Google
This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world's books discoverable online.
It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.
Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.
Usage guidelines
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:
+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.
+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.
+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for in forming people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.
+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe.
About Google Book Search
Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web
at|http: //books .google .com/I
WORKS ISSUED BY
XLbc lOaWui^t Societi?,
A GEOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNT
OF
COUNTRIES ROUND THE
BAY OF BENGAL,
1669 TO 1679.
SECOND SERIES.
No. XII.
ISSUED FOR 1903.
(
%
WORKS ISSUED BY
XLhc IDaftlu^t Soctet?.
A GEOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNT
COUNTRIES
ROUND THE
BAY OF
BENGAL,
1669 TO 1679.
SECOND
SERIES.
No.
XII.
ISSUED Foa 1903-
A GEOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNT
OF
COUNTRIES ROUND THE
BAY OF BENGAL,
1669 TO 1679
BY
THOMAS BOWREY
EDITED BY
Lt.-Col. sir RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, Bart., CLE.
;
CAMBRIDGE:
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
MDCCCCV.
PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
COUNCIL
OF
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
il
Sir Clements Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres, R.G.S., President,
The Right Hon. The Lord Amherst of Hackney, Vice-President.
Rear- Admiral Sir William Wharton, K.C.B., F.R.S., Vice-President.
Colonel George Earl Church.
Sir William Martin Conway, M.A., F.S.A,
George William Forrest, C.I.E,
William Foster, B.A.
Albert Gray.
f. h. h. guillemard, m.a., m.d.
The Right Hon. The Lord Hawkesbury.
Edward Heawood, M.A.
John Scott Keltie, LL.D.
Frederic William Lucas.
Admiral Sir Albert Hastings Markham, K.C.B.
Commr. John Franklin Parry, R.N.
Ernest George Ravenstein.
Admiral of the Fleet Sir F. W. Richards, G.C.B.
Henry William Trinder.
/Richard Stephen Whiteway.
Basil H. Soulsby, B.A., F.S.A., Honorary Secretary,
139157
V
\
CONTENTS.
Preface
Introduction:
I. History, Contents and Value of the MS.
II. Authorship of the MS.
III. Life of the Author ....
IV. Other Works by the Author
Asia
Of Choromandel
golcondah
The Coast of Gingalee ....
Orixa
Bencala
Pattana
janselone
QUEDA
ACHIN
^'Bibliography
(|IKDEX
I
\
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
PLATE
I. The Pagod called Tressletore . . . To face p, 8
II. Dancinge Women at the great Pagod Jno.
Gemaet „ 14
III. Fig. I. The figure of one of their Diabolical
Chariots
Fig. 2. Fackeers „ 22
IV. Fig. I. Fackeers
Fig. 2. Gentues „ 32
V. Mango, Arbor Triste, Palmito, Palmero Trees „ 49
VI. Danceinge Snakes „ 60
VII. Fig. I. The Widow bumeth alive
Fig. 2. A Roundel
Fig. 3. A Palanchino „ 86
VIII. Fig. I. A Massoola. A Cattamaran
Fig. 2. Hoocars
Fig. 3. The Manner of fixing their geere „ 104
IX. A most Sumptuous Tombe . . . . „ 113
X. Fig. I. The Antilope
Fig. 2. A great Giant called Jansa Bainsa „ 119
XI. Fig. I. A barbarous Penalty
Fig. 2. The figure of an Elephant
Fig. 3. The Tyger „ 219
XII. Fig. I. Bears and a wild Hogge
Fig. 2. Jackalls
Fig. 3. The Rhinocerot .... „ 222
XIII. Fig. I. An Olocko
Fig. 2. A Budgaroo
Fig. 3. A Purgoo
Fig. 4. The Muske Deere
Fig. 5. A Boora „ 228
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PI an tan and Samcau Trees
Fig. I. A Paiella
Fig. I. Pepper
Fig. 3. Long Pepper
Fig. I. Pine Apples
Fig. 3. Strange Fishes in Queda
Fig. 3. The Alligator
Fig. I. Betelee. Areca Tree
Fig. 3. A Slate Elephani
Fig. 1. Men of Warre Prows
Fig. 3. The Buffalo
Fig. 3. An Achin Cripple
Fig. I. An Achin House
Fig. 2. A Mangastine Tree
A Durian Tree
285
308
Chart of the River Hugli, Bengal, drawn by Thomas Bowrey.
(/« pocket in back cover of volume.)
\
PREFACE.
*I preparing this MS. for the Hakluyt
Society, I have had it copied exactly as
it stands, retaining the original spelling
and the use of capital letters. But the
contractions have been written out in full
and the letters u v i j and ff (for capital F) have been
adapted to the present accepted usage. Also, where
necessary for the sense, modern punctuation has been
employed. The marginal notes have been omitted be-
cause they were, in nearly every case, merely repetitions
of the text. The illustrations are reductions from exact
phott^raphs of the originals.
I make no apology for the voluminous notes appended
to the text, as in a work designed to be of assistance
to students it is in my judgment of value to show how
I; ix the statements of a writer, who was an independent
^ .rader in the East, are substantiated by the official records
^ of the East India Company, and to exhibit the views and
{ knowledge of residents about the East in the last quarter
I of the seventeenth century, and also to give every assist-
ance practicable in acquiring information as to the men
and manners of that period. The majority of the notes
consist of contemporary quotations from unpublished
documents at the India Office and British Museum, and
Xll PREFACE
extracts from existing printed works have been excluded
except where the remarks of contemporary writers serve
to elucidate the text. Anglo-Indianisms not given or
only slightly treated in Yule's Hobson-Jobson have been
traced, wherever possible, to their original source and have,
I believe, in every instance, been explained and correctly
translated into modern parlance. No other published record,
at present known to me, covers the period 1669 — 1679,
and this MS. therefore fills a gap in the early history
of the doings of the English in Bengal, Madras and the
Malay Archipelago.
In the preparation of this MS. for publication my
thanks are in the first place due to Miss Lavinia Mary
Anstey, without whose untiring perseverance, capacity for
solid work of a nature uninteresting in itself, and accuracy
and energy in research and in the copying of documents,
cheerfully undertaken and spread over a period of five
years, this edition would have been impossible.
My thanks are also due to Mr Eliot Howard for the
loan of the MS. and for help in connection with the
search for the identity of the author. To the authorities
at the India Office for their courtesy in placing all corl-
temporary information at my disposal, and when I consider
that upwards of 150 MS. volumes alone have been ex^!
amined during the editing of this work, I cannot bui
feel that the labours of those who have had to fetch an<
carry the ponderous tomes have been by no means incon-
siderable. But in this most courteous of the Government
Offices, there has been no grumbling at my voracious
requirements ! To Mr William Foster, Assistant Registrar,
to whom I am specially indebted and whose intimate
knowledge of the Records in his charge has materially
PREFACE Xlll
helped me throughout the work. To Professor J. F.
Blumhardt for the elucidation of many Hindustani titles
and words. To Mr F. W. Thomas, M.A., Librarian at
the India Office, and to Mr W. Irvine, lately of the Bengal
Civil Service, for similar assistance. To Syed Hossain
Bilgrami for two notes in the Golconda Section. To
Mr Donald Ferguson for help with Malay words. To the
Rev. E. Louis C. Clapton, M.A., Rector of Lee, Blackheath,
for a gratuitous search among the parish registers in
connection with the author of the MS. To Dr James
A. H. Murray for assistance with Old English words. To
Mr G. S. Forbes, M.A., of the Madras Civil Service, for
furnishing copies of Bowrey's letters from the Madras
Records.
I must further express my sense of the excellence
of the printing and press reading of the Cambridge
University Press, and my gratitude to Messrs J. and
C. F. Clay for the labour saved in consequence in the
matter of reading proofs.
A full Bibliography and Index are appended to this
work.
R. C. TEMPLE.
The N\sh,
Worcester.
Dec, 27 thy 1904.
INTRODUCTION.
I. HISTORY, CONTENTS AND VAI.UE OF THE MS.
7ROFESSOR E. B. TYLOR, F.R.S., first drew
my attention to the existence of this remark-
ably interesting MS-, and subsequently its
owner, Mr Eliot Howard, of Ardmore, Buck-
hurst Hill, Essex, to whom it came by
inheritance, courteously allowed me to copy
it. It was known to Yule, to Anderson, and to Murray,
who have each a brief quotation from it'. The MS. is
clearly and carefully written in the handwriting of the
period and has been exceptionally well preserved, so that
there is no doubt as to the reading of any part of it.
The writer, who was a sailor, further illustrated his MS.
profusely with pen and ink drawings, such as are common
for the period. But crude as many of them are, his repre-
sentations of ships and boats are not only valuable for
the details they give, but also for their accuracy. The
whole of the drawings have been exactly represented in
,%e plates attached to the text, on a reduced scale, from
Jih olographs taken by my son, Lieut R. D. Temple,
35oth Rifles. The title of the MS. is, after the fashion
■ of the time, unconscionably long and comprehensive, and
' purports to deal with many more subjects than is actually
the case'. The contents, however, fall very far short of the
author's intention, for he is full on the subject of the East
Coast of India, but scrappy in his relation of the Coast of
' See Diary of Wm. Hedges, v6l. iii. p. 183; English Intercourse
vitk Siam, p. 266 ; Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. CherooL
' See page i of this vol.
XVI INTRODUCTION
Burma, the Malay Peninsula an'd Sumatra, perhaps owing
to the loss of notes, and beyond these points his account
practically does not extend.
As a matter of fact the accounts in the MS. are of the
following places : —
I. Choromandel Coast, pp. 2 to io7\
(i) Fort St Georg's [Madras], pp. 2 — 5.
(2) The Pag[oda] of Jno. Gernaet [Jagannath,
Juggernaut], pp. 12 — 14, and several other
places.
(3) Careyro [Karedu], N. of Madras, p. 36.
(4) St Thomas, his Mount, pp. 44 — 50.
(5) Pettipolee and Pullicat, pp. 51 — 60.
(6) Metchlipatam and Guddorah [Masulipatam
and Gudur], pp. 60 — 64, 71 f
(7) Narsapore, Madapollum and Pollicull, pp. 98
— 107.
II. Golcondah [Kingdom], pp. 107 — 119.
III. The Coast of Gingalee [Golconda], pp. 120 — 128.
IV. Orixa [Orissa, a fragment], pp. 128 — 131.
V. Bengala, pp. 131 — 234.
(i) Dacca, pp. 149 — 151.
(2) Cattack, p. 151 f
(3) Ganges and Hugly Rivers, pp. 165 f., 209
— 212.
(4) Hugly [town], pp. 167 — 170.
(5) Cossumbazar, pp. 213 — 215.
(6) Pattana [Patna], pp. 221 — 232. — i
VI. Arackan, p. 234 n. [heading only]. y
VII. Pegu, p. 234 n, [heading only].
VIII. Tanassaree, p. 234 «. [heading only]^
IX. Janselone [Junkceylon], pp. 235 — 258.
X. Queda, pp. 259—285.
XI. Achin, pp. 285 — 326.
^ All these figures refer to the pages in the text.
2 pp. 103 to 130 of the MS. left blank for these places.
INTRODUCTION XVU
The MS. breaks off abruptly in the middle of a sentence,
but this circumstance is not to be explained by the author's
death as he stayed nineteen years in India and the East
altogether, and this "Account" purports to relate to the
first ten years only; also it is not mentioned in his Will,
which bequeaths, inter alia^ a " Manuscript book in a Green
Cover'' to the East India Company. The probable ex-
planation is that the "Account" of the years 1669— 1679
was commenced in 1680, and afterwards abandoned in
favour of his larger MSS. bequeathed to the East India
and South Sea Companies, and his Malay Dictionary
published in 1701, a work that was some twelve years on
the stocks, or that the latter part of the MS. was lost
before it was bound up.
Though, of course, the observations in the MS. fall far
short of such as would be looked for in a traveller of the
present day, yet there is no doubt that the author was
a well-educated man for his time, an acute observer of all
that went on around him, and deeply interested in the
natives of the country. Many of his observations therefore
are of exceeding interest to the student of things Indian
and of Anglo-Indian history, being indeed in these direc-
tions of unusual value. Among his observations the
following may be instanced. He shows clearly that the
word "Gentile" meant a Gentoo, and that a Gentoo was
a low-caste Hindu ; his definitions of rdjput and rdjd are
most accurate; so are his name for, and his account and
knowledge of, the Chulias; his description and careful
drawings of native boats are among the best of the kind
for this period; he offers the earliest quoted instance of
"bunko" and "cheroot" for a cigar; he carefully explains
that the so-called Golconda Mines were in reality many
^/niles distant from Golconda ; his notices of " Currant
!oynes" and of the Cowry are among the most valuable
of their kind ; he is very clear as to the limits of the
Gingerlee Coast, a district only vaguely described in other
contemporary accounts ; his remarks on the Hugli, and his
carefully-drawn chart of that river exhibit his practical
T. b
xviii INTRODUCTION
knowledge of the configuration of its shores and banks,
and of all its dangers ; his frequent notices of sati, coming
from an eye-witness, are important as evidences of the
custom ; his " Janselone" section is a unique contribution
to the history of an island about which there is hardly any
record in the 17th century; lastly, his references to many
notable Anglo-Indians of his day are of additional interest
as showing these men in their ordinary daily life, rather
than in their official character as they appear in the
Company's records, especially as he writes without the
ill-feeling and petty spitefulness, common in his day and
among the community with which he worked . and
associated.
II. AUTHORSHIP OF THE MS.
The author has hidden his identity under initials, and
it needed a search occupying two years before the con-
nection between T. B. and Thomas Bowrey could be
proved. From the internal evidence of the MS. itself the
following information was gathered. The author was by
occupation a sailing-master*; he was in the East, at least
from 1669 to 1679*; he began his career there at Fort
St George, Madras'; he was well acquainted with the
writings of Bernier and with Mogul history down to his
own time*; he personally knew Ambrose Salisbury, chief
at Pettipolee [Peddapalle] from 1662 — 1675*; and wci^
employed by the notable William Jearsey on one, at le^ast,
of his many private trading vessels^; he was also i4ac-
quainted with James Horner'', Alexander Ogilvy^ a^d
Samuel Ware^ all of whom are mentioned in the coim-i-
temporary Records ; and in Bengal he came in contaci
with Walter Clavell^ Matthias Vincent", and *' ChinMi
Cham^^" the Company's broker. These facts would havd
been a certain guide to the identity of an Englishman in\^i
^ See p. 172. ^ See sub-title, p. i. ^ See p. 2.
* See pp. 135 — 145. ^ See p. 57. ^ See p. 250 f.
7 See p. 263. * See p. 264. ^ See p. 262.
10 See p. 158. " See p. 164. 12 See p. 154-
INTRODUCTION xix
India in the 17th century, had the individual in question
been a servant of the East India Company. He was,
however, an independent trader, and hence the difficulty
in tracing him.
That T. B. was by occupation a sailing-master is
abundantly shown throughout the MS. From the fact
that he was piloting the Sancta Cruz down the Hugli
when he met Streynsham Master in 1676^ I was at first
strongly inclined to believe that he was Thomas Bateman,
one of the first batch of apprentice-pilots sent out by the
Company on a seven years' indenture to learn the navi-
gation of the Hugli and Ganges, in order that the Com-
pany's ships might be brought up to Hijili and thus avoid
the delay of transferring their cargoes into small boats
at Balasor. Bateman's indentures would have expired in
1676, and it seemed reasonable to conjecture that he had
left the Company's service and was acting as an inde-
pendent pilot to "country" ships. Accordingly, I made
an exhaustive search of the MS. records at the India
Office relating to Bengal, and more especially to Hugli
in 1669 — 1679. After many disappointments, I at last
found a mention of Thomas Bateman in August, 1675,
when he took the Company's sloop Dilligence up to Hugli.
In Septeynber, on the return voyage from Hugli to Balasor,
he encountered a violent storm, in which his ship was only
saved " after a very great hazard," and he himself perished
either at the time, or as the result of exposure^. Thus,
after nearly two years, the identity of T. B. was still
wrapped in mystery !
The next idea was that the initials might, after all,
be J. B., and that the author was John Bugden, an inde-
pendent trader, commanding his own vessel, and brother
of the Company's servant, Edmund Bugden. As a man
in a better position than an apprentice-pilot, I considered
it more likely that he would have the education which
he author of this MS. evidently possessed. Then, too,
^he was associated with Clement Jordan, who was T. B.'s
1 See pp. 175 — 178. ^ Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4.
b2
XX INTRODUCTION
purser in 1676*. Further, Yule in his reference to the MS.
in Hedges' Diary* gives the initials as J. B. This clue
seemed to promise well, and I followed it vigorously, until
the owner of the MS. made it evident that the scent
would lead nowhere. Mr Howard referred to the text,
and examined the initials with great care, and expressed
his confident opinion that the T. in question was a T.
and not a J. He, however, spared no pains to assist me
in the search and gave me every information possible
about the MS. He stated that it came to him through
his ancestor Peter Briggins, a Quaker, who, beyond holding
East India Stock, appeared to have no connection with
India. Neither was Peter Briggins a sailor, nor had any
of the males of the family a Christian name b^inning
with T.
Later, Mr Howard supplied me with a clue, which
eventually turned out to be the right one. He informed
me that there was an idea that the MS. might have been
a gift from a certain "Captain Bowry" (Christian name
unknown), whose name is mentioned in the diaries of
Peter Briggins. Mr Howard sent me a copy of the
" Eliot Papers " containing extracts from these diaries,
and after\vards entrusted me with the diaries themselves.
A search through these volumes showed that Peter
Briggins and ** Captain Bowry " were acquainted, and that
they met constantly from 1706 till 17 13, when the Captain
died, and that subsequently Peter Briggins rendered many
services to the widow.
My next discovery was the will of Captain Bowrey'.
This gave the name Thomas Bowrey, and contained the
information that the testator had spent many years in
India, and was the author of Maps and " Journalls,**
both of Africa and the "South Seas." There seemed
ground, therefore, for identifying Thomas Bowrey with
T. B. The difficulty was that there were no means fc
fixing the dates of Bowrey's residence in India, and th|
^ See p. 178. 2 See Diary of William Hedges, vol. iii. p. 183.I
8 Wills at Somerset House, Luds, fol. 53.
INTRODUCTION xxi
title of the MS. had naturally led to the assumption that
the period of the author's residence in the East was limited
to the ten years 1669 — 1679.
A further search among the India Office Records pro-
duced several references to Captain Thomas Bowrey,
commander of a "country ship," who made numerous
voyages from Madras between 1682 and 1688, when he
sailed for England. I was still, however, without any
proof that Bowrey was in India at the time occupied
by the MS.
The next link in the chain of evidence was the dis-
covery at the British Museum of a set of Charts of the
islands of the Indian Archipelago, the River Hugli and
the Persian Gulf by Thomas Bowrey^ The earliest of
the charts was drawn in 1681, but the lettering and
signatures bore a striking resemblance to the writing in
the MS., and thus supplied further confirmatory evidence
of the identity of T. B. with Thomas Bowrey.
Next followed an important discovery. In the General
Catalogue of the British Museum Library, I found a
printed work by Thomas Bowrey entitled " A Dictionary /
of English and Malayo^" This Dictionary, published in
1 70 1, contains a preface in which the author says that he
spent nineteen years in India and returned on the Bengali
Merchant in 1688. He must, therefore, have arrived in
India in 1669, and we know from his own MS. that T. B/s
residence at Fort St George dated from that year'. This
practically settles the question, as it is hardly likely that
two independent traders, each having the same initials,
should have arrived in India at such a date as 1669, have
visited the same places, and have recorded and illustrated
their impressions there without being distinguished in the
contemporary records. If two such persons did exist, it
is extremely unlikely that one should have been mentioned
in the records and not the other. Again, we know that
I
^ Sloane, 5222, 6 — 17.
' 2 British Museum Library, Press mark^ 68. c. 12.
^ See pp. I and 2 of this vol.
XXll
INTRODUCTION
the MS. descended to Mr Howard through Peter Brig-
gins, who, while keeping minute record of his daily life,
alludes to no seafaring acquaintance except Captain
Bowrey.
The identity of T. B. and Thomas Bowrey is also
further confirmed by certain remarks in the Dialogues at
the end of the Dictionary above mentioned, which strongly
resemble those in the MS. Among these I select the
following : —
MS.
Janselone . . . affordeth no-
thinge Save Some Elephants
and tinne . . . and tinne they
have in abundance.
There [Achin] they measure
by the bamboo.
Quedah . . . The Neighbour-
inge Kings vizt. Pattany and
Johore.
The Citty Achin is . . .
populous . . . famous . . . for . . .
the great Traffick and Com-
merce from most parts of India,
China, and South Seas . . . Many
Ships and Vessels doe att all
Seasons of the year arrive in
this Port from Severall places,
namely Suratt, Malabar Coast
. . . Fort St. Georg's, Metchli-
patam, Bengala, Pegu, Syam,
China, Java Major and Borneo,
with infinite Numbers of Prows
from the Malay Shore . . .
Wee make all our pitch and
Tarre with Dammar and Oyl . . .
One third dammar and Oyle,
well boyled togeather, make very
good tarre.
Dialogues.
Junsalon ... its Merchandize
is only Tin, of which it yields
about Four Hundred Bahar
Yearly.
Bamboo . . . the name of a
concave measure, used at Atchee
on Sumatra.
Kings of the Malayo country
are those of Quedah, Johor,
Patanee and many more.
Achee is a large City, and
populous . . . the Port is never
without Ships of English, Danes,
Portugals, Moors, Chuleas,
Chinesses and others and many
Praws, which usually go into
the River, all these come in
their proper Seasons with the
several sorts of Goods of Surat,
the Coast, Bangala, China, and
many other places.
Damar ... is the Gum of di
tree in India which being boiPd
with Oil, makes Pitch or Tar.
INTRODUCTION XXlll
MS. Dialogues.
Achin is now and hath a The City and Kingdom [of
Considerable time been Govern- Achin] has for above an Hun-
ed by a Queen, ever Since the dred years been governed by
time that the discreet and Pious Queens and Twelve Lords.
Kinge James of happy memorie
Swayed the Sceptre of great
Brittaine, France and Ireland.
The last extract, in which the mistake as to the length
of time Achin was governed by queens is repeated, would
have proved the identity beyond cavil, had not the same
error been made by other contemporary writers, such as
Fryer, Dampier and Hamilton.
On the whole there is practically no ground for doubt-
ing that " T. B." represents " Thomas Bowrey." At the
same time it would have been satisfactory if external
evidence were forthcoming as to Bowrey's movements
prior to 1682. Unfortunately, this is not the case, though
I have made a careful search of the 1669 — 1679 Records
at the India Oflfice. The reasons why Bowrey's name
does not appear before 1682 may be that, for the first
few years after his arrival in India, he probably held
a subordinate post as mate or pilot, and, until he was
in a position to trade on his own account, he would have
had very little contact with the Company's servants at
the various factories.
In his Will Thomas Bowrey left his widow free to keep
any of his "Maps and Journalls" (except those specially
bequeathed to the East India and South Sea Companies),
for her own use. The natural assumption is that, in
gratitude to Peter Briggins for the many services he
rendered her, after her husband's death, she gave him the
MS., reproduced in this volume, together with a Chinese
Cabinet now belonging to Lady Fry, a descendant.
XXIV INTRODUCTION
III. LIFE OF THE AUTHOR.
circ. 1650 — 17 1 3.
Of Thomas Bowrey's parentage nothing certain is
known, but it seems reasonable to conjecture that he was
related to John Bowrey, Thomas Bowrey, and Joseph
Bowrey, who all served in the Royal Navy in the latter
half of the 17th century. In 1652 John Bowrey was granted
compensation for wounds received on board the Unity in
the squadron under Sir George Ayscue^ In 1653 he
commanded the fireship Hunter^ which was sunk in an
engagement with the Dutch. In the same year he went
on a trading voyage to Leghorn ^ In 1656 Captain John
Bowrey was commanding the Eaglet Ketch and the Drake.
In 1657 he commanded the Deaths and in January, 1659,
he is mentioned as acting as convoy with a fleet of eight
ships*. In 1660 he was again commanding the Drake and
was accused of taking goods on board and conveying them
away unlawfully. He cleared himself from this charge.
Two years later, in 1662, Captain John Bowrey was
recommended to Pepys by Lord Inchiquin as having ac-
quitted himself "extraordinary well in the two voyages
with horscsV* In February, 1667, "Mr. Bowry [?John]
the former master [of the Antelope] was discharged, being
uncapable to perform the Voyage to Gottenburg." In March,
1673, there is the note, "Trinity House. Certificate of the
competency of John Bowrey of Wapping as Master." On
the 4th November, 1673, the effects of "Johannes Bowry
lately of H. M. S. Swiftsure" were administered by his
widow Juditha^ but whether this man is the John Bowrey
of 1662 there is no evidence to show.
Captain Thomas Bowrey, who may have been " T. B.'s "
father, was recommended by Captain Potter of the Constant \
* Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, for the years 1652 —
1673; ^^'^ Index, s.v. Bowrey.
2 Administration Book, 1673, ^t Somerset House.
INTRODUCTION XXV
Warwick as his Lieutenant in January, 1653, and is stated
to have "behaved with much courage and discretion." In
1654 he commanded the Roe Ketch, in 1655 the Warwick,
and in 1657 again the Roe Ketch. While in command of
this last ship, in 1659, Bowrey engaged with a Spanish
pirate, and chased an Ostend man-of-war. The last
reference to him is in 1669, when he wrote to the Navy
Commissioners reporting his arrival at Gravesend with the
goods of two Spanish Ambassadors on board \ On the
25th January, 1666, the goods of a Thomas Bowrey of
Stepney were administered by his widow, Elizabeth
Bowrey ^ The fact that this Thomas Bowrey resided at
Stepney and that T. B. eventually settled down in that
parish, added to the similarity of their Christian names, is
ground for assuming their near relationship, though there
is no proof of the connection nor even of the identity of
Thomas Bowrey of Stepney with Captain Thomas Bowrey
of the Roe Ketch.
The only other Bowrey that I have found associated
with the sea at this period is " Joseph Bowrye of H. M. S.
Le Royall Jamesl' who died in 1672 and whose goods
were administered on the 25th June by his widow,
Margareta Bowrye^.
If our author came of the same family as these naval
men, he would naturally have been bred up with a know-
ledge of the sea. Why he should have chosen to seek his
fortune in India is not apparent. The name of Bowrey
does not occur in any of the early Bengal or Madras
records, so it is not likely that he followed a family
tradition. In the Bombay records we find in a letter
from Surat to Bombay on the ist Nov. 1669', "To carry
on the work of your fortification... Mr. Robert Barbor may
be. employed... and for his assistance you may appoint
Captain Bowry who wee understand hath some knowledge
^ Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, for the years 1653 —
1660; vide Index, s.v. Bowrey.
2 Administration Books, 1670 and 1672, at Somerset House.
3 O.C. No. 3361.
XXVI INTRODUCTION
in the art." In January, 1670, a Matthias Bowrey was
living in Bombay and was summoned on a jury\ He was
probably the same Matthias Bowrey who was entertained
as a soldier in January, 1669, to serve the Company at
Bombay^ but there is no evidence to show that he was
related to the author of the MS.
To pass from surmise to fact. Thomas Bowrey tells
us in the Preface to his Dictionary of English and Malayo^
that he spent nineteen years in India and left that country
in 1688. He must, therefore, have reached Fort St George
(where he says he landed)^ in 1669. If he went directly
from England, he probably sailed in either the Lay all
Merc/tant, Rainbow^ Unicorne^ or Madras Merchant^ all of
which started for the "Coast and Bay" in 1668. The
Log of the Unicorne is extant*, but contains no mention
of Bowrey. It is therefore uncertain whether he formed
one of the crew of the ship on which he sailed or whether
he went as a passenger. If he voyaged as a "free
merchant" he must have eluded the vigilance of the
Company's agents, who had strict injunctions to prevent
the commanders of ships from taking out persons un-
licensed by the Court. And there is no entry of any
license being granted to T. B. in 1668. Of his movements
from the time of his landing till 1672 we have no record.
In that year he went to Masulipatam and Pettipollee".
In 1674 he was living at Balasor*. In 1675 he was at
Junkceylon' in command of one of William Jearsey's ships.
In 1676 he took the Sancta Cruz from Hugh to Fort
St George^ In 1677 ^^ ^^^ again at Junkceylon, and
was a witness of the insurrection in that island. During
the ten years comprised in his " Account," he went to
Persia®, but, unfortunately, he does not give the exact
^
^ Factory Records^ Surat, vol. iii. p. 36.
2 Marine Records^ Miscellaneous, No. 13.
3 p. 2 of this vol.
* In the MS. Dept. at the British Museum, Harleian^ No. 4252.
^ p. 57 of this vol. ^ p. 152 of this vol.
^ p. 250 of this vol. ® p. 172 of this vol.
^ p. 216 of this vol.
INTRODUCTION XXVll
date. The next mention of Bowrey is in 1681, when he
drew his chart of Ceylon. At this time he was probably
at Fort St George. In 1682 he was at Madapollam where
he drew his chart of the coast of Tenasserim. In July,
1683, " Mr. Bouree with his sloop" sailed for Madapollam^
and on the 4th December of the same year " a sloop from
Madapollam Thomas Bowrey Master arrived here [Fort
St. George]*." In 1684 Thomas Bowrey went to Batavia
on a vessel belonging to Mr James Wheeler of Madapollam.
He returned to Fort St George in August of the same
year. The Council there was desirous of buying the
" Burneo Pepper " brought by Bowrey " if Procurable at
a reasonable price." They offered 20 pagodas per candy,
but Bowrey would take nothing less than " the supposed
prices in Bengali," viz. 23 pagodas per candy. He set
sail for Bengal on the Borneo Merchant, but lost his
passage, and after putting in at Vizagapatam, returned to
Fort St George on the 13th September. He was then
ready to sell his pepper at a lower price, but now the
Council would only offer him 17 pagodas per candy. We
are not told whether he agreed to sell at such a reduced
rate. On the 26th December is the note " Ship Burneo
Merchant arrived here [Fort St George] out of Ennore
River where she put in to Secure her selfe from the
Monsoone*." Almost immediately after, Bowrey again left
Madras for Madapollam, where he arrived on the Borneo
Merchant on the 7th January, 1685. On the 9th he asked
the Madapollam Council if they were inclined to dispose
of the Company's Sloop Conimeer^ and offered them
40 pagodas for it*. His offer was accepted, and the
Madapollam Council wrote to Fort St George justifying
their action as follows, "The Sloope Connimeer haveing
Layd in this Factory a Considerable time in a Creaze
rotten condition, wee thought fitt to dispose of to
Mr. Bowrey." On the loth February an attestation was
^ Madras Press List.
2 Factory Records, Fort St George, No. 3.
3 ib. Madapollam, No. i.
xxvili INTRODUCTION
signed, setting forth that, in consideration of " 40 Pagodas
new and Currant money to us in hand Paid by Mr. Thomas
Bowrey of Madraspatam Mariner" the Conimeer Sloop,
burthen 20 Tons " or thereabouts now being a Shoar " at
Madapollam, with all her accessories be handed over to
Thomas Bowrey^ After this purchase, Bowrey went to
A chin and thence to Balasor, where he arrived on the
28th July. After a six weeks' stay, he set out for Fort
St George on the nth September, 1685'. His arrival is
noted in December. It was in 1685 also that he drew his
chart of the Persian Gulf
In 1686, Bowrey, still in command of the Borneo
Merchant^ went to Cuddalore and Porto Novo. On the
15th January, after he had started on his voyage, a com-
plaint was lodged against him at Fort St George by
Captain Heath. It runs as follows : — " Capt. William
Heath Commander of the Defence having complained to
the President and Council that Mr. Thomas Bowrey
master of the Borneo Merchant had carried away three of
his ship's company viz. William Cannan Joseph Hon
and Alexander Cobden and desiring them to wTite to
Mr. Davis &ca. att Coodaloor to secure them, and send
them hither, they agreed to advise thereof immediately,
that Mr. Bowrey be secured in their Factory till the ship
be searched, and if found to be returned speedily with
trusty Peons to guard them, if not, to take a Bond of said
Mr. Bowrey in the penalty of a Thousand pounds Ster.
payable to the Right Honble. Company in case itt shall be
proved that he hath them*." The three men arrived at
Fort St George and were restored to Captain Heath on
the 2 1 St of January ^ After leaving Porto Novo, Bowrey
went to Borneo, and returned to Fort St George on the
nth September. On the 25th the ship sailed again for
Porto Novo under the command of Thomas Flemming,
I ■
^ Factory Records^ Madapollam, No. 3.
2 ib, Balasor, No. i.
3 Madras Public Consultations^ vol. x. p. 227 (at Madras).
* Madras Press List.
INTRODUCTION XXIX
went thence to Junkceylon, and returned to Fort St George
on the 23rd January, 1687. Bowrey remained at Fort
St George, for, on the 30th September, we find, "There
having been Severall treaties with Mr. Bowrey and Mr.
Massen about their Pepper, and the lowest they can be
brought to being Pagodas 16 per Candy, Itt is ordered to
be taken of them^" On the 30th November is the entry,
" This morning Thomas Bowrey who went Pilot of the
Boat that Seftor Axell Ivell late Govr. of Trincombar took
his passage in for Trincombar, arrived here from thence^"
During his stay at Fort St George in 1686, Bowrey drew
his chart of Amoy Bay.
In 1687 Captain Bowrey arranged for his return to
England, but he subsequently altered his plans. On the
lOth January "Mr. Thomas Bowrey having desired leave to
go for England upon the Shrewsbury Itt is order'd that the
Secretary do give the Commander an order to receive him
and his necessary s he paying for his passaged" The
Shrewsbury sailed on the 2nd Feb., but Bowrey was not
among the passengers. His name figures in February in
a list of '* Freemen inhabitants of P'ort St George,*' and on
the nth of the month he went to Porto Novo with the
Borneo Merchant The year 1687 was an unfortunate one
for our author, and he must many times have regretted
that he had not adhered to his first intention and sailed
to England on the Shrewsbury. On the i8th May the
Council at Fort St George received a letter from Mr Davis,
the Company's servant at Cuddalore, enclosing two letters
from Captain Thomas Bowrey, all dated the 14th May,
detailing the sufferings of Bowrey at the hands of the
"Avaldar" of Porto Novo^ These letters do not exist
in the India Office Records, but by the kindness of
Mr G. S. Forbes, M.A., of the Indian Civil Service, who
had them copied for me (together with the letter quoted
on p. xxviii.), I am able to reproduce them here.
^ Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 4. ^ /^/^^
3 Letters to Fort St George^ vol. iv. pp. 193 — 196 (at Madras).
XXX INTRODUCTION
"CUDDALORE the 14th May 1687.
To
The Honble. Wm. Gyfford Esqr.
President and Govr, &ca Councill in Fort St. George,
Honble. &ca &ca,
I here inclosed remitt you two letters which we
received from Mr. Bowry at [?] this night (which will not
permitt us to Enlarge thereon) to which desire you will
please to be referred ; haveing [written] before to him and
the Subidar about it haveing had Intelligence of the bussi-
ness from our Chiefe Dubash^ at Porto Novo before to
Mr. Bowry that as hee own'd the Right Honble. Companys
Protection ; so he ought to have applyed himself to us (as
their Representatives) in all matters depending between
him and any of the natives and not to have writ himself
as hee has done in inflicting anything of punishment on
them as [portion damaged] the import of his letters ; and
notwithstanding hee hath been so irregular in his pro-
ceedings we will do what lay in our power to Rescue him
without incommoding the Right Honble. Companys affaires
provided he will give Bond of pagodas 10,000 to indemnifie
them ; otherwise he must compose the difference himself,
thus farr wee think ourselves obliged to maintain the
honour of our nation and the priveleidge of our Countrey
as to suffer none to bee clapt in Prison and Irons without
being satisfied the reason ; but to prevent such ill Presi-
dents for the future ; therefore desire your order how to
proceed herein, till which shall offer nothing of hostillitys ;
tho* indeed tis so great an affront as sufficient to animate
the spirits of any man to seek their satisfaction.
What wee have wrote to the Subidar about it is that
wee admire his incivillity in tollerating so gross abuses to
bee offered to us for which wee expect satisfaceon and that
hee wold acquaint us the reason of his barbarous imprison-
ment of our people in that manner ; and release him ;
otherwise hee might expect to hear further from us ; wee
^ Interpreter. See note on p. 37.
INTRODUCTION XXXl
being competent Judges to punish the offences of our owne
people according to merrit, being free Merchants, and no
wayes to bee governed by their Laws, but ohly ObHg'd to
pay the Customes of our Trade ; which was a sufficient
obligacon to them to treat us with more civillity ; being
almost courted everywhere ; where wee might have much
greater priviledges confer'd on us and bee free [?] imposed
upon us here, which if not mittigated would oblige us (in
him) to consider thereof....
Honble. &ca &ca
Your most humble and obedient Servants
John Davis
(Sd.) Ralph Ingram
Chr: Wilson."
"Porto Novo, May 14M, 1687.
To
Mr. John Davis &ca Councill.
Honble. Sirs,
I Haveing given 400 Pagodas about two months
since to Amad Marcar [Ahmad Maraikkar] to buy cloth
for me and 4 dayes since I went to demand my cloth who
denied it and say'd hee stopt my money on account of the
last voyage my Ship made who by Contract was to go to
Atcheen or Quedah ; but the ship falling in with Junckse-
loan and being in want of wood and water they touched
there ; and when they were there the Master in two days
had gott what he wanted and would have proceed[ed] the
voyage to Quedah but Amad Marcars [Ahmad Maraikkar]
Servant intreated him to stay there of which I can produce
severall witnesses but the Ship staying there and his goods
comeing to a bad market ; hee demands the loss of mee
which caused our falling out and one of his Servants talking
and telling severall Impudent Lyes I Stroke him being in
the Companys Factory on which Amood Marcar [Ahmad
Maraikkar] went to the avaldar and haveing ^c^d him with
50 Pagodas I was sent for I being in the P'actory denied to
go to him till he promised 1 should returne Immediately;
XXXll INTRODUCTION
who contrary to his word has Kept me this Three dayes
with a pair of Irons on my Leggs and putts mee in his
peons Cookroom for a Prison and my servants and also
ChiUimbrum [Chilambaram] desired [? denied] to come to
mee hee now demanding unjustly 1300 Pagodas for 100
slaves which Amad Marcar has told him went on my Ship
without custome paying ; which they say I must pay ; or
else produce the owner of the Slaves ; who is Meer Cung
Marcar [Mir Jang (?) Maraikkar] who they all Know very
well and that hee now lives at Chiali out of their Reach but
they say if I cannot produce him I must pay the money
which Justice I referr you to Judge of, this is the Chiefe
thing they demand now ; Saying it is the diwans and must
bee paid first, but when that is paid they say there is other
accounts to make with mee for Amood Marcars loss on his
goods and Meer Cungs loss on his Slaves ; although I have
cleared what Meer Cung by Law in Trincumbar {?] haveing
recovered 600 Pagodas of him all which they say 1 must
pay they Intending to ruine mee, they haveing mee now in
their hands I therefore desire and entreat you would please
to order Some person down here and give mee your assist-
ance to clear mee out of their hands, which unless some-
body comes will not bee done by Letters ; although the
Subidar is willing to release mee and has ordered the
Avaldar not to lett mee bee kept in Irons ; yett contrary to
his order I am and I fear I shall bee still unless assisted by
your[self or] one of the Councills comeing here with the
Chiefe dubash for the Avaldar I am \^portion damaged']
inveterate against mee for ChiUimbrum speaking for mee ;
and Amad Marcar tells them I am a run away ; and no
[one] will Protect mee ; that they may do what they please
with mee without fear and ther[efore] as you are my
Countrey men and I hope friends and also by my Pro-
tection which I have granted from the Honble. Company
I hope and humbly desire your speedy assistance I have
not been permitted pen and paper else should have wrote
sooner I being treated at the rate of a Murtherer they sent
Peons on board my Ship yesterday to unhang her Rudder
4 .-«
INTRODUCTION XXXIU
but my mate would not permitt them which is all at present
being not in a Condition of Presenting my Service to you
but remaine
Sirs Your Most humble Servant that would bee ;
but at present weighed down with Irons
Thomas Bowry.
I would enlarge but my Keepers comeing in I cannot,
I hear Amad Marcar has got leave of the Avaldar to go on
board my Ship to day with his people to unhang their
rudder ; hee saying hee intends to have the Ship. Since
your Letter came last night to the Subidar to release mee
I have been used worse than before."
" Porto Novo, the 14th May 1687.
Mr. Davis,
Honoured Sir,
Since my letter which I wrot this morning I under-
stand that this night came a letter to the Subidar and
Avaldar from Nulla Buckoor Marcar [Nalla Bakr (?) Mara-
ikkar] who is at Trimlevass [Tirumalvasal ?] who advices
them that they have done very ill in Imprisoning mee ;
and that by your assistance it may bring a great deal of
trouble on them and also advices them that I am not in
fault ; the Slaves which went on my ship not being mine
and therefore no reason I should pay the Custome and
severall other arguments hee uses to them to clear mee but
the Avaldar haveing taken a fee hee prosecuts the Chulea*
Amad Marcars revenge on mee to the \j>ortion damaged]
Except they would murther mee I understand these things
from one of the Avaldar's Servants who is always near
him I haveing bribed him to acquaint mee with Passages ;
but I hope in God 1 shall have a time to have my satis-
facson for Amad Marcar for his makeing mee wear
Irons &ca.
Sir,
Your Most humble Servant in Affliction
Thomas Bowry."
^ Madras Muhammadan. See note on p. 256.
T. c
XXXIV INTRODUCTION
The Council at Fort St George did not trouble much
about the misfortunes of a "free merchant," and left the
settlement of the affair to the Company's servants at
Cuddalore. On the 27th May Mr Davis and Council wrote
again.
" Cuddalore, the 27th May 1687.
To
The Honble. William Gyfford Esqr. &ca.
HONBLE. Sir &ca.
Wee have received yours of the 21st Currant...
Mr. Bowrys bussiness is Referred by him and the diwan to
us and wee have obliged Mr. Bowry to deliver us his Bond
for pagodas 10,000 to Indemnifie the Right Honble. Com-
panys Affaires from all demands that Shall bee lawfully
made against him which believe will not bee [many] ; hee
haveing given Sufficient Testimony to clear himself as
noted in \^portion damaged^ (to which Referr) which Shall
bee Remitted you Therefore think it but Reasonable that
Satisfaceon bee required of the Diwan for the abuse offered
us ; in the Imprisoning Mr. Bowrey in that barberous
man[ner and] unlawfully for if this bee passed by, they will
upon all occations abuse the Right Honble. Companys
Servants in the like manner. So that wee Shall live in no
Security but in fear of the diwan to the Right Honble.
Companys prejudice ; therefore desire you will please to
order (which you have not in your last) Mr. Mansfen
haveing acquainted you Mr. Bowrys Release how wee shall
proceed in any bussiness of the like nature for the future;
to waite your orders for it then may endanger our lives by
their barberous usage and to take satisfacson for it after-
wards would bee but a poor redress to the Sufferers; for
tho Mr. Bowry was to blame in Striking Amad Mercawns
Servant with whom the difference was as all others would bee
that should do the like to any of the diwans people being
Obliged to appeale to those that have the Authority of
writing them and not to do it themselves which shall by
\
\
INTRODUCTION XXXV
noe means tollerate for prevention of disturbance, yet not
so much considering the provocation given him as to be so
rigorously dealt with by the diwans people which is by noe
means to bee allow'd for the reason aforesaid but they bee
obliged to appeal to us for Satisfaceon for any Injuries
done by our people and not to wright themselves upon
paine of answering the abuse ; wee have been Something
the larger on this Subject considering how much it Imports
us which hope you will please to excuse....
Honble. Sir &ca.
Your Most humble Servants
John Davis
Ralph Ingram
Chr. Wilson.'*
In the letter **of the 2ist Currant" referred to in the
above, the Council at Fort St George had thus expressed
their opinion with regard to Captain Bowrey's conduct in
the affair at Porto Novo\ "Mr. Bo wry was very much too
blame to strike any Merchant especially in the Factory
and sure enough he ought to have made his applications to
you upon any difference with the natives and not to have
done him selfe Justice and were it not indeed for the
honour of our nation and that the Subador might hereafter
presume to do the same to any of the Right Honble.
Companys own immediate Servants you might justly have
left him to have sought his own remidy but upon the afore-
said consideration you did well to endeavour his rescue and
but that we hear from Mr. Mastin [? Mansfen] that he is
allready released wee should have given you further order
and direction about itt, however when he comes hither wee
shall call him to account for his irreguler actions, in the
mean time wee would not have you omitt to take such
a bond from him as you mention to indemnifie the Right
Honble. Company from any demands of the Government
upon his account."
* Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 20.
c 2
XXXvi INTRODUCTION
Captain Bowrey must have been released from con-
finement about the 20th May, 1687, for he reached Fort
St George on the Borneo Merchant on the 25th of the
month, and on the 2nd of June he sailed again for Achin,
which place he reached without further impediments
On the 4th June, 1687, the Council at Fort St George
in a letter to Cuddalore again referred to the Bowrey
affair*-^. " As to Mr. Bowrys case wee must needs say the
abuse was not only to him but to the Right Honble.
Company and therefore had wee power and were it con-
venient for us in respect of our concernes wee should right
our Selves in the same manner and fetch the Governour
himself and put him in Irons as hee did Mr. Bowry
without cause or att least before he had made his com-
plaint of himselfe or his people receiving any wrong from
said Mr. Bowry but as the case stands wee must only
make our complaint to the Cheife Sobadar or to the King
himselfe (if hee the Sobadar will not doe wright)...wee
shall consider what to doe afterwards if wee have not
Satisfaction."
From this letter it appears as if Bowrey, on his return,
had enlisted the sympathy of the Council, and that if he
had been "called to account" he had managed to make^
out a good case for himself. However, with Bowrey's
departure for Achin, the Council's sympathy on his behalf
quickly cooled down, and whether he ever obtained sub-
stantial satisfaction for his imprisonment is doubtful. On
the 30th July, the Council at Fort St George wrote to
Cuddalore, " Mr. Bowreys action against Amord Mercawne
is withdrawne from our Court, appearing more of heat
then matter and the attacht goods discharged ^" The
servants at Cuddalore were, however, anxious to uphold
their dignity with the native governor, and the affair was
still in abeyance in August, 1687. As the '* attacht goods'*
were "discharged,*' Bowrey appears only to have suffered
personal inconvenience and not financial loss.
^ Factory Records ^ Fort St George, No. 4. * /^-^
3 ibid. No. 3a
INTRODUCTION XXXvil
When he left Achin, Captain Bowrey went to Bengal.
This was his third recorded visit to that province^ On
the 23rd August, 1687, Captain Nicholson of the Beaufort
wrote to Job Charnock, the Company's Agent, " This day
the Borneo Merchant Captain Bowrey anchored of this
place, he came from Acheen, he put in here [Hijili] to see
if we had any advices to send to the Fort, which is all his
business, I advised him to come up and acquaint your
worship*/* On the 26th August Job Charnock and Council
at Bengal wrote to President Gyfford at Fort St George
giving an account of the taking of the Ketch Good Hope^
which had been " Ordered down into the Bay with 2 months
provisions to ly there as a guard ship/' The taking of
the vessel " came but to our knowledge within these 2 days,
by Captain Bowry who brought along with him the Master
of the said Ketch from Acheen, his name is Samuell Heron
Brother to Captain George Heron, both of them Pilots in
the Right Honble. Companys service." This unfortunate
man had arrived in Balasor Road on the ist May. "On
the 2nd May was overpowered by a gang of the crew who
kept him in irons for 6 weeks when they put him in
a Prow on the Coast of Sumatra with 5 daies provision...
In 15 he arrived at Acheen where he mett with this
[Captain Bowrey's] conveyance'." The letter containing
this account was entrusted to Captain Bowrey, who reached
Fort St George on the 23rd September, 1687*.
This was Bowrey's last voyage on the Borneo Merchant,
On the 4th October the vessel, together with the Com-
pany's ship the Loy all Adventure y was lost in a storm at
Fort St George. The Borneo Merchant was driven ashore
and " bilged into shatters'." No lives appear to have been
lost. It was at this time, after his return from Bengal,
that Bowrey drew his chart of the Hugli, which is re-
produced in this volume^ His chart of Formosa was also
drawn in the same year.
^ See pp. 152 and 172 of this vol.
' Factory Records ^ Hugli, No. 11.
3 Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 30. * ibid. No. 21.
* O.C, 13th October, 1687. * See p. 172.
xxxviii INTRODUCTION
We have now reached the final stages of our author's
life in India. The Borneo Merchant was replaced by the
Frances^ on which, in spite of his former unpleasant ex-
perience, Bowrey sailed to Porto Novo early in 1688. On
the 4th March he was back again at Fort St George\
On the loth of the month he sailed for Achin, and there
Dampier found him living in his own house. The follow-
ing is the great traveller's account of his relations with
Bowrey: — "When I was a little recover'd...! made a shift
to go abroad ; and having been kindly invited to Captain
Bowry's House there [in Achin], my first visit was to him,
who had a Ship in the Road, but lived ashore. This
Gentleman was extraordinary kind to us all, particularly
to me, and importuned me to go his Boatswain to Persia ;
whither he was bound, with a design to sell his Ship
there ; as I was told, tho not by himself From thence
he intended to pass with the Caravan to Aleppo, and so
home for England. His business required him to stay
some time longer at Achin ; I judge, to sell some com-
modities, that he had not yet disposed of Yet he chose
rather to leave the disposal of them to some Merchant
there ; and make a short trip to the Nicobar Islands in
the mean time, and on his return to take in his effects,
and so proceed towards Persia. This was a sudden re-
solution of Captain Bowry's, presently after the arrival of
a small Frigot from Siam, with an Ambassador from the
King of Siam, to the Queen of Achin. The Ambassador
was a Frenchman by nation. The Vessel that he came
in was but small, yet very well mann'd, and fitted for
a fight. Therefore it was generally supposed here, that
Captain Bowry was afraid to lye in Achin Road, because
the Siamers were now at Wars with the English, and
he was not able to defend his Ship, if he should be
attackt by them.
" But whatever made him think of going to the Nicobar
Islands, he provided to sail ; and took me, Mr. Hall, and
Ambrose with him : tho all of us so sick and weak that
^ Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 5.
INTRODUCTION XXXIX
we could do him no service. It was some time about the
beginning of June when we sailed out of Achin Road ;
but we met with the Wind at N.W. with turbulent weather,
which forced us back again in 2 days time. Yet he gave
us each 12 Mess^ a piece, a Gold Coyn, each of which
is about the value of 1 5 pence English. So he gave over
that design : and some English Ships coming into Achin
Road, he was not afraid of the Siamers who lay there.
, " After this, he again invited me to his House at Achin,
and treated me always with Wine and good Cheer, and
still importuned me to go with him to Persia : but I being
very weak, and fearing the Westerly Winds would create
a great deal of trouble, did not give him a positive answer :
especially because I thought I might get a better Voyage
in the English Ships newly arrived, or some others now
expected here. It was this Captain Bowry who sent the
Letter from Borneo directed to the Chief of the English
Factory at Mindanao... ^" The letter here referred to was
written by Captain Bowrey when he was at Borneo in
1687, and seen by Dampier at Mindanao in the Philippine
Islands. He says*, "Some of our men... bought a Canoa,
and designed to go in her to Borneo : for not long before
a Mindanao Vessel came from thence, and brought a Letter
directed to the Chief of the English Factory at Mindanao.
This Letter the General would have Captain Swan have
opened, but he thought it might come from some of the
East India Merchants, whose Affairs he would not inter-
meddle with, and therefore did not open it. I since met
with Captain Bowry at Achin, and telling him this story,
he said that he sent that Letter, supposing that the
English were settled there at Mindanao, and by this
Letter we also thought that there was an English Factory
at Borneo : so here was a mistake on both sides."
In spite of his expressed intention to go to Persia,
Bowrey ultimately changed his mind, and, as in the pre-
vious year, on leaving Achin, went to Bengal. At the end
^ See note on p. 1 1 5 of this vol.
* Dampier, Voyages^ vol. i. p. 503 f. ^ ibid, p. 370.
xl INTRODUCTION
of September he returned once more to Fort St George
on the Frances^ bringing the " Bengali and Bencolen
Generalise" He also brought news of the massacre of
the English at Mergui, the detention of his own and other
English ships, and his subsequent escape. These matters
are referred to in a letter from the Council at Fort St
George to the English Ambassador, Sir William Norris,
under date 29th September, 1688', "This instant arrived
here Captain Thomas Bowery from Atchein via Bengali
who acquainted us he left Mr. John Hill and severall
there upon the Pearle frigatt we sent in September last
on the Merge Expedition who were ever Since detained
there and att Siam but by what accident or Strataguem
he got free we cannot learne having noe letter from them
only Mr. Bowery tells us he heard Mr. Hodges with near
100 more English men detained prisoners att Siam and
Severely treated..."
In this last voyage Bowrey had probably realized most
of his property. At any rate, his stay at Fort St George
was very short. On the 20th October, 1688, he sailed for
England on the Bengali Merchant under the command of
Captain William Pearse^ The voyage was a long one,
and Bowrey employed his time in collecting the materials
for his Dictionary of English and Malay 0, published
in 1701*.
The next reference to Captain Bowrey is in the Home
Records on the 29th November, 1689, when the Court of
Directors ordered ;^ioo to be paid to 'Captain Thomas
Bowrey in part of a farther sum due to him from the
Company,'* and again on the 24th March, 1690, ** It being
represented to the Court that two Cannisters of Tea
belonging to Captain Bowry were put up at the Companys
Sale and did not go off. It is ordered that the Said Com-
modities be delivered him he paying the Companys Duties
according to the rate they were put up at." On the 31st
March there is another entry ordering the account of raw
1 Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 5. ^ ibid. No. 21.
' ibid. No. 5. * See the Preface to the Dictionary.
INTRODUCTION xli
silk brought home on the Rochester for Captain Thomas
Bowry to be stated \
Our author had now time and means to settle down
in comfort in his native land. In the Marriage Licences
issued by the Vicar General of the Archbishop of
Canterbury^ we find, "September 14th 1691. Thomas
Bowrey of Greenwich, Kent, Merchant, Bachelor, about 31
and Mary Gardiner, of the same, Spinster, about 20, with
her father's consent; at St. Mary Magdalen, Old Fish
Street, London, or [ ]." Were it not for the "about,''
the age of the bridegroom would constitute a serious
difficulty, for, even allowing that Bowrey was only seven-
teen when he sailed for India in 1668, he would have been
forty-one at the time of his marriage. The marriage did
not take place at St Mary Magdalen, Old Fish Street,
but in the Parish Church of Lee, Blackheath, on the
17th September, 1691^
Whether Thomas Bowrey went to sea again after his
marriage is uncertain. If he made no more voyages, his
knowledge of the Coast of Africa, embodied in the "MS
Book in a Green Cover," bequeathed to the East India
Company, must have been acquired during his journeys
to and from India. At the same time it seems highly
probable that his " Manuscript book of draughts and di-
scriptions of the Coasts of America," bequeathed to the
South Sea Company, was the product of personal obser-
vation, and if the Dictionary of the Hudson's Bay Language
(bound up with one copy of the Dictionary of English and
Malayd) were really the work of Bowrey, then he must
also have voyaged to North America. From the date of
his marriage until the early part of 1699 I can find no
mention of him (except in 1694, 1695 and 1696 as a holder
of East India Stock*), so that whether he was voyaging
abroad or trading at home must be left to conjecture.
* Court Book, No. 35.
* Harleian Society s Publications, vol. xxxi.
3 The marriage is entered in the Registers of Lee Church, Black-
heath, and I am indebted to the Rev. E. Louis C. Clapton for a copy
of the entry. * Home Series, Miscellaneous, No. 2.
xlii INTRODUCTION
In February, 1699, the Court of Directors debated the
wisdom of a Settlement in the " South Seas/' i.e. the East
Indian Islands, and "Captain Rossey and Captain Bowrey
who had been in those parts were called in and discoursed
at large about their knowledge of what may probably be
done by a settlement there." The two Captains "delivered
in a Proposall '* concerning the Settlement, which the
Court at first seemed inclined to adopt, but eventually
adjourned "the furthur debate thereof," and there is no
later reference to the matter^
At this time Bowrey must have been fully occupied
with his Dictionary of English and Malay 0, a work on
which he expended infinite pains, and which was produced
in 1 701 ; after its publication, there is again a gap of five
years in the author's life. In 1706 Bowrey turns up again
as an acquaintance of Peter Briggins^ through whom
the 1669 — 1679 MS. came to its present owner. On the
22nd October, 1706, there is an entry in the diary of
Peter Briggins^ of the receipt of a half-year's rent from
Captain Bowrey. All through 1707 and 1708 there are
frequent notes of meetings between the two men, e,g. "Went
to the Garter Cofife hous to meet Capt. Bowry...Met Capt.
Bowry and Sold Share A Old India bond for 210 premio...
Went to Change to look for Rickits and Capt. Bowry...
Received of Capt. Bowry ^ years Rent." The fact that
Peter Briggins was a holder of East India Stock may have
led to his acquaintance with Thomas Bowrey, or, more pro-
bably, the house occupied by the Bowreys in Wellclose (or
Marine) Square, Stepney, was owned by Peter Briggins.
Although his roving days were over, Captain Bowrey
still took an active interest in the East India trade. On
the 28th July, 1708, we find in the Court Book^ the
following entry, "Sir Thos. Cooke, Sir Gilbert Heathcote,
Mr. Shepheard, Mr. Moore or any two of them to discourse
with Capt. Bowry touching some Proposalls he offers to
^ Court Book., No. 37 A. 2 ggg Eliot Papers.
3 These diaries are in the possession of Mr Eliot Howard, the
owner of the MS. * No. 43.
INTRODUCTION xliii
communicate concerning the East India Trade and make
report." There is no record as to whether these " Pro-
posals" were adopted. That Bowrey's interest in the
shipping trade of his country suffered no diminution as
time went on is proved by the fact that in 171 1 he de-
livered to the Lord High Treasurer a *'Proposall for taking
Baldivia in the South Seas " and a " Proposall for Settle-
ment in the way to the South Seas^" These "Proposalls"
were dated from Marine Square, Stepney, the 10th and
nth September, 171 1. In the first Bowrey described the
coasts of Chili and Peru, their climate, productions,
harbours, etc. In support of his suggestion he urged,
" Baldivia produces the most gold of any Place on the
South Seas and it being a cold country may be probably
brought to Vend large quantities of our Woollen Manu-
factures to the Natives more than Peru which is a moderate
or rather hot Climate." In support of the second '* Pro-
posall " Bowrey declared that it was absolutely necessary
to secure some harbour between " Rio de Plata and the
Straits of Magellan for the Refreshment of our men &c."
On the 28th February, 17 12, Captain Thomas Bowrey
again wrote from Marine Square* urging the Committee
of Directors of the South Sea Company that the time was
appropriate for a voyage to the South Seas, and again
emphasizing the need of finding a port for refreshment.
His insistent eagerness about the matter lends weight to
the supposition that he had himself voyaged to the coasts
of America and had felt the want of the ** port for refresh-
ment" that he advocated. There is no record of any
answer to Bowrey*s " Proposalls " nor of any further corre-
spondence between him and the South Sea Company.
Possibly he was disgusted with the want of appreciation of
his efforts towards the promotion of trade.
At this time Bowrey was still paying rent regularly to
Peter Briggins and meeting him socially, but after the
15 th October, 17 12, there is no reference to Captain Bowrey
in the Diary of Peter Briggins until the 5th March, 171 3,
1 British Museum, Add, MS, 28,140, fF. 31 — 33. * ibid.
xliv INTRODUCTION
when the following entry occurs, "In the Morning at
Captain Bowrys...in the Evening at the Insuerance office
about Capt. Bowrys Affaire." On the nth March is a
similar entry. The Captain was most likely unable to
execute any business personally, and consequently left the
" insuerance " to his friend. On the day of Peter Briggins'
last visit, the i ith March, Thomas Bowrey signed his will.
Three days later he was buried in the same Church in
which he had been married twenty-one and a half years
before\ His will^ was proved on the i6th of the month
by his widow Mary Bowrey. Legal formalities were
managed with more expedition in the i8th than in the
20th century !
In his will Thomas Bowrey describes himself as of
Wellclose Square, Stepney. He leaves his wife Mary
Bowrey sole executrix. The most important portions of
the document are the following : — " I give and bequeath
unto the United East India Company my Manuscript
Book in a Green Cover containing a description of the
Coast of Africa Etcetera supposing that if they print the
same (all except the Scheme for a settlement^ and part of
the Preface) it will be of use to their Shipping and Servants
in India Item I give and Bequeath to the South Sea
Company my Manuscript Book of draughts and discriptions
of the Coasts of America Item I give and bequeath unto
my Cousin Thomas Studds the summe of Fifty pounds of
lawfull money of Great Britain and also all my wearing
apparell Sword Books (Except such as my Executrix
aforesaid shall keep for her own use) Journalls and Maps
and also Five pounds for mourning and a Twenty Shilling
ring... Item I give and bequeath unto the poor seamen
of the Harnlett of Wapping Stepney in the County of
Middlesex the summe of Ten pounds of lawfull money of
Great Britain to be given and distributed by my Executrix
aforesaid as she shall think most charitable and with a
^ Parish Registers of St Margaret's Church, Lee, Blackheath.
2 Wills, Somerset House, Luds^ fol. 53.
^ This may be the " Settlement " referred to on p. xlii
INTRODUCTION xlv
particular regard to such as have been at East India Item
I give and bequeath unto poor seamen of the Parish of
Saint John Wapping in the County of Middlesex the
summe of Ten pounds of lawfull money of Great Britain
to be given and distributed by my Executrix aforenamed
as she shall think most charitable and with a particular
regard to such as have been at East India and therein to
devise with my good Freind Mr John Russell the present
minister of the said Parish to whom I give and bequeath a
Twenty Shilling ring."
During the first six months after Captain Bowrey*s
death, the widow received much material assistance in her
business affairs from Peter Briggins, and (as remarked
above) it seems only reasonable to conjecture that the MS.
which forms the present work was given to him as an
acknowledgment of his many services. At the time of
his death Captain Bowrey either owned or rented the
" King's Head Inn in South wark." Briggins arranged
"about insuering the Same for Widow Bowry/' and in
his will, dated 14th July, 1714^, he says he has lately
bought the "Ground Rent of the King's Head Inn,
Borrough,'* in which the widow Bowrey had a leasehold
interest. This inn was owned by a descendant of Peter
Briggins till within a few years ago.
Mary Bowrey, " widow of Captain Bowrey from Well-
close, near Wapping," was buried with her husband on the
2Sth May, 17 15*. Her will is dated 28th April, 1715,
and was proved by her mother, Frances Gardiner, on the
4th June^ She described herself as of " Marine Square in
the parish of Stepney, alias Stebunheath/* so it seems as if
Marine Square and Wellclose Square were synonymous.
She desired to be " decently buried in the Vault wherein
my dearly beloved husband Captain Bowrey is laid in the
Church yard of the Parish Church in the County of Kent
And my Will is that my Executrix hereafter named doe
* Wills at Somerset House, Z//^/y, fol. 53.
2 Parish Registers of St Margaret's Church, Lee, Blackheath.
3 Wills at Somerset House.
xlvi INTRODUCTION
bury me in the same devout private manner as my said
late husband was buryed and that She doe in some con-
venient time after my death Expend the Summe of ;£^200
in a Monument to be Erected in remembrance of me and
to be placed on or near the vault And I give unto my
good Friend Mrs Hannah Lockard the summe of five
pounds and a gold ring of the value of twenty shillings to
Supervise the erecting of the said monument She having
promised me so to doe."
Unfortunately, time has obliterated the inscription on
the monument and it is impossible to distinguish it from
many others in the same Churchyard, all in an equal state
of decay. Mary Bowrey left to her mother Frances Gardiner
"The Inn in the Burrough of Southwarke commonly called
or knowne by the name or Signe of the Old King Harrys
head " for the term left to run ; she also left to her mother
her farm in Chapton Magna, Essex, yearly value £'^^2, There
were various other legacies amounting to nearly ;£^iooo.
Her charitable bequests were as follows: — She left ;£^ioo
"in charity amongst poor decayed Seamen or Seamens
widows... a particular regard to be had to such Seamen
as have used the East India trade or Navigation or their
widows, my said dearly beloved Husband having gott or
improved his Fortune in the world by that Trade." She
desired that her Stock in the South Sea Company, her
houses in Goodman's Fields and the rest of her property
should be sold, and the money placed out at Interest (after
the payment of her debts and legacies) for her mother s
benefit ; but after the death of her mother Frances Gardiner,
Captain Hugh Raymond and John Hungerford of Lincoln's
Inn were to be trustees for the property. " My will and
mind is that my said Trustees... do with all convenient
speed after the death of my said Mother with such part of
the said residue of my present estate as shall be requisite
for that purpose, purchase the Inheritance of a convenient
piece of Ground in some place between Stepney Church
and Bow in the County of Middlesex and build such a
number of Almshouses thereon as they shall Estimate and
INTRODUCTION xlvii
Judge the said residue of my personal Estate to them
devised for that purpose will be sufficient to build and
endow with a convenient Maintenance for the poor people
to be placed therein And I do hereby direct and
Order that the poor persons Men or Women to be placed
in the said Almshouses be such as have been bred up
to the Sea and past their labour and that the women be
such likewise as are past their Labour and be the Widows
of Seamen. And my Will and Mind is That my said
Trustees and the Survivor of them doe cause such writeing
or Inscription to be made upon the said Alms Houses as
may perpetuate the Memory of my said dear Husband
and me." After the death of the trustees the recipients
of the charity were to be nominated by the Minister and
Churchwardens of the parish of Stepney. The trustees
were to receive ;£'40 each for their trouble. Frances
Gardiner was made Executrix and the two trustees were
to be representatives of Mary Bowrey after her mother's
death. Mr Hungerford was requested to assist Mrs
Gardiner " and to continue the same friendly regard for
her which he did always Show to me and my said
Husband."
Captain Hugh Raymond, one of the trustees, com-
manded the Duchess 1702 — 1705 on a voyage to and from
Calcutta, and again 1705 — 1708 on a voyage to and from
Fort St George. From 1709 — 17 12 he was in command of
the Bouverie, also on a voyage to Fort St George. After
that date he appears to have settled down at home. He
was in London in October, 17 14.
John Hungerford was the Company's legal adviser, and
was elected to be their "Standing Counsell" in 1713.
Frances Gardiner died in 1728 and there was a second
administration of Mary Bowrey's estate in July of that
year. But the trustees were evidently in no hurry to carry
out the terms of the will, and the parish of Stepney was
compelled to institute a Chancery Suit in order to enforce
the establishment of the Charity. A decree was obtained
in 1740. Four years later the trustees purchased a piece
xlviii INTRODUCTION
of ground on the south side of the (then Bow, now) London
Road, and built eight almshouses, one for each hamlet, and
a committee room in the centre, over which was a " neat
tablet^" with the following inscription :— -
"These Almshouses were built A.D. 1744 Under the
will of Mrs Mary Bowrey The relict of Captain Thomas
Bowrey for poor Seamen and their Widows of Ratcliff,
Poplar, Bethnal Green, Mile End Old Town, Mile End
New Town, St. George, St. Anne, Christ Church."
Dunstan, writing of the Bowrey Charity in 1862, says,
" Of late years the occupation has been confined to
seamen's widows each of whom receives the small pittance
of 14/- a (calendar) month and one ton of coals a year^'*
In 1878 the site of the almshouses was sold for £2700^
and the money was invested in Three Per Cent. Annuities,
which produce ;^ 1 67. 18^.4^. per annum. The income is
administered by the Rector of Stepney and the church-
wardens of the other parishes mentioned in the inscription,
and is applied for the benefit of eight widows, of the
average age of 69, who each receive £21, \2s, per annum
and £2 per annum for coals^
IV. OTHER WORKS BY THE AUTHOR OF THE
1669 — 1679 ^S.
That Thomas Bowrey was the author of two " Manu-
script Books" besides the one contained in this volume,
as well as other * Maps and Journalls " we know from the
fact that they are specified in his will. Of these, no trace
can be found with the exception of twelve charts, now in
the MS. Department of the British Museum*.
These charts are (with the exception of No. 8, repro-
duced in this volume opposite page 172) of no great value,
^ See Lysons' Environs of London^ I795> vol. iii. p. 486 f.
2 See Dunstan's History of the Parish of Bromley St Leonard's^ 1 862.
3 See pamphlet entitled Endowed Charities (County of London),
Parish of Limehouse, St Anne, 1895, PP* 3> 4> ^1*
* Sloane^ 5222, Nos. 6 — 17.
INTRODUCTION xlix
but they are of interest as showing the many places visited
by T. B. during his sojourn in India. The similarity of the
writing to that of the 1669 — 1679 MS. also serves as an
additional proof of the identity of T. B. with Thomas
Bowrey. Nos. 7, 9, 10, 11 and 12 are unsigned, but the
writing is the same as in the seven that are signed by
Thomas Bowrey. The five unsigned charts are: —
No. 7. *' Phillipines and Formosa."
No. 9. " Mindanao.'* There is no record to show when
Bowrey visited these Islands, but, if he ever went there, it
must have been just before his return to England, for, in
1687, as already stated*, he wrote from Borneo to Mindanao
under the impression that there was an English factory in
the latter place.
No. 10. "A chart of the Straits of Sincapura," drawn
on a scale of 8 inches to a degree, i ft. 10 in. by i ft. 4 in.
This chart is coloured. It shows "Sincapura" and the
Straits of " Sincapura," " the Peick of Johr and The Point
of Johr," between which " Here is good masts easy to come
by." On an island in the Straits of " Sincapura " is the
remark, **on this Island is Cock and Hens wild and Deer."
On another point we read, ** Here is roebucks."
No. II. "A chart of the south coast of the western leg
of the island of Selebes, with the west coast of the island
Zeyllyer (Salayer) drawn about 1680," on a scale of 1 1 inches
to a degree. 16 ft. 7 in. by i ft. 5 in. This chart is also
coloured and gilt. The date, 1680, if correct, is the earliest
mention of Bowrey in India.
No. 12. "Chart of the coast of Australia and Van
Diemen*s Land with the islands south of the line " : the
track of Abel Tasman's voyage in 1642 is marked out.
2 ft. 8 in. by i ft. 9 in. The remark, " These Islands was
taken out of the Journall of William Shoutens," seems to
indicate that this chart is a copy.
The earliest of the signed charts is No. 17. It is
" A chart of the island of Zeyloan, with the opposite coast
of the Camatic." 3 ft. by 2 ft. 4 in. It contains ** The
* See p. xxxix.
T. ^
1 INTRODUCTION
Island Zeyloan " and "The Bay of Totecoryn, Made by me
Thos. Bowrey. Anno Dom : 1681."
The next in order of date is No. 13, "A chart of the
coast of Tenasserim from 9° 30' to 14° 30' north, with the
Andaman and Nicobar Isles, drawn by Thomas Bowrey, in
Madapollam, Dec. i, 1682/' 2 ft. 10 in. by 2 ft. 4 in. Bowrey
must have become well acquainted with this coast during
his voyages to Junkceylon, Kedah and Achin in 1675, 1676
and 1677, as described in the MS.
No. 15 is **A chart of the Persian Gulf made by
Thomas Bowrey in 1685 " ; drawn on a scale of 6 inches
to a degree. 2 ft. 4 in. by i ft. 8 in. We have no record as
to whether Bowrey visited Persia in 1685, but we know
from the MS.^ that he went there between 1669 and 1679.
No. 14 is a copy. It is " A chart of Amoy Bay, on the
coast of China, between 23° 50' and 24° 30' north, with the
isle of Amoy, and part of the isle of Quenoy ; drawn by
Thos. Bowrey in Fort St. George, 1686; copied from a
chart made by J. N., in Dec. 1676." 2 ft. 7 in. by i ft. 8 in.
There is a remark about the soundings which concludes : —
"Aboard the Advice Pinke December the 20th 1676: By
J: N:" This J.N. was Captain John Nicholson, com-
mander of one of the Company's ships. In March, 1676,
he was sent from Bantam to Batavia with the Advice Pink.
In April he was ordered to sail for Tywan and Amoy, and
he received his dispatch on the 24th May, 1676I His stay
at the Chinese port was probably of some duration, and it
was at this time that he drew the chart from which Bowrey
made his copy.
No. 16 is " A large chart of the Island of Formosa with
the Pescadores, and part of the opposite coast of China,
drawn by Thomas Bowrey, 1687." 2 ft. 6 in. by 2 ft. 6 in.
Whether this is a copy or drawn from personal observation
there is no evidence to show.
No. 8, "A chart of the river of Hugly, drawn by
Thomas Bowrey in Fort St. George, 1687 " (2 ft. 6 in.
by I ft. 8 in.), is by far the most valuable in this collection.
^ See p. 216. 2 Factory Records^ Java, No. 6.
INTRODUCTION li
There are many interesting points in it These have, how-
ever, been ably dealt with by Yule in Hedges' Diary \
where nearly all the names marked in Bowrey's map are
given with their history and correct spelling. Six names
only of those found in Bowrey's chart are omitted by Yule.
These are, on the right bank, Salt river, Norricoel, Hanch-
parra. Lords Trees and Tody Trees ; and, on the left bank,
Bowl Punch Tree.
The last chart in the series is No. 6, " A chart of the
north coast of Java, shewing the situations of Batavia and
Bantam; drawn by Thomas Bowrey, in 1700." 2 ft. 6 in.
by I ft. 4 in. This must have been drawn in England
after Bowrey's return, and was probably reproduced from
sketches made while in India.
Thomas Bowrey's only published work is his Dictionary
of English and Malayo. There are two copies^ of the work
in the Library at the British Museum, one copy from the
George III. Library, and the other, a duplicate, marked
"date of acquirement 1798." The book is entitled "A
Dictionary English and Malay, Malayo and English. To
which is added some short Grammar Rules and Directions
for the better Observation of the Propriety and Elegancy
of this Language. And Also Several Miscellanies, Dia-
logues, and Letters, in English and Malayo for the learners
better understanding the Expressions of the Malayo
Tongue. Together with A Table of Time, computing the
Years and Moons of the Hegira to the Years and Months
of the English Stile, which Table will serve in the Malayo
Country, all the South-Sea-Islands, India, Turkey, Arabia,
Morocco, and generally in all Mahometan Countries. To
which is annex'd, The Malay Alphabet, with a Specimen
of the Character. By Thomas Bowrey."
In the preface Thomas Bowrey says, " I am to tell you,
that by nineteen years continuance' in East-India wholly
spent in Navigation and Trading in most places of those
^ Vol. iii. pp. 117 — 220.
Press tnarks^ 68 . c . 12 and 1 2907 . dd . 13.
Hi INTRODUCTION
Countries, and much of that time in the Malayo Countries,
Sumatra, Borneo, Bantam, Batavia, and other parts of Java,
by my Conversation and Trading with the Inhabitants
of which places, I did Furnish my self with so much of
the Malayo Language as did enable me to negociate my
Affairs, and Converse with those people without the assist-
ance of a prevaricating interpreter, as they commonly are.
** In the year one thousand six hundred and eighty
eight, I embarked at Fort St. George, as a passenger on
the Bangala Merchant, bound for England, which proving
a long Voyage, and I being out of Imployment, did at my
leisure time set down all that came into my Memory of the
Malayo Language, which together with some helps that
I have attained since, has furnished me with so much of
that Language, as I think may be of great use to Trade
and Conversation in the Malayo Country, or any of the
South-Sea-Islands, in which Countries so great a part of
the Trade of India is negociated and capable of being
much Improved, especially to this Nation, who I hope will
not be unmindful of so Valuable a part of that Trade;
but as we may by convenient Settlements in those Southern
Seas share with the Dutch, the Profits thereof; and I finding
so very few English Men that have attained any tollerable
Knowledge in the Malayo Tongue, so absolutely necessary
to Trade in those Southern Seas, and that there is no Book
of this kind published in English, to help the attaining that
Language; These Considerations, I say, has imboldened
me to Publish the insuing Dictionary, which I am sensible
has many imperfections, I having had very little help to
assist me, and not having had the opportunity of Con-
versation with any Malayo, since I begun this Work, nor
in several years before I do not question but any
ingenious Reader, upon perusing the following work, and
considering that there was no Book of this kind extant in
English to assist me, together with the little other help
I had in it, but will in some measure be sensible of the
great Labour I had in reducing the Malayo words into an
Alphabetical order, in Spelling the said words with proper
INTRODUCTION liii
Letters according to the English Pronunciation and in
applying the most apt Sentences, the better to give the
Reader the true meaning of many words. And this
Laborious Task I have undertaken, not out of any
Prospect of Gain that I could ever expect by the Sale
of the Book, for that it will be bought by few, besides
those who are designed to those Countries where the
Malayo Language is spoken, and by the Old and New
East India Companies, both which have been pleased to
incourage the printing of it, but it was done out of a sincere
desire to serve my Country, by giving my Country-Men all
the helps my attainment in the Language has made me
capable of, which, altho I am sensible is attended with
many Imperfections, yet will I doubt not, be a great
Assistance to the Learners of this so easie, Diffusive, and
(as it may be made) Profitable Language to England in
general, and to those Persons in Particular who shall
Trade to, or Travel the Malayo Countries. And that it
may have those Effects is the Hearty Desires of Thomas
Bowrey."
At the end of one of the copies of the Dictionary^ is
inserted a Pamphlet of seven pages entitled *' A Dictionary
of the Hudson's Bay Indian Language." No author is
given, but the Catalogue has [T. B.], I do not know on
what authority. At the end of the other volume^ is
inserted a Leaflet containing the " Chinese Compass of
24 points. The Names of the Solar half-months. Ordinary
Numbers (Learned and Vulgar), and the Private Numeral
Notes used only by the China Merchants." At the back
of this leaflet is a note in MS. signed by Michael Burghess,
stating that he received £2 from Captain Bowrey per
Mr Hyde ^ for engraving the plate.
After the Preface is " A Map of the Countrys wherein
the Malayo Language is spoken." In this are marked
"Old Queda, New Queda, Patany, P. Ladda, Banga
^ British Museum Library, Press Mark, I2907.dd. 13.
^ Press Mark, 68 . c . 12.
3 For Hyde's connection with the Dictionary, see p. Iv f.
liv INTRODUCTION
[? Bangaree], Perach, Landa in Borneo [? Landock of MS.],
Jambe, Andrageree, Priaman."
The work must have been of great value two centuries
ago, when the Malay language was very little known, and
it is therefore remarkable that Bowrey received no acknow-
ledgment of his services from either the Old or the New
East India Company. At any rate no record of their
acceptance or appreciation of the work is extant.
The many references that have been made, both from
the Dictionary and the Dialogues, in the foot-notes to this
volume fully illustrate its usefulness, especially in connection
with 17th century records of East India.
Many of the remarks too are couched in almost the
same words as those in the 1669 — 1679 MS. and are hence
additional evidence as to the identity of the author^
In 1800 the first part of Bowrey's book was reprinted
under the title of " A Grammar of the Malay Tongue as
spoken in the Peninsula of Malacca, the islands of Sumatra,
Java, Borneo, Pulo Pinang, &c., &c. Compiled from
Bowrey's Dictionary, and other authentic documents,
manuscript and printed V In the '* Advertisement," which
is unsigned, the editor says, " In the compilation of the
following Grammar and Dictionary, great part of which is
printed off, the work of Mr. Thomas Bowrey, (which has
now become exceeding scarce) has been the grand founda-
tion. Bowrey s Dictionary was published without the
Malay character, which defect has been remedied in the
present undertaking^"
In iSoi James Howison, a member of the Asiatic
Society, published a Dictionary and Grammar of the
Malay Tongue. In the "Advertisement" he remarks,
" Untill now the only assistance to be obtained by the
Malay scholar was through the medium of Bowrey's
Grammar, printed a century ago, a work of great industry
and merit, that distant period considered, and to which
^ See p. xxii f.
^ British Museum Library, Press Mark^ 67 . d . 9.
3 For Marsden's opinion of this addition, see under the comments
on his Malay Grammar of 18 12.
INTRODUCTION Iv
in the present volume we acknowledge our many obliga-
tions. Its great scarcity, independent of the errors and
defects consequent to its being the first attempt to form an
English and Asiatic Grammar, we believe, ever made,
renders the present work not less necessary." In a foot-
note Howison further remarks, " No account can be traced
of Mr Bowrey or his book in the present Remembrancer's
Office, so as to do him the credit due to his memory,
or foresight, which the publisher is desirous of doing, who,
though engaged in an extensive business ever since May
1752, never could see more than three copies, notwithstand-
ing his frequent enquiries."
Howison might have gone further and admitted that
his "many obligations" to Bowrey included wholesale
copying from the Dictionary of English and Malayo. On
p. 3 1 f of Howison's book the " Weights and Measures "
of Acheen are given in Bowrey's exact words, and this is
only one of many instances that might be cited.
William Marsden, F.R.S., who published "A Grammar
of the Malayan Language" in 1812, was apparently the
first scholar to produce such a work in English. His
remarks on Bowrey's Dictionary are rather severe; but
these are mild compared with the scathing criticism he
bestows on the Dictionary published under Howison's
name. Of Bowrey's work Marsden says^ "This, although
the work of an illiterate person, possesses considerable
merit, and derived, as is evident, no advantage whatever
from the preceding publications, of the existence of which
the author was probably ignorant. His extensive know-
ledge of the language of the people whose ports he
frequented as a trader, he laudably rendered permanent
and useful to his countrymen by committing to paper all
the words with which his memory furnished him, but he
appears to have been entirely ignorant of the written
language, as even the short specimen of words in the
original character, printed at the end of his book, he
acknowledges to have been prepared for him at Oxford
by that learned and indefatigable orientalist, Thomas
^ Introduction^ pp. xl — xlii.
Ivi INTRODUCTION
Hyde^ Owing to his want of sufficiency in this and some
other respects, he has unavoidably fallen into numerous
errors, and the sentences he has employed to exemplify
the words, being of his own composition, and not quota-
tions, are for the most part incorrect or vulgar, and uncouth
in their phraseology." Marsden quotes from Bowrey's
preface, and says that he had in his possession a copy
of Bowrey*s Dictionary "full of manuscript corrections
made at an early period " by Henry Smith, and containing
a memorandum in the same writing which runs as follows :
*' My Dictionary which the foregoing should have bin onely
the Coppy off, is so strangely perverted thro* Ignorance
of the genuine Elegancy and Meaning of the Wordes in
this language, that it would have puzled a learned Malayer
to have pickt out the meaning of the short sentences, for
they are very concise in their discourse useing noe circum-
locutions or tautalogie." This remark savours strongly of
Bowrey's style, and how Henry Smith came to have any-
thing to do with the Dictionary is inexplicable. Marsden
says that nothing further respecting him ever came to his
knowledge.
Howison*s Dictionary, according to Marsden, was not
Howison's, but the work of some unknown editor or
editors {i.e, a copy of the reprint of Bowrey*s Diet, in
1800), who attempted to improve Bowrey's Dictionary by
adding the Malayan character to the words as they stood
in Roman orthography. These editors "composed them
of such Persian characters as best suited their idea of the
sounds, and consequently when right, it is only by chance."
Marsden adds that he believes Howison was not "a principal
in the transaction," although the work was published in his
name.
It says much for Bowrey's Dictionary that, though the
work of an "illiterate" man, it should have been still a living
force more than a century after its compilation.
^ See the last 10 pp. of Bowrey's Dictionary of English and Malay o
which are introduced with the remark, " Here follows a Specimen of
the Malayo Character, which I have obtained from the Reverend
Dr Hyde Hebrew and Arabick Professor in the University of Oxford."
ASIA,
Wherein is contained the scituation, comerse, cus[toms], &c.,
Of many Provinces, Isles, &c., in India, Persi[a], Arabia,
and the South Seas, Experienced by me T.B., in the
forementioned Indie[s], Vizt., from Anno
MDCLXIX. to MDCLXXIX.
^ONSIDERINGE the many Advantages
which our Creator hath been pleased to
bestow Upon this part of the knowne
World from the begininge of the Creation,
with the famous and flourishinge present
Condition of most Monarchies and King-
doms herein Contained, with many more remarkable Obser-
vations, I am induced to take Some pains; and. Since
I have begun the insertinge of Some Particulars, the
Vaster and Stronger my desire is to particularize many
things of the present State, Religion, Commerce, laws,
&c., of Some Eminent places in India, Persia, Arabia', and
the South Seas, Vizt., of Sumatra, Java Major, and Borneo',
which, although it swel not to any great Volume, yet
I hope it may tend to the Satisfaction and good of Others
as well as to my Selfe, neither shall I touch or meddle
' The writer has not carried out his intention with regard to
Persia and Arabia. These descriptions may have been included
among the " Joumalls" which he bequeathed to his cousin, Thomas
Studds. ViiU Introduction.
' There is no account of " Java Major" and Borneo in this MS.
2 OF CHOROMANDEL
with little more then befits my Owne Experience, Observ-
inge little else but what are the most remarkable passages
that have presented themselves within the Compasse of my
Small Travailed
The Maine Continent of Asia is of noe Small Extent,
as most men may Very well and Easily Imagine; but,
for Satisfaction to those who are ignorant in the division
of the Earth, one of the most Easie things in Geographie,
I have here inserted it as followeth.
It doth Containe in Longitude, vizt, East and West,
125 degrees, or 75CX) English miles, and in Lattitude,
vizt, North and South, 72 degrees, or 4320 English miles.
It comprehendeth many Vast and plentifull Islands of
i^iches and what else necessarie for mankinde, many
Small ones alsoe, the Major part of which be not in-
habited, &c.
OF CHOROMANDEL.
The begininge of my residence, or first Part of my
Arrival (in India Orien talis) was att Fort St. Georg's*,
an English Garrison Upon the Coast of ChoromandeP.
This Coast begineth at Negapatam^ formerly a place
Subject to the Kinge of Portugal, but some years Since
1 The author's "Small Travaile" covered a period of 19 years.
For its extent, vide the account of his life in the Introduction.
^ i.e. the town and fort of Madras. Madras is still in official
documents " Fort St George."
' See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Coromandel.
* Negapatam (Snake-town) was one of the earliest settlements of
the Portuguese on the Coromandel Coast. It was taken by the
Dutch in 1660. According to DeUstre (p. 164 f.), the town, in 1672,
was half-ruined by the wars between the Dutch and Portuguese, and
the fortifications were weak ; the " fine warehouses " of the Dutch
were, apparently, the most distinctive feature of the place at that
period.
\
OF CHOROMANDEL 3
taken from them by the Dutch, who now possesse it
with great force and Splendor.
It Extendeth it Selfe to point Goodaware\ on the
South Side of the bay Corango^ which, by Computation,
is in length 400 English miles, Containinge many great
and Eminent places of traffick and commerce, of which
as followeth. But first of Fort St. Georg's.
This Fort and towne', which is very Considerable, is
scituated very neare the Sea, indifferent well populated
by the English, and wholy Governed by them, very well
fortified and Surrounded with very potent and Stronge
Bulwarks, Points, and Battaries, within which many Portu-
gals* are admitted to dwell', beinge Subject to our English
Goverment, many of which are very Eminent Merchants,
1 i.e. Godavari. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Godavery. For various
modes of spelling the name, see also Ind. Ant. vol. xxx. p. 351 f. and
392.
2 i.e. Coringa. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Coringa. On the 12th
Nov. 1668, the Agent and Council at Fort St George in a letter to the
Court remark, "These two Ships [the Rainbow and the Loyal
Merchant^ in going from hence were deceived by the Currents and
over shot their port of Metchlepatan as far as Carango." O. C.
No. 3238.
^ See Fryer, p. 37 f. for a good contemporary description of Fort
St George. See also Sckouten, vol. i. p. 488 f. for the showy display
(from the Dutchman's point of view) customary with the English
captains when visiting the fort.
* By Portugals was meant Portuguese half-breeds and also
Roman-Catholic converts, often pure natives of the country. N. and
E. p. 38, for I St Nov. 1680, has a valuable quotation : " It is resolved
to Entertain about 100 Topasses or Black Portuguez, the better to
guard the washers."
^ The following passage confirms the author's statement : " The
Portuguezes and Musteza's [half-breeds] were Invyted hither by the
severall Agents from our first setling here. And some came with our
people from Armagon and [were] encouraged, and severall had money
Lent them to build Upon the open sand Under the protection of the
Gunns which by degrees has been walled in, they doeing the duty of
trayn'd Bands in watching and warding in tymes of trouble Upon the
Out- Works. They have never paid arty Rent or Acknowledgment
nor taken out any Leases." Reply to Major Puckle, the Company's
Supervisor, who asked (at a Consultation at Fort St George, on the
29th Feb. 1676) why so many "Portuguez" were permitted to dwell
n the English town. O. C. No. 4178.
I — 2
OF CHOROMANDEL ^
/
and are admitted a free trade payinge Custome, vizt.
4 per Cent to the English in and out for theire goods;
many of them alsoe beare arms in the Honourable
English East India Company's Service as private Centi-
nels, but not Otherways, none of them beinge raised to
any place of Office ; and although theire Sallary be Smal,
yet they live very well of it, beinge paid monthly as all
the English Soldiery are, and provisions with cloths well
befittinge Suche a Climate very Cheape and good. This
Fort lyeth in Lattitude North 13*^-10", and is not at any
time very cold or on the Contrary Very hott, haveinge
the full benefit of all Sea breezes of wind, but in these
following Months, May and June, although there be for
the most part fresh Gales, yet it is something Sulphurous,
which may most of all be alledged to the wind it Selfe,
more then to the heat of the Sun.
It blowinge then for the most part at West and West
N. West, beinge hot and dry land winds. The Coldest
Season of the yeare is September, October, and November,
yet not much colder then the middle of Summer is in
England, but afifor[d]eth raine in great abundance. But,
in fine, it is a very healthy and moderate climate, much
Exceedinge many places both in India and the South Seas,
and consisteth of as great traffick both by Sea and land as
any one place or more Upon all this Coast. It is without
all dispute a beneficiall place to the Honourable English
India Company, and with all the Residence of theire
Honourable Agent and Governour^ of all their Affaires
Upon this Coast and the Coast of Gingalee', the Kingdoms
^ George Foxcroft, who had been reinstated after his three years'
captivity at the hands of Sir Edward Winter, was Agent at Fort
St George when T. B. arrived in India, in 1669. Foxcroft was suc-
ceeded by Sir William Langhorne in 1672.
* "You are not certain of the Investments that may bee made
about Neglawanch as also towards Gingerlee." Letter from Salisbury
OF CHOROMANDEL 5
alsoe of OrixaS Bengala^ and Pattana', the said Governour
and his Councell here resideinge, for the Honour of our
English Nation keepinge and maintaineinge the place in
great Splendour, Civil and good Goverment, Entertaineinge
nobly all Foraign Embassadors, and provideinge great
quantities of Muzlinge* Callicoes* &c. to be yearly trans-
ported to England.
Yet notwithstanding Such vast quantities >are yearely
Sent hence for England, great Stores are transported and
Vended into most places of note in India, Persia, Arabia,
China, and the South Seas, more Expecialy to Moneela*
one of the Molucca' Isles, belongeinge to the Kinge of
Spaine, but are Sent thither in the name and Under the
Colours of The Portugals borne and bred in India®, noe
others beinge admitted a free trade thither, and Especialy
the English, haveinge the Same prohibition as to trade
to the Spanish Garrisons in Mexico, and Peruana*, in
America.
at PettipoUe to the Chief at Masulipatam, 2nd Sept. 1675. Factory
Records^ Masulipatam, No. 10.
" He [Mr Mainwaring] sent his Peons to force all the Boatmen to
goe away with their Boats for Gin^erlee [to fetch Paddy]." Callor
Vissina's complaint against Mr Mamwaring, 23rd May, 1678. Ibid,
The exact extent of this coast is explained later on.
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s. v. Orissa. The above is the direct
Portuguese form of the word.
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Bengal. The contemporary spelling is
usually Bengali, Bengalla.
3 i.e. Patna.
* Later on it will be seen that by muslin was meant a very fine
calico. See also Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Muslin.
^ The above, and the references later on, show that in "calico"
were included muslin, longcloth and chintz : in fact, it was a generic
term for cotton cloth.
^ i.e. Manila.
^ The earliest example, so far as I am aware, of the modem
spelling of the word.
8 See note on p. 3.
• t,e, Peru.
6 OF CHOROMANDEL
The Native inhabitans are for the most part Gentiles,
(commonly called Gentues^) and Mallabars', many of
which live within the Outermost walls of this place
called Fort St. Georg's^. I have heard it reported, and
can well give credit thereto, that there are noe lesse
then fourty thousand of them, vizt. men, Women, and
Children that live under St. Georg's flagge and pay cus-
tomes for all Sorts of goods they buy and Sell with in
the Compasse of* Comrriand of our Guns.
They are a Sort of harmlesse Idolatrous people ; they
Worship many Gods of Sundry Shapes, and metles, as
Gold, Silver, brasse, Coppar, Iron &c., many alsoe of
Stone, clay, or the like, but theire Chiefe God of all is in
forme of a man Somethinge deformed, and is Set up in
theire great Pagods*, or temples, and is very circumspectly
and with great adoration attended and prayed Unto at
all hours both of day and night, with many Others Set
up in theire Pagod Courts and small Stone buildings
thereunto adjoyneinge, beinge of most hideous Shapes,
as Satyrs, Cows, bears*, Rhinocerots, Elephants, &c., with
many Smooth and well polished marble Stones, Sett upon
an End of 3 or four foot high, on all which they powre
Oyle, and adorne with flowers, worshipinge them with
Strange and admirable reverence.
^ This and the references later on are valuable as showing that
Gentile meant a Gentoo, and Gentoo a low-caste Hindu. N. and
E, p. 38 for 20th Nov. 1680, has "the Mutineers threaten to kill the
Gentue Oxmen if they bring goods or provisions into the Town."
2 Later references will show that the term Malabar was applied
to the inhabitants of both the East and West Coasts of Southern
India. In the passage above, the author is using the words Gentue
and Mallabar in their secondary sense. He means that the natives
are low-caste speakers of Telugu (Gentue) and Tamil (Mallabar).
^ For a description of the " Heathen Town " of Madras, see
Fryer^ p. 39.
* See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Pagoda. For the use of the word in
the sense of " idol," see later on.
^ ? boars.
OF CHOROMANDEL 7
Many, yea most of theire Pagods, are very Stately
buildings of Stone of curious workman Ship of the Same,
representinge all Sorts of musick and dances to theire
Gods, and are Surrounded with cloysters of marble, flat
roofed with large and Exeedinge fine marble, Supported
with Piljars of the Same, flagged below alsoe with marble,
with walks to the great gate of the Pagod, as. alsoe to
the great Pond or tanke\ where they frequently wash
themselves all over before they assume to Enter the Pagod.
The Entrance, vizt. the Great gate of Some of these
Pagods, I have often Observed, are most rare and Ad-
mirable worke, vizt. a man on horsebacke cut out in one
Entire piece Set upon each Side one full as bigge or
bigger then any naturall ones, all of marble ^ and, which
is more rare, I have Seen within Some of these great
Pagods, a large Cart and 2 horses, with all theire appurten-
ances, cut out of an entire Stone, as bigge as most
dungcarts and horses ; and these they often bow to in
representation of theire God J no. Gernaet', beinge as he is
Upon Some festivals, carried about in a large triumphant
Chariot, most rarely carved, painted, and gilded, and drawne
by men of which in Order*. Here followeth the figure
^ For the history of this word, see Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tank.
2 Thevenot, who journeyed from Surat to Golconda in i666,
notes : — " In most places Inhabited, there are Pagods, and every now
and then, we met with Waggons full of Gentiles, who were coming to
perform their Devotions in them. The first Pagod (I saw) was by the
side of a great War [Banyan-tree, see Thevenot^ P- 25]; and before the
Door of it, there was an Ox of Stone, which a Gentile (who spake
Persian) told me was the figure of the Ox, which served to carry
their God Ram. We found besides, many other Pagods like to that,
but we saw others, which consisted of one single Stone about six Foot
high, on which the Figure of a Man is cut in relief" Thevenot^ part
iii. p. 73. Compare also Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. pp. 173-178 for a
description of various Pagods.
3 This is the most interesting variant I have come across of this
much-corrupted name. The word is Jagan-nath, by metathesis such
as is common in India, Janganath ; hence, of course, John Gemaet.
* See the account on p. 17.
8 OF CHOROMANDEL
of the Paged called Tressletore^ 5 and J miles to the
Northward of Fort St. Georg's ; but they have Pagods
farre Exceedinge this.
Of all the false Gods these idolatrous people Worship
(save John Gernaet)^ a Cow is held in greatest reverence^
both naturally liveinge, and artificialy made with hands,
those of the latter Sort beinge kept within theire Pagods.
But, for the true Worship thereof (as they doe realy
confide), most, or all indeed that are men of Estates, doe
diligently keep one or more in theire dwellinge houses,
thereby to have them dayly and hourely for theire families
to make Supplication to ; and Upon theire festivals, they
adorn the Cow very Splendidly with ribbons and bells,
gold, Silver, precious jewels, &c., in which State the Cow is
led through the Streets and round the Pagods, with a Vast
multitude of men, women, and Children attendinge, Some of
which devout persons doe dance, and pray aloude with great
zeale, as that pious Kinge David did before the Arke of God.
As I said before, they doe in generall adore this
Creature above all Others, in soe much that theire Nuptials,
^ This is the Thiagar Raja Temple at Trivettore (Tiruvottiyur).
It is N.N.E. of Madras, J m. inland. It is an old Saiva temple
with a large annual festival in February. It is known under various
forms, of which Trivatore, in Wheeler's Madras in the Olden Time^ is
as near as may be expected to the correct form. See Mad. Man.
Admn. vol. iii. s. v. Tir. "Trevitore a towne within fewe miles of this
place [Fort St George]." Fort St George "Generall" to the Court,
23 Jan. 1669, O. C. No. 3247, p. 3. Compare Fryer's description of
what he calls the Triblitore Pagoda : — " At Triblitore, four Miles
North of Maderas, is a Pagod transcending both in respect of Building
and Antiquity ; there being Characters, the Expounders of the Gentu
Language or Holy Writ understand not : To this Mother-Pagod, at
certain Seasons of the Year, long Pilgrimages are set on foot, at what
time there is an innumerable Concourse, whereat some of the Visitants
count it meritorious to be trod to death under a weighty Chariot of Iron
made for the carriage of their Deities ; and with themselves lay their
Wives and Children to undergo the same Self-martyrdom." Fryer,
p. 44 f.
2 This spelling is consistently followed throughout the MS.
' For a penance inflicted for allowing a cow to die uncleansed, see
Tavernter, vol. i. part ii. p. 181 f
OF CHOROMANDEL 9
theire way of dealeings, there Oath beinge taken upon
Extraordinary businesse, cannot be performed without
Cow to Sweare by, which is the greatest Oath they can
imagine ; nay, not one person of all this Sect called
GentuesS dares to Sell a bull, Cow, or Calfe to any
religion but theire owne, and they themselves are not
permitted to kill or Eat any of them ; it is soe Severely
forbidden by theire Brachmans', and as diligently Observed
by all of them both rich and poore. Alsoe they are
Strictly forbidden to Eat or drinke Or dwell under the
Same roofe with any Save of theire Owne Cast^
In soe much that if any one, that is not of theire
Cast, doe accidentaly or willingly touch any Vessel of
theirs, out of which they Eat or drinke, or pot or pan,
whether it be Earthen ware or China or Coppar &c., they
throw it away from them in great disdaine, and will not
be perswaded to receive it againe or to be put within
theire doors.
They are generally a very Subtile and Cunninge Sort
of men^ Especially in the way of merchandizeing, also
Very ingenuos in workinge Cotton Cloth or Silks, pantados',
^ See note on p. 6.
^ The writer has followed the usual spelling of the time. See
Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Brahmin.
^ This, and the references later on, give the whole idea of " caste "
as understood in the 17th century. See also Hobson-Jobson^ s.v.
Caste.
* The "Gentues" had a reputation for surgery. On the 20th
February, 1663, the Court of Directors wrote to Fort St George, "We
pray you to purchase a Couple of Gentue Barbers such as are most
expert amongst them in letting of Blood, and send them on some of
our Shipps for St. Hellena." Letter Book^ No. 3, p. 229.
^ i,e. Chintz. Fryer^ p. 12, speaks of "Pintado Birds, those feathered
Harbingers of the Cape... remarkable for their painted Spots of black
and white." Compare also the following passage in a letter from the
Court of Directors to Masulipatam, dated 7th Dec. 1669, " Our Agent
&c*. from Bantam writes... that in all the Cargo of Cloth, which came
in the Madras, there was not One peece of Pintadoe, or any other
Paintings which Mr. Jearsey knew well, were the most required goods
for that place." Letter Book, No. 4, p. 301. See also several references
later on.
lO OF CHOROMANDEL
Striped cloth of Gold or Silver, of very curious Worke-
manship, a Very Sober people never touchinge any manner
of Stronge drinke, in fine they want nothinge but couradge,
But indeed now they have lesse occasion for Soldiery then
they had but a few Generations past, beinge then Sole
Lords and masters of all the Coast of Choromandell,
Orixa, and Bengala*.
All Very Stronge and rich Kingdoms, but never had
the inhabitants been trained Up to any warlike Exercises,
not havinge foreseen any dangers or casualties that might
befall them, but I suppose wholy depended Upon the
Sorceries of theire Brachmans, the which if soe did in
a great measure deceive them for these mighty Kingdoms
were in a Short Space wholy Subdued* by the Moors*
and brought Tributary to the Great Mogol*, all of them
now in generall wholy Submittinge to the Mahometan
yoke, and Very much Oppressed*, few of them arriveinge
to that height as to beare any place of Office Save
Collectors of the Emperours revenues*; they are indeed
^ The Hindu Power in Southern India was destroyed at the battle
of Talikote in 1564.
2 The author underrates the fighting abilities of the Southern
Hindus, who, for a century and a half, held the Muhammadan power
at bay, and whose valour at the battle of Talikote is unquestioned.
However, as the Hindus with whom the writer came in contact, had
been a subject race for many decades, his inference is not unnatural.
3 Muhammadans. A term specially applied to Indian Muham-
madans. See Hobson-Jobson^ s. v. Moor.
* The "Great Mogol" was the Emperor Aurangzeb. About the
year 1675 he reimposed the detested jazia or capitation-tax upon
Hindus, an act which excited much discontent. In his time also, an
import duty of five per cent, was levied on Hindu goods, while
Muhammadans only paid two and a half per cent.
^ This "oppression" took place in the reign of Aurangzeb. Under
the wise rule of Akbar, the Hindus had been treated with the greatest
moderation. JahangTr continued the policy of his father, and Shah
Jahan employed Hindus to command his armies. Thus, for nearly a
century before the accession of "the Great Mogol," there had been
but little antagonism between Hindus and Muhammadans.
® ^nder Akbar, Hindus were employed impartially with members
of other races and creeds in the offices of state and in the army, and,
OF CHOROMANDEL II
allowed theire old Idolatrous way of Worship all Hindo-
stan Over, save neare the Mosquees^ or Tombs of the
Mahometans, but for that priviledge they pay very deare,
which lades the Emperours treasury in great measure,
Summs of Gold and Silver, Diamonds and other jewels
of an inesteemable Value*.
They are Very precise in theire idolatrous ways of
devotion, in soe much that if they very circumspectly
looke not to Every particular of their laws, they may
come to bee accompted the vilest of men, and loose
their religion which they call Cast'; and, if soe, that
party is not admitted to Enter the doore of the Pagod
or any Other Gentues dwellinge house, noe not where
his nearest relations dwell, neither will he be admitted
to Eat or drinke with any of them, if soe they all loose
theire Cast that doe accompanie him in any Such actions,
soe that this very party is a most Scandalous person, and
accompted but a Hololcore* untill he hath regained his cast,
which is but one way to be procured, Vizt :
in the two succeeding reigns, their position remained unchanged.
Aurangzeb, however, with his hatred of infidels, excluded all the more
capable Hindus from office.
^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Mosque, i.e. Masjid.
2 Akbar had tolerated the observance of the Hindu religion, and
had remitted the tax on Hindu temples and places of pilgrimage. In
1669, Aurangzeb issued orders for the destruction of infidel schools and
temples. It does not appear that this order was carried out literally.
Indeed, it would hardly have been possible to have done so. A few
signal examples were made, and then permission to exercise the rites
of their religion was probably compounded for by the Hindus, as the
writer describes. '*T.B.'s" statement is supported by Alex. Hamilton,
who says, East Indies^ vol. i. p. 386, "The Prince exacts a tax of
half a Crown per Head on every Pilgrim that comes to the Pagod
[Jagannath] to worship which generally amounts to 75000 L. per
Annum." See Aurangzeb^ by Stanley Lane-Poole, ch. vi-viii., in
Rulers of India Series.
3 See note on p. 9.
* A very low-caste man, a "sweeper," scavenger. See Hobson-
JobsoHy s.v. Halalcore. Compare also the following extracts : — "Among
the particular Castes, there is one that goes by the name of Alecors,
12 OF CHOROMANDEL
The Party soe misdemeaneinge him selfe, whether
he be rich or poore, (Except he intends to live in
perpetuall ignominie) must take his travaile to the
great Pagod Jno. Gernaet^ the remotest part of the
whose employment is only to clean Houses ;...it being one of the
greatest scorns you can put upon an Indian, to call him Alacor....
These Alacors having no other business but only to make clean the
Houses, eat the scraps of all other Castes ; and so without scruple
feed upon anything." Tavernier, vol. i. part ii. p. 162.
" We are very glad by the timely care you tooke about the HoUolcore
boy that was Shott the 27th ult. in your factory that he is on the
mending hand." Letter from Hugli to Littleton at Kasimbazar, 15th
Feb. 1679. Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5.
^ Compare the following descriptions of the Pagoda of Jagannath,
the name of which has been variously rendered as Jakernot, Juggernaut,
Guggeraat, Jaggerynat, Jaggemat, &c.
" We had a view of a great and celebrated Pagoda, which looks
quite white, and which is called Jagemate, or Jaguemate, situated on
high ground rising from the centre of a large wood... so that it is visible
from a long distance. We were told that the Gentues had a particular
reverence for it, and that those of Coromandel, 6rixa, Golconda,
and Bengala went on pilgrimage thither, there being many of them to
whom the Bramins only gave absolution from their sins on condition
of their going to visit the Pagoda of Jaguemate." Schouten^ ii. p. 58f.
" Wee sailed in sight of the black Pagoda and the white Pagoda,
the latter is that place called Jaggerenaut to which the Hindoues from
all parts of India come on pilgrimage." Diary of Streynsham Master^
p. 292, under date 13th Dec. 1676.
" If it [the robbery] was done nigh Jagranaught complain to the
Rajah of that countrey." Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5.
"At 12 this noon [31st Jan. 1681] the white pegodo (alias Jagre-
nett)...bore North dist. per Judgment 17' at this bearing and dist.
Jagrenett maks in 3 pegodas, the S. most the highest, the midle one
somewhat lower, the N. most the lowest, the tops of each being blunt
and very white ; on each side are buildings and seemeth to be within
a large compoun, and small trees on each side which are not disemable
at a great distance." Marine Records^ Log of the President^ 1679- 1682,
No. Ixxv.
"The four most celebrated Pagods, are Jagrenate, Banarous, Matura,
and Tripeti. Jagrenate is one of the mouths of Ganges, whereupon is
built the great Pagod, where the Arch Bramin, or chief Priest among
the Idolaters keeps his residence. The great Idol that stands upon
the Altar in the innermost part of the Pagod, has two Diamonds for
his Eyes, and another that hangs about his neck, the least of those
Diamonds weighing about forty Carats. About his Arms he wears
Bracelets sometimes of Pearls, and sometimes of Rubies ; and this
magnificent Idol is called Resora. The revenues of this Pagod are
sufficient to feed fifteen or twenty thousand Pilgrims every day ; which
is a number often seen there, that Pagod being the greatest place of
devotion in all India. But you must take notice, that no Goldsmith is
suffer'd to enter this Pagod, because that one of them being locked in
OF CHOROMANDEL 1 3
Golcondah^ Kingdome North Eastwards from Fort St.
Georgs, neare looo English miles. When he cometh there,
makes his case knowne to Some of the Brachmans, of which
there are lOOO or 1200 very Splendidly here maintained,
where he must give as large gratuities to this great Pagod
as his abilitie can well afford, and sure it is that cunninge
delusions are not here wantinge to Screw him Up to the
highest pin he can reach, the which accomplished, he is
admitted to Sit downe and Eat with the Chiefest of the
bewitchinge Brachmans, if his liberalitie Extended to
a very Competent Value; if not, he may demand the
priviledge to Eat with the meaner Sort, Upon which he
receiveth theire blessinge with great reverence, and hath
by these means regained his Cast*, and now n^ay returne
home with as great joy and Triumph, as he was cast
out with Shame and dishonour both to him.selfe and
relations.
In this Vast Pagod (as I said before) there are noe
lesse then 1000 or 1200 Brachmans maintained. The
Brachmans are theire Priests, but I am Sure, and without
all controversie, very Diabolicall Ones. Many hundreds
all night long, stole a Diamond out of one of the Idols eyes. As he
was about to go out, when the Pagod was open'd in the morning, he
dy'd at the door ; their God, as they affirm, revenging his own sacriledg.
That which renders this Paged, which is a large building the most
considerable in all India, is, because it is situated upon the Ganges ;
the Idolaters believing that the waters of that River have a particular
quality to cleanse them from their sins. That which makes it so rich
(for it maintains above twenty thousand Cows) is the vast Alms that
are continually bestow'd by so incredible a number as comes from all
parts. Which Alms are not so much as at the discretion of the
Donor, [as] at the Will of the chief Priest, who before he gives them
leave to shave and wash in the Ganges, taxes them according to their
quality, of which he has information." Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii.
p. 173 f
Compare also the account in Alex. Hamilton's East Indies^ vol. i.
V PP- 381-386.
^ For the writer's description of the " Kingdome of Golcondah "
see later on.
2 See note on p. 9.
14 OF CHOROMANDEL
of Women are here maintained to dance on theire festivals
and days of Sacrifice and Offerings, with all Varieties of
musick that Asia affordeth, to play before theire Gods, vizt.
pipes, drums, trumpets, with Varieties of Stringed instru-
ments, with multitudes of Voices very delicate to heare
and behold were it acted in a better Sence, and not onely
soe in this theire Cathedral Pagod, but in all Others, as
many as theire Abilities will Extend to the maintainance
of, and for their activities of body are much admired by
all Spectators. They are for the most part very Streight
handsome featured and a well limbed people. These
Dancinge Women have a priviledge above all Others in
these Easterne parts, which causeth such multitudes to
Endeavour to attaine to Such Employs, where they may
Enjoy Earthly pleasure Enough, without any Scandall
to themselves or relations. They are wholy at theire
owiji choice whether they will marry or noe, or live Subject
to any one man, and have the liberty to be made use of
by whom they please ; therefore I think Seldom or never
that they leave this life to retire to theire homes and leade
a Chast life, or to marry, whereby theire pleasure is very
Uncertaine, not onely through the means of a jealous
Husband, but for that Diabolicall Custome of this Sect in
Generall, that by theire longe practised Evil ways, cause
the Wifes to be burnt to ashes in the fire at the Death of
the Husbands, as I will further relate before I End my
discourse of this Coa$t of ChoromandelP.
But first I will describe Some of theire activities of
body, danceinge before the front of the Pagod as I my
Selfe have often Scene with admiration much rarer then
Ever I beheld amongst us Europians, or indeed any Other
people in Asia.
Theire irreligious Religion is wholy Composed of
1 Later on the writer is very full in his descriptions of satt.
' OF CHOROMANDEL 1 5
nothinge Save Idolatry, intermixed neither with Judaisme
nor M?ihometisme, but quite averse from them both,
(Saveinge in their burnt offerings and Sacrifices) more
Especially from Christianitie. The[y] neither circumcise,
nor baptise, but yet doe believe there is a God in heaven*,
that Created male and female, and made the Earth, the
Seas, and all that therein moveth, and all the reason they
give for worshipinge the Devil is, they hold that God
Ordained the Devil to Governe this World and to torment
all mankind, and that God himselfe resteth in the heavens,
wherefore Upon Earth they worship Gods of much de-
formitie, as partly to please the Devil whom they say is
of no lesse deformitie, and the Other reason is, they say
that theire prayers are to God to Deliver them from such
Satyricall Creatures ^
They Often wash themselves in Ponds or Rivolets,
vizt. two or 3 times, or more, Every day, but never faile of
once. They burne many lamps in theire Pagods, and pray
with a Very quick and lowde Voice to those molten Gods,
often prostrating themselves and kissinge the Earth with
great reverence.
In that great and Sumptuous Diabolicall Pagod, there
Standeth theire greatest God J no. Gernaet^ whence the
^ Compare the description of the Jentives in Mandelslo, p. 6i.
*' These are a sort of very ignorant people, who refer themselves, as
to matter of Religion, to their Bramans. They believe, that in the
beginning there was but one God... They believe the Immortality and
Transmigration of Souls, upon which perswasion they abhor the
effusion of bloud. Accordingly there are not to be found any Robbers
or Murtherers among them ; but on the other side, they are generally
Lyars and Cheats, in which good qualities they exceed all the other
Indians."
'^ " The Natives are Idolaters worshipping many Penates or
Household Gods, yea, the Devil too for fear : Yet they acknowledge
but one Supreme God ; and the various Representations or Shapes
adored, are but so many different Attributes." Fryer, p. 34.
3 " Now for the description of a particular Idol which stands upon
the Altar in the Pagod of Jagrenate : It is cover'd from the Shoulders
downward with a great Mantle that hangs down upon the Altar.
l6 OF CHOROMANDEL
Pagod received that name alsoe. This Imadge is of massy
Gold very richly wrought, and in the full Stature of a man,
kept in a large dark roome of it Selfe, but by the lustre of
his Eys which are two Diamonds^ of Exceedinge Value,
the place is by relation as light as though there were more
then 2 Candleis lighted. In another Stronge and close
roome is placed an Artificiall Cow^ of it's full Stature
richly adorned. Especially with it's two Eys, which are
reported to be the richest that Ever were Seen in the
World, to which the Golcondah Kings have had longeinge
desires, in soe much that Since the Conquests performed
by the Moors they have attempted to take this Pagod and
ransacke it of these faire Jewels, but I have heard many
Credible Mahometans affirme that the Brachmans with
theire Sorceries prevented them of doeinge the least injury
to this Pagod or Towne surroundinge it, of which the
Gentues doe Publickly boast of theire holy Temple of God.
Sundry Festivall times' they keep here with great
Splendour, One amongst the rest continueth 7 or 8
This Mantle is of Tissue of Gold or Silver, according to the Solem-
nities. At first it had neither feet nor hands ; but after one of their
Prophets was taken up into Heaven, while they were lamenting what
to do for another, God sent them an angel in the likeness of that
Prophet, to the end they might continue their Veneration toward him.
Now while this Angel was busie in making this Idol, the people grew
so impatient, that they took him out of the Angels hands, and put him
into the Pagod without hands or feet; but finding that the idol
appear'd in that manner too deform'd, they made him hands and arms
of those small Pearls which we call Ounce-Pearls. As for his feet,
they are never seen, being hid under his Cloak. There is no part op'n
but his hands and feet ; the head and body being of Sandal-wood."
Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 174. Compare also the description of this
god in Alex. Hamilton's East Indies^ vol. i. pp. 383-386. He gives
a different legend.
* See note on p. 12.
2 " The Temple [of Jagannath] is built in the Shape of a Canary
Pipe set on End, about 40 or 50 Yards high, about the Middle is the
Image of an Ox cut in one intire Stone, bigger than a live one. He
looks towards the South-east, and his hinder Parts are fixt in the
Wall.'' Alex. Hamilton's East Indies^ vol. i. p. 382.
3 For contemporary accounts of Hindu festivals see Fryer, p. 44,
for one at Madras, and Schouten, vol. ii. p. 244 f., for one in Bengal.
OF CHOROMANDEL 1/
days, to which Devilish feast resorteth many very rich
Merchants and Brachmans, with many Others from the
remotest Parts of Hindostan, in soe much that it is very
rare if fewer then 150000 persons resort to one of the
festivalls at the great Pagod^ and noe few thousands to
the Subordinate Pagods in the whole Empire. The
maine Spectacle and purpose is to behold their graven
God J no. Gernaet, which at Such times is carried in a
Chariot (richly adorned and of curious and costly Work-
manship) round the Pagod and through the broadest
Streets of the towne in great triumph and with great
Solemnitie.
This Chariot is of Exceedinge great weight, beinge
made of Very Solid wood, very rich, with much iron worke
thereon and finely Engraven, with the Shapes of men and
women dancinge, as alsoe many hideous Shapes of Satyrs,
bulls, bears, Tigers, Elephants, Rhinocerots, &c., in soe
much that it is soe Ponderous, that although it be fitted
Upon 6 or 8 Good Axletrees, with good wheels on each
Side, yet requireth more then an hundred Stronge men to
draw it alonge Upon hard and Smooth ground (and this
they accompt the Arke of God)*.
They have Small ones alsoe, fitted onely with one
or two axletrees, that 8 or 10 men can draw, and doe
1 " Festivals are kept there for many days together, [at Jagannath
and Benares] and millions of People repair thither from the other
Countreys of the Indies ; they carry their Idols in triumph, and act
all sorts of Superstitions ; they are entertained by the Bramens, who
are numerous there, and who therein find their Profit." Thevenot^
part iii. p. 69.
2 "He [Jagannath] is never removed out of the Temple, but his
Effigie is often carried abroad in Procession, mounted on a Coach
four Stories high. It runs on eight or ten Wheels, and is capable to
contain near 200 Persons. It is drawn thro' a large Street about 50
yards wide, and half a League long, by a Cable of 14 Inches Circum-
ference, and, at convenient Distances, they fasten small Ropes to the
Cable, two or three Fathoms long, so that upwards of 2000 People
have Room enough to draw the Coach.'' Alex. Hamilton's East
Indies^ vol. i. p. 384.
T. 2
1 8 OF CHOROMANDEL
frequently on the Ordinary feast days, theire ordinary
Gods beinge placed therein.
In the Middle of that great Diabolicall Chariot, is
placed theire great Patron J no. Gernaet, have[ing] the
foremost end Open, fairely to be beheld by many of the
people, which in Generall they Endeavour to doe, but
more then one halfe are prevented by the infinite multi-
tude, in soe much that many of them are pressed downe
by the crowde and Smothered, not much regardinge one
another, but all in generall Showteinge their prayer [ajlike
to this Statue.
And which is both Stranger and more incredible,
many of them come a great many miles to End their
. days here, Under the wheels of this ponderous but, ac-
compted by them, holy Arke.
They Voluntarily and with great Couradge castinge
themselves Under the wheels thereof, as it is drawne
alonge, and are there crushed to death, the which is ac-
compted by all of this Sect a most Noble, Heroick, and
Zealous death.
A Very remarkable relation of a Very rich
Gentue Merchant and of his devotion I shall here
insert, it happeninge in time of my Stay in India
Anno Dom : 1673 ^
This great Merchants Residence was Agra, the faire
Citty of the Emperours Seat^ which is many hundred miles
from the Great Idolatrous temple. He, beinge very rich,
had Vowed to bestow liberaly on the Pagod Jno. Gernaet,
^ A proof that the MS. was not written during the nineteen years
that the writer spent in India.
2 The "Emperour" was Aurangzeb. He "divided his residence
between Delhi and Agra.... Agra had been the metropolis of Akbar,
and usually of JahangTr ; but its sultry climate interfered with the
enjoyment of their luxurious successor, and the Court was accordingly
removed, at least for a large part of the year, to New Delhi, the * City
of Shah-Jahan.' " Aurangzeb^ Rulers of India Series, p. 89.
OF CHOROMANDEL I9
I suppose in hopes thereby to merit Eternall happinesse,
the former of which he performed to admiration as fol-
loweth, —
Hee brought with him in this his travaile great Store
of silver, Gold, jewels, &c., with a great number of men of
his own Cast^ to be Spectators to that years first *. His
retinue were as followeth, (his riches let who will guesse)
500 Rashboot' Soldiers, Six Palanchinos *, 6 State horses,
3 or 4 very large and Stately tents, 6000 naked Fackeers,
6000 more that wore there ragged and patched Coats of
Several colours, 500 labouringe men to carry burthens,
to wit the Palanchinos, tents, treasure, provisions, &c., with
noe Small number of Others that journeyed with him,
some to See fashions and Some to regaine theire Cast\
This Charitable Heathen Extended his bounty to the
Poore in a Surpassinge measure, for, dureinge this his
devout but Sumptuos Pilgrimadge, his custome was to give
Unto the Poore 500 rupees Every morninge (with his owne
hands) fearinge they might be wronged of it, the fame of
which doubtlesse caused many poore people to draw near
where he pitched his tents overnight. He very rarely
Stayed more then one night in a place, neither did he
travaile very fast, not Exceedinge 24 English miles per
diem, Employinge Severall forerunners to provide Store of
1 See note on p. 9.
2 So in MS., but is probably an error for "feast."
3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Rajpoot. This and later references
are valuable as showing that by Rdjpiit the old British trader meant
the squalid " military " retinue of the petty chiefs and dignitaries he
came across in his work.
* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Palankeen. In his seven references to
this word, the writer spells it five times as above, and twice with a
final e. Compare N. and E.^ p. 25, for 28th June, 1680. " In conse-
quence of a duty of Dustoory or Baratta having been exacted without
authority by the Governor's Pallenkeen Booys from all the coolies that
carry Pallenkeens, it is resolved to let this right to receive the said
Dustoor for one year for the sum of 20 Pagodas."
2 — 2
20 OF CHOROMANDEL
rice and butter &c. for his whole retinue ; but often times
sufficient thereof was provided for them by Some rich and
devout men of his Own Cast, who took it as a great
honour to themselves if he wold accept of it, by which
they thought these gifts meritorious. When this his
travaile was perfected that he arrived at theire holy Pagod,
doubtlesse he was courteously received, where he neglected
not to performe his Vow. I heard it very credibly re-
ported that he gave lo lack of rupees, Vizt. One hundred
twenty five thousand pounds Sterlinge to the Pagod, with
many faire and rich jewels, vizt. Diamonds, pearle, Saphir,
Rubies, &c., of great Value. He alsoe caused many Vast
I
Stone buildinge[s] (that had many years been falling to
decay) to be repaired at his own proper cost and charges.
The which beinge accomplished, he returned to Agra,
there to End his days amonge his Owne kindred. As for
the before mentioned people called Fackeers*, they are
pilgrims but very Strange Ones, but are very much
Encouraged to what they doe, the law haveinge noe power
to touch them in any respect, save for Murther, and very
rarely for that. They range all Asia over, and with great
power, for, wherever they come, the inhajjitants of the
Countrey are forced, by their Antient Custome, (now not
Easily to be broken) to give them rice, butter, tobacco,
Oyle, or what else they demand (Except moneys), in soe
much that many thousands of them doe range all the
Mogol's territories over, alsoe the kingdoms of Vizepoore'^
1 Compare Fryer^ p. 95, and Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. pp. 165-167,
for a full description of the faquirs. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Fakeer.
The writer uses it in the sense of a Hindu ascetic.
2 i.e, Bijapur (Beejapore). This kingdom then extended from
Coast to Coast, and was the largest by far of the Deccan Dynasties.
Compare Schouten's account in 1662 — "...the kingdom of Visiapour,
said to be 250 leagues long and 150 broad. Those who have written
about it differ as to the dimensions of it. Some include in it a
large part of Deccan and others place some towns of Visiapour
under the jurisdiction of this latter kingdom. It is very likely that
OF CHOROMANDEL 21
#
and Golcondah with many Other Countries, but for the
most part they doe frequent the Kingdome of Bengala,
I suppose more for the plenty of provisions that Countrey
affordeth then for Ought else, although theire pretences
be for the Sake of that much adored River of Ganges,
to which indeed many thousands resort, that are not
Fackeers.
Many of these Fackeers goe after a most carelesse
manner, as though they abhorred this life, vizt. quite
naked, and daube theire bodies over with ashes, not
combeinge theire haire nor shaveinge their faces, nor
paireinge their nailes, but let them grow like Vultures
claws, and indeed they may very well be accompted
Vultures, in respect to the many injuries they doe the
poor inhabitants in the Countrey, theire haire by that
means doth grow very longe and tangle togeather like
Unto as much Ocom^ Some, yea many there be, which
onely weare the skin of a Leopard, over their Sholders.
the frequent changes in these countries, caused by war, during which
states are dismembered, invaded, or reunited, may have g^iven rise to
the discrepancies which occur among the writers. What is certain is,
that it is bounded on the north by the kingdom of Delhi and the other
provinces of the Mogul.... Formerly, the king of Visiapour... could, so
It was said, raise 100,000 cavalry, and infantry in proportion... but
lately he has been so much under the yoke of the Mogul that he is
now said to be looked upon only as one of his vassals.... Visiapour,...
the capital of the kingdom... is 70 leagues from Goa." Schouten^
vol. i. p. 410.
"The Cawn of Chengy, Nasir Mahmud Cawn brother to the
Regent of Visiapore, who has the Sea Coast from the borders of this
country into Trangambar exclusively." Fort St Geoi'ge General
Letter to the Directors, 20th Aug. 1674. O. C. No. 3992, p. 6. " The
King of Visiapour has three good ports in his Dominions, Rejapour,
Daboult, and Cra-paten...The King of Visiapour and the King of
Golconda have been formerly tributary to the Great Mogul : but now
they are absolute of themselves.'' Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 72.
In 1639, when Mandelslo travelled in India, there was, according
to him, a " Queen of Visepour.^^ Mandelslo^ p. 72.
See also Berniery pp. 197 and 207 f., for an account of the weakness
and strength of this part of the Deccan in the middle of the 17th
century.
^ i,e, oakum.
22 OF CHOROMANDEL
Some weare patched coats of divers colours, with Peacocks
feathers, bobs of rags, and great Shells hangeinge about
their necks and Sholders.
Some, nay Severall, that I have Seen doe weare a very
broad round plate of beaten iron about their necks. I
judge it may be 4^ or 5 foot over, haveinge theire necks
through a round hole in the midst thereof, and thus
fastened on by a Smith very strongly rivotted on, soe
that the party cannot ly downe, soe as to Sleepe, neither
feed himselfe, but must Sleep Sittinge, and be fed by
Others. To Such Fackeers, moneys are given, Especially
by them of his cast \ towards a helpe of performance of
his Vow made, and that he may be at Libertie. I have,
for curiosities Sake, sometime Enquired into the reasons of
such Sorts of harebrained penalties, which is thus — They
Vow that their bodys shall Endure such penants, Vntill
they (by the Charitie of Others) can procure soe much
moneys as will build a Pagod of Such a price, but I
Suppose many or most of them are frustrated of theire
designes.
I have likewise Seen Severall Fackeers, who, in their
infancie, have been hunge Up by the Arms with their
fists grippen fast, (in imitation of a continual liftinge Up
of hands to God Almightie) but by hangeinge up Some
few years in this Posture, theire nerves have soe hardened
that, dureinge life, they can never pull downe theire arms
one inch, or Open theire hands beiiige very much Stiffened,
and clasped round with theire Nailes ; they looke as on
the Other side, I have described.
One Old Fackeer I very well remember, that tooke up
his habitation Under the Shade of a great tamarin tree^,
^ See note on p. 9.
2 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tamarind. There is no quotation with
the spelling as above.
OF CHOROMANDEL 23
in Hugly (in Bengala), and whether he was asleepe or
awake, he continually kept noddinge his head and body,
soe that as low as his Waste it kept as true a motion as if
it had gone by Clockworke, and, by relation, he had Sate
in this posture above 40 years ; these and the like are
accompted very devout men, and these that are soe
devoted are, for the most part, Gentues^
As for those Seduceinge and bewitchinge Brachmans,
they beare great Sway over the Gentues in Generall,
causeinge all (or most of them) soe much to confide in
theire Sorceries and faire Stories, as if they onely were the
true Worshippers of a Deity, and noe Other Sect to live
Eternally save theire Owne.
There is dayly great abundance of Provisions, Sweet- •
meats, &c., and under a colour given to theire Molten Gods
they Worship, and is dayly consumed. Certainly none of
us are soe ignorant but may, with noe great difficulty,
give a neare guesse which way, and by what means these
delicacies are made Use of, beinge assured that Stocks or
Stones, of whatsoever Shapes, are Voide of life, therefore
deficient in Eatinge or drinkinge, Soe that with all reason
(indisputable), wee may be assured that these great pre-
parations of food are devoured by those ravenous priests
of Belial, Even the Same way and manner that the meat
and drinke dayly allowed by Cyrus Kinge of Persia to their
God Bel was. Apoc. i Chap. V. 13 of the History of Bel
and the Dragon*.
And they doe not onely deceive the ignorant Gentues
of the best increase of the Land, but alsoe theire hansomest
^ Here, and in the following paragraph, seemingly used in the
general sense of " Hindu."
2 The reference is a little misleading. The writer means —
Apocrypha — History of Bel and the Dragon, chapter i. (there is but
one chapter) verse 1 3. This verse runs : — " And they little regarded
it : for under the table they had made a privy entrance, whereby they
entred in continually, and consumed those things.''
24 OF CHOROMANDEL
younge Girles of about lo, ii, 12 years of age of their
Virginities, perswadeinge theire parents that they must,
Upon Such a night, be Entertained in the Pagod, and
that theire Patron Jno. Gernaet ^ will appeare to them and
Embrace them, giveinge many holy admonitions to them,
makeinge them Sensible of many tran[s]actions, which
they must be very attentive too, not declareinge any thinge
to man, Woman, or Child, Save to the Brachmans ; and
thus Seldome or never passeth away one night but one
young Virgin or more are Soe robbed of their Virginities
by Some of these insatiable Idolatrous Priests, who cause
the innocent people to confide in all their base actions to
be most just and good.
In soe much that I take this Sect to be the most
Simple and dull headed of all Others, that are soe blindly
ledd not to perceive Such Diabolical actions, the which I
doe admire the more at, beinge they are a people as quick
of Apprehention as any in the Universe, in all Other
things. Those that are tradesmen are very ingenuous, and
those that are accompted Merchants are Very accute, and
the most Excellent Arithmeticians in the World '. They
will resolve the most difficult questions therein with much
brevitie. They write Upon the leaves of Palmero ' trees,
and with a Sharpe pointed Iron (for the penne), an antient
^ See ante^ pp. 12 — 17.
2 "The Bannians...are altogether addicted to Trade; of whom
some are Sheraffs or Bankers, others Broakers, employed between
Merchant and Merchant for buying and selling. Those of this Caste
are so subtil and nimble in Trade, that as I have said before, the
Jews may be their Prentices. They accustom their Children betimes
to fly idleness. And instead of suffering them to lose their time in
playing in the Streets, as we generally do, they teach them Arith-
metick ; which they are so perfect at, that without making use either
of Pen or Ink, or Counters, but only of their menwries, they will in a
moment cast up the most difficult account that can be imagined."
Tavernier, vol. 1. part ii. p. 161.
3 The fan-palm. See later on for other uses of the " Palmero.*'
See also Hobson-Jobsotiy s.v. Palmyra.
OF CHOROMANDEL 25
(yea I suppose of the greatest antiquitie) custome, whence
I doe Suppose wee had that Usual word a leafe of paper.
Theire Secretaries are called Conecopola's'. Their lan-
guadge is farre more difficult to learne then most Other
Langu[ad]ges [in] these Easterne parts ; I take it to be the
hardest Save the Chineeses, which consists of little else
but monosillables.
The Gentues* accompt themselves a very antient
people, as realy they are, and that which they often boast
of is, they alter not theire Religion from the begininge.
They are indeed the Antient Gentiles, and, as I imagine,
of the Seed of those who revolted from Moses, forgettinge
God to Worship a Molten Calfe.
Their Languadge is certainly altered Since those days,
for I have Seen in many of theire Pagods on the greatest
Marble Stones thereof. Especially in the Pagod of Arma-
gon^ Severall lines Engraven in the marble, which they doe
^ This is the Tamil kanakkapillai still used by Europeans as
conicopoly, meaning a clerk or writer, properly an accountant.
"Agreed... to allow One per Cent. Dustoory for the wages of the
Companys Dubasses, Cancoplys, and Bramminys.^' Fort St George
Consultations, 5th July, 1680. Factory Records^ Fort St George,
No. 2. "The Governour accompanyed with the Councell... attended
by six files of Soldyers...the Cancoplys of the Towne and of the
grounds went the circuit of Madrass ground, which was described by
the Cancoply of the grounds, and lyes soe intermixed with others (as
is customary in these Country s) that 'tis impossible to be knowne to
any others, therefore every village has a Cancoply and a Parryar who
are imployed in this office which goes from Father to Son for ever."
N. and E, p. 34 for 21st Sept. 1680.
2 Hindus of the lower orders.
^ Pringle, Consultations for i683,_ has the following note on
Artnagon, vol. ii. p. 140, "Armagon (Arumukam), the site of an old
English factory to the north of Madras, founded in February, 1626,
and abandoned in favour of the settlement at Fort St George in 1641.
In A^. and E, vol. ii. (p. 27), there is a description of the factory house
by Streynsham Master : — * the walls two Storeys high of one part of
it, and a round Bulwart built single by itself.' In Surat letter to the
court 29th December, 1640 — I. O. Records, O. C, No. 1764 — it was
called an * old ruinous building.' Armagon was hastily abandoned
at the last, Andrew Cogan on the Eagle bringing away whatever
belonged to the factors {ibid.\ even before the foundations of Fort St
George were laid. Armagon is said to have received its name after
26 OF CHOROMANDEL
acknowledge none in this Generation (or many before) can
read, and as yet they have a large Chronologie kept in
most Pagods, that diflfer little from the Characters now
Extant in their owne languadge, which Chronologie makes
the World's Age to Exceed our accompt more then
one thousand years, accomptinge each yeare to contain
13 Moons.
They Owne Adam to be the first man created, Eva the
first of women, Cain, Abel, &c., but nothing of Noah's
flood. Now, how those Vast differences happened of ours
and theirs is past my apprehension.
But, in fine, they are a most Subtle people, very worldly
given, and many of them Very rich in this World, and
yet miserable poore in respect of theire liveing, and little
good Use they make of theire riches, for they in generall
live meanly both in cloths, diet, and all Other things.
Theire dwellinge houses are very rarely better then a low
thatched barne in Europe, containing but 2 or 3 very
small darke lodgeinge rooms ; and Some, that are worth
many thousands of pounds Sterlinge, doe dwell in Such
Silly holes, the inner walls of which and floore too, onely
Smoothed Over with Cow dunge, not at all Commodious,
or becomeinge better then the Cows they soe circumspectly
reverence.
one Arumukam Mudaliar, who gave the English some assistance in
1625 ; derivations of the kind, even when supported by family docu-
ments are, however, to be suspected, and in the present case there is
no trustworthy evidence. Streynsham Master observed in his official
diary that * the true name ' of the place was * Duraspatam ' (N. and
E.^ vol. ii. p. 27)."
"There are several Places along the Coast to the Northward,
which in former Times had Commerce abroad, but are now neglected
and unfrequented. Armagon is one.'' Alex. Hamilton's East Indies^
vol. i. p. 369. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxx. p. 346 f. for various forms of the
word.
Armegam, otherwise Monapollem, exists at the present day. It is
a small port in the Nellore district notable for a lighthouse which
warns vessels off the Armegam shoal, 6 miles off shore. The still
water inside the shoal is called Blackwood's Harbour. See Madras
Man. Admn.^ s.v. Armegam and Doogarauzpatam.
OF CHOROMANDEL 2/
There is Another Sort of these Idolaters, who are
accompted to be of a higher Cast, (then the Gentues be).
These are called Banjans*, an idolatrous people as the
former, and farre more zealous in their way ; they are as
much dispersed all Asia over, as the Jews in Europe and
Africa ; their ways of Worship differ little or nothinge
from the Gentues^ They weare the Same Sort of habit,
and' are of the Same Complexion, their laws onely dififer-
inge in Some points of their irreligious religion, and
theire Languadge farre more diflferent These are not
admitted to kill or Eeat any Sort of fish or flesh, or any
thinge whatever that ever had or like to have life in it,
which although it Seemeth a Strange Sort of Penaltie to
us, yet is more Severely Observed by all (as well the
rich as the poore) of this Sect.
The Gentues may kill or Eat any thinge Save the
Bull, Cow, or Calfe.
The Banjan dare not offer any Violence to any animal
^ There is a delicious account in Fryer^ p. 82, of "two sorts of Vermin,
the Fleas and Banyans." — " to this place [Swally] belong two sorts of
Vermin, the Fleas and Banyans ; the one harbouring in the Sand,
fasten upon you as you pass ; where 'tis some Pastime to see what
Shift the Banyan makes, being bit by them, he dare not kill them, for
fear of unhousing a Soul, according to their Notion of Transmigration ;
but giving them a severe Pinch will put them to shift for themselves in
a Nest of Cotton- Wool. The other Vermin are the Banyans themselves,
that hang like Horse-leeches, till they have suck'd both Sanguinem
and Succum (I mean Mony) from you : As soon as you have set your
foot on shore, they crowd in their Service, interposing between you and
all Civil Respect, as if you had no other Business but to be gull'd ; so
that unless you have some to make your way through them, they will
interrupt your going, and never leave till they have drawn out something
for their Advantage." Compare also Tavernier's description of the
Bannians, vol. i. part ii. p. 161 f "The third Caste is that of the
Bannians....They never eat any thing that has life; nay they would
rather dye, than kill the smallest Animal. or Vermin that crawls, being
in that point above all things the most zealous Observers of the Law.
They never fight, nor go to War ; neither will they eat or drink in the
House of a Raspoute, because they kill the Victuals they eat, all but
Cows, which they never touch."
2 See note on p. 23.
28 OF CHOROMANDEL
whatever, not soe much as a rat, a Snake, a toade,
a lowse, but will rather purchase their redemption by
good words, or moneys, if they see them apprehended
Either by a Christian or Mahometan, (for these follow-
ing reasons).
They hold the Pithgorean Philosophie, believeinge the
immortalitie of Souls, and that when the body is deprived
of life, the Soule passeth out of that into another.
They are of an Opinion that the Souls of those who
have lived well in this World, without either fraude or
Guile, and have been Charitable, Especially to the poore
of his own Sect &c., doe infallibly Enter into the harm-
lesest and tame creatures, as Chickens, pidgeons, turtle
doves, lambs, or the like^
Many of them are men very well accowtred with worldly
riches, and most Zealous in theire way, soe that in Charity
they doe much resemble the jews, relieveinge and En-
couradgeinge all of their own Cast, if any whit ingenuous.
They feed for the most part upon that which is very good,
as Rice, peas, bread, butter. Sweetmeats, potatos, yamms^
^ Compare Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 167. "'Tis an Article of the
Idolaters Faith, that the Souls of Men departing out of the body, are
presented to God, who according to the lives which they lead, orders
them another body to inhabit. So that one and the same person is
bom several times into the World. And that as for the Souls of wicked
and vicious persons, God disposes them into the bodies of contempt-
able Beasts, such as Asses, Dogs, Cats, and the like ; to do Penance
for their crimes in those infamous Prisons. But they believe that those
Souls that enter into Cows are happy; presuming that there is a
divinity in these creatures. For if a man dye with a Cows- tail in his
hand, they say it is enough to render him happy in the • other World.
The Idolaters believing thus the transmigration of the Souls of men
into the bodies of other creatures, they abhor to kill any creature
whatever, for fear they should be guilty of the death of some of their
kindred or friends doing Penance in those bodies. If the Men in their
life- time are famous for their vertuous deeds, they hold that their Souls
pass into the bodies of some Potent Raja's: where they enjoy the
pleasures of this life in those bodies, as the reward of those good works
which they did."
2 Fryer^ p. 104, has "Yawms." See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Yam.
OF CHOROMANDEL 29
Salatinge^ &c. ; they eat noe Eggs, nor Cheese, the former
by reason they will not prevent increase of liveinge
Creatures, the latter, by reason it cannot be made without
Useinge Some Small part that did appertaine to a liveinge
creature, commonly called the Runnett
Neither of these Casts* drinke any manner of Liquor
Save water and milke, or Congye*, which is noe more then
fresh Water boyled with a little rice in it, but they doe
allow theire Wifes to drinke wine or distilled waters,
dureinge the time of theire beinge with childe, but at
noe Other times, and then but Very Sparingely, and of
Liquor not Over Stronge.
They allow but of one Wife, an Excellent Principle
in or amonge Such Heathens, were it not corrupted with
Other large Liberties of Conscience, for they may not-
withstandinge take to themselves soe many concubines as
they are able and willinge to maintaine.
Theire Ceremony of Marriadge is after a most absurde
Simple manner, (as followeth). The Parents of the younge
Couple beinge agreed, (for that must be the first instru-
ment, the younge ones beinge of soe few and tender
years, that they be not capable of Understandinge what
marriadge rheaneth) the Brachman joyneth theire hands
to a liveinge Cows taile, before many Spectators, which
done, after some mutteringe Speeches Used, (not very
tedious) they are let goe againe. This is done by some
River or pond of water, a multitude of men, Women,
and Children accompanyinge them. They are carried
^ Salading, i.e. vegetables for salads.
2 See note on p. 9.
^ A generic term for invalid diet ; also a substitute for starch in
stiffening cloth. "Their sick do nourish themselves only with boiled
Rice, which they do make extreamly liquid : the Portuguese of the
Indies do call it Cange." De La Loublre^ p. 63. "The washers engage
to wash, whiten, conjee, beat and well cure according to custom all
callicoes and cloth at the rates following." N. and E.^ p. 18, 13th April,
1680. See also Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Congee.
30 OF CHOROMANDEL
home in a Palanchino\ where the Brachman repeats some
ribble rabble Stufife over with a lowde Voice, to this
Effect, that they may have length of days, great Successe,
and that theire Seed may multiplie, be benefactors to the
Pagods, &c., which ceremony Ended, they all Sit downe
crosse legged upon Carpets, or Matts, or cringeinge upon
their heels, and make merry with Betelee Areca', tobacco,
or the like, accordinge as theire abilitie can afford.
Att Night, about the 7th or 8th houre, and from that
to the 1 2th, the Bridegroom and bride are carried in
a Palanchino through all the principle Streets of the
towne, attended with many Lamps and Torches, dance-
inge women, with all Sorts of the Countrey musick, as
pipes, drums, trumpets. Voices, and the Streets thronged
with Spectators. Such Ceremonie as this is performed
to the meanest marriadges, but the richer Sort they have
it soe for many nights, with fine Shews and rope dancings,
tricks of activitie of bodie, with a traine proportionable,
many flaggs and Pendans flying, with great feastings many
days and nights foUowinge to great Admiration*.
Noe man is admitted to marry, Unlesse he can purchase
moneys to the Value of 2Q or 25 pagods*, a Coine very
Current here, which moneys the Male must bestowe upon
^ See note on p. 19. Compare also Fryer^ p. 34, on "Their hanging
Coaches, and those that carry them."
2 The modem pan [pawn], which consists of the leaf of the betel
creeper, dried areca-nut, lime, etc. Compare Streynsham Master's
Diary for Sept. 25th, 1676, p. 65. " I Incouraged him [Anuntram] to
speak the trueth and not to feare any, and then gave him beetle which
is a token of kindness and favour." Compare also Schouten^ i. p. 293,
and Fryer^ p. 40. " The Marchants were sent away with Beetle and
Rose water well contented." Consultation at Fort St George, 5th July,
1680. Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 2. See Hobson-Jobson^
s.v. Betel and Areca. The various references to " Betelee Areca " in
this MS. are valuable for the history of betel and the betel-nut, which
are two separate things.
3 Compare Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 181, for a description of
marriage ceremonies in Surat.
* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Pagoda. See later on for other mentions
of the coin and its value.
OF CHOROMANDEL 3 1
the Parents of her he purposeth to be his Wife, to gaine
their consent. This must be done although they give him
nothinge with her, or if they are able and willinge to give
her it againe tenne or 20 fold, yet this acknowledgement
must first be made.
They are not admitted to marry one Occupation with
another^ A merchant must marry a Merchant's Daughter,
a Weaver a Weaver's Daughter, a Taylor with a Taylor's
Daughter, a Gold Smith with a Gold Smiths Daughter,
and soe of the rest. Every man must Consequently traine
theire Sons up to the Occupation he is of himselfe, and
not assume any Other.
The Rich Merchants make Sure to marry theire children
before they coriie to 8 years of age.
And the Poorer Sort faile not much in the Same, not
at all Save in the Male, who must be Capable of Some
Occupation or an Apprentice to it at least wise. They
are generally married at the age of 15 or 16 years, but
the females doe rarely Exceed 8 years before they are
married, but not admitted to Use Carnal Copulation untill
She bee 1 1 years Old, and then thought ripe Enough.
Many of these women in Asia, Especially in the
Southern Parts thereof, doe conceive at Eleven years of
age. I have known many bringe forth at 12 or Under,
to us Seeminge Strange, but not to them ; but againe, on
the Other hand, as they are Soon ripe, they are Soon
Withered, for a Woman of 30 years of age Shall Seem
1 " The rest of the Natives that are not reckoned in the number of
these Castes, are called Pauzecour. These are such as employ them-
selves in Handicraft Trades ; among which there is no other distinction,
but according to the Trades which they follow from Father to Son.
So that a Taylor cannot prefer his Son, but only in his own Calling,
though he be never so rich ; nor marry either a Son or Daughter, but
to one of his own Craft. By the same rule, when a Taylor dies, all
those of his own Trade accompany the corps to the place where it is
burnt : and the same practise is observM in all other Trades." Taver-
flier ^ vol. i. part ii. p. 162.
32 OF CHOROMANDEL
as though she [were] 50 or upwards, and Seldome any of
them beare Children after they see 25 or 26 years.
Theire Garments are Very thinne, Suitable Enough in
that respect for the Climate they live in, but not at all
fashionable. They are a Slender, Straight Limed, well
favoured people, of a tawny complexion, black haired.
Their Children for the most part goe Starke naked to
6 or 7 years of age. Theire Garment[s] are then as here
described.
They often wash themselves over with water, and
daube all theire bodies with Oyle, more Especially the
haire, and are for the most part dayly marked in the
forehead with a Stroke or two of red or white lead, or
both, Exactly between the Eye brows, which marke is put
on by a Brachman (Otherways of noe Esteeme). They
say it is a Sure badge or token of good luck that day*, and
with these and many the like fopperies they are apparently
deluded and cheated out of a great deale of moneys.
I was oftentimes very desirous to discourse with some
of the Learndedst of theire Brachmans, which I never
was denied, after I had learned Some of theire languadge
and gesture of body. One I very well remember in the
towne of Ballasore (in Bengala). About the nth houre
in the night, I was converseinge with Sundry of them,
neare the English Broker's house* (a very Zealous
Gentue), and after Some discourse with them, the Moone,
which but a Short Space Shone very gloriously, was now
^ "The Bramin marks the forhead of all. ..with a kind of Vermillion.'*
Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 166.
2 The only mention I have found of the English broker at Balasor
is in the following passage, contained in a deposition by Shem Bridges
against William Blake, dated in Balasor 7 June, 1669, O. C. No. 3288,
" Mamood Izzufif whilst Govemour of Ballasore intended to prejudice
the English in... falling on Narrandasse [Narayan Das] the English
house broker." The broker at Kasimbazar was Anantram, who gave
evidence at the enquiry into the death of Raghu the Poddar, in which
Matthias Vincent was implicated.
,*^'
OF CHOROMANDEL 33
Eclipsed*, at first Sight whereof they all rose Up in great
hast, mutteringe many words in theire form of prayer, with
theire hands Elevated towards the Heavens, and went with
all Expedition into a great tanke of water which was very
nigh. Many Brachmans came in, and with them Sundry
persons more, I dare Say above lOO in number, some
Sprinklinge themselves with water or Mudde, Some
prayinge, bowinge theire faces close to the water. Others
prostrateinge themselvs at the brinke of the water, many
women hasteninge with Small lamps lighted. Store of
Sweet flowers I judge for theire Offerings. I Stayed there
to See Such sort of transactions, at the least 2 hours.
The Brachmans kept a Chattaringe with a lowde Voice,
and soe fast that I cold scarce Understand them one
word. The moone appearinge in its former beauty, and
theire (as it were) passion mitigated, I asked some of them
(my intimate acquaintance) what they meant to acquire by
Such Strange fancies and Notions they Used at that time,
or what was the[i]re Opinion of an Eclipse of Sun or
Moone.
Theire answer was, that they prayed to Jove, that he
^ Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 179, thus describes the eclipse of
July, 1666. "The second of July 1666, about one a Clock in the
afternoon, at Patna in Bengala, there was an Eclipse of the Sun, at
which time it was a prodigious thing to see the multitudes of people,
men, women, and children, that ran to the river Ganges, to wash
themselves. But it behoves them to begin to wash three days before
the Eclipse, all which time they labour day and night in providing all
sorts of Rice Milk, meats, and Sweetmeats, to throw to the Fish and
Crocodiles, as soon as the Bramins give the word. Whatever Eclipse
it be whether of the Sun or Moon, the Idolaters as soon as it appears,
break all their Earthen Pots knd Dishes in the house, which makes a
hideous noise altogether.... And as soon as the victuals are thrown into
the River, the people are to go in and wash and rub themselves till the
Eclipse be over. So that in regard the waters were at that time very
high, for more than three Leagues above and below the City, and all
the breadth of the River, there was nothing to be seen but the heads
of the people."
Bernier^ who saw this same eclipse from Delhi, also gives a good
description. See pp. 301 f. Compare also Fryer^ p. 109, and Schouten^
vol. ii. p. 286, for other accounts.
T. X
34 OF CHOROMANDEL
wold remove the Venemous Serpent that did bite the
Moone, and put her to Such an intollerable paine, that She
lost the glory of her wonted lights I presumed to ask
Some of the Brachmans, that are Such great Magicians,
whether they were soe well Versed in Astronomic, as to
give accompt when the next Eclipse of Sun, or Moone
shold happen. They answered noe, not any cold tell that,
but God that dwelleth soe neare them By which I found
theire ignorance, and told them many things to that
purpose, which they tooke Slender Notice of I asked
them if theire God Jno. Gernaet'' had any knowledge of
Such things. Theire answer was Very Sharpe, and to the
Effect that he knoweth all Secrets.
The Banjans and Gentues, as well male as female, doe
in generall Suffer the Nailes of theire hands and feet to
grow of a great length, more like to birds claws then
otherways, which amongst them is Esteemed as a great
Ornament, alsoe weare in theire noses a ringe or pendant
of Gold or Silver. The males alsoe generally weare one
2 or 3 large rings in each Eare, and the females have very
^ Compare Bemier^ p. 303 f " I shall now mention the wise and
convincing reasons assigned for the festival of the eclipse, and for the
rites with which it is attended. We have, say they, our four Beths
[Vedas] ; that is, our four books of law, sacred and divine writings
given unto us by God himself, through the medium of Brahma. These
books teach that a certain Deuta [godling], an incarnate divinity, ex-
tremely malignant and mischievous, very dark, very black, very impure,
and very filthy (these are all their own expressions) takes possession of
the Sun, which it blackens to the colour of ink, infects and obscures ;
that the Sun, which is also a Deuta, but of the most beneficent and
perfect kind, is thrown into a state of the greatest uneasiness, and
suffers a most cruel agony while in the power of and infected by this
wicked and black being ; that an endeavour to rescue the Sun from so
miserable a condition becomes the duty of every person; that this
important object can be obtained only by the means of prayers,
ablutions, and alms ; that those actions have an extraordinary merit
during the festival of the eclipse, the alms then bestowed being a
hundred times more valuable than alms given at any other time ; and
who is he, they ask, that would refuse to make a profit of cent per
cent.?"
2 See note on p. 7.
OF CHOROMANDEL 35
large holes cut in the eare, wherein they weare very large
rings like to small hoops, not as pendants, but hoops
Surrounded with the Skin of the Eare. When they are
younge (yea in theire infancie), they have Small Ones
made of palmero * leafe thrust in, and soe, as they encrease
in age, larger and larger, Untill they many of them come
to have them 2 or 3 inches broad in each Eare, and if
larger, Esteemed soe much the more beautifull. The
Mallabars^ Use the Same customes, and differ in many
points of theire Idolatrous Sect, and as much alsoe in
Complexion, fbr they are for the most part of a Very black
colour, not Unlike in that to the Ethiopians, but much
comlier, haveinge very longe haire, and well favoured both
in face and body.
They are for the most part very poore in Comparison
of the Other, not beinge in abilitie to weare soe maiiy rich
Jewels, but neverthelesse they imitate as nigh as theire
abilities will allow. The Wealthiest Sort have Sheckels '
of Silver upon theire Arms, neare soe high as the Elbow,
from the wrist upwards. Others of brasse, or Coppar, and
Some have them of greene glasse, with great brasse rings
Upon theire tows.
When any man of the Banjan or Gentue Sect give up
the Ghost, Either by Sicknesse, or any accident Soever,
they bury not theire dead carcases, but they carry them
into the field that imitates the.buryinge places, and there
burne them to ashes *, the which custome of theirs a more
cruel Tragedy accompanieth, of which as foUoweth.
^ See note on p. 24.
* See note on p. 6.
^ Shackles.
* Compare Bernier^ p- 3^ 5- "Most of the Gentiles bum their dead ;
but some partially broil the bodies with stubble, near the side of a
river, and then precipitate theril into the water from a high and steep
bank."
36 OF CHOROMANDEL
The Husband beinge dead, and his body prepared for
the fire, his Wifes and concubines prepare themselvs for
the fire alsoe ^, beinge very Sumptuously adorned with very
fine linnen, after theire best mode, beset with many Jewels,
(accordinge to theire abilitie) accompanied by the Hellish
Brachmans, who discourse with them very Zealously or at
least wise pretendinge it, highly commendinge the fidelitie
of those Vertuous women, that remaine soe constant in
accompanyinge theire deceased Husband or Master, and
cease not to Singe Over the joys they will attaine to in
the EHzium. Their Friends and neare Relations strive
to accompany them to the fire, doteingly praiseinge their
fidelitie. I had heard of many Upon this Coast eVe I had
Sight of One, but in my journey. Anno Domini 1672, from
Fort St. Georg's toward Metchlipatam', overland, I hap-
pened to Stopp at a towne called Careero '. When I had
dined, and made preparations to pack up our bag and
^ See later on for other accounts of satt. Compare Fryer^ P- 33 J
Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. pp. 169-172 ; and Bernier^ pp. 307-314, on the
same subject.
2 Masulipatam.
3 " Careda which is in the midway betweene this and Metchle-
patam.'' Letter from Agent Langhome at Fort St George, dated
loth Sept. 1673. Factory Records^ Miscellaneous, No. 3, p. 138.
"Leaving Ramapatam and passing through Careda (Karedu)
which is a seaport and the best towne on the road hitherto." Streyn-
sham Master's Memoriall, quoted in -A^. and E, for i8th March, 1679,
p. 28.
" Bundalela Shawhe Governour of Carera and thereabouts having
sent us word possitivly, that he will entertaine the Interlopers, in case
we will not make a Settlement in his Government,... itt is agreed that
as soon as with c[on]veniency, we Settle a Factory att Carera, and
that the said Governour be acquainted therewith." Consultation at
Fort St George, 6th August, 1683, Pringle, Consultations^ vol. ii.
p. 72.
" Carrera has the Benfit of a large River that reaches a great
Way into the Country." Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. i. p. 369.
*' Caraid (Karedu, Telugu). From kari^ Tel. black and vidu^ Tel.
town. Village, Port ; Nellore district ;... Hardly any trade now.
Noted for Betel gardens. Ancient temples.... Noted for dyeing cloths.
