monks of Bassaleg and Picot, 
chaplain of St. Woollos at Newport. 

St. David's, then, practically independent under Bishop 
Bernard; at Llandaff, a Welsh bishop, holding the position 
of a Lord Marcher, fighting constantly for the rights of his 
see; and Bishop Meurug at Bangor probably reduced, 
as Owain's power grew, to a nullity of influence even in 
church matters ; such is the picture we have of the position 
of the three sees. 

The fourth Welsh bishopric had passed into inglorious 
obscurity since the day of Asaph and Kentigern. In no 

1. Ann. of Margam. in Ann. Monast. i. i,\. 

2. Cotton MS., Cleop. A. vii. P. 686 ; N. Mon. ii. 67. Found in Clark : Cart, et Munim. de Glam. i. TO. 

3. Cart. Monast. S. Petri Glouc. ii. 55. 


authoritative record do we find reference to it, and though 
it is probable that as Gwynedd had Bangor, and Deheu- 
barth, Mynyw, and Gwent and Glamorgan, an episcopal 
seat at Llandaff, so Powys must have had its own see and 
bishops ; yet it is not till the year 1 143 that we are clearly 
convinced of its existence. ' Gilbert, who was consecrated 
Bishop by Archbishop Theobald at Lambeth before 
Bishops Robert of London and Ascelin of Rochester had 
probably been elect of St. Asaph for several years ; his 
Norman name, his profession of allegiance to Canterbury, 
and the fact that Owain Gwynedd had been practically 
master of St. Asaph and the country around since the 
outbreak of revolt, make it probable that he never visited 
his see. 

i. See Gerv. Cant, i 126. 



Owain Gwynedd ; his policy of union with South Wales Anarawd of Gruffudd slain 
by the troops of Cadwaladr of Gwynedd Cadwaladr driven by Owain to Ireland 
Relations between Ireland and North Wales at this time Cadwaladr returns with 
mercenaries from Ireland Reconciliation with Owain Defeat of the mercenaries 
Anarchy in Central Wales Conquest of Maelienydd and Elfael by Hugh de 
Mortimer Invasion of South Wales by Gilbert Strongbow He rebuilds 
Caerfyrddin He is defeated at Aberteifi, 1145 Position of Nest's descendants in 
Dyfed Gilbert builds a castle at Dinweileir It is taken by Cadell ap Gruffudd 
Capture of Caerfyrddin and Llanstephan by the Welsh Death of Gilbert 
Strongbow, 1 147 Treaty between Cadell ap Gruffudd and the Fitzgeralds They 
attack the Flemings and take Castell Gwys War between Owain Gwynedd and 
the Earl of Chester Ravaging of the Earl's lands Battle of Nantwich Capture 
of Gwyddgrug by the Welsh War between Stephen and the Earls of Gloucester 
and Hereford Decay of Matilda's Party Death of Robert of Gloucester, 1 147 
Glamorgan in his lifetime His foundations. 

OINCE their father's death Owain and Cadwaladr had 
^ acted together in public affairs. Of great moderation 
and perspicacity, Owain pursued throughout his life a policy 
of union with the princes of Deheubarth. We have seen 
that he worked hand in hand with his nephew Anarawd 
both in political and ecclesiastical matters. He now pro- 
posed to marry one of his daughters to the young prince, 
but it appears that neither his brother Cadwaladr ' nor the 
lady herself looked with favour on the match. 2 At any 
rate, in 1143 Anarawd was treacherously slain by the 
household troops of Cadwaladr. Owain took this ill and 
dispatched his son Howel against the offender. Cadwaladr 
had received a considerable portion of Ceredigion after its 

i. The words : A mynnu Kadwaladr y vrawt a wnaeth, in the Brut, seem to suggest tha 
marriage with Cadwaladr, her uncle. The compiler of the Gwentian Chroni' 
perhaps at the suggestion, has given a different version. 

lat she desired 
icle, shocked 

t. Brut, ad 1143 = 3 ; Ann. Camb. 


conquest from the Normans, and this Howel invaded ; the 
young man showed in this his first campaign his soldierly 
qualities, for he rapidly conquered the country and burnt 
his uncle's castle at Aberystwyth. 

1 Cadwaladr, unable singlehanded to cope with Owain, 
sent to Ireland for help. Gwynedd was more than any 
other part of Wales in connection with the neighbouring 
isle. There probably was the last stronghold of the 
Goidelic Celts against the conquering Brythons ; 2 there 
the Scandinavian pirates who had made Erin their home, 
had carried on their fiercest ravages. 3 Cynan ab I ago had 
married a Dane, daughter of Olaf of Dublin, and his son 
GrufTudd was brought up in youth in his mother's home. 
4 Howel himself was the son, according to the Gwentian 
Chronicle, of Owain Gwynedd by an Irishwoman named 
Pyfog. Not only Gruffudd ap Cynan, but Cadwgan ap 
Bleddyn, Gruffudd ap Rhys and others had found a 
safe shelter on the other side of the Channel in the 
time of misfortune, and Gruffudd ap Cynan introduced 
Irish customs at his courts and Irish music at his feasts. 
The Irish slave market seems to have been the great outlet 
for the captives made by the Welsh in war, and the Irish 
piratical fleets, the great recourse of the Welsh princes after 
defeat. These facts show the close intercourse between 
Ireland and Gwynedd, more especially during the first part 
of the twelfth Century. 

Cadwaladr, then, found no difficulty in obtaining a fleet 
from Dublin, commanded by a son of 5 Turcall, who was 
probably a brother of Raghnall, the reigning King. 

i. Brut. adii43 = 4; Ann. Camb. 2. Brut, ad 969, 970, 977, 979. 986, &c. 

3. See Hanes Gruffudd in Myv. Arch. p. 722. 4. Gwentian Chron. ad 1169. 

5. Turcall was still living in 1133 [Ann. Loch Ce ad ann.] His son Raghnall perished in battle in 1146. 
[Chron. Scot, ad ann.] 


Othir, son of another Othir, and a son of Cherulf are 
mentioned as taking- part in the expedition. With these 
1 the Welsh prince landed at Abermenai. But before a 
conflict could take place, a reconciliation was brought about 
between the brothers by the noblemen of Gwynedd, and 
Cadawaldr received his lands anew. 2 On hearing this, the 
commanders of the Irish fleet refused to liberate him, until 
two thousand bondmen were handed over to them as the 
price of his ransom. Owain waited for his brother's 
liberation before he took the offensive against the enemy. 
He was victorious in the battle, many of them were slain, 
many taken ; the rest hastily returned to Dublin. 

While this was going on, the fearful anarchy consequent 
on the death of Madog ab Idnerth and the wild quarrelling 
of his sons, had given an opening to the Normans to 
recover some of their old power in the land between 
Glamorgan and Powys. Miles Fitzwalter had been the 
ruling spirit in that region, and no doubt handed over a 
suzerainty over Brycheiniog to his son Roger. His death 
was the commencement of the disintegration of the 
powerful party which had supported Matilda ; and from 
that time onwards the Marcher Nobles turned once more 
a closer attention to Wales. 3 In 1 144 Hugh, son of Ralph 
de Mortimer, reconquered Maelienydd from the sons of 
Madog, and as a means of keeping it, built the castle of 
Gemaron. By the banks of Edw, a few miles from where 

1. In 1144. See Brut, ad 1143 = 4; Ann. Camb. ad 1144. 

2. Some MSS. of the Brut, say the pirates [called Germanwyr] blinded Cadwaladr. This is very 

improbable, knowing what we do of his after life. It is probably due to a confusion by the 
scribe of the words dellis and delis. Both the MSS. of the Ann. Camb. say tenuerunt. 

3. See Brut, and Ann. Camb. The Gvventian Chron. wrongly ascribes the building of these castles to 

Randulf of Chester. The castles are also wrongly named. Colunwy=Clun in Shropshire. 
Rev. Thos. Price in his " Hanes Cymru," p. 546, attributes them to Hugh, Randulf of 
Chester's son. This Hugh was a child in 1144, and probably still a minor at his father": 
in Dec. 1153. By too great reliance on the aforesaid chronicle, The " Hanes Cymru " h 
made utterly useless for this period. 

's death 
has been 


its waters mingle with the Wye, the castle of Colwyn was 
built in Elfael, and that province also became subjected to 
Norman rule. ' In the next year, 1 145, Hugh de Mortimer 
defeated Rhys ap Howel and took him prisoner, with many 
of his men, keeping him in close confinement for two years. 
2 In 1 146 he killed Maredudd, a son of Madog ap Idnerth, 
3 and in 1147 blinded Rhys ap Howel in his prison. After 
the death of their brother, Caclwallon and Einion Clud, the 
surviving sons of Madog, seem to have divided their 
father's lands between them ; for we henceforword find the 
name of Cadwallon and his sons connected with Maelienydd, 
and that of Einion with Elfael. 

While the house of Mortimer was commencing that 
connection with Central Wales which was not to cease even 
when the final subjection of the Country was brought about, 
another noble family was making a similar effort to recover 
lost ground in the South. Gilbert Strongbow, who had 
received the title of Earl of Pembroke, and was a son of 
4 Gilbert Fitz Richard de Clare, had tired of a civil war, 
which was alike without interest or profit, 5 and in 1145 
appeared in South Wales to reconquer the lands lost after 
the death of his brother Richard, some nine years before. 
He invaded Cantref Mawr, recovered Caerfyrddin and 
rebuilt its castle, and erected another at Llanstephan to 
hold the cwmwd of Mabudrud ; and then marched west, 
towards Ceredigion. From what we can gather of the 
course of events, these successes must have startled Cadell, 
who since Anarawd's death had become the chief prince of 

i. Brut, ad 1144 = 5 ; Ann. Camb. 2. Brut, ad 1145 = 6 ; Ann. Camb. 3. Ann. Camb. ad 1148 = 7. 

4. In 1146 Gilbert Fitz Gilbert attempted to obtain from the King some of the castles of his nephew, 

Gilbert Fitz Richard, Earl of Clare, who was kept as a hostage for Randulf of Chester. For 
these events, and also Gilbert's consequent revolt, see Gesta Stephani, pp. 4224. 

5. Brut. 1 1 44 = 5 ; Ann. Camb. 


Deheubarth, and assistance was asked from Gwynedd. 
Owain's two sons, Howel and Cynan, hastened south to 
help their kindsmen ; ' a great battle was fought with the 
enemy at Aberteifi ; victory again crowned the efforts of 
the Welsh princes. Howel and Cynan returned home with 
vast booty. 

Gilbert's cause was that of the Normans who still held 
lands in Dyfed. 2 For whether they themselves by their 
ability and valour kept their grasp over the country after 
the great defeat of Crugmawr, or the Welsh recognized 
their claims through a daughter of Rhys ap Tewdwr, it is 
certain that the descendants of the famous Nest were still 
masters of the seven old cantrefs of Dyfed. Her bastard 
by King Henry held Arberth and the cantref of Pebidiog, 
which he had possibly acquired by purchase from the 
Bishop of St. David's ; William, the eldest of her sons by 
Gerald, had suceeded the latter in Penfro ; of his own 
brothers, the one David, had entered the Church, and 
become canon of St. David's and archdeacon of Ceredigion, 
the other, Maurice, was lord of Llanstephan. Robert, 
Nest's son by the Constable Stephen, had succeeded his 
father at Cardigan, and inherited the Cantref of Cemaes 
from his uncle Robert Fitz Martin. Of those of her sons 
whose paternity is less known, 3 William Fitz Hay had 
St. Clare, Walter and Howel two small lordships at 
Llanbedr and Felffre. Both her daughters, Angharad and 
Gwladys, had married nobles of the district. The former 

1. The battle of Aberteifi is placed after Gilbert's invasion, but what appears to be the right order is 

given in the C. MSS. used for the Ann. Camb. 

2. For the possessions of the family, see Gir. Camb. i. 5860. 

3. He is by Giraldus, called Wm. Hay at i. 59 ; Wm. Fitz Hay at i. 28 ; the Brut, calls him Gwilim ab 

Aed ; and Brut, y Saeson in Myv. Arch. p. 677, William or Hay. 


was wife of William de Barri, lord of the cwmwd of 
Maenorbir, and ' about this time became mother of Giraldus 
Cambrensis. It was evident that alliance with so powerful 
a family was valuable, and Gilbert relied on them as well 
as on the Flemings of the Cantref of Rhos, who had re- 
covered from their defeat, but to vow vengeance on the 
descendants of Gruffudd. 

2 In the winter, probably, De Clare built the castle of 
Dinweileir. The erection of so advanced an outpost again 
aroused Cadell, who, in 1146 fought against it with his 
brothers, Maredudd and Rhys, took it by force, and put the 
garrison to the sword. Howel ab Owain now arrived from 
Gwynedd, and the two princes invested Caerfyrddin. At 
all times has this position, by its nature, the key of South- 
west Wales, attracted the envy of the contending races by 
its importance in war. 3 After a desperate struggle it was 
taken, and its garrison suffered the same fate as that of 
Dinweileir. In the peninsula between the estuaries of Taf 
and Tywi, crowning a bold hill overlooking the waves of the 
bay, the castle of Llanstephan next challenged the efforts 
of the Welsh princes. 4 It too fell, and was handed over to 
the custody of Maredudd ap Gruffudd, who was now 
sixteen. The Fitz Geralds and their half-brother William 
Fitz Hay, with a strong force of French and Flemings, 
attacked it a few days after, but the valour and skill of 
Maredudd and the great strength of the place baffled them, 
and they withdrew with loss. This success enhanced the 
growing popularity of Maredudd, and henceforward he is 

1. In 1147 according to J' S. Brewer, in Roll's Ed. of Gir. Camb., Vol. i. preface, p. x. and Note. 

2. Brut, ad 1145 = 6; Ann. Camb. ad 1147 = 6. 3. Brut, ad 1145 = 6; Ann. Camb. ad 1147 = 6. 
4. Brut, ad 1145 = 6 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1147 = 6. Two MAIS, of the Brut, say that Maredudd was beseiged 

in Caerfyddin. 


found taking a leading part in every campaign in Deheu- 
barth. ' It had probably the effect of bringing about a 
treaty between the Fitz Geralds and Cadell, to which the 
death of Gilbert Strongbow in 1147 also perhaps con- 
tributed. At any rate, in that year we find them united in 
attacking the castle of Gwys in Deugleddyf. It resisted 
with vigour. Once again the warlike Howel was summoned 
from the North. He gathered a strong force and joined 
his allies. They received him with honour and left to him 
the conduct of the seige, and he brought it to a successful 
issue before returning to Gwynedd. 

There Owain's great Norman enemy was Earl Ranulf 
of Chester. 2 This noble had invaded North Wales after 
King Henry's death, but his efforts to oppose the revolt 
had been distinctly unsuccessful. Owain's power grew 
steadily. His reconciliation with Cadwaladr in 1144 
enabled him to act with vigour. While his sons, Howel 
and Cynan, were gaining fame and influence in the South, 
3 Owain's troops in 1145 ravaged the lands of Ranulf, 
burnt the towns and bore off much booty. Ranulf, who 
had already joined Stephen at the seige of Wallingford, 
went, in 1146, to Northampton, where the court was. He 
complained of the savage harrying of the Welsh bands in 
his domains, and implored the king, by his presence at the 
head of an expedition, to strike terror into the hearts of his 
foes. Stephen's counsellors reminded him of the invariable 
accompaniments of a Welsh invasion, the difficulties of the 
country, the dangers of ambush, the impossibility of keep- 
ing a sufficient supply of troops for an army. They suggested 

1. Brut, ad ann. 1146 = 7 ; Ann. Camb. B. MS. ad 1149, C. MS. ad 1148 = 1147. 

2. Sym. Dunelm. ii. 287. 3. Gesta Stephani, pp. 419421. 


treachery on the part of the Earl, whose notoriously 
unscrupulous and faithless character gave colour to the 
charge. He was thrust into prison, and not allowed to go 
free until he had yielded the town and castle of Lincoln. 
This action was far from diplomatic, and turned Chester into 
an irreconcilable enemy of Stephen, ' The Welsh took 
advantage of his captivity to burst into the Cheshire 
valleys, and harass them with fire and sword. They were 
intercepted at Nantwich, and repulsed into their own 
borders. But the year closed with another triumph for 
them ; the strong castle 2 of Gwyddgrug in Tegeingl, 
which had long resisted attack, was taken by the household 
troops of Owain and burnt, and the men of the garrison 
taken prisoners. The Chronicles tell us how Owain 
Gwynedd had just been prostrated by grief for the loss of 
his son Rhun, a young prince of great gift and promise, 
but the news of the great success of his troops aroused him 
again to his wonted energy, and filled him with great joy. 
A narrow strip of land on the sea coast, studded with 
castles, was all that was left to the Normans in North 

3 The Earls of Gloucester and Hereford continued to 
lead the West against Stephen. The king was defeated in 
1143 at Wilton. The two Earls in the following year 
came upon him with a large force and offered battle near 
Tetbury, but from fear of the superior numbers of the 
enemy, and the fierce rush of the Welsh auxiliaries, he was 
induced by his advisers to refuse it. But this was the last 
triumph of Matilda's party. The king avenged himself 

1. Chronica Monasterii de Melsa i. 129 ; See J. Brompton. 

2. Mold in Flintshire. For what follows see Brut, an 1145 = 6 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1147 = 6. 

3. See Gest. Steph. pp. 3978, 40810; Kent. Hunt ; Gerv. Cant. i. 1256. 


by taking the new castle of the Earl of Hereford at 
Winchcombe by assault, and ravaging the lands of Hugh 
Bigod. In 1145 ne to k Farringdon Castle, and this seems 
to have marked a decisive turn in his fortunes. 

The party which had put forward Matilda's personal 
claims to the crown of England, steadily decayed. Its 
death came with that of Robert of Gloucester. ' This 
prince, alike from his high birth and the immense power he 
derived very largely from his Welsh lordship in Glamorgan, 
and above all, by his proved moderation, more than any 
other Norman, seems to have had favour with the Welsh 
nation. His attention to Glamorgan had probably been 
given before his father's death, and it is to him that is due 
the consolidation of Fitz Hamon's conquest. He took the 
place of arbiter in the disputes between Norman marcher 
lords and the Welsh mountain chiefs, between the Welsh 
bishops and the foreign monasteries. 2 He himself came to 
an agreement with both Bishop Urban and the descendants 
of lestin ap Gwrgant, whom tradition describes as the last 
Welsh prince of the district, and whose son Caradog was 
left in the position of a Norman lord Marcher, in a position 
as one writer has well said, which was never retained in 
England by men of Saxon descent. Other sons of lestin 
were established at Solfen and Rhuthyn, and Miscyn and 
Sainghenydd became the names of Welsh lordships not 

1. He was Henry's eldest bastard How the legend arose that he was a son by Nest, daughter of Rhys 

ap Tewdwr, I find it difficult to ascertain, as no reference to it is found in any Twelfth 
Century authority. It occurs in that very late, very untrustworthy Gwentian Chron. ad ann. 
ITIO. To the same year it refers : (a) the blinding of Madogap Rhirid. 1113 [Brut, ad mo 3]; 
(6) the death of Robert Fitz Aymon, 1107 [Ann. Theok.]; (c) the marriage of Robert of 
Gloucester and Fitz Hamon's daughter, probably in or shortly before 1116 ; (d) the taking of 
Cardiff by Ifor Bach, who is called son of Cedrych. and not as he should be, son of Meurug, 
who is connected with Earl Robert, not as he should be, with Earl William, 1158, [Ann. Marg. ; 
Gir. Camb. vi. 6-5] The strongest argument against this late tradition is that Giraldus does not 
speak of Robert m the list of Nest's descendants, a very unlikely omission in one so proud of 
his kindred ; [op. i. 58 60.] 

2. Concordia inter Urb. cpisc. et Rob. cons. Glouc. in Lib. Land See Clarke's Land of Morgan. 


belonging to the house of lestin. Robert's own castles 
were at Cardiff and Cynffig, and the lands of his vassal 
Norman nobles lay chiefly between the two. The most 
powerful was De Londres, who, in addition to having lands 
in Ogmore, was lord of Cydweli. Turberville held Coety, 
and Siward, Talafan and Merthyr Mawr, while the three 
other families of Granville, Umfraville and St. Quintin also 
had broad lands near the coast. 

Robert was a great benefactor of the Norman monas- 
teries, and in the last year of his life, gave another proof of 
religious munificence by the foundation of the ' priory of 
Cardiff and the 2 Cistercian Abbey of Margam. 3 He died 
on the 3ist of October, 1 147. 

1. Hadden and Stubbs, Councils and Eccl. Docts. i. 351, referring to Dugd. Mon. iv. 632, vi. 431. 

2. Ann. Marg. ad 1147. For other authorities see Haddan and Stubbs, Councils i. 351. 

3. Brut, ad 1146=7 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1149 = 7 ; Ann. Marg., Ann. Theokesb. 



The foundation of Monasteries by the Normans Cwmhir a Welsh foundation 
Ty Gwyn Caerfyrddin Wales and the Crusades Bernard of St. David's negotiates 
with the popes for the recognition of his claims as metropolitan of Wales Council 
of Rheims in April, 1148 Decision postponed Terrible mortality in Wales during 
1 148 Death of Bishop Bernard Election of a Welshman by the chapter cancelled 
David Fitz Gerald consecrated as Bernard's successor. 

" I "HIS was indeed a period at which monasteries multiplied 
A in the country. It is probable that the Normans 
looked to them as to their castles as a means of holding 
their Conquest, and veiled their designs by granting land 
for cultivation, for the clearing of forest ground and the 
recovery of marshy soil. ' Certain it is that the first founda- 
tions were highly unpopular with the Welsh, and were 
distinctly Norman in spirit. Only one monastery of the 
first half of the twelfth century is claimed as a Welsh founda- 
tion ; Cwmhir was established in 1143, it is stated, by 
Cadwallon, son of Madog, and lord of Maelienydd. In a 
beautiful and secluded vale, where flow the waters of 
Clywedog, verily a rugged region, an abbey was built for 
sixty Cistercian monks. Nothing is against it ; on the 
contrary, the fact that Cwmhir was a house of the Cister- 
cian order, the most popular of the Orders on Welsh soil, 
added to the fact that Maelienydd was not reconquered by 
the Normans till the next year, are in favour of the claim, 
and we know that the descendants of Cadwallon were 
buried in the abbey. 

i. Dugd. Mon. v. 458. Fundata est Cwmhyre in Wallia, filia Blanchland. 


1 In the same year as Cwmhir was founded, another 
body of Cistercian monks was introduced into Wales by 
Bishop Bernard, and established at Trefgarn in the cantref 
of Deugleddyf. Thence they must have moved almost 
immediately, to occupy the far more famous site of Whit- 
land or Ty Gwyn ar Daf, where a Celtic monastery had 
long before existed, and it was believed that Howel Dda 
had gathered the Welsh scholars and clerics for the 
compilation of his code of Laws. 

2 And then came the Priory of Caerfyrddin to which 
possibly we are indebted for the Black Book, the oldest 
continuous manuscript in the old language of the Cymry. 

All these monastic establishments on Welsh soil testify 
to the fervour of the Normans of the country rather than 
to that of the Welsh themselves. Powys and Gwynedd, 
which had been less tainted by foreign invasion and con- 
quest never saw 3 this multiplication of the religious houses 
of a foreign Church, and further, the ecclesiastical energies 
of the Welsh people were for the moment working in 
another direction. 

4 For we must not suppose that Wales was devoid of 
the Christian enthusiasm which created the Crusades. 
Even now Europe was preparing, at the call of Innocent III, 
for a new expedition to the Holy Land. And we have 
evidence that many Welsh pilgrims, chiefly from Dyfed 
and Ceredigion, were drowned in 1144 on their way to 

1. Ann. Camb. ad 1144. 

2. Councils and Eccl. Docts. of Haddan and Stubbs i. 351, referring to Dugdale, Mon. iv. 632, vi. 431. 

See the Palaeographical Introduction of Gwenogfryn Evans to the Black Book of Caerfyrddin. 

3. See Gerv. Cant. ii. 443 4. 

4. Brut, ad 1143=4 ; C. MS. of Ann. Camb. Cf. Gwentian Chron. ad 1145. 


1 Pope Innocent, too, had died in 1143, and Bernard at 
once renewed his suit at the court of Rome. Celestine II.'s 
short reign had no influence on the question, but Lucius II. 
did not go further than Innocent ; in a letter of the I4th of 
May, 1144, he assured Bernard, as his predecessor had 
done, that he would inquire into the claim of David's to 
metropolitan authority. He was pope but eleven months, 
and Eugenius III., who succeeded, was more inclined to 
listen to Bernard's plea, and to that of the Chapter who 
forwarded letters to him, immediately after his accession, 
in defence of the rights of the see. 2 The Sulien, son of 
Rhygyfarch who died at the close of 1 146, was probably the 
head of the Welsh party who preserved the traditions of 
the Celtic Church under the great Sulien. 

3 Eugenius summoned the bishop of St. David's to 
appear before him at the Council to be held at Rheims in 
March, 1148. We still have a letter of Bernard to Arch- 
deacon Simeon of Bangor, asking him to accompany him 
and give evidence in his favour. Robert, Bishop of Bath, 
on the other hand testified against him, and swore to his 
oath of allegiance and to the suffragan character of his see. 
4 Bernard attempted to influence Eugenius by promising a 
substantial increase in the Papal revenues derivable from 
Wales. 5 At Meaux on the 28th of June, the Pope gave 
judgment against Bernard personally, but informed Theobald 
that he fixed the feast of St. Luke in the following year for 
definitely ascertaining the rights of St. David's as a see. 

1. Gerv. Cant. ii. 443 4. 

2. Brut, ad 1145 = 6., he died on the 22nd of September. One MS. says the 2ist of October. 

3. Gir. Camb. Op. iii. 59. Testimonkim Robert! Bathoniensis in MS. Cott. Cleop. E. i. 

4. Gir. Camb. Op. iii. 55, 78, 175. 5. Gir. Camb. Op. iii. 518, 180 i. 


1 But 1148 had been marked in Wales as a season of 
fearful mortality, and among the famous victims was 
Bernard. His death put an end for half a century to the 
efforts of St. David's for ecclesiastical independence of 
Canterbury, and gave an opportunity for the outbreak of 
the animosity which had been brewing, during his rule of 
the see, between the Welsh party and the Anglo-Norman. 
2 The former desired a bishop of pure Welsh blood, keeping 
to the traditions of the old Celtic church, and being in a 
majority on the Chapter, they succeeded in securing the 
choice of a man worthy of the position. But the others 
had the ear of Archbishop Theobald, and induced him to 
cancel the election. Their nominee was David Fitz Gerald, 
Archdeacon of Ceredigion, in whose veins ran both Welsh 
and Norman blood, and who was willing to renew the oath 
of allegiance to Canterbury and to desist from the pursuit 
of St. David's archiepiscopal claim. 3 Theobald approved of 
him, and he was consecrated on the i9th of December, 1 148. 

This was an evil day for the Welsh Church. It never 
had the same opportunity of obtaining a nominee of its 
own ; as on this occasion, so twice again such were thrust 
aside, and an obedient servant of Canterbury consecrated. 
4 David spent the years of his episcopate in ceaseless 
conflict with his chapter, and in distinct opposition to the 
more worthy policy of Bernard, who, with all his faults, had 
worked for what were the interests of the majority of his 
flock, his successor, in the midst of a Welsh population, 
gave himself to the Norman party and to a disgraceful 

i. Brut, ad 1147 = 8. 2. Gir. Camb. Op. iii' 431 and 154. 

3. Gerv. Cant, i., 138 ; Gir. Camb. Op. iii. 431 ; his professio in MS. Cott. Cleopatra E. i. The 

December fell on a Sunday in 1148. 

4. Gir. Camb. Op. iii. 4314. 



Renewed war between Owain and Cadwaladr Howel invades Meirionydd Storming of 
Cynfael Castle, 1147 Cadwaladr driven before 1152 from North Ceredigion and 
Mon. Owain wars with Powys Building of Oswestry Castle Policy of Madogap 
Maredudd He obtains help from Ranulf of Chester Battle of Cwnsyllt, 1150 
Power of Owain in Pow}s Death of Ranulf, 1153 Wars of the sons of Gruffudd 
ap Rhys in South Wales Their conquest of South Ceredigion, 1150 -Their war 
with North Wales and occupation of North Ceredigion, 1151 Cadell, wounded by 
the Normans, retires from active life Maredudd and Rhys burn Aberllychwr, 1 151 
Renewal of the war with Howel in North Ceredigion, 1153 Capture of Tenby 
Death of Bishop Uchtryd of Llandaff Consecration of Nicholas ap Gwrgant 
His mediation between Welsh and Normans Restoration of the old Celtic 
Churches Maredudd and Rhys invade Glamorgan Rhys harries Cyfeiliog 
Owain's family difficulties His second marriage. 

1 T N 1 147 the disagreement between Owain and Cadwaladr, 
soothed into peace three years before, broke out 
anew. Hardly had Howel returned from his expedition 
against the castle of Gwys, when war began, and he and 
his brother Cynan, each with a separate force, marched into 
Meirionydd. They united before the castle built by 
Cadwaladr at Cynfael, of which Morfran, abbot of Ty 
Gwyn, was Constable, and after vainly endeavouring by 
threats and promises to induce its surrender, they had 
recourse to force and took it by storm. 2 The loss of 
Meirionydd split Cadwaladr's possessions into two halves, 
and thinking himself unable to retain both, he built a castle 
in 1149 at Llanrhystud, not far from the sea; and gave 
both it and his share of Ceredigion to his son Caedfan, 

1. See Brut, ad 1146 = 7 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1148 = 7 ; also " Canu a Gant Kyndelw y Hywel M. Ewein," 

in Myv. Arch., p. 117. Morfran is wrongly called by the Gwentian Brut., Merfyn. 

2. Brut, ad 1148 = 9; Ann. Camb. ad 1151 = 49; Cadwaladr's son is invariably called Cadfan in the two 

MSS. used for the Ann. Camb ; also in the Brut, y Tywysogion at the 1149 = 50 entry, but at 
1148 = 9, he is called Cadwgan by all MSS. The Brut, y Saeson of the Myv. Arch follows the 
B. y Tywysogion. 


while keeping his northern possessions in his own hands ; 
"but in 1150 Howel attacked Cadfan, took him prisoner, 
captured Llanrhystud and conquered North Ceredigion, 
2 and in 1152 Owain drove Cadwaladr himself from his 
last stronghold in Mon. 

Meanwhile Owain had gone to war with Powys. 
Madog ap Maredudd, like the other Welsh princes of his 
time, took advantage of Stephen's misrule to extend his 
own power, and recovered no doubt all the ground lost in 
the preceding reign. 3 In 1149 he built a castle at 
Oswestry, on territory which had been in English hands 
for centuries. Though his rule appears to have been 
beneficial and peaceful, Powys during this time was not 
altogether free from gravelkind warfare, 4 and in 1146 
Madog's cousin Meurug Tybodiad, son of Madog ap Rhirid, 
was killed in treachery by his own men. s The prince, 
however, averted civil broils by a wise arrangement with 
his nephews Owain and Meurug, the sons of his brother 
Gruffudd. In 1 149 he gave them in South West Powys, 
the Cantref of Cyfeiliog, from which henceforward Owain, 
the elder of the two, derived the name by which he is best 

During the whole of the time, the power of Gwynedd 
had steadily increased, and although we have no clear 
authority for the statement, yet it seems that Owain had 
established some sort of supremacy over Powys. 6 In 1 149 
he built a castle in the cwmwd of lal, a fact which does 
much to show the great extent of his direct influence. It 

t. Brut, ad 

3. Brut, ad 

4. Brut, ad 

5. Brut, ad 

6. Brut, ad 

149 = 50; Ann. Camb. ad 1153 = 50. 2. Brut, ad 1151 = 2. 

148=9; Ann. Camb. ad 1151 = 49. Oswestry is the Welsh Croesoswallt. 
145 = 6; Ann. Camb. 

148 = 9, Ann. Camb., ad 1151 = 49. Gruffudd died in 1128. See Brut, ad 1125 = 
148 = 9 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1151 = 49. lal is the English Yale. 


had the effect of terrifying Madog into revolt, and to this 
he was no doubt urged as much by advice and promise of 
assistance from Earl Ranulf of Chester as by his own fears. 
1 At any rate, he was not successful, the forces of Owain 
blocked his advance at the pass of Cwnsyllt in Tegeingl, 
the auxiliary forces which Chester had supplied were cut to 
pieces, and Madog's own troops fled from the field. .The 
failure of this attempt increased Owain's hold, and diminish- 
ed Norman influence, for some time in Powys ; 2 and 
perhaps we may see some result of a more national policy 
in the slaying of Stephen Fitz Baldwin, a noble of the 
Shropshire marches, by Prince Llewelyn, Madog's son, in 
1152. It was not till Henry Plantagenet had firmly estab- 
lished himself on the English throne, that Madog renewed 
his intrigues against Owain Gwynedd. 

The latter's enemy, Ranulf de Gernons, had been 
baffled at Cwnsyllt. But in England his power had never 
been so formidable. Careless of scruple, and mindful of 
nought but his own gain, he extorted in return for his 
promise of support, 3 first from Stephen and then from the 
young Plantagenet, charters making to the great noble, 
concessions so extraordinary, that we can only suppose 
that they were given with the object of gaining time. 
4 His immense power was at its height, when still in the 
prime of life, he was struck down, at the close of 1 153, by 
death. 5 William Peveril whose lands had been granted to 

1. Brut, ad 1149 = 50. Cwnsyllt is the English Coleshill in Flint. 

2. Brut, ad 1151 = 2. 

3. Reports of the Depy. Keeper of the Pubc. Records, No. 31, p. 2; Cott. Chart. XVII. 2; Dugdale, 

Baronage, i., 39. 

4. On the i6th of December probably. See R. de Monte ad 1152 = 3 ; Gerv. Cant, i., 155; Brut, y 

Tywysogion ad 1152 = 3; Ann. Camb. ad 1154=3. 

5. Dudgale, Baron, i., 437. His estates forfeited early in 1155 February ?.) See R. de Monte ad 1155 


Chester by Henry's charter, was accused of having 
removed him by poison, and in the next year, his lands 
were forfeited for the crime. ' Ranulf was succeeded in 
his earldom by Hugh, a son begotten of Maud, daughter 
of Robert de Gloucester. 

The sons of Gruffudd in South Wales were during this 
time engaged in ceaseless warfare, chiefly with the object 
of extending their influence to the North and East of 
Ystrad Tywi. 3 In 1150 Cadell repaired the important 
castle of Caerfyrddin, 3 and ravaged the lands of De 
Londres in Cydweli. 4 With his two brothers Maredudd 
and Rhys, he led an army into Ceredigion, and subdued it 
as far as the river Aeron. Before the close of the year, 
Ceredigion north of the river belonged to Howel, son of 
Owain Gwynedd, and Ceredigion south of it to the three 
sons of Gruffudd. This did not last, and early in February, 
1151, the long peace between North and South Wales was 
broken. The sons of Gruffudd marched into Howel's 
territory, took Llanrhystud Castle after a long siege, and 
reduced to submission all the North of Ceredigion except 
the castle of Pengwern yn Llanfihangel which successfully 
resisted their assaults. They bore off many prisoners and 
much booty. Soon after Howel ab Owain came, took 
Llanrhystud Castle by force, burnt it and put the garrison 
to the sword. In order to hold the conquered country, the 
sons of Gruffudd then rebuilt the castle of Ystrad Meurug 

1. R. de Monte ad 1152 = 3. 

2. Brut, ad 1149 = 50; Ann. Camb. ad 1153 = 50. The Ann. Camb. speak only of the ravaging of 

Cydweli. The two most inaccurate MSS. used for the Rolls Edtn. of the Brut, say Cydweli 
was fortified by Cadell, by an evident omission in transcribing the full version found in the 
three best MSS. of that chronicle. 

3. Maurice de Londres was probably still alive in 1149. At any rate his son William's " Confirmatio " of 

grants was made in the lifetime of Bishop Nicholas of LlandafF ; 11491183. It was attested 
by Adelise, Maurice's widow. By her he had two other sons, Richard and John. 

4. Brut, ad 1149, 1150, 1151 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1153, 1154=1150, 1151. 


destroyed fourteen years before ; and Howel, hoping to 
put a check to further advance, put up again that of 
Humfrey in the Vale of Calettwr. 

1 Not long after, Cadell, the eldest of the three brothers, 
while hunting near Tenby, was surprised by a party of 
Normans, and so severely wounded that he was left for 
dead. He escaped, however, but took no further part in 
the affairs of the country. 2 In the fervour of his grateful- 
ness, he undertook two years later a pilgrimage to Rome, 
and left to his brothers the administration of his lands. He 
must have remained at least two years abroad, but we 
have no means of fixing the date of his return. Whether 
the wound he had received was such as to affect his 
intelligence, or his religious fervour was not the passion of 
a day, certainly he is never again mentioned as ruling any 
part of Deheubarth ; and the fact that 3 he assumed the 
religious habit at his brother's monastery at Ystrad Fflur, 
and died in 1175 of a severe distemper, are not without 
tending to show that both solutions are possible. 

4 Maredudd and Rhys, left alone in command of the 
forces of Deheubarth, immediately made an expedition into 
the peninsular of Gwyr in which the Fleming settlements 
were prosperous and unpopular, and several Norman nobles 
held lands. They fought against the castle of Aberllychwr 
that had been built on the eastern shore of the estuary, 
where it widens out towards the Channel. They took and 
burnt it and devastated the country. 5 In the same year, 
1151, the brothers repaired the strong castle of Dinweileir, 

1. Brut, ad 1150=1 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1154 = 1. 

2. Brut, ad 1152=3 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1157 = 6. The latter must be wrong. 

3. Brut, ad 1175. 4. Brut, ad 1150=1 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1154 = 1. 
5. See Brut, ad 1150=2; 1151 = 3. 


which had been dismantled after its capture from De Clare. 
After a year of peace with Howel, they again led their 
forces into his territory early in 1153, reduced the Cantref 
of Penwedig, and took and dismantled the castle he had 
built. Then, in revenge for the outrage on their brother 
Cadell, they attacked the castle of Tenby, took it by night, 
and handed it over to William Fitz Gerald, Lord of 
Pembroke, with whom they were still in alliance. Another 
military expedition of the same year was carried out by 
Rhys who laid waste the castle of Ystrad Cyngen. 

