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THE  AGE 
OF  THE  REFORMATION 

BY 

PRESERVED  SMITH,  Ph.D. 


Stanford  Library 

NEW  YORK 

HENRY  HOLT  AND  COMPANY 


443912  ^' 


"■"'  """  ".  Co.,,,, 


■mJi 

CAMORI 

riLIOLAB 

PBISCILLAS 

SACfttW 


PREFACE 

The  excuse  for  writing  another  history  of  the  Refor- 
mation is  the  need  for  putting  that  movement  in  its 
proper  relations  to  the  economic  and  intellectual  revo- 
lutions of  the  sixteenth  century.  The  labor  of  love 
necessary  for  the  accomplishment  of  this  task  has  em- 
ployed most  of  my  leisure  for  the  last  six  years  and 
has  been  my  companion  through  vicissitudes  of  sorrow 
and  of  joy.  A  large  part  of  the  pleasure  derived  from 
the  task  has  come  from  association  with  friends  who 
have  generously  put  their  time  and  thought  at  my 
disposal.  First  of  all,  Professor  Charles  H.  Haskins, 
of  Harvard,  having  read  the  whole  in  manuscript 
and  in  proof  with  care,  has  thus  given  me  the  un- 
stinted benefit  of  his  deep  learning,  and  of  his  ripe 
and  sane  judgment.  Next  to  him  the  book  owes  most  to 
my  kind  friend,  the  Rev.  Professor  William  Walker 
Rockwell,  of  Union  Seminary,  who  has  added  to  the 
many  other  favors  he  has  done  me  a  careful  revision 
of  Chapters  I  to  VIII,  Chapter  XIV,  and  a  part  of 
Chapter  IX.  Though  unknown  to  me  personally,  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Peter  Guilday,  of  the  Catholic  University 
of  Washington,  consented,  with  gracious,  character- 
istic urbanity,  to  read  Chapters  VI  and  VIII  and  a 
part  of  Chapter  I.  I  am  grateful  to  Professor  N.  S. 
B.  Gras,  of  the  University  of  Minnesota,  for  reading 
that  part  of  the  book  directly  concerned  with  economics 
(Chapter  XI  and  a  part  of  Chapter  X) ;  and  to  Pro- 
fessor Frederick  A.  Saunders,  of  Harvard,  for  a  like 
service  in  technical  revision  of  the  section  on  science 
in  Chapter  XII.  While  acknowledging  with  hearty 
thanks  the  priceless  services  of  these  eminent  scholatB, 


PREFACE 

it  is  only  fair  to  relieve  them  of  all  responsibility  for 
any  rash  statements  that  may  have  escaped  thei] 
scrutiny,  as  well  as  for  any  eonclosions  from  which 
they  might  dissent. 

For  information  about  manuscripts  and  rare  books 
in  Europe  my  thanks  are  due  to  my  kind  friends:  Mr. 
P.  S.  Allen,  Librarian  of  Merton  College,  Oxford,  the 
so  successful  editor  of  Erasmus's  Epistles;  and  Pro- 
fessor Carrington  Lancaster,  of  Johns  Hopkins  Uni- 
versity. To  several  libraries  I  owe  much  for  the  use 
of  books.  My  friend,  Professor  Robert  S.  Fletcher, 
Librarian  of  Amherst  College,  lias  often  sent  rae  vol- 
umes from  that  excellent  store  of  books.  My  sister, 
Professor  Winifred  Smith,  of  Vassar  College, 
added  to  many  loving  ser\'ices,  this:  that  during  my 
four  years  at  Poughkeepsie,  I  was  enabled  to  use  the 
Vassar  librarj'.  For  her  good  offices,  as  well  as  for 
the  kindness  of  the  librarian,  Miss  Amy  Reed,  my 
thanks.  My  father,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Henry  Preserved 
Smith,  professor  and  librarian  at  Union  Theological 
Seminary,  has  often  sent  me  rare  books  from  that  li- 
brary; nor  can  I  mention  this,  tlie  least  of  his  favors, 
without  adding  that  I  owe  to  him  much  both  of  the  in- 
spiration to  follow  and  of  the  means  to  pursue  a  schol- 
ar's career.  My  thanks  are  also  due  to  the  libraries  of 
Columbia  and  Cornell  for  the  use  of  books.  But  the 
work  could  not  easily  have  been  done  at  all  without 
the  facilities  offered  by  the  Harvard  Library.  When 
I  came  to  Cambridge  to  enjoy  the  riches  of  this  store- 
house, I  found  the  great  university  not  less  hospitable 
to  the  stranger  within  her  gates  than  she  is  prolific  iu 
great  sons.  After  I  was  already  deep  in  debt  to  the 
librarian,  Mr.  W.  C,  Lane,  and  to  many  of  the  pro- 
fessors, a  short  period  in  the  service  of  Harvard,  as 
lecturer  in  history,  has  made  me  feel  that  I  am  no 
longer  a  stranger,  but  that  I  can  couut  myself,  in 


PREFACE 


Vll 


some  sort,  one  of  her  citizens  and  foster  sons,  at  least 
a  dimidiatus  alumnus. 

This  book  owes  more  to  my  wife  than  even  she  per- 
haps quite  realizes.  Not  only  has  it  been  her  study, 
sinee  onr  marriage,  to  give  me  freedom  for  my  work, 
but  her  literary  advice,  founded  on  her  own  experience 
as  writer  and  critic,  has  been  of  the  highest  value,  and 
she  has  carefully  read  the  proofs. 


Pbesebved  Smith. 


Cambridge, 
Massadiusetts, 
May  16, 1920. 


CONTENTS 

PAOB 

Chapter  I.    The  Old  and  the  New 3 

1.  The  World.     Economic  changes  in  the  later  Middle  Ages. 

Rise  of  the  bourgeoisie.  Nationalism.  Individualism. 
Inventions.     Printing.     Elxploration.     Universities. 

2.  The  Church.     The  papacy.     The  Councils  of  Constance  and 

Basle.     Savonarola. 

3.  Causes  of  the  Reformation.     Corruption  of  the  church  not 

a  main  cause.  Condition  of  the  church.  Indulgences. 
Growth  of  a  new  type  of  lay  piety.  Clash  of  the  new 
spirit  with  old  ideals. 

4.  The  Mystics.     T?ie  Oertnan  Theology.    Tauler.     The  Imita- 

tion of  Christ. 

5.  The  Pre-reformors.     Waldenses.     Occam.     Wj'clif.     Hubs. 
t».  Xationalizinsr  the  churches.     The  Ecclesia  Anglicana.     The 

Gallican  Church.     German  church.     The  Gravamina. 
7.  The    Humanists.     Valla.     Pico    della    Mirandola.     Lef^vre 
d'fitaples.       Colet.       Reuchlin.       Epiatolae     Ohscurorum 
Virorum.     Hutten.     Erasmus. 

^Chapter  II.    Germany 62 

1.  The    Leader.     Luther's   early   life.     Justification   by    faith 

only.  The  Xinety-five  Theses.  The  Leipzig  Debate. 
Revolutionary  Pamphlets  of  1520. 

2.  The    Revolution.     Condition    of    Germany.     Maximilian    I. 

Charles  V.  The  bull  Exsitrge  Domine  burned  by  Luther. 
Luther  at  Worms  and  in  the  Wartburg.  Turmoil  of  the 
radicals.  The  Revolt  of  the  Knij^hts.  Efforts  at  Reform 
at  the  Diets  of  Nuremberg  L522-4.  The  Peasants'  Re- 
volt: economic  causes,  propaganda,  course  of  the  war, 
suppression. 

3.  Formation  of  the  Protestant  P«'irty.     Defection  of  the  radi- 

cals: the  Anabaptists.  Defection  of  the  intellectuals: 
Erasmus.  The  Sacramentarian  Schism:  Zwingli. 
Growth  of  the  Lutheran  party  among  the  upper  and 
middle  classes.  Luther's  ecclesiastical  polity.  Accession 
of  many  Free  Cities,  of  Ernestine  Saxony,  Hesse,  Prussia. 
Balance  of  Power.  The  Recess  of  Spires  1529;  the 
Protest. 

4.  Growth  of  Protestantism  until  the  death  of  Luther.     Diet 

of  Augsburg  1530:  the  Confession.  Accessions  to  the 
Protestant  cause.  Religious  negotiations.  Luther's  last 
years,  death  and  character. 

5.  Religious    War    and    Religious    Peace.     The    Schmalkaldic 

War.    The     Interim.     The    Peace    of    Augsburg     1555. 
Ctiiholic  reaction  and  Protestant  schisms. 
d  Xote  on  ScAndinavia,  Poland  and  Hungary, 

ix 


x^n>  *  •«• 


APTER  IV.    France 

1.  RenaiMance     and     Reformation.    Condit 

Fraaeit  I.    War  with  Charles.    The  ( 
•ance.    Lntheraoism.    Defection  of  the 

2.  The   GalWniBt   Party.    Henry  II.    Expai 

Growth  and  penecution  of  CalTiniem. 
8.  The  Wars  of  Ileliglon.    Catharine  de'  M< 
of  VaMEj.    The   Hngnenot   rebellion. 
Barthoknnew.      The    League.      Henry 
Nantee.    Failure  of  Proteatantiam  to  coi 


iPTIB  y •     The  NBTHEnUAKDB       .       . 

I.  The  Lntheraii   Reform.    The  Bnrgnndian 
of  the  Reformation.    F^reeeatlon.    The 

8.  The   CalTlniet    Rerolt    National    feeling 
FfBaneial  diflleiiltiea  of  Philip  11.    Egm< 
of  Orange.    The  new  biehopnct.    The  Cc 
'Bcpgara.'*    Alva'e   reign   of   terror.    R 
of  L^yden.    The  Revolt  of  the  North. 
Kftharlanda.    Fameee.    The  Dutch  Repu 


kPim  VI.    Bngland 

i.  Henry  VIII  and  the  National  Church.  Cha 
VIII.  Foreign  policy.  Wolecy.  Early 
Tyndale*e  New  Testament.  Tracts.  Anti 
Divorce  of  Catharine  of  Aragon.  The  Sn 
Clergy.     The   Reformation   Parliament    1;' 


CONTENTS 


4.  The  Elizabethan  Settlement  1658-<88.    Policy  of  Elizabeth. 

Respective  numbers  of  Catholics  and  Protestants.  Oon- 
Tersion  of  the  masses.  The  Tkiriy-nine  ArHeles,  The 
Church  of  England.  Underhand  war  with  Spain.  Re- 
bellion of  the  Northern  Earls.  Execution  of  Mary 
Stuart.    The  Armada.    The  Puritans. 

5.  Ireland. 

HiPTEB  VIL      S€X)TIiAND 350 

I  Bsdkward  condition  of  Scotland.  Relations  with  Enffland. 
Cardinal  Beaton.  John  Knox.  Battle  of  Pinkie.  &noz 
in  Scotland.  The  Common  Band.  Iconoclasm.  Treaty 
of  Edinburgh.  The  Religious  Revolution.  Confession  of 
Faith.  Queen  Mary's  crimes  and  deposition.  Results  of 
the  Reformation. 

3H1PTEB  VIII.    The  Counteb-Beepc^hation      .     .     .  371 

1.  Italy.    The  pagan  Renaissance;  the  Chris£ian  Renaissance. 

Sporadic  Lutheranism. 

2.  The  Papacy  1521-90.    The  Sack  of  Rome.    Reforms. 

3.  The   Council   of   Trent.    First   Period    (1545-7).    Second 

Period   (1551-2).    Third  Period  (1662-3).     Results. 

4.  The   Company   of   Jesus.     New   monastic  orders.     Loyola. 

The  Spiritual  Exercises,     Rapid  growth  and  successes  of 
the  Jesuits.    Their  Anal  failure. 

5.  The  Inquisition  and  the  Index.    The  medieval  Inquisition. 

The  Spanish  Inquisition.    The  Roman  Inquisition.    Cen- 
sorship of  the  press.     The  Index  of  Prohibited  Books. 

|Chapteb  IX.    The  Iberian  Peninsula  and  the  Expan- 
sion OP  Europe 425 

1.  Spain.  Unification  of  Spain  under  Ferdinand  and  Isabella. 
Charles  V.  Revolts  of  the  Communes  and  of  the  Her- 
mandad.  Constitution  of  Spain.  The  Spanish  empire. 
Philip  II.    The  war  with  the  Moriscos.     The  Armada. 

t  Exploration.    Columbus.    Conquest  of  Mexico  and  of  Peru. 
Circumnavigation  of  the  globe.     Portuguese  exploration  - 
to  the  East.    Brazil.    Decadence  of  Portugal.    Russia. 
The  Turks. 

iCHAPTEa  X.    SoaAL  Conditions 451 

1.  Population. 

2.  Wealth  and  Prices.    Increase  of  wealth  in  modem  times. 

Prices  and  wages  in  the  Sixteenth  Century.    Value  of 
money.    Trend  of  prices. 

3.  Social  Institutions.     The  monarchy,  the  Council  of  state, 

the  Parliament.     Public  finance.     Maintenance  of  Order. 

Sumptuary  laws  and  "blue  laws."    The  army.     The  navy. 

i  Private  life  and  manners.    The  nobijitv;  the  professionR; 

the    cJei^gyr-     The  city,    the   house,    dresa,    food,    drink. 

^U^'      ^^'"^'       Morals,       Poaition    of     Women. 


Chapter  XI.     The  Capitalistic  Ebvolution 

1.  The    Rise 

Bankiiij;. 
culture. 

2.  The   Rise  uf   iht^  Money   Power.     Ascendancy  of  the  bour- 

geoiflie  over  the  nobility,  clergj-,  and  proletariat.  CIbsb 
ware.     Reyuiatioo  of  Labor.     Pauperiem. 

Chapter  XII.     JIain  '^ "  Thought      .      .      .  i 

1.  Biblical    jind    clai  Ip. 

Bibles. 

2.  Histary.     Humsni  church  history. 

3.  Political   theory.  jwer:   MachiavelU.     Con- 

siitiitionnl   ltl)ei  Luther,  Calvm,  Batman, 

^f()^nayJ  Bodin,  licals:  the  Vfopia. 

i.  Science.        Indui'tL  Mathematics.        Zoology. 

Anatom v.  Phi  ihy.  ABtroaomy ;  Coper- 
nicus.     K^.form  . 

5.  Philosophy.     The  ^  oteatant  thinkers.     Skqi- 


Chapter  XIII.     The  Temper  of  the  Times  .      . 

1.  Tolerance  and  Intolerance.     EITect  of  the  Renaissance 

Reformation. 

2.  Witchcraft.     Causes  of  the  mania.     Protests  apainst  i 
■^  3.  Education.     Schools.     Effect  of  the   Reformation.     Vn 


Chaptek  XIV.     The  Reformation  Interpreted       .      .   ( 

1.  The  Religious  and   Political  Interpretations.     Burnet,  Bos- 

suet,  .Slcidan,  Sarpl. 

2.  The   Rationalist  Critique.     Montesquieu,   Voltaire,   Robert- 

son, llumc,  Cibbon.  Goethe,  Lessing. 

3.  The     Liberal- Romantic     Appreciation.       Heine,     Michek't, 

Froude,  Heircl,  Ranke,  Buckle. 

4.  The    Economic    and    Evnlut  ionary    Interpretations.     Marx, 

Lamprwiil.   Bcrjjer.   Weber,   Nietzsche,  Trocltsch,   Santa- 
yana.  Harnack.  Beard,  Jansacn,  Pastor.  Acton, 
R.  Concluding  Estimate, 

Bibliography ' 


f 


THE  AGE  OP  THE  REFORiUTION  :  ' 

h 

rl\t. 


^ 
S 


^ 


CHAPTER  I 
THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

§  1.  The  World 

Though  in  some  sense  every  age  is  one  of  transition 
and  every  generation  sees  the  world  remodelled,  there 
sometimes  comes  a  change  so  startling  and  profound 
that  it  seems  like  the  beginning  of  a  new  season  in  the 
world's  great  year.  The  snows  of  winter  melt  for 
weeks,  the  cold  winds  blow  and  the  cool  rains  fall,  and 
we  see  no  change  until,  almost  within  a  few  days,  the 
leaves  and  blossoms  put  forth  their  verdure,  and  the 
spring  has  come. 

Such  a  change  in  man's  environment  and  habits  as 
the  world  has  rarely  seen,  took  place  in  the  generation 
that  reached  early  manhood  in  the  year  1500.  In  the 
span  of  a  single  life — for  convenience  let  us  take  that 
of  Luther  for  our  measure — ^men  discovered,  not  in 
metaphor  but  in  sober  fact,  a  new  heaven  and  a  new 
earth.  In  those  days  masses  of  men  began  to  read 
many  books,  multiplied  by  the  new  art  of  printing.  In 
those  days  immortal  artists  shot  the  world  through 
with  a  matchless  radiance  of  color  and  of  meaning. 
In  those  days  Vasco  da  Gama  and  Columbus  and  Ma- 

• 

gellan  opened  the  watery  ways  to  new  lands  beyond 
the  seven  seas.  In  those  days  Copernicus  established 
the  momentous  truth  that  the  earth  was  but  a  tiny 
planet  spinning  around  a  vastly  greater  sun.  In  those 
days  was  in  large  part  accomplished  the  economic 
shift  from  medieval  gild  to  modern  production  by  cap- 
ital and  wages.  In  those  days  wealth  was  piled  up  in 
/Ae  coffers  of  the  merchants,  and  a  new  power  waa 


1483-15^ 


\ 


4  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

given  to  the  lilt?  of  the  individual,  of  the  nation,  and  of 
the  third  ewtate.  In  those  days  the  monarchy  of  thf 
Roman  chiircli  was  broken,  and  large  portions  of  hej 
dominions  secoded  to  form  new  organizations,  gov* 
erned  by  otlier  powers  and  animated  by  a  differeat 
spirit. 

see-  Other  generations  have  seen  one  revolution   tak^ 

'rma-  *    P^sce  at  a  time,  tht  century  saw  three, 

S.  Rise  of  Capitalism,  he  Renaissance,  and  th| 

beginning  of  the  Ki  All  three,  interacting 

modifying  each  ott  ing  as  they  sometimi 

did,  were  equally  tl  aces,  in  different  fields, 

of  antecedent  chan  I's  circumstances.    All 

life  is  an  adaptafio.  mment;  and  thus  from    ' 

every  alteration  in  the  conditions  in  which  man  lives, 
usually  made  by  his  discovery  of  new  resources  or  of 
hitherto  unknown  natural  laws,  a  change  in  his  habits 
of  life  must  flow.  Every  revolution  is  but  an  adjust- 
ment to  a  fresh  situation,  intellectual  or  material,  or 
both, 
nomic  Certainly,  economic  and  psycholo^cal  factors  were 
alike  operative  in  producing  the  three  revolutions. 
The  most  general  economic  force  was  the  change  from 
"natural  economy"  to  **money  economy,"  i.e.  from  a 
society  in  which  payments  were  made  chiefly  by  ex- 
change of  goods,  and  by  services,  to  one  in  whicli  money 
■was  both  the  agent  of  exchange  and  standard  of  value. 
In  the  Middle  Ages  production  had  been  largely  co- 
operative; the  land  belonged  to  the  village  and  was 
apportioned  out  to  eacli  husbandman  to  till,  or  to  all  in 
common  for  pasture.  Manufacture  and  commerce 
were  organized  by  the  gild — a  society  of  equals,  with 
the  same  course  of  labor  and  the  same  reward  for 
each,  and  with  no  distinction  save  that  founded  on  sen- 
iority — apprentice,  workman,  master-workman.  But 
j'n  the  later  Middle  Ages,  and  more  tapviVj  a^  ^'^^^^^ 


THE  WORLD  5 

dose,  this  system  broke  down  under  the  necessity  for 
larger  capital  in  production  and  the  possibility  of  sup- 
plying it  by  the  increase  of  wealth  and  of  banking  tech- 
nique that  made  possible  investment,  rapi^  turn-over 
of  capital,  and  corporate  partnership.  ''The  increase 
of  wealth  and  the  changed  mode  of  its  production  has 
been  in  large  part  the  cause  of  three  developments 
which  in  their  turn  became  causes  of  revolution:  the 
rise  of  the  bourgeoisie,  of  nationalism,  and  of  in- 
dividualism. 

Just  as  the  nobles  were  wearing  away  in  civil  strife  ^  The 
and  were  seeing  their  castles  shot  to  pieces  by  cannon,  ^^ 
just  as  the  clergy  were  wasting  in  supine  indolence 
and  were  riddled  by  the  mockery  of  humanists,  there 
arose  a  new  class,  eager  and  able  to  take  the  helm  of 
civilization,  the  moneyed  men  of  city  and  of  trade. 
Nouveaux  riches  as  they  were,  tBSy^ad  afi  appetite  for 
pleasure  and  for  ostentation  unsurpassed  by  any,  a 
love  for  the  world  and  an  impatience  of  the  meek  and 
lowly  church,  with  her  ideal  of  poverty  and  of  chastity. 
In  their  luxurious  and  leisured  homes  they  sheltered 
the  arts  that  made  life  richer  and  the  philosophy,  or 
reli^on,  that  gave  them  a  good  conscience  in  the  work 
thev  loved.  Both  Renaissance  and  Reformation  were 
dwellers  in  the  cities  and  in  the  marts  of  commerce. 

It  was  partly  the  rise  of  the  third  estate,  but  partly  Nation 
also  cultural  factors,  such  as  the*^erfecting  of  the 
modem  tongues,  that  made  the  national  state  one  of 
the  characteristic  products  of  modem  times.  Com- 
merce needs  order  and  strong  government;  the  men 
who  paid  the  piper  called  the  tune;  police  and  profes- 
sional soldiery  made  the  state,  once  so  racked  by 
feudal  wars,  peaceful  at  home  and  dreaded  abroad.  If 
the  consequence  of  this  was  an  increase  in  royal  power, 
ibe  kings  were  among  those  who  bad  greatness  tllTUSt 
rpon  thew,  rather  than  achieving  it  for  themselves- 


states 


6  THK  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

They  were  but  the  symbols  of  the  new,  proudly  con- 
scious nation,  and  the  police  commissioners  of  th0 
large  bankers  and  traders. 

The  reaclion  of  nascent  capitalism  on  the  individtid 
was  no  less  marked  than  on  state  and  society,  thou^ 
it  was  not  the  only  cause  of  the  new  sense  of  personal 
worth.  Just  as  the *~' if  science  and  of  art  be- 
came most  alluring,  ith  sufficient  leisure  and 
resource  to  solve  Jeveloped  by  economic 
forces.  In  the  Mic  ,en  had  been  less  enter- 
prising and  If.ss  si  s.  Their  thought  wa* 
mot  of  themselves  i  ils  so  much  as  of  their 
/membership  in  groi  soples  were  divided  into 
'well-marked  estates,  oi  umooefa,  indastr\'  was  co-opera- 
tive; even  the  great  art  of  the  cathedrals  was  rather 
gild-craft  than  the  expression  of  a  single  genius;  even 
learning  was  the  joint  property  of  universities,  not  the 
private  accumulation  of  the  lone  scholar.  But  with 
every  expansion  of  the  ego  either  through  the  acqui- 
sition of  wealth  or  of  learning  or  of  pride  in  great  ex- 
ploits, came  a  rising  self -consciousness  and  self-con- 
fidence, and  this  was  the  essence  of  the  individualism 
BO  often  noted  as  one  of  the  contrasts  between  modem 
and  medieval  times.  The  child,  the  savage,  and  to  a 
large  extent  the  undisciplined  mind  in  all  periods  of 
life  and  of  history,  is  conscious  only  of  object;  the 
trained  and  leisured  intellect  discovers,  literally  by 
"reflection,"  the  subjective.  He  is  then  no  longer  con- 
tent to  be  anything  less  than  himself,  or  to  be  lost  in 
anything  greater. 

Just  as  men  were  beginning  again  to  glory  in  their 
own  powers  came  a  series  of  discoveries  that  totally 
transformed  the  world  they  lived  in.  So  vast  a  change 
is  made  in  human  thought  and  habit  by  some  appnr- 
«7//r  trivial  technical   inventions  tUal  it  somcUmes 


THE  WORLD  7 

seems  as  if  the  race  were  like  a  child  that  had  boarded 
a  locomotive  and  half  accidentally  started  it,  but  could 
neither  guide  nor  stop  it.  Civilization  was  bom  with 
the  great  inventions  of  fire,  tools,  the  domestication  of  Inventi 
animalsy  writing,  and  navigation,  all  of  them,  together 
with  important  astronomical  discoveries,  made  prior 
to  the  beginnings  of  recorded  history.  On  this  capital 
mankind  traded  for  some  millenniums,  for  neither 
dassic  times  nor  the  Dark  Ages  added  much  to  the 
practical  sciences.  But,  beginning  with  the  thirteenth 
century,  discovery  followed  discovery,  each  more  im- 
portant in  its  consequences  than  its  last.  One  of  the. 
first  steps  was  i)erhaps  the  recovery  of  lost  ground  by 
the  restoration  of  the  classics.  Gothic  art  and  the 
vernacular  literatures  testify  to  the  intellectual  activ- 
ity of  the  time,  but  they  did  not  create  the  new  ele- 
ments of  life  that  were  brought  into  being  by  the  in- 
ventors. 

What  a  difference  in  private  life  was  made  by  the  in- 
troduction of  chimneys  and  glass  windows,  for  glass, 
though  known  to  antiquity,  was  not  commonly  applied 
to  the  openings  that,  as  the  etymology  of  the  English 
word  implies,  let  in  the  wind!  By  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury the  power  of  lenses  to  magnify  and  refract  had 
been  utilized,  as  mirrors,  then  as  spectacles,  to  be  fol- 
lowed two  centuries  later  by  telescopes  and  micro- 
scopes. Useful  chemicals  were  now  first  applied  to 
various  manufacturing  processes,  such  as  the  tinning 
of  iron.  The  compass,  with  its  weird  power  of  point- 
ing north,  guided  the  mariner  on  uncharted  seas.  The 
obscure  inventor  of  gunpowder  revolutionized  the  art 
of  war  more  than  all  the  famous  conquerors  had  done, 
and  the  polity  of  states  more  than  any  of  the  renowned 
legislators  of  antiquity.  The  equally  obscure  inventor 
of  mechanical  clocks— a  great  improvement  on  t\ie 


8  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

older  sand-glasses,  water-glasses,  and  candles — made 
possible  a  new  precision  and  regularity  of  daily  life, 
/  an  untold  economy  of  time  and  effort. 
1 "  But  all  other  inventions  yield  to  that  of  printing,  the 
glory  of  John  Gutenberg  of  Mayence,  one  of  those  poor 
and  in  their  own  times  obscure  geniuses  who  carry  out 
to  fulfilment  a  great  idea  at  much  sacrifice  to  them- 
selves. The  denial  :s  had  been  on  the  in- 
crease for  a  lung  ti  ery  effort  was  made  to 
reproduce  them  as  ;  cheaply  as  possible  by 
the  hand  of  expert  3ut  the  applications  of 
this  method  prodac  suit.  The  introduction 
of  paper,  in  place  >  r  vellum  or  parchment, 
furnished  one  of  the  ble  pre-requisites  to  the 
multiplication  of  cheap  volumes.  In  the  early  fif- 
,  teenth  century,  the  art  of  the  wood-cutter  and  engraver 
had  advanced  suflSciently  to  allow  some  books  to  be 
printed  in  this  manner,  i.  e.  from  carved  blocks.  This 
was  usually,  or  at  first,  done  only  with  books  in  which 
a  small  amount  of  text  went  with  a  large  amount  of 
illustration.  There  are  extant,  for  example,  six 
editions  of  the  B'lhlia  Pauperum,  stamped  by  this 
method.  It  was  afterwards  applied,  chiefly  in  Hol- 
land, to  a  few  other  books  for  which  there  was  a  large 
demand,  the  Latin  grammar  of  Donatus,  for  example, 
and  a  guide-book  to  Rome  kno\\'n  as  the  Mirabilia 
Urbis  Romae.  But  at  best  this  method  was  extremely 
ansatisfactory ;  the  blocks  soon  wore  out,  the  text  was 
blurred  and  difficult  to  read,  the  initial  expense  was 
large. 

The  essential  feature  of  Gutenberg's  invention  was 
therefore  not,  as  the  name  implies,  printing,  or  impres- 
sion, but  typography,  or  the  use  of  type.  The  printer 
first  had  a  letter  cut  in  hard  metal,  this  was  called  the 
punch;  with  it  he  stamped  a  mould  knowu  as  the  ma- 
/nx  in  which  be  was  ablo  to  found  a  Utgc  wvKrfcei:  ol 


THE  WORLD  9 

exactly  identical  types  of  metal,  usually  of  lead. 
These,  set  side  by  side  in  a  case,  for  the  first  time  made 
it  possible  satisfactorily  to  print  at  reasonable  cost  a 
large  number  of  copies  of  the  same  text,  and,  when  that 
was  done,  the  types  could  be  taken  apart  and  used  for 
another  work. 

The  earliest  surviving  specimen  of  printing — ^not 
coonting  a  few  undated  letters  of  indulgence — is  a 
fragment  on  the  last  judgment  completed  at  Mayence 
before  1447.  In  1450  Gutenberg  made  a  partnership 
with  the  rich  goldsmith  John  Fust,  and  from  their 
press  issued,  within  the  next  five  years,  the  famous 
Bible  with  42  lines  to  a  page,  and  a  Donatus  (Latin. 
grammar)  of  32  lines.  The  printer  of  the  Bible  with 
36  lines  to  a  page,  that  is  the  next  oldest  surviving 
monument,  was  apparently  a  helper  of  Qutenberg,  who  ^ 
set  up  an  independent  press  in  1454.  Legible,  clean- 
cut,  comparatively  cheap,  these  books  demonstrated 
once  for  all  the  success  of  the  new  art,  even  though, 
for  illuminated  initials,  they  were  still  dependent  on 
the  hand  of  the  scribe. 

In  those  days  before  patents  the  new  invention  Bookaa 
spread  with  wonderful  rapidity,  reaching  Italy  in  1465,  ^^^*^"*« 
Paris  in  1470,  London  in  1480,  Stockholm  in  1482,  Con- 
stantinople  in  1487,  Lisbon  in  1490,  and  Madrid  in 
1499.  Only  a  few  backward  countries  of  Europe  re- 
mained without  a  press.  By  the  year  1500  the  names 
of  more  than  one  thousand  printers  are  known,  and 
the  titles  of  about  30,000  printed  works.  Assuming 
that  the  editions  were  small,  averaging  300  copies,  there 
would  have  been  in  Europe  by  1500  about  9,000,000 
books,  as  against  the  few  score  thousand  manuscripts 
that  lately  had  held  all  the  precious  lore  of  time.  In 
a  few  years  the  price  of  books  sank  to  one-eighth  oi 
what  it  bad  been  before.    ''The  gentle  reader''  had 

started  on  bis  career. 


10  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

The  importance  of  printing  cannot  be  over-estimateij 
There  are  fi;\v  t-venta  like  it  in  the  hiBtoiy  of  the  world? 
The  whole  gi<jantic  swing  of  modern  democracy  and  c 
the  scientific  spirit  was  released  by  it.     The  veil  < 
the  temple  of  religion  and  of  knowledge  was  rent  i 
twain,  and  the  arcana  of  the  priest  and  clerk  expose^ 
to  the  gaze  of  the  peonle.     The  reading  public  becam*^ 
the  supreme  court  )m,  from  this  time,  all 

cases  must  be  argi  «nflict  of  opinions  and 

parties,  of  privilegi  lorn,  of  science  and  ob- 

scurantism, was  trs  'om  the  secret  chamber 

of  a  small,   priviU  asional,  and  sacerdotal  j 

coterie  to  the  ari'na  ing  public.  J 

on       It  is  amazing,  bui  within  fifty  years  after  ^ 

this  exploit,  mankind  should  have  achieved  another  | 
like  unto  it  in  a  widely  different  sphere.  The  horror 
of  the  sea  was  on  the  ancient  world;  a  heart  of  oak  and 
triple  bronze  was  needed  to  venture  on  the  ocean,  and 
its  annihilation  was  one  of  the  blessings  of  the  new 
earth  promised  by  the  Apocalypse.  All  through  the 
centuries  Europe  remained  sea-locked,  until  the  bold 
Portuguese  mariners  ventaring  ever  further  and  fur- 
ther south  along  the  coast  of  Africa,  finally  doubled 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope — a  feat  first  performed  by 
Bartholomew  Diaz  in  1486,  though  it  was  not  until 
1498  that  Vasco  da  Gama  reached  India  by  this 
method. 

Still  aneonquered  lay  the  stormy  and  terrible  Atlan- 
tic, 

Where,  beyond  the  extreme  sea-wall,  and  between  Ihe  remote 

sea -gales, 
Waste  water  washes,  and  tall  ships  founder,  and  deep  death 

waits. 

But  the  ark  o£  Europe  found  her  dove — as  the  name 
Colambus    signifies — to    fly    over    Ibe    -wWi,  wcsV^tiy 


THE  WORLD  11 

waves,  and  bring  her  news  of  strange  countries.  The 
effect  of  these  discoveries,  enormously  and  increas- 
mgly  important  from  the  material  standpoint,  was 
first  felt  in  the  widening  of  the  imagination.  Camoens 
wrote  the  epic  of  Da  Qama,  More  placed  his  Utopia  in 
America,  and  Montaigne  speculated  on  the  curious  cus- 
toms of  the  redskins.  Ariosto  wrote  of  the  wonders 
of  the  new  world  in  his  poem,  and  Luther  occasionally 
alluded  to  them  in  his  sermons. 

If  printing  opened  the  broad  road  to  popular  edu-  UniTcn 
catiom  other  and  more  formal  means  to  the  same  end  ''" 
were  not  neglected.  One  of  the  great  innovations  of 
the  Middle  Ages  was  the  university.  These  perma- 
nent corporations,  dedicated  to  the  advancement  of 
learning  and  the  instruction  of  youth,  first  arose,  early 
in  the  twelfth  century,  at  Salerno,  at  Bologna  and  at 
Paris.  As  off-shoots  of  these,  or  in  imitation  of  them, 
many  similar  institutions  sprang  up  in  every  land  of 
western  Europe.  The  last  half  of  the  fifteenth  century 
was  especially  rich  in  such  foundations.  In  Germany, 
from  1450  to  1517,  no  less  than  nine  new  academies 
were  started:  Greifswald  1456,  Freiburg  in  the 
Breisgau  1460,  Basle  1460,  Ingolstadt  1472,  Treves 
1473,  Mayence  1477,  Tiibingen  1477,  Wittenberg  1502, 
and  Frankfort  on  the  Oder  1506.  Though  generally 
founded  by  papal  charter,  and  maintaining  a  strong 
ecclesiastical  flavor,  these  institutions  were  under  the 
direction  of  the  civil  government. 

In  France  three  new  universities  opened  their  doors 
during  the  same  period:  Valence  1459,  Nantes  1460, 
Bourges  1464.  These  were  all  placed  under  the  gen- 
eral super\^ision  of  the  local  bishops.  The  great  uni- 
versity of  Paris  was  gradually  changing  its  character. 
From  the  most  cosmopolitan  and  international  oi 
bo€l/es  it  was  fast  becoming  strongly  nationalist,  and 
w^s  the  chief  center  of  an  Erastian  Gallicanism.    He 


12  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

tremendons  weight  cast  against  the  Reformation  wi 
doubtless  a  chief  reason  for  the  failure  of  that  mow 
ment  in  France. 

Spain  instituted  seven  new  universities  at  this  tii 
Barcelona  145(i,  Saragossa  1474,  Palma  1483,  Sigiien: 
1489,  Alcalu  1499,  Valencia   1500,   and  Seville  150( 
Italy  and  England  rftmained  content  with  the  aa 
emies  they  already  iny  of  the  smaller  cou! 

tries  now  started  ni  sities.     Thus  PressbuE 

was  founded  in  IIui  i5,  Upsala  in  Sweden  i 

1477,  Copenhagen  ii  igow  in  1450,  and  Abel 

deen  in  1494.     Tlip  i  itudents  in  each  foundl 

tion  fluctuated,  but  was  steadily  on  the  ii 

crease.  1 

Naturally,  the  expansion  of  the  higher  education  1 
brought  with  it  an  increase  in  the  number  and  excel- 
■  lence  of  the  schools.  Particularly  notable  is  the  work 
of  the  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life,  who  devoted 
themselves  almost  exclusively  to  teaching  boys.  Some 
of  their  schools,  as  Deventer,  attained  a  reputation  like 
that  of  Eton  or  Rugby  today. 

-The  spread  of  education  was  not  only  notable  in 
itself,  but  had  a  more  direct  result  in  furnishing  a 
shelter  to   new    movements   until   they   were    strong 
enough  to  do  without  such  support.    It  is  significant 
that  the  Reformations  of  Wyclif,  Huss,  and  Luther,  all 
started  in  universities, 
owthof         J^s  the  tide  rolls  in,  the  waves  impress  one  more  than 
elligence    (he  flood  beneath  them.     Behind,  and  far  transcending, 
the  particular  causes  of  this  and  that  development  lies 
the  operation  of  great  biological  laws,  selecting  a  type 
for  sunival,  transforming  the  mind  and  body  of  men 
slowly  but  surely.     Whether  duo  to  the  natural  selec- 
tion of  circumstance,  or  to  the  inward  urge  of  vital 
force,   there  seems  to  bo  no  doubt  \\\a\.  \\\e  a-«CTa^ 
JnteUect,  not  of  Jeading  thinkers  or  o?  se\cc\.  ?,toi4v%% 


THE  CHURCH  13 

bnt  of  the  European  races  as  a  whole,  has  been  steadily 
growing  greater  at  every  period  during  which  it  can  ' 

be  measured.  Moreover,  the  monastic  vow  of  chastity 
tended  to  sterilize  and  thus  to  eliminate  the  religi- 
ously-minded sort.  Operating  over  a  long  period,  and 
on  both  sexes,  this  cause  of  the  growing  secularization 
of  the  world,  though  it  must  not  be  exaggerated,  can- 
not be  overlooked. 

§  2.  The  Church 

Over  against  **the  world,'*  **the  church.'*  ...  As 
the  Beformation  was  primarily  a  religious  movement, 
some  account  of  the  church  in  the  later  Middle  Ages 
must  be  given.  How  Christianity  was  immaculately 
conceived  in  the  heart  of  the  Galilean  carpenter  and 
bom  with  words  of  beauty  and  power  such  as  no  other 
man  ever  spoke;  how  it  inherited  from  him  its  back- 
ground of  Jewish  monotheism  and  Hebrew  Scripture ; 
how  it  was  enriched,  or  sophisticated,  by  Paul,  who 
assimilated  it  to  the  current  mysteries  with  their  myth 
of  a  dying  and  rising  god  and  of  salvation  by  sacra- 
mental rite ;  how  it  decked  itself  in  the  white  robes  of 
Greek  philosophy  and  with  many  a  gewgaw  of  ceremony 
and  custom  snatched  from  the  flamen  's  vestry ;  how  it 
created  a  pantheon  of  saints  to  take  the  place  of  the 
old  polytheism;  how  it  became  first  the  chaplain  and 
then  the  heir  of  the  Roman  Empire,  building  its  church 
on  the  immovable  rock  of  the  Eternal  City,  asserting 
like  her  a  dominion  without  bounds  of  Fpace  or  time; 
how  it  conquered  and  tamed  the  barbarians ; — all  this 
lies  outside  the  scope  of  the  present  work  to  describe. 
But  of  its  later  fortunes  some  brief  account  must  be 
given. 

By  the  year  1200  the  popes,  having  emerged  tii-  lixixo<i« 
mnphant  from  their  long  strife  with  the  German  cm-  ™i^ 
erors,  suceessfuUy  asserted  their  claim  to  the  8UZC- 


14  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

rainty  of  all  Western  Europe.  Innocent  III  ttxA 
realms  in  fief  and  dictated  to  kings.  The  pope,  assert- 
ing that  the  spiritual  power  was  as  much  superior  to 
the  civil  as  the  sun  was  brighter  than  the  moon,  acted 
as  the  vicegerent  of  God  on  earth.  But  this  suprem- 
acy did  not  last  long  unquestioned.  Just  a  centnty 
e  after  Innocent  III,  Bouiface  VIII  was  worsted  in  a 
03     quarrel  with  Philif  inee,  and  his  snccessor, 

Clement  V,  a  Frei  transferring  the  papal 

capital  to  Avigiion  nade  the  supreme  pon- 

tiffs subordinate  t(  h  government  and  thus 

weakened  their  infli  :  rest  of  Europe.     This 

•'Babylonian  Capti  followed  by  a  greater 

"■"    misfortune  to  the  pt  le  Great  Schism,  for  the   ' 

effort  to  transfer  the  papacy  back  to  Rome  led  to  the 
election  of  two  popes,  who,  -ftith  their  successors,  re- 
st    spectively    ruled    and    mutually    anathematized    each 
,_     other  from  the  two  rival  cities.     The  diflBculty  of  de- 
ciding which  was  the  true  successor  of  Peter  was  so 
great  that  not  only  were  the  kingdoms  of  Europe  di- 
vided in  their  allegiance,  but  doctors  of  the  church  and 
canonized  saints  could  be  found  among  the  supporters 
of  either  line.     There  can  be  no  doubt  that  respect  for 
the  pontificate  greatly  suffered  by  the  schism,  which 
was  in   some  respects  a  direct  preparation  for  the 
greater  division  brought  about  by  the  Protestant  seces- 
sion. 
I  The  attempt  to  end  the  schism  at  the  Council  of  Pisa 

^  resulted  only  in  the  election  of  a  tliird  pope.  The 
c«  situation  was  finally  dealt  with  by  the  Council  of  Con- 
stance which  deposed  two  of  the  popes  and  secured  the 
voluntary  abdication  of  the  third.  The  synod  further 
strengthened  the  clmrch  by  executing  the  lieretics  Huss 
and  Jerome  of  Prague,  and  by  passing  decrees  in- 
tended  to  put  the  g-o^'emment  of  Ibc  c\\\itcVv  m  Itie 
Jiands  of  representative  assemblies.     It  asscT\.ft4^^ia\.\\. 


THE  CHURCH  15 

had  power  directly  from  Christ,  that  it  was  supreme  in 
matters  of  faith,  and  in  matters  of  discipline  so  far  as 
they  affected  the  schism,  and  that  the  pope  could  not 
dissolve  it  without  its  own  consent.  By  the  decree 
Frtquens  it  provided  for  the  regular  summoning  of 
oooiieils  at  short  intervals.  Beyond  this,  other  efforts 
to  reform  the  morals  of  the  clergy  proved  abortive, 
for  after  long  discussion  nothing  of  importance  was 
done. 

For  the  next  century  the  policy  of  the  popes  was 
determined  by  the  wish  to  assert  their  superiority  |^}!43 
over  the  councils.  The  Synod  of  Basle  reiterated  all 
the  claims  of  Constance,  and  passed  a  number  of  laws 
intended  to  diminish  the  papal  authority  and  to  de- 
prive the  pontiff  of  much  of  his  ill-gotten  revenues — 
annates,  fees  for  investiture,  and  some  other  taxes. 
It  was  successful  for  a  time  because  protected  by  the 
governments  of  France  and  Germany,  for,  though  dis- 
solved by  Pope  Eugene  IV  in  1433,  it  refused  to  listen 
to  his  command  and  finally  extorted  from  him  a  bull 
ratifying  the  conciliar  claims  to  supremacy. 

In  the  end,  however,  the  popes  triumphed.    The  bull 
Execrabilis  denounced  as  a  damnable  abuse  the  appeal  1458 
to  a  future  council,  and  the  Pastor  Aeternus  reasserted  1515 
in  sweeping  terms  the  supremacy  of  the  pope,  repeal- 
ing all  decrees  of  Constance  and  Basle  to  the  contrary, 
as  well  as  other  papal  bulls. 

At  Rome  the  popes  came  to  occupy  the  position  of  Thesecu- 
princes  of  one  of  the  Italian  states,  and  were  elected,  'anzaiion 
like  the  doges  of  Venice,  by  a  small  oligarchy.    Within  papacy 
seventy  years  the   families   of  Borgia,   Piccolomini, 
Rovere,  and  Medici  were  each  represented  by  more 
than  one  pontiff,  and  a  majority  of  the  others  were 
nearly  related  by  blood  or  marriage  to  one  of  these 
great  stocks.    The  cardinals  were  appointed  from  tVie 
pontm^s  sons  or  nephews,  and  the  numerous  other  oi- 


16 


THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 


fices  in  their  patronage,  save  as  they  were  sold,  were 
distribnted  to  personal  or  political  friends. 

Like  other  Italian  princes  the  popes  became,  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  distinguished  patrons  of  arts  and  let- 
ters. The  golden  age  of  the  humanists  at  Rome  began 
under  Nicholas  V  who  employed  a  number  of  them  to 
make  translations  from  Greek.     It  is  characteristic  of 


tnnoc«nt 
VIII 


f  the  States  of  the  Charcfc 
i  pensioned  by  him  were 
,  who  mocked  the  papaoyi 
3,  and  attacked  the  Bibll 
iven  a  prebend;  Savona- 
ian  of  his  age,  was  put  to 


the  complete  sccula: 
that  a  number  of 
skeptics  and  scoffei 
ridiculed  the  raonai 
and  Christian  ethi( 
rola,  the  most  earni 
death.     ^>.i    /■-'idl 

The  fall  of  Constantinople  gave  a  certain  European 
character  to  the  policy  of  the  pontiffs  after  that  date, 
for  the  menace  of  the  Turk  seemed  so  imminent  that 
the  heads  of  Christendom  did  all  that  was  possible  to 
Dnite  the  nations  iji  a  crusade.  This  was  the  keynote 
of  the  statesmanship  of  Calixtus  III  and  of  his  sucecB- 
sor,  Pius  II.  Before  his  elevation  to  the  see  of  Peter 
this  talented  writer,  known  to  literature  as  Aeneas 
Sylvius,  had,  at  the  Council  of  Basle,  published  a 
strong  argument  against  the  extreme  papal  claims, 
which  he  afterwards,  as  pope,  retracted.  His  zeal 
against  the  Turk  and  against  his  old  friends  the  hu- 
manists lent  a  moral  tone  to  his  pontificate,  but  his 
feeble  attempts  to  reform  abuses  were  futile. 

The  colorless  reign  of  Paul  II  was  followed  by  that 
of  Sixtus  IV,  a  man  whose  chief  passion  was  the  ag- 
grandizement of  his  family.  He  carried  nepotism  to 
an  extreme  and  by  a  policy  of  judicial  murder  very 
nearly  exterminated  his  rivals,  the  Colonnas. 

The  enormous  bribes  paid  by  Innocent  VIII  for  his 
election  were  recouped  by  his  sale  of  oificos  and  spir- 
itual irraces,  and  by  taking  a  tribute  from  the  Sultan, 


I 


THE  CHURCH 

in  return  for  which  he  refused  to  proclaim  a  crusade. 
The  most  important  act  of  his  pontificate  was  the  pub- 
Ucation  of  the  bull  against  witchcraft. 

The  Dame  of  Alexander  VI  has  attained  an  evil  em-  Aleund 
ineDce  of  infamy  on  account  of  his  own  crimes  and  yL,  ,„ 
\vxs  and  those  of  his  children,  Caesar  Borgia  and 
Lacretia.  One  proof  that  the  public  conscience  of 
haly,  instead  of  being  stupj'fied  by  the  orgy  of  wicked-  /«- 
ness  at  Rome  was  rather  becoming  aroused  by  it,  is 
found  in  tlie  appearance,  just  at  this  time,  of  a  number 
of  preachers  of  repentance.  These  men,  usually  friars, 
started  "revivals"  marked  by  the  customary  phe- 
nomena of  sudden  conversion,  hysteria,  and  extreme 
austerity.  The  greatest  of  them  all  was  the  Domiu-  Sa»oiiaro 
ican  Jerome  Savonarola  who,  though  of  mediocre  in- 
tellectual gifts,  by  the  passionate  fervor  of  his  convio- 
lions,  attained  the  position  of  a  prophet  at  Florence. 
He  began  preaching  here  in  1482,  and  so  stirred  his 
Bodiences  that  many  wept  and  some  were  petrified  with 
horror.  His  credit  was  greatly  raised  by  his  predit- 
tioo  of  the  invasion  of  Charles  VIII  of  France  in  1494. 
He  succeeded  in  driving  out  the  Medici  and  in  introduc- 
ing a  new  constitution  of  a  democratic  nature,  which 
he  believed  was  directly  sanctioned  by  God.  He  at- 
tadced  the  morals  of  the  clergy  and  of  the  people  and, 
besides  renovating  his  own  order,  suppressed  not  only 
public  immorality  but  all  forms  of  frivolity.  The  peo- 
ple banied  their  cards,  false  hair,  indecent  pictures, 
and  the  like;  many  women  left  their  husbands  and  en- 
tered the  cloister;  gamblers  were  tortured  and  blas- 
phemers had  their  tongues  pierced.  A  police  was  in- 
stituted with  power  of  searching  houses. 

It  was  only  the  pope's  fear  of  Charles  VIII  that 
prevented  his  dealing  with  this  dangerous  reformer, 
[  who  now  heg;ati  to  attack  the  vices  of  the  curia.    In 
;  however,  the  friar  was  summoned  to  Rome,  and 


4/ 


18  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

refused  to  go;  he  was  then  forbidden  to  preach,  and 
disobeyed.  In  Lent  1496  be  proclaimed  the  duty 
of  resisting  the  pope  when  in  error.  In  November 
a  new  brief  proposed  changes  in  the  constitution 
of  his  order  which  would  bring  him  more  directly 
under  the  power  of  Kome.  Savonarola  replied  that 
he  did  not  fear  the  excommunication  of  the  sinful 
church,  which,  when  launched  against  him  May  12, 
1497,  only  made  him  more  defiant.  Claiming  to  be 
commissioned  directly  from  God,  he  appealed  to  the 
powers  to  summon  a  general  council  against  the  pope. 
At  this  juncture  one  of  his  opponents,  a  Franciscan, 
Francis  da  Puglia,  proposed  to  him  the  ordeal  by  fire, 
stating  that  though  he  expected  to  be  burnt  he  was 
willing  to  take  the  risk  for  the  sake  of  the  faith.  The 
challenge  refused  by  Savonarola  was  taken  up  by  his 
friend  Fra  Domenico  da  Pescia,  and  although  forbidden 
by  Alexander,  the  ordeal  was  sanctioned  by  the  Sig- 
nory  and  a  day  set.  A  dispute  as  to  whether  Domenioo 
should  be  allowed  to  take  the  host  or  the  crucifix  into 
the  flames  prevented  the  experiment  from  taking  place, 
and  the  mob,  furious  at  the  loss  of  its  promised  spec- 
tacle, refused  further  support  to  the  discredited 
leader.  For  some  years,  members  of  his  own  order, 
w^ho  resented  the  severity  of  his  reform,  had  cherished 
a  grievance  against  him,  and  now  they  had  their 
chance.  Seized  by  the  Signory,  he  was  tortured  and 
forced  to  confess  that  he  was  not  a  prophet,  and  on 
May  22, 1498,  was  condemned,  with  two  companions,  to 
be  hang.  After  the  speedy  execution  of  the  sentence, 
which  the  sufferers  met  calmly,  their  bodies  were 
burnt.  All  effects  of  Savonarola's  career,  political, 
moral,  and  religious,  shortly  disappeared. 
^Alexander  was  followed  by  a  Rovere  who  took  the 
[  name  of  Julius  II.  Notwithstanding  his  advanced  age 
/A/s  pontiff  proved  one  of  the  raosl  vigotowa  awA.  «>3* 


1-16 

I 


THE  CHURCH 

statesman  of  the  time  and  devoted  himself  to  the  ag- 
frandizement,  by  war  and  diplomacy,  of  the  Papal 
States,  He  did  not  scruple  to  use  his  spiritual  thun- 
ders against  Ins  political  enemies,  as  when  he  excom- 
momcated  the  Venetians,  He  found  himself  at  odds 
with  both  the  Emperor  Maximilian  and  Louis  XII  of 
France,  who  summoned  a  schismatic  council  at  Pisa,  isil 
Sopported  by  some  of  the  cardinals  this  body  revived 
the  legislation  of  Oonstance  and  Basle,  but  fell  into 
dL'srepute  when,  by  a  master  stroke  of  policy,  Julius  '512-16 
convoked  a  council  at  Rome.  This  synod,  the  Fifth 
Laleran,  lasted  for  four  years,  and  endeavored  to  deal 
with  a  emsade  and  with  reform.  All  its  efforts  at  re- 
fonn  proved  abortive  because  they  were  either  choked, 
while  in  course  of  discussion,  by  the  Curia,  or,  when 
passed,  were  rendered  ineffective  by  the  dispensing 
power. 

While  the  synod  was  still  sitting  Julius  died  and  a  jsj^jj 

new  pope  was  chosen.     This  was  the  son  of  Lorenzo 

the  Magnificent,  the  Medici  Leo  X.     Having  taken  the 

tODsare  at  the  age  of  seven,  and  received  the  red  hat 

sii  years  later,  he  donned  the  tiara  at  the  early  age  of 

thirty-eigbt.     His  words,  as  reported  by  the  Venetian 

ambassador  at  Rome,  "Let  us  enjoy  the  papacy,  since 

God  has  given  it  to  us,"  exactly  express  his  program. 

To  make  life  one  long  carnival,  to  hunt  game  and  to 

witness  comedies  and  the  antics  of  buffoons,  to  hear 

marvellous   tales  of  the  new  world  and  voluptuous 

Verses  of  the  humanists  and  of  the  great  Ariosto,  to 

enjoy  music  and  to  consume  the  most  delicate  viands 

(flod  the  most  delicious  wines — this  was  what  he  lived 

■tor.     Free  and  generous  with  money,  he  prodigally 

Ivasted  the  revenues  of  three  pontificates.     Spending 

I  less  than  6000  ducats  a  month  on  cards  and  gra- 

iliitte^  be  mas  soon  forced  to  borrow  to  the  limit  oi 

»  cred/t    Little  reeked  he  that  Germany  was  being 


THK  OLO  AND  THE  NEW 

k  lAu  -jiiurvh  by  a  poor  friar.  His  irresolute 
-  ilK-upiiWt*  of  pursuing  any  public  end  con- 
,  Njk^w  that  he  employed  the  best  Latinists  of 
i-v  Sive  elegance  to  his  state  papers.  His 
I  irt'  iicoveruing  was  the  purely  personal  one,  to 
^th,v  iJ**^  irwuds  and  flatterers  at  the  expense  of  the 
\^Mtm*tu  good.  One  of  his  most  characteristic  lettere 
*»4Wv«»tw  his  intention  of  rewarding  with  high  oEBce  a 
yiMteiu  gontleman  who  had  ^veu  him  a  dinner  of 

B^^  §  3.  Causes  op  the  Reformation 

»       In  the  eyes  of  the  early  Protestants  the  Reformation 
I     was  a  return  to  primitive  Christianity  and  its  princi- 
pal cause  was  the  corruption   of  the  church.     That 
there  was  great  depravity  in  the  church  as  elsewhere 
cannot  be  doubted,  but  there  are  several  reasons  for 
thinking  that  it  could  not  have  been  an  important 
cause  for  the  loss  of  so  many  of  her  sons.     In  the  first 
place  there  is  no  good  ground  for  believing  that  the 
moral  condition  of  the  priesthood  was  worse  in  1500 
than  it  had  been  for  a  long  time;  indeed,  there  is  good 
evidence  to  the  contrary,  that  things  were  tending  to 
improve,  if  not  at  Rome  yet  in  many  parts  of  Christea- 
dom.   'If  objectionable  practices  of  the  priests  had 
been  a  sufficient  cause  for  the  secession  of  whole  na- 
tions, the  Reformation  would  have  come  long  before 
'  it  actually  did.    "Again,  there  is  good  reason  to  doubt 
that  the  mere  abuse  of  an  institution  has  ever  led  to  itd 
complete  overthrow;  as  long  as  the  institution  is  re- 
garded as  necessary,  it  is  rather  mendedtiatt-fipded. 
''Thirdly,  many  of  the  acts  that  seem  corrupt  to  us,  gave 
little  offence  to  contemporaries,  for  they  were  uni- 
versal.    If  the  church  sold  offices  and  justice,  so  ^d 
/Ae  civil  governments.     If  the  clergy   lived   impure 
Uvea,  so  did  the  laity.     Probably  the  B\,attAaT<\.  ol  Xloft 


CAUSES  OF  THE  REFORMATION         21 

chnreih  (save  in  special  circumstances )  was  no  worse 
than  that  of  civil  life,  and  in  some  respects  it  was 
rather  more  decent.  *^inally,  there  is  some  reason  to 
suspect  of  exaggeration  the  charges  preferred  by  the 
innovators.  Like  all  reformers  they  made  the  most  of 
their  enemy's  faults.  Invective  like  theirs  is  common 
to  every  generation  and  to  all  spheres  of  life.  It  is 
true  that  the  denunciation  of  the  priesthood  comes  not 
only  from  Protestants  and  satirists,  but  from  popes 
and  councils  and  canonized  saints,  and  that  it  bulks 
large  in  medieval  literature.  Nevertheless,  it  is  both  a 
priori  probable  and  to  some  extent  historically  verifi- 
able that  the  evil  was  more  noisy,  not  more  potent,  than 
the  good.  But  though  the  corruptions  of  the  church 
were  not  a  main  cause  of  the  Protestant  secession,  they 
furnished  good  excuses  for  attack ;  the  Reformers  were 
scandalized  by  the  divergence  of  the  practice  and  the 
pretensions  of  the  official  representatives  of  Chris- 
tianity, and  their  attack  was  envenomed  and  the  break 
made  easier  thereby.  It  is  therefore  necessarj'^  to  say 
a  few  words  about  those  abuses  at  which  public  opinion 
then  took  most  offence. 

Many  of  these  were  connected  with  money.     The  Abuses 
conunon  man's  conscience  was  wounded  by  the  smart     *"*"^' 
in  his  purse.     The  wealth  of  the  church  was  enormous, 
though  exaggerated  by  those  contemporaries  who  esti- 
mated it  at  one-third  of  the  total  real  estate  of  West- 
em  Europe.     In  addition  to  revenues  from  her  own 
land  the  church  collected  tithes  and  taxes,  including^ 
** Peter's  pence'*  in  England,  Scandinavia  and  Poland. 
The  clergy  paid  dues  to  the  curia,  among  them  the 
servitia  charged  on  the  bishops  and  the  annates  levied 
on  the  income  of  the  first  year  for  each  appointee  to 
high  ecclesiastical  office,  and  the  price  for  the  arch- 
bishop's pall.     The  priests   recouped  themselves  by 
charging  high  fees  for  their  ministrations.     At  a  time 


22  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 


when  the  Christian  ideal  was  one  of  "apoatoHc  pov- 
erty" the  richoa  of  the  clergy  were  often  felt  as  a 
scandal  to  the  pious. 

Thongh  the  normal  method  of  appointment  to  civil 
ofEce  was  wsilc,  it  was  felt  as  a  special  abuse  in  the 
church  and  was  branded  by  the  name  of  simony.  Leo 
X  made  no  less  than  500,000  ducats '  annually  from 
the  sale  of  more  th;  es,  most  of  which,  being 

sinecures,  eventual  e  regarded  as  annuities, 

with  a  salary  amoi  bout  10  per  cent,  of  the 

purchase  price. 

Justice  was  also  e  church  no  less  than  in 

the  state.     Pardon  ble  for  all  crimes  for,  as 

a  papal  vice-chambe  iod  it,  "The  Lord  wishes 

not  the  death  of  a.  sinner  but  that  ho  should  pay  and 
live."  Dispensations  from  the  laws  against  marriage 
within  the  prohibited  degrees  were  sold.  Thus  an  or- 
dinary man  had  to  pay  16  grossi  *  for  dispensation  to 
marry  a  woman  who  stood  in  "spiritual  relation- 
ship" '  to  him;  a  noble  had  to  pay  20  grossi  for  the 
same  privilege,  and  a  prince  or  duke  30  grossi.  First 
cousins  might  marry  for  the  payment  of  27  grossi;  an 
uncle  and  niece  for  from  three  to  four  ducats,  though 
this  was  later  raised  to  as  much  as  sixty  ducats,  at 
least  for  nobles.  Marriage  within  the  first  degree  of 
affinity  (a  deceased  wife's  mother  or  daughter  by  an- 
other husband)  was  at  one  time  sold  for  about  ten 
ducats;  marriage  within  the  second  degree*  was  per- 

1  A  dtioat  was  \vurth  intrJnsipiiMy  $2.23.  or  nine  shillings,  at  a  tin* 
when  monry  hiid  a  much  greater  purchasing  power  than  it  now  has. 

*  The  grnssvis.  English  proat.  riprman  CroBchpn,  was  a  coin  which 
varied  considerahly  in  value.  It  may  here  he  taken  as  intrinsicallj 
worth  about  8  cents  or  four  pence,  at  a.  time  when  money  had  many 
times  the  purchaiiinB  [Hiwer  that  it  now  has. 

■  A  spiritual  relationship  was  established  if  a  man  and  woman  wers 
■ponsorEi  to  the  same  child  at  baptism. 

*  Fresumably  of  affinity,  i.e.,  a  wife's  sister,  but  there  is  nothing  to 


CAUSES  OF  THE  BEFORMATION  23 

mitted  for  from  300  to  600  grossi.    Hardly  necessary 
to  addy  as  was  done:  '^Note  well,  that  dispensations  or 
graces  of  this  sort  are  not  given  to  poor  people.*'^ 
Dispensations  from  vows  and  from  the  requirements  V 
of  ecdeaiastical  law,  as  for  example  those  relating  to  J 
fasting,  were  also  to  be  obtained  at  a  price.  ^ 

One  of  the  richest  sources  of  ecclesiastical  revenue  indulgcn 
was  the  sale  of  indulgences,  or  the  remission  by  the 
pope  of  the  temporal  penalties  of  sin,  both  penance 
in  this  life  and  the  pains  of  purgatory.  The  practice 
of  giving  these  pardons  first  arose  as  a  means  of  assur- 
ing heaven  to  those  warriors  who  fell  fighting  the  in- 
fideL  In  1300  Boniface  VIII  granted  a  plenary  indul- 
gence to  all  who  made  the  pilgrimage  to  the  jubilee  at 
Bome,  and  the  golden  harvest  reaped  on  this  occasion 
induced  his  successors  to  take  the  same  means  of  im- 
parting spiritual  graces  to  the  faithful  at  frequent  in- 
tervals. In  the  fourteenth  century  the  pardons  were 
extended  to  all  who  contributed  a  sum  of  money  to  a 
pious  purpose,  whether  they  came  to  Bome  or  not,  and, 
as  the  agents  who  were  sent  out  to  distribute  these 
pardons  were  also  given  power  to  confess  and  absolve, 
the  papal  letters  were  naturally  regarded  as  no  less 
than  tickets  of  admission  to  heaven.  In  the  thirteenth 
century  the  theologians  had  discovered  that  there  was 
at  the  disposal  of  the  church  and  her  head  an  abundant 
"treasury  of  the  merits  of  Christ  and  the  saints," 
which  might  be  applied  vicariously  to  anyone  by  the 
pope.  In  the  fifteenth  century  the  claimed  power  to 
free  living  men  from  purgatory  was  extended  to  the 

show  that  this  law  did  not  also  apply  to  consanguinity,  and  at  one 
time  the  pope  proposed  that  the  natural  son  of  Herry  VIII,  the  Duke 
of  Richmond,  should  marry  his  half  sister,  Mary. 

^"Nota  diligenter,  quod  huiusmodi  gratiae  et  dispensationes  non 
coDceduntur  pauperibus."  Taxa  cancellariae  apostolicaCf  in  £.  Fried- 
berg:  Lehrhuch  des  katholUchen  und  evangeliachen  Kirchenrechi%^ 
1903,  pp.  389ff. 


24  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

dead,  and  this  soon  became  one  of  the  most  profitaU 
branches  of  the  "holy  trade." 

The  means  of  obtaining  indulgences  varied.  Sora 
times  they  were  granted  to  thoge  who  made  a  pilgril 
age  or  who  would  read  a  pious  book.  Sometimes  th( 
were  used  to  raise  money  for  some  public  work,  a  ho 
pital  or  a  bridge,  t*"*  ""•-»  °nd  more  they  became  i 
ordinary  means   f(  revenue  for  the   curi 

How  thoroughly  eoi  d  the  business  of  sellii 

grace  and  remission  alties  of  sin  had  becon 

is  shown  by  the  fac  igents  of  the  pope  wei 

often  bankers  who  ■  he  sales  on  purely  busi 

ness  lines  in  return  atage  of  the  net  receipt 

plus  the  indirect  profits  aecmmg  to  those  who  handlft 
large  sums,  Of  tlie  net  receipts  the  financiers  usually 
got  about  ten  per  cent.;  an  equal  amount  was  given 
to  the  emperor  or  other  civil  ruler  for  permitting  the 
pardoners  to  enter  his  territory,  commissions  were 
also  paid  to  the  local  bishop  and  clergy,  and  of  course 
the  pedlars  of  the  pardons  received  a  proportion  of 
the  profits  in  order  to  stimulate  their  zeal.  On  the 
average  from  thirty  to  forty-five  per  cent,  of  the  gross 
receipts  were  turned  into  the  Roman  treasury. 

It  is  natural  that  public  opinion  should  have  come 
to  regard  indulgences  with  aversion.  Their  bad  moral 
effect  was  too  obvious  to  be  disregarded,  the  com- 
pounding with  sin  for  a  payment  destined  to  satisfy 
the  greed  of  unscrupulous  prelates.  Their  economic 
effects  were  also  noticed,  the  draining  of  the  country 
of  money  with  which  further  to  enrich  a  corrupt  Ital- 
ian city.  Many  rulers  forbade  their  sale  in  their  ter- 
ritories, because,  as  Duke  George  of  Saxony,  a  good 
Catholic,  expressed  it,  before  Luther  was  heard  of, 
"they  cheated  the  simple  layman  of  his  soul."  Hut- 
ten  mocked  at  Pope  Julius  II  for  selling  to  others  the 
heaven  he  could  not  win  himself.     Pius  II  was  obliged 


CAUSES  OF  THE  REFORMATION         25 

to  confess:  ''If  we  send  ambassadors  to  ask  aid  of  the 
princes,  they  are  mocked ;  if  we  impose  a  tithe  on  the 
clergy,  appeal  is  made  to  a  futnre  conncil ;  if  we  pub- 
lish an  indulgence  and  invite  contributions  in  return 
for  spiritual  favors,  we  are  charged  with  greed.  Peo- 
ple think  all  is  done  merely  for  the  sake  of  extorting 
money.  No  one  trusts  us.  We  have  no  more  credit 
than  a  bankrupt  merchant. ' ' 

Much  is  said  in  the  literature  of  the  latter  Middle  immoral: 
Ages  about  the  immorality  of  the  clergy.  This  class  ®  *  ^^^ 
has  always  been  severely  judged  because  of  its  high 
pretensions,  ^oreover  the  vow  of  celibacy  was  too 
hard  to  keep  for  most  men  and  for  some  women ;  that 
many  priests,  monks  and  nuns  broke  it  cannot  be 
doubted/yAnd  yet  there  was  a  sprinkling  of  saintly 
parsons  like  him  of  whom  Chancer  said 

Who  Christes  lore  and  his  apostles  twelve 
He  taught,  but  first  he  folwed  it  himselve, 

and  there  were  many  others  who  kept  up  at  least  the 
appearance  of  decency.  But  here,  as  always,  the  bad 
attracted  more  attention  than  the  good. 

The  most  reliable  data  on  the  subject  are  found  in 
the  records  of  church  visitations,  both  those  undertaken 
by  the  Reformers  and  those  occasionally  attempted  by 
the  Catholic  prelates  of  the  earlier  period.  Every- 
where it  was  proved  that  a  large  proportion  of  the 
clergy  were  both  wofuUy  ignorant  and  morally  un- 
worthy. Besides  the  priests  who  had  concubines, 
there  were  many  given  to  drink  and  some  who  kept 
taverns,  gaming  rooms  and  worse  places.  Plunged  in 
gross  ignorance  and  superstition,  those  blind  leaders 
of  the  blind,  who  won  great  reputations  as  exorcists 
or  as  wizards,  were  unable  to  understand  the  Latin 
service,  and  sometimes  to  repeat  even  the  Lord's 
prayer  or  creed  in  anx  langaage. 


26  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

ty  The    Reformation,    like    most    other    revolutioi 

came  not  at  tin.'  lowest  ebb  of  abuse,  but  at  a  t; 
/  when  the  tide  had  already  begun  to  run,  and  to  nta. 
strongly,  in  the  direction  of  improvement.  One  cattJ 
hardly  find  a  sweeter,  more  spiritual  religion  anywhere 
than  that  eet  forth  in  Erasmus's  Enchiridion,  or  la 
More's  Utopia,  or  than  that  lived  by  Vitrier  and  Colet' 
Many  men,  w  ho  ha  ed  to  this  conception  of 

the  true  beauty  of  t  pere  yet  thoroughly  di»-. 

gusted  with  things  i  !  and  quite  ready  to  sub^' 

stitute  a  new  and  jption  and  practice  Tot' 

the  old,  mechanical 

Evidence  for  thi  opularity  of  the  Bibll^ 

and  other  devotional  Ouun-a.  Before  1500  there  wore 
nearly  a  hundred  editions  of  the  Latin  Vulgate,  and 
a  number  of  translations  Into  German  and  French. 
There  were  also  nearly  a  hundred  editions,  in  Latin 
and  various  vernaculars,  of  The  Imitation  of  Christ. 
There  was  so  flourishing  a  crop  of  devotional  hand- 
books that  no  others  could  compete  with  them  in 
popularity.  For  those  who  could  not  read  there 
were  the  Biblia  Pauperum,  picture-books  with  a  mini- 
mum of  text,  and  there  were  sermons  by  popular 
preachers.  If  some  of  those  tracts  and  homilies  were 
crude  and  superstitious,  others  were  filled  with  a  spirit 
of  love  and  honesty.  Whereas  the  passion  for  pil- 
grimages and  relics  seemed  to  increase,  there  were 
men  of  clear  vision  to  denounce  the  attendant  evils.  A 
new  feature  was  the  foundation  of  lay  brotherhoods, 
like  that  of  the  Common  Life,  with  the  purpose  of  cul- 
tivating a  good  character  in  the  world,  and  of  render- 
ing social  service.  The  number  of  those  brotherhoods 
was  great  and  their  popularity  general, 
ihof  Had  the  forces  already  at  work  within  the  church 

idd"      ^'^^"  allowed  to  operate,  probably  much  of  the  moral 
— 'oaf    reform  desired  by  the  best  Catholics  would  have  been 


CAUSES  OF  THE  REFORMATION 

accomplished  quietly  without  the  violent  rending  of 
Christian  unity  that  actually  took  place.  But  the  fact 
is,  that  such  reforraa  never  would  or  could  have  satis- 
fied the  spirit  of  the  age.  Men  were  not  only  shocked 
by  the  abuses  in  the  church,  but  they  had  outgrown. 
some  of  her  ideals.  Not  all  of  her  teaching,  nor  most  of 
it,  had  become  repugnant  to  them,  for  it  has  often  been 
pointed  out  that  the  Reformers  kept  more  of  the  doc- 
trines of  Catholicism  than  they  threw  away,  but  in  cer- 
tain respects  they  repudiated,  not  the  abuse  but  the 
very  principle  on  which  the  church  acted.  In  four 
respects,  particularly,  the  ideals  of  the  new  age  were 
iMompatible  with  those  of  the  Roman  communion. 
''The first  of  these  was  the  sacramental  theory  of  sal-  Sacramen 
\'stion  and  its  corollary,  the  sacerdotal  power.  Ac-  of,he**"^ 
cording  to  Catholic  doctrine  grace  is  imparted  to  the  cburoh 
believer  by  means  of  certain  rites:  baptism,  confirma- 
tion, the  eueharist,  penance,  extreme  unction,  holy  or- 
ders, and  matrimony.  Baptism  is  the  necessary  pre- 
reqaiftite  to  the  enjoyment  of  the  others,  for  without  it 
the  onwashed  soul,  whether  heathen  or  child  of  Chria- 
lian  parents,  would  go  to  eternal  fire;  but  the  "most 
excellent  of  the  sacraments'*  is  the  eueharist,  in 
vhich  Christ  is  mysteriously  sacrificed  by  the  priest 
to  the  Father  and  his  body  and  blood  eaten  and  drunk 
by  the  worshippers.  Without  these  rites  there  was  no 
salvation,  and  they  acted  automatically  (ex  opere 
operate)  on  the  soul  of  the  faithful  who  put  no  active 
hindroQCc  in  their  way.  Save  baptism,  they  could  be 
administered  only  by  priests,  a  special  caste  with  "an 
indelible  character"  marking  them  off  from  the  laity, 
ecdless  to  remark  the  immense  power  that  this  doc- 
■ine  gave  the  clergy  in  a  believing  age.  They  were 
ide  the  arbiters  of  each  man's  eternal  destiny,  and 
leir  morai  character  bad  do  more  to  do  with  their 
j^  and  loosing  sentence  than  does  Wia  morai  chat- 


28  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

acter  of  a  secular  officer  affect  his  official  acts.  Add  % 
this  that  the  priests  were  nnbouiid  by  ties  of  fam 
that  by  coiifessioii  they  entered  into  everyone's 
vate  life,  tlmt  they  were  not  amenable  to  civil  ; 
— and  their  jiosition  as  a  privileged  order  was  aucuq 
The  growinjj:  self -assurance  and  enlightenment  ofJ 
nascent  individualism  found  this  distinction  intolq 
able. 

Another  element  al  Catholicism  to  i 

with  the  developir  )f  the  new  age  was  i 

•pessimistic  and  asce  arldliuess.     The  ideal  i 

the  church  was  nu  I  tlie  pleasures  of 

world,  all  its  pom{  -ning  and  art  were  1 

snares  to  seduce  n.^u  salvation.     Reason 

called  a  barren  tree  but  faith  was  held  to  blossom  like 

.  the  rose.  Wealth  was  shunned  as  dangerous,  mar- 
riage deprecated  as  a  necessary  evil.  Fasting,  scourg- 
ing, celibacy,  solitude,  were  cultivated  as  the  surest 
roads  to  heaven.  If  a  good  layman  might  barely 
shoulder  his  way  through  the  strait  and  narrow  gate,  ■ 
the  highest  graces  and  heavenly  rewards  were  vouch- 
safed to  the  faithful  monk.  All  this  grated  harshly  on 
the  minds  of  the  generations  that  began  to  find  life 
glorious  and  happy,  not  evil  but  good. 

^hird,  the  worship  of  the  saints,  which  had  once 
been  a  stepping-stone  to  higher  things,  was  now  widely 
regarded  as  a  stumbling-block.  Though  far  from  a 
scientific  conception  of  natural  law,  many  men  had  be- 
come sufficiently  monistic  in  their  philosophy  to  see 
in  the  current  hagiolatry  a  sort  of  polytheism.  Eras- 
mus freely  drew  the  parallel  between  the  saints  and  the 
heathen  deities,  and  he  and  others  scourged  the 
grossly  materialistic  form  which  this  worship  often 
took.  If  we  may  believe  him,  fugitive  nuns  prayed  for 
help  in  hiding  their  sin;  nwrehants  for  a  rich  haul; 
gamblers  for  luck;  and  prostitutes  for  generous  pa- 


CAUSES  OF  THE  REFORMATION         29 

lv|    Irons.    Margaret  of  Navarre  tells  as  an  actual  fact 
of  a  man  who  prayed  for  help  in  seducing  his  noigh- 
j  bor's  wife,  and  similar  instances  of  per\-erted  piety 
I  we  not  wanting.    The  passion  for  the  relies  of  the 
saints  led  to  an  enormous  traflBe  in  spurious  articles. 
There  appeared  to  he  enough  of  the  wood  of  the  true 
cross,  said  Erasmus,  to  make  a  ship;  there  were  ex- 
hibited five  shin-hones  of  the  ass  on  which  Christ  rode, 
whole  bottles  of  the  Virgin's  milk,  and  several  com- 
plete hits  of  skin  saved  from  the  circnmcision  of  Jesus. 
"Finally,  patriots  were  no  longer  inclined  to  tolerate  Temporal 
I  file  claims    of   the   popes    to    temporal   power.     The  ^^^^^^ 
'  thurch  had  become,  in  fact,  an  international  state,  with 
its  monarch,  its  representative  legislative  assemblies, 
its  laws  and  its  code.     It  was  not  a  voluntary  society, 
for  if  citizens  were  not  born  into  it  they  were  baptized 
into  it  before  they  could  exercise  any  choice.     It  kept 
prinoDs  and  passed  sentence  (virtually  if  not  nomin- 
,  -ally)  of  death ;  it  treated  with  other  governments  as 
I  one  power  with  another;  it  took  principalities  and 
kingdoms  in  fief.     It  was  supported  by  involuntary 
contributions.' 

The  expanding  world  had  burst  the  bands  of  the  old  ; 
chorcli.  It  needed  a  new  spiritual  frame,  and  this 
frame  was  largely  supplied  by  the  Reformation. 
Hrior  to  that  revolution  there  had  been  several  dis- 
tinct efforts  to  transcend  or  to  revolt  from  the  limita- 
tions imposed  by  the  Catholic  faitli;  this  was  done  by 
the  mystics,  by  the  pre-reformers,  by  the  patriots  and 
bf  the  humanists. 

§  4.  The  Mystics 
One  of  the  earliest  efforts  to  transcend  the  economy 
I  of  aalvatiou  ofTored  by  the  church  was  made  by  a 
I  of  myaticB  in  the  fourteenth  and  fifteentli  cen- 

hmfi     C-amon  Liiw  in  /fc  Chvnh  of  Engtand,   p.   100. 


30  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 


tury.  In  this,  however,  there  was  protest  neil 
against  dogma  nor  against  the  ideal  of  other-worit 
ness,  for  in  these  respects  the  mystics  were  estn 
conservatives,  more  religious  than  the  church 
They  were  like  soldiers  who  disregarded  the  orders  of' 
their  superiors  because  they  thought  these  orders  in- 
terfered with  their  stinreme  duty  of  harassing  the  en- 
emy. With  the  ht  id  other  deserters  tbey 
had  no  part  nor  lo  ght  to  make  the  dmrdi 
more  spiritual,  not  onahle.  They  bowed  to 
her  plan  for  winnii  t  the  expense  of  earthly 
joy  and  glory;  th  I  her  guidance  without 
question;  they  reji  ■  sacraments  as  aids  to 
the  life  of  holiness.  /  sorrowed  to  see  what 
they  considered  merely  the  means  of  grace  substituted 
for  the  end  souglit ;  tliey  wf  re  insensibly  repelled  by 
■finding  a  mechanical  instead  of  a  personal  scheme  of 
salvation,  an  almost  commercial  debit  and  credit  of 
good  works  instead  of  a  life  of  spontaneous  and  de- 
voted service.  Feeling  as  few  men  have  ever  felt 
that  the  purpose  and  heart  of  religion  is  a  union  of 
the  soul  with  God,  they  were  shocked  to  see  the  inter- 
position of  mediators  between  him  and  his  creature,  to 
find  that  instead  of  hungering  for  him  men  were  try- 
ing to  make  the  best  bargain  they  could  for  their  own 
eternal  happiness.  While  rejecting  nothing  in  the 
church  they  tried  to  transfigure  everything.  Accept- 
ing priest  and  sacrament  as  aids  to  the  divine  life  thCT 
declined  to  regard  them  as  necessary  intermediaries 
The  fir-st  of  the  great  German  mystics  was  Master 
Eckhart,  a  Dominican  who  lived  at  Erfurt,  in  Bohemia, 
at  Paris,  and  at  Cologne.  The  inquisitors  of  this  last 
place  summoned  him  before  their  court  on  the  charge 
of  heresy,  but  while  his  trial  was  pending  he  died.  He 
was  a  Christian  pantheist,  teaching  that  God  was  the 
only  true  being,  and  that  man  was  capable  of  reaching 


MYSTICS  il 


1 


Pihe  altsolnte.     Of  all  the  mystics  he  was  the  most  spec- 

I  nlativc  and  philosophical.     Bott  Henr>'  Suso  and  John 

llauler  were  his  disciples.     Saso's  Ststatic  piety  was  Suso, 

l*(  the  nltra-medieval  type,  romantic,  poetic,  and  bent 

I  on  winning  personal  salvation  by  the  old  means  of  se- 

■ere  self-torture  and  the  constant  practice  of  cood  T""'*' 

c  1300-1 
irorks.     Tauler,  a  Dominican  of  Strassburg,  belonged 

f  to  a  society  known  as  The  Friends  of  God.  Of  all  his 
oontemporaries  he  in  religion  was  the  most  social  and 
practicaL  His  life  was  that  of  an  evangelist,  preach- 
ing to  la\Tnen  in  their  own  vernacular  the  gospel  of  a 
pore  life  and  direct  communion  with  God  through  the 
Bible  and  prayer.  Like  many  other  popular  preachers 
he  placed  great  emphasis  on  conversion,  the  turning 
(Kehr)  from  a  bad  to  a  good  life.  Simple  faith  is 
held  to  be  better  than  knowledge  or  than  the  usual 
■works  of  ecclesiastical  piety.  Tauler  esteemed  the 
holiest  man  he  had  ever  seen  one  who  had  never  heard 
five  sermons  in  his  life.  All  honest  labor  is  called 
Qod's  Ber\'ice,  spinning  and  shoe-making  the  gifts  of 
the  Holy  Spirit.  Pure  religion  is  to  be  "drowned  in 
God,"  "intoxicated  with  God,"  "melted  in  the  fire  of 
his  love."  Transcending  the  common  view  of  the 
a\-erage  Christian  that  religion's  one  end  was  his  own 
salvalioD,  Tauler  taught  him  that  the  love  of  God  was 
greater  than  this.  He  tells  of  a  woman  ready  to  be 
damned  for  the  glory  of  God — "and  if  such  a  person 
L  were  dragged  into  the  bottom  of  hell,  there  would  be 
I  the  kingdom  of  God  and  eternal  bliss  in  hell." 
r  One  of  the  fine  flowers  of  German  mysticism  is  a 
hook  written  anonymously — "spoken  by  the  Almighty, 
Eternal  God,  through  a  wise,  understanding,  truly  just 
,  his  Friend,  a  priest  of  the  Teutonic  Order  at 
Prankfort."     The  German  Theology,  as  it  was  named  The 


I  Blent  to  Cod,  simple  passivity  in  bis  iands,  utter  seU- 


TheoloM 


32  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

denial  and  self -surrender,  until,  without  the  interposfe 
tion  of  any  external  power,  and  equally  without  efforl 
of  her  own,  the  soul  shall  find  herself  at  one  with  thfl 
bridegroom.  The  immanence  of  God  is  taught;  man 'a 
helpless  and  sinful  condition  is  emphasized;  and  thl 
reconciliation  of  the  two  is  found  only  in  the  uneondM 
tional  surrender  of  man's  will  to  God.  "Put  off  thiw 
own  will  and  there  ell." 

Tauler'g  sermon  ilished  1498,  bad  an  in 

mense  influence  on  They  were  later  taken  o] 

by  the  Jesuit  Cani  ought  by  them  to  puriffj 

his  church.     The  G  ology  was  first  published 

by  Luther  in  1516,  statement  that  save  tfafl 

Bible  and  St.  Augnsimes  «orlts,  he  had  never  met 
with  a  book  from  which  he  had  learned  so  much  of  the 
nature  of  "God,  Christ,  man,  and  all  things.*'  But 
other  theologians,  both  Protestant  and  Catholic,  did  not 
agree  with  him.  Calvin  detected  secret  and  deadly 
poison  in  the  author's  pantheism,  and  in  1621  the 
Catholic  Church  placed  his  work  on  the  Index. 

The  Netherlands  also  produced  a  school  of  mystics, 
later  in  blooming  than  that  of  the  Germans  and  greater 
in  its  direct  influence.  The  earliest  of  them  was  John 
of  Kuysbroeck,  a  man  of  visions  and  ecstasies.  He 
strove  to  make  his  life  one  long  contemplation  of  the 
light  and  love  of  God.  Two  younger  men,  Gerard 
Groote  and  Florence  Eade\\'j'n,  socialized  his  gospel  by 
founding  the  fellowship  of  the  Brethren  of  the  Com- 
mon Life.  Though  never  an  order  sanctioned  by  the 
church,  they  taught  celibacy  and  poverty,  and  devoted 
themselves  to  service  of  their  fellows,  chiefly  in  the 
capacity  of  teachers  of  boys. 

The  fifteenth  century's  rising  tide  of  devotion 
brought  forth  the  most  influential  of  the  products  of 
all  the  mystics,  the  Imitation  of  Christ  by  Thomas 
i  Kempis.     Written  in  a  plaintive  minor  key  of  resig- 


THE  MYSTICS  33 

nation  and  pessimism,  it  sots  forth  with  much  artless 
eloquence  the  ideal  of  making  one's  personal  life  ap- 
proach that  of  Christ.  Humility,  self-restraint,  as- 
eetidsm,  jiatience,  solitude,  love  of  Jesus,  prayer,  and 
a  diligent  use  of  the  sacramental  grace  of  the  eucharist 
are  the  means  reconmiended  to  form  the  character  of 
the  perfect  Christian.  It  was  douhtless  because  all 
this  was  so  perfect  an  expression  of  the  medieval  ideal 
that  it  found  such  wide  and  instant  favor.  There  is  no 
questioning  of  dogma,  nor  any  speculation  on  the  posi- 
tions of  the  church;  all  this  is  postulated  with  child- 
like simplicity.  Moreover,  the  ideal  of  the  church  for 
the  salvation  of  the  individual,  and  the  means  sup- 
posed to  secure  that  end,  are  adopted  by  a  Kempis. 
He  tacitly  assumes  that  the  imitator  of  Christ  will  be 
a  monk,  poor  and  celibate.  His  whole  endeavor  was 
to  stimulate  an  enthusiasm  for  privation  and  a  taste 
for  things  spiritual,  and  it  was  because  in  his  earnest- 
ness and  single-mindedness  he  so  largely  succeeded 
that  his  book  was  eagerly  seized  by  the  hands  of  thou- 
sands who  desired  and  needed  such  stimulation  and 
help.  The  Dutch  canon  was  not  capable  of  rising  to 
the  heights  of  Tauler  and  the  Frankfort  priest,  who 
saw  in  the  love  of  God  a  good  in  itself  transcending 
the  happiness  of  one's  own  soul.  He  just  wanted  to 
be  saved  and  tried  to  love  God  for  that  purpose  with 
all  his  might.  But  this  careful  self-cultivation  made 
his  religion  self -centered ;  it  was,  compared  even 
with  the  professions  of  the  Protestants  and  of  the 
Jesuits,  personal  and  unsocial. 

Notwithstanding  the  profound  differences  between 
the  Mystics  and  the  Reformers,  it  is  possible  to  see 
that  at  least  in  one  respect  the  two  movements  were 
similar.  It  was  exactly  the  same  desire  to  get  away 
from  the  mechanical  and  formal  in  the  church's  scheme 
of  salvation,  that  animated  both.     Tauler  and  Luther 


34  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

both  deprecated  good  works  and  sought  justification  I 
in  faith  only.  Important  as  this  is,  it  is  possible  to  i 
see  why  tiic  mystics  failed  to  produce  a  real  revolt  ^ 
from  the  church,  and  it  is  certain  that  they  were  far 
more  than  thi?  Reformers  fundamentally,  even  typ- 
ically Catholic.  It  is  true  that  mysticism  is  at  heart ' 
always  one,  neither  national  nor  confessional.  But 
Catholicism  offere  able  a  field  for  this  de- 

velopment that  my  '  be  considered  as  the  ef- 

florescence of  Cat]  par  excellence.     Hardly 

any  other  expresi  liness  as  an  individaat, 

vital  thing,   was  ]  medieval   Christendom. 

There  is  not  a  sii  the  fourteenth  and  fif- 

teenth century  mys  h  cannot  be  read  far  ear- 

lier in  Augustine  and  Bernard,  even  in  Aquinas  and 
Scotus.  II  eonld  never  be  anything  but  a  sporadic 
phenomenon  because  it  was  so  intensely  individual 
While  it  satisfied  the  spiritual  needs  of  many,  it  could 
never  amalgamate  with  other  forces  of  the  time,  either 
social  or  intellectual.  As  a  philosophy  or  a  creed  it 
led  not  so  much  to  solipsism  as  to  a  complete  abnega- 
tion of  the  reason.  Moreover  it  was  slightly  morbid, 
liable  to  mistake  giddiness  of  starved  nerve  and  emo- 
tion for  a  moment  of  vision  and  of  union  with  God, 
How  much  more  truly  than  he  knew  did  Ruysbroeck 
speak  when  he  said  that  the  soul,  turned  inward,  could 
see  the  divine  light,  just  as  the  eyeball,  sufficiently 
pressed,  could  see  the  flashes  of  fire  in  the  mindl 

§  5,    pRE-REFOBMEliS 

The  men  who,  in  later  ages,  claimed  for  their  an- 
cestors a  Protestantism  older  than  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession, referred  its  origins  not  to  the  mystics  nor  to 
the  humani.sts,  but  to  bold  leaders  branded  by  the 
church  as  heretics.  Though  from  the  earliest  age 
Christendom  never  lacked  minds  independent  enough 


PRE-REFOEMERS  35 

to  differ  from  authority  and  characters  strong  enough 
to  attempt  to  cut  away  what  they  considered  rotten  in 
ecclesiastical  doctrine  and  practice,  the  first  heretics 
that  can  really  be  considered  as  harbingers  of  the  Re- 
formation were  two  sects  dwelling  in  Southern  France,  Albig 
the  Albigenses  and  the  Waldenses.  The  former,  first 
met  with  in  the  eleventh  century,  derived  part  of  their 
doctrines  from  oriental  Manichaeism,  part  from  prim- 
itive gnosticism.  The  latter  were  the  followers  of  Wald 
Peter  Waldo,  a  rich  merchant  of  Lyons  who,  about 
1170,  sold  his  goods  and  went  among  the  poor  preach- 
ing the  gospeL  Though  quite  distinct  in  origin  both 
sects  owed  their  success  with  the  people  to  their  at- 
tacks on  the  corrupt  lives  of  the  clergy,  to  their  use  of 
the  vernacular  New  Testament,  to  their  repudiation  of 
part  of  the  sacramental  system,  and  to  their  own  ear- 
nest and  ascetic  morality.  The  story  of  their  savage 
suppression,  at  the  instigation  of  Pope  Innocent  III,  1209- 
in  the  Albigensian  crusade,  is  one  of  the  darkest  blots 
on  the  pages  of  history.  A  few  remnants  of  them  sur- 
vived in  the  mountains  of  Savoy  and  Piedmont,  har- 
ried from  time  to  time  by  blood-thirsty  pontiffs.  In 
obedience  to  a  summons  of  Innocent  VIII  King  1437 
Charles  VlII  of  France  massacred  many  of  them. 

The  spiritual  ancestors  of  Luther,  however,  were  not 
so  much  the  French  heretics  as  two  Englishmen,  Occam 
and  Wyclif.  William  of  Occam,  a  Franciscan  who  Occar 
taught  at  Oxford,  was  the  most  powerful  scholastic  ^^' 
critic  of  the  existing  church.  Untouched  by  the  classic 
air  breathed  by  the  humanists,  he  said  all  that  could 
be  said  against  the  church  from  her  o^^^l  medieval 
standpoint.  He  taught  determinism;  he  maintained 
that  the  final  seat  of  authority  was  the  Scripture ;  he 
showed  that  such  fundamental  dogmas  as  the  ex- 
istence of  God,  the  Trinity,  and  the  Incarnation,  cannot 
be  deduced  by  lo^fic  from  the  given  premises ;  he  pro- 


36  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

posed  a  modification  of  the  doctrine  of  tranaubatanU*- 
tion  in  the  interests  of  reason,  approaching  closely  in 
his  ideas  to  the  "consubstantiation"  of  Luther.  De- 
fining the  church  as  the  congregation  of  the  faithful, 
he  undermined  her  governmental  powers.  This,  in 
fact,  is  just  what  he  wished  to  do,  for  he  went  ahead 
of  almost  all  his  contemporaries  in  proposing  that  the 
judicial  powers  of  tl  transferred  to  the  civil 

government.     Not  o  ipinion,  should  the  ciWi 

ruler  be  totally  inde  the  pope,  but  even  suRh 

matters  as  the  regi  iiarriage  should  be  left 

to  the  common  law. 

A  far  stronger  in  n  his  age  was  made  by 

John  Wyelif,  the  niuo),  Big.^.^cant  of  the  Reformers 
before  Luther.  He,  too,  was  an  Oxford  professor,  a 
schoolman,  and  a  patriot,  but  he  was  animated  by  a 
deeper  religious  feeling  than  was  Occam.  In  1361  he 
was  master  of  Balliol  College,  where  he  lectured  for 
many  years  on  divinity.  At  the  sam^  time  he  held 
various  benefices  in  turn,  the  last,  the  pastorate  of 
Lutterworth  in  Leicestershire,  from  1374  till  his  death. 
He  became  a  reformer  somewhat  late  in  life  owing  to 
study  of  the  Bible  and  of  the  bad  condition  of  the  Eng- 
lish church.  At  the  peace  congress  at  Bruges  as  a 
commissioner  to  negotiate  with  papal  ambassadors  for 
the  relief  of  crying  abuses,  he  became  disillusioned  in 
his  hope  for  help  from  that  quarter.  He  then  turned 
to  the  civil  government,  urging  it  to  regain  the  usurped 
authority  of  the  church.  This  plan,  set  forth  in  vol- 
uminous writings,  in  lectures  at  Oxford  and  in  popu- 
lar sermons  in  London,  soon  brought  him  before  the 
tribunal  of  William  Courtcnay,  Bishop  of  London, 
and,  had  he  not  been  protected  by  the  powerful  prince, 
John  of  Lancaster,  it  might  have  gone  hard  with  him. 
Five  bulls  launched  against  him  by  Gregory  XI  from 
Borne  only  confirmed  him  in  his  course,  for  he  ap- 


PREREFORMEBS 

pealed  from  them  to  Parliament.    Tried  at  Lambeth 
he  was  forbidden  to  preach  or  teach,  and  he  therefore  istb 
retired  for  the  rest  of  his  life  to  Lutterworth.     He 
ooniinned  his  literary  labors,  resulting  in  a  vast  host 
of  pamphlets. 

Examining  bis  writings  we  are  struck  by  the  fact 
that  his  program  was  far  more  religions  and  practi- 
cal than  rational  and  speculative.  Save  transubstan- 
tiation,  He"flcrupled^T~n6fie  of  the  mysteries  of  Ca- 
iholiciRin.  It  is  also  noticeable  that  social  reform  left 
him  cold.  ^Vhen  the  laborers  rose  under  Wat  Tyler,  1381 
Vyclif  sided  against  them,  as  he  also  proposed  that 
confiscated  church  property  be  given  rather  to  the 
upper  classes  than  to  the  poor.  The  real  principles 
of  Wyclif 's  reforms  were  but  two:  to  abolish  the  tem-» 
poral  power  of  the  church,  and  to  purge  her  of  im- 

loral  ministers.  It  was  for  this  reason  that  he  set 
Up  the  authority  of  Scripture  against  that  of  tradi- 
tion; it  was  for  this  that  he  doubted  the  efficacy  of 
sacraments  administered  by  priests  living  in  mortal 
■in;  it  was  for  this  that  he  denied  the  necessity  of 
aoricQlar  confession;  it  was  for  this  that  he  would 
have  placed  the  temporal  power  over  the  spiritual. 
The  bnik  of  his  writings,  in  both  Latin  and  English, 
Is  fierce,  measureless  abuse  of  the  clergy,  particularly 
of  prelates  and  of  the  pope.  The  head  of  Christendom 
is  called  Antichrist  over  and  over  again;  the  bishops, 
prieflt.s  and  friars  are  said  to  have  their  lips  full  of 
lien  and  their  hands  of  blood;  to  lead  women  astray; 
(o  live  in  idleness,  luxury,  simony  and  deceit;  and  to 
di>voar  tile  English  church.  Marriage  of  the  clergy  is 
recommended.    Indulgences  are  called  a  cursed  rob- 

[tar. 

To  combat  the  enemies  of  true  piety  "Wyclif  rehed 
oa  two  agencies.  The  first  was  the  Bible,  which,  with 
the  aasistance  of  friends,  he  Englished  from  the  Vuli. 


THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

gate.  None  of  the  later  Reformers  was  more  bent 
upon  giving  the  Scriptures  to  the  laity,  and  none  at 
tributed  to  it  a  higher  degree  of  inspiration.  As  a 
second  measure  WycHf  trained  "poor  priL-sts"  to  be 
wandering  evangelists  spreading  abroad  the  message 
of  salvation  among  the  populace.  For  a  time  they 
attained  considerable  success,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  the  severe  persecution  to  which  they  were  sub* 
jected  caused  all  of  Wyclif's  personal  followers  to 
recant.  The  passage  of  the  act  De  Haereiico  Comhvh 
rendo  was  not,  however,  in  vain,  for  in  the  fifteenth 
century  a  nmiiber  of  common  men  were  found  with 
sufficient  resolution  to  die  for  their  faith.  It  is  prob" 
able  that,  as  Cuthbert  Tunstall,  Bishop  of  Londoft^ 
wrote  in  1523,  the  Lollards,  as  they  were  called,  were 
the  first  to  welcome  Lutheranism  into  Britain. 

BSl:  if  the  seed  produced  but  a  moderate  harvest  is 
England  it  brought  forth  a  hundred-fold  in  Bohemia." 
Wyclif's  writings,  carried  by  Czech  students  from  Ol- 
ford  to  Prague,  were  eagerly  etudfed  by  some  of  thtf 
attendants  at  that  university,  the  greatest  of  whonl 
was  John  Huss.  Having  taken  his  bachelor's  degretf 
there  in  1393,  he  had  given  instruction  since  1398  and' 
became  the  head  of  the  university  (Rector)  for  thtf 
year  1402.  Almost  the  whole  content  of  his  lectureif 
as  of  bis  writings,  was  borrowed  from  Wyclif,  froOl 
whom  he  copied  not  only  bis  main  ideas  but  long  pas^ 
sages  verbatim  and  without  specific  acknowledgment 
Professors  and  students  of  his  o\vn  race  supported 
him,  but  the  Germans  at  the  university  took  oifeni 
and  a  long  struggle  ensued,  culminating  in  the  sece 
eion  of  the  Germans  in  a  body  in  1409  to  found  a  new 
university  at  Leipsic.  The  quarrel,  having  started 
over  a  philosophic  question, — WycHf  and  Huss  being 
realists  and  the  Gennans  nominalists, — took  a  more 
^eriona  turn  when  it  came  to  a  definition  of  the  church 


PRE-REFORMERS  39 

and  of  the  respective  spheres  of  the  civil  and  ecclesias- 
tical authorities.  Defining  the  church  as  the  body  of 
the  predestinate,  and  starting  a  campaign  against  in- 
dulgences, Huss  soon  fell  under  the  ban  of  his  supe- 
riors. After  burning  the  bulls  of  John  XXIII  Huss 
withdrew  from  Prague.  Sunmioned  to  the  Council  of 
Constance,  he  went  thither,  under  safe-conduct  from  1411 
the  Emperor  Sigismund,  and  was  immediately  cast 
into  a  noisome  dungeon. 

The  council  proceeded  to  consider  the  opinions  of  1414 
Wydif ,  condemning  260  of  his  errors  and  ordering  his 
bones  to  be  dug  up  and  burnt,  as  was  done  twelve  years 
later.  Every  effort  was  then  made  to  get  Huss  to  re- 
cant a  list  of  propositions  drawn  up  by  the  council 
and  attributed  to  him.  Some  gf  these  charges  were 
absurd,  as  that  he  was  accused  of  calling  himself  the 
fourth  person  of  the  Trinity.  Other  opinions,  like  the 
denial  of  transubstantiation,  he  declared,  and  doubtless 
with  truth,  that  he  had  never  held.  Much  was  made  of 
his  saying  that  he  hoped  his  soul  would  be  with  the  soul 
of  Wyclif  after  death,  and  the  emperor  was  alarmed 
by  his  argument  that  neither  priest  nor  king  living  in 
mortal  sin  had  a  right  to  exercise  his  office.  He  was 
therefore  condenmed  to  the  stake. 

His  death  vas  perfect.  His  last  letters  are  full  of 
calm  resolution,  love  to  his  friends,  and  forgiveness  to 
his  enemies.  Haled  to  the  cathedral  where  the  coun- 
cil sat  on  July  6,  1415,  he  was  given  one  last  chance 
to  recant  and  save  his  life.  Refusing,  he  was  stripped 
[)f  his  vestments,  and  a  paper  crown  with  three  de- 
uons  painted  on  it  put  on  his  head  with  the  words, 
*We  commit  thy  soul  to  the  deviP';  he  was  then  led 
:o  the  public  square  and  burnt  alive.  Sigismund, 
hreatened  by  the  council,  made  no  effort  to  redeem  his 
;afe-conduct,  and  in  September  the  reverend  fathers 
)a88ed  a  decree  that  no  safe-conduct  to  a  heretic,  and 


40  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

no  pledge  prejudicial  to  the  Catholic  faith,  could  1 
considered  binding.     Among  the  large  concourse  of  ' 
divines  not  one  voice  was  raised  against  this  treacher- 
ous murder. 

Huss's  most  prominent  follower,  Jerome  of  Prague, 
after  recantation,  returned  to  his  former  position  and 
was  burnt  at  Consfn""*  n"  May  30,  1416.  A  bull  of 
1418  ordered  the  sin  iment  of  all  heretics  who 

maintained  the  pos  '^yclif,  Huss,  or  Jerome 

of  Prague. 

A^  early  as  Septe  d  remonstrance  against 

the  treatment  of  th  was  voiced  by  the  Bo- 

hemian Dipt.     The  i  al  party,  known  as  Ta- 

borites,  rejected  transuDstanilation,  worship  of  the 
saints,  prayers  for  the  dead,  indulgences,  auricular  con- 
fession, and  oaths.  They  allowed  women  to  preach, 
demanded  the  use  of  the  vernacular  in  divine  service 
and  the  giving  of  the  cup  to  the  laity.  A  crusade  was 
started  against  them,  but  they  knew  how  to  defend 
themselves.  The  Council  of  Basle  was  driven  to  ne- 
.gotiate  with  them  and  ended  by  a  compromise  allow- 
ing the  cup  to  the  laity  and  some  other  reforms.  Sub- 
sequent efforts  to  reduce  them  proved  futile.  Under 
King  Podiebrad  the  Utraquists  maintained  their  rights. 

Some  Hussites,  however,  continued  as  a  separate 
body,  calling  themselves  Bohemian  Brethren.  First 
met  with  in  1457  they  continue  to  the  present  day  as 
Moravians.  They  were  subject  to  constant  persecu- 
tion. In  1505  the  Catholic  official  James  Lilicnstays 
drew  up  an  interesting  list  of  their  errors.  It  seems 
that  their  cardinal  tenet  was  the  supremacy  of  Scrip- 
ture, without  gloss,  tradition,  or  interpretation  by  the 
Fathers  of  the  church.  They  rejected  the  primacy  of 
the  pope,  and  all  ceremonies  for  which  authority  could 
not  be  found  in  the  Bible,  and  they  denied  the  efficacy 
of  masaes  for  the  dead  and  the  validity  of  indulgences. 


NATIONALIZING  THE  CHUECHES        41 

With  much  reason  Wyclif  and  Hnss  have  been 
called  "Reformers  before  the  Reformation."  Lnther 
himself,  not  knowing  the  Englishman,  recognized  his 
deep  indebtedness  to  the  Bohemian.  All  of  their  pro- 
gram^  and  more,  he  carried  through.  His  doctrine  of 
justification  by  faith  only,  with  its  radical  transforma- 
tion of  the  sacramental  system,  cannot  be  found  in 
these  his  predecessors,  and  this  was  a  difference  of 
vast  importance. 


/ 


§  6.  Natiokauzino  the  Chubches 

Inevitably,  the  growth  of  national  sentiment  spoken 
of  above  reacted  on  the  religious  institutions  of  Eu- 
rope.  Indeed,  it  was  here  that  the  conflict  of  the  inter- 
national, ecclesiastical  state,  and  of  the  secular  govern- 
ments became  keenest.  Both  kings  and  people  wished 
to  control  their  own  spiritual  affairs  as  well  as  their 
temporalities. 

England  traveled  farthest  on  the  road  towards  a  na-  The 
tional  church.     For  three  centuries  she  had  been  as-  ?!?1??^* 

Anglicani 

serting  the  rights  of  her  government  to  direct  spirit- 
ual as  well  as  temporal  matters.    The  Statute  of  Mort- 
main forbade  the  alienation  of  land  from  the  jurisdie-  1279 
tion  of  the  civil  power  by  appropriating  it  to  religious 
persons.     The  withdrawing  of  land  from  the  obliga- 
tion to  pay  taxes  and  feudal  dues  was  thus  checked. 
The  encroachment  of  the  civil  power,  both  in  England 
and  France,  was  bitterly  felt  by  the  popes.    Boniface 
VlU  endeavored  to  stem  the  flood  by  the  bull  Clericis  12% 
laicos  forbidding  the  taxation  of  clergy  by  any  secular 
government,  and  the  bull  Unam  Sanctam  asserting  the  1302 
universal  monarchy  of  the  Roman  pontiff  in  the  strong- 
est possible  terms.    But  these  exorbitant  claims  were 
without  effect     The  Statute  of  Provisors  forbade  the  H^''''^ 
appointment  to  English  benefices  by  the  pope,  and  the  ,^^     . 
Statute  of  Praemnnii-i^  took  away  the  right  of  Eng-  1^9^ 


THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

Ush  Bubjects  to  appeal  from  the  courts  of  their  own 
country  to  Rome.  The  success  of  WycHf  a  movement 
was  largely  due  to  his  patriotism.  Though  the  signs 
of  strife  with  the  pope  were  fewer  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, there  is  no  doubt  that  the  national  feeling  pep 
sisted. 

France  manifested  a  spirit  of  liberty  hardly  les4 
fierce  than  that  of  England,  It  was  the  French  King; 
Philip  the  Fair  who  humiliated  Boniface  VIII  so  se^ 
verely  that  he  (died  of  chagrin^  Daring  almost  tha 
whole  of  the  fourteenth  century  the  residence  of  a 
pope  subservient  to  France  at  Avignon  prevented  any 
difficulties,  but  no  sooner  had  the  Council  of  Constance 
restored  the  head  of  the  unified  church  to  Rome  thaa 
the  old  conflict  again  burst  forth.  The  extreme  claima 
of  the  Gallican  church  were  assorted  in  the  law  known 
as  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  of  Bourges,  by  which  thfl; 
pope  was  left  hardly  any  right  of  appointment,  of 
jurisdiction,  or  of  raising  revenue  in  Prance.  The  su- 
premacy of  a  council  over  the  pope  was  explicitly 
asserted,  a.s  was  the  right  of  the  civil  magistrate  to 
order  ecclesiastical  affairs  in  his  dominions.  When, 
the  pontiffs  refused  to  recognize  this  almost  schismat^ 
ical  position  taken  by  France,  the  Pragmatic  Sanction 
was  further  fortified  by  a  law  sentencing  to  death  anjt 
person  who  should  bring  into  the  country  a  bull  rfr-" 
pugnant  to  it.  Strenuous  efforts  of  the  papacy  were 
directed  to  secure  the  repeal  of  this  document,  and  in 
1461  Pius  II  induced  Louis  XI  to  revoke  it  in  return 
for  political  concessions  in  Naples.  This  action,  op* 
posed  by  the  University  and  Parlement  of  Pari^ 
proved  so  unpopular  that  two  years  later  the  Gallicas 
liberties  were  reasserted  in  their  full  extent. 

Harmony  was  established  between  the  interests  of 
the  curia  and  of  the  French  government  by  the  com- 
promise known  as  the  Concordat  of  Bologna.     Thff 


NATIONALIZING  THE  CHUECHES         43 

oonoessions  to  the  king  were  so  heavy  that  it  was  diflS- 
cult  for  Leo  X  to  get  his  cardinals  to  consent  to  them. 
Almost  the  whole  power  of  appointment,  of  jurisdic- 
iioTky  and  of  taxation  was  put  into  the  royal  hands, 
some  stipulations  being  made  against  the  conferring 
of  benefices  on  immoral  priests  and  against  the  frivol- 
ous imposition  of  ecclesiastical  punishments.    What 
the  pope  gained  was  the  abandonment  of  the  assertion 
made  at  Bourges  of  the  supremacy  of  a  general  coun- 
eiL    The  Concordat  was  greeted  by  a  storm  of  protest 
in  France.    The  •Sorbonne  refused  to  recognize  it  and 
appealed  at  once  to  a  general  council.    The  king,  how- 
ever, had  the  refractory  members  arrested  and  decreed 
the  repeal  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  in  1518. 

In  Italy  and  Germany  the  growth  of  a  national  state 
was  retarded  by  the  fact  that  one  was  the  seat  of  the  ^^^^ 
pope,  the  other  of  the  emperor,  each  of  them  claim- 
ing a  universal  authority.  Moreover,  these  two  pow- 
ers were  continually  at  odds.  The  long  investiture 
strife,  culminating  in  the  triumph  of  Gregory  VII  at 
Canossa  and  ending  in  the  "Concordat  of  Worms,  could  ^^^^ 

1122 

not  permanently  settle  the  relations  of  the  two. 
Whereas  Aquinas  and  the  Canon  Law  maintained  the 
superiority  of  the  pope,  there  were  not  lacking  assert- 
ers  of  the  imperial  preeminence.  William  of  Occam's 
argument  to  prove  that  the  emperor  might  depose  an 
heretical  pope  was  taken  up  by  Marsiglio  of  Padua, 
whose  Defevder  of  the  Peace  ranks  among  the  ablest  c.i324 
of  political  pamphlets.  In  order  to  reduce  the  power 
of  the  pope,  whom  he  called  **the  great  dragon  and 
old  serpent,''  he  advanced  the  civil  government  to  a 
complete  supremacy  in  ecclesiastical  affairs.  He 
stated  that  the  only  authority  in  matters  of  faith  was 
the  Bible,  with  the  necessary  interpretation  given  it 
by  a  general  council  composed  of  both  clergy  and  lay- 
men; that  the  emperor  bad  the  right  to  convoke  and 


44  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

direct  this  council  and  to  punish  all  priests,  prelates 
and  the  supreme  pontiff;  that  the  Canon  Law  had  no 
validity;  that  no  temporal  punishment  should  be  vis- 
ited on  heresy  save  by  the  state,  and  no  spiritual 
punishment  be  valid  without  the  consent  of  the 
state. 
T  With  such  a  wepnnn  in  their  hands  the  emperors 

might  have  taken  a  mger  stand  than  did  the 

kings  of  England  a  but  for  the  lack  of  unity 

in  their  dominions.  was  divided  into  a  large 

number  of  praeticj  ident  states..  It  was  in 

these  and  not  in  t  as  a  whole  that  an  ap- 

proach was  made  tc  national  church,  such  at 

was  realized  after  Lutlier  had  broken  the  bondage  of 
Rome.  Wlien  Duke  Budolph  IV  of  Austria  in  the 
fourteenth  century  stated  that  he  intended  to  be  pope, 
archbishop,  archdeacon  and  dean  in  his  own  land,  when 
the  dukes  of  Bavaria,  Saxony  and  Cleves  made  similar 
boasts,  they  but  put  in  a  strong  form  the  program  thai 
they  in  part  realized.  The  princes  gradually  acquired 
the  right  of  patronage  to  church  benefices,  and  thev 
permitted  no  bulls  to  be  published,  no  indulgences 
sold,  without  their  permission.  The  Free  Cities  acted 
in  much  the  same  way.  The  authority  of  the  German 
states  over  their  own  spiritualities  was  no  innovation 
of  the  heresy  of  Wittenberg. 

For  all  Germany's  internal  division  there  was  a  cer- 
tain national  consciousness,  duo  to  the  common  lan- 
guage. In  no  point  were  the  people  more  agreed  than 
in  their  opposition  to  the  rule  of  the  Italian  Curia. 
At  one  time  Ibe  monasteries  of  Cologne  signed  a  com- 
pact to  resist  Gregory  XI  in  a  proposed  levy  of  tithet 
stating  that,  "in  consequence  of  the  exactions 
which  the  Papal  Court  burdens  the  clergy  the  Apostoi 
S'ee  has  fallen  into  contempt  and  the  Catholic  fail 
-"7    these   parts    seems    to    be    aerioxxsVy    "^ra^tSVeji. 


NATIONALIZING  THE  CHURCHES 

Again,  a  Knight  of  the  Teutonic  Order  in  Pruasiai43o 
wrote:  "Greed  reigns  supreme  in  the  Roman  Court, 
and  day  by  day  finds  new  devices  and  artifices  for  ex- 
torting money  from  Germany  under  pretext  of  eccle- 
siastical fees.  Hence  arise  much  outcry,  complaint 
and  heart-bnrning.  .  .  .  Many  questions  about  the 
papacy  will  be  answered,  or  else  obedience  will  ulti- 
mately be  entirely  renounced  to  escape  from  these  out- 
ragcoos  exactions  of  the  Italians." 

The  relief  expected  from  the  Council  of  Basle  failed, 
uid  abuses  were  only  made  worse  by  a  compact  be- 
tveen  Frederick  III  and  Nicholas  V,  known  as  the 
Concordat  of  Vienna.  This  treaty  was  by  no  means  1448 
comparable  with  the  English  and  French  legislation, 
bat  was  merely  a  diWsion  of  the  spoils  between  the 
two  supreme  rulers  at  the  expense  of  the  people.  The 
power  of  appointment  to  high  ecclesiastical  positions 
was  divided,  annates  were  confirmed,  and  in  general 
a  considerable  increase  of  the  authority  of  the  Curia 
Tas  established. 

Protests  began  at  once  in  the  form  of  "Gravamina," 
or  lists  of  grievances  drawn  up  at  each  Diet  as  a  peti- 
tbn,  and  in  part  enacted  into  laws.  In  1452  the  Spir- 
itnal  Klectors  demanded  that  the  emperor  proceed 
with  reform  on  the  basis  of  the  decrees  of  Constance. 
Id  1457  the  clergy  refused  to  bo  taxed  for  a  crusade. 
In  '146!  the  princes  appealed  against  the  sale  of  in- 
dulgences. The  Gravamina  of  this  year  were  very 
hitter,  complaining  of  the  practice  of  usury  by  priests, 
cf  the  pomp  of  the  cardinals  and  of  the  pope's  habit 
ff  giving  promises  of  preferment  to  certain  sees 
awl  then  declaring  the  places  vacant  on  the  plea  of 
taring  made  a  "mental  reservation"  in  favor  of  some 
roe  else.  The  Roman  clergy  were  called  in  this  bill 
of  grievances  "public  fornicators,  keepers  of  concu- 
'^ines,  roffians,  pimps  and  sinners  in  various  other  re- 


46  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

spects."  Drastic  proposals  of  reform  were  defeated 
by  the  pope. 

The  Gravamina  continued.  Those  of  1+79  appealed 
against  the  Mendicant  Orders  and  against  the  appoint- 
ment of  foreigners.  They  clamored  for  a  new  coau- 
oil  and  for  reform  on  the  basis  of  the  decrees  of  Basle; 
they  protested  aj'nino*"  ""■"cial  appeals  to  Eome, 
against  the  annate  aBt  the  crusade  tax.    It 

was  stated  that  the  lintees  were  rather  fitted 

to  be  driver-s  of  r  pastors  of  souls.     Suci 

words  found  a  re\  echo  among  the  people. 

The  powerful  pen  (  of  Heimburg,  somcttniea 

called  "the  lay  Lu  :ed  his  countrymen  to  a' 

patriotic  stand  a.E;amBt  lue  nalian  usurpation. 

The  Diet  of  1502  resolved  not  to  let  money  raised  by 
indulgences  leave  Germany,  but  to  use  it  against  the 
Turks.  Another  long  list  of  grievances  relating  to  the 
tyranny  and  extortion  of  Rome  was  presented  in  1510. 
The  acts  of  the  Diet  of  Augsburg  in  the  summer  of 
1518  are  eloquent  testimony  to  the  state  of  popular 
feeling  when  Luther  had  just  begun  his  career.  To 
this  Diet  Leo  X  sent  as  special  legate  Cardinal  Cajetan, 
requesting  a  subsidy  for  a.  crusade  against  the  Turk, 
It  was  proposed  tliat  an  impost  of  ten  per  cent,  be 
laid  on  the  incomes  of  the  clergy  and  one  of  five  per 
cent,  on  the  rich  laity.  This  was  refused  on  account  of 
the  grievances  of  the  nation  against  the  Curia,  and  re- 
fused in  language  of  the  utmost  violence.  It  "was 
stated  that  the  real  enemy  of  Christianity  was  not  the 
Turk  but  "the  hound  of  liell"  in  Rome.  Indulgences 
were  branded  as  blood-letting. 

When  such  was  the  public  opinion  it  is  clear  that 
Luther  only  touched  a  match  to  a  heap  of  inflammable 
material.  The  wliole  nationalist  movement  redounded 
to  the  benefit  ol"  Protestantism.     The  state-churches  of 


THE  HUMANISTS  47 

'  Bortheru  Europe  are  but  the  logical  developmeut  of 
previoas  separatist  tendencies. 

§  7.  The  Humanists 

Bat  the  preparation  for  the  great  revolt  was  no  less 
thorougU  on  t!ie  intellectual  than  it  was  on  the  religi- 
ooa  and  political  sides.  The  revival  of  interest  in 
classical  antiquity,  aptly  known  as  the  Renaissance, 
broaght  with  it  a  searching  criticism  of  all  medieval  ^ 
standards  and,  most  of  all,  of  medieval  religion.  The 
Renaissance  stands  in  the  same  relationship  to  the 
Reformation  that  the  so-called  "Enlightenment" 
stands  to  the  French  Revolution.  The  humanists  of 
the  fifteenth  century  were  the  "philosophers"  of  the 
eiRhteenlh. 

The  new  spirit  was  born  in  Italy,     If  we  go  back  as 
far  as  Daute  we  tind,  along  with  many  modern  ele-  i 
ments,  such  as  the  use  of  the  vernacular,  a  completely 
medieval  conception  of  the  universe.     His  immortal 
poem  is  in   one   respect  but    a  commentary   on  thti 
Svmma  theologiae  of  Aquinas;  it  is  all  about  the  other 
TTorW.     The    younger    contemporaries    of    the    great 
Tlorentine  began  to  be  restless  as  the  implications  of  ^ 
the  new  spirit  dawned  on  them.     Petrarch  lamented 
that  literarj-  culture  was  deemed  incompatible  with 
faith.     Boccaccio  was  as  much  a  child  of  this  world  as  B 
Danle  was  a  prophet  of  the  next.     Too  simple-minded  ' 
deliberately  to  criticize  doctrine,  he  was  instinctively 
Opposed  to  ecclesiastical  professions.     Devoting  him- 
Wlf  to  celebrating  the  pleasures  and  the  pomp  of  life, 
lie  took  especial  delight  in  heaping  ridicule  on  ecelesi- 
M\ts,  representing  them  as  the  quintessence  of  all  im- 
Purily  and  hypocrisy.     The  first  story  in  his  famous 
Decameron  is  of  a  scoundrel  who  comes  to  be  reputed 
is  a  saint,  invoked  us  such  and  performing  miracles 


48  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 


after  death.  Tlie  second  story  ie  of  a  Jew  who 
converted  to  Cliristianity  by  the  wickedness  of 
for  he  reasuiied  that  no  cult,  not  divinely  sappoi 
could  survive  such  desperate  depravity  as  he 
there.  The  third  tale,  of  the  three  rings,  points  the 
moral  that  no  one  can  be  certain  what  religion  is  the 
true  one.  The  fourth  narrative,  like  many  others, 
turns  upon  the  sei  the  monks.     Elsewhere 

the  author  dcKcribi  absurd  relics,  and  tcUa 

how  a  priest  dccei\  n  by  pretending  that  he 

was  the  angel  Gabr  rend  of  such  a  work  was 

naturally  the  reve:  yiog.     The  irreligion  is 

too  spontaneous  to  philosophic  doubt;  it  U 

merely  impiety. 

But  such  a  sentiment  could  not  long  remain  content 
with  scoffing.  The  banner  of  pure  rationalism,  or 
rather  of  conscious  classical  skepticism,  was  raised  by 
a  circle  of  enthusiasts.  The  most  brilliant  of  them, 
and  one  of  the  keenest  critics  that  Europe  has  ever 
produced,  was  Lorenzo  Valla,  a  native  of  Naples,  and 
for  some  years  holder  of  a  benefice  at  Rome.  Sndi 
was  the  trenehancy  and  temper  of  his  weapons  that 
much  of  what  he  advanced  has  stood  the  test  of  time. 

The  papal  claim  to  temporal  supremacy  in  the 
Western  world  rested  largely  on  a  spurious  document 
known  as  the  Donation  of  Constantine.  In  this  the 
emperor  is  represented  as  withdrawing  from  Rome  in 
order  to  leave  it  to  the  pope,  to  whom,  in  return  for 
being  cured  of  leprosy,  he  gives  the  whole  Occident. 
%n  uncritical  age  had  received  this  forgery  for  five 
or  six  centuries  without  question.  Doubt  had  been 
cast  on  it  by  Nicholas  of  Cusa  and  Reginald  Peacock, 
but  Valla  demidished  it.  He  showed  that  no  historian 
had  spoken  of  it ;  that  there  was  no  time  at  which  it 
couM  have  occurred ;  that  it  is  contradicted  by  other 
contemporary  acts;  that  the  barbaioua  sl-jV  *y5tt.\;8ic& 


THE  HUMANISTS  49 

expressions  of  Greek,  Hebrew,  and  German  origin; 
that  the  testimony  of  numismatics  is  against  it;  and 
that  the  author  knew  nothing  of  the  antiquities  of 
Borne,  into  whose  council  he  introduced  satraps. 
V^alla's  work  was  so  thoroughly  done  that  the  docu- 
ment, Mibodied  ^s.-were  ita  conclusions  in  the  Canon 
Lai^^TEasnever  found  a  reputable  -defender  since.  In 
time  ilie  critique  had  an  immense  effect.  UlridL-Yon 
Hntten  published  it  in  1517,  and  in  the  same  year  an  ^  /^ 
English  translation  was  made.  In  1537  Luther  turned 
it  into  German. 

And  if  the  legality  of  the  pope's  rule  was  so  slight,  Vaiia 
what  was  its  practical  effect  t  ^'According  to  Valla,  it  ^^*p^ 
was  a  "barbarous,  overbearing,  tyrannical,  priestly 
domination."  ** What  is  it  to  you,"  he  apostrophizes 
the  pontiff,  **if  our  republic  is  crushed  I  You  have 
crushed  it.  If  our  temples  have  been  pillaged  I  You 
have  pillaged  them.  If  our  virgins  and  matrons  have 
been  violated?  You  have  done  it.  If  the  city  is  in- 
nundated  with  the  blood  of  citizens?  You  are  guilty 
of  it  all." 

Valla 's  critical  genius  next  attacked  the  schoolman 's  Annota 
idol  Aristotle   and  the  humanist's   demigod   Cicero.  J^eTlei 
More  important  were  his  Annotations   on   the  New  Teatam 
Testament,  first  published  by  Erasmus  in  1505.     The 
Vulgate  was  at  that  time  regarded,  as  it  was  at  Trent 
defined  to  be,  the  authentic  or  oflBcial  form  of  the 
Scriptures.     Taking  in  hand  three  Latin  and  three 
Greek  manuscripts,  VaUa.had  no  difficulty  .in  showing 
that  they  differed  from  one  another  and  that  in  somj 
cases   the  Latin  had  no  authority  whatever  in   th( 
Greek.     He  pointed  out  a  number  of  mistranslations, 
some  of  them  in  passages  vitally  affecting  the  faith. 
In  short  he  left  no  support  standing  for  any  theory 
of   verbal  inspiration.    He  further  questioned,   and 
mecessfulljr,  the  antborabip  of  the  Creed  attributed 


;i 


THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

to  the  Apostles,  the  authenticity  of  the  writings  of 
Dionysius  the  Areopagite  and  of  the  letter  of  Christ 
to  Kiug  Abgarua,  preserved  and  credited  by  Eusebins. 
kon  His  attack  on  Christian  ethics  was  still  more  funda- 

'  ""  mental.  In  his  Dialogue  on  Free  Will  he  tried  with 
ingenuity  to  reconcile  the  freedom  of  the  will,  denied 
by  Augustine,  with  the  foreknowledge  of  God,  which 
he  did  not  feel  strong  enough  to  dispute.  In  his  work 
on  The  Motmsfic  Life  he  denied  aU  value  to  asceticism. 
Others  had  mocked  the  monks  for  not  living  up  to  their 
professions;  he  asserted  that  the  ideal  itself  was  mis- 
taken. But  it  is  the  treatise  On  Pleasure  that  goes  the 
farthest.  In  form  it  is  a  dialogue  on  ethics;  one  inter- 
locutor maintaining  the  Epicurean,  the  second  the 
Stoical,  and  the  third  the  Christian  standard.  The 
sympathies  of  the  author  are  plainly  with  the  cham- 
pion of  hedonism,  who  maintains  that  pleasure  is  the. 
supreme  good  in  life,  or  rather  the  only  good,  that  the 
prostitute  is  better  than  the  nun,  for  the  one  makes 
men  happy,  the  other  is  dedicated  to  a  painful  and 
shameful  celibacy;  that  the  law  against  adultery  is  a 
sort  of  sacrilege;  that  women  should  be  common  and 
should  go  naked;  and  that  it  is  irrational  to  die  for 
one's  country  or  for  any  other  ideal.  ...  It  is  note- 
worthy that  the  representative  of  the  Christian  stand- 
point accepts  tacitly  the  assnmption  that  happiness 
is  the  supreme  good,  only  he  places  that  happiness  in 
the  next  life. 

Valla's  ideas  obtained  throughout  a  large  circle  in 
the  half-century  following  his  death.     Masuccio  in- 
dulged in  the  most  obscene  mockery  of  Catholic  rites. 
Poggio  wrote  a  book  against  hypocrites,  attacking  the 
/monks,  and  a  joke-book  largely  at  the  expense  of  the 
lia-       faithful.     Machiavelli  assailed  the  papacy  with  great 
1469-    fp^QgHy^  attributing  to  it  the  corruption  of  Italian 
woraJs  and  the  political  disunion  and  weakness  of 


I 


THE  HUMANISTS  51 

,  and  advocating  its  annihilation.  In  place  of 
stianity,  habitually  spoken  of  as  an  exploded  su- 
ction, dangerous  to  the  state,  he  would  put  the 
otic  cults  of  antiquity. 

is  not  strange,  knowing  the  character  of  the  popes, 
pagan  expressions  should  color  the  writings  of 

courtiers.    Poggio  was  a  papal  secretary,  and  so 

Bembo,  a  cardinal  who  refused  to  read  Paul's 

les  for  fear  of  corrupting  his  Latinity.    In  his 

isite  search  for  classical  equivalents  for  the  rude 

ses  of  the  gospel,  he  referred,  in  a  papal  breve, 

irist  as  ** Minerva  sprung  from  the  head  of  Jove,*' 

EoTthe  Holy  Ghost  as  **the  breath  of  the  celestial 

yr. ' '    Conceived  in  the  same  spirit  was  a  sermon 

ghirami  heard  by  Erasmus  at  Rome  on  Good  Fri- 

1509.     Couched  in  the  purest  Ciceronian  terms, 

J   comparing  the   Saviour   to   Curtius,   Cecrops, 

:ide8,  Epaminondas  and  Iphigenia,  it  was  mainly 

ted  to   an   extravagant   eulogy  of  the   reigning 

ff,  Julius  11. 

t  all  the  Italian   humanists   were  not   pagans. 

e  arose  at  Florence,  partly  under  the  influence  of 

evival  of  Greek,  partly  under  that  of  Savonarola, 

>up  of  earnest  young  men  who  sought  to  invigor- 

Jhristianity  by  infusing  into  it  the  doctrines  of 

•.     The  leaders  of  this  Neo-Platonic  Academy,  Picodeiia 

ddla  Mirandola  and  Marsiglio  Ficino,  sought  to  Jjjj?"^^^*' 

that  the  teachings  of  the  Athenian  and  of  the 
jan  were  the  same.  Approaching  the  Bible  in 
imple  literary  way  indicated  by  classical  study, 
really  rediscovered  some  of  the  teachings  of  the 
Testament,  while  in  dealing  with  the  Old  he  was 
i  to  adopt  an  ingenious  but  unsound  allegorical 
)retation.  ** Philosophy  seeks  the  truth,"  he 
,  *'theolo^7  finds  it,  religion  possesses  it."  His 
>r€Unary  personal  influence    extended    throug\l 


52  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

lands  beyond  the  Alps,  even  though  it  failed  in  ac- 
complishing the  rehabilitation  of  Italian  faith. 
The  leader  of  the  French  Christian  Benaissanct, 
"^  James  Lefevre  d 'Staples,  was  one  of  his  disciples. 
Traveling  in  Italy  in  1492,  after  visiting  Padua,  Venice 
and  Rome,  lie  carae  to  Florence,  learned  to  know  PieO| 
and  received  from  him  a  translation  of  Aristotle's 
Metaphysics  made  rial  Bessarion.     Betnni- 

ing  to  Paris  he  t.  he  College  of  Cardinal 

Lemoine,  mathema  and  philosophy.     He  did 

not  share  the  disli^  otle  manifested  by  most 

of  the  humanists,  fi  'dly  suspected  that  whit 

was  offensive  in  tl  te  was  due  more  to  his 

scholastic  transliito  imentators  than  to  him- 

self. He  therefore  labored  to  restore  the  true  text,  on 
which  he  wrote  a  number  of  treatises.  It  was  with 
the  same  purpose  that  he  turned  next  to  the  early 
Fathers  and  to  the  writer  called  Dionysius  the  Are- 
opagite.  But  he  did  not  find  himself  until  he  found 
the  Bible.  In  1509  he  published  the  Quinttiplex 
Psalterium,  the  first  treatise  on  the  Psalms  in  which 
the  philological  and  personal  interest  was  uppermost 
Hitherto  it  had  not  been  the  Bible  that  had  been 
studied  so  much  as  the  commentaries  on  it,  a  dry 
wilderness  of  arid  and  futile  subtlety.  Lefevre  tried 
to  see  simply  what  tlie  text  said,  and  as  it  became  more 
human  it  became,  for  him,  more  divine.  His  preface 
is  a  real  cry  of  joy  at  his  great  discovery.  He  did,  in- 
deed, interpret  everything  in  a  double  sense,  literal  and 
spiritual,  and  placed  the  emphasis  rather  on  the  latter, 
but  this  did  not  prevent  a  genuine  effort  to  read  the 
words  as  they  were  written.  Three  years  later  he 
published  in  like  manner  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  with 
commentary.  Though  he  spoke  of  the  apostle  M 
s  simp)e  i/jstrument  of  God,  he  yet  did  more  to  un- 
eover  his  personality  than  any  oi  fee  ptftV\oua  «fl&- 


THE  HUMANISTS 

imentators.  Half  mystic  as  he  was,  Lefevre  discovered 
in  Paul  the  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  only.  To 
I  Corinthians  viii,  he  wrote:  "It  is  almost  profane  to 
speak  of  the  merit  of  works,  especially  towards  God. 
.  .  .  The  opinion  that  we  can  be  justified  by  works  is 
an  error  for  which  the  Jews  are  especially  condemned. 
.  ,  .  Our  only  hope  is  in  God's  grace."  Lefevre's 
irorks  opened  up  a  new  world  to  the  theologians  of  the 
time.  Erasmus's  friend  Beatus  Rhenanus  wrote  that 
the  richness  of  the  Quintuplex  Psalter  made  him  poor. 
Thomas  More  said  that  English  students  owed  him 
much.  Luther  used  the  two  works  of  the  Frenchman 
8s  the  texts  for  his  early  lectures.  From  them  he 
drew  very  heavily;  indeed  it  was  doubtless  Lefevre 
who  first  suggested  to  him  the  formula  of  his  famous 
"sola  fide." 

The  religious  renaissance  in  England  was  led  by  a  OAtt, 
disciple  of  Pico  della  Mirandola,  John  Colet,  a  man  of  ^ 
remarkably  pure  life,  and  Dean   of  St.  Paul's.     He 
wrote,  though  ho  did  not  publish,  some  commentaries 
on  the  Pauline  epistles  and  on  the  Mosaic  account  of 
creation.     Though  he  knew  no  Greek,  and  was  not  an 
easy  or  elegant  writer  of  Latin,  he  was  allied  to  the 
humanists  by  his  desire  to  return  to  the  real  sources  L^ 
of  Christianity,  and  by  his  search  for  the  historical 
ftenne  of  his  texts.     Though  in  some  respects  he  was 
under  the  fantastic  notions  of  the  Aroopagite,  in  others 
bis  interpretation  was  rational,  free  and  undogmatie. 
He  exercised  a  considerable  influence  on  Erasmus  and 
on  a  few  clioice  spirits  of  the  time. 

The  humanism  of  Germany  centered  in  the  universi- 
tiei*.  At  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century  new  courses 
iu  the  Latin  classics,  in  Greek  and  in  Hebrew,  began 

kto  sapplemeiit  the  medieval  curriculum  of  logic  and 
0iik)sophy.  At  every  academy  there  sprang  up  a 
drde  of  "poets,"  as  they  calied  themselves,  oUea  ot 


idM 


54  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

lax  morals  and  indifferent  to  religion,  but  earnest  ia 
their  championship  of  culture.  Nor  were  these  circles 
confined  entirely  to  the  seats  of  learning.  Many  a  dty 
had  its  own  literarj'  society,  one  of  the  most  famoiu 
being  that  of  Nuremberg.  Conrad  Mutianus  Rufoa 
drew  to  Gotha,  where  he  held  a  canonry,  a  group  td 
disciples,  to  whom  he  imparted  the  Neo-Plafouism  ha 
had    imbibed    in    I'  agarding  revelation,  be 

taught  that  all   re  e  essentially  the  same, 

"I  esteem  the  decn  sophers  more  than  those 

of  priests,"  he  wro' 

What   Letevre   a  had   done  for  the  New 

^      Testament,    John  id  for  the    Old.     After 

studying  in  Frane>  y,  where  he  learned  to 

know  Pico  dclla  Mirandola,  he  settled  at  Stuttgart  and 
devoted  his  life  to  the  study  of  HehreM'.  His  De  Rudi- 
mentis  Ilebraicis,  a  grammar  and  dictionary  of  tlus 
language,  perforraod  a  great  service  for  scholarship. 
In  the  late  Jewish  work,  the  Cabbala,  he  believed  he 
had  discovered  a  source  of  mystic  wisdom.  The  es- 
travagiince  of  his  interpretations  of  Scriptual  pas- 
sages, based  on  this,  not  only  rendered  much  of  hia 
work  nugatory,  but  got  him  into  a  great  deal  of  trou- 
ble. The  converted  Jew,  John  Pt'efferkorn,  proposed, 
in  a  series  of  pamphlets,  that  Jews  should  be  forbidden 
to  practise  usury,  should  be  compelled  to  hear  sermons 
and  to  deliver  up  all  their  Hebrew  books  to  be  burnt, 
except  the  Old  Testament.  When  Reuchlin's  aid  in 
this  pious  project  was  requested  it  was  refused  in  a 
memorial  dated  October  6,  lolO,  pointing  out  the  great 
value  of  nmch  Hebrew  literature.  The  Dominicans  of 
Cologne,  headed  by  their  inquisitor,  James  Hochstra- 
ten,  made  this  the  ground  for  a  charge  of  heresy. 
The  case  was  appealed  to  Rome,  and  the  trial,  lastmg 
six  years,  e.Ycited  the  interest  of  all  Europe.  In  Qer- 
many  it  was  argued  with  much  Wat  m  a\\oaV  oi  -^^iBr 


THE  HUMANISTS 


55 


pUete,  all  the  inonks  and  obscurantists  taking  the  side 
of  the  inquisitors  and  all  the  humanists,  save  one, 
Ortuiu  Gratius  of  Cologne,  taking  the  part  of  the 
scholar.  The  latter  received  many  warm  expressions 
of  admiration  and  support  from  the  leading  writers  of 
the  time,  and  published  them  in  two  volumes,  the  first 
iu  1514,  under  the  title  Letters  of  Eminent  Men.  It 
was  this  that  suggested  to  the  humanist,  Crotua  Ru- 
beanas,  the  title  of  his  satire  published  anonymously. 
The  Letters  of  Obscure  Men.  In  form  it  is  a  series  of 
epistles  from  monks  and  hedge-priests  to  Ortuin  Gra-  ^ 
tios.  Writing  in  the  most  barbarous  Latin,  they  ex-  , 
press  their  admiration  for  his  attack  on  Reuchlin  and  ' 
the  caase  of  learning,  gossip  about  their  drinking- 
bouts  and  pot-house  amours,  expose  their  ignorance 
and  gullibility,  and  ask  absurd  questions,  as,  whether 
it  is  a  mortal  sin  to  salute  a  Jew,  and  whether  the 
Worms  eaten  with  beans  and  cheese  should  be  eon- 
sidered  meat  or  fish,  lawful  or  not  in  Lent,  and  at  what 
stage  of  development  a  chick  in  the  egg  becomes  meat 
and  therefore  prohibited  on  Fridays.  The  satire, 
coarse  as  it  was  biting,  failed  to  win  the  applause  of 
the  fiuor  spirits,  but  raised  a  shout  of  laughter  from 
the  stndents,  and  was  no  insignificant  factor  in  adding 
to  contempt  for  the  church.  The  first  book  of  these 
Lfiters,  published  in  1515,  was  followed  two  years 
later  by  a  second,  even  more  caustic  than  the  first. 
This  supplement,  also  published  without  the  writer's 
Dame,  was  from  the  pen  of  Ulrich  von  Hutten. 

This  brilliant  and  passionate  writer  devoted  the  ' 
greater  part  of  his  life  to  war  with  Rome.  Ilis  motive 
wan  not  religioas,  but  patriotic.  He  longed  to  see  his 
coonlrj'  strong  and  united,  and  free  from  the  galling 
Dpprension  of  the  ultramontane  yoke.  He  published 
Valla 'a  Donation  of  Constantine,  and  wrote  epigrams 
on  the  popes.     His  dialogue  Fever  the  First  is  a  vitr'i- 


56  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

olic  attack  on  the  priests.  His  Vadiscus  or  th^  Romm 
Trinity  scourges  the  vices  of  the  curia  where  thret 
things  are  sold:  Christ,  placesjand  women.  When  hf 
first  heard  of  Luther's  cause  he  called  it  a  quarrel  of 
monks,  and  only  hoped  they  would  all  destroy  one  an- 
other. But  by  1519  he  saw  in  the  Reformer  the  most 
powerful  of  allies  against  the  common  foe,  and  he  ac- 
cordingly cmbracea  with  habitual  zeal.  His 
letters  at  this  tin  out  fire  and  slaughter 
against  the  Romai  thing  should  happen  to 
Luther.  In  1523,  h  i  his  friend  Francis  von 
Sickiugen,  in  the  at)  sert  by  force  of  arms  lh« 
rights  of  the  patrit  mgelic  order  of  knighti 
When  this  was  defe  en,  suflFering  from  a  ter- 
rible disease,  wandered  to  Switzerland,  where  he  died, 
a  lonely  and  broken  exile.  His  epitaph  shall  be  his 
own  lofty  poem : 

I  have  fought  my  figlit  with  courage. 
Nor  have  I  aught  to  rue. 
For,  though  I  lost  the  battle, 
The  world  knows,  I  was  true ! 

The  most  cosmopolitan,  as  well  as  the  greatest,  of 
all  the  Christian  humanists,  was  Desiderius  Erasmus 
of  Rotterdam.  Though  an  illegitimate  child,  he  was 
well  educated  and  thoroughly  grounded  in  the  classics 
at  the  famous  school  of  Deventer.  At  the  age  of 
twenty  he  was  persuaded,  somewhat  against  his  will, 
to  enter  the  order  of  Augustinian  Canons  at  Steyn. 
Under  the  patronage  of  the  Bishop  of  Cambrai  he  was 
enabled  to  continue  his  studios  at  Paris.  For  the 
next  ten  years  he  wandered  to  England,  to  various 
places  in  Northern  France  and  Flanders,  and  Italyi 
learning  to  know  many  of  the  intellectual  leaders  of 
the  time.  From  15lli)-14  ho  was  in  England,  part  of 
iJie  time  lecturing  at  Cambridge.    He  ftie-a  s-pfttA.  wsma 


THE  HUMANISTS  57 

irears  at  Louvain,  seven  years  at  Basle  and  six  years 
%t  Freiburg  in  the  Breisgan,  returning  to  Basle  for  the 
last  year  of  his  life. 

Until  he  was  over  thirty  Erasmus 's  dominant  inter- 
est was  classical  literature.    Under  the  influence  of 
Colet  and  of  a  French  Franciscan,  John  Vitrier,  he 
tamed  his  attention  to  liberalizing  religion.    His  first 
devotional   work,    The   Handbook    of    the    Christian  Enchin 
Knight,  perfectly  sets  forth  his  program  of  spiritual,  ^^^ 
M  opposed  to  formal,  Christianity.    It  all  turns  upon  isos 
the  distinction  between  the  inner  and  the  outer  man, 
the  moral  and  the  sensual.    True  service  of  Christ  is 
purity  of  heart  and  love,  not  the  invocation  of  saints, 
fasting  and  indulgences. 

In  The  Praise  of  Folly  Erasmus  mildly  rebukes  the  i^^ 
foibles  of  men.  There  never  was  kindlier  satire,  free 
from  the  savage  scorn  of  Crotus  and  Hutten,  and  from 
the  didactic  scolding  of  Sebastian  Brant,  whose  Ship 
of  Fools  was  one  of  the  author 's  models.  Folly  is  made  1494 
quite  amiable,  the  source  not  only  of  some  things  that 
are  amiss  but  also  of  much  harmless  enjoyment.  The 
besetting  silliness  of  every  class  is  -exposed :  of  the  man 
of  pleasure,  of  the  man  of  business,  of  women  and  of 
husbands,  of  the  writer  and  of  the  pedant.  Though 
not  unduly  emphasized,  the  folly  of  current  super- 
stitions is  held  up  to  ridicule.  Some  there  are  who 
have  turned  the  saints  into  pagan  gods;  some  who 
have  measured  purgatory  into  years  and  days  and 
cheat  themselves  with  indulgences  against  it;  some 
theologians  who  spend  all  their  time  discussing  such 
absurdities  as  whether  God  could  have  redeemed  men 
in  the  form  of  a  woman,  a  devil,  an  ass,  a  squash  or  a 
stone,  others  who  explain  the  mystery  of  the  Trinity. 

In  following  up  his  plan  for  the  restoration  of  a 
simpler  ChT^stianity,  Erasmus  rightly  thought  that  a 
-etam  from  the  barren  subtleties  of  the  schoolmen  to 


58  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

the  primitive  sources  was  essential.  He  wished  tO' 
reduce  Christianity  to  a  moral,  humanitarian,  no- 
dogmatic  piiilosophy  of  life.  His  attitude  towards 
dogma  was  to  admit  it  and  to  ignore  it.  Scientific  en- 
lightenment he  welcomed  more  than  did  either  the 
Catholics  or  tlie  Reformers,  sure  that  if  the  Sermon  on 
the  Mount  survived,  Christianity  had  nothing  to  fear. 
In  like  niamier,  \vl  not  attack  the  cult  and 

ritual  of  the  churt  r  laid  any  stress  on  it 

"If  some  dogmas  a  ehensible  and  some  rites 

superstitious,"  he  t  my,  "what  does  it  mat- 

ter!    Let  us  emphi  hical  and  spiritual  con- 

tent of  (.'hrist's  me  if  we  seek  his  kingdom, 

all  else  needful  shai.  unto  us."     His  favorite 

likMophf    name  for  his  religion  was  the  "philosophy  of  Christ," 
*      and  it  is  thus  that  he  persuasively  expounds  it  in  a 
note,  in  his  Greek  Testament,  to  Matthew  xi,  30: 

Truly  the  yoke  of  Cbrist  would  be  sweet  and  his  burden 
light,  if  petty  human  institutions  added  nothing  to  what 
he  himself  imposed.  He  commanded  us  nothing  save 
love  one  for  another,  and  there  is  nothing  so  bitter  th»t 
charity  does  not  soften  and  sweeten  it.  Everything  ae- 
cording  to  nature  is  easily  borne,  and  nothing  accords 
better  with  the  nature  of  man  than  the  philosophy  of 
Christ,  of  which  almost  the  sole  end  is  to  give  back  to 
fallen  nature  its  innoeence  and  integrity.  .  .  .  How  pure, 
how  simple  is  the  faith  that  Christ  delivered  to  us!  How 
close  to  it  is  the  creed  transmitted  to  us  by  the  apostles, 
or  apostolic  men.  The  church,  divided  and  tormented  by 
discussions  and  by  heresy,  added  to  it  many  things,  of 
which  some  can  be  omitted  without  prejudice  to  the 
faith.  .  .  .  There  are  many  opinions  from  which  impiety 
may  be  begotten,  as  for  example,  all  those  philosophic 
doctrines  on  the  reason  of  the  nature  and  the  distinction 
of  the  persons  of  the  Godhead.  .  .  .  The  sacraments 
themselves  were  in.stituted  for  the  salvation  of  men,  bat 
we  ahiisc  thi-m  for  lucre,  for  vain  glory  or  for  the  oppres- 
s/on of  the  bumble.  .  .  .  What  Tu\e8,  ^\\at  w\"pi:Tsl\lTOna 
He  have  about  vestments!     llow  many  we  iM.&%e6.  a&\a 


THE  HUMANISTS  59 

their  Christianity  by  such  trifles,  which  are  indifferent  in 
themselves,  which  change  with  the  fashion  and  of  which 
Christ  never  spoke !  .  .  .  How  many  fasts  are  instituted  I 
And  we  are  not  merely  invited  to  fast,  but  obliged  to,  on 
pain  of  damnation.  .  .  .  What  shall  we  say  about  vows 
.  .  .  about  the  authority  of  the  pope,  the  abuse  of  absolu- 
tions, dispensations,  remissions  of  penalty,  law-suits,  in 
which  there  is  mudi  that  a  truly  good  man  cannot  see 
without  a  groan!  The  priests  themselves  prefer  to 
study  Aristotle  than  to  ply  their  ministry.  The  gospel 
is  hardly  mentioned  from  the  pulpit.  Sermons  are 
monopolized  by  the  commissioners  of  indulgences;  often 
the  doctrine  of  Christ  is  put  aside  and  suppressed  for 
their  profit.  .  .  .  Would  that  men  were  content  to  let 
Christ  rule  by  the  laws  of  the  gospel  and  that  they 
would  no  longer  seek  to  strengthen  their  obscurant 
tyranny  by  human  decrees! 

In  the  Familiar  Colloquies,  first  published  in  1518  CoUoquie, 
ad  often  enlarged  in  subsequent  editions,  Erasmus 
rought  out  his  religious  ideas  most  sharply.  Enor- 
lous  as  were  the  sales  and  influence  of  his  other  chief 
'ritings,  they  were  probably  less  than  those  of  this 
ork,  intended  primarily  as  a  text-book  of  Latin  style. 
he  first  conversations  are,  indeed,  nothing  more  than 
!hool-boy  exercises,  but  the  later  ones  are  short 
:ories  penned  with  consummate  art.  Erasmus  is 
Imost  the  only  man  who,  since  the  fall  of  Rome,  has 
icceeded  in  w^riting  a  really  exquisite  Latin.  But  his 
ipreme  gift  was  his  dry  wit,  the  subtle  faculty  of  ex- 
osing  an  object,  apparently  by  a  simple  matter-of-fact 
arrative,  to  the  keenest  ridicule.  Thus,  in  the  Col- 
quies,  he  describes  his  pilgrimage  to  St.  Thomas's 
irine  at  Canterbury,  the  bloody  bones  and  the  hand- 
jrchief  covered  with  the  saint's  rheum  offered  to  be 
ssed — all  without  a  disapproving  word  and  yet  in 
ich  a  way  that  when  the  reader  has  finished  it  he 
onders  how  anything  so  silly  could  ever  have  existed, 
hnsag^aln  he  strips  the  worship  of  Maiy^  and  all  t\ie 


60  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

stupid  and  \vion<r  projects  she  ia  asked  to  abet. 
the  converHiitioii  called  Tlte  Shipwreck,  the  people  j 
to  the  Star  of  the  Sea  exactly  as  they  did  in  ] 
times,  only  it  is  Mary,  not  Venus  that  is  meant, 
offer  mountains  of  wax  candles  to  the  saints  to  ] 
serve  them,  although  one  man  coniides  to  his  nei^llij 
in  a  whisper  that  If  he  ever  gets  to  land  he  will  l 
pay  one  penny  tap  "  *      ow.     Again,  in  the  ( 

loquy  on  the  New  ,  a  young  man  is  i 

what  he  has  done  fi  He  replies: 

A  certain   Fra.  is  reviling  the  New  ' 

ment  of  Erasmus  ns.     Well,  one  da;  I 

on  him  in  privat  i  by  the  hair  with  injr 

hand  and  punish  my  right.     I  gave  him 

sound  a  firiittbing  tnat  i  reduced  his  whole  face 
mere  jelly.  What  do  you  say  to  that!  Isn't  that  i 
talning  the  gospel?  And  then,  by  way  of  absolution  for 
his  sins  I  took  this  Ironk  [Erasmus's  New  Testament,  i 
folio  bound  with  brass]  and  gave  him  three  resounding 
whacks  on  the  head  in  the  name  of  the  Father  and  of  the 
Son  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 

"That,*'  replies  his  friend,  "was  truly  evangelic; 
defending  the  Kospol  by  the  gospel.     But  really  it  is 
time  you  were  turning  from  a  brute  beast  into  a  man." 
So  it  was  that  the  man  who  was  at  once  the  gentlest 
Christian,  the  leading  scholar,  and  the  keenest  wit  of 
his  age  insinuated  his  opinions  without  seeming  to  at- 
tack   anything.     AVhere    Luther    battered    down,    he 
of   undermined.     Even  Mhen  he  argued  against  an  opin- 
*      ion  he  called  his  polemic  a  " Conversation  " — for  that 
is  the  true  meaning  of  the  word  Diatribe.     With  choice 
of  soft  vocabulary,  of  attenuated  forms,  of  double  nega- 
tives, he  tempered  exquisitely  his  Latin.     Did  he  donbt 
anything?     Hardly,  "he  had  a  shade  of  doubt"  (sub- 
dubito).     Did  he  think  he  wrote  well!     Not  at  all,  but 
Ae  confessed  that  he  produced  "someU\vu^  more  like 
Latin    than    the  average"    (paulo  latinius^.    \S\ft.  \& 


THE  HUMANISTS  61 

rthingf  If  so,  he  only  admitted — except  when 
addressing  his  patrons — ^^that  he  was  not  alto- 
averse  to  it."  But  all  at  once  from  these 
-light  touches,  like  those  of  a  Henry  James, 
he  sudden  thrust  that  made  his  stylus  a  dagger, 
f  his  epigrams  on  the  Bef  ormation  have  been 
in  practically  every  history  of  the  subject  since, 
1  be  quoted  as  often  again. 

t  was  not  a  few  perfect  phrases  that  made  him  Hm  wit 
rer  that  he  was,  but  an  habitual  wit  that  never 
;o  strip  any  situation  of  its  vulgar  pretense. 
I  canon  of  Strassburg  Cathedral  was  showing 
er  the  chapter  house  and  was  boasting  of  the 
it  no  one  should  be  admitted  to  a  prebend  who 
t  sixteen  quarterings  on  his  coat  of  arms,  the 
st  dropped  his  eyes  and  remarked  demurely, 
t  the  flicker  of  a  smile,  that  he  was  indeed  hon- 
be  in  a  religious  company  so  noble  that  even 
)ould  not  have  come  up  to  its  requirements, 
.n  was  dumfounded,  he  almost  suspected  some- 
ersonal ;  but  he  never  forgot  the  salutary  lesson 
ately  conveyed. 

nus  was  a  man  of  peace;  he  feared  'Hhe  tu- 
which,  if  we  trust  a  letter  dated  September  9, 
hough  he  sometimes  retouched  his  letters  on 
ing  them — he  foresaw.  **In  this  part  of  the 
'  he  wrote,  *'I  am  afraid  that  a  great  revolu- 
impending."    It  was  already  knocking  at  the 


CHAPTER  11 
GERMANY 


It  is  superfluous 
great  historical  mc 
however  potent,  of 
take  the  helm  at  c 
themselves  what 
The  need  of  leadersiiij. 


aye  to  point  oat  that  I 
aused  by  the  personal!^ 
[dividual.     The  men  i 
dose  who  but  express  i 
of  their  followers  fed.! 
J  argent  that  if  thero  is  no  I 


really  great  man  at  hand,  the  people  will  invent  one, 
endowing  the  best  of  the  small  men  with  the  prestige 
of  power,  and  embodying  in  his  person  the  cause  for 
which  they  strive.  But  a  really  strong  personality  to 
some  extent  guides  the  course  of  events  by  which  he  is 
carried  along.  Such  a  roan  was  Luther.  Few  have 
ever  alike  represented  and  dominated  an  age  as  did 
he.  His  heart  was  the  most  passionately  earnest,  his 
will  the  strongest,  his  brain  one  of  the  most  capacions 
of  his  time;  above  all  he  had  the  gift  of  popular  speech 
to  stamp  his  ideas  into  the  fibre  of  his  countrymen. 
If  we  may  borrow  a  figure  from  chemistrj',  he  found 
public  opinion  a  solution  supersaturated  with  revolt; 
all  that  was  needed  to  precipitate  it  was  a  pebble 
thrown  in,  but  instead  of  a  pebble  he  added  the  most 
powerful  reagent  possible. 

On  that  October  day  when  Columbus  discovered  the 
new  world,  Martin,  a  boy  of  very  nearly  nine,  was  sit- 
ting at  his  desk  in  the  school  at  Mansfeld.  Though 
both  diligent  and  quick,  he  found  the  crabbed  Latin 
primer,  itself  written  in  abstract  Latin,  very  difficult, 
and  na3  Ihigged  fourteen  times  in  one  morning  by 


THE  LEADER  63 

mtd  masters  for  faltering  in  a  declension.  When  he 
tamed  home  he  found  his  mother  bending  under  a 
id  of  wood  she  had  gathered  in  the  forest.  Both 
f  and  his  father  were  severe  with  the  children,  whip- 
g  them  for  slight  faults  until  the  blood  came, 
^ertheless,  as  the  son  himself  recognized,  they 
int  heartily  well  by  it.    But  for  the  self-sacriiSce 

determination  shown  by  the  father,  a  worker  in 
newly  opened  mines,  who  by  his  own  industry  rose 
Qodest  comfort,  the  career  of  the  son  would  have 
I  impossible, 
ally  as  much  as  by  bodily  hardship  the  boy's  life 

rendered  unhappy  by  spiritual  terrors.  Demons 
ed  in  the  storms,  and  witches  plagued  his  good 
ber  and  threatened  to  make  her  children  cry  them- 
es to  death.  God  and  Christ  were  conceived  as 
n  and  angry  judges  ready  to  thrust  sinners  into 
**They  painted  Christ,''  says  Luther — and  such 
ares  can  still  be  seen  in  old  churches — **  sitting  on 
inbow  with  his  Mother  and  John  the  Baptist  on 
?r  side  as  intercessors  against  his  frightful 
th.'' 

t  thirteen  he  was  sent  away  to  Magdeburg  to  a 
itable  school,  and  the  next  year  to  Eisenach,  where 
pent  three  years  in  study.  He  contributed  to  his 
)ort  by  the  then  recognized  means  of  begging, 
was  sheltered  by  the  pious  matron  Ursula  Cotta. 
.501  he  matriculated  at  the  old  and  famous  uni- 
ity  of  Erfurt.  The  curriculum  here  consisted  of  Erfurt 
5,  dialectic,  grammar,  and  rhetoric,  followed  by 
mietic,  ethics,  and  metaphysics.  There  was  some 
ral  science,  studied  not  by  the  experimental 
lod,  but  wholly  from  the  books  of  Aristotle  and  his 
ieval  conmientators,  and  there  were  also  a  few 
ses  in  literature,  both  in  the  Latin  classics  and  iu 
*   later   imitators.    Banking   among    the    better 


64  GERMANY 

scholars  Luther  took  the  degrees  of  bachelor  in  15 
and  of  masiti?r  of  arts  in  1505,  and  immediately  beg: 
the  study  of  jurisprudence.  While  his  diligence  ai 
good  conduct  won  golden  words  from  his  preceptors 
mingled  with  his  comrades  as  a  man  with  men.  1 
was  generous,  even  prodigal,  a  musician  and  a  *'pi 
losopher";  in  disputations  he  was  made  "an  honora 
umpire"  by  his  ie.  eachers.     "Fair  forto 

and  good  health  ar  j  wrote  a  friend  ou  Si 

tember  5,  loOl,  "I  at  coUege  as  pleaaani 

as  possible." 

For  the  sudden  c  came  over  his  life  at  t 

age  of  twenty-one  te  explanation  has  be 

offered.  Pious  and  senouo  i  i  he  was,  his  thoughts  do 
not  seem  to  have  turned  towards  the  monastic  life  as 
a  boy,  nor  arc  the  old  legends  of  the  sudden  death  of  a 
friend  well  substantiated.  As  he  was  returning  to 
Erfurt  from  a  visit  home,  he  was  overtaken  by  a  ter- 
rific thunderstorm,  in  which  his  excited  imagination 
saw  a  divine  warning  to  forsake  the  "world."  In  a 
fright  he  vowed  to  St.  Ann  to  become  a  monk  and, 
though  he  at  once  regretted  the  rash  promise,  on  July 
17,  1505,  he  discharged  it  by  entering  the  Augustini&n 
friary  at  Erfurt.  After  a  year's  novitiate  he  took  the 
irrevocable  vows  of  poverty,  chastity,  and  obedience. 
In  1507  he  was  ordained  priest.  In  the  winter  of 
1510-1  he  was  sent  to  Rome  on  business  of  the  order, 
and  there  saw  miieh  of  the  splendour  and  also  of  the 
corruption  of  the  capital  of  Christendom.  Havmg 
started,  in  15'I8,  to  teach  Aristotle  at  the  recently 
founded  University  of  Wittenberg,  a  year  later  he 
returned  to  Erfurt,  but  was  again  called  to  Wittenberg 
to  lecture  on  the  Bible,  a  position  he  held  all  his  life. 

During  his  first  ten  years  in  the  cloister  ho  unde^ 
went  a  profound  experience.  He  started  with  the  hor- 
rible  and  torturing  idea  that  he  was  doomed  to  hell 


THE  LEADER 


65 


"What  can  I  do,"  he  kept  asking,  "to  win  a  gracioas 
Rod!"  The  answer  ^ven  him  by  his  teachers  was 
that  a  man  must  work  out  his  own  salvation,  not  en- 
tirely, but  largely,  by  his  own  efforts.  The  sacraments 
of  the  church  dispensed  grace  and  life  to  the  recipient, 
and  beyond  this  he  could  merit  forgiveness  by  the 
SMeticism  and  privation  of  the  monastic  life.  Luther 
[  took  this  all  in  and  strove  frantically  by  fasting, 
I  prayer,  and  scourging  to  fit  himself  for  redemption. 
I  Bnt  though  he  won  the  reputation  of  a  saint,  he  could 
not  free  himself  from  the  desires  of  the  flesh.  He  was 
helpless;  he  could  do  nothing.  Then  he  read  in  Au- 
^atuie  that  virtue  without  grace  is  but  a  specious 
vice;  that  God  damns  and  saves  utterly  without  regard 
toman's  work.  He  read  in  Tauler  and  the  other  mys- 
tics that  the  only  true  salvation  is  union  with  God,  and 
that  if  a  man  were  willing  to  be  damned  for  God's 
flory  he  would  find  heaven  even  in  hell.  He  read  in 
Leftvro  d'Gtaples  that  a  man  is  not  saved  by  doing 
KDod,  bat  by  faith,  like  the  thief  on  the  cross. 

In  May,  1515,  he  began  to  lecture  on  Paul's  Epistles 
to  the  Romans,  and  pondered  the  verse  (i,  17)  "The 
JMt  shall  live  by  his  faith."  All  at  once,  so  forcibly 
dial  he  believed  it  a  revelation  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  the 
fltought  dawned  upon  him  that  whereas  man  was  im- 
potent to  do  or  be  good,  God  was  able  freely  to  make 
him  80.  Pure  passivity  in  God's  hands,  simple  aban- 
doDinent  to  his  will  was  the  only  way  of  salvation;  not 
bf  works  but  by  faith  in  the  Redeemer  was  man  sane- 
tiliwl.  The  thought,  though  by  no  means  new  in  Chris- 
tianity, was,  in  the  application  he  gave  it,  the  germ  of 
lie  religious  revolution.  In  it  was  contained  the  total 
Tepndiation  of  the  medieval  ecclesiastical  system  of 
ulratiuD  by  sacrament  and  by  the  good  works  of  the 
To  us  nowadays  the  thought  seems  remote ; 
question  which  called  it  forth  oatworn.    But  to  the 


Juslilica- 
faith  out 


66  GERMANY 

sixteenth  century  it  was  as  intensely  practical  as  9 
reform  is  now;  the  church  was  everywhere  with  i 
claim  to  rule  over  men's  daily  lives  and  over  thai 
souls.  All  progress  was  conditioned  on  breaking  hd 
claims,  and  probably  nothing  could  have  done  it  ii 
thoroughly  as  this  idea  of  justification  by  faith  only. 

The  thoug:ht  made  Luther  a  reformer  at  once.  S 
started  to  purgi  f  Pharisaism,  and  the  n 

versity  of  the  d  totle.     Soon  he  was  calk 

upon  to  protest  i  of  the  most  obtrusive  i 

the  "good  wor  ended  by  the  church,  fl 

purchase  of  ind  Ibert  of  Hohenzollern  Wl 

elected,  through  lueuce  and  at  an  early  aH 

to  the  archiepiscopai  »^^  Magdeburg  and  Mayeno 
this  last  carrying  with  it  an  electorate  and  the  primac 
of  Germany.  For  cnnfirmation  from  tlit>  pope  in  th 
uncanonical  occupation  of  these  offices,  Albert  paid 
huge  sum,  the  equivalent  of  several  hundred  thonsan 
dollars  today.  Mayence  was  already  in  debt  and  th 
young  archbishop  knew  not  where  to  turn  for  monq 
To  help  him,  and  to  raise  money  for  Kome,  Leo  I 
declared  an  indulgence.  In  order  to  get  as  large  i 
profit  as  possible  Albert  employed  as  his  chief  ageD 
an  unscrupulous  Dominican  named  John  Tetzel.  Thi 
man  went  around  the  country  proclaiming  that  as  sooi 
as  the  money  clinked  in  the  chest  the  soul  of  some  dew 
relative  flew  from  purgatory,  and  that  by  buying  i 
papal  pardon  the  purchaser  secured  plenary  remisaoi 
of  sins  and  the  grace  of  God. 

The  indulgence-sellers  were  forbidden  to  enter  Sas 
ony,  but  they  came  very  near  it,  and  many  of  the  peo 
pie  of  AVittenberg  went  out  to  buy  heaven  at  a  bargaii 
Luther  was  sickened  by  seeing  what  he  believed  to  b 
the  deception  of  the  poor  people  in  being  taught  t 
rely  on  those  wrctch?d  papers  instead  of  on  real,  liv^ 
faitb.     He  accordingly  called  their  value  in  questioi 


THE  LEADER 


67 


Sinety-five  Theses,  or  heads  for  a  scholastic  debate, 
lich  he  nailed  to  the  door  of  the  Castle  Church  on 
October  31,  1517.  He  pointed  out  that  the  doctrine 
of  the  church  was  very  uncertain,  especially  in  regard 
to  the  freeing  of  souls  from  purgatory;  that  contrition 
was  the  only  gate  to  God's  pardon  ;  that  works  of  char- 
ity were  better  than  buying  of  indulgences,  and  that 
the  practices  of  the  indulgence-sellers  were  extremely 
scandalous  and  likely  to  foment  heresy  among  the 
simple.  In  all  this  he  did  not  directly  deny  the  whole 
value  of  indulgences,  but  he  pared  it  down  to  a  mini- 
mom. 
The  Theses  were  printed  by  Luther  and  sent  around 
I  to  friends  in  other  cities.  They  were  at  once  put  into 
fc  German,  uud  applauded  to  the  echo  by  the  whole  na- 
fion.  Everybody  had  been  resentful  of  the  extortion 
ef  greedy  ecclesiastics  and  disgusted  with  their  hj^poc- 
ri«y.  All  welcomed  the  attack  on  the  "holy  trade,"  as 
supporters  called  it.  Tetzel  was  mobbed  and  had 
withdraw  in  haste.  The  pardons  no  longer  had  any 
le.  The  authorities  took  alarm  at  once,  Leo  X 
lirected  the  general  of  the  Augustinians  to  make  his  ! 

plnoua  brother  recant.  The  matter  was  ac- 
irdingly  brought  up  at  the  general  chapter  of  the 
Irder  held  at  Heidelberg  in  May.  Luther  was  pres- 
t,  was  asked  to  retract,  and  refused.  On  the  con-  ■; 
rary  he  published  a  Sermon  on  Indulgence  and  Grace 
id  B  defence  of  the  Theses  stating  his  points  more 
rougly  than  before. 

The  whole  of  Germany  was  now  in  commotion.  The 
let  which  met  at  Augsburg  in  the  summer  of  1518 
M  wtremely  hostile  to  the  pope  and  to  his  legate, 
■Wdinal  Cajetan.  At  the  instance  of  this  theologian, 
10  bad  written  a  reply  to  the  Theses,  and  of  the 
HDimeans,  wonnded  in  the  person  of  Tetzel,  Luther 
«  auamoned  to  Rome  to  be  tried.     On  August  5  tlie 


The  Ninei 
fiveThcM 
1517 


68  GERMANY 

Emperor  Maximilian  promised  his  aid  to  the  pope* 
and,  in  order  to  expedite  matters,  the  latter  ohangeJ 
the  summons  to  Rome  to  a  citation  before  Cajetan  at 
Angsburg,  at  the  same  time  instructing  the  legate  to 
seize  the  heretic  if  he  did  not  recant.  At  this  junctnre 
Luther  was  not  left  in  the  lurch  by  his  own  sovereign, 
Frederic  the  Wise.  Elector  of  Saxony,  through  whom 
an  imperial  safe  s  procured.     Armed  with 

this,  the  Wittenb  or  appeared  before  Caj* 

.berl2-   tan  at  Augsburg,  to  recant  two  of  his  stal* 

ments  on  indulge  -fused.     A  few  days  lalei 

Luther  drew  up  'from  the  pope  badly  ift 

formed  to  the  po  ter  informed,"  and  in  t^ 

following  month  appeaieu  again  from  the  pope  to  t 
future  oecumenical  council.  In  the  meantime  Leo  X 
in  the  bull  Cum  postquam,  authoritatively  defined  the 
doctrine  of  indulgences  in  a  sense  contrary  to  the  posi- 
tion of  Luther. 

The  next  move  of  the  Vicar  of  Christ  was  to  send  to 
Germany  a  special  agent,  the  Saxon  Charles  von  Mil- 
titz,  with  instructions  either  to  cajole  the  heretic  into 
retraction  or  the  Elector  into  surrendering  him.  In 
neither  of  these  attempts  was  he  successful.     At  an  in- 

J"T'  terview  with  Luther  the  utmost  he  could  do  was  to 
secure  a  general  statement  that  the  accused  man  woald 
abide  by  the  decision  of  the  Holy  See,  and  a  promise 
to  keep  quiet  as  long  as  his  opponents  did  the  same. 

Such  a  compromise  was  sure  to  be  fruitless,  for  tl« 
champions  of  the  church  could  not  let  the  heretic  rest 
for  a  moment.  The  whole  aiTair  was  given  a  widei 
publicity  than  it  had  hitherto  attained,  and  at  the  sanM 
time  Luther  was  pushed  to  a  more  advanced  positiM 
than  he  had  yet  reached,  by  the  attack  of  a  theologian 
of  Ingolstadt,  John  Eck.  AVhen  he  assailed  the  These* 
on  the  ground  that  they  seriously  impaired  the  author 
jtj'  of  the  Roman  see,  Luther  retorted: 


/ 


THE  LEADER  69 

The  asBertion  that  the  Roman  Church  is  superior  to  all 
other  churches  is  proved  only  by  weak  and  vain  papal  de- 
crees of  the  last  four  hundred  years,  and  is  repugnant  to 
the  accredited  history  of  the  previous  eleven  hundred 
years,  to  the  Bible,  and  to  the  decree  of  the  holiest  of  all 
eouncils,  the  Nicene. 