Large tank. Festival of Shiva in February." Madras Man, Admn,^
vol. iii. s.v. Car. See also Ind. Ant.^ vol. xxx. p. 349 f.
OF CHOROMANDEL 37
bagadge in readinesse to proceed further, my Dubashee ^
whose name was Narsa*, asked me if I wold Stay to See
a handsome younge Widdow burned, by reason her
husband was dead and to be burnt that afternoone, where-
upon I Stayed out of Curiosities Sake to See the truth of
Such an action that I had often heard of, and, about the
third houre in the afternoone, I saw a multitude of men,
women, and Children comeinge out of the towne. I went
to them on hor[s]eback, thereby to get the better Spectacle
of this barbarous action. About J a mile from the towne,
on -a greene plaine, was a great fire prepared, that burned
very light, about which they thronged. I alsoe rode close
up to it, where I cold discerne the body of a man on a
light fire, neare to which lay much combustible matter
piled round, hollow in the middle, which they Soon Set
fire too, and then most of the crowde did Separate them-
selves, standinge round it at 2 or 3 yards distance. I
rode close up to the younge woman, who was Seemingly
Extraordinary chearefull. I asked her the reason why she
was soe deluded by the Brachmans, who overheareinge
me Seemed to be angry, but She, eVe they had time to
Speake, Smiled and Said it was the happiest houre that
Ever She Saw. She Spake something quick, which shewed
great desperateness in her, and without all controversie
these Satyrical Priests give them something to intoxicate
* An interpreter and mercantile broker. See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v,
Dubash. A^. and E. p. 20, for 25th May, 1680, has — "bringing
letters... that Verona the Dubass was dead." And p. 27, for 5th July,
1680, "the wages of the Company's Dubasses." And p. 43, for
28th Dec. 1680, " Resolved to Tasheriff the seven Chief Merchants
and the Chief Dubass upon New Years Day." In his preface to his
Dictionary of English and Malayo^ T. B. says that he learned the
" Malayo Language " in order that he might " Converse with those
people without the assistance of a Prevaricating Interpreter, as they
commonly are."
2 Narsa was responsible, no doubt, for the mispronunciation
Janganath (for Jagannath), which produced "Jno. Gemaet." In
1680 the Dutch had a Dubash called Narsa, at Golconda.
38 OF CHOROMANDEL
them, by which they are Exited to this Valour and Eager-
nesse of workinge theire owne destruction.
This Silly Creature, with a most chearefull Smileinge
countenance, lift up her hands, and accordinge to the
countrey complements, Salam'd ^ to all her friends. Especi-
ally to the Brachmans, and lookeinge Earnestly upon me,
gave me some white and yellow flowrs she tooke from her
haire of her head that was beautifully adqrned after the
Gentue fashion, and with Strange nimblenesse Sprange
into the fire.
Whereupon, to make the Ceremonie Seeme more
pleasant, they at that instant tuned up Severall Sorts of
musicke, vizt. pipes, drums, trumpets, accompanied with
Shouting in Such a measure, that not one Screach of the
woman in torment cold be heard. Many of the by-
standers keep throwinge on much more combustible things,
to wit, dry faggots, Oyle, butter, dried palmero* leaves, or
the like.
The richer Sort, more Especially those in Office, a?
Naiques' (for soe the Hindoo Governours are Entitled),
when one of them dye, they, as they kept many Concu-
bines, have many burnt at theire decease, as for Example: —
A Naique that lived neare Mylapore*, vizt. St. Thomae,
^ Saluted. See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Salaam. This is a very early
instance of the use of " Salaam " as a verb.
^ See note on p. 24.
3 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Naik, in its sense of nobleman. Compare
Tkevenot, part iii. p. 105, "There are many Naiques to the South of
St. Thomas, who are Sovereigns : The naique of Madura is one ; he
of Tangiour is at present a Vassal to the Kmg of Viziapour. Naique
properly signifies a Captain ; heretofore they were Governours of
Places, and Officers of the King ; but having Revelled [? rebelled],
they made themselves Sovereigns.'*
* Now a part of Madras itself. Compare Mandelslo, p. 93, " The
Town of Meliapour, then the Metropolis of the Kingdom." " There
are several Towns on this Coast, some of which are good,... Meliapour
or St. Thomas, which lyes in the heighth of thirteen degrees and a
half, and which the Moors (with the assistance of the Dutch) took
back from the Portuguese in the year One thousand six hundred sixty
two." Thevenoty part iii. p. 105. For note on St. Thom^, see p. 45.
OF CHOROMANDEL 39
died the Same yeare I arrived in East India^ and for his
celebration of the Funerall, which was very fiery, 27
women that were his Wifes and Concubines were burned.
Oh ! horrid destruction ! Who can Otherways imagine but
the Devil to be the author of Such base inventions ?
Such Cruelties are most in Use in the parts of India
where the Countrey is Governed by the Gentue Naiques,
or Radja's^ as some term themselves, which signifieth Vice
Kinge ; and, on the Contrary, where the Governours are
Mahometans, not one halfe soe much in that respect can
be acted, the women. Especially those that are handsome,
beinge disswaded from the fact, and counselled, immedi-
ately at the death of theire Husbands, to forsake theire
Friends and Brachmans, and repaire to them, where they
shall be very Courteously Entertained ; but they dare nx>t
rescue any by force and Violence, by reason the Idolaters
doe annually purchase theire freedome of theire heathenish
laws, and Diabolicall customes, with noe Small Summs
of moneys ^ and condescendinge Obedience to the Mogol
and his Omrahs *.
* I have been unable to identify this individual.
2 This and later references are valuable as showing that in
the 17th Century the true position of a Raja was understood by
the merchants and traders of the time : a point that is missed by
Yule. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Raja. "Among those not paying
tribute may be numbered more than a hundred Rajas, or Gentile
sovereigns of considerable strength, dispersed over the whole empire,
some near and some at a distance from Agra and Delhi." Bernier,
p. 208, who missed the point that the Raja is a subordinate ruler or
governor.
3 The writer is probably alluding to a special administration of the
YaX^djazta or poll-tax. See note on p. 10.
* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Omrah. It is the plural umara of amir
(ameer), and signifies a high official, a court grandee. Compare
Thevenot^ part iii. p. 102, on the " Omras or Omros of Golconda."
" The Omras are the great Lords of the Kingdom, who are (for the
most part) Persians, or the Sons of Persians ; they are all rich, for
they not only have great Pay yearly of the King for their Offices, but
they make extream advantage, also by the Soldiers, scarcely paying
one half of the number they are obliged to entertain ; besides that,
they have gratifications from the King, of Lands and Villages, whereof
he allows them the Use, where they commit extraordinary exactions
by the Bramens, who are their Farmers.**
40 OF CHOROMANDEL
Some of the women they burne at the fiery flames of
theire deceased Husbands are not very willing thereto,
notwithstandinge all the wicked devices practised by those
wretches; yet, when they have once condescended, they
practice that Villainie Upon them with Strange Severitie,
though the party repent her Selfe of that folly, and be
Unwillinge to destroye her Selfe for many reasons, as the
leaveinge theire poore Children behind them to be dealt
with they know not how, which is a maine and principall
reason all tender Mothers ought to have, but these Devilish
Brachmans will not consider these things, or looke upon
theire dolefull lamentations as any thinge worthy of com-
miseration, but will by force and Violence destroy them.
One I saw very Unaturaly handled by the Brachmans
and theire associates, for, repentinge of Such an intended
act, they laid Violent hands on her and threw her into the
fire, which was not throughly inflamed, and there pressed
the poore Creature downe with a long powle Untill she
was consumed.
I have knowne One who was rescued from the hands
of those Heathenish Devils, (at the Very instant she was
to be consumed by fire) ; it was done by a parcell of English
Seamen, without any resistance of the parties concerned,
Onely did very much Stomach them, that had not beene
Soe Served before, and cold find noe remedie for it. She
was a younge fresh complexioned Girle not exceedinge.
tenne years of age. Some few hours after her conveyance,
to an English house, she began to be much in her sences,
but admired how she came thither, and, upon information
of the whole Story, She was very penitent and Sorry that
She shold condescend to such Evil councel of her Friends
and the Brachmans, and, in a few days, beinge better
instructed, She was Baptized, and lived with the English
in our Factory of Metchlipatam \
^ Masulipatam. One reason for her conversion was that she could
not possibly go back to her people.
OF CHQROMANDEL 41
The Mallabars, as I said before, doth much vary
both in Customes of Idolatry, Languadge, and what else,
but are indeed rather a more ignorant Sort of people then
these be, and are of many Sectaries amongst themselves,
Every individual trade haveinge different molten Gods to
Worship. Besides, they are a more dull headed people,
few of them ingenuous in any art whatever, vizt. the
Mallabars that reside Upon this Coast, but those Naturall
Mallabars that inhabit Upon the Mallabar Coast (com-
monly called the Coast of India) are a very briske,
ingenuous folke, but too bloody minded to all Nations
whatever they can Overpowre, but these are for the [most
part] Very laborious men, but of noe gentile ^ Occupations,
neither are they admitted into the Society of the Banjans
or Gentues, Either in theire houses or Pagods. There are
another Sort of inhabitants about this Coast that are the
Offscum of all the rest; they are called Parjars*; they
are of noe Cast whatever, deficient in the knowledge of
any Religion whatever, worshipinge nothinge, but live and
dye quite after the manner of beasts and noe better, neither
do they abstaine from any thinge that is fit for a man to
eat or drinke, yet they keep a good decorum in some
things of theire owne heads. They have every man one
woman, and do labour hard for the maintenance of her
and her Children ; they dwell in Small Cottages apart,
not intermixed with any Other of the inhabitants ; many
of them nowadays are yearly converted to the Christian
faith by the Portugal Priests* and Jesuites. As I safd
^ i.e, Hindu.
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Pariah. A^. and E. p. 34, for 21st Sept.
1680, has "Every village has a Cancoply [clerk] and a Paryar
[Servant] who are imployed in this office which goes from Father to
Son." " The Parreas are the vilest caste of all." Schouten, vol. ii.
p. 23. "Buy me. ..a Slave boy.. .Let him not be of a Parryar, but a
good Cast." O. C. No. 4583.
3 The Court of Directors in England had a very poor opinion of
the "Portugall Priests." In a letter to Fort St. George, dated 7th
42 OF CHOROMANDEL
before, they are all of them laborious, as bricklayers,
Masons, Smiths, fishermen, or the like ; those are called
Moquaes \ The boats they doe lade and Unlade Ships or
Vessels with are built very Sleight, haveinge noe timbers
in them, Save thafts* to hold their Sides togeather.
Theire planke are very broad and thinne. Sowed togeather
with Cayre^ beinge flatt bottomed and every way much
deformed, as on the Other Side demonstrated ^
They are Soe Sleightly built for conveniencies sake,
and realy are most proper for this Coast ; for, all along
the Shore, the Sea runneth high and breaketh, to which
they doe buckle and alsoe to the ground when they Strike.
December, 1669 {Letter Book, No. 4, p. 289), they wrote, "In our
former Instructions, Wee advised you cheifely to encorage the
Protestant religion, and to indulge those that discented therefrom,
Since which wee understand that your over much familiarity with the
Portugall and French Padrees becomes a great snare to our Factors
and Servants, for that they are a very great meanes to lead them into
all manner of debauchery, and disorder, which wee desire you for the
future, to take care to prevent."
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Mucoa. See also Pringle, Consultations,
vol. iii. note (90), p. 187. Schouten, in his description of the different
castes in Ceylon, vol. ii. p. 23, has "The Carreas and the Mockuas are
fishermen." At a Consultation held at Fort St George on the
loth Jan. 1678, great complaints were made against the " Macquaus."
They had desired an increase of pay so that they might have no
temptation to steal, and, as many had left Fort St. George for Pulicat,
where the Dutch gave them higher wages, their pay was raised to
" fower fanams per Mosullas lading of 6 bales." With this increase
they appeared to be satisfied, but, " in the Night they run all away,
carrying their Oars with them." The Council was compelled to send
after the " Macquaus," and offer them 5 fanams, which they accepted.
Factory Records, Fort St George, No. i. N. and E. p. 2, for 29th
January, 1679, l^^is, "'tis of absolute necessity to build the curtain next
the Muckwa or Fishers' Town from St. Thomas' Point by the sea side
to the Round Point by the river side." The word Moquae is from
Tam. mukkuvar, plu. of mukkuvan, a caste of fishermen, or a member
of the caste.
2 Thwarts. Smyth, Sailor^ Word Book, p. 678, has " Thaughts,
properly Athwarts ; see Thwarts."
2 See Hobson-Jobson, s.ii. Coir. It is used above, and elsewhere in
this MS., in the sense of rope made from cocoanut husk. "The cable
being new made of Maldiva Cair never started a stran." Diary of
Streynsham Master, loth Sept. 1676, p. 58. See Ind. Ant, vol. xxx.
p. 390, for various forms of the word.
* See Plate viii. facing p. 44.
• OF CHOROMANDEL 43
They are called Massoolas*, and are for little Use Save
carryinge of light goods (as bailes of Callicoes or Silkes,
not exceedinge 6 or 8 at one time).
When any great Ordinance, Anchors, butts of water or
the like ponderous ladeinge is carried off or on, they Seize
4, 5, or 6 large pieces of boyant timber togeather, and
this they call a Cattamaran", Upon which they can lade
3 or 4 tunns weight. When they goe on fishinge, they
are ready with very Small Ones of the like kind, that will
carry but 4, 3, 2, or one man onely, and upon these Sad
things, they will boldly adventure [out] of sight of the
Shore, but indeed they Swimme (in generall) as naturaly
as Spanyall dogs. I have often Seen them one leage or
more off Shore, when the Westerly winds have blowne
very hard, which is right off, soe that they cold by noe
means paddle any nearer in, and they have made Sleight
of it, onely let fall theire line with a Stone fast thereto,
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Mussoola. " This operation [lading the
vessel] was accomplished by means of little boats, called Porcas and
Mossels, which are round and long, hollow, high, made of rough
planks, without keel, the planks being simply sown together. They
are rubbed with a coating of hair and tar, and can be easily inclined
in any direction. The passenger sits in the stern. They pitch and
roll continually, and often broach to, being on the water almost like
buckets or basins when empty." Schouten^ vol. i. p. 303. " Having
encreased the Mosullas from 7 to 13 and now to 17 we could as soon
fill twice their number." Fort St. George "Generall" to the Court,
dated 12th Jan. 1675. O, C, No. 4044, p. 15. N. and E. p. 3, for
9th Feb. 1680, has "Muckwars or Mussulamen." " Mussoolas; large
flat bottom'd, ill-shap'd Boats, not nail'd as ours, but sow'd together
with Coyr-twine, whence they are so pliable, that the Planks never
start with the most violent Shocks." Lockyer, Trade in India^
p. II.
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Catamaran. " Catamarous are nothing
more than three or four little planks or beams joined together and
fastened securely like a raft. There were some [on the Coromandel
Coast] which were covered with a mat, and could carry a little sail
made of the bark of trees, with which they sailed very quickly. But
when they wanted to row, the fisherman, or the owner sat partly in the
water rowing with his feet, and also with an oar which had flat ends,
so that he got along very quickly." Schouten^ vol. i. p. 297. Compare
also Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. lof. "Catamaran, kattumaram^
Tamil. Raft, consisting of three logs of very buoyant timber." Mad.
Man. Admn. vol. iii. p. 137.
44 OF CHOROMANDEL
and let the Cattaraman ride by it, (for such are theire
Anchors) and they Swimme on Shore both against wind
and Sea.
One of these Mallabars, (an inhabitant of Enore*) about
1 1 English miles Northward of Fort St. Georg's, a fellow
I knew very well, chanced to be out on fishinge when
Extremitie of weather tooke him, and soe Violently, that
he lost Sight of the Shore, and was soe farre out that he
cold not ride at anchor, but was constrained to leave her,
and betake himselfe to Swimminge, but lost his way both
to Shore and findinge his Cattamaran againe, and in that
helplesse condition this poore fellow lay, keepinge himselfe
above water with all the Ease he cold, but e*re he got the
Shore, it was almost 4 days and 4 nights, and at length by
meere accident, more then his owne Endeavours, he was
thrown upon the Shore about ^ of [a] mile from the barre
in the night time, by the helpe of a Stronge tide of flood
and an Easterne rowleinge Sea, after he had been 90 hours
at least Upon the Water.
Hee was taken up by Some of his neighbour fishermen,
who perceiveinge Some life to be in him. Used all means
theire Genius wold afford them to recover more, which
they did in a Short time. I knew the person Very well,
and have Seen him Some years Since.
Their Massoolas and largest Sort of Cattamarans are
built in the followinge forme. [Plate viii.]
Six miles to the Southwards of Fort St. Georges
standeth Severall mountains pretty high, the One of which
is called St. Thomas's Mount, Where the Apostle St. Thomas
is Said to preach Salvation to this Nation, Strongly con-
firmed by most Roman Catholicks, both Europeans and
^ " Ennore, Ennur^ Tarn. Village just north of Cuttiwaukum back-
water...from Madras N. 12 miles... Ennore beacon is a trig, station."
Mad. Man. Admn. vol. iii. p. 291. N. and £". p. 17 for loth May,
1680, has " The Agent, &c., went to take the air at Enoor."
OF CHOROMANDEL 45
the Native Christians, who doe in generall reverence this
Mountainc, from the bottom to the top of which there
are Excellent Stone Staires for the better ascendinge it,
whereon there is a Papist Church, and a reverend Fryar
or two maintained, whose benefice is none of the Smallest,
by the often concourse of people that resort thither, both
for pleasantnesse of aire and Satisfaction of takeinge a
View of the Saints tombe which is in the Chappel^
^ "S. Thomas, formerly called Meliapour, where, according to
tradition the Apostle S. Thomas was martyred, is 8 leagues from
Sadrispatnam, towards the north, and at a little less distance from
Paliacatte. The Portuguese had formerly a flourishing trade there
and had made a fine town of it ; but the Maures [Moors] took it from
them some years ago. A quantity of painted Coromandel cloths,
handkerchiefs, stuffs, white cotton cloths were procurable here.... The
water of the place is so suitable for these manufactures, that a number
of good workmen, painters and weavers are always to be found there..."
Schouten^ vol. i. p. 488. See also p. 467 for the legend of the re-
moval of the tree from the harbour by St Thomas.
"The Mores,... having made themselves masters of the town [of St
Thom^], rebuilt the fortifications and the walls, which are very good,
well built and cemented. They are 12 ft. wide and 28 ft. high, and
are constructed of a very strong and smooth stone on which cannon
has little effect. The houses are underground, protected from the
ravages of time and war, and are not so high as the walls, with
the exception of three churches, those of Notre- Dame, the Jesuits, and
the Hostel-D ieu. . . ." Delestre^ p. 1 73 f.
Fryer^ p. 4j, writes as follows, "Of St. Thomas: It is a City that
formerly for Riches, Pride, and Luxury, was second to none in India ;
but since, by the mutability of Fortune, it has abated much of its
adored Excellencies. The Sea on one side greets its Marble Walls,
on the other a Chain of Hills intercepts the Violence of the inflaming
Heat ; one of which, called St. Thomas his Mount, is famous for his
Sepulture, (in Honour of whom a Chappel is dedicated, the Head
Priest of which was once the Metropolitan Bishop of India)... Within
the Walls seven Churches answer to as many Gates ; the Rubbish of
whose stupendious Heaps do justify the truth of what is predicated in
relation to its pristine State. The Builders of it were the Portugals.
The Confounders the Moors, who surprized them wallowing in their
Wealth and Wantonness. The present Competitors [in 1673] are
the French, ...the Moors, and thirdly, the Hollanders."
" Chyna Vincatadry having a House and Garden at St Thomas
Mount... which he now offer[s] to the Honble. Company for the use of
their Servants, 'tis therefore hereby agreed that the said House be
accepted... it being a very Commodious pleasant place for sickly
People to Recover their healths at...." Pringle, Consultations^
15th Jan. 1685, vol. iv. p. 14. Compare also Alex. Hamilton's East
Indies^ vol. i. p. 356 f.
46 OF CHOROMANDEL
Att the foot of this mountaine, for some miles in
Circuit, I have knowne delicate Groves and Gardens \
fountains very pleasant to the Eye, (and healthy for the
body), the Groves consistinge of Mangoe and Palmero*,
Palmito', and Coco nut trees, which are now quite de-
molished by the forces and Order of the Golcondah
Kinge, meerly to doe what diskindnesse they cold to
theire Enemies the French, who in the yeare 1672 tooke
the Citty St. Thomae from the Moor's forces *.
^ See Alex. Hamilton's East Indies^ vol. i. p. 357.
' Palmyra. See note on p. 24.
^ Wild date tree. In the text, the palmito is the date-palm in
contradistinction to the palmyra or toddy-palm.
* The contemporary accounts of the taking of St Thomd by the
French are various and interesting. Those by Delestre and Fryer,
with Mr Lawrence Sawcer's bitter remarks on Agent Langhome's
policy, are worth quoting. The Frenchman is naturally very full on
the subject. " Monsieur de la Haye having somewhat refreshed him-
self on the coast of Coromandel, continued his journey to St. Thom^,
which the Mores [Moors] had occupied for eleven years after having
driven out the Portuguese by famine. He anchored before the walls
of this town... he sent to request the Governor to furnish himi with
provisions in return for money ; but the More having replied that he
had not enough for his own ^^arrison. Monsieur de la Haye sent back
the same officers to assure him that he would not go out of the road-
stead without having some ; and that if they were refused him for
money, he would certainly have them by force.... The Moorish
Governor treated it [the demand] with contempt. This being reported
to the General of the French fleet, he had the Council Flag hoisted
in order to assemble all the Captains and Officers, who immediately
came on board his ship. He unfolded his design to them, showed
them that it was easy to surprise this town, which the Dutch had
ineffectually and ignominiously besieged for ten years, and pointed
out to them what glory they would procure from this expedition. He
described the means which he thought ought to be adopted ; and,
having taken the opinion of the whole assembly, it was resolved that
the Master Gunner and his Assistants should that very night place in
a long-boat three small pieces of cannon, of three to four pound balls
each, with three hundred bullets, and carriages and cartridges in
proportion ; that they should silently land before dawn, and direct
their artillery against the large town-gate, where they would be
supported by three hundred men armed with sabres, axes and pistols.
Half of these men would divide to scale the walls with rope ladders,
which they would bring for that purpose. All this was executed with
admirable order ; for, hardly had the dawn begun to appear, when
the gunners fired three pieces of artillery, at which the Mores, who
were not expecting this morning serenade, were so astonished, that
they rushed in a crowd towards the town-gate, where they believed
OF CHOROMANDEL 47
the peril to be the greatest, for they disregarded the heavy fire that
the ships' artillery w'as pouring on the town and its walls. But while
they were abandoning the latter, Capt. de Rebr6 climbed up with five
hundred men, whom he commanded, and, sword in hand, made himself
master of the walls. He did not give time to the Mores who opposed
him to recover themselves, but commanding his soldiers to make a
great noise and to shout " kill, kill," he routed them and put it out of
their power to rally. Then, taking off his shirt, he divided it into two
parts. He fastened one piece to the end of the short pike of a More
whom he had killed, and fixed it on the wall nearest the sea to cause
the artillery to cease firing. The other he fixed on the landward side
to proclaim that he was master of the town, into which the French
entered shouting, " Long live the King of France," '' Long live the
King ! " and ended by putting to flight the Mores who carried arms.
The inhabitants asked permission to withdraw and to go away with
their families. This request Monsieur de la Haye most humanely
granted them. Having gone through the town, he gave orders for
fortifying it, and for putting it in a position to resist the attacks
which he anticipated from the Mores.... After this glorious expedition,
the brave General de la Haye did not rest satisfied with having chased
the Mores four leagues from the town. He made a sortie at the head
of 400 men in order to drive them still further away and to hinder
them from entrenching themselves so near to St. Thomd, because he
rightly anticipated that they would not delay besiieging it. Indeed, on
the 22nd of Sept. of that year, 1672, they advanced with an army
composed of 16000 foot and 4000 horse... six months went by without
any considerable action on either side, but Monsieur de la Haye,
growing impatient at the length of the siege, made a sortie on the
1st March, 1673, ^^^ attacked the enemy at midnight with 600 men.
He got possession of their large battery, in which was that great piece
of artillery which held 108 lbs. of shot. This he spiked, and after-
wards blew it up.... General de la Haye made another sortie on the
8th of the same month, and again routed them [the Mores].... There
was much firing on both sides, and the action was obstinately con-
tested.... From this time forth, the Mores did not attack the French so
often ; they even wished to. live at peace with them ; but the Dutch
excited them to continue the war, and lent them assistance for that
purpose." Delestre^ pp. 170-173, 177-180, 182.
Fryer's account supplements that of the Frenchman. "[The
French] with Ten Sail came before St. Thomas, demanding Victuals
of the Moors ; but they denying, they brought their Ships to bear
upon the Fort, and landing some small Pieces they stormed it, driving
the Moors to the search of new dwellings. After they had taken it,
they broke up their weather-beaten Vessels, and brought ashore their
Ordnance, keeping their Trenches within, and mounting it with the
Sea without ; they still maintain it maugre all the great Armies the
King of Gulconda has sent against it. Till now the i8th Month of its
Siege, and the fourth year of their leaving France, the Dutch of
Batavia, in revenge of the Inroads the French have made on their
Countrey at home, undertaking to waylay them, that no Sustenance
might be brought to them by Sea, came against it with 20 Sail, 15 Men
of War, great Ships, some of 72 Brass Guns apiece, well mann'd.
For all that, the Viceroy, who had been gone out with four Sail, but
returning alone, got betwixt them and the Fort with his single Ship in
the Night : The Device this : He left his Light upon a Catamaran, so
48 OF CHOROMANDEL
The Mangoe^ is a very faire and pleasant fruite ; the
Palmero^ tree affordeth that rare liquor formerly termed
that they thought him at an Anchor without them, when the next
Mom he play'd upon them from under the Fort ; This Exploit, and
the bruit of our Approach, made them withdraw to the Southward for
fresh Recruits of Men and Ammunition. Which gave the French
encouragement to sally out upon the Moors (they before being beaten
from their Works near the City, had decamped Seven Miles off
St. Thomas), and with an handfull of Men pillaged and set fire to their
Tents, foraging the Countrey round about, returning loaden with
Spoils." Fryer^ p. 42.
" You may please to take notice that the French were incouradged
to take St. Thomay by Sir Wm. [Langhome] or else they had Never
adventured upon it, hee wrott to the vice Roy that the Moores had but
4 Gunns in the Fort and very few men, and as Soone as they heard
this, they presently began to fire at the Fort and Since the French
possest themselves of St. Thoma Letters have past every day between
the Vice Roy and Sir Wm. His first was to Congratulate him in his
Victory wherein hee did express a great deale of joy, told him he was
his very humble Servant and that in any thinge he was ready to Serve
him, whereupon he presently made use of him. Sending Some of his
Commanders to him for Cables for his Shipps and all Sort of Cordage,
which he Caused our Comanders to Spare him, and what else they,
had occasion for. He invited the French Comanders to dine with
him, where, for their better welcome, fired all the Gunns round the
Fort, expressing himselfe how joyfull hee was of Soe good Neighboures.
When the king of Gulcondah had Sent an army to besiege and take
that place againe. Sir Wm. gave the French the Liberty of this towne
to buy up all Sorts of provisions which not only doubled or trebled the
price of Provisions but disgust[ed] the Moores. They have sent to
him above 20 times to forbid him to send Provisions to the French,
But he takes no notice of it, only getts Verena to tell them that he
doth not Send them any Supplyes....And yet for all this Sir Wm. hath
Continued to Send boates and Masullaes every night Since with pro-
visions which doth very much incense the King against this place, and
thus he Not only hazards the Loss of the trade but all the presant
treasure that is here, not making any Account of our Lives at all.
And all this to assist Such a people that if once they Come to be
Setled will Not only prevent your Trade, but will take your Fort too
if they can. They begin to Say already that the Fort St. George is
too neare them...." Mr Lawrence Sawcer, his information from Fort '
St George to the Company. No date, circ. 1673. Factory Records^
Miscellaneous, No. 3, p. ii2f
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Mango. Compare Bemter^ p. 249,
"Ambas, or Mangues, are in season during two months in summer,
and are plentiful and cheap; but those grown at Dehli are indifferent.
The best come from Bengale, Golkonda, and Goa, and these are
indeed excellent. I do not know any sweetmeat more agreeable."
See also Fryer ^ p. 182.
2 See note on p. 24.
OF CHOROMANDEL 49
Palme- Wine, now vulgarly called Toddy\ The Palmito'
is noe more then a rough Sort of wood Especially the
Rhine of noe great Use ; they beare Some bunches of
fruite, very lucious, but noe way pleasant, beinge noe
better then wild dates ; they afford liquor alsoe that drop
from the top of it, vizt. from the younge branches, and
is called date Toddy, not soe good as the Other, more
lucious, but Soon Eager.
Upon the top of Mount St. Thomas, groweth naturaly
a Very remarkable tree, larger then most mulberrie trees
be, which is called Arbor triste', vizt. the SorrowfuU tree,
and not improperly so called. It Seemeth not to flowrish
all the day longe, but from Sun Settinge to Sun riseinge
it is Exceedinge full of white blossoms, both fragrant and
beautifull, but noe Sooner is but broad day light, but all
the blossoms fall to the ground and Suddenly wither ;
and the Very leaves Shut themselves, and Seeme to be
in a very languishinge posture, and furthermore, the next
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Toddy. Compare Mandelslo^ p. 17, "In
this village (Bodick [near Surat]) we found some Terry, which is a
Liquor drawn out of the Palm-trees, and drunk of it in Cups made of
the leaves of the same Tree. To get out the Juyce, they go up to the
top of the Tree, where they make an incision in the bark, and fasten
under it an earthen pot, which they leave there all night ; in which
time it is fiU'd with a certain sweet Liquor very pleasant to the taste.
They get out some also in the day time, but that corrupts immediately,
and is good only for Vinegar, which is all the use they make of it."
"Terri, a liquor extracted from palm-trees" Schouten^ vol. i. p. 406.
Toddy (tan) is an intoxicant made from several palm-trees, but chiefly
from the tar or palmyra tree.
2 See note on p. 46.
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Arbol Triste. "The Arbre Triste... re-
sembles the Lime-tree, and it is tall and beautiful. By day it is
covered with branches and leaves with closed buds, which, about nine
o'clock in the evening, expand, and exhibit white scented flowers, so
that the tree appears quite white, and emits such an agreeable odour,
that scent and sight are equally charmed. These flowers remain thus
all night long, and when day begins to dawn, the buds shut up again,
and nothing is seen of them but the outside green." Schouien^ vol. i.
p. 476. "St. Thomas his Mount is famous for... a Tree called Arbor
Tristis^ which withers in the Day, and blossoms in the Night." Fryer^
P-43.
T. 4
50 OF CHOROMANDEL
Eveninge it appears as flourishinge as before, and thus not
Once but every day and night throughout the yeare.
I have Seen many of the like Sort in Other places
of India and Persia ; but, however, the Portugal Patrees\
whose dependence is meerly upon telling faire tales to
Strangers that come here, will, and have ready to tell
you very Strange Constructions upon Such rarities and
reliques of the blessed Apostle, which the Proselytes of
India, Especially this Coast, doe much confide in ; and
they take it as a great favour to be called Christians of
St. Thomas'.
Our Fort (and towne) of St. Georg's hath been often
Molested by Some of the Inland Native Forces, raised
in very considerable Numbers by some of the disaffected
Governours. I have knowne an army of Some thousands
both horse and foot, come down and pitch theire tents
* Portuguese Padres. See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Padre, a Christian
priest. See also note on p. 41. N, and E. p. 13, for 19th March 1680,
has "would now be buryed by the French Padrys." And N, and E,
p. yj^ for 28th Oct., shows that the still existing difference between
international courtesies, as understood by the English and Continental
nations, is an old story : — " It is observed that, whereas at the Dedication
of a New Church by the French Padrys and Portuguez in 1675 guns
had been fired from the Fort in honour thereof, neither Padry nor
Portuguey appeared at the Dedication of our Church nor so much as
gave the Governor a visit afterwards to give him joy of it."
2 In the seventeenth century the martyrdom of St Thomas was
made responsible for elephantiasis, nowadays held to be a mosquito-
borne infectious disease due to the presence of malignant microbes.
It is still common in Madras. "About this Mount [St. Thomas] live a
Cast of People, one of whose Legs are as big as an Elephant's ; which
gives occasion for the divulging it to be a Judgment on them, as the
Generation of the Assassins and Murderers of the Blessed Apostle
St. Thomas, one of whom I saw at Fort St. George." Fryer, p. 43.
"The Malabars who are Christians, relate many remarkable traditions
about the Apostle St. Thomas, and say that he preached the Gospel in
those countries.... There are a great number of Malabars, men and
women alike, who from their youth, and as others say, from their birth,
are subject to swellings in their legs. The enlargement generally
begins under the knee, and ends at the foot, or close to it.... The
Christians of St. Thomas say that this malady has been sent to them as
a punishment for the martyrdom of the Saint, and that all who are
so afflicted, are descended from his persecutors." Schouten, voL i.
pp. 466, 468 f.
OF CHOROMANDEL 51
within 2 miles of the Walls*, where they have put a Stopp
Upon all Sorts of provisions, and most Chiefely the East
India Company's goods, that were to be Sent that Mon-
soone* for England, threateninge what Strange Feats they
wold play, if in Case our Agent and Governour Sent them
not Soe much moneys, lo or 20 thousand Pagodes*, (each
Value 9s.), but they are Generally mistaken in the Summ,
and be Satisfied with a farre Smaller present, and some-
times with none at all. Nothinge of Such transactions
is ordered by the Golcondah Kinge, in whose Countrey
this place is, but these are Flyinge Armies hatchinge
Rebellion.
Some twenty or twenty two miles to the Northward
of Fort St. Georg's, the Dut[c]h have a towne and
Garrison called PuUicatt*, which is nigh hard if not
^ In 1670, Fort St George "was besieged by a local Naick or
Hindoo district officer, but on application to his superior the Nawab
of the Camatic the siege was raised." In 1674, on the refusal of
Sir Wm. Langhome to expel Peter Dehor and 3 other Frenchmen,
who were staying at Fort St George, and whose dismissal had been
demanded by both Dutch and Mussulmans, a Muhammadan army
laid siege to Fort St George. The Frenchmen were eventually sent to
Bijapur, and peace was restored. See Mad. Man, Admn. vol. i.
pp. (163) and (165). In a Letter from the Agent and Council at
Fort St George, dated 19th July, 1670 {Factory Records^ Misc. No. 3,
p. 83) they write, "Of the late Seige laid to this Towne by Mirzah
which Continued near a whole Month, but wee can give you noe Cause
that he would ever assigne to bee the Reason, it began with the
Alvedore [hawaldar] of St. Thomae and by his Instigation was followed
and Continued Soe long by Chene Pella Mirzah." See also N, and E,
for 31st May, 1674, p. 30.
2 That is, the North-East Monsoon or winter season.
^ In his "Currant Coynes of this Kingdome," in the "Golcondah"
section, the writer assigns a different value to the pagoda, viz. New
Pagod (of Fort St. George) 8j., Old Pagod (of Golconda) 12s. The
text contains a curious comment on Native notions as to the value
of English money at this period and on English methods of financial
dealings with them.
* The following is Schouten's description of Pulicat as he saw it in
1662. "Paliacatte is the principal factory of the Dutch on this
[Coromandel] coast. They have a fort here called Gueldres. It is
situated in 13^ N. Latitude, in a sandy plain which is barren because
its foundation is brackish. Ships anchor at about half a league from
the land, in 8 or 9 fathoms on a sandy clayey bottom ; but it needs
a thorough knowledge of the sandbanks and the inequalities of depth
4—2
52 OF CHOROMANDEL
to get a vessel into safe anchorage. The fort of Gueldres is a fairly
good one and capable of resisting the attacks of the Maures [Moors].
It is within a cannon shot of the water. It has four very strong
bastions, built of stone as are the walls, all well furnished with cannon.
The moat which surrounds it is considerable, but is generally dry. As
the foundation is of shifting sand, it has sometimes happened that the
currents, which in the rainy season are veritable rapid torrents, have
shaken the fort. The Governor resides there, and it is he who is the
superintendent of the whole Dutch trade on this coast.... In the rainy
monsoon it often happens that the low ground behind the fort is
covered with water, but the inundation does not last long. The water
quickly flows into the sea, and it is only the little rivers which always
remain swollen, and in which, on account of the sand which accumulates
and blocks them, deep channels are formed. The Maures and the
Gentues tow their flat boats over these in order to secure them from
the violence of the sea until the favorable monsoon arrives. The town
is open. The houses are somewhat low and confined. Those inhabited
by Maures and Gentives are situated on the South of the fort of Gueldres.
There are other villages around which are also under the jurisdiction
of the Dutch. About 6 or 7 leagues inland there is a high mountain.
The water which flows from it in the rainy season helps considerably
to inundate the lowlands which surround it." Schouten, vol. i. p. 489 f.
When Hamilton visited Pulicat about thirty years later, the place had
greatly declined in importance, — "Policat is the next Place of Note to
the City and Colony of Fort St. George, and, as I observed before, is a
Town belonging to the Dutch. It is strengthned with two Forts, one
contains a few Dutch Soldiers for a Garrison, the other is commanded
by an Officer belonging to the Mogul. The Country affords the same
Commodities that Fort St. George doth ; and the People are employed
mostly in knitting Cotton Stockings, which they export for the Use of
all the European Factories in India." Alex. Hamilton's East Indies^
vol. i. p. 369.
"Senr. Coleer" succeeded "Govemour Pavillion" at "PuUicat" in
1676. Vide Diary of Streynsham Master^ 17th Aug. 1676, p. 42 f.
Thevenot, who visited Pulicat in 1667, apparently found it as flourishing
as when described by the Dutch traveller. "Poliacate is to the North
of St. Thomas, and the Factory (which the Dutch have established
there) is one of the best they have in the Indies, by reason of the
Cotton-cloaths, of wjiich they have great Ware-houses full there. At
Poliacate they refine the Salt-Petre which they bring from Bengala,
and make the Gun-powder, with which they furnish their other
Factories;" Thevenot^ •^zxX. iii. p. 105.
" Poolicat {paliyaghat^ Hind.; pazhaverkkadu^ Tam. pulicat)...
i^pazha vel kddu^ old acacia forest)... from Madras N. 24 miles. On
Coromandel coast at southern extremity of an island in the inlet
between the sea and lake of the same name.... Off the coast are the
Poolicat shoals. The Dutch erected a factory here in 1609. This was
their earliest settlement in southern India. They built a fort and
called it Geldria...Fort, factory and dependencies taken from the
Dutch 2nd July 1781. Finally surrendered to Great Britain in 1825....
There is an old Dutch cemetery. Poolicat lake... is under the influence
of the tide. The water is constantly changed, yet brackish." Mad,
Man. Admii. vol. iii. p. 671, s.v. Pazha. See also Ind. Ant. vol. xxx.
p. 355 i. for various forms of the word Pulicat. By zh the compilers
of the Mad. Man. Admn. meant a peculiar cerebral form of /.
OF CHOROMANDEL S3
altogeather as bigge as our Fort, but our outworks doe
much Exceede theirs, but againe theirs is a more safe
and Commodious place for ladeinge and dischargeinge
Goods, haveinge a Very good River that cometh close
to the,tovvne Side, but the barre is not very good, noe
better then for boats of 20, 30, or 40 tunns, all this
Coast indeed wantinge nothinge but Some good harbours
for Shippinge.
Armagon, Some 20 miles Northward of Pullicat, was
Once the Residence of an English Governour and his
Councell, but was many years agoe broke off, the English
Company findinge that Fort St. Georges cold well Supply
them with the Commodities of this Coast*.
Soe that the Next English Factorie wee have is
Pettipolee', a Very pleasant and healthy place, and very
^ " In 1625 the English obtained a piece of ground at Armaghaum,
about forty miles to the north of Pulicat, and made it a subordinate
station to Masulipatam... three years afterwards they were all compelled
to retire from Masulipatam to Armaghaum in consequence of the
oppression of the Native Governor. Subsequently some of them
returned to Masulipatam, but still the oppressions and embarrassments
went on... Accordingly Mr. Francis Day, member of the Council at
Masulipatam, was dispatched to examine the country in the neighbour-
hood of the Portuguese settlement at St. Thom^. Mr. Day met with
unexpected success.... The Naick of the district promoted his views to
the utmost, and procured for him a grant of land, with permission to
build a fort, from the Rajah of Chandragheri...The territory granted
extended five miles along the shore and one inland. Thus was formed
the first establishment in Madraspatnam in 1639..." Wheeler's
Madras in the Olden Time^ p. igf. See also note on p. 25.
2 Pettipolee (Peddapalle), later on known as Nizampatam, was one
of the first places on the Coromandel Coast at which the English made
a settlement. The Globe anchored here in 161 2, and the merchants in
Captain Anthony Hippon's ship met with a good reception and were
allowed to trade. According to the Mad. Man. Admn. (vol. iii. p. 593) a
factory was established at Pettipoly in 1621 ; dissolved, 1653; resettled,
1697. It was however existing in 1663, for on the i6th Dec. of that year
the Court wrote to Fort St George {Letter Book^ No. 3, p. 336) directing
that due respect should be shown to Mr Nicholas Buckridg, should he
decide to visit the Factories of " Mesulapatam, Verashroon and Petti-
poly." In the Commission to Buckridg of the same date (p. 349) he
was ordered to "Consult with our Agent &c. about deserting Pettipoly
Factory." In Jan. 1665, the Agent &c. at Fort St George wrote to the
Court explaining their reasons for wishing to retain a settlement at
54 OF CHOROMANDEL
Pettipolee {Factory Records^ Misc. No. 3, para. 24, p. 11), "Pettypolee
is noe otherwayes made use off then for the provision of Salt peter,
which if we doe not encourage, the Dutch will quickly snatch it from
us, they having after many years absence renewed their Factory in
that place." In 1672, as "T.B." tells us, the factory was in full
existence with Ambrose Salisbury as chief; but two years later, in a
"Generall" from Fort St George to the Court, dated 20th Nov. 1674,
(0, C. No. 4044, p. 12) it is stated, "The Factories of Verasheroon and
Pettipolee are both laid down and of no further charge, Metchlepatam
is the place for business." On the 5th May, 1678, John Tivill reported
of the Factory at Pettipolee that it was so decayed as not to be worth
repairing. Yet the Company's servants at Fort St George seemed loth
to abandon the place as a trading centre. They valued it as "a great
Place for Sault and Large in compass... lying commodiously for the
Investment of the fine Cloth, Ramalls and AUejaes yearly procured in
these Parts, besides a quantity of Salt Peter upon occasion" (Fort
St George to Masulipatam, 3rd June, 1678, Factory Records^ Masuli-
patam. No. 10). No chief was appointed at Pettipolee after Salisbury's
death, in 1676; and, in Dec. 1678, the Council at Fort St George
decided to leave the question of continuing a settlement there to " the
Honble. Company" {Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. 10, p. 103).
On the 20th March, 1679, Streynsham Master visited Pettipolee, and
thus describes it, {Memoriall of Streynsham Master quoted by
Mackenzie in his Manual of the Kistna District^ p. 130) — "About
midnight we sett out of Yentapollam a Gentue league and halfe from
which lyes Baupautla which we went through, and tis a league and a
half further to Pettepollee, about two miles short of Pettepollee we
ferryd over a branch of the River Kishna that runs into the sea near
Pettepollee which was very muddy and troublesome for our Horses,
our Pallankeens and men were ferryd over by gun boates, at the other
side of this River Mr. Hatton met us with Mr. Wynne, Mr. Colbome
and Mr. Scattergood, about 10 o'clock we arrived at the Factory house
at Pettepolee which is a very sorry rotten ruinous timber building much
of it being fallen, and that which stands being ready to follow ye same
fate, in the afternoon we walked about the Town and visited the old
Factory, which hath been a large building, but all of Timber and much
of it fallen down, the flagg stafe a very high one still standing and the
principal lodgings, it stands between the English house and the River,
by the River side, there is a new choultry railed in and a key of Timber
made into the River, built and prepared in December last for the King
of Gulcondah's reception, but he did not come to this town, the same
place is now used for the Custom House, the River is deep and severall
vessells of $0 : to 80 : or 100 tons were in it and haled ashore on the
towne side by it, the other side of ye River is muddy and there is an
Island about two mile over between the River and the Sea, upon which
Island is a large tope of Trees which is called the English Garden, and
'tis owned to belong to the English, the town is much decayed many
houses being empty ruined and forsaken, the proper name of the Town
which we call Pettepolee is Nyshampatnam, being soe called by all the
Country people.... The Saysummitt-Tahadar and the Catwall of the
Town came to visit the Agent... they very much importuned that a
Factory might be settled here againe promising all friendly assistance
to our business, to which was answered... the Agent would take it into
consideration. [March, 1679.]" After years of indecision, definite
orders were received from Court, dated Oct. 1686 and Jan. 1687, and
OF CHOROMANDEL SS
well populated by the Gentues, of whom many are very
Wealthy. It lyeth to the Southward of Point Due*, in
a Sandy bay called Pettipolee bay. The English and
Dutch have each of them a Factory in the towne, but
very few Factors reside here, not above 2 or 3 who provide
goods accordinge to Order from the Governour of Fort
St. Georg's or Chiefe of Metchlipatam.
Very Considerable quantities of these followinge Com-
modities are here wrought and Sold to Foraign Merchants
vizt. Longecloth, Murrees, Salampores, Lungees*, Painted
repeated in Jan. 1688, commanding the abandoning of Pettipolee as a
factory. The order was carried out, and in 1687 all the factories sub-
ordinate to Fort St George were withdrawn. The further history of
Pettipolee is as follows. In 1697 it was resettled, was in existence in
1702; in 1753 ceded to the French having been abandoned by the
English in the interval; in 1759 ceded back to the British, and con-
firmed to them in 1765.
^ "In the morning [23rd March, 1679] we went downe to the River
about 2 miles from CoUepelle where was two great Metchlepatam
Boates, and two Sangaries or Gun boates which sett us over upon the
island of Dio." Streynsham Master^ s Memoriall^ in Mackenzie, Kistna
District^ p. 131. "Fire- wood from the Islands of Diu, a low Point of
Land that lies near Matchulipatam." Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^
vol. i. p. 368. Point Divy, at the mouth of the Kistna river, is on the
Western side of the Bay of Masulipatam.
2 " Long-cloth. The usual name in India for (white) cotton shirtings,
or Lancashire calico; but first applied to the Indian cloth of like kind
exported to England,.. .Or it is just possible that it may have been a
corruption or misapprehension of lungt.^^ Hobson-Jobson^ p. 518 a.
" Take into your considerations what Callicoes you are able to acquire
either at the Fort St. George, Mesulapatam, Verasheroone or else where
in Long Cloath Sallampores Moorees or Parcallaes." 14th Dec. 1655,
Letter Book^ No. i. "Sallampores Longcloths and Morees [from
Masulipatam] are exceeding badd." loth Nov. 1661, Letter Book^
No. 3, p. 67. " Wee desire that all our Long Cloth may hold out 38
and 40 Yards in Length, and our Sallampores 18 and 20 Yards and
none under if possible." i6th Dec. 1663, Letter Book^ No. 3, p. 346.
"Moory {muri^ Tel.) Blue cloth ; principally manufactured in Nellore
district." Mad. Man. Admn. "Ordinary Long Cloth Strong and
Substantial! and close Struck, Brown Long Cloth thick and full lengths
and breadths, Ordinary Long Cloth without any Stiffening, Fine Long
Cloth, blew Long Cloth cut in halves dyed out of the browne, Ordinary
Sallampores white Substantial! thick Cloth, fine Sallampores, Ordinary
Moores full ell wide, fine Moores, superfine Moores" in list of goods to
be provided at Fort St George, 13th Dec. 1672, Letter Book^ No. 5,
p. 23. " Procure... tenn Bales of redd Maurees fit for that [the Bantam]
$6 OF CHOROMANDEL
Callicos of divers Sorts, Salt peeter, Iron, Steele, which
is brought downe from the high land Over this place
which is called Montapolee^
Great Abundance of White salt is made in the Vallies
of Pettipolee, with very little industry, onely fencinge in
the lowest of Soile which is soe brackish that the Sun
doth cause the water which lyeth there not ab[o]ve one
foot deep to harden into a perfect good and cleare Salt.
It is afterwards laid in great heaps, and vended all the
Kingdome over. Noe Merchant is admitted to deale in
this Commoditie, beinge the Kings Commoditie as is
bees Wax alsoe^
Markett." 28th July, 1675, Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. 10.
"Course Morees...not vendible here." Letter from Court, 15th Dec.
1676, Letter Book^ No 5.
Salampores, chintz. " Wee approve of your accepting more of the
fine Sallampores and Bettelees then wee ordered." Letter to Fort
St George, dated 12th Dec. 1677, Letter Book^ No. 5, p. 497. Salampore
"(from sale^ Tel., weaver dca^pura^ San., town, weaver's town) a kind of
cotton cloth formerly manufactured at Nellore." Mad, Man. Admn,
vol. iii. p. 799, s.v. Sauley.
Lungees, scarves or loin-cloths. In Burma it is now a woman's
petticoat, as well as a man's dress. In the Army it means a turban :
"50 Blue Lungis a/c Rs. 2-4-0 each: Rs. 1 12-8-0" — in a bill of the
Port Blair Military Police for 30th Sept. 1900. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v,
Loonghee, and Mad. Man. Admn. s.v. Lag.
^ "When you leave Maabar and go about 1000 miles in a Northerly
direction you come to the kingdom of Muftili ;" Marco Polo^ ii. p. 295,
identified by Yule as Motupalle (p. 297).
"On the coast is Motupalle, now an insignificant fishing village,
but identified as the port where Marco Polo landed in a.d. 1290. It
was much used as a landing place for stores for the French troops at
Guntur a hundred years ago." Mackenzie, Kistna District^ p. 206.
"Large ships lie about a mile from the shore, with Mootapilly
pagoda bearing N.W. by N." Milbum, Oriental Commerce^ vol. ii. p. 85.
"From Montepoly to Petapoly the course is E.N.E. 6^ leagues."
Dunn's Directory^ p. 147.
"Mootapilly or Motupalli, in lat. 15" 42' N., Ion. 80° 17' E. and about
8 leagues to the N.N.E. of Gondegam, is a small village half a mile
inland, not discernible from a ship; but with the assistance of a glass,
a small pagoda is perceptible. There are about twenty detached
palmyra-trees to the northward of the landing-place, and about a mile
to the southward, a thick grove of trees with a clump on its southern
part higher than the rest." Horsburgh, India Directory^ ed. 1855,
vol. i. p. 596.
2 Compare the Diary of Streynsham Master^ p. $7, under date
OF CHOROMANDEL 57
I have heard it by Severall Eminent persons affirmed
that this very Commoditie Salt draweth into the King's
Exchequer two millions of Old Pagodos* yearly.
This place alsoe hath the benefit of a pleasant River,
such another as PuUicat hath, the barre but indifferent,
which is a vaste hinderance to this part of the Countrey
that doth afford, and is replenished with Such quantities
of the beforementioned goods, which are proper for Sale
all India and the South Seas^Over as well as to be trans-
ported into Europe by the Christians.
Anno Domini 1672 I stroke downe to Pettipolee in
a Journey I tooke Overland From St. Georg's to Metch-
lipatam, where I visited and paid my respects to Mr.
Ambrose Salsbury*^, at his new house he built in a pleasant
8th Sept. 1676, on his journey from Balasor to Hugli. "This day
wee.. .sailed up the river Ganges, on the east side of which most part
of the great quantity of beeswax is made, which is the Kings comodity,
and none suffered to deale therein but for his account and Swarmes of
Bees flew over our Vessell, alsoe we passed by great numbers of salt
pitts, and places to boile salt, which is alsoe appropriated to the King
or great Mogull, and none suffered to be made but for his account."
^ See later on where the value of an "Old Pagodo" is given as 12s,
2 From the MS. Records at the India Office {Court Books ^ Factory
Records^ Letter Books ^ &c.) a fairly connected account of this interesting
personage has been obtained. Ambrose Salisbury (the name is variously
given as Salsbury, Saulsbury, Sallisbury and Salisbury) was appointed
by the Court as Second in the Factory at Pettipollee, at a salary of
£20 per annum, in Feb. 1658. He sailed in the Persian Merchant^
was wrecked off the Maldives, and did not reach Fort St George until
June, 1659. I^^ Oct. 1662 he became "Chief" at Pettipolee, where he
remained till his death, in Dec. 1675. Sir Edward Winter, the turbulent
Governor of Fort St George, accused Salisbury of embezzling the
Company's money, and wrote to the Court that he had discharged
him. The dismissal, however, did not take effect. Others there were
besides the Governor who had no opinion of Salisbury. In April, 1668,
an unsigned letter from Fort St George to the Directors contains the
remark — " Truly your Factory at Pettipolee is rather a charge than a
benefitt to you (being managed by a very debauch't Idle fellow one
Salisbury) not furnishing from thence a piece of Cloth towards your
retumes this yeare...they are all greate abusers of the Company in
words and deedes especially Salisbury at Pettipolee — that miscreant."
In 1669 Mr Richard Smithson complained of irregularities in Salisbury's
books and of his extravagant expenses. But before these complaints
reached England, the Court had written to Fort St George (in Dec.
58 OF CHOROMANDEL
part of the towne, he beinge Chiefe of the Affaires of
the Honourable English East India Companie here. He
treated me and my people very Gentilely, and wold not
Suffer me to depart that night. I condescended to Stay
all night and take my leave Early in the Morneinge,
but he was as loth to part with me then ; I Staid to take
a View of the towne and after dinner set forward.
All Sorts of Provisions are here to be had in very
great Plenty, and at very Reasonable rates, vizt. Cows,
Buffaloes, hoggs, all Sorts of Poultry, Severall Sorts of
wild fowle, Many Excellent Sorts of Sea and River Fish,
1 669) ordering the Agent to send immediately for Mr Ambrose Salisbury,
" whome wee have discharged our Service, being represented to be a
person of very prophane Spiritts, scandalous in his behaviour and
notoriously wicked." Meanwhile, Salisbury's friends had exerted
themselves in his defence, and the result of their letter to Court in 1670,
remarking "Wee have neither had any Sattisfaction, either by particular
information or by Common Report that Mr. Robert Fleetwood or
Mr. Ambrose Salisbury are persons of Such profane Spirrits Scandalous
lives, or notoriously wicked as they are represented to you, unless their
Zeale for Conformity and against nonconformity are made the ground
of that accusation, was an order for the re-instatement of Salisbury.
"We doe also order that Mr. Ambrose Salisbury be againe admitted
into our Service and that he receive such incoragement as his abillityes
and faithfulness in our Service shall merritt." For the next few years
Salisbury remained in favour, his chief trouble being with "pittifuU
Merchants the Salt Peeter Men." In 1675, however, he was again in
ill odour with the Council at Fort St George and was accused of being
implicated with Richard Mohun in unlawful private trade. Salisbury
retorted that too much was expected of him in the way of investmentj
and that he had expended money in repairs to the factory and journeys
to Masulipatam, "there being noe person in the Honble. Companys
servis but hath allowance only my selfe." His letters to Fort St George
and Masulipatam became petulant and querulous. Mr William Puckle,
the Company's Supervisor, who was at Masulipatam in Sept. 1675,
wrote, " Here is also a letter from Mr. Salusbury a most pitiful)
Impertinent piece of morrallitie, that doth dayly follow us with letters
that we understand not, and therefore lesse concern to answer them."
The now unpopular Chief at Petti polee was in failing health, and
declared himself unable to take the journey to Masulipatam to vindicate
his conduct. He repaired to the adjoining settlement at Madapollam,
the usual sanatorium, and died there, in Mr Mohun's house, on or
about the 31st Dec. 1675. ^^ ^^^ many debts and but little personal
property. Nevertheless, five years were occupied in the settlement of
his affairs, which were administered by his mother, Susannah Salisbury,
in England.
OF CHOROMANDEL 59
but most Especially Venison, as Deere, hares, Wild hoggs,
or that most Nimble Annimall the Antilope.
All these Varieties before mentioned are brought to the
Christian Factories, Namely the English and Dutch, and
Sold by Some Mahometans that live about and in this
towne, Rice, butter, Oyle, Fruit, &c., are Sold by the
Gentues, and as Cheape here as in any place upon this
Coast. Theire Weights and Measures be the Same with
those of Metchlipatam, of which in Order, as alsoe the
Coines the Same, that are Currant there.
The Antilope is a very comely Annimall, very Slick
and Smooth, of a browne Colour, neater in Shape then
any Deere, very Slender leggs, the body bespotted with
round or Ovall Spots of white in many places, as some
deere be, but the horns of this Creature differ quite from
those of any Other, beinge in length from two foot to 3J,
pointinge backwards, of Colour very black. And wreathinge
as though they were Artificially turned. The figure of
whose head and neck is as followeth^ [Plate X.]
Dureinge my Short abode in this towne, (reports beinge
Spread amonge the Inhabitants that an English man a
Stranger travailinge the Countrey was here) they brought
to the Factory gate Severall twiggen baskets, bore Upon
mens Sholders. Theire request was to let their Snakes
dance for me and my people to behold, in hopes of
Something of a gratuitie. Such things beinge the lively-
hood of many in these countreys. For Curiosities Sake
^ Compare /^ry^r, p. 45 — " In the way hither are store of Antilopes,
not to be taken but by a Decoy made of Green Boughs, wherein a
Man hides himself, and walking with this Bush upon his Back, gains
so near on them, while grazing or browzing rather on Shrubs or
Bushes, as to hit one with an Arrow, when it may be run down with
Dogs, the rest of the Herd shunning it : They are of a delicater shape
and make than a Deer, their horns not jagged, but turned as an
Unicorn's ; nor spread into Branches, but straight, and long, and
tapering, rooted on the Os frontis^ springing up on both sides/'
6o OF CHOROMANDEL
wee bad them Use theire owne pleasure, with which they
opened the baskets Singly, 4 or 5 in number. Out of
each came very hideous and large Snakes, 3 or 4 men
attendinge with Stringed Musical instruments, whereof
one, beinge the Chiefe over the rest, took his Stringed
Instrument and played to the Serpents, which to my
thinkinge, made Straight at him as though they wold have
destroyed him ; but the Musicianer, or rather Magician,
soon corrected them Onely with Some Verbal punishment,
and, like a Secound Orpheus, Sat downe upon the bare
ground and played, at which musick these great and
Venemous Serpents danced much after the Same tunes,
to my astonishment, without doeinge the least hurt to
theire keepers, who all Sat very neare them, and when
wee Seemed to be Satisfied with the Sight thereof, they
put them into the baskets againe^ They have a very de-
formed broad head, and are accompted the most poysonous
of all Others, for where they Stinge or bite any liveinge
creature, it is sudden death.
In soe much that I have been credibly informed that
the Emperors and Kings of Asia have often put to death
many of their criminal Subjects with these Sorts of
Snakes, nay, of the Very Same that are thus carried
about the Countreys for Shews. But these, theire keepers
have soe enchanted them, that they have taken away
theire power of harmeinge them. To me it Seemed most
Strange, as beinge the first of my beholdinge any Such
Sorceries, but Since have Seen many more Incredible.
Metchlipatam, Soe called from the Hindostan ore Moors
^ Compare Fryer^ p. 34 f. " Reptiles, Snakes, Serpents, and
Amphisbena and other kinds ; all which they pretend to charm,
carrying them up and down in baskets to get Money of the People, as
well as Strangers ; when they strike up on a Reed run through a
Cocoa-Shell, which makes a noise something like our Bag-Pipes, and
the subtle Creatures will listen to the Musick, and observe a Motion
correspondent to the Tune ; a Generation of Vipers that well deserve
to be stiled so, knowing when the Charmer charms wisely."
62 OF CHOROMANDEL
from the Golcondah Kinge, more Especially the English,
payinge not above one halfe the Customes the Other
doth, but each Factory weareth the Colours of theire
owne Nation.
This towne is famous alsoe for a bridge that was built
at the Charge of one [of] the Kings of Golcondah, who
in his Progresse, found the way out of the Countrey into
the towne, for a great Space surroundinge it, very difficult
through the deep mudde and water, which was no little
hinderance to the Merchants, as well as to poore people
for the bringeinge in of goods and Provisions &c„ which
bridge reacheth from the great gate of Metchlipatam over
to make their Factory defensible, they had ten or twelve souldiers a
gaurd at the doors who fired three volleyes and some Chambers or
ordinance at our goeing artd comeing." Diary of Streynsham Master^
p. 306.
For the early history of Masulipatam, after the Globe anchored
there in 161 1, see Mackenzie, Kistna District^ pp. 88-99. In 1669
{Letter Book^ No. 4) the Court gave permission to enlarge the
Compan/s house at Masulipatam, at a cost not exceeding 2000 rs.,
but the building was to be delayed until a renewal of th^farmdn was
obtained. In 1687 the factory was temporarily withdrawn. Three
years later it was re-established. Hamilton visited the place in its
period of decay — " Matchulipatam lies in the Way along the Sea-
coast.... In the latter part of the last Century this Town was one of
the most flourishing in all India, and the English Company found it to
be the most profitable Factory that they had. They had a large
Factory built of Teak Timber ; but now there are no English there,
tho' the Dutch continue their Factory still, and keep about a Dozen of
Hollanders there to carry on the Chint Trade... The Town is but
small, built on a little Island, and is much stronger by Nature than
Art.'* Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. i. p. 370. Tavemier's de-
scription is somewhat different, — " Maslipatam is a great City, the
houses whereof are only of Wood, built at a distance from one
another. The place it self, which stands by the Sea, is famous for
nothing but the Road for Ships which belongs to it, which is the best
in the Gulf of Bengala." Tavernier, vol. i. part ii. p. 70. Thevenot's
account also varies from the others, — "Though the Town [Masuli-
patam] be but small, yet it is well Peopled ; the Streets are narrow,
and it is intoUerably hot there from March till July. The Houses are
all separated one from another, and the Water is brackish, because of
the tides that come up to it ; there is great Trading there in Chites,
because, besides those that are made there, a great many are brought
from St. Thomas, which are much finer, and of better Colours than
those of the other parts of the Indies." Thevenot, part iii. p. 104 f.
For a good contemporary account of " Mechlapatam " compare Fryer^
p. 26 f. Masulipatam was taken by the French in 1750, retaken in
1759, and confirmed to the English in 1765.
OF CHOROMANDEL 63
to GuddorahS which is one English mile in length and
of a Considerable breadth, and is called by the Name
of Guddorah bridge.
Both these towns have very Stately dwellinge houses
in them of brick and Stone*, but the Streets are very
narrow Especially those of Metchlipatam.
Theire houses are very Spacious to behold at Some
Small distance, but the houses beinge of 4, 5, or 6 Stories
high, and the Streets Soe narrow is at Some Seasons of
the yeare Very inconvenient beinge Excessive hot, neither
are they well Contrived, but indeed they are wholy after
the Mahometan Custome, a large Fabrick containing many
Small rooms very ill furnished, and few or noe lights to
the Streetward, or any way whereby they may behold
any people that pass by, which is Ordered soe meerely
^ Practically part of the town of Masulipatam. The place appears
as Gundore in 1670, and Fryer has the same spelling : — "Mahomed
Beague to be welcomed at Gundore i Gentu League out of towne."
27th July, 1670, Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. i. "Sir William
Langham...is Superintendent over all the Factories on the Coast of
Coromandel,... Viz.... Gundore" Fryer^ p. 38. Streynsham Master
refers to two bridges at Masulipatam in 1677, — "The Towne of
Metchlepatam stands about halfe a mile from the sea a small Creick
with a barr to it going up to it, and every spring tide the water over
flowes round about the towne soe that there is noe goeing out but upon
two wooden bridges, and when it raines there is a noisome smell in
the Towne." Diary of Streynsham Master^ under date nth Jan. 1677.
In his second journey, Streynsham Master again refers to the place,
"Aga Telloll the Governor of Metchlepatam having been toward
Narsapore and those places under his Government returned to
Goo'dera last night.... This evening we went to the English garden
which is about two miles out of town over the long bridge, the water
overflowing round the Towne now at spring tides. 2nd April, 1679."
Memoriall of Streynsham Master quoted by Mackenzie, Kistna
District^ p. 137. The two bridges, mentioned in 1677, are described
by Fryer as follows : " On the North-East a Wooden Bridge, half a
Mile long, leading to the Bar Town ; on the North-West one, a Mile
Long, tending to the English Garden, and up the Country. Each of
which have a Gate-house, and a strong Watch at the beginning, next
the Town : Both these are laid over a Sandy Marsh, where Droves of
People are always thronging." Fryer^ p. 27. The writer is evidently
referring to the bridge on the North-West. Streynsham Master
{Memoiiall^ 7th April, 1679, P- H^ o^ Kistna District) says that both
bridges were " made by Meir Abdulla Baker lately dead."
2 All the other contemporary accoutits of Masulipatam describe
the houses as being built of wood. See above note 3 to p. 61.
64 OF CHOROMANDEL
out of a Jealosie they harbour of theire Women, and are
therefore Strangely Confined, Seldome or never after
growne Up to lo or ii years of age that they are Soe
happy soe much as to get the Sight of Any man Save
theire Master.
Those of any Considerable Estates keep Eunuchs to
attend (or rather guard) theire Wifes and Concubines, and
Some Women Servants, or little boys and girles to attend
and doe what Necessary for them, they of themselves not
admitted to doe any thinge of houshold businesse or to
Exercise themselves in any affaire whatsoever, save to
honour and respect theire Master, or nurse theire owne
Children.
The French had a Factory in this place not many
years agoe^ but Since those troubles of St. Thomae*,
^ The French Factory at Masulipatam was founded in 1669.
"Last night came to this Towne 6 French Men from Golchondah,
they at present lodge in the house where Mr. jearsey formerly lived.
This Day they viewed the House that was the Danes Factory, but
rejected it as not having sufficient accommodation, (it was new built
this yeare by the Owner, and is much better then it was when
Mr. Sambrooke was here.) They have since treated about a stately
House built but 2 years since by the Shabander. They have not as
yet given or received any visit. Only the Second called at Goodrah
to acquaint this Govemour of their being come." Letter from
Mr Smithson at Masulipatam to Fort St George, 28th Aug. 1669.
O. C, No. 3330. The French took the "stately house" and also
" 3 other houses which lye between that and the River" at 30 Pagodas
a month. O. C, No. 3337. In 1670 John Vickers at Hugli wrote to
Richd. Edwards at Kasimbazar, O. C, No. 3414, "The French at
Masulipatam are together by the ears, the Chief and Second fighting
a duel m the garden." In 1674, after the retaking of St. Thomd, the
French left Masulipatam,— " The French at Metchlepatam upon a
difference with the Moores have deserted it, taken a small sloope and
come hither, [Balasor] the Chiefs slaine the day before." Factory
Records, Hugh, No. 4, May 14th, 1674. Mackenzie, Kistna District,
p. 99, /. n., says, " There is no mention in these old records of the
French factory, [but see above] except that in May, 1674, the Dutch
picked a quarrel with the Government at Fort St. George for giving
asylum to * Monsieur Peter Dehor, second for affairs of the Royal
Company of France at Mechipatam.' In 1693 a small square was
built for the French factory, which is still known as Frenchpettah, and
having been restored to France after the peace of 18 14, still remains
(1882) French territory. It is a space of some 71 acres and includes
two bungalows, a chapel and some other buildings."
* The writer is here speaking as a contemporary witness. See
p. 46 and note.
OF CHOROMANDEL 65
A Citty 3 English miles Southward of Fort St. Georg's,
they, beinge Ambitious of honour and Conquest in these
Easterne parts of the World, tooke that Citty from a
Small handfull of Moors, the Citty beinge weakely
guarded not Suspectinge any warred
Monsieur Delahay the French Viceroy (as they called
him) arrived in India with a fine Squadron of the French
King's Men of warre', Upon a designe of purchaseinge
great trafficke in East India by Compulsion, but was
shrewdly Mistaken in the End. They tooke St. Thomae
with much Ease, and kept it but 3 years and with much
trouble, and losse of his whole Squadron and above 3000
men, beinge destitute of all Succour both from home and
from any part of India, but continually beseiged and
perplexed by the Golcondah forces by land, and the
Dutch by Sea^ in soe much that the Ships the Dutch
tooke not from them, they were forced to hall them On
Shore as neare the Walls of the Citty as they cold and
theire pull them in pieces for the Sake of theire Stores.
Soe that in fine, they were forced to Surrender up
^ See note on p. 46.
2 Compare Fryer, p. 41, " Lewis the XIVth...put in a Stock with
his Merchant Adventurers, fitting out a Fleet of Twenty Sail of lusty
Ships, to settle a Trade in India, committing them to the Charge and
Conduct of a Viceroy ; who coming late about the Cape, touched at
St Lawrence, where they did but little besides burying their Viceroy,
and dispatching four Ships into Europe. In the stead of the Viceroy
deceased, the now reignmg succeeded. From thence they sailed to
Surat...With fourteen Sail of Ships they roved on the Coasts of
Malabar, and at last came to the Island Ceilon...From whence they
passed along the Coast of Coromandel, and with Ten Sail came before
St. Thomas. ..now [1673] they are 600 strong in the Fort and Ships, all
stout Fellows, every Soldier fit to be a Commander." Accordmg to
Delestre, when the French fleet anchored in Surat Road, in October,
167 1, it was composed of eight ships of war under Monsieur de la
Haye. The fleet sailed from Surat on the 9th Jan. 1672. Delestre,
pp. 34 and 59.
3 " The Dutch and Moores Lyinge still before St. Thoma with 3
shipps of the former still in the roade, who expect other 3." Letter
from Fort St George to the Court, 22nd Nov. 1673, Factory Records,
Misc. No. 3.
T. ti
(^ OF CHOROMANDEL
the place, but yet Upon very Honourable terms, vizt.
They marched out with bagge and baggadge, theire
owne Colours flyinge, trumpets Soundinge, Straight from
the Shore, On board of 2 men of warre of Considerable
force, which the Dutch contracted to give them, well
fitted with what Necessarie for theire returne to France,
as alsoe a passaport for theire Safe Conduct. All this
the Dutch (although Conquerours) did to be ridde of
Such troublesome Neighbours ^
^ Compare the account of the evacuation of St Thom^ by the French,
given in the "Generall" from Fort St George to the Court, dated
13th and i6th Sept. and ist Oct. 1674, " Monsr. De la Hay embarqued
just now and resolves to sett sayle within few houres. The Dutch
pretend to send three shipps along with them so far as Ceyloan there
to deliver unto him about 100 French prisoners which will make him
up somewhat above 600 men, besides about 60 others bound for Surrat
with Monsr. Baron, from Ceyloan they pretend that other shipps of
theirs shall see him cleare of the Maldives in order to his proceedinge
directly for Europe according to capittulations made the 26 of last
month [Aug. 1674J. The Dutch have possession of St. Thoma for the
present, but beside their own flag sett up to seaward, they have also
sett up that of the King of Gulconda to Landward, to whom it is not
unlikely but they may soone after resigne the place, to be dismantled
according to their agreement with him. The French had leave to
carry off everything that was their own except the Artillery, whereof
2 brass pieces were allowed them, they were meerly famished out of
the place, having not above 5 daies provisions left when they capittu-
lated.... Since the above heere has happened nothing of novelty only
that the Dutch have admitted about 1000 of the Kings people into
St. Thoma so have the more hopes to see that place surrendred and
razed as has been all this while pretended, which shall not want our
furtherance. We sent Mr. Jacob Smith and ^r. Oneal with a present
of Europe refreshments of Beer, Wine, Olives, and a Parmezan Cheese
to Monsr. De La Hay then ready to sett sayle as he did soone after
which he accepted very kindly, the Dutch not attending him with any
of their shipps as was given out... The Dutch quitted St. Thoma to the
Mores, and departed the 27th and 28th past, Govr. Paviloen for
Paliacatt, and the shipps for the Southward ; by which day they must
yearely be cleared off from the whole Coast, on paine of their being
responsible for all accidents, who detaine them ; we hope the Mores
will raze it for their own quiet sake ; if the French or Portugueses do
not fool them into delayes. Monsr. Baron is still here, on pretencfe of
passage for Surrat, but more likely some such designe ; whose stay,
though not at all desirable, we know not how to help it as yet."
O. C. No. 4002. In a "Generall" from Bombay to the Court, dated
23rd Jan. 1675, the Council wrote, "The French since the losse of
St. Thoma, hang their heads downe all India over. If they would
take their leave civilly of Surat also, wee would wish them a good
OF CHOROMANDEL 6j
And never Since the begininge of these warrs upon
this Coast \ have the French had any thinge to doe in
Metchlipatam. Onely in May, Anno 1672, the Viceroy
in Person came downe hither with 2 men of warre, all
that he had then left, and a Small Sloope of 6 gunns.
The One was called the Grand Brittania, the Other the
Grand Flemingoe', Ships of 65 and 70 Coppar piece of
Ordinance each, the Brittania manned with 500 Chosen
men, the Other 300. His designe was to burne the
towne of Metchlipatam, and compell the Moors to a
peace, but was mistaken in that alsoe, although the
Coast was Cleare of all Dutch Ships, which was caused
by want of able Pilots, more then any thinge Else.
Otherways he had come Suddenly upon them to their
terrour, but was drove 50 mile to Leeward of the place,
and there Sent 4 or 5 men On Shore for Spies to
Narsapore, who were very Suddenly Surprized in the
English Factory, where the Moors cut off theire heads
Upon the doore thrashold, notwithstandinge all the
Entreaties and faire words wee cold give them. I was
there a Spectator to that bloody Fact, and begged
their heads and bodies off the Governour, and tooke
care for their buriall*.
Voyage, for their stay there is equally injurious to themselves as to
their neighbors." O. C. No. 4072.
From the above it will be seen that the French did not return to
Europe according to the treaty with the Dutch. They eventually
established themselves firmly at Pondicherry under Monsr. Martin.
Compare the following curious phonetic spelling of St Thom^ in a
letter from John Billingsby, the Compan/s servant at Balasor, to
Richard Edwards, under date 27th March, 1673, "the Moores have
taken Santamay from the french soe that they are all fled." O, C.
No. 3771.
^ Dutch versus English 1665 to 1674; Dutch versus English and
French as local allies 1670 to 1674.
2 i,e, the Great Breton and the Great Fleming \ the writer probably
got the names through a Portuguese interpreter.
' I have been unable to find any confirmation of this story in the
contemporary records, though, as the writer speaks as an eye-witness,
there is no reason to doubt his accuracy.
5—2
68 OF CHOROMANDEL
This was Soon noysed abroad, and great forces Sent^
into the towne of Metchlipatam, and a Stronge Wooden
Fort erected within the narrow of the River's mouth,
and what Ships lay in the Roade Unladen of all theire
fine goods, haveinge a Considerable time to performe all
this, beinge a Week's worke for the Viceroy to turne
up to the Roade. Soe that when he arrived, he durst
not attempt any thinge Save burneinge of 5 Moors
Ships and carried away One Small Ship laden with
Rice and Butter and Oyle. Thence he Returned for
St. Thomae, but e're he got there, the Dutch had got
Start of him, and lay in the Roade with 14 Saile of
men of warre of Considerable force, which put him to a
hard Straite how to get in, but did in the night and
Ran his Ship on Shore^. The Flemingoe and Sloop
were taken by. the Dutch ^
^ i.e. by the Moors.
2 It is amusing and instructive to quote the Frenchman's view
of this action, " Monsieur de la Haye, having taken all necessary
precautions for the preservation of the town of St. Thom^, embarked
on the loth of April in the Great Breton^ which was furnished with
48 pieces of good cast iron artillery and an excellent crew. Another
vessel called the Fleming had orders to follow him. She was armed
in like manner with 40 pieces of cannon and was manned by 1 50 men,
both soldiers and sailors. He sailed in the direction of Masulipatam,
where, as I have already said, the French Company has a factory.
There he met with some Mores' [Moors'] vessels anchored in the river.
He burned some and carried off the others, and, after having victualled
his own ships, and provided for those he had left at St. Thom^, he set
sail for that town. But a great tempest arose, which lasted a whole
day and blew with such fury that it rent some of the sails of the Breton^
without however injuring her masts. The Flemings who was not such
a good sailer, lost her course. This did not hinder Monsieur de la
Haye from continuing his own way, and the weather having moderated,
he sighted 18 Dutch vessels not more than 3 leagues off. This
encounter, which would have alarmed anyone but himself, did not
even make him turn aside, but, having encouraged his crew to do their
best, and having had some *harac' (which is a beverage nearly as
strong as brandy) served out to his soldiers in order to rouse their
strength and courage, he commanded them to take up arms at the first
signal, and ordered the gunners to have their firebrands in readiness.
Then he sailed before the wind straight to the Dutch squadron.
General Riclof, who had perceived the Great Breton, had already
prepared to give chase. Believing her capture to be a certainty, he
OF CHOROMANDEL 69
had had his ships boat fitted up in order to receive Monsieur de la
Haye. On seeing the latter approach, he had the boat lowered to
fetch him, thinking that he was about to give himself up, and that he
did not dare to risk a fight against so many vessels. But his astonish-
ment was unparalleled when he saw this brave General de la Haye
with a single ship pass like a flash of lightning through the midst of
all his own, some of which he injured by the discharge of his two port
and starboard batteries. The whole Dutch squadron followed him
for thrice twenty-four hours, and often came near him, but were unable
to board his vessel. He defended himself until he had neither a grain
of powder nor a bullet left. Yet he economized his strength and his
time so admirably that he reached St. Thom^ without having sustained
injury and with only the loss of three or four men. This action
appeared so extraordinary that it was soon known all over India.
People said, when they told us about it, that Monsieur Massiere,
General of the East Indies for the States of Holland, had written
to General Riclof in terms which implied that General de la Haye
could not have escaped such an evident peril if there had not been
some secret understanding between them, adding some threats which
were as offensive as the reproach was unjust. However, the taking
of the Fleming calmed the wrath of the Generalissimo Massiere."
Delestre^ pp. 182 — 185.
The burning of the " 5 Moors Ships," mentioned above, is described
in a note of "Occurrences in India in 1673," dated i^ Bombay 14th
November, 167.3, "The French at St. Thoma beat off the Gokondah
Army and raised the seige,... after Mounsr. La Hay the Vice Roy, with
two ships of warr, went to Metchlepatam where he burnt 5 or 6 Jounks
and threatend the Towne, if that King would not come to a peace
with them, haveing spent there some time in the month of June, hee
returned to St. Thoma where unexpectedly he found Rickloff Van
Goens with a Fleet of 19 men of warr before it, he stood for the Road
but the winde chopt about, and haveing discharged some broad sides
with the outermost ships, he stood off to sea and fell in with some port
about 30 Leagues to the Southward, where he had not been long, but
he espied a Fleet of ships bound from England which he took to be
the Dutch Fleet persuing him, hee sett saile againe and put in for
St. Thoma ; where it was his good fortune that the Dutch were gone
from the place, after they had discharged some broad sides against it,
and he got safe into his Government...." O. C No. 3794. It is a little
difficult to reconcile these widely differing accounts of the French
prowess.
' The taking of the Fleming is also described from two different
p)oints of view. The Frenchman says, "This vessel, which bad
weather had separated from the Great Breton^ had anchored at
Sombresse [ = Sombrero or Chowra Island in the Nicobars], where
water had only been obtained by force, the savages of the country...
attempting to board and take possession of the vessel... but were
driven off by the fire directed on them by M. Machaut the commander.
He resolved, while waiting for a favourable wind to sail to S. Thom^
to get refreshments and water in Bellefort [Balasor] river, where he
anchored and sent his boat ashore with part of the crew. The country
people killed the Quarter Master and wounded several sailors. Mean-
while, three Dutch vessels going to Bengala laden with merchandize
perceived this ship, which they would not have dared to attack if they
had seen her boat on board ; but presuming that it was on land with a
70 OF CHOROMANDEL
The French Chiefe resident in Metchlipatam was
killed by the Moors ^ ; what more of them there niade
their Escape by Sea.
part of the crew, they anchored within musket shot of the Flemings in
which there remained only 40 men. They attacked her the next day,
and pressed her on all sides with so much advantage, that after 4 hours
fightmg Capt. Macliaut, who had defended himself to the last extremity,
finding himself almost alone... was obliged to surrender. The Dutch
took this ship to Batavia...and imprisoned Capt. Machaut and his seven
or eight remaining men." Delestre^ p. 185 f.
Walter Clavell, the Company's chief representative in " the Bay "
in a letter to the Court, dated at Balasor, 28th Dec. 1674, writes as
follows: "The last yeare a Ship of the French Kings named the
Flemeriy Commander MacoshuU [the Capt. Machaut of Delestr^\
Seperrated from the rest of the Squadron which the Vice Roy broug^ht
before Metchlepatam in her Intended return to St. Thoma bemg
Seperrated from the rest by foule weather. After having been neer
Anchor at the Nicobar Islands and not able to geet the Course of
Cormendel came in Ballasore Roade, where Rode not long before She
was Surprized by three Dutch Merchant men bound for Hugly, who
took the Said Ship when most of the Chief people were a Shore in
this Toun and yet had the Confidence to bring her up to Hugly before
their one Factory, Severall Specious pretences was made that the Ship
should be taken from the Dutch and Redelivred to the French ; and
the Dutch be fined for attempting acts of Hostillity in the Kings Port,
to which purpose the Govemour of Ballasore perswaded some of the
French personally to Complaine at Decca; the Issue whereof was that
the Dutch ware faine to by [the] Prize of the Moores, and the French
Sent away with good words and a liberty to build Factories and have
a trade in what part of Bengala they would. In Hugly they made
a Small house neere the Dutch Factory from which the Dutch by their
application and present to the Moores have routed them, and they
thereupon pretendedly but really because they can borrow no more
money have lately left Hugly and are Intended for the Coast in an
open boate and taking a long farewell of Bengala whare they are
in debted a bout Rupees 8000." Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4,
p. 22 f.
^ The only mention I have been able to find of this French Chief
is in the passage from Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4, under date
14th May, 1674, quoted in note i, p. 64: "The French at Metchli-
patam upon a difference with the Moores have deserted it... the Chiefe
slaine the day before." This individual appears to have returned to
Masulipatam and met his fate some time in 1673, ^o^* on the 15th of
Jan. in that year, Agent Langhome wrote from Fort St George to the
Court, "The French Cheif is come away from Metchlipatam, leaving
only 2 persons to look after their Factory." O. C, No. 3742. Monsieur
Martin probably succeeded the murdered Chief, as, in a letter from
Fort St George, dated 20th Aug. 1674, in connection with remarks on
the expulsion of Monsr. Del Tor, the French Second at Masulipatam,
reference is made to " Monsieur Martin the Chief of Metchlapatam."
6>. C. No. 3992, p. 4.
OF CHOROMANDEL 7 1
Metchlipatam Affordeth many very good and fine
Commodities*, vizt. all Sorts of fine Callicoes plaine and
coloured^ more Especially fine Palampores' for Quilts,
divers Sorts of Chint* curiously flowred, which doth
much represent flowred Sattin, of Curious lively Colours,
as alsoe Chaires and tables of that admirable wood Ebony,
Chests of drawers, Screetores* finely wrought inlaid with
turtle Shell or ivory, for which a Very great trafficke is
driven into most parts of India, Persia, Arabia, China,
and the South Seas, as well as into England and
Holland.
Our Factory here is but a Subordinate One to Fort
St Georg's, As that of the Dutch is to Pullicat.
It alsoe is a place very well populated, and for the
^ Compare Fryer^ p. 34, " Staple Commodities are Calicuts white
and painted, Palempores, Carpets, Tea, Diamonds of both Rocks the
Old and New; Escretores and other Knick- Knacks for Ladies, because
far-fetch'd and dear-bought."
2 See note on p. 5.
3 See Hobson-J obson^ s.v, Palampore. It is curious that though
both Fryer and T. B. mention Palempores (Chintz bed-covers) as one
of the staple commodities of Masulipatam, this class of goods is not
named in the contemporary MS. records as being produced there.
The Piece-goods in constant demand from MasuHpatam were Long-
cloth fine and ordinary, Sallampores fine and ordinary, PercuUaes,
Dungarees, Allejahs, Oringall Betelees, Morees, Isarees and Ginghams.
However, it seems probable that the " 16 Pallampose at 3 rups. per
peece," enumerated m Wm. Callaway's " Outcry " (entered at the end
of the Diary of Streynsham Master^ p. 361), were purchased at Masu-
lipatam, since Callaway left that place with Master in 1676, and was
drowned ii\ the Hugli a few weeks later. Also in a letter from Fort
St George, 4th May, 1680, Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 28,
under *'What goods desir'd at Bantam," there is the item, "3 or
4 Cor [corge = score] of Pallampores."
* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Chintz. Compare Thevenot^ part iii.
p. 105, " there is great trading [at Masulipatam] in Chites." The form
chints or chintz is the plural of chint. Compare Fryer^ Index, p. iv.
" Chint, a sort of Callico painted."
^ i.e. Escritoires or writing-cases. " Carpetts Scrittores and Such
like Left with your dear Consort," Letter from Agent Langhorne to
Mrs Fleetwood at Masulipatam, 21st Nov. 1676, Factory Records ., Fort
St George, No. 18. "I had sent the Screetore sooner but could not
gett Madapollam Cooleys," Letter from Mr Wm. How at Masulipatam
to Mrs Mainwaring, 22nd April, 1679, O. C. No. 4600. See also Ind.
Ant. vol. xxix. p. 116.
72 OF CHOROMANPEL
most part Very rich men, Especially of the Moors,
Persians, and Gentues, many Villages not obe : [? above]
2, 3, or 4 miles off very well inhabited by ingenuous
tradesmen Especially Weavers and Chint Makers.
Many Ships and Vessel[s] resort here to lade the
beforementioned Commodities, haveinge a reasonable good
harbour and the Conveniencie of the River that runneth
up to the towne Side, which is not above one English
mile above the barre\ They doe lade and Unlade with
good Stronge boats of lO, I2, or 15 tuns in burden, and
with noe great difficultie.
Several! of the Inhabitants are great Merchant
adventurers, and transport Vast Stocks in the goods
aforesaid, both in theire owne Ships as alsoe Upon
fraught in English Ships or Vessels^.
^ Sir Edward Winter, in a letter to Mr Proby of the 5th Dec. 1670,
speaks of "The Roade of Remiildey or Metchlepatam." Factory
Records^ Fort St George, No. 16.
^ Among the miscellaneous papers at the end of the Diaiy of
Streynsham Master^ there is, pp. 337 — 339, an " Account of the Trade
of Metchlepatam," by Christopher Hatton, dated 9th Jan. 1676-7.
He says, " I shall Confine my discourse concerning the Traffick used
in this mart of Metchlepatam within the Limitts of my owne Ex-
perience haveing now neare overpassed 20 yeares in these parts.
Arriveing first in the yeare 1657, at which time I found this place
in a very flourishing condition, 20 sayle of ships of good burden
belonging to the Native Inhabitans here constantly imployed on
Voyages to Aracan, Pegu, Tenassery, Juncceloan, Queda, Mallaca,
Johore, Atcheen, Moca, Persia and the Maldiva Islands, and to all
these parts the goods and Merchandize were of the production of the
parts here Circumjacent, as all sorts of Callicoes, Cotton Yame,
Paintings of divers sorts, Iron, Steel, and all sorts of Graine and all
Commodityes again imported where hence dispersed in the Dominions
of the Mogull, Visapore, and Golcondah, and in this state it continued
for many yeares, untill the Netherlandish Company settled their
Factory at Golcondah, where keeping stores of all sorts of commodityes
they furnished those merchants that usually came downe every yeare
to this place and thereby first occasioned a decay of trade here. The
next and fatallest prejudice this place received arose from the cor-
ruption of Government at Golcondah... which... have now reduced this
place and indeed all the Countrey to this low Condition it now appears
m...at my first arrivall into these parts The Towne was soe well stored
with able merchants that many ships Ladeings of Divers sorts of.
Callicoes might and were procurable in the space of two or three
dayes...."
OF CHOROMANDEL 73
The Kinge of Golcondah hath Severall Ships, that
trade yearely to Arackan, Tanassaree^ and Ceylone to
purchase Elephants for him and his Nobilitie. They
bringe in Some of his Ships from 14 to 26 of these Vast
Creatures. They must of Necessitie be of Very Con-
siderable burthens and built exceedinge Stronge.
Each of these huge Annimals must have at the least
70 plantan trees laid in for his provender to the time of
his transportation, and, at Some Seasons of the yeare
100, when they Expect a more tedious passadge at Sea.
They never let them drinke any water at Sea, a Plantan
tree beinge a Very liquorish thinge Naturally, and will
not dry up much in lesse then 2 months, and many
times they doe not Exceed 15 or 16 days, but at Some
time of the Monzoone* I have knowne them be at Sea
one month, and yet landed all theire Elephants with Safety.
The means Usuall in gettinge these Overgrown beasts
On board Ship are SeveralP, accordinge to what con-
^ i.e. Tenasserim.
2 " Wee should have dispatched them [the ships] much sooner had
not the Monzoon hapned contrary this yeare to what it hath in other
yeares," Letter from Clavell at Balasor to Langhorne at Fort St George,
17th Dec. 1672, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4. "Wee must also write
to the Coast and desire that they order two or three of the Metch-
lepatam boates in the Monzoones who may goe ashore and carry off
your goods," Balasor "Generall" to the Court, 31st Dec. 1672, Factory
Records^ Hugli, No. 4.
3 Compare Schouten's description of embarking elephants at
Ceylon : " It is a great deal of trouble to get them on board : the
rafts and the boats must be covered with grass and branches of palm-
trees, or else the elephants could not be induced to pass along the
rafts or bridges. When they have been conducted close to the ship,
their eyes are covered, and large bands are passed under the belly
embracing the whole body ; to these, pulleys are hooked. Then the
elephants are hoisted by means of the capstan, and are placed in the
bottom of the hold." Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 34. On the 12th April, 1661,
the Council at Fort St George acknowledged a letter from " Acheen,"
from Mr Henry Garey per the Anne, " now called the HopeP They
commended the "great paynes" taken to get a cargo of elephants,
and remarked that the Anne was the first ship to do so, the other
commanders having refused to lade elephants because they could not
"cutt downe the sides of their ships as the Moors Juncks doe." Factory
Records, Fort St George, No. 14, p. 55.
74 OF CHOROMANDEL
veniencie the Port they lade at doth afford. In Arackan
and Tanassaree, the Rivers are very large and Navigable
for the biggest Ships in India or Elsewhere, Soe that
they float up to the Side of the Citty or towne, and
have as it were a bridge made of timber and Planke
Set from the Shore to the Ship Side, and those Ships
Sides of her Upper Worke is to be taken Up Soe low
as the deck, from which Entrance are placed 2 or 3
Stronge Planke loose, upon which when the Elephant is
brought by his keepers, they fall downwards gradually,
upon which the Elephants slides downe into the Ships
hold, where Some Elephant keepers are ready to receive
them and place them in Order, vizt. a Stronge Spulshore^
on each Side the neck, soe that he cannot goe further
forward or Further aft ; but if he is a Very tame One
he hath his Liberty in the hold, onely his leggs Seized
a foot asunder with rattans*.
Sometimes for want of takeinge good care over them,
doubtlesse they receive dammadge both to the Ship and
Endanger their lives, as for Example.
A great Ship of 5 or 600 tunns in burthen that
belonged to a great Merchant, an Eminent man in
Bengala, whose name was Narsam Cawn', In her
^ I have been unable to identify this word with any certainty.
No similar spelling occurs in the dictionaries. T. B. may have been
using a word derived from O.E. spelc^ jr/27^= splint, splinter. This
occurs as subs, spelch, and, in the Century Diet, as a verb, a by-form
of spelky whence, possibly the subs, spelcher, rendered by T. B.
phonetically, as spulshore. But, against this suggestion, there is the
difficulty that sfielc, in all its forms, refers to slender splinters of wood,
and consequently does not fit in with the evident meaning of spulshore.
Therefore, if spelcher be accepted as the equivalent, it must also be
inferred that it had a special local or nautical significance, and was
applied to a beam rather than a splint. I am indebted to Dr James
A. H. Murray for kind assistance in compiHng this note.
' 2 See Hobson-Jobson, s,v. Rattan.
3 Probably the merchant meant is the one to whom there are
frequent allusions in Factory Records, Hugli, No. 4, as "Naseb Cawne,"
"Naseeb Chaan," "Nassib Caune" (NasTb Khan); he is described as
OF CHOROMANDEL 75
Voyadge homeward from Qeylone, One of theire
Elephants not well Secured, did, with all the force he
cold possibly, run his tooth through the Ship Side in
such a measure that they cold not keep her free 2 hours
longer, and were forced to betake themselvs to their
great boat, and haveinge faire Weather and not beinge
above 30 leags off Shore, they all Saved theire lives.
I knew the Master of her very well, one Petro Loveyro,
an antient Portuguees\
When they discharge Elephants, they hoyse them over
with good Runners and tackles with the help of a good
Cabstant^ or two, and Ship them On Shore if the Ship
is neare ; if not, they Send them On Shore in great flatt
bottomed boats built for that purpose. Such as they in
Point de Gala' or Queda doe bringe them on board
one of the "considerable merchants" at Hugli. In 1678 there is the
following note as to this merchant, "A ship belonging to Nasjb Kaun
Shaubander of Ballasor, having lost her voyage to Maldiva, Sett Saile
again for Bengale." By " Narsam Cawn * the writer, however, may
have meant Nazim Khan.
* The references to this "antient Portuguees" that have come
to light among the India Office records are the following found in
Factory Records^ Hugli, No. i, and in the O, C. collection, Nos.
433 1 > 4342, and 4343. "I have procured you an experienced Pilott
Pedro De Lavera." Letter from Shem Bridges at Balasor to Capt.
Charles Wilde, 13th Oct. 1663. "If the Coreas and boards I wrote
for be not ready to come by the St. George, send her up with the
Iron and any freight that is ready which possibly you may have from
Pedro O Lavera, who Mr. Vincent tells mee is arrived.... Pray give
my recadoes [greeting] to Pedro O Lavera,... Pray aske him [Pedro
O Lavera] for a small basket marked E. R. and another small parcell
he brought from John Meeke. The basket please to send per first
sea convayhance and the parcell (being two petrified crabs) send by
the bearer, chargeing him to have a care of breakeing them in the
way.... I understand from Mr. Bugden that Pedro O Liveira is going
to the Maldivas, and that he carried an adventure of Mr. Clavells
with him the last Voyage." Letters from Vincent and Reade at
Hugli to Edwards at Balasor, 29th Jan., 6th and 7th Feb. 1678.
2 i.e, capstan.
' A very valuable form of the name. Compare Hobson-Jobson,
s.v. Galle, Point De ; there is no quotation with this spelling. " The
next day [nth April, 1662] we anchored in the bay of Pomte de Galles."
Sckoutetty vol. ii. p. 4. " The Flemings have nested themselves in the
Portugals Castles at Columbo, Point de Gaul, and elsewhere " ; Fryer,
76 OF CHOROMANDEL
On. If they live 3 days after they land, the fraught
is due, from 500 to 800 Rupees accordinge as he is in
Stature and bulke. They are the most Sensible Annimal
in the Universe in many respects, and not onely for what
action they are trained Up to, but the Affection they beare
one another after beinge Civilized ; for if one chance to
dye, as I have sometime Seen On Ship board, they must be
sure to hide him quite from the Sight of the rest, which is
done by covering a Saile round him Untill they cut him
up into quarters and hoyse the dead carcasse Up, other-
ways it wold Endanger the lives of Some if not all the
rest, and another Strange thinge is they will never runne
wild after once tamed, nor will they ingender to Captivate
theire Younge.
Most Eminent Men that inhabit Metchlipatam and
Guddorah* are Mahometans, vizt. Moors and Persians,
a Sort of most Insolent men, Entitleinge themselves
Mussleman^ vizt. true believers, although very Eroniously,
and not onely in that but in theire carriadge and behaivour,
haveinge got a predominancy over the Weake Spirited
Gentues and Mallabars', Some of which are Merchants
p. 23. " Colombo, which was at first built by the Portugueze, about
the Year 1638, but, by their Pride and Insolence, had nnade the King
of Candia (who was at first Sovereign of the whole Island) their Enemy.
The Dutch taking that Opportunity, made a League with the King
offensive and defensive, and first attacked and earned Galle or Ponto
de Galle in Anno 1658, which is a Fort and Harbour on the South-west
Point of the Island, about 20 Leagues from Colombo." Alex. Hamilton,
East Ifidtes, vol. i. p. 337.
^ See note on p. 63. Compare the following in "A Narrative of
the Inundation at Metchlepatam " in 1679, O. C. No. 4663, "Goodra
(the usual residence of the Governour) carried clear away and some
drowned."
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Mussulman. Compare Mandelslo^ p. 63,
"They [the Mahumetans] are called Mansulmans or Mussulmans.
They... believe that there is no salvation out of their Communion,
treating as Hereticks and Infidels, not only the Christians, but also all
such as profess any other Religion then theirs." See also Ind. Ant
vol. xxii. p. 112.
3 See notes on p. 6.
OF CHOROMANDEL ^^
here, but more of them Laborious and Industrious handi-
craftsmen vizt. Carpenters, Smiths, Barbers^, Shroffs^vizt.
Changers of money, and multas alias.
That Stronge East India Liquor called Arack' is made
and Sold in great abundance by the Gentues here, but not
by the Mahometans, beinge averse from the law of their
Patron Mahomet, as alsoe the drinkinge of any Stronge
drinke, which in Publick is pretty well Observed, but they
find means to besott themselves Enough with Bangha and
Gangah, and. Some of them, with any manner of Stronge
drinke they can have in Private.
Arack* is a liquor distilled Severall ways, as Some out
^ See note on p. 9.
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Shroff. Compare Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii.
p. 161, "the Bannians...of whom some are Sheraffs or Bankers, others
Broakers, employ'd between Merchant and Merchant for buying and
selling." N. and E., p. 31, for 5th Aug. 1680, has: "Report of the
weight of 2 chests of gold and 2 Bags of Ryalls of 8/8 delivered to
the Sharoffs for alloy." Compare also Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. 28,
"A considerable Quantity [of Bullion] is seldom bought or sold, but the
Shroffs, who are of the Chitty Cast, and in general Brokers to this
Business, examine and weigh it impartially betwixt both Parties;
having a small Allowance for their Care."
3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Arrack. N. and E. for 30th Dec. 1680,
p. 43, has, " for the good service performed by the Soldyers and Peons
...it is thought fit to gratify them... a hhdd. Arrack to the garrison."
Compare Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 266 f. : "Goa...Its chief Produce
is Arack, which is made in such great Quantities, that all India is
supply'd with it, as far as the Straits of Malacca. There are several
Sorts, as Single, Double, and Treble distill'd : the Double distill'd,
which is commonly sent abroad, is but a weak Spirit in Comparison
with Batavia Arack ; yet it has a Flavour so peculiar to itself, that it is
justly preferr'd to it, and all other Aracks in India. We bought it for
13^ Rupees per Hogshead, Cask and all; Treble distill'd old Arack
was worth 18 Rupees. A Goa Hogshead contains 50 Gallons more or
less. Arack seems to be an Indian Word for Strong- Waters of all
sorts ; for they call our Spirits and Brandy, English Arack. What we
understand by that Name is distill'd from the Liquor, that runs from
the Coconut-tree without any other mixture.... Batavia Arack is drawn
in Copper Stills ; but, I am told, at Goa their Works are altogether of
Earth, which makes their Arack so mild and pleasant. I have met
with Colombo and Quilone Arack with a Cinamon Flavour, as hot
and fiery as the Spirits we usually bum in Lamps." See also Ind.
Ant. vol. XXX. p. 391, and Crawfurd, Diet of the Indian Islands^s.v,
Arrack.
yS OF CHOROMANDEL
of the graine called Rice, another Sort from the Jagaree*
or Very course Sugar, with Some drugs, another Sort there
is that [is] distilled from Neep toddy and that is commonly
called Nipa de Goa^ but the weakest of these is much
Stronger then any Wine of the Grape.
Bangha', theire Soe admirable herbe, groweth in many
places of this Coast as alsoe in Bengala ; but Gangah* is
brought from the Island Sumatra, and is oftentimes Sold
here at Very high rates. It is a thinge that resembleth
hemp Seed and groweth after the Same mannar, but the
Other is of a larger leafe and grosse Seed. Gangah beinge
of a more pleasant Operation, much addictinge to Venery,
is Sold at five times the price the Other is. They Study
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Jaggery. Fryer^ p. 99, has " Jaggaree or
Mulasso's made into Past," and Index, p. vi, "Jaggaree, Melossees,
or course Sugar." In Mad. Man, Admn, vol. iii. s,v. Arrack, among
descriptions of various kinds, we find, "What is called in Southern
India puttay arrack or pariah liquor or country liquor is distilled from
a fermented solution of jaggery, the course sugar obtained from the
juice of the date, cocoanut, palmyra and other palms, or from the
sugar-cane."
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Nipa. It is the thatching-palm of the
estuaries East of the Hugli River, and the liquor distilled from it. It
is now known as the Dhani (Dhunnie) palm. Compare Fryer^ p. 157,
"At Nerule is made the best Arach or Nepa de Goa, with which the
English on this Coast make that enervatmg Liquor called Paunch
[punch, Hind. pdncK\ (which is Indostan for Five) from Five In-
gredients."
3 i.e. Bhang, Indian hemp. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Bang, and the
quotations given from Fryer, P« 91 > Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 61,
and Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. i. p. 131.
* See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Gunja. Also Crawfurd, Diet, of the Indian
Islands, s.v. Hemp, who says it was introduced by the Telugus into the
Archipelago for the use of Indian settlers. The writer seems to look
on " bangha " and " gangah " as products of two different plants, but
as a matter of fact they are different preparations of the same plant,
Cannabis Indica (or sativa). See Ind. Ant. vol. xxiii. pp. 260 — 262 for
valuable historical notes taken from Dr Grierson's evidence before the
Hemp-drugs Commission, 1893-4. He says that the earliest mention
oi gdnjd is about 1300 A.D. See also Watts, Diet, of Economic Products
of India, s.v. Cannabis, for an exhaustive article on the subject. From
this we learn that the narcotic is derived from "the young tops and/
unfertilised female flowers, gdnjd (or gdnjd), and the older leaves and
fruit- vessels, b/idng.^^
OF CHOROMANDEL 79
many ways to Use it, but not One of them that faileth to
intoxicate them to admiration.
Sometimes they mix it with theire tobacco and Smoak
it, a very Speedy way to be besotted ; at Othersometimes
they chaw it, but the most pleasant way of takeinge it is as
followeth : — Pound or grinde a handful! of the Seed and
leafe togeather, which mixt with one Pint of fresh Water,
and let it Soake neare one quarter of an houre or more,
then Strained through a piece of Calicoe^ or what else is
fine, and drinke off the liquor, and in lesse then ^ an houre
it's Operation will Shew it Selfe for the Space of 4 or 5
hours.
And it Operates accordinge to the thoughts or fancy of
the Partie that drinketh thereof, in Such manner that if
he be merry at that instant, he Shall Continue Soe with
Exceedinge great laughter for the before mentioned Space
of time, rather overmerry then Otherways, laughinge
heartilie at Every thinge they discerne; and, on the
Contrary, if it is taken in a fearefull or Melancholy
posture, he Shall keep great lamentation and Seem to
be in great anguish of Spirit, takeinge away all manly
gestures or thoughts from him I I have often Seen these
^ See note on p. 5.
-^ Compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 126, "They have here [in Achin]
a sort of Herb or Plant called Ganga or Bang. I never saw any but
once, and that was at some distance from me. It appeared to me like
Hemp, and I thought it had been Hemp, till I was told to the contrary.
It is reported of this Plant, that if it is infused in any Liquor, it will
stupify the brains of any person that drinks thereof ; but it operates
diversly, according to the constitution of the person. Some it makes
sleepy, some merry, putting them into a Laughing fit, and others it
makes mad : but after 2 or 3 hours they come to themselves again.
I never saw the effects of it on any person, but have heard much
discourse of it. What other use this Plant may serve for I know not :
but I know it is much esteemed here, and in other places too whither
it is transported." Crawfurd, Diet, of the Indian Islaruis, p. 148, quotes
the above description, and says, "The earliest account of hemp as a
product of the Archipelago is by the observant Dampier, who saw it at
Achin, in 1688." T. B.'s account is, however, at least nine years earlier,
and, at the time of Dampier's visit, he was a resident in Achin. See
Introduction.
8o OF CHOROMANDEL
humors Experienced in Bengala. One for instance : —
Eight or tenne of us (Engh'shmen) to trye practice, wee
wold needs drinke Every man his pint of Bangha, which
wee purchased in the Bazar for the Value of 6d. English.
I ordered my man to bringe alonge with him one of the
Fackeers* (who frequently drinke of this liquor), promise-
inge him his dose of the Same to come and Compound
the rest for us, which he Cordially and freely accepted
of, and it was as welcome to him as a Crowne in moneys.
Wee dranke Each man his proportion, and Sent the
Fackeere out of dores, and made fast all dores and
Windows, that none of us might runne out into the
Street, or any person come in to behold any of our
humors thereby to laugh at us.
The Fackeere Sat without the Street dore, callinge us
all Kings and brave fellows, fancyinge himselfe to be at
the Gates of the Pallace at Agra, Singeinge to that
purpose in the Hindostan Languadgel
It Soon tooke it's Operation Upon most of us, but
^ See note on p. 20.
2 Hindostanl. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Hindostanee. The Direc-
tors in England endeavoured to promote the study of Hindostanl
among their servants in India. On the i8th December, 1671, they
wrote to Fort St George, Letter Book^ No. 4, p. 495, "Wee are sorry to
heare that wee have not any One of our Servants that can speake the
language, Wee now purposely send you over some young men, which
wee would have instructed therein, as also to write it, that wee may
not depend on accidental! persons, And for the encouragement of those
that shall atteyne thereto, so as to transact businesse with the Natives,
wee order you to pay each of them 20/. as a gratuety, and that a
Schoole Master bee allowed for teaching them. Wee are informed that
John Thomas hath made some progress herein, wee would have you
encourage him to proceed to perfection." On the 20th Nov. 1674, in
a " Generall " from Fort St George to the Court, O. C, No. 4044, p. 8,
is the remark, " We have paid the pagodas 50 or lb 20 to John Thomas,
according to your order of 18 December 1671 finding him very well
introduced in the Gentue language." On the 12th December, 1677,
the Court wrote again to Fort St George on the subject, Letter
Book, No. 5, p. 502, "Wee did some yeers since propose an encourage-
ment of ;£20 a peece to any of our Writers that should attain to a
perfection in the Gentue or Indostan language, but as yet have heard
but of. one proficient therein, wee doe require you to reminde them
hereof in all your Agency...."
OF CHOROMANDEL 8 1
merrily, Save upon two of our Number, who I Suppose
feared it might doe them harme not beinge accustomed
thereto. One of them Sat himselfe downe Upon the
floore, and wept bitterly all the Aftemoone ; the Other
terrified with feare did runne his head into a great
Mortavan Jarre^ and continued in that Posture 4 hours
or more ; 4 or 5 of the number lay upon the Carpets
(that were Spread in the roome) highly Complementinge
each Other in high termes, each man fancyinge himselfe
noe lesse then an Emperour. One was quarralsome and
fought with one of the wooden Pillars of the Porch, untill
he had left himselfe little Skin upon the knuckles of his
fingers. My Selfe and one more Sat sweatinge for the
Space of 3 hours in Exceedinge Measure.
Taste it hath not any, in my judgement lesse then faire
water, yet it is of Such a bewitchinge Sottish nature, that
whoever Use it but one month or two cannot forsake it
without much difficultie.
The Governour of Metchlipatam* is a Moore put into
^ Pegu Jar. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Martaban. " Mr. White hath
not taken the Mortevan of Butter with him." Letter from Wm. How
at Masulipatam to Mrs Mainwaring, 22nd April, 1679; ^- ^-j No. 4600.
For an article on Pegu Jars, see Irid, Ant. vol. xxii. p. 364 f. Tavernier^
vol. i. part ii. p. 180 has, "They take a great Earthen pot, well glaz'd
within, which they call Martavane."
^ The Governor at the time of which T. B. writes was "Aga GilloU"
[Agha Jalal], of whose oppressions there are frequent and bitter com-
plaints in the letters from Masulipatam, 1673 — ^^11 {Factory Records^
Masulipatam, No. 6). On the 2nd January, 1677, Streynsham Master,
who stayed at Masulipatam on his return journey to Fort St George,
received a visit from the Governor ; " Agga GeloU the Governour of
the Towne with the Shabundar and others came to the Factory to see
me, he was very civill in his expressions, and noe pretence would serve
to excuse receiving an entertamment at his house he was soe earnest
in his invitation." Diary of Streynsham Master^ p. 297. At a Consul-
tation at Fort St George on the 4th Aug. 1677, mention is made of
"a demand of Aga GilloU Governour of Metchlepatam for about
pagodas 550 owing to him from the deceased Robert Fleetwood."
Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. i. In 1679, Streynsham Master
made a second tour of inspection of the Company's factories on the
" Coast and Bay," and again exchanged visits with the Governor of
Masulipatam. In the Memoriall of Streynshafn Master, quoted by
Mackenzie, Kistna District, pp. 137 and 139, the name is given [by
T. 6
82 OF GHOROMANDEL
that Office by the Kinge of Golcondah, Sole Lord and
Kinge of all this Coast Saveinge to the Southward of
I Porto Novo^ which appertaineth to the Vizepore Kinged
? a misreading of the MS. text] as Aga Telloll, ''April 2nd. Aga Telloll
the Governor of Metchlepatam having been toward Narsapore and
those places under his Government returned to Goodera last night,
whereof having notice this day the Agent sent to complement him, and
to acquaint him of his being to these parts to inspect the Company's
business, to which message he returned a complementall answer, and
that he should take a day to visitt the Agent, and to invite him to an
entertainment at his house.... 4th April. Aga Telol the Govemour
came to Towne this morning by 8 o'clock directly to the English
Factory to visit the Agent with a traine of Persians &c., he stayed
about an hour... it was thought best to retume the visitt this evening...
and his treate was very civill after a plentifull supper being closed with a
present of a Horse...." The next day "Aga Telol" was presented with
250 pagodas privately, 'he being a person rising in favour at Court."
^ Of this place Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. i. p. 350, has the
following description, "The next Place of Commerce [to Negapatam]
is Porto Novo, so called by the Portugueze, when the Sea-coasts of
India belonged to them ; but when Aurengzeb subdued Golcondah,
and the Portugueze Affairs declined, the Mogul set a Fouzdaar in it,
and gave it the Name of Mahomet Bander. The Europeans
generally call it by its first Name, and the Natives by the last. The
Country is fertil, healthful and pleasant, and produceth good Cotton
Cloth of several Qualities and Denominations, which they sell at Home,
or export to Pegu, Tanasereen, Quedah, Johore, and Atcheen on
Sumatra." Fryer^ p. 175, speaking of the Sea-ports of the King of
Visiapour, mentions six, and adds, "the rest are Possessed by the
Malabar Raja's round to Porto Novo, which only is properly the
King's." See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. I^orto Novo. N. and E. for 20th
March, 1680, p. 13, has "Intelligence received from Porto Novo that
the Dutch have leave to settle a Factory there," and on the 6th Jan.
1 68 1, p. 44, "Accordingly it is resolved to apply to the Soobidar of
Sevagee's Country of Chengy for a Cowle to settle Factories at
Cooraboor and Coonemerro and also at Porto Novo, if desired, the
Company's Merchants engaging to deliver cloth there at the same
rates as here." In a "Generall" from Fort St George, dated 15th April,
1669, O. C. No. 3171, there is a remark which shows that a settlement
at Porto Novo had been discussed many years before 1680: "It hath
been severall times proposed to us to send some persons to Portanova
to make provision of Cloth for England Wee finde that it is a place
where Quantityes of Cloth may be provided at easy rates, but being
soe farr distant it is not convenient to bring it thence by Land the
charge of bringing them soe farr, and the severall Junckans [transit
f duties] in the way hither swell the charge too much, besides the length
and difficulty of the way and the Seasons that must be taken to pass
the Rivers : but to these proposalls as yet wee have given noe other
answer, but that for this yeare wee have disposed of all our monyes and
goods, but may take it into consideration hereafter...."
2 This is a neat bit of historical, political and geographical evidence.
See map for 1625-40 at the end of Gribble's History of the Deccan,
OF CHOROMANDEL 83
This Governours place is very considerable, his honour
great as a Viceroy, his revenues Very large, his attendance
Very Stately, accordinge to the Custome of this Countrey.
His Retinue of Attendants and Menial Servants are in
great number ; he keeps Severall Palanchinoes\ State
horses, and Roundels', pipes, drums, and trumpets, many
Pikemen, 2 or 300 Punes' and Resbutes*.
Punes^ are noe Other then waiteinge men, waiteinge
on their Masters, wherever they goe, and in time of any
joutney, they runne by his Palanchino^ or Elephant as
foot boys^ which is here accompted a Princely piece of
honour. I have knowne Some persons that have not had
any Goverment conferred Upon them keep above 300 in
constant Sallary, which is Ordinarily 2 rupees every
Moone*.
Resbutes** are of another Cast. They are accompted a
^ See note on p. 19.
2 Umbrellas.
^ Peons. See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Peon. "My last to you was per
Mr. March together with the small fardle per one of the Punes." Letter
to Mr Vickers at Casimbazar, 17th Sept. 1670. O. C, No. 3478. The
"boy" in "foot-boys" is probably also an Anglo-Indianism : see
Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Boy.
* A valuable reference to the old Indian custom of payment by the
month, still obtaining for every kind of servant, from highest to lowest,
official, commercial, and private. See ante^ p. 4.
* Rajputs. See note on p. 19. In Lord's Discoverie of the Sect of
the Banians^ 1630, pp. 76, Tj^ 82, we have, "The Second Cast or Tribe
being the Cutteryes...were the Ancient Kings and Rulers of India...
called by the name of Raiahs which signifieth a King... having many
resolute Souldiers... called Rashpootes, which implyeth as much as the
Sonnes of Kings." Compare Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 161, "The
second Caste is that of the Raspoutes or Ketris, that is to say, Warriors
and warlike people.... All the Raja's are of this Caste... all of this second
Caste are not Warriours ; for they are the Raspoutes only that go to
War, and are all Horsemen. But for the Ketris, they are degenerated
from their Ancestors, and of Soldiers are become Merchants." Fryer^
p. 27, has, " Next in esteem [after the Brahmins] were the Rashwaws,
Rashpoots, or Souldiers." Thevenot^ part iii. p. 63, says "The second
is the Tribe of the Catry or Raspoutes, who make profession of Arms."
" The Mazar or certificate about the Rajapootes Sonn have not yet re-
ceived." 6th Jan. 1680, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5. Compare also
De la Loublre^ p. 97, "The foreign Guard [of the King of Siam] consists...
6—2
84 OF CHOROMANDEL
most Valiant people that live by the Sword, and Ought,
when upon any occasion they are forced to draw theire
great backswords for defence of theire Lord and Master,
never to put them up againe Unrevenged of their Enemies,
but Utterly to destroy them. But these are but Scare-
crows to the poore ignorant natives, for I have Seen them
take themselves to their heels, and make a Runninge fight,
when a Small number of Frenchmen, not Exceedinge one
dozen, drove about 200 of them before them, and as it was
Upon theire owne Dunghill, vizt. within this Towne. And
a more memorable fight Sir Edward Winter had with
above 300 of them horse and foot Upon Guddorah^ bridge,
when he and his Trumpeter cleared the way and drove
Severall of them Over the bridge to the great Astonish*
ment of all the Natives and Fame of that Worthy
Knights
lastly in two Companies of Twenty five Men each, Pagans of the true
India, habited like the Moors, which are called Rasbouts, or Raggi-
bouts, who boast themselves to be of the Royal blood, and whose
Courage is very famous, though it be only the effect of Opium."
* See note on p. 63.
2 This is a characteristic story of the fiery Sir Edward Winter, who
was appointed Governor of Fort St George in 166 1. He arrived in
India in 1662, and held the office by right for three years, and by
usurpation for an additional three. In 1665, Winter was superseded
from home by George Foxcroft. Instead of resigning, he imprisoned
his successor and governed on his own account in Foxcroft's place.
In 1668 Winter was compelled to release Foxcroft, who assumed
office ; but Sir Edward's outrageous conduct was practically condoned.
With regard to the skirmish above mentioned, it may have taken
place in 1663, for on the 2nd January, Sir Edward wrote to Sir Thomas
Chamberlin, Deputy Governor in London, O.C. No. 2964, "I have
bin in much trouble to compose a difference with the Moores, created
by them, who at my being at Mesulapatam one evening fell upon us,
and kild one of our English Servants and wounded mee in severall
places, and hurt others, without any reason knowne to us." Sir Edward
was not likely to avoid retaliating when the chance occurred, but
I can find no actual account in the records of the time of the fight on
"Guddorah" bridge. I am, however, indebted to Mr W. Foster, for
drawing my attention to the monument erected to Sir Edward Winter in
the Parish Church of Battersea. A Latin inscription is followed by
eulogistic lines, seven of which run as follows :
"Nor less in Martiall Honour was his name,
Witness his actions of Immortal Fame :
OF CHOROMANDEL 85
Roundels^ Are in these Warm CHmats very Necessarie,
to keep the ©^ from Scorchinge a man ; they may alsoe
and are Serviceable to keep the raine off. Most men of
accompt maintaine one, 2, or 3 roundelliers^ whose office
is onely to attend theire Masters Motion. They are Very
light but of Exceedinge Stiffnesse, beinge for the most
part made of Rhinocerots hide, very decently painted and
Guilded with what flowrs they best admire. On the inside
exactly in the midst thereof is fixed a Smooth handle
(made of wood) by which the Roundeliere' doth carry it,
holdinge it up, with one hand, a foot or more above his
Master's head, directinge the Centre thereof as Opposite to
the Q'^ as possibly he may. Sumbareros or Catysols* are
here very Usefull and necessarie for the Same purpose,
which are carried 3 or 4 foot or more above a mans head,
Alone, unarm'd a Tygre He opprest,
And crusht to death the Monster of a Beast.
Thrice twenty mounted Moors he overthrew
Singly on foot, some wounded, some he slew ;
Dispersed the rest: what more cou'd Sampson do?"
A quaint representation of these two exploits is engraven on the
monument. In all probability the overthrow of the "mounted Moors"
and the skirmish related by T.B. are identical.
^ A state umbrella and a constant source of bickering in the
old Anglo-Indian days. N. and E. p. 40, for i6th Feb. 1676, has
"Whereas each hath his peon and some more with their Rondells,
that none be permitted but as at the Fort;" and p. 15 for 1680,
"To Verona's adopted son was given the name of Muddoo Verona
and a Rundell to be carried over him in respect to the memory of
Verona;" and p. 72 for 8th January, 1680, "Six men for dutys,
Rundell, and Kittesale." See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Roundel.
2 Sailors' mark in old logs for "the sun."
3 Roundel-boy, umbrella-carrier. Compare the following refer-
ence in a letter from Madapollam to Masulipatam, 19th July, 1679,
O.C. No. 4633, "The bearer is my rundelleere who you may send
on board."
* An umbrella, especially the Chinese variety of paper with a
bamboo handle. See Ind, Ant. vol. xxx. p. 347. Compare the follow-
ing in a letter from John Haines at Hugli to Job Charnock, 21st Sept.
1687, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 11, "The kittysol will take about
2} yds. scarlet." See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Kittysol, and also s.v.
Sombrero. In the old writers, sombrero was always an umbrella and
never a hat.
86 OF CHOROMANDEL
and Shade a great matter, beinge rather more Convenient
then the Other but not soe fashionable or Honourable, by
reason any man whatever that will goe to the Charge of it,
which is noe great Matter, may have one or more Catysols
to attend him, but not a Roundell Unlesse he be in a
Credible Office, and then noe more then one Unlesse he
be a Governour or One of the Councell. The Same
Custome the English hold good amongst their own people,
whereby they may be distinguished by the Natives^
A Palanchino is of the forme above described*, beinge
^ The whole paragraph is a valuable contribution to the history of
the words roundell, sombrero, and kittysol (as it is usually spelt), all
meaning umbrellas of sorts. The use of umbrellas, especially of
roundells, formed the subject of sumptuary regulations on the part of the
Company for over a century. The allusion in the text is to a fulmi-
nation at Masulipatam during Streynsham Master's visit, i6th Aug.
1676 {Diary of Streynshatn Master, p. 41) — "There being an ill
custome in the Factory of writers haveing roundells carried over
their heads which is not used or allowed by the Government of the
Towne, but only to the Governour and three next principall officers
and to two or three eminent merchants of ancient standing and by
the Dutch only their Cheife, Second, and third who are of their
Councell, and at Fort St. George is allowed only to the Councell and
Chaplaine, It is therefore ordered that noe Person in this Factory
shall have a roundell carried over them but such as are of Councell
and the Chaplaine." The present editor recollects a certain Colonel of
the older fashion in Madras in 1872-3 who regularly had a roundell
carried by a roundell-boy after him wherever he went in Fort St George
in the daytime. Compare Fryer, p. 30, who calls them Arundells.
2 The illustration is of interest as showing that the author by
palanchino meant, not the palankeen of to-day, but the glorified litter
known as the muncheel {nianchal) in the Madras Presidency. See
note on p. 19. Compare the description of "Palanquins" in Thevenoty
part iii. p. 54 — ** Palanquin... is a kind of Couch witli four feet, having
on each side Ballisters four or five Inches high, and at the head and
feet a back-stay like a Childs Cradle, which sometimes is open like
Ballisters, and sometimes close and Solid. This machine hangs by a
long Pole, which they call Pambou, by means of two frames nailed to the
feet of the Couch, which are almost like to those that are put to the
top of moving Doors, to fasten Hangings by ; and these two frames
which are the one at the head, and the other at the opposite end,
have Rings through which great Ropes are put, that fasten and hang
the Couch to the Pambou.... If a Woman be in it, it is covered close
over with red Searge, or with Velvet if she be a great Lady.. ..Every
one adorns his Palanquin according to his humour, some have them
covered with plates of carved Silver, and others have them only
painted with Flowers and other Curiosities, or beset round with guilt
Balls...."
6^ 8 *
F ^
OF CHOROMANDEL 8/
a longe Square Frame about 6 foot in length, and 3 or 3J
foot broad, very neatly inlaid with Ivory and Turtle Shell
of Excellent Workman Ship plated with Silver, (as the
Owner's pleasure is to bestow Cost thereon) with a large
Bamboo, of about 15 or 16 foot longe, crooked in the
middle for the conveniencie of sittinge Upright, or may
ly downe and Sleep in it, with a Scarlet or broadcloth
coveringe (called a Pingaree)^ Stretched out Square. This
is carried by 4 men at once (as in the figure). Xjpon a
journey they goe 8 for the relieveinge one another ; they
are called Gualas^ and will carry one 40 miles per diem
with noe great difficulty.
They are of a Cast by themselvs, worshipinge Stocks
and Stones, and differ in many respects from the rest of
the Idolaters, and live amongst themselves.
^ The author seems to mean the Hindostani vford. pinjari, a bier,
small cage, small frame-work.
2 The Gowala (cow-keeper) caste were employed as "bearers" in
Bengal, and the author is probably confusing the " Guallas " of the
northern province with the Kaval of Madras. Compare the follow-
ing extracts from contemporary Bengal records : " We shall, as soon
as you advise you are ready, send Gwalies and Cahars to meete you
at Kendoa." Balasor, 4th July, 1674; Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4.
"You may have it [the wine] carried overland... by the Gualloes."
Balasor, 29th May, 1678; O.C, No. 4433. "This morning a Gualla
came from the Town and informed us &c." Balasor, 17th Dec. 1687;
Factory Records, Balasor, No. i. "This comes by the Gualla's whom
your worship sent up upon my boat to fetch the pumpelmouces from
Cossimbuzar." Hugli, i ith Sept. 1687 ; Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 11.
These " Guallas " however, seem to have been porters and messengers
rather than palankeen-bearers. The bearer-caste is the Kahar, and
there are many references to them in the Bengal records, e.g. "Wee
find not that Cahars for a Palenkin were ever kept in Hugly when any
under the Second were there however wee ordered you to keep four
cahars in constant pay." Hugli, 10th Feb. 1673; Factory Records^
Hugli, No. 4. " We allow you 8 Caharrs for the Pallenkeene and no
more." Hugli, 28th Sept. 1677 ; Factory Records, Hugli, No. 4.
Of "Guallas" Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal, vol. ii. p. 284,
remarks, "Goalas are very strong in Orissa, and a large proportion of
the Uriyas employed as personal servants by Europeans belong to
that caste." The Tamil word Kaval is a guard, palankeen -bearer,
body servant; but the usual European term is "boy" from the Boyi
(Telugu) Caste, primarily fishermen, with common or secondary occu-
pations as bearers of letters and palankeen and domestic servants.
On the whole, it seems probable that the author was thinking of the
Bengal palankeen-bearer when he wrote " Guala."
88 OF CHOROMANDEL
The Moors have, within a Very few years, put many
grievous Affronts both Upon the English and Dutch,
which formerly they durst not attempt the meanest of
them, Soe that without all dispute wee have occasioned
Such things by our low Spiritednesse, and Selfe interest,
mindinge that more then any future benefit or Nationall
good, as I my Selfe can instance in many respects, but
rather leave it to theire Own Considerations to Seeke
theire remedies. For one thinge I dare be bold to assert,
that our Chiefe nor his Councill did Ever make their
agrievances known to the Kinge of Golcondah, when
English men have been most bloodily murthered in the
Open Streets ^
Anno Domini 1675/6 The Kinge^ came on Progresse to
Metchlipatam with a Very great Retinue. He adventured
his Person On board 2 English Ships (that lay in the
Roade) which, if I mistake not, is more then his Ministers
ever did, but the [?by] Some wise men in his dominions it
was accompted a great piece of lightnesse in him*.
^ The high-handed and spirited policy of Sir Edward Winter was
not encouraged by the Court nor maintained by his successors,
Foxcroft and Langhorne. The records during the time of these two
Governors are full of complaints of oppression by the "Moors" and
constant stoppages of trade, but, in almost every instance, recourse
was had to bribery rather than force.
2 This was Abu'l-Hassan Shah, the last of the Qutb Shahl Dynasty
of Golconda, 1672 — 1683. See Cribble, History of the Deccan^ vol. i.
pp. 285, 299—309.
3 In the MS. records preserved at the India Office (^Factory
Records^ Masulipatam, Nos. 6 and 10, Miscellaneous, No. 3a ; Letter
Book^ No. 6 ; Diary of Streynshafn Master) full particulars of the King's
visit to Masulipatam are given. From these I have extracted the
following details : On the 19th Dec. 1675, Mr Main waring informed
Mr Puckle, "Just now our Covr. Sarsamut Shabandand &ca officers
of the towne who are together at the Nababs house advised mee that
the King would be here in a very Short time and therefore would have
us prepare our Selves to meet him with a present, this affaire being
of great concerne to our Honourable Imployers I desire you all imme-
diately upon receipt hereof to repaire hither to Consult the needful!
and bring with you 100 peons with what else you think needfuU that
soe wee may appeare with as much Splendour as our Neibours the
Dutch who are making all the preparations possible... if any of you
have any thing by you that you may judge may be acceptable to the
King please to bring it with you, allso as many Settes of boyes as
OF CHOROMANDEL 89
you judge may be sufficient for us all in this towne being already
taken up." On the 21st Dec. orders were sent to the Company's
servants at Masulipatam "to prepare themselves to meet the King at
Rezwar two days Journey from hence with a present." On the 22nd
the- "Chief &c of Metchlepatam " wrote to MaddapoUam, "Wee are
strongly allarmed with the Kings approach which putts the whole
towne into a Hurry for his reception and you can but be Sensible
what we Labour under Seeing the Dutch make large provissions to
meet him and to present him." Again, on the 29th Dec, " Wee under-
stand that the King arrived at Cundapella last night and intends to
come to MadapoUam and from thence to Cummum," and, in a
letter to Fort St George of the same date, "he [the King] is Re-
ported to March with So Numerous a traine that he devours all the
Country up where he comes. Wee expect every hour to be summoned
to goe to meet him." On the ist Jan. 1676, news was sent to Mada-
poUam that "Here is a report that the King is gone to Rogermundrum,
and from thence intends to come to Metchlepatam." A letter to
Fort St George dated 19th Jan. gives a full account of the royal visit —
"Wee advised you [on the 15th Jan.] that in a day or two wee would
dispatch the other two remaining Ships, but the King coming to town
the 1 7th, commanded us to stop these two Ships, [the Loyall Subject
and the Unity] untill he should have gone aboard them, yesterday he
went aboard a Dutch Ship, which they had detained and fitted for his
reception, amongst other their Galantry they had the impudence to
put ours and the French Kings Flag under theirs in the mizen topp,
and thereby to render us low and contemptable in the Kings eyes,
whereat wee were all highly concerned, and thereupon wee repaired
on board our Ships, and ordered the Commanders to Salute hi^
majesty with their Gunns, and from thence went with the trumpets to
waite on his majesty on his owne Shipp the Indulgence where wee
acquainted him with the indignity offer'd to our King, who thereupon
ordered it to be taken downe (which was immediately performed) and
afterward upon our invitation was pleased to come on board the
Loyall Subject (notwithstanding the Dutch endeavoured all they could
to oppose it) where he continued two houres and did express much
Satisfaction, ordering us to fire Severall Gunns for his delight which
he would not permitt on board the Dutch Shipp, and at his departure
declared that he would this morning visit them againe early and com-
manded us to be ready to attend him, whereupon we last night sent
our order to both the Commanders for the fitting their Shipps in
a better Equipage for his reception and this morning we were early at
the Banksall to attend his majesties motion, but being by some other
pastimes diverted he came not to the Barr where wee waited for him
till the Ebb was so far spent that it was too late for him to pass the
Barr, and thereupon returned againe to towne whether wee attended
him with a noyse of trumpets and makeing inquiry of the Serkell
concerning his Majesties further purpose of goeing on board our
Ships, wee received answer that his majesty would now desist from
it, whereupon wee resolved and do now accordingly give them
dispatch, which before his majesties purpose was knowne wee thought
it not safe to doe for the avoiding all occasion of offence." The Agent
and Council left their Factory for the accommodation of the King
during his visit, having first taken the precaution to remove the
Company's treasure "to their garden for safety during their absence."
The entertainment of the King amounted to " Pagodas 6149 : 04,
go OF CHOROMANDEL
The Ships were the Loyall Subject, Captain Goodlad^
A great sum but unavoidable and a good Phirmaund obteyned." The
following are the details of the present :
Pags. fan.
His Majesty 2552 20
To Maddana the second person . . . , 1 1 10 04
To the Cirkell chancellor 1 251 08
To the Govemour of Metchlepatam . . . 300 24
Scarlett us'd 17 yards 42 16
Broad cloth us'd 7 pees 14^ yds . . . , 138 16
Lead to the Cirkell lomds. 2 J seer ... 51
Dungarees us'd 4 J pees 15
Longcloth us'd 16 pees 18 —
Twine ^ maund 3
Ropes 2 maund 10
8 Pottles of Canary and Brandy .... 8 00
Charges Extraordinary for peons Boyes Cooleys
Provisions &ca 625 25
To the Sarsamutt . . 25 00
To the Shabander 20 00
To the Banksall people 6 00
To the Governours Bramina and Servants . . . 40 00
To the Gate people 2 00
To the Cattwalls people 2 00
Pagodas 6149 04
The insolence of the Dutch was not allowed to pass unnoticed.
It was reported to the Court, and, in October, 1676, the Directors
wrote as follows to the " Honble. Directors of the Netherlands East
India Co. — Wee cannot but acquaint you with what advice wee
received from Metchlepatam by our last shipping Vizt. That on the
1 8th January 1675/6 when the King of Gulcondah was in the Road of
Metchlepatam goeing on board severall ships That a Ship of yours
did put our Flagg under their own in the fore and Mizen Top, which
had occasioned a Broyl, had not the king immediately commanded
the takeing of it down ; One of our Commanders sent on board to
know the name of the ship and Captain, but they denied to tell them."
No notice appears to have been taken of this remonstrance, nor had
the earlier protests of the Company's servants in India received
any attention if we may judge from an entry in the Diary of
Streynsham Master under date 17th August, 1676 — "The Skipper of
the ship who affronted the English in the business of the Flag the last
yeare was now in the same ship in the Road [of Masulipatam] and a
report went that he was turned out for that fact but the English looked
upon it as a juggle."
^ The Goodlads were a notable family of sea captains in the 17th
century. They all appear to have been related to William Goodlad,
Master of Trinity House, who died on the 23rd Jan. 1640, and is buried
in Leigh Church, Essex. There were five Goodlads, captains in the
Company's service, between 1667 and 1687, and two at least among
the number had most adventurous careers. The one referred to in
the text is Captain William Goodlad. He commanded the Greyhound
from about 1669 till 1671, when, on his return from a voyage to
OF CHOROMANDEL 9I
Commander, and the Unity, Captain Cruffe^ Commander.
Bantam, he succeeded Captain Arnold Browne as commander of the
Loyall Subject^ in which ship he made four voyages. In 1671, William
Goodlad sailed the Loyall Subject^ burthen 450 tons, owners Messrs.
Squire, Breton, and others, to Fort St George. While there, in 1672,
he was present at a Consultation held to discuss the advisability of
strengthening the fortifications after the taking of St Thomd by the
French. He concurred in the advice given to raise the wall 5 ft. from
" St. Thoma poynt to the Salt petre Godowns." From Fort St George
William Goodlad went to Balasor, returning to England in May, 1673.
In Dec. 1674 he again went to Fort St George with the Loyall Subject^
burthen 470 tons. She arrived on the 9th July, and at the end of the
month was sent to Masulipatam "with her sickly crew of men... where-
of 21 buried." Matthew Mainwaring, the Agent at Masulipatam, was
ordered to provide the Loyall Subject with more English, " or at least
Lascars." It was in this voyage that the celebrated Samuel White
came out as mate, and while at Masulipatam, during the time our
author mentions, stole away " Mistress Povey that was sent for to
Madras to marry young Mr. Jearsey" and married her there himself
On the 6th Aug. 1675 William Goodlad was ordered to take his ship
to "the Bay," but was delayed for some days owing to a "violent
sicknesse." . He returned to Masulipatam at the end of the year and
was to have been despatched to Fort St George early in January, but
the King's visit, as described by T. B., kept him at Masulipatam till
the end of January. On the 24th of the month he wrote the following
letter to the Agent at the Fort : " On board the Loyall Subject, 24th
January, 1675/6. Right Honble. Sir, The 22d Instant we sailed from
out of Metchlepatam roade, the i8th and 20th the King of Gulcondah
with all his nobles was aboard our Ship with our Commissioners to
waite upon him, we fired at least two hundred and fiftie, or sixtie
Peices of Ordnance, was forced to run out all our lower Gunns, and
pull downe our Bulke head of the Partition in the great Cabine, which
put us to a great charge and trouble, our powder spent in the two dales
comes to neare eight hundered pounds for which I have the Com-
missioners order to your honour to supplie, The King was extreemly
pleased with our shipp, and very familiar, at his going ashore tooke
Capt. Cruft and my Selfe with him. And visited us, which was no
small griefe to the Dutch, which putt our English Anctent under their
colours, But was forced to take them downe to their disgrace, I shall
wait upon your Honour with all convenient speed...." In October,
1676, Capt. William Goodlad set out from England to Bantam, whence
he returned in Dec. 1677. In Dec. 1678 he went on his last voyage,
also to Bantam. The ship's burthen was then 650 tons. While at
Bantam the Loyall Subject sprang a leak, and during their enforced
detention the Captain and crew suffered from the effects of the climate.
They reached England in a sickly condition in 1680, and the Captain
died almost immediately after landing. (The information here given
has been extracted chiefly from Court Books, Letter Books, Factory
Records, Masulipatam, Hugli, Java, and Fort St George.)
^ Captain William Cruft, Croft, Cruffe, or Cruff commanded the
Unity for about ten years, from 1669 to 1679, and, during that time,
made four voyages to India. He twice fell under the displeasure of
the Court, once for the non-observance of religious duties on board
92 OF CHOROMANDEL
He staid here Severall days, and went On board a Dutch
Flyboate' alsoe, they then haveihge noe Other in the Roade.
his ship, and once for lukewarmness in an engagement with the
Dutch on his return voyage in 1674. He was dismissed the Honble.
Compan/s service on each occasion, but on " promising reformation,
acknowledging his offence and begging pardon" he was reinstated.
With regard to the first dismissal we read, "The Capt. Acknowledgeth
his Error and saith there was noe publique prayers on board his shipp
but yett he permitted not any vice as Swearing Drunkenesse or other
disorders in any persons of the shipps Company." The Unity was
owned by Mr Lethioulier; her burthen in 1672 was 325 tons, and she
carried 26 guns and 'jZ men. Captain Cruft brought out the great
traveller, Fryer, in 1672 (vide Fryer, p. 11). It was during her third
voyage (1674 — 1676) that the King of Golcondah went on board the
Unity at Masulipatam. Her fourth voyage occupied 2^ years; for
she went to St Helena, Fort St George, Bantam, Syam, Bangkok,
back to Bantam, thence to Persia, and reached the Downs in March,
1679. After this date there is no further mention of the ship or her
captain. In 1673, when Captain " Cruff " was at Masulipatam, seven
of his men deserted "with his skife." They were seized and sent
back, but pleaded in self-defence, that " they had very severe usage
from their Captain in abridging them of Victualls." The following
extracts from two accounts of the engagement with the Dutch in 1674
show a want of energy on Capt. Cruft's part during the action:
"Captain Cruft bore away out of the fleet to Lee ward... Captain Cruft
at the latter end of the day came something nearer then he was, but
Lay to Leeward of me, fired some Gunns at the enemy, but could not
doe them any damage being at soe great a distance from the Enemy,
what his defects were, which made him bare away I know not, little to
be seene in his masts, sailes, hull or rigging...." Narrative of the late
Ingagevie7tt with the Dutch, August, 1 674, by William Basse. " As for
the Massenburd, East India Merchant 2ind the 6^w/>' they were nearrer
the observation of the Admirall [than the * Ceaser^'] who Cane best
give account of the service they did. Butt to my best diseminge as also
to others they did noe greate mischeife to the Enemie, And as little
service to their owne partie Lyeing for the most part to Leward of
theire devision, soe your honnours May Judge how they Answred your
Commandes and performed their dutie...." Account of the engage-
ment by — Earving, purser's mate of the ship Sampson, If these
accounts are correct it does riot appear that Capt. Cruft cut a very
creditable figure in this action with the Dutch. (The particulars here
given have been taken from the same sources as those given above
for Capt. Goodlad, with the addition of the O. C. Collection, and
Anderson's Siam.)
^ Fly-boat, a fast-sailing vessel used chiefly in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries for rapid transport of goods, etc., especially in
the coasting trade. Murray, Oxford Eng. Diet. Compare the Diary
of Streynsham Master, under date 6tli Sept. 1676, p. 57, "This morn-
ing wee overtooke a Dutch Fly boate and a Sloope attending her,
which sailed out of Ballasore roade the 30th Instant." Compare also
the following from Factory Records^ Hugli, No. i, under date i8th July,
1677, "A great Dutch flyboate Arrived from Battavia and touched at
Metchlepatam."
OF CHOROMANDEL 93
His Majesty tooke great delight and Affection to the
English, and granted them as much priviledge by a new
Chartar^ as cold in reason be requested.
^ On the 25 th of February, 1676, Mr Main waring wrote from
Masulipatam, "The King hath given us a new phyrmaund in which
the words (Salam Salamband) are totally left out, which was the
occasion of the Govemours frequent abuseing us, as likewise Severall
other expressions which did limitt us, and Severall needful! additions
inserted, and the Charge of transportation by oxen one third abated as
per the Copy of the phyrmaund which wee send you herewith. ..so that
now wee hope to live much freer from the Governours &c abuses then
here of late." In a letter from the Court to Fort St George, dated
15th Dec. 1676, thdre is a paragraph headed "The King of Gulcondah's
being at Metchlepatam not improved." It runs as follows: "Wee
expected a large accompt from you of our affairs at Metchlepatam
and in particular of the King of Gulcondah's being there but have
received none, and you refer us for it to the Commanders or to a
Relation to be given us by the Commanders, Wee desire you to reflect
a little upon the Civillity thereof in turning us to our Commanders to
be informed of our own affairs and doe fear that none or very little
improvement was made of that happy opportunity, and are not to
expect such another, what better Accompt you or the Commanders
can give us hereof, wee hope the next letters will let us know, for we
are not at all satisfied with the indiscreet management of so good an
Occasion." These severe remarks were a little premature, for, by the
next shipping, the Directors received copies of the farmdn obtained
from the King. Three copies are still in existence at the India Office,
two of which are identical; the third appears to be the work of a
different translator. The version here given is the one found in the
Appendix to the Diary of Streynsham Master^ pp. 344 — 346: "Copy
of a Phirmaund granted by the King of Gokondah to the English at
Metchlepatam Jan^uary 1675/6. By the Grace of God Sultan Abdula
Hossein — The Royall Phyrmaund or Command of our Majesty that
shines like the Sunn ; wee have thought fitt and convenient and doe
hereby require and command all our Ministers of State, Governours, Sub
Governours and Juncanners [customs officers] as well for the time being
as to come, of Metchlepatam, PettepoUe, Nassapore, Madapollam,
Coranga, Wattara, Canara, Vizagapatam, Bimlepatam and throughout
all our Dominions and Kingdom of Golcondah to know and take notice
That our well-beloved friends of the English nation and Mr. Mainwaring
the English Companyes Chiefe have binn in our Royall presence and
have found grace and favour from us. We will and Command that
whatsoever Quantityes and Qualkyes of goods and Merchandize, Gold,
and Silver, they bring in by Sea to Metchlepatam, That it be free from
all manner of customes and impositions what soever, and that they
have free liberty to export the same or send or dispose of it in any
part of our Dominions according as it stands with their owne Con-
veniency, rice, Paddy, and all other merchandize which they bring
from abroad either by land or Sea for their own use or to sell, and all
other sort of goods whatsoever they buy or sell to be free from all
manner of customes and Impositions at the Bancksall the scall gate
and all other places for receipt of custome belonging to our Royall
94 OF CHOROMANDEL
There is Liberty of Conscience allowed to all persons
[to] be of what Religion they please, to inhabit here
payinge the Kinge his Duties, but must beware withall
thay [?that] they upbraide not, nor affront the Mahometans;
and, though one of them be a meere Villain, yet in Courts
of Justice hee Shall be heard and believed before any
Other, and indeed they doe Often Oppresse the Gentues,
as the Turks doe the Jews in Turkia or Barbary.
It is needlesse to Speake at large as to the Religion of
Mahomet, most men haveinge the full accompt thereof
from Turkia, a neighbouringe Countrey to Christendome.
These followinge the Very laws of that Saracen law giver,
and have many Native Turks amongst them.
Onely this of the better Sort of them I must needs
relate, (as I have found by Experience) they are lovers
of Justice, and doe Issue it out soe farre as they dare, or
may with Safety Escape the fury of the raskaly Sort.
They Punish Adultery with death, abhorre drunkenesse
and Blasphemy, eat noe Swines flesh. They weare longe
Garments, very thinne, generally of fine Linnen ; they
Uncover not the head in anyway of Courtship. They
have many Wifes and Concubines for prevention of Adul-
tery, And, although they hold an irreligious Religion, yet
Majesty according and agreeable to this our new Phyrmaund and
Command and the Liberty wee have herein granted. The servants,
Broakers, Merchants and all depending and imployed by the English
nation and Company Workmen Tradesmen and Mechanicks that they
be not molested or hindered, and wee give them liberty to imprison
and confine their Debitours or those upon whome they have any
demands in their Factory without any Protection from our Governour
and officers till they have recovered full satisfaction, and all our
Governours and other officers are hereby required to assist the English
Nation and Company in all their business and Negotiations, and if
they send any goods or Merchandize to Golcondah to pay but
4 pagodas new per Candy for the oxe hire The English nation and
Company being much in our esteem and favour. This being our new
Phyrmaund and command wee will and require a punctuall observance
upon pain of our high displeasure. In the moneth of January 1675/6
by and with the advice of Madu Banjee our great Minister of state
and Councellour."
OF CHOROMANDEL 95
it consists of great reverence to God and theire Prophet.
They Congregate the people to their Mosquees* 4 times
a day by Voice of man, and on Fryday (theire Sabbath)
5 times, not Sufferinge any thinge to be pictured or En-
graven in them, to avoide Idolatry.
They allow of God the Father, but Utterly deny the
Trinitie. They reverence the 3 professors of Religion,
Moses for the Jews, Christ for the Christians, and
Mahomet for themselves. They are Very liberall to the
poore, and bury theire dead very decently.
The Alcoron*, which contains the Scope of theire
irreligious Religion, is written in Arabique Rhime, after
a most hodge podge manner, noe way consistinge of due
proportion of numbers, nor is it admitted to be written
or read in any Other Languadge, but in it*s Original tonge,
Arabicke, and in the Persian languadge for its antiquities
sake, which is now become the Court languadge in the
Courts of the greatest Emperours and Kings of Asia.
•
This booke is held by them in noe Small Veneration.
They terme it the booke of Glory, and director to Paradise,
never offeringe to touch it before they wash their hands
and arms up to the Elbow, and theire feet and legs to the
knee. In time of prayer they turne theire faces toward
the Sun, first Spreadinge their Upper garments, or a
Carpet or Matt Upon the ground, then lookeinge every
way 2 or 3 times. When they come to the Salutation
^ See note on p. 11. Compare the following from a Consultation
at Fort St George on the 28th March, 1680, on the death of the great
merchant Cassa Verona (Ka9u Viranna), Factory Records^ Fort St
George, No. 2, p. 38, "In the Morning about 3 a Clock Cassa Verona
Dyed... And as his body was carrying out of towne to be burned by
the gentues some Moors, Fackeers and others put a stop to it, saying
he ought to be buryed as a Moor for he was a Mussleman and built a
Musseet in the town to be buryed in."
2 i.e. The (Al) Koran. Compare Fryer^ p. 94, "At Funerals, the
Mullahs or Priests, make Orations or Sermons after a Lesson read out
of the Alcoran."
96 OF CHOROMANDEL
of Mahomet, they fall upon their knees, mutteringe many
Sentences for ^ an houre or more, bowinge their foreheads
often to the Earth with great fervencie, thus Sometimes
Standinge Upright, then againe prostrateinge themselves,
they Stroke downe their faces and beards, with looks of
devout gravitie, &c.
They hold a fast, as they call it, for one month in
the yeare, abstaininge from all Sorts of food in the day
time, but, to make amends, they feast all night. It
beginneth on the New Moone in the Month of October,
and continueth the Whole Moone. They doe call it the
Ramazan^ and is Observed annually in Celebration of the
Alcoron, affirmeinge that at this time of the yeare it was
delivered by God Almightie to theire Prophet Mahomet.
They Seldome or Never accustome themselves to
Walkinge for recreations Sake, as wee Europians doe,
but if they hold any Conversation it must be Sittinge,
and not Upon Chairs, Stools, or benches, but Upon
Carpets or Matts Spread Upon the ground, and on
them they Sit crosse legged with much facilitie. Often
Smoakinge their Hoocars^ as they call [them] of tobacco,
^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Ramdam. Anglo- Indians, however,
usually call it Ramzan, as the author did no doubt. As this fast
moves all round the year, the text alludes to the time of year it
occupied when the author observed it. Compare Fryer, p. 107, who
saw It in November, " But that which affects them all, is at the end of
their Ramazan or Lent, which is always the first New Moon in
November; which as it is observed with the greatest Strictness, not
swallowing their Spittle all the Day of its Continuance, so it is cele-
brated when it concludes, with the highest Expression of Joy and
Solemnity." Compare also the following from a Consultation at Fort
St George on the 26th (?29th) March, 1680, Factory Records, Fort St
George, No. 2, p. 122, "The King is intended to take his progress into
these parts, after this Ramasan Moone is over."
2 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Hooka, where the earliest quotation is,
however, 1768. Compare the following in a letter from Allen Catch-
pole at Janavad to Richard Edwards at Balasor, 28th Aug. 1676, O. C.
No. 4222, " I have per this Cossit [messenger] sent Mr. Sayon such a
hooker as he desired." In a list of the things to be presented to the
Fouzdar [faujddr^ of Hugli, 3rd April, 1682, Factory Records, Hugli,
No. 3, there is, " one Aftowel and Chillumchee,.[ewer and basin], one
Hoocka one pigdan [spittoon]...."
OF CHOROMANDEL
97
drinke[ing] much Coffee and often chawinge Betelee
Areca*, which they call Paune^
Hoocars : commonly called hubble-bubble'.
The Poore Sort of Inhabitants, vizt. the Gentues,
Mallabars, &c. Smoke theire tobacco After a Very
meane, but I Judge Original manner, Onely the leafe
rowled up, and light one end, and holdinge the Other
betweene their lips, and Smoke untill it is soe farre
Consumed as to warme theire lips, and then heave the
End away ; tKis is called a bunko*, and by the Portugals
a Cheroota*.
Theire food in Generall consists of very little more
then very coarse rice and Water, and Sometimes a little
dryed fish to relish it.
Theire habit is noe more then a Small Clout just to
cover theire privities, wherewith they Seemingly live very
contentedly, much better then many that pamper up them-
selves with plenty of Varieties, and have plenty of Children,
and in generall as chearefull in poverty as any mortals can
^ See note on p. 30. Compare Dampier^ vol. i. p. 318 f., and
Schouten^ vol. i. p. 292 f.
2 See note on p. 30.
3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Hubble-bubble. Compare Fryer, P- 3i>
"The Moors are very grave and haughty in their demeanor, not
vouchsafing to return an Answer by a Slave, but by a Deubash, who
is the Interpreter. Their chiefest Delight and Pride is to be seen
smoking Tobacco cross-legged in a great Chair at their doors, out
of a long Brass Pipe adapted to a large Crystal Hubble-bubble,
fixed in a Brass Frame, their Menial Servants surrounding them."
Compare also the following from Factory Records, Hugli, No. i,
under date 19th July, 1678, "They [the factors at Dacca] writ for
6 large Maldiva Atcheene Coconutts and nuts for hubble-bubbles for
the Prince."
* See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Buncus. The above is the earliest
quoted instance of the word, and is given in Murray, Oxford English
Diet, s.v. Cheroot. In his Malay Diet. T. B. gives Booncoos, a
Fardle, a parcel. Fryer, p. 52, under the "Wares" of the Malabar
coast, has. "Bunco, i.e. Tobacco, and Hubble-bubble Canes, the
Product of this Coast."
* See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Cheroot. Like bunko, the above is the
earliest known quotation of the word.
T. 7
98 OF CHOROMANDEL
be that enjoy the riches and fatt of the Land ; they dance
and Singe very frequently, Even as men Secured from all
Cares and fears that doe accompanie the Wealth of the
Universe.
Narsapore* is the lowest'^ towne of any Upon this Coast.
^ Morris, Godavery District^ gives the following information about
Narsapur: "Nursapore (Narsapuram) is situated in latitude iG* 26' N.,
and in longitude 81* 41' 49" E., on the western bank of the Vasishta
or the most southern branch of the Godavery. It is about six miles
from the sea. Its northern suburb is Madapollam....The trade of the
town has steadily declined since the abolition of the Company's factory
in 1827, and the abandonment of the Company's * investments.' The
sites of the old buildings have been carried away by successive
encroachments of the river, which makes a very considerable bend
opposite the town (p. 39). In January, 161 1, Captain Hippon was
despatched by the Directors of the East India Company in the ship
* Globe' to open a trade with the people on the Coromandel coast.
A Dutchman, named Peter Williamson Floris, who was in the English
Company's employ, accompanied him in the capacity of factor, with
authority to conduct all commercial transactions.... Floris has left an
interesting account of these voyages....' On the i8th [Feb. 161 3]
Mr. Floris went to Narsapur Peta, and the 19th the ship was brought
into the River, drawing 9I feet, and having loj, contrary to the
Reports of some who wished no good to the English.... In August,
there happened in Narsapur Peta, and thereabouts, a greater Over-
flowing than had been seen in twenty-nine Years. The whole Salt
Hills, Towns, and Rice were drove away, and many thousand Men
and Cattle were drowned ; the Water rising three Yards above the
High way.'... From the above extract it will be observed that Nursapore,
where, if the obstruction of the bar across the entrance of the river
could be overcome, there is an excellent harbour for ships of the
largest size, was well known more than two centuries ago for its docks
for the building and repair of large vessels. Being situated on the
bank of the Godavery it has always been exposed to inundations during
the high freshes of the river (pp. 177 — 179)." In 1679 Streynsham
Master visited Narsapur. In his Memoriall, quoted by Mackenzie,
Kistna District^ pp. 141 f., under date 9th and i6th April, 1679, there
is the following description of the place : " The townes of Madapollam
and Narsapore joyne together, the Dutch house for their Iron worke
in Narsapore being a little above muskett shott from the English
Factory in Madapollam, Narsapore lyes below Madapollam downe
the River, and that place is under the Govemour of Metchlepatam
and has the command of all the River for the Customes as far as
Corango, but Madapollam, Mellick, Mahmudpet and Naurasporam,
tho they all joyne near together to Narsapore, yet they have every one
distinct Havaldars for the gathering the ground rent independent from
Narsapore or Metchlepatam at present.... We went to view the Dutch
house and compound at Narsapore which is a very large piece of
ground divided into two large inclosed quadrangles, in one of which
is as many forges as 300 smiths may worke in them, the compound
OF CHOROMANDEL 99
It lieth Some 40 or 45 miles below^ Metchlipatam, haveinge
the benefit of an Excellent River, which addeth much to
the benefit of the place, and is called Narsapore river*. It
runneth close to the towne Side, which is nearest foure
English miles above the barre or Entrance thereof, and the
River Navigable Severall miles above the towne. There
be many Other Villages neare it, Some one, 2, 3, 4 or 5
miles distance, but this is the Chiefe^ and is the Seat of
the Governour, who alsoe is a Mahometan, as most men
of Office in the Kingdome are. He goeth in pretty large
State, but not like to him of Metchlipatam ^ this part of
the Countrey affordinge the Kinge noe great Revenues;
the best it affordeth is it aboundeth well in timber, and
conveniencies for the buildinge and repairinge Ships^.
reaches downe to the River side upon the sandy banke of which lyes
many vessells which are imployed in that great Rice trade of Gingerlee."
Compare also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. i. p. 371, who, how-
ever, evidently included Madapollam in his remarks upon Narsapur:
"Next to Matchulipatam is Narsipore, where the English had a Factory
for long Cloth, for the Use of their Factory of Matchulipatam, when
they manufactured Chintz there. It also affords good Teak Timber
for building, and has a fine deep River, but a dangerous Bar, which
makes it little frequented."
2 i.e. most Northerly.
3 i.e. to the North.
* " If goodes may be brought from Mesulapatam, at the returne of
the Monsoone, and that the ship may ride in security at the Fort, then
let her remayne there, But if this may not bee done with security, wee
conceive it might bee safe to send her into Nassapore River if there
shall be water enough for her over the Barr." Letter from the Court
to Fort St George, 28th Dec. 1666, Letter Book^ No. 4. From the
Diary of S trey ns ham Master., under date 17th Aug. 1676, p. 43, we
learn that the Dutch were " building a new Factory upon Nasapore
River between Madapollam and the Rivers mouth."
* See ante p. 98, extract from Streynsham Master's Afetnoriall,
where four villages are named.