1 Robert of Gloucester had been succeeded by his son 
William, a man already somewhat advanced in years. The 
new Earl was devoid of much energy, and as long as she 
lived, his mother Mabel, in whom the blood of Fitz Hamon 
ran strong, took more part than he in the affairs of 
Glamorgan. Very shortly after his accession, the Bishopric 
of Llandaff became vacant. 2 The vigorous Uchtryd died 
in 1148 after earning the name of Defender of the 
Churches. 3 Nicholas ap Gwrgant was consecrated bishop 
on the 1 4th of March, 1149, by the Archbishop of 

From what we know of him, his election was a second 
triumph for the Welsh party, and during his episcopate he 
showed much of his predecessor's force of character. 
Nicholas gained influence both with the Normans and 
with the Welsh, and was called upon to mediate between 
Earl William and the lord of Aberafan, Caradog ab lestin. 
He obtained from the former, the confirmation of Robert's 

1. William is first spoken of as Castellan of Bristol in 1138 in the Contn. of Flor. Wigorn. For his 

character portrayed by a political opponent, see Gest. Steph. ed. Bohn. p.p. 428 9. 

2. Brut, ad 1147 = 8. Gwrthwynebwr yr eglwysseu. Ann. Camb. ad 1150=1148. Ann. Theokesb. ad 

1148. See also the Gwent. Chron. ad 1146. 

3. Liber Landavensis, ed. Evans, p.p. 2957. 


grants to his Welsh subjects, that is, government according 
to the Welsh laws, privilege of market, and the right of 
every Cymro to freedom except in case of proven murder. 
1 He also applied himself to restore the old Celtic Churches, 
crumbling in ruins and deserted since the conquest. Llan- 
carfan, Llanilltyd, Llandydoch, Llanffagan, and many more 
recovered the right of sanctuary. We are told that these 
reforms made Glamorgan a haven to which fled all who 
tired of Norman injustice or wild tribal warfare. 

2 Still war did not cease to visit Glamorgan, and in 
1153 Maredudd and Rhys of Deheubarth laid waste the 
Vale of Afan. The pretext for this invasion is not known ; 
the Gwentian Chronicle affirms that the lord of Aberafan 
refused to join in a confederacy of the Welsh princes 
against the Normans, satisfied perhaps with his own 
position as a great Lord Marcher. In May his castle was 
burnt, the garrison slaughtered, and immense spoil borne 
away by the victors. This was not the last exploit of the 
year. 3 A little after Rhys harried the Cantref of Cyfeiliog, 
belonging to Owain ap Gruffudd ap Maredudd, a prince 
who was, or afterwards became his own son-in-law. But 
this bond did not imply any sympathy between the princes, 
and for many years they remained persistent enemies. 

More, possibly than any Welsh prince of his day, 
Owain Gwynedd, was unfortunate with his own family. 
Such a result was to be expected from his curious matri- 
monial relations and the evils of gavelkind. He was ten 

1. The Gwentian Chronicle ad 1150. 

2. Brut, ad 1152 = 3. The Gwentian Chron. ad 1151 says Morgan ap Caradog ap lestin was lord of 

Aberafan. But I am not clear that Caradog was dead, and more evidence is required before we 
accept the statement of a document which speaks of the grandsons of lestin as warring in 1099. 
See App. iv. 

3. The Brut says it was the second time he was harrying Cyfeiliog. The Ann. Camb. merely says 

" Resus vastavit Keiwelauc." 


years at war with Cadwaladr ; 'in 1 1 50 he was forced to 
imprison his son Cynan ; a two years later he blinded and 
castrated his nephew Cunedda, the son of his brother 
Cadwallon, from fear of his contending for succession. 
Some time before this, he must have married a second 
time. Gwladus, daughter of Llywarch ap Trahaiarn, by 
whom he had his eldest son lorwerth, was no doubt dead, 
3 and he chose Chrisiant, daughter of Goronwy ab Owain 
ab Edwin, to replace her. This lady was his first cousin, and 
within the. degrees prohibited by the Roman Church. 4 Such 
a connection between cousins, however, was by no means 
rare among the princes of Wales at this time. Incessant 
intermarriage took place among the chief families of the 
country, and especially the five greater clans. Owain had 
children by his first cousin, 5 Rhys by his niece, 6 and it may 
be a correct interpretation of a passage in the Brut to sup- 
pose that one of Owain's daughters preferred marriage with 
her uncle Cadwaladr to marriage with her first cousin 
Anarawd. Concubinage was universal ; 7 Cadwgan ap 
Bleddyn had children by at least six women, his brother 
Maredudd, by at least four, and not only Gruffudd ap 
Cynan and Owain Gwynedd, but most of the Welsh chiefs 
of the twelfth Century had a numerous illegitimate 

1. The Brut, ad 1149=50. Curiously the B. MS. of ab Ithel (from the Hengwrt library) says : Y 

carcharwyt Ywein vrenhin Gwyned a Chynan y vab. 

2. Brut, ad 1151 = 2. 

3. Owain Gwynedd was son of Angharad, daughter of Owain ab Edwin. 

4. Gir. Camb. vi., 213. This author says that cohabitation was usual before marriage. 

5. Brut, ad 1173. 6. Brut, ad 1142 = 3. 

7. Brut, ad 1113 = 6, pp. 13841 in Rolls Edn. The sixth was Owain's mother, who is called Iwerydd 
daughter of Edwin. 



Effect of Stephen's reign on Welsh history The building of castles by the Welsh 
Revival in National Life The bards Addresses to the native rulers--Lost works 
Gwalchmai-- Social standing of the bards Howel ab Owain Gwynedd and Owain 
Cyfeiliog Cynddelw and Seisyll Bryffwrch Minor poets Preservation of geneal- 
ogies Dramatic compositions Prose works The Mabinogion Geoffrey of Mon- 
mouth Walter of Oxford Caradog of Llancarfan The Book of Llandaff The 
Hanes Gruffudd ap Cynan Music Copying of Manuscripts The Laws 
Religious Life The Crusades The Cistercian movement The Abbeys Grants 
of land by the Welsh Burial of the chiefs The Welsh Characteristics and Cus- 
toms Growth of National feeling. 

'OTEPHEN died at last on the 25th of October, 1154, His 
^ son Eustace, his gallant wife Matilda had gone 
before, and the poor king, bereft of all that which might 
have consoled, passed away a broken hearted man. His 
reign, which in England was but one long record of misery 
and lawlessness, afforded to Wales the opportunity she 
required to thrust off the Norman rule, and add a century 
and a half of independent life to her long history. 2 The 
Welsh learnt how to build a castle to hold a neighbourhood 
in subjection, and when a new king attempted to recover 
the authority of his forebears in the land, he found it pro- 
tected now not alone by the wild valour of the inhabitants, 

1. Anglo-Saxon Chron. ; Robert de Monte ad 1153 = 4; William of Newburgh, Lib. i. Chap, xxxii., 

Gerv. Cant, i., 159 ; Brut, ad 1153 = 4; Ann. Camb. (c.) ad 1155 = 4, &c. 

2. In the first fury of the war of independence, the invariable rule with the Welsh was the destruction of 

the Norman castles that fell into their hands. The first castle, the building of which is distinct- 
ly attributed to a Welsh prince, is that of Cynfael which stood near the modern Ffestiniog in 
North Merioneth. Cadwaladr built it some time before 1147, [Brut, ad 1146 = 7]. Hence- 
forward the erection of castles by the Welsh was common, as was also the garrisoning with 
Welsh troops of strongholds originally Norman. If the Ucham of Ord. Vital, v., no, is as I 
think, Usk, it is clear that a Welsh prince garrisoned that castle as early as 1138. 


and the difficulties which nature seemed to have taken 
pleasure in strewing in the path of a would-be-conqueror, 
but by every defence wherewith art had taught those mas- 
ters in building, the Normans, to supplement the defects of 
nature and courage. The effort which was necessary to 
attain to freedom of political life drew upon the living 
sources of the strength of the people. The fiery energy 
called forth showed itself in many a siege and battle ; but 
to it must also be assigned the extraordinary revival in 
literature, art, religion and law which characterized the 

The political literature of Wales is traditionally connect- 
ed with the Bards. ' They were a powerful and numerous 
body, possessing a definite organisation. Each prince had 
his pencerdd, and 2 we hear of a contest between Cynddelw 
and Seisyll Bryffwrch for the office at the court of Madog 
ap Maredudd of Powys. The position did not entail any 
subserviency ; all the Bards of the twelfth century addressed 
their verses indifferently to the princes of the various 
divisions of Wales. Thus Seisyll Bryffwrch was victorious 
at the above contest and became pencerdd of Powys, yet 
of the three poems of his composition that have come down 
to us, one is addressed to Rhys ap Gruffudd, the other two 
are elegies on Owain Gwynedd and his son lorwerth 
Drwyndwn. 3 The only reason of preference would be the 

1. For the organisation of the bardic body see Aneurin Owain's Edn. of Welsh Laws, vol. i., pp. 125 

32 5, 258 9, 6603, &c. For the the number of the bards see Gir. Camb. Op. vi., 187. 

2. Amryson Cyndelw a Seisyll Bryfwrch . am Benceirdiaeth Fadawg Mab Maredudd . a Chyndelw 

a dechreuwys in Myv. Arch. p. 154. 

3. We have in the Myvyrian Archaeology poems in honour of the following princes of this period : 

(a) Gruffudd ap Cynan. Owain Gwynedd and his sons Howel, lorwerth, Dafydd, and Rhodri. 
Gwalchmai also refers to Cadwallon and Cadwaladr, sons of Gruffudd ap Cynan, as patrons of 
the bards. (b) In Powys, Madog ap Maredudd and his sons Llywelyn and Owain, and his 
* ^-S3. daughter Efa; lorwerth Coch ; Owain Cyfeiliog. (c) Rhys ap Gruffudd of Deheubarth ; 
Rhirid Flaidd of Penllyn : Einion, son of Madog ab Iddon of Gwent ; Howe, ab leuaf of 
Arwystli ; Cadwallon ap Madog of Maelienydd. 


amount of protection and encouragement which an individual 
prince might give to literature, and Owain Gwynedd and 
Madog ap Maredudd are singled out by the Bards for 
especial praise. 

1 Though Gwrgant ap Rhys is spoken of by the Brut, 
as the best poet of his day, we have not a single one of his 
compositions, and there are many others whose names are 
forgotten and whose works are unknown. Of the twelfth 
century bards, not more than twelve have had a few of 
their pieces preserved. * Gwalchmai, first of our period in 
order of time, is first in merit. He was son of Meilir and 
from him inherited poetical genius. He lived in Gwynedd 
and most of his poems are addressed to members of its 
royal house. A warrior, like most Welshmen of his time 
he delighted in the conflict, but with remarkable versatility 
turned from scenes of warfare to communion with nature. 
His poems, when they are not mere eulogies of princes, 
blend his joy in the din of battle with love for the songs of 
the birds, for the murmur of the streams in the deep woods 
and lofty hills for which his country was renowned. 

The social standing of the bards was never afterwards so 
high as in the twelfth century. 3 The bard of the prince 
took his place among the officers of the household, and his 

1. Brut, ad 1157 = 8 : Y lias Morgan ab Owein drwy dwyll y gan wyr Ivor uab Meuruc a chyt ac ef y 

lias y prydyd goreu, a hwnnw aelwit Gwrgan uab Rys. The last part of the quotation is not 
found in the D. & E. MSS. of ab Ithel. The account in the Gwentian Chronicle is different, 
and the writer seems to suggest that Gwrgant was a son of Rhys ab lestin of Solfen : Y lias 
Gwrgan ab Rhys ab lestin gwr dysgediccal o Brydydd a gaid yn ei amser y gan Ifor ab 
Meuryg o Sainghenydd, a Morgan ab Owain ab Caradawc a fynnai ddial hynny, a myned am 
benn Ifor ai ladd o dwyn ei diroedd. 

2. What we know of the bards is almost entirely gathered from the internal evidence of their own works. 

It is difficult to fix the date of Gwalchmai's death. He flourished from 1140 to 1170, and wrote 
elegies on Madog ap Maredudd (d. n6o)and Owain Gwynedd (d. 1170) His last poems are 
the A wdl i Dafyd mab Owain and the Canu a gant Gwalchmai i Rodri fab Owain. Gwalchmai's 
12 poems are found on pp. 1429 in the Myv. Arch., ed. 1861. 

3. For the privileges, &c. of the " pencerdd " see Aneurin Owen's edition of the Welsh Laws, vol. 

pp. 388-9. 


rights and privileges were minutely described by law. No 
taeog's son could become a scholar or poet, and the liberal 
professions became a close privilege of the freeborn Cymry. 
As in the days of Llywarch Hen, princes spurned not to 
take the pen, and ' Howel, son of Owain Gwynedd, and 

2 Owain Cyfeiliog have left us poems, that testify to their 
ability. Here again we wonder, knowing the turbulent life 
of the two princes, at the vigour which could manifest itself 
in so many phases. For they were no ordinary bards and 
their works no panegyrics and elegies so common with 
others. They bear a stamp of originality denied their 
meaner brethren ; the short love odes of Howel are instinct 
with grace, and Cyfeiliog's Hirlas abounds in passages of 
fiery energy. 

Cynddelw and Seisyll Bryffwrch were both men of 
conspicuous ability. Curiously, though we have still forty- 
six poems of the former, only three of the latter have been 
handed down. Thus we have not the same amount of 
material to help us to a judgment on their relative merit. 

3 Still, what we have of Seisyll does not justify the sum- 
mary treatment of Stephens, who, deceived perhaps by the 
position of his poems in the Myvyrian Archaeology, has re- 

1. Howel's poems, eight in number, are in the Myv. Arch. pp. 197 9. Three poems, all contemporary, 

which add to our knowledge of the prince's life, have the following subscriptions in the Myv. 
Arch. :-^-(a) Canu a gant Kyndelw y Hywel M. Ewein, pp. 1869. (*) Awdyl . Nis 
Gwyddis pwy ai cant., p. 281, but very probably a work of Peryf ab Cedifor, according to the 
suggestion of Thos. Price in Hanes Cymru, pp. 5847, adopted by Thos. Stephens in the 
Literature of the Kymry, pp. 39 41. (c) Peryf fab Cadifor ai cant i Hywel ap Ywain p. 346. 

2. Owain Cyfeiliog is applauded by Giraldus for the administration of his country. He seems to have 

had a good conversation and ready wit. [Gir. Camb. vi. , 144 5]. We have two poems of his in 
the Myv. Arch., pp. 1902 : The Hirlas Euein, and Englynion a gant teulu Ywem Kyueilyawc 
i Gylchyau Kymry. Of Cynddelw we have : -(a) Canu y Ywem Kyueilyawc, pp. 161 3. 
(b) Englynyon v Ewein Kyueilyawc, pp. 170 i. He must have passed into Norman story, 
for he is referred to in the Legend of Fulk Fitz Warin, published in the Rolls series in the same 
volume as R. de Coggeshall, p. 318 : -Atant vint Yweyn Keveylloke, un chevaler hardy e fer, e 
de une launce de freyne fery Fouke parmy la voyde du cors This is equivalent in modern 
French to : Alors vint Yweyn Keveylloke, un chevalier hardi et fier, et d'une lance de frene 
frappa Foulques a travers le corps. 

3. Seisyll's poems are in the Myv. Arch. pp. 2357, immediately preceding those of Llygad Gwr. The 

editors assign to him the period 11601210 ; but he must have flourished before the death of 
Madog ap Maredudd, and his latest work is the elegy on lorwerth Drwyndwn, who died befare 
1194. In the absence of further evidence, his floreat must be given as 11501190. 


legated him to the early thirteenth century. J His pane- 
gyric on the campaign of 1159 is a valuable contribution to 
history. It is devoid of much poetic merit, being in a rapid 
and difficult metre, but it is full of the double spirit of piety 
and warfare which is so characteristic of the epoch. Like 
most of the work of the bards it was destined for public 
recitation, and before launching forth on a glowing eulogy 
of Rhys, and a vivid description of his triumph, he asks 
God to inspire his rhyme, and bestow the gift of eloquence 
upon him. Seisyll is one of the least obscure of these bards, 
and his elegy in memory of lorwerth ab Owain is one of 
the most clear and moving we have. 

Seisyll's rival, Cynddelw, is often referred to as y 
Prydydd Mawr. 2 He must have been a well known poet 
before 1 160 when Madog ap Maredudd died, and no doubt, 
as some of his pieces are in honour of Llywelyn of Gwynedd, 
he saw the last years of the century. 3 Probably more than 
half of his known work belongs to our period, which was 
that of his vigour. Many of them, like his address to 
Howel ab Owain, throw a valuable side light on history ; 
nearly all of them add to our knowledge of the life and 
customs of the times; the wild career of the Welsh chieftains 
whose revenue was derived partly from taxes on their sub- 

1. Cani'r Arglwydd Rys. Seisyll Bryffwrch ai cant. , It is a poem of 88 lines in Myr. Arch. 

pp. 2367. 

2. Cynddelw, we gather from his works, lived to a great age and flourished from 1150 to 1210. The fact 

of his contending for the " pencerddiaeth " at the court of Madog ap Maredudd ap Bleddyn, 
shows he must have composed poems and gained some fame, as early as 1150. We have from 
him elegies on Madog (d. 1160) ; Owain Gwynedd (d. 1170) ; Cadwallon of Maelienydd (d. 1179) ; 
and Owain Fychan (d. 1186). His latest piece is the Cylch Llywelyn in Myv. Arch. pp. 1756, 
it was written after 1207 as verses 14, 19, etc., refer to the campaign against Gwenwynwyn and 
the destruction of Ystrad Meurug, perhaps after 1215 when Llywelyn raised Caerfyrddin to the 
ground. [See v. 20, and Brut, ad 1207 = 1215]. 

3. The Cannau Cynddelw Brydyd Mawr in the Myv. Arch. pp. 149 190 are 49 in number. These 

include the Amryson Cyn<1elw a Seisyll Bryfwrch am Benceirdiaeth, p. 154 ; one englyn, p. 184 
considered doubtful by the editors ; the Marwnad Uletynt Vart, p. 184, which can hardly be his 
unless we admit the existence of another Bleddyn Fardd than the one who flourished at the 
close of the Xlllth. Century, and whose poems are found in the Myv. Arch. pp. 251 5. 
Cynddelw's genuine poems are reduced to 46. 


jects, but chiefly from their predatory excursions on the 
richer land of the Saxons ; their prowess in hunting ; the 
hospitality, always a mark of the Celtic race, which led the 
princes to keep open board ; ' the rivalry of the bards and 
monks ; the keen delight in oratory and wit, in the public 
recitation of the prose tales and the poems of the bards, 
in music, in the amenities of social intercourse. 2 One side 
of bardic thought is seen in the poem addressed by Cynddelw 
to God, and it makes clear that the theological conceptions 
of his class were of a high order, and at the same time 
points to one of the factors in the hostility of the monks to 
himself and his brethren. 

3 The other bards of the period of whom we know any- 
thing were Daniel ap Llosgwrn Mew whose elegy on 
Owain Gwynedd makes us wish we had more of him. 
4 Llywarch Llew Cad ; 5 Peryf ap Cedifor, who was a 
partisan of Howel ab Owain ; and 6 Gwynfardd Brycheiniog, 
a South Welshman probably, as of his remaining works, 
one is addressed to Rhys ap Gruffudd, the other to St. Dewi. 

The bards had other duties than those of writing pane- 
gyrics and elegies on the princes of the time. To them 

1. Llyma Englyn a gant Cynddelw gwedi anfon Mynach o Fyneich Yschad Marchell iw wrthod ac 

ddywedyd nas cleddynt yn eu Monachlog. Myv. Arch p. 190. Ystrad Marchell was founded 
in 1170 according to Dugdale, Mon. v., 636. 

2. Myv. Arch. pp. 179183. The poems of all the bards show some of this religious feeling. Nearly all 

the poems of Einion and Meilir, sons of Gwalchmai, are addressed to God. Myv. Arch. pp. 
226 232. They fl. 1170 1210. 

3. Marwnad Ywein Gwynet . Danyel ab Llosgwrn Mew ae K. Myv. A. p. 193. 

4. The name is taken from his own poem, pp. 280 i of Myv. Archaeology. 

ana mat several were Killed in nis cause, iwo were uuucu wnu uuu >u *uu ^.VY. *uv.-,. 
Price, Hanes Cymru, p. 584. desires to identify their father with Cedifor Wyddel. See in Myv. 
Arch. p. 174 : Marwnad Ithel apCadifor Wyddel . Cynddelw ai Cant. 

6. His poems in the Myvyrian Arch. : (a) Gwynnuart Brycheinyawc a Gant yr awdyl honn yr Arglwyt 
Rys, p. 199. (i) Canu y Dewi. Gwynnuart Brycheinyawc ae Cant. pp. 1946. 


was entrusted the "preservation of the genealogies and 
historical documents of the chief families of the land ; theirs 
it was to bear messages from one lord to another ; theirs to 
incite the chiefs to warlike courage ; and the law required 
that before the battle, 2 they should address them on the 
Monarchy of Britain, no doubt to remind them of the loss 
of the Celtic supremacy of the island, and of the deeds of 
valour of their forefathers against their Saxon rivals. 
3 Again and again in the poems we find their fierce hatred 
of the English, and to it in part we must attribute their 
attacks upon the monks of the Latin church who were 
looked upon as aliens encroaching upon Welsh land. It is 
difficult to underestimate their importance as leaders of 
opinion, in keeping up the fever of war and the hatred of 
race ; but the English kings understood it as well as the 
early Ethelfrith, and by severe laws attempted their 

There was at this time a tendency towards the production 
of a drama. We know from the Four Branches of the 
Mabinogi- that conversation was an art prized at an early 
period by the Cymry ; and the repetition of such phrases 

i. See the valuable passage in Gir. Camb. Op. vi.j 167 8, where he clearly states that tbe bards kept 
ancient and authentic genealogies of their princes in the Welsh tongue. The genealogies of 
Owain ap Howel Dda and his mother Elen in Harleian MS. 3859 most probably date back to 
the Xth Century, and are evidently from a Welsh original. It has been the fashion to deride 
Welsh genealogies, but they are no less worthy of trust than those of other nations. Giraldus 

speaks of the regard of Welsh for high birth, and their great care of their pedigrees (Op. vi. 200.) 

Gruffudd ap 
Rhys ap Tewdwr ap Cadell ab Einion ab Owain ap Howel Dda. By leaving out the Cadell, 

. . 
In Descriptio Cambriae (Op. vi. 167) he gives us the correct descent of Rhys ap Gruffudd 

great confusion has been caused by certain writers. Tewdwr ab Einion died according to the 
Brut, in 993 = 995, probably. So Rhys ap Tewdwr was made, even if a posthumous child, to be 
between ninety and a hundred when he ruled South Wales. As a matter of fact, Rhys ap 
Tewdwr ap Cadell ab Einion must have been quite a young man when he is supposed to have 
begun his reign, perhaps in the Autumn of 1078, and cannot have been much more than forty at 
his death, during Easter week of 1093. His son Gruffudd was a child, and fled to Ireland, 
where he remained until he reached manhood. From the account of the Brut, ad 1112 = 5, ne 
must have come back to South Wales in 1113, a clear proof of his extreme youth at his father's 

a. Unbeinyaeth Prydein. W. Laws, ed. Aneurin Owen, i., 34 5, 660 i. 

3. Curiously it is not y Ffreinc, y Normanyeit of the Brut., but y Saeson, yr Eingl, y Lloegrwys, against 
whom the hatred of the bards is directed. Gwalchmai : Gwalchmai ym gelwir gelyn y saeson ; 
Myv. Arch. p. 143. Danyel ap Llosgwrn M. : Gwr a wnaei ar lloegyr llwyr anreith. A dwyn 
y dynyon yn geith ; Myv. Arch. p. 193. Seisyll Bryffwrch : Ac eingl ar darf godurf giliaw ; 
Myv. Arch. p. 237. 


as " ymdidan a wnaethant," and the frequency of short 
dialogues interspersed in the narrative, shows an inclination 
to dramatic effect. The dialogue in prose easily passed 
into the dialogue in verse. The rhymed conversation 
called Kyvoesi Myrdin a Gwendyd y Chuaer consists of 
one hundred and forty-one verses. Myrddin, in answer to 
Gwenddydd, predicts the succession of Welsh sovereigns 
from the time of Rhydderch Hael. The list given is 
correct, and the names are exact, till the reign of Howel 
Dda. Thenceforward all is obscure ; Howel's successors 
are called Bargodyein or Border-men, Brehyryeit or Barons, 
and so forth. ' From this circumstance Llwyd assigned 
the poem to the middle of the tenth century. If verses 71 
to 84 which refer to Henry II. and his successors and to 
Owain Gwynedd be recognized as interpolations, there can 
be no doubt that the internal evidence of the rest of the 
poem is in favour of his view. 

Whatever be the opinion adopted on this, there can be 
no doubt as to the antiquity of the dialogue between 
Taliesin and Myrddin, which is found on the first three 
leaves of the Black Book of Caerfyrddin, written 2 in the 
large hand attributed to a scribe of the reign of Stephen. 

j. Thos. Stephens, Lit. of the Kymry. pp. 2027. He refers it to about 1080 and thinks it was written 
to promote the interests of Rhys ap Tewdwr. He identifies the confused personages mentioned 
in the poem with princes of the Xth and XI th Centuries. Thus in the order of the poem : 

The Bargodyein are leuaf and lago, sons of Idwal Foel. 

The Brehyryeit are Howel and Cadwallon, sons of leuaf. 

Kynan y Cwn is Cynan ap lago. 

Serven Wynn is Sifnerth of Dyfed. 

Gruffud is Gruffudd ap Llywelyn. 

Cuyn Guarther is Bleddyn ap Cynfyn Gwyn. 

Gylvin is Glwncayn, son of Abloyc of the Brut. 

Machy dau banner is Macht ab Harallt of the Brut. 

Beli Hir is Trahaiarn ap Caradog. 

These identifications are ingenious, but more than conjectural. Recognized Sovereigns of Wales are not 
mentioned, and some are given as such who had not the remotest connection with the govern- 
ment of the country. Thus Glwmayn is none other than Gluniarainn mac Amhlaibh of the 
Chron. Scotorum ad 987 = 9, and yet this Irish prince is made to follow Bledhyn ap Cynfyn who 
was killed in 1075 [Brut, ad 1073], in the government or pennaeth of Wales. 

2. See the Palaeographical note of J. Gwenogfryn Evans, prefaced to the Facsimile of the Black Book of 
Carmarthen, Oxford, 1888. 


It suggests to us that rhymed dialogues were, by the middle 
of the twelfth century, much in vogue, ' and we have several 
which certainly go back to this period and confirm the 
suggestion. 2 One writer has been of opinion that miracle 
plays were already acted in the Welsh language, but un- 
fortunately he relies far too much on the Gwentian 
Chronicle and his theory consequently requires revision. 

The literature of the time was not confined to poetry. 
""What are known as the Pedeir Kainc y Mabinogi are 
a series of prose tales contained in manuscripts of the 
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, but which show indica- 
tions of being copies from originals of the twelfth. Even 
if in their present state they go back no further, the 
materials which have gone to form them were of high 
antiquity. The titles of the tales are Pwyll Prince of 
Dyfed ; Branwen, daughter of Llyr ; Manawyddan, son of 

1. We have the following dialogues : 

(a) Kyvoesi Myrdin a Gwendyd y Chuaer, printed in the Myv. Arch. pp. 108 115. 

(i) Ymdidan rhwng Myrdin Wyllt a Thaliessin, on the first three leaves of the Llyfr Du 
Caerfyrddin, printed in Myv. Arch. p. 45. Transcribed about 1150. 

(c) Dialogue between Myrddin and Ysgolan on f. 41 of the Llyfr Du. Printed on p 104 of the 

Myv. Arch, with the following superscription : I Yscolan. Myrddin Wyllt ai Cant. 

(d) Ymddyddan Arthur a Chai a Glewlwyd on p. 127 of Myv. Arch, on f. 476 of Llyfr Du. 

(e) Ymryson Gwyddneu a Gwyn ab Nudd, Myv. Arch. pp. 126 7, Llyfr Du. f. 49. 

(/) Yradiddan rhwng Ugnach ab Mydno, o Gaer Seon, a Thaliesin o Gaer Deganwy. Myv. 
Arch., p. 44, Llyfr Du, f. 51. 

The fact that with the exception of two elegies on Madog ap Maredudd by Cynddelw, there is not in 
the Llyfr Du Caerfyrddin ?.ny poem of the known bards of the Xllth Century, does certainly 
suggest that the scribe preferred to copy older work. Without building too much on a slight 
foundation, I am inclined to believe that most of the poems in the Llyfr Du are older than the 
middle of the Xlltb Century. 

There are other dialogues in the Myv. Arch., the date of which it is difficult to fix. [M. A. pp. 123 4, 
130 3]. Cf. also the Amryson Cyndelw a Seisyll Bryfwrch. 

2. He bases his arguments on : 

(a) The words : A chynnal pob chwareuon hud a lledrith, a phob arddangos in the Gwen- 
tian Chron. ad 1135. 

(4) The rhymed dialogues. 

(c) The frequent use of of the word miragl in the poems of the bards in connections which 
forbid our supposing they refer to the Miracles of Scripture. For this see Lit. of the 
Kymry, pp. 69 83. 

3. See Rhys ; Arthurian Legend, pp. i 6, 282, 377, 3878, &c. 


Llyr ; and Math, son of Mathonwy. They are completely 
free from the knight-errantry which enters so much into 
the later Welsh stories which have been influenced by 
Norman ideas. Arthur is not once mentioned, and the 
heroes of the play are taken from Goidelic parts of Wales, 
and chiefly from Dyfed, the home of Pwyll and Pryderi. 
Prominence is given to magic and the supernatural, to 
Dyfed, the land of enchantment. The Mabinogi formed 
the repertoire of the young apprentice bard, and he recited 
them no doubt at prices fixed by the law of custom. As 
we have them now they are delightful in their simplicity, 
their short flowing sentences, their appeals to magical 
effect, the clearness with which they reflect the ideas of a 
bygone age, the love of social entertainment and conversa- 
tion. To the student they are invaluable for folklore, pre- 
historic archaeology and ethnology ; and they add to our 
knowledge of social and political life under the tribal 

Other tales, too, which were gathered together with the 
preceding, and entitled Mabinogion, but had no claim to 
the name, go back to this period, although as they now 
stand, they bear the impress of later days. Thus the story 
of the Dream of Rhonabwy is evidently later than the time 
of Madog ap Maredudd, as both he and his brother 
lorwerth are therein mentioned ; but the reference is a 
superposition on older matter, and the fact that Norman 
ideas of chivalry do not find their way either into this story 
or into that of Kilhwch and Olwen, is in favour of the 
antiquity of both. Even those tales which undoubtedly 
show traces of Norman manipulation, were drawn often 
from earlier Welsh originals, the materials for which go 


back to a remote period. ' The ystoriawyr or story tellers 
gained fame from where they displayed conspicuous ability ; 
and Bledri is mentioned by Giraldus as one of the most 
renowned of the age. 

Curiously, of the Welsh literature of this century, the 
poetry extant is chiefly from the pen of North Welsh bards, 
but for the prose we are indebted to South Wales. Not 
only the lighter tales, but most of the historical work of the 
time show a Southern origin. 2 The greatest literary name 
of the time is that of Gruffudd ab Arthur, commonly known 
as Geoffrey of Monmouth. To few men has it been given 
to influence so widely the literature of the world. 3 The 
Gwentian Chronicle says he was connected by blood with 
Bishop Uchtryd of Llandaff. He entered the Church, and 
obtained rapid promotion by family influence and his con- 
nection with the house of Gloucester. His learning gained 
him renown ; he studied Celtic literature, was on intimate 
terms with Welsh men of letters, and at the request of 
Alexander, Bishop of Lincoln, published a Latin translation 
of prophecies of the famous Merlin. Meanwhile he was 
actively engaged in writing the Historia Britonurn, which 
was dedicated to Robert of Gloucester. This work sealed 
his reputation, and he was chosen a few years after as the 
successor of Gilbert in the see of St. Asaph. 4 On the i6th 
of February, 1152, he was ordained priest, and on the 24th 

1. " Famosus ille fabulator Bledhericus, qui tempora nostra paulo praevenit," says Giraldus [Ap. vi. 202]. 

2. Gruffudd is the name of the son of Seisyll ab Dyfnwal in the Brut. MSS. A. B. C. ad 1175 ; but the 

MSS. D. E. of the Brut, and B. C. of the Ann. Camb. give Geffrei, Gefrei or Geffre. Cf. the 
curious variations in the name of Bernard's predecessor to the see of St. David's. Ad 1083 = 5 
in the Brut, he is called Wilffre, Giraldus calls him Wilfredus (Op. vi. 90) and Wilfre (vi. 104). 
Ann. Camb. ad 1115, Wilfre and Wilfridus. Brut, ad 1112 = 5 calls him leffrei ; one MS. (D.) 
Geffrei. The Gwentian Chron. ad 1112 Griffri. 

3. Gwent. Chron. ad 1152. 

4. Gerv. Cant, i., 142 ; ii., 325. 


of the month consecrated bishop by Theobald at Canter- 
bury. He does not seem to have visited his diocese ; 
We find him on the i6th of November, 1153, witnessing 
the Charter of Agreement between Henry and Stephen ; 
1 and in 1155 he died suddenly at the celebration of mass in 
Llandaff Cathedral. 

The question of the materials employed by Geoffrey for 
his work, has been and is still involved in much obscurity ; 
but there is no sufficient reason for doubting his own ver- 
sion. He probably translated a Breton original, and used 
the Latin Nennius and possibly some Cymric manuscript 
embodying the national legends ; and in welding them into 
a harmonious whole, he has displayed evident literary skill. 
The Historia Britonum is an epic in prose, telling the story 
of the ancient British race from the days of Brutus to the 
death of Cadwaladr Fendigaid ; and Arthur is its real hero, 
and no inconsiderable part is given to a description of his 
deeds. The deliberate blending of truth and lie in history 
has been laid to Geoffrey's charge, and yet he did not claim 
to be so much a historian as a translator ; and a man of his 
learning would have found no difficulty in adding to their 
appearance of truth, had he merely wished to concoct fables 
of his own. We must all consider the mark of a man on his 
age, on posterity. It is when judged by such a standard that 
Geoffrey will assume gigantic proportions. 2 His influence 
was immediate and permanent, and some of the chefs 
d'oeuvre of European literature owe to him much of their 

Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, here deserves mention 

i. Brut, ad 1154 = 5. He is wrongfully called Bishop of Llandaff. Cf. Gwentian Chronicle ad 1152. 
?. T Gibray has left an excellent sketch of Geoffrey's literary influence. 


on account of his ' connection with Geoffrey of Monmouth. 
He was much interested in British antiquities, and visited 
Brittany whence he brought the famous manuscript used 
by Geoffrey. 2 It has been maintained that he was a 
Welshman, but no sufficient proof is forthcoming, and the 
statement may be due to a confusion with his namesake of 
the close of the century. 

Another historian of this time was Caradog of Llancar- 
fan. He wrote, in Welsh, a Chronicle from the death of 
Cadwaladr Fendigaid to the twelfth century. He was a 
man competent to do his work, and his Chronicle no doubt 
formed the basis of the annals preserved at the Welsh mon- 
asteries of Ystrad Fflur and Aberconwy. 3 These were 
afterwards multiplied by the bards, very many of whom 
made transcriptions for their own use, adding rarely a 
scrap of information derived from tradition or some other 
Chronicle in their possession. The divergence in the 
fullness of the historical account of the Brut y Tywysogion 
of the Rolls Series, the original manuscript of which 
must have been the Annals of Ystrad Fflur, is very 
marked about the end of the first quarter of the twelfth 
century, and the political sympathies of the writer change ; 

1. Geoffrey visited Oxford in 1129 when with Archdeacon Walter he was a witness of the Osney Charter. 

[Sir F. Madden on the Berne MS. in Journal of Arch. Institute, 1858, p. 305. 

2. There were three Archdeacons of Oxford in the Xllth century called Walter : (a) Walter some- 

times called Calenius, who was still living in 1151 and was Geoffrey's friend. (b) Walter de 
Coutances, archdeacon in 1183. (c) Walter Map or Mapes, archdeacon in 1197, still living 
in 1208. The first and third have been often confounded. Thos. Stephens, among many others 
has been led astray. Walter Map was undoubtedly of Welsh stock, [see his De Nugis, ii, 20,] 
and calls himself a marcher of Wales [ib. ii, 23]. He has been claimed as a native of Pembroke- 
shire [Notes and Queries, 3rd Series, XL, 386 ; and Hardy's Cat. Brit. Hist., ii, 487] ; and of 
Herefordshire [Ward's Cat. of Romances in the Mus. Brit., i, 7368] ; while others say he was 
a son of Blondel de Mapes by Fflur, daughter of Gweirydd ap Seisyllt of Llancarfan in Gla- 
morgan, and attribute the foundation of Trewalter to him. [Stephen's, Lit. of the K. 
pp. 310 i, &c.] 

3. The list given by the poet and grammarian John Rhydderch of persons who wrote Histories of Wales 

or Britain, refers probably to bardic transcriptions or abbreviations of known Chronicles, and 
especially the Brut y Tywysogion. The Llyfr leuan Brechfa, and if it be the transcription of 
Guttyn Owain, the Llyfr Du Basing, would be indications of this, 


1 and I am inclined to attribute this to the use of Caradog's 
Chronicle for the first part of the work, which was after- 
wards supplemented by regular additions at stated periods. 

2 Little is known of Caradog, but he was on terms of friend- 
ship with Geoffrey, who, according to one authority, 
supplied him with materials for his work. 

The same time which saw the publication of the histories 
of Caradog of Llancarfan and Geoffrey of Monmouth, 
was distiguished by the completion of the valuable compila- 
tion known as the Book of Llandaff. The records of 
grants of land are generally the earliest elements in the 
history of a diocese, and it is probable that by the tenth 
century some effort was made to obtain a clear recognition 
by written charters of the possessions of the see ; and a 
great impetus to this movement was no doubt given by 
Urban, who was continually disputing with his neighbour 
bishops about the frontiers of his ecclesiastical domain. 