A  debate  on  this  and  other  propositions  between  TheLeipi 
ck  on  the  one  side  and  Luther  and  his  colleague  ^^^ 
arlstadt  on  the  other  took  place  at  Leipzig  in  the  days 
x)m  June  27  to  July  16,  1519.  The  climax  of  the 
foment  on  the  power  of  popes  and  councils  came 
hen  ¥kkj  skilfully  manoeuvring  to  show  that  Luther's 
)inions  were  identical  with  those  of  Huss,  forced  from 
M  opponent  the  bold  declaration  that  **  among  the 
3inlons  of  John  Huss  and  the  Bohemians  many  are 
^rtainly  most  Christian  and  evangelic,  and  cannot  be 
mdenmed  by  the  universal  church.''  The  words  sent 
thrill  through  the  audience  and  throughout  Christen- 
Dm.  Eck  could  only  reply:  **If  you  believe  that  a- 
jneral  council,  legitimately  convoked,  can  err,  you 
re  to  me  a  heathen  and  a  publican."  Reconciliation 
as  indeed  no  longer  possible.  When  Luther  had  pro- 
«ted  against  the  abuse  of  indulgences  hj_.did  .so  as  a 
yal  son  of  the  church.  Now  at  last  he  was  forced  - 
» raise  the  standard  of  revolt,  at  least  against  Rome, 
le  recognized  head  of  the  church.  He  had  begun  by 
3pealing  from  indulgence-seller  to  pope,  then  from 
le  pope  to  a  universal  council ;  now  he  declared  that 
great  council  had  erred,  and  that  he  would  not  abide 
r  its  decision.  The  issue  was  a  clear  one,  though 
irdly  recognized  as  such  by  himself,  between  the  re- 
jion  of  authority  and  the  right  of  private  judgment. 
His  opposition  to  the  papacy  developed  with  ex- 
aordinary  rapidity.  His  study  of  the  Canon  Law 
ade  him,  as  early  as  March,  1519,  brand  the  pope  as 
Iher   Aniicbnst  or  Antichrist's   apostle.     He    ap- 


GERMANY 


plauded  Melanehthoii,  a  brilliant  young  man  called  to 
teach  at  Wittenberg  in  1518,  for  denying  transubstan- 
tiation.  He  declared  that  the  cup  should  never  havB 
been  withheld  from  the  laity,  and  that  the  mass  con- ' 
sidered  as  a  good  work  and  a  sacrifice  was  an  abomina- 
tion. His  eyes  were  opened  to  the  iniquities  of  Rome 
by  Valla's  exposure  of  the  Donation  of  Constantine, 
published  by  Ulrich  von  Hutten  in  1519.  After  read- 
ing it  he  wrote : 

Good  heavens !  what  darkness  and  wickedness  is  si 
Rome!  You  wonder  at  the  judgment  of  God  that  sacb 
unauthentic,  crass,  impudent  lies  not  only  lived  but  pre- 
vailed fnr  many  centuries,  that  they  were  incorporated 
into  the  Canon  Law,  and  (that  no  degree  of  horror  might 
be  wanting)  that  they  became  as  articles  of  faith. 

Like  German  troops  Luther  was  best  in  taking  the 
offensive.  These  early  years  when  he  was  standing 
almost  alone  and  attacking  one  abuse  after  another, 
were  the  finest  of  his  whole  career.  Later,  when  he 
came  to  reconstruct  a  church,  he  modified  or  withdrew  i 
much  of  what  he  had  at  first  put  forward,  and  re- 
introduced a  large  portion  of  the  medieval  religiosity 
which  he  had  once  so  successfully  and  fiercely  attacked. 
The  year  1520  saw  him  at  the  most  advanced  point  he 
ever  attained.  It  was  then  that  he  produced,  with 
marvellous  fecundity,  a  series  of  pamphlets  unequalled 
by  him  and  unexcelled  anywhere,  both  in  the  incisive 
power  of  their  attack  on  existing  institutions  and  in 
^  ii  the  popular  force  of  their  language. 

rot&  His  greatest  appeal  to  his  countrymen  was  made  ia 

Str      ^^^  Address  to  the  Christian  Nobility  of  the  Germ* 
1520     '       Nation  on  the  Improvement  of  the  Christian  Estate- 
In  this  he  asserts  the  right  of  the  civil  power  to  reform 
I  the  spiritual,  and  urges  the  government  to  exercise 

^  this  right.     The  priests,  says  he,  defend  themselvea 

^^^^L  against  all  outside  interference  by  three  "walls."  <ft 


THE  LEADER  71 

the  first  is  the  claim  that  the  church  is  superior  i 
state,  in  case  the  civil  authority  presses  them;  I 
second,  the  assertion,  if  one  would  correct  them  | 
the  Bible,  that  no  one  can  interpret  it  but  the  pope; 
third,  if  they  are  threatened  with  a  general  council, 
Uie  contention  that  no  one  can  convoke  such  a  council 
save  the  pope.     Luther  demolishes  these  walls  with  ' 
words  of  vast  import.     First,  he  denies  any  distiuc-  ' 
lion    between    the    spiritual    and    temporal    estates.  1 
Every  Iraptized  Christian,  ho  asserts,  is  a  priest,  and/ 
in  thin  saying  he  struck  a  mortal  blow  at  the  great  \ 
hierarchy  of  privilege  and  theocratic  tyranny  built  up 
by  the  Middle  Ages.     The  second  wall  is  still  frailer 
than  the  first,  says  the  writer,  for  anyone  can  see  that  i 
in  spite  of  the  priests'  claims  to  be  masters  of  the  ' 
Bible  they  never  learn  one  word  of  it  their  whole  life 
long.     The  third  wall  falls  of   itself,  for  the   Bible 
plainly  commands  everyone  to  punish  and  correct  any  i 

wroiig-doer,  no  matter  what  his  station.  ^, 

After  this  introduction  Luther  proposes  measures  of   rtSi^'' 

reform  equally  drastic  and  comprehensive.    The  first  "'***^ 

twelve  articles  are  devoted  to  the  pope,  the  annates, 

■  the  appointment  of  foreigners  to  German  benefices,  the 

Appeal  of  cases  to  Rome,  the  asserted  authority  of  the 

^■ipac}'  over  bishops,  the  emperor,  and  other  rulers. 

^PU  these  abuses,  as  well  as  jubilees  and  pilgrimages 

Bd  Rome  should  be  simply  forbidden  by  the  civil  gov- 

ffanient.     The  uext  throe  articles  deal  with  sacerdotal 

ttlibacy,    recommending   that   priests   bo   allowed   to 

JBarry,  and  calling  for  the  suppression  of  many  of  the 

doifitere.     It  is  further  urged  that  foundations  for 

masses  and  for  the  support  of  idle  priests  be  abol- 

Isbnl,  that  various  vexatious  provisions  of  the  Canon 

law  be  repealed,  and  that  begging  on  any  pretext  he 

probihited.     The  twenty-fourth  article  deals  with  the 

Bobemiao    schism,    saying    that    IIuss    was    wrongly 


GERMANY 


burned,  and  calling  for  union  with  the  Hussites  who 
deny  transubstantiation  and  demand  the  cup  for  the  ' 
laity.  Nest,  the  writer  takes  up  the  reform  of  educa-  , 
tion  in  the  interests  of  a  more  biblical  religion.  Fi- 
nally, he  urges  that  sumptuary  laws  be  passed,  that  a 
bridle  be  put  in  the  mouth  of  the  great  monopolists  and 
usurers,  and  that  brothels  be  no  longer  tolerated. 

Of  all  the  writer's  works  this  probably  had  the 
greatest  and  most  immediate  influence.  Some,  indeed, 
were  offended  by  the  violence  of  the  language,  de- 
fended by  Luther  from  the  example  of  the  Bible  and  by 
the  necessity  of  rousing  people  to  the  enormities  he 
attacked.  But  most  hailed  it  as  a  "trumpet-blast" 
calling  the  nation  to  arms.  Four  thousand  copies  were 
sold  in  a  few  days,  and  a  second  edition  was  called  for 
within  a  month.  Voicing  ideas  that  had  been  long, 
though  vaguely,  current,  it  convinced  almost  all  of  the 
need  of  a  reformation.  According  to  their  sympathies 
men  declared  that  the  devil  or  the  Holy  Ghost  spoke 
through  Luther, 

Though  less  popular  both  in  form  and  subject,  The 
lUiity.lSW  Babylonian  Captivity  of  the  Church  was  not  less  im- 
portant than  the  Address  to  the  German  Nobility.  It 
■was  a  mortal  blow  at  the  sacramental  system  of  the  ' 
church.  In  judging  it  we  must  again  summon  the  aid 
of  our  historical  imagination.  In  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury dogmas  not  only  seemed  but  were  matters  of 
supreme  importance.  It  was  just  by  her  sacramental 
system,  by  her  claim  to  give  the  believer  eternal  life 
and  salvation  through  her  rites,  that  the  church  had 
imposed  her  yoke  on  men.  As  long  as  that  belief  re- 
mained intact  progress  in  thought,  in  freedom  of  con- 
science, in  reform,  remained  difficult.  And  here,  as  18 
frequently  the  case,  the  most  effective  arguments  were 
not  those  which  seem  to  us  logically  the  strongest. 
Lather  made  no  appeal  to  reason  as  such.     He  ap- 


Yhe  Baby- 
lonian Cap- 


i^l 


THE  LEADER  73 

»led  to  the  Bible^  recognized  by  all  Christians  as  an 
ithoiity^  .and  showed  how  far  the  practice  of  the 
mrch  had  degenerated  from  her  standard.  In  the 
rst  place  he  reduced  the  number  of  sacraments,  deny-  Sacramei 
g  that  name  to  matrimony,  orders,  extreme  unction 
id  confirmation.  In  attacking  orders  he  demolished 
le  priestly  ideal  and  authority.  In  reducing  mar- 
age  to  a  civil  contract  he  took  a  long  step  towards  the  •- 
^ularization  of  life.  Penance  he  considered  a  sacra- 
ent  in  a  certain  sense,  though  not  in  the  strict  one, 
id  he  showed  that  it  had  been  turned  by  the  church 
•cm  its  original  significance  of  *  *  repentance  * '  ^  to  that 
I  sacramental  penance,  in  which  no  faith  was  required 
at  merely  an  automatic  act.  Baptism  and  the  eu- 
larist  he  considered  the  only  True  sacraments,  an"a 
rierioudy  "criticiZiedttor  prevalennoctrihe  of  the 
itter.  He  denied  that  the  mass  is  a  sacrifice  or  a 
good  work'*  pleasing  to  God  and  therefore  beneficial 
)  the  soul  either  of  living  or  of  dead.  He  denied  that 
le  bread  and  wine  are  transubstantiated  into  the  body 
nd  blood  of  Jesus,  though  he  held  that  the  body  and 
lood  are  really  present  with  the  elements.  He  de- 
landed  that  the  cup  be  given  to  the  laity. 
The  whole  trend  of  Luther's  thought  at  this  time  was 
►  oppose  the  Catholic  theory  of  a  mechanical  distribu- 
on  of  grace  and  salvation  (the  so-called  opus  opera- 
\m)  by  means  of  the  sacraments,  and  to  substitute  for 
an  individual  conception  of  religion  in  which  faith 
ily  should  be  necessary.  How  far  he  carried  this 
ea  may  be  seen  in  his  Sermon  on  the  New  Testament, 
at  is  on  the  Holy  Mass,^  published  in  the  same  year 
I  the  pamphlets  just  analysed.  In  it  he  makes  the 
sence  of  the  sacrament  forgiveness,  and  the  vehicle 
this  forgiveness  the  word  of  God  apprehended  by 

I  In  Lfttin  penitentia  means  both  penance  and  repentance. 
t  Cf,  Matthew,  xxvi,  28. 


74  GERMANY 

faith,  not  the  actual  participatiou  in  the  sacred  br« 
and  wine.  Had  he  always  been  true  to  this  concept! 
he  would  have  left  no  place  for  sacrament  or  priest 
all.  But  ill  later  years  he  grew  more  conservati' 
until,  under  slightly  different  names,  almost  the  ^ 
medieval  ideas  of  church  and  religion  were  agl 
established,  and,  an  Miltnn  l^ter  expressed  it,  "N) 
presbyter  -was  but  writ  large." 

§  OLUTION 

Although  the  Ge]  irrived,  by  the  end  of 

fifteenth  century,  degree  of  national  8 

consciousne.ss,  (hey  ike  the  French  and  EI 

lish,  succeeded  in  fomimg  a  corresponding  politld 
unity.  The  Holy  Roman  Empire  of  the  German  N 
tion,  though  continuing  to  assert  the  vast  claims  of  the 
Roman  world-state,  was  in  fact  but  a  loose  confederacy 
of  many  and  very  diverse  territories.  On  a  m^ 
drawn  to  the  scale  1:6,000,000  nearly  a  hundred  sep- 
arate political  entities  can  be  counted  within  the  Hmita 
of  the  Empire  and  there  were  many  others  too  small  to 
appear.  The  rulers  of  seven  of  these  territoriea 
elected  the  emperor;  they  w'ere  the  three  spiritual  "] 
princes,  the  Archbishops  of  Mayence,  Treves  and  Co- 
logne, the  throe  German  temporal  princes,  the  Electors 
of  the  RhcTiish  Palatinate,  Saxony,  and  Brandenburg, 
and  in  addition  the  King  of  Bohemia,  who,  save  for 
purposes  of  the  imperial  choice,  did  not  count  as  « 
member  of  the  Germanic  body.  Besides  these  there 
were  some  powerful  dukedoms,  like  Austria  and  Ba* 
varia,  and  numerou.'i  smaller  bishopries  and  counties. 
There  were  also  man;'  free  cities,  like  Augsburg  and 
Nuremberg,  small  aristocratic  republics.  Finally  there 
was  a  large  body  of  "free  knights"  or  barons,  whose 
tiny  fiefs  amounted  often  to  no  more  than  a  castle  and 
a  few  acres,  but  who  owned  no  feudal  superior  Bai 


THE  REVOLUTION  75 

the  emperor.  The  unity  of  the  Empire  was  expressed 
not  only  in  the  person  of  the  emperor,  but  in  the  Diet 
which  met  at  diflferent  places  at  frequent  intervals. 
Its  authority^  though  on  the  whole  increasing,  was 
small. 

With  no  imperial  system  of  taxation,  no  professional 
army  and  no  centralized  administration,  the  real  power 
of  the  emperor  dwindled.  Such  as  it  was  he  derived  it 
from  the  fact  that  he  was  always  elected  from  one  of 
the  great  houses.  Since  1438  the  Hapsburgs,  Arch- 
dukes of  Austria,  had  held  the  imperial  oflBce.  Since 
1495  there  was  also  an  imperial  supreme  court  of  arbi-  1495 
tration.  The  jfirst  imperial  tax  was  levied  in  1422  to 
equip  a  force  against  the  Hussites.  In  the  fifteenth 
century  also  the  rudiments  of  a  central  administration 
were  laid  in  the  division  of  the  realm  into  ten  ''cir- 
cles," and  the  levy  of  a  small  number  of  soldiers. 
And  yet,  at  the  time  of  the  Eeformation,  the  Empire 
was  little  better  than  a  state  in  dissolution  through 
the  centrifugal  forces  of  feudalism. 

So  little  was  the  Empire  an  individual  unit  that  the 
policy  of  her  rulers  themselves  was  not  imperial. 
The  statesmanship  of  Maximilian  was  something 
smaller  than  national ;  it  was  that  of  his  Archduchy  of 
Austria.  The  policy  of  his  successor,  on  the  other 
hand,  was  determined  by  something  larger  than  Ger- 
many, the  consideration  of  the  Spanish  and  Burgundian 
states  that  he  also  ruled.  Maximilian  tried  in  every  Maximiii 
way  to  aggrandize  his  personal  power,  not  that  of  the  !' ^^^^ 
German  nation.  The  Diet  of  Worms  of  1495  tried  to 
remodel  the  constitution!  It  proclaimed  a  perpetual 
public  peace,  provided  that  those  who  broke  it  should 
be  outlawed,  and  placed  the  duty  of  executing  the  ban 
upon  aU  territories  within  ninety  miles  of  the  offender. 
It  also  passed  a  bill  for  taxation,  called  the  * '  common 
penny,''  which  combined  features  of  a  poll  tax,  an  in- 


76  GERMANY 

come  tax  and  a  property  tax.  The  diflScnlty  of  coU< 
ing  it  was  great;  Maximilian  himself  as  a  territoi 
prince  tried  to  evade  it  instead  of  setting  his  sabji 
the  good  example  of  paying  it.  He  probably  deri' 
no  more  than  the  trifling  sum  of  50,000-100,000 
from  it  annually.  The  Diet  also  revived  the  Si 
Court  and  gave  it  p  normonont  home  at  Frankfoi 
the-Main.     Feeble  follow  up  this  bcgii 

of  reform  were  n  ^sequent  Diets,  but 

failed    owing    to  rable    jealousies    of 

princes  and  becauf  y  of  national  unity 

the  sympathy  of  t  i  people,  to  whom  al< 

they  could  look  for 

Maximilian's  external  policy,  though  adventuroM 
and  anstable,  was  somewhat  more  successful,  Hia 
only  principle  was  to  grasp  whatever  opportunity 
seemed  to  offer.  Thus  at  one  time  he  seriously  pro- 
posed to  have  himself  elected  pope.  His  marriage 
with  Marj',  the  daughter  of  Charles  the  Bold,  added 
to  the  estates  of  his  hou.se  Burgundy — the  land  com- 
prising what  is  now  Belgium,  Luxemburg,  most  of 
Holland  and  large  portions  of  north-eastern  Prance. 
On  the  death  of  Mary,  in  1482,  Maximilian  had  mud 
trouble  in  getting  himself  acknowledged  as  regent  d 
her  lands  for  their  son  Philip  the  Handsome.  A  part 
of  the  domain  lie  also  lost  in  a  war  with  France.  Thil 
was  more  than  made  up,  however,  by  the  brilliant  matd 
he  made  fur  Philip  in  securing  for  him  the  hand  of 
Mad  Joanna,  the  daughter  and  heiress  of  Ferdinand 
and  Lsabetla  of  Spain,  Tliis  marriage  produced  two 
sons,  Charles  and  Ferdinand.  The  deaths  of  Isabellt 
(1504),  of  Philip  (1506)  and  of  Ferdinand  of  Aragtf 
(1516)  left  Charles  at  the  age  of  sixteen  the  ruler 
Burgundy  and  of  Spain  with  its  immense  dependendei 
in  Italy  and  in  America.  From  this  time  forth  tbi 
policy  of  Maximilian   concentrated  in   the  effort  t 


THE  REVOLUTION  77 

the  BUCcesBion  of  Ws  eldest  grandson  to  the 
throne. 
icn  'Maximilian  died  on  January  12,  1519,  there 
several  candidates  for  election.  So  little  was  the 
office  considered  national  that  the  kings  of  France  and 
England  entered  the  lists,  and  the  former,  Francis  I, 
actually  at  one  time  secured  the  promise  of  votes  from 

^the  majority  of  electors.  Pope  Leo  made  explicit  en- 
pigements  to  both  Charles  and  Francis  to  support 
their  claims,  and  at  the  same  time  instructed  his  legate 
to  labor  for  the  choice  of  a  German  prince,  either 
Frederic  of  Saxony,  if  he  would  in  return  give  up 
Lnther,  or  else  Joachim  of  Brandenburg.  But  at  no 
time  was  the  election  seriously  in  doubt.  The  electors 
followed  the  only  possible  course  in  choosing  Charles 

ton  Jane  28.  They  profited,  however,  by  the  rivalry  of 
Uie  rich  king  of  France  to  extort  enormous  bribes  and 
eODCCssions  from  Charles.  The  banking  house  of 
Fn^er  aupplied  the  necessary  funds,  and  in  addition 
the  agents  of  the  emperor-elect  were  obliged  to  sign  a 
"capitDJation"  making  all  sorts  of  concessions  to  the 
princes.  One  of  these,  exacted  by  Frederic  of  Saxony 
in  the  interest  of  Luther,  was  that  no  subject  should  , 
be  outlawed  without  being  heard. 

The  settlement  of  tlie  imperial  election  enabled  the 
pope  once  more  to  turn  his  attention  to  the  supprcs- 
Am  of  the  rapidly  growing  heresy.     After  the  Leipzig 
dkhate  tlic  aniversities  of  Cologne  and  Louvain  had 
itonde-mned  Luther's  positions.     Eck  went  to  Rome  in 
March,  1520,  and  impressed  the  curia,  which  was  al- 
nady  planning  a  bull  condemning  the  heretic,  with  the 
danger   of   delay.    After   long   discussions   the   bull 
Essurge  Domine  was  ratified  by  the  College  of  Car-  Buli 
Cnals  and  promulgated  by  Leo  on  June  15.     In  this,  LmJ,^, 
forty-one  of  Luther's  sayings,  relating  to  the  sacra-  ISKI 
i*enta  of  penance  and  the  eucharist,  to  indulgences  and 


78 


QEBMANY 


I 


ine  uieioi 


the  power  of  the  pope,  to  free  will  and  purgatory,  and 
to  a  few  other  matters,  were  anathematized  as  heret- 
ical or  scandalous  or  false  or  offensive  to  pious  ears. 
His  books  were  condemned  and  ordered  to  be  burnt, 
and  unless  he  should  recant  within  sixty  days  of  tbe 
posting  of  the  bull  in  Germany  he  was  to  be  considered' 
a  heretic  and  dealt  with  accordingly.  Eek  was  en- 
trusted with  the  duty  of  publishing  this  fulmination  in 
Germany,  and  performed  the  task  in  the  last  days  of 
September.  [ 

The  time  given  Luther  in  which  to  recant  therefore 
expired  two  months  later.  Instead  of  doing  so  he  pub-  | 
lished  several  answers  to  "the  execrable  bull  of  Anti-  I 
Christ,"  and  on  December  10  publicly  and  solenuily 
burnt  it,  together  with  the  whole  Canon  Law.  This 
he  had  come  to  detest,  partly  as  containing  the 
"forged  decretals,"  partly  as  the  sanction  for  a  vast 
mechanism  of  ecclesiastical  use  and  abuse,  repugnant 
to  his  more  personal  theology.  The  dramatic  act, 
which  sent  a  thnll  throughout  Europe,  symbolized  the 
passing  of  some  medieval  accretions  on  primitive 
Christianity.  There  was  nothing  left  for  the  pope  bat 
to  excommunicate  the  heretic,  as  was  done  in  the  bull 
Decet  Pontificcm  Rowanujn  drawn  up  at  Rome  in  Jan- 
uary, and  published  at  Worms  on  May  6. 

In  the  meantime  Charles  had  come  to  Germany, 
For  more  than  a  year  after  his  election  he  remained 
in  Spain,  where  his  position  was  very  insecure  on  ac- 
count of  the  revolt  against  his  Burgundian  ofiGccrft 
Arriving  in  the  Netherlands  iu  the  summer  of  ^520 
Charles  was  met  by  the  special  nuncios  of  the  pope, 
Caracciolo  and  Aleander.  After  he  was  crowned  em- 
peror at  AL\ -la -Chapel  le,  he  opened  his  first  Diet,  at 
Worms. 

Before  this  august  assembly  came  three  questions 
of  highest  import.     The  first  related  to  the  dynastic 


THE  EEVOLUTION  79 

iticy  of  the  Hapsburgs.  For  the  chronic  war  with 
hmcc  an  army  of  24,000  men  and  a  tax  of  128,000 
iriden  waa  voted.  The  disposition  of  Wiirttemberg 
Insed  some  trouble.  Duke  Ulrich  had  been  deposed 
br  rebellion  in  1518,  and  his  land  taken  from  him  by 
be  Swahian  League  and  sold  to  the  emperor  in  1520. 
fogether  with  the  Austrian  lands,  which  Charles 
Bcretly  handed  over  to  his  young  brother  Ferdinand, 
kis  territory  made  the  nucleus  of  Hapsburg  power  in 
krmauy. 

The  Diet  then  took  up  the  question  of  constitutional 
sfomi.  In  order  to  have  a  permanent  administrative 
ody,  DO<?essar>-  during  the  long  absences  of  the  em- 
iwt)r,  an  Imperial  Council  of  Regency  was  established  Coumrilo 
Bd  given  a  seat  at  Nuremberg.  The  emperor  nom-  ^8="^ 
Datod  the  president  and  four  of  the  twenty-two  other 
Biembers;  each  of  the  six  German  electors  nominated 
■e  member;  six  were  chosen  by  the  circles  into  which 
be  Empire  was  divided  and  six  were  elected  by  the 
Ither  estates.  The  powers  of  the  council  were  limited 
0  the  times  when  the  emperor  was  away. 

The  third  question  treated  by  the  Diet  waa  the  re- 
igioDB  one.  As  usual,  they  drew  up  a  long  list  of 
[rievances  against  the  pope,  to  which  many  good 
iitiiolics  in  the  assembly  subscribed.  Next  they  con- 
ndercU  what  to  do  with  Luther.  Charles  himself, 
Hio  could  speak  no  language  but  French,  and  had  no 
ympatby  whatever  with  a  rebel  from  any  authority 
piritoal  or  temporal,  would  much  have  preferred  to 
ntlaw  the  Wittenberg  professor  at  once,  but  he  was 
Mnod  by  his  promise  to  Frederic  of  Saxony.  Of  the 
is  electors,  who  sat  apart  from  the  other  estates, 
Prcdmc  was  strongly  for  Luther,  the  Elector  Palatine 
Hft  favorably  inclined  towards  him,  and  the  Arch- 
lisbop  of  Mayence  represented  a  mediating  policy. 
the  other  threa  electors  were  opposed.    Among  the 


80  GERMANY 

lesser  princes  a  considerable  minority  was  for  Luthel 
whereas  ainont^  the  representatives  of  the  free  citii 
and  of  the  knights,  probably  a  majority  were  his  f< 
lowers.  The  common  people,  though  unrepresenti 
applauded  Luther,  and  their  clamors  could  not  pi 
unheeded  even  by  the  aristocratic  members  of  the  Dif 
The  debate  was  ""ono/i  hy  Aleander  in  a  spi 
dwelling  on  the  s  errors  of  the  heretic  anfl 

the  similarity  of  nt  to  that  of  the  detest* 

Bohemians.     Aft  y  session  the  estates  dl 

cided  to  Buramon  axon  before  them  and 

cordingly  a  citati  *  with  a  safe-conduct,  i 

sent  him.  j 

Though  there  was  some  aanger  in  obeying  the 
mons,  Luther '.s  journey  to  Worms  was  a  triumphal 
progress.  Brought  before  the  Diet  in  the  late  after- 
noon of  April  17,  he  was  asked  if  a  certain  number  of 
books,  the  titles  of  which  were  read,  were  his  and  if  he 
would  recant  the  heresy  contained  in  them.  The  form 
of  the  questions  took  him  by  surprise,  for  he  had  ex- 
pected to  be  confronted  with  definite  charges  and  tob* 
allowed  to  defend  his  positions.  He  accordingly  asked 
for  time,  and  was  granted  one  more  day.  On  his  sec- 
ond appearance  he  made  a  great  oration  admittmg 
that  the  books  were  his  and  closing  with  the  words; 

Unless  I  am  convicted  by  Scripture  or  by  right  reasoa 
(for  I  trust  neither  popes  nor  councils  since  they  have 
often  erred  and  contradicted  themselves)  ...  I  neither 
can  nor  will  recant  anything  since  it  Is  neither  safe  nw 
right  to  act  against  conscience.     God  help  me.     Amen. 


There  he  stood,  braving  the  world,  for  he  could  do  00 
other.  ...  He  left  the  hall  the  hero  of  his  nation. 

Hoping  still  to  convince  him  of  error,  Catholic  the- 

ologinns  held  protracted  but  fruHVeas  toivierencea  with 

A/m  before  bis  departure  from  "Wornxa  otv  'Oae  'ife'v^'i 


THE  REVOLUTION  83 

ApriL    The  sympathy  of  the  people  with  him''  that 
shown  by  the  posting  at  Worms  of  placards  threaffeaii 
ing  his  enemies.    Charles  was  sincerely  shocked  and"^— ^ 
inunediately  drew  up  a  statement  that  he  would  hazard 
life  and  lands  on  the  maintenance  of  the  Catholic  faith 
of  his  fathers.    An  edict  was  drafted  by  Aleander  on 
the  model  of  one  promulgated  in  September  in  the 
Netherlands.    ^^fi,£gict  of  Worms  pu^  Luther  under  Luther 
the  ban  of  the  Empire,  commanded  his  surrender  to  *>»"*«* 
the-gevenunent  aflhe^6^pira^  his  safe-conduct, 

and  forbade  all  to  shelter  him  or  fo  read  his  writings. 
Though  dated  on  May  8,  to  make  it  synchronize  with  a 
treaty  between  Charles  and  Leo,  the  Edict  was  not 
passed  by  the  Diet  until  May  26.  At  this  time  many 
of  the  members  had  gone  home,  and  the  law  was  forced 
on  the  remaining  ones,  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the 
majority,  by  intrigue  and  imperial  pressure. 

After  leaving  Worms  Luther  was  taken  by  his 
prince,  Frederic  the  Wise,  and  placed  for  safe  keeping 
in  the  Wartburg,  a  fine  old  castle  near  Eisenach.  The 
Here  he  remained  in  hiding  for  nearly  a  year,  while  *"  ^^ 
doing  some  of  his  most  important  work.  Here  he 
wrote  his  treatise  On  Monastic  Vows,  declaring  that 
they  are  wrong  and  invalid  and  urging  all  priests,  nuns 
and  monks  to  leave  the  cloister  and  to  marry.  In 
thus  freeing  thousands  of  men  and  women  from  a  life 
often  unproductive  and  sterile  liuther  achieved  one  of 
the  greatest  of  his  practical  reforms.  At  the  Wart- 
burg also  Luther  began  his  translation  of  the  Bible. 
The  New  Testament  appeared  in  September  1522,  and 
the  Old  Testament  followed  in  four  parts,  the  last  pub- 
lished in  1532. 

While  Luther  was  in  retirement  at  the  Wartburg,  The 
his  colleagues  Carlstadt  and  Melanchthon,  and  the  An-  "  *^  * 
gustiman  frJsr  ffabnel Zwj'JJj'ng,  took  up  the  movement 
/  Wittenberg  and  carried  out  reforms  more  radical 


80  QEKMANY 

less' those  of  their  leader.  The  endowments  of  m— a 
ytifs  confiscated  and  applied  to  the  relief  of  the 
on  new  and  better  principles.  Prostitution  was 
pressed,  A  new  order  of  divine  service  was  i* 
dueed,  in  which  the  words  purporting  that  the  a 
was  a  sacrifice  were  omitted,  and  communion  I 
given  to  the  laity  in  both  kinds.  Priests  were  ur( 
to  marry,  and  almost  forced  to  leave  j 

cloister.     An  e  b  violence  early  manifest 

itself  both  at  "V  id  elsewhere.     An  outbn 

at  Erfurt  agai  jy  occurred  in  June,  1| 

and  by  the  end  riots  took  place  at  Witt 

berg.,..  j 

Even  now,  at  if  the  revolution,  appeaj 

the  beginnings  of  those  sects,  more  radical  than 
Lutheran,  commonly  known  as  Anabaptist.  The  sn 
industrial  town  of  Zwickau  had  long  been  a  hotbed 
Waldensian  heresy.  Under  the  guidance  of  Thon 
Miinzer  the  clothweavers  of  this  place  formed  a 
ligious  society  animated  by  the  desire  to  renovate  b 
church  and  state  by  the  readiest  and  roughest  mea 
Suppression  of  the  movement  at  Zwickau  by  the  g 
ernment  resulted  only  in  the  banishment,  or  escape, 
lecember  some  of  the  leaders.  Three  of  them  found  their  fl 
to  Wittenberg,  where  they  proclaimed  themseli 
prophets  divinely  inspired,  and  conducted  a  revi' 
marked  with  considerable,  though  harmless,  extra' 
gance. 

As  the  radicals  at  Wittenberg  made  the  whole 
Northern  Germany  uneasy,  the  Imperial  Council 
Regency  issued  a  mandate  forbidding  all  the  inno' 
tions  and  commanding  the  Elector  of  Saxony  to  st 
them.  It  is  remarkable  that  Luther  in  this  felt  < 
aetly  as  did  the  Catholics.  Early  in  March  he 
turned  to  Wittenberg  with  the  express  purpose 
checking  the  reforms  which  had  already  gone  too  \ 


7, 1521 


THE  REVOLUTION  83 

for  him.  Hia  persoDal  ascendency  was  so  great  that 
litlottnd  no  trouble  in  doing  so.  Not  only  the  Zwickau 
prophets,  bat  Carlstadt  and  Zwilling  were  discredited. 
AbnoBt  all  their  measures  were  repealed,  including 
ftoee  on  divine  ser\'ice  which  was  again  restored 
llmo&t  to  the  Catholic  form.  Not  until  1525  were  a 
4naple  communion  service  and  the  use  of  German 
igain  introduced. 

It  soon  became  apparent  that  all  orders  and  all  parts  Rebcllia 
irf  Germany  were  in  a  state  of  ferment.  The  next  IJ,^^ 
manifestation  of  the  revolutionary  spirit  was  the  re-  1522-3 
bellion  of  the  knights.  This  class,  now  in  a  state  of 
moral  and  economic  decay,  had  long  survived  any  use- 
fulness it  had  ever  had.  The  rise  of  the  cities,  the 
aggrandizement  of  the  pri^c'es,  and  the  change  to  a 
~wtmnercial  from  a  feudal  society  all  worked  to  the  dis- 
advantage of  the  smaller  nobility  and  gentry.  About 
the  only  means  of  livelihood  left  them  was  f  reebooting, 
and  that  was  adopted  without  scruple  and  without 
Envious  of  the  wealthy  cities,  jealous  of  the 
ter  princes  and  proud  of  their  tenure  immediately 
the  emperor,  the  knights  longed  for  a  new  Ger- 
ly,  more  centralized,  more  national,  and,  of  course, 
!er  their  special  direction.  In  the  Lutheran  move- 
!nt  they  thought  they  saw  their  opportunity;  in 
von  Hutteu  they  found  their  trumpet,  in  Fran- 
von  Sickingen  their  sword.  A  knight  himself,  but 
lib  possessions  equal  to  those  of  many  princes,  a 
_  warrior,  but  one  who  knew  how  to  use  the  new 
v«apoii8,  gold  and  cannon,  Sickingen  had  for  years 
before  he  heard  of  Luther  kept  aggrandizing  his  power 
by  predatory  feuds.  So  little  honor  had  he,  that, 
thongh  appointed  to  high  military  command  in  the 
campaign  against  France,  he  tried  to  win  personal  ad- 
vantage by  treason,  playing  off  the  emperor  against 
King  Francis,  with  whom,  for  a  long  time,  he  almost 


84  GERMANY 

openly  sided.  lu  1520  he  fell  under  the  influenoe  d 
Hutten,  who  urged  him  to  espouse  the  cause  of  thi 
-  "gospel"  as  tliat  of  German  liberty.  By  August  1523 
he  became  convinced  that  the  time  was  ripe  for  actloE^ 
and  issued  a  manifesto  proclaiming  that  the  feudal 
dues  had  become  unbearable,  and  giving  the  impres- 
sion that  he  was  acting  as  an  ally  of  Luther,  althoQ^ 
the  latter  knew  e  ais  intentions  and  woall 

have  heartily  disi  his  methods. 

Sickingen's  firi  as  against  Treves.    Th 

archbishop's  "uD'  mnon"  forced  him  to  n 

tire  from  this  ci  tober  10  the  Council  o 

Regency  declared  aw.     A  league  formed  M 

Treves,  the  Palati.  Hesse,  defeated  him  am 

captured  his  castle  at  Landstuhl  in  May,  1.^23.  Mor- 
tally wounded  he  died  on  May  7. 

Alike  unhurt  and  unhelped  by  such  incidents  as  the 
revolt  of  the  knights,  the  main  current  of  religions 
revolution  swept  onwards.  Leo  X  died  on  December 
1, 1521,  and  in  his  place  was  elected  Adrian  of  Utrecht, 
a  man  of  very  different  character.  Though  he  had 
already  taken  a  strong  stand  against  Luther,  he  ■was 
deeply  resolved  to  reform  the  corruption  of  the  church. 
To  the  Diet  called  at  Nuremberg  in  the  latter  part  of 
1522  he  sent  as  legate  Chieregato  with  a  brief  demaod- 
ing  the  suppression  of  the  schism.  It  was  monstrous, 
said  he,  that  one  little  brother  should  seduce  a  whole 
nation  from  the  path  trodden  by  so  many  martyrs  and 
learned  doctors.  Do  you  suppose,  he  asked,  that  the 
people  will  longer  respect  civil  government  if  they  are 
taught  to  despise  the  canons  and  decrees  of  the  spir- 
itual power!  At  the  same  time  Adrian  wrote  to 
Chieregato : 

Say  that  we  frankly  confess  that  God  permits  thii 
persecution  of  his  church  on  account  of  tlic  sins  of  man, 
especlaily    those   of   the   priests    and    prelates.  ,  ;  .  We 


know  that  in  this  Holy  See  now  for  some  years  there  have 
been  many  abomination^i,  abuses  in  spiritual  things,  ex- 
cesses in  things  cominandetl,  Id  short,  that  all  has  become 
perverted.  .  .  .  We  have  all  tiimod  aside  in  our  waj-a, 
nor  was  there,  for  a  long  time,  any  who  did  right, — no, 
not  one. 

This  confession  rather  strengthened  the  reform 
party,  than  otherwise,  making  its  demands  seem  justi- 
fied; and  all  that  the  Diet  did  towards  the  settlement 
of  the  religious  question  was  to  demand  that  a  council, 
with  representation  of  the  laity,  should  be  called  in  a 
German  city.  A  long  list  of  grievances  against  the 
chnrch  was  again  drawn  up  and  laid  before  the  em- 
peror, i. 
The  same  Diet  took  up  other  matters.  The  need  for 
reform  and  the  impotence  of  the  Council  of  Eegency 
iiad  both  been  demonstrated  by  the  Sickingon  affair. 
A  law  against  monopolies  was  passed,  limiting  the 
oapitai  of  any  single  company  to  fifty  thousand  gulden. 
In  order  to  provide  money  for  the  central  government 
I  castom.?  duty  of  4  per  cent,  ad  valorem  was  ordered. 
Bnlh  Uiese  measures  weighed  on  the  cities,  which  ac- 
cordingly sent  an  embassy  to  Charles.  They  suc- 
ceeded in  inducing  him  to  disallow  both  laws,  " 

The  next  Diet,  which  assembled  at  Nuremberg  early  Di«of 

in  1524,  naturally  refrained  from  passing  more  futile  j^      '* 

laws  for  the  emperor  to  veto,  but  on  the  other  hand  it 

took  a  stronger  stand  than  ever  on  the  religious  ques- 

'  tion.     The   Edict   of  Worms  was  still  nominally   in 

Horec  and  was  still  to  all  intents  and  purposes  flouted. 

*tht'r  was  at  large  and  his  followers  were  gaining. 

1  reply  to  a  demand  from  the  government  that  the 

nict  ehould  be  strictly  carried  out,  the  Diet  passed 

wlnlion  that  it  should  be  observed  by  each  state  as 

I  prince  deemed  it  possible.     Despairing  of 

lical  council  the  estates  demanded  that  a 


and  not  infected  with  t 
now  occupied  by  new 
as  taken  by  a  vast  swan 
have  sun'ived.  Those  o 
(ring  the  Diet  of  Won 

of  the  people  for 
.t  of  the  broadsides  pr<K 


86  GERMANY  i 

German  national  synod  be  called  at  Spires  before  tM 
close  of  the  year  with  power  to  decide  on  what  was  "' 
be  done  for  tlie  time  being. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  by  this  time  the  public  opi 
ion  of  North  Germany,  at  least,  was  thoroug:hly  Li 
theran.  Ferdinand  hardly  exaggerated  when  he  wrol 
his  brother  that  thronehout  the  Empire  there 
scarce  one  persor 
new  doctrines, 
papers  and  weekl; 
of  pamphlets,  moi 
the  years  imraed 
reveal  the  first 
"gospel/'  The  gii^< 
duced  are  concerned  with  the  leader  and  his  doctrines. 
The  comparison  of  him  to  Huss  was  a  favorite  one. 
One  pamplileteer,  at  least,  drew  the  parallel  between 
his  trial  at  Worms  and  that  of  Christ  before  Pilate. 
The  whole  bent  of  men 's  minds  was  theological.  Doc- 
trines which  now  seem  a  little  quaint  and  trite  were 
argued  with  new  fervor  by  each  writer.  The  destruc- 
tion of  images,  the  question  of  the  real  presence  in 
the  sacrament,  justification  by  faith,  and  free  will  were 
disputed.  Above  all  the  Bible  was  lauded  in  the  new 
translation,  and  the  priests  continued,  as  before,  to 
be  the  favorite  butt  of  sarcasm. 

Among  the  very  many  writers  of  these  tracts  the 
playwright  of  Nuremberg,  Hans  Sachs,  took  a  prom- 
inent place.  In  1523  he  publislied  his  poem  on  "the 
Nightingale  of  AVittenberg,  whose  voice  sounds  in  the 
glorious  dawn  over  hill  and  dale."  This  bird  is,  of 
course,  Luther,  and  the  fierce  Hon  who  has  sought  his 
life  is  Leo.  The  next  year  Hans  Sachs  published  no 
less  tlian  three  pamphlets  favoring  the  reform.  They 
were:  1.  A  Disputation  between  a  Canon  and  a  Shoe- 
maker,  defending  the  AVord  of  God  and  the  Christian 


THE  REVOLUTION  87 

Estate.  2.  Conversation  on  the  Hypocritical  Works 
of  the  Clergy  and  their  Vows,  by  which  they  hope  to 
be  saved  to  the  disparagement  of  Christ's  Blood.  3. 
A  Dialogue  against  the  Roman  Avarice.  Multiply 
these  pamphlets,  the  contents  of  which  is  indicated  by 
their  titles,  by  one  hundred,  and  we  arrive  at  some 
conception  of  the  pabulum  on  which  the  people  grew 
to  Protestantism.  Of  course  there  were  many  pam- 
phlets on  the  other  side,  but  here,  as  in  a  thousand 
other  cases,  the  important  thing  proved  to  be  to  have 
the  cause  ventilated.  So  long  as  discussion  was  forced 
m  the  channels  selected  by  the  reformers,  even  the  in- 
terest excited  by  their  adversaries  redounded  ulti- 
mately to  their  advantage. 

The  denunciation  of  authority,  together  with  the  The 
message  of  the  excellence  of  the  humblest  Christian  ^^*"** 
and  the  brotherhood  of  man,  powerfully  contributed  1524-5 
to  the  great  rising  of  the  lower  classes,  known  as  the 
Peasants'  War,  in  1524-5.  It  was  not,  as  the  name  im- 
plied, confined  to  the  rustics,  for  probably  as  large  a 
proportion  of  the  populace  of  cities  as  of  the  tillers  of 
the  soil  joined  it.  Nor  was  there  in  it  anything  en- 
tirely new.  The  cry  for  justice  was  of  long  standing, 
and  every  single  element  of  the  revolt,  including  the 
hatred  of  the  clergy  and  demand  for  ecclesiastical  re- 
form, is  to  be  found  also  in  previous  risings.  Thus, 
the  rebellion  of  peasants  under  Hans  Bohm,  commonly 
called  the  Piper  of  Niklashausen,  in  1476,  was  brought 
about  by  a  religious  appeal.  The  leader  asserted  that 
he  had  special  revelations  from  the  Virgin  Mary  that 
serfdom  was  to  be  abolished,  and  the  kingdom  of  God 
to  be  introduced  by  the  levelling  of  all  social  ranks; 
and  he  produced  miracles  to  certify  his  divine  calling. 
There  had  also  been  two  risings,  closely  connected, 
the  first,  in  1513,  deriving  its  name  of  **Bundschuh" 
from  the  peasant!^  tied  shoe,  a  class  emblem,  and  the 


/ 


88  GERMANY 

second,  in  1514,  called  "Poor  Conrad"  after  the  peas- 
ant's nickname.  If  the  memory  of  the  suppression  of 
all  these  revolts  might  dampen  the  hopes  of  the  poor, 
on  the  other  hand  the  successful  rise  of  the  Swiss  dt- 
moeracy  was  a  perpetual  example  and  encouragement 
to  them. 

The  most  fundan"*"*"^  nono^  of  all  these  risings 
was,  of  Course,  th  le  oppressed  for  jasj 

This  is  eternal,  as  ;  of  the  main  alignnai 

into  which  society  ides  itself,  the  opposil 

of  the  poor  and  th  is  therefore  not  very 

portant  to  inquire  ie  lot  of  the  third  ei 

was  getting  bettei  during  the  first  qua] 

of  the  sixteenth  century,  in  either  ease  there  w 
great  load  of  wrong  and  tyranny  to  bo  thrown  off. 
But  the  question  is  not  uninteresting  in  itself.  As 
there  are  diametrically  opposite  answers  to  it,  both  in 
the  testimony  of  eontemporaries  and  in  the  opinion  of 
modern  scholars,  it  is  perhaps  incapable  of  being  an- 
swered. In  some  districts,  and  in  some  respects,  the 
lot  of  the  poor  was  becoming  a  little  easier;  in  other  j 
lands  and  in  different  ways  it  was  becoming  harder.  ] 
The  time  was  one  of  general  prosperity,  in  which  the  ' 
peasant  often  shared.  The  newer  methods  of  agricul- 
ture, manufacture  and  commerce  benefited  him  who 
knew  how  to  take  advantage  of  them.  That  acme  did 
60  may  be  inferred  from  the  statement  of  Sebastian 
Brant  that  the  rustics  dress  like  nobles,  in  satin  and 
gold  chains.  On  the  other  hand  the  rising  pric«s 
would  bear  hard  on  those  laborers  dependent  on  fixed 
wages,  though  relieving  the  burden  of  fixed  reat& 
The  whole  people,  except  the  merchants,  disliked  the 
increasing  cost  of  living  and  legislated  against  it  to 
the  best  of  their  ability.  Complaints  against  monop- 
oly  were  commow,  and  the  Diets  som^WTOca  fewft.<itftd 
la  ws  against  them.     Foreign  trade  "waa  \QoY.e4.  ou  -wSa 


THE  REVOLUTION  89 

ipicion  as  draining  the  country  of  silver  and  gold. 
^ftlthongh  the  peasants  benefited  by  the  growing 
'  of  government,  they  felt  as  a  grievance  the 
Hon  of  the  new  Roman  law  with  its  emphasis 
nn  the  rights  of  property  and  of  the  state.  Burdens 
rectly  imposed  by  the  territorial  governments  were 
lobably  increasing.  If  the  exactions  from  the  land- 
lords were  not  becoming  greater,  it  was  simply  because 
they  were  always  at  a  maximum.  At  no  time  was  the 
rich  gentleman  at  a  loss  to  find  law  and  precedent  for 
wringing  from  his  serfs  and  tenants  all  that  they  could 
possibly  pay.  The  peasants  were  of  three  classes:  the 
serfs,  the  tenants  who  paid  a  quit-rent,  and  hired  la-  ' 
borers.  The  former,  more  than  the  others,  perhaps, 
had  now  arrived  at  the  determination  to  assert  their 
rights.  For  them  the  Peasants'  War  was  the  in- 
evitable break  with  a  long  economic  past,  now  intol- 
frable  and  hopeless.  There  is  some  evidence  to  show 
that  the  number  of  serfs  was  increasing.  This  proc- 
ess, by  menacing  the  freedom  of  the  others,  united  all 
in  the  resolve  to  stop  the  gradual  enslavement  of  their 
class,  and  to  reckon  with  those  who  benefited  by  it. 

How  little  new  there  was  in  the  ideals  of  the  last  and 
most  terrible  of  the  peasant  risings  may  be  seen  by  a 
nody  of  the  programs  of  reform  put  forward  from 
lime  to  time  during  the  preceding  century.  There  is 
nothing  in  the  manifestos  of  1525  that  may  not  be 

■  found  in  the  pamphlets  of  the  fifteenth  century.  The 
irrievances  are  the  same,  and  the  hope  of  a  completely 
^novated  and  communized  society  is  the  same.     One 

,  of  the  most  influential  of  these  socialistic  pamphlets 
I  wa«  the  so-called  Be  formation  of  the  Emperor  Sigis- 
I  nund,  written  by  an  Augsburg  clergyman  about  1438, 

■  ftrst  printed  in  1476,  and  reprinted  a  number  of  times 

tfore  the  end  of  the  century.     Its  title  bears  witness 
E  Messianic  belief  of  the  people  that  one  of  their 


90  GERMANY 

great,  old  eraporors  should  sometime  return  and  i^" 
store  the  world  to  a  condition  of  justice  and  happliiesa^ 
The  present  tract  preached  that  "obedience  was  deaj- 
and  justice  sick";  it  attacked  serfdom  as  wicked,  de- , 
nounced  the  ecclesiastical  law  and  demanded  the  fre«*j 
dom  given  by  Christ. 

The  same  doctririA.  Hd»mtpd  to  the  needs  of  the  t 
is  preached  in  the  >n  of  the  Emperor  Fret 

eric   III,   publishi  suely    in    1523.     Thon^i 

more  radical  than  eflects  some  of  his  idea&, 

Still  more,  howevt  embody  the  reforms  pro- 

posed at  Kurcmbe  It  may  probably  haw 

been  written  by  G  ler,  called  Jerusalem,  ail 

Imperial  Herald  prommeni;  in  these  circles.  It  ad- 
vocated the  abolition  of  all  taxes  and  tithes,  the  repeal 
of  all  imperial  civil  laws,  the  reform  of  the  clergj%  the 
confiscation  of  ecclesiastical  property,  and  the  limita- 
tion of  the  amount  of  capital  allowed  any  one  merchant 
to  10,000  gulden. 

Though  there  was  nothing  new  in  either  the  mamier 
of  oppression  or  in  the  demands  of  the  third  estate 
during  the  last  decade  preceding  the  great  rebellioB, 
there  does  seem  to  be  a  new  atmosphere,  or  tone,  in 
the  literature  addressed  to  the  lower  classes.  While 
on  the  one  hand  the  poor  were  still  mocked  and  in- 
sulted as  they  always  had  been  by  foolish  and  heartless' 
possessors  of  inherited  wealth  and  position,  from  other 
quarters  they  now  began  to  be  also  flattered  and 
courted.  The  peasant  became  in  the  large  pamphlet 
literature  of  the  time  an  ideal  figure,  the  type  of  the 
plain,  honest.  God-fearing  man.  Nobles  like  Duke 
Ulrich  of  Wiirttemberg  affected  to  be  called  by  popu- 
lar nicknames.  Carlstadt  and  other  learned  men  pro- 
claimed that  the  peasant  knew  better  the  Word  of 
God  and  the  way  of  salvation  than  did  the  learned,  i 
Many  radical    preachers,    especially    the    Anabapti 


THE  REVOLUTION 

tcr,  carried  the  message  of  human  brotherhood  to 
>  point  of  conimuniHm.  There  were  a  number  of 
lay  preachers,  the  most  celebrated  being  the  physician 
Hans  Maarer,  who  took  the  sobriquet  "Karsthans." 
This  name,  "the  man  with  the  hoc,"  soon  became  one 
of  the  catch-words  of  the  time,  and  made  its  way  into 
AT  speech  as  a  synonym  for  the  simple  and  pious 
(orcr.  Hutten  took  it  up  and  urged  the  people  to  i52l 
B  flails  and  pitchforks  and  smite  the  clergy  and  (he 
e  as  they  would  the  devil.  Others  preached  hatred 
f  the  Jews,  of  the  rich,  of  lawyers.  Above  all  they 
)ea!ed  to  the  Bible  aa  the  divine  law,  and  demanded 
religious  reform  as  a  condition  and  preliminary  to  a 
iBrough  renovation  of  society.  Although  liUther 
n&elf  from  the  first  opposed  all  forms  of  violence, 
I  clarion  voice  rang  out  in  protest  against  the  in-  ' 
rtice  of  the  nobles.  "The  people  neither  can  nor 
1  cndare  your  tyranny  any  longer,"  he  said  to  them 
in  1523,  "God  will  not  endure  it;  the  world  is  not  what 
it  once  was  when  you  drove  and  hunted  men  like  wild 


The  rising  began  at  Stiihlingen,  not  far  from  the 
Swiss  frontier,  in  June  1524,  and  spread  with  consid- 
ernble  rapidity  northward,  until  the  greater  part  of 
Germany  was  in  the  throes  of  revolution.  The  rebels 
were  able  to  make  headway  because  most  of  the  regu- 
lar troops  had  been  withdrawn  to  the  Turkish  front  or 
lo  Italy  to  fight  the  emperor's  battle  against  France, 
hi  Sooth  Germany,  during  the  first  six  months,  the 
gatherings  of  peasants  and  townsmen  were  eminently 
peaceable.  They  wished  only  to  negotiate  with  their 
masters  and  to  secure  some  practical  reforms.  But 
■■lien  Ihe  revolt  spread  to  Franconia  and  Saxony,  a 
nuch  more  radically  socialistic  program  was  devel- 
'ped  and  the  rebels  showed  themselves  readier  to  eu- 
orcc  their  demanth  by  arms.     For  the  ycRT  1524  there 


GERMANY 

was  no  general  manifesto  put  forward,  but  there  were 
negotiations  between  Ifie  insurgents  and  their  quon- 
dam masters.  In  this  district  or  in  that,  lists  of  very 
specific  grievances  were  presented  and  redress  de- 
manded. In  some  cases  merely  to  gain  time,  in  others 
sincerely,  the  lords  consented  to  reply  to  these  pe- 
titions. They  denied  this  or  that  charge,  and  they  , 
promised  to  end  this  or  that  form  of  oppression.  ■ 
Neither  side  was  prepared  for  civil  war.  In  all  it  was  j 
more  like  a  modern  strike  than  anything  else.  I 

In  the  early  months  of  1525  several  programs  were  I 
drawn  up  of  a  more  general  nature  than  those  pre- 1 
viously  composed,  and  yet  by  no  means  radical.     The  1 
TkeTwelvt    most  famous  of  these  was  called  The   Twelve  ArU-  * 
cles,  printed  and  widely  circulated  in  February,    The 
exact    place    at    which    they    originated    is    unknown.  ' 
Tlie  authorship  has  been  much  disputed,  and  neces- 
sarily so,  for  they  were  the  work  of  no  one  brain,  but 
were  as  composite  a  production  as  is  the  Constitution  i 
of  the  United  States.     The  material  in  them  is  drawn  j 
from  the  mouths  of  a  whole  people.     Par  more  than  ' 
in  other  popular  writings  one  feels  that  ,they  are  the 
genuine  expression  of  the  public  opinion  of  a  great 
class.     Probably  their  draftsman  was  Sebastian  Lotz- 
er,  the  tanner  who  for  years  past  had  preached  apos- 
tolic communism.     It  is  not  impossible  that  the  Ana- 
baptist   Balthasar   Hiibmaier   had   a    hand   in    theio*  | 
Their  demands  are  moderate  and  would  be  considered 
matters  of  self-evident  justice  to-day.     The  txrst  arti- 
cle is  for  the  riglit  of  eacli  community  to  choose  its  own 
pastor;  the  second  protests  against  the  minor  titbea 
on  vegetables  paid  to  the  clergy,  though  expressly  ad- 
mitting the  legality  of  the  tithes  on  grain.     The  third 
article  demands  freedom  for  the  serfs,  the  fourth  and 
fifth  ask  for  the  right  to  hunt  and  to  cut  wood  in  the 
forests.     The  sixth,  seventh  and  eighth  articles  pro- 


THE  REVOLUTION  93 

against  excessive  forced  labor,  illegal  payments 
exorbitant  rents.  The  ninth  article  denounces  the 
(fioman)  law,  and  requests  the  reestablishment  of 
old  (German)  law.  The  tenth  article  voices  the  in- 
^ation  of  the  poor  at  the  enclosure  by  the  rich  of 
KMomons  and  other  free  land.  The  eleventh  demands 
4e  abolition  of  the  heriot,  or  inheritance  tax,  by  which 
he  widow  of  a  rustic  was  obliged  to  yield  to  her  lord 
lie  best  head  of  cattle  or  other  valuable  possession, 
he  final  article  expresses  the  willingness  of  the  in- 
irgents  to  have  all  their  demands  submitted  to  the 
^ord  of  God.  Both  here  and  in  the  preamble  the  en- 
re  assimilation  of  divine  and  human  law  is  postu- 
ted,  and  the  charge  that  the  Lutheran  Gospel  caused 
dition,  is  met. 
Though  the  Twelve  Articles  were  adopted  by  more  other 

the  bands  of  peasants  than  was  any  other  program,   ™*°*^«"*<* 
it  there  were  several  other  manifestos  drawn  up 
K)ut  the  same  time.     Thus,  in  the  Fifty-nine  Articles 

the  Stiihlingen  peasants  the  same  demands  are  put 
rth  with  much  more  detail.  The  legal  right  to  trial 
"  due  process  of  law  is  asserted,  and  vexatious  pay- 
ents  due  to  a  lord  when  his  peasant  marries  a  woman 
om  another  estate,  are  denounced.  But  here,  too, 
id  elsewhere,  the  fundamental  demands  were  the 
me:  freedom  from  serfdom,  from  oppressive  taxa- 
m  and  forced  labor,  and  for  unrestricted  rights  of 
inting  and  woodcutting  in  the  forests.  Everywhere 
ere  is  the  same  claim  that  the  rights  of  the  people 
e  sanctioned  by  the  law  of  God,  and  generally  the 
asants  assume  that  they  are  acting  in  accordance 
th  the  new  ** gospel"  of  Luther.  The  Swabians  ex- 
essly  submitted  their  demands  to  the  arbitration  of 
commission  of  four  to  consist  of  a  representative  of 
B  emperor,  Frederic  of  Saxony,  Luther  and  either 
elanchthon  or  Bnsronlia,a:en. 


94  GERMANY 


When  the  revolt  reached  the  central  part  of  ( 
I  many  it  became  at  once  more  socialistic  and  ni 
bloody.  The  baleful  eloquence  of  Thomas  Miinzer 
exerted  at  Miihlhausen  to  nerve  the  people  to  st 
down  the  godless  with  pitiless  sword.  Already  in  I 
tember  1524  he  preached:  "On!  on!  on!  This  is 
time  when  the  wicked  are  as  fearful  as  hounds. 
Regard  not  tl:  godless,  .  .  .  On,  while 

fire  is  hot.    1  swords  be  cold  from  bl 

Smite  bang,  anvil  of  Nirarod;  cast 

tower  to  the  Dther  leaders  took  up 

message  and  (  extirpation  of  the  tyri 

including  bot  md  the  lords.     Commoi 

was  demandea  a<=  ...  «po.'itolic  age;  property 

denounced  as  wrong.  Regulation  of  prices  was 
measure  put  forward,  and  the  committing  of  the  , 
ernment  of  the  country  to  a  university  another. 

The  propaganda  of  deeds  followed  close  upon 
propaganda  of  words.  During  the  spring  of  152 
central  Germany  forty-six  cloisters  and  castles  ^ 
burned  to  the  ground,  while  violence  and  ra 
reigned  supreme  with  all  the  ferocity  characteristi 
class  warfare.  On  Easter  Sunday,  April  16,  one  ol 
best-armed  bands  of  peasants,  under  one  of  the  i 
brutal  leaders,  Jiicklein  Rohrbaeh,  attacked  "\V( 
berg.  The  count  and  his  small  garrison  of  eigh 
knights  surrendered  and  were  massacred  by  the 
surgents,  who  visited  mockery  and  insult  upon 
countess  and  her  daughters.  Many  of  the  cities  jo 
the  peasants,  and  for  a  short  time  it  seemed  as  if 
rebellion  might  be  successful. 

But  in  fact  the  insurgents  were  poorly  equip 
untrained,  without  cooperation  or  leadership, 
soon  as  the  troops  which  won  the  battle  of  Pavi 
Italy  were  sent  back  to  Germany  the  whole  mover 
collapsed.     The  Swabian  League  inflicted  decisive 


THE  PROTESTANT  PARTY 

kts  upon  the  rebels  at  Leipbeini  on  April  4,  and  at 

Vnrzach    ten   days  later.     Other   blows   followed    in 

ly.     In  the  center  of  Germany  the  Saxon  Electorate 

r  EUpine.     Frederic  the  Wise  died  in  the  midst  of 

i  tnmult  after  expressing  his  opinion  that  it  was 

id's  will  that  the  common  man  should  rule,  and  that 

would  be  wrong  to  resist  the  divine  decree.     His 

g  neighbor,  Philip,  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  acted 

Ijoronsly.     After  coming  to  terms  with  his  own  sub- 

ts  by  negotiations,  he  raised  troops  and  met  a  band 

insurgents  at  Frank enhausen.    He  wished  to  treat 

Ih  them  also,  but  Miinzer's  fanaticism,  promising 

;  deluded  men  supernatural  aid,  nerved  them  to  re- 

Httt  all  terras.     In  the  very  ancient  German  style  they 

bilt  a  barricade  of  wagons,  and  calmly  awaited  the 

ick  of  the  soldiers.  Undisciplined  and  poorly  May  15 
aed,  almost  at  the  first  shot  they  broke  and  fled  in 
lie,  more  than  half  of  them  perishing  on  the  field. 
nzer  was  captured,  and,  after  having  been  forced 
torture  to  sign  a  confession  of  his  misdeeds,  was 
cated.  After  this  there  was  no  strength  left  in 
peasant  cause.  The  lords,  having  gained  the  up- 
■  baud,  pot  down  the  rising  with  great  craelty.  The 
imates  of  the  numbers  of  peasants  slain  vary  so 
idcly  as  to  make  certainty  impossible.  Perhaps  a 
mdrcd^  thousand  in  all  perished.  The  soldiers  far 
itdid  the  rebels  in  savage  reprisals.  The  laborers 
jik  back  into  a  more  wretched  state  than  before;  op- 
■esKiou  stalked  with  less  rebuke  than  ever  through 
eland. 

5  3.  The  Formation  of  the  Protestant  Party 
In  the  sixteenth  century  politics  were  theological.  Dcteciion 
he  gronps  into   which  men    divided   had    religious  LoiHer 
Eigans  and  were  called  churches,  but  they  were  also 
lUtical  parties.    The  years  following  the  Diet  of 


96  GERMANY 

Worms  saw  the  crystallization  of  a  now  group,  whi 
was  at  first  liberal  and  reforming  and  later,  as  it  gi 
in  stability,  conservative.  At  Worms  almost  all  I 
liberal  forces  in  Germany  had  been  behind  Luther,! 
intellectuals,  the  common  people  with  their  wish  1 
social  amelioration,  and  those  to  whom  the  reli^ 
issue  primarily  appealed.  But  this  support  offered' 
public  opinion  in  the  next  years  it  beea 

both  more  dc  ore  limited.     At  the  8i 

time  that  cit;  and  state  after  state  ' 

openly  revolt!  pope,  until  the  Reform 

had  won  a  lar  vy  in  the  Imperial  Diets  i 

a  place  of  eon  jcognition,  there  was  g^l 

on  another  pre  'h  one  after  another  eerf 

elements  at  first  inclined  to  support  Luther  fell  a" 
from  him.  During  these  years  he  violently  dissocii 
himself  from  the  extreme  radicals  and  thus  lost 
support  of  the  proletariat.  In  the  second  place 
growing  definiteness  and  narrowness  of  his  dogmati 
and  his  failure  to  show  hospitality  to  science  and 
losophy  alienated  a  number  of  intellectuals.  Th 
a  great  schism  weakened  the  Protestant  church. 
these  losses  were  counterbalanced  by  two  gains, 
first  was  the  increasing  discipline  and  coherence  of 
new  churches;  the  second  was  their  gradual  but  n 
attainment  of  the  support  of  the  middle  and  goven 
classes  in  many  German  states. 

Luther's  struggle  with  radicalism  had  begun  wi 
a  year  after  his  stand  at  Worms.  lie  had  always  1 
consistently  opposed  to  mob  violence,  even  whet 
might  have  profited  by  it.  At  Worms  he  disapprt 
Ilutten's  plans  for  drawing  the  sword  against 
Romanists.  When,  from  his  "watchtower,"  he 
spied  the  disorders  at  Wittenberg,  he  wrote  that 
n-JtJistandini;  the  great  provocalion  given  to  the  c 
mon  man  by  the  clergy,  yet  lumuW.  Nvas  V^ift  "^ot 


THE  PROTESTANT  PARTY 


97 


devil.  When  he  returned  home  he  preached  that 
only  weapon  the  Christian  ought  to  use  was  the 
"Word.  "Had  I  wished  it,"  said  he  then,  "I  might 
have  brought  Germany  to  civil  war.  Yes,  at  Worms 
1  might  have  started  a  game  that  would  not  have  been 
safe  for  the  emperor,  but  it  would  have  been  a  fool's 
game.  So  I  did  nothing,  hut  only  let  the  Word  act." 
jhiven  from  Wittenberg,  the  Zwickau  prophets,  as- 
fisted  by  Thomas  Miinzer,  continued  their  agitation 
jbewbere.  As  long  as  their  propaganda  was  peaceful 
[iBtber  was  inclined  to  tolerate  it.  "Let  thera  teach 
vhat  they  like,"  said  he,  "be  it  gospel  or  lies."  Bu'i 
Aen  they  began  to  preach  a  campaign  of  fire  and 
ivord.  Lather  wrote,  in  July  1524,  to  his  elector  beg- 
ting  him  *'to  act  vigorously  against  their  storming 
bd  ranting,  in  order  that  God's  kingdom  may  be  ad- 
Bnced  by  word  only,  as  becomes  Christians,  and  tliat 
■  cause  of  sedition  may  be  taken  from  the  multitude 
^■err  Omnes,  literally  Mr.  Everj'body],  more  than 
^nigh  inclined  to  it  already." 

HWheo  the  revolt  at  last  broke  out  Luther  was  looked 
pip  to  and  appealed  to  by  the  people  as  their  champion. 
Kb  April  1 525  he  composed  an  Exhortation  to  Peace  on  i 
be  Twelve  Articles  of  the  Swabian  Peasants,  in  which  ' 
Ito  distributed  the  blame  for  the  present  conditions  lib- 
kally,  but  impartially,  on  both  sides,  aristocrats  and 
■nsantB.  To  the  former  he  said  that  their  tyranny, 
Mgetter  with  that  of  the  clergy,  had  brought  this  pun- 
Bbnmt  on  themselves,  and  that  God  intended  to  smite 
bno.  To  the  peasants  he  said  that  no  tyranny  was 
■kqsc  for  rebellion.  Of  their  articles  he  approved  of 
■Wo  only,  that  demanding  the  right  to  choose  their 
HNiBtorii  and  that  denouncing  the  heriot  or  death-duty. 
B^eir  second  demand,  for  repeal  of  some  of  the  tithes, 
■■  characterized  as  robbery,  and  the  third,  for  freedom 
H  the  serf,  as  unjustified  heeanse  it  made  Christian 


GERMANY 


liberty  a  merely  external  thing,  and  because  Paul 
said  that  the  bondman  should  not  seek  to  be 
(I  Cor.  vii,  20  f).    The  other  articlee  were  referw 
legal  experts. 

Hardly  had  this  pamphlet  come  from  the  press 
fore  Luthor  heard  of  the  deeds  of  violence  of  Eohr! 
and  his  fellows.  Fearing  that  complete  ana 
would    result  ;riamph    of    the    insurgi 

again.st  whoi  ?  blow  had  yet  been  sti 

he  wrote  a  /    the   Thievish,  Murdt 

Hordes  of  Pt  :his  he  denounced  them 

the  utmost  vi  raage,  and  urged  the  goi 

ment  to  smi  out  pity.     Everj'one  st 

avoid  a  peasj  Id  the  devil,  and  should 

the  forces  to  slay  them  like  mad  dogs.  "If  you  d 
battle  against  them,"  said  he  to  the  soldiers,  ' 
could  never  have  a  more  blessed  end,  for  yon 
obedient  to  God's  Word  in  Romans  13,  and  in 
service  of  love  to  free  your  neighbor  from  the  b 
of  hell  and  the  devil."  A  little  later  he  wrote:  " 
better  that  all  the  peasants  be  killed  than  that 
princes  and  magistrates  perish,  because  the  ru 
took  the  sword  without  divine  authority.  The 
possible  consequence  of  their  Satanic  wickec 
would  be  the  diabolic  devastation  of  the  kingdo; 
God."  And  again:  "One  cannot  argue  reasoi 
with  a  rebel,  but  one  must  answer  him  with  tht 
so  that  blood  flows  from  his  nose."  Mclanchthoi 
tirely  agreed  with  his  friend.  "It  is  fairly  writt' 
Ecclesiasticus  xxxiii,"  said  he,  "that  as  the  ass 
have  fodder,  load,  and  whip,  so  must  the  servant 
bread,  work,  and  punishment.  These  outward,  b 
servitudes  are  needful,  but  this  institution  [serft 
is  certainly  pleasing  to  God." 

Inevitably  such  an  attitude  alienated  the  1< 
classes.     From  this  time,  many  of  them  looked  m 


THE  PROTESTANT  PARTY  99 

[iQtheran  but  to  the  more  radical  sects,  called  Ana- 
ists,  for  help.  The  condition  of  the  Empire  at 
time  was  very  similar  to  that  of  many  countries 
r,  where  we  find  two  large  upper  and  middle-class 
es,  the  conservative  (Catholic)  and  liberal  (Prot- 
t)  over  against  the  radical  or  socialistic  (Ana- 
rt). 

!  most  important  thing  about  the  extremists  was  ^ 
eir  habit  of  denying  the  validity  of  infant  bap-  Anabapdai 
ind  of  rebaptizing  their  converts,  from  which 
ierived  their  name.    What  really  determined 
Fiew-point  and  program  was  that_Uiey..  r^re- 

the  poor,  uneducated^  disinherited  classes.  * 
irty  of  extreme  measures  is  always  chiefly  con- 
d  from  the  proletariat  because  it  is  the  very 
v'ho  most  pressingly  feel  the  need  for  change 
^cause  they  have  not  usually  the  education  to 
the  feasibility  of  the  plans,  many  of  them  quack 
ms,  presented  as  panaceas  for  all  their  woes, 
plete  break  with  the  past  and  with  the  existing 
las  no  terrors  for  them,  but  only  promise, 
idical  party  almost  always  includes  men  of  a 
ariety  of  opinions.  So  the  sixteenth  century 
.  together  as  Anabaptists  men  with  not  only 
mt  but  with  diametrically  opposite  views  on  the 
ital  questions.  Their  only  common  bond  was 
ley  all  alike  rejected  the  authoritative,  tradi- 
and  aristocratic  organization  of  both  of  the 
churches  and  the  pretensions  of  civil  society.    It 

to  see  that  they  had  no  historical  perspective, 
at  they  tried  to  realize  the  ideals  of  primitive 
anity,  as  they  understood  it,  without  reckoning 
rt  changes  in  culture  and  other  conditions,  and 
s  impossible  not  to  have  a  deep  sympathy  with 
n  most  of  whose  demands  were  just  and  who 
their  faith  with  perpetual  martyrdom.    Not- 


100  GERMANY 

withstanding  the  heavy  blow  to  reform  given  in 
crushing  of  the  jioasants'  rising,  radical  doctrines 
tinned  to  spread  among  the  people.    As  the  poor  foi 
their  spnitiuil  needs  best  supplied  in  the  conventicle 
dissent,    official    Lutheranism   became   an  establi 
cbarch,  predomiiiautly  an  aristocratic  and  mlddl< 
party  of  vested  interest  and  privilege. 

It  is  sometimes  r"'^  *^"*  *he  origin  and  growth 
the  Anabaptists  wi  e  German  translation 

the  Bible.     This  is  d  yet  there  is  little  di 

that  the  publicatiop  man  version  in  1522 

the  years  immediat  ig,  stimulated  the 

of  many  sects.     Tl  inch  a  big  book,  and 

able  of  BO  many  dif  •pretations,  that  it  is 

strange  that  a  hundred  different  schemes  of  salvatii 
should  have  been  deduced  from  it  by  those  who  cann^ 
to  it  with  different  prepossessions.  While  many  of, 
the  Anabaptists  were  perfect  quietists,  preaching  the  ' 
duty  of  non-resistance  and  the  wickedness  of  bearing 
arms,  even  in  self-defence,  others  found  sanction  for 
quite  opposite  views  in  the  Scripture,  and  proclaimed 
that  the  godless  should  be  exterminated  as  the  Canaan- 
ites  had  been.  In  ethical  matters  some  sects  practised 
the  severest  code  of  morals,  while  others  were  dis- 
tinguished by  laxity.  By  some  marriage  was  forbid- 
den; others  wanted  all  the  marriage  they  could  get  and 
advocated  polygamy.  The  religious  meetings  were 
similar  to  "revivals,"  frequently  of  the  most  hys- 
terical sort.  Claiming  that  they  were  mystically 
united  to  God,  or  had  direct  revelations  from  him,  they 
rejected  the  ceremonies  and  sacraments  of  historie  ^, 
Christianity,  and  sometimes  substituted  for  them 
practices  of  the  most  absurd,  or  most  doubtful,  char- 
actor.  When  Melchior  Rink  preached,  his  followers 
howJed  like  dogs,  bellowed  like  cattle,  neighed  like 
Aorses,  and  brayed  like  asses — Bome  ol  ftiem.'jfeT^  -Mt 


THE  PROTESTANT  PARTY 

_oraUy,  no^doubt.  In  certain  extrclr.i-  cases  the  meet- 
iDgs^enBed^n  Hcbaucliery,  while  we  kr.ow  v£  men  who 
committed  murder  in  the  belief  that  they  wei-c  directed 
M  to  do  by  special  revelation  of  God.  Thii?  at  St. 
iGall  one  brother  cut  another's  throat,  while  one  of  the 
Hunts  trampled  his  wife  to  death  under  the  influence 
if  the  spirit.  But  it  is  unfair  to  judge  the  whole 
Blovement  by  these  excesses. 

The  new  sectaries,  of  course,  ran  the  gauntlet  of 
^rsecution.  In  1529  the  emperor  and  Diet  at  Spires 
pOBsed  a  mandate  against  them  to  this  effect:  *'By  the 
pleiiitade  of  our  imperial  power  and  wisdom  we  or- 
lain,  decree,  oblige,  declare,  and  will  that  all  Anahap- 
Kste,  men  and  women  who  have  come  to  the  age  at 
■nderstandiuKi  shall  be  executed  and  deprived  of  their  _ 
latnral  life  by  fire,  sword,  and  the  like,  according  to 
ipportanity  and  without  previous  inquisition  of  the 
[jpintnal  judges."  Lutherans  united  with  Catholics  , 
in  passing  this  edict7^n3~sHowed  no  less  alacrity  In 
executing  it.  As  early  as  1525  the  Anabaptists  were 
persocDtcd  at  Zurich,  where  one  of  their  earliest  com- 
munities sprouted.  Some  of  the  leaders  were  drowned, 
ethers  were  banished  and  so  spread  their  tenets  else- 
where. Catholic  princes  exterminated  them  by  fire 
and  sword.  In  Lutheran  Saxony  no  less  than  thirteen 
of  ibe  poor  non-conformists  were  executed,  and  many 
more  imprisoned  for  long  terms,  or  banished. 

And  yet  the  radical  sects  continued  to  grow.  The 
danntless  z<?al  of  Melchior  Hofmann  braved  all  for  the 
propagation  of  their  ideas.  For  a  while  he  found  a 
iffnge  at  Strassburg,  but  this  city  soon  became  too 
orthodox  to  hold  him.  He  then  turned  to  Holland, 
where  the  seed  sowed  fell  into  fertile  ground.  Two 
Dnlchnirn,  the  baker  Jolni  Matthys  of  Haarlem  and 
tile  tailor  John  Beucjcelsj^n  of  Leyden  went  to  the 
pisctipal  city  of  MUnstenn  Westphalia  near  the  Dutcb  \ 


t 


Meciion 

)fihe 

uumanUli 


GERMANY 

border,  and  rapidly,  converted  the  mass  of  the  people 
to  their  own  belief  in  the  advent  of  the  kingdom  of  God 
on  earth.  ■  An  insurrection  expelled  the  bishop's  gov- 
ernment and  installed  a  democracy  in  February,  1534.^ 
.-After  the  death  of  Matffiys  on  April  5,  a  rising  ^Ohe 
.^people  against  the  dictatorial  power  of  Beuc^lesg^n 
was  suppressed  by  this  fanatic  who  thereupon  crowned 
himself  king  under  the  title  of  John  of  Leyden.     Com- 
munism of  goods  was  introduced  and  also  polygamy. 
The  city  was  now  besieged  by  its  suzerain,  the  Bishop 
of  Miinster,  and  after  horrible  sufferings  had  been  in- 
flicted on  the  population,  taken,  by  storm  on  June  25r- 
1535.     The  surviving  leaders  were  put  to  death  bjr  - 
torture. 

The  defeat  itself  was  not  so  disastrous. to  the  Ana.— 
baptist  cause  as  were  the  acts  of  the  leaders  wheniH"" 
power.  As  the  Reformer  Bullinger  put  it:  "God  I 
opened  the  eyes  of  the  governments  by  the  revolt  at 
Miinster,  and  thereafter  no  one  would  trust  even  those 
Anabaptists  who  claimed  to  be  innocent."  Their  lack 
of  unity  and  organization  told  against  them.  Never- 
theless the  sect  smouldered  on  in  the  lower  classes, 
constantly  subject  to  the  fires  of  martj-rdom,  until, 
toward  the  close  of  the  century,  it  attained  some  co- 
hesion and  respectability.  The  later  Baptists,  Inde- 
pendents, and  Quakers  all  inherited  some  portion  of 
its  spiritual  legacies.  To  the  secular  historian  its 
chief  interest  is  in  the  social  teachings,  which  con- 
sistently advocated  tolerance,  and  frequently  various 
forms  of  anarchy  and  socialism. 

Next  to  the  defection  of  the  laboring  masses,  the  se- 
verest loss  to  the  Evangelical  party  in  these  years  was 
that  of  a  largo  number  of  intellectuals,  who,  having 
hailed  Luther  as  a  deliverer  from  ecclesiastical  bond- 
age,  came  to  see  in  him  another  pope,  not  less  tyran- 


*ma 


AM 


THE  PROTESTANT  PARTY  103 

IBS  than  he  of  Rome.  Rcuchlin  the  Hebrew  scholar 
I  Mutian  the  philosopher  had  little  sympathy  with 
iny  dogmatic  subtlety.  Zasius  the  jurist  was  repelled 
by  the  haste  and  rashness  of  Luther.     The  so-called 

i "godless  painters"  of  Nuremberg,  George  Penz  and 
the  brothers  Hans  and  Bartholomew  Beham,  having 
tejecled  lu  large  part  Christian  doctrine,  were  iiat- 
ttrally  not  inclined  to  join  a  new  church,  even  when 
fliey  deserted  the  old. 
Bnt  a  considerable  number  of  humanists,  and  those 
the  greatest,  after  having  welcomed  the  Reformation 
in  its  first,  most  liberal  and  hopeful  youth,  deliberately 
tamed  their  backs  on  it  and  cast  in  their  lot  with  the 
Roman  communion.  The  reason  was  that,  whereas  the 
old  faith  mothered  many  of  the  abuses,  superstitions, 
and  dogmatisms  abominated  by  the  humanists,  it  had 
also,  at  this  early  stage  in  the  schism,  within  its  close 
a  large  body  of  ripe,  cultivated,  fairly  tolerant  opinion. 
The  struggling  innovators,  on  the  other  hand,  though 
they  purged  away  much  obsolete  and  offensive  matter, 
were  forced,  partly  by  their  position,  partly  by  the 
temper  of  their  leaders,  to  a  raw  self-assertiveness,  a 
bald  concentration  on  the  points  at  issue,  incompatible 
with  winsome  wisdom,  or  with  judicial  fairness.  How 
the  humanists  would  have  chosen  had  they  seen  the 
Index  and  Loyola,  is  problematical;  but  while  there 
was  still  hope  of  reshaping  Rome  to  their  liking  they 
had  little  use  for  Wittenberg. 

I  admit  that  for  some  years  I  was  very  favorably  in- 
dined  to  Luther's  entiTprlse  [wrote  Crotus  Rubeaiius  in   Hubeanua 
15311,  hut  when  I  saw  that  nothing  was  left  untorn  and 
und'^Ipd  ...  I  thniight  the  (levil  might  bring  in  great  J 

evil  in  the  guise  of  something  good,  using  Scripture  as  his  J 

shield.     So  I  decided  to  remain  in  the  ehureh  in  which  I  1 

was  baptized,   reared  and  taught.     Even  if  some  fault 
I        might  be  found  in  it,  yet  io  time  It  might  have  been  im-     ^^^^ 


proved,  sooner,  at  any  rate,  than  in  the  new  church  which 
in  a.  few  years  has  been  torn  by  so  many  sects. 

Wilibald  Pirckheimer,  the  Greek  scholar  and  his- 
torian of  Nuremberg,  hailed  Luther  so  warmlj'  at  firi 
that  he  was  put  under  the  ban  of  the  bull  Exsuri 
Domine.     By  1529,  however,  he  had  come  to  belii 
him  insolent,  impudent,  either  insane  or  possessed 
a  devil. 

I   do  not   deny    [he   wrote]    that  at  the  beginning 
Luther's  acts  did  not  seem  to  be  vain,  since  no  good  i 
could  be  pleased  with  all  those  errors  and  impostures  1 
had   accumulated   gradually   in   Christianity.     So,   i 
others,  I  hoped  that  some  remedy  might  be  applii 
such  great  evils,  but  I  was  cruelly  deceived.     For,  " 
the  fonner  errors  had  been  extirpated,  far  more 
erable  ones  crept  in,  compared  to  which  the  others  si 
child's  play. 

To  Era.smus,  the  wise,  the  just,  all  men  turned 
to  an  arbiter  of  opinion.  From  the  first,  Lul 
counted  on  his  support,  and  not  without  reason, 
the  humanist  spoke  well  of  the  Theses  and  coi 
taries  of  the  Wittenberger.  On  March  28, 1519,  Lutl 
addressed  a  letter  to  him,  as  "our  glory  and  hop 
acknowledging  his  indebtedness  and  begging  for  a 
port.  Erasmus  answered  in  a  friendly  way,  at 
same  time  sending  a  message  encouraging  the  Elefl 
Frederic  to  defend  his  innocent  subject. 

Dreading  nothing  so  much  as  a  violent  catastroi 
the  humanist  labored  for  the  next  two  years  to  fin 
peaceful  solution  for  the  threatening  problem.  £ 
ing  that  Luther's  two  chief  errors  were  that  he  "1 
attacked  the  cro^^ni  of  the  pope  and  the  bellies  of 
monks,"  Erasmus  pressed  upon  men  in  power  the  p 
of  allowing  the  points  in  dispute  to  be  settled  by  an 
partial  tribunal,  and  of  imposing  silence  on  both  % 
ties.     At  the  same  time  he  begged  Luther  to  do  nol 


105 

iotent  and  urged  that  his  enemies  be  not  allowed  to 
extreme  measures  against  him.  But  after  the 
iblication  of  the  pamphlets  of  1520  and  of  the  bull 
ndemning  the  heretic,  this  position  became  unten- 
iblc.  Erasmus  had  so  far  compromised  himself  in 
■  eyes  of  the  inquisitors  that  he  fled  from  Louvain 
'  in  the  auturan  of  1521,  and  settled  in  Basle.  He  was 
strongly  nrged  by  both  parties  to  come  out  on  one  side  i 
or  the  other,  and  he  was  openly  taunted  by  Ulrich  von/ 
Hntten,  a  hot  Lutheran,  for  cowardice  in  not  doing  so. 
enated  by  this  and  by  the  dogmatism  and  intoler- 
of  Luther's  writings,  Erasmus  finally  defined  his 
lition  in  a  Diatribe  on  Free  Will.  As  Luther's  1524 
try  of  the  bondage  of  the  will  was  but  the  other 
tide  of  his  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  only — for 
where  God's  grace  does  all  there  is  nothing  left  for  hu- 
man effort — Erasmus  attacked  the  very  center  of  the 
Evangelical  dogmatic  system.  The  question,  a  deep 
psychological  and  metaphysical  one,  was  much  in  the  / 
air,  Valla  having  written  on  it  a  work  published  in 
1518,  and  Pomponazzi  having  also  composed  a  work 
on  it  in  152(^1,  which  was,  however,  not  published  until 
macb  later.  It  is  noticeable  that  Erasmus  selected  this 
point  rather  than  one  of  the  practical  reforms  advo- 
cated at  Wittenberg,  with  which  he  was  much  in  sym- 
pathy. Luther  replied  in  a  volume  on  The  Bondage 
[•/  the  iVill  reasserting  his  position  more  strongly  than  1525 
nver.  Bow  theological,  rather  than  philosophical,  his 
opinion  wae  may  be  seen  from  the  fact  that  while  he 
admitted  that  a  man  was  free  to  choose  which  of  two 
indifferent  alternatives  he  should  take,  he  denied  that 
any  of  these  choices  could  work  salvation  or  real 
rijihteonsness  in  God's  eyes.  Ho  did  not  hesitate  to 
say  that  God  saved  and  damned  souls  irrespective  of 
merit,  Erasmaa  answered  again  in  a  large  work,  the 
Btfperaspistes    { Heavy-Armed  Soldier),   which    canu 


GERMANY 

ont  in  two  parts.  In  this  he  offers  a  general  critiq 
of  the  Lutheran  movement.  Its  leader,  he  says,  is 
dogmatist,  who  never  recoils  from  extremes  logical 
•  demanded  by  his  premises,  no  matter  how  repugna 
they  may  be  to  the  heart  of  man.  Bat  for  himself 
is  a  humanist,  finding  truth  in  the  reason  as  well 
in  the  Bible,  and  abhorring  paradoxes. 

The  controversy  was  not  allowed  to  drop  at  tl 
point.     Many  a  barbed  shaft  of  wit-winged  sarcai 
■was  shot  by  the  light-armed  scholar  against  the  ran 
of    the    Reformers.     "Where    Lutheranism    reigns 
he    wrote    Pirckheimer,    "sound    learning   perishea 
"With  disgust,"  he  confessed  to  Ber,  "I  see  the  cat 
of  Christianity  approaching  a  condition  that  I  shoi 
be   very   unwilling  to   have    it   reach  .  .  .  While 
are  quarreling  over  the  booty  the  victory  will  a 
through  our  fingers.     It  is  the  old  story  of  privi 
interests   destroying  the    commonwealth."     Erasmfi 
first  expressed  the  opinion,  often  maintained  since, 
that  Europe  was  experiencing  a  gradual  revival  both 
of  Christian  piety  and  of  sound  learning,  when  Lu-  1 
ther's  boisterous  attack  plunged  the  world  into  a  tu- 
mult in  which  both  were  lost  sight  of.    On  March  30, 
1527,  he  wrote  to  Maldonato: 

I  brought  it  about  that  sound  learning,  which  among 
the  Italians  and  especially  among  the  Romans  savored  o( 
nothing  but  pure  paganism,  began  nobly  to  eelehrate 
Christ,  in  whom  we  ought  to  boast  as  the  sole  author  o( 
both  wisdom  and  happiness  if  we  are  true  Christiana,  j 
...  I  always  avoided  the  character  of  a  dogmatist,  e»-  j 
cept  in  certain  obiter  dicta  which  seemed  lo  me  conducive 
to  correct  studies  and  against  the  preposterous  judgmentt 
of  men. 

In  the  same  letter  he  tells  how  hard  he  had  fought 
the  obscurantists,  and  adds:  "While  we  were  waging 
a  fairly  equal  battle  against  these  monsters,  behold 


THE  PROTESTANT  PAETY  107 

Lather  suddenly  arose  and  threw  the  apple  of  Discord 
into  the  world." 

In  short,  Erasmus  left  the  Reformers  not  because 
they  were  too  liberal,  but  because  they  were  too  con- 
wrvative,  and  because  he  disapproved  of  violent  meth- 
od*. His  gentle  temperament,  not  without  a  touch  of 
"timidity,  made  him  abhor  the  tumult  and  trust  to  the 
Toice  of  persuasion.  In  failing  to  secure  the  support 
of  the  humanists  Protestantism  lost  heavily,  and  espe-  »- 
eially  abaudoned  its  chance  to  become  the  party  of 
progress.  Luther  himself  was  not  only  disappointed 
in  the  disaffection  of  Erasmus,  but  was  sincerely  re- 
pelled by  his  rationalism.  A  man  who  could  have  the 
least  doubt  about  a  doctrine  was  to  him  "an  Arian, 
sn  atheist,  and  a  slteptic."  He  went  so  far  as  to  say 
that  the  great  Dutch  scholar's  primary  object  in  pub- 
lishing the  Greeit  New  Testament  was  to  make  readers 
doubtful  about  the  text,  and  that  the  chief  end  of  his 
CoUoquies  was  to  mock  all  piety.  Erasmus,  whose 
wrviee*  to  letters  were  the  most  distinguished  and 
whose  ideal  of  Christianity  was  the  loveliest,  has  suf- 
fered far  loo  much  in  being  judged  by  his  relation  to 
the  Keforraation.  By  a  great  Catholic  *  he  baa  been 
called  "the  glory  of  the  priesthood  and  the  aharae," 
be  an  eminent  Protestant  scholar'  "a  John  the  Bap- 
list  and  Jadas  in  one." 

The  battle  with  the  humanists  was  synchronous  with  Sacra- 
the  beginnings  of  a  fierce  internecine  strife  that  tore  ^^" 
the  young  evangelical  church  into  two  parts.  Though 
tlie  controversy  between  Luther  and  his  principal  rival, 
Clrich  Zwingli,  was  really  caused  by  a  wide  difference 
of  thought  on  many  subjects,  it  focused  its  rays,  like 
a  baniing-glass,  upon  one  point,  the  doctrine  of  the 
real  presence  of  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  in  the 

1  Alrcaadrr  Vop*. 


108  GERMANY 

eucharist.  The  explanation  of  this  mystery  evoH 
in  the  Middle  Ages  and  adopted  by  the  Lateran  Coui 
cil  of  1215,  was  the  theory,  called  "traiisubstautia-l 
tion,"  that  the  substance  of  the  bread  turned  into  the! 
substance  of  the  body,  and  the  substance  of  the  vine  !■ 
into  the  substance  of  the  blood,  without  the  "aoci-  1 
dents"  of  appearance  and  taste  being  altered.  Some  ' 
of  the  later  doctors  of  the  church,  Durand  and  Occam, 
opposed  this  theory,  though  they  proposed  a  nearly  ' 
allied  one,  called  "consubstantiation,"  that  the  body  | 
and  blood  are  present  with  the  bread  and  wine.  Wy-  1 
clif  and  others,  among  whom  was  the  Italian  philoso-  . 
pher  Pico  della  Mirandola,  proposed  the  theory  now  ] 
held  in  most  Protestant  churches  that  the  bread  and  ( 
wine  are  mere  symbols  of  the  body  and  biood. 

At  the  dawn  of  the  Reformation  the  matter  was 
brought  into  prominence  by  the  Dutch  theologian 
Hoen,  from  whom  the  symbolic  interpretation  was 
adopted  first  by  Carlstadt  and  then  by  the  Swiss  Re- 
formers Zwingli  and  Oecolampadius.  Luther  himself  . 
wavered.  He  attacked  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass,  in 
which  he  saw  a  "good  work"  repugnant  to  faith,  and 
a  great  practical  abuse,  as  in  the  endowed  masses  for 
souls,  but  he  finally  decided  on  the  question  of  thW 
real  presence  that  the  words  "this  is  my  body"  ^ 
"too  strong  for  him"  and  meant  just  what  they  t 

After  a  preliminary  skirmish  with  Carlstadt,  resolt- 
ing  in  the  latter's  banishment  from  Saxony,  there  wa» 
a  long  and  bitter  war  of  pens  between  Wittenberg  and 
the  Swiss  Reformers.  Once  the  battle  was  joined  it 
was  sure  to  be  acrimonious  because  of  the  self-con- 
sciousness  of  each  side.  Luther  always  assumed  that 
he  had  a  monopoly  of  truth,  and  that  those  who  pro- 
posed different  views  were  infringing  his  copyright, 
so  to  speak,  "Zwingli,  Carlstadt  and  Oecolampadius 
would  never  have  known  Christ's  gospel  rightly,"  ho 


THE  PROTESTANT  PARTY  109 

{uned,  "had  not  Luther  ivritten  of  it -first."  He  soon 
npared  them  to  Absalom  rebelling  against  his  father 
ivid,  and  to  Judas  betraying  his  Master.  Zwiugli 
his  side  was  almost  equally  sure  that  he  had  dis- 
wered  the  truth  iudependently  of  Luther,  and,  while 
impressing  approbation  of  his  work,  refused  to  be 
tilled  by  his  name.  His  invective  was  only  a  shade 
lees  virulent  than  was  that  of  his  opponent. 
The  substance  of  the  controversy  was  far  from 
iinff  the  straight  alignment  between  reason  and  tradi- 
un  that  it  has  sometimes  been  represented  as.  Both 
ides  assumed  the  inerrancy  of  Scripture  and  appealed 
rimarily  to  the  same  biblical  arguments,  Luther  had 
D  difficulty  in  proving  that  the  words  "hoc  est  corpus 
Kum"  meant  that  the  bread  was  the  body,  and  he 
lated  that  this  must  be  bo  even  if  contrary  to  our 
snses.  Zwingli  had  no  difficulty  in  proving  that  the 
ling  itself  was  impossible,  and  therefore  inferred  that 
ie  bihlical  words  must  be  explained  away  as  a  figure 
f  speech.  lu  a  long  and  learned  controversy  neither 
ido  convinced  the  other,  but  each  became  so  exasper- 
ted  as  to  believe  the  other  possessed  of  the  devil.  In 
le  spring  of  1529  Lutherans  joined  Catholics  at  the 
'iet  of  Spires  in  refusing  toleration  to  the  Zwinglians. 
The  division  of  Protestants  of  course  weakened 
lem.  Their  leading  statesman,  Philip,  Landgrave  of 
[esse,  seeing  this,  did  his  best  to  reconcile  the  leaders. 
br  several  years  he  tried  to  get  them  to  hold  a  con-  I 

!renoe,  but  in  vain.     Finally,  he  succeeded  in  bring-  M"*""* 
iug  together  at  his  eastle  at  Marburg  on  the  Lahn,  Ociober 
Lather,  Melanchthon,  Zwingli,  Oecolampadins,  and  a  1-3.1529 
I  large  number  of  other  divines.     The  discussion  here  j 

I  only  served  to  bring  out  more  strongly  the  irreeoncil-  M 

■•bilily    of    the    two    "spirits."     Shortly   afterwards,  § 

rtiPH  the  question  of  a  political  alliance  came  up,  the 
laxon   theologians  drafted  a  memorial  stating  that 


110  GERMANY 

they  would  rather  make  an  agreement  with  the  hfa 
than  ^ith  the  "saoramentarians."  The  same  atti 
was  preserved  at  the  Diet  of  Augsburg,  where 
Lutherans  were  careful  to  avoid  all  appearanc 
friendship  with  the  Zwinglians  lest  they  should  ■ 
promise  their  standing  with  the  Catholics.  Zw 
and  his  friends  were  hardly  less  intra iisigcant. 

Wiicn  Zwi  attle  with  the  Cathohc 

tons  and  wh  3iU8  Buccurahed  to  a  fei 

few  weeks  li  oudly  proclaimed  that 

was  a  judgn  ind  a  triumph  for  his 

party.     Thoi  no  hope  of  reconcilinj 

Swiss,  the  S  Zwinglians,  headed  h; 

Strassburg  litTiuiuit;.^  cer  and  Capito,  hasten 
come  to  an  understanding  with  WlttenbcFgj-wi 
which  their  position  would  have  been  extremely 
ilous.  Bucer  claimed  to  represent  a  middle  doc 
such  as  was  later  asserted  by  Calvin.  As  no  n" 
ground  is  possible,  the  doctrine  is  unintelligible,  1 
in  fact,  nothing  but  the  statement,  in  strong  tern 
two  mutually  exclusive  propositions.  After  mac 
miliation  the  divines  succeeded,  however,  in  satis 
Luther,  with  whom  they  signed  the  Wittenberg 
cord  on  May  29,  1536.  The  Swiss  still  remained 
out  the  pale,  and  Luther's  hatred  of  them  grew 
the  years.  Shortly  before  his  death  he  wrote  th 
would  testify  before  the  judgment-seat  of  Goi 
loathing  for  the  sacramentarians.  He  became 
and  more  conservative,  bringing  back  to  the  sacrs 
some  of  the  medieval  superstitions  he  had  one 
pelled.  He  began  again  to  call  it  an  offering  i 
sacrifice  and  again  had  it  elevated  in  church  fo 
adoration  of  the  faithful.  He  wavered  on  this  j 
because,  as  he  said,  ho  doubted  whether  it  were 
his  duty  to  "spite"  the  papists  or  the  sacramenta 
lie  finally  decided  on  the  latter,  "and  if  necess; 


THE  PROTESTANT  PAETY  111 

nied  he,  **I  will  have  the  host  elevated  three, 
,  or  ten  times,  for  I  will  not  let  the  devil  teach 
lything  in  my  church. ' '  . 

iwithstanding  the  bitter  controversies  just  related  Growth  of 
iranism  flourished  mightily  in  the  body  of  the  j;^*^^, 
e  who  were  neither  peasants  nor  intellectuals  nor  die  and 
,  The  appeal  was  to  the  upper  and  middle  °p^ 
«,  suflSciently  educated  to  discard  some  of  the 
valism  of  the  Roman  Church  and  impelled  also 
tionalism  and  economic  self-interest  to  turn  from  ^ 
rranny  of  the  pope.  City  after  city  and  state 
state  enlisted  under  the  banner  of  Luther.  He 
tued  to  appeal  to  them  through  the  press.  As  a 
sir  pamphleteer  he  must  be  reckoned  among  the 
iblest.  His  faults,  coarseness  and  unbridled  vio- 
of  language,  did  not  alienate  most  of  his  con- 
raries.  Even  his  Latin  works,  too  harshly  de- 
i  by  Hallam  as  **  bellowing  in  bad  Latin, '*  were 
iapted  to  the  spirit  of  the  age.  But  nothing  like 
^rman  writings  had  ever  been  seen  before.  In 
y  and  copiousness  of  language,  in  directness  and 
in  satire  and  argument  and  invective,  in  humor 
3tness  of  illustration  and  allusion,  the  numerous 
political  and  theological,  which  poured  from  his 
urpassed  all  that  had  hitherto  been  written  and 
traight  to  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen.  And  he 
is  battle  almost  alone,  for  Melanchthon,  though 
d  and  elegant,  had  no  popular  gifts,  and  none  of 
her  lieutenants  could  boast   even   second-rate 

w 
• 

3ng  his  many  publications  a  few  only  can  be  sin-  German 
ut  for  special  mention.    Tke  continuation  of  the  ?i^^ 
in  Bible  undoubtedly  helped  his  cause  greatly. 
ny  things  he  could  appeal  to  it  against  the  Bo- 
radition,  and  the  very  fact  that  he  claimed  to  do 
ile  his  opponents  by  their  attitude  seemed  to 


112  GERMANY 


shrink  from  this  test,  established  the  Protestant 
nnni,  to  be  evangelical,  in  the  eyes  of  the  people.  Next 
his  hymns,  many  popular,  some  good  and  one  ! 
great.  Ein'  feste  Burg  has  been  well  called  by  ' 
the  Marseillaise  of  the  Koformation.  The  Longe 
MehiNiH,  Shorter  Catechisms  educated  the  common  peof 
the  evangelical  doctrine  so  well  that  the  Catholics 
forced  to  ira  emy,  though  tardily,  by 

posing,  for  t  catechisms  of  their  owi 

Having  ov  leh  of  the  doctrine  am 

ciplino  of  tl  [1  Luther  addressed  hi 

with  admira  ,  great  success  to  the  ta 

building  up  for  it.     In  this  the  coni 

tion  of  the  cuiib^>'a  and  at  the  same  time 
oughly  popular  spirit  of  the  movement  manifest 
self.  In  divine  service  the  vernacular  was  substi 
for  Latin.  New  emphasis  was  placed  upon  prcat 
Bible-reading  and  hymn-singing.  Mass  was  no  l 
incomprehensible,  but  was  an  act  of  worship  in  • 
all  could  intelligently  participate;  bread  and 
were  both  given  to  the  laity,  and  those  words  c 
canon  implying  transubstanttation  and  sacrifice 
omitted.  Marriage  was  relegated  from  the  rank 
sacrament  to  that  of  a  civil  contract.  Baptisn 
kept  in  the  old  form,  even  to  the  detail  of  exon 
the  evil  spirit.  Auricular  confession  was  pern 
but  not  insisted  upon. 

The  problems  of  church  government  and  org! 
tion  were  pressing.  Two  alternatives  were  th> 
ically  possible,  Congregationalism  or  state  chu 
After  some  hesitation,  Luther  was  convinced  b 
extravagances  of  Miinzer  and  his  ilk  that  the 
was  the  only  practicable  course.  The  govemmei 
the  various  German  states  and  cities  were  now 
supreme  power  in  ecclesiastical  matters.  They 
over  the  property  belonging  to  the  old  church  an 


..n( 


THE  PROTESTANT  PARTY 

ministered  it  generally  for  religious  or  educational  or 
charitable  purposes.  A  system  of  cliurch -visitation 
was  started,  by  which  the  central  authority  passed 
upon  tbe  competence  of  each  minister.  Powers  of  ap- 
Kiintment  and  removal  were  vested  in  the  goventment. 
Rie  title  and  office  of  bishop  were  changed  in  most 
tses  to  that  of  "superintendent,"  though  in  some 
erman  sees  and  generally  in  Sweden  the  name  bishop 
;  retained. 

How  genuinely  popular  was  the  Lutheran  movement  Luihetaai 
lay  be  seen  in  the  fact  (hat  the  free  cities,  Nuremberg, 
^gsburg.  Strasfiburg,  L'lm,  Liibeek,  Hamburg,  and 
my  others,  were  the  first  to  revolt  from  Rome,  In 
bcr  slates  the  government  led  the  way.  Electoral 
gony  evolved  slowly  into  complete  Protestantism, 
bough  the  Elector  Frederic  sympathized  with  almost  | 

iferylhing  advanced  by  his  great  subject,  he  was  too 
latious  to  interfere  with  vested  interests  of  ecclesias- 
j1  property  and  endowments.  On  his  death  his  ^^■*' 
ither  Jolin  succeeded  to  the  title,  and  came  out 
!u!y  for  all  the  reforms  advocated  at  Wittenberg. 
e  neighboring  state  of  Hesse  was  won  about  1524, 
lUgh  the  official  ordinance  promulgating  the  evan-  ^^24-5 
Ileal  doctrine  was  not  issued  until  1526.     A  very  im- 

.nt  acquisition  was  Prussia.     Hitherto  it  had  been  '^25 
vemed  by  the  Teutonic  Order,  a  military  society 
;e  the  Knights  Templars.     Albert  of  Brandenburg 
Kcamc   Grand   Master  in  1511,  and  fourteen  years  2'^',"'' 
ter  saw  the  opportunity  of  aggrandizing  his  personal  bure,i490- 
iwer  by  renouncing  his  spiritual  ties.     He  accord-  1568 
%\y  declared  the  Teutonic  Order  abolished  and  him- 
If  temporal   Duke   of   Prussia,   shortly  afterwards 
irrying  a  daughter  of  the  king  of  Denmark.     He 
rure  allegiance  to  tha  king  of  Poland. 
The  growth  of  Lutheranism  unmolested  by  the  im- 
wial  government  was  made  possible  by  the  absorp- 


114  GEBMANY 

tion  of  the  emperor's  energies  in  his  rivali 
France  and  Turkey  and  by  the  decent  ralizatio; 
Empire.  Leagues  between  groups  of  Germai 
had  been  quite  common  in  the  past,  and  a  new  i 
to  their  formation  was  given  by  the  common  r 
interest.  The  first  league  of  this  sort  was 
Ratisbon,  between  Bavaria  and  other  South 
principal!  '        "'  se  was  to  carry  out  tl 

of  Worm  followed  by  a  similar 

in  North  een  Catholic  states,  ki 

the  Leagu  nd  a  Protestant  confe< 

known  as  Torgau. 

The  D!(  es  in  the  summer  of  1 

nessed  the  le  new  party,  for  in  it 

sides  treated  on  equal  terms.  Many  refom 
proposed,  and  some  carried  through  against 
struction  by  Ferdinand,  the  emperor's  brotl 
lieutenant.  The  great  question  was  the  enfo 
of  the  Edict  of  Worms,  and  on  this  the  Diet  p£ 
act,  known  as  a  Recess,  providing  that  eac 
should  act  in  matters  of  faith  as  it  could  answei 
and  the  emperor.  In  effect  this  allowed  the 
ment  of  every  German  state  to  choose  between 
confessions,  thus  anticipating  the  principle  of 
ligious  Peace  of  Augsburg  of  1555. 

The  relations  of  the  two  parties  were  so 
that  it  seemed  as  if  a  general  religious  war  \\ 
minent.  In  1528  this  was  almost  precipitatt 
certain  Otto  von  Pack,  who  assured  the  Landg 
Hesse  that  he  had  found  a  treaty  between  the  ( 
princes  for  the  extirpation  of  th^'  Lutherans 
the  expropriation  of  their  champions,  the  Eh 
Saxony  and  Philip  of  Hesse  himself.  This  wj 
but  the  landgrave  armed  and  attacked  the  Bis 
Wiirzburg  and  Bamberg,  named  by  Pack  as  pi 
the  treaty,  and  he  forced  them  to  pay  an  indor 


THE  PROTESTANT  PARTY  115 

The  Diet  which  met  at  Spires  early  in  1529  endeav-  Recewi 
ored  to  deal  as  drastically  as  possible  with  the  echlBm.  15^ 
The  Becess  passed  by  the  Catholic  majority  on  April 
r  was  most  unfavorable  to  the  Reformers,  repealing 
the  Recess  of  the  last  Diet  in  their  favor.  Catholic 
states  were  commanded  to  execute  the  persecuting 
Edict  of  Worms,  although  Lutheran  states  were  for- 
.tiddon  to  abolish  the  office  of  the  (Catholic)  mass, 
[and  also  to  allow  any  further  innovations  in  their  own 
rines  or  practices  until  the  calling  of  a  general 
,cil.  The  princes  were  forbidden  to  harbor  the 
ijects  of  another  state.  The  Evangelical  members 
the  Diet,  much  aggrieved  at  this  blow  to  (heir  faith, 
iblished  a  Protest  taking  the  ground  that  the  Recess  ^^"^ 
1526  had  been  in  the  nature  of  a  treaty  and  could 
it  be  abrogated  without  the  consent  of  both  par- 
to  it.  As  the  government  of  Germany  was  a 
;eral  one,  this  was  a  question  of  "states'  rights," 
ich  as  carae  up  in  our  o\ni  Civil  War,  but  in  the  Qer- 
Bun  case  it  was  even  harder  to  decide  because  there 
*as  no  written  Constitution  defining  the  powers  of  the 
national  government  and  the  states.  It  might  nat- 
urally be  assumed  that  the  Diet  had  the  power  to  re- 
peal its  own  acts,  but  the  Evangelical  estates  made  a  April25 
further  point  in  their  appeal  to  the  emperor,  by  alleg- 
ing that  the  Recess  of  1526  had  been  passed  unani- 
moanly  and  could  only  be  repealed  by  a  unanimous 
vote.  The  Protest  and  the  appeal  were  signed  by  the 
Elector  of  Saxony,  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  a  few 
Moaller  states,  and  fourteen  free  cities.  From  the  Pro- 
test they  became  immediately  known  as  "the  Protest- 
ing Estates, "  and  subsequently  the  name  Protestant 
*a8  given  to  all  those  who  left  the  Roman  communion. 


116  GERMANY 

5  4.  The  Growth  of  Protestantism  until  thb 
Death  of  LuTHEnt 

Certain  states  having  announced  that  they  woo] 
not  be  bound  by  the  will  of  the  majority,  the  questit 
naturally  came  up  as  to  how  far  they  would  defffl 
this  position  by  arms.  Luther's  advice  was  asked  ai 
given  to  the  e  1  rebellion  or  forcible  t 

sistance   to   tht  i   authorities   was    wtob 

Passive  resista  e  refusal  to  obey  the  ooi 

mand  to  perse  act  otherwse  contrary 

God's  law,  he  b  right,  but  he  disconnl 

nanced  any  otb  i,  even  those  taken  in  sci 

defence.     All  G  d  he,  were  the  emperor 

subjects,  and  Ihe  princes  should  not  shield  Luther  fro 
him,  but  leave  their  lands  open  to  his  officers  to  c 
what  they  pleased.  This  position  Lather  abandoned 
year  later,  when  the  jurists  pointed  out  to  him  th 
the  authority  of  the  emperor  was  not  despotic  but  wi 
limited  by  law. 

The  Protest  and  Appeal  of  1529  at  last  arooa 
Charles,  slow  as  he  was,  to  the  great  dangers  to  bii 
self  that  lurked  in  the  Protestant  schism.  Having  i 
pulsed  the  Turk  and  having  made  peace  with  Fran 
and  the  pope  he  was  at  last  in  a  position  to  addre 
himself  seriously  to  the  religious  problem.  Fully  i 
tending  to  settle  the  trouble  once  for  all,  he  came 
Germany  and  opened  a  Diet  at  Augsburg  to  whl 
were  invited  not  only  the  representatives  of  the  va 
ous  states  but  a  number  of  leading  theologians,  bo 
Catholic  and  Lutheran,  all  except  Luther  himself, 
outlaw  by  the  Edict  of  Worms. 

The  first  action  taken  was  to  ask  the  Lutherans 
state  their  position  and  this  was  done  in  the  fame 
Augsburg  Confession,  read  before  the  Diet  by  t 
Saxon  Chancellor  Briick.     It  had  been  drawn  up  i 


UNTIL  THE  DEATH  OF  LUTHEB        117 

Telaachthon  in  language  as  near  as  possible  to  that 
'.  the  old  church.     Indeed  it  undertook  to  prove  that 
lere  was  in  the  Lutheran  doctrine  "nothing  repag- 
ut  to  Scripture  or  to  the  Catholic  church  or  to  the 
toman  church."     Even  in  the  form  of  the  Confession 
iblished  1531  this  Catholicizing  tendency  is  marked, 
1  in  the  original,  now  lost,  it  was  probably  stronger. 
He  reason  of  this  was  not,  as  generally  stated,  Me- 
Qcbthon's  "gentleness"  and  desire  to  conciliate  all 
irttes,  for  he  showed  himself  more  truculent  to  the 
ringlians  and  Anabaptists  than  did  Luther.     It  was 
l«  to  the  fact  that  Melanchthon  was  at  heart  half  a    l 
ithnlic,  so  much  so,  indeed,  that  Contarini  and  others    * 
ought  it  quite  possible  that  he  might  come  over  to 
eta.     In  the  present  instance  he  made  his  doctrine 
Dform  to  the  Roman  tenets  to  such  an  extent  that 
in  the  lost  original,  as  we  may  judge  by  the  Confuta- 
a)    even  transubstantiation  was  in  a  manner  ac- 
ited.     The  first  part  of  the  Confession  is  a  creed; 
second  part  takes  up  certain  abuses,  or  reforms, 
imely:  the  demand  of  the  cup  for  the  laity,  the  mar- 
riage of  priests,  the  mass,  as  an  opus  operatum  or  as 
Hcbrated  privately,  fasting  and  traditions,  monastic 
and  the  power  of  the  pope. 
Bat  the  concessions  did  not  satisfy  the  Catholics. 
Refutation  was  prepared  by  Eck  and  others  and 
read  before  the  Diet  on  August  3.     Negotiations  con- 
tinued and  still  further  concessions  were  wrung  from 
Melanchthon,  concessions  of  so  dangerous  a  nature 
that  his  fellow-Protestants  denounced  him  as  an  enemy 
of  thf  faith  and  appealed  to  Luther  against  him.     Me- 
tuichthon  had  agreed  to  call  the  mass  a  sacrifice,  if  the 
word  wore  qnalified  by  the  term  "commemorative," 
ind  aihu  promised  that  the  bishops  should  be  restored 
WKi  their  ancient  jurisdictions,  a  measure  justified  by 
Wta  as  a  blow  at  turbulent  sectaries  bat  one  also  moat 


118  GERMANY 


perilous  to  Lutherans.  On  the  other  hand,  Eck  mi 
some  concessions,  mostly  verbal,  about  the  doctriue 
jastification  and  other  points. 

That  with  this  mutually  conciliatory  spirit  an  agi 
ment  failed  to  materialize  only  proved  how  irreeon 

''  able  wltc  the  aims  of  the  two  parties.  The  Diet  vo 
that  the  Confession  had  been  refuted  and  that 
Protestants    \  to    recant.     The    empe 

promised  to  u  ice  with  the  pope  to  ca! 

general  counc  loubtful  points,  bat  if 

Latherans  did  i  the  papal  church  by  A] 

15,  15S1,  they  ■  led  with  coercion. 

t  To  meet  this  lation  a  closer  alliance  1 

formed  by  tlie  states  at  Schmalkaldea 

February  1531.  This  league  constantly  grew  by 
admission  of  new  members,  but  some  attempts  to  m 
with  the  Swiss  proved  abortive. 

On  January  5,  1531,  Ferdinand  was  elected  King 
the  Komans — the  title  taken  by  the  heir  to  the  Emp 
— by  six  of  the  electors  against  the  vote  of  Saxo 
Three  months  later  when  the  time  granted  the 
therans  expired,  the  Catholics  were  unable  to  do  a 
thing,  and  negotiations  continued.  These  resulted 
the  Peace  of  Xuremberg,  a  truce  until  a  general  co 
cil  should  be  called.  It  was  an  important  victory 
the  Lutherans,  who  were  thus  given  time  in  whicl 
grow. 

The  seething  unrest  which  found  expression  in 
rebellion  of  the  knights,  of  the  peasants  and  of 
Anabaptists  at  Miinster,  has  been  described.  ' 
more  liberal  movement,  which  also  failed,  must 
mentioned  at  this  time.  It  was  as  little  connected  \ 
religion  as  anything  in  that  theological  age  could 

5     The  city  of  Liibeck,  under  its  burgomaster  Geo 

WaJJdiwever,  tried  to-free  UseAS  irom  Wve  mftvienw 

Denmark  and  at  the  same  time  to  gcV  a.-aioxft  v«^ 


I  TTXTIT.  THE  DEATH  OF  LUTHER        119  ■ 

Ipremment.     In  1536  it  was  conquered  by  Christian  I 

wE  of  Denmark,  and  the  old  aristocratic  constitution  m 

nstored.     The  time  was  not  ripe  for  the  people  to  I 

pteert  its  rights  in  North  Germany.  M 

I     The  j^owth  of  Protestantism  was  at  times  assisted  May.lSW 
bv  force  of  arms.     Thus.  Philip  of  Hesse  restored  the  m 

now  Protestant    Duke  Ulrich  of  Wurttemberg,  who  ■ 

had  heen  expelled  for  his  tyranny  by  the  Swabian  I 

Loagme  fifteen  years  before.     This  triumph  was  the  I 

more  marked  because  the  expropriated  ruler  was  Fer-  -fl 

dinand,  King  of  the  Romans.     If  in  such  cases  it  was  ■ 

the  government  which  took  the  lead,  in  others  the  M 

^vfmraent  undoubtedly  compelled  the  people  to  con-  I 

tinue  Catholic  even  when  there  was  a  strongly  Prot-  ■ 

estant  public  opinion.     Such  was  the  case  in  Albcr-  I 

tine  Saxony,'   whose  ruler,  Duke  George,  though  an  I 

fstimable  man  in  many  ways,  was  regarded  by  Luther  I 

as  the  instrument  of  Satan  because  he  persecuted  his  \ 

Protestant  subjects.  When  he  died,  his  brother,  the  April,  15W 
Protestant  Henry  the  Pious,  succeeded  and  introduced 
the  Reform  amid  general  acclamation.  Two  years 
later  this  duke  was  followed  by  his  son,  the  versatile 
hat  treacherous  Maurice.  In  the  year  1539  a  still 
jrreater  acquisition  came  to  the  Schmalkaldic  League 
in  the  conversion  of  Brandenburg  and  its  Elector 
Joachim  II. 

L  Shortly  afterwards  the  world  was  scandalized  by  PWlipof 
llhe  bigamy  of  Philip  of  Hesse.  This  prince  was  ut-  i5^^7 
■teriy  spoiled  by  his  accession  to  the  governing  power 
at  the  age  of  fifteen.  Though  he  lived  in  flagrant  im- 
morality, his  religion,  which,  soon  after  he  met  Luther 
I  fttWorras,  became  the  Evangelical,  was  real  enough  to 
lake  his  sins  a  burden  to  conscience.     Much  attracted 

■S«ioDy  bmd  been  diviilcil  in  14SS  into  two  parig,  the  Electorate,  in- 
IndiBf;  Wittenberg.   Weimar   ttnd  Eisenach,  and   the   Duchy,   including 
llaltni);  and  I)r(i«den.    The  fanner  vaa  csilled  After  ita  flrat  ruler  Ertiee- 
fttat,  the  Utter  Albertine. 


120  GERMANY 

by  the  teachings  of  Bome  of  the  Anabaptists  and  C 
stadt  that  polygamy  was  lawful,  aud  by  Lnther't 
sertioii  in  the  Babylonian  Captivity  that  it  was 
ferable  to  divorce,  he  begged  to  be  allowed  to 
more  wives,  but  was  at  first  refused.  His  consci 
was  quickened  by  an  attack  of  the  syphilis  in  1539, 
at  that  time  he  asked  permission  to  take  a  secMind 
and  received  nber  10,  from  Luther, 

lanchthon,  ai  is  secret  marriage  to 

garet   von  di  ;  place   in   the   presenc 

Melanchthon,  other  divines.     Luthei 

vised  him  to  tter  secret  and  if  neces 

even  to  "tell  ig  lie  for  the  sake  and 

of  the  Christian  t^iu  Of  course  he  was  m 

to  conceal  his  act,  and  his  conduct,  and  that  ol 
Bpiritual  ad\'isers,  became  a  just  reproach  to  the  g 
As  no  material  advantages  were  lost  by  it,  P 
might  have  reversed  the  epigram  of  Francis  I  and 
said  that  "nothing  was  lost  but  honor."  Neither 
many  nor  Hesse  nor  the  Protestant  church  sufi 
directly  by  his  act.  Indeed  it  lead  indirectly  t( 
other  territorial  gain.  Philip's  enemy  Duke  Hen 
Brunswick,  though  equally  immoral,  attacked  hira 
pamphlet.  Luther  answered  this  in  a  tract  of 
utmost  violence,  called  Jack  Sausage.  Henry  ',< 
joinder  was  followed  by  war  between  him  anc 
Schmalkaldic  princes,  in  which  he  was  expelled 
his  dominions  and  the  Reformation  introduced. 

Further  gains  followed  rapidly.  The  Catholic  Bi 
of  Naumburg  was  expelled  by  John  Frederic  of 
ony,  and  a  Lutheran  bishop  instituted  instead.  j\ 
the  same  time  the  great  spiritual  prince.  Hen 
von  Wied,  Archbishop  Elector  of  Cologne,  becai 
Protestant,  and  invited  Melanchthon  and  Bucer  t 
form  his  territories.  One  of  the  last  gains,  befor 
ScljmalJraJdic  war,  was  the  Rhenish  Palatinate,  u 


UNTIL  THE  DEATH  OP  LUTHER       121 

Elector  Frederic  HI.    His  troops  fought  then  on  ^545 
Protestant  side,  though  later  he  .turned  against 
church. 

ie  opportunity  of  the  Lutherans  was  due  to  the  en- 
ments  of  the  emperor  with  other  enemies.    In 
Charles  undertook  a  successful  expedition  against 
is.    The  war  with  France  simmered  on  until  the 
»  of  Nice,  intended  to  be  for  ten  years,  signed  be- 
n  the  two  powers  in  1538.    In  1544  war  broke  out 
0,  and  fortune  again  favored  Charles.    He  in- 
d  France  almost  to  the  gates  of  Paris,  but  did  not 
3  his  advantage  and  on  September  18  signed  the  a^^  \ 
e  of  Crepy  giving  up  all  his  conquests, 
table  to  turn  his  arms  against  the  heretics,  Charles 
nued  to  negotiate  with  them.    The  pressure  he 
ght  to  bear  upon  the  pope  finally  resulted  in  the 
noning  by  Paul  III  of  a  council  to  meet  at  Mantua  ^"??^ 
oUowing  year.    The  Protestants  were  invited  to 
delegates  to  this  council,  and  the  princes  of  that 
held  a  congress  at  Schmalkalden  to  decide  on  February, 
course.    Hitherto    the    Lutherans    had    called 
selves  a  part  of  the  Roman  Catholic  church  and 
always  appealed  to  a  future  oecumenical  or  na- 
1  synod.    They  now  found  this  position  untenable, 
returned  the  papal  citation  unopened.    Instead, 
nds  for  reform,  known  as  the  Schmalkaldic  Arti- 
were  drawn  up  by  Luther.    The  four  principal 
nds  were  (1)  recognition  of  the  doctrine  of  justi- 
>n  by  faith  only,  (2)  abolition  of  the  mass  as  a 
work  or  opus  operatum,  (3)  alienation  of  the 
lations  for  private  masses,  (4)  removal  of  the 
ntions  of  the  pope  to  headship  of  the  universal 
h.    As  a  matter  of  fact  the  council  was  post- 
L 

iling  to   reach   a   permanent   solution    by   this  April  19, 
)d,  Charles  was  agraln  forced  to  negotiate.    The 


122  GEEMANY 


Treaty  of  Frankfort  agreed  to  a  truce  varying  i 
length  from  six  to  fifteen  months  according  to  circiu 
stances.  This  was  followed  by  a  series  of  reli^oi 
conferences  with  the  purpose  of  finding  some  meaj 
of  reconciling  the  two  confessions.  Among  the  fir 
of  these  were  the  meetings  at  Worms  and  Hagen* 
Campeggio  and  Eck  were  the  Catholic  leaders,  31 
lanchthon  the  for  the   Lutherans.    Ea 

side  had  eleven  i  the  commission,  but  tlu 

joint  efforts  wt  m  the  plan  for  limiting  t 

papal  power  i  doctrine    of    original  « 

When  the  Diet  ■  sas  opened  in  the  spring 

1541  a  further  was  held  at  which  the  t 

parties  came  clu.  other  than  they  had  do 

since  Augsburg.  The  Book  of  Rjitisbon  was  dra' 
up,  emphasizing  the  points  of  agreeoient  and  slurri 
over  the  differences.  Contarini  made  wide  cona 
sions,  later  condemned  by  the  Catholics,  on  the  d( 
trine  of  justification.  Discussion  of  the  nature  of  t 
church,  the  power  of  the  pope,  the  invocation  of  sain 
the  mass,  and  sacerdotal  celibacy  seemed  likely  to ' 
suit  in  some  modus  vivendi.  What  finally  shatter 
the  hopes  of  union  was  the  discussion  of  transnbsti 
tiation  and  the  adoration  of  the  host.  As  Contar 
had  found  in  the  statements  of  the  Augsburg  Conf 
sion  no  insuperable  obstacle  to  an  understanding 
was  astonished  at  the  stress  laid  on  them  by  the  Pr 
estants  now. 

It  is  not  remarkable  that  with  such  results  the  D 
of  Spires  should  have  avoided  the  religious  questi 
and  have  devoted  itself  to  more  secular  matte 
among  them  the  grant  to  the  emperor  of  soldiers 
fight  the  Turk.  Of  this  Diet  Bucer  wrote  "The  I 
tales  act  under  the  wrath  of  God.  Religion  is  re 
gated  to  an  agreement  between  cities.  .  .  .  The  cat 
of  our  evils  is  that  few  seek  the  Lord  earnestly,  I 


UNTIL  THE  DEATH  OP  LUTHER       123 

Itoet  'fight  against  him,  both  among  those  who  have  re- 

red,  and  of  those  who  still  bear,  the  papal  yoke.'* 
the  Diet  of  Spires  two  years  later  the  emperor 
lised  the  Protestants,  in  return  for  help  against 
ice,  recognition  until  a  German  National  Council 
Id  be  called.  For  this  concession  he  was  sharply 
limked  by  the  pope.  The  Diet  of  Worms  contented  1545 
^U  with  expressing  its  general  hope  for  a  **Chris- 
hm  reformation. '  * 

During   his    later   years    Luther's    polemic    never  1545 
igged.    His  last  book.  Against  the  Papacy  of  Rome, 
mnded  by  the  Devil,  surpassed  Cicero  and  the  human- 
ts  and  all  that  had  ever  been  known  in  the  virulence  of 
8  invective  against  **the  most  hellish  father,  St.  Paul, 

•  Paula  III ' '  and  his  *  *  hellish  Roman  church.  *  *  *  *  One 
ould  like  to  curse  them,"  he  wrote,  **so  that  thunder 
id  lightning  would  strike  them,  hell  fire  burn  them, 
e  plague,  syphilis,  epilepsy,  scurvy,  leprosy,  car- 
mcles,  and  all  diseases  attack  them" — and  so  on  for 
ige  after  page.  Of  course  such  lack  of  restraint 
rgely  defeated  its  own  ends.  The  Swiss  Reformer 
allinger  called  it  ** amazingly  Yjulaut,"  and  a  book 
an  which  he  **had  never  read  anything  more  savage 

•  imprudent."  Our  judgment  of  it  must  be  tempered 
''  the  consideration  that  Luther  suffered  in  his  last 
?ars  from  a  nervous  malady  and  from  other  painful 
seases,  due  partly  to  overwork  and  lack  of  exercise, 
irtly  to  the  quantities  of  alcohol  he  imbibed,  though 
?  never  became  intoxicated. 

Nevertheless,  the  last  twenty  years  of  his  life  were 
s  happiest  ones.  His  wife,  Catherine  von  Bora, 
I  ex-nun,  and  his  children,  brought  him  much  happi- 
iss.     Though  the  wedding  gave  his  enemies  plenty  June  13, 

openings   for  reviling  him   as   an   apostate,   and  ^^^^ 
ough  it  drew  from  Erasmus  the  scoffing  jest  that 
lat  had  begun  as  a  tragedy  ended  as  a  comedy,  it 


124  GERMANY 

crowned  his  career,  symbolizing  the  retnm  from 
eval  asceticism  to  modern  joy  in  living.  Dwelli 
the  fine  old  friary,  entertaining  with  lavish  prodi( 
many  poor  relatives,  famous  strangers,  and  stn 
notwithstanding  unremitting  toil  and  not  a  little  1 
suffering,  lie  expanded  in  his  whole  nature,  meli- 
in  the  warmth  of  a  happy  fireside  climate.  His 
rontine  is  k  timately  through  the  ac 

assiduity  of  ,  who  noted  down  whol 

umes  of  his 
)eathand         Qh   Pebra  he  died.     Measnred  l 

f  LuUiM       work  that  he  A  and  by  the  impressio' 

his  personal  h  on  contemporaries  a 

posterity,   tl  ^  men    like   him    in    hi 

Dogmatic,  superstitions,  intolerant,  overbearinj 
violent  as  he  was,  he  yet  had  that  inscrutable  prt 
tive  of  genius  of  transforming  what  he  touche< 
new  values.  His  contemporaries  bore  his  iuv 
because  of  his  earnestness;  they  bowed  to  "the  a 
disgraceful  servitude"  which,  says  Melanchthc 
imposed  upon  his  followers,  because  they  knew  tl 
was  leading  them  to  victory  in  a  great  and  w 
cause.  Even  so,  now,  many  men  overlook  his  na 
ness  and  bigotry  because  of  his  genius  and  bravt 
^  Hjs  pT-nnfjpqt  qimlify  was  sincgrilj'.  Priest  ant 
lie  man  as  he  was,  there  was  noF3  line  of  hypoer 
cant  in  his  whole  being.  A  sham  was  to  him  ir 
able,  the  abomination  of  desolation  standing  wli 
ought  not.  Reckless  of  consequences,  of  dangi 
his  popularity,  and  of  his  life,  he  blurted  out  the 
truth,  as  he  saw  it,  "despite  all  cardinals,  popes, 
and  emperors,  together  with  all  devils  and 
"Whether  ii^s  ideal  is  ours  or  nnt,  Jiis  octnrgjrp  jn  <] 
andliis_stxtiuglli_lQ_IabQr.  fiiju  it  must  command 
respect. 

Next  to  liis  earnestness  he  owed  his  success 


UNTIL  THE  DEATH  OF  LUTHER       125 

)Hderfnl  ^t  of  langnage  that  made  him  the  tongue,  H» 
well  as  the  spear-point,  of  his  people.  In  love  of  ***^"*™^ 
in  wonder,  in  the  power  to  voice  some  secret 
in  a  phrase  or  a  metaphor,  he  was  a  poet.  He 
:ed  out  on  the  stars  and  considered  the  ^  ^  good  mas- 
r-workman*'  that  made  them,  on  the  violets  **for 
lich  neither  the  Grand  Turk  nor  the  emperor  could 
\^*  on  the  yearly  growth  of  com  and  wine,  **as 
it  a  miracle  as  the  manna  in  the  wilderness,"  on 
ke  ** pious,  honorable  birds"  alert  to  escape  the  fowl- 
r's  net,  or  holding  a  Diet  **in  a  hall  roofed  with  the 
ault  of  heaven,  carpeted  with  the  grass,  and  with  walls 
B  far  as  the  ends  of  the  earth."  Or  he  wrote  to  his 
on  a  charming  fairy-tale  of  a  pleasant  garden  where 
ood  children  eat  apples  and  pears  and  cherries  and 
lums,  and  where  they  ride  on  pretty  ponies  with 
olden  reins  and  silver  saddles  and  dance  all  day  and 
lay  with  whistles  and  fifes  and  little  cross-bows. 
Luther's  character  combined  traits  not  usually 
>und  in  the  same  nature.  He  was  both  a  dreamy 
ystic  and  a  practical  man  of  affairs ;  he  saw  visions 
id  he  knew  how  to  make  them  realities;  he  was  a 
od-intoxicated  prophet  and  a  cool  calculator  and 
ird  worker  for  results.  His  faith  was  as  simple  and 
issionate  as  his  dogmatic  distinctions  were  often 
►phistical  and  arid.  He  could  attack  his  foes  with 
jrserker  fury,  and  he  could  be  as  gentle  with  a  child 
J  only  a  woman  can.  His  hymns  soar  to  heaven  and 
s  coarse  jests  trail  in  the  mire.  He  was  touched 
ith  profound  melancholy  and  yet  he  had  a  whole- 
)me,  ready  laugh.  His  words  are  now  brutal  in- 
jctives  and  again  blossom  with  the  most  exquisite 
)wers  of  the  soul — poetry,  music,  idyllic  humor,  ten- 
?mess.  He  was  subtle  and  simple ;  superstitious  and 
ise;  limited  in  his  cultural  sympathies,  but  very 
reat  in  what  he  achieved. 


§  5.  The  KEUOions  War  and  the  Keligiocb 
Peace 

Hardly  had  Luther  been  laid  to  rest  when  the  fi^ 
general  religious  war  broke  out  in  Germany.  Thfl 
had  been  a  few  small  wars  of  this  character  bcf« 
such  as  those  of  Hesse  against  Bamberg  and  W31 
burg,  and  aga  nberg,  and  against  Br^ 

wick.    But  the  d  been  sncccsafully  "Vod 

ized."     Now  (  D  come  a  general  batll^^ 

a  foretaste  of  Tears  War  of  the  next  ■ 

tury.  I 

It  has  somet  )Qbted  whether  the  ScM 

kaldic  War  wab  .  is  conflict  at  all.     The  e 

peror  asserted  that  his  sole  object  was  to  redi 
rebellious  subjects  to  obedience.  Several  Protesti 
princes  were  his  allies,  and  the  territories  he  « 
quered  were  not,  for  the  most  part,  forced  to  give 
their  faith.  Nevertheless,  it  is  cert^ii  that  the  fnm 
mental  cause  of  the  strain  was  the  difference  of  era 
A  parallel  may  be  found  in  our  own  Civil  War, 
which  Lincoln  truly  claimed  that  he  was  fighting  oi 
to  maintain  the  union,  and  yet  it  is  certain  that  slaVf 
furnished  the  underlying  cause  of  the  appeal  to  an 

It  has  recently  been  shown  that  the  emperor  planii 
the  attack  on  his  Protestant  subjects  as  far  back, 
least,  as  1541.  All  the  negotiations  subsequent  to  tl 
time  were  a  mere  blind  to  disguise  his  preparatio 
For  he  labored  indefatigably  to  bring  about  a  con 
tion  in  which  it  would  be  safe  for  him  to  embark 
the  perilous  enterprise.  Though  he  was  a  dull  man 
had  the  two  qualities  of  caution  and  persistence  t 
stood  him  in  better  stead  than  the  more  showy  tale 
of  other  statesmen.  If,  with  his  huge  resources, 
never  did  anything  brilliant,  still  less  did  he  ever  U 
a  gambler's  chance  of  failing. 


THE  RELIGIOUS  WAR  127 

The  opportune  moment  came  at  last  in  the  spring  of 
46.  Two  years  before,  he  had  beaten  France  with 
e  help  of  the  Protestants,  and  had  imposed  upon  her 
lone  condition  of  peace  that  she  should  make  no 
ies  within  the  Empire.  In  November  of  the  same 
IT  he  made  an  alliance  with  Paul  HI,  receiving 
^000  ducats  in  support  of  his  effort  to  extirpate 
heresy. 

)ther  considerations  impelled  him  to  attack  at  once. 
}  secession  of  Cologne  and  the  Palatinate  from  the 
holic  communion  gave  the  Protestants  a  majority 
the  Electoral  College.  Still  more  decisive  was  it 
t  Gkarles  was  able  at  this  time  by  playing  upon  the 
ousies  and  ambitions  of  the  states,  to  secure  im- 
tant  allies  within  the  Empire,  including  some  of 
Protestant  faith.     First,  Catholic  Bavaria  forgot 

hatred  of  Austria  far  enough  to  make  common 
se  against  the  heretics.  Then,  two  great  Protes- 
;  princes,  Mal^ice  of  Albertine  Saxony  and  John 

Kiistrin — a  brother  of  Joachim  II,  Elector  of 
ndenburg — abandoned  their  coreligionists  and  bar- 
d  support  to  the  emperor  in  return  for  promises 
ggrandizement. 

final  religious  conference  held  at  Ratisbon  demon-  January 
ted  more  clearly  than  ever  the  hopelessness  of  con-  ^^^ 
ition.     Whereas  a  semi-Lutheran  doctrine  of  justi- 
:ion  was  adopted,  the  Protestants  prepared  two 
f  memoirs  rejecting  the  authority  of  the  council 
ntly  convened  at  Trent.    And  then,  in  the  summer, 

broke  out.  At  this  moment  the  forces  of  the 
malkaldic  League  were  superior  to  those  of  its 
nies.  But  for  poor  leadership  and  lack  of  unity 
ommand  they  would  probably  have  won. 
owards  the  last  of  August  and  early  in  September 
Protestant  troops  bombarded  the  imperial  army 
rigolstadt,  but  failed  to  follow  this  up  by  a  decisive 


T58  GERMANY 

attack,  as  was  urged  by  General  Schartlin  of 
burg.  Lack  of  equipment  was  partly  responsi 
tbis  failure.  When  the  emperor  advanced,  the  ] 
of  Saxony  and  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse  retired  > 
his  own  land.  Another  futile  attempt  of  the  '. 
was  a  raid  on  the  Tyrol,  possibly  influenced 
desire  to  strike  at  the  Council  of  Trent,  certa 
no  sound  i  7.     The  effect  of  thes 

cisive  coun  Charles  had  little  tro 

reducing  t]  man  rebels,  Augsbar^ 

Nuremberg,  nberg.     The  Elector  I 

hastened  to  is  by  temporarily  abau 

his  religion.  reformation  was  also  ( 

in  Cologne.     .  wught  the  emperor's 

by  material  concessions. 

In  the  meantime  Duke  Maurice  of  Albertii 
ony,  having  made  a  bargain  with  the  emperor,  a 
his  second  cousin  the  Elector,  Though  Mauri 
not  obliged  to  abjure  his  faith,  his  act  was  na 
regarded  as  one  of  signal  treachery  and  he  was 
forth  known  by  the  nickname  "Judas."  Mauri 
quered  most  of  his  cousin's  lands,  except  the  f 
AVittenberg  and  Gotha.  Charles's  Spanish  ar 
der  Alva  now  turned  northward,  forced  a  past 
the  Elbe  and  routed  the  troops  of  John  Frederic 
battle  of  Miihlberg,  near  Torgau,  on  April  '2A 
John  Frederic  was  captured  wounded,  and  1 
durance  several  years.  Wittenberg  capitula 
May  19,  and  just  a  month  later  Philip  of  Hes 
rendered  at  Halle.  He  also  was  kept  a  prisoi 
some  years.  Peace  was  made  by  the  medial 
Brandenburg.  The  electoral  vote  of  Saxony  wa 
to  Maurice,  and  with  it  the  best  part  of  John 
eric's  lands,  including  AVittenberg.  No  change 
ligiou  was  required.     The  net  result  of  the  war 


THE  EEUGIOUS  WAR 


^ 


Brease  the  imperial  power,  but  to  put  a  very  slight 
(Bdc  upon  the  expansion  of  Protestantism. 
|And  yet  it  was  for  precisely  this  end  that  Charles 
valued  his  authority.    Immediately,  acting  in- 
idently  of  the  pope,  he  made  another  effort  to 
\T^  the  confessional  unity  of  Germany.    The  Diet 
Augsburg  accepted  under  pressure  from  him  a  de- 1547-8 
|e  called  the  Interim  because  it  was  to  be  valid  only 
itil  the  final  decisions  of  a  general  council.    Though 
tended  to  apply  only  to  Protestant  states — the  CaUi- 
eB  had,  instead,  a  formula  reformationis — the  In-Tbe 
im,  drawn  up  by  Romanist  divines,  was  naturally  jj^^ 
tholic  in  tenor.    The  episcopal  constitution  was  re- 1548 
red,  along  with  the  canon  of  the  mass,  the  doctrine 
the  seven  sacraments,  and  the  worship  of  saints, 
some  doctrinal  points  vagueness  was  studied.    The 
y  concessions  made  to  the  Reformation  were  the 
•  tempore  recognition  of  the  marriage  of  the  clergy 
I  the  giving  of  the  cup  to  the  laity.    Various  other 
Buls  of  practical  reform  were  demanded.    The  In- 
m  was  intensely  unpopular  with  both  parties.    The 
►e  objected  to  it  and  German  Catholics,  especially 
Bavaria,  strongly  opposed  it.    The  South  German 
itestant  states  accepted  it    only  under  pressure. 
irice  of  Saxony  adopted  it  in  a  modified  form, 
wn  as  the  Leipzig  Interim,  in  December  1548.    The 
[stance   rendered  him  by  Melanchthon   caused  a 
se  attack  on  the  theologian  by  his  fellow-Lutherans. 
enforcing  the  Interim  Maurice  found  his  own  profit, 
when  Magdeburg  won  the  nickname  of  ''our  Lord 
[*8  pulpif  by  refusing  to  accept  it,  Maurice  was 
usted  with  the  execution  of  the  imperial  ban,  and 
tured  the  city  on  November  9,  1551. 
ermany  now  fell  into  a  confused  condition,  every 
e  for  itself.    The  emperor  found  his  own  difficul- 


130  GERMANY 


ties  in  trying  to  make  his  son  Philip  suocestjor  t< 
brother  Ferdinand.  His  two  former  Protestant  s 
Maurice  aud  John  von  Kiistrin,  made  an  alliance 
France  and  with  other  North  German   princes 

■52  forced  the  emperor  to  conclude  the  Convention  of 

sau,  This  guaranteed  afresh  the  religious  freedoi 
the  Lutherans  until  the  next  Diet,  and  forced  tlieli 
ation  of  Joh  id  Philip  of  Hesse:    Cb 

did  not  loya  conditions  of  this  agrseii 

but  induced  :rave  of  Brandenbnrg-0 

bach,  to  atti  .'derate  princes  in  the  i 

After  Alberl  ste  a  portion  of  North  I 

^9-         many  he  we  .y  Maurice  at  the  bat^ 

Sievershause  wounded,  the  briUiant 

utterly  uiiKcmpulous  victor  died,  at  the  age  of  ihi 
two,  soon  after  the  battle.  As  tlie  conflict  had  bv 
time  resolved  itself  into  a  duel  between  him 
Charles,  the  emperor  was  now  at  last  able  to 
through,  at  the  Diet  of  Augsburg,  a  settlement  oi 
religious  question. 

sMot*  '^'^^  principles  of  the  Religious  Peace  were  as 

igaburg.       lows : 

Pj^"  (1)  A  truce  between  states  recognizing  the  .' 
burg  Confession  and  Catholic  states  until  union 
possible.  All  other  confessions  were  to  be  barn 
provision  aimed  chiefly  at  Calvinists. 

(2)  The  princes  and  governments  of  tlie  Free  ' 
were  to  be  allowed  to  choose  between  the  Romai 
the  Lutheran  faith,  but  their  subjects  nmst  eithe: 
form  to  this- faith — on  tlie  maxim  famous  as 
regio  ejus  religio — or  emifrrate.  In  Imperial 
Cities,  liowever,  it  was  specially  provided  that 
olic  minorities  be  tolerated. 

(3)  The  "ecclesiastical  resenation,"  or  prii 
that  when  a  Catliolic  spiritual  prince  became  P; 
tant  he  should  be  deposed  and  a  successor  appc 


THE  RELIGIOUS  PEACE  131 

that  his  territory  might  remain  under  the  church. 

respect  to  this  Ferdinand  privately  promised  to 

re  toleration  for  Protestant  subjects  in  the  land 

a  prince.     All  claims  of  spiritual  jurisdiction 

Catholic  prelates  in  Lutheran  lands  were  to  cease. 

UI  estates  of  the  ehureh  confiscated  prior  to  1552  were 

remaiD  in  the  hands  of  the  spoliators,  all  seized  since 

at  date  to  be  restored. 

The  Peace  of  Augsburg:,  like  the  Missouri   Com- 
promise,  only   postponed  civil  war  and   the   radical 
>1ution  of  a  pressing  problem.     But  as  we  cannot 
lightly  censure  the  statesmen  of  1820  for  not  insisting 
emancipation,  for  which  public  opinion  was  not  yet 
Prepared,  so  it  would  be  unhistorical  and  unreasonable 
btame  the  Diet  of  Augsburg  for  not  granting  the 
nplete  toleration  which  we  now  see  was  bound  to 
ne  and  was  ideally  the  right  thing.     Mankind  is 
icated  slowly  and  by  many  hard  experiences.     Eu- 
ipe  had  lain  so  long  under  the  domination  of  an 
ithoritative  ecclesiastical  civilization  that  the  pos- 
fbility  of  complete  toleration  hardly  occurred  to  any 
it  a  few  eccentrics.     And  wo  must  not  minimize  what 
e  Peace  of  Augsburg  actually  accomplished.     It  is 
|e  that  choice  of  religion  was  legally  limited  to  two    Actual 
[ernatives,  but  this  was  more  than  had  been  allowed    "^'* 
fore.     It  is  true  that  freedom  of  even  this  choice 
H  complete  only  for  the  rulers  of  the  territories  or 
lee  Cities;  private  citizens  might  exercise  the  same 
oice  only  on  leaving  their  homes.     The  hardship  of 
is  was  somewhat  lessened  by  the  consideration  that 
any  case  the  nonconformist  would  not  have  to  go 
ir  before  finding  a  German  community  holding  the 

Silholic  or  Lutheran  opinions  he  preferred.  Finally, 
must  be  remembered  that,  if  the  Peace  of  Augsburg 
pned  the  whole  nation  into  two  mutually  hostile 
Bps,  it  at  least  kept  tbem  from  war  for  more  than 


k 


GERMANY 

half  a  century.  Nor  was  this  a  mere  accident,  for  the 
strain  was  at  times  severe.  When  the  imperial  knight, 
Grumbach,  broke  the  peace  by  sacking  the  city  of 
Wiirzburg,  he  was  put  under  the  ban,  captured  and 
executed.  His  protector,  Duke  John  Frederic  of  Sai- 
ony,  was  also  captured  and  kept  in  confinement  in 
Austria  until  his  death. 

Notwithstanding  such  an  exhibition  of  centralized 
power,  it  is  probable  that  the  Peace  of  Augsburg  in- 
creased rather  than  diminished  the  authority  of  the 
territorial  states  at  the  expense  of  the  imperial  govern- 
ment. Charles  V,  worn  out  by  his  long  and  unsuccess- 
ful struggle  with  heresy,  after  giving  the  Netherlands 
to  his  son  Philip  in  1555,  abdicated  the  crown  of  th« 
Empire  to  his  brother  Ferdinand  in  1556.  He  died  two 
years  later  in  a  monastery,  a  disappointed  man,  hav- 
ing expressed  the  wish  that  he  had  burned  Luther  at 
Worms.  The  energies  of  Ferdinand  were  largely 
taken  up  with  the  Turkish  war.  His  son,  Maximiliaa 
II,  was  favorably  inclined  to  Protestantism. 

Before  Maximilian's  death,  however,  a  reaction  in 
favor  of  Catholicism  had  already  set  in.  The  last  im- 
portant gains  to  the  Lutheran  cause  in  Germany  earofl 
in  the  years  immediately  following  the  Peace  of  Augs- 
burg. Nothing  is  more  remarkable  than  the  fact  that 
practically  all  the  conquests  of  Protestantism  in  En- 
rope  were  made  within  the  first  half  century  of  its  exist- 
ence. After  that  for  a  few  years  it  lost,  and  since  thai, 
has  remained,  geographically  speaking,  stationary  in 
Europe.  It  is  impossible  to  get  accurate  statistics  of 
the  gains  and  losses  of  either  confession.  The  estimate 
of  the  Venetian  ambassador  that  only  one-tenth  of 
the  German  empire  was  Catholic  in  1558  is  certain^ 
wrong.  In  1570,  at  the  height  of  the  Protestant  tide, 
probably  70  per  cent,  of  Germans — including  Ans- 
triana — were  Protestant.    In  1910  the  Germans  of  thi 


THE  RELIGIOUS  PEACE  133 

Tman  Empire  and  of  Austria  were  divided  thus: 
>te8tant8  37,675,000;  Catholics  29,700,000.  The 
^testants  were  about  56  per  cent.,  and  this  propor- 
a  was  probably  abont  that  of  the  year  1600. 
Sistorically,  the  final  stemming  of  the  Protestant  Ludieran 
od  was  due  to  the  revival  of  energy  in  the  Catholic  ™ 
corch  and  to  the  internal  weakness  and  schism  of  the 
■otestants.  Even  within  the  Lutheran  conminnion 
ree  conflicts  broke  out.  Luther's  lieutenants  fought 
r  his  spiritual  heritage  as  the  generals  of  Alexander 
light  for  his  empire.  The  center  of  these  storms  was 
ielanchthon  until  death  freed  him  from  *  *  the  rage  of  j^  ^^* 
le  theologians."  Always  half  Catholic,  half  Eras- 
dan  at  heart,  by  his  endorsement  of  the  Interim,  and 
yhis  severe  criticisms  of  his  former  friends  Luther 
iBd  John  Frederic,  he  brought  on  himself  the  bitter 
nmity  of  those  calling  themselves  '  *  Gnesio-Luther- 
D8,"  or  *' Genuine  Lutherans."  Melanchthon  abol- 
hed  congregational  hymn-singing,  and  published  his 
ne  views,  hitherto  dissembled,  on  predestination  and 
e  sacrament.  He  was  attacked  by  Flacius  the  his- 
rian,  and  by  many  others.  The  dispute  was  taken 
►  by  still  others  and  went  to  such  lengths  that  for  a 
nor  heresy  a  pastor,  Funck,  was  executed  by  his 
low-Lutherans  in  Prussia,  in  1566,  *'Philippism" 
it  was  called,  at  first  grew,  but  finally  collapsed 
len  the  Formula  of  Concord  was  drawn  up  in  1580 
i  signed  by  over  8000  clergy.  This  document  is  to 
i  Lutheran  Church  what  the  decrees  of  Trent  were  to 
i  Catholics.  The  **high"  doctrine  of  the  real  pres- 
^  was  strongly  stated,  and  all  the  sophistries  ad- 
dced  to  support  it  canonized.  The  sacramental 
Jad  and  wine  were  treated  with  such  superstitious 
rerence  that  a  Lutheran  priest  who  accidentally 
Ued  the  latter  was  punished  by  having  his  fingers 
;  oflf.    lAeiancbtbon  was  against  such  **  remnants  oi 


134  GERMANY 

papistrj'"   whicli  he   rightly   named   "artolat 
"bread-worship." 

But  the  civil  wars  within  the  Lutheran  com 
were  less  bitter  than  the  hatred  for  the  Ca 
By  1550  their  nialual  detestation  had  reached 
point  that  Calvin  called  the  Lutherans  "mini 
Satan"  and  "nrofessed  enemies  of  God"  tr 
bring  in  '  es"  and  vitiate  the  pc 

ship.     Th  3  out  again  at  the  Coll 

AVorms.  nd  others  condemned  ! 

thus,  in  C  ,  "wiping  off  all  their 

Neverthel  nself  had  said,  in  15: 

Zwingli's  'alse  and  pernicious, 

ficult  is  tliB  f  hodoxy  to  findl     In  ] 

Zwinglian  leader  M,  Schenck  wrote  to  Thomas 
that  the  error  of  the  papists  was  rather  to  t 
than  that  of  the  Saxons.  Nevertheless  Calvin: 
tinned  to  grow  in  Germany  at  the  expense  of  Li 
ism.  Especially  after  the  Formula  of  Cone 
"Philippists"  went  over  in  large  numbers  to 
vinists. 
I  The   worst   thing  about   these    distressing 

""  versics  was  that  they  seemed  to  absorb  the  w 
ergies  of  the  nation.  No  period  is  less  prodi 
modern  German  history  than  the  age  immedia 
lowing  the  triumph  of  the  Reformation.  Tli 
ment,  which  had  begun  so  liberally  and  hopef 
came,  temporarily  at  least,  narrower  and  m 
oted  than  Catholicism.  It  seemed  as  if  Erasi 
been  quite  right  when  he  said  that  where  Luth 
reigned  culture  perished.  Of  these  men  it  h 
said — and  the  epigram  is  not  a  bad  one— tl 
made  an  intellectual  desert  and  called  it  i 
peace. 
And  yot  we  should  be  cautious  inVVsVot"^'  o 
ing  post  hoc  propter  hoc.     That  V\veTe'Naatvo' 


SCANDINAVIA  135 

esBarily  blighting  in  Protestantism  is  shown  by  the    i6th 
examples  of  England  and  Poland,  where  the  Reform    ^t^J]J^ 
waa  followed  by  the  most  brilliant  literary  age  in  the 
annals  of  these  peoples.     The  latter  part  of  the  six- 
teenth century  was  also  the  groat  period  of  the  litera- 
tore  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  which  remained  Catholic, 
iereas  Italy,  eqaally  Catholic,  notably  declined  in 
tistic  production  and  somewhat  also  in  letters.     The 
nsea    of    the    alterations,    in    various    peoples,    of 
iriotls  of  productivity  and  of  comparative  sterility, 
«  in  part  iuscrutable.     In  the  present  case,  it  seems 
at  when  a  relaxation  of  intellectual  activity  is  visible, 
iWas  not  due  to  any  special  quality  iu  Protestantism, 
U  was  rather  caused  by  the  heat  of  controversy. 

S  7.  Note  on  Scandinavia,  Poland,  and  Hungary 
A  few  small  countries  bordering  on  the  Empire, 
lither  fully  in  the  central  stream  of  European  cul- 
re,  nor  wholly  outside  of  it,  may  be  treated  briefly. 
D  of  them  were  affected  by  the  Protestant  revolu- 
on,  the  Teutonic  peoples  permanently,  the  others 
transiently. 

Scandinavia  looms  large  in  the  Middle  Ages  as  the 
home  of  the  teeming  multitudes  of  emigrants,  Goths 
and  Vandals,  who  swanned  over  the  Roman  Empire. 
Later  waves  from  Denmark  and  the  contiguous  por- 
tion of  Germany  flooded  England  first  in  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  conquest  and  then  in  the  Danish.  The  Nor- 
man^ too,  originally  hailed  from  Scandinavia.  But 
though  the  sons  of  the  North  conquered  and  colonized 
so  much  of  the  South,  Scandinavia  herself  remained 
a  small  people,  neither  politically  nor  intellectually  of 
the  first  importance.  The  three  kingdoms  of  Den- 
mark, Norway,  and  Sweden  became  one  in  13!)7 ;  and, 
after  Sweden's  temporary  separation  from  the  other 
two,  were  agaiu  united.    The  fifteenth  century  saw  Ihe 


136 


SCANDINAVIA 


r 


great  aggrandizement  of  the  power  of  the  prelates 
of  the  larger  nobles  at  the  expense  of  the  bonder, 
from  a  class  of  free  and  noble  small  proprietors 
generated  not  only  into  peasants  but  often  into  s( 
When  Christian  II  succeeded  to  the  throne,  it  wf 
the  papal  champion.  His  attempt  to  consolidate 
power  in  Sweden  by  massacring  the  magnates 
the  pretext  that  they  were  hostile  to  the  pope,  an" 
called  the  "Stoebholm  bath  of  blood,"  aroused 
people  ae:atnst  him  in  a  war  of  independence. 

Christian  found  Denmark  also  insubordinate.    H 
true  that  he  made  some  just  laws,  protecting  the  pei 
and  building  up  their  prosperity,  but  their  sup] 
■was  insufBcient  to  counterbalance  the  hatred  of 
great  lords  spiritual  and  temporal.     He  was  quick! 
Bee  in  the  Reformation  a  weapon  against  the  prelates,' 
and  appealed  for  help  to  Wittenberg  as  early  as  1519. 
His  endeavors  throughout  1520  to  get  Luther  himself 
to  visit   Denmark  failed,  but  early  in  1521  lie  suc- 
ceeded in  attracting  Carlstadt  for  a  short  visit.     This 
effort,  however,  cost  him  his  throne,  for  he  was  ex- 
pelled on  April  13,  1523,  and  wandered  over  Europe 
in  exile  until  his  death. 

The  Duke  of  Schleswig-Holstein,  to  whom  the  crown 
was  offered,  reigned  for  ten  years  as  Frederic  I. 
Though  his  coronation  oath  bound  him  to  do  nothing 
against  the  church,  he  had  only  been  king  for  three 
years  before  he  came  out  openly  for  the  Reformation. 
In  this  again  we  must  see  primarily  a  policy,  rather 
than  a  conviction.  He  was  supported,  however,  by  the 
common  people,  who  had  been  disgusted  by  the  iudnl- 
gences  sold  by  Areimboldi  and  by  the  constant  corrupt- 
tion  of  the  higher  clergy.  The  cities,  as  in  Germany, 
were  the  strongest  centers  of  the  movement.  The  Diet 
of  1527  decreed  that  Lutherans  should  be  recognized 
on  equal  terms  with  Catholics,  that  marriage  of  priests 


SCANDINAVIA  137 

the  reifolar  clergy  be  allowed.    In  1530  a  Lutheran 

ession  was  adopted. 
Christian  m,  wbo  reigned  nntil  1559,  took  the  final 

thongh  at  the  price  of  a  civil  war.  His  victory 
iUed  him  to  arrest  all  the  bishops,  Angnst  20,  1536, 
id  to  force  them  to  renounce  their  rights  and  proper- 
« in  favor  of  the  crown.  Only  one.  Bishop  Bonnow 
Boskilde,  refused,  and  was  consequently  held  pris- 
T  until  his  death.  The  Diet  of  1536  abolished  Cath- 
ism,  confiscated  all  church  property  and  distrib- 
!  it  between  the  king  and  the  temporal  nobles, 
^enhagep  was  called  from  Wittenberg  to  organize 
church  on  Lutheran  lines.  In  the  immediately  f  ol-  1537-9 
ng  years  the  Catholics  were  deprived  of  their  civil 
ts.  The  political  benefits  of  the  Reformation 
?d  primarily  to  the  king  and  secondarily  to  the 
I  estate. 

>rway  was  a  vassal  of  Denmark  from  1380  till  Norway 
.    At  no  time  was  its  dependence  more  complete 
in  the  sixteenth  century.    Frederic  I  introduced 
Reformation  by  royal  decree  as  early  as  1528,  and 

1S36 

stian  III  put  the  northern  kingdom  completely 

r  the  tutelage  of  Denmark,  in  spiritual  as  well  as 

mporal  matters.     The  adoption  of  the  Reforma- 

here  as  in  Iceland  seemed  to  be  a  matter  of  popu- 

idifference. 

ter  Sweden  had  asserted  her  independence  by  the  Sweden 

Ision  of  Christian  II,  Gustavus  Vasa,  an  able  G"»^«^«« 

Vasa, 

,  ascended  the  throne.  He,  too,  saw  in  the  Ref-  1523-6O 
tion  chiefly  an  opportunity  for  confiscating  the 
I  of  the  church.  The  way  had,  indeed,  been  pre- 
I  by  a  popular  reformer,  Olaus  Petri,  but  the  king 
the  movement  an  excuse  to  concentrate  in  his 
lands  the  spiritual  power.  The  Diet  of  Westeras 
d  the  necessary  laws^  at  the  same  time  expelling  ^^^ 
dief  leader  of  the  Romanist  party,  John  Brask, 


138  POLAND 


Bishop  of  Linkoping.  The  Reformation  was  entiil 
Lutheran  and  extremely  conservative.  Not  onlrll 
Anabaptists,  but  even  the  Calnnists,  failed  to  getd 
hold  upon  the  Scandinavian  peoples.  In  many 
the  Reformation  in  Sweden  was  parallel  to  tM 
England.  Both  countries  retained  the  episcopal  t 
ganization  founded  upon  the  "apostolical  successio 
Olaus  MaiH^ni,  'esteras,  had  been  ordain 

at  Rome  in  '  turn  consecrated  the  fii 

Evangelical    i  Lawrence    Petri,    who  t 

studied  at  W  d  who  later  translated 

Bible  into  Sw  otected  his  people  from 

inroads  of  Ci  ^e  king,  more  and  more 

solutely  the  ht  urch,  as  in  England,  ^d 

hesitate  to  punish  even  prominent  reformers  t> 
they  opposed  him.  The  reign  of  Gustavus's  sn< 
sor,  Erie  XIV,  was  characterless,  save  for  the  ii 
of  Huguenots  strengthening  the  Protestants.  I 
John  III  made  a  final,  though  futile,  attempt  to  ret 
with  the  Roman  Church.  As  Finland  was  at  this 
a  dependency  of  Sweden,  the  Reformation  took  p 
tically  the  same  course  as  in  Sweden  itself. 

A  complete  contrast  fo  Sweden  is  fumishec 
Poland.  If  in  the  former  the  government  countec 
almost  everything,  in  the  latter  it  counted  for  ne; 
nothing.  The  theater  of  Polish  history  is  the 
plain  extending  from  the  Carpathians  to  the  D 
and  from  the  Baltic  almost  to  the  Black  Sea  and 
Sea  of  Azov.  This  region,  lacking  natural  fron' 
on  several  sides,  was  inhabited  by  a  variety  of  ra 
Poles  in  tlie  west,  Lithuanians  in  the  east,  Ruthen 
in  the  .south  and  many  Germans  in  the  cities. 
union  of  the  Polish  and  Lithuanian  states  was  as 
a  merely  personal  one  in  the  monarch.  Since 
fourteenth  century  the  crown  of  Poland  had  been 
tive,  but  tile  grand-ducal  crown  of  Lithuania  wai 


POLAND  139 

itarv  in  the   famous  house  of  Jagiello,  and  the 

antages  of  union  induced  the  Polish  nobility  regu- 

\j  to  elect  the  heir  to  the  eastern  domain  their  king. 

ngh  theoretically  absolute,  in  practice  the  king  had 

limited  by  the  power  of  the  nobles  and  gentry,  and 

8  limitation  was  given  a  constitutional  sanction  in 

"  law  Nihil  novi,  forbidding  the  monarch  to  pass    1505 

without  the  consent  of  the  deputies  of  the  mag- 
tes  and  lesser  nobles. 

The  foreign  policy  of  Sigismund  I  was  determined  Sigi§mu] 
the  proximity  of  powerful  and  generally  hostile 
igfabors.  It  would  not  be  profitable  in  this  place  to 
ow  at  length  the  story  of  his  frequent  wars  with 
ttscovy  and  with  the  Tartar  hordes  of  the  Crimea,  and 
his  diplomatic  struggles  with  the  Turks,  the  Em- 
igre, Hungary,  and  Sweden.  On  the  whole  he  suc- 
::::?  ceeded  not  only  in  holding  his  own,  but  in  augmenting 
>i  kis  power.  He  it  was  who  finally  settled  the  vexatious 
r  question  of  the  relationship  of  his  crown  to  the  Teu- 

-  tonic  Order,  which,  since  1466,  had  held  Prussia  as  a 

-  fief,  though  a  constantly  rebellious  and  troublesome 
one.     The  election  of  Albert  of  Brandenburg  as  Grand 
Master  of  the  Order  threatened  more  serious  trouble,  ^^^^ 
but  a  satisfactory  solution  of  the  problem  was  found 
when  Albert  embraced  the  Lutheran  faith  and  secular- 

-r  ized  Prussia  as  an  hereditary  duchy,  at  the  same  time 
swearing  aUegiance  to  Sigismund  as  his  suzerain,  ^^^s 
Many  years  later  Sigismund 's  son  conquered  and  an- 
nexed another  domain  of  the  Teutonic  order  further 
north,  namely  Livonia.  War  with  Sweden  resulted  ^^^ 
from  this  but  was  settled  by  the  cession  of  Esthonia 
to  the  Scandinavian  power. 

Internally,  the  vigorous  Jagiello  strengthened  both 
the  military  and  financial  resources  of  his  people.  To 
mpet  the  constant  inroads  of  the  Tartars  he  established 
the  Co«sackat,  a  rougi  cavalry  formed  of  the  huntcTS, 


140 


POLAND 


fishers,  and  graziers  of  the  Ukraine,  quite  aDi 
to  the  cowboys  of  the  American  Wild  West, 
being  a  military  body  they  developed  into  a  state 
nation  that  occupied  a  Bpecial  position  iu  Poland 
then  in  Rnssia.     SigiBmund's  fiscal  policy,  by 
ing  control  of  the  mint  and  putting  the  treasury 
the  hands  of  capable  bankers,  effectively  provided 
the  economic  life  (  mment. 

Poland  has  gent  as  open  to  the  ini 

of  foreign  ideas  as  :ks  of  enemies;  a  pi 

susceptibility  to  a  ?,  due  partly  to  the 

guistic  attainments  dueated  Poles  and 

to  an  independent,  .archical  disposition, 

made  this  nation  receiVB  in     t  other  lands  more  fi 
than  it  gives.     Everj-  wave  of  new  ideas  innnndat 
the  low-lying  plain  of  the  Vistula.     So  the  Refo! 
tion  spread  with  amazing  rapidity,  first  among 
cities  and  then  among  the  peasants  of  that  land, 
the  fifteenth  centurj-  the  influence  of  Huss  and  the  hi 
manists  had  in  different  ways  formed  channels  fa< 
itating  the  inrush  of  Lutheranism.     The  unpopularitji 
of  a  wealthy  and  indolent  church  predisposed  the  bo^ 
politic  to  the  new  infection.     Danzig,  that  "  Venice  ■ 
the  North,"  had  a  Lutheran  preacher  in  1518;  wW 
the  Edict  of  Thorn,  intended  to  suppress  the  hereti) 
indicates  tliat  as  early  as  1520  they  had  attracted  t 
attention  of  the  central  government.     But  this  perse 
euting  measure,  followed  thick  and  fa,st  by  others,  onl] 
proved  how  little  the  tide  could  be  stemmed  by  papfl 
barriers.     The  cities  of  Cracow,  Posen,  and  Lublin 
especially    susceptible    on    account    of    their    Germti 
population,    were    thorougiily    infected    before    152i 
Kext,  the  contagion  attacked  the  country  districts  an 
towns  of  Prussia,  which  had  been  pretty  thoronghl; 
converted  prior  to  its  secularization. 

The  first  political  effect  of  the  Reformation  was  t* 


POLAND 

Btimolate  the  unrest  of  the  lower  classes.  Riots  and 
rebellions,  analogous  to  those  of  the  Peasants'  War  in 
Germany,  followed  hard  Tipon  the  preaching  of  the 
"gospel."  Sigismund  could  restore  order  here  and 
there,  as  he  did  at  Danzig  in  1526  by  a  military  occu- 
pation, by  fining  the  town  and  beheading  her  six  lead- 
ing innovators,  but  he  could  not  suppress  the  growing 
movement.  For  after  the  accession  of  the  lower 
dasscs  came  that  of  the  nobles  and  gentry  who  bore 
the  real  sovereignty  in  the  state.  Seeing  in  the  Re- 
formation a  weapon  for  humiliating  and  plundering 
the  church,  as  well  as  a  key  to  a  higher  spiritual  1: 
from  one  motive  or  the  other,  they  flocked  to  its  stand- 
ard, and,  under  leadership  of  their  greatest  reformer, 
John  Laski,  organized  a  powerful  church. 
t  The  reign  of  Sigismund  II  saw  the  social  upheaval  sigUmund 
bip-  which  the  nobility  finally  placed  the  power  firmly  in  iL^jj 

■  Iheir  own  hands,  and  also  the  height  of  the  Reforma- 
I  lion.  By  a  law  known  as  the  "Execution"  the  assem- 
I  bly  of  nobles  finally  got  control  of  the  executive  as 

■  well  as  of  the  legislative  branch  of  the  government. 
.  At  the  same  time  they,  with  the  cordial  assistance  of 

the  king,  bound  the  country  together  in  a  closer  bond 
'  known  as  the  Union  of  Lublin.  Though  Lithuania  and  I569 
Prussia  struggled  against  incorporation  with  Poland, 
both  were  forced  to  submit  to  a  measure  that  added 
power  to  the  state  and  opened  to  the  Polish  nobility 
great  opportunity  for  political  and  economic  exploita- 
of  these  lands.  Not  only  the  king,  but  the  mag- 
9  and  the  cities  were  put  under  the  heel  of  the 
ng  caste.  This  was  an  evolution  opposite  to  that 
most  European  states,  in  which  crown  and  bour- 
lisie  subdued  the  once  proud  position  of  the  baron- 
But  even  here  in  Poland  one  sees  the  rising 
Inence  of  commerce  and  the  money-power,  in  that 
Polish  nobility  was  largely  composed  of  small 


142  POLAND 

gentry  eager  and  able  to  exploit  the  new  opporti 
offered  by  capitalism.  In  other  countries  tl 
privilege  of  the  sword  gave  way  to  the  new  pr' 
of  gold;  ill  Poland  the  sword  itself  turned  gold 
least  in  part;  the  blade  kept  its  keen,  steel  edg 
the  hilt  by  which  it  was  wielded  glittered  yellow. 

Unchecked  though  they  were  by  laws,  the  F 
taiits  soon  weakness  that  finally  p 

fatal  to  the  of  organization  and  dt 

into  many  tile  sects.     The  Anaba 

of  course  i  3hed,  gained  adherents 

were  suppr  came  a  large  influx  o 

hemian  Bre  i  from  their  own  couuti 

migrating  to  i^  .«..,.  ?ednni,  where  they  soon 

common  cause  with  the  Lutherans.  Calvinists  [ 
gated  the  seeds  of  their  faith  with  much  su 
Finally  the  Unitarians,  led  by  Lelio  Sozini,  foi 
home  in  Poland  and  made  many  proselytes,  at  1e 
coming  so  powerful  that  they  founded  the  new  c 
Racau,  whence  issued  the  famous  Racovian 
chism.  At  one  time  they  seemed  about  to  obta 
mastery  of  the  state,  but  the  firm  union  of  the 
tarian  Protestants  at  Sandomir  checked  them  ui 
of  them  were  swept  away  together  by  the  resi 
tide  of  Catholicism.  Several  versions  of  the 
Lutheran,  Socinian,  and  Catholic,  were  issued. 

So  powerful  were  the  Evangelicals  that  at  th 
of  1555  they  held  services  in  the  face  of  the  Ci 
king,  and  passed  a  law  abolishing  the  jurisdict 
the  ecclesiastical  courts.  This  measure,  of  c 
allowed  freedom  of  all  new  sects,  both  those  t! 
control  of  the  Diet  and  the  as  yet  unfledged 
trinitarians.  Nevertheless  a  strong  wish  wi 
pressed  for  a  national,  Protestant  church,  an 
Sigismund  had  the  advantages,  as  he  had  the 
moDial  diffioulties,  of  Henry  VIII,  he  might  ha 


POLAND  U3 

J^lished  such  a  body.  But  he  never  quite  dared  to 
the  step,  dreading  the  hostility  of  Catholic  neigh- 
Singularly  enough  the  championship  of  the 
lolic  cause  was  undertaken  by  Greek-Catholic  Mus- 
whose  Czar,  Ivan,  represented  his  war  against  ^^^ 
iland  as  a  crusade  against  the  new  iconoclasts.  Un- 
to act  with  power,  Sigismund  cultivated  such 
i8  of  combating  Protestantism  as  were  ready  to 
hand.  His  most  trenchant  weapon  was  the  Order 
Jesuits,  who  were  invited  to  come  in  and  establish 
►Is.  Moreover,  the  excellence  of  their  colleges  in 
lign  lands  induced  many  of  the  nobility  to  send 
sons  to  be  educated  under  them,  and  thus  were 
spared  the  seeds  of  the  Counter-'Ref ormation. 
The  death  of  Sigismund  without  an  heir  left  Poland 
a  time  masterless.  During  the  interregnum  the 
A  passed  the  Compact  of  Warsaw  by  which  abso- 
religious  liberty  was  granted  to  all  sects — **Dis- 
lentes  de  Religione*' — without  exception.  But,  lib-  ^""^ 
ii  P^al  though  the  law  was,  it  was  vitiated  in  practice  by 
right  retained  by  every  master  of  punishing  his 
^  ^?J^8  for  religious  as  well  as  for  secular  causes.  Thus 
^^' Jfcwas  that  the  lower  classes  were  marched  from  Prot- 
^'^^*fant  pillar  to  Catholic  post  and  back  without  again 
-'^String  to  rebel  or  to  express  any  choice  in  the  matter. 