^ According to Streynsham Master, Narsapur was under Masu-
lipatam. In his Memoriall., quoted by Mackenzie, Kistna District,
under date 2nd April, 1679, we read, "Aga Telloll [Jalal] the Governor
of Metchlepatam having been toward Narsapore and those places
under his Government returned to Goodera last night." See also
the extract from the Memoriall on the 9th and i6th April quoted
above, note i, p. 98.
^ In a "Generall" from Balasor, dated i6th Dec. 1670, the Factors
7—2
'• •?
#-# — •• ••
• ••
- - * - ! ; • w
lOO OF CHOROMANDEL
The English East India Company have a Very good
Factory called Madapollum\ from the name of the
at the Bay wrote to the Court {Factory Records, Misc. No. 3) that they
had ordered a ship to be built at " Massapore " in place of the
" Madrass Pinnace " ; they added, " Wee should ourselves have built
another but that neither Timber nor workmen are soe good as at
Massapore."
^ Like so many notices in this MS., these remarks on Madapollam
are valuable as showing that the place was a flourishing ship-building
and manufacturing station, as well as a health resort, when T. B. visited
it. See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Madapollam. From the Letter Books,
Factory Records, O. C, Collection, Coast and Bay Abstracts^ Madras
Press List, and Mad. Man. Admn., the following interesting parti-
culars about the place have been gleaned. As early as 1662 an
attempt was made to found a factory at Madapollam (Madhavaya-
palem), but it was not till some years later that it was in full swing as
a "subordinate" to Fort St George. In Feb. 1662, the Court ordered
that a house belonging to Sir Edward Winter at Madapollam should
be retained for the Company. The letter expressed the wish that it
"may be soe commodious and fitting for our use and benefitt, that
thereby wee may bee eased of continuing a factory at Verasheroone."
Nicholas Buckridge, who was ordered to report on Madapollam,
thought the house unsuitable — "Madapollam House I Vizitted at
the same time [in 1664] and finde it was builded by Sir Edward
Winter for his Particular occasions on a peece of ground formerly
graunted for your Use by the King of Gulcondah, on the river side for
a Wharfe or Bunder convenient for building, or repairing Shiping,
and as now it is repaired at your cost it is A plesant place, but
I cannot Imagine it were necessary or that you will allow soe costly
A [? building] maintained at soe great A Charge, only for the delight
and convenience of your Servants, nor can I beleive that Sir Edward
Winter would have consented to it had it not been his owne and
much out of repaire, when he put it to your Account." The business
done at Madapollam did not satisfy the Directors and, in July, 1669,'
Foxcroft received orders that no factory was to be settled there. In
Sept. he gave it as his opinion, in which he was supported by
Jearsey, that it would be unwise to discontinue the Madapollam
Factory. In Dec. 1669, the Court wrote— " Madapollam hath cost us
a great deale of Mony and is a place of little use to us, wee would
therefore have you by your next, to advise us how wee may best
improve or dispose thereof" In compliance with this order, Mohun,
who succeeded Jearsey as Chief at Masulipatam, enquired into "the
state of Madapollam Factory." On the 14th July, 1670, Mohun wrote
to Fort St George, " Madapollam wee are informed is a Factory
necessary to be continued, and will yearly afford you greater and
greater quantityes of Callicoes if Supplyed with Monies and that
this Factory doth much depend upon it for Investments, being
cheaper bought there then here [Masulipatam] by 20 per Cent or
more, all the Country neare it being Weavers...." In spite of this
encouraging report, the Company continued averse to retaining
Madapollam except at a small expense. In Dec. 1671, the Court
wrote to Fort St George that though "our House at Madapollam...
■;/■
OF CHOROMANDEL lOI
Villadge adjoyninge to it. It is accompted a most
healthy and pleasant place and not a whit Unde-
servedly, haveinge the benefit of Such a pleasant River
that Cometh up even to one of [the] Gates thereof, with
very pleasant Gardens almost Surroundinge it, noe way
hindered of all benefit of Sea breezes, for which reasons
our English Chiefe (and most Eminent Factors of Metch-
lipatam) repaire hither and Stay 2 or 3 months, dureinge
the time of the heats, vizt. April, May and June.
is a very handsome and usefull place,... yet doubt not but a Lesse
expensive place, either there or at Verasheroone may doe as well.
Wee therefore desire that you... endeavour to sell our said Howse at
Madapollam upon the best termes you can for our most advantage."
This order was evidently disregarded. Fryer, writing in 1673, speaks
of Madapollam as a sanatorium for the factors at Masulipatam and
remarks that the EngHsh had a " wholesome Seat there." The
healthiness of Madapollam was the reason of its popularity with the
factors on the Coromandel Coast. In a "Generall" from Masulipatam
dated 25th Aug. 1673, ^^ ^^^ that Madapollam House was repaired
and enlarged and made " fitt to receive the whole Factory," and that
Madapollam was *' in a much more healthy ayre than Metchle-
patam." The Court, however, was still unsatisfied. In March, 1674,
they wrote that "The 4 Factoryes of Mesulapatam, Madapollam,
Verasheroone and Petti polee are not worth the charge" and desired
information as to which of the four was best to be retained. On the
9th Oct. Major Puckle, who had been sent on a visit of inspection to
all the "subordinates," wrote, " I have seen the Factorie of Madapollam,
and also Verasharoon, and doe find they are both of use, and good
investments may be made in them." At this time Robert Fleetwood
was "Chiefe" at Madapollam. He was succeeded by Christopher
Hatton in Sept. 1676, who, in his turn, was followed by John Field
and Samuel Wales. In April, 1679, Streynsham Master spent several
days at Madapollam, and transacted much important business there,
7/tde his Memoriall as quoted by Mackenzie, Kistna District^ pp. 141 —
147. In 1686 and 1687 there was much correspondence about the
dissolution of the "Subordinate Factoryes." In January, 1688, the
Court wrote ordering them all to be withdrawn except Madapollam,
it " alone being sufficient for our business on that Coast, and it is not
so far from Pettipollee but that the black Merchants there may carry
their Cloth to Madapollam." However, in the same year, this factory
too was withdrawn. It was resettled in 1698. In 1705 the Agent and
Council wrote from Fort St George that they intended " to pull down
the old factory at Madapollam," but in 1708 two Factory Houses, old
and new, were in existence. Madapollam was captured by the French
in 1757, ceded to the English in 1759, and confirmed to them in 1765.
The place gave its name to a fine kind of white piece-goods manu-
factured there.
I02 OF CHOROMANDEL
Many English Merchants and Others have yearely
Ships and Vessels built here, beinge the onely Com-
modious Port on this or the next Coast adjoyneinge
thereto, vizt. Gingalee^
Here is the best and well growne timber in Sufficient
plenty ; the best Iron upon the Coast is for the most part
Vended here and att reasonable rates, with the Workman-
ship alsoe^; any Sort of Ironworke is here ingenuously
performed by the Natives, as Speeks", bolts. Anchors, &c.
Very Expert Master builders there are Severall here
who have most of their dependancie Upon the English,
and indeed learnt theire art and trade from some of them,
by diligently Observeinge the ingenuitie of Some that
built Ships and Sloops here for the Englfsh East India
Company and theire Agents, Soe that they build very
well and give good reasons for what they doe, and lanch
with as much discretion as I have Seen in any part of the
world, which I will by and by relate ; but I must not for-
gett theire falseheartednesse to our English builders, to
whom doth Issue forth most horrid enviteracie from these
Gentues that have learned of them what doth in a Measure
Suffice. They Poyson all Ship Carpenters that are Em-
ployed by any, Either Moore, Dutch, nay, of the English,
Especially, that Undertake the buildinge of any Ship, as
for instance I have knowne 2 or 3 very ingenuous Master
builders, (English Men) that have Staid behind the Ships
they were to returne to theire Native Countrey in, on pur-
pose to build Ships for theire Employers, the English
Chiefs, and notwith Standinge they very circumspectly
Shunned conversation, or what else, with these Gentue
Workmen, yet before they cold finish one bottom, they
^ This MS. will, later on, throw much light on this obscure word.
2 For a mention of the Dutch iron factory in this district, see note
on p. 105.
3 ? Spikes.
OF CHOROMANDEL I03
have by one Stratgem or Other been Sent to theire
longe homes^
As I said before, there lanchinge and hallinge Up the
Ships is after a most Excellent manner, for which they are
highly to be Commended.
I have Seen a Ship, (belongeinge to the Kinge of
Golcondah) a Ship of great burthen, built for the trade
to Mocho in the Red Sea^ and after 2 Voyadges thither,
She was hailed Upon the Westerne Side of this River
a little above the towne, to the intent they might Sheath
and repaire her. She cold not be lesse (in my judgement)
then 1000 tunns in burthen, and they hailed her up by
Strength of men with good purchase as follows : — They
prepared 2 very Substantial timbers, of 20 foot longe
each, and 20 or 24 inches in thicknesse, upon which they
Erected a Cradle fittinge for the bildge of her, the 2 main
timbers beinge placed at that distance that the Cradle
beinge put Under her, the foremost was 8 or 10 foot
abaft the Scarfe of her Stemme, the Other as much
before the heele of her Sternepost, with girdlines from the
said cradle to her ports or Scopeboards®; to the dogs were
fitted good straps and fourefold tackles, the falls of 15 or
16 inch Coyre Cable*, the which are brought to too {j;ic)
^ The author evidently speaks with conviction. He had ample
opportunity of knowing what went on at Madapollam, for he paid
several visits to, and spent a considerable time at, that place. He was
there in 1682 when he drew his map of " Tanasarim," again in 1683,
and in 1685 when he bought the "Conimeer Sloop" of the Company.
Vide Introduction.
2 T.B. is careful not to confuse Mocha in Arabia with Moca in
Sumatra (commonly called Moco Moco). Trade was carried on with
both places. English and Dutch factories were established at Mocha
early in the 17th century, and, from that time, a constant interchange
of commerce went on with the Indian ports.
3 i.e. scuppers.
* See note on p. 42. Compare Fryer, p. 121, "Cair Yam made of
the Cocoe for Cordage." Compare also Dam/fier, vol. i. p. 294 f ,
"The husk of the Shell [of the Coco-nut] is of great use to make
Cables ; for the dry husk is full of small strings and threads, which
I04 OF CHOROMANDEL
very substantial! Crabbs, placed a little above the height
they purpose to have the Ship to, and heave first at one
end then at the Other 5 or 6 foot at a time, and Soe on
Untill She is high Enough, the Doggs runinge Upon good
rowlers, as in manner followinge —
A : One of the doggs, vizt. the aftermost.
B : The Square pins (or fids).
C : The Rowlers.
D : The Ships Keele.
E : The Cradle.
F : The bedds and quoynes to Support the Cradle.
G : The Ships bildge.
H : The Ends of the yards or Powles from End to End.
I : Girdlines from the Cradle Upwards.
K : Great Strapps sweepinge round the dogs.
L : The Great blocks. M : The Tackle falls.
N : The Crabbe. O : The Barrs.
The Cables, Strapps, &c. are made of Cayre, vizt. the
Rhine of Coco nuts very fine Spun, the best Sort of which
is brought from the Maldiva Isles\ They are as Stronge
being beaten, become soft, and thet other substance which was mixt
among it falls away like Saw-dust, leaving only the strings. These
are afterwards spun into long yams, and twisted up into balls for
convenience ; and many of these Rope-yams joyned together make
good Cables. This Manufactory is chiefly used at the Maldive
Islands, and the threads sent in balls into all places that trade
thither, purposely for to make Cables. I made a Cable at Achin
with some of it. These are called Coire Cables : they will last very
well."
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Maldives. The principal trade of these
islands was in cowries, of which they exported a large quantity to
Bengal. Compare Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. i. p. 346, " the
Maldiva Islands... their only Product is Cocoa-nut... of that Tree they
build vessels of 20 or 30 Tuns, Their Hulls, Masts,... Cables... are all
from this useful tree." See also Pringle, Consultations for 1684,
p. 174, note 46. The following extract from a letter, dated Hugli,
15th Feb. 1675, to Edward Reade at Balasor, is interesting in this
connection, " Incjuier a bout the Maldiva Char it being I4mds. this
weight at its gomg hence and Should hould more with you unless
there was any part of it used for the Sloope Ganges." Factory Records^
Hugli, No. 4.
OF CHOROMANDEL 10$
as any hempen Cables whatever, and much more durable
in these hott climates, with this provisor, that if they
chance to be wet with fresh water, either by raine or
rideinge in a fresh River, they doe not let them drye
before they wett them well in Salt water, which doth
much preserve them, and the Other as much rott them.
All the reason I can give for it is, that the Cayre of the
Maldiva grows Upon a very brackish Soyle.
They have an Excellent way of makeinge Shrowds,
Stays, or any Other Rigginge for Ships. They, for the
most part, make them of good twine, which is heare as
Cheape as course hemp Unspun is in England, and when
laid with Europe* tarre prove most Serviceable.
The Dutch have a Factorie 4 English miles above ours,
and is called Pollicull^ after the name of a Villadge there-
unto adjoyneinge, where they are soe ingenuous to keep
Severall ropemakers, (men of theire owne Nation) at
* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Europe for European. Compare Wilson,
Early Annals, vol. i. p. 394, "the books kept for the Account Silk of
Europe dye shall be so kept no longer." A\ andE. p. 6 for 23rd Feb.
1680, has "Ballast for our Europe ships."
2 " Palakollu (Palkole)...5 miles north of Narsapur town... was the
first settlement of the Dutch on this part of the coast. They opened
a factory here in 1652, and for a long time it was their head-quarters.
In the churchyard, Dutch inscriptions as old as 1662 are still legible.
The Dutch founded indigo factories, ironworks, and extensive weaving
industries, and planted large orange and shaddock gardens." Hunter,
Imperial Gazetteer of India, s.v. Palakollu. Streynsham Master
mentions "PollicuU" in 1676 and again in 1679. Under date 17th Aug.
1676, he remarks, "They [the Dutch] rent a Towne of the King of
Golcondah called PollicuU where they make store of ordinary cloth,
and have another Factory at Naglewanch." Diary of Streynsham
Master, p. 43. On the 14th April, 1679, " The Agent &c. went to visit the
Dutch at PollicuU this evening which is about 7 miles inland from
Madapollam. There the Dutch have a Factory of a large compound,
where they dye much Blew Cloth, having about 300 Jars set in the
ground for that worke, also they make many their best paintings there,
the Towne being first rented by them at 2,000 old Pagodas per annum
is now given them free by the king...." Memoriall of Streynsham
Master, quoted by Mackenzie, Kistna District, p. 143. By the
treaty of Versailles in 1783, Palakollu fell to the English, but the
Dutch paid a small quit- rent for the place up to 1804. In 18 18
it was formally restored to them, but was again ceded to Britain
in 1824.
I06 OF CHOROMANDEL
worke all the yeare rounde, as alsoe Severall black
Smiths, makeinge all Sorts of Iron worke, (necessarie for
Ships) whereby they doe Supply most of theire fleets
with Such Necessaries.
This part of the Countrey affordeth plenty of divers Sorts
of Callicoes^ and Paintings^ Lungees', Pallampores^ &c.,
but are for the most part carried to Metchlipatam, and vended
there, that beinge a great market place, and indeed, the
Great Bazar* of these parts for above lOO rtiiles in Circuit.
The Inhabitants of this part of [the] Countrey are, for
the most part, Gentues, Save in Narsapore there are many
Moors, beinge the Retinue of the Governour.
^ See note on p. 5.
2 i.e. prints, printed calicoes. See note on p. 9. Compare the
following contemporary extracts : ** Wee have sent to our Factors at
Guinea a Small fardle of fine Paintings made in your parts." Letter
from the Court to Fort St George, Aug. 1661, Letter Book, No. 2.
"Encoragc.the making of all Sorts of Callicoes and Paintings.'*
Letter from the Court to Fort St George, 26th Oct. 1668, Letter Book,
No. 4. "Mr. Hopkings...is now Second of Pettipolee where all such
things as gownes and Chinses are painted." Letter from Masulipatam
to Balasor, i6th March, 1670, 0,C, No. 3413. "If wee should keepe
her [the European] there [at Masulipatam] till Paintings be ready,
she might endanger the loss of her passage." Letter from Fort
St George to the Court, 14th July, 167 1, 6^. C No. 3575. " The people
of the place [Edelumburoo] are cheifly painters, they told me there
was not fewer of them than 200 familyes in that Towne, that they
understood all sorts of painting, but that their cheife employment at
present was upon course goods." Extract from Elihu Yale's Memorially
Dec. 1 68 1, 0,C. No. 4776. "I have with all dilligence encouraged
the painting trade and have been at some Charge to doe itt, without
any manner of partiallity I think wee farr out doe Metchlepatam and
hope by next Ship to send you a thousand pieces Such as never were
seen in the world, if I can but Keep these Cursed fellows from mixing
the Southern Chay [red madder] with the Northern, the latter being the
best and costs much more." Pitt in a letter dated nth Feb. 1700, in
Hedges' Diary, vol. iii. p. 62 f. See also Pringle, Consultations for 1683,
p. 139, note 65.
3 See note on p. 55.
* See note on p. 71. "Yours...! Received... with a Pallampore,
which is very fitt for my use... the Pagoda you paid for said Pal-
lampore." Letter from Fort St George, nth Sept. 1678, O, C,
No. 4491.
^ Compare Fryer, p. 27, " For places of resort [at Masulipatam]
there are three Buzzars, or market-places, crowded both with people
and Commodities."
OF CHOROMANDEL IO7
Noe Commodities this countrey affordeth are any ways
prohibited to be Sold to men of any Nation, the Seller
thereof Payinge the Kings Duties, which is about 4 per
Cent. Onely tobacco that hath its growth in any part
of this Kingdome is not admitted to be Sold to any
Save to the Commissioners that have farmed it from
the Kinge for more then 100 miles round the towne of
Metchlipatam, and what Merchants or Others doe buy
of them by wholesale may then with freedome goe to
any Bazar and there Vend in Publique^
They are Soe Severe in it, that in most places of note
in the Countrey they keep waiters to Search any travailer,
and if they find more tobacco then what they judge con-
venient for his journey, they Seize upon it, and perhaps he
Escapes not Unpunished.
The Natives in Generall Smoke much tobacco, in soe
much t[h]at children of 3 or 4 years of age frequently
take it, and it is made as frequent amongst them as meat
and drinke.
Now before I leave this Coast, I shall Speake Some-
thinge of the Metropolitan Citty.
GOLCONDAH.
These beforementioned places, (with many more I have
not discoursed of) are Scituate Upon the Coast of Choro-
^ I can find no contemporary confirmation that tobacco was a
government monopoly in this district. In Fort St George, at any rate,
in Lockyer's time, the tobacco farm was in the hands of the Company.
Vide Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 12. However, the following extract
in a letter from the " Braminy " at Golconda to Fort St George, dated
2ist June, 16^0 {Factory Records, Fort St George, No. 28), seems to
support T.B.'s statement, " Futty Cawn hath of late wrote from thence
[Fort St George] to his Excellency the Sharlaskar [Governor of the
Golconda Coast] that Chinnapatnam [Madras town] is not now as
formerly but is mightily encreased, and that the English have even
£armed Beetle and Tobacco, and that they were encreasing the Fort.''
I08 GOLCONDAH
mandell, and neare to the Indian Sea. The Kingdome of
Golcondah doth Extend it Selfe Some hundreds of miles
to the North Eastward ^ even to the black Pagod^ Some
20 miles below* the Pagod Jno. Gernaet*, but many of the
Gentues and Brachmans hold lands there, and call them-
selves Radjas®, accomptinge Some miles thereabout to be
Subject to noe Mahometan Kinge whatever*; ,but, let it be
how it will, the Golcondah Kinge reapeth much moneys
thence, both by Customes and Other Acknowledgements.
The Faire and Beautifull Citty Golcondah is an inland
one and the Metropolitan of the Kingdome, the Residence
of the Kinge and Queen, and many Lords, and of most of
the forces of the Whole Kingdome. It is a Citty of very.
Small Antiquities for the most part built within these
^ Compare Thevenot^ part iii. p. 93, " The most powerful of the
Kings of Decan, next to Viziapour, is the King of Golconda. His
Kingdom borders on the East side, upon the Sea of Bengala ; to the
North, upon the Mountains of the Countrey of Orixa ; to the South,
upon many Countries of Bisnagar, or Ancient Narsingue, which
belongs to the King of Viziapour ; and to the West, upon the
Empire of the Great Mogul, by the province of Balagate, where
the Village of Calvar is, which is the last place of Mogolistan on
that side."
2 Sailors' name for the temple at Kanarak, dating from about
1250 A.D. See quotation from the Diary of Streynsham Master^ in
note on p. 12. See also Ind. Ant. vol. xxx. p. 348, for this well-known
mark on the Orissa Coast.
3 Above {i.e, to the North), as we should say nowadays.
* See note on p. 12.
^ See note on p. 39. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has " Raja, a King."
^ Compare Thevenot^ part iii. p. 94, "The boundaries of Mogul-
istan and Golconda are planted about a League and a half from
Calvar: They are Trees which the[y] call Mahoua [ma/iwd]; these
mark the outmost Land of the Mogul, and immediately after, on this
side of a Rivulet, there are Cadjours [^/tajur], or wild [date] Palm-
trees, planted only in that place, to denote the beginning of the
Kingdom of Golconda, wherem the insolence of collectors is far more
insupportable than in the confines of Mogolistan ; for the duties not
being exacted there, in the Name of the King, but in the Name of
private Lords, to whom the villages have been given, the Collectors
make Travellers pay what they please."
^ Compare Thevenot^ part iii. pp. 94 and 98, **The Capital city of
this Kingdom [Golconda] is called Bagnagar, the Persians call it
Aider-abad...The Castle where the King commonly keeps his Court,
GOLCONDAH IO9
100 years past^ begun when the Ancestors of the familie
of this present Kinge revolted from the Mogoll* and
conquered this Kingdome, then called by the name of
Bisnagar', that beinge the Metropolitan and Seat of a
Viceroy ; but, Upon the Conquest hereof, they did, as
the Mahometan Custome hath been of Antient times, in
a manner demolish the Old one and Erect a New one
giveinge another Name thereto.
So that now the Whole is called the Kingdome of
Golcondah, but what they tooke from the Emperour, and
what Soon after they tooke from the Hindoos, or Idolaters,
and what by their Couradge, and more Especially the
great Masse of riches these lands Enjoyed, which caused
the Christian Nations to Settle and trade here, it is become
a Very Glorious and Potent Kingdome, or rather Empire,
is two Leagues from Bagnagar ; it is called Golconda, and the King-
dom bears the same name. Cotup-Sha the first, gave it that name,
because after his Usurpation seeking out for a place where he might
build a strong Castle, the place where the Castle stands was named
to him by a Shepheard, who guided him through a Wood to the Hill
where the Palace is at present ; and the place appearing very proper
for his designe, he built the Castle there, and called it Golconda,
from the word Golcar, which in the Telenghi Language signifies a
Shepheard : all the Fields about Golconda were then but a Forest,
which were cleared by little and little, and the Wood burnt. This
place is to the west of Bagnagar ; the plain that leads to it, as one
goes out of the Suburbs, affords a most lovely sight, to which the
prospect of the Hill that rises like a Sugar-loaf in the middle of the
Castle, which has the Kings palace all round upon the sides of it, con-
tributes much by its natural situation." The above *' derivation " for
Golconda is quite fanciful as most old Indian derivations are. It is
quite possible that the writer is mixing up Bhagnagar, now Haidarabad,
which was the town, and Golconda, which was the fort. Aurangzeb,
"the Great Mogull," was Viceroy for his father Shah Jahan in the
Deccan from 1635 to 1642, and again from 1652 to 1656.
1 Historically the Qutb Shah! Dynasty rose out of the dismember-
ment of the Bahmani Dynasty of Kulbarga in 1489 and took the royal
style at Golconda in 1512. But the king, who chiefly made the
territory and helped to destroy Vijayanagar, was Ibrahim Qutb Shah,
1549 — 1 581, that no doubt being the reference in the text. See
Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. pp. 65 — 69 for a history of the rise of
" Abdoul-Coutou-Sha."
2 i.e, Akbar, 1556 — 1605.
3 Vijayanagar.
no GOLCONDAH
of above 2000 English miles in Circuit, very well popu-
lated and replenished with all things Necessarie^ Save
Some Sorts of Mineralls, haveinge none but of Iron,
deficient in those of Silver or Gold, but yet Enjoyeth that
which purchaseth it from all or most parts of the Universe,
(namely Diamonds, of which in Order).
There be many Stronge holds in this Kingdome, but
most places of Eminencie and force, but the Souldiery as
well as the Governours are Mahometans.
The fort'* t)f this Metropolitan is an admirable One,
noe lesse then 5 English miles in Circuit, the walls, of
Vast height and Substance proportionable thereunto,
gunned all round, which addeth much to the Excellencie
of this Cittie, which is alsoe blessed with many more
conveniencies that adde much to the Strength hereof, the
Soile most wholesom and fertile, aboundinge with all
Sorts of graine and in great Measure, the temperancie of
the Aire, and famous for the River Kishna^ that Spreadeth
it Sfelfe into many branches runninge Up neare this Citty*
which is above 200 miles, and issueth out Upon Point
Due®, the Entrance of the Roade of Metchlipatam. All
^ Compare Tavernier, vol. i. part ii. p. 63, "The whole Kingdom
of Golconda, take it in general, is a good Country, abounding in Com,
T^ice, Cattel, Sheep, Poultry, and other necessaries for human life.
In regard there are great store of Lakes in it, there is also great store
of Fish."
2 Compare Thevenot^ part iii. p. 98, "This Fort is of a large
compass, and may be called a Town ; The Walls of it are built of
Stones three Foot in length, and as much in breadth, and are sur-
rounded with deep Ditches, divided into Tanquies, which are full of
fair and good Water. But after all, it hath no works of Fortification
but five round Towers, which (as well as the Walls of the place)
have a great many Cannon mounted upon them for their defence."
3 Kistna.
* Golconda was not however on the Kistna, but on the Musi, a
tributary of the Kistna.
^ Well known to mariners of old as the Southern point of the
Kistna estuary. See note on p. 55.
GOLCONDAH III
which conveniences cause great resort of Merchants* and
other both Natives and Forraigners.
Many Europeans, Especially of our English Nation,
are here become inhabitants. Entertained in the King's
Service^ and are for the most part in One Office or Other,
accordinge to their deserts, as Gunners, Gunners Mates,
Armorers, and Some Troopers', and have very considerable
Sallary, which hath Encouraged many English Soldiers of
Fort St. Georg's to flee theire Colours, and hasten thither,
but nowadays are but Ordinarilie respected or Entertained,
by. theire debauched and Unchristian like behaviours, in
Soe much that they are now become Odious that repaire
thither for Succor, and that come Upon Such frivolous
accompts, without Either good repute or habit.
This Kingdome amongst the many Merchandizes it
affordeth, as all Sorts of Callicoes^ Saltpeeter, paintings*.
Carpets of all Sorts, raw and wrought Silkes &c., hath the
Enjoyment of the most plenty of rich Diamonds in the
Universe. About lOO miles from Golcondah*' the Earth
<i
1 James Horner, the "free merchant" mentioned by T. B. in the
Queda" section, resided at Golconda from 1679 — 1681. Compare
Thevenoty part iii. p. 97, ** There are... at Bagnagar . . . many Rich
Merchants, Bankers and Jewellers... Besides the Indian Merchants...
there are many Persians and Armenians... There are many Franks
also in the Kingdome, but most of them are Portuguese, who have
fled thither for Crimes they have committed : However the English
and Dutch have lately setled there...." From this extract, it seems,
as stated above, p. 108, note, that T. B. confused the town of Bhagna-
gar with the fort of Golconda.
2 The reference is to Mir Jumla's Artillery. See Bermer, p. 17.
3 See note on p. 5.
* See note on p. 106.
^ The author again shows his accurate personal knowledge of
what he describes, and does not fall into the common error of
locating the mines at Golconda itself Mackenzie, Kistna District^
^ p. 244 f. combats this error — "The diamond mines in the Kistna
District were under the control of the Kings of Golconda for the whole
of that period [circa 1500 — 1686].., Golconda is a common enough
name in the Telugu country,... but the Golconda which gave a title to
the Qutb Shah dynasty is a hill fortress near Haidarabad. There are
no diamonds in that locality, and when poets wrote of Golconda's
112 GOLCONDAH
doth most abound therewith, where any Merchant ad-
venturer may purchas a piece of land of halfe an Aker,
a whole Aker or more, but at deare rates, as it Sometimes
fall out. The Merchant giveinge 8, lo, 20 thousand
Pagodes^ for a Small Spot of land, hath the liberty to
digge soe deep as he pleaseth*, and wash out the Earth
Searchinge for what hidden treasure he may happilie find,
but severely inspected by the King's Officers, soe that if
he meet with a rough Diamond that weyeth above 70 or
72 Conderines^ the Exact weight of one Royal of 8*, it
must be for the King's owne Use, he payinge or causeinge
to be paid soe much moneys for it, (but little more then
one halfe the just worth) the rest of Smaller weight and
magnitude are att the Adventurers owne disposall, and
thus Sometimes they reape Vast Estates in Short time,
and Some loose them.
Amongst the famous buildings of Golcondah may well
be in the number the Mosquees*' and Tombs of the
deceased Kings and Queens, Especially that of the last
queen Mother that deceased, whose Bones, after 7 years
interred were taken Up and Sent to Mecha, there againe
gems and Golconda's mines they were not aware that Golconda was
only the residence of the king, where were displayed the diamonds
collected in the outlying tracts of his dominions." Compare also
Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. pp. 134 — 138, who gives the earliest reliable
account of these mines.
^ See note on p. 51.
2 Compare Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 135, "They [the Merchants]
pay two per cent, to the King for all that they buy : besides that, he
has also a duty from the Merchants for leave to dig.... And from the
day that they begin to work, to the day that they end, the Merchants
pay to the King two Pagods a day ; and four when they employ an
hunder'd men."
3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Candareen. This quotation is useful for
the history of the word. See Ind, Ant, vol. xxvi. p. 315 f., vol. xxvii.
pp. ii ff., 91 f.
* i.e, a dollar.
^ Masjids. See note on p. 11.
GOLCONDAH 113
interred in the Land of their Ungodlie Patron*, the tombe
of her first buriall haveinge much added to the repaire
thereof, done by this King's father, who deceased Soon
after he had finished the Worke, Anno 1671^. Hee caused
3 Globes of Massy Gold to be placed on the topp of the
Tombe with 3 large halfe Moons of the Same^ And
caused the Said Tombe to be reverenced as a most Sacred
Monument. And gave, and Confirmed many Strange
Priviledges Upon it, (one for instance). If any Person
have Comitted the most inhumane Crime of theft, Murther,
or what else, that by theire Laws deserve a most horrid
^ T. B. appears to have confused two of the daughters of Ibrahim
Quli Qutb Shah, 4th king of the Qutb Shah! line. Haiyat Bakhsh Begam
was the mother of Abdullah Qutb Shah the 6th king, who died in
1672. She was buried at Golconda, but her body was not afterwards
removed. Among the "King's Tombs" described in vol. ii. p. 519 of
the Nizam^s Dominions by Bilgrami and Wilmott, mention is made of
that of "Haiyat Baksh Begam, daughter of Ibrahim Kuli Kutub Shah
and the wife of Sultan Mahomed the 5th king, and mother of Sultan
Abdulla Kutub Shah, 6th and last but one of the Kutub Shahi line.
The date of her death as inscribed on the tomb is H. 1047 (a.d. 161 7)."
On p. 486 of the same vol. it is stated that the mother of Abdullah
Qutb Shah, who died in 1672, pre-deceased her son by only 2 years
and 4 months. As Ibrahim Quli Qutb Shah died in 1 580/1, the date
of his daughter's death is more probably 161 7. For information about
the other daughter, evidently the one referred to by T. B., I am
indebted to Syed Hossein Bilgrami, who says — "The only court lady
whose body was exhumed after seven years and sent to Kerbela (not
Mecca) for burial in holy ground was Khairat-un-Nissa Begam, a
daughter of Ibrahim Qutb Shah. She was buried temporarily under
a dome erected for this purpose in Khairatabad not far from a mosque
built by herself, and the remains were removed to Kerbela seven years
after. The empty mausoleum and mosque are standing to this day,
but there are no inscriptions on either of them."
2 Abdullah Qutb Shah, 1624/5— 1672. T. B. is a year out in the
date of his death.
^ There is no doubt that the tomb described by T. B. is that of
Abdullah Qutb Shah. Syed Hossein Bilgrami informs me that it is
\v r?-^ inausoleum in the district with three domes, and that Abdul-
lah Qutb Shah is buried in it with his two Hindu queens, Pema Mathi
and Tara Mathi. In the Nizam's Dominions, vol. ii. p. 520, the
tomb IS thus described, " Between the walled enclosure and the fort
wails IS the tomb of the sixth king. Sultan Abdulla Kutub Shah, who
iso ^" "• '^3 (A.D. 1672) after a reign of forty-eight years. This
anS"^ • ^ finest tombs here, being enriched with very fine carvings
an<» minarets at each comer of the platform...."
^- 8
114 GOLCONDAH
death, if the Party before apprehended can make his
Escape into the Tombe, he not only Saveth his life, but
cannot for the future be taken out by Violence, but live
theire very peaceably, and at the Kinge (sic) Charged
Currant Coynes in this Kingdome\
Fort St. Georg's, vizt.
New Pagods' here coyned passe all the King- lb s d
dome over att the Rate of oo 08 (X)
Fanam* of gold at CO GO 03
Cash* made of Coppar 80 make one fanam 00 00 03
Royals" of 8 are worth 00 05 (X)
Rupees^ are worth CO 02 03^
The Abassin® of Persia 7 to one Pagod or 00 08 cx)
* Compare Thevenot^ part iii. p. 99 f. "The Sepulchres of the
King who built Golconda, and of the five Princes who have Reigned
after him are about two Musquet-shot from the Castle. They take up
a great deal of ground because every one of them is in a large Garden.
...The Tombs of the six Kings are accompanied with those of their
Relations, their Wives, and chief Eunuchs... .AH these Sepulchres are
Sanctuaries, and how criminal soever a Man may be that can get into
them, he is secure."
2 This is one of the most valuable accounts of the confusing money
of the time in existence. See article on Southern Indian weights in
Ind, Ant. vol. xxvii. p. 57f. This table compares fairly well with
that of Fryer, p. 208 f. Compare the "Account of the Money of Asia"
in Tavernter, vol. i. part ii. pp. 2 — 6.
3 See note on p. 51. See also Tavernier, vol. i. part ii. p. ^, who
gives illustrations of "the Money which the English coin in their Fort
St. George, or else at Madrespatam, upon the Coast of Coromandel.
They call them Pagods, as those of the Kings and Raja's of the
Country are call'd. They are of the same weight, the same goodness,
and pass for the same Value."
* A small gold and also silver coin in Southern India. This, and
the three references which follow, are valuable for values. See
Hobson-Jobsoii, s.v. Fanam.
^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Cash.
^ Royal of eight, (Span, real), i.e. a piece of eight rentes, or a dollar.
Fryer, p. 210, gives the value of a Royal at Bussorah as "3^ Abbassees."
Taking the value of the Abassi at about is. ^d., this would agree with
T. B.'s estimate.
^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Rupee. The quotation above, and those
later on, are interesting as additional evidence that the form "rupee"
had become fixed by the last quarter of the 17th century.
® The table here must be read with some care. What the writer
GOLCONDAH - US
lb s d
The Mase^ of Achin S fanams 20 cash or 00 01 03^
Pullicatt
The Pagod Valueth 00 08 06
24 fanams make one Pagod or 00 08 06
24 Coppar Cash make one fanam or cx) 00 04^
Golcondah
The Old Pagod* Valueth 00 12 00
The fanam 00 01 00
Porto Novo and Trincombar'
The Pagod there Coyned Valueth but 00 06 00
Theire Fanam is worth cx) 00 04
Metchlipatam
The forementioned coynes passe as per Idem
rates
The Syam Ticull* Values one rupee ^ or 00 03 07
means is that the abassin of Persia are 7 to the pagoda of 8j., or is. i^d,
each. In 1672 John Marshall, Notes and Observations on East India,
says, " I Abassee weighs iOf\ an. Sicca," and in 1679 we have the
following in Factory Records, Hugli, No. 2, under date 25th June,
** 204 whole Abassees 336 halfe ditto making in all 237 [should be 372]
abassees at 8| a. per abass." These values tally almost exactly with
T.B.*s statement, taking the standard anna of the period to be worth
about i^d, and the sicca anna at something less. Sir Thos. Herbert
rates the abassi at sixteen pence in 1677, Travels, p. 314. The coin
took its name from Shah Abas II.
^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Mace. See also Ind. Ant, vol. xxvii.
p. 37 ff.
* See Tavemier, vol. i. part ii. p. 4, for a representation of "one
of the ancient Pagods. They are as heavy as the new ones ; and
though they be no better Gold, yet some years since they went at 20
and 25 per Cent, more than the new ones; the reason is, for that the
Bankers being all Idolaters, they are so superstitious as to believe,
that if they melt down that Money, some Calamity will befall their
Country ; and they hold this for such a certain truth. That for fear the
King of Golconda should melt it, they paid him for certain Years
20000 Pagods. But you must observe, that these old Pagods are
nowhere currant but in the Kingdom of Golconda,...."
' Tranquebar.
* See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tical. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxvi. p. 253 ff.
for an exhaustive treatment of this word, weight and coin. The state-
ment in the text is an interesting proof, too, of the vigorous trade at
8—2
Il6 GOLCONDAH
lb s d
Coppar Cash Value each cx) CX) oi
Narsapore and Pettipolee.
The forementioned moneys passe Currant, but in Nar-
sapore, and the Villadges 20 or 30 miles off, they have
a Small Sort of moneys made of lead like Swan Shot,
and are called Picans* ; many hundreds of them passe
for One Rupee.
Theire Weights, vizt.
The Usuall Weights of this Coast are the
CandiP, the Maund', and the Veece*.
A Candil Contains 500 pound weight Avordupois
Or twenty Maunds
A Maund Contains 8 Veece
J, or 025 Idem
A Veece Contains 003 Idem
Measures.
All Sorts of Graine is Sold by measure,
as alsoe Oyle, butter, or any liquid thinge.
The Para* contains Markalls*
The Markall contains
this time between Masulipatam and Mergui, then belonging to Siam.
Compare De la Loublre^ p. 94, "Anciently this service [due to the
King of Siam] was esteemed at a Tical a month, because that one
Tical is sufficient to maintain one Man."
^ This word is not to be found in Hobson-Jobson.
2 See Hobsonjobson^ s.v. Candy. For the value of this form
of "Candy," see Ind. Ant vol. xxvi. p. 245, n, 40 and p. 253, «. 42.
3 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v, Maund. This reference and those in
the Bengal Section are valuable for descriptions and weights of some
of the old varieties of the maund.
* See Hobson-Jobsojty s.v. Viss. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxvi. p. 327,
and vol. xxvii. p. 58 ff. It is the well-known South Indian and Indo-
Chinese weight about 3^ lbs.
^ N. and E.^ p. 23, for 3rd June, 1680, has a very valuable quotation,
"Eight small measures make one Tomb [=Mercall], Five Tombs
make one Parra, Eighty Parras make one Garce." It is a pity that
the text has a blank just here. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxx. p. 408.
® See Hobson-JobsoUy s.v. Mercall. It is tantalizing that the text
GOLCONDAH 1 17
One thinge more I must needs Mention for the honour
and Praise all travellers ought to give it, (beinge what is
it's desert) I meane the Kingdome in General, through
out which great care is taken both for the Safety wee
Enjoy, and for relieve all travailers may have, which is
first it is blessed with good and cleane Roades, and Upon
Every common of above 4 or 5 miles in length, there is
built a Small house or two where, if the travailer is thirsty,
a thinge frequent in these warme climates, he may have
milke or Congy^, which is water boyled very well with
Some rice in it, at the King's charge, and the people
demand nothinge for it, but if any man will give them
a penny or two, they have the wit to receive it very
thankfully.
Moreover, att Every 12 miles End a house or two^,
(accordinge as the Roade is frequented) are built and kept
in repaire (att the King's charges) for the conveniency
of lodgings, for any comers or goers, the first come first
Served, without any respect of Persons, which are fine
conveniences for them, more Especially for that the Idola-
trous people who inhabit most of the Countrey Villadges
dare not admit of any of another Cast* to enter theire doors.
Then for the Safety thus, If the travailer hath goods
or moneys, whereby he is Suspicious of beinge robbed,
should be incomplete here. The Mercall as a Madras measure of
capacity varied a good deal. At the present day, in modem com-
mercial parlance, 5 mercauls make i parrah in measuring grain, the
parrah being about 2J cubic ft. The mercaul is still also a liquid
measure.
^ See note on p. 29.
2 i.e, sarai. Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 248 f., "There are no
inns in Bengal nor in hardly any of the provinces of India for the
convenience of travellers. But in many spots are to be found tents,
sheds, and stone buildings which were formerly erected by pious and
charitable people, who by this means have perpetuated their memories,
and a traveller may pass one or more nights in them. It is true that
one is not very comfortable but in any case it is better than nothing.
These buildings are called Sarais."
3 See note on p. 9.
Il8 GOLCONDAH
at Every Eminent towne (the residence of a Governour)
he is Very ready to give his Chopp^ which is Signet, by
Vertue of which he goeth very Safely to the next Gover-
ment, and there tendered with his Chopp and soe forward.
It is a Seale put upon his wrist in black, which gives
a durable impression, not at once Easily washed off, and
if in case it soe happens that he is robbed, a thinge lesse
common in this Kingdome then any Other, He hath.
Upon Shewinge that Signet (in the Same Goverment)
restitution made.
In the Latter End of February they have one re-
markable day, which is Annualy Observed with great
Mirth and Rejoyceinge. They Say it is the Very day
and Month theire Forefather Slew a most terrible and
deformed Giant, which if ever there was one accordinge
to what they imitate, he was Certainly the most Devil
like. They place him in a great Chaire made for the
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Chop. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has
Chap = a Printing Iron. Compare the following contemporary in-
stances of the use of the word: — "Wee Received your 2 Chops for
liberty of trade to Emoy which are very satisfactory, but wee desire to
know whether it be necessary to have them yearly renewed, or if the
same will serve." Bantam "Generall," 22nd Dec. 1675. Factory
Records, Java, No. 6.
"The Virtue of the Chopp or passe for Amoy is that noe duties are
payable there." Bantam "Generall," 5th June, 1676. Ibid,
"The favour the Young King was and still is pleased to doe him
[the Agent] and this Factoty [Bantam] in permitting noe one to come
of {sic) his message without his ring or Chop, and whosoever hath
brought it yett never failed to obtein his desires." Bantam "Generall,**
26th June, 1678. Ibid.
"The Persian writeing before mentioned is drawne up here...
and you are to get the Cogee [? khwajdjty chief merchant] to Chopp
it." Letter from Fort St George to Masulipatam, 14th Feb. 1677/8.
Factory Records, Masulipatam, No. 10.
"If the Vaqueel \yaktl, agent] occasions that you pay anything
more then what is usuall for the Writing Chauping &ca. Small usual!
Charges he is severely to be Checked for it.'' Letter from Hugli to
Dacca, 27th Dec. 1678. Factory Records, Hugli, No. 5.
"We are glad the Controversy about our ground is decided, it
imports you now to gett such Authentique Papers Chauped by the
Cozzee \qazt, judge] as may Confirme what now passed in the niture
and stave off the like Claimes." Letter from Hugli to Balasor, loth
May, 1679. Ibid,
GOLCONDAH II9
Same purpose, runninge Upon 4 Wheels, for the Easier
drawinge of him through the towne. He is called Jansa
Bainsah^ made of pastboard, leather, &c. Stuffed with
Straw and Other Combustible ingredients, covered with
blew cloth, his head and face painted with Redd and
White, Severall Resbutes^ and Others danceinge Round
him with great drawne Swords, after the manner of fence-
inge, callinge Upon him by his Name, with many torches,
flaggs, Pipes, and drums, and in this Posture, he is drawne
throught the Principall Streets of the towne. They burne
him to dust in The Open Street about the 12th houre
in the night.
They Say he was a most terrible Giant, a great De-
stroyer of man and beast, and was at last destroyed by
a Moore (of noe Small couradge), for which they Celebrate
the day and night of his Destruction, a thinge their
Ancestors Ordered, that their Posteritie may not bury in
Oblivion Such a mighty Restauration of their Countrey
from Such Destruction.
* One is tempted to refer "Jansa Bainsah" to our old friend
Hobson-Jobson in yet another form, especially as Valentyn in the
paragraph entitled "Het Feest van Hassan en Hossein," chap. iv.
p. 107 of vol. v., says that the Dutch call the cry of Shah Hussain,
"Jaksom Baksom." See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Hobson-Jobson. How-
ever, Syed Hossein Bilgrami has given me the followmg explanation
of T. B.'s statement: "It is said that the country about Tuljapur was
at one time infested by a Rakshaso of the name of Mahesha Asura
[whence Mahecasura, Maisur, Mysore], who came in the shape of a
monstrous bumilo, ravaged the country far and wide and destroyed
everything that lay on his way. The black Bhavani of Tuljapur,
however, fought with and destroyed this monster, in commemoration
of which event an effigy of the buffalo called Mahesha Bhainsa (cor-
rupted into Ainsa Bhainsa) is made every year and carried about with
every mark of indignity until it is deposited somewhere to be brought
out again at the next anniversary. The ceremony is performed by the
lower castes only in the Deccan, and they do not burn the effigy.
Ainsa Bhainsa, in my opinion, has nothing to do with Hassan Hossain
or the Moharrum."
2 See notes on pp. 19 and 83.
I20 THE COAST OF GINGALEE
THE COAST OF GINGALEE.
This Coast called Gingalee^ is Certainly the most
pleasant and Commodious Sea Coast that India affordeth,
pleasant in many respects, beinge a most delicate Cham-
pion' Land, and one of the most fertile lands in the
Universe, and Commodious for Navigation's Sake, enjoy-
inge many pleasant and good harbours, very well popu-
lated, and of a reasonable good Extent.
It beginneth at Point or Cape Goodawaree^ the En-
trance or South Side of the bay Corango*, which Cape
^ Now Golconda. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Gingerly; the note
is, however, inadequate. The text shows clearly that the term meant
the Coast between the "Coromandel" and "Orissa" Coasts, i.e. be-
tween the Godavarl estuary and Juggernaut Pagoda. It was more
commonly known to mariners as the Golconda Coast. See Pringle,
Consultations for 1682, p. lOQf. note 41. Compare the following
contemporary extracts : "This place [Balasor] finding a small vend
[of cloth] by the Gentues throughout Orixa and part of Gingerley."
Letter from Balasor to the Court, Jan. 1673, Factory Records^ Hugli,
No. 4. "The business toward Corango and the Coast of Ginglee did
not goe on well neither." Letter from the "Braminy" at Golconda
to Fort St George, 6th Jan. 1680, Factory Records ^ Fort St George,
No. 28. "The Avaldar of Metchlepatam... would not permitt our
people to send Boats to the Coast of Gingerlee." Letter from Ditto to
Ditto, 14th Jan. 1680, Ibid, "The Sloop Dispatch was cast away
very near Bengali out of the Gingerlee Nabobs government" Letter
from Madapollam to Fort St George, 14th Dec. 1680, Ibid. "At this
time of year there are not many boats to be had, being employed to
Gingerlee for Paddy.'* Letter from Golconda to Fort St George,
14th Dec. 1680, Ibid. See also quotations in note on p. 4.
^ i.e. level, open, country. Compare the following : "We... travailed
through a pleasant Champion Country, which brought us about
12 a clock to Utromeloor, a Garrison pagodoe in the Genau Kings
time." Extract from Elihu Yale's Memoriall^ Dec. 168 1, O. C.
No 4776. "The middle Cluster [of the Nicobars] is fine champain
Ground." Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 69. Here the
writer means to infer "fine open country," for none of the islands are
level. "The Land for about 60 miles up in the Country [Tonquin]
is still very low... with some gentle risings here and there, that make
it a fine pleasant Champian ; and the further side of this also is more
level than the Champian Country it self...." Dampier, vol. ii. p. 19.
3 Godavarl. See note on p. 3.
* Korangi, nowadays in Anglo-Indian, Coringa. See note on p. 3.
Morris, Godavery District^ pp. 40 f., 167, gives the following de-
THE COAST OF GINGALEE 121
lyeth in Lattitude , and reacheth or Extendeth it Selfe
Soe farre as to the Great Pagod Jno. Gernaet^ The
Inland is very Mountainous, but 20, 30, and in Some
places more English miles from the Ocean, very delicate
good Land affordinge the greatest plenty of Graine, vizt.
Wheat, Barley, Rice', Severall Sorts of gramme', with
much more plenty of Cattle, as beefs, Sheepe, goats, &c.
then any part (of Asia) besides afifordeth.
They have annually 3 crops, each yeildinge great En-
crease, and notwithstandinge the Sea Coast as also the
Inland be Extraordinary populous, yett they transport
above 10000 Gorse* of graine yearly, with great quantities
scription : "Coringa (Korangi) is situated nine miles south-west of
Cocanada. It is situated in 16° 49' N. lat., and 82*' 19' £1. long. It
used to be a place of very great importance, but it has very much
fallen off during the present century. It was the only place between
Calcutta and Trincomalee where large vessels used to be docked ; but
the river is now so shallow, and the approaches to it so difficult, that
only small craft are now built or repaired there.... Being situated on
a low site near the coast, it has frequently been subjected to inunda-
tions of the sea, and to the effects of hurricanes and storms."
^ Juggernaut. See note on p. 12.
2 Compare the Memoriall of Streynsham Master as quoted by
Mackenzie, Kistna District^ p. 146, i6th April, 1679, "the Dutch...
compound at Narsapore... reaches downe to the River Side upon the
sandy banke of which lyes many Vessells which are imployed in that
great Rice trade of Gingerlee."
3 The earliest quotation in Hobson-Jobson for Gram = pulse, chick-
pea is 1702. But there are many instances of the use of the word in
the 17th century. Compare the following: "The Gram which wee
desired seeing you could not doe it by the Blackmoor, wee must
bee content to waight your better oppertunity." Letter from Fort
St George to Masulipatam, 17th June, 1669, Factory Records^ Fort
St George, No. 16. "150 parrahs of wheat 10 Garse of Gram the
Gunnys. . . wee likewise recommend as allready enordered." Letter from
Fort St Georgie to Masulipatam, 24th Aug. 1676, Factory Records,
Masulipatam, No. 10. "The Gram is ready to be clapt on board as
soone as the Boats are ready to saile." Letter from Madapollam to
Masulipatam, 9th Dec. 1677. Ibid. "There is neighther Black Gram
nor Red Gram yet procurable." Letter from Madapollam to Fort
St George, 14th Feb. 1685, Factory Records, Madapollam, No. 3.
* A large grain measure in the Madras Presidency: anything up.
to 4 tons and more. In T. B.'s time it contained 86 parrahs. See
quotation from A'', and E. in note 5 on p. 116. Compare also A^. and E.
p. 40, for 2nd Dec. 1680, "Upon application from Lingapa for a garse
of wheat upon payment, it is resolved to supply it gratis," and the
122 THE COAST OF GINGALEE
of butter and Lacca^ And great Store of Calicos* are made
here, most Especially beteelis' (which wee call Muzlin*). For
the better transportinge of the beforementioned commodi-
ties, Ships and Vessels in great Numbers resort hither att all
times of the yeare, beinge,a Very Secure Coast to harbour in,
following in a letter from the "Braminy" at Golconda to Fort St
George, 25th Dec. 1680, Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 28,
p. 277, "I had ileed of a Garce of Wheeat." In Factory Records^
Masulipatam, No. 10, there ire frequent requisition^ from Fort St
George to Masulipatam for "10 Garse of Gram." Lockyer, Trade
in India^ p. 9, has ** Liquid and Dry Measure [in Fort St George] viz.
one Measure is one Pint and a half. Eight Measures, one Mercall ;
and four hundred Mercalls are one Garse."
^ See Hobson-Jobsorty s.v. Lac. Wilson, Early Annals, vol. i.
P- 379» quoting from "Kenns advices about Bengali in 1661" has,
among "Commodities procurable at Patna," "Gumlack or Sticklack
very dear, from 9 to 1 1 Rupees," and on p. 398, under "Exports from
Bengal," "Lack worth 3 Tale per Bahar when plenty." In England,
Pegu Sticklack was the kind always requisitioned by the Court,
"100 Tunns" being the usual order. Thevenot, part iii. p. 106,
remarks, "The Traffick of those parts [Bimlipatam and its neighbour-
hood] consists in Rice, fine Cloaths, Iron, Wax and Lacre, which is as
good as at Pegu." In this connection, it may be noted that Crawfurd,
Did. of the Indian Archipelago, s.v. Lacca, says the term is used for a
red-wood used in dyeing.
2 See note on p. 5.
3 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Betteela. This material (under the name
of Organdy Muslin) was greatly in vogue in England during the first
half of the 19th century for ladies' dresses. The clearest sort was used
for bonnets and veilings. Compare the following references : " We
shall be able to invest all our Stocke...in Long Cloth, Salempores,
Morees, Percalls, Batilles, but as for the Ginghams, Alligese, Onngall
Batillas,...it must needes rest upon you." Letter from Fort St George
to Masulipatam, 17th June, 1669, Factory Records, Fort St George,
No. 16, p. 130. "Wee have... 1 5 Bales Oringall Beteelaes three quarters
done, but cannot gett Packers to finish them.'' Letter from Masuli-
patam to Fort St George, 17th Jan. 1675, Factory Records, Masuli-
patam, No. 10.
"Wee finde quantities of Betteleez and other fine Callicoes sent
home yeerly by our Factors and Servants to their Freinds, to our
great prejudice.... The Betteleez per the Unity No. 28 prove very bad
and worse then usuall...in particular provide 5000 Oringall Betteleez
and 8000 Allejaes at Metchlepatam." Letter from the Court to
Fort St George, 15th December, 1676, Letter Book, No. 5, pp. 370,
373 f-
"Wee approve of your accepting more of the fine Sallam pores and
Bettelees then wee ordered." Letter from the Court to Fort St George,
1 2th December, 1677. Ibid, p. 497. See Pringle, Consultations for
168 1, p. 71, note 103.
* See note on p. 5.
THE COAST OF GINGALEE 1 23
namely in Corango*, Vizegapatam^ Bimlipatam*, Wattara*,
* See notes on pp. 3 and 120.
* Not in Hobson-Jobson, but should be as it turns up in all sorts
of queer forms in the old books. Seje Ind. Ant. vol. xxx. pp. 357
and 400, where, among numerous forms the following are noted,
"Inzipatam, Bizipatam, Wisagapatam, Vasingepatam." As to the
derivation of the name, Carmichael, VizUgapatam District^ pp. 21 and
164, says that the term Vizagapatam is properly Visakha-pattanam, the
city of Visakha or Kartikeya, the Hindu Mars, to whom a pagoda was
erected in the 14th century. He adds that, owing to the encroachments
of the surf, this edifice has long since disappeared. On p. 164 he says,
"A branch of the English East India Company appears to have settled
at Vizagapatam about the middle of the seventeenth century. In
A.D. 1689 m the reign of Aurangzeb, during the rupture between that
monarch and the company, their warehouses here were seized, and all
the English residents put to the sword." Clement Jordan, T. B.'s
purser on the Sancta Cruz^ held an official position in the factory at
Vizagapatam from 1682 — 1684.
Prmgle, Consu/Zations for 1684, p. 170, suggests that Gingerlee and
Vizagapatam are identical. In support of this theory, it is urged
that a factory was established at Vizagapatam in 1668, which must
have been abandoned some time before the earliest consultations
extant, but had a factory existed in T. B.'s time, he would hardly have
failed to mention it. It seems in fact to have been re-established
a little later, from the following evidence. In Feb. 1682 the Court
wrote to Fort St George that an interloper was designed for "Metchle-
patam or Gyngerlee." It was left to the discretion of the Council
at Fort St George whether or not to make part of their Investment
at "Gyngerlee or thereabouts." The Company could not decide if
it would be advisable to settle a factory at "Gyngerlee" subordinate
to Fort St George {^Letter Book^ No. 6). On the 28th August of
the same year the Court wrote, "Wee shall be very Glad to heare that
in persuance of our former order you have found such incouragement
to settle a Factory at Gingerlee as at Porto Nova..." {Letter Book,
No. 7). On the ist Aug. 1682 George Ramsden was appointed Chief
at Gingerly and Clement du Jardin a factor there. On the 8th Sept.
there is a note of Mr Ramsden's departure to Vizagapatam and his
return to Masulipatam. From this time a regular official correspond-
ence was interchanged between Vizagapatam and Fort St George, and
on the nth Oct. 1682 there is a note as to the building of a factory at
Vizagapatam. As Ramsden was at the head of this factory, there
seems no doubt but that the town at first known as Gingerlee was
subsequently called by the native name of Vizagapatam. Alex.
Hamilton, East Indies, vol. i. p. 372, described Vizagapatam as he
saw it some years later, and says it produced the "best D ureas, or
stript Muslins, in India."
^ Of Bimliapatam Schouten says, vol. i. p. 493, "Bemilipatnam
is barely four leagues from Visiagapatnam in 18" N. Latitude. A
fairly good trade is carried on, owing to the fact that the Dutch have,
for a long time, had a settlement there." Compare the Diary of
Streynsham Master, under date 20th Aug. 1676, p. 44, "Wee Sailed by
Bimliapatam where the Dutch have a Factory, and there was two
Ships rideing." See Ind, Ant, vol. xxx. p. 348.
* In a protest of Callor Vessina against Mr Main waring, enclosed
124 THE COAST OF GINGALEE
Pondy^ Manichapatam^. There be many Other faire towns
alonge this Shore but noe more good harbours, Some Fortifi-
cations alsoe but all Under the Goverment of the Moors,
Subject to the Golcondah Kinge, Of which Chicacol'* is the
in a letter from Masulipatam to Fort St George, 23rd May, 1678,
Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. 10, p. 44, we find the following :
"He [Mr Mainwaring] told them all [the boatmen] he must have their
Boats to fectch (sic) Paddy from the Coast to Gingerlee, at a place
called Wattarra." Compare Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. i. p. 372,
"Coasting along the Shore, there are several little Ports between
Matchulipatam and Vizagapatam, besides Narsapore and Angerang,
but Watraw is the most noted, for it produces Rice for Exportation,
besides some long Cloth, but it is not frequented by Europeans."
Dunn, East Indies Directory^ p. 150, says, "Point Godvarin and
Vatare (Watare or Watsare) bear off each other north and south
10 leagues.... Vatare is known by a mosque built on the top of a hill."
^ Compare Schouten, vol. i. p. 58, "We passed by Visiagapatnam,
Binnilipatnam, Connare, Sicocol, Pondy,...."
Compare also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. i. p. 378, "There
are several other Places... on the Coast, that drive a small Trade in
Corn. Pondee, Callingapatam and Sunapore are the most noted, but
are not frequented by Europeans.'' See Pringle, Consultations for
1685, p. 166 and note. Of Pondy, Dunn, East Indies Directory, says,
"From Caletaer to Pondy, the coast trenches N.E. easterly, distance
5i leagues.... Close in shore, before the river of Pondy are 10 or 12
rocks, and within land some high rugged mountains which thwart the
river." See Ind, Ant. vol. xxx. p. 356.
2 Manikpatam. Compare Dunn, East Indies Directory, p. 153,
"From Karikpar to Manikpatnam or Manicapatnam, the bearing is
N.E.b.E. J E. distance 9 leagues.... Off Manikpatnam a bank of sand
projects 2 miles.... Manikpatnam maybe seen when the Mountain of
Karapar bears W.S.W. 7 or 8 leagues. It is known by a little pagoda,
encompassed with houses and other buildings, with some large trees."
3 The name of this place appears in many forms. Schouten, vol. ii.
p. 58, has "Sicocol." "Tell them [th^ Cossids] they must not goe in
to Chickrecole by the Way for they will be stoped if they doe.'* Letter
from Reade at Hugli to Edwards at Balasor, 3rd April, 1678, O. C.
No. 4392. In Madras Press Listior nth Oct. 1682 we have "Copy
of letter from the Chief &c. at Vizagapatam to the Governor and
Council of Fort St George relative to George Ramsden's departure to
Chickeracole to procure a cowle from the Seir Lascar.'' Under date
23rd May (Pringle, Consultations for 1683) there is the entry, "Reed,
a Generall from Mr George Ramsden and Mr Charles Fleetwood at
ChecracoU dated the 5th Instant." On this Mr Pringle remarks, note
55« P- ^yj-f "ChecracoU (Srikakulam, pop. Chicacole). A town on the
coast of the modern Ganjam district, situated about four miles from
the sea on the Nagavali river, and at one time the head quarters of the
faujddr of Golconda." Compare Thevenot, part iii. p. 106, "From
Bimlipatam to Cicacola it is fifteen hours travelling by Land, and this
is the last Town of the Kingdom of Golconda, on the side of Bengala."
Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. i. p. 371, says, "The Nabob or
THE COAST OF GINGALEE 12$
most famous for large and stately buildings, the richest
Merchants, the rtiost populated, and Especially for that it is
the residence of Sr. Larskare*, the Kings deputy or Viceroy,
Who bears as great Sway Over this Coast in Generall
as the Kinge his Master doth in Golcondah. He liveth
in great State and Splendor, and hath continually a great
Retinue of Lifeguard men and Soldiery, being for the
most part Moors and Persians. Hee keeps many Stately
Elephants, and a huge number of Concubines, which are
the 2 Chiefe pieces of State Esteemed On amonge the
Inhabitants of Asia.
Having this Entire Sea Coast Under his Command,
and power Soe great Over the Inhabitants hereof, he can
in one day raise a Very Considerable army of at least
ICO thousand fightinge men.
Vice-roy of Chormondel, who resides at Chickacul, and who super-
intends that Country for the Mogul...." Pitt in a letter to Fleetwood,
Sept. 1699, Hedged Diary ^ vol. iii. p. 47, writes, "Wee have taken
care to manage the affair at Siccacul to the best advantage...." Dunn,
East Indies Directory^ p. 151, has, "From the point of Conar to
Ticacoel or Chicacol, the coast trenches N.E. J E. distance 34 miles....
Chicacol is by a river near which are 3 or 4 great trees, and some
palm-trees.'*
* Sar-i-Lashkar, Indice Sarlashkar, the head of the forces. This
Anglo-Indianism is not in Hobson-Jobson^ except in a quotation for
1682 under Lascar. This particular official is constantly mentioned in
the records of the period. Compare the following: *'The Dutch in
persuance of their demands upon the Seer Lascar of Gingerlee upon
his refusall of coming to Agreement with them...." 29th April, 1678,
Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. 2. "They told us that one who
aforetime was King of Orixa was risen with a great army of 35,000
Horse upon your coast and country of Gingerlee, who had beseiged
the Seer Lascar or Gratt [Grail, for General] of the King of Gulcondah
in a Castle and had taken away 500 laest of Pady of the Dutch
Companys." Memoriall of Streynsham Master, under date loth April,
1679, quoted by Mackenzie, Kistna District^ p. 142. "There came
one Sheake Ahmud to Town with letters from... the Ser Laskar Nabob
Mahmud Ibrahim." 25th May, 1680, Factory Records^ Fort St George,
No. 2. "The pagodas 1200... I paid the same day unto the Sharlaskar.
...The Sarlaskar having considered farther, told me...." Letters from
the "Braminy*' at Golconda to Fort St George, 21st March and 12th
June, 1680, Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 28, pp. 74 and 103.
"Copy of Mr. Jardin's Cattapa to the Sier Lascar, Sier Lascar's
Cowle for Vizagapatam given to Mr. Jardin." 15th Oct. 1683. Madras
Press List.
126 THE COAST OF GINGALEE
The Merchants, as alsoe most tradesmen, are of the
Gentue Cast^ and live for the most parrt in admirable
Subjection to the Moors^ payinge the King's taxes and
duties to the Uttermost farthinge, besides many Oppres-
sions of taxes the Governour and his Mahometan Councell
lay heavily Upon them, and, which is more grievous, they
are compelled to beare it with the largest Extent of
Patience, by reason little or noe justice is to be acquired
where the Mahometans are Lords Over them ; for, if
complaint be made to the high Court of Justice, the
Mussleman', as they call themselves. Shall Certainly carry
it (if he appeare in Person) Onely with this one Saying,
Ka Mussleman jute bolta. Will a true believer lye*?
As for theire Idolatrous way of worship, they Enjoy
it as fully as in any Other place in the Empire of the
Grand Mogoll' (or territories of Golcondah), and without
doubt pay largely for it. They have many delicate groves,
tanks' of water, and large Fabricks of Stone called Pa-
^ See note on p. 9. Pringle, Consultations for 1681, p. 64, note 17,
says, "Gentoo — A corruption of the Portuguese gentio (heathen) as
opposed to moros (the Moors or Mussulmans). It was suggested in
Hobson-Jobson that the word might still linger at Madras in the
limited sense of Telugu Hindus. This is the case, and it seems to be
very extensively so used even now [1893]. With the singular tendency,
however, of obsolescent words to pass from stage to stage of degra-
dation, it is, at this date, applied to the talk of the lowest classes of
Telugus, in especial to that of sweepers. Among Europeans it has
fallen out of use."
2 Muhammadans. See note on p. 10. Pringle, Consultations for
1 68 1, p. 69, note 78, remarks that it "is much to be regretted that we
have almost lost this useful word for Mussulmans of whatever race."
3 Muhammadan. See note on p. 76. Compare the following in a
letter from the "Braminy" at Golconda to Fort St George, 21st June,
1680, Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 28, p. 114, "Verona being
a Moor man yet he was burnt, which [was] a great dishonour to the
Mussulman's sect."
* This expression shows that the writer had really mastered col-
loquial Hindostani, for the expression would run correctly: Kya?
Musalman jhut bolta? What? the Musalman speak a lie?
^ Aurangzeb. See note on p. 10.
^ A sheet of water. See note on p. 7. See also Thevenot,
part iii. p. 96, for a description of a "great square Reservatory or
THE COAST OF GINGALEE \2J
gods*, more large and of greater Antiquie {sic) then all
the land of the Hindoos beside doth afford. And, what
maketh this Countrey most famous, is the Scituation of
theire most holy and Esteemable Pagod J no. Gemaet^
Soe much resorted to by both the rich and Poore from
thi£ Remotest parts of India and Persia.
Some of the richest Indian Merchants Inhabit upon
this Coast; but many of them dare not be knowne to be
soe, for feare of receiveinge injurie from the Mahometans,
and for some reasons more, the Chiefe of which is, if any
of them die, theire Estates in full falls to the Kinge, none
of his Seed dareinge to claime any of it by right or title^
onely lyeth at the mercie -and benevolence of the Kinge
or Emperour'.
Theire habit is generally but meane, more like to
Servants then Masters, theire houses very Ordinary low
and for the most part thatched over, and are for the
foregoeinge reasons forced, for the benefit of theire
Posteritie, to bury the Major part of their treasure in
the Earth.
But all Forraigners, more Especially the English and
Dutch, have great freedome here, the Same wee have in
Other parts of this King's Dominions, and live Very
pleasantly Upon the fatt of the land, provisions Vizt.
Cows, fowle. Sheep, goats, fish, and all Sorts of Venison
beinge to be had in great abundance and incredibly Cheap
Tanquie" at Bhagnagar. Compare the Memoriall of Streynsham
Master as quoted by Mackenzie, Kistna District^ p. 150, under date
25th April, 1679, "We lodged in a mangoe garden by the tanke side, a
pleasant green place."
1 See note on p. 7.
2 Jagannath, Juggernaut. See note on p. 12. Compare the fol-
lowing in a letter from Hugli to Balasor, i6th May, 1678, O. C,
No. 4416 — "Pray write to the Rajah of Jagrenaut to passe our
Cossids."
3 The dispute about the creed of Cassa Verona (Kagi Viranna)
was most probably on account of his wealth. See note on p. 95.
128 THE COAST OF GINGALEE
and good. Theire Cows are the largest and fattest I have
Seen in India. They have Excellent good Pasture ground,
the fields and trees always green, theire butter and rice
and Oyle the best in India. Theire Oyle is for the most
part made of Mustard Seede, and is Vendible all India
and South Seas over.
In fine, it is a most delicate countrey for the Use of
man, the Aire good and comfortable, and the land
aboundinge with all Necessaries for the Sustainance of
mankind.
ORIXA\
This Kindome is of noe great Extent, but is an in-
different pleasant Countrey, Subject to the Great MogolP
for the most part but not altogeather, by reason of Severall
Radjas* who (before the Mahometan Conquest of the
Hindoos*) possessed this Kingdome, some of which are
not as yet Subdued and brought Under the Moorish
Yoke, but inhabit the Mountains and woods, and Some
yea a Considerable part of the plaine land, more Especi-
ally neare to Point Palmeris*^ the Entrance into the Bay
^ See note on p. 5. Compare Schouten, vol. ii. p. 142, "The
4th January, 1664... we came in sight of the low coasts of Orixa."
Thevenot^ part iii. p. 67, has "Oulesser" for "Ouresser" by a common
mistake of / for r in Oriental words.
2 Aurangzeb. See note on p. 10.
3 See note on p. 39.
* See note on p. 10.
* Palmyras. See Hobson-JobsoTiy s.v. Palmyras. Compare the
Diary of S trey ns ham Master^ under date 22nd August, 1676, p. 44,
"This night wee lay by, driveing in the Sea off point Palmerasfrom 27
to 34 fathome water, a fresh gale at Southwest." Compare also Yule,
Hedges' Diary ^ vol. i. p. 30, "About 2 in the afternoon we doubled the
point of Palmiras, and between 6 and 7 in the evening we came to an
anchor in the Bay." Of Point Palmiras, Horsburgh, India Directory,
ed. 1855, vol. i. p. 607, says, "Point Palmiras (called by the natives
ORIXA 129
of Bengala, where, for above lOO miles, the land is divided
by Rivers and Rivolets into Islands, and thereby become
Invincible.
Sea Ports this Kingdome affbrdetli onely one, and that
none to be admired, affordinge not water Enough for
a Ship of 200 tunns in burden to goe into the River, and
to ride out is very Unnecessary and dangerous, by reason
it is noe better then a very wild Open bay that Extendeth
it selfe from Point Conjaguaree to Palmeris ; the River
is called Haraspoore^ Here are considerable quantities
Mypurra, from the contiguous sandy island of this name)... bears from
the False Point about N.E. by N. distant 8 leagues.... The land of
Point Palmeris is low, and clothed with Palmyra-trees, having on each
side of it, at a small distance the mouth of a river ; that on the South
side is navigable by boats or small vessels.*'
^ Haraspore, Harssapore, Arsipore, &c. is first mentioned in 1633,
when Bruton with seven other Englishmen (who had set out from
Masulipatam with the design of settling a factory at "Bengalla'O
landed there. It was the earliest English factory in the Bay of
Bengal, as is seen by the statement in Walter ClavelPs "Accompt of
the Trade of Ballasore" {Diary of Streynsham Master^ p. 323) "Harra-
pore where our first Factory was settled." Yule, Hedges* Diary ^ vol. ii.
p. 240 and vol. iii. p. 176, identifies the port with Hurrichpore Gurh
on the coast of the Mahanadi Delta. Wilson, Early Annals^ vol. i.
p. 2, gives the following additional information: "On reaching Har-
sapur or Hari9pur, the modern Hari^pur Gar, at the mouth of the
Patua, in Orissa they [Bruton and party] transferred themselves and
their merchandise to small hoats, and so ascended the river some eight
miles, as far as Koslda." In a note on Patua, Wilson says, "This
river is called R. Pa^ali above, and R. Patua below, Basanta-Patali,
and at its mouth R. Boita-kuliya, ship-haven, a name significant of
the former importance of the now sand-barred harbour of Hari9pur.''
See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Factory, where the place is given as Arzepore,
and its existence as a factory is queried. Compare Schouten^ vol. ii.
pp. 59 and 142, "Afterwards we passed by the Pagoda of Connercon,
the little Pagoda of Arcsepour, Casigere, and other places... on the
4th January, 1664... on approaching it [the low coast of Orixa] we fell
down toward Arsapouro."
Compare also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. i. p. 388, "From
the dommions of Jagarynat [Jagannath] I came into those of Arsepore.
The Town, where the Raja resided, is named after the Province, and
there is a fine River that invites Strangers to frequent it for Cotton
Cloth and Rice, that this Country affords in great Plenty." " Harra-
pore Sannoes \sanahsY were a class of cotton goods in great repute in
T. B.'s time. Compare the following in a letter from Hugli to Balasor,
dated 13th August, 1678, (9. C No. 4480, "Make enquiry among the
Merchants whether... Sannoes of Mohunpore, Harrapore, and Sura
Sannos may not bee gotten cheaper." The author's "Point Conja-
T. Q
130 ORIXA
of Callicoes* made and Sold to the English and Dutch,
but are first brought over land to them to their Factories
in Ballasore^ in the bay of Bengala.
These inhabitants are called Ourias', and be a very
poo re Idolatrous people S poore in general 1 and very low
Spirited, Save those Radjas and their armies who live by
the Sword, and will not pay homadge to any Kinge or
Emperour in the Universe.
Citties or townes of Note they have very few, Save
guaree" is perhaps False Point, which is so called by the English because
it is so easily mistaken for the important Point Palmyras. However,
Horsburgh, India Directory^ ed. 1855, vol. i. p. 606 says, "Near this
place [the mouth of the Gonga, called also Cuttack River] other small
branches of the Gonga fall into the sea, forming low islets, and this
elbow, or projecting part of the coast, called Cojung Point, has some-
times been mistaken for the False Point, as the shore from it takes a
northerly direction i\ or 3 miles, forming a small concavity in the
land, nearly midway between the Black Pagoda and False Point,
called Cojung Bay.... In the former charts of this coast, a bay, 3 leagues
deep and 5 leagues wide, was erroneously delineated in this part."
In the 1809 edition of the same work, vol. i. p. 353, Cojung appears as
Codgone, and there is the remark, "Codgone Bay, instead of being
represented as a small concavity in the coast, about half way between
the Black Pagoda and False Point, is placed close on the west side
of this point m the charts, and delineated about 3 leagues deep, and
5 leagues wide ; the land from the bottom of it being made to stretch
in a S.E. and southerly direction about 3J leagues to False Point,
whereas in reality, there seems to be only a very small concavity on
the west side of that Point, or rather an inlet to the river Gonga."
By the statement "the river is called Haraspoore" the writer seems to
refer to the continuous inland channels along the coast from the Devi
mouths of the Mahanadi to the Maipara and Dhamra mouths of
the Brahmanl. In the neighbourhood of False Point I find, in a
collection of old maps: — Arsepoor and Arsepore in 1720: Mirepour
and Irsepour in 1705, 17 10, 1720 and 1781. What the native name
for False Point is I have been unable to ascertain. However, in a
map of that neighbourhood in 1687, I find Segogora and Lonuary
( = ? Conjaguaree), which seem to explain that Barro's Cabo Segogora
(1553), quoted in Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Palmyras, is still another cor-
ruption of the old native name for False Point, whatever that was.
^ See note on p. 5.
2 See quotation from Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, in note i on
p. 129.
3 Inhabitants of Orissa. See Hobson-Jobsoji, s.v. Ooriya.
* Compare Thevenoty part iii. p. 67, "The Province of Oulesser,...
which the Idolaters name Jaganat, because of the famous Idol of the
Pagod of Jaganat which is there, is inhabited by Gentiles no less
fanatical in point of Religion than those of Halabas."
ORIXA 131
what are inhabited or Governed by the Moors, and it is
a very troublesome Kingdome for travellers, the Kingdome
not beinge Setled Under one Goverment^ both parties
make many pretences to injure the poor travailer. Except
he goe with a Competent force or traine.
//■
BENGALA^
It is one of the largest and most Potent Kingdoms of
Hindostan», Containing in Circuit noe lesse then English
miles, blessed with many fine Rivers that Issue out into
the Sea or Gulph of Bengala*, vizt. between Point Pal-
meris* (the Entrance thereof) and the Arackan* Shore,
the whole Extent of the bay beinge about 300 English
miles Over, Some of which are navigable both for great
and Small Ships, togeather with many Other conveni-
ences, this Kingdome is now become most famous and
Flourishinge'.
* Compare Thevenot^ part iii. p. 68, "The Country was kept in
far better order under the Patan Kings, (I mean) before the Maho-
metans and Moguls were Masters of it, because then they had
Uniformity in Religion. It has been found by experience that disorder
came into it with Mahometanism ; and that diversity of Religions
hath there caused corruption in Manners."
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Bengal. See also Ind. Ant. vol. xxx.
p. 347 f
^ The earliest quotation in the restricted sense of the text given in
Hobson-Jobson^ s.7/. Hindostan, is 1803.
* This quotation is valuable as showing exactly what was known
in the 17th century as the "Bay of Bengal," the limits being so very
much more restricted than is now the case.
° See note on p. 128.
® See Hobson-JobsoUy s.v, Arakan.
^ Compare SchouieUy vol. ii. p. 153 f. "Bengale is a great and
powerful country, which was formerly an independent kingdom. At
present it is under the rule of the Mogol...It is situated in and beyond
the twenty-first parallel of North Latitude. On the East it is bounded
by the Kingdoms of Aracan and Ava ; on the North by the provinces
of Mevat, Patna and Narvat which are part of the same Empire ; on
the West by the mountains of Ratipore whose vast extent separates
Bengale from Gusaratte, and by the countries of Indostan, Orixa, and
Golconda ; on the South by the gulf of Bengale. Th^ G^.xv.^^'5»\x'aN^\'afc'b
132 BENGALA
First for the great River of Ganges* and the many
large and faire arms thereof, Upon the banks of which
are Seated many faire Villages, delicate Groves and
FruitefuU lands, affordinge great plenty of sugars*,
Cottons', Lacca^ honey, beeswax*, butter*, Oyles, Rice^,
it in the centre from North to South, and it is there, so it is said, that
Alexander the Great ended his conquests."
^ This and the quotations later on in this section give the several
uses of the word in the 17th century, viz.^ for the Hugli River, any
large mouth of the Ganges in the Gangetic Delta, the Ganges Proper.
2 Compare Tavernier^ vol. ii. p. 140, "Further, it [Bengale] also
abounds m Sugar, so that it furnishes with it the Kingdoms of
Golkonda and Karnates, where there grows but very little. Arabia
also and Mesopotamia are thence provided with it, by the way of
Moka and Bussora; and Persia it self, by Bander- Abassy."
3 Compare Tavernier^ vol. ii. p. i4of., *'As to the Commodities
of great value, and which draw the Commerce of Strangers thither,
[to Bengale] I know not, whether there be a Country in the World
that affords more and greater variety: For, besides the Sugar... there
is such store of Cottons and Silks, that it may be said that Bengale is
as 'twere the general Magazine thereof, not only for Indostan or the
Empire of the great Mogol, but also for all the circumjacent King-
doms, and for Europe it self. I have sometimes stood amazed at the
vast quantity of Cotton-Cloth of all sorts, fine and others, tinged and
white, which the Hollanders alone draw from thence and transport
into many places, especially into Japan and Europe, not to mention
what the English, Portingal and Indian Merchants carry away from
those parts."
* See note on p. 122. Compare Tavemier^ vol. ii. p. 141, "'Tis
Bengale, whence fhe good Lacca...do come."
^ Compare the Diary of Streynsham Master under date 8th Sept.
1676, p. 57, "[We] sailed up the river Ganges, on the east side of which
most part of the great quantity of beeswax is made, which is the King's
comodity and none suffered to deale therein but for his account, and
Swarmes of Bees flew over our Vessell."
^ Compare Tavernier, vol. ii. p. 141, "Butter is to be had there
in so great plenty, that though it be a gross Commodity, yet notwith-
standing 'tis thence transported into divers places." See the "Janse-
lone" section of the MS. where the writer says, "butter and Oyle from
Gingalee or Bengala [to Junkceylon] tumeth to a great accompt." By
"butter" the old travellers must have meant ^^f, i.e, butter clarified by
boiling, and so preserved and made fit for transport.
"^ See the "Janselone" section, "Commodities brought hither
[Achin]...From Bengala, Rice, wheat, Oyle, butter. Sugar, Sticklack...."
Compare also Tavernier, vol. ii. p. 140, "It [Bengale] bears Rice in
that abundance, that it not only furnishes its Neighbours, but many
very remote parts. 'Tis carried up the River Ganges to Patna ; and
'tis transported by Sea to Maslipatan, and to many other Ports of the
Coast of Coromandel. Besides, 'tis sent away into forrain Kingdoms,
and principally into Ceilan and the Maldives."
"^^vsar.^ ^^ -fc -
BENGALA 1 33
Gramme^ with many Other beneficiall Commodities to
Satisfie this and many Other Kingdoms*.
Many both great and Small Ships, both English,
Dutch, and Portugals doe annually resort to lade and
transport Sundry Commodities hence, and great Commerce
goeth on into most parts of accompt in India, Persia,
Arabia, China and South Seas.
It is also the abode and Settlement of the Major part
of those that professe and Embrace the Doctrine of our
Saviour Jesus^
This Kingdome most plentifully doth abound with the
before mentioned commodities, as alsoe Callicoes* of
Sundry Sorts, Rammals*, raw and wrought Silks', Opium
^ See note on p. 121.
2 Compare Tavemier^ vol. ii. p. 140, "In a word, Bengale is a
Country abounding in all things ; and 'tis for this very reason that so
many Portugueses, Mesticks, and other Christians are fled thither from
those quarters, which the Dutch have taken from them." Compare also
Delestre^ p. 189 f., "The country, [Bengala] which is one of the most
beautiful in the world, is extremely fertile; there are a number of
woods and forests of orange and lemon trees.... Sugar is very common
there, as well as ginger and long pepper, which is preserved when it is
green.. ..The pasturage is excellent, and it produces such an abundance
of milk, that an enormous (quantity of butter and cheese is exported into
all the adjacent and maritime towns, and even into the most distant
countries, especially Batavia." See also Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 1 54.
3 Compare Tavernier, vol. ii. p. 140, "The Jesuits and Augusti-
nians, that have great Churches there, wherein they exercise their
Religion with all freedom, did assure me, that in Ogouli alone there
were no less than eight or nine thousand Souls of Christians ; and
(which I will easily believe) that in the rest of that Kingdom (Bengale)
there were above twenty five thousands."
* See note on p. 5. Compare Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. i.
P' 393> "Their Manufactories [in Bengal] are of Cotton in Sannis,
Cassas, Demeties, mulmuls. Silk, and Silk and Cotton Romals, Gurrahs
and Lungies.*'
^ RUmaly kerchief. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Roomaul. Compare
the following : — In the Diary of Streynsham Master^ under date
31st Aug. 1676, p. 52, we have "The twelve thousand single peices of
silke Romalls they offered to furnish at 3^ Rups. the single peece [in
Balasor]." Again, in a letter from Hugli, 12th Sept 1677, Factory
Records^ Hugli, No. 4, there is another spelling, "Rohamalls we have
provided here"; and in O. C, No. 4612, letter from Fort St George to
Balasor, 23rd May, 1679, we have "the investment...! now desire may
be half in Rummauls of an old cheap sort."
® Compare Tavemier, vol. ii. p. 141, "One would not imagine the
134 BENGALA
(the best in Indla)^ Muske in Codd and out of it*, Long
Pepper', and Severall Sorts of druggs, which causeth it
to be soe admirable well populated and Effected by the
best European travellers*.
quantity [of Silks and Silk-Stuffs] that is hence [Bengal] transported
every year; for this Country furnishes generally all this great Empire
of Mogol as far as Lahor and Caboul, and most of the other forrain
parts, whither Cotton-Cloth is carried.... The Hollanders alone have
sometimes seven hundred or eight hundred men of the Natives at
work in their Factory of Kassem-Bazar; as the English and other
Merchants have theirs in proportion.'* Compare also Mandelslo^
p. 94, "They drive here [Bengal] a great trade in... Silks, whivJi are
esteem'd the best in all the Indies."
^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Opium. Compare Tavemier^ vol. ii.
p. 141, "Tis Bengale, whence the good Lacca, Opium, Wax,... do
come." Marshall, in his MS. Notes and Observations of East India has,
p. 35, "Best Ophium comes from near Pattana, and that from Mungeer
IS not nigh so good." Among "Goods from Bengali proper for the
Coast of Cormandell," Add. ^^6*. 34,123, quoted by Wilson, Early
Annals^ vol. i. p. 398, is "Anno 1684. Ophium Cost 80 Rs. per md....
Ophium, when no ships go from Bengali to Malacca, Sells well."
Milbum, Oriental Commerce^ vol. ii. p. 219, says, "The monopoly
in the trade of opium, or the cultivation of the poppy, may be traced
at least as far back as the commencement of the British influence in
Bengal."
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Musk. Marshall, Notes and Observa-
tions^ has, p. 17, "From Neopall comes Muske which at Pattana is
sold for 49 r. per Seere being 16 Pice to the Seere 40 of which pice
make a great seere of about 31 oz." Wilson, Early Annals^ vol. i.
P- 378, quotes from Add. MSS. 34,123, "Patna. Commodities pro-
curable.... Musk — the greatest quantity is bought in the codd, some out,
but that not considerable... the price usually from rupees 35 to 40 the
Seer... Musk out of the Codd sold by the Tola from rupees 3 to 6 if
high price, then its all in small hard Knobs round, if about 3 then dust
without them." See also Tavemier^ \o\. i. part ii. p. 153. Compare
the following from the "Chief and Mr Clavell's reply to the Auditor's
Remonstrance," 29th July, 1670, Factory Records, Miscellaneous,
No. 3, p. 72, "That the Sear of Muske holds out 30 oz. is a mistake:
for the weight by which muske is sold differs from all other : it being
but 16 pice weight to the Scare, where as the Seare for grosse goods
is 40 pice weight ; and this muske Seare weighs nearest 16^ oz. troy...
it [muske] being to be bought att Pattana from October to Febniary.''
3 Compare Schouten, vol. ii. p. 356, "Bengale, Malabar, and a few
other countries of Asia produce long pepper which is used more for
medicine than for ordinary food." Compare also Tavernier, vol. ii.
p. 141, "Tis Bengale, whence the good. ..Civet, long Pepper do come."
Wilson, Early Annals, vol. i. p. 380, quotes from Add MSS. 34,123,
"Hugly...Long Pepper to be bought at said time [December], it
grows about 16 course [kos"] thence, it may be had at 4 to 5 Rupees
per maund, and in the shipping it is usually worth 9 to 10 Rupees, but
much of it must not be bought because Bulkey, and will not vend."
* Compare Tavernier, vol. ii. p. i4of. and the extracts given above.
BENGALA 1 35
Anno Domini 1653 and Even to 1660:
Vide Chron : of Hindostan and Monseur
Bernier Historia de Mogol in Octavo:^
This Kingdome was Governed by an Absolute and
lawfull Prince (by name) Sultan Sujah*, One of the Sons
of Chah Jehan^ (then Emperour of Hindostan) but was
from this Kingdome defeated as followeth : —
The Great Emperour of Hindostan had 4 Sons who
were growne Up to man's Estate, and then did begin to
Contend who Shold Succeed theire Father in the Throne
of the Vast Empire (of Hindostan). Whereupon, theire
Father, Chah Jehan, was not a little grieved, but, after
Serious Considerations, concludes to Seperate them, by
Settlinge them in good Goverments, to avoide all such
Contentions, most Especially before his face, and thereby
to remove the jealousie they had of Each Other findinge
himselfe overcharged with all 4 of them, all beinge at
age, all married, all pretendinge to the Crowne, Enemies
to one another.
Hee Sent Sultan Sujah his Secound Son into Bengala,
his third Son Aureng-Zebe* into Decan*, and his youngest
1 From this point to the account of Mir Jumla's death the
writer has followed the translation of Bernier which was published
in London in 1671, and has made extracts therefrom more or less
accurately. Vide Constable's edition oi Bernier^ p. xxvii. and pp. 14 —
115. For other early accounts of this revolution, compare Schoutetty
vol. i. pp. 194 — 238, and Tavernier^ vol. ii. pp. i — 36.
'^ Shah Shuja*.
3 Shah Jahan. The French spelling Chah betrays the origin of
this Account.
* Aurangzeb.
^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Deccan. Compare Thevenot, part iii.
p. 87, " Decan was heretofore a most powerful Kingdom, if one may
believe the Indians ; it consisted of all the Countries that are in that
great Tongue of Land, which is betwixt the Gulfs of Cambaye and
Bengala, all obeyed the same King ; nay, and the Provinces of Bala-
gate, Telenga and Baglana, which are towards the North, were
comprehended within it, so that it may be said that at that time there
was no King in the Indies more powerful than the King of Decan ;
but that Kingdom in process of time hath been often dismembred ;
\
136 BENGALA
Son Morat Bakche^ into Guzaratt*; and to the Eldest
Dara he gave CabuP and Multan*.
The 3 first went away Seemingly contented, and acted
there as Soveraigne Lords and Kings, and wholly retained
to themselves the Revenues of the Said Kingdoms. But
Dara Stirred not from his Father's Court, for as he was
Eldest, soe he Expected the Crowne, which Soon after
caused bloody Civil warrs in Hindostan. Yett Aurenge-
Zebe, the Emperour's 3d. Son, haveinge the best Friends
and in the beginning of the last Age, (when the Portuguese made
Conq^uests therein) it was divided into many Provinces,... and the
i^^ Dommions of him (who was called King of Decan) reached no further
than from the limits of the Kingdom of Cambaye or Guzerat, to the
borders of the principality of Goa, which did not belong to him neither."
^ Murad Bakhsh. The spelling Bakche again betrays the French
/ origin of the statement.
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v, Goozerat. Compare Thevenot^ part iii.
p. 6, "The Province of Guzerat, which was heretofore a Kingdom, fell
mto the Possession of the Great Mogul Ecbar, about.the year 1565....
This is the pleasantest Province of Indostan, though it be not the
largest. The Nardaba, Tapty, and many other Rivers that water it,
render it very fertile, and the Fields of Guzerat look green in all the
seasons of the Year, because of the Corn and Rice that cover them,
and the various kinds of Trees, which continually bear Fruit. The
most considerable part of Guzerat is towards the Sea, on which the
Towns of Surrat and Cambaye stand, whose Ports are the best in
all Mogulistan."
y 3 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v, Cabul. The quotation is useful for the
' history of the word. Compare Thevenot^ part iii. p. 57, "The Pro-
vince of Caboul or Caboulistan is limited to the North by Tartary,
from which it is separated by Mount Caucasus, which the Orientals
call Caf-Dagai. Cachmire lies to the East of it : It hath to the West
Zabulistan, and part of Candahar ; and to the South the Countrey of
Multan. Two of the Rivers that run into the Indus have their source
in the Mountains thereof, from whence they water the Province, and
for all that, render it nothing the more fruitful ; for the Countrey being
very cold, is not fertile, unless in those places that are sheltered
by Mountains : Nevertheless it is very rich, because it hath a very
great Trade with Tartary, the Countrey of the Usbecs, Persia, and the
Indies."
* This passage is quoted almost direct from Bernier. See Con-
stable's edition, p. 15. Compare Thevenot^ ^2lxX. iii. p. 55, "Multan,
^ which comprehends Bucor [Bukkur], has to the South the Province
of Sinde, and to the North the Province of Caboul ; as it hath Persia
to the West, and the Province of Labors to the East. It is watered
with many Rivers that make it Fertile... the Province yields plenty of
Cotton... Sugar, Opium, Brimstone, Galls, and Store of Camels."
BENGALA 1 37
att Court, namely of the Omrahs^ and Emperours Coun-
cell, from whom he had immediate Notice of all trans-
actions touchinge Soe weighty an Affaire, most Especially
of Dara's proceedings, Soe that Dara noe Sooner had an
Army in field, but Aurenge Zebe was in readinesse alsoe,
and Upon his march towards Agra, the Metropolitan of
the Empire*, and which added more to his Strength he
now Enjoys the Assistance of that great and Politick
Warriour Emir Jemla^ Sometime Generall of the Gol-
condah forces*. Dara meeteth him with a Very Potent
army, and noe Sooner mett but a most bloody battle was
fought, and Aurenge-Zebe proved the Conquerour. Dara
fled, and was pursued soe. close that he was Slaine some
few days after*. Whereupon Aurenge-Zebe now marched
into Agra, the Citty of his Father's Residence, Seizeth
old Chah Jehan and imprisoneth him. Then, by advice
of that Politician Emir Jemla, he dissemblingly Submits
to his Brother Morat Backe, declareinge that he was the
Onely Emperour both by gift of his Father and consent
of the Lords and Commons throughout the whole Empire,
and that what he had done was Onely to Establish him in
the Throne, by which policie he Overcame him, and they
joyned forres togeather. Soe that Now Aurenge-Zebe getts
faire Opportunitie to cutt his Brother's head off, and made
Use of itt as an advantage.
1 See note on p. 39.
2 Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 163, "Agra is the capital of this
Empire. The fortress is situated in thirty-eight degrees North lati-
tude, on the banks of the river Jemini, which flows into the Ganges.
The surrounding country is very agreeable, and is adorned with trees
that are always green. The town is very large, beautiful, and thickly
populated with Maures, Persians, Idolaters." See also Tavernier,
vol. i. part ii. pp. 48 — 50, and Bernier^ p. 284 f.
3 Mir Jumla. In the MS. records ((?. C Collection) for 1659, he
appears as " Merjum below, Meerejumbler, Jumbler"!
* See Bernier^ pp. 16 — 2a
^ Bernier^s account (pp. 97 — 103) of Dara's end is somewhat
different, as is also Schouten^s, They both describe the wanderings of
the unfortunate Prince before he was taken prisoner.
138 BENGAL A
Now hath he none to Conquer Save Sultan Sujah (the
Prince of Bengala), who indeed was Enough for him to
doe, the Sultan haveing a most invincible Army, and most
of the, best Military Commanders of Asia to assist him,
himselfe alsoe beinge a very discreet and absolute Soldier,
and Certainly had not failed to Overcome Aurenge-Zebe
to have been absolute Conquerour of him and Emperour
of Hindostan, had he not been falsely and treacherously
betrayed, as foUoweth : —
One of Sultan Sujah's Persian Commanders of the
horse, called Allah VerdikanS who doubtlesse was gained
by gifts and large promises of honour to worke the plott,
Upon the Very Pitch of the battle, Seeinge the whole
Army of Aurenge-Zebe and Emir Jemla to be much
disordered and in great Perill, hastened Upon a Persian
horse toward the Sultan, and called aloud to him in
these words :
Moh-barock-bad, Hazarot, Salamet,
El-hamd-ul-ellah*. vizt.
God Save your Majestie, you have Obtained the Victorie,
why Stay you longer Upon your Elephant, in the name
of God come downe, he hath made you the great Kinge
of Hindostan ^
Sultan Sujah (In the highest measure of Comfort to
See his Enemies flee, and as it were Utterly rowted, cold
not then Suspect any thinge of Victorie) confided in this
perfidious man, and consideringe not or haveinge the least
Suspicion of treason, lighted off his Elephant, which
wrought his owne destruction with many Others of his
loyall Subjects, his owne Army thereat beinge much dis-
1 *AlT VardI Khan (Alahwirdl Khan, Ilahwirdl Khan).
2 Quoted direct from Bernier, See Constable's edition, p. 53.
3 T. B. refers the story to Shah Shuja' in place of Dara. See
Bernier^ p. 53, and p. Tj^ where he credits *AlI Vardi Khan with
employing a similar trick to procure the discomfiture of Shah Shuja'.
\
r
BENGALA 139
comfited, for they Suddenly missinge him, concluded he ^
was Either taken or killed, at which instance of time
Aurenge-Zebe's army Suddenly advanced, and put the
Sultan's army to a great Confusion, and with much facilitie
rowted them. Most of them, without resistance, left off
and Fled, perceiveinge their Prince they fought for noe
more in beinge, in Soe much that Sultan Sujah was
(in a moment of time) from a great Conquerour, and
the greatest of Emperours, Reduced to a Sudden change,
brought to a Vaste Straight to flee for his life and libertie,
with a Small retinue (not Exceedinge 500 persons). Hee
fled to a Small Villadge Seated upon the banks of Ganges',
and thence to Dacca* the Metropolitan of this Kingdome,
where in a Small time he got recruite, but not Sufficient
to keep him longe there, or of hopes to keep his countrey,
for moneys and Other large promises from his adversaries
had soe corrupted the most potent men in the Kingdome
and Court, that it was now impossible for him to be Safe
in his own Pallace, the Goverment of which, and the
Goverment of the 3 kingdoms (namely, Orixa, Bengala,
and Pattana®) was Established Upon Emir Jemla by
Aurenge-Zebe (now absolute Emperour) for the terme of
his life and of his Eldest Son, In Consideration of his
great fidelitie and Conduct in these great Warrs.
Sultan Sujah (now in adversitie), destitute of Ships*
whereby to transport himselfe, his case beinge most de-
sperate, not knowinge which way lyeth his Safety, he
sendeth to the Kinge of Arackan*, (a neighbouringe
1 Monghyr. See Bemier^ p. 80.
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v, Dacca.
^ i.e. Patna.
* See Bernier^ p. 109.
^ Compare Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 27, "Arackan is
the next maritim Country to the Southward of Bengal, and in former
Times made some Figure in Trade. It was into this Country that the
unfortunate Sultan Sujah came a Supplicant for Protection, when
140 BENGALA
Kingdome) craveinge his Assistance and Entertainment
there, which was readily granted, and not more readily
then accepted \ The Arackan Kinge Sends a parcell of
Gylyars^ vizt. Gallys, well fitted and manned with Arac-
kaners' and Frangues*, who came through the Rivers to
Emirjemal chased him out of Bengal. He carried his Wives and
Children with him, and about Two hundred of his Retinue, who were
rfesolved to follow his Fortune, and he carried six or eight Camels
Load of Gold and Jewels which proved his Ruin, and in the End, the
Ruin of the Kingdom of Arackan."
^ Compare Schouten^ vol. i. p. 219 f.
2 See Hobson-Jobsotty s,v. Gallevat. See also Ind. Ant.^ vol. xxix.
p. 408. The text is exceedingly interesting for the history of the
word and proves its identity with the galley, and also with the Bengali
iormjaiid. Compare Bernier^ pp. 109, 175, 179, 181, "Sultan Banque
returned to Dake with a large number of galeasses (as they call the
half galleys of this King).... They scoured the neighbouring seas in
light galleys, called galleasses... These also are the identical free-
booters who... repaired in their galleasses to Daka,... these unworthy
Portuguese were one day seized with so strange a panic as to embark
in forty or fifty galleasses and sail over to Bengale,...." Yule, Hedged
Diary ^ voL ii. p. 184, quotes a letter from Richard Keigwin, under
date 1 8th October, 1679, O, C. No. 4665, in which the following
passage occurs, ** the Enemy thinking we were as easily swallow'd as
the other, came up our steme, with 24 Grobs [see Hobson-Jobson^ s.v.
Grab], I know not how many Galwets...." Compare also the following :
"At the retume of the Surviving lascars with some Arracan people and
Gelliays Mr Everard was buried ashoare." Sloop Princess driven
ashore on the Aracan coast 25th Dec. 1680. [I have unfortunately
lost the location of this extract.] "The Govemours Juliars mett with
William Haggs who left the Ship Degrave some days agoe." Letter
iroin John Pitt at Masulipatam to Capt. Young, 14th Aug. 1699, O. C.
No. 6703. Tavernier^ vol. ii. last section, p. 49, says, "1 took one [of
these barks] with four and twenty men.... These Barks are little Galliots,
which will undertake to carry you to your journey's end, and name
your own day...l never made so pleasant a Voyage in my life, nor with
less trouble. For in these Barks there is a Room where the Sun cannot
come in, where you may repose in the day time, and sit in the cool Air
on that side from whence the Breez comes." Schouten has also several
mentions of the " Jelyasses " of Aracan. " Hardly had the sun risen when
we descried the Jelyasses or oared-galleys of the King [of Aracan]."
Vol. i. p. 166. "A little while after this storm,... twelve jeliasses of
Aracan... anchored at Pipely." Vol. ii. p. 63. "Jeliasses are very
long and narrow boats, apparently constructed principally with a
view to swiftness. Indeed they cover long distances on the rivers.
They carry no sails, but they have as many as thirty-eight or forty
oars." Vol. ii. p. 66.
3 The pirates of Aracan, of whom the writer speaks more fully
later on.
* See Hobson-Jobsofty s.v, Firinghee. Fryer^ Index, has " Fringi,
BENGALA I4I
Dacca, where they received the Sultan, his Wifes and
Children, &c. necessaries, with about 200 of his Atten-
dants, great Store of treasure, vizt. Gold and Silver Rupees,
vast riches in Jewels, namely Diamonds, Rubies, and
Pearle, which caused a kinder reception then he Expected,
and Soon after Destruction, Fore one yeare was scarse
Expired, but the Overthrow of the Prince (and most of
his retinue) was brought to Effect.
I have heard it Related 2 ways*, (as followeth), and
I doe believe they were both put in Execution. The
Kinge of this Countrey, now Seemingly the Protector of
the distressed Prince Sujah, is an Idolater, and doth re-
quest the Sultan's Eldest daughter to wife*. The Sultan
layeth the thinge plainely downe to him that it is against
the laws of God and his Prophet Mahomet, he not beinge
a Mussleman*, ergo begged of him to desist such his
desires ; at which the Kinge was Sorely displeased, and
cold not be pacified, but Sought the totall destruction of
the Sultan and all that appertained to him, and to bringe
this his malice to perfection, himselfe ordered one part
of his owne pallace to be Set on fire in the night, and,
an European," and p. 113, "These [Diamonds cut with a mill] are
sold most in the Country, they coming short of the Fringies in Fancy."
Compare the Memoriall of Streynsham Master under date 19th
March, 1679, quoted by Mackenzie, Kistna* District, p. 130, " Between
3 and 4 in the morning we sett out and about 9 with easy travailing
came to Yentapollam, in the way we passed over a place which have
formerly been inhabited by Portuguese called Fringe Burane : some
stones with inscriptions lay in the way." Compare also p. 206 of the
same book, " Near the line of the old Madras road is the spot known as
Feringhi or Frangula Dibba, the mound of the foreigners, where there
was once a Portuguese settlement." See also Pringle, Consultations
for 1684, p. 189, where, in a note on "Castez and Mustez" he quotes
the following, "the Portuguese, whether of Europe or Brazil, are at
Goa called indifferently Frangues or Fringuins or Reinoes." Tavernier,
vol. ii. p. 53, has, "there have always been in the Kingdom of Rakan
or Moy, some Portugueses... and other Franguis, gather'd from all
parts."
^ Copied from Bernier, see p. Ii2f.
2 See Bemier, p. iiof.
' See note on p. 76.
>r
142 BENGALA
at the Uproar thereof, gave it out that Sultan Sujah and
his. Retinue had done the Fact, thereby to accomplish
some great desine he had in Swayinge the Scepter of this
Kingdome, which soe incensed the Guards and Soldiery
of the Citty that next to squenchinge the fire they En-
deavour to Squench theire thirst with the blood of the
Sultan and those that appertained to him. The Sultan
fled towards the Mountains, and his Small traine with him,
but were soe Severely pursued that the Woody Mountains
Sbecame theire Sepulchres.
Much flyinge News arrived att Agra and DellyS and
most Eminent places in the Empi/e conceminge Sultan
Sujah, that it was affirmed 2 or 3 years after his death
that he was alive, and wold by the helpe of God and
his Prophet, Seeke revenge off his Brother, Aurenge-
Zebe.
But, Since it was truely made to appeare that he was
soe basely Murthered in Arackan, Aurenge-Zebe, now the
present Emperour, and once the Sultan's greatest Enemie,
Seeketh revenge for that innocent blood, and will never,
(as himself hath often Sworne) be at amitie with the Kinge
or Kingdome of Arackan.
Emir Jemla hath now the Goverment of Bengala,
Orixa, and Pattana, firmly by Phyrmand' Setled Upon
him with an absolute Power and title of Nabobs Hee
^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Delhi. It is a pity that Yule did not trace
the rise of the wrong transposed h in the modem word "Delhi," as it does
not represent any vernacular form and is not found, so far as I know,
in any of the old 17th century writers. Compare Thevenot^ part iii.
p. 40, who gives the h of the Indo-Persian form Dehli in its right place,
"The Province of Dehly bounds that of Agra to the North, and at
present the Great Mogul Auran-zeb keeps his Court in the chief City
of it, which is about fourty five Leagues distant from Agra. In Indo-
stan it is called Gehan-abad, and elsewhere Dehly." The Hindi form
is Dilli.
2 i.e. firman. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Firmaun. This and the quo-
tations later on are valuable as showing the use of the word for Royal
Letters-Patent or Charters.
3 Nawdb, a Muhammadan Viceroy. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Nabob.
■i^S5
sass!
BENGALA I43
makes Dacca ^ the Metropolitan, beinge a fairer and
Stronger Citty then Radja Mehal^ the antient Metro-
polis, the Kingdoms wholy Submittinge to him, Save the
Radjas of Orixa, Scarce worth his while to Send an army
against, haveinge greater and more Noble designes in his
head, and now he is noe Sooner Setled in this Kingdome,
but begins a warre with the Radja of Acham^ a Stronge
and Potent Neighbouringe Prince. Makeinge Use of the
best of time, his army beinge now well Seasoned to warre
and Martiall Discipline, he makes hay while the Sun
Shines, and with all speed marcheth into the Countrey,
ransacks and Subdues all before him, fortifieth many
stronge holds, and in a Small time brought the Kinge of
that Countrey to such a Straite that he was forced to flee,
and leave it to the mercy of this great Heroe*, who next
purposed to adventure both life and fortune against South
^ Compare Thevenot^ part iii. p. 68, "Daca, or Daac, is properly
the capital City of Bengala ; it lies upon the banck of the Ganges, and
is very narrow, because it stretches out near a League and a half in
length, along the side of that River. Most of the Houses are only
built of canes, covered with Earth : The English and Dutch Houses
are more solid, because they have spared no cost for the security of
their Goods : The Augustines have a Monastery there also. The Tide
comes up as far as Daca, so that the Galleys which are built there
may easily Trade in the gulf of Bengala; and the Dutch make good
use of theirs for their Commerce."
2 Rajmahal, once a place of great importance in Bengal. Com-
pare Tavernier, vol. i. part ii. p. 54, "Rage-Mehale is a City upon the
right hand of Ganges; and if you go by Land, you shall find the
high-way, for a League or two, pav'd with Brick to the Town.
Formerly the Governors of Bengala resided here ; it being an excellent
Country for hunting, besides that it was a place of great Trade. But
now the River having taken another course, above a good half League
from the City, as well for that reason, as to keep in awe the King of
Aracan, and several Portuguese Banditti, who are retir'd to the
mouths of Ganges, and made excursions even as far as Daca it self ;
both the Govemour and the Merchants have remov'd themselves to
Daca, which is at present a large City, and a Town of great Trade."
2 Assam. The spelling Acham does not occur among the quo-
tations given in Hobson-Jobsotiy s.v. Assam.
* The author says nothing of Mir Jumla's enforced detention
during the rainy season, nor of his costly retreat. See Bernier^
p. 172 f.
144 BENGALA
\ Tartarian ; but Death, the Certaine call of all Mortals, now
takes away the famous Emir Jemla^ to the great griefe
J of all wise and Eminent Persons in these kingdoms, not
a little dolefull to the poore, and the great losse these
Kingdoms Sustained is Unmeasurable. They lost the
/ best of Nabobs^ the Kingdome of Acham^ and, by con-
sequence, many large priviledges.
The Europeans (Especially the English here resideinge)
had great cause to Lament his death. He was an absolute
lover and a most Indulgent Prince to all Ingenuous men,
very charitable, and a real lover of the English Nation,
all in generall (that Ever knew him) were Enamoured
with his perfections,, and a great many admired him in
a great measure, Esteeminge him as the glorious mirror
of all Princely Graces*.
Aurenge-Zebe was Seemingly grieved to heare of his
Death, although he not longe before repented himselfe
that Emir Jembla had such an Invincible Power conferred
Upon him, insomuch that, for Some years before, Aurenge-
Zebe cold scarse heare of his name, or have the least
cogitations of him, but wold Shake his head, haveinge
noe power to retaine his griefe, or Ever thought of the
1 The authority for this statement is to be found in Bemier^
p. 171.
2 The date of his death was the 31st March, 1663.
3 See note on p. 142. For an account of the exact extent of
power enjoyed by a nawdb, see Dow, History of Hindostan, vol. iii.
p. Iii.
* For a further account of the Assam campaign, see Tavermer,
vol. i. part ii. p. 178, and vol. ii. p. 52 f. In vol. i. Mir Jumla appears
as Mirgimola.
^ T. B. could hardly have obtained this impression of Mir Jumla
from the English themselves. The records of the time are full of
complaints of the exactions of the Nabob. In 1659, he stopped the
saltpetre boats on their way down from Patna, and hampered the trade
of the English in every way, besides exacting an annual offering of
three thousand rupees. See Wilson, Early Annals, vol. i. p. 34 f.
However, Stewart, History of Bengal, p. 295, says, ** His death was
even regretted by the Europeans, who had formerly complained of
his exactions."
npMvpwvaaaw
BENGALA 14^
flourishinge State of Emir Jemla, but looked Upon it as
the dismall Coffin in which he himselfe was buried alive.
Beinge timorous that Emir Jemla's growinge greatnesse
wold at length tend to his owne prejudice if he shold
once aime at the Empire, which caused the Emperour at
the news of his Death (although he Sighed) yet Uttered
these words, " Now am I absolute Emperor of India"^
Emir Jemla's Son Succeeded not his Father (accord-
inge to Phyrmane); however, the Mogoll was Extra-
ordinary kind to him in all Other respects, passinge the
Custome of this Empire, more Especially after the death
of his Father. He kept him at his owne Court, made him
one of his Chiefest Omrahs^ and associates, and freely
gave him all his Fathers Estate and riches into his own
possession, and to be wholly at his owne disposal^.
Nabob Shah-hest-Kan* (Soon after the death of the
Emir) had the goverment of these 3 Kingdoms tranferred
Upon him** dureinge the Emperour^s pleasure, who thought
to himselfe that he had now put in one who wold in all
respects be very Obedient, meerly out of beinge soe neare
of blood and an antient man, vizt. his owne Uncle®. But
he, findinge his Revenues to be very great, altogeather
as much if not Exceedinge the Emperours revenues, that
he Soone grew insolent, and denied any tribute to Aureng-
1 See Bernier, p. 173, where, however, the remark is not attributed
to the Emperor himself. See also Tavernier^ vol. ii. p. 53, who tells
the same story.
2 Umara^ Ar. plu. of amtr^ noble. See note on p. 39. Compare
also Fryer, p. 195, on " Ombrahs."
3 Here the writer again follows Bernier, p. 173.
* Shayista Khan. Chah-hestkan is Bernier's spelling throughout.
See pp. 174 fF.
^ In 1664. See Hunter, History of British India, vol. ii. p. 238 f.
According to Bernier, p. 174 (Constable's note) it was in 1666
that Shayista Khan became Viceroy of Bengal. Stewart, however,
gives 1664.
^ His maternal uncle. Shayista Khan was a son of the Vizier
Asaf Khan, and brother of Shah Jahan's favourite wife, Mumtaz Mahal,
the eponym of the Taj at Agra.
T. ^^
MHHiMaMM|i
146 BENGALA
Zebe, to whome it was due^ By sufficient testimonie, his
revenue came to a lack vizt. 1 00000 rupees per diem,
which is 12 thousand 500 pounds Sterlingel The first
yeare I arrived in India^ he Sent the Emperour 80 lacks
of rupees, but the Ensueinge yeare, and soe forwards, he
Seemed to be very Unwillinge to send him any, and re-
tained the whole revenues to himselfe; soe that now all
the tribute this great Coesar cold get hence was a Short
answer that the treasure was as safe in Dacca as in his
owne Exchequer in Agra or Delly^
^ The writer can now no longer follow Bernier^ but writes from his
own experience or from stories current in his time. There is no con-
firmation in either Elliot's or Stewart's history for the statement that
Shayista Khan failed to give the Emperor his due, at any rate during
the early years of his rule in Bengal.
2 i.e. placing the rupee at 2s. 6d. at the time of the author. On the
28th October, 1676, Streynsham Master wrote from Kasimbazar to the
Court {Diary 0/ Streynsham Master^ p. 221), "This Person [* Shasta
Chaun'] hath binn Nabob or GoveYnour of Bengala 15 yeares, and
hath got so great a treasure together as the like is seldome Heard of
now a dayes in the world, being computed by knowing Persons at
38 Curore of rupees, each Currore is a Million sterling at 2^. 6d.
Rupee so his treasure is above 40 millions Sterling and his income
dayly 2 Lack or 200000 Rupees which is above 20000 lb. Sterling of
which his expence is above the one halfe, and yett he is every day
more coveteous then other...."
3 1669.
* Here again the writer seems to be repeating the stories afloat
soon after his arrival in India. Of the covetousness of Shayista Khan,
there were bitter complaints by the English during the whole of his
rule. As early as 1665, the Factors at Hugh wrote {Factory Records^
Miscellaneous, No. 3), " Dacca could take a large quantity of Europe
goods if it were under another Nabob, the present being most
covetous." Compare also another paragraph in the letter from Streyn-
sham Master quoted above {Diary 0/ Streynsham Master, p. 221),
"he is every day more covetous then other, soe that to relate to you
the many wayes that are continually invented by his Duan (one of the
Craftiest men in the Kingdome) and his Governrs. to bring money in
to his Coffers wold be as endless as admirable, both for their witt and
Cruelty...." In the "Accompt of the Trade of Hugly" by Walter
Clavell, among the papers forming the appendix to the Diary of
Streynsham Master, pp. 317 — 322, there is the following detailed
account of the exactions of Shayista Khan: "But since the yeare
1663 or thereabouts, that Nabob Shasti Chaun the present Kings
Uncle became Suba or Vice Roy of Bengali, and obtained Hugly as
part of his Jaggere (or lands assigned him for his Person) his Servants
being made soe far Governours as to receive all the rents, profitts,
BENGALA I47
For now this Shah-hest-Kan hath Entertained such
false principles to accomodate his haughty humour, that
he makes no question but it is his right not to obey any
longer then till he cold get power to Command, and
concluded that noe method was Unlawfull by which he
cold make himselfe Supremd. Where upon Aurenge-Zebe
weighed his Uncles most Unpleasinge actions with most
serious consideration.
And, in the yeare 1678, the Emperour's Son beinge
at age, a fitt and most palpable Opportunity for him to
reduce this Goverment to a better State, he sends him
into the Kingdome of Pattana, with proclamations fore-
runninge, proclaiminge him the true and lawfull Prince
of Bengala &c., beinge well Satisfied that the Nobilite,
more Especially the Commonalty, wold be very ready and
joy full to reverence him their lawfull Prince and Issue of
their great Emperor.
Many of the Grandees of these 3 Kingdomes mett
their Prince at Pattana, and the rest at Radja MehaP,
who, by behaveinge himselfe courteously towards them,
soon winne their hearts, soe that now by Joint consent
they Send to Nabob Shah-hest-Kan to prepare himselfe
for his Journey to Agra. Hee now beinge Sensible there
is noe Safety for him, Unlesse he can procure the
Emperour's favour, hasteneth with all Speed, Openeth
his (laden) Exchequers of Gold and Silver, and was Soone
in readinesse for his Journey, soe that he left Dacca before
Perquisites, fines, Customes &ca of the place, the Kings Governours
hath little more than the name and for the most part sits Still whilst
the Nabobs Officers oppress the people, monopolize most Commodityes
even as low as grass for Beasts, canes, firewood, thatch &ca nor doe
they want wayes to oppress those people of all sorts who trade, whether
Natives or Strangers, since what ever they doe, when complained of to
• Dacca, is palliated under the name and Colour of the Nabobs interest...."
See Hunter, History of British India^ p. 238 f. who says that all infidels
suffered alike under the rapacious rule of ** Shaista Khan," the English
, neither more nor less than others.
* See note on p. 143.
10 — 2
\
\
148 BENGALA
the Prince came from Radja Mehall. His treasure was
now growne to an Incredible height^ He laded 60 Pa-
tellas* with Silver, and, by credible report, tenne with
Gold Moors^ each Patella not carryinge lesse one with
another (besides his lumber of travailinge Necessaries,
vizt Tents, Palanchinoes*, Servants, Souldiery, &c.) then
25 or 30 tunns of. Plate. And Now Shah-hest-Kan is
gone in peace towards Agra, and noe question but may
Easily make up his peace at Court, carryinge more riches
with him to present the Emperor with then Ever his
Forefathers or himselfe Enjoyed att once**.
^
^ See note on p. 146.
2 Large flat-bottomed boats.
3 Mohurs. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Mohur. Compare the follow-
ing in a letter from Hugli to Balasor, 14th Oct. 1678, O. C. No. 4502,
"One John Vander Vail... finding kind entertainment in the Factory
[at Dacca] in the night opened a scrittore of Mr. Nedhams and stole
out 25 or 26 gold Mohurs." See Bernier^ p. 60 and Constable's note,
also p. 476 f. ibid.
* See note on p. 19.
^ From contemporary records, we get the following accounts,
from the English point of view, of Shayista Khan and his recall.
In Oct. 1677, there is the first mention of "Shasty Cawhns" recall.
According to rumour, he was summoned to " Dilly " to quiet a disorder
caused by the "killing of a sonne of a great Rajahpoot." ' Later in the
month a report was current that the " Nabob" by the "intercession of
his old Begum" had obtained leave to remain "Subah of Bengali" at
the cost of a present to the King of "3 Croer" of Rupees. In Nov.
the factors at Hugli "had advice from the Dutch that Shausteh Caun
Nabob of Bengali was turned out and that Feddei Caun was appointed
to come in his place but we can give but little creditt to it as to all
news of this nature." Four days later there is the record {Factory
Records^ Hugh, No. i], "By advices this day from Decca are given
to understand that Nabob Shausteh Caun is called away from the
Government of Bengali and that another Nobleman named Aazzum
Caun is deputed and sent by the Emperour in his place, this day write
to Pattana concerning it ordered them to vissit this new Nabob in his
way hither and to learne what they could about our Businesse of
paying custome in those parts and to give us punctuall advice." Again,
four days later, there is the entry, " This day received advices from
Cassimbuzar treating of the great difficulty they found to gett our
Masters peter boats cleered at Meirdadpoore where they have been
detained ever since the 13th current by Nabob Shausteh Cauns people
to carry up his luggage to Pattana." In Dec. 1677 "Auzum Cawne'*
formerly " Phuddy Cawne " the new Suba of Bengal arrived at Hugli.
In Feb. 1678 "Shaste Cawne" arrived at "Pattana'' and visited the
Prince and " departed the next day for Dilly." In April the following
\
BENGAL A I 49
And Now the Prince is Entertained with great Solem-
nitie and Splendour att his Royal pallace in Dacca.
The Citty Dacca* is a Very large spacious one, but
report was current {O. C. No. 4394) "Nabob Shausteh Caun...is now in
great disgrace at Dacca... how he will come off we cannot tell." On
the 26th June the factors at Hugli wrote to Balasor (O.C. No. 4444)
confirming "the Princes having the Government of Bengali bestowed
upon him and of his entrance into Rajamaull, we have advices that he
is proceeded thence to Dacca." In June, 1678, news reached Hugli
"that the king had been to Vizit our old Nabob Shaster Caun where
he presented him with incredable sums, whereupon he had given him
Agra and Elohebaud for his Jaggeer or rents, and he is appointed to
keepe neare the king but is not by reason of his great age made Vizier
as formerly reported." [Factory Records^ Hugli, No. i.J From these
extracts it will be seen that gossip was very busy as to the reason of
the recall of the nawab. From Stewart, History of bengal, pp. 300 —
307, we get a clear account of Shayista Khan's recall, of his two
successors, and of his re-instatement in 1679/80. He says, "Shaista
Khan governed Bengal, with great prudence and vigour, till the end of
the year 1087 [1677J; when, at his own request, he was recalled to
Court. On his arrival, he presented the Emperor with thirty lacs of
rupees (nearly 350,000/.) in specie, some elephants, and a number of
curiosities. He was most graciously received, and soon after ap-
pointed Governor of the province of Agra." See also Taylor, 7^?/^-
graphy of Dacca^ p. TJ. On the return of "Shasteh Caun" orders
were given at Hugli for him "to be presented with 2 Persian Horses,
less can't be given him as he will be absolute Govemour having paid
30000000 rs. for it." Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 2, under date 26th
Jan. 1680. Shayista Khan resigned the government of Bengal in
1689 and died at Agra in 1694, aged 93 lunar years.
^ Compare the description of Dacca by Tavernier, vol. i. part ii.
p. 55, " Daca is a great Town, that extends it self only in length ;
every one coveting to have an house by the Ganges-side. The length
of this Town is above two leagues. And indeed from the last Brick-
Bridge which 1 mention'd to Daca, there is but one continued row of
Houses separated one from the other; inhabited for the most part by
Carpenters that build Galleys and other small Vessels. These Houses
are properly no more than paltry Huts built up with Bambouc's, and
daub'd over with fat Earth. Those of Daca are not much better
built : The Govemours Palace is a place enclos'd with high Walls, in
che midst whereof is a pitiful House, built only of Wood. He generally
lodges in Tents, which he causes to be set up in a great Court of that
Enclosure. The Hollanders finding that their Goods were not safe in
the ordinary Houses of Daca, have built them a very fair House ;
and the English have another, which is reasonably handsom. The
Church of the Austin- Friers is all of Brick, and is a very comely Pile."
See Thevenofs description quoted on p. 143. Compare also Alex.
Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 23, "[...must visit Dacca, which lies
under the Tropick of Cancer, on the broadest and eastermost Branch
of Ganges. The City is the largest in Bengal, and it manufactures
Cotton and Silk the best and cheapest. The Plenty and Cheapness
of Provisions are incredible, and the Country is full of Inhabitants...."
ISO BENGALA
standeth Upon low marshy Swampy ground, and the
water thereof Very brackish, which is the onely incon-
venience it hath, but it hath some very fine conveniencies
that maketh amends, haveinge a fine and large River that
runneth close by the walls thereof, navigable for Ships of
5 or 600 tunns in burthen, and the water of the River
beinge an arme of the Ganges is Extraordinary good, but
it is a great way to be fetched by Some of this Citty, for
it is not lesse in Circuit then 40 English miles.
An admirable Citty for it's greatnesse, for it's magni-
ficent buildings ^ and multitude of Inhabitants. A very
great and Potent army is here in constant Sallary and
readinesse, as alsoe many large, Stronge, and Stately
Elephants, trained Up for a Warlike Service, which are
kept continually neare to the Pallace.
Many Elephants, both for Warre and State, are here
kept by Severall rich m^n, and therefore by consequence
a Very great Soldiery, for noe man in the Kingdome is
admitted to ride an Elephant in State, Unlesse he Con-
tinually keep 500 horse to be ready at the Princes Service.
The English and Dutch have each of them a Factorie
in the Citty of Dacca*; yet theire investments are but
^ Both Mir Jumla and Shayista Khan were great builders. Taylor,
Topography of Dacca^ p. 78, says, "A considerable number of public
buildings as mosques, alms-houses &c. were raised by Shaista Khan,
and judging'from the prevalence of the style of building which is here
[Dacca] called * Shaista Khany,* a great portion of the large bricks
built houses of the town appear to have been erected in his time.** On
p. 95 of the same book, we read, "The palace of the Lall Baug was
commenced in 1678 by Sultan Mohammed Azim, the third son of the
Emperor Aurengzebe, and was left by him in an unfinished state to
Ameer Al Omrah Shaista Khan his successor in the government....
Shaista Khan appears never to have completed this structure... the
little Kuttra...was erected by Shaista Khan in 1663, and is still the
property of his descendants."
^ The English Factory was started about the year 1666. In a
letter to Hugli dated 24th Jan. 1668, the Court comment on infor-
mation received in the previous year that "Decca is a place that will
vend much Europe goods, arid that the best Cossaes, Mullmuls &c.
may there be procured.*' If the factors at Hugli were of opinion that
the settling a Factory at Dacca would result in a large sale of broad
s
\
BENGALA IS I
Small, on each Side beinge very Inconsiderable, and yet
are of great consequence in Some Other and weightier
concerns, for here they are neare the Prince and Court,
Under whom all our Factories in Bengala and Pattana
hold their Phirmane^ soe that if wee receive any wronge
or prejudice from a Governour, or Merchant, or Others
of this Countrey, or any Other Under his precinct, wee
are heare ready to demand Justice.
The Secound best Citty that is in this Kingdome* is
called Cattack", a very decent and more comely Citty then
cloth, they had liberty given them " to send 2 or 3 fitt persons thither
to reside." Letter Booky No. 4. From this it appears that the Dacca
Factory did not receive official sanction until 1668. In 1670 it was in
full swing with John Smith as chief. During the time comprised in
T. B.'s "Account" there were two other chiefs, viz. Robert Elwes who
died there in 1675, and Samuel Hervy who, was assisted by Fytche
Nedham. In the Diary of Streynsham Master under date 23rd Nov.
1676, p. 269 f, we find that "Mr Walter Clavell was desired to draw
up Instructions to Mr Hervy and Mr Nedham for the management of
the Honble. Company's business at Dacca. ..Mr Hervy representing
to the Councell that the Companys house in Dacca is very streight and
not capable to receive and secure the Honble. Companyes goods by
reason of severall thatcht hovells within and round about the com-
pound which are very dangerous in respect of fire which often happens
m Dacca. The Councell did therefore order that brick buildings be
forthwith erected to secure the Companys Goods not exceeding one
thousand rupees for this yeare...," Taylor, Topography of Dacca,
p. 97, says that the only portion of the English Factory now remain-
mg is the outer wall, and that of the Dutch Factory no trace exists
except the walled terrace on which it stood.
^ See note on p. 142.
2 Orixa, Pattana, and Bengala collectively formed the Muhamma-
dan Kingdom or Province of Behar.
3 See Hobson-fobson^ s.v. Cuttack. Compare the following from
the Diary of Streynsham Master^ 28th Aug. 1676, p. 45, "Mirza
Wooly the (iovernour of this Towne [Balasor], and yesterday the
Duan went hence to Cateck the Capitoll citty of Orixa to meet the
new Governour of that Province one of Shatta Cawnes Sonnes."
Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. i. p. 390 f. thus describes Cuttack —
" Cattack is still a large City, walled round, and a good many Cannon
planted on its Walls, but neither the Wall nor Artillery are kept in good
Order. The Town is not one Quarter Part inhabited ; but the Ruins
of many large Buildings shew sufficiently its ancient Grandeur, when
Kings kept their Courts there. Its Figure is an Oblong for a League
long, and a Mile broad. It is garrisoned with 5000 Foot, and 500
Horse. The English Company had once a fine Factory in Cattack.
Most of its Walls were standing in ^'^^a 1708 and a Garden that
belonged to the Factory was then -* ^^^ 1687. ^. »
152 BENGALA
Dacca, but not one halfe soe large, but much more beauti-
full, although an Inland one, five days Journey from
Ballasore, adorned with goode and Sumpteous buildings,
broad Streets, surrounded with Excellent Ponds and Water
Springs, delicate Groves of Mango\ tamarind Palmito^
Palmero^ and Coconutt trees all very much adorninge.
The Governour hereof hath a very large traine, a very
Potent army, and liveth Prince like, and is the next in
place to the Prince himselfe, and hath the title of Nabob.
Hee is put into place by the Prince of Bengala and
his councell. Dureinge theire pleasure he continueth in it,
but noe longer, which Seldome Exceedeth 3 or 4 years^,
for feare of his growinge overrich and Powerfull. The
Revenues and Exactions of this Nabob beinge very in-
credible, (yet in one respect not^) consideringe the power
he doth and may take over the richest of Gentues and
Banjan Merchants, of which this Part of the Kingdom hath
great Numbers.
I Remember, in the yeare 1674, when I lived in the
towne of Ballasore, (the onely Sea Port in the Bay of
Bengala), a new Nabob was Sent from Dacca to Settle
in Cattack, the Old one beinge first sent for to avoide
contention betweene them*. The new Nabob in his
1 See notes on pp. 48, 22, 46 and 24.
2 There were five nawdbs in the ten years 1669 — 1679.
3 The writer does not explain this reservation.
* The " new Nabob " was " Ruzzeed Chaan " [Rashid Khan] who
succeeded "Suph Secund Chaan " [Safshikan Khan] in 1674. From
the Factory Records and O. C. Collection, we get the following
particulars about the nawdbs of Orixa at this period : In March, 1673,
"Advises'' were received at Hugli "from Cateck that Nabob Zoflfy
Chaan [SafI Khan] is come to Pattana in the place of Ibrahim Chaan'*
who was " jaggered " [granted an estate {jdgir\ pensioned]. A few
months later " Softy Chaan Jaggeer'd and Saph Secund chaan to
succeed him in his place." In Dec. 1674, Walter Clavell, chief at the
Bay, wrote from Balasor, " To Cateck wee have lately a nother Nabob
arrived of the Pattana Cast in place of Suph Secund Chaan who is
caled to Court and there advanced to be droga of the Topecanna
which Answers to ou- *\ t-^^ ***", ance : he was called hence in' hast
tory at Dacca wouki
\
I
I
\
BENGALA 153
Journey tooke all Opportunities to get moneys, in soe
much that he lett Slipp none whereby he might Enrich
him selfe Either by legal or Illegal means. He came
neare to Ballasore, Vizt. within one mile and J of it, where
he sent for most rich Merchants of Gentues^ and Banjans*,
commandinge theire Estates, or considerable portions of
them, att his owne pleasure. His demands off Some were
ID, 20, 30, 40, 50 thousand rupees, and of Some more,
accordinge as they were of abilitie, (haveinge Subtle fellows
near him that had first pryed into their Estates).
And for noe Other law or reason, but that he told them
he wanted a great Summ of moneys to welcome him into
the Place, and (in Short) that he wold have it by one means
or Other. In soe much that the Merchants can now plead
nothinge but Poverty, whereby to come off the Cheaper,
and yet deare Enough too, as for Example —
One day I was close by his Tent in Company with an
acquaintance of mine (a Dutch Doctor' then belonginge to
Personally to attend the King in his advance against the Pattans who
had made great Incead [? inroad] into Indostan, this Alteration of
Nabobs and Govemours doth Continually Augment your Charges and
yet Such is the Persimonious Nature as well of those who are
Advanced as those that are removed if they do not proportion their
expences to their Incommodities as the Prince (Shah) Sujah and after
him Mierjumlah did : nor is it to be hoped that broad Cloath and
other wolen goods will find any Saile in these parts unless Some
young Nabob or a Son of the Kings come to succeed the Nabob of
Decca/' Of the " new Nabob " we have the following accounts :
" Ruzzeed Caan is a man of so bad a temper that wee have no
hopes of sending by Narragur [from Kasimbazar] without having greate
trouble and charge in presents." "We have notice [in 1675] of "ot a
worse Nabob come to Orissa then the present Ruzzard Chaan who
robs the hole Country in and a bout Cateck." " Ruzzeed Chaan "
probably assumed office in May or June, 1674, for in the O, C.
Collection there is a document in Persian endorsed " Nabob Ruzzeed
Chaans Phirwanna procured in Ballasore in June, 1674." In Nov.
1677 "Azzum Caun his Son is to be Nabob of Orixa." The "Nabob
of Orixa" in Dec. 1678 was "Nouralla Caun" [Nuru'llah Khan].
^ See note on p. 6.
2 See note on p. 24.
^ Perhaps De Graaf, the Dutch Surgeon who made six voyages
to the East Indies between 1640 and 1687. See Orme, Historical
154 BENGALA
the Campe), att which Juncture of time a great Banjan
Merchant called Chim Cham\ great broker to the English
Fragments^ vol. ii. pp. xiv. and xlvii. f., and Voyages de Nicolas de Graaf
aux Indes Orientales, from which several extracts will be found later
on in the notes.
1 "Chimcham and Chintamund" (Khemchand and Chintaman)
were brokers to the English at Balasor for many years, aitd of the
former especially there are many notices in the contemporary records.
The following mentions of the firm, extracted from Factory Records
and the O. C. Collection, give a fair idea of the position held by these
two Hindu traders, and of the important part they often played at this
period. In 1669, "Chim Cham" contracted to supply goods to the
English at Balasor. In June of the same year, the evidence of " Chim
Cham Cheife Merchant of Ballasore " is quoted with regard to affairs
in 1663. In Oct. 1670, the factors at Hugh wrote to the Court, "The
Cotton Yame and Ginghams... wee have endeavoured this year to
redress by drawing their provision out of Chim Chams hands whome
wee find not fitting to bee much longer employed in your business,
haveing bin so much exalted by former Cheifes who were partakers
with him." However, in 1672, Chim Cham was still the "cheife
Merchant at Ballasore," In that year he was mulcted of some of his
wealth by the faujddr of Cuttack. " Henry Charnock returned from
Cateck with the new Phirwanna bringing a letter from Burmull in
answer to that I sent he staying there with Chimcham and Jurradge-
shaw...the Fousdar detains Chimcham Prisoner att Cateck and his
Enlargement cannot be purchased for less than 30,000 rupees which
please to consider and the consequence... these last doings have
occasioned every house of any Esteeme to Entertain many peons,
Chimchams house 50... Chimcham returned from Cateck by complying
and Giving Security to pay rupees 10,000 in 17 days and 20,000 rupees
in 3 months the which with the Cowries he mentioned to you... will
rise high... Chimcham... notwithstanding his present troubles he hath
'estate Sufficient to Indemnify our masters and all others which is
sufficient for our proceeding in delivering him this day his share of the
25000 rupees being rupees 7500." In 1673 trade was 1^^^ ^^ Balasor;
" Chim Cham keepes aloofe oflfand seeing wee have no money to advance
here is unwilling to take off our goods.... Broad Cloth will not sell.
Chim Cham alone hath remaining on his hands... Rupees 30000 of
that Commodity and yet hath not taken off all the last yeare." In the
Diary of Streynsham Master^ 30th Aug. 1676, there is an allusion to
the great Balasor merchant : " This forenoon the merchants were sent
for and treated with... about the investment to be made here this yeare,
and Chim Cham the Cheife of them was very high and indifferent
whether he dealt with the Company or not." Terms were made with
the merchants and Chim Cham was ordered to be security for three
whose credit appeared to be "faileing." In 16.78, the rich merchant's
goods were agam seized by a native officer : " This evening Chym
Cham in his return from Decca came to our Factory... Chim chams
boate necessaryes being stoped by the Meirbar he sent to have it
cleered, and the new Muzzareefe demanded what it was, Chim Cham
replyed, there was nothing but his beding and wareing clothes, the
Muzzareefe caused it to be searched and some new pieces of cloth and
BENGALA 155
East India Company, came out of the Countrey to crosse
the River about J of a mile from the Campe. The hungry
Nabob immediately Enquired who that was goinge by with
stuff being found amongst it (being only what was intended for cloths
and to carry for his house use) the Muzzareefe caused it to be all
carryed to the casharee [Kachahri, Kutcherry, Court-house] as forfited
and would not let them goe...." In Nov. 1678 Chim Cham and his
fellow merchants obtained leave to build a warehouse in the Factory
at Balasor "at their own charge '* the said warehouse to be used
solely for the Company's goods, " except in case of very great exigency
and then to advise and have licence from Hugly for their soe doing."
In 1679 Chim Cham's influence as a merchant was still very great :
In regard to a dispute about a house and piece of ground in Balasor,
claimed by the Dutch, Mr Edwards was directed to "gett the
Congoes [kdnidngo's] Chaup if necessary by meanes of Chimcham
or Cullean [Kalyan] Ray." In the same year Chimcham's partner
is mentioned : " Wee admire Chimcham and Chintamund should
refuse to be Security for those persons who provide goods of the
Investment enordered with you." In March, 1680, "Arrived a ship
belonging to Chimcham from Tenasseree with Elephants." In July
of the same year " Chintamundsaw " received a severe reprimand
from Hugli for "Boggling" about a debt he owed the Company.
In 1681 tjhe Council at Hugli refused to allow Chintamundsaw any
share in the Investment "in regard of his being engaged to Nabob
Russeed Cawne... Chimcham in the meane time being Content to
Supply him with soe much monyes as Comes to his Shaire in
hopes the Chiefe and Councell upon his Submission and promise
will Receive him into favour and Continue him in his Employment
as formerly." In 1682 Chimcham was still able to dictate his own
terms to the Company : " We understand Chimcham is mighty hasty
and declares if he may not receive imprest in proportion to his late
title of cheife Merchant that he will none." In 1684 news reached
Hugli that a " Gomasta" in Chintamund's service had purchased large
quantities of "Cosses** at Dacca "to the great prejudice of the
Companys affaires there." The agent at Balasor was ordered not
to " Incourage Such villians in makeing preparations for Interlopers
they haveing ingaged by promise and bond to the contrary." In April,
1685, " Chimcham and Chintemanshaw Our merchants" were employed
to "cleere" an "affaire with the goverment for pease sake,.. .as being
company marchants." This seems to show that Chintaman was
restored to favour. But in the following year there was again a doubt
as to his solvency — " Chintamund Saw being considerably Indepted to
the Right Honble. Company and there being but little likelyhood of
Recovering said Debt, without wee attach and Seize what Shipps hee
has at Sea and a Shipp being arrived in which hee is part Owner, wee
judge it best... to Seize on Said Shipp to Secure part of his debt...
Capt. John Nicholson arrived in this Road this morning tooke the
Ship belonging to Chintmund and Chintamunsaw and came ashore at
12 at night [i6th Nov. 1686J." Chim Cham disappears from the
records about this time. His death would explain the summary
procedure towards his poorer partner. There is a reference to
Chintamunsaw and his debt to the Company as late as 1695.
156 BENGALA
Such a traine. It was answered, Chim Cham the Banjan
Merchant. The Nabob, like a ravenous Wolfe., caused him
immediately to be brought before him, which was accord-
ingly done ; but (e're that) he had pulled of his gold
Turbant* and Jewels and rings and put on very mean
cloths, thereby to plead povertie. When he was brought
to the Nabobs tent dore, he passed the Usual Ceremonie,
holding Up both hand and downe Upon his heels, Sayinge
Nabob Salamat, vizt. " Live O Prince ! "
The Nabob (Smileinge Upon him) demandeth with all
Speed one lack of rupees, i.e. 1 00000. Chim Cham Seemed
Melancholy, as great reason he had to part with Such a
Summ where it was not at all due, and thereupon begins
to bemoane his sad accident and losse he had lately
received, for he was robbed of 1500000 rupees in this
his Journey into the Countrey on purpose to marry his
Daughter to one of his owne Cast^ which was really soe ;
but the relation of that added but more Flames to the fire,
although he pretended it was the most part of what he had
in the World.
" Nay, Chim Cham," Said the Nabob, " I am now well
satisfied as to the report I heard of you Since you can
afford soe much to the marriadge of one daughter, and
have Severall Children alive.
"Now make hast home and Send me the moneys
I demand towards my marriadge to this part of the
Kingdome, who am now come to be husband to you all."
He made many Apologies, and feed Some of the Nabob's
councell, whereby he got off for 50000 Rupees^
The Nabob had now learned the lessons ready off his
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Turban.
2 See note on p. 9, also p. 31 and note.
2 There is no confirmation of this story in the contemporary
records, but see above, note on p. 154, for two occasions on which
Chim Cham was mulcted by the Native Governors.
BENGALA 1 57
Master Shah-hest-Kan*, who always kept in his Court
Sharpe witted fellows that made it theire businesse to
prye into the Estates of the Hindoo Merchants, which
fellows he generally preferred for his owne Interests Sake,
beinge himselfe soe great an Adorer of the riches of this
World.
Another transaction, but more worthy of Observation,
1 was Spectator to the next day, as follows : — The Old
Nabob of Cattack*, beinge Sent for to the Court at Dacca,
had left his Chiefe Lady to follow with what leisure She
thought convenient. Her guard and attendants were about
looo men, with about lOO Women and Eunuchs, who at
this time had pitched her tents within one mile of the
New Nabob, whoe now thought he had another Oppor-
tunitie fallen into his hand of acquireinge one lack or two
of rupees. Whereupon he Sent the Lady an accompt of
his beinge Soe neare her, and demanded noe lesse then
2 lack of Rupees as a present. She, a most mannish
woman of these ages, couragiously sends him word she
owed him nothinge, nor had she Ever received any
Piscash' from him, whereby to make any retalliation.
He, out of bravado, Sendeth to her againe to let her know
she or any that belonged to her Shold [not] passe his
countrey without Sufficient acknowledgement to him their
Nabob.
But she, beinge a most Undaunted couragious Lady,
Alarams all her foot and horse, set them in battail array,
mounted one of her husbands warre Elephants and Sends
him word She wold one houre hence come close by his
owne tents, and if he wanted any of her moneys it were
his best way to demand it then, for She had a great
1 Shayista Khan.
2 See note on p. 152.
3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v, Peshcush. An obligatory gift to a high
official.
IS8 BENGALA
treasure with her, and wold adventure not onely that,
but her life and Fortune she wold Expose to the greatest
of dangers, for the maintainance of the honour of her
Husband.
With which Sharpe answer of this Lady's resolution and
couradge, the Nabob was soe abashed, that immediately he
removed his whole Campe neare on[e] mile, Pitchinge it on
this Side the River, within J a mile of the towne Ballasore,
where now he is in hopes of the English and Dutch to Visit
him, and not Empty handed \
Accordinge to his Expectation, the English and Dutch
Agents and theire councels went out in State to waite
upon him, carryinge considerable Piscashes^ with them to
present him with. But the Dutch, that Study to out doe
us in all transactions in India, now made greater haste to
come to the Speech of him then Mr. Walter Clavell (our
English Chiefe*) did, and made their present 3 or 4 times
1 The records of the time are unfortunately very incomplete for the
year 1674, and I have been unsuccessful in finding any trace of this
story.
2 See note on p. 1 57.
3 Walter Clavell, the younger son of an old Dorsetshire family, was
a somewhat important personage in Bengal when T. B. came in contact
with him. In 1667, when 28 years of age, he was sent out by the
Court to Fort St George to assist in reinstating the imprisoned
Governor, George Foxcroft. Owing to an unusually long voyage and
a severe illness on his way overland from Surat, Clavell did not reach
Fort St George until Jan. 1669 when he found his mission was already
accomplished. He petitioned to go to the "Bay" where he was
appointed " Second," and, on the departure of Shem Bridges for
England, became acting " Chief," a post in which he was confirmed
by orders from Court in Dec. 1672. In June, 1672, Walter Clavell
procured a " Phirwanna " from " Shaster Caun '^ a copy of which,
together with the " Nabobs Letter" is to be found in Factory Records^
Miscellaneous, No. 3. Another version of this "Phirwanna" referred
to by Yule in Hedges^ Diary ^ vol. iii. p. 190, is entered at the end of the
Diary of Streynsha?n Master. The parwana had little effect in
stopping the exactions of Shayista Khan to whose oppressions and the
exactions of Malik Qasim, Governor of Hugli, there are frequent
allusions in the letters of Clavell to the Court in London, and to the
Council at Fort St George.
From 1672 to 1676 Clavell was quarrelling with Joseph Hall,
factor at Kasimbazar, who, if half his accusations were true, must have
BENGALA 159
suffered much at the hands of the Chief and the Second (Matthias
Vincent) at the Bay. Hall was very bitter in his attacks, and wrote
long letters of complaint both to Fort St George and to certain of the
Directors in London. He accused Clavell of appropriating the effects
of Mr Marsh, the Company's servant who died in Balasor, declared
that the Governor of Hugli was disgusted at his non -residence in that
place, and further, that neither of the clergy would administer the
Sacrament to Clavell and his friends, who had " desired it rather for a
cloak to their knavery then for the Good of their Soules." Other
charges against Clavell were, that he had ordered " a Pallace " to be
built for himself at Balasor, and that, in 1675, he was in that town for
17 days " Leaving his Wife to bee Goverhesse at Hugly." Both Hall
and Heme, another aggrieved factor, declared that Clavell "Sided
with the Dutch Directore" in 1672, and, by omitting to visit the
Governor of Balasor, cost the Company 4000 rupees. In Feb. 1676,
in the Memorandum given to Major Puckle, who was authorised to
inspect all the subordinate factories and redress any grievances, we
find : " Mr. Clavell (now Chief at the Bay) for overrateing the
Companys Goods 40 per Cent, great private Tradeing, &c. and
keeping the Generall Books himself contrary to the Companys Order."
Clavell was at Fort St George at the time, and apparently managed
to make out a good case for himself, for we hear no more of the
enquiry. In a complaint brought by Valentine Nurse, another mal-
content, against Clavell, Major Puckle decided in the latter^s favour.
No doubt these various charges were somewhat exaggerated, and
Clavell's position never seems to have been seriously imperilled by
them. Probably his sudden death saved him from falling into disgrace
with the Directors, for, in Dec. 1676, they wrote to Fort St George
that they were "sensible enough .that by divisions in the Bay our
Business hath been much Impeded for severall years" and also, in
the same letter, "wee note... that Mr. Clavell and Mr. Vincent doe
laugh and despise at our Agency at the Fort, and doe expect that you
have called Mr. Clavell to an account for it."
In the O. C. Collection, there are two letters from Walter Clavell
to Richard Edwards "Merchant in Cassimbazar." These are dated
from Balasor the 3rd and 17th of June, 1673, ^^^^ ^^ very quaintly
worded. The first runs as follows : " Esteemed Friend I have
received yours of the 3d May with two paire of Slippers doe exceed
the measure of my foot a Little however rather than faile they will fit
my foot most rarely, therefore pray goe on with the Investment and
when you have shod mee so long till you find I am overbooted charge
me with a bill and I shall pay it at sight, if as you say you have met
with a shoemaker that keepes his word you are a happy man you were
best make much of him you will hardly find his fellow in all this
Countrey, if you can you have better skill at finding then the rest
of your neighbours, wee have no news my hearty respects tendred to
you I Rest Your Assured friend Walter Clavell. Pray send me a
bottle of Ink. W. C."
In 1676 Clavell- returned from Fort St George to his post at Hugli,
in company with Streynsham Masterj who had been appointed
Supervisor of the dependent factories. At Master's request, Clavell
wrote an " Accompt of the Trade of Hugly and Ballasore " which is
very fully quoted by Yule in Hedges^ Diary ^ vol. ii. pp. 238 — 240.
During the first six months of 1677, Clavell was constantly urged by
the Council at the "Fort" to use all possible means to obtain a
farmdn for free trade in the " Bay." But on the recall of Shayista
l6o BENGALA
as large, and had present admittance. But before they
got their Phyrmane^ renewed and Signed, the English
Merchants came very mildly and requested admittance
into his tent, which was granted, and they were placed
above the Dutch. The English Agent, after complementall
Ceremonies Ended, gave in his Phyrmane to be renewed,
which was soe kindly taken from the Nabob and his
Associates, that it was immediately done and delivered to
Mr. ClaveP, where Upon he gave in his present of fine
Scarlet^ lookeinge glasses, Sword blades, fine pictures, and
Some Gold Moors*, without boastinge or commendinge
Khan, the gentlemen at Fort St George refused to accept the
responsibility of approaching the new nawab on the subject. Clavell
does not appear to have made much effort to obtain the farman.
He resented a proposal that the Council at the " Bay '' should meet
at Hugli to discuss the matter, and insisted on remaining at Balasor.
On the 3rd August, 1677, a Council was held at his house there "he
being very sick." On the following day Walter Clavell died of a fever.
His wife and "little infant" died the next day. Mrs Clavell is said to
have succumbed to a "fever caused by excess of grief" for her
husband's death. On the nth August Messrs Reade and Byam
at Hugli wrote to Matthias Vincent at Kasimbazar : " This evening
wee have the Unwellcome news of Mr. Walter Clavells and his Ladies
decease by Violent feavours Some other English Dead there allsoe
and 9 or ten more desperate ill of the Same distemper God Almighty
Graunt wee may make good use of those Examples and prepare us for
our owne chainge when he shall think fitt to make it."
W^alter Clavell was twice married. By his first wife Prudence he
had a son William, who died in 1680, and another child who died
young. By his second wife Martha Woodruffe, sister to the wife of
Sir Edward Littleton, he had two sons, Edward and Walter. The
younger son was baptized at Kasimbazar on the 29th Sept. 1678 by
"Mr. Samuell Epes minister of Ship Society.''^ In January, 1681, the
two children were sent to England on the ship President, Edward
Clavell was Sheriff of Dorset in 1702. He died in 1738, leaving a son
George, at whose death, in 1773, the Clavell family became extinct.
(See Hutchins' History of Dorset^ s.v. Clavell.) Walter ClavelPs will
is in existence at Somerset House, and is a long and interesting
document. From its contents it is evident that he was a man of
considerable means.
1 See note on p. 142.
2 I can find no mention in the records of this visit of Walter
Clavell to the " new Nabob of Cuttack."
3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Scarlet and Suclat. "Scarlet'' in old
English was " broadcloth " of any colour.
* See note on p. 148.
BENGALA l6l
any thinge in it, (a custome the Dutch are much inclined
too in India), and soe tooke leave of him gratifieinge his
guards and attendants reasonable well.
Soe that now the Dutch are left to boast of their
Countrie or what else, which they in Such Cases faile not
to doe, although Credited by none but the Ignorant. But
now, findinge the day well neare Spent, they request theire
Phyrmane, but were Sharply answered by the Nabob, whoe
told them, Since theire owne words made it Evidently
appeare that they had soe Enriched theire Countrey and
State by an East India trade, that he was now one of the
Easterne Lords, and wold have a Considerable reward in
ready Cash before he wold renew theire Old Phyrmane,
which if it did displease them, they might begone, and
pay the whole duty of all their goods Exported the
Kingdome.
Soe that now their great boastings cost them 5 or 6
thousand pounds, and the Charge and trouble of wai tinge
Upon him and his Attendants 3 or 4 days followinge.
Some few days afterwards, the Nabob rode through the
towne of Ballasore in his greatest State, mounted upon
a Very large Elephant, and thus proceeded towards the
Citty Cattack^
Strange kind of Oppressions are laid Upon the Mer-
chants of these Kingdoms, more Especially the most Vaine
and Idle of which were annually put Upon them by the
Old Nabob Shah-hest-Kan^ who wold not be Satisfied
that all both rich and poor Shold bow to him, but the
Ships upon the Water shold doe the like, for the perform-
ance of which he wold Every yeare Send downe to the
1 T. B. is no doubt relating what actually occurred during his
stay in Balasor, but it is very tantalising that the records for the
year 1674 should be so scanty as to throw no light on these
events.
2 Shayista Khan.
T. II
l62 BENGALA
■
Merchants in Hugly, Jessore^ Piplo^ Ballasore' for a Ship
^ A town in Lower Bengal, still known under the same name and
spelling.
2 Gabriel Boughton (see Stewart, History of Bengal^ p. 251 f.)
obtained permission from Shah Shuja' to establish a Factory at Pipli
in 1634, but there is no evidence that the privilege was made use of.
On this, see Yule, Hedged Diary ^ voL iii. p. 181. Compare the descrip-
tion of Pipli harbour and town by Schouten^ vol. ii. pp. 59 and 1 58 :
" We came to Pipley road, two leagues from the river and from the
coast, where we were as much exposed as if we had been in the open
sea ; and as there was very little depth there, we anchored in order to
protect ourselves from the violence of the tempests... The town of
Pipley lies four or five leagues beyond the mouth of the river. It is
of a medium size and fairly well populated ; but it is not walled. The
chief houses. Pagodas, and other large buildings are surrounded by
open spaces, gardens, squares of turf, orchards.'* Compare also John
Marshall, Notes and Observations^ p. 16 (reverse), "At 4 clock [31st
Dec. 1670] came to Pipley where the Dutch have a hansome Factory."
Of this Dutch factory Streynsham Master wrote (Diary of Streynsham
Master^ 20th Dec. 1676, p. 290), " The Dutch have left their Factory
of Pipley, pulled down their house there, and built a new one at
Ballasore." If Alex. Hamilton {East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 3) is to be
believed, a factory was at one time in existence at Pipli : '* Piply lies
on the Banks of a River supposed to be a Branch of the Ganges,
about 5 Leagues from that of Ballasore, formerly it was a Place of
Trade, and was honoured with English and Dutch Factories. The
Country produces the same Commodities that Ballasore does, at
present it is reduced to Beggary by the Factory's Removal to Hughly
and Calcutta, the Merchants being all gone. It is now inhabited
by Fishers...." '
3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Ballasore. Compare Schouten^s descrip-
tion, vol. ii. p. 159 f., " Bellesoor is five leagues to the west of the river
of Pipely. Most of the English ships come to anchor here, where
there is a fine factory.... The harbour is an admirable one the Cape of
Palmeris protecting it from the boisterous southern winds and con-
sequent tempests. When the weather is clear, the English vessels at
anchor in this harbour and ours [the Dutch] in Pipely harbour can see
each other." Compare also John Marshall's account of Balasor, Notes
and Observations^ p. 8 and p. 5 (reverse), "Ballasore was formerly
called Bahagur.... Ballasore, where the English Have a Factory a little
way from the River side this in the Rain times is very dirty vizt from
May to October... but after is very pleasant having about a mile from
the Towne severall very hansome Mango gardens... Ballasore is a
very great Stragling towne but scarce a house in it but dirt and thatcht
ones." In the "Accompt of the Trade of Ballasore" by Walter
Clavell, to be found at the end of the Diary of Streynsham Master^
pp. 322 — 325, there are some interesting remarks on the place ;
" Ballasore begunn to be a noted place when the Portuguez were
beaten out of Angelin [Hijili] by the moores about the yeare 1636 :
at which time the trade begun to decay at Piply and to have a
diminution in other places of these parts and the Barr opening and
the river appearing better then was imagined. The English and
the Danes indeavoured to settle Factoryes here, to be out of the
BENGALA 163
or two in each respective place of 4, 5, or 600 tunns, to be
very well built and fitted, even as if they were to Voyadge
to Sea, as alsoe 10, 20, or 30 gallys for to attend them,
the Moors Governours haveinge Strict Orders to see them
finished with all Speed, and gunned and well manned, and
Sent up the River of Ganges as high as Dacca, where
(at their arrival!) they come abrest of the Nabob's pallace,
Strike their topsailes and hall up theire Other Sailes, with
many flaggs and Pendants flyinge, fire many Gunns, all or
most part of the whole day. And then they have done
theire duty; and this he accompted a Salam^; and they
are Soone after hailed on Shore, and there ly and rott,
which is all done at the proper Co3t and charges of the
Banjan and Gentue Merchants*.
troubles the Portuguez gave to other nations and had themselves, the
rather because the Cloth of Harrapore where our first Factory was
settled was without much difficulty to be brought hither by land, and
the river where our Vessells usually had laine at, being stop't up, it
was noe easy matter to bring the Cloth by sea, nor soe safe to have
Vessells ride before that place as here in the roade of Ballasore.
And the Raja of Tillbichrumbung his countrey lyeing neare this
place where the greatest quantity of Tester or herba [see Ind. Ant
vol. xxix. p. 339 fj is procurable, a Settlement was thought the more
Convenient, because Ginghams, Herba Taffatyes, Herba Lungees
and other sorts of herba goods might be made neare and brought
hither, and noe where so good herba goods procurable. The waters
of Casharry giveing the most lasting dye to them, and within two
dayes journey of this place...." In the Diary itself under date
15th Dec. 1676, p. 285, there is an account of the renting of part
of the town of Balasor for the Company : " This part of the Towne
wherein the Honble. Companys Factory, The Dutch Factory, the
English Dutch and most part of the Portuguez houses standes, called
Dummadapore haveing binn many yeares rented by Mr. Clavell and
now lately by Mr. Bugden by the Councells advice, to prevent the
Dutch who were about to take the Farme of it. The Councell con-
sidering the Conveniency thereof by haveing the sole Command of all
the People, and that it is a small rent of about 350 rups. per annum
with charges, and nothing lost thereby, thought fitt that the said
Farme of Dummadapore be taken for the Honble. Companys account."