3 The Book of Llandaff received its definite form certainly 
after the death of Urban, and probably before that of 
Stephen. 4 It must be considered as a plea for the Church 
of Glamorgan, and it has certainly been put together with 

1. This would agree very well with the date, 1124, assigned for Caradog's death by the editors of the 

History and Antiquities of St. David's, referring to Nova Legenda Angliae, fol. iv ; but it 
probably refers, unfortunately, to Caradog, the Hermit. The bard and herald Gutyn Owain 
(fl. 1451 1495,) gives 1156 as the date, and it has been generally accepted. But it seems certain 
that Caradog died before the publication of the Histona Britonum, the latest date for which 
is 1147. 

2. He was a monk of Llancarfan in Glamorgan, and perhaps one of the band of literary men who 

gathered round Robert of Gloucester. He is said to have written : Commentarii in Merlinum 
De Situ Orbis and Vita Gildae. [Bale, Script. Brit. Cat., p. 196] of the first two nothing 
is known ; the Vita Gildae, published by Stevenson for the Eng. Hist. Soc., is possibly his. 
He has been confounded by Ab Ithel, and others with Caradog the Hermit, of whom we hear 
much from Giraldus, who was himself the author of a Vita S. Karadoci ; but there is no 
evidence to prove that they were one and the same person. Ab Ithel in his preface to the Brut, 
p. xxiii., says he was a son of Llefoed Wynebglawr or Flat Face, whose poem entitled 
Gorymdeith Llevoet Wyneb Glawr is found in Myv. Arch. pp. 118 9. Several poems have 
been attributed to Caradog himself, such as one addressed to Gwgan the Bearded in the Myv. 
Arch., and two in the lolo MSS. entitled, Englynion yr Asswynau and Englynion y Gorugan, 
which have also been attributed to Llefoed and Geraint y Bardd Glas. 

3. On p. 85 of the Oxford edition of Rhys and Evans we hear of Urban as praedictus episcopus vir 

bonae memoriae. 

4. J. Gwenogfryn Evans, in preface to Book of Llandaff, gives reasons for supposing Geoffrey of 

Monmouth to have been the author. 


no mean ability. The lives of the first bishops of that 
Church are no doubt largely overgrown, like most lives of 
saints, with legends ; but even they, perhaps, contain germs 
of truth. From the Book of Llandaff we derive most 
of our knowledge of the early history of Morganwg, and 
1 the most competent authorities are in favour of the 
authenticity of its records. 

Another work which may be considered to date back in 
its original form to the twelfth century is 2 the Hanes Neu 
Buchedd Gruffudd ap Cynan, printed in the Myvyrian 
Archaeology. Unlike the histories of Caradog and Geoffrey 
which lay claim to equal antiquity, it has received but scant 
attention. Evidently a native of Gwynedd, and an enthu- 
siastic supporter of its royal house, the author, 3 Sir John 
Wynne tells us, was an old Welsh monk ; and his book 
was in the sixteenth century translated into Latin by 
4 Nicolas Robinson, Bishop of Bangor. 5 The original seems 
to have been undoubtedly Welsh, and the Latin headings 
and references to Simeon of Durham and Ordericus Vitalis 
are perhaps to be attributed to the Bishop, and were not 
found in one of the manuscripts used by the editors of the 
Myvyrian Archaeology. The fullness of the narrative sug- 
gests that it was written but shortly after Gruffudd's death, 
by one who used an historical work on the eleventh 
century now lost. For it is evident by the most cursory 
glance at this biography, that quite a disproportionate part 

i. Seebohm, Tribal System in Wales. 2. Myv. Arch. pp. 721 734. 

3. Sir John died ist March, 1626 = 7. History f the Gwydyr Family. 

4. Bishop in 1566, died 3rd February, 1584 = 5 ; Le Neve, Fast. Eccl. Angl. 

5. Thos. Price (Hanes Cymru, p. 528 note), based his opinion that the work was originally written in 

Latin on : 

(o) The division of the work by Latin headings. 

(4) The Commentary on the Prophecy of Merlin. 

(c) Certain turns of phrase which suggest translation from Mediaeval Latin. 


treats of Gruffudd's early career, and that scarce one-seventh 
of it refers to the last thirty-seven years of his life. The 
genealogy of Gruffudd forms a preface to the work. Its 
length and complexity fully bear out Giraldus' statement 
about the care of the Welsh for their pedigrees and their 
pride of race. The writer casually refers to the descent 
from Rollo of William the Conqueror and his two sons, and 
Stephen his nephew, but he mentions no later English 
monarch. * We are led, till further evidence from manu- 
scripts and a good edition of the work permit a revision of 
the opinion, to believe that the Hanes Gruffudd was written 
in the middle of the twelfth century. 

2 The Welsh were even then a remarkably musical 
people. They played the harp, the violin and the pipe ; 
and prominence was given to these instruments in the great 
feasts which from time to time were held by the principal 
chieftains. 3 Giraldus describes their singing in parts as 
distinguished from singing in unison ; and of their singing 
in general speaks in terms of high praise. 

4 There was also at this time a movement in the direc- 
tion of multiplying the manuscripts of the country. The 
Kymric school of writing, especially in Deheubarth, was 
under the influence of French models ; but very little work 
of the time has been preserved. The oldest manuscript 
known is the famous Black Book of Caerfyrddin which 
contains forty-three pieces, chiefly in verse, of the twelfth 
and preceeding centuries. The first transcripts are in a 

1. The publication of a critical edition of this work, after collation of existing MSS. would be a service 

to Welsh history. 

2. Thos. Stephens, Lit. of the Kymry, pp. 5569. Gir. Camb. Op. vi., 1867. 

3. Gir. Camb. Op. vi., 189. 

4. See Gwenogfryn Evans' introduction to the Llyfr Du Caerfyrddin 


large bold hand, whereas the latter are in small writing ; 
but the whole of it is quite legible. 

Little doubt can exist that a period distinguished by 
fertility in other branches of human activity, was marked 
by attention to the institutions of the land ; though the 
number of authoritative references to definite legal changes 
is small. The Laws of Howel Dda were themselves but 
an adaptation of former observances to the phase of tribal 
life found in the tenth century ; and in the twelfth they 
received considerable modification, thought necessary owing 
to the new conditions which the struggle with the Normans 
brought about. It is probable the Welsh Code as we have 
it now, takes us back to this period, and one * manuscript at 
least appears to be of the close of the century. The 
majority of those extant are much later, but they are bardic 
transcripts of the earlier, just as the numerous copies of the 
Brut, derive from an original of about 1290. The political 
and social wisdom everywhere manifest in the laws points 
to a long experience of the tribal system ; and gives them 
much value in the comparative study of human institutions. 

For Wales as it was for Europe, the twelfth century 
was an era of change in religious life. The violence of the 
Norman usurpation had brought her, face to face with Latin 
Christianity, fashioned anew by the genius of Hildebrand ; 
and when her own church succumbed, she adopted perforce, 
though gradually, the celibacy of the priesthood, the Roman 
discipline and ritual. This brought her into closer contact 
than she had been with the rest of the western world, and 
the same high motives and aspirations, which influenced 
the rest of Christendom, had their effect upon her people. 

i. See Aneurin Owen's Preface to his edition of the Welsh Laws, pp. xxv., xxvi., xxvii. 


We have evidence that the first two crusades did not leave 
her indifferent ; and pilgrimages to Rome and the places 
revered of Christians in the distant East were not uncommon. 
Another great factor in the communication of Wales with 
other parts of Europe, was the influence of the religious 
orders. The Cistercian movement which received immense 
impetus from the Normans, was finally supported by the 
Welsh themselves, so that the three abbeys of Tal y 
Llychau, Cwmhir and Ystrad Fflur in the south, most 
probably owed their origin, and at any rate, eventually, a 
large part of their endowment, to their own princes. 
"Further, in Glamorgan, to such abbeys as Neath and 
Margam, which were founded by Normans, the Welsh 
princes and people became great benefactors almost from 
the first ; and there is no interruption during the twelfth 
century in their grants of land. 

But in addition to this excitation of religious feeling 
from without, there was great fermentation and fervour 
within. The Celtic church did not disappear before its 
rival, as some would fain believe, like a shadow ; and the 
age is full of instances of the violence and bitterness of the 
conflict. At every vacancy of a bishopric the old Welsh 
party attempted the installation of a nominee bound to its 
views ; but the Norman monarchs and archbishops would 
never permit the government of a Welsh see by a Welsh- 
man. Every motive was adduced against such a course ; 
but the real one was its alleged impolicy. The Welsh 
native clergy was accused of ignorance and superstition ; 
but unless we are to suppose that the priests were inferior 
in intellectual level to their contemporaries, the chieftains 

i For Ncath and Margam Charters see G. T. Clark's Cartae et Munimenta de Glamorgan. 


and bards, the plea that they were ignorant must be 
rejected. Certainly superstition was rife, but not a country 
in Christian Europe was then free from the stain. As a 
matter of fact, the ecclesiastical policy of the English kings 
in Wales was due to a belief that Norman bishops would 
form valuable allies in the subjugation of the country. 

The Welsh princes, too, whose wild life of war would 
seem to have debarred them from more peaceful pursuits, 
were men influenced by religious motives, as much as by 
literary effusion and oratory. Many of them built 
monasteries, like their Norman neighbours, for the salva- 
tion of their souls. 'The Brut delights in showing how 
before death they underwent penance and made a holy 
confession of their sins, and after communion of the Body 
of Christ, and extreme unction, were buried in the sacred 
precincts of a religious foundation of their own. And 
lastly, the works of the bards add their evidence to prove 
that at this epoch as in others of Welsh history, religion 
was a great factor in the life of the people, and in different 
ways affected the higher and lower classes of Welsh Society. 

History shows us that the character of a people does 
not easily change. Great migrations, social, political, and 
even religious revolutions, while they tend no doubt to the 
gradual modification, have nowhere wrought a radical 
transformation of racial tendencies. More perhaps than 
many, the Cymric nation has suffered from such. The 
migrations of the fifth century, the loss of independence 
in the thirteenth, the social and religious changes of the 
sixteenth, have all been brought to bear upon a people 

i. Brut, ad 1129=32; 1136=7; 1159=60; 1169=70. Deaths of Maredudd ap Bleddyn, Gruffudd ap 
Cynan, Madog ap Maredudd, and Owain Gwynedd. 


eminently sensitive, but while they have wrought super- 
ficial changes, they have not profoundly modified the 
Cymric character. 

1 In the twelfth century, the Welsh were as a nation 
given up to war. The lances of the North, the bowmen of 
the South of Wales, and especially of Gwent, were famous. 
At the first sound of battle, the noble left his castle, the 
husbandman his plough. The former fought on horseback ; 
but the bulk of the Welsh forces were foot-soldiers, lightly 
armed, as was necessary in a land of mountain fastness and 
forest. In a charge, their dashing valour astonished their 
foes, who did not understand how an enemy on foot, un- 
protected by armour, dared meet the Norman mailed horse. 
But did they meet with stubborn resistance, they fell back 
as quickly as they came, only to return, if opportunity 
offered, to the onslaught. 

2 They were distinguished by thrift and sobriety, and 
endurance of hunger and cold. 3 They reverenced chastity. 
Their hospitality was remarkable ; 4 the host and hostess 
waited in person upon the visitor, and he was entertained 
with the company of girls, the music of the harp, and 
every variety of social cheer. The women wore white 
turbans covering the head. Both men and women took 
great care of their teeth ; the former shaved the beard, 5 but 
left the hair of the upper lip. 

6 They lived in wattled huts near the skirts of a wood 

1. Gir. Camb., Op. vi., 179181. See also vi. 54, 177. 

2. G. C. Op. vi., 182, 212. 

3. Giraldus' testimony is of no value, because he looked at Welsh customs from the point of view of a 

member of the Latin church. But see the Pedair Kainc y Mabinogi. 

4. Gir. Camb. Op. vi., 1834. 

5. Gir. Camb. Op. vi., 185. Cf. Caesar, De Bello Gallico, lib. v., cap. 14. 

6. Gir. Camb. Op. vi., 176, 180, 207, 211, &c. 


in constant fear of a foe. They preferred to maintain 
themselves by the excitement of rapine, than by the peaceful 
ploughing of land ; their agriculture was consequently 
primitive ; but they took great care of their cattle, for they 
lived rather by their flesh, and on butter, cheese and milk, 
than by bread. They cared but little for commerce either 
by land or sea, and those mechanical arts which were not 
of service to war, received little support. Above all they 
were proud of their blood, "and an adherent of Henry's in 
the campaign of 1 1 63, affirmed the popular belief that 
neither the Welsh race nor their language would ever cease. 
It was no doubt the bad government of England for 
nearly twenty years, which was the prime cause of the 
success of the rebellion against the Norman yoke. But it 
was not the only one. Wales under Beauclerc's reign was 
thoroughly under Norman control. The annals of Gwynedd 
in the Brut during those thirty-five years are almost a 
blank ; and we learn from other sources that it enjoyed 
profound tranquility under Gruffudd ; and that agriculture, 
commerce and the arts of peace flourished. Deheubarth 
itself was partitioned among the foreigners, and though 
once or twice Gruffudd ap Rhys had raised tumult in the 
country, yet it was comparatively quiet, and for the last 
nineteen years of the reign is hardly mentioned by the 
Brut. Powys alone resisted Norman influence, and was 
a scene of continual violence and bloodshed. It seems 
that to this must be attributed in part the decline of 
Powysian influence after the death of Maredudd ap 
Bleddyn. The population of the district diminished in 
Henry's reign, while that of Gwynedd and Deheubarth 

i. G. C. Op. vi., 227. 


increased by rapid bounds. ' One writer waxes enthusiastic 
over the iron government of the Southern districts by the 
Normans, and the restoration therein of law and order, and 
asserts that in fertility and plenty, they could compare with 
the most productive parts of Britain. 2 This increase in 
wealth and population was the determining factor which 
enabled Wales to profit by Stephen's misgovernment. 
The natural strength of the country, the adoption of Norman 
tactics where they were of advantage, of the system of 
castle building for the defence of land, above all the growth 
of a strong national feeling which forced the numerous 
native princes, from inclination or policy, to cease from 
their fatal broils of the beginning of the century, and to 
tend rather to union against a common foe, all these were 
so many aids to resistance of aggression, which the 
undoubted talent of two Welsh princes, Owain Gwynedd 
and Rhys ap Gruffudd, turned to account against a far 
greater enemy than Stephen had ever been. 

1. Gesta. Steph. p. 329. He says Wales, but his remarks can only apply to South Wales. 

2. Gir. Camb. Op. vi., 217 8. 



Henry II. Roger of Hereford's opposition to him Reconciliation - Mortimer's revolt 
The King Wars in the Marches Mortimer's submission Death of Roger of Here- 
ford, 1155 Death of Maredudd ap Gruffudd of South Wales His great ability 
Rhys ap Gruffudd The Flemings in Rhos and Gwyr Hostilities between Owain 
Gwynedd and Rhys ap Gruffudd Intrigues of Cadwaladr of Gwynedd and Madog 
of Powys with Henry Henry's first invasion of Wales, 1157, and its failure Events 
in South Wales Earl William at war with the Welsh Ifor Bach storms Cardiff 
Castle, 1158 Henry treats with Rhys ap Gruffudd Clifford and Clare return to 
Wales to occupy their fiefs - Plundering of Rhys' land Rhys takes Llanymddyfri 
and drives Clare from Ceredigion - Henry's second invasion of Wales, 1158 Rhys 
besieges Caerfyrddin, but is forced to raise the siege Death of Madog ap Maredudd, 
1160 Diminution of the influence of Powys in the Welsh affairs War in Maelien- 
ydd and in Powys Rhys ap Gruffudd's successes in South Wales Henry's third 
invasion of Wales, 1163 Rhys submits The Welsh princes do homage at Wood- 
stock Henry II's policy Rhys again at war in South Wales, drives the Clares from 

Ceredigion Owain's activity on the North East frontier Henry's fourth and last 

invasion of Wales, 1 165 Unity of the Welsh Henry's failure Rhys takes Aberteifi 
and Cilgerran Foundation of Strata Florida Negotiations of Owain with Louis VII 
of France Capture of Basingwerk, 1166 Owain Cyfeiliog attacked by Owain 
Gwynedd and Rhys ap Gruffudd Fall of Prestatyn and Rhuddlan before the Welsh, 

HHHE prince that succeeded that gallant but feeble 
monarch on the throne of England, was destined to 
play an important part in Welsh history. ' He was a scion 
of the house of Plantagenet, which had risen to eminence by 
continual conflict with its Norman and Breton neighbours. 
Popular legends, influenced by the wild and inconsistent 
character of its members, traced the origin of that house to 
the intercourse of the Devil with a daughter of Anjou. 
2 Henry II. was himself a native of those smiling provinces 
which are watered by the Sarthe ; he was a son of the 

1. The first who bore the name of Plantagenet was Henry's own father, Geoffrey V. of Anjou. 

2. Henry II. was born at Le Mans, on Mid-Lent Sunday, $th March, 1133. [Acta Pontif. Cenomann. 

c. 36, in Mabillon, Vet. Analecta., p. 322], 


French soil, and a Frenchman at heart ; and it was on his 
French provinces that he lavished alike his wayward affec- 
tion and his direct beneficence. At his accession he was 
barely twenty-one. J He seemed to have united in his own 
character most of the distinctive features of his race, its 
vices as well as its virtues, its weaknesses as well as its 
talents, its uncontrollable passions as well as its calculating 
prudence in policy, in fine, all those contradictions of temper 
which had made the descendants of Ingelger a byword 
among men. The immense possessions which by inherit- 
ance, by marriage or by conquest, were brought beneath 
his sway, joined to his qualities as an able general and an 
astute diplomat, made him formidable ; and he was one of 
the most dangerous enemies that the Celtic-speaking 
peoples have had in their long history. During his reign, 
not only Wales, but Scotland, Ireland and Brittany, felt his 
power and acknowledged his supremacy. 

Henry's great object at the beginning of his reign was 
the recovery of the royal castles, and the dismantling of 
those which the nobles had put up in the reign of Stephen. 
And he took no pains to hide his views, knowing that they 
were popular with the body of the nation, who had tired of 
ravage and slaughter. But the great nobles feared for the 
power they had exercised without hindrance for so long. 
Earl William of Gloucester was too timid, 2 Earl Hugh of 
Chester, too young to commence a vigorous struggle, 3 but 
Roger of Hereford withdrew from court, and hurried west 
to prepare Gloucester tower and his Hereford castles for 

1. For Henry's character see a good description by Dr. Stubbs ; Preface to vol. ii. of the Gesta. Reg. 

Henr. Sec. Benedicti Abb. in Rolls Series ; and Miss Kate Norgate's Article on Henry II. in 
the Diet, of Nat. Biography. 

2. Will. Malm, ii., 569, says : Is comes [Randulfus] filiam comitis Gloecestrensis jamdudum a tempore 

regis Henrici duxerat. 

3. Gerv. Cant, i., 161. 


defence. Many who feared openly to avow his cause, 
favoured him in secret, T but the only noble of mark who 
actively supported him was Hugh de Mortimer, who fortified 
the castles of Cleobury, Wigmore and Bridgnorth against 
the king. 2 From the Welsh, however, who looked to him 
as a descendant through his mother of Kings Gruffudd ap 
Llywelyn and Trahaiarn ap Caradog, and who were further 
ever ready to join an opponent of the English crown, the 
Earl received hearty support, and they garrisoned in 
numbers his castles in the Marches. Eventually Gilbert 
Foliot, Bishop of Hereford, Roger's own kinsman, came to 
him and showed him the danger of embarking, without 
support, on war with a popular king. Persuaded by the 
eloquence of Gilbert, Roger was reconciled to Henry on 
the 1 3th of March, 1155, and gave up the royal castle of 
Gloucester. 3 But Hugh de Mortimer, who is described 
by his contemporaries as a man of dashing valour, but of 
presumptuous arrogance, refused to yield Bridgnorth. The 
king acted with promptitude, and besieged his three castles 
all at once. Cleobury he took and burnt. On the 7th of 
July, Mortimer submitted, surrendering Bridgnorth and 

1 Earl Roger was confirmed in his hereditary estates, 
but before the end of the year he died. Henry, who was 
determined to diminish the power of the great families, 
swollen to excess in the preceding reign, retained the earl- 
dom of Hereford and the city of Gloucester in his own 
hands. Walter, Miles' second son, only succeeded to his 

1. For the revolt of William of Aumale in Yorkshire, see Will of Newburgh. 

2. Gerv. Cant, i, 162. 

3. For different references to his character, see Wm. of Newburgh, lib. ii., cap. iv. ; Robt. de Monte ad 

1155 ; Gerv. Cant. L, 162. 

4. Brut, ad 1154 = 5 ; Robert de Monte ad 1155. 


brother's lands and revenues in Wales and the Marches, 
conspicuous among which were the lordship of Brycheiniog 
and the castle of Abergafeni. 

'In the same year, 1155, the Welsh sustained severe 
loss by the death, at the age of twenty-five, of Maredudd 
ap Gruffudd. There is unanimity of praise with regard to 
this prince ; 2 twice the Brut departs from the dry record of 
events to speak warmly of his virtues ; and 3 Giraldus lauds 
the moderation of his rule. Certainly his ability was 
great ; he was four years only the chief ruler of Deheu- 
barth, during which he much extended his sway and 
consolidated the authority of his house ; and 4 the Brut 
emphatically calls him the King of Dyfed and Ceredigion 
and the Vale of Tywi, for the last time giving the royal 
title to a Welsh prince in South Wales. Death, when life 
had barely begun, and his bravery and talent gave such 
hopes for the future, aroused suspicion, 5 and some were 
found to attribute his end to poison. 

1 Rhys, the youngest of the sons of Gruffudd, survived 

i. Brut, ad 1144 = 5; Ann. Camb. ad 1156 = 3. 2. Brut, ad ii45 = 6and 1154 = 5. 3- Gir. Camb. vi. 145. 

4. All the MSS. used by Ab Ithel for his edtn. of the Brut. Repeat : Y bu uarw Maredud uab Gruffud 

ab Rys brenhin Keredigiawn ac Ystrat Tywi a Dyfet. The Brut, y Saeson, Myv. Arch. p. 678, 
says, ad 1154 = 5 : Y bu varw Moredud ap Grufud ap Rys o Keredigion oc ystrattywi adyvet. 

5. Ann. Camb. c. MS. ad ann. 1156 = 5. 

6. It is necessary to protest against the erroneous idea that Rhys at once succeeded to the government on 

his father's death. It is due to the Gwentian Chron. : " Oed Crist 1136, bu farw Gruffydd ap 
Rhys, a Rhys ei fab a gymerth ei le." It has led the Rev. Thos. Price, among others, in 
Hanes Cymru. pp. 514 sq., to assume that Rhys was the eldest son of Gruffudd ap Rhys, and 
the multitude of other errors into which he has fallen, will be seen from the following short 
paragraph on p. 545 : " Heblaw Anarawd. a'i frawd Yr Arglwydd Rhys, gadawodd Gruffydd 
ap Rhys ap Tewdwr, ddau fab erall, sef Cadell a Meredydd, gwyr ieuainc dewrion a chlodwiw. 
Yr oedd Meredydd yn arglwydd Ceredigiawn, a. Chadell yn meddiannu tiriogaelh yn Nyfed ; ac 
ymddengys fod Rhys yn mwynhau arbenicter Deheubarth, eithr ni ddeallaf pa beth ocdd 
etifeddiaeth Anarawd." There is no authority for this division of territory, and it is no wonder 
that he could not assign any particular district of Deheubarth to Anarawd, as the latter was 
prince of the whole from 1137 to 1143. Similarly, Cadell in 1143, and Maredudd in 1151, 
assumed the chief government of the country, and it was not till 1155 that Rhys could be said 
to enjoy it. In Gir. Camb. Op. vi., 85, after a reference to Richard, who was son of Tancard, 
castellan of Haverford and succeeded to his father's lands after the death of all his elder brothers, 
we have the following words : " Similiter ad Resum Griphini filium. sublatis de medio multis 
antea fratribus probris et pulcherrimis, dextralis Kambriae dominium est devolutum." This 
extract clearly shows that Rhys did not succeed to the government of Deheubarth till after his 
brother's death. Maredudd was 25 in 1155, and consequently was born in or about the year 
1130; and Rhys, who was younger than he [Ann. Camb. ed. 1156 = 5] can hardly have been 
born before 1132. He would have been barely five years old when his father died- 


them. He was now about twenty-three. Like his 
brothers before him, he inherited much of his father's 
ability. He was as prudent in negotiation as he was brave, 
in battle ; and he had literary tastes, for from the very first 
years of his government of the country, he gave support to 
the bards of his time, and enjoyed great popularity among 
them. His youth might have excused the want of a settled 
policy ; but he seems to have begun very early the group- 
ing around himself of all the princes of Welsh blood in 
South Wales ; a thing very necessary when we consider 
that the lords of Maelienydd and Elfael, of Gwent and 
Glamorgan, of Gwerthrynion and Deheubarth, had hitherto 
been conspicuous rather from the wild incoherence of their 
aims than from any attempt to combine against their Nor- 
man enemy. 

One of the first acts of Henry's reign had been the 
expulsion of Flemish marauders, who, in large numbers, 
devastated the country. They received an order to leave 
the kingdom by an appointed day. They left ; but the 
Chroniclers of the time give us no clue to trace their des- 
tination. Some no doubt returned to Flanders ; ' but there 
is a tradition that of them many came to reinforce the 
settlements of their kinsmen in Rhos and Gwyr. Though 
we have no positive evidence, it is very probable that this 
was so ; and certainly the Flemings, during Rhys' lifetime, 
recovered much of their power and unpopularity. 

2 In 1 156 Owain Gwynedd prepared to recover Ceredi- 

i. We find in the Gwentian Chronicle ad ann. 1154 : "Pan oedd Ystyffan yn Frenin fe ddaeth gydag ef 
laweroedd o Fflandrysiaid i Ynys Prydain, a'r rhai hynny a'i carent, ac efe a ddodai 
lawer o roddipn ac anrhydedd iddynt, canys goreuon o'i Bleidyddion oeddynt, a gwedi dyfod 
Harri'r ail ni chaent arcs yn Lloegr, achaws hynny daeth niferoedd mawrion o honynt i 
Cymru, a llawer o'r Saeson a gerynt Ystyffan, a'r dieithraid hynn a aethant yn wyr 
damdwng i Bendefigion y Ffrancod yng Ngheredigiawn a Dyfed." = For the expulsion of the 
Flemings from England, see Robert de Monte ad ann. 1155 ; William of Newburgh, lib. ii., 
cap. i. ; Gerv. Cant. Op. i., 161. 

7 Brut, ad 1155 = 6; Ann. Camb. ad 1157 = 6. 



gion, lost by his son three years before. Rhys led an army 
to oppose the invasion, and marched as far north as 
Aberdyfi. There he made trenches and awaited battle ; 
but Owain declined the contest. Rhys then built a castle 
at Aberdyfi and returned to South Wales. This expedition 
of his paved the way to the future acquisition of Meirionydd. 
1 Henry II. had gone to Normandy in the beginning of 
1156. His successes in the short time that had succeeded 
Stephen's death, had been brilliant, and it was natural that 
his attention should soon turn to affairs beyond the Marches 
with the desire of adding Wales to his dominion. A pre- 
text was soon found. History can but condemn the two 
princes who preferred their country's woe to their own. 
Madog ap Maredudd had long chafed against the yoke. 
Since the defeat at Cwnsyllt we hear no more of him for 
some time ; 2 but in 1 156 he built a castle near Cymmer in 
Caereinion, possibly with a view to the future operations. 
His English sympathies grew with Owain's power. He 
found a collaborator in Cadwaladr, who, since his expul- 
sion from Mon, must have been a fugitive in England. 
3 This prince was apparently the youngest of the three sons 
ofGruffudd and Angharad, and was endowed with many 
gifts that go to make a popular chief. 4 He was one of the 
most liberal men of his time, and a generous patron of 
literature. 5 The Brut, couples him with his brother Owain 

1. Robt. de Monte ad ann. 1156. 

2. The five MSS. used by ab Ithel ; say : Ygkaer Einawn yn ymyl Kymer. The Brut. ySaesonin Myv. 

Arch. p. 678, differs slightly : Yngereinawn kyverbyn Kymher. What is known now as 
Castell Caereinion is a village to the South-West of Welshpool. 

3. The order Cadwallon, Owain, Cadwaladr is supported by what evidence we have. See Hanes 

Gruffudd in Myy. Arch., Brut, ad 1122=5. The oldest MS. of the Brut. [Hengwrt, B. 
of ab Ithel] assigns the invasion of Meirionydd in 1124 to Cadwailon and Owain, not 
Cadwaladr and Owain. See Brut, ad 1121 = 4. Cadwallon was killed in 1132 [Brut, ad 
1129 = 32; Ann. Camb.] Several MSS. wrongly refer to him as Cadwgan, son of Gruffudd 
ap Cynan. 

4. Gir. Camb. Op. vi., 145; see also Awdl a Gant. Gwalchmai i Dafyd mab Owain in Myv. Arch. 

p. 146., lines 23 4 of the poem. 

5. See Brut, ad 1135 = 6. 


in a long panegyric and asserts that he was an ornament of 
the Welsh nation. * By his marriage with Alice, daughter 
of Richard Fitz Gilbert, Cadwaladr had become a land- 
owner in Lancashire and Shropshire, and we have a 
charter by which he made donation of lands between 
Mersey and Ribble to the Church. By her, too, he was 
brother-in-law of the young Earl of Clare and no doubt 
used the influence of that noble at court to further his own 
interests. It was the disastrous system of gavelkind that 
prevented Owain from gathering round him all Gwynedd 
and turned into a mere partisan fighting for land, a man 
who might have done incalculable service by steady co- 
operation with his brother in a national policy. 

Henry thought the claims of the two princes plausible, 
and sufficient to justify an expedition. 2 He returned from 
Normandy on the 7th of April 1157, and at the end of 
June commenced preparations on a large scale for the 
invasion and subjugation of Gwynedd. From all England, 
three knights were called out to military service for every 
two which had formerly been deemed sufficient. 3 In the 
middle of July, Henry's forces concentrated in the plains of 
Chester, while Owain Gwynedd with his sons and all the 
forces he could muster, entrenched himself at Basingwerk 
to oppose them. 4 The position must have been too strong 
for direct attack, for Henry determined it to turn it by a 
flank movement. Along the sea-coast of the Cantref of 

1. The Charter of donation is found in Sir John Wynne's Hist, of the Gwydyr family; see Price, 

Hanes Cymru, p. 549. It may be dated 1153 ; for among the witnesses we find R. comes 
de Clara, and Ranulphus comes Cestriae. Now Roger succeeded his brother Gilbert 
as Earl of Clare in 1153 ar >d Ranulph of Chester died in December of the same year. 
For the lands in Shropshire see Pipe Roll ii. iii. iv. Henr. ii., p.p. 43. 88. 

2. R. de Monte ad 1157. 3. After the lyth of July according to Gerv. Cant. 
4. For what follows cf. Brut, y Tywysogion & Brut, y Saeson ad 1156 = 7 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1158 = 7 : 

Wm. de Newburgh, lib. ii., cap. v. ; Gerv. Cant. 


Tegeingl, with a body of picked men, the king in person 
made a secret march, leaving the bulk of his troops to face 

But Henry knew nothing of the difficult warfare of 
Wales ; while threading their way through the wood of 
Cennadlog near Cwnsyllt, he and his army were surprised 
by Owain's two sons Dafydd and Cynan, who had intelli- 
gence of the movement. At one time the king himself 
was in danger and some spoke of his death. Henry of 
Essex threw down the royal standard, and fled, telling of 
the king's end to all he met. In vain, Henry showed 
himself and succeeded in rallying his men. He escaped 
with difficulty into the open plains. Eustace Fitz John 
and Robert de Courci were among the many slain. 
Owain, afraid of being outflanked, prudently retreated ; 
and Henry gathered together all his troops at Rhuddlan. 

1 Meanwhile the king's fleet had sailed to Mon. The 
knights on board disembarked and ravaged the island, 
plundering the cwmwd of Rhoshir and spoiling the 
churches of St. Peter, St. Mary and St. Tyfrydog. The 
men of Mon gathered together for vengeance on the 
foreigners, and though themselves fewer in number and 
badly armed, defeated them completely. Henry, son of 
Nest by Henry I, carried away by his own courage, and 
left with but a small following, was killed in the front rank, 
and with him William Trenchemer and other knights of 
name. Robert Fitz Stephen, another of Nest's sons, took 
part in this expedition. He was grievously wounded in 

i. For the operations of the fleet see Brut, ad 1156 = 7 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1158 = 7 ; Gir. Camb., Op. vi. 
1301 ; William of Newburgh, lib. ii. cap. v. One MSS. used by ab Ithel [D.] for the Brut, 
v Tywysogion, and also the Brut, y Saeson in the Myv. Arch. p. 678, make Madog ap 
Maredudd of Powys, the commander of a portion of the king's fleet. 


the engagement, and with difficulty made his way to the 
ships. Nearly all the leaders of the fleet were slain. 

The news of this second disaster decided Henry to 
make peace. He had not found war in Wales an easy 
matter. Indeed, Owain lay still fronting him at Llwyn 
Pina, and harassed his army night and day. Madog ap 
Maredudd had arrived with the forces of Powys ; but 
instead of joining Henry, 'he had taken up a position 
between the two opponents, awaiting events. 3 The king 
contented himself, therefore, with obtaining Owain's 
homage, and the restitution of Cadwaladr's territory which 
had been one of the ostensible pretexts for the expedition. 
He cleared some forest ground and opened up a few roads; 
he fortified both Basingwerk and Rhuddlan, and between 
the two built a house for the Knights Templars. Rhudd- 
lan castle was entrusted to Hugh de Beauchamp. Whether 
Henry obtained advantageous terms for Madog of Powys 
is not so clear, but we know that before the close of the 
campaign lorwerth Coch got possession of the castle which 
Owain Gwynedd had built in lal, and burnt it. 

The scene of war now changed. The little success 
that Henry had met in Gwynedd encouraged South Wales 
to resistance, and seems to have aroused even the Welsh 
of Glamorgan to attack the Normans. Sainghenydd was 
a Welsh lordship, stretching north of Cardiff far into the 
Glamorganshire hills to the very borders of Ewyas, and to 
the East touching Gwent. It was held at this time by 
I for, son of Meurug, a man of little stature but immense 

1. The Brut, says : A Madawc uab Maredud Arglwyd Powys a dewissawd y le y bebyllyau rwg llu 

y brenhin a llu Owein val y gallei erbynyeit y kyrcheu kyntaf awnelei y brenhin. 

2. Wm. of Newburgh, cap. ii. lib. v. ; Robt. de Monte aH 1157; Brut, ad 1156 = 7 ; Ann. Camb. ad 

1158 = 7- 


courage, known best to his countrymen as I for Bach. 
1 Early in the year 1158, Morgan ab Owain, lord of Caer- 
lleon, had been slain in treachery by the troops of I for, and 
lorwerth, Morgan's brother, had succeeded to most of 
his authority. Other changes had taken place. Fitz 
Hamon's daughter had died in 1157, and Earl William 
assumed the sole government of his lands. His first acts 
do not seem to have been wise. His Welsh subjects were 
excited to revolt by restrictions on the action of their own 
laws, and an attempt to take over a part of Sainghenydd 
fanned the discontent into flame. 2 From the hills hard by 
I for dashed down on Cardiff Castle one night. It was 
strongly fortified, defended by one hundred and twenty 
knights and many soldiers ; and the town itself contained 
numerous retainers capable of bearing arms. Careless of 
these dangers, I for and his Welsh, by means of ladders 
scaling the walls, entered the castle in triumph. William, 
his countess Hawise, a daughter of Robert le Bossu, Earl 
of Leicester, and Robert their only son, still quite a child, 
were borne away prisoners to the woody heights. They 
obtained their liberty by the restoration of the confiscated 
land, and many other concessions to their victor. 

3 Meanwhile Rhys ap Gruffudd, from his position in 
Ystrad Tywi, continued to defy the king. Henry sent 
messengers to him asking him to court, with threats of 
compulsion in case of refusal ; and Rhys, by the advice of 
his nobles, complied. He himself was not inclined to 
make peace, but was prevailed upon to accept the king's 

i. Brut, ad 1157 = 8 ; Ann. Camb. ad i T sg = 8. 

a. Ann. Marg. ad 1158; Gir. Camb., Op. vi. 634. See the distorted account in Gwentian Chron. 

ad mo. 
3. Brut, v Tywysogion and Brut, y Saeson ad 1157 = 8 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1159=8. 


terms. By these he was recognised lord of Cantref Mawr, 
and was promised another Cantref bordering upon it. If 
the treaty was to be taken literally, Rhys would have 
abandoned all control over the rest of Ystrad Tywi, not to 
speak of Dyfed and Ceredigion. Whether or not he 
himself gave such an interpretation to the words of the 
treaty, it was evidently that of the Norman lords whose 
claims to land in South Wales had only been left 
in abeyance during Stephen's reign because they could not 
be made good. T Walter Clifford seized Llanymddyfri and 
Cantref Bychan. 2 Roger Fitz Richard who had succeeded 
his brother Gilbert five years before as Earl of Clare, also 
thought the moment come for reclaiming North Ceredigion, 
and at the beginning of June 1 158 he occupied and garrison- 
ed Rhys' castles at Aberdyfi, Ystrad Meurug, Dineirth and 
Llanrhystud and in the Vale of Calettwr. Meanwhile 
Henry himself had not honourably fulfilled the treaty. 
Influenced no doubt by interested parties, he gave Rhys 
a Cantref separated from Cantref Mawr by the land of 
several Norman barons. Rhys accepted it and still kept 
the peace. But Clifford plundered Cantref Mawr and 
killed many subjects of Rhys who applied to the king for 
the punishment of the offender. Henry refused to inter- 
fere. The revolted Welsh were already blockading Llan- 
ymddyfri ; Rhys, confident of gaining more by force of 
arms than by legal procedure, joined them and at the first 
attack took the castle. 

Thence he marched into Ceredigion. His nephew 

1. Walterus Clifford, dominus Cantref Bethan in Ann. Camb. ad 1159 = 8. Walter was son of a 

Richard ; he was evidently the heir, perhaps the son of the Richard, son of Ponson, mention e 
in the Brut, ad 1113 = 6 as the first Norman lord of Cantref Bychan. 