The  election  of  Henry  of  Valois,  a  younger  son  of  J^^"^, 
..Catharine  de'  Medici,  was  made  conditional  on  the  1573 
^  ^acceptance  of  a  number  of  articles,  including  the  main- 
-  rtenance    of    religious    liberty.    The    prince    acceded, 
L  TrWith  some  reservations,  and  was  crowned  on  February 
.21,  1574.    Four  months  later  he  heard  of  the  death 
of  his  brother,  Charles  IX,  making  him  king  of  France. 
Without  daring  to  ask  leave  of  absence,  he  absconded 
^  from  Poland  on  June  18,  thereby  abandoning  a  throne 
<  which  was  promptly  declared  vacant. 
*    The  new  election  presented  great  difficulties,  and 


atephen 
Bithory. 
1576-86 


SigiiimDiii! 
III.  1586- 
1632 


\ 


HUNGAEY 

almost  led  to  civil  war.  While  the  Senate  declared  for 
the  Hapshurg  Maximilian  II,  the  Diet  chose  Stephen 
Bathory,  prince  of  Transylvania.  Only  the  unex-. 
pected  death  of  Maximilian  prevented  an  armed  col- 
lision between  the  two.  Bathory,  now  in  possession, 
forced  his  recognition  by  all  parties  and  led  the  land 
of  his  adoption  into  a  period  of  highly  successful  di- 
plomacy and  of  victorious  war  against  Muscovy.  Hi» 
religious  policy  was  one  of  pacifieafion,  conciliation, 
and  of  supporting  inconspicuously  the  Jesuit  fonnda- 
tions  at  Wilna,  Posen,  Cracow,  and  Eiga.  But  the  faB'. 
fruits  of  their  propaganda,  resulting  in  the  complet»i 
reconversion  of  Poland  to  Catholicism  were  not  reaped 
until  the  reign  of  his  successor,  Sigisraund  III,  a  Vasa, 
of  Sweden. 

Bohemia,  a  Slav  kingdom  long  united  historicaHf 
and  dynastically  with  the  Kmpire,  as  the  home  of  Huss, 
welcomed  the  Reformation  warmly,  the  Brethren  turn- 
ing first  to  Luther  and  then  to  Calvin.  After  varions 
efforts  to  suppress  and  banish  them  had  failed  of  large 
success,  the  Compact  of  1567  granted  toleration  to  th» 
three  principal  churches.  As  in  Poland,  the  Jesuit* 
won  back  the  whole  land  in  the  next  generation,  so  that'' 
in  1910  there  were  in  Bohemia  6,500,000  Catholics  aoi, 
only  175,000  Protestants. 

Hungary  was  so  badly  broken  by  the  Turks  at  tho- 
battle  of  Mohacs  that  she  was  able  to  play  but  little 
part  in  the  development  of  Western  civilization.     Liie  j 
her  more  powerful  rival,  she  was  also  distracted  byi 
internal    dissention.     After   the   death    of    her    Kingl 
Lewis  at  Mohacs  there  were  two  candidates  for  thef 
throne,  Ferdinand  the  Emperor's  brother  and  John 
Zapolya,  "woiwod"  or  prince  of  Transylvania.     Prot- 
estantism had  a  considerable  hold  on  the  nobles,  who, 
after  the  shattering  of  the  national  power,  divided 
a  portion  of  the  goods  oi  tlie  church  between  them. 


HUNGARY 

p  Unitarian  movement  was  also  strong  for  a  time, 
I  the  division  this  cansed  proved  almost  fatal  to  the 
formation,  for  the  greater  part  of  the  kingdom  was 
Q  back  to  Catholicism  under  the  Jesuits'  leadership,  157H612 
1910  there  were  about  8,600,000  CathoHcs  in  Hun- 
T  and  about  3,200,000  Protestants. 
Transylvania,  though  a  dependency  of  the  Turks,  TmobjI. 
t6  allowed  to  keep  the  Christian  religion.  The  Saxon 
lonists  in  tliis  state  welcomed  the  Reformation, 
rmally  recognizing  the  Augsburg  Confession  in  a 
nod  of  1572.  Here  also  the  Unitarians  attained 
Br  greatest  strength,  being  recruited  partly  from 
Me  expelled  from  Poland.  They  drew  their  inspira- 
IQ  not  merely  from  Sozini,  but  from  a  variety  of 
urces,  for  the  doctrine  appeared  simultaneously 
long  certain  Anabaptist  and  Spiritualist  sects. 
deration  was  granted  them  on  the  same  terms  as 
ler  Christians.  The  name  "Unitarian"  first  appears 
a  decree  of  the  Transylvania  Diet  of  the  year  1600. 
An  appreciable  body  of  this  persuasion  still  remains 
in  the  conntr>",  together  with  a  number  of  Lutherans, 
Calnnista,  and  Romanists,  but  the  large  majority  of 
the  people  belong  to  two  Greek  Catholic  churches. 


CHAPTER  III 
SWITZERLAND 


Amid  the  si  and  asrare  lakea  ofl 

land  there  g:r>  of  Germans  wbidl^ 

still  nominallj  ?  Empire,  had,  at  the  p 

now  considcn  ou  its  a\vu  distinct  pat! 

development.  the  Confederacy  arose  \ 

popular  rero  e  House  of  Austria.   1 

federal  union  oi  mc  .....  ee  forest  cantons  of  t 
Sehwyz,  and  Untcrwalden,  first  entered  into  in  1 
and  made  permanent  in  1315,  was  strengthened  by 
admission  of  Lucerne  (1332),  Zug  (1352),  Gla 
(1351)  and  of  the  Imperial  Cities  of  Zurich  (1351)  i 
Berne  (1353).  By  the  admission  of  Freiburg  i 
Solothum  (1481),  Basle  (1501),  Schaffhausen  (15 
and  Appenzoll  (1513)  the  Confederacy  reached 
number  of  thirteen  cantons  at  which  it  remained 
many  years.  By  this  time  it  was  recognized  as  a  pi 
tically  independent  state,  courted  by  the  great  po« 
of  Europe.  Allied  to  this  German  Confederacy  n 
two  Romance-speaking  states  of  a  similar  nature, 
Confederacies  of  the  Valais  and  of  the  Grisons. 

The  Swiss  were  then  the  one  free  people  of  Eun 
Republican  government  by  popular  magistrates  ] 
vailed  in  all  the  cantons.  Liberty  was  not  quite  de 
cratic,  for  the  cantons  ruled  several  subject  provin 
and  in  the  cities  a  somewhat  aristocratic  electoi 
held  power;  nevertheless  there  was  no  state  in  Em 
approaching  the  Swiss  in  self-government.  The 
they  were  generally  accounted  the  best  soldiers  of 


ZWINGLI  147 

heir  military  valor  did  not  redound  to  their  own 
tsigej  for  the  hardy  peasantry  yielded  to  the  soli- 
>ns  of  the  great  powers  around  them  to  enter 
oreign,  mercenary  service.  The  influential  men, 
ially  the  priests,  took  pensions  from  the  pope 
om  France  or  from  other  princes,  in  return  for 
labors  in  recruiting.  The  system  was  a  bad  one 
Dth  sides.  Swiss  politics  were  corrupted  and  the 
drained  of  its  strongest  men ;  whereas  the  princes 
hired  the  mercenaries  often  found  to  their  cost 
mch  soldiers  were  not  only  the  most  formidable  to 

enemies  but  also  the  most  troublesome  to  them- 
8,  always  on  the  point  of  mutiny  for  more  pay  and 
ier.  The  Swiss  were  beginning  to  see  the  evils  of 
ystem,  and  prohibited  the  taking  of  pensions  in 

though  this  law  remained  largely  a  dead  letter.  ^j««^ 
reputation  of  the  mountaineers  suffered  a  blow  in  1515  * 

defeat  by  the  French  at  Marignano,  followed  by  a 
y  with  France,  intended  by  that  power  to  make 
serland  a  permanent  dependency  in  return  for  a 
J  annual  subsidy  payable  to  each  of  the  thirteen 
)ns  and  to  the  Orisons  and  Valais  as  well.  The 
try  suffered  from  faction.  The  rural  or  *  *  Forest  * ' 
ms  were  jealous  of  the  cities,  and  the  latter,  espe- 
f  Berne,  the  strongest,  pursued  selfish  policies  of 
idual  aggrandizement  at  the  expense  of  their  con- 
*ates. 

everywhere  else,  the  cities  were  the  centers  of 
re  and  of  social  movements.  Basle  was  famous 
ts  university  and  for  the  great  printing  house  of 
en.  Here  Albert  Diirer  had  stayed  for  a  while 
ig  his  wandering  years.  Here  Sebastian  Brant 
studied  and  had  written  his  famous  satire.  Here 
reat  Erasmus  had  come  to  publish  his  New  Testa- 

t  the  Reformation  in  Switzerland  was  only  in  lS7.\-9 


SWITZERLAND 

part  a  child  of  humanism.  Nationalism  played  its  rota 
in  the  revolt  from  Rome,  memories  of  councils  lingered 
at  Constance  and  Basle,  and  the  desire  for  a  purer  rfr 
ligion  made  itself  felt  among  the  more  earnest.  Swit- 
zerland had  at  least  one  great  shrine,  that  of  Einsifrij 
deln;  to  her  Virgin  many  pilgrims  came  yearly  io^ 
hopes  of  the  plenary  indulgence,  expressly  promiaingi 
forgiveness  of  both  guilt  and  penalty  of  sin.  Benifti 
was  the  tlieater  of  one  of  the  most  reverberating  scan^ 
dais  enacted  by  the  contemporary  church.  A  passion- 
ately contested  theological  issue  of  the  day  was  whether! 
the  Virgin  had  been  immaculately  conceived.  Thi* 
was  denied  by  the  Dominicans  and  asserted  by  th»| 
Franciscans.  Some  of  the  Dominicans  of  the  friaiyj 
at  Berne  thought  that  the  best  way  to  settle  the  affair' 
was  to  have  a  direct  revelation.  For  their  fraudulent' 
purposes  they  conspired  with  John  Jetzer,  a  Uy 
brother  admitted  in  1506,  who  died  after  1520.: 
Whether  as  a  tool  in  the  hands  of  others,  or  as  an  im- 
poster,  Jetzer  produced  a  series  of  bogus  apparitions, 
bringing  the  Virgin  on  the  stage  and  making  her  givt 
details  of  her  conception  sufficiently  gross  to  shoW 
that  it  took  place  in  the  ordinary,  and  not  in  the  im- 
maculate, manner.  When  the  fraud  was  at  last  dis- 
covered by  the  authorities,  four  of  the  DominicaM 
involved  were  burnt  at  the  stake. 

But  the  vague  forces  of  discontent  might  never  have 
crystallized  into  a  definite  movement  save  for  the 
leadership  of  Ulrich  Zwingli.  He  was  born,  January 
1,  1484,  on  the  Toggenburg,  amidst  the  lofty  moun* 
tains,  breathing  the  atmosphere  of  freedom  and  beauty 
from  the  first.  As  he  wandered  in  the  wild  passes  hs 
noticed  how  the  marmots  set  a  sentry  to  warn  them  rf 
danger,  and  how  the  squirrel  crossed  the  stream  on 
a  chip.  When  he  returned  to  tlie  home  of  his  father, 
a  local  magistrate  in  easy  circumstances,  he  heard 


t^M 


ZWINGLI  149 

g  tales  of  Swiss  freedom  and  Swiss  valor  that 
1  in  his  soul  a  deep  love  of  his  native  land.  The 
n  he  learned  was  good  Catholic;  and  the  ele- 
»f  popular  superstition  in  it  was  far  less  weird 
rrible  than  in  Northern  Germany.  He  remem- 
one  little  tale  told  him  by  his  grandmother,  how 
>rd  God  and  Peter  slept  together  in  the  same 
od  were  wakened  each  morning  by  the  house- 
coming  in  and  pulling  the  hair  of  the  outside 

cation  began  early  under  the  tuition  of  an  uncle, 
rish  priest.  At  ten  Ulrich  was  sent  to  Basle 
ly.  Here  he  progressed  well,  becoming  the  head 
r,  and  here  he  developed  a  love  of  music  and  con- 
iie  skill  in  it.  Later  he  went  to  school  at  Berne, 
he  attracted  the  attention  of  some  friars  who 
0  guide  him  into  their  cloister,  an  effort  appar-' 
frustrated  by  his  father.  In  the  autumn  of 
e  matriculated  at  Vienna.  For  some  unknown 
he  was  suspended  soon  afterwards,  but  was 
tted  in  the  spring  of  1500.  Two  years  later 
it  to  Basle,  where  he  completed  his  studies  by  1506 
the  master's  degree.  While  here  he  taught 
for  a  while.  Theology  apparently  interested 
tie ;  his  passion  was  for  the  humanities,  and  his 
IS  Erasmus.     Only  in  1513  did  he  begin  to  learn 

t  twenty-two,  before  he  had  reached  the  canon- 
?,  Zwingli  took  orders,  and  became  parish  priest 
rus,  it  was  less  because  of  any  deep  religious 
t  than  because  he  found  in  the  clerical  calling 
\t  opportunity  to  cultivate  his  taste  for  letters. 
3  helped  financially  by  a  papal  pension  of  fifty 
per  annum.  His  first  published  work  was  a 
The  lion,  the  leopard,  and  the  fox  (the  Em-  ^^^^ 
France,  and  Venice)  try  to  drive  the  ox  (Swit- 


150  SWITZERLAND 

zerland)  out  of  his  pasture,  bnt  arc  frustrate 
herdsman   (the  pope).     The  same  teodeQcies 

1512  patriotic,  and  political — are  shown  in  his  aeci 
an  account  of  the  relations  between  the  S" 

1516  French,  and  in  The  Labyrinth,  an  allegoric 

The  various  nations  appear  again  as  animals 
hero,  Theseus,  is  a  patriot  guided  by  the 
thread  (  e  he  is  vanquishing  ' 

sters  of  ,  vice.     Zwingli's  natu 

est  in  po  shed  by  his  experience 

1513  chaplain  orces  at  the  battles  o* 
IS15                   ,  ,, 

and  jlar 

Was  h  'ormer!    Not  in  the  la 

of  the  wc  fl^disciple  of  Erasmus, 

wrote  to  Bullinger  m  ia36:  "While  Luther  v 
hermitage  and  had  not  yet  emerged  into  t 
Zwingli  and  I  took  counsel  how  to  cast  down 
For  then  our  judgment  was  maturing  under 
ence  of  Erasmus's  society  and  by  rending 
thors."  Though  Capito  over-estimated  the  o 
of  the  young  Swiss  to  the  papacy,  he  was  righ 
respects.  Zwingli's  enthusiasm  for  the  prin 
manists,  perfectly  evident  in  his  notes  on 
stimulated  him  to  visit  the  older  scholar  at 
the  spring  of  1516.  Their  correspondence 
the  same  time.  Is  it  not  notable  that  in  The  J 
the  tliread  of  Ariadne  is  not  religion,  but 
His  religious  ideal,  as  shown  by  his  notes  on 
was  at  this  time  the  Erasmian  one  of  an  et] 
dogmatic  faith.  He  interpreted  the  Apostl 
Sermon  on  the  Mount  and  by  Plato.  He  w; 
good  Catholic,  without  a  thought  of  breaki 
from  the  church. 
Dciober,  From  Glarus  Zwingli  was  called  to  Einsiede 

Vcember.     ^^  rcmiiiucd  for  two  years.    Bern  \v*i  ¥.a\i  0 
'*  stitious  absurdities  mocVed  >5N  Eiia^^wva*. 


ZWINGLI  151 

first  canfe   into   contact   with   indulgences,    sold 
roQghont  Switzerland  by  Bernard  Samson,  a  Milan- 
B  Franciscan.    Zwingli  did  not  attack  them  with  the 
(passioned  zeal  of  Luther,  but  ridiculed  them  as  **a     -- 
Bedy."    His  position  did  not  alienate  him  from  the  September 
ipal  authorities,  for  he  applied  for,  and  received,  ^'^^^^ 
B  appointment  of  papal  acolyte.    How  little  serious 
is  his  life  at  this  time  may  be  seen  from  the  fact 
kit  lie  openly  confessed  that  he  was  living  in  un- 
itttity  and  even  joked  about  it. 
^Notwithstanding  his  peccadillos,  as  he  evidently  re- 
(wded  them,  high  hopes  were  conceived  of  his  abili- 
Itt  and  independence  of  character.    When  a  priest 
fe  wanted  at  Zurich,  Zwingli  applied  for  the  posi-  January  i, 
wn  and,  after  strenuous  canvassing,  succeeded  in  get- 
^it. 

Soon  after  this  came  the  turning-point  in  Zwingli 's 
'c,  making  of  the  rather  worldly  young  man  an 
"^est  apostle.  Two  causes  contributed  to  this, 
ke  first  was  the  plague.  Zwingli  was  taken  sick  in 
^ptember  and  remained  in  a  critical  condition  for 
any  months.  As  is  so  often  the  case,  suffering  and 
5  fear  of  death  made  the  claims  of  the  other  world 
terribly  real  to  him  that,  for  the  first  time,  he  cried 
io  God  from  the  depths,  and  consecrated  his  life  to 
vice  of  his  Saviour. 

[Tie   second  influence   that  decided   and   deepened  ^519 
Lngli's  life  waFThat_of  Luther.     He  first  mentions 
I  in  1519,  and  from  that  time  forth,  often.    All  his 
:ks  and  all  his  acts  thereafter  show  the  impress  of 

Wittenberg  professor.  Though  Zwingli  himself 
rdily  asserted  that  he  preached  the  gospel  before 
[leard  of  Luther,  and  that  he  learned  his  whole  doc- 
le  direct  from  the  BibJe,  he  deceived  himself,  as 
riy  men  do,  in  over-estimating  bis  own  originality. 
ras  truly  able  to  say  tliat  he  bad  formulated  some 


152  SWITZERLAND 

of  his  ideas,  in  dependence  on  Erasmus,  befoi 
heard  of  the  Saxon;  and  he  still  retained  his  cap 
for  private  judgment  afterwards.  He  never  foil 
any  man  slavishly,  and  in  some  respects  he  was 
radical  than  Luther;  nevertheless  it  is  true  thi 
was  deeply  indebted  to  the  great  German. 

Significantly  enonch.  the  first  real  conflict  broki 
at  Zurich  e  Zwingli  preached  &p 

fasting  and  and  put  forward  the  ll 

that  the  gos;  uld  he  the  rule  of  faith 

practice.     Hi  in  carrying  through  a  I 

tical  reform  Iral  chapter,  but  was  ob 

to  comprom  g.     Soon  afterwards  Zi 

renounced  otr  le  bishop.     The  Forest 

tons,  already  jealous  of  the  prosperity  of  the  c 
endeavored  to  intervene,  but  were  warned  by  Zw 
not  to  appeal  to  war,  as  it  was  an  unchristian  t 
Opposition  only  drove  his  reforming  zeal  to  fu 
efforts. 

In  the  spring  of  1522  ZwingH  formed  with 
Reinhard  Meyer  a  union  which  he  kept  secret  fo 
years,  when  he  married  her  in  church.  In  the 
riage  itself,  though  it  was  by  no  means  unhappy, 
was  something  lacking  of  fine  feeling  and  of  p< 
love. 

As  the  reform  progressed,  the  need  of  clarifi* 
was  felt.  This  was  brought  about  by  the  fa" 
method  of  that  day,  a  disputation.  The  Catholics 
in  vain  to  prevent  it,  and  it  was  actually  held  in 
uarj',  1523,  on  67  theses  drawn  up  by  Zwingli. 
as  so  often,  it  was  found  that  the  battle  was  hal 
when  the  innovators  were  heard.  They  them: 
attributed  this  to  the  excellence  of  their  cause 
without  disparaging  that,  it  must  be  said  that,  j 
psychology  of  advertising  has  shown,  any  thesit 
sented  with  sufficient  force  to  catch  the  public  e 


e  to  wir.  a  certain  nnmber  of  adherents.  The  Town  f^'?'*^^?, 
mncil  of  Znrieh  ordered  the  abolition  of  images  and 
f  the  mass.  The  opposition  of  the  cathedral  chapter 
losiderably  delayed  the  realization  of  this  pro- 
In  December  the  Council  was  obliged  to  con- 
furtber  discussion.  It  was  not  until  Wednes- 
April  12,  1525,  that  mass  was  said  for  the  last 
De  in  Zurich.  Its  place  was  immediately  taken,  the 
■t  day,  ^^an^dy  Thursday,  by  a  simple  communion 
At  the  same  time  the  last  of  the  convents  were 
BppresRed.  or  put  in  a  condition  assuring  their  event- 
l  extinction.  Other  reforms  included  the  abolition 
^processions,  of  confirmation  and  of  extreme  unction. 
5th  homely  caution,  a  large  number  of  simple  souls 
d  this  administered  to  them  just  before  the  time 
btted  for  its  last  celebration.  Organs  were  taken 
t  of  the  churches,  and  regular  lectures  on  the  Bible 
ren. 

Alarmed  by  these  innovations  the  five  original  can- 
;s, — Unterwalden,  Uri,  Schwyz,  Lucerne  and  Zug, — 
rued  a  leagne  in  1524  to  suppress  the  "Hussite, 
[theran,  and  Zwinglian  heresies."  For  a  time  it 
►ked  liie  war.  Zwingli  and  his  advisers  drew  up  a 
markably  thorough  plan  of  campaign,  including  a 
rthod  of  securing  allies,  many  military  details,  and 
ample  provision  for  prayer  for  victory.  War, 
wever,  was  averted  by  the  mediation  of  Berne  as  a 
lend  of  Zurich,  and  the  complete  religious  autonomy  i 
each  canton  was  guaranteed. 

The  Swiss  Eeformation  had  to  run  the  same  course 
Bcparation  from  the  humanists  and  radicals,  and  of 
lism,  as  did  the  German  movement.  Though  Eras- 
is  was  a  little  closer  to  the  Swiss  than  he  had  been 
tlie  Saxon  Reformers,  he  was  alienated  by  the  out- 
^Jteous  taunts  of  some  of  them  and  by  the  equally  un- 
warranted attempts  of  others  to  show  that  he  agreed 


154  SWITZEELAND 

with  them.    "They  falsely  call  themselves 
cal,"  he  opined,  "for  they  seek  only  two  thtngl 
salary  and  a  wife.'* 

Then  came  the  break  with  Lnther,  of  which 
story  has  already  been  told.  The  division  was 
neither  by  jealonsy,  nor  by  the  one  doctrine — that 
the  real  presence — on  which  it  was  nominally  fong 
There  was  in  de  difference  betweeal 

two  types  of  tl  Saxon  was  both  a  xnjt 

and  a  schoolm  etigion  was  all  in  all 

dogma  a  large  i:iou.    Zwingli  approach 

the  problem  o  rom  a  less  personal,  « 

tainly  from  a  1,  and  from  a  more  leg 

liberal,  empirii  He  felt  for  liberty  i 

for  the  value  of  common  action  in  the  state.  He  i^ 
terpreted  tlie  Bible  by  reason;  Lnther  placed  Eirfll 
son  under  the  tuition  of  the  Bible  in  its  apj)arent  mst 
ing. 

Next  came  the  turn  of  the  Anabaptists-^tlic! 
Bolsheviki  of  the  sixteenth  centnrj'.  Their  first  leader 
appeared  at  Zurich  and  were  for  a  while  bosom  fricaJ 
of  Zwingli.  But  a  parting  of  the  ways  was  inevitaU 
for  the  humanist  could  have  little  sympathy  with  I 
uncultured  and  ignorant  group — such  they  were,  i 
spite  of  the  fact  that  a  few  leaders  were  universi 
graduates — and  the  statesman  could  not  admit  in  \ 
categories  a  purpose  that  was  sectarian  as  ag^ 
the  state  church,  and  democratic  as  against  the  eii 
ing  aristocracy. 

His  first  work  against  them  shows  how  he  was  U 
between  his  desire  to  make  the  Bible,  his  only  gu 
and  the  necessity  of  compromising  with  the  prevail 
polity.  As  he  was  unable  to  condemn  his  oppone 
on  any  consistent  grounds  he  was  obliged  to  pre 
against  them  two  charges  that  were  false,  thoi 
probably    believed    true    by    himself.     As    they    w 


ZWINGLI  155 

i  in  some  particulars  he  branded  them  as  mon- 
for  their  social  program  he  called  them  sedi- 
oos. 

The  suppression  of  the  Peasants'  Revolt  had  the 
tfect  in  Switzerland,  as  elsewhere,  of  causing  the  poor 
1  oppressed  to  lose  heart,  and  of  alienating  them 
^om  the  cause  of  the  official  Protestant  churches.     A 
bpntation  with  the  Anabaptist  leaders  was  held  at  ^^""^^ 
irich;  they  were  declared  refuted,  and  the  council 
issed  an   order  for  all  unbaptized   children  to   be 
ristened  within  a  week.     The  leaders  were  arrested 
id  tried;  Zwingli  bearing  testimony  that  they  advo- 
ited  communism,  which  he  considered  wrong  as  the 
ble's  injunction  not  to  steal  implied  the  right  of 
i%"ale  property.     The  Anabaptists  denied  that  they 
re  communists,  but  the  leaders  were  bound  over  to 
eep  the  peace,  some  were  lined  and  others  banished. 
&s  persecuting  measures  almost  always  increase  in 
•verity,  it  was  not  long  before  the  death  penalty  was 
lonnced  against  the  sectaries,  and  actually  applied, 
n  a  polemic  against  the  new  sect  entitled  7m  Cata-  J"'''-^' 
hapUstarwn  Strophas  Elenchus,  ZwingH's  only  argu- 
ment is  a  criticism  of  some  inconsistencies  in  the  Ana- 
haptb^tn'  bibliciHrn;  his  final  appeal  is  to  force.     His 
flrifo  with  them  was  harder  than  his  battle  with  Rome, 
It  seems  that  the  reformer  fears  no  one  so  much  as 
bim   who  carries   the  reformer's   own   principles  to 
lengths  that  the  originator  disapproves.     Zwingli  saw 
W  the  fearless  fanatics  men  prepared  to  act  in  political 
^d  fiocia!  matters  as  he  had  done  in  ecclesiastical  af- 
Hint;  he  dreaded  anarchy  or.  at  least,  subversion  of 
polity  he  preferred,  and,  like  all  the  other  men  of 
age,  he  branded  heresy  as  rebellion  and  punished 
it  as  crime. 

By  this  time  Zurich  had  become  a  theocracy  of  the  Theocnor 
some  tyrannical  type  as  that  later  made  famous  by         ^m 


156  SWITZERLAND 

Geneva.  Zwingli  took  the  position  of  an  01 
meiit  prophet,  suboi-dinating  state  to  church, 
he  had  agreed  with  the  Anabaptists  in  se 
(theoretically)  church  and  state.  Bat  he  soon 
believe  that,  though  true  Christians  might 
government,  it  was  necessary  to  control  the 
and  for  this  purpose  he  favored  an  aristocrat; 
All  matte  ^^ere  strictly  regulates 

laws  beinj  at  taverns  and  gamblu 

inhabitan'  to  attend  church.    A 

suppress!  holies  and  the  radica! 

developed  just  as  later  in  Gen 

Evangelic  ifferent,  the  policy  of  t 

being  one  ^lom,  or  laxity,  in  di 

and  in  general  a  preference  of  political  to  i 
ends. 
Jasle  The  Reformation  had  now  established  itself 

sw""     '    cities  of  German  Switzerland.     Oecolampadiu; 
to  Basle  as  the  bearer  of  Evangelical  ideas,  ^ 
524  success  that  soon  the  bishop  was  deprived  of 

527  ity,  two  disputations  with  the  Catholics  were  1 

the  monasteries  abolished.  Oeeolampadius,  a 
ing  counsel  with  Zwingli  on  the  best  means 
pressing  Catholic  worship,  branded  the  mass  ! 
worse  than  theft,  harlotry,  adulterj',  treason,  i 
der,  called  a  meeting  of  the  town  council,  and  r 
them  to  decree  the  abolition  of  Catholic 
)ctober  Though  they  replied  that  every  man  should  b 
7. 1527  exercise  what  religion  he  liked,  on  Good  Frid; 
the  Protestants  removed  the  images  from  Oe< 
dius's  church,  and  grumbled  because  their 
were  yet  tolerated.  Liberty  of  conscience  ^ 
assured  by  the  fairly  equal  division  of  the  mer 
of  the  town  council.  On  December  '23,  1528,  1 
dred  citizens  assembled  and  presented  a 
dra\\'n  up  by  Oeeolampadius,  for  the  suppre 


ZWINGLI  157 

P  mass.  On  January  6,  1529,  under  pressure  from 
p  ambassadors  of  Berne  and  Zurich,  the  town  coun- 
i  of  Basle  decreed  that  all  pastors  should  preach 
iiljr  the  Word  of  Gk)d,  and  asked  them  to  assemble  for 
■traction  on  this  point.  The  compromise  suited  no 
IB  and  on  February  8  the  long  prepared  revolution 
Nke  out  Under  pretence  that  the  Catholics  had 
jKibeyed  the  last  decree,  a  Protestant  mob  sur- 
pmded  the  town  ball,  planted  cannon,  and  forced  the 
Wndl  to  expel  the  twelve  Catholic  members,  mean- 
jhBe  destroying  church  pictures  and  statues.  **It 
Itt  indeed  a  spectacle  so  sad  to  the  superstitious," 
^lampadius  wrote  to  Capito,  **that  they  had  to 
^  blood.  .  .  .  We  raged  against  the  idols,  and  the 
lass  died  of  sorrow. ' ' 

A  somewhat  similar  development  took  place  in 
erne,  St.  Gall,  Schaflfhausen,  and  Glarus.  The  favor- 
B  instrument  for  arousing  popular  interest  and  sup- 
>rt  was  the  disputation.  Such  an  one  was  held  at 
Jden  in  May  and  June,  1526.  Zwingli  declined  to 
ke  part  in  this  and  the  Catholics  claimed  the  victory, 
lis,  however,  did  them  rather  harm  than  good,  for 
*  public  felt  that  the  cards  had  been  stacked.  A  sim- 
r  debate  at  Berne  in  1528  turned  that  city  completely 
the  Reformation.  A  synod  of  the  Swiss  Evangelical 
irches  was  formed  in  1527.  This  made  for  uni- 
mity.    The  publication  of  the  Bible  in  a  translation 

Leo  Jud  and  others,  with  prefaces  by  Zwingli, 
ved  a  help  to  the  Evangelical  cause.    This  trans-  1530 
on  was  the  only  one  to  compete  at  all  successfully 
h  Luther 's. 

lie  growing  strength  of  the  Protestant  cantons  en- 
raged them  to  carry  the  reform  by  force  in  all 
ces  in  which  a  majority  was  in  favor  of  it.  Zwiu- 
8  far-reaching  plans  included  an  alliance  with 
jse  and  with  Francis  I  to  whom  he  dedicated  laia 


158  SWITZERLAND 


two  most  important  theological  works,  True  and . 
Religion  and  An  Exposition  of  the  Christian  I 

111,  1529  The  Catholic  cantons  replied  by  making  a  league 
Austria.  War  seemed  imminent  and  Zwingli  w, 
heartily  in  favor  of  it  that  he  threatened  resign 
if  Zurich  did  not  declare  war.  This  was  accord 
done  on  June  8.  Thirty  thousand  Protestant  m\ 
marched  ag  lolic  cantons,  which,  wi' 

the  expectet  istria,  were  able  to  pnt 

nine  thousai  he  field.     Seeing  thems 

hopelessly  o  he  Catholics  prudently  i 

« Peace    tiated  a  pea  king  a  battle.     The  ten 

■''*       this  first  Pe  1  forced  the  Catholics  t 

nounce  the  e  Austria,  and  to  allow  th( 

jorit>'  of  citizens  in  eacti  canton  to  decide  the  rel 
they  would  follow.  Toleration  for  Protestants 
provided  for  in  Catholic  cantons,  though  toleratit 
the  old  religion  was  denied  in  the  Evangelical  can 
This  peace  marked  the  height  of  Zwingli 's  pi 
He  continued  to  negotiate  on  equal  terms  with  Lt 
and  he  sent  missionaries  into  Geneva  to  win  it  t 
cause  and  to  the  Confederacy.  The  Catholic  car 
stung  to  the  quick,  again  sought  aid  from  Austrii 

ingu"  raised  another  and  better  army.  Zwingli  heard  o 
and  advocated  a  swift  blow  to  prevent  it — the 
fensive  defence."  Berne  refused  to  join  Zurich  i: 
aggression,  but  agreed  to  bring  pressure  to  bear  < 

''■  Catholics  by  proclaiming  a  blockade  of  their  fror 

An  army  was  prepared  by  the  Forest  Canton; 
Berne,  whose  entirely  selfish  policy  was  more  i 
trous  to  the  Evangelical  cause  than  was  the  hos 
of  the  league,  still  refused  to  engage  in  war.  2 
was  therefore  obliged  to  meet  it  alone.  An  an 
only  two  thousand  Zurichers  marched  out,  a 
panied  by  Zwingli  as  field  c\\a\A.a.™.  "^x^M,  tUoi 
Catholic  (roops  attacked,  ulletVy  AttftaX^iA.  'Cty« 


ZWINGLI 

led  many   on   the  field   of  battle.    Zwing:U,   who,  ^^^jj'^'"' 
Bgh  a  non-combatant,  was  armed,  was  wounded  and 
t  on  the  field.     Later  he  was  recognized  by  enemies, 
led,  and  his  body  burned  as  thatoE  aiieretic. 
rhe  defeat  was  a  disaster  to  Protestant  Switzer- 
id  not  so  mnch  on  account  of  the  terms  of  peace, 
ich  were  moderate,  as  because  of  the  loss  of  pres- 
e  and  above  all  of  the  e:reat  leader.     His  spirit, 
irever,  contimied  to  inspire  his  followers,  and  lived 
the  Reformed  Church.     Indeed  it  has  been  said, 
iDgb  with  exagpreration,  that  Calvin  only  gave  hia 
be  to  the  church  founded  by  Zwingli,  just  as  Amer- 
M  gave  his  name  to  the  continent  discovered  by  Co- 
obns.     In  many  respects  Zwingli  was  the  most  lib- 
ll  of  the  Reformers.     In  his  last  work  he  expressed 
i  belief  that  in  heaven  would  be  saved  not  only 
ffistians  and  the  worthies  of  the  Old  Testament  but 
o    "Hercules,    Theseus,    Socrates,    Aristides,    An- 
TJpionns,  Kuma,  Camillus,  the  Catos  and  Scipios,  .  .  . 
In  a  word  no  good  man  has  ever  existed,  nor  shall 
there  exist  a  holy  mind,  a  faithful  soul,  from  the  very 
foandntion  of  the  world  to  its  consummation,  whom 
ynn    will    not    see    there    with    God."     Nevertheless, 
Zwincli  was  a  persecutor  and  was  bound  by  many  of 
tiip  dogmatic  prepossessions  of  his  time.     But  his  re- 
lifrion  had  in  it  less  of  miracle  and  more  of  reason 
than  that  of  any  other  founder  of  a  church  in  the  six- 
teenth century.     He  was  a  statesman,  and  more  will- 
ioK  to  tmst  the  people  than  were  his  contemporaries, 
Imt  yet  he  was  ready  to  sacrifice  his  country  to  his 
creed. 

For  a  short  time  after  the  death  of  so  many  of  its 
'leading  citizens  in  the  battle  of  Cappel,  Zurich  was 
r«lnced  to  impotence  and  despair.  Nor  was  she  much 
Cfimforted  or  assisted  by  her  neighbors.  Oecolampa- 
inp  died  bat  a  few  weeks  after  bis  friend ;  while  Tutt- 


160  SWITZERLAND 

ther  and  Erasmas  sang  paeasB  of  triomph  o\ 
prostration  of  their  rivals.  Even  Calvin  consid 
a  judgment  of  God.  Gradually  by  her  own  st 
Zurich  won  her  way  back  to  peace  and  a  certj 
■•  fluence.  Zwingli's  follower,  Henry  Bullinger,  t 
of  a  priest,  was  a  remarkable  man.  He  not  onl; 
up  his  own  city  but  his  active  correspondeno 
Protestants  ies  did  a  great  deal  to  i 

the  cause  <  ical  religion.     In  conja 

with  Mycoi  up  the  first  Swiss  conit 

accepted  b;  Tie,  Basle,  Schaffhaust 

Gall,    Miilh  iel;   and   later  he  mai 

agreement  tnown  as  the  Consens 

gurinus.     L  ringlian  and  Calvinisti 

irines  of  the  eneharist  were  harmonized  as  far  a 
sibte.  But  while  the  former  decreased  the  latl 
creased,  and  Geneva  took  the  place  of  Zurich  . 
metropolis  of  the  Reformed  faith. 

§  2.  Calvin 

On  January  15,  1527,  Thomas  von  Hofen 
Zwingli  from  Geneva  that  he  would  do  all  he 
to  exalt  the  gospel  in  that  city  but  that  he  In 
would  be  vain,  for  there  were  seven  hundred  \ 
working  against  him.  This  letter  gives  an  i 
into  the  methods  by  which  new  territory  was  ev 
ized,  the  quarters  whence  came  the  new  influena 
the  forces  with  which  they  had  to  contend. 

Among  the  early  missionaries  of  "the  gosp 
French-speaking  lands,  one  of  the  most  energet 
William  Farel.  He  had  studied  at  Paris  und< 
•  fcvre  d'Etaples,  and  was  converted  to  Lutheran 
early  as  1521.  He  went  first  to  Basle,  where  he  h 
to  know  Erasmus,  Far  from  showing  respect 
older  and  more  famous  man,  \ic  scoTw^xj-Wf  told  ' 
/lis  face  that  Fi'oben's  wito  ki;\e\v  wvote  VVeoXoi 


CALVIN 

he.     Erasmns's  resentment  showed  itself  in  the 
rtmame   Phallicus  that  he   fastened   on  his  antag- 
Ist.     From  Basle  Farel  went  to  Montbeliard  and 
pie,  preaching  fearlessly  but  bo  fiercely  that  his 
end  Oecolampadius  warned  him  to  remember  rather 
teach  than  to  curse.     After  attending  the  disputa- 
D  at  Berne  he  evangelized  western  Switzerland.     His 
ithods  may  be  learned  from  his  work  at  Valangin 
Aagnst  15,  1530.     He  attended  a  mass,  but  in  the 
dst  of  it  went  up  to  the  priest,  tore  llie  host  for- 
iy  from  his  hands,  and  said  to  the  people:     "This 
not  the  God  whom  you  worship:  he  is  above  in 
iven,  even  in  the  majesty  of  the  Father."    In  1532 
went  to  Geneva.     Notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
te,  as  often  elsewhere,  he  narrowly  escaped  lyneh- 
f,  he  made  a  great  impression.     His  red  hair  and 
«  temper  evidently  had  their  uses. 
The  Reformer  of  French  Switzerland  was  not  des-  ' 
led  to  be  Farel,  however,  but  John  Calvin.     Bom 
N'oyon,  Picardy,  his  mother  died  early  and  his  fa- 
ir, who  did  not  care  for  children,  sent  him  to  the 
we  of  an  aristocratic  friend  to  be  reared.    In  this 
rironmeiit  he  acquired  the  distinguished  manners 
I  the    hauteur    for    which    he    was    noted.     When 
John  was  six  years  old  his  father,  Gerard,  had  him 
appginted  to  a  benefice  just  as  nowadays  he  might 
lave  got  him  a  scholarship.     At  the  age  of  twelve 
Gerard's  influence  procured  for  his  son  another  of 
these  ecclesiastical  livings  and  two  years  later  this 
'n$  exchanged  for  a  more  lucrative  one  to  enable  the 
l»y  to  go  to  Paris.     Here  for  some  years,  at  the  Col- 
lege of  Montaigu,  Calvin  studied  scholastic  philosophy 
snd  theology    under    Noel    Beda,    a    medieval    logic- 
ehopper  and  schoolman  by  temperament.     At  the  uni- 
Wrsity  Calvin  won  from  his  fellows  the  sobriquet  of 
"the  accusative  case,"  on  account  of  bis  eensorioua 


162  SWITZERLAND 

and  fault-finding  disposition.  At  his  father's  w 
John  changed  from  theology  to  law.  For  a  tina  j 
studied  at  the  universities  of  Orleans  and  Bourjl 
At  Orleans  he  came  under  the  influence  of  two  ftl 
estants,  Olivetan  and  the  German  Melehior  Volml 
On  the  death  of  his  father,  in  1531,  he  began  to  dettt 
himself  to  the  humanities.  His  first  work,  a  OM 
mentary  on  Si  'ementia,  witnesses  bisn 

reading,  his  e  n  style,  and  his  ethical 

terests. 

It  was  appB  gh  the  humanists  Erasm 

and  Lefevre  tl  d  to  tlie  study  of  the  BH 

and  of  Luthei  Probably  in  the  fail 

1533  he  exper  onversion"  such  as  sUB 

at  the  head  of  many  a  religious  career.  A  snJiW 
beam  of  liglit,  he  says,  came  to  him  at  this  time  fni 
God,  putting  him  to  the  proof  and  showing  bim  i 
how  deep  an  abyss  of  error  and  of  filth  he  had  b«S 
living.  He  thereupon  abandoned  his  former  life  ** 
tears. 

In  (he  spring  of  1534  Calvin  gave  up  the  sineflS 
benefices  he  had  held,  and  towards  the  end  of  they« 
left  France  because  of  the  growing  persecution,  ft 
he  had  already  rendered  himself  suspect.  After  » 
rious  wanderings  he  reached  Basle,  where  he  p> 
lished  the  first  edition  of  his  Institutes  of  tJie  Citr 
tian  Religion.  It  was  dedicated,  like  two  of  Zwin^ 
works,  to  Francis  I,  with  a  strong  plea  for  the  tt 
faith.  It  was,  nevertheless,  condemned  and  burnt  pi 
licly  in  France  in  1542.  Originally  written  in  La 
it  was  translated  by  the  author  into  French  in  15 
and  reissued  from  time  to  time  in  contijmally  larj 
editions,  the  final  one,  of  1559,  being  five  times 
bulky  as  the  first  impression.  The  thought,  t 
though  not  fundamentally  cl^anged,  was  rearrani 
and  developed.    Only  in  tl\e  TedacWo'a.  cl  \^\ 


CALVIN  163 

ddestination  made  pierfectly  clear.    TLe  first  edi- 
n,  like  Luther's  catechism,  took  up  in  order  the 
icalogue,  the  Creed,  the  Lord 's  Prayer,  and  the  Sac- 
VKnts.    To  this  was  added  a  section  on  Christian 
terty,  the  power  of  the  church,  and  civil  government. 
I  the  last   edition   the   arrangement   followed   en- 
Idy  the  order  of  articles  in  the  Apostles '  Creed,  all 
|B  other  matter  being  digested  in  its  relation  to  faith. 
In  the  Institutes  Calvin  succeeded  in  summing  up   A  vyitem 
ie  whole  of  Protestant  Christian  doctrine  and  prao-   ^^^^^'^^ 
K.   It  is  a  work  of  enormous  labor  and  thought. 
I  rigid  logic,  comprehensiveness,  and  clarity  have 
cured  it  the  same  place  in  the  Protestant  Churches 
It  the  Summa  of  Aquinas  has  in  the  Roman  theology. 
is  like  the  Summa  in  other  ways,  primarily  in  that 
is  an  attempt  to  derive  an  absolute,  unchangeable 
^dard  of  dogma  from  premises  considered  infal-  ^ 
ie.    Those  who  have  found  great  freshness  in  Cal- 
Q,  a  new  life  and  a  new  realism,  can  do  so  only  in 
niparison  with  the  older  schoolmen.     Calvin  simply 
Jut  over  their  ground^^^introducing  into  their  phi- 
k)phy  all  the  connotations  that  three  centuries  of 
3gress  had  made  necessary.     This  is  not  denying 
it  his  work  was  well  written  and  that  it  filled  a 
d  urgently   felt   at   the   time.     Calvin   cultivated 
Ie,  both  French  and  Latin,  with  great  care,  for  he 
'  its  immense  utility  for  propaganda.     He  studied 
ecially  brevity,  and  thought  that  he  carried  it  to 
extreme,  though  the  French  edition  of  the  Institutes 
more   than   eight  hundred   large   octavo   pages. 
vever,  all  things  are  relative,  and  compared  to 
ly  other  theologians  Calvin  is  really  concise  and 
lable. 

here  is  not  one  original  thought  in  any  of  Calvin's 
ks,  I  do  not  mean  ^^ original"  in  any  na^ro^v 
?,  /or  to  the  searcher  for  sources  it  seems  ttiat 


164  SWITZERLAND 


there  is  literally  nothing  nev  under  the  snn.  E 
there  is  nothing  in  Calviu  for  which  ample  aathaii 
cannot  he  found  in  his  predecessors.  Becognixingi 
Bible  as  bis  only  standard,  he  interpreted  it  aooM 
ing  to  the  new  Protestant  doctors.  First  and  ffl| 
most  he  was  dependent  on  Luther,  and  to  an  eitt| 
that  cannot  be  exaggerated.  Especially  from  ij 
Catechisms,  Ti  of  the  Will,  and  Thf  Bm 

Ionian  Captiv  hurck,  Calvin  drew  aH  ■ 

principal  docti  details.     He  also  bom«i 

something  froi  rasmus  and  Schwenckf<4 

as  well  a.s  fro  ters  who  were  in  a  certal 

sense  his  mo  shthon's  Commtmplacui 

Theology.   Zw  and  False  Religion,  m 

Farel's  Brief  Instruction  in  Christian  Faith  tad  i 
done  tentatively  what  he  now  did  finally. 

The  center  of  Calvin's  philosophy  was  God  asti 
Almighty  Will.  His  will  was  the  source  of  all  tlung 
of  all  deeds,  of  all  standards  of  right  and  wrong  u 
of  all  happiness.  The  sole  purpose  of  the  univer 
and  the  sole  intent  of  its  Creator,  was  the  glorificati 
of  the  Deity.  Man's  chief  end  was  "to  glorify  G 
and  enjoy  him  forever. 'V_God  accomplished  this  s( 
exaltation  in  all  things,  but  chiefly  through  men, 
noblest  work,  and  he  did  it  in  various  ways,  by 
salvation  of  some  and  the  damnation  of  others.  } 
his  act  was  purely  arbitrary;  he  foreknew  and  { 
destined  the  fate  of  every  man  from  the  beginni 
he  damned  and  saved  irrespective  of  foreseen  me 
"God's  eternal  decree"  Calvin  himself  called  "frij 
ful."'  The  outward  sign  of  election  to  grace 
thought  was  moral  behavior,  and  in  this  respect 
demanded  the  uttermost  from  himself  and  from 
followers.  The  elect,  he  thought,  were  certain  of 
vation.     The  highest  virtue  was  t&\lb.,  «.  matter  m 

'  "Ih-crctum  Del  aeternum  horrlb\\e." 


CALVIN  165 

the  heart  than  of  the  reason.  The  divinity  of 
irist,  he  said,  was  apprehended  by  Christian  expe- 
iDce,  not  by  speculation.  Beason  was  fallacious ;  left 
^itself  the  human  spirit  ''could  do  nothing  but  lose 
Wf  in  infinite  error,  embroil  itself  in  difficulties  and 
^  in  opaque  darkness."  But  God  has  given  us 
ii  Word,  infallible  and  inerrant,  something  that  *  *  has 
Wred  from  his  very  mouth.'*  '*We  can  only  seek 
•d  m  his  Word,'*  he  said,  ''nor  think  of  him  other- 
be  than  according  to  his  Word.'* 
Inevitably,  Calvin  sought  to  use  the  Bible  as  a  rigid 
oral  law  to  be  fulfilled  to  the  letter.  His  ethics  were 
i  elaborate  casuistry,  a  method  of  finding  the  proper 
ie  to  govern  the  particular  act.  He  preached  a  new 
galism;  he  took  Scripture  as  the  Pharisees  took  the 
«iw,  and  Luther's  sayings  as  they  took  the  Prophets, 
lid  he  turned  them  all  into  stiff,  fixed  laws.  Thus  he 
fnshed  the  glorious  autonomy  of  his  predecessor's 
Biical  principles.  It  was  Kant,  who  denied  all  Lu- 
ler's  specific  beliefs,  but  who  developed  his  idea  of 
e  individual  conscience,  that  was  the  true  heir  of 
J  spirit,  not  Calvin  who  crushed  the  spirit  in  elab- 
iting  every  jot  and  tittle  of  the  letter.  In  precisely 
J  same  manner  Calvin  killed  Luther's  doctrine  of  the 
iesthood  of  all  believers.  To  Calvin  the  church  was 
sacramental,  aristocratic  organization,  with  an  au- 
►ritative  ministry.  The  German  rebelled  against 
t  idea  of  the  church  as  such ;  the  Frenchman  simply 
red  what  was  the  true  church.  So  he  brought  back 
ne  of  the  sacramental  miracle  of  baptism  and  the 
^harist.  In  the  latter  he  remained  as  medieval  as 
ther,  never  getting  beyond  the  question  of  the  mode 
the  presence  of  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  in  the 
jad  and  wine.  His  endeavor  to  rationalize  the  doc- 
ne  of  Angshnrg,  especially  with  reference  to  tYie 
nglians,  bad  disastrous  results.     Only  two   po8\- 


166  SWITZERLAND 

tions  were  possible,  that  the  body  and  blood  were  pi 
ent,  or  that  they  were  not.  By  endeavoring  to  I 
some  middle  ground  Calvin  upheld  a  contradictioi 
terms:  the  elements  were  signs  and  yet  were  realiol 
the  body  was  really  there  when  the  bread  was  ea| 
by  a  believer,  but  really  not  there  when  the  same  bri 
was  eaten  by  an  infidel.  The  presence  was  actoall 
yet  participa  ily  occur  by  faith.    Wl 

rejecting  sore  s  explanations,  Calvin ' 

undoubtedly  J  sitiou  than  that  of  Ziril 

which  he  chai  "profane." 

As  few  inst  liinking  persons  now  ao 

the  conclusioi  tutes,  it  is  natural  to  an 

estimate  the  |  hey  exercised  in  their 

day.  The  hook  was  the  most  efFective  weapon  of  F 
estantism.  This  was  partly  because  of  the  style, 
still  more  because  of  the  faultless  logic.  The  sue 
of  an  argument  usually  depends  far  less  on  the  t 
of  (he  premises  than  on  the  validity  of  the  reasoi 
And  the  premises  selected  by  Calvin  not  only  see 
natural  to  a  large  body  of  educated  European  opi 
of  his  time,  hut  were  such  that  their  truth  or  fa 
was  very  difficult  to  demonstrate  convincingly, 
vin's  system  has  been  overthrown  not  by  direct  atl 
but  bj'  the  flank,  in  science  as  in  war  the  most  effe< 
way.  To  take  but  one  example  out  of  many 
might  bo  given :  what  has  modern  criticism  mad 
Calvin's  doctrine  of  the  inerrancy  of  Scripture  I 
this  science  was  as  yet  all  but  unknown:  biblical 
gesis  there  was  in  plenty,  but  it  was  only  to  a  ml 
extent  literary  and  historical;  it  was  almost  e; 
sively  philological  and  dogmatic. 

Calvin's  doctrine  of  the  arbitrary  dealing  on 

salvation   and   damnation    irrespective    of   merit 

ofton  excited  a  moral  rather  t\iivTv  uu  m'tftW^clMLal « 

sion.     To  his  true  foUowert^,  indeed, YY>5.e  Soua.'ODa; 


CALVIN  167 

^s,  it  seems  ^'a  delightful  doctrine,  exceeding  Eternal 
jht,  pleasant  and  sweet.'*  But  many  men  agree  *^»°»^*^ 
h  Oibbon  that  it  makes  Qod  a  cruel  and  capricious 
int  and  with  William  James  that  it  is  sovereignly 
itional  and  mean.  Even  at  that  time  those  who 
ithat  a  man's  will  had  no  more  to  do  with  his  des- 
f  than  the  stick  in  a  man's  hand  could  choose  where 
itrike  or  than  a  saddled  beast  could  choose  its  rider, 
used  an  intense  opposition.  Erasmus  argued  that 
ination  given  for  inevitable  crimes  would  make 
unjust,  and  Thomas  More  blamed  Luther  for  call- 
God  the  cause  of  evil  and  for  saying  **God  doth 
n  so  huge  a  number  of  people  to  intolerable  tor- 
ts only  for  his  own  pleasure  and  for  his  own  deeds 
ight  in  them  only  by  himself. ' '  An  English  here- 
Z!ole  of  Faversham,  said  that  the  doctrine  of  pre- 
ination  was  meeter  for  devils  than  for  Christians, 
e  God  of  Calvin,"  exclaimed  Jerome  Bolsec,  *4s  a 
Kirite,  a  liar,  perfidious,  unjust,  the  abetter  and 
on  of  crimes,  and  worse  than  the  devil  himself." 
it  there  was  another  side  to  the  doctrine  of  elec- 
There  was  a  certain  moral  grandeur  in  the  com- 
»  abandon  to  God  and  in  the  earnestness  that  wad 
y  to  sacrifice  all  to  his  will.  And  if  we  judge  the 
by  its  fruits,  at  its  best  it  brought  forth  a  strong 
good  race.  The  noblest  examples  are  not  the  the- 
ians,  Calvin  and  Knox,  not  only  drunk  with  God 
irugged  with  him,  much  less  politicians  like  Henry 
avarre  and  William  of  Orange,  but  the  rank  and 
)f  the  Huguenots  of  France,  the  Puritans  of  Eng- 
,  "the  choice  and  sifted  seed  wherewith  God  sowed 
wilderness"  of  America.  These  men  bore  them- 
es with  I  know  not  what  of  lofty  seriousness,  and 
a  matchless  disdain  of  aJJ  mortal  peril  and  aW 
Wjr  srandenr.  Believing  themselves  chosen  ves^ 
nd  elect  instruments  of  grace,  they  could  neitUet 


168  SWITZEKLAND 

be  seduced  by  carnal  pleasure  nor  awed  by  1 
might.  Taught  that  they  were  kings  by  the  elec 
God  and  priests  by  the  imposition  of  his  hand 
despised  the  puny  and  vicious  monarchs  of  this 
They  remained,  in  fact,  what  they  always  fdl 
selves  to  be,  an  elite,  "the  chosen  few." 

Having  finished  his  great  work,  Calvin  set  on' 
wandering  a  time  he  was  at  thi 

of  the  syn  a  de  France,  Dnchess  > 

rara.     Wli  broke  ont  here,  he  ag 

northward  )y  chance,  to   Geneva, 

Farel  was  qual  fight  with  the  old 

Needing  C  »  went  to  him  and  beg 

assistance,  d  to  curse  htra  should 

stay.  "Struck  with  terror,"  as  Calvin  himsi 
fessed,  he  consented  to  do  so. 

Beautifully  situated  on  the  blue  waters  o 
Leman  in  full  view  of  Mont  Blanc,  Geneva  was 
time  a  town  of  16,000  inhabitants,  a  center  o) 
pleasure,  and  piety.  The  citizens  had  certain  li 
but  were  under  the  rule  of  a  bishop.  As  this 
age  was  usually  elected  from  the  house  of  the  1 
Savoy,  Geneva  had  become  little  better  than  a  < 
ency  of  that  state.  The  first  years  of  the  si 
century  had  been  turbulent.  The  bishop,  John, 
one  time  been  forced  to  abdicate  his  authori 
later  had  tried  to  resume  it.  The  Archbis 
Vienne,  Geneva's  metropolitan,  had  then  exco 
cated  the  city  and  invited  Duke  Charles  III  of 
to  punish  it.  The  citizens  rose  under  Bonivf 
nounced  the  authority  of  the  pope,  expelled  the 
and  broke  up  the  religious  houses.  To  guard 
the  vengeance  of  the  duke,  a  league  was  mat 
Berne  and  Freiburg, 
On  October  2,  1532,  WVV\\aTC\  YatcV  a.TVw^ 
Berne.     At  Geneva  as  elsewYiexe  V\itm^\.  ^o\V 


t^.- 


CALVIN  169 

►reaching,  but  it  met  with  such  success  that  by  Janu- 
\  1534,  he  held  a  disputation  which  decided  the  city 
become    evangelical.    The   council    examined   the 
les  and  found  machinery  for  the  production  of  1535 
18  miracles;  provisionally  abolished  the  mass;  and  May 21, 
m  after  formally  renounced  the  papal  religion.  ^^^ 

At  this  point  Calvin  arrived,  and  began  preaching 
organizing  at  once.    He  soon  aroused  opposition 
the  citizens,  galled  at  his  strictness  and  perhaps 
bus  of  a  foreigner.    The  elections  to  the  council  ^^^  . 
it  against  him,  and  the  opposition  came  to  a  head  Febmar] 
>rtly  afterwards.    The    town    council   decided    to  1538 
)pt  the  method  of  celebrating  the  eucharist  used  at 
?me.    For  some  petty  reason  Calvin  and  Farel  re- 
to  obey,  and  when  a  riot  broke  out  at  the  Lord 's 
table,  the  council  expelled  them  from  the  city. 

Calvin  went  to  Strassburg,  where  he  learned  to  know 
Bncer  and  republished  his  Institutes.  Here  he  mar-., 
ried  Idelette  de  Bure,  the  widow  of  an  Anabaptist,  Augiwt. 
who  was  never  in  strong  health  and  died,  probably  of 
consumption,  on  March  29,  1549.  Calvin's  married 
life  lacked  tenderness  and  joy.  The  story  that  he 
selected  his  wife  because  he  thought  that  by  reason  of 
her  want  of  beauty  she  would  not  distract  his  thoughts 
from  God,  is  not  well  founded,  but  it  does  illustrate 
his  attitude  towards  her.  The  one  or  more  children 
bom  of  the  union  died  in  infancy. 

Calvin  attended  the  Colloquy  at  Ratisbon,  in  the  re-  I54i 
suit  of  which  he  was  deeply  disappointed.    In  the 
meantime   he  had   not  lost   all   interest  in   Geneva. 
"When  Cardinal  Sadoleto  wrote,  in  the  most  polished 
Latin,  an  appeal  to  the  city  to  return  to  the  Roman 
communion,  Calvin  answered  it.    The  party  opposed  ^^^^^ 
to  him  discredited  itself  by  giving  up  the  city's  rig\its 
to  Berne,  and  was  therefore  overthrown.     The  per- 
pJexities  presenting  tbemselvea  to  the  council  were  be- 


170  SWITZERLAND 

yond  their  powers  to  solve,  and  they  fdt  oUij 
recall  Calvin,  who  returned  to  remain  for  the  I 
his  life. 

His  position  was  so  strong  that  he  was  able  to 
of  Geneva  a  city  after  his  own  heart.  The  fo 
government  he  caused  to  prevail  was  a  strict  thee 
The  clergy  of  the  city  met  in  a  body  known  i 
Coiigregat:  ble  company"  that  di» 

and  prepai  for  the  consideration 

■Consistory,  ;er  body,  besides  the  I 

the  laity  w  d  by  twelve  elders  cho 

the  council,  ople  at  large.    The  st* 

eiiureh  wep  ely  identified  in  a  highl 

tocratic  pol 

"The  office  of  the  Consistory  is  to  keep  watch 
life  of  ever>'one."  Thus  briefly  was  express 
delegation  of  as  complete  powers  over  the  priva! 
of  citizens  as  ever  have  been  granted  to  a  com 
The  object  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Ordinances  ' 
create  a  society  of  saints.  The  Bible  was  ado[ 
the  norm ;  all  its  provisions  being  enforced  escej 
Jewish  ceremonies  as  were  considered  abroga 
the  New  Testament.  The  city  was  divided  int< 
ters,  and  some  of  the  elders  visited  even,'  house  i 
once  a  year  and  passed  in  review  the  whole  li 
tions,  speech,  and  opinions  of  the  inmates.  The 
of  the  citizens  were  made  of  glass;  and  the  v 
eye  of  the  Consistory,  scn'ed  by  a  multitude  of 
was  on  them  all  the  time.  In  a  way  this  espionf 
took  the  place  of  the  Catholic  confessional.  A  , 
gesture  was  enough  to  bring  a  man  under  sus 
Tlie  Elders  sat  as  a  regular  court,  hearing  com' 
and  examining  witnesses.  It  is  true  that  they 
inflict  only  spiritual  punishments,  such  as  publ 
sure,  penance,  excommunication,  or  forcing  the 
to  demand  pardon  in  church  on  his  knees.     Bui 


CALVIN  171 

Consistory  thought  necessary,  it  could  invoke  the 
of  the  civil  courts  and  the  judgment  was  seldom 
btfuL  Among  the  capital  crimes  were  adultery, 
5phemy,  witchcraft,  and  heresy.  Punishments  for 
offences  were  astonishingly  and  increasingly  heavy, 
ring  the  years  1542-6  there  were,  in  this  little  town 
6,000  people,  no  less  than  fifty-eight  executions  and 
enty-six  banishments. 

Q  judging  the  Genevan  theocracy  it  is  important  to 
lember  that  everywhere,  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
lishments  were  heavier  than  they  are  now,  and  the 
lulation  of  private  life  minuter.^  Nevertheless, 
(Ugh  parallels  to  almost  everything  done  at  Geneva 
I  be  found  elsewhere,  it  is  true  that  Calvin  intensi- 
I  the  medieval  spirit  in  this  respect  and  pushed  it  to 
farthest  limit  that  human  nature  would  bear, 
'irst  of  all,  he  compelled  the  citizens  to  fulfil  their 
fious  duties.  He  began  the  process  by  which  later 
Puritans  identified  the  Jewish  Sabbath  and  the 
d's  Day.  Luther  had  thought  the  injunction  to 
on  the  Seventh  Day  a  bit  of  Jewish  ceremonial 
)gated  by  the  new  dispensation  and  that,  after  at- 
ling  church,  the  Christian  might  devote  the  day  to 
t  work  or  pleasure  he  thought  proper.  Calvin, 
ever,  forbade  all  work  and  commanded  attendance 
ermons,  of  which  an  abundance  were  offered  to  the 
)ut.  In  addition  to  Sunday  services  there  were, 
1  the  Catholic  church,  morning  prayers  every  work 
and  a  second  service  three  days  a  week.  All  cere- 
ies  with  a  vestige  of  popery  about  them  were  for- 
len.  The  keeping  of  Christmas  was  prohibited  ^^^ 
jr  pain  of  fine  and  imprisonment. 
ks  I  see  that  we  cannot  forbid  men  all  diversions," 
ed  Calvin,  **I  confine  myself  to  those  that  are 
ly  bad."    This  class  was  sufficiently  large.    The 

«  below,  Chmpter  X,  Bection  3. 


172  SWITZERLAND 


theater  was  denounced  from  the  pulpit,  espedi 
when  the  new  Italian  hahit  of  giving  women's  part 
actresses  instead  of  to  boys  was  introduced.  Am 
ing  to  Oalvin's  colleague  Cop,  "the  women  who  tw 
the  platform  to  play  comedies  are  full  of  unbri 
effrontery,  without  honor,  having  no  purpose  bn 
expose  their  bodies,  clothes,  and  ornaments  to  ei 
the  impure  c  ■  spectators.  .  .  .  The  « 

thing,"  he  B  ry  contrary  to  the  moi 

of  women  wl  shamefaced  and  shy." 

cordingly,  at.  ilays  was  forbidden. 

Among  otl  3  amusements  was  dan 

especially  ob  t  that  time  dances  wer 

eompaiiied  b>    ,  embraces.     Playing  c 

cursing  and  swearing  were  also  dealt  with,  as  in 
they  were  elsewhere.  Among  the  odd  matters 
came  before  the  Consistory  were:  attempted  sa- 
possessing  the  Golden  Legend  (a  collection  of  ss 
lives  called  by  Beza  "abominable  trash"),  payin, 
masses,  betrothing  a  daughter  to  a  Catholic,  fa 
on  Good  Friday,  singing  obscene  songs,  and  drui 
ness.  A  woman  was  chastized  for  taking  too  : 
wine  even  though  it  did  not  intoxicate.  Some 
bands  were  mildly  reprimanded,  not  for  beating 
wives  which  was  tolerated  by  contemporary  opi 
but  for  rubbing  salt  and  vinegar  into  the  wales, 
ury  in  clothing  was  suppressed;  all  matters  of 
and  quality  regulated  by  law,  and  even  the  wi 
which  women  did  their  hair.  In  1546  the  inns 
put  under  the  direct  control  of  the  government 
strictly  limited  to  the  functions  of  entertainin( 
rather  of  boarding  and  lodging — strangers  ant 
izens  in  temporary  need  of  them.  Among  the  ni 
ous  rules  enforced  within  them  the  following  mi 
selected  as  typical: 

If  any  one  blasphemes  the  name  of  God  or  saj^ 


CALVIN  173 

the  body,  'sblood,  zounds"  or  anything  like,  or  who  gives 
himself  to  the  devil  or  uses  similar  execrable  impreca- 
tions, he  shall  be  punished.  .  .  . 

If  any  one  insults  any  one  else  the  host  shall  be  obliged 
to  deliver  him  up  to  justice. 

If  there  are  any  persons  who  make  it  their  business  to 
frequent  the  said  inns,  and  there  to  consume  their  goods 
and  substance,  the  host  shall  not  receive  them. 

Item  the  host  shall  be  obliged  to  report  to  the  govern- 
ment any  insolent  or  dissolute  acts  committed  by  the 
guests. 

Item  the  host  shall  not  allow  any  person  of  whatever 
quality  he  be,  to  drink  or  eat  anything  in  his  house  with- 
out first  having  asked  a  blessing  and  afterwards  said 
grace. 

Item  the  host  shall  be  obliged  to  keep  in  a  public  place 
A  French  Bible,  in  which  any  one  who  wishes  may  read, 
and  he  shall  not  prevent  free  and  honest  conversation  on 
the  Word  of  God,  to  edification,  but  shall  favor  it  as  much 
as  he  can. 

Item  the  host  shall  not  allow  any  dis.'^oluteness  like 
dancing,  dice  or  cards,  nor  shall  he  receive  any  one  sus- 
pected of  being  a  debauch^  or  ruffian. 

Item  he  shall  only  allow  people  to  play  honest  games 
without  swearing  or  blasphemy,  and  without  wasting 
more  time  than  that  allowed  for  a  meal. 

Item  he  shall  not  allow  indecent  songs  or  words,  and  if 
any  one  wishes  to  sing  Psalms  or  spiritual  songs  he  shall 
make  them  do  it  in  a  decent  and  not  in  a  dissolute  way. 

Item  nobody  shall  be  allowed  to  sit  up  after  nine 
o'clock  at  night  except  spies. 

!)f  course,  snch  matterB  as  marriage  were  regulated 

ictly.     Wheti  a  man  of  seventy  married  a  girl  of 

Irenty-five  Calvin  said  it  was  the  pastor's  duty  to 

i^jrehend  them.     The   Reformer  often  selected   the 

len  he  thought  suitable  for  his  acquaintances  who 

lied  wives.     Fie  also  drew  up  a  list  of  baptismal 

IPS  which  he  thought  objectionable,  including  the 

IPS  of  "idols," — i.  e.  saints  venerated  near  Geneva 

10  names  of  YingB  and  otSces  to  whom  God  alone  ap- 


174  SWITZERLAND 

points,  such  as  Angel  or  Baptist,  names  betongiq 
God  such  as  Jesus  and  Emannel,  silly  names  eno] 
Tonssaint  and  Noel,  double  names  and  ill-soimS 
names.  Calvin  also  pronounced  on  the  best  sort 
stoves  and  got  servants  for  his  friends.  In  fact,  Ih 
was  never  such  a  busy-body  in  a  position  of  high 
thority  before  nor  since.  No  wonder  that  the  cith 
frequently  ch  ,e  yoke. 

If  wc  ask  IS  actually  accomplished 

this  minute  :  :companied  hy  extreme 

verity  in  the  of  morals,  various  ansi 

are  given.     "'  alian  reformer  Bemah 

Occhino  visiti  1542,  he  testified  that  9 

ing  and  swea  tity  and  sacrilege  were 

known;  that  there  were  neither  lawsuits  nor  sim 
nor  murder  nor  party  spirit,  but  that  universal  he 
olence  prevailed.  Again  in  1556  John  Knox  said 
Geneva  was  "the  most  perfect  school  of  Christ 
ever  was  on  earth  since  the  days  of  the  apostles, 
other  places,"  he  continued,  "I  confess  Christ  t( 
truly  preached,  but  manners  and  religion  so  since 
reformed  I  have  not  yet  seen  in  any  place  besid 
But  if  we  turn  from  these  personal  impressions  t' 
examination  of  the  acts  of  the  Consistory,  we  g 
very  different  impression.  The  records  of  Gei 
show  more  cases  of  vice  after  the  Reformation  thai 
fore.  The  continually  increasing  severity  of  the 
alties  enacted  against  vice  and  frivolity  seem  to  p 
that  the  government  was  helpless  to  suppress  tl 
Among  those  convicted  of  adultery  were  two  of 
vin's  own  female  relatives,  his  brother's  wife  and 
step-daughter  Judith.  AVhat  success  there  was 
making  Geneva  a  city  of  saints  was  due  to  the  fact 
it  gradually  became  a  very  select  population. 
worst  of  the  incorrigiWes  were  sooi\  eWVet  Ri-i.ife<i\i\.< 
banished,  and  their  places  takeu\jy  a,\ax%t\siS 


CALVIN  176 

austere  mind,  drawn  thither  as  a  refnge  from 
tion  elsewhere,  or  by  the  desire  to  sit  at  the  feet 
^reat  Reformer.    Between  the  years  1549  and 

less  than  1297  strangers  were  admitted  to  cit- 
3.    Practically  all  of  these  were  immigrants 

to  the  little  town  for  conscience's  sake. 

xloxy  was  enforced  as  rigidly  as  morality.  Pmocntioo 

Jesiastical  constitution  adopted  in  1542  brought 

i^iritan  type  of  divine  service.    Preaching  took 

st  important  place  in  church,  supplemented  by 

wading  and  catechetical  instruction.    Laws  were 

enforcing  conformity  under  pain  of  losing 
ind  life.  Those  who  did  not  expressly  renounce 
3S  were  punished.  A  little  girl  of  thirteen  was 
ined  to  be  publicly  beaten  with  rods  for  saying 
e  wanted  to  be  a  Catholic.  Calvin  identified  his 
shes  and  dignity  with  the  commands  and  honor 
1.  One  day  he  forbade  a  citizen,  Philibert 
lier,  to  come  to  the  Lord's  table.  Berthelier 
ed  and  was  supported  by  the  council.  *  *  If  God 
itan  crush  my  ministry  under  such  tyranny," 
d  Calvin,  *  *  it  is  all  over  with  me. ' '  The  slight- 
ertion  of  liberty  on  the  part  of  another  was 
d  out  as  a  crime.  Sebastian  Castellio,  a  sin- 
liristian  and  Protestant,  but  more  liberal  than 

fell  under  suspicion  because  he  called  the 
>f  Songs  obscene,  and  because  he  made  a  new 
.  version  of  the  Bible  to  replace  the  one  of 
M  officially  approved.  He  was  banished  in 
Two  years  later  Peter  Ameaux  made  some  very 

personal  remarks  about  Calvin,  for  which  he 
»rced  to  fall  on  his  knees  in  public  and  ask 

opposition  only  increased.    The  party  opposing 
be  called  the  Libertines — a  word  then  meaiiitig 
isrliie  ''free-thinker '^  and  gradually  gettmg 


rl76  S"VVITZERLAND 

the  bad  moral  connotation  it  has  now,  just  as  the  voidl 
January.  "miscreant"  had  formerly  done.  One  of  these  meip 
James  Gruet,  posted  on  the  pulpit  of  St.  Peter*! 
church  at  Geneva  a  waniing  to  Calvin,  in  no  very  civU 
terms,  to  leave  the  city.  He  was  at  once  arrested  and^ 
a  house  to  house  search  made  for  his  accomplicefti 
This  method  failing  to  reveal  anything  except  thatt 
Gruet  had  written  on  one  of  Calvin's  tracts  the  words 
"all  rubbish,"  his  judges  put  him  to  the  rack  twioa 
a  day,  morning  and  evening,  for  a  whole  month.  The 
frightful  torture  failed  to  make  Gruet  incriminate  any- 
one else,  and  he  was  accordingly  tried  for  heresy.  Hfl 
■was  charged  with  "disparaging  authors  like  Moses,, 
who  by  the  Spirit  of  God  wrote  the  divine  law,  saying 
that  Moses  had  no  more  power  than  any  other  man. 
.  .  .  He  also  said  that  all  laws,  human  and  divine, 
were  made  at  the  pleasure  of  man."  He  was  there- 
fore sentenced  to  death  for  blasphemy  and  beheaded 
on  July  26, 1547,  "calling  on  God  as  his  Lord."  Aftaf 
his  death  one  of  his  books  was  found  and  condemned. 
To  justify  this  course  Calvin  alleged  that  Gruet  said 
that  Jesus  Christ  was  a  good-for-nothing,  a  liar,  and  a 
false  seducer,  and  that  he  (Gruet)  denied  the  existenw 
of  God  and  immortality.  Evangelical  freedom  had 
now  arrived  at  the  point  where  its  champions  first  iod 
a  man's  life  and  then  his  character,  merely  for  writ-j 
Ing  a  lampoon 

Naturally  such  tyranny  produced  a  reaction.     Hi 

r  enraged  Libertines  nicknamed  Calvin  Cain,  and  savw 

from  his  hands  the  next  personal  enemy,  Ami  PerriD, 
■whom  he  caused  to  be  tried  for  treason.  A  still  more 
Ocioberie.  bitter  dose  for  the  theocrat  was  that  administered  bf 
Jerome  Bolsee,  who  had  the  audacity  to  preach  against 
the  doctrine  of  predestination.  Calvin  and  Farel  ^^ 
futed  him  on  the  spot  and  had  him  arrested.  Berne, 
Basle  and  Zurich  intervened  and,  when  solicited  for 


CALVIN  177 

expression  on  the  doctrine  in  dispute,  spoke  inde- 
ively.     The  triumph  of  his  eneraips  at  this  rebuke 
B  hard  for  Calvin  to  bear  and  prepared  for  the  com- 
wion  of  the  most  regrettable  act  of  his  career. 
Che  Spanish  physician  Michael  Servetus  published,  ?^*^?* 
Germany,  a  work  on  the  Errors  concerning   the  \ 

mity.     His  theory  was  not  that  of  a  modern  ration- 
it,  bat  of  one  whose  starting  point  was  the  authority 
the  Bible,  and  his  nnitarianism  was  consequently  of 
iecidedly  theological  brand,  recalling  similar  doc- 
Des  in  the  early  church.     Leaving  Germany  he  went 
Vienne,  in  France,  and  got  a  good  practice  under  ^^^ 
.  assamed  name.     He  later  published  a  work  called, 
■ps  in  imitation  of  Calvin's  InstituHo,  The  Resti- 
tion  of  Christianity,  setting  forth  his  ideas  about  the 
finity,  wljch  he  compared  to  the  throe-headed  roon- 
sr  Cerberus,  but  admitting  the  divinity  of  Christ. 
i  also  denied  the  doctrine  of  original  sin  and  as- 
rted  that  baptism  should  be  for  adults  only.     He 
18  poorly  advised  in  sending  this  book  to  the  Re- 
rroer,    with    whom    he    had    some    correspondence, 
ith  Calvin's  knowledge  and  probably  at  his  instiga- 
tion, though  he  later  issued  an  equivocating  denial, 
H'illiam  Trie,  of  Geneva,  denounced  Servetus  to  the 
Catholic  inquisition  at  Vienne  and  forwarded  the  ma- 
terial sent  by  the  heretic  to  Calvin.     On  June  17,  1553, 
tiie  Catholic  inquisitor,  expressly  stating  that  he  acted 
On  this  material,  condemned  Servetus  to  be  burnt  by 
»Io»'  fire,  but  he  escaped  and  went  to  Geneva. 
Here  he  was  recognized  and  arrested.     Calvin  at 
ice   appeared   as   his  prosecutor   for   heresy.     The 
diarges  against  him  were  chiefly  concerned  with  his 
leoial  of  the  Trinity  and  of  infant  baptism,  and  with 
kis  attack  on  the  person  and  teaching  of  Calvin.     As 
%n  example  of  the  point  to  which  Bibliolatry  could  sup- 
press candor  it  may  be  mentioned  that  one  of  the 


SM^TZERLAND 

ohai^s  against  him  was  that  he  had  asserted  Palestim 
to  be  a  poor  land.  This  was  held  to  contradict  tbi 
Scriptural  statement  that  it  was  a  land  flowing  with, 
milk  and  honey.  The  minutes  of  the  trial  are  paiiifnl 
reading.  It  was  conducted  on  both  sides  with  unbe- 
coming violence.  Among  other  expressions  used  by 
Calvin,  the  public  prosecutor,  were  these:  that  he  re- 
garded Servetus's  defence  as  no  better  than  the  bray- 
ing of  an  ass,  and  that  the  prisoner  was  like  a  villain- 
ous cur  wiping  his  muzzle.  Servetus  answered  in  the 
same  tone,  his  spirit  unbroken  by  abuse  and  by  hia 
confinement  in  a  horrible  dungeon,  where  he  suffered 
from  hunger,  cold,  vermin,  and  disease.  He  was  found 
guilty  of  heresy  and  sentenced  to  be  burnt  with  slow 
fire.  Calvin  said  that  he  tried  to  alter  the  manner  of 
execution,  but  there  is  not  a  shred  of  evidence,  in  the  j 
minutes  of  the  trial  or  elsewhere,  that  he  did  so.  Pos- 
sibly, if  he  made  the  request,  it  was  purely  formal,  as ; 
were  similar  petitions  for  mercy  made  by  the  Roman  1 
inquisitors.  At  any  rate,  while  Calvin's  alleged  effort  1 
for  mercy  proved  fruitless,  he  visited  his  victim  in 
prison  to  read  him  a  self-righteous  and  insulting  lee- , 
ture.  Farel,  also,  reviled  him  on  the  way  to  the  stake,  , 
at  which  he  perished  on  October  26,  1553,  crying,  "God  ' 
preserve  my  soul!  O  Jesus,  Son  of  the  eternal  God, 
have  mercy  on  me!"  Farel  called  on  the  bystander!  ', 
to  witness  that  these-words  showed  the  dying  man  to 
be  still  in  the  power  of  Satan. 

This  act  of  persecution,  one  of  the  most  painfal-ifr^ 
the  history  of  Christianity,  was  received  with  an  out- 
burst of  applause  from  almost  all  quarters.  Melaneh- 
thon,  who  had  not  been  on  speaking  terms  with  Calvio 
for  some  years,  was  reconciled  to  him  by  what  he 
called  "a  signal  act  of  piety."  Other  leading  Protes- 
tants congratulated  Calvin,  who  continued  persecution 
systematically.    Another  victim  of  his  was  Matthew 


CALVIN  179 

baldi,  whom  he  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the  gov- 

ment  of  Berne,  with  a  refutation  of  his  errors.  1564 

1  he  not  died  of  the  plague  in  prison  he  would  prob- 

r  have  suffered  the  same  fate  as  Servetus. 

trengthened  by  his  victory  over  heresy,  Calvin  now  ^™P^«t« 

the  chance  to  annihilate  his  opponents.    On  May  1555    ^' 

1555,  he  accused  a  number  of  them  of  treason, 

.  provided  proof  by  ample  use  of  the  rack.    With 

party  of  Libertines  completely  broken,  Calvin  ruled 

m  this  time  forth  with  a  rod  of  iron.    The  new  . 

leva  was  so  cowed  and  subservient  that  the  town 

ndl  dared  not  install  a  new  sort  of  heating  ap- 

atus  without  asking  the  permission  of  the  theocrat. 

;  a  deep  rancor  smouldered  under  the  surface. 

ar  incomparable  theologian  Calvin,*'  wrote  Am- 

86  Blaurer  to  BuUinger,  ''labors  under  such  hatred 

jome  whom  he  obscures  by  his  light  that  he  is  con- 

jred  the  worst  of  heretics  by  them.**    Among  other 

igs  he  was  accused  of  levying  tribute  from  his  fol- 

ers  by  a  species  of  blackmail,  threatening  publicly 

enounce  them  unless  they  gave  money  to  the  cause. 

t  the  same  time  his  international  power  and  repu-  iniema- 

on  rose.    Geneva  became  the  capital  of  Protes-  tionaiCai- 

ism,  from  which  mandates  issued  to  all  the  coun- 

3  of  Western  Europe.    Englishmen  and  French- 

,  Dutchmen  and  Italians,  thronged  to  ''this  most 

eci  school  of  Christ  since  the  apostles"  to  learn 

laws  of  a  new  type  of  Christianity.    For  Calvin's 

>rmation  was  more  thorough  and  logical  than  was 

ler's.     The  German  had  regarded  all  as  permitted 

was  not  forbidden,  and  allowed  the  old  usages  to 
d  in  so  far  as  they  were  not  repugnant  to  the  ordi- 
•88  of  the  Bible.  But  Calvin  believed  that  all  was 
idden  save  what  was  expressly  allowed,  and  hence 
ished  as  superstitions  accretions  all  the  elemexvla 
a  medieval  oalt  that  could  £nd  no  warrant  in  tVie 


180  SWITZERLAND 

Bible.  Images,  vestments,  organs,  bells,  candles,^ 
ual,  were  swept  away  in  the  unganiished  rocetinj,'-h«| 
to  make  way  for  a  simple  service  of  Bible-readjl 
prayer,  hymn  and  sermon.  The  government  o(  I 
church  was  left  by  Calvin  in  close  connection  ffit!il| 
state,  but  he  apparently  turned  around  the  Luthel 
conception,  making  the  civil  authority  subordinatej 
the  spiritual  b  lurch  to  the  state.  I 

"Whereas   L  appealed    to    Germans  ■ 

Scandinavian!  became    the    intcrnatiei 

■'    form    of    Pro'  Even    in    Germany  Ca^ 

made  conqucs  ense  of  Luther,  but  oatd 

of  Germany,  i  the  Netherlands,  in  Bria 

he  moulded  tL^  ,  formed  thought  in  his  w 

image.  It  is  difficult  to  give  statistics,  for  it  is  i 
possible  to  say  how  far  each  particular  chard,  ^ 
the  Anglican  for  example,  was  indebted  to  Calvin,  h 
far  to  Luther,  and  how  far  to  other  leaders,  and  f 
because  there  was  a  strong  reaction  against  pure ' 
vinism  even  in  the  sixteenth  century.  But  it  is  saf 
say  that  the  clear,  cold  logic  of  the  Institutes,  the  p 
French  and  Latin  of  countless  other  treatises  and 
ters,  and  the  political  thought  which  amalgam. 
easily  with  rising  tides  of  democracy  and  indust 
ism,  made  Calvin  the  leader  of  Protestantism  out 
of  the  Teutonic  countries  of  the  north.  His  gift 
organization  and  the  pains  he  took  to  train  minis 
and  apostles  contributed  to  this  success. 
I'vili^Ma  ^"  ^^*^y  ^^'  ^'^^  Calvin  died,  worn  out  with  1 
J,  1564  and  ill  health  at  the  age  of  fifty-five.  With  a 
heart  and  a  hot  temper,  he  had  a  clear  brain,  an 
will,  and  a  real  moral  earnestness  derived  from 
conviction  that  he  was  a  chosen  vessel  of  Christ.  ' 
stantly  tortured  by  a  variety  of  painful  disease.' 
drove  himself,  by  the  demouVac  sli^-a^V  oS.  V\%  'sv' 
perform  labor  that  would  Uavc  \.a,-K.e4  W^  &S.to- 


CALVIN  181 

3  ruled  his  poor,  suffering  body  is  symbolic 
r  he  treated  the  sick  world.  To  him  the 
f  his  own  body,  or  of  the  body  politic,  were 
overcome,  at  any  cost  of  pain  and  sweat  and 
a  direct  effort  of  the  will.  As  he  never 
fever  and  weakness  in  himself,  so  he  dealt 
ce  and  frivolity  he  detested,  crushing  it  out 
ess  application  of  power,  hunting  it  with 
ching  it  on  the  rack  and  breaking  it  on  the 
t  a  gentler,  more  understanding  method 
e   accomplished  more,  even  for  his   own 

jssor  at  Geneva,  Theodore  Beza,  was  a  man  Bcm, 

1519— IfiOS 

ra  heart  but,  as  he  was  far  weaker,  the  town 
dually  freed  itself  from  spiritual  tyranny, 
le  end  of  the  century  the  pastors  had  been 
id  the  questions  of  the  day  were  far  less 
ic  niceties  they  loved  than  ethical  ones  such 
[it  to  take  usury,  the  proper  penalty  for 
le  right  to  make  war,  and  the  best  form  of 
L 


^' 


I 


CHAPTER  rv 
FRANCE 

§  1.  "" AND   EeFOEMATIOH 

Though,  at  jf  the  sixteenth  century 

French  may  to  no  greater  degree  o 

tional  self-cc  ban  had  the  Germans, 

had  gone  mm  he  construction  of  a  nat 

state.    The  i  *  this  evolution,  one  o: 

strongest    t«  nodern   history,    is   th 

squares  the  outward  political  condition  of  the  pi 
with  their  inward  desires.  When  once  a  natior 
come  to  feel  itself  such,  it  cannot  be  happy  unt 
polity  is  united  in  a  homogeneous  state,  thougl 
reverse  is  also  true, — that  national  feeling  is  i 
times  the  result  as  well  as  the  cause  of  political  u 
"With  the  growth  of  a  common  language  and  of 
mon  ideals,  and  with  the  improvement  of  the  me' 
of  communication,  the  desire  of  the  people  for 
became  stronger  and  stronger,  until  it  finally  over 
the  centrifugal  forces  of  feudalism  and  of  partic 
ism.  These  were  so  strong  in  Germany  that  o 
very  imperfect  federation  could  be  formed  by  w, 
national  goveniment,  but  in  France,  though  they 
still  far  from  moribund,  external  pressure  an( 
growth  of  the  royal  power  had  forged  the  various 
incos  into  a  nation  such  as  it  exists  today.  The 
independent  of  the  old  provinces,  Brittany,  was 
united  to  the  crown  by  the  marriage  of  its  du 
5     Anne  to  Louis  XIT. 

Geographically,  France  vjaa  neaTV^  'Ca.e  sMtia 
hundred  years  ago  as  it  is  today,  aa-^e  ^iWt. \!iiii  « 


RENAISSANCE  AND  BEFOBMATION     183 


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I 


184  FRANCE 

frontier  was  somewhat  farther  west.  The  line  At 
ran  west  of  the  three  Bishoprics,  Verdun,  Mete  8 
Toul,  west  of  Franche  Comte,  just  east  of  Lyons  a 
again  west  of  Savoy  and  Nice. 

Politically,  France  was  then  one  of  a  group  of  sal 
popular,  semi-autocratic  monarchies.  The  righU 
the  people  were  asserted  by  the  States  General  irfi 
met  from  tin  anally  at  much  longer 

tervals  than  ■  iets  or  the  English  Pa^ 

ments,  and  by  ts  of  the  various  provim 

These  latter  igh  courts  of  justice  tl 

legislative  asi  :heir  right  to  register  i 

laws  gave  th'  able  amount  of  anthoi 

The  Parlemen.  3  the  most  conspicuous 

perhaps  the  most  powerful. 
It,  The  power  of  the  monarch,  resting  primarily  on 
support  of  the  bourgeois  class,  was  greatly  augmei 
by  the  Concordat  of  1516,  which  made  the  mom 
almost  the  supreme  head  of  the  Gallican  church, 
two  centuries  the  crown  had  been  struggling  to  at 
this  position.  It  was  because  so  large  a  degrei 
autonomy  was  granted  to  the  national  church  that 
French  felt  satisfied  not  to  go  to  the  extreme  of  sf 
sion  from  the  Roman  communion.  It  was  becaust 
king  had  already  achieved  a  large  control  over  his 
clergy  that  he  felt  it  unnecessary  or  inadvisable  t 
to  the  lengths  of  the  Lutheran  princes  and  of  H 
VIII.  In  that  one  important  respect  the  Conco 
of  Bologna  took  the  place  of  the  Reformation. 

Francis  I  was  popular  and  at  first  not  unattrac 
Robust,  fond  of  display,  ambitious,  intelligent  en* 
to  dabble  in  letters  and  art,  he  piqued  himself  on  b 
chivalrous  and  brave.  But  he  wasted  his  life 
ruined  his  health  in  the  pursuit  of  pleasure.  His  : 
as  it  has  coTtve  down  to  us  in  couVem-pota-rj  v'i^vcA 
is  disagreeable.     He  was,  aa  w\V\i  MwusMaX.  two 


fiENAISSANCE  AND  BEFORMATION     185 

Hfemporary  observer  put  it,  a  devil  even  to  the  ex- 
it of  considerably  looldng  it. 

I^e  to  art  and  letters  Francis  gave  a  certain 
onnt  of  attention,  he  usually  from  mere  indolence 
wed  the  affairs  of  state  to  be  guided  by  others. 
Q  the  death  of  his  mother,  Louise  of  Savoy,  he  was  1531 
i  by  her.  Thereafter  the  Constable  Anne  de 
tmorency  was  his  chief  minister.  The  policy  fol- 
d  was  the  inherited  one  which  was,  to  a  certain 
t,  necessary  in  the  given  conditions.  In  domestic 
rs,  the  king  or  his  advisors  endeavored  to  increase 
K)wer  of  the  crown  at  the  expense  of  the  nobles, 
last  of  the  great  vassals  strong  enough  to  assert 
isi-independence  of  the  king  was  Charles  of  Bour-  1528-4 

He  was  arrested  and  tried  by  the  Parlement  of 
J,  which  consistently  supported  the  crown.    Flee- 
rom  France  he  entered  the  service  of  Charles  V, 
lis  restoration  was  made  an  article  of  the  treaty  ^^^ 
adrid.    His  death  in  the  sack  of  Rome  closed  the  ^    ^^^ 
ent  in  favor  of  the  king. 

e  foreign  policy  of  France  was  a  constant  strug- 
low  by  diplomacy,  now  by  arms,  with  Charles  V. 
principal  remaining  powers  of  Europe,  England, 
ey  and  the  pope,  threw  their  weight  now  on  one 
now  on  the  other  of  the  two  chief  antagonists. 
was  the  field  of  most  of  the  battles.    Francis  be- 
lis  reign  by  invading  that  country  and  defeating  ^j*"™' 
Iwiss  at  Marignano,  thus  conquering  Milan.    The  1515 
»aigns  in  Italy  and  Southern  France  culminated 
18    disastrous  defeat  of  the   French  at   Pavia.  241^ 
cis  fought  in  person  and  was  taken  prisoner. 
all  things  nothing  is  left  me  but  honor  and  life,'' 
rote  his  mother. 

ancis  hoped  that  he  would  be  freed  on  the  pay- 
of  ransom  according  to  the  best  models  of  chiv- 
Me  found,  however,  when  be  was  removed  to 


186 


FBANCB 


k«,l 


Madrid  in  May,  that  his  captor  intended  to  exact  i 
last  farthing  of  diplomatic  concesBion.     Discontentl 
France  and  the  ennui  and  illness  of  the  king  finj 
forced  him  to  sign  a  most  disadvantageous  treaty, 
nouneing  the  lands  of  Burgundy,  Naples  and  Milai 
and  ceding  lands  to  Henry  VIII.     The  king  swore  ta', 
the  document,  pledged  his  knightly  honor,  and  as  t 
ditional    securities    married    Eleanor    the    sister  i 
Charles  and  left  two  of  his  sons  as  hostages. 

Even  when  he  signed  it,  however,  he  had  no  int 
tion  of  executing  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  which, 
secretly  protested,  had  been  wrung  from  hiin  by  foi 
The  deputies  of  Burgundy  refused  to  recognize 
right  of  France  to  alienate  them.  Henry  VIII  at  a 
made  an  alliance  against  the  "tyranny  and  pride'^ 
the  emperor.  Charles  was  so  chagrined  that  he  dl 
lenged  Francis  to  a  duel.  This  opera  bouffe  perfoi 
ance  ended  by  each  monarch  giving  the  other  "the 
in  the  throat." 

Though  France  succeeded  in  making  with  new  s 
the  pope  and  Venice,  the  League  of  Cognac,  and  thoi 
Germany  was  at  that  time  embarrassed  by  the  Turk 
invasion,  the  ensuing  war  turned  out  favorably  to ' 
emperor.  The  ascendancy  of  Charles  was  so  mari 
that  peace  again  had  to  be  made  in  his  favor  in  IS 
The  treaty  of  Cambrai,  as  it  was  called,  was  the  tra 
of  Madrid  over  again  except  that  Burgundy  was  to 
by  France.  She  gave  up,  however,  Lille,  Douai  fl 
other  territory  in  the  north  and  renounced  her  sB 
rainty  over  Milan  and  Naples.  Francis  agreed  to  J 
a  ransom  of  two  million  crowns  for  his  sons.  Thoi 
he  was  put  to  desperate  straits  to  raise  the  mon 
levying  a  40  per  cent,  income  tax  on  the  clergy  and  a 
per  cent,  income  tax  on  the  nobles,  he  finally  paid  ' 
money  and  got  back  his  children  in  15.30. 
Sjr  this  time   France  was  so  exhausted,  both  : 


i^i^ 


RENAISSANCE  AND  BEFORMATION     187 

ley  and  men,  that  a  policy  of  peace  was  the  only 
possible  for  some  years.  Montmorency,  the  prin- 
d  minister  of  the  king,  continued  by  an  active 
;omacy  to  stir  np  trouble  for  Charles.  While  sup- 
Bsing  Lutherans  at  home  he  encouraged  the  Schmal- 
lic  princes  abroad,  going  to  the  length  of  inviting 
andithon  to  France  in  1535.  With  the  English 
ister  Cromwell  he  came  to  an  agreement,  nothwith- 
iding  the  Protestant  tendencies  of  his  policy.  An 
smce  was  also  made  with  the  Sultan  Suleiman,  se- 
iy  in  1534,  and  openly  proclaimed  in  1536.  In  or- 
to  prepare  for  the  military  strife  destined  to  be 
Bwed  at  the  earliest  practical  moment,  an  ordinance 
l534  reorganized  and  strengthened  the  army. 
*ar  more  important  for  the  life  of  France  than  her 
jssant  and  inconclusive  squabbling  with  Spain  was 

transformation  passing  over  her  spirit.  It  is 
letimes  said  that  if  the  French  kings  brought  noth-  Reforma. 

else  back  from  their  campaigns  in  Italy  they  ^^^^ 
ught  back  the  Renaissance.  There  is  a  modicum 
:ruth  in  this,  for  there  are  some  traces  of  Italian  in- 
mce  before  the  reign  of  Francis  I.  But  the  French 
rit  hardly  needed  this  outside  stimulus.  It  was 
ikening  of  itself.    Scholars  like  William  Bude  and 

Estiennes,  thinkers  like  Dolet  and  Rabelais,  poets 
f  Marot,  were  the  natural  product  of  French  soil, 
jrywhere,  north  of  the  Alps  no  less  than  south, 
re  was  a  spontaneous  eflSorescence  of  intellectual 
vity. 

he  Reformation  is  often  contrasted  or  compared 
1  the  Renaissance.  In  certain  respects,  where  a 
mon  factor  can  be  found,  this  may  profitably  be 
e.  But  it  is  important  to  note  how  different  in 
I  were  the  two  movements.  One  might  as  well 
pare  Darwinism  and  Socialism  in  our  own  time. 
9ne  was  a  new  way  of  looking  at  things,  a  iresli 


188  FRANCE 

intellectual  start,  without  definite  program  or  orj 
izatioo.     The  other  was  primarily  a  thesis;  a  set 
tenets  the  object  of  which  was  concrete  action. 
Reformation  began  in  France  as  a  school  of  thoi 
but  it  soon  grew  to  a  political  party  and  a  new  chi 
and  finally  it  evolved  into  a  state  within  the  state. 

Though  it  is  not  safe  to  date  the  French  Refon 
tinn  before  the  influence  of  Luther  was  felt,  it  is  {I 
sible  to  see  an  indigenous  reform  that  naturally  ] 
pared  the  way  for  it.  Its  harbinger  was  Lefe 
d'Btaplcs.  This  "little  Luther"  wished  to  purify 
church,  to  set  aside  the  "good  works"  thereof  in  fa 
of  faith,  and  to  make  the  Bible  known  to  the  peoj 
He  began  to  translate  it  in  1521,  publishing  the  Q 
pels  in  June  1523  and  the  Epistles  and  Acts  and  A 
calypse  in  October  and  November.  The  work  was 
as  good  as  that  of  Luther  or  Tyndale.  It  was 
chiefly  on  the  Vulgate,  though  not  without  refereuca 
the  Greek  text.  Lefevre  prided  himself  on  being 
era!,  remarking,  with  a  side  glance  at  Erasmus's  Pt 
phrases,  that  it  was  dangerous  to  try  to  be  more  i 
gant  than  Scripture.  He  also  prided  himself 
writing  for  the  simple,  and  was  immensely  plea 
with  the  favorable  reception  the  people  gave  his  wc 
To  reach  the  hearts  of  the  poor  and  humble  he  in 
tuted  a  reform  of  preacliing,  instructing  his  friei 
to  purge  their  homilies  of  the  more  grossly  super 
tious  elements  and  of  the  scholastic  theology.  Insti 
of  this  they  were  to  preach  Christ  simply  with 
aim  of  touching  the  heart,  not  of  dazzling  the  mind. 

Like-minded  men  gathering  around  Lefevre  formed 
a  new  school  of  thought.  It  was  a  movement  of  rft- 
vival  within  the  church;  its  leaders,  wishing  to  keep 
all  the  old  forms  and  beliefs,  endeavored  to  infuse  into 
them  a  new  spirit.  To  some  extent  they  were  in  con- 
scious reaction  against  the  intcUectualisra  of  Erasmoft 


ki^dft^M 


BBNAISSANCE  AND  REFORMATION     189 

(be  Benaissance.  On  the  other  hand  they  were  far 
I  wishing  to  follow  Luther,  when  he  appeared,  in 
shism. 

tong  the  most  famous  of  these  mystical  reformers 
William  Bri^nnet,  Bishop  of  Meaux,  and  his  - 
le,  Margaret  d'Angonleme,  sister  of  Francis  L 
^  a  highly  talented  woman  Margaret  was  weak 
nggestible.  She  adored  her  dissolute  brother 
Eis  always,  on  account  of  her  marriages,  first  with  1509 
«,  duke  of  AlenQon,  and  then  with  Henry  d*Al-  ^^^ 
dng  of  Navarre,  put  in  the  position  of  a  sup- 
for  his  support.  She  carried  on  an  assiduous 
pondence  with  Brigonnet  as  her  spiritual  direc- 
dng  attracted  first  by  him  and  then  by  Luther, 
,  as  it  seems,  through  the  wish  to  sample  the 
y  of  their  doctrines.  She  wrote  The  Mirror  of 
nfvl  Soul  in  the  best  style  of  penitent  piety.  ^^^ 
itral  idea  is  the  love  of  God  and  of  the  ''debon- 
'  Jesus.  She  knew  Latin  and  Italian,  studied 
and  Hebrew,  and  read  the  Bible  regularly,  ex- 
g  her  friends  to  do  the  same.  She  coquetted 
he  Lutherans,  some  of  whom  she  protected  in 
3  and  with  others  of  whom  in  Germany  she  cor- 
ided.  She  was  strongly  suspected  of  being  a 
-an,  though  a  secret  one.  Capito  dedicated  to 
commentary  on  Hosea ;  Calvin  had  strong  hopes 
ning  her  to  an  open  profession,  but  was  disap- 
i.  Her  house,  said  he,  which  might  have  be- 
the  family  of  Jesus  Christ,  harbored  instead 
ts  of  the  deviL  Throughout  life  she  kept  the 
>med  Catholic  rites,  and  wrote  with  much  respect 
>e  Paul  III.  But  fundamentally  her  religious 
m  was  outside  of  any  confession. 
mystically  pious  woman  wrotej  in  later  life,  tiie 
v^/vw,  a  book  of  stories  published  posttiu- 
ModeUed  on  the  Decameron,  it  consists  a\- 


190  FRANCE 

most  entirely  of  licentious  stories,  told  without  1| 
liation  and  with  giiBto,  If  the  mouth  speaketh^ 
the  fullness  of  the  heart  she  was  as  much  a  sens 
in  thought  as  her  brother  was  in  deed.  The  app 
contradictions  in  her  are  only  to  be  explained  o 
theory  that  she  was  one  of  those*  impress ionaH 
tures  that,  chameleon-like,  -always  take  on  the  k 
their  envirc  i 

But  thoU]  f  Lef&vxe  and  of  Biafli 

who  himsel  irgy  an  example  of  d 

biblical  pre  nany  followers  not  oi 

ileaux  but  i,  it  would  never  haw 

dnced  a  re  like  that  in  Germanyw 

Eeformatioii  ortation  into  France; 

key  of  heresy,"  bs  John  Bonchet  said  in  1531, 
made  of  the  fine  iron  of  Germany."  At  first  a 
all  the  intellectuals  hailed  Luther  as  an  ally.  L< 
sent  him  a  greeting  in  1519,  and  in  the  same  year 
spoke  well  of  him.  His  books  were  at  this  tin: 
proved  even  by  some  doctors  of  the  Sorbonne.  1 
took  a  decade  of  confusion  and  negation  to  claril 
situation  sufBciontly  for  the  French  to  realize  the 
import  of  the  Lutheran  movement,  which  comp 
transformed  the  previously  existing  policy  of  Le 
The  chief  sufferer  by  the  growth  of  Lutheranisr 
not  at  first  the  Catholic  church  but  the  party  of 
olio  reform.  The  schism  rent  the  French  evangt 
before  it  seriously  affected  the  church.  Some  of 
followed  the  new  light  and  others  were  forced 
into  a  reactionary  attitude. 

The  first  emissaries  of  Luther  in  France  we 
books,  Frobcn  exported  a  volume  containing  i 
al!  he  had  published  up  to  October,  1518,  immed 
and  in  large  quantities  to  Paris.  In  1520  a  st 
tJiere  wrote  that  no  books  \ceTc  mo-cc  oyivOsV?  V 
At  £r3t  only  the  Latiu  ones  'weTSi  ■«\V(i\\:\^\ft 


BENAISSANCB  AND  REFORMATION     191 

3i,  but  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  very  early 
ations  into  the  vernacular  were  made,  though 
>f  this  period  have  survived.  It  was  said  that 
jks,  which  kept  pouring  in  from  Frankfort  and 
burg  and  Basle,  excited  the  populace  against  the 
ians,  for  the  people  judged  them  by  the  newly 
ed  French  New  Testament.    A  bishop  oom- 

that  the  common  people  were  seduced  by  the  1523 
T  of  the  heretic's  style. 
1  not  take  the  Sorbonne  long  to  define  its  posi- 

one  of  hostility.  The  university,  which  had 
tely  defending  the  Gallican  liberties  and  had 
sin  appeal  from  pope  to  future  council,  was  one 
udges  selected  by  the  disputants  of  the  Leipzig 

Complete  records  of  the  speeches,  taken  by 
s,  were  accordingly  forwarded  to  Paris  by  Duke 

of  Saxony,  with  a  request  for  an  opinion. 
>rief  debate  the  condemnation  of  Luther  by  the  April  is 
ity  was  printed.  ^^21 

ler  was  the  government  long  in  taking  a  posi- 
rhat  it  should  be  hostile  was  a  foregone  con- 
Francis  hated  Lutheranism  because  he  be- 
that  it  tended  more  to  the  overthrow  of  king- 
nd  monarchies  than  to  the  edification  of  souls. 
1  Aleander,  the  papal  nuncio,  that  he  thought  March, 
a  rascal  and  his  doctrine  pernicious.  ^^21 

king  was  energetically  seconded  by  the  Parle-  April, 
f  Paris.    A  royal  edict  provided  that  no  book  ^^^ 
be  printed  without  the  imprimatur  of  the  uni- 
The  king  next  ordered  the  extirpation  of  the 
)f  Martin  Luther  of  Saxony,  and,  having  begun 
ling  books,  continued,  as  Erasmus  observed  was 
the  case,  by  burning  people.     The  first  to  suf- 
\  John  Valliera.    At  the  same  time  BriQCivivet  \^^ 
vmoned  to  Paris,   sharply  reprimanded  ioT 
to  heretics  and  Gned  two  hundred  livres,  in 


192  FRANCE 

consequence  of  which  he  issued  two  decrees  against 
heresy,  char^g  it  with  attempting  to  subvert 
hierarciiy  and  to  abolish  sacerdotal  celibacy,  Wl 
Lefevre's  doctrines  were  condemned,  he  Bubmitti 
those  of  his  disciples  who  failed  to  do  bo  were  f 
scribed.  But  the  efforts  of  the  goveniment  bed 
more  strenuous  after  1524.  Francis  was  at  this  ti 
courting  the  the  pope  against  the  ) 

peror,  and  mi  ts  horrified  by  the  ontM 

of  the  Pcasai  termany.     Convinced  of' 

danger  of  all  (w  sect  to  propagate  iU 

any  further  hi  i  the  archbishops  and  bi 

ops  of  his  rei  >ed  against  those  who  1h 

publisli  and  fi  "esies,  errors  and  doctri 

of  Martin  Luther."  Lefpvre  and  some  of  his  friei 
fled  to  Strassburg.  Arrests  and  executions  agai 
those  who  were  sometimes  called  "heretics  of  Mean: 
and  sometimes  Lutherans,  followed. 

The  theologians  did  not  leave  the  whole  burden 
the  battle  to  the  government.  A  swarm  of  a; 
Lutheran  tracts  issued  from  the  press.  Not  only 
heresiarch,  but  Erasmus  and  Lefevre  were  attacl 
Their  translations  of  the  Bible  were  condemned 
blasphemies  against  Jerome  and  against  the  H 
Ghost  and  as  subverting  the  foundations  of  the  Ch 
tian  religion.  Luther's  sacramental  dogmas  and 
repudiation  of  monastic  vows  were  refuted. 

Nevertheless  the  reform  movement  continued, 
this  stage  it  was  urban,  the  chief  centers  being  P( 
Meaux,  and  Lyons.  Many  merchants  and  artis 
were  found  among  the  adherents  of  the  new  it 
While  none  of  a  higher  rank  openly  professed  it, 
olog>-  became,  under  the  lead  of  Margaret,  a  fash 
able  subject.  Conventicles  were  formed  to  read 
Bible  in  secret  not  only  amOH?;  ttife  tu\i\^<i  (j\.^^%<^% 
a/so  at  court.     Short  tracts  conVvuxied.  Vo  \w,  Vas 


RENAISSANCE  AND  REFORMATION     193 

hods  of  propaganda,  and  of  these  many  were 
islations.  Louis  de  Berqnin  of  Artois,  a  layman,  Berquin 
ved  the  most  formidable  champion  of  the  new  opin-  ^^^^^^29 
B.  Though  he  did  little  but  translate  other  men's 
ck  he  did  that  with  genius.  His  version  of  Eras- 
b's  Manual  of  a  Christian  Knight  was  exquisitely 
le,  and  his  version  of  Luther's  Tesseradecas  did  not 
L  short  of  it.  Tried  and  condemned  in  1523,  he  was 
led  by  the  king  at  the  behest  of  Margaret.  The  1526 
less  of  rigor  during  the  king's  captivity  gave  place 
a  momentary  tolerance.  Berquin,  who  had  been 
"estedy  was  liberated,  and  Lefevre  recalled  from 
le.  But  the  respite  was  brief.  Two  years  later, 
rqoin  was  again  arrested,  tried,  condemned,  and 
seated  speedily  to  prevent  reprieve  on  April  17, 
59.  But  the  triumph  of  the  conservatives  was  more 
parent  than  real.  Lutheranism  continued  to  gain 
mtly  but  surely. 

EVhile  the  Reformation  was  growing  in  strength  and 
mbers,  it  was  also  becoming  more  definite  and  co- 
rent.  Prior  to  1530  it  was  almost  impossible  to 
I  where  Lutheranism  began  and  where  it  ended. 
ere  was  a  large,  but  vague  and  chaotic  public  opin- 
.  of  protest  against  the  existing  order.  But  after 
to  it  is  possible  to  distinguish  several  parties,  three 
which  at  first  reckoned  among  the  supporters  of  the 
formation,  now  more  or  less  definitely  separated 
mselves  from  it.  The  first  of  these  was  the  party 
Meanx,  the  leaders  of  which  submitted  to  the  gov- 
onent  and  went  their  own  isolated  way.  Then  there 
s  a  party  of  Erasmian  reform,  mainly  intellectual 
t  profoundly  Christian.  Its  leader,  William  Bude, 
t,  as  did  Erasmus,  that  it  was  possible  to  unite  the  r 
issical  culture  of  the  Renaissance  with  a  puri&ed 
siholicism.  Attached  to  the  cburcb^  and  equally  re- 
'ed  by  some  of  the  dogmas  and  by  the  apparent  so- 


194  FRANCE 


cial  effects  of  the  Reformation,  Bude,  who  had  s 
well  of  Luther  in  1519,  repudiated  him  in  1521. 
«  Finally  there  was  the  party  of  the  "Jjibertini 
free-thinkers,  the  representatives  of  the  Benai 
pure  and  simple.  Revolutionaries  in  their  ow; 
consciously  rebels  against  the  older  culture  of  tfc 
die  Ages,  though  prepared  to  canvass  the  new  r 
and  to  toy  i  use  it  as  an  ally  again; 

mon  enen  at  of  these  men  was 

mentally  t  om  that  of  the  Refoni 

enable  the  ong  on    the    same  pl( 

There  was  t,  a  charming  but  rath' 

less  poet,  I  Margaret  and  the  omax 

a  frivoloui  igh  his  poetic  transla 

the  Psalms  became  a  Protestant  hook,  his  po 
often  sensual  as  well  as  sensuous.  Though  for 
absenting  himself  from  court  he  re-entered  it 
at  the  same  time  "abjuring  his  errors." 

Of  the  same  group  was  Francis  Rabelais, 
Pantagruel  appeared  in  1532.  Though  he  wroti 
mus  saying  that  he  owed  all  that  he  was  to  hin 
fact  appropriated  only  the  irony  and  mockinj 
of  the  humanist  without  his  deep  underlying 
He  became  a  universal  skeptic,  and  a  mocker 
things.  The  "esprit  gaulois,"  beyond  all  othoi 
to  the  absurdities  and  inconsistency  of  things,  fi 
him  its  incarnation.  He  ridiculed  both  the 
man iacs ' '  and  the  "  pope-phobcs, "  the  indu 
sellers  and  tlie  inquisitors,  the  decretals  "wri 
an  angel"  and  the  Great  Schism,  priests  and  kii 
doubting  philosophers  and  the  Scripture.  Pj 
called  Iiim  "the  vagabond  of  the  age."  Calvin 
reckoned  him  among  those  who  "had  relished  t 
pel,"  but  when  he  furiously  retorted  that  he  con 
Calvin  "a  demoniacal  irapos^et,"  We  VVeoVoi 
Geneva  loosed  against  kim  a  iurvoue,  m^j^t'Cv- 


BENAISSANCB  AND  REFOEMATION     195 

dtise  an  Offences.    Rabelais  was  now  called  ^'a 

ian  who  by  his  diabolic  fatuity  had  profaned  the 

•el,  that  holy  and  sacred  pledge  of  life  eternal/* 

lam  Farel  had  in  mind  Rabelais 's  recent  accept- 

from  the  court  of  the  livings  of  Mendon  and  St. 

(tophe  de  Jambet,  when  he  wrote  Calvin  on  May 

i51:  **I  fear  that  avarice,  that  root  of  evil,  has 

l^ished   all   faith   and  piety   in   the   poets   of 

aret.    Judas,  having  sold  Christ  and  taken  the 

a,  instead  of  Christ  has  that  hard  master  Sa- 
1 

J  stimulus  given  by  the  various  attacks  on  the  ^**"**^ 
hi,  both  Protestant  and  infidel,  showed  itself 
ptly  in  the  abundant  spirit  of  reform  that  sprang 
the  Catholic  fold.  The  clergy  and  bishop  braced 
elves  to  meet  the  enemy ;  they  tried  in  some  in- 
js  to  suppress  scandals  and  amend  their  lives; 
brushed  up  their  theology  and  paid  more  atten- 
D  the  Bible  and  to  education. 
:  the  ** Lutheran  contagion**  continued  to  spread 
;row  mightily.  In  1525  it  was  found  only  at 
,  Meaux,  Lyons,  Grenoble,  Bourges,  Tours  and 
on.  Fifteen  years  later,  though  it  was  still  con- 
largely  to  the  cities  and  towns,  there  were  cen- 
rf  it  in  every  part  of  France  except  in  Brittany. 
)ersecution  at  Paris  only  drove  the  heretics  into 
J  or  banished  them  to  carry  their  opinions  broad- 
3ver  the  land.  The  movement  swept  from  the 
and  east.  The  propaganda  was  not  the  work 
e  class  but  of  all  save  that  of  the  great  nobles, 
s  not  yet  a  social  or  class  affair,  but  a  purely  in- 
tual  and  religious  one.    It  is  impossible  to  esti- 

'vard  Theological  Review,  1919,  p.  209.    Margaret  had  died  sev- 
mn  before,  but  Rabelais  was  called  her  poet  because  he  had 
I  her  proteetwB  and  to  her  wrote  a.  poem  in   1545.     OeuvreB  de 
r,  ed.  A,  Lefranc,   1012,  I,  pp.  xxiii,   cxxxix.     Cf.   also  Ca\v\ti'ft 
tAe  Queen  of  Navarre,  April  28,  1546.     Opera,  xii,  pp.  65i. 


196  FBANCE 

mate  the  numbers  of  the  new  St'ct.  In  1534  Aleaid 
said  there  were  thirty  thousand  Lutherans  iu  Pii 
alone.  On  the  contrary  Kene  du  Bellay  said  that  thi 
were  fewer  in  1533  than  there  were  ten  years  previo 
True  it  is  that  the  Protestants  were  as  yet  weak,  f 
were  united  rather  in  protest  ag:ainst  the  establisl 
order  than  as  a  definite  and  cohesive  party.  Thus, 
most  popular  ul  slogans  of  the  innovat 

were  denuncii  priests  as  anti-Chrisls 

apostates,  anc  of  images  and  of  the  n 

as  idolatry.     <  ords  of  the  reformers  w 

"the  Bible"  t  lion  by  faith."     The  mi 

ment  was  wi  and  without  organlzat 

Until  Calvin  ti  se  the  principal  inspira 

came  from  Luther,  but  Zwingli  and  the  other  Qen 
and    Swiss    reformers    were    influential.     More 
more,  Lefevre  and  his  school  sank  into  the  backgroi 

For  a  time  it  seemed  that  the  need  of  leadership 
to  be  supplied  by  William  Farel.  His  learning, 
eloquence,  and  his  zeal,  together  with  the  perfect  sa 
of  action  that  he  found  in  Switzerland,  were  the  ne 
sary  qualifications.  The  need  for  a  Bible  was  at 
met  by  the  version  of  Lefevre,  printed  in  1532, 
the  Catholic  spirit  of  this  work,  based  on  the  Vu!e 
was  distasteful  to  the  evangelicals.  Farel  a: 
Olivetan,  an  excellent  philologist,  to  make  a  new 
sion,  which  was  completed  by  February  1535.  Ca 
wrote  the  preface  for  it.  It  was  dedicated  to  ' 
poor  little  church  of  God."  In  doctrine  it  was  t 
oughly  evangelical,  replacing  the  old  "eveques" 
"pretres"  by  "surveillants"  and  "anciens,"  and  o 
ting  some  of  the  Apocrypha. 

Encouraged  by  their  own  growth  the  Protest 
became  bolder  in  their  attacks  on  the  Catholics. 
Situation   verged  more  and  mote  lo'^^tA.^  nwU' 


BENAISSANCE  AND  REFORMATION     197 

tfber  side,  not  even  the  weaker,  thought  of  tolerance 
f'both.    On  the  night  of  October  17-18  some  pla- 
yIs,  written  by  Anthony  de  Marcourt,  were  posted 
in  Paris,  Orleans,  Ronen,  Tours  and  Blois  and  on 
doors  of  the  king's  chamber  at  Amboise.    They 
)riated  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass  as  a  horrible  and 
lerable  abuse  invented  by  infernal  theology  and 
ctly  counter  to  the  true  Supper  of  our  Lord.    The 
)mment  was  alarmed  and  took  strong  steps.    Pro- 
ions  were  instituted  to  appease  God  for  the  sacri- 
Within  a  month  two  hundred  persons  were  ar- 
5d,  twenty  of  whom  were  sent  to  the  scaffold  and 
'est  banished  after  confiscation  of  their  goods, 
it  the  government  could  not  afford  to  continue 
ninterruptedly  rigorous  policy.    The  Protestants 
d  their  opportunity  in  the  exigencies  of  the  for- 
situation.    In  1535  Francis  was  forced  by  the  in- 
>ing  menace  of  the  Hapsburgs  to  make  alliance  not 
with  the  infidel  but  with  the  Schmalkaldic  League, 
rould  have  had  no  scruples  in  supporting  abroad 
leresy  he  suppressed  at  home,  but  he  found  the 
lan  princes  would  accept  his  friendship  on  no 
8  save  those  of  tolerance  to  French  Protestants, 
rdingly  on  July  16,  1535,  Francis  was  obliged  to 
sh  an  edict  ordering  persecution  to  cease  and 
iting  those  who  were  in  prison  for  conscience's 

t  the  respite  did  not  last  long.  New  rigors  were 
rtaken  in  April  1538.  Marot  retracted  his  errors, 
Rabelais,  while  not  fundamentally  changing  his 
ine,  greatly  softened,  in  the  second  edition  of  his  1542 
agruel^  the  abusive  ridicule  he  had  poured  on  the 
onne.  But  by  this  time  a  new  era  was  inaug- 
jd.  The  deaths  of  Erasmus  and  Lefevre  in  15S6 
the  coup  de  ^race  to  the  party  of  the  Christian 


198  FRANCE 

Renaissance,  and  the  publication  of  Calvin's  Itistitu 
in  the  same  year  finally  gave  the  French  Protestand 
much  needed  leader  and  standard. 

§  2.  The  Calvisist  Pabty.  1536-1559 
The  trace  of  Kice  providing  for  a  cessation  of  hi 
ities  between  France  and  the  Hapsburgs  for  ten  yi 
was  greeted  with  much  joy  in  France.  Bonfires  cele- 
brated it  in  Paris,  and  in  every  way  the  people  mada 
known  their  longing  for  peace.  Little  the  king  cared 
for  the  wishes  of  his  loyal  subjects  when  his  own  d^- 
nity,  real  or  imagined,  was  at  stake.  The  war  with 
Charles,  that  cursed  Europe  like  an  intermittent  fever, 
broke  out  again  in  1542.  Again  France  was  the  ag- 
gressor and  again  she  was  worsted.  The  emperor  in- 
vaded Champagne  in  person,  arriving,  in  1544,  at  I 
point  within  fifty  miles  of  Paris.  As  there  was  nO 
army  able  to  oppose  him  it  looked  as  if  he  would 
march  as  a  conqueror  to  the  capital  of  his  enemy.  But 
he  sacrificed  the  advantage  he  had  over  France  to  a 
desire  far  nearer  his  heart,  that  of  crushing  his  rebel- 
lious Protestant  subjects.  Already  planning  war  with 
I  the  League  of  Schraalkalden  he  wished  only  to  securo 

't'^^Iaa  ^^^  °^™  ^^f^ty  from  attack  by  his  great  rival.  The 
treaty  made  at  Crepy  was  moderate  in  its  terms  and 
left  things  largely  as  they  were. 

On  March  31, 1547,  Francis  I  died  and  was  succeeded 
by  his  son,  Henry  II,  a  man  of  large,  strong  frame, 
passionately  fond  of  all  forms  of  exercise,  especiaUf 
of  hunting  and  jousting.  He  had  neither  his  father's 
versatility  nor  his  fickleness  nor  his  artistic  interests. 
His  policy  was  influenced  by  the  aim  of  reversing  his 
father's  wishes  and  of  disgracing  his  father's  favor- 
ites. 

While  his  elder  brother  was  still  alive,  Henry  had 
married  Catharine  de'  Medici,  a  daughter  of  Lorei 


Crepr,1344 


had. 

!U2oJ 


THE  CALVINIST  PARTY  199 

le'  Medici  of  Florence.  The  girl  of  fourteen  in  a 
ign  conntry  was  oncomfortabley  especially  as  it 
felt,  after  her  husband  became  Dauphin,  Hiat  her 
was  not  equal  to  his.  The  failure  to  have  any 
ren  during  the  first  ten  years  of  marriage  made 
)osition  not  only  unpleasant  but  precarious,  but 
irth  of  her  first  son  made  her  unassailable.  In 
succession  she  bore  ten  chilflnfen,  seven  of  whom 
ved  childhood.  Though  shj^liiad  little  influence 
fairs  of  state  during  her  nusband's  reign,  she 
red  self-confidence  and  at  last  began  to  talk  and 
I  queen.  ^ 

the  age  of  seventeen  Henry  fell  in  love  with  a  Diana  of 
in  of  thirty-six,  Diana  de  Poitiers,  to  whom  his     ®*"*" 
ion  never  wavered  until  his  death,  when  she  was 
Notwithstanding  her  absolute  ascendancy  over 
>ver  she  meddled  little  with  aflFairs  of  state. 
a  direction  of  French  policy  at  this  time  fell  Admiral 
ly  into  the  hands  of  two  powerful  families.    The  1519^2 
^as  that  of  Coligny.    Of  three  brothers  the  ablest 
Graspard,  Admiral  of  France,  a  firm  friend  of 
y's  as  well  as  a  statesman  and  warrior.     Still 
powerful  was  the  family  of  Guise,  the  children 
aude,  Duke  of  Guise,  who  died  in  1527.    The  eld-  Francis  of 
m,  Francis,  Duke  of  Guise,  was  a  great  soldier.     ^^ 
•rother,  Charles,  Cardinal  of  Lorraine,  won  a  high 
in  the  councils  of  state,  and  his  sister  Mary,  by 
larriage  with  James  V  of  Scotland,  brought  added 
ige  to  the  family.     The  great  power  wielded  by 
lOuse  owed  much  to  the  position  of  their  estates, 
of  which  were  fiefs  of  the  French  king  and  part 
ct  to  the  Empire.    As  suited  their  convenience 
could  act  either  as  Frenchmen  or  as  foreign 

8. 

fJer  Henrjr  France  enjoyed  a  period  of  expanaioiv  Y-il^^ltiw 
uy  s6e  had  not  bad  for  many  years.     The  per- 


200  FRANCE 


petual  failures  of  Francis  were  at  last  turned  into  s 
etantial  successes.  This  was  due  in  large  part  to  1 
civil  war  in  Germany  and  to  the  weakness  of  Englai 
rulers,  Edward  VI  and  Mary.  It  was  due  in  part 
the  irrepressible  energy  of  the  French  bourgeois  i 
gentlemen,  in  part  to  the  genius  of  Francis  of  Gni 
The  co-operation  of  France  and  Turkey,  rather 
identity  of  interests  than  a  formal  alliance,  a  pot 
equally  blamed  by  contemporaries  and  praised  by  i 
torians,  continued.  But  the  successes  achieved  wi 
due  most  of  all  to  the  definite  abandonment  of  the  ho 
of  Italian  conquests  and  to  the  turning  of  French  ar 
to  regions  more  suitable  for  incorporation  under  I 
government. 

War  having  been  declared  on  Charles,  the  Frei 
seized  the  Three  Bishoprics,  at  that  time  imperial  fi( 
Metz,  Verdun,  and  Toul.  A  large  German  army  um 
Alva  besieged  Metz,  but  failed  to  overcome  the  hi 
liant  defence  of  Francis  of  Guise.  Worn  by  the 
trition  of  repulsed  assaults  and  of  disease  the  impel 
army  melted  away.  When  the  siege  was  finally  i 
Guise  distinguished  himself  as  much  by  the  1 
with  which  he  cared  for  wounded  and  sick  enemies 
he  had  by  his  military  prowess. 

Six  years  later  Guise  added  fresh  laurels  to  : 

fame  and  new  possessions  to  France  by  the  conqS 

I  of  Calais  and  Guines,  the  last  English  possessions 

French  territory.     The  loss  of  Calais,  which  had  b( 

held  by  England  since  the  Hundred  Years  War,  was 

I  especially  bitter  blow  to  the   islanders.     These  ' 

tories  were  partly  counterbalanced  by  the  defeats 

1^  French  armies  at  St.  Quentin  on  the  Somme  and 

Peaceof        Egmont  at  Gravelines.     When  peace  was  signed 

CatMu-        Cateau-Cambresis,  France  renounced  all  her  conqui 

15^59  "        in  the  south,  but  kept  the  Three  Bishoprics  and  Call 

a//  of  which  became  her  permanent  possessions. 


THE  CALVINIST  PARTY  201 

h^niile  France  was  thus  expanding  her  borders,  the  (khiniam 

f«nial  revolution  matured  rapidly.  The  last  years 
Prancis  and  the  reign  of  Henry  II  saw  a  prodigious 
ktwth  of  Protestantism.  What  had  begun  as  a  sect 
ttw  became,  by  an  evolution  similar  to  that  experi- 
*wd  in  Germany,  a  powerful  political  party.  It  is 
i«  general  fate  of  new  causes  to  meet  at  first  with 
i^sition  due  to  habit  and  the  instinctive  reaction  of 
linost  all  minds  against  ''the  pain  of  a  new  idea." 
lit  if  the  cause  is  one  suited  to  the  spirit  and  needs 
'  the  age,  it  gains  more  and  more  supporters,  slowly 
left  to  itself,  rapidly  if  given  good  organization  and 
[equate  means  of  presenting  its  claims.  The  thor- 
gh  canvassing  of  an  idea  is  absolutely  essential  to 
n  it  a  following.  Now,  prior  to  1536,  the  Protes- 
its  had  got  a  considerable  amount  of  publicity  as 
U  through  their  own  writings  as  through  the  attacks 
their  enemies.  But  not  until  Calvin  settled  at  Ge- 
ra  and  began  to  write  extensively  in  French,  was  the 
ise  presented  in  a  form  capable  of  appealing  to  the 
erage  Frenchman.  Calvin  gave  not  only  the  best 
ology  for  his  cause,  but  also  furnished  it  with  a 
finite  organization,  and  a  coherent  program.  He 
pplied  the  dogma,  the  liturgy,  and  the  moral  ideas 
the  new  religion,  and  he  also  created  ecclesiastical, 
litical,  and  social  institutions  in  harmony  with  it.  A 
m  leader,  he  followed  up  his  work  with  personal 
peals.  His  vast  correspondence  with  French  Prot- 
ants  shows  not  only  much  zeal  but  infinite  pains  and 
isiderable  tact  in  driving  home  the  lessons  of  his 
inted  treatises. 

Though  the  appeal  of  Calvin's  dogmatic  system  was 
eater  to  an  age  interested  in  such  things  and  trained 
regard  them  as  highly  important,  than  we  are  VikeVy 
suppose  at  present,  this  was  not  Calvinism's  only  ot 
7  its  main  attraction  to  intelligent  people.     Lflie 


L 


FRANCE  ' 

every  new  and  genuine  reform  Calvinism  had  the  ad- 
vantage of  arousing  the  enthusiasm  of  a  small  but  ac- 
tive band  of  liberals.     The  religious  zeal  as  well  as  the 
moral  earnestness  of  the  age  was  naturally  dra^n  tO' 
the  Protestant  side.     As  the  sect  was  persecuted, 
one     joined     it     save     from    conscientious     motivt 
Against  the  laziness  or  the  corruption  of  the  prelal 
too  proud  or  too  indifferent  to  give  a  reason  for  tl 
faith,  the  innovators  opposed  a  tireless  energy  in 
son  and  out  of  season;  against  the  scandals  of 
court  and  the  immorality  of  the  clergy  they  raised  the 
banner  of  a  new  and  stern  morality;  to  the  tires  of 
martyrdom  they  repUed  with  the  fires  of  burning  faith. 

The  missionaries  of  the  Calvinists  were  very  largely 
drawn  from  converted  members  of  the  clergy,  both 
secular  and  regular,  and  from  those  who  had  made  a 
profession  of  teaching.  For  the  purposes  of  propa- 
ganda these  were  precisely  the  classes  most  fitted  by 
training  and  habit  to  arouse  and  instruct  the  people. 
Tracts  were  multiplied,  and  they  enjoyed,  notwith- 
standing the  censures  of  the  Sorbonne,  a  brisk  cir- 
culation. The  theater  was  also  made  a  means  of 
propaganda,  and  an  effective  one. 

Picardy  continued  to  be  the  stronghold  of  the  Prot- 
estants throughout  this  period,  though  they  were  also 
strong  at  Meaux  and  throughout  the  north-east,  at 
Orleans,  in  Normandy,  and  in  Dauphine.  Great  prog- 
ress was  also  made  in  the  south,  which  later  became 
the  most  Protestant  of  all  the  sections  of  France. 

The  Catholics  continued  to  rely  on  force.  There 
was  a  counter-propaganda,  emanating  from  the  Uni- 
versity of  Paris,  but  it  was  feeble.  The  Jesuits,  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  II,  had  one  college  at  Paris  and  two  in 
Auvergne;  otherwise  there  was  hardly  any  intellectnal 
effort  made  to  overcome  the  reformers.  Indeed,  the 
Catholics  hardly  had  the  munitions  for  such  a  combat 


THE  CALVIXIST  PARTY  203 

-  -^  Apart  from  the  great  independents,   holding   them- 
B  aloof  from  all  religious  controversy,  the  more 
ffigent  and  enterprising  portion  of  the  educated 
uhad  gone  over  to  the  enemy. 
frBnt  the  government  did  its  beat  to  supply  the  want 
Jf  irgnment  by  the  exercise  of  authority.    New  and 
'•Ifctre  edicts  against  "the  heresies  and  false  doctrines 
F  Lather  and  his  adherents  and  accomplices"  were 
The  Sorbonne  prohibited  the  reading  and  sale 
'  sixty-five  books  by  name,  including  the  works  of 
ler,  Melanchthon,  Calvin,  Dolet,  and  Marot,  and  all 
latioDS  of  the  Bible  issaed  by  the  publishing  house 
K  Bstienne. 

'  The  south  of  France  had  in  earlier  centuries  been 

mlific  in  sects  claiming  a  Protestantism  older  than 

lat  of  Angsburg.    Like  the  Bohemian  Brethren  they 

-jerly  welcomed  the  Calvinists  as  allies  and  were  rap- 

f  ^41y  enrolled  in  the  new  church.    Startled  by  the  stir- 

1^  •ing  of  the  spirit  of  reform,  the  Parlement  of  Aii, 

\  Acting  in  imitation  of  Simon  de  Monfort,  ordered  two  1540 

towns,  Merindol  and  Cabrieres,  destroyed  for  their 

heresy.     The  sentence  was  too  drastic  for  the  French 

^vemment  to  sanction  immediately ;  it  was  therefore 

postponed  by  command  of  the  king,  but  it  was  finally  1S45 

executed,  at  least  in  part.     A  ghastly  massacre  took 

place  in  which  eight  hundred  or  more  of  the  Waldenses 

perished.     A  cry  of  horror  was  raised  in  Germany,  in 

Switzerland,  and  even  in  France,  from  which  the  king 

liimself  recoiled  in  terror. 

Only  a  few  days  after  his  accession  Henry  issued  an 
edict  against  blasphemy,  and  this  was  followed  by  a 
number  of  laws  against  heresy.  A  new  court  of  jus- 
tice was  created  to  deal  with  heretics.  From  its  habit  P^f"^ 
of  sending  its  victims  to  the  stake  it  soon  became 
inrowTi  as  the  Cbamhre  Ardente,  Jfs  powers  were  so 
«r/.,/.«re  a«i  the  clergy  protested  against  thcil-   as 


FRANCE 

infringements  of  their  rights.  In  its  first  two  yean 
it  pronounced  five  hundred  sentences, — and  what  sen-.. 
tences!  Even  in  that  cruel  age  its  punishments  were 
frightful.  Burning  alive  was  the  commonest.  If  the 
heretic  recanted  on  the  scaffold  he  was  strangled  be- 
fore the  fire  was  lit;  if  he  refused  to  recant  his  tongna 
was  cut  out.  Those  who  were  merely  suspected  were 
cast  into  dungeons  from  which  many  never  came  out 
alive.  Torture  was  habitually  used  to  extract  con- 
fession. For  those  who  recanted  before  sentenea 
milder,  but  still  severe,  punishments  were  meted  oat: 
imprisonment  and  various  sorts  of  penance.  By  th» 
edict  of  Chateaubriand  a  code  of  forty-six  articles 
against  heresy  was  drawn  up,  and  the  magistrate  em- 
powered to  put  suspected  persons  under  surveillance. 

In  the  face  of  this  fiery  persecution  the  conduct  of 
the  Calvinists  was  wonderfully  fine.  They  showed 
great  adroitness  in  evading  the  law  by  all  means  save 
recantation  and  great  astuteness  in  using  what  poor 
legal  means  of  defence  were  at  their  disposal.  On  the 
other  hand  they  suffered  punishment  with  splendid 
constancy  and  courage,  very  few  failing  in  the  hoar 
of  trial,  and  most  meeting  death  in  a  state  of  exalta- 
tion. Large  numbers  found  refuge  in  other  lands. 
During  the  reign  of  Henry  II  fourteen  hundred  fled 
to  Geneva,  not  to  mention  the  many  who  settled  in  the 
Netherlands,  England,  and  Germany, 

Far  from  lying  passive,  the  Calvinists  took  the  offen- 
sive not  only  by  writing  and  preaching  but  by  attack- 
ing the  images  of  the  saints.  Many  of  these  were 
broken  or  defaced.  One  student  in  the  university  of 
Paris  smashed  the  images  of  the  Virgin  and  St,  Se- 
bastian and  a  stained  glass  window  representing  the 
cmcifision,  and  posted  up  placards  attacking  the  cult 
of  the  saints.  For  this  he  was  pilloried  three  times 
and  then  shut  into  a  small  hole  walled  in  on  all  sides 


THE  CALVINIST  PAETY  205 

ve  for  an  aperture  throagh  which  food  was  passed 
■I  until  he  died. 

Viidaimted  by  persecution  the  innovators  continued 
e^  grow  mightily  in  numbers  and  strength.  The 
nrch  at  Paris,  though  necessarily  meeting  in  secret, 
ii  well  organized.  The  people  of  the  city  assembled 
Bother  in  several  oonventicles  in  private  houses. 
f  1559  there  were  forty  fully  organized  churches 
^e^  dressees)  throughout  France,  and  no  less  than 
ISO  conventicles  or  mission  churches  {eglises 
'mtees).  Estimates  of  numbers  are  precarious,  but 
M  reason  has  been  advanced  to  show  that  early  in 
« reign  of  Henry  the  Protestants  amounted  to  one- 
Ith  of  the  population.  Like  all  enthusiastic  minori- 
58  they  wielded  a  power  out  of  proportion  to  their 
tmbers.  Increasing  continually,  as  they  did,  it  is 
}bablc,  but  for  the  hostility  of  the  government,  they 
Did  have  been  a  match  for  the  Catholics.  At  any 
e  they  were  eager  to  try  their  strength.  A  new 
'  important  fact  was  that  they  no  longer  consisted 
rely  of  the  middle  classes.  High  ofl&cers  of  gov- 
nent  and  great  nobles  began  to  join  their  ranks. 
L546  the  Bishop  of  Nimes  protected  them  openly, 
g  himself  suspected,  probably  with  justice,  of  Cal- 
sm.  In  1548  a  lieutenant-general  was  among  those 
^ecuted  for  heresy.  Anthony  of  Bourbon,  a  de- 
dant  of  Louis  IX,  a  son  of  the  famous  Charles,  Con- 
le  of  France,  and  husband  of  Joan  d  'Albret,  queen 
lavarre,  who  was  a  daughter  of  Margaret  d'An-  1555 
erne,  became  a  Protestant.  About  the  same  time 
great  Admiral  Coligny  was  converted,  though  it 

some  years  before  he  openly  professed  his  faith. 
brother,  d'Andelot,  also  adhered  to  the  Calvinists 
was  later  persuaded  by  the  king  and  by  his  wife 
>  back  to  the  Catholic  fold. 

strong  bad  the  Protestants    become   that   t\ie 


Ur  10, 

1SS9 


FRANCE 

French  government  was  compelled  against  its  will 
tolerate  them  in  fact  if  not  in  principle,  and  to 
nize  them  as  a  party  in  the  state  with  a  quasi-coi 
tational  position.  The  synod  held  at  Paris  in 
1559,  was  evidence  that  the  first  stage  in  the  evolal 
of  French  Protestantism  was  complete.  This  asi 
bly  drew  up  a  creed  called  the  Confessio  Gallii 
setting  forth  in  forty  articles  the  pnrest  doctrine' 
Geneva.  Besides  affirming  belief  in  the  common 
tides  of  Christianity,  this  confession  asserted 
dogmas  of  predestination,  justification  by  faith  only, 
and  the  distinctive  Calvinistie  doctrine  of  the  eucharist 
The  worship  of  saints  was  condemned  and  the  neccB- 
fiity  of  a  church  defined.  For  this  church  au  organiza- 
tion and  discipline  modelled  on  that  of  Geneva  was 
provided.  The  country  was  divided  into  districts,  the 
churches  within  which  were  to  send  to  a  central  eon- 
eistory  representatives  both  clerical  and  lay,  the  latter 
to  be  at  least  equal  in  number  to  the  foriBer.  Over 
the  church  of  the  whole  nation  there  was  to  be  a  na- 
tional synod  or  "Colloque"  to  which  each  consistory 
was  to  send  one  clergyman  and  one  or  two  lay  elders. 
Alarmed  by  the  growth  of  the  Protestants,  Henry 
II  was  just  preparing,  after  the  treaty  of  Catcao- 
Cambresis,  to  grapple  with  them  more  earnestly  than 
ever,  when  he  died  of  a  wound  accidentally  received 
in  a  tournament.  His  death,  hailed  by  Calvin  as  a 
merciful  dispensation  of  Providence,  conveniently 
marks  the  ending  of  one  epoch  and  the  beginning  of 
another.  For  the  previous  forty  years  France  had 
been  absorbed  in  the  struggle  with  the  vast  empire  of 
the  Hapsburgs.  For  the  next  forty  years  she  was 
completely  occupied  with  the  wars  of  religion.  Ex- 
ternally, she  played  a  weak  role  because  of  civil  strife 
and  of  a  contemptible  government.  Indeed,  all  her 
interests,  both  foreign  and  domestic,  were  from  this 


i^^l 


THE  CALVINIST  PARTY  207 

rgotten  in  the  intensity  of  the  passions  aroused 
aticism.  The  date  of  Henry's  demise  also 
a  change  in  the  evolution  of  the  French  gov- 
t  Hitherto,  for  some  centuries,  the  trend  had 
ray  from  feudalism  to  absolute  monarchy.  The 
'une  foi,  une  loi,  un  roi''  had  been  nearly  at- 
But  this  was  now  checked  in  two  ways.  The 
lobles  found  in  Calvinism  an  opportunity  to 
their  privileges  against  the  king.  The  middle 
in  the  cities,  especially  in  those  regions  where 
alism  was  still  strong,  found  the  same  oppor- 
but  turned  it  to  the  advantage  of  republican- 
L  fierce  spirit  of  resistance  not  only  to  the  prel-L 
it  to  the  monarch,  was  bom.  There  was  even 
derable  amount  of  democratic  sentiment.  The 
ergy,  who  had  become  converted  to  Calvinism, 
specially  free  in  denouncing  the  inequalities  of 
regime  which  made  of  the  higher  clergy  great 
nd  left  the  humbler  ministers  to  starve.  The 
that  the  message  of  Calvinism  was  essentially 
atic  in  that  the  excellence  of  all  Christians  and 
erfect  equality  before  God  was  preached.  In-  Equality 
n  religion  and  the  ability  to  discuss  it  was  not  p*'*^ 
1  to  a  privileged  hierarchy,  but  was  shared 
humblest.    In  a  ribald  play  written  in  1564  it 


If  faut  que  Jeanne  [a  servant]  entre  les  pots 

Parle  de  reformation; 

La  nouvelle  religion 

A  tant  fait  que  les  chambri^res, 

Les  serviteurs  et  les  tripiSres 

En  disputent  publiquement. 

ile  the  gay  courtier  and  worldling  sneered  at 
gion  of  market  women  and  scuUerymaids,  Yve 
fe  cause  to  scoff  when  be  met  the  ProtestanU 

ff/IeMa:    La  Jfeconnue,  act  4,  scene  2. 


208  FRANCE 

in  debate  at  the  town  hall  of  his  city,  or  on  the  Mi 
battle. 

Finally,  the  year  1559  very  well  marts  a  stage  lull 
development  of  French  Protestantism.  Until  al 
1536  it  had  been  a  mere  unorganized  opinion,  rather 
philosophy  than  a  coherent  body.  From  the  date 
the  publication  of  the  Institutes  to  that  of  the  Syw 
of  1559  the  new  i  become  organized,  » 

conscious,  and  c  litical  in  aims.    But  tl 

1559  it  became  h  ,  party ;  it  became  an  i 

perium  iti  imperi  was  no  longer  one  govoi 

ment  and  one  a  France  but  two,  and 

two  were  at  war. 

It  was  just  at  ti...  lat  the  name  of  Hugne 

'  began  to  he  applied  to  the  Protestants,  hitherto  calif 
"Lutherans,"  "heretics  of  Mcaux"  and,  more  rarelv,' 
"Calvinists."  The  origin  of  the  word,  first  used  al 
Tours  in  15(10,  is  uncertain.  It  may  possibly  come 
from  "le  roi  lluguet"  or  "Hugon,"  a  night  spectre; 
the  allusion  then  would  be  to  the  ghostly  manner  ib 
which  the  heretics  crept  by  night  to  their  conventides. 
Huguenot  is  also  found  as  a  family  name  at  Beltort 
as  early  as  1425.  It  may  possibly  come  from  tht 
term  ' '  Hausgenossen ' '  as  used  in  Alsace  of  tboa 
metal-workers  who  were  not  taken  into  the  gild  bu' 
worked  at  home,  hence  a  name  of  contempt  like  thi 
modern  "scab."  It  may  also  come  from  the  nam' 
of  the  Swiss  Confederation,  "  Eidgenossen, "  and  pei 
haps  this  derivation  is  the  most  likely,  though  it  can 
not  be  considered  beyond  doubt.  Whatever  the  origii 
of  the  name  the  picture  of  the  Huguenot  is  familiar  t 
us.  Of  all  the  fine  types  of  French  manhood,  that  o 
the  Huguenot  is  one  of  the  finest.  Gallic  gaiety  i 
tempered  with  earnestness;  intrepidity  is  strength 
ened  with  a  new  moral  fibre  \\Ve  \,W\.  oi  &\.eft\.;  Hxcup 
in  the  ease  of  a  few  great  lords,  ^\io  ^ovae^  *CBfe  ^^w 


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210  FRANCE 

without  serioua  conviction,  the  high  standard  ol 
Huguenot  morals  was  recognized  even  by  their 
mies.  In  an  age  of  profligacy  the  "men  of  Ur- 
gion,"  as  they  called  themselves,  walked  the  paU 
rectitude  and  sobriety. 

§  3.  The  Wabs  op  Religion.     1559-1598 
I.        Henry  II  by  three  of  his  sons  in 

cession,  each  different  degrees  and  \ 

a  weakling.  them  was  Francis  H,  a 

cate  lad  of  fi  Jered  from  adenoids.    ( 

as  he  was  he  been  married  for  more 

a  year  to  W  a  daughter  of  James  ' 

Scotland  ant  Francis  of  Guise  and 

Cardinal  of  Lorraine.  As  she  was  the  one  pai 
of  the  morose  and  feeble  king,  who,  being  legal! 
age  was  able  to  choose  his  own  ministers,  the  go\ 
ment  of  the  realm  fell  into  the  strong  hands  of ' 
false  brood  of  Lorraine."  Fearing  and  hating  t 
men  above  all  others  the  Huguenots  turned  to 
Bourbons  for  protection,  but  the  king  of  Navarre 
too  weak  a  character  to  afford  them  much  help.  F 
ing  in  the  press  their  best  weapon  the  Protest 
produced  a  flood  of  pamphlets  attacking  the  Card 
of  Lorraine  as  "the  tiger  of  France." 

A  more  definite  plan  to  rid  the  country  of  the  h 
tyranny  was  that  known  as  the  Conspiracy  of  Anib 
Godfrey  de  Barry,  Sieur  de  la  Renaudie,  pledged 
eral  hundred  Protestants  to  go  in  a  body  to  prt 
a  petition  to  the  king  at  Blois.  How  much  fui 
their  intentions  went  is  not  kno^^Ti,  and  perhaps 
not  definitely  formulated  by  themselves.  The  \ 
tian  ambassador  spoke  in  a  contemporary  disp 
of  a  plot  to  kill  the  cardinal  and  also  the  king  i 
would  not  assent  to  their  counwVs,  awd  said  thai 
conspirators  relied,  to  justViy  t\us  coMtae,  ot^^^' 


THE  WAES  OF  RELIGION  211 

n  of  Calvin  that  it  was  lawful  to  slay  those  who 
ed  the  preaching  of  the  gospel.    Hearing  of  the 
racy,  Onise  and  his  brother  were  ready.    They 
jrred  the  court  from  Blois  to  Amboise,  by  which 
hey  npset  the  plans  of  the  petitioners  and  also 
B  king  into  a  more  defensible  castle.    Soldiers, 
)led  for  the  occasion,  met  the  Hugaenots  as 
dvanced  in  a  body  towards  Amboise,  shot  down  Tlie  tumuli 
landie  and  some  others  on  the  spot  and  arrested  Ji,^,^ 
Qiaining  twelve  hundred,  to  be  kept  for  subse-  isao 
trial  and  execution.    The  suspicion  that  fastened 
prince  of  Conde,  a  brother  of  the  king  of  Na- 
was  given  some  color  by  his  frank  avowal  of 
thy  with  the  conspirators.    Though  the  Guises 
d  their  advantage  to  the  utmost  in  forbidding 
are  assemblies  of  heretics,  the  tumult  of  Amboise 
iguely  felt,  in  the  sultry  atmosphere  of  pent-up 
ns,  to  be  the  avant-courier  of  a  terrific  storm, 
early  death  of  the  sickly  king  left  the  throne  charlcsDC 
brother  Charles  IX,  a  boy  of  nine.    As  he  was  1560-74 
or,  the  regency  fell  to  his  mother,  Catharine  de' 
i,  who  for  almost  thirty  years  was  the   real  Policy  of 
of   France.     Notwithstanding   what    Brantome  de'MSici 
'*ung  embonpoint  tres-riche,"  she  was  active  of 
and  mind.    Her  large  correspondence  partly  re- 
the  secrets  of  her  power:  much  tact  and  infinite 
to  keep  in  touch  with  as  many  people  and  as 
details  of  business  as  possible.    Her  want  of 
y  was  supplied  by  gracious  manners  and  an  ele- 
taste  in  art.    As  a  connoisseur  and  an  indefa- 
le  collector  she  gratified  her  love  of  the  magnifi- 
lot  only  by  beautiful  palaces  and  gorgeous  clothes, 
a  having  a  store  of  pictures,  statues,  tapestries, 
ture,  porcelain,  silver,  books,  and  manuscripts, 
''politique''  to  her  £ngertip8,    Catharine  \iad 
'  sjmpatbjr  nor  patience  with  the  fanatics  vjYio 


212  FBANOB 


would  put  their  religion  above  peace  and  prospt 
Surrounded  by  men  as  fierce  as  lions,  she  showe 
little  of  the  skill  and  intrepidity  of  the  tamer  in  I 
ing  then),  for  a  time,  from  each  others'  throats.  I 
after  Charles  ascended  the  throne,  she  was  at 
hustled  into  domestic  and  foreign  war  by  the  offi 
Philip  II  of  Spain  to  help  her  Catholic  subjects  ag 
the  Hugueni  er  leave.     She  knew  if 

were  done  t  irawled  in  her  own  pee 

French,  "!e  nave  jeames  lantyere  ai 

eance,"  '  an  stennined  "que  personi 

pent  nous  t  .mitie  en  la  qaele  je  d 

que  set  deus  emenrent  pendant  mauj 

Through  her  she  saw  clearly  where  la 

path  that  she  must  follow.  "I  am  resolved," 
wrote,  "to  seek  by  all  possible  means  to  preserri 
authority  of  the  king  my  eon  in  all  things,  and  a 
same  time  to  keep  the  people  in  peace,  unity  and 
cord,  without  giving  them  occasion  to  stir  or  to  ch 
anything."  Fundamentally,  this  was  the  same  p 
as  that  of  Henry  IV,  That  she  failed  where  he 
ceeded  is  not  due  entirely  to  the  difference  in  abi 
In  1560  neither  party  was  prepared  to  yield  o 
tolerate  the  other  without  a  trial  of  strength,  whe 
a  generation  later  many  members  of  both  parties ' 
sick  of  war. 

Just  as  Francis  was  dying,  the  States  General 
at  Orleans.  This  body  was  divided  into  three  hoi 
or  estates,  that  of  the  clergy,  that  of  the  nobles, 
that  of  the  commons.  The  latter  was  so  demoerati( 
chosen  that  even  the  peasants  voted.  Whether 
had  voted  in  1484  is  not  known,  but  it  is  certain 
they  did  so  in  1560,  and  that  it  was  in  the  interesi 
the  erown  to  let  them  vote  is  shown  by  the  increa; 

I  "The  king  my  son  will  never  have  entire  obedience." 
i"That  no  one  may  embroil  us  in  the  frientlBhip   b   which  I 
that  these  (no  kingdoms  ahaW  ieiiia\ii  iutm^  totj  WtUme." 


THE  WARS  OF  RELIGION  213 

I  number  of  royal  officers  among  the  deputies  of  the 
rd  estate.  The  peasants  still  regarded  the  king 
their  natural  protector  against  the  oppression  of  the 
Ues. 

Phe  Estates  were  opened  by  Catharine's  minister, 
diael  de  I'Hopital.  Fully  sympathizing  with  her 
icy  of  conciliation,  he  addressed  the  Estates  as  fol- 
m:  '*Let  us  abandon  those  diabolic  words,  names  Fcbmanr 
parties,  factions  and  seditions : — Lutherans,  Hugue- 
ts,  Papists;  let  us  not  change  the  name  of  Chris- 
118."  Accordingly,  an  edict  was  passed  granting 
amnesty  to  the  Huguenots,  nominally  for  the  pur- 
se of  allowing  them  to  return  to  the  Catholic  church,  ^ 
t  practically  interpreted  without  reference  to  this 
oviso. 

But  the  government  found  it  easier  to  pass  edicts 
an  to  restrain  the  zealots  of  both  parties.  The 
rotestants  continued  to  smash  images;  the  Catholics 
'  mob  the  Protestants.  Paris  became,  in  the  words 
'  Beza,  '  *  the  city  most  bloody  and  murderous  among 
I  in  the  world.*'  Under  the  combined  effects  of  legal 
leration  and  mob  persecution  the  Huguenots  grew 
ightily  in  numbers  and  power.  Their  natural  leader, 
5  King  of  Navarre,  indeed  failed  them,  for  he 
iuged  his  faith  several  times,  his  real  cult,  as  Calvin 
narked,  being  that  of  Venus.  His  wife,  Joan 
Ubret,  however,  became  an  ardent  Calvinist. 
It  this  point  the  government  proposed  a  means  of 
iciliation  that  had  been  tried  by  Charles  V  in  Ger- 
ny  and  had  there  failed.  The  leading  4:heologians 
both  confessions  were  sununoned  to  a  colloquy  at  Colloquy  c 
issy.  Most  of  the  German  divines  invited  were  pre-  \^^^  15 
ited  by  politics  from  coming,  but  the  noted  Italian 
rtestant  Peter  Martyr  Vermigli  and  Theodore  Beza 
Geneva  were  present.  The  debate  turned  on  the 
lal  points  at  issue,  and  was  of  course  indecisive^ 


FRANCE 


larch  I, 
1S62 


^^^       214 

V  though  the  Huguenots  did  not  hesitate  to  proclaim 

'  their  own  victory. 

J«nuary.l562  A  fresh  edict  of  toleration  had  hardly  been  issued 
when  civil  war  was  precipitated  by  a  horrible  crime. 
Some  armed  retainers  of  the  Duke  of  Guise,  comii^ 
upon  a  Huguenot  congregation  at  Vassy  in  Cham- 
pagne, attacked  them  and  murdered  three  hundred 
A  wild  cr\'  of  fury  rose  from  all  the  Calvinists; 
throughout  the  whole  land  there  were  riots.  At  Toil' 
louse,  for  example,  fighting  in  the  streets  lasted  foul 
days  and  four  hundred  persons  perished.  It  was  OM 
of  the  worst  years  in  the  history  of  France.  A  veri- 
table reign  of  terror  prevailed  everywhere,  and  whill 
the  crops  were  destroyed  famine  stalked  throujrfiod 
the  land.  Bands  of  robbers  and  ravishers,  under  thl 
names  of  Christian  parties  but  savages  at  heart,  pd 
the  whole  people  to  ransom  and  to  sack.  Indeed,  tha 
Wars  of  Religion  were  like  hell;  the  tongue  can  dfr 
scribe  them  better  than  the  imagination  can  conceive 
them.  The  whole  sweet  and  pleasant  land  of  France 
from  the  Burgundian  to  the  Spanish  frontier,  was 
widowed  and  desolated,  her  pride  humbled  by  her  own 
sons  and  her  Golden  Lilies  trampled  in  the  bloody  mire. 
Foreign  levy  was  called  in  to  supply  strength  to  fratri- 
cidal arms.  The  Protestants,  headed  by  Conde  and 
Coligny,  raised  an  army  and  started  negotiations  witfc 
England.  The  Catholics,  however,  had  the  best  <^ 
the  fighting.  They  captured  Roueu,  defended  by  Eng- 
lish  troops,  and,  under  Guise,  defeated  the  Huguenotii 
under  Coligny  at  Dreux. 

Two  months  later,  Francis  of  Guise  was  asaassinatei 
by  a  Protestant  near  Orleans.  Coligny  was  accused 
of  inciting  the  crime,  which  he  denied,  though  he  con- 
fessed that  he  was  glad  of  it.  The  immediate  benefi- 
ciary of  the  death  of  the  duke  was  not  the  Huguenot, 
however,  so  much  as  Catharine  de'  Medici.    Contina- 


T  December 
I  U,1562 
[  Tebruai7 
[18,1563 
1  Edict  dF 

UrchM. 


THE  WARS  OF  RELIGION  215 

tg  to  put  into  practise  her  policy  of  tolerance  she 
ened  an  edict  granting  liberty  of  conscience  to  all 
id  liberty  of  worship  under  certain  restrictions. 
reat  nobles  were  allowed  to  hold  meetings  for  divine 
rvice  according  to  the  reformed  manner  in  their 
m  houses,  and  one  village  in  each  bailiwick  was  al- 
Hred  to  have  a  Protestant  chapel. 
TIow  consistently  secular  was  Catharine's  policy  be- 
une  apparent  at  this  time  when  she  refused  to  pub- 
tb  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  fearing  that 
ley  might  infringe  on  the  liberties  of  the  Gallican 
mroh.  In  this  she  had  the  full  support  of  most 
VencL  Catholics.  She  continued  to  work  for  religious 
leace.  One  of  her  methods  was  characteristic  of  her 
Dd  of  the  time.  She  selected  "a  flying  squadron"  of 
kcnty-four  beautiful  maids  of  honor  of  high  rank 
id  low  principles  to  help  her  seduce  the  refractory 
ibles  on  both  sides.  In  many  cases  she  was  success- 
lU.  Conde,  in  love  with  one — or  possibly  with  several 
H>f  these  sirens,  forgot  everything  else,  his  wife,  his 
irty,  his  religion.  His  death  in  1569  threw  the  lead- 
rsbip  of  the  Huguenots  into  the  steadier  and  stronger 
raap  of  Coligny. 

But  such  means  of  dealing  with  a  profoundly  dan- 

irous  crisis  were  of  course  but  the  most  wretched 

illiatives.     The    Catholic   bigots    would   permit    no 

illying  with  the  heretics.     In  1567  they  were  strong 

lough  to  secure  the  disgrace  of  L'Hopital  and  in  the 

Following  year  to  extort  a  royal  edict  unconditionally 

Torbidding  the  exercise  of  the   reformed  cult.     The 

[ngocDots  again  rebelled  and  in  1569  suffered  two 

'ore  defeats  at  Jarnac  and   at  Moncontour.     The 

itholics  were  jubilant,  fully  believing,  as  Sully  says, 

it  at  last  the  Protestants  would  have  to  submit. 

it  nothing  is  more  remarkable  than  the  apparently 

i  cflCcct  of  military  success   or  failure  on  the^ 


216  PRANCE 

strength  and  numbers  of  the  two  faiths.  "We 
beaten  our  enemies  over  and  over  again,"  cried 
Catholic  soldier  Montluc  in  a  rage,  "we  were  win 
by  force  of  arms  but  they  triumphed  by  means  of  1 
diabolical  writings."  I 

The  Huguenots,  however,  did  not  rely  entinit 
the  pen.  Th"*-  "♦-"""'"•id  was  no  longer  in  the  B 
but  was  now  and  west.     The  reason 

this  may  be  1  in  the  preparation  ol 

soil  for  theli  medieval  heresies,  hut 

more  in  the  Gularistic  spirit  of  thai 

^on.    The  s  cea  of  Poitou  and  Gnii 

Qascony  and  were  almost  as  conscioi! 

their  southern  aim  ,         jn^al  culture  as  they  ' 
of  their  French  citizenship.    The  strength  of  the 
tralizing  tendencies  lay  north  of  the  Loire;  in  the  s 
local  privileges  were  more  esteemed  and  more  ins 
upon.    While  Protestantism  was  persecuted  by 
•  Rochelle  government  at  Paris  it  was  often  protected  by  i 
of  the  south.     The  most  noteworthy  of  these  wa 
Rocbelle  on  the  Atlantic  coast  near  Bordeaux.     Tb 
coming  late  to  the  support  of  the  Reformation,  its 
version  was  thorough  and  lasting.     To  protect  the 
religion  it  successfully  asserted  its  municipal 
dom  almost  to  the  point  of  independence.     Lik( 
Dutch  Beggars  of  the  Sea  its  armed  privateers  pr 
upon  the  commerce  of  Catholic  powers,  a  mod 
warfare  from  whicli  the  city  derived  immense  boo 
The  Huguenots  tried  but  failed  to  get  foreign  a 
Neither  England  nor  Germany  sent  them  any 
Their  policy  of  supporting  the  revolt  of  the  Low  ( 
^'*°juW     tries  against  Spain  turned  out  disastrously  for  t 
f,  1S72        selves  when  the  French  under  Coligny  were  defc 
at  Mons  by  the  troops  of  Philip. 
The  Catholics  now  beVievcOi  t\\ft  Vxmc  xN.^'ft  l^^-t 
cisive  blow.     Under  the  sV\m\i\Ms  o^  Wii  Sfts>i\\ 


THE  WARS  OF  RELIGION  217 

for  a  short  time  been  condneting  an  offensive 
effective  propaganda.    Leagues  were  formed  to 
it  the  organizations  of  the  Huguenots,  armed 
brotherhoods  of  the  Holy  Spirif  as  they  were  called, 
chief  obstacle  in  their  path  seemed  to  be  a  small 
>up  of  powerful  nobles  headed  by  Coligny.    Oath-  ^ 
le  and  the  Guises  resolved  to  cut  away  this  obstacle 
the  assassin's  knife.    Charles,  who  was  person- 
on  good  terms  with  Coligny,  hesitated,  but  he  was 
weak  a  youth  to  hold  out  long.    There  seems  to 
good  reason  to  believe  that  all  the  queen  dowager 
her  advisers  contemplated  was  the  murder  of  a 
leaders  and  that  they  did  not  foresee  one  of  the 
it  extensive  massacres  in  history. 
Her   first   attempt   to   have   Coligny    assassinated  August  22 
iroused  the  anger  of  the  Huguenot  leaders  and  made  ^^^^ 
bem  more  dangerous  than  before.    A  better  laid  and 
■lore  comprehensive  plan  was  therefore  carried  out  Massacre 
on  the  eve  of  St.  Bartholomew's  day.    Early  in  the  StBarth< 
evening  of  August  23,  Henry  of  Guise,  a  son  of  Duke  August  24 
Prancis,  and  Coligny 's  bitterest  personal  enemy,  went  ^o^^®^ 
irith  armed  men  to  the  house  of  the  admiral  and  mur- 
iered  him.    From  thence  they  proceeded  to  the  houses 
)f  other  prominent  Huguenots  to  slay  them  in  the 
lame  manner.    News  of  the  man-hunt  spread  through 
he  city  with  instant  rapidity,  the  mob  rose  and  mas- 
tacred  all  the  Huguenots  they  could  find  as  well  as 
I  number  of  foreigners,  principally  Germans  and  Flem- 
ngs.     De  Thou  says  that  two  thousand  were  slain  in 
?aris  before  noon  of  August  24.    A  general  pillage 
■ollowed. 

The  king  hesitated  to  assume  responsibility  for  so 
lerious  a  tumult.    His  letters  of  August  24  to  various 
governors  of  provinces  and  to  ambassadors  spoke  only 
)f  a  fray  between  Guise  and  Coligny^  and  stated  ttial 
9  wished  to  preserve  order.     But   with   these  very 


218  FRANCE 

letters  he  sent  messengers  to  all  quarters  witb  verW 
orders  to  kill  all  the  leadiug  Protestants.  On  August 
27  he  again  wrote  of  it  as  "a  great  and  lamentaWe 
sedition"  originating  in  the  desire  of  Guise  to  revenue 
his  father  on  Coligny.  The  king  said  that  the  fart 
of  the  populace  was  such  that  he  was  unable  to  bring 
the  remedy  he  wished,  and  he  again  issued  directioM 
for  the  proservatii  '.    But  at  the  same  time 

he  declared  that  tl  ad  acted  at  his  command 

to  punish  those  v  ispired  against  him  and 

against  the  old  rel  Fact,  he  gave  out  a  rapid 

series  of  confradi  ints  and  orders,  and  in 

the  meantime,  fro  25  to  October  3  terrible 

scries  of  massacres  e  in  almost  all  the  prov- 

inces. Two  hundred  Huguenots  perislied  at  Meaus, 
from  500  to  1000  at  Orleans,  a  much  larger  number 
at  Lyons.  It  is  difficult  to  estimate  the  total  number 
of  victims.  Sully,  who  narrowly  escaped,  says  that 
70,000  were  slain.  Hotman,  another  contemporary, 
says  50,(X)0.  Knowing  how  much  figures  are  apt  to 
be  exaggerated  even  by  judicious  men,  we  must  as- 
sume that  this  number  is  too  large.  On  the  other  hand 
the  lowest  estimate  given  by  modem  Catholic  investi- 
gators, 5000,  is  certainly  too  small.  Probably  between 
10,000  and  20,000  is  correct.  Those  who  fell  were  the 
flower  of  the  party. 

AAliatever  may  have  been  the  precise  degree  of  guilt 
of  the  French  rulers,  which  in  any  case  was  very  grave, 
they  took  no  pains  to  conceal  their  exultation  over  an 
event  that  had  at  last,  as  they  believed,  ground  their 
enemies  to  powder.  In  jubilant  tone  Catharine  wrote 
to  her  son-in-law,  Philip  of  Spain,  that  God  had  given 
her  son  the  king  of  France  the  means  "of  wiping  out 
those  of  his  subjects  wlio  were  rebellious  to  God  and 
to  himself."  Philip  sent  his  hearty  congratulations 
and  heard  a  Te  Deum  sung.     The  pope  struck  a  medal 


THE  WARS  OF  RELIGION  219 

with  a  picture  of  an  avenging  angel  and  the  legend, 
■*Ugonotorum  strages,"  and  ordered  an  annual  Te 
Deum  which  was,  in  fact,  celebrated  for  a  long  time. 
But  on  the  other  hand  a  cry  of  horror  arose  from 
Germany  and  England.  Elizabeth  received  the  French 
ambassador  dressed  in  mourning  and  declared  to  him 
that  "the  deed  had  been  too  bloody.*' 

Though  the  triumph  of  the  Catholics  was  loudly 
shouted,  it  was  not  as  complete  as  they  hoped.  The 
Huguenots  seemed  cowed  for  a  moment,  but  nothing 
is  more  remarkable  than  the  constancy  of  the  people. 
Recantations  were  extremely  few.  The  Reformed  pas- 
tors, nourished  on  the  Old  Testament,  saw  in  the  af- 
fliction that  had  befallen  them  nothing  but  the  means 
of  proving  the  faithful.  Preparations  for  resistance 
were  made  at  once  in  the  principal  cities  of  the  south. 
La  Rochelle,  besieged  by  the  royal  troops,  evinced  a  Siege  of 
heroism  worthy  of  the  cause.  While  the  men  repulsed 
the  furious  assaults  of  the  enemy  the  women  built  up 
the  walls  that  crumbled  under  the  powerful  fire  of  the 
artillery.  A  faction  of  citizens  who  demanded  sur- 
render was  sternly  suppressed  and  the  city  held  out 
until  relief  came  from  an  unhoped  quarter.  The  king's 
brother,  Henry  Duke  of  Anjou,  was  elected  to  the 
throne  of  Poland  on  condition  that  he  would  allow 
liberty  of  conscience  to  Polish  Protestants.  In  order 
to  appear  consistent  the  French  government  therefore 
stopped  for  the  moment  the  persecution  of  the  Hugue- 
nots. The  siege  of  La  Rochelle  was  abandoned  and 
a  treaty  made  allowing  liberty  of  worship  in  that  city, 
in  Nimes  and  Montauban  and  in  the  houses  of  some 
of  the  great  nobles. 

In  less  than  two  years  after  the  appalling  massacre 
the  Protestants  were  again  strong  and  active.  A  chant 
of  victory  sounded  from  their  dauntless  ranks.  More 
than  ever  before  they  became  republican  in  principVe. 


LaRochel] 


220  FRANCE 

Their  pamphleteers,  among  them  Hotman,  fiercely  • 
tacked  the  government  of  Catharine,  and  asserted  tW 
rights. 

Chark'tf  was  a  consumptive.  The  hemorrliag< 
characteristic  of  his  disease  reminded  him  of  the  Un 
rents  of  blood  that  he  had  caused  to  flow  from  his  com 
try.     Broken  in  hodv  and  haunted  by  superstitioi 


terrors  the  wr{ 

ied  on  May  30,  1574 

nryin.         He  was  suco 

s  brother,  Henry  DI,  i 

^7-89        cently  elected  1 

md,  a  man  of  good  par 

interested  in  ci 

n  study,  a  natural  orati 

not  defififute  t 

e.     His  mother's  pet  a 

spoiletl  child,  b 

mong  the  girls  of  the  "1 

ing  squadron,"  u^ 

a  continual  state  of  dc 

ous  and  seiisnal  titillation  that  made  him  avid  of  ( 
citement  and  yet  unable  to  endure  it.  A  thunderstoi 
drove  him  to  hide  in  the  cellar  and  to  tears.  He  w 
at  times  overcome  by  fear  of  death  and  hell,  and 
times  had  crises  of  religious  fervour.  But  his  1 
■was  a  perpetual  debauch,  ever  seeking  new  forms 
pleasure  in  strange  ways.  He  would  walk  the  8tre< 
at  night  accompanied  by  gay  young  rufflers  in  sear 
of  adventures.  He  had  a  passion  for  some  handsoi 
young  men,  commonly  called  "the  darlings, ^whom 
Kept  about  him  dressed  as  women,  oi,  i  i>n,i\  y^f 
His  reign  meant  a  new  lease  of  power  to  his  moth 
who  worshipped  him  and  to  whom  he  willingly  1 
the  arduous  business  of  government.  By  this  th 
she  was  bitterly  hated  by  the  Huguenots,  who  pi 
their  compliments  to  her  in  a  pamphlet  entitled 
wonderful  Discourse  on  the  Life,  Deeds  and  Debaui 
enj  of  Catharine  de'  Medici,  perhaps  written  in  pi 
by  the  scholar  Henry  Estienne.  She  was  accused  i 
only  of  crimes  of  which  she  was  really  guilty,  like  t 
massacre  of  St.    Barthoiomevj,  \j\iV  ol  \iaN\Tv?,  mi 


THE  WARS  OF  RELIGION  221 

d  the  dauphin  Francis,  her  hnsband  's  elder  brother, 
others  who  had  died  natural  deaths,  and  of  having 
matically  depraved  her  children  in  order  to  keep 
eins  of  authority  in  her  own  hands, 
ightened  bv  the  odium  in  which  his  mother  was 
Henry  IH  thought  it  wise  to  disavow  all  part 
in  St.  Bartholomew  and  to  concede  to  the  Hugue- 
iberty  of  worship  everywhere  save  in  Paris  and 
atever  place  the  court  might  be  for  the  moment.     ^ 
difficult  was  the  position  of  the  king  that  by  this 
pt  to  conciliate  his  enemies  he  only  alienated  his 
Is.    The  bigoted  Catholics,  finding  the  crown  im- 
t,  began  to  take  energetic  measures  to  help  them- 
;.    In  1576  they  formed  a  League  to  secure  the 
t  of  association.    Henry  Duke  of  Guise  drew  up    " 
^claration  that  formed  the  constituent  act  of  the  TheLcagi 
le.    It  proposed  ''to  establish  the  law  of  God 
entirety,  to  reinstate  and  maintain  divine  serv- 
icording  to  the  form  and  manner  of  the  holy, 
lie  and  apostolic  church,'*  and  also  '*to  restore 
provinces  and  estates  of  this  kingdom  the  rights, 
?ges,  franchises,  and  ancient  liberties  such  as 
v'ere  in  the  time  of  King  Clovis,  the  first  Chris- 
:ing."    This  last  clause  is  highly  significant  as 
Qg  how  the  Catholics  had  now  adopted  the  tactics 
Huguenots  in  appealing  from  the  central  govern- 
to  the  provincial  privileges.    It  is  exactly  the 
ssue  as  that  of  Federalism  versus  States'  Rights 
lerican  history;  the  party  in  power  emphasizes 
ational  authority,  while  the  smaller  divisions 
h  a  refuge  for  the  minority, 
constituency  of  the  League  rapidly  became  large, 
[eclaration  of  Guise  was  circulated  throughout 
luntry  something  like  a  monster  petition,  aivd 
vbo  wished  bound  themselves  to  support  it,    T\ie 


222  FRANCE 

power  of  this  association  of  Catholics  among  noblesi 
people  soon  made  it  so  formidable  that  Henry  III 
versed  his  former  policy,  recognized  the  League  i 

utesGen-  declared  himself  its  head. 

iorBloU  rrjjg  elections  for  the  States  General  held  at  B 
in  1576  proved  highly  favorable  to  the  League.  ' 
chief  rcaaou  for  their  overwhelming  success  was 
abstention  of  mts  from  voting.     In  i 

tinental  Euro;  lys  been  and  is  now  comi 

for  minorities  rote,  the  idea  being  that 

refusal  is  in  ii  t  more  effective  than  a  < 

nite  minority  be.     To  an  American 

seems  strange  )een  proved  time  and  &) 

that  a  pfron?  nun..  n  do  a  great  deal  to  sJ 

legislation.  But  the  Huguenots  reasoned  differet 
and  so  seated  but  one  Protestant  in  the  whole  ass 
bly,  a  deputy  to  the  second,  or  noble,  estate.  The  p 
ileged  orders  pronounced  immediately  for  the  enfo 
ment  of  religious  unity,  but  in  the  Third  Estate  tl 
was  a  warm  debate.  John  Bodin.  the  famous  ] 
licist,  though  a  Catholic,  pleaded  hard  for  tolera 
As  finally  passed,  the  law  demanded  a  return  to 
,  old  religion,  but  added  the  proviso  that  the  m{ 
taken  should  be  "gentle  and  pacific  and  without  wi 
So  impossible  was  this  in  practice  that  the  govemn 
was  again  obliged  to  issue  a  decree  granting  libert 

■7  conscience  and  restricted  liberty  of  worship. 