See also the description of Balasor by Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^
vol. i. p. 393 f.
* See note on p. 38.
2 It is quite possible that T. B. is here describing what was meant
to be a contribution on the part of the mercantile community towards
the naval defence or power of the country.
II — 2
1 64 BENGALA
The English and Dutch had many abuses put Upon
them duringe the time Shah -hest- Kan retained the
Goverment, and often had theire Salt peeter* and Other
Commodities Stopped both by land and comeinge downe
the Rivers, when they knew the Ships in the Roade of
Ballasore stayed onely to lade those goods, soe that they
were forced to Piscash them accordinge to theire owne
demands; but such grosse Enormities are Since much
amended, for the New Prince* is not such a miser, nor
of Such a base Spirit to contradict what his Ancestors
freely gave by Phyrmane, but hath Ordered a better and
more legall Goverment &c. He hath turned out of Office
all the Governours &c. that the English and Dutch made
complaint against, and. not onely soe, but punished Some
of them Severely to their perpetuall ignominie. And hath
given the English and Dutch large Phyrmanes, and more
Especially to the English Nation, whose Chi[e]fe here', by
name Mr. Matthew Vincent*, went up to Radja Mehal
1 Saltpetre was one of the chief articles of export from Bengal.
As early as December, 1662, the Court ordered the "Bay Factors to
yearly get in readiness for the Ships 500 or 600 tons of Saltpetre."
Letter Book^ No. 2. For the stoppage of the Company's saltpetre
boats during the rule of Shayista Khan, see Hunter, History of British
India, vol. ii. p. 238, and ante^ note on p. 148.
2 Muhammad A'zim. The writer makes no allusion to the short
rule of Phiddy Cawn (Fidal Khan) who was the immediate successor
of Shayista Khan, and whose tenure of office was marked by much
injustice. Stewart, History of Bengal, p. 302 f., says that Fidal Khan
was only saved from disgrace by his death in May, 1678. His successor^
Muhammad A'zim, was the third son of Aurangzeb.
3 i,e. at Hugli, the head-quarters of the Council at "the Bay."
* Matthias Vincent, "Chief at the Bay" from 1677 to 1682, entered
the Company's service as a factor at ;^20 per annum in 1662. In 1667
he was appointed one of the Council at Hugli, whither he went from
Fort St George. In 1669 he became ** 3rd at the Bay," and, in the
same year, " Mrs. Woodroffe who is intended to be a wife for
Mr. Matthias Vincent" left England for Bengal. On the death of
John Marsh, Vincent became Chief at Kasimbazar. Joseph Hall,
who considered himself superseded, was loud in his complaints against
Vincent and his friend, Walter Clavell. Hall declared that Vincent's
" Actions will not admitt of the Light, being works of Darkness's and
therefore all he doth in the Companys Affaires must be in hugger
BENGALA l6S
before he arrived at Dacca, to congratulate his comeinge
into these Kingdoms^ which was soe kindly taken, that he
gave our Nation more Priviledges then cold in reason be
requested ^
This Kingdome of Bengala (as I said before) is re-
plenished with many faire and pleasant Rivers, the most
famous and much admired of which is the great River
muggur." Hall further said that Vincent was more than a month in
getting from Hugli to Kasimbazar, "soe long he was in bringing his
family Consisting of about 20 fringeys and Portugueese and when was
come then No roome for the Honble. Companys Servants all being
taken up by his trayne, and his Wifes so that the Servants were
Lodged out of the Factory, to make roome for a Sort of People,
whome I have reason to think were not much for your Worships
interest." It was during his residence at Kasimbazar that Vincent
was accused of causing the death of Rugo Podar [Raghu, the podii^dr].
After an exhaustive enquiry into the matter, held under the superinten-
dence of Streynsham Master in 1676, Vincent was exonerated from
blame, though, from the evidence extant, the verdict is not in accord-
ance with modern ideas of justice. Before the enquiry, the Court had
written, in Dec. 1675 {Letter Book^ No. 5), "We are informed that
Our Factory at Cassambazar is frequently visited by Jesuits and
Romish Priests that goe up and downe to Mr. Vincents wife and
family. Which We require to bee wholly refrayned if he stay
and remaine in Our Service. But if Mr. Vincent shall be found to
have had any hand in the Death of Rugo Podar, or accessary
thereunto, or hath bin UnfaithfuU in discharge of his trust, that then
he be discharged of Our Imployment." In August, 1677, on the death
of Waller Clavell, Vincent became Chief at the Bay. In 1680, he
became associated with Thomas Pitt, and thenceforth grew into
disrepute with the authorities at home. For his interloping dealings,
and alleged practice of witchcraft, see Yule, Hedged Diary^ vol. ii.
pp. 13 — 18, 284 — 291. Vincent was dismissed the Company's service,
and sent to England in 1683. His wealth and influential friends were
probably strong factors in his defence. At any rate his unfaithful
conduct received but slight punishment. Two years later, in 1685,
he was knighted. He died m 1688.
* It was in July, 1678, that Vincent set out from Kasimbazar to meet
the Prince, in order to procure a " Neshaun for free trade."
2 In Factory Records^ Kasimbazar, No. i, under date 6th Oct.
1678, there is the following reference to Vincent's mission: "This
morning Mr. Matthias Vmcent Cheife of Bengali arrived with us at
Colcepore bringing with him the Princes Neshaan obtained for the
Honble. Companys free trade in Bengali and grounded not only on
our former Customes and Phirwannas &ca but on the Phirmaund of
Sha Jehaan and the present Emperor Orim Zeeb [Aurangzeb] and
so well penned that there is now a more Solid ground for our trade in
Bengali then heretofore and well worth the charge and exceeding
paines taken by the Cheife in obtaining the same."
1 66 BENGALA
Ganges, one of the foure principall rivers in the world, and
is Supposed to runne up Paradise or the garden of Eden.
The Other brave and Navigable Rivers are for the most
part onely branches of this\
One of the most admirable of which arms is Hugly
river. Up and downe the Same a very Considerable
Merchandize is drove^ and very beneficiall, Especially to
the English and Dutch Nations, haveinge Excellent con-
veniences for carryinge theire European Commodities up
into the inland towns and Citties, and the like for bringinge
^ Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. i6o : "The celebrated Ganges river
separates the Western part of the Indies from the Eastern, and
divides them thus into two parts. Several interpreters of the Holy
Scriptures believe that this is the river which is called Pison, which
came from the Garden of Eden, and which surrounded the whole land
of Havila where there is gold, and which apparently is identical with
the Indies. At any rate it is certain that this great river is one of the
most renowned in the world ; that it was as well known in former
times as it is to-day ; and that it takes its rise in the mountains
situated in the most northern part of the Indies. Some have stated
that it rises in Mount Caucasus, and others that it rises in the high
mountains of Thebet, which are alway covered with snow...."
2 As the writer remarks, a brisk trade was carried on up and down
the Hugli river in his day, but it was almost entirely limited to small
native vessels. For years the Court had been urging the navigation
of the Hugli in order to spare the expense entailed by trans-shipping
the Company's goods in Balasor Road. In 1669, the year th^t T. B.
arrived in India, there also arrived seven men, the pioneers of the
Bengal Pilot Service, the only one of whom to attain to note was
George Heron, the pilot mentioned by T. B. on p. 176. See Yule,
Hedges' Diary ^ vol. iii. pp. 197 flf. In Nov. 1669 Walter Clavell
wrote from Balasor to the Court {Factory Records^ Miscellaneous,
No. 3), "Till the River of Hughli be soe discovered that the Com-
manders will adventure their Shipps therein to Lade, We shall not
be able Annually to send the first shipp away before the Latter End of
November," and in October, 1679, " In expectation that your worships
would positively have obliged the ships to come into this River, wee
had Severall times employed the Dilligence and Madrass pinnace to
discover the Channels, which had rendred a couple of the pilots
William Waters and William Bramston, who Since are both deceased
this and last month. Sufficiently Capable to have brought up any of
the Ships this yeare through the midle Channell...." In 1672 Captain
James brought the Rebecca up to Hugli with the aid of a pilot, and
earned the extra 20/8 per ton promised by the Court. The lack of
pilots was the great difficulty, and it was not until after 1679, when
Captain Stafford brought the Falcon up the Hugli, that it became
general for the Company's ships to unlade at Hijili instead of at
Balasor.
BENGALA 1 67
downe the commodities purchased in this or some Other
Kingdoms.
This River is soe named from the great towne of Hugly
Scituated Upon the banks of it, neare 1 50 miles up from
the Braces* or Shoals that lye at the Entrance thereof.
The towne or Citty of Hugly is a famous and Sumptuous
place, adorned with many fine Structures, and very populous,
and what addeth to the beauty hereof, it is well furnished
with gardens, fine groves, a very large Bazar or markett
place, one of the finest Chowlteries' (or free lodgeinge
houses for all travellers) that is contained in this King-
dome, and, more Especially, the 2 fine European Factories,
namely the English and Dutch*. But I must needs confesse
the Dutch building here farre doth Exceed ours, although
^ Not in Hobson-Jobson. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxx. p. 352. Com-
pare the following contemporary references : ** This night wee sailed
over the sands called the braces, haveing never lesse then three
Fathome water and a Swelling Sea." Dkiry of Streynsham Master,
5th September, 1676. "They [the crew of the Falcon] had very
bad weather in the Road of Ballasour and worse comeing over the
Braces and were forced to ride betweene the Braces 2 days where
they lost an Anchor." Letter from Hugh to Balasor, 3rd Aug. 1678;
O, C. No. 4466. "Mr. Byam arrived there [Balasor] the 13th Currt.
by way of Kendoa the winds being so strong and contrary that the
sloop was forced in from the braces to Kedgaree and thence Mr. Byam
went to Kendoa and. from thence to Ballasore." 26th April, 1679,
Factory Records, Hugh, No. 2. " It pleased God to Arrive us in
Safety at this place the 16 Instant notwithstanding the Danger we
were in by encountring with a Storme of Raine and wind at East when
we were neare halfe way over the first flatt of the Braces,..," Letter
from Streynsham Master &c. at Hugli to Balasor, 19th Sept. 1679,
Factory Records, Hugli, No. 5. "This night about 9 o'Clock we
anchored in the Braces." 21st July, 1682 ; Yule, Hedges!* Diary, vol. i.
p. 31-
* This is one of the earliest forms of this Madras Anglo-Indian
word yet quoted, but it gives no help towards the derivation. See
Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Choultry. In the Fort St George records, there
are frequent references to Choultry in its sense of Court-house.
Carrying this essentially Madrasi word to Bengal in the text is
curious.
3 Compare Marshall, Notes and Observations, p. 6 (reverse),
" Hugly is a very great Towne... great part of the Towne was formerly
called Satagam, the English and Dutch have each of them a stately
Factory scituate by the River which is a Branch of the River
Ganges."
l68 BENGALA
theire priviledges and good name by the Inhabitants in
generall cometh farre Shorts
The towne is not very Uniforme, but is a very good
and pleasant place, inhabited with Some of the richest
Merchants of the Kingdome*; and all Sorts of Commodities
that Orixa, Bengala, and Pattana doe afford are here dayly
to be bought and Sold in the publicke Bazar^ commonly
called the great vBazar, by reason there are many where
onely Cotton, course Callicoes, provisions, &c. are to be
Sold.
The English Factory here in Hugly* is the head or
^ Compare Streynsham Master's description of the Dutch factory
at Hugli {Diary of Streynsham Master^ under date 13th Sept. 1676,
p. 60), "And lesse then 2 miles short of Hugly wee passed by the
Dutch garden,... then wee came by the Dutch Factory, which is a large
well built house, standing by it selfe, much like to a Country Seat in
England.... That part of the Towne which wee passed by was all
built of thatcht Hovells."
2 Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 155, "Ougli is fairly large. Its
length renders it pleasant because it is built on the bank of the
Ganges. The streets are wide : they are not paved. There are
pretty walks ; fine buildings after the fashion of the country ; well-
stocked shops ; convenient houses ; depots for all kinds of merchandise,
particularly silks; fine linens, and other materials from all the
provinces in India. There are many Moor merchants there who
carry on a great trade. There are also a great number of Idolaters,
Benjanes and Gentives, who live peaceably under the government
of the Moors."
3 See note on p. 106. Compare Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^
vol. ii. p. 20 f. for the extent of trade at Hugli: "This Town of
Hughly drives a great Trade, because all foreign Goods are brought
thither for Import, and all Goods of the Product of Bengal are brought
hither for Exportation. And the Mogul's Furza or Custom-house
is at this Place. It affords rich Cargoes for fifty or sixty Ships
yearly, besides what is carried to neighbouring Countries in small
Vessels ;... To mention all the particular Species of Goods that this
rich Country produces, is far beyond my skill...."
* The factory at Hugli was established in 1650 under the/arfndn said
to have been obtained by Gabriel Boughton. In 1657, Hugli was made
the head factory in the Bay, the factory of Balasor being subordinate.
The Factory House in T. B.'s time must have been the one which was
in process of building in 1665 as described by SchouteUy vol. ii. p. 157,
"When we were there [in Hugli] the English were building a new
factory, because the inundations of the Ganges had by degrees mined
the walls of their old edifice which threatened to fall.*' Delestre^ p. 188,
says, " A league distant from the Dutch factory [at *Ougly*] the English
BENGALA I 69
Chiefe Factory in the 3 beforementioned Kingdoms, and
residence of the Chiefe in Place.
The Dutch Factorie is also Scituate upon the banks
of the River, about one English mile from ours, lower
downe the River, on a most delicate and Even piece of
ground, which is comely Enough to be admired, and theire
buildings noe lesse, beinge a most compact and very decent
Structure, carryinge the name of the largest and compleatest
Factorie in Asia, and noe more then in my Judgement it
deserveth*.
have one, on the same side of the river, the left going up." In 1676,
the English factory at Hugli was enlarged and repaired by Streynsham
Masters orders. In the Diary of Streynsham Master^ under date
25th Nov. 1676, we read, p. 272: "By reason that the Cheife and
councell in the Bay will from hence forward reside in this Factory of
Hugly where there is a want of accomodations and necessary apart-
ments for soe many married persons, upon a Surveigh of the buildings
it was judged necessary to remove the cook roome it standing incon-
venient and being covered with thatch was alsoe dangerous, and to
build an other with brick to secure the whole, and to sett up necessary
apartments to make the Factory capable of accomodating four marryed
persons of the Councell, and also to make a Penthouse to preserve the
house to the Southward ; and which are wanting the most necessary,
an office, a Councell chamber and a place for the registers to be kept
in, out of the five upper roomes, all which the Councell thought fitt to
be done out of hand and that it be managed with all frugallity, at
present judging it may not exceed 1200 rups. besides the usuall and
necessary repairations of the Factory which the late storme hath much
dammaged by blowing the thatch of the walls. And there being
many trees about the house which shaded the ground and kept it
moist and besides have harboured Vermine they were ordered to be
cut downe that the aire might have freer passage and the heat of the
sunne keep the earth dry."
^ Schoutetty vol. ii. p. 156, dilates on the grandeur of the Dutch
Factory at Hugli : " But there is nothing in it [Hugli] more magni-
ficent than the Dutch factory. It was built on a great space at the
distance of a musket shot from the Ganges-, for fear that, if it were
nearer, some inundation of the waters of this river might endanger it,
or cause it to fall. It has indeed, more the appearance of a large
castle than of a factory of merchants. The walls are high and built of
stone, and the fortifications are also covered with stone. They are
furnished with cannon, and the factory is surrounded by ditches full
of water. It is large and spacious. There are many rooms to
accommodate the Director, the other officers who compose the
Council, and all the people of the Company. There are large shops
built of stone, where goods that are bought in the country and those
that our vessels bring there are placed." Compare also Delesire,
p. 188: "We arrived at Bengala where the Dutch have a very fine
I70 BENGALA
Soe that now they may, and doe largely boast of this
new and comely buildinge ; but not a word is heard from
them concerninge the Old Factory that adjoyned to that
of the English, much about the time of the horrid Massacre
of the English at Amboyna*.
Those 2 Factories, then dore neighbours, Stood within
20 paces of the River Side, on which side the river gained
much upon the dry land, vizt. upon the Larboard Side
goeinge up, in soe much that a Stronge fresh, caused by
the great raines that fall here Sometime before the breake-
inge up of the Monzoone', came down the River with Such
Violence that it Seemed to be displeased with all that
were here, more Especially the Dutch, and Shewed them
displeasure at once, takeinge away all theire whole Factory,
Storehouses &c., and hurried them into the River, and
a great depth too, for in the very place where the Dutch
Factory stood, wee ride with our Ships and Vessels in
noe lesse then depth 16 fathoms, and it is called Hugly
hole*.
and very rich factory in a place called Ougly, where linen is most
beautifully woven." Compare also the description of the Dutch
factory in the Diary of Streynsham Master^ under date 21st Nov.
1676, p. 263, "This aftemoone Mr. Clavell with my selfe and others
visitted the Dutch at their Factory which is very large and well built,
with two Quadrangles, The Directore was very obligeing and shewed
us the new built warehouses which are three very large, that make one
side of one of the Quadrangles next to the River side They are
excellently well timbred which was all brought from the Coast, alsoe
he shewed us other accomodations of their Factory, their Gardens
which are very spatious, well kept with Tarrass walks and full [of]
Lettice and good herbage and adjoyneing to their Factory they have
offices for all things needfuU to them, as a Carpenters Yard with
stores of good Timber brought from Batavia, a Coopers yard where
they make many cask for the Pork which they kill and salt up downe
the river, a Smiths forge, a Grannary and apartment for a great many
weavers where they have sett up Loomes for the weaving of saile cloth,
and a foild to make ropes in...."
1 Le. 27th Feb. 1623.
2 See note on p. 5 1. T. B., in his Malay Dictionary y has, *' Moosim,
a Season of the year."
3 At a Consultation at Hugli during the second visit of Agent
Master, 20th Oct. 1679 {Factory Records, Hugli, No. 2), it was
;v: •:. : : :
• • ••• •. /
BENGALA 17 1
The English Factorie (adjoyneinge to that of the
Dutch) was by the computation of men very likely
tsuddenly to follow it, but the Fresh abated and it standeth
to this day with all Store houses and walls that surround
it\
Rut for feare Such another or worse fresh Shold happen
and take them Unprovided with necessaries, and time
whereby to remove the Companies goods &c., they have
by Order of the said Company, built a very fine new
Factory* about, a quarter of a mile higher (from the River
Side), where now the Chiefe and Councill &c. Factors
of Hugly reside, and the Old one is not as yett become
Unserviceable*.
The freshes* are wholy caused by the great rains that
"Ordered... that there be a large Warehouse built for the Saltpeter
upon the old Factory ground as far from the River as it can con-
veniently stand, and a house to keep the Sloopes Stores in near the
hole where they Ride between the old Factory and the new." In a
letter from the Council at Hugli to Surat, dated 24th Nov. 1686, there
is the following reference to Hugli Hole: "At the same time they
began to display their great gunns from a battery consisting of Eleven
Gunns that they had lately raised to command our Shipps in the
Hole."
^ This building was known as the " Old Factory" in T. B.'s time.
Compare the following reference which occurs in Factory Records^
Hugli, No. 3, under date 29th Sept. 1681 : "The way between the
New Factory and the Old (which is the Generall Warehouse and
landing place of all our goods) being broken down by the falling
of a great tanck of water into the river running the bank down in
the way thither so that in the time of the raines the principall time of
receiving goods and transmitting them to the Sub-Factories &ca we
find that there is no passing without great danger between one place
and the other which yett the Warehouse keeper or his Assistants are
obliged dayly to doe, we agreed therefore that a small bridge might be
built over the said place of brick "
2 In 1664; see note on p. 168.
3 See supra^ note i, for the use made of the Old Factory. See also
the passage quoted below, note 4.
* Compare the Diary of Streynsham Master^ Consultation at
Hugli, 25th November, 1676, p. 272: "The old Factory lying by
the River side being a very convenient place for the reception of the
Honble. Companyes Saltpeter, lead and other gross and bulky
Comodityes, That it is the Honble. Companyes Interest and advantage
to keep it in repaire and the banck well fenc't from the encroachments
172 BENGALA
fall at Such and such Seasons of the yeare, not with what
fall here nor a considerable way further Up, but a great
way Up as high as Pattana, yea as high as South Tartarian
which is mountanious, and raineth there for a quarter of a
yeare togeather, and rusheth downe the Ganges and arms
thereof with Such Violence that all these rivers afford not
issue for it, unto the Sea, untill a considerable time be
spent and an abatement made; but, like Unto the great
River Nilus, overflowinge its banks in many places for
some miles Compasse. These waters are at their full
height generally in the Month September.
Anno Domini 1676, in the aforesaid Month, I was
comeinge down Hugly River ^ in a Ship called the Sancta
Crux*, whereof Under God I was Commander, and driveinge
of the Freshes and there to build some convenient place to lay up
stores belonging to the Sloopes and Vessells, wherefore it was thought
fitt that the said repairs be put in execution before the next raines the
last Freshes having taken away great part of the Banck and the
building of a new warehouse (if this should wash down) would be of
great expence."
^ Apparently a vague reference to Central Asia including the
Himalayas. T. B. is probably here recording what he recollected
of Native accounts of the Eastern and Central Himalayas and their
heavy rainfall.
2 In connection with T. B.'s chart of the Hugli, reproduced here,
it may be noted that there exists at the Horse Guards a map, no. Z
30/43, entitled " The Mouth of the River Ganges." It shows much
the same conditions as Bowrey's map. Its date is 1694, and it was
made by the pilot Davenport for Captain William Gifford of the
Seymour. With the map are some interesting sailing directions for
getting out of the Hugli, initialled by Davenport.
Among the places marked on the right bank in Bowrey's chart,
Degoon, Wolleberry, and Casuree represent the modem Digano,
Uluberria and Cajori [Khajurl]. Bowrey's map extends farther up
the river than Davenport's and contains many more names.
3 In 1676, when T. B. was navigating the Sancta Cruz, she
belonged to Portuguese traders. On the 3rd January, 1677, Streyn-
sham Master found the ship in the Madras Road : " In the roade [of
Madras] there was rideing the Triplicane and the Sancta Cruz
belonging to A Portugueez,...." Diary of Streynsham Master, p. 311.
On the 27th Jan. the Council at Fort St George wrote as follows to
Arnold White at Bantam {Factory Records, Fort St George, No. 18):
"We have yours 2d November and 13th October [i676j...we received
the former by the Sancta Cruz which Ship has been attended with
many misfortunes in them concerned, her Commander as you advised
BENGALA 173
downe at a most Swift and violent rate, beinge timerous of
driveinge too farre down, vizt. upon the Shoals of the
River Tombolee^ (where the River is most crooked).
Now, beinge got into the reach called Jno. Perdo*, where
deceased with you, and his Successor hardly recovering, her Cheif
Owner Domingos Perez Banhos dead here suddenly, and the other
afflicted with a Murder in his family committed by his Sonn in Law
who lyes here in Irons untill Sufficient power from England to proceed
against him, however the Surviving Owner Cosmo Lorenzo de
Madera, desires his humble thanks to be returned for your protection
and kindness Shewed." From this letter it appears that when T. B.
was caught in the eddy in Sept. 1676, as described in the text, he was
taking the Sancta Cruz from Hugli to Bantam. There is no evidence
to show whether he put in at Fort St George and there relinquished
charge of the vessel. At any rate, his connection with her must have
ceased in Oct. 1676, since her Commander, as the letter states, died
about that time. T. B. was probably only an interim commander of
the Sancta Cruz for the one voyage. The subsequent career of the
vessel seems to be forthcoming in that of the Sancta Cruz^ belonging
to Joseph, brother of the rich Armenian John Demarcora. This ship
was taken as a prize by the Siamese Government during the war
between Siam and Golconda, apparently about March, 1685. Some
months later the Sancta Cruz was rechristened the St George^ and
sent on a voyage to Mocha [? Moco Moco in Sumatra] as one of the
King of Siam's ships. See Anderson, Siam, p. 271 f. There is reason
to think that the ship was recaptured, and her original title restored
to her, for, in May, 1687, we find {Factory Records, Fort St George,
No. 4): "Ship Santa Cruise Augustine de Carvalia Master arrived
at Fort St George from Goa" and "sailed for Bengali" in June. In
Feb. 1697, there was a Sancta Cruze at Calcutta. In Factory Records,
Calcutta, No. 2, there are the entries : "Wrote a letter to the Lieut.
Generall and Councill of Fort St George by Ship Sancta Cruze.., The
Ship Sancta Cruze Saild for Fort St George." Again, in 1702, there
is the entry {idid. No. 3) "Ship Santa Cruce David Marcus Com-
mander arrived from Manilha." Lastly, in the Account of Tonnage and
Pass Money for ships at Bengal in 17 18 {Bengal Public Consultations,
20th April, 1 7 19) payment is made by the owner of a Sancta Cruze.
^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tumlook. Now the Rupnarain running
into the Hugli at the "James and Mary" Shoal. Compare the Diary
of Streynsham Master under date nth Sept. 1676: "The... Dutch
Skipper told us that his shipp was shott by the mouth of this river
leading to Hugly into that river we call Tumberleen...." Compare
also the following from Factory Records, Hugli, No. 3, under date
nth Sept. 1681 : **Mr Stanley and Mr Prickman arrived hither
[Hiigli] comeing as far as Tumberlee in a small vessel called the
Margery belonging to Mr Clement Jordan of Madras."
2 The island Jan Perdo in the Hugli River has now disappeared.
Compare the Diary of Streynsham Master, nth Sept. 1676:
" There being noe hope of getting the Sloopes up higher then they
were which is neare the island Janperdo, by reason of the strength of
the Freshes,...." Compare also the following from Factory Records,
174 BENGALA
I found the Streame of lesse force then before, I lett dropp
our best bore anchor, and veered 40 fathoms of Cable out;
I gave the Ship one Sheere, and let fall our Sheet anchor,
and veered out a considerable length or Scope of each,
which brought her up (beinge but in depth 8 fathoms).
It happened at that time for the Space of J an houre to
be Slack water, but then the fresh came down like a boore,
and hurried us away into a most impetuous Eddy, where,
in a moment, our Ship turned round soe often and quick
withall that not one of us cold Stand to doe any thinge \
One cable broke, and the Other Swum like to a piece
of wood. In the midst of this Extremity, when I thought
our Ship wold oversett with each Sally She tooke, it
pleased God a very fresh gale Sprange Up, filled our
Sailes (that hanged loose in the brailes), and runne her
out of that Eddy, and by cuttinge away our Other Anchor
and Cable, got Soon over to the Other Side, where I
runne her into a Small Creeke, and stayed untill the fresh
abated, which was 14 days*.
Hugli, No. I, under date i8th Aug. 1677: "Wee had notice of the
Sloopes Arrival 2Ln6. Ganges being arrived at Janipardo." The following
curious spellings occur m the Hugli Diary for 28th Aug. and 14th
Sept. 1678, Factory Records, Hugli, No. 2, "This morning wee had
notice of the Catch Arrivall being come up to Jarpardorc.At noone
wee had advise of the Sloope Arrivall being come to Jampadore."
For the creek and Island of Jan Perdo, see Yule, Hedges Diary ^
vol. iii. p. 213. T. B., in his Chart of the River Hugli, marks them as
" Ri. John Pardo, He John Pardo."
^ Compare the following from the Diary of Streynsham Master^
8th Sept. 1676, p. 57: "This eveping with the tide of flood wee gott
into that part of the river Ganges that comes from Hugly at the mouth
of the said River there's eighteen or nineteen fathome water without,
and but eight or nine fathome within but it sholds gradually shelving
wise yett causes a great whirling of the water soe that often times
Ships and Vessells are turned or winded round by it for a good space
of time but seldome receive dammage thereby (as afterward I saw one
farther up the river soe winded) but wee comeing neare upon a high
water gott in without any such winding and they happen at the first of
the Flood and last of the Ebb."
2 In other words the writer was caught in an eddy off the still
dreaded shoal at the junction of the Hugli and Rupnarain Rivers,
now called the "James and Mary."
BENGALA 175
But most of this trouble might Easily have been
avoided if our Ganges Pilot ^ had been any way ingenuous,
for this River hath many good and Smooth Places for
Ships and Vessels to ride, in, out of the way of Streams
or Eddies, as I have Some time Since found by
Experience *.
Another but more Sad accident happened on that day,
being the 27th of September* 1676. The honourable
Company's two Ketches *, bound up, came to an anchor in
the reach that I did, but in a better place to ride out the
fresh \ Agent Masters was then On board the biggest of
them^ and Some Younge Gentlemen Factors on board
the Other ^ one by name Mr. Callaway® (a very good
^ The only two experienced " Ganges Pilots " at this time were
George Heron and Samuel Sherman. The former was with Agent
Master, and T. B. was probably in the hands of a pilot whose know-
ledge of the river was but slight. The lack of efficient pilots was
a subject of constant complaint at this period. Walter Clavell in his
" Accompt of the Trade of Hugly" to be found at the end of the Diary
of Streynshain Master^ p. 320, remarks : " Our Ships if wee had
more Pilotts whome wee could oblige to stay after they had obtained
some experience either by ingageing them in familyes, or by giveing
them good wages might with much more ease goe over the braces and
come up Hugly River, then they can goe out of the Downes into the
River of London, and one maine incouragement would be that the
ships should sett out of England soe as to be here the begining of
June, by which meanes they will have true tides to carry them up and
avoid the freshes, they may alsoe goe up if they come the last of the
moonzon comeing from the Coast to the Bay in September after the
freshes are abated...."
2 T. B. took the Borneo Merchant up the Hugli to Calcutta in
Aug. 1687 and the Frances in 1688, apparently without the assistance
of a pilot. Vide Introduction.
3 According to the Diary of Streynsham Master^ p. 59, the accident
happened on the nth of Sept. 1676.
* The Arrival I and the Ganges,
^ See note on p. 171.
^ i,e. the ArrivalL
^ i.e. the Ganges,
® William Callaway was entertained by the Court as a Writer for
Fort St George, on the 13th Dec. 1672. He arrived at the Fort in
1673. He was appointed special assistant to Streynsham Master in
the tour of inspection in 1676, and accompanied the Agent to Masuli-
patam and Balasor. On the way to Hugli he was seized with the
176 BENGALA
Friend of mine), beinge then Sore Visited with Sicknesse,
and beinge one that Agent Masters had great respect for,
he Sent Mr. Herrin^, the master of the Ketch, and the
fever to which he succumbed. He left instructions as to his effects
with Mr Douglas, Surgeon of the Eagle^ who had attended him in his
last illness. The goods were sold at an "outcry" at Hugli on the
I ith Nov. 1676, and the proceeds sent home to his father. A detailed
list of Callaway's effects is to be found at the end of the Diary 0/
Streynsham Master^ pp. 358 — 361. The list includes ''^'jj gold coate
buttons, 2 pair of gold buttons for wrists, i pair of silver buckles,
I Silver Snuff box, i Silver Meddall Oliver Cromwell, 6 Coates,
4 paires of Breches, i China Escretore, i China Standish, 2 pair of
Golcondah Slippers, 16 Hatts"; among these are "2 Castor Hatts,
I Felt Hatt and his weareing Hatt." There is also a note "One
Hatt Stolen from aboard the Arrivall Sloope," a large number of
pieces of " Chint," a great many Girdles, &c., &c.
^ There is a short notice of Heron in Yule, Hedgei Diary, vol. ii.
p. 199. The connecting link between the forms Heron and Hering of
this worthy's variously spelt surname is supplied in the text. In 1668
George Heron is named as the senior of the first batch of apprentice
pilots sent to the Hugli, under a seven years' indenture. In 1672
{Factory Records, Hugli, No. 4) George *Hearon' was commanding
the Madrasse Pinnace. In July of the same year {ibid,) we read,
" For the better security of the Companys Factory you may appoint
to William Lux George Heron and their Families roomes apart where
they may sometimes bee, or as often as they see occasion." In
November, 1674 {ibid.) George Herron and Thomas Bateman on the
Arrivall were to receive "Advice" from John Nicholson as to the
navigation of the Hugli. In March, 1676, "George Herring" took
Mr Clavell to Fort St George. In October, 1677, "George Herron
our chief Pilot" was ordered to attend Captain Erwin "on board
Sloope Sally ^^ and to assist him in his survey of the "Sands and Chan-
nell" of the Hugli. In 1678, George Herring, then commanding the
Arrivall, piloted the Falcon from Bamagur into Balasor Road. In
1679, we find Heron frightening the somewhat disreputable chaplain
John Evans (a notorious trader and friend of interlopers) from going
down the river from Hugli to Balasor in a native boat (Yule, Hedges'
Diary, vol. ii. p. 131). In February of this year. Heron and the other
pilots were sent "to survey the several depths and Channels of the
river and over the Braces into Ballasore Roade in reference to
enabling your Selfes to bring the English Ships which God willing
may arrive Soe appointed this ensueing yeare." In 1680 Herron (the
name is also given as Hearine and Herrin) with the Arrivall went to
Fort St George, and in November advised of his being at " Carango "
and that his vessel was "very leaky." In 1683 Heron was command-
ing first the Thomas, and then the Good Hope (Yule, Hedged Diary,
vol. i. pp. 74, 78). In 1684 the quarrels between Hedges and Job
Chamock began, and in these Heron was mixed up (Yule, Hedges^
Diary, vol. i. p. 78 f ), as he was also in the quarrel between Hedges
and Trenchfield {ibid, p. 148). In 1685 Heron does not appear to
much advantage after Hedges' fall and dismissal {ibid,, p. 176). In
1686 we find him much more worthily employed in compiling the
BENGALA 177
Minister^ to pray by him, and a younge man ', if in case
they found him in a desperate condicion, to Seale Up
his trunks and boxes, which was accordingly done. But
earliest known sailing directions for the Hugli (/^/V/., vol. iii. pp. 201,
204) and thus laying the foundation for the pilotage and topography of
that river. In 1687 *' George Herron was cruiseing in the River Alley
betwixt that and Kedgerry^' and wrote to Sutanuti from "the River
Sautguary." It was at this time that Heron's brother Samuel, also a
pilot in the Company's service, was seized by his mutinous crew,
turned adrift in an open boat on the coast of Sumatra, and rescued by
our author {vide Introduction). In 1688 George Heron appears as a
somewhat important personage during William Heath's fatuous pro-
ceedings at Chittag^ong when he gave some sound advice at a " Con-
sultation Extraordinary." (Yule, Hedged Diary ^ vol. ii. pp. 83, 85.)
About this time Heron ceased to be a servant of the Company, and
henceforth we find him engaged in trading voyages on his own
account. In 1691 he was commanding his own vessel "laden with
Armenians &ca. Merchants Goods." He arrived at Sutanuti in Oct.
1 691 "having been several months at Chattigaum." In 1702 George
Heron's name occurs in a "List of Freemen Inhabitants in Fort
St. George " with the note, " marry'd a Georgian [Armenian]." In the
same year he signed a petition begging for letters of reprisal on
Arabs who had seized ships in which he was concerned. From this
time until his death Heron seems to have lived at Fort St George.
He died on the 2nd May, 1727, aged 81, and was buried in the old
cemetery, where his monument still stands. {See Mrs Penny, Fort
St George, pp. 54, 195.)
^ The "Minister" was the Revd. Josiah Darley who was "enter-
tained as Chaplain in the Bay at ;^5o per annum and £^0 gratuity " in
March, 1674 (Letter from the Court to Hugli, 13th March, 1674, Letter
Book, No. 5). On the 20th Nov. 1674, the Council at Fort St George
wrote to the Directors (Fort St George " Generall," O. C. No. 4044)
" Mr. Darley proceeded for the Bay by shipp Lancaster where he was
much wanted, and appearing to be a very discreet and learned man,
will with Gods blessing be a meanes of much good there ; your agent
having desired him to do his endeavour to quiet the differences
amongst them." On the 29th of August, 1676, while at Balasor,
Streynsham Master and Mr. Darley agreed to alter the hours for daily
prayer {Diary of Streynsham Master, p. 48), "Mr. Darley the Chap-
laine and my selfe agreed that the most convenient houres for prayer
would be at 7 a Clock in the morneing and at 8 at night, the former
custome being the same time in the morneinge and 4 a clock in the
aftemoone which being found inconvenient was now altered." Streyn-
sham Master's account of the accident which caused Mr. Darley's
death is quoted in note 3 on p. 178 below.
2 The "younge man" was Nathaniel Whetham, entertained by
the Court as a writer, and specially appointed to assist the Agent,
Streynsham Master {Court Book, 1675). Whetham's goods were sold
at "Outcry" in Hugli on the 13th Nov. 1676. A detailed list, with
the amounts realized, is to be found at the end of the Diary of Streyn-
sham Master, pp. 362 — 364.
T. 12
178 BENGALA
they hallinge on board theire own Ketch againe, did over-
set the boat, and the minister and the younge man were
drowned. The rest drove away on the bottom of the boat.
My Purser, Mr. Clement Jordan^, was just then come downe
with a Small Olocko^; wee Sent her away and looke them
Up, beinge 5 in number, the Master and 4 Seamen I
^ Clement Jordan, afterwards known as Clement du Jardin, was,
like T. B., a "freeman" trading on '* country" vessels at this time.
He may possibly have come to India at the same time as our author.
Later, Jordan entered the Company's service. The following is a
brief account of his career in India, as gathered from the MS. records
at the India Office. In 1674 Mr "Jourden" went from Balasor to
Hugh. In 1676 he was with T. B. on the Sancta Cruz as described
in the text. In 1678, and early in 1679, Clement Jordan was at
Balasor settling his account with Rogiram [RajaramJ. In 1679 he
went on a trading voyage to Kedah and Achin with John Bugden,
brother of Edmund Bugden, the Company's servant at Balasor. They
sold the ship at Kedah and embarked with Mr John Smith in his ketch.
Smith sailed to the "South Seas" and was murdered by his men.
Jordan and Bugden were called upon to give an account of the murder
and were acquitted of any complicity in it. In 1680 Clement Jordan
was living as a freeman in Fort St George. In the same year he
went to Hugh, Kasimbazar, and Malda. In 1681 he was in the " Bay"
with his ship Margery. In 1682 he is styled Clement du Jardin, and
is mentioned as visiting Masulipatam and Madapollam in his own
vessel. In the same year Jordan entered the Company's service, and
was entertained as a factor. In 1683 he was sent to Vizagapatam,
apparently as second of the factory. (See p. 123, note 2.) He dis-
agreed with George Ramsden the Chief, and in 1683 was recalled to
the Fort, where he arrived in March, 1684. In Sept. he was sent on
the Amoy Merchant on a voyage to Sillebar whence he returned
in 1685. Meanwhile his conduct at Vizagapatam had incurred the
censure of the Court and he was dismissed the service in 1686. The
Council at Fort St George, however, appear to have had a great
regard for du Jardin, and as had previously happened in the case of
William Jearsey, the orders from Court were evaded. Du Jardin was
sent to Indrapoora and the West Coast, and his conduct while there
was favourably reported on. The Court refused to be influenced in
du Jardin's favour. They wrote, "Mr. Du Jardin is a huffing, swag-
gering, ignorant, avaritious prodigall Person, and we are sorry to see
such men so much in your favour... he is not a man to be trusted with
mony, nor with the Conduct of any ship or Sloope." In 1687 du
Jardin died at Indrapoora and the Council at Fort St George ex-
pressed their regret for his loss, "being a fitting active man among
those people." He left a widow who, at the time of his death, was at
Fort St George.
2 i.e. ulak^ a cargo-boat. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Woolock. Com-
pare the following : " It being a quick Oolauck you are upon."
Letter from Kasimbazar to Patna, 5th November, 1675, ^•^' No. 4126.
2 The following is the account of the accident as given in the
BENGALA 1 79
The Nabob and Some Merchants here and in Ballasore
and Piplo have about 20 Saile of Ships of considerable
burthen, that annually trade to Sea, Some to Ceylone, Some
to Tanassaree*. Those fetch Elephants, and the rest, 6 or 7
yearly, goe to the 12000 Islands called Maldiva* to fetch
Diary of Streynsham Master^ under date nth Sept. 1676, p. 59 :
"This afternoone Mr. Douglas the Chyrrugeone of the Eagle who
looked to Wm. Callaway very sick on board the Ganges sent to
Mr. Darley to come to him beleiving he was neare his end, whereupon
Mr. Darley very willingly went accompanyed with Mr. Bonnell Robt.
Littleton and Nathll. Whetham and George Heron the master of the
Arrival!^ the boate they went in being veered a Sterne by a rope from
the Arrivall to the Ganges^ after they had binn there a small time
Mr. Darley ha veing performed the last office for Mr. Calloway he dyed,
and then the partyes before mentioned with Mr. Dbuglas and Thomas
Read the Dyer went into the boate to retume againe aboard the
Arrivall^ and as they were putting off from the Vessell, by some
unhappy accident the boate cast thwart the Streame (which runn
very Swift) and filled with water, the Ganges boate being fast to her
Sheered up into the other boate, and beate the men into the water, In
which sad mischance, Mr. Darley and Nathll. Whetham were drowned,
all the rest it pleased God were saved and also the boates, the
Arrivalls boate breaking loose Swam with her Keel upward and the
Lascarrs upon it, which George Heron followed with the Ganges boate
some miles downe the river, till they came to the Dutch Flyboate,
where they were refreshed with meate and Drinck and clothes and
there saved the boate and brought them both aboard againe this
night." The " Dutch Flyboate" here mentioned must have been the
Sancta Cruz. Either Master must have been mistaken as to her
nationality, or else she must have been sailing under Dutch colours
for the purpose of trading to some Dutch factory. Master seems to
be a little confused in his account. On the 6th Sept. (p. 57) he says
he overtook a " Dutch Flyboate," which must therefore have been going
up the river. On the i ith Sept. (p. 58) he says that the skipper of the
"Dutch Flyboate we overtooke" came to him with a request. He then
goes on to relate a story that exactly fits in with T. B.'s adventure
described above : "The said Dutch Skipper sayd he was a Yorkshire
man, he told us that his shipp was shott by the mouth of this river
leading to Hugly into that river we call Tumberleen and that he had
lost an anchor two kedg anchors and 200 fathome of Hawser but there
was noe want of such things up at their Factory." Then, in the account
of the accident, Master says that his men were rescued by "the Dutch
Flyboate" evidently alluding to the same vessel he had mentioned
before. The explanation seems to be that Master met T. B. on his
voyage down the river, possibly under Dutch colours, and that he also
overtook a Dutch Flyboat going up the river and, in his account of
the accident, he confused the two vessels. It is at any rate clear that
the survivors of the overturned boat were rescued by T. B.'s men and
taken on board the Sancta Cruz,
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Tenasserim.
^ See note on p. 104.
12 — 2
l8o BEN GALA
cowries^ and Cayre*, and most commonly doe make very
profitable Voyages.
The Prince' now (neither did the Nabob before him)
not in the least concerne themselves with their Ships, onely
acquaints the Governour of Each respective Sea Port that
they will have Soe many Elephants of such a comelinesse
and Stature brought them that yeare, and for the rest it is
wholy left to the discretion of the Governour.
The Elephants of Ceylone * are best Esteemed of here
and all Hindostan over; they are generally large and well
Sett, of a most hardy constitution, and Endowed with more
Sence and reason then those of Tanassaree, Queda, or Syam^
They are bought from the Dutch (who have in a
manner fortified the Island Ceylone quite round®) in
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Cowry. Compare Alex. Hamilton, East
Indies^ vol. i. p. 347, for the " catching of Couries."
2 See note on p. 42. Compare the following in a letter from Hugli to
Balasor, 3rd April, 1678, O. C. No. 4392 : "I give you thanks also
for endeavouring to get some Coro Maldiva and if you had payd
10 rupees for one Tola should have bin content."
2 Muhammad 'Azim.
* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Ceylon.
^ For the superiority of Ceylon elephants, compare Schouteriy
vol. ii. p. 31 : "They are looked upon as the finest and most intelli-
gent [animals] in the world.... it is said that the elephants of other
countries recognize them, and that, as a mark of respect, they fall on
their knees before them."
® Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 5 : " Before the Portuguese, who
were the first among the Christians to navigate the Indies, had dis-
covered it [Ceylon], the Sarrasins, the Turks, and the Ethiopians
traded thither, and got from it pearls, precious stones, and above all a
quantity of cinnamon. After them the Portuguese made settlements
there ; and, finally, the Dutch have made themselves masters of it.
At least, all the commerce is in their hands*, and they possess the sea
ports with the greater part of the towns and fortresses." Compare
also Delestre^ p. 126 : "The hatred of this King [of Candy] towards
the Dutch is well-grounded, not only because they have established
themselves in his country against his will, and because they have built
fortresses, the most considerable of which is four leagues from the Bay
of Trinquemale, but because of their usurpations over his subjects...."
The Dutch had been invited by the King of Candy to assist in the
expulsion of the Portuguese. In 1658 they became masters of the
island and retained possession of it until 1796, when it was taken by
the English.
.*«?
BENGALA l8l
GalaS or Colomba^ or Japhnapatam^ The Dutch take
them in the Woods* and tame them, and dispose of
them to the merchants of Bengala in Exchange for
Rice, butter*', wheat, Opium ®, raw and wrought Silks or
Callicos ^ that they bringe yearly hither ; and these huge
Annimals are delivered them at theire Ship Sides in the
Roade, brought hither in great broad lighters that are
built for the Same purpose, where they are hove On board
with good Capstants, runners and tackles, and Secured in
hold as beforementioned fol. 38, 39^
The Kingdome of Bengala hath had a longe and
tedious warre with the Danes, who might have ruined
all theire Forraigne Commerce with their owne Ships or
Junks*, had they Either been ingenuous or Industrious,
^ See note on p. 75. On the 19th April, 1676, the Council at Fort
St George wrote to Hugli that the Dutch complained of a " Ship with
English Collours abusing... a Mores Ship of Bengala off of Punto De
Gali." Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 18. Compare Milburn,
Oriental Commerce^ vol. i. p. 350: "Point de Galle ranks next to
Colombo in point of trade. It was here that the Dutch used to ship
the cinnamon and other produce of the Island for Europe."
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Colombo. The transition spelling in the
text is valuable.
3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Jafna. Compare SchotUen^ vol. ii. p. 9 :
"The town and celebrated fortress of this island of Jaffanapatnam,
which lies forty-eight leagues from Colombo, on the East, are situated
in a fertile and agreeable country. Both were brought into sub-
mission to the Company [of Holland] in June 1658 by the arms of
General van Goens." N, and E, in a list of passes granted to ships in
1680, p. 47, has " Japnapatam."
* See Schouten, vol. ii. p. 33, for a description of capturing
elephants by the Dutch in Ceylon.
^ i.e. ghi. See note on p. 1 32.
* See note on p. 134.
'^ See note on p. 5.
8 These figures refer to the pages in the MS. The passage alluded
to will be found on pp. 73, 74 of the text.
® See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Junk, where Yule says, "1673. Fryer
also speaks of * Portugal Junks.* The word had thus come to mean
any large vessel in the Indian Seas." Here we have Danish "Junks,"
evidently in the same sense. Compare the following in Fort St George
" Generall " to the Court, 12th Nov. 1668, O. C. No. 3238, "Mr. Jear-
sey and Council in Mechlepatam...have ordered the cheife and Factors
in the Bay to send upon Juncks...at least 800 tons of Salt peter." In
1 82 BENGALA
but for want of knowinge men in theire Service, the trade
[of] the Moors of Bengala hath very much encreased.
An accompt of all theire^ losses were Summed Up in the
yeare 1674, and then they had lost but 30 Saile of Ships
and Vessels in 32 years warre.
That very yeare the Danes came from Trincombar*
(a fine Garrison of the Kinge of Denmarks), the onely place
they have in Asia, 40 English leagues to the Southward of
Fqrt St George's. They came Upon a treaty of peace ^
letters from the Court to Fort St George, 13th Dec. 1672 and 29th
Feb. 1684, Letter Books 5 and 7, there are the following allusions to
"Junks"; "Buy a Couple or Three Small Jouncks that are good
sailers [for fire ships]." "Any Junck that goes to Zeilon for Beetle
Nutts may bring you Plants and seeds of the Cinnamon Tree, as well
as pepper plants."
^ " Theire " refers to the Moors.
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Tranquebar. The Danes settled here in
1620. Compare the following accounts : Schouten^ who visited the
place in 1660, thus describes it (vol. i. p. 486) "Tranckebare is two
and a half leagues to the North'of Carcal. It has a fine appearance
from the sea shore whence is seen the Danish fort, the walls of which
are built of very white stone, and which has four bastions. This is the
chief of the places in which the Danes have established their trade.
They built this fort a long time ago. However, vessels of their
nation are very rarely seen in the other ports of India... The fort is
inhabited by more people of the countVy than by Danes... their trade
in this place as- in other parts of India is of little consequence, and
very much impeded by the Moors their enemies, with whom they have
ancient quarrels that cannot be made up." Delestre, p. 105 f. describes
the place twelve years later : " This town [Tranquebar] is a very
pleasant one, situated on the sea shore, and belongs to the Danes.
The natives completely sacked it a few years ago which is the reason
that merchants have not yet firmly re-established themselves there.
The town is watered by a fine river. When I was there [in 1672] it
was not entirely walled in, but by this time the work must be completed
as over 1000 blacks were employed in it.. .The garrison consists of 200
Danes without reckoning the blacks who mount guard day and night."
In the Diary of Streynsham Master^ under date 3rd July, 1676, there
is a reference to the Danish fort: "In the morning we saw the
Danes Fort at Trincambarr, and severall ships along the shoare."
3 There is but scanty mention of the Danes and their affairs in the
contemporary MS. records at the India Office, but the following
extracts taken from Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4, seem to show that
negotiations for peace began in 1673. On the loth June, 1673,
Walter Clavell wrote from Balasor, "The Danes as yet have not made
a pea<!:e having demanded their Prisoners they have here to bee set at
liberty, till that is graunted they will treat no further, this the Moors
cannot consent unto without the licence of Nabob Zoffy Chaan
BENGALA I 83
(which if they had good Successe in, they resolved to Settle
Factories in this Kingdome), in hopes also of acquiringe
Some Satisfaction for the unsufferable wrongs theire
Nation received off Meleck Beaked Father to this Melecjc
Cossum*, who is the present Governor of Hugly.
The Danish Nation were formerly well Setled in this
Kingdome, theire Chiefe Factory in Ballasore', and had
yearely Ships of very considerable burthen arrived from
Europe, untill Some Unhappy troubles arose at home,
which constrained the Kinge of Denmarke to keep his
Ships and men at home, which animated the Said Meleck
Beake to injure the resideinge people here, the which he
did in the basest degree of Nature.
[Nawab Sufi Khan] on whose account they were taken.'' On the 27th
of June in the same year Walter Clavell writes, "A Guzerat Ship was
surprized in the Roade [of Balasor] by two Danes Vessells who came
hither with intentions to make peace but as yet nothing is effected nor
is likely to bee, the Moores having detained three of their people
prisoners who were forced ashore the last yeare by a storme on the
Coast of Gingerlee where they were seized on by Nabob Zoffy Chaan's
people being then Nabob of Kateck and secured untill they had made
satisfaction for a vessell the Danes tooke of his, and the Moores
pretend they cannot surrender these Prisoners without the order of
the Nabob."
^ Malik Beg was Governor of Hugli for twenty years or more. He
is first mentioned in the records in 1647, and appears to have still held
his post as late as 1667-8, though the last direct reference to him, in
his official capacity, is in 1665. The name is variously given as
"Malybeeg, Malla beeg, Meirza Mallibeague, Merza Maleeck beeg,
Malick Beake." He was apparently more favourable to the English
than was his son and successor, Malik Qasim. Malik Beg took the
part of the English against the Dutch, and settled the differences
between the two nations in favour of the former (O. C Nos. 3071,
3095, 3096).
2 Malik Qasim was Governor of Hugli from about 1668 until the
end of the year 1672, when he lost his post. However, by means of
the payment of a heavy bribe, he procured the government of Balasor,
which he held for two years, and then re-obtained the government of
Hugli, an appointment which he retained until 1681.
3 Walter Clavell, in his "Accompt of the Trade of Ballasore" at
the end of the Diary of Streynsham Master^ p. 322, says, " Ballasore
begunn to be a noted place when the Portuguez were bekten out
of Angelin [Hijili] by the Moores about the year 1636 : at which
time.. .the English and the Danes endeavoured to settle Factoryes
here..."
1 84 BENGALA
They had a great quantitie of goods and moneys by
them, which the Villaine coveted, and, in fine, brought
his most diabolicall purposes to passe. He Poysoned all,
bQth younge and Old, that belonged to the Affaires of
Denmarke, and they were near 40 in number of the Danish
Nation, Seized upon all their goods, and demolished the
Factory, soe that when the next Shippinge arrived from
Denmarke, they found but course Entertainment in
Bengala, nor any Satisfaction, which forced them to
warre, and with a just cause, which might have tended
to the great Enrichinge of Denmarke had it been well
prosecuted \
The Danes, findinge Small gaines to Issue from this
warre, did. Anno Domini 1674, come downe from their
Castle of Trincombar (with one Shipp of 16 gunns and
a Sloope) into the bay of Bengala, upon a treaty for
peace, thereby to Settle a trade, as the English and Dutch
have in Bengala and Pattana.
Now, beinge Assured in themselves of Obtaininge a
Very honourable peace, with this Nation (who they
•
^ No details of this massacre have come to light among the
contemporary records at the India Office, but that the Danes were
in conflict with Malik Beg, the following extract from A Short
Declaration of sevrall passages in Bengalla by Richard Hudson
in Dec. 1647, O. C No. 2056, clearly shows: "Att our first arrivall
at Ballasara we were to appearance kindly wellcome till newes
of the Danes arrivall who were come to force satisfaction of wrongs
formerly sustained, when Zoe Millick Beague prohibits our [word
illegible] the howse, some few dayes after the Danes came into
the Roade, and seizeth one of the Moores shipps with 8 Ellephants,
whereupon hee Millick Beague sends the Sheckdarr [shiqdar^ revenue-
officer] with all the Merchants to intreat us to Vissitt him, some time
was spent and with much intreaty after we had made them eate their
words, we condiscended and went to Beagues howse, some daies after
he gave us a Vissitt, and the morrow following desires us to come to
his howse where meeteing he brought us to intercede with the Danes
for release of the Elliphants and Jounck, we went on board and dis-
charged our parts very honestly, but to no purpose the Danes replying
they came not hither with five Vessells to quit what they seized for faire
words, a second time we went to as much purpose as first, Beague and
the rest seeing our words prevaild no more they tell us then that sith
we are Christians, and the Danes the same, you shall Sattisfie the
Damage wee susteine with many words pro and con...."
BENGALA I 85
thought did not a little dread them) were very much
mistaken, for the Cunninge and Subtile Meleck Cossum^
did first out witt them, and Soon after laughed at them,
^ The records of the time shew the character of Malik Qasim in a
most unfavourable light. In Dec. 1672 (^Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4)
in a "General!'' from the Bay to the Court, we have the following:
"The troubles wee have met with from Mellick Cossum the Governour
of Hugly wee have yearely given you advice off in denying distucks
\dastaksy signed documents] when and as often as we complyed not with
his greedy and petulant desires in giving him presents m selling him
your goods at his owne rates Transporting his goods betweene Hugly
and Ballasore in your vessells and pilating his Vessells in and out the
River Ganges in all these as farr as we found reasonable wee did gratifie
his requests but could not without an extraordinary Charge comply in all,
nor prodigally lavish your estates to make presents &ca Charges to
equalize the Dutche's though by the Government expected... Mellick
Cossum is turned out of his government of Hugli... Mellick Cossum
hath with the expences of threescore thousand rupees procured the
Government of Ballasore...." On the 31st of March they wrote from
the Bay (ibid.\ " Mellick Cossum is lately arrived here and pretended
Friendship for us what it is wee have already experienced and feare
all his actions here will bare some proportion with what hee did in
Hugly." In Sept. 1673 i}bid.) Mr Elwes at Dacca was ordered to
acquaint the diwan "that the Towne [of Balasor] is likely in short
time to be ruined ; but two Vessells come here this yeare belonging to
Strangers... that their usage hath been such they intend never to come
here againe...and that as long as hee [Malik Qasim] is here wee nor
no Strangers can hope for any safety for our Ships, that wee have
forborne all manner of Trade in this place this yeare, and shall as long
as this man stayes here and it may bee bee forced to leave this place."
In Dec. 1674, the factors at the Bay wrote to the Court {ibid.\ "Mellick
Cossum Governour of Ballasore... hath in a little time after his removall
re obtained the Government of Hugly in his Sons name and the com-
mand of the Kings forces there abouts in his owne so that he is now
become one of a more absolute command then ever in these parts, and
may if the Nabob live in few years geet up all his former losses, there
being little expectation that the Nabob will be removed as long as he
lives...." In 1678 Malik Qasim was in less favour at Court, for, in
a letter from Hugli to Balasor ((9. C. No. 4403), we read, "The
Nabob is deadly sick at Dacca some say irrecoverable soe that tis
uncertain whether Mellick Cossim (who now is certainly in a low
condition and in great disgrace at Dacca) will be jaggeered from
Ballasore as he is from hence [Hugli]." However, it was three years
later before the English finally got rid of Malik Qasim. In November,
1 68 1, they wrote from Balasor {Factory Records ^ Balasor, No. i)
"This day Mellick Cossim who was lately Jageerd came to vissitt us
before his goeing to Decca." In a Dutch map of Hugli dated 1679
(Map No. 1 102 Leupe's Catalogue, in the Map Room at the India
Office), there is marked just outside the town "Garden of Melkassum
[Malik Qasim] formerly also fausdar [faujddr^ or Governor of
Hoogly."
1 86 BENGALA
All through the Simplicitie of a Mechanick^ fellow that
the Danes Entitled theire Comadore, who rendred him-
selfe, as he was really, a most ridiculous man, to the
mightie disgrace of there whole Nation and Fortification
of Trincombarre.
This Commadore, as they called him, at his arrivall
in the Roade of Ballasore, to our Judgements, seemed to
be blest with a great Share of good Fortune, but let it Slip
for want of discretion or couradge, the latter of which it
cold not well be, for a vessell with 2 or 3 gunns, and onely
8 or 10 men might have acted more in that respect then
there was any occasion for.
Hee found 5 Saile of Bengala Ships in the roade,
newly arrived from Ceylone and Maldivae Insulae*, whose
Cargoes were very Considerable. The Moors that be-
longed to them tooke to theire boats ^d runne into the
River, leaveinge Ships and goods for a Prey to the Danes;
but they cold not perswade theire Commadore to make
Seizure of them, which, had he done, it wold have been a
great inducement to the Moors to have granted to them
a most Noble pe^ce; but if, on the Contrary, they might
have carried away their prises, a greater enrichinge to them
then any Factories they may have in this Kingdome will
afford in their Small trade for many years to come.
And, which added more disgrace to them, Meleck
Cossum, by advice of the Merchants, meerly out of feare
of looseinge those 5 Saile and 6 or 7 more dayly Expected,
sent a Very noble peace off to him, which he refused.
The Articles of agreement tendred to the Danes were but
few, but contained great freedom to them, vizt. —
Art. I. That the Danish Nation Shold henceforward
Enjoy the Same liberty of traffick and commerce in
Bengala and Pattana as the English Nation doth.
^ i.e. vulgar. ^ See note on p. 104.
BENGALA I 87
Art. 2. That the Moors wold build them a Factory in
Ballasore as large as they please, and where.
Art. 3. That Meleck Cossum wold give to the Danes
5 or 6000 Rupees towards bearinge theire Expences Untill
they were well Setled.
Meleck Cossum Sent a very Eminent man (one of his
owne councell) on board the Danes Ship (then rideinge
with a flagge of truce), and gave him many faire Sentences
to deliver by word of mouth, as alsoe very complementall
letters Signed and Sealed by him and his Councell, all
which instanced nothinge but great Friendship, protest-
inge what he meant not to doe, that he wold assist them
in all that lay in his power, and that they were in his
breast the most welcome of all Europeans that Ever came
into Bengala, and that Ever Since he arrived to the height
of this present Government, he coveted nothinge more
then the Society of the Danish Merchants or Factors ; and
thus, with many faire wheedles, and comeinge downe in
person to the barre, with Store of Elephants, Palanchinoes^
&c., pretendinge to waite for kissinge of the Commadore's
hand, he deluded him on Shore, where he thought him-
selfe Sure of the beforementioned peace, with an addition
of 1 00000 rupees towards Satisfaction for theire great
injuries received at the hands of this Governour's Father^
This Worthy Commadore (a Taylor by trade) did now
display himselfe in his owne colours. He went on Shore,
but Sorely neglected to Stitch up the Peace, when all the
necessaries were brought to him Upon his own Shop-
board. He was Seemingely courteously received by Meleck
Cossum and his hypocriticall Crew, by whom he was
conducted to his house, and theire, after Some wilfull
Silly questions asked concerninge Denmafke, England,
Holland, &c.. The Commadore mentioned the treaty of
^ See note on p. 19. ^ ue. Malik Beg.
I 88 BENGALA
Peace, att which the Moor's Governour Seemed to be
Struck with an admiration, and told him he knew of noe
warre ; but one discourse bringinge on another, the
Governour now began to Speake a little Sharply to him
and his Companions that accompanied him On Shore, and
demanded Satisfaction for the 30 Saile of Ships they had
taken duringe the warre, rateinge each Ship and Cargo at
noe lesse then 10 thousand pounds Sterlinge, soe that the
whole amounted to more then Ever the Danes had, or
(in my Opinion) will have in all the East Indies or
South Seas^
The Commadore and his associates began now to
consider theire Errour in Comeinge On Shore, findinge
themselvs in noe better condition then at the mercy of
Meleck Cossum, the Issue of him that had noe mercy on
the Danish Nation, in soe much that now they are forced
to give faire Speeches, and condescend to anythinge, for
feare of Sufferinge imprisonment or death.
And now the Moors come Upon them for Satisfaction
for a great Number of Musslemen^ they had killed and
taken Prisoners, declareinge they had lost tenn times soe
many as the Danes lost in Bengala — a very Slender piece
of Satisfaction.
^ i.e. the trading places in the southern part of the Indian Ocean,
e.g. the Malay Peninsula, Sumatra, &c. Compare the following :
"Use all diligence... to putt in as much Saltpeeter as you can in all
Ships that as need requires wee may take out of them at their retume
to the Fort to make provision for the South Seas.... Prepare and
provide what goods you can fitting for the South Sea trade." Factory
Records^ Fort St George, No. 16, 26th Aug. 1668 and 19th Sept. 1669.
2 An interesting early example of a mistake still sometimes made.
Compare Fryer^ P- 9I) who has a similar error : " Here [Surat] are a
sort of bold, lusty, and most an end, drunken Beggars, of the Mussle-
men Cast," and the following from the Hugh Diary of 25th May, 1677
(Factory Records^ Hugli, No. i) "This morning wee sent our Mahazor
[mahzar^ application] to Dacca signed only by 4 MoguU and Mus-
sullmen and 6 Hindoes." The author, in his Malay Dictionary^ ha^,
" Moosulmawn, a Mahometan, or true Believer as esteemed by the
Mahometans." See also notes on pp. 76 and 126.
BENGALA 1 89
And with all told them in good Earnest, that if they
wold or did Expect any favour in these Kingdomes, they
must goe up to Dacca to Nabob Shah-hest-Kan ^ and
treat with him concerneinge theire affaires.
Meleck Cossum knew well Enough they wanted
moneys whereby to make theire addresses to Such a great
person, who made noe body welcome without it; therefore
that piece of advice was onely to Jeere them.
TheDanishCommadoreExcused himselfe from that, and
by great Submission to the Governour here, obtained the
Liberty to take a house to live in, vizt. for him and his people,
untill they heard Farther from the Castle of Trincombar.
The which was noe Sooner requested, but immediately
granted, and a promise made to them that they shold not
be treated like Enemies, but Shold be free to buy and Sell
and bringe theire Ship up to the towne Side and Stay Six
months with great freedom, and then (the Monsoone"
beinge shifted) to goe away with theire Ship and Sloope
where they pleased, but that the Commadore and 4 or 5
Factors shold reside in Ballasore until a better Under-
standinge was made betweene the Kinge of Denmarke and
theire Nabobs
1 Shayista Khan.
2 See notes on pp. 51 and T},, Compare the following curious
spelling in a letter from Balasor, 25th Jan. 1675, Factory Records^
Hugli, No. 4, " The Mounsoon drawing neere to an end."
3 The only allusion to this episode, so fully described by T. B.,
that has come to light among the India Office Records, is the following
extract from a letter to the Court written by Walter Clavell at the Bay
on the 28th Dec. 1674, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4: "The Deanes
have for borne to trade in these parts and had Warr from 1640 to this
present year now they are come two new termes and are like to have a
little interest here on the Condition that all pretence of dammage shall
be lade by on all Sides that the Deanes shall be free of custom as wee
are, and that they shall have a place alloted them to build a Factory
on, and have Rupees 3000 Allowed them towards the Building thereof,
hether two these particulars are but Slenderly performed there being
nothing advanced towards the erecting there Factory nor have they
though they have long Since Chosen a plot of ground proceeded to
erect any wall or to lay a foundation, the Deanes seeme not to be con-
tented with there Setlement here nor the mores to pay any part of
I90 BENGALA
Againe, in the yeare 1676, they Sent downe the Same
Ship and a brave new Sloope upon the Same Errand;
but now they durst not meddle with any Moors Ships, by
reason of their men that were On Shore under the Moors
Government. They went up to Ballasore with their Ship,
and theire New Commadore, Captain Wilkins^ came Up to
Hugly in the Sloope, thence tooke Budgaroe * for Dacca,
carryinge a present to the Nabob. This Wilkins beinge
a very talkative man, and his present not soe great as
Expected, the Nabob did but meerly Scoffe at him,
Especially when he demanded the Same priviledge the
English Nation Enjoyed, and asked if the like the Dutch
had wold not Serve. He answered noe, but was forced
to accept of lesse, and I question not but they purposed
to take Opportunity to depart this Kingdome, and begin
the warre afresh \
the promissed mony, unless they can perswade any towne Merchant
whose perticular benefit the Governor pretended it will be to advance
the mony, however the name of peace being now spred here and no
warr thought of with any people who trade at Sea, the owners of
Shipping doe begin to leave of to by any Ordinance but Seeke to finde
ameanes to Settle Some of what they have in the Country.'' In answer
to this letter, the Court wrote, 24th December, 1675, Letter Book^^o. 5,
" We observe what you say about the settling of the Danes in the Bay,
you ought to have opposed that so far as it might have been done
without our Prejudice."
^ Streynsham Master calls him Wilk Wygbert. "The Danes
Cheife by name Wilk Wygbert gave mee a vissit." Diary of Streyn-
sham Master^ under date 30th Aug. 1676. In Factory Records^ Siam,
No. I, there is a reference on the 8th May, 1679, to "Captain Wilkin
Wigbers lately in the Danes service bearer of a letter [from Fort
St George to Siam]."
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Budgerow. See the end of the section
on " Bengala " for a description of this kind of boat. Compare the
following : " I got up to Bamnegur wheare I mett Mr. Vincent coming
downe the river in his Buggera." Letter from Hugh to Balasor,
6th Feb. 1679, (9. C. No. 4573.
3 It was at this time, about 1676, that the Danes established them-
selves at Serampore near Hugli. To this second treaty, as described
by T. B., there are the following references in the contemporary MS.
records : " The Danes by plying up and down only with their small
vessells half man'd with Blacks and sometimes catching a few of their
[the "Bramanys"] ships and Boates alongst the Coast of Gingerlee,
have brought them as well as the Bengallers to as good complyance
BEN GALA IQI
A great Multitude of Portugals^ inhabit the Kingdome
of Bengala, Especially in Hugly and Some Other Creeks
or Rivolets of the River thereof. Many of them are filias
d^ Lisboa (as they call them selvs), vizt. Europeans borne,
but many more of them are filias de Indies. They have
a very large towne, about one English mile above the
English Factory; it is called the Bandell*. I judge it is
as they can desire." Fort St George "Generall," 23rd July, 1676,
O. C. No. 4215. **This evening I visited the Cheife of the Danes
Wilke-Wygbert at their factory, by whome I was informed that he
had formerly binn a Skipper in the Dutch Companys service, in their
great ships out and home, and lost his legg at Macasser, afterward,
upon discontent of some ill usage left their service in Holland, and in
the yeare 1670 came out in the King of Denmarkes service to make
purchase upon the People of Bengala, but after him came out other
persons of Quallity who had concluded a peace with these people
which he did not esteeme soe advantageous as the other way, the
tearmes where these, this their Factory and the ground and houses
about it (which is a good Compass^ and a handsome spott) was given
them free and three thousand Rupees in mbney to repaire and build a
house, all which the merchants of this towne Contributed Alsoe he
acquainted me that at Dacca from whence he was lately returned he
had procured the Nabob Shaster cawne's Phyrwanna \J>arwdnd\ for
the Danes nation to trade free of custome in Bengala and Orixa, and
the Merchants alsoe that buy their goods and that his charges in
procuring the same stood them in between 4 and 5 thousand rupees....
The Danes are granted a Phyrwand In every perticuler like as ours, it
is now in the Rayes [rajahs] hands who will not deliver it without a
present." Diary of Streynsham Master under date 2nd Sept. and
1 8th Dec. 1676.
On the 7th May, 1677, the Council at Fort St George wrote to the
Bay {Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 18), "We have now yours
15 February... whose contents observe and therein the continuing
Severitys of the great men.. .and all seeming to be occasioned by the
Danes Suing for a Phirmaund \Jarmdn\ like ours, and that eluded by
the Crafty Mores alledging the Honble. Companys paying of 2 per 100
at Surratt, and prosecuting the instance against them in Bengala allsoe
2 birds with one Stone."
In Hague Transcripts^ No. 2, under date i8th Oct. 1677, we find,
"The Danes have been very clever in obtaining permission to trade
over the whole district of Bengal, but we do not think they will find
it very profitable, as we are informed, that since the foundering of
their East Indiaman, the Company have neither men nor money for
equipping another vessel, neither have they any credit and the Share-
holders refuse to put in further capital."
^ See note on p. 3. Compare John Marshall, Notes and Observa-
tions^ p. 6 (reverse), " Hugly is a very great Towne in which live very
many Portuguese."
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Bandel. Bandel = ^<««^<«r, i.e. the port.
Wilson, Early Annals^ vol. i. p. 62, in his description of Hugli circ.
/
192 BENGALA
2 English miles in circuit, very populous of men, women
and children. They are for the most part very poore^
but are much to be commended for their Industrie, in
acquireinge a livelyhood by honest means, much more
commendable and honourable then for Christians to begge
in a heathen Country.
They knitt Stockins of silke and Cotton,^ they bake
bread for the English and Dutch Factories and particular
dwellinge houses, and for theire Ships and Vessels; they
make many Sorts of Sweetmeats, vizt. Mangoe', Orange,
Lemon, Ginger, Mirabolins*, Ringo Roots*, &c. Severall
1679, says, "North of it was Bandel the ill-fated colony of the Portu-
guese." Compare also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 20 f. :
" Hughly is a Town of a large Extent, but ill built. It reaches about
2 Miles along the River's Side, from the Chinchura before mentioned to
the Bandel, a Colony formerly settled by the Portugueze...The Bandel
at present, deals in no Sort of Commodities."
^ Compare the following from Walter Clavell's "Accompt of the
Trade of Hugly," at the end of the Diary of Streynsham Master^
p. 322 : " The Portuguez, though numerous in Hugly, yett are reduced
to a very low and meane Condition, their trade not worth mentioning,
their Subsistance being to be entertained in the Mogulls pay as
Souldiers."
2 See note on p. 48.
3 See Hobson-Jobsotiy s.v. Myrobalan. A variously spelt and pro-
nounced term for astringent dried fruits of several species.
* Apparently for "dringo root." Craufurd, Malay Dict.y has
^^ daringgu (Jav. dringo\ name of a plant, Acorus terrestrisJ^ And
T. B., in his Malay Diet, gives " Dirringo, Calamus aramaticus, or a
Sweet smelling reed in India." See also Valentyn^ vol. iii. p. 246,
who says, " The Deringo^ or Acorus, otherwise called Calmus, but by
no means the same as Calamus Aromaticus, is found here also [in
Amboyna], being one long creeping root, which is scarcely a finger
thick." Rumphius, Herbarium Amboinense^ vol. v. pp. 178 — 180, has
a chapter on "Acorum. Deryngo." From this I have extracted the
followmg as to the designation, habitat, and use of the plant : ^^ Nomen,
Latine Acorum et Acorus... In Bengala Boos, in regionibus Malaien-
sibus Deryngo, quod Portugalli Diringo scribunt... Loeus. In India
Orientali copiosissime et elegantissime crescit in aquosa regione
Bengalae inferioris... Usus. Quum Acorum in hisce fervidis pro-
veniens regionibus ingratum magis et acorem habeat saporem, q^uam
quod in frigidis crescit locis, hinc non ita aptum est, ut condiatur
quam istud. Recentes jussi radices primo rite decorticare et depurare,
per tres dies primum in aqua, ac dein per tres alios dies in aqua
saccharata maceravi, ac tum cum saccharo excoxi, saporem tamen
servabat austerum, comperi autem post annum elapsum melioris esse
\
BENGALA I 93
Sorts of Achar\ as Mangoe, Bamboo, Lemon, &c. very
good and Cheape^. Many of the men Use the Sea in
English or Moors Ships and Vessels", soe that these
people live very happily, better then in most places in
Asia, all Sorts of provisions beinge here very Cheape.
A Very good Cow is Sold for foure Shillings Six Pence,
notae. Salubris sunt hae radices mensibus pluviosis..." Stevens,
Guide to East India Trade^ p. 146, has "Rangoes" among a list of
goods brought from the East Indies, and in a list of "manufactured"
goods, p. 144 (among which is "Bamboe Atchar") he has "Arrangoes."
These " Rangoes " may refer to the same product as that mentioned
by T. B. Indeed, it is not at all unlikely that a product jointly of
Bengal and the islands of the Malay Archipelago had a Malay
commercial name, just as Rangoon oil nowadays comes from America !
See Watts, Diet, of Economic Products of India^ s.v, Acorus. Godhino
de Eredia in his Malaca^ has a chapter, p. 39 f., on the medicaments
of the Malays. He says, "The plants and herbs most generally
used are the following: nutmeg, cinnamon... dringo...'' Premier
Livre de PHistoire de la Navigation aux Indes Orientates par les
Hollandois^ 1609, gives on fol. 41, in describing the voyage of 1595,
an excellent plate of the "Calamus Aromaticus en Malaique dit
Diringuo" making it look like ginger. I am indebted to Mr Donald
Ferguson for putting me on the right track for hunting down the
term "dringo."
^ A char is the ordinary vernacular for pickle. The Premier
Livre ^ etc., quoted in the preceding note, says, fol. yj^ that " Mangas
d'Achar" was used in place of olives. Dampier^ vol. i. p. 391, calls
dchar a "sawce" from its use as a digestive or stomachic. See
Hobson-fobson^ s.v. Achar. Compare the following : " If you can
meet any Jarres of Pegue buy mee some of that sort which usually are
for Mangoe Achar." Letter to Balasor, 13th May, 1678 ; O. C.
No. 4414. " Four jarrs which I send downe to you... to be filled with
mangoe Attchar.'* Letter to Balasor, 12th August, 1678 ; O. C,
No. 4473.
" Achar Wee would have you to provide for us every Year \o Jarrs
of Acharr Vizt. 3 of your best Mango Pacherees, 3 of Radish. ..the other
Four in Lime [fruit] Acharr, We would not have you to Chinamb
\chunam^ plaster with lime] the top of them over." Letter from the
Court to Fort St George, loth March, 1682; Letter Book^ No. 6.
Hugh was written to on the same date to provide 20 small Jars of
"Acharr" yearly, " 10 of best Mangoe 6 of Lyme [fruit] and the other 4
of [edible] Bambo."
2 Compare Bemier^ p. 437 f. : "Bengale...is celebrated for its
sweetmeats, especially in places inhabited by Portuguese, who are
skilful in the art of preparing them... Among other fruits, they preserve
large citrons, such as we have in Europe, a certain delicate root
[? dringo] about the length of a Sarsaparilla, that common fruit of
the Indies called amba [mangoe], another called ananas [pine-apple],
small mirobolans, which are excellent, limes and ginger."
3 e.g, Petro Loveyro, the " antient Portugueze" mentioned on p. 75.
T. 13
194 BENGALA
vizt. 2 rupees, a good hogg for | of a Rupee, 45 or 50
fowls for one Rupee, fish alsoe in great plenty, by reason
of which plenty of all Sorts of belly timber* and cloths
fittinge for the Climate very Cheape alsoe, this Kingdome
is soe well inhabited Especially by Foraigners^ which
maketh Bernyer's Opinion of it to be to the purpose —
That the Kingdome of Bengala hath many dores into it,
and but one out of it^ which is very true, For thousands
that were borne in Other Countries doe live and Ends
theire days with Old age in Bengala.
The Portugals are admitted to live in any part of the
Kingdome with freedome Enough, but not soe much as
Some of their richest men, Fidalgas as they call them,
vizt. Gentlemen, doe Expect, for they doe and must pay
custome and Other duties, the Same the Merchants of the
countrey doe, and great respect to the Mahometan
Governours alsoe; but againe they are free from any
absurd Exactions, such as are laid heavily Upon the
Gentue and Banjan Merchants.
Nevertheless, the Moors doe take all advantages to
Screw moneys out of them, as for instance, Anno Domini
1676, the Portugueeses haveinge collected a good Summ
of moneys to the End they might build a very large and
decent Church, they now make preparation to begin the
worke. Haveinge provided Stone, brick, lime, timber, they
pull downe the Old one, and begin the new foundation,
^ i.e. Provisions. Compare the following in a letter from Hugli to
Fort St George, 17th April, 1682, "Surratt, a place fam'd for its
frugallity or rather pinchingness in belly Timber."
2 Compare Bernier^ p. 438 f. : " Pigs are obtained at so low a price
that the Portuguese, settled in the country, live almost entirely upon
pork.... Fish of every species, whether fresh or salt, is in the same pro-
fusion. In a word, Bengale abounds with every necessary of life ; and
it is this abundance that has induced so many Portuguese, Half-
castes, and other Christians, driven from their different settlements by
the Dutch, to seek an asylum in this fertile kingdom."
2 " The Kingdom of Bengale has a hundred gates open for entrance,
but not one for departure." Bernier^ p. 439.
BENGALA I 95
but ere one fourth finished the Moors, by Order of theire
Governour stopped the worke, commandinge the workmen
Upon paine of imprisonment not to proceeded to the
great griefe of the Fathers*, and alias. The Mahometans
did it not for Religions Sake, but for lucre of moneys, for
I GOG pound Sterlinge will admitt of 2 or 3 churches in
most places in the Kingdome or Empire'.
I judge, and am well Satisfied in it, that there are noe
lesse then 200CX) Frangues * of all Sorts in the Kingdom
of Bengala, and above ^ of them inhabit near Hugly
River^
The Way that is most used by the Moors for the Exact
accompt how the day and night passeth away is very
remarkable, beinge soe different from any in Europe.
They use noe © dialls *, clocks, or watches, nor glasses, for
indeed I thinke they are not soe ingenuous to make them,
but consideringe that, they have invented a very good
method for the certaine noteinge how that precious Jewell,
time, hasteth away.
They fill a great bowle or bason with very cleare water,
and a Small Coppar dish that will hold between ^ a pint
and a pint, made very thinne and a Small round hole
drilled through the bottom, the which Set Empty (Swim-
inge on the great bowle of water) very boyant, which
gradually filleth and then doth immediately Sinke. The
tender thereof, for there must be continually one to Sit
^ I have been unable to find any confirmation of this story in either
printed or MS. records of the period available.
2 i.e. Padres, priests.
3 See note on p. 11. * See note on p. 140.
^ Compare Bernier^ p. 439: "The Jesuits and Augustins, who
have large churches and are permitted the free and unmolested
exercise of their religion, assured me that Ogouli alone contains from
eight to nine thousand Christians, and that in other parts of the
kingdom their number exceeded five-and-twenty thousand."
^ Sun-dials. See note on p. 85.
13—2
vAjL.:3M^t.>
196 BENGALA
by it, immediately taketh it up and Setteth it floating-
(as before), and Striketh — One, and when [it] Sinketh
againe, he Striketh — two, and soe on to 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. And
When he hath Strucken Seven, he then Striketh i, vizt.
One PoreS and when [it] Sinketh againe, he Striketh i,
Vizt. One gree*; and soe Onward, 2, vizt. 2 gree and then
one, vizt. one Pore; then 3, vizt. 3 gree and i, vizt. i Pore;
and Soe to 7 ; and then Striketh 2, vizt. 2 Pore, vizt. mid-
day, or midnight; as 9 in the morneinge Is one Pore, 12
att Noone 2 Pore, 3 in the afternoone 3 Pore, © Settinge*
4 Pore, and soe of the night. They Strike not with or
Upon a bell, for the Mahometans Use none, but it is a
round flatt of one foot and a halfe, or two foot Over,
(Some are very much larger) made of fine Gans of Pegu *,
vizt. a very good Sort of bell mettle. It is hunge up by a
Stringe through a hole on one Side thereof, Soe as to take
it's free Swinge, and is called a Gonge*. They Strike
thereon with a Small Mallat of wood, and yieldeth a most
Excellent Sound and Echo. Most Mahometans &c. of
accompt in Hindostan Use them at theire doors in the
Street where they have generally a Porch built, when
2 men are continually kept to attend it, one Sleepeth while
the Other waketh and tendeth the Gree. The English and
Dutch have them at the Gates of all there inland Factories
^ Pahr. 2 Chart. ^ Sunset.
* See Hobson-Jobsofiy s.v, Ganza = bell-metal. Compare the fol-
lowing: "Tell him [my Cousin Greenhill] I will make good 7 cwt.
10 lbs. received of the Porgo man account his gance." Letter from
Hugli to Balasor, 7th April, 1678, O, C. No. 4395. "The Longpepper
and Gance...! would have them disposed of being the one is perish-
able and of the other sort more may come from the fort or Metchle-
patam shortly." Letter from Hugli to Balasor, 28th May, 1678, O, C.
No. 4430. " I have desired Mr. John Heathfield in Metchlepatam to
lade on the first Vessaile bound thence for your Port a Parcell of Pegu
Gance... being about 30 candyes." Letter from Fort St George to
Balasor, 21st Feb. 1679, O, C. No. 4580.
^ T. B. in his Malay Dictionary has "Goong, a Goong or China
Bell."
BENGALA I97
in this Kingdome or Others in Hindostan, Verifieinge the
Old Proverbe, Cum fueris Romae, &c. *
The Bengalas (vizt. the Idolatrous people of the
Countrey) have very Strange ways of worshippinge their
Gods, (or rather Devils) they Set up in their Pagods, as
alsoe in theire owne houses, which images are of a most
hideous Shape, that these poore Ignorant Souls doe soe
much deifie, and torture theire owne persons for the Silly
humors they hold of adoreinge them, one of which as
followeth : —
In the Month February, they publickely Shew theire
Earnest devotions, and what they will Suffer for the Sake
of their Irreligious Molten Gods. They Place a great
Powle in the Earth, not unlike to a maypowle, on the top
of which is placed another Very longe powle, which is soe
fixed upon a Speendle as to runne round (with great
facilitie) at each end of which is fastened a 3 inch rope, att
the lowermost end for the multitude of Idolaters to lay
hold on and runne the powle round; that at the Upper-
^ The author is here endeavouring to describe the Indian clepsydra
or water-clock, and the accompanying bell for striking the time indi-
cated by the clock. There are many contemporary accounts of this
prominent instrument. Indian time reckoned 60 hours {ghari^ gree)
of 24 minutes to the full day instead of our 24 hours of 60 minutes.
There were nominally 8 gharfs to the watch {pahr^ pore), the watch
being a fourth part of the night. But strictly the right relation between
ghari and pahr never worked out, and one of the night watches was
made to consist of 9 or 7 gharis according to the season. The instru-
ment struck was called a gharidl or ghantd (bell) and by Europeans
a gong, itself an Oriental word. The water-clock was also called a
ghari.
See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Ghurry, Puhur and Gong. Compare
Fryer^ p. 186, and the following description by Thevenot^ part iii.
p. 100, "That Gary is pretty pleasant, though it be only rung with a
stick, striking upon a large Plate of Copper that is held in the Air;
but the Ringer strikes artfully and makes Harmony with it ; the Gary
serves to distinguish time. In the Indies the natural day is divided
into two parts, the one begins at break of day, and the other at the
beginning of the night, and each of these parts is divided into four
Quarters, and each Quarter into eight Parts, which they call Gary.*'
John Marshall, Notes and Observations^ p. 13, has a long paragraph
on "Gurries."
198 BENGALA
most end hath a Steele hooke fastened to it of good
Substance. The bewitchinge Brachmans, haveinge intoxi-
cated severall people, they Voluntarily come and desire
to be hooked and Swunge^ round to the publick View
of many hundred Spectators, which is immediately done,
and they are Swunge round with great rejoyceinge to the
Gentues' that behold as alsoe to the parties themselves
Seemingly, for they laugh and through flowers downe to
the people, notwithstandinge the hooke is runne through
their flesh, by which all the rest of the body doth
hange, Some by the Sholder, some by the Small of
the back, and Some by the buttock, as here described.
[Plate XI.]
The Actors and Promoters of this Sort of Cruell
Penants accompt themselves most religious. The Pro-
moters are the wicked Brachmans ^ the Sufferers the
Ignorant Gentues and Orixas*, who thinke it meritorious,
and a winninge of the favour of God and man, a poore
^ In "Extracts from the Agent's Journey to Masulipatam by Land,"
given in N. and E, for 1679-80, p. 33, we find, "14th April [1679]
PollicuU. Description of a great Pagoda there and of the Swinging
Festival ; some of the Agent's people went and saw 20 people hung up
by the back by the skin with Iron Hooks attached to the end of
a long pole."
Compare also the description by Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 181,
"The eighth of April, being in a City of Bengala called Malde, the
Idolaters made a great Feast, according to the particular Custom of
that place ; they all go out of the City, and fasten Iron hooks to the
boughs of several Trees, then come a great number of poor people
and hang themselves, some by the sides, some by the brawn of their
backs, upon those hooks, till the weight of their body tearing away the
flesh, they fall of themselves. Tis a wonderful thing to see that not
so much as one drop of blood should issue from the wounded flesh,
nor that any of the flesh should be left upon the hook ; besides, that in
two days they are perfectly cur'd by such Plaisters as their Bramins
give them." John Marshall, Notes and Observations^ is very full on
this swinging festival, which he saw at Patna on the 29th March,
167 1, "a great day of penance amongst the Hindoos." See also
Dubois and Beauchamp, Hindu Manners^ Customs and Ceremonies^ on
" Hook-swinging," p. 605.
2 See note on p. 23.
3 See pp. 13 and 23. * See note on p. 130.
BENGALA 1 99
ignorant people that know noe better. And of all
Idolaters in India the Orixas are most ignorant, and are
held by the rest to be of a lower Cast then they, in soe
much that the Others, namely the Gentues and Banjans,
will scarsely live neare any of them\ soe that they
are, as it were, Seperated from any towns or Pagods of
Note. They doe, for the most part, live in Small Cottages
that adjoyne to the Sea or Rivers, gettinge theire lively-
hood by fishinge or makeinge Salt^. Many of them resort
to the creeks and Rivolets at or about the Entrance into
the Ganges, to make Salt att the dry Season of the yeare,
vizt. May, June, July, August, where they make there
abode soe longe, and then remove to theire old Stations,
the ground here beinge lovy and Swampy, and much fre-
quented with wilde beasts, vizt. Tygers, Bears, Rhinocerots,
&c., which alsoe dreadeth the poore Orixas, whoe Indeed
I may well call poore (and ignorant too). I have often
been in theire Villages, and where there have been more
then 20 families of them, they cold not all change one
Rupee into Cowries, whereby to be paid for a little milke
or fish (or what else wee had of them) in the currant moneys
of this Kingdome and Orixa and Arackan, and withall soe
ignorant that they know not Silver from Tootanagga^
^ See p. 41 for similar caste distinctions.
2 Compare the Diary of Streynsham Master^ under date 8th
September, 1676, p. 57, "This day wee passed by.. .the river of Rogues
[running into the lower Hugli]...we alsoe passed by great numbers of
salt pitts, and places to boile salt."
^ i.e. spelter. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Tootnague. The "white
copper" of China is meant in the text. The same trick as that hinted
at by T. B. is still played upon the Nicobarese, who cannot usually dis-
tinguish between silver and tootnague, i.e. German silver. See also
Ind. Ant. vol. xxvi. p. 222 f., for a similar trick on Java by the Chinese
in the 17th century. Compare the following in a letter from Hugli to
Balasor, 20th April, 1678, O. C. No. 4401, "I request you to get made
for mee a handsome midle sized Aftaw and Chillumchee [ewer and
basin] of Tetanague well set out with brass about the Edges." Writing
to Balasor on the 12th August, 1678, O. C. No. 4476, the Council at
Fort St George request " 30 Candy of Tuttenag in 644 slabbs." T. B.
in his Malay Diet, has, " Tootanag or the China pewter."
2CX) BENGALA
Cowries^ (all the moneys knowne to the ignorant
Ourias) are Small Shells, brought from the Islands of
Malldiva^. A great quantitie passe for one Rupee, not
lesse then 3200, as shall be shewed more largely in the
moneys of this Kingdome.
The Ourias ' are a Very Strange Sort of Phisicians to
theire Sick people, to Father, Mother, Wife, children, or
any Others, in soe much that theire Medicines are almost,
if not altogeather incredible, to any man that hath not
Seen theire Actions.
When any Party (man or woman) is visited with Sick-
nesse, which brings them soe low that they cannot Eat in
2 days time, they are then in a manner given over for
dead, as very well they may, consideringe how roughly
they are dealt with, enough to kill a Sound person, as
follbweth : —
The Sick party is carried downe to the River Side in
a hammaker, or course piece of Dungaree Cloth *, where he
^ See note on p. 180. See also Ind. Ant. vol. xxvi. p. 290 ff. ;
vol. xxviii. p. i7off. ; vol. xxix. pp. 38, 41. Compare the following
reference in Delestre^ p. 195, "They [the inhabitants of Bengala] have
a particular kind of money that they call caulis which are little shells ;
they give you eighty-four for a fanoux \fulus\ \|prth five sols." Com-
pare also the following in a General letter from the Court to Fort St
George, dated 22nd February, 1660, " Bowgees or Cowries, being here
in some request, wee desire you to lade on board the Smirna mer-
chanty to the quantity of about 20 tonns."
2 See note on p. 104. Compare the following extract from "A de-
scription of the Maldivas, 1683," O, C. No. 4916, " The Maldive Islands
are said to contain 12000 Islands that are above Water, with many
Shoals and banks whereon they take their Cowries having on them 2,
3 or 4 foot Water... .Cowries are to be had at any time of the year, but
in November and December most, by reason they are brought to the
Kings Island to Lade the Bengali Shipping...."
3 See note on p. 130.
* i.e. coarse cotton. See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Dungaree. On the
17th Nov. 1675, Messrs Fleetwood and Hatton wrote from Nouraspo-
ram (Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. 10), that they had received
"311 ps. of Dengarees," and on the 8th Aug. 1678 the Council at Fort
St George wrote to Masulipatam {ibid.) that "The Honble. Company
had required 12000 Peeces Dungarees... 1200 Peeces is but a very
Small quantity of such cours goods...." N. and E. p. 22 for 3rd June,
1680 has, " Dungarees and Market Clouts every 16 patch pay i fanam."
BENGALA 201
is laide upon the ground Even at the brinke of the water.
They lift up his head and back, and keep poureinge River
water down his throat, untill they make his belly Swell
by fillinge him soe full of that Element, a great quantitie
of the Sick parties kindred and Friends sittinge by howl-
inge and cryinge. Even as the wild Irish Used to doe for
theire parents deceased.
They then carry the Sick man up to highwater marke,
and there he is accompanied with his nearest ' relations.
The next day (if not dead) he is Served soe againe,
and Soe, day after day, untill Either dead or they
See some palpable Signes of recovery; but I thinke they
Seldome Obtaine the latter. When dead theire Carcasses
are throwne into the River\
Dureinge the tinxe of Sicknesse, the Brachmans, some
of them, are very diligent to sitt by them and pray,
Seldome leavinge off Untill the Party be quite dead,
Especially to put the party in mind of the Pagod, to leave
to it accordinge to his abilitie ; and thus all the Ouria
Sicke folke are Served.
^ Compare Schouteriy vol. ii. p. i6i, "They even carry sick folk to it
[the Ganges], and they water them also, or rather they place a portion
of their bodies in the water, in order that their health may be re-
established. If any of them chance to die during this operation, or a
short time after, they have no doubt as to their salvation. Further, they
even carry the water of the Ganges to be made use of by the sick
who cannot be brought to the river, and they attribute no less virtue
to it than do the Romish Christians to their most precious relics."
Compare also Yule, Hedged Diary ^ vol. i. p. 86 f., "This evening
[loth May, 1683] I left Muxadavad, and just as I passed by Ray
Nundeloll's Tent, I saw him lye halfe way in the Water, and that
very moment he died. Order was immediately given to make prepa-
ration for his being burnt, and about 2 houres after we saw a great
fire at Muxadavad, which we concluded to be his burning." Compare
also Dow, History of Hindostan^ vol. i. p. xxxv., "People of rank and
those of the higher casts burn their dead and throw some incense into
the pile. Some throw the bodies of their friends into the Ganges,
while others expose them on the high ways, as a prey to vultures and
wild beasts. There is one cast in the kingdom of Bengal who bar-
barously expose their sick by the river's side to die there. They even
sometimes choak them with mud when they think them past hopes of
recovery. They defend this inhuman custom by saying, that life is
not an adequate recompence for the tortures of a lingering disease."
202 BENGALA
Theire foolish fancie in it is thus, that all Shall be
assuredly Saved, vizt. theire Souls Shall Enter into the
bodies of good creatures (in Paradise) that dye with theire
bodies well filled with the holy water of the Ganges^ or
any of the arms thereof, or that dye upon the banks
thereof; for they accompt the mudde to be Sanctified as
well as the Water: Ergo, the Orixas bury not theire dead,
nor burne them as the Gentues doe, but heave them naked
into the Rivers, where they Serve for a Prey to the ravenous
Alligator ^
The River Ganges and it's branches is held in soe
great adoration by these ignorant heathens^, that they
make many Sacrifices thereto, and one Extraordinary and
generall feast per annum, to which doe resort many
thousands of men Women and Children, where att the
houre appointed by the Brachmans, they all throw them-
selves into the River, some carryinge flowers of divers
colours, pots of rice, butter, Oyle, &c. and sett them float-
1 Compare Sonnerat, Voyages to the East Indies and China^ 1774 —
1 78 1, vol. i. p. 199 f., "It is universally known that this river (the
Ganges) is held in great veneration throughout India: the Gentoos
believe that it proceeds directly from the feet of Brouma. This sacred
origin gives it great privileges. Those who die on the banks of the
Ganges, in drinking its salutary waters are exempted from the painful
task of returning to this world, and retaking a new existence; for
which reason as soon as an Indian is given over by the physicians,
they hurry him down to the banks of the river, where his relations
make him drink repeated draughts. They even force the mud into
his mouth, and the unfortunate person is choaked by the religious
operation. Sometimes the body is entirely plunged into the river;
which becomes its grave."
2 Compare the following from the Diary of Streytisham M aster y
on his way from Hugli to Kasimbazar, under date 21st Sept. 1676,
p. 63, " This night wee Sup't and lay at Biggehaut a place where the
river is low, where there lyes some hundreds of dead bodies that have
been thrown into the river and the Doggs, Jackalls and Vultures, and
other birds of prey come and feed upon them."
3 Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 161, "Those who live on the shores
of it [the Ganges] attribute so much sanctity to it that they call it
celestial, as much as to say that it comes from heaven. There are
thousands of idolaters who make pilgrimages to it, imagining that
when they have bathed in it, all their sins will be effaced." See also
Deles tre^ p. 194.
BENGALA 203
inge on the river for a Sacrifice. This is done some
2 miles above Hugly, where they thronge into the River
in Such numbers, that they Spread a mile or two, and soe
thick that many of them that hy beinge longer in the
water then they can Endure, that they are forced to Stay a
great deale longer, for by beinge wearied, and one pullinge
another Striveinge to get to land, many are drowned, and
when soe they are not att all lamented for, but theire
relations are mightilie Encouraged by the Seduceinge
Brachmans, who confidently assure them they are most
happy that departed this life in that most Sacred Element*.
Before they Enter the River att this washinge Festivall,
they prostrate themselves on the banks thereof with great
devotion and many bows to the Water, mutteringe words
to themselves, not much unlike to the Mahometan Custome
when they pray to the Sun \ The Gentues of this King-
dome doe burne the Carcasses of theire dead people, and
the Wifes and Concubines with the deceased husband,
Even as they doe upon the Coasts of Choromandell ^ and
Gingalee, onely this one Ceremonie added thereto, vizt.
their Ashes are throwne into the River*.
Yett Some of these Brachmans are more cruell then
^ The festival here described is the "Mela at Saugor" which is still
held annually in the month of January. See H. H. Wilson, Essays
on the Religion of the Hindus^ vol. ii. pp. 164 — 167, for a full account
of the ceremonies connected with it. John Marshall, Notes and
Observations^ p. 15, thus describes the festival, circ. 1669. "At this
place [Ganga Saugor], when Hindoos come to wash which is about
November they all carry away some water in potts out of the River
Ganges to their friends though 4 or 500 Course \kds'\ or 1000 miles,
and with that water wash their parents who are old... At this meeting
of such a great concourse of people and all washing in one morning
and endeavouring to wash as neare as they can in the place where
these two Rivers meete, severall are yearly crowded to death." See
also Schouteny vol. ii. p. 241.
2 Muhammadans, of course, never pray to the sun. The remark
has its rise in their being observed, in India, to turn to the West,
i.e. towards Mecca, at evening prayer. Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 149
for the conduct of the "Gentives" after bathing in the Ganges, "After
having bathed and cleansed themselves they turn towards the rising sun,
and adore it, with bows, contortions, and other strange ceremonies."
^ See pp. 14, 35 — 40. * See note on p. 35.
204 BENGALA
those, as for instance Some that I beheld. A Gentue
in Hugly died, and was brought downe to the River Side.
His Widdow was brought downe in a Palanchino, with
very great attendance after their manner. Att the brinke
of the River, where Store of combustible Stuffe lay pre-
pared, they laid the dead Corps in the midst thereof, and,
before they put any fire thereunto, these wretched Villains
laid the woman upon her dead husband. She, dreadinge
the fire that might soe gradually torment her, Strugled,
and refused to be burnt ; but they laid violent hands upon
her, pressed her down, and laid a large heavy powle Upon
her, where they held her downe untill they had Set fire on
theire ingredients and they burnt soe farre as to disable
her comeinge forth, where the poore Creature perished in
a most lamentable manner.
Some few months afterwards I saw another Gentue
woman burnt about 6 miles above Hugly, which was the
pleasantest 1 ever Saw. The Woman wold not at all deny
to burne, knowinge any deniall to be of noe Effect, and
although She was unwillinge thereto, yet She knew it now
fell to her lot, therefore bore it patiently, and Stood very
couragiously neare the place of torment (the fiery flames);
whereupon the Brachmans gave Order for the fire to burne
very furiously that the Sooner she might be dispatched,
and they were very Joy full to See the woman Undaunted ;
biit when she was, accordinge to theire Expection, to
have leaped into the fire, she refused it. Whereupon the
Brachmans were very yeare^ to take hold of her; but the
first that laid hands on her. She laid as Sure hands upon
him, and threw herselfe headlonge into the fire and the
Brachman with her, where they both perished in a moment.
Thus one of those Diabolicall Priests perished in the Pitt
he had digged for another*.
^ ? desirous. Apparently connected etymologically with "yearn."
2 These frequent notices of saft{see pp. 35 — 40) seem to be genuine,
and are valuable therefore as evidence.
BENGALA 205
The Brachmans of this Kingdome are great Students
in the Magick art ^ and make theire Sorceries more appa-
rent then they of any Other Kingdome in Asia.
They are a people very much dreaded by the Moors
as well as the Idolaters. They infinitely inhabit this
Kingdome, but most Especially on the back Side thereof,
vizt. towards Arackan, where they Enjoy a great part of
the Countrey with great freedom, none dareinge to molest
them. I have heard of Some Mahometans and Persians,
resolute fellows, that have attempted to goe amongst them
on purpose to Molest them by force of arms, but when they
have come thither neare theire very houses and Pagods,
they have Stood like to as many Naturalls gazeinge one
Upon another, many of them dyinge very Suddenly, and
those that returned never came to be well in theire Senses,
nor indeed lived above one yeare after, lingringe away
most lamentably.
They are Reputed to be very wise Philosophers*, and
doe really and with great Zeale Study the Pithagorean
Philosophy. They are alsoe great Students in the art of
Poyson soe much in Esteeme amonge the Eastern in-
habitants. In fine, they are reverenced by the common
Natives more like Gods then men*. And by the wisest
^ Compare Tavemier^ vol. i. part ii. pp. i6i, 179, "The Bramins
...are the Successors of the ancient Brachmans, or Indian Philosophers,
that stud/d Astrology. You may also meet with some of their Ancient
Books, in reading whereof the Brammins spend all their time ; and
are so vers'd in their observations, that they never fail a minute in the
Eclipses of the Sun and Moon... Every Bramin has his Magick Book,
wherein are abundance of Circles and Semicircles, Squares, Triangles,
and several sorts of Cifers."
2 See p. 28. Compare Fryer^ pp. 33 and 191, "Their Doctors of
Divinity are the Brachmins, who instruct them in their Law, to preserve
all Creatures that are beneficial, and teach them the old Pythagorean
Metempsychosis, Transmigration of Souls, out of one body into
another... Sciences in esteem among them are principally Magick and
Judicial Astrology, one of the Sectators of which on all accounts are
consulted, as well by Moors as Gentues."
3 See p. 23.
206 BENGALA
Europeans that Sometime doe converse with them with
great freedom, they are said to be great Astronomers and
Philosophers, as before mentioned, and are called (very
properly) Gimnosophists \
I Commend them not at all for theire Sorceries, nor
Enchantments, nor Others theire Devilish inventions, but
for theire ready and admirable discourse and civilities to
all Europeans and Christians in generalP, for they will
Scorne to doe any of us the least Injurie in word or deed,
if wee doe not first put Some grosse affront upon them.
Many of these Gymnosophists are dispersed into most
Villages in the kingdome, and have the tuition both of the
Gentues and Orixas, both being an Idolatrous people.
What differences are betweene them is chiefely in theire
funeralls as beforementioned. In most Other Idolatrous
Ceremonies they agree, in Worshippinge Gods of Sundry
Shapes and Mettles ^ much adoreinge their Brachmans,
Owneinge the Transmigration of Souls, and doe in general!
Worship the Cow with great reverence *.
Now a word or two of theire Women. Moneys is now-
adays soe much coveted, that by many people it is not
much prick of conscience how it is acquired, and hath soe
corrupted good laws that most Governours in Asia (for
theire owne interest's sake) doe allow that any woman
(Moore, Gentue, or Ouria) unmarried may lawfully turne
common Whore, and leave her relations, and take her
habitation amonge Other Whores in Small Villages Separ-
ated from any married folkes houses, payinge soe much per
mensem to the Governour of that part of the Countrie, and
^ The old term for the Indian philosophers because of their scanty
clothing.
^ See p. 32. 3 See pp. 6 and 15.
* See p. 8 and note. Compare Fryer^ p. 33, "The Soul of a Good
Man is believed to depart into a Cow, wherefore 'tis Sacrilege with
them to kill a Cow or a Calf."
BENGALA 20/
Every thursday night repaire to the Governours and Catt-
walls^ I.e. the Justice of peace his house, before whom they
doe and must dance and Singe, and make many Salams^.
Then the handsomest of them must Stay all night to Sup-
presse the Leachery of him and his Punes^ a very hand-
some preparative for the next day which is theire Sabbath*.
Yet, if a married Woman commit the fact of Adultery, She
is punished with death.
Neither the Moors nor Gentues of accompt ad mitt theire
Wifes or Concubines to gad abroad, but keep them within
doors, attended with Eunuchs and younge Girles^ They
adorne them with rich Jewels and attire, haveing great
Sheckles of Gold upon theire leggs and wrists, Chaines of
Gold and necklaces of pearle about their necks, rich and
very costly pendants of Gold sett with Diamonds or Pearle
in theire Ears ; some have rings quite round the Eare &c.*
^ See Hobsoti'Jobson^ s.v. Cotwal. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has,
"Catawal, a Marshall, or chief Officer of a City under the Govemour,
to keep the Peace." Sckouten, vol. i. p. 421, has, "The Catoal who
was the civil Judge." Compare Fryer, p. 97, "delivered to the Catwal,
or Sheriffs Men," and the following from the Hugh Diary of the
19th August, 1678 {Factory Records, Hugli, No. i), "The new Catwall
sent to us to buy a quarter of a yard of Scarlet which we gave him
because he has had no present since the Droga put him in"; also the
following from the Diary and Consultation Book of Fort William for
23rd Feb. 1705, quotedby Wilson, ^r?r/>/.<4««^/f, vol. i. p. 266, "There
having been several robberies committed in the Black Town, ordered
that a corporal and six soldiers be sent to lodge in the Catwall's house,
to be upon call to prevent the like in future."
2 See note on p. 38. Compare Schouten, vol. ii. p. 193, "The
salutation which they [the natives of Hugli] make, when they meet
each other, is called Salamma."
^ See note on p. 83. * See Sckouten, vol. ii. p. 196.
^ Compare Fryer, p. 31, "The Moors are by Nature plagued with
Jealousy, cloistering their Wives up, and sequestring them the sight of
any besides the Tapon [Capon, i.e. eunuch] that watches them."
* Compare -Fr^^r, p. 31, "Their [the Gentue] Women are manacled
with Chains of Silver (or Fetters rather) and hung with Ear-rings of
Gold and jewels, their Noses stretch'd with weighty Jewels, on their
Toes Rings of Gold, about their Waste a painted Clout, over their
Shoulders they cast a Mantle; their Hair tied behind their Head
(which both in men and women is naturally very long) : a-top a Coronet
of Gold beset with Stones."
208 BENGALA
The Ourias (as I said before)^ are very poore, weare
noe better habit then a Lungee^ or a white cloth made
fast about theire waste, with great brasse Sheckels upon
theire arms and leggs, and great brasse rings Upon
theire tows I Many of them have the Shackles on theire
arms made of Chanke*, a great Shell brought from Tuta-
cree (a Dutch Factorie neare the Cape Comorin)*. The
^ See p. 199.
2 See note on p. 56. 3 See p. 35.
* This is an early instance of the European corruption of sankha^
the vernacular name for the conch shell. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v,
Chank. Compare the following contemporary references: "Your
Chancke as I have formerly advized cannot for the present yeild any
good price here, [Dacca] till the Contract made amonge the Chanck
men expire." Letter to Balasor, 26th June, 1673, ^- ^' No. 3805.
"The Dutch have... had another [ship] from Zeylone laden with Beetle
nuts and Chank." Letter from Hugli, 31st March, 1674, Factory
Records, Hugli, No. 4. "In the after noone George Herron came to
the Factory adviseing the Sloope Arrivall was at Tannah...haveing a
load of Chanck upon fraught." Edward Reade's Diary at Hugli,
8th April, 1677, Factory Records, Hugli, No. i. "A Dutch ship Arrived
from Zielon with Beeteell nutts Chank &c." Hugli Diary, 12th March,
1680, Factory Records, Hugli, No. 2. "On yesterday arrived in the
Roade a small ship of Chimchams and Chintemanshaw coming last
from Concherina \1 copyist's error for Cochin China] with 5 Eliphants
some shanck and a few cloves." Balasor Diary, ist April, 1684,
Factory Records, Balasor, No. i.
^ The Chank or Chunk {i.e. Conch-shell) Fishery still has its head-
quarters at Tuticorin (Tuttukkudi), which was a Dutch Factory from
1658 off and on to 1825. See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tuticorin. It was
the last possession of the Portuguese on the Coromandel Coast.
Compare Schouten, vol. i. pp. 311, 312, 314, "The next day [20th
November, 1661] about noon, we passed by the little town of Tutocorin,
celebrated for the pearl-fishery, in which there are only two other
places which can compare with it, namely Ormus...and Aynan on the
coast of China... the Portuguese formerly made great profit from the
fishery at Tutocorin... Tutocorin is quite open, having neither walls
nor ramparts, so that it was not difficult for the Dutch to obtain
possession of it when they attacked it in the year 1658.'' The English
chiefly valued Tuticorin on account of the pepper it produced, but
their factory there was not a success. In 1664 a ship was sent from
Fort St George to fetch away the "remaynes" {^Letter Book, No. 3,
p. 448) and it was decided to leave only one or two young factors in
the place to prevent the Dutch from taking possession of it. In Jan.
1665 {O. C. No. 3037 -hi) the Council at Fort St George wrote to
England, "A Factory at Tutacorey may be advantagious." No steps
however appear to have been taken to settle the place. In Aug. 1668
{Letter Book, No. 4) the Court ordered the Factors at Fort St George
\
BENGALA 2O9
Shell is as bigge or bigger then a man's fist, hollow, and
are Sawed into rings, and soe worne by the people of
Orixa and Bengala. Some weare them white (theire
Naturall colour), and Others will have them painted redd,
but both are esteemed highly as a rich Ornament.
The River of Ganges is of large and wonderful! Extents
Once I went through a Small rivolet of it called Dobra
within the Isle of Cocks, and came into the great River,
which rather deserves to be called the Sea of Ganges. The
breadth of it there I cannot certainely affirme, but judge
it is not less then 10 English leags broad, which is about
40 miles within Ganga Sagar, or the mouth of it^ Many
"to procure what Pepper possible from Tutticorie" but gave no
further directions as to the re-establishment of a Factory. Compare the
following curious contemporary spellings of the name of the place :
"October the 9th [1673] We fell In with the Land of Tutucroyn.*'
Journal of CapU Wm. Basse, O. C No. 3983. "Tentecorrey where the
Dutch have a small Fort." Letter from Calicut to Suratin 1678, O. C.
No. 4389. See also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. iri. p. 334.
^ See note on p. 166.
2 By the Ganges the writer means the Hu^^li, the westernmost
mouth of the great river, but his remarks show his personal acquaint-
ance with the Hugh estuary. In the very many changes that have
taken place since his day the "Isle of Cocks" has merged, with the
Isle of Dogs, into Saugor Island. Saugor is properly called Ganga
Sagar, so that our author not only knew the proper name but by an
accident spelt it as it would be transliterated at the present day. For
Cock Island, Cock's Island, Coxe's Island, with translations I. de Gale,
Island de Gallo, I. de Galinha, see Yule, Hedged Diary^ vol. ii. p. 207.
To the information there given I would add that I. de Galfe occurs in
two maps circ. 1720 and again in 1745 and 1785. In a French map by
Pierre Mortier of Amsterdam circ, 1720 it occurs as Igale, and m a
map by Rennell, 1 781, as Coxes's I. I would further remark for the
history of the word that Valentyn (1660), vol. v. p. 152 ff. has "Ilha de
Gala which is one mile in circumference... and Sagor," and further,
p. 159, he has "Sagor or Ilha da Galinha." Schouten^ vol. ii. p. I42f.
has (Jan. 1664) "We saw... the isles of Gale and of Lagor [probably a
misprint for Sagor]." About 1668, Bernier^ p. 176, has "island of
Galles near Cape das Palmas," but meaning the Isle of Cocks. De
Graafy the Dutch surgeon, has ( Voyages aux Indes Orientales, p. 43,
Oct. 1669) "Near the Ilho de Gale we went up the Ganges." In the
Diary of Streynsham Master under dates 7th Sept. and 2nd Dec. 1676,
pp. 57 and 275, we find, "This morning wee came faire by the Arracan
Shoare and by the Dutch boyes, and came to an anchor at the mouth
of the River neare the ile of Coxes... We sailed by Kedgeree and the
Island of Ingerley leaving the ile of Cockes and the Arracan shoare
T. 14
2IO BENGALA
incredible reports I have heard concerninge this River, which
are not now incredible to me, since I have Seen much of it
my Selfe. Certain it is that this is the great River Ganges
that Alexander the great Sailed downe in time of his great
conquests in Asia, &c.^ It disperseth its Streams through
on our Larboard side to the East." In a letter from Hugli to Balasor,
4th Jan. 1679, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5, we have, "Wee admire
the Falcon was not arrived with us... She being seen by the Ganges
then Comeing hither off the Isle of Cocks" ; and in another letter from
Hugli, 19th June, 1680 {^Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 28) "Had
she [the Bengali Merchant^ gone as intended through the great
Channell by the Isle of Cocks, she might have obtained the Freight
ere the Europe ships had departed thence for England." Our author
in his chart of the "River of Hugly," made in 1687, has, on the left
bank, "Sagor, Cox's lid., Rogues, River of Rogues." Sir Edward
Littleton in 1704, called the place Isle of Coxe's, see Yule, Hedged
Diary ^ vol. ii. p. 204. In the Log of the King George^ Marine
Records^ No. 402 B, under dates 27th Dec. 1718 and 6th Jan. 17 19, we
have, "This day having Received an Order of the Govr. and Councill
of a Pilott to Carry me from Rogues River to Cox's I took my Leave
of Calcutta... Att \ past 3 Anchored at Coxs's in 6 Fathoms, Langtialu
creek East and the West end of Sago S b E ^ East." Alex. Hamilton,
East Indies^' wo\. ii. p. 4, says that "Coxes and Sagor Islands" are
more remarkable than the rest. Compare Horsburgh, India Directory^
ed. 1809, p. 360, "Sagor or Sanger Island... bounds the great en-
trance of the river Hoogly on the east side, being 7 or 8 miles in
length, and about half that in breadth... The Brahmins call the island
Gongo-Sagor, but the natives generally understand Gongo-Sagor to
be the whole of the land that separates Channel Creek from the]
western branch of Hoogly River, except the small island contiguous!
to the north end of Sagor, called Coxe's Island, which is near a league;
in lengthj and two miles broad, and bounds the N.E. side of Sagor
Road." {
I gather that the Dobra "ri volet" is the narrow stream shown '\r^
the 1703 "Pilot" map behind Cocks Island. In Mortier's map abov^
mentioned occurs Dbril in the same situation, but as an Island. \t\
Rennell's map, 1781, occurs in the neighbourhood the "Doo-Agra R.i
the passage through to the Sunderbunds." The creek East of Cock
Island is called by Hedges the "Oyster River," see Yule, Hedged
Diary, vol. i. p. 68, where we find "This afternoon [nth March, 1683]
we stood off towards Sagor, and anchored between Cock Island and
the Oyster River."
May not the terms Galinha, Gallo, Galle, Cock, however, refer to
the Portuguese themselves, considering the neighbourhood and the
depredations therein by Magh and Portuguese half-castes? In Terry's
Voyage to East India, 1655, we find, p. 153, "The truth is that the
Portugals, especially those which are bom in those Indian Colonys
most of them a mix'd seed begotten upon those Natives are a very
low poor-spirited people, called therefore Galiinas dell Mar, the Hens
of the Sea."
^ Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 145, "The next day [17th Jan.
BENGALA 211
many Spacious deserts and multitudes of Kingdoms, and is
knowne to be of greater breadth in many places Up in the
Countreys of Pattana^ and South Tartarian
Formerly, yea not many years agoe, the Inhabitants on
the Northerne parts of Bengala trained up their Children
(from theire infancie) to Eeat raw fish and flesh, and when
growne Up Sent them upon travaile to discover the great
Ganges, to find out the garden of Eden (by Order of theire
Kings), but few or none Ever made returne, ergo now quite
left off as a thinge Impossible to be accomplished.
Many Isles there be in the mouth of the Ganges, not
inhabited more then with wild beasts*, the Natives much
1664] we again set sail, and we passed the wood called Sandri, where
it is said that Alexander the Great formerly stopped, on seeing the
great and dangerous rivers that he had to pass in order to get to a
country which was unknown to him; so that he thought it best to
limit his conquests, and he went back to Macedonia. It is held to be
a fact in these countries that he had conquered India as far as this
famous river of the Ganges, and that he reached as far as this wood."
^ John Marshall, the Company's Factor at Balasor, who died in
1677, in his Notes and Observations of East India^ 1668 — 1672,
Harleian MS,^ British Museum, No. 4254, differs from T. B. in his
estimate of the width and grandeur of the Ganges. He says, " The
Ganges river is in some places about a mile broad, and in many not
halfe a mile, and in some not a quarter of a mile, and in two or one
places about \ of mile broad when the water is low as in Aprill when
the river is almost dry in many places from one side of it to the other,
and very Shallow in many places not 3 foot deep, soe that boats have
much to doe to pass, however without great trouble not knowing
where is deepe where is shallow, but when the water is at its height
which is about middle September, then it is very broad and deep. In
this River untill come about Rojimall [RajmahalJ are many Alligators,
and as far as Pattana, very many Porpoises, also towards Pattana very
many Pellicans and other great birds."
? See note on p. 172.
^ Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 143, "The sixteenth of January
[1664] we passed by the river of Jillisar, which was on our left. Here
the shores of .the Ganges are covered with bushes, thickets, and little
woods, which extend some distance inland and in which there are
many serpents, rhinoceroses, wild buffaloes, and especially tigers.
For this reason the people of Bengala do not dare to dwell in those
parts of their country nearest to the sea. Therefore, on our way we
only saw one little clay fort, where some negroes were existing wretch-
edly enough." Compare also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii.
p. 4f., "There are no Inhabitants on those Islands [at the mouth of
14 — 2
/
212 BENGALA
dreadinge to dwell there, beinge timerous of the Arack-
aners with theire Gylyars^ who many times have come
through the Rivers and carried away Captive many poore
families of the Orixa folke^
Some 20 leags from the Sea and Soe Upwards this
Countrey is blessed with many faire Villages and Markett
towns, fine green banks, and delicate Groves, with Store of
brave fish ponds, good Store of Venison and wilde fowle.
the Ganges] for they are so pestered with Tigers, that there could be
no Security for human Creatures to dwell on them ; nay, it is even
dangerous to land on them, or for Boats to anchor near them, for in
the Night they have swimmed to Boats at Anchor, and carried Men
out of them, yet among the Pagans, the Island 3agor is accounted
holy, and great Numbers of Jougies go yearly thither in the Months
of November and December to worship and wash in Salt-water, tho'
many of them fall Sacrifices to the hungry Tigers." See also Bernier^
p. 442 f.
^ For many forms of the word Gylyar {jalid\ war-boat, see note
on p. 140.
2 Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 143, **We saw on our right another
large river... which came from the Kingdom of Aracan. We there
espied some jeliasses of that country, which were in that region in
order to make seizures.'*
In the Diary of Streynsham Master^ pp. 1 15 and 275, there are
two allusions to the "Arackaners": "This day [8th Sept. 1676] wee
passed by the river which goes to Chittygom and Dacca which the
English call the river of Rogues by reason the Arracaners used to
come out thence to Rob Tannay is distant from Hugly about
40 miles by water and twenty miles by land, there stands an old Fort
of mud walls which was built to prevent the incursions of the
Arracaners, for it seemes about ten or twelve yeares since they were
soe bold that none durst inhabit lower down the river then this place,
the Arracanners usually takeing the People off the shoare to sell
them at Pipley." Compare also the following: "This day [24th Dec.
1678] came a general! Letter from Dacca dated the i6th Current
ad vising... That the Arracaners had taken 14 boates about Chata-
gaum." Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 2. In a letter from Hugh to
Dacca, nth May, 1679, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5, the Council
at Hugli objected to lend the Compan/s sloops "on all Occations to
fight against the Aracanners till they are Conquerd which according
to all likelihood will never be." On the 28th Sept. 1687, Letter Book^
No. 8, the Court wrote to Bengal, "We are not affraid...of the worst
the Mogull can do against us there [at Chittagong] while we have the
Raccaners to friend and can let their War Boats loose to prey upon
the Moors in all parts of the Ganges."
BENGALA 21 3
COSSUMBAZAR.
A Very famous and pleasant towne, famous in many
respects, first and Chiefely for its great commerce and
plenty of very rich Merchants, the onely market place in
this Kingdome for all Commodities made and vended
therein, whence it received this name, Cossum signifieinge
the husband or Chiefe, and Bazar a markett\
The English and Dutch Companies have each a very
Stately Factorie here, but the English out doe them here
both in trade and alsoe in theire Factorie and Factors too 2.
^ Kasim is, however, a common Muhammadan proper name, and
the town had its name no doubt from some eponymous Kasim Khan.
See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v, Cossumbazar. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxviii.
p. 294.
2 The English Factory at Kasimbazar was established in 1658 with
John Ken as Chief. Compare Tavernier^ vol. ii. (last chapter), on The
Commodities brought out of the Dominions of the Great Mogul:
"Kasembasar, a Village in the Kingdom of Bengala, sends abroad
every year two and twenty thousand Bales of Silk ; every Bale weigh-
ing a hunder'd pound.. .The Hollanders usually carry away six or
seven thousand Bales." In the Diary of Streynsham Master there
are references to Kasimbazar on the 23rd Sept. and 8th Nov. 1676,
pp. 63 and 259, *'Att nine a Clock wee sett forward and at noone mett
Senr. Verburg the Cheife of the Dutch at Cassambazar and three
others with him. By the river side about the middle of the Towne wee
passed by the spot of ground aloted to the French. Att three a Clock
m the afternoone God be praised wee arrived safe at the Honble.
Company s Factory at the farther end of the Towne of Cassambazar...
Whilst I was at Cassambazar which was about six weekes time the
water did fall in the river about five fathome right up and down. All
the Country or great part thereof about Cassambazar is planted or
sett with Mullberry trees the leaves of which are gathered young to
feed the wormes with and make the silk fine, and therefore the trees
are planted every yeare...The Towne of Cassambazar is about two
miles long and in some places the streets where the marketts are kept
are soe narrow that a Pallanqueen can but just passe in them." Of
Kasimbazar, Alex. Hamilton, -fe^j/ /«^/>j, vol. ii. p. 21, says, **Cassem-
bazaar, about 200 Miles above Hughly, where the English and Dutch
have their respective Factories... The Town is large, and much fre-
quented by Merchants, which never fails of making a Place rich. The
Country about it is very healthful and fruitful, and produces industrious
People, who cultivate many valuable Manufactories."
John Marshall, Notes and Observations^ p. 20 (reverse) says of the
Dutch Factory at Kasimbazar, "[It] is made of brick, very large and
hath handsome gardens belong[ingJ to it, it is about a mile from the
English Factory."
214 BENGALA
Our Honourable East India Company hath a very
Considerable investment annually in this place, more
then in all the Kingdome besides. The Chiefe here
is Secound to all their Affaires in Orixa, Bengala, and
Pattana\ Hee keepeth many tradesmen att worke here
by Order of the Company, as dyers, Weavers, throw-
sters, &c. beinge English men sent on purpose for the
Orderinge theire Silks after the English Custome*, and
^ Compare Alex. lia.m\lton, East IndieSy vol. ii. p. 21, "The English
and Dutch have their respective Factories [at Kasimbazar] ; and, by
their Companies Orders, the Seconds of Council ought to be Chiefs of
those Factories." The Chiefs at Kasimbazar during the 10 years
comprised in T. B.'s "Account" were John Marsh, Matthias Vincent,
and Sir Edward Littleton.
2 At the end of the Diary of Streynsham M aster ^ pp. 326 — 330,
there is an account, by Matthias Vincent, of "The manner of the Silk
and TafFaty Investments in Cassambazar." He says. Para. 7, "In
dyeing the silk black looses about \ and the Colours \ of what it
weighed when delivered the Dyer, when the silk comes from the Dyer
it is charged with the same value it was in the whole, when put downe
to be dyed, the dyed Silk both Orgazine and tram are delivered as
they come from the Dyer to the weaver, who winds and warps them
and fits the same himselfe for his worke... for his whole workmanship
he receives one rupee twelve annaes per peece of 20 Covids longi
whether \\ or 2 Covids wide...." There are frequent references to
the "diers and Throwsters" at Kasimbazar in the contemporary re-
cords. In 1668 Roger Fowler was sent out by the Court as a dyer to
Kasimbazar at a salary of £(yo per annum. Orders were given "to
treate him civilly... hee being an ancient person, and one who hath
lived in good repute in London till it pleased God to make him a
Sufferer in the late dreadful fire." Letter Book, No. 4, p. 202. In
many cases the "diers and Throwsters" went to India as soldiers or
sailors and afterwards obtained permission to change their occupa-
tions. The lads, too, who were designed for the pilot service, fre-
quently proved too weakly for "the river" and were sent up to the
silk factory at Kasimbazar. Among the dyers, we find, in 1677, "John
Nayler Silk dier came out in 1670 under contract to serve 4 years
at ^50 per annum"; "Richard Mosely came out a Souldier" in 1669,
and in 1671 became a Dyer at "souldiers pay"; Anthony Smith came
out soldier in 1672, and became a dyer in 1674. Many of the
weavers were natives, but there were exceptions, e.g. Michaell Loveney,
who came out a soldier in 1672 and became a Silk Weaver in 1675.
In March, 1676, the Council at Fort St George wrote to Hugli {Factory
Records^ Fort St George, No. 18), "Wee have... given leave for one
Throwster... to goe downe along with Mr. Clavell for the Honble.
Companys Service at Cassumbazar." And in the Hugli Diary for
25th Oct. 1678 {Factory Records^ Hugli, No. i), we find, "We wrote
to Mr. Littleton &c. and sent up a Throster which we procured out
of the Faulcon to make tryall of and if good at the Trade we would
/
BENGALA 21 5
for dyinge a good black, a colour the Natives cold never
dye we\\\
Wee goe up by water from Hugly, vizt. through the
Rivers, I judge it is 150 miles up, commonly 3 days
goeinge Up, very pleasant all the way, a fertile Soyle and
a delicate Aire, beinge a most healthy Climate*.
Not farre above the towne of Cossumbazar doe inhabit
many of the Earnest and devout Idolatrous Priests (called
Brachmans)', who are much reverenced all Asia over, in soe
get the Captain to Clear him for our Masters Serviss." On the 14th Nov.
1678 the factors at Kasimbazar wrote to Hugh {Factory Records, Hugli,
No. 7), "John Gryffeth our former throoster... intends to retume home
...Soe that wee Shall have occasion for one to minde that imployment."
The output from Kasimbazar was considerable. Entries like the
following are frequent: "In the afternoone [31st July, 1676] arrived
five boates with 309 bales Silke and 7 Chests of ordinary tafFatyes
from Cassumbazar." Factory Records, Hugli, No. i.
^ The Directors at home lost no opportunity of urging their servants
in India to perfect the art of dyeing at Kasimbazar. In Dec. 1671,
they wrote {Letter Book, No. 4, p. 506}, " Wee are glad to see that our
Factory of Cassambazar is so well improved, \Vee now give you
directions for our Investments and also send you pattemes of Taffaties,
Wee see the fancy of that people are much upon mixt collours, and
that they have not skill to dye good Blacks and Greenes and Watch-
etts. But wee hope our Dyers hath soe farr improved, that wee shall
receive some Competent supply...." When this letter reached Bengal,
Vincent wrote from Kasimbazar to Clavell at Hugli {Factory Records,
Misc. No. 3), "Wee have shewed the Patterns Come on the Rebecca
to our Weavers, whoe all with one Voyce Say, they can only make of
the Deepe yellow and Sallow Collours, the Greene, Carnation, Pinck,
Sky couUer and black they can no wayes make good. A redd, though
far short of the Carnation Some of them Say they Can Make...."
In Dec. 1672 Robert Coale "experienced in dying of Blacks" was sent
to the "Bay," and in Dec. 1674 John Edwards "whome we hope will
be more SuccessfuU in bringing to perfection the dyeing of Blacks
and Green Silks." Letter Book, No. 5.
2 Compare the Diary of S trey ns ham Master,^. 259, 8th Nov. 1676,
"The soile of Bengala is very fertile being a kmd of loose fat earth
and in some places a fatt sand. There is not one mountaine or Hill
to be seen about Hugly or Cassambazar the Country being all plaine
and Levell and tho any thing will grow by reason of the fertileness of
the soile yett firewood is scarce and timber bad and very deare."
Hunter, Imperial Gazetteer of India, s.v. Kasimbazar, says, p. 81,
"The decay of Kasimbazar dates from the beginning of the present
century, when its climate, which had previously been celebrated for
salubrity, underwent an unexplained change for the worse, so that the
margin of cultivation receded and wild beasts increased."
3 See pp. 13, 23, 33.
2l6 BENGALA
much that the water and mudde of the Ganges Sent from
them with theire Choppe^ or Scale Upon it is accompted
Sacred, Even sOe farre as Persia. When in the yeare[?]*
I went from Bengales thither, wee had Severall Mortavan'
Jarrs on board, some full of water, Others of Mudde of the
River Ganges, sent as presents to the great Merchants of the
Banjan Cast* in this Kingdome, and Sealed with the great
Brachmans Choppe (otherwise of noe Esteeme)'. Att our
arrivall in Gombroone®, Severall of them came on board
soe Soone as [they] heard of the holy present, and carried
them on Shore with great reverence. There they Used it
Very Sparingly ; onely Sprinklinge some Upon theire face
and bodies when they went to prayer, and puttinge a little
of the Mudd Upon their forehead breast and arms, be-
lieveinge it added much delight to theire Souls.
Such is the Ignorance of these men, whoe are soe
ripe witted in most affaires of worldly businesse. But the
greatest delight the Mahometans take is in keepinge Whores
and Elephants [Plate XI.], the greatest Easterne State.
The Coyned Currant moneys of this Kingdome are
rupees^, halfe rupees, and quarters — a very good Sort of
^ See p. ii8 and note.
2 The gap in the MS. is very tantalizing. Had the date been given,
it might have been possible to find among the India Office records
some note of the writer's movements during the first ten years of his
stay in India.
3 Martaban. See p. 8i and note. * See p. 27.
^ Compare Tavemier, vol. i. part ii. p. 181, for the use of Ganges
water at weddings: "But the greatest expence to those that live
three or four hundred Leagues from it, is to get the water of Ganges ;
for in regard they account that water sacred, and drink it out of
devotion, it must be brought them by the Bramins, and in Earthen
Vessels, glaz'd within side, which the chief Bramin of Ingrenate
[? Juggernaut] fills himself with the purest Water of the River, and
then seals up with his own Seal...."
^ The old name for Bandar Abbas in the Persian Gulf. See
Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Gombroon. Agent Thomas Rolt was Chief of
the English Factory at Gombroon during the greater part of the time
comprised in T. B.'s "Account."
'^ See p. 114 and note.
i
BENGALA 21/
fine Silver moneys Coyned in the Mint at Dacca, and are
of the Same Value of those in Guzaratt or Golcondah.
They alsoe Coyne Rupees here of the finest refined
Gold, which are called gold Moors\ They are of the same
Stampe, magnitude, and weight the Silver ones are, but,
beinge gold of the highest Matt", they passe very currant
at 15J and 15^ rupees each.
They weigh per the Maund', Seere*, | Seere, and
J Seere, but theire weight in most places of accompt
differ, although not in name, yet in quantitie.
The Ballasore Maund contains 75 pound weight.
The Hugly Maund contains but 70 pound weight.
Cossumbazar maund contains but 6S pound weight
Graine, butter, Oyle, or any liquid thinge, all the River
of Hugly over, allows but 68 pound to the maund. The
Maund, bigg or little, is Equally divided into 40 Equall
parts, and are called Seers, which alsoe are halfed and
quartered'.
^ Mohurs. See note on p. 148. Compare the following from
Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5, "For the Silk you had best putt off
Mohurs otherwise you will be put to great Inconvenience.... Mohurs
being as you see fallen 2rs. 5a. per Mohur...Wee alwaies Looked upon
Gold as Merchandize it being soe even when coined into Mohurs";
Letters from Hugli to Kasimbazar, 15th Feb. and 4th March, 1679, and
22nd Oct. 1680.
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Matt. Matt meant the "touch of gold."
N. and E, has (p. 17) a good quotation for 6th May, 1680: "The
payment or receipt of Batta or Vatum [difference in exchange] upon
the exchange of Pollicat for Madras Pagodas prohibited, both comes
being of one and the same Matt and weight, upon pain of forfeiture of
24 Pagodas for every offence together with loss of the Batta."
^ See note on p. 116.
* See Hobson-Jobsoftj s.v. Seer, the well-known Indian weight,
standardized now-a-days at, roughly, 2 lbs.
^ The big maund (Bengal) was 82 lbs. and the little maund (Madras)
25 lbs. : so the seer should have varied between 10 and 33 oz. Com-
pare John Marshall, Notes and Observations of East India, "25 pound
make a Maund [at Masulipatam] 25 Maunds make a Candy soe
625 pounds make a Candy... At Ballasore the Maund which is 40 seer
is 74 j or 75 pound English... At Hugly the Maund is 40 seer or
73 pound, and Cowries 5, 6, and some times 10 per Cent, dearer than
at Ballasore. At Pattana the maund is 40 seer or 78 pound, besides
the custom of the place is to allow 2 seer in every maund.''
2l8 BENGALA
They measure timber, planke, brick or Stone walls,
Callicoes, Silks, &c., per the Guz^ (each Guz doth contain
27 inches), and by the Covet* which contains 18 inches, and
is called hawt^
They very Seldome Sell graine but by weight
The Gold Moore is Valued att 01 lb. 14s. lojd.
The Rupee att 00 lb. 02s. 03d.*
Theire Small moneys called Cowries', beinge Small Shells
taken out of the Sea, passe very currant by tale.
One Gunda* is 4 Couries
5 Gundas is one burrie^ or 20 cowries
4 hurries make i Pone® or 80 cowries
16 Pone make i Cawne* or 1280 cowries
2 Cawne &^ make i rupee or 3200 cowries^^
^ See Hobsoti'Jobson^ s.v, Gudge. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has,
"Gaz, a measure about a yard long." John Marshall in his Notes and
Observations of East India^ says, "The measure by which English cloth
is sold is a Guzz which is 4if English inches... here is also [at Patna]
a little Guz called the Taylors Guz which is but 32I inches." Compare
also the following in a letter from Ambrose Salisbury to Masulipa-
tam, 26th Dec. 1672, Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. 9, "I must
desire you to Send 6 Guzz or yards of Scarlett against my retume."
2 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Covid. The covid is a cubit or ell. In
the Hugli Diary, under date 6th June, 1679, Factory Records, Hugli,
No. 2, there is the entry, "Wee wrote to Ballasore advising that wee
should want about 20 Timbers of about 18 Covads long."
Compare John Marshall's account of measures in Notes and
Observations, p. 9, "In Indostan they measure by Barly comes place-
ing the small ends of them together so that they touch each other and
then they are circular, 8 Barlicomes breadth so placed make one Angle
\anguli\ or finger breadth, 24 Angles make one Covet or measure
from the Elbow to the end of long finger, 4 Covets make one Dun
\dhanu\ 2000 Duns make i Course \kd5\ in Indostand which is about
2^ English miles."
3 i.e. hath. See Hobson-Jobson, s,v, Haut.
* Compare John Marshall, Notes and Observations on East India,
"Rupie... valued here [Balasor] in the Companys books at 2.6 per
piece but in no other place valued at more than 2.3."
^ See pp. 180 and 200 and notes. See Ind. Ant, vol. xxvii. pp. 38
and 41.
® Neither Gunda, Burrie, Pone nor Cawne is to be found in
Hobson-Jobson, The word is ganda. See Ind. Ant, vol. xxvii. p. 17 1 f.
for the system of counting by gandas or quartettes.
'^ i.e, baurt, ^ i.e, pan. Op, cit, loc. cit, ^ i.e, k&han,
^^ This is a valuable contemporary account of the cowry. The
table intended here is, 4 kauris = i gandd, 5 gandtls^ i baurl, 4 baurls
BENGALA 219
They Seldome rise or fall more then 2 Pone in one Rupee,
and that onely in Ballasore at the arrivall of the Ships
from Insulae Maldivae^
The Woods of this Kingdome are well replenished with
wild beasts, most Especially with Tygers and Bears of
Vast largenesse, and the most fierce of any in the knowne
world : those about the Ganges are Soe accompted. They
are of Such a bloody Salvage Nature, that if they meet
with a Cow, a deere, or any Other Annimal that hath been
newly killed by Shot, or what else, they will not meddle
therewith, but will rather Suffer most rageinge hunger, by
reason they had not the killinge of it themselvs*.
Many of the poore Ourias' are destroyed by them,
= 1 pan^ 16 pans—\ kdhan^ i\ kahans^i rupee. See Ind. Ant.^
vol. XX vi. p. 290 f. Compare John Marshall, Notes and Observations
of East India, " All the small Money is Cowries which rise and fall
according to the plenty or scarcity of them, some times 31, 37, 38,
39, 40 Pond going for a Rupie, every Pond always consisting of 80
Cowries.'' This statement varies greatly from T.B.'s. His rise and
fall is 6J per cent., but Marshall's is 22^ per cent. Compare also the
following in "Instructions to Mr. Stanley for the Maldevees" from the
Court, 20th Sept. 1682, Letter Book, No. 7, "Cowries are sold by tale
and not by weight... 80 Cowrees is a Pome, and 40 Pome or 42 as you
can agree, may be bought for 6 or 7 Annees at Maldevees, and in
a peece of 8/8 are accounted there 32 Annees : So that for the value
of a peece of 8/8 you may buy 2400 [240] or 250 pome : And according
to the best account which we have from Surratt as they are usually
bought there, they cannot cost above 2 pieces of 8/8 per Cwt. or
thereabouts." The above figures are not exact, but they show a great
profit in the Cowry traffic, as they were purchased at the Maldives at
9,000 to 10,000 the rupee and sold in Bengal at 2500 to 3200 the
rupee.
^ See notes on pp. 104 and 200.
2 Compare Schouten, vol. ii. pp. 278 — 281, "Tigers and leopards,
which are very common in the whole of India, have also their lairs in
the woods, and especially in these low lying districts of Bengal, which
have not yet been cultivated.... The tigers of Bengal are as large as
calves.... The tigers even dare to attack men on horseback, and
the most powerful buffaloes, which they tear in pieces alive." T. B., in
his Chart of the Hugli, marks oa the right bank, " Ri. Tygers." N, and
E, p. 40, for 27th Aug. 1679, has, "On the voyage [from Hugli to
Balasor] an Englishman belonging to the Ganges being ashore on
an Island shooting, was carried off by a tiger, the Master of the vessel
seeing him but not being able to help him."
3 See note on p. 1 30.
220 BENGALA
Especially of those that get a Hvelyhood by makeinge
Salt or cuttinge wood neare the mouth of the Ganges^
Upon my returne of a Voyadge to the Maldivae^ I lost 3
men by theire Salvagenesse. I sent them On Shore upon
Cocks Island' to cut wood, well armed and with Order to
keep togeather near the boat : but they carelessly dispersed
themselves, and 3 were torne in pieces by the Tygers, vizt.
two Moors and one Portuguees.
The Bears in the woods and on the Mountains of this
Kingdome are, many of them, an incredible bignesse. I
have Seen many of them Cole black, and as large as an
Ordinary heifer ; and those woods that afford most plenty
of Peacocks, are generally frequented with these Uglyest
of Annimals. Some they tame in this Kingdome, and lead
them about to Shew, but none of the large ones. I have
often shot att them, yet never soe but they got away into
the Woods againe.
Infinite Number of Wild hogge in this countrey as alsoe
a creature called a Jackall*, resemblinge both dogge and
fox, and are as large as good Ordinary hounds in England,
beinge a most bold and mischiefous Annimall. They doe
great prejudice to the Standinge corne, tearinge it up by
the roots, and are soe bold in the night to come and walke
the Streets of a towne like tame doggs, on purpose to gett
Opportunities to runne away with geese, henns, ducks, or
the like. I have Seen Severall of them togeather, but by
night heard the Noise of Some hundreds at once.
^ See p. 199. ^ See notes on pp. 104 and 200.
3 See note on p. 209.
* Compare Deles tre^ p. 190, "Troops of wild elephants, buffaloes,
boars, stags, gazelles, squirrels are seen there [in Bengal]." John
Marshall, Notes and Observations^ p. 5 (reverse), says, "At this place
[Ramchandrapore] are plenty of wild Deer very larg, wild hogs. Pea-
cocks, cocks and henns, Jackalls and Tygers. See Schouten^ vol. i.
p. 480, for a description of " Jackhalses or Jachals." For illustrations
of the "Tyger," "Bear," "Wild Hogge," and "Jackall," see Plates XI.
and XII.
PATTANA 221
PATTANA.
A Very large and potent Kingdome^ but longe Since
become tributarie to the Emperours of Hindostan (or Great
Mogol). This is a Countrey of Very great Trafficke and
Commerce, and is really the great Gate that Openeth into
Bengala and Orixa, and soe consequently into most parts
of India, vizt. from the Northerne Kingdoms or Empires
(by land), namely, Persia, Carmania*, Georgia*, Tartaria*,
&c. The Commodities of those countries are transported
hither by Caffila*, who alsoe Export the commodities
brought hither by the English and Dutch, as alsoe of this
Kingdome.
The Chiefe Citty whereof is called Pattana', a very
^ Compare Thevenot^ part iii. p. 68, " Patane is a very large Town,
lying on the West side of the Ganges in the Countrey of Patan, where
the Dutch have a Factory. Corn, Rice, Sugar, Ginger, long Pepper,
Cotton and Silk, with several other Commodities, are plentifully pro-
duced in that Country, as well as Fruits ; and especially the Ananas,
which in the out side is much like a Pine-Apple."
* i.e. Kirman, the Province of Persia nearest to India.
3 Compare Fryer ^ p. 284, "The next Neighbours, if not the same
with the Armenians, were the Iberians, now called Georgians... Their
Country at this time bears the Name of Gurgestan, from whence they
are christen'd Georgians ; not from the famous St. George, but because
they follow Husbandry."
* See note on p. 172.
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Cafila. Compare Mandelslo^ p. 8, "These
last [the Dutch] come thither by Sea, but all the others by Land, with
the Caravans, which they call Caffilas." Fryer^ p. 120, has "When
any Caphala or Treasure passes, they hire Soldiers to guard it."
Compare also the following, "Some of the Raiahs yeelded [to Futtercon,
ue.^ Fatteh Khan, representative of Ala'uddin Khilji], others flying to
retyrements impregnable, lay in the Mawe of the Countrey, and could
not be conquered euen to this day, but making outroades, prey on the
CafFaloes passing by the way." Lord's Discoverie of the Sect of the
Banians^ p. 81.
^ See Hobson-fobson^ s.v, Patna. Compare De Graaf s description
of Patna, Voyages^ p. 62 f, " This town [Patna] is very near the water
as are a number of other towns of the Moors. It has a large and
beautiful castle with boulevards and towers. There are fine houses.
222 PATTANA
large and Spacious one indeed, and is Scituate neare to
the River of Ganges, many miles up, not lesse then locx)
or I lOO miles above the towne Hugly. There are many
delicate groves and plaines adjoyneinge thereto; the Woods^
in this Kingdome afford great Store of those deformed
Annimals called Rhinocerots [Plate XII.], and many of
them are taken younge and tamed*. There be of them in
4:he Woods of Bengala, but noe wild Elephants in these
Kingdoms^ although the Kingdome of Arackan is well
stored with them, and is but a neighbouringe Country to
that of Bengala.
gardens, pagodas and other grand buildings. It is situated on rising
ground because of the great inundations of the Ganges so that when
the water is moderately high, in order to go from the shore to the town,
in some places you must climb 20, 30, and sometimes 40 stone steps.
On the landward side there are a good many redoubts and towers, which
serve more for ornament than defence. From one end of the town to
the other, throughout the whole of its length, stretches a large street
full of shops where a great trade in all kinds of things is carried on and
where are to be found very clever workmen. This street is intersected
right and left by several others, some of which lead to the country and
the others to the Ganges. At the farthest end of the town and in the
highest part of it there is a great square for the market, also a very
fine palace where the Nabob lives and a large Kettera [katrd, a
market-place] where are to be found a number of people of divers
nations as well as all kinds of merchandise."
Compare also Tavemier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 53, " Patna is one of the
greatest Cities of India, upon the Bank of Ganges, toward the West ;
not being less than two Leagues in length. But the Houses are no
fairer than in the greatest part of the other Cities of India, being
cover'd with Bamboux or Straw."
1 "We ordred you formerly to make a contract for petre with
those salt men who come with great droves of oxen yeerly through
the Woods from Pattana ward to Orixa." Letter to Balasor, 12th
April, 1679, O.C. No. 4596.
2 De Graaf, Voyages^ p. 73, has the following account of a rhino-
ceros : " The Director Jaques Verburg having been some time at
Ougli on the Compan/s business, returned to Cassambasar. A
present was made to him of a young rhinoceros which some hunters
had taken in a wood, after having killed the mother. • This rhinoceros
was about five feet in height. It was of a pearl grey colour. The
skin was furrowed and rough like that of an elephant ; but it had nO
scales, as it is said to have. The head was large and thick, and its
muzzle very large and wide ; the horn was beginning to grow. This
animal was a sight worth seeing."
3 Delesire^ however, says that Bengal abounded with wild elephants.
See note on p. 220.
PATTANA 223
Soe that soe farre as is reported of them to be Utter
Enemies to the Elephant I doe confide in^, for in all
Kingdoms where are found the Rhinocerot the Elephant
is not found wild there, nor dare the tame ones frequent
the Woods, As for instance, Pattana, Bengala, and Java
Major.
Many of our Countreymen and Others in Europe doe
take this Creature to be the Unicorne, and will very hardly
be convinced from that theire Opinion, And will make
no Scruple to Say that our Fore Fathers mistooke in
Limninge his true Shape, which, if soe, was a very grosse
mistake indeed, for noe 2 Creatures in that can be more
different. But I doe rather Condemne the Errour of this
present age, holdinge with them not any further then this,
that this is a Unicorne as it is a one horned beast, but
I cannot Say that it is the Unicorne. For Example, I saw
a home of about 13 or 14 inches longe, in the very forme
and Shape that wee picture or carve a Unicorn's horne^ ;
it was of a very darke gray colour. I happened acci-
dentally both to See and handle the Same, which gave me
more Satisfaction as to the Unicorne then I had before,
which Shall be Spoken of more at large in the accompt of
Mocho in the Red Sea^
The English East India Company have a Factory in
Pattana, adjoyneinge to the Citty, whence wee have all (or
^ Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 277 f., " It is also believed that they
[rhinoceroses] are enemies of the elephants, and that they sharpen
their large horn against flints in order to make it pierce the belly of
the elephants, where their skin is most tender."
2 Probably a horn of the black buck. Compare Schouten, vol. ii.
p. 276 f., ** Some have thought that this animal [the rhinoceros] is the
veritable unicorn that so many people have sought without being able
to find. For my own part I am persuaded that I have seen elsewhere
a real unicorn's horn. It was much larger, longer, and of quite a
different shape from that of the rhinoceros ; what I remark here is
only my own opinion, and it does not establish the point as a cer-
tainty."
3 The writer has not carried out his intention to describe Mocha
in this MS. See note on p. 103.
224 PATTANA
the most part) of the Saltpeeter Sent yearly for England ^
The English Chiefe (by name) Job Chanock* hath lived
here many years and hath learned the Persian (or Court)
Languadge as perfect as any Persian borne and bred, and
hath lived wholy after their Custome (save in his Religion),
by which he hath obtained vast priviledges, and love of
the Grandees that Sway the Power of the Kingdome,
and is dayly admitted into the Nabob's presence.
^ On the 1 2th December, 1669, the Council at the Bay wrote to
Fort St George {Factory Records^ Misc. No. 3), "The Factory house
we desired your Licence to build without Pattana was instead of that
built since Mr. Blake being Cheife att Singee and levelled by the
Rains. Pattana it selfe is not a place to manage the Peter trade in,
yet that being the Residence of the Nabob that Governs that Countrey,
the Chiefe must sometimes repaire thither... if the Factory be without
the Cittie, nigh the place where the peter is made, the Convenience
will be very great in Encreasing the Investments and Securing the
peetermen from Selling what we have bought of them to others....'*
At the end of the Diary of Streynsham Master ^ pp. 331, 332, there
is an " Accompt of Pattana " by John Marshall, dated in Balasor, the
loth Dec. 1676. Rewrites, "Pattana lyes in the Latitude of 25 degrees
and [?] minutes inter Gangem, and in Pleasant place, the Honble.
Company have no Factory here, but what hire, nor doth the Cheife
usually reside there, by reason the Nabobs Pallace is in the Citty, and
his servants and officers are constantly craveing one thing or another,
which if not given, though they have what they desire, yett they
are not satisfied therewith, but creat trouble, and if given what they
desire will be very chargeable, which inconveniency is prevented by
Liveing at Singee, which lyes North of Pattana about ten or twelve
miles. Extra Gangem, and is Scittuated in a pleasant but not whole
[wholesome] place, by reason of its being most Saltpeter ground, but
IS convenient by reason thereof, for Saltpeter men live not far from it,
besides the Honble. Company have a Factory at Nanagur which lyes
to the east of Pattana (extra Gangem) about 4 or 5 miles, there
remaynes Generally a banian or sometimes only Peons, to receive
the Peter from the Peter men, which lyes there abouts, to avoid
carrying it to Sing^ee, which would be chargeable, and when what
there is received m, its weighed and put aboard the Peter boates
there. There is alsoe another place about 15 or 16 miles to the
westward of Singee, whether is brought all the Saltpeter neare that
place, and put aboard the boates there...."
"Wee exceedingly want the Peter you have ready.. .we would have
the Warehouse Keeper see the weighing of all Peter." Letter from
Hugli to Patna, 25th Jan. 1679, Factory Records, Hugli, No. 5.
2 Job Chamock, the celebrated founder of the English settlement
at Calcutta, arrived in India in 1655, and was appointed 4th at
Kasimbazar in 1658. He became a Senior Merchant in 1666, and was
Chief at Patna during the whole time comprised in this "Account."
See Yule, Hedged Diary ^vo\, ii. pp. 45 — 100, for full details concerning
Job Chamock. See also Wilson, Early Annals, vol. i. p. 92, note.
PATTANA 225
The Dutch have a Factory here alsoe^ for procureinge
of Saltpeeter, but live with little freedome or Enjoyment of
any worldly pleasures here, dareinge not to presume to
Enter any of the Gates of the Citty without leave from
Some of the great Officers^
All the Saltpeeter is Sent hence to Hugly in great flatt
bottomed Vessels, of an Exceedinge Strength, which are
called Patellas^; each of them will bringe downe 4, S, 6000
Bengala maunds*.
They are built very Stronge, by reason of the most
impetuous Eddies they meet with in some places, that
force them many times Upon one Shoale or Other, soe
that, were they not Stronge and very flatt, they wold be
in greater peril of wringinge to pieces or turning bottom
up. Yet some years both the English and Dutch doe
Suffer very Considerable losses by them'.
Many Patellas come downe yearly laden with Wheat
and Other graine, and goe Up laden with Salt and bees
wax, the Kings onely commodities®.
^ Compare Tavemier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 53, " The Holland Company
have a House there [Patna], by reason of their Trade in Saltpeter,
which they refine at a great Town call'd Choupar [Chuprah], which is
also scituated upon Ganges, ten Leagues above Patna."
2 This remark seems to have its foundation only in the prejudice
of their English competitors.
3 patela. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Pattello. The writer is more
accurate in his transcription of the patela, a large flat-bottomed boat,
than are his contemporaries. Compare the following : " Take out all
the goods out of the Pratelloes and relade them aboard such small
Prattelloes or other boates as may bee necessary." Letter from
Hugh, 1 2th Dec. 1673, FcLctory Records, Hugli, No. 4. " Dispatch
Mr. Allen Catchpoole to Meirdanpore with directions if the Pattelloes
Can by Lightning themselves with their Small boates get over the
Severall Shoaldes in the way hence to Hugly that then he offer them
gratuity soe to doe." Letter from Hugli, 9th Dec. 1679, Factory
Records, Hugli, No. 5.
* See pp. 116 and 217, and notes.
^ In the records we find frequent entries like the following : " In
the storm which hapned upon the first of January [1681J there was
a Porgo laden with the Companys Petre drove ashore m the Bay
about Peply." Factory Records, Fort St George, No. 2.
® See pp. 132 and 199 and notes.
T. 15
226 PATTANA
Notwithstandinge Pattana be soe fertile to afford graine
to Such a plentifull countrey as Bengala, yett in the yeare
of our Lord 1670 they had as great a Scarcitie, in soe
much that one Pattana Seere weight of rice (the plenti-
fullest graine in the country) was Sold for one rupee the
Seere containing onely 27 Ounces^ and, in a few months,
there was none at all to be had at that rate, in soe much
that many thousands of the Natives perished in the Streets
and open feilds for want of food, and many glad to Sell
theire own children for a handfull of rice^.
^ ix, 6 oz. short weight. See p. 217 and note.
2 John Marshall, who was at Patna at the time of the famine, fully
endorses T.B.'s remarks as to the privations suffered by the inhabitants.
In his Notes and Observations of East India^ he chronicles the extent
of the famine from May to August, and gives various details concerning
it, as the following extracts will show : "In latter end of May 1671
there dyed of If amine in Pattana about 100 persons dayly and had so
for 3 or 4 months, come was then (vizt) Wheate 7.\ Rupees per
Maund, Barley 2 rs.. Rice fine 4 rs.. Rice Course i\ rs., Beefe i^ r..
Goat flesh 2 rs., Butter or Gee 7J rs., Oyle 7 rs. per maund which
consists of 80 lb. English Averdepoiz...June the 19th we came to
Pattana from Singee, I see upon one peece of sand about the middle
way betwixt the City and the River about 32 or 33 persons ly dead
within about 10 yds. compass from the middle of them, and so many
by the River side that could not come on shore but by very many
dead corps, also aboundance upon the sand besides, now Rice for 4 rs.
per Maund, beeing a little while since 4 rs. 7 an. being somthing
cheaper. Wood for firing 4J md. per Rupee, Henns 5 and Chickins 8
per Rupee, tis reported that since the beginning of October there
have died of Famine in Pattana and the suburbs about 20000 Persons,
and there cannot in that time have gone fewer from the City than
150000 persons... great number of slaves to be bought for 4 an. and
5 an. per peece and good ones for i r. per peece, but they are
exceedinge leane when bought and if they eat but very little more
than ordinary of rice, or eat any flesh, butter or any strong meat, their
faces hands and feet swell immediately exceedingly so that tis esteemed
enough to give them at first \ seer of rice, and those very leane \ seer
per day to be eaten at twice. The Famine reacheth from 3 or 4 dayes
journey beyond Bonarres [Benares] to Rojamaul [Rajmahal]....In
Pattana about 23rd July there dyed about 250 or 300 Persons Dayly
of Famine in and about the City of Pattana Rice being 5 rs. 5 an.
per Maund best sort... August. Before the famine there were 4000
houses inhabited in Hodgipore [HajTpur], and but now 1800 inhabited,
and out of them many have dyed.... In Pattana in 1671 August 8th
now dy dayly here of Famine 2 or 300 persons in City and Suburbs,
rice now 7 seer per Rupee or 5 rs. 11 an. per Maund of best sort and
sometimes none to be bought nor bread m the Bazar... upon the 7th
PATTANA 227
And yett, at that time, the Nabobs Chiefe Wife had
Severall very large Storehouses full of graine, and wold
not dispose of any, unlesse they wold give the weight of
Silver in one Scale of its weight of rice or wheat in the
Other. But it pleased God to frustrate her Covetous
designe, and Sent them as great plenty as Ever they
had^
Severall Sorts of boats that Use the
Rivers, whose Shapes are as tiere
followeth. [Plates XIII. and XV.]