2. Ann. Theokesb. ad 1153. 


Einion, sun of his elder brother Anarawd, chafing against 
the inaction imposed by the late treaty, had already broken 
the peace, taken the castle of Humfrey in the Vale of Calettwr 
and put the garrison to the sword. Rhys completed his 
work ; he took and burnt all the castles held by Clare in 
the district. ' Henry hearing of these events appeared in 
South Wales with an army ; he did nothing, however, 
towards restoring tranquillity ; several engagements took 
place ; and some assert that a treaty was made, and 
hostages were extorted from Rhys. The king crossed 
over to Normandy on the i4th of August, 1 158. 

2 But the treaty, if treaty there was, did not prevent 
Rhys from continuing his successes. The recovery of 
Ceredigion was followed by the recovery of Dyfed. The 
descendants of Nest had joined Henry in his attack on 
Gwynedd, and identified themselves with the Norman 
party. No doubt their subjection to the sons of Gruffydd 
since the defeat at Llanstephan was irksome to them. 
Rhys harried their country, and throughout Dyfed burnt 
the Norman castles. 

3 Then he invested the fortress of Caerfyrddin. To 
save this important place, a formidable but mixed army 
was gathered by the uncle of the king, Reginald Earl of 

i. As this expedition is not referred to in English historians, it will be interesting to give the authorities. 
The Brut y Tywysogion says: "A gwedy clybot or brenhin hynny kyrchu Deheubarth a 
wnaeth a llu gantaw. A gwedy mynych wrthynebu o Rys ac wyr id aw ymchoelud awnaeth y 
Loegyr. Ac odyno yd aeth drwy y mor." One MSS., however, [C. of ab Ithel] agrees with 
the rendering of Brut y Saeson in Myr. Arch. p. &78ad 1157 = 8 : " A gwedy Klywet or brenhin 
hynny, y doeth yr eilweith y deheubarth Kymre a chymryt gwystlon y gan Rys ap Grufud a 
dychwelut y loygyr, ac yn lie ydaeth drwy vor." The Ann. Theokesb. merely says : " Rex 
facta pace cum Reso transfretavit." The Vatican MS. of Robert de Monte according to Dom 
Bouquet xiii. 300, says : [A.D. 1:58] " Having subdued Wales and made the whole of it pay 
tribute to him, on the vigil of the Assumption of St. Mary, King Henry crossed over to 

a. The conquest of Dyfed took place in 1139- Rhys, no doubt, took advantage of Henry's absence on the 
Continent. Brut ad 1158 = 9 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1160 = 59. 

3. For this 1159 campaign see Brut ad 1158 = 9 ; Ann. Camb. ad n6o59 ' and Seisyll's poem to Rhys in 
Myv. Arch. pp. 236 7. 


Cornwall, a bastard of Henry I. Reginald had interests 
in Wales, and all the great Norman landowners gathered 
to support him. J Among them were Roger, Earl of Clare, 
William of Gloucester, Lord of Glamorgan, Richard 
Strongbow, son of Gilbert, Earl of Chepstow and Pem- 
broke. From Gwynedd came Cadwaladr ap Gruffudd and 
the two sons of Owain, Howel and Cynan, either bound by 
some treaty with the king or anxious for vengeance on 
Rhys for his action in Meirionydd three years before. 
With so formidable an array, 2 Rhys felt the imprudence of 
battle, and raising the siege, entrenched himself to the 
north-east of Caerfyrddin on the height of Cefn Rhestr ; 
his enemies did not dare to assail his strong position and 
offered him a truce. Rhys accepted it and disbanded his 
forces. But he had shown his strength, and some of the 
exultation of the national party in the South may be seen 
in the poem of Seisyll Bryffwrch in his honour. 

For the three years that succeeded Henry's campaign 
in Gwynedd, Madog ap Maredudd recovered independence 
from Owain ; 3 but on the other hand he was compelled 
to the payment of an annual tribute to England. 

1. The Brut and Ann. Camb. only give the names of Reginald of Cornwall, William of Bristol and 

Roger of Clare ; but they add that two other earls took part in the campaign against Rhys. 
The names of these two are given in the poem of Seisyll Bryffwrch as iarll gwent, evidently 
Richard Strongbow, Earl of Striguil or Chepstow ; and iarll padrig whom it is difficult to 
identify, but who is possibly the same as a comes Patricius present at the Council of Clarendon 
in January, 1164 [Materials for Hist, of Archb. Becket iv. 207.] 

2. Kefyn Restyr is the reading of the A. & C. MSS. of Ab. Ithel. B. gives Kynen Rychter mein, and 

D. kynen rychtir mein. The B. MS. of the Ann. Camb. says Resterwein. From the account 
in the Brut it would appear as if the campaign was bloodless. The C. MS. of the Annales 
Cambriae, however, says: " Resus fugatus est apud Cayrmardyn." The B. MS. has before 
the retreat on Cefn Rhestr, the significant entry: ' ' Goroun bun frater Resi occisus est." Goroun 
bun is probably for Goronwy, but he can not have been a brother of Rhys ap GrufFudd. 
Seisyll's poem also points to bloodshed. It is difficult to say what is the twr Gwallter of the 
poem ; but the lines beginning Lliwgoch tref Hat seem to show that the peninsula of Llan- 
stephan was a scene of conflict. 

3. Pipe Rolls ii. iii. iv. Henr ii. pp. 89, 170. 


1 His last years were spent in peace, in the lavish hospitality 
and enlightened encouragement of literary effort in con- 
nection with which his name has come down to us. 

2 There is a tradition that he spent some time in a visit to 
the English court, 3 and he may have been the Welsh 
prince who fought with Henry at the siege of Toulouse. 
4 In 1 1 60 he died, and was buried in the precincts of the 
church of St. Tyssilio at Meifod. 

5 His power had stretched from Plynlimmon to the 
gates of Chester, and from Bangor Iscoed to the extremity 
of Merionydd. Nothing shows so much the diminution of 
the influence of Powys in Welsh affairs as the fact that 
Madog was undoubtedly lord of the whole country for a 
long period, and yet never took any decisive part in 
national affairs as his father Maredudd had done. When 

1. See Gwalchmai's poems with the following superscriptions in Myv. Arch. pp. 146 51 : 

(a) Awdl o Gant Gwalchmai i Dafyd mab Owain. 

(A) Arwyrain Madawg mab Maredud. Gwalchmai ai Cant. 

(c) Marwnad Madawg mab Maredud. Gwalchmai ai Cant. 

(d) Breudwyd Gwalchmai. 

See Cynddelw's on pp 154 6 : 

(a) Arwyrain Madawg fab Maredud. Cyndelw Brydyd ai Cant. 
(A) Tri Englyn ai gant Cyndelw Fawr i Fadawg fab Maredud. 

(c) Llyma Englynion a gant Cyndelw Fawr i Fadawg fab Maredud. 

(d) Marwnad Fadawg fab Maredud. Cyndelw ai Cant. 

(e) Englynyon a gant Cyndelw y Deulu Madawc M. Maredut. Pan un uaru Madawc. 

Am Glybod eu Godwryf. 

The last two of Cynddelw's are found in the Llyfr Du Caerfyrddin. ff 52 3 B. 

The last line of the Englynion Tyll eu hysgwydaur teruysc vawr vaon is evidently the 
commencement of a new stanza, but it is not found in the Llyfr Du, and could hardly have 
belonged to the original poem in which every englyn begins with the words Godwryf a gly waf. 

2. See the Guest edition of the Mabinogion, 1877. Gwallter Mechain found the tradition in M.S. 

Madog is said to have married a Norman lady, Matilda Verdun, who inveigled him to Win- 
chester ; there he was on some pretext kept in durance and prevailed upon to settle the lordship 
of Oswestry on her and any children she might have after his decease. She married John Fitz 
Alan soon after her first husband's death. 

3. Quidam rex Gualiae certainly suggests one of the princes of the larger divisions of Wales. See 

Gerv. Cant. 

4. Brut ad 1159 = 60; Ann. Camb. ad 1161 = 60. 

5. Gwalchmai's elegy of Madog in Myv. Arch. p. 148 ; also the introductory part of the Dream of 

Rhonabwy. There is an erroneous idea prevalent, and derived from Powel, Hist, of Cambria, 
ed 1584, p. 153, that Maredudd ap Bleddyn divided Powys between Gruffudd and Madog, two 
of his sons, and that the latter obtained Northern Powys and gave it his name. As a matter of 
fact Gruffudd ap Maredudd died before his father in 1128. The distinction between Powys 
Fadog and Powys Wenwynwyn arose at a latter date when Madog ap Gruffudd Maelawr was 
lord of the northern part, and Gwenwynwyn lord of the southern part of Powys. 


he died, no one succeeded to the chief government of the 
country, which unfortunately became the prize of the 
boldest and most unscrupulous. 1 Madog's own sons 
divided his inheritance between them. Very soon after 
2 Llywelyn, one of them, was slain. With him, says the 
Brut, went the hope of the men of Powys. He was a 
brave soldier and a great huntsman, and his death left his 
cousin, the able Owain ap Gruffudd of Cyfeiliog, now in the 
prime of life, the most powerful chieftain in Powys. For 
nearly forty years after Madog's death, this country, lack- 
ing unity under a single ruler, ceased to play an important 
part in the affairs of Wales. 

Madog ap Maredudd is said to have had by his wife Susanna, daughter of Gruffudd ap Cynan [Hanes 
Gruff, ap Cynan in Myv. Arch, p 730] three sons, Gruffudd Maelawr, Owain Fychan and 

grant in Dugd. Mon. v. 263.] Owain Brogyntyn married : 

(a) Sioned, daughter of Howel ap Madog ab Idnerth, by whom he had no issue. 

(4) Marred, daughter of Einion ap Seisyll of Mathafarn, by whom he had Gruffudd, 
Bleddyn and lorwerth. His posterity long had rights of lordship in Dinmael and 
Edeyrnion. For Bleddyn ab Owain Brogyntyn see Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1839, 
i. 76. I am indebted for some of these facts to the article of John Edward Lloyd 
on Owain Brogyntyn in the Diet. Nat. Biogr. xlii. 395. 

Another daughter of Madog married Howel ab leuaf of Arwystli, who had a daughter, 
Susannah, by her. [Brut, ad 1205.] 

2. Brut ad 1159 = 60 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1161 = 60. For Llywelyn ap Madog see : 

(a) Dau englyn a gant Cyndelw i Gynydion Llywelyn am Madawc am Maredud ac iw 
gyrn o achos rodi ido y carw a ladassant yn ymyl ei dy. Myv. Arch. p. 159. 

(6) Englynyon a gant Llywarch Llaety y Lin. ap Madawc ap Maredud. Myv. Arch, 
pp. 2801. Thos. Price, Hanes Cymru. pp. 566 8, and Thos. Stephens, 
Literature of the Kymry, pp. 51 5 call the poet Llywarch Llew Cad, because 
he so refers to himself in line 3 of the i-jth verse. It is clear, after reading the poem, 
that he lived in Llywelyn's own time, i.e. circa 11401160; and I know not on 
what evidence the editors of the Myvyrian assigned the date 1290 1340 to him. 

(c) Englynion a gant Llywarch y Nam i Llywelyn fab Madawg Mab Mareddudd. Myv. 
Arch. p. 335. It is possibly the same Llywarch, although Llywarch y Nam, 
according to the editors of the Myvyrian, flourished 1310 1350. 


1 About this time there was a renewal of the war 
between the surviving sons of Madog ab Idnerth. Cad- 
wallon of Maelienydd succeeded in making his brother 
Einion Clud a prisoner, and handed him over to Owain 
Gwynedd. The latter in his turn gave him over to the 
representatives of the King of England, and Einion was 
imprisoned at Worcester. He was not long in making his 
escape ; with the help of his friends, he left Worcester and 
hurried back to his lands in Elfael. 

The death of Madog perhaps permitted Owain 
Gwynedd to extend once more his influence over Powys. 
At least, he seems henceforward to have interfered in its 
affairs as suzerain. 2 Thus when in 1 162 Howel ab leuaf of 
Arwystli invaded the Cantref of Cyfeiliog, captured Tafal- 
wern Castle by treachery, and bore off much booty beyond 
Severn, 3 Owain took it as an affront, and hurried an army 
to Llandinam in pursuit, and engaging Howel's force of 
three hundred men, defeated them with great slaughter, 
more than two-thirds being left on the field. 

In the next year the princes of Powys fell out among 
themselves. The event is mentioned by the Brut, but 

i. One MS. of tbe Brut y Tywysogion [D of Ab Ithel] agrees with the Brut y Saeson, Myv. Arch, 
p. 679 : " Ac y dalpwyt Cadwallawn ap Madoc ap Idnerth y gan Einaun Glut y vraut." The 
true version is found in the other MSS. used by Ab Ithel for his edition of the Brut y Tywysog- 
ion, and the 2 MSS. of the Ann. Camb. The curious way in which the Gwentian chronicle 
corrupts the facts of history is again seen : " Yng nghylch yr un amser y daliwyd Cadwallawn 
ab Madawc ab Idnerth gan Owain Gwynedd, yr hwn ai dodes yng Ngharchar y Brenin yn 

2. Howel ab leuaf is mentioned in the Pipe Rolls, 3 Henr. ii. [11567], ed. 1844, p. 89, as Hoelo filio 
ioaf. He died in 1185 [Brut]. See Englynyon a gant Kyndelw y Hywcl vab leuaf, Myv. 
Arch. p. 184. 

3. The Brut y Tywysogion represents Owain as grieved for the treacherous capture of Tafalwern. The 
Brut y Saeson, Myv. Arch. p. 679, gives a different reason : " Ac am hynny y kymyrth Owain 
ap Gruffudd tristwch yndaw am varw y vam. hyt na allei dim y digrifhau." 

Curiously the C MS. of the Ann. Camb. says : "Res filius Grifut castella de Walwerin et 
de Lanamdewri vi cepit." The Walwerin is probably a mistake for the Dinweilir of the B MS. 

The Gwentian Chronicle is very mixed : " Oed Crist 1160 bu ymladd a diffeithiaw cyd- 
tiroedd rtwng Owain ab Madawc ArglTydd Cyfeiliawc a Hywel ab Cadwgawn Arglwydd 
Cyfoeth Elystan Glodrydd, heb nemawr ynnill a gorfod i'r un na'r Hall." In reality Owain ap 
Gruffudd was lord of Cyfeiliog ; and the land of Elystan Glodrudd was partitioned among 
several princes, and the only Howel among them was Howel ab leuaf of Arwystli. The 
Gwentian Chronicle is giving a garbled account of the defeat of the latter by Owain Gwynedd. 


there is great obscurity in the readings. The more 
probable story, however, is that the brothers quarrelled. 
Nothing was commoner in Wales, and ' Giraldus lays the 
blame for constant fatricide on the system of foster fathers 
holding among the Welsh as among all early Celtic peoples. 
Owain Cyfeiliog eagerly took advantage of this to extend 
his own influence, and sided with Owain Fychan against 
Gruffudd, lord of lal and Maelawr. The two Owains 
helped perhaps by Howel ab leuaf, the lord of Arwystli, 

2 besieged the castle of Careghova, near Oswestry, and 
took it by force. 

During this time Rhys ap Gruffudd was not idle. The 
king's long absence from England gave him a free hand. 

3 In October, 1161, in vengeance for Gloucester's invasion 
of his territories, Rhys' troops harried the lordship of 
Glamorgan, and burnt the grange of the monastery of 
Margam. 4 In 1 162, Walter Clifford was again driven out 
of Cantref Bychan, and Rhys made himself master of the 
strong castles at Dinweilir and Llanymddyfri. Clare and 

1. Gir. Camb. Op. vi. 211, 225. 

2. The 5 MSS. of the Brut used by Ithel agrees in saying that Careghova was taken. By whom it is 

difficult to find. The 3 best MSS. say : " Y gan Owein ab Gruffudd ab Owein ab Madawc a 
Maredud vab Howel." Cleopatra B v. says : "a Maredud a Howel." The Llyfr du Baring 
says : "ap Maredud a Howel ap Madog i vrawd." The Brut y Saeson in Myv. Arch. p. 679 
says: "Y gan Owein ap Grufudd ac Owein ap Madoc a Maredud a Howel."- It should 
perhaps be : " Y gan Owein ap Gruffud ac Owein ab Madawc ab Maredud a Howel." I know 
of no son of Madog called Howel and should be inclined to suppose that Howel ab leuaf of 
Arwystli, so lately mentioned in the Brut, had joined the two Owains in an attack on Gruffudd. 
There is no Maredudd ap Howel at this time, and the well known prince of that name had 
been killed in 1140. 

3. See Ann. Marg. ad ann. 1161. 

4. See Ann. Camb. ad 1163 2. The Clifford family claimed descent from Pons, who left five sons, 

Walter, Drogo, Osbern, Simon, Richard. Richard Fitz Pons, who received Cantref Bychan 
from Henry I [Brut ad 1113 = 6!, married Maud ; and Walter Fitz Richard inherited not only 
his father's lands, but those of his uncles Drogo and Walter, [Eyton, Shropshire; Doomsday 
Book], In 1138 he witnessed a Gloucester Charter [Eyton v. 148 ; Monasticon i 551]. He 
appears as a Hertfordshire landowner in Pipe Rolls of 1157 8 [p. 144]. We find him master of 
Bronllys before 1170. He was a benefactor to several monasteries, Haughmond, Dore, Godstow 
[Monasticon yiii, 551, and Eyton]. He was still living in 1187, and died according to Eyton in 
1190. His wife, Margaret, could not have been, ashas been stated, a daughter of Ralph de Tony. 
He left three sons, Walter, Richard, William ; and three daughters, Lucia who married Hugo de 
Sai, Amicia who married Osbein Fitz Hugo, and the celebrated Rosamond, mistress of 
Henry II. 


Clifford both harrassed ' Henry with complaints, and on 
the 25th January, 1163, 2 he landed in England, vowing 
vengeance on Rhys. Robert de Montfort had publicly 
accused Henry of Essex of traitorous cowardice in the first 
Welsh campaign. 3 Thinking the affair opportune, the 
king gave permission for a duel, and Essex was vanquished. 
His estates were confiscated, and he became a monk at 
Reading. 4 After this exemplary punishment, Henry 
marched through South Wales, keeping close to the sea 
coast as far as Caerfyrddin ; he then turned abruptly north- 
wards, and penetrated through the western part of Ystrad 
Tywi to Pencadair. 5 Thence he sent a Breton knight who 
enjoyed his confidence, to Dinefwr, under the guidance of 
Guaidanus, dean of Cantref Mawr. He was to mark the 
means of approach and the degree of strength of the 
castle. The wily dean, forewarned, took the Breton by a 
difficult road, and by ingenious devices impressed him with 
the barbarous nature of the country and its people. 6 Mean- 
while Rhys had surrendered. Henry on hearing his 
envoy's relation decided to accept the Welsh prince's 
overtures ; Clifford and Clare were to receive their lands ; 

1. As early as 1161, Herbert of Bosham, in Vita S. Thomae [lib. iii., cap. i], published by the Master of 

the Rolls among the Materials for the History of Archbishop Becket, vol. iii., p. 180 speaks of 
the king's concern at the crebrae Wallensium infestationes. 

2. Plurimum Wallensibus imprecans are the words of Diceto ad 1163. 

3. William of Newburg, lib. ii. cap v. ; Robert de Monte ad 1163. Diceto ad 1163 adds nothing to 

Robert de Monte. Dugdale, Baron i. 463. 

4. Brut ad 1162 = 3 Ann. Camb. ad. 1164 = 3; Gir. Camb. Op. vi. 62-3, 81-2, 138, 227. Giraldus tells us 

that when Henry crossed Nant Pentcarn, the Welsh were much discouraged on account of the 
following prophecy of Me-ilin : " Cum fortem lentiginosum in dextrales Britones irruere videris, 
si Red Pencarn transierit, Kambriae vires noveris enervari." Nant Pentcarn has been identified 
with the river Ebbw or Ebvvy, which runs into the Usk estuary. 

5. These details are found in Giraldus, Op. vi. 81 2. 

6. Giraldus Cambrensis, Op. viii. 216, seems to say that Owain Gwynedd induced Rhys to surrender. 


1 Rhys was to do homage in England ; and hostages were 
to be given for his future conduct. 2 The king returned to 
his country through the mountainous districts of Central 
Wales by way of Maelienydd, to Radnor and Hereford. 
3 He then called a great court at Woodstock to witness the 
homage of his subject princes. Malcolm came from Scot- 
land ; Owain Gwynedd and Rhys ap Gruffudd from Wales, 
accompanied by other princes of minor rank, and all on the 
ist of July, 1 163, did fealty to the king and his little heir, a 
boy named after his father and now but eight years old. 

This was the first time since the great Revolt that the 
leaders of l:he Welsh nation had been found united in 
acknowledging the supremacy of the King of England. 
But this ceremony of homage at Woodstock showed the 
difference between the Welsh policies of Henry I. and 
Henry II., and how much the nation had gained during the 
twenty-eight years that followed the former's death. 
Beauclerc governed Wales with a rule of iron. He super- 
posed, especially in South Wales, a Norman aristocracy 
who reduced the older Welsh lords to mere stewards of 
their lands. Henry II. desired to feudalize the Welsh 
princes themselves, to assimilate them to the rank of the 
great Norman earls, holding their lands from him, but he 

i. I am not of opinion that Rhys returned directly with Henry to Eng'and. The Brut says simply : 

"Ac y daeth hyt ym Penn Cadeir. A gwedy rodi gwystlon o Rys idaw ymchoelut y Loegyr a 
wnaeth." Similarly the C MS. of the Ann. Cambriae : " Henricus venit contra Resum usque 
Pencadeyr, et pacifice in Angliam reversus est." But the B MS. says : " Henricus ad bellan- 
duin Resuni usque and Penchaideirn pervenit; sed Resus cum rege, facta pace, in Angliam ivit." 
There is perhaps a mistake in punctuation, and the comma should come after Resus and not 
after rege. On the other hand in his account of the proceedings, Giraldus Op. vi. 81 2, 
says : " Reso Griphino filio, nostrls diebus, ad deditionem dolose magis quam virtuose compulso, 
et in Angliam ducto etc," which seems to suggest that he was taken by Henry to England. 
Further, however, after the return of the king's envoy from Dinefwr, presumably to Henry at 
Pencadair we have : "demum fidei sacramentique nodis, necnon et obsidum vinculis abstrictum, 
Resum rex ad sua remisit." The balance of evidence is much in favour of Rhys merely promis- 
ing to come to England to do homage as he did on the ist of July. 

2. Gir. Camb., Op. vi. 138. 
^. Radulfus de Diceto ad 1163. 


never attempted to remove a Welsh prince or to substitute 
a Norman for a Welsh landowner. He was, in a word, the 
defender of the existing state of things ; with this 
exception, that he aimed at a feudal rather than a tribal 

The ceremony had little immediate result. No long 
peace could Rhys keep with his neighbours, the Norman 
lords of South Wales. ' At the instigation of Roger de 
Clare, his nephew Einion had been assassinated in his 
sleep by a subject, Walter ap Llywarch ; and Walter Fitz 
Richard Clifford had killed Cadwgan ap Maredudd. 
2 Before 1163 was over Rhys had mastered Cantref Mawr 
and taken Dinefwr from Clifford. 3 In the next year, 
meeting with no sympathy from the king in his complaints, 
Rhys, once more taking matters into his own hands, 
attacked Clare and drove him from Ceredigion, after 
burning his castles at Aber Rheidiol and Mabwynion. 
Again the Welsh hatred of the Flemings was shown, for 
those settled by Clare in his lands were ruthlessly spoiled 
by Rhys. 

There had been steadily growing among the Welsh 
princes a distrust of Henry, due to the curiously faithless, 
unscrupulous policy he had hitherto pursued in his dealings 
with the Cymric population, and which he changed in his 
later days when instructed by wider experience and con- 
tinuous defeat. 4 This distrust grew to a head in 1164, 

1. Brut ad 1162 = 3 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1164 = 3. 

2. Brut ad 1162 = 3. 

3. Brut ad 1163 = 4 > Ann. Camb. ad 1165 = 4. 

4. Brut ad 1163 = 4 ! Ann. Camb. ad 1165 = 4. See also R. de Monte, who says ad 1164 : " The Welsh 

did not keep faith with King Henry, but ravaged and overran the country nearest to them, 
influenced thereto by a certain prince of theirs, named Ris, and another person named Oen, the 
uncle to Ris, and as bad as himself." 


and a preliminary agreement was made by Owain Gwynedd 
and Rhys ap Gruffudd against the king. While Ceredigion 
was reduced by Rhys, Owain also ravaged the Norman 
lands on the north Welsh frontier. 'Early in 1165, his 
elder son by Chrisiant, Dafydd, invaded Tegeingl, and bore 
off the population wholesale to the Vale of Clwyd. The 
castles built in the Cantref by Henry in his first campaign 
against Owain, were now in great danger, and hurriedly 
gathering an army, the king advanced to Rhuddlan, where 
he remained three days, probably to see to the proper 
garrisoning and victualling of the Castle. He then 
returned to England, where he made preparations on a 
large scale for a Welsh invasion. 

The summer of 1165 had begun when Henry 
advanced into Wales through Oswestry. The impending 
danger strengthened the bonds of union between the Welsh 
princes, and with pleasure we see Gwynedd, Deheubarth 
and Powys acting together against the foe. The rendezvous 
of the Welsh princes was in Edeyrnion, at Corwen in the 
Valley of Dee, and to it came Owain and Cadwaladr with 
the troops of Gwynedd ; Rhys from Deheubarth ; Owain 
Cyfeiliog, lorwerth Coch, and the sons of Madog ap 
Maredudd with the whole force of Powys ; and the sons of 
Madog ab Idnerth, Cadwallon and Einion Clud, with the 
men of Elfael and Maelienydd. Alone the princes of Gwent 
and Glamorgan did not join the national alliance, but again 
affirmed their severance from the great body of the Welsh 

i. See Brut y Tywysogion ad 1164 = 5. 


1 The king, from Oswestry, penetrated into the Vale of 
Ceiriog, and began to cut down the trees which rendered 
the country so difficult ; while he was so engaged, a part of 
the Welsh army attacked his force, and an indecisive battle 
took place. The advance guard of Henry's army encamped 
in the Berwyn mountains, which form the present boundary 
between the counties of Merioneth and Denbigh. 2 A few 
days after the weather changed, and torrents of rain fell, 
the country, always presenting difficulties to an army, now 
became impenetrable ; provisions began to fail ; Henry, in 
a wild access of the furious cruelty which was so notorious 
a characteristic of the Plantagenet temper, 3 bade his twenty- 
two Welsh hostages be mutilated ; the boys, among them 
Cadwallon and Cynfrig, sons of Owain Gwynedd, and 
Maredudd, son of Rhys of Deheubarth, were blinded and 
castrated ; the girls had their ears and nostrils slit. 4 It was 
decided to retreat along the Dee to Chester, and there 
await a fleet which had been summoned to the king's help 
from Dublin. When the ships came, they were found 
insufficient and sent back ; and the king in despair withdrew 
to England with the intention of commencing a new 
expedition at the following Easter. 

i. For this campaign see Brut, ad 1164 = 5 ; Ann. Camb. add 1166 = 5 > William of Newburgh, lib. ii. 

parumque proficit." The Annals of Osney and the Chron. o_f Ihos. Wykes giv _ 
modifications of William of Newburgh's version. They both call Owain Gwynedd, Howel 
(Hoellus, Howellus). They are, of course, late authorities [late xiii Cent.] See also Gir. Camb. 
Op. vi., 138143. 

2. Brut, ad 1164=5 ! Gir. Camb., Op. vi., 143. 

3. The three best MSS. of the Brut, y Tywysogion say : "Ac yn gyflawn odiruawr lit y peris dallu y 

gwystlon a vuassei ygkarchar gantaw, yr ystalym o amser kyn no hynny. Nyt amgen deu uab 

Owein Gwyned Kadwallawn a Chynwric, a Maredud uab yr arglwyd Rys a rei ereill." The 
Llyfr Du Basing adds : a Howel after Chynwric. Cleopatra B. v. is evidently corrupt : 
" Nyt amgen deu uab Owein vrenhin, Catwallawn, a Kynwric a Moredud meibion Rys a llawer 
or rei ereill." The B. MS. of the Ann. Camb. says : " obsides Walensium, quos 
potuit, oculis et testibus privavit." The C. MS.: "obsides eorum numero xxii. oculis et 
testibus privavit." Roger de Hoveden says : " Justitium fecit de filiis Ris, et de filiis ac filiabus 
nobilium ejus : scilicet oculos puerorum emit, et nares auresque puellarum abscitiit." 

4. Brut, ad 1164=5; Ann. Camb. ad 1166=5 i Epist. Owini ad Ludovic. vij." 


The success of the campaign was of great result. 
1 Historians on the Norman side have been curiously silent 
upon it ; and the Englishman, William of Newburgh, who 
had devoted a whole chapter to the war of 1 157, passes over 
that of 1 165 in a few lines in which he endeavours to show 
that the king met with qualified success. It would be 
difficult, nay, almost impossible, had we but the Norman 
and English authorities to guide us, to gather that Henry's 
army suffered a decided repulse, and that henceforward his 
policy towards Wales changed and became as conciliatory 
as it had been provocative. The Welsh, too, had seen the 
princes of Gwynedd, Powys and Deheubarth united against 
the foreigner, and the national feeling had been deeply 
stirred. Rhys ap Gruffudd, and even more than he, the 
aged Owain of Gwynedd, his uncle, had become the heroes 
of the national defence. From this time even to the day of 
her fall, Wales never lacked a leader against her foes, and 
it was not so much the legendary treachery of the Celt, as 
the numerical inferiority of her people and her dependance 
for supplies upon the very country with which she was at 
war, which hounded poor Wales to her doom, and deprived 
her of the independence she so long had cherished, and 
struggled for. 

Hardly was the success of the campaign assured in the 
North, than Rhys ap Gruffudd threw himself once more 
upon the Norman nobles of South Wales, who had 
sympathized with Henry. 2 In the beginning of November, 
1165, he attacked the Earl of Clare at Aberteifi ; by the 

1. Diceto and, after him, Matthew Paris do not mention it. Gervase of Canterbury and Roger de 

Hoveden are very concise. 

2. Brut, ad 1164 5 and 1171 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1166 = 5. It is not very clear from a comparison of the 

three passages whether Robert Fitz Stephen was captured at Aberteifi or Cilgerran. But 
Qiraldus' testimony is decisive in favour of Aberteifi, Op. v., 229. 


treachery of a monk called Rhygyfarch, he took the castle 
which he threw down and burnt ; and Robert Fitz Stephen, 
one of the most powerful of Nest's sons, was made prisoner 
and kept in durance. Soon after Cilgerran castle fell. All 
Ceredigion was now in Rhys' hands. * There he founded, 
near the site of an older house, the great Cistercian monas- 
tery of Ystrad Fflur, or Strata Florida, which afterwards 
became famous for its wealth, and was the burial place of 
his own descendants for nearly a hundred years. 

2 His success, and the captivity of Fitz Stephen, deter- 
mined the Fitz Geralds of Pembroke to a great effort 
against him in the following year, and with the Flemings 
of Rhos they marched on Cilgerran Castle and besieged it ; 
they ravaged and slew in the neighbouring Ceredigion 
cwmwd of Iscoed and bore much booty away, but they 
failed to take the castle. In the same year, 1166, they 
made a second attempt on Cilgerran ; but the king was now 
abroad, and Rhys had his forces in hand ; and they met 
with a second defeat. 

Owain's great character came out with prosperity. 
Knowing his weakness and fearing a renewal of war with 
Henry in the following year, 3 he turned to Louis VII of 
France for help in his danger, and attempted to come to a 
diplomatic understanding. Every means was necessary to 

1. It has been denied that Rhys was the founder of Ystrad Fflur. J. W. Willis-Bund looks upon the 

Clares as the true founders, but his chief argument rests on a chronological error. North 
Ceredigion was reconquered from Roger de Clare by Rhys in 1164, not 1165, and Strata Florida 
or Ystrad Fflur was founded not in 1164, but in 1165. For interesting articles on Ystrad Fflur, 
see the sth series of Archaeologia Cambrensis, vol. vi., pp. 5 23 ; yii, i 30 ; they are by J. W. 
Willis-Bund and Stephen W. Williams. See also the passage in Gir. Camb., iv., 152, where he 
seems to attribute foundation of Ystrad Fflur to Robert Fitz Stephen, and asserts that Rhys was 
the founder of only a small cell hard by. This is improbable. 

2. Brut, ad 1165 = 6; Ann. Camb. ad 1167 = 6. 

3. Epist. Owini ad Ludovic vii. apud script, rer. gallic, et francic., xvi.. 117., quoted by Thierry, Histoire 

de la Conquete de 1" Angleterre par les Normans. See also Thos. Stephens' criticisms of the 
Afallenau in " Literature of the Kymry," pp. 212 223. See the last verses of the poem in Myv. 
Arch. pp. 117 8. 


combat an enemy whose dominions were more extensive 
than those of any prince of Western Europe. A Welsh 
monk was twice sent over with letters to France, in which 
Owain acknowledged himself Louis' vassal, informed him of 
his own success in war, begged the favour of his alliance, 
and promised to harass Henry in England if the French 
king would do so in Normandy. 'In March, 1166, after 
fortifying the Welsh Marches, Henry was forced to cross 
to France and forego his projects of Welsh invasion ; and 
he remained four years abroad. 2 Owain took full advantage 
of this, and before the year's end laid Henry's fortress at 
Basingwerk low. 

3 He also maintained a close alliance with Rhys ap 
Gruffudd. Owain Cyfeiliog and his cousin Owain Fychan, 
one of Madog's sons, had united in 1 166 against their uncle 
lorwerth Coch, and having expelled him from his territory 
in Mochnant, they divided it between them, Mochnant Uch 
Rhaiadr coming to Owain Cyfeiliog and Mochnant Is 
Rhaiadr to Owain Fychan. Owain Cyfeiliog had 
twice married ; his first wife, Gwenllian, daughter of 
Owain Gwynedd, bore his son Gwenwynwyn ; the second 
was a daughter of Rhys ap Gruffudd. He did not agree 
with his fathers-in-law ; Rhys was especially hostile to him, 
and had twice before this harried his patrimony in Cyfeiliog. 
4 In 1167 Owain Gwynedd, Cadwaladr and Rhys marched 
into South Powys and ousted Owain Cyfeiliog ; they 
rebuilt the castle of Caereinion and gave the custody to 
Owain Fychan. 5 Then they assailed and took Tafalwern, 

i. Robert de Monte ad 1166. 2. Brut, y Tywysogion ad 1165=6. 

3. Brut, ad 1165 = 6. 4. Brut ad 1166=7 > Ann. Camb. ad 1168=7. 

5. The Cantref of Cyfeiliog was undoubtedly a part of Powys. 


and it was handed over to Rhys with its Cantref, on the 
curious ground that it had formerly been part of his 
dominions. To England with his most faithful adherents 
Owain Cyfeiliog fled; 'his uncle lorwerth Coch forgot his 
wrongs and was ready to join him. With an army of 
Norman auxiliaries, the two princes appeared before the 
newly-erected castle of Caereinion ; they demolished and 
burnt it and killed all the garrison. 

2 The last months of 1167 were spent by Owain 
Gwynedd, Cadwaladr and Rhys, in the siege and capture 
of the last Norman strongholds in North Wales, Prestatyn 
and Rhuddlan. Both were burnt. The great fortress of 
West Tegeingl was defended for three months before it fell. 
The joy of the Welsh was proportionate to the success ; 
for Rhuddlan had ceased to be in Welsh hands for a 
century. And thus it came to pass that for the last three 
years of his life, Owain found himself undisputed master of 
North Wales, while his close alliance with the South, and 
the fortunate absence of Henry in France gave him great 
opportunity for consolidating his work. 

1. lorwerth the Red probably recovered some, if not all, of his territory. We hear no more of him 

henceforward, but he must have died before 1177, when his son, Madog, did homage to 
Henry II. at Oxford. [Gesta Benedicti, i., 162]. We have an elegy on his death by 
Cynddelw, in the Myvyrian Arch. p. 174. Some have supposed that under the title of lorwerth- 
iawn, Cynddelw has celebrated the tribe of lorwerth in his Gwelygorddeu Powys, Myv. Arch, 
p. 185. lorwerth Coch was a son of Maredudd ap Bleddyn by Efa, daughter of Bledrws ab 
Ednowain Bendew, one of the chiefs of the fifteen tribes of Gwynedd.- He is said to have 
married Maud, daughter of Roger de Manley, a Cheshire landowner ; and such genealogical 
compilations as the Llyfr Silin published in the sth series of the Archaeologia Cambrensis 
attribute to him several sons : lorwerth Fychan, Madog, known as Madog Goch o Mawddwy, 
and Gruffudd Fychan, y Marchog Gwyllt o Gaer Howel, who lived at Edgerly in Salop. This 
Gruffudd is sometimes called lorwerth's grandson through another Gruffudd. lorwerth's chief 
seat was at Mochnant. He is mentioned in the introductory part of the Dream of Rhonabwy. 
He is called Gerverd Coch in the Pipe Rolls ii. iii. iv., Henr. ii. p. 89. 

2. Brut, ad 1166 = 7. The on ' v MS. that gives the name of Prestatyn is the oldest. [Hengwrt MS. ; 

B. of Ab. Ithel.] Ann. Camb. ad 1168=7 ; neither of the MSS. mentions Prestatyn. Rhuddlan 
was almost certainly in Norman hands from th* days of the Conquest ; the Castle was no doubt 
built circa 1071 by Robert of Rhuddlan. 



A Welsh reaction in Glamorgan and Gwent Policy of Bishop Nicholas of Llandaff 
The sons of Caradog ab lestin Death of Owain and Cadwallon, sons of 
Caradog Glamorgan ruled by Morgan and Maredudd, the two surviving brothers 
Norman influence over the Glamorgan chieftains- -Their Welsh marriages 
Their petty wars Burning of Cynffig, 1167 The Normans in Gwent Their 
fortresses Wars between the Welsh of Gwent and the Earls of Hereford 
Extinction of the House of Hereford The growth of the power of the house of 
de Braose Rhys ap Gruffudd's war in Brycheiniog Extension of Rhys ap 
Gruffudd's influence over South and Central Wales. 