Under  the  oppression  of  the  ruinous  civil  wars 
people  began  to  grow  more  and  more  restless, 
king  was  extremely  unpopular.  Perhaps  the  pei 
miglit  have  winked  even  at  such  outrages  against 
cency  as  were  perpetrated  by  the  king  had  not  t 
critical  faculties  been  sharpened  by  the  growing  mii 
of  their  condition.  The  wars  had  bankrupted  I 
them  and  the  government,  and  \\\c  At^v^'^*^'^^  iif,-^«fA\ 
of  the  latter  to  raise  money  oriVy  'mctet^afe^ '0&«; -^ 


THE  WARS  OF  BELIGION  223 

the  masses.  Every  estate,  every  province,  was 
to  contribute  as  much  as  possible,  and  most  of 
replied,  in  humble  and  loyal  tone,  but  firmly, 
tagging  for  relief  from  the  ruinous  exactions.  The 
lie  of.  offices,  of  justice,  of  collectorships  of  taxes, 
f  the  administration,  of  the  army,  of  the  public  do- 
hun,  was  only  less  onerous  than  the  sale  of  monop- 
Bes  and  inspectorships  of  markets  and  ports.  The 
ily  prosperous  class  seemed  to  be  the  government 
lents  and  contractors.  In  fact,  for  the  first  time  in 
e  history  of  France  the  people  were  becoming  thor- 
ighly  disaffected  and  some  of  them  semi-republican 
feeling. 

The  king  had  no  sons  and  when  his  only  remaining  ^^®* 
other  died  a  new  element  of  discord  and  perplexity 
IS  introduced  in  that  the  heir  to  the  throne,  Henry 
Navarre,  was  a  Protestant.  Violent  attacks  on  him 
jre  published  in  the  pamphlet  press.  The  League 
IS  revived  in  stronger  form  than  before.  Its  head, 
lise,  selected  as  candidate  for  the  throne  the  uncle 
Henry  of  Navarre,  Charles,  Cardinal  of  Bourbon, 
stupid  and  violent  man  of  sixty-four.  The  king 
stened  to  make  terms  with  the  League  and  com- 
mded  all  Protestants  to  leave  the  country  in  six 
>nths.  At  this  point  the  pope  intervened  to 
•engthen  his  cause  by  issuing  the  ' '  Bull  of  Depriva-  ^^^  ^ 
n*'  declaring  Henry  of  Navarre  incapable,  as  a 
retic,  of  succeeding  to  the  throne.  Navarre  at  once 
riounced  the  bull  as  contrary  to  French  law  and 
ralid,  and  he.  was  supported  both  by  the  Parlement 
Paris  and  by  some  able  pamphleteers.  Hotman 
blished  his  attack  on  the  ''vain  and  blind  fulmina- 
nt of  the  pontiff. 

\n  appeal  to  arms  was  inevitable.    At  the  battle  of   q^J^^^^^ 

ntrs£f,  the  Hngaenots,  led  by  Henry  of  Navarre,  OcxoW 

iAelr  Srst  victory.     WbUe   this    increased  15  a-  ^^"^ 


224  FRANCE 

varre'B  power  and  his  popalarity  with  his  foUo* 
the  majority  of  the  people  rallied  to  the  League 
the  "war  of  the  three  Henrys"  as  it  was  cailet 
king  had  more  to  fear  from  Henry  of  (juise  thaa 
the  Huguenot.  Cooped  up  at  the  Tuileries  the 
arch  was  under  so  irksome  a  restraint  that  he 
finally  obliged  to  regain  freedom  by  flight,  on  M« 
1588.     The  i  the  States  General  ga^ 

enormous  mi  League.     In  an  evil  hoc 

himself  the  1  again  to  that  much 

weapon,  assf  ly  his  order  Guise  was 

dered.     "Nc  ,"  he  wrote  with  a  si) 

relief.     But  ten.     The  League,  mon 

tile  than  eve.  i  avenge  the  death  of  iti 

tain,  was  now  frankly  revolutionarj'. 

It  continued  to  exercise  its  authority  under  the 
ership  of  a  Committee  of  Sixteen,  These  gent) 
purged  the  still  royalist  Parlement  of  Paris.  B 
hostility  of  the  League  the  king  was  forced  to  ai 
ance  with  Henrj-  of  Navarre.  This  is  interestii 
showing  how  completely  the  position  of  the  two 
ing  parties  had  become  reversed.  The  throne, 
the  strongest  ally  of  the  church,  was  now  supp 
chiefly  by  the  Huguenots  who  had  formerly  been  ■ 
bellion.  Indeed  by  this  time  "the  wars  of  reli( 
had  become  to  a  very  large  extent  dynastic  and  s 

On  August  1,  1589,  the  king  was  assassinated 
Dominican  fanatic.  His  death  was  preceded  st 
by  that  of  Catharine  de'  Medici. 

Henry  IV  was  a  man  of  thirty-five,  of  middle  sti 
but  very  hardy  and  brave.  He  was  one  of  the 
iijtelligent  of  the  French  kings,  vigorous  of  brain 
body.  Few  could  resist  his  delicate  compliment 
the  promises  he  knew  how  to  lavish.  The  glamo 
his  personality  has  sun'ivcd  even  until  now.  In  a 
still  popular  he  is  called  "the  gallant  king  who 


THE  WARS  OF  RELIGION  225 

to  fight,  to  make  love  and  to  drink. ' '    He  is  also  ^ 

umbered  for  his  wish  that  every  peasant  might  have     ysffl 
gLJB^his  pot.    His  supreme  desire  was  to  seeVV 
ice,  bleeding  and  impoverished  by  civil  war,  again 
strong  and  happy.    He  consistently  subordi- 
religion  to  political  ends.    To  him  almost  alone 
dne  the  final  adoption  of  tolerance,  not  indeed  as  a 
itnral  right,  but  as  a  political  expedient. 
The  difficulties  with  which  he  had  to  contend  were 
»rmou8.    The   Catholics,  headed  by  the   Duke  of 
lyenne,  a  brother  of  Guise,  agreed  to  recognize  him 
br  six  months  in  order  that  he  might  have  the  oppor- 
inity  of  becoming  reconciled   to  the  church.    But 
fayenne,  who  wished  to  be  elected  king  by  the  States 
}eneral,  soon  conunenced  hostilities.    The  skirmish 
t  Arques  between  the  forces  of  Henry  and  Mayenne, 
esulting  favorably  to  the  former,  was  followed  by 
lie  battle  of  Ivry.    Henry,  with  two  thousand  horse  Battle  of 
iid  eight  thousand  foot,  against  eight  thousand  horse  ^{^^^ 
nd  twelve  thousand  foot  of  the  League,  addressed  his 
oldiers  in  a  stirring  oration:     ''God  is  with  us.     Be- 
old    his    enemies    and    ourd;    behold    your    king. 
Iharge !    If  your  standards  fail  you,  rally  to  my  white 
Inme;  you  will  find  it  on  the  road  to  victory  and 
onor.''    At  first  the  fortune  of  war  went  against  the 
[ugaenots,  but  the  personal  courage  of  the  king,  who, 
ith  "a  terrible  white  plume"  in  his  helmet  led  his 
avalry  to  the  attack,  wrested  victory  from  the  foe. 
From  Ivry  Henry  marched  to  Paris,  the  headquar-  siege  of 
?rs  of  the  League.    With  thirteen  thousand  soldiers     *™ 
e  besieged  this  town  of  220,000  inhabitants,  garri- 
3ned  by  fifty  thousand  troops.    With  their  usual  self- 
acrificing   devotion,   the   people   of    Paris   held   out 
gainst  the  horrors  of  famine.     The  clergy  aroused 
le  fanaticism  of  the  populace,  promising  heaven  to 
iose  who  died;  women  protested  that  they  would  eat 


226  PRANCE 

their  children  before  they  would  surrender.  Vi 
provisions  for  one  month,  Paris  held  oat  for  ttt 
Dogs,  cats,  rats,  and  grass  were  eaten;  the  bone* 
animals  and  even  of  dead  people  were  ground  Dp  8 
used  for  flour;  the  skins  of  animals  were  devonrt 
Thirteen  thousand  persons  died  of  hunger  and  twfB^j 
thousand  of  the  fever  brought  on  by  lack  of  foal 
But  even  this  fanaticism  could  not  bw 

saved  the  capi  y,  but  for  the  timely  imi 

sion  of  France  rth  by  the  Duke  of  Parm 

who  joined  Ma  Mame.     Henry  raised  li 

siege  to  meet  nace,  but  the  campaiga 

1591  was  fruiti  sides. 

France  seerai  state  of  anarchy  under  1 

operation  of  many  and  various  forces.  Pope  Gre^ 
XIV  tried  to  influence  the  Catholics  to  unite  agaii 
Henry,  but  he  was  met  by  protests  from  the  Pai 
ments  in  the  name  of  the  Gallican  Liberties.  1 
"Politiques"  were  ready  to  support  any  strong 
facto  government,  but  could  not  find  it.  The  cil 
hated  the  nobles,  and  the  republicans  resented 
"courteous  warfare"  which  either  side  was  said 
wage  on  the  other,  sparing  each  other's  nobles  i 
slaughtering  the  commons. 

At  this  point  the  States  General  were  convoked 
Paris  by  the  League.  So  many  provinces  refused 
send  deputies  that  there  were  only  128  members  < 
of  a  normal  505.  A  serial  publication  by  several ; 
thors,  called  the  Satyre  Menippee,  poured  ridicule 
the  pretentions  of  the  national  assembly.  Various 
lutions  of  the  deadlock  were  proposed.  Philip  II 
Spain  offered  to  support  Mayenne  as  Lieutenant  G 
eral  of  France  if  the  League  would  make  his  daughl 
as  the  heiress  through  her  mother,  Elizabeth  of  Vali 
quoen.  This  being  refused,  P\v\\\i;>  \\c-i,\,  \iTQ"po?,cd  t! 
the  young  Duke  of  Guise  BViO\x\A  maxt^'  V\s  ^a^^ 


THE  WABS  OF  RELIGION  227 

H)me  king.  But  this  proposal  also  won  little 
;.  The  enemies  of  Henry  IV  were  conscions 
egitimate  rights  and  jealous  of  foreign  inter- 
;  the  only  thing  that  stood  in  the  way  of  their 
zing  him  was  his  heresy. 

y,  finding  that  there  seemed  no  other  issue  to  Henry't 
lerable  situation,  at  last  resolved,  though  with 
eluctance,  to  change  his  religion.  On  July  25, 
3  abjured  the  Protestant  faith,  kneeling  to  the 
ihop  of  Bourges,  and  was  received  into  the 
of  the  Boman  church.  That  his  conversion 
B  entirely  to  the  belief  that  '*  Paris  was  worth 
"  is,   of   course,   plain.    Indeed,   he   frankly 

that  he  still  scrupled  at  some  articles,  such  as 
)ry,  the  worship  of  the  saints,  and  the  power  of 
>e.  And  it  must  be  remembered  that  his  mo- 
ere  not  purely  selfish.  The  alternative  seemed 
ndefinite  civil  war  with  all  its  horrors,  and 
deliberately  but  regretfully  sacrificed  his  con- 
il  convictions  on  the  altar  of  his  country, 
step  was  not  immediately  successful.  The 
lots  were  naturally  enraged.  The  Catholics 
I  the  king's  sincerity.  At  Paris  the  preachers 
jeague  ridiculed  the  conversion  from  the  pulpit, 
og,''  sneered  one  of  them,  *'were  you  not  at 
ist  Sunday!  Come  here  and  let  us  offer  you 
>wn."  But  the  '*politiques"  rallied  to  the 
and  the  League  rapidly  melted  away.  The 
Menippee,  supporting  the  interests  of  Henry, 
!h  to  turn  public  opinion  in  his  favor, 
rther  impression  was  made  by  his  coronation 
rtres  in  1594.  When  the  surrender  of  Paris 
i,  the  king  entered  his  capital  to  receive  the 

of  the  Sorbonne  and  the  Parlement  of  Paris. 
yerstjtJons  were  convinced  of  Henry's  sincerily 

touched  some  scrofulous  persons  and  tYiey 


228  FRANCE 

were  said  to  be  healed.  Curing  the  "king's  evil"i 
one  of  the  oldest  attributes  of  royalty,  and  it  «» 
not  be  imagined  that  it  would  descend  to  an  imposl 

Heniy  fihowed  the  wisest  statesmanship  in  cons 
dating  his  power.  He  bought  up  those  who  still  h 
out  against  him  at  their  own  price,  remarking  tj 
whatever  it  cost  it  would  be  cheaper  than  fi^ 
them.     He  sh  ;lemeney  in  dealing  with 

enemies,    ban  about    130    persons.    S 

came  absolnt  Clement  VIII,  who,  al 

driving  as  ha  as  he  could,  finally  gru 

it  on  Septeml 

But  even  y  was  not  past.     Enraga 

seeing   France  )m  his   clutches,  Philip 

Spain  declared  war,  and  he  could  still  coont  on 
support  of  Mayenne  and  the  last  renmant  of 
League.  The  daring  action  of  Henry  at  Fonti 
Frangaise  on  June  5,  1595,  where  with  three  hum 
horse  he  rented  twelve  hundred  Spaniards,  so 
couraged  his  enemies  that  Mayenne  hastened  to 
mit,  and  peace  was  signed  with  Spain  in  1598. 
finances  of  the  realm,  naturally  in  a  chaotic  state, ' 
broug;ht  to  order  and  solvency  by  a  Huguenot  ni 
the  Duke  of  Sully,  Henry's  ablest  minister. 

The  legal  status  of  the  Protestants  was  still  t 
settled.  It  was  not  changed  by  Henry's  abjura 
and  the  king  was  determined  at  all  costs  to  a 
another  civil  war.  He  therefore  published  the  t 
of  Nantes,  declared  to  be  perpetual  and  irrevoc 
By  it  liberty  of  conscience  was  granted  to  all  "wit 
being  questioned,  %'exed  or  molested,"  and  wit 
being  "forced  to  do  anything  contrary  to  their 
gion."  Liberty  of  worship  was  conceded  in  all  pi 
in  which  it  had  been  practised  for  the  last  two  yi 
t.e.  In  two  places  in  every  \)a\\\w\cV  ft-^s-cft^l  large  to 
where  services  were  to  be  \ie\A  o\i\.avi.e  'C&ft-^^'i 


THE  WARS  OF  RELIGION  229 

the  houses  of  the  great  nobles.  Protestant  wor- 
p  was  forbidden  at  Paris  and  for  five  leagaes 
reive  and  one-half  miles)  outside  the  walls.  Prot- 
ants  had  all  other  legal  rights  of  Catholics  and 
re  eligible  to  all  ofSces.  To  secure  them  in  these 
^ts  a  separate  court  of  justice  was  instituted,  a 
rision  of  the  Parlement  of  Paris  to  be  called  the 
Set  Chamber  and  to  consist  of  ten  Catholic  and  six 
otestant  judges.  But  a  still  stronger  guarantee  was 
7en  in  their  recognition  as  a  separately  organized 
ite  within  the  state.  The  king  agreed  to  leave  two 
ndred  towns  in  their  hands,  some  of  which,  like 
}ntpellier,  Montauban,  and  La  Rochelle,  were  for-  ^ 
Jsses  in  which  they  kept  garrisons  and  paid  the  gov- 
lors.  As  they  could  raise  25,000  soldiers  at  a  time 
len  the  national  army  in  time  of  peace  was  only 
000,  their  position  seemed  absolutely  impregnable. 

favorable  was  the  Edict  to  the  Huguenots  that  it 
s  bitterly  opposed  by  the  Catholic  clergy  and  by  the 
rlement  of  Paris.    Only  the  personal  insistence  of 

king  finally  carried  it. 

?rotestantism  was  stronger  in  the  sixteenth  cen-  Reasons  f< 
y  in  France  than  it  ever  was  thereafter.     During  p'^*"?®^ 

eighty-seven  years  while  the  Edict  of  Nantes  was  Protcsun 
force  it  lost  much  ground,  and  when  that  Edict  was  "™ 
'oked  by  a  doting  king  and  persecution  began  afresh. 

Huguenots  were  in  no  condition  to  resist.     From 
otal  constituency  at  its  maximum  of  perhaps  a  fifth  i^^ 
a  sixth  of  the  whole  population,  the  Protestants 
re  now  sunk  to  less  than  two  per  cent.  (650,000  out 
39,000,000).    The  history  of  the  rise  and  decline  of 

Huguenot  movement  is  a  melancholy  record  of  per- 
ution  and  of  heroism.    How  great  the  number  of 
rtyrs  was  can  never  be  known  accurately.    Apart 
m  St  Bartholomew  there  were  several  lesser  maa- 
-es,  the  wear  and  tear  of  a  g-eneration  of  war,  aiid 


230 


FRANCE 


the  unremitting  pressure  of  the  law  that  claimed  I 
dreds  of  \'ictims  a  year. 

.(  Three  principal  causes  can  be  assigned  for  the 
are  of  the  Reformation  to  do  more  than  fight  a  dl 
battle  in  France.  The  first  and  least  importan 
these  was  the  steady  hostility  of  the  governi 
This  hostility  was  assared  by  the  mutually  ad 
tageous  allii  the  throne  and  the  cb 

sealed  in  the  Bologna  of  1516.     Bat 

the    opposit  sfovemment,    heavily    i 

weighed,  wa  ild  not  be  the  decisive  I 

in  defeating  i  is  proved,  in  my  judgl 

by  the  fact  a  the  Huguenots  had  a 

of  their  owii  they  were  unable  to  o 

the  mastery.  Had  their  faith  won  the  support 
only  of  a  considerable  minority,  but  of  the  actua 
jority  of  the  people,  they  could  surely  at  this 
have  secured  the  government  and  made  France  a 
estant  state. 

•  The  second  cause  of  the  final  failure  of  the  E 
mafion  was  the  tardiness  with  which  it  can 
France.  It  did  not  begin  to  make  its  really  po 
appeal  until  some  years  after  1536,  when  Ca' 
writings  attained  a  gradual  publicity.  This 
twenty  years  later  than  the  Reformation  came  fo: 
home  to  the  Germans,  and  in  (hose  twenty  year.s  i 
made  its  greatest  conquests  north  of  the  Rhine 
causes  as  well  as  of  men  it  is  true  that  there  is  j 
in  their  affairs  which,  taken  at  the  flood,  leads 
fortune,  but  which,  once  missed,  ebbs  to  d 
Evorj'  generation  has  a  different  interest;  to 
era  the  ideals  of  that  immediately  preceding  b( 
stale  and  old-fashioned.  The  writings  of  ever; 
are  a  polemic  against  those  of  their  fathers;  ■ 
dogma  has  its  day,  and  aUev  cvctn  wvwt  o?  cv^t.Ki 
a  reaction  sets  in.    Thus  it  ^^'aa  t\va\.  Wt  "^^S-qt' 


THE  WARS  OF  RELIGION  231 

—  missed,  though  it  narrowly  missed,  the  propitious  mo- 
lent  for  conquering  France.    Enough  had  been  said 
it  during  the  reign  of  Francis  to  make  the  people 
of  it,  but  not  enough  to  make  them  embrace  it. 
the  time  that  Calvin  iiad  become  well  known,  the 
ktholics  liad  awakened  and  had  seized  many  of  the 
ipons  of  their  opponents,  a  fresh  statement  of  be- 
\  a  new  enthusiasm,  a  reformed  ethical  standard. 
le  Council  of  Trent,  the  Jesuits,  the  other  new  orders, 
only  symptoms  of  a  still  more  widely  prevalent 
itholic  revival  that  came,  in  France,  just  in  the  nick 
time  to  deprive  the  Protestants  of  many  of  their 

18  to  popular  favor. 
But  probably  the  heaviest  weight  in  the  scale  against  Beaten  i 
Reformation  was  the  Renaissance — far  stronger  in  ^^e^ 
-f  ^^rance  than  in  Germany.    The  one  marched  from  the 
^rth,  while  the  other  was  wafted  up  from  Italy. 
They  met,  not  as  hostile  armies  but  rather — to  use  a 
Itiunble,   conufnercial   illustration — as   two   competing 
l&erchants.     The  goods  they  offered  were  not  the  same. 
Hot  even  similar,  but  the  appeal  of  each  was  of  such  a 
iiatnre  that  few  minds  could  be  the  whole-hearted 
f  devotees  of  both.    The  new  learning  and  the  beauties 
1   of  Italian  art  and  literature  sapped  away  the  interest 
f   of  just  those  intelligent  classes  whose  support  was 
i   fieeded  to  make  the  triumph  of  the  Reformation  com- 
l  plete.     Terrible  as  were  the  losses  of  the  Huguenots 
i   by  fire  and  sword,  considerable  as  were  the  defections 
:    from  their  ranks  of  those  who  found  in  the  reformed 
'    Catholic  church  a  spiritual  refuge,  still  greater  was  the 
loss  of  the  Protestant  cause  in  failing  to  secure  the 
\    adherence  of  such  minds  as  Dolet  and  Rabelais,  Ron- 
i    sard  and  Montaigne,  and  of  the  thousands  influenced 
'    by  thenL    And  a  study  of  just  these  men  will  show 
how  the  Italian  influence  worked  and  how  it  grovf 
stroDgrer  in  its  rivalry  with    the   religious   intexcs^,. 


232  FRANCE 

Whereas  JIarot  had  found  something  to  interest  td 
in  the  new  doctrines,  Ronsard  bitterly  hated  tha 
Passionately  devoted,  as  he  and  the  rest  of  the  Pleid 
were,  to  the  sensuous  beauties  of  Italian  poetry,  bell 
neither  understanding  of  nor  patience  with  dogmat 
subtleties.  In  the  Huguenots  he  saw  nothing  but  as 
fanatics  and  dangerous  fomentors  of  rebellion.  In  I 
Discourses  on  '  the  Times,  he  laid  all  t 

woes  of  Franc  )r  of  the  innovators.    A 

powerfully  his  cs  seduced  the  mind  of  t 

public  from  th  tion  of  divinity  to  the  ( 

]oyment  of  eai 

The  same  ii  i  of  the  contrast  betwi 

the  two  spirits  is  comparing  Afontaigno  w 

Rabelais.  It  is  true  that  Rabelais  ridiculed  all  pc 
tive  religion,  but  nevertheless  it  fascinated  him.  I 
theological  learning  is  remarkable.  But  MoiitaiE 
ignored  religion  as  far  as  possible.  Nourished  fr 
his  earliest  youth  on  the  great  classical  writers,  he  1 
'•  no  interest  apart  from  "the  kingdom  of  man," 
preferred  to  remain  in  the  old  faith  because  that  eou 
caused  him  the  least  trouble.  He  had  no  sympa 
with  the  Protestants,  but  he  did  not  hate  them,  as 
Ronsard.  During  the  wars  of  religion,  he  maintaii 
friendly  relations  with  the  leaders  of  both  part 
And  he  could  not  believe  that  creed  was  the  real  ca 
of  the  civil  strife.  "Take  from  the  Catholic  arm; 
said  he,  "all  those  actuated  by  pure  zeal  for  the  chu 
or  for  the  king  and  country,  and  you  will  not  b; 
enough  men  left  to  form  one  company."  It  is  strai 
that  beneath  the  evil  passions  and  self-seeking  of 
champions  of  each  party  he  could  not  see  the  fie 
flame  of  popular  heroism  and  fanaticism;  but  that 
and  thousands  of  men  like  him,  could  not  do  so,  i 
could  not  enter,  even  by  ima^TvaWow,  'wAo  \ka  cau 


THE  WARS  OF  RELIGION 


233 


but  a  half  century  earlier,  had  set  the  world  on 
rgely  explains  how  the  religions  issne  had  lost 
onr  and  why  Protestantism  failed  in  France. 


VTia  ^^ 


CHAPTER  V 
THE  NETHERLANDS 

HEBAN    SeFOBM 

The  Nethf  Iways  been  a  favorite  I 

for  the  speci  u  philosophers  who  deri 

large  part  i  ^racier  from  geograpl 

conditions.  leeded  reclaiming  from 

eea  by  hard  1.  f  sitnated  at  those  two  j 

outlets  of  European  coninnjrce,  the  mouths  of  the  B 
and  the  Scheldt,  a  borderland  between  German 
Latin  culture,  naturally  moulded  a  brave,  stubl 
practical  and  intelligent  people,  destined  to  pla 
history  a  part  seemingly  beyond  their  scope  ani 
sources. 

The  people  of  the  Netherlands  became,  to  al 
tents,  a  state  before  they  became  a  nation.  The 
gundian  dukes  of  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  cei 
added  to  their  fiefs  counties,  dukedoms  and  bishoj 
around  the  nucleus  of  their  first  domain,  until  the; 
forged  a  compact  and  powerful  realm.  Philij 
Good,  Duke  of  Burgundy  and  lord,  under  various  i 
of  much  of  the  Netherlands,  deserved  the  title  of 
ditor  Belgii  by  his  successful  wars  on  France  ar 
his  statesmanlike  policy  of  centralization.  To  f 
unity  he  created  the  States  General — borrowinj 
name  and  function  thereof  from  France — in  whit 
of  the  seventeen  provinces '  of  the  Netherlands 
represented  on  great  occasions.     Continually  inc 

1  Brabant,  I-imWrc.  I.ii\eniliurfr.  Guelders,  Flanders,  Artois,  Hi 
Holland.  Zwlaml,  Jlalincs,  Namur,  Lille,  Toumay,  Frietland,  V 
Overvaaei  and  GroninRen. 


THE  LUTHERAN  REFORM  235 

'  in  power  with  reference  to  the  various  localities,  it 
lained  subordinate  to  the  prince,  who  had  the  sole 
ht  of  initiating  legislation.  At  first  it  met  now  in 
f  city,  then  in  another,  but  after  1530  always  con- 
led  at  Brussels,  and  always  used  the  French  Ian-  ' 
ige  officially. 

!lharles  the  Bold  completed  and  yet  endangered  the  ^"^••^ 
rk  of  Philip,  for  he  was  worsted  in  mortal  strife  1467-77 
h  Louis  XI  of  France  and,  dying  in  battle,  left  his 
oinions  to  his  daughter,  Mary.    Her  husband,  the 
iperor  Maximilian,  and  her  son,  Philip  the  Hand-  Maximak: 
ae,  added  to  her  realms  those  vast  dominions  that  phiUpihe 
de  her  grandson,  Charles,  the  greatest  potentate  in  Handsome 
rope.    Bom  in  Ghent,  reared  in  the  Netherlands,  ^^^^^^^ 
I  speaking  only  the  French  of  the  Walloons,  Charles 
3  always  regarded  by  his  subjects  as  one  of  them- 
res.    He  almost  completed  the  unification  of  the 
rgundian  state  by  the  conquest  of  Tournay  from 
mce  (1521),  and  the  annexation  of  the  independent 
vinces  of  Friesland  (1523),  Overyssel  and  Utrecht 
28),  Groningen  (1536)  and  Guelders  (1543).    Liege 
I   remained  a   separate   entity  under  its   prince- 
lops.     But  even  under  Charles,  notwithstanding  a 
eral  feeling  of  loyalty  to  the  house  of  Hapsburg, 
h  province  was  more  conscious  of  its  own  individ- 
ity  than  were  the  people  as  a  whole  of  common  pa- 
itisuGL     Some  of  the  provinces  lay  within  the  Em- 
3,  others  were  vassals  of  France,  a  few  were  inde- 
dent.    Dutch  was  regarded  as  a  dialect  of  German. 
5  most  illustrious  Netherlander  of  the  time,  Eras- 
3,  in  discussing  his  race,  does  not  even  contemplate 
possibility  of  there  being  a  nation  composed  of 
tch  and  Flemish  men.    The  only  alternative  that 
^sents  itself  to  him  is  whether  he  is  French  or  Ger- 
n  and,  having  been  bom  at  Rotterdam,  he  decides 
favor  of  the  latter. 


I 


THE  NETHERLANDS 

The  Bur^ndiiiii  princes  fonnd  their  chief  Buppoi 
in  the  uobility,  In  a  numerous  class  of  officials, 
the  municipal  aristocracies.     The  nobles,  transfoi 
from  a  feudal  caste  to  a  court  clique,  even  though 
retained,  as  satellites  of  the  monarch,  much  wei 
and  power,  had  relatively  lost  ground  to  the  rising 
tensions  of  the  cities  and  of  the  commercial  class. 
clergj",  too,  were  losing  their  old  independence  in 
aervience  to  a  government  which  regulated  their  ti1 
and  forbade  their  indulgence-trade.     In  1515  Chai 
secured  from  Leo  X  and  again  in  1530  from  Clem^ 
VII  the  right  of  nomination  to  vacant  benefices, 
was  able  to  make  of  the  bishops  his  tools  and  to 
tail  the  freedom,  jurisdiction,  and  financial  privili 
of  the  clergy  considerably  because  the  spiritual  esl 
had  lost  favor  with  the  people  and  received  no  sup] 
from  them. 

As  the  two  privileged  classes  surrendered  their  pow^ 
ers  to  the  monarch,  the  third  estate  was  coming  iflto 
its  own.  Not  until  the  war  of  independence,  however, 
■was  it  able  to  withstand  the  combination  of  bureaucracy 
and  plutocracy  that  made  common  cause  with  the  cen- 
tral government  against  the  local  rights  of  the  cities 
and  the  customary  privileges  of  the  gilds.  Almost 
everywhere  the  prince  was  able,  with  the  tacit  support 
of  the  wealthier  burghers,  to  substitute  for  the  officers 
elected  by  the  gilds  his  own  commissioners.  But  this 
usurpation,  together  with  a  variety  of  economic  ills  for 
which  the  commoners  were  inclined,  quite  wrongly,  to 
blame  the  government,  caused  general  discontent  and 
in  one  case  open  rebellion.  Tlic  gilds  of  Ghent,  K 
proud  and  ancient  city,  suffering  from  the  encroach-  ^ 
ments  of  capitalism  and  from  the  decline  of  the  Fleia-  * 
ish  cloth  industry,  had  long  asserted  among  tlieir  rights 
that  of  each  gild  to  refuse  to  pay  one  of  the  taxes,  ai 
one  it  chose,  levied  by  the  government.     The  attempt 


THE  LUTHERAN  REFORM  237 

tiie  government  to  suppress  this  privilege  caused  a 
dug  which  took  the  characteristically  modem  form 

a  general  strike.  The  regent  of  the  Netherlands, 
uy,  yielded  at  first  to  the  demands  of  the  gilds,  as 
m  had  no  means  of  coercion  convenient.    Charles  was 

Spain  at  the  time,  but  hurried  northward,  being 
anted  free  jmssage  through  France  by  the  king  who 
k  he  had  an  interest  in  aiding  his  fellow  monarch 
pot  down  rebellious  subjects.  Early  in  1540  Charles 
ttered  Ghent  at  the  head  of  a  sufficient  army.  He 
<m  meted  out  a  sanguinary  punishment  to  the 
brawlers"  as  the  strikers  were  called,  humbled  the 
ty  government,  deprived  it  of  all  local  privileges, 
ppressed  all  independent  corporations,  asserted  the 
yal  prerogative  of  nominating  aldermen,  and  erected 
fortress  to  overawe  the  burghers.  Thus  the  only 
ert  attempt  to  resist  the  authority  of  Charles  V, 
art  from  one  or  two  insignificant  Anabaptist  riots, 
s  crushed. 

Tn  matters  of  foreign  policy  the  people  of  the  Nether- 
ids  naturally  wished  to  be  guided  in  reference  to    ■ 
^ir  own  interests  and  not  to  the  larger  interests  of 
i    emperor's    other    domains.    Wielding    immense 
alth— during  the  middle  decades  of  the  sixteenth 
itury  Antwerp  was  both  the  first  port  and  the  first 
ney-market  of  Europe — and  cherishing  the  senti- 
nt  that  Charles  was  a  native  of  their  land,  they  for 
ne  time  sweetly  flattered  themselves  that  their  in- 
ests  were  the  center  around  which  gravitated  the 
sires  and  needs  of  the  Empire  and  of  Spain.    In- 
ed,  the  balance  of  these  two  great  states,  and  the 
jency  of  Margaret  of  Austria,  a  Hapsburg  deter-  Margaret  c 
ned  to  give  the  Netherlands  their  due,  for  a  time  al-  Regent, 
Bred  them  at  least  the  semblance  of  getting  their  ASn-^Y 
sbes.    But  when  Charles's  sister,  Mary  of  Hungary, 
leeded Margaret  as  regent,  she  was  too  entirely  de- 


238 


THE  NETHERLANDS 


Seplembei 
7,1522 


pendent  ou  her  brother,  and  he  too  determined  to  c 
suit  larger  than  Burgundiaii  interests,  to  allow 
Netherlands  more  than  the  smallest  weight  in  lar 
plans.  The  most  that  she  could  do  was  to  unify,  ( 
tralize  and  add  to  the  provinces,  and  to  get  what  e 
mercial  advantages  treaties  could  secure.  Thus, 
redeemed  Luxemburg  from  the  Margrave  of  Badei 
whom  Maximilian  had  pawned  it.  Thus,  also,  she 
gotiated  fresh  commercial  treaties  with  England 
unified  the  coinage.  But  with  all  these  achievemi 
distinctly  advantageous  to  the  people  she  govei 
her  efforts  to  increase  the  power  of  the  croAvn  and 
necessity  she  was  under  of  subordinating  her 
to  that  of  Germany  and  Spain,  made  her  extremely 
popular. 

The  relationship  of  the  Netherlands  to  the  Em] 
was  a  delicate  and  important  question.  Though 
Empire  was  the  feudal  suzerain  of  most  of  the  1 
gundian  provinces,  Charles  felt  far  more  keenly 
his  rights  as  an  hereditary,  local  prince  than  for 
aggrandizement  of  his  Empire,  and  therefore  tl 
especially  after  he  had  left  Austria  to  his  bra 
Ferdinand,  to  loosen  rather  than  to  strengthen 
bond.  Even  as  early  as  1512,  when  the  Imperial  1 
demanded  that  the  "common  penny"  be  levied  in 
Netherlands,  Charles's  council  aided  and  abetted 
Burgundian  subjects  in  refusing  to  pay  it.  In 
the  Netherlands,  in  spite  of  urgent  complaints  froi 
Diet,  completely  freed  itself  from  imperial  jari 
tion  in  the  administration  of  justice.  Matters  bei 
still  more  complicated  when  Utrecht,  Friesland, 
ringen  and  Guelders,  formerly  belonging  to  the  "V 
phalian  district  of  the  Empire,  were  annexed 
Charles  as  Burgundian  prince.  Probably  he  wouh 
have  been  able  to  vindicate  these  acts  of  power, 
not  bis  victory  at  Miihlberg  freed  him  from  the 


THE  LUTHERAN  EEFORM  239 

of  the  imperial  constitation.  A  convention 
de  at  the  next  Diet  of  Augsburg,  providing 
(ceforth  the  Netherlands  should  form  a  sep- 
triet,  the  ^'Burgundian  circle/'  of  the  Empire,  Con^eiiiioii 

their  prince,  as  such,  should  be  represented  26,1548 
3t  and  in  the  Imperial  Supreme  Court.  Taxes 
ipportioned  that  in  time  of  peace  the  Nether- 
raid  contribute  to  the  imperial  treasury  as 
did  two  electors,  and  in  time  of  war  as  much 
This  treaty  nominally  added  to  the  Empire 
counties,  Flanders  and  Artois,  and  it  gave  the 
}therlands  the  benefit  of  imperial  protection, 
igh  ratified  by  the  States  General  promptly, 
ention  remained  almost  a  dead  letter,  and 
Netherlands  virtually  autonomous.  As  long 
vere  unmolested  the  Netherlands  forgot  their 
tirely,  and  when,  under  the  pressure  of  Span- 
they  later  remembered  and  tried  to  profit  by 
^ound  that  the  Empire  had  no  wish  to  revive 


meral  causes  of  the  religious  revolution  were  R«^o"n*- 

in  the  Low  Countries  as  in  other  lands.    The 

was  prepared  by  the 'mystics  of  the  earlier 

the  •tjorruption  of  and  hatred  for  the  clergy, 

hcTlenaissance.    The  central  situation  of  the 

made  it  especially  open  to  all  currents  of  Eu- 

hought.    Printing  was  early  introduced  from 

r  and  expanded  so  rapidly  in  these  years  that  1525-55 

han  fifty  new  publishing  houses  were  erected. 

rerp  was  the  most  cosmopolitan  of  cities,  so 

\  was  the  most  nearly  the  citizen  of  the  world 

ra.     The  great  humanist,  who  did  so  much  to 

for  the  Reformation,  spent  in  his  native  laud 

•^  early  years  of  its  Grst  appearance  when  \ie 
^red  Luther. 


240  THE  NETHBKLANDS 

A  gronp  to  take  up  with  the  Wittenberg  prof 
doctrines  were  the  Augustinians,  many  of 
had  been  in  close  relations  with  the  Saxon 
ies.  One  of  them,  James  Probst,  had  been  p 
"Wittenberg  where  he  learned  to  know  Luther  w 
when  he  became  prior  of  the  convent  at  Antui 
started  a  rousing  propaganda  in  favor  of  the  i 
:  Another  i  lenry   of  ZUtphen,  n« 

friary  at  center  of  a  Lutheran 

ment.     Ho  ^e,  Hinne  Rode  at  I 

Gerard  Li:  Melchior  Miritzsch  at 

were  soon  ence  with  Luther  and 

missionari  His  books,  which  cir 

among  the  i  tin,  were  some  of  them 

lated  into  Dutch  as  early  as  1520. 

The  German  commercial  colony  at  Antwoi 
another  channel  for  the  infiltration  of  the  Li 
gospel.  The  many  travelers,  among  them 
Diirer,  brought  with  them  tidings  of  the  revi 
sowed  its  seeds  in  the  soil  of  Flanders  and  H 
Singularly  enough,  the  colony  of  Portuguese  Je 
Marranos  as  they  were  called,  became,  if  not  co 
at  least  active  agents  in  the  dissemination  of  Li 
works. 

A  vigorous  counter-propaganda  was  at  once 
by  the  partisans  of  the  pope.  This  was  d 
against  both  Erasmus  and  Luther  and  co 
largely,  according  to  tlie  reports  of  the  former, 
most  violent  invective.  Nicholas  of  Egmont,  ' 
with  a  wliite  pall  but  a  black  heart"  stormed 
pulpit  against  the  new  heretics.  Another  mar 
spersed  a  sermon  on  charity  with  objurgations  i 
those  whom  he  called  "geese,  asses,  stocks,  an' 
christs. "  One  Dominican  said  he  wished  ht 
fasten  bis  teeth  in  Luther's  l\iToa\.,  lot  Vt  -wq 
fear  to  go  to  the  Lord's  supper  \\'\V\\^.Va\.>Aw 


THE  LUTHERAN  REFORM  241 

k  It  was  at  Antwerp,  a  little  later,  that  were 
coined,  or  at  least  first  printed,  the  so  celebrated 
(IDS  that  Erasmns  was  Lather's  father,  that 
ins  had  laid  the  eggs  and  Luther  had  hatched  the 
IS,  and  that  Luther,  Zwingli,  Oecolampadius  and 
Ds  were  the  four  soldiers  who  had  crucified 

principal  literary  opposition  to  the  new  doc- 
ame  from  the  University  of  Louvain.  Luther 's 
were  condemned  by  Cologne,  and  this  sentence 
ified  by  Louvain.    A  number  of  the  leading  pro-  ismT**    ' 

wrote  against  him,  among  them  the  ex-pro-  NoYembcr 
Adrian  of  Utrecht,  recently  created  Bishop  of 
i  and  cardinal,  and  soon  to  be  pope, 
conservatives,  however,  could  do  little  but  scold 
e  arrival  of  Charles  V  in  June  1520,  and  of  the 
luncio  Aleander  in  September.  The  latter  saw 
;  immediately  at  Antwerp  and  found  him  al- 
letermined  to  resist  heresy.  Acting  under  the 
irocured  at  that  time,  though  not  published 
e  following  March  22,  Aleander  busied  himself 
g  around  and  burning  Lutheran  works  in  vari-  9^^* 
ies  and  preaching  against  the  heresy.  He 
ar  more  opposition  than  one  would  think  prob- 
id  the  burning  of  the  books,  as  Erasmus  said, 
d  them  from  the  bookstores  only,  not  from  the 
}f  the  people.    The  nuncio  even  discovered,  he 

this  early  date,  heretics  who  denied  the  redl 
e  in  the  eucharist:  evidently  independent  spir- 
Hoen  who  anticipated  the  doctrine  later  taken 
/arlstadt  and  Zwingli. 
p'alidity  of  the  Edict  of  Worms  was  affirmed 

Burgundian  provinces.     The  edict  was  read 

at  Antwerp  while  four  hundred  of  Luther's  ^^^ 
vera  burnt,   three  hundred   confiscated  itom 
9  and  one  hundred  brought  by  the  peopVe. 


242  THE  NETHEBLANDS 

"Whereas  Bpiritnal  officers  were  at  first  employe 
magistrates  now  began  to  act  against  tbe  inBO 
In  tbe  beginning,  attention  was  paid  to  manicipi 
ileges,  but  these  soon  came  to  be  disregarded,  i 
sistance  on  any  pretext  was  treated  as  rebelii 
treason.     The  first  persons  to  be  arrested  wi 

1522  Prior  of  Antwerp,  Probst,  who  recanted,  bnt  h 
caped  and  \.  two  other  intimate  fri 
Erasmus.  | 

Thelnqoi-         Charles  reduce  tbe  Spanish  inql 

but  his  CO  &  all  against  it     Unde] 

ferent  nap  it  was  exactly  imitate 

li^^       Francis  vi  was  appointed  chief  m 

junel  ^^  '■'^'^  ^*'^*  fifirmcd  by  a  bull  of  Adi 

1523  '        The  original  inquisitorial  powers  of  the  bish 

mained,  and  a  supreme  tribunal  of  three  judf 
appointed  in  1524. 
Martyrs,  ipi,g  jjj,gj  martvrs,  Henry  Voes  and  John  1 

1523  '  Brussels,   said   Erasmus,  made  many   Luther 

their  death.  Luther  wrote  a  hymn  on  the  subj 
published  an  open  letter  to  the  Christians  of  fh 

1524  erlands.  Censorship  of  the  press  was  establi 
Holland  in  vain,  for  everything  goes  to  show  t 
theranism  rapidly  increased.  Popular  interos' 
subject  seemed  to  be  great.  Every  allusion 
elesiastical  corruption  in  speeches  or  in  plays  ■ 
plauded.  Thirty-eight  laborers  were  arrested 
werp  for  assembling  to  read  and  discuss  the 

1525  Iconoclastic  outbreaks  occurred  in  which  cr 
were  desecrated.  In  the  same  year  an  Italian 
werp  wrote  that  though  few  people  were  ope 
theran  many  were  secretly  so,  and  that  he  hi 
assured  by  leading  citizens  that  if  the  revoltin 
ants  of  Germany  approached  Antwerp,  twent 

sand  armed    men    would  xvse  m  Vhxe  t\V^    V 
'afys/         them.     When  a  Lutheran  vjas  Ato"«ueA.Ya.'0&» 


THE  LUTHERAN  REFORM  243 

>  Bd  precipitated  a  riot.  In  1527  the  English  am- 
wdor  wrote  Wolsey  from  the  Netherlands  that  two 
u>nB  out  of  three  **kept  Luther's  opinions,'*  and 

while  the  English  New  Testament  was  being 
\ed  in  that  city,  repeated  attempts  on  his  part  to 
^  the  magistrates  to  interfere  came  to  nothing, 
^stant  works  also  continued  to  pour  from  the 
es.  The  Bible  was  soon  translated  into  Dutch, 
n  the  course  of  eifcht  years  four  editions  of  the 

Bible  and  twenty-five  editions  of  the  New  Testa- 
were  called  for,  though  the  complete  Scriptures 
ever  been  printed  in  Dutch  before, 
rmed  by  the  spread  of  heresy,  attributed  to  too '  October  i^ 

mildness,  the  government  now  issued  an  edict 
inaugurated  a  reign  of  terror.  Death  was  de- 
not  only  for  all  heretics  but  for  all  who,  not  being 
>gians,  discussed  articles  of  faith,  or  who  cari- 
?d  God,  Mary,  or  the  saints,  and  for  all  who  failed 
dounce  heretics  known  to  them.  While  the  gov- 
mt  momentarily  flattered  itself  that  heresy  had 
stamped  out,  at  most  it  had  been  driven  under 
id.  One  of  the  effects  of  the  persecution  was  to 
e  the  Netherlands  from  the  Empire  culturally 
0  some  small  extent  commercially. 

;  heresy  proved  to  be  a  veritable  hydra.  From  Anabaptis 
lead  sprang  many  daughters,  the  Anabaptists, 
r  to  deal  with  than  their  mother.  For  while  Lu- 
aism  stood  essentially  for  passive  obedience,  and 
shed  nowhere  save  as  a  state  church,  Anabaptism 
rankly  revolutionary  and  often  socialistic.  Mel- 
Hoffmann,  the  most  striking  of  their  eariy  lead- 
i  fervent  and  uneducated  fanatic,  driven  from 
to  place,  wandered  from  Sweden  and  Denmark  to 
and  Spain  preaching  chiliastic  and  commnnislVe  \^>^^\^ 

Only  for  three  years  was  he  much  in  the  "NetVv- 
?,  batjt  was  there  that  be  won  his  greatest  awe- 


244  THE  NETHERLANDS 

cesses.  Appealing,  as  the  Anabaptists  always  d 
the  lower  classes,  he  converted  thousands  and  ti 
thousands  of  the  very  poor — beggars,  laboren 
sailors — who  passionately  embraced  the  teacMni 
promised  the  end  of  kings  and  governments  ar 
advent  of  the  "rule  of  the  righteous."  Mary  of 
gary  was  not  far  wrong  when  she  wrote  thai 
planned  to  larches,  nobles,  and  w 

merchants,  vho  had  property,  and 

the  spoil  to  ivery  individual  accord 

his  need.     J  erer  edict  would  have 

a  general  n  it  been  strictly  enforct 

another  ele  into  the  situation.    Tl 

bourgeoisies  (viously  resisted  the  g 

ment,  now  supported  it  in  this  one  particular,  pc 
tion  of  the  Anabaptists.  When  at  Amsterda 
sectaries  rose  and  very  nearly  mastered  the  city, 
by  fire  was  decreed  for  the  men,  by  water  f 
women.  From  Antwerp  they  were  banished 
general  edict  especially  aimed  at  them  suppler 
by  massacres  in  the  northern  provinces.  Aft 
crisis  at  Miinster,  though  the  Anabaptists  contin 
be  a  bugbear  to  the  ruling  classes,  their  propa 
lost  its  dangerously  revolutionary  character. 
Simons  of  Friesland,  after  his  conversion  in  15. 
came  the  leader  of  the  movement  and  succeei 
gathering  the  smitten  people  into  a  large  and  ha 
'  body.  The  Anabaptists  furnished,  however, 
martyrs  than  did  any  other  sect. 

Lutheranism  also  continued  to  spread.  The  c 
1540  confesses  as  much  while  providing  ne" 
sterner  penalties  against  those  who  even  Inte 
for  heretics.  The  fact  is  that  the  inquisition 
reeled  against  Lutherans  was  thoroughly  unp 
and  was  resisted  in  various  provinces  on  the  tei 
^ound  of  local  privileges.    The  Protestants  mi 


THE  LUTHERAN  REFORM  245 

p  leep  unnoticed  amidst  a  general  intention  to  oon- 
me  at  them,  and  though  they  did  not  usually  flinch 
km  martyrdom  they  did  not  court  it.  The  inquis- 
brs  were  obliged  to  arrest  their  victims  at  the  dead 
^  night,  raiding  their  houses  and  hauling  them  from 
d,  in  order  to  avoid  popular  tumult.  When  Enzinas  ^^iS 
ioted  his  Spanish  Bible  at  Antwerp  the  printer  told 
D  that  in  that  city  the  Scriptures  had  been  published 
almost  every  European  language,  doubtless  an  ex- 
feration  but  a  significant  one.  Arrested  and  im- 
soned  at  Brussels  for  this  cause,  Enzinas  received 
le  under  duress  visits  from  four  hundred  citizens  of 
t  city  who  were  Protestants.  To  control  the  book 
ie  an  oath  was  exacted  of  every  bookseller  not  to  1546 
1  in  heretical  works  and  the  first  ''Index  of  prohib- 
I  books,'*  drawn  up  by  the  University  of  Louvain, 
\  issued.  A  censorship  of  plays  was  also  attempted. 
8  was  followed  by  an  edict  of  1550  requiring  of 
ry  person  entering  the  Netherlands  a  certificate 
I!atholic  belief.  As  Brabant  and  Antwerp  repudi- 
i  a  law  that  would  have  ruined  their  trade,  it  re- 
ined, in  fact,  a  dead  letter. 

'harles's  policy  of  repression  had  been  on  the 
)le  a  failure,  due  partly  to  the  cosmopolitan  culture 
he  Netherlands  and  their  commercial  position  mak- 
them  open  to  the  importation  of  ideas  as  of  mer- 
ndise  from  all  Europe.  It  was  due  in  part  to  the 
il  jealousies  and  privileges  of  the  separate  prov- 
es, and  in  part  to  the  strength  of  certain  nobles  and 
es.  The  persecution,  indeed,  had  a  decidedly  class 
racter,  for  the  emperor  well  knew  Protestant  nobles 
)m  he  did  not  molest,  while  the  poor  seldom  failed 
5uflFer.  And  yet  Charles  had  accomplished  some- 
ig.  Even  the  Protestants  were  loyal,  strange  to 
,  to  him  personally.  The  number  of  martyrs  in 
reign  has  heen  estimated  at  barely  one  thousand, 


246 


THE  NETHERLANDS 


but  it  must  be  remembered  that  for  every  one  put  to 
death  there  were  a  number  punished  in  other  wayt 
And  the  body  of  the  people  was  still  Catholic,  even  in 
the  North.  It  is  noteworthy  that  the  most  popular 
writer  of  this  period,  as  well  as  the  first  to  use  the 
Dutch  tongue  with  precision  and  grace,  was  Anna 
MS7S     Bijns,  a  lay  nun,  violently  anti-Lutheran  in  sentiment 

§  2.  The  Calvinist  Revolt 
When  Charles  V,  weary  of  the  heaviest  scepter  ever 
wielded  by  any  European  monarch  from  Charlemagne 
to  Napoleon,  sought  rest  for  his  soul  in  a  monk's  cell, 
he  left  his  great  possessions  divided  between  his 
brother  Ferdinand  and  his  son  Philip.  To  the  former 
went  Austria  and  the  Empire,  to  the  latter  the  Bnr- 
gundian  provinces  and  Spain  with  its  vast  dependen- 
cies in  the  New  World. 

The  result  of  this  was  to  make  the  Netherlands  prao- 
tieally  a  satellite  of  Spain.  Hitherto,  partly  because 
their  interests  had  largely  coincided  with  those  of  the 
Empire,  partly  because  by  balancing  Germany  against 
Spain  they  could  manage  to  get  their  own  rights,  they 
had  found  prosperity  and  had  acquired  a  good  deal  of 
national  power.  Indeed,  with  their  wealth,  their  cen- 
tral position,  and  growing  strength  as  province  after 
province  was  annexed,  and  their  consciousness  that 
their  ruler  was  a  native  of  Flanders,  their  pride  had 
been  rather  gratified  than  hurt  by  the  knowledge  that 
he  possessed  far  larger  dominions.  But  when  Charles, 
weeping  copiously  and  demanding  his  subjects'  par- 
don, descended  from  the  throne  supported  by  the  younf 
Prince  of  Orange,  and  when  his  son  Philip  II  had  re- 
plied to  his  father  in  Spanish,  even  those  present  had 
an  uneasy  feeling  that  the  situation  had  changed  for 
the  worse,  and  that  the  Netherlands  were  being  handed 
over  from  a  Burgundian  to  a  Spanish  ruler.    Prom 


THE  CALVINIST  REVOLT  247 

^  time  forth  the  interests  and  sentiments  of  the  two 
■^tries  became  more  and  more  sharply  divergent, 
H  as  the  smaller  was  sacrificed  to  the  larger,  a  con-  - 
el  became    inevitable.    The    revolt    that    followed 
:lhin  ten  years  after  Philip  had  permanently  aban- 
ned  the  Netherlands  to  make  his  home  in  Spain  was   1559 
rt  and  foremost  a  nationalist  revolt.    Contrasted 
:h  the  particularistic  uprising  of  1477  it  evinced  the 
»rmons  growth,  in  the  intervening  centnry,  of  a  na- 
lal  self-consciousness  in  the  Seventeen  Provinces, 
tat  though  the  catastrophe  was  apparently  inevit-   ?^J|Jf  ^'^ 
?  from  political  grounds,  it  was  greatly  complicated 

intensified  by  the  religious  issue.  Philip  was  de- 
nined,  as  he  himself  said,  either  to  bring  the  Neth- 
mds  back  to  the  fold  of  Rome  or  **so  to  waste  their 
i  that  neither  the  natives  could  live  there  nor  should 

thereafter  desire  the  place  for  habitation.''  And 
the  means  he  took  were  even  for  his  purpose  the 
•st  possible,  a  continual  vacillation  between  timid 
algence  and  savage  cruelty.  Though  he  insisted 
t  his  ministers  should  take  no  smallest  step  without 
sanction,  he  could  never  make  up  his  mind  what  to 
waited  too  long  to  make  a  decision  and  then,  with 
il  fatuity,  made  the  wrong  one. 

Lt  the  same  time  the  people  were  coming  under  the  Calvinisn 
11  of  a  new  and  to  the  government  more  dangerous 
En  of  Protestantism.     Whereas  the  Lutherans  had 
>d  for  passive  obedience  and  the  Anabaptists  for 
olutionary  communism,  the  Calvinists  appealed  to 

independent  middle  classes  and  gave  them  not 
r  the  enthusiasm  to  endure  martyrdom  but  also— 
it  the  others  had  lacked — the  will  and  the  power 
esist  tyranny  by  force.     Calvin's  polity,  as  worked 

in  Geneva,  was  a  subordination  of  the  state  to  the 
rch.  His  reforms  were  thorough  and  consciously 
al  and  politJcaJ.     Calvinism  in  all  lands  aroused 


248  THE  NETHEBLANDS 

republican  passions  and  excited  rebellion  against  t 
powers  that  be.  This  feature  was  the  more  proi 
nent  in  the  Netherlands  in  that  its  first  missionar 
were  French  exiles  who  irrigated  the  receptive  soil 
the  Low  Countries  with  doctrines  subversive  of  choi 
and  state  alike.  The  intercourse  with  England, 
through  the  emigration  from  that  land  under  Mar 
reign,  partly  through  the  coming  and  going  of  Fl( 
ings  and  Walloons,  also  opened  doors  to  Protesti 
doctrine. 

At  first  the  missionaries  came  secretly,  preaching 
a  few  specially  invited  to  some  private  house  or  i 
People  attended  these  meetings  disguised  and  al 
dark.  First  mentioned  in  the  edict  of  1550,  nine  ye 
later  the  Calvinists  drew  up  a  Confessio  Belgica,  a 
sign  and  an  aid  to  union.  Calvin's  French  writii 
could  be  read  in  the  southern  provinces  in  the  origil 
Though  as  early  as  1560  some  nobles  had  been  c 
verted,  the  new  religion  undoubtedly  made  its  stro 
est  appeal,  as  a  contemporary  put  it,  "to  those  n 
had  grown  rich  by  trade  and  were  therefore  ready 
revolution."  It  was  among  the  merchants  of  the  gr 
'  cities  that  it  took  strongest  root  and  from  the  mid 
class  spread  to  the  laborers;  influenced  not  only  by 
example  of  their  masters,  but  sometimes  also  by 
policy  of  Protestant  employers  to  give  work  only  to 
religionists.  In  a  short  time  it  had  won  a  very  com 
erable  success,  though  perhaps  not  the  actual  majoi 
of  the  population.  Many  of  the  poor,  hitherto  A 
baptists,  thronged  to  it  in  hopes  of  social  bettermf 
Many  adventurers  with  no  motive  but  to  stir  the  wat 
in  which  they  might  fish  joined  the  new  party.  1 
on  the  whole,  as  its  appeal 'was  primarily  moral  j 
religious,  its  constituency  was  the  more  substani 
progressive,  and  intelligent  part  of  the  communit] 
The  greatest  weakness  of  the  Protestants  was  tl 


THE  CALVINIST  REVOLT  249 

■n.  Lutheran,  Calvinist,  and  Anabaptist  con- 
to  coiopefe  for  the  leadership  and  hated  each 
fordially.  The  Calvinists  themselves  were  di- 
iito  two  parties,  the  "Rekkelijken"  or  "Com- 
srs"  and  the  "Preciesen"  or  "Stalwarts." 
er  there  were  various  other  shades  of  opinion, 
ranting  qaite  to  new  churches.  The  pure  Eraa- 
under  Cassander,  advocated  tolerance.  More 
iced  was  the  movement  of  Dirck  Volckertszoou 
pert  a  merchant  of  Amsterdam  who,  in  addition  ' 
sing  his  followers  to  dissiraulato  their  views 
:han  to  court  martyrdom,  rejected  the  Calvinist 
of  predestination  and  tried  to  lay  the  emphasis 
ion  on  the  spirit  of  Jesus  rather  than  on  either 
or  ritnal. 

gh  the  undertow  was  slowly  but  surely  carrying 
f  Countries  adrift  from  Spain,  for  the  moment 
Bw  monarch,  then  at  the  ago  of  twenty-eight, 
to  have  the  winds  and  waves  of  politics  all  in 
ir.  He  was  at  peace  with  France;  he  had  noth- 
ear  from  Germany;  hia  marriage  with  Mary  of 
i  made  that  country,  always  the  best  trader 
i  Netherlands,  an  ally.  His  first  steps  were  to 
Mary  of  Hungary  of  her  regency  and  to  give 
manuel  Philibert,  to  issue  a  new  edict  against 
and  to  give  permission  to  the  Jesuits  to  enter  1556 
r  Countries. 

hief  difficulties  were  financial  The  increase  in 
d  of  the  taxes  in  the  reign  of  Charles  had  been 
JOO.OOO  guilders  '  to  7,000,000  guilders.  In  ad- 
0  this,  immense  loans  had  exhausted  the  credit 
ovemment.  The  royal  domain  was  mortgaged. 
Soating  debt  of  the  Provinces  rose  rapidly  the 

lilder.  bUo  called  the  "Dutch  pouni]."  at  thie  time  was  viotl^ 
tttrto*I<»lly.    Moaey  bad  many  times   tLe   purchasiog  ^wei 


250  THE  NETHERLANDS 

-     government  was  in  need  of  a  grant  to  keep  up 
army.     The  only  way  to  meet  the  situation  was  li 
rch,         the  States  General.     When  they  met,  they  compli 
*  that  they  were  taxed  more  heavily  than  Spain  an 

manded  the  removal  of  the  Spanish  troops,  a 
already  so  unpopular  that  William  of  Orange  re 
to  take  command  of  it.  In  presenting  their  se 
grievances  o  inly,  Holland,  mentione 

^    religious  qm  and  that  the  powers  o 

inquisitors  h  To  obtain  fnnds  Philif 

obliged  to  pi  st  his  will,  to  withdrai 

soldiers.     Tl  done,   under  prcssun 

January  10, 
i  Philip  had  erlands  professing  his  i 

tion  of  rotuming,  but  hoping  and  resolving  in  his 
never  to  do  so.  His  departure  made  easier  th( 
avoidable  breach,  but  the  struggle  had  already  bi 
Wishing  to  leave  a  regent  of  royal  blood  PhJlii 
pointed  Margaret  of  Parma,  a  natural  daughtc 
Charles  V.  Bom  in  1522,  she  had  been  marrit 
the  age  of  fourteen  to  Alexander  de'  Medici,  a  ne 
of  Clement  VII;  becoming  a  widow  in  the  folio 
year  she  was  in  1538  married  to  Ottavio  Fame 
nephew  of  Paul  III,  at  that  time  only  fourteen  ] 
old.  Given  as  her  dower  the  cities  of  Parma 
Piacenza,  she  had  become  thoroughly  Italian  in  fc' 
hony  To  guide  her  Philip  left,  besides  the  Council  of  S 

dinal  ^  special  "consulta"  or  "kitchen  cabinet"  of 
nveiie.  members,  the  chief  of  whom  was  Granvelle.  The 
fatherland  of  this  native  of  the  Free  County  of 
gundy  was  the  court.  As  a  passionate  servant  o 
crown  and  a  clover  and  knowing  diplomat,  he  w 
constant  correspondence  with  Philip,  recommei 
measures  over  the  head  of  Margaret.  Hjs  acts 
her  intensely  unpopular  and  her  attempts  to  coas 
cozen  public  opinion  only  aroused  suspicion. 


THE  CALVINIST  REVOLT  251 

'ee  members  in  the  Council  of  State,  Granvelle  Egmont* 
wo  others,  were  partisans  of  the  crown;  three  ^^^^^ 
members  may  be  said  to  represent  the  people. 
r  them  was  Lamoral  Count  of  Egmont,  the  most 
at  and  popular  of  the  high  nobility.  Though  a 
te  of  Charles  V  on  account  of  his  proved  ability 
soldier,  his  frankness  and  generosity,  he  was 
r  a  sober  nor  a  weighty  statesman.  The  popular 
'b,  **Egmont  for  action  and  Orange  for  coun- 
veU  characterized  the  difference  between  the  two 
^  members  of  the  Council  of  State.  William, 
!  of  Orange,  lacking  the  brilliant  qualities  of 
it,  far  surpassed  him  in  acumen  and  in  strength  William  xh 
racter.  From  his  father,  William  Count  of  Nas-  f^^ 
llenburg,  he  inherited  important  estates  in  Ger- 
near  the  Netherlands,  and  by  the  death  of  a 
he  became,  at  the  age  of  eleven,  Prince  of 
e — a  small,  independent  territory  in  southern 
e — ^and  Lord  of  Breda  and  Gertruidenberg  in 
id.  With  an  income  of  150,000  guilders  per  an- 
e  was  by  far  the  richest  man  in  the  Netherlands, 
at  coming  next  with  an  income  of  62,000.  Wil- 
was  well  educated.  Though  he  spoke  seven 
iges  and  was  an  eloquent  orator,  he  was  called 
Jilent'^  because  of  the  rare  discretion  that  never' 
ed  a  secret  nor  spoke  an  imprudent  word.  In 
•n  he  was  indifferent,  being  first  a  Catholic,  then 
leran,  then  a  Calvinist,  and  always  a  man  of  the 
His  broad  tolerance  found  its  best,  or  only, 
rt  in  the  Erasmian  tendencies  of  Coomheert. 
icond  wife,  Anne  of  Saxony,  having  proved  un- 
il  to  him,  he  married,  while  she  was  yet  alive, 
itte  of  Bourbon.  This  act,  like  the  bigamy  of 
of  Hesse,  was  approved  by  Protestant  divines. 
i  them  Egmont  and  Orange  had  the  hearty  sup- 
f  the  patriotwand  well  educated  native  nobiWly. 


252  THE  NETHERLANDS 

The  rising  generation  of  the  aristocracy  saw  on 
bad  side  of  the  reign  of  Charles;  they  had  not  f 
in  his  earlier  victories  bnt  had  witnessed  his  fail 
conqner  either  France  or  Protestantism. 

In  order  to  deal  more  effectively  with  the  rel 
situation  Granvelle  wished  to  bring  the  ecclesii 
territorial  divisions  into  harmony  with  the  pol 
Hitherto  tht  s  had  been  partly  undf 

Archbishop  i  irtly  under  the  Arehbisl 

Rheuns.     Bi  !re  both  foreigners  Gra 

applied  for  a  bull  creating  foarteei 

bishoprics  ai  bishoprics,  Cambrai,  Ul 

and  Malines,  :  last  held  the  primacy, 

object  was  d(  irge  part  to  facilitate  11 

tirpation  of  heresy,  but  it  was  also  significant  a 
more  instance  of  the  nationalization  of  the  chu 
tendency  so  strong  that  neither  Catholic  nor  P 
tant  countries  escaped  from  it.  In  this  case  a 
appointments  were  to  be  made  by  the  king  wttl 
sent  of  the  pope.  The  people  resented  the  auto 
features  of  a  plan  they  might  otherwise  hav 
proved ;  a  cry  was  raised  throughout  the  province 
their  freedom  was  infringed  upon,  and  that  the 
furnished  a  new  instrument  to  the  hated  inquis 

Granvelle,  more  than  ever  detested  when  he  rei 
the  cardinal's  hat,  was  dubbed  "the  red  devil,'' 
archrascal,"  "the  red  dragon,"  "the  Spanish  sv 
' '  the  pope 's  dung. ' '  In  July  Egmont  and  Orang 
their  resignations  from  the  Council  of  State  to  I 
saj'ing  that  they  could  no  longer  share  the  respoi 
ity  for  Granvelle's  policy,  especially  as  evorythin 
done  behind  their  backs.  Philip,  however,  was 
to  take  alarm.  For  the  moment  his  attentior 
taken  up  with  the  growth  of  the  Huguenot  pai 
France  and  Jiis  efforts  centered  oyv \ve\v\w?,  V^ii  ^ 
Catholics  against  them.     B\it  VW^ftW^TVa.w^s'*; 


THE  CALVINIST  REVOLT  253 

rtonate.  In  voicing  the  wishes  of  the  people  the 
mnce  of  Brabant,  with  the  capital,  Brussels,  the 
tropolitan  see,  Malines,  and  the  university,  Louvain, 
ik  as  decided  a  lead  as  the  Parlement  of  Paris  did 
r  France.  The  estates  of  Brabant  demanded  that 
ttnge  be  made  their  governor.  The  nobles  began  to 
liember  that  they  were  legally  a  part  of  the  Empire, 
le  marriage  of  Orange,  on  August  26,  1561,  with  the 
rfheran  Anne  of  Saxony,  was  but  one  sign  of  the  rap- 
ioehemefiL  Though  the  prince  continued  to  profess 
Itholicism,  he  entertained  many  Lutherans  and  em- 
mized  as  far  as  possible  his  position  as  vassal  of 
e  Empire.  Philip,  indeed,  believed  that  the  whole 
imble  came  from  the  wounded  vanity  of  a  few  nobles. 
But  Granvelle  saw  deeper.  When  the  Estates  of  i^i 
rabant  stopped  the  payment  of  the  principal  tax  or 
Bede, ' '  ^  and  when  the  people  of  Brussels  took  as  a 
irty  uniform  a  costume  derived  from  the  carnival,  a 
ack  cloak  covered  with  red  fooPs  heads,  the  cardinal, 
lose  red  hat  was  caricatured  thereby,  stated  that 
^ng  less  than  a  republic  was  aimed  at.  This  was 
De,  though  in  the  anticipation  of  the  nobles,  at  least, 
e  republic  should  have  a  decidedly  aristocratic  char- 
ter. But  Granvelle  had  no  policy  to  propose  but 
pression.  In  order  to  prevent  condemned  heretics 
[>m  preaching  and  singing  on  the  scaffold  a  gag 
LS  pat  into  their  mouths.  How  futile  a  measure! 
18  Calvinists  no  longer  disguised,  but  armed — a  new 
d  significant  fact — ^thronged  to  their  conventicles. 
nigration  continued  on  a  large  scale.  By  1556  it 
is  estimated  that  thirty  thousand  Protestants  from 
e  Low  Countries  were  settled  in  or  near  London. 
[izabeth  encouraged  them  to  come,  assigning  them 

The  word,  meaning  "pnjrer,"  indicated,  like  the  English  "bencvo- 
»•'  Mad  the  French  "d<m  gntuit,"  tbAt  the  tax  had  once  been  vo\\m- 


^Ile  Intel- 
leciuala 


k 


THE  NETHERLANDS 

Norwich  as  a  place  of  refuge.  She  also  began  to  I 
imports  from  the  Netherlands,  a  blow  to  which  Ph 
replied  by  forbidding  all  English  imports. 

Hitherto  the  resistance  to  the  government  had  b 
mostly  passive  and  constitutional.  But  from  1 
may  be  dated  the  beginning  of  the  revolt  that  did 
cease  until  it  had  freed  the  northern  provinces  fort 
from  Spanish  tyranny.  The  rise  of  the  Dutch 
public  is  one  of  the  most  inspiring  pages  in  histo 
Superficially  it  has  many  points  of  resemblance  n 
the  American  War  of  Independence.  In  both  \ 
was  the  absentee  king,  the  national  hero,  the  li 
jealousies  of  the  several  provinces,  the  economic  g 
anees,  the  rising  national  feeling  and  even  the  religi 
issue,  though  this  had  become  very  small  in  Amel 
But  the  difFerence  was  in  the  ferocity  of  the  tyi 
and  the  intensity  of  the  struggle.  The  two  picti 
are  like  the  same  landscape  as  it  might  be  paintH 
Millet  and  by  Turner:  the  one  is  decent  and  f 
the  other  lurid  and  ghastly.  With  true  Anglo-Si 
moderation  the  American  war  was  fought  like  a  g 
or  an  election,  with  humanity  and  attention  to  n 
but  in  Holland  and  Belgium  was  enacted  the  moat 
rible  f rightfulness  in  the  world;  over  the  whole  li 
mingled  with  the  reek  of  candles  carried  in  proces 
and  of  incense  burnt  to  celebrate  a  massacre,  broO 
the  sultry  miasma  of  human  blood  and  tears.  On 
one  side  flashed  the  savage  sword  of  Alva  and  the : 
less  flame  of  the  inquisitor  Tapper;  on  the  other  l 
arrayed,  behind  their  dykes  and  walls,  men  resolve 
win  that  freedom  which  alone  can  give  scope  and  ni 
ity  to  life. 

And  in  the  melee  those  suffered  most  who  would 
have  been  bystanders,  the  humanists.  Persecuta 
both  sides,  the  intellectuals,  who  had  once  deserted 
Reform  now  turned  again  to  it  as  the  lesser  of  the 


THE  CALVINIST  REVOLT  255 

Is.  They  would  have  heen  glad  to  make  terms  with 
f  church  that  would  have  left  them  in  liberty,  but 
igr  found  the  whips  of  Calvin  lighter  than  the  scor- 
pi8  of  Philip.  Even  those  who,  like  Van  Helmont, 
ihed  to  defend  the  church  and  to  reconcile  the  Tri- 
fetine  decrees  with  philosophy,  found  that  their  la- 
IB  brought  them  under  suspicion  and  that  what  the 
irch  demanded  was  not  harmony  of  thought  but 
negation  of  it.  "" 

She  first  act  of  the  revolt  may  be  said  to  be  a  secret 
mpsctj  known  as  the  Compromise,  originally  en-  ThoCoia 
nd  into  by  twenty  nobles  at  Brussels  and  soon  1565***^ 
bed  by  three  hundred  other  nobles  elsewhere.  The 
coment  signed  by  them  denounced  the  Edicts  as  sur- 
Ming  the  greatest  recorded  barbarity  of  tyrants  and 
threatening  the  complete  ruin  of  the  country.  To 
rist  them  the  signers  promised  each  other  mutual 
pport.  In  this  as  in  subsequent  developments  the 
ilvinist  minority  took  the  lead,  but  was  supported  by 
rong  Catholic  forces.  Among  the  latter  was  the 
rince  of  Orange,  not  yet  a  Protestant.  His  conver- 
m  really  made  little  difference  in  his  program ;  both 
fore  and  after  it  he  wanted  tolerance  or  reconcili- 
ion  on  Cassander's  plan  of  compromise.  He  would 
kve  greatly  liked  to  have  seen  the  Peace  of  Augsburg, 
m  the  public  law  of  the  Empire,  extended  to  the  Low 
mntries,  but  this  was  made  diflScult  even  to  advocate 
cause  the  Peace  of  Augsburg  provided  liberty  only 
r  the  Lutheran  confession,  whereas  the  majority  of 
rotestants  in  the  Netherlands  were  now  Calvinists. 
)r  the  same  reason  little  help  could  be  expected  from 
e  German  princes,  for  the  mutual  animosity  that  was 
e  curse  of  the  Protestant  churches  prevented  their 
iking  common  canse  against  the  same  enemy. 
As  the  Huguenots— for  so  they  began  to  h^  caVVed 
3rabanta8  weU  as  in  France— were  as  yet  too  ie^ 


256  THE  NETHERLANDS 


m 


to  rebel,  the  only  course  open  was  to  appeal  to  the 
emraent  once  more.  A  petition  to  make  the  B  ^ 
milder  was  presented  to  Margaret  in  1566.  One  of! 
advisers  bade  her  not  to  be  afraid  of  "those  bcgganl 
Originatina:  in  the  scorn  of  enemies,  like  so  many  pal| 
names,  the  epithet  "Beggars"  (Gueux)  presently  tj 
came  the  designation,  and  a  proud  one,  of  the  nolB 
who  had  signe  'omise,  and  later  of  sUi 

rebels.  I 

Encouraged  it's  apparent  lack  of  poll 

to  coerce  them  ist  preachers  became  d^ 

bolder.     Once  i  religion  showed  its  reraad 

able    poAvers    (  tion.     Lacking    nothing  1 

funds,  derived  frou.  a  istituency  of  wealthy  tnd 
chants,  the  preachers  of  the  Keformation  were  sofl! 
able  to  forge  a  machinery  of  propaganda  and  part 
action  that  stood  them  in  good  stead  against  Hi 
greater  numbers  of  their  enemies.  Especially  in  cril 
ical  timci^,  discipline,  unity,  and  enthusiasm  make  b«i 
way  against  the  deadly  hatred  of  enemies  and  tl 
deadlier  apathy  and  timidity  of  the  mass  of  mankiiH 
It  is  true  that  the  methods  of  the  preachers  oft* 
aroused  opposition. 

conoclasm  The  zcal  of  the  Calvinists,  inflamed  by  oppress* 
and  encouraged  by  the  weakness  of  the  govemmM 
burst  into  an  iconoclastic  riot,  first  among  the  nn* 

iugustii,  ployed  at  Armentieres,  but  spreading  rapidly  i 
Antwerp,  Brussels,  Ghent,  and  then  to  the  north* 
provinces,  Holland  and  Zeeland.  Tlie  English  ag* 
at  Brussels  wrote:  "Coming  into  Oure  Lady  Chuid 
yt  looked  like  hell  wher  were  above  1000  torches  br>* 
nyng  and  syche  a  noise  as  yf  heven  and  erth  had  p^ 
together  with  fallyng  of  images  and  fallyng  down  " 
costly  works."  Books  and  manuscripts  as  well  ' 
pictures  were  destroyed.  The  cry  "Long  live  *1 
Beggars"  resounded  from  oiie  etiA^  o^  llw  land  to  ^ 


THE  CALVINIST  REVOLT  257 

per.  But  withal  there  was  no  pillage  and  no  rob- 
The  gold  in  the  churches  was  left  untouched, 
ret  feared  a  jacquerie  but,  lacking  troops,  had  to 

on  with  folded  hands  at  least  for  the  moment. 

dianee  there  arrived  just  at  this  time  an  answer 
Philip  to  the  earlier  petition  of  the  Beggars. 

king  promised  to  abolish  the  Spanish  inquisition 

to  soften  the  edicts.    Freedom  of  conscience  was 
■itly  granted,  but  the  government  made  an  exception, 
|aoon  as  it  dared,  of  those  who  had  committed  sac- 
ke  in  the  recent  riots.    These  men  were  outlawed. 
00  longer  fearing  a  religious  war  the  Calvinists  Civawar 
■ffted  it  themselves.    Louis  of  Nassau,  a  brother  of 
Knee  William,  hired  German  mercenaries  and  in- 
ided  Flanders,  where  he  won  some  slight  successes, 
n  Amsterdam  the  great  Beggar  Brederode  entered 
llo  negotiations  with  Huguenots  and  English  friends. 
fee  first  battle  between  the  Beggars  and  the  govern-  March  13.. 
«nt  troops,  near  Antwerp,  ended  in  a  rout  for  the  ^^^ 
irmer. 

Philip  now  ordered  ten  thousand  Spanish  veterans, 
d  by  Alva,  to  march  from  Italy  to  the  Netherlands, 
^ing  their  way  through  the  Free  County  of  Bur- 
mdy  and  Lorraine  they  entered  Brussels  on  August  fJ^2_A3 
1567.  Ferdinand  Alvarez  de  Toledo,  Duke  of  Alva, 
id  won  experience  and  reputation  as  a  soldier  in  the 
erman  wars.  Though  self -controlled  and  courtly  in 
Murner,  his  passionate  patriotism  and  bigotry  made 
nn  a  fit  instrument  to  execute  Philip 's  orders  to  make 
le  Netherlands  Spanish  and  Catholic.  He  began  with 
0  imcertain  hand,  building  forts  at  Antwerp  and 
bartering  his  troops  at  Brussels  where  their  foreign 
i^wmers  and  Boman  piety  gave  offence  to  the  citizens. 
«  September  9  he  arrested  the  counts  of  Egmont  and 
^orn,  next  to  Orange  the  chief  leaders  of  the  patriotic 
*rty,   SettiD^  up  a  tribunal,  called  the  Council  oi 


258  THE  NETHERLANDS 

Troutles,  to  deal  with  cases  of  rebellion  and  beresy, 
inaugurated  a  reign  of  terror.  He  himself  spent 
hours  a  day  in  this  court  trying  cases  and  ap 
death-warrants.  Not  only  heretics  were  punisha! 
also  agitators  and  those  who  had  advocated  tolem 
Sincere  Catholics,  indeed,  noted  that  the  crime 
heresy  was  generally  the  mere  pretext  for  dealing 
patriots  and  i  oxious  to  the  governffl 

For  the  first  e  definite  statistics  of 

numbers  exeei  stance,  on  Januar>'  4,  !• 

48  persons  we  to  death,  on  Fehmaty 

37 ;  on  Februa  March  20,  55 ;  and  so  on, 

day  after  day,  week  out.    On  Marebl 

the  same  hour  the  whole  land  1500  D 

were  executed.     The  total  number  put  to  death  dui 
the  six  years  of  Alva's  administration  has  been  ri 
ously  estimated  at  from  6,000  to  18,000.     The  Io« 
number  is  probably  nearer  the  truth,  though  notbi 
enough.     Emigration    on    a   hitherto    unknown 
within  the  next  thirty  or  forty  years  carried  4(KI,' 
per.^ons  from  the  Netherlands.     Thousands  of  ottel^ 
fled  to  the  woods  and  became  freebooters.     The  pwpl 
as  a  whole  were  prostrated  with  terror.     The  prospfl 
ity  of  the  land  was  ruined  by  the  wholesale  confis^ 
tions  of  goods.     Alva  boa.sted  that  by  such  means  M 
had  added  to  the  revenues  of  his  territories  500,ffl 
ducats  per  aiHium. 

AVilliam  of  Orange  retired  to  his  estates  at  DiD^ 
burg  not  to  yield  to  the  tyrant  but  to  find  a  pn* 
d'appui  from  which  to  fight.  Wishing  to  avoid  an 
thing  that  might  cause  division  among  the  people ' 
kept  the  religious  issue  in  the  background  and  co" 
plained  only  of  foreign  tyranny.  He  tried  to  en' 
the  sympathies  of  the  Emperor  Maximilian  II  an^ 
collect  money  and  men.  William's  friend  VilliefS 
vaded  the  Burgnndian  State  near  Maastricht  and  I-* 


to 

m 

ittieij 


THE  CALVINIST  BEVOLT  259 

u  marohed  with  troops  into  Friesland.    By  April,  1568 
Alva  had  increased  his  army  by  10,000  Oer- 
tlry  and  both  the  rebel  leaders  were  severely 

•iumph  was  followed  by  an  act  of  power  and 
on  Alva's  part  sometimes  compared  to  the 
I  of  Louis  XVI  by  the  French  Republicans, 
the  sufferers  from  his  reij?n  of  blood  had  not 
ise  been  men  of  the  highest  rank.  The  first 
I  of  nobles  took  place  at  Brussels  on  June  1, 
he  captured  Villiers  followed  on  June  2,  and 
igmont  and  Horn  on  June  5. 
?  himself  now  took  the  field  with  25,000  troops, 

aggregate  of  French,  Flemish,  and  Walloon 
ts  and  of  German  mercenaries.  But  he  had 
s  for  war  to  oppose  to  the  veterans  of  Alva, 
lly  harassed  by  the  Spaniards  he  was  kept  in 
his  communications,  dared  not  risk  a  general 
ent  and  was  humiliated  by  seeing  his  retreat, 
aber,  turned  into  a  rout. 

g  that  severity  did  not  pacify  the  provinces,  July  16, 
led  a  proclamation  that  on  the  face  of  it  was 
I  amnesty  with  pardon  for  all  who  submitted, 
xcepted  by  name  several  hundred  emigrants, 
rotestant  clergy,  all  who  had  helped  them,  all 
ts,  all  who  had  signed  petitions  for  religious 
nd  all  who  had  rebelled.    As  these  exceptions 

the  greater  portion  of  those  who  stood  in 
ardon  the  measure  proved  illusory  as  a  means 
eiliation.  Coupled  with  it  were  other  meas- 
luding  the  prohibition  to  subjects  to  attend 
miversities,  intended  to  put  a  check  on  free 
ideas. 

difficulties  and  the  miseries  of  the  unhappy   Taxation 
listed  to  his  tender  mercies  were  increased  by 

money.    Notwithstanding  the   privilege  oi 


THE  NETHERLANDS 


granting  their  own  taxes  the  States  General  were  sn 
moned  and  forced  to  accept  new  imposts  of  one  i 
cent,  on  all  property  real  and  personal,  ten  per  (■ 
on  the  sale  of  all  movable  goods  and  five  per  centi 
the  sale  of  real-estate.  These  were  Spanish  taxes,! 
orbitant  in  any  case  but  absolutely  ruinous  to  a  wi 
mercial  people.  A  terrible  financial  panic  foUow( 
Houses  at  Ai  aad  rented  for  300  gnlA 

could  now  be  ,  nlden.    Imports  fell  off  I 

such  an  extent  port  they  yielded  but  10 

gulden  per  am  )f  80,000  as  formerly.  D 

harbor    was  ;mpty    boats;    the   naiS 

drugged  with  orts  that  no  one  would  W| 

The  cause  ol  ( looked  hopeless.    OraDj 

discredited  by  defeat,  had  retired  to  Germany.  Alon 
time,  to  avoid  the  clamors  of  his  troops  for  pay.iieifi 
obliged  to  flee  by  night  from  Strassburg.  But  in  tW 
dark  hour  help  came  from  the  sea.  Louis  of  Kassi' 
not  primarily  a  statesman  like  his  brother  but  a  p* 
siouate  crusader  for  Protestantism,  had  been  at  I 
Rochelle  and  had  there  seen  the  excellent  work  doi 
by  privateers.  In  emulation  of  his  French  brethn 
he  granted  letters  of  marque  to  the  sailors  of  Holla" 
and  Zeelaud.  Recruits  thronged  to  the  ships,  Hugo 
nots,  men  from  Liege,  and  the  laborers  of  the  Wall'' 
provinces  thrown  out  of  work  by  the  commercial  cn^ 
These  men  promptly  won  striking  successes  in  preyi 
on  Spanish  commerce.  Their  many  and  rich  pn 
were  taken  to  England  or  to  Emden  and  sold.  0> 
they  landed  on  the  coasts  and  attacked  small  Catb 
forces,  or  murdered  priests.  On  the  night  of  M* 
31-April  1,  1572,  these  Beggars  of  the  Sea  seized 
small  town  of  Brielle  on  a  large  island  at  the  mout 
the  Meuse  not  far  from  the  Hague.  This  success 
immediately  followed  by  the  insurrection  of  Rotter* 
and  Flushing.     The  war  was  conducted  with  combi 


THE  CALVINIST  REVOLT  261 

»ism  and  f rightfulness.  Beceiving  no  quarter  the 
gars  gave  none,  and  to  avenge  themselves  on  the 
peakable  wrongs  committed  by  Alva  they  them- 
es at  times  massacred  the  innocent.  But  their  sue-  ^ 
I  spread  like  wildfire.  The  coast  towns  ^  ^  fell  away 
beads  from  a  rosary  when  one  is  gone.''  Forti- 
tions  in  all  of  them  were  strengthened  and,  where 
essary,  dykes  were  opened.  Beinforcements  also 
IB  from  England. 

ly  this  time  the  revolt  had  become  a  veritable  revo-  R*^!"*^ 
ion.  It  found  its  battle  hymn  in  the  Wilhelmuslied 
1  its  Washington  in  William  of  Orange.  As  all  the 
inis  of  Holland  save  Amsterdam  were  in  his  hands, 
June  the  provincial  Estates  met — albeit  illegally, 
r  there  was  no  one  authorized  to  convene  them — as- 
med  sovereign  power  and  made  William  their  Stat- 
Mer.  They  voted  large  taxes  and  forced  loans  from 
eh  citizens,  and  raised  money  from  the  sale  of  prizes 
ken  at  sea.  All  defect  in  prescriptive  and  legal 
)wer  was  made  up  by  the  popularity  of  the  prince, 
^ly  loved  by  all  classes,  not  only  on  account  of  his 
Sability  to  all,  even  the  humblest,  but  still  more  be- 
wtse  of  confidence  in  his  ability.  Never  did  his  ver- 
itility,  patience  and  skill  in  management  shine  more 
rtghtly.  Among  the  troops  raised  by  the  patriots 
B  kept  strict  discipline,  thus  making  by  contrast  more 
irid  the  savage  pillage  by  the  Spaniards.  He  kept 
^  from  fanatics  and  swashbucklers  of  whom  there 
'^e  plenty  attracted  to  the  revolt.  His  master  idea 
"M  to  keep  the  Netherlands  together  and  to  free  them 
fom  the  foreigner.  Complete  independence  of  Spain 
^^  not  at  first  planned,  but  it  soon  became  inevitable. 
For  a  moment  there  was  a  prospect  of  help  from 
"^ligny's  policy  of  prosecuting  a  war  with  Spain,  but 
^ese  hopes  were  destroyed  by  the  defeat  of  the  Frencii  :i>\\^\'\, 
^^BDots  near  Mons  and  by  the  massacre  oi  Bavii\.  ^^^^ 


262  THE  NETHERLANDS 

Bartliolomew.  Freed  from  menace  in  this 
and  encouraged  by  his  brilliant  victory,  Alva 
north  with  an  army  now  increased  to  40,000  vi 
First  he  took  Malines  and  delivered  it  to  his  i 
for  "the  most  dreadful  and  inhuman  sack  of  tl 
as  a  contemporary  wrote.  The  army  then  mar 
Guelders  ""-^  '=*"™''"i  '^utphen  under  express 
from  theii  to  leave  one  man  aliv« 

building  x  ith  the  help  of  God,"  i 

piously    r  ame   punishment  was 

out  to  Nai  e  marched  to  the  stiii 

Amsterda  base  he  proceeded  t( 

Haarlem.  b  a  long  and  hard  one 

Spaniards,  haraest.-  .^j  the  winter  weather 
epidemics.  Alva  wrote  Philip  that  it  was  "the 
est  war  known  for  long  years"  and  begged  f' 
forcements.  At  last  famine  overcame  the  br 
fenders  of  the  city  and  it  capitulated.  Findi 
his  cruelty  had  only  nerved  the  people  to  the  in 
perate  resistance,  and  wishing  to  give  an  esa 
clemency  to  a  city  that  would  surrender  ratli 
await  storming,  Alva  contented  himself  with  pu 
death  to  the  last  man  2300  French,  English,  ai 
loon  soldiers  of  the  garri-son,  and  five  or  sis  < 
He  also  demanded  a  ransom  of  100,000  dollars 
of  plunder.  Not  content  with  this  meager  lar] 
Spanish  troops  mutinied,  and  only  the  pro 
further  cities  to  sack  quieted  them.  The  fori 
the  patriots  wore  a  little  raised  by  the  defea 
Spanish  fleet  in  the  Zuiderzee  by  the  Beggars 
tober  12,  1573. 

For  some  time  Philip  had  begun  to  susp 
Alva's  methods  were  not  the  proper  ones  to  ^ 
the  affectionate  loyalty  of  his  people.  Thougl" 
itated  long  he  finally  removed  him  late  in  1 

1  The  dollar,  or  Thaler,  ia  woilh  Ta  cen\*,  "mUiuwca-W-^ , 


THE  CALVINIST  REVOLT  263 

ointed  in  his  stead  Don  Louis  Beqnesens.  Had  \ 
Sp  come  himself  he  might  have  been  able  to  do 
efhing,  for  the  majority  professed  personal  loyalty 
im,  and  in  that  age,  as  Shakespeare  reminds  us, 
lity  still  hedged  a  king.  But  not  having  the  de- 
n  to  act  in  person  Philip  picked  out  a  favorite, 
m  from  his  constant  attendance  on  his  master  as 
king's  hour-glass/'  in  whom  he  saw  the  slavishly 
ient  tool  that  he  thought  he  wanted.  The  only 
rence  between  the  new  governor  and  the  old  was 
Beqnesens  lacked  Alva's  ability;  he  had  all  the 
's  narrowly  Spanish  views,  his  bigotry  and  abso- 
n 

ce  arrived  in  the  provinces  committed  to  his 

fe,  he  had  no  choice  but  to  continue  the  war.    But 

annary  27,  1574,  Orange  conquered  Middelburg 

rom  that  date  the  Spanish  flag  ceased  to  float  over 

portion  of  the  soil  of  Holland  or  Zealand.    In  open    ... 

i  at  Mook,  however,  the  Spanish  veterans  again   15^4     * 

ved  success,  defeating  the  patriots  under  Louis  of 

in,  who  lost  his  life.    The  beginning  of  the  year 

the  investment  of  Leyden  in  great  force.    The 

3m  of  the  defence  has  become  proverbial.    When, 

ptember,  the  dykes  were  cut  to  admit  the  sea,  so 

he  vessels  of  the  Beggars  were  able  to  sail  to  the 

of  the  city,  the  siege  was  raised.    It  was  the  first 

tant  military  victory  for  the  patriots  and  marks 

ming-point  of  the  revolt.    Henceforth  the  Neth- 

!s  could  not  be  wholly  subdued. 

uesens  summoned  the  States  General  and  of- 

SL  pardon  to  all  who  would  submit.    But  the  peo- 

w  in  this  only  a  sign  of  weakness.    A  flood  of 

ilets  calling  to  arms  replied  to  the  advances  of 

vemment.    Among  the  pamphleteers  the  ablest 

'hilip  van  Mamix,  a  Calvinist  who  turned  his  Mamix, 

s    of  satire  against  Spain    and    the    CattioVv^i  ^^^^^ 


264  THE  NETHERLANDS 

church.  William  of  Orange,  now  a  Protestant 
at  Delft,  inspired  the  whole  movemeut.  Beques 
lieving  that  if  he  were  out  of  the  way  the  revol 
collapse,  like  Alva  offered  public  rewards  for  hi 
sinatioii.  That  there  was  really  no  common 
was  proved  at  a  conference  between  the  tw 
broken  off  mthoat  result.  In  the  campaign 
the  Spani;  achieved  groat  things, 

Ondewatet  i  and  other  places, 

rebels  woi 

The  siti  nged  by  the  death  of 

sens.    Bef  lor  could  be  appointed 

moved  rapi  king  Zierikzee  on  Jmi( 

Spanish  ariuj  mm  _alst,  quartered  the  sole 

the  inhabitants,  and  forced  the  loyal  city  to  pay 
costs  of  their  maintenance.  If  even  the  Catholi 
alienated  by  this,  the  Protestants  went  so  fa 
preach  that  any  Spaniard  might  be  murdered 
sin.  In  the  concerted  action  against  Spain  the 
of  Brabant  now  took  the  leading  part;  mee 
Brussels  they  intimidated  the  Council  of  Sti 
raised  an  army  of  3000  men.  By  this  time  Holh 
Zeeland  were  to  all  intents  and  purposes  an  iu< 
ent  state.  The  Calvinists,  strong  among  the 
population,  were  recruited  by  a  vast  influx  o: 
grants  from  other  provinces  until  theirs  bee? 
dominant  religion.  Holland  and  Zeeland  pui 
separate  military  and  financial  policy.  Alone 
the  provinces  they  were  prosperous,  for  they  h 
mand  of  the  rich  sea-borne  commerce. 

The  growth  of  republican  theory  kept  pace  \ 
progress  of  the  revolt.  Orange  was  surrour 
men  holding  the  free  principles  of  Duplessis-! 
and  corresponding  with  him.  Dutchmen  now 
voiced  their  belief  that  princes  were  made 
sake  of  their  subjects  and  tvoI  subjects  for  t 


THE  CALVINIST  REVOLT  265 

'  princes.  Even  though  they  denied  the  equal 
ghts  of  the  common  people  they  asserted  the  sov- 
eignty  of  the  representative  assembly.  The  Council 
State,  having  assumed  the  authority  of  the  viceroy 
iring  the  interim,  was  deluged  with  letters  petition- 
I  them  to  shake  off  the  Spanish  yoke  entirely.  But, 
the  Council  still  remained  loyal  to  Philip,  on  Sep- 
dber  4  its  members  were  arrested,  a  coup  d'etat 
nned  in  the  interests  of  Orange  and  doubtless  with 
knowledge.  It  was,  of  course,  tantamount  to  trea- 
.  The  Estates  General  now  seized  sovereign  pow- 
.  Still  protesting  their  loyalty  to  the  monarch's 
son  and  to  the  Catholic  religion,  they  demanded 
nal  independence  and  the  withdrawal  of  the  Span- 
troops.  To  enforce  their  demands  they  collected 
anny  and  took  possession  of  several  forts.  But 
Spanish  veterans  never  once  thought  of  giving 
.  Gathering  at  Antwerp  where  they  were  besieged 
the  soldiers  of  the  States  General,  they  attacked  ^VTIj^ 
scattered  the  bands  sent  against  them  and  then 
«eded  to  sack  Antwerp  like  a  captured  town.  In 
dreadful  day  7000  of  the  patriots,  in  part  soldiers, 
art  noncombatants,  perished.  The  wealth  of  the 
was  looted.  The  army  of  occupation  boasted  as 
victory  of  this  deed  of  blood,  known  to  the  Neth- 
iders  as  **the  Spanish  fury.'* 
iturally,  such  a  blow  only  welded  the  provinces 

firmly  together  and  steeled  their  temper  to  an 

harder  resistance.    Its  immediate  result  was  a 

y,  known  as  the  Pacification  of  Ghent,  between  the 

noes  represented  in  the  States  General  on  the  one 

and  Holland  and  Zeeland  on  the  other,  for  the 
>ses  of  union  and  of  driving  out  the  foreigner, 
religious  question  was  left  undecided,  save  that 
orthem  provinces  agreed  to  do  nothing  for  the 
nt  against  the  Roman  church.    But,  as  liereto- 


THE  NETHERLANDS 

fore,  the  Calviniats,  now  inscribing  "Pro  fide  et  ] 
tria"  on  their  banners,  were  the  more  active  and  pati 
otic  party. 

On  May  1,  1577,  the  new  Governor  General, 
John  of  Austria,  entered  Brussels.  A  natural  son 
Charles  V,  at  the  age  of  twenty-four  he  had  made  h 
self  famous  by  the  naval  victory  of  Lepauto,  and  ll 
name  still  more  celebrated  in  popular  legend  on  H 
count  of  his  innumerable  amours.  That  he  had  soi 
charm  of  manner  must  be  assumed;  that  he  had  all 
ity  in  certain  directions  cannot  be  denied;  but  his  a( 
tocratic  hauteur,  his  contempt  for  a  nation  of  m 
chants  and  his  disgust  at  dealing  with  them,  made  ll 
the  worst  possible  person  for  the  position  of  GovenM 
Philip's  detailed  instructions  left  nothing  to  the  t 
agination:  the  gist  of  them  was  to  assure  the  Catho 
religion  and  obedience  of  his  subjects  "as  far  as  p< 
sible,"  to  speak  French,  and  not  to  take  his  mistress 
from  the  most  influential  families,  nor  to  alienate  th( 
in  any  other  way.  After  force  had  been  tried  a 
failed  the  effect  of  gentleness  was  to  be  essayed.  D 
John  was  to  be  a  dove  of  peace  and  an  angel  of  la 

But  even  if  a  far  abler  man  had  been  sent  to  hi 
the  troubles  in  the  Netherlands,  the  breach  was  n 
past  mending.  In  the  States  General,  as  in  the  nati 
at  large,  there  were  still  two  parties,  one  for  Orai 
and  one  for  Philip,  but  both  were  determined  to  | 
rid  of  the  devilish  incubus  of  the  Spanish  army.  1 
division  of  the  two  parties  was  to  some  extent  a 
tional,  but  still  more  that  class  division  that  seems 
evitable  between  conservatives  and  liberals.  The  b 
still  had  for  him  the  clergy,  the  majority  of  the  nob 
and  higher  bourgeoisie;  with  William  were  ranged  t 
Calvinists,  the  middle  and  lower  classes  and  most 
the  "intellectuals,"  lawyers,  men  of  learning  and  tho 
publicists  known  as  the  "moi\a,T<i\iomach6."    Manj 


THE  CALVINIST  REVOLT  267 

36  were  still  Catholics  who  wished  to  distinguish 

rply  between  the  religious  and  the  national  issue. 

ie  very  moment  of  Don  John 's  arrival  the  Estates 

led  a  resolution  to  uphold  the  Catholic  faith. 

^en  before  he  had  entered  his  capital  Don  Johit  f?!?*'^' 

d  the  ** Perpetual  Edict"  agreeing  to  withdraw. 

Jpanish  troops  in  return  for  a  grant  of  600,0001 

ers  for  their  pay.    He  promised  to  respect  the 

eges  of  the  provinces  and  to  free  political  pris- 

,  including  the  son  of  Orange.    In  April  the 

8  really  withdrew.    The  small  effect  of  these 

ires  of  conciliation  became  apparent  when  the 

es  General  voted  by  a  majority  of  one  only  to 

oize  Don  John  as  their  Statholder.    So  little  in-  ^^  ^ 

e  did  he  have  that  he  felt  more  like  a  prisoner 

1  governor;  he  soon  fled  from  his  capital  to  the 

ss  of  Namur  whence  he  wrote  urging  his  king  to 

back  the  troops  at  once  and  let  him  ''bathe  in 

ood  of  the  traitors. ' ' 

liam  was  as  much  pleased  as  John  was  enraged 

»  failure  of  the  policy  of  reconciliation.    While 

ajority  of  the  Estates  still  hoped  for  peace  Wil- 

vas  determined  on  independence  at  all  costs.    In 

3t  he  sent  a  demand  to  the  representatives  to  do 

iuty  by  the  people,  for  he  did  not  doubt  that  they 

hie  right  to  depose  the  tyrant.    Never  did  his 

9cts  look  brighter.    Help  was  offered  by  Eliza- 

md  the  tide  of  republican  feeling  began  to  rise 

'.     In  proportion  as  the  laborers  were  drawn  to 

.rty  of  revolt  did  the  doctrine  of  the  monarcho- 

become  liberal.  No  longer  satisfied  with  the 
racy  of  corporations  and  castes  of  the  Middle 
the  people  began  to  dream  of  the  individualistic 
racy  of  modem  times. 

executive  power,  virtually  abandoned  by  Don 
now  became  dentered  in  a  Committee  oi  ^\g\v- 


268  THE  NETHEELANDS 

teen,  nominally  on  fortifications,  bat  in  reality,  lit^ ' 
French  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  sapreme  io  ■ 
matters.  This  body  was  first  appointed  by  the  citia* 
of  Brussels,  but  the  States  General  were  helpW 
against  it.  It  was  supported  by  the  armed  force, 
the  patriots  and  by  the  personal  prestige  of  Oran( 
His  power  was  o^dwinof  fnr,  with  the  capitulation  i 
the  Spanish  gai  echt  he  had  been  appoint! 

Statholder  of  tb  >..    When  he  entered  Bn 

sels  on  Septeml  ras  received  with  the  * 

acclamations    o  ilace.     Opposition    fo  U 

seemed  impossi  et,  even  at  this  high-wl 

mark  of  his  po'  ScuHies  were  considetri 

Each  province  wao  j  of  its  rights  and.  as  inO 

American  Revolution,  each  province  wished  to  fOK 
tribute  as  little  as  possible  to  the  common  faad; 
Moreover,  the  religious  question  was  still  extrerndf 
delicate.  Orange 's  permission  to  the  Catholics  to  celfr' 
brate  their  rites  on  his  estates  alienated  as  many  Pmt* 
estant  fanatics  as  it  conciliated  those  of  the  old  rcligioi 
The  Netherlands  were  not  yet  strong  enough  lo  do 
without  powerful  foreign  support,  nor  was  pnbli* 
opinion  yet  ripe  for  the  declaration  of  an  independent 
republic.  Feeling  that  a  statholder  of  some  sort  ws 
necessary,  the  States  General  petitioned  Philip  to  i*- 
move  Don  John  and  to  appoint  a  legitimate  prince « 
the  blood.  This  petition  was  perhaps  intentionaltj"  i"*" 
possible  of  fulfilment  in  a  way  agreeable  to  Philipt^"* 
he  had  no  legitimate  brother  or  son.  But  a  prince  <* 
the  House  of  Hapsburg  oflFered  himself  in  the  petW 
of  the  Archduke  Matthew,  a  son  of  the  Emperor  M^* 
milian,  recently  deceased.  Though  he  had  nei^" 
ability  of  his  own  nor  support  from  his  brother* ' 
Emperor  Rudolph  II,  and  though  but  nineteen  V*' 
old,  he  offered  his  ser\'ices  to  the  Netherlands  and 
mediately  went  thither.    ^^'VVb. \ivg\v  sVa.\%«a£t  Will' 


THE  CALVINIST  REVOLT  269 

wifattliew  into  his  policy,  for  he  saw  that  the  dan- 
B  to  be  feared  were  anarchy  and  disunion.  In  some 
(8,  notably  Ghent,  where  another  Committee  of 
htieu  was  appointed  on  the  Brussels  model,  the 
8t  classes  assumed  a  dictatorship  analagous  to 
of  the  Bolaheviki  in  Russia.  At  the  same  time 
'atriots '  demand  that  Orange  should  be  made  Gov- 
'  of  Brabant  was  distasteful  to  the  large  loyalist 
ent  in  the  population.  William  at  once  saw  the 
bat  might  be  made  of  Matthew  as  a  figure-head  to 
those  who  still  reverenced  the  house  of  Hapsburg 
who  saw  in  monarchy  the  only  guarantee  of  order 
wne  and  consideration  abroad.  Promptly  arrest- 
he  Duke  of  Aerschot,  a  powerful  noble  who  tried 
te  Matthew's  name  to  create  a  separate  faction, 
Ige  induced  the  States  General  first  to  decree  Don  DecemW 
I  an  enemy  of  the  country  and  then  to  offer  the  gov-  ' 
rship  of  the  Netherlands  to  the  archduke,  at  the 
1  time  begging  him,  on  account  of  his  youth,  to 
i  the  administration  in  the  hands  of  William. 
r  Matthew's  entry  into  Brussels  the  States  Gen-  J""* 
swore  allegiance  to  this  puppet  in  the  hands  of 
r  greatest  statesman. 

Imost  immediately  the  war  broke  out  again.  Both 
»  had  been  busy  raising  troops.  At  Gembloux  Don  j^„,jy3j 
n  with  20,000  men  defeated  about  the  same  number 
Patriot  troops.  But  this  failed  to  clarify  a  situa- 
l  that  tended  to  become  ever  more  complicated. 
^from  England  and  France  came  in  tiny  dribblets 
t sufficient  to  keep  Philip's  energies  occupied  in  the 
tl  civil  war.  But  the  vacancy,  so  to  speak,  on  the 
*1  throne  of  the  Burgundian  state,  seemed  to  invito 
Candidacy  of  neighboring  princes  and  a  chance  of 
"•iiHly  interesting  France  came  when  the  ambition 
'"rancis,  Duke  of  Anjou,  was  stirred  to  become  ruler 
teloir  Countries.     WUUam  attempted  also  to  toaSte 


270  THE  NETHERLANDS 

use  of  him.  In  return  for  the  promise  to  raia* 
troops,  Anjou  received  from  the  States  General 
title  of  ' '  Defender  of  the  Freedom  of  the  Netherl 
against  the  tyranny  of  the  Spaniards  and  their  alG 
The  result  was  that  the  Catholic  population  waj 
vided  in  its  support  between  Matthew  and  Anjou, 
that  Orange  retained  the  balance  of  inflaenee. 

The  insupi  :y  in  the  way  of  success 

the  policy  of  ji  was  still  the  religious 

Calvinism  hj  y  drawn  off  to  Holland 

Zeeland,  and  remained  the  religion  of 

great  major!  pulation  in  the  other  p 

inees.     At   fi  latter  appeared  far  t 

being  an  intraci  In  contrast  with  the  f 

zeal  of  the  Calvinists  on  the  one  hand  and  of  the  Sp 
ards  on  the  other,  the  faith  of  the  Catholic  Flem 
and  Walloons  seemed  lukewarm,  an  old  custom  ra 
than  a  living  conviction.  Most  were  shocked  by 
fanaticism  of  the  Spaniards,  who  thus  proved  the  « 
enemies  of  their  faith,  and  yet,  within  the  Netherla 
thej'  were  very  unwilling  to  see  the  old  religion  pci 
When  the  lower  classes  at  Ghent  assumed  the  lea 
ship  they  rather  forced  than  converted  that  city  U 
Calvinist  confession.  Their  acts  were  taken  t 
breach  of  the  Pacification  of  Ghent  and  threatenet 
whole  policy  of  Orange  by  creating  fresh  discord, 
obviate  this,  William  proposed  to  the  States  Gene 
religious  peace  on  the  basis  of  the  status  quo  wit 
fusal  to  allow  further  proselyting.  But  this  mea 
acceptable  to  the  Catholics,  was  deeply  resented  b 
Calvinists.  It  was  said  that  one  who  changed  hi 
ligion  as  often  as  his  coat  must  prefer  human  to  d 
things  and  that  he  who  would  tolerate  Romanists 
himself  be  an  atheist. 

It  was,  therefore,  a  primarily  religious  issue, 
no  difference  of  race,  \angiiagc  ox  "CGsAfttYal  'vah 


THE  CALVINIST  REVOLT  271 

divided  the  Netherlands  into  two  halves.  For  a 
the  common  hatred  of  all  the  people  for  the  for- 
iT  vrelded  them  into  a  united  whole ;  but  no  sooner 
the  pressure  of  the  Spanish  yoke  even  slightly  re- 
1  than  the  mutual  antipathy  of  Calvinist  and  Cath- 
showed  itself.    If  we  look  closely  into  the  causes  A 

the  North  should  become  predominantly  Protes- 
while  the  South  gradually  reverted  to  an  entirely 
lohc  faith,  we  must  see  that  the  reasons  were  in 
;  racial,  in  part  geographical  and  in  part  social, 
graphically  and  linguistically  the  Northern  prov- 
8  looked  for  their  culture  to  Germany,  and  the 
them  provinces  to  France.  Moreover  the  easy  de- 
jibility  of  Holland  and  Zeeland,  behind  their  moats, 
le  them  the  natural  refuge  of  a  hunted  sect  and,  this 
iency  once  having  asserted  itself,  the  polarization 
lie  Netherlands  naturally  followed,  Protestants  be- 
drawn  and  driven  to  their  friends  in  the  North  and 
holies  similarly  finding  it  necessary  or  advisable  to 
le  in  the  South.  Moreover  in  the  Southern  prov- 
es the  two  privileged  classes,  clergy  and  nobility, 
e  relatively  stronger  than  in  the  almost  entirely 
rgeois  and  commercial  North.  And  the  influence 
oth  was  thrown  into  the  scale  of  the  Roman  church, 
first  promptly  and  as  a  matter  of  course,  the  second 
itually  as  a  reaction  from  the  strongly  democratic  . 
Iency  of  Calvinism.  In  some  of  the  Southern  cities 
e  ensued  at  this  time  a  desperate  struggle  between 
Protestant  democracy  and  the  Catholic  aristocracy. 

few  Protestants  of  gentle  birth  in  the  Walloon 
dnces  felt  ill  at  ease  in  company  with  their  Dutch 
eligionists  and  were  called  by  them  ** Malcontents'' 
use  they  looked  askance  at  the  political  principles 
le  North. 

ie  separatist  tendencies  on  both  sides  cryiitallized  January, 
Dme  of  the  Southern  provinces  signed  a  league  a\, 


DepoHlion 
of  Philip. 


October  1, 
iSJB 


THE  NETHERLANDS 

Arras  on  January  5  for  the  protection  of  the  Catlw 
religion.  On  the  29th  this  was  answered  by  the  Ud 
of  Utrecht,  signed  by  the  representatives  of  Holla 
Zeeland,  Utrecht,  Friesland,  Guelders,  Zutphen,  andi 
city  of  Ghent,  binding  the  said  provinces  to  resist 
foreign  tyranny.  Complete  freedom  of  worship  l 
granted,  a  matter  of  importance  as  the  Catholic  I 
nority  was,  and  has  always  remained,  large.  By  t 
act  a  new  state  was  bom.  Orange  still  continned 
labor  for  union  with  the  Southern  provinces,  but 
failed.  A  bitter  religious  war  broke  out  in  the  dt 
of  the  South.  At  Ghent  the  churches  were  plunder 
anew.  At  Brussels  and  Antwerp  the  Protestant  pi 
letariat  won  a  temporary  ascendancy  and  Cathl 
worship  was  forbidden  in  both  cities.  A  general  en 
gration  from  them  ensued.  Under  the  stress  of  I 
religious  war  which  was  also  a  class  war,  the  laatT 
tiges  of  union  perished.  The  States  General  ceal 
to  have  power  to  raise  taxes  or  enforce  decrees,  ■ 
presently  it  was  no  more  regarded. 

Even  William  of  Orange  now  abandoned  his  shi 
of  respect  for  the  monarch  and  became  wholly  1 
champion  of  liberty  and  of  the  people.  The  SW 
General  recognized  Anjou  as  their  prince,  but  atl 
same  time  drew  up  a  very  republican  constitatM 
The  representatives  of  the  people  were  given  not  o 
the  legislative  but  also  the  executive  powers,  ind 
ing  the  direction  of  foreign  affairs.  The  States  of 
Northern  Provinces  formally  deposed  Philip,  i 
could  do  nothing  in  reply.  A  proclamation  had 
ready  been  issued  offering  25,000  dollars  and  a  pal 
of  nobility  to  anyone  who  would  assassinate  Oraii 
who  was  branded  as  "a  traitor  and  rascal"  and 
"the  enemy  of  the  human  race." 

Don  John,  having  died  unlamented,  was  succeed 
by  AJexander  Famese,  a  son  of  the  ex-regent  Margl 


TEIE  CALVINIST  REVOLT 


a  rare  diplomatic  pliability  with  energy  as  a 
Moreover,  whereas  his  predecessors  had  de- 
d  the  people  they  were  sent  to  govern  and  had 
the  task  of  dealing  with  thera,  he  set  his  heart 
laking  a  success.  By  this  time  the  eyes  of  all 
»pe  were  fixed  on  the  struggle  in  the  Low  Coan- 

and  it  seenaed  a  worthy  achievement  to  accom- 

what  so  many  famous  soldiers  and  statesmen  had 
d  in.     It  is  doubtless  due  to  the  genius  of  Famese 

the  Spanish  yoke  was  again  fixed  on  the  neck  of 
loutheni  of  the  two  confederacies  into  which  the 
^nndian  state  had  spontaneously  separated.  Wel- 
ed  by  a  large  number  of  the  signers  of  the  Treaty 
oras,  he  promptly  raised  an  army  of  31,000  men,   ' 

Germans,  attacked  and  took  Maastricht.  A 
ening  pillage  followed  in  which  no  less  than  1700 
len  were  slaughtered.  Seeing  his  mistake,  on  cap- 
Bg  the  next  town,  Toumai,  he  restrained  his  army 

allowed  even  the  garrison  to  march  out  with  the 
►rs  of  war.  Not  one  citizen  was  executed,  though 
ndenmity  of  200,000  guilders  was  demanded.  His 
lency  helped  his  cause  more  than  his  success  iu 

owly  bat  surely  his  campaign  of  conquest  pro-  S""^"?' 
Bed.     It  was  a  war  of  sieges  only,  without  battles, 
les  was  taken  after  a  long  investment,  and  was 
ly  treated.     Ghent  surrendered  and  was  also  let  ism 
rith  an  indemnity  but  without  bloody  punishment, 
r  a  har'  siege  Antwerp  capitulated.     Practically   i^ss 
vhole  of  the  Southern  confederacy  had  been  re- 
i  to  obedience  to  the  king  of  Spain.     The  Protes- 
religion  was  forbidden  by  law  but  in  each  case 
a  city  was  conquered  the  Protestants  were  given 
two  to  four  years  either  to  become  reconciled  or 
aigrate. 


274  THE  NETHERLANDS 

But  the  land  that  was  reconquered  was  not  tb 
that  had  revolted.  A  ghastly  ruin  accompaniec 
numbing  blight  on  thought  and  energy  settled  i 
once  happy  lands  of  Flanders  and  Brabant.  Th 
ware  had  so  wasted  the  country  that  wolves  pi 
even  at  the  gates  of  great  cities.  The  coup  de 
was  given  to  the  commerce  of  Antwerp  by  the  h 
of  the  Sch(  i.     Trade  with  the  Eaj 

West  Indiet  m  by  Spain  until  1640. 

But  the  t  desperate  struggle  and 

suffering,  v  reedom.     Anjou  tried  I 

make  hinisi  ,;  his  soldiers  at  Antwc 

tacked  the  ■  are  beaten  off  after  fri 

street  fighti  -each  fury"  as  it  was  • 

taught  the  Dutch  once  again  to  distrust  forelgi 
eniors,  though  the  death  of  Anjou  relieved  th 
fear. 

But  a  sterner  foe  was  at  hand.  Having  n 
what  is  now  called  Belgium,  Famese  attacked  th 
ormafion  and  the  republicans  in  their  last  strou: 
in  Holland,  Zeeland,  and  Utrecht.  The  long  wa 
high  technical  interest  because  of  the  peculiar  ni 
problems  to  be  solved,  was  finally  decided  in  fa 
the  Dutcli.  The  result  was  due  in  part  to  the 
courage  of  the  people,  in  part  to  the  highly  defi 
nature  of  their  country,  saved  time  and  again  t 
great  ally,  the  sea. 

A  cruel  blow  was  the  assassination  of  Orange 
last  words  were  "God  have  pity  on  this  poor  pc 
His  life  had  been  devoted  to  them  in  no  spirit 
bition  or  vulgar  pride;  his  energy,  his  patien 
breadth  had  served  the  people  well.  And  at  his 
they  showed  themselves  worthy  of  him  and 
cause.  Around  his  body  the  Estates  of  Hbllan 
vened  and  resolved  to  bear  themselves  mairfullj 


THE  CALVINIST  REVOLT  275 

fitement  of  zeal.    Bight  nobly  did  they  aquit 
Ives. 

imd  ending  of  a  final  attempt  to  get  foreign  help  ^586 
the  Dateh  Bepublic  once  and  for  all  to  rely  only 
If.    Bobert  Dudley,  Earl  of  Leicester,  Eliza- 
Favorite,  was  inaugurated  as  Oovemor  OeneraL 
sumption  of  independent  power  enraged  his 
Distress,  whereas  the  Dutch  were  alienated  by 
picion  that  he  sacrificed  their  interests  to  those 
land,  and  by  his  military  failures.    In  less  than  1587 
ars  he  was  forced  to  return  home, 
^r  the  statesmanlike  guidance  of  John  van  Old-  Olden- 
eveldt,  since  1586  Pensionary  of  Holland,  a  Be-  J^!]^ 
was  set  up  founded  on  the  supremacy  of  the 
3.    Under  his  exact,  prudent,  and  resolute  lead- 
internal  freedom  and  external  power  were  alike 
3ed.    Though  the  war  continued  long  after  1588 
■eat  of  the  Armada  in  that  year  crippled  Spain 
.  hope  of  recovery  and  made  the  new  nation 
ally  safe. 

North  had  suffered  much  in  the  war.  The  fre-  ThoDuid 
inundation  of  the  land  destroyed  crops.  Am-  ^  ® 
n  long  held  out  against  the  rest  of  Holland  in 
to  the  king,  but  she  suffered  so  much  by  the 
ie  of  the  Beggars  of  the  Sea  and  by  the  emigra- 
her  merchants  to  nearby  cities,  that  at  last  she 
1  and  cast  her  lot  with  her  people.  From  that 
le  assumed  the  commercial  hegemony  once  exer- 
)y  Antwerp.  Eecovering  rapidly  from  the  de- 
ons  of  war,  the  Dutch  Bepublic  became,  in  the 
3enth  century,  the  first  sea-power  and  first 
-power  in  the  world.  She  gave  a  king  to  Eng- 
nd  put  a  bridle  in  the  mouth  of  France.  She 
shed  colonies  in  America  and  in  the  East  Indies, 
ler  celebrated  new  university  of  Leyden,  with 


276 


THE  NETHERLANDS 


poblicists  like  Grotins,  theologians  like  Jansen,  pii 
ter8  like  Van  Dyke  and  Rembrandt,  philosophers  li 
Spinoza,  she  took  the  lead  in  many  of  the  fields 
thought.  Her  material  and  spiritual  power,  her  toll 
ance  and  freedom,  became  the  envy  of  the  world. 


J 


CHAPTER  VI 
ENGLAND 

§  1.    HeNBY    VUi  AND  THE  NaTIONALi  ChTJBCH.      ' 

1509-47 
'*The  heavens  laugh,  the  earth  exults;  all  is  full  of  Henry VD 

1509-47 

Ik  and  honey  and  nectar/'  With  these  words  the 
session  of  Henry  VIII  was  announced  to  Erasmus 
his  pupil  and  the  king's  tutor,  Lord  Mount  joy. 
lis  lover  of  learning  thought  the  new  monarch  would 
not  only  Octavus  but  Octavius,  fostering  letters  and 
erishing  the  learned.  There  was  a  general  feeling 
at  a  new  era  was  beginning  and  a  new  day  dawning 
ter  the  long  darkness  of  the  Middle  Age  with  its 
ghtmares  of  Black  Deaths  and  Peasants'  Revolts 
d,  worst  of  all,  the  civil  war  that  had  humbled  Eng- 
id  's  power  and  racked  her  almost  to  pieces  within. 
It  was  commonly  believed  that  the  young  prince  was 
paragon :  handsome,  athletic,  learned,  generous,  wise, 
d  merciful.  That  he  was  fond  of  sports,  strong  and 
early  life  physically  attractive,  is  well  attested.  The 
incipal  evidences  of  his  learning  are  the  fulsome  tes- 
nony  of  Erasmus  and  his  work  against  Luthei.  But 
has  been  lately  shown  that  Erasmus  was  capable  of 
ssing  off,  as  the  work  of  a  powerful  patron,  composi- 
►ns  which  he  knew  to  be  written  by  Latin  secretaries ; 
d  the  royal  author  of  the  Defence  of  the  Seven  Sac- 
ments,  which  evinces  but  mediocre  talent,  received 
ich  unacknowledged  assistance. 
If  judged  by  his  foreign  relations  Henry's  states- 
inship  was  unsuccessful.  His  insincerity  and  per- 
y  often  overreached  themselves,  and  he  was  oiteu 

277 


278  ENGLAND 


deceived.  Moreover,  he  was  inconstant,  pnn 
worthy  ond  whatever.  England  was  by  her  inai 
location  and  by  the  nearly  equal  division  of  powerd 
the  Continent  between  France  and  the  emperor,  i 
wonderfully  safe  and  advantageous  place.  But,  so  fj 
was  Henry  from  using  this  gift  of  fortune,  that  l| 
seems  to  have  acted  only  on  caprice. 

In  domestic  r  achieved  his  greatest  sli 

cesses,  in  fact,  fcable  ones  indeed.    DooB 

leas  here  also  J  red  by  fortune,  in  thai  tt 

own  ends  hapj  main  to  coincide  witJi  th 

deeper  current  s  's  purpose,  for  he  was  sifl 

ported  by  jus'  hy  and  enterprising  bflll 

geois  class  thai  H  itself  the  people  and  I 

make  public  opinion  for  the  next  throe  centuries.  1 
time  this  class  would  become  sufficiently  conscious 
its  own  power  to  make  Parliament  supreme  and  to 
mand  a  reckoning  even  from  the  crown,  but  at  ' 
it  needed  the  prestige  of  the  royal  name  to  con*^ 
the  two  privileged  classes,  the  clergy  and  the  nob  J ' 
The  merchants  and  the  moneyed  men  only  too  -Willi  *J 
became  the  faithful  followers  of  a  chief  who  lavi- 
tossed  to  them  the  wealth  of  the  church  and  the 
Htical  privileges  of  the  barons.  And  Henry  had  j 
one  strong  quality  that  enabled  him  to  take  full  i 
vantage  of  this  position ;  he  seemed  to  lead  rather  tb 
to  drive,  and  he  never  wantonly  challenged  Parlianif 
The  atrocity  of  his  acts  was  only  equaled  by  their  sc 
pulous  legality. 

On  Henry's  morals  there  should  be  less  disagi 
mcnt  than  on  his  mental  gifts.  Holbein's  fait! 
portraits  do  not  belie  him.  The  broad- shouldei 
heavy-jowled  man,  standing  so  firmly  on  his  wit 
parted  feet,  has  a  certain  strength  of  will,  or  rat 
of  boundless  egotism.  Francis  and  Charles  sho' 
themselves  persecuting,  and  were  capable  of  havin 


HENRY  VIII  279 

lef  aulting  minister  or  a  rebel  put  to  death ;  but  neither 
j^iiarles  nor  Francis,  nor  any  other  king  in  modem 
^jggxeSf  has  to  answer  for  the  lives  of  so  many  nobles 
jMid  ministers,  cardinals  and  queens,  whose  heads,  as 
Kbomas  More  put  it,  he  kicked  around  like  footballs. 

The  reign  began,  as  it  ended,  with  political  murder.  ^^^ 
'  e  miserly  Henry  VH  had  made  use  of  two  tools,  execut 
n  and  Dudley,  who,  by  minute  inquisition  into  ^p^^ 
ical  offences  and  by  nice  adjustment  of  fines  to 
wealth  of  the  offender,  had  made  the  law  unpopular 
the  king  ridi.    Four  days  after  his  succession, 
VIII  issued  a  proclamation  asking  all  those  who 
sustained  injury  or  loss  of  goods  by  these  commis- 
ners,  to  make  supplication  to  the  king.    The  flood- 
tea  of  pent-up  wrath  were  opened,  and  the  two  un- 
ppy  ministers  swept  away  by  an  act  of  attainder. 
-f"  ^c  pacific  policy  of  the  first  years  of  the  reign  did  !^^ 
t  last  long.    The  young  king  felt  the  need  of  mar-   Sootk 
tial  glory,  of  emulating  the  fifth  Henry,  of  making 
:  i  Kmself  talked  about  and  enrolling  his  name  on  the 
r  r  M  of  conquerors  who,  in  return  for  plaguing  man- 
^  >  land,  have  been  deified  by  them.    It  is  useless  to  look 
for  any  statesmanlike  purpose  in  the  war  provoked 
with  Prance  and  Scotland,  but  in  the  purpose  for  which 
:     he  set  out  Henry  was  brilliantly  successful :  the  French 
•■   were  so  quickly  routed  near  Guinegate  that  the  action    1513 
:    has  been  known  in  history  as  the  Battle  of  the  Spurs. 
- ,  While  the  king  was  still  absent  in  France  and  his  queen 
regent  in  England,  his  lieutenants  inflicted  a  decisive 
»t  defeat  on  the  Scots  and  slew  their  king,  James  IV,  at   ^^^' 
J  flodden.    England  won  nothing  save  military  glory 
^  by  these  campaigns,  for  the  invasion  of  France  was 
at  once  abandoned  and  that  of  Scotland  not  even  un- 
dertaken« 

Wolsc 

The  gratification  of  the  national  vanity  redounded  ^^  147c 
,  to  the  profit  not  only  of  Henry  but  of  his  mmialex,  ^sas^ 


280  ENOLAND 

Thomas  Wolsey.  A  poor  man,  like  the  other  ti 
of  the  Tudor  despot,  he  rose  rapidly  in  church  i 
state  partly  by  solid  gifts  of  statesmanship,  parll 
by  baser  arts.  By  May,  1515,  Erasmus  descril 
him  as  all-powerful  with  the  king  and  as  bearini  A 
main  burden  of  public  affairs  on  his  shoulders,  I 
fifteen  years  later  Luther  spoke  of  him  as  "the  de 
god  of  England,  or  rather  of  Europe."  His  posil 
at  home  he  owe  ity  to  curry  favor  wiih  t 

king  by  shoul  )dium  of  unpopular  acM 

When  the  Dukt  ;ham  was  executed  for  M 

crime  of  stand  succession  to  the  throw 

Wolsey  was  bla  people  thought,  as  it  * 

put  in  a  pun  al  Charles  V,  that  "it  wall 

pity  so  noble  a  i  have  been  slain  by  gtwN 

hound."  Woisey  lost  tne  support  of  the  nobles  by  fl 
pride  that  delighted  to  humble  them,  and  of  the  «" 
mons  by  the  avarice  that  accumulated  a  corrupt  to 
tune.  But,  though  the  rich  hated  him  for  hie  la^ 
regard  to  enclosures,  and  the  poor  for  not  having  ^ 
law  enforced,  he  recked  little  of  aught,  knowing  hi^i^' 
secure  under  the  royal  shield. 

To  make  his  sovereign  abroad  as  great  as  at  hoi*^ 
took  advantage  of  the  nice  balance  of  power  eS"*^ 
on  the  Continent.    "Nothing  pleases  him  mor^ 
to  be  called  the  arbiter  of  Christendom,"  wrot^ 
tiniaui,  and  such,  in  fact,  he  very  nearly  was- 
diplomatie  gifts  were  displayed  with  immense 
during  the  summer  of  1520,  when  Henry  me* 
Francis  and  Charles  V,  and  promised  each  sC^ 
to  support  him  against  his  rival.    The  camp    "^^ 
the  royalties  of  France  and  England  met,  near  GJ^--' 
amid  scenes  of  pageantry  and  chivalry  so  resple^ 
as  to  give  it  the  name  of  The  Field  of  Cloth  of  ^ 
saw  an  alliance  cemented  by  oath,  only  to  be  folJc^ 
hy  a  solemn  engagement  between  Henry  and  Cba 


HENRY  Vm 

Bpugnant  in  every  particular  to  that  with  France. 

Hien  war  actually  broke  out  between  the  two,  Eng- 

nd  preferred  to  throw  her  weight  against  France, 

lereby  almost  helping  Charles  to  the  throne  of  uni- 

trsal  empire  and  raising  up  for  herself  an  enemy  to 

enace  her  safety  in  many  a  crisis  to  come.     In  the 

id,  then,  Wolsey's  perfidious  policy  failed;  and  his 

jrsonal  ambition  for  the  papacy  was  also  frustrated. 

But  while  "the  congress  of  kings,"  as   Erasmus 

iled  it,  was  disporting  itself  at  Guinea  and  Calais, 

le  tide  of  a  new  movement  was  swiftly  and  steadily 

sing,  no  more  obeying  them  than  had  the  ocean  obeyed 

bimte.     More  in  England  than  in  most  countries  the  J 

cformation  was  an  imported  product.     Its  "dawn 

ime  np  like  thunder"  from  across  the  North  Sea. 

Luther's  Theses  on  Indulgences  were  sent  by  Eras- 

lUs  to  his  English  friends  Thomas  More  and  John 

telet  little  more  than  four  months  after  their  pro-    isia 

inlgation.     By  February,  1519,  Froben  had  exported 

t  England  a  number  of  volumes  of  Luther's  works. 

hie  of  them  fell  into  the  hands  of  Henry  VIII  or  his 

ister  Mary,  quondam  Queen  of  France,  as  is  shown 

ly  the  royal  arms  stamped  on  it.    Many  others  were 

lid  by  a  bookseller  at  Oxford  throughout  1520,  in 

rtiich  year  a  government  official  in  London  wrote  to 

is  son  in  the  country,  "there  be  heretics  here  which   M«rch 

ike  Luther's  opinions."     The  universities  were  both 

bfected  at  the  same  time.     At  Cambridge,  especially, 

^number  of  young  men,  many  of  them  later  prominent 

leformers,  met  at  the  White  Horse  Tavern  regularly 

discuss  the  new  ideas.     The  tavern  was  nicknamed 

^Germany"  and  the  young  enthusiasts  "Germans'* 

consequence.     But  surprisingly  numerous  as  are  the 

tridcnces  of  the  spread  of  Lutheranisra  in  these  early 

reart*,  naturally  it  as  yet  had  few  prominent  adherents. 

When  Erasmus  wrote  Lutber  that  he  had  well-wisHeia 


282  ENGLAND 

in  England,  and  those  of  the  greatest,  he  was  esagg 
ating  or  misinformed.  At  most  he  may  have  bi 
thinking  of  John  Colet,  whose  death  in  Septemk 
1519,  came  before  he  could  take  any  part  in  the  relipa 
controversy,  i 

At  an  early  date  the  government  took  its  std 
against  the  heresy.  Lather's  books  were  exanuM 
by  a  committe  persity  of  Cambridge,  oj 

demned  and  b  i,  and  soon  afterwards  | 

the  govemmei  ul  's  in  London,  in  the  p^ 

ence  of  many  nes  and  a  crowd  of  tl)^ 

thousand  spec  r's  books  were  burnt  ^ 

his    doctrine  "    in    addresses    hy  J4 

Fisher,  Bishop  :er,  and  Cardinal  ffi>U 

A  little  later  it  was  forbidden  to  read,  import  or  If 
such  works,  and  measures  were  taken  to  enforce  t 
law.  Commissions  searched  for  the  said  pamphl* 
stationers  and  merchants  were  put  under  bond  i 
to  trade  in  them;  and  the  German  merchants  of  I 
Steelyard  were  examined.  When  it  was  discover 
that  these  foreigners  had  stopped  "the  mass  of  t 
body  of  Christ,"  commonly  celebrated  by  them  in  j 
Hallows'  Church  the  Great,  at  London,  they  wi 
haled  before  Wolsey's  legatine  court,  forced  to 
knowledge  its  jurisdiction,  and  dealt  with. 

With  one  accord  the  leading  Englishmen  deck 
against  Luther.  Cuthbert  Tunstall,  a  mathematic 
and  diplomatist,  and  later  Bishop  of  London,  wi 
Wolsey  from  Worms  of  the  devotion  of  the  Germ 
to  their  leader,  and  sent  to  him  The  Babylonian  C 
tirity  with  the  comment,  "there  is  much  strange  o 
ion  in  it  near  to  the  opinions  of  Boheme;  I  pray 
keep  that  book  out  of  England."  Wolsey  him; 
biassed  perhaps  by  his  ambition  for  the  tiara,  labc 
to  suppress  the  heresy.  Most  important  of  all, 
Thomas  More  was  promptly  and  decisively  aliena 


HENBT  Vm  283 

M  More,  according  to  Henry  Vlll,  who  **by  subtle, 
ster  slights  nnnatnrally  procured  and  provoked 
"  to  write  against  the  heretic.  His  Defence  of  the 
>en  Sacraments,  in  reply  to  the  Babylonian  Gap- 
ity,  though  an  extremely  poor  work,  was  gpreeted, 
its  appearance,  as  a  masterpiece.  The  handsome  July.  1521 
py  bound  in  gold,  sent  to  Leo  X,  was  read  to  the 
ipe  and  declared  by  him  the  best  antidote  to  heresy 
t  produced.  In  recognition  of  so  valuable  an  arm, 
*  of  so  valiant  a  champion,  the  pope  granted  an  in- 
Jgwice  of  ten  years  and  ten  periods  of  forty  days 
the  readers  of  the  book,  and  to  its  author  the  long 
wted  title  Defender  of  the  Faith.  Luther  answered 
e  king  with  ridicule  and  the  controversy  was  con- 
wed  by  Henry's  henchmen  More,  Fisher,  and  others. 
^g  to  the  quick,  Henry,  who  had  already  urged 
e  emperor  to  crush  the  heretic,  now  wrote  with  the 
Die  purpose  to  the  elector  and  dukes  of  Saxony  and 
other  German  princes. 

But  while  the  chief  priests  and  rulers  were  not  slow  ?^^^  ®^ 
reject  the  new  ** gospel,*'  the  common  people  heard   aniam 
gladly.    The   rapid   diffusion   of   Lutheranism   is 
>ved  by  many  a  side  light  and  by  the  very  proclama- 
is  issued  from  time  to  time  to  *  *  resist  the  damnable 
jsies''  or  to  suppress  tainted  books.    John  Hey- 
d's  The  Four  P^s:  a  merry  Interlude  of  a  Palmer, 
irdoner,  a  Potycary  and  a  Pedlar,  written  about 
!  though  not  published  until  some  years  later,  is 
of  Lutheran  doctrine,  and  so  is  another  book  very 
liar  at  the  time,  Simon  Fish's  Supplication  of 
jars.    John  Skelton's  Colyn  Clout,  a  scathing  in-  c- 1522 
nent  of  the  clergy,  mentions  that 

Some  have  smacke 
Of  Luther's  sacke, 
And  a  brennyng  sparke 
Of  Luther  *s  warke. 


284  ENGLAND 

But  the  acceptance  of  the  Reformation,  as 
from  mere  grumbling  at  the  church,  could  not 
until  a  Protestant  literature  was  built  up.  In 
land  as  elsewhere  the  most  powerful  Protestant 
■was  the  vernacular  Bible.  Owing  to  the  disfav 
whidi  Wyclif's  doctrines  were  held,  no  Englisb 
sions  had  been  orinted  until  the  Protestant  divint 
liam  Tynd;  tlved  to  make  the  holy 

more  famili  ghboy  than  to  the  hishi 

Educated  rd  and  Cambridge,  Tj 

imbibed  the  :  of  Erasmus,  then  of  L 

and  finally  i  Applying  for  help  in  hi 

ject  to  the  b  on  and  finding  none,  he 

for  Germany  win-i.  impleted  a  translation 

New  Testament,  and  started  printing  it  at  Co 
Driven  hence  by  the  intervention  of  Cochlaeus  ai 
magistrates,  he  went  to  Worms  and  got  another  p 
to  finish  the  job.  Of  the  six  thousand  copies 
first  edition  many  were  smuggled  to  England, 
Cuthbert  Tunstall,  Bishop  of  London,  tried  t 
them  all  up,  "thinking,"  as  the  chronicler  Hall  pi 
it,  "that  ho  had  God  by  the  toe  when  he  indee 
the  devil  by  the  fist."  The  money  went  to  T; 
and  was  used  to  issue  further  editions,  of  wh: 
less  than  seven  appeared  in  the  next  ten  years. 

The  government's  attitude  was  that 

Having  respect  to  the  malignity  of  this  presen 
with  the  inclination  of  the  people  to  erroneous  o( 
the  translation  of  the  New  Testament  should  rathei 
occasion  of  continnance  or  increase  of  errors  ami 
said  people  than  any  benefit  or  commodity  towa 
weal  of  their  souls. 

But  the  magistrates  were  unable  to  quench  th< 
zeal  of  Tyndale  who  continued  to  translate  parts 
Old  Testament  and  to  print  them  and  other  trs 
Antwerp  and  at  Cologne,  uu\.W  \ivs  Taa.xV'st'i^i'tti  i 


HENRY  VIII  285 

rorde,  near  Brussels,  on  October  6,  1536.     In  1913  a 
>iiument  was  erected  on  the  place  of  his  death. 
jUnder  the  leadership  of  Tyndale  on  the  one  side 
of  More  on  the  other  the  air  became  dark  with  a 
of  controversial  tracts.    They  are  half  filled  with   Contio- 
)logical  metaphysic,  half  with  the  bitterest  invec-   ^^^^^^^ 

Lnther  called  Henry  VIII  *  *  a  damnable  and  rot- 
worm,  a  snivelling^  drivelling  swine  of  a  sophisf ; 
fore  retorted  by  complaining  of  the  violent  language 
tliis  apostate,  this  open  incestnons  lecher,  this  plain 
of  the  devil  and  manifest  messenger  of  hell.** 
ird  but  natural  tactic,  with  a  sure  effect  on  the 
^ple,  which  relishes  both  morals  and  scandal !    To 
^ve  that  faith  justifies,  the  Protestants  pointed  to 
debauchery  of  the  friars ;  to  prove  the  mass  a  sacri- 
their  enemies  mocked  at  **  Friar  Martin  and  Gate 
lie  his  nun  lusking  together  in  lechery.**    But 
^th  all  the  invective  there  was  much  solid  argument 
^  the  kind  that  appealed  to  an  age  of  theological  poli- 
•«C8.  In  England  as  elsewhere  the  significance  of  the 
J.Seformation  was  that  it  was  the  first  issue  of  supreme 
r^portance  to  be  argued  by  means  of  the  press  before 
Hie  bar  of  a  public  opinion  suflBciently  enlightened  to 
Appreciate  its  importance  and  suflSciently  strong  to 
^Hake  a  choice  and  to  enforce  its  decision. 

The  party  of  the  Reformation  in  England  at  first 
insisted  of  two  classes,  London  tradesmen  and  cer- 
ain  members  of  what  Bismarck  long  afterward  called 
'the  learned  proletariat.**  In  1532  the  bishops  were 
ble  to  say : 

In  the  crime  of  heresy,  thanked  be  God,  there  hath  no 
notable  person  fallen  in  our  time.  Truth  it  is  that  cer- 
tain apostate  friars  and  monks,  lewd  priests,  bankrupt 
merchants,  vagabonds  and  lewd,  idle  fellows  of  corrupt 
nature   have  embraced   the   abominable   and   erroneous 


opiniotis  lately  spruug  in  Germany  and  by  thi 
been  some  seduced  in  simplicity  and  ignorance. 

But  though  both  anti-clprlcal  feeling  and  sy 
with  the  new  doctrines  waxed  apace,  it  is  probal 
no  change  would  have  taken  place  for  many  yei 
it  not  been  for  the  king's  divorce.  The  import 
this  epieo'^-  ^-"^  "*"  ^^^  most  strangely  ming! 
tives  of  CO  ,  and  lust,  is  not  that,  a 

times  said  English  people  ready 

low  their  i  religious  matters  as 

follow  the  its  importance  is  simp 

it  loosed  "  ts  ancient  moorings  o! 

snpremac;  iblished  one,  though  oi 

of  the  carai.-_-  .  es  of  the   Protestant 

The   Reformation  consisted  not  only  in  a  rt 
change  but  in  an  assertion  of  nationalism,  in 
revolt,  and  in  certain  cultural    revolut'ons. 
only  the  first  that  the  government  had  any 
sanctioning,  but  by  so  doing  it  enabled  the  peop 
to  take  matters  into  their  o\v\\  hands  and  add 
cial  and  cultural  elements.     Thus  the  Refonnj 
England   ran  a  course  quite  diflferent  from 
Germany.     In  the  former  the  cultural  revolutic 
first,  followed  fast  by  the  rising  of  the  lower 
triumph  of  the  middle  classes.     Last  of  all  oj 
successful  realization  of  a  national  state.     But 
land  nationalism  came  first;  then  under  Edw 
economic  revolution ;  and  lastly,  under  the  P 
the  transmutation  of  spiritual  values. 

The  occasion  of  the  breach  with  Rome  was 
■therine  vorce  of  Honrv  from  Catharine  of  Aragon,  v 
previously  married  his  brotlier  Arthur  when  tli 
botli  fifteen,  and  had  lived  with  him  as  his  % 
five  months  until  his  death.  As  marriage  with  -. 
er's  widow  was  forbidden  by  Canon  Law,  a  di 


F  ArigoD 


HENEY  Vm  287 

i  from  the  pope  had  been  secured,  to  enable  Cath- 
ie to  many  Henry.  The  king's  scruples  about  the 
ality  of  the  act  were  aroused  by  the  death  of  all 
t  queen's  children,  save  the  Princess  Mary,  in  which 
saw  the  fulfilment  of  the  curse  denounced  in  Levi- 
ns xx,  21 :  **If  a  man  shall  take  his  brother's  wife 
.  they  shall  be  childless."  Just  at  this  time  Henry 
II  in  love  with  Anne  Boleyn,  and  this  further  in-  Anne 
tased  his  dissatisfaction  with  his  present  estate.  Boiqm 
He  therefore  applied  to  the  pope  for  annulment  of 
image,  but  the  unhappy  Clement  VII,  now  in  the 
iBperor's  fist,  felt  unable  to  give  it  to  him.  He 
tithed  and  twisted,  dallied  with  the  proposals  that 
!«iiry  should  take  a  second  wife,  or  that  his  illegiti- 
•te  son  the  Duke  of  Richmond  should  marry  his  half 
ster  Mary ;  in  short  he  was  ready  to  grant  a  dispen- 
ition  for  anything  save  for  the  one  horrible  crime 

divorce — as  the  annulment  was  then  called.  His 
Acuities  in  getting  at  the  rights  of  the  question  were 
^i  made  easier  by  the  readiness  of  both  parties  to 
Qimit  a  little  perjury  or  to  forge  a  little  bull  to 
"flier  their  cause. 

Seeing  no  help  in  sight  from  Rome  Henry  began  to 
ect  the  opinions  of  universities  and  **  strange  doc- 
."  The  English,  French,  and  Italian  universities 
ded  as  the  king  wished  that  his  marriage  was  null ; 
tenberg  and  Marburg  rendered  contrary  opinions. 
ly  theologians,  including  Erasmus,  Luther,  and 
inchthon,  expressed  the  opinion  that  bigamy  would 
ie  best  way  to  meet  the  situation, 
it  more  was  needed  to  make  the  annulment  legal 

the  verdict  of  universities.  Repulsed  by  Rome 
ry  was  forced  to  make  an  alliance,  though  it  proved 
a  temporary  one,  with  the  Reforming  and  anti- 
cal  parties  in  his  realm.  At  Easter,  1529,  Lu- 
Gm  books  began  to  circulate  at  court,  books  advo- 


288  ENGLAND 

eating  the  confiscation  of  ecclesiastical  prope 
the  reduction  of  the  church  to  a  state  of  p: 
simplicity.  To  Chapuis,  the  imperial  auib] 
Henry  pointedly  praised  Luther,  whom  he  ha 
called  "a  wolf  of  hell  and  a  limb  of  Satan,"  rei 
that  though  he  had  mixed  heresy  in  his  books  t 
not  sufficient  reason  for  reproving  and  reject 
many  tru  ight  to  light.     To  puai 

sey  for  tl  ecure  what  was  want* 

Eome,  the  Jiister  was  arrested  fi 

son,  but  (  before  he  could  be  ei 

"Had  I  B(  "  said  he,  "as  diligeff 

have  serv)  would  not  have  given  i 

in  my  grey  . 

In  the  meantime  there  had  already  met  that 
ment  that  was  to  pass,  in  the  seven  years  of  it 
ence,  the  most  momentous  and  revolutionary  1 
yet  placed  upon  the  statute-books.  The  electioi 
free,  or  nearly  so;  the  franchise  varied  from  i 
democratic  one  in  London  to  a  highly  oligarch: 
in  some  boroughs.  Notwithstanding  the  popul 
ing  that  Catharine  was  an  injured  woman  and  t 
with  the  Empire  might  ruin  the  valuable  tra 
Flanders,  the  "government,"  as  would  now  ' 
that  is,  the  king,  received  hearty  support  by 
jority  of  members.  The  only  possible  explana 
this,  apart  from  the  king's  acknowledged  sk 
parliamentary  leader,  is  the  strength  of  the  anti 
feeling.  The  rebellion  of  the  laity  against  the 
and  of  the  patriots  against  the  Italian  yoke, 
but  the  example  of  Germany  to  burst  all  the  dy 
barriers  of  medieval  custom.  The  significanc 
revolution  was  that  it  was  a  forcible  reform 
church  by  the  state.  The  wish  of  the  people 
end  ecclesiastical  abuses  without  much  regard 
frino;  the  wish  of  the  king  was  to  make  himsc 


HEXRY  VIII  :2S9 

Iter  and  pope'*  in  his  own  dominions.     Whili?  Ilemy 

died  Wyclif's  program,  and  the  people  read  the 

^ish  Testament,  the  lessons  they  derived  from  these 

xs  were  at  first  moral  and  political,  not  doctrinal 

b  philosophic 

LThe  first  step  in  the  reduction  of  the  church  was  SubnU 
1  when  the  attorney-general  filed  in  the  court  of  °|^ 
ig's  Bench  an  information  against  the  whole  body  Decen 

e  clergy  for  violating  the  statutes  of  Provisors  ^*^ 
fl  Praemunire  by  having  recognized  "Wolsey's  lega- 
w  anthority.     Of  course  there  was  no  justice  in  this ; 
eking  himself  had  recognized  Wolsey's  authority 
d  anyone  who  had  denied  it  would  have  been  pun- 
fiat  the  suit  was  sufficient  to  accomplish  the 
Iremment's  purposes,  which  were,  first  to  wring 
Key  from  the  clergy  and  then  to  force  them  to  de- 
e  the  king  "sole  protector  and  supreme  head  of 
8  church  and  clergy  of  England."     Reluctantly  the 
Evocation  of  Canterbury  accepted  this  demand  in 
leform  that  the  king  was,  "their  singular  protector, 
Wy  and  supreme  lord  and,  as  far  as  the  law  of  Christ 
Mffs,  even  Supreme  Head."    Henry  further  pro- 
d  that  the  oaths  of  the  clergy  to  the  pope  be  abol- 
*ed  and  himself  made  supreme  legislator.     Convoca-   May  is 
iM  accepted  this  demand  also  in  a  document  known  as 
f   tie  submission  of  the  clergy." 

If  such  was  the  action  of  the  spiritual  estate,  it 
j\as  natural  that  the  temporal  peers  and  the  Commons 
r  i)i  parliament  should  go  much  further.  A  petition  of  1532 
'  the  Commons,  really  emanating  from  the  government 
'  ^nd  probably  from  Thomas  Cromwell,  complained  bit- 
terly of  the  tyranny  of  the  ordinaries  in  ecclesiastical 
'  jurisdiction,  of  excessive  fees  and  vexations  and  friv- 
vlons  charges  of  heresy  made  against  unlearned  lay- 
)nen.  Abuses  of  like  nature  were  dealt  with  in  stat-  May.i! 
-Qtes  limiting  the  fees  exacted  by  priests  and  regolating 


290  ENGLAND 

pluralities  and  non-resideQce.  Annates  were  s 
ished  with  the  proviso  that  the  king  might  iiegoti 
with  the  pope, — the  intention  of  the  government  b« 
thus  to  bring  pressure  to  bear  on  the  curia.  No* 
der  the  clergy  were  thoroughly  frightened.  Bii 
Fisher,  their  bravest  champion,  protested  in  the  Ha 
of  Lords :  ' '  For  God 's  sake,  see  what  a  realm  the  Inl 
dom  of  Bohe  when  the  church  fell  (1»| 

there  fell  tb-  le  kingdom.     Now  witli ' 

Commons  is  Down  with  the  church,'  i 

all  this  mese  ack  of  faith  only."        ] 

iwriage         Ithadtakf  ral  years  to  prepare  the 

ii™°"'     for  his  ciiiet  divorce.     His  hand  w« 

last  forced  bi  ge  that  Anne  was  pregt 

he  married  her  on  January  25,  1533,  witliout  wa 
for  final  sentence  of  annulment  of  marriage 
Catharine.  In  so  doing  he  might  seem,  at  first  gl 
to  have  followed  the  advice  so  freely  tendered  hi 
discharge  his  conscience  by  committing  bigamy  : 
doubtless  he  regarded  his  first  marriage  as  illega 
the  time  and  merely  waited  for  the  opportunity  t« 
a  court  that  would  so  pronounce  it.  The  vaeanc 
the  archbishopric  of  Canterbury  enabled  him  to 
point  to  it  Thomas  Cranmer,  the  obsequious  di 
who  had  first  suggested  his  present  plan.  Crai 
was  a  Lutheran,  so  far  committed  to  the  new  I 
that  he  had  married  ;  he  was  intelligent,  learned,  a 
derful  master  of  lantjuage,  and  capable  at  last  of  c 
for  his  belief.  But  that  he  showed  himself  pliab 
his  master's  wishes  beyond  all  bounds  of  decency 
fact  made  all  the  more  glaring  by  the  firm  and  b 
able  conduct  of  More  and  Fisher.  His  worst  act 
possibly  on  the  occasion  of  his  nomination  to  the  ■ 
ince  of  Canterbury;  wishing  to  be  confirmed  b; 
pope  he  concealed  his  real  views  and  took  an  oa 
obedience  to  the  Holy  See,  having  previously  s: 


HENRY  VIII  291 

protest  that  he  considered  the  oath  a  mere  form  and 
t  a  reality. 

The  first  use  he  made  otMs  position  was  to  pro- 
nmce  sentence  that  Heii|i>^'  and  Catharine  had  never 
m  legally  married,  thoni^  at  the  same  time  assert- 
Igthat  this  did  not  affect  the  legitimacy  of  Mary 
mse  her  parents  had  believed  themselves  married, 
lediately  afterwards  it  was  dedared  that  Anne 
a  lawful  wife,  and  she  was  crowned  queen,  amid  1533 
smothered  execrations  of  the  populace,  on  June  1. 
September  7,  the  Princess  Elizabeth  was  born, 
fctharine's  cause  was  taken  up  at  Rome;  Clement's 
jlief  forbidding  the  king  to  remarry  was  followed  by 
■al  sentence  in  Catharine's  favor.  Her  last  years 
fcre  rendered  miserable  by  humiliation  and  acts  of 
*tty  spite.  When  she  died  her  late  husband,  with 
fcaracteristic  indecency,  celebrated  the  joyous  event  by  January, 
w^g  a  ball  at  which  he  and  Anne  appeared  dressed 
I  yellow. 

The  feeling  of  the  people  showed  itself  in  this  case   March, 
taer  and  more  chivalrous  than  that  prevalent  at  court, 
'he  treatment  of  Catharine  was  so  unpopular  that 
Jhapuis  wrote  that  the  king  was  much  hated  by  his  January, 
*>hjeets.    Resolved  to  make  an  example  of  the  mur-  ^^^ 
borers,  the  government  selected  Elizabeth  Barton,  the 
Holy  Maid  of  Kent.*'    After  her  hysterical  visions 
d  a  lucky  prophecy  had  won  her  an  audience,  she 
I  under  the  influence  of  monks  and  prophesied  that 
king  would  not  survive  his  marriage  with  Anne 
month,  and  proclaimed  that  he  was  no  longer  king 
:he  eyes  of  God.     She  and  her  accomplices  were   ^.^^' 
»sted,  attainted  without  trial,  and  executed.     She 
'  pass  as  an  English  Catholic  martyr.  Act  in  Re- 

3ntinuing  its  course  of  making  the  king  absolute  straintof 
ter  the  Parliament  passed  an  Act  in  Restraint  of  Appeals. 
eals,  the  first  constitutional   break  with  E.ome.  \Cja;i 


The  theory  of  the  govemmeiit  was  set  forth  in  tl 
amble: 

Whereas  by  divers  sundry  old  authentic  histoi 
chronicles,  it  is  manifestly  declared  and  express 
this  realm  of  England  is  an  Empire,  and  so  hi 
accepted  in  the  world,  governed  by  one  supreme  k 
king  .  .  ,  unto  whom  a  body  politic  compact  of 

and  dcfT " ■'    divided  in  terms,  and  by  i 

spiritiii  ralty,  be  bounden   and  t 

bear,  nt  tnral  and  humble  obediel 

therefore  a  of  foreign  powers  was 

When,  a  Parliament  met  a^ii 

were  forty  be  filled  in  the  Lower 

and  this  ti  taken  that  the  new  a 

should  be  wen  aneciea.  Scarcely  a  third  of  tl 
itual  lords  assembled,  though  whether  their  i 
was  commanded,  or  their  presence  not  required 
king,  is  uncertain.  As,  in  earlier  Parliamei 
spiritual  peers  had  outnumbered  the  temporal,  t 
a  matter  of  importance.  Another  sign  of  the  s 
zation  of  the  government  was  the  change  in  tl 
acter  of  the  chancellors.  Wolsey  was  the  laf 
oeelesiastical  minister  of  the  reign;  More  and  Ci 
who  followed  him  were  laymen. 

The  severance  with  Rome  was  now  compli 
three  laws.  In  the  first  place  the  definite  abol 
the  annates  meant  that  henceforth  the  election  i 
bishops  and  bishops  must  be  under  lieencc  by  t 
and  that  they  must  swear  allegiance  to  him  bef( 
secration.  A  second  act  forbade  the  payment 
ter's  pence  and  all  other  fees  to  Eome,  and  vi 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterburj'  the  right  to  g 
cences  previously  granted  by  the  pope.  A  th 
for  the  subjection  of  the  clergy,  put  convocatio 
the  royal  power  and  forbade  all  privileges  inco 
with  this.    The  new  pope,  Paul  III,  struck  back, 


HENRY  VIII  293 

^tt  iesitation,  excommunicating  the  king,  declaring   153S-^ 
bis  children  by  Anne  Boleyn  illegitimate,  and  ab- 
tving  his  subjects  from  their  oath  of  allegiance. 
^?lVo  acts  entrenched  the  king  in  his  despotic  pre-   ^^34 
Ions.    The  Act  of  Succession,  notable  as  the  first  succU 
^rtion  by  crown  and  Parliament  of  the  right  to 
ite  in  this  constitutional  matter,  vested  the  in- 
itance  of  the  crown  in  the  issue  of  Henry  and  Anne, 
made  it  high  treason  to  question  the  marriage. 
Act  of  Supremacy  declared  that  the  king's  maj- 
"  justly  and  rightfully  is  and  ought  to  be  supreme   Act  of 
of  the  church  of  England,*'  pointedly  omitting  ^"P"^ 
qualification  insisted  on  by  Convocation, — **as  far 
the  law  of  Christ  allows.''    Exactly  how  far  this 
iremacy  went  was  at  first  puzzling.    That  it  ex- 
led  not  only  to  the  governance  of  the  temporalities 
the  church,  but  to  issuing  injunctions  on  spiritual 
ttters  and  defining  articles  of  belief  was  soon  made 
^parent ;  on  the  other  hand  the  monarch  never  claimed 
person  the  power  to  celebrate  mass. 
That  the  abrogation  of  the  papal  authority  was 

fccepted  so  easily  is  proof  of  the  extent  to  which  the 
tional  feeling  of  the  English  church  had  already 
t  ©one.    An  oath  to  recognize  the  supremacy  of  the  king 
t^^s  tendered  to  both  convocations,  to  the  universities, 
?*o  the  clergy  and  to  prominent  laymen,  and  was  with 
j^.'ew  exceptions  readily  taken.    Doubtless  many  swal- 
^^wed  the  oath  from  mere  cowardice;  others  took  it 
;  '^th  mental  reservations;  and  yet  that  the  majority 
implied  shows  that  the  substitution  of  a  royal  for 
t^  papal  despotism  was  acceptable  to  the  conscience  of 
the  country  at  large.    Many  believed  that  they  were 
Hot  departing  from  the  Catholic  faith;  but  that  others 
'Welcomed  the  act  as  a  step  towards  the  Reformation 
Cannot  be  doubted.    How  strong  was  the  hold  of  Lu- 
*    ther  on  the  country  will  presently  be  shown,  but  Yiei^ 


294  ENGLAND 

only  one  instance  of  the  exuberance  of  the  wil 
a  purely  national  religion  need  be  quoted.  "Goi 
showed  himself  the  God  of  England,  or  rather  an 
lish  God,"  wrote  Hugh  Latimer,  a  leading  Lull 
not  only  the  church  but  the  Deity  had  become  in 

But  there  were  a  few,  and  among  them  the  gr 
who  refused  to  become  accomplioes  in  the  breal 
Roman  Chi  '  hn  Fisher,  Bishop  of  B 

ter,  a  frieno  nd  a  man  of  admirable 

fastness,  hj  horrified  by  the  tyrat 

Henry.     Ht  upheld  the  rightfulu 

Catharine's  id  now  he  refused  to 

the  monarc  of  the  church.     So  st 

did  he  feel  iects  that  he  invited  C 

to  invade  England  ana  depose  the  king.  This  wa 
son,  though  probably  the  government  that  sent 
the  tower  was  ignorant  of  the  aet.  When  Pa 
rewarded  Fisher  by  creating  him  a  cardinal 
furiou.sIy  declared  he  would  send  his  head  to  Ri 
get  the  hat.  The  old  man  of  seventy-six  was  i 
ingly  beheaded. 

This  execution  was  followed  by  that  of  Sir  T 
More,  the  greatest  ornament  of  liis  country.  A: 
has  been  remembered  almost  entirely  by  his 
Utopia  and  his  noble  death,  it  is  hard  to  estinu 
character  soberly.  That  his  genius  was  polished 
highest  perfection,  that  in  a  hard  age  he  had  a 
gether  lovely  sympathy  with  the  poor,  and  in  a 
age  the  courage  of  his  convictions,  would  seem  i 
to  excuse  any  faults.  But  a  deep  vein  of  fam 
ran  through  his  whole  nature  and  tinctured  all  h 
political,  ecclesiastical,  and  private.  Not  only  i 
language  violent  in  the  extreme,  but  his  actf 
equally  merciless  when  his  passions  were  ar 
Appointed  chancellor  after  the  fall  of  "Wolsey, 
not  scruple  to  hit  the  man  who  was  down,  des( 


HENBY  VIII  295 

ifinsL  scathing  speech  in  Parliament,  as  the  scabby 
her  separated  by  the  careful  shepherd  from  the 
id  sheep.  In  his  hatred  of  the  new  opinions  he 
only  sent  men  to  death  and  torture  for  holding 
I,  but  reviled  them  while  doing  it.  **  Heretics  as 
be/*  he  wrote,  **the  clergy  doth  denounce  them, 
as  they  be  well  worthy,  the  temporality  doth  bum 
i.  And  after  the  fire  of  Smithfield,  hell  doth  re- 
I  them,  where  the  wretches  burn  for  ever.*' 
i  chancellor  he  saw  with  growing  disapproval  the 
3e  of  the  tyrant.  He  opposed  the  marriage  with 
}  Boleyn.  'The  day  after  the  submission  of  the 
y  he  resigned  the  great  seal.  He  could  not  long 
I  further  offence  to  his  master,  and  his  refusal 
ke  the  oath  of  supremacy  was  the  crime  for  which 
IS  condemned.  His  behaviour  during  his  last  days 
on  the  scaffold  was  perfect.  He  spent  his  time 
vere  self -discipline ;  he  uttered  eloquent  words  of 
veness  of  his  enemies,  messages  of  love  to  the 
hter  whom  he  tenderly  loved,  and  brave  jests. 
t  while  More's  passion  was  one  that  any  man  Anabaptu 
t  envy,  his  courage  was  shared  by  humbler  mar-   1536 

In  the  same  year  in  which  he  was  beheaded 
3en  Dutch  Anabaptists  were  burnt,  as  he  would 
approved,  by  the  English  government.  Mute,  in- 
ous  Christs,  they  were  led  like  sheep  to  the  slaugh- 
nd  as  lambs  dumb  before  their  shearers.  They 
10  eloquence,  no  high  position,  to  make  their  words 
from  side  to  side  of  Europe  and  echo  down  the 
iries ;  but  their  meek  endurance  should  not  go  un- 
mbered. 

take  More's  place  as  chief  minister  Henry  ap- 
:ed  the  most  obsequious  tool  he  could  find,  Thomas  J^^™**„ 

-___  _  ...  iT.TT    Cromwell, 

iwell.     To  good  purpose  this  man  had  studied  i485?-is 
liavelli^s  Prince  as  a  practical  manual  of  tyranny. 
most  important  service  to  the  crown  was  lYi^ 


|iMKjlutioii  next  step  in  the  reduction  of  the  medieval  ehnrcbjl 
M)iia»ierii»  dissolution  of  the  monasteries.  Like  other  actg  tl 
ing  towards  the  Reformation  this  was,  on  the  wS 
popular,  and  had  been  rehearsed  on  a  small  scall 
several  previous  occasions  in  English  historj",  I 
pope  and  the  kin^  of  France  taught  Edward  11  tO: 
solve  the  prcceptories,  to  the  number  of  twentT-li 
belonging  to  i;  in  1410  the  Commons 

titioned  for  tl  n  of  all  church  proper^ 

1414  the  alien  England  fell  under  the 

madversion  nment;  their  property 

handed  over  t  md  they  escaped  only  Ig 

payment  of  I  by  incorporation  into  ] 

lish  orders,  ai  il  confiscation  of  their  1 

The  idea  prevailed  that  mortmain  had  failed  o\ 
objfct  and  that  therefore  the  church  might  rightl 
be  relieved  of  her  ill-gotten  gains.  These  were  gn 
exaggerated,  a  pamphleteer  believing  that  the  w( 
of  the  church  amounted  to  half  tlie  property  of 
realm.  In  reality  tlie  total  revenue  of  the  spiritu 
amounted  to  only  £320,000;  that  of  the  monast> 
to  only  £140,000.  There  had  been  few  endowmon 
the  fifteenth  century;  only  eight  new  ones,  in  fa< 
the  whole  period  1399-1509.  Colleges,  schools, 
hospitals  now  attracted  the  money  that  had  previ( 
gone  to  the  monks. 

Moreover,  the  monastic  life  had  fallen  on  evil  c 
The  abbeys  no  longer  were  centers  of  learning 
of  the  manufacture  of  books.  The  functions  of 
pitality  and  of  charity  that  they  still  exercised 
not  sufficient  to  redeem  them  in  the  eyes  of  tlie  p' 
for  the  "gross,  carnal,  and  vicious  living"  with  v 
they  were  commonly  and  quite  rightly  charged, 
tations  undertaken  not  by  hostile  governments  bi 
bishops  in  the  fifteenth  century  prove  that  mucli 
morality  obtained  within  the  cloister  walls.     By 


HBNEY  Vm  297 

ejr  had  become  so  intolerable  that  a  popular  pam- 
deteer,  Simon  Fish,  in  his  Supplication  of  Beggars, 
t^sed  that  the  mendicant  friars  be  entirely  sup- 

VdBcCu 

A  commission  was  now  issued  to  Thomas  Crom-  l^^^ 

1535 

II,  empowering  him  to  hold  a  general  visitation  of 
dmrches,  monasteries,  and  collegiate  bodies.  The 
dence  gathered  of  the  shocking  disorders  obtaining 
the  cloisters  of  both  sexes  is  on  the  whole  credible 
1  well  substantiated.  Nevertheless  these  disorders 
nished  rather  the  pretext  than  the  real  reason  for 
dissolutions  that  followed.  Cromwell  boasted  that 
would  make  his  king  the  richest  in  Christendom, 
!  this  was  the  shortest  and  most  popular  way  to  do 

.ceordingly  an  act  was  passed  for  the  dissolution  1536 
ill  small  religious  houses  with  an  income  of  less 
1  £200  a  year.  The  rights  of  the  founders  were 
'-guarded,  and  pensions  guaranteed  to  those  in- 
es  who  did  not  find  shelter  in  one  of  the  larger 
blishments.  By  this  act  376  houses  were  dis- 
ed  with  an  aggregate  revenue  of  £32,000,  not  count- 
plate  and  jewels  confiscated.  Two  thousand  monks 
luns  were  affected  in  addition  to  about  eight  thou- 
i  retainers  or  servants.  The  immediate  effect  was 
rge  amount  of  misery,  but  the  result  in  the  long 
was  good.  Perhaps  the  principal  political  im- 
tance  of  this  and  the  subsequent  spoliations  of  the 
rch  was  to  make  the  Reformation  profitable  and 
'ef  ore  popular  with  an  enterprising  class.  For  the 
's  share  of  the  prey  did  not  go  to  the  lion,  but  to 
jackals.  From  the  king's  favorites  to  whom  he 
jw  the  spoils  was  founded  a  new  aristocracy,  a  class 
1  a  strong  vested  interest  in  opposing  the  restora- 
i  of  the  papal  church.  To  the  Protestant  citizens  of 
don  was  now  added  a  Protestant  landed  gentry. 


298  ENGLAND 

P'?"^^  Before  the  "Reformation  Parliament"  had 
to  exist,  one  more  act  of  great  importance  was 
Wales  was  a  wild  country,  imperfectly  goveme< 
regular  means.  By  the  first  Act  of  Union  in 
history,  Wales  was  now  incorporated  with  E 
and  the  anomalies,  or  distinctions,  in  its  legal  i 
ministrative  system,  wiped  out.  By  severe  mt 
in  the  cod:  XKl  men  were  sent  to  ' 

lows,  the  y  lineers  were  rednced  t 

during  the  ;  and  in  1543  their  uni 

England  w  The  measure  was  sla 

like  and  si  'as  undoubtedly  aided 

loyalty  of  heir  own  Tudor  dynas 

prii  14,  When  1- ,  jsolved  after  having 

plishc'l,  during  its  seven  years,  the  greatc 
manent  revolution  in  the  history  of  England, 
snapped  the  bands  with  Rome  and  determined 
of  religious  belief;  it  had  given  the  king  mon 
in  the  church  than  the  pope  ever  had,  and  had 
his  prerogative  in  the  state  to  a  pitch  never 
before  or  afterwards;  it  had  dissolved  the 
monasteries,  abridged  the  liberties  of  the  subji 
tied  the  succession  to  the  throne,  created  new  t 
and  heresies ;  it  had  handled  grave  social  pr 
like  enclosures  and  mendicancy;  and  had  unitet 
to  England. 

lecutioD  And  now  the  woman  for  whose  sake,  one  is  t 

)leyn"  ^^  ^^J"'  ''^'^  ^'"^  ^^^  ^^"^  '*■  ^^^ — thoUgh  of  COI 

share  in  the  revolution  does  not  represent  t 
forces  that  aceomplislied  it — the  woman  he  h; 
with  "such  a  world  of  charge  and  hell  of  pair 
to  bo  cast  into  the  outer  darkness  of  the  most  I 
tragedy  in  history.  Anne  Bolcyn  was  not  . 
woman.  And  yet,  when  she  was  accused  of  a 
36    '        with  four  men  and  of  incest  with  her  own  I: 


HENRY  Vm  299 

I  she  was  tried  by  a  large  panel  of  peers,  con- 
1,  and  beheaded,  it  is  impossible  to  be  sure  of  her 

he  day  following  Anne's  execution  or,  as  some  Jmw 
I  May  30,  Henry  married  his  third  wife,  Jane  ^^^rmoui 
ar.  On  October  12,  1537,  she  bore  him  a  son, 
d.  Forced  by  her  husband  to  take  part  in  the 
ning,  an  exhausting  ceremony  too  much  for  her 
:h,  she  sickened  and  died  soon  afterwards, 
le  meantime  the  Lutheran  movement  was  grow-  L«ih«w 
ace  in  England.  In  the  last  two  decades  of 
's  reign  seven  of  Luther's  tracts  and  some  of 
nns  were  translated  into  English.  Five  of  the 
proved  popular  enough  to  be  reprinted.  One 
Q  was  The  Liberty  of  a  Christian  Man,  turned 
iglish  by  John  Tewkesbury  whom,  having  died 
faith,  More  called  **a  stinking  martyr."  The 
and  some  of  the  other  tracts  were  Englished  v, 
es  Coverdale.  In  addition  to  this  tKeFe^was 
ted  an  account  of  Luther's  death  in  1546,  the 
irg  Confession  and  four  treatises  of  Melanch- 
md  one  each  of  Zwingli,  Oecolampadius  and 
fer, — this  last  reprinted.  Of  course  these  ver- 
re  not  a  full  measure  of  Lutheran  influence,  but 
barometer.  The  party  now  numbered  powerful 
3rs  like  Latimer  and  Ridley;  Thomas  Cranmer 
Abishop  of  Canterbury  and  Thomas  Cromwell, 
fay,  1534,  the  king's  principal  secretary.  The 
nee  of  the  last  named  to  the  Reforming  party 
aps  the  most  significant  sign  of  the  times.  As 
y  object  was  to  be  on  the  winning  side,  and  as 
not  a  bit  of  real  religious  interest,  it  makes  it  all 
re  impressive  that,  believing  the  cat  was  about 
p  in  the  direction  of  Lutheranism,  he  should 
ied  to  put  himself  in  the  line  of  its  trajectory 


300  ENGLAND 

by  doing  all  he  could  to  foster  the  Reformers  at  1 

and  the  Protestant  alliance  abroad. 

wrdale.         One  of  the  decisive  factors  in  the  Reformation  i 

«?-l5W  proved  to  be  the  English  Bible,  completed,  afte 

end  of  Tyndale's  labors  by  a  man  of  less  scliola 

but  equally  happy  mastery  of  language,  Miles  C 

dale.     Of  little  original  genius,  he  spent  his  life  la 

in  the  labor  ;;  tracts  and  treatises  I 

oEng.      German  Ref  lis  native  tongue.     Hii 

^Bible.     gj.gg(.  ^.yj.]^  iletion  of  the  English 

which  was  1  Christopher  Froschac 

Zurich  in  15  age  staling  that  it  hac 

translated  ">  and  I-atyn" — the  "Do 

being,  of  coi  9  German  version.     Fi 

New  Testament  and  for  the  Old  Testament  as 

the  end  of  Chronicles,  Tyndale's  version  was  nsp 

rest  was  by  Coverdale.     The  work  was  dedicated 

king,  and,  as  Cromwell  had  already  been  consit 

the  advisability  of  authorizing  the  English  Bibl 

was  not  an  unwelcome  thing.     But  as  the  govcr 

was  as  yet  unprepared  to  recognize  work  avo 

J7  based  on  German  Protestant  versions,  they  resor 

the  device  of  re-issuing  the  Bible  with  the  na 

Thoijias  Matthew  as  translator,  though  in  fact  i 

38-9         sisted  entirely  of  the  work  of  Tyndalo  and  Covt 

loberli,    A  light  revision  of  this  work  was  re-issued  as  the 

Bible,  and  Injunctions  were  issued  by  Cromw' 

dering  a  Bible  of  the  largest  size  to  be  set  up  in 

church,  and  the  people  to  be  encouraged  to  ri 

They  were  also  to  be  taught  the  Lord's  pray* 

creed     in    English,    spiritual    sermons    wore 

preached,  and  superstitions,  such  as  going  on  pi 

ages,  burning  candles  to  saints,  and  kissing  and  ] 

relics,  were  to  be  discouraged. 