This is called an Olocko'. They row Some with 4,
Some with 6 owers, and ply for a faire as wherries doe in
the Thames.
[August] 2 Merchants in Pattana threw themselves into a common
well and drowned them selves, now a terrible sad cry of poor in the
Buzzar...no course rice to be bought... some dayes neither rice nor
bread to be bought in the Bazar...." Here follows a quaint remark,
" Such was the laziness of workmen in the time of Famine, That in
the time of making one Casmeer boat for the Company, Six of the
Carpenters died of Famine.... In Pattana and the Suburbs died in
14 months last past ending 6th November 1671 of the Famine 135400
persons....! received [nth Dec. 1671] an Account in writing out of
the Coatwalls Chabootree [kotwdl ka chabutrd^ sherifTs office] wherein
was writ that in the 12 months last past there had died in Pattana
and the Suburbs of the Famine 103000 Persons (vizt) 50000 Mussulmen
and 53000 Hindoos which were taken notice of in their bookes of
Records." On another page the number is given as 90720.
^ John Marshall, Notes and Observations^ says, " The most of the
poore that go hence [Patna] go to Dacca for victualls, though there is
thought to be great quantities of Rice in these parts, yet through the
Nabobs roguery here is a Famine, and also somthing from the Drynes
of the last yeare." I have been unable to find any allusion to the
action of the "Nabobs Chiefe Wife" as related by T.B.
2 uldk. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Woolock. Compare the following
contemporary spellings : " I have sent you upon this Oolauck Rs.
500," Letter from Dacca to Balasor, O. C. No. 3809. " Seaventeen
chests of treasure which wee have sent two good Oolocks to fetch,"
Letter from Hugli to George Herron, 15th Aug. 1680, Factory Records^
Hugli, No. 5. "You are hereby enordered...to lade the Same \i,e.
Timbers] upon U Hocks and Borees," Letter from Hugli to Capt.
Hussey, 9th Sept* 1684, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 6. "Ten or
twelve WooUocks to unlade these boats.'* Bengal Public Consulta-
tions^ Range i. vol. i., loth Jan. 1704.
228 PATTANA
A Budgaroo* Or Pleasure boat, wherein the English
and Dutch Chiefe and Councill goe in State Upon the
water, in Use alsoe by the Moors Grandees or Governours.
A Purgoo*. These Use for the most part between
Hugly and Pyplo* and Ballasore. With these boats they
carry goods into the Roads On board English and Dutch
&c. Ships. They will live a longe time in the Sea,
beinge brought to anchor by the Sterne, as their* Usual
way is.
A Boora' being a Very floaty light boat, rowinge with
^ bajra. See note on p. 190. Compare the following : ** Basaras,
which are a kind of large boat, fairly clean, the centre of which forms
a little room.'' Luiller, Voyage au Golfe de Bengale, quoted in Provost,
Voyages^ vol. xiii. p. 80. " If you have noe Budgrees with you 'twill
be necessary to bring 2 or 3 Purgoes downe for the carriage of our
necessarys," Letter to Balasor, i8th Aug. 1679, ^•^- No. 4644. "You
have done very well since your Factory Budgroe [is] out of repaire to
keep our Budgroe (that wee lent hence to carry up Mr. Meverell and
his Wife) with you," Letter from Hugh to Patna, 26th April, 1682,
Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 6.
2 This word of doubtful origin probably represents an Indian
corruption of the Portuguese barca^ a barge and also a sailing-boat.
See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Porgo. See Ind. Ant.^ vol. xxx. pp. 160 — 162,
for the history of the word. There are frequent references to this
kind of boat in the contemporary records. Compare the following :
"Advise us betime by land that wee may have Porgoes and Pilots
ready at the Barr foote to bring her [the Ganges] over at her coming
here." Letter from Balasor to Hugli, 13th Jan. 1673, Factory Records,
Hugli, No. 4. "Tell Mr. Peachy... his goods are on board of a
pergoo for Ballasore." Letter from Hugli to Balasor, 13th Nov. 1674,
O. C. No. 4038. "This day the Purgoes or boates (which were ordered
to goe on board the Shipes upon Saturday last when I came ashore)
returned bringing such goods and Treasure as was sent for." Diary
of Streynsham Master^ Balasor, ist Sept. 1676, p. 53. "What exquisite
theives the Porgomen are, all who have lived anytime at Ballasore can
make the Honble. Company... sensible of" Edmund Bugden's defence,
19th Aug. 1679, Factory Records, Hugli, No. 2. In 169 1, 1695, and
1698, we find the word spelt "Porgoe," " Porkoe," "Porka."
3 Pipli. See note on p. 162.
* " their " refers to the native boatmen.
^ bhar, a lighter. See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Bora, where the word is
derived from bhada. Compare the following references to this kind
of boat : " He [Luiller] met more than 500 Bouries which are large
Indian boats very badly built." Provost, Histoire des Voyages, vol. xiii.
p. 83. " You did well having an opportunity to let out the Company's
Borae to fraight." Letter from Balasor to Hugli, Factory Records,
Hugli, No. 4. " By the Boraes that Carried Goods hence send hither
good sail \sat\ timbers of 12 in. 13 Covids for Beames and rafters for
PATTANA 229
20 or 30 Owers. These carry Salt peeter and Other Goods
(from Hugly) downewards, and some trade to Dacca with
Salt ; they alsoe Serve for tow boats for the Ships bound
up or downe the River.
A Patella ^ The boats that come downe from Pattana
with saltpeeter or Other goods built of an Exceedinge
Strength and are Very flatt and burthensome.
The onely Commodities of this Kingdome that are
yearly Sent for England are Saltpeeter*, of which great
quantities are sent to England and Holland, with a
Considerable investment of each Nation in Codde Muske*,
which is here found to be very good. It is in generall taken
from a Small deere of about 2 foot high, of which this
Countrey doth mightilie abound*. They take it out Upon
3
the Warehouse here." Letter from Hugli to Balasor, 27th Dec. 1678,
Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5. " Ordered that what Boras or great
open boates can be gott be taken up to carry the peter aboard the
Ships.'' Hugli Diary, 27th Oct. 1679, Fcu:tory Records^ Hugli, No. 2.
^ See notes on pp. 148 and 225.
^ Compare Bernier^ p. 440, " Bengale is also the principal emporium
for saltpetre. A prodigious quantity is imported from Patna. It is
carried down the Ganges with great facility, and the Dutch and
English send large cargoes to many parts of the Indies, and to
Europe." On the i8th Dec. 1676 the Court wrote to Hugli {Letter
Book, No. 5, p. 383), " Wee would have you send a sufficient Stock to
Pattana to be there in a readines, that all Opportunities may be
taken for buying Salt Petre, and it being procured to send it away by
all Opportunities to Hughly, That soe wee may have a quantity
alwaies ready for dispatch of our ships.... Wee would have you send
what Salt Petre you can to the Fort by these ships... send us yeerly
home twenty tunns of refined white Petre." In the Hugli Diary,
under date 4th Dec. 1679, is the entry {Factory Records, Hugli, No. 2),
" Ordered to endeavour to take up Rs. 20000 for to Pay the Petree
expected to be bought."
3 See note on p. 134.
* Compare De Graaf's description of this animal. Voyages, p. 72,
"The Director returned to Cassambasar in order to examine and buy
some bales of silk. A present was made to him of a sort of curiosity.
It was the skin of one of these animals which produce musk. The
skin had been dried and filled with cotton. This animal was the size
of an ordinary goat or sheep. It had on its head two little horns black
as jet, of about a span long. The bag in which the musk was enclosed
was still attached to the belly of the animal." Marshall, Notes and
Observations of East India, p. 29, has a very quaint account of the
** Muske Deere."
230 PATTANA
the full of the Moone*, but not every full Moone out
of the Same deere, by reason it cometh not to maturitie
in Soe Short a time. It is the Navle of the deere, which
although cutt out, doth wonderfully grow as before.
The Great quantities of Muske brought from Cochin-
China and China it selfe is for the most part taken from
this little Annimall whose shape is as followeth [Plate XIII.].
From Dacca The Chief Commodities brought are fine
Cossas', commonly called Muzlinge*.
From Cossumbuzar, Sundry Sorts of raw and wrought
Silks*, fine Sashes' and Stripes' interwoven with gold and
Silver.
^ This seems to point to a superstition similar to that still pre-
vailing in some parts of Dorsetshire, where farmers' wives will not
have a pig killed when the moon is waning for fear that the bacon
should shrink and turn out soft.
2 khdssa^ a cotton cloth still used in India, softer than longcloth,
and closer than muslin. T.B. in his Malay Diet, has, "Cassa, Lawn
or Muslin " ; and Wilson, Early Annals, vol. i. p. 187, has, ^'' khdsa, a
kind of fine muslin." Luiller, Voyage au Golfe de Bengale, quoted in
Provost, Histoire des Voyages, vol. xiii. p. 80, says, "The Company
gets from its factory at Ougly...Casses, which we call double muslin.*'
See HobsoH'Jobson, s.v, Piece-Goods, p. 707. Compare the following :
"[In] 1679 we Sent away Cassaes to the amount of rupees 72189. 3. 1 1."
Letter from Dacca to Hugli, 13th Nov. 1680, Factory Reeords, Misc.
No. 3, p. 152. "The Cossaes by which are meant Tangeebs Jelosies
and such like Cloth... loooo ps." Letter from Hugli to Dacca, Factory
Records, Hugli, No. 5. "This year 1681 the Honble. Company
endeavored [? ordered] 23000 ps. of thin white cloth as Cossaes and
Mullmulls &ca to be provided at Maulda and Decca.'' Hugli Diary,
nth April, 1682, Factory Records, Hugli, No. 3.
3 See note on p. 5.
* In 1676 (letter dated i8th Dec, Letter Book, No. 5) the Court
ordered from the "Bay" 31000 ps. Taffaties "so as they be of good
blacks Colours and whites according to our former advices."
^ Turban-cloths. In the Journal of Peter Mundy, I.O. Copy,
under date April 1637, Relation 23, p. 37, we have, "A Soldier in Red
...a Shash on his Head part gold." Compare also, Marshall, Notes
and Observations, p. 20 (reverse), "Muxidavad [Murshidabad]...here to
be bought... Girdles and Sashes which come from Bonarres [Benares]";
and the following in a letter from Balasor to Hugli, ist June, 1672,
Factory Records, Hugli, No. 7, "Another night appeared Severall men
in Armes behind our factory all in black Coates and Shashes." See
also Yule, Hedges^ Diary, vol. iii. p. 179.
^ ue. Cotton cloth interwoven with gold and silver. " The parcel!
sky colour'd gold strip'd stuff your note mentions, I believe Mr.
PATTANA 231
From HuglyandBallasore, Sanas^Ginghams^Orammalls^
Richards made Use of himselfe.'* Letter to Kasimbazar, 19th June,
1674, 0,C* No. 3972, In the " List of Goods to be provided at the
Bay'' in 1681, Letter Book^ No. 6, we find, "Stript Muslings fine
(Doreas) 21 yds. long i\ yd. or Ell wide, better made at Hughly,
Santapore and Maulda.''
^ Wilson, Early Annals^ vol. i. index, s,v. Sanah, has, " sanahs^ a
kind of fine cloth." Luiller, Voyage au Golfe de Bengale^ c[uoted in
Prdvost, Histoire des Voyages^ vol. xiii. p. 80, says, " Balassor is a place
celebrated for trade in fine white Calicoes called Sanas." Sanahs
were, apparently, not a popular commodity in England. On the
1 8th Dec. 1676, Letter Book^ No. 5, p. 387, the Court wrote to Hugli,
** Wee finde you have this yeer sent us of Sannos 34630 ps. more then
Ordered, and so you doe yeerly, notwithstanding all wee have written
to the Contrary." With reference to this letter, the Council at Fort
St George wrote to Hugli on the 7th June, 1677, Factory Records^
Fort St George, No. 18, "They [the Honble. Co.] take great notice
of your exceeding so much in Sannoes and being so short in Nillaes,
Cassaes, Humhums &c." On the 4th Jan. 1679, ^^ Chief and
Council at Hugli wrote to Balasor, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5,
" The sending home Sannas we hope will not be unacceptable to our
Honble. Employers in that you Could not procure the quantity of
Ginghams," and on the 25th April, 1682, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 6,
"Your Sannaes they [the Honble. Co.] say are also generally to yellow
they should be better drest and the conjee [starch] have more blew
in it, if you could have them drest as white and as fine as the Beetelaes
at the fort they would sell much better, as they now come some of the
buyers have been forced to send them over to holland to have them
new whited or bleached and brought back again to England to sell.**
There is reason to think that the cloth known as sanah in the
17th cent, still exists as sdlu^ a, cheap, fine cloth, generally red, in
common use in Bengal.
2 See Hobson-Jobsofiy s,v. Gingham, an Indian Cotton cloth. It is
an old English name, probably of Indo-European origin, for a stuff
made of cotton yarn dyed before being woven. " Striped Ginghams of
lively colours " were a favourite variety in the i8th century. See Ind,
Ant.^ vol. xxix. p. 339, for the spelling "Gengam" in 1746. On the
i8th Dec. 1676 {Letter Book^ No. 5) the Court wrote to Hugli, "Wee
would have you directly observe to send us the goods wee order and
if you exceed in any, let it be in Taffaties Silk, Nillaes, fine Cossaes
and Coloured Ginghams... the Colored Ginghams sent are all Grayes
stiff and without gloss ; for the future you must mix them with Hair
Colour, Green, yellow and Tawny, to make them more soft. Gentle
and Glossy." Among the goods to be provided for the 1679 shipping
were "Coloured Ginghams (of divers cloth colours) ten thousand
pieces, and as many peices of Nillees." O. C, No. 4502.
3 rumdl. See note on p. 133. Compare the following; "The
Musters [samples] of Rhumalls we have received and finde to be of
the same sort wee have this year contracted for here." Letter from
Hugli to Balasor, 3rd Sept 1680, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5.
" Having received a muster of a mullmuU ground handkercheif from
Dacca which they call a Rhumaul, on consideration as it soe much
differs from a Rhumaul in every respect, we think it not fitt to buy'
any for our Masters account this yeer." Hugli Diary, 3rd Oct. 1681,
Factory Records, Hugli, No. 3.
232 PATTANA
Cotton yarneS &c., which goods are Embailed in the
beforementioned Factories, and, accordinge to Order from
the Honourable English East India Company, are Sent
On board the English ships that yearly doe arrive and
anchor in Ballasore Roade, and thence doe Sett Saile
in the Month December, bound up to Metchlipatam and
Fort St. Georg's, where theire full ladeinge is prepared,
and in a few days Shipped On board, and about the latter
End of January doe Saile intendinge (God assistinge them)
for England.
The Staple Commodities brought into these 3 Kingdomes
(namely Orixa, Bengala, and Pattana) are Scarlet^ broad
Cloths of divers colours, Vermilion, quick Silver', Brim-
stone, Lead, Coppar, Ryals of 8*, and Corall.
All which, although they produce but little per Cent,
yet they are here as good as ready Rupees in procureinge
^ On the 26th Aug. 1667, the Court wrote to Hugli {Letter Booky
No. 4, p. 97), "The Cotton yarne received from your parts is crosse
reeled and too great hancks or skeynes, and too hard twisted, there-
fore wee desire it may bee in small hancks or skaines and reeled straight
and something softer twisted," and on the 17th Au^. 1674 {Letter Book^
No. 5), " Cotton Yarne, if you can procure that which is very good and
not too hard throwne you may send 50 or 60 bales provided the price
exceed not 14 rupees per maund." On the 24th Dec. 1675 the Court
ordered, Letter Book^ No. 5, '* 50 or 60 Bales Cotton Yarne each 3
maunds."
2 See note on p. 160. Compare the following: "Make a hansome
Present in our Name to Yecknam Cawne...And doe it as much in
Scarlett... as may be acceptable." Letter from the Court to Fort
St George, 29th Nov. 1670, Letter Book^ No. 4. "We have here in
the Godowne 2 Peeces Scarlett, and 2 Peeces read Cloth, but noe
green cloth." Letter from Masulipatam to Fort St George, 3rd Oct.
1678, Factory Records, Masulipatam, No. 10. "The present to Shasteh
Caune the Nabob... Scarlet 10 peeces. Crimson Cloth 15 yds." Letter
from Hugli to Dacca, ist March, 1680, Factory Records, Hugli, No. 5.
3 The demand in Bengal for vermilion and quicksilver was not
large enough to please the authorities at home. On the 12th Jan.
1665, the Council at Fort St George wrote apologetically to the Court,
" Quicksilver and Vermillion are Dull Commoditys, from the Bay they
required, by their advises but 60 Mds. of the First and 30 of the latter."
Factory Records, Misc. No. 3. In 1679, however, we find in a letter
from Dacca to Hugli on the 3rd June {Factory Records, Hugli, No. 7),
" Wee have had enquiries often for Vermillion if you please to furnish
us therewith."
* See note on p. 114.
PATTANA 233
the best of good[s] in the Kingdome without any losse,
but rather 15 or 20 per Cent gaine, where to bringe
Europe vizt. English, Dutch, or French Coyned moneys,
the losse is more then soe much per Cent. But the
Voyadge homeward doth make sufficient amends*.
In the beforementioned places in these 3 Kingdoms,
the English Nation in generall hath freedome of in-
habitinge and tradinge free from all manner of taxes
and customes in or out, the like priviledges hath noe
Other Nation besides.
All which was procured by the Ingenuitie of Mr. Gabriel
Bowden, one of our owne Nation, and a very Eminent
Doctor of Phisick, sometime Doctor in Ordinary to the
great Warriour Emir Jemla, who tooke a very great
Affection towards him, and was most courteous and Free
to him, and Especially Upon a Notable Cure of his owne
Lady performed (Under God) by the Doctor, the Nabob
callinge for him, Ordered him att that instant to demand
what he wold have given him or had most likeinge to and
it Shold be granted in Consideration of his Loyal Service
and care of the best of his familie. The Doctor, highly
Surprised with this great Person's Generositie, yet soone
considered Upon it, yett soe as not to be greedy of any
present gaine (onely for himselfe), and now in the best of
time, requested that the English Nation might Settle
Factories in what parts of the Kingdomes they pleased
and be free off all duties and Customes, which then was
4 per Cent in and the like out for all goods dealt in. The
which was noe Sooner demanded but as readily granted ^
^ The author is a competent judge of the lucrative nature of Indian
trade at the time, for, as he states in his Will {^vide Introduction), he
amassed his fortune, which was by no means inconsiderable, by trading
in India.
2 Yule quotes this passage in Hedged Diary ^ vol. iii. p. 183, and
remarks: "Indeed this MS. curiously illustrates the inexactitude of
even twenty years' tradition. For it seems impossible that Mir Jumla,
who did not come to Bengal till 1659 should have been the Mahom-
234 PATTANA
with Phyrmanes* in the Persian Languadge that the
English Nation Shold hold that Priviledge soe longe as
they pleased to live and Settle in their Dominions, and
many Other rewards Liberally bestowed Upon the Doctor
(One beinge rare amonge the Mahometants)*.
medan patron from whom Boughton (who died some years earlier)
obtainea trading privileges for his countrymen." T. B.'s version of the
way in which Boughton obtained a farfndn is given in all good faith
by Stewart, History of Bengal , pp. 251 and 252, and the arguments
against it are to be found in Yule, Hedged Diary, vol. iii. pp. 167 and
168. See also Wilson, Early Annals, vol, i. pp. 23 — 29. However,
the following passage from the Court Book of 1674, vol. 29, under date
4th September in that year, seems to prove that Gabriel Boughton's
farman was a reality, although not granted by Mir Jumla: "On
reading a Report from the Committees for the Coast and Bay touching
the phirmands granted to the Company for trading in the Bay of
Bengala, According^ to an order of Court dated the of We
have discoursed with Mr. Bridges and others concerning the Phir-
maund or patent for trade granted the English by the Prince of
Bengala ; and we find that it was first procured by one Mr. Bowden
a 'Chyrurgeon, and gave the English onely libertie to trade paying
Custom according to the Kings phirmand but was altered and made
to pay noe Custom according to the Kings Phirmaund. That after-
wards there was another Phirmaund thought to be more advantageous
to the trade of the English procured by Mr. Gauton and Billidge..."
^ farm&n. See note on p. 142.
2 Here the MS. suddenly breaks off and there is a blank of two
pages. Then follow the three headings arackan, pegu and tanas-
SAREE. It was evidently the authors intention to write at length
on these places as spaces are left for the purpose. The missing
descriptions may have figured in the "Ms in a green cover" be-
queathed to the East India Company {vide Introduction), or the
incompleteness of the 1669— 1679 "Account'' may be due to the
death of the author while engaged in the work.
JANSELONE 235
Oedjange = Salange, commonly called
JANSELONE^
Is an Island that lyeth to the Southward of all the Isles of
Tanassaree^, nearest middway betweene that and Queda.
The North end of it lyeth in Lattitude North 08° 50" ; the
South End in 07° 35'' Lattitude North. It is almost in
^ This is a valuable contribution to the history of the word. The
modem term Junk-Ceylon no doubt takes its name from Ujung
Salang, i.e. Salang Head, the southern extremity of the island Salang.
Crawfurd, Desc. Diet, of the Indian Is., s.v. Ujung, says, " Ujung in
Malay and Javanese, signifies point, or sharp end, and is also fre-
quently applied to a point of land, or headland, promontory, or tongue
...We have an example of it in the name of the island called by
Europeans Junk-Ceylon ; and which is in reality the name of a
promontory of that island, called by the Malays Ujung-Salang, or
the point of Salang." Other derivations are as follow :
Forrest, Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago, remarks on the deriva-
tion of "Jan Sylan^" p. 30, " Probably the name was given to it before
it became an island at high water, and before it was disjoined from
the cohtinent as it is at present : the word oojong being a Malay word
signifying point, and the inhabitants in general speaking Malay, from
their mtercourse with that people, had it been considered as an island,
the word pulo, signifying island in the same tongue, a word of easy
pronunciation, if once affixed to it, would most probably never have
left it."
In Hobson-Jobson, ed. 1903, we find, on the other hand, s.v. Junk-
Ceylon, " Mr. Skeat doubts the correctness of this (the hitherto
accepted derivation). " There is at least one quite possible alternative,
i.e. Jong salang, in which jong means 'a junk,' and salang, when
applied to vessels, * heavily tossing.' Another meaning of salang is
*to transfix a person with a dagger,' and is the technical term for
Malay executions, in which the kris was driven down from the collar-
bone to the heart." "
In a collection of maps reproduced in vol. 27 of Annates du Musde
Guimet (Le Siam Ancien), it is curious to note that up to 1688 Junk-
Ceylon is marked as a town on the mainland. In a map of the middle
of the i6th century we have "Jusalam"; in a map by Van Langren
1595, "Jungalaon"; in a map of 1613, "Junsalam"; in a map by
Placide, circ. 1688, "Junsalaon," for the first time as an island; in a
map by Gneudeville 171 3 — 1719, "Junsalan"; and, finally, in a map
by Robert, 1751, " Jonkseilon." "Junsalaon" is an "island" in Ralph
Fitch's journey, 1583 — 91, in Hakluyt, reprint, vol. v. p. 498.
^ i.e. the Mergui Archipelago.
236 JANSELONE
the forme of the Island Ceylone but not more then a Sixth
part soe larger
I[t] wholy belongeth to the Kinge of Syam, and he
hath a Governour here, whom the Natives Entitle Radja
(vizt.) Kinge*, as indeed he is a Vice Kinge to the great
Kinge of Syam*.
The Inhabitants Up in the Countrey are Naturall
Syamers*, for the most part a very Civil good humored
^ Compare the following differing descriptions of the size of this
island : Dunn, East-Indies Directory^ p. 337 f. says, " The body of
Junk-seilon Island lies in latitude 8** 15' N. Its shape is irregular;
extending from north to south about 18 leagues. On the east side of
it are very good harbours which you may safely put into." Forrest,
Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago^ p. 29, gives the extent of "Jan
Sylan" as "about 40 miles long and 15 broad." Milbum, Oriental
Commerce, vol. ii. p. 291, says, "Junkceylon. This island is divided
from the continent by a narrow isthmus of sand, about a mile in
length, and half a mile in breadth, and is covered at high water ; it
shuts up, on the north part, an excellent harbour called Popra where
a vessel drawing 20 feet water may get in on the springs over a mud
bar. The island extends from the latitude of 8° 9' to 7° 46' North, and
is about 24 miles long, and 10 broad." In Bowring's Siam, vol. i.
p. 32, we find, " Salanga or Junk Ceylon, in lat. 8", is sixteen miles in
length and six in breadth ; on the east it has several harbours.'*
Lancaster {Hakluyt, reprint, vol. vi. p. 398) in 1592, "departed thence
[Malaca] to a Baie in the kingdom of Junsalaom, which is between
Malacca and Pegu eight degrees to the Northward."
2 For Raja see pp. 39, 108, 128, and note on p. 39.
^ T. B. in the "Dialogues" at the end of his Malay Diet, has,
"Junsalon to the North of Quedah, is under the Government of the
King of Siam, the people and Language is Malayo." Alex. Hamilton,
East Indies, vol. ii. p. 68, says, " The next Place of any Commerce on
this Coast [after Mergui], is the Island of Junkceyloan, it lies in the
Dominions of the King of Siam."
When Forrest visited Junk-Ceylon in 1784, the Viceroy from
Siam had three assistants: "Terowa...here resides Peepeemont, the
governor, or viceroy, from the court of Siam. This governor, when
I was there in 1784, had three assistants, or perhaps rather colleagues,
as they partook of his power : their names were Pee-Tukerat, Pee-
Siring, and Pee-Lancrac. Each of these officers had about sixty
followers, a kind of retainers, who in a great measure live on the
community ; for, receiving little pay, they oppress the inhabitants."
In 1785 the Burmans attempted to gain possession of Junk- Ceylon,
but were repulsed with loss. In 18 10 they made a more successful
attempt, but only retained possession of the island for a few months,
when the Siamese recaptured it.
* Compare De Chaumont, Embassy to the Court of Siam^ 1687,
p. 85 f, "The Siamoises...are a People very docible, which proceeds
JANSELONE 237
people; but downe att the Sea Ports most of the In-
habitants are Malay ars*, a very roguish Sullen ill natured
people, and Seldome or never that any Ship or Vessell
doth arrive here to trade with them, but there is Either
robbery or Murther comitted by them, to the damadge
of the Forraigner ; and then immediately they give it out
that the Saleeters' came up to the towne in the night and
committed that and many more Villanies, when I my Selfe
have knowne it to be the Malayers themselvs that dwell
here, namely in Banquala.
The Saleeters^ are absolute Piratts, and are often
rather from their nature which desires cjuiet, than any other cause."
Mandelslo^ p. 103, thus describes the Siamese : " The Siameses are
comely and well proportioned, but ill Souldiers, though cruel and
insolent enough after victory. They are rather black then brown,
ingenious in Commerce, but they are cautious, diffident, dissemblers,
unconstant, false, and lyars. The Men are lazy, and care for no
employment which requires labour, such they leave to their Women
and Slaves, leaving affairs and husbandring of land to their charges,
while they walk the streets or make their addresses at Court."
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Malay. Crawfurd, Did. of the Indian
Islands^ s.v. Malay, says, "The word is correctly Malayu in the
language of the Malays them selves... A people of the brown com-
plexioned race, with lank hair, speaking the Malay language is found
m greater or lesser numbers all over the Archipelago." In his Embassy
to the Court of Siam, p. 346, Crawfurd also remarks, "The Siamese are
favourably distinguished from their neighbours, the Malays,... by the
absence of that implacable spirit of revenge which forms so prominent
a feature in the character of the latter."
2 The Saleeters are evidently identical with the people called by
the Portuguese writers Cellates and Saletes. Crawfurd, Diet, of
the Indian Islands^ s.v. Malacca, quotes from De Barros' account
of the foundation of Malacca: "A fugitive from Java... arrived in
Singapore... The prince received him hospitably, but in requital was
assassinated by him, with the aid of his Javanese followers and of a
certain people called Cellates... Eventually, along with 2000 Javanese
followers he settled at Malacca, on the invitation of some of the
Cellates, who had themselves taken refuge on the banks of the river
of that place." Crawfurd goes on to say, " Who these Cellates were is
certain enough. The word is a Portuguese formation, from the Malay
word Sdlat^ a strait or frith, and at full length in this language would
be orang'Sdlaty or men of the narrow seas... The Cellates were, in fact,
the well known orang-laut^ or men of the sea," of the present time,
famous all over the Archipelago for their piscatory and predatory
habits. They are correctly described by De Barros, who calls them
" a people who dwell on the sea, and whose occupation it is to rob and
to fish." Godinho de Eredia, Malaca, VInde Meridionale^ translated
238 JANSELONE
cruiseinge about Janselone and Pullo Sambelon* &c. Isles
neare this Shore. They are Subject to noe manner of
Goverment, and have many cunninge places to hide them-
selves and theire men of warre Prows* in Upon the Maine
of the Malay Shore.
There are 3 Sea Ports Upon this Island, vizt. Banquala,
into French by Janssen, says, p. i, " Before the foundation of Malaca,
Saletes, a fishing people, gathered in this neighbourhood, in the
shadow of the trees which produce mirobolans. These fishermen
made use of pointed javelins called * soligues,' and threw them with
so much skill that they transfixed the fish at the bottom of the sea
with them."
Of the " Saleeters " Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 68 f
says, " Between Merjee [Mergui] and Jonkceyloan there are several
good Harbours for Shipping, but the Sea-coast is very thin of In-
habitants, because there are great Numbers of Freebooters, called
Salleiters, who inhabit Islands along the Sea-coast, and they both rob,
and take People for Slaves, and transport them for Atcheen, and there
make Sale of them, and Jonkceyloan often feels the Weight of their
Depredations."
Crawfurd, Diet, of the Indian Islands^ s.v. Malay Peninsula, p. 257,
speaking of a river- tribe near Singapore, says, " This tribe takes its
name, Saletar, from a creek in the island of Singapore." This creek
must be the same meant by Alex. Hamilton when he says, vol. ii.
p. 93, " The smallest [entrance into the river] is from the Westward,
called by Europeans the Streights of Sincapure, but by the Natives
Salleta de Brew. It runs along the Side of Sincapure Island. for 5 or
6 Leagues together, and ends at the great river of Johore."
The modem Saletar, however, differs widely from his namesake
of three centuries ago, and is very far from rising to the dignity of
a pirate.
The following, quoted by Yule, Hedged Diary ^ vol. iii. p. 107, may
refer to the once dreaded Saletars: "An other Pyrat took [in 1707]
two vessells from Bengali bound for Acheen and Junk Ceilone off
Negraise, the other wee don't hear of yet, but are in paine for our
China Ships."
A possible derivation for Saleeter is Sri-lohita^ the Rdmdyana
name for the Andaman Sea and the Straits of Singapore, which the
Arabs transliterated by Shelaheth^ and the modem Malays through
the Arabs into Selat or the Straits, whence the Portuguese may have
got Cellates for the inhabitants of the Straits.
^ A small group of islands on the South-west coast of the Malay
Peninsula, so called from the Malay word sambilan^xixn^.
2 Prow, praUy a generic term for any kind of sailing vessel,
especially for those taking cargoes and passengers to and from the
early travellers' ships. See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Prow. See also Ind,
Ant.^ vol. XXX. p. 161 f. for an exhaustive article on the prow. Damfiier^
vol. i. p. 298 f, has a long description of "Proes, a sort of Indian
Boats.'*^
JANSELONE 239
Buckett, and Luppoone \ all very Excellent roads, but the
barrs or Entrances into the Rivers are Very Shoale, not
affordinge more then 7 foot*.
The Whole Island affordeth nothinge Save Some
^ The absence of any early maps of the Island of Junk-Ceylon
makes it very difficult to identify T. B.*s three ports with any
certainty. The only one about which there seems very little doubt
is Buckett (Malay ^«^//=hill) which appears as Puquet in an early
1 8th century map {Add. MS, 15319, Nos. 11 and 15), and still exists
as Puket or Tonkah Harbour. It lies on the East of the island, with
the town of Puquet situated on a narrow inlet.
Banquala {dan, village, kwala^ mouth of a river) was probably so
called from its situation. T. B. says, later on, that it was on the
S.W. of the island, and therefore it may be identical with the present
Khelong Bay, which however is almost due South.
In the early i8th century map, noted above, the only two ports
marked besides Puquet, are Putom on the West and Lampacao on
the South. Putom is mentioned by Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^
vol. ii. p. 69, " The North End of Jonkceyloan lies within a Mile of
the Continent, but the South End is above three Leagues from it
Between the Island and the Continent is a good Harbour for Shipping
in the South-west Monsoons, and on the West Side of the Island
Puton Bay is a safe Harbour in the North-east Winds." Putom now
appears to be called Ban Karon, a sea-port on a stream flowing into
Au Karon or Karon Bay. There is, however, no ground for connecting
it with Banquala.
Luppoone presents another difficulty. T. B. speaks of two places
bearing this name, the port mentioned above, and, later on, an mland
place in the middle of the island, the residence of the raja. I am
inclined to think that the port Luppoone is only T. B.'s rendering of
the Malay word labuhan, i.e. the harbour, and that this particular
harbour is the present Tharua Harbour on the East of the island.
From Tharua a small river leads inland to the town Tharua (the
Terowa of Forrest). Close by this place are the villages Ban Lipon
and Ban Lipon Thai, i.e. the Village of Lipon and the Siamese (Thai)
Village of Lipon. It seems reasonable to conjecture that, in T. B.'s
time Lipon was the capital of the island, and that he either confused
Lipon with Labuhan, and pronounced them both alike, or that, as is
the case at the present day, the chief town and the harbour nearest to
it bore the same name.
2 Compare Horsburgh, East India Directory.^ vol. n. p. 26f , ed. 181 1,
" The western coast of Junkseylon, stretches nearly North and South ;
on the East side there are several bays, and the chief one where the
harbour is situated about 4 leagues from the South East point of the
island is opposite to the small river where Terooa the principal town
stands about i\ mile up the river. The great passage into the harbour
is on the East side of the two Lalan islands, which lie off* the entrance
in lat. 7" 56' north ; and the anchorage is to the North West of them
in 4 or 4^ fathoms mud, with the little Lalan or northernmost island
East by South i mile..."
240 JANSELONE
Elephants and tinne* (that are fitt for transportation),
and tinne they have in abundance, and, were they indus-
trious might have tenne times see much. All the traffick
wee have here is to trucke Callicoes* blew and white, Iron,
Steele, knives and Scissars, Small Cushin Carpets*, Sugar
&c. commodities for tinne, which doth here passe very
Currant for ready moneys.
Very few Elephants are hence transported by reason
the Duty laid Upon them is very great, neare soe much as
the Elephant doth cost, soe that now adays none are
Shipped ofif by any Merchant that hath not the Kinge of
Syam's Phyrmane* granted him ; if soe they are custome
free.
They have noe Sort of coyned monies here, save what
•
1 T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, has,
" Junsalon...its Merchandize is only Tin, of which it yields about
Four Hundred Bahar Yearly." In his list of words he gives, "Calang,
tin." Compare De la LoublrCy pp. 14 and 94, "this Tin, or Calin...is
soft and basely purified, and a specimen thereof is seen in the common
Tea Boxes or Cannisters which come from this country [Siam]...All
the Calin is his [the King of Siam]... excepting that which is dug out
of the mines of Jonsala on the Gulph of Bengal: for this being a
remote Frontier, he leaves the Inhabitants their ancient Rights, so
that they enjoy the Mines which they dig, paying a small profit to this
Prince."
Compare also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 69, "The
Island [Junk-Ceylon] affords good Masts for shipping and abundance
of Tin, but few people to dig for it, by reason of the aforementioned
Outlaws [the Saleeters], and the Governors being generally Chinese,
who buy their places at the Court of Siam, and, to reimburse them-
selves, oppress the People, in so much that Riches would be but a
Plague to them, and their Poverty makes them live an easie indolent
Life."
Crawfurd, writing in 1828, Embassy to Siam^ p. 418, says, "The
richest mines of Siam exist in the island of Junk Ceylon, and... the
mines are probably not inferior to those of the latter [Banca] in
fertility."
In Miscellaneous Papers relating to Indo-China^ vol. i. p. 185, we
find that, in 1886, the population of Junk- Ceylon was reduced to about
6000 souls, and the annual yield of tin was only about 20 tons,
as against the 80 tons in T. B.'s time, and the 500 at the time of
Capt. Forrest's visit.
2 See note on p. 5.
3 i.e, " divans," the cushioned seats of the East, gaddt in India.
* See note on p. 142.
JANSELONE 24I
is made of tinne, which is melted into Small lumps^ and
passe very currant provided they be of their just weight
allowed by Statute ; and are as followeth : —
One Small lumpe or Putta' valueth here 3d English
One great Putta is 2^ Small ones Value y^d English
which is theire Currant moneys and noe Other ; but if wee
bringe Silver or Gold massy or Coyned, the rich men will
trucke with us for tinne and give Some advance, 10 or 15
per Cent upon the moneys.
When wee have a considerable quantitie of these Smal
pieces of tinne togeather, wee weigh with Scales or Stylyard
52 pound weight and ^, and melt it in a Steele panne for
the Purpose, and runne it into a mold of wood or clay, and
that is an Exact Cupine^ 8 of which are one baharre*
weight of Janselone or 420 English pound weight.
In any considerable quantitie of goods Sold togeather,
wee agree for soe many Baharre or soe many Cupines ;
when a Small parcell, then for soe many Viece*, or soe
^ Compare Forrest, Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago in 1783,
" Certain pieces of tin, shaped like the under half of a cone, or sugar
loaf cut by a plane parallel to its base, called poot^ are used on the
island [Junk-Ceylon] as money; weighing about three pounds, with
their halves and quarters of similar shape : if attempted to be exported
without paying duty, they are seizable. This encourages smuggling.
The value of tints from 12 to 13 Spanish dollars the pecul of 1331b.
put on board clear of duty."
2 This word is not in Hobson-Jobson. It is Malay patah^ a. frag-
ment ; patah kdchil, small fragment, patah bdsar, large fragment.
3 Cupine {taping). T. B. in his Malay Diet, has " Coopang, the
name of a Coin passable in many parts of India." Crawfurd, Malay
Dict.^ has, " Kupang (Du. cupori) a copper money, estimated at
10 doits, or the decimal of a Spanish dollar." The Japanese kobang
has no connection with the Malay kaping of very low denomination.
See Ind. Ant. vol. xxxi. p. 51 ff.
* Baharre {bahar). T. B. in his Malay Diet, has "Bahar is a
weight used in many parts of India and the South Seas, the Bahar
at Achee is 396 1. iioz. 14 gr. Averdupoizc.the Bahar [of Junk-
Ceylon] is 445 Pounds English " ; but see above in the text, where
the Junk-Ceylon bahar is given as 420 lbs.
^ Viece (viss). See note on p. 116.
T. 16
242 JANSELONE
many great or Small puttas. 4 great puttas make a Viece,
10 Small ones is a Viece\
The Custome is here, as Soone as any Ship or Vessel
doth anchor in the Roade, which is generally in the Roade
of Banquala, wee goe up to towne with our boat which is
about 4 or 5 miles Up the River^ As Soone as wee come
Up, wee are invited into a house, where Speedily come to
waite Upon us the Shabandar^ and the King's Secretary,
with Some Others, Some to looke Upon us, and Others to
heare news. They Civilie aske many questions, as whence
wee came, and what Sorts of goods wee have brought,
of what burthen wee are, how many men and boys, and of
what Nation they be, how many gunns, what Store of
Small arms, powder and Shott; to which questions our
answers are all written downe in the King's booke, as alsoe
1 This gives a table (of some value for old uncoined Malay ratios)
for Junk-Ceylon in 1669 — 1679 as to weights in tin, taking the viss at
its most persistent standard of 3^ lbs. Av.
2^ puttas small make i putta large
4 puttas large i viece
15 viece i cupine
5 cupine i bahar of 420 lbs.
See /nd. Ant. vol. xxxi. p. 51 f.
2 Milburn, Oriental Commerce, vol. ii. p. 291, says, "The place
where ships generally anchor [in Junk-Ceylon], is in a good road, well
sheltered behind a small island, joined to the main at low water, in
latitude 8" 10' North... on the S.W. side of the island is another good
harbour [? the Banquala of T. B.], where vessels occasionally stop."
3 This, and the several references which follow, show clearly that,
in the Malay States, the Shahbandar was a high officer controlling
the seaborne trade. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, "Sha bendar,
Custome-House Officer in Chief." See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Shabunder.
Godinho de Eredia, Malaca, p. 30, has " Xabandar, Officer in Chief."
Compare De la Loublre, p. 83, "Some have assured me that the
Siameses have the Humanity not to appropriate anything to them-
selves of what the Tempest casts on their Coasts by Shipwrack ;
yet Ferdinand Mendez Pinto relates that Lewis de Monteroyo, a
Portuguese, having suffer'd Shipwrack on the Coast of Siam near
Patana, the Chahbandar, or Custom-house Officer, which he names
Chatir, confiscated not only the Ship and its Cargo, but Monteroyo
himself, and some Children ; alledging, that by the ancient Custom of
the Kingdom whatever the Sea cast upon the Coasts, was the profit
of his Office."
\
JANSELONE 243
the Commander's name, and is Sent Up to Luppoone^
(the Place of the Radja's Residence), Which is the Chiefe
towne, and in the very middle of the Island, where all
the Circumstances are read before him and his councill,
which are lo or 12 in number ; and Immediately 2 or 3 of
the King's Elephants are Sent downe with a Considerable
parcell of his lifeguard to waite Upon the Commander up
and whom he pleaseth to bringe alonge with him, which
is a Very tedious days Journey, through the Woods and
Swampy places, in soe much that the guider often doth lose
his way, and the most Sensible Annimall* of his owne accord
and Sense findeth it againe to admiration. And were they
not a very Sure footed Creature, the riders wold often be
in very great perill climeinge Up and goeinge downe those
slipery mountains, which are in many places soe Steep up
and downe that the Elephant is constrained to hall him-
selfe Up, and againe to ease himselfe downe by layinge
hold of roots and bulks of trees with his trunke, and more
then soe in many places where the Woods and Bamboos
grow very thicke, Soe that not any roade or Path way is
to be discerned. He, to gett passadge through, breaketh
the bows and cleareth the Way without the least damadge
to his Riders^
^ Probably Lipon. Se¬e on p. 239. When Capt. Forrest visited
Junk-Ceylon in 1785, Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago^ pp. 29 — 36,
the Governor resided at Terowa (the present Tharua, a little to the
south of the villages of Lipon). Forrest describes Terowa as being on
a creek a few miles from the coast. He says, also, that the Governor's
country house was 8 miles inland ; this was most probably on the
spot known as "Luppoone" in T. B.'s time.
2 i.e. the elephant. Compare De la Loubere^ p. 39, " Besides the
Ox and Buffalo.. .the Elephant is their sole Domestick Animal. ..for
ordinary service they use only the Female Elephants : the Males they
design for the war. Their Country [Siam] is not proper for the
breeding of Horses."
3 Compare Forrest, Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago^ p. 31 f.,
" I travelled thither [from Terowa to the Governor's country house,
eight miles inland]... on an elephant, through a path worn like
a gutter, in some few places, where it was over a flat rock, the
path being worn by the elephants feet, and so narrow as not to be
16 — 2
244 JANSELONE
When wee come Up to Luppoone, the King*s Servants
that are appointed to waite upon us, carry us to a house
that is allotted us by Order of theire Master, and is indeed
their temple of Idols placed as follows^ with 2 or 3 tombs
of the deceased Vice Kings adjoyneinge therunto in form
followinge, whither they bringe us great plenty of very
good provisions, very decently dressed after the Syam
manner, both fish, goat, henns, ducks &c. and in very
good Order. The Shabandars^ and what Others of the
Chiefe of the King's Officers wee invite, doe very Sociably
sit downe and eat and drinke with us, as it is theire
Custome not to abstaine from any thinge that God hath
given for the food of mankind, weaveinge all manner of
Superstition Used by most Idolaters besides in Asia.
The Next morninge wee are Sent for to come into
the Radja's presence, where he and his council demand
a multitude of Questions, the most important of which is
whether wee have the Kinge of Syams Phyrmane* to trade
there or noe. If he finde wee have it not, nor the Coppy,
he demandeth and will have 10 per Cent custome for all
the goods wee have On board our Shipp or Vessell,
Although he knoweth very well that The English Nation
in generall is free from all Such duties in the Kingdom of
Syam and all the Provinces and Isles thereto appertaineinge,
neither dare he take it if wee wold give it him, although
he pretends the Kinge of Syam hath given him this Island
for soe many years ; but all this is onely to get a consider-
above an inch or two wider than his hoofs : I wondered how the huge
animal got along." Compare also Bowring, Siam^ vol. i. p. 220 f.,
"Without the aid of the elephant, it would scarcely be possible to
traverse the woods and jungles of Si am. He makes his way ds he
goes, crushing with his trunk all that resists his progress ; over deep
morasses or sloughs he drags himself on his knees and belly... He
descends into ravines impassable by man, and by the aid of his trunk
ascends steep mountains."
^ There is no illustration of this temple in the MS.
2 See note on p. 242. ^ See note on p. 142.
JANSELONE 245
able thing given him as a present, which wee are forced to
doe to the Value of 100 or 120 pieces of 8^ or he will find
one way or Other to hinder us in a greater measure in the
Sale of our goods^
Aftej wee have come to a Composition he fea'steth us
royally a day or two, or more if wee be free to Stay ; and
dismisseth us downe with many Complements and great
attendants, and giveth us a convenient house to dwell in
dureinge our Stay, and doth often Send us henns, ducks,
coconuts^ Plantans^ &c., and beats the Gunge*^ for all
people that please to buy our goods, before which they
dare not buy any.
Two of the Grandees of his Councill must alsoe be
^ See note on ryalls, p. 114.
2 With regard to customs payable by foreign vessels, De la Loub^re,
p. 83, remarks, " In the Maritime Governments, the Tchaou-Meuang
sometimes takes Customs of the Merchant Ships, but it is generally
inconsiderable. At Tenasserim it is eight per Cent, in the kind,
according to the Relation of Foreign Missions."
The English had no factory or settlement at Junk-Ceylon, and the
references to the island in the period covered by this " Account *' are
scanty in the extreme. Bruce, Annals^ vol. i. p. 24, says that, at the
beginning of the 17th century the Portuguese had a station at
" Junkselon."
In the "Account of the Trade of Metchlepatam " by Christopher
Hatton, at the end of the Diary of Streynsham M aster ^ pp. 337 — 339,
we find that the native ships carried on a trade between Masulipatam
and Junk-Ceylon, "Arrivmg first in the yeare 1657 at which time
I found this place [Masulipatam] in a very flourishing condition
20 Sayle of ships of good burden belonging to the Natives Inhabitans
here constantly imployed on Voyages to Arracan, Pegu, Tenassery,
Juncceloan, Queda, Mallaca, Johore, Atcheen, Moca, Persia and the
Maldiva Islands..."
3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Coco.
* See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Plantain. See p. 73, where the writer
describes a " Plantan tree " as " beinge a Very liquorish thinge
naturally." Compare Dampier, vol. i. pp. 311 — 316, "The Plantain
I take to be the King of all Fruit, not except the Coco it self The
Tree that bears this Fruit is about 3 foot, or 3 foot and an half round,
and about 10 or 12 foot high... When the Tree is full grown, the leaves
are 7 or 8 foot long, and a foot and half broad... the Fruit... is so
excellent that the Spaniards give it the preheminence of all other
Fruit, as most producing to Life... It is of a delicate taste, and melts
in ones mouth like Marmalet..."
^ i.e. sends out the town-crier. For "gunge" see note on p. 196.
246 JANSELONE
Piscashed^ with 6 pieces of fine Callicoes or Chint^ each of
them, and the Shabandar of Banquala with 3 pieces Idem.
The most Proper and beneficiall Commodities which
are for this place be blew Callicoes, vizt. Longecloth' or
Sallampores*, Cambayas* of 8 Covets* longe Checkered
with blew and white with red Striped heads and borders'.
Fine and course Chint of very Small flowrs, Sugar, Cushin
Carpets ^ Sope, Iron, Steele, knives, Scissars, &c. But
20 bailes of Chint and Callicoes is Enough for J a yeare
for the whole country. What else wee bringe hither are
Ryalls of 8* which wee alsoe trucke for tinne, att the rate
of 28 dollars per baharre ready moneys, and 40 upon
trucke for our Goods^^
Provisions here are not very Plenty, beinge not over
well Stocked with Cattle nor fowle, but Coconuts and fish
they have in abundance" ; also they have an Excellent
Sort of rice here, but Scarcely Enough to Subsist with the
^ i.e. presented. See note on p. 157. ^ See note on p. 71.
3 See note on p. 55. * See note on p. 56.
^ T. B. in his Malay Diet, has " Cayin gaja, Long-cloth, a sort of
Callico." See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Comboy. Compare the following
in a letter from Fort St George to Masulipatam {Factory Records^
Fort St George, No. 16), "Wee shall provide a considerable pro-
portion of the Cargo ordered... vizt... Salempores...Camboye9 as many
as we can." N, and E, p. 16 for 8th April, 1680, has "about 20 peeces
of Cambayas."
• See note on p. 218. ^ See note on p. 230.
8 See note on p. 240. ^ Dollars. See note on p. 114.
10 These rates do not tally with those quoted on p. 241. If the
"putta small was 3^. English," then at ^s. the Spanish dollar (Ryall
of 8) the bahar = 60 dollars. But the author paid 28 dollars in cash = i \d,
for the putta or 40 dollars in kind = 2d. for the putta. However,
Milburn, Oriental Commerce, vol. ii. p. 291, says that the tin in his
day sold at Junk-Ceylon at "from 12 to 16 Spanish dollars per pecul.*'
Three pecul (pikul, picul)=one bahar: therefore at 36 dollars the
bahar the price was 2\d. the putta, and at 48 dollars the bahar it was
^d. the putta. Wilson's table makes the price ^d. the putta. For an
examination of Malay bullion weights, see Ind. Ant. vol. xxvii. p. 37 ff.
" Compare De la Loub^re, p. 35, "The Sea affords them [the
Siamese] very delicate small Oysters, very excellent small Turtles,
Lobsters of all sizes, and admirable Fish, the sorts of which are
unknown to us."
JANSELONE 247
whole yeare. Yet rice from the Coast^ or Bengala will not
Sell Very well here by reason 'tis not soe fine and good as
theire owne is, yett butter* and Oyle from Gingalee or
Bengala turneth to a great accompt.
It is a Very Mountaneous and Woody Countrey^ not
one tenth part of it made Use of more then by the Wild
Elephants and Tygers. The best, and indeed all the fruite
this countrey affordeth is Coconutt^ Plantan*, Sam cau*,
and Betelee Areca*, Save the wild Calabashes' &c. that
* ue, the Coromandel Coast.
* Compare De la Loubkre, p. 37, "Butter does hardly take any
Consistence there [Siam] by reason of the Heat ; and that which is
brought from Suratt and Bengale, through Climates so extremely hot,
is very bad, and almost melted in arriving there."
3 Crawfurd, Embassy to Siam, p. 9, thus describes the Western
side of Junk-Ceylon, "The aspect of the country presents a perfect
succession of hills or mountains, apparently so close upon each other,
that there can be little room for extensive valleys capable of affording
room for profitable cultivation. The whole appeared covered with an
immense forest, and not a single habitation or a single patch of culture
was discernible."
* See notes on p. 245.
^ This fruit appears to be the large orange, known as the pommelo
or shaddock. T. B., however, in the " Achin " section has a separate
description of the " Pumple Moose." Yet, in his Malay Diet, he makes
the fruits identical, for he has, "Samaca, a Poomplemous, a fruit in
India." Rumphius, Herbarium Amboinense, vol. li. p. 97, says that
" Jamboa," a term equivalent to the Portuguese " Samboa," was used
by the Malays for the " Pomplemoes." T. B.'s " Sam cau " may be a
variation of "Samboa." Compare De la Loubhre, p. 23, "Amongst
the sweet Oranges the best have the Peel very green and rough ; they
[the Siamese] call them Soum-keou or Crystal Oranges.... They give
of these Soum-keou to their sick." Bowring, Siam, vol. ii. p. 255, has,
^'' Som, orange; Som-kiou-wang, small orange." Dampier, vol. ii.
p. 23, in describing the oranges of Tonquin, says, ^^Cam in the Ton-
quinese Language signifies an Orange.... The Cam-chain is a large
Orange of a yellowish colour.. .the inside is yellow like Amber.. .they
are not denied to such as have Fevers and other sick people." In the
Premier Livre de Vhistoire de la Navigation aux Indes Orientates, par
les Hollandois, 1609, in a description of Java (1595), fol. 38, we have:
"En lava est un fruit, qu'ils nomment Samaca, grand comme un
Citron, de couleur tirant sur le verd rougeastre, de goust aigre et plein
de jus, ayans dedas des grains noirs : les feuilles assez semblables a
celles de citron mais un petit plus rondes : il a un goust aimable : on
le confit en sucre, et on I'use comme les Tamarindes contre toute
inflammation et fi^vres chaudes."
*^ See note on p. 30.
^ Pumpkins. The word is not in Hobson-Jobson,
248 JANSELONE
grow in the Woods, an Excellent food for the Wild
Monkeys, but noe fruit soe plenty here as the Plantan
and Samcau whose figure here follow [Plate XIV.]. The
Samcau is not a whit pleasant to the tast Unlesse it be
boy led in fish or flesh broth or else Stewed ^
There are Severall wild Elephants^ in the Woods here,
but more Especially Tygers. Once when I was up att
Luppoone, Severall of the Natives went out (by Order of
the Radja), and Set a trapp for a Tyger that often resorted
to a place where the Radja's goats were kept, which are
not very plenty here. However they tooke one of the
Smallest and place[d] him for a baite to Trapan the
Tiger, and caught him alive by the leggs, which done
they Seized fast his mouth as alsoe his paws, and brought
him to the Radja's house. He Sent for me to looke Upon
him, and although I thought the Sight of a Tyger noe
novelty to me (that had Seene soe many), yet this proved
one, by reason of his colour which was cole black ^ and
although his body was but of an Ordinary Size, much lesse
then Some I have Seen in Bengala, yet his teeth and claws
were the largest that ever I saw, which caused mee to
looke much upon them, and the Radja perceiveinge that,
ordered one of his Soldiers to knock out the teeth and
claws, and gave them to me, which I thankfully received
and as a great raritie.
The Woods that adjoyne to the Sea and the Rivers are
Extraordinary full of wild monkeys, some of them of a
very large Stature and have huge great teeth. Where any
^. This description of the "Sam cau" does not tally with that oiDe la
Loub^re given above (note 5 on p. 247). It is possible that the writer is
confusing the water-melon with a fruit of the orange kind. Crawfurd,
Malay Diet., has " Samangka (J). The water-melon, Citrullus edulis.^^
2 In Forrest's time the wild elephants had disappeared. He says,
Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago, p. 32, " They have a good many
elephants [at Junk-Ceylon] which they get from Mergui ; none wild,
no horses.'
3 The animal referred to was probably a black panther.
JANSELONE 249
wild fruit doth grow, they will be as thick as Ever they
can Stand Upon the bowes, and I have Often Seen them
att low water Swimme from the brinke of the River over
to 2 or 3 banks of Oysters and Mussles that come adry
att three quarters Ebbe, and theire (sic) breake the said
Shell fish and eat them, and pick out the fish of Some
dead ones. And once I saw a very pretty passadge
amongst them. One of these active creatures, pickinge
at Every thinge he thought Eatable, put his hand into a
pretty large Oyster that gaped, thinkinge to pull out the
fish, but the Oyster closed and held him fast, and growinge
to many Others he cold not dragge them away. Where-
upon I Sent our Small boat and fetched him on board, soe
that he now paid for his pickinge.
Upon this Island (in many places) grow abundance of
Bamboos, Especially on the Sides of the hills for above
2 or 3 miles in Circuit, and grow mighty thick togeather,
soe that it is very difficult for one of the Natives to goe
through them. They are more Serviceable then all the
Wood in the countrey besides. There be 2 Sorts of
them, called the hee bamboo and She bamboo^ The
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Bamboo. T. B., in his Malay Dicty has
** Bamboo, is a sort of cane, and also the name of a concave measure,
used at Atchee on Sumatra." Marshall, Notes and Observations^ P- 25
(reverse), says, " Here [Gurguttee] many Lottees \lathi^ cudgel, staff J
or hee Bamboes to be bought great ones 4 for a pice, or 28th part of
Rupee, but they are not of so good a cast as are at Pattana for they
will never be red though never so much rubbed with oyle." Compare
the following in a letter from Hugli to Balasor, 5th Oct. 1674, O. C,
No. 4015, "The people here say those he bamboos are procureable
about Rage Maull [Rajmahal]." Compare also De la Loublre^ p. 11,
" One of their [the Siamese] most eminent Trees is a kind of Reed,
called in Indian, Mambou^ in Portuguese, Bambou, in Siamese Maipai.
...This Tree resembles the Poplar, it is strait and tall, and the Leaves
thereof few, pale and longish. It is hollow, and grows in shoots like
our Reeds, and its shoots are separated from one another by knots :
but it has branches and Thorns, which our reeds have not. It grows
very close, and the same Roots do shoot forth several stems, so that
nothing is thicker or more difficult to pass than a Forest of Bambou."
Male and female bamboo are still common terms distinguishing the
solid and hollow varieties. Watts, Diet, of Economic Products of
250 JANSELONE
first hath little or noe hollownesse in him, is very Pon-
derous and of an Exceedinge Strength.
The She bamboo of which there are more plenty are
very hollow and light, but joynted as the Other are. They
grow to a great length, 20, 30, 40 foot longe, and gradually
taperinge Upwards.
Most of theire houses, both here and all this Coast
over, all [Pare] wholy built with them and Rattans* to
Seize the pieces togeather. They grow as followeth
[Plate XIV.].
The Dutch for Severall years Untill Anno Domini
167s did continually keep a Ship of 16 or 20 guns and
two or 3 Sloops to cruise about this Island. The Ship
Used to lye at anchor (for the most part) in the Roade of
Banquala, vizt. on the S. West Side the Island^ and a
Very Safe Roade almost land locked, and then wold they
admit noe Ship or Vessell to trade here without thjeire
leave, by which means they gott this tinne trade wholy
into theire owne hands ; but by theire too much pre-
sumption and Encroachinge, as theire Usuall way is in
every place they doe gett footinge in, they Utterly
lost it.
When I was in Janselone, Employed by Mr. William
India, s.v. Bambuseae, has a long article on the Bamboo. He says,
P- 373» " The term ' male bamboo ' may be said to be applied to any
solid bamboo used for spear or lance staves, walking-sticks, &c. ; it is
more particularly applicable to Dendrocalamus strictus. The stamens
and pistil being on the plant, it is difficult to see why the term ' male ^
should be given to a solid and * female ' to a hollow bamboo, but they
are expressions in frequent use in India."
^ See note on p. 74. Mandelslo, p. 107, makes a curious mistake
about the rattan, under date 1639 • " From their Neighbours they [of
Patani] fetch timber to build withall, Rottang, that is Cordage of
Cocoe.
2 This seems to settle the point that Banquala is the present
Khelong Bay, for Karon Bay (the Puton of Hamilton) is quite open,
while the term " land-locked " can correctly be applied to Khelong
Bay. See p. 239 and note.
JANSELONE 2$ I
Jearsey\ an Eminent English Merchant att Fort St.
Georges, a great prow^ of about 40 tunns in burthen
had gott in privately and traded for tinne. The Dutch
perceiveinge her to be neare laden, thought to make prise
^ William Jearsey was a well-known character of the time, and
there is a very brief account of him among the biographies in Yule's
Diary of William Hedges^ vol. ii. p. 199. The MS. records at the
India Office contain ample material for a whole volume on the doings
of this worthy during the thirty odd years in which he either served or
defied the Company. The outlines of the career of this fiery and
interesting individual are as follows. In 1650 Jearsey sailed on the
Ruby to Pegu as accountant for the Company. In 1652 he returned
to Fort St George in a ''Moores Junck." From 1653 to 1655 he was
Chief at Sirian, the Company's settlement at Pegu. On the withdrawal
of the Factory, Jearsey remained at Sirian, in defiance of orders, and
was dismissed the Company's service. Then, till 1662, he was a
freeman at Masulipatam and Fort St George, and a thorn in the side
of the Council. In 1662, he was reinstated in the Company's service
and appointed Chief of Masulipatam, a post which he held for seven
years. In the interval, he fell foul of Sir Edward Winter chiefly
because he had backed Foxcroft whom Winter had imprisoned.
•While Chief at Masulipatam, Jearsey carried on trade in the Ruby^
the Adam and Eve, the Consent, the Advice, the Nonsuch, the
Adventure, the New Shipp, the Diamond and the Martin, one of
which vessels T. B. must have commanded for him. This extensive
private trading roused the Company's ire, and in Dec. 1669 Jearsey
was again dismissed the service, ordered to produce his accounts,
and to return to England. But, so great was his influence in India
that, for sixteen years, he openly defied the Directors, whose angry
remonstrances grew yearly more feeble. At length, realising their
powerlessness to enforce their commands, they left their servants at
Fort St George to come to an arrangement with their recalcitrant ex-
chief. Some of Jearsey's vessels and their cargoes had been seized
by Mohun, his successor, ostensibly to satisfy the Company's claims,
and for these he claimed compensation. Eventually, he agreed to
accept 3000 pagodas, and in October 1686 a formal release was sig^ned,
and the defiance of all orders from England since 1669 practically
condoned. Jearsey continued to reside as a freeman in Fort St
George, occupying his own house in Charles Street. In Sept. 1688
he lost his wife, a Dutchwoman, who, judging by her conduct while
at Masulipatam, was as fiery-tempered and as overbearing as her
husband. In spite of his high-handed behaviour, Jearsey was un-
doubtedly a favourite at Fort St George, and it was owing to his
many friends that he was able at last to come out victorious in his
struggle with the Directors at home. Jearsey never again saw his
native land, but died at Fort St George in Dec. 1690. Nine years
later the Company bought his house for a " Beating Godown and
Granary."
2 See note on p. 238. T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his
Malay Diet, says that the " Dutch hav^e a great city near the kingdom
of Johor called Mallacca to which go many Traders in Praus."
252 JANSELONE
of her in time (before they cold Steale out as they came
in), and, for this purpose, they came up to the towne with
one Sloop very well fitted, and, by order of theire Chiefe
Merchant there, Seized the Prow, not for that they came
in without leave, but as She was an Enemy of theirs, an
Achiner^
The Merchants &c. inhabitants of Banquala did (in
a Very Civil way) desire the Dutch not to molest any.
Especially to make prise of them, soe longe as they were
Under the Radja of Janselone's protection and in theire
River. But the Dutch Swelled Up with ambition, told
them plainely that all Roads and Rivers of Janselone were
theirs, and therefore that Prow and her goods were theire
lawfull Prize.
Whereupon the Malay inhabitants, a Very resolute
people*, stood up for the Achiners', and tooke the Prow
and her goods by Violence out of the hands of the Dutch,
and in the broile one of the Dutch men on board the
Sloope fired off a Musquet and killed two of the Jan-
seloners, who indeed never had any reall kindnesse for
the Dutch, and now have a brave Opportunitie to be
revenged on them, and soe intent they were upon it that
without any leave or Order from the Radja or any of his
councell, they gathered att least 200 of them togeather
and divided them into 3 companies, 100 to Stopp the
way up to the Radja that they Shold not flee to him for
Succour, the Other 2 fifties tooke to the Woods, halfe on
one Side the River and halfe on the Other. And when
they were come halfe way downe, where the River was Very
narrow, they cutt downe 20 or 30 very great trees that fell
^ There was constant friction between the Dutch and the people
of Achin in Sumatra.
^ See note on p. 237.
^ Compare the following in a letter from Achin to Surat, Nov. 1663,
Factory Records^ Surat, No. 104, " The Dutch being masters of Pirah
[Perak]... suffering none others to trade there but naturall Acheeners."
JANSELONE 253
athwart it, and blocked it Up, soe that not any passadge
is left for Sloope or boat. The Dutch findinge the way
into the Countrey too hott for them, betooke themselvs
to theire Sloop to be gone out into the Roade, but found
themselves very much mistaken, soe that when they came
downe to this Stoppadge, they cold neither goe downe
nor come up againe. Then had they nothing to trust to
but theire fire arms, which cold not help them very longe,
for the Malayars overpowred them, and cutt them off
every man and pulled theire Sloop in pieces, which soe
Squashed the Dutch Designes over this place that they
went away with theire Ship and Other Sloope and never
molested Janselone any more.
The Dutch were very forward in makeinge theire ad-
dresses to the Kinge of Syam, yet not Sooner then the
Radja and councel of Janselone, who indeed had first given
an ample accompt thereof, which highly incensed the
Kinge against the Dutch. Insoemuch that he Sent a
Tarrah^ to the Radja and all Officers whatsoever upon
the Island of Janselone, which gave a most Severe and
Strict charge unto them never to come to any compo-
sition with the Dutch nor Suffer them to Sett footinge
in any of his Ports on the West side of his Dominions,
although he wold grant them a free trade (payinge the
Duties of the Kingdome) in Syam.
Hee likewise in the generall letter to the Radja &c.
gave positive Orders that each of the 3 Sea Ports Shold
build and fitt out to Sea 2 men of warre Prows*, each to
^ Letters-patent, from the Malay tera^ the royal seal, stamp or
impression. This word is not in Hobson-Jobson, though it frequently
occurs in the old records in the sense oi fartndn. Compare the
following from Factory Records,, Java, No. 6, "The King hath bin
pleased to graunt us his Tarra or patent of Indulgence that none shall
buy tinne at Chaya Capampone Tatong and Sumping but onely the
Company." Letter from Bantam, 4th June, 1676. Compare also the
following in De la Loub^re^ p. 85, "There is an Officer in every
Tribunal to read the Tara or Orders from the King to the Governor."
2 See note on p. 238.
254 JANSELONE
carry lO gunns and Pattareros^ and well manned and
fitted with Small arms. And when they were att Sea they
Shold keepe two and two togeather, and if they Shold
meet a Single Dutch Shipp they Shold fight her and give
noe quarter. If they mett with a fleet they Shold runne
in and give intelligence for the Countrey to be up in arms,
and not Suffer any Sloops to come up theire Rivers or any
of them to land, neither Shold they Observe any flagge of
truce or have the least converse with them.
All which Orders if not most Strictly and Speedily put
in Execution, the Radja and 2 of his chiefest councellours,
with the 3 Shabandars*, Shold lose theire heads, and theire
Estates fall to the Kinge.
I was discoursinge with the Radja when this Tarrah^
arrived*, which Startled him and his Councell soe much
that they immediately Sent the 3 Shabandares and 40 or
50 Soldiers to presse all Carpenters, and Set them to
worke and Employed Severall men to bringe in their
labouringe Elephants* to carry downe the Gunns, fire
^ Swivel-guns, from Spanish pedrero. On this word Mr Donald
Ferguson remarks that " though the dictionaries rightly derive it from
SpsLii. pedrero, lit. a stone-thrower, the English forms seem confused
with petard,^^ Fryer, p. 108, has " Camels of war with Patereroes on
their Saddles marched with a Pace laborious to the Guiders," and in
his " Explanatory Index" he has " Peterraro, a Gun." In Yule, Diary
of Wm. Hedges, vq\. i. p. 67, we find the following, "nth March, 1683.
Being got up with Kegaria (Kedgeree) we went on shore in our Boats
and landed at an old ruined Castle with mud walls and thatched. We
saw one small Iron Gun mounted and an Iron Pateraro." A ship
belonging to the King of Siam taken in the river Hugli in Dec. 1687
contained " Brass Patereroes 7 with 14 chambers, weight 7 cwt, at
50 rs. per cwt., 350 rs."
2 See note on p. 242. ^ See note on p. 253.
* All this is most circumstantial, and argues a good deal of ill-
feeling against the Dutch. It was about 1674 that the King of Siam
freed himself from the close toils that the Dutch had wound round
him and began to treat with the English for trade. Unfortunately,
no confirmation of T. B.'s story has come to light among the con-
temporary records.
^ See note on p. 243, where it is said that only female elephants
were employed as draught beasts.
JANSELONE 255
arms, Shot, powder, thereby to have all things in a
readinesse, and they had them built and fitted out to Sea
in a months time. The 2 att Banquala were out before
I came thence. They were in Figure as here described^
[Plate XVIII.].
A Few Months afterwards the Kinge of Syam tooke
it into consideration that an Austere man, one that had
been bred a Warriour, was a fitter person to Governe this
Island then the Syamer that now did, and thereupon he
sent a New Radja (a Mogol* bred and borne) by name
Mahomud Beake* and his Brother Ishmael Beake* to be
his Secound. They were both of very comely personage,
and Endowed with much discretion, but were much mis-
taken in the Goverment this countrey required, which
wrought theire owne destruction.
Anno Domini 1677 I Voyadged once more to Janselone,
and was kindly Entertained by the New Radja and his
Brother, but Especially by Some of the Old Shabandars*^
and merchants in Banquala. But I found the most
Eminent men, both Syamers and Malayars, to complaine
very much and grumble one to another of theire hard
measure they received from this present Radja and his
councell, men altogeather of another Nation®, and that
^ See Ind, Ant, vol. xxx. pp. 160 — 163 for an article on Malay
boats.
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Mogul. An Indian Muhammadan of
the ruling class.
3 i.e. Muhammad Beg. * /'.<?. Isma'Il Beg.
^ See note on p. 242.
^ Ten years after T. B.'s second visit to Junk-Ceylon, in 1687, the
French obtained the ascendancy in the island. D'Orl^ans, Voyages^
quoted in Provost, Voyages, vol. xii. p. 178, says, "The French in
Siam... agreed [in 1687]... to put themselves in a position to make the
Siamese listen to reason... in order to execute the first of these projects,
they have gone to seize the Isle of Jonsalam, belonging to this King-
dom." Foumereau, Le Siam ancien, p. 33, says that one of the results
of the Jesuit missions in 1687-8 was " to obtain for the French per-
mission to work mines in the Isle of Jongsalang." From De la
Loubhre^ p. 91, we learn that Brother Ren^ Charbonneau who designed
256 JANSELONE
they wold not longe be tyranized Over at Such rates as
to labour hard in Cuttinge downe the Woods, buildinge
houses, Under the pretence that they were by Order and
for the Use of the Kinge of Syam, which were noe Sooner
built but were given to one Chuljar^ or Other, the Radjas
favourites.
And to burne and beat Lime for the buildinge a Stone
Fort, which things seemed tedious to them, that were not
allowed soe much as theire Victuals for theire paines, soe
that they Soon began to Sleight the worke, which vexed
the Radja soe much that he began to threaten them if soe
bee soe much worke was not performed in soe many days,
he wold force theire Wifes to worke alsoe, which was a
most severe and haynous punishment to the Malayars,
which are in generall Mahometans. And, againe, the
hearts of the Syamers in generall were wholy sett against
this Sort of Goverment, for the Radja had noe Sooner
Seated himselfe in his place in Janselone, but he imme-
diately turned out of Office most of the Syamers, both
Councellours, Secretaries, Shabandares*, Bandarees', &c.,
the wooden fort on the frontier of Pegu " was afterwards three or four
years Governor of Jonsalam by Commission, and with great appro-
bation... Mons. Billi, the Master of Mons. de Chaumont's Palace
succeeded him in the employment of Jonsalam."
^ Madras Muhammadan. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Choolia. This
and the quotations on the pages following are remarkable for the
period, and valuable for the history of the name and for the accuracy
of the description of this class of adventurous Muhammadans from
the East Coast of Madras. T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his
Malay Diet, says that "Achee is frequented by Portugals, Moors,
Chuleas, Chineses and others." Compare Finlayson, Mission to Siam^
p. 13, "A considerable proportipn of the motley group congregated
on the beach, consisted of Malabar Mahomedans, called Chuliahs,
who... were readily to be recognized by their manner partaking as
much of idleness as of expectant curiosity." The Editor, about 1890,
found the Chuliahs a hard-working but turbulent people in Rangoon.
2 See note on p. 242.
3 T. B. in his Malay Diet, has " Bendaree, a Treasurer," and
" Bandaree, a Pay-master." The word is from the Skr. bandahdra^ a
treasurer. The Bendahdra was a very high degree of nobility amongst
the Malays ; the bendahart were the treasury-officers.
JANSELONE 257
men of Antient Standinge and choice men of all the
Countrey, both for Estates and publick good, and very
well . approved of by the people, and in theire Stead he
placed Chulyars^
Whereupon the Malayars and Syamers rose Up in
arms with joynt consent, and on a Sudden beset the
Radja's house and killed him, and with [him] his Brother
Ishmael, and all his household Save the Women and
Children, and all the Moors and Chulyars Upon the
Island Save 2 that made theire Escape to Bangaree^ and
thence to Queda. There were Servants to Mr. William
Jearsey^ therefor the more favoured. I judge they killed
in this insurrection 70 or 75 Moors and Chulyars, none
resistinge Save the Radja and his Brother, whoe, although
Surprised in the house, yet killed 6 of the most resolute
Malayars. For which cause the whole Countrey beinge in
Such a Confusion, I went away into the Roade and Sailed
for Queda.
The Chulyars are a People that range into all
Kingdoms and Countreys in Asia, and are a Subtle
and Roguish people of the Mahometan Sect, but not
very great Observers of many of his laws*. Theire
Native land is Upon the Southermost parts of the
Choromandell Coast, vizt. Porto Novo', Pullicherrie*,
^ See note on p. 256.
2 A town and estuary on the north-western coast of the Malay
Peninsula. Horsburgh, £as^ India Directory^ vol. ii. p. 25, ed. 1805,
says, "In latitude about 8** 53' North, there is an inlet to a lagoon or
bay, where Bangri a place of some trade, and frequented by the
coasting vessels is situated." " Bangarie " is marked to the north of
Junk- Ceylon in the map to chapter xxxv. vol. ii. p. 26 of Alex.
Hamilton's East Indies,
3 See note on p. 251.
* This is the most accurate of all contemporary accounts of these
people.
^ See note on p. 82.
® This is earlier than any quotation in Hobson-Jobson for Pondi-
cherry, and gives an accurate rendering of the common native form.
The French established themselves at Pondicherry in 1675, after the
T. 17
2S8 JANSELONE
Negapatam*, &c. They by theire rangeinge much (before
they content themselves with a place for theire abode),
doe learne to write and Speake Severall of the Eastern
languages, whereby they very much delude the people,
and not a little cheat them. They are likewise a very
great hinderance to us, for, wherever these rascalls be,
wee cannot Sell any goods to a Native of the Countrey,
but they creep in alonge with them, and tell them in
private what our goods cost upon the Coast, or in Suratt*,
or Bengala, or elsewhere, which doth many Christians a
great Prejudice.
For these and Some Other of theire Villanies, I am
not at all Sorry for this Massacre, but doe rather wish
they were Served soe in Bantam', Achin, Queda, Johore*,
Syam, and many other Places they are crept into.
recapture of St Thorn ^, under M. Martin. " When the French arrived
there this place was called Boudoutschery." Prdvost, Histoire des
Voyages^ vol. xiv. p. i6 «. Compare the following contemporary
references : " In your way to Porta Nova you are to touch at Pulli-
chery." Instructions given to Mr Walton, of the Diligence^ 5th Nov.
1668, Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 16. "The Dutch... have
yet another [ship] which in the last Storme was at Pudicherry a
little beyond the Violence of it." O. C, No. 3966, 20th May, 1674.
" Having no conveyance hence [Masulipatam] to Policherry." 12th
Jan. 1676, Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 28.
"There is a report that the Dutch have taken Pudycherry from
the French, as yet no certainety." Letter to MadapoUam, nth Sept
1678, O.C. No. 4491.
" Our Peon returning from PoUicherry tells me Mounsr. Deletore
the French Cheife with three or foure more French men &ca went 12
dayes past to the great Subidar Hargee Raja to Tirumucote with a
considerable present, which he could not learn the particulars, but
that their cheife business was to gett the government of PoUicherry
Towne which now is under an Avaldar, their Factory is seated near a
River and some distance from the Sea, to which they have two BuU-
warks Fortyfied....Some of their black Merchants came here to see
me of whom I enquired their trade, which they told me, has been and
is little...." Extract from Elihu Yale's Memoriall^ Dec. 1681, O.C,
No. 4776.
^ See note on p. 2. ^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Surat.
3 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Bantam.
* A well-known Malay state in the neighbourhood of Singapore.
QUEDA 259
QUEDA.
A Kingdome (soe called) Upon the Malay Coast, the
Chiefe Roade and River called of the Same from the Chiefe
towne or Citty thereof \
It is the largest and most Navigable River in this
Kingdome, very large and deep within and upon it's barre
affordeth water Enough for a Shipp of 250 tunns in
burthen (Upon a Springe tide) and Navigable att any
time up to the towne of Queda, which is not lesse then
60 English miles above the barre thereof*.
It is now the residence of the King's Son (by the
Natives stiled Sultan)', but the Old Kinge taketh up his
residence att Solla*, a very large towne in the very middle
of his Kingdome, which Kingdome is none of the greatest
containing in Circuit not more then English miles, and
not one fourth part inhabited, more then with wild beasts,
^ See Hobson-Jobsotty s.v. Quedda. Dunn, £as^ Indies Directory^
p. 338, says, "About 45 miles S.E. of Junk-Seilon, you find the port
of Quedah : there is a trade for calin, or tutenague, and elephants' teeth,
to export to different parts of the Indies."
2 T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, says, " The
City of Quedah is two Days going with a Boat up a good River, is
Moderately peopled, Has a King, and Yields about one Thousand
Peculs of very good Pepper, and about Five Thousand Peculs of Tin
Yearly...." Horsburgh, East India Direetory, vol. ii. p. 255, ed. 1855,
says, " Queda Town in latitude 6° 6' N. stands on both sides of the
river, which although fronted by a mud fiat, has sufficient depth of
water within for sloops and brigs to anchor at the Rajah's residence,
about 10 or 12 miles above the town."
3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Sultan. The above is a valuable quota-
tion, as showing that in the Malay States it sometimes meant the
heir-apparent, "second king," SVy. yuva-rdja^ Pali upa-rdja (corrupted
by the way into "Upper- Roger" by_old writers on Burma, a term which
should be in Hobson-Jobson\ the Eng-she-min of Burma, Xh^Jubrdjoi
Manipur and so on.
* This place seems to be identical with the town now known as
Padang Salla, a place about 10 miles inland, situated on the north
bank of Kedah River, opposite to the present capital, Alos Star. See
Denny s, Dese. Diet, of Brit. Malaya, s.v. Kedah.
17 — 2
26o QUEDA
neare the Sea very low Swampy ground and full of woods,
and up in the Countrey Mountaneous*.
There are Severall men in Office that doe governe here,
and beare great Sway over the people (Under the Sultan
or Younge Kinge) even as his Father had that yet liveth,
but is very antient, and hath given most things of Import-
ance to his Son, yett hath an Eye over him that he
behave himselfe well, next to whom are the Leximana*,
Orongkays' and Shabandars*, as in Achin' Johor* &c.
^ Compare Sckouten's description of Kedah, vol. ii. p. 135 f., "Six
and a half degrees further north [than Perak] is the kingdom of Queda,
which like Perach, was formerly flourishing with regard to trade. But
the wars which it has waged against the kings of Achin have been very
prejudicial to it, and, finally it was conquered by that monarchy. The
soil of these two kingdoms [Perak and Kedah] would be very produc-
tive, but, as there are a great many woods, wild districts, mountains
and swamps, where the inhabitants fear to expose themselves to wild
beasts and to other dangers which threaten them in such spots, those
who would like to devote themselves to agriculture dare not undertake
it. J'or this reason, very fertile tracts remain uncultivated."
Sir John Bowring, who visited Kedah in 1855, found the country
very similar to what it was in T. B.'s time. Compare the following in
his Siam, vol. ii. p. 49, "A high range of mountains divides it [Kedah]
from Songkhla and Patani. It is covered with vast forests, which
have never been penetrated by man, and which are crowded with wild
animals, and particularly tigers. The population, which does not
exceed from 60,000 to 70,000 souls, is principally composed of Malays
...Quedah has many rivers, of which several are navigable."
2 See Hobson-Jobsorty s.v, Laximana. The word is usually trans-
lated by "admiral" in the old books. In the following extracts from
a letter from Kedah to Surat in Jan. 1674, O, C. No. 3917, the title is
mistaken for a proper name : " They dare not speak before the king
for our Debts... for feare of him and Orankay Loximana...they being
hid and protected by Loximana... thereupon gave order to Loximana
to deliver them...."
3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s*v. Orankay. A personage, noble, high
official among the Malays. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has " Orancaya,
a rich man, a Lord.'' Compare the following from the contemporary
records : " The 22d February received a present of Oranges and Fruite
from the Queen and Govr. of Patanny accompanied with one of the
chief Oran Cayes." Letter to Siam, 23rd March, 1679, factory
Records, Siam, No. i. "Being at Sea and finding the grabb very
deep requested of an Oran Keay Syammer to admit 120 parras on
board his Mervah." Letter from Siam, i8th Jan. 1682, Factory Records^
Java, No. 6.
* See note on p. 242.
* See under the "Achin" section of this volume.
® See Crawfurd, Desc. Diet, of the Indian Islands, s,v, Johor.
QUEDA 261
Malay Countries ^ but come nothing nigh to the Splendour,
State and riches of Achin.
Yet this Countrey Exceeds for plenty of Provisions,
and the people in Generall that Serve him on Shore are
very Submissive to their Superiours*, as indeed very well
they may, for they have for many years Enjoyed peace
and quietnesse att home, haveinge one of the most peacable
Kings that Ever reigned, and the most mercifull one that
Ever Swayed this Scepter".
Indeed a great deale too Mercifull to many of his
people, which hath caused them (not longe agoe) to En-
croach Upon his prerogative, and goe out upon Piracy and
bold[l]y come in againe, after many Spoiles and robberies
committed, and have (Upon theire bare promise never to
be guilty of the like fact) easily gott theire Pardons, untill
such time as they began to robbe the English, a Nation
this Kinge doth highly Esteeme of, and then noe more
^ This quotation shows that the West side of the Malay Peninsula
was known as the " Malay Coast," and, later on, it will be shown that
the term was also applied to the East side of the Peninsula.
2 Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 119, says of the people of Kedah and the
adjacent countries that they resemble those of Java, but are neither so
perfidious nor so sanguinary.
3 This "old King" must be the one in whose time the English
made an ineffectual attempt to settle a factory at Kedah. In Nov.
1668, the factors at Surat wrote to the Court {Factory Records^ Misc.
No. 2, p. 30), " The Dutch have got several ports and contracted for
Tynn &c.... There is now left open onely Atcheen on the Coast of
Sumatra, and a port Called Queda uppon the Maine of Mallacca
which the Dutch have layen before, and blockt upp these Three
yeares ; But the King of the place still holds out in expectation of our
Comminge; that we shall use some means or other, that they may
heare from us ; And if possible, send thither this yeare ; It is a Hope-
full port, and the people have so great affection for us, that Uppon
Assurance we will deale with them, and Supplye them with Commo-
dityes, they will never suffer the Dutch to have any footing among
them ; It lying uppon the Mayne, we are Informed by a Merchant that
is well acquainted with the Countrey, there may be a great Trade driven
and Very profitable, when once the Inland Merchants shall finde they
may be yearly furnished with goods proper to them." After much
correspondence on the subject, a settlement was attempted at Kedah
in 1669. See note on p. 267 f. for the failure of the scheme and the
withdrawal of the factory.
262 QUEDA
pardons were to be granted Either to theire Ringleaders
or Common people, if they cold be apprehended.
But many rogues lye Sculkinge about the Islands of
Queda and about the River of Old Queda, that commit
many Villanies and are hard to be taken. I am confident
Some of them are soe bloody minded, as to murther theire
owne relations if they cold Surprize them with any con-
siderable Purchase.
Anno Domini 1675. A Small Vessell belonginge to
the English was Sent from Achin hither laden with very
fine goods, and was mett with the Pyrats commonly called
Salleeters\ neare to the Roade of Queda. They Sett Upon
her and killed Samuel Ware* the master and two more of
his men, and tooke the Vessell, which done, they Sent away
the Other Seamen in a Prow* bound for Achin and came
boldly Up to Queda and Sold the goods to Sarajah Cawn*,
a Chulyar^ and chiefe Shabandar* of Quedah, and rogue
Enough too. This Rogue by reason he bought them very
Cheape made noe question how they came by the goods,
although he Saw English marks and Number upon Each
particular bailed
^ See note on p. 237.
* This was probably the Samuel Ware who was one of the crew of
the Company's ship Dilligence in 1669. After the entry of payment of
wages to him {^Marine Records^ Misc. No. 13), there is the note "run
away." Between 1669 and 1675 he seems to have prospered, and when
he met his untimely end, was master of his own ship. He may have
been related to the Richard Ware who went out to India on the Richard
and Martha in Dec. 1667. This man appears to have held a post at
Bantam in 1678, and was living as a freeman in Fort St George, and
"married to a musteez [half-caste]" in 1683.
3 See note on p. 238. * i.e, Suraj Khan.
^ See notes on pp. 256 and 257. ® See note on p. 242.
^ The contemporary records contain no account of the taking of
this particular vessel, but the following reference to Suraj Khan in
a letter from Queda to Surat, dated Jan. 1674, O. C. No. 3917, seems
to show that T. B.'s epithet of "rogue" was not undeserved: "Ser
Rajah Chawn soone after the departure of the Prowes to Junsalone
demanded of us 120 Dollars for the Kings Prowes which was only a
QUEDA 263
The yeare followinge Mr. James Horner^ (who owned
most of the goods) voyaged to Queda, where being informed
of Such transactions, demanded his owne off Sarajah Cawne,
but got very little or noe Satisfaction, beinge outwitted by
this Cunninge Chulyar.
trick of his unknowne to the king to pick some mony out of us,
he was much troubled that we would not lett him Lade his fresh goods
on those Prowes though we offered him (if he would goe halves with
the Company in that Voyage) the goods at a very reasonable rate, but
he refused and sent some goods privately by Deria whom he corrupted,
Wee found him all along to hinder us in our business, our men con-
fessing that they dare not speak before the king for our Debts or on
other business for feare of him and Orankay Loximana who is the
greatest Debtor, also he suffered noe other Merchants but himself and
those by his order to come into our Compound (as we were divers
times informed) which we found to be true by Experience for those that
came came by night for feare of him, In this manner he served us al-
though Wee treated him with all civility Imaginable being so ordered
by the President."
^ James Homer was a freeman, who is frequently mentioned in
the Madras Records from 1677 to 1687. In Jan. 1677, when the
Company's orders, requiring all freemen not in the Company's service
to reside at Fort St George, were read at Masulipatam, "James
Horner freeman " was absent, probably at Kedah, as stated by T. B.
On the 1 2th March he arrived at Masulipatam from Kedah "with
Nyne Elephants, haveing been from this Place upwards of three
Yeares." In May, 1678, he was accused of having, while voyaging
from "Acheen to Quedah, unduly possessed himself of an estate
of from 7 to 8000 Pagodas belonging to Peter Van Deelen of Zealand."
In the same month James Homer applied for the release of his goods
detained by the Banksall officers. As the Company's " Dubass " was
ill, Mr Horner "being very ready and skilled in the Indostan language"
was allowed to go to the Governor with three or four of the Factory
peons and state his case. He cleared his goods, and on the loth May,
"Ship 5/. Mary^ Mr. James Homer Commander sailed out of the
Road [of Masulipatam J bound to Quedah." In May, 1679, Homer
returned with eleven elephants, and obtained permission to go to
Golconda to sell them there on giving a bond of 500 pagodas. He
was permitted to take his wife, on condition that she should be brought
back to reside in Fort St George before the end of January, 1681.
While at Golconda, Homer acted in concert with the Company's
"Braminy Vira Ragavaya." In Nov. 1680 the Council at Fort St
George sanctioned the payment of 157 Pagodas disbursed at Golconda
by Mr Horner for procuring the "Nabob's Rucca [note, memorandum]
to Lingpapa." In Jan. 1681 Homer returned to Masulipatam, and in
Sept. "Saild in a Sloop of his own for Tenasseree." In 1687 Horner
was at Porto Novo, whence he wrote desiring a pass for his ship.
Four years later, we find a petition to the Council at Calcutta from a
Mrs Homer, probably James Homer's widow, praying "to be invested
in possession of a house to which she is heir as next akin."
264 QUEDA
Another piece of Villanie was acted soon after the
former, as followeth. A Portuguees Shipp bound from
Goa^ to Macau* In China, happened to fall in with this
Coast a little to the Southward of Queda River, and Sent
theire boat On Shore to cutt wood for fireinge, and they
were Surprized by Some Malayars who lay Sculkinge in
every creeke and corner', whoe tooke these portugueeses
and carried them to Queda, where by advice of that rogue
Sarajah Cawn, they were made Slaves on and Sold in the
markett place, but they did not longe remaine in Slavery
before they tooke a fitt Opportunitie to make their Escape
in a Prow well fitted*. They tooke her in the night and
ranne away to Malacca', a Dutch Garrison Upon the South
Side of this Coast, all of them togeather Save a Very
handsome and well favoured boy of about 1 1 years of age,
whoe for his good countenance the Kinge kept in his
Pallace att Solla*, yett Soon afterwards Upon the request
of Mr. Alexander Ogilby, an English Merchant', the Kinge
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Goa.
2 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v, Macao. T. B. is careful not to confuse
the then famous but now forgotten Macao on the Pegu River with the
Chinese port of the same name.
3 See p. 237 and note. See also Dampiery vol. ii. p. 128, for a
description of the " Malayars."
* I have been unable to find any confirmation of this story.
^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Malacca.
^ See note on p. 259.
^ The first mention of Alexander Ogilby or Ogilvy is in 1670, when
he was sent on a trading voyage to Mocha by the Surat Council. In
1 67 1, in a letter from Bombay to Surat {Factory Records, Surat,
No. 105) under date ist Jan., we find the remark, "Mr. Ogilvy not
being bred a soldier is very unwilling to carry a Muskett and soe hath
petitioned to goe up to Surat, he is a discreet young man, soe we
cannot but recommend him." In 1678 "Alexander Ogleby" was a
freeman residing at Bombay. In 1679 he was at Fort St George,
where he was a witness to the attestation of Derick Onderhill con-
cerning the murder of John Smith on the Good Hope. In 1680
Alexander "Oglevie" and Isabella "Oglevie" are named in the list
of "freemen" at Bombay. The name is also spelt "Oyglesby" in
O. C. No. 4687.
QUEDA 265
gave him to him freely, and after a true relation how basely
the Portugals had been Used by the people of Queda,
Sarajah Cawne and Some Others received a Sharpe Checke
from the Good Old Kinged
Whoe is accompted by all Christian people (that come
or ever did since he began to reigne, to trade in Queda) the
honestest and most courteous Kinge that all the Kingdoms
of Asia Enjoyeth, besides he is well contented with what
God hath been pleased to give him, not a whit covetous,
Especially abhorringe any thinge acquired by Oppression
or any Unlawfull means, soe that his Subjects are most
happy in Such a Prince, and have the disposeinge of theire
owne Estates as Seemeth them best, a thinge not customary
in Easteme Monarchies and Kingdoms*.
Hee hath always been a great peacemaker amonge the
^ The Company's servants had not so high an opinion of "the
Good Old Kinge." His control over Suraj Khan was very slight,
if we may judge from the following taken from O, C, No. 3917, extracts
of which have been already quoted in notes on pp. 260 and 262 :
" The Tindall and i Lascar that came from Surat for the sloope Died
soone after their arrivall from Junsalone, and here being the Tindall
and 6 Lascars that ran from the George, upon some differance with the
Master, wee with some trouble at last got them to saile in the sloope,
and paid them 4 months wages beforehand, so that if they have bin
with you for mony they abuse us, wee could not get them in 4 months
time during the stay of the ship to goe in the ship, they being hid and
protected by Loximana and Ser Raja Cawne, being by them promised
great rewards if they would stay with them and goe in their prowes.
The Master at his taking leave of the King demanded his men. The
King promised that if he would pardon and not beate them he should
have them, provided he would give it under his hand, and thereupon
gave order to Loximana to deliver them, but they not coming he was
forced to saile without them, although wee used our uttermost en-
deavours for them to saile on said shipp."
2 T. B. is evidently sincere in his admiration of the " old Kinge "
from whom he doubtless met with courteous treatment. The con-
temporary records contain no details about this monarch, but the few
allusions to him imply that he was good-natured but weak. Alex.
Hamilton says of the King of Kedah in his time, probably T. B.'s
"younge Kinge," that he "shews no Marks of Grandeur, besides
arbitrary governing... is poor, proud, and beggarly" {East Indies,
vol. ii. p. 73), but Hamilton was perhaps only speaking in his usual
ill-natured manner.
266 QUEDA
Neighbouringe Kings Vizt. Pattany* and Johore', and hath
reigned in peace not lesse then 60 years, beinge now old
and full of days, past all manner of Publicke Negotiation,
but Serveth for a most Excellent and WonderfuU Coun-
cellour to his Son the younge Kinge, aged now about
20 years.
This Kingdome hath lived Under a happy Goverment
in peace many years with all Nations Save the Hollander,
whoe have warre with Queda (through theire owne Seekinge),
whoe wold not be satisfied in that they Encroached all or
most of the Tinne trade into theire owne hand, but wold
domineere over the best of his Subjects, and not onely Soe
but wold, as of late years they intended to have done in
Janselone, vizt. hinder all Others from tradeinge into his
Kingdome, and lay claime to the River of Queda, which
ambition of theirs threw them out this Country, as I believe
it will out of Some Others in a very few years^
^ Patani is the Malay state which bounds Kedah on the East. In
1 67 1 the English factors at Kedah wrote to Surat, "Warrs between
the Queen of Patana and the king of Singora continue still " {^Factory
Records^ Surat, No. 105). The King of "Pattany" mentioned in the
text probably succeeded this queen.
2 See note on p. 258. T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his
Malay Diet, has, " Kings of the Malayo country are those of Quedah,
Johor, Patanee and many more." In O. C No. 3917, quoted in note
on p. 265, we find, " Here offers little news [at Kedah in Jan. 1674],
the Jambys have plundered and burnt Jehore, drove the Kmg up into
the woods, taken Mr. Lock and given his ship to the Dutch, and
carry ed him as a slave in Irons into their Country [East Coast of
Sumatra]."
3 It was owing to the encroachments of the Dutch that the King
of Kedah encouraged the English to trade with his country in 1669.
Writing from Kedah in Nov. 1670 {Factory Records^ Surat, No. 105),
Messrs Davis and Portman remark, " The Dutch hath blocked up this
port." The Dutch vigorously opposed the English in Kedah, and, in
1673, took their ship George on her return voyage to Surat, and carried
her to Ceylon. In O. C, No. 3917, Jan. 1674, we read, "In January
came before the Barr 3 Dutch ships and 20 Syam Prowes, the Report
here was that the Syamers came to fight with the Kin^ (he oweing
them 3 years tribute) and that the Dutch came to their assistance,
great preparations were here made against them, but the Syamers and
I Dutch ship soone left the Barr, and the 2 Dutch ships that remayne
much hindred the trade of this Place in not suffering any Prowes to
QUEDA 267
The English Nation is here highly in Esteeme, both
with the Old and younge Kinge and most of [the] Men in
Office, and very civily dealt with by most of the Com-
monalty resident in Queda towne, the place of greatest
Commerce in the Kingdome^
goe out or come in, The Merchants here had the greatest part of their
goods remayning on their hands, so that wee were very much dis-
heartned in seeing our goods lye on our hands without expecting any
Vent for them and expecting more goods in 4 months time, for all the
time that they lay here wee scarce sold one piece of goods which
made us to Examine Our Sloope, and finding that she might be made
Capable to voyage downe this Coast without doubling, we with the
help of the Carpenters and Caulkers of Mr. Garretts ship... with some
trouble and charge, fitted her for her intended Voyage to Perack,
Joshua Burroughs was to goe upon her to Endeavour the sale of the
Companys goods. There was laden on her for their account 109 tale,
she Fell into the hands of the Dutch aboute the Rivers mouth, we not
dreaming of warrs with them, Joshua Burroughs comeing downe the
River in a smale prow heareing timely news, with nought but the
Clothes on his back escaped their hands, but they carryed away
Charles Gold and Jos. Cocke who were then aboard but not intended
for the Voyage, at the same time also (being aboute the middle
of February) they carryed away a smale shipe and sloope of Mr.
Garretts."
^ T. B. gives an optimistic view of English trade at Kedah. The
contemporary records, however, tell a different tale. As stated in
note on p. 261 a settlement was attempted in 1669, and Mr George
Davies was appointed to be the Company's agent there. The follow-
ing are extracts from his commission, dated 25th April, in Surat, O. C.
No. 3267 : " Wee shall proceed to acquaint you what further wee can
learne of the place, and their manner of Commerce for having not yet
had any dealings with them, we are constrained to take the greatest
part upon trust... their manner of Dealing it Seemes is altogether in
trucke for Tynn which is the only Commodity, for wee cannot heare of
a Second... Wee have had great encouradgment to enter upon this
Voyage, as well for the profitablenesse thereof as in regard they doe
very much covett a trade with our nation in hopes whereof (wee are
tould) they utterly disowne to have any trade or Commerce with the
Hollanders who to bring them under Subjection, blockt up their Port
with their shipping for some years together till they were wearied out,
besides there is the Port of Pelock [? Perak] upon the same Continent
that affoards good Quantities of Tynn and other Commodityes, which
wee are advised would be brought thither if they had assurance
of yearly Barter in Lieu of it, and lastly there is a great Citty some
dayes Journey up in the Countrey from whence alone will resort
Merchants that as we now apprehend it, there wants only a Constant
concourse of Shipping for the supply of their wants." Mr Davies was
empowered, if he found it necessary, to remain at Kedah until he had
investigated "the whole trade that if it be worth the while we may
appropriate it wholy to the Company." A provision of goods amount-
ing to between twenty and thirty thousand rupees was made for Kedah
268 QUEDA
on the Charles^ and Mr John Portman was appointed to serve under
Davies. In Sept. 1669 the following unfavourable report was written
to Surat, O. C No. 3346, " Wee found here [Kedah] no howse of the
Company s but an old Warehouse built by Meange [Mianji, a title]
which wee propt up the best wee could and housed there the Com-
pany's Goods." The factors themselves lodged with an old Armenian
m whose charge Meange had left "the Companys Ground." The
letter went on to say that it was not worth while to build a house,
"this Trade drawing to an end and not worth our Residence here...
We visited the Orankay Puglah Lemah Bunder... his pride would not
permitt him to take much notice of us but wee understood from him
that wee should enjoy the same priviledges as those before us."
On receipt of this discouraging report, the Surat Council wrote to
the Court excusing themselves for having undertaken a commercial
voyage to Achin and Kedah. They stated that they had no idea at
the time how greatly the Dutch had obstructed the trade in those
parts. The Charles returned to Surat in Feb. 1670, "much Deffective
and Leaky." It was then decided to send the George to Kedah to
recover debts, and, if necessary, to bring back the factors from that
place. It was left to Mr Davies to judge of the advisability of con-
tinuing the factory. On the 17th Nov. \t^o {Factory Records^ Surat,
No. 105) Messrs Davies and Portman wrote, "A small quantity of
Cloth yearly will supply the Markett [of Kedah] and doth not admit
of two sellers... the rivers are in several places soe shoale and winding
that the shipps cannot goe up... The old king hath sent a Piscash to
Mahmud Alle... which we desire may goe Freight free." In Feb. 167 1
Davies wrote again from Kedah {Factory Records^ Surat, No. 105),
"We suppose the king hath made you very large promises in his
last... however we think it Convenient... that you wouLd desire him to
make some absolute agreement with us ratifying it with his Chop."
By this time the Surat Council had realized that the Kedah settle-
ment was a failure, and they decided to recall Davies, " the business
bein^ small, and Mr. John Portman ordered to remayne Cheife and
Mr. Charles Ward second, and that the Factors be like wise Ordered
to sell off all the Companys Goods at Price Current." Davies was
blamed for keeping the goods at Kedah " in hopes of better marketts,"
though the Council admitted, " Wee beleive he doth it out of a good
intention." The "other Merchants Sold their goodes there to reason-
able proffitt," as probably T. B. did in 1677. On the 7th Nov. 1671
the Surat Council wrote to the Court (O. C. No. 3574), "Since the
Georges departure Wee have received no news from Quedah, Wee
hope she will bring us full returns of your estate there together with
Mr. Davies whome wee have recalled, and then wee Shall not ad-
venture any more goodes thither without further order from you.'*
But things had gone from bad to worse. In F'eb. 1672 they wrote
from Surat, O. C. No. 3624, "Your Shipp George arrived to Swally
hole the 29th past from Quedah being two thirds laden with freight
goods which yet will make no inconsiderable Freight, though pot
neare what She made last yeare, but as to your owne estate wee have
no accompt as yet, nor doe wee heare of any goodes laden for your
account, more then 14 Piggs of Tynn, nor doe wee know certainly what
goodes are Sould, or what remayning ; for Wee have no gennerall from
your Factors, the reason of this neglect and evill State of your affaires
there is caused by the unhappy deaths of Mr. George Davies and
Mr. John Portman... Mr. George Davies... sometime before his death
QUEDA 269
he had totally lost his memory being Insensible, and uncapable of any
business, caused by drinking of Strong Arrack as tis Supposed." As
the Council at Surat could get no information of the state of things at
Kedah beyond the fact that " the greatest Parte " of the Company's
"g^oodes was consumed by the Worme by meanes of Mr. Davies
willfull breach of order," they decided to send Mr Francis Capell on
the George to Kedah in April, 1672, to take "an exact account of what
goods are Sold, and Sell off what are remayning." Francis Capell was
accompanied by Joshua Burroughs. These unfortunate factors reached
Kedah to find the whole Malay coast in a disturbed state. Dutch
ships blocked the ports, and they could do nothing but send piteous
appeals to Surat for help. On the 2nd Sept. 1673 the Council wrote
{Ij. C. No. 3844), "Wee have herewith sent a letter to the King of
Quedah, desireing his Protection of you during your stay in his Port,
Hee cannot expect that wee can send a Person with it, in such tymes
as these, when wee are not assured that our Letters will come safe to
you or the Provisions wee send you, but wee have given caution to the
Persons who carry them, who have promised their care... Wee pray
God keepe you in that temper of Spiritt, that you may not be discouraged
by your state there since it is not in our power to bring you thence,
you will beare it the more patiently especially remembring you are not
so unhappy as many others that are fallen into the Enemies hands att
Batavia and Mallacca."
On the 1st Jan. 1674 Capell and Burroughs sent a long and detailed
account of their misfortunes to the Council at Surat. The letter is
entitled "Quedda General to Suratt," O. C. No. 3917, parts of which
have already been quoted. The following are the most interesting
paragraphs : " Wee have received yours of the 22nd Aprill and 2nd
September by the Jounck Selimony with those provitions sent on her for
our refreshments which are very welcome to us. Now these goe by a
King ship bound for Porta Nova which will bring you but sad tidings
of this our unfortunate Factory, It hath pleased God to take from us
all that the Dutch had left by a suddain fire on the 20 May last, all
that we had both in our hbuse and warehouses, wee saveing nothing,
but some few goods pulled out of the fire in the Companys warehouse,
which were after sold for 2 tale 12 mace, 6 bahar of tinne in the ware-
house and a small scrittore wherein was Copie of the Georges account
freight and 5 tale loj Mace in mony. The fire was so fierce and
vehement that wee saved nothing else Escaping only in our Shirts and
drawers, and Blessed be God that wee Escaped with our lives for had
wee bin in our beds (as wee were goeing to repose when wee found
it) little less then a Miracle would have saved us, which sad accident
happened either by Rogues without the house or by the carelessness
of a boy with a Candle within, wee had a sad warning aboute 2 months
before by a dismall fire which in less then 2 houres consumed down to
the ground one halfe the Towne being all one side of the Buzar The
houses here being made of Huttops (which are no more then leaves of
trees) do take like tinder in the dry times. For Prevention in the like
accident to us as also of Rogues at such time wee thought fit to make
a strong Pagar about the Town, but at the time of the fire it was not
quite finished... By her (the Georges) miscarring and the miscarrage of
Mr. Garretts smale ship that parted hence in February last, you were
deprived of our advises, though they were of little concernment for wee
could not sell but a very few goods by reason of the great quantities
of fresh goods brought on freight, so that these Merchants would not
270 QUEDA
look upon our old goods... At our first arrival and delivering our Letters
to the king wee complained to him of the great quantityes of our goods
that had bin here so long unsold, and craved his assistance in the
disposall of them in Barter for Tinn, according to his Phirmaund at
2 tale per Bahar. His answer was that he was sorry to hear it, and
that it was none of his fault but our owne, our bringing of Merchants
was the cause that wee did not find that quick sale for our goods as we
expected, and that if we did not bring them, they could not come here
and that if we ourselves brought merchants that would give more than
2 tale per Bahar how could we expect otherwise but that wee must
give the like.
" At our Examining the warehouse we found the goods lye in sad
Condition and in a most confused manner, Great quantityes Damaged
rotten and without papers, wee made sortings before a just account
could be taken, and according to the Ballance of Mr. Da vies his bookes
(which wee here ballanced) wee found many wanting of which Charles
Ward gave us no other account but that they were throwne into the
River in Mr. Davies his time, and that he never received any account
and therefore could not give any.
" Our Endeavours were not wanting in the promoting the sale
of them, for finding no vent for them here, we (by the advice of several
Merchants) thought fit to transport them, and accordingly (by the help
of the King who lent us a Prow), sent to the Valine of 2600 Rupees on
2 Prowes by Charles Ward to Junsalone (it being his own desire) and
also our great desire to send something home on our Honble. Masters
account. The Voyage did not prove soe successful as was expected
occationed by his long passage, by reason of foule weather by which
the goods received Damage which at the best were in a bad condition
so that he could not dispose of them all but left the goods in the hands
of one Deria a Chulia of this place... soone after Deria arrived here
with a small parcell of Tinn, but brought no other account then that
he had left most of the goods unsold in the hands of one Musa...from
whom since we have received no other account but that the Dutch
have binn there, and plundered the house of all both Tinn and goods
that we left. ..Soone after the... departure of the Dutch wee went to the
King and entreated him to take of all the goods, and to help us with
prowes to carry us to Achen hopeing that there wee might finde a
passage for Surat, for that as long as these warrs held we could not
expect a ship here for that we did not conceive ourselves safe here for
that they might as well take us out of our house, as take our sloope
out of his River, his answer was that now we had warrs we could not
safely goe, neither could he answer it, for if any ill or mischeif befell
us the Company would lay the blame on him, and that our stay here
should be safe, pretending much Love to us, that he would rather
suffer his Country to be distroyed, and Die himself then deliver us to
the Dutch, or suffer them to take us... The greatest part [of the Com-
panys estate] is still abroad in debts about which wee have no smale
trouble, wee have oft moved to the King that wee may have allowance
for the non-payment; and oft received denyalls but still persisting
in our demands he at last promised that wee should receive our tinne
at the rate of 3 tale per Bahar... but when wee shall receive it is
uncertaine for in this Country is neither Justice nor equity; they
receiving piscashes of both parties, but nothing effected save many
fair words and promises... Our living here longer upon dead Charge
will soone cleare that little the Company has left, so that there must
QUEDA 271
The Priviledges allowed to the English Merchants here
are very considerable and Sociable, as well to one as
another Company or noe Company. When the Companie's
Shipp arriveth from Suratt, as generally there doth one
every yeare (if not more), the Cape Merchant^ when he
Cometh Up to towne visiteth the Orong-kay*, who kindly
welcometh him on Shore, and prepareth Some of the
King's boats, and goeth alonge with him in Person to
Solla^ (the place of the Old Kings residence). Most part
be some course taken for our remo vail... Wee doe hope and almost
Impatiently wait for your answer and orders by returne of this ship,
our stay here is most uncomfortable we two being the only Christians
in this Country, and we by the fire are deprived of all our English
books, so that should it please God to send sickness we are as well
destitute of Phisick for soule as body... wee doe not keep more
servants then are mearly necessary, this Country being dangerous by
reason of theives wee are forced to keep a watch in the night,
God in mercie grant us a happy and honourable Peace... we in the
meane time relying upon God for our Comfort in this comfortless
Country...."
Before the receipt of the above letter from Capell and Burroughs
the Council at Surat had written to Kedah in April, 1674 {Factory
Records^ Surat, No. 87, p. 148), telling their unfortunate servants that
there was no immediate hope of procuring their departure, and inform-
ing them that Charles Ward, who was taken on the George by the
Dutch, had returned to Surat. At the end of June the Kedah letter
of Jan. reached Surat. On the 21st Sept. the Council wrote, " Wee
hope you may be imbarqued on Mirza Mozums Jounck, haveing
received from Malacca the good newes of an Honourable peace with
the Dutch... Wee have here inclosed sent you a letter to deliver to
the king of Quedah to permitt your departure, letting him know our
just resentments for the many obstructions you have there mett with
in your business, occatioped by his Ministers Ser Rajah Chaun
and others." Another year, however, elapsed before the ill-starred
factory at Kedah was finally abandoned. In 1683 the question
of settling "a small factory at Cudda or Jehore" was debated by
the Court, but in 1686 the Directors finally decided against the
project, "Wee will have no Factory settled for us at Pegu, nor
at Quedah nor any of those little places where we cannot bring our
great Ships."
1 i.e, supercargo. Compare the following in "Instructions given by
the Court," dated 9th Oct. 1663, O. C. No. 2994, "We are resolved to
send a Cape Merchant to voyage on every ship from hence forward,
who shall bee accomptable to us for all transactions during the time of
the voyage." Mr Matthew Gray went "Cape Merchant" on the
Nugdy^ and Mr George Davies " Cape Merchant " on the Charles to
Kedah and Achin in 1669.
2 See note on p. 260. ^ Sgg ^Q^e q^ p 259.
272 QUEDA
of the way they goe by water, and then mount the Elephants
prepared for them, and goe Straightway to pay their respects
to the Kinge, who after a most welcome manner doth give
them Entertainment. The English Merchant presenteth
him with a piscash^ not Valueinge lesse then 50 pound
Sterlinge, in gold baftos*, silks, &c. The Kinge in Person
doth receive them and feasteth them very Nobly and
Royally accordinge to the Custome of Queda, and never
faileth to returne the full Value of what he received in
Agala wood'.
When the Said Merchant cometh downe to Queda, he
Piscasheth^ the younge Kinge alsoe with almost soe much
in Value as he did the Old one, and he faileth not to follow
his Father's rules in the way of retalHation, the which
transported to Suratt yields more advance then any Such
quantities of goods Sold here to the Merchants.
If any Ship or Vessell come from the Coast of Choro-
mandell or Bengala, as yearly there doth one if not more*,
they follow the Same beforementioned rules, for by longe
Usinge they are become an absolute Custome not to be
^ See note on p. 157.
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Bafta. See Ind, Ant vol. xxix. p. 337.
" Blew Baftas, Broad Baftas and Gold Baftas " were much in request
in England in T. B.'s time. Murray, Oxford English Diet, has, "Baft.
A kind of coarse and cheap (generally cotton) fabric, originally of
oriental manufacture, but now made in Great Britain for export,
especially to Africa."
3 This is the Aquilaria Agallocha, commonly known as Calambac,
Aloe-wood or Eagle-wood. See Watts, Economic Products of India,
vol. i. p. 279. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, "Agila-wood or Lignum-
aloes." Compare Dampier, vol. ii. p. 8, "The merchants of China
do... fetch from thence (Cochin China) Lignum Aloes, and Aguala
Wood, which is much esteemed for its rare scent." See also Ind. Ant,
vol. xxviii. p. 196 and vol. xxix. p. 335.
* These ships were private trading vessels, such as those com-
manded by T. B. for William Jearsey or on his own account. John
Bugden, Clement Jordan and John Smith made voyages to Kedah
between 1676 and 1680. In these trading voyages goods for the
Company, as well as separate consignments for the factors, were
usually carried.
QUEDA 273
Violated ; and they have the retalliation put to theire choice
whether Agala^ or Elephants, soe that if theire Ships be of
any considerable burthen they choose Elephants, which
Annimal if they conduct safe to the Other Side yieldeth
abundance of Profit*.
Here are Elephants more Plenty and Sold at much
cheaper rates then in any Countrey or Kingdome besides.
One of 5 cubits and an halfe is a very Siseable and a
Merchandable Elephant, and such are Sold here for 200
pieces of 8' which transported to Metchlipatam or Bengala
will yield 3000. It is very rare to gett leave to transport
an Elephant that Exceedeth in Stature 6 Cubits (vizt.
9 English feet.)*
Many Strange Passages I have heard and read of Con-
cerninge this Creature, which are for the most part horrid
Romances (vizt.) That they if [they] ly downe cannot rise
againe, and of the ways of ketchinge alive and tameinge
these Monstrous Annimals, and of theire goeinge to warre
^ See note on p. 272.
2 Alex. Hamilton visited Kedah in 1694 and in his East Indies y
vol. ii. p. 73 f. gives a very different account of the country, its govern-
ment and methods of trade: "The King... never fails of visiting
stranger Merchants at their coming to his Port, and then, according
to Custom, he must have a Present. When the Stranger returns the
Visit, or has any Business with him, he must make him a Present,
otherwise he thinks due Respect is not paid to him, and in Return of
these Presents his Majesty will honour the Stranger with a Seat near
his sacred Person, and will chew a little Betel, and put it out of his
royal Mouth on a little gold Saucer, and sends it by his Pa^^e to the
Stranger, who must take it with all Signs of Humility and Satisfaction,
and chew it after him, and it is very dangerous to refuse the royal
Morsel." Hamilton adds, after his usual ill-natured manner, an un-
savoury scandal about the "young king," reflecting on the close
intermarriage common among the Royal families of most Further
Indian nations.
3 i.e. Spanish dollars. See note on p. 1 14.
* Compare Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. T^^ "Quedah...Its
Product is... Elephants, and Elephants Teeth." Crawfurd, Desc. Diet,
of the Indian Islands^ says s,v. Queda, "The name, correctly written
Kadah... signifies in Malay *an elephant trap.'.. .Among its wild animals,
the elephant is very numerous, and is used as a beast of burthen — even
bred, and occasionally exported to the Coromandel coast."
T. 18
274 QUEDA
with towers and Gunns mounted upon their backs\ with
many other Fictions that I can make bold to gainesay, for
they doe ly downe when they ingender, the Female upon
her back and the Other Upon her, as alsoe att many other
times, and doe rise with a great deale of Ease, and as for
the ways in takeinge them alive and Civilizeinge them, they
are thus.
The tamed Elephants goe into the woods (where the
Wild ones resort) and feigne themselvs as mad as they,
and by that means they delude them into a very Stronge
pound or fence made for the Same purpose, and when
5 or 6 tame Elephants have gotten one or two wild ones
in, they fall upon them and beat them severely, untill the
Keepers come and put theire leggs in the Stocks, by which
means, and having the tame Elephants by them, and good
Store of victuals, as plantrees', younge bamboos^ and the
like, they alsoe in the Space of 30 or 40 days become
tame, but they never ingender after they are once tamed*.
And as for theire way of fightinge in an army, ['it] is
neither with towers nor guns*, yet those trained Up for
warre will by theire Valour doe very great Execution.
They fight with very great Ec^ernesse and couradge, theire
^ T. B. had evidently never seen a war elephant. See Dampier^
vol. ii. p. 73. Compare De la Loublre^ p. 92, "They [the Siamese]
very much rely upon the Elephants in Combats, though this Animal
for want of Bit and Bridle, cannot be securely governed, and he
frequently returns upon his own Masters when he is wounded. More-
over he so exceedmgly dreads the fire, that he is never almost
accustomed thereto. Yet they exercise them to carry, and to see
fired from their back little pieces about three foot long, and about
a pound of Ball."
2 The contemporary form of plane-tree, the plantain or banana.
This is a valuable quotation.
3 See note on p. 249.
* Compare De la Lotiblre^ p. 44 f , for a somewhat different method
of entrapping wild elephants. See also Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 33 f., for
the method of catching elephants in Ceylon. Elephants do occasionally
breed in captivity.
* See note i above.
QUEDA 275
onely weapon is a Chaine of 18 or 20 foot longe, made fast
to one of theire foremost leggs, the which they Coyle up
like a rope upon theire tronke, and when they come neare
the Enemy, Flinge out the Said Chaine with Such Violence,
that they knock downe and bruise to pieces all they reach
both horse and man, and Some times disorder theire
adversaries army very much.
The Stocks they put them into to civilize them are
very Substantiall ones, as indeed they ought to be ; they
afe noe lesse then very greats (stc) trees, with holes that
are cutt throught the bodies of them fitt for theire leggs to
runne into, and then they drive in wedges, and Seizeinge
goe from one legge to another.
The tallest and best Sett Elephant that ever I beheld
was in Janselone, and I never saw any come neare his
height by 6 inches at least, and be proportionable Every
way as he was. His height was 14 English feet, and was,
Soone after I saw him, Sente to the Kinge of Syam as a
present very rare and most highly Esteemed of \
The Kinge of Queda is Tributary to him of Syam^,
although the tribute he payeth be but inconsiderable in it
Selfe, beinge noe more then annually a gold flowre^ not
^ See Balfour, Cyc/. 0/ India, s.v. Elephant, for a long article on the
subject. Compare Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. 62, "The most remark-
able things about it [the palace at Achin] are two or three Elephants
kept for State, these they get from Pegu or Quedah, where are
abundance of them, 1 have seen fifty in one Garden at Madrass,
brought thence in a Season, valued from 200 to 800 Pagodas each."
2 When Schouten visited the Malay Peninsula in 1663, Kedah was
subject to the King of Achin, "A portion of the Malay countries is
under the dominion of the King of Siam...But the Kingdoms of Pera
and of Queda are subject to the King of Achin." Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 125.
^ Compare the following from Journal ou Suite du Voyage de Siam,
p. 289, " The Kings of Camboge, of G^or, of Patani, of Queda, and of
Jambi, are tributaries to the King of Siam, and pay him every year a
bouquet of gold flowers." Mandelslo, p. loiB, speaks of similar tribute
paid at Patani, "Not many years since there reigned a Queen [at
Patani], that sent him [the King of Siam] no more then once a year a
Flower of Gold, and some Silk-Stuffes and Scarlet." Compare also
De la Loub^re, Siam, p. 82, " For Tribute she [the Queen of Patani]
sends to the King of Siam every three Years two small Trees, the one
18—2
276 QUEDA
Exceedinge 20 pieces of 8^ in Value, yet he must Send it
him or incurre his displeasure; the like all the Kings Upon
the Malay Coast must doe. This good Old Kinge is
timerous that the Syam Kinge Shold Send an army to
invade his land, more Especially Anno Domini 1677, meerly
through flyinge news thereof, he with his Son and all his
household, accompanied with most Eminent men in the
Kingdome, fledd up to the Mountains and left Queda,
Solla, and many other places destitute of inhabitants, for
Some time, untill a Tarra' came from Syam with letters
and a Gold Cappe for a present to him, after a friendly but
Monarchiall manner, bidding him live, poore Slave, and
Enjoy his Countrey in peace. As indeed I believe he may,
for any prejudice the Kinge of Syam^ purposeth to doe
him or his people, haveinge a warre of greater consequence
in hand, namely with the Kinge of Pegu*.
This Countrey Affordeth considerable quantities of
Pepper^ which indeed is admirable good, and not without
desert accompted the best in India* or the South Seas^
being very Sound and Stronge and very cleane and largely
corned. There is not any that groweth Upon the maine
land of this Kingdome, but Upon an Island about 30 or
of Gold, the other of Silver." Crawfurd, who visited Kedah in 1822,
says {Embassy to Siam^ p. 29) that, " by immemorial usage, the King
of Queda sends to Siam...a triennial token of submission, in the form
of a little tree of gold." For gold and silver trees as tribute see Ind,
Ant, vol. XXV. p. 289. These "trees" were really incidental to the
process of castmg metals in natural sand moulds for coinage.
1 See note on p. 114. ^ See note on p. 253.
8 This was Phrai Narai, i656--i6$8, the ally of Louis XIV. of France.
* This war was probably the occasion of building the "wooden
fort" mentioned by De la Loub^re. See note on p. 278.
^ Bowring, Siam^ vol. ii. p. 49, f. n., says, " Camoens speaks of
Quedah as the principal district for the production of pepper."
Mandelslo, p. 112, says, "The places which produce most of it
[pepper] are...Quida." T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his
Malay Diet, has, "Quedah... yields about one Thousand Peculs of
very good Pepper... Yearly."
• Mandelsloy however, says, p. 112, "The Pepper of Sumatra s
without doubt the best in the Indies."
^ See note on p. 188.
QUEDA 277
40 English miles in circuit, called Pullo Ladda, vizt. Pepper
Island. Pullo in the Malay tongue Signifieth Island and
Ladda pepper\ It is 8 leags to the NW. of Queda River's
mouth. Black and white Pepper groweth as followeth.
[Plate XV.]
They have Longe Pepper* in great quantities that
groweth Upon the Maine, but it is noe great commoditie
to be transported to the Coast or Bengala, by reason
Bengala Supplieth all that Countrey with Plenty Enough
thereof, and better then this they have here. They put
it to little or no Use, onely for theire Elephants to
Eat. They accompt it hearty and good for them, and
doe frequently give them thereof to Eat. It groweth as
followeth. [Plate XV.]
Theire buildings in this Generall are but of a very
meane Sort built of Bamboos' and Rattans*, and Stand for
the most part Upon Stilts of wood, because of the great
riseinge of the waters in time of the raines*, which happen
for the most part in the Months October and November.
^ T. B. in his Malay Diet has, ^^Pooloo^ an island, Lada^ pepper."
Wilkinson, Malay Dict.^ gives " Pulau^ An isolated patch of anything,
an island. Lada^ A generic name applied to pepper."
In a letter to Surat, dated i6th Nov. 1670 {Factory Records^ Surat,
No. 105), the factors at Kedah wrote, " Send 5 or 6 more [men] to goe
to Pullo Ladda or Purles, which are places belonging to this King [of
Kedah], where Tinn and pepper may be bought at cheaper rates then
here."
Of the Laddas, Horsburgh, East Indies Directory^ vol. ii. ed. 1805,
p. 148, says '*The Laddas... are high rugged Islands, of barren aspect.
Capt. Forrest calls the large central Island Pullo Ladda, which generally
bears the name Lancava; and to the Westernmost large Island com-
monly called Pulo Ladda he gives the name of Lancaway."
Pepper is no longer grown in any quantity in these Islands.
2 Crawfurd, Diet, of the Indian Is,, has, s,v. Pepper (Long), "This
is the chabe of the Javanese, and the lada panjang of the Malays.. ..This
commodity is probably a native of Java."
3 See note on p. 249.
* See notes on pp. 74 and 250. Compare T.B.'s remark in the
Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, " Here [Kedah] is also Ratans,
Damar...and a few Elephants Teeth."
* Compare the description of Siamese houses by De la Loub^re,
Siam, p. 29, "Their Houses are small, but surrounded with pretty
278 QUEDA
They have but very few garrisons in this Kingdome.
I never Saw more then two wooden Forts of 12 or 14 guns
each^ They are built neare the River Side some 10 miles
above the barre.
They have Severall Sorts of very good Fruit in the
Countrey, vizt. Limes, Lemons, Duryans^, Mangoes^ and
large Grounds. Hurdles of cleft Bambou, oftentimes not close com-
pacted, do make the Floors, Walls and Roofs thereof. The Piles, on
which they are erected to avoid the Inundation, are Bambous as thick
as one's Leg, and about 13 Foot above the Ground, by reason that the
Waters do sometimes rise as much as that. There never is more than
four or six, on which they do lay other Bambous across instead of
Beams. The Stairs are a Ladder of Bambou, which hangs on the
outside like the Ladder of a Windmill. And by reason that their
Stables are also in the Air, they have Climbers made of Hurdles by
which the Cattle enter therein."
1 De la Loublre^ P- 9i> explains the lack of fortresses in Siam, an
explanation which probably also applied to the dependency of Kedah,
"The Kingdom of Siam being very strong by its impenetrable Woods,
and by the great number of Channels, wherewith it is interspersed,
and in fine by the annual Inundation of six Months, the Siameses
would not hitherto have places well fortified for fear of losing them,
and not being able to retake them ; and this is the reason they gave
me thereof. The Castles they have would hardly sustain the first
shock of our Soldiers ; and though they be small and ugly, because
they would have them such, yet is it necessary to employ the skill of
the Europeans to delineate them. 'Tis some years since the King of
Siam designing to make a wooden Fort on the Frontier of Pegu, had
no abler a person to whom he could entrust the care thereof, than to
one named Brother Ren^ Charbonneau."
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Uurian. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has,
^^ Dooreun^ a Prickly fruit in India." See Mandelslo^ p. 120, for a long
description of this fruit. Compare the quaint account by Schouten'^
vol. ii. p. 358, "The Dutch give the name of Stinkert, or Stinker, to
the Durion, which is a fruit with an odour closely resembling roasted
onion, or rotten garlic, so that it does not attract those who have
never tasted it, but when they happen to eat it, they are greatly
astonished to find it so good. When it is ripe it is generally about the
size of the head of an eight year old child. The skin is very thick, and
furnished with sharp spines ; and as this skin, or rather bark, is easily
separated, they are usually opened with the feet. Inside are found
four or five cavities, separated by skins, which are filled with a pulp,
soft, delicate, and of excellent flavour. They have three kernels as big
as chestnuts. They are so good that one cannot help eating them to
repletion. They are considered very wholesome, especially for people
of a cold and moist temperament."
See also Watts, Diet, of Economic Products of Indiay s.v. Durio.
3 See note on p. 48.
QUEDA 279
Pines^ of which last they have in great abundance, more
then in any Other Countrey that Ever I was in. The
Figure of the Pine Apple as followeth. [Plate xvi.]
All Sorts of Provisions are here in Plenty Enough,
vizt. Cocks and henns, Cows, buffoloes, wild hogge, and
very great plenty of fish (Especially neare the Sea), but
noe ducks or geese to be had, nor Swines flesh tamed alive,
by reason they are all of the Mahometan Faith'*. Rice
they have in great plenty*, and as I said before, much fish
caught neare the barre and there Sold for little or nothinge.
Here followeth the Shapes of Some Strange fishes I have
Seen caught here in Queda. [Plate XVI.]
The Maine Land of this Kingdome in Generall with
the Adjacent Isles are very woody* ; and [on] the maine
is very plenty of Wild beasts, vizt. Elephants, Tygers,
Bufifolos, and Monkeys. I have been by Severall informed
that there are Lions here alsoe, but I never Saw any of them.
The Buffolo'' is here both wild and tame. The wild
^ T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, ^^ Ananas, a Pine- Apple." See
Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Pine Apple and Ananas.
2 Compare Mandelslo, p. 108, "The Inhabitants breed no Swine,
[at Patani], but the Forrests are so full of wild ones, that they are
forc'd to hunt them to prevent the destruction of their Rice ; which
being taken, they bury them in the ground, as being Mahumetans, and
eat none themselves, nor suffer others."
3 Forrest, Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago, p. 25, gives a similar
account of the products of Kedah in 1783, "At Queda there is great
plenty of rice, bullocks, buffaloes, and poultry ; but not such abundance
of fruit and vegetables as at Acheen... Queda is a fiat country, favour-
able for the cultivation of rice."
* Compare Crawfurd, Embassy to Siam, p. 28, "The character of
this territory [Kedah] in general is that of being extremely woody,
marshy, and mountainous... In the range of hills in the interior, there
are many mountains of a great height."
^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Buffalo. Compare Fryer's amusing de-
scription of this animal, p. 118: "A Buffola is of a Dun colour, and
are all as big as their largest Oxen ; they love to wallow in the Mire
like an Hog; there are of them wild, which are very Fierce and
Mischievous, Trampling a Man to Death, or Moiling him to Pieces
it^ith their Foreheads ; their Horns are carelessly turned with Knobs
around, being usually so ordered, or rather disordered (for they retain
no certain Form) that they lie too much over their Heads to do any
harm with them. Their Flesh is reckon'd Hotter and Courser than
28o QUEDA
ones are very furious and of great Strength. I have heard
Some very Credible men in this countrey averre that many
times they have Seen a Wild buffolo to Encounter with a
Very large Tiger and worst him. The Buffolo is not much
Unlike to a Cow or Bull, but are of Stature larger, and
for want of haire and haveinge Such a Wild looke and
great Stareinge horns he Seemeth much more deformed.
[Plate xvill.] There be abundance of tame ones in most
places of India and South Seas, and the Malayars doe
often kill and Eat them, but they are grosse meat and
very hot.
This Kingdome in it Selfe affordeth noe Gold or Silver
or any minerall Save tinned yet Gold is here indifferent
plenty^ soe that most Merchants that buy our goods doe
pay us in very good Coyne. Most or all of it is brought
from Pattanie', a Kingdome that is near neighbour to this
lyinge on the East Side of this great Neck of Land called
the Malay Coast*.
The Coyne is good gold and in Small pieces and are
called Copans*, 3 of which Value one Royall of 8* or
4s. 6d. English.
Beef, which is the most common Sustinence of the Moors, as their
Milk and boiled Butter is of the Gentues."
Of the buffalo, Crawfurd, Embassy to Siam^ p. 432, remarks, "The
Siamese Buffalo in all respects resembles the same animal as it exists
among the Eastern Islands, and unless the Rhinoceros and Hippopot-
amus be excepted, is, after the Elephant, the largest of all quadrupeds."
^ See notes on pp. 259 and 267. Compare the following from
Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4, under date 3rd June, 1673, "The Dutch
endeavour to make Ti/i a Drugge" by sendmg home most of what
they get from "Pera, Jehoar, Kedea."
2 T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, says,
"Queda... yields some little gold."
3 See note on p. 266. * See note on p. 261.
^ See note on p. 241. See Ind, Ant, vol. xxvii. p. 223 f. and
vol. xxxi. p. 51 if., where I have gone fully into the history of the word.
The gold kobang here mentioned, worth about \s, 6^/., was evidently a
local coin.
Wilkinson, Malay Diet., has ^^ Kobang (Kedah). A coin of the
value of 2^ cents. Also gobang. Possibly a variant of kupang,^^
^ See note on p. 114.
QUEDA 281
4 Copans is one mace\
16 mace is one Tailed
Noe Other Coyned moneys in this Kingdome, Save Small
Coppar moneys tinned over^ called Tarra*, 96 of which
make one Copan.
Theire Weights and measures are the Same with
them of Aching Onely there they measure by the
^ See note on p. 115. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, "Mas, gold"
and " Mas, a weight for gold used in many parts of India." Compare
Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 42, "A Quarter of a Mace is called a
PoUam or Copang, Imaginary."
2 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tael. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxvii. p. 37 ff.
T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, " Tial, a weight for gold used in many
parts of India and China." The word Taile is from the Malay tali,
which Wilkinson, Malay Diet., gives as " a money value representing
.about an eighth of a ryal or ancient dollar of 60 cents."
3 Compare Tavernier, vol. i. part ii. p. 6, "The Money of the King
of Cheda and Pera. This Money is of Tin, and is coined by the King
of Cheda and Pera. He coins no other Money than Tin. Some years
since he found out several Mines, which was a great prejudice to the
English. For the Hollanders and other Merchants buy it, and vend it
all over Asia. Formerly the English brought it out of England, and
furnished great part of Asia, where they consum'd a vast quantity ; they
•carried it also into all the Territories of the Great Mogul, as also into
Persia and Arabia; for all their Dishes are of Copper, which they
cause to be Tinned over every month. Among the meaner sort of
people, there is little to be seen but this Tin-money, and the Shells
call'd Cori."
* This tarra is quite a different coin to that described in Hobson-
Jobson, s.v. Tara, Tare, which in the 1903 ed. is derived from "Malayal
tarani, defined in the Madras Gloss, as 'a copper coin, value i^ pies.'"
Dennys, Dese. Diet, of British Malaya, s.v. Money, gives the deriva-
tion for the coin mentioned in the text from Malay tera {vide note on
tarrah on p. 253). He says, p. 241, "The small coins of Kedah are of
tin. These go under the name of tra, which is, however, only the
word 'stamp' or 'impression.' Of these, 160 are filed on a filament
of rattan, of which 8 strings, or 1,280 coins, are considered equivalent
to a hard dojlar."
^ There is no special paragraph on coins in the " Achin " section of
this MS., but in the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet. T. B.
gives an account of the weights and measures of Achin, which is worth
quoting. He says, "The Weights and Measures of this Place is
accounted so.
The Weight is the Bahar Malayo, Pecool, Cattee, Booncal, Miam,
-which they account so
16 Miams i Booncal
20 Booncal i Cattee
100 Cattee i Pecool
2 Pecool I Bahar Malayo.
282 QUEDA
bamboo^ and here by the Gantange^. One Gantange
contains Exactly 2 Achin Bamboos.
This Countrey is noe very great place of trade haveinge
but little by Sea and much lesse by land'. There are not
above 4 or 5 Ships and Vessels per annum from Suratt,
Choromandell and Bengala that Use this Country*, with
5 or 6 great Prows yearly from Borneo*, and about 30 or
The Bahar contains of English Averdupoiz weight, 396 1. 1 1 oz.
00 dw. 14 gr.
The Booncal contains of Troy weight, i oz. 8 dw. 23 gr.
The aforesaid is the Malayo weight, but they also use the China
(Dachin) or Stilliard for great Weights, which is accounted so
Conderin, Mas, Tial, Cattee, Pecool, Bahar.
10 Coonderin i Mas
10 Mas I Tial
16 Tial I Cattee -
100 Cattee i Pecool
3 Pecool I Bahar Malayo.
The China Pecool contains of English Averdupois weight, 131 I.
13 oz. 12 dw.
The Tial contains of Troy weight, i oz. 4 dw. i gr."
This table compares very well with that given by Dampier^ vol. ii-
p. 132 for Achin. See also Kelly, Universal Cambist^ p. 97.
^ T. B. in the account of the weights and measures of Achin quoted
above, note 5, p. 281, adds, "Rice, Oil, Butter, and some other Mer-
chandize is sold by a Measure called a Bamboo.
The Bamboo contains of English Wine Measure 3J Pints.
The long Measure which is used here, and in all Places of the
South Seas is the Cubit, which contains Eighteen Inches English."
The joint of a bamboo was one of the units of Malay and Javanese
measures. Compare Dumpier, vol. ii. p. 134, "A Mess [mace] will
buy 14 or 15 Bamboes of it [rice]: whereas when Rice is scarce, you
will not have above 3 or 4 Bamboes for a Mess. A Bamboe is a small
seal'd measure, containing, to the best of my remembrance, not much
above half a Gallon."
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Canton. Kelly, Universal Cambist, p. 108,
says that, at Malacca "The Can tang, rice measure, weighs 61b. Dutch
troy, or 6^ lb. avoirdupois nearly." Dennys, Desc. Diet, of British
Malaya, has, s.v, "Can tang. A Malay gallon = 4 chupaks, which are
now by law 4 Imperial quarts." Wilkinson, Malay Diet, defines Gantang
thus : "A measure of capacity ; a vessel representing that measure of
capacity... (7^«/<a:«^ is also a measure of weight for gold equal to one
bongkal.^^
3 See the account of the abortive attempt to settle an English
Factory at Kedah in note on p. 267.
* These were, for the most part, private trading vessels.
^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Borneo. The Dutch monopolised the
trade with Borneo from 1606 till 1669 when they were compelled to
QUEDA 283
40 Prows they have that belonge to Queda, that constantly
trade to Bangaree*, Janselone', and Pera', some few to
Achin. They carry hence Salt, Tobacco, Pepper, Tamarin*
and Mannison' (a Sort of honey). As I said before, the
English are very well beloved here and have very con-
siderable priviledges allowd to Encourage them to Encrease
a trade hither*'. The Kinge taketh a mighty care that
none of us be defrauded here, as for instance, When the
Merchant (or Commander) declareth he is almost ready to
Saile, the Kinge giveth positive Order to the Shabandare'
to See the Gunge* beaten round the citty, with a lowd and
Severe Proclamation vizt. If any person standeth indebted
to Such an English Merchant (or any that belonge to him
or his Ship) any Summe of moneys or goods, let him with
all Speed repaire into the presence of the Said merchant
and ballance accompts justly, and with all Speed.
Otherwise if theire Obstinacie or neglect cause any Com-
withdraw from the country, chiefly through the intrigues of the English
who settled a factory in 1704, from which they also were forcibly
expelled in 1707. See Crawfurd, Desc. Diet, of the Indian Isiands^ s.v.
Borneo. See also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. ii. p. 144 if.
^ See note on p. 257.
2 i.e. Junk-Ceylon. See ante, pp. 235 — 258.
3 Perak is a Malay State having about 100 miles of coast-line on
the west of the Malay Peninsula. The Dutch made ineffectual attempts
from 1650 to 1690 to establish trading stations at Perak. The word
perak means silver in Malay. Compare the following in a letter from
the factors at Kedah to Surat under date 17th Nov. 1670 {^Factory
Records, Surat, No. 105) "Perah the first noted place [after Kedah]... wee
sailed to this by the river v.. he [the king of Perak] durst not trade with
us [without the sanction of the Queen of Achin]."
* See note on -p. 22. Crawfurd, Desc. Diet, of the Indian Is., s.v.
Tamarin, says "The Malays call the tree and fruit Asdm-fawa, that
is, the acid of Java."
^ The Malay word is manisan from manis, sweet. T. B. in his
Malay Diet, has, ''^Manisan, sweet meats." Crawfurd, Desc, Diet, of
the Ind. Is. says, s.v. Honey and Wax, " The native name for honey is
ntanisan-ldbah, 'the sweet of the honey-bee'."
® The English factors were not of T. B.'s opinion. See note on
p. 265.
^ See note on p. 242. ^ See note on p. 196.
284 QUEDA
plaint of nonpayment, they, theire Wifes, theire Children,
and all theire goods and Chatties Shall be Seized Upon,
and forfeited to the Kinge who will Satisfie the Creditor,
and make them Ser[v]e in Perpetuall bondage. But it
Seldome falleth out soe ill to them, for they Observe to be
rather beforehand, which is the wisest coursed
This River of Queda is a Very good River, and soe is
that of Old Queda that lyeth to the Southward of this.
They are both well replenished with Very good and Excel-
lent Sorts of fish*, and not a little filled with the deformed
creatures commonly called Alligators. They resemble a
Crocodile, and are very ravenous and great devourers of
mankind, and breed abundantly. They lay theire Eggs in
the Sand (Even as Turtle doe), and hatch with the heat of
the Sun. I have often taken of theire Eggs when they
have been ready to hatch. Alsoe I have Shot Severall
Alligators of 6, 7, 8, 9 foot longe, and killed them by
Observinge to hitt them Exactly Under one of the fore
paws, where it is very Soft, for the back and Sides of them
are Very like Unto Scales of brasse for theire hardnesse.
I have often Seen a brace of bullets rebound upon the
Sides of a large Alligator ^
Some of them are Monstrous great Ones, one of which
beinge taken, I measured him, and he exceeded 22 feet in
length, and 9 foot round the belly. His teeth and claws^
^ The English factors made great complaints of their inability to
get in their accounts. See note on p. 262. It would seem that the
author met with special marks of favour at the hands of the King of
Kedah. Hence his roseate view of the monarch and his kingdom.
Voluntary slavery in liquidation of debts is an old and widely spread
Far Eastern custom. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxix. p. 86.
2 See Dennys, Desc. Diet, of British Malaya^ s.v. Fish, for a long
list of the various kinds obtained in the rivers and on the coast of the
Malay Peninsula.
3 Dennys, Desc. Diet, of British Malaya^ s.v. Alligator, says, "By
a common error all reptiles of this family are usually termed alligators
(Spanish el legarto^ the lizard), but the ten species known are all
American." T. B.'s alligators must therefore have been crocodiles.
QUEDA 285
were of a great and admirable length. The fatt of this ill
looked creature is Esteemed on highly by the best of
Indian Doctors, who Say it is a most Soveraigne remedy
for any Old aches or Paines in the bodies of men and
Women.
I Opened one that wee took amongst the Fish yards,
att the mouth of Queda River. He [w]as about 15 foot
longe, and I laid him and his Taile open in the Sun Upon
Some deale boards, and Saved what Issued from it by the
heat of the Sun onely, and had 5 pottles of the Said fatt as
cleare as Springe water. Here followeth the Forme of one
of these Deformed Creatures. [Plate XVI.]
ACHIN.
The Citty Achin is Upon the North End of the great
Island Sumatra^ which Extendeth from 05" 40' South
Lattitude to 05° 40' North Latitude, soe that the Equi-
noctial! Line divideth this Island into 2 Equall parts^; and
the Citty Achin is the Metropolitan of the Whole, a very
pleasant and healthy place, very populous'*, famous as it is
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v, Sumatra. Compare Alex. Hamilton,
East Indies, vol. ii. p. loi, "Sumatra fronts all the Coast of Malaya,
from Quedah to the Promontory of Johore, and reaches above 15a
Leagues farther. It is one of the greatest Islands in the world."
2 This description is another proof of the writer's accuracy.
' Compare the description by Schouten, who. was at Achin in
Nov. 1663 (vol. ii. pp. 127 — 132), "The Island [Sumatra] is divided
into several kingdoms, the most powerful among them being Achin,^
on which depend the towns and kingdoms of Pedir, Pacem, Daia,
Barros, Passaman, Ticou, Priaman, Padang, and even the kingdoms
of Queda and Perach on the other side of the water.... A Queen was
Regent while we were in that country. It was said that she wanted to
marry a Dutchman, but the Governor of Batavia would not consent to
it.... Their buildings, Pagodas and houses are raised on wooden piles
and built of light materials.,., The capital city.. .is built in the Indian
fashion and situated by a pleasant river, in a plain, a league and a half
from the sea. The air there appears to be better and more temperate
than it is on the Southern side of the Island."
286 ACHIN
the place of residence of theire Virgin Queerie, with all
her Lords and most of the Nobilitie of the Kingdome, as
alsoe for theire good laws and goverment, and the great
Traffick and Commerce from most parts of India, China,
and South Seas\
I Suppose the Citty may be some 15 or 16 miles in
Circuit, Scituated Upon a very pleasant and fertile Soyle,
Enjoyinge an Excellent aire, and a very fine river that
runneth through the Citty that addeth very much to the
benefit and beuty thereof. Vessels of 60, 70, or 80 tunns
may come Up to the towne Side 2 or 3 miles within the
barre, beinge the place where the Customehouse standeth*.
It hath likewise, a very Excellent Roade or bay in
which there is roome Enough for many hundreds of Ships
and in great Safety', where they may ride in 12, 10, 8, 6, 4
^ In the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Dict,^ T. B. says of
Achin, "Achee is a large City, and populous for these parts of the
world. Inhabited by the Natives and many Foreign Merchants as
English, Portuguese, Moors, Chuleas and others... the Port... is never
without Ships of English, Danes, Portugals, Moors, Chuleas, Chinesses
and others. ..all these come in their proper Seasons, with the several sorts
of Goods of Surat, the Coast, Bangala, China, and many other places.. .."
2 Compare Mandelslo, p. no, "The City of Achin stands in a wide
Plain upon the side of a very broad River, but so shallow, that the
least Boats get in with difficulty. It hath neither Gates nor Walls, the
Houses all built on piles, and covered with Coco-leaves. The Castle,
or Palace Royal, stands in the middle of the Town, which on two sides
hath most excellent pleasant Forrests, well stored with Apes, Hems,
and all manner of Birds."
3 T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, says, "The
City [Achin] stands about two Miles from the Port, which is never
without Ships... and many Praws, which usually go into the River."
Compare the description hy Dampier, vol. ii. p. 122 f., of the "Road of
Achin," ** Besides what belongs to Achin upon the Continent, there are
also several Islands under its Jurisdiction, most of them uninhabited;
and these make the Road of Achin.... [They] lye in a semicircular
form, of about 7 Leagues diameter.... Between Pulo Gomez, and the
Main are 3 or 4 other small Islands; yet with Channels of a sufficient
breadth between them, for Ships to pass through ; and they have very
deep water. All Ships bound from Achin to the Westward, or coming
from thence to Achm, go in and out thro' one or other of these
Channels.... There is good riding in all this Semicircular Bay between
the Islands and Sumatra: but the Road for all Ships that come to
ACHIN 287
fathoms depth \ very cleare ground, and almost land
locked with the head of Sumatra*, Pullo Way', and Pullo
Gomus*, and 2 or 3 Small Islands and rocks. The land is
all Mountainous and woody Save where the Citty Standeth,
more Especially the 2 Islands Way and Gomus, haveinge
noe low land about them, nor are they inhabited more then
with Some banished Cripples Sent from the Citty*.
Many Ships and Vessels doe att all Seasons of the
yeare arrive in this Port from Severall places, namely
Achin is near the Sumatra Shore, within all the Islands. There they
anchor at what distances they please, according to the Monsoons or
Seasons of the Year."
^ T. B. resided for some time at Achin {vide Introduction), and had
ample opportunity of becoming fully acquainted with the capacity of
Achin Harbour.
2 Compare Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 112, "Between
Atcheen Head an high steep Promontory, and the South End of
Gomus Islands, there are two Chanels to come from the Westward
into the Road."
3 Compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 122, *' Pulo Way... is the Eastermost
of a Range of Islands, that lye off the N.W. end of Sumatra. It is
also the largest of them." Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. iii,
says, "Pullo-wey, an Island about four Leagues to the North-eastward
of Atcheen, and there they [banished criminals] cultivate the Ground,
and breed Poultry for the Use of the Town." There are three islands
called Pulo Way in the Malay Archipelago. Crawfurd conjectures
that the name means "Water Island." See his Diet, of the Indian Is.^
s.v. Way.
* Compare Datnfiier, vol. ii. p. 122, "Pulo Gomez is another large
Island about 20 mile West from Pulo Way, and about 3 Leagues from the
N.W. point of Sumatra." Compare also the following from "Abstract
of Captain Atkins Journal," 0,C. No. 4045, " 1 5th April 1675. As soon as
wee were shott without the Island Polo Gomos, wee mett with a strong
stream." Horsburgh, East India Directory ^ vol. ii. p. 42, ed. 1805, has
" Pulo Gomez, where there are regular soundings and good anchoring
ground, from 10 to 17 fathoms."
^ These cripples were malefactors, who, according to the laws of
Achin, had been mutilated for their crimes, and then banished. Com-
pare Dampier, vol. ii. p. 122, "It [Pulo Way] is inhabited by Male-
factors, who are banisht thither from Achin." Compare also Lockyer,
Trade in India^ p. 38, " A Thief detected is punished with the Loss of
a Member, from a Finger to an Arm, and Banish'd to some of the
Islands off the Head: Pulo Gomes, and Pulo Wary are the chief
Receptacles of these unfortunate Wretches, whence they often return
to the City, and are common in the Streets without Hands or Arms :
The greatest Badge of Infamy."
288 ACHIN
Suratt*, Malabar Coast ^ or Coast of India, Fort St. Georg*s,
Metchlipatam', Bengala, Pegu, Syam, China, Java Major*
and Borneo, with infinite Numbers of Prows from the
Malay Shore and West Coast of this Island Sumatra.
The Chiefe Commodities brought hither from Suratt
are Some Sorts of Callicoes", vizt. Baftos white and blew*
with gold heads and borders. Cotton and Cotton yarne,
course Paintings^ quilts and Carpets'.
From the Coast of India and Choromandell are brought
^ See note on p. 258. Compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 122, "And
because shipping comes hither [Achin] from the Coast of Surrat, one
of these Channels which is deeper than the rest, is called the Surrat
Channel."
* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Malabar. This quotation is very valuable
as showing the meaning of the term in the 17th century.
3 i.e. Masulipatam.
* Compare MandelslOy p. 112, "Java, an Island commonly called
Java Major, to distinguish it from another less of the same name, which
lies hard by it, is South-East from the Isle of Sumatra."
^ See note on p. 5. Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 35, says, "From
Surat the Moors imploy two large Ships a Year to import the Produce
of that Country [to Achin]."
* See note on p. 272. Compare Taverniery vol. i. part ii. pp. 31
and 137, "In Brampore, as over all the Province, there is made a pro-
digious quantity of Calicuts very clear and white.... There is another
sort of Linnen which they never dye, with a stripe or two of Gold or
Silver quite through the piece, and at each end from the breadth of
one inch to twelve or fifteen, in some more, in some less, they fix
a tissue of Gold, Silver, and Silk, intermixed with Flowers, whereof
there is no wrong-side, both sides being as fair the one as the other....
They make at Brampour also other sorts of Cotten-Linnen....The
Bafta's, or Calicuts pamted red, blue, and black are carried white to
Agra.. ..All the Cahcuts or Bafta's. ..are of two sorts: for some are
broad, some are narrow."
^ See note on p. 106. Compare also Tavernier,vo\. i. part ii. pp. 31,
33, 132, 133, "There are some ['Calicuts 'J which are painted with
several colours, with flowers... the same Cahcuts serve for Coverlets of
Beds... painted Calicuts... are called Chites....The Workmen will make
these prints upon their Cottons, according to the Patterns which the
Forreign Merchants give them.. .As for their Calicuts d/d blew or black,
you must take care that the Workmen do not knock them after they
are folded, to make them look sleek... It is easy to distinguish between
the printed and the painted Calicuts."
^ Compare Tavemier, vol. i. p. 126, "[In] Amadabat... they make
Carpets of Silk and Gold, others of Silk and Silver, others all of Silk :
for the Worsted Carpets are made at Vettapour, some twelve leagues
from Agra."
ACHIN 289
hither Rice\ butter and Oyle in Jarrs', Longcloth', Salam-
pores white and blew*, fine Chint* of Metchlipatam, Striped
Stuffs*' of Golcondah and Pettipolee, Cushin Carpets^ &c.,
togeather with Some Commodities from England, vizt.
Scarlet ^ broadcloth, knives, Scissers, &c., most Especially
good Spanish dollars Stamped 600 . They passe Current
at 5 masse* per dollar. Some times 5 and J. From Bengala
1 Compare Dam/ner, vol. ii. p. 134, "The Road [of Achin] is seldom
without 10 or 15 sail of Ships of several Nations. These bring all
sort of vendible Commodities, as Silks, Chints, Muzlins, Callicoes,
Rice, &c., and as to this last, a man would admire to see what great
quantities of Rice are brought hither by the English, Dutch, Danes
and Chinese."
2 See pp. 128 and 132, and note on p. 132. Compare also Dampier^
vol. ii. p. 146, " He had at this time about twenty great Jars of Bengal
Butter, made of Buffaloes Milk ; and this Butter \ghi\ is said also [as
now] to have Lard or Hogs fat mixt with it, and rank enough in these
hot Countries, tho much esteemed by all the Achinese, who give
a good price for it."
^ See note on p. 55.
* See note on p. 56. T^ B. in his Malay Diet, has, "Salamporee,
a sort of Callico made in India." Compare also the following in a
letter from Fort St George to Masulipatam, dated 17th June, 1669,
Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 16, "We shall be able to invest
all our Stocke...in Long Cloth, Salempores, Morees, Percalls, Batilles."
See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Salempoory.
^ See note on p. 71. Compare Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. 34,
"The Commoditys imported [to Achin] are Ophium, Saltpetre, Rice,
Gee \^ht\ or Buffalos Butter tum'd to Oyl; and all sorts of Cotton
and Silk Manufactures from Bengali. Tobacco, Onions, Callico and
Muslin, especially brown and blew long Cloths, and Sallampores,
with several sorts of Chints for Clouts, and sometimes Gunpowder
from Madrass."
^ See note on p. 230. See also note 6 on p. 288. Compare the
following in a letter from Robt. Freeman at Masulipatam to Richd.
Edwards at Balasor, i6th March, 1670, O.C. No. 3413, "Pray if possible
procure me a boy if not a good peice of Silke Striped with Silver."
^ See note on p. 240.
^ See note on p. 160. Compare the following in a letter to Masuli-
patam, 7th Feb. 1672, Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. 9, "For the
fine Scarlett I take notice of your order therein."
^ See note on p. 115 and compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 132, "Of these
(Cash), 1 500 make a Mess [mace], which is their other sort of Coin,
and is a small thin piece of Gold, stampt with Malayan Letters on
each side. It is in value 15 pence English."
T. 19
290 ACHIN
Rice\ wheat, Oyle, butter, Sugar, Sticklack'*, Cambayas',
Elaches*, Oromals*, Mulmuls^ Slave boys and Girls, &c.
From Pegu, Rice, Gans^ Motavan Jarrs^ and very
Excellent Sticklack.
From Tanassaree, Janselone, Queda, Pera, &c. on the
Malay Coast, little Save Tinne*.
From Syam, Tinne, Coppar^®, China Wares, Rice^®, and
Screetores" both plaine and lackared", &c.
The like. Save Tinne, are brought from China, with
I See note on p. 132. ^ See notes on pp. 122 and 132.
8 See note on p. 246.
* A silk cloth, more generally known as AUeja. The term in the
text represents the vernacular aldcka.
^ See note on p. 133. Compare Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. 43,
"Ordinary Bengali Romalls of o Pagodas at Madrass [sold at Achin]
for 5 Tale per Corge of 20 Pieces."
8 Muslin. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Mulmull. The term "mulled
muslin" is still in use at the present day in England. Compare the
following in a letter from Hugli to Balasor, 2nd April, 1678, O.C,
No. 4387, "As to the price of Mulmull sent down you may if the
Merchants are very much discontent allow them 5 rs. 14 a. or
Rups. 6." Compare also the following from Luiller, Voyage au
Goife de Bengaky quoted in Provost, Histoire des Voyages^ vol. xiii.
p. 80, "The Company gets from its factory at Ougly various kinds
of MallesmoUes."
^ See note on p. 196. Compare De la Loub^re^ p. 14, "Vincent
le Blanc relates that the Peguins have a mixture of Lead and Copper,
which he calls sometimes Ganze, and sometimes Ganza." In the MS.
records this commodity frequently figures as "Gaunts."
® See note on p. 81. Compare Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. 35,
"Nor are the Mallays [of Achm] themselves wanting in Trade with
large Proes to Pegu, Quedah, Jahore, and all their own Coasts :
whence they are plentifully suppl/d with several Necessarys, they
otherwise must want : As Ivory, Bees- wax, Mortivan and small Jars,
Pepper, &c."
^ See note on p. 240.
^^ Compare the " Report on the Trade of Siam written in 1678 "
quoted in Anderson's Siam^ Appendix E. p. 424 f., " Wrought Copper,
being severall Sorts of Potts... are used here and exported to the
Malayan countreys....This Countrey is the general Granary for the
adjacent parts equalling if not exceeding any parte of the world in
abundance of Rice, wherein the neighbouring Malayan Coast is
yearely supplyed as far as Malaccah..."
II See note on p, 71.
12 See Danipier^ vol. ii. p. 61 f. for a description of the method of
lacquering as employed at Tonquin.
;.W:^
ACHIN 291
Striped and flowred Silks^ Totanagga^ Gungs', Steelepots
and Pans.
From Java Major, Sugar, Sugar Candid*, Rice, Cassia
Fistula*, &c.
The Borneo and Macassar^ Prows for the most part
bringe Slaves^ both men, women and children, some
Diamonds and Saphir^ The Diamonds of Landock* (upon
Borneo) are accompted the best in the World^°.
^ Compare Dampier^ vol. i. p. 409, "They [the Chinese] make very
fine lacquer-ware also, and good Silks."