T N South East Wales there was beginning a movement 
which might be described as a Welsh re-action, 
during the life of Earl William. This noble did but con- 
tinue the work his father had begun, and ' we find numerous 
confirmations by him of Robert's charters and grants. 
Some indications of this re-action are seen in what is known 
of the career of 2 Bishop Nicholas of Llandaff. 3 On 
several occasions he affirmed an independent policy in 
relation to Archbishops Theobald and Becket, which was 
evidence of his keeping to some of the spirit of the old 
Celtic Church. 4 We know that he renewed the quarrels 

1. See chiefly the Liberties of Cardiff and Tewkesbury from Cotton MS. Cleopatra A vii f 101, printed in 

Clarke's Cart, and Munum, &c., Glam. iii., 78. 

2. He is called in a valuable MS. of the Brut, v Tywysogion (B. of ab Itbel) ad 1147 = 8 escob Nicol uab 

Gwrgant escob. This with the form Worgan in the MS. of the Brut, called D by Ab Ithel (Cott. 
MS. Cleopatra B. 5) given ad 1104 = 7, an d ln the Brut, y Saeson, Myv. Arch. p. 679 ; and that 
of Gwrfauin the Gwentian Chronicle ad 1103 ; has induced Haddan and Stubbs to conjecture 
that Nicholas was the son of Bishop Urban. (Councils & Eccl. Doct. i). The C. MS. of Ab 
Ithel calls him, Kadwgawn. Le Neve, Fast. Eccl. Angl. ed Hardy, 1854, ii., 242, says that one 
Michael ap Gurgant is spoken of at present at the consecration of Thomas a Becket to the 
Archbishopric in 1162. [Probably from Herb, de Bosham, lib. iii., c. 4.] He is rightly referred 
to as Nicholaus Landavensis in Gerv. Cant, ad 1162. See also Epist. Saresb. cxxx : Causa 
difficilis inter Michaelen Landav episcopum et Robertum filium antecessoris sui. Cf. also the 
M. Dei gratia Landavensis episcopus referring to Uchtryd in the agreement between the monks 
of Bassaleg and the Chaplain of St. Woolos at Newport in Cart. Monast. S. Petr. Glou. ii. 55. 

3. Epist. G. Foliot xci in Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, &c., i., 357. 

4. Epist. G. Foliot. cxxxix ; while Gilbert was Bishop of Hereford, i.e. between 1148 and 1163 


with St. David's about the frontiers of the diocese which 
Urban had commenced and which lingered on till a much 
later period. ' With the monasteries of the West of 
England he continued the course of action laid down by 
his predecessor Uchtryd ; and confirmed his treaties with 
Tewkesbury and Gloucester. 

Perhaps the scantiness of our knowledge of the general 
history of Glamorgan and Gwent, and in particular of the 
incidents which were the outward manifestations of the 
growth of Welsh feeling in the district is due to their 
separation during a great part of the I2th century from the 
rest of Wales. This isolation in its turn was the result 
largely of the enlightened sway of Robert of Gloucester 
over the former district, and it lasted almost throughout the 
lifetime of his son, William, in spite of the more short- 
sighted policy of that Earl. 2 Eventually Rhys ap Gruffudd 
succeeded in bringing them into his own range of influence. 

3 When Caradog ab lestin died, his four sons divided 
his possessions. The influence of Norman custom, being 
stronger in Glamorgan than elsewhere, and the early death 
of two of the brothers, gave Morgan, the eldest, very soon 
a complete ascendency over the land. 4 Indeed, but soon 
after Caradog's death, the brothers quarrelled over their 
inheritance, and Cadwallon slew Owain. 5 But this deed 
brought him no good ; an evil fortune dogged his steps ; 
and while with his brothers he was engaged in the siege of 
a castle, he was killed outright by the collapse of the wall, 
alone of all the army. 

1. Cart. Sti. Petr. Glouc. ii., n 13 ; Cott. MS. Cleopatra A vii. fF68 9. 

2. Probably between 1167 and 1175. 3. See App. No. 4. 

4. For the story of Owain's greyhound, who was killed in the defence of his master, see Gir. Camb., 

Op. vi., 69. 

5. Giraldus Cambrensis, Op. vi., 69. 


1 Morgan and Maredudd governed West Glamorgan till 
the end of the century. 2 They were great benefactors of 
the Norman foundations of Neath and Margam, and their 
descendants were buried there. Morgan's castle of Aberafan 
had been one of the earliest built by the Welsh ; 3 a 
chartered borough was there established ; and we have 
evidence of the prosperity of the district under its Welsh 
chiefs. They adopted the Norman armour and armorial 
bearings and numerous specimens of the charters and seals 
of Morgan ap Caradog remain. 

But while the Welsh of West Glamorgan were more 
assimilated to Norman manners than any of their brethren, 
yet both they and their chieftains remained distinctly Welsh 
in spirit. 4 Caradog married Gwladus, daughter of Gruffudd 
ap Rhys of Deheubarth ; and 5 Nest, the name of 
Maredudd's wife, sufficiently indicates her origin. They 
were often at war with their overlord, and raided his lands 
and those of his Norman subjects on the coast. 6 The 
castle of Cynffig was more than any open to their attacks ; 
and on the night of St. Hilary, the i4th January, 1167, 
they burnt the borough town to the ground. 

The rare evidence we have, seems to show that the 
Welsh principality of Sainghenydd in East Glamorgan was 
much less influenced by Norman example. Ifor Bach was 
the real organizer of this district, and, no doubt determined 

1. Morgan was still alive in 1208 and Maredudd in 1199. 

2. See Clarke's Gartae et Munimenta de Glamorgan, pamim. 

3. See for what follows Clarke's Cartaet Munim. de Glamorgan. 

4. Brut, ad 1175. 

5. For Nest, see : Carta Mpreduth de Husbcte et Heybote [Harl. Chant. 75, B. 28] in Clark's, Cart, et 

Munim. de Glam. i. 66. 

6. Annals of Margam ad 1167. 


much of its after policy. l He married Nest, a daughter of 
Gruffudd ap Rhys ap Tewdwr, and by her had a son, 
Gruffudd, who succeeded him. 

The history of Gwent is also obscure. 2 The men of 
the country had the reputation of being the most warlike of 
Wales ; fond of exercises of strength and most skilled in 
the use of the bow. No doubt their geographical position 
contributed to the development of a martial character. The 
Normans held the coast, and the more open inland places. 
3 Richard Strongbow was lord of Chepstow ; the house of 
Monmouth held a considerable portion of the course of the 
Wye. 4 The sons of Miles of Hereford retained the castle 
of Abergafeni in their hands ; and their position as 
overlords of Brycheiniog made them formidable. 5 The 
castle of Newport completed a quadrilateral of fortresses 
destined to keep the land in subjection. As in the other 
parts of South Wales where they obtained a strong footing, 
the Normans established religious houses ; 6 and two abbeys 
and five priories here testified alike to their fervour and 
their policy. 

Between such tightening bonds it appeared remarkable 
that two Welsh principalities should have survived. Gwent 
Uch Coed in the North, Gwent Is Coed in the South 

1. Brut, ad 1175. This Nest was still alive in 1193, as we know from a grant of Gruffudd ab Ivor of land 

at Leckwith to Margam in the time of Bishop H. [ = Henry] of Llandaff. (Clark, Cartel 
Munim. de Glam. iii., 112 3). 

2. Gir. Camb., Op. vi. 54, 177. 

3. He is usually called by contemporaries, Earl of Striguil. So Gesta Benedict!, Rad. de Diceto and Ann. 

of Margam. The Brut, calls him ad 1171 : Rickert iarll Terstig uab Gilbert vwa kadarn. 
Cleopatra B. 5 substitutes Stragbow for vwa kadarn. 

_ Other MSS. of the Brut, used by the editors of the Myvyrian gave as variations for Terstig : 
Trist. Strisling. Richard was the iarll gwent of Seisyll Bryffwrch. Striguil was probably a 
castle near Chepstow. 

4. See Appendix No. u. 

5. Chepstow, Monmonth, Abergafeni, Newport. 

6. See Gerv. Cant., Op. ii., 443. Abbeys of Caerlleon andTintern. Priories of Newport, Bassaleg, Gold- 

cliff, Striguil (Chepstow), and Abergafeni. 


defied conquest till the end of the thirteenth century. 
'The latter district had been governed since 1158 by 
lorwerth ab Owain. His castle of Caerlleon was well 
situated for resistance to Norman advance up the Usk 
valley. 2 The town that surrounded it still contained many 
remains now lost of the magnificence of its Roman days ; 
and in the popular mind it was connected with the early 
Christian martyrs and with the court of Arthur. 3 lorwerth 
had married Angharad, a daughter of Bishop Uchtryd, and 
she had borne him two sons, Owain and Howel. Besides 
Gwent Is Coed, he held, probably on a precarious tenure, 
the extensive coast Cantref of Gwenllwg. 

Seisyll ap Dyfnwal governed Gwent Uch Coed. This 
chieftain had twice married. 4 By his first wife, Angharad, 
daughter of Owain ap Caradog, and sister of lorwerth of 
Gwent Is Coed, he had a son Morgan. s Some time before 
1167 he married Gwladus, widow of Caradog ab lestin of 
Aberafan, and thus connected himself with the powerful 
Rhys ap Gruffudd. 

Between the Welsh lords of Gwent and the Norman 
lords of Brycheiniog, discord seems to have been continual. 
Miles of Gloucester left five sons by his wife, Mabel. 
6 Walter, who succeeded Roger in 1155 was like all his 
brothers, a man of violent temper. 7 He commenced that 
series of disgraceful murders which made the castle of 
Abergafeni notorious. We are told that divine vengeance 

1. Brut, ad 1157 = 8. 

2. Gir. Camb., Op. vi., 55 6, 101, 120, 169. 

3. Brut, ad 1171, ed Ab Ithel, pp. 210 3. 

4. Brut, ad 1171. Angharad is called Dudgu in C and D MSS. of Ab Ithel. 

5. See Appendix No. 4. 

6. For an account of Walter's Cruelty to Roger or Robert de Berkeley, in which he was abetted perhaps 

by Earl Roger, his brother, see the Gesta Stephani, edn. Bohn, pp. 417 8. 

7. Gir. Camb., Op. vi., 51, note 3. 


on the criminal speedily followed. * He died without off- 
spring, probably in 1 158, and Henry, the third son, became 
lord of Abergafeni and Brycheiniog. He, too, must have 
irritated his Welsh subjects and neighbours, for he was slain 
by the chiefs of Gwent. His next-born brother, William, 
had died before him, and Mahel, the youngest of all, 
succeeded. His wildness of temper seems to have sur- 
passed his brothers' ; 2 he was engaged in violent quarrels 
with Bishop David Fitzgerald, in whose diocese his lands 
were ; and he had not been a year in the possession of his 
inheritance when, while receiving hospitality from Walter 
Fitz Richard Clifford at Bronllys, the castle took fire and 
he was killed by a stone falling from the burning tower. 

Contemporaries were struck by the fall of this great 
house, which seemed called to such influence in Wales and 
the West. Like his brothers, Mahel was childless, and his 
patrimony was divided. 3 His sister, Margaret, brought to 
Bohun the lands in Hereford. 4 Bertha made her husband, 
De Braose, master of Abergafeni Castle and Brycheiniog ; 
and thus a house destined to a baneful influence on Central 
Wales obtained the foundation of its future power. 

The date of Mahel's death and the transference of the 
lordship of Brycheiniog to the elder William de Braose is 
not known. 5 But the country probably changed hands 
before the end of the decade. 6 At any rate, in 1168, it was 

1. See the great Roll of the Pipe ii., iii., iv., Henr. ii. 

2. Gir. Camb., Op. vi., 29 31. The castle of Bronllys was situated near the river Llyfni to the north of 

Talgarth. For a description of Bronllys Tower, see Clarke's Media?val Military Architecture, 
i., 283. 

3. Margaret was the elder daughter and brought to the Bohuns the bulk of the property [Hearne's Liber 

Niger] by her marriage with Humphrey iii. de Bohun. 

4. Bertha had married William de Braose the First. 

5. i.e., before 1170. William de Braose the younger had succeeded his father by 1175. 

6. Ann. Camb. ad 1169=8. 


invaded by the indefatigable Rhys ap Gruffudd with the 
whole army of Deheubarth. He suffered defeat, and his 
forces were driven into Ystrad Tywi ; but angry at the 
repulse, he refused to consider it as final, and re-appeared in 
the same year at the head of a new army. This time he 
carried all before him. The land was ravaged with fire and 
sword ; and J the castle of Buallt, so advantageously situated 
at the confluence of the Yrfon and the Wye, demolished. 
The king's justiciar, Richard de Luci, came to an arrange- 
ment with Rhys, who withdrew in triumph to Ystrad 

This campaign was probably the commencement of the 
establishment of Rhys' supremacy over the Welsh of 
Central Wales. This district had never ceased to be in a 
state of wild unrest The native princes were here not 
strong enough to turn out the Norman nobles, but were 
strong enough to cause incessant strife and tumult. 2 They 
weakened their own cause by war with each other, and 
terrible scenes of bloodshed were common. Cadwallon and 
Einion Clud were famous for their quarrels; 3 and the 
former is described as a prince panting for the blood of 
men. The rare records of events in this part of Wales 
invariably refers to deeds of violence; and the year 1170 
saw two which have been handed down to us. 4 Einion 
Clud, lord of Elfael was wounded by Meilir and Ifor, sons 
of Llywarch ap Dyfnwal, and 5 Meurig ab Adam ap Seisyll 

1. For a description of this castle see G. T. Clark's Mediaeval Military Architecture, i., 304 8.- The 

article contains several chronological mistakes. 

2. Gir. Camb., Op. vi., 19. $. Radulph de Diceto. 

4. This incident is mentioned in the Annales Cambriae only ad 1170 = 69. 

5. Brut, ad 1169 = 70. Ann. Camb. gives it at 1170=69, but I am inclined to prefer the authority of the 

Brut. Maredudd Bengoch possibly succeeded to Meurig in Buallt, for he is referred to in Llyfr 
Silin fsth series of Archaeologia Cambrensis, viii, 212] as Maredudd Bengoch o Fuellt ap Llew 
ap Howell ap Seisyllt ap Llew ap Cadwgan ap Elystan Glodrudd, and we are told his daughter 
married Gruffudd ap Goronwy ap Gwyn. He is, no doubt, the same as the Maredudd Frongoch 
ap Llyw. ap Howel ap Seisyllt ap Cadwgan ap Elystan Glodrudd, ap Llew being left out between 
" ap Seisyllt" and "ap Cadwgan." 


of Buallt was treacherously slain in his sleep by Maredudd 
Bengoch, his cousin. It was a gain to peace when Rhys 
obtained a recognition of some kind of overlordship over 
these quarrelsome chieftains, and his hands were strength- 
ened for it by an event which profoundly influenced the 
future of South Wales. 




Dyfed in 1167 Irish affairs ; Diarmaid forced to flee to England His intrigues with 
Richard Strongbow and the South Wales chiefs- Diarmaid, with a Welsh prince, 
returns to Ireland in August, 1167 Second expedition under Robert Fitz Stephen 
in 1169 Capture of Wexford Third expedition under Maurice Fitz Gerald in 
summer of 1169 Fourth expedition in spring of 1170 under Raymond le Gros 
Fifth expedition under Richard Strongbow in August, 1170 His marriage with 
Diarmaid's daughter Capture of Dublin Part of the Welsh in the invasion of 
Ireland Influence on subsequent Welsh history of the Irish expeditions. 

" I ^HE Norman landowners of Dyfed had never taken kindly 
to the soil. Their tenure was not settled enough to 
give them security. ' While they often enjoyed alliance 
with, and aid from, the Flemings of Rhos, there were not 
wanting occasions in which they, too, became their enemies. 
The princes of Deheubarth were too powerful to be crushed ; 
too restless and too warlike to leave their Norman foes in 
peace. So that although nearly eighty years had elapsed 
since they obtained a foothold in the land, they remained a 
turbulent nobility of the early Norman type, raiding their 
Welsh neighbours and, like them living on plunder. 

But a change in their fortunes was to come. Westward 
from Dyfed lay Ireland given up to intestine broils since 
the day when Brian Boroimhe had shattered the traditional 
supremacy of the Ui Neill. To the position of Ardrigh the 
heads of the royal houses of each division of the country 

i. See Gir. Camb., Op. L, 27 ; vi., 99, 100 ; concerning the bloody vengeance taken at Camros on the men 
of Rhos, for the slaying of Gerald Fitz William de Carreu or Carew, Temp. Kg. Stephen, i.e., 


all learnt to lay claim. 'Two years before Henry II. 
succeeded to the English throne, the raid of Diarmaid 
Mac Murchadha into Breifne, had added a fresh cause to 
the many for continuous strife. He bore away in triumph 
Dearbhforgaill, wife of Tighearnan Ua Ruairc, chieftain of 
the country, a man whose position on the confines of 
Connacht and Uladh made him for nearly fifty years one of 
the most important of the Irish leaders. He vowed 
vengeance on the offender, and spent many years in 
conciliating the friendship of the princes of Connacht with a 
view to war on Diarmaid in Laighen. 2 The defeat and 
death of Muirchertach Ua Lochlainn in 1166 gave 
Ruaidhri Ua Conchobhair an opportunity of recovering his 
position as Ard-righ, and one of his first acts was to unite 
with Tighearnan against Diarmaid. 3 The latter was not 
popular even in his own country of Laighen ; 4 his castle 
and town of Ferns were burnt ; 5 and on the ist of August 
he fled over sea to Bristol. 

Thence he hurried over to King Henry, who, 6 since 
Easter, had been in France, and finding him in Aquitaine 
succeeded in obtaining from him letters patent, allowing 

i. There are some reasons for doubting the usual story of the vengeance of Ua Ruairc. The chief actors 
in the drama were all over forty in 1152. Diarmaid was probably born in mo. [Cogadh 
Gaedhel re Gallaibh, ed Todd, p. xi., and cf. note i on that page]. Dearbhforeaill was eighty-five 
when she died in 1193 at the Abbey of Mellifont, and consequently forty-four in 1152. 
Tighearnan Ua Ruairc first appears in the Chronicles in 1124, and then had a son. 

It seems improbable that it was a criminal passion which decided the rape of Dearbhforgaill, 
especially as the Ann iv. Mag. say that she returned to Ua Ruairc in 1153. I' seems more 
probable that it was the harrying of his dominions that roused the hatred of Tighearnan, and 
that Diarmaid's violent and vengeful character [Gir. Camb., Op. v., 225. 237, &c.] gave it great 

a. Ann. iv., Mag. ad 1166. 

3. Gir. Camb , Op. v., 188, 225 6, 234, &c. See also Ann. iv., Mag. ad 1141, Ann. of Clonmncnoise, 

ad 1135. 

4. He burnt the town himself. 

5. Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh, Text and Notes of Todd's Introduction, pp. xi., xii. The Norman poem 

which its author asserts to be largely a transcription of information from Maurice Regan, 
Diarmaid's Latiner, says that Diarmaid remained with Robert Herdin = Robert Fitz Harding, 
in his foundation, the priory of St. Augustine's, Bristol. [Norman poem, ed. Michel, p. 12]. 

6. Robert de Monte, ad 1166. 


any of his subjects to join the Irish prince in the recovery 
of his kingdom. * Diarmaid returned to Bristol early in 
1167, and there in return for his daughter's hand and 
and succession to the throne of Leinster, obtained 
promise of assistance from Richard Strongbow, 
Earl of Striguil, *a nobleman who had lost his 
fortune, and does not seem at any time to have been in 
favour with the king. From Bristol Diarmaid went to 
South Wales. Here he met with ready offers of assistance. 
3 Both Rhys ap Gruffudd of Deheubarth and Bishop David 
Fitz Gerald were soon gained to his cause, the former 
perhaps seeing the great advantage that would accrue to 
him by an emigration of the more Norman element to the 
Irish shores, the latter willing as usual, to aid his family's 
interests wherever even they clashed with his own. 
Diarmaid's promises did the rest. Eager to return he 
resolved to precede his wavering allies with what few he 
could immediately muster. 4 He set sail for Ireland in 
August, 1167, accompanied by a 5 Welsh prince, who must 
have been a near relation of Rhys himself, and by 6 Richard 
Fitz Godoberd, a Pembrokeshire knight, with a band of 
Norman and Welsh auxiliaries. 7 Hardly had he landed 
when Ruaidhri took the field against him, and defeated him 
in two battles. His Welsh ally was slain and Diarmaid 
forced to give hostages to the victory. 8 He did everything 

1. Henry II. was in Aquitaine from Dec. 1166 to May, 1167. [Eyton, Itin. H. ii., pp. 1036]. 

2. Gir. Camb., Op. v., 228; Norm, poem, ed Michel, p, 17. For the state of his fortune see William of 

Newburgh, lib. ii., cap. 26; Gerv. Cant. i. 234. 

3. Gir. Camb., Op. v., 228 9. 

4. Circa Kalendas Augusti, says Gir. Camb. Op. v., 229. 

5. Ann. iv., Mag. ad 1167. 6. Norm, poem, ed. Michel, p. 21. 

7. Ann. iv. Mag. 

8. Regan's Irish name was Ua Riacain. The Norman French poem [Carew MSS. Lambeth, 596] says he 

was the Latiner = interpreter and herald of Diarmaid mac Murchadha, and professes to derive its 
information from Ua Riacain's life of that king. 



to gain time, and despatched Maurice Regan, a faithful 
adherent, to press the South Wales nobles to a fulfilment of 
their promises. T A year went by. At Diarmaid's insti- 
gation, 2 and at that of Bishop David and Maurice Fitz 
Gerald, Rhys consented early in 1169 to liberate Robert 
Fitz Stephen, who had been three years in prison, but only 
on condition that he should bear arms with him against the 
king of England. He was, however, induced to change 
this condition, and allow Robert to lead a second expedi- 
tion to the help of Diarmaid. 

The latter's promise of large grants of land near 
Wexford had the desired effect. 3 Robert bestirred him- 
self and gathered a force of thirty knights, sixty men at 
arms and three hundred picked Welsh troops. His near 
kinsmen, 4 Meilir Fitz Henry, Robert de Barri, and Miles 
Fitz David accompanied him, and at the beginning of May, 
1169, he was in Ireland, and was there joined, one day 
after his own arrival, by 5 Maurice de Prendergast at the 
head of ten knights and many archers, chiefly Flemings 
from Rhos and its port of Milford. 6 Diarmaid and his son, 
Domhnall Kavanagh, hastened to join their allies with five 
hundred Irish. 7 Together they took Wexford; and the 

2. Gi 

3. Gi 

4. Gi 

5. Gi 

6. Gi 

teivi, Kereticae regionis caput, cui tune praeerat, dolo suorum captus Reso traditus, jam 

jamque per triennium in vinculis et carcere tentus " Now Robert was taken prisoner 

about the beginning of November, 1165 [Brut, ad 1164 = 5 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1166 5.] His 
liberation is put down to 1168 = 9 by the Brut., to 1170 = 69 by the Ann. Camb. If he was 
liberated at the beginning of 1169 he would have been just three years in prison. The statement 
in the Ann. Camb. is as follows : " Robert filius Stephani a carcere Resi precatu Uiermit filii 
Murchath Hiberniam intravit, etc. . . ." Everything points to May, 1169, as the date of Fitz 
Stephen's Irish expedition. 

Camb., Op. v. 229 ; Brut, ad 1168 = 9 ; Ann. Camb. ad 1170 = 69. 

Camb., Op. v. 230. 

Camb., Op. v. 234 5 ; Norman poem, ed Michel p. 22. 

Camb., Op. v. 232; also Norman poem. See article on Maurice de Prendergast, by John P. 
Prendergast n Journal of Kilkenny Archaeological Society. 

. Camb., Op. v. 231. 

. Camb., Op. v. 2323 ; Norman poem, ed. Michel, pp. 245. 


town and its adjoining territory were given to Robert 
Fitz Stephen and Maurice Fitz Gerald according to the 
terms of the treaty. J Two hundreds between Wexford 
and Waterford were handed over to Herve de Montmaurice. 
2 The allies, after three weeks of joyous revelry at Ferns, 
marched into Osraighe, to punish its chieftain, Donnchadh, 
for the murder of Diarmaid's son, Enna, in the previous 
year. After a bloody battle, victory declared for the 
invaders ; and to Diarmaid, the prince of Osraighe made 
a feigned submission. But it was only feigned. 3 At the 
news of his enemy's successes, Ruaidhri of Connacht 
summoned all Ireland against him, and Diarmaid was 
reduced to find in Fitz Stephen's immediate followers his 
only hope. Strongly fortifying Ferns, they awaited 
Ruaidhri's approach. 4 The latter was induced to make 
peace. Diarmaid was to have Laighen, and to give his 
son, Conchobhar, as a hostage for his good faith. 

5 Such was the situation when Maurice Fitz Gerald 
arrived with two ships and landed at Wexford with a 
hundred and forty followers. This third invasion took 
place late in the summer of 1 169. It caused an immediate 
renewal of the war between Ruaidhri and Diarmaid, who 
now began to aspire to the monarchy of the island. While 
Fitz Stephen fortified Carrick, near Wexford, 6 Maurice 
accompanied the King of Laighen to an attack on Dublin. 
7 Early in 1 1 70, war broke out between Ruaidhri of 
Connacht and Domhnall, son of Toirrdhealbach Ua Briain. 

1. Gir. Camb., Op. v., 233. 

2. Gir. Camb., Op. v., 233 5. For much fuller details of expeditions into Osraighe, the territory of 

the Ui Failghe and to Glenn-da-locha, see the Norman poem, ed. Michel, pp. 27 51. 

3. Ann. iv. Mag. ad 1169. 4. Gir. Camb. Op. v. 243 4. 
5. Gir. Camb. Op. v., 244 5. 6. Gir. Camb. Op. v. 245. 

7. Gir. Camb. Op. v. 245 ! Ann. iv. Mag. ad 1170. Domhnall Ua Briain was a son-in law of Dinrmaid 


Diarmaid despatched a force under Fitz Stephen to the aid 
of the latter; and after several engagements, Ruaidhri 
withdrew without success to Connacht, while Domhnall 
definitely threw over his allegiance. 

1 Diarmaid's ambitious plans led him to urge the Earl 
of Striguil to a fulfilment of his promises. A fourth 
expedition from the Welsh coast came late in the spring, 
commanded by Raymond Le Gros, son of 2 William Fitz 
Gerald, and disembarking a few miles from Waterford, near 
the 3 rock of Dundunnolf, with ten knights and seventy 
archers, he at once entrenched himself there. He was 
very soon besieged by the citizens of Waterford, and with 
them 4 Maelseachlainn Ua Faclain, lord of the Deisi. The 
attack was vigorously repulsed and 5 seventy of the citizens 
taken. Raymond, however, was not able to take the 
offensive until the arrival of Strongbow. 

That Earl had probably been preparing for his Irish 
attempt very carefully for four years. The turn of events 
was favourable to his schemes. 6 He had obtained from 
Henry a qualified permission to go to the assistance of 
Diarmaid, and had determined to interpret this as he saw 
fit. The success of the first adventurers encouraged his 
efforts, and at last his own expedition, the fifth that had 
left the Welsh shores, 7 landed at Waterford from Milford 

1. He offered his daughter, a~c. to Giraldus, in marriage to both Maurice Fitz Gerald and Robert Fitz 

Stephen, who were both married. (Op. v. 246). 

2. William was probably dead. He is last heard of in 1153 when Tcnby Castle was put into his hands. 

[Brut, ad 1152 = 3]. 

3. For site of Dundunnolf see Gir. Camb., Op. v., pp. 420 i. 

4. He is called in the Norman poem, ed. Michel, Del Deys Dovenald Osfelan. One Dohmnall Ua 

Faelain died in 1205 [A. iv. M.] See Gir. Camb., Op. v., 248. 

5. Gir. Camb.. Op. v. 2503. Herve de Montmaurice spoke for, Raymond Le Gros against their 

execution. The advice of the former was followed. 

6. Gir. Camb., Op. v., 246 7. 

7. Gir. Camb., Op. v., 254 ; Norman poem, ed. Michel, pp. 68 72. Waterford was taken on the 25th 

of August. 


on the 23rd of August. 1170. It consisted of two hundred 
knights and a thousand infantry. This strong reinforce- 
ment enabled Raymond le Gros to prosecute the siege of 
Waterford with vigour and x it was taken with great 

2 The capture was immediately followed by Richard's 
marriage with Eva, Diarmaid's daughter. The festivities 
over, the King of Laighen, gathering together all his 
Norman and Welsh auxiliaries, marched on Dublin, 3 and 
escaping the large army which Ruaidhri had gathered 
together to oppose him, appeared before the city on the 
2ist of September. 

An attempt was made by Archbishop 4 Laurence 
O'Toole to bring about a peace. While the negotiations 
were proceeding, 5 Milo de Cogan and Raymond le Gros 
made a vigorous attack upon the city. It was successful. 
With their leader, 6 Asculf, son of Raghnall mac Torcaill, 
the better part of the population fled. Richard remained a 
few days in Dublin ; 7 then leaving it to the defence of Milo 
de Cogan, he made, at the instigation of Diarmaid, a raid 
into the territories of Ua Ruairc in Midhe. Ruaidhri, 
indignant at Diarmaid's determination to conquer Ireland 

1. Gir Cainb., Op. v., 255; Norman poem, ed. Michel, p. 72 ; Ann. iv., Mag. ad 1170. 

2. Gir. Camb., Op. v., 255; Norman poem, ed. Michel, p. 73 : A. iv. M. ad 1170. --Richard had a 

daughter, Alina, by a first marriage: and, perhaps, a son [A. iv. Mag. 1171] the Walter filii 
Ricardi filii Gilberti Strongbowe avi mei of a Tintern charter of William Marshal, dated 
Strigul, 22nd March, 1206. [Dugd. Mon. v. 267.] 

3. Gir. Camb., Op. v. , 2556 ; Norman poem, ed Michel, pp. 758 ; A. iv. M. ad 1170. 

4. Gir. Camb., Op. v., 256. Lorcan Ua Tuathail became Archbishop of Dublin on the death of its last 

bishop in 1162 ; he died at Eu in the Seine Inferieure on the i4th of Nov., 1180. [Ann. iv. M. 
ad 1162, 1167, 1180.] He was canonized in 1226 by Pope Honorius iii. See Vita Sancti 
Laurentii in Messingham's Florilegium Insulae Sanctorum, Paris, 1624. 

5. Gir. Camb., Op. v., 2567 ; Norman poem, ed. Michel, pp. 79, 82. 

6. Hasculphus in Giraldus, Op. v., 257 ; Hesculf and Mac Turkil Esculf in Norman poem, ed. Michel, 

pp. 79, 80 ; Asgall, son of Raghnall mac Torcaill in Ann. v Mag. ; Axoll mac Torcaill in Ann. 
Loch. Ce ad 1171. 

7. Gir. Camb., Op. v., 257 ; Norman poem, ed. Michel, p. 82. 


for himself, put his three hostages to death. ' Earl Richard 
retired to Waterford, whence he made war on Cormac Ua 
Carthaigh and suffered defeat at his hands. 2 Diarmaid 
spent his time in making incursions from Ferns into Ua 
Ruairc's lands in Midhe and Breifne. 

And so the year 1 1 70 ended. 3 And such were the 
elements of the situation which was made known to Henry 
who had come from France in March. 4 Startled at the 
success of the Earl, he affected great displeasure, and sent 
immediate orders to all his subjects to return. It was 
evidently necessary to propitiate him, and 5 Richard made 
Raymond le Gros his envoy with orders to lay all his 
conquests at his master's feet. Henry accepted the solution 
and prepared to visit his new domain. 

The five expeditions which preceded the landing of 
Henry II. in Ireland were due entirely to Norman French 
and Welsh enterprise. The troops that were employed 
consisted of Norman knights from Pembrokeshire and 
Glamorgan, warlike Flemish settlers from the cwmwd of 
Gwyr and the Cantref of Rhos, and picked Welsh soldiers. 
6 The present names of the inhabitants of the land acquired 
by Fitz Stephen near Wexford testify to the origin of those 
he brought with him, 7 and even the Dublin Roll of names 

i. Ann. iv. M. ; Norman poem, ed. Michel, p. 82. 2. Ann. iv. M. ; Norman poem, ed. Michel, p. 83 

3. Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi ; Roger de Hoveden ; Gerv Cant. 

4. See Wm. of Newburgh, lib. ii., cap. 26. 5. Gir. Cainb., Op. v., 259. 

6. The names Fleming, Furlong, Wadding, Prendergast, Harry, Walsh are common. 

7. H^t. and Man. Docts. Ireland, 1172 1320, pp. 3 48. The list is a hodge-podge of all kinds of names, 

French, English, Welsh, Irish, Latin. The same word is spelt in a variety of ways. -Cynffig, 
ex. B., appears in the following names : Tomas Kenfeg, Walmerr de Cheneuec, Wasmeris de 
Kenfech, Willielmus de Kenefec, &c. So far as they can be classified the names may be divided 
into four groups : 

(a) Those that suggest Welsh origin : Oliuerus le Waleis, Edwinus Walensis, Walterus 
filius Grifini, Cradoc de Lein, Walterus Griffin, &c. 

(b) Those that suggest Flemish origin : Henricus Flandrensis, Gilbertus Flamang, 
Ricardus filius lordani de Hauarfurd, Robertus de Guer, &c. 

(c) Those referring to towns in S_outh Wales : Adam de Cardigan, Phillipus de Carmathin, 
Elias de Ketweli, Godefridus de Sweinesea, Johanes de Cardif, P^dwacar de Niuport, Harold 
tie Munemue, Gilibertus de Striguil, Johannes de Sancto Briauel, Turold de Chepstowa, 
Arnoldus de Breconia, Ourei de Fissegard, Durant de Pembroc, &c. 

(d) Those referring to places in Welsh Marches, West of England and Cornwall : 
Vincentius Cestrie, Hugo de Scropasburi, Osbertus de Herofort, Willielmus de Ludelaue, 
Ricardus filius Salomonis de Bristollo, Moriz de Bardastapla Willielmus de Bodmin, Rodbertus 
le Cornwalleis, &c. 


shows a very distinct preponderance of the same elements. 
Richard de Clare and his uncle, Herve de Montmaurice, 
were Normans of ruined fortunes, who went to repair them, 
like true Normans, with their sword, but with the exception 
of these nobles, the leaders of the movement were drawn 
from that nobility of Dyfed, in whose veins Norman blood 
mingled with the Welsh, and who looked to Nest, the 
daughter of Rhys ap Tewdwr as to a T common ancestor. 
One after another the Fitz Geralds, the Fitz Stephens, the 
Fitz Henrys left their Pembroke lands, and in the neigh- 
bouring isle set to work to carve out new and wider 
provinces for themselves. These descendants of Nest went 
chiefly from a love of adventure and plunder, in a land 
which promised to give them greater opportunity for both, 
than their old quarters in Dyfed, where the Welsh, by long 
experience, had learnt their tactics. 2 In a few years all the 
chief of them had passed away from Wales and dwelt in 
another land. 

Rhys had now recovered all the power he had inherited 
from his brother, Maredudd, shaken as it had been by 
successive invasions from England and continuous wars 
with the Cliffords and Clares. He supported the Irish 
invasions, hoping to still further weaken the Normans ; and 

1. That the family must have been subject to much Welsh influence is seen from their names. Of Nest's 

own children, Angharad married William de Barri ; another daughter was called Gwladus ; a 
son, Howel [Gir. Camb., Op. i., 59]. - Wi Ham Fitz Gerald had a son Gruffudd ; and a grand- 
son referred to by Giraldus as : Reimundi nepos David, ngnominc Walensis non cognomine, 
natione Kambrensis, non cognatione [Op. v., 321]. Maurice Fitz Gerald had a daughter Nest ; 
Robert Fitz Stephen an illegitimate son, Maredudd. Last but not least in importance is the 
name of Meilir Fitz Henry. 

2. See the interesting verse in the Hoianau (No. 4), Llyfr Du Caerfyrddin, f. 27 b :- 

Oian a parchellan oet reit gweti 
Rac pffin pimp penaeth o nortmandi 
Ar pimhed in myned dros mor heli 
Y oreskin iwerton tirion trewi, etc. 

The spelling, &c., is very modernized in the rendering in Myv. Arch., p. 106. Tlios. btep .ens 
(Lit. of the K., pp. 24* 2) thought the five nobles were Robert Fitz Stephen, Maurice Fitz 
Gerald, Herve de Montmaurice, David de Barri and Richard de Clare. I think it much more 
probable that the reference is to the Norman leaders of the five successive expeditions from 
Wales to Ireland. 


to some extent he succeeded ; for the Welsh, the immediate 
result was good ; but it must not be forgotten that it was 
Richard's Irish conquests which laid the foundation of the 
immense power of the Marshals who inherited by marriage 
the lands of the last Strongbow. Richard never succeeded 
in holding Pembroke ; but the Marshals asserted and made 
good their claims and eventually became the most extensive 
landowners in South Wales. 




Bishop David of St. David's His Welsh manners His nepotism Absenteeism in 
the Bishopric of St. Asaph Richard succeeds Geoffrey of Monmouth Godfrey, 
successor of Richard, forced to flee His difficulties with Archbishop Thomas a 
Becket Bishop Meurig at Bangor His death Long ecclesiastical conflict 
between Owain and Becket Interference of Pope Alexander III. Becket desires 
Owain to put aside his wife, Chrisiant Owain refuses Excommunication of 
Owain His death in November, 1170 His character. 

"\T THILE his kinsmen were thus fighting new battles, 
^ * x Bishop David was chiefly engaged in alienating the 
lands of his see in spite of the vigorous opposition of his 
Welsh clergy. 2 The national party, unable to obtain the 
bishopric for a nominee of its own, had secured, probably on 
David's succession to the see, the Archdeaconry of Ceredig- 
ion for Cedifor, son of Daniel, but if they founded any 
hopes on this last member of the great Sulien's family, 
they were dashed to the ground by his death in 1 163. 