At  the  .same  time  Cromwell  diligently  sought 
prochemext  with  the  German  Protestants.     Th 


HENRY  Vm  301 

an  obvious  one  that,  having  won  the  enmity  of 
rles,  England  should  support  his  dangerous  iiites- 
enemies,  the  Schmalknldic  princes.     In  that  day 
theological  politics  it  was  natural  to  try  to  find 
ent  for  the  alliance  in  a  common  confession.     Em- 
ly  after  embassy  made  pilgrimages  to  Wittenberg, 
re  the  envoys  had  long  discussions  with  the  Re-   Januan 
ncrs  both  about  the  divorce  aud  about  matters  of   ^^* 
,    They  took  back  with  them  to  England,  together 
a  personal  letter  from  Luther  to  Cromwell,  a   "^"^ 
md  opinion  unfavorable  to  the  divorce  and  a  con- 

lion  dra^ni  up  in  Seventeen  Articles.  In  this, 
igh  in  the  main  it  was,  as  it  was  called,  "a  ropeti- 
and  exegesis  of  the  Augsburg  Confession,"  con- 
rable  concessions  were  made  to  the  wishes  of  the 
lish.  Jlclanchthon  was  the  draughtsman  and  Lu- 
the  originator  of  the  articles. 

Biis  symbol  now  became  the  basis  of  the  first  defini- 
of  faith  drawn  up  by  the  goverument.     Some  such 

tement  was  urgently  needed,  for,  amid  the  bewilder- 
acts  of  the  Reformation  Parliament,  the  people 

dly  knew  what  the  king  expected  them  to  believe, 
king  therefore  presented  to  Convocation  a  Hook 

hrticlos  of  Faith  and  Ceremonies,  commonly  called   IS'^iVrt 
Ten  Articles,  drafted  by  Fox  on  the  basis  of  the   oiAnidi 

aorandum  he  had  received  at  Wittenberg,  in  close 
itantinl  and  frequently  in  verbal  agreement  with  it. 

this  confession  the  Bible,  the  three  creeds,  and  the 
of  the  first  four  councils  were  designated  as  au- 

"itative;  the  three  Lutlieran  sacraments  of  baptism, 
iiicc,  and  the  altar  wore  retained;  justification  by 

h  and  good  works  .jointly  was  proclaimed;  the  use 

mages  was  allowed  and  purgatory  disallowed;  the 
presence  in  the  sacrament  was  strongly  affirmed, 
significance  of  the  articles,  however,  is  not  so  much 

heir  Lutheran  provenance,  as  in  their  promuVgatVon 


302  ENGLAND 

by  the  crown.  It  was  the  last  step  in  the  enstaTonl 
of  religion.  "This  king,"  as  Luther  remarked,  "wa 
to  be  God,  He  founds  articles  of  faith,  which  e^-enl 
pope  never  did."  I 

^^^-  It  only  remained  to  see  what  the  people  would  i 

t4ce  to  the  new  order.     Within  a  few  months  after  thei 

solution  of  the  Eeformatiou  Parliament  and  the  pt 
lication  of  th(  is,  the  people  in  the  uo 

spread  upon  tl  tory  an  extremely  emphl 

protest.     For  y  what  the  Pilgrimage 

Grace  was — m  against  king,  propertyj 

any  establish(  but  a  great  demonstrat 

against  the  p  lich  Cromwell   became 

scapegoat.     In  f  slow  coninmnication  o] 

ions  travelled  on  the  beaten  roads  of  commerce, 
late  as  Mary's  reign  there  is  proof  that  Protestant: 
was  confined  to  the  south,  east,  and  midlands, — roua 
speaking  to  a  circle  with  London  as  its  center  ani 
radius  of  one  hundred  miles.  In  these  earlier  yej 
Protestant  opinion  was  probably  even  more  confiii 
London  was  both  royalist  and  anti-Ttoman  Catho 
the  ports  on  the  south-eastern  coast,  including  Cal 
at  that  time  an  English  station  in  France,  and  the  i 
versity  towns  had  strong  Lutheran  and  still  stron 
anti-clerical  parties. 

But  in  the  wilds  of  the  north  and  west  it  was  dif 
enf.  There,  hardly  any  bourgeois  class  of  trad 
existed  to  adopt  "the  religion  of  merchants"  as  Pi 
esfantism  has  been  called.  Perhaps  more  import 
was  the  mere  slowness  of  the  diffusion  of  ideas.  ' 
good  old  ways  were  good  enough  for  men  who  ne 
knew  anything  else.  The  people  were  disconteii 
with  the  high  taxes,  and  tlie  nobles,  who  in  the  nc 
retained  feudal  affections  if  not  feudal  power,  w 
outraged  by  tlie  ascendency  in  the  royal  councils 
low-born  upstarts.     Moreover,  it  seems  that  the  cle 


HENRY  VIII  303 

stronger  in  the  north  even  before  the  inroads 
the  new  doctrines.  In  the  suppression  of  the  lesser 
lasteries  Yorkshire,  the  largest  county  in  England, 
lost  the  most  foundations,  53  in  all,  and  Lincoln- 
kfre  the  next  most,  37.  Irritation  at  the  suppression 
pelf  was  greatly  increased  among  the  clergy  by  the 

^lence  and  thoroughness  of  the  visitation,  in  which 
only  monasteries  but  parish  priests  had  been  ex- 
led.    In  resisting  the  king  in  the  name  of  the 

irch  the  priests  had  before  them  the  example  of  the 
|ost  popular  English  saint,  Thomas  Becket.  They 
pre  the  real  fomenters  of  the  demonstration,  and  the 
mtlemen,  not  the  people,  its  leaders. 
Bioting  began  in  Lincolnshire  on  October  1, 1536,  and 
sfore  the  end  of  the  month  40,000  men  had  joined  the 
Dvement.  A  petition  to  the  king  was  drawn  up  de- 
anding  that  the  church  holidays  be  kept  as  before, 
at  the  church  be  relieved  of  the  payment  of  first- 
uits  and  tithes,  that  the  suppressed  houses  be  re- 
Dred  except  those  which  the  king  **kept  for  his  pleas- 
e  only,"  that  taxes  be  reduced  and  some  unpopular 
icials  banished. 

Henry  thundered  an  answer  in  his  most  high  and 
ighty  style:  **How  presumptuous  then  are  ye,  the 
de  commons  of  one  shire,  and  that  one  of  the  most 
ute  and  beastly  of  the  whole  realm,  and  of  least  ex- 
rience  to  find  fault  with  your  prince  in  the  electing 

his  councillors  and  prelates!"    He  at  once  dis- 
itched  an  army  with  orders  *'to  invade  their  coun- 
ies,  to  burn,  spoil  and  destroy  their  goods,  wives  and   March, 
ildren."    Repression  of  the  rising  in  Lincolnshire 
IS  followed  by  the  execution  of  forty-six  leaders. 
But  the  movement  had  promptly  spread  to  York- 
ire,  where  men  gathered  as  for  a  peaceable  demon- 
ration,  and  swore  not  to  enter  *'this  pilgrimage  of   October, 
ace  for  the  commonwealth,  save  only  for  the  mava- 


304  ENGLAND 

tenance  of  God 's  faith  and  chareh  militant,  preaa 
tion  of  the  king's  person,  and  purifying  the  nobilit 
all  villein's  blood  and  evil  counsellors,  to  the  res 
tion  of  Christ's  church  and  the  snppression  of  fc 
tics'  opinions."  In  Yorkshire  it  was  feared  that 
money  extorted  from  the  abbeys  was  going  to  1 
don;  and  that  the  new  treason's  acts  woald  ope 
harshly.     Ci  1  Westmoreland  soon  ja 

the  rising,  t  rievance  being  the  ecoU 

one  of  the  r  )r  rather  of  the  heavy: 

exacted  by  ]  the  renewal  of  leases, 

army  of  35,0  ;  by  the  insurgents  but 

leader,  Robe:  lot  wish  to  fight,  thoi^ 

was  opposed  I ,  royal  troops.    He  preft 

a  parley  and  demanded,  in  addition  to  a  free  pa' 
the  acceptance  of  the  northern  demands,  the  sum; 
of  a  free  Parliament,  the  restoration  of  the  papi 
premacy  as  touching  the  cure  of  souls,  and  the  sup 
sion  of  the  books  of  Tyndale,  Huss,  Luther,  anc 
lanchthon.  The  king  invited  Aske  to  a  personal  i 
view,  and  promised  to  accede  to  the  demand  I 
Parliament  if  the  petitioners  would  disperse,  A 
of  violence  on  a  part  of  a  few  of  the  northerners 
held  to  absolve  the  government,  and  Henry,  hi 
gathered  his  forces,  demanded,  and  secured,  a  "d 
ful  execution"  of  vengeance. 

Though  the  Pilgrimage  of  Grace  had  some  eff( 
warning  Henry  not  to  dabble  in  foreign  heresies 
policy  he  had  most  at  heart,  that  of  making  hii 
absolute  in  state  and  church,  went  on  apace.  Th( 
mination  of  the  growth  of  the  royal  power  is  comn 
iiuieof  seen  in  the  Statute  of  Proclamations  apparently 
n»,'l539  '"S  the  king's  proclamafions  the  same  validity  af 
save  when  they  touched  the  lives,  liberty,  or  proj 
of  subjects  or  were  repugnant  to  existing  stat 
Probably,  however,  the  intent  of  Parliament  was 


HENRY  VITT  305 

onfer  new  powers  on  the  crown  but  to  regulate  the 
trcetnent  of  already  existing  prerogatives.  As  a 
ler  of  fact  no  proclamations  were  issued  during 
last  years  of  Henry's  reign  that  might  not  have 
1  issued  before. 

nt  the  reform  of  the  church  by  the  government,  in 
als  and  usages,  not  in  doctrine,  proceeded  un- 
4ed.     The  larger  monaaferies  had  been  falling  into 

king's  hands  by  voluntary  surrender  over  since 
B;  a  new  visitation  and  a  new  Act  for  the  dissolu- 
lof  the  greater  monasteries  completed  the  process, 
in  iconoclastic  war  was  now  begun  not,  as  in  other    ^"o" 
Btries.  by  the  mob.  but  by  the  government.     Relies 

the  Blood  of  Hailes  were  destroyed,  and  the  Rood 
toxley,  a  crucifix  moclianically  contrived  so  that  the 
fits  made  it  nod  and  smile  or  shake  its  head  and 
rn  according  to  the  liberality  of  its  worshipper, 
taken  down  and  the  mechanism  exposed  in  various 
les.  At  Walsingham  in  Norfolk  was  a  nodding 
g;e  of  the  Virgin,  a  bottle  of  her  milk,  stiU  liquid, 

a  knuckle  of  St.  Peter.  The  shrine,  ranking 
igli  it  did  with  Loretto  and  Compostella  in  popular 
(ration,  was  now  destroyed.  With  much  zest  the 
trnment  next  attacked  the  shrine  of  St.  Thomas 
ket  at  Canterbury,  thus  revenging  the  humiliation 
mother  Henry  at  the  hands  of  the  church.  The 
tyr  was  now  declared  to  be  a  rebel  who  had  fled 
n  the  realm. 

he  definition  of  doctrine,  coupled  with  negotiations  '^*' 
I  the  Schmalkaldic  princes,  continued  briskly.  The 
iect  for  an  alliance  came  to  nothing,  for  John  Fred- 
of  Saxony  wrote  that  God  would  not  allow  them 
lave  communication  with  Henry.  Two  embassies 
Sngland  engaged  in  assiduous,  but  fruitless,  theo- 
Bal  discussion.  Henry  himself,  with  the  aid  of 
hbert  Tunstall,  drew  up  a  long  statement  "agaVnsX, 


306  ENGLAND 

the  opinions  of  the  Germans  on  the  sacrament  i 
kinds,  private  masses,  and  sacerdotal  marriage.' 

I  reactionary  tendency  of  the  English  is  seen  in 
stitutioii  of  the  Christian  Man,  published  witi 
anthority,  and  still  more  in  the  Act  of  the  Six  A 
In  the  former  the  four  sacraments  previous! 
carded  are  again  "found."  In  the  latter,  transi 
tiation  is  t  )Ctrlne  of  commaniou  i 

kinds  bran  ,  the  marriage  of  prie 

Glared  voic  astity  are  made  perp 

binding,  pi  ind  auricular  confessic 

sanctioned.  ransubstanti^ition  was 

punishable  ind  forfeiture  of  goods 

who  spoke  other  articles  were  d( 

guilty  of  felony  on  the  second  offence.  This  a< 
cially  entitled  "for  abolishing  diversity  in  opi: 
was  really  the  first  act  of  uniformity.  It  was  ( 
by  the  influence  of  the  king  and  the  laity  agaii 
parties  represented  by  Cromwell  and  Cranui 
ended  the  plans  for  a  Schmalkaldic  alliance, 
thanked  God  that  they  were  rid  of  that  bla^i 
who  had  tried  to  enter  their  league  but  failed. 
By  a  desperate  gamble  Cromwell  now  tried  1 
what  was  left  of  his  pro-German  policy.  Duke  V 
of  Cleves-Jiilich-Berg  had  adopted  an  Erasmia 
promise  between  Lutlieranism  and  Romanism,  i 
respects  resembling  the  course  pursued  by  Hen: 
this  direction  Cromwell  accordingly  next  turn 

■  induced  his  master  to  contract  a  marriage  witli 
the  duke's  sister.  As  Henry  had  offered  to  tlu 
pean  audience  three  tragedies  in  his  three 
marriages,  he  now,  in  true  Greek  style,  preset 
his  fourth  a  farce  or  "satyric  drama."  The  m 
did  not  like  his  new  wife  in  the  least,  and  found 
of  ridding  himself  oi  \icr  ■more  sv^ciWiN  Wviu.  'Ka 
even  with  him.    Having  s\\aTeA\\c'c\i<i'\lOT  %ys 


HENRY  VIII  307 

Bvorced  her  on  tbe  ground  that  the  marriage  had  jy]  « 
been  consummated.  The  ex-queen  continued  to  1540 
as  "the  king's  good  sister"  with  a  pension  and 
ibhshment  of  her  own,  but  Croraivell  vicariously 
iated  her  failure  to  please.  He  was  attainted,  with- 
trial,  for  treason,  and  speedily  executed. 
Ayfe  same  day  Henry  married  Catharine  Howard,  Biucbeti 
^^^Bbl  girl  selected  by  the  Catholics  to  play  the 
^^Hn  for  them  that  Anne  Boloyn  had  played  for 
■Lutherans,  and  who  did  so  more  exactly  than  her 
ikers  intended.  Like  her  predecessor  she  was  be- 
ided  for  adultery  on  February  13,  1542.  On  July 
1543,  Bluebeard  conclncled  his  matrimoiiial  adven- 
es by  taking  Catharine  Parr,  a  lady  who,  like  Sieyes 
er  the  Terror,  must  have  congratulated  herself  on 
'rare  ability  in  surviving. 
Is  a  Catholic  reaction  marked  the  last  eight  years  CtihoU* 
Henry's  reign,  it  may  perhaps  be  well  to  say  a  few 
rds  about  the  state  of  opinion  in  England  at  that 
le.  The  belief  that  the  whole  people  took  their  re- 
on  with  sheepish  meekness  from  their  king  is  too 
ipie  and  too  dishonorable  to  the  national  character 
lie  believed.  That  they  appeared  to  do  this  is  really 
roof  that  parties  were  nearly  divided.  .Just  as  in 
flern  times  great  issues  are  often  decided  in  gen- 
I  elections  by  narrow  majorities,  so  in  tlio  sixteenth 
huy  public  opinion  veered  now  this  way,  now  that, 
)art  guidcil  by  the  government,  in  part  affecting  it 
n  when  the  channels  by  which  it  did  so  are  not 
ioQs.  We  must  not  imagine  that  tiie  people  took 
interest  in  the  course  of  affairs.  On  the  contrary 
burning  issues  of  the  day  were  discussed  in  public 
se  and  marketplace  with  the  same  vivacity  with 
eb  politics  are  now  debated  in  the  New  Euglawd 
ptrv  store.  "Tlie  Word  of  God  was  dispuleA, 
h?4  sons'  aad  jangled  in  every  alehouse  auil  tav 


308  ENQLAKD 

em,"  says  a  contemporary  state  paper.  In  privil 
graver  men  argued  with  the  high  spirit  reflected 
More's  dialogues. 

Pour  parties  may  be  plainly  discerned.  First  i 
most  numerous  were  the  strict  Anglicans,  orthodoii 
royalist,  comprising  the  greater  part  of  the  croi 
loving,  priest-hating  and  yet,  in  intellectual  matw 
conservative  c  pie.     Secondly,  there 

the  pope's  folk  trong  in  numbers  especid 

among  the  clei  the  north.     Their  leads 

were  among  tht  -minded  of  the  nation,  b 

were  also  the  f  nitten  by  the  king's  wn 

which,  as  his  si  >  always  repeating  in  1 

proverb,    meani  uch    men   were    More 

Fisher  and  the  London  Carthusians  executed  in  153 
for  refusing  the  oath  of  supremacy.  Third,  the» 
were  the  Lutherans,  an  active  and  intelligent  minoritj 
of  city  merchants  and  arti.sans,  led  by  men  of  «*■ 
spieuous  talents  and  generally  of  high  character,  lib 
Coverdale,  Ridley,  and  Latimer.  With  these  Wded 
were  a  few  opportunists  like  Cranraer  and  a  ie^  ^ 
chiavellians  like  Cromwell.  Lastly  there  wa.s  a  "T 
small  contingent  of  extremists,  Zwinglians  and  .^ 
baptists,  all  classed  together  as  blasphemers  and  « 
social  agitators.  Their  chief  notes  were  the  varietj 
of  their  opinions  and  the  unanimity  of  their  per=«8- 
tion  by  all  other  parties.  Some  of  them  were  menti 
intelligible  social  and  religious  tenets ;  others  fur- 
nished the  "lunatic  fringe"  of  the  reform  movement 
The  proclamation  banishing  them  from  England  n 
pain  of  death  merely  continued  the  previous  piactiB 
of  the  government. 

The  fall  of  the  Cromwell  ministry,  if  it  may  be » 
termed  by  modern  analogy,  was  followed  by  a  goverii 
meut  in  which  Henry  acted  as  his  own  prime  ministf 


REFORMATION  UNDER  EDWARD  VI     309 

had  made  good  Lis  boast  that  if  his  shirt  knew  his 
Lsel  he  would  strip  it  off.'  Two  of  his  great  min- 
"s  he  had  cast  down  for  being  too  Catholic,  one 
being  too  Protestant.  Having  procured  laws  en- 
Bg  him  to  burn  Romanista  as  traitors  and  Luther- 
as  heretics,  he  established  a  regime  of  pure  An- 
inism,  the  only  genuine  Anglican  Catholicism,  how- 
'  much  it  may  have  been  imitated  in  after  centuries, 
'  ever  existed. 

easures  were  at  once  taken  towards  suppressing  Anti- 
Protestants  and  their  Bible.  One  of  the  first  mar-  J^J^ 
was  Robert  Barnes,  a  personal  friend  of  Luther. 
ih  stir  was  created  by  the  burning,  some  years  later, 
gentlewoman  named  Anne  Askewe  and  of  three 
at  Smithfield.  The  revulsion  naturally  caused 
bis  cruelty  prepared  the  people  for  the  Protestant 
of  Edward.  The  Bible  was  also  attacked.  The 
dation  of  1539  was  examined  by  Convocation  in 
and  criticized  for  not  agreeing  more  closely  with 
Latin.  In  1543  all  marginal  notes  were  obliterated 
the  lower  classes  forbidden  to  read  the  Bible  at  all. 
enry's  reign  ended  as  it  began  with  war  on  France 
Scotland,  but  with  liltle  success.  The  government 
put  to  dire  straits  to  raise  money.     A  forced  loan 

0  per  cent,  on  property  was  exacted  in  1542  and 
idiated  by  law  the  next  year.  An  income  tax  ris- 
from  four  pence  to  two  shillings  in  the  pound 
pjods  and  from  eight  pence  to  three  shillings  on 
nme  from  land,  was  imposed.     Crown  lands  were 

1  or  mortgaged.  The  last  and  most  disastrous  ex- 
ient  was  the  debasement  of  the  coinage,  the  old 
valent  of  the  modern  issue  of  irredeemable  paper. 

consequence  of  this  prices  rose  enormously. 

wmrUiibor  rninp  from  ErHsmiis.  De  Lingua.  1525,  Opera,  iv,  682, 
Ibe  Hordd  are  attributed  to  Caecilius  MetclIiM. 


310  ENGLAND 

§  2.  The  Reformation  Under  Edwahd  VL    1547-U 

AccMsion         The  real  test  of  the  popularity  of  Henry's  da 

VLjan"       revolution,  constitotional  and  religious,   came  » 

wy  28, 1547  England  was  no  longer  guided  by  his  strong  pen 

ality,  but  was  ruled  by  a  child  and  governed  by  a  w 

and  shifting  regency.     It  is  significant  that,  whei 

the  prerogative  zn  was  considerably  relaii 

thou^  substai  sd  on  to  Edward's  stronj) 

successors,  the  in  proceeded  at  accelerat 

pace. 

Someraet  Henry  him 81  ach  to  insure  further  chaa 

'*"         as  to  safeguart  3y  made,  appointed  Refot 

ers  as  his  son'  d  made  the  majority  oft 

Council  of  Regency  Protestant.  The  young  Wni 
maternal  uncle,  Edward  Seymour,  Earl  of  Hertford 
was  chosen  by  the  council  as  Protector  and  created 
Duke  of  Somerset.  Mildness  was  the  charaderislil 
1547  of  j)is  rule.     He  ignored  Henry's  treason  and  berf^ 

acts  even  before  they  had  been  repealed. 
Repealof  "pj^g  g^gj  general  election  was  held  with  little  gorer* 

heresy  laws    mcnt  interference.     Parliament   may  be  assumed  t« 
have  expressed  the  will  of  the  nation  when  it  repeal* 
Henry's  treason  and  here.sy  laws,  the  ancient  ad 
Haeretico  conibiircndo,  the  Act  of  the  Six  Articles, 
the  Statute  of  Proclamations. 

To  ascertain  exactly  what,  at  a  given  time,  is  1^* 
"public  opinion"  of  a  political  group,  is  one  of  t^ 
most  difficult  tasks  of  the  historian.'  Even  nowadu* 
it  is  certain  that  the  will  of  the  majority  is  froqQfii'v' 
not  reflected  either  in  the  acts  of  the  Icgisature  flf* 
the  newspaper  press.  It  cannot  even  be  said  tliBttWj 
wishes  of  the  majority  are  always  public  opininn.  !■, 
expres-sing  the  voice  of  tlio  people  there  is  generillT 
some  section  more  vocal,  more  powerful  on  accd* 

'See  A.   L.  Lowell:      Public  Opiniim  and  Popular  Govenm^  "H 


anf 


IFORMATIOX  UNDER  EDWARD  VI     311 

Ih  or  intelligence,  and  more  deeply  in  earnest 
y  other;  and  this  minority,  though  sometimes 
?ely  small  one,  imposes  its  will  in  the  name  of 
pie  and  identifies  its  voice  with  the  voice  of 

fore,  when  we  read  the  testimony  of  eontem- 
(  that  the  ma.iority  of  England  was  still  Cath- 
the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  a  further 
I  of  popular  opinion  must  be  made  to  account 
apparently  spontaneous  rush  of  the  Reforma- 
ome  of  these  estimates  are  doubtless  exaggera- 
i  that  of  Paget  who  wrote  in  15W  that  eleven 
men  out  of  twelve  were  Catholics.  But  con- 
as  we  must,  that  a  considerable  majority  was 
i-Protestant,  it  must  be  remembered  that  this 
Y  included  most  of  the  indifferent  and  listless 
lost  all  those  who  held  their  opinions  for  no 
•eason  than  they  had  inherited  them  and  re- 
le  trouble  of  thinking  about  them.  Nearly  the 
rth  and  west,  the  country  districts  and  the  un- 
ited and  mute  proletariat  of  the  cities,  counted 
qHc  but  hardly  counted  for  anything  else.  The 
eial  class  of  the  towns  and  the  intellectual  class, 
hough  relatively  small,  then  as  now  made  pub- 
ion  as  measured  by  all  ordinary  tests,  was  pre- 
itly  and  enthusiastically  Protestant. 

analyse  the  expressed  wishes  of  England,  we 
id  a  mixture  of  real  religious  faith  and  of 
,  and  sometimes  discreditable,  motives.  A  new 
Iways  numbers  among  its  constituency  not  only 
ho  love  its  principles  but  those  who  hate  its 
its.     With  the  Protestants  were  a  host  of  allies 

from  those  who  detested  Rome  to  those  who 
ted  all  religion.  Moreover  every  successful 
las  a  number  of  hangers-on  for  the  sake  of 
1  spoils^   and  some   who   follow   its   iLotVunca 


Proleslant 
opinion 


312  ENGLAND 

with  no  purpose  save  to  fish  in  troubled  i 
But  whatever  their  constituency  or  relative  nu] 
the  Protestants  now  carried  ail  before  them, 
free  religious  debate  that  followed  the  death  of  i 
the  press  teemed  with  satires  and  pamphlets,  i 
Protestant.  From  foreign  parts  flocked  ailies, 
the  native  stock  of  literary  ammunition  was  rein 
by  German  >ks.     In  the  reign  of  E 

there  were  nslations  of  Luther's 

five  of  ifeli  0  of  ZwingU's,  two  of 

lampadius's  liuger's  and  four  of  Ca 

Many  Engli  aders  were  in  correspoi 

with    Bullii  ith   Calvin,   and   somi 

Melanehthon.  e  prominent  European 

estants  called  to  England  during  this  reign  were 
and  Fagius  of  Germany,  Peter  Martyr  and  B 
dino  Ochino  of  Italy,  and  the  Pole  John  Laski. 
The  purification  of  the  churches  began  pre 
Images,  roods  and  stained  glass  windows  we 
stroyed,  while  the  buildings  were  whitewashed 
inside,  properly  to  express  the  austerity  of  tl 
cult.  Evidence  shows  that  these  acts,  counle 
by  the  government,  were  popular  in  the  towns  1 
in  the  country  districts. 

Next  came  the  preparation  of  an  English  1 
The  first  Book  of  Common  Prayer  was  the  w 
Cranmer.  Many  things  in  it,  including  some 
most  beautiful  portions,  were  translations  fn 
Roman  Breviary;  but  the  high  and  solemn  musi 
language  must  be  credited  to  the  genius  of  its 
lator.  Just  as  the  English  Bible  populariz 
Reformation,  so  the  English  Prayer  Book  st 
ened  and  broadened  the  hold  of  the  Anglican 
Doctrinally,  it  was  a  compromise  between  Ron 
Lutheranism  and  Calvinism.  Its  use  was  enfoi 
the  Act  of  Uniformity,  the  first  and  mildest 


REFORMATION  UNDER  EDWARD  VI      313 

ptatutes  that  bore  that  name.     Though  it  might  be 
Lebratcd  in  Greek,  Latin  or  Hebrew  as  well  as  in 
flish,  priests  using  any  other  service  were  pun- 
icd  with  loss  of  benefices  and  imprisonment. 
:At  this  time  there  must  have  been  an  unrecorded 
fie  in  the  Council  of  Regency  between  the  two 
Lgious  parties,  followed  by  the  victory  of  the  inno-  End  of 
tors.    The  pace  of  the  Reformation  was  at  once  in- 
;  between  1550  and  1553  England  gave  up  most 
ivhat  was  left  of  distinctively  medieval  Catholicism. 
►r  one  thing,  the  marriage  of  priests  was  now  legal- 

That  public  opinion  was  hardly  prepared  for  p^^** 

as  yet  is  shown  by  the  act  itself  in  which  celibacy  tion 

the  clergy  is  declared  to  be  the  better  condition,  and 

iage  only  allowed  to  prevent  vice.    The  people 

regarded  priests'  wives  much  as  concubines  and 

government  spoke  of  clergymen  as  ^^  sotted  with 

ir  wives  and  children."    There  is  one  other  bit  of 

idence,  of  a  most  singular  character,  showing  that 

lis  and  subsequent  Acts  of  Uniformity  were  not  thor- 

-^^^'hly  enforced.    The  test  of  orthodoxy  came  to  be 

^'v|hiking  the  communion  occasionally  according  to  the 

^'^^glican  rite.    This  was  at  first  expected  of  every- 

«ne  and  then  demanded  by  law ;  but  the  law  was  evaded 

•§  ^  permitting  a  conscientious  objector  to  hire  a  sub- 

^  Ititute  to  take  conununion  for  him. 

In  1552  the  Prayer  Book  was  revised  in  a  Protestant 

^^^  aense.    Bucer  had  something  to  do  with  this  revision, 

:    and  80  did  John  Knox.    Little  was  now  left  of  the 

^    mass,  nothing  of  private  confession  or  anointing  the 

lick.    Further  steps  were  the  reform  of  the  Canon  Law 

s-  and  the  publication  of  the  Forty-two  Articles  of  Re- 

^  ligion.    These  were  drawn  up  by  Cranmer  on  the  basis 

of  thirteen  articles  agreed  upon  by  a  conference  of 

:*.  three  English  Bishops,  four  English  doctors,  and  two 

.:    Oerman  missionaries,  Boynehurg  and  Myconiu^,  iiv 


314  ENGLAND  ' 

May,  1538.  Cramncr  hoped  to  make  his  stat 
irenic;  and  in  tact  it  contained  Bome  Roman  an 
vinistic  elements,  but  in  the  main  it  was  Lut 
Justification  by  faith  was  assorted;  only  two 
meats  were  retained.  Transubstantiation  wi 
nounced  as  repugnant  to  Scripture  and  private! 
as  "dangerous  impostures."  The  real  presoi 
maintained  n  sense:  the  bread  wi 

to  be  the  1  t,  and  the  wine  the  Bl 

Christ,  but  heavenly  and  spiritua 

ner.     It  wj  Christ's  ordinance  th« 

ment  is  nol  Tied  about,  lifted  up,  c 

shipped. 

A  reform  ry  was  also  underiakc 

■was  much  needed.  In  i55t  Bishop  Hooper  fo 
his  diocese  of  311  clergymen,  171  could  not  rep 
Ten  Commandments,  ten  could  not  say  the 
Prayer  in  English,  seven  could  not  tell  who  ' 
author,  and  sixty-two  were  absentees,  chiefly  I 
of  pluralities. 

The  notable  characteristic  of  the  Edwardian 
mation  was  its  mildness.  There  were  no  C 
martyrs.  It  is  true  that  heretics  coming  urn 
category  of  blasphemers  or  deniers  of  Chris 
could  still  be  put  to  death  hy  common  law,  a 
men  were  actually  executed  for  speculations  ah 
divinity  of  Christ,  but  such  cases  were  wholly 
tional. 

The  social  disorders  of  the  time,  coming  to 
seemed  to  threaten  England  with  a  rising  of  th 
classes  similar  to  the  Peasants'  War  of  1525 
many.  The  events  in  England  prove  that,  h 
much  these  ebullitions  might  be  stimulated  by 
mosphere  of  the  religious  change,  they  were  : 
direct  result  of  the  bow  gosv^\.  "Vw  We  ■^■a?,!  c 
land  and   in  Oxfordshxre  V\ie  Xo-^et  -Sia?,^* 


REFORMATION  UNDER  EDWARD  VI      315 

Under  the  leadership  of  Catholic  priests;  in  the  east 

the  rising,  known  as  Rett's  rebellion,  took  on  an  Ana- 

llaptist  character.     The  real  causes  of  discontent  were 

the  same  in  both  cases.     The  growing  wealth  of  the 

Bommercial  classes  had  widened  the  gap  between  rich 

nd  poor.     The  inclosures  continued  to  be  a  grievance, 

y  the  ejection  of  small  tenants  and  the  appropriation 

F  common  lands.     But  by  far  the  greatest  cause  of 

ftrdsbip  to  the  poor  was  the  debasement  of  the  coin- 

pe.      AVheaf,  barley,  oats  and  cattle  rose  in  price  to 

ro  or  three  times  their  previous  cost,  while  wages, 

tpt  down  by  law,  rose  only  11  per  cent.    No  wonder 

lat  the  condition  of  the  laborer  had  become  impos- 

iblo. 

The  demands  of  the  eastern  rising,  centering  at  Nor- 

[wich,  bordered  on  communism.     The  first  was  for  the 

jBnfranchisement  of  all  bondsmen  for  the  reason  that 

(Christ  had  made  all  men  free.     Inclosures  of  commons 

id  private  property  in  game  and  fish  were  denounced 

id     further    agrarian    demands    were    voiced.     The 

tbcis  committed  no  murder  and  little  sacrilege,  but 

jnted  their  passions  by  slaughtering  vast  numbers 

of  sheep.     All  the  peasant  risings  were  suppressed  by 

the  government,  and  the  economic  forces  continued  to 

iperate  against  the  wasteful  agricultural  system  of 

"  ,e  time  and  in  favor  of  wool-growing  and  manufac- 

re. 

After  five  years  under  Protector  Somerset   there   ^,'|^'"'" 
■vas  a  change  of  government  signalized,  as  usual  un-  januar?: 
der  Henry  VIII,  by  the  execution  of  the   resigning  ' 
minister.     Somerset  suffered  from  the  unpopularity 
of  the  new  religious  policy  in  some  quarters  and  from 
that  following  the  peasants'  rebellion  in  others.     As 
tisQal,  the  government  was  blamed  for  the  economic 
evils  of  the  time  and  for  once,  in  having  debased  the 
winngo,  justly.     Moreover  the  Protector  had  been  \t\- 


152 

J 


ENGLAND 


^^^  316 

I  Tolved  by  scheming  rivals  in  the  odiam  more  than  il 

f  the  guilt  of  fratricide,  for  this  least  bloody  of  all  Eng- 

lish ministers  in  that  centurj',  had  executed  bis  brother, 
Thomas,  Baron  Seymour,  a  rash  and  ambitious  nmn 
rightly  supposed  to  be  plotting  his  own  advancement 
by  a  royal  marriage. 

Among  the  leaders  of  the  Reformation  belonging  to 
the  class  of  mere  adventurers,  John  Dudlej',  Earl  of 
Warwick,  was  the  ablest  and  the  worst.  As  the  Pro- 
tector held  quasi-royal  powers,  he  could  only  be  de- 
posed by  using  the  person  of  the  young  king.  War- 
wick ingratiated  himself  with  Edward  and  bronght 
the  child  of  thirteen  to  the  council.  Of  course  he  conld 
only  speak  what  was  taught  him,  but  the  name  of  roy- 
alty had  so  dread  a  prestige  that  none  dared 
him.  At  his  command  Warwick  was  created  Duke  ot 
Nortbtim-  Northumberland,  and  hia  confederate,  Henry  Grej 
''*j  sTff  Ik  ^f^rquis  of  Dorset,  was  created  Duke  of  SufTolk.  A 
little  later  these  men,  again  using  the  person  of  tl 
king,  had  Somerset  tried  and  executed. 

The  conspirators  did  not  long  enjoy  their  triumj 
While  Edward  lived  and  w^as  a  minor  they  were  sal 
but  Edward  was  a  consumptive  visibly  declinia 
They  had  no  hope  of  perpetuating  their  power  save 
alter  the  succession,  and  this  they  tried  to  do.  A 
other  Earl  of  Warwick  had  been  a  king-maker,  ^ 
not  the  present  oneT  Henry  VITI's  will  appointed 
succeed  him,  in  case  of  Edward's  death  without  isot 
(1)  Mary,  (2)  Elizabeth,  (3)  the  heirs  of  his  young 
sister  Mary  who  had  married  Charles  Brandon,  Do 
of  Suffolk.  Of  this  marriage  there  had  been  bom  tl 
daughters,  the  elder  of  whom,  Frances,  married  Hem 
Grey,  recently  created  Duke  of  Suffolk.  The  issue 
this  marriage  were  three  daughters,  and  the  eldest* 
them,  Lady  Jane  Grey,  was  picked  by  the  two  dak 
as  the  heir  to  the  throne,  and  was  married  to  NorthM 


Ur 
^"^1 


CATHOLIC  REACTION  UNDER  MARY     317 

^riaiid's  son,  Guilford  Dudley.     The  young  king  was 
^W  appealed  to,  on  the  ground  of  his  religious  feeling, 
alter  the  succession  so  as  to  exclude  not  only  his 
ktbolic  sister  Mary  but  his  lukewarm  sister  Eliza- 
in  favor  of  the  strongly  Protestant  Lady  Jane, 
lough  his  lawyers  told  him  he  could  not  alter  the 
»ssion  to  the  crown,  he  intimidated  them  into  draw- 
up  a  ** devise"  purporting  to  do  this. 

3.  The  Catholic  Reaction  Under  Mabt.    1553-58 

"When  Edward  died  on  July  6,  1553,  Northumber-  Prociwn 
had  taken  such  precautions  as  he  could  to  ensure  q^^ji 
success  of  his  project.    He  had  gathered  his  own  July  lo, 
at  London  and  tried  to  secure  help  from  France,  ^^^ 
king  would  have  been  only  too  glad  to  involve 
id  in  civil  war.    The  death  of  the  king  was  con- 
led  for  four  days  while  preparations  were  being 
[e,  and  then  Queen  Jane  was  proclaimed.    Mary's 
illenge  arrived  the  next  day  and  she  (Mary)  at  once 
\  ^gan  raising  an  army.    Had  her  person  been  secured 
^r  ^^  plot  might  have  succeeded,  but  she  avoided  the  set 
t  •nares.    Charles  V  wished  to  support  her  for  religious 
^  leasons,  but  feared  to  excite  patriotic  feeling  by  dis- 
•"^^  patching  an  army  and  therefore  confined  his  interven- 
r  iion  to  diplomatic  representations  to  Northumberland. 
^     There  was  no  doubt  as  to  the  choice  of  the  people.   Accessk 
"--*  Even  the  strongest  Protestants  hated  civil  turmoil   ^^^*^ 
^  more  than  they  did  Catholicism,  and  the  people  as  a 
r::^:  whole  felt  instinctively  that  if  the  crown  was  put  up  as 
:?:  a  prize  for  unscrupulous  politicians  there  would  be  no 
^  end  of  strife.    All  therefore  flocked  to  Mary,  and  al- 
^  most  without  a  struggle  she  overcame  the  conspirators 
:c:  and  entered  her  capital  amid  great  rejoicing.    North- 
•'^  umberland,  after  a  despicable  and  fruitless  recanta- 
i,  tion,  was  executed  and  so  were  his  son  and  his  son's 
^  wife,  Queen  Jane.    Sympathy  was  felt  for  her  oiv  ae- 


318  ENGLAND 


count  of  her  youth,  beauty  and  remarkable  tale 
bat  none  for  her  backers. 

The  relief  with  which  the  settlement  was  regsi 
gave  the  new  queen  at  least  the  good  will  of  th« 
tion  to  start  with.  This  she  gradually  lost.  Jui 
Elizabeth  instinctively  did  the  popular  thing,  so  3 
seemed  almost  by  fatality  to  choose  the  worst  a 
possible.     B  >licy,  in  the  first  place, 

both  uii-Eni  successful.    Almost  at 

Charles  V  p  in  Philip  as  Mary's  bus! 

|^»Be      and,  after  a  jf  negotiation,  the  mar 

od  Philip,    took  place.  dus  unpopularity  of  this 

u]y25,       was  due  not  i  stility  to  Spain,  tbougi)  S 

was  beginniii]  a:arded  as  the  nationa 

rather  than  France,  but  to  the  fear  of  a  foreiKn  ' 
nation.  England  had  never  before  been  ruled 
queen,  if  we  except  the  disastrous  reign  of  Mali 
and  it  was  natural  to  suppose  that  Mary's  bus 
should  have  the  prerogative  as  well  as  the  title  of 
In  vain  Philip  tried  to  disabuse  the  English  of  the 
that  he  was  asserting  any  independent  claims ;  in 
way  the  people  felt  that  they  were  being  annexi 
Spain,  and  they  hated  it. 

The  religious  aim  of  the  marriage,  to  aid  ii 
restoration  of  Catholicism,   was  also  disliked. 
dinal  Pole  frankly  avowed  this  purpose,  declaring 

as  Christ,  being  heir  of  the  world,  was  sent  down 
Father  from  the  royal  throne,  to  be  at  once  Spous 
Son  of  the  Virgin  Mary  and  to  be  made  the  Com 
and  Saviour  of  mankind;  so,  in  like  manner,  the  p 
of  all  princes  upon  earth,  the  heir  of  his  father's 
dorn,  departed  from  his  own  broad  and  happy  realn 
he,  too,  might  come  hither  into  this  land  of  trouble 
the  spouse  and  son  of  this  virgin  Mary  ...  to  aid 
reconciliation  of  this  people  to  Christ  and  the  chu 

For  Mary  herself  the  marriage  was  most  unh 


CATHOLIC  KEACTION  UNDEB  MAEY     319 

■e  was  a  bride  of  thirty-eight,  already  worn  and  aged 
'  grief  and  care ;  her  bridegroom  was  only  twenty- 
^eo.  She  adored  him,  but  he  almost  loathed  her  and 
de  her  miserable  by  neglect  and  unfaithfulness. 
T  passionate  hopes  for  a  child  led  her  to  believe 
I  announce  that  she  was  to  have  one,  and  her  dis- 
lointment  was  correspondingly  bitter. 
lo  unpopular  was  the  marriage  coupled  with  the 
en's  religious  policy,  that  it  led  to  a  rebellion  un- 
Sir  Thomas  Wyatt.  Though  suppressed,  it  was  a 
gerous  svonptom,  especially  as  Mary  failed  to  profit 
the  warning.  Her  attempts  to  implicate  her  sister 
sabeth  in  the  charge  of  treason  failed, 
[ad  Mary 's  foreign  policy  only  been  strong  it  might 
e  conciliated  the  patriotic  pride  of  the  ever  present 
;o.  But  under  her  leadership  England  seemed  to 
line  almost  to  its  nadir.  The  command  of  the  sea 
{ lost  and,  as  a  consequence  of  this  and  of  the  mili- 
f  genius  of  the  Duke  of  Guise,  Calais,  held  for 
r  two  centuries,  was  conquered  by  the  French.  1553 
th  the  subsequent  loss  of  Guines  the  last  English 
post  on  the  continent  was  reft  from  her.  Religioui 

Notwithstanding  Mary 's  saying  that  *  *  Calais ' '  would  p®**^ 
round  in  her  heart  when  she  died,  by  far  her  deep- 
interest  was  the  restoration  of  Catholicism.  To 
ist  her  in  this  task  she  had  Cardinal  Reginald  Pole, 
Khose  veins  flowed  the  royal  blood  of  England  and 
)m  the  pope  appointed  as  legate  to  the  kingdom, 
mgh  Mary's  own  impulse  was  to  act  strongly,  she 
sibly  adopted  the  emperor's  advice  to  go  slowly 
,  as  far  as  possible,  in  legal  forms.  Within  a 
ith  of  her  succession  she  issued  a  proclamation 
ing  her  intention  to  remain  Catholic  and  her  hope 
;  her  subjects  would  embrace  the  same  religion, 
at  the  same  time  disclaiming  the  intention  of 
ing  them  and  forbidding  strife  and  the  uae  ol 


320 

"those  new-found  devilish  terms  of  papist  orhei 
or  such  like." 

Elections  to  the  first  Parliament  were  free;  it  pi 
two  noteworthy  Acts  of  Repeal,  the  first  restorini 
status  quo  at  the  death  of  Henry  VIII,  the  secon 
^''?'  storing  the  status  quo  of  1529  on  the  eve  of  the  B 
«  matlon  Parliament.     This  second  act  abolished  ( 

een  statutes  [II  and  one  of  Edwan 

,  but  it  refuse  the  church  lands.    The 

of  the  eonfisc  tieal  property  was  one  < 

greatest  obs'  the  greatest,  in  the  pa 

reconciliatio"  The  pope  at  first  ini 

upon  it,  and  ply  grieved  at  being  o\ 

to  absolve  sinne,„  ept  the  fruits  of  their 

But  the  English,  as  the  Spanish  ambassador  Rf 
wrote,  "would  ratlier  get  themselves  massacred 
let  go"  the  abbey  lands.  The  very  Statute  of  Re 
therefore,  that  in  other  respects  met  Mar>''s  deni; 
carefully  guarded  the  titles  to  the  secularized  1; 
making  all  suits  relating  to  them  triable  only  in  c: 
courts. 

The  second  point  on  which  Parliament,  truly  n 
senting  a  large  section  of  public  opinion,  was  obsti: 
was  in  the  refusal  to  recognize  the  papal  supren 
The  people  as  a  whole  cared  not  what  dogma  they 
supposed  to  believe,  but  they  for  the  most  part 
dially  hated  the  pope.  They  therefore  agreed  to 
the  acts  of  repeal  only  on  condition  that  nothing 
said  about  the  royal  supremacy.  To  Mary's  insist 
they  returned  a  blank  refusal  to  act  and  she  was 
pelled  to  wait  "while  Parliament  debated  articles 
might  well  puzzle  a  general  council,"  as  a  con 
porary  wrote. 

Lords  and  Commons  were  quite  willing  to  pass 
to  strengthen  the  crown  and  then  to  leave  the  resp 


CATHOLIC  REACTION  UNDER  MARY     321 

f^ty  for  further  action  to  it.     Thus  the  divorce  of 
^Hry  and  Catharine  of  Aragon  was  repealed  and  the  RemaJ 

treaM 
laws 


m  laws  were  revived.    Going  even  beyond  the  *'*^*^*^ 


it  of  Henry  VIII  it  was  made  treason  to  **pray  or 
lire'*  that  God  would  shorten  the  queen's  days, 
►rse  than  that,  Parliament  revived  the  heresy  laws. 
is  a  strange  comment  on  the  nature  of  legislatures 
it  they  have  so  often,  as  in  this  case,  protected  prop- 
better  than  life,  and  made  money  more  sacred 
conscience.  However,  it  was  not  Parliament  but 
executive  that  carried  out  to  its  full  extent  the 
of  persecution  and  religious  reaction, 
country  soon  showed  its  opposition.  A  tem- 
disarray  that  might  have  been  mistaken  for 
itegration  had  been  produced  in  the  Protestant 
by  the  recantation  of  Northumberland.  The 
oration  of  the  mass  was  accomplished  in  orderly 
ter  in  most  places.  The  English  formulas  had 
patient  of  a  Catholic  interpretation,  and  doubt- 
many  persons  regarded  the  change  from  one 
iturgy  to  the  other  as  a  matter  of  slight  importance. 
Moreover  the  majority  made  a  principle  of  conformity 
the  government,  believing  that  an  act  of  the  law  re- 
^ed  the  conscience  of  the  individual  of  responsibil- 
But  even  so,  there  was  a  large  minority  of  recus- 
tU  Of  8800  beneficed  clergy  in  England,  2000  were 
i^ed  for  refusal  to  comply.  A  very  large  number 
to  the  Continent,  forming  colonies  at  Frankf ort-on- 
Main  and  at  Geneva  and  scattering  in  other  places. 
le  opinion  of  the  imperial  ambassador  Renard  that 
iglish  Protestants  depended  entirely  on  support 
/^t)m  abroad  was  tolerably  true  for  this  reign,  for  their 
f.'^ks  continued  to  be  printed  abroad,  and  a  few  fur- 
arf'^er  translations  from  foreign  reformers  were  made. 
^i^t  is  noteworthy  that  these  mostly  treat  of  the  ques- 


322  ENGLAND 

tion,  then  so  much  in  debate,  whether  Protesl 
might  innocently  attend  the  mass. 

Other  expressions  of  the  temper  of  the  people 
the  riota  iji  London.  On  the  last  day  of  the  first 
liament  a  dog  with  a  tonsured  crown,  a  rope  an 
its  neck  and  a  writing  signifying  that  priests  and 
ops  should  be  hung,  was  thrown  through  a  windoff 
the  queen's  prei  ;r.    At  another  time  n 

was  found  tons  ced,  and  with  a  wafor  il 

its  mouth  in  de  >  mass.     The  pcrpetratra 

of  those  outrage  )e  found.  j 

A  sterner,  th(  ,  resistance  to  the  goveii 

ment  was  gloric  1  when  stake  and  ra<4fcl 

gan  to  do  their  -y  was  totally  unpreparJ 

for  the  strength  of  i'rotestant  feeling  in  the  coontrt. 
She  hoped  a  few  executions  would  strike  terror  intii 
the  hearts  of  all  and  render  furtlior  persecution  un- 
necessary. But  from  the  execution  of  the  first  raartn", 
John  Rogers,  it  %vas  plain  that  the  people  syinpatliiK 
with  the  victims  rather  than  feared  their  fate. 
content  with  warring  on  the  living,  Mary  even  hratt 
the  sleep  of  the  dead.^  Tlie  bodies  of  Bucer  and  Ffr 
gius  were  dug  up  and  burned.  The  body  of  Pi'tiT 
Martyr's  wife  was  also  exhumed,  though,  as  no  evi- 
dence of  heresy  could  be  procured,  it  was  thrown  oni 
dunghill  to  rot. 

The  most  famous  victims  were  Latimer,  Ridley  and 
Cranmer.  The  first  two  were  burnt  alive  togetheti 
Latimer  at  the  stake  comforting  his  friend  by  assurinj 
him,  "This  day  we  shall  light  such  a  candle,  by  Qod'i 
grace,  in  England,  as  I  trust,  shall  never  be  put  out" 
A  special  procedure  was  reserved  for  Cranmer,  H 
primate.  Every  effort  was  made  to  get  him  to  recant 
He  at  first  signed  four  submissions  recognizing  tin 

I  Tlip  canon  Inw  (orliadP  the  burial  of  horelies  in  porwcrtW 
ground,  lint  It  is  aaid  that  Charles  V  refused  to  dig  up  Lutber'i  bij 
when  be  took  Wittenberg. 


;j 


I 


CATHOLIC  REACTION  UNDER  MARY     323 

lower  of  the  pope  as  and  if  restored  by  Parliament. 
le  then  signed  two  real  recantations,  and  finally  drew 
Ip  a  seventh  document,  repudiating  his  recantations, 
^-affirming  his  faith  in  the  Protestant  doctrine  of  the 
acraments  and  denouncing  the  pope.  By  holding  his 
"tght  band  in  the  fire,  when  he  was  burned  at  the  stake, 
le  testified  his  bitter  repentance  for  its  act  in  signing  March 
ne  recantations.  '^^ 

The  total  number  of  martyrs  in  Mary's  reign  fell 
'cry  little,  if  at  all.  short  of  300.     The  lists  of  them 
ire  precise  and  circumstantial.    The  geographical  dis- 
ribution  is  interesting,  furnishing,  as  it  does,  the  only 
tatistical  information  available  in  the  sixteenth  cen-- 
Dry  for  the  spread  of  Protestantism.     It  graphically 
Uustrates  the  fact,  so  often  noticed  before,  that  the 
itrongholds  of  the  new  opinions  were  the  commercial 
owns  of  the  south  and  east.     If  a  straight  line  be 
awn  from  the  Wash  to  Portsmouth,  passing  about 
wenty  miles  west  of  London,  it  will  roughly  divide  the 
Protestant  from  the   Catholic  portions  of   England. 
nt  of  290  martyrdoms  known,  247  took  place  east  of 
lis  line,  that  is,  in  the  city  of  London  and  the  coun- 
ies  of  Essex,  Hertford,  Kent,  Sussex,  Norfolk,  Suf- 
folk and  Cambridge.     Thirteen   are  recorded  in  the 
oath  center,  at  Winchester  and  Salisbury,  eleven  at 
■  western  ports  of  the  Severn,  Bristol  and  Glouees- 
lor.     There  were  three  in  Wales,  all  on  tlie  coast  at 
St  David's;  one  in  the  south-westeni  peninsula  at 
EUeter,  a  few  in  the  midlands,  and  not  one  north  of 
Lancolnshire  and  Cheshire. 

When  it  is  said  that  the  English  changed  their  re- 

1  easily,  this  record  of  heroic  opposition  must  be 

«membered  to  tlie  contrary.     Mary's  reign  became 

lore  and  more  hateful  to  her  people  until  at  last  it  is 

wible  that  only  the  prospect  of  its  speedy  termina- 

I  prevented  a  rebellion.     The  popular  epitViel  ot 


324  ENGLAND 

"bloody"  rightly  distinguishea  her  place  in  the  ti 
mate  of  history.  It  is  true  that  her  persecution  m 
into  insignificance  compared  with  the  holocansu 
victims  to  the  inquisition  in  the  Netherlands.  Botl 
English  people  naturally  judged  by  their  own  hist« 
and  in  all  of  that  such  a  reign  of  terror  was  onea 
pled.  The  note  of  Mary's  reign  is  sterility  and  i 
achievement  w  !,  in  reaction  to  the  p«li 

then  pursued,  a  id  indelible  hatred  of  Ytd 

§  3.  The  1  Settlement.     1558-88. 

However  nu  thorny  were  the  proUi 

'pressed  for  so  he  hands  of  the  maidesl 

twenty-five  now  to  rule  England,  the  gm 

est  of  all  questions,  that  ot  religion,  almost  settled! 
self.  It  is  exlronioly  hard  to  divest  oursolves  of  !l 
wisdom  that  comes  after  the  event  and  to  put  ourseb 
in  the  position  of  the  men  of  that  time  and  estimi 
fairly  the  apparent  feasibility  of  various  alternative 
But  it  is  hard  to  believe  that  the  considerations  thi 
scorn  so  overwhelming  to  us  should  not  have  fore* 
themselves  upon  the  attention  of  the  more  thoughtfi 
men  of  that  generation. 

In  the  first  place,  while  the  daughter  of  Anne  Boley 
was  predestined  by  heredity  and  breeding  to  opp* 
Rome,  yet  she  was  brought  up  in  the  Anglican  Call 
olieism  of  Henry  VIII.  At  the  age  of  eleven  she  bi 
translated  Margaret  of  Navarre's  Mirror  of  the  Sinfi 
Soifl,  a  work  expressing  the  spirit  of  devotion  joinfl 
with  liberalism  in  creed  and  outward  conforniitr  i 
cult.  The  rapid  vicissitudes  of  faith  in  England  lansii 
her  tolerance,  and  her  own  acute  intellect  and  pi* 
tical  sense  inclined  her  to  indifference.  She  did  M 
scruple  to  give  all  parties,  Catholic,  Lutheran  and  Ci 
vj'nist,  the  improssiou,  w\\ci\  \\,  ^\x\lcd  Her,  that  she  ^ 
a/most  in  agreomenl  ^>.'V\.\\  caclh,  ol  V&^m.   "W%  «*s 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SETTLEMENT      325 

libat  she  was  "an  atheist  and  a  niaiiitaincr  of 
jBm**  meant  no  more  than  that  her  interests  were 
kr.  She  once  said  that  she  would  rather  hear 
bnsand  masses  than  be  guilty  of  the  millions  of 
fs  perpetrated  by  some  of  those  who  had  sup- 
sed  the  mass.  She  liked  candles,  crueifixes  and 
D  just  as  she  inordinately  loved  personal  display, 
molitically  she  learned  very  early  to  fear  the  re- 
Ecanism  of  Knox. 

te  conservatism  of  Elizabeth's  poliey  was  deter- 
d  also  by  the  consideration  that,  though  the  more 
Ugent  and  progressive  classes  were  Protestant, 
laass  of  the  people  still  clung  to  the  Roman  faith, 
jif  they  had  no  other  power,  had  at  least  the  vis 
pae.  Accurate  figures  cannot  be  obtained,  but  a 
ber  of  indications  are  significant.  In  1559  Con- 
Ition  asserted  the  adherence  of  the  clergy  to  the  an- 
faith.  Maurice  Clenoch  estimated  in  1561  that 
najority  of  the  people  would  welcome  foreign  in- 
Intiou  in  favor  of  Mary  Stuart  and  the  old  faith. 
fttlas  Sanders,  a  contemporary  Catholic  apologist, 
'that  the  common  people  of  that  period  were  di- 
i  into  three  classes:  husbandmen,  shepherds  and 
kanics.  The  first  two  classes  he  considered  en- 
f  Catholic;  the  third  class,  he  said,  were  not 
Sedwith  schism  as  a  whole,  but  only  in  some  parts, 
I,  namely  of  sedentary  occupation  such  as  weavers, 
lers  and  some  lazy  "aulici,"  i.e.  servants  and 
pie  retainers  of  the  great.  The  remote  parts  of 
jingdom,  he  added,  were  least  tainted  with  heresy 
ks  the  towns  were  few  and  small,  he  estimated  that 
than  one  per  cent,  of  the  population  was  Protes- 
,  Though  these  figures  are  a  tremendous  exag- 
pon  of  the  proportion  of  Catholics,  some  support 
be  found  for  them  in  the  i»/'ormation  sent  to  t\\G 
^  1567  that  32  English  noWea  were  CatlioUc,  21 


Hoitaf  I 

people 
Catholic 


326  ENGLAND 

well  affected  to  the  Catholics  and  15  Protestants, 
slightly  different  is  the  report  sent  in  1571  thai 
time  33  English  peers  were  Catholic,  15  doubt 
16  heretical.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  in  religioi 
tioiis  we  find  that  the  House  of  Lords  would  bs 
Catholic  but  for  the  bishops,  a  solid  phalani 
emment  pnminopc 

But  if  re  Catholic,  the  strat 

situated  c  ^formed.     The  first  H 

Commons  'oved  by  its  acts  to  be  i 

Protestan  ption  generally  made 

was  packi  mmeiit  has  been  rece 

ploded.     (  shows  that  there  wee 

any  govemii.^.  rence.    Of  the  390  m 

168  had  sat  in  earlier  Parliaments  of  Mary,  e 
was  just  the  normal  proportion  of  old  memb 
must  be  remembered  that  the  parliamentary  fi 
approached  the  democratic  only  in  the  tow 
strongholds  of  Protestantism,  and  that  in  th 
boroughs  and  in  some  of  the  counties  the  elect 
determined  by  just  that  middle  class  most  pro) 
and  at  this  time  most  Protestant. 

Another  test  of  the  temper  of  the  countrj 
number  of  clergj-  refusing  the  oath  of  sup 
Out  of  a  totiil  number  of  about  nine  thousa 
about  two  hundred  lost  their  livings  as  recusal 
most  of  tlicse  were  Mary's  appointees. 

The  same  impression  of  Protestantism  is  g 
the  literature  of  the  time.  The  fifty-six  voh 
Elizabethan  divinity  published  by  the  Parker 
testify  to  the  number  of  Eeformation  treaties 
hymns  and  letters  of  this  period.  During  t 
thirty  years  of  Elizabeth's  reign  there  were  fift 
translations  of  Luther's  works,  not  counting 
ber  of  reprints,  two  new  translations  from  > 
tbon,  thirteen  f rom  BuWitv^ex  a.wd  t^itty-f oar  fi 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SETTLEMENT      327 

^^    Xotwithstanding  this  apparently  large  foreign 
lence,  the  English  Reformation  at  this  time  re- 
the  national  character  temporarily  lost  during 
's  reign.    John  Jewel's  Apologia  Ecclesiae  An-  1562 
has  been  called  by  Creighton,  **the  first  me- 
lical  statement  of  the  position  of  the  church  of 
^land  against  the  church  of  Home,  and  the  ground- 
»rk  of  all  subsequent  controversy/' 
inally,  most  of  the  prominent  men  of  the  time,  and 
It  of  the  rising  young  men,  were  Protestants.    The 
^lish  sea-captains,  w^olves  of  the  sea  as  they  were, 
id  it  advisable  to  disguise  themselves  in  the  sheep's 
ling  of  zeal  against  the  idolater.    More  creditable 
the  cause  was  the  adherence  of  men  like  Sir  William 
later  Lord  Burghley,  a  man  of  cool  judgment 
decent  conversation.    Coverdale,  still  active,  was 
le  a  bishop.    John  Foxe  published,  all  in  the  inter- 
of  his  faith,  the  most  popular  and  celebrated  his- 
of  the  time.    Boger  Ascham,  Elizabeth's  tutor, 
looked  to  Lutheran  Germany  as  '*a  place  where 
irist's  doctrine,  the  fear  of  God,  punishment  of  sin, 
id  discipline  of  honesty  were  held  in  special  regard." 
lund  Spenser's  great  allegory,  as  well  as  some  of 
L8  minor  poems,  were  largely  inspired  by  Anglican 
r*tid  Calvinistic  purposes. 

%•     It  was  during  Elizabeth's  reign  that  the  Roman  Conver 
patholics  lost  the  majority  they  claimed  in  1558  and  ^as^ 


ime  the  tiny  minority  they  have  ever  since  re- 
'kiained.  The  time  and  to  some  extent  the  process 
tlirough  which  this  came  to  pass  can  be  traced  with 
'air  accuracy.  In  1563  the  policy  of  the  government, 
till  then  wavering,  became  more  decided,  indicating 
tliat  the  current  had  begun  to  set  in  favor  of  Protes- 
tantisHL  The  failure  of  the  Northern  rising  and  of 
the  papal  bull  in  1569—70,  indicated  the  weakness  of 
tlie  ancient  faith.    In  1572  a  careful  estimate  ol  \)cl(^ 


328  ENGLAND 

I  religious  state  of  England  was  made  by  a  coaU 
rary,  who  thought  that  of  the  three  classes  into  n 
he  divided  the  population,  papist,  Protestant  and 
eist  {by  which  he  probably  meant,  indifferent)  tlie 
was  smaller  than  oither  of  the  other  two.  Tea  t 
later  (1580-85)  the  Jesuit  mission  in  England  clai 
120,000  converts.  But  in  reality  these  adherents! 
not  new  con  ;  remnant  of  Romanism 

maining  fait  assume,  as  a  distingui* 

historian  has  this  number  included  na 

all  the  obstin  i,  as  the  population  of! 

land  and  Wj  about  4,000,000,  the  pni| 

tion  of  Catho  about  3  per  cent,  of  ihed 

at  which  pert,  mained  constant  during 

next  century.  But  there  avctc  probably  a  cnnsidm 
number  of  timid  Roman  Catholics  not  daring  to  m 
themselves  known  to  the  Jesuit  mission.  But  e 
allowing  liberally  for  these,  it  is  safe  to  say  that 
1585  the  members  of  that  church  had  sunk  to  a  v 
small  minority. 

Those  who  see  in  the  conversion  of  the  English ! 
pie  the  result  merely  of  government  pressure  n 
explain  two  inconvenient  facts.  The  first  is  that 
Puritans,  who  were  more  strongly  persecuted  than 
papists,  waxed  mightily  notwithstanding.  The  sm 
is  that,  during  flic  period  when  the  conversion  of 
masses  took  place,  there  were  no  martyrdom:' 
there  was  little  persecution.  The  change  was,  in  t 
but  the  inevitable  completion  and  consequence  of 
conversion  of  the  leaders  of  the  people  earlier.  ^ 
the  masses,  doubtless,  the  full  contrast  betweec 
old  and  the  new  faiths  was  not  realized.  Attendin? 
same  churches  if  not  the  same  church,  using  a  Hn 
which  some  hoped  would  obtain  papal  sanction, 
ignorant  of  the  changes  ■maAc  \w.  \."caA\'A^\.\>i\\  ftoffl 
Latin  ritual,  the  uneducated  dvd -ftQVVcQMX^^b ■<:&«» 


LIZABETHAN  SETTLEMENT      329 

B  questions  of  dogma  or  even  about  more 
Iters  8Uch  as  the  supremacy  of  tliu  pope  and 
ge  of  the  clergy.  Moreover,  there  were 
jpe  forces  attracting  thera  to  the  Anglican 
riiey  soon  U-arnod  to  love  the  English 
nd  the  Bible  became  bo  necessary  that 
Ifere  obliged  to  produce  a  version  of  their 
insularity  and  patriotism  drew  them 
i  the  bosom  of  their  own  peculiar  com- 


\  can  now  see  that  the  forces  drawing  Elii>b«Ii 
!  Reformation  were  decisive,  the  policy  ^"'^ 
h  was  at  first  cautious.  The  old  services 
lil  Parliament  had  spoken.  As  with  Henry 
th  this  daughter  of  his,  scrupulous  legality 
irked  the  most  revolutionary  acts.  Eliza- 
en  proclaimed  "Queen  of  England,  France 
I,  Defender  of  the  Faith  &c,"  this  "Sic" 
n  to  eland  in  place  of  the  old  title  "Supreme 
I  Church,"  thus  dodging  the  question  of  its 

or  omission.  Parliament,  however,  very 
I  snpremaey  and  uniformity  acts  to  supply 
sanction.  The  former  repealed  Philip  and 
esy  Act  and  Repealing  Statute,  revived  ten 
iry  VIII  and  one  of  Edward  VI,  but  eon- 
repeal  of  six  acts  of  Henry  VIII.  Next, 
proceeded  to  seize  the  episcopal  lands.  Its 
just  as  secular  as  that  of  Henry's  Parlia- 

^ere  was  less  ecclesiastical  property  left 


I 


f  Common  Prayer  was  revised  by  intro- 
the  recension  of  1532  a  few  passages  from 
ition  of  1549,  previously  rejected  as  too 
Three  of  the  Forty-two  Articles  of  RcW^oiv   TVvoTti 
vere  dropped,  thus  making  the  Thirty -Tttue   '""*'^ 
Jiave  ever  since  been  the  a\ilUoiila1.Vjfc  ""i^ 


330  ENGLAND 

statement  of  Anglican  doctrine.  Thus  it  is  tm 
some  extent  that  the  Elizabethan  settlement  wai 
compromise.  It  took  special  heed  of  varions  partil 
and  tried  to  avoid  offence  to  Lutherans,  Zvrin^li 
and  even  to  Roman  Catholics.  But  far  more  tki 
compromise,  it  was  a  ease  of  special  development,  J 
it  is  usually  (*"•"'"■""'  ""+h  the  English  DisseutJ 
sects,  the  chni  id  is  often  said  to  be 

most  conser\'a'  ormed  bodies.    It  is  oft 

said  that  it  is  i  doctrine  and  Catholic' 

ritual  and    hi  ;  compared  mth  the 

theran  church  to  be  if  anything  fw 

from  Home.  Anglicans  of  the  sisten 

and  seventeenth  c  bhorred  the  Lutherans 

"semi-papists." 
Church  And  yet  the  Anglican  church  was  like  the  Lnlkr** 
jigland  jjp^  pjjiy  j^  jjg  conservatism  as  compared  with  CalTiu- 
ism,  but  in  its  political  aspects.  Both  became  tl« 
strong  allies  of  the  throne ;  both  had  not  only  ' 
markedly  national  but  a  markedly  governmental  qn"" 
ity.  Just  as  the  Reformation  succeeded  in  En^landbJ 
becoming  national  in  opposition  to  Spain,  and  reroai" 
ing  national  in  opposition  to  French  culture,  so  t" 
Anglican  church  naturally  became  a  perfect  expressio 
of  the  English  character.  Moderate,  decorous,  dctes 
ing  extremes  of  speculation  and  entliusiasm,  she  ca* 
less  for  logic  than  for  practical  convenience. 

Closely  interwoven  with  the  religious  settleto* 
cession  were  the  questions  of  the  heir  to  the  throne  and 
foreign  policy,  Elizabeth's  life  was  the  only  br<? 
M-ater  that  stood  between  the  people  and  a  Cath^ 
if  not  a  disputed,  succession.  The  nearest  heir  "* 
Mary  Stuart,  Queen  of  Scots,  a  granddaughter  of  Nl 
garct  Tudor,  TIenry  VIII 's  sister.  As  a  Catholic  i 
a  Frenchwoman,  half  by  race  and  wholly  by  her  r 
marriage  to  Francia  1\,  s\ie  ■wo\i\A  lia'^e  been  most  < 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SETTLEMENT      331 

tasteful  to  the  ruling  party  in  England.  Elizabeth  was 
jrefore  desired  and  finally  urged  by  Parliament  to 
Her  refusal  to  do  this  has  been  attributed  to 
le  hidden  cause,  as  her  love  for  Leicester  or  the 
)wledge  that  she  was  incapable  of  bearing  a  child, 
it  though  neither  of  these  hypotheses  can  be  dis- 
)ved,  neither  is  necessary  to  account  for  her  policy, 
is  true  that  it  would  have  strengthened  her  position 
bave  had  a  child  to  succeed  her ;  but  it  would  have 
^ened  her  personal  sway  to  have  had  a  husband. 
h  :^ke  wanted  to  rule  as  well  as  to  reign.  Her  many 
)r8  were  encouraged  just  suflBciently  to  flatter  her 
uty  and  to  attain  her  diplomatic  ends.  First,  her 
)ther-in-law  Philip  sought  her  hand,  and  was 
)inptly  rejected  as  a  Spanish  Catholic.  Then,  there 
Bobert  Dudley,  Earl  of  Leicester,  apparently  her 
ivorite  in  spite  of  his  worthless  character,  but  his 
was  not  high  enough.  Then,  there  were  princes 
:  f^  Sweden  and  Denmark,  an  Archduke  of  Austria  and 
::;  f  two  sons  of  Catharine  de '  Medici 's.  The  suit  of  one  of 
::r  ^  latter  began  when  Elizabeth  was  thirty-nine  years 
i  •-  old  and  he  was  nineteen  and  continued  for  ten  years  ^^^ 
:.  :  ^th  apparent  zest  on  both  sides.  Parliament  put  all 
-^:  we  pressure  it  could  upon  the  queen  to  make  her  flirta- 
.  ■  fions  end  in  matrimony,  but  it  only  made  Elizabeth 
L- .  •^Py.  Twice  she  forbade  discussion  of  the  matter, 
^d>  though  she  afterwards  consented  to  hear  the  peti- 
:  r  ^%  she  was  careful  not  to  call  another  Parliament 
^-.  for  five  years. 

Vexatious  financial  diflBculties  had  been  left  to  Eliza-  ^'"*"^ 

\  Win.   Largely  owing  to  the  debasement  of  the  cur- 

-  ■  rency  royal  expenditure  had  risen  from  £56,000  per 

'■ ;-  aimum  at  the  end  of  Henry's  reign  to  £345,000  in  thfe 

>  last  year  of  Mary's  reign.    The  government's  credit 

-^  ▼aa  m  a  bad  way,  and  the  commerce  of  the  kingdom 

:  i  deranged.    By  the  wise  expedient  of  calUng  in  \Xie  d^-  ^^*^ 


332  ENGLAND 

based  csoins  issued  since  1543,  the  hardest  proble 
were  solved. 

Towards  France  and  Spain  Elizabeth's  policy  i 
one  well  described  by  herself  as  "underhand  wat! 
English  volunteers,  with  government  connivance,  111 
nominally  on  their  own  responsibility,  fouglit  in  ll 
ranks  of  Huguenots  and  Netherlanders.  TorrenUi 
money  poured  i  churches  to  support  ll» 

fellow-Protcsta  tee  and   Holland.    Englil 

sailors  seized  S]  ons ;  if  successful  the  qi 

secretly  shared  i  at  if  they  were  caught  Ihl 

might  be  hange  i  by  Philip  or  Alva.   B 

condition,  unthii  was  allowed  by  the 

state  of  internatiu  the  very  idea  of  n 

was  foreign  to  the  time.  States  were  always  ti 
to  harm  and  overreach  each  other  iu  secret  ways,  1" 
Elizabetlian  England  the  anti-papal  and  anti-Spanisli 
ardor  of  the  mariners  made  possible  this  buccaneenn! 
without  government  support,  had  not  the  rich  priiet 
themselves  been  enough  to  attract  the  adventurou! 
Doubtless  far  more  energy  went  into  privateering  tli8 
into  legitimate  commerce. 

Peace  was  officially  made  with  France,  recogniiii 
the  surrender  of  Calais  at  first  for  a  limited  period 
years.  Though  peace  was  still  nominally  kept  wi 
Spain  for  a  long  time,  the  shift  of  policy  from  o 
of  hostility  to  France  to  one  of  enmity  to  Spain  vi 
soon  manifest.  As  long,  however,  as  the  governni* 
relied  chiefly  on  the  commercial  interests  of  the  capi 
and  other  large  towns,  and  as  long  as  Spain  control) 
the  Xetlierlands,  open  war  was  nearly  impossible,  t 
it  would  have  been  extremely  unpopular  with  the  m 
chants  of  both  London  and  the  Low  Countries, 
times  of  crisis,  however,  an  embargo  was  laid  on 
trade  with  Philip's  dominions, 
Elizabeth's  position  was  rftade  extremely  delicate 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SETTLEMENT      333 

%be  fact  that  the  heiress  to  her  throne  was  the  Scotch 
Queen  Mary  Stuart,  who,  since  1568,  had  been  a  re- 
*"  ^e  in  England  and  had  been  kept  in  a  sort  of  honor- 
le  captivitj^.  On  aoconnt  of  her  religion  she  became 
■  center  of  the  hopes  and  of  the  actual  machinations 
lall English  malcontents.  In  these  plots  she  partici- 
^ted  as  far  as  she  dared. 

lizabef  h  's  crown  would  have  been  jeoparded  had  the   The  a 
fctholic  powers,  or  any  one  of  them,  acted  promptly.  "'"^  **' 
rat  they  did  not  do  so  is  proof,  partly  of  their  mutnal 
ilousies,  party  of  the  excellence  of  Cecil's  statesman- 
Convinced  though  he  was  that  civil  peace  could 
Y  be  secured  by  religious  unity,  for  five  years  he 
toed  a  hesitating  game  in  order  to  hold  off  the  Cath- 
S  until  his  power  should  be  strong  enough  to  crush 
By  a  system  of  espionage,  by  permitting  only 
Allies  and  sailors  to  leave  the  kingdom  without  special 
,„.,  **Kce,  by  welcoming  Dutch  Protestant  refugees,  he 
^^    Clandestinely  fostered  the  strength  of  his  party.     His 
-.,,    *eiieiDe  was  so  far  successful  that  the  pope  hesitated 
'  'tlore  than  eleven  years  before  issuing  the  bull  of  dep- 
*iration.    For  this  Elizabeth  had  also  to  thank  the 
^atholic  Hapsbnrgs ;  in  the  first  place  Philip  who  then 
■Moped  to  many  her,  and  in  the  second  place  the  Em- 
^ror  Ferdinand  who  said  that  if  Elizabeth  were  ex~ 
^Sommunicated  the  German  Catholics  would  suffer  for 
$t  and  that  there  were  many  German  Protestant  princes 
Vho  deserved  the  ban  as  much  as  she  did. 

Matters  were  clarified  by  the  calling  of  the  Council  of 
TFrent.  Asked  to  send  an  embassy  to  this  council 
Elizabeth  refused  for  three  reasons:  (1)  because  she 
had  not  been  consulted  about  calling  the  council;  (2) 
.  liecanse  she  did  not  consider  it  free,  pious  and  Chris- 
tian; (3)  because  the  pope  sought  to  stir  up  sedition 
in  her  realms.  The  council  replied  to  this  snub  by 
excommvtmcating- ber,  bat  it  is  a  significant  siga  ol  &« 


334  ENGLAND 

times  that  neither  they  nor  the  pope  as  yet  dawd 
use  spiritual  weapons  to  depose  her,  as  the  popa 
deavored  to  do  a  few  years  later. 
:l«w«,"         Whether  as  a  reply  to  this  measare  or  not,  P« 
»3  ment  passed  more  stringent  laws  against  Catho 

Cecil's  policy,  inherited  from  Thomas  CromweB 
centralize  and  unify  the  state,  met  with  threefold 
position;  first  lists  who  disliked  natic 

izing  the  chur  im  the  holders  of  medi 

franchises  wh  their  absorption  in  a 

tripetal  systen  rora  the  old  nobles  wh( 

sented  their  r  a  the  royal  council  by, 

starts.    All  tl  roduced  a  serious  crisi 

the  years  156it  orth,  as  the  strongholi 

both  feudalism  and  Catholicism,  led  the  reaction. 
Duke  of  Norfolk,  England's  premier  peer,  plo 
with  the  northern  earls  to  advance  Mary's  cause, 
thought  of  marrying  her  himself.  Pope  P\fl"i 
warmly  praised  their  scheme  which  culminated  i 
jj  '  rebellion.  The  nobles  and  commons  alike  were  fi 
with  tlie  spirit  of  crusaders,  bearing  banners  with 
cross  and  the  five  wounds  of  Christ.  At  the  same  1 
they  voiced  the  grievance  of  the  old-fashioned  far 
against  the  new-fangled  merchant.  Their  banncrf 
scribed  "God  speed  the  plougli"  bear  witness  to 
agrarian  clement  common  to  so  many  revolts.  T 
demands  were  the  restoration  of  Catholicism,  inter 
tion  in  Scotland  to  put  Mary  back  on  her  throne, 
her  recognition  as  heiress  of  England,  and  the  ex 
sion  of  foreign  refugees.  Had  they  been  able  to  sd 
Mar}''s  person  or  had  the  Scotch  joined  them,  i 
probable  that  they  would  have  seceded  from  the  si 
of  England. 

But  the  new  Pilgrimage  of  Grace  was  destined  ti 
more  success  than  the  old  one.  Moray,  Regent 
SeotJand,  forcibly  prevented  assistance  going  to 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SETTLEMENT      335 

Is  from  North  Britain.  Elizabeth  prepared  an 
mvhelmiiig  army,  but  it  was  not  needed.  The  reb- 
seeing  the  hopelessness  of  their  cause,  dispersed 
were  pursued  by  an  exemplary  punishment,  no  less 
1  eight  hundred  being  executed.  Three  years  later 
■folk  trod  the  traitor's  path  to  the  scaffold.  His 
th  sealed  the  ruin  of  the  old  nobility  whose  priv- 
es  were  incompatible  with  the  new  regime.  In  the 
ic  year  a  parliamentary  agitation  in  favor  of  the 
cution  of  Mary  witnessed  how  dead  were  medieval 
»s  to  respect. 

'oo  late  to  have  much  effect,  Pius  V  issued  the  p'^^' 
I  Regnans  in  excelsis,  declaring  that  whereas  the  25,1571] 
nan  pontiff  has  power  over  all  nations  and  king- 
ns  to  destroy  and  ruin  or  to  plant  and  build  up,  and 
•reas  Elizabeth,  the  slave  of  vice,  has  usurped  the 
cc  of  supreme  head  of  the  church,  has  sent  her  realm 
perdition  and  has  celebrated  the  impious  mysteries 
Calvin,  therefore  she  is  cut  off  from  the  body  of 
rist  aod  deprived  of  her  pretended  right  to  rule 
gland,  while  all  her  subjects  are  absolved  from  their 
he  of  allegiance.  The  bull  also  reasserted  Eliza- 
's illegitimacy,  and  echoed  the  complaint  of  the 
them  earls  that  she  had  expelled  the  old  nobility 
a  her  council.  The  promulgation  of  the  bull,  with- 
the  requisite  warning  and  allowance  of  a  year  for 
pentance,  was  contrary  to  the  canon  law. 
?he  fulminatiou  was  sent  to  Alva  to  the  Netherlands 
a  devotee  was  found  to  carry  it  to  England, 
rtliwith  Elizabeth  issued  a  masterly  proclamation 
Bcbsafing  that, 

her  majesty  would  have  all  her  loving  subjects  to  under- 
stand that,  88  long  as  they  shall  openly  continue  in  the 
observation  of  her  laws,  and  shall  not  wilfully  and  mani- 
f«iil>'  break  them  by  open  actions,  lipr  majesty's  meaxvs 
is  not  to  have  any  of  tbem  moieated  by  any  inqiu&iUoii  OT 


ENGLAND 

examinatioQ  of  their  couscieDces  in  causes  of  religioo, 
to  accept  and  entreat  them  as  her  good  and  obedient  i 
jecta. 


Bnt  to  obviate  the  contammation  of  her  people 
political  views  expressed  in  the  bull,  and  to  gua 
Anti-papal  agaiiist  the  danger  of  a  further  rising  in  the  intere 
of  Mary  Stuart,  tW  Parliament  of  1571  passed  i 

(eral  necessary  laws.  One  of  these  forbade  bria^ 
the  bull  into  England;  another  made  it  treasonable 
declare  that  Elizabeth  was  not  or  ought  not  to 
queen  or  that  she  was  a  heretic,  usurper  or  scbistnai 
The  first  seventeen  years  of  Elizabeth's  reign  1 
been  blessedly  free  from  persecution.  The  incread 
strain  between  England  and  the  papacy  was  marked 
a  number  of  executions  of  Romanists.  A  recent  Ca 
olic  estimate  is  that  the  total  number  of  this  faith  i 
Buffered  under  Elizabeth  was  189,  of  whom  128  w 
priests,  58  laymen  and  three  women ;  and  to  this  sh« 
be  added  32  Franciscans  who  died  in  prison  of  star 
tion.  The  contrast  of  221  victims  in  Elizabeth's  for 
five  years  as  against  290  in  Mary's  five  years,  is  I 
important  than  the  different  purpose  of  the  govel 
ment.  Under  Mary  the  executions  were  for  herei 
under  Elizabeth  chiefly  for  treason.  It  is  true  I 
the  whole  age  acted  upon  Sir  Philip  Sidney's  i 
that  it  was  the  highest  wisdom  of  statesmanship  net 
to  separate  religion  from  politics.  Cliurch  and  i 
were  practically  one  and  the  same  body,  and  opinio 
repugnant  to  established  religion  naturally  resulted 
acts  inimical  to  the  civil  order.  But  the  broad  distil 
tion  is  plain.  Cecil  put  men  to  death  not  because 
detested  their  dogma  but  because  he  feared  their  f 
tics. 

Nothing  proves  more  clearly  the  purposes  of  \ 
English  government  than  its  long  duel  with  the  JesI 
mission.    It  is  unfair  to  saif  ttiBl  "Otie  ■^x\x&?i.ty  yurpo 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SETTLEMENT     337 


he  Curia  was  to  get  all  the  privileges  of  loyalty  for 
glish  Catholics  while  secretly  inciting  them  to  rise 
1  murder  their  sovereign.     But  the  very  fact  that 
!  Jesuits  were  instructed  not  to  meddle  in  polities 
d  yet  were  unable  to  keep  clear  of  the  law,  proves  J 
«  inextricably   politics    and    religion    were    inter-  ] 
bed.    Immediately  drawing  the  suspicion  of  Burgh- 
',tbey  were  put  to  the  "bloody  question"  and  illeg- 
T  tortured,  even  while  the  government  felt  called 
Mill  to  explain  that  they  were  not  forced  to  the  rack 
answer  "any  question  of  their  supposed  conscience" 
t  only  as  to  their  political  opinions.     But  one  of  ■ 
Me  opinions  was  whether  the  pope  had  the  right  to 
pose  the  qneen. 

rhc  history  of  these  years  is  one  more  example  of 
IF  much  more  accursed  it  is  to  persecute  than  to  be 
secuted.     The  Jesuits  sent  to  England  were  men  of 
noblest  character,  daring  and  enduring  all  with  . 
litade.  showing  charity  and  loving-kindness  even  t 
nr  enemies.    But  the  character  of  their  enemies  coT^% 
boudingly  deteriorated.     That  sense  of  fair  play 
t  is  the  finest  English  quality  disappeared  under  the 
^8  of  fanaticism.     Not  only  Jesuits,  but  Catholic 
inen  and  children  were  attacked;  one  boy  of  thir- 
n  was  racked  and  executed  as  a  traitor.     The  per- 
ption  by  public  opinion  supplied  what  the  activity 
the  government  overlooked.     In  fact  it  was  the  gov-  i 
ment  that  was  the  moderating  factor.    The  act  I 
(ged  in  1585  banishing  the  Jesuits  was  Intended  to 
jiate  sterner  measures.     In  dealing  with  the  mass 
the  population  Burghley  made  persecution  pay  its 
f  by  resorting  to  fines  as  the  principal  punishmentj 
ring  the  last  twenty  years  of  the  reign  no  less  tha: 
[KX>  per  annum  was  thus  collected. 
the  helpless  rage  of  the  popes  against  "the  Jezebel 
Ihc  north"  waxed  untiJ  one  of  them,  Gregory  X\\\^ 


338  ENGLAND 

sanctioned  an  attempt  at  her  assassination.  In 
there  appeared  at  the  court  of  Madrid  one  HumpI 
Ely,  later  a  secular  priest.  He  informed  the  p 
nunciature  that  some  English  nobles,  mentionei 
name,  had  determined  to  murder  Elizabeth  but  vi 
the  pope's  own  assurance  that,  in  case  they  losti 
lives  in  the  attempt,  they  should  not  have  fallen 
sin  by  the  dt  '  '  '  '  'iug  his  own  opinion  tha 
bull  of  Pius  nen  the  right  to  take  i 

against  the  Fashion,  the  nuncio  wro 

Rome.     Fro  secretary,   speaking  ii 

pope's  name,  the  following  reply: 

As  that  tf  England  rules  two  bo 

realms  of  uu.»  s  the  cause  of  so  much  hi 

the  Catholic  faim,  ana  is  guilty  of  the  loss  of  so 
million  souls,  there  is  no  doubt  that  any  one  whi 
her  out  of  the  world  with  the  proper  intention  of  s 
God  thereby,  not  only  commits  no  sin  but  ever 
merit,  especially  seeing  that  the  sentence  of  th 
Pius  V  is  standing  against  her.  If,  therefore, 
English  nobles  have  really  decided  to  do  so  fair  a 
your  honor  may  assure  them  that  they  commit  i 
Also  we  may  trust  in  God  that  they  will  escape  all  d 
As  to  your  own  irregularity  [caused  to  the  nunci 
priest  by  conspiracy  to  murder]  the  pope  sends  j 
holy  blessing.' 

A  conspiracy  equally  unsuccessful  but  more  fa 
because  discovered  at  the  time,  was  that  of  An 
Babington.  Burghley's  excellent  secret  sen-ic 
prised  the  government  not  only  of  the  principa 
also  of  aid  and  support  given  to  them  by  Phi 
and  Mary  Queen  of  Scots.  Parliament  petition* 
the  execution  of  Mary.  Though  there  was  no 
of  her  guilt,  Elizabeth  hesitated  to  give  the  dang 
example   of   sending  a   crowned    head   to    the 

>  A.  O.  Meyer;     England  und  die  kalholhchc  Ktrche  untcr  El 
p.  23]. 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SETTLEMENT      339 

\  With  habitual   indirection   she   did  her  best   to   get 
's  jailer,  Sir  Amyas  Paulet,  to  put  her  to  death 
lut  a  warrant.    Failing  in  this,  she  finally  signed 
warrant,  but  when  her  council  acted  upon  it  in  Maryb 
t  haste  lest  she  should  change  her  mind,  she  flew  ^'^^ 
a  rage  and,  to  prove  her  innocence,  heavily  fined  i587 
imprisoned  one  of  the  privy  council  whom  she 
as  scapegoat, 
^e  war  with  Spain  is  sometimes  regarded  as  the  Warwi 
itable  consequence  of  the  religious  opposition  of    ^"" 
chief  Catholic  and  the  chief  Protestant  power, 
probably  the  war  would  never  have  gone  beyond 
stage  of  privateering  and  plots  to  assassinate  in 
ich  it  remained  inchoate  for  so  long,  had  it  not  been 
the  Netherlands.    The  comer-stone  of  English  pol- 
has  been  to  keep  friendly,  or  weak,  the  power  con- 
the  mouths  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Scheldt.    The 
of  liberation  in  the  Netherlands  had  a  twofold 
F  "Effect ;  in  the  first  place  it  damaged  England's  best  cus- 
tbomer,  and  secondly,  Spanish  '*f rightfulness"  shocked 
%]ie  English  conscience.    For  a  long  time  the  policy  of 
"the  queen  herself  was  as  cynically  selfish  as  it  could 
;tK>ssibly  be.    She  not  only  watched  complacently  the 
^butcheries  of  Alva,  but  she  plotted  and  counterplotted. 
How  ofFering  aid  to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  now  betray- 
ing his  cause  in  a  way  that  may  have  been  sport  to  her 
l)ut  was  death  to  the  men  she  played  with.    Her  aim, 
as  far  as  she  had  a  consistent  one,  was  to  allow  Spain 
and  the  Netherlands  to  exhaust  each  other. 

Not  only  far  nobler  but,  as  it  proved  in  the  end,  far 
wiser,  was  the  action  of  the  Puritan  party  that  poured 
money  and  recruits  into  the  cause  of  their  oppressed 
fellow-Calvinists.  But  an  equally  great  service  to 
them,  or  at  any  rate  a  greater  amount  of  damage  to 
Spain,  was  done  by  the  hardy  buccaneers,  Hawkins 
and  Drake,  who  preyed  npon  the  Spanish  treasute  g«\- 


»< 
^ 


^^    340 

I  leons  and 


ENGLAND 


y 


leons  and  pillaged  the  Spanish  settlements  in  the  N) 
World.  These  men  and  their  fellows  not  only  cut  t 
sinews  of  Spain's  power  but  likewise  built  the  fleet. 

The  eventual  naval  victory  of  England  Tvas  preced 
by  a  long  course  of  successful  diplomacy.  As  the 
gressor  England  forced  the  haughtiest  power  in  '. 
rope  to  endure  a  protracted  series  of  outrages.  '. 
only  were  rebels  supported,  not  only  were  Spai 
fleets  taken  forcibly  into  English  harbors  and  tl 
stripped  of  moneys  belonging  to  their  government, 
refugees  were  protected  and  Spanish  citizens  put 
death  by  the  English  queen.  Philip  and  Alva  co 
not  effectively  resent  and  hardly  dared  to  prol 
against  the  treatment,  because  they  felt  themseli 
powerless.  As  so  often,  the  island  kingdom  was 
tected  by  the  ocean  and  by  the  proved  superiority 
her  seamen.  After  a  score  of  petty  fights  all  the  l 
from  the  Bay  of  Biscay  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  Span 
sailors  had  no  desire  for  a  trial  of  strength  in  foi 

But  in  every  respect  save  in  sea  power  Spaiu  i 
herself  immeasurably  superior  to  her  foe.  Her  wea 
her  dominions,  recently  augmented  by  the  annesal 
of  Portugal,  were  enormous;  her  army  had  been  ti 
in  a  hundred  battles.  England's  force  was  doubt) 
underestimated.  An  Italian  expert  stated  that 
army  of  10,000  to  12,000  foot  and  2,(X)0  horse  would 
sufficient  to  conquer  her.  Even  to  the  last  it 
thought  that  an  invader  would  be  welcomed  by  a  lai 
part  of  the  population,  for  English  refugees  i 
wearied  of  picturing  the  hatred  of  the  people  for 
queen. 

But  the  decision  was  long  postponed  for  two  reaso 
First,  Spain  was  fully  employed  in  subduing  the  Ne 
erlands.  Secondly,  the  Catholic  powers  hoped  for  i 
accession  of  Mary.  But  after  the  assassination 
Orange  in  1584,  and  after  the  execution  of  the  Qui 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SETTLEMENT      341 

Scots,  these  reasons  for  delay  no  longer  existed. 
hake  carried  the  naval  war  to  the  coasts  of  Spain  1585 
nd  to  her  colonies.  The  consequent  bankruptcy  of 
le  Bank  of  Seville  and  the  wounded  national  pride 
•ought  home  to  Spaniards  the  humiliation  of  their 
>sttion.  All  that  Philip  could  do  was  to  pray  for  help 
sd  to  forbid  the  importation  of  English  wares.  In  April,!! 
iply  Drake  fell  upon  the  harbor  of  Cadiz  and  de- 
ioyed  twenty-four  or  more  warships  and  vast  miU- 
iry  stores. 

So  at  last  the  decision  was  taken  to  crush  the  one 
ower  that  seemed  to  maintain  the  Reformation,  to  up- 
1d  the  ITusnienofs  and  the  Dutch  patriots  and  to 
,rr>-  with  impunity  the  champions  of  Catholicism. 
tope  Sixtus  V,  not  wishing  to  hazard  anything,  prom- 
cd  a  subsidy  of  1,000,000  crowns  of  gold,  the  first 
m  payable  on  the  landing  of  the  Spanish  army,  the 
eond  half  two  months  later.  Save  this,  Philip  had 
I  promise  of  help  from  any  Catholic  power. 
The  huge  scale  of  his  preparations  was  only  equaled 
r  their  vast  lack  of  intelligence,  insuring  defeat  from 
e  first.  The  type  of  ship  adopted  was  the  old  galley, 
tended  to  ram  and  grapple  the  enemy  but  totally  un- 
ited for  manoeuvring  in  the  Atlantic  gales.  The  130  ) 
dps  carried  2500  guns,  but  the  artillery,  though  nu- 
trous,  was  small,  intended  rather  to  be  used  against 
i  euemy  crews  than  against  the  ships  themselves, 
le  necessary  geographical  information  for  the  in- 
BJon  of  Britain  in  the  year  1588  was  procured  from 
lesar's  De  Bello  Gallico.  The  admiral  in  chief,  the 
hike  of  Medina  Sidonia,  had  never  even  commanded  a 
p  before  and  most  of  the  high  officers  were  equally 
locent  of  professional  knowledge,  for  sailors  were 
ipised  as  inferior  to  soldiers.  Three-fourths  of  the 
!W8  were  soldiers,  all  but  useless  in  naval  warfare  of 
1  new  type.    Blind  zeal  did  little  to  supply  t\ie  \ai;\i.      .J 


342  ENGLAND 

of  foresight,  though  Philip  spent  hours  on  his  kn( 
before  the  host  in  intercession  for  the  success  of  I 
venture.  The  very  names  of  the  ships,  thougii  qm 
in  accordance  with  Spanish  practice,  seem  synibolici 
the  holy  character  of  the  crusade:  Santa  Maria 
Gracia,  Netistra  Senora  del  Rosario,  San  Jum  Bt 
tista,  La  Conve*>f:i'^*>- 

On  the  Eng  e  was  also  plenty  of  fli 

ioal  fury,  but  ipanied  by  practical  8« 

The  grandfath(  .-ell's  Ironsides  had  alrai 

learned,  if  the  et  formulated,  the 

"FearGodan'  wwderdry."     SomeofS 

ships  in  the  I  had  religious  names,  I 

many  were  calii.n  secular  appellations:  ? 

Bull,  The  Tiger,  Th-c  Dreadnought,  The  Rerenan.  IJ 
meet  the  foe  a  very  formidable  and  self-confident  fon^ 
of  about  forty-five  ships  of  the  best  sort  had  ^thci* 
from  the  well-tried  ranks  of  the  buccaneers.  It  is  tin* 
that  patronage  did  some  damage  to  the  Eiijrlisb  sff' 
ice,  but  it  was  little  compared  to  that  of  Spain.  Lorf 
Howard  of  Effingham  was  made  admiral  on  account « 
his  title,  but  the  vice-admiral  was  Sir  Francis  Drai^ 
to  whom  the  chief  credit  of  the  action  must  fall. 

The  battle  in  the  Channel  was  fought  for  nine  days- 
There  was  no  general  strategy  or  tactics;  the  English 
simply  sought  to  isolate  and  sink  a  ship  wherever  the? 
could.  Their  heavier  cannon  were  used  against  tM 
enemy,  and  lire-ships  were  sent  among  his  vesw 
When  six  Spanish  ships  had  foundered  in  the  Chann^ 
the  fleet  turned  northward  to  the  coasts  of  Hollau'^ 
During  their  flight  an  uncertain  number  were  destroys 
by  the  English,  and  a  few  more  fell  a  prey  to  the  Sa 
Beggars  of  Iloliand.  The  rest,  much  battered,  tumf 
north  to  sail  around  Scotland.  In  the  storms  iiinftw 
ships  were  wrecked  on  the  coa.';ts  of  Scotland  and  If 
land;  of  thirty -five  sKps  V\v(i  ?,^&n\a.t<is  themseK' 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SETTLEMENT     343 

give  no  account.     For  two  mouths  Philip  was  in  ' 
nse  as  to  the  fate  of  his  great  Armada,  of  which 
it  only  a  riddled  and  battered  remnant  returned 
ne  harbors. 

s  importance  of  the  victory  over  the  Armada,  like 
)f  most  dramatic  events,  has  been  overestimated, 
jntemporaries,  at  least  to  the  victors  and  their 
3a  it  appeared  as  the  direct  judgment  of  God:  i 
vit  Deus  et  dissipati  sunt."     The  gorgeous  rhet- 
)f  Banke-and  Froude  has  painted  it  as  one  of  the 
ng  points  in  world  historj-.     But   in  reality  it 
T  marked  than  made  an  epoch.     Had  Philip's 
I  won,  it  is  still  inconceivable  that  he  could  have 
Bed  his  dominion  on  England  any  more  than  he 
1  on  the  Netherlands.     England  was  ripening  and 
ti  was  rotting  for  half  a  century  before  the  col-  . 
I  made  this  fact  plain  to  all.     The  Armada  did  not   , 
he  war  nor  did  it  give  the  death  blow  to  Spanish 
ir,  much  less  to  Catholicism.     On  the  Continent  of   ■ 
»pe  things  went  on  almost  unchanged. 
It  in  England  the  effect  was  considerable.     The 
iry  stimulated  national  pride;  it  strengthened  the 
estants,  and  the  left  wing  of  that  party.     Though 
Catholics  had  shomi  themselves  loyal  during  the 
B  they  were  subjected,  immediately  thereafter,  to 
severest  persecution  they  had  yet  felt.     This  was 
partly  to  nervous  excitement  of  the  whole  popula- 
,  partly  to  the  advance  towards  power  of  the  Puri- 
,  always  the  war  party. 

v%B  in  the  first  years  of  the  great  queen  there  had 
I  a  number  of  Calvinists  who  looked  askance  at  the 
lican  settlement  as  too  much  of  a  compromise  with 
lolicism  and  Lutheranism.  The  Thirty-nine  Arti- 
passed  Convocation  by  a  single  vote  as  against  a  ; 
f  Calvinistic  confession.  Low-churchmen  (as  t 
Id  now  be  called)  attacked  the  "AaroEic"  NeaXfi 


>-1603 


344  ENGLAND 

ments  of  the  Anglican  priests,  and  prelacy  was 
tested  as  but  one  degree  removed  from  papacy. 

The  Puritans  were  not  dissenters  but  were  a  pi 
in  the  Anglican  communion  thoroughly  believing  i 
national  church,  but  wishing  to  make  the  breach  i 
Kome  as  wide  as  possible.  They  found  fault  with 
that  had  been  rptnin^id  in  the  Prayer  Book  for  wti 
there  was  no  it  in  Scripture,  and  luanT 

them  began  tc  et  conventicles,  the  Genev 

instead  of  the  rgy.     Their  leader,  Thon! 

',^'   Cartwright,  a  divinity  at  Cambridge  on 

deprived  of  hi;  le  government,  had  brong 

back  from  the  Is  ideals  of  a  presbrteri 

form  of  eccle.siasiu  7.     In  his  view  many  "Po 

ish  Abuses"  remained  in  the  church  of  Eiit'lnr 
among  them  the  keeping  of  saints'  days,  kneeiins; 
communion,  "the  childish  and  superstitious  toys"« 
nected  with  the  baptismal  service,  the  words  then  us 
in  the  marriage  service  by  the  man,  "with  my  bodj 
thee  worship"  by  which  the  husband  "made  an  ic 
of  his  wife,"  the  use  of  such  titles  as  archbishop, art 
deacon,  lord  bishop. 

It  was  because  of  their  excessively  scrupulous  cc 
science  in  these  matters,  that  the  name  "Puritan"^ 
given  to  the  Calvinist  by  his  enemy,  at  first  a  niocki 
designation  analogous  to  "Catharus"  in  the  Midi 
Ages.  But  the  tide  set  strongly  in  the  Puritan  din 
tion.  Time  and  again  the  Commons  tried  to  initii 
legislation  to  relieve  the  consciences  of  the  strid 
party,  but  their  efforts  were  blocked  by  the  crov 
From  this  time  forth  the  church  of  England  made 
alliance  with  the  throne  that  has  never  been  brok 
As  Jewel  had  been  compelled,  at  the  beginning 
Elizabeth's  reign,  to  defend  the  Anglican  cha 
against  Kome,  so  Richard  Hooker,  in  his  famous . 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  SETTLEMENT     345 

leaiastical  Polity  was  now  forced  to  defend  it  from  the  isM 
streme  Protestants.  In  the  very  year  in  which  this 
nely  tempered  work  was  written,  a  Jesuit  reported 
lat  the  Puritans  were  the  strongest  body  in  the  king- 
om  and  particularly  that  they  had  the  most  officers 
nd  soldiers  on  their  side.  The  coming  Commonwealth 
as  already  casting  its  shadow  on  the  age  of  Shake- 
;»eare. 

As  a  moral  and  religions  influence  Puritanism  was 
f  the  utmost  importance  in  moulding  the  English — 
nd  American^ — character  and  it  was,  take  it  all  in  all, 
noble  thing.  If  it  has  been  justly  blamed  for  a  cer- 
lin  narrowness  in  its  hostility,  or  indifference,  to  art  -, 
nd  refinement,  it  more  than  compensated  for  this  by  , 
le  moral  earnestness  that  it  impressed  on  the  people, 
'o  bring  the  genius  of  the  Bible  into  English  life  and 
terature,  to  impress  each  man  with  the  idea  of  living 
jr  duty,  to  reduce  politics  and  the  whole  life  of  the 
itate  to  ethical  standards,  are  undoubted  services  of 
nritanism.  Politically,  it  favored  the  growth  of  self- 
Jiance,  self-control  and  a  sense  of  personal  worth  that 
bade  democracy  possible  and  necessary. 

To  the  left  of  the  Puritans  were  the  Independents  Browna, 
ir  Brownists  as  they  were  called  from  their  leader  {^j 
lobert  Browne,  the  advocate  of  Reformation  without 
Carrying  for  Any.  He  had  been  a  refugee  in  the 
fletherlauds,  where  he  may  have  come  under  Anabap- 
tist influence.  His  disciples  differed  from  the  follow- 
'8  of  Cartwright  in  separating  themselves  from  the 
•tate  church,  in  which  they  found  many  "filthy  tradi- 
tions and  inventions  of  men."  Beginning  to  organize 
in  separate  congregations  about  1567,  they  were  said 
ly  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  to  have  as  many  as  20,000  ad- 
lerents  in  1593.  Though  heartily  disliked  by  re-ac- 
Honaries  and  by  the  heati  possidentes  in  both  church. 


and  state,  they  were,  nevertheless,  the  party  of  ii 
fature. 

g  5.  Ireland 

If  the  union  of  England  and  Wales  has  been  a  n 
riage — after  a  courtship  of  the  primitive  type;  if 
anion  with  ScotlnnH  has  hpRn  a  successfQl  partners^ 
— following  a  1  of  cut-throat  competitiM 

the  position  of  been  that  of  a  captive  an 

a  slave.     To  hf  mind  the  English  dotoitu 

tion  has  always  ^  one,  and  this  fact  maW 

more  difference  nn  whether  her  maeter 

been  cruel,  as  fc  :ind,  as  of  late. 

The  saddest  pen  Erin's  sad  life  was  thatd 

the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries,  when  to  It* 
old  antagonism  of  race  was  added  a  new  hatred  ol 
creed  and  a  new  commercial  competition.  The  pnti'? 
of  Henry  was  "to  reduce  that  realm  to  the  knowledge 
of  God  and  obedience  of  Us."  The  policy  of  Eliiabeft 
was  to  pray  that  God  might  "call  them  to  the  knowl- 
edge of  his  truth  aiul  to  a  ciWl  polity,"  and  to  Bssitt 
the  Almighty  by  the  most  fiendish  means  to  accomplis'i 
these  ends.  The  government  of  the  island  was  a  criWi 
and  yet  for  this  crime  some  considerations  must  bf 
urged  in  extenuation.  England  then  regarded  the 
Irish  much  as  the  Americans  have  seemed  to  regarc 
the  Indians,  as  savages  to  be  killed  and  driven  offti 
make  room  for  a  higher  civilization.  Had  Englaw 
been  able  to  apply  the  method  of  extermination  sh 
would  doubtless  have  done  so  and  there  would  thenb 
no  Irish  question  today.  But  in  1540  it  was-rccogniZ''' 
that  "to  enterprise  the  whole  extirpation  and  total d( 
struefion  of  .ill  the  Irishmen  in  the  land  would  be 
marvellous  sumptions  charge  and  great  difficulty." 

Being  unable  to  accomplish  this  or  to  put  Ireland  a 


IKELAND 


347 


toottom  of  the  sea,  where  Elizabeth's  minister  Wals- 

bn  often  wished  that  it  were,  the  English  had  the 
BtivGs  of  half  governing  or  wholly  abandoning 
r  neighbors.     The  latter  course  was  felt  to  he  too 
;croas,  hot  had  it  been  adopted,  Ireland  might  have  i 
[ved  an  adequate  government  and  prosperity  of  her  1 

It  is  true  that  she  was  more  backward  than  Kng- 

,  but  yet  she  had  a  considerable  trade  and  cul- 

Certain  points,  like  Dublin  and  Waterford,  had  ''!»'' 

commerce    with    the  Continent.     And    yet,    as 

le  nation  as  a  whole,  the  report  of  1515  proh- 

speaks  true  in  saying;  "There   is  no  common 

in  all  this  world  so  little  set  by,  so  greatly  de- 

,  so  feeble,  so  poor,  so  greatly  trodden  under  | 

as  the  king's  poor  common  folk  of  Ireland." 

!re  was  no  map  of  the  whole  of  Ireland;  the  roads 

few  and  poor  and  the  vaguest  notions  prevailed 

the  shape,  size  and  population  of  the  country. 

most  civilized  part  was  the  English  Pale  around 

in ;  the  native  Irish  lived  "west  of  the  Barrow  and 

of  the  law,"  and  were  governed  by  more  than 

native  chiefs.     Interraarriage  of  colonists  and 

■es  was  forbidden    by  law.     The  only   way   the 

T  government  knew  of  asserting  its  suzerainty  i 

(r  these  septs,  correctly  described  as  "the  king's  J 

^  enemies,"  was  to  raid  them  at  intervals,  alayin^J 

ping  and  raping  as  they  went.     It  was  after  one  off 

Be  raids  in  1580  that  the  poet  Spencer  wrote: 

iTbe  people  were  brought  to  such  wretchedness  that  anyl 
strong  heart  would  have  rued  the  same.     Out  of  every^B 

'comer  of  the  woods  and  glens  they  came,  creeping  forth 

I'npon  their  hands,  for  their  legs  would  not  bear  them. 
They   looked  like  anatomies  of  death;   they  spoke   like 

, ghosts  crying  out  of  their  graves.     They  did  eat  the  dead 
earrions,  happy  where  they  could  find  them ;  yea  and  ouq  J 


348  ENGLAND 

another  soon  after,  inasmuch  as  the  very  carcasses  th 
spared  not  to  scrape  out  of  their  graves;  and  if  t 
found  a  plot  of  watprcresses  or  shamrocks,  there  t 
thronged  as  to  a  feast  for  a  time. 

The  Irish  chiefs  were  not  to  be  tamed  by  either  fci 
ness  or  force,  Henry  and  Elizabeth  scattered  tit] 
of  "earl"  and  "lord"  among  the  O's  and  Macs  of  1 
■western  island,  only  to  find  that  the  coronet  made  I 
the  slightest  difference  in  either  their  affections 
their  manners.  They  still  lived  as  marauding  chie 
surrounded  by  wild  kerns  and  gallowglasses  fighti 
each  other  and  preying  on  their  own  poor  subJM 
"Let  a  thousand  of  my  people  die,"  remarked  one' 
them,  Neil  Garv,  "I  pass  not  a  pin.  ...  I  will  ponii 
exact,  cut  and  hang  where  and  whenever  I  list."  E 
they  been  able  to  make  common  cause  they  might  p 
haps  have  shaken  the  English  grasp  from  their  ne* 
for  it  was  commonly  corrupt  and  feeble.  Sir  Ha 
Sidney  was  the  strongest  and  best  governor  sent  to  i 
island  during  the  ccnturj,  but  he  was  able  to  do  litl 
Though  the  others  could  be  bribed  and  though  one 
them,  the  Earl  of  Essex,  conspired  with  the  chiefs 
rebel,  and  though  at  the  very  end  of  Elizabeth's  ra 
a  capable  Spanish  army  landed  in  Ireland  to  help  I 
natives,  nothing  ever  enabled  them  to  turn  out  t 
hated  "Sassenach." 

England  had  already  tried  to  solve  the  Irish  probll 
by  colonization.  Leinster  had  long  been  a  center 
English  settlement,  and  in  1573  the  first  English  cola 
was  sent  to  Ulster.  But  as  it  consisted  chie 
baiJtrupts,  fugitives  from  justice  and  others  "of 
corrupt  a  disposition  as  England  rather  refuseth," 
did  not  help  matters  much  but  rather  "  irrecuperftb 
damnified  the  state."  The  Irish  Parliament  continw 
to  represent  only  the  English  of  the  Pale  and  of  a  fa 
(owns  outside  of  it,    T\\oMa\i  \Jie  vokabitants  of  1 


IRELAND  349 

5  remained  nominally  Catholic,  the  Parliament  was 
ervile  that  in  1541  it  destroyed  the  monasteries  and 
adiated  the  pope,  shortly  after  which  the  king  took  R«li«M>n 
title  of  Head  of  the  Irish  Church.  Not  one  penny 
lie  confiscated  wealth  went  to  endow  an  Irish  uni- 
sity  until  1591,  when  Trinity  College  was  founded 
the  interests  of  Protestantism.  Though  almost 
ry  other  country  of  Europe  had  its  own  printing 
sses  before  1500,  Ireland  had  none  until  1551,  and 
D  the  press  was  used  so  exclusively  for  propaganda 
t  it  made  the  very  name  of  reading  hateful  to  the 
ives.  There  were,  however,  no  religious  massacres 
I  no  martyrs  of  either  cause.  The  persecuting  laws 
•e  left  until  the  following  century. 

The  rise  of  the  traders  to  political  power  was  more  Commcrc 
Incus  than  the  inception  of  a  new  religion.  The  ®*p®"*^* 
ntry  was  drained  of  treasure  by  the  exaction  of 
^rmous  ransoms  for  captured  chiefs.  The  Irish 
ii-trade  and  sea-borne  commerce  were  suppressed. 
3  country  was  flooded  with  inferior  coin,  thus  put- 
5  its  merchants  at  a  vast  disadvantage.  Finally, 
re  was  little  left  that  the  Irish  were  able  to  import 
e  liquors,  and  those  * '  much  corrupted. ' ' 
fith  every  plea  in  mitigation  of  judgment  that  can 
offered,  it  must  be  recognized  that  England's  gov- 
ment  of  Ireland  proved  a  failure.  If  she  did  not 
ie  the  Irish  savage  she  did  her  best  to  keep  them  so, 
then  punished  them  for  it.  By  exploiting  Erin's 
>urces  she  impoverished  herself.  By  trying  to  im- 
e  Protestantism  she  made  Ireland  the  very  strong- 
i  of  papacy.  By  striving  to  destroy  the  septs  she 
ited  the  nation. 


One  of  the 

nt  effects  of  modern  m« 

of  easy  comn 

ween  all  parts  of  the  «oi 

has  been  to  (                       i 

oinimize  distinctions  in  i 

tional  charac 

agrees  of  civilization.  T 

manner  of  In 

J  and  Australia  differ  It 

now  than  the                         1 

'e  of  England  and  Scotli 

differed  in  the  sixtc 

itury.     The  great  stream 

culture  then  flowed  much  more  strongly  in  the  centi 
than  in  the  outlying  parts  of  Western  Europe  T 
Latin  nations,  Italy  and  France,  lay  nearest  the  hea 
of  civilization.  But  slightly  less  advanced  in  culto 
and  in  the  amenities  of  life,  and  superior  in  soniei 
spects,  were  the  Netherlands,  S>vitzerland,  Engla 
and  the  southern  and  central  parts  of  Germany. 
partial  shadow  round  about  lay  a  belt  of  lam 
Spain,  Portugal,  Northern  Germany,  Prussia,  Pola 
Hungary-,  Scandinavia,  Scotland,  and  Ireland. 
I  Scotland,  indeed,  had  her  own  universities,  hut 
best  scholars  were  often  found  at  Paris,  or  in  Gcrr 
or  Italian  academies.  Scotch  humanists  on  the  ( 
tinent,  the  Scotch  guard  of  the  French  king,  and  Sei 
monasteries,  such  as  those  at  Erfurt  and  Wiirzb 
raised  the  reputation  of  fho  country  abroad  ral 
than  advanced  its  native  culture.  Printing  was 
introduced  until  1507.  Brantome  in  the  sixteenth' 
tury,  like  Aeneas  Silvius  in  the  fifteenth,  remarked 
uncoutlmess  of  the  nortliern  kingdom. 

^[ost  backward  of  all  was  Scotland's  political 
veiopment.    No  king  arose  ?.VToiv^ftTi,(i'4^\ftV at* 


SCOTLAND  351 

tyrant  and  the  saviour  of  his  country;  under  the 
k  rule  of  a  series  of  minors,  regents  and  wanton 
len  a  feudal  baronage  with  a  lush  growth  of  intes- 
war  and  crime,  flourished  mightily  to  curse  the 
r  people.  When  Sir  David  Lyndsay  asked,  Why 
the  Scots  so  poor?  he  gave  the  correct  answer:  1528 

Wanting  of  justice,  policy  and  peace, 
Are  cause  of  their  unhappiness,  alas ! 

nething  may  also  be  attributed  to  the  poverty  of 
soil  and  the  lack  of  important  conunerce  or  in- 
itries. 

Phe  policy  of  any  small  nation  situated  in  dangerous  Rflat»w 
«imity  to  a  larger  one  is  almost  necessarily  deter-  Englanc 
led  by  this  fact.  In  order  to  assert  her  independ- 
le  Scotland  was  forced  to  make  common  cause  with 
gland's  enemies.  Guerrilla  warfare  was  endemic 
the  borders,  breaking  out,  in  each  generation,  into 
ne  fiercer  crisis.  England,  on  the  other  hand,  was 
ven  to  seek  her  own  safety  in  the  annexation  of  her 
all  enemy,  or,  failing  that,  by  keeping  her  as  im- 
tent  as  possible.  True  to  the  maxims  of  the  im- 
•ral  political  science  that  has  commonly  passed  for 
tesmanship,  the  Tudors  consistently  sought  by 
Jry  form  of  deliberate  perfidy  to  foster  factions  in 
rth  Britain,  to  purchase  traitors,  to  hire  stabbers, 
subsidize  rebels,  to  breed  mischief,  and  to  waste  the 
intry,  at  opportune  intervals,  with  armies  and  fleets. 
oply  to  protect  the  independence  that  England  de- 
d  and  attacked,  Scotch  rulers  became  fast  allies  of 
ince,  to  be  counted  on,  in  every  war  between  the 
at  powers,  to  stir  up  trouble  in  England 's  rear. 
)n  neither  side  was  the  policy  one  of  sheer  hatred, 
rth  and  south  the  purpose  increased  throughout  the 
tury  to  unite  the  two  countries  and  thus  put  an  end 
iie  peTennial  and  noxious  war.    If  the  early  Tudox^ 


were  mistaken  in  thinking  they  could  assert  a  suze- 
rainty by  force  of  arms,  they  also  must  be  credited  with 
laying  the  foundations  of  the  future  dynastic  onioE 
Margaret  Tudor,  Henry  VIII 's  sister,  was  married  to 
James  IV  of  Scotland,  Somerset  hoped  to  eflfect  th( 
miion  more  directly  by  the  marriage  of  Edward  \1 
and  Mary  Queen  of  Scots.  That  a  party  of  enliglit- 
ened  statesmen  in  England  should  constantly  keep  the 
union  in  mind,  is  less  remarkable  under  the  circuin- 
Btances  than  (Iiat  there  should  have  been  built  up  a 
considerable  body  of  Scotchmen  aiming  at  the  same 
goal.  Notwithstanding  the  vitality  of  patriotism 
the  tenacity  with  which  small  nations  usually  refuse 
to  merge  their  own  identity  in  a  larger  whole,  very 
strong  motives  called  forth  the  existence  of  an  English 
party.  One  favorable  condition  was  the  feudal  dis- 
organization of  society.  Faction  was  so  common  and 
BO  bitter  that  it  was  able  to  call  in  the  national  enemy 
without  utterly  discrediting  itself.  A  second  element 
was  jealousy  of  France.  For  a  time,  with  the  Frend 
marriages  of  James  V  with  Mary  of  Lorraine,  a  si&ter 
of  the  Duke  of  Guise,  and  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  with 
Francis  II,  there  seemed  more  danger  that  the  little 
I  '  kingdom  should  become  an  appanage  of  France  than 
|_  a  satellite  of  her  southern  neighbor.     The  licentioufr 

ness  of  French  officers  and  French  soldiers  on  Scotcli 
soil  made  their  nation  least  loved  when  it  was  most 
afluence       scGu.     But  the  great  influence  overcoming  national 
tieiigioiv     timent  was  religion.     The  Reformation  that  brought 
I'  not  peace  but  a  sword  to  so  much  of  Europe  in  thiJ 

I  case  united  instead  of  divided  the  nations. 

■  It  is  sometimes  said  that  national  character  reveal! 

itself  in  the  national  religion.  This  is  true  to  some 
extent,  but  it  is  still  more  important  to  say  that  a  na- 
tion's history  reveals  itself  in  its  forms  of  faitli, 
From  religious  statistics  o?  IW  present  day  one  couW 


SCOTLAND  353 

ice  with  considerable  accuracy  much  of  the  history 
ny  people, 

lie  contrast  between  the  churches  of  England  and 
land  18  the  more  remarkable  when  it  is  considered 
.  the  North  of  England  was  the  stronghold  of 
lolicism,  and  that  the  Lowland  Scot,  next  door  to 
Comities  of  the  Northern  Earls  who  rose  against 
abeth,  flow  to  the  opposite  extreme  and  embraced 
testantism  in  its  most  pronounced  form.  To  say 
Calvinism,  uncompromising  and  bare  of  adorn- 
t,  appealed  particularly  to  the  dour,  dry,  rational- 
.  Scot,  is  at  best  but  a  half  truth  and  at  worst  a 
jing  of  the  (juestion.  The  reasons  why  England 
ime  Anglican  and  Scotland  Presbyterian  are  found 
lediately  not  in  the  diversity  of  national  character 
in  the  circumstances  of  their  respective  politics  and 
ory,  England  east  loose  from  Rome  at  a  time 
D  the  conser\"Btive  influence  of  Luther  was  pre- 
inant;  Scotland  was  swept  into  the  current  of  rev- 
ion  under  the  fiercer  star  of  Calvin.  The  English 
irmation  was  started  by  the  crown  and  supported 
be  new  noblesse  of  commerce.  The  Scotch  revolu- 
was  markedly  baronial  in  tone.  It  began  with  the 
anists,  continued  and  flourished  in  the  junior  • 
idles  of  great  families,  among  the  burgesses  of  the 
18  and  among  the  more  vigorous  of  the  clergy,  both 
liar  and  secular.  The  crown  was  consistently 
net  the  new  movement,  but  the  Scottish  monarch 
too  weak  to  impone  his  will,  or  even  to  have  a  will 
is  own.  Neither  James  V  nor  his  daughter  could 
rd  to  break  with  Home  and  with  France.  James 
iBpcclally,  was  throwni  into  tlie  arms  of  his  clergy 
Ihe  hostility  of  his  nobles.  Moreover,  after  the 
Ih  of  many  nobles  at  the  battle  of  Flodden,  tlie 
fy  becjime,  for  a  time,  the  strongest  estate  in  llio  1513 
Horn. 


354  SCOTLAND 

Like  the  other  estates  the  clergy  were  still  in  I 
Middle  Ages  when  the  Reformation  came  on  themli 
a  thief  in  the  night.  In  no  country  was  the  corrupti 
greater.  The  bishops  and  priests  took  concnbineB  ii 
ate  and  drank  and  were  drunken  and  buffeted  tlieirf 
low  men.  They  exacted  their  fees  to  the  last  farlhioi 
an  especially  odious  one  being  the  claim  of  the  firia 
to  the  beet  co^i  "      "     lii  of  a  parishioner.   M 

consequence  thi  A  monks  were  hated  byfi 

laity. 

Humanism  s  right  beams  on  the  hjpfl 

borean  regions  ind  Qlasgow.     Some  Gn 

mians,  like  Hec  -epared  others  for  the  B« 

ormation    witho  it  themselves;  some,  13 

George  Buchanan,  tnrew  genius  and  learning  into  tiB 
scales  of  the  new  faith.  The  unlearned,  too,  vertl 
touched  with  reforming  zeal,  LoUardy  sowed  a  f**' 
seeds  of  heresy.  About  1520  Wyclif's  version  of  tbi- 
New  Testament  wa.s  turned  into  Scots  by  one  JdIm 
Nesbit,  but  it  remained  in  manuscript. 

In  the  days  before  newspapers  tidings  were  carried 
from  place  to  place  by  wandering  merchants  and  itiner- 
ant scholars.  Far  more  than  today  propaganda  «« 
dependent  on  personal  intercourse.  One  of  the  fin 
preachers  of  Lutheranism  in  Scotland  was  a  Frend 
man  named  La  Tour,  who  was  martyred  on  his  retni 
to  his  own  country.  The  noble  Patrick  Hamilton  mat 
a  pilgrimage  to  the  newly  founded  University  of  Ma 
burg,  and  possibly  to  Wittenberg.  Filled,  as  his  Cal 
olic  countryman,  Bishop  John  LesUe  put  it,  "wi 
venom  ver>'  poisonable  and  deadly  .  .  .  soaked  out 
Luther  and  other  archheretics,"  he  returned  to  fi 
the  martyr's  crown  in  his  native  land.  "The  reek 
Patrick  Hamilton"  infected  all  upon  whom  it  bl( 
Other  young  men  visited  Germany.  Some,  like  Al' 
ander  Alesius  and  John  MacAlpine,  found  positions 


SCOTLAND 

a  nniversities.     Others  visited  Wittenberg  for  a 
Vt  lime  to  carry  thence  the  new  gospel.     A  Scotch 
■vid'  appears  at  Wittenberg  in  January  1528.     An- 
ter  Scot,  "honorably  bom  and  well  seen  in  seholas- 
!  theology,  exiled  from  his  land  on  account  of  the 
made  Luther's  acquaintance   in   May,   1529. 
Jiolher  of  the  Eeformer's  visitors  was  James  Wed- 
*ierbum  whose  brother,  John,  translated  some  of  the   1540-2 
aennan's  hymns,  and  published  them  as  "Ane  com-        J 
peudious  Booke  of  Godly  and  spiritual  Songs."  I 

"While  men  like  these  wore  bringing  tidings  of  the  t 

lew  faith  back  to  their  countrymen,  others  were  busy 
mporting  and  distributing  Lutheran  books.     The  Par- 

nent  prohibited  all  works  of  "the  heretic  Luther  and  1525 
Lis  disciples,"  but  it  could  not  enforce  this  law.  The 
3nglish  agent  at  Antwerp  reported  to  Wolsey  that 
Jew  Testaments  and  other  English  works  were  bought  ^^'"^ 
■  Scottish  merchants  and  sent  to  Edinburgh  and  St, 
drews.  The  popularity  and  influence  of  Tyndale's 
and  Coverdale's  Bible  is  proved  by  the  rapid  angliciz- 
ng,  from  this  date  onward,  of  the  Scots  dialect.  The 
eircnlation  of  the  Scriptures  in  English  is  further 
iroved  by  the  repetition  of  the  injunctions  against 
Using  them.  But  the  first  Bible  printed  in  Scotland 
Was  that  of  Alexander  Arbuthnot  in  1579,  based  on  the 
Geneva  Bible  in  1561. 

Another  indication  of  the  growth  of  Lutheranism  is 
the  request  of  King  James  V  to  Consistory  for  per- 
s»tnn  to  tax  his  clergy  one-third  of  their  revenues 
1  order  to  raise  an  army  against  the  swarm  of  his 
iiltheran  subjects.     As  these  Protestants  met  in  pri- 
vate houses,  Parliament  passed  a  law,  "That  none  hold 
nor  let  be  holden  in  their  houses  nor  other  ways,  con- 
gregations or  conventicles  to  commune  or  dispute  of 

Could    be    have    been    David    Borthwiok    or    David    Ljndssy 
'-Wtfaer'«  IrttefB  and  Dictionary  of  National  Biography. 


I 


356  SCOTLAND 

the  Holy  Scripture,  without  they  be  theologia 
proved  b.v  famous  universities." 

As  the  new  party  grew  the  battle  was  joinc' 

amphltis  least  twelve  martyrs  perished  in  the  years  15 
The  field  was  taken  on  either  side  by  an  army  ol 
phlets,  ballads  and  broadsides,  of  which  thi 
known,  perhaps,  is  David  Lyndsay's  Ane  Satire 
thrie  Estai.  le  clergy  are  mercilesa 

40  tacked  for  intonness.     The  New  ' 

ment  is  hig  y  some  of  the  charade 

trodnced  inti  ut  a  pardoner  complain 

his  credit  has  ly  destroyed  by  it  and  \ 

the  devil  ma  ho  made  that  book.    H 

ther  wishes  th  Luther,  that  false  loon. 

BuUinger  and  Melanchthon"  had  been  smother 
their  chrisom-cloths  and  that  St.  Paul  had  never 
bom. 

"an  When  James  V  died,  he  left  the  crown  to  his  i 

.rnDec.  daughter  of  six  days  old,  that  Mary  whose  bi 
^^^  crimes  and  tragic  end  fixed  the  attention  of  hei 
temporaries  and  of  posterity  alike.  For  the 
three  years  of  her  reign  the  most  powerful  m 
the  kingdom  was  David  Beaton,  Cardinal  Arehl 
of  St.  Andrews.  His  policy,  of  course,  was  to 
tain  the  Catholic  religion,  and  this  implied  the  d 
of  Scotch  independence  against  England.  Henr>' 
with  characteristic  lack  of  scruple,  plotted  to  1 
the  infant  queen  and  either  to  kidnap  or  to  assat 
the  cardinal.  Failing  in  both,  he  sent  an  army 
with  orders  to  put  man,  woman  and  child  to  the 
wherever  resistance  was  made,  Edinburgh  cas 
mained  untaken,  but  Holyrood  was  burned  ai 
country  devastated  as  far  as  Sterling. 
irdinal  Defeated  by  England.  Beaton  was  dostuied  t 


SCOTLAND  357 

n  conflict  with  his  other  enemy,  Protestantism. 
ng  this  time  of  transition  from  Lutheranism  to 
iuism,  the  demands  of  the  Scotch  reformers  would 
been  more  moderate  than  they  later  became, 
f  would  doubtless  have  been  content  with  a  free 
e,  free  preaching  and  the  sequestration  of  the 
Is  of  the  religious  orders.  Under  George  Wishart, 
translated  tlie  First  Helvetic  Confession,  the  Kirk  J^" 
m  to  sssnme  its  Calvinistic  garb  and  to  take  the 


set  of  a  party  with  a  definite  political  program, 
place  of  newspapers,  both  as  purveyors  of  infor- 
ion  and  as  organs  of  public  opinion,  was  taken  by 
sermons  of  the  ministers,  most  of  them  political 
all  of  them  controversial.  Of  this  party  Beaton 
the  scourge.  He  himself  believed  that  in  1545  he- 
t  was  almost  extinct,  and  doubtless  his  belief  was 
firmed  when  he  was  able  to  put  Wishart  to  death.  1545  ' 
revenge  for  this  a  few  fanatics  murdered  him.  Mayzg    ,, 

n  the  consummation  of  the  religious  revolution  JohnKwl 
Ing  the  nest  quarter  of  a  century,  one  factor  was 
personality  of  John  Knox.  A  bom  partisan,  a  man 
toe  idea  who  could  see  no  evil  on  his  o\m  side  and 
good  on  the  other,  as  a  good  fighter  and  a  good 
jr  he  has  had  few  equals.  His  supreme  devotion 
le  cause  he  embraced  made  him  credulous  of  evil 
is  foes,  and  capable  of  using  deceit  and  of  applaud- 
political  murder.  Of  his  first  preaching  against 
laniem  it  was  said,  "Other  have  sned  [snipped] 
branches,  but  this  man  strikes  at  the  root,"  and 
nigh  the  latest  judgment  passed  upon  him,  that 
ord  Acton,  is  that  he  differed  from  all  other  Prot- 
nt  founders  in  his  desire  that  the  Catholics  should 
^terminated,  either  by  the  state  or  by  the  self- 
I  of  all  Christian  men.  His  not  to  speak  the  words 
five  and  mercy  from  the  gospel,  but  to  curse  and 


358  SCOTLAND 

thunder  against  "those  dumb  dogs,  the  poisond 
pestilent  papists"  in  the  style  of  the  Old  TeKtau 
prophet  or  psalmist.  But  while  the  harshuegg  of  I 
character  has  repelled  many,  his  fundamental  com 
ency  and  his  courage  have  won  admiration.  A§ 
great  preacher,  "or  he  had  done  with  Ms  sermon i 
was  so  active  and  vigorous  that  he  was  like  to  do 
the  pulpit  in  bl  JUt  of  it."     His  style* 

direct,  vigorous,  of  pungent  wit  and  teti 

sarcasm. 
V      Even  the  year  h  is  in  dispute.    The  tn 

ditional  date  is  has  been  shown  with  mi 

reason  that  the  m  late  is  1513  or  1514. 

he  had  a  univer  ;ion  and  that  he  was 

dained  priest  Is  all  that  is  kno^\Ti  of  him  until 
1540.  During  llie  last  months  of  Wisliart'ri  life  Knca 
was  his  constant  attendant.  His  own  preaching  con 
tinned  the  work  of  the  martyr  until  June,  1547,  wlie 
St.  Andrews  was  captured  by  the  French  fleet  an 
Knox  was  made  a  galley  slave  for  nineteen  mouth 
Under  the  lash  and,  what  grieved  him  even  more,  co: 
stantly  plied  with  suggestions  that  he  should  "comm 
idolatry"  in  praying  to  the  image  of  Mary,  his  hea 
grow  bitter  against  the  French  and  their  religion. 
Released,  either  through  the  influence  of  the  En 
^'  lish  government,  or  by  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  Km 
spent  the  next  five  years  in  England.  After  fillii 
positions  as  preacher  at  Berwick  and  Newcastle,  I 
was  appointed  royal  chaplain  and  was  offered  tl 
bishopric  of  Rochester,  which  he  declined  because 
foresaw  the  troubles  under  Mary.  As  the  pioneer 
Puritanism  in  England  he  used  his  influence  to  ma 
the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  more  Protestant.  N 
long  after  Mary's  accession  Knox  fled  to  the  Co 
tinent,  spending  a  few  years  at  Frankfort  and  Genei 
He  was  much  impressed  by  "that  notable  servant 


SCOTLAND  359 

John   Calvin"  whose   system  he  adopted  with 
litical  modifications  of  his  own. 
In  the  meantime  things  were  not  going  well  in  Scot- 

The  country  had  suffered  another  severe  defeat  Scptemb 
the  hands  of  the  English  in  the  battle  of  Pinkie.  ^^'^^^ 
government  was  largely  in  the  hands  of  the  Qneen 
ger,  Mary  of  Lorraine,-  who  naturally  favored 
ee,  and  who  married  her  daughter,  the  Queen  of 
is,  to  the  Dauphin  Francis,  both  of  them  being  April  24^ 

n  years  old.    By  treaty  she  conveyed  Scotland  ^^^ 
the  king  of  Prance,  acting  on  the  good  old  theory 
t  her  people  were  a  chattel.    Though  the  pact,  with 
treason  to  the  people,  was  secret,  its  purport  was 
eased  by  all.    Whereas  the  accession  of  Francis  II 
entarily  bound  Scotland  closer  to  France,  his 
th  in  the  following  year  again  cut  her  loose,  and  al- 
%fwed  her  to  go  her  own  way. 

All  the  while  the  Reformed  party  had  been  slowly 
growing  in  strength.  Somerset  took  care  to  send 
plenty  of  English  Bibles  across  the  Cheviot  Hill, 
rightly  seeing  in  them  the  best  emissaries  of  the  Eng- 
lish interest.  The  Scotch  were  drawn  towards  Eng- 
land by  the  mildness  of  her  government  as  much  as 
they  were  alienated  from  France  by  the  ferocity  of 
hers.  In  Scotland  the  English  party,  when  it  had  the 
chance,  made  no  Catholic  martyrs,  but  the  French  party 
continued  to  put  heretics  to  death.  The  execution  of  1558 
the  aged  Walter  Milne,  the  last  of  the  victims  of  the 
Catholic  persecution^  excited  especial  resentment. 

Knox  now  returned  to  his  own  country  for  a  short  xn^,,^ 
visit.  He  there  preached  passionately  against  the  August, 
mass  and  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Regent  Mary  of 
Lorraine,  begging  her  to  favor  the  gospel.  This  she 
treated  as  a  joke,  and,  after  Knox  had  departed,  she 
sentenced  him  to  death  and  burnt  him  in  eflBgy.  From 
Geneva  he  continued  to  be  the  chief  adviser  oi  \)cl^ 


SCOTLAND 

ecember    Protestant  party,  whose  leaders  drew  up  a  "Commoffl 
Band,"  usually  known  as  the  First  Scottish  CovenaDl 
The  sifters,  including  a  large  number  of  nobles  ai 
gentlemen  headed  by  the  carls  of  Argyle,  Glena 
and  Morton,  promised  to  apply  their  whole  pc 
substance  and  lives  to  maintain,  set  forward  and  est 
lish  "the  most  blessed  Word  of  God  and  his  con| 
gation,"     Under  the  protection  of  this  bond,  refoi 
churches  were  set  up  openly.     The  Lords  of  the  C( 
'gregation,  as  they  were  called,  demanded  that  pei 
statutes  against  heretics  be  abrogated  and  *'that  it 
be  lawful  to  us  to  use  ourselves  in  matters  of  religioB 
and  conscience  as  wo  must  answer  to  God."    This 
scheme  of  toleration  was  too  advanced  for  the  tirae. 

As  the  assistance  of  Knox  was  felt  to  be  desirable^ 
the  Lords  of  the  Congregation  urgently  requested  hii 
return.  Before  doing  so  he  published  his  "Appella- 
tion" to  the  nobles,  estates  and  commonalty  against 
the  sentence  of  death  recently  passed  on  him.  AVben 
he  did  arrive  in  Edinburgh,  his  preaching  was  like  i 
match  set  to  kindling  wood.  Wherever  he  went  burst 
forth  the  flame  of  iconoclasra.  Images  were  broken 
and  monasteries  stormed  not,  as  he  himself  wrote,  by 
gentlemen  or  by  "earnest  professors  of  Christ,"  but 
by  "the  rascal  multitude."  In  reckoning  the  forces 
of  revolution,  tlie  joy  of  the  mob  in  looting  must  not 
be  forgotten.  From  Perth  Knox  w^rote:  "The  places 
of  idolatry  were  made  equal  with  the  ground ;  all  mon- 
uments of  idolatry  that  could  be  apprehended,  con- 
sumed with  fire;  and  priests  commanded,  under  pain 
of  death,  to  desist  from  their  blasphemous  mass." 
Similar  outbursts  occurred  at  St.  Andrews,  and  when 
Knox  returned  to  Edinburgh,  civil  war  seemed  im- 
minent. Pamphlets  of  the  tirae,  like  The  Beggar^^ 
Warning,  distinctly  made  the  threat  of  social  rev( 


^558 


k 


A  tion. 


SCOTLAND  361 

j^  But  as  a  matter  of  fact  the  change  came  as  the  most 
Hess  in  Europe.  The  Kef  ormers,  popular  with  the 
Idle  and  with  part  of  the  upper  classes,  needed  only 
"win  English  support  to  make  themselves  perfectly 
The  difficulty  in  this  course  lay  in  Queen 
ibeth's  natural  dislike  of  Knox  on  account  of  his 
*«t  Blctst  of  the  Trumpet  against  the  Monstrous 
iment  of  Women.  In  this  war-whoop,  aimed 
(t  the  Marys  of  England  and  Scotland,  KnoK  had 
led  that  **to  promote  a  woman  to  bear  rule,  super- 
ity,  dominion  or  empire  above  any  realm  is  repug- 
Lt  to  nature,  contrary  to  God,  and,  finally,  it  is  the 
version  of  good  order  and  of  all  equity  and  justice.*' 
author  felt  not  a  little  embarrassment  when  a 
^testant  woman  ascended  the  throne  of  England 
he  needed  her  help.  But  to  save  his  soul  he  ' '  that 
rer  feared  nor  flattered  any  flesh**  could  not  admit 
it  he  was  in  the  wrong,  nor  take  back  aught  that  he 
said.  He  seems  to  have  acted  on  Barry  Lyn- 
^n*8  maxim  that  **a  gentleman  fights  but  never  apol- 
ogizes.** When  he  wrote  Elizabeth,  all  he  would  sayJuiy20, 
was  that  he  was  not  her  enemy  and  had  never  offended 
ier  or  her  realm  maliciously  or  of  purpose.  He  sea- 
soned this  attempt  at  reconciliation  by  adding  a  sting- 
ing rebuke  to  the  proud  young  queen  for  having  '*  de- 
clined from  God  and  bowed  to  idolatry,*'  during  her 
sister's  reign,  for  fear  of  her  life. 

But  the  advantages  of  union  outweighed  such  minor 
considerations  as  bad  manners,  and  early  in  1560  a 
league  was  formed  between  England  and  the  Lords  of 
the  Congregation.    Shortly  after  the  death  of  Mary  June  ii, 
of  Lorraine  the  Treaty  of  Edinburgh  was  signed  be- Treaty  of 
tween  the  queen  of  England  and  the  lords  of  Scot- Edinburgh 
land.     This  provided:  (1)  that  all  English  and  French ^"^^^ 
troops  be  sent  oat  of  Scotland  except  120  EteTidi*, 
{"^J  that  all  warlike  preparationa  cease ;  (3)  thai  \\v^ 


362  SCOTLAND 

Berwickshire  citadel  of  the  sea,  Eyemouth,  he  distt 
tied ;  (4)  that  Mary  and  Francis  should  disase  the  Q]j  [^^j 
lish  title  and  arms;  (5)  that  Philip  of  Spain  skid  ttioi 
arbitrate  certain  points,  if  necessary;  (6)  that  Hi^  aMi 
beth  had  not  acted  wrongfully  in  making;  a  leagneiil  r  sa 
the  Lords  of  the  Congregation.  Mary  and  Fraud  '--'- 
refused  to  ratify  this  treaty. 

A  supplementary  agreement  was  proposed  kt»e(( 
Mary  Stuart  and  her  rebellious  Protestant  subje^  ^ii^-J" 
She  promised  tn  summon  Parliament  at  once,  toffl*''   i- 
neither  war  nor  pet  t  the  consent  of  the  <* 

tates,  and  to  govern  to  the  advice 

oil  of  twelve  chosen  herself  and  the  estat 

She  promised  to  giv  offices  to  strangers  orH 

clergj'men ;  and  she  o  all  a  general  amncsUl 

The  summons  of  J"-  immediately  after  th*^ 

negotiations  proved  ;rons  to  the  old  reg 

as  the  assembly  of  th^  Estates  General  inl7i 

Though  bloodlfss,  the  Scotea  revolution  was  as  IhoP 
ough,  in  its  own  small  way,  as  that  of  Robespierre- 
Keligion  was  changed  and  a  new  distribntion  of  po- 
litical power  secured,  transferring  the  ascendency  of 
the  crown  and  of  the  old  privileged  orders  to  a  class 
of  "new  men,"  low-bom  ministers  of  the  kirk,  small 
"lairds"  and  burgesses.  The  very  constitution  of 
the  new  Parliament  was  revolutionary.  In  the  old 
legislative  assemblies  between  ten  and  twenty  greater 
barons  were  summoned;  in  the  Parliament  of  1560  no 
less  than  106  small  barons  assembled,  and  it  was  to 
thorn,  together  with  the  burgesses  of  the  cities,  that 
the  adoption  of  the  now  religion  was  due.  A  Confes- 
sion of  Faith,  on  extreme  Calvinistic  lines,  had  been 
drawn  up  by  Knox  and  his  fellows;  this  was  presented 
to  Parliament  and  adopted  with  only  eight  dissenting 
voices,  those  of  five  laymen  and  three  bishops.  The 
minority  was  overawed,  not  only  by  the  majority  in 


theesti 


SCOTLAND  363 

."' Parliament  but  by  the  public  opinion  of  the  capital 
of  the  whole  Lowlands. 
Just  a  week  after  the  adoption  of  the  Confession,  the    Laws  o 
lies  passed  three  laws:     (1)  Abolishing  the  pope's 
lority  and  all  jurisdiction  by  Catholic  prelates; 
^^  1?)  repealing  all  previous  statutes  in  favor  of  the  Ko- 
church;  (3)  forbidding  the  celebration  of  mass, 
law  calls  it  ** wicked  idolatry'*  and  provides  that 
manner  of  person  nor  persons  say  mass,  nor  yet 
mass,  nor  be  present  thereat  under  pain  of  con- 
ition  of  all  their  goods  movable  and  immovable  and 
Lg  their  bodies  at  the  discretion  of  the  magis- 
ite.''    The  penalty  for  the  third  offence  was  made 
^th,  and  all  officers  were  commanded  to  *  ^  take  dili- 
itsuit  and  inquisition*'  to  prevent  the  celebration 
the  Catholic  rite.    In  reality,  persecution  was  ex- 
lely  mild,  simply  because  there  was  hardly  any 
*B8istance.    Scarcely  three  Catholic  martyrs  can  be 
named,  and  there  was  no  Pilgrimage  of  Grace.    This 
18  all  the  more  remarkable  in  that  probably  three- 
foDrths  of  the  people  were  still  Catholic.    The  Refor- 
mation, like  most  other  revolutions,  was  the  work  not 
of  the  majority,  but  of  that  part  of  the  people  that 
had  the  energy  and^ntelligence'  to  see  most  clearly  and 
act  most  strongly.     For  the  first  time  in  Scotch  his- 
tory a  great  issue  was  submitted  to  a  public  opinion 
sufficiently  developed  to  realize  its  importance.    The 
great  choice  was  made  not  by  counting  heads  but  by 
weighing  character.  ^^  ■%  ■ 

The  burgher  class  having  seized  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment proceeded  to  use  them  in  the  interests  of  their 
kirk.  The  prime  duty  of  the  state  was  asserted  to  be 
the  maintenance  of  the  true  religion.  Ministers  were 
paid  by  the  government.  Almost  any  act  of  govern- 
ment might  be  made  the  subject  of  interference  by  the 
church,  for  Knox's  profession^  **with  the  policy,  mVxA 


364  SCOTLAND 

US  to  meddle  no  further  than  it  hath  religion  n 
in  it,"  was  obviously  an  elastic  and  self-impOBed 
tation. 

The  character  of  the  kirk  was  that  of  a  denioci 
puritanical  theocracy.  The  real  rulers  of  it. 
through  it  of  the  state,  were  the  ministers  and  e! 
elected  by  the  people.  The  democracy  of  the  kirk 
sisted  in  the  :  )f  these  men  from  the  I 

ranks  of  the  j  ?oeracy  in  the  claim  of  I 

men,  once  es  loses'  seat,  to  interpre 

commands  of  e,"  said  Queen  Mary,  i 

a  conversatio  x,  "that  my  subjects 

obey  you  rathi  '    "Madam,"  replied  K 

*'my  study  is  u  inces  and  people  shall 

God" — but,  of  course,  the  voice  of  the  pulpit  wa 
voice  of  God.  As  a  contemporary  put  it:  "Kn 
king;  what  he  wills  obeyit  is."  Finally  the  kirl 
a  tyranny,  as  a  democracy  may  well  be.  In  lil 
manners,  in  thought,  the  citizen  was  obliged,  i 
severe  social  penalty,  to -conform  exactly  to  a 
narrow  standard. 

When  Queen  Mary,  a  widow  eighteen  years 
landed  in  Scotland,  she  must  have  been  aware  o 
thorny  path  she  was  to  tread.  It  is  impossible  n 
pity  her,  the  spoiled  darling  of  the  gayest  cou 
Europe,  exposed  to  the  bleak  skies  and  bleaker  \ 
of  doctrines  at  Edinburgh.  Endowed  with  high  s 
courage,  no  little  cleverness  and  much  charm. 
might  have  mastered  the  situation  had  her  char 
or  discretion  equaled  her  intellect  and  beauty, 
thwarted,  nagged  and  bullied  by  men  whose  rel 
she  hated,  wliose  power  she  feared  and  whose  low 
she  despised,  she  became  more  and  more  reckle 
the  pursuit  of  pleasure  until  she  was  tangled  in  a 
work  of  vice  and  crime,  and  delivered  helpless  int 
hands  of  her  enemies. 


SCOTLAND  365 

Her  true  policy,  and  the  one  which  she  began  to  f ol- 
Id^w,  was  marked  out  for  her  by  circumstances.    Scot- 
id  was  to  her  but  the  stepping-stone  to  the  throne 
England*    As  Elizabeth's  next  heir  she  might  be- 
le  queen  either  through  the  death  of  the  reigning 
'ereign,  or  as  the  head  of  a  Catholic  rebellion.    At 
she  prudently  decided  to  wait  for  the  natural 
irse  of  events,  selecting  as  her  secretary  of  state 
itland,  *'the  Scottish  Cecil,"  a  staid  politician  bent 
keeping  friends  with  England.    But  at  last  growing 
ipatient,  she  compromised  herself  in  the  Catholic 
lots  and  risings  of  the  disaffected  southerners. 
So,  whUe  aspiring  to  three  crowns,  Mary  showed 
»rself  incapable  of  keeping  even  the  one  she  had. 
fot  religion  but  her  own  crimes  and  follies  caused 
IT  downfall,  but  it  was  over  religion  that  the  first 
^lash  with  her  subjects  came.    She  would  have  liked 
io  restore  Catholicism,  though  this  was  not  her  first 
object,  for  she  would  have  been  content  to  be  left  in 
llie  private  enjoyment  of  heV  own  worship.    Even  on 
this  the  stalwarts  of  the  kirk  looked  askance.    Knox 
preached  as  Mary  landed  that  one  mass  was  more  ter- 
rible to  him  than  ten  thousand  armed  invaders.    Mary 
sent  for  him,  hoping  to  win  the  hard  man  by  a  display  ^"^ 
of  feminine  and  queenly  graciousness.    In  all  he  had   Dccce 
five  interviews  with  her,  picturesquely  described  by   ^^^ 
himself.    On  his  side  there  were  long,  stem  sermons 
on  the  duties  of  princes  and  the  wickedness  of  idolatry, 
all  richly  illustrated  with  examples  drawn  from  the 
sacred  page.    On  her  side  there  was  **  howling  to- 
gether with  womanly  weeping, '^  **more  howling  and 
tears  above  that  the  matter  did  require,"  *'so  many 
tears  that  her  chamber-boy  could  scarce  get  napkins 
enough  to  dry  her  eyes."    With  absurdly  unconscious 
offensiveness  and  egotism  Knox  began  acquaintance 
with  his  sovereign  hy  remarking  that  he  was  aa  nj^ 


366  SCOTLAND 

content  to  live  under  her  as  Paal  under  Nero.  ; 
vionaly  he  had  maintained  that  the  goverumcnt 
setup  to  control  religion;  now  he  informed  Mary 
"right  religion  took  neither  original  nor  autho 
from  worldly  princes  but  from  the  Eternal  God  aloi 
"  'Think  ye,'  quoth  she,  'that  subjects,  having  po 
may  resist  their  princesT'  'If  princes  exceed  t 
boDnds,  mad  j  be  resisted  and  even 

posed,'"  re  Mary's  marriage  was 

most    urgent  question    of    policy.    V 

Knox  took  tl  discussing  it  with  her 

burst  out :     '  on  to  do  with  my  marri 

Or  what  are  this  commonwealthi" 

subject  born  me,"  superbly  retorted 

East  Lothian  peasant,  "and  though  neither  earl, 
nor  baron,  God  has  made  me  a  profitable  member. 
""'«"         Determined,  quite  excusably,  to  please  herself  n 
iniiey,       than  her  advisers  in  the  choice  of  a  husband,  \ 
ly,iS65      selected  her  cousin  Henry  Stuart  Lord   Damle 
"long  lad"  not  yet  twenty.     The  marriage  was 
brated  in  July,  1565;  the  necessary  papal  dispens 
therefor  was  actually  drawn  up  on  September  2i 
was  thoughtfully  provided  with  a  false  date  ; 
four  months  earlier.     Almost  from  the  first  the 
riage  was  wretchedly  unhappy.     The  petulant  be 
sisted  on  being  treated  as  king,  whereas  Mary  all 
him  only  "his  due."     Darnley  was  jealous,  pro! 
with  good  cause,  of  his  wife's  Italian  secretary,  I 
iTch9,       Riccio,  and  murdered  him  in  Mary's  presence; 
action  worthy  of  all  praise,"  pontificated  Knox. 

With  this  crime  begins  In  eaniest  that  sickening 
of  court  intrigue  and  blackest  villainy  that  has 
monly  passed  as  the  then  history  of  Scotland,  T 
venge  her  beloved  secretary  Mary  plotted  with  a 
paramour,  the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  an  able  soldi 


SCOTLAND  367 

inal  Protestant  and  an  evil  liver.  On  the  night  of 
tebruaiy  9-10,  1567,  the  house  of  Kirk  o'  Field  near 
burgh  where  Damley  was  staying  and  where  his 
had  but  just  left  him,  was  blown  up  by  gunpowder 
later  his  dead  body  was  found  near  by.  Public 
ion  at  once  laid  the  crime  at  the  right  doors,  and  it  Murias 
not  need  Mary's  hasty  marriage  with  Bothwell  Z^^^i 
confirm  the  suspicion  of  her  complicity.  is,  1S67 

The  path  of  those  opposed  to  the  queen  was  made  James  Y 
ier  by  the  fact  that  she  now  had  an  heir,  James,  {^    ' 
Scotland  the  sixth  and  afterwards  of  England  the 
The  temper  of  the  people  of  Edinburgh  was 
icated  by  the  posting  up  of  numerous  placards 
ing  Bothwell  and  Mary.    One  of  these  was  a 
er  on  which  was  painted  a  little  boy  kneeling  and 
wned,  and  thereon  the  legend :    '  ^  Avenge  the  death 
my  father  I''    Deeds  followed  words;  Parliament  July  16 
peUed  the  queen  under  threat  of  death  to  abdicate 
in  favor  of  her  son  and  to  appoint  her  half-brother, 
the  Earl  of  Moray,  regent.    At  the  coronation  of  the  July  29 
infant  king  Knox  preached.    A  still  more  drastic  step 
was  taken  when  Parliament  declared  Mary  guilty  of  i>ccciiib< 
murder  and  formally  deposed  her  from  the  throne.  ^^ 
That  Mary  really  was  guilty  in  the  fullest  degree  there 
ean  be  no  reasonable  doubt.  '  An  elenaent  of  mystery 
has  been  added  to  the  situation  by  a  dispute  over  the 
genuineness  of  a  series  of  letters  and  poems  purport- 
ing to  have  been  written  by  Mary  to  Bothwell  and 
known  collectively  as  the  Casket  Letters.    They  were 
discovered  in  a  suspiciously  opportune  way  by  her 
enemies.    The  originals  not  being  extant,  some  his- 
torians have  regarded  them  in  whole  or  in  part  as 
forgeries,   but   Robertson,   Banke,   Froude,   Andrew 
Lang  and  Pollard  accept  them  as  genuine.    This  is  my 
opinion,  but  it  seems  to  me  that  the  fascination  of 


she  in  I 

T  tro« 
'hrowd| 
son  aul 


368  SCOTLAND 

mystery  has  lent  the  documents  undue  importance, 
Had  they  never  been  found  Mary's  guUt  would  hart 
been  established  by  circumstantial  evidence. 

Mary  was  confined  for  a  short  time  in  the  castle  of 
Lochleven,    but    contrived    to    escape.    As    she 
proached  Glasgow  she  risked  a  battle,  but  her 
were  defeated  and  she  fled  to  England.     Thi 
herself  on  Eliza  y  she  found  prison 

finally,  after  ninei  the  scaffold.     An  intiuiri 

was  held  concern!  s,  but  no  verdict  was  ret 

dered  because  it  i  Elizabeth  to  degrade  b» 

sister  sovereign  u  was  necessary.     Not  for 

the  murder  of  he  but  for  complicity  in  1 

plot  against  Eliz.  Mary  finally  eondenmn 

to  die.  In  spite  of  tne  laut  that  she  did  everythiD; 
possible  to  disgrace  herself  more  deeply  than  ever,  such  | 
as  pensioning  the  assassin  of  her  brother  Moray,  her 
sufferings  made  her  the  martyr  of  sentimentahatu 
and  pieces  of  embroidery  or  other  possessions  of  tlwl 
beautiful  queen  have  been  handed  down  as  the  preciom  | 
relics  of  a  saint.^  I 

All  the  murderous  intrigues  ju.st  narrated  contriV 
uted  thoroughly  to  disgrace  the  Catholic  and  royalist 
party.  The  revolution  had  left  society  dissolved.  faB 
of  bloodthirsty  and  false  men.  But  though  the  Prot- 
estants had  their  share  of  such  villains,  they  also  had 
the  one  consistent  and  public-spirited  element  in  the 
kingdom,  namely  Knox  and  his  immediate  followers. 
Moray  was  a  man  rather  above  the  average  respecta- 
bility and  he  confirmed  the  triumph  of  Protestantism 
in  the  Lowlands  in  the  few  short  years  preceding  his 
assassination  in  January,  1570.  But  by  this  time  the 
revolution  had  been  so  firmly  accomplished  that  noth- 
ing could  shake  it.     The  deposition  of  a  queen,  though 

<  Such  a  piece  of  embroldi^ry  has  been  kept  in  my  motber'a  famil; 
rrom  that  day  to  this. 


SCOTLAND  369 

L  defiance  of  all  the  Catholic  powers  and  of  all  the 
to^ralist  sentiment  of  Europe,  had  succeeded.  The 
[g  king  was  brought  up  a  Protestant,  and  his  mind 
so  thoroughly  turned  against  his  mother  that  he 
iesced  without  a  murmur  in  her  execution.  At 
peace  and  security  smiled  upon  North  Britain.  ^^^^ 
ooniing  event  of  the  union  with  England  cast  its  with 
leficent  shadow  over  the  reign  of  Elizabeth's  sue-  England 

TChe  Reformation  ran  the  same  course  as  in  Eng-  Abaolatio 

earlier;  one  is  almost  tempted  to  hypostatize  it 

say  that  it  took  the  bit  between  its  teeth  and  ran 

ly  with  its  riders.    Actually,  the  man  cast  for  the 

of  Henry  Vin  was  James  VI;  the  slobbering 

it  without  drawing  the  sword  did  what  his  abler 

istors  could  not  do  after  a  life-time  of  battle.    He 

[e  himself  all  but  absolute,  and  this,  demonstrably, 

head  of  the  kirk. 

In  1584  Parliament  passed  a  series  of  statutes  known 
the  Black  Acts,  putting  the  bodies  and  souls  of  the 
►tch  under  the  yoke  of  the  king,  who  was  now  pope 
well.  In  1587  the  whole  property  of  the  pre-Kefor- 
ition  church,  with  some  trifling  exceptions,  was  con- 
ited  and  put  at  the  king's  disposition.  As  in  Eng- 
land, so  here,  the  lands  of  abbeys  and  of  prelates  was  ^ 
thrown  to  new  men  of  the  pushing,  commercial  type. 
Thus  was  founded  a  landed  aristocracy  with  interests 
distinct  from  the  old  barons  and  strong  in  supporting 
both  king  and  Reformation. 

It  is  true  that  this  condition  was  but  temporary.   Reaction 
Just  as  in  England  later  the  Parliament  and  the  Puri-   ^^j^^ 
tans  called  the  crown  to  account,  so  in  Scotland  the 
kirk  continu(6fd  to  administer  drastic  advice  to  the  mon- 
arch and  finally  to  put  direct  legal  pressure  upon  him. 
The  Black  Acts  were  abrogated  by  Parliament  m  \^^^ 
and  from  that  time  forth  ensued  a  struggle  betNveeiv  \^v^ 


370 


SCOTLAND 


king  and  the  presbyteries  which,  in  the  opinion  0 
former,  agreed  as  well  together  as  God  and  the  ( 
Still  more  after  his  aocession  to  the  English  tt 
James  came  to  prefer  the  episcopal  form  of  ct 
government  as  more  subservient,  and  to  act  oi 
maxim,  "no  bishop,  no  king." 


CHAPTER  YIII 

THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

§  1.  Italy 

It  is  sometimes  so  easy  to  see,  after  the  event,  why 
igs  should  have  taken  just  the  course  they  did 

:e,  that  it  may  seem  remarkable  that  political  fore- 
it  is  so  rare.    It  is  probable,  however,  that  the 

idy  of  history  not  only  illumines  many  things,  and 

ices  them  in  their  true  perspective,  but  also  tends  to 
iplify  too  much,  overemphasizing,  to  our  minds,  the 
^fdements  that  finally  triumphed  and  casting  those  that 
mocombed  into  the  shadow. 

However  this  may  be,  Italy  of  the  sixteenth  century  Italy 
iKppears  to  offer  an  unusually  clear  case  of  a  logical 
Sequence  of  effects  due  to  previously  ascertainable 
Causes.  That  Italy  should  toy  with  the  Reformation 
"Without  accepting  it,  that  she  should  finally  suppress 
it  and  along  with  it  much  of  her  own  spiritual  life, 
Beems  to  be  entirely  due  to  her  geographical,  political 
and  cultural  condition  at  the  time  when  she  felt  the 
impact  of  the  new  ideas. 

In  all  these  respects,  indeed,  there  was  something 
that  might  at  first  blush  have  seemed  favorable  to  the 
Lutheran  revolt.  Few  lands  were  more  open  to  Ger- 
xtian  and  Swiss  influences  than  was  their  transalpine 
lieighbor.  Conmiercially,  Italy  and  Germany  were 
United  by  a  thousand  bonds,  and  a  constant  influx  of 
ixorthem  travellers,  students,  artists,  officials  and  sol- 
diers, might  be  supposed  to  carry  with  them  the  conta- 
^on  of  the  new  ideas.  Again,  the  lack  of  political 
Unity  might  be  supposed,  as  in  Germany,  so  in  llaV^, 

371 


372         THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

to  facilitate  sectional  reformation.  Finally,  the  Be 
naissance,  with  its  unparalleled  freedom  of  thoaghl  aa 
its  strong  anti-clerical  bias,  would  at  least  insure  a  tu 
hearing  for  innovations  Ln  doctrine  and  occlesiaslici 
ideals. 

And  yet,  as  even  contemporaries  saw,  there  wen 
some  things  which  weighed  far  more  heavily  ia  fli 
scale  of  Catholi  d  those  just  mentioned  il 

the  scale  of  Pro  In  the  first  place  the  au- 

tonomy of  the  I  sions  was  more  appamii 

than  real.    Too  too  disunited  to  offer  t* 

sistance  to  any  i  n  power,  contended  for  by 

the  three  greati  :ame  gradually  more  tai 

more  a  Spanish  y.    After  Pavia  and  th 

treaty  of  Catoau-Cau  si^  French  influence  wan  rf- 
dueed  to  a  threat  rather  than  a  reality.  Naples  had 
long  been  an  appendage  of  the  Spanish  crown;  Milan 
was  now  wrested  from  the  French,  and  one  after  an- 
other most  of  the  smaller  states  passed  into  Spain'a 
"sphere  of  influence."  The  strongest  of  all  the  stales, 
the  papal  dominions,  became  in  reality,  if  not  nom- 
inally, a  dependency  of  the  emperor  after  the  sack  of 
Rome.  Tuscany,  Savoy  and  Venetia  maintained  > 
semblance  of  independence,  but  Savoy  was  at  that  time 
hardly  Italian.  Venice  had  passed  the  zenith  of  ber 
power,  and  Florence,  even  under  her  brilliant  Dute 
Cosimo  de'  Medici  was  amenable  to  the  pressure  of 
the  Spanish  soldier  and  the  Spanish  priest. 

Enormous  odds  were  thrown  against  the  Reformers 
because  Italy  was  the  seat  of  the  papacy.  In  spite  of 
all  hatred  of  Roman  morals  and  in  spite  of  all  distrust 
of  Roman  doctrine,  this  was  a  source  of  pride  and  ot 
advantage  of  the  whole  country.  As  long  as  tribute 
flowed  from  all  Western  Europe,  as  long  as  kings  and 
emperors  kis.sed  the  pontiff's  toe,  Rome  was  still  in  i 
sense  the  capital  of  Christendom.    An  example  of  ho« 


ITALY  373 

i«  papacy  was  both  served  and  despised  has  been  left 

B  by  the  Florentine  statesman  and  historian  Guicci-  Guia^dai 

urdini:    '^So  mnch  evil  cannot  be  said  of  the  Boman  i48a-154( 

uia/*  he  wrote,  **that  more  does  not  deserve  to  be 

ud  of  it,  for  it  is  an  infamy,  an  example  of  all  the 

Uime  and  wickedness  of  the  world. ' '    He  might  have 

^n  supposed  to  be  ready  to  support  any  enemy  of 

ftch  an  institution,  but  what  does  he  say  f 

No  man  dislikes  more  than  do  I  the  ambition,  avarice 
and  effeminacy  of  the  priests,  not  only  because  these 
vices  are  hateful  in  themselves  but  because  they  are 
especially  unbecoming  to  men  who  have  vowed  a  life  de- 
pendent upon  God.  .  .  .  Nevertheless,  my  employment 
with  several  popes  has  forced  me  to  desire  their  greatness 
for  my  own  advantage.  But  for  this  consideration  I 
should  have  loved  Luther  like  myself,  not  to  free  myself 
from  the  silly  laws  of  Christianity  as  commonly  under- 
stood, but  to  put  this  gang  of  criminals  under  restraint, 
so  that  they  might  live  either  without  vices  or  without 
power. 

From  this  precious  text  we  learn  much  of  the  inner 
istory  of  contemporary  Italy.  As  far  as  the  Italian 
dnd  was  liberated  in  religion  it  was  atheistic,  as  far 
3  it  was  reforming  it  went  no  further  than  rejection 
f  the  hierarchy.  The  enemies  to  be  dreaded  by  Rome 
ere,  as  the  poet  Luigi  Alamanni  wrote,  not  Luther  ^ijf  ^^ 
id  Germany,  but  her  own  sloth,  drunkenness,  avarice, 
nbition,  sensuality  and  gluttony. 

The  great  spiritual  factor  that  defeated  Protestant- 
m  in  Italy  was  not  Catholicism  but  the  Renaissance.  Rcnais- 
eeply  imbued  with  the  tincture  of  classical  learning,  Reforma- 
iturally  speculative  and  tolerant,  the  Italian  mind  tion 
id  already  advanced,  in  its  best  representatives,  far 
jyond  the  intellectual  stage  of  the  Reformers.     The 
)stility  of  the  Renaissance  to  the  Reformation  was  a 
»ep  and  subtle  antithesis  of  the  interests  of  this  ^otV3l 


374         THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

and  of  the  next.     It  is  notable  that  whereas  somp  phi 
sophical  minds,  like  that  of  the  brilliant  Ohmpia 
rata,  who  had  once  been  completely  skeptical,  l 
came  under  the  influence  of  Lnther,  there  Ta* 
one  artist  of  the  first  rank,  not  one  of  the  greati 
poets,  that  seems  to  have  been  in  the  least  att: 
by  him,    A  few  minor  poets,  like  Folen^.  ah( 
traces  of  his  infl  ^rioBto  and  Taeso 

bitterly  hostile.  cared  only  for  his  ft 

tastic  world  of  c  faery,  and  when  he  m\ 

mention,  in  a  sal  d  to  Bembo,  that  Fritfj 

Martin  had  becon  as  Nicoletto  had  heconil 

an  infidel,  the  rei  i  cases  is  that  they 

overstrained  their  i  the  study  of  mefaphyj- 

ical  theologrj',  "because  when  {he  mind  soars  up  to  «« 
God  it  is  no  wonder  that  it  falls  down  sometimes  blind 
and  confused."  Heresy  he  elsewhere  pictures  as  i 
devastating  monster. 

But  there  was  a  third  reason  why  the  Reformation 
could  not  succeed  in  Italy,  and  that  was  that  it  could 
not  catch  the  enr  of  the  common  people.  If  for  the 
churchman  it  was  a  heresy,  and  for  the  free-thinker  a 
superstition,  for  the  "general  public"  of  ordinarily 
educated  persons  it  was  an  aristocratic  fad.  Those 
who  did  embrace  its  doctrines  and  read  its  books,  and 
they  were  not  a  few  of  the  second-rate  humanists, 
cherished  it  as  their  fathers  had  cherished  the  oeo- 
Platonism  of  Pico  della  Jlirandola,  as  an  esoteric  phi- 
losophy. So  little  inclined  were  they  to  bring  their 
faith  to  the  people  that  they  preferred  to  translate 
the  Bible  into  better  Greek  or  classical  Latin  rather 
than  into  the  vulgar  Tuscan.  And  just  at  the  moment 
when  it  seemed  as  if  a  popular  movement  of  some  sort 
might  result  from  the  efforts  of  the  Reformers,  or  in 
spite  of  them,  came  the  Roman  Inquisition  and  nipped 
the  budding  plant. 


ITALY  375 

But  between  the  levels  of  the  greatest  intellectual  ChrUtu 
••uders  and  that  of  the  illiterate  masses,  there  was  a  ^^^ 
rising  number  of  gronps  of  men  and  women  more 
less  tinctured  with  the  doctrines  of  the  north.    And 
even  here,  one  must  add  that  their  religion  was 
lom  pure  Lutheranism  or  Calvinism ;  it  was  Chris- 
humanism.    There  was  the  brilliant  woman 
ittoria  Colonna,  who  read  with  rapture  the  doctrine 
justification  by  faith,  but  who  remained  a  conform- 
Catholic  all  her  life.    There  was  Ochino,  the  gen- 
^m1  of  the  Capuchins,  whose  defection  caused  a  panic 
^^  Bome  but  who  remained,  nevertheless,  an  independ- 
^t  rather  than  an  orthodox  Protestant.    Of  like  qual- 
^  itj  were  Peter  Martyr  Vermigli,  an  exile  for  his  faith, 
mud  Jerome  Bolseo,  a  native  of  France  but  an  inhab- 
itant of  Ferrara,  whence  he  took  to  Geneva  an  eccentric 
doctrine  that  caused  much  trouble  to  Calvin.    Finally, 
it  was  perfectly  in  accordance  with  the  Italian  genius 
that  the  most  radical  of  Protestant  dissenters,  the 
unitarians  Lelio  and  Fausto  Sozzini,  should  have  been 
bom  in  Siena. 