2 See note on p. 199. Compare the following in a letter from Hugli
to Balasor, 8th July, 1678, O.C, No. 4458, "Your Tootanague have sold
here att 16 rupees per maund." Other contemporary spellings are
"Tutanagg" and "Tothanag." Compare also De la Loubhre^ p. 14,
"This Tin... is soft and basely purified, and a specimen thereof is seen
in the common Tea boxes or Cannisters, which come from this Country
[Siam]. But to render it harder and whiter, like that of the finest Tea
Boxes, they mix it with Cadmia, a sort of Mineral easily reducible to
powder... And 'tis this white Tin which they call Tontinague."
3 i.e. gongs. See note on p. 196.
* Sugar in large very sweet crystals is a common product in India
and the Far East.
^ Watts, Diet, of Economic Products of India^ has, s.v. Cassia
Fistula, vol. ii. p. 218, "The name Cassia Fistula... was first applied to
a form of cinnamon very similar to the Cassia Lignea of the present
day, the name Fistula having been given because of the bark being
rolled up." T. B. may be referring to this tree, rather than to the
Indian Laburnum or Cassia Fistula of the present day. Compare
Mandelslo^ p. 109, " Sumatra. ..is wealthy in. ..Cassia, and divers other
Drugs used in Medicine."
^ See Hobsofi'fobson^ s.v. Macassar. Compare Tavernier^ vol. i.
part ii. p. 191, "The Kingdom of Macassar, otherwise call'd the Isle of
Celebes, begins at the fifteenth degree of Southern Latitude.... The
Capital City bears the name of the Kingdom, and is situated upon the
Sea. The Port is free ; for the Vessels that bring great quantities of
goods from the Adjacent Islands, pay no Customs."
^ Compare Dumpier^ vol. i. p. 456, " Macasser is not very far from
hence [Bouton Island], one of the chiefest Towns that the Dutch have
in those parts. From thence the Dutch come sometimes hither to
purchase Slaves."
^ Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 148, in his description of
Borneo says nothing of sapphires being found there. Of the Borneo
diamonds he remarks, "They have small Diamonds, but their Waters
being inclined to be yellow, are not so much in esteem as those of
Golcondah."
^ In T. B.'s Malay Diet, there is "A Map of the Countries where
the Malayo language is spoken." In this map " Landa," in Borneo, is
marked. Landak is on the western side of Borneo.
^® See above, note 8.
19 — 2
292 ACHIN
From the West Coast of this Island, Store of very-
Excellent Benjamin ^ Camphir'*, Brimstone', Pepper*^
Rattans', and Dammar', as alsoe very good Bezar Stone''.
^ ue. Benzoin, incense. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Benjamin. T. B.
in his Malay Diet has "Benjamin, a sweet gum in India." Compare
the following in a "Generall" from Fort St George to the Bay, 7th Oct.
1669, 0,C, No. 3350, "50 Maunds of Black Benjamin which hath long
layne in your bookes." Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 129, says, "Barros is also
on the west coast of Sumatra, a league inland, on a large river, between
Passaman and Achin. It produces pepper, camphor and benjoin.'*
Crawfurd, Diet, of the Indian Is.^ s,v. Benzoin, says, "Styraz Benzoin
...the plant is the peculiar product of the islands of Sumatra and
Borneo.''
2 Compare Mandelslo^ p. 109, "Sumatra... is wealthy in Diamonds
and other precious Stones, Silks, Spices, Wax, Honey, Camphire....'*
Compare also Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 126, "The chief of their Drugs is
Camphire, of which there are quantities found on this Island [Sumatra],
but most of it either on the borders of this Kingdom to the Southward,
or more remote still, without the precincts of it." Lockyer, Trade in
India^ p. 40, says, "The Camphor this Country [Sumatra] affords, is
found among the Sindy Islands only."
^ See Crawfurd, Diet, of the Indian Islands^ s.v. Sulphur. He says>
" It is hard to say to what use the natives of the Malay Archipelago
could have put sulphur, before the introduction of fire-arms, unless to
the manufacture of fire-works [and medicine]."
* Compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 127, "There are many other profit-
able Commodities on this Island: but some of them are more peculiar
to other parts of it than to Achin, especially Pepper." Compare also
Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. pp. iii — 118, on the "trading
ports on the West Coast of Sumatra." He says, "Bencolon... their
trade lay all on their Pepper.... Lampoun...The English had a good
Pepper Factory there, but... that Factory was lost... in Anno 1683."
^ See notes on pp. 74 and 250. See also Dampier, vol. ii. p. 167 f.,
for a description of "rattan cables." Rattan cables, ropes and "fenders"
are still used by the seafaring population round the Bay of Bengal.
^ See Hobson-fobson^ s.v. Dammer. See also Ind. Ant. vol. xxx.
P' 337- T. B. in h\s Malay Diet, has, "Damar, a Torch, the Gum of
a Tree. Damar batoo, unboiled, raw Damar, it is the Gum of a tree
in India, which being boil'd with Oil, makes Pitch or Tar." Compare
the following from Faetory Reeords^ Hugli, Nos. 4 and 5, under date
13th Nov. 1675 ^J^d 17th July, 1680, "No Dammers is yet come to hand
we are expecting a quantity every day part ware of shall be sent you
for your use... Those Knee Timbers, planck, Dammer, Iron worke &ca
shipp stores wee enorder you... to send them upon the Ganges
or Arrivall.^^ Compare also Dampier^ vol. i. p. 514, "The gum of
a Tree beaten to powder, called by English D rammer, which is used
instead of Pitch in many parts of India."
^ See Hobson-fobson^ s.v. Bezoar. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxvii. p. 336.
Compare Tavernier, vol. i. part ii. p. 154, "As for the Bezoar which
breeds in Apes, as some believe, it is so strong, that two grains work
as effectually as six of Goat's-Bezoar ; but it is very Scarce, as being
ACHIN 293
The Dammar of Sumatra is accompted, and I know it
by Experience to be better then any other in India or
South Seas^ Wee make all our pitch and Tarre with
Dammar and Oyle as followeth.
One third dammar and Oyle, well boyled togeather,
make very good tarre, but not serviceable for any ropes by
reason of the Oyle. '
Again f Dammar and J Oyle make a very Excellent
Sort of pitch, not inferiour to the best wee use for our
Shippinge in England. And indeed wee have noe Other
Pitch or tarre in any of the Easterne parts of the knowne
World.
This Citty is the fairest and most populous of any that
Ever I saw or heard oP that is inhabited by Malayars* or
Javas*, but indeed it cometh farre Short for decency and
buildings and Uniformitie of the meanest Cittie in Arabia,
Persia, or the maine land of India; but the good Soile,
only found in those Apes that breed in the Island of Macassar. This
sort of Bezoar is round, whereas the other is of several fashions... As
the Apes Bezoar is stronger, and scarcer than the Goats, so it is dearer,
and more sought after ; a piece as big as a nut being sometimes worth
a hunder'd Crowns." See also Lockyer, Trade in India^ pp. 49-51.
Crawfurd, Diet, of the Indian Islands^ s,v. Bezoar, says that the stones
are mostly brought from Borneo.
1 See note on p. 188. In the Dialogues at the end of T. B.'s Malay
Diet, there is the remark, " Does Achee afford no Commodities for
Trade? Very little of its own, but it abounds with all sorts of
Merchandize of India and the South Seas, which is brought
thither."
2 See notes on pp. 285 f. Compare also Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 129 f.,
"The City of Achin is the chief in all this Kingdom. It is seated
on the Banks of a River, near the N.W. end of the Island, and about
2 miles from the Sea. This Town consists of 7 or 8000 Houses j and
in it there are always a great many Merchant-strangers, viz. English,
Dutch, Danes, Portuguese, Chinese, Guzarats, &c. The Houses of
this City are generally larger than those I saw at Mindanao, and better
furnished with Houshold Goods. The City has no Walls, nor so much
as a Uitch about it. It has a greater number of Mosques, generally
square built, and covered with Pantile, but neither high nor large."
3 See note on p. 237.
* The use of this word for the people as well as the country is
remarkable.
294 ACHIN
wholsome Aire*, and plenty of Gold' doth adde very much
to the goodnesse of the place. Few or none of the Natives
are poore. I never Saw any begge that had theire lims^
though never soe younge or Old. And this great plenty of
gold causeth many Sorts of food or rayment to Sell here at
very good rates, for of themselves they will Scarse till the
ground, although it be Excellent land for Some miles neare
the Citty and in many other places, Especially for rice*.
^ Compare Dampier^ vol. li. p. 148 f., "Achin... their weather is
much the same as in other Countries North of the Line, and their dry
Seasons, Rains, and Land-floods come much at the same time... I did
not find the heat there any thing different ffom other places in that
Latitude ; tho I was there both in the wet and dry Season. 'Tis more
supportalDle than at Tonquin ; and they have constantly the Refresh-
ment of Sea and Land Breezes every 24 hours."
* Compare the Jour7iall of Peter Mundy under date April 1637,
Relation 23, p. 36, India Office Copy, "Achein. This place lyeth on
the North-end of the great Island of Sumatra, by the Ancients named
Triprobana : which by Some is thought to be that Ophir from whence
King Solomon [had] his Gold Apes and Peacocks." T. B. in the
Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, says, "All these [foreign
ships] come... with the several sorts of Goods.. .all which is Sold here
[Achin] for Rock-Gold which is found in the inlands in great plenty.'*
Compare the description of the **Gold Mines of Achin" by Dampijer^
vol. li. p. 133 f., "This Gold they have from some Mountain a pretty
way within Land from Achin, but within their Dominions, and rather
near to the West Coast than the Streights of Malacca...!... was told
that none but Mahometans were permitted to go to the Mines: That
it was both troublesom and dangerous to pass the Mountains before
they came thither... That at the Mines it was so sickly that not half of
those that went thither did ever return again... I was told also by all
that I discoursed with about the Gold, that here they dig it out of the
Ground ; and that sometimes they find pretty large lumps." Lockyer
and Alex. Hamilton, however, speak only of gold dust at Achin.
Hamilton says {East Indies, vol. li. p. 108), "Atcheen affords nothing
of its own product fit for Export, but Gold Dust, which they have
pretty plentiful, and of the finest Touch of any in those Parts. They
do not dig for it, but catch it in Gullies, or little rivulets, as it washes
off the Mountains...."
^ Compare Dampier, vol. ii. p. 128, "The Natives of this country
[Achin] are Malayans. They are much the same People with those of
Queda...and they are of the same Mahometan Religion, and alike in
their haughty humour and manner of living... They are very lazy, and
care not to work or take pains." Compare also Lockyer, Trade in
India, p. 54, "The Natives [of Achin] are Mallayans...They are of
a middle Stature, proud and lazy, especially the meaner sort, tho' they
are better set, and of stronger Growth than the Indians of the Coro-
mandel Coast, of whom here are so many. Slaves to the great Men
and Merchants... To these the Acheenes owe the greatest part of their
ACHIN 295
There are Severall Radjas^ Upon Sumatra that doe
take Upon them the absolute Title and assume the absolute
Goverment of Kings, Especially those of Jambee^ An-
drogeero* and Pryaman*, and pay a much Slenderer homage
to the Crowne of Achin then formerly they have done*.
Achin is now and hath a Considerable time been
Governed by a Queen, ever Since the time that the discreet
and Pious Kinge James of happy memorie Swayed the
Sceptre of great Brittaine, France and Ireland^
Husbandry in managing their Crops of Paddy, or Rice, which was
hardly known on this part of the Island, till these were driven hither by
Famine from Fort St. David, and other Places on the Coromandel Coast."
^ See notes on pp. 39 and 108.
2 Jambi is a Malay State on the North-east of Sumatra. Compare
the account of the place by Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii.
p. 123 f, "From Pullambam there are no Places of Commerce on the
Coast, till we come to Jambee, which is about 100 English Miles.
Here formerly the English had a Factory on an Island near its River's
Mouth, called Barella."
3 This place is Indragiri to the North-east of Sumatra. T. B. in
the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, has, "From Barros along
the S.W. coast and to Lampoon, Palimbam, Jambe, and to Andregeree
on the N.E. side is many places which produce pepper." On the
19th Dec. 1660 the Court wrote to Bantam {Letter Book^ No. 2), "Both
you and wee know that formerly large quantities of pepper hath beene
procured at Andragera, which place you may now again take into
consideration, and if you can find a convenient opportunity, make
a Tryall." On the 25th May, 1664, in an abstract of a letter from
Jambi, Factory Records^ Misc. No. 3, we find, "They have writt to the
King of Androgheree [that is, a raja as stated by T.B.] for Engageing
him for all his pepper to bee Delivered Qualla \i.e. in the estuary or
port], which they say if could draw Andragheree and PuUimbang
people to would be of great advantage to the Company.*' Moor, Notices
of the Indian Archipelago^ p. 98, says, "Indragerie, which means in
Sanskrit the mountain of Indra, is one of the few Hindu names found
on the North coast of Sumatra." See also Crawfurd, Diet, of the
Indian Islattds, s.v. Indragiri.
* Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. pp. 126 — 128, "The eastern coast of
the island [of Sumatra] is the most unhealthy ; but Ticou and Priaman
are more so than all the other places both for natives as well as
for foreigners... Priaman is fairly well populated, and has no lack of
provisions. It produces, moreover, a great deal of pepper... it is
dependent on Achin."
* That is, than they did in the time of the "Tyrannicall King"
described in the following paragraphs of the text.
^ T. B. is in error. There were kings of Achin from 1521 till 1641,
when the tyrant king died, and a Queen apparently assumed office,
296 ACHIN
In soe much that the very name of a Kinge is longe
since become nautious unto them, first caused through the
Tyrannicall Goverment of theire last Kinge ; and indeed,
by the accompt they give of him, he was the cruelest
Tyrant that many ages afforded\ Some of his Cruelties as
folio we th.
first as regent, and afterwards as absolute monarch. Her reign was
not extraordinarily long, only 28 years, but the idea that female rule in
Achin had prevailed for many years soon became common belief.
Dampier^ who was in Achin at the time of T. B.'s residence there (in
1688), is evidently in doubt as to whether there had ever been a king
of Achin. He says, vol. ii. p. 143, "I think Mr. Hackluit or Purchas,
makes mention of a King here in our King James I. time. But at
least of later Years there has always been a Queen only, and the
English who reside there, have been of the Opinion that these People
have been governed by a Queen ab Origine\ and from the antiquity
of the present constitution, have formed notions, that the Queen of
Sheba who came to Solomon was the Queen of this Country."
In the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, T. B. repeats his
mistake as to the length of time there had been Queens at Achin.
"The City and Kingdom has for above an Hundred years been
governed by Queens and Twelve Lords." That there was a king at
Achin in the reign of James I. is proved by the fact that a "letter from
the Sultan of Achin to James I. of England dated a.h. 1024 (a.d. 161 2)"
still exists. There is a copy of this letter in Xhe Journal of the Straits
Branch R.A,S.^ No. 31, July, 1898, p. 123. Bruce, Annals^ vol. i.
p. 180, says, "Captain Best carried letters from King James to the
king of Acheen and formed in 161 5 a treaty with this chief." Capt.
Lancaster had previously, in 1602, delivered letters from Queen Eliza-
beth to the King of Achin, though Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii.
p. loi repeats T. B.'s mistake and calls the monarch a Queen. This
King must be the one described in Voyage pour la Compagnie cT Octroi
des Indes Orientates^ 1603, p. 527 f., as follows, "With regard to
political government all the inhabitants [of Achin] are as subject to
the king as if they were slaves... Justice is very severely administered
and the punishment of crimes is harsh and terrible ; the Dutch saw
there a number of persons who had only one foot or one hand... These
tortures are not confined to the lower classes... for even at the Court
there was seen the king's son-in-law, son of the young king's mother,
who, as a punishment, had had his nose, ears, and upper lip cut off.
The old king no longer leaves his palace on account of his great age."
De la Loubkre, p. 82, and Fryer, p. 45, w^re both, like T. B., under the
impression that a Queen was a settled institution in Achin.
^ Schouten is alluding to this tyrannical monarch when he says,
vol. ii. p. 131, "They [the people of Achin] respect their King from
a spirit of servitude and slavery and from servile fear, more than from
any love they have for him. They have reason to fear him for he
exercises a very tyrannical power over them, so much so that for very
slight causes which could not be considered crimes, he has their hands
and feet cut off. Capital offences are not treated with more humanity.
ACHIN 297
Hee, for a Very Small Offence of any Eminent Person
in the Kingdome, wold cause him or them immediately to
be apprehended and brought into the Pallace yard, where
a fire was prepared, and there must hold a Pot of Rice and
water over the fire Upon theire right hand naked, untill the
rice were boyled or theire hand burnt off, which wold
certainly doe in a Short time, and many more inhumane
cruelties he dayly Offered upon his poor Subjects, and was
soe cruel that he put to death most of his owne kindred,
and for many years he delighted in Nothinge but the
Sheddinge of Innocent blood, which doubtlesse made his
people weary Enough of him.
I have heard Some of the most Noted men now in
Office declare many of his inhumane Cruelties, one of which
was a most Strange One, vizt.
When he had tyrannized many years Over his people,
and was well Striken in years, and haveinge been a little
mercifull in leaveinge himselfe one Son alive, he called him
to him, and Seriously demanded of him how he thought
to rule and Governe Such a Multitude of Stiffe necked
people. The Younge Prince knowinge his Father hated
any Clemency towards them, answered Tyrannically alsoe,
(but 'tis Supposed he meant not soe to doe) that he wold
Governe them with Ease Enough and yet inflict more
cruelty on them then Ever his Father did, and told him
he wold make them boyle rice upon theire bare Sculls,
whereas he onely made them doe it on their hands, Which
soe enraged the Old bloody Tyrant, that he drew his
He always inflicts the death penalty and in a very cruel fashion."
Schouten is apparently relating stories that were still current at the
time of his visit to Achin, for, when he was there, in 1663, he says that
a Queen regent was in office.
Crawfurd, Diet, of the Indian Islands ^ s.v, Achin, says that the name
of the King who reigned from 1606 to 1641 (the monarch described by
T. B.), was '^Sekander muda, a title half-Arabic and half- Malay, which
may be translated 'Alexander the Younger'."
298 ACHIN
Creest^ and Stabbed his Son dead, himselfe Utteringe
words to this Sence, that future ages Shold never have
cause to Say that a more Severe or bloody Tyrant then
himself did Ever Sway the Scepter of Achin.
Not longe after death tooke away the Tyrant^ to the
great Joy of many thousands, and it is to be admired that
his Owne Subjects let him live Soe longe, and reigne
in Such wickednesse. They buried him decently in the
Pallace Royall amongst his Ancestors Tombs, and built
over him a very Stately one too, and covered it with Massy
Gold as some of the rest are, but withall guarded well the
Pallace, the Citty, the Garrisons and all Stronge holds,
fortyfyinge themselves well against all Kingly Goverment ;
and the wisest men assembled and chose to themselvs
a Queen, the next heiresse to the Crowne, but Enacted
Such laws that her issue need not be dreaded*.
I. That the Queen Shold never marry or know the
Use of man.
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Crease, the Malay dagger or kris. The
form in the text may be compared with the spelling Christ! adopted
by the translator of De la Loubkre, p. 15, where the passage runs,
"They [the Siamese] wear the Poniard on the left side, hanging a little
before. The Portuguese do call it Christ, a word corrupted from Crid,
which the Siameses use. This word is borrowed from the Malayan
Language... and the Crids which are made at Achim in the Isle of
Sumatra, do pass for the best of all." Compare also the following in
a letter from Bantam, 1682 {Factory Records^ Java, No. 6), "In the
Agents clossett was found just after his decease... four Creasses which
were Sealed with Mr. Benjamin Crockfords Seale...andfowre Creasses
Scabbards." T. B. in his Malay Did. has, "Creis, a Poniard, dagger,'*
and Dampier, vol. i. p. 401, "Cressets, or little Daggers."
2 i.e. in 1641. Compare the account by De Graaf, Voyages aux
I tides Orientales, p. 24, "While I was at Achin [in 1641], the king died
which caused great commotion among the great men, and cost the
lives of a great many people for each one wished to be king... Finally
the queen was proclaimed regent of the kingdom, and she has reigned
for several years."
3 It seems, from the statements of Schouten and De Graaf (see
note on p. 296 and note 2 above), that the appointment of a queen
was at first only a provisionary arrangement, and that until her
position was absolutely secure, she was looked upon as a regent of
the kingdom.
ACHIN 299
2. That noe man in the Kingdome Shold presume to
have a Sight of her after Chosen Queene.
3. That the Lords and Justices &c. Shold cause noe
act or law (now Established) to be Violated, or
any Other to be made without the Queen her
Consent and good likeinge thereunto.
4. That her Attendants Shold not be lesse then 500
women and Eunuchs.
With many Others all diligently Observed ^
The Men in Office that (Under theire Queene) governe
this Kingdome are Entitled as followeth.
The Meer Raja* vizt. the Lord Treasurer, the Lexi-
mana'* the Lord Generall, and the great Orongkay is Lord
Chiefe Justice. There are other Orongkays* and under
this, as alsoe Shabandars under them* and the Queen's
greatest Eunuchs, but are all very Submissive and re-
spective to the Queen, not dareinge to act or doe any
businesse of importance before they have throughly
acquainted the Queen thereof She hath Severall Eunuchs
of very acute witt about her that advise with her to con-
descend to what is requesite. Not one man, Woman or
Childe is admitted to get a sight of her, Save the Women
^ Compare Dumpier^ vol. ii. p. 142, "The Queen of Achin, as 'tis
said, is always an old Maid, chosen out of the Royal Family. What
Ceremonies are used at the chusing of her I know not : Nor who are
the Electors ; but I suppose they are the Oronkeys."
2 Compare Meer Moonshee. These terms are not found in Hobson-
Jobson, though they are as worthy of note as Mem Sahib. For amir
and raja^ see notes on p. 39.
3 See note on p. 260.
* See note on p. 260. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, "Oran chookee,
Custome-house officer.''
^ See note on p. 242. Compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 141, "This
Country [Achin] is governed by a Queen, under whom there are
12 Oronkeyes, or great Lords, These act in their several precincts
with great power and authority. Under these there are other in-
feriour Officers, to keep the Peace in the several parts of the Queen's
dominions. The present Shabander of Achin is one of the Oron-
keyes."
3CX) ACHIN
and Eunuchs that are of her attendants, and Some Eunuchs
her chiefe Councellours^ but when businesse with her doth
present, the great Orongkay or Some of the Others doe
come into the Pallace and declare theire businesse to some
of her Councell, who informe her thereof; and if She con-
descends thereunto, She Sendeth downe to them her Chopp
i,e, her broad Seale', and then it is granted accordinge to
theire request. If the Chopp cometh not downe to them,
they must desist from the businesse in hand and mind
Somethinge else.
The Chopp is made of Silver 8 or lo inches longe, and
like to a Mace which openeth on the topp where the Signet
is Enclosed*.
Before any forraigner can land in this Port he must
receive this Chopp, and then hath he freedom to buy and
Sell and land his goods at pleasure. The like must be
done when he is almost ready to depart the Countrey, by
the Master or Commander onely, else it is taken as a most
grosse Affronts
^ Compare Dajnpier^woX. ii. p. 142, "After she [the Queen of Achin]
is chosen, she is in a manner confin'd to her Palace ; for by report, she
seldom goes abroad, neither is she seen by any People of inferiour
rank and quality, but only by some of her Domesticks."
2 See note on p. 118. Compare the following extracts from Factory
Records, Fort St George, No. 28, under date 19th June and 2nd August
1680: "Your Ocoon [Akkun] had put his chaup or seal to the
Certificate as well as the Dustuckt [rfastak] or handwriting... The Chop
that you Chop your letters now of late with is not the same you did
use to Chop before, but of a new Chop." Compare also Dumpier^
vol. ii. p. 16, "The Governor or his Deputy [at Tonquin] gives his Chop
or Pass to all Vessels that go up or down."
3 Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. H. p. 103, thus describes the
"Chopp": "On my Arrival [at Achin] I took the Chap at the great
Rivers Mouth, according to Custom. This Chap is a Piece of Silver
about 8 Ounces Weight, made in Form of a Cross, but the cross Part
is very short."
* Compare the experience of Captain Atkins who anchored in the
**Road of Atchine" on the loth April, 1675 {O.C, No. 4045), "nth
Sunday in the morning sent our Purser in our Penace to desire leave
and to fill some water, and to procure some provisions, but no Ad-
mittance of anything, till Receiv'd the Queens Chopp: 12th I went on
ACHIN 301
The way wee take it is thus. Soe Soone as any Ship
or Vessel doth anchor in the Roade of Achin, there is Sent
ofif from the Custome-house a small flyinge Prow^ that
Cometh on board and demandeth of the Master whence he
came and of what Nation he is, and whether he come to
trade or not, or purpose to come On Shore. If he doth, the
Prow goeth on Shore againe and acquainteth one of the
Shabandares, who applyeth himselfe to the Great Orongkay
and the Choppe is made ready about 9 or 10 the next
morninge, and brought to Quala^ vizt. the barre att the
River's mouth by one of the Queen's Eunuchs attended
with Some of the Custome-house Officers, and commonly
the English Dubashee', and the Commander is Sent for on
Shoar to theire Guard where mett with some English Marchants and
notice given to the Oran Koye, one of the Queens Cappons [eunuchs,
O.E. capun\ brought downe the Chopp which when Received according
to theire manner of Seremonies, had then free leave or Liberty granted
to water or to buy what provission or Necessaryes theire Country
aforded."
^ i,e, an outrigged canoe. Compare Dumpier^ vol. ii. p. 131, "They
[the Achinese carpenters] are also ingenious enough in building Proes,
making very pretty ones, especially of that sort which are Flying-
Proes ; which are built long, deep, narrow, and sharp, with both sides
alike, and outlagers on each side, the Head and Stem like other Boats
...and will sail very well: for which reason they had that name given
them by the English." Compare also Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. 45,
"Their flying Proes [at Achin] are only for fishing, coasting, and
visiting the Islands thereabouts : Sometimes, I am told, they run out
to the Nicobar Islands, which is the longest Trip they make. These
are so narrow, two Men cannot stand a breast in the widest part of
them ; the Bottom is a long Canoe, or Tree hoUow'd without a Keel,
the Sides are raised with Planks about 3 Foot above it, bending a little
inward, till near the Top, where it turns out bell-wise. The Planks
within half a Foot of each end, are left as sharp as possible, not
pointed like a Wherry, but perpendicular with an Edge ; the Canoe
jets out beyond the other part of the Vessel, and when loaden is quite
under Water ; the Rudder is like a wooden Knife, with which they
stear very dexterously : To keep them up-right, they have Outlayers
on each Side, with Planks of light Wood at the Ends of them, which
secure them so well from over-setting, that they will bear the greatest
Sea, and when an English Primace [? pinnace] with two Sails will go
five Miles an Hour, these with a small one will run a dozen."
2 i.e, kuwala^ the mouth or estuary of a river ; the point of junction
of a tributary stream and a river ; Wilkinson, Malay Diet. See also
Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Calay (foot-note).
3 i.e. interpreter. See note on p. 37.
302 ACHIN
Shore, and received by them with many Complements, and
the Chopp is delivered tp him. He must receive it in both
hands and lift it up to his Forehead as makeinge Obey-
sance to the Queen, which done he hath free liberty as
afore Said^; onely when he cometh up to towne he must
goe to the Custome-house, and there Sitt and discourse
with the Chiefe officers there, and one of the Chiefe of the
Eunuchs is there alsoe. The maine discourse held is of
what Foraign news, and I judge the Queen is soon made
acquainted thereof.
And there wee pay for the Chopp 3 pieces of very
fine callicos or Muzlinge^ or 4 tailes in moneys vizt.
four pounds Sterlinge*.
The Same day or on the morrow followinge, he must
goe and pay his respects to the Orongkay*, and with noe
1 Compare Lockyer, Trade in India^ P* 35 f> "On the Arrival of
a Ship [at Achin], the Shabander must be apply'd to for the Liberty to
trade. At the great Quala or Rivers Mouth, those that go first a Shore
are examin'd by the Cards, who presently give notice of their coming,
to the Officers, whose Province it is to settle the Preliminarys ; which
is only a formal Oath to observe the Articles, made between the
Company and the Achines, by Mr. Henry Grey ; and to be faithful to
the King and Country during their stay. This is administred by the
Shabander, or his chief Officer's lifting, very respectfully a short
Dagger in a Gold Case, like a Scepter, three times to their Heads;
and is called receiving the Chop for Trade. It ought to be performed
by the gravest, most knowing, and Men of the best Appearance ; in
consideration of the ill Consequences a false Step in the Beginning
might render one liable to in managing one's Affairs at Court after-
wards."
2 See note on p. 5. Compare the following in a letter from Achin
to Surat, 28th Sept. 1669, Factory Records^ Surat, No. 105, "The 22nd
[May, 1669] the Queens Chop came aboard of us according to Custome,
to Licence our coming on shore, to whom we presented 2 peeces Baftas
of vallew 3 tale 1 5 man [? mace]." Compare also Lockyer, Trade in
India, p. 36, "Two Pieces of fine Cotton Cloth at the first coming, and
two more on departure to the King [of Achin]."
3 See note on p. 281. T. B. must mean a tael in gold, and if the
gold tael was worth £1 sterling as he states, then gold valued in the
Malay States at £1 the oz. and the ratio of silver to gold there varied
between 4 and 3 to i, a remarkable but by no means impossible
occurrence.
* Compare the following from the Kedah letter already quoted on
p. 263, "The 28th [May, 1669] visited the Orankay Puglah Lemar
Bunder... his pride would not permit him to take much notice of us."
ACHIN 303
Small reverence, first Observinge to pull off his Shoes
(although never soe cleane) and leave them att the doore or
in the Court Yard. When that is done, he is invited to Sitt
downe Upon Carpets^ but after theire owne fashion crosse
legged, to any new comer very Uneasie, but not soe to
those of this countrey that doe Sit thus with a Naturall
facilitie.
Here must he waite an hour or two before the Orongkay
will appeare, but in the interim the Shabandar and Du-
bashee and one or Other belongeinge to this great man
doth accompanie him and discourse most friendly ; and
there are Sett before him Store of Betelee Areca'* to eat,
and tobacco to Chaw, a Custome used all India and South
Seas over. If wee be not accustomed thereto, yet in the
way of civilitie and respect to them wee must take Some
into our hands, or they will be very angry, and will not
Easily be pacified, and hinder us in the Sale of our good[s]
in a very great measure, although Seemingly they be our
good Friends.
Here the Orongkay must be presented with one piece
of Baftos* to the Value of 2 tailes, and 3 or 4 or 6 bottles
of rosewater. He discourseth about one houre, askinge
many questions, Some of which are ridiculous Enough if
they came not from the mouth of a person of soe great
a qualitie.
And withall wee make agreement with him how much
wee must pay to the Queen for the landinge our Cargoe.
The Contract been [? between] us and the Court of Achin
hath been of longe Standinge 50 tails per Ship, if laden
^ See note on p. 240. 2 See note on p. 30.
3 Compare Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. 36, "Two Pieces of Callico
or Silk to the Shabander, and head Oronkoy or chief Minister of
State... these give each a fat Capon in return. If one would be
very exact, I am told, 'tis five Tale Fees, two Pieces of Taffitea
of two Tale each to the Shabander, and two more to the head
Oronkoy."
304 ACHIN
with fine goods (admitt the Ship be great or Small)\ But
againe, if wee have a quantitie of course goods On board,
vizt. Rice, gramme^ Wheat, Oyle, butter*, or the like, they
are to make an abatennent of lo, 15, or 20 tails, accordinge
as the quantitie is, and noe Other duties are payable by
any of the English Nation Except the Chopp in and out,
neither are any of our goods carried to the Custome house
as all Other peoples are, which is a great helpe and honour
to our Nation. These priviledges were granted to our
Nation above 100 years agoe*, and are Still confirmed by
Every New Queen as She cometh in place', Which causeth
the people in Generall to respect us very much, and
Entertaine us with abundance of Civilities and Court Ship.
The Betelee Areca* is here in great plenty and much
^ Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. 36, says that in his day sixteen or
seventeen taels covered the value of the presents and the "acknowledg-
ment for Custom."
2 See note on p. 121. Compare the following from Factory Records^
Masulipatam, No. 9, under date 27th April, 1672, "Pray send us as
soone as possible 50 Candy of horse Gram for the stable, that of these
parts [Fort St George] being neither good nor Cheape."
3 See notes on pp. 132, 247, and 289.
* T. B. is evidently alluding to the concession obtained by Captain
Lancaster from the King of Achin in 1602. See Foster, Letters re-
ceived by the East India Co., vol. i., Introduction, p. xxv. and pp. i — 4
for this document. In 1669 Mr Henry Gray obtained for the Company
from the Queen of Achin a renewal and modification of these privileges.
In the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet., T. B. says, "The
English are free of all Custom by ancient agreement, only a Present
to the Queen, and some small Port charges, all other Nations pay great
Customs." Compare Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 36, "Other Nations
pay five to eight per Cent. Custom on their Cargos...But the English
are at no other Charge than the usual Presents to the King and
Courtiers."
^ T. B. was in Achin at the time of the death of the second of the
four Queens of Achin, and his statement probably arises from the fact
that the "New Queen" carried on the policy of her predecessor towards
the English.
^ See note on p. 30. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, " Beetle-leaf is
much eaten in India. Beetle-nut is eaten with the leaf." Compare
De la Loub^re, p. 23, " The Areca, which the Siameses do call Plou^
is a kind of great Acorn, which yet wants that wooden Cup wherein
our Acorn grows. When this Fruit is yet tender, it has at the center
or heart a greyish substance, which is as soft as Pap. As it dries it
ACHIN 305
better then in many Other countries of the East and
South Seas. Very few houses here but have Severall
trees of it growinge that beare all the yeare longe, and the
inhabitants in Generall doe Eat thereof, prepared thus :
They cutt the Areca nut into very thin Slices, and put
about one halfe of a nut into their mouth, and then one
betelee leafe or two (accordinge as they are in bignesse),
and Spread a little qualified lime thereon, which by them
is called Chenam^ which folded up togeather they eat
with the Nut, which after a little Chewing doth produce
very much Liquorish moisture in the mouth, which for the
most part they Swallow downe, and after a good while
chewinge untill it is dry, they spit it out and take more
that is fresh, and thus will they almost all day longe chew
betelee Areca. They hold it good for the Stomach, and
keepinge the breath Sweet, the latter of which I am very
well Satisfied in, but if the Nut be green, which here is
very much in Use, they onely cutt the nutt in 2 pieces and
paringe off a little of the green rine, eat it with betelee
waxes yellower and harder, and the soft substance it has at the heart
grows hard too: It is always bitter and savory. After having cut
it into four parts with a knife, they take a piece every time, and chew
it with a Leaf resembling Ivy called Betel by the Europeans which
are at the Indies, and Mak by the Siameses. They wrap it up to
put it the more easily into the mouth and do put on each a small
quantity of Lime made of cockleshells and redded by I know not
what art."
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Chunam. See Ind. AnL vol. xxx. p. 136.
Compare the following from an article in the Mad. Man. Admn. vol. iii.
s.v. Choonam, "Choonam...Lime whether slaked or unslaked, but
the former is generally meant... The finest choonam from oyster shells
(chippy choonam \sipi chunam^ shell lime]) is chewed with betel-leaf
There is a Tamul proverb: 'The essence of paun is in the choonam.'"
Compare also Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 54, "The Betle Leaf is the great
entertainment in the East for all Visitants ; and 'tis always given with
the Arek folded up in it. They make up the Arek in pellets fit for use,
by first peeling off the outer green hard rind of the Nuts, and then
splitting it length ways in 3 or 4 parts, more or less, according to its
bigness. Then they dawb the Leaf all over with Chinam or Lime
made into a Morter or Paste, and kept in a Box for this purpose,
spreading it thin."
T. 20
306 ACHIN
as the Other, which doth eat much more pleasant then the
Old ones doe'.
The Leafe is the betelee', a broad leafe not very much
Unlike to an Ivie leafe, only Somethinge thinner, and
groweth resemblinge the Vine, as followeth [Plate XVII.].
Areca^ vizt. commonly called betelee Nut, doth grow
Upon a very comely Streight and Slender tree, taperinge
in joynts, and the nutt groweth out of the body thereof
below the branches as followeth [Plate xvil.]. It is a very
hard wood, and much Used by many in India to make
lances and pikes On.
All Masters of English Ships and Vessels are very
Nobly Entertained here, they Still retaininge the Civilities
at first Settlinge in Use, and I hope wee Shall never give
them cause to the Contrary.
When all our Merchandise &c. is accomplished, and
wee are in readinesse and willinge to be gone, wee Send to
the Custome house the English Dubashee^ to informe the
Officers there that wee are ready and want onely the
Queen's Chopp *. They Straight ways give the Orongkay
^ Compare Dampier^ vol. i. p. 319, "Every Man in these parts
[Mindanao] carries his Lime-Box by his side, and dipping his Fmger
mto it, spreads his betel and Arek leaf with it... The Betel-Nut is most
esteem'd when it is young, and before it grows hard, and then they
cut it only in two pieces with the green husk or shell on it... It tastes
rough in the Mouth, and dies the Lips red, and makes the Teeth
black, but it preserves them, and cleanseth the Gums. It is also
accounted very wholsom for the Stomach ; but sometimes it will cause
great giddiness in the Head of those who are not us'd to chew it.
But this is the effect only of the old Nut, for the young Nuts will
not do it. I speak of my own Experience." Dampier here confuses
the areca nut with the betel leaf, a mistake which he rectifies . in
vol. ii. p. 54.
^ i.e, the Betel Vine or Sirih (chavici betel). Compare Bowring,
Siam^ vol. i. p. 113, "The betel {betel piper) is a creeping plant, pro-
ducing a long and somewhat fleshy leaf, nearly resembling a heart
in shape, of a sharp and aromatic flavour."
3 i,e. the Areca palm, areca catechu. See Watts, Diet, of Economic
Products of India^ s.v. Areca.
* See note on p. 37. ^ See note on p. 118.
ACHIN 307
Notice of it, and he repaireth to the Pallace, and hath
an Order granted that it may be made ready that day.
Sometimes it is referred a day or two, accordinge as
businesse at Court happeneth. Wee then goe to Visit
him (but not Empty handed), for it is the Custome with
these great men in Office to aske what you have brought
them (if you readily tender it not to them), and when they
come to Visit us, which often they doe, they have the like
confidence to aske what you will give them, but for what
given to the Orongkay there is little lost by it, for at our
arrivall he presenteth us with fowle and great Store of
fruit*, and before wee come to take leave of him, he
carrieth us to the Pallace, where wee are Entertained Upon
fine Carpets, fruit, and betelee Areca &c. Set before us,
where wee Sitt with our faces directly towards the Queens
Lodgeings, and from her is Sent to the English Com-
mander a Silke Suite of cloths with a turbant* after the
Malay fashion. He must receive them with great rever-
ence, Standinge Up and makeinge a Sumbra^ to the
Queens Windows, She all the while looketh upon us,
although wee cannot See her. The great men doth helpe
to dresse the Commander, for at that very instant he must
put them on, and then, after many complements, taketh
leave of the Orongkay, beinge the chiefe man concerned
in all the Affaires of the Shipps and Commerce*.
In the Pallace yard is provided a Very Stately warre
^ See note on p. 303. ^ See note on p. 156.
3 This word is not in Hobson-Jobson, It is the Malay sembaky
which Wilkinson, Malay DicL^ defines as " A salutation, a respectful
address ; the actual act of salutation or homage consisting in raising
the hands to the face."
* Compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 142 f., "The present Shabander of
Achin is one of the Oronkeyes...all Merchant Strangers at their first
arrival, make their Entries with him, which is always done with a good
Present: and from him they take all their dispatches when they
depart ; and all matters of importance in general between Merchants
are determined by him."
20 — 2
308 ACHIN
Elephant richly adorned with his trappings and his
Pavilion [Plate XVII.], his teeth tipped with Coppar gilded
over, but carrieth not his Chaine*. Upon this Elephant
the Commander must ride to his house where he dwelled,
or to the English Factory^ (accompanied with one or more
of the Grandees of the Kingdome), and Severall pipes,
drums, flaggs, &c. carried before them by foot men, order-
inge all persons whatsoever to Stand out of the way
Immediately. If any refuse to Obey that command, they
Spare not to lance him to the ground, that dares to hinder
him of a free and cleare passadge that the Queen respects.
Many of the Merchants bringe rosewater to throw upon
them as they ride through the Cittie, which here is ac-
compted a great piece of honour and respect. When they
come to the English house appointed, they light off the
Elephant and walke in, where abundance of their Cere-
moniall Complements and good wishes are Used, and Soe
take leave of each Other; and thus all the Ceremonies are
ended for that Voyadge, onely once more he must goe to
the Custome house and there take the Chopp^ for his
departure, and then may immediately goe on board and
Saile if they please, or Stay as longe as they please after-
wards, but it is the custome not to take leave untill fully
resolved to Saile in 2 or 3 days. The State wee ride in
from the Pallace is as here demonstrated [Plate XVII.]*.
^ See page 274 f. and note.
2 When T. B. lived at Achin {circ. 1687), the English trade was
in a more flourishing condition than when Matthew Gray wrote to
Surat, 28th Sept. 1669, Factory Records^ Surat, No. 105, "We found
here [Achin] no house of the Companys but an old Warehouse built
by Meangee [Mlanji, a title, probably of some merchant of the place,
see p. 263], which wee propt up the best we could, and housed there
the Companys Goods... We finding this trade drawing to an end, and
not worth our Residence here were unwilling to put the Honble.
Company to the charge of Building a house..."
3 See note on p. 118.
* T. B. undoubtedly speaks from personal observation and ex-
perience. Compare Dmnpier^ vol. ii. p. 144 f., "Captain Thwait,
according to custom went with his Present to the Queen, which she
ACHIN 309
When a Present is Sent to the Queen from the Presi-
dent of Suratt^ or Agent and Governour of Fort St. Georg's,
soe Soone as the Grandees have any certain Intelligence
there of, they make it known to the Queen (by her
Eunuchs), and She appointeth a certain day for the
reception thereof, which is then performed with very great
State, haveinge all (or the Major, part) of the Grandees of
Achin to attend it to the Pallace. The English Merchant
and Commander, and any of his Friends (of his owne
Nation) ride Upon Stately Elephants as beforementioned.
When they Enter the Pallace, the English are Very Royally
Seated Upon Carpets of Persian worke^ very rich and
beautifull to behold, and behind them are placed the
Grandees, then the Ordinary Officers belongeinge to her
Majesties guards and Customehouse in a very great
retinue, all Frontinge the Queen's Windows, who, as 'tis
Said, doth earnestly behold them, Especially the English,
and doubtlesse cold She have her owne will, wold have
more then a Sight of some of them. Now is a Great Gold
betelee box* as bigge as one of [the] eunuchs can well
accepted, and complemented him with the usual Civilities of the
Country ; for to honour him he was Set upon an Elephant of the
Queens to ride to his Lodgings, drest in a Malayan Habit, which
she gave him ; and she sent also two Dancing Girls to shew him
some pastime there."
^ This is another instance of T. B/s accuracy. The " Presidency"
was not transferred to Bombay till 1687.
2 Fryer, p. 263 f., has, " Ispahaun...Silk Buzzars...set apart for
choice commodities... Persian carpets, both Woollen and Silk, inter-
mixed with Gold and Silver very costly, which are the peculiar manu-
facture of the Country."
^ See note on p. 30. Compare Dumpier, vol. ii. p. 54 f., " Chinam,
Betle and Arek...the Mandarins, or great men [at Tonquin] have
curious oval Boxes, made purposely for this use, that will hold 50 or
60 Betle Pellets. These Boxes are neatly lackered and gilded, both
inside and outside, with a cover to take off ; and if any stranger visits
them, especially Europeans, they are sure, among other good enter-
tainment, to be treated with a Box of Betle. The Attendant that
brings it holds it to the left hand of the stranger; who therewith
taking off the cover, takes with his right hand the Nuts out of the
Box. 'Twere an affront to take them, or give or receive any thing
with the left hand [as in India]..."
/
3IO ACHIN
beare in his arms, brought downe and placed before them,
and they must eat thereof, although never Soe little, which
is accompted as great an honour here, as knighthood in
the Courts of European Kings there.
The present of fine Callicoes\ Cloth of Gold, or what
else, is carried up in great State Upon Golden Vessels,
borne by the greatest of the Eunuchs with Gilded Pavilions
carried over them, and the letter to the Queens Majestie is
carried up by it Selfe in great State and royally attended
by Some of her Speciall favorites.
Then with great feastinge, with Varieties of Victualls,
bottles of wine and Sweetmeats, the time is passed away
for one houre or two, haveinge many Sorts of Excellent
fruit Set before us, and which to us is most delightable is
the Warre Elephants* are brought into the Pallace yard,
where they fight in very great fury, graplinge with theire
teeth and Strikeinge with all their force with theire trunks
the Bufifolos ^, and fight with each other and with admirable
courage. They alsoe Use cocke fightinge in a Very great
measure*, and will lay very great wagers on that Game.
After a great many Such Sports and Exercises, the
English are carried home in as great State as they came,
and word is sent them from her Majestie not to forget her
answer, which before they goe is done both by retalliation
and alsoe her letter to the Said English Governour that
was soe kind to write to her Majestie.
Her attendants are Said to be lOO Eunuchs and looo
of the comliest women the Countrey or Citty affordeth.
They Show themselvs Openly Every day, and to my
thinkinge many of them are very comely and much whiter
then the Common Sort of Natives are.
^ See note on p. 5. 2 See note on p. 274.
3 See note on p. 279.
* Compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 184, "The Malayans here are great
lovers of Cock-fighting.''
ACHIN 311
Anno Domini 1675 the Old Queen of Achin died, and
in her Old age,- for she might well be called Old, haveinge
Reigned Queen Ever Since the Death of theire Tyrannicall
Kinge, which was noe lesse then Sixty odde years ^ in soe
much that many thousands of the Natives cold scarse be
posest with a beliefe they had a Queen for many years
before her death, but that it was the policie of the Grandees
to make them to believe it. But now she was certainly
dead, they all in Generall were Satisfied that a Queen had
Governed them soe longe and in peace. I was then in
Achin when She died, and saw a generall mourning for
her. Some did it willingly, but those that did not were
after a Strange manner Compelled to it. The mourninge
of the female Sect was to cut the haire of theire heads,
which was performed, but to many of them by Violence,
for those that wold not doe it were taken out into the
market place and there compelled to doe [it] in publicke,
without any respect to theire ranke and qualitie.
The men mourned 3 Months in Old garments, and
^ T. B. is here repeating his previous error. As stated before,
note on p. 295, the tyrant king did not die till 164 1. Crawfurd, Diet,
of the Indian Is., s.v, Achin, says, " Four of the Achinese sovereigns
in succession, over a period of sixty years, were women, the puppets
of an oligarchy of the nobles." This period, we find, embraced the
years 1641 to 1700, for Lockyer, Trade in India, says, p. 57, **They
[the Achinese] are at present \circ. 1710!, under the Government of
a King which has not been long." Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. ii.
p. 102, fixes the date of the close of female government, for he tells
us that, on the death of the Queen of Achin in 1700, a king was
chosen. The four queens appear to have succeeded as follows: —
The first reigned from 1641 till 1669. Her death is mentioned in
a letter from Fort St George to Surat, 24th August, 1669 {Factory
Records, Surat, No. 105), where we read, *'Wee have bin informed
that the Queene of Achine being dead they are there embroyled in
Civill warrs." The second queen died in 1675, as stated in the text,
after a reign of only six (not sixty) years. The death of the third
queen is recorded by Dampier, vol. ii. p. 143, in 1688, she having
reigned thirteen years. The fourth and last queen died in 1700,
according to Hamilton, who, however, says nothing of the death of
T. B.'s "Old Queen" in 1675, although he describes an attack made
on her by the Dutch in that year.
312 ACHIN
were forbidden all manner of gameinge and Sports dureinge
the Said time.
This Old Queen was Sore Visited with Sicknesse five
weeks before She died, duringe which time there was
great Suspicion and feare of a Rebellion with Some of the
inhabitants of Achin, Assisted by many of the inland
people, but as great care as possible cold be and means to
prevent it were Used by the Grandees, who caused the
Citty to be more then doubly guarded, more Especially
the Pallace that was guarded with Some thousands of
armed men, and 600 warre Elephants diligently attended,
and Opium 3 times a day given them to animate them
in the highest degree S and Severall resolute and well
Effected people to this Goverment put into Office both in
the Citty and in the Fortifications of this Country some
miles Eastward of Achin I
Noe Sooner was a Period put to her days on Earth,
but the Lords placed another in her Stead, who then
Immediately Stept into the Throne, and [was] Immedi-
ately proclaimed Queen, and all the Gunns were fired in
theire Forts and Castles to welcome into place theire New
Queene, scarcely mentioninge the Old ones death untill
10 days afterwards when they found all was in peace and
quietnesse, and then a fast and mourninge were generally
proclaimed, and very Strictly Observed. Yet they found
1 Compare Fryer^ p. iii, "The Pattamars...the Wrestlers... use
Opium to make them perform things beyond their strength.'*
^ There were no fortifications at Achin when De Graaf visited the
place in 1641. He says, Voyages^ p. 22 f, "Acjiin is about 2 miles in
circuit, but it has neither bastions nor walls. Outside the city are
to be seen some ruined fortifications and a few pieces of fine cast
cannon without carriages lying on the sand. These cannon were
formerly taken from the Portuguese and the King of Johor." The de-
scription by Dumpier in 1688 is very similar. He says, vol. ii. p. I29f ,
" The City [of Achin] has no Walls, nor so much as a Ditch about
it... The Queen has a large Palace here...Tis said there are some
great Guns about it, 4 of which are of Brass, and are said to have
been sent hither as a Present by our K. James the ist."
ACHIN 313
for a truth her death caused noe alteration of Sex to
Governed
The Inhabitants up in the Countrey not above 20 or
30 miles off Achin are for the most part disaffected to this
Sort of Goverment, and Scruple not to Say they will have
a Kinge to rule and beare dominion over them^ and that
the true heire to the Crowne is yet alive and hath Severall
Sons, and him they will obey. He is one that liveth
amongst them, a great promoter of a Rebellion, and often-
times doth much prejudice both in Citty and Countrey,
although I believe it is and will be past his reach or
Skill Ever to Obtaine the Goverment of Achin. Yett I
have l?een in Achin when about 700 of these insolent
highlanders have come downe to the Citty, and on a
Sudden rushed into the Pallace Royall, and plundered
it, to the great Astonishment of all the Citizens, Especi-
ally the Lords, who were soe affrighted with soe Sudden
and desperate attempt, that theire onely care for the
present was to Secure theire Owne Persons. They^ carried
away above 100 Picul* of fine Gold out of the Treasury,
^ The succession in Dampier's time was not accomplished so
quietly. He says, vol. ii. p. 143 f., "While I was on my Voyage to
Tonquin [in 1688], the old Queen died, and there was another Queen
chosen in her room, but all the Oronkeys were not for that Election ;
many of them were for chusing a King. Four of the Oronkeys who
lived more remote from the Court, took up Arms to oppose the new
Queen and the rest of the Oronkeys, and brought 5 or 6000 men
against the City : and thus stood the- state of affairs, even when we
arrived here, and a good while after. This Army was on the East
side of the River, and had all the Country on that side, and so much
of the City also, as is on that side the River, under their power : But
the Queen's Palace and the main part of the City, which stands on
the West side, held out stoutly." Dampier left Achin before "these
stirs" were at an end.
2 See above, note i. ^ i.e, the thieves.
* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Pecul, the Malay cwt. See Ind. Ant,
vol. xxviii. p. 37 ff. r. B. in his Malay Diet, has, " Catee is a Weight,
100 makes a Pecool," and " Pecool, a weight used in many parts of
India, the Malay Pecool contains Averdupoiz, 1. 198, oz. 5, dw. 9, gr. 10."
Compare the following in a letter from Masulipatam, 19th April, 1678,
O. C, No. 4397, " The weight in Siam was 7 pecull and every pecull
314 ACHIN
but were too covetous in Striveinge for more, which
caused Such a delay in theire flight that wrought the! re
overthrow, for the Citty rose up in arms and fell Upon
them, and killed and tooke prisoners above 500 of them.
Those taken alive were put to death every man Save One
who Upon his Examination was found to be a Mola^ or
Mahometan Priest, for which reason he was by the Siddy^
or Bishop of Achin freed from the death his consorts died,
but not from Severe Punishment, for the law tooke Such
hold of him that he was Served as Other petty thieves in
this Citty are for the first and Secound fault, which was to
have both hands and feet cut off in the joints, and his cure
taken care for, his goods and Chatties confiscated, and he
turned out a begginge for meat and drinke, the which was
fully Executed upon him^
There be many of them in this Citty ; some of them are
soe ingenuous that they can goe very well with Crutches,
haveinge a joynt of a large bamboo * fitted for each legge,
as in figure followinge [Plate xviil.].
to way one hundred and thirty pound." Compare also Dampier^
vol. ii. p. 132, "To proceed with their Weights [at Achin], which they
use either for Money or Goods, 100 Catty make a Pecul, which is
132I. English weight."
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Moollah. Compare Tavernier, who, in
describing his visit to the King of Bantam, says, vol. i. part ii. p. 198,
** There was a Moulla then read to him, who seem'd to interpret to
him something of the Alcoran in the Arabick language."
2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Seedy, a corruption of Saiyyid. This
reference is valuable for the history of the Anglo-Indian term, now
in common parlance an East African negro. Compare Alex. Hamilton,
East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 102, "This Harmony continued till the Year
1700, that the Queen [of Achin] died, and a Seid or Preacher getting
a strong Party, was made King, promising to do wonders."
3 This is a circumstantial account, and T. B. was no doubt an
eye-witness of the scenes he describes. I can, unfortunately, find no
contemporary confirmation of this raid on the Queen's Palace.
* See note on p. 249. Compare Dampier, vol. ii. p. 139, "On Pulo
Way there are none but this sort of Cattle : and tho' they all of them
want one or both hands, yet they so order matters, that they can
row very well, and do many things to admiration, whereby they are
able to get a livelihood: for if they have no hands, they will get
somebody or other to fasten Ropes or Withes about their Oars, so
ACHIN 315
The Laws of this Kingdome are Very Severe in many
respects, Especially for theft, more cruel then for murther,
for then 'tis death without any tediousnesse, but for theft it
cometh gradually on with great affliction.
If a Thiefe be apprehended that hath Stolen any thinge
to the Value of 4 mace^ vizt. 05s. English, he is with all
Speed carryed to the Pallace, and before the Chiefe Orong-
kay's face both his hands are cutt off in the joynts, for the
Secound Small crime his feet, and, upon his committinge
a third, his head. Yet, if the first crime be any thinge
considerable vizt. to the Value of a Cow or Buffolo,
which Exceedeth not 30s. English, it is present death,
more welcome to them then the former punishments, but
that is to make Examples forOthers^
And very Strangely they are Executed, as followeth.
Soe Soone as apprehended, they are the same day or the
next at furthest, Examined before the Lord Chiefe Justice
as to leave Loops wherein they may put the stumps of their Arms ;
and therewith they will pull an Oar lustily. They that have one hand
can do well enough : and of these you shall see a great many, even
in the City." Compare also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. in,
" When their Hand or Foot is to be cut off, they have a Block with
a broad Hatchet fixt in it with the Edge upwards, on which the Limb
is laid, and struck on with a wooden Mallet, till the Amputation is
made, and they have an hollow Bambow, or Indian Cane, ready to
put the Stump in, and stopt about with Rags or Moss, to keep the
Blood from coming out..."
^ See notes on pp. 115 and 281.
2 Compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 138 f., "A Thief for his first offence,
has his right hand chopt off at the Wrist : for the second offence off
goes the other ; and sometimes instead of one of their hands, one or
both their feet are cut off; and sometimes (tho' very rarely) both
hands and feet. If after the loss of one or both hands or feet they
still prove incorrigible, for there are many of them such very Rogues
and so arch, that they will steal with their Toes, then they are banish'd
to Pulo Way, during their lives : and if they get thence to the City,
as sometimes they do, they are commonly sent back again ; tho' some-
times they get a Licence to stay... Here at Achin, when a member
is thus cut off, they have a broad piece of Leather or Bladder ready
to clap on the Wound. This is presently applied, and bound on so
fast, that the Blood cannot issue forth. By this Means the great Flux
of Blood is stopt, which would else ensue ; and 1 never heard of any
one who died of it..."
3l6 ACHIN
and his Councell, and if found guilty are with great
Expedition delivered to the Executioners^ who lead the
Malefactor through the principal Streets of the Citty with
his hands bound behind him, and choose any place where
they will to Execute him in, where he may hange fairely
for a prospect Some 24 hours after his death, which they
cause thus: they make two Sticks fast one athwart his
windpipe, the other his neck, of about 3 foot in length each,
and before they Seize them togeather, some of his Friends
or acquaintance bringe him betelee Areca' to Eat and
water to wash his hands and face, att which one Mola' or
Other Uttereth 2 or 3 Sentences to him, to noe other
purpose then to trust in God and Mahomett their onely
Prophet for his Soul's health, which done, the Executioners
frapp* the Sticks togeather with Splitt rattans ^ laying the
Malefactor Upon his belly, and when they have neare
Strangled him, one of them, with a Sharpe Knife cutteth
a hole in his drawers or lungee*, and driveth a Sharpe
Stake Up his fundament, which runneth in at least 10 or
20 inches, and then is placed in the ground a Stake of 10
or 12 foot longe, to which they make the body fast, to
hange in forme of a Crucifix, where he must hange by law
untill the Same houre the next day, and then any of his
Friends may take him downe that will, and doe with his
body as Seemeth them best. But if the Said party have
noe Friends or relations to doe it, after 2 or 3 days the
^ Compare Dumpier^ vol. ii. p. 138, "The Laws of this Country
[Achin] are very strict, and offenders are punished with great severity.
Neither are there any delays of Justice here; for as soon as the
Offender is taken, he is immediately brought before the Magistrate,
who presently hears the matter, and according as he finds it, so he
either acquits, or orders punishment to be inflicted on the Party
immediately."
2 See note on p. 306. ^ See note on p. 314.
* Another of the many nautical terms in this MS. Murray, Ox-
ford Eng. Dict.y s,v. Frap, gives, as one meaning, " naut. To bind
tightly."
^ See notes on pp. 74, 250, 277. ^ See note on p. 55.
ACHIN 317
Executioners must do it by the law of the Countrey^
And yet, notwithstandinge the Utmost Severity of the
laws here are inflicted Upon the ofifendinge parties, many
here take very little warneinge thereby, for I believe there
is scarse one week passeth, but Severall persons are con-
demned and Executed, and those that have Suffered the
losse of hands or feet or both can Scarse refraine from
offendinge further', but will boldly adventure the neck to
boot As for instance :
A fellow that had been deprived of both hands and
feet yet came into the English Factory, and in the
night did rippe open a baile of fine blew baftoes^ and
thereout he tooke 7 pieces, and hid them Under his
arme, covered with his clowte that he wore over his
Sholders, and beinge a Cripple that used often to come
a begginge thither, none of the Servants at the gate
Suspected him. But, in the markett place. Some of the
Citty guards meetinge him, tooke him up for a Stragler
att Such unseasonable hours, and upon Examininge him,
and layinge hands on him, found he had somethinge more
then Ordinary about him, and Upon that Secured him
Untill the morninge, and then carried him (and his
purchase) before the great Orongkay*, and there the goods
were knowne by theire marks, and he condemned to dye.
Whereupon the Chiefe of the English Factorie * was Sent
^ See Schouten^ vol. i. p. 233, and Dampier, vol. ii. p. 140, for
similar descriptions of these tortures.
2 Compare the following in the Commission from the Council at
Surat to Matthew Gray, April, 1669, O, C. No. 3266, " Wee are informed
that place [Achin] is very much haunted by night theevs that doe not
only robb but are otherwise mischeifous in flinging fire upon the tops
of the Houses which being built of Combustible stuff is apt to receave
it, whereby too frequently great mischeife is done.*' Compare also
Alex. Hamilton, £as^ Indies^ vol. ii. p. no, ** No Place in the World
punishes Theft with greater Severity than Atcheen, and yet Robberies
and Murders are more frequent there than in any other Place."
3 See note on p. 272. * See note on p. 260.
^ This may have been Henry Chowne, who was in charge of the
Company's affairs in Achin in 1670.
3l8 ACHIN
for, where to admiration found he was robbed by such
a piece of man, and was well pleased with the fancie,
withall he did mightilie intercede for the fellows pardon,
which cold not by the Orongkay be granted, but had the
liberty granted to Petition the Queen, who in favour of
our Nation granted the man's life, a thinge rare in Achin.
The English Chiefe gave the Queen and all the Court
many and hearty thanks for the honour done him; and, in
the presence of the Orongkay gave the fellow 5 tailes\ vizt.
five pounds sterlinge, and chargeinge him never soe boldly
to adventure any more, and if he wanted a mace* or two
at any time he wold Supply his wants, all which clemencie
was very well taken by the Grandees &c. of Achin.
The English Factorie doth Stand in a very fine level
place neare to the Custome house, and is very well fenced
in, and is a very large and good Spot of ground very
Commodious for the Merchants to buy and Sell in. Not
many years agoe there was a most Sumptuos buildinge
beinge the dwellinge house for the Chiefe and his Factors,
but was consumed by fire, and the Company never Since
were willinge to be at the charges to build it up againe, by
reason now adays very few English men doe reside here
all the yeare but returne in the same Ships they come in,
and leave the Factory to a Servant or two to looke after it ;
yet there is a reasonable good dwellinge house in it, and
Storehouses Enough for 2 Ships Cargoes I
^ See notes on pp. 281 and 302. ^ g^g notes on pp. 115 and 281.
3 A Factory was settled at Achin in 161 5, but continuous Dutch
opposition caused it to be abandoned in 1646. Intermittent trade
between the Company and Achin went on until 1658 when a re-
settlement was discussed. In May of that year, the Court wrote to
Bantam, Letter Book ^ No. i, "The intimation which you have given
us relating to the proceedings of the Queen of Acheene against the
Dutch, and the Invitation given by her to our Nation for the enjoy-
ment of a trade in her ports hath given encouragement unto the
Company to send a ship for that place, with Commission to endeavour
the Settlement of a trade and Factorie under her protection, which
wee hope will come to a desired issue.*' In consequence of this order
ACHIN 319
Capt. William Curtis was sent to Achin with the Mayflower on a
trading voyage. In December, 1662, in a letter to Fort St George,
the Directors remarked {Letter Book^ No. 2), " Wee observe what you
have written us concerning the Ann Friggatt now called the Hope
her unprofitable Voyage to Acheene, whose marketts as you advise
us are soe clogged that nothing can bee sent that will produce the
prime Cost." After this disappointing report, nothing further was done
for a time, but in 1664 it was decided to attempt to check the growing
monopoly of trade by the Dutch. At a Consultation in Surat in March
of that year, it was agreed ** to be necessary to continue a factory at
Acheen were it only to keep a footing there," and, in accordance with
this decision, two Factors were sent on the Vine to re-settle the Factory.
At the same time the Council at Surat wrote to the Court {Factory
Records^ Misc. No. 2, p. 18), "The Queen of Acheen is very respec-
tive to your Servants that Voyage thither, and is very Desirous our
nation would undertake the whole trade of her Dominions ; she is in
great thoughts what the Dutch Intend... It is thought they intend
warr to bring the Queen and other Princes of the Island of Sumatra
to oblige them not to admitt the English into their ports, or to sell
a Corne of pepper unto them, and this is Certainly their drift; It is
a Rich Island, and affords many brave Commodityes that yeeld great
ad vantages... The Queen hath wrote your President a very kinde
letter, wherein she makes Large proffers if you would undertake the
whole Trade ; but then she will expect you protect her from the
Dutch, but you are not in a Condition to doe one or other however
we shall hold her in Expectation, and acquaint her we have advised
you of it, and await your Order."
The Vine was wrecked, and, in spite of an interchange of presents
between the Queen of Achin and Charles II., nothing further was
done towards re -settling the Factory until 1668, when a Commission
was given to Matthew Gray as Chief, and to Henry Chowne and
Charles Ward as Second and Third. In this Commission the Surat
Council stated {O. C. No. 3266), that "The Queen Some years since
did send us a kind of Embassy making great promises of graunting
us the whole trade of Acheen, Jeco, Priaman, &ca but it was then in
a time when we could not accept it, being in the heat of the Dutch
warr." Gray and his colleagues were ordered to find out **if the
Dutch tyranny" extended to all the ports of Achin. The Council
further stated that the Queen in former times had expressed great
favour to the English but " her bounty to us hath been much abused
by the Orankayes about her that take the advantage of her being
a woman to Impose more unreasonably on us then it is her will and
Pleasure they should. Wee doe acknowledge that Mr. Henry Gary
did contract to give the Queen yearly a present of 100 lb sterling
but then it was thought wee might have 2 or 3 Shipps yearly, in
which she had graunted the custome free of all the goodes belonging
to our nation, and likewise the fifth parte of customes for all other
Fraighters goodes, which were our trade so great would be well worth
such a present, but we having but one Shipp and that a small one,
lesse then the halfe may well serve her turne, besides this of a present
is an accustomary duty which she requires from all vessells that come
into her Port, and makes retumes to the full amount of what is given
her upon the coming away of the shipp or Vessell thence, and there-
fore since this [is] so common, wee hope she will not use us worse
then others that expect much more grace and favour from her and
320 ACHIN
therefore press her to show some particular kindness to the Company
for our future encouradgment."
Gray anchored in "Acheene Roade" on the 22nd May, 1669. In
September he wrote to Surat {O. C. No. 3346) that "The Dutch... are
almost Sole Masters of all the ports and trade of this Island [Sumatra]
there are but 2 ports to the westward of this [Achin] open from
whence is brought only Coconut Oyle Dammer wax Rice and other
provisions."
On hearing that orders had been sent to Fort St George to make
a settlement at Achin, the Surat Council recalled Mr Gray, in Nov.
1669, urging as an excuse that "our fort freinds want the growth of
those Countrys Pepper &ca more then we doe here." When Matthew
Gray left Achin on the " Jounk Nugdy^^ he reported that "the Atcheen
trade is Breathing its last " and he held out no hopes either to Surat
or to Fort St George of the practicability of settling a factory
there. He left Henry Chowne and Charles Ward in charge of the
Company's remaining property.
The Council at Fort St George were loth to repeat the failure of
the Surat Council. Although urged by the Court to write to the
" Queen of Atcheene composing your letter in such a complasent
method as may bee most acceptable unto her and therein to advise
her from us, that God willing the next yeare, wee shall order some
shipping to come to her Port for trade, and some person to make
Addresses to her Majestie," Agent Foxcroft replied that, since the
matter had been left to their judgment, he and his Council were of
opinion that the re-settlement of a factory at Achin would not be
worth the cost, especially as the procuring of " good store of pepper "
was one of the chief conditions.
After these repeated disappointments, the Directors gave up the
idea of settling a permanent factory at Achin. In November, 1670,
they wrote to Fort St George, " Wee have laid aside the thoughts of
any Factory at Acheene, finding what you advise by experience, in
that which was sent from Surratt that it is not worth the Setling." In
April, 1 67 1, we read, in a "Generall" from Surat, "The Factory of
Acheen is Dissolved according to your order."
Although the business done at Achin did not warrant the employ-
ment of a permanent staff of factors, yet trading voyages were
sufficiently lucrative to make it advisable t6 retain the Company's
house and one or two representatives. In the Diary of William
Puckle while at Masulipatam, Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. 12,
we have, p. 35, the following account of trade at Achin in 1675 :
*• Acheen. There is an Arminian that lives in the Honble. Companys
house there by leave of the president who keeps the House in repaire
and gives Lodging to any of their ships Company and servants that
come there but refuses to do so to strangers. The Queen hath great
kindness for the English. A Strangers ship shall ly 2 mos. before
unloaden and then every parcell strictly examined. The English by
agreement pay a certayn Sum for each Ship whether little or great
and have their dispatch presently... By Information when the Com-
pany had a Factory there it was usall to send thither a vessell with
16 or 20 pieces of goods for their account and the rest of the vessells
hold fild up with particular private trade." T. B., not being a servant
of the Company, had a house of his own at Achin {vide Introduction),
as, no doubt, had many another private trader.
In 1683, after the loss of Bantam, the Directors again suggested
ACHIN 321
This part of the Citty of Achin Standeth Upon very
Even low ground, soe that all the houses Stand upon
Pillars of wood some 6, some 8, 10 or 12 foot from the
ground, by reason in the Season of great raines, there
is a very great inundation, which generally happeneth in
September or the full Moone in October, at which time for
many days wee goe from house to house in boats\ All that
{Letter Book, No. 7) a settlement at Achin, and wrote to the Queen
on the subject. In the following year (1684), Richard Mohun was
granted leave to occupy the old factory house at Achin on condition
of keeping it and the Godowns in good repair. Achin, however, was
not destined to replace Bantam as a ** Subordinate Factory." Ben-
coolen, on the west coast of Sumatra, was fixed on for a settlement,
and Achin remained, as far as English trade was concerned, in the
condition described in the text.
^ Compare the following descriptions of the town of Achin : In
Voyage pour la Compagnie iV Octroi des Indes Orientates^ 1603, p. 527,
we have, " The town [of Achin] is half a league higher up [than the
harbour] and is built all along the river side. The houses are of mud
and raised on long piles because the river often overflows all the town.
The dwelling rooms are reached by steps. The walls are covered with
reeds or straw as are the roofs." De Graaf, who visited Achin in 1641,
thus describes it, Voyages, p. 22 f., "The town of Achin is... situated on
a level district about 3 miles from the mountain whence a river flows
up to the town. There the river makes a bend and divides the town
into two, after which it discharges itself into the Sea by 3 mouths. The
largest and most important part of the town is on the N.W. side.
Nearly all the houses are of reed, Bamboo, or cane, only a few being
of stone. They are all built on piles of Bamboos raised 4 or 5 or
even 6 feet from the ground, because the high tides flood the town
nearly every year so that one is obliged to go by boat from one house
to another... There are two large spaces for holding a market, one in the
middle of the town and the other at the northern end. Here are found
the merchants, both Moors and Idolaters, provided with all kinds of
merchandise." Dampier, who was at Achin in 1688, gives, vol. ii.
pp. 129, 148 and 149, some additional particulars about the town,
"Their Houses are built on posts as those of Mindanao... The City
of Achin... is seated on the Banks of a River... and about 2 miles from
the Sea. This Town consists of about 7 or 8000 Houses ; and in it
there are always a great many Merchant Strangers... as Achin lies
within a few Degrees of the Line so upon the Suns crossing the Line
in March, the Rains begin a little Sooner there than in Countries
nearer the Tropick of Cancer: and when they are once set in, they
are as violent there as any where. I have seen it rain there for 2 or
3 days without intermission ; and the River running but a short course
...it soon overflows; and a great part of the Street of the City shall
on a sudden be all under water; at which time people row up and
down the Streets in Canoas. That side the City toward the River
especially, where the Foreign Merchants live, and which is lower
ground, is frequently under water in the Wet Season : a Ships Long-
T. 21
322 ACHIN
piece of land whereon standeth the PallaceS the great
Mosquee^the Orongkays house and many Others neare the
great Bazar' is a great deale higher and not at all Overflowne.
For the most part Every man's house hath a fence
about it*, and Sometimes 3 or 4 houses in one fence, but
then the ground belongeth to one man. The houses wee
live in are neare the River Side and consequently Stand as
aforesaid (Upon Stilts) as followeth' [Plate XIX.].
This Countrey afifordeth Severall Excellent good fruites^
Namely Duryans^ Mangastinos^, Oranges the best in India
boat has come up to the very Gate of our English Factory laden with
Goods ; which at other times is ground dry enough, at a good distance
from the River, and moderately raised above it." See also Lockyer,
Trade in India, p. 37 f.
^ Compare De Graaf, Voyages, p. 23, " There is [at Achin] a Large
royal palace built in the Indian fashion. It is almost entirely of stone
with very beautiful apartments and gardens where are fine pyramides,
several tombs of the kings. Canals and a large house for the king's
wives." After the rule of Achin passed into the hands of queens, the
palace was closely guarded against intrusion. Dampier, vol. ii. p. 130,
says, "The Queen has a large Palace here, built handsomely with
Stone : but I could not get into the inside of it."
2 Both De Graaf and Dampier speak of a number of Mosques in
Achin but make no mention of any specially large one.
3 For the two bazars, see the extract from De Graaf's Voyages in
note I on p. 321.
* Compare Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 37 f , " The Houses are not
join'd as in other Cities, but Pallizado'd every one by it self; except
in two or three of the chief Streets, where the Bazar is kept, and the
China camp, or Street where the Chines live. Europeans live as near
one another as they can, and tho* their Houses do not join, yet a few
Bamboos only part their Yards : Whence they have a long Street near
the River wholy to themselves."
^ The unfinished state of this, the last illustration in the MS., seems
to point to some sudden interruption in the work {vide Introduction).
® T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, has, "The
City [Achin] is indifferently supplied with Provisions, as Beef, Goats,
Fowls, Fish, Rice, and plenty of many good Sorts of Fruits."
'^ See note on p. 278. Compare also Dampier, vol. i. p. 319 f, "The
Trees that bear the Durians are big as Apple Trees, full of Boughs.
The Rind is thick and tough; the Fruit is so large that they grow
only about the Bodies, or on the Limbs near the Body, like the Cacao...
The largest of the Fruit may be as big as a Pullets Egg: 'Tis as
white as Milk, and as soft as Cream, and the taste very delicious to
those who have been accustomed to them... This Fruit must be eaten
in its prime." See Plate xix.
* See Hobson-Jobson, s.v, Mangosteen. Compare Dampier, vol. ii.
ACHIN 323
or South Seas, comparable with the best of China, Lemons,
Limes, RamastinesS Coconutts^ Plantans', Pineapples*,
Mangoes \ Mirablines *, Bolangos ^ Monsoone plums ^
p. 125, " Of all these sorts of Fruits [in Achin], I think the Mangastan
IS without compare the most delicate. This Fruit is in shape much
like the Pomegranate, but a great deal less. The outside rind or shell
is a little thicker than that of the Pomegranate, but softer, yet more
brittle ; and is of a dark red. The inside of the shell is of a deep
crimson colour. Within this shell the fruit appears in 3 or 4 Cloves,
about the bigness of the top of a man's thumb. These will easily
separate each from the other ; they are as white as Milk, very soft and
juicy, inclosing a small black Stone or Kernel." See Plate xix.
* I.e. ramdu/aHf the nephalium lappaceum = ^*'\t*ic\i^^^^ (litchi).
See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Rambotang, and Watt, Did. of Economic
Products^ s.v. Nephelium. Compare the following from W. Funnell's
Voyage to the South Sea, &c.. Collection of Voyages^ vol. iv. p. 197,
" The Rumbostan is about the Bigness of a Walnut, when the green
Peel is off. It... hath a pretty thick tough outer Rind, which is of a
deep Red, and is full of little Knobs of the same Colour. Within the
Rind is the Fruit which is quite white, and looks almost like a Jelly
and within the Fruit is a large Stone. It is very delicate Fruit, and
though a Man eat never so much yet it never does him any harm,
provided he swallow the Stones as well as the Fruit...."
2 See note on p. 245. See also Dampier^ vol. i. pp. 291 — 296 for
a full description of the Cocoa-nut and its uses.
3 See note on p. 245. * See note on p. 279.
^ See note on p. 48. Compare Dampier^ vol. i. p. 391, " Mangoes
...The fruit of these is as big as a small Peach; but long and smaller
towards the top ; it is of a yellowish colour when ripe ; it is very juicy,
and of a pleasant smell, and delicate taste. When the Mango is
young they cut them in two pieces, and pickle them with Salt and
Vinegar, in which they put some Cloves of Garlick...The Mangoes
were ripe... and they have then so delicate a fragrancy, that we
could smell them out in the* thick Woods if we had but the wind of
them."
^ See note on p. 192.
'^ Apparently a curtailment of the term conbalingua^ combalenga^
well-known at this period for the pumpkin. See Hobson-Jobson, s.v.
Conbalingua.
^ This is clearly the well-known and widely-spread Oriental fruit
of the Zizyphus Jujuba^ called Rhamnus fujuba by Linnaeus and the
older botanists. The common Indian name for it is ber. It is a small
round yellow fruit of the size of a plum, though Rumphius calls it the
Indian apple. The writer confused its Portuguese name maqdo^ as
adopted by the Malays {tnasdna^ mansana\ for the common current
word "monsoon" for "the season."
Rumphius, Herbarium Amboinense^ vol. ii. book ii. chapter 44,
p. ii7f, on the " Indische Appel-Boom,'' says, "Nomen. Latine
Malum Indicum juxta Portugallicum Mansana vel Massana da India
Acostae, uti et in India quoque dicitur Veteri, et juxta ilium scriptorem
21 — 2
324 ACHIN
Pumple Mooses\ &c., and the trees beare fruite both
green and ripe all the yeare alonge*.
And now I shall give a relation (admirable) of their
new Queen' goeinge abroad, although her Voyadge was
not very farre, yet most Sumptuous even to admiration,
which gave very great Satisfaction to all Loyall Efifectors
of this Sort of Goverment, and more Especially to the
favorites and relations of theire old deceased Queen, Of
which as folio weth :
Some fourty dales after the decease of the Old Queen,
Ber et Bor. Malaice Vidara^ vocaturque in Macassara ac porro in
hisce adjacentibus insulis Balis Buckel.
Locus. Plurimum occurrit haec arbuscula per totam veterem
Indiam, ac porro in Bengala, Aracana, et Malacca usque in Javam
et Baleyam, unde translata est in Celebem et Moluccos, hie vero et
in Banda raro reperitur multumque degenerata."
^ The largest variety of the orange. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v,
Pommelo. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, " Poomplemoos, a Fruit in
India, is called at Berbadoes, a Shaddock.'' Compare De la LoublrCy
p. 23, " Pampelmouses have the taste and shape [of * sowre ' oranges],
but... are as big as Melons, and have not much Juice." Nieuhof, Het
Gezantschap Der Neerlandtsche Oost-lndische Compagnie^ has, under
" Vruchten in Sina," p. 144, "a certain fruit, which by the Chinese is
called Venku^ by the Portuguese Jamboa^ and by the Dutch Pompel-
moes.^^ Compare also Dainpier^ vol. ii. p. 125, "The Pumple-nose is
a large Fruit like a Citron, with a very thick tender uneven rind.
The inside is full of Fruit: it grows all in cloves as big as a small
Barly-corn, and these are all full of juice, as an Orange or a Lemon,
tho' not growing in such partitions. Tis of a pleasant taste, and tho'
there are of them in other parts of the East- Indies, yet these at Achin
are accounted the best." Rumphius, Herbarium Amboinense, vol. ii.
pp. 96 — 99, has a long article on this fruit in which he gives the
various names by which it was known : " Nomen. Latine Limo De-
cumanus feu Malum Assyrium Decumanum: Malaice Lemon Cas-
somba h. e. Limo ruber ab incarnato colore, quidam Malaice vocant
Jamboa juxta Portugallicum Samboa, quod proprie Pomp-sires feu
Adami poma Hispanis denotat, a quo tamen haec mala Indica multum
differunt ; Javanis dicitur Djurru feu Djerru vel Djerru Matsjang h. e.
Limo tigrinus : Macassarensibus Lemon Calucku h. e. Limo Calap-
parius, ob magnitudinem et formam Calappi. Belgice pompelmoes
vocatur. Sinensibus vero Ju, vel Noay." See also note on Sam Cau
on p. 247.
2 Compare De la Loublre^ p. 23, "All the other Fruits continue
only a time. 'Tis at Achem only at the North Point of the Isle of
Sumatra, that Nature produces them all at Every season." For
illustrations of a "Mangastine Tree" and a "Durian Tree," see
Plate XIX.
3 See note on p. 311.
ACHIN 325
This Younge, or indeed more properly may be called New
Queenie, for that She was not lesse then 60 years Old when
She was Established in the Throne \ She went downe the
River of Achin in soe admirable a Grandure of Worldly
State, that the like I believe was never paralelled in the
Universe*.
Her own Person went downe in a most Stately barge
most bravely carved and gilded from one end thereof to
the other, with a very Stately Summer (or pleasure) house
in the midst thereof, the which was covered with Massy
Gold of incredible Substance and Value, and Surrounded
with very Stately Pillars covered with the richest cloth of
Gold hangings. Others, but a great deale inferiour to
this, attended, yet very rich ones, in their proper Stations,
vizt. One right ahead, one upon each quarter, all rowed by
women, and seemed to doe it both with great reverence
and rejoyceings, with Varieties of musick, and delicate
Voices, that Sange to the great Honor and Majestie of
their great Virgin-Princess. These were to admiration
adorned with Flaggs and Pendants and fine tapestrie, with
500 of the Queen's most warlike Elephants (rigged in the
greatest State) followed the barges very close (and in the
water), for which reason they rowed the Easier. Above
icx) of the riders, yea those that kept near the Queen's
barge (or that wherein it was said the Queen was) were
Eunuchs of her own houshold. Each of them wore his
Turbat* after the Arabian mode of beaten pure Gold, and
^ This must have been the "Old Queen" whose death, in 1688, is
noted by Dampier (see note on p. 311).
2 The "State Ride" seen by T. B. was more public than the
annual "Ride" described by Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 142, "The Queen of
Achin... seldom goes abroad... except that once a Year she is drest
all in white, and placed on an Elephant and so rides to the River
in state to wash her self: but whether any of the meaner sort of
People may see her in that progress I know not."
3 See note on p. 156. Compare Fryer^ p. 18, "On his Head he
wore a large White Turbat.'*
326 ACHIN
very large Shakels of beaten Gold quite up their arms and
leggs, and bore each of them a lance of beaten gold of
7 or 8 foot longe, and proportionately thick. The Other
riders were Said to be Lords and Gentlemen of the Citty,
and very richly attired in Cloth of gold, and armed with
Creest^ and Lance. And Upon the banks of the River on
each Side went 500 or more of the delicatest horses in the
Kingdome ; their Saddles, Stirrops, bits and buckles were
of pure gold, their Saddle cloths and bridles and Crupars^
richly beset with many Diamonds, Rubies, Pearle, and
Saphir of im-'
^ See note on p. 298.
2 i.e. cruppers.
3 Here the MS. breaks off abruptly.
LIST OF FULLER TITLES OF BOOKS AND
MANUSCRIPTS QUOTED IN THE FOOT-
NOTES AND INTRODUCTION.
Anderson, J. A., M.D., F.R.S. English Intercourse with Siam in the
Seventeenth Century (Triibner's Oriental Series). London, 1890.
Annales du Mus^e Guimet, vol. 27. Le Siam Ancien par Lucien
Fournereau. Paris, 1895*.
Balfour, Edward, Surgeon-General. The Cyclopaedia of India and
of Eastern and Southern Asia. 3 vols. London, 1885.
Beauchamp, Henry K. See Dubois.
Bemier, Francois. Travels in the Mogul Empire, 1656-58 (Constable's
Oriental Miscellany). London, 1891.
Bilgrami, Hossain, and Wilmott, C. Historical and Descriptive
Sketch of H.H. the Nizam's Dominions. 2 vols. Bombay,
1883-84.
Bowrey, Thomas. Dictionary of English and Malayo. London, 170 1.
Bowrey, Thomas. A Grammar of the Malay Tongue. Compiled
from Bowrey's Dictionary, and other authentic documents, manu-
script and printed. London, 1800.
Bowring, Sir John. The Kingdom and People of Siam. 2 vols.
London, 1857.
British Museum, MS. Department:
Add. MS. 15319, Nos. 11 and 15. Charts of "Junk Seilon."
Add. MS. 28,140, ff. 31 — 33. " Proposall for taking Baldivia in
the South Seas," by Thomas Bowrey.
Harleian 4252. Log of the Unicorn^ 1668.
Harleian 4254. Notes and Observations of East India, per
John Marshall, 1668 — 1672.
Sloane 5222, Nos. 6 — 17. Twelve charts by Thomas Bowrey.
Bruce, John, M.P., F.R.S. Annals of the Honourable East India
Company, 1600 — 1707/8. 3 vols. London, 18 10.
Bumell, A. C. See Yule.
Calendar of State Papers. Domestic Series. London, 1875 &c.
* The extracts used have been translated into English.
328 LIST OF FULLER TITLES OF BOOKS, ETC.
Carmichael, D. F. Manual of the District of Vizagapatam. Madras,
1869.
Ghamnont, Mons. de C, Knt. A relation of the late Embassy to the
Court of the King of Siam. London, 1687.
Constable's Oriental Miscellany. See Bemier.
Crawfurd, John, F.R.S. Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands
and adjacent countries. London, 1856.
Crawford, John, F.R.S. Journal of an Embassy to Siam and Cochin
China. London, 1828.
Crawford, John, F.R.S. Malay Dictionary; a Grammar and Dic-
tionary of the Malay Language. London, 1852.
Dalenc^. See Delestre.
Dampier, William. A New Voyage round the World. 2 vols. London,
1698.
De Chaomont. See Chaumont.
De Graaf. See Graaf.
De la Loub^re. See Loub^re.
Delestre. Relation ou Journal d'un voyage fait aux Indes Orientales.
Paris, 1677. " Par grace et Privilege du Roy en date du 24 Dec.
1676. Sign^ Dalenc^ il est permis &c." (This is the edition from
which the extracts used in this work are taken. The copy at the
India Office Library is catalogued as by Delestre, while the same
edition at the British Museum is catalogued as [By Dalenc^], and
the edition of 1698, which only differs from the 1677 ed. in having
a scanty index, is catalogued as [By De I'Estra?]. For the present
work I have translated into English all the extracts used.)
Dennys, N. B., Ph.D. Descriptive Dictionary of British Malaya.
London, 1894.
Diary of Strejnisham Master. See India Office Records, s,v. Factory
Records, Miscellaneous.
Dow, Alexander. History of Hindostan. 3 vols. (Translated from
the Persian.) London, 1768 — 1772.
Dobois, Abb^ J. A. Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, trans-
lated and edited by Henry K. Beauchamp. Oxford, 1897.
Donn, Samuel. A New Directory for the East Indies. London, 1780,
Donstan, James. The History of the Parish of Bromley St Leonard,
Middlesex. London, 1862.
Eliot Papers, The. Compiled from family papers by Eliot Howard.
2 vols. Gloucester, 1893/4.
Endowed Charities (County of London), Parish of Limehouse,
St Anne, 1895.
Eredia. See Godinho.
Finlayson, George. The Mission to Siam and Hu^. London, 1826.
Fitch, Ralph. The Voyage of... to Goa in the East India and all the
kingdoms of... the great Mogol. (Hakluyt's Collection of the early
voyages, vol. 5.) London, 1809 — 18 12.
LIST OF FULLER TITLES OF BOOKS, ETC. 329
Forrest, Thomas. Voyage from Calcutta to the Mergui Archipelago,
• '&c. London, 1792.
Fort St (George, Ancient Records of. See Press List.
Foster, Wm. Letters received by the East India Company from its
Servants in the East. Vols. 2 &c. London, 1897 &c.
FoumereaiL See Annales du Musde Guimet.
Fryer, John, M.D. A New Account of East India and Persia, in
Eight Letters. Being 9 years Travels, Begun 1672. And
Finished 1681. London, 1698.
Funnell, Wm. Voyage round the World. London, 1707.
Godinlio de Eredia. Malaca, L'Inde M^ridionale et le Cathay (1613),
MS. orig. autographe de, reproduit et traduit par L. Janssen.
Bruxelles, 1882*.
Graaf, Nicolas de. Voyages aux Indes Orien tales et en d'autres lieux
d'Asie. Amsterdam, 1719*.
Gribble, J. D. B. History of the Deccan. London, 1896 &c.
Hakluyt Society's Publications:
Hedges. Diary of Mr (afterwards Sir) William in Bengal, &c.
1 68 1 — 1688, edited by Col. Henry Yule, C.B. 3 vols.
London, 1886 — 1889.
Lancaster, Sir James. Voyages of, to the East Indies during
the 17th cent. Edited by Clements R. Markham, C.B.,
F.R.S. London, 1877.
Hamilton, Alexander, Captain. A New Account of the East Indies.
2 vols. Edinburgh, 1727.
Harleian Society's Publications:
Allegations for Marriage Licences issued by the Vicar General
of the Archbishop of Canterbury, vol. 3 1 . London, 1 890 &c
Hedges' Diary. See Hakluyt Society's Publications.
Herbert, Sir Thomas. Travels into Africa and Asia the Great.
London, 1677.
Hobson-Jobson. See Yule and Burnell.
Horsburgb, James, F.R.S., &c. The India Directory or Directions
for Sailing to and from the East Indies. 2 vols. London, 1809 —
1811, 1855.
Howison, James, M.D. A Dictionary of the Malay ton^e as spoken
in the Peninsula of Malacca &c. in Two Parts, to which is prefixed
a Grammar. London, 1801.
Hunter, Sir William Wilson, K.C.S.I. History of British India.
2 vols. London, 1897.
Hunter, Sir William Wilson, K.C.S.I. Imperial Gazetteer of India.
14 vols. London, 1887.
Hutchins, John. The History and Antiquities of the County of
Dorset. 2 vols. London, 1774.
Indian Antiquary, The, a Journal of Oriental Research. Bombay,
1872 &c.
* The extracts used have been translated into English.
330 LIST OF FULLER TITLES OF BOOKS, ETC.
India Office MS. Records :
Bengal Public Consultations, Range i, vol. i.
Factory Records :
Balasor, vol. i.
Calcutta, vols. 2 and 3.
Fort St George, vols, i — 5, 14, 16, 18, 20, 21, 28, 30.
Hugli, vols. I — 7, II.
Java, vol. 6.
Kasimbazar, vol. i.
Madapollam, vol. 3.
Masulipatam, vols, i, 2, 6, 9, 10, 12.
Miscellaneous, vols. 2, 3, 3 a, 14 (Diary of Streynsham
Master).
Siam, vol. i.
Surat, vols. 3, 87, 104, 105.
Letter Books (Copies of Dispatches from the Court of
Directors to the various Factories), vols, i — 8.
Original Correspondence (known as the O.C. collection,
being letters from India with collateral documents
originating at any place between England and Japan),
vols. 18 — 47.
General Records:
Abstracts of Letters received from the Coast and Bay, vol. i.
Court Books (Minutes of the Proceedings of the Court
of Directors), vols. 26 — 38.
Dutch Records: Hague Transcripts, vol. 2.
Home Series Miscellaneous, vol. 2. (List of Adventurers.)
Marine Records:
Ships' Logs, vols. 75 and 492 B. (Logs of the President
and King George})
Miscellaneous, vol. 13. ("A Book of Entertainment of
Mariners.")
The Joumall of Peter Mundy (a late copy).
Journal ou Suite du Voyage de Siam* par Mr L. D. C. Amsterdam,
1687.
Kelly, P., LL.D. The Universal Cambist and Commercial Instructor.
2 vols. London, 1835.
Lancaster. See Hakluyt Societ/s Publications.
Lane-Poole. See Rulers of India Series.
Luiller. See Provost, Voyages.
Lockyer, Charles. An Account of the Trade in India, &c. London,
1711.
Lord, Henry, Sometime resident in East India and Preacher to the
Ho**^® Company of Merchants trading thether. A Display of two
forraigne Sects in the East Indies vizt. The Sect of the Banians
the Ancient Natives of India And the Sect of the Persees the
Ancient Inhabitants of Persia together with the Religion and
Manners of Each Sect Collected into two Bookes. Imprinted at
London for Francis Constable and are to be Sold at his Shoppe
in Paules Church yard at the signe of the Crane, 1630.
* The extracts used have been translated into English.
LIST OF FULLER TITLES OF BOOKS, ETC. 33 1
Loub^re, De la. A New Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam.
Done out of French by A. P. Gen. R.S.S. London, 1693.
Lysons, Daniel, F.R.S. The Historical Account of the Environs of
London. 4 vols, and supp. London, 1792 — 18 11.
Mackenzie, Gordon. A Manual of the Kistna District. Madras, 1883.
Madras Manual of Administration. A Manual of the Administra-
tion of the Madras Presidency in illustration of the Records of
Government and the Yearly Administration Reports. 3 vols,
(vol. 3 Glossary.) Madras, 1893.
Madras Press List. See Press List.
Mandelslo, J. Albert. Voyages and Travels of, into the East Indies,
rendred into English by John Davies of Kidwelly. London, 1669.
Marco Polo. See Yule.
Marsden, William, F.R.S. A Grammar of the Malayan Language
with an Introduction and Praxis. London, 181 2.
Marshall, John. See British Museum MSB., s,v, Harleian, 4254.
Milbum, Wm. Oriental Commerce, &c. 2 vols. London, 18 13.
Moor, J. H. Notices of the Indian Archipelago and adjacent countries.
Part I. Singapore, 1837.
Morris, H. A Descriptive and Historical Account of the Godavery
District. London, 1878.
Murray, James A. H., LL.D. A New English Dictionary. Oxford,
1888, &c.
Nieuhoff, J. Gezantschap aan den Grooten Tartarischen Cham, of
Keizer van Sina. Amsterdam, 1670*.
Notes and Extracts from the Government Records in Fort St George
(1670— 1681). Parts I. II. III. Madras, 1871-73.
Orme, Robert. Historical Fragments of the Mogul Empire, &c.
2 vols. London, 1782.
Oxford English Dictionary. See Murray.
Penny, Mrs. Fort St George, Madras. London, 1900.
Premier Livre de THistoire de la Navigation aux Indes Orien-
tales, par les HoUandois et des choses a eux advenues Par
G. M. A. W[illem] L[odewijcksz]. Amsterdam, Comille Nicolas,
1609.
Press List of Ancient Records in Fort St George. Nos. i to 6
(1670 — 1699).
Prevost, Antoine Francois. Histoire Gdndrale des Voyages*. 25 vols.
La Haye, 1747-80.
Pringle, A. T. Selections from the Consultations of the Agent,
Governor, and Council of Fort St George, 1681. 4th Series.
Madras, 1893.
Pnngle, A. T. The Diary and Consultation Book of the Agent,
Governor, and Council of Fort St George, ist Series, 1682 —
168^. 4 vols. Madras, 1894, &c.
* The extracts used have been translated into English.
332 LIST OF FULLER TITLES OF BOOKS, ETC.
Risley, H. H. The Tribes and Castes of Bengal. 2 vols. Calcutta,
1891.
Balers of India Series. Aurangzib; by Stanley Lane-Poole. Oxford,
1893.
Rumphins, Georg. Everhard. Herbarium Amboinense. 7 vols.
Amstelodami, 1741.
Schonten, Gautier. Voiage aux Indes Orientales 1658 — 1665. 2 vols.
Traduit du HoUandois. Amsterdam, 1707*.
Smsrth, W. H., Admiral. The Sailors' Word Book. London, 1867.
Somerset Honse, Documents at.
Wills.
Administrations.
Sonnerat. Voyages aux Indes Orientales et h la Chine. Translated
by F. Magnus. 3 vols. Calcutta, 1788.
Stevens, Robert. The Complete Guide to the East India Trade.
London, 1766.
Stewart^ Charles. The History of Bengal. London, 18 13.
Tavemier, E. T. Collection of Travels, &c., being the Travels of
Monsieur Tavemier, Bemier and other great men. 2 vols.
London, 1684.
Taylor, James. A Sketch of the Topography and Statistics of Dacca.
Calcutta, 1840.
Terry, Edward. A Voyage to East India. Reprint from edition
of 1655. London, 1777.
Thevenot, Melchizedek. Les Voyages en Europe, Asie et Afrique.
Newly done into English. London, 1687.
Triibner's Oriental Series. See Anderson.
Valentyn, Fran9ois. Ouden Nieuw Oost Indien. 5 vols. Amsterdam,
1624.
Watt, G. A. A Dictionary of the Economic Products of India.
10 vols. Calcutta, 1889-93.
Wheeler, J. Talboys. Madras in the Olden Time... compiled from
Official Records. 3 vols. Madras, 1861.
Wilkinson, R. J. A Malay-English Dictionary. Singapore, 1901.
Wilson, C. R. Early Annals of the English in Bengal. Vol. i.
Calcutta, 1895.
Wilson, H. H. Essays on the Religion of the Hindus. London, 1862.
Tnle, Col. H. See Hakluyt Society's Publications.
Tule, Col. H. The Book of Ser Marco Polo, the Venetian, concerning
the Kingdoms and Marvels of the East. 2 vols. London, 1875.
Yule, Col. H., and Bumell, A. C. Hobson-Jobson ; being a Glossary
of Anglo-Indian Colloquial Words and Phrases. London, 1886
and 1902.
* The extracts used have been translated into English.
INDEX.
Aazzum Caun, Auzum Cawne. See
A'zim Khan
Abassee, Abassin. See Coins
Abdoul-Coutu-Sha. See Abdullah
Qutb Shah
Abdula Hossein. See Abu'l Has-
san Shah
Abdullah Qutb Shah, rise of, 109
n. I ; 6th king of Qutb Shahi line,
113 n. i; his tomb, 113; date of
his death, 113, 113 n. 2
Abu'l Hassan Shan, king of Gol-
conda, 88 «. 2 ; farmdn granted
by to the English, 93 w. i
Acham. See Assam
Achar^ pickle, 193, 193 w. i ; bamboo,
192 n, 4, 193 ; mangoe, 193 «. i ;
radish, 193 n. i ; lime, 193 n. 1
Achee, Acheen, Achein, Achim.
See Achin
Achin, xvi, xxii, xxxvi, xxxvii, xxxix,
xl, 1, 72 n. 2, 82 n. I, 97 n. 3, 237
n, 2, 260, 261 n. 3, 262, 268, 270;
port of, xxii, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 286,
286 n. 3, 287, 289 n. I, 300 n. 4,
301 , 320 ; Jordan goes on a trading
voyage to, 1 78 «. i ; weight of
bahar of, 241 n, ^\ trade of, 245
n. 2, 283, 286, 286 n. I, 289 n. i ;
bamboo measure at, 249 «. i ;
number of foreigners at, 256 n, i,
286 n. I ; Chulias at, 258 ; riches
of, 261 ; royal palace at, 275 n. i,
286 «. 2, 313, 314, 322, 322 n. I ;
fruit and vegetables plentiful at,
279 «• 3' 322, 323, 324 «. 3;
weights and measures of, 281, 281
n. 5, 282 ; coins of, 281 «. 5 ; T. B.'s
description of, 285-326 ; capital of
Sumatra, 285 ; situation of, 285,
286 ; Schouten*s description of, 285
n, 3 ; dependencies of, 285 n, 3,
286 «. 3, 295, 295 «. 4 ; river of,
286 ; buildings at, 285 n, 3, 286 n. 2,
321, 321 n. I, 322, 322 «. 4 ; T. B.
resides at, 287 n. 1 ; malefactors at,
whither banished, 287, 287 n. 5 ;
malefactors at, how punished, 287
«• 5» 315. 315 «• 2, 317, 317 n. 2 ;
imports of, 288-292, 293 n. i ;
most populous city in Malay Archi-
pelago, 293 ; produces few com-
modities, 293 n. I ; Dampier*s de-
scription of, 293 n, 2, 321 «. I ;
Mundy's description of, 294 «. 2 ;
prosperity of, 294 ; soil and climate
of, 286, 293, 294, 294 n. I ; gold at,
294, 294 /^. 2 ; belief in a perpetual
female dynasty at, 295 n. 6 ; people
of, 293, 294 n. 3 ; government of,
295, 295 n, 6, 299 n, 5 ; chief
ministers at, 299 ; ministers at, pre-
sents given to, 302, 303 ; customs
paid by English vessels at, 303,
304, 304 n, I ; privileges to English
at, 304 n, 4 ; English merchants at,
ceremony on departure of, 307,
308 ; Shabandar of, 307, 307 n, 4 ;
history of English factory at, 308,
3i7» 3'8, 318 n. 3, 319, 320;
English trade at, 308 n, 2, 320 ;
sports at, 310; fortifications of,
312, 312 n. 2; disaffected inhabi-
tants at, 312, 313, 313 «. I ; trou-
bles in, at death of 3rd Queen of,
313 «. I ; town attacked by rebels,
3'3> 3 '4 5 execution of insurgents
at, 314 ; Bishop of, how punished,
314; cripples at, 314, 314 «. 4;
cruel laws at, 315, 316 «. i ; exe-
cutions at, 315, 316; story of a
thief at, 317, 318; English chief
at, 3i7» 317 «• 5; floods at, 321 ;
De Graafs description of, 321 «. i ;
mosque at, 322 ; bazaar at, 322 ;
illustration of house at, 322
334
INDEX
Achin, Bishop of. See Siddy
Achin, king of, at war with Kedah,
260 n. I ; Kedah subject to in
1663, 275 ft. 2 ; Sekander muda,
his tyranny, 295 n, 6, 296-298 ;
letter from to James 1, 295 n. 6 ;
cruelty of, 295 n. 6, 296, 296 n. 1,
297 ; murders his son, 297, 298 ;
death and burial of, 298 ; De Graafs
account of death of in 1641, 298
«. 2; concession obtained by Capt.
Lancaster from, 304 ;/. 4 ; succeeds
4th queen circ. 17 10, 311 n. i
Achin, queen of, xxiii, xxxviii ; Perak
subject to the, 283 n. 3; acting
regent in Schouten*s time, 285 n. 3,
298 n. 3 ; mistake as to length of
reign of the, 295, 295 n. 6 ; chosen
on death of Sekander muda, 298,
299 n, I ; her power restricted by
enactments, 298, 299 ; her coun-
sellors and attendants, 299, 299
^- 5> 300, 310; her treatment of
foreigners, 300-304 ; her seclusion,
300, 300 n. I ; her chap necessary
in order to land at Achin, 300;
present to, how delivered, 309,
310 ; illness and death of the second,
311, 312; mourning for the, 311,
312 ; history of from 1 641- 1700,
311 n. I ; the third proclaimed,
312 ; death of the third, 313 «. i ;
invites the English to settle a fac-
tory, 318 «. 3 ; exchanges presents
with Charles II, 319 ; her fear of
Dutch aggression, 319 ; contract
between Henry Gray and the, 319 ;
letter ordered to be sent to from
Fort St George, 320 ; her kindness
to the English, 306, 307, 320 ; her
royal progress, 324-326, 325 n. 2
Achinese, Achiners, the, 252 n. 3;
at Junk-Ceylon, assisted by Malays
against Dutch, 252 ; their pros-
perity, 294; their laziness, 294
ft. 3
Achin Head, 287 ft. 2
Acorus^ Acorum (dringo root), 192
ft. 4
Acorus terrestris (dringo root), 192
ft. 4
Adam aftd Eve, the, Wm. Jearsey's
ship, 251 ft. 1
Adveftture^ the, Wm. Jearsey's ship,
251 ft. \
Advice^ the, pink, 1 ; Wm. Jearsey's
ship, 251 ft. I
Africa, Bowrey's knowledge of coast
of, xli
Aftdba^ an ewer, 96 /;. 2, 199 /;. 3
Aftowel, Aftaw. See Aftabd
Aga Gilloll, Agga Geloll, Aga Tel-
loll. See Agha Jalal
Agala, Aguala wood. See Agila
wood
Aga Telloll. See Agha Jalal
Agents, of the English in India.
See s.v. Winter, Foxcroft, Lang-
home, Gyfford,Clavell,Vincent,.etc.
Agha Jalal, Governor of Masulipa-
tam, 63 ft. I, 81 ft. 2, 99 ;/. 6;
exchanges visits and presents with
Streynsham Master, 8r ft. 2 ; his
retinue and importance, 83
Agila wood, 272, 272 ft. 3, 273
Agra, 20, 39 ft. 2, 142, 142 ft, r,
146, 147, 148, 288 ft. 6, 288 ft, 8 ;
the metropolis of Akbar and Jahan-
gir, 18 ; the capital of Shah Jahan,
137 ; its fortress, 137 ft. 2 ; de-
scription of, 137 ft. 2; the Taj, at,
145 «. 6; rents of, given to Shay-
ista Khan, 148 ;f. 5
Aguala wood. See Agila wood
Aguilaria Agallocha, See Agila wood
Ahmad Maraikkar, xxxvi ; Bow-
rey's quarrel with, at Porto Novo,
xxxi-xxxiii
Aiderabad. See Haidarabad
Ainsa Bhainsa. See Jansa Bhainsa
Akbar, 109 ft. 2 ; his tolerant treat-
ment of the Hindus, 10 ft. 5, 11
ft. 2 ; Agra his metropolis, 18 «. 2
Akhuftf 300 ft. 2
Alachah^ a silk cloth, 54, 71 ft. 3,
122 ft. 3, 290, 290 ft. 4
Alacor. See Halalcore
AlahwirdT Khan, Ilahwirdi Khan.
See *Ali Vardi Khan
Ala'uddin Khilji, 221 ft. c^
Alcoron, the. See (Al) Koran, the
Aleppo, xxxviii
Alexander the Great, limit of his
conquests in India, 131 ft, 7, 210,
210 ;/. I
*A1T Vardi Khan, Persian com-
mander of Shah Shuja', 138 ; be-
trays his master, 138
(Al) Koran, the, 95, 314^. i ; written
in Arabic, 95 ; much esteemed, 95
Allahabad, 130 ft. 4, 148 ft. 5
Alleja, a silk cloth. See Aldchah
Alley, river, 176 ;/. i
Alligators, in the Ganges, 202, 211
ft. 1 ; description of, 284, 285 ;
crocodiles mistaken by T. B. for,
284 ft. 3 ; illustration of, 285 ; oil
obtained from, 285
Alligese. See Aldchah
Aloe-wood. See Agila wood
INDEX
335
Alos Star, present capital of Kedah,
259 ft. 4
Alvedore. S^e HavilcUlr
Amadabat, Ahmadabad, 388 n, 8
Amad Marcar. Seg Ahmad Maraik-
kar
Amad Mercawn. See Ahmad Ma-
raikkar
Amba. See Mangoe
Amboyna, 170, 192 n. 4
Ambrose, a companion of Dampier,
xxxviii
Ameer Al Omrah. See Amir-ul-
Umard
America, Bowrey's knowledge of
coast of, xli, xliii ; Rangoon oil
from, 192 ;/. 4
Amir J Ameer, 39, 145 n. 2, 299
«. 2
Afnir-ul-Ufnard, Shayista Khan so
styled, 150 n. i
Amord Mercawne. See Ahmad
Maraikkar
Amoy, 118 «. I
Amoy Bay, Chart of by Bowrey,
xxix, 1
Amoy Merchant y the, 178 «. i
Ananas. See Pineapple
Anantram, broker to the English at
Kasimbazar, 30 n. 2, 32 n. 2
Anctent, Ancient. See Flag
Andaman Is., 1
Andaman Sea, 237 n. 2
Anderson, J. A., acquainted with
the T. B. MS., XV ; his "English
Intercourse with Siam " referred
to, XV ft, I, 91 ft. I, 173 ft. 3,
290 ft. 10
Anaragera, Andregeree, Andraghiri.
See Indragiri
Androgeero, Androgheree. See In-
dragiri
Angelin. See Hijili
Angerang, 123 ft. 4
Angle. See Aftguli
Anglo -Indians of the 17th century,
T. B.'s references to, xviii
Aftguli, a finger-breadth. 5^^ Weights
and Measures
Anna. See Coins
'*Annales du Mus^e Guimet,''
referred to, 235 ft, i
Aftfte, the, afterwards the //o/et 73
Antelope, description of an, 59 ;
manner of taking the, 59 ». i ;
illustration of an, 119
Afttehpet the, xxiv
Apes. See Monkeys
Apes' bezoar, 292 ft, 7
Apocrypha, The story of Bel and the
Dragon referred to, 23
Aquilaria Agallocha. See Agila wood
Arabia, li, i, 5, 71, 132 ft. 2, 133,
281 n. 3, 293
Arabic language, the, 314 ». i ;
the (Al) Koran written in, 95
Arabs, the, 237 ft. 2 ; seize Heron's
ships, 176 ft, I
Arakan (Arackan, Aracan), xvi, 61
ft, 3, 72 ft. 2, 73, 131, 131 ft, 7,
140 ft. 2, 199, 205, 209 ft. 2, 212
ft. 2 ; rivers of, 74 ; situation of,
'39 ^* 5 ) Shah Shuja' takes refuge
in, 139, 139 «. 5, 140-142; Firing-
hees at, 140 ». 4 ; wild elephants
in, 222 ; no description of by T.B.,
234 ft. 2 ; trade with, 245 ft, 2
Arakan, king of, protects Shah Shu-
ja', 139-141 ; quarrels with his
guest, 141 ; causes Shah Shuja's
death, 142
Arakaners, Arackaners, 1 40 ; pirates
of Arakan, 140 ft, 3, 212; their
depredations, iiift, 2 ; Company's
sloops employed against them, 212
ft. 2
Arbre Triste (Arbol Triste, Arbor
Tristis, Arbor Triste), description
of, 49
Arch Brahmin, at Jagannath pagoda,
12 ft, I
Areca, Arek, 30, 307, 309 «. 3;
grown in Junk-Ceylon, 247 ; nut
of, chewed at state calls, 303 ; plen-
tiful in Achin, 304 ; description of,
304 ft. 6 ; nut of, how prepared
for chewing, 304 ft. 6, 305, 305 ft. i ;
its beneficial qualities, 305, 306 ft. i ;
appearance of when growing, 306 ;
illustration of, 308 ; wood of tree,
how used, 306
Areca Catechu, areca palm, 306 ft. 3
Armaghaum. See Armagon
Armagon (Armaghaum, Armegam,
Arumukam, Doogarauzpatam, Du-
raspatam, Monapollem), 3 »• 5 ;
history of, 25 ft. 3 ; pagoda of, 25 ;
shoal near, 25 «. 3 ; factory of, 25
ft, 3 ; headquarters of the English,
1628-1630, 53 ft. I ; deserted for
Fort St George, 53
Armenian, John Demarcora an, 172
ft, 3; Heron married to an, 176
ft, I ; an, in charge of Company's
f round at Kedah, 268; an, at
English house in Achin, 320
Armenians, 221 ft, 3 ; numerous in
Golconda, i\\ ft, i
Arrack, 68 ». 2 ; made by the Gen-
336
INDEX
tues in Masulipatam, 77; forbidden
to Muhamniadans, 77; how dis-
tilled, 77, 78; different kinds of,
77 '*• 3» 7^ "• ' ' ^ generic term for
spirits, 77 ;/. 3 ; Davies' death
attributed to, 269
Arrangoes (Pdringo root), 192 ». 4
ArriTolly the, sloop, 173 n. 2, 176
ti. I, 208 //. 4, 292 ;/. 6; piloted
by Heron, 175 ;/. 4, 175 n. 6, 175
n. 8 ; her boat overset, 1 78 n, 3
Arsipore, Arzepore, Arcsepour, Ar-
sapouro. See Harsapur
Articles of Agreement, between
Malik Qasim and the Danes, 186,
187; between the English and
Achinese, 302 n. i, 303
Arumukam Mudaliar, Armagon
named from, 25 //. 3
Arundell. See Roundel
Asaf Khan, father of Shayista Khan,
145 n. 6
Asdm-Jawa. See Tamarind
Asia, I, 14, 20, 27, 125, 169, 182,
i93» 205» 257> 281 n. 3; extent of,
2 ; women of, 31 ; garments of
women of, 32 ; children of women
of, 32; central, 172 n. i ; Alex-
ander the Great's conquests in, 210
Assam, M!r Jumla makes war on
rdjd of, 143; conquest and loss of
by Aurangzeb's forces, 143, 144
Astrology, studied by the Brahmins,
205 n. I, 205 n. 2
Astronomers, reputation of Brah-
mins as, 206
Atchar. See Achdr
Atchee, Atcheen. See Achin
Atchein. See Achin
Atkins, Captain, his Journal referred
to, 287 ;/. 4 ; his account of his
landing at Achin, 300 n. 4
Augustmian Friars, their churches
in Bengal, 133 //. 3; at Hugli,
195 «• 5
AQ Karon, 239 //. i
AurangzSb, the Great Mogul, third
son of Shah Jahan, 18 «. 2 ; ap-
pointed Viceroy of the Deccan,
108 n, 7, 135 ; his friends inform
him of Dara's movements, 136,
137; overthrows Dara in battle,
137; imprisons his father, 137;
beheads Murad Bakhsh, 137; de-
feats Shah Shuja', 138, 139; be-
comes Emperor, 139, 142; swears
to avenge Shah Shuja's death, 142 ;
his jealousy of Mir Jumla, 144 ;
his pretended grief at Mir Jumla's
death, 144, 145 ; his treatment of I
the Hindus, 10 n. 4, 10 n. 5, 11
«. 2 ; changes the name of Porto
Novo, 82 ff . I ; Orissa and Pattana
subject to him, 128, 221 ; his court
at Delhi, 142 m. i ; his kindness to
Mir Jumla's son, 145 ; makes
Shayista Khan nawdb of Bengal,
145 ; recalls Shayista Khan, 147 ;
makes his son ftawdb of Bengal,
147, 150 «. I, 164 «. 2 ; famtdn of,
165 n. 2
Aureng-Zel)e. See Aurangzeb
Austin -Friars, church of, at Dacca,
J49 n. I
Australia, chart of coast of, by
Bowrey, xlix
Ava, 131 n. 7
Avaldar. See Havilddr
Aynan. See Hainan
Ayscue, Sir George, xxiv
'Azim Khan. See Fidai Khan
A'zim Khan, son of Rashid Khan,
to be nawdb of Orissa, 152 ». 4
Bafta, piece-goods, 288 n, 6, 302
»• 2, 303 ; blue, 272 n. 2, 288, 317 ;
broad, 272 n, 2; gold, 272, 288;
where now made, 272 w. 2 ; white,
288
Bafto. See Bafta
Baglana, province of, 135 n, 5
Bagnagar. See Bhagnagar
Bahagur, former name of Balasor,
162 «. 3
Bahar. See Weights and Measures
Baharre. See Bahar ^ s,v. Weights
and Measures
BahmanT dynasty, 109 n. i
Bajrdt a boat used for pleasure and
state journeys, 190, 190 /i. 2, 228 ;
description of, 228 «. i ; illustration
of, 228
Balagate, province, 108 n, i, 135
ft. 5
Balasor, xix, 32, 56 n» 2, 68 n, 3,
87 n. 2, 90 n» I, 104 n, i, 124 n» 3,
129 n. 1, 130, 148 n, 2, passim;
T. B. a resident in, in 1674, 152 ;
the only seaport in the Bay of
Bengal, 152 ; Rashid Khan's extor-
tions at, 153, 154, 154 ft. I, 155,
156* 158; trade bad at, 154 ft, i ;
English factory at, 154 ft. i, 162
^- 3 ; English agent at, 154 ft. i ;
Clavell's **pallace" at, 159; native
governor of, 159, 183 ft. 2, 185 ft. i;
letters from Walter Clavell at, 159;
"Accompt" of the trade of, 159,
162 ft. 3 ; Walter Clavell dies at,
160 ft. ; ftawdb of Cuttack rides in
INDEX
337
state through, i6i ; Schou ten's
description of, 162 «. 3; Marshall's
description of, 1 62 n. 3 ; its pro-
sperity owing to its convenient
situation, 162 n. 3; part of the
town rented by the Company, 162
n. 3 ; Portuguese houses at, 162
n. 3 ; subordinate to Hugli, 168
n. 4 ; hours of prayer at, altered,
177 «. i; Danish factory at, 183,
183 n. 3; trade of, ruined by
Malik Qasim's exactions, 185 «. i ;
commodities from, 231
Balasor Road, xxxvii, 68 n, 3,
92 n. I, 164, 167 n. I, 182 n, 3,
232 ; its safety and convenience,
162 «. 3 ; Company's cargoes trans-
shipped, at, 166 n. 2
Baldivia, Bowrey's proposal for
taking, xliii
Balfour, E., his "Cyclopaedia of
India" referred to, 275 n. 1
Ballasore. See Balasor
Bamboo, 86 n. 2, 87, 243, 274, 314,
314 «. 4, 322 n. 4; houses built of,
at Dacca, 149 ;{. r, at Achin, 321M. i;
dcAdr made from, 193, 193 «• i ;
houses at Patna roofed with, 22in.6;
plentiful at Junk-Ceylon, 249 ; two
kinds, male and female, 249, 249
//. I, 250; description of, 249 ;f. i ;
used for building houses, 250,
277, 277 n. 5; illustration of, 250
Bamboo, a measure. See Weights
and Measures
Ban, a village, 239 «. i
Banana, 274 n. 2
Banarous. See Benares
BandahdrOy a treasurer, 256 «. 3
Bandar y a harbour, \oo n, i, 191 //. 2
Bandar Abbas (Gombroon), 132
n. 2, 216, 216 n. 6
Bandarees. See Bendakdft
Bandel, the Portuguese Colony in
Hugli, 191, 191 n. 2 ; meaning of,
191 n. 2
Bang. See Bhdng
Banga. See Bangaree
Bangala. See Bengal
Bangala Merchant^ the. See Bengali
Merchant^ the
Bangaree, liv, 257, 283 ; situation
of, 257 n. 2
Bangha. See Bhdng
Bangkok, 91 ». i
Bangri, Bangarie. See Bangaree
Banhos, Domingos Perez, chief
owner of the Sancta Cruz^ 172 «. 3
Banian. See Banyan
Banjan. See Banyan
Ban Karon, in Junk-Ceylon, 239
n. I. See also Putom
Banksall, 88 n. 3, 93 m. i, 263 n, i
Ban Lipon, village of Lipon, 239
n, I
Ban Lipon Thai, Siamese village
of Lipon, 239 n. i
Banquala, a port in Junk-Ceylon,
^37» 238, 242, 242 n. 2, 246, 250,
25 2 > ^55 « its situation and present
designation discussed, 239 n, i,
250 n. 2
Bantam, 1, li. Hi, 71 n, 3, 90 n. i,
91 n. I, 118 n, I, 172 «. 3, 258,
295 «• 3» 298 n, I, 314 «. I, 318
«. 3 ; loss of, 320
Banyans, a Hindu caste, 194, 224
n, i; social characteristics of, 24,
27> 30» 3i».32, 34» 3.S 4^; mer-
cantile abilities of, 2\n. 2 ; religious
characteristics of, 27, 28, 29, 30,
31, 35; language of, 27; moral
characteristics of, 27, 28, 29 ; food
of, 28 ; clothes of, 32 ; appearance
of, 32 ; merchants of the, at Dacca,
oppressed by the nawdb^ 152;
money extorted from the, at Balasor,
153 ; merchants of, compelled to
build ships for the nawdby 163 ; at
Hugli, live peaceably under the
Moors, i68 «. 2 ; of higher caste
than Uriyas, 199; in Persia, 216
Banyan-tree, 7 «. 2
Baratta. See Dustoor
Barbadoes, 324 n, i
Barbary, 94
Barbers, of Gentue caste to be sent
to St Helena, 9 «. 4
Barbor, Robert, to be employed on
Bombay fortifications, xxv
Barca, probable origin of Purgo,
228 n. 2
Barella, 295 n. 2
Barnagar, Barnnegur, 176 «. i,
190 ;/. 2
Baron, Monsieur, 66 n. 1
Barros, Jo5o de, 129 «. i, 237
n. 2
Barros, kingdom of, 285 n. 3, 292
n. I, 295 n. 3
Basanta-Patali, 12^ n. i
Basara. See Bajrd
Basse, Captain William, 208 n. 5 ;
his account of the naval action
with the Dutch, 91 «. i
Batavia, xxvii, I, li. Hi, 92 n. i,
269, 285 n. 3; butter from Bengal
exported to, 133 n. 2 ; timber
brought from, to Hugli, 169 «. i
Bateman, Thomas, 176 «. i ; an
T.
22
338
INDEX
apprentice-pilot, xix ; pilots the
Dilligence to Hugli in 1675, '^ix;
wrecked in returning to Balasor,
xix ; death of, xix
Batilles. See Betteela
Batta, difference in exchange, 217
n. 2
Baupautla, 54
Baurt, See Weights and Measures
Bay, the. See Bengal
Bazaars, at Masulipatam, 106 ; at
Hugli, 167, 168; at Patna, 226 ». 2;
at Achin, 322, 322 n. 4
Bazar y a market, 213
Bears, figures of, in pagodas, 6 ;
figures of, carved on the chariot of
Jagannath, 1 7 ; infest swamps near
the Ganges, 199, 219; their fero-
city, 219; size and colour of in
Bengal, 220; illustration of, 222
Beaufort^ the, xxxvii
Beejapore. See Bijapiir
Beeswax, 290 n. 8; the king's
monopoly, 56, 56 n, 2, 132 n. 5,
225 ; plentiful in Bengal, 132, 134
n. I
Beetle. See Betel
Begum, of Shayista Khan, intercedes
for him, 148 «. 5
Behar, kingdom of, how composed,
151 n. 2.
Bel and the Dragon, allusion to
story of, 23
Bellesort, Bellesoor. See Balasor
Bells, not used by Muhammadans,
106
Belly timber, 194, 194 n. i
Below, meaning ' north,* 99, 108
Benares, 226 «. 2, 230 «. 5 ; Pagoda
of, 12 n. I ; festival at pagoda of,
17 n. r
Bencoolen, Bencolen, xl ; pepper
from, 292 n. 4 ; English settlement
at, 318 n. 3
Bendahdra, a degree of nobility among
Malays, 256 «. 3
Bendahdrty treasury-officers, 256
Bendaree, Bandaree. See Ban-
da hdr a
Bengal, Bengala, Bangala, xvi, xxii,
xxvii, xxxix, xl, 5, 10, 12 «. i, 23,
32, 33 n. 1, 48 «. I, 61 n, 3, 104
W.I, 124;;. 3, 129 «. J, lyi passim \
productiveness of, 21, 132, 133, 134;
exports from, 122 n. i, 132, 133,
247; description of, 131-220; ex-
tent of, 131, 131 ft. 7 ; rivers of,
131, 132; prosperity of, 131; trade
of, 132 n. 3, 133; manufactures of,
132 «. 3» 1 33 J government of.
135-149; rebellion in, i35-'39»
governors of, see Shah Shuja', Mir
Jumla, Shayista Khan, Fidai Khan ;
Schouten's description of, 1 3 1 «. 7 ;
former independence of, 131 «. 7;
number of Christians in, 133, 133
n. 3 ; Mir Jumla made governor of,
139; Shayista Khan made nawdb
of, 145, 146 n. 2, 146 n. 4;
Aurangzeb's third son made nawdb
of, 147, 148 «. 5 ; reports con-
cerning governors of, 148 «. 5 ;
Shayista Khan reinstated as
governor of, 148 n. 5 ; English
factories in, hold their farmdns
from the Mogul, 151; Walter Clavell
Chief of the English factory in, 1 58 ;
rivers in, 165; Hugli, the dep6t for
commodities of, 168 ; settlement of
the Danes in, 1 84 ; cheapness of
provisions in, 193, 194, 194 «. 2 ;
noted for sweetmeats made by the
Portuguese, 193 n. 2 ; resorted to
by foreigners, 194, 194 n. 2 ;
Bemier's saying concerning, 194,
194 n. 2 ; natives of Northern,
their search for the source of the
Ganges, 211; its fruitful villages
and towns, 212, 215, 215 n, 2; its
natural productions, 212; current
money of, 216-218; measures used
in, 217, 218; woods of, infested
with wild beasts, 219, 220 n. 4;
imports of, 232; ships from, fi-e-
quent Achin, 288 ; commodities
from, exported to Achin, 289, 290
Bengal, Bay of, 108 n. i, 131, 131
^' 7» 135 «• 5; limits of in i7ih
century, 131 «. 4 ; Balasor the only
seaport in the, 152 ; Danish ships
come to, on treaty of peace, 184
Bengala. See Bengal
Bengala, Sea of. See Bengal,
Bay of
Bengal Butter. See Ghi
Bengali Merchant^ the, 209 «. 2 ;
Bowrey returned to England on,
xxi, xl, lii
Benjamin, Benjoin. See Benzoin
Benzoin, incense, imported to Achin,
292, 292 n, I ; black, 292 n. i ;
where obtained, 292 n. i
Ber. See Zizyphus Jujuba
Bemier, Fran9ois, Bowrey's acquaint-
ance with his writings, xviii, 135-
144; his "Travels referred to,
21 «., 33 n, I, 34 «. I, 36 n, I,
48 «. I passim ; his account of the
revolution in Bengal followed by
Bowrey, 135-144
INDEX
339
Best, Captain Thomas, 295 n, 6
Beteelis. See Betteela
Betel, Betelee, Betle, 107 n. i, 273
n. 2, 304 n, 6, 306 n. i, 306 n. 2,
309 H. 3 ; a token of kindness,
30 «. 2 ; gardens at Karedu, 36
n. 3 ; nuts (areca), 208 n. 4 ; leaf
of, how used with areca-nut, 305
n. 1 ; description of, 306 ; illustra-
tion of, 308 ; offering of, from the
Queen of Achin, an honour, 310
Betelee Areca, 247, 303, 304, 305,
307 ; composition of, 30 w. 2 ; used
in marriage festivities, 30; much
used by Muhammadans, 97 ; given
to malefactors before execution,
316. See also s.w. Betel, Areca
Betelee boxes, 309, 309 n. 3
Betella. See Betteela
Betel-nut (areca), 30 n. 2
Betel piper^ 306 n. 2
Beths, 34 n. i
Betteela, fine muslin, veiling, 55 n. 2,
122, 231 n, r, 289 n. 4; Oringall,
71 n. 3, 122 n. 3; described,
122 n. 3
Bettelee, Betteleez. See Betteela
Bezoar, 292 ; different kinds of,
292 n. 7 ; price of, 292 n, 7
Bhada, See Bhar
Bhagnagar, capital of Golconda,
108 n. 7 ; extent of, strength of
Golconda fort at, no; called
Golconda by T. B., 108, 109, iii ;
resort of native and foreign mer-
chants, III, III n. i; European
inhabitants at, in the king's service,
in; European soldiers at, in dis-
repute, in; tank at, 126 n. 6
Bhdngy Indian hemp, 77 ; where
grown, 78
Bhar, a lighter, description of, 228,
228 n. 5 ; derivation of, 228 n, 5 ;
for what used, 229; illustration of,
228
Bhavani, the black, of Tuljapur,
119 /I. I
Bible, the, references to in the MS. See
s.v. Apocrypha, David, Garden of
Eden, Solomon, etc.
Biggehaut, 202 n. 2
BTjapur (Beejapore, Visiapour, Vise-
pour), 20, 51 «. I, 72 n. 2, 108 «. i;
extent of 20 n. 2 ; ports of, 20 n. 2;
king of, 20 «. 2, 38 w. 3 ; queen of,
20 w. 2 ; coast south of Porto Novo,
subject to king of, 82
Bilgrami and Wilmott, their
** Nizam's Dominions " referred to,
113 ft. I, 113 n. 3
Bilgrami, Syed Hossain. See Bil-
grami and Wilmott
Billi, Mons., his official post in
Junk-Ceylon, 255 «. 6
Billidge, Billedge, Thomas, 233 n. 2
Billingsby, John, Company's servant
at Balasor, 66 n. i
Bimlipatam, Bimlepatam, Bimlia-
patam, Bemilipatnam, 93 n. i, 123,
124 n. I, 124 n. 3 ; trade of, 122
n. I ; Schouten's description of,
123 «. 3; Dutch factory at, 123
n. 3
Binnilapatnam. See Bimlipatam
Bisnagar. See Vijayanagar
Bizipatam. See Vizagapatam
Black, colour, native dyers unable
to produce a good, 215, 2 1 5 «. i
Blackmoor, the, 121 n, 3
Black Pagoda, 12 n. i, 108, 129
n, 1 ; sailor's name for temple at
Kanarak, 108 n. 2
Black Town at Calcutta, 207 «. i
Blackwood's Harbour, 25 n. 3
Blake, William, 32 n, 2, 224 n, i
Blanc, Vincent le, 290 n. 7
Bodick, village near Surat, 49 «. i
Boita-kuliya, river, 129 «. i
Bolango, a pumpkin. See Conba-
lingua
Bombay, 264 n. 7 ; Presidency
transferred to, 309 n, \
Bonarres. See Benares
Bongkal. See Weights and Measures
Bonnell, Mr, 178 n. 3
Booncal. See Bongkal, s.v. Weights
and Measures
B5os. See Dringo
Bora, Boora, Bourie. See Bhar
Bomeo,xxii, xxxix,xlix,lii, liv, 1,282,
291, 292 n, I ; ships from, frequent
Achin, 288 ; Dutch trade at, 282
^- 5 ; English factory at, 282 n. 5 ;
expulsion of English from, 282 «. 5 ;
diamonds of, 291, 291 n. 8; bezoar
from, 292 n. 7
Borneo Merchant^ the, Bowrey's ship,
xxvii, xxviii, xxix, xxxvi, 175 «. 2;
wrecked, xxxvii, xxxviii
Boudoutschery. See Pondicherry
Boughton, Gabriel, obtains leave to
settle a factory at Pipli, 162 «. 2 ;
Hugli settled undery^rwa« obtained
by him, t68 n, 4; physician to
Mir Jumla, 233; cures the nawab's
wife, 233 ; obtains exemptions and
privileges for the English, 233, 234 ;
reasons for doubting his connection
with Mir Jumla, 233 «. 2
Bouree, Mr. See Bowrey, Thomas
22-
340
INDEX
Bouton, island, 201 n, 7
Bouverie^ the, xlvii
Bow, Middlesex, xlvi
Bowden, Gabriel. See Boughton,
Gabriel
Bowgee. See Cowry
Bowl Punch Tree, li
Bowrey Almshouses, erected under
the provisions of Mary Bowrey's
will, xlvi-xlviii ; Chancery suit in
connection with, xlvii; situation of,
xlviii ; inscription over, xlviii ; sale
of, xlviii ; present administration of
Bowrey charity, xlviii
Bowrey, Elizabeth, widow of Thos.
Bowrey, senior, xxv
Bowrey, John, Johannes, wounded
on the Unity, xxiv ; commands the
Hunter, the Death and the Drake,
xxiv ; recommended by Pepys, xxiv ;
certified as Master, xxiv ; accusa-
tions against, xxiv ; effects of, ad-
ministered, xxiv
Bowrey, Juditha, widow of Johannes
Bowrey, xxiv
Bowrey, Mary, wife of Thomas
Bowrey, xli ; executrix of Thomas
Bowrey, xliv ; assisted by Peter
Briggins, xlv ; will of, xlv, xlvii
Bowrey, Matthias, soldier, xxvi ;
living in Bombay in 1670, xxvi
Bowrey, Thomas (T. B.)» i ; account
of life of, xxiv-xlv; probable rela-
tions of, xxiv ; a sailing master,
xviii, xix, xxi, xxvii ; an inde-
pendent trader, xix ; his arrival in
India, xviii, xxi, 4 n. i, 166 n. 2;
length of his stay in India, xviii,
xxi, xxvi, 2 «. I ; no mention of
him in E. I. Co. records before
1682, xxiii; his voyages 1672-1677,
xxvi ; commands one of Jearsey's
ships, xxvi ; his encounter with
Streynsham Master, 175, 176 ;
pilots the Sancta Cruz, xix, xxvi ;
caught in an eddy off the James
and Mary shoal, 173, 174 ; goes to
Batavia, xxvii ; negotiates sale of
pepper at Fort St George, xxvii,
xxix ; buys the Conimeer sloop,
xxvii, xxviii ; goes to Achin, Balasor,
and Porto Novo, xxviii, xxix ; com-
plaint against him by Capt. Heath,
xxviii ; makes restitution, xxviii ;
pilots the Govr. of Tranquebar,
xxix ; gets permit to return to
England on the Shrewsbury^ xxix ;
goes to Porto Novo, is imprisoned
there, xxix-xxxvi ; his wrongs re-
ferred to Fort St George, xxx ;
blamed for acting independently of
Cuddalore Council, xxx, xxxiv;
petitions the Cuddalore Council to
procure his release, xxxi-xxxiii; his
explanation of the quarrel at Porto
Novo, xxxi ; his sufferings at Porto
Novo, xxxiii; bond required of
him in return for Company's assist-
ance, xxxiv; his release, xxxiv-
xxxvi ; sails for Achin, xxxvi ;
obtains no compensation for ill-
treatment, xxxvi ; goes to Bengal
with Samuel Heron, xxxvii ; returns
to Fort St George, xxxvii ; loses
the Borneo Merchant, xxxvii ; his
relations with Dampier, xxxviii,
xxxix ; resides at Achin, 287 ». i ;
sails to the Nicobar Is., xxxix ;
writes from Borneo to Mindanao,
xxxix; sails to Bengal, xxxix; takes
news of massacre at Mergui to Fort
St George, xl; sails for England,
xl ; goods and money delivered to
him by the Company, xl ; marriage
of, xli ; his opinion as to a settle-
ment in the South Seas, xlii ; a
tenant and acquaintance of Peter
Briggins, xlii; makes suggestions
regarding East Indian trade, xlii f. ;
his proposal for a settlement on the
coast of South America, xliii ;
death and burial of, xliv; will of,
xvii, XX, xxiii, xliv; bequests of,
xliv f. ; his identity with T. B.
proved, xviii, xxiii ; acquainted with
many 17th century Anglo-Indians,
xviii ; title, condition, and hand-
writing of his MS., XV ; abrupt
ending of his MS., xvii; value of
his MS. and drawings, xv, xvii,
xviii ; charts of, xxi, xlviii-li ; his
knowledge of colloquial Hinddstani,
1 26 «. 4 ; his Malay Dictionary,
xvii, xxi, xxii, xxvi, xl, xli, xlii, li,
lii, liii, liv, Iv, Ivi, 97 n. 4 ; other
writings of, xx, xxiii, xli, xlviii-li
Bowrey, Thomas, senior, commended
by Capt. Potter, xxv ; commands
Roe ketch and Constant Warwick,
xxv ; engages with a Spanish pirate
ship, xxv ; goods of, administered,
xxv
Bowring, Sir John, his " Kingdom
of Siam " referred to, 236 n. i, 243
«. 3, 247 «. 5, 260 n, I, 276 «. 5
Bo wry. Captain, to assist in fortifica-
tions at Bombay, xxv, xxvi
Bowry, Mr (? Bowrey, John), master
of the Antelope, xxiv ; discharged,
xxiv
INDEX
341
Bowrye, Joseph, goods of, adminis-
tered, XXV
Bowrye, Margareta, widow of
Joseph Bowrye, xxv
Boy. See Boyi
Boyi (Telugu) caste, 87 «. 2, 88 n, 3
Braces, the, ij^n. 1; shoals in the
Hugh, 167 ; various mentions of,
167 n. 1
Brachman. Se^r Brahmin
Brahma, 34 /;. i ; the Ganges said
to flow from the feet of, 202 n. i
Brahmani, River, 129 «. i
Brahmins, a Hindu caste, g, 12 n. i^
15 ft. I, 16, 17, 25 n. I, 36, 38, 39,
88 n. 3, 107 ft. I, 120;^. I, 121 ft. 4,
125 ft. 1, 126 ft, 3, 202; their
sorceries deceive the Gentues, 10,
23» 24* 3^* 205 » number main-
tained at Jagannath Pagoda, 13;
their immorality, 24 ; their mode
of performing marriage ceremonies,
29, 30; their mark esteemed by the
Gentues, 32 ; author's discourse
with, 32 ; their explanation of an
eclipse, 33, 34 ; their ignorance of
astronomy, 34; their cruelty to
Gentue widows, 40, 203, 204 ; en-
courage saitf and intoxicate victims,
36-38 ; in Golconda, assume pri-
vileges of rdjdSf 108 ; intoxicate
victims at the Swinging Festival,
198 ; their speedy cure of victims
of the hook, 198 «. i ; extort money
from dying Uriyas, 201; students
of astrology, 205, 205 ft. i ; dreaded
by the Moors, 205 ; district in-
habited by, 205, 215; their wisdom,
205, 205 ft. 2 ; reverence of the
natives for, 205 ; called Gimno-
sophists, 206 ; their civility to
Europeans, 206 ; teachers of the
Gentues and Uriyas, 206 ; value of
their cAap on Ganges water, 216
Bramminy. See Brahmin
Brampore, 288 ft. 6
Bramston, William, pilot, deceased,
166 ft. 2
Breton, Mr, part owner of the
Loyall Subject^ 90 ft. i
Breton^ the. See Great Breton^ the
Brick-bridge, 149 ;t. i ; at Hugh,
171 ft. I
Brick buildings, at Dacca, 150
n. 2
Bridges, Shem, 32 ft, 2, 75 ft. i,
233 n. 2
Briggins, Peter, xxiii ; a Quaker,
XX ; original owner of T. B. MS.,
XX, xxii ; no relation to Bowrey,
XX ; diaries of, xx, xlii, xliii ; his
connection with Bowrey, xx, xlii,
xliv ; his kindness to Mrs Bowrey,
XX, xlv
Brimstone, 232, 292, 292 ft. 3
Britafiftia^ the. See Great Bretoft^
the
British Museum, the. mss. at
referned to, xxi, xxvi, xliii, xlviii
ft. 4, 134 ft. I, 134 ft. 2, 134 ft. 3,
239 ft, I
Broad cloth, 88 ft. 3 ; no sale for, in
Bengal, 152 m. 4 ; no sale for, in
Balasor, 154 ft, i; imported to
Achin, 289
Brokers, to the English, at Balasor,
32, 154, 154 ft. I
Brouma. See Brahma
Browne, Captain Arnold, Com-
mander of the Loyall Subject .> 90
ft. I
Bruce, John, his "Annals" referred
to, 245 ft, 2, 295 ft. 6
Bruton, William, lands at Harsapur,
120 /{. I
Buckett. See Puket
Buckridge, Nicholas, inspector of
factories on Coromandel Coast,
53 «. 2; his report of Madapollam,
100 ft. I
Bucor. See Bukkur
Budgerow, Budgaroe, Budgaroo,
Budgree, a boat. See Bajra
Buffalo Butter, 289 n. 2
Buffaloes, 243 ft. 2, 315 ; Mahesha
Asura assumes shape of a, i ig ft. i ;
on shores of the Ganges, 2 1 1 «. 3 ;
at Kedah, 279, 279 ft. 3; Fryer's
description of, 279 «. 5 ; wild, in
Kedah, 280 ; tame, their flesh
eaten, 280; butter made of milk
of, 289 ft. 2 ; fight with elephants,
310; illustration of, 314
Bugden, Edmund, 75 «. i, 228 ft. 2;
Company's servant, xix, 178 ft. i;
rents Dummadapore in Balasor, 162
«• 3
Bugden, John, 272 ft. 4; independ-
ent trader, xix ; reasons for sup-
posing him to be the author of the
MS., xix f.; brother of Edmund
Bugden, 1 78 «. i ; goes on a trading
voyage with Clement Jordan, 178
ft. I ; examined as to the murder
of John Smith, 178 «. i
Buggera. See Budgerow
Bukit^ a hill, 239 «. i
Bukkur, 136 fi, 4
Bulls, figures of carved, on the chariot
of Jagannath, 17
342
INDEX
Buncus, Bunco, Buncoos. See
Bunko
"Bundalela" Shah, Governor of
**Carera," 36 //. 3
Bunder. See Bandar
Bunko, a cigar, xvii, 97 ; earliest
quoted instance of, 97 «. 4
Burghess, Michael, liii
Burma, xvi
Burmull, 154 ». i
Bumeo Merchant^ the. See Borneo
Merchant^ the
Burning of Hindu women. See
Sail
Burrie. See Bauriy s, v. Weights and
Measures
Burroughs, Joshua, 271 «. ; escapes
from the Dutch, ^()^ n. 3 ; sent to
Kedah with Capell, 269 ; his sad
plight at Kedah, 269
Bussorah, 114 n. 6, 132 n, 2
Butter (ght)y 20, 122, 181, 289, 289
n. 2, 290, 304 ; excellence of, on
Gingalee Coast, 128, 132 n. 6;
exported from Bengal, 132, 132
n, 6, 133 n, 2, 247 ; how preserved
for transport, 1^2 n. 6 ; price of, in
Patna during the famine, 226 «. 2;
imported to Junk-Ceylon, 247 n. 2 ;
sold by the bamboo at Achin, 282
n. I
Byam, John, 158 n, 3, 167 «. i
Caboul. See Kabul
Caboulistan. See Kabul
Cabstant. See Capstan
Cachemire, 136 /i. 3
Cadjour. See Khajur
Cadmia, 291 n, 2
Caf-Dagai. See Caucasus, moun-
tain
Cafila, caravan, 221, 221 n. i
Cahar. See Kah&r
Cair. See Coir
Calabash, pumpkin, 247
Calambac. See Agila wood
Calamus aroma ticus. See Dringo root
Calang, tin, 240 n. i
Calay. See Kuwala
Calcutta, 1 20 «. 4, 162 n, 2, 172
n. 3, 209 n. 2, 263 n. i
Calendar of State Papers, Domes-
tic Series, referred to, xxiv, xxv
Caletaer, 124 ;;. i
Calico, Callicoe, cotton cloth, 5, 55
n. 2, 106, 106 n. 2, 181, 246, 289
^' 5» 303 «• 3 ; made at Peddapalle,
56; made at and exported from
Masulipatam, 7 1 ; large quantity
made at MadapoUam, 100 ». i ;
exported from Golconda, 1 1 1 ; ex-
ported from Gingalee Coast, 122;
exported from Harsapur, 130; ex-
ported from Bengal, 133; coarse,
sold at Hugli, 168; imported to
Junk-Ceylon, 240; **blew," 246;
imported to Achin, 288, 289 n, i ;
fine, 302, 310
Calicut, 208 n, 5
Calicut, white and painted. See
Paintings
Calin, tin, 240 n. i, 259 n. \
Callaway, William, a friend of the
author, 175 ; appointed special
assistant to Streynsham Master,
175 «. 8 ; illness of, 176, 178/1. 3;
dies on the Ganges in Hugli river,
1 78 «• 3 ; sale of his goods, 7 1 «. 3,
175 n. 8; list of his effects, 175
n, 8
Callingapatam, 124 ;/. i
Callor Vissina, complaint of, 4
n. 2, 123 n, 4
Calmus. See Dringo root
Calvar, village, 108 ». i, 108 /t. 6
Cambay, i^ n. 2
Cambay, Gulf of, 135 n. 5
Cambaya. See Comboy
Cambodia, tributary to Siam, 275
n. 3
Camboge. See Cambodia
Camoens, his reference to Kedah,
276 n. 5
Camphor, 292, 292 n. i ; where
found, 292 n. 2
Canara, 93 n, i
Canary wine, 88 n. 3
Cancoply. See Conicopoly
Candahar, 1^6 n. 3
Candareen. See Weights and Mea-
sures
Candil. See Weights and Measures
Candy. See Weights and Measures
Candy, Candia, king of, opposed to
the Portuguese, 75 «. 3; king of,
hates the Dutch, 180 «. 6
Cange. See Congye
Cannabis Indica, See Bh&ng and
Ganja
Cannan, William, sailor on the De-
fence^ xxviii
Canoe, canoa, xxxix
Capell, Francis, sent to Kedah to
sell off Company's stock, 269; his
sad plight at Kedah, 269, 271 n»
Cape- Merchant, supercargo, 271,
271 «. I
Caphala. See CaBla
Capon, eunuch, 207 n, 5, 300 n. 4
Capon, fowl, 303 n, 3
INDEX
343
Capstan, 75, 181
Capun^ capon, eunuch, 300 n, 4
Caraid. See Karedu
Carcal, 182 n, 2
Careda. See Karedu
Carera, Carrera, Careero. See
Karedu
Carmania. See Kirman
Carmichael, D. F., his *' Vizagapatam
District" referred to, 123 n. 2
Carnatic Coast, xlix, 51 n. i
Carpets, imported to Achin, 288,
303; silk and worsted, 288 «. 8;
Persian, 309, 309 n. 2
Carreas, caste of fishermen in Ceylon,
42 n. I
Carvalia, Augustine de, master of
the Sancta Cruz, 172 «. 3
Cash. See Coins
Casharee. See Kachahri
Casharry, water at, suitable for
dyeing, 162 n, 3
Casigere, 129/2. i
Casmeer? boat, 226 n. 2
Cassas, Cossaes. See Khassa
Cassa Verona. See Ka9u Viranna
Cassia, 291 n. 5
Cassia Fistula, 291, 291 n, 5
Cassia Lignea, 291 n. 5
Caste, 19, 20, 22, 27, 28, 29, 31 «.,
41*83, 156, 199, 216; restrictions
of, 9, 117; loss of, 1 1 ; means to
regain, 12, 13
Castez, \^Q n. 4
Castor hats, among Callaway's
effects, 175 n. 8
Casuree. See Khajuri
Catamaran (Cattamaran, Cata-
marou), 44, 47 ; description of,
43 ; illustration of, 44
Catawal, Catoal. See Kotwdl
Catch. See Ketch
Catchpole, Allen, 96 n, 2, 225
n. 3
Cateck. See Cuttack
Catee. See Catty, s.v. Weights and
Measures
Catry. See Khattrt
Cattack. See Cuttack
Cattapa, 125 n. i
Cattee. See Weights and Measures
Catwall. See Kotwal
Catysol. See Kittysol
Caucasus, mountains, \7JS n, 3 ;
supposed source of the Ganges,
166 n, I
Caulis. See Cowry
Cawn, Caun. See Khan
Cawne. See Kdhan, s.v» Weights
and Measures
Cdyln gaja. See Comboy
Cayre. See Coir
Ceaser, the, 91 «. i
Ceilan. See Ceylon
Celebes, Island, xlix
Cellates, derivation of, 237 «. 1*
See also s.v. Saletars
Central Asia, 172 ». i
Ceremonies, on departure of English
commanders from Achin, 306-
308 ; when a present is received by
the Queen of Achin, 309, 310; on
taking betel, 309 n. 3, 310; at the
mourning for the Queen of Achin,
31^ 3"
Ceylon, 42 «. i, 65 n, 2, 66 n, i,
73» ^79» 180, 186, 208 «. 4, 266
«. 3 ; chart of, by Bowrey, xxvii,
xlix, 1 ; rice imported from Bengal,
^32 n. 7; elephants from, the best
in India, 180, 180 n» 5; early
traders at, 180 n. 6; Portuguese
settlement at, 180 n. 6; Dutch
expel the Portuguese at, 180 fi. 6
Chabe. See Long Pepper
Chahbandar. See Shahbandar
Chah-hestkan. See Shayista Khan
Chah Jehan. See Shah Jahan
Chamberlin, Sir Thomas, Deputy
Govr. of the E.I. Co., 84 n. 2
Champain. See Champion
Champion (level, open country),
120, 120 n. 2
Chandragheri, rdjd of, grants land
to the English, 53 n. i
Chank, Chunk, 208, 208 n, 4, 208
n. 5 ; shells worn as ornaments by
Gentues and Uriyas, 209
Channel Creek, 209 n, 2
Chap, a seal, 154 /f. i, 216, 268, 300
n, 2, 304 ; a protection for travellers,
118; of the Brahmins, its value,
216; of the Queen of Achin, 300,
300 n, 3, 300 «. 4, 301, 302 n. I,
302 n, 2, 306, 308 ; at Tonquin,
300 ft. 2\ at Achin, ceremonies on
receipt of, what paid for it, 302,
302 n 2
Char. See Coir
Charbonn^, Brother Rene, Govr. of
Junk-Ceylon, 255 n, 6; designs
fort for King of Siam, 278 «. i
Charles, the, 271 «. i ; sent to Kedah,
268 ; her return to Surat, 268
Charles II., exchanges presents with
the Queen of Achin, 319
Charles Street, Fort St Geoi^e,
Jearsey's house at, 251 «. i
Chamock, Henry, 154/1* i
Chamock, Job, xxxvii, 85 n, 4, 176
344
INDEX
ft, I ; chief at Patna, 224 ; his
knowledge of Eastern customs,
224 ; his privileges, 224 ; founder
of Calcutta, 224 ». 2 ; his appoint-
ments in India, 224 n, 2
Chatagaum. See Chittagong
Chatir. See Shahbandar
Chattigaum. See Chittagong
Chaumont, Monsr. de C, 255 n, 6;
his *' Embassy to Siam" referred to,
236 n. 4
Chaup. See Chap
Chavici betel. See Betel
Chay, red madder, 106 n. 2
Chaya Capampone, 253 n. i
Checracole. See Chicacol
Cheda. See Kedah
Cheese, forbidden food of Banyan
caste, 29
Chenam. See Chunam
Chene Pelle Mirzah, besieges Fort
St George, 51 n. i
Chengy, Chenji, Khan of, 20 n, 2
Cheroot, a cigar, xv «., xvii, 97
Chiali, xxxii
Chicacol, Chicacole, 124, 124 n, i,
124 «. 3; residence of King of
Golconda's Viceroy, 124 n, 3, 125;
most famous town on Gingalee
Coast, 125
Chickacul, Chickeracole, Chickre-
cole. See Chicacol
Chilambaram, intercedes for Bow-
rey, xxxii
Chilamchtt a basin, 96 n. 2, 199
«• 3
Chili, xliii
Chillimbrum. See Chilambaram
Chillumchee. See Chilamchl
Chim Cham, Khemchand, xviii,
208 n. 4; broker to the English,
154 ; mulcted of 50,000 Rs. by the
nawdb of Cuttack, 155, 156; mar-
riage of his daughter, 156; in
partnership with Chintamund, 154
n, I ; in Company's service for
about 20 years, 1 54 n, i ; mulcted
by the /fl«;'(a55r of Cuttack, 154 «. i;
his wealth and independence, 154
n. I ; becomes security for other
merchants, 1 54 n. i ; his goods
seized by a native officer, 154 «. i ;
has leave to build a warehouse in
Balasor, 154 «. i ; dictates his own
terms to the Council, 1 54 n. i ;
employed as intermediary with the
native government, 154 «. i
China, xxii, 1, 5, 71, 133, 272 n, 3,
281 «. 2, 286, 286 n, I, 290, 323;
tootnague from, 199 n» 3; musk
from, 230; ship from, frequent
Achin, 288; silk from, 290, 291,
2pi n, I
China bell. See Gong
China camp, at Achin, 322 n, 4
Chinamb. See Chunam
China ware, 290
Chinchura, 191 n, 2
Chinese, the, ships of frequent the
port of Achin, xxii, 286 n. i ; many
of, residents at Achin, 293 n. 2,
322 n. 4
Chinnapatnam (Madras), 107 n, i
Chintamund, Chintaman, 208 n. 4 ;
broker to the English at Balasor,
154 «. I ; in partnership with
Chim Cham, 154 n, i; in debt to
the Company, f 54 «. i ; his solv-
ency questioned, 154 «. I ; his ship
seized in payment of debt to the
Co., 154 «. I
Chintamundsaw, Chintemanshaw.