To some extent David adopted the manners and 
customs of the Welsh bishops, 3 for like them he had 
daughters and sons. One daughter he gave in marriage to 
Walter, son of the Gwys who had built Wiston Castle ; and 
with her a quit-claim to land near Llanhuadein, for which 
Gwys himself had suffered excommunication. He similarly 
endowed another daughter with land at Broghes and Tre- 

i. See the Vita Davidis in Gir. Camb., Op. 2. See Brut, ad 1162 = 3. 

3. See the Vita Davidis, ii. Kpiscopi Menevensis, said to be by a Canon of St. David's and published in 
the Rolls Series among Giraldus' Works, iii., 431 4. According to this life he had at least two 
daughters. Milo Menevensis of Giraldus [Op. v. 325 6] is plausibly identified by Dimock with 

Regan's [Norman poem] Milis le fiz 1'evesque de Sein Davi. See Appendix B to 

preface to vol. v. of Giialdus' Works, note 3. 


fennen ; and gave Castell Cennen to another near relation, 
Arnald Ddu. But his brother, Maurice, was his especial 
favourite. He made him seneschal of the episcopal lands, 
gave him St. Dogmael's and the land of leuan ap Seisyll, 
together with fees at Llanrian and Archbold. He induced 
tenants of the bishop to do homage to Maurice for their 
lands. The clergy of the diocese strenuously resisted. 
1 And David, when in 1 164 Archbishop Thomas was driven 
into exile, thinking himself free from control, did not 
hesitate to steal the common seal of the Chapter ; and thus 
deprived its members of their only means of successful 

Nor had the Bishopric of St. Asaph been very fortunate 
in its bishops. Gilbert and Geoffrey do not seem to have 
visited their dioceses. 2 When the latter died, he was 
succeeded by Richard, of whom we know nothing, and who 
was probably a Norman absentee. 3 Godfrey, who 
succeeded Richard, did as his predecessors had done. 
His character seems to have been exacting, and he was 
accused of nepotism. At any rate, he did not agree with 
his Welsh clergy, and very soon fled the see. 4 As early 
as 1165, Thomas wrote to him, insisting that he should 
return. But the Archbishop was in exile ; 5 Henry showed 
himself on the other hand inclined to help Godfrey, and at 

1. Gir. Camb.. Op. iii., 432. Thomas reached France at the beginning of November, 1164. Materials 

for the Hist, of Archb. Becket i., 403 ; iii., 70-1, 318 26 ; iv., 54 8, 1056, 190. 

2. Gervasius Cantuar, ii., 385. There is no authority that I know of for the date 1154 given by Haddan 

and Stubbs. Geoffrey died in 1155 [Brut, ad 1154 = 5], and Richard became bishop in that or 
the following year. 

3. Gerv. Cant. ii. 385. The date of his consecration is not known. He was present on the 3rd June, 

1162, at Becket's consecration [Gerv. Cant, i., 171]. Godfrey was consecrated Bishop by 
Theobald, who died in April, 1161. 

For Godfrey's character, see Historia Monasterii de Abingdon, p. 293. References to him 
in Materials for the Hist, of Archbishop Becket, i. 213, ii. 245. 

4. Haddan and Stubbs, Councils and Eccl. Docts., i., 362. 

5. Historia Monasterii de Abingdon, pp. 234 5, 293. 


the end of October of the same year, appointed him 
Administrator of Abingdon Abbey, on the death of its 
titular Wulkelin ; J and the bishop, not caring for a visit to 
St. Asaph now in the hands of Owain Gwynedd, a fact 
which shows the hostility of his Welsh flock to him, threw 
himself into the king's party. z He spent his time chiefly 
in the consecration of churches and church altars in 
England. 3 In 1166 he drew on himself the wrath of 
Becket by absolving the nobles excommunicated by the 
Archbishop at Vezelai. 4 The latter insisted that he should 
go to his diocese or resign. But Thomas was still in exile, 
and affairs in North Wales had taken a turn very un- 
favourable to Norman interests. Indeed, had he followed 
nothing but the dictates of ordinary prudence, Godfrey 
would have hesitated to return to St. Asaph, while Owain 
was carrying on his long struggle for the independence of 
the native Church. 

We know nothing of the events which may have 
followed the installation of Bishop Meurug at Bangor, but 
his episcopate was long. He governed the see twenty-one 
years, a period completely barren of events concerning the 
Church in his own see. 5 The great Archdeacon of 
Gwynedd, Simeon, died in 1152; but his party did not die 
with him, and the fruit of his efforts was seen when, nine 
years later, 6 Meurug followed him to the tomb. 

1. Owain must have held St. Asaph as early as 1165, if not earlier. 

2. Matt. Paris ad 1165 ; Margin of a MS. of Diceto, Reg. 13 E. 6., f. 59 b. 

3. Diceto, ad 1166. 4. Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, &c., i., 3634. 

5. Symeon is the reading of the Hengwrt MS. (B. of Ab Ithel) and of Cleopatra B. 5. Ab Ithel's A& C 

MSS. give Simon, and the E MS. [Llyfr Du Basing] Einion. A.B.C. call him Archdiagon 
Keueilawc ; Cleopatra B. 5 [D] and Llyfr Du Basing [E] Archdiagon Kelynnawc. See Rolls 
Ed. of Biut ad 1151 = 2. The Gwentian Chronicle as usual adopts the readings of the later 
MSS., ad 1151. 

6. Brut ad 1161 = 2. From the Brut it would seem that he died in 1162. He was dead at the time of 

Becket's consecration. If we admit that he died on the i?th of August [Kalend. S. Petr. Salop. 
MS. Cott. Vitel. A. viii], it must have been in 1161, as Becket became Archbishop on the 3rd 
June, 1162. 


In the same year as Meurug, J Theobald died, and on 
the 3rd of June, 1162, 2 Thomas a Becket was consecrated 
Archbishop of Canterbury in his stead by Henry, Bishop 
of Winchester. Among the many bishops who graced the 
ceremony were Gilbert of Hereford, Godfrey of St. Asaph, 
David Fitz Gerald of St. David's, and Nicholas ap Gwr- 
gant of Llandaff. The new metropolitan showed vigour 
in everything he undertook. He found the see of Bangor 
vacant, and, no doubt, attempted to installate a successor 
to Meurig. But the time was ill-chosen. Owain was just 
preparing that revolt against Henry's authority, which was 
eventually crowned with so much success. He had been 
baffled in his first attempt to remove Bangor from Norman 
ecclesiastical influence, but he was resolved this time to 
resist to the end. No bishop was to be appointed without 
his consent, and no allegiance was to be sworn to Canter- 
bury. Circumstances favoured the national cause. 3 In 
1164 Becket was driven into exile, and this was taken 
advantage of by Owain. 4 He proposed the consecration 
to Bangor of a bishop by another than the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, but professing obedience to the latter. This, 
however, he declared to be a grant of his own free will, 
and denied that Canterbury had any right thereto. The 
proposition was indignantly rejected by Becket, who 
reasserted the subjection of Bangor to himself, and promised 
to send a messenger to Owain to treat of the difficulties in 

1. In April, 1161. 

2. Gerv. Cant. ; Materials for History of Becket, i. 9 ; iii. 35 6, 1805 ! i y - 1819, 84 seq., 154. 

3. See the authorities referred to in a preceding note. 

4. Materials for the History of Archbishop Becket in Rolls Series, Vol. v. p. 229. On p. 230 is Becket's 

letter of refusal. For an attempt at dating the letters on the Bangor controversy, see Haddan 
and Stubbs, Councils, &c. 


the way of a settlement. r He appointed Archdeacon 
Dafydd of Bangor the administrator of the see, no doubt 
with the design of making him the head of those who 
favoured Canterbury's claims. 2 Arthur, a priest who acted 
as the leader of the national party in the church, with 
others, I ago, Uchtryd, Lorans, was in favour of an Irish 
metropolitan as less dangerous to Welsh liberties, and 
openly advocated consecration of the Welsh bishops and 
clergy by such. 3 Becket applied to Pope Alexander III. to 
bring his authority to bear, 4 and meanwhile summoned 
Arthur and his supporters to appear before him to answer 
charges of disobedience and disloyalty. s On the loth of 
December, 1165, the Pope wrote to the clergy of Bangor 
to elect a bishop within two months. 6 On the gth of 
February, 1166, he wrote again to the same effect, at the 
same time bidding Thomas, in case they refused, to provide 
a bishop himself. But the triumphs of Owain in the field 
had influenced the question and the prince felt himself 
strong enough to continue his resistance. 7 Archdeacon 
Dafydd, too, had joined the national party and solicited 
consecration from Ireland for a nominee of Owain. 8 He 
was himself a true ecclesiastic of the Celtic Church and had 
married. 9 Becket, furious at his defection, wrote summon- 
ing him, with his son and three or four of the Church 

1. Materials, &c., v. 228. 

2. Materials, &c., v. 2301. His name is variously rendered by the MSS. de Chargan. de Chargis, de 

Kargan, de Bargis, de Burgis. It has been suggested that he is to be identified with Arthur de 
Bardsey, whom Brown Willis asserts to have been Dean of Bangor in 1162. He does not give 
his authority. 

3. Extract from letter of Becket to Alexander III. in Haddan & Stubbs, Councils and Eccl. Docts. i. 367. 

4. Materials, &c. , v. 231 2. 

5. Materials for the History of Archbishop Becket (Rolls Series) v. 225 6. 

6. Materials for the History of Archbishop Becket, v. 226 8. 

7. Materials, &c., v. 2356. 8. At least he had a son. 
9. Materials, &c., v. 235 6. 


magnates of his see, to appear before him. ' Dafydd replied 
that his action was due to compulsion from Owain, who had 
extorted the promise that no bishop should be elected 
against his will. The Archbishop absolved him and the 
Bangor canons from their oath, and demanded the election 
of his own nominee. So matters dragged on. Another 
attempt of Becket's to provide a bishop within a delay of 
four months, failed. It is difficult to say whether there was 
a connection between the ecclesiastical troubles of the time, 
and 2 the murder, in 1168, of Abbot Gwrgenau, and his 
nephew, Llawdden, by Owain's son, Cynan. But trouble 
there was, and the Pope waxed indignant at this long 
vacancy of the North Welsh sees. 3 On the gth of October, 
1 1 68, he wrote to Henry, urging him to fill both St. Asaph 
and Bangor without further delay. 4 At the same time he 
urged Becket to proceed to vigorous measures against 
Owain Gwynedd and Archdeacon Dafydd. 5 The marriage 
of the former with his cousin Chrisiant was brought up 
against him. There was hardly a Welsh chief who had 
not committed the same offence ; and it was hoped that by 
striking at Owain, the blow would fall on all, and a national 
failing be extirpated. The prince was ordered to put his 
wife aside. He absolutely refused, publicly seized the 

1. Materials, &c., v. 234. 

2. Brut, ad 1167 = 8. Curiously the MS. of the Brut in Llyfr Coch o Hergest says the murder was committed 

by Cynan and Owain Gwynedd. But all the other MSS. say Cynan, son of Owain. 

3. Extract from letter of Alexander III. to Henry II. in Haddan & Stubbs, Councils & Eccl. Docts. i, 71 

4. Materials, &c , v. 239. 

5. What we know of Christiana or Chrisiant is derived from : 

(a) Gir. Camb., Op. vi., 133 4. From this passage we learn that the marriage with Chrisiant 

was the ground for excommunication, and that Dafydd and Rhodri were sons by her. 

(b) Materials for the History of Archbishop Becket. vol. v., pp. 236 9. 

(c) Awdyl. Nis Gwyddis pwy a'i Cant., but probably by Peryf ap Cedifor Myv. Arch. p. 280 

She is here called Cristin, and some part in the murder of Howel seems to be 
attributed to her. 

(d) Welsh Books of Pedigrees. 


Pope's letters and caused the messenger to be forcibly 
detained. ' This display of vigour had the desired effect. 
The Archbishop's last letters showed his sentiment of 
Owain's power ; the haughty champion of the Church even 
condescended to flatter the victorious prince ; he reminded 
him, not as at first of the ecclesiastical punishments he 
would hurl at his head in case of refusal, but * rather of his 
age and approaching death. He implored him to put aside 
his wife, and provide for her fully from 2 his own revenues. 
But Owain could not be moved. Then Becket, angry 
perhaps that for a moment he should have yielded one inch 
from what he thought his righteous demands, 3 pronounced 
the sentence of excommunication against the King of 
Gwynedd. But the sentence was null. Within his own 
dominions Owain's will was law. He was held to be 
fighting for his people, for their customs, for their Church. 
The clergy of the see, Dafydd the Archdeacon, all were 
bound to his cause. No foreigner held an inch of land in 
his kingdom. 4 The Angevin monarch was too far to 
seriously menace. And so it came to pass that Owain 
obtained a second victory over the Norman element, and 
that the last years of his life saw a triumph over the 
Archbishop of Canterbury, hardly less important than had 
been his repulse of the king of England, when from 
Berwyn's heights that king's hosts fell back along the Dee 
to Chester. 

i. Juyenes cito moriuntur et facile, sed impossible est ut qui senes suntdiu vivunt . . . Materials, &c. v. 

2 Si cognatum tuam diligis. abundas opibus, quibus ei poteris utiliter et honeste providere 

Materials, &c., v. 

3 Gir. Camb., Op. vi., 133. 

4. Henry returned from France after four years absence in March, 1170. 


He was now old. x His mother, Angharad, had died 
in 1162 after surviving her husband, Gruffudd, a quarter of 
a century. 2 In 1165 her death was followed by that of 
Llywelyn, one of Owain's most brilliant sons, whose 
bravery and wisdom were conspicuous. Owain himself 
could not last much longer. 3 In November, 1170, he 
expired, after reigning thirty-three years over North 
Wales. He was the excommunicate of Canterbury ; but 
he had freed his own Church from slavery, and she took 
him to her bosom ; and after making confession of his sins, 
he received the communion of the body of Christ and 
extreme unction ; and 4 in the cathedral of Bangor, where 
already rested the ashes of his father, was buried with 
becoming pomp. 

It is not easy to judge a king. His contemporaries are 
too near to read aright ; and posterity too remote to deal 
him justice. While the men of his own time are interested 
in the motives, it is rather by the results of his actions that 
their descendants allow their decisions to be governed. 
But Owain Gwynedd had all the characteristics of a great 
ruler. 5 He was a brilliant soldier, and there is no record 
of his having been defeated in battle. 6 He was a 
sagacious diplomat, and knew well how, by negotiation, to 
gather together all his resources in the hour of danger, and 
to conciliate the opposing interests of the many chiefs 
against a common foe. 7 He was a prudent governor, 
working for his people. His policy was one of peace 

1. Brut ad 1161 = 2. -See Hanes Gruffudd in Myv. Arch. p. 730, where the biographer gives a description 

of her person ; and a list of her children : three sons. Cadwallon, Owain, Cadwaladr ; five 
daughters, Gwenllian, Maryred or Marred, Ranillt, Susanna, and Annest or Nest. Angharad 
must have died at a great age ; we know that her daughter, Gwenllian, had a son by Cadwgan 
ap Bleddyn before mi, the date of Cadwgan's death [Brut.] 

2. Brut ad 1164 = 5. 3. See Appendix No. 3. 4. Gir. Camb. Op. vi. 133. 

5. The Hengwrt MS. of the Brut. [B. of ab Ithel] says ad 1169 = 70. ynn anoruodedic oe uebyt 

6. Gwr anueidrawl y brudder says the Brut ad 1169- 70. 7. Gir. Camb., Op. vi., 143 5 


within and union with Deheubarth without, and its success 
is well seen in the fact that outsiders looked upon him as 
1 king of all Wales, as the prince of the whole Welsh 
people. 2 He was the greatest patron of the bards, and 
thus, like all the members of his family, identified himself 
with the encouragement of purity of language and excellence 
of literature. And more than any, these champions of the 
national cause mourned his loss ; and something of their 
grief is seen in the impassioned references of Gwalchmai, 
in the elegies of Daniel ap Llosgwrn Mew, Seisyll 
Bryffwrch and Cynddelw. The succeeding generation 
called him 3 the Great ; either in memory of his mighty 
deeds, or startled by the contrast his single fame presented 
to the comparative nonentity of his many sons. 

There is a tendency to forget the great men of a 
conquered race. They are judged by the failure of their 
aims, once independence, that boon of peoples, is lost. 
They toiled indeed in the heat of the day ; they seemed to 
live but for their country's weal ; they fought and died in 
its defence ; but of what avail was it all, when the day of 
doom came, and that which they had laboured to preserve 
was lost for ever ? 

i. He is usually called tywyssawc Gwyned in the Brut, though on one occasion ad 1149 = 50 Owein 
vrenhin Gwyned. The Ann. Camb. say in one case princeps Nortwalliae, in another rex 
Nqrtwalliae ad 1171. The Ann. Marg. ad 1157 speak of him as Oweyn de Wallia. Robert de 
Monte calls him Oenus rex ad 1171. Becket in his letters, Rex Walliae, princeps Wallensium. 
Owain in a letter to Becket calls himself Walliarum rex : in a letter to Bernard rex Wa.'liae. 
Giraldus calls him princeps Norwalliae (Op. iii. 188.), vi. 134. 

2 See all the bardic writings of the time, and especially Gwalchmai's awd! to Dafydd ab Owain, in My v. 
Aich., p. 146. 

3. Gir. Camb., Op. vi., 143. Oenus magnus. 


The Brut y Tywysogion was published in the Rolls Series in 1860. 
It was edited by the Rev. John Williams ab Ithel. The MS. which he 
took as the basis of his work and which he collated with several others, 
is a part of the Red Book of Hergest at Jesus College. It has been 
published separately in the Myvyrian Archaeology, pp. 602 651 ; and 
quite recently in a palaeographical edition by Rhys & Evans. 

The more one becomes familiar with this Chronicle, the more is one 
impressed by its correctness and accuracy throughout ; and as in no 
edition has an attempt been made to rectify the Chronology of the 
document, it becomes necessary to establish it at any rate, for our period, 
on a sound basis. 

The events recorded under the dates 1134 1169 inclusive are really 
a year behind, and belong to 1135 1170. A few cases in which we 
know the date of the event in question will clearly show this : 

1134 of Rolls Edition Henry I. died 1st Dec., 1135. [Ord. vital ; Ang. Sax. Chr.] 

Richard Fitz Gilbert killed I5th April, 1136. [Cont, Fl. Wig. ; 
Rt. de M.] 

Gruffudd ap Rhys died in 1137. [Cont. Fl. Wig. ; Ann. de 

Miloof Hereford was killed Christmas Eve, 1143. [Gerv. Cant. ; 

Gesta. Steph.] 
Crusade of 1147. 

Death of Ranulf of Chester, 1153. [Rt. de M. ; Gerv. Cant ] 
Death of Stephen, 1154. [Re. de M. ; Gerv. Cant.] 
Death of Roger of Hereford, 1155. [Rt. de M. ; Gerv. Cant.] 
Death of Toirdhealbach UaConchobhair, 1156. [Ann. iv. Mag.] 
Henry II. 's expedition against Gwynedd in 1157. [Rt. de M., &c.] 
Henry II.'s expedition to South Wales, 1163. [Ralph. Cogges- 

hall. ; Ann. de Marg.] 

Henry's expedition of 1165. [Rt. de M., Ac.] 
Expulsion of Diarmaid mac Marchadha, 1166. [Ann. IV. Mag.] 
Robert Fitz Stephen goes to Ireland, 1169 
I will give in Appendix No. 3 my reasons for believing that the 

death of Owain Gwynedd must be attributed to 1170; 

and that the events recorded in the Rolls Edition under 

the years 1 169 and 1 170 are to be united under the single 

year 1170. 

It will now be clear that all the events of the period 1135 1170 are 
in this chronicle ante-dated by one year. The only exceptions I feel 
warranted in making, refer to the events dated 1137, 1138, in the Rolls 
Edition, and which are really two years behind and equivalent to 1139, 





The Chronology of the two MSS. B. C. used by Williams ab Ithel 
for his edition of the Annales Cambriae is more complicated and some- 
times obscure. It is, however, correct from 1135 to 1146 inclusive. 

One observation is necessary. We find the following difference 
between B. and C. concerning the death of Cynfrig ap Owain : 

B. at 1138. Kenwric filius Owini occisus est a familia Madoc filii Maredut. 
C. at 1140. Kenwric filius Owein occiditur ab Howel filio Maredut. 

By comparing with the entry in the Brut y Tywysogion, I am inclined to 
favour the date 1140, and it is clear the event referred to is the same. 
Howel ap Maredudd ap Bleddyn was probably his brother Madog's 
penteulu, or the chief of his household troops. [See Welsh Laws con- 
cerning " penteulu " ; also at the beginning of the " Dream of 
Rhonabwy," Madog ap Maredudd is said to offer the Mastership of the 
Household to his brother lorwerth Coch.] 

The events properly belonging to 1146 are divided in the Ann. 
Camb. between 1146 and 1147. The blinding of Rhys ap Howel by 
Hugh de Mortimer fixed at 1148 by the B., and at 1147 by the C. MS., 
belongs to 1147. --The death of Robert of Gloucester fixed at 1149, 
belongs to 1147 [Ann. Margan. ; Ann. Theokesb.] The death of 
Gilbert Strongbow, fixed at 1149 by B, 1148 by C, belongs to 1147. 
The events dated 1150, 1151, took place in 1148, 1149. The siege of 
Malmesbury dated 1152 took place in 1152 3. 

The events dated 1153, 1154, took place in 1150, 1151, if we except 
the last four mentioned under 1154, which properly belong to 1153. 
They are the harrying of Cyfeiliog by Rhys ap Gruffudd, and the deaths 
of David of Scotland, Ranulf of Chester and Pope Eugenius III. 

The events assigned to 1155 1171 inclusive belong to 1154 1170. 
A few dates will shew this : 

1155 in Ann. Camb. Death of Stephen, 1154. 

1156 ,, Death of Maredudd ap Gruffudd, 1155. [Brut y Tyw.] 

1157 ,, Events in Ceredigion, 1156. [Brut y Tyw.] 

1158 ,, Expedition of Henry II. to Gwynedd, 1157. [Brut y Tyw.] 

1159 ,, Death of Morgan ap Owain of Caerlleon, 1158. [Brut y Tyw.] 

1160 ,, Events in South Wales, 1159. [Brut y Tyw.] 

1161 Death of Madog ap Maredudd, 1 160. [Brut y Tyw.] 

1164 ,, Expedition of Henry II. to Pencadair, 1163. [Brut y Tyw.] 


1 165 in Ann. Camb. Campaign of Rhys ap Gruffudd in Ceredigion, 1 164. [Brut y Tyw.] 

1166 ,, Campaign of Henry II. in Wales, 1165. [Brut y Tyw.] 

1167 Arrival of Diarmaid, 1166. [Ann. iv. Mag. ; Brut y Tyw.] 

1168 ,, Capture of Rhuddlan, 1167. [Brut y Tyw.] 

1170 Robert Fitz Stephen freed by Rhys ap Gruffudd, 1169. [Brut 

y Tyw]. 

1171 ,, Death of O wain Gwynedd and his son Howel. I will show in 

Appendix No. 3 my reason for attributing these events to 1 1 70. 


The date of the death of Owain Gwynedd is an important one. It 
has been assumed by nearly every writer to be 1169. [Materials for 
Hist, of Becket (Rolls Ser.) v. 239 note ; Haddan & Stubbs, Councils 
and Eccl. Doc. i. 373 sq. ; T. F. Tout in his article on Owain Gwynedd 
in the Diet, of Nat. Biog. ; Thos. Stephens, Literature of the Kymry, p. 
39 ; Thos Price, Hanes Cymru, p. 579.] 

I am of opinion that it must be assigned to the month of November, 
1 170, for the following reasons : 

i. We have shown in App. No. i that the dates 1134 1169 in the 
Rolls Edition of the Brut y Tywysogion = 1135 1170. Now 
the death of Owain is found under 1169 = 1170. 

2. We have seen that from 1155 onwards the two MSS. used by Ab 
Ithel for his edition of the " Annales Cambriae" are ante-dated 
by one year. Now in the B. MS. there is an imperfect entry 
concerning Owain and Cadwaladr, almost certainly relating to 
the death of the former ; and in the C. MS. we have " Oweyn 
rex Nortwalliae obiit " ; both entries are attributed to 1 1 7 1 = 1 1 70. 

3. Robert de Monte, at the year 1171, says: " Ris, king of the 
Welsh, made peace with Henry, king of the English. His uncle, 
King Oen, had died in the previous year, and his sons had made 
submission to King Henry." This entry seems conclusive. 

4. In the letter from Thomas Becket to Owain, demanding the 
filling of the see of Bangor (Materials for the History of 
Becket, Rolls Series, v. 232 4 ; Haddon & Stubbs, Councils 
and Eccles. Docs., i. 3723); the former says the bishopric 
has been vacant nearly ten years. Now Bishop Meurug 


died in 1161 2 (Brut y Tywysogion, ad. arm. 1161; See 
also in Kalendario S. Petri Salop., MS. Cott. Vitell, A. 
viii. : " i. id. Aug. obiit Mauricius Bangor. Episcopus.") " Fere 
decennium" after 1161 2 can hardly refer to an earlier date 
than 1170. 

If the date 1170 be accepted as the correct one for the death of 
Owain, knowing as we do that the events under 1171 in the Rolls Edition 
of the Brut are correctly dated, it becomes probable that the events of 
the two years 1169 and 1170 refer to the same year, 1170. This becomes 
almost certain by the fact that in the corrupt passage in the B. MS. used 
for the Ann. Camb., both the deaths of Owain Gwynedd and his son, 
Howel, are referred to under the same year, 1171 = 1170. Howel would 
then have been stabbed to death by his brother in November or 
December, 1170. Certain it is that we have no trustworthy authority for 
the two years' reign of Howel, mentioned in the Gwentian Chronicle. It 
is much more probable from what we know, that he was killed immediately 
after his father's death, as he was his eldest and most warlike son, and an 
able and popular bard. The party of Queen Chrisiant must have been 
powerful during the last years of Owain's life, as is clear from the 
ecclesiastical struggles of the time. Dafydd and Rhodri, both sons of 
Chrisiant, seem to have seized this opportunity of thrusting their brothers 
from their heritage. We know that Cynan alone of the other numerous 
sons of Owain succeeded in keeping his share of dominion and handing 
it down to his sons. 


The Chronology of events in Morganwg is very difficult. Not only 
do we know nothing of the exact date of the Conquest [App. (Notes) in 
Freeman's Norman Conquest, v. 820 2] ; but to the end of the Xllth 
Century there is much obscurity. This is, no doubt, due to some 
extent to the fact that too much reliance has been placed in the past in 
that utterly untrustworthy work, the Gwentian Chronicle, which causes 
wild confusion by blending the history of the descendants of lestin ap 
Gwrgant and those of lestin ab Owain ap Howel Dda. But more is to 
be ascribed to the paucity of references to Glamorgan history in better 


authorities ; and much to the fact that the great majority of charters and 
other documents relating to the district are undated and that we have no 
chronological knowledge wherewith to supply the deficiency. 

There is no doubt that lestin ap Gwrgant was a real person : 
i. We find him mentioned twice in the Xllth Century Libei 
Landavensis (edn. Rhys & Evans, 1893), pp. 271 3 ; in the first 
case he is mentioned as a contemporary of Bishop Herewald of 
Llandaff, who died in 1104 ; in the second case, of King Caradog 
ap Gruffudd ap Rhydderch. Now we know pretty clearly when 
the latter lived. His father, Gruffudd, must have been killed in 
the early part of 1055. [Brut y Tyw., ad arm. 1054, Rolls Edn.] 
Caradog himself destroyed Harold's hunting lodge at Portskewet 
on the 24th Aug., 1065. [Ang. Sax. Chron.] He is last 
mentioned in the Brut at the year 1076=1078. We are told in 
the Lib. Land. p. 279, that he died before 1087 ; ni tne Ann. 
Camb. that he was killed at Mynydd Cam in Pembrokeshire in 

2. The genealogists call lestin the son of Gwrgant ab Ithel ap Morgan. 
Now this Morgan died 973 [Brut y Tyw. ; Ann. Camb.] lestin 
ap Gwrgant we may supposej therefore, lived in the second half 
of the Xlth century. 

3. lestin has been connected by tradition and legend with the Norman 
Conquest of Glamorgan by Fitz Hamon. This event must have 
taken place before noo; for after that date Robert is found 
chiefly in Normandy [see Le Prevost's edition of Ordericus Vitalis 
iv. 199, 203 4, 219] ; and there he died in March 1107. 
The date of the building of Cardiff Castle is given in one MS. used 
by Ab Ithel for the Brut as 1080=1082. 

I am inclined to believe that the first steps at least in the conquest 
of Glamorgan were made between 1071, the year of the defeat and death 
of Maredudd ab Owain on the banks of the Rhymni, and 1082. 

At any rate, from the facts given it is pretty clear that lestin ap 
Gwrgant must have lived during the period 1070 noo. 

Having ascertained what is approximately the time of the life of 
lestin, we are met with as much, if not more, difficulty when we try to 
assign an exact date to the life of each of the numerous sons attributed 
to him. 


The eldest appears to have been Caradog, and we get a safe 
reference to him and to two of his brothers in the Annals of Margam at 
the year 1127 : 

" Rogerus Ymor a tribus filiis Gestin, Grifud, Garatauc, Guoroni, 

occisus est dolo." 

Caradog married Gwladus, daughter of Gruffudd ap Rhys. This 
fact enables us to fix approximately the date of Caradog's death. For 
Gwladus by a second marriage with Seisyll ap Dyfnwal, lord of Gwent 
Uchcoed, had a son, Cadwaladr, who was killed in 1175, when he was 
about seven years old. [See Brut y Tyw., ad ann 1175 ; Gir. Camb., 
Op. vi., 49, Note 2.J This would seem to prove that her first husband 
was dead by 1 167, 

Then Gruffudd, Gwhidus' father, was a child when his father, Rhys, 
was killed in Easter. 1093. [Fl. Wigorn.] He certainly cannot have 
married Gwenllian, daughter of Gruffudd ap Cynan before mi, when 
her first husband, Cadwgan ap Bleddyn died. [B. y T, ad ann. 
1 1 08 =111 1 ; also pp. 1389.] The fact that she had a son in 1168 
suggests that his daughter, Gwladus, was born after, and probably some 
years after, i r 20. At all events she could hardly have married Caradog 
ab lestin before 1140. Her son, Morgan, was the eldest of Caradog's 
four sons, so that Caradog could hardly have died before 1147. [Gir. 
Camb., vi., 72.] 

We are then led to believe that Caradog died between 1147 
and 1167. 

Of the other sons of lestin, Rhys ap lestin and his three sons, 
lorwerlh, Owain and Howel, are clearly referred to in a charter of John 
to Neatli, dated 1208. [See Clarke's Cartae and Munimenta de 
Glamorgan i., 60.] We also find a reference to loi werth ab lestin as a 
benefactor of Margam in Countess Isabel's "Confirmatio " to that 
Monastery dated 1214 6 in Clarke's Cart, and Mun. Glam. iii. 300 2 ; 
as well as in charters of Isabel and her second husband, Geoffrey of 
Essex, given by Clarke, iii., 273 8. See a reference to the harrying of 
Brycheiniog by the sons of lestin, Gir. Camb., Op. vi., 20, 21. 

Caradog ab lestin left four sons, Morgan, Maredudd, Owain, and 
Cadwallon. Owain was killed by Cadwallon ; and the story in Giraldus 
Cambrensis (Op. vi. 69) about Owain's greyhound, whicli was presented 
by Earl William of Gloucester to Henry II., when the wounds it had 

received in defence of its master were but recently closed, shows us that 
this event must have taken place between 1154, the year of Henry's 
accession, and 1183, when Earl William died. Cadwallon himself was 
killed at the siege of a castle before 1188 when the Crusade was preached 
in Wales by Archbishop Baldwin and Giraldus. We have in Clarke's 
Cartae et Munim. Glam. iii. 172 3, 176, an undated grant of Caradog 
Verbeis, and also a " confirmatio " of the same, in which Morgan, 
Maredudd and Cadwallon are spoken of, but not Owain ; and they 
probably refer to the time between the death of Owain and that of 

Morgan ap Caradog was one of the Welsh princes who accompanied 
Rhys ap Gruffudd to Gloucester in 1175 [Brut y T.] In 1188, he was 
Archbishop Baldwin's guide in his progress from Margam Abbey to 
Swansea. [Gir. C. vi. 72]. He is mentioned with his brother, 
Maredudd, as "plegius" to an exemplification by Bishop Henry of 
Llandaff in 1 199. [Clarke, C. et. M.G.]. We have a grant of his of land to 
Margam from the Penrice MSS. dated 1208 [Clarke, C. & M.G. ii., 282.] 
He died probably between 1208 and the 6th July, 1213, which is the date 
of the "confirmatio" by Lleision ap Morgan of all his father's grants 
to Margam. [Clarke, iii., 297]. 

I wish now to call attention to two things : 

i. We have seen that Morgan Hen died in 973, and Morgan ap 
Caradog ab Itstin ap Gwrgant ab Ithel ap Morgan in or shortly 
before 1213. The length of the generations from death to death 
attains the very high average of 48 years, very high if we 
consider the surname of the elder Morgan, and the fact that 
Morgan ap Caradog was probably a septuagenarian in 1213. 

2. Ies.tin apparently lived 1070 noo; it is curious that his son, 
Caradog, should not have had a son till after 1140. 

Another argument for a later date than that usually assigned to 
lestin's sons is derived from the passage in the Itin. Kamb. of Giraldus 
[Op. vi., 20 i], where there is a reference to those princes invading 
Brycheiniog. This is said to have taken place after the famous harrying 
by Howel ap Maredudd. This " magna ilia desolatio " refers perhaps to 
the savage descent into the Vale of Llwchwr at the close of 1 135. At any 
rate it is highly improbable that it should mean anything earlier. Howel 


ap Maredudd died in or shortly before 1140. Further the "guerra ilia 
grandis" of the sons of lestin is spoken of as one of the notable events 
quae nostris temporibus contigere, which would not, I think, mean any- 
thing previous to Giraldus' birth in 1147. 


I wish to refer to the way in which I have treated the Gwentian 
Chronicle, known also as the Gwentian Brut or Llyfr Aberpergwm. It 
is, I believe, the work of a XVIth Century bard who had access to 
several earlier authorities. One was evidently a rather corrupt transcript 
of the Brut, which the author perhaps further corrupted, especially by 
unwarranted additions. I may say that it is never safe to trust this 
Chronicle when it refers to the general history of Wales ; its blunders are 
without number, and it would be useless to enumerate them. Many are 
referred to in the notes. When it is the sole authority for a statement, I 
have carefully called attention to the fact and to its untrustworthy 

But for the history of Gwent and Glamorgan, it is clear that the 
writer had some MS. work which is now lost to us. No doubt he may 
have corrupted the original, but we must take the kernel of his statements 
as probably true. So I have accepted the groundwork of his references 
to Glamorgan history ad 1146, 1147, II 5> & c - 

The chronology of the Gwentian Chronicle is worse than useless. 
It gives the right dates for the deaths of the English kings no doubt from 
some English annals ; it copies the erroneous dating of the Brut y 
Tywysogion for Welsh facts, but it often compresses the events of several 
years into one. In a word, wherever this work can be controlled, it is 
shown to be very faulty. 

With regard to the events given by this Chronicle at 1169, we have 
shown [Apps. Nos. i, 2, 3] that everything warrants our assigning the 
death of Owain to Nov., 1170, and that of Howel ab Owain to Nov. 
or Dec. of the same year. It is impossible that Howel should have 
reigned two years, been defeated and wounded in battle, and driven to 
Ireland by Dafydd ; for we know from a contemporary poem that he 
was killed on the North Anglesey coast, at Penrhyn near Penrhos, and 


buried at Bangor. [Peryf fab Cadifor ai Cant i Hywel ap Ywein, Myv. 
Arch., p. 346]. The Ann. Camb. say Dafydd was present at the death, 
and the Brut definitely asserts that Dafydd killed Howel. I do not 
know on what authority Thos. Price, in " Hanes Cymru," p. 583, note, 
states that one Rhirid, son of Owain Gwynedd, became Lord of Clochran 
In Ireland. The Gwentian Brut does not say Rhirid was son of 
Owain Gwynedd, but that he was brother of Howel : Eithr Rhirid ei 
frawd ai dug i long, ac yna i'r Werddon, lie y bu Hywel farw, 
ac efe a roddes i Ririd ei frawd ei gyfoeth yno. We might 
be tempted to believe that the reference was to his foster brother, 
Rhirid ap Cedifor Wyddel, did we not know that he, too, was killed at 
Penrhyn. [See the above-mentioned poem.] 


The Brut y Saeson in the Myv. Arch., pp. 652684, is the Cotton 
MS. Cleopatra B. v., used by ab Ithel for his edition of the Brut y 
Tywysogion and referred to by him as D. For one who has not access 
to the original, it is very useful to compare the two versions, as Ab 
Ithel does not give all the variations. It is a rather corrupt and abridged 
transcript of the Brut y Tywysogion, to which are added some English 
facts, derived from the Annales Wintonienses. It has been ascribed to 
the close of the XVth century. It would thus be of the same time as 
the Llyfr Du Basing [E. MS. of Ab Ithel], if it is true the latter was 
written by Guttyn Owain, and it very often makes the same mistakes. It 
also sometimes agrees with the C MS. of Ab Ithel, a XVIth century 
Venedotian MS. in the Hengwrt Library. 


The succession of the abbots of the chief Welsh monasteries during 
the twelfth century is obscure. The fixation of their chronological order 
is useful for the approximate dating of charters and historical documents 
of the period. 

MARGAM was founded in 1147 ; William, first abbot died in 1153 ; 
Andreas abbas secundus on the 3ist of December, 1154 or 1155 [Ann. 