Among  the  little  nests  of  Lutherans  or  Christian 
mystics  the  most  important  were  at  Venice,  Ferrara 
and  Naples.  As  early  as  1519  Luther's  books  found 
their  way  to  Venice,  and  in  1525  one  of  the  leading 
canon  lawyers  in  the  city  wrote  an  elaborate  refuta- 
tion of  them,  together  with  a  letter  to  the  Reformer 
himself,  informing  him  that  his  act  of  burning  the  papal 
decretals  was  worse  than  that  of  Judas  in  betraying, 
or  of  Pilate  in  crucifying,  Christ.  The  first  sufferer 
for  the  new  religion  was  Jerome  Galateo.  Never-  1530 
theless,  the  new  church  waxed  strong,  and  many  were 
executed  for  their  opinions.  A  correspondence  of  the 
brethren  with  Bucer  and  Luther  has  been  preserved. 
In  one  letter  they  deeply  deplore  the  schisms  on  the  doc- 
trine of  the  euchariat  as  hurtful  to  their  cause.    ^\ie 


376         THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

W  famous  artist  Lorenzo  Lotto  was  employed  to  ]l 

pictures  of  Luther  and  his  wife,  probably  copia 
Cranach.  The  appearance  of  the  Socinians  about  I 
and  the  mutual  animosity  of  the  several  sects,  ine 
ing  the  Anabaptist,  was  destructive.  Probably  g 
fatal  was  the  disaster  of  the  Schmalkaklic  war  and 
complete  triumph  of  the  emperor.  The  Inquia 
finished  the  w  ag  oat  what  remained  ot 

new  doctrines 

'piw  That  Naple  Tocas  of  ProtestantiBin 

due  mainly  to  les,  a  deeply  pfeligions  8 

iard.     From  t  out  a  treatise  on  jusK 

tion  entitled  'J  Christ's  Death,  by  Ben 

of  Mantua,  ot  jss  than  40,000  copies 

sold,  for  it  was  the  one  reforming  work  to  enjoy  p 
larity  rivalling  that  of  Luther  and  Erasmus.  I 
enced  by  Valdes,  also,  Bartholomew  Forzio  trans. 
Luther's  Address  to  the  German  Nobility  into  Its 

n««  At  the  court  of  Ferrara  the  duchess,  Renee  de  Fr 

gathered  a  little  circle  of  Protestants.  Calvin  hit 
spent  some  time  here,  and  his  influence,  together 
the  high  protection  of  his  patroness,  made  the  ] 
a  fulcrum  against  Rome.  Isabella  d'Este,  origi 
of  Ferrara  and  later  Marchioness  of  Mantua,  oi 
the  brilliant  women  of  the  Renaissance,  for  a  i 
toyed  with  the  fashionable  theology.  Cardinal  B> 
saw  at  her  castle  at  Mantua  paintings  of  Erasmut 

37  Luther.     One  of  the  courtly  poets  of  Northern  1 

Francis  Bonii,  hears  witness  to  the  good  repute  o 
Protestants.  In  his  Rifacimento  of  Boiardo's  Or\ 
Inamorato,  he  wrote:  "Some  rascal  hypocrites 
between  their  teeth, '  Freethinker !  Lutheran ! '  bu 
theran  means,  you  know,  good  Christian." 

>niBn  The  most  significant  sign  of  the  times,  and  the 

tKi*b        ominous  for  the  papacy,  was  that  among  those  aff 

tiher         by  the  leaven  of  Lulheranism  ■were  many  of  the  lej 


THE  PAPACY  377 

■minaries  in  the  bosom  of  the  church.  That  the  Flor- 
atine  chronicler  Bartholomew  Cerratani  expressed  his 
ope  that  Luther's  distinguished  morals,  piety  and 
feaming  should  reform  the  curia  was  bad  enough ;  that 
le  papal  nuncio  Vergerio,  after  being  sent  on  a  mis- 
u>n  to  Wittenberg,  should  go  over  to  the  enemy,  was 
POTse;  that  cardinals  like  Contarini  and  Pole  should 
veach  justification  by  faith  and  concede  much  that 
le  Protestants  asked,  was  worst  of  all.  **No  one 
ow  passes  at  Rome,'*  wrote  Peter  Anthony  Bandini 
bout  1540,  **as  a  cultivated  man  or  a  good  courtier 
io  does  not  harbor  some  heretical  opinions.'*  Paul 
arpi,  the  eminent  historian  of  Trent,  reports  that 
other's  arguments  were  held  to  be  unanswerable  at 
ome,  but  that  he  was  resisted  in  order  that  authority 
tight  be  upheld.  For  this  statement  he  appeals  to  a 
iary  of  Francis  Chieregato,  an  eminent  ecclesiastic 
ho  died  on  December  6,  1539.  As  the  diarv  has  not 
Jen  found,  Lord  Acton  rejects  the  assertion,  believing 
lat  Sarpi's  word  cannot  be  taken  unsupported.  But 
carious  confirmation  of  Sarpi's  assertion,  and  one  Sarpi'i 
lat  renders  it  acceptable,  is  found  in  Luther's  table 
Jk.  Speaking  on  February  22,  1538,  he  says  that 
3  has  heard  from  Rome  that  it  was  there  believed  to 
3  impossible  to  refute  him  until  St.  Paul  had  been 
eposed.  He  regarded  this  as  a  signal  testimony  to 
le  truth  of  his  doctrines ;  to  us  it  is  valuable  only  as 
tt  evidence  of  Roman  opinion.  It  is  not  too  much  to 
ly  that  at  about  that  time  the  most  distinguished 
talian  prelates  were  steering  for  Wittenberg  and 
ireatened  to  take  Rome  with  them.  How  they  failed 
I  the  history  of  the  Counter-reformation. 

§  2.  The  Papacy.     1522-1590 

Nothing  can  better  indicate  the  consternation  caused 
t  Rome  by  the  appearance  of  the  Lutheran  revoVt  Wvwk 


assertioi 


378  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

the  fact  that  for  the  first  time  in  144  years  and  f< 
the  last  time  in  history  the  cardinals  elected  as  supren 
pontiff  a   man   who  was  not  an   Italian,   Adrian  ( 
"•vi,    Utrecht.     After  teaching  theolofry  at  Lonvain  he  hi 
^^     been  appointed  tutor  to  Prince  Charles  and,  on  ti 
er,        accession  of  his  pnpil  to  the  Spanish  throne  was  cr 
ated  Bishop  of  Tortosa.  and  shortly  thereafter  c» 
dinal  and  Inquisi  of  Spain.     While  in 

country  he  distir  self  equally  by  the  jost- 

ness  of  his  admi  ;nd  by  his  bitter  faatid 

of  Luther,  agains  rrote  several  ietters  bofli 

to  his  imperial  i  to  his  old  colleagues  >t 

Louvain. 
mber,        The  death  of  L  ollowcd  by  an  urn 

long  conclave,  on  account  oi  the  even  balance  of  par- 
ties. At  last,  despairing  of  agreement,  and  feeUi^ 
also  that  extraordinary  measures  were  needed  to  meet 
the  exigencies  of  the  situation,  the  cardinals,  in  Jan- 
uary, offered  the  tiara  to  Adrian,  who,  alone  among 
modern  popes,  kept  his  baptismal  name  while  in  office. 
The  failure  of  Adrian  VI  to  accomplish  much  was  dee 
largely  to  the  shortness  of  his  pontificate  of  only  twentj 
months,  and  still  more  to  the  invincible  corruption  he 
found  at  Rome.  His  really  high  sense  of  duty  awak- 
ened no  response  save  fear  and  hatred  among  thf 
courtiers  of  the  Medieis.  AAlien  he  tried  to  restore 
the  ruined  finances  of  the  church  he  was  accused  of 
niggardliness;  when  he  made  war  on  abuses  he  was 
called  a  barbarian;  when  he  frankly  confessed,  in  his 
appeal  to  the  German  Diets,  that  perchance  the  whole 
evil  infecting  the  church  came  from  the  rottenness  of 
the  Curia,  he  was  assailed  as  putting  arras  into  the 
arsenal  of  the  enemy.  His  greatest  crime  in  the  eyes 
of  his  court  was  that  he  was  a  foreigner,  an  austere, 
phlegmatic  man,  who  could  understand  neither  their 
tongue  nor  their  ways. 


:e  papacy 

Exhausted  by  the  fruitless  struggle,  Adrian  sank 
uto  his  grave,  a  good  pope  unwept  and  vinhonored  aa 
Vw  bad  popes  have  ever  been.  On  his  tomb  the  car- 
linals  wrote:  "Here  lies  Adrian  VI  whose  supreme 
liisfortnne  in  life  was  that  he  was  called  upon  to 
rule."  A  like  .judgment  was  expressed  more  wittily 
>y  the  people,  who  erected  a  monument  to  Adrian's 
ysician  and  labeled  it,  "Liberatori  Patriae." 
The  swing  of  the  pendulum  so  often  noticed  in  poll-  Clemeni 
was  particularly  marked  in  the  elections  to  the  1523-M 
.pacy  of  the  sixteenth  century.  In  almost  every  in- 
nce  the  new  pope  was  an  opponent,  and  in  some 
lort  a  contrast,  to  his  predecessor.  In  no  case  was 
his  more  true  than  in  the  election  of  1523.  Deciding 
that  if  Adrian's  methods  were  necessary  to  save  the 
larch  the  medicine  was  worse  than  the  disease,  the 
.rdinals  lost  no  time  in  raising  another  Medici  to 
the  throne.  Like  all  of  his  race,  Clement  VII  was  a 
jatron  of  art  and  literature,  and  tolerant  of  abuses. 
Personally  moral  and  temperate,  he  cared  little  save 
'or  an  easy  life  and  the  advancement  of  the  Three 
Balls.  He  began  that  policy,  which  nearly  proved  fatal 
lo  the  church,  of  treating  the  Protestants  with  alteniate 
indulgence  and  severity.  But  for  himself  the  more  im- 
mediate trouble  came  not  from  the  enemy  of  the  church 
but  from  its  protector.  Though  Adrian  was  an  old 
officer  of  Charles  V,  it  was  really  in  the  reign  of  Cle- 
ment that  the  process  began  by  which  first  Italy,  then 
the  papacy,  then  the  whole  church  was  put  under  the 
Spanish  yoke.  1 

After  Pavia  and  the  treaty  of  Madrid  had  eliminated   SpanUh 
French  influence,  Charles  naturally  felt  his  power  and   1^^*^ 


naturally  intended  to  have  it  respected  even  by  the 
pope.  Irritated  by  Clement's  perpetual  deceit  and 
intrigue  with  France,  Charles  addressed  to  him,  in 
Ifj'JG.  a  docament  which  Ranke  calls  the  mos\,  ioTcnA.-, 


J 


380         THE  COUNTBB-REFORMATION 

dable  ever  used  by  any  Catholic  prince  to  a  pope  dni 
ing  the  century,  containing  passages  "of  which 
follower  of  Luther  need  be  ashamed." 

Bather  to  threaten  the  pope  than  to  make  war  H 
„.  him,  Charles  gathered  a  formidable  army  of  Gei 
and  Spanish  soldiers  in  the  north  under  the  command 
of  his  general  Frundsberg.     All  the  soldiers  were  re* 
less  and  mutinou  of  pay,  and  in  nddil 

to  this  a  powerfu  rked  among  the  Oen 

landsknechts.     Mi  m    were    Lutheran   asj 

looked  to  the  conqi  b  as  the  triumph  of  tlid 

cause.    As  they  I  nded  to  be  lead  agaiut 

Antichrist,  Frund  I  that  his  authority  m 

powerless  to  stop  len  he  died  of  rage  aM 

mortification  the  Freiicn  naitor  Charles,  Constable  ot 
Bourbon,  was  appointed  by  the  emperor  in  his  place, 
and,  finding  there  was  nothing  else  to  do,  led  the  army 
against  Rome  and  promised  the  soldiers  as  much  booty 
as  they  could  take.  Twice,  in  May  and  September, 
the  city  was  put  to  the  horrors  of  a  sack,  witli  all  the 
atrocities  of  murder,  theft  and  rapine  almost  insep- 
arable from  war.  In  addition  to  plundering,  the  Lu- 
therans took  particular  pleasure  in  desecrating  the 
objects  of  veneration  to  the  Catholics.  Many  an  image 
and  shrine  was  destroyed,  while  Luther  was  acclaimed 
pope  by  his  boisterous  champions.  But  far  away  on 
the  Kibe  he  heard  of  the  sack  and  expressed  his  sorroff 
for  it. 

Tlie  importance  of  the  sack  of  Rome,  like  that  of 
other  dramatic  events,  is  apt  to  be  exaggerated.  It 
has  been  called  the  end  of  the  Renaissance  and  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Catholic  reaction.  It  was  neither  the 
one  nor  the  other,  but  only  one  incident  in  the  long, 
stubborn  process  of  the  Hispanization  of  Italy  and  the 
church.  For  centuries  no  emperor  had  had  so  much 
power  in  Italy  as  had  Charles.    With  Naples  and  Mi- 


THE  PAPACY  381 

were  now  linked  Siena  and  Genoa  under  his  rule ; 
le  states  of  the  church  were  virtually  at  his  disposal, 
id  even  Florence,  under  its  hereditary  duke,  Alex- 

feer  de*  Medici,  was  for  a  while  under  the  control 
^  he  pope  and  through  him,  of  Charles. 
P^  Nor  did  the  fall  of  the  holy  city  put  the  fear  of  God 
ito  the  hearts  of  the  prelates  for  more  than  a  mo- 
int.  The  Medici,  Clement,  who  never  sold  his  soul 
only  pawned  it  from  time  to  time,  without  entirely 
idoning  the  idea  of  reform,  indefinitely  postponed 
■%t,  Procrastinating,  timid,  false,  he  was  not  the  man 
deal  with  serious  abuses.  He  toyed  with  the  idea 
a  council  but  when,  on  the  mere  rumor  that  a  coun- 
was  to  be  called  the  prices  of  all  salable  offices 
Iflropped  in  a  panic,  he  hesitated.  Moreover  he  feared 
r-  tlie  ooimcil  would  be  used  by  the  emperor  to  subordi- 
nate him  even  in  spiritual  matters.  Perhaps  he  meant 
yreUy  but  abuses  were  too  lucrative  to  be  lightly  af- 
fronted. As  to  Lutheranism,  Clement  was  completely 
misinformed  and  almost  completely  indifferent. 
While  he  and  the  emperor  were  at  odds  it  grew  might- 
ily. Here  as  elsewhere  he  was  irresolute ;  his  pontifi- 
cate, as  a  contemporary  wrote,  was  **one  of  scruples, 
considerations  and  discords,  of  buts  and  ifs  and  thens 
and  moreovers,  and  plenty  of  words  without  effect." 

The  pontificate  of  Paul  HI  marks  the  turning  point  Paul  ii) 
in  the  Catholic  reaction.  Under  him  the  council  of 
Trent  was  at  last  opened;  the  new  orders,  especially 
the  Jesuits,  were  formed,  and  such  instrumentalities 
as  the  Inquisition  and  Index  of  prohibited  books  put 
on  a  new  footing.  Paul  III,  a  Famese  from  the  States 
of  the  Church,  owed  his  election  partly  to  his  strength 
of  character,  partly  to  the  weakness  of  his  health,  for 
the  cardinals  liked  frequent  vacancies  in  the  Holy  See. 
Cautious  and  choleric,  prolix  and  stubborn,  he  had  a 
real  desire  for  reform  and  an  earnest  wish  to  a'vovQi 


382  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

qnarrels  with  either  of  the  great  powers  that  mem 
him,  the  emperor  and  France.  The  reforming  S| 
^  of  the  pope  showed  itself  in  the  appointment  of  s*? 
men  of  the  highest  character  to  the  cardinalat*.  an 
them  Caspar  Contarini  and  F'isher,  Bishop  of  Boo 
ter.  In  other  cases,  however,  the  exigencies  of  \ 
tics  induced  the  nomination  of  had  men,  such  as 
Monte  and  I  At  the  same  time  a  i 

mission  was  ommend  practical  refor 

The  draft  fo  presented  for  this  pnr| 

was  rejected  utory,  bat  some  of  theii 

eommendatio  e  prohibition  of  the  Eo 

clergy  to  vi  leaters  and  gambling  e 

were  adopteo 
iy.iS3S  A  second  commission  uf  nine  ecclesiastics  of 
Ucu'mm  character,  including  John  Peter  Caraffa,  Conta 
rdinalium  Pole  and  Giberti,  was  created  to  make  a  comprehei 
oeto^m  '■^Port  on  reform.  The  important  memorial  they  i 
up  fully  exposed  the  prevalent  abuses.  The  root  i 
they  found  in  the  exaggeration  of  the  papal  pow- 
collation  and  the  laxity  with  which  it  was  used, 
only  were  morally  unworthy  men  often  made  bi? 
and  prelates,  but  dispensations  for  renunciatic 
benefices,  for  absenteeism  and  for  other  hurtful 
tices  were  freely  sold.  The  commission  dema 
drastic  reform  of  these  abuses  as  well  as  of  the  m^ 
tic  orders,  and  called  for  the  abolition  of  the  ' 
exercise  of  spiritual  authority  by  legates  and  nui 
But  the  reform  memorial,  excellent  and  searchir 
it  was,  led  to  nothing.  At  most  it  was  of  somt 
as  a  basis  of  reforms  made  by  the  Council  of  1 
later.  But  for  the  moment  it  only  rendered  the 
tion  of  the  church  more  difficult.  The  reform  o 
Dataria,  for  example,  the  office  which  sold  graces, 
ileges,  indults,  dispensations  and  benefices,  was 


THE  PAPACY  383 

Idered  impossible  because  half  of  the  papal  revenue, 
r  110,000  ducats  annually,  came  from  it.  Nor  could 
le  fees  of  the  Penitentiary  be  abolished  for  fear  of 
mkruptcy,  though  in  1540  they  were  partially  re- 
iced.  The  most  obvious  results  of  the  Consilium  was  153S 
I  put  another  weapon  into  the  hands  of  the  Lutherans. 
"Dblished  by  an  unauthorized  person,  it  was  at  once 
^Z4fd  upon  by  the  Reformers  as  proof  of  the  hopeless 
•pravitj'  of  the  Curia.  So  dangerous  did  it  prove  to 
'mple-minded  Catholics  that  it  was  presently  put  on 
e Index ! 

Paul's    diplomacy   tried    to    play    off    the    Empire 
fainst  France  and  to  divert  the  attention  of  both  to 
crusade  against  the  Turk.     Hoping  to  advance  the 
mse  of  the  church  by  means  of  the  war  declared  by 
Siarles  V  on  the  Schmalkaldic  League,  the  pope,  in 
(turn  for  a  subsidy,  exacted  a   declaration   in   the 
eaty,  that  the  reason  of  the  war  was  religious  and  the 
PcaRion  for  it  the  refusal  of  the  Protestants  to  recog- 
le   the    Council    of    Trent's    authority.     But    when 
iJharles   was  victor  he  used  his   advantage   only  to 
strengthen  his  ovni  prerogative,  not  effectively  to  sup- 
press heresy.     Paul  now  dreaded  the  emperor  more 
than  he  did  the  Protestants  and  his  position  was  not 
made  easier  by  the  threat  of  Charles  to  come  to  terms 
with  the  Lutherans  did  Paul  succeed  in  rousing  France 
against  him.     In  fact,  with  all  his  squirming,  Paul  III 
only  sank  deeper  into  the  Spanish  vassalage,  while 
the  championship  of  the  church  passed  from  his  con- 
trol into  that  of  new  agencies  that  he  had  created. 

It  was  perhaps  an  effort  to  free  the  Holy  See  from  Julius 
the  Spanish  yoke  that  led  the  cardinals  to  raise  to  the 
purple,  as  Julius  III,  Cardinal  .John  Mary  Ciocehi  del 
Monte  wbo  as  one  of  the  presidents  of  the  oecumenical 
council  had  distinguished  himself  by  his  opposition  to 


J 


384  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

the  emperor.     Nevertheless  his  pontificate  markt 
relaxation  of  the  church's  effort,  for  policy  or  strea 
to  pursue  reform  he  had  none. 
irceiiuB        Marcellus  II,  who  was  pope  for  twenty-two  di 
May'l,      would  hardly  be  remembered  save  for  the  noble  11 
>5  of  Pope  ^farcellus  dedicated  to  him  by  Palestrina 

With  the  elevation  of  Cardinal  Caraflfa  to  the  ti 
■l^'       Peter's  keys  t  "e  restored  to  strong  hi 

and  a  reform!  le  founder  of  the  Theati 

was  a  hot-bl<  itan   still,   in   spite  of 

seventy-nine  ;  id  hearty.     Among  the 

forms  he  acco  e  some  regulations  rela; 

to  the  reside  is  and  some  rules  for 

bridling  of  Ju  ,   prostitutes,  players 

mountebanks.  But  he  was  unable  to  reform  him: 
He  advanced  his  young  kinsmen  shamelessly  to  p' 
ical  oflSce.  His  jealousy  of  the  Jesuits,  in  whoir 
saw  a  rival  to  his  own  order,  not  only  caused  hir 
neglect  to  use  them  but  made  him  put  them  in  a  ^ 
critical  position.  Nor  did  he  dare  to  summon  aj 
the  council  that  had  been  prorogued,  for  fear 
some  stronger  power  should  use  it  against  him 
He  chafed  under  the  Spanish  yoke,  coming  nearc 
a  conflict  with  Charles  V  and  his  son  Philip  II  1 
any  pope  had  ventured  to  do.  He  even  though 
tlireatening  Philip  with  the  Inquisition,  but  was 
strained  by  prudence.  In  his  purpose  of  freeing! 
from  foreign  domination  he  accomplished  not 
whatever, 
islV,  Pius  IV  was  a  contrast  to  the  predecessor  whor 

hated.  Jolm  Angelo  Medici,  of  Milan,  not  conne 
with  the  Florentine  family,  was  a  cheerful,  well-v 
ing,  beneficent  man,  genial  and  fond  of  life,  a  son  o 
Henaissanee,  a  patron  of  art  and  letters.  The  eh 
of  a  name  often  expresses  the  ideals  and  tendencif 
s  pope;  that  of  Pius  was  ckoaew  'perhaps  in  imita 


THE  PAPACY  385 

I  Pins  n,  Aeneas  Sylvius  Piccolomini,  the  most  fa- 
lons  humanist  to  sit  on  the  fisherman 's  throne.  And 
et  the  spirit  of  the  times  no  longer  allowed  the  gross 
aentiousness  of  the  earlier  age,  and  the  cause  of  re- 
knn  progressed  not  a  little  under  the  diplomatic  guid- 
nce  of  the  Milanese.  In  the  first  place,  doubtless 
rom  personal  motives,  he  made  a  fearful  example  of 
be  kinsmen  of  his  predecessor,  four  of  whom  he  exe- 
Dted  chiefly  for  the  reason  that  they  had  been  ad- 
anced  by  papal  influence.  This  salutary  example 
nctically  put  an  end  to  nepotism;  at  least  the  un- 
dftunate  nephews  of  Paul  IV  were  the  last  to  aspire 
>  independent  principalities  solely  on  the  "strength  of 
inship  to  a  pope. 

The  demand  for  the  continuation  and  completion  of  Reforms 
le  general  council,  which  had  become  loud,  was  ac- 
jded  to  by  Pius  who  thought,  like  the  American  boss, 
lat  at  times  it  was  necessary  to  **  pander  to  the  pub- 
c  conscience.  *  *  The  happy  issue  of  the  council,  from 
is  point  of  view,  in  its  complete  submissiveness  to 
le  papal  prerogative,  led  Pius  to  emphasize  the  spir- 
aal  rather  than  the  political  claims  of  the  hierarchy. 
I  this  the  church  made  a  great  gain,  for,  as  the  his- 
rj  of  the  time  shows  plainly,  in  the  game  of  politics 
le  papacy  could  no  longer  hold  its  own  against  the 
itional  states  surrounding  it.  Pius  leaned  heavily 
I  PhiJip,  for  by  this  time  Spain  had  become  the  ac- 
lowledged  champion  of  the  church,  but  he  was  able 
I  do  so  without  loss  of  prestige  because  of  the  grad- 
il  separation  of  the  temporal  from  the  spiritual 
>wer. 

Among  his  measures  the  most  noteworthy  was  one 
jgulating  the  powers  of  the  college  of  cardinals,  while 
leir  exclusive  right  to  elect  the  pontiff  was  main- 
dned  against  the  pretensions  of  the  council.  The 
38t  Catholic  spirit  of  tile  time  was  represeivlfed  m 


386  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

Cardinal  Charles  Borromeo,  Archbishop  of  Milan., 
excellent  prelate  who  sought  to  win  back  menibere 
Christ  to  the  fold  by  his  good  example,  while  he  ^ 
not  disdain  to  use  the  harsher  methods  of  perst'coti 
when  necessary.  Among  the  amiable  weaknwMS 
Pins  was  the  belief,  inherited  from  a  hy^one  age,  tl 
the  Protestants  might  still  be  reunited  to  the  chni 
by  a  few  conces  as  those  of  the  inarril 

of  the  clergy  an  the  cup  by  the  laity. 

With  Pius  V  rit  entered  into  the  om 

oils  of  the  churc  ion  of  the  Dominicans 

Chief  Inquisitoi  islieri  was  a  triamph  ft 

the  policy  of  B  [is  pitiless  hatred  of 

heretics  houndei  de'  Medici    against 

Huguenots,  and  Philip  *.  against  the  Dutch.  Coft-1 
trary  to  the  dictates  of  prudence  and  the  wishes  of  the 
greatest  Catholic  princes,  he  Issued  tlie  bull  deposing 
Elizabeth,  But  he  was  severe  to  himself,  an  ascetic 
nicknamed  for  his  monkish  narrowness  "Friar 
Wooden-shoe"  by  the  Roman  populace.  He  ruthlessly 
reformed  the  Italian  clerg}',  meting  out  terrible  pun- 
ishments to  all  sinners.  Under  his  leadership  Cathol- 
icism took  the  offensive  in  earnest  and  accomplished 
much.  His  zeal  won  him  the  name  of  saint,  for  h« 
was  the  last  of  the  Roman  pontiffs  to  be  canonized. 

But  the  reign  of  sainthood  coupled  with  absolutism 
is  apt  to  grow  irksome,  and  it  was  with  relief  that  the 
Romans  hailed  the  election  of  Hugo  Buoncompagno  as 
Gregory  XIII.  He  did  little  but  follow  out,  somewhat 
weakly,  the  paths  indicated  by  his  predecessors.  So 
heavily  did  he  lean  on  Spain  that  he  was  called  the 
chaplain  of  Philip,  but,  as  the  obligations  were  mn- 
tual,  and  the  Catholic  king  came  also  to  depend  more 
and  more  upon  the  spiritual  arms  wielded  by  the 
papacy,  it  might  just  as  well  have  been  said  that  Philip 
was    the    executioner    employed    by    Gregory.    The 


THE  PAPACY  387 

lediocrity  of  his  rule  did  not  prevent  notable  achieve- 
it  by  the  Jesuits  in  the  cause  of  the  church.     His 
form  of  the  calendar  will  be  described  more  fully 
{where. 

Gregory  XIII  offers  an  opportunity  to  measure  the 

►ral  standard  of  the  papacy  after  half  a  century  of 

form.    His  policy  was  guided  largely  by  his  ruling 

lion,  love  of  a  natural  son,  born  before  -he  had  taken 

iest's  orders,  whom  he  made  Gonfaloniere  of  the 

and  would  have  advanced  to  still  further  pre- 

lent  had  not  his  advisers  objected.    Gregory  was 

pope  who  thanked  God  **for  the  grace  vouchsafed 

do  Christendom**  in  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholo- 

w.    He  was  also  the  pope  who  praised  and  encour- 

the  plan  for  the  assassination  of  Elizabeth.^ 
In  the  person  of  Sixtus  V  the  spirit  of  Pius  V  re-  Sixms'^ 
led  to  power.    Felix  Peretti  was  a  Franciscan  and  ^^^^"^ 
Inquisitor,  an  earnest  man  and  a  hard  one.    Like 
^ftis  predecessors  pursuing  the  goal  of  absolutism,  he 
liad  an  advantage  over  them  in  the  blessing  disguised 
ma  the  disaster  of  the  Spanish  Armada.    From  this 
time  forward  the  papacy  was  forced  to  champion  its 
cause  with  the  spiritual  weapons  at  its  command,  and 
the  gain  to  it  as  a  moral  and  religious  power  was  enor- 
mous.   In  some  ways  it  assumed  the  primacy  of  Cath- 
olic Europe,  previously  usurped  by  Spain,  and  at- 
tained an  influence  that  it  had  not  had  since  the  Great 
Schism  of  the  fourteenth  century. 

The  reforms  of  Sixtus  are  important  rather  for  their 
comprehensive  than  for  their  drastic  quality.  The 
whole  machinery  of  the  Curia  was  made  over,  the  rou- 
tine of  business  being  delegated  to  a  number  of  stand- 
ing conmiittees  known  as  Congregations,  such  as  the 
Congregation  of  Ceremonies  to  watch  over  matters  of 
precedence  at  the  papal  court,  and  the  Congregation 

1  Ante,  p.  338. 


388         THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

of  the  Consistory  to  prepare  the  work  of  the  Cob 
sistory.  The  number  of  cardinals  was  fixed  at  eeventj 
New  editions  of  the  breviary  and  of  the  Index  wel 
carefully  prepared.  At  the  same  time  the  moral 
forms  of  Trent  wer«  laxly  carried  out,  for  while  dl 
crees  enforcing  them  were  promulgated  by  Sixtas  vH 
one  hand,  with  the  other  he  sold  dispensations 
privileges.  I 

S  3,  OIL  OP  Thbnt  ] 

While  the  po  joying  their  jus  tncorna 

hilitatis — as  Li  expressed  it — the  chnq 

was  going  to  ra  Had  the  safety  of  Peteri 

boat  been  left  tc  ,  it  would  apparently  ha* 

foundered  in  the  wavca  ui  nthism  and  lieresy.  No  sod 
dangerous  enemy  has  ever  attacked  the  church  as  tha 
then  issuing  from  her  own  bosom.  Neither  the  mt 
dieval  heretics  nor  the  modem  philosophers  have  vo: 
from  her  in  so  short  a  time  such  masses  of  adherents 
"Where  Voltaire  slew  his  thousands  Luther  slew  hi 
ten  thousands,  for  Voltaire  appealed  only  to  the  it 
telleet,  Luther  appealed  to  the  conscience. 

The  extraordinary  thing  about  the  Protestant  coi 
quests  was  their  sudden  end.  Within  less  than  fift 
years  the  Scandinavian  North,  most  of  Germany  ii 
eluding  Austria,  parts  of  IIungar>',  Poland,  moi^t  c 
Switzerland,  and  Great  Britain  had  declared  for  tt 
"gospel."  France  was  divided  and  apparently  goin 
the  same  road;  even  in  Italy  there  were  serious  p\"mi 
toms  of  disaffection.  That  within  a  single  generatio 
the  tide  should  be  not  only  stopped  but  rolled  back  i 
one  of  the  most  dramatic  changes  of  fortune  in  histoid 
The  only  country  which  Protestantism  gained  aftf 
15C0  was  the  Dutch  Republic.  Large  parts  of  Ge; 
many  and  Poland  wore  won  back  to  the  church,  an 
Catholicism  made  safe  in  all  the  Latin  countries. 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT  389 

The  spirit  that  accomplished  this  work  was  the  spirit  Spanish 
»i  Spain.  More  extraordinary  than  the  rapid  growth  "^ 
if  her  empire  was  the  conquest  of  Europe  by  her 
deals.  The  character  of  the  Counter-reformation  was 
letermined  by  her  genius.  It  was  not,  as  it  started  to 
)e  in  Italy,  a  more  or  less  inwardly  Christianized  Be- 
laissance.  It  was  a  distinct  and  powerful  religious  re- 
rival,  and  one  that  showed  itself,  as  many  others  have 
lone,  by  a  mighty  reaction.  Medievalism  was  re- 
tored,  largely  by  medieval  methods,  the  general  coun- 
Q,  the  emphasis  on  tradition  and  dogma,  coercion  of 
lind  and  body,  and  the  ministrations  of  a  monastic 
rder,  new  only  in  its  discipline  and  effectiveness,  a 
eduplication  of  the  old  mendicant  orders  in  spirit  and 
leal. 
The  Oecumenical   Council  was  so  double-edged  a  f'^P^f* 

_       .      for  callin 

eapon  that  it  is  not  remarkable  that  the  popes  hesi-  a  council 

ited  to  grasp  it  in  their  war  with  the  heretic.     They 

ad  uncomfortable  memories  of  Constance  and  Basle, 

f  the  election  and  deposition  of  popes  and  of  decrees 

miting  their  prerogatives.    And,  moreover,  the  coun- 

1  was  the  first  authority  invoked  by  the  heretic  him- 

5lf.     Adrian  might  have  been  willing  to  risk  such  a 

Tiod,  but  before  he  had  time  to  call  one,  his  place  was 

iken  by  the  vacillating  and  pusillanimous  Clement. 

erpetually  toying  with  the  idea  he  yet  allowed  the 

ressure  of  his  courtiers  and  the  difficulties  of  the  po- 

tical  situation — for  France  was  opposed  to  the  coun- 

l  as  an  imperial  scheme — indefinitely  to  postpone  the 

inmions. 

The  more  serious-minded  Paul  III  found  another 

>n  in  his  path.    He  for  the  first  time  really  labored 

I  summon  the  general  synod,  but  he  found  that  the 

rotestants  had  now  changed  their  position  and  would 

)  longer  consent  to  recognize  its  authority  under  any 

auditions  to  which  he  could  possibly  assent.    T\ia\x^ 


390  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

his  nuncio  Vergerio  received  in  Germany  and  eveo 
Wittenbei^  a  cordial  welcome,  it  was  soon  discoveia 
that  the  ideas  of  the  proper  constJtntion  of  the  cm 
entertained  by  the  two  parties  were  irreeoncilialfc 
Fundamentally  each  wanted  a  council  in  which  ilsoni 
predominance  should  be  assured.     The  Schmalkal^l 
princes,  on  the  advice  of  their  theoloE;ians,  asked  fnt' 
a  free  German  e  h  they  should  have  a  rat 

jority  vote,  and  were  supported  by  Fran- 

cis I  and  Henry  irally  no  pope  could  con- 

sent to  any  suet  under  these  disc<»ura(rii8 

circumstances,  t  f  the  council  was  contin- 

ually postponed,  (  of  it  the  emperor  heW  ■ 

series  of  religlou.  that  only  8er\'ed  to  mah 

the  differences  of  the  two  parties  more  prnmincnl. 

After  several  years  of  negotiation  the  path  was  m&ii 
smooth  and  the  bull  Laetare  Hierusalem  summoned  a 
general  synod  to  meet  at  Trent  on  March  15,  1545,  and 
assigned  it  three  tasks:  (1)  The  pacification  of  reli- 
gious disputes  by  doctrinal  decisions;  (2)  the  reforai 
of  ecclesiastical  abuses;  (3)  the  discussion  of  a  crusadt 
against  the  infidel.  Delay  still  interfered  with  the 
opening  of  the  assembly,  which  did  not  take  place  un- 
til December  15, 1545. 
1  The  council  was  held  at  three  separate  periods  will: 
long  inter\'als.  The  first  period  was  1545-7,  the  sec- 
ond 1551-2,  Ihe  third  1562-3.  The  city  of  Trent  was 
chosen  in  order  to  yield  to  the  demand  for  a  Germai 
town  while  at  the  same  time  selecting  that  one  neares' 
to  Italy,  for  the  pope  was  determined  to  keep  the  ac 
tion  of  the  synod  under  control.  Two  measures  wen 
adopted  to  insure  this  end,  the  initiative  and  presidenc; 
of  the  papal  legates  and  packing  the  membership.  Tin 
faculties  to  be  granted  the  legates  were  already  decide' 
upon  in  1544;  these  lieutenants  were  to  be,  accordiii; 
to  Father  Paul  Sarpi,  angeVs  o?  pe.a.ie.  to  preside,  mak 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT  391 

all  necessary  regulations,  and  publish  them  **  according 
to  custom."    The  phrase  that  the  council  should  de- 
le on  measures,  **legatis  proponentibus "  was  simply 
constitational  expression  of  the  principal  familiar 
many  governments,  that  the  legislative  should  act 
ly  on  the  initiative  of  the  executive,  thus  giving  an 
^■fcnmense  advantage  to  the  latter.    The  second  means 
f  )*lrf  subordinating  the  council  was  the  decision  to  vote 
t    «y  heads  and  not  by  nations  and  to  allow  no  proxies. 
f-  TBiis  gave  a  constant  majority  to  the  Italian  prelates 
p-^pent  by  the  pope.    So  successful  were  these  measures 
^    that  the  French  ambassador  bitterly  jested  of  the 
Boly  Ghost  coming  to  Trent  in  the  mailbags  from 
Borne. 


y 


At  the  first  session  there  were  only  thirty-four  mem-  ^™^ 
bers  entitled  to  vote:  four  cardinals,  four  archbishops, 
twenty-one  bishops  and  five  generals  of  orders.  There 
were  also  present  other  personages,  including  an  am- 
bassador from  King  Ferdinand,  four  Spanish  secular 
priests  and  a  number  of  friars.  The  first  question 
debated  was  the  precedence  of  dogma  or  reform.  Re- 
garding the  council  chiefly  as  an  instrument  for  con- 
demning  the  heretics,  the  pope  was  in  favor  of  taking 
up  dogma  first.  The  emperor,  on  the  other  hand,  wish- 
ing rather  to  conciliate  the  Protestants  and  if  possible 
to  lure  them  back  to  the  old  church,  was  in  favor  of 
starting  with  reform.  The  struggle,  which  was  carried 
on  not  so  much  on  the  floor  of  the  synod  as  behind  the 
members'  backs  in  the  intrigues  of  courts,  was  de- 
cided by  a  compromise  to  the  effect  that  both  dogma 
and  reform  should  be  taken  up  simultaneously.  But 
all  enactments  dealing  with  ecclesiastical  irregularities 
were  to  bear  the  proviso  **  under  reservation  of  the 
papal  authority. '  * 

The  dogmatic  decrees  at  Trent  were  almost  wholly  Dogmai 
oriented  by  the  polemic  against  Protestantism.    Yiae.-  "^^^^^ 


392  THE  COUNTEE-REFORMATION 

tically  nothing  wa8  defined  save  what  had  already  Ix 
taken  up  in  the  Angsburg  Confession  or  in  the  writii 
of  Calvin,  of  Zwingli  and  of  the  Anabaptists.  Ini 
tably,  a  spirit  so  purely  defensive  coald  not  he  anima 
by  a  primarily  philosophical  interest.  The  piid 
star  waa  not  a  system  but  a  policy,  and  this  policy 
nothing  more  nor  less  than  that  of  re-establishing 
dition.     The  .e  charch  was  the  Btan( 

applied ;  mai  "ical  assertion  was  mad 

justify  it  and  ;ice  of  comparatively  n 

growth  was  the  postulate  that  "it 

descended  fr  use."     "By    show  of 

tiquity  they  elty,"  was  Bacon's  co 

judgment. 

Quite  naturally  the  first  of  the  important  dogr 
decrees  was  on  the  basis  of  authority.  The  Protest 
had  acknowledged  the  Bible  only ;  over  against  thor 
Tridentine  fathers  declared  for  the  Bible  and  the 
dition  of  the  church.  The  canon  of  Scripture 
different  from  that  recognized  by  the  Protestan 
that  it  included  the  Apocrypha. 

After  passing  various  reform  decrees  on  preac 
catechetical  instruction,  privileges  of  mendicants 
indulgences,  the  council  took  up  the  thorny  que 
of  justification.  Discussion  was  postponed  for 
months  out  of  consideration  for  the  emperor, 
feared  it  might  irritate  the  Protestants,  and  only 
his  consent  to  it  in  the  hope  that  some  ambiguous 
acceptable  to  that  party,  might  be  found.  How  di 
the  solifidian  doctrine  had  penetrated  into  the 
bosom  of  the  church  was  revealed  by  tlie  stormine 
the  debate.  The  passions  of  the  right  revereni 
thers  were  so  excited  by  the  consideration  of  a  fi 
mental  article  of  their  faith  that  in  the  course  ol 
putation  they  accused  one  another  of  conduct  1 
coming  to  Christians,  ta\i\\led  oug  ai\other  with 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT  393 

beian  origin  and  tore  hair  from  one  another's  beards. 
-,  The  decree  as  finally  passed  established  the  position 
it  faith  and  works  together  justify,  and  condemned 
ke  semi-Lutheran  doctrines  of  ** duplicate  justice*'  and 
iputed  righteousness  hitherto  held  by  such  eminent 
)logians  as  Contarini  and  Cajetan. 
Having  accomplished  this  important  work  the  coun- 
appeared  to  the  pope  ready  for  dissolution.    The 
rtests  of  the  emperor  kept  it  together  for  a  few 
mths  longer,  but  an  outbreak  of  the  spotted  fever 
mnd  the  fear  of  a  raid  during  the  Schmalkaldic  war, 
served  as  sufficient  excuses  to  translate  the  council  to 
Bologna.    Though  nothing  was  accomplished  in  this  i^ 
dty  the  assembly  was  not  formally  prorogued  until 
September  13, 1549. 

Under  pressure  from  the  emperor  Pope  Julius  in  Second 
convoked  the  synod  for  a  second  time  at  Trent  on  May  1551!^ 
1,  1551.  The  personnel  was  diflferent.  The  Jesuits 
Lainez  and  Salmeron  were  present  working  in  the  in- 
terests of  the  papacy.  No  French  clergy  took  part 
as  Henry  II  was  hostile.  The  Protestants  were  re- 
quired to  send  a  delegation,  which  was  received  on 
January  24,  1552.  They  presented  a  confession,  but 
declined  to  recognize  the  authority  of  a  body  in  which 
they  were  not  represented.  Several  dogmatic  decrees 
were  passed  on  the  sacraments,  reasserting  transub- 
stantiation  and  all  the  doctrines  and  usages  of  the 
churdL  A  few  reform  decrees  were  also  passed,  but 
before  a  great  deal  could  be  accomplished  the  revolt 
of  Maurice  of  Saxony  put  both  emperor  and  council  in 
a  precarious  position  and  the  latter  was  consequently 
prorogued  for  a  second  time  on  April  28,  1552. 

When,  after  ten  long  years,  the  council  again  con-  ^^^ 
vened  at  the  conMnand  of  Pius  IV,  in  January,  1562,  1562-3 
it  is  extraordinary  to  see  how  little  the  problems  con- 
fronting it  had  (Ranged.    Not  only  was  the  altwg^^ 


394         THE  COUNTEB-REFOmiATION 

for  power  lietween  pope  and  council  and  between  pop* 
and  emperor  still  going  on,  but  hopes  were  still  entro  ■ 
tained  in  some  quarters  of  reconciling  the  scbisiDBliei 
Pius  invited  all  princes,  whether  Catholic  or  heretical 
to  send  delegates,  but  was  rebuffed  by  some  of  them 
The  argument  was  then  taken  up  by  the  Emperor  Fw 
dinand  who  sent  in  an  imposing  demand  for  refonitt.' 
including  the  autli  the  marriage  of  prie»tf» 

communion  in  botl  ase  of  the  vulgar  loneu 

in  divine  service,  a  lies  for  the  improvenw 

of  the  convents  an  il  courts. 

The  contention  one  among  the  fath«^' 

now  far  more  numi  i  the  earlier  days,  waxadi 

so  hot  that  for  tei  itha  no  session  coaU  be 

held.  Mobs  of  the  partisans  of  the  various  factions 
fought  in  the  streets  and  bitter  taunts  of  "French  di*- 
eases"  and  "Spanish  eruptions"  were  exchanged  be- 
tween them.  For  a  time  the  situation  seemed  ines- 
tricable  and  one  cardinal  prophesied  the  impending 
do\nifall  of  the  papacy.  But  in  the  nick  of  time  to 
prevent  such  a  catastrophe  the  pope  was  able  to  send 
into  the  field  the  newly  recruited  praetorian  guards  of 
the  Society  of  Jesuits.  Under  the  command  of  Car- 
dinal Morone  these  indefatigable  zealots  turned  the 
flank  of  the  opposing  forces  partly  by  intrigue  at  the 
imperial  court,  partly  by  skilful  manipulation  of  de- 
bate. The  emperor's  mind  was  changed;  reforms  de- 
manded by  him  were  dropped. 

The  questions  actually  taken  up  and  settled  were 
dogmatic  ones,  chiefly  concerning  the  sacrifice  of  the 
mass  and  the  perpetuation  of  the  Catholic  customs  of 
communion  in  one  kind,  the  celebration  of  masses  iu 
honor  of  saints,  the  celebration  of  masses  in  which  the 
priest  only  communicates,  the  mixing  of  water  with  the 
wine,  the  proliibition  of  the  use  of  the  vulgar  tongue, 
and  tbc  sanction  of  masses  tot  the  dead.     Other  de- 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT  395 

crees  amended  the  marriage  laws,  and  enjoined  the 

P^reparation  of  an  Index  of  prohibited  books,  of  a 

^piUechism  and  of  standard  editions  of  missal  and  bre- 

kHow  completely  the  council  in  its  last  estate  was  sub-  Subjcctic 
_     led  to  the  will  of  the  pope  is  shown  by  its  request  that      ^^^ 
decrees  should  all  be  confirmed  by  him.  "This  was 
e  by  Pius  IV  in  the  bull  Benedictus  Deus.    Pius  January: 

1564 

caused  to  be  prej)ared  a  symbol  known  as  the  Tri- 
itine  Profession  of  Faith  which  was  made  binding 
all  priests.    Save  that  it  was  slightly  enlarged  in 
^3877  by  the  pronouncement  on  Papal  Infallibility,  it    ' 
[;'vtands  to  the  present  day. 

The  complete  triumph  of  the  papal  claims  was  offset  RecepUoi 
y%J  the  cool  reception  which  the  decrees  received  in  ®    ^'^ 
\  .^tholic  Europe.    Only  the  Italian  states,  Poland,  Por- 
^'  "liigal  and  Savoy  unreservedly  recognized  the  authority 
^  all  of  them.    Philip  II,  bigot  as  he  was,  preferred 
to  make  his  ovna  rules  for  his  clergy  and  recognized  the 
laws  of  Trent  with  the  proviso  **  saving  the  royal 
Tights. ' '    France  sanctioned  only  the  dogmatic,  not  the 
l)ractical  decrees.    The  emperor  never  oflRcially  recog- 
nized the  work  of  the  council  at  all.    Nor  were  the  gov- 
ernments the  only  recalcitrants.    According  to  Sarpi 
the  body  of  German  Catholics  paid  no  attention  to  the 
prescribed  reforms  and  the  council  was  openly  mocked 
in  France  as  claiming  an  authority  superior  to  that  of 
the  apostles. 

To  Father  Paul  Sarpi,  indeed,  the  most  intelligent 
observer  of  the  next  generation,  the  council  seemed  to 
have  been  a  failure  if  not  a  fraud.  Its  history  he  calls 
an  Hiad  of  woes.  The  professed  objects  of  the  coun- 
cil, healing  the  schism  and  asserting  the  episcopal 
power  he  thinks  frustrated,  for  the  schism  was  made 
irreconciliable  and  the  church  reduced  to  servitude. 
But  the  judgment  of  posterity  has  reversed  ttvaX.  oi 


396         THE  COUNTER-REFOKMATION 

■  the  great  historian,  at  least  as  far  as  the  value  of  til 
work  done  at  Trent  to  the  cause  of  Catholiciem  iacM 
cemed.  If  the  church  shut  out  the  Protestants  an 
recognized  her  limited  domain,  she  at  least  took 
propriate  measures  to  establish  her  rule  over  whatw 
left.  Her  power  was  now  collected ;  her  dogma  vifl 
unified  and  made  consistent  as  opposed  to  the  mutual 
diverse  Protests  In  several  points,  indwd,! 

where  the  opini  lenabers  was  divide*!,  th% 

words  of  the  de  mbiguons,  but  as  againfl' 

the  Protestants  istinct  and  so  comprebeit^ 

sive  as  rather  to  han  to  supplement  earUe 

standards. 

Nor  should  tht  nlse  of  the  council  be  ui- 

derestimated,  ridicuiea  iiiuu^h  it  was  by  its  opponents 
as  if  expressed  in  the  maxim,  "si  iion  caste,  lamen 
cante."  Sweeping  decrees  for  urgent  reforms  wen 
passed,  and  above  all  a  machinery  set  up  to  carry 
on  the  good  work.  In  providing  for  a  catechism,  for 
authoritative  editions  of  the  Vulgate,  bre\iary  and 
other  standard  works,  in  regulating  moot  points,  in 
striking  at  las  discipline,  the  council  did  a  lasting  serv- 
ice to  Catholicism  and  perhaps  to  the  world.  Not  the 
least  of  the  practical  reforms  was  the  provision  for  the 
opening  of  seminaries  to  train  the  diocesan  clorgj. 
The  first  measure  looking  to  this  was  passed  in  1M6; 
Cardinal  Pole  at  once  began  to  act  upon  it,  and  a  de- 
cree of  the  third  session  ordered  that  each  diocese 
should  have  such  a  school  for  the  education  of  priests. 
The  Roman  seminary,  opened  two  years  later,  was  a 
model  for  subsequent  foundations. 

§  4.  The  Company  of  Jesus 
If  the  Counter-reformation  was  in  part  a  pure  reat 
tion  to  medievalism  it  was  in  part  also  a  religious  re- 
vival.   If  this  was  stimulated  by  the  Protestant  exam- 


THE  COMPANY  OF  JESUS  397 

^  it  was  also  the  outcome  of  the  rismg  tide  of  * 
itholic  pietism  in  the  fifteenth  century.  Still  more 
as  it  the  answer  to  a  demand  on  the  part  of  the 
birch  for  an  instrument  with  which  to  combat  the 
mgers  of  heresy  and  to  conquer  spiritually  the  new 
ibrlds  of  heathenism. 

Great  crises  in  the  church  have  frequently  produced 
«w  revivals  of  monasticism.    From  Benedict  to  Ber- 
ard,  from  Bernard  to  Francis  and  Dominic,  from 
le  friars  to  the  Jesuits,  there  is  an  evolution  in  the 
hptation  of  the  monastic  life  to  the  needs  of  Latin  ^^ 
hristianity.    Several  new  orders,  all  with  more  or  asUc 
88  in  common,  started  in  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  ®'***" 
ntury.    Under  Leo  X  there  assembled  at  Rome  a 
unber  of  men  united  by  the  wish  to  renew  their  spir- 
nal  lives  by  religious  exercises.    From  this  Oratory 
'  Divine  Love,  as  it  was  called,  under  the  inspiration 

Gaetano  di  Tiene  and  John  Peter  Caraflfa,  arose  the 
tier  of  Theatines,  a  body  of  devoted  priests,  dressing  1524 
)t  in  a  special  garb  but  in  ordinary  priest's  robes, 
to  soon  attained  a  prominent  position  in  the  Catholic 
formation.  Their  especial  task  was  to  educate  the 
ergy. 

The  order  of  the  Capuchins  was  an  offshoot  of  the  c.l526 
raneiscans.  It  restored  the  relaxed  discipline  of  the 
rly  friars  and  its  members  went  about  teaching  the 
>or.  Notwithstanding  the  blow  to  it  when  its  third 
t5ar  Bernardino  Ochino  became  a  Calvinist,  it  flour- 
led  and  turned  its  energies  especially  against  the 
retics. 

Of  the  other  orders  founded  at  this  time,  the  Bama- 
tes  (1530),  the  Somascians  (1532),  the  Brothers  of 
srcy  (1540),  the  Ursulines  (1537),  only  the  common 
aracteristics  can  be  pointed  out.  It  is  notable  that 
5y  were  all  animated  by  a  social  ideal;  not  only  the 
Ivation  of  the  individual  soul  but  also  the  ameWoT^^- 


398  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

tion  of  humanity  was  now  their  purpose.  Some  of  ti 
orders  devoted  themselves  to  the  education  of  diildra 
some  to  home  missions  or  foreign  missions,  some  I 
nursing  the  sick,  some  to  the  rescue  of  fallen  wome 

The  evolution  of  monastieism  had  already  pointed  tl 
way  to  these  tasks;  its  apogee  was  reached  with  tl 
organization  of  the  Company  of  Jesus. 

The  Jesuit  has  become  one  of  those  typical  figuH 
like  the  Puritan  and  the  buccaneer.  Though  less  i 
ploited  in  fiction  than  he  was  in  the  days  of  Dnm 
Eugene  Sue  and  Zola,  the  mention  of  his  name  ca 
to  the  imagination  the  picture  of  a  tall,  spare  mi 
handsome,  courteous,  obliging,  but  subtle,  deceitft 
dangerous,  capable  of  nursing  the  blackest  thougl 
and  of  sanctioning  the  worst  actions  for  the  advani 
ment  of  his  cause.  The  Lettres  Provinciates  of  Paso 
first  stamped  on  public  opinion  the  idea  that  the  Jess 
was  necessarily  immoral  and  venomous;  the  implacal 
hatred  of  Miehelet  and  Symonds  has  brought  them  i 
criminals  before  the  bar  of  history.  On  the  other  hai 
they  have  had  their  apologists  and  friends  even  outsii 
their  own  order.  Let  us  neither  praise  nor  blame,  b 
seek  to  understand  them. 

In  that  memorable  hour  when  Luther  said  his  eve 
lasting  nay  at  Worms  one  of  his  auditors  was— 
might  have  been  for  she  was  undoubtedly  present 
the  city — ^Germaine  de  Foix,  the  wife  of  the  Margral 
John  of  Brandenburg.  The  beautiful  and  frivolw 
young  woman  had  been  by  a  former  marriage  the  s» 
ond  wife  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic  and  at  his  court  s 
'  had  been  known  and  worshipped  by  a  young  page  ( 
good  family,  Inigo  de  Loyola.  Like  the  roman) 
Spaniard  that  he  was  he  had  taken,  as  he  told  later,  fi 
his  lady  "no  duchess  nor  countess  but  one  far  higbei 
and  to  her  he  paid  court  In  the  genuine  spirit  of  o 

chivalry.     Not  that  tAiVa  pre\en.te4  Uim  from  addrei 


THE  COMPANY  OF  JESUS 


399 


I  less  disinterested  attentions  to  other  ladies,  for,  if 
jbething  of  a  Don  Quixote  he  was  also  something  of 
Don  Juan.  Indeed,  at  the  carnival  of  1515,  his 
kiormous  misdemeanors"  had  caused  him  to  be  tried 
tore  a  court  of  justice  and  little  did  his  plea  of  beue- 
»f  clergy  avail  him,  for  the  judge  failed  to  find  a 
tsnre  on  his  head  ' '  even  as  large  as  a  seal  on  a  papal 
'  and  he  was  probably  punished  severely. 
oyola  was  a  Basque,  and  a  soldier  to  his  fingertips.  - 
len  the  French  army  invaded  Spain  he  was  given 
B.ud  of  the  fortress  of  Pampeluna,  Defending  it 
frely  against  desperate  odds  he  was  wounded  in  the  May  21 
I  ■with  a  cannon  ball  and  forced  to  yield.  The  leg 
:  badly  set  and  the  bone  knit  crooked.  With  in- 
stable courage  he  had  it  broken  and  reset,  stretched 
acks  and  the  protruding  bone  sawed  off,  but  all  the 
ere,  in  the  age  before  anaesthetics,  was  in  vain. 
)  young  man  of  about  twenty-eight — the  exact  year 
his  birth  is  unknown — found  himself  a  cripple  for 


ro  while  away  the  long  hours  of  convalescence  he 
I  for  the  romances  of  chivalry  but  was  unable  to 
\  thcra  and  read  in  their  place  legends  of  the  saints  - 
S  a  life  of  Christ  by  Ludolph  of  Saxony.  His  im- 
biation  took  fire  at  the  new  possibilities  of  heroism 
B  of  fame,  "What  if  you  should  be  a  saint  like 
ninie  or  Francis!"  he  asked  himself,  "ay,  what  if 
should  even  surpass  them  in  sanctity T"  His 
Jice  was  fLxed.  He  took  Madonna  for  his  lady  and 
Iprtnined  to  become  a  soldier  of  Christ. 

J  soon  as  he  was  able  to  move  he  made  a  pilgrim- 
I  to  Seville  and  Manresa  and  there  dedicated  his 
I  in  a  church  in  imitation  of  the  knights  he  had 
I  about  in  Amadis  of  Gmd.  Then,  with  a  general 
Ifossion  and  much  fasting  and  mortification  of  the 
,  began  a  period  of  doubt  and  spiritual  augaVsV 


^^^^ 


400         THE  COUNTER-EEFORMATION 

that  has  sometimes  been  compared  with  that  of  Lnfli 
Both  were  men  of  strong  will  and  intellect,  both  a 
fered  from  the  sense  of  sin.  But  Luther's  developw 
was  somewhat  quieter  and  more  normal — if,  inda 
in  the  psychology  of  conversion  so  carefully  fitudi«il 
James,  the  quieter  is  the  more  normal.  At  anv  n 
where  Luther  had  one  vision  on  an  exceptinna!  oefl 
»8ion,  Loyola  h.  md  had  them  daily.    Iga 

tius  saw  the  T  ivichord  with  three  Btrinl 

the  miracle  ol  itiation  as  light  in  bra 

Satan  as  a  g  pent  covered  with  bri^ 

mysterious  eyi  'a  big  round  form  sliinil 

as  gold,"  and  ^in  as  "a  ball  of  fire." 

But  with  ail  l  ,e  kept  his  will  fixed  on  li 

1523  purpose.  At  first  this  took  the  form  of  a  von* 
preach  to  the  infidels  and  he  made  a  pilgriraap;  W 
Jerusalem,  only  to  be  turned  back  by  the  highest  Ckris- 
tian  authority  in  that  region,  the  politically-mindrf 
Franciscan  vicar. 

1524  -     Qjj  returning  to  Spain  he  went  to  Barcelona  »iA 

started  to  learn  Latin  with  boys,  for  his  education  aai 
gentleman  had  included  nothing  but  reading  and  i™'" 
ing  his  own  tongue.  Thence  he  went  to  the  university 
of  Alcalii  where  he  won  disciples  but  was  imprison" 
for  six  weeks  by  the  Inquisition  and  forbidden  tolw 
meetings  with  them.  Practically  the  same  experiei* 
was  repeated  at  Salamanca  where  he  was  detained  bj 
the  Holy  Office  for  twenty-two  days  and  again  p™ 
,  hibited  from  holding  religious  meetings.  Thus  he** 
chased  out  of  Spain  by  the  church  he  sought  to  serve 
Turning  his  steps  to  Paris  he  entered  the  College " 
Montaigu,  and,  if  he  here  was  free  from  the  Inquisiti*' 
^he  was  publicly  whipped  by  the  college  authorities  afi 
.dangerous  fanatic.  Nevertheless,  here  he  gathered  bi 
first  permanent  disciples,  Peter  Le  Fevre  of  Savo: 
Francis   Xavier  of   Pampeluua  and   two   Castiliw 


THE  COMPANY  OF  JESUS  401 

38  Laynez  and  Alfonso  Salmeron.  The  little  man, 
ly  over  five  feet  two  inches  high,  deformed  and 
red,  at  the  age  of  thirty-five,  won  men  to  him  by  his 
3,  as  of  a  conqueror  in  pain,  by  his  enthusiasm,  his 
ion  and  his  book. 

one  reckons  the  greatness  of  a  piece  of  literature  l^^^^^ 
by  the  beauty  of  the  style  or  the  profundity  of  the  ExercUes 
ght  but  by  the  influence  it  has  exercised  over  men, 
^piritiuxl  Exercises  of  Ignatius  will  rank  high.    Its  ^ 
F  sources  were  the  meditation  and  observation  of 
inthor.    If  he  took  some  things  from  Garcia  de 
leros,  some  from  The  Imitation  of  Christ,  some 
1  the  rules  of  Montaigu,  where  he  studied,  far  more 
ook  from  the  course  of  discipline  to  which  he  had 
iected    himself    at    Manresa.    The    psychological    ' 
idness  of  Loyola's  method  is  found  in  his  discovery  . 
:  the  best  way  to  win  a  man  to  an  ideal  is  to  kindle 
imagination.    His  own  thought  was  imaginative  to 
verge  of  abnormality  and  the  means  which  he  took 
iwaken  and  artificially  to  stimulate  this  faculty  in 
followers  were  drastic  in  the  extreme, 
he  purpose  of  the  Exercises  is  stated  in  the  axiom 
**Man  was  created  to  praise,  reverence  and  serve- 
our  Lord  and  thereby  to  save  his  soul.  *  *    To  fit  a 
for  this  work  the  spiritual  exercises  were  divided 
four  periods  called  weeks,  though  each  period 
it  be  shortened  or  lengthened  at  the  discretion  of 
director.     The  first  week  was  devoted  to  the  con- 
Pation  of  sin;  the  second  to  that  of  Christ's  life  as 
is  Palm  Sunday;  the  third  to  his  passion;  and  the 
th  to  his  resurrection  and  ascension.    Knowing 
tremendous  power  of  the  stimulant  to  be  adminis- 
d  Ignatius  inserted  wise  counsels  of  moderation  in 
application  of  it.    But,  subject  only  to  the  condi- 
that  the  novice  was  not  to  be  plied  beyond  what  he 
d  bear,  he  was  directed  in  the  first  week  oi  ^cXv 


402 


THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 


tary  meditation  to  try  to  see  the  length,  breadth  aud 
depth  of  hell,  to  hear  the  lamentations  and  blasphemies 
of  the  damned,  to  smell  the  smoke  and  brimstone,  to 
taste  the  bitterness  of  tears  and  of  the  worm  of  cm- 
science  and  to  feel  the  burnings  of  the  unquenchable 
fire.  In  like  manner  in  the  other  weeks  he  was  to  try  lo 
picture  to  himself  in  as  vivid  a  manner  as  possible  all 
the  events  brought  before  bis  mind,  whether  terrible  or 
.  glorious.  The  end  of  all  this  discipline  was  to  be  the 
complete  subjection  of  the  man  to  the  churchu^fTbe 
Jesuit  was  directed  ever  "to  praise  all  the  precepts  of 
the  church,  holding  the  mind  ready  to  find  reasons  for 
her  defence  and  nowise  in  her  offence."  There  must 
,  be  an  unconditional  surrender  to  her  not  only  of  the  will 
but  of  the  intelligence,  "To  make  sure  of  being  right 
in  all  things,"  says  Loyola,  "we  ought  always  to  bold 
by  the  principle  that  the  white  I  see  I  should  believe  to 
be  black  if  the  hierarchical  church  were  so  to  rule  it" 
-  Inspired  by  this  ideal  the  small  l)ody  of  students, 
agreeing  to  be  called  henceforth  the  Company  of  Jesus 
— a  military  term,  the  socii  being  the  companions  or 

[un"'  ^^'  followers  of  a  chief  in  arms — took  vows  to  live  in  pov- 
•  erty  and  chastity  and  to  make  a  pilgrimage  to  Jem- 
^  salera.    With  this  object  they  set  out  to  Venice  and 

I  then  turned  towards  Rome  for  papal  approbation  of 

^  their  enterprise.     Their  first  reception  was  chilling 

but  they  gradually  won  a  few  new  recruits  and  Ign*- 

tius  drafted  the  constitution  for  a  new  order  which  vm 

ieptember  landed  to  the  pope  by  Contarini  and  approved  ui 
bull  Regimini  militanlis  ecclesiae,  which  quotes  fl 
the  formula  of  the  Jesuits : 


"Whoever  wishes  to  fighl  for  God  under  the  Btanilj 
of  the  eros-s  and  lo  serve  the  Lord  aloue  and  his  vie 
earth  the  Roman   ponliff  shall,  after  a  solemn  ' 
perpetual  chastity,  consider  that  he  is  part  of  a  s 
instituted  chie&y  ioi  these  ends,  for  the  profit  of  ai 


THE  COMPANY  OF  JESUS  403 

e  and  Christian  doctrine,  for  the  propagation  of  the 
ith  through  public  preaching,  the  ministry  of  Grod's 
ird,  spiritual  exercises  and  works  of  charity,  and  espe- 
illy  for  the  education  of  children  and  ignorant  persons 
Christianity,  for  the  hearing  of  confession  and  for  the 
iring  of  spiritual  consolation. 

»ver  it  is  stated  that  the  members  of  the  new^ 
should  be  bound  by  a  vow  of  special  obedience  to 
»pe  and  should  hold  themselves  ready  at  his  be- 
>  propagate  the  faith  among  Turks,  infidels,  here- 
schismatics,  or  to  minister  to  believers, 
itius  was  chosen  first  general  of  the  order.    The  April,  15 
hen  cancelled  the  previous  limitation  of  the  num- 
Jesuits  to  60  and  later  issued  a  large  charter  of  i^^ 
jges  for  them.    They  were  exempted  from  taxes  J549 
nscopal  jurisdiction;  no  member  was  to  be  al- 
to accept  any  dignity  without  the  generaPs  Con- 
or could  any  member  be  assigned  to  the  spiritual 
on    of    women.    Among    many    other    grants  - 
le  to  the  effect  that  the  faithful  might  confess 
n  and  receive  conmiunion  without  permission  of 
)ari8h  priests.    A  confirmation  of  all  privileges 
grant  of  others  was  made  in  a  bull  of  July  21, 

express  end  of  the  order  being  the  world-domi-  O^ganaa, 
of  the  church,  its  constitution  provided  a  mar-  Society  o 
jly  apt  organization  for  this  purpose.    Every-  Jesus,  151 
wras  to  be  subordinate  to  efficiency.    Detachment 
he  world  went  only  so  far  as  necessary  for  the 
iter  conquest  of  the  world.    Asceticism,  fasting, 
scipline  were  to  be  moderate  so  as  not  to  interfere 
ealth.    No  special  dress  was  prescribed,  for  it 
be  a  hindrance  rather  than  a  help.    The  purpose  - 
to  win  over  the  classes  rather  than  the  masses, 
suits  were  particular  to  select  as  members  only 
men  of  agreeable  appearance,  calm  miivda  ai\d 


THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 


eloquence.  That  an  aspirant  to  the  order  should  a 
be  rich  and  of  good  family  was  not  requisite  but  n 
considered  desirable.  Men  of  bad  reputation,  intra) 
ble,  choleric,  or  men  who  had  ever  been  tainted  w. 
heresy,  were  excluded.     No  women  were  recruited. 

-  After  selection,  the  neophyte  was  put  on  a  probati 
of  two  years.  He  was  then  assigned  to  the  class 
scholars  for  further  discipline.  He  was  later  pla( 
either  as  a  temporal  coad.iutor,  a  sort  of  lay  brotl 
charged  with  inferior  duties,  or  as  a  spiritual  col 
jutor,  who  took  the  three  irrevocable  vows.  Final 
there  was  a  class,  to  which  admission  was  gained  afl 
long  experience,  the  Professed  of  Four  Vows, 
fourth  being  one  of  special  obedience  to  the  pope, 
small  number  of  secret  Jesuits  who  might  be  cons 
ered  as  another  class,  were  charged  with  dangero 
missions  and  with  spying. 

Over  the  order  was  placed  a  General  who  was  pra 
tically,  though  not  theoretically,  absolute.  On  paper 
was  limited  by  the  possibility  of  being  deposed  and  Taj 
the  election,  mdependently  of  his  influence,  of  an  "a 
monitor"  and  some  assistants.     In  practice  the  on 

'  limitations  of  his  power  were  the  physical  ones  inhl 
ent  in  the  difficulties  of  administering  provinces  tho 
sands  of  miles  away.  From  every  province,  howev) 
he  received  confidential  reports  from  a  multitude 
spies. 

The  spirit  of  the  order  was  that  of  absolute,  unqut 
tioning,  blind  obedience.  The  member  must  obey  li 
superior  "like  a  corpse  which  can  be  turned  this  w 
or  that,  or  a  rod  that  follows  every  impulse,  or  a  ball 
wax  that  might  be  moulded  in  any  form."  The  idfl 
was  an  old  one ;  the  famous  perinde  ac  cadaver  itsi 
dates  back  to  Francis  of  Assisi,  but  nowhere  had  tl 

ideal  been  so  completely  realized  as  by  the  companicffl 

of  Ignatius.    In  fact,  m  this  as  in  other  respects,  th 


i^^b 


THE  COMPANY  OF  JESUS  405 

its  were  but  a  natural  culmination  of  the  evolution    • 
onastieism.    More  and  more  had  the  orders  tended 
Hjome  highly  disciplined,  unified  bodies,  apt  to  be 
for  the  service  of  the  church  and  of  the  pope, 
le  growth  of  the  society  was  extraordinarily  rapid.  Growth 
1544  they  had  nine  establishments,  two  each  in 
r,  Spain  and  Portugal  and  one  each  in  France,  Ger- 
y  and  the  Netherlands.    When  Loyola  died  Jesuits  J"iy  3l» 
d  be  found  in  Japan  and  Brazil,  in  Abyssinia  and 
he  Congo;  in  Europe  they  were  in  almost  every 
itry  and  included  doctors  at  the  largest  universi- 
and  papal  nuncios  to  Poland  and  Ireland.    There 
e  in  all  twelve  provinces,  about  65  residences  and 
)  members.^ 

"heir  work  was  as  broad  as  their  field,  but  it  was  ^ 
icated  especially  to  three  several  tasks:  education,* 
against  the  heretic,  and  foreign  missions.  Neither 
he  first  two  was  particularly  contemplated  by  the 
iders  of  the  order  in  their  earliest  period.  At  that 
they  were  rather  like  the  friars,  popular  preach- 
catechists,  confessors  and  charitable  workers, 
the  exigencies  of  the  time  called  them  to  supply 
r  needs.  The  education  of  the  young  was  the  nat- 
result  of  their  desire  to  dominate  the  intellectual 
.  Their  seminaries,  at  first  adapted  only  to  their 
Uses,  soon  became  famous. 

the  task  of  combating  heresy  they  were  also  the  Combatii 
successful  of  the  papal  cohorts.  Though  not  the  *"^ 
ary  purpose  of  the  order,  it  soon  came  to  be  re- 
ed as  their  special  field.  The  bull  canonizing 
►la  speaks  of  him  as  an  instrument  raised  up  by 
le  providence  especially  to  combat  that  ** foulest 
onsters"  Martin  Luther.  Beginning  in  Italy  the 
its  revived  the  nearly  extinct  popular  piety.  Qo- 
imong  the  poor  as  missionaries  they  found  many 
knew  no  prayers,  many  who  had  not  coniesBeA.  lot 


406 


THE  COTTNTER-BEFORMATION 


thirty  or  forty  years,  and  a  host  of  priests  as  blind'^ 
their  flocks. 

In  most  other  Catholic  countries  they  had  to  %htM 
the  right  to  exist.     In  France  the  Parlement  of  F 
was  against  them,  and  even  after  the  kiiig  had  jtrantd 
them  permission  to  settle  in  the  country  in  15.^3,  rt 
Parlement  accused  them  of  jeoparding  the  faith,  i 


lurch,  supplanting  the  si 
more  than  thny  bnilt  i 
r  way  to  a  place  of  g 

counsels  of  the  moi 
ir  Catholic  opponents,  4 
3  their  Protestant  eticimH 
ion  of  the  Edict  of  Nant* 

csnits  were  welconiod  i'- 


stroying  the  p 
orders  and  te 
Nevertheless  t 
power,  until,  t 
they  were  ahle 
Jansenists,  as 
were  crushed  bj 

In  tlie  Xetherlanas  me  . 
allies  of  the  Spanish  power.  The  people  were  in 
pressed  by  their  zeal,  piety,  and  disinterestedness,  an 
in  the  Southern  provinces  they  were  able  to  bear  awa 
a  victory  after  a  fierce  fight  with  Calvinism, 

In  England,  where  they  showed  the  most  devotio 
they  met  with  the  least  success.  The  blood  of  the 
martyrs  did  not  sow  the  ground  with  Catholic  see 
and  they  were  expelled  by  statute  under  Elizabeth. 

The  most  striking  victories  of  the  Jesuits  were  ■»> 
in  Central  Europe.  When  the  first  of  their  compan 
Peter  Faber,  entered  Germany  in  1&40,  he  found  ueai 
the  whole  country  Lutheran.  The  Wittelsbachs  of  B 
varia  were  almost  the  only  reigning  family  that  nev 
compromised  with  the  Reformers  and  in  them  t 
Jesuits  found  their  starting  point  and  their  most « 
stant  ally.  Called  to  the  universities  of  Ingolstadt  ai 
Vienna  their  success  was  great  and  from  these  f( 
they  radiated  in  all  directions,  to  Poland,  to  Hungar 
to  the  Rhine.  One  of  their  most  eminent  missionari 
was  Peter  Canisius,  whose  catechism,  published  in  la 
in  three  forms,  short,  long  and  middle,  and  in  two  la 


•< 


THE  COMPANY  OF  JESUS  407 

guages,  German  and  Latin,  became  the  chief  spiritual 
Ibext-book  of  the  Catholics.    The  idea  and  selection  of    '% 
terial  was  borrowed  from  Luther  and  he  was  imi- 
also  in  the  omission  of  all  overt  polemic  material, 
last  feature  was,  of  course,  one  of  the  strongest. 
But  the  conquests  of  the  Company  of  Jesus  were  as*  Missk 
table  in  lands  beyond  Europe  as  they  were  in  the  **®*^ 

of  civilization.    They  were  not,  indeed,  pioneers 
the  field  of  foreign  missions.    The  Catholic  church 
owed  itself  from  an  early  period  solicitous  for  the 
vation  of  the  natives  of  America  and  of  the  Far 
The  bull  of  Alexander  VI  stated  that  his  mo- 
e  in  dividing  the  newly  discovered  lands  between 
-  Q|)ain  and  Portugal  was  diiefly  to  assist  in  the  propa- 
'  ^tion  of  the  faith.    That  the  Protestants  at  first  de- 
veloped no  activity  in  the  conversion  of  the  heathen 
"^8  partly  because  their  energies  were  fully  employed 
^  securing  their  own  position,  and  still  more,  perhaps, 
because,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  Spain  and  Portugal 
had  a  practical  monopoly  of  the  transoceanic  trade  and 
thus  the  only  opportunities  of  coniing  into  contact  with 
fhe  natives. 

Very  early  Dominican  and  Franciscan  friars  went  to 
America.  Though  some  of  them  exemplified  Chris- 
tian virtues  that  might  well  have  impressed  the  na- 
tiveSy  the  greater  number  relied  on  the  puissant  sup- 
port of  the  Toledo  sword.  Though  the  natives,  as 
heathen  bom  in  invincible  ignorance,  were  exempt 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  inquisitor,  they  were 
driven  by  terror  if  not  by  fire,  into  embracing  the  re- 
li^on  of  their  conquerors.  If  some  steadfast  chiefs 
told  the  missionaries  that  they  would  rather  go  to  hell 
after  death  than  live  for  ever  with  the  cruel  Christians, 
the  tribes  as  a  whole,  seeing  their  dreaded  idols  over- 
thrown and  their  temples  uprooted,  embraced  the  re- 
ligion of  the  stronger  God,  as  they  quailed  beioi^  \i\^ 


408         THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

votaries.  Little  could  they  understand  of  the  , 
teries  of  the  faith,  aud  in  some  places  long  continBei 
to  worship  Christ  and  Mary  with  the  ritual  antl 
tributes  of  older  deities.  Bnt  nominally  a  millioH  rf 
them  were  converted  by  1532,  and  when  the  ,hm^ 
arrived  a  Ktill  more  successful  effort  was  made  toiril 
over  the  red  man.  The  important  mission  in  BretH 
served  by  brav  :ed  brothers  of  Ifmatian 

achieved  remark  whereas  in  Paraguay 

Jesuits  founded  apletely  under  their  oil 

tutelage. 

In  the  Far  I  h  of  the  missionary 

broken  by  the  tn  >a  the  first  ambassadontol 

Christ  were  fria  they  erected  a  catliMlral 

a  convent,  and  schools  for  training  native  priests,  Bnt  j 
the  greatest  of  the  missionaries  to  this  region  irasj 
Francis  Xavier,  the  companion  of  Loyola.  Not  for- 
getting the  vow  which  he,  together  M-ith  all  the  fir* 
members  of  the  society,  had  taken,  he  sailed  from  Li»-j 
bon,  clothed  with  extraordinary  powers.  The  pop*' 
made  him  his  vicar  for  all  the  lands  bathed  by  the 
Indian  Ocean,  and  tlie  king  of  Portugal  gave  him  of- 
ficial sanction  and  support.  Arriving  at  Goa  he  pol 
himself  in  touch  with  the  earlier  missionaries  and  be- 
gan an  earnest  fight  against  the  immorality  of  the  port, 
both  Christian  and  native.  His  motto  "  Amplius"  led 
him  soon  to  virgin  fields,  among  the  natives  of  the 
coast  and  of  Ceylon.  In  ]J>45  he  went  to  Cochin-Chii* 
thence  to  the  Moluccas  and  to  Japan,  preaching  in 
every  place  and  baptizing  by  the  thousand  and  ten 
thousand. 

Though  Xavier  was  a  man  of  brilliant  endo\vmeiitE 
and  though  he  was  passionately  devoted  to  the  cause,  te 
neither  of  his  good  qualities  did  he  owe  the  successes, 
whether  solid  or  specious,  with  which  he  has  been  cred- 
ited.    In  the  first  place,  jxid^i^d  by  the  standards  of 


THE  COMPANY  OF  JESUS 

Kiodem  missions,  the  superficiality  of  his  work  was 
almost  inconceivable.  He  never  mastered  one  of  the 
languages  of  the  countries  which  he  visited.  He 
learned  by  rote  a  few  sentences,  generally  the  creed 
and  some  phrases  on  the  horrors  of  hell,  and  repeated 
them  to  the  crowds  attracted  to  him  by  the  sound  of  a 
bell.  He  addressed  himself  to  masses  rather  than  to 
individoals  and  he  regarded  the  culmination  of  his 
vork  as  being  merely  the  administration  of  baptism 
And  not  the  conversion  of  heart  or  understanding. 
Thus,  he  spent  hours  in  baptizing,  with  all  possible  • 
fpeed,  sick  and  dying  children,  believing  that  he  was 
thus  rescuing  their  souls  from  limbo.  Probably  many 
of  his  adult  converts  never  understood  the  meaning 
of  the  application  of  water  and  oil,  salt  and  spittle, 
that  make  up  the  ritual  of  Catholic  baptism. 

In  the  second  place,  what  permanent  success  he  Uwd 
achieved  was  due  largely  to  the  invocation  of  the  aid  ""* 
of  the  civil  power.  One  of  the  most  illuminating  of 
Xavier's  letters  is  that  written  to  King  John  of  Por- 
tugal on  January  20,  1548,  in  which  he  not  only  makes 
the  reasonable  request  that  native  Christians  be  pro- 
tected from  persecution  by  their  countrymen,  but  adds 
that  every  governor  should  take  such  measures  to  con- 
vert them  as  would  insure  success  to  his  preaching,  for 
vithont  such  support,  he  says,  the  cause  of  the  gospel 
in  the  Indies  would  be  desperate,  few  would  come  to 
baptism  and  those  who  did  come  would  not  profit  much 
Q  religion.  Therefore  he  urges  that  every  governor, 
Under  whose  rule  many  natives  were  not  converted, 
shoald  be  mulcted  of  all  his  goods  and  imprisoned  on 
hia  return  to  Portugal,  AVbat  the  measures  applied 
by  the  Portugese  officers  must  have  been,  under  such 
pressure,  can  easily  be  inferred  from  a  slight  knowl- 
edge of  their  savage  rule. 

It  has  been  said  that  every  organism  carries  vtv  W 


410 


THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 


(•yo*       self  the  seeds  of  its  own  decay.     The  premature  col 

,  ruption  of  the  order  was  noticed  by  its  more  eami 

i  members  quite  early  in  its  career.     The  future  g( 

B  eral  Francis  Borg;ia  wrote:  "The  time  vnW  come  whe 

the  Company  will  be  completely  absorbed  in  hum 

sciences  without  any  application  to  virtue;  ambitii 

pride  and  arrogance  will  rule,"     The  General  Aqi 

ij  viva  said  explicitly,  "Love  of  the  things  of  this  wort 

and  the  spirit  of  the  courtier  are  dangerous  discai 

in  our  Company.     Almost  in  spite  of  us  the  evil  cret 

in  little  by  little  under  the  fair  pretext  of  gainia 

princes,  prelates,  and  the  great  ones  of  the  world." 

.      A  principal  cause  of  the  ultimate  odium  in  whii 

the  Jesuits  were  held  as  well  as  of  their  temporal 

(ieocy      successes,  was  their  desire  for  speedy  results.     Evei 

one  has  noticed  the  immense  versatility  of  the  .lesnJ 

and    their    superficiaUty.     They    produced    excellei 

scholars  of  a  certain  rank,  men  who  could  deeiph* 

I  Latin  inscriptions,  observe  the  planets,  publish  Iibn 

f  ries  of  historical  sources,  of  casuistry  and  apologeti 

or  write  catechisms  or  epigrams.     They  turned  wjj 

I  equal  facility  to  preaching  to  naked  savages  and  to  I 

production  of  art  for  the  most  cultivated  peoples 

-the  world.     And  yet  they  have  rarely,  if  ever,  produ< 

a  great  scholar,  a  great  scientist,  a  great  thinker, 

even  a  great  ascetic.     They  were  not  founded  for  si 

purposes ;  they  were  founded  to  fight  for  the  church  8 

they  did  that  with  extraordinary  success. 

Jure  But  their  very  efficiency  became,  as  pursued  for  i 

own  sake  it  must  always  become,  soulless.     In  ten 

suggested  by  the  Great  War,  the  Jesuits  were  the  i 

carnation  of  religious  militarism.     To  set  up  an  id( 

of  aggrandizement,  to  fill  a  body  of  men  with  a  fani 

ical  enthusiasm  for  that  ideal  and  then  to  provide  i 

organization  and  discipliue  marvellously  adapted  ( 

conquest,  that  is  what  the  Prussian  schoolmaster 


THE  INQUISITION  AND  INDEX  411 

iroverbially  won  Sadowa,  and  the  Jesuits  who  beat 
sck  the  Reformation,  have  known  how  to  do  better 
lian    anyone   else.     Their  methods   took   account   of  « 
'erj'thing  except  the  conscience  of  mankind. 
Moreover,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  in  their  eager  - 
irsuit  of  tangible  results  they  lowered  the  ethical 
andards  of  the  church.     Wishing  to  open  her  doors 
I  widely  as  possible  to  all  men,  and  finding  that  they 
lald  not  make  all  men  saints,  they  brought  down  the 
leqnireraents  for  admission  to  the  average  human  level.  ■ 
}ne  cannot  take  the  denunciations  of  Jesuitical  "casu- 
etry"  and  "probabilism"  at  their  face  value,  but  one 
in  find  in  Jesuit  works  on  ethics,  and  in  some  of  their 
arly  works,  very  dangerous  compromises  with  the    jMuiiiaJ 
'orld.     One  reads  in  their  books  how  the  bankrupt,    "'"P'"- 
rithoQt  sinning  mortally,  may  defraud  his  creditors 
6f  his  mortaged  goods;  how  the  servant  may  be  ex- 
eased  for  pilfering  from  his  master;  how  a  rich  man 
lay  pardonably   deceive   the   tax-collector;  how  the 
idnlteross  may  rightfully  deny  her  sin  to  her  husband, 
iven  on  oath.'     Doubtless  these  are  extreme  instances, 
kat  that  they  should  have  been  possible  at  all  is  a  mel- 
kncholy  warning  to  all  who  would,  even  for  pious  ends, 
KibBtitute  inferior  imitations  for  genuine  morality. 

§  5.  The  Inquisition  and  Index 

Not  only  by  propaganda  appealing  to  the  mind  and 
heart  did  the  Catholic  church  roll  back  the  tides  of  Ref- 
ormation and  Renaissance,  but  by  coercion  also.  In 
Ihis  the  church  was  not  alone;  the  Protestants  also 
persecuted  and  they  also  censored  the  press  with  the 
object  of  preventing  their  adiierents  from  reading  the 
arguments    of    their    opponents.     But    the    Catholic 

Sabstanliation  of  thooe  stati'mcnts  in  excerpts  from  Jesuit  works  of 
thnilog.v,  printed  in  C.  Mirbt :  Quetlen  :ur  IJtgchichte  det  Paptt- 
ItPIl,  pp.  Ulfl. 


412         THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

church  was  not  only  more  consistent  in  the  appHcatioa 
of  her  iiitolci-ant  theories  but  she  almost  always  it- 
-  snmed  the  direction  of  the  coercive  measures  direct!|f 
^  instead  of  applying  them  through  the  agencj-  of  tin 
state.  Divided  as  they  were,  dependent  on  tUe  i 
port  of  the  civil  government  and  hampered,  at  li 
to  some  slight  extent,  by  their  more  liberal  tcndendj 
the  Protestants  inatramentalities  half 

.  eflScient  or  one-1  ble  as  the  Inquisition  i 

I  the  Index. 

The   Inqnisiti  aild  of  the  Middle  Agt 

For  centuries  t  r  the  Holy  Office  had 

terized  the  hen  .s  on  the  body  of  M^tk 

Church.     The  o.  utilized  but  was  given 

new  lease  of  life  by  lub  w  it  was  called  upon  to  p«^' 
form  against  the  Protestants.  Outside  of  the  Nether- 
lands the  t\vo  forms  of  the  Inquisition  which  played  the 
largest  part  in  the  battles  of  the  sixteenth  cenfnn'  wet* 
the  Spanish  and  the  Roman, 
n-  The  Inquisition  was  heensed  in  Spain  by  a  bull  ol 
Sixtus  IV  of  1478,  and  actually  established  by  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella  in  Castile  in  1480,  and  soon  after- 
wards in  their  other  dominions.  It  has  sometimes 
been  said  that  the  Spanish  Inquisition  was  really  * 
political  rather  than  an  ecclesiastical  instrument,  bnt 
the  latest  historian  of  the  subject,  whose  deep  study 
makes  his  verdict  final,  has  disposed  of  this  theorj. 
Though  occasionally  called  upon  to  interfere  in  polit- 
ical matters,  this  was  exceptional.  Far  more  often  it 
asserted  an  authority  and  an  independence  that  em- 
barrassed not  a  little  the  royal  goveniment.  On  the 
other  hand  it  soon  grew  so  great  and  powerful  that  it 
was  able  to  ignore  the  commands  of  the  popes.  On 
account  of  its  irresponsible  power  it  was  nnpopnlar 
and  was  only  tolerated  because  it  was  so  efficient  in 
eru.shing  out  the  heresy  that  the  people  hated. 


THE  INQUISITION  AND  INDEX         413 

The  annals  of  its  procedure  and  achievements  are  Proccdute 
one  long  record  of  diabolical  cruelty,  of  protracted  con- 
finement in  dungeons,  of  endless  delay  and  browbeat- 
ing to  break  the  spirit,  of  ingenious  tortures  and  of 
lacked  and  crushed  limbs  and  of  burning  flesh.  In 
litigation  of  judgment,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
le  methods  of  the  civil  courts  were  also  cruel  at  that 
Hme,  and  the  punishments  severe. 

As  the  guilt  of  the  suspected  person  was  always  pre- 
sumed, every  effort  was  made  to  secure  confession,  for 
matters  of  belief  there  is  no  other  equally  satisfac- 
tory proof.  Without  being  told  the  nature  of  his  crime 
or  who  was  the  informant  against  him,  the  person  on 
trial  was  simply  urged  to  confess.  An  advocate  was 
given  him  only  to  take  advantage  of  his  professional 
relations  with  his  client  by  betraying  him.  The  enor- 
mous, almost  incredible  procrastination  by  which  the 
accused  would  be  kept  in  prison  awaiting  trial  some- 
times for  five  or  ten  or  even  twenty  years,  usually  suf- 
ficed to  break  his  spirit  or  to  unbalance  his  mind.  Tor- 
ture was  first  threatened  and  then  applied.  All  rules 
intended  to  limit  its  amount  proved  illusory,  and  it  was 
applied  practically  to  any  extent  deemed  necessary, 
ind  to  all  classes;  nobles  and  clergy  were  no  less  ob- 
noxious to  it  than  were  commons.  Nor  was  there  any 
privileged  age,  except  that  of  the  tenderest  childhood. 
Men  and  women  of  ninety  and  boys  and  girls  of  twelve 
or  fourteen  were  racked,  as  were  young  mothers  and 
women  with  child.  Insanity,  however,  if  recognized 
ae  genuine,  was  considered  a  bar  to  torture. 

Acquittal  was  almost,  though  not  quite,  unknown. 
Sometimes  sentence  was  suspended  and  the  accused 
discharged  without  formal  exoneration.  Very  rarely 
acquittal  by  compurgation,  that  is  by  oath  of  the  ac- 
cused supported  by  the  oaths  of  a  number  of  persons 
that  they  believed  be  was  telling  the  truth,  was  aUo'sei.. 


414  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

Practically  the  only  plea  open  to  the  suspect  was  thd 
the  informers  agalust  him  were  actuated  by  maliK 
As  he  was  not  told  who  his  accusers  were  this  was  di/' 
ficult  for  him  to  use. 

IdM  The  penalties  were  various,  including  sconrsiiig.  tbl 

galleys  and  perpetual  imprisonment.     Capital  punist 
ment  by  fire  was  pronounced  not  only  on  those 
were  impenitent  e  who,  after  having  b«i 

once  discharged,  1.     In  Spain,  heretics  itio 

recanted  before  vere  first  strangled;  tin 

obstinately  imp^  i  burned    alive.     Pcrsou 

convicted  of  he  old  not  be  reached  weit 

burnt  in  e£Bgy. 

Acting  on  the  i  ia  nan  sitit  sangutnem  iS 

Inquisitors  did  not  pur  lucu  victims  to  death  by  thar  I 
own  officers  but  handed  them  over  to  the  civil  authori- , 
ties  for  execution.  With  revolting  hypocrisy  they 
even  adjured  the  hangmen  to  be  merciful,  well  know- 
ing that  the  latter  had  no  option  but  to  carry  out  tht 
sentence  of  the  church.  Magistrates  who  endeavored 
to  exercise  any  discretion  in  favor  of  the  condemned 
were  promptly  threatened  with  excommunication. 

If  anything  could  be  wanting  to  complete  the  horror 
it  was  supplied  by  the  festive  spirit  of  the  executions. 

daFe  The  Auto  da  Fe,  or  act  of  faith,  was  a  favorite  spec- 
tacle of  the  Spaniards;  no  holiday  was  quite  complete 
without  its  holocaust  of  human  victims.  The  staging 
was  elaborate,  and  the  ceremony  as  impressive  as  pos- 
sible. Secular  and  spiritual  authorities  were  ordered 
to  be  present  and  vast  crowds  were  edified  by  the  hor- 
rible example  of  the  untimely  end  of  the  unbeliever. 
Sundays  and  feast  days  were  chosen  for  these  spet 
tacles  and  on  gala  occasions,  such  as  royal  weddings 
and  christenings,  a  special  effort  was  made  to  celebrate 
one  of  these  holy  butcheries. 
The  number  of  victims  has  beeu  variously  estimated. 


THE  INQUISITION  AND  INDEX         415 

ctual  count  up  to  the  year  1540,  that  is,  before 
stantism  became  a  serious  factor,  shows  that 
5  were  burned  in  person  and  10,913  in  eflBgy,  and 
figures  are  incomplete.  It  must  be  remembered 
or  every  one  who  paid  the  extreme  penalty  there 
a  large  number  of  others  punished  in  other  ways, 
iprisoned  and  tortured  while  on  trial.  When  • 
in  of  Utredit,  afterwards  the  pope,  was  Inquisi- 
eneral  1516-22,  1,620  persons  were  burned  alive, 
I  eflBgy  and  21,845  were  sentenced  to  penance  or 

lighter  punishments.    Roughly,  for  one  person 
iced  to  death  ten  suffered  milder  penalties, 
•esy  was  not  the  only  crime  punished  by  the  In-  ^^?. 
ion;  it  also  took  charge  of  blasphemy,  bigamy  ^ 
ome  forms  of  vice.    In  its  early  years  it  was 
J  directed  against  the  Jews  who,  having  been  " 
1  to  the  baptismal  font,  had  relapsed.    Later  the 
cos   or  christened  Moors   supplied  the  largest 
er  of  victims.    As  with  the  Jews,  race  hatred 
o  deep  an  ingredient  of  the  treatment  meted  out 
m  that  the  nominal  cause  was  sometimes  forgot- 
nd  baptism  often  failed  to  save  **the  new  Chris- 

who  preserved  any,  even  the  most  innocent,  of 
itional  customs.  Many  a  man  and  woman  was 
•ed  for  not  eating  pork  or  for  bathing  in  the 
Lsh  fashion. 

Protestantism  never  obtained  any  hold  in  Spain, 
quisition  had  comparatively  little  trouble  on  that 
nt.  During  the  sixteenth  century  a  total  number 
15  persons  were  punished  as  Protestants  of  whom 
were  foreigners  and  only  355  were  Spaniards. 

these  figures  exaggerate  the  hold  that  the  Re- 
ition  had  in  Spain,  for  any  error  remotely  re- 
ing  the  tenets  of  Wittenberg  immediately  classed 
lintainer  as  Lutheran.  The  first  case  known  was 
[  in  Majorca  in  lb22j  but  it  was  not  uulVV  ISsSi^ 


416  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

that  any  considerable  number  suffered  for  this  fahl 
In  that  year  24  Lutherans  were  burnt  at  Rodrigo 
Seville,  32  in  1562,  and  19  Calvinists  in  1569. 

The  dread  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition  was  sach  Ihi 
only  in  those  dependencies  early  and  completely  sg 
dued  could  it  be  introduced.  Established  in  Sicily 
1487  its  temporal  jurisdiction  was  suspended  dura 
the  years  1535-^  is  revived  by  the  fear 

Protestantism.  [  its  dark  quarter,  ho»    , 

ever,  it  was  able  sretics.     In  an  auto  o 

brated  at  Palem  wenty-two  culprits  Uui 

were  Lutherans  i  Jews.     The  capitulatif 

of  Naples  in  loO;  jxcluded  the  Spanish  In    | 

quisition,  nor  coi  isblished  in  Milan.    Tla    • 

Portuguese  Inquisiiio..  .         et  up  in  1536, 

The  New  World  was  capable  of  offering  less  rt- 
sistance.  Nevertheless,  for  many  years  the  inquisitor- 
ial powers  were  vested  in  the  bishops  sent  over  to  Mei- 
ieo  and  Peru,  and  when  the  Inquisition  was  established 
in  both  countries  in  1570  it  probably  meant  no  increase 
of  severity.  The  natives  were  exempt  from  its  juris- 
diction and  it  found  little  combustible  material  save 
in  captured  Protestant  Europeans.  A  Fleming  w»i 
burned  at  Lima  in  1548,  and  at  the  first  auto  held  at 
Mexico  in  1574  thirty-six  Lutherans  were  punishei 
all  English  captives,  two  by  burning  and  the  rest  bf 
scourging  or  the  galleys. 

The  same  need  of  repelling  Protestantism  that 
had  helped  to  give  a  new  lease  of  life  to  the  Spanish 
Inquisition  called  into  being  her  sister  the  Roman 
Inquisition.  By  the  hull  Licet  ah  initio,  PauliV-re- 
constituted  the  Holy  Office  at  Rome,  directing  and  em- 
powering It  to  smite  all  who  persisted  in  eondemned 
opinions  lest  others  should  be  seduced  by  their  «■ 
ample,  not  only  in  the  papal  states  but  in  all  the  na- 
tions of  Christendom.     It  was  authorized  to  pronounce 


THE  INQUISITION  AND  INDEX        417 

Lce  on  calprits  and  to  invoke  the  aid  of  the  secu- 
m  to  punish  them  with  prison,  confiscation  of; 

and  death.  Its  authority  was  directed  particu-^ 
against  persons  of  high  estate,  even  against 
cal  princes  whose  subjects  were  loosed  from  their 
tion  of  obedience  and  whose  neighbors  were  in- 
to take  away  their  heritage. 

procedure  of  the  Holy  Office  at  Rome  was  char-  Proccdun 
zed  by  the  Augustinian  Cardinal  Seripando  as  at 
mient,  but  later,  he  continues,  **when  the  super- 
1  rigor  of  Caraffa  [one  of  the  first  Inquisitors 
al]  held  sway,  the  Inquisition  acquired  such  a 
ition  that  from  no  other  judgment-seat  on  earth 
more  horrible  and  fearful  sentences  to  be  ex- 
l.'*  Besides  the  attention  it  paid  to  Protestants 
ituted  very  severe  processes  against  Judaizing 
ians  and  took  cognizance  also  of  seduction,  of 
ig,  of  sodomy,  and  of  inf ringment  of  the  eccle- 
al  rules  for  fasting. 

Boman  Inquisition  was  introduced  into  Milan  Italy 
ehael  Ghislieri,  afterwards  pope,  and  flourished 
ly  under  the  protecting  care  of  Borromeo,  car- 
archbishop  of  the  city.    It  was  established  by 
js   V,   notwithstanding   opposition,   in    Naples.  ^547 
»  also  fought  against  its  introduction  but  never-  1544 
J  finally  permitted  it.    During  the  sixteenth  cen- 
1  that  city  there  were  no  less  than  803  processes 
itheranism,  5  for  Calvinism,  35  against  Anabap- 
13  for  Judaism  and  199  for  sorcery.    In  coun- 
mtside  of  Italy  the  Roman  Inquisition  did  not 
)ot.     Bishop  Magrath  endeavored  in  1567  to  give 
d  the  benefit  of  the  institution,  but  naturally  the 
h  Government  allowed  no  such  thing. 

ethod  of  suppressing  given  opinions  and  propa-  C^nsorshi 
others  probabJj  far  more  effective  tYxaw  \)cl^  ^x«a% 


418  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

mauling  of  men 's  bodies  is  the  guidance  of  their  m 
through  direction  of  their  reading  and  inatmcl 
Natnrally,  before  the  invention  of  printing,  and  ii 
illiterate  society,  the  censorship  of  books  would  h 
slight  importance.  Plato  was  perhaps  the  first  to| 
pose  that  the  reading  of  immoral  and  impious  booh 
forbid<]cn,  but  I  am  not  aware  that  his  sagsrestif"! ' 
acted  upon  tales  of  Greece  or  in  pai 

Rome.     Exi  'ejection  of  certain  booki 

the  early  ct  wanting.     Paul  induced 

Ephesian  so  i  their  books;  certain  fatl 

of  the  chun  inst  the  reading  of  heat 

authors ;  Pt  aade  a  decree  on  the  b( 

received  anc  ecoived  by  the  church, 

Manichaean  books  nciu-  ijtiblicly  burnt. 

The  invention  of  printing  brought  to  the  attei 
of  the  church  the  danger  of  allowing  her  childre 
choose  their  own  reading  matter.  The  first  to  a 
advert  upon  it  was  Bertbold,  Archbisliop  of  May 
the  city  of  Gutenberg.  On  the  22d  of  March,  \i^ 
promulgated  a  decree  to  the  effect  that,  wherea: 
divine  art  of  printing  had  been  abused  for  the  Fa 
lucre  and  whereas  by  this  means  even  Christ's  b 
missals  and  other  works  on  religion,  were  thurabi 
the  vulgar,  and  whereas  the  German  idiom  wa; 
poor  to  express  such  mysteries,  and  common  pe 
too  ignorant  to  understand  them,  therefore  every 
translated  into  German  must  be  approved  by  the 
tors  of  the  university  of  Mayence  before  being 
lished. 

The  example  of  the  prelate  was  soon  followei 
popes  and  councils.  Alexander  VI  forbade  as  i 
testable  evil  the  printing  of  books  injurious  to 
Catholic  faith,  and  made  all  archbishops  official 
sors  for  their  dioceses.  This  was  enforced  by  a 
cree  of  the  Fifth  Laterau  Council  setting  forth 


THE  INQUISITION  AND  INDEX         419 

mgh  printing  has  brought  mnch  advantage  to  the  ^^j^ 
ch  it  has  also  disseminated  errors  and  pernicious  ^^^ 
aas  contrary  to  the  Christian  religion.    The  decree      •'^ 
ids  the  printing  of  any  book  in  any  city  or  diocese  "" 
hristendom  without  license  from  the  local  bishop 
iher  ecclesiastical  authority. 
lis  sweeping  edict  was  supplemented  by  others 
!ted  against  certain  books  or  authors,  but  for  a 
e  generation  the  church  left  the  censorship  chiefly 
le  discretion  of  the  several  national  governments. 

was  the  policy  followed  also  by  the  Protestants,  Proteiu: 

at  this  time  and  later.    Neither  Luther,  nor  any  ^^«^"^ 
r  reformer  for  a  long  time  attempted  to  draw  up 
lar  indices   of  prohibited  books.    Examples   of 
thing  approaching  this  may  be  found  in  the  later 
ry  of  Protestantism,  but  they  are  so  unimportant 

be  negligible. 

e  national  governments,  however,  laid  great  stress  National 
sensing.     The  first  law  in  Spain  was  followed  by  J^ 
'^er  increasing  strictness  under  the  inquisitor  who 
up  several  indices  of  prohibited  books,  completely 
pendent  of  the  official  Boman  lists.    The  German 

and  the  French  kings  were  careful  to  give  their 
cts  the  benefit  of  their  selection  of  reading  mat- 
In  England,  too,  lists  of  prohibited  books  were 
n  up  under  all  the  Tudors.    Mary  restricted  the 

to  print  to  licensed  members  of  the  Stationers' 
)any;  Elizabeth  put  the  matter  in  the  hands  of 
Chamber.    A  special  license  was  required  by  the  1559 
ictions,  and  a  later  law  was  aimed  at  **  seditious, 
matic  or  libellous  books  and  other  fantastic  writ-  isss 


tj 


e  idea  of  a  complete  catalogue  of  heretical  and  Catalogu 
erous  writings  under  ecclesiastical  censure  took  ®'^f"«« 

o  0U8  book 

se  in  the  Netherlands.    After  the  works  of  vari- 
luthors  had  been  severally  prohibited  in  tfi^Wwe^. 


420  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 


proclamations,  the  Uuiversity  of  Louvain,  at  the  en 
peror's  command,  drew  up  a  fairly  extensive  list  ( 
1546  and  again,  somewhat  enlarged,  in  1550.  It  uin 
tions  a  number  of  Bibles  in  Greek,  Latin  and  llii'Ver 
naculars,  the  works  of  Luther,  Carlstadt,  OsiaDdfl 
Oehino,  Bulliiiger,  Calvin,  Occolampadius,  Jonas,  Cl 
vin,  Melauchthon.  Zwineli.  Huss  and  John  Poppers 
Ooch,  a  Dutch  j  fifteenth  century  rcrivl 

by  the  Protest  -emarkable  that  tlie  woil 

of  Erasmus  a:  ed  in  this  list.    Furtlw 

more  it  is  stat  ain  approved  works,  evi 

when  edited  o'  by  heretics,  might  be  ill 

lowed  to  studer  [he  various  scientific  ffoA 

condemned  are  y  printed  at  Marburg  i! 

Eucharlus  Harzhorn,  hi.  C  A^rrippa's  De  vamtak^^ 
entiarum,  and  Sebastian  Munster's  Cosmographiaiin] 
versalis,  a  geography  printed  in  1544.  The  Koran  ill 
prohibited,  and  also  a  work  called  "Hct  paradijs  m 
Venus,"  this  latter  presumably  as  indecent.  FinallTr' 
all  books  printed  since  1525  without  name  of  autiofi; 
printer,  time,  and  place,  are  prohibited. 

Partly  in  imitation  of  this  work  of  Louvain,  partlj, 
in  consequence  of  the  foundation  of  the  Inquisition.  ll" 
Roman  IiidL'x  of  Prohibited  Books  was  promulgstfi; 
Though  (he  bull  founding  the  Roman  luquisition  Mil 
nothing  about  books,  their  censure  was  incluiifl " 
practice.  Under  the  influence  of  the  Holy  Office  it 
Lucca  a  list  of  forbidden  works  was  drawn  up  by  u* 
Senate  at  Lucca,  including  chiefly  the  tracts  of  Itflli** 
heretics  and  satires  on  the  church.  The  fourth  sess'"" 
of  the  Council  of  Trent  prohibited  the  printing  of  hW 
anonj-mous  books  whatever  and  of  all  others  on  r^ 
ligion  until  licensed.  A  further  indication  of  iiierefl^- 
ing  severity  may  be  found  in  a  bull  issued  by  Julius  lH 
who  complained  that  authors  licensed  to  read  heretif" 


THE  INQUISITION  AND  INDEX         421 

ks  for  the  purpose  of  refuting  them  were  more 
ly  to  be  seduced  by  them,  and  who  therefore  re- 
ed all  licenses  given  up  to  that  time. 
Hien  the  Roman  Inquisition  issued  a  long  list  of  Septemli 
imes  to  be  burnt  publicly,  including  works  of  Eras-  ^^^ 
),  Machiavelli  and^Po^^gio,  this  might  be  considered 
first  Soman  Index  of  Prohibited  Books;  but  the 
t  document  to  bear  that  name  was  issued  by  Paul 
It  divided  writings  into  three  classes :  (1)  Authors  1559 
had  erred  ex  professo  and  whose  whole  works  were     ^ 
idden;  (2)  Authors  who  had  erred  occasionally  and 
e  of  whose  books  only  were  mentioned;  (3)  Anony- 
8  books.    In  addition  to  these  classes  61  printers 
( named,  all  works  published  by  whom  were  banned. 
Index  strove  to  be  as  complete  as  possible.    Its 
•  though  not  its  only  source  was  the  catalogue  of 
rain.    Many  editions  and  versions  of  the  Bible 
;  listed  and  the  printing  of  any  translation  with- 
permission   of   the   Inquisition   was   prohibited, 
icular  attention  was  paid  to  Erasmus,  who  was  not 
put  in  the  first  class  by  name  but  was  signalized 
aving  *'all  his  commentaries,  notes,  annotations, 
(gues,  epistles,  refutations,  translations,  books  and 
ings'*  forbidden. 

le  Council  of  Trent  again  took  up  the  matter,  pass-  Tridentii 
I  decree  to  the  effect  that  inasmuch  as  heresy  had  cen»o"^ 
3een  cured  by  the  censorship  this  should  be  made  l^^^i 
1  stricter,  and  appointing  a  commission  in  order, 
egardless  of  the  parable,^  it  was  phrased,  to  sep- 
3  the  tares  from  the  wheat.     The  persons  ap- 
ted  for  this  delicate  work  comprised  four  arch- 
)ps,  nine  bishops,  two  generals  of  orders  and  some 
lor  theologians. ''    After  much  sweat  they  brought 
1  a  report  on  most  of  the  doubtful  authors  though 

itthew  xiii,  28-30. 


422  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

the  most  difficult  of  all,  Erasmus,  they  relinquished 
the  theological  faculties  of  Louvaln  and  Paris  for  ( 
purgation. 

The  results  of  their  labors  -were  published  by  hi 
rV  under  the  name  of  the  Tridentine  Index.  It 
more  sweeping,  and  at  the  same  time  more  discrio 
inating  than  the  former  Index.  Erasmus  was  diaiip 
to  the  second  d  ortion  of  his  worka  b 

now   condemne  he   non-ecclesiastical 

thors  banned  wi  lli,  Quicciardini  and  6< 

caccio.    It  is  nc  it  the  Decameron  waS' 

pnrgated  not  ch  idecency  but  for  it«  sal 

of  ecclesiastics.  le  of  the  seductioD  of) 

abbess  is  rendei  e  by  changing  the  aUK 

into  a  countess;  tne  .=  how  a  priest  led  a  womi 

astray  by  impersonating  the  angel  Gabriel  is  merelr 
changed  by  making  the  priest  a  layman  masqueradiuj 
as  a  fairy  king. 

The  principles  upon  which  the  prohibition  of  boob 
rested  were  set  forth  in  ten  rules.  The  most  interest- 
ing are  the  following:  (1)  Books  printed  before  1515 
condemned  by  popes  or  council;  (2)  Versions  of  the 
Bible;  (3)  books  of  heretics;  (4)  obscene  books;  (5) 
works  on  witchcraft  and  necromancy. 

In  order  to  keep  the  Index  up  to  date  continual  ^^ 
vision  was  necessary.  To  insure  this  Pius  V  ap 
pointed  a  special  Congregation  of  the  Index,  which  haf 
lasted  until  the  present  day.  From  his  time  to  oun 
more  than  forty  Indices  have  been  issued.  Those  ol 
the  sixteenth  century  were  conceraed  mainly  with  Pn>i 
estant  books,  those  of  later  centuries  chiefly  deal,  loi 
the  purposes  of  internal  discipline,  with  books  wrillei 
by  (.'athoiics.  One  of  the  functions  of  the  Congrega- 
tion was  to  expurgate  books,  taking  out  the  offonsivt 
pas.'iages.  A  separate  Index  expurgatorius,  pointing 
out  the  passages  to  be  deleted  or  corrected  was  pub- 


THE  INQUISITION  AND  INDEX         423 

ibed,  and  this  name  has  sometimes  incorrectly  been 
Q>lied  to  the  Index  of  prohibited  books. 
The  effect  of  the  censorship  of  the  press  has  been 
(riously    estimated.     The   Index   was   early   dubbed  ' 

Iiestricta  in  omnes  scriptores  and  Sarpi  called  it 
finest  secret  ever  discovered  for  applying  re- 
I  to  the  purpose  of  making  men  idiotic."  Milton 
lered  against  the  censorship  in  England  as  "the 
est  discouragement  and  affront  that  can  be  of- 
to  learning  and  learned  men."  The  evil  of  the 
m  of  Rome  was,  in  his  opinion,  double,  for,  as  he 
■  in  his  immortal  Areopagiiica,  "The  Council  of 
t  and  the  Spanish  Inquisition  engendering  to- 
r  brought  forth  and  perfected  those  catalogues 
;xpurging  indexes  that  rake  through  the  entrails 
any  an  old  good  author  with  a  violation  worse 
any  that  could  be  offered  to  his  tomb."  When 
emember  that  the  greatest  works  of  literature, 
as  the  Diinne  Comedy,  were  tampered  with,  and 
in  the  Spanish  Expurgatorial  Index  of  1640  the 
f  passages  to  be  deleted  or  to  be  altered  in  Eras- 
s  works  takes  59  double-columned,  closely  printed 
pages,  we  can  easily  see  the  point  of  Milton's  in- 
lut  protest.  But,  to  his  mind,  it  was  still  worse 
bject  a  book  to  the  examination  of  unfit  men  be- 
lt could  secure  its  imprimatur.  Not  without  rca- 
as  liberty  of  the  press  been  made  one  of  the  cor- 
ones  of  the  temple  of  freedom, 
rious  writers  have  labored  to  demonstrate  the 
ting  effect  that  the  censorship  was  supposed  to 
on  literature.  But  it  is  surprising  how  few  ex- 
es they  can  bring.  Lea,  who  ought  to  know  the 
ish  6eld  exhaustively,  can  only  point  to  a  few 
'ssors  of  theology  who  were  persecuted  and 
:ed  for  expressing  unconventional  views  on  bib- 
criticism.     He  conjectures  that  others  mvialXia.''' 


J 


424         THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION 

remained  raute  through  fear.  But,  as  the  golden  i^ 
of  Spanish  literature  came  after  the  law  made  ti 
printing  of  unlicensed  books  punishahle  hy  deatb,  it 
hard  to  see  wherein  literature  can  have  safifered.  Ti 
Roman  Inquisition  did  not  prevent  the  appearance  i 
Galileo's  work,  though  it  made  him  recant  afterward 
The  strict  E""'*"''  '<"«'  *'^Ht  playwrights  should  m 
"meddle   witl  divinity   or   state"  mad 

Shakespeare  <  express  his  religious  sa 

political  view;  ird  to  see  in  what  way  I 

hampered  his 

And  yet  the  iie  various  press  lawsw 

incalculablj'  g  just  what  it  was  intend(( 

to  be.     It  affet  ess  than  one  would  tlunl! 

and  literature  hardly  at  all,  but  it  moulded  the  ojiinioM 
of  the  masses  like  putty  in  their  rulers'  hands.  ThiJ 
the  rank  and  file  of  Spaniards  and  Italians  reniain™ 
Catholic,  and  the  vast  majority  of  Britons  Proteslan'. 
was  due  more  to  the  bondage  of  the  press  than  loan,' 
other  one  cause.  Originality  was  discou raffed,  ^ 
people  to  some  degree  unfitted  for  the  free  debate  ihit 
is  at  the  bottom  of  self-government,  the  hope  of  l(^ 
erance  blighted,  and  the  path  opened  that  led  to  reli- 
gious wars.  I 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  IBERIAN  PENINSULA  AND  THE 
EXPANSION  OF  EUROPE 

§  1.  Spain 
If,  through  the  prism  of  historj',  we  analyse  the  Rsf"" 
'hite  light  of  sixteenth -century  civilization  into  its 
umponent  parts,  three  colors  particularly  emerge: 
ie  azure  "light  of  the  Gospel"  as  the  Reformers 
mdly  called  it  in  Germany,  the  golden  beam  of  the 
lenaissanee  in  Italy,  and  the  blood-red  flame  of  ex- 
Joration  and  conquest  irradiating  the  Iberian  penin- 
nla.  "WTiich  of  the  three  contributed  most  to  modern 
nlfnre  it  is  hard  to  decide.  Each  of  the  movements 
tarted  separately,  graduallj'  spreading  until  it  came 
ito  contact,  and  thus  into  competition  and  final  blend- 
ig  with  the  other  movements.  It  was  the  middle 
inds,  Franco,  England  and  the  Netherlands  that,  feel- 
ig  the  impulses  from  all  sides,  evolved  the  sanest  and 
Tongost  synthesis.  While  Germany  almost  com- 
litted  suicide  with  the  sword  of  the  spirit,  while  Italy 
ank  into  a  voluptuous  torpor  of  decadent  art,  while 
Ipain  reeled  under  the  load  of  unearned  Western 
fpalth,  France,  England  and  Rolland,  taking  a  little 
rom  each  of  their  neighbors,  and  not  too  much  from 
m.v,  became  strong,  well-balanced,  brilliant  states. 
Sot  if  eventually  Germany,  Italy  and  Spain  all  suffered 
*rom  over-specialization,  for  the  moment  the  stimulus 
►f  new  ideas  and  new  possibilities  gave  to  each  a  sort  of 
^adership  in  its  own  sphere.  While  Germany  and 
'  tly  were  busy  winning  the  realms  of  the  spirit  and 
the  mind,  Spain  very  nearly  conquered  the  em^ir" 
the  }aad  and  of  the  aea.  , 


iinana  i 
lyasfdA 
r  poaH 

er  a  rwi 


426  THE  IBERIAN  PENINSULA 

wdiMnd,  The  foundation  of  her  national  neatness,  like  til 
d)dlu-  **^  ^®  greatness  of  so  many  other  powers,  was  laid 
ieiu,l474-  the  union  of  tlte  various  states  into  which  she  wk 
one  time  divided.  The  marriage  of  Ferdinand 
Aragon  and  Isabella  of  Castile  was  followed  by  a 
of  measures  that  put  Spain  into  the  leading 
in  Europe,  expelled  the  alien  racial  and  reli^ioM 
ments  of  her  j  and  secured  to  her 

colonial  empire  juest  of  Granada  from 

Moors,   the  ace  Cerdagne   and  Ronssilli 

from  the  Frem  annexation  of  Naples,  dM 

bled  the   domii  e   Lions   and   Casllea,  ta 

started  the  pro  the  road  to  empire.   It  I 

true  that  event.  i  exhausted  herself  by  dj 

ing  to  do  more  the.  ler  young  powers  could  «■ 

complish,  but  for  a  while  she  retained  the  hegemonj 
of  Christendom.     The  same  year  that  saw  the  diacof- 
1492  ery  of  America  and  the  occupation  of  the  Alhanibra, 

was  also  marked  by  the  expulsion  or  forced  conversion 
of  the  Jews,  of  whom  1G5,000  left  the  kingdom.  50,ODO 
were  baptized,  and  20,000  perished  in  race  riots.  Tw 
statesmanship  of  Ferdinand  showed  itself  in  a  QO'* 
favorable  light  in  the  measures  taken  to  reduce  the 
^nobles,  feudal  anarchs  as  they  were,  to  fear  of  tie 
law.     To  take  their  place  in  the  governinent  of  '"* 
country  he  developed  a  new  bureaucracy,  which  also.'" 
some  extent,  usurped  the  powers  of  the  Cortes  of  Art- 
Francis        gon  and  of  the  Cortes  of  Castile.     In  the  menntime* 
cl™*"'™'''    notable  reform  of  the  church,  in  morals  and  in  leaminf 
1436-lsiT     if  not  in  doctrine,  was  carried  through  by  the  gr* 

Cardinal  Ximcnez. 
Charles  V,  When  Charles,  the  grandson  of  the  Catholic  Kin?'' 
1516-56  succeeded  Ferdinand  he  was  already,  through  liis  fa- 
ther, the  Archduke  Philip,  the  lord  of  Burgundy  ana 
of  the  Netherlands,  and  the  heir  of  Austria.  His  elec- 
tion as  emperor  made  bim,  at  iJaa  a^e  of  nineteen,  thf 


SPAIN  427 

Bst  prince  of  Christendom.  To  his  gigantic  task 
DUght  all  the  redeeming  qualities  of  dullness,  for 
ediocrity  and  moderation  served  his  peoples  and 
yuasty  better  than  brilliant  gifts  and  boundless 
ion  would  have  done.  *' Never,"  he  is  reported 
ve  said  in  1556,  **did  I  aspire  to  universal  mon- 
',  although  it  seemed  well  within  my  power  to  at- 
if  Though  the  long  war  with  France  turned 
until  the  very  last,  in  his  favor,  he  never  pressed 
dvantage  to  the  point  of  crushing  his  enemy  to 
.  But  in  Germany  and  Italy,  no  less  than  in 
1  and  the  Netherlands,  he  finally  attained  some- 
more  than  hegemony  and  something  less  than 
ate  power. 

ough  Spain  benefited  by  his  world  power  and  be-  R«wlto£ 
the  capital  state  of  his  far  flung  empire,  ''Charles  Commmw 
lent, "  as  he  was  called,  did  not  at  first  find  Spani- 
docile  subjects.  Within  a  very  few  years  of  his 
sion  a  great  revolt,  or  rather  two  great  synchron- 
evolts,  one  in  Castile  and  one  in  Aragon,  flared  up.  U^ 
grievances  in  Castile  were  partly  economic,  the"^ 
do  (a  tax)  and  the  removal  of  money  from  the 
1,  and  partly  national  as  against  a  strange  king 
lis  foreign  oflScers.  Not  only  the  regent,  Adrian 
trecht,  but  many  important  officials  were  north- 
's, and  when  Charles  left  Spain  to  be  cro^vned  em- 
•,  the  national  pride  could  no  longer  bear  the  hu- 
tion  of  playing  a  subordinate  part.  The  revolt 
3  Castilian  Communes  began  with  the  gentry  and 
d  from  them  to  the  lower  classes.  Even  the 
lees  joined  forces  with  the  rebels,  though  more 
fear  than  from  sympathy.  The  various  revolt- 
ommunes  formed  a  central  council,  the  Santa 
I,  and  put  forth  a  program  re-asserting  the  rights 
B  Cortes  to  redress  grievances.  Meeting  for  a 
with  no  resistance,   the  rebellion  dismlegtaV^^ 


428 


THE  IBERIAN  PENINSULA 


i 


through  the  operation  of  its  own  centrifugal  foi 
disunion  and  lack  of  leadership.  So  at  length  whi 
the  government,  supplied  with  a  small  force  of  Ger- 
man mercenaries,  struck  on  the  field  of  ViUalar,  thi 
1,1521  rebels  suffered  a  severe  defeat.  A  few  cities  held  ool 
longer,  Toledo  last  of  all;  but  one  by  one  they  yielded, 
partly  to  force,  partly  to  the  wise  policy  of  concession 
and  redress  followed  by  the  government. 

In  our  own  time  Barcelona  and  the  east  coast  of 
Spain  has  been  the  hotbed  of  revolutionary  democrat 
and  radical  socialism.  Even  so,  the  risijig  in  Aragoi 
known  as  the  Hermandad  (Brotherhood)  contempo- 
rary with  that  in  Castile,  not  only  began  earlier  and 
lasted  longer,  but  was  of  a  far  more  radical  stamp. 
Here  were  no  nobles  airing  their  slights  at  the  liauds 
of  a  foreign  king,  but  here  the  trade-gilds  rose  in  the 
name  of  equality  against  monarch  and  nobles  alike. 
Two  special  causes  fanned  the  fury  of  the  populace  to 
a  white  heat.  The  first  was  the  decline  of  the  Medi- 
terranean trade  due  to  the  rise  of  the  Atlantic  com- 
merce ;  the  other  was  the  racial  element.  Valencia  was 
largely  inhabited  by  Moors,  the  most  industrious,  sober 
and  thrifty,  and  consequently  the  most  profitable  of 
Spanish  laborers.  The  race  hatred  so  deeply  rooted 
in  human  nature  added  to  the  ferocity  of  the  class 
conflict.  Both  sides  wore  ruined  by  the  war  whii 
beginning  in  1519,  dragged  along  for  several 
until  the  proletariat  was  completely  crushed. 

The  armed  triumph  of  the  government  hardly 
aged  popular  liberties  as  embodied  in  the  constitution 
of  the  Cortes  of  Castile.  When  Charles  became  king 
this  body  was  not,  like  other  parliaments,  ordinarily  i 
representative  assembly  of  the  three  estates,  but 
sisted  merely  of  deputies  of  eighteen  Castilian  ci 
Only  on  special  occasions,  such  as  a  coronation,  ' 
nobles  and  clergy  suumionedto  participate.     Its  gi 


SPAIN  429 

iiwer  was  that  of  granting  taxes,  though  somehow  it 
irer  succeeded,  as  did  the  English  House  of  Com- 
iODS,  in  making  the  redress  of  grievances  conditional 
son  a  subsidy.  But  yet  the  power  amounted  to  some- 
^ng  and  it  was  one  that  neither  Charles  nor  Philip 
ionmonly  ventured  to  violate.  Under  both  of  them 
•etings  of  the  Cortes  were  frequent. 
Though  never  directly  attacked,  the  powers  of  the 
ortes  declined  through  the  growth  of  vast  interests 
Itside  their  competence.  The  direction  of  foreign 
cdicy,  so  absorbing  under  Charles,  and  the  charge  of 
le  enormous  and  growing  commercial  interests,  was 
mfided  not  to  the  representatives  of  the  people,  but 
I  the  Royal  Council  of  Castile,  an  appointative  body 
f  nine  lawyers,  three  nobles,  and  one  bishop.  Though 
)t  absolutely,  yet  relatively,  the  functions  of  the 
)rtes  diminished  until  they  amounted  to  no  more  than 
ose  of  a  provincial  council. 

What  reconciled  the  people  to  the  concentration  of 
w  powers  in  the  hands  of  an  irresponsible  council 
ls  the  apparently  dazzling  success  of  Spanish  policy 
roughout  the  greater  part  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
►  banner  was  served  like  that  of  the  Lions  and  Cas- 
s;  no  troops  in  the  world  could  stand  against  her 
nous  regiments;  no  generals  were  equal  to  Cortez 
d  Alva ;  no  statesmen  abler  than  Parma,  no  admirals, 
til  the  Armada,  more  daring  than  Magellan  ^  and 
m  John,  no  champions  of  the  church  against  heretic 
d  infidel  like  Loyola  and  Xavier. 

That  such  an  empire  as  the  world  had  not  seen  since  The 
)me  should  within  a  single  life-time  rise  to  its  zenith  £^^ 
d,  within  a  much  shorter  time,  decline  to  the  verge  of 
in,  is  one  of  the  melodramas  of  history.     Perhaps, 
reality,  Spain  was  never  quite  so  great  as  she  looked, 
r  was  her  fall  quite  so  complete  as  it  seemed.    But 

A  VoTtugueae  in  Spanish  service. 


1430 


THE  IBERIAN  PENINSULA^ 


'  the  phenomena,  such  as  they  are,  sufficiently  call  fJ 
explanation. 

First  of  all  one  is  struck  by  the  fortuitous,  one  mi^ 
almost  say,  unnatural,  character  of  the  Ilapsburg  e 
pire.    "WTiile  the  union  of  Castile  and  Aragon,  briij 
ing  together  neighboring  peoples  and  filling  a  poli^ 
need,  was  the  source  of  real  strength,  the  subsequ< 
accretions    of    Italian    and    Burgundian     territon 
rather  detracted   from  than    added    to   the   effectij 
power  of  the  Spanish  state.     Philip  would  have  1 
far  stronger  had  his  father  separated  from  his  crc 
not  only  Austria  and  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  of  ( 
many,  but  the  Netherlands  as  well.     The  revolt  of  t 

-  Dutch  Republic  was  in  itself  almost  enough  to  ruin  1 
Spain,     Nor  can  it  be  said  that  the  Italian  states,  ww 
by  the  sword  of  P^erdinand  or  of  Charles,  were  valoi 
accessions  to  Spanish  power. 

Quite  different  in  its  nature  was  the  colonial  < 
pire,  but  in  this  it  reKcmbled  the  other  windfalls  tol 
house  of  Hapsburg  in  that  it  was  an  almost  accident 
unsought-for  acquisition.  The  Genoese  sailor 
went  to  the  various  courts  of  Europe  begging  foi 
few  ships  in  which  to  break  the  watery  path  to  At 
had  in  his  beggar's  wallet  all  the  kingdoms  of  a  tt 
world  and  the  glory  of  them.  For  a  few  years  Spt 
drank  until  she  was  drunken  of  conquest  and  the  gl 
of  America.  That  the  draught  acted  momentarily 
a  stimulant,  clearing  her  brain  and  nerving  her  artQ 
deeds  of  valor,  but  that  she  suffered  in  the  end  fn 
the  riotous  debauch,  cannot  be  doubted.  She  so 
learned  that  all  that  ghttered  was  not  wealth,  and  tJ 
industries  surfeited  with  metal  and  starved  of  rawn 
terials  must  perish.  The  unearned  coin  proved  to 
fairy  gold  in  her  coffers,  turning  to  browni  leaves  a 
dust  when  she  wanted  to  use  it.  It  became  a  drug  in  ' 
ber  markets;  it  could  QoVXa.'slvffi.'s  'oft  exj^orted,  and  no 


SPAIN  431 

3iint  of  it  would  purchase  much  honest  labor  from 

indolent  population  fed  on  fantasies  of  wealth. 

$  modem  King  Midas,  on  whose  dominions  the  sun 

ier  set,  was  cursed  with  a  singular  and  to  him  in- 

licable  need  of  everything  that  money  was  supposed 

buy.    His  armies  mutinied,  his  ships  rotted,  and 

'er  could  his  increasing  income  catch  up  with  the  far 

re  rapidly  increasing  expenses  of  his  budget. 

The  poverty  of  the  people  was  in  large  part  the 

It  of  the  government  which  pursued  a  fiscal  policy  y/ 

illy  calculated  to  strike  at  the  very  sources  of 

dth.    While,  under  the  oppression  of  an  ignorant 

»rnalism,  unhappy  Spain  suffered  from  inanition, 

)  was  tended  by  a  physician  who  tried  to  cure  her 

lady  by  phlebotomy.    There  have  been  worse  men 

m  Philip  II,  but  there  have  been  hardly  any  who  Philip  n, 

re  caused  more  blood  to  flow  from  the  veins  of  their  ^556-98 

n  people.     His  life  is  proof  that  a  well-meaning 

;ot  can  do  more  harm  than  the  most  abandoned  de- 

ichee.    **I  would  rather  lose  all  my  kingdoms,'*  he 

?rred,    **than    allow    freedom    of    religion.'*    And 

lin,  to  a  man  condemned  by  the  Inquisition  for 

'esy,  **If  my  own  son  were  as  perverse  as  you,  I 

self  would  carry  the  faggot  to  bum  him."    Con- 

tently,  laboriously,  undeterred  by  any  suffering  or 

^  horror,  he  pursued  his  aim.    He  was  not  afraid 

hard  work,  scribbling  reams  of  minute  directions 

ly  to  his  oflBcers.    His  stubborn  calm  was  imper- 

'^able;  he  took  his  pleasures — ^women,  autos-da-fe 

1  victories — sadly,  and  he  suffered  such  chagrins  as 

•  death  of  four  wives,  having  a  monstrosity  for  a 

^  and  the  loss  of  the  Armada  and  of  the  Nether- 

ds,  without  turning  a  hair. 

Spain's  foreign  policy  came  to  be  more  and  more 

larized  by  the  rise  of  English  sea-power.    Even 

ier  Charles^  when  France  had  been  the  chiei  enexxi-Y  > 


ipsinttf,  the  Hapsburgs  saw  the  desirability  of  winning  1 
if"*'*"''  land  as  a  strategic  point  for  their  universal  empi 
This  policy  was  pursued  hy  alternating  alliance  w 
hostility.  For  six  years  of  his  boyhood  Charles  1 
been  betrothed  to  Mary  Tudor,  Henry  VIU's  i 
to  whom  he  sent  a  ring  inscribed,  "Mary  hath  cbo 
the  better  part  which  shall  not  be  taken  away  tt 
her."  His  own  precious  person,  however,  was  1 
from  her  to  be  bestowed  on  Isabella  of  Portugal, 
whom  he  begot  Philip.  When  this  son  succeeded  1 
notwithstanding  the  little  unpleasantness  of  Hei 
VIII 's  divorce,  he  advised  him  to  turn  again  to 
English  marriage,  and  Phihp  soon  became  the  I 
band  of  Queen  Mary.  After  her  death  without  iss 
he  vainly  wooed  her  sister,  until  he  was  gradna 
forced  by  her  Protestant  buccaneers  into  an  undesii 
war. 
Notwithstanding  all  that  he  could  do  to  lose  t\ 
A  tune 's  favors,  she  continued  for  many  years  to  sm 
on  her  darling  Hapsburg.  After  a  naval  disaster 
flieted  by  the  Turks  on  the  Spaniard  oflf  the  coast 
Tripoh,  the  defeated  power  recovered  and  reven] 
herself  in  the  great  naval  victory  of  Lepanto,  in  I 
tober  1571.  The  lustre  added  to  the  Lions  and  Cast 
by  this  important  success  was  far  outshone  by  the 
quisition  of  Portugal  and  all  her  colonies,  in  13 
Though  not  the  nearest  heir,  Philip  was  the  stron( 
and  by  bribery  and  menaces  won  the  homage  of  1 
Portuguese  nobles  after  the  death  of  the  aged  I 
Henry  on  Januarj'  31,  1580.  For  sixty  years  Sp( 
held  the  lesser  country  and,  what  was  more  importi 
to  her,  the  colonies  in  the  East  Indies  and  in  Afri( 
So  vast  an  empire  bad  not  yet  been  heard  of,  or  i 
agined  possible,  in  the  history  of  the  world.  No  wo 
der  that  its  shimmer  dazzled  the  eyes  not  only  of  c 
temporaries,  but  o£  poaietity.    According  to  MacauU 


SPAIN  433 

)wer  was  equal  to  that  of  Napoleon,  and  its 
most  instructive  lesson  in  history  of  how  not 

low  was  this  semblance  of  might  was  dem- 
by  the  first  stalwart  peoples  that  dared  to 
;t  by  the  Dutch  and  then  by  England.  The 
e  Armada  has  already  been  told.  Its  prep- 
irked  the  height  of  Philip's  effort  and  the 
his  incompetence.  Its  annihilation  was  a 
to  his  pride.  But  in  Spain,  barring  a  tem- 
ancial  panic,  things  went  much  the  same 

as  before  it.    The  full  bloom  of  Spanish 
)rgeous  with  Velasquez  and  fragrant  with 
and  Calderon,  followed  hard  upon  the  de- 
Armada. 

;  is  that  Spain  suffered  much  more  from  in-  Y*IJ"*^ 
orders  than  from  foreign  levy.  The  chief 
f  her  troubles  was  the  presence  among  her 
1  large  body  of  Moors,  hated  both  for  their 
or  their  religion.  With  the  capitulation  of 
the  enjoyment  of  Mohammedanism  was 
1  to  the  Moors,  but  this  tolerance  only  lasted 
irs,  when  a  decree  went  out  that  all  must  be 
r  must  emigrate  from  Andalusia.  In  Ara- 
'^er,  always  independent  of  Castile,  they  con- 
enjoy  religious   freedom.     Charles   at  his 

took  a  solemn  oath  to  respect  the  faith  of 
liese  lands,  but  soon  afterwards,  frightened 

of  heresy  in  Germany,  he  applied  to  Clem- 
olve  him  from  his  oath.     This  sanction  of 

at  first  creditably  withheld,  was  finally  ^^^ 
d  was  promptly  followed  by  a  general  order 
ion  or  conversion.  Throughout  the  whole 
le  poor  Moriscos  now  began  to  be  systemat- 
ged  and  persecuted  by  whoever  chose  to  do 
inner  of  taxes,  tithes,  servitudes  aivA  &cl^^ 


434  THE  IBERIAN  PENINSULA 

were  demanded  of  them.  The  last  straw  that  bro 
the  endurance  of  a  people  tried  by  every  manner 
tyranny  and  extortion,  was  an  edict  ordering 
Moors  to  learn  Castilian  within  three  years,  ; 
which  the  use  of  Arabic  was  to  be  forbidden,  proliil 
ing  all  Moorish  customs  and  eostnmes,  and  strictly  ( 
joining  attendance  at  church. 

As  the  Moors  had  been  previously  disarmed  and 
they  had  no  military  discipline,  rebellion  seemw 
counsel  of  despair,  but  it  ensued.  The  populace  p 
in  helpless  fury,  and  for  three  years  defied  the  nuj 
of  the  Spanish  empire.  But  the  result  could  not 
doubtful.  A  naked  peasantry  could  not  withstand 
disciplined  battalions  that  had  proved  their  valor 
every  field  from  Mexico  to  the  Levant  and  from  Sax( 
to  Algiers.  It  was  not  a  war  but  a  massacre  and  | 
lage.  The  whole  of  Andalusia,  the  most  flourish 
province  in  Spain,  beautiful  with  its  snowy  mounta: 
fertile  with  its  tilled  valleys,  and  sweet  with  the  pea 
ful  toil  of  human  habitation,  was  swept  by  a  univei 
storm  of  carnage  and  of  flame.  The  young  men  e 
perished  in  tightiug  against  fearful  odds,  or  w 
slaughtered  after  yielding  as  prisoners.  Those  i 
sought  to  fly  to  Africa  found  the  avenues  of  eso 
blocked  by  the  pitiless  Toledo  blades.  The  aged  fl 
hunted  down  like  wild  beasts;  the  women  and  yo 
children  were  sold  into  slavery,  to  toil  under  the  I 
or  to  share  the  hated  bed  of  the  conqueror.  The  n 
sacre  cost  Spain  60,000  lives  and  three  million  due 
not  to  speak  of  the  harm  that  it  did  to  her  spirit. 

§  2.    EXPLOHATION 

When  Columbus  returned  with  glowing  accounts 
the  "India"  he  had  found,  the  value  of  his  work  1 
at  once  appreciated.  Forthwith  began  that  strug 
for  colonial  power  wlivch,  has  absorbed  so  much  of 


EXPLORATION  435 

•gies  of  the  European  nations.  In  view  of  the  Por- 
lese  discoveries  in  Africa,. it  was  felt  necessary 
lark  out  the  *  *  spheres  of  influence  *  *  of  the  two  pow- 
at  once,  and,  with  an  instinctive  appeal  to  the  one 
bority  claiming  to  be  international,  the  Spanish 
emment  immediately  applied  to  Pope  Alexander 
for  confirmation  in  the  new-found  territories.  Act- 
on the  suggestion  of  Columbus  that  the  line  of 
inish  influence  be  drawn  one  hundred  leagues  west 
any  of  the  Cape  Verde  Islands  or  of  the  Azores, 
pope,  with  magnificent  self-assurance,  issued  a  May  4, 
I,  Inter  caetera  divinae,  of  his  own  mere  liberality 
I  in  virtue  of  the  authority  of  Peter,  conferring  on 
itile  forever  **all  dominions,  camps,  posts,  and  vil- 
J8,  with  all  the  rights  and  jurisdictions  pertaining 
hem,**  west  of  the  parallel,  and  leaving  to  Portugal 
that  fell  to  the  east  of  it.  Portugal  promptly  pro- 
ed  that  the  line  was  too  far  east,  and  by  the  treaty 
Tordesillas,  it  was  moved  to  '370  leagues  west  of  ^^^ 
Cape  Verde  Islands,  thus  falling  between  the  48th 
49th  parallel  of  longitude.  The  intention  was 
btless  to  confer  on  Spain  all  land  immediately  west 
he  Atlantic,  but,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  South  America 
ists  so  far  to  the  eastward,  that  a  portion  of  her 
•itory,  later  claimed  as  Brazil,  fell  to  the  lot  of  Por- 

ipain  lost  no  time  in  exploiting  her  new  dominions,  ycmmen 
"ing  the  next  century  hundreds  of  ships  carried  tens 
ihousands  of  adventurers  to  seek  their  fortune  in 
west.  For  it  was  not  as  colonists  that  most  of 
n  went,  but  in  a  spirit  compounded  of  that  of  the 
jader,  the  knight-errant,  and  the  pirate.  If  there 
njrthing  in  the  paradox  that  artists  have  created 
iral  beauty,  it  is  a  truer  one  to  say  that  the  Span- 
romances  created  the  Spanish  colonial  empire* 
men  who  sailed  on  the  great  adventure  Yiad  lea^V^^ 


436  THE  IBERIAN  PENINSULA 


on  tales  of  paladins  and  hippogrlfs,  of  enchanteil  p 
aces  and  fountains  of  youth,  and  miraeulously  f 
women  to  be  rescued  and  then  claimed  by  knigl 
They  read  in  books  of  travel  purporting  to  tell 
sober  truth  of  satyrs  and  of  purple  unicorns 
of  men  who  spread  their  feet  over  their  heads 
umbrellas  and  of  others  whose  heads  grew  betw 
their  shoulde  ler  that  when  they  wen' 

a  strange  cou  ind  the  River  of  Life  in 

Orinoco,  eolo  zons  in  tiie  jungle,  aiiJ 

Dorado,  the  Ih  in  the  riches  of  Mexico 

Peru!    It  is  e  to  the  imaginative  mnw 

Europe,  as  m  power  of  the  pen,  that 

whole  contine  le  called,  not  after  its 

coverer,  but  after  me  man  who  wrnfo  the  hfst 
mances — mostly  fictions — about  his  travels  in  it. 
In  the  Greater  Antilles,  where  Spain  made  her 
colonies,  her  rule  showed  at  its  worst.  Tlie  soft 
tive  race,  the  Caribs,  almost  completely  disappes 
within  half  a  century.  The  best  modern  autho 
estimates  that  whereas  the  native  population  of 
pafiola  (Haiti)  was  between  200,000  and  300.001 
1493,  by  1548  hardly  5000  Indians  were  left.  In 
the  extinction  of  the  natives  was  due  to  new  disc 
and  to  the  vices  of  civilization,  but  far  more  to 
heartless  exploitation  of  them  by  the  conquerors, 
tholomew  de  las  Casas,  the  first  priest  to  come  to 
unfortunate  island,  tells  stories  of  Spanish  cri 
that  would  be  incredible  were  they  not  so  well 
ported.  "With  his  own  eyes  he  saw  3000  inoffer 
Indians  slaughtered  at  a  single  time;  of  another  t 
of  3IH)  he  observed  that  within  a  few  months  i 
than  half  perished  at  hard  labor.  Again,  he  saw 
Indian  children  condemned  to  work  in  the  mine: 
whom  few  or  none  long  survived.  In  vain  a  bu 
Paul  III  declared  tlie  I\\d\at\ft  capable  of  becoi 


EXPLORATION  437 

iristians  and  forbade  their  enslavement.  In  vain 
m  Spanish  government  tried  to  mitigate  at  least  some  15S7 
'  the  hardships  of  the  natives'  lot,  ordering  that  they 
MHdd  be  well  fed  and  paid.  The  temptation  to  ex- 
bit  them  was  too  strong ;  and  when  they  perished  the 
paniards  supplied  their  place  by  importing  negroes 
lom  Af  rica,  a  people  of  tougher  fibre. 
Spanish  exploration,  followed  by  sparse  settlement, 
K)n  opened  up  the  greater  part  of  the  Americas  south 
f  the  latitude  of  the  present  city  of  San  Francisco, 
f  many  expeditions  into  the  trackless  wilderness, 
1I7  a  few  were  financially  repaying;  the  majority 
sre  a  drain  on  the  resources  of  the  mother  country. 
I  every  place  where  the  Spaniard  set  foot  the  native 
tailed  and,  after  at  most  one  desperate  struggle,  went 
•wn,  never  again  to  loose  the  conqueror's  grip  from 
3  throat  or  to  move  the  conqueror's  knee  from  his 
est.  Even  the  bravest  were  as  helpless  as  children 
fore  warriors  armed  with  thunder  and  riding  upon 
known  monsters. 

But  in  no  place,  save  in  the  islands,  did  the  native 
*es  wholly  disappear  as  they  did  in  the  English  set- 
ments.  The  Spaniards  came  not  like  the  Puritans, 
artisans  and  tillers  of  the  soil  intent  on  founding 
¥  homes,  but  as  military  conquerors,  requiring  a 
;e  of  helots  to  toil  for  them.  For  a  period  anarchy 
gned;  the  captains  not  only  plundered  the  Indians 
;  fought  one  another  fiercely  for  more  room — more 
>m  in  the  endless  wilderness !  Eventually,  however, 
iditions  became  more  stable ;  Spain  imposed  her  ef- 
tive  control,  her  language,  religion  and  institutions 
a  vast  region,  doing  for  South  America  what  Rome 
1  once  done  for  her. 

rhe  lover  of  adventure  will  find  rich  reward  in  trac- 
•  the  discovery  of  the  Mississippi  by  De  Soto,  of 
>rida  by  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  of  the  whole  cout%^  ol 


438  THE  IBERIAN  PENIXSXILA 

the  Amazon  by  Orellaiia  who  sailed  do'wn  it  from  Vtti 
or  in  reading  of  Balboa,  "when  with  eagle  cyesi 
stared  at  the  Pacific."  A  resolute  man  could  h 
set  out  exploring  without  stumbling  upon  somen 
river,  some  vast  continent,  or  some  unmeasured  » 
But  among  all  these  fairly-tales  there  are  some  thatd 
80  marvellous  that  they  would  be  thought  too  extrt 

gant  by  the  mor^  ^ — ' ■'ers  of  romance.    Tliatd 

captain  with  fc  nen,  and  another  with  ti 

hundred,  shoul  ,  against  an  extcnsivp  a 

populous  empii  their  armies  at  odda  ot« 

hundred  to  one,  rigs  to  the  sword  andtbd 

temples  to  the  v  tor  it  all  reap  a  lianTstJ 

gold  and  precioL  ti  as  for  quantity  hadnell 

been  heard  of  bei  ia  meets  us  not  in  the  taW 

of  Ariosto  or  of  Dumas,  but  in  the  pages  of  autlieutlt, 
history. 

In  the  tableland  of  Mexico  dwelt  the  Aztecs,  the  laid 
civilized  and  warlike  of  North  American  abori^ina. 
Their  polity  was  that  of  a  Spartan  military  despotism, 
their  religion  the  most  grewsome  known  to  man.  Be- 
fore their  temples  were  piled  pyramids  of  humai 
skulls;  the  deities  were  placated  by  human  sacritic* 
and  at  times,  according  to  the  deicidal  and  theophagpo 
rites  common  to  many  primitive  superstitions,  then 
selves  sacrificed  in  effigy  or  in  the  person  of  a  beai 
tiful  captive  and  their  flesh  eaten  in  sacramental  cai 
nibalism.  Though  the  civilization  of  the  Aztecs,  d 
rived  from  the  earlier  and  perhaps  more  advanced  M 
yans,  was  scarcely  so  high  as  that  of  the  ancient  Eg)' 
tians,  they  had  cultivated  the  arts  sufficiently  to  woi 
the  mines  of  gold  and  silver  and  to  hammer  the  pr 
cious  metals  into  elaborate  and  massive  ornaments. 

When  rumors  of  their  wealth  reached  Cuba  it  seemi 
at  last  as  if  the  dream  of  El  Dorado  had  come  tru 
Hernando  Cortez,  a  cultured,  resolute,  brave  and  pt 


EXPLORATION  439 

ic  leader,  gathered  a  force  of  four  hundred  white 
len,  with  a  small  outfit  of  artillery  and  cavalry,  and, 
D  Good  Friday,  1519,  landed  at  the  place  now  called 
'era  Cniz  and  marched  on  the  capital.  The  race  of 
rarriors  who  delighted  in  nothing  but  slaughter,  was 
tupefied,  partly  by  an  old  prophecy  of  the  coming  of 
,  god  to  subdue  the  land,  partly  by  the  strange  and 
terrible  arms  of  the  invaders.  Moreover  their  neigh- 
bors and  subjects  were  ready  to  rise  against  them  and 
become  allies  of  the  Spaniards.  In  a  few  months  of 
crowded  battle  and  massacre  they  lay  broken  and  help- 
188  at  the  feet  of  the  audacious  conqueror,  who 
romptly  sent  to  Spain  a  glowing  account  of  his  new 
mpire  and  a  tribute  of  gold  and  silver.  Albert  Diirer 
1  August,  1520,  saw  at  Brussels  the  "things  brought 
the  king  from  the  new  golden  land,"  and  describes 
them  in  his  diary  as  including  "a  whole  golden  sun, 
a  fathom  in  breadth,  and  a  whole  silver  moon  of  the 
same  size,  and  two  rooms  full  of  the  same  sort  of  ar- 
mour, and  also  all  kinds  of  weapons,  accoutrements  aud 
'bows,  wonderful  shields  .  .  .  altogether  valued  at  a 
hnndred  thousand  gulden.  And  all  my  life,"  he  adds, 
I  have  never  seen  anything  that  so  rejoiced  my  heart  ' 

B  did  these  things." 
If  an  artist,  familiar  with  kings  and  courts  and  the  Conqm-gt 


der  that  the  imagination  of  the  world  took  fire?  The 
golden  sun  and  the  silver  moon  were,  to  all  men  who 
■aw  them,  like  Helen's  breasts,  the  sun  and  moon  of 
heart's  desire,  to  lure  them  over  the  western  waves. 
Twelve  years  after  Cortez,  came  Pizarro  who,  with  a 
still  smaller  force  conquered  an  even  wealthier  and 
more  civilized  empire.  The  Incas,  unlike  the  Mexi- 
cans, were  a  mild  race,  living  in  a  sort  of  theocratic 
socialism,  in  which  the  emperor,  as  god,  exeTclftiaA. 
RbsoJote  power  over  hia  subjects  and  in  return.  ca.T«;&  , 


440  THE  IBERIAN  PENINSULA 

for  at  least  their  common  wants.  The  Spaniarils 
did  themselves  in  acts  of  treachery  and  blood.  lu 
the  emperor,  Atahualpa,  after  voluntarily  placiiig 
self  in  the  hands  of  Pizarro,  filled  the  room  use 
his  prison  nine  feet  high  with  gold  aa  ransom;! 
he  Could  give  no  more  he  was  tried  on  the  preposte 
charges  of  trfAson  tn  fharles  V  and  of  heresy, 
snffered  dei  te.     Pizarro  coolly  poet 

the  till  then  jf  sum  of  4,500,000  doc 

worth  in  oui  ire  than  one  hundred  mi 

dollars, 
ireumnav-       But  the  cro  the  age  of  discovery  wai 

T^obe,     clrcumnavigi  obe.    The  leader  of  the  ( 

.19-22        enterprise  that  al  of  man's  dominion  ffl 

earth,  was  Ferdinana  Magellan,  a  Porfusufse  iiiS 
ish  service.  With  a  fleet  of  five  vessels,  only  oi 
which  put  a  ring  around  the  world,  and  with  a  en 
about  275  men  of  whom  only  18  returned  succe 
he  sailed  from  Europe.  Coasting  down  the  ea 
:u.ber2l,  South  America,  exploring  the  inlets  and  rivei 
entered  the  straits  that  bear  his  name  and  co 
their  360  miles  in  thirty-eight  days.  After  foUi 
the  coast  up  some  distance  north,  he  struck  aero: 
Pacific,  the  breadth  of  which  he  much  undorcstin 
For  ninety-eight  days  he  was  driven  by  the  east 
wind  without  once  sighting  land  save  two  ( 
islands,  while  his  crew  endured  extremities  of  hi 
thirst  and  scurvy.  At  last  he  came  to  the  islaii 
called,  after  the  thievish  propensities  of  their  i 
itants,  the  Ladrones,  making  his  first  landing  at  ( 
Spending  but  three  days  here  to  refit  and  pro\ 
21  he  sailed  again  on  March  9,  and  a  week  later  d 

ered  the  islands  known,  since  1542,  as  the  Philij* 

». Allowing  $2.40  lo  a  ciinHt   Uiin  would   be  Sin.SOO,000   intri 
at  a  time  when  money  had  tun  timen  the  purchaitLng  powur  tha 


1, 1519 


EXPLORATION  441 

expedition  against  a  savage  chief  the  great  leader 
s  death  on  April  27, 1521.  As  other  sailors  and 
too,  had  previously  been  as  far  to  the  east  as 
^  found  himself,  he  had  practically  completed 
cunmavigation  of  the  globe.  The  most  splendid 
>h  of  the  age  of  discovery  coincided  almost  to  a 
Lth  the  time  that  Luther  was  achieving  the  most 
as  deed  of  the  Reformation  at  Worms, 
rellan's  ship,  the  Vittoria,  proceeded  under  Se-  Scptcmbc 
n  del  Cano,  and  finally,  with  thirty-one  men,  of 
only  eighteen  had  started  out  in  her,  came  back 
•tugal.  The  men  who  had  burst  asunder  one  of 
ads  of  the  older  world,  were,  nevertheless,  deeply 
ed  by  a  strange,  medieval  scruple.  Having  mys- 
3ly  lost  a  day  by  following  the  sun  in  his  west- 
course,  they  did  penance  for  having  celebrated 
sts  and  feasts  of  the  church  on  the  wrong  dates, 
le  Spain  was  extending  her  dominions  westward,  ^^^^"8®^ 
^ortugal  was  building  up  an  even  greater  empire  ^  ^ 
h  hemispheres.  In  the  fifteenth  century,  this 
people,  confined  to  their  coast  and  without  possi- 
of  expanding  inwards,  had  seen  that  their  fu- 
ay  upon  the  water.  To  the  possessor  of  sea 
the  ocean  makes  of  every  land  bordering  on  it 
tier,  vulnerable  to  them  and  impervious  to  the 
.  The  first  ventures  of  the  Portuguese  were 
lly  in  the  lands  near  by,  the  North  African  coast 
e  islands  known  as  the  Madeiras  and  the  Azores, 
g  their  way  southward  along  the  African  coast 
cached  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  but  did  not  at 
:o  much  further.  This  path  to  India  was  not  J1^®' 
L  until  eleven  years  later,  when  Vasco  da  Gama, 
I  voyage  of  great  daring — ^he  was  ninety-three  i497-« 
t  sea  on  a  course  of  4500  miles  from  the  Cape 
Islands  to  South  Africa — reached  Calicut  on 
0,  1498.    This  city,  now  sunken  in  the  sear,  was 


442  THE  IBERIAN  PENINSULA 

then  the  most  flourishing  port  on  the  Malabar  Coi 
exploited  toitircly  by  Mohammedan  traders.  Spi 
had  long  been  the  staple  of  Venetian  trade  with ' 
Orient,  and  when  he  rctumt'd  with  rich  cargo  of  ib 
the  immediate  effect  upon  Europe  was  greater  t! 
that  of  the  voyage  of  Columbus,  Trade  seeks  to  foHfli 
the  line  of  least  resistance,  and  the  establiBhmcnl  nli 

water  way  betwee-  "^ d  the  East  was  like  OM 

necting  two  electn  d  bodies  in  a  Leydeuji 

by  a  copper  wire.  nt  was  no  longer  foi 

through  a  poor  mi  n  easily  through  the 

ter  conductor.     T  apidity  than  one 

think  possible  in  t  mmmereial  consequf 

of  the  discovery  '  ated.    The  trade  of 

Levant  died  away,  t  ;er  of  gravity  was 

ferred  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Atlantic.  'While 
Venice  decayed  Lisbon  rose  with  mushroom  speed  to 
the  position  of  the  great  emporium  of  European  ocean- 
borne  trade,  until  she  in  her  turn  was  supplanted  by 
Antwerp. 

Da  Gama  was  soon  imitated  by  others.  Cabral  made 
commercial  settlements  at  Calicut  and  the  neighboring 
town  of  Cochin,  and  came  home  with  unheard-of  riches 
in  spice,  pearls  and  gems.  Da  Gama  returned  and 
bombarded  Calicut,  and  Francis  d 'Almeida  was  made 
Governor  of  India  and  tried  to  consolidate  the  Portu- 
guese power  there  on  the  correct  principle  that  who 
was  lord  of  the  sea  was  lord  of  the  peninsula.  The 
rough  nietliods  of  the  Portuguese  and  their  competi- 
tion with  the  Arab  trader.')  made  war  inevitable  be- 
tween the  two  rivals.  To  the  other  causes  of  enmity 
that  of  religion  was  added,  for,  like  the  Spaniards,  the 
Portuguese  tried  to  combine  the  characters  of  mer- 
chants and  missionaries,  of  pirates  and  crusaders. 
Wiicn  the  fir.st  of  Da  Gama's  sailors  to  land  at  Calicut 
was  asked  what  he  sought,  his  laconic  answer,  "Chris- 


EXPLORATION 


443 


tians  and  spiws,"  had  in  it  as  much  of  truth  as  of 
epigrammatic  neatness. 

Had  the  Portuguese  but  treated  the  Hindoos  hu- 
manely they  would  have  found  in  them  allies  against 
the  Mohammedan  traders,  but  all  of  them,  not  except- 
ing their  greatest  statesman,  Alphonso  d 'Albuquerque, 
pursued  a  policy  of  frightfulness.  AVben  Da  Gama 
met  an  Arab  nhip,  after  sacking  it,  he  blew  it  up  with 
gunpowder  and  left  it  to  sink  in  flames  while  the  women 
on  board  held  up  their  babies  with  piteous  cries  to 
touch  the  heart  of  this  knight  of  Christ  and  of  mam- 
mon. Without  the  least  compunction  Albuquerque 
tells  in  his  commentaries  how  he  burned  the  ludian  vil- 
lages, put  part  of  their  inhabitants  to  death  and  or- 
dered the  noses  and  eSrs  of  the  survivors  cut  off. 

Nevertheless,  the  Portuguese  got  what  they  wanted, 
the  wealthy  trade  of  the  East.  Albuquerque,  failing 
to  storm  Calicut,  seized  Goa  farther  north  and  made  it 
the  chief  emporium.  But  they  soon  felt  the  need  of 
stations  farther  east,  for,  as  long  as  the  Arabs  held 
Malacca,  where  spices  were  cheaper,  the  intruders  did 
Bot  have  the  monopoly  they  desired.     Accordingly  AI- 

iqnerque  seized  this  city  on  the  Malay  Straits,  which, 
tiiough  now  it  has  sunk  into  insignificance,  was  then  the 
Singapore  or  Hong-Kong  of  the  Far  East.  Sumatra, 
Java  and  the  northern  coast  of  Australia  were  ex- 
plored, the  Moluccas  were  bought  from  Spain  for  350,- 
000  ducats,  and  even  Japan  and  China  were  reached  by 
the  daring  traders.  In  the  meantime  posts  were  es- 
tablished along  the  whole  western  and  eastern  coasts 
of  Africa  and  in  Madagascar.  But  wherever  they  went 
■file  Portuguese  sought  commercial  advantage  not  per- 

anent  settlement.     Aptly  compared  by  a  Chinese  ob- 

rver  to  fishes  who  died  if  taken  from  the  sea,  they 
founded  an  empire  of  vast  length  out  of  incredible 
thinness. 


1 


444  THE  IBERIAN  PENINSULA 

1  The  one  exception  to  this  rule,  and  an  importanf  ow| 

was  Brazil.  The  least  showy  of  the  colonies  and  til 
one  that  brought  in  the  least  quick  profit  evciitnal^ 
became  a  second  and  a  greater  Portugal,  outstrippiflj 
the  mother  country  in  population  and  dividing  Suafl 
America  almost  equally  with  the  Spanish.  lu  msa] 
ways  the  settlement  of  this  colony  resembled  ty  . 
of  North  Americ"  ^"  *^"  "^nglish  more  than  it  U 
the  violent  and  s  mquests  of  Spain,  S^ 

tiers  came  to  it  enturers  than  as  Lona 

seekers  and  some  i  I  from  religious  pei 

tion.     The  great  si  alth,  the  sugar-cane, 

introduced  from  i'  548  and  in  the  folli 

year  the  mother  <  t  a  royal  governor 

some  troops. 

ience  But  even  more  than  Spain  Portugal  overtaxed  kr 
riugal  strength  in  her  grasp  for  sudden  riches.  The  cop  that 
her  mariners  took  from  the  gorgeous  Eastern  en- 
chantress had  a  subtle,  transforming  drug  mingled 
with  its  spices,  whereby  they  were  mefamorjihosed,  if 
not  into  animals,  at  least  into  orientals,  or  Africans. 
While  Lisbon  grew  by  leaps  and  bounds  the  country- 
side was  denuded,  and  the  landowners,  to  fill  the  places 
of  the  peasants  who  bad  become  sailors,  imporle<! 
quantities  of  negro  slaves.  Thus  not  only  the  Por- 
tuguese abroad,  but  those  at  home,  undeterred  by  ra- 
cial antipathy,  adulterated  their  binod  with  that  of 
the  dark  peoples.  Add  to  this  that  the  trade,  im- 
mensely lucrative  as  it  seemed,  was  an  enormous  drain 
on  the  population  of  the  little  state;  and  the  causes  of 
Portugal's  decline,  almost  as  sudden  as  its  rise,  are  in 
large  part  explained.  So  rapid  was  it,  indeed,  that 
it  was  noticed  not  only  by  foreign  travellers  but  by  the 
natives.  Camnens,  though  he  dedicated  his  life  to 
composing  an  epic  in  honor  of  Vaseo  da  Gama,  la- 
mented his  country's  decay  in  those  terms: 


EXPLORATION  445 

O  pride  of  empire!     0  vain  eovetise 

Of  that  vaia  glory  that  we  men  call  fame  .  ,  . 

"What  punishment  and  what  just  penalties 

Thou  dost  inflict  on  those  thou  dost  inflame  .  .  , 

Thou  dost  depopulate  our  ancient  state 
Till  dissipation  brings  debility. 

Nor  were  artificial  causes  wantiiig  to  make  the  col- 
onies expensive  and  the  home  treasury  insolvent.  The 
governors  as  royal  favorites  regarded  their  appoint- 
ments as  easy  roads  to  quick  wealth,  and  they  plun- 
dered not  only  the  inhabitants  but  their  royal  master. 
The  inefficient  and  extravagant  management  of  trade, 
vhich  was  a  government  monopoly,  furnished  a  lam- 
entable example  of  tlie  effects  of  public  ownership. 
And  when  possible  the  church  interfered  to  add  the 
Imrden  of  bigotry  to  that  of  corruption.  An  amusing 
example  of  this  occurred  when  a  supposed  tooth  of 
Buddha  was  brought  to  Goa,  to  redeem  which  the  Rajah 
of  Pegu  oflFered  a  sum  equal  to  half  a  million  dollars. 
While  the  government  was  inclined  to  sell,  the  arch- 
bishop forbade  the  acceptance  of  such  tainted  money 
and  ordered  the  relic  destroyed. 

Within  Portugal  itself  other  factors  aided  the  de- 
dine.  From  the  accession  of  John  III  to  the  amalga- 
mation with  Spain  sixty  years  later,  the  Cortes  was 
rarely  summoned.  The  expulsion  of  many  Jews  in 
1497,  the  massacre  and  subsequent  exile  of  the  New 
Christians  or  Marranos,  most  of  whom  went  to  Holland, 
commenced  an  era  of  destructive  bigotry  completed  by  , 
the  Inquisition.  Strict  censorship  of  the  press  and 
the  education  of  the  people  by  the  Jesuits  each  added 
their  bit  to  the  forces  of  spiritual  decadence. 

For  the  fury  of  religious  zeal  ill  supplied  the  ex- 
hausted powers  of  a  state  fainting  with  loss  of  blood 
and  from  the  intoxication  of  corniption.  Gradually 
lier  grasp  relaxed  on  North  Africa  until  oxAy  \X\"cce 


1506-7 
The  Inqu. 


i 


446  THE  IBERIAN  PENINSULA 

small  posts  in  Morocco  were  left  her,  those  of  Ceati 
Arzila  and  Tangier.  A  last  frantic  effort  to  nrnf*  ^ 
them  and  to  punish  the  infidel,  undertaken  by  the  yoBin  _^ 
King  Sebastian,  ended  in  disaster  and  in  his  deatiia 
1578.  After  a  short  reign  of  two  years  by  his  nnA 
Henry,  who  as  a  cardinal  had  no  legitimate  heirs,  Pt* 
tngal  feebly  yield"''  +"  *">-  -♦-ongest  snitor,  Philip  U, 
and  for  sixty  yeai  i  captive  of  Spain. 

Other  nations  ei  cd  in  to  seize  the  tridat 

that  was  falling  fi  s  of  the  Iberian  poop)* 

There  were  Jame  '  France,  and  Sebastiffl 

Cabot  and  Sir  Mai  t  and  Sir  Francis  Drali! 

of  England,  and  c  y  explored  the  coast 

North  America  an-  ,  Northwest  Passage 

Asia.  Drake,  after  a  voyage  of  two  years  and  a  half. 
duplicated  the  feat  of  Magellan,  thout^h  he  took  qoile 
a  different  course,  following  the  American  weslern 
coast  up  to  the  Golden  Gate.  He,  too,  returned  "very 
richly  fraught  wilh  gold,  silver,  silk  and  precious 
stones,"  the  best  incentive  to  further  endeavor.  But 
no  colonies  of  permanence  and  consequence  were  as 
yet  planted  by  the  northern  nations.  Until  the  seven- 
teenth century  their  voyages  were  either  actuated  by 
commercial  motives  or  were  purely  adventurous.  The 
age  did  not  lack  daring  explorers  by  land  as  well  as 
by  sea,  Lewis  di  Varfhema  rivalled  his  coantryman 
Marco  Polo  by  an  extensive  journey  in  the  first  decade 
of  the  century.  Like  Burckhardt  and  Burton  in  the 
nineteenth  century  he  visited  Mecca  and  Medina  as 
a  Mohammedan  pilgrim,  and  also  journeyed  to  Cairo. 
Beirut,  Aleppo  and  Damascus  and  then  to  the  distant 
lands  of  India  and  the  Malay  peninsula. 

It  may  seem  strange  to  speak  of  Russia  in  eoIlne^ 
tion  with  the  age  of  discovery,  and  yet  it  was  prcciselv 
in  fhe  light  of  a  new  and  strange  laud  that  our  Enj- 
lisb   ancestors  regaidei  "A.    Cafeo\.'?.  voyage  to  the 


EXPLORATION  447 

VV'^bite  Sea  in  the  middle  of  the  century  was  every  whit 
new  an  adventure  as  was  the  voyage  to  India. 
Lchard  Chancellor  and  others  followed  him  and  estab- 

led  a  regular  trade  with  Muscovy,  and  through  it  1553 
id  the  Caspian  with  Asia.    The  rest  of  Europe,  west 
Poland  and  the  Turks,  hardly  heard  of  Russia  or 
It  its  impact  more  than  they  now  do  of  the  Tartars 
the  Steppes. 

But  it  was  just  at  this  time  that  Russia  was  taking 

first  strides  on  the  road  to  become  a  great  power. 

m  broadly  operative  were  some  of  the  influences  at 

irk  in  Europe  lies  patent  in  the  singular  parallel  that 

development  oflFers  to  that  of  her  more  civilized 

itemporaries.    Just  as  despotism,  consolidation,  and 

[uest  were  the  order  of  the  day  elsewhere,  so  they   Basil  n 

in  the  eastern  plains  of  Europe.    Basil  III  struck  1^05-35 

^wn  the  rights  of  cities,  nobles  and  princes  to  bring 

"flie  whole  country  under  his  own  autocracy.    Ivan  the 

Terrible,  called  Czar  of  all  the  Russias,  added  to  this  Ivan  IV 

policy  one  of   extensive  territorial   aggrandizement. 

Having  humbled  the  Tartars  he  acquired  much  land 

to  the  south  and  east,  and  then  turned  his  attention  to 

the  west,  where,  however,  Poland  barred  his  way  to 

the  Baltic.    Just  as  in  its  subsequent  history,  so  then, 

one  of  the  great  needs  of  Russia  was  for  a  good  port. 

Another  of  her  needs  was  for  better  technical  processes. 

Anticipating  Peter  the  Great,  Ivan  endeavored  to  get 

Oerman  workmen  to  initiate  good  methods,  but  he 

failed  to  accomplish  much,  partly  because  Charles  V 

forbade  his  subjects  to  go  to  add  strength  to  a  rival 

state. 

While  Europe  found  most  of  the  other  continents  Europe 
as  soft  as  butter  to  her  trenchant  blade,  she  met  her  ^*-  ^®** 
match  in  Asia.     The  theory  of  Herodotus  that  the 
course  of  history  is  marked  by  alternate  movements 
east  and  west  has  been  strikingly  confirmed  by  subse- 


448  THE  TURKS 

qaent  events.  In  a  secular  grapple  the  two  continents 
have  heaved  back  and  forth,  neither  being  able  to  con- 
quer the  other  completely.  If  the  empires  of  Macedon 
and  Rome  carried  the  line  of  victory  far  to  the  orient, 
they  were  avenged  by  the  successive  inroads  of  the 
Huns,  the  Saracens,  the  Mongols  and  the  Turks.  U 
for  the  last  four  centuries  the  line  has  again  been 
pushed  steadily  back,  until  Europe  dominates  Asia,  it 
is  far  from  certain  that  this  condition  will  be  per- 


manent. 

In  spiritual  matters  Europe  owes  a  balance  of  ia- 
debtcdness  to  Asia,  and  by  far  the  greater  part  of  il 
to  the  Semites.  The  Phoenician  alphabet  and  Arabian 
numerals  are  capital  borrowed  and  yielding  how  eno^ 
mous  a  usufruct!  Above  all,  Asiatic  religions — albeit 
the  greatest  of  them  was  the  child  of  Hellas  as  well  as 
of  Judaea — have  conquered  the  whole  world  save  a 
few  savage  tribes.  Ever  since  the  cry  of  "There  is  no 
God  but  Allah  and  Mahomet  is  his  prophet"  M 
aroased  the  Arabian  nomads  from  their  age-long  slaiB 
ber,  it  was  as  a  religious  warfare  that  the  contest  ol 
the  continents  revealed  itself.  After  the  scimitar  had 
swept  the  Greek  Empire  out  of  Asia  Minor  and  had  cut 
Spain  from  Christendom,  the  crusades  and  the  rise  of 
the  Spanish  kingdoms  had  gradually  beaten  it  back. 
But  while  the  Saracen  was  being  slowly  but  surely 
driven  from  the  western  peninsula,  the  baimor  of  the 
rho Turks  Clresccut  in  the  east  was  seized  by  a  race  with  a  genius 
for  war  inversely  proportional  to  its  other  gifts.  The 
Turks,  who  have  never  added  to  the  arts  of  peace  any- 
thing more  important  than  the  fabrication  of  luxurions 
carpets  and  the  invention  of  a  sensuous  bath,  were  able 
to  found  cannon  and  to  drill  battalions  that  drove  the 
armies  of  nobler  races  before  them.  From  the  sati 
of  Constantinople  in  1453  to  the  siege  of  Vienna 
1529  and  even  to  aome  extent  long  after  that,  the 


jaDie 
'C  the 
saekJ 

na  '^M 


THE  TURKS 

*stie  and  terrible  advance  of  the  janizaries  threatened 
he  "whole  fabric  of  Europe, 

XJnder  Sultan  Selim  I  the  Turkish  arms  were  turned  Siliml,' 
o  the  east  and  south.  Persia,  Kurdistan,  Syria  and 
Cgypt  -were  crushed,  while  the  title  of  Caliph,  and  with 
t  the  spiritual  leadership  of  the  Mahommetan  world, 
ras  wrested  from  the  last  of  the  Abassid  dynasty. 
3nt  it  'tt'as  under  his  successor,  Suleiman  the  Magnifi-  Suleiman 
^nt,  that  the  banner  of  the  prophet,  "fanned  by  con- 
jnest's  crimson  wing,"  was  borne  to  the  heart  of  Eu- 
rope. Belgrade  aud  Rhodes  were  captured,  Hungary 
completely  overrun,  and  Vienna  besieged.  The  naval 
exploits  of  Khair-ed-din,  called  Barbarossa,  carried 
|ibe  terror  of  the  Turkish  arms  into  the  whole  Med- 
lerranean,  subdued  Algiers  and  defeated  the  Chria- 
m  fleets  nnder  Andrew  Doria. 

On  the  death  of  Suleiman  the  Crescent  Moon  had 
ittained  the  zenith  of  its  glory.  The  vast  empire  was 
not  badly  administered;  some  authorities  hold  that  jus- 
tiee  was  better  served  under  the  Sultan  than  under 
MV  contemporary  Christian  king.  A  hierarchy  of  ofB- 
administrative,  ecclesiastical,  secretarial  and 
military,  held  office  directly  under  the  Sultan,  being 
wisely  granted  by  him  sufficient  liberty  to  allow  initia- 
tive, and  yet  kept  under  control  direct  enough  to  pre- 
vent the  secession  of  distant  provinces. 

The  international  position  of  the  infidel  power  was 
an  anomalous  one.  Almost  every  pope  tried  to  revive 
the  crusading  spirit  against  the  arch-enemy  of  Christ, 
and  the  greatest  epic  poet  of  the  sixteenth  century 
chose  for  his  subject  the  Delivery  of  Jerusalem  in  a 
holy  war.  On  the  other  hand  the  Most  Christian  King 
found  no  difficulty  in  making  alliances  with  the  Sub- 
lime Porte,  and  the  same  course  was  advocated,  though 
not  adopted,  by  some  of  the  Protestant  states  of  Ger- 
Diany.     FinaJJr,  that  champion  of  the  ctuxch,  W^vp 


450 


THE  TURKS 


II,  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  his  country, 
a  peace  with  the  infidel  Sultan  recognizing  his  t% 
exist  in  the  society  of  nations. 

The  sixteenth  century,  which  in  so  much  elseni 
a  transition  from  medieval  to  modem  times,  il 
also  saw  the  turning-point  of  events,  inasmnclii 
tide  drawr  ' — ^ — "■"■  Moon  to  its  flood  abont 
from  that  bas  steadily,  if  very  i 

ebbed. 