See Chintamund
Chintz, 5 «. 5, 9 n. 5, 55 n, 2, 106
rt. 2, 175 n. 8, 289 «. 5; trade in
at Masulipatam, 61 «. 3, 71, 72,
289; plural of chint, 71 n. 4;
fine, 246, 289, 289 /;. i ; coarse,
246
Chites, printed calico, 61 n. 3, 71
«. 4, 288 n. 7
Chittagong, 176 n. i, 212 n, 2
Chitty, caste, 77 «. 2
Chittygom. See Chittagong
Choonam. See Chunam
Chop, Chopp, Chaup. See Chap
Choromandel. See Coromandel
Choultry, at Peddapalle, 54; at
Hugli, 167; derivation and use of
the word, 167 n. 2
Choupar. See Chuprah
Chowltery. See Choultry
Chovs^ne, Henry, second at Achin
factory, 317 «. 5, 319, 320
Chowra, Island. See Sombrero
Christians, numerous in Bengal,
133. 133 «• 3
Chulias, Chuleas, Madras Muham-
madans, xvii, xxii, xxxiii, 256, 262,
263, 270; definition and character
of, 256 «. I, 257, 258 ; favoured by
Muhammad Beg, 257; massacre of
in Junk-Ceylon, 257; escape of
two, 257 ; their native land, 257 ;
good linguists, 258; at Achin, 286
n, I
Chuljar. See Chulia
Chunam^ lime, plaster, 193 n. i, 304
«• 6, 305, 305 n, I, 306 «. I, 309
«• 3
INDEX
345
Chupak. See Weights and Measures
Chuprah, Dutch refine saltpetre at,
225 n. I
Chyna Vincatadry, his house at
St Thomas* Mount offered to the
Co., 45 n. I
Cicacola. See Chicacol
Cinnamon, 291 n. 5 ; from Ceylon,
180 //. 6, 181 n. I
Cirkell. See Sarkil
Citron, 324 n. \
Citrullus eduHsy water-melon, 248 n. i
Civet, 134 «. 3
Clapton Magna, Essex, xlvi
Clavell, Edward, son of Walter
Clavell, sent to England on the
President ^ 158 n, 3; sheriff of
Dorset in 1702, 158 n. 3; death
of, 158 n. 3
Clavell, George, son of Edward
Clavell, 158 n. 3 ; last of the
Clavell line, 158 n, 3
Clavell, Martha, second wife of
Walter Clavell, 158 «. 3; dies at
Balasor, 158 n. 3
Clavell, Prudence, first wife of Wal-
ter Clavell, 158 «. I
Clavell, Walter, xviii, 68 n. 3, 73
n. 2, 75 n. I, 150 n, 2, 164 «. 4,
169 «. I, 176 «. I ; his "Accompt
of the Trade of Ballasore," 129 «. i,
158 n. 3, 162 n. 3, 183 n. 3; his
'* Accompt of the Trade of Hugly,"
146 n. 4, 158 «. 3, 175 «. i;
obtains renewal oifarman from the
nawdb of Cuttack, 158, 160, 160
n. 2 ; parentage of, 1 58 «. 3 ; ap-
pointed on special mission to Ft St
George, 158 «. 3; second in Ben-
gal, 158 //. 3; obtains a paru'dna
from Shayista Khan, 158 n. 3;
rents Dummadapore in Balasor,
162 n. 3; quarrels with Joseph
Hall, 1587;. 3 ; accusations against,
158 «. 3; Major Puckle decides in
favour of, 158 n. 3 ; chief at Hugli,
158 n. 3; two letters to Richard
Edwards from, 158 n. 3 ; writes to
the Court as to the navigation of
the Hugli, 166 n. 2; instructed to
obtain a new farmdn^ 1 58 n. 3 ;
dies of fever at Balasor, 158 «. 3;
his two wives, and his children,
158 «. 3; his will, 158 «. 3; his
news of the Danes in India, 182
n. 3, 189 n, 3
Clavell, Walter, junr., son of Walter
Clavell, 158 n, 3; baptism of, 158
n, 3 ; sent to England on the Presi-
dent ^ 158 «. 3
Clavell, William, son of Walter
Clavell, 158 «. 3
Clepsydra, water-clock, 197 «. i
Cloth, cotton, 9; gold and silver
striped, 10
Cloth of gold, 310, 326
Cloves, 208 n. 4
Coale, Robert, a dyer, 215 «. i
Coast, the. See Madras
Coatwalls Chabootree. See Kot-
wdl kd chabatra
Cobden, Alexander, sailor on the
Defence^ xxviii
Cocanada, 120 n. 4
Cochin China, 208 n. 4, 272 ;{. 3 ;
musk from, 230
Cocke, Jos., taken by the Dutch,
266 n. 3
Cock-fighting, at Achin, 310, 310
n. 4
Cocks, Isle of. See Coxe's Island
Cocoa-nut tree, 46, 245, 323, 323
n. 2 ; used for bubble bubbles, 97
n. 3 ; coir cable made from husk
of, 103 «. 4, 104; groves of, at
Cuttack, 152 ; abundant at Junk-
Ceylon, 246, 247
Cod gone. See Cojung
Coffee, 97
Cogan, Andrew, abandons Armagon,
25 «• 3
Cogee. See ^ Khwdjdjt
Coins, Abassin, 114; Anna, 114
n. 8, 214 n. 2, 218 n, 10, 226 n. 2 ;
Cash, 114, 115, 116, 289 n. 9;
Cowry, xvii, 154 n. i, 180, 200,
217 n, 5, 218, 218 n. 10, 281 n, 3;
Dollar, 246, 246 n, 10, 262 n, 7,
281 n. 2; Fanam, 42 n. i, 114,
115, 200 n. 4; FulHsf 200 y* :. ;
Kdping, 241, 241 «. 3, 242 n, i;
Kobang, 241 n. 3, 280, 280 «. 5,
281, 281 n, i; Mace, xxxix, 115,
269, 281, 281 «. I, 281 n. 5, 289, 289
n, 9, 302 n. 2, 315, 318; Mohur,
148, 148 «. 3, 160, 217, 217 n, I,
2i8; Pagoda, xxvii, xxviii, xxix,
xxx, xxxi, xxxii, 19 n» 4, 30,
5i> 51 «• 3> 57i 64 «. I, 80 «. 2,
81 n. 2, 88 «. 3, 93 n. i, 105
n. 2, 106 n. 4, 1 12, 114, 115, 115
n. 2, 217 n, 2, 251 n. i, 263 n, i,
275 «. I, 290 n, 5 ; Patah, 241 «. i,
241 n, 2, 242, 242 n. r, 246 n, 10;
Pican, 116 ; Pice, 134 «. 2 ; Rupee,
114, 122 n, I, 133 n, 5, 134 «. I,
134 n. 2, 134 n, 3, 146, 146 n, 2,
148 «. 5» 154 «• ^ 156, i57» i59»
199, 214 ». 2, 216, 218 n, ro, 226
n, 2, 291 «. 2 ; Ryall, Royall, 77
346
INDEX
n. 7, 112, 114, 218 ft. 10, 232, 241 I
n. I, 245, 246, 246 n. 10, 273, 276, ;
280, 281 tt. 2, 289; Sol, 200 n. I ;
Tale, Tael, 122 n. i, 266 n. 3, 269,
270, 28r, 281 n. 2, 281 n. 5, 290
«• 5» 30^» 302 «• ^. 303* 303 «• 3»
304, 304 n. I, 318; Tical, Tictil,
115; Tra^ 281, 281 n. 4
Coir (Cair, Cay re, Coy re), rope of
cocoanut husk, 42, 43 n. i, 103,
104 ; how made, 103 n. 4, 104 n. i ;
strength of, 105; rotted by fresh
water, 105; from the Maldive Is.,
180, 180 n. 2
Cojung, Point, 129 n. i ; Bay, 129
n. I
Colbome, Mr, 54
Colcepore, 165 n. 2
Coleer, Seftor, Governor of Pulicat,
Collepelle, 55 n. i
Colombo, 75 /I. 3, f8i, i8f ». I
Comboy, 246, 246 n. 5, 290
Comorin, Cape, 208
Conar, 124 n. i, 124 n. 3
Conbalingua^ Combalenga^ pumpkin,
3^3. 3^3 «. 7
Concherina. See Cochin China
Conch -shell. See Chank
Conderine. See Weights and
Measures
Congoe. See K&nungo
Congye, Congy, Cange, Conjee, 29,
117, 231 ;/. I
Conicopoly {kanakkapillai, Canco-
ply, Conecopola, a clerk), 25, 41
n. 2
ConimeeTy the, sloop, xxvii
Conjaguaree Point, 129
Conjee, to stiHen, 29 n. 3
Connare. See Conar
Connercon, pagoda of, 129 ». i
Consent, the, William Jearsey's ship,
251 n. I
Constant Warwick, the, xxv
Coodaloor. See Cuddalore
Cooke, Sir Thomas, a Director of the
• E. I. Co., xlii
Cook-room, at Hugli factory rebuilt,
168 n. 4
Coonemerro, 82 «. i
Coopang. See Kaping
Cooraboor, 82 ». i
Copan, gold. See Kobang, s.v. Coins
Copper, 232, 281 n. 3, 290 ; wrought,
290 n. 10
Cor. See Corge
Coral, 232
Corango. See Coringa
Corge, a score, 71 «. 3
Cori. See Cowry
Coringa, Corango, i, ^i n. i, 98
n. I, 120 n. I, 120 n. 4, 123, 176
n. i; bay. 3, 120
Cormandell. See Coromandel
Com, from Patna, 221 n. i, 225;
price of, during famine at Patna,
226 n. 2
Coro Maldiva. See Coir
Coromandel, coast, xvi, 2, 10, 12
n. I, 43 n. 2, 52, 98 n. i, 120 n. i,
134 //. I, 208 n. 5, 247, 257 ; de-
scription of, 2-107; extent of, 2, 3;
inhabitants of, 106; no prohibition
as to trade on the, 107; ships from,
to Kedah, 272
Cosmo Lorenzo de Madera, part
owner of the Sancta Cruz, 172
;/. 3
Cossae. See Khdssa
Cossid, Cossit. See Kdsid
Cossum, chief, 213
Cossumbazar. See Kasimbazar
Cotton, from Patna, 221 n. i; im-
ported to Achin, 288
Cotton cloth, 9, 302 n. 2 ; made by
the Dutch at Pulicat, 52; quantity
produced in Bengal, 132, 132 n. 3,
133 "• 3
Cotton yarn, 154 n. i, 232, 232
n. I ; imported to Achin, 288
Cotup Sha. See Qutb Shah
Cotwal. See Kotw&l
Country, meaning "Indian," xix,
xxi, 61, 61 n. 2, 178 n. i
Course. See Kos, s.v. Weights and
Measures
Covid, Covad, Covet. See Weights
and Measures
Cow, 315 ; figures of, in pagodas, 6,
16; reverence for, 8, 26, 206, 206
n. 4 ; indispensable in marriages
and commercial dealings, 9; sale
and slaughter of, forbidden, 9, 27;
20,000 maintained at pagoda of
Jagannath, 12 n. i ; importance of
tail of, 28 ». I, 29 ; excellence of,
on Gingalee Coast, 1 28 ; price of a,
in Bengal, 193
Cowie, a written engagement, 82 ». i,
124 n. 3, 125 «. I
Cowries, xvii, 154 n, 1, 199, 281
n. 3; from the Maldive Is., 180,
200 ; number of, to a rupee, 200 ;
when most plentiful, 200 n. 2 ;
sold by tale, 218, 218 n. 6; rise
and fall of, 2 19 ; profit on traffic in,
218 «. 10. See also s.v. Coins
Coxe's Island, 209; merged into
Sagar Island, 209 n. 2 ; various
INDEX
347
names for, 209 n. 2 ; derivation of
discussed, 209 n. 2 ; T. B.'s men
killed by tigers at, 220
Coyr. See Coir
Cozee. See Qdzi
Crawfurd, John, his " Dictionary of
the Indian Is. "referred to, 77 n. 3,
78 n. 4, 79 n. 2, 122 «. I, 235 n. i,
237 "• »> passim*, his ** Malay
Dictionary " referred to, 192 n. 4 ;
his "Embassy to Siam" referred
to, C37 n. I, 240 n. I, 247 n. 3,
275 «• 3» 279 n. 4, 279 «. 5
passim
Crease, Creese, Creis, Cresset. See
Kris
Grid. See Kris
Criminals at Achin, how punished,
3 14-3 1 7 ; crippled, illustration of a,
314; numerous, 317; their dex-
terity, 314 «. 2
Crockford, Benjamin, 298 «. i
Crocodile, called Alligator by T. B.,
284, 284 n. 3
Croft, Captain William. See Cruft,
Captain William
Crore. See Weights and Measures
CruflFe, Captain William. See Cruft,
Capt. Wm.
Cruft, Captain William, commander
of the Unity f 91 ; honoured by the
king of Golconda, 90 n. i ; censured
by the Court of Directors, 91 «. i ;
dismissed from, and restored to the
Co.'s service, 91 ;/. i; desertion
and complaints of his crew, 91 «. i ;
his conduct during the naval fight
with the Dutch, 91 «. i
Cubit. See Weights and Measures
Cudda. See Kedah
Cuddalore, xxviii, iniiji,^mj^v, xxxvi ;
Council at, their action in
of Bowrey, xxxii-xxxvi
CuUean Ray. See Kalyan Ray
Cummun, 88 n. 3
Cundapella, 88 n. 3
Cupine. See Kdpingy s.v. Coins
Cupon. See Kdping^ s.v. Coins
Curore, Croer. See Crore
Curtis, Captain William, sent to
Achin, 319
Cushin Carpets. See Divans
Custom-house, at Achin, 302, 304,
308, 318; officers of the, 309
Customs, payable on the Coro-
mandel Coast, 107 ; levied at Gol-
conda diamond mines, 112 n. 2 ;
English free of, in kingdom of
Siam, 244 ; what levied on foreign
vessels in Siam, 245 n. 2; English
free of, at Achin, 304 n. 4 ; what
levied on ships entering port of
Achin, 303, 304, 304 n. r
Cuttack (Cattack, Cateck), xvi, 154
n. I, 161; capital of Orissa, 151
n. 3 ; Hamilton's description of, 151
n. 3; English factory at, 151 n. 3;
T.B.'s description of, 151, 152;
Governor of, his state and exac-
tions, 1 52 ; old naivdb of, goes to
Dacca, 152, 157; old nawdb of,
his wife, story of, 157, 158; new
nawdb of, his exactions, 152-157 ;
other nawdbs of, 152 n. 4; new
nawdb of, rides in state through
Balasor, 161; Danes kept prisoners
by nawdb of, 182 «. 3
Cuttack, River. See Gonga
Cutterye Caste. See Khattri
Cuttiwaukum backwater, 44 n. i
Cyrus, King of Persia, alluded to,
n
Dacca, xvi, 97 n. 3, 140/1. 2, 146, 146
n. 4, 148 n. 5, 152, 154 n. i, 157,
1 85 ;;. 1 , 1 89 ; capital of Bengal, 1 39 ;
Shah Shuja' flees to, 139; Shah
Shuja' goes from, with his train, to
Arakan, 141; made capital of Ben-
gal by Mir Jumla, 1 43 ; Thevenot's
description of, 1 43 n. i ; Prince
Muhammad A'zim arrives at, 149,
165 ; description of city of, 149,
150 ; Tavemier's description of,
149 n. r ; English factory at,
149 n. I, 150, 150 n. 2; Dutch
factory at, 149 n. i, 150, 150 «. 2;
Hamilton's description of, 149 ». i ;
productions at, 149 «. i ; very popu-
lous, 149 n. I, 150; magnificent
buildings at^iso^i^ow. ij,,jarrmy
^?!?iTis ill, r^o^; manu-
factures at, 150 «. 2; residence of
the prince and court, 151 ; brick
buildings at English factory at, 150
n. 2 ; English chiefs at, 1 50 «. 2 ;
nawdb of, 152 «. 4 ; ships built by
the nawdb^s order brought up to,
163; mint at, 217; commodities
from, 230, 230 n. 2
Dachin. See Steelyard, s. v. Weights
and Measures
Daia, kingdom of, 285 n. 3
Damar. See Dammer
Damar batoo, raw dammer, 292 n. 6
Dammer, xxii, 277 n. 4, 292, 320 ;
how made, 292 n. 6 ; excellence of,
in Sumatra, 293 ; mixed with oil,
for pitch, 293
Dampier, William, his mistake re-
348
INDEX
garding female dynasty at Achin,
xxiii ; visits Capt. Bowrey at Achin,
xxxviii ; starts for the Nicobar Is.
with Bowrey, xxxviii, xxxix; returns
to Achin, xxxix ; Bowrey's genero-
sity to, xxxix ; his ** Voyage round
the World " referred to, xxxix, 79
n. 2, 97 n. I, 120 n. 2, 193 n. 1,
247 n. 5, passim
Dancing snakes, exhibition of, at
Peddapalle, 59, 60
Dancing women, 14, 30; privileges
of, 14
Danes, the, ships of, frequent the
port of Achin, xxii, 286 n. i ; at-
tempt a settlement in Balasor, 162
«. 3; their war with Bengal, 181 ;
cause of failure in contest with
Bengal, 182 ; their attempt to make
peace with the Moors, 183, 184 ;
their wrongs at the hands of Malik
Beg, 183, 184; their first settle-
ment at Balasor, 183, 183 n. 3 ;
outwitted by Malik Qasim, 185-189;
incapacityof their Commodore, 186;
articles of agreement offered to and
refused by, 186, 187; their Com-
modore inveigled . on shore, 1 87 ;
Moors demand satisfaction from,
188 ; terms eventually obtained by,
from Malik Qasim, 189 ; their
second attempt to settle a factory
in Balasor, 184, 190; their visit to
the nawdb at Dacca, 190; their
cool reception at Dacca, 190; seize
a ship of the Moors, 184 n, i ;
Commodore of, a tailor, 187 ; hos-
tages for, detained in Balasor, 189;
their factory at Balasor not built,
189 «. 3 ; concessions obtained by,
^90 n, 3 ; their want of credit in
Indiar^CXA;,^ y^^'^y/^U at Achin,
293 n, 2
Dara, eldest son of Shah Jahan, ap-
pointed governor of Kabul and
Multan, 1 36 ; his expectation of the
crown, 136 ; his defeat by Aurang-
zeb, 137 ; his flight, and subsequent
death, 137, 137 «• 5
Daringgu. See Dringo
Darley, Josiah, Chaplain at the
"Bay," 177 n. i ; his character
from the court, 177 «. i ; goes to
visit Callaway, 177, 178 «. 3; alters
the hours for prayer at Balasor, 177
n. I ; drowned in the Hugli, 178,
178 «. 3
Ddrogha, a native officer, 152 «. 4,
207 n. I
Dastakf 185 «. I, 300 n, 2
Davenport, Francis, pilot, his chart
of the "Mouth of the River Ganges,"
172 n. 2
David, King, 8
Davies, George, 266 «. 3, 271 «. i ;
Company's agent at Kedah, 267
n. I ; his commission, 267 n. i ; his
report of Kedah trade, 268 ; re-
called from Kedah, 268 ; his death,
268 ; his mental incapacity, 269 ;
his books imperfect, 270
Davis, John, Chief at Cuddalore,
xxviii, xxix, xxxi, xxxiii ; writes to
Fort St George about Bowrey's im-
prisonment, XXX, xxxiv
Day, Francis, founder of Fort St
George, 53 n. i
Dbril Island, ?Dobra, 209 n. 2
Deathy the, xxiv
Decca. See Dacca
Deccan, the, 20 n. 2, 108 n. i, 108
n. 7, 119 «. i; Aurangzeb ap-
pointed Viceroy of, 135 ; early
history of, 135 n. 5 ; dismember-
ment of, 135 «. 5
Deelen, Peter van, 263 n i
Defence^ the, xxviii
Degoon. See Digano
De Graaf. See Graaf, Nicolas de
Degrave, the, 140/2. 2
Dehly, Dehli, Delly. See Delhi
De la Haye. See Haye
De la Loub^re. See Loubere
Delestre, his "Relation d'un voyage
fait aux Indes Orientales," referred
to, 2 ;;., 45 ;;., 46 «., 47 «., 68 «.,
passim
Deletore, Monsr. (? Dehor), Chief of
the French at Pondicherry, 257 «. 6
Delhi, 20 n. 2, 33 n. i, 39 n, 2, 48
n. I, 146 ; Court removed from
Agra to, 18 «. 2, 142 «. I ; other
iiames for and spellings of, 142 n. i ;
situation of, 142 n. 1 ; Shayista
Khan summoned to, 148 «. 5
Dehor, Peter, 51 n. i ; second at
French Factory at Masulipatam,
64 w. I, 70 «. I ; sheltered by the
English at Fort St George, 64
n. I
Demarcora, John, a rich Armenian,
172 n. 3
Demarcora, Joseph, owner of the
Sancta CruZy 172 w. 3
Demeties. See Dimities
Dengaree. See Dungaree
Denmark, king of, misfortunes of his
Company in India, 183 ff.
Dennys, N. B., his "Dictionary of
Biitish Malaya" referred to, 259
INDEX
349
n. 4, 281 n. 4, 282 n, 2, 284 n. 2,
284 n. 3
De Rebr6. See Rebr^
Deria, 262 «. 7; a Chulia at Junk-
Ceylon, 270
Deryngo, Dirringo. See Dringo
Deuta (godling), 34 n. i
Devi, mouths of the Mahanadi, 129
n. I
Devil, the, worship of, by the Gentues,
Dhamra, mouth of the Brahman!,
Dhani (Dhunnie) palm. See Nipa
Dhanu. See Weights and Measures
Diamond, the, William Jearsey's ship,
251 n. I
Diamonds, 140 n 4, 292 ;^. 2 ; three
in the figure of Jagannath, 12 «. i ;
in eyes of Jagannath, 16; from
Golconda, in, 291 n. 8; from
Borneo, 291, 291 n. 8
Digano, 172 ;/. 2
Dilli. See Delhi
Dilligence^ the, Company's sloop, xix,
257 n. 6, 262 n. 2 ; employed to
discover navigable channels in the
Hugli, 166 n. 2
Dimities, 133/2. 4
Diringuo. See Dringo
Dispatch, the, sloop, 120 «. i
Distuck. See Dastak
Diu, Dio, Due, Divy, Point, 55, no;
Island, 55 n. i
Divans, imported to Junk-Ceylon,
240 n. 3, 246 ; imported to Achin,
289
Diivan, xxxii, 185 «. i ; at Porto Novo,
satisfaction to be required from him,
xxxiv, XXXV ; at Cuttack, 146 n, 4 ;
of Balasor, 151 n. 3
Dobra, a rivulet of the Ganges, 209,
209 n. 2
Dogs, Isle of, merged into Sagar,
209 n. 2
Dollars. See Coins
Domingos, Perez Banhos, chief
owner of the Sancta Cruz, 172 «. 3
Doo-Agra, river, 209 n, 2
Doogarauzpatam. See Armagon
Doorean. See Durian
Dorea. See Doriya
Doriyd, striped cloth, 12^ n, 2 ; fine,
230 n. 6
Dorset, Edward Clavell, sheriff of,
158 n. 3
Douglas, Mr, 178 «. 3; surgeon of
the Eagle, visits Callaway, 178 n. 3 ;
receives Callaway's last instructions,
175 n. 8
Dow, Alexander, his " History of
Hindostan'* referred to, 144 n. 3,
201 n, I
Downs, the, 91 n, i, 175 «. i
Drake, the, xxiv
Drammer. See Dammer
Dringo Root, 192, 192 n. 4; its
various names, habitat and uses,
192 ;/. 4
Droga. See Ddrogha
Duan. See Diwdn
Dubash (Dubass), interpreter, 25
«• If 37»97 »• 3» 263 n. i, 301, 303,
306 ; at Porto Novo, xxx, xxxii
Dubois, J. A., his ** Hindu Customs
and Ceremonies " referred to, 198
n. I
Duchess, the, xlvii
Due. See Diu
Du Jardin, Clement. See Jordan,
Clement
Dummadapore, a part of Balasor,
162 n. 3 ; rented by Clavell, Bug-
den and the Company, 162 «. 3
Dun. See Dhanu, s. v. Weights and
Measures
Dungaree, coarse cotton cloth, 71
n. 3, 88 n. 3, 200, 200 n. 4
Dunn, Samuel, his "East Indies
Directory" referred to, 56 «. i,
124 n. I, 236 «. I, 259 n, I
Dunstan, James, his ** History of
Bromley St Leonards " referred to,
xlviii
Duraspatam. See Armagon
Durea. See Doriyd
Durian, Duryan, the, 322; plentiful
at Kedah, 278 ; description of, 278
n. 2, 322 n. 7 ; illustration of, 323
Dustoor, Dustoory (dastur), custom,
19 ». 4, 25 n. I
Dustuck, Dustuckt. See Dastak
Dutch, the, lii, 51 ; engagement with,
xxiv; take Negapatam, 2 n. ^, ^;
allied with the Moors, 38 «. 4 ;
attack the French at St Thom6, 47 ;
their factory at Peddapalle, 54 ;
their quarrel with the English at
Fort St George, 64 n. 1 ; attack the
French at sea, 65 ; allied with the
Moors against the French, 66 ;
compel the French to evacuate St
Thom^, 66 ; agree to resign St
Thom6 to the King of Golconda,
66 n. I ; take the Great Fleming
from the French, 68, 68 n. 2 ; take
Point de Galle, 75 «. 3 ; treatment
of, by the Moors, 88 ; their prepara-
tions for King of Golconda's visit,
88 «. 3 ; King of Golconda goes
3SO
INDEX
on board their ship, 88 n. 3 ; put
their flag above that of the English
and French, 88 n. 3 ; insolence of,
reported to the Court, 88 n. 3 ;
ignore the complaints of the English,
88 «. 3 ; naval engagement with the
English, in 1674, 91 n. i ; their
iron factory at Narsapur, 98 «. i ;
their factory at PalakoUu, 105,
105 n. 2 ; their pronunciation of
*Shah Hussain,' 119 «. 1 ; their
factory at Bimlipatam, 123 n. 3;
their trade in Bengal, 132 n. 3i 133;
native silk -weavers employed by
them at Kasimbazar, 133 n. 6; dis-
pute about ground in Balasor, 154
n. I ; their visit to the nawdb of
Cuttack, 158; their farmdn not
renewed, 160, 161 ; ' Directore' of,
158 «• 3 ; the cost of their boastful
bearing, 161 ; \\i€\x farmdn renewed
at great expense, 161 ; their factory
at Pipli, 162 n. 2 ; abandon Pipli
for Balasor, 162 n. 2 ; prevented
from renting a part of Balasor, 162
n. 3 ; their boats stopped by
Shayista Khan, 164; their factory
at Hugli, 167, 168, 168 «. I, 169;
visited by Streynsham Master and
W. Clavell, 169 «. i; their garden
at Hugli, 168 n. i, i6g n. i ; in-
undation at Hugli, destroys their
old factory, 170; their possessions
in Ceylon, 180; hatred of the, by the
King of Candy, 180 «. 6 ; in Ceylon
exchange elephants for commodities,
181 ; their factory at Tuticorin, 208
n. 5 ; their factory at Kasimbazar,
213, 213 n. 2; their factory at
Patna, 221 n. i, 225, 225 n. i;
their exports from Patna, 229, 229
n. 2; their gun-boat in Banquala
harbour, 750; attempt to monopo-
lize tin trade in Junk-Ceylon, &c.,
250, 261 n. 3; their settlement at
Malacca, 251 n. 2 ; seize an Achin
prau at Junk-Ceylon, 252 ; lay
claim to ships in Junk-Ceylon rivers,
252 ; attacked and overpowered in
Junk-Ceylon, 252, 253; at variance
with Achin, 252, 252 n. r ; abandon
Junk-Ceylon, 253; complain to the
King of Siam, 253; block up the
ports of Kedah, 261 n. 3, 267 n. i,
269 ; people of Kedah antagonistic
to, 261 «. 3 ; attempt to monopolize
the trade of Kedah, 266, 266 n. 3 ;
expelled from Kedah, 266 ; take
the English ship Georgr, 266 n. 3 ;
allied with the " Syamers " against
Kedah, 266 n. 3 ; seize English
goods at Junk-Ceylon, 270 ; peace
concluded with, 271 «. ; glut the
European markets with tin, 280 n. i,
281 n. 3; their ineffectual attempts
to settle at Perak, 283 n. 3 ; get
slaves from Macassar, 291 n. 7;
many of, at Achin, 293 «. 2 ; their
description of the King of Achin,
295 n. 6 ; their attack on the Queen
of Achin, 311 n. i; oppose the
English at Achin, 318 n. 3 ; Queen
of Achin seeks English protection
from, 319; their power in Sumatra,
320
Dutch Doctor, probable identity of,
153, 153 n. 3
Duties. See Customs
Dyeing of silks, instructions as to,
215 n. I
Dyers, at Kasimbazar, 214, 214/2. 2;
in the Company's service, formerly
soldiers, 214 n. 2
Eagle, the, 25 n. 3, 175 n. 8, 178
n. 3
Eaglet^ the, ketch, xxiv
Eagle wood. See Agila wood
Earving, — , Purser's mate of the
Sampson^ gi n. i
East India Company, the, xvii, 4;
goods of, stopped by the Moors,
5 1 ; Mss. bequeathed to, by Thos.
Bowrey, xxiii, xli, xliv; sends an
expedition to Coromandel Coast
in 161 1, 98 ^. i; Chim Cham
broker to, 155; their investment
at Kasimbazar, 214; their factories
in India, see s.v. Balasor, Dacca,
Hugli, Kasimbazar, Fort St George,
Masulipatam, Peddapalle,etc.; their
ships sail for England in January,
232 ; abandon the idea of a settle-
ment at Achin, 320
East India Merchant, the, 91 «. i
East India Stock, Briggins a holder
of, XX, xlii ; Bowrey a holder of, xli
East Indies, 188
Ebony furniture, made at and ex-
ported from Masulipatam, 71
Ecbar. See Akbar
Eclipse, of the moon, 33 ; Brahmins'
behaviour during, 33, 33 «. i ; of
the sun, 33 w. i ; reasons given for,
.^3» 34 «• I
Eddy, T. B. caught in one, in the
Hugli, 174
Edelumburoo, 106 n. 2
Eden, Garden of, Ganges supposed
to run through, 166, 166 n. t, 211
INDEX
351
Bdwards, John, a dyer, 215 n. i
Edwards, Richard, 64/2. i, 66 n, i,
75 «. I, 96 w. 2, 124 w. 3, 154 n. I,
289 «. 6; merchant in Kasimbazar,
158 «. 3
£ggs, forbidden food of Banyan caste,
29
Elaches. See Aldchah
Elephantiasis, disease common to
the Christians of St Thomas, 50
«. 2 ; supposed to be a punishment
for the martyrdom of St Thomas,
50 n. 2
Elephants, 161 ; figures of, in pa-
godas, 6; figures of, carved on the
chariot of Jagannath, 17; ships for
transport of, 73; food of, while at
sea, 73 ; means of getting on board,
73> 73 ^- 3« 74; one sinks a ship,
74, 75; means employed to land,
75 ; rate paid for landing alive, 76;
affection of, for their own kind, 76;
possession of several, a sign of rank,
125; for war and state at Dacca,
150; qualifications for riding state,
150; war, 157; from Tenasserim,
179; of Ceylon, 180, 180 n. 5, 181;
how transported from Ceylon, 181;
from Cochin China, 208 n. 4 ; illus-
tration of an, 219; none wild in
Bengal, 222 ; not found with rhino-
ceroses, 223; few exported from
Junk-Ceylon, 240 ; indispensable
for travelling in Siam, 243 n. 3 ;
attend foreign commanders up to
Luppoone, 243; their sure-footed-
ness, 243, 243 n, 3; females only
used as draught beasts, 243 n. 2,
254; males used for war, 243 n. 2;
at junk Ceylon, 247, 248; Horner's
trade in, 263 n. i ; sent to attend
foreign merchants to Solla, 772 ;
much profit made on, 273; numerous
and cheap at Kedah, 273, 273 n. 4;
restriction as to exportation of, 273;
incorrect stories of, 273, 274; how
trained and prepared for war, 274,
275; how caught and tamed, 274,
274 n. 4, 275 ; their weapon in war,
274 «. I, 275; largest seen byT.B.,
275; for slate at Achin, 275 n. i,
308 n. 4, 309, 325 ; exported to
Madras from Pegu and Kedah, 275
n. r ; wild, at Kedah, 279; state,
provided for English commanders
at Achin, 308 ; state, illustration
of, 308 ; war, fight with buffaloes,
310; war, kept in readiness at
Achin, 312
Elephants' teeth, 277 n. 4; trade
in, 259 n. I ; from Kedah, 273
n. 4
Elizabeth, Queen, sends letters to
king of Achin, 295 n. 6
Elohebaud. See Allahabad
Elwes, Robert, 185 «. 1 ; chief at
Dacca, 150/2. 2
Emirjemal. See Mir Jumla
Emir Jemla, Emir Jembla. See Mir
Jumla
** Endowed Charities," referred to,
xlviii n. 3
England, commodities from, im-
})orted to Achin, 289
English, the, their ships frequent
the port of Achin, xxii, 286 n, i ;
in India, treatment of by the Moors,
88 ; their want of courage, 88 ;
marks of favour to, from the king
of Golconda, 93; charter granted
to, by king of Golconda, 93 ; their
exports from Bengal, 132 n. 3, 133;
regret Mir Jumla's death, 144 n, 5 ;
their complaints of Shayista Khan,
146 n, 4, 164; visit the nawdb of
Cuttack, 158, 160; make a settle-
ment in Balasor, 1 62 «. 3 ; farmdn
granted by Muhammad A'zim to,
164; their exports from Patna, 229;
their privileges in India, how ob-
tained, 233 ; their immunity from
taxes in India, 233; their privileges
in Junk-Ceylon, 244; how enter-
tained in Junk-Ceylon, 243 — 246;
encouraged to trade at Kedah, 266
n. 3 ; esteemed in Kedah, 267 ;
many of, at Achin, 293 n. 2 ;
merchants of, exchange presents
with Queen and chief officers at
Achin, 303 n. 3, 307 ; privileges of,
at Achin, 304, 304 n. 4; captains
of ships of, how treated in Achin,
306 ; temporary residents at Achin,
318
Eng-she-mifiy 259 «. 3
Ennore (Ennur^ Enoor, Enore),
xxvii, 44, 44 ». I ; Beacon, 44 n. i
Ennur. See Ennore
Epes, Samuell, minister of ship
Society^ 158 n. 3
Erwin, Captain, 176 «. i
Escritoires, Escretore, 71 w. 5, 269,
290 ; manufacture of, at Masuli-
patam, 71
Ethiopians, 35, 180 n. 6
Eunuchs, 207 ; of wife of nawdb of
Cuttack, 157 ; of Queen of Achin,
299' 30o» 30'. 302, 309, 310, 325,
326
Europe, for ' European,' 105, 209 n. 2
352
INDEX
European^ the, io6 n. 2
Bvans, John, Chaplain in the "Bay,"
176 «. I
Bverard, Mr, 140 «. 2
Fackeer. See Fakir
Factories, English. See s,v. Balasor,
Dacca, Fort St George, Harsapur,
Hugli, Kasim bazar, Madapollam,
Masulipatam, Narsapur, Patna,
Peddapalle, Vcrasheroon, Vizaga-
patam, etc.
FaljfTrs, 19, 95 n. i ; meaning of
name, 20 n. i\ immunity of, from
the law, 20 ; habits of, 20-23 ;
clothes of, 22 ; where most numer-
ous, 2 1 ; reasons for their mode of
life, 22; vows made by, 22; illus-
trations of, 22, 32; paid by T.B.
to mix a dose of gdnja, 80
Falcon^ the, 166 n, 2, 167 n. i, 209
n. 2
False Point, 128 «. 5, 129 ;f. i;
why so called, 129/1. '
Fanam. See Coins
Fanoux. See FuiiiSy s,v. Coins
Fardle, parcel, 83 n, 3, 97 n. 4, 106
n. 2
Farman, 61 n. 3, 158 n. 3, 161 ;
obtained from king of Golconda,
88 n. 3, 93 n. i ; two versions of
king of Golconda's, 93 «. i ; ap-
pointing Mir Jumla naw&b of
Bengal, 142; use of the word, 142
n. 2 ; granted by Muhammad A'zim
to the English and Dutch, 164; of
Shah Jahan, 165 «. 2 ; of Aurangzeb,
165 n. 2 ; obtained by Gabriel
Boughton, 168 n. 4; Danes at-
tempt to obtain one like the English,
190 ft. 3; from Mir Jumla to the
English, 233 n. 2, 234; of the
king of Siani, 240, 244; of the
king of Kedah, 270
Fasts, the Muharram, 119 «. i
Fatteh Khan, 221 n, 5
Faujddr, a military governor, 82 ;f . i ;
of Hugli, 96 n. 2, 185 «. I ; of
Golconda, 124 n. 3
FaulcoHy the, 214 n. 2
Fausdar. See Faujd&r
Feasts, festivals, 19 n, 2 ; of the
Hindus, 16, 17, 118, 119; hook-
swinging, described, 197, 198, 198
n. I ; the Mela at Saugor, 202, 203,
203 n. I
Feringhi Dibba, Frangula Dibba
(mound of the foreigners), a Portu-
guese settlement, 140 «. 4
FidaT Khan, succeeds Shaylsta Khan
as naw&b of Bengal, 107 n. i, 164
n. 2 ; his short and unjust rule,
164 ft. 2
Fidalgas, 194
Field, John, chief at Madapollam,
100 ft. I
Finlayson, George, his "Mission to
Siam" referred to, 256 ft. i
Firinghee, a foreigner, 140, 140 ft. 4 ;
number of, in Vincent's train, 164
ft. 4; 20,000 in Bengal, 195, 195
«• 5
Fish, abundant in Junk-Ceylon, 246;
in Achin, 322 ft. 6 ; on coast of
Siam, 246 ft. 1 1 ; on coast of Kedah,
279; strange kinds of, at Kedah,
279
Fishers* Town at Fort St George,
42 ft. I
Fitch, Ralph, his ** Voyage" referred
to, 235 ft. I
Flag, English, insulted by the Dutch,
88 ft. ^f go ft. I
Fleetwooa, Charles, 124 «. 3
Fleetwood, Margery, 71 «. 5
Fleetwood, Robert, 57 ft. 2, 81 ft. 2,
200 ft. 4; chief at Madapollam,
100 ft. I
Flemming, Thomas, commands the
Borfteo Merchaftt^ xxviii
Floris, Peter Williamson, a Dutch-
man, 98 ;;. I ; a factor in the E. I.
Co.'s service, 98 ft. i
Flyboat, 92 ; meaning of, 92 «. i ; a
Dutch, 178 «. 3
Flying Prow, an outrigged canoe,
301 ; descriptions of, 301 ft, i
Foot-boy, 83, 83 ft. 3
Formosa, chart of, by Bowrey,
xxxvii, 1
Forrest, Thomas, his "Voyage to
the Mergui Archipelago" referred
to, 235 ft. I, 236 «. I, 236 «. 3,
241 ft. I, 243 ft. 3, 248 ft. 2 passim
Fort, the. See Fort St George
Fort St David, Indians from, migrate
to Achin, 294 ft. 3
Fort St George, xvi, xxii, xxxviii,
2 ft. 2, 6, 13, 25 ft. I, 36, 44, 55
^' 2» 57> 91 ^' i» '^2 «. 3, 123 «. 4
passim ; Council at, their action
regarding Bowrey's imprisonment,
xxxvi ; description of, ^ ft, ^^ forti-
fication of, 3 ; letters from Agent
and Council at, 3 ;i. 2, 8 ft. i, 20
ft. 2, 43 ft. I, 51 ft. I, 66 ft, I,
82 ft. I, 106 ft. 2 passifft; governor
of, see s.v. Foxcroft, Langhorne,
Winter, Gyfford ; climate of, 4 ;
cheapness of provisions at, 4; trade
INDEX
353
of, 4, 5 ; heathen town of, 6 n. ^;
attacks on, by the Moors' forces,
50 f. , 51 n. I ; Fishers' Town at,
42 ». I ; Round Point at, 42 n. i ;
dedication of churches at, 50 «. i ;
impositions on English at, 51; first
settlement at, 53 n. i ; Council at,
send provisions to De la Haye, 66
n. I ; discussion as to strengthening
fortifications of, 00 n. i ; Council
at, reproved by the Court, 93 «. i ;
coips current at, 114; ships from,
frequent port of Achin, 288 ; present
from agent of, to Queen of Achin,
309
Foster, William, his "Letters re-
ceived by the E. I. Co." referred
to, 304 n. 4
Fournereau, L., his **Le Slam
ancien" referred to, 255 n. 6
Fouzdaar. See Faujddr
Fowler, Roger, appointed dyer at
Kasimbazar, 214 ;/. 2; salary of,
214 n. 2
Fowls, plentiful at Achin, 322 n. 6
Foxcrott, George, 158 «. 3; agent
at Fort St George, 4 «. i, 84 w. 2,
\oo n. I ; his imprisonment by
Sir Edward Winter, 4 «. r, 84
n. 2 ; his release, 84 n. 2 ; his
policy weaker than Winter's, 88
n, I ; his cause espoused by Jearsey,
251 w. I ; unwilling to attempt a
settlement at Achin, 320
Frances^ the, Bowrey's ship, xxxviii,
xl, 175 w. 2
Frangue, Fringe, Fringi. See Firin-
ghee
Frangula Dibba. See Feringhi
Dibba
Franks, the, numerous in Golconda,
III n. I
Frapp, to bind, 316, 316 n, 4
Freeman, Robert, 289 n. 6
Free merchants, in India, xxxiv,
III n. I . See also Bowrey, Thomas ;
Horner, James; Jordan, Clement;
Ware, Samuel ; Bugden, John ;
Ogilvy, Alexander
French, the, enemies of the Moors,
46 ; taking of St Thome by, 46 n. 4,
47, 48 n. ; their factory at Masuli-
patam, 64 «. i ; chief and second
of, at Masulipatam, fight a duel, 64
n. I ; abandon Masulipatam, 64
n. I ; scour the Malabar Coast with
their squadron, 65 «. i ; evacuate
St Thome, 66, dd n. i ; terms of
capitulation granted them by the
Dutch, 65, ()(i^ dd n. I ; establish
T.
themselves at Pondicherry, d^ n, i,
257 n. 6; attempt to take Masuli-
patam, 67; spies of, murdered at
Narsapur, 67; chief of, at Masuli-
patam, killed by the Moors, 70 ;
complain at Dacca of the taking of
the Great Flemings 68 n. 3 ; driven
from Hugli by the Dutch, 68 «. 3 ;
ground allotted to them at Kasim-
bazar, 213 n. 2; their power in
Junk-Ceylon, 255 «. 6
Frenchpettah, site of French factory
at Masulipatam, 64 n. i
Freshes, the, 173 «. 2, 174; destroy
the Dutch factory at Hugli, 170;
how caused, 171, 172; damage
done by, 171 n. 4
Fringe Burane, Feringhi Dibba, a
Portuguese settlement, I40 «. 4
Fringie, Frangue, Fringuin. See
Firinghee
Fruits, preserved by the Portuguese,
192; of Achin, 322, 322 «. 6
Fryer, John, sailed in the Unity to
India, 91 ». i; his mistake regard-
ing the Queen of Achin, xxiii ; his
"Account of East India" referred
to, 3 «., 6 ;/., 9 ;/., 15 «., 16 «.,
20 «., 27 w., 28 «., 30 «., 33 «.,
45 w., 47 «., 48 «., 49 «., 50 n.
passim
Funnell, W., his "Voyage round the
World " referred to, 323 n. i
Further India, close intermarriage
common among natives of, 273 «. 2
Furza, custom-house, 168 n. 3
Futtercon. See Fatteh Khan
Futty Cawn. See Fidai Khan
Gaddty a throne, cushioned seat, 240
«• 3
Gala. See Point de Galle
Galeasse, Galleasse, Jelyasse. See
Jalia
Galiinas dell Mar, Portuguese half-
castes, 209 n, 2
Galinha, Gallo, Galle. See Coxe's
Island
Galle. See Point de
Gallevat, Galley, Galevet, Galliot.
See Jalid
Gandd. See Weights and Measures
Gangah. See Ganja
Ganga Sagar, 203 n. i, 209, 209
n. 2
Ganges, river, xvi, xix, 33 n. i,
56 «. 2, 131 n. 7, 137 n. 2, 149
«. I, 163, 174 n. I ; sacredness
of water of the, 12 «. i, 21, 201
n. I, 202, 202 n. I, 202 n. 3, 216,
23
354
INDEX
216 n. 5; renders Bengal famous,
'3i> 132 J uses of the word in the
17th century, 131 n, r ; beeswax
made, on east side of the, 132 //. 5 ;
one of the four principal rivers oif
the world, 166, 166 n. i ; its sup-
posed identity with Pison, 166, 166
n. I ; its branches, 166; separates
the Indies into two parts, 166 n. r ;
its source unknown, 166 «. i ; over-
flows its banks, 172 ; pilots of the,
i75» '75 ^' I > salt obtained from
the, 199, 199 71. 2 ; sick folk carried
to banks of the, 201, 201 n. i ;
festival in honour of the, 202, 203,
203 n. I ; offerings made at festival
of the, 202 ; Gentues' belief as to
its source, 202 n. i ; advantages of
dying on its banks, 202 n. i ; mud
of the, sacred, 202 n. i, 216 ; dead
bodies in the, 202 «. 2 ; water from
the, carried long distances, 203 n. i,
216; its extent, 209; breadth of the,
209, 211; reports concerning the,
2io; tributaries of the, 210, 211;
ineffectual search for its source,
2 n ; islands at the mouth of the,
211, 211 n. 3, 212; wild beasts on
shores and islands of the, 211, 211
n. 3; Marshall's description of the,
211 ;/. I
Ganges i the, sloop, 104 n. r, 173
n. 2, 175 n. 4, 178 ;/. 3, 219 n, 2,
228 n. 2, 292 n. 6
Gdnjdy hemp, 77, 78 ;/. 4; where
grown, 78 ; its appearance, 78 ;
its effect, 78-81 ; Dampier's de-
scription of, 79 «. 2 ; price of, 80 ;
different ways of using it, 79;
effect of, on T. B. and his com-
panions, 81 ; its seductiveness, 81
Ganjam (district), 124 «. 3
Crans, Gance. See Ganza
Gantang, Gantange, Ganton. See
Weights and Measures
Ganza, bell-metal, 196, 196 n. 4,
290, 290 n. 7 ; from Pegu, 196
n. 4
Garce, Garse. See Weights and
Measures
Gardiner, Frances, mother of Mary
Bowrey, xlv ; bequests to her, xlvi ;
executrix to Mary Bowrey's will,
xlvii ; death of, xlvii
Gardiner, Mary, wife of Thomas
Bowrey. See Bowrey, Mary
Garrett, Mr, his sloop taken by the
Dutch, 266 n. 3, 269
Gary. See Chart
Gary, Henry (? Gray, Henry, q.v.).
Company's servant at Achin, 73
n. 3; his contract with the Queen
of Achin, 319
G aunts. See Ganza
Gauton, Gawton, George, 233 n. 2
Gee. See Ght
Geldria. See Gueldres
Gengam. See Gingham
Gentile, Gentoo. See Gentue
Gentues, a caste of Hindus, xvii, 6,
^3* 32» 61 «. 3; social character-
istics of, 6, 9, 15, 24, 25, 26, 27,
32, 34, 35» 38. 41, 98; religious
characteristics of, 6, 11, 12, 14, 15,
18, 25, 27, 29, 32, 35, 36; moral
characteristics of, 10, 29; physical
characteristics of, 14 ; former ex-
tent of power of, 10; subjection of,
to the Muhammadans, 10, 11, 39,
76, 77, 94 5 pilgrimage of a mer-
chant of, to Jagannath pagoda,
18-20; number of fakirs among
them, 23; commercial abilities of,
24, 25 ; origin of, 25 ; pagodas of,
25; dwellings of, 26; clothes of,
26, 32, 97; appearance of, 32; at
Pulicat, 52 ; at Peddapalle, 55 ;
supply Masulipatam with fish, 6 1 ; at
Masulipatam, 72 ; excel as artisans,
77; language of, see Hindostani;
food of, 97, 279 «. 5 ; their manner
of smoking, 97 ; their hostility to
European and Muhammadan ship-
carpenters, 102, 103; their clever-
ness in handling ships, 103, 104;
in Golconda, assume dignity of
rajas ^ 108 ; merchants of the, on the
Gingalee Coast, heavily taxed, 1 26 ;
suffer injustice from the Moors,
1 26 ; purchase religious privileges,
126; meaning of the name, 126
;/. I ; merchants of, compelled to
build ships for the nawdb^ 163;
at Hugh, live peaceably under the
Moors, 168 «. 2; heavily taxed,
194; their Swinging Festival, 198;
Uriyas, of lower caste than, 199;
treatment of their dead, 202 ; their
belief as to the source of the Ganges,
202 n. 1 , 202 n. 3 ; practise satiy
203; differences between Uriyas
and the, 202; women of the, how
adorned, 207, 207 n. 6; their wives
secluded, 207
G6or. See Johor
George, the, 265 n. i, 271 «. ; taken
by the Dutch, 266 «. 3, 269; sent
to Kedah, 268
Georgia, 221, 221 n, 3
Ghantdy a gong, 197 «. i
INDEX
355
Gharl^ an Indian hour, 196, 197 «. i ;
a water-clock in general use in
India, 196, 197 n. i; Thevenot's
description of, 197 n, i
Gharidl, a gong, ig'j n. i
Ghl^ clarified butter, 132 n. 6, 181,
289 n. 2, 289 n. 5; price of, in
Patna, during the famine, 226 n. 1
Ghurry, Gurry. See Chart
GifFord, Captain William, 172 n. 2
Gimnosophists, Brahmins so called,
206, 206 n. I
Gingalee, coast of, xvi, xvii, 4 «. 2,
120 n. I, 125 n. I, 182 n. 3; great
rice trade on, 98 ;;. i ; description
of, 120-128; good harbours on,
120; fertility, extent, and physical
features of, 120, 121; nawdb of,
1 20 n. I ; towns and fortifications
on, subject to King of Golconda,
124 ; under rule of Viceroy of King
of Golconda, 125; famous for Ja-
gannath Pagoda, 127; merchants
on, conceal their wealth, 127;
English and Dutch living on, un-
molested, 127; provisions plentiful
on, 127; butter and oil from, im-
ported to Junk- Ceylon; 247
Ginger, preserved, 193 n. 2 ; from
Patna, 221 n. i
Gingerlee, Gingerly, Ginglee. See
Gingalee
Gingerlee (town), 123 n. 4; its iden-
tity with Vizagapatam discussed,
123 n. 2; orders from Court to
settle a factory at, 123 n. 2
Gingham, 71 n. 3, 122 n. 3, 162
^^' 3» 231, 231 n. i; history of the
word, 231 n. 2; striped, 231 n. 2;
directions from England as to, 231
n. 2
Girdles, 230 n. 5
G/ode, the, 61 n. 3; anchored at
Peddapalle in 1612, 53 «. 2; com-
manded by Capt. Hippon, 98 n. 1
Gneudeville, his map of Mergui
Archipelago referred to, 235 n. i
Goa, 20 ;/. 2, 48 n. i, 135 «. 5, 172
n. 3, 264; arrack, chief manufacture
of, 77 n. 3; Portuguese at, how
called, 140 n. 4
Goala. See Gowdla
Goats, bezoar from, 292 n. 7 ; at
Achin, 322 n. 6
Gobang. See Kobang^ s.v. Coins
Godavari, Goodaware, Godavery,
river, 3 //• i, 98 n. i ; point, 3, 120,
123 n. 4
Godinho de Eredia, his "Malaca"
referred to, 1 92 n. 4, 237 n. 2, 242 n, 3
Godown, 232 n. 2; Jearsey's house
sold for a, 251 «. I ; of the English,
at Achin, 321 n.
Goens, Ricklof van, General of the
Dutch forces, 68 «. 2 ; takes Jafna,
181 n. 3
Golcar, 108 n. 7
Golconda, fortress of, 108 n. 7, iii
n. 5 ; fanciful derivation of, 108
n. 7 ; Thevenot's description of, 1 10
n. 2 ; confused by T. B. with
Bhagnagar, 108, 109, no
Golconda, king of, 16, 20 ». 2, 51,
103; destroys groves at foot of Mt
St Thomas, 46 ; sends forces against
the French at St Thome, 46 «. 4;
preparation for visit of, to Pedda-
palle, 54; Masulipatam subject to,
61 n. 3, 62, 82 ; his ships trade for
elephants, 73; not responsible for
oppressions of Moors, 88 ; his visit
to Masulipatam, 88-93, 93 «. 1 ;
goes on board two English ships,
88-93 ; his retinue, 88 n. 3^ details
of his visit to Masulipatam, 88 w. 3 ;
guns fired in honour of, 88 «. 3;
cost of his entertainment at Masuli-
patam, 88 «. 3 ; gives a farnidn to
the English, 93 ; land at Madapol-
1am granted by, to the English, 100
n. I ; takes customs from independ-
ent rdjds, 108; his power, 108 «. i ;
his Viceroy on the Gingalee Coast,
125 n. I
Golconda, kingdom, xvi, 7 n. 2, 12
n. I, 13, 21, 48 n. I, 72 n. 2, 120
n. I, 124 n. 3, 125, 126, 131 n. 7,
132 n. 2, passim \ situation of, 13;
Omras of, 39 n. 4; Dutch Com-
pany's factory in, 72 «. 2 ; descrip-
tion of, 107-119; extent of, 108,
109, 1 10 ; boundaries of, 108 «. 6 ;
its origin, 109 ; borders of, go-
verned by private lords, 108 «. 6;
capital of, 108 n. 7 ; its climate,
productions and fortresses, no;
governors of, Muhammadans, no;
manufactures of, 1 1 1 ; fertility of,
won, I ; noted for diamonds, iii,
112, 291 n. 8 ; royal tombs in, 112,
114 n. i; coins current in, 115,
217; good roads in, 117; accom-
modation for travellers in, 117, 117
». 2 ; at war with Siam, 172 «. 3 ;
Homer, a resident in, 263 n. i ;
striped stuffs exported to Achin
from, 289
Golconda, mines of, xvii ; where
situated, iii, in m. 5 ; Ta vernier's
description of, in n, 5 ; land at,
23—2
3S6
INDEX
how let out, 112; duties claimed by
the king at, 112, 112 n. 2
Gold, none afKedah, 280, 280 ;/. 2 ;
brought from Patani to Kedah, 280;
at Achin, 294, 294 ;/. 2, 326
Gold, George, taken by the Dutch,
266 n. 3
Gold flowers, tribute of states de-
pendent on Siam, 275 ;/. 3
Gold Moors. See Mohur, s.v. Coins
Goldsmiths, prohibited from en-
tering Jagannath pagoda, 12 ;/. i
Gomasta. See Gumdshtah
Gombroon. See Bandar 'Abbas
Gomez, Gomus. See Pulo Gomez
Gondegam, 56 n. i
Gong, 196, 196 ;/. 5, 291 ; how used,
196, 197 71. i; beaten, to advertise
goods of the English in Junk-
Ceylon, 245 ; beaten, to collect
debts, 283
Gonga, river, 129 ;/. i
Gongo Sagor. See Ganga Sagar
Goodaware. See Godavari
Goodera. See Gudiir
Good Hope^ the, ketch, 176 n. i, 264
71. 7 ; taking of, xxxvii
Goodlad family, the, history of, 90
71. I
Goodlad, William, master of Trinity
House, 90 ;/. i
Goodlad, William, commander of
the Loyall Subject, 90, 90 ;/. i ;
life of, 90 ;/. 1 ; takes part in con-
sultation at Fort St George, 90 ;/. i ;
letter from, describing king of Gol-
conda's visit, 90 w. i ; voyages to
Fort St George, Bengal and Bantam
on the Loyall Subject^ 90 ;/. i ;
death of, 90 «. i
Goodman's Fields, xlvi
Goong. See Gong
Goozerat. See Gujarat
Gorse, Garse, Garce. See Weights
and Measures
Gottenburg, xxiv
Gowdla, the cow-keeper caste, bearers
in Bengal, 87 «. 2
Graaf, Nicolas de, a Dutch surgeon,
'53 ^' 3 J his identity with T. B.'s
"Dutch Doctor" suggested, 153
71. 3 ; his " Voyages " referred to,
'53 ^^' 3» ^09 n. 2, 221 ft. 6, 222
71. 2, 229 ft. 4, 298 71. 2, 312 n. 2
passim
Grab, Grob, 140 n. 2, 260 71. 3
Gram, Gramme, pulse, 121, 121 //. 3,
121 71. 4, 304; black, 121 71. 3;
red, 121 71. 3; exported from Ben-
gal, 133; horse, 304 «. 2
Grand Brittaftia^ the. See Great
Bret 071^ the
Gra7td Fle7tii7igoe^ the. See Great
Fletnifigi the
Gratt, for Grail, i.e. Generall, 125
n. I
Gray, Henry, makes agreement for
the English with the Achinese, 302
71. I ; obtains privileges for the
English at Achin, 304 ;/. 4
Gray, Matthew, **Cape Merchant,"
271 71. I, 317 «. 2; his report of
trade at Achin, 308 «. 2, 320; his
commission, 319; recalled to Surat,
320
Great Breto7i, the, 67 ; escape of De
la Haye from the Dutch on, 68
«. 2
Great Fletni7ig, the, 67 ; taken by the
Dutch, 68 ft, 3
Great Mogul, Grand Mogul. See
Aurangzeb
Gree. See Ghari
Green, colour, native dyers unable to
produce a good, 7.\^ 71. i
Greenhill, Mr, 196 ;/. 4
Grey, Henry. See Gray, Henry
Greyhouftdy the, commanded by Capt.
Wm Goodlad, 90 ft. i
Gribble, J. D. B., his " History of the
Deccan " referred to, 82 ;/. 2, 88 7t. 2
Grierson, Dr, his evidence before the
Hemp-Drugs Commission, 78 7t. 4
GryflFeth, John, throwster at Kasim-
bazar, 214 ft. 2
Guala, a palankeen-bearer, 87. See
also s.w. Gowdla and Kahdr
Gualloe. See Cowdla
Guddorah. See Gudur
Gudge. See Guz, s.v. Weights and
Measures
Gudur, xvi, 63 ft. i, 76, 81 «. 2, 99
ft. 6; part of Masulipatam, 63;
bridge at, 63, 63 ft. i, 84, 84 «. 2;
houses at, 63 ; destroyed by flood
in 1679, 1^ ^' 'J usual residence of
the native governor, 76 ft. i
Gueldres, fort at Pulicat, 51 ft. 4, 52
Guggemat. 5^^ Jagannath
Guinea, coast of, 106 ft, 2
Gujarat, 131 «. 7, 135 «. 5, 182 ;/. 3;
Murad Bakhsh appointed governor
of, 1 36 ; description of province of,
136 ft. 2 ; money of, 217
Gulconda. See Golconda
Gumdshtah^ 154 ». i
Gumlack, from Patna, 122/2. i
Gunda. See Gaft^^ s,v, W^eights
and Measures
Gundore. See Gudur
INDEX
357
Gunge. See Gong
Gunja. See Gdnja
Gunny, 121 n. 3
Gunpowder, 289 n. 5
Guntur, 56 «. i
Gurgestan. See Georgia
Gurguttee, 249 n. i
Gurrah, unbleached cloth, 133 ;/. 4
Guz, Guzz, Gaz. See Weights and
Measures
Guzarats, many at Achin, 293 ;/. 2
Guzerat, Gusaratte. See Gujarat
Gwalie. See Guala, Gowdla
Gyfford, William, Governor of Fort
St George, xxx, xxxiv, xxxvii
Gylyar, Juliar, Gelliay. See J alia
Hackluit, Richard. See Hakluyt,
Richard
Haggs, William, 140 n. 2
Haidarabad, capital of Golconda,
108 ;/. 7, III ;/. 5
Hainan, 208 n. 5
Haines, John, 85 n. 4
Haiyat Bakhsh Begam, daughter
of Ibrahim Quli Qutb Shah, 113 w.
I ; mother of Abdullah Qutb Shah,
113 ;/. i; wife of Sultan Mahomed,
113 ;;. i; buried at Golconda, 113
;/. I
HajTpur, 226 «. 2
Hakluyt, Richard, 295 n. 6
Halabas. See Allahabad
Halalcore (Alecor, Alacore, Holol-
core), a scavenger, 11; duties of a,
1 1 ;/. 4 ; boy of that caste shot, 1 1
n. 4
Hall, Joseph, factor at Kasimbazar,
158 n. 3; quarrels with Walter
Clavell, 158 //. 3; his complaints
against Vincent, 164 71. 4
Hall, Mr, companion of Dampier,
xxxviii
Hamilton, Alexander, his mistake
regarding the Queen of Achin,
xxiii ; his " East Indies " referred
to, II ;/., 12 «., 15 «., 16 «., 17 w.,
25 ;/., 36 ;/., 45 w., 46 w., passim
Hammilm, stout cotton-cloth, 231
;/. I
Hanchparra, li
Harac. See Arrack
Haraspoore, Harssapore. See Har-
sapur
Hargee Raja, 257 n. 6
Hari9pur Gar. See Harsapur
Harleian Society, publications of,
referred to, xli
Harrapore. See Harsapur
Harsapur, 129 ; first mention of,
129 ;/. I ; earliest English factory
in Bay of Bengal, 129 «. i ; pagoda
of, 1 29 71. I ; residence of the rdjd^
129 «. I ; saTiahs made at, in great
esteem, 129 n. i ; reason for
abandoning factory at, 162 n. 3
Hassan Hossein, 119 n. 1
Hath. See Weights and Measures
Hatton, Christopher, 54. 72 ;/. 2,
200 ;/. 4 ; chief at Madapollam,
100 w. I ; his '• Accompt " of the
trade of Masulipatam, 245 n. 2
Haut, Hawt. See Hdth^ s.v. Weights
and Measures
Havila, land of, its identity with the
Indies, 166 ;/. i
Havilddr^ 98 «. i ; of Porto Novo,
ill-treats Bowrey, xxix, xxxi, xxxii,
xxxiii; of Masulipatam, 120/1. i
Haye, De la, Monsieur, General of
the French, taking of St Thome by,
46 7t. 4; assisted by Agent Lang-
horne, 46 ft. 4 ; evades the Dutch,
46 71. 4; his attempt, and failure to
increase French trade in India,
65-70 ; loses his squadron, 65, 68
Heath, Captain William, 176 «. i ;
complains against Bowrey, xxviii ;
his men restored to him, xxviii
Heathcote, Sir Gilbert, a Director
of the E. I. Co., xlii
Heathfield, John, 196 ;/. 4
Hedges, William, " Diary " of, re-
ferred to, XV, XX, li, 106 ;/., 124 tt.,
128 «., passitu
Hegira, the, li
Hemp, Indian. See Bhdfig and
Gdnjd
Herba goods, where procurable,
162 71. 3
Herbert, Sir Thomas, his "Travels "
referred to, 1x4 ;;. 8
Heme, Mr, his accusations against
Clavell, 158 «. 3
Hems, Herons, 286 ;/. 2
Heron, George (Herrin, Bering,
Hearon, Herron, Hearine), 20^
fu 4 ; pilot in the Company's service,
xxxvii, 166 71. 2, 175 71. I ; brings
Streynsham Master up the Hugli,
1 75 «• I » 1 76 ; one of the first batch
of apprentice pilots, 176 w. 1 ;
separate rooms in Hugli ordered
for, 176 «. I ; surveys the Hugli,
176 «. I ; pilots various vessels,
176 «. I, 178 «. 3 ; mixed up in the
quarrels between Hedges and Char-
nock, 176 «. I ; member of a
** Council Extraordinary," 176 «. i ;
becomes an independent trader,
358
INDEX
1 76 w. I ; a •* freeman " residing at
Fort St George, 176 «. i; marries
a Georgian (Armenian), 176 «. i ;
demands letters of reprisal, 176
«. I ; death and burial of, 176 «. i
Heron, Samuel, pilot in the Com-
pany's service, 1 76 n, i ; master of
the Good Hopfy xxxvii ; brother of
Capt. George Heron, xxxvii ; cast
adrift by his crew, xxxvii, 176 n. i ;
brought from Achin by Bowrey,
xxxvii
Hervy, Samuel, chief at Dacca, 150
n. 2
Hijili, xix, xxxvii, 209 n. 2 ; Moors
drive the Portuguese from, 162 n. 3,
'^3''- 3'' Company's ships unlade
at, 166 ;/. 2
Hill, John, prisoner at Siam, xl
Himalayas, mountains, 172 ;/. i
Hindostan, n, 17, 131, 131 n. 3,
131 n. 7, 132 n. 3, 180, 218 n. 2 ;
chronicles of, 135 ; civil vv^ar in,
135-144
HindostanT, 263 n. i ; study of, en-
couraged by East India Company,
80 n. 2
Hindostan language. See Hindo-
stani
Hindus, xvii, 6 n. i, 23 «. i, 25 w. 2 ;
power of, in S. India destroyed,
10 w. 2, 128 ; their fighting abilities,
10 n. 2 ; their treatment by Akbar
and his successors, 10 n. 4, ion. 5,
10 ;/. 6, II n. 2; religion of, taxed,
II, 39; their pilgrimages to the
pagoda of Jagannath, 12 n. i ;
festivals of, 16, 17, 197, 198, 202,
203, 203 n, I ; merchants of the,
their wealth ascertained by Shayista
Khan's agents, 157; dead bodies of
the, how treated, 201 n. i ; their
sick, how treated, 202 n. i ; number
that died of famine at Patna, 226
n. 2
Hippon, Anthony, Captain, com-
mander of the Globes 53 «. 2 ; sent
out to trade on Coromandel Coast,
p8 ;/. I
Hippopotamus, 279 n. 5
Hobson-Jobson. See Yule and
Burnell
Hodges, Mr, prisoner at Siam, xl
Hodgipore. See Hajipur
Hogs, wild, in Bengal, 220, 220 n. 4;
wild, in Kedah, 279, 279 n. 2 ;
not eaten by Muhammadans, 279,
279 n. 2
Hollanders, the. See Dutch
Hololcore. See Halalcore
Hon, Joseph, sailor on the Defence,
xxviii
Honey, 292 n. 2; plentiful in Bengal,
»32
Hoocar, Hooka, Hoocka, 96, 97 ;
illustration of a, 104
Hope, the, ship, 73 n. 3, 319
Hopkins, Mr, second at Peddapalle,
106 n. 2
Homer, James, known to T. B.,
xviii ; a free merchant, 1 1 1 «. 1 ,
263 ; a resident at Golconda, 1 1 1
n. I ; demands satisfaction for goods
taken from S. Ware, 263 ; his trade
in elephants, 263 «. i ; accusation
against, 263 n. i ; skilled in the
"Indostan language," 263 n. i;
acts with the Company's "Braminy'*
at Golconda, 263 n, i ; his trading
voyages, 263 n. i
Homer, Mrs, goes to Golconda, 263
n. I ; her petition, 263 n. i
Horsburgh, James, his" India Direc-
tory" referred to, 56 n. i, 128 «. 5,
129 «. I, 209 n. 2, 257 n. 2, 259
n. 2, passim
Horses, of Queen of Achin, how
adorned, 326
How, William, 71 «. 5, 81 «. i
Howard, Eliot, owner of the T. B.
MS., XV, xxii ; disproves the Bugden
theory, xx ; supplies the Bowrey
clue, XX ; *' Eliot Papers " by,
references to, xx, xlii
Howison, James, liv; his "Malay
Dictionary," liv-lvi ; copies from
Bowrey, Iv
Hubble-bubble, 97; canes for, 97
;/. 4
Hudson, Richard, 184 n. \
Hudson's Bay, "Dictionary of the
Indian language of the," xli, liii
Hughli. See Hugli
Hugli, xvi, II «.4, 23, 56 n 2, 85 n. 4,
87 n. 2, 96 n. 2, 104 n. i, 124 ». 3,
129 n. I, 146 ^2. 4 passim ; number
of Christians at, 133 w. 3 ; part of
Shayista Khan's jagir, 146 n. 4 ;
factors at, present Shayista Khan
with Persian horses, 1 48 n. 5 ;
Council at, refuse Chintaman a
share in the investment, 154 «. i ;
Governor of, 158 «. 3, 183, 185 «. i ;
English chiefs at, 158 «. 3; native
merchants in, compelled to send
ships to Dacca, 162, 163 ; the great
bazaar at, 168 ; Mogol*s custom-
house at, 168 w. 3 ; ships, numbers
yearly laden at, 168 n. 3; date of
establishment of English factory at,
INDEX
359
1 68 n. 4; English factory house at,
when built, 168 n. 4 ; enlargement
and repair of English factory house
at, 168 ;/. 4; trees cut down near
English factory at, 168 w. 4; head-
quarters of the Company in Bengal,
164 n. 3, 168, 168 «. 4; description
of, 167, 168, 168 n, 2 ; English
factory at, 167, 167 n. 3, 168, 168
n. 4, 171 ; Dutch factory at, 68
n. 3, 167, 167 n. 3, 168 n, i, 160,
169 n. i; inhabitants of, 168, 108
n. 2 ; commodities sold at, 168,
168 ;/. 2, 168 n, 3, 231 ; flood de-
stroys old Dutch factory at, 170;
new English factory built at, 171 ;
Council and factors reside in new
factory at, 171 ; brick bridge built
between Old and New English
factories at, 171 n. 1; old factory
(English) at, how used, 171 «. 4;
Dutch map of in 1679, '^5 ^^' * »
number of Portuguese at, 191, 191
n. I ; Ganges festival held near,
203; description of j^7/f at, 204
Hugli Hole, 170, 170 «. 3
Hugli river, xvi, xvii f., xix ; Bowrey's
chart of, xvii f., xxxvii, 1, 172 n. 2,
173 «• 2, 209 ;/. 2, 219 n. 2 ; in-
cluded in the Ganges, 132 «. i ;
chief arm of the Ganges, 166, 167 ;
trade on its waters, 166, 166 n. 2;
navigation of the, urged by the
Court, 166 n. 2 ; pilots sent from
England for the, 166 n. 2 ; lack of
pilots for, 166 n. 2, 175, 175 n. i ;
the Company's ships brought up
the, after 1679, 166 «. 2 ; why so
called, 167 ; T. B. nearly wrecked
in, 172-174 ; James and Mary
shoal in, 174 n. 2; earliest sailing
directions for, 176 n. i; T. B.'s
personal acquaintance with, 209
;/. 2
Humhum. See Hammdm
Hungerford, John, trustee to Mary
Bowrey's will, xlvi ; legal adviser
to the E. 1. Co., xlvii
Hunter, Sir William, his ** Imperial
Gazetteer " referred to, 105 n. 2,
215 «. 2; his ''History of British
India" referred to, 145 «. 5, T46
;/. 4, 164 n. I
Hunter^ the, fireship, xxiv
Hurrichpore Gurh. See Harsapur
Hutchins, John, his *' History of
Dorset'* referred to, 158 //. 3
Huttops, houses at Kedah made of,
269
Hyde, Thomas, liii, Ivi
Iberians, called Georgians, 221 n, 3
Ibrahim Khan, nawdb of Cuttack,
succeeded by Safi Khan, 152 n, 4
Ibrahim Quli Qutb Shah, con-
solidates kingdom of Golconda,
109 ;/. I ; fourth king of Qutb
Shahi line, 113 «. i
Idols of the Hindus in Bengal, 197
Igale. See Coxe's Island
Inchiquin, Lord, xxiv
India, li, r, 4, 5, 50, 71, 133, 145,
158, 293 ; coast of, xv ; East, 2, 39 ;
author's arrival in, 146; trade in,
lucrative, 233, 233 n, 1
"Indian Antiquaiy," The, refer-
ences to, 3 //. 1, 26 «., 36 n.y 42 «.,
114 n. 2 passim
Indian Apple. See Zizyphus Jujuba
Indian Sea, 108
India Office Records, Factory Re-
cords, references to, xix, xxvi,
xxviii, XXXV, xxxvi, xxxvii, xl, 1«.,
5 «., 12 ;/., 25 «., 36 n. passim \
Marine Records, references to, xxvi,
12 «., 209 n. 2, 262 n. 2 ; Madras
Public Consultations, referred to,
xxviii ; Original Correspondence,
references to, xxv, xxxvii, 3 «.>
21 «., 25 w., 32 ;/., 43 n. passim';
Court Books, referred to, xli, xlii,
90 71. I, 233 ;/. 2 ; Home Series,
Miscellaneous, referred to, xli ; Letter
Books, referred to, 9 «., 53 «., 55 «.,
57 ;/. passim 'f Coast and Bay Ab-
stracts, referred to, 100 n. i
Indostan. See Hindostan
Indostan language. See Hindo-
stanl
Indra, 20)5 n. 3
Indragiri, liv; raja of, his power,
295, 295 n. 3 ; noted for pepper,
295 «. 3 ; a Hindu name, 295 «. 3
Indrapoora, 178 «. i
Indulgeficey the, king of Golconda*s
ship, 88 n. 3
Ingerley. See Hijili
Ingram, Ralph, Company's servant
at Cuddalore, xxxi, xxxv
Ingrenate. See Jagannath
Intermarriage, between different
trades prohibited, 31
Inzipatam. See Vizagapatam
Iron, 240, 246
Irsepour. See Harsapur
Isarees, drawers, trousers. See Izdr
Ishmael Beake. See Isma'il Beg
Isma'Tl Beg, appointed second in
Junk-Ceylon, 255; killed in the
insurrection at Junk-Ceylon, 257
Ispahaun, 309 ;/. 2
36o
INDEX
Ivell, Seftor Axell, Governor of
Tranquebar, xxix
Ivory, 290 n. 8
Izar^ drawers, trousers, 71 ;/. 3
Jackals, description of, 220, 220 n. 4;
depredations of, 220 ; illustration
of, 222
Jafna, Dutch fortress in Ceylon, 181,
181 n. 3
Jagannath (Guggerhaut, Jaggerynat,
Jagranaught, Jaguernate, Jakernot,
Jno. Gemaet), 7, 8, 15, 24, 37 «. 2,
130 n. 4; carried in procession, 7,
17, 18; pagoda of, xvi, 11 n. 2, 12,
13, 14, 15, 16, 20, 24, 108, 121,
127 ; revenue of pagoda of, 12 «. i ;
description of the idol, 12 ;/. i, 15,
16; diamond stolen out of the eye
of, 12 //. i; votive offerings to
pagoda of, 12 n. i, 20; festival at
pagoda of, 1 6, 1 7 ; attempts of kings
of Golconda against, 16; chariot of,
17, 18; immolation under chariot
of, 18; pilgrimage of rich Gentue
merchant to pagoda of, 18-20; il-
lustration of, 22 ; his omniscience,
34; chief Brahmin of, 216 «. 5
Jagannath, district, 129 n. i, 130
n, 4; raja of, 127 n. 2
Jagaree. See Jaggery
Jaggeer, Jaggere. See Jagir
Jaggernat, Jaggerynat, Jagernate,
etc. See Jagannath
Jaggery, coarse sugar, 78
Jagir, a pension, 146 n. 4, 152 n, 4,
185 n. I ; Agra given to Shayista
Khan as, 148 n. 5
Jagrenaut. See Jagannath
Jahangir, emperor, son of Akbar, 18
n. 2 ; his treatment of the Hindus,
10 n. 5
Jakernot. See Jagannath
Jaksom Baksom, Dutch corruption
of " Kz Hassan^ yd Httssain,'''' 119
n. I
Jaiidf a boat, 140, 212 ; various forms
of the word, 140 n. 2; Tavemier's
comments on, 140 ;/. 2; Schouten's
description of, 140 it. 2
Jambi, Jambe, Jambee, liv, 295 n. 3;
a state in the East of Sumatra, 166
n. 2, 295 n. 2; raja of, his power,
295 ; English factory at, 295 n. 2
J am bo a. See Pommelo
Jambys, inhabitants of Jambi, 266 n. 2
James, Captain, brings the Rebecca
up the Hugli, 166 n. 2
"James and Mary," shoal, 173 n, i,
174 n. 2
James I. of England, 295; letter
from King of Achin to, 295 n. 6;
his present of cannon to Achin, 312
n, 2
Janavad, 96 n. 2
Jan Perdo, island, 173, 173 «. 2;
other spellings of, 173 «. 2
Jansa Bainsah, a giant, 1 19; festival
in honour of, 118, 119; illustration
of, 119
Janselone. See Junk-Ceylon
Janseloners, inhabitants of Junk-
Ceylon, 252
Jan Sylan. See Junk-Ceylon
Japan, Bengal commodities exported
to, 132 n, 3
Japnapatam, Japhnapatam. See
Jafna
Jardin, Clement Du. See Jordan,
Clement
Java Major, xxii, Hi, liv, i, 199 ». 3,
223> 237 ^' ^» 247 ^' 5» 261 n. 2,
277 n. 2, 283 n. 4, 291 ; chart of,
by Bowrey, li ; ships from, frequent
Achin harbour, 288; why so called,
288 n. 4
Javas (Javanese), 293
Jazia, capitation tax, 10 n. 4, 39 n. 3
Jearsey, Catherine, wife of William
Jearsey, her character, 251 n, i
Jearsey, John, betrothed to Mistress
Povey, 90 n. r
Jearsey, William, 9 n. 5, 100 n, i,
178 71. I, 181 n. 9, 272 n. 4; em-
ploys T. B. on a trading vessel,
xviii, 251; his house, 64 n. i, 251
«. I ; in India for thirty years, 251
«. r ; in Company's service, 251 «. i ;
twice discharged by the Court, 25 1
n. I ; defies the power of the Court,
2ffi n.i\ chief at Siriam and Masuli-
patam, 251 n. i; charges l>rought
against him, 251 n. i; his quarrel
with Sir Edward Winter, 251 ». i;
his private trade, 251 ;/. i ; claims
against him finally settled, 2$in. i ;
his wife a Dutchwoman, 251 n. i ;
dies at Fort St George, 251 n. i ;
two of his servants escape massacre
at Junk-Ceylon, 257
Jeco, 319
Jehore. See Johor
Jeliasse. See Jalid
Jelosie (?stout cotton-cloth for blinds),
230 n. 2
Jemini, river. See Jumna
Jentives. See Gentues
Jessore, 162
Jesuits, the, 41; their churches in
Bengal, 133 «. 3; Mrs Vincent
INDEX
361
said to encourage, 164 n. 4; their
missions in India, 255 n. 6
Jews, 94 ; resemblance of the Brahmins
to, 28
Jillisar, river, 2 1 1 w. 3
yogi, 211 n. 3
John Gernaet. See Jagannath
Jno. Perdo. See Jan Perdo
Johor, Johore, xxii, 72 n. 2, 82 n. i,
251 n. 2, 258, 258 n. 4, 260, 266,
271 «., 285 n. I, 290 n. 8; burning
of, 266 n. 2; tributary to Siam, 275
;/. 3 ; tin from, 280 n. 1 ; king of,
312 «. 2
Johore, river, 2^57 w. 2
Johr, peak of, xlix
Jong, a junk, 235 w. i
Jonkseilon, Jonkceylon. See Junk-
Ceylon
Jordan, Clement (afterwards Du
Jardin), a "freeman," 178 w. i;
associated with John Bugden, xix;
T.B.'s purser, xix, 178, 178 n. i;
his position at Vizagapatam factory,
123 «. 2, 178 ;/. I ; obtains a cowle
for Vizagapatam, 125 n. 1 ; examined
as to John Smith's death, 178 n. i ;
called Du Jardin in 1682, 178 «. i ;
disagrees with George Ramsden,
1 78 «. I ; recalled to Fort St George,
178 «. I ; sent to Sillebar, 178 «. i ;
dismissed the Company's service,
178 n. I ; dismissal not enforced,
178 n. i; sent to Indrapore, 178
n. I ; Court's opinion of, 178 n. 1 ;
death of, 178 «. i ; leaves a widow,
178 H. I
Jougie. See Jogt
Jounck. See Junk
"Journal ou Suite du Voyage de
Siam," referred to, 275 n, 3
Jove, Brahmins' prayer to, during an
eclipse, 33 f.
Jubraj, 259 «. 3
Judaism, 15
Juggernaut. See Jagannath
Jumna, river, 137 n. 2
Jun9alaon, Junsalaon. See Junk-
Ceylon
Juncanner, customs officer, 93 w. i
Junckan, transit-duty, 82 n, i
Junkceyloan. See Junk-Ceylon
Junk-Ceylon (Juncceloan, Jan Sylan
etc.), xvi, 1, 72 «. 2, 262 «. 7, 283,
290; value of T.B.'s description of,
xviii ; its produce tin and elephants,
xxii ; insurrection at, xxvi ; de-
scribed, 235-258; situation and ex-
tent of, 235, 236 ;/. I ; history of
the word, 235 n. i ; marked on the
mainland in old maps, 235 n. i ;
shape of, 236, 236 n. i ; dependent
on Siam, 236; how governed, 236;
inhabitants of, 236, 236 n. 3, 236
n. 4, 237 ; language of, 236 n, 3 ;
ineffectual attempt of Burmans
against, 236 n. 3; seaports on, 238,
239; shallowness of its harbours,
239; elephants and tin chief pro-
ductions of, 240, 240/2. I ; imports
of, 240 ; money current at, 240,
241 ; heavy taxation at, 240 ;/. i ;
bahdr of, 241 n. 4; chief officers
at, 242, 244; treatment of foreigners
at, 242, 243 ; table of coinage at,
242 n, I ; raja of, his reception of
foreigners, 244-246; presents given
to raja of, by foreigners, 244, 245 ;
no English factory at, 245 n. 2 ;
presents given to officers at, 246 ;
imports suitable for, 246; provisions
not plentiful at, 246 ; physical
features of, 247, 247 n. 3 ; fruits
indigenous to, 247 ; houses at, how
built, 250; raja of, reports Dutch
outrage to Siam, 253; T.B.'s second
visit to, 255 ; disaffection at, on
account of Muhammadan rulers,
255 ; murder of Moors and Chulias
at, 257 ; English goods from Kedah,
sale of, attempted at, 270; large
elephants at, 275
Junks, 181, 269, 271 w.; of the Moors,
burned by the French at Masulipa-
tam, 68 n. 2 ; of the Moors, for
transport of elephants, 73 n, 3 ;
meaning of, 181 w. 9; of the Moors,
one taken by the Danes, 184 «. i
Junsalam, Jiisalam. See Junk-
Ceylon
Junsalon. See Junk-Ceylon
Jurradgeshaw, 154 n. i
Kabul, province of, 136 n. 3, 136
n, 4; Dara appointed governor of,
136; description of, 136 n. 3
ICachahri, Court-house, 154 n. i
Ka9u VTranna (Cassa Varena, Cassa
Verona), 48 w., 85 n. i, 126 «. 3;
death and burial of, 95 n. 1 ; re-
ligion of, 95 w. I, 127 w. 3
Kodak, an elephant trap, 273 n. 4
Kdhan, See Weights and Measures
Kahar, the bearer-caste, 87 n. 2
Kalyan Ray, a native merchant,
154 n. I
Kanakkapillai, clerk. See Conicopoly
Kanarak Pagoda. See Black Pa-
goda
ICdnungo, 154 w. i
362
INDEX
Kdpingy a Malay coin of low de-
nomination. See Kdping^ s.v. Coins
Karapar, mountain, 124 //. 2
Karedu (Caraid, Careda, Carera,
Careero, Carrera), xvi, 36, 36 //. 3 ;
factory to be settled at, 36 «. 3;
derivation of, 36 n. 3; Betel gar-
dens at, 36 n. 3; festival at, 36 n. 3
Kamates, 132 n. 2
Karon Bay, 239 n, i, 250 n. 2
Kartikeya, the Hindu Mars, pagoda
of, 123 «. 2
Kdsid^ 124 n. 3
kasim, a Muhammadan proper name,
213 «. I
Kasimbazar, xvi, 11 n. 4, 87 n. 2,
158 n. 3; Dutch factory at, 133
«. 6, 2 13, 213 «. 2 ; T. B. s descrip-
tion of, 213-215; why so called,
213, 213 «. i; English factory at,
213, 213 n. 2; silk exported from,
213 n. 2; ground allotted to the
French at, 213 n. 2; Streynsham
Master's description of, 213 n. 2;
mulberry trees at, 213 n. 2; Hamil-
ton's description of, 213 n. 2; large
investments of E. I. Co. at, 214;
rank of head of the Factory at, 214,
21^ n. I ; many English workmen
at, 214; output of silk from, 214
n. 2; English dyers necessary at,
215, 215 «. I ; climate of, 215;
decay of, 215 n. 2 ; commodities
from, 230
Kassem- Bazar. See Kasimbazar
Kateck. See Cuttack
ICatrd, a market-place, 221 n. 6
Kaitumaratn^ catamaran, 43 ;/. 2
Kdvai, a palankeen -bearer in Madras,
87 n. 2
Kedah, city of, its situation, 259 ;
residence of the heir-apparent, 259 ;
description of, 259 //. 2; crew of a
Portuguese ship sold as slaves at,
264; chief place of trade in the
kingdom, 267 ; Company's house
at, in decay, 268 ; Company's goods
at, spoiled, 269; distress of English
factors at, 269; letter from English
factors at, 269; English factory
house at burnt, 269 ; half the town
burnt, 269; factors at, appeal to
the king to dispose of their goods,
270; factors at, get no help from
the king, 270; factors at, unsuc-
cessful efforts of to sell Company's
goods, 270; Company's goods at,
damaged and rotten, 270; factors
at, petition the king for help to go
to Achin, 270; factors at, complain
of want of justice, 270; many thieves
in, 27 1 «. ; English factory at, aban-
doned, 271 n.\ flight of '* young
king" from, 276
Kedan, king of, resides at Solla, 259 ;
resigns the government to his son,
260; his mild rule encourages
piracy, 261 ; invites the English
to make a settlement, 261 tt. 3,
267 n. i; favours the English, 261,
262; liberates Portuguese lad, 265;
reproves Suraj Khan, 265; his
courtesy and uprightness, 265; his
justice to his subjects, 265 ; a peace-
maker, 265; T.B.'s high opinion
of, unsupported, 265 n, i, 284
n. I ; unable to enforce his com-
mands, 265 n. I ; T. B.'s admira-
tion for, 265 n. 2, 266; contempo-
rary notices of, 265 n. 2 ; Hamilton's
remarks on, 265 n. 2; his conflict
with the Dutch, 266; the "Old"
and the **New," their favour to
the English, 267 ; his peshkush to
Mahmud Alle, 268; his protection
requested for English factors, 269;
lends a prau to the English, 270;
promises safety to English factors,
270; letter sent from Surat to,
271 n.', welcomes English mer-
chants at Solla, 272 ; present made
him by English merchants, 272;
feasts and presents given by, to
English merchants, 272; Hamil-
ton s account of visits paid to by
merchants, 273 n, 2; his tribute to
the king of Siam, 275, 275 n, 3,
2 76 ; his fear of the king of Siam,
276; his flight in 1677, 276
Kedah (Queda, Quedah), kingdom
of, xvi, xxii, 1, 72 «. 2, 75, 82 «. I,
178 n. I, 180, 236 n. 3, 245 n. 2,
258, 285 n. r, 285 w. 3, 290, 290
n. 8, 294 n. 3 ; two Chulias escape
from Junk-Ceylon to, 257 ; T. B.'s
account of, 259-285; size of, 259;
sparsely peopled, 259, 260 n. 1 ;
wild beasts in, 259, 260 n. i, 279;
trade at, 259 n. i, 282; physical
features of, 260, 260 n. 1 ; ruling
officials at, 260 ; provisions plenti-
ful at, 261, 279, 279 n. 3; good
government at, 261 ; inferior in
wealth to Achin, 261 ; its injurious
wars with Achin, 260 n. i ; rivers
of, 260 //. I, 268; inhabitants of,
261 n. 2; English attempt to settle
a factory in, 261 n, 3; reports as
to trading facilities at, 201 n. 3;
many pirates in, 262 ; English trade
INDEX
363
at, paralysed by the Dutch, 266
n. 3 ; T. B.'s view of English trade
at, unsupported, 267 n. i ; English
factory at, its settlement, failure,
and abandonment, 267 «. i ; tin its
chief commodity, 267 n. i ; method
of trade at, 267 n. i ; English make
large investments at, 267 n. 1 ; un-
favourable report by the English, of
trade at, 268 ; English goods in, to
be sold off, 268; privileges to
English merchants in, 271, 283;
foreign merchants visiting, go by
water to SoUa, 272 ; *' young " king
of, present made to, 272; meaning
of the word, 273 n. 4; elephants
from, 275 n. i ; formerly subject to
Achin, 275 n. 2; pepper good and
plentiful in, 276, 276 n. 5; long
pepper at, 277 ; description of
houses at, 277; heavy rains at,
277; fortifications of, 278; fruits
of, 278, 279; no ducks, geese
or pigs in, 279; illustration of
"strange fishes" of, 285; woods
of, 279, 279 «. 4; buffaloes in, 279,
280; tin, the only mineral in, 280,
280 n. I ; gold imported from,
Patani to, 280; current money of,
280, 281, 281 n. 3; weights and
measures of, 281, 282; exports
from, 283 ; debts of foreigners,
how collected at, 283
Kedah, river, 259 ;/. 4, 264, 277; its
width, 259; how far navigable,
259 ; full of fish and alligators,
284, 285
Kedgaree, Kedgerry, Kedgeree, 167
n. I, 176 «. I, 209 n. 2, 254 «. 1
Kegaria. See Kedgaree
Keigwin, Richard, 140 n. 2
Kelly, P., his '* Universal Cambist"
referred to, 281 «. 5, 282 n. 2
Ken, John, chief at Kasimbazar, 213
n. 2
Kendoa, 87 n 2, 167 w. i
Kenn, John, his "Advices about
Bengali," 122 11. i
Kerbela, 11^ n. i
Ketch, a boat, 173 n. 2, 178
Ketri. See Khaitri
Kettera. See Katrd
Khairatabad, empty mosque at, 113
n. I
Khairat-un-Nissa Begam, her
body exhumed, 113 n. i
Khajur^ wild date-palm, 108 «. 6
Khajuri, 172 n. 2
Khan, of Chengy, 20 n. 2
Khassa, muslin, 133 n. 4, 154 n, i,
231 w. I ; good quality of, at
Dacca, 150 n. 2, 230; description
of, 230 n. 2; fine, 231 n. 2
Khattrt caste, 83 n. 5
Khelong Bay, 250 «. 2; its identity
with Banquala discussed, 239 «. i
Khemchand. See Chim Cham
Khwajdjt, chief merchant, 118 n, i
King George^ the, 209 n. 2
King's Head Inn, Southwark, rented
by Thos. Bowrey, xlv; owned by
Peter Briggins, xliv; leasehold in-
terest of, bequeathed to F. Gardiner,
xlvi
Kirman, a province of Persia, 221,
221 n, 2
Kishna. See Kistna
Kistna, river, 54, 55 n. \ ; extent of,
no; waters Golconda, no
Kittesale. See Kittysol
Kittysol, 85, 85 n. i, 85 n, 4; in-
ferior to a roundel, 86
Knives, imported to Junk-Ceylon,
246 ; to Achin, 289
Kobang, a Japanese coin. See Coins
Koran, the. See (Al) Koran, the
K5rangi. See Coringa
Kosy 134 n. 3, 203 n, i
Kosida, 129 /;. I
Koiwdl^ judge, 88 n. 3, 207, 207 n, i ;
of Peddapalle, visits Streynsham
Master, 54
Kotwdl kd chabutra, sherifTs office,
226 n. 2
Kris, a dagger, 235 n, 1, 298, 326;
good quality of, at Achin, 298 n, i
Kulbarga, log n. i
Kupan^. See Kobang, s.v. Coins
Kutcherry, court-house, 154 ;/. i
Kuttra, the little, \f^o n, i
Kuwdla^ mouth of a river, 239 n. r,
295 ^- 3' 30i> 30^ ^- 2' 302 n. I
Labuhan^ a harbour, 239 //. r
Laburnum, Indian, 291 n. 5
Lac, Lacca, 122, 122 n. i, 132;
good quality of, from Bengal, 132
n, 4, 134 ;/. I
Lac, Lack. See Weights and Mea-
sures
Lacquer-ware, 290, 290 n. 12
Lacre. See Lac
Lada, Ladda, pepper, 277, 277 «. i
Lada panjang. See Long Pepper
Laddas, Is., 2TJ n. i
Laest, Last. See Weights and
Measures
Lagor. See Sagar
La Haye. See Haye
Lahore, 133 «. 6, 136 n. 4
3^4
INDEX
Lalan, Islands, 239 ;/. 2
Lall Baug, palace, 150 n. i
La Loub^re. See Loub^re
Lampoun, Lampoon, 295 n, 3;
pepper factory at, 292 n. 4
Lancaster, Sir James, 295 n, 6; his
** Voyages" referred to, 236 «. 1;
obtains concessions from king of
Achin, 304 n. 4
Lancaster^ the, 177 «. 1
Lancava, island, 277 ». i
Lancaway. See Pulo Lada
Landa, Landock. See Landak
Landak, in Borneo, liv, 291, 291
;/. 9
Langham, Sir William. See Lang-
home, Sir William
Langhome, Sir William, agent at
Fort St George, 4 «. i, 36 «. 3,
63 n, I, 70 n, I, 71 «. 5, 73 w. 2;
accused of assisting the French,
48 n. ; refuses to expel Frenchmen
from Fort St "George, 5 1 w. i ; his
policy weaker than Winter's, 88
//. I
Langren, Van, his map of Mergui
Archipelago referred to, 235 n. i
Langtialu creek, 209 n, 2
Lascar, 90 71, i, 125 n. i, 140 n. 2,
178 n. 3, 265 n. I
Last. See Weights and Measures
Lathi ^ cudgel, staff, 249 «. i
Laws against crime, at Achin, 315,
315 n. 2, 316 n. I
Laximana, a Malay official, 260,
260 n. 2, 262 n. 7, 29^; at Kedah,
bribes sailors away from the En-
glish, 265 n. I
Leachee (litchi). See Rambutan
Lead, 232
Le Blanc, Vincent, 290 n. 7
Lee, Blackheath, xliv n. i, xlv Jt. i ;
Bowrey married at, xli
Leghorn, xxiv
Leigh Church, Essex, Goodlads
buried at, 90 /;. i
Lemons, at Kedah, 278; at Achin,
323
Leopards, 219 n. 2
Lethioulier, Mr, owner of the
Unity ^ 91 n. i
Leupe's Catalogue of maps, 185 n. i
Leximana, Loximana. See Laximana
Lignum -aloes. See Agila wood
Lime. See Chunam
Limes (fruit), dchdr of, 193 «. i ; at
Kedah, 278; at Achin, 323
Linen, fine, sold at Hugh, 168 n. 2;
woven at Hugli, 169 n, i
Lingapa, 121 n, 4, 263 n. i
Lions, at Kedah, 279
Lipon. See Luppoone
Littleton, Robert, 178 n. 3
Littleton, Sir Edward, 209 n. 2, 214
n. I ; factor at Kasimbazar, 11 /i. 4 ;
connected by marriage with Walter
Clavell, 158 «. 3
Lock, Mr, taken prisoner, 266 n. 2
Lockard, Hannah, bequest to, xlvi
Lockyer,Charles,his"Tradein India"
referred to, 43 w. i, 77 w. 2, 12 1 n. 4,
287 n. 5, 288 n. 5, 289 n. 5, passim,
Longcloth, 5 n, 5, 55, 88 n. 3, 122
n, 3, 246, 289, 289 n. 4; brown,
55 n. 2, 289 n. 5; fine, 55 n, 2,
7r n. 3; blue, 55 n. 2, 289 n. 5
Long Pepper, 133 n. 2, igo n. 4;
exported from Bengal, 1 34, 134 n. 3 ;
its use, 134 n. 3, 277; how sold,
134 n. 3; from Patna, 221 ;/. 1;
at Kedah, 277, 277 «. 2 ; illustration
of, 277
Lonuary, ? Conjaguaree, 129 w. i
Loonghee. See Lungi
Lord, Henry, his " Discouerie of the
Sect of the Banians " referred to,
83 n. 5, 221 n. 5
Lords Trees, li
Lottee. See Lathi
Loub^re, De la, his " Historical Rela-
tion of Siam " referred to, 29 «., 83
^i' 5* '15 ^^' 4) 240 n. I, 242 n. 3,
243 n. 2, passim
Louis XIV, sends fleet to Coroman-
del Coast, 65 w. 2 ; king of Siam,
his ally, 276 w. 3
Loveney, Michaell, weaver at Kasim-
bazar, 214^ n. 2
Lower Bengal, 162 w. i
Lowest, meaning ** most northerly,"
98
Loximana. See Laximana
Loyall Advaiture^ the, wreck of,
xxxvii
Loyall Subfecti the, detained at Ma-
sulipatam for the king's visit, 88
n, 3; king of Golconda goes on
board of, 88 n. 3, 90, 90 n. i ;
crew of, sickly, 90 ;;. i ; burthen
of, 90 ». I
Loyal Merchant, the, xxvi ; mistakes
her course, 3 «. 2
Luiller, voyage of. See Provost
Lungee. See Lungi
Lungi, 55, 106, 208, 316; various
articles applied to, 55 «. 2 ; Herba,
162 n, 3
Luppoone, a port, its present desig-
nation, 239, 239 n. I
Luppoone, 243 ;/. i, 248; its situa-
INDEX
365
tion, 239 n. I, 243; residence of
the raj a of Junk- Ceylon, 243 ;
chief town in Junk-Ceylon, 243 ;
fiagoda at, allotted to foreigners,
244
Lux, William, pilot in the Company's
service, 1 76 «. i
Lysohs, Daniel, his "Account of the
Environs of London " referred to,
xlviii V,. I
Mofdo. See Ztzyphus yujuba
Macao, in China, 264
Macao, in Pegu, 264 ;/. 2
Macassar, 190 n. 3, 291, 292 n. 7;
kingdom of, 291 n, 6 ; capital of,
291 71. 6; custom free, 291 n, 6;
slaves from, 291 n. 7
Macau. See Macao
Mace, Mase. See Coins
Macedonia, iio n, i
Machaut, Monsieur, captain of the
French, 68 n. 3
Machhli, 61 n. i
Mackenzie, Gordon, his "Kistna
District" referred to, 54 w., 55 «.,
56 «. , 61 n. 3, 63 n. I, passim
Macoshull, Commander. See Ma-
chaut, Captain
Macquau. See Mukkuvar
Madapollam, xvi, xxvii, 1, 57 n. 2,
85 n. 3, 88 n. 3, 93 n. i, 98/2. i ;
Council at, sells Coninieer sloop,
xxvii ; English factory at, 100, 100
«. I ; a sanatorium for the English,
\oon. I, 10 1 ; a shipbuilding centre,
100 n. I, 102-104; manufactures
at, 100 n. I, 102; factory at, sub-
ordinate to Fort St George, 100 n. i ;
difference of opinion as to the value
of the factory, 100 n. i ; chiefs at,
100 «. i; visited by Streynsham
Master, 100 n. i; two factory
houses at, 100 n. i ; best port on
Coromandel or Gingaiee Coast,
102 ; timber and iron plentiful at,
102; T. B.'s visits to, 103 n. i;
a ship at, how docked for repairs,
103; fine white piece-goods, named
from, 100 n. i
Maddana, 88 n. 3
Madera, Cosmo Lorenzo de, part
owner of the Sancta Cruz^ 172 n. 3
Madhavayapalem. See Madapol-
lam
Madras, xvi, xxi, xxvii, xxviii, 2 //. 2,
8 w. 1,52; heathen town of, 6 «. 3;
records at, quoted from, xxviii —
XXXV ; elephants imported to from
Kedah, 275 «. i
Madras^ the, pinnace, 9 n, 5, 99 n. 7,
176 «. I ; employed on the Hugli,
166 n. 2
"Madras Manual of Administra-
tion," references to, 8 «., 26 «.,
36 «. , 43 w., 44 n. passim
Madras Merchant^ the, xxvi
Madraspatam. See Madras
''Madras Press List," references to
the, xxvii, xxviii, 100 «. i, 124 «. 3
Madras Road, 172 n. 3
Madu Banjee, minister of king of
Golconda, 93 n. i
Madura, 38 n. 3; pagoda of, 12 ». i
Magellan, straits of, xliii
Magh half-castes, 209 n. 2
Mahanadi river. Delta of, 129 n. i
Mahazor. See Mahzar
Mahegasura, 119 n, i
Mahesha Asura, a monstrous buf-
falo, I I Q «. I
Mahesha Bainsa, effigy, 119 n. 1
Mahmud Alle, 268
Mahmud Ibrahim, tiawdb, 125 n. i
Mahmud Izzufif, Governor of Bala-
sor, 32 n. 2
Mahmudpet, 98 n. i
Mahomed Beague. See Muham-
mad Beg
Mahometan. See Muhammadan
Mahomet Bander. See Porto
Novo
Mahomud Beake. See Muham-
mad Beg
Mahoua. See Mahwd
Mahtvdj tree, ro8 n. 6
Mahzar^ application, 83 n. 5, 188
?t. 2
Main waring, Matthew, complaint
against, 4 «. 2 ; chief at Masulipa-
tam, 88 n. 3, 90 n. i, 123 n. 4;
obtains a farmdn from the king of
Golconda, 93 n. i
Mainwaring, Mrs, 71 n. 5, 81
;/. I
Maipai. See Bamboo
Maipara, mouth of the Brahmani,
129 ;/. 1
Maisur, 119 ». i
Mak. See Betel
Malabar Coast, xxii, 41, 134 n. 3,
288, 288 n. 2 ; rdjds of, possess
sea coast of Bijapurf 82 n. i
Malabars, 6; description of, 6, 41,
98 ; language of, 6 w. 2 ; religion of,
6, 41 ; customs of, 35 ; differ from
Banyans and Gentues, 35, 41 ;
ornaments worn by, 35 ; of Coro-
mandel Coast dull and stupid, 41 ;
not allowed to associate with Ban-
366
INDEX
yans and Gentues, 41 ; of Malabar
Coast clever but quarrelsome, 41 ;
occupations of, 42; story of one
cast adrift, 44 ; subject to ele-
phantiasis, 50 n. 3; supply Masu-
lipatam with fish, 61 ; their man-
ner of smoking, 97 ; food of, 97 ;
clothes of, 97
Malacca, liv, 72 //. 2, 236 n. i,
237 //. 2, 245 //. 2, 261 n, 3, 269,
271 »., 282 //. 2, 290 n. 10, 294 n. 2 ;
Dutch settlement at, 264
Malay Archipelago, 192 //. 4, 287
Malayars, the, 255, 293 ; descrip-
tion of, 237, 237 n. I ; at Junk-
Ceylon, re-capture a prau from
the Dutch, 252 ; overpower and
kill the Dutch at Junk-Ceylon, 253;
in Junk-Ceylon, their insurrection,
^5^> ^57 > inhabitants of Kedah,
260 //. I ; pirates of, take a Portu-
guese ship, 264 ; eat buffaloes' flesh,
280 ; of Achin, 290 n, 8, 294 n. 3 ;
lovers of cock-fighting, 310 n. 4
Malay Coast, 259, 201, 280, 285
n. I, 290; what meant by the term,
261 n. i; the Dutch masters of
the, 269 ; kings of the, their tribute
to Siam, 276; ships from, numerous
at Achin, 288
Malay language, Malayo, li — liv,
37 ;/. I, 236 n. 3, 277; countries
where spoken, 291 n. 9
Malay Peninsula, xvi, 188 n, i,
261, 275 n. 2, 302 «. 3; fish on the
coast of, 284 ;/. 2
Malda, 178 n. i, 230 n. 2, 230 n. 6;
Swinging festival at, 198/1. i
Maldive Islands, 57 n. 2, 66 n. i,
72 n. 2, 75 «. 2, 105, 186, 218 n. 10,
219, 245 n. 2; cocoa-nuts from, 97
n. 3 ; best coir cable brought from,
103 n. 4, 104; cowries the chief ex-
port of. 104 n. I, 179, 200; ships
built from cocoa-nut trees at, 104
n. I ; rice imported from Bengal,
132 n. 7; description of, 200 n. 2
Malik Beg, 187; father of Malik
Qasim, 183; Governor of Hugli,
183 «. I ; various renderings of his
name, 183 «. i; favourable to the
English, 183 «. I ; poisons the Danes
at Balasor, 184; his relations with
the English in 1647, 184 //. i ; his
antagonism to the Danes, 184 n. i
Malik Qasim, Governor of Hugli,
his exactions, 158 n. 3, 183, 183
n. 2 ; Governor of Balasor, 183 /i. 2 ;
outwits the Danes, 185-189; cha-
racter of, 185 n. I ; complaints by
the English of, 185 ». i ; tumejd
out of Hugli, 185 //. I ; buys
government of Balasor, 1 85 /i. i ;
re-obtains government of Hugli,
185 n, I ; in disgrace at Dacca,
185 n. i; pensioned, 1S5 n. i;
garden of, at Hugli, 185 n. i ; oflfers
articles of peace to the Danes, 186;
his emissary and specious promises
to the Danes, 187; demands satis-
faction of the Danes, 188, 189
Mallesmolle. Sg£ Afalma/
Malmal^ muslin, 133 n, 4, 230 n, 2,
231 n. 3, 290, 290 n, 6; good
quality of, at Dacca, 150 /». 2
Mambou. See Bamboo
ManchaL a kind of palanquin, 86 n, 2
Mandarins, at Tonquin, 309 n. 3
Mandelslo, J. A., his ** Voyages*'
referred to, 15 /i., 20 /». 2, 38 n, 4,
49 n. I, 76 n, 2, passim
Mangastino. See Mangosteen
Mangoes (Mangue), 46, 48, 48 /». i,
323; groves of at Cuttack, 152;
gardens of at Balasor, 162 n. 3;
sweetmeats of, 192; dcAdr of^ 193,
193 n, I, 193 //. 2 ; at Kedah, 278;
Dampier's description of, 323 «. 5
Mangosteen, 322; description of,
322 n. 8; illustration of, 323
Manicapatnam, Manichapatam.
See Manikpatam
Manikpatam, Manikpatnam, 124,
124 n. 2
Manila (Moneela), 5, 172 n, 3
Manipur, 259 n. 3
ManiSy sweet, 283 n, 5
Manisan^ exjKjrted from Kedah, 283,
283 n, 5
Manisan-idbah^ honey, 283 n, 5
Mannison. See Manisan
Mansdna. See Zizyphus yujuba
Mansfen, Mr, takes news of Bow-
rey*s release to Fort St George,
xxxiv, XXXV
Mansulman. See Mussulman
March, Mr, 83 /». 3
Marco Polo, referred to, 56 n, i
Marcus, David, commander of the
Sancta CruZj 172 n. 3
Margery^ the, Clement Jordan's ship,
173 n, I, 178 n. I
Marine Square. See Wellclose
Square
Markall, Mercaul. See Weights and
Measures
Marriages, Hindu ceremonies of,
29, 30; wealth necessary for, 30;
with different trades forbidden, 31;
INDEX
367
age when contracted, 31; Ganges
water used at, 216 n. 5
Marsden, William, Iv; his "Malay
Grammar," Iv; his comments on
Bowrey's " Malay Dictionary," Iv ;
his criticism of Howison's *' Malay
Dictionary," Ivi
Marsh, John, Company's servant at
Balasor, 159; chief at Kasimba-
zar, 164 n. 4, 214 ;/. i; death of,
164 n. 4
Marshall, John, his "Notes and
Observations " referred to, 11 ^n, 8,
134 n. I, 162/2. 2, 162 n. 3, 167 n. 3
passim '., his "Accompt" of Patna,
224 n. r; his description of the
famine at Patna, 226 n. 2
Martaban Jar, Martavane Jar. See
Pegu Jar
Martin, Monsieur, chief of the
French at Masulipatam, 70 w. i ;
chief of the French at Pondicherry,
66 n. 1, 257 n. 6
Martin^ the, William Jearsey's ship,
251 n. I
Mas. See Mace
Masana. See Zizypkus yujuba
Masjid^ mosque, 11 n. i, 112
n. 5
Maslapatam. See Masulipatam
Massapore. See Narsapur
Masse. See Mace, s,v. Coins
Massen, Mr, his connection with
Thos. Bowrey, xxix
Massenburd^ the, 91 n, i
Massiere, Monsieur, agent for the
Dutch in India, 68 «. 2
Massoola. See Mussoola
Master, Streynsham, xix; his de-
scription of the factory at Armagon,
25 n. 3; his "Diary" referred to,
12 «., 30 w., 42 «., 52 «., 56 n. pas-
sim; his "Memorial! " referred to, 36
«• 3' 54 '^-t 55 «•> 63 «., 81 n. 2
passim ; his visit to Peddapalle,
54 ; his visit to Masulipatam and
Agha Jalal, 81 n. 2; his regula-
tions as to the carrying of roundels,
86 n. I ; his visit to Narsapur,
98 n. I ; his visit to MadapoUam,
TOO /;. I ; his visit to and remarks
on Palakollu, 105 n. 2 ; his remarks
on Shayista Khan, 146 n. 2, 146
n. 4; his visit to Hugli, 159; ex-
amines the case of Raghu the
podddr^ 164 «. 4; encounters a
storm near the Braces, 167 n, i;
visits the Dutch factory at Hugli,
169 n. 1 ; alters the hour for prayers
at Balasor, 177 n. i; T. B.'s en-
counter with, in the Hugli, 175 ; his
confused account of the Sancta
CruZy 178 n. 3
Mastin, Mr. See Mansfen, Mr
Masulipatam, xvi, xxii, 3 ;;. 2,
4 n. 2, 36, 40, 55 n. 2, 57, 57
n. 2, 67, 85 ;/. 3, 90 «. I, 92 n. i,
93 w. I, 99, 100 n. I, 106 «. 2, 122
n, 3, 123 w. 4, 129 n. I, 273;
governor of, 55, 81, 83, 88 it. 3;
deserted for Armagon, 53 n. i ;
English factory at, 53 n. 2, 6i,
81 «. 2; subordinate to Fort St
George, 71; centre of trade on
Coromandel Coast, 54, 61, 72 ;
reason for the name, 60, 61 ; T.B.'s
description of, 61-64; Schouten's
description of, 61 n. 3 ; Dutch
factory at, 61, 61 n. 3 ; subordinate
to Pulicat, 71; Danish factory at,
61 n. 3, 64 w. I ; early history of,
61 n. 3; Hamilton's, Ta vernier's,
Thevenot's description of, 61 n. 3;
factory at temporarily withdrawn,
61 n. 3; bridges at, 62, 63 «. i;
houses at, 63 ; taken by the French,
61 «. 3; re-taken by the English,
61 n. 3 ; English garden at, 63
n. i; French factory at, 64, 64
«. I, 70 «. I ; Moors in conflict
with the English at, 84 n. 2;
fort erected at, by the Moors,
68; unsuccessful attempt of the
French against, 68; a populous
town, 71; manufactures at, 71;
Hatton's account of the trade of,
72 ;/. 2; chief inhabitants of, Mu-
hammadans, 76; restrictions as to
carrying roundels at, 86 n, 1 ; king
of Golconda's visit to, 88 n, 3 ;
preparations at, for the king's visit,
88 w. 3; liberty of conscience al-
lowed at, 94; great bazaar at, 106 ;
road of, 110; coins current in, 115;
rice imported to, from Bengal, 132
;/. 7 ; ships from, numerous at
Achin, 288; fine chintz exported
from to Achin, 289
Masulla. See Mussoola
Matchulipatam. See Masulipatam
Matt, touch, 217, 217 n. 2
Matura. See Madura
Maund. See Weights and Measures
Maure. See Moor
Mayflower, the, 319
Mazar. See Mahzar
Meange. See Mianji
Measures, used in Bengal, 218,
218 n. I. See also s.v. Weights
and Measures
368
INDEX
Mecca, 112, 113 n. i, 203 //. 2
Mecha. See Mecca
Meeke, John, 75 n, i
Meer Cung Marcar. See Meer Jang
Maraikkar
Meer Jang Maraikkar, implicated
in Bowrey's quarrel at Porto Novo
xxxii
Meer Moonshee, 299 n. 2
Meer Raja (Mir Raja)y Lord
Treasurer, 299
Meir Abdulla Baker, 63 n. i
Meirbar. See Mirbahr
Meirdadpoore, Meirdanpore, 148
;/. 5, 225 n. 3
Mela, the, at Sagar, many worship-
pers drowned at, 203, 203 //. i ;
ceremonies observed at, 203 ; when
held, 203 ;/. i ; Marshall's descrip-
tion of, 203 n. 1
Meleck Beake, Malybeeg, Maleek
beeg, etc. See Malik Beg
Meleck Cossum. See Malik Qa-
sim
Meliapour (St Thome), 38, 45 n. i
Melkassum. See Malik Qasim
Mellick, 98 n, i
Me.lA!?iv .4"*V 'M *' -
Mem Sahib, 299 n. 2
Mercaul, Mercall. See Weights
and Measures
Merge. See Mergui
Mergui, 237 n. 2, 248 ;/. 2; mas-
sacre of the English at, xl; trade
from, to Masulipatam, 115 n, 4
Mergui Archipelago, 235 n. 2
Merjee. See Mergui
Merjumbelow, Meerejumbler, Jum-
bler. See Mir Jumla
Mervah, a boat, 260 n. 3
Mesopotamia, sugar imported from
Bengal, 132 n. 2
Mess. See Mace
Mestick. See Musteez
Metchli. See Machhlt
Metchlipatam, Metchlepatam,
Mechlapatam. See Masulipatam
Mevat, province, 131 n, 7
Meverell, Mrs, 228 n. i
Meverell, Samuel, 228 n, i
Mexico, 5
Miam. See Weights and Measures
MianjI, an Armenian, 268, 308 n. 2
Milburn, William, his "Oriental
Commerce" referred to, 56 «. i,
134 n. I, 181 n. I, 236 n. i, 242
n. 2, 246 7t. 10
Mindanao, xxxix, 293 h. 2, 306
n. I, 321 H. I ; chart of by Bowrey,
xlix
Mirabolin, Mirabline. JS'^^Myrobalan
Mirbahr y harbour -master, Chim
Cham's goods stopped by the,
154 n. I
Mirepour, 129 «. 1
Mir Jumla, Mirgimola, 152 n. 4;
artillery of, 1 1 1 n. 2 ; joins Au-
rangzeb's forces, [37 ; former
general of the Golconda forces, 137 ;
made governor of Orissa, Bengal
and Pattana, 139, 142 ; makes
Dacca the capital, 143 ; makes war
on Assam, 143; his exactions on,
and oppression of the English,
144 n. 5; his death, 144; his
character, 144, 144 it. 5; his son
kindly treated by Aurangzeb, 145;
his buildings, 1 50 «. i ; his kind-
ness to Gabriel Boughton, 233
Mirobolan. See Myrobalan
Mirza Mozum, 271 n.
Mirza Wooly, governor of Bala-
sor, 151 n. 3
Moca, in Sumatra, 72 n. 2, 103 7i. 2,
172 «. 3
Mocha, in Arabia, 103, 132 «. 2,
223, 245 n. 2, 264 n. 7
Moco Moco. See Moca
Mogol, an Indian Muhammadan of
CiV^ ruling class, 255 n. 2
Mogol, the orcifJ; 10 ;/. 4, 10 n. 5,
126; conquers Bengai' zR^d Orissa,
10; penalises the Gentue reA^ion,
1 1 ; territory of, 20 ; exacts
ment for the practice of sa/T, 39 ,
beeswax and salt his monopolies,
56 n. 2
Mogolistan, Mogulistan, 108 n. i,
108 w. 6, 136 n. 2
Mohun, Richard, 57 «. 2 ; Salis-
bury dies at his house, 57 n. 2;
chief at Masulipatam, 100 n. i ;
seizes Jearsey's vessels, 251 n. i;
occupies factory-house at Achin,
321 n.
Mohunpur, 129 n. i
Mohur. See Coins
Mokurruf/ij Muharram^ the, a Mu-
hammadan fast, 119/2. I
Mola. See Mullah
Molucca Is., 5
Monapollem. See Armagon
Moneela. See Manila
Monghyr, 134 «. i; Shah Shuja'
flees to, 139
Monkeys, 294 n. 1 ; in Junk-Ceylon,
248; story of a, 249; in Kedah,
279; in Achin, 286 n. 2
Monsoon, the (Monzoone), xxvii,
5i» 73» 99 «• 4. 170 «• 2, 189,
INDEX
369
189 n, 2, 286 n. 3, 323 n, 8;
breaking-up of, 170
Monsoon Plum, 323; identified
with the Zizyphus yujuha^ 323 «. 8
Montepoly, Montapolee. See Mo-
tupalle
Monteroyo, Lewis de, 242 n, 3
Monthly pay, 8.^, 83 n. 4; custo-
mary, for all soldiers of the Com-
pany, 4
Monzoone. See Monsoon
Moollah, Moulla. See Mullah
Moon, the, eclipse of, 32-34; reason
of eclipse of, 34; superstition re-
garding, 230 n. I
Moor, gold. See Mohur, s.v. Coins
Moor, J. H., his ** Notices of the
Indian Archipelago" referred to,
295 n. 3
Moore, Mr, a Director of the E.I. Co.,
xlii
Mooree, Moory. See Muri
Moors (Muhammadans), the, 10
n. 3, 16, 52, 6r «. 3, 76, 95 n. i,
1 06; ships of, frequent the port of
Achin, xxii, 286 n. i ; subdue the
Gentues, 10, 16; take St Thom6
from the Portuguese, 38 n. 4, 45
n. I ; rebuild St Thome, 45 n. i\
driven from St Thome by the
French, 46, 46 n. 4, 47, 65 ; murder
French spies at Narsapur, 67; their
ships burnt at Masulipatam by the
French, 68; kill the French chief
at Masulipatam, 70; their skirmish
with Sir Edward Winter at Gudur
bridge, 84 ; their treatment of Euro-
peans, 88; their haughtiness, 97
n. 3; at Chicacol, 125 ; oppress Gen-
tues on Gingalee Coast, 126 ; govern
Orissa, 131; drive the Portuguese
from Hijili, 162 n, 3; merchants
of the, their trade at Hugli, 168
n. 2 ; increase of their trade in
Bengal, 182 ; refuse to liberate
Danish prisoners, 182 n. 3 ; flee
from the Danes, in Balasor Road,
186; demand satisfaction from the
Danes, 188; their water-clocks, 195,
196; their fear of the Brahmins,
205; Friday, their Sabbath, 207;
their wives, seclusion of, adorn-
ment of, 207 ; two killed by tigers,
220; in Junk-Ceylon, killed in the
insurrection, 257 ; chief food of,
279 w. 5; their trade from Surat
to Achin, 288 n. 5; at Achin,
321 n, I. See also s.v. Muhamma-
dans
Moosim. See Monsoon
T.
Mootapilly. See Motupalle
Moqua, Mockua. See Mukkuvar
Morat Bakche. See Murad Bakhsh
More. See Moor
Moree. See Muri
Morocco, li
Morris, H., his "Godavery Dis-
trict" referred to, 98 w. i, 120 n, ^
Mortavan Jarre, Martaban Jar.
See Pegu Jar
Mortier, Pierre, his map referred to,
209 n. 2
Mosely, Richard, soldier and dyer
in the Company's service, 214 ;/. 2
Mosque {masjtd), 112 n. 5; Gentues
prohibited from worshipping near
the, 1 1 ; Muhammadans attend the,
four times daily, 95; at Achin, 293
n. 2, 322
Mossel. See Mussoola
Mosulla. See Mussoola
Motavan Jar. See Pegu Jar
Motupalle, Motupalli, 56; Marco
Polo landed at, 56 n. i
Mount St Thomas. See St
Thomas' Mount
Moy. See Arakan
Muckwa, Muck war. See Mukkuvar
Mucoa. See Mukkuvar
Muddoo Verona, adopted son of
Ka9u Viranna, 85 n, i
Muftili. See Motupalle
Muhammad (Mahomet), the pro-
phet, 96, 316
Muhammadanism, 15, 94, 279
Muhammadans (Moors), 10 n. 3,
1 6, 28, 294 n. 2 ; discountenance
satt, 39; seclude their women, 63,
64; their insolence, 76; their ar-
rogance to the Gentues and Mala-
bars, 76, 94; their religious con-
sistency, 94, 95, 96, 141; their
moral characteristics, 94; their
social characteristics, 96 ; credited
with praying to the sun, 203 n. 2 ;
their fear of the Brahmins, 205 ;
their chief delight, 216. See also
s.v. Moors
Muhammad 'AzTm, son of Au-
rangzeb, appointed nawdb of Ben-
gal, 147 ; received by the princes
at Patna and Rajmahal, 147; enter-
tained at Dacca, 149 ; begins the
Lall Baug, \^o n. i ; his rule more
just than that of Shayista Khan,
164 ; turns out corrupt officers,
164; grsints /armdns to the English
and Dutch, 164 ; his reception of
Mr Vincent, 164, 165; his demand
for elephants, 180
24
370
INDEX
Muhammad Beg, 63 tt. i ; ap-
pointed raja of Junk-Ceylon, 255;
his severe and unpopular rule in
Junk-Ceylon, 256; his injustice at
Junk - Ceylon, 257 ; insurrection
against, 257; killed, 257
Mukkuvarsy a caste of fishermen, 42
Mulberry trees, at Kasimbazar,
213 n. 2
Mullah, a Muhammadan priest, 95
n. 2, 314; attends condemned
criminals at Achin, 316
Mulmuls. See Malmal
Multan, 136 n. 3; Dara made go-
vernor of, 136; description of,
136 n. 4; productions of, 136 «. 4
Mumtaz Mahal, Shah Jahan's fa-
vourite wife, 145 «. 6
Munchal. See Manchdl
Mundy, Peter, his "Joumall" re-
ferred to, 230 n. 5, 294 n. 2
Mungeer. See Monghyr
Murad Bakhsh, son of Shah Jahan,
appointed governor of Gujarat, 136;
deceived and murdered by Aurang-
zeb, 137
Muri (Murree, Moree, Mooree, Moo-
ry), blue cloth, 55, 71 n. 3, 122 w. 3;
289 //. 4; red, 55 n. 2; coarse, 55
n. 2; fine, 55 «. 2
Murray, James A. H., LL.D., ac-
quainted with T. B. MS., XV ; his
** Oxford English Dictionary" re-
ferred to, XV «., 92 n, I, 97 n, 4,
272 ;/. 2, 316 n. 4
Murrees. See Muri
Murshidabad, 201 n. r, 230 /;. 5
Musa, English goods left with him
at Tunk-Ceylon, 270
Musi, river, tributary of the Kistna,
wo n. 4
Music, an accompaniment to mar-
riage ceremonies, 30; an accom-
paniment to a sati^ 38
Musk, exported from Bengal, 134;
codd, 134, 134 «. 2; how sold,
134 n. 2; exported from Pattana,
229; whence procured, and when
taken, 229, 230
Musk-deer, 229; De Graafs de-
scription of, 229 n. 4; illustration
of, 228
Muslin, Muzlin, a fine calico, 5,
122, 230, 289 n. I, 289 n. 5, 290
n. 6, 302; striped, 123 «. 2
Musseet. See Masjid
Mussleman. See Mussulman
Musslemen, 188, 188 n, 2. See
also s.v. Mussulman
Mussoola, Massoola, Mossel, Mo-
sulla, 42 n. I, 48 n. ; description
of, 42, 43 ; illustration of, 86
Mussulaman. See Mucoa
Mussulman, a Muhammadan, 76,
95 n. I, 126, 141, 188 n. 2 ; number
that died of famine at Patna, 226
n. 2
Musteez, Musteza, a half-caste,
3 ^- 5> 1 33 '*• 2» '40 ^' 4» 262 n, 2
Muxadavad. See Murshidabad
Muzzareefe, 154 n. i
Mylapore. See Meliapour
Mypurra, 128 w. 5
Myrobalan, a fruit, 192, 192 n. 3,
193 n. 2, 237 n. 2, 323
Mysore, derivation of, 119 «. i
Nabob. See Nawab
Nagavali, river, 124 «. 3
Naglewanch, 4 w. 2 ; Diitch factory
at, 105 «. 2
Naik, a Hindu governor, 38, 38 n. 3,
39, 51 n. I
Naique. See Naik
Nalla Bakr Maraikkar, xxxiii
Nanagur, near Patna, English factory
at, 224 n. I
Narayan Das (Narrandasse), broker
at Balasor, 32 n, 2
Narbada, river, 136 w. 2
Nardaba. See Narbada
Narragur, 152 n. 4
Narsa, the author's dubash^ 37; a
dubash to the Dutch, 37 n, 2
Narsam Cawn. See Nasib Khan,
Nazim Khan
Narsapore. See Narsapur
Narsapur, xvi, 63 «. i, 81 «. 2, 93
n. I, 105 n. 2, 106, 121 n. 2, 123
n. 4 ; murder of French spies at, 67 ;
situation of, 98, 98 «. i ; Morris's
description of, 98 «. i ; destructive
flood at, 98 «. I ; excellent harbour
at, 98 n. I ; Dutch iron factory at,
98 ;«. I ; English factory at, 98 ». i ;
subject to Masulipatam, 98 ;«. i ;
decline of trade at, 98 «. i ; visited
by Streynsham Master, 98 «. i ;
manufactures at, 98 ;«. i; river at,
99, 99 «. 4; governor of, a Mu-
hammadan, 99 ; new Dutch factory
at, 99 ;«. 4; coins current at, 116
Narsapur Peta. See Narsapur
Narsingue. See Vijayanagar
Narvat, province, 131 n. 7
Naseeb Cawne, Naseb Cawne, Na-
seeb Chaan. See Nasib Khan
NasIb Khan, merchant at Hugli,
74 ». 3; shahbandar at Balasor,
74 «• 3
INDEX
371
Nasir Mahmud, khan of Chengy,
20 n. 2
Naurasporam. See Nourasporam
Nawab^ a Muhammadan viceroy, of
the Camatic, 51 n. i ; of Masuli-
patam, 88 w. 3; title of, given to
Mir Jumla, 142 ; extent of power of
a, 144 n. 3; of Bengal, 148 n. 5,
179; ofCuttack, 152-161; of Patna,
story of his chief wife, 227
Nayler, John, dyer at Kasimbazar,
214 «. 2
Nazim Khan, 74, 74 n. 3
Nedham, Fytche, 148 n, 3; factor
at Dacca, 150 n. 2
Negapatam, 2, 258; taken by the
Dutch, 2 «. 4, 3; description of, in
1672, 2 n, 4
Neglawanch. See Naglewanch
Negrais, 237 n. 2
Nellore (district), 25 «. 3, 55 n. 2
Neopall. See Nepal
Nepal, 1^4 n. 2
Nephalium lappaceum. See Ravibutan
Nerule, 78 n. 2
Neshaun. See Nishan
Netherlands East India Company,
complaint to, 88 n. 3
New Kedah, liii
New Pagodas, 93 jt. i, 114. See
also s.v. Coins
New Queda. See New Kedah
New Shippy the, William Jearsey's
ship, 251 n. I
Nicholson, John, Captain, xxxvii, 1,
176 «. i; commands Company's
ship Advice^ 1 ; to seize Chinta-
mund's ship, 154 w. i
Nicobar Is., xxxviii, 1, 68 n. 3,
120 ;/. 2, 301 n. I
NieuhofT, J., his ** Het Gezantschap
&c." referred to, 324 ;/. i
Nile, river, 172
Nillaes, blue cloth, 231 «. i, 231 n. 2
Nipa, the, a thatching palm, 78 n. 2
Nipa de Goa, 78
Nishan, Vincent obtains a, 165 w. i,
165 ;/. 2
Nizampatam (Peddapalle), 53 n. 2
Noftsuch, the, William Jearsey's ship,
251 n. I
Norricoel, li
N orris, Sir William, English am-
bassador, xl
** Notes and Extracts from Govern-
ment Records at Fort St George "
referred to, 3 «., 6 «., 19 ;;., 29 w.,
36 w., 37 «., 41 «., passim
Nouralla Caun. See Nuru'Uah Khan
Nourasporam, 98/1. i, 200 n, 4
Nugdy, the, 271 n. i, 320
Nulla Buckoor Marcar. See Nalla
Bakr Maraikkar
Nursapore. See Narsapur
Nurse, Valentine, complains against
Clavell, 159
Nuru'Uah Khan, nawab of Orissa,
152 n, 4
Nyshampatnam. See Peddapalle
Oakum, 21
Oath, *'by cow," for important mat-
ters, 9
Ocoon. See Akhun
Oedjange (Salange). See Junk-
Ceylon
Ogilby, Ogleby, Alexander. See
Ogilvy, Alexander
Ogilvy, Alexander, known to T.B.,
xviii ; an English merchant, 264 ;
obtains liberation of a Portuguese
slave- boy, 264, 265 ; sent on a trad-
ing voyage to Mocha, 264 n. 7;
goes to Surat, 264 w. 7 ; a freeman,
at Bombay, 264 n. 7 ; a witness, at
Fort St George, 264 «. 7
Oglevie, Isabella, 264 w. 7
Ogouli. See Hugh
Oil, 20, 289, 290, 304; used by
Gentues for anointing their bodies,
32 ; used for increasing the fire at a
sail, 38 ; exported from Bengal, 132,
132 n. 6; price of, in Patna, during
the famine, 226 n, 2 ; imported to
Junk-Ceylon, 247 ; sold by the
bamboo at Achin, 282 n, i ; used
with dammer, 293; cocoanut, 320
Old Fish Street, London, xli
Old Kedah, liii, 262; its situation,
284; its river, full of fish, 284
Old Pagodas, 57, 105 n. 2, 115;
reasons for excessive value of, 115
n. 2 ; current only in Golconda, 115
n. 2
Old Queda. See Old Kedah
Olocko, Oolauck. See Uldk
Omrah, Omra, Omro, Ombrah. See
Umard
Onderhill, Derick, 264 n. 7
Oneal, Mr, 66 n. i
Onions, 289 n, 5
Oojong. See Ujung
Ooriya. See Uriya
Ophir, ? Achin, 294 n. 2
Opium, 181, 289 n. 5, 312; excites
valour in rajpHts, 83 «. 5 ; best
produced in Bengal, 133, 134 w. i ;
monopoly in trade of, 134 «. i
Orammall. See RUmdl
Oran Caye. See Orankay
24 — 2
372
INDEX
Oran Chookee. See Orankay
Oranges, at Achin, 322
Orangkay Loximana. See s. w,
Orankay ; Laximana
Orang-laut^ men of the sea, 237 «. 2
Orang-sdlat^ men of the narrow seas,
237 n, 2
Orankay, Orancaya, a high Malay
official, 260, 260 n, 3, 299 n. i,
299 «. 4, 299 n, 5, 300 n, 4, 313
n. I, 319; the, at Kedah, 262 «. 7,
268, 271 ; the great, at Achin, 299,
301, 303 n. 3, 306, 307 n. 4, 315,
317, 318, 322; ceremonies at visit
to the, at Achin, 302, 303, 307
Oran Keay, Oran Koye. See Oran-
kay
Organdy muslin. See Betteela
Orim Zeeb. See Aurangzeb
Orissa, Orixa, xvi, 5 n. i, 10, 12
n, I, 108 n. I, 128 n. i, 129 n. i,
130 n. 3, 130 n. 4, 131 n, 7, 199,
214, 221, 222 n. i; coast of, 108
n. 2, 120 «. I ; king of, 125 n. i ;
description of, 1 28-131; subordi-
nate to the Great Mogol, 128; in-
dependent rajas in, 128, 131; port
on coast of, 129; few towns in,
130; called Jagannath, 130 «. 4;
unsettled state of, 131, 131 n. i;
travelling in, unsafe, 131; Mir
Jumla made governor of, 139, 142;
rajas of, refuse to acknowledge Mir
Jumla, 143; Muhammad 'Azim
made governor of, 147; part of
the province of Behar, 151 n, 2;
nawdbs of, 152 n. 4; commodities
of, sold at Hugli, 168; imports of,
232
Orleans, D', "Voyages" of. See
Prevost
Orme, Robert, his ** Historical Frag-
ments " referred to, 153 n. 3
Ormus, 208 n. 5
Ornaments, worn by Banyans and
Gentues, 34, 35; of eunuchs of
Queen of Achin, 325 ; of horses
of Queen of Achin, 326
Oromal See Rumdl
Orongkay. See Orankay
Ougli. See Hugli
Oulesser. See Orissa
Ourias, inhabitants of Orissa. See
Uriyas
Outcry, Callaway's goods sold at,
175 n. 8; Whetham's goods sold
at, \*i*i n. 2
Ox-hire, duties on reduced, 93 n, i
Oyglesby, Alexander. See Ogilvy,
Alexander
Oyster, river, 209 n, 1
Pacem, 285 n. 3
Padang Salla. See Solla
Paddy, 4 n. 2, 93 «. i, 120 w. i,
123 n. 4, 294 n. 3
Padres (priests), Portuguese, con-
vert the pariahs, 41 ; Court's
opinion of, 41 n. 3; Portuguese,
their legends about St Thomas, 50;
French and Portuguese, their want
of courtesy, 50 n. i ; Portuguese,
195
Pdgar, a fence, enclosure, 269
Pagoda. See Coins
Pagoda, temple, 6, 11, 22, 25, 26,
30, 41, 197, 199, 205; carvings
in those of the "Gentues" and
** Mallabars, " 7 ; of Trivettore(Tres-
sletore, Triblitore), description of,
8«. ; of Jagannath, 12, 13, 14, 15,
16, 17, 18, 20; of Benares, 12 w. ;
of Matura, 12 n.\ of Tripeti, 12 «. ;
subordinate, festivals at, 17 ; of Ar-
magon, 25 ; on the Gingalee Coast,
antiquity of, 127*; of Harsapur, 129
n. I ; of Pipli, 162 n. 1
Pahr, a measure of time, 196, 197
n. I
Painters, calico-printers, 106 n, 2
Paintings (chintz), 9, 55, 71 n. u
106, 288 n. 6; manufactured at St
Thome, 45 «. i, at Masulipatam^
72 ;/. 2, at Palakollu, 105 n. 2, at
Golconda, 1 1 1 ; coarse, 288
Palakollu, xvi ; Dutch ropemakers
at, 105 ; first Dutch settlement on
Coromandel Coast, 105 «. 2 ; Dutch
factory at, 105 n. 2; existing re-
mains of Dutch occupation of, 105
n. 2 ; manufactures at, 105 n. 2,
106 ; rented by the Dutch of the
king of Golconda, 105 n. 2 ; visited
by Streynsham Master, 105 n. 2 ;
its later history, 105 n. 2 ; Swinging
Festival at, 198 n. i
Palampore, chintz bed-spread, 71,^
71 n. 3, 106, 288
Palanchino. See Palankeen
Palankeen, palanchino, 19, 30, 54,.
83, 148, 187, 204, 213 n. 2; illus-
tration of, 86 ; T. B. *s description
of, 86, 87; Thevenot's description
of, 86 n. 2
Palankeen -bearers, 87 w. 2; caste
of, 87
Palanquin. See Palankeen
Paliacatte. See Pulicat
Palimbam, 295 «. 2, 295 n. 3
Paliyaghat. See Pulicat
INDEX
373
Palkole. See Palakollu
Pallampore. See Palampore
Palmas, Cape das, 209 n, 2
Palmeris, Palmiras. See Palmyras
Palmito (date-palm), 46 ; toddy made
from, 40; groves of, at Cuttack, 152
Palm -wine. See Toddy
Palmyra (Palmero), 38, 46, 128 «. 5 ;
leaf of used for writing, 24 ; leaves
used as pendants by Banyans and
Gentues, 35 ; toddy made from,
48 ; sugar obtained from, 78 «. i ;
groves of, at Cuttack, 152
Palmyras (Palmeris, Palmiras) Point,
128, 128 n. 5, 129, 129 n. I, 131;
protects Balasor Harbour, 162 n. 3
Pambou. See Bamboo
Fan, Pome, Pond. See Weights and
Measures
PdHy pawn, paun, 30 «. 2, 97, 305
n. I
Pdmh, See Punch
Pantado, Pintado. See Paintings
Panther, a black, T. B. mistakes for
a tiger, 248 «. 3
Para, Parrah. See Weights and
Measures
Parcallae. See Parkdla
Pariah caste (Parjar, Parrea, Par-
ryar), 25 n. i ; description of, 41,
41 n. 2; occupations of, 41, 42
Parjar. See Pariah
Parkdla^ piece-goods, 55 n, 2, 71
n. 3, 122 n. 3, 289 «. 4
Parryar, Paryar, Parrea. See Pariah
Parwdna^ 152 n. 4, 154 n. i, 165
n. 2; from Shayista Khan, 158
n. 3; obtained by the Danes, 190
n. 3
Passaman, 285 n. 3, 292 n. i
Patah, a fragment, 241 n. 2. See also
s.v. Coins
Pat ah hdsar, large fragment, 241 n. 2
Patah kdchilf small fragment, 2^1 n. 2
Patali, river, 129 «. i
Patam, a town, 01
Patan. See Pattana (province)
Patani, Patany, xxii, liii, 242 n. 3,
250 n. I, 260 n. I, 260 «. 3; a
Malay state, 266, 266 n, i, 266
n. 2 ; Queen of, 266 ;;. i ; King of,
266; tributary to Siam, 275 n. 3;
its situation, 280
Patan Kings, their rule in Orissa,
131 n. 1
Patanny. See Patani
Patch. See Weights and Measures
Pateldy a boat, 148; description of,
225, 225 n. 3; used for heavy
goods, 229; illustration of, 277
Patna, 33 «. i, 122 n, i, 132 n. 7,
211 n. I, 249 n. i; best opium
from, 134 n. i ; nobles receive Mu-
hammad 'Azim at, 147 ; factory at,
farmdn for, from the Prince, 151;
Swinging Festival at, 198 «. i; chief
city of Pattana, 221; Thevenot's
description of, 221 n, i ; Dutch
factory at, 221 n. i, 225, 225 «. i ;
De Graaf's description of, 221 «. 5;
inundations of the Ganges at, 221
n. 5; palace of the nawdb at, 221
n. 5; Ta vernier's description of, 221
n. 5; English factory at, 223, 224
n. 1 ; provides large quantities of
saltpetre, 224, 224 n. i ; the resi-
dence of the fiawdb, 224 ;/. i ; John
Marshall's "Accompt" of, 224 «. i ;
famine at, 226, 226 n, 2, 227, 227
n, I
Pattamars, 312 n. i
Pattana. See Patna
Pattana (province), xvi, 5, 172,
184, 211, 214, 222 n, I, 223; Mir
Jumla made governor of, 139, 142 ;
Shayista Khan made governor of,
145; Muhammad 'Azim sent to,
147 ; part of the province of Behar,
151 n, 2; commodities of, sold at
Hugli, 168; T. B.'s description of,
221-234; tributary to the Great
Mogol, 221; trade of, 221; salt-
petre and musk exported from, 229;
imports of, 232
Pattans, the, inroad of, into Hin-
dostan, 152 n. 4
Pattany. See Patani
Pattarero, swivel-gun, 254, 254 n, i;
iron, 254 w. I ; brass, 254 «. i
Pattella, Patella, Pratello. SeePatela
Patua, river, 129 «. i
Paune. See Pan
Pauzecour, 31 n. i
Pavilions, gilt, for state processions
in Achin, 310
Pavillion, Paviloen, governor of Pu-
licat, 52, 66 n, i
Pawn. See Pan
Pay, monthly, of soldiers, 4
Pazhaverkkadu. See Pulicat
Peachy, Jeremiah, 228 n, 2
Peacocks, 220, 220 n. 4, 294 n, 2
feathers of, worn by faquirs ^ 22
PearUy the, frigate, xl
Pearls, from Ceylon, 180 n. 6; from
Tuticorin, 208 n. 5
Pearse, Captain William, commands
the Bengali Merchant^ xl
Pecul, Pecool. See Weights and
Measures
374
INDEX
Pedang, 285 n, 3
Peddapalle (PettipoUe, Pettipolee,
Nizampatam), xvi, xviii, 4 «. 2, 56
n. i,g^n. i^ioon. i, 106 n. 2; situa-
tion of, 53, 55; factory at, 54, 55;
first settlement at, 53 «. 2 ; a salt-
petre mart, 54 ; Ambrose Salisbury,
chief of, 54 ; a centre for collection
of cotton goods, 54; condition of
factory-house at, 54; Streynsham
Master's description of, 54 ; choul-
try and custom-house at, 54 ; English
garden at, 54 ; re-settlement of
factory at, desired by natives, 54;
Dutch factory at, 55; goods manu-
factured at, 55 ; resettled, 54 n. ;
ceded to the French, 54 n. ; re-
stored to the British, 54 n. ; visited
by T. B., 57, 58; provisions plenti-
ful at, 57, 58; weights, measures
and coins of, 59, 1 16; subject to the
king of Golconda, 61 «. 3 ; striped
stuffs from, exported to Achin,
28^
Pedir, kingdom of, 285 w. 3
Pedrero, a stone- thrower, 254 ;/. 1
Pedro de Lavera, a Portuguese
pilot, 75, 193 n. 3
Pedro O Lavera, Liveira. See
Pedro de Lavera
Pee-Lancrac, assistant to Governor
of Junk-Ceylon, 236 n. 3
Peepeemont, Governor of Junk-
Ceylon, 236 n. 3
Pee-Siring, assistant to Governor
of Junk-Ceylon, 236 «. 3
Pee-Tukerat, assistant to Governor
of Junk-Ceylon, 236 «. 3
Pegu, xvi, xxii, 61 n. 3, 72 n. 2, 82
n. I, 236 « r, 245 n. 2, 251 n. i,
271 w., 290, 290 «. 8; no descrip-
tion of, by T.B., 234 71. 2; wooden
fort at, 255 n. 6, 276 n. 3, 278 n. i ;
elephants from, 275 n. i ; at war
with Siam, 276; ships from, fre-
quent Achin, 288
Pegu Jar, 8i, 81 n. i, 193 n. i, 216,
290
Pegu Sticklack, 122 n, 1
Pelicans, on the Ganges, 211 n. i
Pelock, ?Perak, 267 n. i
Pema Mathi, Hindu wife of Ab-
dullah Qutb Shah, 113 n. 3
Penny, Mrs Frank, her "Fort St
George" referred to, 176 «. i
Peons, xxviii, xxxii, 4 n. 2, 83, 88
«• 3> 207» 224 w. I, 257 «. 6; duty
of a, 83; number of, entertained
for security at Cuttack, 154 «. 1
Pepper, 290 n. 8, 292, 292 n, i, 320;
from Borneo, xxvii ; from Tuticorin,
208 n. 5; from Kedah, 259 n. 2,
276, 283; where grown in Kedah,
276, 277, 277 n. I ; from Sumatra,
276 n. 6, 292 n. 4; black, 277;
white, 277; from Indragiri, 295
n. 3
Pepys, Samuel, recommends Capt.
J. Bowrey, xxiv
Perak, Perach, liv, 260 n. i, 266 n. 3,
275 n. 2, 283, 285 n, 3, 290;
Dutch supremacy at, 252 n. 3; tin
at, 267 n. I, 280 n. 1 ; money of,
281 n. 3; situation of, 283 n. 3;
Dutch trade with, 283 n. 3 ; subject
to Achin, 283 n. 3
Perak, silver, 283 n. 3
Percall. See Parkala
Perculla. See Parkala
Pergoo. See Purgo
Persia, xxxviii, xxxix, 1, i ;/. i, 5,
50, 61 n. 3, 71, 72 n. 2, 91 n, i,
133' 136 «• 3» '36 n, 4, 221, 245
n, 2, 281 n. 3, 293; visited by
Bowrey, xxvi, 216; Ganges water
carried to, 216
Persian Gulf, the, 216 n, 6; chart
of, by Bowrey, xxviii, 1
Persian horses, Shayista Khan to be
presented with, 148 n. 5
Persian language, the, 234 ; the
Court language of Asia, 95, 224
Persian Merchant ^ the, wreck of, 57
n, 2
Persians, the, 39 n. 4 ; inhabitants of
Masulipatam, 61 «. 3 ; numerous
in Golconda, 1 1 1 n. i ; at Chicacol,
125
Peru, Peruana, xliii, 5
Pescadores, the, 1
Peshcush, an obligatory gift, 157, 158,
268, 270, 272; forced from the En-
glish and Dutch, by Shayista Khan,
164; used as a verb, 246
Petapouli. See Peddapalle
Petard. See Pattarero
Peterraro. See Pattarero
Petro Loveyro. See Pedro de
Lavera
PettipoUe. See Peddapalle
Phiddy Cav^n. See Fidai Khan
Philippine Is., xxxix; chart of, by
Bowrey, xlix
Phirmaund. See Farm&n
Phirwanna, Phyrwanna. See Par-
wana
Phrai Narai, king of Siam, 276
«. 3
Phuddy Cav^ne. See Fidai Khan
Phyrmane. See Farman
INDEX
375
Phyrmaund, Phyrmand. See Far-
man
Pican. See Coins
Pice. See Coins
Picul. See Pekul, s. v. Weights and
Measures
Piece of eight. See Ryall, s.v. Coins
Pigdan, a spittoon. See Ptkddn
Pikdatiy a spittoon, 96 n. 2
Pikul. See Pecul, s.v. Weights and
Measures
Pilgrims, maintained at Jagannath
pagoda, 12 n. I] faquirs so called,
20
Pilots, apprentice-pilots for theHugli,
xix, 166 n. 2; see also s.vv. Bate-
man, Heron, Bowrey; youths unfit
for, sent to silk factory at Kasim-
bazar, 214 w. 2
Pineapples, 193 n. 2, 221 n. i, 323;
at Kedah, 279; illustration of, 285
Pingaree. See Pinjarl
Phijart, a frame- work, 87
Pintado birds, 9 n. 5
Pinto, Ferdinand Mendez, 242 n. 3
Pipli, Pipley, Pipeley, 140 n. 2, 162
n. 3, 179, 225 n. 5, 228 ;/. 3; per-
mission for an English factory at,
162 ;/. 2; existence of English
factory at questioned, 162 n. 2;
description of harbour and town
of, 162 n. 2; Dutch factory at, its
prosperity and its desertion, 162
n. 2; abandoned by the English
for Balasor, 162 ft. 2; decay of
trade at, 162 n. 2, 162 n. 3; slaves
sold at, by Arakaners, 212 n. 2
Piplo. See Pipli
Pirah. See Perak
Pirates. See s.v. Arakaners, Saletars
Piscash. See Peshcush
Pison, river, identity of the Ganges
with, 166 n. I
Pitch. See Dammer
Pitt, John, 1 40 «. 2
Pitt, Thomas, 106 n. 2, 124 n. 3;
Vincent associated with, 164 w. 4
Placide, his map of Mergui Archi-
pelago referred to, 235 n. i
Plantain tree, Plane tree, Plantree,
245. 247, 248, 274, 274 n. 2, 323;
food of elephants during transport,
73 ; Dam pier's description of a, 245
n. 4; illustration of a, 250
Plou. See Areca
Podddr, 164 n. 4
Point de Gala, Point de Gaul. See
Point de Galle
Point de Galle, 75, 75 n. 3, 181,
181 n. i; trade at, 181 n. i
Policat, Poliacatte. See Pulicat
.Policherry. See Pondicherry
PoUam. See Kobang^ s.v. Coins
PollicuU. See Palakollu
Polo Gomos. See Pulo Gomez
Pomegranate, 322 n, 8
Pommelo. See Pumplemoos
Pond, Pome. See Pan^ s.v. Weights
and Measures
Pondicherry, 257; settlement at, by
the French, Hi n. i, 257 «. 6;
various spellings of, 257 n. 6; de-
scription of French factory at, 257
n. 6
Pondy, Pondee, 124, 124 n. i
Pone. See Pan, s.v. Weights and
Measures
Poolicat. See Pulicat
Pooloo. See Pulo
Poot. See Patah
Popra Harbour, 236 n. i
Porca, Porgo. See Purgo
Pore. See Pahr, s.v. Weights and
Measures
Porgo. See Purgo
Porka, Porkoe. See Purgo
Porpoises, in the Ganges, 211 n. 1
Portingal. See Portuguese
Portman, John, 266 n. 3 ; appointed
second at Kedah, 268; his report
of Kedah trade, 268; his death,
268
Porto Novo, xxviii-xxx, xxxiii, xxxv,
xxxviii, 82, 123 n. 2, 257, 257 ;/. 6,
263 n. I, 269; description of, 82
n. I ; proposed Dutch settlement
at, 82 n. i; proposed English
settlement at, 82 ;/. i ; coins cur-
rent at, 115
Portugall Priests. See Padres
Portugals, the, Portuguese half-
breeds, 3 n. 4, 209 n. 2 ; ships of,
frequent the port of Achin, xxii ;
settlement of, in Fort St George, 3,
3 «. 5 ; subjection of, to the English,
3; serve as soldiers to the East
India Company, 4; refugees, nu-
merous in Golconda, 1 1 1 n. i ;
merchants of, their trade in Bengal,
132 «• 3» i33» »33 «• ■»; their settle-
ment called Feringhi Dibba, 140
n. 4; at Goa, called Frangues,
Fringuins, Reifioes, 140 ;/. 4;
driven from Hijili, 162 n. 3; their
houses at Balasor, 162 n. 3; num-
ber of, in Bengal, 191; in Bengal,
their poverty and industry, 192,
192 n. i; soldiers in the Mogol's
army, 192 n. i ; many of them
sailors, in Bengal, 193; makers of
376
INDEX
sweetmeats, 193 ;/. 2; duties paid
by, and privileges of, in Bengal,
194; erection of new church by,
stopped, 194, 195 ; one killed by a
tiger, 220 ; ship of, taken by Malay
pirates, 264; sold as slaves at
Kedah, 264, 265; escape to Ma-
lacca, 264; in Achin, 286 n. i,
293 n. 2
Portuguese, the, formerly possessed
Negapatam, 2; their monopoly of
trade with the Molucca Is., 5; St
Thome taken from them by the
Moors, 38 n. 4, 45 n. i ; priests of,
41, 41 n. 3; former extent of power
in India of, 82 n. i ; their conquests
in the Deccan, 135 n, 5; shipwreck
of a, near Patani, 242 n. 3; their
settlement at Junk-Ceylon, 245 «. 2 ;
cannon taken from them, at Achin,
312 n. 2
Povey, Mistress, jilts John Jearsey,
90 n, I
PraUy a boat, xxii, 238, 251, 251 n, 2,
262 n. 7, 264, 266 n, 3, 282, 283,
288, 290 n. 8, 291 ; definition of,
238 n. 2 ; several for war to be
built at Junk-Ceylon, 253; a flying,
301, 301 n. i; illustration of a, 314
Praw. See Prau
•♦ Premier Livre de I'Histoire de la
Navigation aux Indes Orientales"
referred to, 192 n. 4, 193 n. i, 247
n. 5
President^ the, 158 n. 3; log of, re-
ferred to, 12 «. I
Pr6vost, A. F.,his'*HistoireGenerale
des Voyages" referred to, 228 ;;. i,
228 n, 5, 230 n. 2, 231 n. i, 255
n. 6, 257 n, 6, 290 «. 6
Priaman, Priamon, liv, 285 n, 3,
319; raja of, his power, 295; de-
pendent on Achin, 295 n. 4; pepper,
a product of, 295 n, 4
Prickman, Mr, 173 «. i
Priests, French and Portuguese. See
s. V. Padres
Princess ^ the, sloop, \\o n. 2
Pringle, A. T., his ** Selections from
the Consultations at Fort St George"
referred to, 25 «. 3, 36 n. 3, 42 w. i,
45 «., passim
Printed calico. See Paintings
Proby, Mr, 72 n. 1
Proe, Prow. See Prau
Pry am an. See Priaman
Puckle, Major William, Company's
supervisor, 3 «. 5, 57 «. 2, 88 n. 3,
159; his opinion regarding Mada-
poUam factory, \qo n. i; his de-
cision in Clavell's favour, 159; his
** Diary " referred to, 320
Pudicherry, Pudycherry. See Pon-
dicherry
Puglah Lemah Bunder, visit of
the English to, 268, 302 n. 4
Puhur. See Pahr
Puket. See Tonkah Harbour
Pulicat (Paliacatte, Pullicatt, Policat,
Poolicat, Paliyaghat, Pazhaverk-
kadu), xvi, 42 «. i, 45 «. i, 53
n. I, 57; a garrisoned town of the
Dutch, 51 ; T. B.'s description of,
51 » 53; Schouten's description of,
51 n. 4; Hamilton's description
of, 52; Thevenot's description of,
52 ; governors of, 52 ; Dutch factory
at, 52; saltpetre refined at, 52;
gunpowder made at, 52 ; taken from
the Dutch, 52 ; surrendered to Great
Britain, 52; coins current at, 115
Pullambam. See Palimbam
PuUicherrie. See Pondicherry
Pullo Ladda. See Pulo Ladda
Pullo Sambelon. See Pulo Sam-
bilong
Pullo Way, PuUo-wey. See Pulo
Way
Pulo^ Pulau^ an island, 235 «. 1, 277,
277 n. I
Pulo Gomez, 286 n, 3, 287 n. 2 ;
its situation, 287, 287 ». 4 ; a
criminal station, 287, 287 n. 5
Pulo Ladda, pepper island, liii; its
situation, 111^111 n, i
Pulo Pinang, liv
Pulo Sambilong, 238, 238 n. i
Pulo Wary. See Pulo Way
Pulo Way, island, 287; its situation,
287 n. ^; Si criminal station, 287,
287 n. 3, 287 w. 5, 314 n. 4, 315
n. 2 ; three islands of the name,
^87 n. 3
Pumpelmouce. See Pumplemoos
Pumpkin (calabash), 247, 247 n. 7,
323 «. 7
Pumplemoos, Poomplemous, 87 «. 2,
^47 w* 5» 3^4 » Portuguese term for,
^47 ^* 5 > description of, 324 ». i
Pumple-nose. See Pumplemoos
Punch, panch^ paunch, 78 n, 2
Pune. See Peon
Punishments, at Achin, 314-317
Punto De Gall. See Point de Galle
Puquet. See Tonkah Harbour
Purchas, Rev. Samuel, 295 n. 6
Purgo, a boat, 43 n. i, 225 n. 5;
where and for what used, 228;
probable derivation of, 228 ;;. 2;
illustration of, 228
INDEX
377
Purgo-man, Porgo-man, 196 n, 4,
228 n. 2
Purles, 277 n. 1
Putom, Puton Harbour, 239 «. i,
250 n. 2
Putta. See Patahy s»v. Coins
Pyplo. See Pipli
Pythagorean philosophy, followed
by the Brahmins, 28, 205 «. 2
Qdzi, judge, 118 n. i
Qualla, Quala. See Kuwdla
Queda, Quedah. See Kedah
Quenoy, island, 1
Quicksilver, 232, 232 n, 3
Quida. See Kedah
Qutb Shah, king of Golconda, 108
n. 7
Qutb Shahl, the, dynasty of, 88 «. 2,
1 13 n. I ; rise of, 109 n. i, iii ;/. 5
Qutb Shah! family, the, rebel a-
gainst Akbar, 109; found the king-
dom of Golconda, 109
Raccaners. See Arakaners
Radish achdr^ 193 //. 1
Radja. See Raja
Radja Mehal. See Rajmahal
Rage MauU. See Rajmahal
Raghu the podddr^ 32 n. 2 ; Vincent
accused of causing his death, 164
;;. 4
Raia, Raiah. See Rdjd
RahtbffWy the, xxvi; mistakes her
course, 3 n. 2
Rdjd (Radja), xvii, 39, 83 n. 5, 108,
130, 190 «. 3, 221 71. 5, 299 n, 2;
of the Jagannath district, 12 «. i ;
position of a, in 17th century, 39
w. 2; of Harsapur, i29». i ; of Junk-
Ceylon, 236; of Junk-Ceylon, his
reception of foreigners, 244-246;
of Junk-Ceylon, his command to
have war praus built, 254 ; a Mu-
hammadan appointed as, in Junk-
Ceylon, 255; of Junk-Ceylon, killed
in insurrection, 257 ; power of the,
in Sumatra, 295 ; of Indragiri, 295
n. 3
Rajahpoot. See Rajput
Rajaram, Clement Jordan's accounts
with, 178 n. 1
Rajmahal, 148, 148 n. 5, 211 n. i,
226 ». 2, 249 ;/. I ; ancient capital
of Bengal, 143; former trade at,
143 n, 2; Tavemier's description
of, 143 n. 2; Muhammad A'zim
received at, 147; Vincent visits
Muhammad A'zim at, 164, 165
Rdjput (rashboot, raspoute, rash-
poote, respoute, rashwa, rasbout,
raggibout), xvii, 19, 27 w. i, 83,
83 n. 5, 119, 148 n, 5; caste, the,
supposed valour but real cowardice
of, 84
Rakan. See Arakan
Rakshaso, 119 n. i
Ram, a Hindu god, j n. 2
Ramall. See Riimdl
Ramapatam, 36 n, 3
Ramazan. See Ramzdn
Rambotang. See Rambutan
Rambutan^ 323; description of, 323
n, I
Ramchandrapore, 220 n. 4
Ramdam. See Ramzdn
Ramilldey, road of (Masulipatam),
72 n. I
Rammal, Roomaul, Romall, Ro-
hamall. See Riimdl
Ramsden, George, 124 «. 3; chief
at Gingerly (Vizagapatam), 123
n. 2, 178 «. I
Ramzdn^ a moveable fast of the
Muhammadans, 96, ^6 n. i ; strict
observance of, 90 n. 1
Rangoes. See Dringo Root
Rangoon, Chulias at, 256 ». i
Rangoon oil, where brought from,
192 ;/. 4
Rashboot, raspoute. See Rdjput
Rashid Khan, 154 n. i; nawdb of
Cuttack, 152 ;;. 4; his character,
152 n. 4; his parwdnay 152 n. 4
Ratipore, mountains, 131 n. 7
Rattans, 74, 281 n, 4, 292; used for
building houses at Junk-Ceylon,
250; Mandelslo's error about, 250
n. I ; houses at Kedah built of,
277, 277 n. 4; cables of, 292 n, 5
Raye. See Rdjd
Raymond, Captain Hugh, trustee to
Mary Bowrey's will, xlvi ; com-
mander of the Duchess and Bou-
verie^ xlvii
Ray NundeloU, his death, 201 n, i
Read, Thomas, a dyer, 178 n, 3
Reade, Edward, 75 n. i, 104 n. i,
124 n. 3, 158 «. 3, 208 «. 4
Real. See Ryall, s. v. Coins
Rebecca, the, 166 n. 2
Rebr6, Captain De, under De la
Haye, 46 ;2. 4
Red Sea, 103, 223
Reiiioe. See Firinghee
Religion of ** Mallabars and Gen-
tues," 6, 14, 15, 18
Rennell, Major J., his map of the
Hugh estuary referred to, 209 n, 2
Resbute. See Rdjput
24—5
378
INDEX
Resora (Jagannath), 12 ». 1
Rezwar, 88 n. 3
Rhamnus Jujuba. See Zizyphus Ju-
juba
Rhinoceros, 279 ;/. 5 ; figures of, in
pagodas, 6 ; figures of, carved on the
chariot of Jagannath, 17; hide of
the, used for roundels, 85 ; the, infest
swamps of the Ganges, 199, 211
n. 3; the, in woods at Patna, 222;
illustration of a, 222 ; De Graaf's
description of a, 222 «. 2; the, an
enemy of the elephant, 223,223«. i
Rhumall, Rhumaul. See Rutndl
Rice, 20, 181, 221 ft, I, 289 n, 5,
290, 290 n. 10, 304, 320, 322 n. 6;
chief food of Gentues and Malabars,
97 ; trade in, on the Gingalee Coast,
121 ». 2 ; from Bimlipatam, 122 n. 1 \
from Waltair, 123 n. 4; exported
from Bengal, 132, 132 w. 7 ; price of,
during the famine in Patna, 226, 226
n. 2'y a. good sort of, at Junk-Ceylon,
246 ; plentiful at Kedah, 279, 279
n. 3 ; sold by the bamboo at Achin,
282 n. I ; imported to Achin, 280,
289 n. I, 291 ; cultivated at Achm
by slaves, 294 n. 3
Richard and Martha^ the, 262 «. 2
Richards, John, 230 n, 6
Rickits, Mr, an acquaintance of P.