Marg.] Who was third abbot is not clear. In 1169, C, probably Cynan, 
abbot of Margam was one of the witnesses to the foundation charter of 
Keynsham. [Clarke, Cartae et Munim de Glamorgan, i., 24 5.] 
Cynan was certainly abbot before 1176. [Grant of William of Gloucester 
in C. et. Munim de Glamorgan, iii, 101, dated c. 1170 by Clarke, and 
to which both Cynan of Margam and Cynan of Ty Gwyn were witnesses.] 
He is described as vir literatus et discretus, and was still living in 1188. 
[Gir. Camb., Op. vi. 67.] He is mentioned in the Symbolum Electorum 
as vir bonae memoriae ; and if we admit that this work was written in 
Giraldus' fiftieth year [anno quasi quinquagesimo, he tells us himself], 
Cynan must have been dead in 1197. But Wharton ascribes the 
Symbolum to 1204 or 1205. [Gir. Camb., Op. i. 206.] Roger appears 
to have succeeded Cynan. and was certainly abbot in the lifetime of 
Bishop Henry of Llandaff. [Carta Gereberti Filii Roberti in Cart, et 
Munim. de Glam., i. 49 -50.] -We have a bull of Innocent III. of the 
2oth of November, 1203, addressed to Gilbert, Abbot of Margam. [Cart, 
et Munim. de Glam. iii., 228.] On the i7th of June, 1213, he was 
superseded by John. [Ann. Marg.] - 

NEATH was founded in 1130; Richard, first abbot died in 1145 
[Ann. Marg.] There may have been a second of that name as Ricardus 
abbas de Neth witnessed the Concessio Will. Com. Glouc. Burgagii in 
Kardid [Cart et Munim. de Glam i., 12, from the Cotton MS. Vitellius 
v. xi., 1006]. R. [whether for Ricardus or Radulphus is not clear], 
abbot of Neath, witnessed the foundation charter of Keynsham in 1169. 
Radulphus was abbot before 1176, as we see by a grant of William of 
Gloucester in Cart, and munim. deGlam. iii. 101, to which he was witness 
with Cynan of Ty Gwyn. Walter, abbot of Neath, was witness to a 
notification of Pagan de Turberville to Bishop William of Llandaff of a 
grant of land in Newcastle to Margam. [Cart, et Munim de Glam. iii. 
160.] -This Walter is again mentioned with William de Llandaff in C. 
et M. de Glam., i. 70 ; Clarke has confounded the two bishops of the 
name, and should have dated the Decisio Willielmi episcopi de Landavia 
et Walteri Abbatis de Neth, 1186 1191, not 1219 1229. Walter was 
perhaps abbot in the lifetime of Bishop Nicholas. [Grant of land to 
Margam in C. et M. de G. iii. 145 6 ; I am inclined to distrust the 
reading Johannis (abbatis de Margam) as there is no evidence for such a 
person till 1213.] Abbot Walter, vir bonus et sanctus, was alive, almost 

certainly when the Symbolum Electorum was written [Gir. Camb. Op. i 
206] ; which is in favour of the date 1197 as that of the composition of 
that work, rather than Wharton's 1204 5 when Walter was dead. 
In 1 201, A., Abbot of Neath, witnessed an agreement between 
William de Barri and John de la Mare [C. et M. de G. iii. 
179]; perhaps the Clemens, prior de Neth, another witness of the 
agreement, is the same as Abbot Clement of Neath, who is mentioned in 
Giraldus' [Op. viii. 310] work, De Principis Instructione, as venerabilis 
abbas de Neth Clemens. The De Principis Instructione was probably 
written in 1216. [Chronological table in Preface to Vol. i. of the Rolls 
Edition of Giraldus' Works, p. xcix.] In 1218 obiit Clemens abbas de 
Neth cui successil Gervasius prior ejusdem domus. [Ann. Marg.] 

EWENNY dates from the Xllth century. There were two abbots in 
the lifetime of Bishop Nicholas [1149 1183]. The first, Roger, was one 
of the witnesses to a quit-claim to Margam of land. [C. et M. de G. iii. 
92 3.] The second, Bertramnus, was also witness to a confirmation of 
Margam grants. [C. et M. de G. iii., 94 5]. John, prior of Ewenny, 
testified to an assignment of land by Abbot Cynan of Margam [id. iii. 

YSTRAD FFLUR dates from 1165 [Brut ad 1164=5]. Dafydd, the 
first abbot known to us, died in 1185 [Brut]. He was, perhaps, 
succeeded by Seisyll, abbot in 1188, when with John of Ty Gwyn, he 
accompanied Archbishop Baldwin through Ceredigion and into North 
Wales, where he preached the cross. [Gir. Camb., Op. vi., 119, 126.] 
Giraldus speaks several times of the abbot of Strata Florida without giving 
his name; and we only know that Abbot Cedifor died in 1225 [Brut]. 

TY GWYN'S first abbot was almost certainly Morfran, who is 
mentioned by the Brut as early as 1147, i.e., only four years after the 
foundation of the house at Trefgarn. Then we have Cananus abbas 
Albe Terre in William of Gloucester's grant in C. & M. de G. iii. 101. 
This Cynan was a vir probus et religiosus [Gir. Camb., vi., 59], and died 
in 1176 [Brut]. Rhydderch, probably his successor, died in 1184 [Brut]. 
John was abbot in 1188. [Gir. Camb., vi., 119.] Peter, abbot in 
1 198, was nominated Bishop of St. David's by the Chapter [Gir. C. i. 95], 
but his deposition was procured by Giraldus. 

YSTRAD MARCHELL, or Strata Marcella, seems to have been founded 
in 1170. [Dugd. Mon. v. 636]. It was sometimes called Y Trallwng. 


The Brut speaks of the death of Abbot Ithel in 1185, and Abbot 
Gruffudd in 1 196. One abbot, certainly of the Xllth century, but whose 
exact date it is difficult to fix, is called Enoc and Enatus indifferently by 
Giraldus, who says he was deposed for incontinence. [Op. ii., 248, 
iv., 168, 172, vi. 59]. 

CWMHIR was founded in 1143. [Dugd. Mon., v. 458]. The Brut 
speaks of the death of its abbot Meurig in 1 185. Cynawg was Abbot of 
Cwmhir when Giraldus wrote the Symbolum Electorum. 


It is necessary to refer shortly to the son of Owain Gwynedd called 
Madog, who was supposed to have discovered America. The story was 
first fully formulated by Dr. David Powel in his History of Cambria in 
1584. The partisans of the Madog theory have referred : 

(a) To the passage in the 3rd series of triads in Myv. Arch. p. 401 : 
Tri Difancoll Ynys Prydain. 

Y Trydydd, Madawg ab Owain Gwynsdd a aeth i'r mor a 
trichann yn gydag ef. mewn deg Hong, ac ni wyddys i ba 
le ydd aethant. [Tr. 10.] 
But these triads are from a XVIth Century MS. Collection 

and there is no reference to America. 

() To a passage in the Cywydd i ddiolch am y rhwyd of 
Maredudd ap Rhys (fl. before 1460) in the lolo MSS. pp. 

3214 : 

Helied Ifan, hael dyfiad 

Ar y tir teg, wedi'r tad ; 
Mewn awr dda minnau ar ddwr, 
O fodd hael a fydd heliwr 
Madog wych, mwyedig wedd, 
lawn genau Owain Gwynedd 
Ni fynnai dir, f'enaid oedd 
Na da mawr, ond y moroedd. 
Madog wyf i'm oed, ei gais 
Ar foroedd hyn arferais. 
This passage only makes it fairly certain that there was a son 

Owain Gwynedd called Madog, who loved the sea and 

paid attention to naval matters. 


To two passages in the poems of one of the gogynfeirdd, 
Llywarch ap Llywelyn. The first Arwyrein Rodri vab 
Ywein Prydyt y Moch ae Cant Myv. Arch., p. 202, does not 
contain a reference to any Madog. The second passage is 
the poem Awdyl yr Haearn Twymyn. Prydyt y Moch ae 
Cant on p. 205 of the Myv. Arch. It speaks of the trial of 
the poet by the ordeal of fire for the murder of one Madog, 
not necessarily Madog ab Owain Gwynedd at all. This last 
poem was used by Stephens against the Madog theory. We 
may say that we have no mention of Madog in the Chronicles, 
nor in any contemporary authority. At the same time we 
may consider the statements of Maredudd ap Rhys about him 
as probably true. 

For the Madog theory see Thos. Stephens' Essay for the 
Llangollen Eisteddfod of 1856. 


It is difficult to follow with certainty the fortunes of the Shropshire 
Marches at this period, owing to the very rare record of events. But 
what record there is points very clearly against the usually accepted 
theory that West Shropshire, and more particularly Oswestry and its 
neighbourhood, were English, long before the Norman Conquest ; and 
tends to prove a very unsettled tenure of the land by the Normans and 
the existence among them of powerful Welsh landowning families. 

The Legend of Fulk Fitz Warine, in its original form of the end of 
XHIth century, has been largely used for the history of the district, but 
its statements must be received with caution. 

The neighbourhood of Oswestry belonged to Maredudd ap Bleddyn, 
and was granted, according to the Legend to Alan Fitz Flaald, Fleadd or 
Flaev, ancestor of the Fitz Alans, who built a castle there. [Legend of 
F.F., Rolls Edition, pp. 286 7]. The grant was no doubt made by 
Henry I. after his campaign against Powys in 1121, though Eyton, on 
what authority I know not, says that Alan died in 1114. He married, 
according to the same writer, Aveline or Adeline, sister of the Arnoul de 
Hesdin, who was hung by Stephen in 1138 [Ordericus Vitalis, v. 112 ; 


Eyton, Shropshire, vii. 222 3]; according to another a daughter of 
Guarin de Metz or Warin the Bald, Sheriff of Shropshire. He had two 
sons, William, who succeeded him, and Walter, who has been asserted to 
be the ancestor of the House of Stuart. 

Meanwhile another family had acquired land somewhat to the North. 
William Peveril is first heard of as witness to a charter to the Church of 
Salisbury of Sept. 8th, 1131. [Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 266]. 
The Legend [Rolls Edition, pp. 280 8] says he succeeded his 
maternal uncle, Pain Peveril, who is referred to as the cousin of the king. 
William seems to have been the son or grandson of another William 
Peveril; and the latter is said to have been an illegitimate son of William 
the Conqueror by a daughter of Ingebric, the founder of St. Martin's-Le- 
Grand, London. [Dugdale, Baron, i. 437 ; quotation from Robert 
Glover the Somerset herald.] William conquered all Morlais to the 
banks of Ceiriog and Dee, Ellesmere, Maelawr, and Nauhendon. 
[Legend, p. 288]. He built castles at Whittington, Ellesmeie, Overton 
in Maelawr, and Bryncynallt on the Ceiriog, and was at the height of his 
power when in 1138 he revolted against Stephen. [Ord. Vital., v. in] 
From that time his fortunes declined. King Stephen, Earl Ranulf of 
Chester, Madog ap Maredudd pressed on all' sides upon his Shropshire 
possessions. A charter of Henry Plantagenet gave his lands to Ranulf ; 
and Peveril in his anger poisoned the Earl. After the confiscation of his 
estates in 1155 he must have withdrawn into a monastery, and we hear no 
more of him. 

The building or re-building of Oswestry Castle by Madog ap 
Maredudd in 1 149 shows that he took full advantage of his opportunities ; 
and owing to Peveril's ruin and his own alliance with Henry, he must 
have retained his conquests till his death in 1160. Certainly one of his 
sons, Gruffudd, was his successor in lal, Maelawr, and Ellesmere. 

What remained of Peveril's lands passed to William Fitz Alan and 
Fulk Fitz Warine. 

William Fitz Alan we first hear of in 1 136, as witness to a charter of 
Stephen to Shrewsbury Abbey [Monast. Ang iii. 519]. Between 1130 
and 1138 he founded Hagaman or Haughmond Abbey [Eyton, Shrop- 
shire, ix., 286 7], He took part in the rebellion of 1138 against 
Stephen [Ord. Vital, v. in] to support Robert of Gloucester, whose niece 
Christiana he had married, Another authority [Legend of F. Fitz Warine, 


p. 288] says he married Eleyne, one of Peveril's two nieces, and this 
would account for the Fitzalan's claim to Oswestry and the neighbour- 
hood. He was a devoted partisan of the Empress Maud and Henry her 
son ; and the latter, after the suppression of Mortimer's rebellion, restored 
William to his paternal fief, and gave him as his second or third wife, 
Isabel, daughter and heiress of Elie de Sai, who brought him the castle 
and honour of Clun or Colunwy. [For this castle, see G. T. Clark, 
Mediaeval Military Architecture, i. 402 9]. From 1155 he was 
sheriff and principal landowner of Shropshire. He died about Easter, 
1 1 60, and was succeeded by his son, William Fitz Alan II. He left by 
his first wife, a daughter, Christiana, wife of Hugh Pantulf. [Pipe Rolls, 

William Fitz Alan II. inherited Clun, and probably a claim to 
Oswestry, which he subsequently made good. Certainly it was at the 
latter place that he sumptuously entertained Archbishop Baldwin and his 
train in 1188. [Gir. Camb. Op. vi. 142.] He was head of the house in 
1190. [Great Roll of the Pipe, i. Ric. i., ed. Hunter, Lond., 1844, pp. 
14, 95, 144, 168, 215, 248]. He was clearly alive in 1200 [Gir. Camb., 
Op. iii. 227]. He died probably in 1210. 

His son, William Fitz Alan III. died before 1215, when we find his 
brother and successor, John Fitz Alan, one of the barons confederated 
against King John. 

The other noble who inherited of Peveril in Shropshire was Fulk 
Fitz Warine I. or Foulques, second son of Guarin de Metz by a daughter 
of the house of Peveril. He was head of the house in 1155 8 and died 
in 1170 i [Pipe Rolls]. He had four sons, and the eldest Fulk or 
Foulques II. succeeded. It was this Foulques probably who married 
Hawise, daughter and co-heiress of Joce de Dinan, but failed to make 
good his claim upon Ludlow. He is referred to as master of Whittington 
Castle in 1195, but it is difficult to say whether he was in possession from 
the first. He died in 1197. The eldest of his five sons, Fulk or 
Foulques III. succeeded. 

The whole of the district to which we have made reference seems to 
have belonged to a chieftain called Tewdwr Trefor, who lived shortly 
before or after A.D. 900 His lands were divided between his three sons, 
Goronwy, Dingad, Lluddoca. The whole of the southern portion went 
to Goronwy, who was, through his grandson, Elystan Glodrhudd, the 


ancestor of the Princes of Buallt and Fferyllwg. The northern portion, 
including Bromfield and Maelawr, went to Dingad ; while Lluddoca 
inherited the central part, the neighbourhood of Chirk, Whittington, &c. 

Fourth in descent from Lluddoca was Rhys Sais ab Ednyfed ap 
Llywarch Gam ap Lluddoca, who was the ancestor of the Welsh lords of 
Whittington, Eyton, Duddleston. Fourth in descent from Rhys Sais was 
Roger ap Goronwy ap Tewdwr ap Rhys Sais, usually called Roger 
Powys. From his time onwards we are able to control the Welsh 
pedigrees by contemporary documents which show them to be quite 
trustworthy. The Legend of Fulk Fitz Warme [Rolls Editn p. 323], 
says Roger received Maelawr and Oswestry from the king. We learn 
from the Rotuli Chartarum [ed. Hardy, 1837, p. 43], that in return for 
this recognition of his rights, Roger acted as a kind of intermediary 
between the king and the Welsh. He is called Roger de Poewis in the 
Pipe Rolls of 1157 8 [ed. Hunter, p. 169]. 

This shows him to have been a contemporary of Henry II., as was 
also his brother, lonas ap Goronwy, who succeeded him [Legd. of Fulk 
F-, P- 323 ; Rotuli Chart, ed. Hardy, 1837, p. 43]. lonas died, leaving 
a son Llywelyn. But his immediate successors were the sons of Roger, 
named, according to the probable order of their birth Maredudd, 
Meurug Llwyd, Roger Fychan, and Goronwy. Maredudd is mentioned 
as holding Wrocwurdin [probably Shrowardine] in Shropshire in 1190. 
[Pipe Roll, i. Ric. i., pp. 92 3]. Meurug is in the same year mentioned 
in connection with Richard Fitz Warine [p. 190] . Maredudd must have 
died soon after. 

Fulk Fitz Warine III. who succeeded his father in 1197, seems in 
some way to have incurred the hatred of John. Meurug availed himself 
of the circumstance to strengthen his hold on the district. He is said in 
the Legend to have bribed the king to recognise his rights over Whitting- 
ton. In Rotuli Chartarum [ed. Hardy, 1837, p. 43], we have a Charter 
of John of the nth of April, 1200, confirming Whittington, Overton and 
their appurtenances to Meurug and his heirs in return for the same 
services to John as Roger and lonas had been accustomed to do for King 
Henry II. This charter is clear, and is conclusive as evidence of the 
power of the Welsh landowners in the Shropshire Marches till the very 
beginning of the thirteenth century. Its immediate effect was to cause 
the outbreak of war between Meurug and Fulk Fitz Warine. According 

to the Legend of Fulk, the former was supported by the four sons of Gwy 
or Gyoun, son of Candelou of Porkyntone [perhaps Gwion ap Cynddylan 
of BrogyntynJ . These four chieftains and Meurug Llwyd himself were 

This victory did not much change the fortunes of Fulk at the time, 
and he is represented in the Legend as fleeing from John to the court of 
Llywelyn ab lorwerth [pp. 349 51]. A second charter of the ist 
August, 1200 [Rotuli Ch. p. 74] confirmed the former one to the sons of 
Meurug who are unintelligibly named Werennoc and Wennoneo. Meurug 
Llwyd, however, had no children and his brothers Roger Fychan and 
Goronwy are the persons referred to. 

As showing the historical accuracy of some Welsh genealogical 
compilations, it is interesting to compare the following extract from the 
Llyfr Silin [a genealogical work put together between 1645 and 1728 
probably, and published in the 5th series of Archaeologia Cambrensis, 
Vol. vi., pp. 148 9], with the knowledge we derive from the Legend and 
the Rolls : 

Sir Meiric Lloyd a fu farw yn ddietifedd o'i gorff trwy ei ladd 

Ffoulke ap Gwaring, yr hwn aeth a'i gyfoeth drwy drais feddiant ; 
ac felly mae Swydd y Drewen yn eiddo iddo o hynny hyd heddyw. 
A Roger Estwick oedd un o'i Frodyr ac etifedd nesaf i Sir Meiric 
Lloyd drwy yrstad a wnaeth Llew. ap lorwerth Drwyndwn, 
Tywysog Cymru, ac a'i conffirmiodd Harri y Trydydd Brenin 
Lloegr o'r enw i'r Sir Roger ap Gronw Hen, a elwyd Sir Roger 
Powys. Ac etifedd Sir Roger Estwick oedd Meredydd, ac i 
Meredydd y bu Werfyl gwraig leuan Foel ap Gwilym ap Kynfrig 
Sais , Sir Meiric Lloyd, Arglwydd y Drewen, a roddes 

1 Roger a Gronw ei Frodyr, Dref Estwick a chwbl o'i fraint yn 
Swydd Elsmer, yn Rhus, yn Krikod, ac Egil ; ac ar Roger ddau 
Rossyn Koch noswyl leuan i Arglwydd Elsmer os doedd i'w 
ofyn : ac nid oedd ar Ronwy ddim, am ei fod yn ifiangaf ; ac i 
Roger y braint am ei fod yn hynaf. 

Henry III. is wrongly made contemporary with Roger Powys. The 
reference is to the original arrangement between Roger Powys and Henry 
II., possibly confirmed by Henry III. to Roger Fychan. Whittington 
was restored by John to Fulk Fitz Warine in 1204 [Rot. Patent., 1835, 
i., 46]. 


A little to the south of Oswestry, the Lestrange family became lords 
of Ruyton [Welsh Rwyttyn] and Knockin. The Legend says they were 
all descended from Guy, one of the sons of the Duke of Brittany [pp. 
290 3]. The first we know anything of was Roland Lestrange, who 
was witness to a charter of 1112. Hamon, Guy and John were Shrop- 
shire landowners in 1155 8 [Great Roll of the Pipe, ed. Hunter, 1844, 
pp. 43, 88, 170]. In 1190 we find John, son of John, landowner in 
Nesse and Chessewurdin [Shropshire] , and probably head of the family ; 
and Ralph, son of Gwy, at Aludelea [Pipe Roll, i. Ric. i , p. 92] . We 
have a Charter of the i6th April, 1200, to John Lestrange, concerning 
his " boscum " called Suthle near Cheseword [Rotuli Chartarum, ed. 
Hardy, 1837, p. 45] In 1204 Dominus Rex quietavit John Lestrange 
" de demande qu' il fit de exitibus manerii de Wrotwothin," &c. In 
1214 John III Lestrange was serving under King John in Poitou. 

Here, again, we find Norman and Welsh landowners dwelling side 
by side in the same district. Some explanation of this state of things is 
perhaps to be found in the passage in the Brut ad 1113 = 6 : 

Odyna ydaeth hyt yn Llan ym Dyfri lie yd oed gastell neb un 
tywyssawc aelwit Rickert vab y Pwnswn y gwr y rodassei Henri 

vrenhin idaw y Kantref Bychan Maredud uab 

Ryderch uab Cradawc y gwr a oed yn kynnal ystiwerdiaeth 
Kantref Bychan y dan y dywededic Rickert .... etc 

Some such relation as that between Richard and Maredudd ap 
Rhydderch existed between the Norman and Welsh lords who held the 
same lands in certain parts of Central and South West Wales. Henry I. 
made a grant of land, as in the case of Gilbert de Clare in Ceredigion, 
and Richard Fitz Pons in Cantref Bychan ; the Norman went to the 
country, built castles, and finding it impossible, owing to the great 
strength of resistance of the tribal organisation, to expel the Welsh lord, 
left him the control of the country, and received a tribute from him. 
From time to time, roused by some action of the Norman, the Welsh 
would lay his castle low ; but it was soon rebuilt, and things were as 

When, however, the Welsh learnt to build castles of their own, this 
state of things changed; at first, in the latter half of the twelfth century, 
to the disadvantage of the Normans ; for while the Welsh had learnt the 


Norman art of fortification, the Normans had made no progress in the 
affections of their subjects ; but, eventually, (when the advantage of 
numbers and of unity of government began to tell,) in favour of the new 
nation which the thirteenth century produced, by the fusion of the 
Norman and Saxon into one 

The Barony of Clun or Colunwy in South West Shropshire, which 
passed by marriage to the Fitz Alans was founded by Picot de Sai, one 
of the Normans who attached their fortunes to that of Roger de 
Montgomeri. He was probably the same as Robert de Sai " qui 
cognominabatur Picot " of a charter of c. 1060 to St. Martin de Seez, and 
derived his name from the village of Sai near Exmes in the Orne. In 
1083 he was a witness to Roger's vow to found Shrewsbury Abbey [Le 
Prevost's Ordericus Vitalis], His daughter was wife of Cadwgan ap 
Bleddyn, to whom she bore two sons, Henry and Gruffudd [Brut ad 
1113 = 6]. He was succeeded by his son Henry de Sai, who flourished 
during the reign of Henry I. Henry de Sai's successor, Elie or Helias, 
left an only daughter, Isabel, who married: (i) William Fitz Alan; 
(2) Geoffrey de Vere ; (3) William Boterell. 


For interesting references to beavers in Wales, see Giraldus Camb., 
Op. vi., 1148, I735- 

That wolves existed in Wales in the twelfth century seems certain 
Florence of Worcester ad 1136 says wolves devoured the bodies of the 
Norman knights slain in Gower. The Annales Cambriae ad 1166 = 5 
say : Apud Kermerdin lupus rabiosus duo de viginti homines momordit, 
qui omnes fere protinus perierunt. 

The word ' blaidd ' is often used as a complimentary epithet by the 
bards, in their poems in honour of the chieftains of the twelfth century. 

" Gawr ami a llafnawr ar flawr flaid " 

[Gwalchmai ai Cant i Owain, Myv. A., p. 144]. 

" Bleit blaengawr bar dyrawr dwr " 

[Cynddelw, Marwnad Tculu Ywein Gwynet, M. A., p. 164]. 

" Haetad vleinyad vleit cadtu " 

[Cynddelw, Marwnad Meibyon Dwywc uab lorwerth, M. A., p. 186]. 

" O gerteu bleityeu blaen gwryaf " 

[Cynddelw, Breinyeu Gwyr Powys, M. A., p. 186]. 

" Rhag twr Gwallter 
Blaidd traidd trymder tra niferawg " 

[Seisyll Bryffwrch, Can i'r Arglwydd Rys, M. A., p. 237]. 

Several chieftains of the time received the nickname of the Wolf ; 
thus Huw Fras or the Fat, Earl of Chester, is sometimes referred to as 
Huw Flaidd ; cf. Cilin ab y Blaidd Rhudd o'r Gest yn Eifonydd, whose 
daughter and heiress, Haer, is said to have been mother of Maredudd ap 

Rhirid Flaidd, or the Wolf, was a chieftain of the second half of the 
twelfth century. The Llyfr Silin [Archaeologia Cambrensis, 5th Series, 
Vol iv., p. 132] says : 

Ririd Flaidd oedd Uchelwr ac Arglwydd am y Pum Plwy 
Penllyn a Yvionydd a Phennant Melangell a'r Bryn a'r Glyn yn 
Mhowys ac un Dre ar ddeg yn swydd y Mwythig. 

Vol. v. p. 43 : Mam Madoc ap Ririd Flaidd oedd Gwenllian 
verch Ednyfed ap Kynfig ap Rhiwallon ap Dyngad ap Tudr 
Trefor. Mam Gwenllian oedd Wladys uerch Elidr ap Owen ap 
Edwin. Mam Ririd Flaidd oedd Generys verch Rhys Sais ap 
Ednyfed ap Llowarch Gam ap Lluddoca ap Tudr Trefor. 
According to the same work, Rhirid had sons : Madog (iv. 131, &c.), 
Einion, Howel (v, 342), lorwerth (vi. 348). He is spoken of as Ririd 
Flaidd Arglwydd Penllyn (iii. 304, viii. 99), and Ririd Flaidd lor Penllyn 
(viii. 98). 

We have among Cynddelw's works, three on pp. 167 9 of the 
Myvyrian Archaeology bearing the following superscriptions : 

1. Eglynyon Marwnad y Ririd Vleit. 

2. Kyndelw ac Cant y Ririd Vleit. 

3. Marwnad Ririd Uleit. 

From these we learn that like most chieftains of his time he was a 
great hunter, a foe of the English, and a friend of the bards. The third 
englyn in piece No. 2 confirms the extract from Llyfr Silin : 
Priodawr pennant pennaf uchelwr 

Uchelwyr nodrydaf 
Nyd y uleit preit y prydaf 
Namyn y vleit glyw y glewhaf. 


Abergafeni Castle seems to have belonged to Miles Crispin. His 
widow or daughter, Matilda de Wallingfoid, brought it in marriage to 
Brian Fitz Count, a son of Alain Fergant, count of Bretagne. Brian was 
at Abergafeni in April, 1136, and in 1142 rented it to Earl Miles of 
Hereford. His wife, Matilda, died without issue in 1151 [Maitland's 
Bracton's Note Book, III. 536]. As Brian had no children, and as he 
was still alive in 1153 when Henry Plantagenet raised the siege of 
Wallingford, it was neither by marriage, nor by taking advantage of the 
troublous times of Stephen that Miles' sons retained their hold on the 
castle and eventually handed it over to the House of Braose. 

William I., lord of Braose near Falaise, received large estates in 
England at the Conquest. The family seat was fixed at Bramber in 
Sussex. Philip his son married a daughter of Judhael de Totnes, lord of 
Totnes and Barnstaple. His lands were confiscated in mo, but he 
appears to have been restored to favour in 1112 [Anglo-Saxon Chron.] 
Philip left sons, William and Philip. William, the elder, is mentioned in 
the Pipe Roll of 11578 as a landowner in Herefordshire (p. 144), and 
as holding the Honour of Barnstaple (p. 183). He was present at the 
Council of Clarendon in January, 1164 (Materials for Hist, of Archb. 
Becket, iv., 206 7). He married Bertha, younger daughter of Miles of 
Hereford, and co-heiress of her brother, Mahel. He had been succeeded 
before 1175 by his son, William III. de Braose, both in his own 
hereditary estates and in Abergafeni and Brycheiniog. 


Aberafan (Aberavon) ... ... ... 53, 105, 107 

Aberconwy ... ... ... ... ... 67 

Aberdyfi (Aberdovey) ... ... ... 29, 82, 87 

Abergafeni (Abergavenny) ... ... 3, 24, 80, 106-108, 150 

Aberhonddu ... ... ... ... ... n 

Aberllychwr ... ... ... ... ... 51 

Abermenai ... ... ... ... 14, 35 

Aberrheidiol ... ... ... ... ... 96 

Aberteifi (Cardigan) 6, 8, 9, 15, 37, 99 

Aberystwyth 5, 34 

Abingdon ... ... ... ... .123 

Acta Stephani ... ... ... ... ... 8 

Adeline or Aveline, sister of Arnoul de Hesdin ... ... 143 

Adelise, sister of Ranulf, Earl of Chester ... ... ... 8 

Aeron (river) ... ... ... ... ... 50 

Afan (vale of) ... ... ... ... -"53 

Alan Fitz Flaald, ancestor of the Fitz Alans ... ... 143 

Alexander III. ... ... ... ... See Popes 

Alice, daughter of Richard Fitz Gilbert de Clare ... ... 83 

Alina, daughter of Richard Strongbow ... ... ... 117 

Aludelea ... ... ... ... ... 148 

Anarawd ap Gruffudd ap Rhys ... ro, n, 13, 15, 27, 29, 33, 54 

Angharad, daughter of Owain ab Edwin ... ... 14, 82, 128 

Angharad, daughter of Nest ... ... ... 37, 119 

Angharad, daughter of Bishop Uchtryd of Llandaff ... 28, 107 

Angharad, daughter of Owain ap Caradog . ... 107 

Anglesea ... ... ... ... ... 138 

Annales Cambriae ... ... I 3 2 ~3 and^owftW 

Aquitaine ... ... ... ... ...112 

Arberth (Narbeith in Pembrokeshire) ... .,. ... 37 

Archbold ... ... ... ... ... 128 

Arnald Ddu ... ... ... ... ... 122 

Arnoul de Hesdin ... ... ... 19, 143 

Arthur (King) ... ... ... ... 64, 66, 107 

Arthur, a priest in the diocese of Bangor ... ... ...125 

Arundel ... ... ... ... ... 20 

Arwystli ... ... ... ... 91, 93 

Asaph ... ... ... ... ... 31 

Asculf, son of Raghnall mac Torcaill ... ... ...117 

Aveline ... ... ... ... See Adeline 


Bala ... ... ... ... ... ... 91 

Baldwin Fitz Gilbert ... ... ... See Clare 

Bangor ... ... ... 14, 32, 124, 126, 128 

Bangor, Bishops of : 

Dafydd ... ... ... 14, 28 

Meurug ... ... ... 28, 29, 31, 123 

Nicolas Robinson ... ... ... 69 

Archdeacons of: 

Simeon ... ... 14, 27, 28, 45, 123 

Dafydd ... ... ... 125-127 

Bangor Iscoed ... ... ... ... ... 90 

Barnstaple ... ... ... ... 118, 151 

Barri or Barry (De), 

David ... ... ... ... 119 

Gerald ... ... See Giraldus Cambrensis 

Robert ... ... ... ... 114 

William ... ... ... 38, 119 

Basingwerk ... ... ... ... 83, 85, 91, 101 

Bassaleg ... ... ... ... 31, 103, 106 

Bath, Robert, Bishop of ... ... ... ... 45 

Beauchamp (Hugh de) ... ... ... ... 85 

Becket ... ... ... ... See Canterbury 

Berkeley (Robert or Roger de) ... ... ... 107 

Bernard, Bishop of St. David's ,.. ... See St. David's 

Bertha, daughter of Miles de Gloucester ... ... 1 08, 151 

Berwyn Mountains ... ... ... 98, 127 

Bigod, Hugh ... ... ... ... ... 41 

Blanchland ... ... ... See Ty Gwyn 

Bleddyn ab Owain Brogyntyn ... ... ... 91 

Bledri, a story teller ... ... ... ... 65 

Bledrws ab Ednowain Bendew ... ... ... 102 

Bodmin ... ... ... ... ... 118 

Bohun (Humphrey III. de) ... ... ... ... 108 

Book of Llandaff ... ... ... ... 68 

Book of Carmarthen, Black ... ... ... ... 70 

Boterell, William ... ... ... ... 149 

Bramber (Sussex) ... ... ... ...151 

Branwen, daughter of Llyr ... ... ... ... 63 

Braose, De : 

Philip I. ... ... ... ... 151 

Philip II. ... ... ... ... 151 

William I. ... ... ... ... 151 

William II. ... ... ... 108, 151 

William III. ... ... .. 108, 151 

Breifne ... ... ... ... 112, 118 

Bretons at the Battle of Lincoln ... ... ... 21 

Brian Boroimhe ... ... ... ... ... 107 

Brian ... ... ... See Fitz Count, Wallingford 

Bridgnorth ... ... ... ... ... 79 

Bristol ... ... ... 19, 20, 21, 112, 113 

Broghes ... ... ... ... ...121 

Brogyntyn ... 91, 147 

Bromfield ... ... ... ... ... 146 

Bronllys ... ... ... ... ... 108 

Bron yr Erw ... ... ... ... ... 5 

Brutus ... ... ... ... ... 66 

Brut y lywysogion ... ... ...131 and passim 

Brycheiniog ... 2, 6, 7, 8, 12, 24, 35, 80, 106-8, 136, 151 

Bryn ... ... ... ... ... 18, 150 

Bryncynallt ... ... ... ... ... 144 

Buallt (Builth) ... ... ,,. ,. 108,146 



Cadell ap Gruffudd ap Rhys ... ... 10, 13, 15, 36, 38, 39, 50-52 

Cadfan ap Cadwaladr ap Gruffudd ... ... 47,48 

Cadwaladr, a Welsh prince at the battle of Lincoln .. ... 21 

Cadwaladr ap Gruffudd ap Cynan ... 5-7, 13, 16, 22, 27, 29, 

33-35, 39, 47, 54, 82, 85, 89, 97, 101, 102 

Cadwaladr ap Seisyll ap Dyfnwal .. ... ... 136 

Cadwaladr Fendigaid ... ... ... 66, 67 

Cadwallon ab Owain Gwynedd ... ... ... 98 

Cadwallon ap Caradog ab lestin ... ... 104, 136, 137 

Cadwallon ap Madog ab Idnerth ... 21, 36, 43, 91, 92, 97, 109 

Cadwgan ap Bleddyn ap Cynfyn ... ... 34, 54, 136, 149 

Cadwgan ap Madog ab Idnerth ... ... 23 

Cadwgan ap Maredudd ... ... ... ... 96 

Caeo ... ... ... ... 3 

Caereinion ... ... ... ... 82, 101, 102 

Caerfyrddin 13, 36, 38, 44, 50, 88, 89, 94, 149 

Caergybi ... ... ... 14 

Caerlleon ... ... ... ... 4, 18, 106, 107 

Caerwedros ... ... ... ... ... 6 

Calettwr (Vale of) ... ... ... 5 1 . 8 7> 88 

Camros ... ... 

Canterbury ... ... ... 2, 27, 29, 46, 124 

Canterbury, Archbishops of : 

Theobald ... 29, 30, 31, 45, 46, 103, 124 

Thomas a Becket... ... ... 103,121-127 

Baldwin ... ... ... 137, 145 

Cantref Bychan ... ... ... 22,87,93,148 

Cantref Mawr ... ... ... 3, 36, 87, 94, 96 

Caradog the Hermit ... ... ... 68 

Caradog of Llancarvan ... ... 67,68 

Caradog ab lestin ap Gwrgant 41, 52, 104, 105, 107, 136-138 

Caradog ap Gruffudd ap Rhydderch ... ... 135 

Caradog Verbeis ... ... ... ... 137 

Cardiff ... ... ... 42, 85, 86, 135 

Cardigan ... ... 6, 37. See also Aberteifi, Ceredigion 

Careghova ... ... ... - 93 

f 57 

Carew ... ... ... ... 