L 


CHAPTER  X 
SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

§  1.  Population 

Political  history  is  that  of  the  state;  economic  ai^dlH^^ 
tellectual  history  that  of  a  different  group.  In  mod- /world 
a  times  this  group  includes  all  civilized  nationsv 
ren  in  political  history  there  are  many  striking 
rallels,  but  in  social  development  and  in  culture  the 
cent  evolution  of  civilized  peoples  has  been  nearly  i 
^ntical.  This  fundamental  unity  of  the  nations  has 
own  stronger  with  the  centuries  on  account  of  im- 
oving  methods  of  transport  and  communication. 
>rmally  it  might  seem  that  in  the  Middle  Ages  the 
lite  nations  were  more  closely  bound  together  than 
ey  are  now.  They  had  one  church,  a  nearly  identi- 
l  jurisprudence,  one  great  literature  and  one  Ian- 
age  for  the  educated  classes;  they  even  inherited 
Dm  Rome  the  ideal  of  a  single  world-state..  But  if 
e  growth  of  national  pride,  the  division  of  the  church 
d  the  rise  of  moaern  languages  and  literatures  have 
en  centrifugal  forces,  they  have  been  outweighed  by 
e  advent  of  new  influences  tending  to  bind  all  peoples 
jether.  The  place  of  a  single  church  is  taken  by  a  , 
mmon  point  of  view,  the  scientific ;  the  place  of  Latin 

a  medium  of  learning  has  been  taken  by  English, 
•ench,  and  German,  each  one  more  w^idely  known  to 
ose  to  whom  it  is  not  native  now  than  ever  was  Latin 

the  earlier  centuries.  The  fruits  of  discovery  are 
mmon  to  all  nations,  who  now  live  under  similar 
nditions,  reading  the  same  books  and  (under  differ- 
it  names)  the  same  newspapers,  doing  t\ie  saixie  W€v 

451 


452  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

ness  and  enjoying  the  same  luxuries  in  the  same  I 
ner.  Even  in  matters  of  government  we  are  vi 
approaching  the  perhaps  distant  but  apparently 
tain  goal  of  a  single  world-state. 

In  estimating  the  economic  and  cultural  conii* 
of  the  sixteenth  century  it  is  therefore  desirab! 
treat  Western  Europe  as  a  whole.  One  of  the  ma 
differences  '    '  "      luntries  then  and  now 

population.  w  has  been  discovered  i 

the  causes  of  ns  in  the  numbers  of  the 

pie  within  j  lory.     This  varies  'witl 

wealth  of  tl  ut  not  in  direct  ratio  t 

for  it  can  b  the  wealth  of  Europe  ij 

last  four  hum  s  increased  vastly  more 

its  population.     ..^  it  be  discovered  to  var 

rectly  in  proportion  to  the  combined  amount  and 
tribution  of  wealth,  for  in  sixteenth-century  Eu! 
while  the  number  of  the  people  was  increasing  « 
was  being  concentrated  in  fewer  hands  almost  a? 
as  it  was  being  created.  It  is  obvious  that  saiiit 
and  transportation  have  a  good  deal  to  do  wit 
population  of  certain  areas.  The  largest  cities  o 
own  times  could  not  have  exi-sted  in  the  Middle 
for  they  oould  not  have  been  provisioned,  nor 
been  kept  eudurably  healthy  without  elaborate 
ducts  and  drains. 

Other  more  obscure  factors  enter  in  to  coraj: 
the  problems  of  population.  Some  nations,  like 
in  the  sixteenth  and  Ireland  in  the  nineteenth  ce 
have  lost  immensely  through  emigration.  The 
of  this  was  doubtless  not  that  the  nation  in  qu 
wa.=!  growing  absolutely  poorer,  but  that  the  ini 
of  wealth  or  in  accessibility  to  richer  lands  m; 
rcliitively  poorer.  It  is  obvious  again  that  grea 
tations  like  pestilence  or  war  diminish  populatii 
rectly,  though  the  effect  of  such  factors  is  usuallj 


POPULATION 


>rary.  How  much  voluntary  sterility  operates  is 
■oblematical.  Aegidius  Albcrtinus,  writing  in  1602, 
triboted  the  growth  in  population  of  Protestant 
mntries  since  the  Reformation  to  the  abolition  of 
sacerdotal  celibacy,  and  this  has  also  been  mentioned 
U  a  cause  by  a  recent  writer.  Probably  the  last  named 
forces  have  a  verj-  slight  influence;  the  primary  one 
lieing,  as  Malthus  stated,  the  increase  of  means  of 
«bsistence. 

As  censuses  were  almost  unknown  to  sixteenth-cen- 
hiry  Europe  outside  of  a  few  Italian  cities,  the  student 
is  forced  to  rely  for  his  data  on  various  other  calcula- 
tions, in  some  cases  tolerably  reliable,  in  others  de- 
jtorably  deficient.  The  best  of  these  are  the  enumera- 
&)n8  of  hearths  made  for  purposes  of  taxation  in  sev- 
il  countries.  Other  counts  were  sometimes  made  for 
,1  or  military,  and  occasionally  for  religious,  pur- 
oses.  Estimates  by  contemporary  observers  supple- 
lent  our  knowledge,  which  may  be  taken  as  at  least 
{^proximately  correct. 
The  religious  census  of  1603  gave  the  number  of  ^?!i?'| 
immunicants  in  England  and  Wales  as  2,275,0(X),  to 
hich  must  be  added  8475  recusants.     Adding  50  per  ^ 

«t.  for  uon-coraraunicants,  we  arrive  at  the  figure 
'  3,425,000,  which  is  doubtless  too  low.  Another  cal- 
ilation  based  on  a  record  of  births  and  deaths  yields 
le  figure  4,812,000  for  the  year  1600.  The  average, 
100,000,  is  probably  nearly  correct,  of  which  about 
tenth  in  Wales.  England  had  grown  considerably 
iring  the  century,  this  increase  being  especially  re- 
arkable  in  the  large  towns.  Whereas,  in  1534-,  150,- 
lOO  quarters  of  wheat  were  consumed  in  London  an- 
lally,  the  figure  for  1005  is  500,000.  The  population 
the  same  time  had  probably  increased  from  60,000 
225,<X)0.  No  figures  worth  anything  can  be  gwew 
or  Ireland^  and  for  Scotland  it  is  only  sate  to  ^-a.*^ 


rfi^dl 


454 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 


that  in  1500  the  population  was  about  500,000  and  i 
16(KI  about  700,000. 

Enumerations  of  hearths  and  of  communicants  gil 
good  bases  for  reckoning  the  population  of  the  Nelha 
lands.  Holland,  the  largest  of  the  Northern  provioefl 
had  about  200,000  people  in  1514;  Brabant  the  grea 
est  of  the  Southern,  in  1526  had  500,000.  The  popul 
tion  of  the  largest  town,  Antwerp,  in  1526  was  88,00 
in  1550  about  110,000.  At  the  same  time  it  is  remari 
able  that  in  1521  Ghent  impressed  Diirer  as  the  grei 
est  city  he  had  seen  in  the  Low  Countries.  For  tl 
whole  territory  of  the  Netlicrlands,  including  Ilnllail 
and  Belgium,  and  a  little  more  on  the  borders,  tl 
population  was  in  1560  about  3,000,000.  This  is  tl 
same  figure  as  that  given  for  1567  by  Lewis  Goi 
ciardini.  Later  in  the  century  the  country  sufFert 
by  war  and  emigration. 

The  lack  of  a  unified  government,  and  the  great  dil 
versity  of  conditions,  makes  the  population  of  Ge^f 
many  more  difficult  to  estimate.  Brandenburg,  bavii^ 
in  1535  an  area  of  10,000  square  miles,  and  a  popul 
tion  between  300,0(10  and  400,000,  has  been  aptly  cofl 
pared  for  size  and  numbers  to  the  present  state  of  Va 
mont.  Bavaria  had  in  1554  a  population  of  434,001 
in  1596  of  468,000.  Wurzburg  had  in  1538  only  12,0rt 
Hamburg  in  1521  12,0(J0  and  in  1594  19,000.  Dam 
had  in  1550  about  21,000.  The  largest  city  in  ceutri 
Germany,  if  not  in  the  whole  country — as  a  chronicl" 
stated  in  1572 — was  Erfurt,  with  a  population  of  35^ 
000  in  1505.  It  was  the  center  of  the  rising  Saxfl 
industries,  mining  and  dying,  and  of  commerce.  Li 
beck,  Cologne,  Nuremberg  and  Augsburg  equalled  i 
perhaps  surpassed  it  in  size,  and  certainly  in  wealt! 
The  total  population  of  German  Switzerland  was  ov8 
200,000.  The  whole  German-speaking  population  i 
Central  Europe  amo\m\:edL  \.o  -^tttsi;^?.  S.-wcat^  million 


tdS 
Ge^ii 
TinA 


POPULATION  455 

1600,  though  it  had  been  reckoned  by  the  imperial 
Uoverament  in  1500  as  twelve  millions. 

The  number  of  Frenchmen  did  not  greatly  increase  Franco 
I^rance  in  the  16th  century.    Though  the  borders 
the  state  were  extended,  she  suffered  terribly  by 
igious  wars,  and  somewhat  by  emigration.    Not 
J  did  maijy  Huguenots  flee  from  her  to  Switzerland, 
Netherlands  and  England,  but  economic  reasons 
to  large  movements  from  the  south  and  perhaps 
nn  the  north.    To  fill  up  the  gap  caused  by  emigra- 
from  Spain  a  considerable  number  of  French  peas- 
its  moved  to  that  land;  and  it  is  also  possible  that 
le  same  class  of  people  sought  new  homes  in  Bur- 
ly and  Savoy  to  escape  the  pressure  of  taxes  and 
les.    Various  estimates  concur  in  giving  France  a 
^      ipulation  of  15,000,000  to  16,000,000.    The  Paris  of 
^    flenry  II  was  by  far  the  largest  city  in  the  world, 
>     Bumbering  perhaps  300,000;  but  when  Henry  IV  be- 
-    deged  it  it  had  been  reduced  by  war  to  220,000.    After 
ttiat  it  waxed  mightily  again. 

Italy,  leader  in  many  ways,  was  the  first  to  take  ^^^ 
accurate  statistics  of  population,  births  and  deaths. 
These  begin  by  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,  but 
are  rare  until  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth,  when  they 
become  frequent.  Notwithstanding  war  and  pestilence 
the  numbers  of  inhabitants  seemed  to  grow  steadily, 
the  apparent  result  in  the  statistics  being  perhaps  in 
part  due  to  the  increasing  rigor  of  the  census.  Here- 
with follow  specimens  of  the  extant  figures :  The  city 
of  Brescia  had  65,000  in  1505,  and  43,000  in  1548.  Dur- 
ing the  same  period,  however,  the  people  in  her  whole 
territory  of  2200  square  miles  had  increased  from  303,- 
000  to  342,000.  The  city  of  Verona  had  27,000  in  1473 
and  52,000  in  1548;  her  land  of  1200  square  miles  had 
in  the  first  named  year  99,000,  in  the  last  159,000.  The 
kingdom  of  Sicily  grew  trom  600,000  in  1501  lo  «i^,- 


456  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

000  in  1548,  and  1,180,000  in  1615.  The  kingdoun 
Naples,  without  the  capital,  had  about  l,270,iK)()pe(^ 
in  1501;  2,110,000  in  1545;  the  total  including  the  o 
ital  amounted  in  1600  to  3,000,000.  The  republic 
Venice  increased  from  1,650,000  in  1550  to  ],850J)) 
in  1620.  Florence  with  her  territory  had  586, 
1551  and  649,000  in  1622.  In  the  year  1600  Milanrfl  - 
Lombardy  had  habitants;  Savoy  iu  It 

800,000;  contine  500,000;  Parma,  Piaoea 

and  Modena  toj  10;  Sardinia  300.0(X):  Col 

sica  150,000;  Ml  Lucca  110,000.    Thepoja 

lation  of  Rome  n  olently.     In  1521  it  is 

posed  to  have  1:  5,000,  but  was  reduced  l| 

the  sack  to  32,  this  it  rapidly  recovmi 

reaching  45,000  unairi  IV  (1558),  and  100,000 

der  Sixtus  V  (1590).  The  total  population  of  thfl 
States  of  the  Cliureh  when  the  first  census  was  tai«| 
in  1656  was  1,8S0,000.  ' 

The  final  impression  one  gets  after  reading  llie  cs- 
tremely  divergent  estimates  of  the  population  of  Spain 
is  that  it  increased  during  the  first  half  of  the  century 
and  decreased  during  the  latter  half.  The  highest 
figure  for  the  increase  of  population  during  the  reip 
of  Charles  V  is  the  untrustworthy  one  of  Habler,  wbc 
believes  the  number  of  inhabitants  to  have  doubW 
This  belief  is  founded  on  the  conviction  that  the  wealll 
of  the  kingdom  doubled  in  that  time.  But  th<Jugh  popn 
lation  tends  to  increase  with  wealth,  it  certainly  doe 
not  increase  in  the  same  proportion  as  wealth,  so  tha' 
considering  this  fact  and  also  that  the  increase  i 
wealth  as  shown  by  the  doubling  of  income  from  royt 
domains  was  in  part  merelj'  apparent,  due  to  the  fal 
ing  value  of  money,  i,ve  may  dismiss  Habler's  figur 
as  too  high.  And  yet  there  is  good  evidence  for  ti 
behof  that  there  was  a  considerable  increment.  Th 
cities  especially  gained  with  the  new  stimulus  to  com 


rri 


POPULATION  457 

merce  and  industry.     In  1525  Toledo  employed  10,000 
orkers  in  silk,  who  had  increased  fivefold  by  1550. 
nfortunately  for  accuracy  these  figures  are  merely 
temporary  guesses,  but  they  certainly  indicate  a 
^*-  *^*«e  growth  in  the  population  of  Toledo,  and  similar 
es  are  given  for  Seville,  Burgos  and  other  manu- 
ring and  trading  centers.    From  such  estimates, 
ever,  combined  with  the  censuses  of  hearths,  pecu- 
iy  unsatisfactory  in  Spain  as  they  excluded  the 
vileged  classes  and  were,  as  their  violent  fluctua- 
0118  show,  carelessly  made,  we  may  arrive  at  the  con- 
ion  that  in  1557  the  population  of  Spain  was  barely 
,000. 
Kore  difficult,  if  possible,  is  it  to  measure  the  amount 
the  decline  in  the  latter  half  of  the  century.    It  was  DccUim 
dely  noticed  and  conunented  on  by  contemporaries, 
lo  attributed  it  in  part  to  the  increase  in  sheep- 
^ilrming  (as  in  England)  and  in  part  to  emigration  to 
America.     There  were  doubtless  other  more  impor- 
^Hat  and  more  obscure  causes,  namely  the  increasing 
^valry  in  both  commerce  and  industry  of  the  north 
^f  Europe  and  the  consequent  decay  of  Spain's  means 
Of  livelihood.    The  emigration  amounted  on  the  aver- 
age to  perhaps  4000  per  annum  throughout  the  cen- 
tury.    The  total  Spanish  population  of  America  was 
I^ckoned  by  Velasco  in  1574  at  30,500  households,  or 
152,500  souls.    This  would,  however,  imply  a  much 
larger  emigration,  probably  double  the  last  number, 
to  account  for  the  many  Spaniards  lost  by  the  perils 
of  the  sea  or  in  the  depths  of  the  wilderness.    It  is 
known,  for  example,  that  whereas  the  Spanish  popu- 
lation of  Venezuela  was  reckoned  at  200  households 
at  least  2000  Spaniards  had  gone  to  settle  there.    An 
emigration  of  300,000  before  1574,  or  say  400,000  for 
the  whole  century,  would  have  left  a  considerable  gap 
at  home.    Add  to  this  the  industrial  decline  bv  ^\i\^ 


458  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

Altamira  reckons  that  the  cities  of  the  center  i 
north,  which  suffered  most,  lost  from  one-half  to  ( 
third  of  their  total  population,  and  it  is  evident  tin 
very  considerable  shrinkage  took  place.  The  censm 
1594  reported  a  population  of  8,200,000. 

The  same  tendency  to  depopulation  was  noticed  t 
much  greater  degree  by  contemporary  observers 
Portugal.    1     '  |(0  even  approximately 

curate  figuri  L.    Two  million  is  aim 

certainly  too  F 

The  follow  table  will  enable  the  rea 

to  form  some  e  movements  of  popnlati 

Admitting  th  of  error  is  fairly  larg( 

some  of  the  t  es,  it  is  believed  that  t 

are  sufficiently  nt-o  h  to  be  of  real  service. 

Country  1500               16' 

England  and  Wales 3,000,000      4,100 

Scotland 500,000         TOO 

The  Netherlands  (Holland  and  Bel- 
gium)   (1550)    3,00( 

Germany  (including  Austria,  German 
Switzerland,  Franclie  Comte  and 
Savoy  north  of  the  Alps,  but  es- 
eluding  Hungary,  the  Netherlands, 

East  and  West  Prussia) 12,000,000     2O,00( 

France    (1550)    16,0fl 

Italy 10,000,000     13,tX»( 

Spain  ( 1557  and  1594)   9,000,000  '      8.20 

Poland  with  East  and  West  Prussia. .  3,00 

Denmark  60 

Sweden,  Norway  and  Finland 1,40' 

§2.  Wealth  and  Prices 
If  the  number  of  Europe's  inhabitants  has  incre 
fourfold  since  Luther's  time,  the  amount  of  her  w( 
lias  increased  in  a  vastly  greater  ratio.     The  differ 

'  VoT  a  liighrr  estimate — ten  to  twelve  millions  in  1500 — eee  di 
biMiograpliy. 


WEALTH  AND  PRICES 


459 


ween  the  twentieth  and  the  sixteenth  centuries  is 
greater  than  anyone  would  at  first  blush  believe  pos- 
sible.     Moreover  it  is  a  difference  that  is,  during  times 
of  peace,  continually  increasing.     During  the  century 
from  the  close  of  the  Napoleonic  to  the  opening  of  the 
Great   War,  the  wealth  of  the  white  races  probably 
donbled  every  twenty-five  years.     The  new  factors  that 
■Riade    this  possible  were  the   exploited  resources   of 
^merica,  and  the  steam-engine.     Prior  to  1815  the  in- 
case of  the  world's  wealth  was  much  slower,  but  if 
;  doubled  once  a  century, — as  would  seem  not  im- 
ibable — we  should  have  to  allow  that  the  world  of 
B14  was  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight  times  as  rich 
J  it  was  in  1514. 

Of  course  such  a  statement  cannot  pretend  to  any- 
dog  like  exactitude ;  the  mathematical  figure  is  a  mere 
Jure  of  speech;  it  is  intended  only  to  emphasize  the 
let  that  one  of  the  most  momentous  changes  during 
le  last  four  centuries  has  been  that  from  poverty  to 
Haence.  That  the  statement,  surprising  as  it  may 
fem,  is  no  exaggeration,  may  be  borne  out  by  a  few 
>inparisons. 

One  of  the  tests  of  a  nation's  financial  strength  is 
lat  of  war.     Francis  1  in  time  of  war  mustered  at 
lost  an  army  of  lt)O,()()0,  and  he  reached  this  figure, 
r  perhaps  slightly  exceeded  it,  only  once  during  his 
feign,  in  the  years  1536-7.     This  is  only  half  the  num- 
T  of  soldiers,  proportionately  to  the  population,  that 
ranee  maintained  in  time  of  peace  at  the  opening  of 
"the  twentieth  century.     And  for  more  than  four  years, 
at  a  time  when  war  was  infinitely  more  expensive  than 
it  was  when  Pavia  was  fought,  France  kept  in  the  field 
l«boDt  an  even  five  millions  of  men,  more  than  an  eighth 
if  her  population  instead  of  about  one  one-hundred- 
id-fiftieth.     Similar  figures  could  be  given  for  Oer- 
ny  and  England,    It  is  trne  that  the  power  o?  xnoA- 


poverly  lo 
affluence 


financial 
siren  gth 


460  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

em  states  is  multiplied  by  their  greater  facilities  f| 
borrowiog,  but  with  all  allowances  the  contrast 
gests  an  enormous  difference  of  wealth. 

Take,  as  a  standard  of  comparison,  the  labor  p 
of  the  world.  In  191S  the  United  States  alone  pn 
duced  685,00(1,000  tons  of  coal.  Each  ton  burned  pi 
almost  na  much  power  as  is  expended  by  two  iabota 
working  for  a  Thus  the  United  SUt 

from  its  coal  mraand  of  the  equiv^ 

of  the  labor  of  )  men,  or  more  than  lb 

the   adult   mal  per   of   the   whole  wo 

more  than  fift;  whole  labor  power  of 

teenth-century  lis  does  not  take  aca 

of  the  fact  that  more  productive  now  t 

then,  even  without  qk... The  comparison  is  insln^i 

tive  bccansc  the  population  of  the  United  Slates  iai 
1910  Wiis  about  equal  to  that  of  the  whole  of  Earops 
in  1600. 

The  same  impression  would  be  given  by  a  compari- 
son of  the  production  of  any  other  standard  prodod 
More  gold  was  produced  in  the  year  1915  than  iht 
whole  stock  of  gold  in  the  world  in  1550,  perhaps  ia 
1600.  More  wheat  is  produced  annually  in  MinnesoU 
than  the  granaries  of  the  cities  of  the  world  would 
hold  four  centuries  ago. 

In  fact,  there  was  hardly  wealth  at  all  in  the  Middli 
Ages,  only  degrees  of  poverty,  and  the  sixteenth  cei 
tury  first  began  to  see  the  accumulation  of  fortune 
worthy  of  the  name.  In  1909  there  were  1100  persor 
in  France  with  an  income  of  more  than  $40,000  pt 
annum;  among  them  were  150  with  an  income  of  moi 
than  $200,000.  In  England  in  1916  seventy-nine  pe 
sons  paid  income  taxes  on  estates  of  more  than  $l2f 
000,000.  On  the  other  hand  the  richest  man  in  Franc 
Jacques  Coeur,  whose  fortune  was  proverbial  like  tfc 
ol  Kockcfcllcr  today,  had  in  1503  a  capital  of  on 


WEALTH  AND  PRICES  461 

400,000.  The  total  wealth  of  the  house  of  Fugger 
3iit  1550  has  been  estimated  at  $32,000,000,  though 
^  capital  of  their  bank  was  never  anything  like  that. 
\ie  contrast  was  greatest  among  the  very  richest 
.mSy  but  it  was  sufficiently  striking  in  the  middle 
jsses.  Such  a  condition  as  comfort  hardly  existed. 
The  same  impression  will  bo  given  to  the  student 

public  finance.  As  more  will  be  said  in  another 
ragraph  on  the  revenues  of  the  principal  states,  only 
e  example  need  be  given  here  for  the  sake  of  con- 
Mt.  The  total  revenue  of  Francis  I  was  $256,000 
r  annum,  that  of  Henry  II  even  less,  $228,000.  The 
eenue  of  France  in  1905  was  $750,000,000.  Henry 
CII  often  had  more  difficulty  in  raising  a  loan  of 
0,000  than  the  English  government  had  recently  in 
rrowing  six  billions. 

It  is  impossible  to  say  which  is  the  harder  task,  to  Value  of 
xnpare  the  total  wealth  of  the  world  at  two  given  ™®°*^ 
^riods,  or  to  compare  the  value  of  money  at  different 
Hes.    Even  the  mechanical  difficulties  in  the  compari- 
n  of  prices  are  enormous.    When  we  read  that  wheat 

Wittenberg  sold  at  one  gulden  the  scheffel,  it  is 
cessary  to  determine  in  the  first  place  how  mudi  a 
Men  and  how  much  a  scheffel  represented  in  terms 
dollars  and  bushels.  When  we  discover  that  there 
re  half  a  dozen  different  guldens,  and  half  a  dozen 
jarate  measures  known  as  scheffels,  varying  from 
evince  to  province  and  from  time  to  time,  and  vary- 
f  widely,  it  is  evident  that  great  caution  is  necessary 
ascertaining  exactly  which  gulden  and  exactly  which 
leffel  is  meant. 

^Vhen  coin  and  measure  have  been  reduced  to  known 
intities,  there  remains  the  problem  of  fixing  the 
ility.  Cloth  is  quoted  in  the  sixteenth  century  as  of 
ndard  sizes  and  grades,  but  neither  of  these  im- 
rtant  factors  is  accurately  known  to  any  modetxi 


462 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 


economist.  One  would  think  that  in  quoting  prim 
animals  an  invariable  standard  would  be  secun^ 
Quite  the  contrary.  So  much  has  the  breed  of  catfil 
improved  that  a  fat  os  now  weighs  two  or  three  linn 
what  a  good  ox  weighed  four  centuries  ago.  Flora 
are  larger,  stronger  and  faster;  hens  lay  many  mol 
eggs,  cowe  give  much  more  milk  now  than  formcrij! 


Shoes,  clothes, 
quality  in  diffei 
an  ever  inereas 
comparison  can 
Nevertheless, 
factors  involved, 
comparisoTis  can 
relation  to  cxactituQt 


les,  are  not  of  the 
s,  and  of  course  tliere  i 
lew  articles  in  which  i 

nee  can  be  made  for  ^ 
ley  are  mechanical;  sni 
it  bear  a  sufficiently  do« 

the  basis  from  wliicli  ctT- 
tain  valid  deductions  can  be  drawn.  Now  lirst  as  lo 
the  intrinsic  value,  in  amounts  of  gold  and  silver  in 
the  several  coins.  The  vast  fluctuation  in  the  value  of 
the  English  shilling,  due  to  the  successive  debasemcnU 
and  final  restitution  of  the  coinage,  is  thus  expressed; 

Troy  gniu ' 


Year 

Truif  (jraiiis 

Year 

1461.... 

133 

1551 

1527.... 

118 

1552 

1543.... 

100 

1560 

1545.... 

60 

1601 

1546. . . . 

40 

1919 

.  86 


A  similar  depreciation,  more  gradual  but  never  re^ 
tificd,  is  seen  in  the  value  of  French  money.  Tht 
standard  of  reckoning  was  the  livre  toumois,  whick 
varied  intrinsically  in  value  of  the  silver  put  into  it  ai 
follows : 


Years 
1,')IM)  . . . 
ir>12-ln 


Intrinsic  value  of  siivc 

1)3  eeol 

78  veul 

66  cent 

62  cent 


WEALTH  AND  PRICES  463 

if»  Intrinsic  value  of  silver 

3-79 57  cento 

O-1600 51  cento 

Fhe  standard  Spanish  gold  coin  after  1497  was  the  Value  of 

cat,  which  had  3.485  grammes  of  gold  (value  in  our  JjJU"* 

^ney  $2.40).    This  was  divided  into  375  maravedis, 

ich  therefore  had  a  value  of  about  two-thirds  of  a 

it  each.    A  Castilian  marc  of  gold  had  230  granmies 

a  value  of  about  $16.    After  1537  a  handsome  silver 

n,  known  as  the  peso  fuerte  or  **  piece  of  eigW  be- 

ise  each  contained  eight  reals,  was  minted  in  An\er- 

•    Its  value  was  about  $1.06  of  our  money,  it  being 

» predecessor  of  our  dollar. 

Fhe  great  difficulty  with  the  coinage  of  Germany 

i  Italy  is  not  so  much  in  its  fluctuation  as  in  the 

mber  of  mints.    The  name  gulden  was  given  to  al-  Gulden  i 

st  any  coin,  originally,  as  its  etymology  signifies,  f^ 

;old  piece,  but  later  also  to  a  silver  piece.    Among 

d  guldens  there  was  the  Rhenish  gulden  intrinsically 

rth  $1.34;  the  Philip's  gulden  in  the  Netherlands 

96^  and  the  Carolus  gulden  coined  after  1520  and 

i;h  $1.14.    But  the  coin  commonly  used  in  reckon- 

was  the  silver  gulden,  worth  intrinsically  56ff. 
s  was  divided  into  20  groschen.  Other  coins  quite 
inarily  met  with  in  the  literature  of  the  times  are 
nds  (7.5(f),  pfennigs  (various  values),  stivers, 
jvns,  nobles,  angels  ($2),  and  Hungarians  ducats 
75) .  Since  1518  the  chief  silver  coin  was  the  thaler, 
irst  considered  the  equal  of  a  silver  gulden.    The 

of  1559,  however,  made  them  two  different  coins, 
oring  the  thaler  to  what  had  probably  been  its 
ner  value  of  72^,  and  leaving  the  imperial  gulden 
iw,  what  it  had  commonly  become  in  fact,  a  lesser 
»unt  of  silver. 

ho  coinage  of  Italy  was  dominated  by  the  gold 
len  or  florin  of  Florence  and  the  ducat  oi  "Vemfifc^ 


J 


464  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

each  worth  not  far  from  $2.25  of  our  money 
these  coins,  partly  on  account  of  their  beauty,  pal 
because  of  the  simple  honesty  with  which  they 
kept  at  the  nominal  standard,  attained  just  (i 
throughout  the  Middle  Ages  and  thereafter,  and 
came  widely  used  in  other  lands. 

The  standard  of  value  determined,  it  is  now  possil  . 
to  compare  the  sme  staple  articles.    Fin( 

in  importance  tt,   which  fluctuated  eoi 

mously  within  i  at  the  same  plac*  and 

terms  of  the  sa  of  silver.     From  Luthei 

letters  we  learn  sold  at  Wittenberg  for 

gulden  a  schef  and  for  three  groschen 

scheffel  in  1542.  irice  being  considered  " 

cheap  as  never  before,  ■  lui'  former  reached  in  a  tin* 
almost  of  famine  and  calling  for  inten-ention  on  the 
part  of  the  government.  However  we  interpret  the» 
figures  (and  I  believe  them  to  mean  that  wheat  sold 
at  from  twelve  cents  to  eighty  cents  a  bushel)  thev 
certainly  indicate  a  tremendous  instability  in  prices, 
due  to  the  poor  communications  and  backward  methods 
of  agriculture,  making  years  of  plenty  alternate  Vitk 
years  of  hunger.  In  the  case  of  Wittenberg,  the  lo^er 
level  was  nearer  the  normal,  for  in  1527  wheat  wu 
there  sold  at  twenty  cents  a  bushel.  In  other  parts  ot 
Germany  it  was  dearer;  at  Strassburg  from  1526-5( 
it  averaged  30  cents  a  bushel;  from  1551-75  it  wentuj 
to  an  average  of  58  cents,  and  from  1576-1600  tt 
average  again  rose  to  80  cents  a  bushel. 

Prices  also  rose  in  England  throughout  the  centur 
even  in  terms  of  silver.  Of  course  part  of  the  rise  i 
the  middle  years  was  due  to  the  debasement  of  tb 
coinage.  Reduced  to  bushels  and  dollars,  the  foUov 
ing  fable  shows  tlie  tendency  of  prices: 

1530   17  cents  a  bush 

1537   30cen' 


WEALTH  AND  PRICES  465 

4  45  cents 

6  69  cents 

7 12  cents 

B  24  cents 

9  48  cento 

O  54  cento 

2  66  cento 

5 $1.14 

meat  in  France  averaged  23  cents  a  bushel  prior  to 

M),  after  which  it  rose  markedly  in  price,  touching 

50  in  1600,  under  exceptional  conditions.    In  order 

€X)mpare  with  prices  nowadays  we  must  remember 

it  $1  a  bushel  was  a  remarkably  good  price  before 

t  late  war,  during  which  it  was  fixed  at  $2.20  by  the 

oerican  government.    Barley  in  England  rose  from 

sents  a  bushel  in  1530  to  10  cents  in  1547  and  33 

its  in  1549.    It  was  in  1913  70  cents  a  bushel.    Oats 

ie  from  5  cents  a  bushel  in  England  in  1530  to  18 

Its  in  1549;  in  1913  38  cents. 

Animals  sold  much  lower  in  the  sixteenth  century   Animals 

to  they  do  now,  though  it  must  be  remembered  that 

^y  are  worth  more  after  several  centuries  of  careful 

Ceding.    Horses  then  .sold  at  $2.50  in  England  and 

$4  to  $11  in  France ;  the  average  price  in  1913  was 

14  for  working  animals.    Cows  were  worth  $2  in 

kgland  in  1530;  from  $4  to  $6.40  in  France;  oxen 

parently  came  considerably  higher,  averaging  in 

gland  $10  a  head  in  1547  and  in  France  from  $9  to 

J  a  yoke.     At  present  they  are  sold  by  weight,  aver- 

ng  in  1913  9^  per  lb.,  or  $90  for  one  weighing  a 

usand  pounds.    Beef  then  cost  about  2/3  of  a  cent 

ound  instead  of  40^  as  in  1914.    A  sheep  was  sold 

1585  at  $1.60,  a  large  swine  at  $5,  and  pigs  at  26^ 

ece.     Pork  cost  2^  a  pound;  hens  sold  in  England 

I2f^  a  piece  and  geese  and  ducks  for  the  same;  at 

ttenberg  geese  fetched  only  6^  in  1527.    Eggs  might 

e  been  bought  at  2^  a  dozen. 


466  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 


Wholesale  prices  of  groceries,  taken  mostly  from 
English  table  drawn  up  about  1580,  were  as  folio 
Oil  was  $140  the  ton,  or  55  cents  a  gallon;  train 
was  Just  half  that  price;  Newfoundland  fish  cosl  t 
$2.50  the  quintal  dry,  as  against  $7.81  in  1913.  Gas 
wines  (claret)  varied  according  to  quality,  from 
cents  to  24  cents  a  quart.  Salt  fetched  $7.50  a 
which  is  ve  "  '  '  "  2  price  that  it  was  iu  1 
($1.02  per  b  Soap  was  $13  the  bnnd 

weight.     Pe  r  cost  nearly  the  same,  al 

$70  the  hunc  far  higher  than  they  wcr 

1919,  when  i  the  hundredweight.    Sp 

also  cost  nil  eenth  century  than  the; 

now,  and  ro.  ;  the  century.    By  1580 

wholesale  prict  dweight  was  $224  for  da 

the  same  for  nutmegs,  $150  for  cinnamon,  $3fC 
mace.  Ginger  was  $90  the  hundredweight,  and  can' 
6.6^  the  lb.  as  against  7.25f'  now. 

Drygoods  varied  immensely  in  cost.  Baw  wool  '■ 
in  England  in  1510  for  4  cents  per  lb.,  as  agains' 
cents  just  four  hundred  years  later.  Fine  cloth 
at  $65  "the  piece,"  the  length  and  breadth  of  w 
it  is  unfortunately  impossible  to  determine  accural 
Different  grades  came  in  different  sizes,  avoragii 
yard  in  width,  but  from  18  yards  to  47  yards  in  lei; 
the  finer  coming  in  longer  rolls.  Sorting  cloths  " 
$45  the  piece.  Linen  cost  20  cents  a  yard  in  1 
:ilary,  Queen  of  Scots,  Ave  years  later  paid  $G.5f 
yard  for  purple  velvet  and  28  cents  the  yard  for  1 
ram  to  line  the  same.  The  coarse  clothes  of  the 
were  cheaper,  a  workman's  suit  in  France  co 
$1.80  in  1600,  a  child's  whole  wardrobe  $3.40,  a 
soldier's  uniform  $4.20.  The  prices  of  the  po 
women's  dresses  ranged  from  $3  to  $6  each.  In 
Albert  Diircr  paid  in  the  Netherlands  17  cents  foi 
pair  of  shoes,  33  cents  for  another  and  20  cents  1 


WEALTH  AND  PRICES  467 

ir  of  woman's  gloves.    A  pair  of  spectacles  cost  him 

cents,  a  pair  of  gloves  for  himself  38  cents. 

tfetals  were  dearer  in  the  sixteenth  century  than  Meub 

17  are  now.  Iron  cost  $60  a  ton  in  1580  against  $22 
;on  in  1913.  Lead  fetched  $42  the  ton  and  tin  $15 
)  ewt.  The  ratio  of  gold  to  silver  was  about  1  to  11. 
e  only  fuel  much  used  was  wood,  which  was  fairly 
»ip  but  of  course  not  nearly  as  efficient  as  our  coaL 
[nteresty  as  the  price  of  money,  varied  then  as  it  intowt 
ra  now  in  inverse  ratio  to  the  security  offered  by  the 

btor,  and  on  the  whole  within  much  the  same  range 
it  it  does  now.  The  best  security  was  believed  to 
that  of  the  German  Free  Cities,  governed  as  they 
re  by  the  commercial  dass  that  appreciated  the  vir- 
j  of  prompt  and  honest  payment.  Accordingly,  we 
d  that  they  had  no  trouble  in  borrowing  at  5  per 
it,  their  bonds  taking  the  form  of  perpetual  annui- 
8,  like  the  English  consols.  So  eagerly  were  these 
vestments  sought  that  they  were  apportioned  on  pe- 
ion  as  special  favors  to  the  creditors.  The  cities  of 
lis  and  London  also  enjoyed  high  credit.  The  na- 
rial  governments  had  to  pay  far  higher,  owing  to 
ir  poverty  and  dishonesty.  Francis  I  borrowed  at 
per  cent. ;  Charles  V  paid  higher  in  the  market  of 
twerp,  the  extreme  instance  being  that  of  50  per 
t.  per  annum.  In  1550  he  regularly  paid  20  per 
t.,  a  ruinous  rate  that  foreshadowed  his  bankruptcy 
[  was  partly  caused  by  its  forecast.  Until  the  re- 
t  war  we  were  accustomed  to  think  of  the  great  na- 

18  borrowing  at  2-4  per  cent.,  but  during  the  war 
rate  immensely  rose.  Anglo-French  bonds,  backed 
the  joint  and  several  credit  of  the  two  nations,  sold 
the  New  York  Stock  Exchange  in  1918  at  a  price 
t  would  yield  the  investor  more  than  12  per  cent.. 

City  of  Paris  bonds  at  a  rate  of  more  than  16  per 


468  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

Commercial  paper,  or  loans  advanced  by  banks  ^ 
merchants  on  good  security,  of  course  varied.  Hi 
lowest  was  reached  at  Genoa  where  from  time  to 
merchants  secured  accommodation  at  3  per  c«iit.  H 
average  in  Germany  was  6  per  cent,  and  this  was  n 
the  legal  rate  by  Brandenburg  in  1565,  But  usui 
able  to  take  advantage  of  the  necessities  of  poor  del 
ors,  habitually  e  ,  as  they  do  now,  and  low 

on  small  mortgf  pawned  articles  often  n 

at  30  per  cent.  le,  the  rate  of  interest  U 

slightly  during  , 

The  price  of  r  i  more  difficult  to  comp« 

than  almo.st  anj  ;  to  the  individual  dram 

stances  of  each  Land  in  France  sold  i 

rates  ranging  from       „  3  the  acre.     Luther  bouji 

a  little  farm  in  the  country  for  $340,  and  a  piece  of 
property  in  AVittenborg  for  $500.  After  liis  death,  is 
1564,  the  house  he  lived  in,  a  large  and  handsoffl' 
building  formerly  the  Augustinian  Cloister,  fetcbed 
$2U7l^.  The  house  can  be  seen  today  '  and  would  cer- 
tainly, one  would  think,  now  bring  fifteen  times  a* 
much. 

Books  were  comparatively  cheap.  The  Greek  TesU- 
meat  sold  for  4S  cents,  a  Latin  Testament  for  half  tlul 
amount,  a  Latin  folio  Bible  published  in  1532  for  W, 
Luther's  lirst  New  Testament  at  84  cents.  One  miglit 
get  a  copy  of  the  Pandects  for  $1.60,  of  Vergil  for  W 
cents,  a  Greek  grammar  for  S  cents,  Demosthenes  mi 
Acsehines  in  one  volume  at  20  cents,  one  of  Luther's 
more  important  tracts  for  30  cents  and  the  condemna- 
tion of  him  by  the  universities  in  a  small  pamphlet  at 
6  cents.  One  of  the  things  that  has  gone  down  most 
in  price  since  that  day  is  postage.  Diirer  while  in  the 
Netherlands  paid  a  messenger  17  cents  to  deliver  » 

■See  tlie  photograpli  in  my  Life  and  Letlera  of  Lutkrr,  p.  361. 


WEALTH  AND  PRICES 


469 


Mtter    <or  several  letters?),  presumably  sent  to  his 
Borne  in  Naremberg. 

lu  accordance  with  the  general  rule  that  wages  fol- 
low the  trend  of  prices  sluggishly,  whether  upwards 
or  downwards,  there  is  less  change  to  be  observed  in 
tiioin  throughout  the  sixteenth  century  than  there  is  in 
"the    prices  of  commodities.     Subject   to  government 
lation,  the  remuneration  of  all  kinds  of  labor  re- 
ained  nearly  stationary  while  the  cost  of  living  was 
sing.     Startling  is  the  difference  in  the  rewards  of 
le  various  classes,  that  of  the  manual  laborers  being 
■nelly  low,  that  of  professional  men  somewhat  less 
I  proportion  to  the  cost  of  living  than  it  is  today,  and 
Hiat  of  government  officers  being  very  high.     No  one 
'  Kcept  court  officials  got  a  salary  over  $5000  a  year, 
□d  some  of  them  got  much  more.     In  1553  a  French 
liamberlain  was  paid  $51,000  per  annum. 
A  French  navvy  received  8  cents  a  day  in  1550,  a 
arpentcr  as  much  as  26  cents.     A  male  domestic  was 
iven  $7  to  $12  a  year  in  addition  to  his  keep  and  a 
'omaii,  IfeltK^C.     As  the  number  of  working  days  in 
Catholic  countries  was  only  about  250  a  year,  workmen 
ide  from  $65  to  as  low  as  $20.     If  anything,  labor 
8  worse  paid  in  Germany  than  it  was  in  France. 
Agricultural  labor  in  England  was  paid  in  two  scales, 
le  for  summer  and  one  for  winter.     It  varied  from 
cents  to  7  cents  a  day,  the  smaller  sum  being  paid 
i!y  to  men  who  were  also  boarded.     In  summer  f  ree- 
asons  and  ma.ster  carpenters  got  from  8  cents  to  11 
!nl8  for  a  terribly  long  day,  in  \vinter  6  cents  to  9 
cents  for  a  shorter  day.     The  following  scale  was  fixed 
%j  law  in  England  in  1563:     A  hired  farmer  was  to 
lave  $10  a  year  and  $2  for  livery;  a  common  farm 
liand  was  allowed  $8.25  and  $1.25  extra  for  liver\';  a 
'mean  servant"  $6  and  $1.25  respectively,  a  man  child 


470  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

$4  and  $1 ;  a  chief  woman  cook  $5  and  $1.60,  a  raea 
or  simple  woman  $3  and  $1 ;  a  woman  child  $2.00  M 
$1.    All  were  of  course  boarded  and  lodged. 

The  pay  of  French  soldiers  under  Francis  I  was  tot 
privates  $28  a  year  in  time  of  war;  this  fell  to  $11 
a  year  in  time  of  peace;  for  captains  $33  a  nrnnlliil 
time  of  peace  and  $66  in  time  of  war.  Captains  in  tb 
English  navy  i  i  month;  commoo  seama 

$1.25  a  month  ]  d  the  same  allowance  {of 

food. 

The  church  f  etter  than  the  army.  Ill 

Scotland,  a  poc  t  one  in  which  the  cl«rgj1 

were  respected,  :  1562,  a  parson  if  a  aii^ 

man  was  given  $.^  a  married  man  a  maximiH 

of  $78  a  year;  prouau...  a  parsonage  was  addei 
Doubtless  many  Protestant  ministers  eked  out  tbeif 
subsistence  by  fees,  as  the  Catholic  priests  certainly 
did.  Diirer  gave  44  cents  to  a  friar  who  confessed  his 
wife.  Every  baptism,  marriage  and  burial  was  taied 
a  certain  amount.  In  France  one  could  hire  a  priest 
to  say  a  mass  at  from  60  cents  to  $7  in  1500,  and  at  frtai 
30  to  40  cents  in  1600.  At  this  price  it  has  remained 
since,  a  striking  instance  of  religious  consen'atisf 
working  to  the  detriment  of  the  priest,  for  the  saw 
money  represents  much  less  in  real  wages  now  thai 
it  did  then. 

Fees  for  physicians  ranged  from  33  to  44  cents  i 
visit  in  Germany  about  1520.  Treatment  and  medi 
cine  were  far  higher.  At  Antwerp  Diirer  paid  $-.? 
for  a  small  quantity  of  medicine  for  his  wife.  Fee 
were  sometimes  given  for  a  whole  course  of  attendanci 
In  England  we  hear  of  such  "cures"  paid  for  at  fror 
$3.30  to  $5.  Very  little,  if  any,  advice  was  given  fre 
to  the  poor.  The  phy.sicians  for  the  French  king  n 
coived  a  salary  of  $200  a  year  and  other  favors.  Wii 
Jiam  Butts,  physician  to  Henry  VIII,  had  $500  pe 


WEALTH  AND  PRICES  471 


i 


aum,  in  additiou  to  a  knighthood;  and  liis  salary 
s  increased  to  over  $600  for  attending  the  Duke  of 
iehmond. 

Teachers  in  the  lower  schools  were  regarded  as  lack-  Teachen 

>ys  and  paid  accordingly.     Nicholas  Udal,  head  master 

t  Eton,  received  $50  per  annum  and  various  small  al- 

iwances.     University  professors  were  treated  more 

Sberally.     Luther  and  Melanchthon  at  Wittenberg  got 

maximum  of  $224  per  annum,  which  was  about  the 

ime  as  the  stipend  of  leading  professors  in  other  Ger- 

an  universities  and  at  Oxford  and  Cambridge.     The 

^cher  also  got  a  small  honorarium  from  each  student, 

Wlien  Paul  III  restored  the  Sapienza  at  Rome  he  paid 

minimum  of  $17  per  annum  to  some  friars  who  taught 

Bieologj'  and  who  were  eared  for  by  their  order,  but  he 

lave  high  salaries  to  the  professors  of  rhetoric  and 

nedicine.    Ordinarily  these  received  $476  a  year,  but 

le  professor  of  the  classics  reached  the  highwater-  " 

ark  with  nearly  $800. 

The  rewards  of  literary  men  were  more  consistently  Royaltki 
small  in  the  sixteenth  century  than  they  are  now,  owing 
to  the  absence  of  effective  copyright.  An  author 
■nsually  received  a  small  sum  from  the  printer  to  whom 
he  6rst  offered  his  manuscript,  but  his  subsequent  roy- 
alties, if  any,  depended  solely  on  the  goodwill  of  the 
publisher,  A  Wittenberg  printer  offered  Luther  $224 
per  annum  for  his  manuscripts,  but  the  Reformer  de- 
clined it,  wishing  to  make  his  books  as  cheap  as  pos- 
sible. In  1512  Erasmus  got  $8.40  from  Radius  the 
Parisian  printer  for  a  new  edition  of  his  Adages.  In 
fact,  the  rewards  of  letters,  such  as  they  were,  were  in- 
direct, in  the  form  of  pensions,  gifts  and  bL^nefices  from 
the  great.  Erasmus  got  so  many  of  these  favors  that 
he  lived  more  than  comfortably.  Luther  died  almost 
a  rich  man,  so  many  honoraria  did  he  collect  from 
DoWe  admirer.s,     Rabelais  was  g-ivcn  a  boupRcp,  \\\ou^ 


472  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

he  only  lived  two  years  afterwards  to  enjoy  Itafr 
Henry  VIII  gave  $500  to  Thomas  Murner  for  wr, 
againBt  Luther.  But  the  lot  of  the  average  writar 
hard.  Fulsome  flattery  was  the  most  lucrative 
dnction  of  the  muse. 

Artists  fared  better.  Diirer  sold  one  pictnn 
$375  and  another  for  $200,  not  counting  the  " 
which  his  wife  i  received  on  each  occ 

from  the  patri  ly  his  woodcuts  brongh' 

more  from  the  aan  any  single  painting 

when  he  died  I  hen  respectable  sura  of 

000.     He  had  b  a  pension  of  $300  per  a: 

and  a  house  at  y  that  city  if  ho  would 

there,  but  he  pi  return  to  Nurerabergo 

he  was  pensioned  $6ini  a  year  by  the  emperor,  ' 
ardo  da  Vinci  and  Michelangelo  both  received 
a  month  for  work  done  for  a  prince,  and  the  latte 
given  a  pension  of  $5200  a  year  by  Paul  HI.  Ra 
in  1520  left  an  estate  of  $140,000.' 

If  a  comparison  of  the  value  of  money  is  mad 
final  impression  that  one  gets  is  that  an  ounce  ol 
was  in  1563,  let  us  say,  expected  to  do  about  ten 
as  much  work  as  the  same  weight  of  precious 
performed  in  1!)13.'  If  a  few  articles  were  th( 
tually  dearer,  they  were  comparatively  unimpi 
and  were  balanced  by  other  articles  even  more  thj 
times  as  cheap.  But  a  dollar  will  buy  so  many  a: 
now  which  did  not  exist  in  former  ages  that  a  pla 
case  can  be  made  out  for  the  paradox  that  moi 
now  worth  more  than  it  ever  was  before.  If  an 
of  gold  would  in  Luther's  time  exchange  for  a 
larger  quantity  of  simple  necessaries  than  it  wil 
chase  now,  on  the  other  hand  a  man  with  an  ii 
of  $5000  a  year  is  far  better  off  than  a  man  wi' 

■No  valid  ooniparison  can  be  made  for  the  jearB  after  1913 
most  nationB  paper  eurrvnciea  have  ousted  gold. 


WEALTH  AND  PEICES  473 

me  income^  or  indeed  with  any  income,  was  then. 
Kotwithstanding  the  great  diflSculties  of  making  out  Trend  oi 
ly  fair  index  number  representing  the  cost  of  living  ^"*** 
Ml  applicable  to  long  periods,  owing  to  the  fact  that 
tides  vary  from  time  to  time,  as  when  candles  are 
placed  by  gas  and  gas  by  electricity,  yet  the  general 
Bnd  of  prices  can  be  pretty  plainly  ascertained, 
loierally  speaking,  prices — measured  in  weight  of 
Id  and  not  in  coin — sank  slowly  from  1390  till  1520 
jder  the  influence  of  better  technical  methods  of  pro- 
letion  and  possibly  of  the  draining  of  gold  and  silver 
the  Orient.  From  1520  till  1560  prices  rose  quite 
wly  on  account  of  the  increased  production  of  gold 
d  silver  and  its  more  rapid  circulation  by  means  of 
tter  banking.  From  1560  to  1600  prices  rose  with 
3rmous  rapidity,  partly  because  of  the  destruction 
wealth  and  increase  in  the  cost  of  production  fol- 
ding in  the  wake  of  the  French  and  Dutch  wars  of 
igion,  and  still  more,  perhaps,  on  account  of  the 
rent  of  American  silver  suddenly  poured  into  the 

of  Europe.    Taking  the  century  as  a  whole,  we  find 
t  wheat  rose  the  most,  as  much  as  150  per  cent,  in 
gland,  200  per  cent,  in  France  and  300  per  cent,  in 
nnany.     Other  articles  rose  less,  and  in  some  cases 
lained  stationary,  or  sank  in  price.    Money  wages 
e  slowly,  far  less  than  the  cost  of  living. 
Lpart  from  special  circumstances  affecting  the  pro-  increase 
tion  of  particular  classes  of  goods,  the  main  cause  precious 
the  general  trend  of  prices  upwards  was  probably  metals 

increase  in  the  volume  of  the  precious  metals. 
t  how  great  this  was,  it  is  impossible  to  determine, 
I  yet  a  calculation  can  be  made,  yielding  figures  near 
ugh  the  actual  to  be  of  service.  From  the  middle 
the  fifteenth  century  there  had  been  a  considerable 
rease  in  the  production  of  silver  from  German, 
lemian  and  Hungarian  mines.    Although  tbi&  m- 


476  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

Combiiimg  these  figures  we  see  that  the  prodnctio: 
gold  was  pretty  steady  throughout  the  century,  nisi 
a  total  output  of  about  $330,000,000.  The  prodod 
of  silver,  however,  greatly  increased  after  1544.  Fi 
the  beginning  of  the  centurj'  to  that  year  it  amoun 
to  $75,285,600;  from  1545  to  1600  inclusive  it  inerea 
to  $450,955,200,  making  a  total  output  for  the  ceat 
of  $526,240,81  i  these  figures  only  rou; 

approximate  ertheless  they  give  a  cor 

idea  of  the  gt,  ses  at  work.     Even  for 

first  half  of  tl  !  production  of  the  pret 

metals  was  fai  anything  that  had  precc 

and  this  outpu  ;  was,  was  nearly  triplt 

the  last  half  oi  y.    These  figures,  how 

are  extremely  mouci-i,  i:u.^pared  with  those  of  r 
times,  when  more  gold  is  mined  in  a  year  than 
then  mined  in  a  century.  The  total  amount  min 
1915  was  $470,000,000;  in  1917  $428,000,000;  fo 
period  1850  to  1916  inclusive  the  total  amount  t 
was  $13,678,000,000. 

§  3.  Institutions 
For  a  variety  of  reasons  the  sixteenth  centun 
as  monarchical  in  mind  as  tlic  twentieth  centu 
democratic.  Immemorial  prescription  then  h 
vigor  since  lost,  and  monarchy  descended  from  cla 
and  biblical  antiquity  when  kinps  were  hedged  v 
genuine  divinity.  The  study  of  Roman  law,  wi 
absolutist  maxims,  aided  in  the  formation  of  ro 
sentiment.  The  court  as  the  center  of  fashio 
traeted  a  brilliant  society,  wliilc  the  small  man 
fied  his  cravings  for  gentility  by  devouring  the 
gossip  that  even  then  clogged  the  presses.  It  is 
able  that  one  reason  why  the  throne  became  so  po 
was  that  it  was,  next  to  the  church,  the  best  adve; 


WEALTH  AND  PRICES 

F.   de  Laiglesio,  on  the  other  hand,  thinks  that  not 
tnoro    than  $4,3:2(J,UUO  was  mined  in  America  before 
1555.     The  most  careful  estimate,  that  made  by  Pro- 
fessor Hariiig,  arrives  at  the  following  results,  the  amng'j 
amounts  being  given  in  pesos  each  worth  very  nearly  ^'™*" 
the  same  as  our  dollar.     Mexican  production : 

3521-44         1545-60 

Gold   5.348,900         343,670 

SUver 4,130,170    22,467,111 

For  Peru  the  proportions  of  gold  and  silver  cannot 
be  separated,  but  the  totals  taken  together  from  1531- 
1560  amounted  to  probably  84,350.000  pesos.  Other 
nnall  sums  came  from  other  parts  of  the  New  World, 
ind  the  final  total  for  production  of  gold  and  silver  in 
Imerica  until  1560  is  given  at  139,720,000  pesos.  This 
I  a  reduction  to  70  per  cent,  of  the  estimate  of  Lexis, 
.ssumiug  that  the  same  correction  must  be  made  on 
kll  of  the  estimates  given  by  Lexis  we  have  the  follow- 
ing figures  for  the  world's  production  of  precious  met- 
■k  Id  kilogrammes  and  in  dollars : ' 


Gold 

Silver 

Average 

per  anrutm 

Average 

per  amtum 

in 

pesos  or 
dollars 
of  23 

inkaos 

indoltara 

kilos 

grammes 

1493-1520    . 

..   4270 

3,269,000 

31,570 

1,262,800 

JS21-M 

..  4893 

3,425,000 

52,010 

2,080,400 

M&-40 

..  4718 

3,302,600 

184,730 

7,389.200 

561-80 

..  4718 

3,302,600 

185,430 

7,417,200 

1581-1600   . 

..   4641 

3,268,700 

230,4B0 

9,219,200 

>  Th«*  flgur 

a  are  liSHMi  o 

n  those  of  Sonmiprlad  in  the 

flandKorler- 

htfh    drr   Staatiirwmtohalt 

n.   S.V,    "Preis." 

token    from 

\vi,i»,  who 

lud  o..  U>i.. 

Figures  qui 

e  similBr  to  tho 

c  of  Sommer 

ad  an.  given 

b,   C.    V.    Ba.tablc   in   tho  Encyclopedia   Br 

tannica,   g.v. 

■'Money."     I 

fc««e  inewporaliJ  Haring'a  mrreed'oiiB. 

k 

_^^^ 

■^p« 


SOCLA.L  CONDITIONS 


Combining  these  figures  we  see  that  the  prodnclion  i  ^  - 
gold  waa  pretty  steady  throughout  the  century,  makin  ^^ 
a  total  output  of  about  $330,000,000.  The  productim 
of  silver,  however,  greatly  increased  after  1544.  Fni  ^  _ 
the  beginning  of  the  century  to  that  year  it  amoontij  -  « 
to  $75,285,600;  from  1545  to  1600  inclusive  it  increaw  .  ^ 
to  $450,955,200,  making  a  total  output  for  the  Mntoj  er  ; 
of  $526,240,800.     0  lese  figures  only  rourfj    ;  .j, 

approximate  the  tr  heless  they  give  a  wrM    g  ^ 

idea  of  the  general  at  work.     Even  for4l   ^gj, 

first  half  of  the  eei  'oduction  of  the  preciotf  ^  g^ 

metals  was  far  in  e  rthiiig  tiiat  had  pre«df4  j  j  ■ 

and  this  output,  la  as,  was  nearly  tripledilj 

the  last  half  of  thi  These  figures,  boweral  ^^  1 

are  extremely  modes  l  tv,.  'ed  with  those  of  reMntV 
times,  when  more  gold  is  rained  in  a  year  thanwul 
then  mined  in  a  century.  The  total  amount  mined  la  I 
1915  was  $470,000,000;  in  1917  $428,000,000;  tor  tie! 
period  1830  to  1!116  inclusive  the  total  amount  mined  I 
was  $13,678,000,000. 

§  3.  Institutions 
For  a  vurioty  of  reasons  the  sixteenth  centun' 
as  monareliical  in  mind  as  the  twentieth  century 
democratic.  Immemorial  prescription  then  bad 
vigor  since  Inst,  and  monarchy  descended  from  classical 
and  biblical  antiquity  when  kings  were  liedged  with* 
genuine  divinity.  The  study  of  Roman  law,  with  its 
absolutist  ninxims,  aided  in  the  formation  of  royaUst 
sentiment.  The  court  as  the  center  of  fashion  at- 
tracted a  brilliant  society,  while  the  small  man  satis- 
fied his  cravin'is  for  gentility  by  devouring  the  court 
gossip  that  even  then  clogged  the  presses.  It  is  prob- 
able that  one  reason  why  the  throne  became  so  popular 
was  that  it  was,  next  to  the  church,  the  best  advertised 


INSTITUTIONS  477 

rticle  in  the  world.  But  underlying  these  sentimental 
.sons  for  loyalty  there  was  a  basis  of  solid  utility, 
redisposing  men  to  support  the  scepter  as  the  one 
bwer  strong  enough  to  overawe  the  nobles.  One 
^ant  was  better  than  many;  one  lion  could  do  less 
Ttn  than  a  pack  of  wolves  and  hyaenas.  lu  the 
peater  states  men  felt  perfectly  helpless  without  a 
,g  to  rule  the  anarchical  chaos  into  which  society 
iould  have  dissolved  without  him.  When  the  Spanish 
lommunes  rebelled  against  Charles  V  they  triumphed 
,  the  field,  but  their  attempt  simply  collapsed  in  face 
'  their  utter  inability  to  solve  the  problem  of  goveni- 
ent  without  a  royal  governor.  They  were  as  help- 
88  as  bees  without  a  queen.  Indeed,  so  strong  was 
leir  instinct  to  get  a  royal  head  that  they  tried  to 
reserve  themselves  by  kidnapping  Charles's  mother, 
jor,  mad  Joanna,  to  fill  the  political  vacuum  that 
ley  had  made.  So  in  the  civil  wars  in  France;  not- 
ithstanding  the  more  promising  materials  for  the 
ormation  of  a  republic  in  that  country,  all  parties 
ere,  in  fact,  headed  by  claimants  to  the  throne. 
Next  to  the  king  came  the  Council  of  State,  composed  CounciU 
'.  princes  of  the  blood,  cardinals,  nobles  and  some  offi- 
irs  and  secretaries  of  state,  not  always  of  noble  blood 
it  frequently,  especially  in  the  cases  of  the  most  pow- 
rful  of  them,  scions  of  the  middle  class.  What  pro- 
tortion  of  the  executive  power  was  wielded  by  the 
louncil  depended  on  the  personal  character  of  the 
lonarch.  Heni-y  VIII  was  always  master;  Elizabeth 
vs  more  guided  than  guiding;  the  Councils  of  the 
'^alois  and  Hapsburgs  profited  by  the  preoccupation 
t  the  stupidity  of  their  masters  to  usurp  the  royal 
ower  for  themselves.  In  public  opinion  the  Council 
lupied  a  great  place,  similar  to  that  of  an  English 
Jabinct  today.     The  first  Anglican  prayerbook  con- 


478  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

tains  petitions  for  the  Council,  thongh  it  did  not 
to  the  people  to  pray  for  Parliament  until  the  next 
tury. 

The  countries  were  governed  no  longer  by  the  nol)lli  * 
as  such  but  by  officials  appointed  by  the  crown.  Il  i  1 
an  indication  of  the  gromug  nationalization  of  poli( 
that  the  sixteenth  century  saw  the  first  establishmi 
of  permanent  dipi  its.     The  first  ambi 

,dors,  selected  larj  panel  of  bishops,  maj 

trates,  jcdges  and  ere  expected  to  functi< 

not  only  as  envoys  spies.    Under  them 

a  host  of  secret  ag  d  to  do  underhand  woi 

and  to  take  the  res  ;or  it  themselveB  ao 

if  found  out,  they  i  radiated. 

Very  powerful  was  tiic  uw.ional  popular  assembly! 
the  Parliament,  the  Diet,  the  States  General,  or  the 
■Cortes.  Its  functions,  prescriptive  and  undefined, 
were  commonly  understood  to  include  the  granting  of 
taxes.  The  assent  of  the  body  was  also  required,  to  a 
varying  degree,  for  the  sanction  of  other  laws.  Bat 
the  real  power  of  the  people's  representatives  lay  in 
the  fact  that  they  were  the  chief  organ  for  the  espre* 
sion  of  that  public  opinion  which  in  all  countries  and 
at  all  times  it  is  unsafe  for  governments  to  disregard. 
Sitting  ill  two  or  more  chambers  to  represent  the  sev- 
eral estates  or  sometimes — as  in  the  German  Diet- 
subdivisions  of  these  estates,  the  representatives  were 
composed  of  members  of  the  privileged  orders,  the 
clergy  and  nobility,  and  of  the  elected  representatives 
of  the  city  aristocracies.  The  majority  of  the  popula- 
tion, the  poor,  were  unrepresented.  That  this  class 
had  as  great  a  stake  in  the  commonwealth  as  any  other, 
and  that  they  had  a  class  consciousness  capable  of  de- 
manding rei'orm.s  and  of  taking  energetic  measures  to 
secure  thorn,  is  shown  by  a  number  of  rebellions  of  the 
proletariat,  and  yet  il  is  ivot  unfair  to  them,  or  dis- 


INSTITUTIONS  479 

ainful,  to  say  that  on  most  matters  they  were  too  un- 
istmcted,  too  powerless  and  too  mute  to  contribute 
to  that  body  of  sentiment  called  public  opinion, 
condition  of  which  seems  to  be  that  to  exist  it  must 
expression. 
The  Estates  General,  by  whatever  name  they  were  influci 
supplemented  in  France  by  provincial  bodies  ^^^ 
v^mlled   Parlements  partaking  of  the  nature  of  high  Genen 
:;:  Ooarts  of  justice,  and  in  Germany  by  the  local  Diets 
XJjBiidUig)  of  the  larger  states,  exercised  a  very  real 
^mnd  in  some  cases  a  decisive  influence  on  public  policy. 
^^Ehe  monarch  of  half  the  world  dared  not  openly  defy 
o^Uie  Cortes  of  Aragon  or  of  Castile;  the  imperious  Tu- 
tors diligently  labored  to  get  parliamentary  sanction 
iPor  their  tyrannical  acts,  and,  on  the  few  occasions 
*when  they  could  not  do  so,  hastened  to  abandon  as 
CpracefuUy  as  possible  their  previous  intentions.    In 
Oennany  the  power  of  the  Diet  was  not  limited  by  the 
emperor,  but  by  the  local  governments,  though  even  so 
it  'was  considerable.    When  a  Diet,  under  skilful  ma- 
nipulation or  by  unscrupulous  trickery,  was  induced  by 
the  executive  to  pass  an  unpopular  measure,  like  the 
Sdict  of  Worms,  the  law  became  a  dead  letter.    In 
some   other  instances,  notably  in  its  long  campaign 
against  monopolies,  even  when  it  expressed  the  popular 
voice  the  Diet  failed  because  the  emperor  was  sup- 
ported by  the  wealthy  capitalists.    Only  recently  it  has 
been  revealed  how  the  Fuggers  of  Augsburg  and  their 
allies   endeavored  to  manipulate  or  to  frustrate  its 
work  in  the  matter  of  government  regulation  of  in- 
dustry and  commerce. 

The  finances  of  most  countries  were  managed  cor-  Public 
roptly  and  unwisely.    The  taxes  were  numerous  and      ^^ 
complicated  and  bore  most  heavily  on  the  poor.     From 
ordinary  taxes  in  most  countries  the  privileged  orders 
were  exempt,  though  they  were  forced  to  cotvtiibul^ 


480  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

special  sums  levied  by  themselves.  The  general  j 
erty  tax  (taille)  in  France  yielded  2,400,000  li 
toumois  in  1517  and  4,600,000  in  1543.  The  taxes' 
farmed ;  that  is,  the  right  of  collecting  them  was  eoi 
auction,  with  the  natural  result  that  they  were  put 
the  hands  of  exto-rtioners  who  made  vast  fortunes 
oppressing  the  people.  Revenues  of  the  royal  dom 
excises  on  s  "  '  '  articles,  import  and  ex\ 
duties,  and  :es  and  monopolies,  sup 

mented  the  The  system  of  taxation 

ried  in  each  ib  in  Spain  the  10  pert 

tax  on  the  p  icle  every  time  it  was 

and  the  royj  s  metals — 20  per  cent,  i 

1504 — proved  tources  of  revenne.    t 

drove  a  lucraiut  n   spiritual  wares.    K 

where,  fines  for  transgressions  of  the  law  figured 
largely  as  a  source  of  revenue  than  they  do  nowa 

Expenditures  were  both  more  wasteful  and  mor 
gardly  than  they  are  today.  Though  the  service  < 
public  debt  was  trifling  compared  with  modem  i 
ards,  and  though  the  administration  of  justice  wi 
expensive  because  of  the  fee  system,  the  army  ami 
cost  a  good  deal,  partly  because  they  were  com 
largely  of  well  paid  mercenaries.  The  person; 
travagances  of  the  court  were  among  the  heavies 
dens  borne  by  the  people.  The  kings  built  pa 
tliey  wallowed  in  cloth  of  gold;  they  collected  o 
of  art;  they  squandered  fortunes  on  mistressc; 
minions;  they  made  constant  progresses  with  a  n 
of  tiiousands  of  servants  and  horses.  The  two  j 
est  states,  France  and  Spain,  both  went  into 
niptcy  in  1557. 

The  great  task  of  government,  tliat  of  keeping  j 
order,  protecting  life  and  property  and  punisliln 
criminal,  was  approached  by  our  forbears  with 
gusto  than  success.     The  laws  were  terrible,  but 


-•r 


IXSTTTFTIOXS  4Sl 

e  unequally  executed.     In  En^L>-land  among  capital 
es  were  the  following :  murder,  arson,  escape  from 
n,  hunting  by  night  with  painted  faces  or  visors, 
bezzling  property  worth  more  than  40  shillings, 
g  horses  or  mares  into  Scotland,  conjuring, 
tising  witchcraft,  removing  landmarks,  desertion 
m  the  army,  counterfeiting  or  mutilating  coins,  cat- 
lifting,   house-breaking,   picking   of   pockets.    All 
e  were  punished  by  hanging,  but  crimes  of  special 
onsness,  such  as  poisoning,  were  visited  with  hum- 
or boiling  to  death.    The  numerous  laws  against 
on  and  heresy  have  already  been  described.    Les- 
punishments  included  flogging,  pillory,  branding, 
stocks,  clipping  ears,  piercing  tongues,  and  im- 
nment  in  dungeons  made  purposely  as  horrible  as 
ible,  dark,  noisome  dens  without  furniture  or  con- 
1^  -  Taziences,  often  too  small  for  a  man  to  stand  uprighf. 
;f  ^  to  lie  at  full  length. 

With  such  laws  it  is  not  surprising  that  72,000  men  Nun 

\^re  hanged  under  Henry  VIII,  an  average  of  nearly  ®*^ 

^000  a  year.    The  number  at  present,  when  the  popu- 

^tion  of  England  and  Wales  has  swollen  to  tenfold  of 

>irfaat  it  was  then,  is  negligible.     Only  nine  men  ^vere 

flanged  in  the  United  Kingdom  in  the  years  1901-3; 

^bout  5,000  are  now  on  the  average  annually  convicted 

^f  felony.    If  anything,  the  punishments  were  harsher 

on  the  Continent  than  in  Britain.    The  only  refuge  of 

"(he  criminal  was  the  greed  of  his  judges.    At  Rome  it 

^^iras  easy  and  regular  to  pay  a  price  for  every  crime, 

and  at  other  places  bribery  was  more  or  less  prevalent. 

The  methods  of  trying  criminals  were  as  cruel  as  Cnie 
their  punishments.    On  the  Continent  the  presumption  ^"*J^ 
yuras  held  to  be  against  the  accused,  and  the  rack  and 
its  ghastly  retinue  of  instruments  of  pain  were  freely 
Tised  to  procure  confession.     Calvin's  hard  saying  that 
^when  men  felt  the  pain  they  spoke  the  truth  meteVY  ^t.- 


482  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

pressed  the  current  delasion,  for  legislators  i 
judges,  their  hearts  hardened  in  part  by  the  exampll 
the  church,  concurred  in  his  opinion.  The  exceptia 
protest  of  Montaigne  deserves  to  be  quoted  for, 
humanity:  "All  that  exceeds  simple  death  is  absoj 
cruelty,  nor  can  our  laws  expect  that  he  whom  thefi 
of  decapitation  or  hanging  will  not  restrain  shonW 
awed  by  ima  'rors  of  a  slow  fire,  bam 

pincers  or  bi  wheel. ' ' 

The  spirit  i  law  waa  against  the  M 

torture,  whi<  lade  progress,  especiaH 

state  trials,  i  ors.    A  man  who  refuM 

plead  in  an  was  subjected  to  the  f 

forte  et  dure,  ted  in  piling  weights  oi 

chest  until  he  eiiuti  e  or  was  crushed  to  i 

To  enforce  the  laws  there  was  a  constabulary  ii 
country,  supplemented  by  the  regular  army,  ai 
police  force  in  the  cities.  That  of  Paris  consisK 
240  archers,  among  them  twenty-four  mounted 
Tlie  inefficiency  of  some  of  the  English  officers  is  a 
ingly  caricatured  in  the  persons  of  Dogberry  and 
ges  who,  when  they  saw  a  thief,  concluded  that  he 
no  honest  man  and  the  less  they  had  to  meddl 
make  with  him  the  more  for  their  honesty. 

If,  in  all  that  has  just  been  said,  it  is  evident 
the  legislation  of  that  period  and  of  our  own  hat 
same  conception  of  the  function  of  government 
only  differed  in  method  and  efficiency,  there  was 
very  large  class  of  laws  spread  upon  the  statute-): 
of  medieval  Europe  that  has  almost  vanished 
A  paternal  sfatesmansiiip  sought  to  regulate  the 
vate  lives  of  a  citizen  in  every  respect:  the  fas 
of  his  clothes,  the  number  of  courses  at  his  m 
how  many  guests  he  might  have  at  wedding,  di 
or  dance,  how  long  he  should  be  permitted  to  h 
the  tavern,  and  how  much  he  should  drink,  hov 


INSTITUTIONS  483 

should  spend  Sunday,  how  he  should  become  engaged, 
►w  dance,  how  part  his  hair  and  with  how  thick  a 
'^^'liftick  he  should  be  indulged  in  the  luxury  of  beating  his 
ife. 

The  *'blue  laws/*  as  such  regulations  on  their  moral 

came  to  be  called,  were  no  Protestant  innovation. 

Lutherans  hardly  made  any  change  whatever  in 

respect,  but  Calvin  did  give  a  new  and  biting  in- 

lity  to  the  medieval  spirit.    His  followers,  the  Puri- 

I,  in  the  next  century,  almost  succeeded  in  reducing 

staple  of  a  Christian  man  *s  legitimate  recreation  to 

'aeasonable  meditation  and  prayer.".  But  the  idea 

ated  long  before  the  evolution  of  '*the  non-con- 

ist  conscience. ' ' 

The  fundamental  cause  of  all  this  legislation  was 

ir  conservatism.  Primitive  men  and  savages  have  Spirit 
strong  a  feeling  of  the  sanction  of  custom  that  they  ^^^^^ 
?:~%ave,  as  Bagehot  expresses  it,  fairly  screwed  them- 
'*'  selves  down  by  their  unreasoning  demands  for  con- 
:fonnity.  A  good  deal  of  this  spirit  has  survived 
throughout  history  and  far  more  of  it,  naturally,  was 
found  four  centuries  ago  than  at  present,  when  reason 
lias  proved  a  solvent  for  so  many  social  institutions. 
There  are  a  good  many  laws  of  the  period  under  sur- 
vey— such  as  that  of  Nuremberg  against  citizens  part- 
ing their  hair — ^f  or  which  no  discoverable  basis  can  be 
found  save  the  idea  that  new-fangled  fashions  should 
not  be  allowed. 

Gconomic  reasons  also  played  their  part  in  the  regu- 
lation of  the  habits  of  the  people.  Thus  a  law  of  Ed- 
iMrard  VI,  after  a  preamble  setting  forth  that  divers 
kinds  of  food  are  indifferent  before  God,  nevertheless 
commands  all  men  to  eat  fish  as  heretofore  on  fast  days, 
not  as  a  religious  duty  but  to  encourage  fishermen,  give 
them  a  livelihood  and  thus  train  men  for  the  navy. 
A  third  very  strong  motive  in  the  mind  of  the  six- 


484 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 


teenth-century  statesmen,  was  that  of  differentiatifl 
the  classes  of  citizens.  The  blue  laws,  if  they  may  \ 
80  called  in  this  case,  were  secretions  of  the  blue  blooj 
To  make  the  vulgar  know  their  places  it  was  essentiil 
to  make  them  dress  according  to  their  rank.  The  ii 
tention  of  An  Act  for  the  Reformation  of  excess  iii§ 
Apparel,  passed  by  the  English  Parliament  in  1532 
was  stated  to  be, 

the  necessHry  repressing  and  avoiding  and  expelling  (I 
the  excess  daily  more  used  in  the  sumptuous  and  cos 
apparel   and   array   aceustoraably   woru   in   this  Res 
whereof  halh  ensued  and  daily  do  chance  such  sundll 
high  and  notorious  detriments  of  the  common  weal,  ttf 
subversion  of  good  and  politic  order  in  knowledge  audi 
distinction   of   people   according   to   their    estates,   pn-l 
eminences,  dignities  aud  degrees  to  the  utter  impoverish- 1 
ment  and  undoing  of  many  inexpert  and  light  persoail 
inclined  to  pride,  mother  of  all  vices. 

The  tenor  of  the  act  prescribes  the  garb  appropriat* 
to  the  royal  family,  to  nobles  of  different  degree,  I 
citizens  according  to  their  income,  to  servants  an 
husbandmen,  to  the  clergy,  doctors  of  divinity,  so 
diets,  lawyers  and  players.  Such  laws  were  commo 
in  all  countries.  A  Scotch  act  provides  "that  it  I; 
lauchful  to  na  wemen  to  weir  [clothes]  abone  [abovt 
their  estait  except  howries."  This  law  was  not  onl 
"apprevit"  by  King  James  VI,  but  endorsed  with  b 
own  royal  hand,  "This  acte  is  verray  gude." 

Excessive  fare  at  feasts  was  provided  against  ft 
similar  reasons  and  with  almost  equal  frequency.  B 
an  English  proclamation  the  number  of  dishes  serve 
was  to  be  regulated  according  to  the  rank  of  the  highei 
person  present.  Thus,  if  a  cardinal  was  guest  or  ho8 
there  might  be  nine  courses,  if  a  lord  of  Parliament  si: 
for  a  citizen  with  an  income  of  five  hundred  pounds 
year,  three.    Elsewhere  the  number  of  guests  at  ai 


INSTITUTIONS  485 

irdinary  functions  as  well  as  the  number  and  price  of 
ts  at  weddings,  christenings  and  like  occasions,  was 
prescribed. 
Games  of  chance  were  frequently  forbidden.     Fran-   1526 
i  I  ordered  a  lieutenant  with  twenty  archers  to  visit 
lavems  and  gaming  houses  and  arrest  all  players  of 
ards,  dice  and  other  unlawful  games.     This  did  not 
Tevent  the  establishment  of  a  public  lottery,  a  prac-  1539 
lice  justified  by  alleging  the  examples  of  Italian  cities 
raising  revenue  by  this  means.     Henry  III  forbade 
1  games  of  chance  "to  minors  and  other  debauched  1577 
rrsons, "  and  this  was  followed  six  years  later  by  a 
Dsbing  impost  on  cards  and  dice,  interesting  as  one 
the  first  attempts  to  suppress  the  instruments  of 
^ce  through  the  taxing  power.     Merry  England  also 
liad  many  laws  forbidding  "tennis,  bowles,  dicing  and 
«ards,"  the  object  being  to  encourage  the  practice  of 
Tchery. 

Tippling  was  the  subject  of  occasional  animadver- 
ion  by  the  various  governments,  though  there  seemed 
to  be  little  sentiment  against  it  until  the  opening  of 
the  following  centurj'.  The  regulation  of  the  number 
of  taverns  and  of  the  amount  of  wine  that  might  be 
kept  in  a  gentleman's  cellar,  as  prescribed  in  an  Eng- 
lish law,  mentions  not  the  moral  but  the  economic  as-  '^^3 
pect  of  drinking.  The  purchase  of  French  wines  was 
said  to  drain  England  of  money. 

Though  the  theater  also  did  not  suffer  much  until 
the  time  of  Cromwell,  plays  were  forbidden  in  the 
precincts  of  the  city  of  London.  The  Book  of  Disci- 
pline in  Scotland  forbade  attendance  at  theaters.  Cal-  ^5'* 
vin  thoroughly  disapproved  of  them,  and  even  Luther 
considered  them  "fools'  work"  and  at  times  danger- 
ous. 

Commendable  efforts  to  suppress  the  practice  of 
duelling  were  led  by  the  Catholic  church.     ClcmeuV 


486  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 


VH  forbade  it  in  a  bull,  confirmed  by  a  decree  of  I 
Council  of  Trent.  An  extraordinarily  worded  Frer 
proclamation  of  1566  forbade  "all  gentlemen  a 
others  to  give  each  other  the  lie  and,  if  they  do  gi 
each  other  the  lie,  to  fight  a  duel  about  it."  Otl 
governments  took  the  matter  up  very  sluggisli 
Scotland  forbade  "the  great  liberty  that  sundry  p 
sons  take  in  p         ' '  '   other  to  singular  comb 

upon  sudden  jcasions,"  ■without  Ucei 

from  his  maji 

Two  matter!  Puritans  felt  very  keei 

-blasphemy  au  caking,  were  but  scan' 

looked  after  in  jf  the  Reformation.    S( 

land  forbade  ''  I  abominable  oaths,  sure 

ing,  execrations  <  lemation,"  and  somew 

similar  laws  can  be  found  in  other  countries.  Si 
land  was  also  a  pioneer  in  forbidding  on  the  Sabb 
a!I  work,  "gaming,  playing,  passing  to  taverns  andj 
houses  and  wilful  remaining  away  from  the  par 
kirk  in  time  of  sermon." 

Government  has  other  functions  than  the  enfoi 
roent  of  the  civil  and  criminal  law.  Almost  contetn 
rary  witli  the  opening  of  the  century  was  the  establi 
ment  of  post  offices  for  the  forwarding  of  letti 
After  Maximilian  had  made  a  start  in  the  Nethcrlai 
other  countries  were  not  slow  to  follow  his  exam] 
Though  under  special  government  supervision  at  fi 
those  letter-carriers  were  private  men. 

In  the  Middle  Ages  there  had  been  efforts  to  st 
guard  public  sanitation.  The  sixteenth  century  . 
not  greatly  improve  on  them.  Thus,  Geneva  passci 
law  that  garbage  and  other  refuse  should  not  be 
lowed  to  lie  in  the  streets  for  more  than  three  days 
summer  or  eight  days  in  winter.  In  extreme  ca 
quarantine  was  adopted  as  a  precaution  against  e 
demies. 


INSTITUTIONS  487 

It  is  the  most  heart-breaking  or  the  most  absurd  fact   War 

human  history,  according  as  the  elements  involved 
focused  in  a  humane  or  in  a  cynical  light,  that  the 

ief  energies  of  government  as  well  as  the  most  zeal- 
forces  of  peoples,  have  been  dedicated  since  civil- 

tion  began  to  the  practice  of  wholesale  homicide. 

we  look  back  from  the  experience  of  the  Great  War 

the  conflicts  of  other  times,  they  seem  to  our  jaded 
ginations  almost  as  childish  as  they  were  vicious. 

the  sixteenth  century,  far  more  than  in  the  nine- 
^Seenth,  the  nations  boiled  and  bubbled  with  spleen  and 
jealousy,  hurled  Thrasonical  threats  and  hyperbolic 
^iKMists  in  each  other's  teeth,  breathing  out  mutual  ex- 
"termination  with  no  compunctious  visitings  of  nature 
<o  stay  their  hungry  swords — ^but  when  they  came  to 
Hows  they  had  not  the  power  of  boys.  The  great  na- 
tions were  always  fighting  but  never  fought  to  a  finish. 
In  the  whole  century  no  national  capital  west  of  Hun- 
gary, save  Rome  and  Edinburgh,  was  captured  by  an 
enemy.  The  real  harm  was  not  done  on  the  battle- 
field, where  the  carnage  was  incredibly  small,  but  in 
the  raids  and  looting  of  town  and  country  by  the  pro- 
fessional assassins  who  filled  the  ranks  of  the  hireling 
troops.  Then,  indeed,  cities  were  burned,  wealth  was 
plundered  and  destroyed,  men  were  subjected  to  name- 
less tortures  and  women  to  indescribable  outrages,  and 
children  were  tossed  on  pikes.  Nor  did  war  seem  then 
to  shock  the  public  conscience,  as  it  has  at  last  suc- 
ceeded in  doing.  The  people  saw  nothing  but  dazzling 
glory  in  the  slaughter  of  foemen  on  the  stricken 
field,  in  the  fanfare  of  the  trumpets  and  the  thunder 
of  the  captains  and  the  shouting.  Soldiers,  said  Lu- 
ther, founding  his  opinion  on  the  canon  law,  might  be 
in  a  state  of  grace,  for  war  was  as  necessary  as  eat- 
ing, drinking  or  any  other  business.  Statesmen  like 
Machiavelli  and  Bacon  were  keen  for  the  laxgeal  arcDL\^'a» 


488  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

possible,  as  the  mainstay  of  a  nation's  power. 
Erasmus  was  a  clear-sighted  pacifist,  always  JeclsM 
ing  against  war  and  once  asserting  that  he  a^ecdff 
Cicero  in  thinking  the  most  unjust  peace  preferablelB 
the  justest  war.     Elsewhere  he  admitted  that  warsd 
self-defence  were  necessary. 

Fire-arms  had  not  fully  estabhshed  their  asceiidac^ 


in  the  period  of  Fi 
as  1596  an  Bnglisl 
men  neglected  the 
pikes  were  the  con 
inflicted  very  little 
considerable,  as  at 
cavalry,  it  struck  ■ 
Swiss  infantry.     In  at.. 


T  even  of  Alva.    As  lull] 
nented  tlmt  his  countrj 
(  gan.    Halberdiers  wiij 
ly.     Artillery  BometinnA 
i  at  Flodden,  sometin 
,  where,  with  the  Fren 
11  then  almost  inviiicibkl 
rquebusiers   and  nmsVe- 1 


teers  were  interspersed  with  eross-howraen.  Cannon 
of  a  large  type  gave  way  to  smaller  field-guns ;  even  the 
idea  of  the  machine-gun  emerged  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury. The  name  of  them,  "organs,"  was  taken  from 
their  appearance  with  numerous  barrels  from  wliicli 
as  many  as  fifty  bullets  could  be  discharged  at  a  time. 
Cannon  were  transported  to  the  field  on  carts.  Kifles 
were  invented  by  a  German  in  1520,  but  not  much 
used.  Pistols  were  first  manufactured  at  Pistoia— 
whence  the  name— about  1540,  Bombs  were  first  used 
in  1588. 

The  arts  of  fortification  and  of  siege  were  improved 
together,  many  ingenious  devices  being  called  into 
being  by  the  technically  difficult  war  of  the  SpaniariJs 
against  the  Dutch.  Tactics  were  not  so  perfect  as  they 
afterwards  became  and  of  strategy  there  was  no  con- 
sistent theory.  Maehiavelli,  who  wrote  on  the  subject, 
based  his  ideas  on  the  practice  of  Rome  and  therefore 
despised  fire-arms  and  preferred  infantry  to  cavalry. 
Discipline  was  severe,  and  needed  to  be,  notwithstand- 
ing  which  there  were  sporadic  and  often  very  aunojiBg 


INSTITUTIONS  489 

lies.  Punishments  were  terrible,  as  in  civil  life, 
ihemy,  cards,  dicing,  duelling  and  women  were 
Iden  in  most  regular  armies,  but  in  time  of  war 
)ldiers  were  allowed  an  incredible  license  in  pil- 
j  and  in  foraging.  Rings  and  other  decorations 
given  as  rewards  of  valor.  Uniforms  began  first 
introduced  in  England  by  Henry  VIII. 
J  personnel  of  the  armies  was  extremely  bad.  Not  Pcreonne 
ing  the  small  number  of  criminals  who  were  al-  ^iz^ 

Armies 

to  expiate  their  misdeeds  by  military  service,  the 
and  file  consisted  of  mercenaries  who  only  too 
ly  became  criminals  under  the  tutelage  of  Mars. 

1  were  a  few  conscripts,  but  no  universal  training 
as  Machiavelli  recommended.  The  oflBcers  were 
3  or  gentlemen  who  served  for  the  prestige  and 
of  the  profession  of  arms,  as  well  as  for  the  good 

.  the  most  striking  difference  between  armies  Sizeof 
and  now  is  not  in  their  armament  nor  in  their  p™J^^ 
y  but  in  the  size.    Great  battles  were  fought  and 
campaigns  decided  with  twenty  or  thirty  thou- 
troops.    The  French  standing  army  was  fixed 

2  ordinance  of  1534  at  seven  legions  of  six  thou- 
men  each,  besides  which  were  the  mercenaries, 
hole  amounting  to  a  maximum,  under  Francis  I, 
•out  100,000  men.    The  English  official  figures 

1588  gave  the  army  90,000  foot  soldiers  and  9000 
,  but  these  figures  were  grossly  exaggerated.  In 
►nly  22,000  men  were  serviceable  at  the  crisis  of 
ind's  war  with  Spain.  Other  armies  were  pro- 
)nately  small.  The  janizaries,  whose  interven- 
often  decided  battles,  numbered  in  1520  only 
I.  They  were  perhaps  the  best  troops  in  Europe, 
J  Turkish  artillery  was  the  most  powerful  known. 

all  these  figures  show,  in  short,  is  that  the  phe- 
lon  of  nations  with  every  man  physically  fit  m 


492 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 


bat  they  were  retained  on  cheaper  terms.  The  fei 
baron  had  been  a  petty  king;  his  descendant  had 
option  of  becoming  either  a  highwayman  or  a  coq] 
As  the  former  alternative  became  less  and  less  rewi 
ing,  the  greater  part  of  the  old  nobles  abandoned 
pretensions  to  independence  and  found  a  congei 
sphere  as  satellities  of  a  monarch,  "le  roi  soleil,' 
typical  king  was  aptly  called,  whose  beams  the 
fleeted  and  around  whom  they  circled. 

As  titles  of  nobility  began  now  to  be  quite 
monly  given  to  men  of  wealth  and  also  to  poUticii 
the  old  blood  was  renewed  at  the  expense  of  the  anc 
pride.     Not,  indeed,  that  the  latter  showed  any  s 
of  diminishing.     The  arrogance  of  the  noble  was  | 
all  toleration.     Men  of  rank  treated  the  common 
izens  like  dirt  beneath  their  feet,  and  even  regardi 
artists    and    other    geniuses    as    menials.     Alphonso, 
duke  of  Perrara,  wrote  to  Raphael  in  terms  that  no 
king  would  now  use  to  a  photographer,  calling  hira  a 
liar  and  chiding  him  for  disrespect  to  his  superior. 
The   same  duke   required   Ariosto   to    prostitute  his 
genius  by  writing  au  apology  for  a  fratricide  com- 
mitted   by    his    grace.     The    duke    of    Mayenne   po- 
niarded one  of  his  most  devoted  followers  for  having 
aspired  to  the  hand  of  the  duke's  widowed  daughter- 
in-law.     So  difficult  was  it  to  conceive  of  a  "gentle- 
man" without  gentle  blood  that  Castiglione,  the  ar- 
biter of  manners,  lays  down  as  the  first  prerequisite  U 
a  perfect  courtier  that  he  shall  be  of  high  birth.     A^d 
of  course  those  who  had  not  this  advantage  pretended 
to  it.     An  Italian  in  London  noticed  in  1557  that  all 
gentlemen  without  other  title  insisted  on  being  called 
"mister." 
I       One  sign  of  the  break-up  of  the  old  medieval  castes 
was  the  new  classification  of  men  by  calling,  or  pro- 
fession.    It  is  true  that  two  of  the  professions,  tha 

't 


PRIVATE  LIFE  AND  MANNERS         493 

*^igher  offices  in  army  and  church,  became  apanages 

.^1  the  nobility,  and  the  other  liberal  vocations  were 

lost  as  completely  monopolized  by  the  children  of 

r   moneyed  middle  class;  nevertheless  it  is  significant 
it  there  were  new  roads  by  which  men  might  rise. 
b  dass  has  profited  more  by  the  evolution  of  ideas 
has  the  intelligentsia.    From  a  subordinate,  semi- 
'^aenial  position,  lawyers,  physicians,  educators  and 
^Sonmalists,  not  to  mention  artists  and  writers,  have  be- 
^Bome  the  leading,  almost  the  ruling,  body  of  our  west- 
4iun  democracies. 

Half  way  between  a  medieval  estate  and  a  modem  Qergy 
'Calling  stood  the  clergy.    In  Catholic  countries  they 
l^mained  very  numerous ;  there  were  136  episcopal  or 
archiepiscopal  sees  in  France ;  there  were  40,000  parish 
inriests,  with  an  equal  number  of  secular  clergy  in  sub- 
ordinate positions,  24,000  canons,  34,000  friars,  2500 
Jesuits    (in   1600),   12,000  monks   and   80,000   nuns. 
Though  there  were  doubtless  many  worthy  men  among 
fhem,  it  cannot  honestly  be  said  that  the  average  were 
fitted  either  morally  or  intellectually  for  their  posi- 
tions.    Grossly  ignorant  of  the  meaning  of  the  Latin 
in  which  they  recited  their  masses  and  of  the  main 
articles  of  their  faith,  many  priests  made  up  for  these 
defects  by  proficiency  in  a  variety  of  superstitious 
charms.     The  public  was  accustomed  to  see  nuns  danc- 
ing at  bridals  and  priests  haunting  taverns  and  worse 
resorts.    Some  attempts,  serious  and  partially  success- 
ful, at  reform,  have  been  already  described.    Profane 
and  amatory  plays  were  forbidden  in  nunneries,  bull- 
fights were  banished  from  the  Vatican  and  the  dangers 
of  the  confessional  were  diminished  by  the  invention 
of  the  closed  box  in  which  the  priest  should  sit  and 
hear  his  penitent  through  a  small  aperture  instead  of 
having  her  kneeling  at  his  knees.     So  depraved  was 
public  opinion  on  the  subject  of  the  conf  essioii  i\\aX.  ^ 


494  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

prolonged    controversy    took    place    in    Spain  ae  tl  ^^-^ 
whether  minor  acts  of  impurity  perpetrated  by  t 
priest  while  confessing  women  were  permissible  or  doL 

Neither  was  the  average  Protestant  clergymaii  I  *' 
shining  and  a  burning  light.  So  little  was  the  calliiw- 
regarded  that  it  was  hard  to  fill  it.  At  one  time  a  thirlF 
of  the  pariehes  of  England  were  said  to  lack  incoiiKH 
bents.     The  stipe  etched;  the  social  posi-l 

tion  obscure.     Tl  the  new  clergj-  had  an 

especially  hard  It  arded  by  the  peoplp  m 

little  better  than  c  nd  by  Parliament  ealW 

"necessary  evils.'  lish  government  hail  to 

issue  injunctions  ing  that  because  of  liit 

offence  that  has  i  he  type  of  women  com- 

monly selected  as  heipim  .-  parsons,  no  manner  of 

priest  or  deacon  shonld  presume  to  niarrj'  without 
consent  of  the  biwhop,  of  the  girl's  parents,  "or  of  her 
master  or  mistress  where  she  serveth."  Many  clergy- 
men, nevertheless,  afterwards  married  domestics. 

Very  little  was  done  to  secure  a  properly  trained 
ministry.  Less  than  half  of  the  2000  clergj-men  or- 
dained at  Wittenberg  from  1537-60  were  university 
men;  the  ma.iorlty  were  drapers,  tailors  and  cobblers 
"common  idiots  and  laymen"  as  they  were  called- 
though  the  word  "idiot"  did  not  have  quite  the  same 
disparaging  sense  that  it  has  now.  Nor  were  the  rev- 
erend gentlemen  of  unusually  high  character.  .\s 
nothing  was  demanded  of  them  but  purity  of  doctrine, 
purity  of  life  wank  info  the  background.  It  is  really 
amazing  to  see  how  an  acquaintance  of  Luther's  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  one  church  after  he  had  been  dis- 
missed from  another  on  well-founded  charges  of  s^ 
duction,  and  how  he  was  thereafter  convicted  of  rape. 
Tills  was  perha  ps  an  extreme  case,  but  that  the 
majority  of  clergjmen  were  morally  unworthy  is  the 


PRIVATE  LIFE  AND  MANNERS 

elancholy  conviction  borne  in  by  contemporary  rec- 
rds. 

Bermons  were  long,  doctrinal  and  political.  Cran-  ctwraeter 
ler  advised  Latimer  not  to  preach  more  than  an  hour 
Bd  a  half  lest  the  king  grow  weary.  How  the  popular 
reacher — in  this  case  a  Catholic — appealed  to  his  au- 
lence,  is  worth  quoting  from  a  sermon  delivered  at 
Audan  in  1550. 

The  Lutherans  [began  the  reverend  gentleman]  are  op- 
posed to  the  worship  of  Mary  and  the  saints.  Now,  my 
friends,  be  good  enough  to  listen  to  me.  The  soul  of  a 
roan  who  had  died  got  to  the  door  of  heaven  and  Peter 
shut  it  in  his  face.  Luckily,  the  Mother  of  Ood  was  tak- 
ing a  stroll  outside  with  her  sweet  Son.  The  deceased 
addresses  her  and  reminds  her  of  the  Paters  and  Aves  he 
has  recited  in  her  glorj'  and  the  candles  he  has  burnt  be- 
fore her  images.  Thereupon  Ulary  says  to  Jesus:  "It's- 
the  honest  truth,  my  Son."  The  Lord,  however,  objected 
and  addressed  the  suppliant:  "Hast  thou  never  heard 
that  I  am  the  way  and  the  door  to  life  everlasting!"  he 
asks.  "If  thou  art  the  door,  I  am  the  window,"  retorted 
Mary,  taking  the  "soul"  by  the  hair  and  flinging  it 
through  the  open  casement.  And  now  I  ask  you  whether 
it  is  not  the  same  whether  you  enter  Paradise  by  the  door 
or  by  the  window  ? 

There  was  a  naive  familiarity  with  sacred  things  in 
nr  ancestors  that  cannot  be  imitated.  Who  would 
low  name  a  ship  "Jesus,"  as  Hawkins's  buccaneering 
(davcr  was  namedT  What  serious  clergyman  would 
now  compare  three  of  his  friends  to  the  Father,  the 
Bon  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  as  di<l  Luther !  The  Reformer 
.also  wrote  a  satire  on  the  calling  of  a  council,  in  the 
form  of  a  letter  from  the  Holy  Ghost  signed  by  Gabriel 
as  notary  and  witnessed  by  Michael  the  Provost  of 
Paradise  and  Raphael,  God's  Court  Physician.  At 
another  time  he  made  a  lampoon  on  the  collection  of 


496  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

relics  made  by  his  enemy  the  Archbishop  of  Majenii  ^=^ 
stating  that  they  contained  such  things  as  "a  fairpiei 
of  Moses'  left  horn,  a  whole  pound  of  the  wbd  tin 
blew  for  Elijah  in  the  cave  on  Mount  Horeb  and  tl     - 
feathers  and  an  egg  of  the  Holy  Ghost"  as  a  dove,  i    r 
this,  of  course,  not  in  ribald  profanity,  but  in  worksij 
tended  for  edification.  .  .  . 

Though  beautif  of  our  ancestors  vmU 

from  admirable  ir  s.     Filth  was  hidileo  d 

der  its  comely  ga:  that  it  resembled  a  Cm 

sack    prince — all  d    vermin.     Its    namil 

streets,  huddled  h  mg  walls,  were  over- 

with  pigs  and  chi  illed  with  refuse.   TI 

were  often  ill-pavea,  with  mnd  and  shsli 

winter.     Moreover  they  were  dark  and  dangerous  si 
night,  infested  with  princes  and  young  nobles 
spree  and  with  other  criminals. 

Like  the  exterior,  the  interior  of  the  house  cit  i 
substantial  citizen  was  more  pretty  than  clean  or  swel 
smelling.  The  high  wainscoting  and  the  furniture,  in 
various  styles,  but  frequently  resembling  what  is  iww 
known  as  "mission,"  was  lovely,  as  were  the  orna- 
ments—tapestries, clocks,  pictures  and  llowers.  Bat 
the  place  of  carj^Pts  was  supplied  by  rushes  renewed 
from  time  to  time  without  disturbing  the  underlyicg 
mass  of  nibbisli  beneath.  Windows  were  fewer 
they  arc  now,  and  fires  still  fewer.  Sometimes  there 
was  an  open  hearth,  sometimes  a  huge  tile  stove. 
Most  houses  had  only  one  or  two  rooms  heated,  some- 
times, as  in  the  case  of  the  Augustinlan  friary  at  "Wit- 
tenberg, only  the  bathroom,  but  usually  also  the  liviuc 
room. 

The  dress  of  the  people  was  far  more  various  and 
picturesque  than  nowadays.  Both  sexes  dressed  in 
gaudy  colors  juid  delighted  in  strange  fashions,  so  that, 


PBIVATE  LIFE  AND  MANNERS        497 

Soger  Ascham  said,  ^'he  thought  himself  most  brave 
t  was  most  monstrous  in  misorder.'*  For  women 
fashion  of  decollete  was  just  coming  in,  as  so  many 
hions  do,  from  the  demi-monde.  To  Catharine  de' 
dici  is  attributed  the  invention  of  the  corset,  an 
ocity  to  be  excused  only  by  her  own  urgent  need  of 


k 

«• 


Phe  day  began  at  five  in  summer  and  at  seven  in  Food 
iter.  A  heavy  breakfast  was  followed  by  a  heavier 
iner  at  ten,  and  supper  at  five,  and  there  were  be- 
^n  times  two  or  three  other  tiffins  or  **drink- 
f8.''  The  staple  food  was  meat  and  cereal;  very 
IT  of  our  vegetables  were  known,  though  some  were 
rt  beginning  to  be  cultivated.  The  most  valuable  issw 
tide  of  food  introduced  from  the  new  world  was  the 
>tato.  Another  importation  that  did  not  become 
oroughly  acclimatized  in  Europe  was  the  turkey.-^ 
vm  now  they  are  rare,  but  there  are  several  interest- 
;  allusions  to  them  in  the  literature  of  that  time,  one 
the  year  1533  in  Luther's  table  talk.  Poultry  of 
ler  sorts  was  common,  as  were  eggs,  game  and  fish, 
e  cooking  relied  for  its  highest  effects  on  sugar  and 
ces.  The  ordinary  fruits — apples,  cherries  and 
mges — furnished  a  wholesome  and  pleasing  variety 
the  table.  Knives  and  spoons  were  used  in  eat- 
:,  but  forks  were  unknown,  at  least  in  northern  Eu- 
le. 

Ul  the  victuals  were  washed  down  with  copious  po-  l^™^ 
ions.  A  water-drinker,  like  Sir  Thomas  More,  was 
rarest  of  exceptions.  The  poor  drank  chiefly  beer 
i  ale;  the  mildest  sort,  known  as  ** small  beer,"  was 
ommended  to  the  man  suffering  from  too  strong 
nk  of  the  night  before.  Wine  was  more  prized,  and 
re  were  a  number  of  varieties.  There  being  no 
impagne.  Burgundy  was  held  in  high  esteem,  as  were 
ae  of  the  strong,  sweet,  Spanish  and  Portvu^e^^ 


498  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 


wines.  The  moat  harmless  drinks  were  claret  \ 
Rhine  wine.  There  were  some  "mixed  drinks,"  s 
as  sack  or  hippoeras,  in  which  beer  or  wine  was 
phisticated  with  eggs,  spices  and  sugar.  The  (jusnl 
ties  habitnally  drunk  were  large.  Roger  Ascliamfl 
cords  that  Charioa  V  drank  the  best  he  ever  saw,  new 
less  than  a  quart  at  a  draft.  The  breakfast  tableufl  - 
English  noblemai  with  a  quart  of  wine  uri 

a  quart  of  beer,  li  ing  the  place  of  tea,  Mi 

fee,  chocolate  ant.  ft"  beverages  that  ool 

furnish  stimulatic  ility. 

"In  these  times  rrison,  "the  taking-ini   ^ 

the  smoke  of  an  1  ailed  'Tobaco'  by  anil 

stmment  formed  die  .  .  .  is  greatlytakl   -^r 


up  and  used  in  Enj  nst  rewmes  fcoldi 

some  other  discasps."  Like  other  drugs,  tobacco sitol 
came  to  be  used  as  a  narcotic  for  its  own  sake,  and 
presently  ceicbratt'd  as  "divine  tobacco"  and  " 
holy  herb  nicotian"  by  the  poets.  What,  indeed,  at« 
smoking,  drinking,  and  other  wooings  of  pure  sensa- 
tion at  the  sacrifice  of  power  and  reason,  but  a  sort 
of  pragmatized  poetryf  Some  ages,  and  those  the 
most  poetical,  like  tliat  of  Pericles  and  that  of  Rabe- 
lais, have  deified  intoxication  and  sensuality;  others, 
markedly  our  own,  have  preferred  the  accumulation  of 
wealth  and  knowledge  to  sensual  indulgence.  It  is  a 
psychological  contrast  of  importance. 

Could  we  be  suddenly  transported  on  Mr.  Wells's 
time  machine  four  hundred  years  back  we  should  be 
less  struck  by  what  our  ancestors  had  than  by  what 
they  lacked.  Quills  took  the  place  of  fountain  pens. 
pencils,  typewriters  and  dictaphones.  Not  only  was 
postage  dearer  but  there  were  no  telephones  or  tele- 
grams to  supplement  it.  The  world's  news  of  yee- 
terday,  which  wo  imbibe  with  our  morning  cup,  then 
sifted  down    slowly  througli   various  media  of  com- 


PRIVATE  LIFE  AND  MANNERS 

jBiniiication,  mostly  oral.     It  was  two  months  after  the 
ttle  before  Philip  of  Spain  knew  the  fate  of  hia 
iwn  Armada.     The  houses  had  no  steam  heat,  no  ele- 
tors;  the  busy  housewife  was  aided  by  no  vacuum 
;ancr,  sewing  machine  and  gas  ranges;  the  business 
an  could  not  ride  to  his  office,  nor  the  farmer  to  hia 
arket,  in  automobiles.    There  were  neither  railwaya 
ir  steamships  to  make  travel  rapid  and  luxurious. 
■  Nevertheless,  joameys  for  purposes  of  piety,  pleas- 
•e  and  business  were  common.     Pilgrimages  to  Jeru- 
■lera,  Rome,  Compostella,  Loretto,  Walsingham  and 
any  other  shrines  were  frequent  in  Catholic  coun- 
tries.    Students  were  perpetually  wandering  from  one 
University  to  another;  merchants  were  on  the  road, 
ind    gentlemen    felt    the    attractions    of   sight-seeing. 
Phe  cheap  and  common  mode  of  locomotion  was  on 
foot     Boats  on  the  rivers  and  horses  on  land  fur- 
lished  the  alternatives.     The  roads  were  so  poor  that 
3ie    horses  were    sometimes   "almost    shipwrecked." 
rhe  trip  from  Worms  to  Rome  commonly  took  twelve 
ays,  "but  could  be  made  in  seven.     Xavier's  voyage 
rom  Lisbon  to  Goa  took  thirteen  months.     Inns  were 
ood  in  France  and  England;  less  pleasant  elsewhere. 
Iraamus  particularly  abominated  the  German  inns, 
here  a  large  living  and  dining  room  would  be  heated 
1  a  high  temperature  by  a  stove  around  which  trav- 
elers would  dry  their  steaming  garments.     The  smells 
•aused  by  these  operations,  together  with  the  fleas  and 
lice  with  which  the  poorer  inns  were  infested,  made 
le  stay  anything  but  luxurious.     Any  complaint  was 
let  by  the  retort,  "If  you  don't  like  it,  go  somewhere 
else,"  a  usually  impracticable  alteniative.     When  the 
traveller  was  escorted  to  his  bedroom,  he  found  it  very 
cold  in  winter,  though  the  featherbeds  kept  hini  warm 
He  would  see  his  chamber  filled  with  other 
teds  occupied  by  his  (ravelling  compamona  ol  ViWv 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

sexes,  and  he  himself  was  often  forced  to  share  his  bi 
with  a  stranger.  The  custom  of  the  time  was  to  tal 
one  bath  a  week.  For  this  there  were  public  hat 
houses,  frequented  hy  both  sexes,  A  common  form 
entertainment  was  the  "bath-party." 

AVith  the  same  insatiable  ffusto  that  they  displayf 
in  other  matters  the  contemporaries  of  Luther  ai 
Shakespeare  went  in  for  amusements.  Never  has  tl 
theater  been  more  popular.  Many  sports,  like  bea 
baiting  and  bull-baiting,  were  cruel.  Hunting  was  all 
much  relished,  thousrh  humane  men  like  Luther  al 
More  protested  airainst  the  "silly  and  woeful  beast* 
slaughter  and  murder."  Tennis  was  so  popular  th 
there  were  250  courts  in  Paris  alone.  The  game  wi 
different  from  the  modem  in  that  the  courts  were  U 
feet  long,  instead  of  78  feet,  and  the  wooden  balls  al 
"bats" — as  racquets  are  still  called  in  England- 
were  much  harder.  Cards  and  dice  were  passionate 
played,  a  game  called  "triumph"  or  "trump"  bei 
the  ancestor  of  our  whist.  Chess  was  played  neai 
as  now. 

Young  people  loved  dances  and  some  older  pt 
shook  their  heads  over  them,  then  as  now.  Melani 
thon  danced,  at  the  ago  of  forty-four,  and  Luther  a 
proved  of  such  parties,  properly  chaperoned,  us  a 
means  of  bringing  young  people  together.  Ou  the 
other  hand  dances  were  regulated  in  many  states  and 
prohibited  in  others,  like  Zurich  and  Geneva.  Some 
of  the  dances  were  quite  stately,  like  the  minuet,  others 
were  boisterous  romps,  in  which  the  girls  were  kissed, 
embraced  and  whirled  around  giddily  by  their  part- 
ners. The  Scotch  ambassador's  comment  that  Qaeen 
Elizabeth  "danced  very  liigh"  gives  an  impression  of 
agility  that  would  hardly  now  be  considered  in  the  best 
taste. 

The  veneer  oi  coutW&y  "wa?,  Vam.    True,  humanistSy 


PRIVATE  LIFE  AND  MANNERS         501 

>lici8t8  and  authors  composed  for  each  other  eulo-  Mwmen 
B  that  would  have  been  hyperboles  if  addressed  to 

morning  stars  singing  at  the  dawn  of  creation,  but 
se  a  quarrel  had  been  started  among  the  touchy  race 
writers  and  a  spouting  geyser  of  inconceivable  scur- 
ity  burst  forth.  No  imagery  was  too  nasty,  no 
.thet  too  strong,  no  charge  too  base  to  bring  against 

opponent.  The  heroic  examples  of  Greek  and 
nan  invective  paled  before  the  inexhaustible  re- 
urces  of  learned  billingsgate  stored  in  the  minds  of 
t  humanists  and  theologians.  To  accuse  an  enemy 
atheism  and  heresy  was  a  matter  of  course ;  to  add 
irges  of  unnatural  vice  or,  if  he  were  dead,  stories 
suicide  and  of  the  devils  hovering  greedily  over  his 
athbed,  was  extremely  common.  Even  crowned 
ads  exchanged  similar  amenities. 
Vithal,  there  was  growing  up  a  strong  appreciation 
the  merits  of  courtesy.  Was  not  Bayard,  the  cap- 
in  in  the  army  of  Francis  I  a  **  knight  without  fear 
id  without  reproach'*?  Did  not  Sir  Philip  Sidney 
one  of  the  perfect  deeds  of  gentleness  when,  dying 
the  battle  field  and  tortured  with  thirst,  he  passed 
;  cup  of  water  to  a  common  soldier  with  the  simple 
rds,  **Thy  need  is  greater  than  mine"?  One  of  the 
•st  justly  famous  and  most  popular  books  of  the 
teenth  century  was  Baldessare  Castiglione's  Book  of 
r  Courtier,  called  by  Dr.  Johnson  the  best  treatise  on 
>d  breeding  ever  written.  Published  in  Italian  in 
!8,  it  was  translated  into  Spanish  in  1534,  into 
ench  in  1537,  into  English  and  Latin  in  1561,  and 
illv  into  German  in  1566.  There  have  been  of  it 
re  than  140  editions.  It  sets  forth  an  ideal  of  a 
ince  Charming,  a  man  of  noble  birth,  expert  in  games 
1  in  war,  brave,  modest,  unaffected,  witty,  an  ele- 
it  speaker,  a  good  dancer,  familiar  with  literature 
i  accomplished  in  music,  as  well  as  a  man  of  howot 


J 


502  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 


and  courtesy.  It  ia  significant  that  this  ideal  appealf 
to  the  time,  though  it  must  be  confeesed  it  was  rai 
reached.  Ariosto,  to  whora  the  first  book  was  dt 
cated  by  the  author,  depicts,  as  his  ideals,  kniithts 
whom  the  sense  of  honor  has  completely  replna'd  d 
Christian  virtues.  They  were  always  fighting  ai  ^ 
other  about  their  loves,  much  like  the  bulls,  lions,  rfiini  ~'_^ 
and  do§^  to  whom  itinually  compares  them 

Even  the  women  v  lafe  in  their  company. 

Sometimes  a  hi  i  will  stamp  a  charactfli 

as  no  long  descrip  The  following  are  tj? 

ical  of  the  mannei  jears: 

One  winter  mor  y  matron  was  ascending 

the  steps  of  the  3t.  Gudule  at  Brui^seli 

They  were  covered  ^\  she  slipped  and  tooki 

precipitate  and  involuntary  seat.  In  the  anguish  o( 
the  moment,  a  single  word,  of  mere  obscenity,  escape 
her  lips.  "When  the  laughing  bystanders,  among  whoffl 
was  Erasmus,  helped  her  to  her  feet,  she  beat  a  hasty 
retreat,  crimson  with  shame.  Nowadays  ladies  do  not 
have  such  a  vocnbularj'  at  their  tongue's  end. 

The  Spanisli  ambassador  Enriquez  de  Toledo  was  at 
Kome  calling  on  Iraperia  de  Cugnatis,  a  lady  who, 
though  of  the  demi-monde,  lived  like  a  princess,  culti- 
vated letters  and  art,  and  had  many  poets  as  well  as 
many  nobles  among  her  friends.  Her  floors  were 
carpeted  with  velvet  rugs,  her  walls  hung  with  golden 
cloth,  and  her  tables  loaded  with  costly  bric-a-brac. 
The  Spanish  courtier  suddenly  turned  and  spat  copi- 
ously in  the  face  of  his  lackey  and  then  explained  to 
the  slightly  startled  company  that  he  chose  this  ob- 
jective rather  than  soil  the  splendor  he  saw  aroond 
him.  The  disgu-sting  act  passed  for  a  delicate  and  siw- 
cessful  flattery. 

Among  tlie  students  at  Wittenberg  was  a  certain 
Simon  Lemcheu,  or  Lemnius,  a  lewd  fellow  of  the  baser 


PRIVATE  LIFE  AND  MANNERS         503 

sorl  who  published  two  volumes  of  scurrilous  epigrams 
Iwringing  unfounded  and  nasty  charges  against  Luther, 
[elanchthon  and  the  other  Reformers  and  their  wives, 
ten  he  fled  the  city  before  he  could  be  arrested,  Lu- 
T  revenged  himself  partly  by  a  Catilinarian  sermon, 
[y  by  composing,  for  circulation  among  his  friends, 
le  verses  about  Lemnius  in  which  the  scurrility  and 
^nity  of  the  offending  youth  were  well  over- 
^brumped.  One  would  be  surprised  at  similar  measures 
:en  by  a  professor  of  divinity  today. 
In  measuring  the  morals  of  a  given  epoch  statistics  Morals 
not  applicable ;  or,  at  any  rate,  it  is  probably  true 
it  the  general  impression  one  gets  of  the  moral  tone 
any  period  is  more  trustworthy  than  would  be  got 
►m  carefully  compiled  figures.  And  that  one  does 
such  an  impression,  and  a  very  strong  one,  is  un- 
iable.  Everyone  has  in  his  mind  a  more  or  less 
?^^^3istinct  idea  of  the  ethical  standards  of  ancient  Athens, 
V  «f  Rome,  of  the  Middle  Ages,  the  Renaissance,  the 
^ritan  Conmionwealth,  the  Restoration,  the  Victorian 
Age. 

The   sixteenth  century  was   a   time   when   morals 
were  perhaps  not  much  worse  than  they  are  now,  but 
when  vice  and  crime  were  more  flaunted  and  talked 
about.     Puritanism  and  prudery  have  nowadays  done 
their  best  to  conceal  the  corruption  and  indecency 
beneath  the  surface.    But  our  ancestors  had  no  such 
delicacy.    The  naive  frankness  of  the  age,  both  when 
it  gloried  in  the  flesh  and  when  it  reproved  sin,  gives 
^  a  full-blooded  complexion  to  that  time  that  is  lacking 
now.     The  large  average  consumption  of  alcohol — a 
certain  irritant  to  moral  maladies — and  the  unequal  ad- 
ministration of  justice,  with  laws  at  once  savage  and 
corruptly    dispensed,    must    have    had    bad    conse- 
quences. 
The  Reformation  bad  no  permanent  diacem\\^^  ^1- 


504  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

feet  on  moral  standards.  Accompanied  as  it  ofleni 
with  a  temporary  zeal  for  righteousness,  it  was' 
often  followed  by  a  breaking  up  of  conventional  sti 
ards  and  an  emphasis  on  dogma  at  the  expense  of  A 
acter,  that  operated  badly.  Latimer  thought  thati 
English  Reformation  had  been  followed  by  a  wavi 
wickedness.  T.iifhpr  said  that  when  the  de^ilofl 
papacy  had  I  t,  seven  other  devils  entli 

to  take  its  ]  t  at  Wittenberg  a  oiaa  ] 

considered  qi  lio  could  say  that  he  bad| 

broken  the  ii  lent,  but  only  the  othernj 

Much  of  till!'  Quat  be  set  down  to  dil 

pointmcnt  at  perfection,  and  over  apu 

it  may  be  set  lonies  to  the  moral  beiu 

assured  by  the  reform. 

It  was  an  age  of  violence.  Murder  was  comi 
everywhere.  On  the  slightest  provocation  a  mar 
spirit  was  expected  to  whip  out  a  rapier  or  dag 
and  plunge  it  into  his  insulter.  The  murder  of 
faithful  wives  was  an  especial  point  of  honor.  Bei 
nuto  Cellini  boasts  of  several  assassinations  and 
merous  assaults,  and  he  himself  got  off  withoi 
scratch  from  the  law,  Pope  Paul  III  graciously 
testing  that  "men  unique  in  their  profession, 
Benvenuto,  were  not  subject  to  the  laws."  The  i 
her  of  unique  men  must  have  been  large  in  the  1 
City,  for  in  1497  a  citizen'  testified  that  he  had 
more  than  a  hundred  bodies  of  persons  foully  doi 
death  thrown  into  the  Tiber,  and  no  one  bott 
about  it. 

Brigandage  stalked  unabashed  through  the  i; 
of  Europe.  By  1585  the  number  of  bandits  h 
papal  stales  alone  had  risen  to  27,000.  Sixtus  V 
energetic  means  to  repress  them.  One  of  his  st 
gems  is  too  characteristic  to  omit  mentioning.  Hi 
a  train  of  niuVos  \oaA*;*\  \s\.W\  v'^^^w'^^^  ?wsd  and 


PRIVATE  LIFE  AND  MANNERS        505 

[rove  Ihem  along  a  road  he  knew  to  be  infestetl  by 
aghwaynien,  who,  as  be  had  calculated,  actually  took 
lem  and  ate  of  the  food,  of  which  many  died. 
Other  countries  were  perhaps  less  scourged  by  rob- 
irs,  but  none  was  free.  Erasmus's  praise  of  Henry 
Til,  in  1519,  for  having  cleared  his  realm  of  free- 
ootcrs,  was  premature.  In  the  wilder  parts,  espe- 
eUIv  on  the  Scotch  border,  they  were  still  rife.  In 
'29  the  Armstrongs  of  Lidderdale,  .iust  over  the  bor- 
T,  could  boast  that  they  iiad  burned  52  churches, 
■sides  making  heavy  depredations  on  private  prop- 
rty.     When  James  V  took  stern  measures  to  suppress    1532 

m,  and  instituted  a  College  of  Justice  for  that  pur- 
ose,  the  good  law  was  unpopular. 
Bands  of  old  soldiers  and  new  recruits  wandered 
hrough  France,  Spain  and  the  Netherlands.  The 
irorst  robbers  in  Germany  were  the  free  knights. 
Vom  their  picturesque  castles  they  emerged  to  pillage 
cacoful  villages  and  trains  of  merchandise  going  from 
le  walled  city  to  another.  In  doing  so  they  inflicted 
&nton  mutilations  on  the  unfortunate  merchants 
Ijom  they  regarded  as  their  natural  prey.  Even  the 
'patest  of  them,  like  Francis  von  Sickingen,  were  not 
liaraed  to  "let  their  horses  bite  off  travellers' 
irses"  now  and  then.  But  it  was  not  only  the  nobles 
rho  became  gentlemen  of  the  road.  A  well-to-do 
Berchant  of  Berlin,  named  John  Kohlhase,  was  robbed 
r  a  couple  of  horses  by  a  Saxon  squire,  and,  failing 
(  get  redress  in  the  corrupt  courts,  threw  dowii  the 
ttuntlet  to  the  whole  of  Electoral  Saxony  in  a  procla- 
lation  that  he  would  rob,  burn  and  take  reprisals  until 
D  was  given  compensation  for  his  loss.  For  six  years  i534-tt 
t  maintained  himself  as  a  highwayman,  but  was  finally 
iken  and  executed  in  Brandenburg. 

Fraud  of  all  descriptions  was  not  less  rampant  than  f""iid 
A)rce.    When  Machiavelli  reduced  to  a  reasouc4  \.\v.e- 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

ory  the  practice  of  all  hypocrisy  and  guile,  the  com 
of  Europe  were  only  too  ready  to  listeu  to  his  advi( 
In  fact,  they  carried  their  mutual  attempts  at  deceptw 
to  a  point  that  was  not  only  harmful  to  themselv 
ridiculous,  making  it  a  principle  to  violate  oaths  and 
dehase  the  currency  of  good  faith  in  every  possil 
way.  There  was  also  much  untruth  in  private 
Unfortunately,  lying  in  the  interests  of  piety  was  ji 
tiffed  by  Luther,  while  the  Jesuits  made  a  soul-roti 
art  of  equivocation. 

The  standard  of  sexual  purity  was  disturbed  by  a 
action  against  the  asceticism  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
thcr  proclaimed  that  cliastity  was  impossible,  while 
humanists  gloried  in  the  flesh.     Public  opinion  was  m 
scandalized  by  prostitution;  learned  men  occasional 
debated  whether  fornication  was  a  sin,  and  the  Italians 
now  began   to  call  a   harlot  a    "courteous  woman" 
(courtesan)  as  they  called  an  assassin  a  "brave  man" 
(bravo).     Augustine  had  said  that  harlots  were  rem- 
edies against  worse  things,  and  the  church  had  not  only 
winked  at  brothels,  but  frequently  licensed  them  her- 
self.   Bastardy  was  no  bar  to  hereditary  right  in  Italy. 

The  Reformers  tried  to  make  a  clean  sweep  of  the 
"social  evil."  Under  Luther's  direction  brotbcla 
were  closed  in  the  reformed  cities.  When  this  v.'&s 
done  at  Strassburg  the  women  drew  up  a  petition, 
stating  that  they  had  pursued  their  profession  not 
from  liking  but  only  to  earn  bread,  and  asked  for  hon- 
est work.  Serious  attempts  were  made  to  give  it  to 
them,  or  to  get  them  husbands.  At  Zurich  and  some 
other  cities  the  brothels  were  left  open,  but  were  put 
under  the  supervision  of  an  officer  who  was  to  see  tlist 
no  married  men  frequented  them.  The  reformers  had 
a  strange  ally  in  tlie  growing  fear  of  venereal  diseases. 
Other  countries  followed  Germany  in  their  war  on  tlie 
prostitute.    In  Londoiv  ^\Yfe  public  houses  of  ill  fame 


PRIVATE  LIFE  AND  MANNERS         507 

e  closed  in  1546,  in  Paris  in  1500.     An  edict  of 

.y  23, 1566  commanded  all  prostitutes  to  leave  Rome, 

ijrhen  25,000  persons,  including  the  women  and  their 

indents,  left  the  city,  the  loss  of  public  revenue  in- 

the  pope  to  allow  them  to  return  on  August  17 

tiie  same  year. 

One  of  the  striking  aberrations  of  the  sixteenth  cen-  Polygam; 

\  as  it  seems  to  us,  was  the  persistent  advocacy  of 

ilygamy  as,  if  not  desirable  in  itself,  at  least  pref- 

ille  to  divorce.    Divorce  or  annulment  of  marriage 

not  hard  to  obtain  by  people  of  influence,  whether 

ktbolic  or  Protestant,  but  it  was  a  more  diflBcult  mat- 

than  it  is  in  America  now.    In  Scotland  there  was 

Iced  a  sort  of  trial  marriage,  known  as  **handfast- 

:,''  by  which  the  parties  might  live  together  for  a 

and  a  day  and  then  continue  as  married  or  sep- 

ite.    But,  beginning  with  Luther,  many  of  the  Re- 

^"%nners  thought  polygamy  less  wrong  than  divorce,  on 

^^%e  biblical  ground  that  whereas  the  former  had  been 

?.  practised  in  the  Old  Testament  times  and  was  not 

■^    flearly  forbidden  by  the  New  Testament,  divorce  was 

prohibited  save  for  adultery.    Luther  advanced  this 

thesis  as  early  as  1520,  when  it  was  purely  theoretical, 

bat  he  did  not  shrink  from  applying  it  on  occasion. 

It  is  extraordinary  what  a  large  body  of  reputable 

opinion  was  prepared  to  tolerate  polygamy,  at  least  in 

exceptional  cases.    Popes,  theologians,  humanists  like 

Erasmus,  and  philosophers  like  Bruno,  all  thought  a 

plurality  of  wives  a  natural  condition. 

But  all  the  while  the  instincts  of  the  masses  were  Marriage 
-  sounder  in  this  respect  than  the  precepts  of  their 
guides.  While  polygamy  remained  a  freakish  and  ex- 
ceptional practice,  the  passions  of  the  age  were  ab- 
sorbed to  a  high  degree  by  monogamous  marriage. 
Matrimony  having  been  just  restored  to  its  proper 
dignity  as  the  best  estate  for  man,  its  praises  were 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

Bounded  highly.  The  church,  indeed,  remained  1 
to  her  preference  for  colihacy,  but  the  Inquiai 
found  much  business  in  suppressing  the  then  coiffl 
opinion  that  marriage  was  better  than  virginity, 
the  Reformers  marriage  was  not  only  the  necesi 
condition  of  happiness  to  mankind,  but  the  typifl 
holy  estate  in  which  God's  service  could  best  be  d 
From  all  sides  paeans  arose  celebrating  matrimoni 
the  true  remedy  for  sin  and  also  as  the  happiest  est 
The  delights  of  wedded  love  are  celebrated  equall] 
Luther's  table  talk  and  letters  and  in  the  poems  of 
Italian  humanist  Pontano.  "I  have  always  beej 
the  opinion,"  i,vrites  Arlosto,  "that  without  a  wifi 
his  side  no  man  can  attain  perfect  goodness  or  '. 
■without  sin."  "In  marriage  there  is  one  mind  in' 
bodies,"  says  Henrj-  Cornelius  Agrippa,  "one  I 
mony,  the  same  sorrows,  the  same  joys,  an  ident 
will,  common  riches,  poverty  and  honors,  the  samo; 
and  the  same  table.  .  .  .  Only  a  husband  and  wifa: 
love  each  other  iufmitoly  and  serve  each  other  as  ! 
as  both  do  live,  for  no  love  is  either  so  vehemen 
BO  holy  as  theirs." 

Tlie  passion  for  marriage  in  itself  is  witnessed 
the  practice  of  widows  and  widowers  of  remarryin| 
Hoon  and  as  often  as  possible.  Luther's  friend,  Jnj 
Jonas,  married  thrice,  each  time  with  a  remark  tff 
effect  that  it  was  better  to  marry  than  to  bum.  ! 
English  Bishop  Richard  Cox  excused  his  second  l 
riage,  at  an  advanced  age,  by  an  absurd  letter  lam 
ing  that  ho  had  not  the  gift  of  chastity.  Willibrai 
Rosenblatt  married  in  succession  Louis  Keller,  0 
lampadius,  Capito  and  Bucer,  the  ecclesiastical  ( 
nence  of  her  last  three  husbands  giving  her,  one  wfl 
think,  an  almost  official  position.  Sir  Thomas  U 
married  a  second  wife  just  one  month  after  his  i 
mite's  death. 


^ 


PRIVATE  LIFE  AND  ^[ANNERS         509 

Sad  to  relate,  the  wives  so  necessary  to  men's  hap-  Treatra( 
liness  were  frequently  ill  treated  after  they  were  won. 
the  sixteenth  century  women  were  still  treated  as 
lors ;  if  married  they  could  make  no  will ;  their  hus- 
tds  could  beat  them  with  impunity,  for  cruelty  was 
cause  for  divorce.     Sir  Thomas  Morels  home-life 
lauded  by  Erasmus  as  a  very  paragon,  because  **he 
more  compliance  from  his  wife  by  jokes  and  bland- 
lents  than  most  husbands  by  imperious  harsh- 
js.**    One  of  these  jokes,  a  customary  one,  was  that 
wife  was  neither  pretty  nor  young;  one  of  the 
'Uandishments, ' '  I  suppose,  was  an  epigram  by  Sir 
lomas  to  the  effect  that  though  a  wife  was  a  heavy 
irden  she  might  be  useful  if  she  would  die  and  leave 
)T  husband  money.    In  Utopia,  he  assures  us,  hus- 
'^  lands  chastise  their  wives. 

In  the  position  of  women  various  currents  crossed  Po»i^o" 
each  other.  The  old  horror  of  the  temptress,  inher- 
ited from  the  early  church,  the  lofty  scorn  exhibited  by 
the  Greek  philosophers,  mingled  with  strands  of  chiv- 
alry and  a  still  newer  appreciation  of  the  real  dignity 
of  woman  and  of  her  equal  powers.  Ariosto  treated 
women  like  spoiled  children;  the  humanists  delighted 
to  rake  up  the  old  jibes  at  them  in  musty  authors ;  the 
divines  were  hardest  of  all  in  their  judgment.  **  Na- 
ture doth  paint  them  forth,"  says  John  Knox  of 
women,  **to  be  weak,  frail,  impatient,  feeble  and  fool- 
ish, and  experience  hath  declared  them  to  be  uncon- 
stant,  variable,  cruel  and  void  of  the  spirit  of  council 
and  regimen."  **If  women  bear  children  until  they 
become  sick  and  eventually  die,"  preaches  Luther, 
"that  does  no  harm.  Let  them  bear  children  till  they 
die  of  it ;  that  is  what  they  are  for. ' '  In  1595  the  ques- 
tion was  debated  at  Wittenberg  as  to  whether  women 
were  human  beings.  The  general  tone  was  one  of  dis- 
paragement.   An  anthology  might  be  made^  oi  \X\fc 


510  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

proverbs  recommending  (a  la  Nietzsche)  the  whipsi 
the  best  treatment  for  the  sex. 

But  withal  there  was  a  certain  chivalrj-  that  revnllod 
against  all  this  brutality.  Castiglione  cliampioM 
courtesy  and  kindness  to  women  on  the  highest  and 
most  beautiful  ground,  the  spiritual  value  of  wonmn'l 
love.    Ariosto  sings: 

No  doubt  t  and  past  all  ^race 

That  dare  i  sel  in  the  face, 

Or  of  her  b  ut  a  hair. 

Certain  works  1  Defence  of  Good  TToniw 

and  like  Cornelii  \  Nobilitif  and  Excdlenct 

of  the  Female  Si  i  genuine  appreciation  of 

woman's  worth.  Somu  v^.cs  have  seen  in  the  k^t 
named  work  a  paradox,  like  the  Praise  of  Folly,  such  as 
was  dear  to  the  humanists.  To  me  it  seems  absolutely 
sincere,  even  when  it  goes  so  far  as  to  proclaim  that 
woman  is  as  superior  to  man  as  man  is  to  boast  and  t( 
celebrate  her  as  the  last  and  supreme  work  of  the  cre- 
ation. 

The  family  was  far  larger,  on  the  average,  in  tli( 
sixteenth  century  than  it  is  now.  One  can  hardly  thinl 
of  any  man  in  this  generation  with  as  many  as  a  dozer 
children;  it  is  possible  to  mention  several  of  that  timi 
witli  over  twenty.  Anthony  Koberger,  the  famous  Nu 
rcmberg  printer  had  twenty-five  children,  eight  by  his 
first  and  seventeen  by  his  second  wife.  Albert  Diirei 
was  the  third  of  eighteen  children  of  the  same  couple 
of  whom  apparently  only  three  reached  maturilT 
John  Colct,  born  in  1467,  was  the  eldest  of  twenty-tw( 
brothers  and  sisters  of  whom  by  1499  he  was  the  onh 
survivor.  Of  course  these  families  were  exceptional 
but  not  glaringly  so.  A  brood  of  six  to  twelve  was  a 
vorj-  common  occurrence. 

Children  were  \iroiig\i\.  m^  ViatshlY  in  many  families, 


PRIVATE  LIFE  AND  MANNERS         511 

ictly  in  almost  all.     They  were  not  expected  to  sit 
the  presence  of  their  parents,  unless  asked,  or  to 
unless  spoken  to.    They  must  needs  bow  and 
ive  a  blessing  twice  a  day.    Lady  Jane  Grey  com- 
lined  that  if  she  did  not  do  everything  as  perfectly 
God  made  the  world,  she  was  bitterly  taunted  and 
^I^Tesently  so  nipped  and  pinched  by  her  noble  parents 
t^^iiat  she  thought  herself  in  hell.     The  rod  was  much 
jpcesorted  to.    And  yet  there  was  a  good  deal  of  natural 
lection.    Few  fathers  have  even  been  better  to  their 
ibies  than  was  Luther,  and  he  humanely  advised 
lers  to  rely  as  much  on  reward  as  on  punishment — 
the  apple  as  on  the  switch — and  above  all  not  to 
itise  the  little  ones  so  harshly  as  to  make  them  fear 
^  hate  their  parents. 
The  patria  potestas  was  supposed  to  extend,  as  it  did 
ibk  Bome,  during  the  adult  as  during  the  callow  years. 
^Especially  did  public  opinion  insist  on  children  marry- 
-  ing  according  to  the  wishes  of  their  parents.    Among 
the  nobility  child-marriage  was  common,  a  mere  form, 
of  course,  not  at  once  followed  by  cohabitation.    A  be- 
trothal was  a  very  solemn  thing,  amounting  to  a  def- 
inite contract.    Perfect  liberty  was  allowed  the  en- 
g^ed  couple,  by  law  in  Sweden  and  by  custom  in  many 
other  countries.    All  the  more  necessary,  in  the  opin- 
ion of  the  time,  to  prevent  youths  and  maidens  be- 
trothing themselves  without  their  parents'  consent. 
'     Probably  the  standard  of  health  is  now  higher  than  Hcaitk 
it  was  then,  and  the  average  longevity  greater.    It  is 
true  that  few  epidemics  have  ever  been  more  fatal  than 
the  recent  influenza;  and  on  the  other  hand  one  can 
point  to  plenty  of  examples  of  sixteenth-century  men 
ifho  reached  a  crude  and  green  old  age.    Statistics 
were  then  few  and  unreliable.    In  1905  the  death-rate 
in  London  was  15.6  per  thousand;  in  the  years  1861-' 
1880  it  averaged  23  per  thousand.    It  has  been  c^Xcol- 


'  512  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

lated  that  this  is  just  what  the  death-rate  was  in  Lou-j 
don  in  a  healthy  year  under  Elizabeth,  but  it 
remembered  that  a  year  without  some  sort  of  epideni 
was  almost  exceptional. 

Bubonic  plague  was  pandemic  at  that  time,  and  hor- 
ribly fatal.  Many  of  the  figures  given — as  that  200,000 
people  perished  in  Moscow  in  1570,  50,000  at  Lyons  in 
1572,  and  50,000  at  Venice  during  the  years  1575-7, 
must  be  gross  exaggerations,  but  they  give  a  vivid  idea 
of  the  popular  idea  of  the  prevalent  mortality.  An- 
other scourge  was  the  sweating  sickness,  first  noticed 
as  epidemic  in  1485  and  returning  in  1507,  1517,  1528 
and  1551.  Tuberculosis  was  probably  as  wide-spread 
in  the  sixteenth  as  it  is  in  the  twentieth  century,  but 
it  figured  less  prominently  on  account  of  worse  diseases 
and  because  it  was  seldom  recognized  until  the  last 
stages.  Smallpox  was  common,  unchecked  as  it  was  by 
vaccination,  and  with  tt  were  confounded  a  variety  of 
zymotic  diseases,  such  as  measles,  which  only  began 
to  be  recognized  as  different  in  the  course  of  the  six- 
teenth century.  One  disease  almost  characteristic  of 
former  ages,  so  much  more  prevalent  was  it  in  them, 
due  to  the  more  unwholesome  food  and  drink,  was  the 
stone. 

Venereal  diseases  became  bo  prominent  in  the  six- 
teenth century  that  it  has  often  been  thought  that  the 
syphilis  was  imported  from  America.  This,  howevei 
has  been  denied  by  authorities  who  believe  that  it  cam 
down  from  classical  antiquity,  but  that  it  was  not  dif 
ferentiated  from  other  scourges.  The  Latin  name^^ 
variola,  like  the  English  pox,  was  applied  indiscrimi-] 
nately  to  sj-philis,  small-pos,  chicken-pox,  etc.  GonoP  I 
rhea  was  also  common.  The  spread  of  these  diseasrti 
was  assisted  by  many  causes  besides  the  prevalentj 
moral  looseness;  by  lack  of  cleanliness  in  public  baths 
for  example. 


PRIVATE  LIFE  AND  MANNERS        513 

Tseless  to  go  through  the  whole  roster  of  the  plagues. 
HBce  it  to  say  that  whatever  now  torments  poor  mor- 
3,  from  tooth-ache  to  cold  in  the  head,  and  from 
^imiatism  to  lunacy,  was  known  to  our  ancestors  in 
gravated  forms.  Deleterious  was  the  use  of  alcohol, 
>  evils  of  which  were  so  little  understood  that  it  was 
;iially  prescribed  for  many  disorders  of  which  it  is 
Mrtain  irritant.  Add  to  this  the  lack  of  sanitary 
tasures,  not  only  of  disinfection  but  of  common 
anliness,  and  the  etiology  of  the  phenomena  is  satis- 
storily  accounted  for, 

[f  even  now  medicine  as  a  science  and  an  art  seems  Medicine 
ekward  compared  with  surgery,  it  has  nevertheless 
ide  considerable  advances  since  it  began  to  be  em- 
rical.  In  the  Middle  Ages  it  was  almost  purely  dog- 
itic ;  men  did  not  ask  their  eyes  and  minds  what  was 
i  nature  of  the  human  body  and  the  effect  of  this  or 
It  drug  on  it,  they  asked  Aristotle,  or  Hippocrates, 
Galen  or  Avicenna.  The  chief  rivalries,  and  they 
Te  bitter,  were  between  the  Greek  and  the  Arabian 
lools.  Galenism  finally  triumphed  just  before  the  c.  1550 
Smnings  of  experiment  and  research  were  made. 
le  greatest  name  in  the  first  half  of  the  century  was 
It  of  Theophrastus  Paracelsus,  as  arrant  a  quack  Paraceisui 
ever  lived,  but  one  who  did  something  to  break  up 
^  strangle-hold  of  tradition.  He  worked  out  his 
Jtem  a  priori  from  a  fantastic  postulate  of  the 
rallelism  between  man  and  the  universe,  the  micro- 
m  and  the  macrocosm.  He  held  that  the  Bible  gave 
uable  prescriptions,  as  in  the  treatment  of  wounds 
oil  and  wine. 

Jnder  the  leadership  of  Ambroise  Pare  surgery  im-  Surgery 
►ved  rather  more  than  medicine.    Without  anaes-  j^^qq 
tics,  indeed,  operations  were  difficult,  but  a  good 
il  was  accomplished.    Pare  first  made  amputation 
a  large  scale  possible  by  inventing  a  WgatwT^  iox 


514  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

large  arteries  that  effectively  controlled  hemorr 
This  barber's  apprentice,  who  despised  the  sc 
ajid  wrote  in  the  vernacular,  made  other  importai 
provemcnts  in  the  surgeon's  technique.  It  is 
worthy  that  each  discovery  was  treated  as  a 
secret  to  be  exploited  for  the  benefit  of  a  few  p 
tioners  and  not  givep  freely  to  the  good  of  maulti 

In  obste  jnadc  discoveries  tliat 

not  be  det)  {ft  his  time  it  was  almos 

versal  for  !tended  in  childbirth  or 

midwives  o  .     Indeed,  so  strong  w 

prejudice  c  nt  women  were  kno%ni 

of  abdomii  her  than  allow  male  ] 

'  cians  to  exb  The  admission  of  men 

profession  of  n.  "ked  a  considerable  inii 

ment  in  method. 

The  treatment  of  lunacy  was  inept.  The  poi 
tients  were  whipped  or  otherwise  tormented  for 
ing  to  the  subject  of  their  monomania.  Our  anc 
found  fun  in  watching  the  antics  of  crazed  mind 
made  up  parties  to  go  to  Bedlams  and  tease  t 
sane.  Indeed,  some  of  the  scenes  in  Shakesp 
plays,  in  which  madness  is  depicted,  and  which 
tragic  to  us,  probably  had  a  comic  value  for  the  g 
lings  before  whom  the  plays  were  first  produced 

As  early  as  1510  Luther  saw  one"  of  the  hot 
at  Florence.  Ho  tells  how  beautiful  they  wen 
clean  and  well  served  by  honorable  matrons  ti 
the  poor  freely  all  day  without  making  known 
names  and  at  night  returning  home.  Such  ii 
tions  were  the  glorj'  of  Italy,  for  they  were  sa 
seek  in  other  lands.  When  they  were  finally 
lished  elsewhere,  they  were  too  often  left  to  th 
of  ignorant  and  evil  menials.  The  stories  oni 
read  of  the  Hotel-Dieu,  at  Paris,  are  fairly  hai 


CHAPTER  XI 
THE  CAPITALISTIC  KEVOLUTION 

§  1.  The  Rise  of  the  Power  of  Money 
Parallel  with  the  Reformation  was  taking  place  an  Reform 

•  ij*  1  1  I*  tion  and 

M^nomic  revolution  even  deeper  and  more  endurmg  cconomi 
=•  in  its  consequences.    Both  Reformation  and  Revolu-  rcvoluii 
tion  were  manifestations  of  the  individualistic  spirit 
of  the  age ;  the  substitution,  in  the  latter  case,  of  pri- 
vate enterprise  and  competition  for  common  effort  as 
a  method  of  producing  wealth  and  of  distributing  it. 
Both  were  prepared  for  long  before  they  actually  up- 
set the  existing  order;  both  have  taken  several  cen- 
tories  to  unfold  their  full  consequences,  and  in  each 
the  truly  decisive  steps  were  taken  in  the  sixteenth 
century. 

It  is  doubtless  incorrect  to  see  either  in  the  Refor- 
mation or  in  the  economic  revolution  a  direct  and 
simple  cause  of  the  other.  They  interacted  and  to  a 
certain  extent  joined  forces;  but  to  a  greater  degree 
each  sought  to  use  the  other,  and  each  has  at  times  been 
credited,  or  blamed,  with  the  results  of  the  other's 
operations.  Contemporaries  noticed  the  effects, 
mostly  the  bad  effects,  of  the  rise  of  capitalism,  and 
often  mistakenly  attributed  them  to  the  Reformation; 
and  the  new  kings  of  commerce  were  only  too  ready 
to  hide  behind  the  mask  of  Protestantism  while  despoil- 
ing the  church.  Like  other  historical  forces,  while 
easily,  separable  in  thought,  the  two  movements  were 
usually  inextricably  interwoven  in  action. 

Capitalism  supplanted  gild-production  because  of  its  Rise  of 
fitness  as  a  social  instrument  for  the  producWow  ^\A  ^^^"^^ 

516 


■16      THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 

Istoring  of  wealth.     In  competition  with  capital 

medieval  communism  succumbed  in  one  line  of  bni 

nes9  after  another — in  banking,  in  trade,  in  mini 

in  industrj-  and  finally  in  agriculture — because  it  i 

unable  to  produce  the  results  that  capital  prodni 

By  the  vast  reward  that  the  newer  system  gave  to  la 

vidual  enterprise,  to  technical  improvement  anJ' 

j  investment,  capitalism  proved  the  aptest  tool  for 

f  creation  and  preservation  of  wealth  ever  devised. 

J  is  true  that  the  manifold  multiplication  of  riches  inl 

[  last  four  centuries  is  due  primarily  to  inventions  I 

\  the  exploitation  of  natural  resources,  but  the  capil 

listie  method  is  ideally  fitted  for  the  utilization  of  tbl 

I  new  discoveries  and  for  laying  up  of  their  increini 

I  for  ultimate  social  use.     And  this  is  an  inestim^ 

service  to  any  society.     Only  a  fairly  rich  peoplf 

afford  the  luxuries  of  beauty,  knowledge,  and  pofl 

that  enhance  the  value  of  life  and  allow  it  to  clii 

to  ever  greater  heights.     To  balance  this  service, 

,  must  be  taken  into  account  that  capitalism  haa  lanw 

I  ably  failed  justly  to  distribute  rewards.     Its  tenda 

I  is  to  intercept  the  greater  part  of  the  wealth  it  crea 

for  the  benefit  of  a  single  class,  and  thereby  to  rob! 

rest  of  the  communitiy  of  their  due  dividend. 

So  delicate  is  the  adjustment  of  society  that  au 
parently  trivial  new  factor  will  often  upset  the  wh 
equilibrium  and  produce  the  most  incalculable  resu! 
Thus,  the  primary  cause  of  the  capitalistic  revolut 
appears  to  have  been  a  purely  mechanical  one,  thfi. 
create— Hi-^iR    prodiifitlnn    nL_tlic    precious    motj 


AVealth  could  not  be  stored  at  all  in  the  Middle  Aj 
save  in  the  form  of  specie;  nor  without  it  could  lal 
commerce  be  developed,  nor  large  industry  fiiiano 
nor  was  investment  possible.  Moreover  the  rise 
prices  consequent  on  the  increase  of  the  precious  ill 
''s  gave  a  powerfMl  stimulus  to  manufacture  and 

■ 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  POWER  OF  MONEY      517 

£llip  to  the  merchant  and  to  the  entrepreneur  such  as 
"they  have  rarely  received  before  or  since.     It  was,  in  / 
:  wliort,  the^deyelopment  of  the  pqy^er  of  money  that  gave 
-  irise  ta.tha.money  power.         "^  ^ 

In  the  earlier  Middle  Ages  there  prevailed  a  **nat- 
."Ural  economy,**  or  system  in  which  payments  were 
j^Knade  chiefly  in  the  form  of  services  and  by  barter; 
";Ai8  gave  place  very  gradually  to  our  modem  **  money 
r  •oonomy**  in  which  gold  and  silver  are  both  the  normal 
^  iitandards  of  value  and  the  sole  instruments  of  ex- 
j^  ^diange.  Already  in  the  twelfth  century  money  was 
^  Ibebig  used  in  the  towns  of  Western  Europe ;  not  until 
^  the  late  fourteenth  or  fifteenth  did  it  become  a  dom- 
2^  inant  factor  in  rural  life.  This  change  was  not  the 
great  revolution  itself,  but  was  the  indispensable  pre- 
^    requisite  of  it,  and  in  large  part  its  direct  cause. 

Gold  and  silver  could  now  be  hoarded  in  the  form  of  ^^^^' 

making 

money,  and  so  the  first  step  was  taken  in  the  formation  kings 
of  large  fortunes,  kno\sTi  to  the  ancient  world,  but  al- 
most absent  in  the  Middle  Ages.  The  first  great  for- 
tunes were  made  by  kings,  by  nobles  with  large  landed 
estates,  and  by  officers  in  government  service.  Henry 
Vn  left  a  large  fortune  to  his  son.  Some  of  the  popes 
and  some  of  the  princes  of  Germany  and  Italy  hoarded 
money  even  when  they  were  paying  interest  on  a  debt, 
— ^a  testimony  to  the  increasing  estimate  of  the  value 
of  hard  cash.  The  chief  nobles  were  scarcely  behind 
the  kings  in  accumulating  treasure.  Their  vast  rev- 
enues from  land  were  much  more  like  government  im- 
posts than  like  rents.  Thus  Montmorency  in  France 
gave  his  daughter  a  dowry  amounting  to  $420,000. 
The  duke  of  Gandia  in  Spain  owned  estates  peopled 
by  60,000  Moriscos  and  yielding  a  princely  revenue. 
Vast  ransoms  wete  exacted  in  war,  and  fines,  confisca- 
tion and  pillage  filled  the  coffers  of  the  lords.  After 
the  atrocious  war  against  the  Moriscos,  \Vv^  d\3\L^  ^1 


THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 


W  518       THt 

W  Lerma  sold  their  houses  on  his  estates  for  500,000 

ducats. 

fficiais  In  the  monarchies  of  Europe  the  only  avenue  to 

wealth  at  first  open  to  private  men  was  the  govern- 
ment service.  Offices,  benefices,  naval  and  military 
commands,  were  bought  with  the  expectation,  often 
justified,  of  making  money  out  of  them.  The  farmed 
revenues  yielded  immense  profit  to  the  collectors.  No 
small  fortunes  were  reaped  by  Empson  and  Dudley, 
the  fools  of  Henry  VII,  but  tiiey  were  far  surpassed 
by  the  hoards  of  Wolsey  and  of  Cromwell.  Such  was 
the  great  fortune  made  in  France  by  Seniblamjay,  the 
son  of  a  plainmerchant  of  Tours,  who  turned  the  offices 
of  treasurer  and  superintendent  of  finances  to  such 
good  account  that  he  bought  himself  large  estates  and 
baronies.  Fortunes  on  a  proportionately 
scale  were  made  by  the  servants  of  the  German  print 
as  by  John  Sehenitz,  a  minion  of  the  Archbishop  E 
tor  Albert  of  Mayence.  So  insecure  was  the  tenure  nf 
riches  accumulated  in  royal  or  princely  service  tliat 
most  of  the  men  who  did  so,  including  all  those  men- 
tioned in  this  paragraph,  ended  on  the  scaffold,  save, 
indeed,  AVolsey,  wlio  would  have  done  so  had  he  not 
died  M'liile  awaiting  trial. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that,  thougii  land^YagJl'B  principal 
form  of  wealth  Jn  the  Middle  Ages,  no  great  fortunes 
were  made  from  it  at  the  beginning  of  the  capitalistifl  ^ 
era,  sa^'c  by  the  titled  holders  of  enormous  domains. 
The  small  landlords  suffered  at  the  expense  of  the 
burghers  in  Germany,  and  not  until  these  burghwa 
turned  to  the  country  and  bought  up  landed  estates 
did  agriculture  become  thoroughly  profitable. 
Uu  The  intimate  connection  of  government  and  capital- 

ism is  domonstratcd  by  the  fact  that,  next  to  officials, 
government  C(Hicessionaire8  and  bankers  were  the  first 
make  great  iotlvmea.    W.  \i^a  time  banking  was 


s  and 
lallc^ 
incefl^l 
Kleo-|| 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  POWER  OP  MONEY     519 

flost'Iv  depoiideiit  on  public  loans  and  was  therefore 
lie  fii^^t  great  business  to  be  established  on  the  capi- 
talistic basis.  The  first  "trust"  was  the  money  trust. 
^ODgh  banking  had  been  well  started  in  the  Middle 
(Iges,  it  was  still  in  an  imperfect  state  of  development, 
lews  and  goldsmiths  made  a  considerable  number  of 
ommercial  loans  but  thetse  loans  were  always  regarded 
ty  the  borrower  as  temporary  expedients ;  the  habitual 
ondact  of  business  on  borrowed  capital  was  unlcno%\Ti. 
tnt,  just  as  the  new  output  of  the  German  mines  was 
Bcreasing  the  supply  of  precious  metals,  the  greater 
Sostlincss  of  war,  due  to  the  substitution  of  mercenaries 
Old  fire-arms  for  feudal  levies  efjuipped  with  bows 
md  pikes,  made  the  governments  of  Europe  need 
Boney  more  than  ever  before.  They  made  great  loans 
I  home  and  abroad,  and  it  was  the  interest  on  these 
liat  expanded  the  banking  business  until  it  became  an 
Itornational  power.  Well  before  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tiry  men  had  made  a  fine  art  of  receiving  deposits, 
kaning  capital  and  performing  other  financial  opera- 
ions,  but  it  was  not  until  the  late  fifteenth  century 
kat  the  bankers  reaped  the  full  reward  of  their  skill 
ud  of  the  new  opportunities.  The  three  balls  in  the 
irnis  of  the  Medici  testify  to  the  heights  to  wliieh  a 
rofession,  once  humble,  might  raise  its  experts.  In  ' 
taly  the  science  of  accounting,  or  of  double-entry  bonk-  '■ 
eeping,  originated;  it  was  slowly  adopted  in  other 
iuids.  The  first  English  work  on  the  subject  is  that 
ly  .lohn  Gouge  in  1543,  entitled:  "A  Profitahle  Trea- 
^ce  called  the  Instrument  or  Bnke  to  learn  to  know 
be  good  order  of  the  keeping  of  the  famouse  recon- 
lynge,  called  in  Latin,  Dare  et  Habere,  and,  in  Eng- 
;lie,  Debitor  and  Creditor."     It  was  in  Italy  that 

lodern  technique  of  clearing  bills  was  developed;  the 
iple  system  by  which  balances  are  settled  not  by 

ill  pa>inent  of  each  debt  in  money,  hut  by  com^air^ 


jm 


f- » 


THE  BISE  OF  THE  POWER  OF  MONEY     521 

sent,  for  the  fifteen  years  1502-17.  Dividends  were  not 
ledared  annually,  but  a  general  casting  up  of  accounts 
was  made  every  few  years  and  a  new  balance  struck, 
«ch  partner  withdrawing  as  much  as  he  wished,  or 
weaving  it  to  be  credited  to  his  account  as  new  capital. 

Though  the  Fuggers  and  other  firms  soon  went  into  Risks  g 
^arge  business  of  all-  sorts,  they  remained  primarily  ^"^^ 
Mmkers.  As  such  they  enjoyed  boundless  credit  with 
ike  public  from  whom  they  received  deposits  at  regular 
iiterest.  The  proportion  of  these  deposits  to  the  cap- 
ital continually  rose.  This  general  tendency,  together 
irith  the  habit  of  changing  the  amount  of  capital  every 
few  years,  is  evident  from  the  following  table  of  the 
Liabilities  of  the  Fuggers  in  gold  gulden  at  several 
iiflf erent  periods : 

Year                               Capital  Deposits 

1527 2,000,000  290,000 

1536 •..  1,500,000  900,000 

1546 4,700,000  1,300,000 

1563 2,000,000  3,100,000 

1577 1,300,000  4,000,000 

A  smaller  Augsburg  firm,  the  Haugs,  had  in  1560,  a 
capital  of  140,000  florins  and  deposits  of  648,000.  As 
all  these  deposits  were  subject  to  be  withdrawn  at 
sight,  and  as  the  firms  usually  kept  a  very  small  re- 
serve of  specie,  it  would  seem  that  banking  was  sub- 
ject to  great  risks.  The  unsoundness  of  the  method 
was  counterbalanced  by  the  fact  that  most  of  the  de- 
posits were  made  by  members  of  the  banker's  family, 
or  by  friends,  who  harbored  a  strong  sentiment  against 
embarrassing  the  bank  by  withdrawing  at  inconvenient 
seasons.  Doubtless  the  almost  uniformly  profitable 
career  of  most  firms  for  many  years  concealed  many 
dangers. 
The  crash  came  finally  as  the  result  of  the  ba\\kTw?el^l 


522      THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 

knipicy  of  the  Spanish  and  French  governments.  Spain's 
S^  repudiation  of  her  debt  was  partial,  taking  the  form  of 
consolidation  and  conversion;  France,  however,  simply 
stopped  all  payments  of  interest  and  amortization. 
Many  banks  throughout  Europe  failed,  and  drew  down 
with  them  their  creditors.  The  years  1557-64  saw  the 
(  first  of  these  characteristically  modem  phenomena, 
0  international  financial  crises.  Tliere  were  hard  times 
everywhere.  Other  states  followed  the  example  of 
the  French  and  Spanish  governments,  England  consti- 
tuting the  fortunate  exception.  Recover?'  followed  at 
length,  however,  and  speculation  boomed;  but  a  second 
Spani.sh  state  bankruptcy  brought  on  another  crisis, 
and  there  was  a  third,  following  the  defeat  of  tiie 
Armada.  The  failure  of  many  of  the  great  private 
companies  was  followed  by  the  institution  of  st 
^  banks.  The  first  to  be  erected  was  the  Banco 
Rialto  in  Venice. 
—  The  banks  were  the  agencies  for  the  spread  of  I 
capitalistic  system  to  other  fields.  The  great  fir 
either  bought  up,  or  obtained  as  concessions  from  eoi 
government,  the  natural  resources  requisite  for  t 
production  of  wealth.  One  of  the  very  first  thin 
seized  by  them  were  the  mines.  Indeed,  the  profital 
exploitation  of  the  German  mines  especially  dates  fn 
J  tlieir  acquisition  by  the  Fuggers  and  other  hankeH 
(late  in  the  fifteenth  century.  Partly  by  the  develop- 
Snent  of  new  methods  of  refining  ore,  but  chiefly  by 
driving  large  numbers  of  laborers  to  their  maxiinun 
effort,  the  new  mine-owners  increased  the  productioi^ 
of  metal  almost  at  a  bound,  and  thereby  poured  uotoli 
wealth  into  their  own  coffers.  The  total  value  of  met 
als  produced  in  Germany  in  1525  amounted  to  $4,800^ 
0(10  per  annum,  and  employed  over  10(1,000  men.  Until 
1545  the  German  production  of  silver  was  greattt 
Uiiw  the  Amcricau,  and  copper  was  almost  as  valuabU 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  POWER  OF  MONEY     523 

1  product.  Notwithstanding  its  increased  production, 
B  value  doubled  between  1027  and  1557.  The  shares 
I  these  great  companies  were,  like  the  "Fugger  let- 
irs,"  or  certificates  of  interest-bearing  deposits  in 
s,  assignable  and  were  actively  traded  in  on  vari- 
8  bourses.     Each  share  was  a  certificate  of  partner- 

^p  which  then  carried  with  it  unlimited  liability  for 
le  debts  of  the  company.  One  of  the  favorite  specu- 
itive  issues  was  found  in  the  shares  of  the  Mansfeld 

Jopper  Co.,  established  in  1524  with  a  capital  of  70,000 
nlden,  which  was  increased  to  120,000  gulden  in  1528. 
"WTiereas,  in  banking  and  in  mining,  capital  had  al-    Comi 
lost  created  the  opportunities  for  its  employment,  in 
)mmerce  it  partly  supplanted  the  older  system  and 

Brtly  entered  into  new  paths.     In  the  Middle  Ages 

omestic,  and  to  some  extent  international,  commerce 

■as  carried  on  by  fairs  adapted  to  bring  producer  and 
msumer  together  and  hence  reduce  the  functions  of 

Biddleman  to  the  narrowest  limits.  Such  was  the 
dual  fair  at  Stourbridge;  such  the  famous  bookmart 
Frankfort-on-the-Main,  and  such  were  the  fairs  in 
igrons,  Antwerp,  and  many  other  cities.     Only  in  the     , 

Wgcr  townis  was  a  market  perpetually  open.     Foreign 
iinraerce  was  also  carried  on  by  companies  formed 
I  the  analogy  of  the  medieval  gilds. 
New  conditions  called  for  fresh  means  of  meeting 
lem.     Tlie  great  change  in  sea-borne  trade  effected  by 

he  discoverj'  of  the  new  routes  to  India  and  America, 
BS  not  so  nmch  in  the  quantity  of  goods  carried  as  in 
le  paths  by  which  they  traveled.  The  commerce  of 
le  two  iidaud  seas,  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Baltic, 
jlativeiy  declined,  while  that  of  the  Atlantic  seaboard 
rew  by  leaps  and  bounds.     New  and  large  companies 

_tme  into  existence,  formed  on  the  joint-stock  principle. 

)ver  them  the  various  governments  exercised  a  large 
mtrol,  giving  them  a  semi-political  charactcT. 


aa&i 


524      THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 


As  Portugal  was  the  first  to  tap  the  wealth  of 
gorgeous  East,  into  her  lap  fell  the  stream  or 
from  that  quarter.  The  secret  of  her  ^vindfall 
the  small  bulk  and  enormous  value  of  her  carg* 
From  Malabar  she  fetched  pepper  and  ginger, 
Ceylon  cinnamon  and  pearls,  from  Bengal  opium,  the 
only  known  conqueror  of  pain,  and  with  it  frankincense 
and  indigo.  .Borneo  supplied  camphor,  Amboyna  nut- 
megs and  mace,  and  two  small  islands,  Teniote  and 
Tidor,  offered  cloves.  These  products  sold  for  fortj' 
times  as  much  in  London  or  in  Antwerp  as  they  coat 
in  the  Orient.  No  wonder  that  wealth  came  in  a  (tale 
of  perfume  to  Lisbon.  The  cost  of  the  ship  and  of 
the  voyage,  averaging  two  years  from  departure  to 
return,  was  $20,000,  and  any  ship  might  bring  back 
a  cargo  worth  $750,000.  But  the  risks  were  great. 
Of  the  10-t  ships  that  sailed  from  1497-1506  only  72 
returned.  In  the  following  century  of  about  8fK)  Por- 
tuguese vessels  engaged  in  the  India  trade  nearly  one- 
eighth  were  lost.  Even  the  risk  of  loss  in  sailing  from 
Lisbon  to  the  ports  of  northern  Europe  was  appre- 
ciable. The  king  of  Portugal  insured  ships  on  a  v( 
age  from  Lisbon  to  Antwerp  for  a  premium  of  six 
cent. 

Spain  found  the  path  towards  the  setting  sun 
golden  as  Portugal  had  found  the  reflection  of  his  ru 
ing  beams.  At  her  height  she  had  a  thousand  mer- 
chant galleons.  Tlie  cliief  imports  were  the  precious 
metals,  but  they  were  not  the  only  ones.  Cochineal 
selling  at  $370  a  hundredweight  in  London,  surpassed 
in  value  any  spice  from  Celebes.  Dye-wood,  ebony, 
some  drugs,  nuts  and  a  few  other  articles  richly  ifr, 
paid  importation.  There  was  also  a  very  considers! 
export  trade.  Cadiz  and  Seville  sent  to  the  Indies 
nnally  2,240,000  gallons  of  wine,  with  quantities 
oil,  clothes  and  oWieT  uwicssitiea.    Many  ships, 


THE  RISE  OP  THE  POWER  OF  MONEY     525      . 

nly  Spanish  but  Portuguese  and  English,  were 
i^ighted  with  human  flesh  from  Africa  as  heavily  as 
■tristian  with  his  black  load  of  sin,  and  in  the  case  of 
Portugal,  at  least,  the  load  almost  sent  its  bearer  to 
le  City  of  Destruction. 

But  Spanish  keels  made  other  wakes  than  westward. 
V)  Flanders  oil  and  wool  were  sent  to  be  exchanged 
^r  manufactured  wares,  tapestries  and  books.  Italy 
■ked  hides  and  dyes  in  return  for  her  brocades,  pearls 
nd  linen.  The  undoubtedly  great  extent  of  Spanish 
nmmerce  even  in  places  where  it  had  no  monopoly,  is 
B  the  more  remarkable  in  that  it  was  at  the  first 
ordened  by  what  in  the  end  choked  it,  government 
Bgolation.  Cadiz  had  the  best  harbor,  but  Seville  was 
ivored  by  the  king;  even  ships  allowed  to  unload  at 
fadiz  could  do  so  only  on  condition  that  their  cargoes 
e  transported  directly  to  Seville.  A  particularly 
rushing  tax  was  the  alcabala,  or  10  per  cent,  impost 
a  all  sales.  Other  import  duties,  royalties  on  metals, 
Kcise  on  food,  monopolies,  and  petty  regulations  finally 
andieapped  Spain  *s  merchants  so  effectually  that  they 
ill  behind  those  of  other  countries  in  the  race  for  su- 
remacy. 

As  the  mariners  of  the  Iberian  peninsula  drooped  France 
nder  the  shackles  of  unwise  laws,  hardy  sailors  sprang 
ito  their  places.  Neither  of  the  other  Latin  nations, 
Dwever,  was  able  to  do  so.  The  once  proud  suprem- 
cy  of  Venice  and  of  Genoa  was  gone ;  the  former  sank 
s  Lisbon  rose  and  the  latter,  who  held  her  own  at 
jast  as  a  money  market  until  1540,  was  about  that 
line  surpassed,  though  she  was  never  wholly  super- 
Bded,  by  Antwerp.  Italy  exported  wheat,  flax,  wo«d 
nd  other  products,  but  chiefly  by  land  routes  or  in 
oreign  keels.  Nor  was  France  able  to  take  any  great 
art  in  maritime  trade.  Content  with  the  freight 
rought  her  by  other  nations,  she  sent  out  ievi  ^^^^dv 


526      THE  CAPITALISTIC  KEVOLUTION 


tions,  and  those  few,  like  that  of  James  Cartier,  had 
no  present  result  either  in  commerce  or  in  colonies. 
Her  greatest  mart  was  Lyons,  the  fairs  there  being 
carefully  fostered  by  the  kings  and  being  naturally 
favored  by  the  growth  of  mauufacturo,  while  the  mari- 
time harbors  either  declined  or  at  least  gained  noth- 
ing. For  a  few  years  La  Rochelle  battened  on  religions 
piracy,  but  that  was  all. 

In  no  countn'  is  the  struojgle  for  existence  between 
the  medieval  and  the  modern  commercial  methods 
plainer  than  in  Germany.  The  trade  of  the  Hanse 
towns  failed  to  grow,  partly  for  the  reason  that  their 
merchants  had  not  command  of  the  fluid  wealth  thi 
raised  to  pre-eminence  the  southern  cities.  The 
were,  indeed,  other  causes  for  the  decline  of  the  Ha 
seatic  Baltic  trade.  The  discovery  of  new  routes,  esp 
eially  the  opening  of  Archangel  on  the  White  Se 
short-circuited  the  current  that  had  previously  flow( 
through  the  Kattegat  and  the  Skager  Rak.  Moreove 
the  development  of  both  wheat-growing  and  of  coi 
merce  in  the  Netherlands  and  in  England  proved  tli 
astrous  to  tlie  Hanse.  The  shores  of  the  Baltic  hi 
at  one  time  been  the  granary  of  Europe,  but  they  su 
fered  somewhat  by  the  greater  yield  of  the  more  b 
tensive  agriculture  introduced  at  that  time  elsewher 
Even  then  their  export  continued  to  be  considerabi 
though  diverted  from  the  northern  to  the  southei 
ports  of  Europe.  In  1563,  for  example,  6630  loa< 
of  grain  were  exported  from  Konrgsberg,  and  in  151 
7730  loads. 

The  Hanse  towns  lost  their  English  trade  in 
petition  with  the  new  companies  there  formed, 
bitter  diplomatic  struggle  was  carried  on  by  Heni 
VIII.  The  privileges  to  the  Germans  of  the  SU 
yard  confirmed  and  extended  by  him  were  abridged 
by  his  son,  parUy  TesVoxeii  \i"3  Mary  and  again  taken 


THE  BISE  OF  THE  POWER  OF  MONET     527 

iTway  by  Elizabeth.  The  emperor,  in  agreement  with 
lie  cities '  senates,  started  retaliatory  measures  against 
Snglish  merchants,  endeavoring  to  assure  the  Hanse 
mrmxa  that  they  should  at  least  ^^  continue  the  ancient 
noncord  of  their  dear  native  country  and  the  good 
Dutches  that  now  presently  inhabit  it. " '  He  therefore 
Mrdered  English  merchants  banished,  against  which 
Slizabeth  protested. 

While  the  North  of  Germany  was  suffering  from  its 
*4ulure  to  adapt  itself  to  new  conditions,  a  power  was 
nsing  in  the  South  capable  of  levying  tribute  not 

Mily  from  the  whole  Empire  but  from  the  habitable 

9«irth.  Among  the  merchant  princes  who,  in  Augs- 
Kirg,  in  Nuremberg,  in  Strassburg,  placed  on  their 
>wn  brows  the  golden  crown  of  riches,  the  Fuggers 
were  both  typical  and  supreme.  James  Fugger  *'the  james 
Bich,''  springing  from  a  family  already  opulent,  was  ^^^h 
3ne  of  those  geniuses  of  finance  that  turn  everything 
:ouched  into  gold.  He  carried  on  a  large  banking  busi- 
less,  he  loaned  money  to  emperors  and  princes,  he 
bought  up  mines  and  fitted  out  fleets,  he  re-organized 
^eat  industries,  he  speculated  in  politics  and  reli^on. 
For  the  princes  of  the  empire  he  farmed  taxes ;  for  the 
pope  he  sold  indulgences  at  a  33  1/3  per  cent,  commis- 
sion, and  collected  annates  and  other  dues.  In  Hun- 
gary, in  Spain,  in  Italy,  in  the  New  World,  his  agents 
wrere  delving  for  money  and  skilfully  diverting  it  into 
iis  coffers.  He  was  also  a  pillar  of  the  church  and  a 
philanthropist,  founding  a  library  at  Augsburg  and 
building  model  tenements  for  poor  workers.  He  be- 
came the  incarnation  of  a  new  Great  Power,  that  of 
international  finance.  A  contemporary  chronicler 
says:  ** emperors,  kings,  princes  and  governors  have 
sent  embassage  unto  him ;  the  pope  hath  greeted  him 
as  his  beloved  son  and  hath  embraced  him;  cardinals 
bave  risen  before  him.  ...  He  hath  become  the  %lot^ 


I  528      THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 


of  the  whole  German  land."  His  sons,  Raymond,  M 
thoiiy  and  Jerome,  were  raised  by  Charles  V  to  the  i^ 
and  privileges  of  counts,  bannerets  and  barons.       | 

Throughout  the  century  corporations  became  h 
and  less  family  partnerships  and  more  and  more  ] 
personal  or  "soulless."  They  were  semi-publie,  ad 
private  affairs,  resting  on  special  charters  and  activl 
promoted,  not  only  in  Germany  but  in  Enjifland  a 
other  countries,  by  the  emperor,  king,  or  territoi 
prince.  On  the  other  hand  the  capital  was  largely  si 
scribed  by  private  business  men  and  the  directi<»j 
the  companies'  affairs  was  left  in  their  hands.  j| 
bility  was  unlimited.  1 

In  their  methods  many  of  the  sixteenth  century  q 
porations  were  surprisingly  "modem."  Monopoly 
corners,  trusts  and  agreements  to  keep  up  prices  flgf 
ished,  notwithstanding  constant  legislation  agaii 
them,  as  that  against  secret  schedules  of  prices  pan 
by  the  Diet  of  Nuremberg.  Particularly  notewortl 
were  the  number  of  agreements  to  create  a  monopo 
price  in  metals.  Thus  a  ring  of  German  mine-owne 
was  formed  artificially  to  raise  the  price  of  silver, 
measure  defended  publicly  on  the  ground  that  it  i 
riched  Germany  at  the  expense  of  the  foreigner,  ij 
other  example  was  the  formation  of  a  tinning  compa 
under  the  patronage  of  Duke  George  of  Saxony,  , 
proposed  agreements  with  its  Bohemian  rivals  to  j 
the  price  of  tin,  but  these  usually  failed  even  aftell 
monopoly  of  Bohemian  tin  had  been  granted  by  Feri 
nand  to  Conrad  Mayr  of  Augsburg. 