Briggins and T. Bowrey, xlii
Riclo^ General. See Goens, Ricklof
van
Ringo Root. See Dringo Root
Rio de Plata, xliii
Risley, H. H., his *' Tribes and
Castes of Bengal '* referred to, 87
n, 2
Robbery, frequent at Achin, 317,
317 n. 2
Robert, his map of the Mergui Archi-
pelago referred to, 235 w. i
Rochester y the, ship, xli
Roe ketch, the, xxv
Rogermundrum, 88 ». 3
Rogiram. See Rajaram
Rogues Island, 209 ;;. 2
Rogues River, 199 «. 2, 209^.2;
why so called, 212 n. 2
Rojimall, Rojamaul. See Rajmahal
Rolt, Thomas, chief of the English
factory at Gombroon, 216 n, 6
Romall, Rummaul. See Rumal
Rondell. See Roundel
Rosewater, 303 ; a mark of honour,
308
Rossey, Captain, xlii
Rottang. See Rattan
Roundel, 83; description of, 85;
illustration of, 86; regulations as
to carrying a, 85 n. i ; restrictions
as to its use, 86, 86 n. i
Roundel -boy. See Roundellier
Roundellier, umbrella-carrier, 85,
85 n, 3, 86 n. i
Round Point, at Fort St George,
42 n, I
Royal. See Coins
Royall JameSy the, xxv
Ruby^ the, William Jearsey's ship,
251 n. I
Rucca. See Ruk'n
Rugo Podar. See Raghu, the podddr
Ru^'ay note, written document, 263
n. I
"Rulers of India Series," refer-
ences to, II ;;., 18 ;/.
Rumai, kerchief, 54, 231, 231 n. 3,
290, 290 n. 5; made at Bengal, 133
n. 5; silk, 133 n. 4; cotton, 133
n. 4
Rumphius, G. E., his "Herbarium
Amboinense" referred to, 192 «. 4,
247 «• 5» 323 »• 8, 324 «. I
Rupee. See Coins
Rupnarain, river, 173 «. i, 174 n. 2
Russell, John, xlv
Ruzzeed Chaan, Russeed Cawne,
Ruzzard Chaan. See Rashid Khan
Ryall, Royal. See Coins
Ryalls of eight, exchanged for tin,
246
Sadrispatnam, 45 n, i
SafI Khan, nawdb of Cuttack, 152
n, 4, 182 n, 3
Safshikan Khan, tmwab of Cut-
tack, 152 n, 4
Sagar, island, Mela held at, 203
n. I, 209 «. 2; accounted sacred,
211 n, 3
St GeorgCy the, formerly the Sancta
Cruz J 172 n. 3
St Helena, 9 ». 4, 91 n, i
St Lawrence, French viceroy buried
at, 65 n, 2
St Margaret, church of, xUv n. i,
xlv n. 1
St Maryy the, 263 n, i
St Mary Magdalen, church of, xli
St Thomas, 44; martyrdom of, 45
«. I ; stories concerning, 45 ». i , 50 ;
Christians of, victims to elephan-
tiasis, 50 n. 2
St Thomas's Mount, xvi, 44;
reverence of Christians for, 45 ;
church on, much resorted to, 45 ;
a sanatorium, 45 n, ; gardens at, 46 ;
famous for the Arbor Triste, 49
INDEX
379
St Thomas* Point, at Fort St
George, 42 //. i, oo ;2. i
St Thomay. See St Thom^
St Thom6, 38, 38 n. 4, 52, 53 «. 1,
66 n. If 2e,'j n. 6; retaken from the
Portuguese by the Moors, 38 «. 4 ;
description of, 45 ». i, 64, 65 ; manu-
factures at, 45 n., 61 n. 3 ; fortifi-
cations of, 45 n. ; churches at, 45 n. ;
taking of, by the French, 46 n, 4,
47, 48 «., 65, 90 n. i; water at,
suitable for dyeing cotton goods,
4^ n. 1; hawaldar of, 5 1 «. i ; De
la Haye escapes to, with the Great
Breton^ 68, 68 n. 1
Saiva temple, at Trivettore, 8 «. i
Saiyyid, See Seedy
Sal, timber, 228 «. 5
Salaam, 207, 207 n. 2; used as a
verb, 38; of ships, at Dacca, 163,
163 n, 2
Salamma. See Salaam
Salampore, chintz, 55, 246, 246 n. 5,
289 n. 4; fine, 55 n, 2, 71 «. 3;
ordinary, 71 n. 3 ; blue and white,
289
Salam Salamba^td^ omitted in king of
Golconda's farman^ 93 n, i
Salangy meanings of, 235 «. i
Salanga, Salange. 6"^^ Junk-Ceylon
Salang Head. See Ujung Salang
Sdlaty a strait, 237 «. 2
Salatinge, 29
Salayer, I. of, xlix
Saleeters. See Saletars
Salempoory, Salamporee. See Sa-
lampore
Saletar, a creek at Singapore, 237
/{. 2
Saletars, pirates, 240 n, i ; descrip-
tion of, 237, 237 «. 2, 238; their
identity with the Cellates discussed,
237 n. 2 ; derivation of the word,
237 //. 2 ; the modem, 237 «. 2 ;
at Kedah, seize an English ship,
262
Saletes. See Saletars
Salisbury, Ambrose, chief at Pedda-
palle, 4 n. 2, 54, 218 ;;. i ; ac-
quainted with Bowrey, xviii ; visited
by T. B., 57, 58 ; career of, while
in India, 57 n, 2 ; accusations a-
gainst, 57 n. 2 ; discharged by the
Court, 57 ». 2 ; re-admitted to the
Company's service, 57 ». 2 ; death
of, at Madapollam, 57 /;. 2
Salisbury, Susannah, mother of Am-
brose Salisbury, 57 «. 2
Sail. See Sal
Salleiters. See Saletars
Salleta de Brew, 237 ;/. 2
Sally y the, sloop, 176 «. i
Salt, 225 ; at Peddapalle, 56 ; the
king's monopoly, 56, 56 n. 2, 57;
making of, an occupation of the
Uriyas, 199, 199 w. 2 ; exported
from Kedah, 283
Saltpetre, 181 «. 9, 188 n. i, 289
n, 5 ; plentiful at Peddapalle, 54, 56 ;
godowns for, at Fort St George,
90 ;/. I ; exported from Golconda,
111; stoppage of boats laden with,
148 «. 5, 164 ; largely exported
from Bengal, 164 «. i ; warehouse
for, built on old Factory ground at
Hugli, 170 n. 3, 171 «. 4; con-
tracted for, 222 n, I ; quantity of,
provided at Patna, 224 «. i ; ex-
ported by the English and Dutch
from Patna, 225, 229, 229 n. 2 ;
how sent to Hugli, 225, 228 n. 5,
229 ; orders from the Court as to
export of, 229 n. 2
Salt river, li
Sdlu. See Sanahs
Samdca, See Pumplemoos
Sdmangka, the water-melon, 248 ;;. i
Sambilan^ nine, 238 n. i
Samboa. See Pumplemoos
Sambrooke, Jeremy, 64 n. i
Sam Cau, Samaca, a fruit, 247, 324
n, 1 ; its identity with the pumple-
moos or water-melon discussed,
247 n, 5, 248 n. I ; illustration of
the, 250. See also s.v. Pumple-
moos
Sampson^ the, 91 n. i
Sanahs f 133 n. 4, 231 ; Harsapur, 129
«. i; Mohunpur, 129 «. 1; Sura,
129 «. i; definition of, 231 ;/. i;
not saleable in England, 231 n. i;
present designation of, 231 n. i
Sancta Cruz^ the, xix, xxvi, 123 «. 2,
178 «. i; commanded by T. B.,
172; owned by Portuguese, 172
n, 3 ; taken as a prize, 172 n, 3 ; re-
christened the St George^ 172 n. 3 ;
later mentions of, 172 «. 3; called
a "Dutch flyboate" by Streynsham
Master, 178 «. 3
Sanctuary, at Golconda tombs, 113,
114, 114 n, I
Sandri, a wood, 210 n. i
Sangarie, a gun-boat, 55 n. i
Sankha. See Chank
Sannoes, Sannis. See Sanahs
Santa Cruise^ the. See Satuta Cruz^
the
Santamay. See St Thome
Santapore, 230 n, 6
38o
INDEX
Sapphires, from Borneo, 291
Saracen law-giver, i.e. Muham-
mad, 94
Saracens, the, 180 n. 6
Sardtt an inn, 117 ;/. 2
Sarajah Cawn. See Suraj Khan
Sarkt/y a chamberlain, 88 «. 3
Sarlashkar^ Sar-i-Lashkar, head of
the forces, 107 n. i, 125 «. i; of
Gingalee, his power and state,
125; of Golconda, besieged, 125
n. I
Sarsamutt, 88 n. 3
Sash (turban), 230, 230 ». 5
Satagam, former name of Hugli,
167 n. 3
Sati, xviii, 14; general description
of, 36 ; one seen by the author at
Karedu, 37, 38 ; at the funeral of a
Naik at St Thom^, 39 ; discounte-
nanced by Muhammadan governors,
39 ; two stories of, 40 ; victim of,
rescued, 40 ; illustration of, 86 ;
description of two victims of, at
Hugli, 204 ; practised on coasts of
Coromandel and Gingalee, and in
Bengal, 203
Satyrs, figures of, in pagodas, 6 ;
figures of, carved on the chariot of
Jagannath, 1 7
Saugor, Sago, Sagor Island. See
Sagar I.
Sautguary, river, 176 ». i
Sawcer, Lawrence, 46 n. ^; accuses
Langhorne of assisting the French,
48 n.
Sayon, Mr, 96 «. 2
Saysummit-Tahadar, the, 54
Scall gate, the, 93 n. i
Scarlet, 88 n. 3, 207 n. i, 218 n. i,
232, 232 n. 2, 275 n. 3, 289 n. 8 ;
presented to the nawdb of Orissa,
160 J meaning of, 160 «. 3 ; im-
ported to Achin, 289
Scattergood, Mr, 54
Schouten, Walter, "Travels" of,
references to, 3 «., 12 «., 20 «.,
30 «., 33 «., 43 «., 45 w., 49 «.,
50 «., passim
Scinde, province of, 136 n. 4
Scissors, imported to Junk-Ceylon,
246, to Achin, 289
Scopeboard, scupper, 103
Screetore, scrittore. See Escritoire
Sear. See Seer, s.v. Weights and
Measures
Seedy, 314, 314 «. 2
Seer. See Weights and Measures
Segogora, 129 «. i
Seid. See Seedy
Seir Lascar, Sr. Laskare. See Sar-
lashkar
Sekander muda, king of Achin,
296 ;{. I
Selaty the Straits, 237 n. 2
Selebes. See Celebes
Selimony^ the, junk, 269
Seinbah^ a salutation, 307
Serampore, Danish factory at, 190
n. 3
Serkell. See Sarkil
Ser Lascar, Seer Lascar, Sier Las-
car. See Sarlashkar
Serpents, the cause of an eclipse, 34 ;
trained to dance, 59, 60, 60 n. i ;
a means of putting criminals to
death, 60; on the shores of the
Ganges, 211 n. 3
Ser Rajah Chawn. See Suraj
Khan
Sevagi. See Sivaji
Seymour y the, 172 n. 2
Shabandand. See Shdhbaiidar
Sha bendar, Shabunder. See Shah-
bandar
Shaddock, gardens, at Palakollu,
105 ». 2. See also s.v. Pumple-
moos
Shah Abas of Persia, 114 n. 8
Shdhbandar^ harbour-master, 64 w. i ,
88 n. 3, 242, 244, 254, 255, 256,
260, 299, 30 1 , 303 ; of Masulipa-
tam, 81 ;/. 2 ; his position in the
Malay States, 242 n. 3; of Ban-
quala, 246 ; of Kedah, 262, 283 ;
of Achin, 299 n. 5, 302 n. i, 303
n. 3, 307 n. 4
Shah -hest- Kan. See Shayista
Khan
Shah Hossain, a cry of the A///-
harram festival, 119 n. i
Shah Jahan, 18 n. 2, 108 n. 7; his
treatment of the Hindus, 10 n. 5 ;
his four sons rebellious, 135; divides
his territory among his sons, 135,
136; his seizure and imprison-
ment by Aurangzeb, 137; his fa-
vourite wife, 145 ». 6 \ farmdn of,
165 n. 2
Shah Shuja', son of Shah Jahan,
152 ». 4; governor of Bengal, 135,
138; gives Boughton leave to es-
tablish a factory at Pipli, 162 w. 2 ;
excellence of his army, 138; be-
.trayal and conquest of, 1 38, 1 39 ;
flight of, 139; succoured by the
king of Araican, 139, 140 ; takes
refuge in Arakan, 141; his wives
and treasure, 141; refuses his
daughter to the king of Arakan,
INDEX
381
141 ; two stories of his end, 141,
142
" Shaista Khany," a style of build-
ing, 150 n. I
Shanck. See Chank
Sharlasker. See Sarlashkar
Sharoff (broker). See Shroff
Shash. See Sash
Shaster Caun. ^^^ Shayista Khan
Shatta Cawne. See Shayista Khan
Shayista Khan, 151 «. 3, 159, 190
«. 3, 232 n. 2 ; uncle of Aurangzeb,
145 ; his parentage, 145 ; made
naivdb of Bengal, 145, 145 /{. 5 ; his
nches and insolence, 146, 146 n. 2^
147, 148 ; his conduct towards
Aurangzeb, 146, 146 n. i; com-
plaints of his exactions, 146 n. 4,
158 «. 3; his recall from Bengal,
147 ; his wealth procures his pardon,
148 ; various reports as to his re-
call, 1 48 ». 5 ; his presents to Au-
rangzeb, 148 n, 5 ; his immediate
successor, 164 n. 2 ; appointed
governor of Agra, 148 «. 5; re-
appointed nawdb of Bengal, 148
«. 5 ; resigns his government, 148
n. 5; dies at Agra, 148 «. 5; pub-
lic buildings at Dacca erected during
his rule, 150 n. i; his means to
ascertain the wealth of Hindu mer-
chants, 157; his panvdna to Walter
Clavell, 158 ;/. 3; exacts an annual
tribute of ships from the natives,
1 61 -1 63; stops goods, and forces a
peshcush from English and Dutch,
164; illness of, at Dacca, 185 «. i ;
the Danes referred to, 189
Sheake Ahmud, 125 n, i
Sheba, Queen of, 295 n. 6
Sheckdarr. See Shiqdar
Shelaheth. See Saletars
Shepheard, Mr, a Director of the
E. I. Co., xlii
Sheraff. See Shroff
Sherman, Samuel, pilot in the Com-
pany's service, 175 n. i
Shipbuilding, carried on at Narsa-
pur, 99
Ships, how repaired at Madapollam,
103, 104; illustration of fixing ship's
gear, 104; rigging for, made at
Madapollam, 105. See also s.v.
Adam and Eve; Adventure; Ad-
vice; Amoy Merchant; Anne; An-
telope; Arrival; Beaufort; Black-
moor; Borneo Merchant ; Bouverie;
Ceaser; Charles; Conimeer; Con-
stant Warwick ; Death ; Defence ;
Degrave ; Diamond ; Dilligence ;
Dispatch; Drake; Duchess; Eagle;
Eaglet ; East India Merchant ; Eu-
ropean; Falcon; Frances; Ganges;
George ; Globe ; Good Hope ; Great
Breton ; Great Fleming ; Grey-
hound ; Hope ; Hunter ; Indul-
gence; King George; Loyall Ad-
venture; Loyall Merchant; Loyall
Subject; Lancaster; Madras; Ma-
dras Merchant; Margery; Martin;
Massenburd; Mayflower; Nonsuch;
Nugdy; Pearle; Persian Merchant;
President; Princess; Rainbow; Re-
becca; Richard and Martha; Ro-
chester ; Roe ; Royall James ; Ruby ;
St George; St Mary; Sally; Sampson;
Sancta Cruz; Selimony; Seymour;
Shrewsbury; Smima Merchant;
Society; Swiftsure; Thomas; Trip-
licane; Unicome; Unity; Vine '
Shiqdar y revenue-officer, 184 w. 1
Shoutens, William, xlix
Shrewsbury, the, xxix
Shroff (Sarrd/), broker, 24 «. 2,
77, 77 «. 2
Siam, Syam, xxii, 91 n, i, 115 n. 4,
180, 258, 290; ambassador from,
at Achin, xxxviii ; at war with Gol-
conda, 172 n. 3; Junk-Ceylon,
subordinate to, 236, 236 n. 3; de-
scription of houses at, 277 n. 5;
natural defences of, 278 n. i; few
fortresses in, 278 n. 1 ; ships from,
frequent Achin, 288 ; trade of, 290
n. 10
Siam, king of, his farmdn necessary
for trade, customs free, in Junk-
Ceylon, 244; his elephants and
bodyguard attend foreigners to Lup-
poone, 243; incensed against the
Dutch, 253, 254 n, 4; his orders
for building war praus at Junk-
Ceylon, 253, 254; appoints a new
rdjd in Junk-Ceylon, 255; Kedah
tributary to the, 275; gold flower
paid annually to the, 275, 275 «. 3;
sends a terah and present to king
of Kedah, 276; his war with Pegu,
276; his fort on the Pegu frontier,
278 n. I
Siamese, Siamers, Syamers, the,
xxxix, 255, 256; at war with the
English, xxxviii; their character,
236; description of, 236 n. 4, 237
n. i; unite with the Malayars in
insurrection at Junk-Ceylon, 257;
ships of, come on a warlike expe-
dition to Kedah, 266 n» 3
Sicca Anna. See Coins
Siccacul, Sicocol. See Chicacol
382
INDEX
Siddy. See Seedy
Silk, i8i, 272, 292 ;/. 2, 303 n. 3;
skill of the Gentues in working in, 9;
quantity of, produced in Bengal, 132
«• 3» 133, 133 «• 4» 133 «• 6; from
Bengal, the best in India, 133 n. 6;
sold at Hugli, 168 «.2 ; from Kasim-
bazar, 213 «. 2; dyeing of, 214,
214 n. 2; orgazine, 214 «. 2; tram,
214 n. 2; raw and wrought, 230;
imported to Achin, 289 n. 1 ; striped,
291; flowered, 291
Sillebar, 178 n. 1
Sincapura. See Singapore
Sindy, islands, 292 n. 2
Singapore, island, 237 «. 2, 258 n. 4
Singapore, Straits of, 237 n. 2;
Bowrey's Chart of, xlix
Singie, near Patna, 226 n. 2; Eng-
lish factory house at, 224 n. i ;
advantages of its situation, 224 n. i
Singora, 266 n. i
Stpt chtinxm.^ shell-lime, 305 ;/. i
Siriam, factory at, 251 n. i
Sivaji, 82 «. I
Slavery, in liquidation of debt, 284,
284 n. I
Slaves, 290; cheapness of, during
Patna famine, 226 n. 2; a Portu-
guese crew sold as, 264; exported
from Bengal, 290, from Borneo,
291 ; at Achin, 294 n. 3
Smirna Merchant^ the, 200 n. i
Smith, Anthony, soldier and dyer in
the Company's service, 214 n. 2
Smith, Henry, his connection with
Bowrey's Dictionary, Ivi
Smith, Jacob, 66 n. i
Smith, John, chief at Dacca, 150
n. 2
Smith, John, Jordan and Bugden
sail for Kedah with, 178 «. i ; goes
to the •* South Seas," 178 n. 1;
murdered by his men, 178 n. i, 264
«. 7; a freeman, 272 n. 4
Smithson, Richard, 64 //. i ; com-
plains of Salisbury's irregularities,
Smyth, W. H., his "Sailors' Word
Book" referred to, 42 n. 2
Snake -town. See Negapatam
Soap, imported to Junk-Ceylon, 246
Society^ the, 158 n. 3
Soligues, pointed javelins, 237
«. 2
Solla, 271 ; residence of the king of
Kedah, 259, 264; present designa-
tion of, 259 n. 4; its situation, 259
n, 4 ; flight of the "old king" from,
276
Solomon, King,. 294 n. 2
Som, orange, 247 n. 5
Sombrero, an umbrella, 85, 85 n. 4
Sombrero (or Chowra), an island in
the Nicobars, 68 n. 3
Sombresse. See Sombrero Island
Somerset House, wills at referred
to, XX, xliv n. 2, 158 n. 3; adminis-
tration books at referred to, xxiv,
XXV
SoTn-kiou-wangj a small orange, 247
n. 5
Songkhla, 260 /;. i
Sonnerat, his "Voyages" referred
to, 202 n. I
Soum-keou, crystal orange, 247 it. 5
South Sea Company, the, xvii;
MSS. bequeathed to by Thos. Bowrey,
xxiii, xli, xliv ; Bowrey's proposal to,
xliii ; stock of, held by Mary Bow-
rey, xlvi
South Seas, the ( East Indian Islands) ,
xxii, li, Hi, i, 4, 5, 57, 71, 133,
178 n. I, 188, 188 ;/. I, 276, 280,
282 n. I, 286, 293, 293 71. I, 305,
323; propriety of a settlement at
debated, xlii; trade of the, 188/2. 1
South Seas, the, i.e. the coast of
South America, 241 //. 4; Bowrey's
proposal for a port of refreshment
in, xliii
South Tartaria, 172, 211; Mir
Jumla's intended invasion of, 144
Spanish dollars. See Ryall, s.v.
Coins
Speek, ? spike, 102
Spelter. See Tootnague
Spices, 292 n. 2
Sports, at Achin, 310; forbidden
during public mourning, 312
Spulshore, 74; derivation of, 74 n. i
Squire, Mr, part owner of the Loyall
Subject^ 90 n. i
Srikakulam, pop. Chicacol, 124
n. 3
^ri-lohita. See Saletars
Stafford, Captain, brings the Falcon
up the Hugli, 166 n. 2
Stanley, Mr, 173 n. i, 218 n. 10
State ride, of English merchants
through Achin, 308, 309, 310; of
the Queen of Achin, 324, 325, 325
n. 2, 326
Stebunneath. See Stepney
Steel, 240, 246; imported to Achin,
291
Steelyard, patah weighed by the,
241. See Weights and Measures
Stepney, xxv, xlii, xliii, xliv, xlv,
xlvi, xlvii
INDEX
383
Stevens, Robert, his "Guide to East
India Trade" referred to, 192 ;/. 4
Stewart, Major C, his '* History of
Bengal" referred to, 144 n. 5, 145
/;. 5, 146 n. I, 148 //. 5, 162 n. 2,
164 «. 2, 233 n. 2
Sticklack, 122 n. i, 290; exported
from Bengal, 132 n. 7
Stilliard. See Steelyard, s.v. Weights
and Measures
Stilts, houses at Achin built on, 321,
322
Stockings, cotton, exported from
Pulicat, 52 ; made by the Portu-
guese, at Hugli, 192
Striped cloth, muslin, silk, 123 n. 2,
23o> '230 ''• 6, 246, 288 ;/. 6, 289,
289 n. 6, 291 ; the Gentues excel in
the manufacture of, 10
Studds, Thomas, i ;/. ; Bowrey's
cousin, bequests to, xliv
Stylyard. »S>^ Steely ard,j.r/. Weights
and Measures
Styraz Benzoin. See Benzoin
Suba. See Subadar
Subaddr^ ifj'j n. 6; of Porto Novo,
complained of, xxx, xxxii, xxxiii,
XXX vi; of Chengy, 82 «. i; of
Beni^al, 146 ;/. 4
Subidar. See Subadar
Subidar Hargee Raja, 257 n. 6
Sugar, 240, 246, 290, 291 ; quantity
of, produced in Bengal, 132, 132
n. 2, 132 ;/. 3; from Patna, 221
n. I ; candied, 291
Sulphur. See Brimstone
Sultan, 259; use of the word in
the Malay Stales, 259 n. 3
Sultan Banque, 140 //. 2
Sultan Mahomed, fifth king of
Golconda, 113 n. i
Sultan Sujah. See Shah Shuja'
Sumatra, xv, xxii, xxxvii. Hi, liv, i,
82 n. I, 176 n. I, 188 n, i, 261
«• 3» 285, 285 n. I, 286 n. 3, 288,
291 n. 5, 294 n. 2, 324 n, 2 ; pepper
from, 276 n. 6; exports from West
Coast of, 292 ; products of, 292
n. I, 292 «. 2; rajds in, 295; Dutch
make war against, 319; a rich
island, 319
Sumatra Head, 287
Sumbarero. See Sombrero
Sumbra. See Sembah
Sumping, 253 n. i
Sun, the, sailors' mark for, 85, 195,
196; Muhammadans turn to, at
prayer-time, 203, 203 n. 2; Gen-
tues turn to, on coming out of the
Ganges, 203 n, 2
Sunapore, 124 n. i
Sunderbunds, the, 209 n, 2
Sun-dials, not used by the Moors,
Suph Secund Chaan. See Safshi-
kan Khan
Sura, 129 n. i
Suraj Khan, 262 ^. 4; a Chulia,
shdhbandar of Kedah, 262; buys
stolen goods, 262; his injustice, 262
;/. 7 ; hinders the trade of the Eng-
lish, 262 n, 7 ; his cunning, 263 ;
encourages the Malay pirates, 264;
reprimanded by the king of Kedah,
265 ; bribes the crew of an English
vessel to desert, 265 n. i ; com-
plaints of, by the English, 271 n.
Surat, xxii, 7 n, 2, 30 n. 3, 49 «. i,
61 n. 3, 136 n. 2, 158 n. 3, 194
n, I, 208 n. 5, 247 n. 2, 258, 264
n. 7, 270, 282, 286 n, I ; letter
from, to the Court of Directors,
25 ''• 3; Council at, their views as
to trade with Kedah and Achin,
268; one or more ships sent yearly
from, to Kedah, 271 ; ships from, fre-
quent Achin, 288 ; President of, 309
Surat Channel, at Achin, 288 «. i
Sutanuti, 176 n. i
Sv^ally, 27 n. i, 268
Swan, Captain, xxxix
Sweetmeats, made by the Portuguese
at Hugli, 192
Swiftsurey the, ship, xxiv
Swinging Festival, 198; illustration
of, 219
Tael. See s. v. Coins, and s. v.
Weights and Measures
Taffaty, Taffitea, 230 n. 4, 231 n. 2,
303 n. 3; Herba, 162 n. 3; from
Kasimbazar, 214 n. 2, 215 n. 1
Taile. See Tael, s.v. Coins
Taj, the, at Agra, 145 n. 6
Tale, Tael. See Coins
Tali, 281 n. 2
Talikote, battle of, 10 ». i, 10 //. 2
Tamarind, 22, 247 n. 5, 283, 283
n. 4; groves of at Cuttack, 152
Tamil language, 6 n. 2
Tanassaree. See Tenasserim
Tangeeb. See Tanzeb
Tangiour. See Tanjore
Tanjore, 38 «. 3
Tank, 7, 126; in Golconda fort, no
«. 2 ; at Bhagnagar, 1 26 ;;. 6
Tanna, 208 n. 4; fort at, why built,
212 n, 2
Tanzeby fine muslin, 230 n. 2
Tapon (for Capon), eunuch, 207 n. 5
384
INDEX
Tapty, river, 136 n. 2
Tar. See Dammer
Tar, palmyra tree, toddy made from,
49
Taram^ 281 n. 4
Tara Mathi, Hindu wife of Abdullah
Qutb Shah, 113 «. 3
Tart, See Toddy
Tarra, Tara, Tare. See Tra, s.v.
Coins
Tarrah, Tarra, Tara. See Tera
Tartary, Tartaria, 136 «. 3, 221
Tasheriff, 37 n. i
Tasman, Abel, xlix
Tatong, 253 «. I
Ta vernier, E. T., references to his
*' Travels," 7 «., 20 «., 21 «., 24 «.,
27 «., 28 «., 30 «., 31 «., 33 w.,
36 «. , passim
Taylor, tames, his ** Topography of
Dacca referred to, 148 n. 5, 150
n. I, 150/2. 2
Tchaou-Meuang,an officer in Siam,
245 n. 2
Tea boxes, of Tootnague, 291 «. 2
Teak timber, factory for, at Masuli-
patam, 61 «. 3 ; plentiful at Narsa-
pur, 98 n. I
Telenga, province, 135 n. 5
Telugu People, the, 78 w. 4, 126
n, I
Telugu language, 6 /i. 2
Tenasserim, xvi, 72 n. 2, 73, 82
n. I, 154 n, I, 179, 180, 234 n. 2,
290; chart of, by Bowrey, xxvii, 1;
rivers of, 74; meaning the Mergui
Archipelago, 235, 235 n. 2 ; custom
taken at, from foreign vessels, 245
n, 2
7>ra, letters-patent, 253; orders from
the king of Siam, 253 n. i, 254;
from king of Siam to Kedah, 276;
a stamp, i%\ n. ^
Terowa, Terooa. See Tharua
Terry {tart). See Toddy
Terry, Edward, his '* Voyage to East
India " referred to, 209 n. 2
Tester, 162 n. 3
Thafts. See Thwarts
Tharua, residence of the governor
of Junk-Ceylon, 236 n, 3; chief
town in Junk-Ceylon, 239 n. 2 ; its
identity with Luppoone discussed,
239 n. i; its situation, 243 n. 3
Tharua Harbour, its identity with
Luppoone discussed, 239 n. i
Theft, how punished at Achin, 315
Thevenot, Melchizedek, his " Voy-
ages" referred to, 7 «., 17 «., 38 «.,
52 n,', 62 n.y 108 /f., passim
Thiagar Raja, Temple, 8 n. i
Thief, story of a, at Achin, 317, 318
Thomas, John, rewarded for pro-
ficiency in HindostanI, 80 n. 2
Thomas^ the, 176 n. i
Throwsters, at Kasimbazar, 214,
214 «. 2; in Company's service,
formerly soldiers, 214/1. 2
Thwaite, Captain, 308 n. 4
Thwarts, 42
Tial. See Tael, s.v. Coins
Tibet, mountains of, the supposed
source of the Ganges, 166 n. i
Ticacoel. See Chicacol
Tical, Ticul. See Coins
Ticou, Sumatra, 295 n. 4
Tigers, figures of, carved on the
chariot of Jagannath, 17; infest the
swamps of the Ganges, 199, 211
n. 3, 219; their ferocity, 219, 219
n. 2; illustration of a, 219; stories
of, 219 //. 2, 220; in Junk-Ceylon,
247, 248; story of a black, 248;
in Kedah, 260 n. i, 279
Tillbichrumbung, raja of, 162 n. 3
Tin, 269, 270, 290; chief product
of Junk-Ceylon, 240, 240 n. \ ;
mines of, 240 n. i ; money of, 241,
281 w. 3 ; value of, at Junk-Ceylon,
241 n. (, 246 n. 10; from Kedah,
259 n. 2, 267 n. I, 277 n. i; from
Perak, 267 n. i; piggs of, 268;
white, 291 n. 2
Tindall, 265 //. i
Tirumalvasal, xxxiii
Tirumucote, 257 n. 6
Tivill, John, his report of the factory-
house at Peddapalle, 54
Tobacco, 20, 289 ft. 5, 303; used at
marriage ceremonies, 30 ; the king's
monopoly, 107 ; farmed by the E. I.
Co., 107 «. I ; exported from Kedah,
^83
Toddy {tariy terry), 49; how ob-
tained, 49 «. I ; ** neep," 78
Tody Trees, li
Tola. See Weights and Measures
Tomb. See Weights and Measures
Tombolee, river, 173
Tonkah Harbour, the "Buckett"
of T. B., 239, 239 n, I
Tonquin, 120 n. 2, 247 n. 5, 290
n. 12, 294 n. I, 300 n. 2, 309 n. 3,
313 n. 1
Tootanagga, Tootanag, Tothanag,
Tontinague. See Tootnague
Tootnague, spelter, 199, 199 n. 3,
259 n. I, 291, 291 n. 2
Topasses (Portuguese half-breeds),
3 «• 4
INDEX
385
Topecanna. See Top-khdna
Top-khdnuy ordnance department, 152
n. 4
Totecor3m. See Tuticorin
Tra. See Coins
Trade, no prohibition as to, on the
Coromandel Coast, 107
Tranquebar (Trangambar, Trancke-
bare), xxix, xxxii, 20 n. 2, 186,
1 89 ; coins current at, 115; em-
bassy from, to Bengal, 182; first
Danish settlement at, 182 n. 2;
Schouten's description of, 182 «. 2;
Delestre's description of, 182 w. 2;
fortress at, 182 n. 2, 184; only
Danish settlement in Asia, 182
Transmigration, belief of the Gen-
tues in, 15 «. i, 206; belief of the
Banyans in, 27, 28; belief of the
Brahmins in, 205 n. 2 ; belief of
the Uriyas in, 206
Trenchfield, Richard, 176 ». i
Tressletore. See Trivettore
Trevitore. See Trivettore
Triblitore. See Trivettore
Tribute, gold and silver trees as, 275
n. 3
Trimlevass. See Tirumalvasal
Trincomalee, 120 n. 4
Trincombar. See Tranquebar
Trinity House, Bowrey certified
from, xxiv; William Goodlad mas-
ter of, 90 n. r
Tripeti, pagoda of, 12 w. i
Triplicafte, the, 172 n, 3
Triprobana. See Sumatra
Trivettore (Tiruvottiyur), pagoda
at, 8; town of, 8 «.
Truck, barter, 246; for tin, at Kedah,
267 n. I, 270
Tuljapur, 119 /i. i
Tumberlee, Tumberleen. See Tum-
look
Tumlook, river, 173, 173 n. i, 178
n. 3
Turban, turbant, turbat, 156, 307,
325, 325 n. 3
Turban -cloth. See Sash
Turkey, Turkia, li, 94
Turks, the, 94, 180 ;;. 6
Tutacree, Tutacorey. See Tuticorin
Tutenague, Tutanagg. See Toot-
nague
Tuticorin (Tuttukkudi), 1; Chank
brought from, 208; Dutch factory
at, 208 ; last possession of the Por-
tuguese on the Coromandel Coast,
208 n. 5 ; noted for pearl fishery, 208
n. 5 ; description of, 208 n. 5 ; taken
by the Dutch, 208 n. 5; pepper
from, 208 n. 5 ; English factory at,
a failure, 208 n. 5
Tuttenag, Tetanague. See Tootnague
Tutucroyn, Tentecorrey. See Tu-
ticorin
Tygers, River, in Bowrey's Chart of
the Hugh, 219 «. 2
Tywan, 1
Ujung, a point, headland, 235 «. i
Ujung Salang, origin of Junk-Cey-
lon, 235 n. I
Ulaky a cargo-boat, 1 78, 178 n, 2 ;
description of, 227; various spell-
ings of, 227 n. 2; illustration of,
228
Uluberria, 172 w. 2
Umard, plural of Amir^ 39, 39 n. 4,
137, 145 ft. 2; Mir Jumla's son
made one of the chief, 145
Umbrella, sumptuary regulations as
to use of an, 86 ». i . See also s.vv.
Roundel, Sombrero, Kittysol
Unicom, rhinoceros mistaken for a,
223, 223 n, 2; T. B.'s horn of, 223,
223 «. 2
Unicorne, the, xxvi
Unity ^ the, xxiv, 122 «. 3; detained
at Masulipatam for the king's visit,
88 «. 3 ; king of Golconda goes on
board, 91 ; four voyages of, 91 ». i ;
burthen of, 91 «. i
Upa-rdjdy heir-apparent, 259 n. 3
Upper-roger. See Upa-rdja
Uriyas, the, a caste of Hindus, 87
n. 2, 130; why they participate in
the Swinging FestivaJ, 198; most
ignorant of the Hindus, 199 ; of a
low caste, 199; live apart, 199; their
poverty, 199 ; their occupations,
199; their method of treating their
sick, 200, 201, 201 ». I ; reason for
their apparent cruelty to their sick,
202 ; treatment of their dead, 202 ;
differences between them and the
Gentues, 206; their dress and or-
naments, 208; many of, killed by
tigers and bears, 219, 220
Usbecs, country of the, 136 «. 3
Utromeloor, 120 ». 2
Vaktlf agent, 118 «. i
Valent3m, Fran9ois, his "Oud en
Nieuw Oost Indien" referred to,
119 n. I, 192 n. 4, 209 n. 2
Vander Vail, John, 148 «. 3
Van Diemen's Land, xlix
Vaqueel. See Vakil
Vashishta, river, a tributary of the
Godavari, 98 n, i
386
INDEX
Vasingepatam. See Vizagapatam
Vatare. See Waltair
Vatum. See Batta
Vedas, 34 n. i
Veece, Viss. See Weights and Mea-
sures
Verasheroon, 55 n. 2; factory at,
53 «• '» 54. 100 ''• I
Verburg, Senr. Jacques, chief of the
Dutch at Kasimbazar, 213 //. 2,
222 ;;. 2
Vermilion, 232 n. 3; used for Brah-
min's marks, 32 n. i
Verona. See Ka9U Viranna
Verona, a dubash, death of, 37
n. I
Versailles, treaty of, 105 n. 2
Vettapour, 288 n. 8
Vickers, John, 64 «. i, 83 «. 3
Viece (viss). See Weights and
Measures
Vijayanagar, 109 n. i ; former capi-
tal of Golconda, 108 n. i, 109;
conquered by Qutb Shahi family,
109; re-named Golconda, 109
Vincent, Matthias (Matthew), xviii,
32 ft. 2, 75 n. 2, 159, 190 «. 2, 214
n, I ; his early career in India, 164
n. 4; succeeds Marsh as chief at
Kasimbazar, 164 n. 4; Hall's ac-
cusations against, 164 n. 4; impli-
cated in the death of Raghu, the
podddr^ 164 n. 4; his examination
and acquittal, 164 n. 4; accused of
encouraging Romanism, 164 n, 4;
succeeds Clavell as chief at "the
Bay," 164 «. 4; obtains 2, fartndn
from Muhammad A'zim, 164 n. 4,
165 n, 2 \ becomes associated with
Thomas Pitt, the interloper, 164
«. 4 ; dismissed the Company's ser-
vice, 164 «. 4; is knighted, 164
n. 4; dies, 164 n. 4
l^ine^ the, wreck of, 319
Vira Ragavaya, Company's **Bra-
miny" at Golconda, 263 n. i
Visakha-pattanam. See Vizaga-
patam
Visiapour. See Bijapur
Viss. See Weights and Measures
Vizagapatam, xxvii, 93 »• i, 123,
123 w« 3» 123 ^' 4» ^^4 ^' 'f 1^4
n. 3, 178 w. i; other names for, 123
n. 2; derivation of the name, 123
n. 2; English settlement at, 123
n. 2 ; George Ramsden chief of the
English factory at, 123 «.2 ; murder
of the English at, 123 n. 2; cowle
for, 125 n, I
Vizepoore. See Bijapur
Wales, Samuel, chief at Madapol-
1am, 100 ;;. 1
Waltair, 93 w. i, 123, 123 n. 4
Walton, Mr, commander of the
Dilligence^ 257 n. 6
Wapping, xxiv ; seamen of the parish
of, bequests to, xliv, xlv
War {der), banyan-tree, 7 «. 2
Ward, Charles, Company's factor at
Kedah, 270; sent to Junk-Ceylon
with goods from Kedah, 270; taken
in the George by the Dutch, 271 n.\
returns to Surat, 271 w. ; third in
rank at Achin, 320
Ware, Richard, a freeman in Fort
St George, 262 n. 2
Ware, Samuel, known to T. B.,
xviii ; master of a ship, 262 ; mur-
dered by Saletars at Kedah, 262 ;
his ship and goods seized, 262 ; his
probable history, 262 n, 2
Warehouse -keeper, 171 n. i; at
Patna, 224 n. i
Watchet, a light blue colour, 215
n. I
Water-melon, T. B. describes Sam
Cau as a, 248 «. i
Waters, William, pilot on the Hugli,
deceased, 166 n. 2
Watraw. See Waltair
Watt, G. A., his " Dictionary of Eco-
nomic Products of India" referred
to, 78 ;/. 4, 192 71. 4, 249 n. I, 272
n. 3, 291 n. 5 passim
Wattara, Watare, Watsare. See
Waltair
Wax, 292 ;/. 2, 320
Weavers, large numbers around Ma-
dapoUam, 100 w. i; at Kasimbazar,
214, 214 ;/. 2
Weddings. See Marriages
Weights and Measures, Anguli^
218 n. 2; Bahar, xxii, 122 n. i,
240 n. I, 241, 241 n, 4, 246, 246
n, 10, 269, 270, 281 n. 5; Bam-
boo, xxii, 249 n. I, 282, 282 n. i ;
Bauri, 218, 218 n, 6; Candil, 116;
CanHy, xxvii, 93 «. i, 196 n. 4,
199 «. 3, 217 «. 5, 304 n. 2; Cattee,
281 n, 5, 313 n. 4; Chupak, 282
n. 2; Conderin, Candareen, 112,
281 n. 5; Corge, 290 n, 5; Covid,
214 n. 2, 218, 218 n. 2, 228 n. 5,
246; Crore, 146 n, 2, 148 n, 5;
Cubit, 273, 282 «. i; Dhanu,
218 n. 2; Gandd^ 218, 218 n. 6;
Gantang, 282, 282 n. 2; Garce,
Gorse, 116 w. 5; Gkari^ 196, 197
n, f; Guz, 218, 218 «. i; Hath^
218; Kdhan^ 218, 218;;. 6; A'Jj, 134
INDEX
387
n. 3, 203 n, I, 218 n. 2; Lack, 146,
146 n. 2 J 148 n. 5, 156, 157; Last,
125 n. r; Markall, Mercaul, 116,
116 n. 6; Maund, 104 n. i, 116,
134 n. I, 134 //. 3, 217, 217 n. 5,
225, 226 n. 2, 232 n. I, 232 n. 3,
291 n. 2, 292 /;. 1; Mtam, 281
n. 5; Pahr^ 196, 197 «. r ; /*««, 218,
218 n. 6; Parrah, Para, 116, 116
n. 5, 1 16 n. 6, 260 n. 3 ; Patch, 200
n. 4; Pecul, Picul, 241 n. i, 246
w. 10, 259 n. 2, 276 //. 5, 281 n. 5,
S^^' 313 «• 4; ^^eer, 134 n. 2, 217,
217 «. 5, 226; Steelyard, 241, 281
n. 5; Tael, 281 n. 2; Tola, 134
n. 2, 180 n. 2; Tomb, 116 «. 5;
Viss, Veece, 116, 116 «. 4, 241,
242, 242 n. 5
Wellclose Square, Stepney, also
called Marine Square, Bowrey's
house in, xlii, xliii, xliv, xlv
West Coast (of Sumatra), the,
178 «. r
Wheat, 304 ; exported from Bengal,
132 n. 7, 290
Wheeler, James, xxvii
Wheeler, J. Talboys, his *' Madras
in the Olden Time " referred to,
8 «., 53 n.
Whetham, Nathaniel, 1 78 n. 3 ; ap-
pointed to assist Streynsham Master,
177 n. 2; goes to visit Callaway,
177; drowned in the Hugh, 178,
178 n. 3; his goods sold at "out-
cry," 177 n. 2
White, Arnold, the Company's ser-
vant at Bantam, 172 «. 3
White, Mr, 81 «. i
White, Samuel, elopes with Mistress
Povey, 90 n. i
White Pagoda. See Jagannath Pa-
goda
Wigbers, Captain Wilkin. See
Wygbert, Wilk
Wilde, Captain Charles, 75 «. i
Wilkins, Captain. See Wygbert,
Wilk
Wilkinson, R. J., his "Malay Dic-
tionary" referred to, 277 n. i, 281
n. 2, 282 n. 2, 301 n. 2, 307 n. 2
Wilson, Christopher, the Company's
servant at Cuddalore, xxxi, xxxv
Wilson, C. R., his "Early Annals
of Bengal" referred to, 105 n. i,
122 n. I, 129 n. I, 134 ft. I, 134
n. 2, 144 «. 5, 191 n, 2 passim
Wilson, H. H., his "Essays on the
Religion of the Hindus" referred
to, 203 n. I
Winter, Sir Edward, 72 n. i; agent
at Fort St George, imprisons Fox-
croft, 4 H. I, 84 /;. 2 ; accuses Salis-
bury of embezzlement, 57 «. 2;
his career in India, 84 n, 2 ; his re-
bellious conduct overlooked, 84«. 2 ;
monument to him in Battersea
Church, 84 n. 2; his policy not
maintained by his successors, 88
n. I ; his house at Madapollam, 100
n. I ; his quarrel with William
Jearsey, 251 ;/. i
Wisagapatam. See Vizagapatam
WoUeberry. See Uluberria
Women in India, how treated, 206,
207
Woodroffe, Mrs, sails to Bengal to
marry Matthias Vincent, 164 n. 4
Woodruffe, Martha, second wife of
Walter Clavell, 158 n. 3
Woollen Goods, no sale for, 152
n. A.
Woolock. See Ulak
Wygbert, Wilk, Danish commodore,
190; goes to Dacca, 190; coldly
received by the naivdby 190; ex-
changes visits with Streynsham
Master, 190 n. i, 190 w. 3 ; formerly
in the Dutch service, 190 ;;. 3
Wynne, Maurice, 54
Xabandar. See Shahbandar
Yale, Elihu, his "Memoriall" quoted
from, 106 ;/. 2, 120 w. 2, 257 n. 6
Yam (Yawm), 28
Yecknam Cawne, 232 n. 2
YentapoUam, 54, 140 n. 4
Young, Captain, 140 n, 2
Yule, Col. (Sir) H., acquainted with
T. B. MS. , XV ; his " Diary of William
Hedges" referred to, xv «., xx «.,
li, 106 n. 2, 124 n. 3, 128 n. 5,
passim; gives Bowrey's initials as
J. B., XX ; his "Marco Polo" re-
ferred to, 56 n. I
Yule, Col. (Sir) H., and Burnell,
A. C. , * ' Hobson-Jobson," references
to, 2 «. , 3 w. , 5 n. , 6 «. , 7 «. , 9 «.,
10 n f II n.f 19 n.j 22 n.., 24 n.,
29 w., 30 «., passim
Yuva-rdja^ heir-apparent, 259 «. 3
Zabulistan, 136 n. 3
Zeyller. See Salayer
Zeyloan, Zeylone. See Ceylon
Zielon. See Ceylon
Zizyphus Jujuba^ 323, 323 n. 8
Zoe Millick Beague. See Malik
Beg
Zoffy Chaan. See Safi Khan
Cambritigc
PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
THE
HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
(Founded 1846.)
1904.
President.
Sir CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S.
Vice-Presidents.
The Right Hon. Thb Lord AMHERST of HACKNEY.
Rkar-Admiral Sir WILLIAM WHARTON, K.CB., F.R.S.
Council.
Colonel GEORGE EARL CHURCH.
Sir WILLIAM MARTIN CONWAY.
GEORGE WILLIAM FORREST, CLE.
WILLIAM FOSTER, B.A.
ALBERT GRAY.
F. H. H. GUILLEMARD, M.A., M.D.
The Right Hon. The Lord
HAWKESBURY.
EDWARD HEAWOOD, M.A.
JOHN SCOTT KELTIE, LL.D.
FREDERIC WILLIAM LUCAS.
Admiral Sir ALBERT HASTINGS
MARKHAM, K.CB.
CoMMR. JOHN FRANKLIN PARRY»
R.N.
EDWARD JOHN PAYNE, M.A,
ERNEST GEORGE RAVENSTEIN.
Admiral of the Fleet Sir F. W.
RICHARDS, G.CB.
HENRY WILLIAM TRINDER.
RICHARD STEPHEN WHITE WAY.
Hon. Secretary and Treasurer.
BASIL HARRINGTON SOULSBY, B.A., F.S.A., F.R.G.S.,
Map Room, British Museum, W.C
Clerk and Assistant Treasurer.
Mr. SAMUEL JOHN EVIS,
Royal Geographical Society, i, Savile Row, W
Bankers in London.
Messrs. BARCLAY & Co., Ltd., i. Pall Mall East, S.W.
Bankers in New York.
THE MORTON TRUST CO., corner of Cedar and Nassau Streets.
Agent for distribution & sale of Volumes.
Mr. BERNARD QUARITCH, 15, Piccadilly, W.
Annual Subscription.— One Guinea (in America five dollars).
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY, established in 1846, has for its
object the printing of rare or unpublished Voyages and Travels.
Books of this class are of the highest interest and value to students
of history, geography, navigation, and ethnology ; and many of them,
especially the original narratives and translations of the Elizabethan
and Stuart periods, are admirable examples of English prose at the
stage of its most robust development.
The Society has not confined its selection to the books of English
travellers, to a particular age, or to particular regions. Where the
original is foreign, the work is given in English, fresh translations
being made, except where it is possible to utilise the spirited renderings
of the sixteenth or seventeenth century.
More than a hundred volumes have now been issued by the Society.
The majority of these illustrate the history of the great age of discovery
which forms the foundation of modem history. The discovery of
America, and of particular portions of the two great western continents,
is represented by the writings of Columbus, Amerigo Vespucci,
Cortes and Champlain, and by several of the early narratives from
Hakluyt's collection. The works relating to the conquest of Peru,
and to the condition of that country under the Incas, are numerous
and of the highest value ; similar interest attaches to Strachey's
Virginia Britannia, De Soto'S Discovery of Florida, and Sir
Robert Schomburgk's edition of Raleigh's Discoverie of Guiana.
The works relating to Africa already published comprise
Barbosa's Coasts of East Africa, the Portuguese Embassy to
Abyssinia of Alvarez, and The Travels of Leo the Moor,
Notices of Australia, India, Persia, China, Japan, etc., as
they appeared in early times to European eyes, both before and
after the discovery of the Cape route, are also included in the
series, a well-known example being the work on Cathay and the Way
Thither, contributed by a former President, Sir Henry Yule. The
search for the North-west and North-east Passages is recorded in
the narratives of Jenkinson, De Veer, Frobisher, Davis, Hudson,
Baffin, etc.; whilst more extensive voyages are signalised by the
great names of Magellan, Drake, and Hawkins.
The works selected by the Council for reproduction are printed
(with rare exceptions) at full length. Each volume is placed in the
charge of an editor especially competent — in many cases from personal
acquaintance with the countries described — to give the reader such
assistance as he needs for the elucidation of the text. Whenever
possible, the interest of the volumes is increased by the addition of
reproductions of contemporary portraits, maps, and other illustrations.
As these editorial services are rendered gratuitously, the whole of
the amount received from subscribers is expended in the preparation
of the Society's publications.
The subscription should be paid to the Society's Bankers on the
first of January in each year ; or, if preferred, it may be sent to Mr. S.
J. Evis, at I, Savile Row, W. This entitles the subscriber to receive,
free of charge, the current publications of the Society. Usually
three volumes are issued each year. Members have the sole
privilege of purchasing sets of the previous publications ; and the
Second Series of the Society's volumes is also reserved exclusively
for its subscribers. In addition, they are allowed a special discount
of 15 per cent, on the volumes permitted to be sold to the public.
It may be mentioned that the publications of the Society tend to rise
in value, and those which are out of print are now only to be obtained
at high prices.
The present scale of charges for back volumes is as follows : —
To Membhrs.— 5"^/^ of the First Series, omitting Nos. i to 10, 12, 13, 14, 19, 22, 25, 36,
37, and 42, to be sold for ..... . net ;C35.
N.B. — Most of the out'Of print volumes have been^ or are beings reprinted
eu later volumes of the series.
To THE Public Generally. — A limited number of single copies as follows : —
Nos. 28, 20, 30, 31, 34, 46, 47, 48, 50, 51, 53, 55. 56, 58, 60 to 73. 76, 77.
79 to 87, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, at . . lOf. ft/.
Nos. 20, 21, 23, 26, 27, 41. 45, 49, 57, 74, 75, 78, 88, 89, 95, 99, iQo, at . 16f. Orf.
Nos. 33, 35, 38, 39. 40, 43, 54, 59, at . . . . . 26^. Orf.
*«* Subject in case of Members to a discount of 15%.
The volumes of the Second Series can only be obtained by paying the
arrears of subscription.
A list of works in preparation is given at page 17. The Secretary
will be happy to furnish any further information that may be desired.
A short Index to Countries, Places, Authors, Editors, etc., for the
First and Second Series of the Society's Publications, 1847 to 1904,
has been added at page 18.
Gentlemen desiring to be enrolled as members should send their
names to the Secretary. Applications for back volumes should be
addressed to Mr. Quaritch, 15, Piccadilly, London, W.
WORKS ALREADY ISSUED
FIRST SERIES.
1— The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knt.,
In his Voyage into the South Sea in 1593. Reprinted from the edition
of 1622, and edited by Admiral Charles Ramsay Drinkwater
Bethune, C.B. pp. xvi. 246. Index.
(First Edition out of print. See No. 57.^ Issued for 1847.
2— Select Letters of Christopher Columbus,
With Original Documents relating to the Discovery of the New World. Trans-
lated and Edited by Richard Henry Major,' F.S.A., Keeper of Maps,
British Museum, Sec. R.G. S. pp. xc. 240. Index.
(First Edition out of print. See No. 43. Two copies only were printed on
vellum, one of which is in the British Museum, C. 29. k. 14.)
Issued for 1847.
3— The Discovery of the Large, Rieb, & Beautiful Empire of Guiana,
With a relation of the great and golden City of Manoa (which the Spaniards
call El Dorado), &c., performed in the year 1595 by Sir Walter Ralegh,
Knt. . . . Reprinted from the edition of 1596. With some unpublished
Documents relative to that country. Edited with copious explanatory Notes
and a biographical Memoir by Sir Robert Hermann Schomburgk, Ph. D.
pp. Ixxv. XV. I Map. Index.
( Out of print. ) Issued for 1 848.
4— Sir Francis Drake his Voyage, 1595,
By Thomas Maynarde, together with the Spanish Account of Drake's
attack on Puerto Rico. Edited from the original MSS. by William
Desborough Cooley. pp. viii. 65. {Out 0/ print.) Issued for \%^.
5— Narratives of Voyages towards the North- West,
In search of a Passage to Cathay & India, 1496 to 163 1. With selections
from the early Records of . . . the East India Company and from MSS.
in the British Museum. Edited by Thomas Rundall. pp. xx. 259. 2 Maps.
( Out of print. ) Issued for 1 849.
6— The Historie of Travaile ioto Virginia Britannia,
Expressing the Cosmographie and Commodities of the Country, together with
The manners and customs of the people, gathered and observed as well by those
who went first thither as collected by William Sirachey, Gent, the
first Secretary of the Colony. Now first edited from the original MS. in the
British Museum by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British
Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. xxxvi. 203. i Map. 6 Illus. Glossary. Index.
( Out of print. ) Issued for 1849.
7— Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America
And the Islands adjacent, collected and published by Richard Hakluyt,
Prebendary of Bristol, in the year 1582. Edited, with notes & an introduction
by John Winter Jone?^, Principal Librarian of the British Museum,
pp. xci. 171. 6. 2 Maps. I Illus. Index. ( Out of print. ) Issued for 1850.
5
8— Memorials of the Empire of Japon
In the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. (The Kingdome of Japonia.
Harl. MSS. 6249. — The Letters of Wm. Adams, 161 1 to 1617.) With a
Commentary by Thomas Rundall. pp. xxxviii. 186. i Map. 5 Illus.
(Out of print.) Issued for l%$0,
9— The Discovery and Conquest of Terra Florida,
By Don Ferdinando de Soto, & six hundred Spaniards his followers. Written
by a Gentleman of Elvas, employed in all the action, and translated out ot
Portuguese by Richard Hakluyt. Reprinted from the edition of 161 1.
Edited with Notes & an Introduction, & a Translation of a Narrative of the
Expedition by Luis Hernandez de Biedma, Factor to the same, by Willia'vi
Brenchley Rye, Keeper of Printed Books, British Museum, pp. Ixvii. 200.
V. I Map. Index. ( Out of print.) Issued for 1 85 1.
10— Notes upon Russia,
Being a Translation from the Earliest Account of that Country, entitled Rem m
Muscoviticarum Commentarii, by the Baron Sigismund von Herberstein,
Ambassador from the Court of Germany to the Grand Prince Vasiley Ivanovich,
in thf years 1517 and 1526. Translated and Edited with Notes & an
Introduction, by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British
Museum, Sec. R.G.S. Vol. i. pp. clxii. 116. 2 Illus.
(Vol. 2 = No. 12.) (Out of print.) Issued for iS^i,
11 -The Geography of Hudson's Bay,
Being the Remarks of Captain W. Coats, in many Voyages to that locality,
between the years 1727 and 1751. With an Appendix containing Extracts
from the Log of Captain Middleton on his Voyage for the Discovery of the
North-west Passage, in H.M.S. "Furnace," in 1741-3. Edited by John
Barrow, F.R.S., F.S.A. pp. x. 147. Index. Issued for i8$2.
12— Notes upon Russia.
(Vol. I. =No. 10.) Vol. 2. pp. iv. 266. 2 Maps. I Illus. Index.
(Otit of print.) Issued for 1852.
13-A True Description of Three Voyages by the North-East,
Towards Cathay and China, undertaken by the Dutch in the years 1594, 1595
and 1596, with their Discovery of Spitzbergen, their residence often months in
Novaya Zemlya, and their safe return in two open boats. By Gerrit de
Veer. Published at Amsterdam in 1598, & in 1609 translated into English
by William Philip. Edited by Charles Tilstone Beke, Ph.D.,
F.S.A. pp. cxlii. 291. 4 Maps. 12 Illus. Index.
(Out of print. See also No. 54.^ Issued for 1 853.
14-15— The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and
the Situation Thereof.
Compiled by the Padre Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza, & now reprinted from
the Early Translation of R. Parke. Edited by Sir George Thomas
Staunton, Bart, M.P., F.R.S. With an Introduction by Richard
Henry Major, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S.,
2 vols. Index. {Vol. \^ out of print.) Issued for 1854.
16— The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake.
Being his next Voyage to that to Nombre de Dios. [By Sir Francis*
Drake, the Younger.] Collated with an unpublished Manuscript of Francis
Fletcher, Chaplain to the Expedition. With Appendices illustrative of
the same Voyage, and Introduction, by William Sandys Wright
Vaux, F.R.S., Keeper of Coins, British Museum, pp. xl. 295. i Map.
Index. Issued Jor 1855.
1 7— The History of the Two Tartar Conquerors of China,
Including the two Journeys into Tartary of Father Ferdinand Verbiest, in the
suite of the Emperor Kang-Hi. From the French of Pere PijiRRK Joseph
d'Orleans, of the Company of Jesus, 1688. To which is added Father
Pereira's Journey into Tartary in the suite of the same Emperor. From the
Dutch of Nicolaas Witsen. Translated and Edited by the Eari. of
Ellesmerk. With an Introduction by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A.,
Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. xv. vi. 153. Index.
Issued for 1855.
18— A Collection of Documents on Spitzbergen and Greenland,
Comprising a Translation from F. Martens' Voyage to Spitzbergen, 167 1 ; a
Translation from Isaac de La Peyrere's Histoire du Groenland, and God's
Power and Providence in the Preservation of Eight Men in Greenland Nine
Moneths and Twelve Dayes. 1630. Edited by Adam Whit k, of the British
Museum, pp. xvi. 288. 2 Maps. Index. ' Issued for 1856.
19— The Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to Bantam and the Maluco Islands,
Being the Second Voyage set forth by the Governor and Company of
Merchants of London trading into the East Indies. From the (rare) Edition
of 1606. Annotated and Edited by Bolton Corney. M.R.S.L. pp. xi. 83.
52. viii. 3 Maps. 3 Illus. Bibliography. Index.
{Out of print). Issued for i%^6,
20— Russia at the Close of the Sixteenth Century.
Comprising the Treatise, "The Russe Commonwealth'^ by Dr. Giles
Fletcher, and the Travels of Sir Jerome Horsey, Knt., now for the first
time printed entire from his own MS. Edited by Sir Edward Augustus
Bond, K.C.B., Principal Librarian of the British Museum, pp. cxxxiv. 392.
Index. Issued for 1857.
21— History of the New World. By Girolamo Benzoni, of Milan.
Showing his Travels in America, from a.d. 1 541 to 1556, with some
particulars of the Island of Canary. Now first Translated and Edited by
Admiral William Henry Smyth, K.S.F., F.R.S., D.C.L. pp. iv. 280.
19 Illus. Index. Issued Jor 1857.
22— India in the Fifteenth Century.
Being a Collection of Narratives of Voyages to India in the century pieceding
the Portuguese discovery of the Cape of Good Hope ; from Latin, Persian,
Russian, and Italian Sources. Now first Translated into English. Edited
with an Introduction bv Richard Henry Major, F.S.A., Keeper of
Maps, British Museum, pp. xc. 49. 39. 32. 10. Index.
( Out of print. ) Issued for 1 858.
23— Narrative of a Voyage to the West Indies and Mexico,
In the years 1599- 1602, ^^^ 4 Maps and 5 Illustrations. By Samuel
Champlain. Translated from the original and unpublished Manuscript,
with a Biographical Notice and Notes by Alice Wilmere. Edited by
Norton Shaw. pp. xcix. 48. Issued for 1858.
24— Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons, 1539, 1540, 1639,
Containing the Journey of Gonzalo Pizarro, from the Royal Commen
taries of Garcilasso Inca de la Vega ; the Voyage of Francisco de Orellana,
from the General Histoiy of Herrera; and the Voyage of Cristoval de Acuiia.
Translated and Edited by Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S.,
Pres. R.G.S. pp. Ixiv. 190. i Map. List of Tribes in the Valley of the
Amazons. Issued for 1859.
25— 2aply Voya^res to Terra Austral! s.
Now called Australia. A Collection of documents, and extracts from early
MS. Maps, illustrative of the history of discovery on the coasts of that vast
Island, from the beginning of the Sixteenth Century to the time of Captain
Cook. Edited with an Introduction by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A.,
Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. cxix. 200. 13. 5 Maps.
Index. {^Out of print.) Issued fori%$^.
26— Narrative of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de ClavIJo to the Court
of Timour, at Samarcand, A.D., 1403-6.
Translated for the first time with Notes, a Preface, & an introductory Life of
Timour Beg, by Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S.
pp. Ivi. 200. I Map. Issued for i860.
27— Henry Hudson the Navigator, 1607-13.
The Original Documents in which his career is recorded. Collected, partly
Translated, & annotated with an Introduction by George Michael
ASHER, LL.D. pp. ccxviii. 292. 2 Maps. Bibliography. Index.
Issued for i860.
28— The Expedition of Pedro de Ursua and Lope de Aguirre,
In search of El Dorado and Omagua, in 1560-61. Translated from Fray
Pedro Simon's " Sixth Historical Notice of the Conqutst of Tierra Firme,"
1627, by William Bullaert, F.R.G.S. With an Introduction by Sir
Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S. pp. lii. 237. i Map.
Issued for 1861.
29 -The Life and Acts of Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman,
A Knight of Seville, of the Order of Santiago, a.d. 1518 to 1543. Translated
from an original & inedited MS. in the National Library at Madrid. With
Notes and an Introduction by SiR Clements R. Markham, K.C.B.,
F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxxv. 168. i Illus. Issued for \%67.
30— The Discoveries of the World
From their first original unto the year of our Lord 1555. By Antonio
Galvano, Governor of Ternate. [Edited by F. de Sousa Tanares.]
Corrected, quoted, & published in England by Richard Hakluyt, 1601.
Now reprinted, with ihe original Portuguese text (1563), and edited by
Admiral Charles Ramsay Drinkwater Bethune, C.B. pp. iv. viiii. 242.
Issued for 1862.
31— Mirabilia Descripta. The Wonders of the East.
By Friar Jordanus, of the Order of Preachers & Bishop of Columbum in
India the Greater, circa 1330. Translated from the Latin Original, as published
at Paris in 1839, in the Recueil de Voyages et de !^Ji moires^ of the Societe de
Geographic. With the addition of a Commentary, by Col. Sir Henry
Yule, K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B. pp. iv. xviii. 68. Index. Issued for 1863.
32— The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema
In Egypt, Syria, Arabia, Persia, India, & Ethiopia, a.d. 1503 to 1508.
Translated from the original Italian edition of 15 10, with a Preface, by
John Wintu-k Junes, F.S. A., Principal Librarian of the British Museum,
& Edited, with Notes & an Int oduction, by the Rev. George Percy
Badger, pp. cxxi. 321. i Map. Index. Issued for 1863.
feiAl; y..
8
33— The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon, A.D. 1532-50,
From the Gulf of Darien to the City of La Plata, contained in the first part of
his.Chronicle of Peru (Antwerp, 1554). Translated & Edited, with Notes
& an Introduction, by SiR Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S.,
Pres. R.G.S. pp. xvi. Ivii. 438. Index.
(Vol. 2 = No. 68.) Issued for 1864.
34— Narrative of the Proceediiifirs of Pedrarias Davila
In the Provinces of Tierra Firme or Castilla del Oro, & of the discovery of the
South Sea and the Coasts of Peru and Nicaragua. Written by the Adelantado
Pascual de Andagoya. Translated and Edited, with Notes & an Introduc-
tion, by Sir Clbments R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S.
pp. xxix. 88. I Map. Index. Issued for 1865.
35— A Description of the Coasts of East Aft>ica and Malabar
In*^ the beginning of the Sixteenth Century, by Duarte Barbosa, a
Portuguese. Translated from an early Spanish manuscript in the Barcelona
Library, with Notes & a Preface, by Lord Stanley of Alderlev.
pp. xi. 336. 2 Illus. Index. Issued for 1865.
36-37-Cathay and the Way Thither.
Being a Collection of mediaeval notices of China, previous to the Sixteenth
Century. Translated and Edited by Colonel Sir Henry Yule, K.C.S.I.,
R.E., C.B. With a preliminary Essay on the intercourse between China & the
Western Nations previous to the discovery of the Cape Route. 2 vols.
3 Maps. 2 Illus. Bibliography. Index.
{Out of print. New Edition in preparation.) Issued for i%66,
38— The Three Voyages of Sir Martin Frobisher,
In search of a Passage to Cathaia & India by the North- West, a.d. 1576-8.
By George Best. Reprinted from the First Edition of Hakluyt's Voyages.
With Selections from MS. Documents in the British Museum & State Paper
Office. Edited by Admiral Sir Hichard Collinsun, K.C.B. pp. xxvi.
376. 2 Maps. I Illus. Index. Issued for 1867.
39 -The Philippine Islands,
Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China, at the close of the i6th Century.
By Antonio de Morga, 1609. Translated from the Spanish, with Notes &
a Preface, and a Letter from Luis Vaez de Torres, describing his Voyage
through the Torres Straits, by Lord Stanley of Alderley. pp. xxiv. 431.
2 Illus. Index. Issued for 1868.
40 -The Fifth Letter of Hernan Cortes
To the Emperor Charles V., containing an Account of his Expedition to
Honduras in 1525-26. Translated from the original Spanish by Don
Pascual dk Gayangos. pp. xvi. 156. Index. Issued for 1868.
41— The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas.
By the Ynca Garci lasso de la Vega. Translated and Edited, with Notes
& an Introduction, by Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B. F.R.S., Pres.
R.G.S. Vol. I. (Books I. -IV.) pp. xi. 359. i Map. Index.
(Vol. 2.= No. 45.) Issued for i%6g,
42— The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama,
And his Viceroyalty, from the Lendas da India of Caspar Correa ; accom-
panied by original documents. Translated from the Portuguese, with Notes
& an Introduction, by Lord Stanley of Alderley. pp. Ixxvii. 430.
XXXV. 3 Illus. Index. {Out of print.) Issued for 1869.
43— Select Letters of Christopher Columbus,
With other Original Documents relating to his Four Voyages to the New
World. Translated and Edited by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A.,
Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. Second Edition, pp. iv. 142.
3 Maps. I Illus. Index.
(First Edition = No. 2.) Issued for 1870.
44— History of the Imltms and Seyyids of 'Om&n,
By SALiL-lBN-RAziK, from a.d. 661-1856. Translated from the original
Arabic, and Edited, with a continuation of the History down to 1870, by the
Rev. George Percy Badger, F.R.G.S. pp. cxxviii. 435. i Map. Biblio-
graphy. Index. Issued for 1870.
45— The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas.
By the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega. Translated & Edited with Notes,
an Introduction, & an Analytical Index, by SiR Clements R. Markham,
K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S. Vol. II. (Books V.-IX.) pp. 553
(Vol. I. = No. 41.) Issued for \%] I,
46— The Canarian,
Or Book of the Conquest and Conversion of the Canarians in the year 1402,
by Messire Jean de Bethencourt, Kt. Composed by Pierre Bontier and
Jean le Verrier. Translated and Edited by Richard Henry Major, F.S. A.,
Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. Iv. 229. i Map. 2 Illus.
Index. Issued for 1871.
47— Reports on the Discovery of Peru.
I. Report of Francisco de Xeres, Secretary to Francisco Pizarro. II. Report
of Miguel de Astete on the Expedition to Pachacamac. III. Letter of
Hernando Pizarro to the Royal Audience of Santo Domingo. IV. Report of
Pedro Sancho on the Partition of the Ransom of Atahuallpa. Translated and
Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by SiR Clements R. Markham,
K.C.B., F.R.S., Prcs. R.G.S. pp. xxii. 143. i Map. Issued for 1872.
48— Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas.
Translated from the original Spanish MSS., & Edited, with Notes and an
Introduction, by SiR Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres.
R.G.S. pp. XX. 220. Index. Issued for 1872.
49 -Travels to Tana and Persia,
By JosAFA Barbaro and Ambrogio Contarini. Translated from the
Italian by William Thomas, Clerk of the Council to Edward VI., and by
S. A. Roy, and Edited, with an Introduction, by Lord Stanley of
Alderley. pp. xi. 175. Index. A Narrative of Italian Travels in Persia,
in tlie Fifteenth and Sixteenth centuries. Translated and Edited by
Charles Grey. pp. xvii. 231. Index. Issued Jor 1873.
50— The Voyages of the Venetian Brothers, Nicolo & Antonio Zeno,
To the Northern Seas in the Fourteen! h century. Comprising the late-t
known accounts of the Lost Colony of Greenland, & of the Northmen in
America before Columbus. Translated & Edited, with Notes and Introduc-
tion, by RiCHAKD Henry Major, F.S. A., Keeper of Maps, British
Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. ciii. 64. 2 Maps. Index. Issued for 1873.
51 -The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse in 1547-55,
Amonfif the Wild Tribes of Eastern Brazil. Translated by Albert Tootal,
of Rio de Janiero, and annotated by Sir Richard Francis Burton,
K.C. M.G. pp. xcvi. 169. Bibliography. Issued for 1%^^^,
lO
52— The Fipst Voyage Round the World by Maffellan. 1518-1521.
Translated from the Accounts of Pigafetta and other contemporary writers.
Accompanied by origin -*! Documents, with Notes & an Introduction, by Lord
Stanley of Alderley. pp. Ix. 257. xx. 2 Maps. 5 lUus. Index.
Issued for 1874.
53 -The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque,
Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuj<ue.'»e Edition of 1774,
and Edited by Walter de Gray Birch, F.K.S.L., of the British Museum.
Vol. I. pp. Ix. 256. 2 Maps. I Illus. (Index in No. 69.)
(Vol. 2 = No. 55. Vol. 3 = No. 62. Vol. 4=No. 69.) Issued for 1875.
54 -The Three Voyages of William Barents to the Arctic Regions, in 1594»
1696, & 1596.
By Gerrit de Veer. Edited, with an Introduction, by Lieut. Koolemans
Heynen, of the Royal Netherlands Navy. Second Edition, pp. clxxiv. 289.
2 Maps. 12 Illus. Issued for 1876.
( First Edition = No. 1 3. )
55— The Commentaries ot the Great Afonso Dalboquerque,
Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of 1774,
with Notes and an Introduction, by Walter de Gr^vy Birch, F.R.S.L., of
the British Museum. Vol. 2. pp. cxxxiv. 242. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. (Index in
No. 69.) Issued for 1875.
(Vol. I = No. 53. Vol. 3 -No. 62. Vol. 4 = No. 69.)
56— The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, Knt., to the East Indies,
With Abstracts of Journals of Voyages to the East Indies, during the Seven-
teenth century, preserved in the India Office, & ihe Voyage of Captain John
Knight, 1606, to seek the North- West Passage. Edited by SiR Clements
K. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Prcs. R.G.S. pp. xxii. 314. Index.
Issued for 1877.
57— The Hawkins* Voyages
During the reigns of Henry VIII, Queen Elizabeth, and James I. [Second
edition of No. i.] Edited by SiR Clements R. Markham, K C.B., F.R.S.,
Pres. R.G.S. pp. lii. 453. i Illus. Index. Issued for 1877.
(First Edition = No. i).
58— The Bondage and Travels of Johann Schiltberger, a Native of Bavaria,
in Europe, Asia, & Africa.
From his capture at the battle of Nicopolis in 1396 to his escape and return
to Europe in 142 7. Translated from the Heidelberg MS , Edited in 1859 by
Professor Karl Fr. Neumann, by Commander John Buchan Telfer,
R.N. ; F.S. A. With Notes by Professor B. Bruun, & a Preface, Introduction,
& Notes by the Translator & Editor, pp. xxxii. 263. i Map. Bibliography.
Index. Issued for 1878.
59— The Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator.
Edited by Admiral Sir Albert Hastings Markham, K.C.B.
pp. xcv. 392. 2 Maps. 15 Illus. Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1%^^,
The Map ot the World, A.D. 1600.
lied by Shakspere ** The New Map, with the Augmentation of the Indies."
To illustrate the Voyages of John Davis. Issued for 1878.
/AilC
II
60-61— The Natural & Moral History of the Indies.
By Father Joseph de Acosta. Reprinted from the English Translated Edition
of Edward Grimston, 1604; and Edited by SiR Clemknts R. Markham,
K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S. Vol. i, The Natural History Bo jks, I.-IV.
Vol. 2, The Moral History Books, V.-VII. pp. xiii. 295-551. Index.
Issued for 1879.
Hap of Peru.
To Illustrate Nos. 33, 41, 45, 60, and 61. Issued for 1879.
62— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque,
Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portue;uese Edition of 1774,
with Notes & an Introduction, by Walter de Gray Birch, F.S.A., of
the British Museum. Vol. 3. pp. xliv. 308. 3 Maps. 3 Illus. (Index m
No. 69.) Issued for 1880.
63-The Voyages of William Baffin, 1612-1622.
Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by Sir Clements R. Markham,
K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S. pp. lix. 192. 8 Maps, i Illus. Index.
Issued for 1880.
64— Narrative of the Portuguese Embassy to Abyssinia
Daring the years 1520- 1527. By Father Francisco Alvarez. Translated
from the Portuguese & Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by Lord
Stanley of Alderley. pp. xxvii. 416 Index. Issued for 1881.
65— The History of the Bermudas or Summer Islands.
Attributed to Captain Nathaniel Butler. Edited from a MS. in the
Sloane Collection, British Museum, by General SiR John Henry Lefroy,
R.A., C.B., K.C.M.G., F.R.S. pp. xii. 327. i Map. 3 Illus. Glossary.
Index. Issued for 1881.
66-67— The Diary of Richard Cocks,
Cape-Merchant in the English Factory in Japan, 1615-1622, with Corres-
pondence (Add. MSS. 31,300-1, British Museum). Edited by Sir Edward
Maunde Thompson, K.C.B., Director of the British Museum. Vol. i.
pp. liv. 349. Vol. 2, pp. 368. Index. Issued for 1882.
68— The Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru, 1532-1550,
By Pedro de Cieza de Leon. 1554. Translated and Edited, with Notes
& an Introduction, by Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S.,
Pres. R.G.S. pp. Ix. 247. Index. Issued for 1883.
(Vol. i = No. 33.)
69— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque,
Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition 01 1774,
with Notes & an Introduction, by Walter de Gray Birch, F.S.A., of the
British Museum. Vol. 4. pp. xxxv. 324. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Index to the
4 vols. Issued for \%^2f'
(Vol. i=No. 53. Vol. 2 = No. 55. Vol. 3=No. 62.)
70-71— The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies>
From the Old English Translation of 1598. The First Book, containing his
Description of the East. In Two Volumes, Edited, the First Volume, by
the late Arthur Coke Burnell, Ph.D., CLE., Madras C. S. ; the
Second V^olume, by Pieter Anton Tiele, of Utrecht. Vol i. pp. Hi. 307.
Vol 2. pp. XV. 341. Index. Issued for 1884.
12
72-73— Early Voyages and Travels to Russia and Persia,
By Anthony Jenkinson and other Englishmen, with some account of the
first Intercourse of the English with Russia and Central Asia by way of the
Caspian Sea. Edited by Edward Delmar Morgan, and Charles Henby
CooTE, of the British Museum. Vol. i. pp. clxii. 176. 2 Maps. 2 Illus.
Vol. 2. pp. 177-496. 2 Maps. I Illus. Index. Issued for 1885.
74-75-The Diary of William Hedges, Esq.,
Afterwards Sir William Hedges, during his Agency m Bengal ; as well as on
his Voyage out and Return Overland (1681-1687). Transcribed for the Press,
with Introductory Notes, etc., by R. Barlow, and Illustrated by copious
Extracts from Unpublished Records, etc., by Col. Sir Henry Yulk,
K.C.S.I.. R.E., C.B., LL. D. Vol. i. The Diary, with Index, pp. xii. 265.
Vol. 2. Notices regarding Sir William Hedges, Documentary Memoirs of Job
Charnock, and other Biographical & Miscellaneous Illustrations of the time in
India, pp. ccclx. 287. 18 Illus. Issued for 1S86.
(Vol. 3=»No. 78.)
r
76-77— The Voyage of Francois Pyrard, of Laval, to the East Indies*
The Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil. Translated into English from the
Third French Edition of 16 19, and Edited, with Notes, by Albert Gray,
assisted by Harey Chari.es Purvis Bell, Ceylon C. S. Vol. i.
pp. Iviii. I Map. 1 1 Illus. Vol. 2. Part I. pp. xlvii. 287. 7 Illus.
(Vol. 2. Part II. =No. 80.) Issued for 1887.
78— The Diary of William Hedges, Esq.
Vol. 3. Documentary Contributions to a Biography of Thomas Pitt, Governor
of Fort St. George, with Collections on the Early History of the Company's
Settlement in Bengal, «& on Early Charts and Topography of the PI ugh River.
pp. cclxii. I Map. 8 Illus. Index to Vols. 2, 3. Issued for 1888.
(Vols. I, 2 = Nos. 74, 75.)
79— Tractatus de Globis, et eorum usu.
A Treatise descriptive of the Globes constructed by Emeiy Molyneux, and
Published ni 1592. By Robert Hues. Edited, with annotated Indices & an
Introduction, by Sir Clements K. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres.
R.G.S. To which is appended,
Sailing Directions for the Circumnavigation of England,
And for a Voyage to the Straits of Gibraltar. From a Fifteenth Century
MS. Edited, with an Account of the MS., by James Gairdner, of the
Public Record Office ; with a Glossary by Edward Delmar Morgan.
pp. 1. 229. 37. I Illus. I Map. Issued for 1888.
80— The Voyage of Francois Pyrard, of Laval, to the East Indies, the
Maldives, the Moluccas, and Brazil.
Translated into English from the Third French Edition of 1619, and Edited,
with Notes, by Alkert Gray, assisted by Harry Charles Purvis Bell,
Ceylon Civil Service. Vol 2. Pt. II. pp. xii. 289-572. 2 Maps. Index.
(Vol I. Vol. 2. Pt. I. =Nos 76, 77.) Issued for 1889.
81— The Conquest of La Plata, 1535-1555.
I. — Voyage of Ulrich Schmidt to the Rivers La Plata and Paraguai, from
the crigi- al Gtrm?n edition, 1567. 11. The Commentaries of Alvar Nuflez
Cabeza de Vaca. From the original Spanish Edition, 1555. Translated,
with Notes and an Introduction, by H. E. Don Luis L. Dominguez,
Minister Plenipotentiary of the Argentine Republic, pp. xlvi. 282. i Map.
Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1889.
13
82-83— The Voyage of Francois Leguat, of Bpesse, 1690-98.
To Rodriguez, Mauritius, Java, and the Cape of Good Hope. Transcribed
from the First English Edition, 1708. Edited and Annotated by Capt. Samuel
Pasfield Oliver, (late) R.A. Vol i. pp. Ixxxviii. 137. i Illus. 6 Maps.
Bibliography. Vol. 2. pp. xviii. 433. 5 Illus. 5 Maps. Index.
Issued for 1890.
84-85— The Travels of Pietro della Valle to India.
Erom the Old English Translation of 1664, by G. Havers. Edited, with
a Life of the Author, an Introducion «& Notes by Edward Grey, late
Bengal C. S. Vol. i. pp. Ivi. 192. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Bibliography. Vol. 2.
pp. xii. 193-456. Index. Issued for i%^\.
86— The Journal of Christopher Columbus
During his First Voyage (1492-93), and Documents relating to the Voyages
of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real. Translated, with Notes & an Intro-
duction, by Sir Clements K. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R G.S.
pp. liv. 259. 3 Maps. I Illus. Index. Issued jor 1892.
87— Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant.
I. — The Diary of Master Thomas Dallam, 1599- 1600. II. — Extracts from
the Diaries of Dr. John Covel, 1670-1679. With some Account of the
Levant Company of Turkey Merchants. Edited by James Theodore Bent,
F.S.A., F.R.G.S. pp. xlv. 305. Illus. Index.
Issued for 1892.
88-89— The Voyages of Captain Luke Foxe, of Hull, and Captain Thomas
James, of Bristol,
In Search of a N.-W. Passage, 1631-32 ; with Narratives of the Earlier
North-West Voyages of Frobisher, Davis, Weymouth, Hall, Knight, Hudson,
Button, Gibbons, Bylot, Baffin, Hawkridge, & others. Edited, with Notes &
an Introduction, by Robert Miller Christy, F.L.S. Vol. i. pp. ccxxxi.
259. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Vol. 2. pp. viii. 261-681. 3 Maps. I Illus. Index.
Issued for 1 893.
90— The Letters of Amerigo Vespucci
And other Documents illustrative of his Career. Translated, with Notes &
an Introduction, by by Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres.
R.G.S. pp. xliv. 121. I Map. Index.
Issued for 1894.
9 i— Narratives of the Voyages of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa to the
Straits of Magellan, 1579-80.
Translated and Edited, with Illustrative Documents and Introduction, by
Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxx.
401. I Map. Index.
Issued for 1894.
92-93-94— The History and Description of Africa,
And of the Notable Things Therein Contained. Written by Al-Hassan Ibn-
Mohammed Al-Wezaz Al-Fasi, a Moor, baptized as Giovanni Leone, but
better known as Leo Africanus. Done into English in the year 1600 by
John Pory, and now edited with an Introduction & Notes, by Dr. Robert
Brown. In 3 Vols. Vol. i. pp. viii. cxi. 224. 4 Maps. Vol. 2. pp 225-698.
Vol. 3. pp. 699- II 1 9. Index.
Issued for 1895.
95— The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea.
Written by Gomes Eannes de Azurara. Now first done into English
and Edited by Charles Raymond Beazley, M.A., F.R.G.S., and Edgar
Prestage, B.A. Vol. I. (Ch. I. — xl.) With Introduction on the Life &
Writings of the Chronicler, pp. Ixvii. 127. 3 Maps, i Illus.
( Vol. 2 = No. 1 00. ) Issued for 1 896.
96-97— Danish Arctic Expeditions, 1605 to 1620. In Two Books.
Book I. The Danish Expeditions to Greenland, 1605-07; to which is added
Captain James Hall's Voyage to Greenland in 1612. Edited by Christian
Carl August Gosch. pp. xvi. cxvii. 205. 10 Maps. Index.
Issued for 1896.
Book 2. The Expedition of Captain Jens Munk to Hudson's Bay in search
of a North- West Passage in 1619-20. Edited by Christian Carl August
Gosch. pp. cxviii. 187. 4 Maps. 2 Illus. Index. Issued for 1897.
98— The Topographia Christiana of Cosmas Indlcopleustes, an.
Egyptian Monk.
Translated from the Greek and Edited by John Watson McCrindle, LL.D.
M. R.A.S. pp. xii. xxvii. 398. 4 Illus. Index. Issued for 1897.
99— A Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama, 1497-1499.
By an unknown writer. Translated from the Portuguese, with an Intro-
duction and Notes, by Ernest George Ravenstein, F.R.G.S. pp. xxxvi.
250. 8 Maps. 23 Illus. Index. Issued for 1898.
1 00— The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea.
Written by Gomes Eannes de Azurara. Now first done i»to English and
Edited by Charles Raymond Beazley, M.A., F.R.G.S., ana Edgar
Prestage, B.A. Vo). 2. (Ch. xli. — xcvii.) With an Introduction on the
Early History of African Exploration, Cartography, &c. pp. cl. 362. 3 Maps.
2 Illus. Index. Issued for 1898.
(Vol. i=No. 95.)
»5
WORKS ALREADY ISSUED.
SECOND SERIES.
1-2— The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court of the Great Mofirul,
1615-19.
Edited from Contemporary Records by William Foster, B.A., of the
India Office. 2 vols. Portrait, 2 Maps, & 3 lUus. Index. Issued for 1899.
3— The Voyage of Sir Robert Dudley to the West Indies and
Guiana in 1594.
Edited by George Frederic Warner, Litt.D., F.S.A., Keeper of
Manuscripts, British Museum, pp. Ixvi. 104. Portrait, Map, & i Illus.
Index. Issued for 1899.
4— The Journeys of William of Rubruck and John of Plan de Carpine
To Tartary in the 13th century. Translated and Edited by the Hon. Wm.
WooDViLLE ROCKHILL. pp. Ivi. 304. Bibliography. Index.
Issued fur 1900.
5— The Voyage of Captain John Saris to Japan in 1613.
Edited by H. E. Sir Ernest Mason Satow, K.C.M.G. pp. Ixxxvii. 242.
Map, & 5 Illus. Index. Issued for 1900.
6— The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell of Leigh in Essex.
Edited by Ernest George Ravenstein, F.R.G.S. pp. xx. 210.2 Maps.
Bibliography. Index. Issued J or 1900.
7-8— The Voyage of Mendana to the Solomon Islands in 1568.
Edited by the Lord Amherst of Hackney and Basil Thomson. 2 vols.
5 Maps, & 33 Illus. Index. Issued for 1901.
9- The Journey of Pedro Teixeira from India to Italy by land, 1604-05;
With his Chronicle of the Kings of Ormus. Translated and Edited by W.
Frederic Sinclair, late Bombay C. S., with additional notes &c., by
Donald William Ferguson, pp. cvii. 292. Index. Isstiedfor 1901.
10 -The Portuguese Expedition to Abyssinia in 1541, as narrated by
Castanhoso and Bermudez. Edited by Richard Stephen Whiteway,
late I.C.S. With a Bibliography, by Basil H. Soulsby, F.S.A., Super-
intendent of the Map Department, British Museum, pp. cxxxii. 296. Map, &
2 Illus. Bibliography. Index. Issit d for 1902.
11- Early Dutch and English Voyages to Spitzbergen.
Edited by Sir Martin Conway. With a Bibliography, by Basil H.
Soulsby, F.S.A., Superintendent of the Map Department, British Museum.
2 Maps, & I Illus. Bibliography. Index* To be issued for 1902.
12— The Countries round the Bay of Bengal.
Edited, from an unpublished MS., 1669-79, by Thomas Bowrey, by Col. Sir
Richard Carnac Temple, Bart., CLE. Illus. Biography. Index.
lo be issued for 1903.
13— Four Narratives of Voyages, undertaken by order of the Viceroy
of Peru, in the Pacific,
With detailed accounts of Tahiti and Easter Island. 1774. Edited by
Bolton Glanvill Corney, I.S.O., M.D., Chief Medical Officer, Fiji.
Vol. I. Illus. Bibliography. Index. To be issued for 1903
i6
14, 15— The Voyages of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, 1595 to 1606.
Translated and Edited by Sir Clements Markham, K.C.B., Pres. R.G.S.,
President of the Hakluyt Society. With a Note on the Cartography of the
Southern Continent, and a Bibliography, by Basil H. Soulsby, F.S.A.,
Superintendent of the Map Department, British Museum. 2 vols. 3 Maps.
Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1 904.
EXTRA SERIES.
The Principal Navlfirations, Voyages, Traffiques, & Discoveries of the
English Nation,
Made by Sea or Over-land to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the
earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 yeeres. By RiCHARD
Hakluyt, Preacher, and sometime Student of Christ Church in Oxford.
Vols. I. -VIII. James MacLehose & Sons : Glasgow, 1903-5. (To be in 12
volumes, with Index.)
The Texts & Versions of John de Piano Carpini and William de Rubruquls.
As printed for the first time by Hakluyt in 1598, together with some shorter
pieces. Edited by Charles Raymond Beazley, M.A., F.R.G.S.
pp. XX. 345. Index. University Press : Cambridge, 1903. (Out of print,)
17
OTHEE WOEKS UNDEETAKEN BY EDITOES.
1 . Cathay and the Way Thither. Being a collection of mediceval notices of
China, previous to the Sixteenth Century. Translated and edited by
the late Colonel Sir Henry Yule, K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B. 2 vols.
Maps & Illustrations. Bibliography. Index. Second Edition of Nos. 36 &
37. Edited by M. Henri Cordier, Professeur k I'Ecole Sp^ciale des
Langues Orientales Vivantes, Paris; President de la Societe de G^o-
graphi^, Paris.
2. Four Narratives of Voyages, undertaken by order of the Viceroy of Peru,
in the Pacific, with detailed accounts of Tahiti and Easter Island, 1774.
4 vols. Edited by Bolton Glanvill Corney, I.S.O., M.D., Chief
Medical Officer, Fiji.
3. Raleigh's Empire of Guiana. Second Edition (see No. 3). Edited,
with Notes, etc., by H. E. Everard Ferdinand im Thurn, C.B.,
C.M.G.
4. The Voyages of Cadamosto, the Venetian, along the West Coast of
Africa, in the years 1455 and 1456. Translated from the earliest Italian
text of 1507, and Edited by Henry Yule Oldham, M.A., F.R.G.S.
5. The Expedition of Hernan Cortes to Honduras in 1525-26. Second
Edition (see No. 40), enlarged. Translated and Edited by Alfred
Percival Maudslay.
6; The Letters of Pietro Delia Valle from Persia, &c. Translated and
Edited by H. E. Major Sir Matthew Nathan, K.C.M.G., R.E.
7. The Travels of Peter Mundy in India, 1628-34. Edited from an un-
published MS. by Colonel Sib Richard Carnac Temple,
Bart., CLE.
8. Sir Francis Drake Revived, and other papers relating lo Drake.
Edited by Euv^ard John Payne, M.A.
9. An Abstract of and Index to the First Series, vols, i-ioo, of the
Hakluyt Society's Publications. By William Foster, B. A., F.R.G.S.,
and Basil H. Soulsby, B.A., F.S.A., F.R.G.S.
10. An Index and Bibliography to vols. 4, 5, 8, 23, 24, 26, 28, 29, 30, 41, 45,
47» 49> 5i> 54» and 79. By Basil H. Soulsby, B.A., F.S.A.,
F.R.G.S. These will be supplied, on publication, to any Member,
past or present, who sends in his name to the Hon. Secretary.
11. John Jourdain's Journal of a Voyage to the East Indies, 1608-1617
(Sloane MS. 858, British Museum). Edited by William Foster,
B.A., F.R.G.S., of the India Office.
12. Journal of a Voyage in Tibet. By Fra Cassiano Beligatti, from the
Macerata MS. Translated & Edited by Prof. R. Norton.
B
i8
INDEX
TO THE FIRST AND SECOND SERIES OF THE SOCIETY'S
PUBLICATIONS, 1847-1904.
Abyssinia, i. 64 ; ii. 10
Acosta, Joseph de, i. 60, 61
Acu&a, Cristoval de, i. 24
Adams, Will., i. 8
Africa, i. 21, 58, 82, 83, 92-94, 95, 100
Africa, East, i. 35, 64 ; ii. 10
Aguirre, Lope de, i. 28
Albuquerque, Affonso de, i. 53, 55,
62,69
Al Hassan Ibn Muhammad. See
Hasan.
Alvarez, Francisco, i. 64
Amazon, i. 24
America, Central, i. 40
America, North, i. 2, 4, 6, 7, 9, 11,
18, 21, 23, 43, 50, 65, 96, 97
America, South, i. 3, 21, 24, 28, 33,
34, 41, 43, 45, 47, 51, 60, 61, 68,
76, 77, 80, 81, 91 ; ii. 3
Amherst of Hackney, Lord, ii. 7, 8
Andagoya, Fascual de, i. 34
Arctic Regions, i. 13, 54, 88, 89, 96,
97
Arias, Dr. Juan Luis, ii. 14, 15
Arias d'Avila, Pedro, i 34
Asher, George Michael, i. 27
Asia, i. 6, 8, 13-15, 17, 19, 22, 26,
35-39, 42, 44, 49, 53-55, 58, 62, 66,
67, 69-78, 80, 82, 83, 87 ; ii. 1, 2, 4,
6,12
Astete, Miguel de, i. 47
Atahualpa, i. 47
Australasia, 1 25 ; ii. 7, 8, 14, 15
Avila, Pedro Arias d'. See Arias
d'AvUa
Azov, i. 49
Azurara, Gomes Eannes de. See
Eannes.
Badger, George Percy, i. 32, 44
Baffin, WilUam, L 63, 88, 89
Bantam, i. 19
Bar'oaro, Giosafat, i. 49
Barbosa, Dnarte, i. 35
Barcelona MSS., i. 35
Barentsz., William, i. 13, 54
Barlow, R., i. 74, 75, 78
Barrow, John, F.R.S., i. 11
Battell, Andrew, ii. 6
Beazley, Charles Raymond, i. 95, 100
Beke, Charles Tilstone, i. 1 3
Bell, Harry Charles Purvis, i. 76, 77,
80
Belmonte y Bermudez, Luis de, ii. 14,
15
Bengal, i. 74, 75, 78 ; ii. 12
Bent, James Theodore, i. 87
Benzoni. Girolamo, i. 21
Bermudas, i. 65
Bermudez, Joao, ii. 10
B^thencourt, Jean de, i. 46
Bethune, Charles Ramsay Drinkwater,
i. 1, 30
Beynen, Koolemans, i. 54
Biedma, Luis Hernandez de, i. 9
Bilot, Robert, i. 88, 89
Birch, Walter de Gray, i. 53, 65, 62,
69
BoUaert, William, i. 28
Bond, Sir Edward Augustus, K.C.B.,
i. 20
Boutier, Pierre, i. 46
Bowrey, Thomas, ii. 12
Brazil, i. 51, 76, 77, 80
British Museum MSS., i. 6, 6, 8, 25,
38, 65-67
Brown, Dr. Robert, i. 92-94
Bruun, B., L 58
Burnell, Arthur Coke, i. 70, 71
Burton, Sir Richard Francis,
K.C.M.G., i. 51
Butler, Nathaniel, i. 65
Button. Sir Thomas, i. 88, 89
Bylot, Robert, i. 88, 89
Cabe9a de Vaca, Alvar Nunez.
Nuiiez Cabe9a de Vaca.
Cabot, John, i. 86
Cambodia, L 39
Canirian, The, i. 46
See
19
Canary Islands, i. 21, 46
Cape of Good Hope, i. 82, 83
Carpino, Joannes, de Piano. See
Joannes.
Caspian Sea, i. 72, 73
Castanhoso, Miguel de, ii. 10
Cathay, i. 5, 13 36-38
Champlain, Samuel, i. 23
Charles V. , Emperor, i. 40
Charnock, Job, i. 74. 75, 78
China, i. 5, 13-15, 36, 37, 39
Christy, Robert Miller, i. 88, 89
Cieza de Leon. Pedro de, i. 33, 68
Ciavigo, Ruy Gonzalez de. See Gon-
zalez de Ciavigo.
Coats, William, i. 11
Cocks, Richard, i. 66, 67
CoUinson, Sir Richard, K.C.B., i. 38
Columbus, Christopher :
Journal, i. 86
Letters, i. 2, 43
Contarini, Ambrogio, i. 49
Conway, Sir William Martin, ii. 11
Cooley, William Uesborough, i. 4
Coote, Charles Henry, i. 72, 73
Corney, Bolton, i 19
Corn ey, Bolton Glanvill, I.S.O.,M.D.,
ii. 13
Correa, Caspar, i. 42
Corte Real, Caspar, i. 86
Cortes, Hernando, i. 40
Cosmas Indicopleustes, i. 98
Covel, John, i. 87
Dalboquerque, Afonso. See Albu-
querque.
Dallam, Thomas, i. 87
Dalrymple, Alexander, i. 25 ; ii. 14, 15
Dampier, William, i. 25
Danish Arctic Expeditions, i. 96, 97
Davila, Pedrarias. See Arias d'Avila.
Davis, John, i. 59, 88, 89
Dominguez, Don Luis L., i. 81
Drake, Sir Francis, i. 4, 16
Dudley, Sir Robert, ii. 3
Dutch Voyages, ii. 11
East Indies. See India.
Eannes, Gomes, de Zurara, i. 95, 100
El Dorado, i. 3, 28
Enriquez de Guzman, Alonzo, i. 29
Europe, i. 10, 12, 13, 18, 20, 49, 54,
68,64,72,73,79; u. 9, 11
Ferguson, Donald William, ii. 9
Figueroa, Christoval Suarez de. See
Suart- z de Figueroa.
Fletcher, Francis, i. 16
Fletcher, Giles, i. 20
Florida, i. 9
Fort St. George, i. 74, 75, 78
Foster, William, B.A., ii. 1, 2
Fox, Luke, i. 82, 89
Foxe, Luke. See Fox.
Frobisher, Sir Martin, 1, 38, 88, 8^
Gairdner, James, i. 79
Galvao, Antonio, i. 30
Gama, Vascoda, i. 42, 99
Gamboa, Pedro Sarmiento de. See
Sarmiento de Gamboa.
Gayangos, Pascual de, i. 40
Gibbons, William, i. 88, 89
Gibraltar, Straits of, i. 79
Globes, i. 79
Gonzalez de Clavijo, Ruy, i. 26
Gosch, Christian Carl Augu8t,,i. 96, 97
Gray, Albert, i. 76, 77, 80
Great Mogul, ii. 1, 2
Greenland, i. 18, 50, 96, 97
Grey, Charles, i. 49
Grey, Edward, i. 84, 85
Grimston, Edward. See Grimstone;
Grimstone, Edward, i. 60, 61
Guiana, i. 3 ; ii. 3
Guinea, i. 95, 100
Hakluyt, Richard :
JJivers Voyages, i. 7
Galvano, i. 30
Principall Navigations, i. 38
Terra Florida, i. 9
Hall, James, i. 88, 89, 96, 97
Hasan Ibn Muhammad, al WazzSn, al
Fasi, i. 92-94
Havers, George, i. 84, 85
Hawkins, Sir John, i. 57.
Hawkins, Sir Richard, i. 1, 57
Hawkins, William, i. 57
Hawkridge, William, i. 88, 89
Hedges, Sir William, i. 74, 75. 78
Heidelberg MS, i. 58
Herberstein, Sigismund von, i. 10, 12
Honduras, i. 40
Horsey, Sir Jerome, i. 20
Houtman's Abrolhos. i. 25
Hudson, Henry, i. 27, 88, 89
Hudson's Bay, i. 11, 96, 97
Hues, Robert, i. 79
Hugli River, i. 78
Imams and Seyyids of 'Omdn i. 44
India, i. 5, 22,38, 42, 53, 55,62, 69.
70. 71,74-78,80; ii. 1, 2, 12
India Office MSS.,i. 56
Indies, West, i. 4, 23 ; ii. 3
James, Thomas, i. 88, 89
Japan, i. 8, 39, 66, 67 ; ii. 5
Java, i. 82, 83
20
Jenkinson, Anthony, i. 72, 73
.loannes, de Piano Carpino, ii. 4
Jones, John Winter, i. 7, 32
Jordanus [Catalan!], i. 31
Knight, John, i. 56, 88, 89
Lancaster, Sir James, i. 5, 6
La Peyr^re, Isaac de, i. 18
La Plata, River, i. 81
Lasso de La Vega, Garcia, Ei Inca,
i. 24, 41, 45
Lefroy, Sir John Henry, K.C.M.G.,
i. 65
Leguat, Francois, i. 82, 83
Lendas da India, i. 42
Leo Africanus, i. 92-94
Leone, Giovanni, i. 92-94
Levant, i. 87
Le Verrier, Jean, i. 46
Leza, Gaspar Gonzalez de, i. 39 ; ii.
14,15
Linschoten, Jan Huyghen van, i. 70,
71
McCrindle, John Watson, i. 89
Madrid MSS., i. 29
Magellan, Ferdinand, i. 52
Magellan, Straits of, i. 91
Major, Richard Henry, i. 2, 6, 10, 12,
14, 15, 17, 22, 25, 43, 46, 50
Malabar, i. 35
Maldive Islands, i. 76, 77, 80
Manoa, i. 3
Markham, Sir Albert Hastings, K.C.B.,
i. 59
Markham, Sir Clements Robert, K.C.B.,
i. 24, 26, 28, 29, 33, 34, 41, 56, 57,
60, 61, 63, 68, 79, 86, 90, 91 ; ii. 14,
15
Martens, Friedrich, i. 18
Mauritius, i. 82, 83
Mendafia de Neyra, Alvaro, i. 39 ; ii.
7, 8, 14, 15
Mendoza, Juan Gonzalez de, i. 14, 15
Mexico, i. 23
Middleton, Christopher, i. 11
Middlcton, Sir Henry, i. 1 9
Mirabilia Descripta, i. 31
Mogul, The Great, ii. 1, 2
Molucca Islands, i. 19, 76, 77, 80
Molyneux, Emery, i. 79
Morga, Antonio de, i. 39 ; ii. 14, 15
Morgan, Edward Delmar, i. 72. 73,
79
Munk, Jens, i. 96, 97
Neumann, Karl Friedrich, i. 58
New Hebrides, ii. 14, 15
Norsemen in America, i. 50
North- West Passage, i. 38, 56, 88, 89,
96, 97
Northern Seas. i. 50
Nova Zembla, i. 13, 54
Nunez Cabe9a de Vaca, Alvar, i. 81
Oliver, Samuel Pasfield, i. 82, 83
Omagua, I 28
'Oman, i. 44
Orellana, Francisco de, i. 24
Orleans, Pierre Joseph d', i. 17
Pachacamac, i. 47
Paraguay, River, i. 81
Parke, Robert, i. 14, 15
Pelsart, Francis, i. 25
Pereira, Thomas, i. 17
Persia, i. 49, 72, 73
Peru, i. 33, 41, 45, 47, 60, 61, 68
Peru, Chronicle of, i. 33, 68
Philip, William, i. 13, 54
Philippine Islands, i. 39
Pigafetta, Antonio, i. 52
Pitt, Thomas, i. 74, 75, 78
Pizarro, Gonzalo, i. 24
Pizarro, Hernando, i. 47
Portugal, i. 64
Pory, John,i. 92-94
Prado y Tovar, Don Diego de,
ii. 14, 15
Prestage, Edgar, i. 95, 100
Public Record Office MSS., i. 38
Puerto Rico, i. 4
Pyrard, Fran9ois, i. 76, 77, 80
Quiros, Pedro Fernandez de, i. 25,
39 ; ii. 14, 15
Ravenstein, Ernest George, i. 99 ; ii. 6
Recueil de Voyages, i. 31
Rockhill, William Woodville, iL 4
Rodriguez, Island, i. 82, 83
Roe, Sir Thomas, ii. 1, 2
Roy, Eugene Armand, i. 49
Rubruquis, Gulielmus de, ii. 4
Rundall, Thomas, i. 5, 8
Russe Commonwealth, i. 20
Russia, i. 10, 12,20, 72, 73
Rye, William Brenchley, i. 9
Salil-Ibn-Ruzaik, i. 44
Samarcand, i. 26
Sanclio, Pedro, i. 47
Saris, John, ii. 5
Sarmionto de Gamboa, Pedro, i. 91
Schiltberger, Johann, i. 58
Schmidel, Ulrich, i. 81
Schmidt. Ulrich. See Schmidel.
Schomburgk, Sir Robert Hermann, i. 3
Shakspere's "New Map," i. 59
21
Shaw, Norton, i. 23
Siam, i. 39
Simon, Pedro, i. 28
Sinclair, W. Frederic, ii. 9
Sloane MSS.. i. 25 65
Smyth, William Henry, i. 21
Solomon Islands, ii. 7, 8
Soto, Ferdinando de, i. 9
Soulsby, Basil Harrington, ii. 10, 11,
14,15
South Sea, i. 1
Spanish MSS., i. 29, 48
Spitsbergen, i. 13, 18, 54 ; ii. 11.
Staden, Johann von, i. 51
Stanley of Alderley, Lord, i. 35, 319,
42,52
Staunton, Sir George Thomas, Bart.,
i. 14, 15
Strachey, William, i. 6
Suarez de Figueroa, Christoval, i. 57 ;
ii. 14, 16
Summer Islands, i. 65
Tana (Azov), i. 49
Tartary,i. 17 ; ii. 4
Teixeira, Pedro, ii. 9
Telfer, John Buchan, i. 58
Temple, Sir Richard Camac, Bart.,
ii. 12.
Thomas, William,i. 49
Thompson, Sir Edward Maunde,
K. C.B., i. 66, 67
Thomson, Basil Home. ii. 7, 8
Tiele, Pieter Anton, i. 70, 71
Tierra Firme, i. 28, 34
Timour, Great Khan, i. 26
Tootal, Albert, i. 51
Topographia Christiana, i. 98
Torquemada, Fray Juan de, ii. 14, 15
Torres, Luis Vaez de, i. 25, 39 ; ii. 14,
15
Tractatus de Globis, i. 79
Turkey Merchants, i. 87
Ursua, Pedro de, i. 28
Valle, Pietro della, i. 84, 85
Varthema, Ludovico di, i. 32
Vaux, William Sandys Wright i, 16
Veer. Gerrit de, i. 13, 54
Vcrbiest, Ferdinand, i. 17
Vespucci. Amerigo, i. 90
Virginia Britannia, i. 6
Warner, George Frederic, Litt.D.,
ii. 3
West Indies. See Indies, West.
Weymouth, George, i. 88, 89
White, Adam, i. 18
Whiteway, Richard Stephen, ii. 10
William of Rubruck. See Rubruquis,
Gulieimus de
Wilmere, Alice, i. 23
Witsen, Nicolaas, i. 17, 25
Xeres, Francisco de, i. 47
Yncas, Rites and Laws, i. 48
Yncas, Royal Commentaries, i. 41, '^45
Yule, Sir Henry, K.C.S.I., i. 31, 36,
37, 74, 75, 78
Zeno, Antonio, i. 60
Zeno, Nicolo, i. 50
22
LAWS OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
I. The object of this Society shall be to print, for distribution among its
members, rare and valuable Voyages, Travels, Naval Expeditions, and other
geographical records.
II. The Annual Subscription shall be One Guinea (for America, five dollars,
U.S. currency), payable in advance on the ist January.
III. Each member of the Society, having paid his Subscription, shall be
entitled to a copy of every work produced by the Society, and to vote at the
general meetings within the period subscribed for ; and if he do not signify,
before the close of the year, his wish to resign, he shall be considered as a member
for the succeeding year.
IV. The management of the Society's affairs shall be vested in a Council
consisting of twenty-two members, viz., a President, two Vice-Presidents, a
Treasurer, a Secretary, and seventeen ordinary members, to be elected annually ;
but vacancies occurring between the general meetings shall be filled up by the
Council.
V. A General Meeting of the Subscribers shall be held annually. The
Secretary's Report on the condition and proceedings of the Society shall be
then read, and the meeting shall proceed to elect the Council for the ensuing year.
VI. At each Annual Election, three of the old Council shall retire.
VII. The Council shall meet when necessary for the dispatch of business, three
forming a quorum, including the Secretary ; the Chairman having a casting vote.
VIII. Gentlemen preparing and editing works for the Society, shall receive
twenty-five copies of such works respectively.
23
LIST OF MEMBERS.— 1904.
Aberdare, The Right Hon. Lord, F.R.G.S., Longwood, Winchester.
Aberdeen University Library, Aberdeen (P. J. Anderson Esq., Librarian).
1895 Adelaide Public Library, North Terrace, Adelaide, South Australia (J. R. G.
Adams Esq., Librarian).
Admiralty, The Whitehall, S.W. (F. Brand Esq., Librarian). [2 copies.]
Advocates' Library, 11, Parliament Square, Edinburgh (James T. Clark Esq.,
Keeper).
1899 Alexander, William Lindsay, Esq., F.R.G.S., Pinkieburn, Musselburgh, N.B.
All Souls College, Oxford (G. H olden Esq., Librarian).
American Geographical Society, 11, West 81st Street, New York City, U.S.A.
(G. C. Hirlbut Esq., Librarian).
Amherst, of Hackney, The Right Hon. Lord, F.S.A., Didlington Hall, Brandon,
Norfolk.
1901 Andrews, Lieut. Francis Arthur Lavington, R.N. , H. M.S. ** Ocean," China
Squadron.
Antiquaries, The Society of, Burlington House, Piccadilly, W. (Charles
Hercules Read Esq., Secretary).
1901 Armitage- Smith, Sydney, Esq., Treasury Chambers, Whitehall, S.W.
Army and Navy Club, 36, Pall Mall, S.W.
1904 Arnold, Dr. Clarence R., 4, 5, 6, First National Bank Building, Colorado
Springs, Colorado, U.S.A.
Athenaeum CJlub, Pall Mall, S.W. (H. R. Tedder Esq., Librarian).
Baer, Joseph & Co., Messrs., Hochstrasse 6, Frankfort- on- Main, Germany.
1900 Baldwin, Alfred, Esq., M.P., F.R.G.S., Wildeu House, near Stourport.
1899 Ball, John B., Esq., F.R.G.S., Ashbui-ton Cottage, Putney Heath, S.W.
1893 Barclay, Hugh Gurney, Esq., F.R.G.S., Colney Hall, Norwich.
1900 Basset, M. Rene, Directeur de I'Ecole Superieure des Lettres d' Alger, L'Agha
77, rue Michelet, Alger- Mustapha, Algiers.
1898 Bastos, Senhor Jose (Antiga Casa Bertrand), 7-^, Rua Garrett, Lisbon.
1894 Baxter, James Phinuey, Esq., 61, Deering Street, Portland, Maine, U.S.A.
1896 Beaumont, Admiral Sir Lewis Anthony, K.C.M.G., 3, Sloane Gardens, S.W.
1894 Beazley, Charles Raymond, Esq., M.A., F.R.G.S., 27, Norham Road and
Merton College, Oxford.
1904 Beetem, Charles Gilbert, Esq., 110, South Hanover Street, Carlisle, Pa., U.S.A.
1899 Belfast Library and Society for Promoting Knowledge, Donegall Square
North, Belfast (Geo. Maxwell Esq., Librarian).
1896 Belhaven and Stenton, Col. the Lord, R.E., F.R.G.S., 41, Lennox Gardens, S.W.
1899 Bennett, Robert Allan, Esq., 16, Diamond Street, Saltburn-by-the-Sea,
Yorkshire.
Berlin Geographical Society (Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde), Wilhelmstrasse 23,
Berlin, S.W., 48 (Hauptmann a. D. Georg Kollm, Secretary),
Berlin, the Royal Library of, Opemplatz, Berlin, W. (Wirkl. Geh. Ober-
Reg. Rat. Prof. Aug. Wilmanns, Director).
Berlin University, Geographical Institute of, Georgeustrasse 34-36, Berlin,
N.W. 7 (Baron v(»n Richthofen, Director).
Birch, Dr. Walter de Gray, F.S.A., 19, Bloomsbury Square, W.C.
Birmingham Central Free Library, Ratcliflf Place, Birmingham (A. Capel Shaw
Esq., Chief Librarian).
Birmingham Old Library, The, Margaret Street, Birmingham (Charles E.
Scarse Esq., Librarian).
24
Board of Educatiou, South Kensington, S.W.
Bodleian Library, Oxford Ccopiet pi'etentedj.
1894 Bona^mrte, H. H. Prince Koland Napoleon, Avenue d'J^na 10, Paris.
Boston Athenaeum Library, lOJ, Beacon Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
(Charles Knowles Bolton Esq., Librarian).
Boston Public Library, Copley Square, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. (James
Lynam Whitney Esq., Librarian).
Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine, U.S.A. (George T. Little Esq., Librarian).
1894 Bower, Lt.-Col. Hamilton, 17th Bengal liancers. Legation Guard, Peking.
1896 Bowring, Thomas B., Esq., F.R.G.S., 7, Palace Gate, Kensington, W.
1894 Brewster, Charles 0., Esq., 25, Irving Place, New York City, U.S.A.
1893 Brighton Public Library, Royal Pavilion, Church Street, Brighton (John
Minto Esq., Librarian).
British Guiana Royal Agricultural and Commercial Society, Georgetown,
Demerara.
1847 British Museum, Department of British and Mediaeval Antiquities (C. H.
Read Esq., Keeper).
1847 British Museum, Department of Printed Books (G. K. Fortescue Esq., Keeper,
copies presented).
British Museum (Natural History), Cromwell Road, S.W. (B. B. Woodward
Esq., Librarian).
1896 Brock, Robert C. H., Esq., 1612, Walnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A.
Brooke, Sir Thomas, Bart., F.S.A., Armitage Bridge, Huddersfield.
Brookline Public Library, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. (Miss Louisa M. Hooper,
Librarian).
Brooklyn Mercantile Library, 197, Montague Street, Brooklyn, N.Y., U.S.A.
(Willis A. Bard well Esq., Librarian).
Brown, Arthur William Whateley, Esq., F.R.G.S., 62, Carlisle Mansions,
Carlisle Place, Victoria Street, S.W.
Brown, General John Marshall, 218, Middle Street, Portland, Maine, U.S.A.
1898 Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island, U.S.A., P.O. Box 109 (Harry
Lyman Koopman Esq., Librarian).
1899 Bruce, A. M., Esq., Hong-Kong and Shanghai Bank, Bangkok, Siam.
1903 Buckle, Admiral Claude Edward, The Red House, Raithby, Spilsby.
1896 Buda-Pesth, The Geographical Institute of the University of, Hungary (Prof.
L6czy Lajos, Librarian).
1899 Burdekin, Benjamin Thomas, Esq., The Terrace, Eyam, Sheffield.
1894 Burgess, James, Esq., C.I.E., LL.D., F.R.G.S., 22, Seton Place, Edinburgh.
Burns, Capt. John William, Kilmahew, Cardross, Dumbartonshire.
1903 California, University of, Berkeley, Cal., U.S.A. (Joseph Cummings Rowell
Esq., librarian).
1899 Cambray & Co., Messrs. R., 6, Hastings Street, Calcutta.
Cambridge University Library, Cambridge (Francis John Henry Jenkinson
Esq., Librarian).
Canada, The Parliament Library, Ottawa (Alfred Duclos De Celles Esq.
Librarian).
1896 Cardiff Public Library, Trinity Street, Cardiff ^^. Ballinger Esq., Librarian).
1899 Carles, WiUiam Richard, Esq., C.M.G., F.R.G.S., Silwood, The Park
Cheltenham.
Carlisle, The Rt. Hon. the Earl of, Naworth Castle, Bampton, Cumberland.
Carlton Club, Pall Mall, S.W.
1899 Carnegie Library, Pittsburgh, Pa., U.S.A. (E. H. Anderson Esq., Librarian).
1901 Cator, Ralph Bertie Peter, Elsq., Mombasa, East Africa Protectorate,
Africa.
Cazenove, Messrs. C. D. & Son, 26, Henrietta Street, Coveut Garden, W.C.
1894 Chamberlain, Right Hon. Joseph, M.P., F.R.S., 40, Princes Gardens, S.W.
1899 Chambers, Commander Bertram Mordaunt,R.N., F. K.G.S., H.M. S. " Bacchante '
Cruiser Squadron, Mediterranean.
25
Chetham's Library, Hunt's Bank, Mancbeater (Walter F. Browne Esq.,
Librarian).
Chicago Public Library. Chicago, 111., U.S.A. (Fred. H. Hild E^q., Librarian).
1899 Chicago University Library, Chicago, 111., U.S.A. (Mrs. Zella Allen Dixson,
Librarian).
1896 Christ Church, Oxford (F. Haverfield Esq., Librarian).
Christiania University Library, Christiania, Norway (Dr. A. C. Drolsum,
Librarian).
1894 Church, Col. George Earl, F.R.G.S., 216, Cromwell Road, S.W.
Cincinnati Public Library, Ohio, U.S.A. (N. D. C. Hodges E«q , Librarian).
Clark, John Willis, Esq., F.S.A., Scroope House, Trumpington Street,
Cambridge.
1903 Clay, John, Esq., University Press, and 3, Harvey Road, Cambridge.
1895 Colgan, Nathaniel, Esq., 15, Breffin Terrace, Sandy cove, co. Dublin.
Colonial Office, The, Downing Street, S.W. (C. Atchiey Esq., I.S.O , Librarian).
1899 Columbia University, Library of, New York, U.S.A. (James H. Canfield Esq.,
Librarian).
1899 Constable, Archibald, Esq., 14, St. Paul's Road, Camden Town, N.W.
1896 Conway, Sir William Martin, M.A., F.S.A., The Red House, Homton
Street, W.
1903 Cooke, William Charles, Esq., Vailima, Bishopstown, Cork.
Copenhagen Royal Library (Det Store Kongelige Bibliothek) Copenhagen
(Dr. H. O. Lange, Chief Librarian).
1894 Cora, Professor Guido, M.A., Via Goito, 2, Rome.
Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. (Geo. Wm. Harris Esq.,
Librarian).
1904 Corney, Bolton Glanvill, Esq,, I.S.O,, M.D., Suva, Fiji.
p • H "K ' F 1^1^ Messrs. Bickers & Son, 1, Leicester Square, W.
1894 Cortissoz, Royal. Esq., Editorial Room, New York THbunCy 154, Nassau Street,
New York City, U.S.A.
1893 Cow, John, Esq., Elfinsward, Hayward's Heath, Sussex.
1902 Cox, Alexander G. , Esq., Imperial Railways of North China, Tientsin.
1904 Croydon Public Libraries, Central Library, Town Hall, Croydon (L. Stanley
Jast Esq., Chief Librarian).
1899 Cunningham, Colonel George Glencairn, C.B., D.S.O., Royal Scots, Junior
• United Service Club, Charles Street, S.W.
1893 Curzon of Kedleston, H.E. the Right Hon. Lord, G.M.S.I., G.M.I.E.,
F.R.G.S., Government House, Calcutta.
Dalton, Rev. Canon John Neale, C.M.G., C.V.O., F.S.A., 4, The Cloisters,
Windsor.
1899 Dampier, Gerald Robert, Esq., LC.S., Dehra Dun, N.W.P., India.
Danish Royal Naval Library (Det Kongelige Danske S^kaart Arcbiv), Copen-
hagen (Dr. G. I. Colm, Librarian).
Davis, Hon. Nicholas Darnell, C.M.G., Georgetown, Demerara, British
Guiana.
1894 De Bertodanc\ Baldomero Hyacinth, Esq., 22, Chester Terrace, Regent's
Park, N.W.
Derby, The Right Hon. the Earl of, K.G., c/o Rev. J. Richardson, Knowsley,
Prescot.
Detroit Public Library, Michigan, U.S.A. (Henry M. Utley Esq., Librarian).
1893 Dijon University Library, Rue Monge, Dijon, Cote d'Or, France (M. Balland,
Librarian).
D'Oleire, Herr (Triibner's Buchhandlung), Am Miinster-platz, Strassburg,
Alsace.
Doubleday, Henry Arthur, Esq., F.R.G.S., 2, Whitehall Gardens, S.W.
Dresden Geographical Society (Verein fur Erdkunde), Kleine Briidergasse
21", Dresden — A. 1. (Dr. Otto Mortzsch, Bibliothekar).
26
1902 Dublin, Trinity C«.llege Library (Rev. T. K. Abbott, D.D., Librarian).
Ducie, The Right Hon. the Eari of, F.R.S., F.R.G.S., Tortworth Court. Falfield.
1903 Eames, James Bromley, Esq., M.A.,B C. L , I.King's Bench Walk, Temple, E.G.
Eames, Wilberforce, Esq., Lenox Library, 890, Fifth Avenue, New York
City, U.S. A.
1899 Ecole Franyaisn d* Extreme Orient, Saigon, Indo-Chine Fran9ai8e.
1892 Edinburgh Public Library, George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh (Hew Morrison
Esq., Librarian).
Edinburgh University Library, Edinburgh (Alex. Anderson Esq., Librarian).
1904 Edmonds, The Rev. Canon Walter John, B.D., The Close, Exeter.
Edwards, Francis, Esq., 83, High Street, Marylebone, W.
Faber, Reginald Stanley, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., 90, Regent's Park Road. N.W.
1894 Fanshawe, Admiral Sir Edward Gennys, G.C.B., F.R.G.S., 74, Cromwell
Road, S.W.
Fellowes Athenaeum, 46, Millmont Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
1899 Ferguson, David, Esq., M.LM.E., F.R.G.S., 140, Hyndland Drive, Kelvinside,
Glasgow.
1899 Ferguson, Donald William, Esq., Samanala, 20, Beech House Road, Croydon.
1894 Fisher, Arthur, Esq., F.R.G.S., St. Aubyn's, Tiverton, Devon.
1896 Fitzgerald, Captain Edward Arthur, 5th Dragoon Guards.
1904 Flanagin, Hugh William, Esq., B.E., B.A., Yorkville, Summer Hill, Cork.
Ford, John Walker, Esq., D.L.,F.S.A, Enfield Old Park, Winchmore Hill,N.
Foreign Office. The, Downing Street, S.W. (Augustus Henry Oakes Esq., C.B.,
Librarian).
Foreign Office of Germany (Auswartiges Amt), Wilhelmstrasse, Berlin, W.
1893 Forrest, George William, Esq., CLE., F.R.G.S., Rose Bank, Iffley, Oxford.
1902 Foster, F. Apthorp, Esq., 28, State Street, Boston, Mass., U.S A.
1893 Foster, WilliaTn, Esq., B.A., F.R.G.S., Registry and Record Department, India
Office, S.W.
1899 Fothergill, M. B., Esq., c/o Imperial Bank of Persia, Bushire, Persian Gulf,
via Bombay.
1899 French, H. B., Esq., 429, Arch Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A.
George, Charles William, Esq., 51, Hampton Road, Bristol.
Gill, Joseph Withers. Esq., F.R.G.S., 6Q, West Hill, St. Leonards-on-Sea.
1901 Gill, W. Harrison, Esq., c/o Messrs. C. A. & H. Nichols, Peninsular House,
Monument Street, E.G.
Gladstone Library, National Liberal Club, Whitehall Place, S. W.
Glasgow University Library, Glasgow (James Lymburn Esq., Librarian).
Godman, Frederick Du Cane, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.R.G.S ,
10, Ch.andos Street, Cavendish Square, W.
1897 Gosch, Christian Carl August, Esq., 21, Stanhope Gardens. S.W.
1899 Gosling, F. Goodwin, Esq., Hamilton, Bermuda.
1893 Gosset, General Mathew William Edward, C.B., F.R.G.S., Westgate House,
Dedham, Essex.
Gottingen University Library, Gottingen, Germany (Prof. Dr. Richard
Pietschmann, Director).
1900 Graham, Michael, Esq., Glasgow Herald, 69, Buchanan Street, Glasgow.
Grant-Duflf, Right Hon. Sir Mountstuart Elphinstone, G.C.S.I., F.R.S.,
11, Chelsea Embankment, S.W.
Gray, Albert, Esq., F.R.G.S., Catherine Lodge, Trafalgar Square, Chelsea, S.W.
1894 Gray, Matthew Hamilton, Esq., F.R.G.S., Lessness Park, Abbey Wood, Kent.
1903 Greenlee, William B., Esq., 95, Buena Avenue, Chicago, 111., U.S.A.
1898 Greever, C. O., Esq., 1345, East Ninth Street, Des Moines, Iowa, U.S.A.
1899 Griffiths, John G. ,Esq., 21, Palace Court, Kensington Gardens, W.
27
Grosvenor Library, Buflfalo, N.Y., U.S.A. (E. P. Vau Duzell Esq., Librarian).
1899 Gruzevski, C. L., Esq., 107, College Street, San Antonio, Texas, U.S.A.
Guildhall Library, E.G. (Charles Welch Esq., F.S.A., Librarian).
1894 Guillemard, Arthur George, Esq., 96, High Street, Eltham, Kent.
Guillemard, Francis Henry Hill, Esq., M.A., M.D., F.K.G.S., The Old Mill
House, Trumpington, Cambridge.
Hamburg Commerz-Bibliothek, Hamburg, Germany (Dr. Baasch, Librarian).
1901 Hammersmith Public Libraries, Kavenscourt Park, W. (Samuel Martin Esq.,
Chief Librarian).
1900 Hamilton, Wm. Pierson, Esq., 32, East 36th Street, New York City, U.S.A.
1898 Hannen, The Hon. Henry Arthur, The Hall, West Farleigh, Kent.
1893 Harmsworth, Sir Alfred Charles William, Bart., F.R.G.S., Elmwood,
St. Peter's, Kent.
Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.. U.S.A. (Wm. Coolidge Lane Esq.,
Chief Librarian).
1899 Harvie-Brown, John Alexander, Esq., F.R.G.S., Dunipace, Larbert, Stirlingshire.
1899 Haswell, George Handel, Esq., Ashleigh, Hamstead Road, Handsworth,
Birmingham.
Hawkesbury, The Rt. Hon. Lord, F.S.A., F.R.G.S., 2, Carlton House Terrace,
S.W.
Heawood, Edward, Esq., M.A., F.R.G.S., 3, Underbill Road, Lordship Lane,S.E.
1899 Heidelberg University liibrary, Heidelberg ( Prof. Karl Zangemeister, Librarian ).
1904 Henderson, George, Esq., c/o Messrs. Octavius Steel and Co., 14, Old Court
House Street, Calcutta.
1903 Henderson, Turner, Esq., F.R.G.S., Studley Priory, Oxford.
Hervey, Dudley Francis Amelius, E8q.,C.M.G.,F.R.G.S.,Westfields, Aldeburgh,
Suffolk.
Hiersemann, Herr Karl Wilhelm, Konigsstrasse, 3, Leipzig.
1902 Hippisley, Alfred Edward, Esq., F.R.G.S., I.M. Customs, Shanghai, China.
1893 Hobhouee, Charles Edward Henry, Esq., M.P., The Ridge, Corsham, Wilts.
1904 Holdich, Colonel Sir Thomas Hungerford, C.B., K.C.M.G., K.C.I.E., R.E.
F.R.G.S., 41, Courtfield Road, S W.
1899 Hoover, Herbert C, Esq., 39, Hyde Park Gate, S.W.
Homer, John Francis Fortescue, Esq., Mells Park, Frome, Somerset.
Hoyt Public Library, East Saginaw, Mich., U.S.A. (Miss Ames, Librarian).
1896 Hubbard, Hon. Gardiner G., 1328, Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.,U.SA.
1899 Hiigel, Baron Anatole A. A. von, F.R.G.S., Curator, Museum of Archeology
and Ethnology, Cambridge.
1894 Hull Public Libraries, Baker Street, Hull (W. F. Lawton Esq., Librarian).
Hull Subscription Library, Albion Street. Hull (William Andrews Esq.,
Librarian).
1899 ImThurn.H. E. Everard Ferdinand, Esq., C.B., C.M.G., Government House,
Suva, Fiji, and 1, East India Avenue, E.C.
India Office, Downing Street, S.W. (Frederick W. Thomas Esq., Librarian).
[20 COPIES.]
1899 Ingle, William Bruncker, Esq., 4, Orchard Road. Blackheath, S.E.
1892 Inner Temple, Hon. Society of the. Temple, E.G. (J. E. L. Pickering Esq.,
Librarian).
1899 Ireland, Prof. AUeyne, St. Botolph Club, 2, Newbury Street, Boston,
Mass.. U.S.A.
1903 Irvine, William, Esq., Holliscroft, 49, Castelnau, Barnes, S."W.
1899 Jackson, Stewart Douglas, Esq., 61, St. Vincent Street, Glasgow.
1898 James, Arthur Curtiss, Esq., 92 Park Avenue, New York City, U.S.A.
1896 James, Walter B., Esq., M.D., 17, West 54th Street, New York City, U.S.A.
28
John Carter Brown • Library, 357, Benefit Street, Providence, Rhode Island,
U.S.A. (George Parker Winship, Esq., Librarian).
John Ry lands Library, Deansgate, Manchester (H. Guppy Esq., Librarian).
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md., U.S.A. (N. Murray Esq., Librarian).
Johnson, General Sir Allen Bayard, K.C.R., 60, Lexham Gardens, Cromwell
Road, S.W.
1899 Johnson, Rev. Samuel Jenkins, F.R.A.S., Melplash Vicarage, Bridport.
1903 Johnson, W. Morton, Esq., Woodleigh, Altrincham.
1903 Kansas University Library, Lawrence, Kans., U.S.A. (Miss Carrie M. "Watson,
Librarian).
Keltie, John Scott, Esq., LL.D., Secretary R.G.S., 1, Savile Row, Burlington
Gardens, W.
Kelvin, The Rt. Hon. Lord, F.R.S., LL.D., Netherhall, Largs, Ayrshire.
1899 Kiel, Royal University of, Kiel, Schleswig-Holstein (Geh. Reg. Rath., Emil
Stefi'enhagen, Director).
Kimberley Public Library, Kimberley, Cape Colony (Hon. Mr. Justice
Lawrence, Librarian).
1898 Kinder, Claude William Esq., C.M.G., Imperial Chinese Railways, Tientsin,
North China.
King's Inns, The Hon. Society of the, Henrietta Street, Dublin (Joseph J.
Carton Esq., Librarian).
1899 Kitching, John, Esq., F.R.G.S., Oaklands, Queen's Road, Kingston Hill, S.W.
Klincksieck, M. Charles, 11, Rue de Lille, Paris.
19(X) Langtou, J. J. P., Esq., 802, Spruce Street, St. Louis, Mo., U.S.A.
1900 Larchmont Yacht Club, Larchmont, N.Y., U.S.A. (F. D. Shaw Esq.,
Chairman of Library Committee).
1898 Leechman, Carey B., Esq., 10, Earl's Court Gardens, South Kensington, S.W.
Leeds Library, 18, Commercial Street, Leeds (D. A. Cruse Esq., Librarian).
Lehigh University, South Bethlehem, Pa., U.S.A. (W. H. Chandler Esq.,
Director).
1893 Leipzig, Library of the University of, Leipzig (Prof. Oskar Leop. v. Gebhardt,
Direktor).
1899 Levy, Judah, Esq., 17, Greville Place, N.W.
1902 Linney, Albert G., Esq., Bootham School, 51, Bootham, York.
Liverpool Free Public Library, William Brown Street, Liverpool (Peter
Co well Esq., Librarian)
1896 Liverpool Geographical Society 14, Hargreaves Buildings, Chapel Street,
Liverpool (Capt. E. C. D. Phillips, R.N., Secretary).
Loescher, Messrs. J., and Co., Corso Umberto 1°, 307, Rome.
Logan, W^illiam, Esq., Heathery haugh, MoflFat, Damfriesshire.
1847 London Institution, 11, Finsbury Circus, E.C. (F. Hovenden Esq., Librarian).
London Library, 12, St, James's Square, S.W. (C. T. H.Wright Esq., Librarian).
1895 Long Island Historical Society, Pierrepont Street, Brooklyn, N.Y., U.S.A.
(Miss Emma Toedteberg, Librarian). .
1899 Los Angeles Public Library, Los Angeles, Cal., U.S.A.
1899 Lowrey, Joseph, Esq., F.R.G.S., The Hermitage, Loughton, Essex.
1899 Lubetsky, S. A. S. le Prince Droutskoy, 89, Rue Miromesnil, Paris.
Lucas, Charles Prestwood, Esq., C.B., Colonial Office, Do^vning Street, S.W.
1895 Lucas, Frederic Wm. , Esq. , S. Swithin's, 169, Trinity Road , Upper Tooting. S.W.
1898 Lydenberg, H. M. , Esq., New York Public Library, 890, Fifth Avenue, New
York, U.S.A.
Lyons University Library, Lyon, France (M. le Professeur Dreyfus, Chief
Librarian).
1899 Lyttleton-Annesley, Lieut. -General Sir Arthur Lyttelton, K.C.V.O., F.R.G.S.,
Templemere, Oatlands Park, Wey bridge.
29
1899 MacLehose, James John, Esq., M.A., 7, University Gardens, Glasgow.
Macmillan and Bowes, Messrs., 1, Trinity Street, Cambridge.
1899 Macqueen, John, Esq., St. Mary's, Harpenden,
1899 Macrae, Charles Colin, Esq., F.R.G.S., 93, Onslow Gardens, S.W.
1904 Malvern Public Library, Graham Road, Great Malvern (Miss M. Lucy,
Librarian).
Manchester Public Free Libraries, King Street, Manchester (C. W. Sutton
Esq., Librarian).
Manierre, George, Esq., 184, La Salle Street, Chicago, 111., U.S.A.
1896 Margesson, Commander Wentworth Henry Davies, R.N. (H.M.S. "Good
Hope," Cruiser Squadron), Finden Place. Worthing.
Markhara, Admiral Sir Albert Hastings, K.C.E., F.R.G.S., 73, Cromwell Road,
S.W.
Markham, Sir Clements Robert, K.C.B., F.R.S., F.S.A., Pres. R.G.S.,
21, Eccleston Square, S.W.
1892 Marquand, Henry, Esq., Whitegates Farm, Bedford, New York, U.S.A.
1899 Martelli, Ernest Wynne, Esq., F.R.G.S., 4, New Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.
Massachusetts Historical Society, 1154, Boylston Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
(Samuel A. Green Esq., LL.D., Librarian).
1899 Massie, Major Roger Henry, R.A., D.A.Q.M.G., Army Head Quarters,
Pretoria, South Africa.
1898 Mathers, Edward Peter, Esq., F.R.G.S., 6, Queen's Gate Terrace, S.W.
Maudslay, Alfred Percival, Esq., F.R.Q.S., 32, Montpelier Square, Knights-
bridge, S.W.
McClurg, Messrs. A. C, & Co., 215-221, Wabash Avenue, Chicago, 111., U.S.A.
1899 McKerrow, Ronald Brunlees, Esq., 30, Manchester Street, W.
1896 Mecredy, Jas., Esq., M.A., B.L., F.R.G.S., Wynberg, Blackrock, co. Dublin.
1901 Merriman, J. A., Esq., c/o Standard Bank of South Africa, Ltd., Durban, Natal.
1899 Michell, Sir Lewis L., Rhodes' Building, Cape Town, South Africa.
1893 Michigan, University of, Ann Arbor, Mich., U.S.A. (Raymond C. Davis Esq.,
Librarian).
1896 Milwaukee Public Library, Milwaukie, Wisconsin, U.S.A. (Dr. George W.
Peckham, Librarian).
1895 Minneapolis Athenaeum, Minneapolis, Minn., U.S.A. (Miss Jessie McMillan,
Librarian).
1899 Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, Minnesota, U.S.A.
Mitchell Library, 21, Miller Street, Glasgow (Francis T. Barrett Esq.,
Librarian).
1898 Mitchell, Alfred, Esq., New London, Conn., U.S.A.
Mitchell, Wm., Esq., c/o Union Bank of Scotland, Holburn Branch, Aberdeen.
1902 Mombasa Club, Mombasa, East Africa.
1899 Monson, The Right Hon. Lord, C.V.O., Burton Hall, Lincoln.
1901 Moreno, Dr. Francisco J., La Plata Museum, La Plata, Argentine Republic.
Morgan, Edward Delmar, Esq., 1 5, Roland Gardens, South Kensington, S.W.
1893 Morris, Henry Cecil Low, Esq., M.D., F.R.G.S., Gothic Cottage, Bognor, Sussex.
1896 Morris, Mowbray, Esq., 59a, Brook Street, Grosvenor Square, W.
1900 Morrison, George Ernest, Esq., M.D., F.R.G.S., Times Correspondent,
c/o H.B.M. Legation, Peking.
1899 Morrisson, James W., Esq., 200-206, Randolph Street, Chicago, 111., U.S.A.
1895 Moxon, Alfred Edward, Esq., F.R.G.S., c/o Mrs. Gough, The Lodge, Souldem,
near Banbury.
1899 Mukhopadhyay, The Hon. Dr. Asutosh, M.A., LL.D., 77, Russa Road North,
Bhowanipore, Calcutta.
Munich Royal Library (Kgl. Hof-u. Staats-Bibliothek), Munich, Germauy
(Konigl. Geheimrath Dr. von Laubmann, Director).
1901 Murray, Hon. Charles Gideon, Brooks's, St. James's Street, S.W.
Nathan, H. E.Major Sir Matthew, K.C.M.G., R.E., F.R.G.S., 11, Pembridge
Square, W., and Government House, Hong Kong.
30
1894 Naval and Military Club, 94, Piccadilly. W.
Netherlands, Royal Geographical Society of the (Koninklijk Nederlaudsch
Aardrijkskuudig Genootschap), Singel 421, Amsterdam (J. Yzermann Esq.,
Bibliothecaris. )
Newberry Library, The, Chicago, 111., U.S.A. (John Vance Cheney, Esq.,
Librarian).
Newcastle-upon-Tyne Literary and Philosophical Society, Westgate Road,
Newcastle on-Tyne.
Newcastle-ui>on-Tyue Public Library, New Bridge Street, Newcastle-on-Tyne
(Basil Anderton Esq., 6. A., Chief Librarian).
1894 New London Public Library, Conn., U.S.A.
New South Wales, Public Library of, Sydney, N.S.W. (Henry C. L.
Anderson, M.A., Principal Librarian).
1899 New York Athletic Club, Central Park, South, New York City, U.S.A.
(John C. Qulick Esq., chairman of Library Committee).
1895 New York Public Library, 40, Lafayette Place, New York City, U.S.A. (Dr.
John S. Billings, Director).
New York State Library, Albany, New York, U.S.A. (Melvil Dewey Esq.,
Director).
1894 New York Yacht Club (Library Committee), 67, Madison Avenue, New York
City, U.S.A.
1897 New Zealand, Agent-General for (Hon. William Pember Reeves), 13, Victoria
Street, S.W.
Nijhoff, M. Martinus, Nobelstrat, 18, The Hague.
1896 North Adams Public Library, Massachusetts, U.S.A..
Northbrook, The Right Hon. the Earl of, G.C.S.I., F.R.S., F.R.G.S., Stratton,
Micheldever Station.
Northumberland, His Grace the Duke of, K.G., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., c/o J. C.
Hodgson Esq., Alnwick Castle.
1899 Nottingham Public Library, Sherwood Street, Nottingham (J. P. Briscoe Esq.,
Librarian).
1898 Omaha Public Library, 19th and Harney Streets, Omaha, Nebraska, U.S.A.
(Miss Edith Tobitt, Librarian).
Oriental Club, Hanover Square, W.
1902 Otani, Kozui, Esq., F.R.G.S., Nishi Honganji, Horikawa, Kyoto, Japan.
Oxford Union Society, Oxford (The Chief Librarian).
1902 Palmella, His Grace the Duke of, Lisbon.
Paris, Bibliothdque Nationale, Rue de Richelieu, Paris (M. Marchal,
Conservateur).
Paris, Institut de France, Quai de Conti 23, Paris (M. R^belliau, Librarian).
1899 Parish, Frank, Esq., 5, Gloucester Square, Hyde Park, W.
1900 Parlett, Harold George, Esq., British Legation, Tokio, Japan.
1902 Parry, Commander John Franklin, R.N., H.M.S. "Egeria," Esquimalt,
British Columbia.
1898 Payne, Edward John, Esq., F.R.G.S., 2, Stone Buildings, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.
Peabody Institute, Baltimore, Md., U.S.A. (Philip Reese Uhler Esq., Librarian).
Peckover, Alexander, Esq., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., Bank House, Wisbech.
1896 Peech, W. H., Esq., St. Stephen's Club. Westminster, S.W.
1893 Peek, Sir Wilfred, Bart., c/o Mr. Grover, Rousdon, Lyme Regis.
1899 Peixoto, Dr. J. Rodrigues, 8, Rue Almte. Comandar^, Rio de Janeiro.
1899 Pequot Library, Southport, Conn., U.S.A. (W. H. Holman Esq., Chief
Librarian).
1902 Percival, H. M.. Esq., 14, Park Street, Calcutta.
1901 Perthes. Herr Justus, Geographische Austalt, Gotha, Germany, [copies
PRESENTED.]
Petherick, Edward Augustus, Esq., F.R.G.S., 85, Hopton Road, Streatham,
S.W.
1895 Philadelphia Free Library, Pa., U.S.A. (John Thomson Esq., Librarian).
31
Philadelphia, Library Company of, corner Locust and Juniper Streets,
Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. (James G. Barnwell Esq., Librarian).
1899 Philadelphia, University Club, 1510 Walnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A.
(Ewiug Jordan Esq., M.D., Librarian).
1899 Plymouth Proprietary and Cottonian Library, Cornwall Street, Plymouth
(John L. C. Woodley Esq., Chief Librarian).
Poor, Henry William, Esq., 1, Lexington Avenue, New York City, U.S.A.
Portico Library, 57, Mosley Street, Manchester (Ernest Marriott Esq.,
Librarian).
1894 Pretoria Government Library, Pretoria, Transvaal, South Africa.
1894 Quaritch, Bernard Alfred, Esq., F.R.G.S., 15, Piccadilly, W. (12 copies).
1899 Rabbits, William Thomas, Esq., F.R.G.S., 40, Sloane Court, S.W.
1890 Raffles Library and Museum, Singapore (Dr. Richard Hanitsch, Director).
Ravenstein, Ernest George, Esq., F.R.G.S., 2, York Mansions, Battersea Park,
Reform Club, Pall Mall, S.W. (G. Vincent Esq., Librarian). [S.W.
1899 Reggio, Andr6 C, Esq., 43, Tremont Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
1895 Rhodes, Josiah, Esq., The Elms, Lytham, Lancashire.
Richardrt, Admiral of the Fleet Sir Frederick WilUam, G.C.B., F.R.G.S.,
34, Hurlingham Court, S.W.
Riggs, E. F., Esq., 1311, Mass. Avenue, Washington, D.C., U.S.A.
1896 Riugwalt, John S., Jun., Esq., Lock Box 147, Mt. Vernon, Knox County, Ohio,
U.S.A.
1892 Rittenhouse Club, 1811, Walnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. (Carroll
Smythe Esq., Secretary, Library Committee).
Rockhill, the Hon. William Woodville, International Bureau of American
Republics, Washington, D.C., U.S.A.
1899 Rodd, Sir James Rennell, C.B., K.C.M.G., F.R.G.S., British Embassy, Rome.
1898 Rohrscheid and Ebbecke, Herrn, Strauss'sche Buchhandluug, Bonn, Germany.
1896 Rose, Charles Day, Esq., M.P., Hard wick House, Reading.
1893 Royal Artillery Institution, Woolwich.
Royal Colonial Institute, Northumberland Avenue, W.C. (James R. Boose
Esq., Librarian).
1896 Royal Cruising Club, 40, Chancery Lane, W.C.
Royal Engineers' Institute, Chatham.
1847 Royal Geographical Society, 1, Savile Row, Burlington Gardens, W.
(Edward Heawood Esq., Librarian), [copies presented.]
Royal Scottish Geographical Society, Queen Street, Edinburgh (Jas.
Burgess Escj., LL.D., CLE., Librarian).
1897 Royal Societies Club, 63, St. James's Street, S.W. (D. Lewis-Poole Esq., Hon.
Secretary).
Royal United Service Institution, Whitehall, S.W.
1899 Runciman, Walter, Jr., Esq., M.P., West Denton Hall, Scotswood on-Tyne.
1900 Ryley, John Horton, Esq.. 1 Melrose, 22, Woodwarde Road, East Dulwich,
1900 Ryley, Mrs. Florence. LL.A., J S.E.
St. Andrews University, St. Andrews (Jas. Maitland Anderson Esq., Librarian).
1899 St. Deiniol's Library, Hawarden (Rev. G. C. Joyce, Librarian).
1893 St. John's, New Brunswick, Free Public Library (J. R. Ruel, Esq. Chairman).
St. Louis Mercantile Library, St. Louis, Mo., U.S.A. (Horace Kephart
Esq., Librarian).
St. Martin's-in-the-Fields Free Public Library, 115, St. Martin's Lane, W.C.
St. Petersburg University Library, St. Petersburg (Dr. Alex. Roman. Kreis-
beig, Librarian).
1894 St. Wladimir University, Kiew, Russia (Dr. Venjamin Aleks. Kordt,
Librarian).
1902 Sanborn, George P., Esq., 29, Wall Street, Drexel Building, New York City,
U.S. A.
32
1899 Sanford, Charles Henry, Esq., F.R.G.S., 102, Eaton Square, S.W.
1900 San Francisco Public Library, San Francisco, Cal., U.S.A. (G. T. Clark Esq.
Librarian).
Satow, H. E. Sir Ernest Mason, K.C.M.G., F.R.G.S., British Legation, Peking.
1896 Saunders, Howard, Esq., F.R.G.S., 7, Radnor Place, Hyde Park, W.
1899 Sclater, Dr. Willium Lutley, South African Museum, Cape Town, S. Africa.
1899 Seattle Public Librarj-, Seattle, Washington, U.S.A. (C. Wesley Smith Esq.,
Librarian).
1894 Seymour, Admiral Sir Edward Hobart, G.C.B., O.M., F.R.G.S., 9, Ovington
Square, S.W.
1898 SheflBeld Free Public Libraries, Surrey Street, Sheffield (Samuel Smith Esq.,
Librarian).
1899 Shields, Cuthbert, Esq., Corpus Christi College, Oxford.
Signet Library, 11, Parliament Square, Edinburgh (A. G. Main Esq.,
Librarian).
Silver, Stephen William, Esq., F.R.G.S., 3, York Gate, Regent's Park, N.W.
Sinclau-, Mrs. W. Frederic, 102, Cheyne Walk, Chelsea, S.W.
1899 Smith, Frederick Alexander, Esq., 10, Cumberland Mansions, Bryanston
Square, W.
1896 Smithers, F. Oldershaw, Esq., F.R.G.S., Dashwood House, 9, New Broad
Street, E.C
1899 Sneddon, George T., Esq., 8, Merry Street, Motherwell, Lanarkshire.
1899 Societd Geografica Italiana, Via del Plebiscite 102, Rome.
Soci^t^ de G^graphie, Boulevard St. Germain, 184, Paris (M. le Baron Hulot,
Secretaire G^n6ral).
1899 Soulsby, Basil Harrington, Esq., B A., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., Map Department,
British Museum, W.C, and 3, Spring Gardens, S.W.
1899 South African Public Library, Cape Town, South Africa.
1899 Southam, Herbert Robert Henry, Esq., F.S.A., Innellan, Sutton Road,
Shrewsbury.
1896 Springfield City Library Association, Mass., U.S.A. (Hiller C. Wellman Esq.,
Librarian).
1894 Stairs, James W., Esq., c/o Messrs. Stairs, Son and Morrow, Halifax, Nova Scotia.
1894 Stephens, Henry Charles, Esq., F.R.G.S., Cholderton Lodge, Cholderton
Salisbury.
1893 Stevens, Son, and Stiles, Messrs. Henry, 39, Great Russell Street, W.C.
Stockholm, Royal Library of (Kongl. Biblioteket), Sweden (Dr. Erik Wilhelm
Dahlgren, Librarian).
1895 Stockton Public Library, Stockton, Cal., U.S.A. (W. F. Clowdsley Esq ,
Librarian).
Strachey, Lady, 69, Lancaster-gate, Hyde Park, W.
1894 Stringer, George Alfred, Esq,, 248, Georgia Street, Buffalo, N.Y., U.S.A.
Stubbs, Captain Edward, R.N., 13, Greenfield Road, Stoneycroft, Liverpool.
1904 Suarez, Colonel Don Pedro (Bolivian Legation), Santa Cruz, 74, Compayne
Gardens, N.W.
1899 Sykes, Major Percy Molesworth, C.M.G.,F.R.G.S., Queen's Bays, H.M.'s Consul,
Kerman, Persia, via, Teheran.
1900 Tangye, Richard Trevithick Gilbert, Esq., LL.B., 16, Tite Street, Chelsea, S.W.
1897 Tate, G. P., Esq., F.R.G.S., Survey of India Department, India.
1894 Taylor, Captain William Robert, F.R.G.S., 1, Daysbrook Road, Streatham
Hill, S.W.
Temple, Lieut. -Col. Sir Richard Camac, Bart., CLE., F.R.G.S., The Nash.
Worcester, and Naval and Military Club, S.W.
1894 Thomson, Basil Home, Esq., Governor's House, H.M.'s Prison, Princetown,
S. Devon.
1896 Tighe, Walter Stuart, Esq., Coolmoney, Stratford-on-Slauey, Co. Wicklow.
Toronto Public Library, Toronto, Ont., Canada (James Bain Esq., Librarian).
Toronto University, Toronto, Ont., Canada (H. H. Langton Esq., LibraCrian).
33
Travellers' Club, 106, Pall Mall, S.W.
1900 Triuder, Arnold, Esq., F.R.G.S., The Hollies, Rydens Road, Walton-on-
Thanies.
Trinder, Henry William, Esq., F.R.G.S., Northbrook House, Bishops Waltham,
Hants.
Trinder, Oliver Jones, Esq., Cedar Grange, Caterham Valley, Surrey.
Trinity College, Cambridge.
Trinity House, The Hon. Corporation of. Tower Hill, E.G. (H. S. Liesching
Esq., Librarian).
1894 Troop, W. H., Esq., c/o Messrs. Black Bros, and Co., Halifax, Nova Scotia.
Trotter, Coutts, Esq., F.R.G.S., 10, Randolph Crescent, Edinburgh.
Turnbull, Alexander H., Esq., F.R.G.S., Elibank, Wellington, New Zealand,
and c/o Messrs. A. L. Elder and Co., Ltd., 7, St. Helen's Place, E.G.
1902 Tweedy, Arthur H., Esq., Widmore Lodge, Widmore, Bromley, Kent.
United States Congress, Library of, Washington, D.C., U.S.A. (Herbert
Putnam Esq., Librarian).
1899 United States National Museum (Library of), Washington, D.C. U.S.A. (Cyrus
Adler Esq., Librarian).
United States Naval Academy Library, Annapolis, Md., U.S.A.. (Prof.
Arthur Newton Brown, Librarian).
University of London, Imperial Institute, S.W.
Upsala University Library, Upsala. Sweden (Dr. Claes Annerstedt, Librarian).
1896 Van Raalte, Charles, Esq., Brownsea Island, Poole, Dorset.
1904 Vassall, Henry, Esq., The Priory, Repton, Burton-on-Trent.
1900 Vernon, Roland Venables, Esq., Colonial OflBce, Downing Street, S.W.
Victoria, Public Library, Museums, and National Gallery of, Melbourne,
Australia (E. La T. Armstrong Esq., Chief Librarian).
Vienna Imperial Library (K. K. Hof-Bibliothek), Vienna (Dr. Hofrath Josef
Karabacek, Chief Librarian).
Vignaud. Henry, Esq., Ambassade des Etats Unis, 18, Avenue Kleber, Paris.
19f)2 War Office, Mobilisation and Intelligence Library, Winchester House, St.
James's Square, S.W. (F. J. Hudleston Esq., Librarian).
1894 Warren, WUliam R., Esq., 68, William Street, New York City, U.S. A.
Washington, Department of State, D.C, U.S.A. (Andrew Hussey Allen Esq.,
Chief of Bureau of Rolls).
Washington, Library of Navy Department, Washington, D.C, U.S.A.
(Superintendent of Naval War Records).
Watkinson Library, Hartford, Connecticut, U.S.A. (Frank B. Gay Esq.,
Librarian).
1892 Webster, Sir Augustus Frederick Walpole Edward, Bart., Battle Abbey,
Sussex,
1899 Weld, Rev. George Francis, Hingham. Mass., U.S.A.
1903 Wells, Professor David Collins, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H., U.S.A.
1899 Westaway, Engineer Commander Albert Ernest Luscombe, H.M.S.
*' Majestic," Flagship, MediteiTanean Squadron.
1898 Westminster School (Rev. G. H. Nail, M.A., Librarian) Dean's Yprd, S.W.
Wharton, Rear- Admiral Sir William James Lloyd, K.C.B., F.R.S., F.R.G.S.,
Florys, Princes Road. Wimbledon Park, S.W.
1900 White, Dr. Henry, F.R.G.S., English Mission Hospital, Yezd, Persia, via
Berlin.
1898 Whiteway, Richard Stephen, Esq., Brownscombe, Shottermill, Surrev.
1896 Wildy, Augustus George, Esq., F.R.G.S., 14, Buckingham Street, W.C.
1899 Williams, 0. W., Esq., Fort Stockton, Texas, U.S.A.
1899 Wilmanns, Frederick M., Esq., 89, Oneida Street, Milwaukee, Wise, U.S.A.
C
34
Wilson, Edward SbimellH, Esq., F.S.A., Melton Grange, Brougli, East
Yorkshire.
1896 Wisconsin, State Historical Society of, Madison, Wise, U.S.A. (Isaac S.
Bradley Esq., Librarian).
1900 Woodford, Charles Morris, Esq., F.R.G.S., Government Residence, Tulagi,
British Solomon Islands.
Worcester, Massachusetts, Free Library, Worcester, Mass., U.S.A. (Samuel
S. Green Esq., Librarian).
1900 Wright, John, Esq., 2, Challoner Terrace West, South Shields.
1899 Wyndham, The Right Hon. George, M.P., 35, Park Lane, W.
Yale University, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A. (Addison Van Name Esq.,
Librarian).
1894 Young, Alfales, Esq., Salt Lake City, Utah, U.S.A.
Young, Sir Allen WiUiam, C.VO., C.B., F.11.G.S., 18, Grafton Street, Bond
Street, W.
1894 Young & Sons, Messrs. Henry, 12, South Castle Street, Liverpool.
Ziirich, Stadtbibliothek, Ziirich, Switzerlan<l (Dr. Hermann Escher, Chief
Librarian).
\
35
LIST OF MEMBERS' AGENTS.— 1904.
Messrs. Edward G. Allen and Son, Ltd., 28, Henrietta Street, Covent
Garden, W.C.
Brooklyn Mercantile Library.
Canada, The Parliament Library, Ottawa.
Cornell University Library.
Johns Hopkins University Library.
Peabody Institute, Baltimore.
Philadelphia, Library Company of.
United States, Congress Library.
Yale University Library.
Messrs. A. Asher and Co., 13, Bedford Street, Covent Gaiden, W.C. and
13, Unter den Linden, Berlin, W.
Berlin, The Royal Library.
Foreign Office of Germany.
Kiel Royal University Library.
Munich Royal Library.
Vienna Imperial Library.
Mr. James Bain, 14, Charles Street, Haymarket, S.W.
Captain Edward Arthur Fitzgerald.
John Walker Ford Esq.
John Francis Fortescue Homer Esq.
Messrs. Thos. Bennett and Sons, Carl Johans-Gade 35, Ohristiania, c/o Mewnrs.
Cassell and Co., Ltd., La Belle Sauvage, Ludgate Hill, E.C.
Christiania University Library.
Messrs. Bickers and Son, 1, Leicester Square, W.
C. R. Coming Esq.
H. K. Coming Esq.
Messrs. Black Bros, and Co. , Halifax, Nova Scotia.
W. H. Troop Esq.
Mr. H. W. Bryant, Librarian, Portland, Maine, U.S.A.
James Phinney Baxter Esq.
Messrs. C. D. Cazenove and Son, 26, Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, W. C.
Messrs. C. D. Cazenove and Son.
Messrs. A. C. McClurg and Co.
Toronto Public Library.
Toronto University library.
Messrs. Dulau and Co., 37, Soho Square, W.
British Museum (Natural History).
Mr. Francis Edwards, 83, High Street, Marylebone, W.
Copenhagen Royal Library.
Mr. Francis Edwards.
Messrs. Eyre and Spottiswoode, 5, Middle New Street, E.C.
Admiralty Library. [2 copies.]
Foreign Office Library.
War Office, Intelligence Library.