Carrick ... ... ... ... ...115 

Castell Cennen ... ... ... ... ...122 

Cedifor ap Daniel ... ... ... ... 121 

Cedifor Wyddel ... ... ... ... ... 60 

Cefn Rhestr ... ... ... ... ... 89 

Ceiriog ... ... ... ... 98, 144 

Celestine II. ... ... ... ... See Popes 

Celynog Fawr ... ... ... ... ... 13 

Cemmaes ... ... ... ... 16, 37 

Cennadlog ... ... ... ... ... 84 

Ceredigion 3, 5, 6, 10, 11, 13, 29, 33, 36, 44, 48, 50, 80, 

81, 87, 88, 96, 97, 100 

Chepstow ... ... ... ... 106, 113, 117 

Cherulf, son of ... ... ... ... ... 34 

Cheshire ... ... ... ... 20, 40 

Chester ... ... ... 8, 14, 83, 90, 98, 127 

Chester, Earls of... ... ... See Hugh, Ranulf 

Chichester, Sigefrid, Bishop of ... ... ... 28 

Chirk ... ... ... ... ... 146 

Chrisiant, daughter of Goronwy ab Owain ab Edwin, 

wife of Owain Gwynedd ... ... 54,97,126 

Christiana, sister of Ranulf of Chester ... ... ... 8 

Christiana, niece of Robert of Gloucester... ... ... 144 

Christiana, daughter of William Fitz Alan I. ... ... 145 

Christiana, wife of Owain Gwynedd ... ... See Chrisiant 

Cicely, daughter of Pain Fitz John ... ... ... 8 

Cilgerran ... ... ... ... ... 100 

Cilin ab y Blaidd Rhudd ... ... ... ... 150 

Cistercians ... ... ... ... 43, 44, 72, 100 

Clarach (Vale of) ... ... ... ... 30 

Clare, House of ... ... ... 3, 5, 13, 18, 119 

Baldwin Fitz Gilbert ... ... n, 12, 13, 21 

Gilbert Fitz Gilbert (Gilbert Strongbow) 

8, 13, 18, 21, 29, 36, 38, 39 

Gilbert Fitz Richard ... ... 3, 13 

Richard Fitz Gilbert Fitz Richard ... 3, 4, 8, 18 


Richard Fitz Gilbert Fitz Gilbert (Richard Strongbow) 

106, 113, 1 16-120 

Robert ... ... ... ... 18 

Walter ... ... ... 18 

Walter, son of Richard Strongbow ... ... 117 

Clarendon ... ... ... ... ...151 

Cleobury ... ... ... ... 79 

Cliffords, The ... ... ... ... 93, 119 

Clifford (Walter fitz Richard) ... 87, 93, 94, 96, 108 

Clochran ... ... ... ... ... 139 

Clun ... 145. '47 

Clwyd (Vale of) ... ... ... ... ... 97 

Cly wedog (river) ... ... ... ... ... 43 

Coed Goronwy ... ... 4 

Coety ... ... ... 42 

Cogan, Milo de ... ... ... ... 117 

Colwyn ... ... ... 36 

Conchobhar, son of Diarmaid Mac Murchadha ... ... 115 

Connacht (Connaught) ... ... 112,116 

Corwen ... ... ... ... 97 

Courci (Robert de) ... ... ... 84 

Crispin (Miles) ... ... ... 251 

Crug Mawr ... ... ... ... 6, 37 

Crusades ... ... 44 

Cunedda ap Cadwallon ap Gruffudd ... ... 54 

Cwmhir ... ... 43,44,72. Abbots of Cwmhir, 142 

Cwnsyllt (Coleshill) ... ... 49. 82, 8 4 

Cydweli (Kidwelly) 4> 3. 42, 5 

Cyfeiliog 48. 53. 9*. 92, 101 

Cymmer ... ... ... 82 

Cynan ab lago ... ... ... ... ... 34 

Cynan ab Owain Gwynedd ... 37, 39, 47, 54, 84, 89, 126, 134 

Cynddelw ... ... 56, 58, 90, 91, 129 

Cynfael ... ... ... 47 

Cynffig (Kenfig) ... ... 30, 42, 105, 118 

Cynfrig ab Owain ... ... ... 22, 132 

Cyfrig ab Owain Gwynedd ... ... ... ... 98 

Cynfrig Efell ab Owain Brogyntyn ... -.. ... 91 



Dafydd, Bishop of Bangor ... ... ... See Bangor 

Dafydd ab Owain Gwynedd ... ... ... 84,97, 134 

Daniel ap Llosgwrn Mew ... ... ... 60, 129 

David Fitz Gerald ... ... See St. David's (Bishops of) 

Dean (Forest of) ... ... ... 23, 24 

Dearbhforgaill ... ... ... ... ... 112 

Dee (Valley of) ... ... ... 97,98,127 

Deheubarth 3, 10, 27, 32, 33, 37, 51, 75, 80, 81, 97, 98, 109, in, 129 

Deisi... ... ... ... ... ... 116 

Denbigh ... .. ... ... ... 97 

Deugleddyf 39, 44 

Dewi (St.) = St. David ... ... ... ... 60 

Diarmaid Mac Murchadha (Dermot McMurrough) ... 112-117 

Dinan (Joce de) ... ... ... ... ... 145 

Dinefwr (Dynevor) ... ... ... 94, 96 

Dineirth ... ... ... ... 6, 14, 87 

Dingad ap Tewdwr Trefor ... ... ... ... 145 

Dinmael ... ... ... ... ... 91 

Dinweileir 3 8, 51, 93 

Domhnall Kavanagh ... ... ... ... 114 

Domhnall Ua Briain ... ... ... See Ua Briain 

Donnchadh, chief of Osraighe (Ossory) ... ... ... n^ 

Dublin H, i5> 34, 35. 98, 115, 117, n8 

Duddleston ... ... ... ... ... I4 g 

Dundunolf ... ... ... ... ... ug 

Dunster ... ... ... ... ... 18 

Dyfed ... ... 10,37,44,64,80,87,88,111,119 

Ebbw (river) ... ... ... ... ... 94 

Edeyrnion ... ... ... ... 9I) g 

Edgerly ... ... ... ... ... IO2 

Edw (river) ... ... ... ... 35 

Efa, daughter of Bledrws ab Ednowain Bendew ... ... 102 

Efa, daughter of Madog ap Maredudd ... ... ... 9I 


Eifionydd ... .... ... ... 150 

Einion ab Anarawd ap Gruffudd ... ... 88, 96 

Einion Clud ap Madog ab Idnerth ... 23, 36, 92, 97, 109 

Einion Efell ap Madog ap Maredudd ... ... ... 91 

Einion ap Rhirid Flaidd ... ... ... ... 150 

Einion ap Seisyll, of Mathafarn ... ... ... 91 

Eisteddfod of 1136 ... ... ... ... 9 

Eleyne, niece of Peveril .. ... ... ... 145 

Elfael ... 2 , 5, 23, 36, 81, 92, 97, 108 

Elisse ap Madog ap Maredudd ... ... ... 91 

Ellesmere ... ... ... ... 18, 144 

Ely (river) ... ... ... ... ... 31 

Elystan Glodrudd ... ... ... 145 

Enlli... ... ... .. ... ... 14 

Enna, son of Diarmaid Mac Marchadha ... ... ...115 

Essex, Geoffrey of ... ... ... ... 136 

Essex, Henry of ... ... ... ... 84,94 

Ethelfrith ... ... ... ... ... 61 

Eu ... ... ... ... ... ... 117 

Eugenius III. ... ... ... ... See Popes 

Eustace, son of King Stephen ... ... ... 55 

Ewenny ... ... 30. Abbots of Ewenny, 141 

Ewyas 7, n, 12, 85 

Exeter, Bishop of ... ... ... ... 29 

Exmes (Orne) ... ... ... ... ... 149 

Eva ... ... ... ... ... See Efa 

Eva, daughter of Diarmaid Mac Murchadha ... ... 117 

Eyton ... ... ... ... ... 146 

Farringdon Castle ... ... ... ... 41 

Felffre ... ... ... ... ... 37 

Ferns ... ... ... ... n 2 , 115 

Fferyllwg ... ... ... ... ... 146 

Fishguard ... ... ... ... ...118 

Fitzalan John ... ... ... ... ... 90 

Fitzalans (the) ... ... ... ... 143-145 

Fitz Baldwin, Stephen ... ... ... ... 49 

Fitz Count, Brian ... ... ... ... 151 

Fitz David, Miles ... ... ... ... 114 

Fitz Gerald, David ... ... See Bishops of St. David's 

Maurice ... ... 114, 115, 119, 122 

Raymond ... ... ... 116-119 

William ... ... ... 37, 52 

Fitz Godoberd, Richard ... ... ... ... 113 

Fitz Hamon, Robert ... ... ... 30, 41, 135 

Fitz Hay, William ... ... ... 37, 38 

Fitz Henry, Meilir ... ... ... 114, 119 

Henry ... ... ... ... 84 

Fitz John, Eustace ... : .. ... ... 84 

Pain ... ... ... ... 7, 8, 12, 17, 25 

Fitz Miles, Henry ... ... ... ... 108 

Mahel ... ... ... 24, 108 

Roger ... 7, 24, 25, 35, 40, 41, 78, 79 

Walter ... ... ... 79, 80, 107 

William ... ... ... ... 108 

Fitz Stephen, Robert ... 37, 84, 100, 114-116, 118, 119 

Fitz Warines ... ... ... ... 144-147 

Fitz William, Gerald ... ... ... ... in 

Flanders ... ... ... ... ... 81 

Flemings ... 6, 9, 10, 21, 38, 51, 81, 96, 100, in, 114, 118 

France ... ... ... ... 100, 112, 118 

Gemaron ... ... ... ... ... 35 

Generys, daughter of Rhys Sais ab Ednyfed ... ... 150 

Geoffrey of Monmouth ... ... ... 65-67,122 

Geoffrey, Constable of Cydweli ... ... ... 5 

Gerald, Steward of Pembroke ... ... ... 6 

Gest... ... ... ... ... ... 150 

Gilbert Fitz Gilbert, Gilbert Fitz Richard ... See Clare 

Gilbert Foliot ... ... ... See Hereford (Bishops of) 



Giraldus Cambrensis ... ... 27, 28, 8, 80, 93, 138 

Glamorgan 16, 17, 29, 30, 32, 35, 41, 52, 53, 81, 85, 93, 97, 104, 105, 135 
Gloucester ... ... ... 7, 18, 78, 79, 137 

Gloucester ... See St. Peter's, Gloucester, Robert, William 

Glyn ... ... ... ... 15 

Gogynfeirdd ... ... ... ... *5 

Goldcliff ... ... ... ... 3. Io6 

Goronwy ap lestin ap Gwrgant ... ... 136 

Goronwy ab Owain ab Edwin ... ... 54 

Goronwy ap Roger ap Goronwy ... 146, 147 

Goronwy ap Tewdwr Trefor ... ... ... ... 145 

Granville family in Glamorgan ... ... ... 4 2 

Gruffudd ab Arthur ... ... See Geoffrey of Monmouth 

Gruffudd ap Cadwgan ap Bleddyn ... ... 149 

Gruffudd ap Cynan ab lago 3, 5, 9, 13, 14, 15. 34, 54, 69, 70, 82, 128 
Gruffudd ab lestin ap Gwrgant ... ... ... 136 

Gruffudd ab Ifor ap Meurug ... ... ... 106 

Gruffudd Fychan ab lorwerth Coch ap Maredudd ... ... 102 

Gruffudd ap Llywelyn ap Seisyll 12, 79 

Gruffudd Maelawr ap Madog ap Maredudd 9 1 , 93 

Gruffudd ap Maredudd ap Bleddyn ... ... 22, 90 

Gruffudd ab Owain Brogyntyn ap Madog ... ... 9 1 

Gruffudd ap Rhydderch ... ... ... X 35 

Gruffudd ap Rhys ap Tewdwr 3-7, 9-11, 34, 3 8 , 75, I0 5> J 3 6 

Guaidanus, dean of Cantref Mawr ... ... 94 

Guttyn Owain ... ... X 39 

Guy, son of Duke of Brittany ... ... 148 

Gwalchmai ... ... 57, 90, 129 

Gwenddydd ... ... 6 * 

Gwenllian, daughter of Ednyfed ap Cynfig ... ...15 

Gwenllian, daughter of Gruffudd ap Cynan ... 4, J 3 6 

Gwenllian, daughter of Madog ap Maredudd ... ... 9 1 

Gwenllian, daughter of Owain Gwynedd ... ... 101 

Gwenllwg ... ... I0 7 

Gwent ... ... 28, 29, 32, 74, 81, 85, 97, 104, 106-108 

Gwent Is Coed ... ... ... Io6 > I0 7 

Gwent Uch Coed ... ... Io6 > I0 7 

i6 3 

Gwentian Chronicle ... ... 138-139 and passim 

Gwenwynwyn ... ... ... ... 90, 101 

Gwernhefin ... ... ... ... ... 91 

Gwerthrynion ... ... ... ... 23, 81 

Gwion ap Cynddylan ... ... ... ... 147 

Gwladus, daughter of Nest ... ... ... 37,119 

Gwladus, daughter of Llywarch ap Trahaiarn ... ... 54 

Gwladus, daughter of Griffith ap Rhys ... ... 105,107,136 

Gwrgant ab Ithel ap Morgan ... ... ...135 

Gwrgant ap Rhys ... ... ... 57 

Gwrgenau ... ... ... ... ... 126 

Gwyddgrug (Mold in Flintshire) ... ... ... 40 

Gwynedd 5, 7, 9, 13, 15, 21, 32, 34, 35, 37-39, 44, 48, 57, 75, 

83, 85, 88, 97, 98 

Gwynfardd Brycheiniog ... ... ... ... 60 

Gwyr (Gower) ... ... ... 2, 10, 30, 51, 81, 118 

Gwys ... ... ... ... 39, 47, 121 


Haer, mother of Maredudd ap Bleddyn ... ... ... 150 

Harold, king of England ... ... ... ... 135 

Harold, son of Earl Ralph ... ... ... ... 12 

Haughmond ... ... ... ... ... 144 

Ha wise, wife of William of Gloucester ... ... ... 86 

Henry I, king of England 1-3, 7, 10, 12, 17, 23, 26, 37, 39, 75, 89, 95 

Henry II, king of England 49, 62, 65, 75, 77-79, 82-90, 92-102 

112, 114, 116, 118, 122-127, r 46 

Henry III, king of England ... .. ... ... 147 

Henry ap Cadwgan ap Bleddyn ... ... ... 149 

Hereford ... ... ... ... 7, 18, 95 

Hereford Castle ... ... ... ... ... 18 

Hereford, Bishops of: 

Robert ... ... ... ... 24, 25, 28, 29 

Gilbert Foliot ... ... 24, 30, 31, 79, 103, 124 

Hereford, Earls of ... ... See Miles and Fitz Miles 

Hesdin ... ... See Arnoul de Hesdin 


Hildebrand ... ... ... See Popes 

Honorius III ... ... ... See Popes 

Howel Dda ... ... ... ... 44 

Howel ab leuaf ... ... ... ... 9 I- 93 

Howel ab lorwerth ab Owain ... ... ... 107 

Howel ap Madog ab Idnerth ... ... ... 23 

Howel ap Maredudd of Brycheiniog ... 2, 5, 6, 22, 23, 137 

Howel ap Maredudd ap Bleddyn ... ... 22 

Howel ap Maredudd ap Rhydderch ... ... .... 22 

Howel, son of Nest ... ... ... 37. Ir 9 

Howel ab Owain Gwynedd ... 33, 34, 37~39 47. 5-5 2 > 5 8 - 6o > 

89, 133. J 34 

Howel ap Rhirid Flaidd ... ... ... ... 15 

Howel ap Rhys ab lestin ... ... ... ... 136 

Hugh the Fat, Earl of Chester ... ... ... 150 

Hugh (son of Ranulf), Earl of Chester ... ... 50, 78 

Humphrey (castle of) ... ... ... ... 88 


lago, priest in the diocese of Bangor ... ... . . 125 

lal(Yale) ... ... ... ... 48,85,93,144 

lestin ab Owain ap Howel Dda ... ... ... 134 

lestin ap Gwrgant ab Ithel ... ... ... 134-138 

leuan ap Seisyll ... ... ... ... ... 122 

Ifor ap Llywarch ... ... ... ... 108 

Ifor ap Meurug ... ... ... ... 85, 86, 105 

Ingebric ... ... ... ... ... 144 

Ingelger ... ... ... ... .. 78 

Innocent II ... ... ... ... See Popes 

lonas ap Goronwy ap Tewdwr ... ... ... 146 

lorwerth ab lestin ap Gwrgant ... ... ... 136 

lorwerth Fychan ab lorwerth Coch ap Maredudd ... ... 102 

lorwerth Coch ap Maredudd ap Bleddyn 64, 85, 97, 101, 102 

lorwerth ab Owain Brogyntyn ap Madog ... ... 91 

lorwerth Drwyndwn ab Owain Gwynedd ... 54 69, 91 

lorwerth ab Owain of Caerlleon ... ... 4, 28, 86, 107 


lorwerth ap Rhirid Flaidd ... ... ... ...150 

lorwerth ap Rhys ap lestin ... ... ... ... 136 

Ireland ... ... ... ... 15, 34, 111-120 

Irish Allies of Welsh ... ... ... ... 16 

Irish Slave Market ... ... ... 7, 34 

Isabel ... ... ... ... ... 136 

Iscoed, Cwmwd of ... ... ... ... 100 

Jerusalem ... ... ... ... ... 44 

John, king of England ... ... ,.. 136,145,146 


Kentigern ... ... ... ... ... 31 

Kilhwch ... ... ... ... ... 64 

Knockin ... ... ... ... ... 148 

Laighen (Leinster) .. ... ... 112,113,115 

Lambeth ... ... ... ... ... 32 

Lancashire ... ... ... ... ... 83 

Leicester, Robert le Bossu, Earl of ... ... ... 86 

Lestrange family in Shropshire ... ... ... 148 

Lincoln ... ... ... ... 20, 21, 23, 40 

Lincoln, Alexander, Bishop of ... ... ... 65 

Litard Littleking ... ... ... ... n 

Llanarmon ... ... ... ... ... 14 

Llanbedr ... ... ... ... ... 37 

Llancarfan ... ... ... ... 3> 53 

Llandaff ... ... ... ... 32, 65 


Llandaff, Bishops of : 

Herewald... ... ... ... ... 135 

Urban ... ... ... 16, 26, 28, 41, 68, 104 

Uchtryd ... 28-30, 52, 65, 104 

Nicholas ... ... ... ... 52, 103, 125 

William ... ... ... ... ... 140 

Henry ... ... ... ... 137 

Llandinam ... ... ... ... . 92 

Llandydoch ... ... ... ... 16, 53 

Llanffagan ... ... ... ... ... 53 

Llanhuadein (Llawhaden in Pembrokeshire) ... ... 121 

Llanilltyd ... ... ... ... ... 53 

Llanpadarn ... ... ... ... ... 30 

Llanrhystud ... ... ... ... 47, 48, 50, 87 

Llanrian ... ... ... ... ...122 

Llanstephan ... ... ... 8, 13, 36-38 

Llanthony ... ... ... ... ... 25 

Llanymddyfri (Llandovery) ... ... 87,93,148 

Llawdden ... ... ... 126 

Lleision ap Morgan ap Caradog ... ... 137 

Lluddoca ap Tewdwr Trefor . . . ... ... 145,146 

Llwchwr (river) ... ... ... 2, 137 

Llwyn Pina ... ... 85 

Llyfni (river) ... ... ... 108 

Llywarch ap Dyfnwal ... ... ... 109 

Llywarch Hen ... ... ... 5^ 

Llywarch Llew Cad ... ... 60 

Llywarch ap Llywelyn ... ... ... *43 

Llywarch ap Trahaiarn ... ... ... -"54 

Llywelyn ab lonas ap Goronwy ... ... 146 

Llywelyn ab lorwerth Drwyndwn ab Owain Gwynedd 59, 91, 147 

Llywelyn ap Madog ap Maredudd ... ... 49> 9 1 

Llywelyn ab Owain Gwynedd ... ... 128 

London, Robert, Bishop of ... ... 3 2 

Londres, Maurice de ... ... 4, 5> 3. 4 2 > 5 

William de ... ... 4 

Lorans, priest in the diocese of Bangor ... ... 125 

i6 7 

Louis VII, king of France ... ... ... 100, 101 

Luci, Richard de... ... ... ... ... 109 

Lucius II ... ... ... ... See Popes 

Ludlow ... ... ... ... 19, 145 


Mabel, wife of Robert of Gloucester ... ... 52,86 

Mabel, wife of Miles Fitz Walter ... ... ... 107 

Mabinogion ... ... ... ... 63-65 

Mabudrud ... ... ... ... 8, 36 

Mabwynion ... ... ... ... ... 96 

Madog ab Einion ab Urien ... ... ... ... 91 

Madog ap Gruffudd Maelawr ap Madog ... ... ... 90 

Madog ab Idnerth ... ... 5, 6, 23, 35, 92 

Madog ab lorwerth Coch ap Maredudd ... ... ...102 

Madog ap Maredudd 22, 48, 49, 56, 57, 59, 64, 82, 85, 89-91, 97, 144 

Madog ab Owain Gwynedd ... ... .., 142, 143 

Madog ap Rhi rid ... ... ... ... 48 

Madog ap Rhirid Flaidd ... ... ... ... 150 

Maelawr ... ... ... ... 18, 93, 144-146 

Maelgwn ap Gruffudd ap Rhys ... ... ... 5 

Maelienydd ... ... 5, 23, 35, 36, 43, 81, 92, 95 

Maengwynedd ... ... ... ... ... 91 

Maenorbir ... ... ... ... ... 38 

Maer Ddu of Rug ... ... ... ... 91 

Mahel ... ... ... ... See Fitz Miles 

Malcolm of Scotland ... ... ... ... 95 

Manawyddan, son of Llyr ... ... ... ... 63 

Manley, Roger de ... ... ... ... 102 

Maredudd, a Welsh prince at the battle of Lincoln ... ... 21 

Maredudd ap Bleddyn ap Cynfyn ... 22, 54, 75, 143, 150 

Maredudd ap Caradog ab lestin ... ... 105, 136 

Maredudd ap Gruffudd ap Rhys ... ...10, 38, 50-53, 80 

Maredudd ap Howell ap Maredudd ... ... 5. 6, 22, 23 

Maredudd Bengoch ap Llywelyn ap Howel ... 109, no 

Maredudd ap Madog ab Idnerth ... ... .. 36 

1 68 

Maredudd ab Owain 

Maredudd ap Rhydderch ap Caradog 

Maredudd ap Rhys ap Gruffudd 

Maredudd ap Rhys, the poet 

Maredudd, son of Robert Fitz Stephen .., 

Maredudd ap Roger ap Goronwy 

Margam ... 42, 72, 93, 105, 136. 

Margaret, daughter of Miles of Gloucester 

Marred, daughter of Madog ap Maredudd 

Marred, daughter of Einion ap Seisyll 

Marshal (William) 

Marshals, the 

Martin de Turribus 

Math, son of Mathonwy 


Matilda, wife of King Stephen 

Matilda, daughter of Henry I 

Matilda Verdun ... 

Maud, daughter of Robert of Gloucester . . 

Maud, daughter of Roger de Manley 

Maud, daughter of Henry I ... 




Meilir, the poet ... 

Meilir ap Llywarch 

Meirionydd (Merioneth) 


Merthyr Mawr ... 

Meurug ab Adam ap Seisyll ... 

Meurug ap Gruffudd ap Maredudd 

Meurug Tybodiad ap Madog ap Rhirid .. 

Meurug Llwyd ap Roger ap Goronwy 

Midhe(Meath) ... 

Miles of Gloucester, Earl of Hereford 7, 


... 148 

... 98 

142, 143 

.. 119 

... 146 

Abbots of Margam 139-140 
... 1 08 
... 91 
... 91 
... 117 

... I2O 

... 16 
... 64 
... 91 


. 19, 20, 23, 25, 35, 40, 145 

See Verdun 

... 50 

... IO2 

See Matilda 
... See Fitz Gerald 

... ' 45 
... 90 

"!. 57 
... 109 

49, 82, 89, 90, 97 
65. See Myrddin 

3 1 . 42 
... 109 
... 48 
... 48 
146, 147 
... 118 

8, 12, 17, 20, 23-25, 

30, 35, 106, 107, 151 
114, 116 


Miscyn ... ... ... ... ... 41 

Mochnant ... ... ... ... 101, 102 

Mon ... ... ... 48,82,84. See Anglesea 

Monmouth (Henry of) ... ... ... ... 106 

Montfort (Robert de) ... ... ... ... 94 

Montmaurice (Herve de) ... ... ... 115,116,119 

Morfran ... ... ... ... ... 47 

Morgan Hen ... ... ... ... 135, 137 

Morgan ap Gruffudd ap Rhys ... ... ... 5 

Morgan ab Owain ... ... ... 4, 18, 28, 86 

Morgan ap Seisyll ap Dyfnwal ... ... ... 107 

Morlais ... ... ... ... ... 144 

Mortimer (Ralph de) ... ... ... ... 35 

(Hugh de) ... 35> 36, 79, '45 

Moun (William de) ... ... ... ... 18 

Muirchertach ... ... ... ... See Ua Lochlain 

Mynydd Cam ... ... ... ... ... 135 

Mynyw ... ... ... 13. See St. David's 

Myrddin ... ... ... ... 62. See Merlin 


Nant Pencarn ... ... ... ... ... 94 

Nantwich ... ... ... ... ... 40 

Nauhendon ... ... ... ... ... 144 

Neath ... 72, 105, 136. Abbots of Neath ... 31, 140, 141 

Nennius ... ... ... ... ... 66 

Nest ... ... ... ... 37, 88, 119 

Nest, wife of Maredudd ap Caradog ab lestin ... ... 105 

Nest, wife of Ifor ap Meurug ... ... ... 106 

Nest, daughter of Maurice Fitz Gerald ... ... ...119 

Nether Gwent ... ... ... 18. Cf. Gwent Is Coed 

Neufmarche (Bernard de) ... ... ... ... 7 

Newburgh (William of) ... ... ... ... 99 

Newport ... ... ... 106. See St. Woollos 

Normandy ... ... ... ... 82, 83, 88 

Normans ... ... ... ... 6, 7, 9, 

Northallerton ... ... ... ... ... 19 

Northampton ... ... ... ... ... 39 


Ogmore ... ... ... 4 , 30, 42 

Olaf of Dublin ... ... ... ... ... 34 

Olwen ... ... ... ... ... 64 

Ordericus Vitalis... ... ... ... ... 69 

Osraighe (Ossory) ... ... ... ...115 

Oswestry ... ... 48, 90, 91, 93, 97, 98, 144-146 

Othir ... ... ... 35 

Overton ... ... ... ... 18, 144, 146 

Owain ap Caradog ab lestin ... ... ... 104,136 

Owain ab Edwin ... ... ... ... 14 

Owain Gwynedd ap Gruffudd ap Cynan 5-7, 13, 15, 16, 22, 27, 29, 
3 1 , 33-35, 39, 40, 47, 49, 53, 54, 5 6 > 57, 60. 62, 

76,81-85, 92, 95, 97, 99-102, 124-129, 133-134 

Owain Cyfeiliog ap Gruffudd ap Maredudd 48, 53, 58, 91, 93, 97, 101, 102 

Owain ap Howel Dda ... ... ... ... 61 

Owain ab lorwerth ab Owain... ... ... ... 107 

Owain Brogyntyn ap Madog ap Maredudd ... ... 91 

Owain Fychan ap Madog ap Maredudd ... ... 91, 93, 101 

Owain ap Rhys ab lestin ... ... ... ... 136 

Oxford, Archdeacons of ... ... ... ... 66 

Paganel ... ... ... ... ... 19 

Pain... ... ... ... ... See Fitz John 

Pantulf, Hugh ... ... ... ... ... 145 

Pebidiog ... ... ... 27, 37 

Pembroke ... ... ... 6, 18, 52, 100, 119, 120 

Pembrokeshire ... ... ... ... ... n8 

Pencadair ... ... ... .. ... 94 

Penfro ... ... ... ... ... 37 

Pengwern yn Llanfihangel ... ... ... ... 50 

Penllyn ... ... ... ... 91, 150 

Penmon . ... ... ... ... 14 

Pennant Melangell ... ... ... ... 150 

Penrhos ... ... ... ... ... 138 

Penrhyn ... ... ... ... 138, 139 

Penwedig ... ... ... ... ... 52 

Peryf ap Cedifor . . . ... ... ... 60, 139 

Peveril ... 1 8, 49, 144, 145 

Picot, chaplain of St. Woolos, Newport ... ... 31, 103 

Plynlimmon ... ... ... ... ... 90 

Popes of Rome : 

Gregory VII (Hildebrand) ... ... ... 71 

Innocent II ... ... ... 27, 44 

Celestine II ... ... ... ... 45 

Lucius II ... ... ... ... 45 

Eugenius III ... ... ... ... 45 

Alexander III ... ... ... ... 125 

Honorius III ... ... ... ...117 

Porkington ... ... ... ... ... 91 

Portskewett ... ... ... ... ... 135 

Portsmouth ... ... ... ... ... 19 

Powys 21-23, 35. 44, 48, 75, 9, 9 1 , 97, 9 8 , r 43 

Prendergast (Maurice de) ... ... ... ...114 

Prestatyn ... ... ... ... ... 102 

Pryderi ... ... ... ... ... 64 

Pwyll, prince of Dy fed ... ... ... 63,64 

Pyfog ... ... ... ... ... 34 

Radnor ... ... ... ... 95 

Raghnall of Dublin ... ... ... 34, 117 

Ralph (Earl) ... ... ... ... ... n 

Ranulf, Earl of Chester ... 8, 17, 20, 21, 35, 39, 40, 49, 144 

Reading ... ... ... ... ... 8, 94 

Regan (Maurice)... ... ... ... 113, 114 

Reginald, Earl of Cornwall ... ... ... ... 88 

Rheims ... ... ... ... ... 45 

Rhirid ap Cedifor Wyddel ... ... ... ... 139 

Rhirid Flaidd ... ... ... ... ... 150 


Rhirid ab Owain Gwynedd ... ... ... ... 139 

Rhodri ab Owain Gwynedd ... ... ... 134, 143 

Rhonabwy ... ... ... ... 64, 102 

Rhos ... ... 6, 9, 10, 38, 81, 100, in, 114, 118 

Rhoshir ... ... ... ... ... 84 

Rhuddlan ... ... ... ... 84, 85, 97, 102 

Rhuddlan (Robert of) ... ... ... ... 102 

Rhun ab Owain Gwynedd ... ... ... ... 40 

Rhuthyn ... ... ... ... ... 4 

Rhydderch Hael . . . ... ... ... ... 62 

Rhygyfarch ... ... ... ... ... 45 

Rhygyfarch ... ... ... ... ... 100 

Rhymni (river) ... ... -.. ... ... 135 

Rhys Sais ab Ednyfed ap Llywarch Gam ... ... 146, 150 

Rhys ap Gruffudd ap Rhys 10, n, 38, 50, 51, 53, 54, 56, 76, 80-82, 
86-88, 91, 93-97, 99-102, 104, 105, 109, no, 

113, "9> !33. *37 

Rhys ap Howel ap Maredudd ... ... 5, 6, 22, 36 

Rhys ab lestin ap Gwrgant ... ... ... ... 136 

Rhys ap Tewdwr ap Cadell ... ... ... 3,37,119,136 

Richard Fitz Gilbert, Richard Strongbow... ... See Clare 

Richard de la Mare ... ... ... ... 5 

Richard Fitz Pons ... ... 148 See Cliffords 

Robert of Gloucester 17, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 30, 31, 40-42, 52, 65, 

103, 104, 144 

Robert, son of William of Gloucester ... ... ... 86 

Robert Fitz Harold ... ... ... n, 12 

Robert Fitz Martin ... ... ... 6, 16, 37 

Robinson, Nicholas ... ... See Bishops of Bangor 

Rochester, Ascelin, Bishop of ... ... ... 32 

Roger Fitz Richard ... ... ... See Clare 

Roger Fitz Miles ... ... ... ... See Fitz Miles 

Roger de Manley... ... ... ... See Manley 

Roger ap Goronwy ap Tewdwr ... ... ... 146 

Roger Fychan ap Roger ap Goronwy ... ... 146, 147 

Rollo ... ... ... ... ... 70 

Roumare (William de) ... ... ... ... 20 


Rosamond Clifford ... ... ... ... 93 

Ruaidhri ... ... ... See Ua Conchobhair 

Rug ... ... ... ... ... 91 

Ruyton ... ... ... ... 148 

Sai (Orne) ... ... ... ... ... 149 

Sai, Elie de ... ... ... ... 145,149 

Henry de ... ... ... ... ... 149 

Isabel de ... ... ... ... 145, 149 

Picot de ... ... ... ... ... 149 

Sainghenydd ... ... ... ... 4*1 85, 86, 105 

Scotland ... ... .. 19. See Malcolm 

Scots... ... ... ... ... 18, 19 

Seisyll Bryffwrch ... ... ... ... 56, 58, 89, 129 

Seisyll ap Dyfnwal ... ... ... 107, 136 

Severn ... ... ... ... ... 6, 7 

Shrewsbury ... ... ... ... 14. 19. i44> 149 

Shropshire ... ... ... ... 7, 83, 146, 150 

Shropshire Marches ... ... ... ... 143 

Shrowardine ... ... ... ... ... 146 

Sibyl, daughter of Bernard de Neufmarche ... ... 7 

Simeon of Bangor y . ... ... See Bangor 

Simeon of Durham ... ... ... ... 69 

Sioned, daughter of Howel ap Madog ... ... ... 91 

Siward family in Glamorgan ... ... ... ... 42 

Slede... ... ... ... ... ... 19 

Solfen ... ... ... ... ... 4 1 

Stafford ... ... ... ... ... 7 

St. Asaph ... ... ... ... 123, 126 

St. Asaph, Bishops of : 

1. Gilbert... ... ... ... 32, 122 

2. Gruffudd ... ... See Geoffrey of Monmouth 

3. Richard ... ... ... ... 122 

4. Godfrey ... ... ... 122, 123, 125 

St. Briavel's ... ... ... ... 23, 118 


St. Clare ... ... ... ... ... 37 

St. David's (Mynwy) ... ... n, 13, 45, 46, 104 

St. David's, Bishops of : 

1. Bernard 25-2 7, 29-31, 37, 44-46 

2. David Fitz Gerald ... 37, 46, 108, 113, 114, 121, 125 
St. Dogmael's ... ... ... 16, 124. See Llandydoch 

Stephen, King of England 7, 11-13, 16-20, 23, 28, 40, 48, 49, 

55, 62, 65, 68, 70, 76, 78, 82, 144 

Stephen, Constable of Cardigan ... ... ...6, 37 

St. Lawrence O'Toole ... ... ... See Ua Tuathail 

St. Martin's le Grand ... ... ... ... 144 

St. Mary of Cemaes ... ... ... ... 16 

St. Mary (Anglesea) . ... ., ... 84 

St. Peter's, Gloucester ... ... 12, 25, 29, 30, 104 

St. Peter ... ... ... ... ... 84 

St. Quintin family in Glamorgan ... ... 42 

Strata Florida, Strata Marcella See Ystrad Fflur, Ystrad Marchell 

Striguil ... ... ... ... See Chepstow 

St. Tyfrydog ... ... ... ... ... 84 

St. Tyssilio .. ... .. ... ... 90 

St. Woolos, Newport ... ... ... 31, 103 

Sulien ... ... ... .., 45, 121 

Sulien, son of Rhygyfarch ... ... ... ... 45 

Susanna, daughter of Gruffudd ap Cynan... ... ... 91 

Susannah, daughter of Howel ab leuaf ... ... ... 91 

Swansea ... ... ... ... ... 137 

Taf (river) ... ... ... ... ... 38 

Tafalwern ... .. ... ... 92, 101 

Taff (river) ... ... ... ... ... 31 

Talafan ... ... ... ... .. 42 

Talbot (Geoffrey) ... ... ... ... 18 

Talgarth ... ... ... ... ... 108 

Taliesin ... ... ... ... ... 62 

Tal y Llychau ... ... ... ... ... 72 


Tawe (river) ... ... ... ... ... 2 

Tegeingl 14, 4, 49, 84, 97, 102 

Teifi (river) ... ... ... ... 7, 13, 16 

Tenby ... ... ... ... ... 52 

Tetbury ... ... ... ... ... 40 

Tewdwr Trefor ... ... ... ... 145, 150 

Tewkesbury ... ... ... ... 29, 31, 104 

Roger, Abbot of ... ... ... 31 

Theobald ... ... ... ... See Canterbury 

Tighearnan Ua Ruairc ... ... ... See Ua Ruairc 

Tintern ... ... ... ... 18, 106 

Tironian Benedictines ... ... ... ... 16 

Totnes (ludhael de) ... ... ... ... 151 

Toulouse ... ... ... ... ... 90 

Trahaiarn ap Caradog ... ... ... ... 5, 79 

Trallwng (y) ... ... ... See Ystrad Marchell 

Trefennen ... ... ... ... ... 122 

Trefgarn ... ... ... ... ... 44 

Trenchemer (William) ... ... ... ... 84 

Turberville (Gilbert de) ... .. ... 30,42 

Turcall of Dublin ... ... ... ... 34 

Ty Gwyn ... ... 44. Abbots of Ty Gwyn, 47, 141 

Tywi ... ... ... 38. See Ystrad Tywi. 


Ua Briain (O'Brien), Domhnall ... ... 115,116 

Ua Carthaigh (O'Carthy), Cormac ... ... ... 118 

Ua Faelain, Maelseachlainn ... ... ... ... 116 

Ua Lochlainn, Muirchertach ... ... ... 112 

Ua Riacain ... ... ... ... See Regan 

Ua Ruairc (O'Rourke), Tighearnan ... ... 112, 117, 118 

Ua Tuathail (O'Toole), Lorcan ... ... ... 117 

Uchtryd ... ... ... See Bishops of Llandaff 

Uchtryd, priest in the diocese of Bangor ... ... 125 

Ui Failghe ... ... ... ... ... 115 


Ui Neill ... ... "I 

Uladh (Ulster) ... ... ... 112 

Umfraville family in Glamorgan ... ... 42 

Usk.. ... ... n> l8 > I0 7 

Verdun (Matilda) ... 9 

Vere (Geoffrey de) ... ... 149 

Vezelai I2 3 


Wallingford ... 3 39 

Wallingford, Brian de 3. 39 

Matilda de I 5 I 

Walter de Bee ... 5 

Walter deClare... See Clare 

Walter, son of Gwys ... ... 121 

Walter ap Llywarch ... ... 96 

Walter Fitz Miles See Fitz Miles 

Walter, son of Nest ... 37 

WarinofMetz ... " *44 

Waterford ... 115-118 

Welsh Laws ... 9 

Welsh Marches ... ... 16, 19, 30, &c. 

Weobley ... " l8 

Wexford ... ... . "4. "5, " 

Whitland See T y Gw y 

Whittington ... l8 ' 1 44- 146 

Wigmore ... " *" 79 

William the Conqueror ... ... 70 

William Fitz Miles - See Fitz Miles 

William de Gloucester 19, 20, 24, 52, 78, 89, 93, 103, 104, 136, 137 

Wilton .. ... " 4 


Winchester ... % " "' 9 


Winchester, Henry, Bishop of 

Wiston (Castell Gwys) 




Wye (river) 

30, 124 


... 95 

28, 92. Bishop of Worcester, 25 

... 123 

3, 6, 18, 19, 36, 109 

Ymor (Roger) 
Yrfon (river) 
Ystrad Cyngen ... 
Ystrad Fflur 
Ystrad Marchell... 
Ystrad Meurug ... 
Ystrad Tywi 
Ystwyth (river) . . . 

... 136 

... 52 

51, 67. 72, 100. Abbots of Ystrad Fflur, 141 

13, 29, 50, 87 

3, 6, 8, 10, u, 13, 50, 80, 86, 87, 94, 109 



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Thomas, G. Caradoc 88 Mosley Street, Manchester. 

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Williams, W. J., M.D., Grange Road, W. Middlesborough. 

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Williams, Thos., B.A., Braceland, Buarth Road, Aberystwyth. 

Williams, A. Aneurin, Menai View, North Road, Carnarvon. 

Williams, G. O., B.A., County School, Bridgend. 

Williams, W. Pritchard, Cae'r Onnen, Bangor. 

Williams, Hugh, Theological College, Bala. 

Williams, O., Gaianydd, Rowen, Talycafn. 

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Welsh Library, University College of North Wales, per T. Shankland, 

DA Barbier, Paul 

715 The age of Owain Gwynedd