The  immense  difficulty  of  cornering  any  of  the  larg 
articles  of  commerce  was  not  so  well  appreciated  ini] 
earlier  time  as  it  is  now.  Nothing  is  more  instructft 
than  the  history  of  the  mercury  "trusts"  of  tlw( 
years.  Wien  the  competing  companies  owning  u 
at  Idria  in  Catniola  amalgamated  for  the  purposei 


rmuri 

posei 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  POWER  OF  MONEY     529 

■hancing  the  price  of  quicksilver^  the  attempt  broke 
afwn  by  reason  of  the  Spanish  mines.  Accordingly, 
^e  Ambrose  Hochstetter  of  Augsburg  conceived  the  1528 
mbitious  project  of  cornering  the  whole  supply  'of 
ke  world.  As  has  happened  so  often  since,  the  higher 
rice  brought  forth  a  much  larger  quantity  of  the 
rtide  than  had  been  reckoned  with,  the  so-called  '4n- 
Lsible  supply*';  the  co6ier  broke  down  and  Hochstet- 
IT  failed  with  enormous  liabilities  of  800,000  gulden, 
Dd  died  in  prison.  The  crash  shook  the  financial 
'orld,  but  was  nevertheless  followed  by  still  better 
lanned  and  better  financed  efforts  of  the  Fuggers 
>  put  the  whole  quicksilver  product  of  the  world  into 
1  international  trust.  These  final  attempts  were  more 
p  less  successful.  Another  ambitious  scheme,  which 
tiled,  was  that  of  Conrad  Rott  of  Augsburg  to  get  1570  ff. 
monopoly  of  pepper.  He  agreed  to  buy  six  hundred 
^ns  of  pepper  from  the  king  of  Portugal  one  year 
id  one  thousand  tons  the  next,  at  the  rate  of  680 
icats  the  ton,  but  even  this  failed  to  give  him  the 
isired  monopoly. 

Just  as  in  our  own  memory  the  trusts  have  aroused  Rcguiatk 
>pular  hatred  and  have  brought  down  on  their  heads  oii«^°^^ 
any  attempts,  usually  unsuccessful,  of  governments 
deal  with  them,  so  at  the  beginning  of  the  capitalistic 
a,  intense  unpopularity  was  the  lot  of  the  new  com- 
ercial  methods  and  their  exponents.  Monopolies 
ere  fiercely  denounced  in  the  contemporary  German 
acts  and  every  Diet  made  some  effort  to  deal  with 
em.  First  of  all  the  merchants  had  to  meet  not  only 
le  envy  and  prejudices  of  the  old  order,  but  the  posi- 
ve  teachings  of  the  church.  The  prohibition  of  usury, 
id  the  doctrine  that  every  article  had  a  just  or  nat- 
ral  price,  barred  the  road  of  the  early  entrepreneur. 
quinas  believed  that  no  one  should  be  allowed  to  make 
ore  money  than  he  needed  and  that  profits  on  com.- 


w«oo^o     tji     rouuers,    in 
priests  and  merchants,  tl 

The  imperial  Diets  rel 
fully  enough  to  try  their 
panics.  The  Diet  of  Tre 
opolies  and  artificial  en 
spice,  copper  and  woolen 
feet  this  acts  were  passeo 
tion.  This  law  against  n 
vigorously  enforced  until 
before  his  tribunal  many 
cnsed  of  violating  it.  1 
feverishly  hastened  to  ma 
and  city  magistrates.  B' 
the  emperor,  who  interven 
vor.  From  this  time  the  t 
labored  hard  at  each  Diet  t< 
olies  in  the  hands  of  the  i 
constant  support  he  was  i 
profits  of  the  great  houeei 

In  the  struggle  with  the 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  POWER  OF  MONEY     531 

kizne,  for  some  reason,  the  agitation  gradually  died 
down.  It  is  probable  that  the  religious  controversy 
fcook  the  public's  mind  off  economic  questions  and  the 
Peasant's  War,  like  all  unsuccessful  but  dangerous 
■iBings  of  the  poor,  was  followed  by  a  strong  reaction 
IB  favor  of  the  conservative  rich.  Moreover,  it  is  evi- 
dent that  the  currents  of  the  time  were  too  strong  to  be 
veeisted  by  the  feeble  methods  proposed  by  the  reform- 
ers. When  we  remember  that  the  chief  practical  meas- 
ure reconunended  by  Luther  was  the  total  prohibition 
of  trading  in  spices  and  other  foreign  wares  that  took 
money  out  of  the  country,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  the 
reg^nlation  of  a  complex  industry  was  beyond  the  scope 
of  his  ability.  And  little,  if  any,  enlightenment  came 
from  other  quarters. 

While  the  towns  of  southern  Germany  were  becom- 
ing the  world's  baiiking  and  industrial  centers,  the 
cities  of  the  Netherlands  became  its  chief  staple  ports. 
Por  generations  Antwerp  had  had  two  fairs  a  year; 
Imt  in  1484  it  started  a  perpetual  market,  open  to  all 
merchants,  even  to  foreigners,  the  whole  year  round, 
and  in  addition  to  this  it  increased  its  fairs  to  four. 
Later  a  new  Merchants '  Exchange  or  Bourse  was  built  ^^^ 
in  which  almost  all  the  transactions  now  seen  on  our 
stock  or  produce  exchanges  took  place.  There  was 
wild  speculation,  partly  on  borrowed  money,  espe- 
cially in  pepper,  the  price  of  which  furnished  a  sort 
of  barometer  of  bourse  feeling.  Bets  on  prices  and 
on  events  were  made,  and  from  this  practice  various 
forms  of  insurance  took  their  rise. 

The  discovery  of  the  new  world  brought  an  era  of  ^^ 
prosperity  to  Antwerp  that  doubtless  put  her  at  the 
head  of  all  conunercial  cities  until  the  Spanish  sword  — 
cut  her  down.    In  1560  there  were  commonly  2500  ships 
anchored  in  her  harbor,  as  against  500  at  Amsterdam,      ' 
her  diief  rival  and  eventual  heir.    Of  these  not  \uv- 


t>,ijuu,uuu  gulden;  Gernif 
wines  3,000,(100;  Xorthi 
wine  2,000,000;  French  c 
000;  Spanish  wool  1,250 
Portuguese  spices  2,00C 
English  cloth  10,000,000 
dicates  the  decay  of  Fie 
competition.  For  a  tim 
knife  with  English  mei 
commercial  treaty  popul 
cursus.  According  to  ti 
nation's  loss  was  anothei 
sidered  a  masterpiece  of 
foundation  of  her  comm 
predecessor,  the  Magnus 
policy,  characteristic  of  n 
mercial  advantages  a  ch 
of  legislation.  Protectiv 
export  of  gold  and  silvei 
laws  passed  to  encourag 
policy  as  to  exoort  vnrip*! 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  POWER  OF  MONEY     533 


1 


«red  that  Sir  Humphrey  stated  that  the  savages  would 
be  amply  rewarded  for  all  that  could  be  taken  from 
'them  by  the  inestimable  gift  of  Christianity. 

As  littlo  regard  was  shown  for  the  property  of  Cath- 
<olics  as  for  that  of  heathens.  Merry  England  drew 
Sier  dividends  from  slave-trading  and  from  buccaneer- 
Sng:  as  well  as  from  honest  exchange  of  goods.  There 
something  fascinating  about  the  career  of  a  man 
like  Sir  John  Hawkins  whose  character  was  as  infa- 
otis  as  his  daring  was  serviceable.  He  early  learned 
^liat  "negroes  were  very  good  merchandise  in  His- 
'Sianiola  and  that  they  might  easily  be  had  upon  the 
«oast  of  Guinea,"  and  so,  financed  by  the  British  aris- 
."tocracy  and  blessed  by  Protestant  patriots,  he  char- 
tered the  Jesus  of  Lubeck  and  went  burning,  steal- 
ing' and  body-snatching  in  West  African  villages, 
crowded  his  hold  full  of  blacks  and  sold  those  of  them 
■who  survived  at  $800  a  head  in  the  Indies.  Quite 
fittingly  he  received  as  a  crest  "a  demi-Moor,  proper, 
in  chains."  He  then  went  preying  on  the  Spanish  gal- 
leons, and  at  one  time  swindled  Philip  out  of  $200,000 
liy  pretending  to  be  a  traitor  and  a  renegade;  thus  he 
Tose  from  slaver  to  pirate  and  from  pirate  to  admiral. 

So  pious,  patriotic  and  profitable  a  business  as  buc-  English 
caneering  absorbed  a  greater  portion  of  England's  '^°™^ 
energies  than  did  ordinary  maritime  commerce.  A  list 
«f  all  ships  engaged  in  foreign  trade  in  1572  shows 
Ihat  they  amounted  to  an  aggregate  of  only  51,000  tons 
Tmrden,  less  than  that  of  a  single  steamer  of  the  largest 
eize  today.  The  largest  ship  that  could  reach  London 
■was  of  240  tons,  but  some  twice  as  large  anchored  at 
other  harbors.  Throughout  the  centurj'  trade  multi- 
plied, that  of  London,  which  profited  the  most,  ten- 
fold. If  the  customs'  dues  funiish  an  accurate  barom- 
eter for  the  volume  of  trade,  while  London  was  increas- 
ing the  other  ports  were  falling  behind  not  oiA-j  -nAa.- 


534      THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 

lively  bot  positively.  In  the  years  1506-9  Loudfli 
yielded  to  the  treasury  $60,000  and  other  ports  $75j£ffl 
in  1581-2  London  paid  $175,000  and  other  ports 
$25,000. 

As  she  grew  in  size  and  wealth  London,  like  AntweiJ 
felt  the  need  of  permanent  fairs.  From  the  continental 
eity  Sir  Thomas  Gresham,  the  Bng:li8h  financial  a: 
in  the  Netherlanc  architect  and  materiBll 

and  erected  the  R  nge  on  the  north  side  ef 

ComhiU  in  Londoi  i  same  institution  sianit 

today.    Built  by  '  his  own  expense,  it 

lined  by  a  hundred  s  rented  by  him.    Asthi  | 

new  was  rung  in,  tsed  away.    The  anded   i 

restrictions  on   th  of  capital   were  abnail  i 

broken  down  by  the  ei.v*  Elizabeth's  reijc^.  Tbf 
statutes  of  bankruptcy,  giving  new  and  stroiij^  secnri- 
ties  to  creditors,  marked  the  advent  to  power  of  the 
coramorcial  ciaHS.  Capitalism  took  form  in  the  char- 
tering of  large  companies.  The  first  of  these,  "the 
mistery  and  company  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers  for 
the  discovery  of  regions,  dominions,  islands  and  places 
unknown,"  commonly  called  the  Russia  Company,  was 
a  joint-stock  corporation  with  240  members,  each  with 
a  share  valued  at  $125.  It  traded  principally  with 
Russia,  but,  bL'fnre  the  century  was  out,  was  followed 
by  the  Levant  Company,  the  East  India  Company,  and 
others,  for  the  exploitation  of  other  regions. 

To  nortliern  Spain  England  sent  coarse  cloth,  col- 
tons,  sheepskins,  wheat,  butter  and  cheese,  and  brought 
back  wine,  oranges,  lemons  and  timber.  To  Franff 
went  wax,  tallow,  butter,  cheese,  wheat,  rye,  "Man- 
chester cloth,"  beans  and  biscuit  in  exchange  for  pitch. 
rosin,  feathers,  prunes  and  "great  ynnions  that  be  xii 
or  xiiii  ynches  aboute,"  iron  and  wine.  To  the  Rus- 
sian Baltic  ports,  Riga,  Reval  and  Nar\'a  went  coarsf 
eIo(h,  "corrupt"  {i.e..,  aAM\lcia.led'\  wine,  cony-skjns, 


THE  RISE  OP  THE  POWER  OF  MONEY     535 

It  and  brandy,  and  from  the  same  came  flax,  hemp, 
pitch,  tar,  tallow,  wax  and  furs.  Salmon  from  Ire- 
land and  other  fish  from  Scotland  and  Denmark  were 
paid  for  by  "corrupt"  wines.  To  the  Italian  ports 
of  Legbom,  Barcelona,  Civita  Vecchia  and  Venice,  and 
to  the  Balearic  Isles  went  lead,  fine  cloth,  hides,  New- 
fonndland  fish  and  lime,  and  from  them  came  oil,  silk 
«nd  fine  porcelain.  To  Barbary  went  fine  cloth,  ord- 
nance and  artillery,  armor  and  timber  for  oars,  though, 
as  a  memorandum  of  1580  says,  "if  the  Spaniards 
catch  you  trading  with  them,  you  shall  die  for  U." 
Probably  what  they  objected  to  most  was  the  sale  of 
arms  to  the  infidel.  From  Barbary  came  sugar,  salt- 
petre, dates,  molasses  and  carpets.  Andalusia  de- 
manded fine  cloth  and  cambric  in  return  for  wines 
palled  "seckes,"  sweet  oil,  raisins,  salt,  cochineal,  in- 
Idigo,  sumac,  silk  and  soap.  Portugal  toolt  butter', 
idieese,  fine  cloth  "light  green  or  sad  blue,"  lead,  tin 
and  hides  in  exchange  for  salt,  oil,  soap,  cinnamon, 
leloves,  nutmegs,  pepper  and  all  other  Indian  wares. 

"While  the  English  drove  practically  no  trade  with 
the  East  Indies,  to  the  West  Indies  they  sent  directly 
oil,  looking-glasses,  knives,  shears,  scissors,  linen,  and 
"wine  which,  to  be  salable,  must  be  "singular  good." 
From  thence  came  gold,  pearls  "very  orient  and  big 
Srithall,"  sugar  and  molasses.  To  Syria  went  colored 
cloth  of  the  finest  quality,  and  for  it  currants  and  sweet 
oil  were  taken.  The  establishment  of  an  English  factor 
in  Turkey  with  the  express  purpose  of  furthering  trade  1S82 
with  that  country  is  an  interesting  landmark  in  com- 
mercial history. 

Even  as  late  as  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  England  im- 
irled  almost  all  "artificiality,"  as  high-grade  raanu- 
ffaeturcs   of  a  certain    sort  were   called,     A    famous    Canmer 
an  play  turns  on  the  scarcity  of  needles,  the    (y"Jj^' 
I  whole  household  bein^  turned  upside  dovin,  to  \ooV  lox   t-Xa-s* 


536      THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 

the  one  lost  by  Gammer  Gnrton.  These  articles,  i 
well  as  knives,  nails,  pins,  buttons,  dolls,  tennis-baU(  i 
tape,  thread,  glass,  and  laces,  were  imported  from  tl 
Netherlands  and  Germany.  From  the  same  quart*  i 
came  "small  wares  for  grocers," — by  which  may  I 
meant  cabbages,  turnips  and  lettuce, — and  also  hop 
copper  and  brass  ware. 

Having  swept  all  in  the  domains  of  bank 

ing,  mining  and  frac  ism,  flushed  with  victorj 

sought  for  new  wo  quer  and  found  them 

manufacture.     Here  "eat  struggle  was  iio«« 

sary.     Hitherto  the  n  to  the  new  compani 

had  been  mainly  on  if  the  conscmer;  nowl 

hostility  of  the  laborer  wa^  ,  roused.  The  grapple  of 
the  two  classes,  in  whicli  the  wage-earner  went  domi. 
partly  before  the  arquebus  of  the  mercenary',  partly 
under  the  lash  and  branding-iron  of  pitiless  laws,  will 
be  described  in  the  next  section.  Here  it  is  not  the 
strife  of  the  classes,  but  of  the  two  economic  systems, 
that  is  considered.  Capitalism  won  economically  )x- 
fore  it  imposed  its  yoke  on  the  vanquished  by  the  harsh 
means  of  soldier  and  police.  It  won,  in  the  final  anal- 
ysis, not  because  of  the  inherent  power  of  concentrated 
wealth,  though  it  used  and  abused  this  recklessly,  but 
because,  in  the  struggle  for  existence,  it  proved  itself 
the  form  of  life  better  fitted  to  surv'ive  in  the  condi- 
tions of  modern  society.  If  called  forth  technical  im- 
provements, it  stimulated  individual  effort,  it  put  an 
immense  premium  on  thrift  and  investment,  it  cheap- 
ened production  by  tlie  application  of  initially  expen- 
sive but  ultimately  repaying,  apparatus,  it  effected 
enormous  economies  in  wholesale  production  and  dis- 
tribution. Before  the  new  methods  of  business  the 
old  gilds  stnod  as  helpless,  as  unready,  as  bowmen  in 
the  face  of  cuimon. 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  POWER  OF  MONEY     537 

Each  medieval  "craft"  or  "mistery"'  was  in  the  Gi 
liands  of  a  gild,  all  the  members  of  which  were  theoret- 
-ically  equal.  Each  passed  through  the  ranks  of  ap- 
jtrentice  and  other  loKer-grades  until  he  nonnally  be- 
came a  master-workman  and  as  such  entitled  to  a  full 
and  equal  share  in  the  management.  The  gild  man- 
aged its  property  ahnoet  like  that  of  an  endowment 
in  the  hands  of  trustees;  it  supervised  the  whole  life 
<jf  each  member,  took  care  of  him  when  sick,  buried 
liiin  when  dead  and  pensioned  his  widow.  In  these 
respects  it  was  like  some  mutual  benefit  soci^ies  of 
our  day.  Almost  inevitably  in  that  age,  it  was  under 
the  protection  of  a  patron  saint  and  discharged  va- 
rions  religious  duties.  It  acted  as  a  corporate  whole 
in  the  government  of  the  city  and  marched  and  acted 
as  one  on  festive  occasions. 

As  typical  of  the  organization  of  industry  at  the 
turning-point  may  be  given  the  list  of  gilds  at  Ant- 
werp drawn  up  by  Albert  Diirer:  There  were  gold-  ^ 
smiths,  painters,  stone-cutters,  embroiderers,  sculp- 
tors, joiners,  carpenters,  sailors,  fishermen,  butchers, 
cloth-weavers,  bakers,  cobblers,  "and  all  sorts  of  arti- 
sans and  many  laborers  and  merchants  of  provisions." 
The  list  is  fully  as  significant  for  what  it  omits  as  for 
■what  it  includes.  Be  it  noted  that  there  was  no  gild 
of  printers,  for  that  art  had  grown  up  since  the  crafts 
had  begun  to  decline,  and,  though  in  some  places  found 
as  a  gild,  was  usually  a  combination  of  a  learned  pro- 
fession and  a  capitalistic  venture.  Again,  in  this  great 
banking  and  trading  port,  there  is  no  mention  of  gilds 
of  wholesale  merchants  (for  the  "merchants  of  provi- 
sions" were  certainly  not  this)  nor  of  bankers.  These 
were  two  fully  capitalized  businesses.  Finally,  observe 
that  there  were  many  skilled  and  unskilled  laborers 

1  From   the   Latin   minialerium,    French   mitier,  not  connected   with 


638      THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 


rfliclion      „| 

I    : 

an 


not  included  in  a  special  gild.  Here  we  have  the  1 
ginning  of  the  proletariat.  A  century  earlier  tha 
would  have  been  no  special  class  of  laborers,  a  cental 
later  no  gilds  worth  mentioning. 

The  gilds  were  handicapped  by  their  own  petty  regi 
lations.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  their 
standards  of  craftsmanship  produced  an  excella 
grade  of  goods,  they  were  over-regulated  and  1 
bound,  averse  to  new  methods.  There  was  as  ( 
a  contrast  between  their  meticulous  traditions  and  t 
freer  paths  of  the  new  capitalism  as  there  was  betwM 
scholasticism  and  science.  They  could  neither  rail 
nor  administer  the  funds  needed  for  foreign  commeit 
and  for  export  industries.  Presently  new  technia 
methods  were  adopted  by  the  capitalists,  a  finer  i 
of  smelting  ores,  and  a  new  way  of  making  brass,  iq 
vented  by  Peter  von  HofFberg,  that  saved  50  per  cerf 
of  the  fuel  previously  used.  In  the  textile  industrid 
came  first  the  spinning-wheel,  then  the  stocking-f  ram 
So  in  other  manufactures,  new  machineiy  requiifl 
novel  organization.  Significant  was  the  growth  of  nM 
towns.  The  old  cities  were  often  so  gild-ridden  I 
they  decayed,  while  places  Uke  Manchester  sprang  op' 
suddenly  at  the  call  of  employment.  The  constant  ef- 
fort of  the  gild  had  been  to  suppress  competition  and 
to  organize  a  completely  stationary  society.  In  a  dy- 
namic world  that  which  refuses  to  <^ange,  perisbea^J 
So  the  gilds,  while  charging  all  their  woes  to  the  goT-F 
ernmcnt,  really  choked  themselves  to  death  in  th^ 
o\vn  bands. 

There  is  perhaps  some  analogy  between  the  progi 
of  capitalism  in  the  sixteenth  century  and  the  procesB  ' 
by  which  the  trusts  have  come  to  dominate  production 
in  our  own  memory.     The  larger  industries,  and  espe- 
cially those  connected  with  export  trade,  were  seized 
and  reorganized  &tsI  ■,  iot  a  Vou^  time,  indeed  through- 


THE  EISE  OF  THE  POWER  OF  MONEY     539 

«Qt  the  centuryy  the  gilds  kept  their  hold  on  small, 
industries.    For  a  long  time  both  systems  went 
side  by  side;  the  encroachment  was  steady,  but 
^^radual.    The  exact  method  of  the  change  was  two- 
fold*    In  the  first  place  the  constitution  of  the  gild  be- 
came more  oligarchical.    The  older  members  tended 
to  restrict  the  administration  more  and  more;  they 
increased  the  number  of  apprentices  by  lengthening 
fhe  years  of  apprenticeship  and  reduced  the  poorer 
members  to  the  rank  of  journeymen  who  were  expected 
to  work,  not  as  before  for  a  limited  term  of  years,  but 
for  life,  as  wage-earners.    When  the  journeymen  re- 
belled, they  were  put  down.    The  English  Clothwork- 
ers'  Court  Book,  for  example,  enacted  the  rule  in  1538 
that  journeymen  who  would  not  work  on  conditions 
imposed  by  the  masters  should  be  imprisoned  for  the 
first  offence  and  whipped  and  branded  for  the  second. 
Nevertheless,  to  some  extent,  the  master's  calling  was 
kept  open  to  the  more  enterprising  and  intelligent  la- 
,    borers.    It  is  this  opportunity  to  rise  that  has  always 
broken  up  the  solidarity  of  the  working  class  more  than 
anything  else. 

But  a  second  transforming  influence  worked  faster  Great 
from  without  than  did  the  internal  decay  of  the  gild.  ^^^ 
This  was  the  extension  of  the  commercial  svstem  to 
manufacture.  The  gilds  soon  found  themselves  at 
the  mercy  of  the  great  new  companies  that  wanted 
wares  in  large  quantities  for  export.  Thus  the  com- 
mercial company  came  either  to  absorb  or  to  dominate 
the  industries  that  supplied  it.  An  example  of  this 
.is  supplied  by  the  Paris  mercers,  who,  from  being 
mainly  dealers  in  foreign  goods,  gradually  became  em- 
ployers of  the  crafts.  Similarly  the  London  haber- 
dashers absorbed  the  crafts  of  the  hatters  and  cappers. 
The  middle  man,  who  commanded  the  market,  soon 
found  the  strategic  value  of  his  position  for  coivtioUm^ 

i 


540      THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 

the  supply  of  articles.  Commercial  capital  rapidly  l& 
came  industrial.  One  by  one  the  great  gilds  fell  nii- 
der  the  control  of  commercial  companies.  One  of  the 
last  instances  was  the  formation  of  the  Stationen' 
Company  by  which  the  printers  were  reduced  to  the 
rank  of  an  industry  subordinate  to  that  of  booksellers. 

Finally  came  the  legislative  attack  on  the  gilds,  tiial 
broke  what  little  po  id  left.     There  is  now  i 

tendency  to  minimi  it  of  legislation  in  this 

field,  but  the  impres  ne  gets  by  perusing  the 

statutes  not  only  ol  ut  of  Continental  conn- 

tries  is  that,  while  p(  govemmeute  would  tiot 

have  admitted  any  the  gilds  as  each,  tier 

were  strongly  oppoi,  y  features  of  them,  asd 

were  determined  to  chau^  n  in  accordance  \rith  the 

interests  of  the  now  dominant  class.  The  policy  of 
the  moneyed  men  was  not  to  destroy  the  crafts,  but  to 
exploit  them;  indeed  they  often  found  their  old  fran- 
chises extremely  useful  in  arrogating  to  themselves  thu 
powers  that  had  once  belonged  to  the  gild  as  a  whole. 
The  town  governments  were  elected  by  the  wealthv 
burghers;  Parliaments  soon  came  to  side  with  thpm, 
and  the  monarch  bad  already  been  bribed  into  an  ally. 

To  give  specific  examples  of  the  new  trend  is  easy. 
When  the  great  tapestry  manufacture  of  Brussels  was 
reorganized  on  a  basis  verj'  favorable  to  the  capitalists, 
the  law  sanctioning  this  step  spoke  contemptuously 
of  the  mutual  benefit  and  religious  functions  of  the 
gild  as  "petty  details."  Brandenburg  now  regulated 
the  terms  on  which  entrance  to  a  gild  should  be  al- 
lowed instead  of  leaving  the  matter  as  of  old  to  tbf 
members  themselves.  The  Polish  nobility,  jealous  of 
the  cities'  monopoly  of  trade,  demanded  the  total  aboli- 
tion of  the  gilds.  A  series  of  measures  in  England 
M'eakoned  the  power  of  the  gilds;  under  Edward  VI 
their    endowments    foe   religious   purposes    were  at- 


THE  RISE  OP  THE  POWER  OF  MONEY      541 

tacked,  and  this  hurt  them  far  more  than  would  appear 
on  the  surface.  The  important  Act  Touching  Weavers  1555 
lioth  witnessed  the  unhappy  condition  of  the  misteries 
*Dd,  without  seeming  to  do  so,  still  further  put  them 
in  the  power  of  their  masters.  The  workmen,  it  seems, 
had  complained  "that  the  rich  and  wealthy  clothiers 
oppress  them"  by  building  up  factories,  or  workshops 
in  which  many  looms  were  installed,  instead  of  keeping 
to  the  old  commission  or  sweat-shop  system,  by  which 
J)iece  work  was  given  out  and  done  by  each  man  at 
llome.  The  gild-workmen  preferred  this  method,  be- 
eause  their  great  rival  was  the  newly  developed  pro- 
letariat, masses  of  men  who  could  only  be  accommo- 
dated in  large  buildings.  The  act,  under  the  guise  of 
■redressing  the  grievance,  in  reality  confirmed  the  pow- 
ers of  the  capitalists,  for,  while  forbidding  the  use  of 
fcctories  outside  of  cities,  it  allowed  them  within  to\vns 
»nd  in  the  four  northern  counties,  thus  fortifying  the 
lonopolists  in  those  places  where  they  were  strong, 
find  hitting  their  rivals  elsewhere.  Further  legisla- 
tion, like  the  Elizabethan  Statute  of  Apprentices,  ^563 
itrengthened  the  hands  of  the  masters  at  the  expense  ^^ 
of  the  journeymen.  Such  examples  are  only  typical; 
similar  laws  were  enacted  throughout  Europe.  By  act 
after  act  the  employers  were  favored  at  the  expense  of 
&e  laborers. 


There  remained  agriculture,  at  that  time  by  far  the  AgnciJtu 
largest  and  most  important  of  all  the  means  by  which 
man  wrings  his  sustenance  from  nature.  Even  now 
the  greater  part  of  the  population  in  most  civilized 
countries — and  still  more  in  semi-civilized — ia  rural, 
bat  four  hundred  years  ago  the  proportion  was  much 
larger.  England  was  a  predominantly  agricultural 
©ountrj'  until  the  eighteenth  century, — England,  the 
hiost  commercial  and  industrial  of  naUoivsV    Tftc^.^ 


542      THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 

the  last  field  to  be  attacked  by  capital,  agricnUurewM 
as  thoroughly  renovated  in  the  sixteenth  century  br 
this  irrigating  force  as  the  other  manners  of  livelihood 
had  been  transformed  before  it. 

Medieval  agriculture  was  carried  on  by  pcasasts 
holding  small  amounts  of  land  which  would  correspond 
to  the  small  shops  and  slender  capital  of  the  bandi- 
craftsman.     Each  whether  free  village  or 

a  manor,  was  ma  Terent  kinds  of  land,— 

arable,  commons  f  ^  sheep  and  cattle,  for 

ests  for  gathering  d  for  herding  swine  awl 

meadows  for  gro\  'he  arable  land  was  di- 

vided into  three  s  tlds,"  or  sections,  eaeb 

field  partitioned  ii  portions  called  in  Eng- 

land "shots,"  and  those  Ti  were  subdivided  inin 

acre  strips.  Each  peasant  possessed  a  certain  num- 
ber of  these  tiny  lots,  generally  about  thirty,  ten  in 
each  field.  Normally,  one  field  would  be  left  fallen' 
each  year  in  turn,  one  field  would  be  sown  with  winter 
wheat  or  rye  (the  bread  crop),  and  one  field  with  bar- 
ley for  beer  and  oats  for  feeding  the  horses  and  cattle. 
Into  this  system  it  was  impossible  to  introduce  indi- 
vidualism. Each  man  had  to  plow  and  sow  when  the 
village  decided  it  should  be  done.  And  the  commons 
and  woodlands  were  free  for  all,  with  certain  regula- 
tions.' 

The  art  of  farming  was  not  quite  primitive,  but  it 
had  changed  less  since  the  dawn  of  history  than  it  has 
changed  since  KiOO.  Instead  of  great  steam-plows  and 
all  sorts  of  machinery  for  harrowing  and  hani'esting, 
small  plows  were  pulled  by  oxen,  and  hoes  and  rakes 
■wore  plied  by  hand.  Lime,  marl  and  manure  were 
used  for   fertilizing,  but   scantily.     The   cattle  were 

1  For  the  F.iib.<tjini's  of  this  paragraph,  as  ivcU  aa  for  numerous  tug- 
gestions  on  thi'  rcrt  of  the  uliupter,  I  am  indeljliil  to  Professor  N.  S.  B. 
GrBB,  of  Mmreuj-ili^. 


THE  EISE  OF  THE  POWER  OF  MONEY     543 

mall  and  thiiiy  and  after  a  hard  winter  were  sometimes 
o  weak  that  they  had  to  be  dragged  out  to  pasture. 
(heep  were  more  profitable!  and  in  the  summer  sea- 
on  good  returns  were  secured  from  chickens,  geese, 
wine  and  bees.  Diseases  of  cattle  were  rife  and 
leadly.  The  principles  of  breeding  were  hardly  un- 
[erstood.  Fitzherbert,  who  wrote  on  husbandry  in  the 
arly  sixteenth  century,  along  with  some  sensible  ad- 
ice  makes  remarks,  on  the  influence  of  the  moon  on 
Lorse-breeding,  worthy  of  Hesiod.  Indeed,  the  mat- 
er was  left  almost  to  itself  until  a  statute  of  Henry 
nU  provided  that  no  stallions  above  two  years  old 
ind  under  fifteen  hands  high  be  allowed  to  run  loose 
>n  the  commons,  and  no  mares  of  less  than  thirteen 
lands,  lest  the  breed  of  horses  deteriorate.  It  was  to 
neet  the  same  situation  that  the  habit  of  castrating 
Lorses  arose  and  became  common  about  1580. 

The  capitalistic  attack  on  communistic  agriculture  Capitali 
ook  two  principal  forms.  In  some  countries,  like  Qer-  ^  *°*** 
nany,  it  was  the  consequence  of  the  change  from  nat- 
iral  economy  to  money  economy.  The  new  commer- 
cial men  bought  up  the  estates  of  the  nobles  and  sub- 
ected  them  to  a  more  intense  cultivation,  at  the  same 
ime  using  all  the  resources  of  law  and  government  to 
nake  them  as  lucrative  as  possible. 

But  in  two  countries,  England  and  Spain,  and  to  inciosur 
lome  small  extent  in  others,  a  profitable  opportunity 
or  investment  was  found  in  sheep-farming  on  a  large 
;cale.  In  England  this  manifested  itself  in  *4n- 
losures,'*  by  which  was  primarily  meant  the  fencing 
n  for  private  use  of  the  commons,  but  secondarily 
ame  to  be  applied  to  the  conversion  of  arable  land 
nto  pasture  ^  and  the  substitution  of  large  holdings  ' 
or  small.  The  cause  of  the  movement  was  the  demand 
or  wool  in  cloth-weaving,  largely  for  export  trade. 

1  Although  some  of  the  inclosed  land  was  tilled;  see  belo^. 


Sa      THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 

Contemporaries  noticed  with  much  alarm  the  opei 
tions  of  this  economic  change.     A  cry  went  np 
sheep  were  eating  men,  that  England  was  being  tu' 
into  one  great  pasture  to  satisfy  the  greed  of  the  rid 
while  the  land  needed  for  grain  was  abandoned  as 
tenants  forcibly  ejected.     The  outcry  became  loudei 
about  the  years  1516-8,  when  a  commission  was  a] 
pointed  to  investigate  the  "evil"  of  inclosnres.    '. 
was  found  that  in  the  past  thirty  years  the  amom 
of  land  in  the  eight  counties  most  affected  was  22,5( 
acres.     This  was  not  all  for  grazing;  in  Yorkshire 
was  largely  for  sport,  in  the  Midlands  for  plowing 
in  the  south  for  pasture. 

The  acreage  would  seem  extremely  small  to  accoi 
for  the  complaint  it  excited.  Doubtless  it  was  oi 
the  chief  and  most  typical  of  the  hardships  caused 
a  certain  class  by  the  introduction  of  new  methodi 
One  is  reminded  of  the  bitter  hostility  to  the  introdv 
tion  of  machinery  in  the  nineteenth  century,  wh« 
the  vast  gain  in  wealth  to  the  community  as  a  wliolf 
being  indirect,  seemed  cruelly  purchased  at  the 
of  the  sufferings  of  those  laborers  who  could  not  ad 
themselves  to  the  novel  methods.  Evolution  is  alway 
hard  on  a  certain  class  and  the  sufferers  quite  naturallj 
vociferate  their  woes  without  regard  to  the  real  cau: 
of  the  change  or  to  the  larger  interests  of  society. 

Certain  it  is  that  inclosures  went  on  uninterrupte 
throughout  the  century,  in  spite  of  legislative  attemptt 
to  stop  them.  Indeed,  they  could  hardly  help  contJntt- 
ing,  when  they  were  so  inmiensely  profitable.  Land 
that  was  inclosed  for  pasture  brought  five  pounds  for 
every  three  pounds  it  had  paid  under  the  plow.  Sheep 
multiplied  accordingly.  The  law  of  1534  spoke  of  some 
men  owning  as  many  as  24,000  sheep,  and  unwittingly 
gave,  in  the  form  of  a  complaint,  the  cause  thereof, 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  POWER  OF  MONEY     545 

namely  that  the  price  of  wool  had  recently  doubled. 
The  law  limited  the  number  of  shcM)  allowed  to  one 
man  to  2000.  The  people  arose  andl^aughtered  sheep 
wholesale  in  one  of  those  unwise  and  blind,  but  not 
tamatnraly  outbursts  of  sabotage  by  which  the  prole- 
tariat now  and  then  seeks  to  destroy  the  wealth  that 
accentuates  their  poverty.  Then  as  always,  the  only 
aanses  for  unwelcome  alterations  of  their  manner  of 
fife  seen  by  them  was  the  greed  and  heartlessness  of 
a  ring  of  men,  or  of  the  government.  The  deeper  eco- 
nomic forces  escaped  detection,  or  at  least,  attention. 

Daring  the  period  1450-1610  it  is  probable  that  about 
2%  per  cent,  of  the  total  area  of  England  had  been 
inclosed.  The  counties  most  affected  were  the  Mid- 
lands, in  some  of  which  the  amount  of  land  affected 
was  8  per  cent,  to  9  per  cent,  of  the  total  area.  But 
though  the  aggregate  seems  small,  it  was  a  much  larger 
proportion,  in  the  then  thinly  settled  state  of  the  realm, 
of  the  total  arable  land, — of  this  it  was  probably  one- 
fifth.  Under  Elizabeth  perhaps  one-third  of  the  im- 
proved land  was  used  for  grazing  and  two-thirds  was 
under  the  plow. 

In  Spain  the  same  tendency  to  grow  wool  for  com-  Spain 
mercial  purposes  manifested  itself  in  a  slightly  differ-      **^ 
ent  form.    There,  not  by  the  inclosure  of  commons, 
but  by  the  establishment  of  a  monopoly  by  the  Cas- 
tilian  **  sheep-trust, '  *  the  Mesta,  did  a  large  corpora- 
tion come  to  prevail  over  the  scattered  and  peasant 
agricultural  interests.    The  Mesta,  which  existed  from 
1273  to  1836,  reached  the  pinnacle  of  its  power  in  the 
first  two-thirds  of  the  sixteenth  century.    When  it  took  ^^^ 
over  from  the  government  the  appointment  of  the  oflB- 
cer  supposed  to  supervise  it  in  the  public  interest,  the 
Alcalde  Entregador,  it  may  be  said  to  have  won  a 
decisive  victory  for  capitalism.    At  that  time  it  owned 


546      THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 

as  many  as  seven  million  sheep,  and  exported  wool  I 
the  weight  of  55,000  tons  and  to  the  value  of  $560,O0( 
per  annum. 

Having  mastered  the  sources  of  wealth  offered  b 
wool-growing,  the  capitalists  next  turned  to  arable  Ian 
and  by  their  transformation  of  it  took  the  last  st«i 
in  the  commcrci  >.     Even  now,  in  Engjanii 

land  is  not  rega  i  the  same  kind  of  invest 

ment  as  a  facto  1;  there  is  still  the  vestig 

of  a  tradition  tl:  ;  has  customary  privilegs 

against  the  righ  >r  of  the  land  to  exploit  i 

for  all  it  is  wor  is  indeed  a  faint  ghost  o 

the  medieval  ide  istom  was  sacred  and  dt 

profit  of  the  landlo.-^  ly  secondary.     The  long 

eat  step  away  from  the  medieval  to  the  modem  systen 
was  taken  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and  its  ootwan 
and  visible  sign  was  the  substitution  of  the  leaseholt 
for  the  ancient  copyhold.  The  latter  partook  of  tin 
nature  of  a  vested  right  or  interest;  the  former  wai 
but  a  contract  for  a  limited,  often  for  a  short,  tern 
at  the  end  of  which  the  tenant  could  be  ejected,  the  ren 
raised,  or,  as  was  most  usual,  an  enormous  fine  {i.t. 
fee)  exacted  for  renewal  of  the  lease. 

The  revolution  was  facilitated  by,  if  it  did  not  in  par 
consist  of,  the  acquisition  of  the  land  by  the  new  com 
mercial  class,  resulting  in  increased  productivity 
New  and  better  methods  of  tillage  were  introduced 
The  scattered  thirty  acres  of  the  peasant  were  consoli 
dated  into  three  ten-acre  fields,  henceforth  to  be  us« 
as  tlic  owner  thought  best.  One  year  a  field  would  b" 
under  a  cereal  crop;  the  next  year  converted  info  pas 
ture.  This  improved  method,  known  as  "convertibli 
husbandry"  practiced  in  England  and  to  a  lesser  ei 
teat  on  the  Continent,  was  a  big  step  in  the  directioi 
of  scientific  agriculture.     Regular  rotation  of  cropf 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  POWER  OF  MONEY     547 

was  hardly  a  common  practice  before  the  eighteenth 
eentury,  bnt  there  was  something  like  it  in  places  where 
hemp  and  flax  wonld  be  alternated  with  cereals.  Cap- 
italists in  the  Netherlands  bnilt  dykes,  drained  marshes 
and  dug  expensive  canals.  Elsewhere  also  swamps 
irere  drained  and  irrigation  begun.  But  perhaps  no 
ringle  improvement  in  technique  accounted  for  the 
greater  yield  of  the  land  so  much  as  the  careful  and 
watchful  self-interest  of  the  private  owner,  as  against 
the  previous  semi-communistic  carelessness.  Several 
popular  proverbs  then  gained  currency  in  the  sense 
that  there  is  no  fertilizer  of  the  glebe  like  that  put  on 
by  the  master  himself.  Harrison 's  statement,  in  Eliza- 
beth 's  reign,  that  an  inclosed  acre  yielded  as  much  as 
an  acre  and  a  half  of  common,  is  borne  out  by  the 
English  statistics  of  the  grain  trade.  From  150d  to 
1534,  while  the  process  of  inclosure  was  at  its  height, 
the  export  of  corn  more  than  doubled;  it  then  dimin- 
ished until  it  almost  ceased  in  1563,  after  which  it, 
rapidly  increased  until  1600.  During  the  whole  cen- . 
tury  the  population  was  growing,  and  it  is  therefore, 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  yield  of  the  soil  was 
considerably  greater  in  1600  than  it  was  in  1500. 

It  must,  however,  be  admitted  that  the  increase  in  Export 
exports  was  in  part  caused  by  and  in  part  symptomatic  f^ " 
of  a  change  in  the  policy  of  the  government.  When 
conmierce  became  king  he  looked  out  for  his  own  in- 
terests first,  and  identified  these  interests  with  the 
dividends  of  small  groups  of  his  chief  ministers. 
Trade  was  regulated,  by  tariff  and  bounty,  no  longer 
in  the  interests  of  the  consumer  but  in  those  of  the 
manufacturer  and  merchant.  The  corn-laws  of  nine- 
teenth-century England  have  their  counterpart  in  the 
Elizabethan  policy  of  encouraging  the  export  of  grain 
that  was  needed  at  home.  As  soon  as  the  land  and  the 
Parliament  both  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  new  capi- 


548      THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 

talistic  landlords,  they  used  the  one  to  eiihanw  t 
profits  of  the  other.  Nor  was  England  alone  in  tU 
France  favored  the  towns,  that  is  the  industrial  c 
tera,  by  forcing  the  rnral  population  to  sell  at  i 
low  rates,  and  by  encouraging  export  of  grain.  1 
haps  this  same  policy  was  most  glaring  of  all  in  Sistil 
Rome,  where  the  Papal  States  were  taxed,  as  the  pro 
inces  of  the  Empi~"  ^-^  '*""i  before,  to  keep  bre 
cheap  in  the  city. 

§  2.  The  ;  Money  Power 

In  modern  tim<  as  been  king.     Perhad 

at  a  certain  periot-  ent  world  wealth  hadd 

much  power  as  it  i  it  in  the  Middle  Ageal 

was  not  so.     Money  v  ignored  by  the  tenant* 

serf  who  paid  his  dues  in  feudal  service  or 
it  was  despised  by  the  noble  as  the  vulgar  possession 
of  Jews  or  of  men  without  gentle  breeding,  and  it  'vtas 
hated  by  the  church  as  filthy  lucre,  the  root  of  all  evil 
and,  together  with  sex,  as  one  of  the  chief  instruments 
of  Satan.  The  "religious"  man  would  vow  povertr 
as  well  as  celibacy. 

But  money  now  became  too  powerful  to  be  neglected 
or  despised,  and  too  desirable  to  be  hated.  In  tte 
age  of  transition  the  medieval  and  modem  concep- 
tions of  riches  are  found  side  by  side.  When  Holbein 
came  to  London  the  Hansc  merchants  there  employed 
him  to  design  a  pageant  for  the  coronation  of  Anne 
Boleyn.  In  their  hall  he  painted  two  allegorical  pi^ 
tures,  The  Triumph  of  Poverty  and  The  Triumph  of 
Wealth.  The  choice  of  subjects  was  representative  of 
the  time  of  transition. 

The  economic  innovation  sketched  in  the  last  few 
pages  was  followed  by  a  social  readjustment  sufficienllj 
violent  and  sufficiently  rapid  to  merit  the  name  of 
revolution.     The  wave   struck  different  countries  al 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MONEY  POWER      549 

ifferent  times,  but  when  it  did  come  in  each,  it  came 
rith  a  rush,  chiefly  in  the  twenties  in  Germany  and 
Ipaiii,  in  the  thirties  and  forties  in  England,  a  little 
Iter,  with  the  civil  wars,  In  France.  It  submerged 
11  classes  but  the  bourgeoisie ;  or,  rather,  it  subjugated 
hem  all  and  forced  them  to  follow,  as  in  a  Roman  tri- 
Dph,  the  conquering  ear  of  Wealth. 

The  one  other  power  in  the  state  that  was  visibly  Bourgeoi 
fcggrandized  at  the  expense  of  other  classes,  besides  "^^  ., 
he  plutocracy,  was  that  of  the  prince.     This  is  some-  ^ 

les  spoken  of  as  the  result  of  a  new  political  theory, 
iniquitous,  albeit  unconscious,  conspiracy  of  Luther 
ind  Machiavelli,  to  exalt  the  divine  right  of  kings. 
Bnt  in  truth  their  theories  were  but  an  expression  of 
the  accomplished,  or  easily  foreseen,  fact;  and  this 
fact  was  due  in  largest  mea.sure  to  the  need  of  the  com- 
inereial  class  for  stable  and  for  strong  government. 
Kches,  which  at  the  dawn  of  the  twentieth  century 
aeemed,  momentarily,  to  have  assumed  a  cosmopolitan 
^laracter,  were  then  bound  up  closely  with  the  power 
of  the  state.  To  keep  order,  to  bridle  the  lawless,  to 
secure  concessions  and  markets,  a  mercantile  society  T 
jpeedcd  a  strong  executive,  and  this  they  could  find 
jtmly  in  the  person  of  the  prince.  Luther  says  that 
^ngs  are  only  God's  gaolers  and  hangmen,  high-born 
and  splendid  because  the  meanest  of  God's  servants 
must  be  thus  accoutred.  It  would  be  a  little  truer  to 
■ay  that  they  were  the  gaolers  and  hangmen  hired  by 
the  bourgeoisie  to  over-awe  the  masses  and  that  their 
^aint  trappings  and  'itles  were  kept  as  an  ornament 
to  the  gay  world  of  snobbery. 

Together  with  the  monarchy,  the  new  masters  of  Andol 
Men  developed  other  instruments,  parliamentary  gov-  "S"""" 

Eunent  in  some  countries,  a  bureaucracy  in  others, 
d  a  mercenary  army  in  nearly  all.  At  that  time 
s  either  invented  or  much  quoted  the  saying,  Itia.^ 


550      THE  CAPITALISTIC  BEVOLUTION 

gold  was  oiie  of  the  nerves  of  war.     The  expeoHve  fire- 
arms  that  blew  up  the  feudal  castle  were  equally  deadly 
when  turned  against  the  rioting  peasants, 
fw''  Just  as  the  burgher  was  ready  to  shoulder  his  waj 

into  the  front  rank,  he  was  greatly  aided  by  the  fraotic 
civil  strife  that  broke  out  in  both  the  older  privileged 
orders.  Never  was  better  use  made  of  the  maxim,  "di- 
vide and  conquer  en  the  Reformation  di- 
vided the  church,  ;  1  wars,  dynastic  in  Edr- 
land,  feudal  in  G  1  nominally  religious  in 
France,  broke  the  e  noble.  When  the  earb 
and  knights  had  fl  ing  each  others'  throaU 
there  were  hardly  i  lem  left  to  make  a  Htnmj 
stand.  Occasiona  d  to  do  so,  as  in  the  n- 
volt  of  Sickingen  in  »  ',  of  the  Northern  Earls 
in  England,  and  in  the  early  stages  of  the  rising  fi 
the  Communeros  in  Spain.  In  every  case  they  were 
defeated,  and  the  work  of  the  sword  was  completed  tj" 
the  axe  and  the  dagger.  Whether  they  trod  the  blood- 
soaked  path  to  the  Tower,  or  whether  they  succumbed 
to  the  hired  assassins  of  Catharine,  the  old  nobles  were 
disposed  of  and  the  power  of  their  caste  was  broken. 
But  their  places  were  soon  taken  by  new  men.  Some 
bought  baronies  and  titles  outright,  others  ripened 
more  gradually  to  these  honors  in  the  warmth  of  the 
royal  smile  and  on  the  sunny  slopes  of  manors  wrested 
from  the  monks.  But  the  end  finally  attained  was  that 
the  coronet  became  a  mere  bauble  in  the  hands  of  the 
rich,  the  iinal  badge  of  social  deference  to  success  ia 
money-making. 
'"  Still  more  violent  was  the  spoliation  of  the  church. 
The  confiscations  carried  out  in  the  name  of  religion 
redounded  to  the  bonefit  of  the  newly  rich.  It  is  true 
that  all  the  i)roporty  taken  did  not  fall  into  their  hands; 
some  was  kept  by  the  prince,  more  was  used  to  found 
or  endow  hospices,  schools  and  asylums  for  the  poor. 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MONEY  POWEB    551 

3nt  the  most  and  the  best  of  the  land  was  soon  thrown 
"lo  the  eager  grasp  of  traders  and  merchants.  In  Eng- 
land probably  one-sixth  of  all  the  cultivated  soil  in 
Hie  kingdom  was  thus  transferred,  in  the  course  of  a 
few  years,  into  the  hands  of  new  men.  Thus  were 
ereated  many  of  the  ** county  families"  of  England, 
:«nd  thus  the  new  interest  soon  came  to  dominate  Par- 
liament. Under  Henry  VII  the  House  of  Lords,  at  — 
one  important  session,  mustered  thirty  spiritual  and 
only  eighteen  temporal  peers.  In  the  reign  of  his  son 
the  temporal  peers  came  to  outnumber  the  spiritual, 
from  whom  the  abbots  had  been  subtracted.  The  Com- 
mons became,  what  they  remained  until  the  nineteenth 
century,  a  plutocracy  representing  either  landed  or 
eommeroial  wealth. 

Somewhat  similar  secularizations  of  ecclesiastical 
property  took  place  throughout  Germany,  the  cities 
generally  leading.    The  process  was  slow,  but  certain, 
in  Electoral  Saxony,  Hesse  and  the  other  Protestant 
territories,  and  about  the  same  time  in  Sweden  and  in 
Denmark.    But   something  the   same   methods   were 
recommended  even  in  Roman  Catholic  lands  and  in 
Russia  of  the  Eastern  Church,  so  contagious  were  the 
examples  of  the  Reformers.    Venice  forbade  gifts  or  ^^^ 
legacies  to  church  or  cloisters.    France,  where  confis-  1557 
cation  was  proposed,  partially  attained  the  same  ends  1516 
by  subjecting  the  clergy  to  the  power  of  the  crown. 

Among  the  groups  into  which  society  naturally  falls  ^"n 
is  that  of  the  intellectual  class,  the  body  of  profcs-  ^^^m 
sional  men,   scientists,   writers   and   teachers.     This  gentsi 
group,  just  as  it  came  into  a  new  prominence  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  at  the  same  time  became  in  part  an 
annex  and  a  servant  to  the  money  power.    The  high 
expense  of  education  as  compared  with  the  Middle 
Ages,  the  enormous  fees  then  charged  for  graduat- 
ing in  professional  schools,   the  custom  oi  WYvci.'?, 


552      THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 

livings  in  the  church  and  practices  in  law  and  metS- 
cine,  the  need  of  patronage  in  letters  and  art,  nuid» 
it  nearly  impossible  for  the  sons  of  the  poor  to  enta 
into  the  palace  of  learning.  Moreover  the  patron- 
age of  the  wealthy,  their  assertion  of  a  monopcilf 
of  good  form  and  social  prestige,  seduced  the  profes- 
sional class  that  now  ate  from  the  merchant's  hand, 
aped  his  manners,  his  interests.     For  four 

hundred  years  law,  oumalism,  art,  and  edn- 

cation,  have  cut  tl  at  least  to  some  extend 

in  the  fashion  of  th  .vealth. 

Last  of  all,  the  d  the  only   power  thai 

proved  itself  nearlj  or  money,  that  of  labor 

Far  outnumbering  ists,  in  every  other  way 

the  workers  were  their  micors, — in  edncntion,  in  or- 
ganization, ill  leadership  and  in  material  resources. 
One  thing  tliat  made  their  struggle  so  hard  was  tliat 
those  men.  of  exceptional  ability  who  might  have  been 
their  leaders  almost  always  made  fortunes  of  their 
own  and  then  turned  their  strength  against  their  for- 
mer comrades.  Labor  also  suffered  terribly  from 
quacks  and  ranters  with  counsels  of  folly  or  of  mad- 
ness. 

The  social  wars  of  the  sixteenth  century  partook  of 
the  characteristics  of  both  medieval  and  modem  times. 
The  Peasants'  Revolt  in  Germany  was  both  com- 
munistic and  religious;  the  risings  of  Communeros  and 
the  Hermandad  in  Spain  were  partly  eommunislic; 
the  several  rebellions  in  England  were  partly  religions. 
But  a  new  element  marked  them  all,  the  demand  on 
the  part  of  the  workers  for  better  wages  and  living 
conditions.  The  proletariat  of  town  and  mining  dis- 
trict joined  the  German  peasants  in  1524;  the  revolt 
was  in  many  respects  like  a  gigantic  general  strike. 

Great  as  are  the  ultimate  advantages  of  freedom, 
tie  emancipation  oi  the  sevts  cannot  be  reckoned  as 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MONEY  POWER     553 

an  immediate  economic  gain  to  them.  They  were  freed 
'M>t  because  of  the  growth  of  any  moral  sentiment,  much 
less  as  the  consequence  of  any  social  cataclysm,  but 
Ittcause  free  labor  was  found  more  profitable  than 
Imfree.  It  is  notable  that  serfs  were  emancipated 
first  in  those  countries  like  Scotland  where  there  had 
teen  no  peasants'  revolt;  the  inference  is  that  they 
Were  held  in  bondage  in  other  countries  longer  than 
it  was  profitable  to  do  so  for  political  reasons.  The 
last  serf  was  reclaimed  in  Scotland  in  1365,  but  the 
serfs  had  not  been  entirely  freed  in  England  even  in 
ttie  reign  of  Elizabeth.  In  France  the  process  went  on 
rapidly  in  the  15th  century,  often  against  the  wishes  of 
the  serfs  themselves.  One  hundred  thousand  peasants 
emigrated  from  Northern  France  to  Burgundy  at  that 
time  to  exchange  their  free  for  a  servile  state.  How- 
ever, they  did  not  enjoy  their  bondage  for  long.  Serfs 
in  the  Burgundian  state,  especially  in  the  Netherlands, 
lost  their  last  chains  in  the  sixteenth  century,  most 
rapidly  between  the  years  1515  and  1531.  In  Germany 
serfdom  remained  far  beyond  the  end  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  doubtless  in  part  because  of  the  fears  excited 
by  the  civil  war  of  1525. 

In  place  of  the  old  serfdom  under  one  master  came  Regul 
a  new  and  detailed  regulation  of  labor  by  the  govern- 
ment. This  regulation  was  entirely  from  the  point  of 
view,  and  consequently  all  but  entirely  in  the  interests, 
of  the  propertied  classes.  The  form  was  the  old  form 
of  medieval  paternalism,  but  the  spirit  was  the  new 
spirit  of  capitalistic  gain.  The  endeavor  of  the  gov- 
ernment to  be  fair  to  the  laborer  as  well  as  to  the  em- 
ployer is  very  faint,  but  it  is  just  perceptible  in  some        ^ 

laws.  .  W 

Most  of  the  taxes  and  burdens  of  the  state  were 
loaded  on  the  backs  of  the  poor.  Hours  of  labor 
were  fixed  at  from  12  to  15  according  to  t\i^  ^^^'^otL. 


554      THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 

EegTilafion  of  wages  was  not  sporadic,  but  was  a  regn- 
lar  part  of  the  work  of  certain  magistrates,  in  England 
of  the  justices  of  the  peace.  Parliament  enforced  wilh 
incredible  severity  the  duty  of  the  poor  and  able-boditd 
man  to  work.  Sturdy  idlers  were  arrested  and  drafted 
into  the  new  proletariat  needed  by  capital.  When 
whipping,  branding,  and  short  terms  of  imprisonmeat, 
did  not  suffice  to  &  work,  a  law  was  passed 

to  brand  able-bodi  in  the  chest  with  a  "V," 

and  to  assign  thei  mest  neiglibor  '*to  ha« 

and  to  hold  as  a  £  jpace  of  two  years  then 

nest  following."  should  "only  give  him 

bread  and  water  j  ink  and  such  refuse  0/ 

meat  as  he  should  )  cause  (be  said  slave  to 

work."     If  the  slave  t  ,  or  if  he  ran  away  anJ 

was  caught  again  he  was  to  be  marked  on  the  face  with 
an  "S"  and  to  be  adjudged  a  slave  for  life.  If  finallv 
refractory  he  was  to  be  sentenced  as  a  felon.  Tills 
terrible  measure,  intended  partly  to  reduce  lawless 
vagrancy,  partly  to  supply  cheap  labor  to  employers, 
failed  of  its  purpose  and  was  repealed  in  two  years. 
Its  re-enactment  was  vainly  urged  by  Cecil  upon  Par- 
liament in  1559.  As  a  substitute  for  it  in  this  year  the 
law  was  passed  forbidding  masters  to  receive  any 
workman  without  a  testimonial  from  his  last  employeri 
laborers  were  not  allowed  to  stop  work  or  change  em- 
ployers without  good  cause,  and  conversely  employers 
were  forbidden  to  dismiss  ser\-ants  "unduly." 

In  Germany  the  features  of  the  modern  struggle  be- 
tween o\iniers  and  workers  are  plainest.  In  mining, 
especially,  there  developed  a  real  proletariat,  a  class  of 
laborers  seeking  employment  wherever  it  was  be.st  paid 
and  combining  and  striking  for  higher  wages.  To 
combat  them  were  formed  pools  of  employers  to  keep 
down  wages  and  to  blacklist  agitators.  Typical  of 
these  was  the  agreement  made  by  Duke  George  of  Sas- 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MONEY  POWER     555 

ony  and  other  large  mine-owners  not  to  raise  wages,    1520 
-  not  to  allow  miners  to  go  from  place  to  place  seeking 
^^irork,  and  not  to  hire  any  troublesome  agitator  once 

^Hfismissed  by  any  operator.  . 

-      It  is  extraordinary  how  rapidly  many  features  of  the 
aodem  proletariat  developed.    Take,  for  example,  the 
^^^^kKmsing*  problem.    As  this  became  acute  some  employ- 
"ers  built  model  tenements  for  their  workers.    Others 
started  stores  at  which  they  could  buy  food  and  cloth- 
ing, and  even  paid  them  in  part  in  goods  instead  of  in 
"  money.     Labor  tended  to  become  fluid,  moving  from 
Ofne  toi^nn  to  another  and  from  one  industry  to  another 
according  to  demand.    Such  a  thing  had  been  not  un- 
knoiwii  in  the  previous  centuries;  it  was  strongly  op- 
posed by  law  in  the  sixteenth.    The  new  risks  run  by 
'workers  were  brought  out  when,  for  the  first  time  in 
liistory,  a  great  mining  accident  took  place  in  1515,  a 
flood    by  which  eighty-eight   miners   were   drowned. 
Women  began  to  be  employed  in  factories  and  were 
cruelly  exploited.    Most  sickening  of  all,  children  were 
forced,  as  they  still  are  in  some  places,  to  wear  out 
their  little  lives  in  grinding  toil.     The  lace-making  in- 
dustry in  Belgium,  for  example,  fell  entirely  into  the 
hands  of  children.    Far  from  protesting  agains£  this 
outrage,  the  law  actually  sanctioned  it  by  the  provi- 
sion that  no  girl  over  twelve  be  allowed  to  make  lace, 
lest  the  supply  of  maidservants  be  diminished^ 

Strikes  there  were  and  rebellions  of  all  sorts,  every  Strike 
one  of  them  beaten  back  by  the  forces  of  the  govern- 
ment and  of  the  capitalists  combined.  The  kings  of 
commerce  were  then,  more  than  now,  a  timorous  and 
violent  race,  for  then  they  were  conscious  of  being 
nsnrpers.  When  they  saw  a  Miinzer  or  a  Kett — the 
mad  Hamlets  of  the  people — mop  and  mow  and  stage 
their  deeds  before  the  world,  they  became  frantic  with 
terror  and  could  do  nought  but  take  subtle  counsel  to 


556      THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 

kill  these  heirs,  or  pretenders,  to  thoir  realms.  Til 
great  rebellions  are  all  that  history  now  pays  moch  at- 
tention to,  but  in  reality  the  warfare  on  the  poorirai 
ceaseless,  a  chronic  disease  of  the  body  politic.  Looi* 
XI  spared  nothing,  disfranchisement,  expulsion,  wliok- 
sale  execution,  to  beat  down  the  lean  and  hungn-  con- 
spirators  against  the  public  order,  whose  raucous  crio 
of  misery  he  detes  ;  somewhat  gentk-r,  Ifr 

cause  stronger,  hai  lessors  followed  in  lu» 

footsteps.     But  wht  the  troops  were  thereto 

support  the    rich.  t   strike   of  printers  st' 

Lyons  is  one  examf  eral  in  France.    In  the! 

German  mines  ther  casional  strikes,  stertif 

suppressed  by  the  p  ing  in  agreement. 

There  can  be  no  dou^^  .not  the  economic  <l*>vplnjv 
ments  of  the  sixteenth  century  worked  tretneiidnu* 
hardship  to  the  poor.  It  was  noted  everywhere  that 
whereas  wine  and  meat  were  common  articles  in  IJfHl, 
they  had  become  luxuries  by  16(K).  Some  scholars 
have  even  argued  from  this  a  diminution  of  the  wealth 
of  Europe  during  the  century.  This,  however,  was  not 
the  case.  The  aggregate  of  capital,  if  we  may 
judge  from  many  other  indications,  notably  increased 
throughout  the  century.  But  it  became  more  and  more 
concentrated  in  a  few  hands. 

The  chief  natural  cause'  of  the  depression  of  the 
working  class  was  the  rise  in  prices.  Wages  havf 
always  shown  themselves  more  sluggish  in  movement 
than  commodities.  While  money  wages,  therefore,  re- 
mained nearly  stationary,  real  wages  shrank  throiio:h- 
out  the  century.  In  1600  a  French  laborer  was  obliged 
to  spend  5[i  per  cent,  of  his  wages  merely  on  food.  A 
whole  day's  labor  would  only  buy  him  two  and  one 
half  pounds  of  salt.  lienls  were  low,  because  the 
houses  were  incredibly  bad.  At  that  time  a  year's 
rent  for  a  laborer's  teuemeut  cost  from  ten  to  twenty 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MONEY  POWER      557 

ys  labor;  it  now  costs  about  thirty  days'  la])or.     The 
commerce  robbed  the  peasant  of  some  of  his  mar- 
by  substituting  foreign  articles  like  indigo  and 
eal  for  domestic  farm  products.    The  commer- 
^^S^lization  of  agriculture  worked  manifold  hardship  to 
€  peasant.    Many  were  turned  oflf  their  farms  to 
e  way  for  herds  of  sheep,  and  others  were  hired 
j^^  new  and  harder  terms  to  pay  in  money  for  the  land 
had  once  held  on  customary  and  not  too  oppres- 
terms  of  service  and  dues. 
Under  all  the  splendors  of  the  Renaissance,  with  its 
^ftelds  of  cloth  of  gold  and  its  battles  like  knightly 
JoQsts,  with  its  constant  stream  of  adulation  from  ar« 
tists   and  authors,  with  the  ostentation  of  the  new 
"Wealth  and  the  greedily  tasted  pleasures  of  living  and 
enjoying,  an  attentive  ear  can  hear  the  low,  uninter- 
XHpted  murmurs  of  the  wretched,  destined  to  burst 
forth,  on  the  day  of  despair  or  of  vengeance,  into  f ero- 
^ous  clamors.    Nor  was  there  then  much  pity  for  the 
poor.     The  charity  and  worship  for  **  apostolic  pov- 
erty*' of  the  Middle  Ages  had  ceased,  nor  had  that 
social  kindness,  so  characteristic  of  our  own  time  that 
it  is  affected  even  by  those  who  do  not  feel  it,  arisen. 
The  rich  and  noble,  absorbed  in  debauchery  or  art,  re- 
garded the  peasant  as  a  different  race — **the  ox  with- 
out horns"  they  called  him — to  be  cudgeled  while  he 
'Was  tame  and  hunted  like  a  wolf  when  he  ran  wild. 
Artists  and  men  of  letters  ignored  the  very  existence 
of  the  unlettered,  with  the  superb  Horatian,  *  *  I  hate  the 
vulgar  crowd  and  I  keep  them  off,"  or,  if  they  were 
aroused  for  a  moment  by  the  noise  of  civil  war  merely 
remarked,  with  Erasmus,  that  any  tyranny  was  better 
than  that  of  the  mob.    Churchmen  like  Matthew  Lang 
and  Warham  and  the  popes  oppressed  the  poor  whom 
Jesus  loved.    **Rustica  gens  optima  flens"  smartly  ob- 
served a  canon  of  Zurich,  while  Luther  bVvxTl^d  ^\ii^ 


558      THE  CAPITAIJSTIC  REVOLUTION 

"accursed,  thievish,  murderous  peasants"  and  "tlie 
gentle ' '  Melanchthon  almost  sighed,  ' ' the  ass  ifill 
have  blows  and  the  people  will  be  ruled  by  force." 

There  were,  indeed,  a  few  honorable  exceptions  to 
the  prevalent  callousness,  "I  praise  thee,  thou  noble 
peasant,"  wrote  an  obscure  German,  "before  all  crea- 
tures and  lords  upon  earth;  the  emperor  raust  be  thy 
equal."  The  little  read  epigrams  of  Euricius  Cordns, 
a  German  humanist  who  was,  by  exception,  also  hu- 
mane, denounce  the  blood-sucking  of  the  peasants  by 
their  lords.  Greatest  of  all.  Sir  Thomas  More  felt,  not 
so  much  pity  for  the  lot  of  the  poor,  as  indignation  at 
their  wrongs.  The  Utopia  will  always  remain  one  of 
the  world's  noblest  books  because  it  was  almost  the 

I  first  to  feel  and  to  face  the  social  problem. 

RDpemm  This  became  urgent  with  the  large  increase  of  pau- 
perism and  vagrancy  throughout  the  sixteenth  centurj', 
the  most  distressing  of  the  effects  of  the  economic  rev- 
olution. When  life  became  too  hard  for  the  evicted 
tenant  of  a  sheep-raising  landlord,  or  for  the  declasse 
journeyman  of  the  town  gild,  he  had  little  choice  save 
to  take  to  the  road.  Gangs  of  sturdy  vagrants,  led  by 
and  partly  composed  of  old  soldiers,  wandered  througli 
Europe.  But  a  little  earlier  than  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury that  race  of  mendicants  the  Gipsies,  made  their 
debut.  The  word  "rogue"  was  coined  in  England 
about  1550  to  name  the  new  class.  Th^  Book  of  Vaga- 
bonds, written  by  Matthew  Hiitlin  of  Pfortzheim,  de- 
scribes twenty-eight  varieties  of  beggars,  exposes  their 
tricks,  and  gives  a  vocabulary  of  their  jargon.  Some 
of  these  beggars  are  said  to  be  dangerous,  threatening 
the  wayfarer  or  householder  who  will  not  pay  tliem; 
others  feign  various  diseases,  or  make  artificial  wounds 
and  disfigurations  to  excite  pity,  or  take  a  religious 
garb,  or  drag  chains  to  show  that  they  had  escaped 
from  galleys,  or  Wve  o\.Wt  \i\![wisi.ble  tales  of  woe  and  | 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MONEY  POWER     559 

if  adventure.  All  contemporaries  testify  to  the  alarm- 
Dg  nnmbers  of  these  men  and  M'omeii ;  how  many  they 
Wally  were  it  is  hard  to  say.  It  has  been  estimated 
hat  in  1500  20  per  cent,  of  the  population  of  Hamburg 
md  15  per  cent,  of  the  population  of  Augsburg  were 
laupers.  Under  Elizabeth  probably  from  a  quarter 
D  a  third  of  the  population  of  London  were  paupers, 
md  the  country  districts  were  just  as  bad.  Certain 
(arts  of  Wales  were  believed  to  have  a  third  of  their 
Mjpulation  in  vagabondage. 

In  the  face  of  this  appalling  situation  the  medieval 
method  of  charity  completely  broke  down.  In  fact, 
irith  its  many  begging  friars,  with  its  injnnction  of 
ilms-giving  as  a  good  work  most  pleasing  to  God,  and 
irith  its  respect  for  voluntary  poverty,  the  church 
father  aggravated  than  palliated  the  evil  of  mendi- 
lancy.     The  state  had  to  step  in  to  relieve  the  church. 

This  was  early  done  in  the  Netherlands.     A  severe  Statopoo 
jdict  was  issued  and  repeatedly  re-enacted   against   "  "'^^ 
tramps  ordering  them  to  be  whipped,  have  their  heads 
diaved,  and  to  be  further  punished  with  stocks.     An 
BDterprising   group    of    humanists  and     Ia^vJ■ers    de- 1^ 
banded  that  the  government  should  take  over  the  duty 
of  poor-relief  from  the  church.     Accordingly  at  Lille 
&  "common  chest"  was  started,  the  first  civil  chari- 
Uble  bureau  in  the  Netherlands.     At  Bruges  a  cloister   '512 
iras  secularized  and  turned  into  a  school  for  eight  hun- 
ired  poor  children  in  uniform.     A  secular  bureau  of 
Siarity  was  started  at  Antwerp.  1521 

Under  these  circumstances  the  humanist  Lewis  Vives 
fTote  his  famous  tract  on  the  relief  of  the  poor,  in  the  Janutiy, 
brm  of  a  letter  to  the  to\vn  council  of  Bruges.     In  J 

llis  well  thought  out  treatise  he  advocated  the  law  timt  \ 

o  one  should  eat  who  did  not  work,  and  urged  that  all 
Ible-bodied  vagrants  should  be  hired  out  to  artisans — 
eaggBstlon  how  weJcome  to  the  capUaViaVa  ea.^e.'c  Vo  , 


560 

draft  men  into  their  workshops!  Casos  of  pcopli 
able  to  work  should  also  be  taken  up,  and  thoy 
be  cared  for  by  application  of  religious  cndowmeii) 
by  the  government,  Vives'  claim  to  recognition  lia 
even  more  in  his  spirit  than  in  his  definite  progrm 
For  almost  the  tirst  time  in  history  he  plainly  said  tint 


«>'l  as  a  danger  to  the  slal^ 
ttit  extirpated, 
ring  his  treatise  the  olj 
already  sought  liis  ai 
1  as  upon  the  example  d 
ties,  in  promulgating 
lent  combined  all  relip  .  , 
aents  into  one  fund  uS     - 


poverty  was  a  disgr""*! 
and  should  be,  not 

While  Vives  waa 
of  Ypres  (tragic  n 
vice  and  acted  upoi 
earlier  reforms  in 
ordinance.  The  ci 
oua  and  philanthropi 

appointed  a  committee  to  administer  it,  and  to  collKt 
further  gifts.  These  citizens  were  to  visit  tbe  pootM  ^ 
in  their  dwellings,  to  apply  what  relief  was  necessaiyi 
to  meet  twice  a  week  to  concert  remedial  measures  and 
to  have  charge  of  enforcing  the  laws  against  begging 
and  idleness.  All  children  of  the  poor  were  sent  to 
school  or  taught  a  trade. 

Though  there  were  sporadic  examples  of  municipal 
poor-relief  in  Germany  prior  to  the  Reformation,  il 
was  the  religious  movement  that  there  first  gave  th* 
cause  its  decisive  impulse.  In  his  Address  to  Ihe  Get- 
man  Xohility  Luther  had  recommended  that  each  city 
should  take  care  of  its  own  poor  and  suppress  "the 
rascally  trade  of  begging."  During  his  absence  at  the 
Wartburg  his  more  radical  colleagues  had  taken  steps 
to  put  these  ideas  into  practice  at  Wittenberg.  A 
common  fund  was  started  by  tlie  application  of  eccle- 
siastical endowments,  from  which  orphans  were  to  K' 
housed,  students  at  school  and  university  to  be  helped, 
poor  girls  dowered  and  needy  workmen  loaned  money 
at  four  ]»er  {■cut.  A  .'levere  law  against  begging  was 
AugsViurg  ai\d  "^wTccii'aT^  iaUQwed  the  es- 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MONEY  POWER      561 

pie  of  Wittenberg  almost  at  once  and  other  Gennan   1522 
€8,  to  the  number  of  forty-eight,  one  by  one  joined 
procession. 

'or  fairly  obvious  reasons  the  state  regulation  of 

rism,  though  it  did  not  originate  in  the  Ref  orma- 

was  much  more  rapidly  and  thoroughly  developed 

Pirotestant  lands.    In  these  the  power  of  the  state 

the  economic  revolution  attained  their  maximum 

elopment,  whereas  the  Roman  church  was  inclined, 

obligated,    to    stand   by    the    medieval   position. 

giving  is  papistry,*'  said  a  Scotch  tract.    Thus 

ian  Cellarius,  a  professor  at  Louvain,  published  1530 

f^lea  for  the  Right  of  the  Poor  to  Beg.    The  Spanish 

^  Lawrence  da  Villavicenzio  in  his  Sacred  Econ-  1564 

of  caring  for  the  Poor,  condenmed  the  whole  plan 
state  regulation  and  subvention  as  heretical.  The 
'Uncil  of  Trent,  also,  put  itself  on  the  medieval  side, 
demanded  the  restoration  to  the  church  of  the  di* 
i6n  of  charity, 
^-w  But  even  in  Catholic  lands  the  new  system  made  1531 
"'^^adway.  As  the  University  of  Paris  approved  the 
^;  ^itlinance  of  Ypres,  in  France,  and  in  Catholic  Ger- 
-^^  y^kaxijj  a  plan  comprising  elements  of  the  old  order,  but 
^    ^llformed  by  the  modem  spirit,  grew  up. 

In  England  the  problem  of  pauperism  became  more 
:.,  ^leate  than  elsewhere.    The  drastic  measures  taken  to 
tbrce  men  to  work  failed  to  supply  all  needs.    After 
^  tliiiiiicipal  relief  of  various  sorts  had  been  tried,  and 
.?  ^ter  the  government  had  in  vain  tried  to  stimulate 
.--'  private  munificence  to  co-operate  with  the  church  to  1572 
meet  the  growing  need,  the  first  compulsory  Poor  Rates 
"Were  laid.    Three  or  four  years  later  came  an  act  for 
Betting  the  poor  to  labor  in  workhouses.    These  meas- 
Xires  failed  of  the  success  that  met  the  continental 
method.    Even  compared  to  Scotland,  England  devel- 
oped a  disproportionate  amount  of  pauperism.    Some 


^-^ 


562      THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 

authorities  have  asserted  that  by  giving  the  poo 
legal  riffht  to  aid  she  encouraged  the  demand  for 
Probably,  however,  she  simply  faniisbed  the  extn 
example  of  the  commercialism  that  made  monq'1 
did  not  make  men. 


4 


CHAPTER  XII 
MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

"Were  we  reading  the  biography  of  a  wayward  ge- 
ns, we  should  find  the  significance  of  the  book  neither 
the  account  of  his  quarrels  and  of  his  sins  nor  in 
.e  calculation  of  his  financial  difficulties  and  successes, 
vt  in  the  estimate  of  his  contributions  to  the  beauty 
id  wisdom  of  the  world.  Something  the  same  is  true 
>out  the  history  of  a  race  or  of  a  period ;  the  political 
id  economic  events  are  but  the  outward  framework; 
L€  intellectual  achievement  is  both  the  most  attractive 
id  the  most  repaying  object  of  our  study.  In  this 
aspect  the  sixteenth  century  was  one  of  the  most  bril- 
ant;  it  produced  works  of  science  that  outstripped 
J  its  predecessors;  it  poured  forth  masterpieces  of 
rt  and  literature  that  are  all  but  matchless. 

§  1.  Biblical  and  CLASsicAii  Scholarship  PomUoik 

It  is  naturally  impossible  to  give  a  full  account  of  i6thcen- 
1  the  products  of  sixteenth  century  genius.  In  so  ^^^ 
Lst  a  panorama  only  the  mountain  peaks  can  be 
anted  out.  One  of  these  peaks  is  assuredly  the  Bible. 
3ver  before  nor  since  has  that  book  been  so  popular; 
(Ver  has  its  study  absorbed  so  large  a  part  of  the 
ergies  of  men.  It  is  true  that  the  elucidation  of 
e  text  was  not  proportional  to  the  amount  of  labor 
ent  on  it.  For  the  most  part  it  was  approached  not 
a  scientific  but  in  a  dogmatic  spirit.  Men  did  not 
ad  it  historically  and  critically  but  to  find  their  own 
>gmas  in  it.  Nevertheless,  the  foundations  were  laid 
r  both  the  textual  and  the  higher  criticism. 

563 


564         MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 


The  Greek  text  of  the  New  Testament  was  first  pub- 
lished by  Krasmus  in  March,  151C.     Revised,  but  not 
always  improved,  editions  were  broug"ht  ont  by  him  in 
1519,  1522  and  1527.     For  the  first  edition  he  had  be- 
fore him  ten  manuscripts,  all  of  them  minuscules, 
oldest  of  which,  though  he  believed  it  might  have  coi 
from  the  apostolic  age,  is  assigned  by  modem  critii 
to  the  twelfth  century.     In  the  course  of  printing, 
bad  errors  were  introduced,  and  the  last  six  verses 
the  Apocalypse,  wanting  in  atl  the  manuscripts, 
supplied  by  an  extremely  faulty  translation  from 
Latin.     The  results  were  such  as  might  have  been 
ticipated.     Though  the  text  has  been  vastly  purified' 
modern  critics,  the  edition  of  Erasmus  was  of 
service  and  was  thoroughly  honest.     He  noted  that 
last  verses  of  Mark  were  doubtful  and  that  the  passai 
on  the  adulteress  (John  vii,  53  to  viii,  11)  was  lacking: 
in  the  best  authorities,  and  he  omitted  the  text  on  the 
three  heavenly  witnesses  {I  John  v,  7)  as  wanting  in 
all  his  manuscripts. 

For  this  omission  he  was  violently  attacked.  To 
support  his  position  he  asked  his  friend  Bombasias  to 
consult  the  Codex  Vaticanus,  and  dared  to  assert  that 
were  a  single  manuscript  found  with  the  verse  in 
Greek,  he  would  include  it  in  subsequent  editions. 
Though  there  were  at  the  time  no  codices  with  the 
verse  in  question — -which  was  a  Latin  forgery  of  the 
fourth  century,  possibly  due  to  Priscillian — one  was 
promptly  manufactured.  Though  Erasmus  suspected 
the  truth,  that  the  verse  had  been  interpolated  from 
the  Latin  text,  he  added  it  in  his  third  edition  "tlial 
no  occasion  for  calumny  be  given."  This  one  sample 
must  serve  to  show  how  Erasmus's  work  was  received. 
For  everj*  deviation  from  the  Vulgate,  whether  in  the 
Greek  text  or  in  the  new  Latin  translation  with  which 
he  accompanied  it,  he  was  ferociously  assailed.    His 


BIBLICAL  SCHOLARSHIP  565 

anecdote  of  the  old  priest  who,  having  the  mis- 
print *  *  mumpsimus  "  for  *  *  sumpsimus  "  in  his  missal, 
^fnsed  to  correct  the  error  when  it  was  pointed  out, 
perfectly  typical  of  the  position  of  his  critics.     New 
ith  must  ever  struggle  hard  against  old  prejudice. 
While  Erasmus  was  working,  a  much  more  ambi- 
lous  scheme  for  publishing  the  Scriptures  was  matur- 
nnder  the  direction  of  Cardinal  Ximenez  at  Alcala 
V  as  the  town  was  called  in  Latin,  Complutum.    The 
^mplutensian  Polyglot,  as  it  was  thence  named,  was 
Timblished  in  six  volumes,  four  devoted  to  the  Old  Test- 
^^unent,  one  to  the  New  Testament,  and  one  to  a  Hebrew 
icon  and  granunar.    The  New  Testament  volume 
the  earliest  date,  1514,  but  was  withheld  from  the 
s.  jmblic  for  several  years  after  this.    The  manuscripts 
r  from  which  the  Greek  texts  were  taken  are  unknown, 
~  Imt  they  were  better  than  those  used  by  Erasmus.    The 
later  editors  of  the  Greek  text  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, Robert  Estienne  (Stephanus)  and  Theodore  Beza, 
did  little  to  castigate  it,  although  one  of  the  codices 
used  by  Beza,  and  now  known  by  his  name,  is  of  great 
Value. 

The  Hebrew  Massoretic  text  of  the  Old  Testament  ^ebw 
was  printed  by  Gerson  Ben  Mosheh  at  Brescia  in  1494, 
and  far  more  elaborately  in  the  first  four  volumes  of 
the  Complutensian  Polyglot.  With  the  Hebrew  text 
the  Spanish  editors  offered  the  Septuagint  Greek,  the 
Syriac,  and  the  Vulgate,  the  Hebrew,  Syriac  and  Greek 
having  Latin  translations.  The  manuscripts  for  the 
Hebrew  were  procured  from  Rome.  A  critical  re- 
vision was  undertaken  by  Sebastian  Munster  and  pub- 
lished with  a  new  Latin  version  at  Basle  1534-5.  Later 
recensions  do  not  call  for  special  notice  here.  An  in- 
complete text  of  the  Syriac  New  Testament  was  pub- 
lished at  Antwerp  in  1569. 

The  numerous  new  Latin  translations  mad^  dwxVsk^ 


566        MAIK  CUBKENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

L  this  period  testify  to  the  general  discontent  with  tbi, 
"  Vulgate.  Not  only  humanists  like  Valla,  Lefevre  isi 
Erasmus,  but  perfectly  orthodox  theolo^ans  like  Pop? 
Nicholas  V,  Cajetan  and  Sadoletus,  saw  that  the  com- 
mon version  could  be  much  improved.  In  the  n« 
Latin  translation  by  Erasmus  many  of  the  errors  (A 
the  Vulgate  were  corrected.  Thus,  in  Matthew  hi,  ^ 
he  offers  "resipis  mentem  rodite"  insteat 

of  "poenitentiam  is,  as  well  as  his  guhsti- 

tution  of  "sermo  ram"  in  John  i,  1,  vsi 

fiercely  assailed.  }n  it  was  seen  wliat  XM 

was  made  by  the  of  the  new  Greek  text) 

and  of  the  new  1  is,  of  which  there  wert- 

many,  a  strong  reau  'ed  in  favor  of  the  tradi- 

tional text.     Even  by  li  rs  of  the  Complutensian 

Polyglot  the  V^ulgate  was  regarded  with  such  favor 
that,  being  printed  between  the  Hebrew  and  Greek,  it 
was  compared  by  them  to  Christ  crucified  between  the 
two  thieves.  The  Sarbonne  condemned  as  "Lutheran" 
the  assertion  that  the  Bible  could  not  be  properly  un- 
derstood or  expounded  without  knowledge  of  the  orig- 
inal languages.  In  the  decree  of  Trent  the  Vulgate 
was  declared  to  be  the  authentic  form  of  the  Scrip- 
tures. The  preface  to  the  English  Catholic  version 
printed  at  Rheims  defends  the  thesis,  now  generally 
held  by  Catholics,  that  the  Latin  text  is  superior  in  ac- 
curacy to  the  Greek,  having  been  corrected  bj'  Jerome, 
preserved  by  the  church  and  sanctioned  by  the  Council 
of  Trent.  In  order  to  have  this  text  in  its  utmost 
purity  an  official  edition  was  issued. 
1  Modern   critics,  having  far  surpassed    the   results 

*'''  achieved  by  their  predecessors,  are  inclined  to  under- 
estimate their  debts  to  these  pioneers  in  the  field.  The 
manuals,  encyclopaedias,  commentaries,  concordances, 
special  lexicons,  all  that  make  an  introduction  to  bib- 
Jioa]  criticism  so  easy  nowadays,  were  lacking  then,  or 


BIBLICAL  SCHOLARSHIP  567 

re  supplied  only  by  the  labor  of  a  life-time.  The 
ofessors  at  Wittenberg,  after  prolonged  inquiry, 
e  unable  to  find  a  map  of  Palestine.  The  first  He- 
iw  concordance  was  printed,  with  many  errors,  at 
^nice  in  1523;  the  first  Greek  concordance  not  until 
at  Basle.  To  find  a  parallel  passage  or  illus- 
tive  material  or  ancient  comment  on  a  given  text, 
critic  then  had  to  search  through  dusty  tomes  and 
nscripts,  instead  of  finding  them  accumulated  for 
in  ready  reference  books.  That  all  this  has  been 
»iie  is  the  work  of  ten  generations  of  scholars,  among 
oin  the  pioneers  of  the  Renaissance  should  not  lack 
^tlieir  due  meed  of  honor.  The  early  critics  were  ham- 
X^red  by  a  vicious  inherited  method.  The  schoolmen, 
*^th  purely  dogmatic  interest,  had  developed  a  hope- 
less and  fantastic  exegesis,  by  which  every  text  of 
Scripture  was  given  a  fourfold  sense,  the  historical,  al- 
legforical,  tropological  (or  figurative)  and  anagogical 
(or  didactic). 

Erasmus,  under  the  tuition  of  Valla,  felt  his  way  to   Eratn 
WL  more  fruitful  method.    It  is  true  that  his  main  ob- 
ject was  a  moral  one,  the  overthrow  of  superstition 
and   the  establishment  of  the  gentle  ''philosophy  of 
Christ.''    He  used  the  allegorical  method   only,   or 
chiefly,  to  explain  away  as  fables  stories  that  would 
seem  silly  or  obscene  as  history.    In  the  New  Testa- 
ment he  sought  the  man  Jesus  and  not  the  deified 
Christ.    He  preferred  the  New  Testament,  with  its 
**  simple,  plain  and  gentle  truth,  without  savor  of  su- 
perstition or  cruelty'*  to  the  Old  Testament.    lie  dis- 
criminated nicely  even  among  the  books  of  the  New 
Testament,  considering  the  chief  ones  the  gospels,  Acts, 
the  Pauline  epistles  (except  Hebrews),  I  Peter  and 
I  John.    He  hinted  that  many  did  not  consider  the 
Apocalypse  canonical ;  he  found  Ephesians  Pauline  in 
thought  but  not  in  style;  he  believed  He\)re\\^  \.o\i^N^ 


568        MAIN  CUBBENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

been  written  by  Clement  of  Rome ;  and  he  called  Ju    t     i 
lacking  in  apostolic  dignity. 

By  far  tlie  best  biblical  criticism  of  the  ceDtnrri 
the  mature  work  of  Martin  Luther.  It  is  a  remi 
able  fact  that  a  man  whose  doctrine  of  the  binding 
thority  of  Scripture  was  so  high,  and  who  refused 
disciples  permission  to  interpret  the  text  with  the  It 
shade  of  independt  1  himself  have  siiow       ^ 

freedom  in  the  tr(  ;he  inspired  writers 

equaled  in  any  Ch;  :he  next  three  eentoi 

It  is  sometimes  si  ither's  judgments 

mere  matters  of  ta  took  what  he  liked 

rejected  what  he  d:  this  is  true  to  a  c*i 

extent.    "What  tre*  Christ,  that  is  Seri] 

even  if  Jndas  and  Pilate  unu  written  it,"  he  avomi 
and  again,  "If  our  adversaries  urge  the  Bible  again* 
Christ,  we  must  urge  Christ  against  the  Bible."  Hii 
wisli  to  exclude  the  epistle  of  James  from  the  canoDi 
on  the  ground  that  its  doctrine  of  justification  contra- 
dicted that  of  Paul,  was  thus  determined,  and  excited 
wide  protest  not  only  from  leanied  Catholics  like  Sit 
Thomas  More,  but  also  from  many  Protestants,  begin- 
ning with  Bullinger. 

But  Luther's  trenchant  judgments  of  the  books  oi 
the  Bible  were  usually  far  more  than  would  be  implied 
by  a  merely  dogmatic  interest.  Together  with  the  best 
scholarship  of  the  age  he  had  a  strong  intuitive  feel- 
ing for  style  that  guided  him  aright  in  many  cases.  In 
denying  the  Mosaic  authorship  of  a  part  of  the  Penta- 
teuch, in  asserting  that  Job  and  Jonah  wore  fables,  in 
finding  that  the  books  of  Kings  were  more  credible 
than  Chronicles  and  that  the  books  of  Isaiah,  Jeremiah, 
Hosoa,  Proverbs  and  Ecclesiastes  had  received  their 
final  form  from  later  editors,  he  but  advanced  theses 
now  universally  accepted.  His  doubts  about  Esther, 
Hebrews,  and  ttie  KpocaVy^ac  VKst  X^eci.  amply  cou- 


BIBLICAL  SCHOLARSHIP  569 

ed.  Some  modem  scholars  agree  with  his  most 
Qg  opinion,  that  the  epistle  of  James  was  written 
*80me  Jew  who  had  heard  of  the  Christians  bnt 
joined  them/*  After  Luther  the  voluminous 
18  of  the  commentators  are  a  dreary  desert  of  arid 
oatism  and  fantastic  pedantry.  Carlstadt  was 
Laps  the  second  best  of  the  higher  critics  of  the 
;  Zwingli  was  conservative;  Calvin's  exegesis 
ibers  in  fifty  volumes  in  deserved  neglect, 
mong  the  great  vernacular  Protestant  versions  of  GcmuD 
Bible  that  of  Luther  stands  first  in  every  sense  of 
word.  Long  he  had  meditated  on  it  before  his  en- 
Jed  retirement  at  the  Wartburg  gave  him  the  leisure 
egin  it.  The  work  of  revision,  in  which  Luther  had 
5h  help  from  Melanchthon  and  other  Wittenberg 
Fessors,  was  a  life-long  labor.  Only  recently  have 
minutes  of  the  meetings  of  these  scholars  come  to 
t,  and  they  testify  to  the  endless  trouble  taken  by 
Reformer  to  make  his  work  clear  and  accurate, 
w^rote  no  dialect,  but  a  common,  standard  German 
h  he  believed  to  have  been  introduced  by  the  Saxon 
eery.  But  he  also  modelled  his  style  not  only  on 
few  good  German  authors  then  extant,  but  on  the 
ch  of  the  market-place.  From  the  mouths  of  the 
>le  he  took  the  sweet,  common  words  that  he  gave 
to  them  again,  *  *  so  that  they  may  note  that  we  are 
king  German  to  them.'*  Spirit  and  fire  he  put 
the  German  Bible;  dramatic  turns  of  phrase, 
'  eloquence,  poetry. 

1  too  much  Luther  read  his  own  ideas  into  the 
e.  To  make  Moses  **so  German  that  no  one  would 
V  that  he  was  a  Jew"  insured  a  noble  style,  but  in- 
ed  an  occasional  violent  wrench  to  the  thought. 
3  the  Psalms  are  made  to  speak  of  Christ  quite 
ily,  and  of  German  May-festivals;  and  the  pass- 
is  meihmoTphosed  into  Easter.    Is  ttiex^  dlo\.  ^n^\!^ 


570        MAIN  CUERENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

an  allusion  to  the  golden  rose  given  by  the  pope  in 
translation  of  Micah  iv,  8T — "Und  du  Thurm  Ed« 
eine  Feste  der  Toehtcr  Zion,  es  wird  deine  goldi 
Kose  kommen. "  Luther  declared  his  intention  at 
"simply  throwing  aivay"  any  text  repugnant  to 
rest  of  Scripture,  as  he  conceived  it.  As  a  matterd 
fact  the  greatest  change  that  he  actually  made  wagth 
introduction  of  t  ne"  after  "faith"  in  tte 

passage  (Roman!  man  is  Justified  by  tsA 

without  works  oi  Luther  never  used  tlw 

word  "church"  (  the  Bible,  but  replaced  ft 

by  " congregatioi  .e).    Following  Ensmu 

he  turned  ^tqwjo  ■  iii,  2,  8)  into  "besstft 

euoh"  ("improve  ')  instead  of  "tut  Busk" 

("do  penance")  as  m  --^  older  German  versions. 
Also,  following  the  Erasmian  text,  he  omitted 
"comma  Johanneum"  (I  John  v,  7);  this  was  first 
insinuated  into  the  Gemian  Bible  in  1575, 

None  of  the  other  vernacular  versions,  not  even  the 
French  translation  of  Lefevre  and  Olivetau  can  com- 
pare with  the  German  save  one,  the  English.  How 
AVilliam  Tyndale  began  and  how  Coverdale  completed 
the  work  in  1535,  has  been  told  on  another  pap. 
Many  revisions  followed:  the  Great  Bible  of  1539,  the 
Geneva  Bible  of  1560  and  the  Bishops'  Bible  of  1568. 
Then  came  the  Catholic,  or  Douai  version  of  1582,  the 
only  one  completely  differing  from  the  others,  with  its 
foundation  on  the  Vulgate  and  its  numerous  barbar- 
isms :  ' ' parasceue ' '  for  "preparation, ' '  "feast  of 
Azymos"  for  "feast  of  unleavened  bread,"  "imposing 
of  hands,"  "what  to  me  and  thee,  woman"  (John  ii,4). 
"penance,"  "chalice,"  "host,"  "against  the  spirituals 
of  wickedness  in  the  celestials"  (Ephesians  vi,  12). 
"supersubstantial  bread"  in  the  Lord's  prayer,  "he 
exinanited  himself"  (Philippians  ii,  7). 

We  are  accustomed  Vo  speak  of  tlie  Authorized  Ver- 


BIBLICAL  SCHOLARSHIP  571 

icDn  of  1610  as  if  it  were  a  new  product  of  the  literary 
nius  of  Shakespeare's  age.  In  fact,  it  was  a  mere 
ision,  and  a  rather  light  one,  of  previous  work.  Its 
perfection  of  form  is  due  to  the  labors  of  many 
manipulating  and  polishing  the  same  material. 
:e  the  Homeric  poems,  like  the  Greek  gospels  them- 
es probably,  the  greatest  English  classic  is  the  . 
uct  of  the  genius  of  a  race  and  not  of  one  man. 
en  from  the  very  beginning  it  was  such  to  some  ex- 
t.  Tyndale  could  hardly  have  known  Wyclif  's  ver-^ 
.on,  which  was  never  printed  and  was  rare  in  manu- 
but  his  use  of  certain  words,  such  as  **mote," 
•beam/'  and  ** strait  gate,*'  also  found  in  the  earlier 
ion,  prove  that  he  was  already  working  in  a  lit- 
tradition,  one  generation  handing  down  to  an- 
^tkther  certain  Scriptural  phrases  first  heard  in  the 
Vkioaths  of  the  Lollards. 

Both  Tyndale  and  Coverdale  borrowed  largely  from 
^e  German  interpreters,  as  was  acknowledged  on  the 
tdtle-page  and  in  the  prologue  to  the  Bible  of  1535. 
^Thns  Tyndale  copied  not  only  most  of  the  marginal 
notes  of  Luther's  Bible,  but  also  such  Teutonisms  as, 
•*this  is  once  bone  of  my  bone,''  **they  oflfered  unto 
field-devils"  (Luther,  '*Felt-teuffeln"),  **Blessed  is 
the  room-maker.  Gad"  (Luther,  *'Raum-macher"). 
The  English  translators  also  followed  the  German  in 
tislng  **  elder"  frequently  for  *  Spriest,"  **  congrega- 
tion" for  ** church,"  and  *4ove"  for  ''charity."  By 
counting  every  instance  of  this  and  similar  renderings. 
Sir  Thomas  More  claimed  to  have  found  one  thousand 
errors  in  the  New  Testament  alone. 

The  astounding  popularity  of  the  Bible,  chiefly  but  Popula 
not  only  in  Protestant  countries,  is  witnessed  by  a  ®^^"**^ 
myriad  voices.    Probably  in  all  Christian  countries 
in  every  age  it  has  been  the  most  read  book,  but  in  the 
sixteenth  century  it  added  to  an  unequaled  x^^xiXaiVwi 


MAIN  CUTtEENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

for  infallibility  the  zest  of  a  new  discovery,  Edwai 
VI  demanding  the  Bible  at  his  coronation,  Elizabefl 
passionately  kissing;  it  at  hers,  were  but  types  of 
time.  That  joyous  princess  of  the  Renaissance,  Is* 
beila  d'Este,  ordered  a  new  translation  of  the  Psalm 
for  her  own  perusal.  Marjjaret  of  Navarre,  in  the  la 
troduction  to  her  frivolous  Hpptantpron,  expresses  tlH 
pious  hope  that  all  present  have  read  the  Scripture 
Hundreds  of  editions  of  the  German  and  English  trans 
lations  were  called  for.  The  people,  wrote  an  Eng-^ 
lishman  in  1539,  "have  now  in  every  church  and  placet 
almost  every  man,  the  Bible  and  New  Testament  in 
their  mother  tongue,  instead  of  the  old  fabulous  ai 
fantastical  books  of  the  Table  Round  .  ,  .  and  siw 
other  whose  impure  filth  and  vain  fabulosity  the  li^ 
of  God  hath  abolished  there  utterly."  In  Protestai 
lands  it  became  almost  a  matter  of  good  form  to  o\i 
the  Bible,  and  reading  it  has  been  called,  not  ineptly^ 
"the  opus  operatum  of  the  Evangelicals."  Even  the 
Catholics  bore  witness  to  the  demand,  which  they  tried 
to  dieck.  While  they  admonished  the  laity  that  it  wj 
unnecessary  and  dangerous  to  taste  of  this  tree  ( 
knowledge,  while  they  even  curtailed  the  reading  ( 
the  Scripture  by  the  clergy,  they  were  forced  to  suppl 
vernacular  versions  of  their  own. 

Along  with  unbounded  popularity  the  Bible  then  ea- 
joyed  a  much  higher  reputation  for  infallibility  than 
it  bears  today.  The  one  point  on  which  all  Protestant 
churches  were  agreed  was  the  supremacy  and  suffi- 
ciency of  Scripture.  The  Word,  said  Calvin,  flowed 
from  the  very  mouth  of  God  himself;  it  was  the  sole 
foundation  of  faith  and  the  one  fountain  of  all  wisdom. 
"AV'hat  Christ  says  must  be  true  whether  I  or  any 
other  man  can  understand  it,"  preached  Lather. 
"Scripture  is  fully  to  be  believed,"  wrote  an  Enirltsli 
heologiaii,  "  as  a  iVivng  tveceftft^T?  to  salvation,  though 


BIBLICAL  SCHOLARSHIP  573 

c  thing  contained  in  Scripture  pertain  not  merely  to 
c  faith,  as  that  Aaron  had  a  beard/'    The  Swiss  and 

Anabaptists  added  their  voices  to  this  chorus  of 

olatry. 
Since  studies  pass  into  character,  it  is  natural  to  ^^^ 

a  marked  effect  from  this  turning  loose  of  a  new 


mores 


of  spiritual  authority.    That  thousands  were 
e  privately  better,  wiser  and  hagpier  from  the 
g  of  the  gospels  and  the  Hebrew  poetry,  that 
dards  of  morality  were  raised  and  ethical  tastes 
ed  thereby,  is  certain.    But  the  same  cause  had 
^  —  eral  effects  that  were  either  morally  indifferent  or 
!^^Kmitively  bad.    The  one  chiefly  noticed  by  contem- 
^SiEN>raries  was  the  puUulation  of  new  sects.    Each  man, 
^<fca  Lather  complained,  interpreted  the  Holy  Book  ac- 
^-^•ording  to  his  own  brain  and  crazy  reason.    The  old 
^   laying  that  the  Bible  was  the  book  of  heretics,  came 
"tirae.    It  was  in  vain  for  the  Eef ormers  to  insist  that 
^one  but  the  ministers  (i.  e.  themselves)  had  the  right 
to  interpret  Scripture.    It  was  in  vain  for  the  govem- 
^Hents  to  forbid,  as  the  Scotch  statute  expressed  it, 
•*any  to  dispute  or  hold  opinions  on  the  Bible";  dis- 
cordant clamor  of  would-be  expounders  arose,  some 
learned,  others  ignorant,  others  fantastic,  and  all  pig- 
lieaded  and  intolerant. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Bible,  in  proportion 
to  the  amount  of  inerrancy  attributed  to  it,  became  a 
stumbling-block  in  the  path  of  progress,  scientific,  so- 
cial and  even  moral.  It  was  quoted  against  Copernicus 
as  it  was  against  Darwin.  Eational  biblical  criticism 
Dvas  regarded  by  Luther,  except  when  he  was  the  critic, 
as  a  cause  of  vehement  suspicion  of  atheism.  Some 
texts  buttressed  the  horrible  and  cruel  superstition  of 
witchcraft.  The  examples  of  the  wars  of  Israel  and 
the  text,  ** compel  them  to  enter  in,''  seemed  to  sup- 
port the  duty  of  intolerance.    Social  reformftT%,  I^l^ 


1550 


574        MAIN  CUBRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

Vives,  ill  their  struggle  to  abolish  poverty,  wen 
fronted  with  the  maxim,  mistaken  as  an  eternal 
that  the  poor  are  always  with  us.  Finally  the 
moral  lapse  of  many  of  the  Protestants,  the  perm 
of  polygamy,  was  supported  by  biblical  texts. 

Next  to  the  Bible  the  sixteenth  century  revere 
classics.     Most  of  the  great  Latin  authors  had 


printed  prio 
being  the  An 
ceps  was  in 
the  following 
this  order: 
Anthology,  ft 
nis,    and    nin 
dates  of  the  ediiiv, 
Greek  writers: 


2  most  important  exct 
us,  of  which  the  editio 
en  the  years  1478  and 
i  had  been  published,  i 
•T,  Isocrates,  Theocriti: 
Euripides,  Aristotle,  1 
Aristophanes.  FoUo' 
v.icipcs  of  the  other  pri 


1502:  Thucydides,  Sophocles,  Herodotus. 

1503:  Euripides  (eighteen  plays),  Xenophou's  . 

ica. 

1504 :  Demosthenes. 

1509:  Plutarch's  Moralia. 

1513:  Pindar,  Plato. 

1516:  Aristophanes,   New   Testament,   Xenophoi; 

sanias,  Strabu. 

1517:  Plutarch's  Lives. 

1518 :  Septuagiiit,  Aeschylus,  four  plays. 

1525:  Galen.  Xenophon's  eoraplete  works. 

1528 :  Epictetiis. 

1530:  Polybius. 

1532;  Aristopliaiies,  eleven  plays. 

1533:  Euclid,  Ptolemy. 

1544 :  Josephus. 

1552:  Aeschylus,  seven  plays. 

1558:  Marcus  Auretius. 

1559:  Diodorus. 

1565:  Bion  and  Moschus. 

1572:  Plutarch's  complete  works. 

Naturally  the  iirst  editions  were  not  usually  thi 


CLASSICAL  SCIJOLABSHIP 


575 


or  of  Buccessive  generations  has  made  the  : 
it  it  is.  Good  work,  particularly,  though  not 
}\y,  in  editing  the  fathers  of  the  church,  was 
Erasmus.  But  a  really  new  school  of  histor- 
cism  was  created  by  Joseph  Justus  Scaliger,  ■ 
test  of  scholars.  His  editions  of  the  Latin 
it  laid  down  and  applied  sound  rules  of  textual 
ion,  besides  elucidating  the  authors  with  a 
f  learned  comment. 

Utiiig  of  the  texts  was  but  a  small  portion  of 
r  that  went  to  tlie  cultivation  of  the  classics, 
idatious  of  our  modern  lexicons  were  laid  in 
it  Thesaurus  linguae  Lativae  of  Robert  Es- 
first  edition  1532,  2d  improved  1536,  3d  in 
ames  1543)  and  the  Th^saiirti.'i  linguae  Oraecae 
Y  Estienne  the  younger,  published  in  five  vol- 
1572.  This  latter  is  still  used,  the  best  edition 
it  in  nine  volumes  182!)-63. 
ch  of  ancient  learning  has  become  a  matter  of 
)  the  modern  student  that  he  does  not  always 
lie  amount  of  ground  covered  in  the  last  four 
1.  Erasmus  once  wrote  to  Cardinal  Gnmani: 
■man  Capitol,  to  which  the  ancient  poets  vainly  ' 
t  eternity,  has  so  completely  disappeared  that 
oeation  cannot  be  pointed  out. ' '  If  one  of  the 
scholars  then  was  ignorant  of  a  site  now  vis- 
3very  tourist  in  the  Eternal  City,  how  much 
re  not  have  been  to  learn  in  other  respects  T 
y  and  successfuHy  the  contemporaries  and 
rs  of  Erasmus  labored  to  supply  the  knowledge 
nting.  Latin,  Greek  and  Hebrew  grammars 
itten,  treatises  on  Roman  coinage,  on  epi- 
on  ancient  religion,  on  chronology,  on  com- 
philology,  on  Roman  law-,  laid  deep  and  strong 
lations  of  the  consummate  scholarship  of  mod- 


Rome  fnt  lout 

"The  Latin  a)lt 
■«Tote  Montaigne 
only  m  and  satis 

J;™ mat 

HomcrJ"    Jfaehi 

nmg  in  liis  best  a 

Uic  spirits  of  tlie 

ttem,  he  forgot  al 

dMth.    Almost  all 

"ot  learned,  were 

could  not  read  the 

»ere  supplied.    Pe 

if"'^  of  Famous  M 

French  by  Amyot 

Thomas  North. 

Strong,  buoyant,  , 
the  "ge,  it  bore  plaii 
ous  sehoolino-  i„  ti,..  i 


CLASSICAL  SCHOLARSHIP  577 

apicGa  and  gold.  The  supreme  value  of  the 
nd  Latin  books  is  that  which  they  have  in  com- 
h  all  literature;  they  furnished,  for  the  mass 
,iig  men,  the  best  and  most  copious  supply  of 
•  the  iutelleetual  and  spiritual  life.  "Books," 
asmus,  "arc  both  cheering  aud  wholesome.  In 
ity  they  steady  one,  in  affliction  console,  do  not 
th  fortune  aud  follow  one  through  all  dangers 
the  grave.  .  .  .  What  wealth  or  what  scepters 

exchange  for  my  tranquil  reading!"  "From 
iest  childhood,"  Montaigne  confides,  "poetry 
the  power  to  pierce  me  through  and  transport 

'  best  sense  of  the  word,  books  are  popular  phi- 
All  cannot  study  the  deepest  problems  of 
f  science  for  themselves,  but  all  can  absorb  the 
ence  of  thought  in  the  pleasant  and  stimulat- 
1  in  which  it  is  served  up  in  the  best  literature, 
ccustom  men  to  take  pleasure  in  ideas  and  to 
»  a  high  and  noble  inward  life.  This,  their  su- 
alue  for  the  moulding  of  character,  was  appro- 
1  the  sLxteeuth  century.  "We  must  drink  the 
f  the  classics,"  observes  Montaigne,  "rather 
im  their  precepts,"  and  again,  "the  use  to 
put  my  studies  is  a  practical  one — the  forma- 
jharactor  for  the  exigencies  of  life." 
s  the  service  by  which  the  ancients  have  put  Anoieni 
enia  in  their  debt.  Another  gift  of  distinct,  i""'*" 
lesser  value,  was  that  of  literary  style.  So  «^i^^H 
the  correspondence  between  expression  aud  |^^| 
that  it  is  no  small  advantage  to  any  man  or  ^^H 
ge  to  sit  at  the  feet  of  those  supreme  masters  ^^H 
rt  of  saying  things  well,  the  Greeks.  The  dau-  ^^H 
>  was  from  literal  imitation.  Erasmus,  with  ^^H 
wit,  ridiculed  the  Ciceronian  who  spent  years  ^^H 
meting^ sentences  that  might  have  beew  \it\\.\.<£&.    ^^^M 


578        MiVIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

by  his  master,  who  speaks  of  Jehovah  as  Japiterui 
Christ  as  Cecrops  or  Iphigeuia,  and  who  tranaj 
the  world  around  him  into  a  Boman  empire  with  I 
nnes  and  augurs,  consuls  and  allies.  It  is  signifii 
that  the  English  word  "pedant"  was  coined  in  the 
teenth  century. 

What  the  classics  had  to  teach  directly  was  noli 
of  less  value  irect  influence,  but  wasiv 

positively  ha  e  who,  intoxicated  with 

pagan  spirit-  regulate  their  lives  by 

moral  stand  cts,  fell  into  the  same  tt 

though  into  1  ices,  as  those  who  deified 

letter  of  the  the  Bible  the  classics  « 

and  are,  to  s  >8tacle8  to  the  march  of 

ence,  and  this  nui _.  „..'nuse  tliey  take  men's  ii 

est  from  the  study  of  nature,  but  because  most  an( 
philosophers  from  the  time  of  Socrates  spoke 
temptuously  of  natural  experiment  and  discover 
things  of  little  or  no  value  to  the  soul. 

If  for  the  finer  spirits  of  the  age  a  classical  et 
tion  furnished  a  noble  instrument  of  culture,  ft 
too  many  it  was  prized  simply  as  a  badge  of 
rioritj'.  Among  a  people  that  stands  in  awe  of  1 
ing — and  tliis  is  more  true  of  Europe  than  of  Air 
and  was  more  true  of  the  sixteenth  than  it  is  u 
twentieth  century — a  classical  education  oflfcrs  a 
exceptional  facilities  for  delicatelj-  impressing 
riors  with  their  crudity. 
»  The  period  that  marked  high  water  in  the  estin 
of  the  classics,  also  saw  the  turn  of  the  tide, 
countries  the  vernacular  crowded  the  classics 
backward  from  the  field.  The  conscious  cultivati 
tlie  modern  tongues  was  marked  by  the  publicati 
new  dictionaries  and  by  various  works  such  as 
Bale's  history  of  English  literature,  written  its< 
bo  sure,  in  LaUn.    Tkc  ftwest  work  of  the  kint 


HISTOBY  579 

da  Bellay's  Defence  et  Illustration  de  la 
'rangaise  published  in  1549  as  part  of  a  con- 
ffort  to  raise  French  as  a  vehicle  of  poetry  and 
)  a  level  with  the  classics.  This  was  done 
y  borrowing  from  Latin.  One  of  the  charao- 
words  of  the  sixteenth  century,  **patrie/*  was 
mally  introduced. 

§  2.  History 

le  examination  of  the  interests  and  temper  of 
era,  hardly  any  better  gauge  can  be  found  than 
ary  it  produced.  In  the  period  under  consid- 
there  were  two  great  schools,  or  currents,  of 
?raphy,  the  humanistic,  sprung  from  the  Re- 
le,  and  church  history,  the  child  of  the  Ref- 

Q. 

evotees  of  the  first  illustrate  most  aptly  what  Humanwi 
been  said  about  the  influence  of  the  classics,  y,^.^ 
ipreme  interest  was  style,  generally  Latin.    To  ography 
chronicle  in  the  toga  of  Livy's  periods,  to  deck 
dth  the  rhetoric  of  Sallust  and  to  stitch  on  a 
theses  and  epigrams  in  the  manner  of  Tacitus, 
to  them  the  height  of  art.     Their  choice  of 
was  as  characteristic  as  their  manner,  in  that 
;erest  was  exclusively  political  and  aristocratic, 
e  doings  of  courts  and  camps,  the  political  in- 
of  governments  and  the  results  of  battles,  to- 
nth  the  virtues  and  vices  of  the  rulers,  they  saw 
history.    What  the  people  thought,  felt  and 
,  was  beyond  their  purview.     Nor  did  most  of 
ive  much  interest  in  art,  science  or  literature, 
in  religion.    When  George  Buchanan,  a  man 
dick  of  the  Scottish  Reformation,  who  drafted 
k  of  Articles,  came  to  write  the  history  of  his 
le,  he  was  so  obsessed  with  the  desire  to  imi- 
ancient  Romans  that  he  hardly  meiitioiifc^  \3afc 


580        MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

religious  controversy  at  all.  One  sarcasm  on, 
priests  who  thouglit  the  New  Testatment  was  isTii 
by  Luther,  and  demanded  their  good  Old  Testao 
back  again,  two  brief  allusions  to  Knox,  auda' 
other  passing  references  are  all  of  the  Refomul 
that  conies  into  a  bulky  volume  dealing  with  the  ra 
of  James  V  and  Mary  Stuart.  His  interest  in  polil 
liberty,  his  con  the  struggle  as  one  beti 

tyranny  and  fr  bt  appear  modern  wereii 

so  plainly  rooti  ,e  soil. 

The  prevail  the  humanists — to  see  i] 

story  of  a  peop  but  a  political  lesson— it 

(achiavelli   ried  to  its  exti  ichiavelli.     Writing  wit 

the  charm  thai  time,  this  theorist  al 

facts  to  suit  his  Vntoi.,  ^„  le  point  of  composiner  h 
ical  romances.  His  Life  of  Castruccio  is  as  fict 
and  as  didactic  as  Xenophon's  Cyropaedia;  his 
mentary  on  Livy  is  as  much  a  treatise  on  politiCH 
The  Prince;  the  History  of  Florence  is  but  sli 
hampered  by  the  events. 

uicciar.  If  Guicciardini's  interest  in  politics  is  not  Ici 

"'  elusive  than  that  of  his  compatriot,  he  is  vastly 

rior  as  a  historian  to  the  older  man  in  that,  wl 
Machiavolli  deduced  history  a  priori  from  tl 
Guicciardini  had  a  real  desire  to  follow  the  Ind 
method  of  deriving  his  theory  from  an  accurate 
tery  of  the  facts.  With  superb  analytical  reason 
presents  his  data,  marslials  them  and  draws 
them  the  conclusions  they  will  bear.  The  linii 
that  vitiates  many  of  his  deductions  is  his  takin 
account  only  low  and  selfish  motives.  Before  id* 
he  stands  helpless;  he  leaves  the  render  unc 
whether  Savonarola  was  a  prophet  or  an  extr 
astute  politician. 

jviu»  The    advance    tluit    Paul    Jovius    marks    ove 

Florentines  lies  iu  the  appeal  that  he  made  to  t 


IlISTOKT  581 

of  the  general  public.  History  had  hitherto 
itten  for  the  greater  glory  of  a  patron  or  at 
a  city;  Jovius  saw  that  the  most  generous  pa- 
c^enitis  must  henceforth  be  the  average  reader, 
le  that  he  despised  the  public  for  whom  he 
luffing  them  with  silly  anecdotes.  Both  as  the 
atinten'iewer  and  reporter  for  the  history  of 
times,  and  in  paying  homage  to  Mrs.  Grundy 
ning  an  air  of  virtue  not  natural  to  him,  he 
ted  the  modem  journalist. 

ch  more  modern  in  point  of  view  than  his  oon-  ] 
ries  was  Polydore  Vergil — whose  English  His- 
leared  in  1534 — that  the  generalizations  about 
t  historiography  are  only  partially  true  of  him. 
his  description  of  land  and  people  is  perhaps 
1  on  Herodotus,  it  shows  a  genuine  interest  in 
of  the  common  man,  even  of  the  poor.  He 
e  geography,  climate  and  fauna  of  the  island; 
saw  London  Bridge  with  its  rows  of  shops  on 
de,  and  they  admired  the  parks  full  of  game, 
e  orchards,  the  fat  hens  and  pheasants,  the 
drawn  by  mixed  teams  of  horses  and  oxen;  he 
lerved  the  silver  salt-cellars,  spoons  and  cups 
the  poor,  and  their  meals  of  meat.  Ilis  de- 
1  of  the  people  as  brave,  hospitable  and  very 
.  is  as  true  now  as  it  was  then.  With  an  anti- 
interest  in  old  manuscripts  Vergil  combined  a 
ber's  skepticism  of  old  legends.  This  Italian, 
lia  patron  was  Henrj'  VIII,  balanced  Enghsh 
ich  authorities  and  told  the  truth  even  in  such 
matters  as  the  treatment  of  Joan  of  Arc. 
history  was  for  him  still  the  most  important, 
to  one  branch  of  it,  constitutional  history,  he 
ly  blind.  So  were  almost  all  Englishmen  then, 
tkespeare,  whose  King  John  contains  no  allu- 
lagrna  Charts.     In  his  work  On  the  InrjeivtOTa 


582        ILVTN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

of  Things  Vergil  showed  the  depth  of  his  insist 
the  importance  in  history  of  culture  and  ideas.  WM 
his  treatment  of  auch  subjects  as  the  origin  of  mTth 
man,  marriage,  religion,  language,  poetrj',  drama, m 
sic,  sciences  and  laws  is  unequal  to  his  purpose,  tlttil 
tention  itself  boars  witness  to  a  new  and  f  raitful  iprfl 

Neither  France  nor  England  nor  Germany  proline 
historians  equal  t  ilian  or  of  Scottis!ibir4  ^ 

France  was  the  h  pemoir,  personal,  ehaiS  r- 

spicy  and  unphilo  ose  of  Blaise  de  ilotili 

are  purely  militi  f  Brantome  are  irw 

scandalous.    Mai  '  tried  to  impart  a  hi; 

tone  to  his  remin:  le  with  Hotman  a  schajj 

of  pamphleteers  i  [e  history  with  poll! 

theory.     John  Bodin  m  .'d  without  much  su«t« 

the  difficult  task  of  writing  a  philosophy  of  history. 
His  chief  contribution  was  the  theory  of  geography  ani 
climate  as  determinant  influences. 

It  is  hard  to  sec  any  value,  save  occasionally  as 
sources,  in  the  popular  English  chronicles  of  Edward 
Hall,  Raphael  Hollinshed  and  John  Stow.  Full  of 
court  gossip  and  of  pageautry,  strongly  royalist,  con- 
servative and  patriotic,  they  reflect  the  interests  of  ihe 
middle-class  cockney  a.s  faithfully  as  does  a  certain 
type  of  newspaper  and  magazine  today. 
s  The  biography  and  autobiography  were  cultivated 
with  considerable  success.  Jovius  and  Brantome  both 
wrote  series  of  lives  of  eminent  men  and  women. 
Though  the  essays  of  Erasmus  in  this  direction  are 
both  few  and  brief,  they  are  notable  as  among  the  moet 
exqui-sife  pen-portraits  in  literature.  More  ambitions 
and  more  notable  were  the  Lives  of  the  Best  Painfers. 
Sculptors  and  Architects  by  George  Vasari,  in  which 
the  whole  interest  was  personal  and  practical,  with  no 
attempt  to  write  a  history  or  a  philosophy  of  art. 
Even  criticism  ^\as  coiA&n«id  alawiat  entirely  to  van- 


1 


.tions  of  praise.  In  the  realm  of  autobiography  Ben- 
Tenuto  Cellini  attained  to  the  -non  plus  ultra  of  self- 
arcvelatioQ.  K  he  discloses  the  springs  of  a  rare 
.rtistic  genius,  with  equal  naivete  he  lays  bare  a  nif- 
ianly  character  and  a  colossal  egotism. 
^.  One  immense  field  of  human  thought  and  action  had  Churdi 
been  all  but  totally  ignored  by  the  humanist  historians     """^ 

-that  of  religion.  To  cultivate  this  field  a  new  genre, 
charch  historj',  sprang  into  being,  though  the  felt  want 
was  not  then  for  a  rational  explanation  of  important 
and  neglected  phenomena,  but  for  material  which  each 
side  in  the  religious  controversy  might  forge  into  weap- 
ons to  use  against  the  other.  The  natural  result  of 
so  practical  a  purpose  was  that  history  was  studied 
throngh  colored  spectacles,  and  was  interpreted  with 
strong  tendency.  In  the  most  honest  hands,  such  as 
those  of  Sleidan,  the  scale  was  unconsciously  weighted 
on  one  side;  by  more  passionate  or  less  honorable  ad- 
vocates it  was  deliberately  lightened  with  suppression 
of  the  truth  on  one  side  and  loaded  with  suggestion  of 
the  false  on  the  other. 

If  the  mutual  animosity  of  Catholic  and  Protestant 
narrowed  histor>',  their  common  detestation  of  all 
other  religions  than  Christianity,  as  well  as  of  all 
heresies  and  skepticisms,  probably  impoverished  it 
stili  more.  Orthodox  Christianity,  with  its  necessary 
preparation,  ancient  Judaism,  was  set  apart  as  di- 
vinely revealed  over  against  all  other  faiths  and  beliefs, 
whiehatbest  were  "the  beastly  devices  of  the  heathen" 
and  at  worst  the  direct  inspiration  of  the  devils.  Few 
were  the  men  who,  like  Erasmus,  could  compare  Christ 
with  Socrates,  Plato  and  Seneca;  fewer  still  those  who 
could  say  with  Franck,  "Heretic  is  a  title  of  honor,  for 
truth  is  always  called  heresy."  The  names  of  Mar- 
cion  and  Pelagius,  Epicurus  and  Mahomet,  excited  a 
passion  of  hatred  hardly  comprchensib\e  lo  ua.    TtL% 


584        MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

refutation  of  the  Korau  issued  under  Luther's  auspices 
would  have  been  ludicrous  had  it  not  been  pitiful. 

In  large  part  this  vicious  interpretation  of  history 
was  bequeathed  to  the  Reformers  by  the  Middle  Ages. 
As  Augustine  set  the  City  of  God  over  against  the  city 
of  destruction,  so  the  Protestant  historians  regarded 
the  human  drama  as  a  puppet  show  in  which  God  and 
the  devil  pulled  the  strings.  Institutions  of  which  they 
disapproved,  bueh  as  the  papacy  and  monasticism,  were 
thought  to  be  adequately  explained  by  the  suggestion 
of  their  Satanic  origin.  A  thin,  wan  line  of  witnesses 
passed  the  truth  down,  like  buckets  of  water  at  a  fire, 
from  its  source  in  the  Apostolic  age  to  the  time  of  the 
writer. 

Even  with  such  handicaps  to  weigh  it  down,  the 
study  of  church  history  did  much  good.  A  vast  body 
of  new  sources  were  uncovered  and  ransacked.  The 
appeal  to  an  objective  standard  slowly  but  surely 
forced  its  lesson  on  the  litigants  before  the  bar  of 
truth.  Writing  under  the  eye  of  vigilant  critics  one 
cannot  forever  suppress  or  distort  inconvenient  facts. 
The  critical  dagger,  at  first  sharpened  only  to  stab  an 
enemy,  became  a  scalpel  to  cut  away  many  a  foreign 
growth.  With  larger  knowledge  came,  though  slowly, 
fairer  judgment  and  deeper  human  interest.  In  these 
respects  there  was  vast  difference  between  the  indi- 

[vidual  writers.  To  condemn  them  all  to  the  Malebolge 
deserved  only  by  the  worst  is  undiscriminating. 
Vagdeburg  Among  the  most  industrious  and  the  most  biassed 
mo^tT*'  ™'^^*  certainly  be  numbered  Matthew  Flacius  lUyricus 
and  his  collaborators  in  producing  the  Magdeburg  Cen- 
turies, a  vast  history  of  the  church  to  the  year  1300, 
(which  aimed  at  making  Protestant  polemic  independ- 
ent of  Catholic  sources.  Save  for  the  accumulation  of 
much  material  it  deserves  no  praise.  Its  critical  prin- 
ciples are  worse  ftxau  ■n.O'a.e,  Iot  vta  only  criterion  of 


HISTORY  585 

rces  is  as  they  are  pro-  or  anti-papal.     The  latter 
taken   and   the   former   left.    Miracles   are   not 
>iil)ted  as  such,  but  are  divided  into  two  classes,  those 
ng  to  prove  an  accepted  doctrine  which  are  true, 
those  which  support  some  papal  institution  which 
Iranded  as  ** first-class  lies/'    The  correspondence 
een  Christ  and  King  Abgarus  is  used  as  not  hav- 
l)een  proved  a  forgery,  and  the  absurd  legend  of  the 
e  Pope  Joan  is  never  doubted.    The  psychology 
the  authors  is  as  bad  as  their  criticism.    All  opposi- 
to  the  pope,,  especially  that  of  the  German  Em- 
rors,  is  represented  as  caused  by  religion. 
However  poor  was  the  work  of  the  authors  of  the  AnnaU, 
•  \^fagdeburg  Centuries,  they  were  at  least  honest  in  ^^J 
S''%rraying  their  sources.    This  is  more  than  can  be  said 
^-  ^  Caesar  Baronius,  whose  Annates  Ecclesiastici  was 
•J"  ^le  official  Catholic  counterblast  to  the  Protestant  work. 
^Whereas  his  criticism  is  no  whit  better  than  theirs,  he 
adopted  the  cunning  policy,  unfortunately  widely  ob- 
taining since  his  day,  of  simply  ignoring  or  suppress- 
ing unpleasant  facts,  rather  than  of  refuting  the  in- 
ferences drawn  from  them.    His  talent  for  switching 
the  attention  to  a  side-issue,  and  for  tangling  instead 
of  clearing  problems,  made  the  Protestants  justly  re- 
gard him  as  **a  great  deceiver"  though  even  the  most 
learned  of  them,  J.  J.  Scaliger,  who  attempted  to  refute 
him,  found  the  work  difficult. 

Naturally  the  battle  of  the  historians  waxed  hottest 
over  the  Reformation  itself.  A  certain  class  of  Prot- 
estant works,  of  which  Crespin's  Book  of  Martyrs,  1554 
Beza's  Ecclesiastical  History  and  John  Foxe's  Acts  ^^^ 
and  Monuments  (first  English  edition,  1563),  are  ex- 
amples, catered  to  the  passions  of  the  multitude  by 
laying  the  stress  of  their  presentation  on  the  heroism 
and  sufferings  of  the  witnesses  to  the  faith  and  the 
cruelty  of  the  persecutors.    For  many  men  the  de- 


586        MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 


tailed   description   of   isolated   facts   has  a  wrtu  r-  - 
"thickness"    of   reality — if    I    may   borrow  IVillui 
James's  phrase — that  is  found  by  more  complexm 
only  in  the  deduction  of  general  causes,     PassioMli    ■-■ 
partisan  and  sometimes  ribald,  Fose  won  tlie  rcwi     1 
that  waits  on  demagogues.     When  it  came  to  himasii 
afterthought  to  turn  his  book  of  martyrs  into  a  pi  :; 


eral  history,  he  p' 
The  reliability  of 
pugned  with  some 
or  impartially  in\ 
from  personal  re 
ords,  its  sole  vali 
have  compared  a 
manuscript  source  a 


'le  Magdebury  Ceniuria 
narrative  has  been 
ugh  it  has  not  been  ii 
Much  of  it  being  dnti] 
•  from  unpublished  nfrl 
or  us  in  its  accuracy. 
)n  of  the  work  with 
oxe  and  have  made  lit 


rather  surprising  discovery  that  though  there  are  \?idti 
variations,  none  of  them  can  be  referred  to  partisan 
bias  or  to  any  otlier  conceivable  motive.  In  this  in- 
stance, which  is  too  small  to  generalize,  it  is  possible 
that  Foxe  either  had  supplementary  information,  or 
that  he  ■wrote  from  a  careless  memory.  In  any  case  liis 
work  must  b(?  used  with  caution. 

Much  superior  to  the  work  of  Foxe  was  John  Knos's 
History  of  the  Reformation  of  Religion  within  th 
Realm  of  Scotland  (written  1559-71).  In  style  it  is 
rapid,  with  a  rare  gift  for  seizing  the  essential  and  s 
no  less  rare  humor  and  command  of  sarcasm.  Its  in- 
tention to  be  "a  faithful  rehearsal  of  such  personages 
as  God  has  made  instruments  of  his  glon'r"  thoucb 
thus  oqiiivocally  stated,  is  carried  out  in  an  honorable 
sense.  It  is  true  that  the  writer  never  harbored  a 
doubt  that  John  Knox  himself  was  the  cbicfest  instru- 
ment of  God's  glory,  nor  that  "the  Roman  Kirk  is  the 
synagogue  of  Satan  and  the  head  thereof,  called  the 
pope,  that  man  of  sin  of  whom  the  apostle  speaketh." 
If,  in  such  an  avowed  apology,  one  does  not  get  impar- 


HISTOEY 


587 


ality,  neither  is  one  misled  by  expecting  it.  Knox's 
jnor  consists  only  in  this  that,  aa  a  party  pamphle- 
■er,  he  did  not  falsify  or  suppress  essential  facta  as 
i  understood  them  himself. 

In  glaring  contrast  to  Knox's  obtrusive  bias,  is  the 
fair  appearance  of  Impartiality  presented  in  Henry 
Jnllinger's  History  of  the  Reformation  1519-32. 
lere,  too,  we  meet  with  excellent  composition,  but  with 
,  studied  moderation  of  phrase.  It  is  probable  that 
he  author's  professions  of  fairness  are  sincere,  though 
it  times  the  temptation  to  omit  recording  unedifying 
acts,  such  as  the  saeramentarian  schism,  is  too  strong 
or  him. 

Before  passing  judgment  on  anything  it  is  necessary 
0  know  it  at  its  best.  Probably  John  Sleidan's  Re- 
Ugiovs  avd  political  History  of  the  reign  of  Charles  V 
1*88  the  best  work  on  the  German  Reformation  written 
before  the  eighteenth  century.  Bossuet  was  more  elo- 
quent and  acute,  Sockendorf  more  learned,  Gilbert 
Burnet  had  better  perspective,  but  none  of  these  writ- 
ers was  better  informed  than  Sleidan,  or  as  objective. 
For  the  first  and  only  time  he  really  combined  the  two 
genres  then  obtaining,  the  humanistic  and  the  eeclesi- 
ifitical.  lie  is  not  blind  to  some  of  the  cultural 
ichievements  of  the  Reformation.  One  of  the  things 
lor  which  he  praises  Luther  most  is  for  ornamenting 
tnd  enriching  the  German  language.  Sleidan's  faults 
ire  those  of  his  age.  He  dared  not  break  the  old  stiff 
Bvision  of  the  subject  by  years.  He  put  in  a  number 
if  insignificant  facts,  such  as  the  flood  of  the  Tiber 
Bid  the  explosion  of  ammunition  dumps,  nor  was  he 
tiove  a  superstitious  belief  in  the  effects  of  eclipses 
id  in  monsters.  He  cited  documents  broadly  and  on 
le  whole  fairly,  but  not  with  painstaking  accuracy, 
e  offered  nothing  on  the  causes  loading  up  to  the 
eformation,  nor  on  the  course  of  the  develo'pmcQt  (sl 


Sleidu 
155S 


588        MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

Protestantism,  nor  on  the  characters  of  its  leaders  i 
on  the  life  and  thought  of  the  people.  Bat  he  wt 
fluently,  acceptably  to  his  public,  and  temperately. 

On  the  whole,  save  for  Baronius,  the  Catholics  I 
less  to  offer  of  notable  histories  than  bad  the  Prnfc 
ants.  A  succes  de  scandale  was  won  by  Nicholas  8 
ders'  Origin  and  Progress  of  the  Eitr/Ush  Scht 
Among  the  ni  '  ' '  f  gossip  with  which  " 
Slanders,"  as  led,  delighted  to  regale 

audience,  some  .  such  as  that  Anne  Bolt 

was  Henry  VI.  r.    As  the  books  fromwl 

he  says  ho  toon  cdotes  are  not  extant,  i 

impossible  to  far  be  merely  copied  f] 

others  and  how  i  rein  to  bis  imagination. 

The  one  briiha,  r^atholic  church  history' 

was  written  in  the  sixteenth  century  is  the  autob 
,  rapby  of  Ignatius  Loyola,  dictated  by  him  to  L 
Gonzalez  and  taken  down  partly  in  Spanish  and  pi 
in  Italian.  The  great  merit  of  this  narrative  i: 
insight  into  the  author's  own  character  gained  by 
years  of  careful  self-observation.  Its  whole  empl 
is  psychological,  on  the  inner  struggle  and  not  oi 
outward  manifestations  of  saintliness,  such  as  vis 
It  was  taken  over  in  large  part  verbatim  in  Ril 
neira's  biography  of  Loyola.  Compared  to  it 
other  attempts  at  ecclesia.stical  biography  in  the 
teenth  century,  notably  the  lives  of  Luther  by 
Catholic  Cochlaeus  and  by  the  Protestant  Mathe 
lag  far  in  the  dusty  rear. 

§  3.  Pouticaij  Theory 
The  great  era  of  the  state  naturally  shone  in  j 
ical  thought.  Though  there  was  some  scientific  ii 
tigation  of  social  and  economic  laws,  thought 
chiefly  conditioned  by  the  new  problems  to  be  fi 
From  the  long  medie'va.l  dx'ia.TO.  of  a  universal  en 


POLITICAL  THEORY  589 

lad  a  miiversal  church,  men  awoke  to  find  themselves 
1  the  presence  of  new  entities,  created,  to  be  sure,  by 
leir  own  spirits,  but  all  unwittingly.     One  of  these 
fas  the  national  state,  whose  essence  was  power  and 
law  of  whose  life  was  expansion  to  the  point  of 
iceting  equal  or  superior  force.     No  other  factor  in 
istory,  not  even  religion,  has  produced  so  many  wars 
has  the  clash  of  national  egotisms  sanctified  by  the 
,ine  of  patriotism.     Within  the  state  the  shift  of  sov- 
eignty  from  the  privileged  orders  to  the  bourgeoisie 
Bcessitated  the  formulation  of  a  new  theory.     It  was 
le  triumph,  with  the  rich,  of  tlie  monarchy  and  of 
le  parliaments,  that  pointed  the  road  of  some  pub- 
[cists  to  a  doctrine  of  the  divine  right  of  kings,  and 
flhcrs  to  a  distinctly  republican  conclusions.     There 
ere  even  a  few  egalitarians  who  claimed  for  all  classes 
democratic  regime.     And,  thirdly,  the  Reformation 
ive  a  new  turn  to  the  old  problem  of  the  relationship 
'  church  and  state.     It  was   on  premises  gathered 
rom  these  three  phenomena  that  the  publicists  of  that 
fe  built  a  dazzling  structure  of  political  thought. 
It  was  chiefly  the  first  of  these  problems  that  ab-   ] 
irbed  the  attention  of  Nicholas  Machiavelli,  the  most 
ilUant,  the  most  studied  and  the  most  abused  of 
)litical  theorists.     As  between  monarchy  and  a  re- 
lOblie  he  preferred,  on  the  whole,  the  former,  as  likely 
to  be  the  stronger,  but  he  clearly  saw  that  where  eco- 
nomic equality  prevailed  political  equality  was  natural 
and  inevitable.     The  masses,  he  thought,  desired  only 
security  of  person  and  property,  and  would  adhere  to 
either  form  of  government  that  offered  them  the  best 
diance  of  these.     For  republic  and  monarchy  alike 
Machiavelli  was  ready  to  offer  maxims  of  statecraft, 
those  for  the  former  embodied  in  his  Discourses  on 
lAvy,  those  for  the  latter  in  his  Prince.    In  erecting  a 
new  science  of  statecraft,  by  which  a  people  m\^\iV  m- 


590         MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

rive  at  supreme  domiuion,  Machiavclli's  jrrcat  r 
is  that  he  looked  afresh  at  the  facts  and  discarded  flj 
old,  worn  formulas  of  the  schoolmen;  his  great  ddl 
is  that  he  set  before  his  mind  as  a  premise  an  a 
"political  man"  as  far  divorced  from  living,  fc 
ing,  complex  reality  as  the  "economic  man"  of  ■ 
cardo.  Men,  lie  thought,  are  always  the  same,  g 
emed  by  calculable  motives  of  self-interest.  In  g 
eral,  he  thought,  men  are  nngrateful,  tickle,  false, « 
ardly  and  covctoup    +"  hp  mled  partly  by  an  apf 


to  their  greed,  but  i 
Realist  as  he  pre 
polities  from  mor 
Aquinas  alike  the  ' 
ethics,  for  Machir 
totally  dissociated 
surgery.     The  prir 
appear  to  be  mere 
upright,  but  should  be  . 


ear. 

be,  Machiavelli  divoi 
reaa  for  Aristotle 
politics  is  a  brandi 
an  abstract  science 
ity  as  is  mathematio 
ig  to  Machiavelli,  sin 
1,  humane,  religious 
.0  act  otfierwise  withotrt 


the  least  scruple  when  it  is  to  his  advantage  to  do  so. 
His  heroes  are  Ferdinand  of  Aragon,  "a  prince  who 
always  preaches  good  faith  but  never  practises  it," 
and  Caesar  Borgia,  "who  did  everything  that  can  be 
done  by  a  prudent  and  virtuous  man;  so  that  no  Ijetler 
precepts  can  be  offered  to  a  new  prince  than  those  sug- 
gested by  the  example  of  his  actions."  What  tlie 
Florentine  publicist  especially  admired  in  Caesar's 
statecraft  were  some  examples  of  consummate  perfidy 
and  violence  whicli  he  liad  the  opportunity  of  observ- 
ing at  first  liaiid.  Machiavelli  made  a  sharp  distinc- 
tion between  private  and  public  virtue.  The  former 
he  professed  to  regard  as  binding  on  the  individual, 
as  it  was  necessary  to  the  public  good.  It  is  note- 
worthy that  this  advocate  of  all  hypocrisy  and  guile 

'  In  Oreck  the  words  "[lolilica"  and  "ethicg"  both  have  k  vidtr  meu- 
ing  Ih&n  the;  have  in  KntilisK. 


POLITICAL  THEORY  50 

id  violence  on  the  part  of  the  government  was  in  hi 
I  life  gentle,  affectionate  and  true  to  trust.     Keli 
I  Machiavelli  regarded  as  a  valuable  instrument  o 
inny,  but  he  did  not  hold  the  view,  attributed  b; 
ion  to  Roman  publicists,  that  all  religions,  thong] 
the  philosopher  equally  false,  were  to  the  statesmai 
laUy  nseful.    Christianity  he  detested,  not  so  mud 
1  exploded  superstition,  as  because  he  saw  in  i 
Boretically  the  negation  of  those  patriotic,  militar; 
Ritnes  of  ancient  Rome,  and  because  practically  thi 
ftpacy  had  prevented  the  union  of  Italy.    Natural!; 
liavelli  cherished  the  army  as  the  prime  interes 
F  the  state.    In  advocating  a  national  militia  wit! 
niversal  training  of  citizens  he  anticipated  the  con 
"^^ript  armies  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

This  writer,  speaking  the  latent  though  unavowet 

~~"  Miifteala  of  an  evil  generation  of  public  men,  was  re 

'^^^Bkrded  by  being  openly  vilified  and  secretly  studied 

'   ^Vwle  became  ibe  manual  of  statesmen  and  the  bugbeai 

^^  moralists.    While  Catharine  de'  Medici,  Thomai 

-^    ^Jromwell  and  Francis  Bacon  chewed,  swallowed  anc 

•---:  ^ig^sted  his  pages,  the  dramatist  had  only  to  put  in  i 

^     ^neer  or  an  abusive  sarcasm  at  the  expense  of  th( 

-     ^Slorentine — and  there  were  very  many  such  allusiom 

,r    ■%©  him  on  the  Elizabethan  stage — to  be  sure  of  a  rounc 

~"^    «f   applause  from  the  audience.    WTiile  Machiavell: 

r^-    :f ound  few  open  defenders,  efforts  to  refute  him  wcr( 

-,    3inxneroQB.    "When  Reginald  Pole  said  that  his  worki 

"were  written  by  the  evil  one  a  chorus  of  Jesuits  sanj 

.-      amen  and  the  church  put  his  writings  on  the  Index 

The  Huguenots  were  not  less  vociferous  in  opposition 

Among  them  Innocent  Gentillet  attacked  not  only  hii 

^  .     morals  but  his  talent,  saying  that  his  maxims  wen 

drawn  from  an  observation  of  small  states  only,  anc 

,       that  his  judgment  of  the  policy  suitable  to  large  na 

tions  was  of  the  poorest. 


592         MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

It  is  fair  to  try  The  Prince  by  the  author's  ^ 
standards.     He  did  not  purpose,  in  Bacon's  phq 
to  describe  what  men  ought  to  be  but  what  theji 
taally  are;  he  put  aside  ethical  ideas  not  as  fabd 
as  irrelevant.     But  this  rejection  was  fatal  even  tA 
own  purpose,  "for  what  he  put  aside  .  .  .  were  M 
ing  less  than  the  living  forces  by  which  societies  1 

sist  and  goven                              ""■     "  '  " 
where  the  I                           i 
out,  because  I 

The  most  s                      i 
forthcoming  i 

that  of  the  nu.                    i 
The  Institutioi 

rong."  '    uaivm  snooaft 
id,  as  Lord  Morley  pii 
■al  ideal  first, 
ist  to  Machiavelli  wm 
of  the  Reformers,  but! 
mists,  Erasmus  and  H 
itian  Prince,  by  the  D 

scholar,  is  at  the  of  the  Italian  thesis, 

tue  is  inculcated  as  the  chief  requisite  of  a  pr 
who  can  be  considered  good  only  in  proportion  8 
fosters  the  wealth  and  the  education  of  his  people, 
should  levy  no  taxes,  if  possible,  but  should  live 
simoniously  off  his  own  estate.  lie  should  never  i 
war,  save  when  absolutely  necessary,  even  agains 
Infidel,  and  should  negotiate  only  such  treaties  as 
for  their  principal  object  the  prevention  of  armed 
flict. 

Still  more  noteworthy  than  his  moral  postulat 
Erasmus's  preference  for  the  republican  form  of 
ernment.  In  the  Christian  Prince,  dedicated  as  i 
to  the  emperor,  he  spoke  as  if  kings  might  and  pei 
ought  to  be  elected,  but  in  his  Adages  he  intcrp 
the  spirit  of  the  ancients  in  a  way  most  dispar; 
to  monarchy.  Considering  how  carefully  tliis 
was  studied  by  promising  youths  at  the  impressio 
age,  it  is  not  too  much  to  regard  it  as  one  of  the 
sources  of  the  marked  republican  current  of  th( 
throughout  the  century.    Under  the  heading,  "J 

>  Lord  Morley. 


POLITICAL  THEORY  593 

id  kings  are  born  such,"  he  wrote:  "In  all  history, 
cient  and  recent,  you  will  scarcely  find  in  the  course 
of  several  centuries  one  or  two  princes,  who,  by  their 
signal  folly,  did  not  bring  ruin  on  humanity."  In 
lother  place,  after  a  similar  remark,  he  continues : 

I  know  not  whether  much  of  this  is  not  to  be  imputed 
to  ourselves.  We  trust  the  rudder  of  a  vessel,  where  a 
few  sailors  and  some  goods  aloue  are  in  jeopardy,  to 
none  but  skilful  pilots;  but  the  state,  wherein  is  com- 
prised the  safety  of  so  many  thousands,  we  leave  to  the 
guidance  of  any  chance  hands.  A  charioteer  must  Icam, 
reflect  upon  and  practice  his  art;  a  prince  needs  only  to 
be  bom.  Yet  government  is  the  most  difficult,  as  it  is  the 
most  honorable,  of  sciences.  Shall  we  choose  the  master 
of  a  ship  and  not  choose  him  who  is  to  have  the  care  of 
so  many  cities  and  so  many  soulst  ...  Do  we  not  see 
that  noble  cities  are  erected  by  the  people  and  destroyed 
by  prmcesT  that  a  state  grows  rich  by  the  industry  of 
its  citizens  and  is  plundered  by  the  rapacity  of  its 
princes  t  that  good  laws  are  enacted  by  elected  magistrates 
and  violated  by  kings?  that  the  people  love  peace  and 
the  princes  foment  war! 

liere  is  far  too  much  to  the  same  purpose  to  quote, 
'faich  in  all  makes  a  polemic  against  monarchy  not 
exceeded  by  the  fiercest  republicans  of  the  next  two 
jenerations.  It  is  true  that  Erasmus  wrote  all  this 
in  1515,  and  half  took  it  back  after  the  Peasants'  War. 
Princes  must  be  endured,"  he  then  thought,  "lest 
tyranny  give  place  to  anarchy,  a  still  greater  evil." 

As  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  the  Reformation  Reform* 
18  the  strengthening  of  national  self-consciousness,  "*"  Jj 
conversely  one  of  the  most  marked  results  of  the  I 

movement  was  the  exaltation  of  the  state.     The  Refor-  I 

mation  began  to  realize,  though  at  first  haltingly,  the  I 

separation  of  church  and  state,  and  it  endowed  the  I 

latter  with  much  wealth,  with  many  privileges  and 
with  high  prerogatives  and  duties  up  to  that  time  be-        ^^ 


594        MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

longing  to  the  former.  It  is  true  that  all  the  inooi 
tors  would  have  recoiled  from  bald  Erastiauism,  ThM 
ia  not  found  in  the  theses  of  Thomas  Eraetue,  bnl 
the  free-thinlcer  Thomas  Hobbes.  Whereas  the  B 
formers  merely  said  that  the  state  should  he 
with  the  duty  of  enforcing  orthodoxy  and  pui 
sinners,  Hobbes  drew  the  logical  inference  that 
state  was  the  fii  for  determining  relif 

truth.     That  H'  ision  was  only  the  T(i\ 

tio  ad  absurdum  Tnation  doctrine  washi4 

den  from  the  lemselves   by   their  vn) 

strong  belief  in  ad  ascertainable  religio 

truth. 

The  tendency  ;r  and  Calvin  to  eialt  t 

state  took  two  divb.  ns  according  to  their  n& 

derstanding  of  what  the  state  was.     Lutlieranism  bf- 
came  the  ally  of  absolute  monarchy,  whereas  Calvin- 
ism had  in  it  a  republican  olemciit.     It  is  no  accident 
that  Gcrmanj'  developed  a  form  of  govenmieiit  in  wliidi  I 
a  paternal  but  bureaucratic  care  of  the  people  fDiJ-l 
plied  the  place  of  popular  liberty,  wiiereas  Amerieiil 
on  the  whole  the  most  CaivinistJc  of  (he  great  statei,! 
carried  to  its  logical  conclusion  the  idea  of  the  mleol  | 
the  majority.     Tlie  English  Reformation  was  at  first 
Lutheran  in  this  respect,  but  after  1580  it  began  to 
take  the  strong  Calvinistic  tendency  that  led  to  the 
Commonwealth. 

While  Luther  cared  enormously  for  social  refomi) 
and  did  valiant  service  in  its  cause,  he  harbored  a  dis- 
trust of  the  people  that  grates  harshly  on  modem  ears. 
Especially  after  the  excesses  of  the  Peasants'  War  and 
the  extravagance  of  Miinzer,  he  came  to  believe  thai 
"Herr  Omnes"  was  capable  of  little  good  and  nmcb 
evil.  "The  princes  of  this  world  are  gods,"  he  one* 
said,  "the  common  people  are  Satan,  through  whom 
God  sometimes  does  what  at  other  times  he  does  di- 


POLITICAL  THEORY  595 

^  through  Sataiiy  %.e.,  makes  rebellion  as  a  pun- 
mt  for  the  people's  sins/*  And  again:  **I 
1  rather  suffer  a  prince  doing  wrong  than  a  peo- 
oing  right.**  Passive  obedience  to  the  divinely 
ned  *  *  powers  that  be  *  *  was  therefore  the  sole  duty 
B  subject.  ** It  is  in  no  wise  proper  for  anyone 
would  be  a  Christian  to  set  himself  up  against 
ovemment,  whether  it  act  justly  or  unjustly/* 
•ote  in  1530. 

at  Luther  turned  to  the  prince  as  the  representa- 
)f  the  divine  majesty  in  the  state  is  due  not  only 
iriptural  authority  but  to  the  fact  that  there  was 
aterial  for  any  other  form  of  government  to  be 
i  in  Germany.  He  was  no  sycophant,  nor  had  he 
illusions  as  to  the  character  of  hereditary  mon- 
I.  In  his  Treatise  on  Civil  Authority,  dedicated  ^^23 
3  own  sovereign,  Duke  John  of  Saxony,  he  wrote : 
ce  the  foundation  of  the  world  a  wise  prince  has 
a  rare  bird  and  a  just  one  much  rarer.  They 
generally  the  biggest  fools  and  worst  knaves  on 
,  wherefore  one  must  always  expect  the  worst 
em  and  not  much  good,  especially  in  divine  mat- 
'  They  distinctly  have  not  the  right,  he  adds,  to 
e  spiritual  things,  but  only  to  enforce  the  deci- 
of  the  Christian  community, 
aling  the  necessity  for  some  bridle  in  the  mouth 
}  emperor  and  finding  no  warrant  for  the  pecfple  to 
him,  Luther  groped  for  the  notion  of  some  legal 
ition  on  the  monarch's  power.  The  word  ** con- 
ion"  so  familiar  to  us,  was  lacking  then,  but  that 
lea  was  present  is  certain.  The  German  Empire 
I  constitution,  largely  unwritten  but  partly  statu- 
The  limitations  on  the  imperial  power  were 
recognized  by  an  Italian  observer,  Quirini.  When  1507 
were  brought  to  Luther's  attention  he  admitted 
ight  of  the  German  states  to  resist  by  force  im- 


596        MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

perial  acts  of  injustice  contrary  to  positive  ]it 
Moreover,  he  always  maintained  that  no  subject  shot 
obey  an  order  directly  contravening  the  law  of  0( 
In  these  limitations  on  the  government 's  powyr,  slig 
as  they  were,  were  contained  the  germs  of  the  hi 
Calvinistic  constitutionalism. 

While  many  of  the  Reformers — Melanchthon,  Baa 
Tyndale — were  in  accord   with  Lutbd 

earlier  doctrine  o  sedience,  the  Swiss,  Frai 

and  Scotch  dev  nsistent  body  of  constil 

tional  theory  de;  de  the  peoples  into  ordui 

liberty.     Doubtl  ence  of  prime  imperial 

in  the  Reformed  from  the  Lutheran  ciian 

was  the  form  of  ^  il  govemmeot.    Congrq 

tionalism  and  Prcou.  lism  are  practical  objw 

lessons  in  democracy.  Many  writers  have  jofllj 
pointed  out  in  the  case  of  America  the  influence  of  th 
vestry  in  the  evolution  of  the  town  meeting.  In  otba 
countries  the  same  cause  operated  in  the  same  wit, 
giving  the  British  and  Frcneli  Protestants  ample  pr» 
tice  in  representative  government.  Zwingli  asserlH 
that  the  subject  should  refuse  to  act  contrarj"  tolu 
faith.  From  the  Middle  Ages  he  took  the  doctrineni 
the  identity  of  spiritual  and  civil  authority,  but  he  sis' 
postulated  the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  as  wasmtuiri 
in  a  free-born  Switzer.  In  fact,  his  sympathies ««' 
republican  through  and  through. 

The  clear  political  tliinking  of  Calvin  and  bis  fi^ 
lowers  was  in  large  part  the  result  of  the  esigeoa* 
of  their  Hituation.  Confronted  with  established  po«r 
they  were  forced  to  defend  themselves  with  pen 
well  as  with  sword.  In  France,  especially,  the  emW 
of  their  thought  was  blown  into  fierce  blaze  by  ti« 
winds  of  persecntion.  Not  only  the  Huguenots  Iw* 
fire,   but  all  their  neighbors,  until   the   kingdom  (* 


POLITICAL  THEORY 


597 


ranee  seemed  on  the  point  of  anticipating  the  great 
evolution  by  two  centuries. 

With  the  tocsins  ringing  in  his  ears,  jangling  dis- 
irdantly  with  the  senile  doctrines  of  Paul  and  Lu- 
,er,  Calvin  set  to  work  to  forge  a  theory  that  should 
imbine  liberty  with  order.  Carrying  a  step  further 
lan  had  his  masters  the  separation  of  civil  and  ccclesi- 
Btical  authority,  he  yet  regarded  civil  government  as 
be  most  sacred  and  honorable  of  all  merely  human 
ostitations.  The  form  he  preferred  was  an  aristoc- 
acy,  but  where  monarchy  prevailed,  Calvin  was  not 
irepared  to  recommend  its  overthrow,  save  in  extreme 
ascs.  Grasping  at  Luther's  idea  of  constitutional, 
IT  contractual,  limitations  on  the  royal  power,  he  as- 
crted  that  the  king  should  be  resisted,  when  he  vio- 
^tcd  his  rights,  not  by  private  men  but  by  elected 
nagistrates  to  whom  the  guardianship  of  the  people's 
■ights  should  be  particularly  entrusted.  The  high  re- 
spect in  which  Calvin  was  held,  and  the  clearness  and 
comprehensiveness  of  his  thought  made  him  ultimately 
the  most  influential  of  the  Protestant  publicists.  By 
his  doctrine  the  Dutch,  English,  and  American  nations 
were  educated  to  popular  sovereignty. 

The  seeds  of  liberty  sown  by  Calvin  might  well  have  ''"y".*'"" 
remained  long  hidden  in  the  ground,  had  not  the  soil 
of  France  been  irrigated  with  blood  and  scorched  by 
the  tyranny  of  the  last  Valois.  Theories  of  popular 
rights,  wliich  sprang  up  with  the  luxuriance  of  the 
jungle  after  the  day  of  St.  Bartholomew,  were  already 
sprouting  some  years  before  it.  The  Kstates  General 
that  met  at  Paris  in  March,  1561,  demanded  that  the 
regency  bo  put  in  the  hands  of  Henry  of  Xavarrc  and 
that  the  members  of  the  house  of  Lorraine  and  the 
Chancellor  L'Hopital  be  removed  from  all  offices  as 
not  having  been  appointed  by  the  Estates.     In  August 


598        MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

of  the  same  year,  tUirty-iiiiie  representatives  of 
three  Estates  of  thirteen  provinces  met,  coatemp 
neously  with  the  religious  Colloquy  of  Poissy,  at '. 
toise,  and  there  voiced  with  great  boldness  the  cl 
of  constitutional  government.  They  demanded 
right  of  the  Estates  to  govern  during  the  minorit 
the  king;  thej'  claimed  that  the  Estates  should  be  i 
moned    at    i  Iv;    they    forbade    taxa 

alienation  c  imain  or  declaration  of 

without  their  le  further  resolution  thai 

persecution  '  nots  should  cease,  beln 

the  quarter  the  popular  party  drew 

strength. 

But  if  the  V  Tftve  deputies  hardly  car 

beyond  tho  senaiu-tm. T,  a  host  of  paniphldi. 

lowing  hard  upon  the  great  massacre,  trumpeted 
sounds  of  freedom  to  the  four  winds.  Theodore  I 
published  anonymously  his  Rights  of  Magistrates, 
voloping  Calvin's  theory  that  the  representative: 
the  people  should  be  empowered  to  i)ut  a  bridle  on 
king.  The  pact  between  the  people  and  king  is 
to  be  abrogated  if  the  king  violates  it. 

At  the  same  time  another  French  Protestant,  F 
cis  Ilotman,  published  his  Franco-Gallia,  to  show 
France  had  an  ancient  and  inviolable  constitu 
This  unwritten  law  regulates  the  succession  tc 
throne;  by  it  the  deputies  hold  their  privileges  i[ 
Estates  General;  by  it  tlie  laws,  binding  oven  oi 
king,  are  made.  The  right  of  tlie  people  can  be  s) 
in  Hotman's  opinion,  to  extend  even  to.deposin 
monarch  and  electing  his  successor. 

A  higher  and  more  general  view  was  taken  i 
Rights  against  Tgrants  published  under  the  pseud. 
of  Stephen  Junius  Brutus  the  Celt,  and  writtf 
Pltilip  du  Plessis-Mornay.  This  brief  but  corapr 
sive  survcv,  addiesscA  lo  \sQlb.  Catholics  and 


POLITICAL  TflEORY  599 

irtants,  and  aimed  at  Machiavelli  as  the  chief  sup- 
orter  of  tyranny,  advanced  four  theses:  1.  Subjects 
re  bound  to  obey  God  rather  than  the  king.  This  is 
■cgarded  as  self-evident.  2,  If  the  king  devastates 
lie  church  and  violates  God's  law,  he  may  be  resisted 
It  least  passively  as  far  as  private  men  are  concerned, 
iQt  actively  by  magistrates  and  cities.  The  author, 
^ho  quotes  from  the  Bible  and  ancient  history,  evi- 
dently has  contemporary  France  in  mind.  3.  The  peo- 
ple may  resist  a  tyrant  who  is  oppressing  or  ruining 
the  state.  Originally,  in  the  author's  view,  the  people 
cither  elected  the  king,  or  confirmed  him,  and  if  they 
Jiave  not  exercised  this  right  for  a  long  time  it  is  a 
legal  maxim  that  no  prescription  can  run  against  the 
pnbUc  claims.  Laws  derive  their  sanction  from  the 
people,  and  should  be  made  by  them;  taxes  may  only 
■be  levied  by  their  representatives,  and  the  king  who 
I  exacts  imposts  of  his  own  will  is  In  no  wise  different 
from  an  enemy.  The  kings  are  not  even  the  owners 
■  of  public  property,  but  only  its  administrators,  are 
bound  by  the  contract  with  the  governed,  and  may  be 
rightly  punisiied  for  violating  it.  4.  The  fourth 
thesis  advanced  by  Mornay  is  that  foreign  aid  may 
justly  be  called  in  against  a  tyrant. 

Not  relying  exclusively  on  their  o^vn  talents  the  LaBoeii 
Huguenots  were  able  to  press  into  the  ranks  of  their 
army  of  pamphleteers  some  notable  Catholies,  In 
1574  they  published  as  a  fragment,  and  in  1577  entire, 
The  Discourse  on  Voluntary  Servitude,  commonly 
called  the  Contr'un,  by  Stephen  de  la  Boetie.  This 
genlleraan,  dying  at  the  age  of  thirty-three,  had  left 
all  his  manuscripts  to  his  bosom  friend  Montaigne. 
The  latter  says  that  La  Boetie  composed  the  work  as  a 
prize  declamation  at  the  age  of  sixteen  or  eighteen. 
But  along  with  many  passages  in  the  pamphlet,  which 
might  have  been  BUggesled  by  Erasmus,  axe  aevfttaN- 


1530-63 


J 


600        MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

allusions  that  seem  to  point  to  the  character  of  Heni]  ■  -  - 
III — in  1574  king  of  Poland  and  in  1577  king  of  FraM  >  - 
— and  to  events  just  prior  to  the  time  of  publicatia  - 
According  to  an  attractive  hypothesis,  not  fully  provtj  ^ 
these  passages  were  added  by  Montaigne  himself  befoj  .  ^ 
he  gave  the  work  to  one  of  his  several  Huguenot  frienlj  -_^ 
or  kinsmen.  La  Boetie,  at  any  rate,  appealed  Id  Ili|  , 
passions  aroused  holomew  in  biddiuif  lb    - 

people  no  longer  to  one  man,  "the  mtri    -  . 

wretched  and  effen  e  nation,"  who  ban  oiJi  ;. 

two  hands,  two  eyt  will  fall  if  unsnpportrf   j. 

And  yet,  he  goes  oi  Uy,  *'you  sow  the  fniil^    ■-_. 

of  the  earth  that  h(  •.  them;  you  furnish ycil   ^-j 

houses  for  him  to  j  a ;  yon  rear  your  dao^      ■_ 

ters  to  glut  his  luat  «.—  ., r  sons  to  perish  in  lui  - 

wars;  .  .  .  you  exhaust  your  bodies  in  labor  that  ht 
may  wallow  in  vile  pleasures." 

As  Montaig;ne  and  La  Boetie  were  Catholics,  il  is 
pertinent  here  to  remark  that  tyranny  produceJ  iiinch 
the  same  effect  on  its  victims,  whatever  their  religiun- 
The  Sorbonne,  consulted  by  the  League,  unaniraouslj 
decided  that  the  people  of  France  were  freed  fromtlicii 
oath  of  allegiance  to  Henry  III  and  could  with  a  good 
conscience  take  arma  against  him.  One  of  the  doctors, 
Boucher,  wrote  to  prove  that  the  church  and  the  peo- 
ple had  the  right  to  depose  au  assassin,  a  perjurer,  an 
impious  or  heretical  prince,  or  one  guilty  of  sacrilege 
or  witchcraft.  A  tyrant,  he  concluded,  was  a  wild 
beast,  whom  it  was  lawful  for  the  state  as  a  whole  or 
even  for  private  individuals,  to  kill. 

So  firmlj'  established  did  the  doctrine  of  the  con- 
tract between  prince  and  people  become  that  towards 
the  end  of  the  century  one  finds  it  taken  for  granted.  | 
The  Mcmoircs  of  tlie  Huguenot  soldier,  poet  and  his-  ■ 
torian  Agrippa  d'Aubigne  are  full  of  republican  senti- 
ments, a»,  tor  exampV6,'*T\ie"Cfe  vs  a  binding  obligation 


POLITICAL  THEORY  601 

'tween  the  king  and  his  subjects,"  aiid  "The  power 
pf  the  prince  proceeds  from  the  people." 

But  it  must  not  be  imagined  that  such  doctrines 
tassed  without  challenge.  The  most  important  writer 
m  political  science  after  Machiavclli,  John  Bodin,  was 
on  the  whole  a  conservative.  In  his  writings  acute 
and  sometimes  profound  remarks  jostle  quaint  and 
bject  superstitions.  He  hounded  the  goveniment  and 
he  mob  on  witches  with  the  vile  zeal  of  the  authors 
f  the  Witches'  Hammer;  and  he  examined  all  existing 
religions  with  the  coolness  of  a  philosopher.  He  urged 
on  the  attention  of  the  world  that  history  was  deter- 
mined in  general  by  natural  causes,  such  as  climate, 
tut  that  revolutions  were  caused  partly  by  the  in- 
Bcmtable  will  of  God  and  partly  by  the  more  ascertain- 
able influence  of  planets. 

His  most  famous  work,  The  Republic,  is  a  criticism 
of  Machiavelli  and  an  attempt  to  bring  politics  back 
into  the  domain  of  morality.  lie  defines  a  state  as  a 
company  of  men  united  for  the  purpose  of  living  well 
and  happily;  he  thinks  it  arose  from  natural  right  and 
social  contract.  For  the  first  time  Bodin  differentiates 
the  state  from  the  government,  defining  sovereignty 
{majestas)  as  the  attribute  of  the  former.  He  classi- 
fies governments  in  the  usual  three  categories,  and  re- 
fuses to  believe  in  mixed  governments.  Though  Eng- 
land puzzles  him,  he  regards  her  as  an  absolute  mon- 
archy. This  is  the  form  that  he  decidedly  prefers, 
for  he  calls  the  people  a  many-headed  monster  and  says 
that  the  majority  of  men  are  incompetent  and  bad. 
Preaching  passive  obedience  to  the  king,  he  finds  no 
cheek  on  him,  either  by  tyrannicide  or  by  constitu- 
tional magistrates,  save  only  in  the  judgment  of  God. 

It  is  singular  that  after  Bodin  had  removed  all  ef- 
fective checks  on  the  tyrant  in  this  world,  he  should 
lay  it  down  as  a  principle  that  no  k'mg  s\\o\iVi  \gv^ 


1 


602        MAIN  CUKREKTS  OF  THOUGHT 

taxes  witJiout  his  subjocts'  consent.  Another  eontn 
diction  is  that  whereas  he  frees  the  subject  fromd 
duty  of  obedience  in  case  the  monarch  commands ai 
against  God's  law,  he  treats  religion  almost  as  amit 
ter  of  policy,  advising  that,  whatever  it  be,  the  slaW 
man  should  not  disturb  it.  Apart  from  the  streaki 
superstition  in  his  mind,  his  inconsistencies  are  due 
the  attempt  to  r  osites — MachiavdVi  i 

Calvin.     For  with  nciation  of  the  fonna^ 

atheism  and  immc  rith  his  chauvinism, 

defence  of  absoluti  tical  opportunism,  isi 

so  far  removed  fn  jntine  as  he  would 

us  believe. 

The  revolution  in  Prance  succeeded  ii 

the  Netlierlands,  and  buhk;  contribution  to  polititd 
theory  can  be  found  in  the  constitution  drawn 
the  States  General  in  1580,  when  they  reeof 
Anjou  as  their  prince,  and  in  the  document  deposing 
Philip  in  ]5S1,  Both  assume  fully  the  sovereignty 
the  people  and  the  onini competence  of  their  elected 
representatives.  As  Oklenbanievelt  commented,  "The 
cities  and  nobles  together  represent  ihc  whole  state  and 
the  whole  people."  The  deposition  of  Philip  is  justi- 
fied by  an  appeal  to  the  law  of  nature,  and  to  the  ei- 
amj)le  of  other  tortured  states,  and  by  a  recital  of 
Philip's  breaches  of  the  laws  and  customs  of  the  land. 

Scotland,  in  the  course  of  her  revolution,  produced 
almost  as  brilliant  an  array  of  piimphlctcers  as  had 
France.  Jolm  Knox  maintained  that,  "If  men.  in  the 
fear  of  God,  oppose  themselves  to  the  fury  and  blind 
rage  of  princes,  in  doing  so  they  do  not  resist  God, 
but  the  devil,  who  abu-'ses  the  sword  and  authority  of 
God,"  and  again,  he  asked,  "What  harm  should  the 
commonweallh  receive  if  the  corrupt  affections  of  ie- 
norant  nikT.s  were  moderated  and  bridled  by  the  wis- 


POLITICAL  THEORY  ()03 

and  discretion  of  godly  subjects!''  But  the  duty, 
thought,  to  curb  princes  in  free  kingdoms  and 
ipaUms,  does  not  belong  to  every  private  man,  but  *  *  ap- 
PPH  liiiiiii  to  the  nobility^  sworn  and  bom  counsellors 
pip  the  same."  Carrying  such  doctrines  to  the  logical 
fetoisnlty  Knox  hinted  to  Mary  that  Daniel  might  have 
JBW'Ujiuted  Nebuchadnezzar  and  Paul  might  have  resisted 
il«ro  with  the  sword,  had  God  given  them  the  power, 
r  .Another  Scotch  Protestant,  John  Craig,  in  support 
Klff  the  prosecution  of  Mary,  said  that  it  had  been  de- 
iPBmiined  and  concluded  at  the  University  of  Bologna  ^^^ 
Nttlat  ''all  rulers,  be  they  supreme  or  inferior,  may  be 
<taid  ought  to  be  reformed  or  deposed  by  them  by  whom 
were  chosen,  confirmed  and  admitted  to  their  of- 
I,  as  often  as  they  break  that  promise  made  by  oath 
their  subjects."  Knox  and  Craig  both  argued  for 
execution  of  Mary  on  the  ground  that  **it  was  a 
iblic  speech  among  all  peoples  and  among  all  estates^ 
it  the  queen  had  no  more  liberty  to  commit  murder 
aor  adultery  than  any  other  private  person.*' 
Knollys  also  told  Mary  that  a  monarch  ought  to  be 
deposed  for  madness  or  murder. 

To  the  zeal  for  religion  animating  Knox,  George  Buchani 
Buchanan  joined  a  more  rational  spirit  of  liberty  and 
a  stronger  consciousness  of  positive  right.  His  great 
work  On  the  Constitution  of  Scotland  derived  all 
power  from  the  people,  asserted  the  responsibility  of 
kings  to  their  subjects  and  pleaded  for  the  popular 
election  of  the  chief  magistrate.  In  extreme  cases 
execution  of  the  monarch  was  defended,  though  by 
what  precise  machinery  he  was  to  be  arraigned  was 
left  uncertain;  probably  constitutional  resistance  was 
thought  of,  as  far  as  practicable,  and  tyrannicide  was 
considered  as  a  last  resort.  *  *  If  you  ask  anyone, ' '  says 
our  author,  **what  he  thinks  of  the  punishment  of 


fi(U    MAIN  CTRREXTS  OF  THOUGHT 

Caligula,  Nero  or  Domitiaii,  I  think  no  one  will  be« 
devoted  to  the  royal  name  as  not  to  confess  that  ll 
rightly  paid  the  penalty  of  their  crimes." 
1  In  England  the  two  tendencies,  the  one  to  favor  Ihl   '- 

Jiists  divine  right  of  kings,  the  other  for  constitutional* 
straint,  existed  side  by  side.     The  latter  opinion  i 
attributed  by  courtly  divines  to  the  influence  of  Cal-l 
vin.     Matthew  Hutton  blamed  the  Beforraer  becanfl 
"he    thought    not    so    well    of    a    kingdom    as  of  il 
popular  state."     "Gf'  «""">  ns,"  wrote  Archbishi^l 
Parker,  "from  such  a  ^  as  Knox  has  attcmptrfi 

in  Scotland,  the  peoplt  erers  of  things."   ThHl 

distinguished  prelate  that  disobedience  toltal 

queen  was  a  greater  a  sacrilege  or  adaUcri.l' 

for  obedience  is  the  i  I  virtues  and  the  canset 

of  all  felicity,  and  ":  i  not  a  single  fault,  likll 

theft  or  murder,  hot  sool  and  swamp  ot  iHl 

possible  sins  again.st  A  man."     Bonner  wW 

charged  by  the  government  of  Man.*  to  preach  tbst 
all  rebels  incurred  damnation.  Much  later  Richard 
Hooker  warned  his  countrymen  that  Puritanism  en- 
dangered the  prerogatives  of  crown  and  nobility. 
But  there  were  not  wanting  champions  of  the  peo- 
cans  pjp  Kcginald  Pole  asserted  the  responsibility  of  the 
sovereign,  though  in  moderate  language.  Bishop  John 
Ponet  wrote  A  Treatise  on  Politic  Power  to  show  that 
men  had  the  right  to  depone  a  bad  king  and  to  assassi- 
nate a  tyrant.  The  haughty  Elizabeth  herself  often 
had  to  listen  to  drastic  advice.  WTien  she  visited 
Cambridge  .she  was  entertained  by  a  debate  on  tyranni- 
cide, in  which  one  hold  clerk  asserted  that  God  might 
incite  a  regicide;  and  by  a  discussion  of  the  respective 
advantages  of  elective  and  hereditary  monarchy,  one 
speaker  offering  fo  maintain  the  former  with  his  life 
and,  if  need  be,  with  his  death.  When  Elizabeth,  after 
Jiearing  a  reJra,clorj  ?aT\\%m.etvt,  e-imi^lained  to  the 


POLITICAL  THEORY  605 

anish  ambassador  that  *^slie  could  not  tell  what  those 
were  after"  his  excellency  replied,  **They  want 
,  madam,  and  if  princes  do  not  look  to  them- 
^•ilves''  they  will  soon  find  that  they  are  drifting 
^»    revolution  and  anarchy.    Significant,  indeed,  was 
^^«  silent  work  of  Parliament  in  building  up  the  con- 
jPtttutional  doctrine  of  its  own  omnicompetence  and  of 
own  supremacy. 
One  striking  aberration  in  the  political  theory  of  Tyranni 
t  time  was  the  prominence  in  it  of  the  appeal  to 
miicide.    Schooled  by  the  ancients  who  sang  the 
ises  of  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton,  by  the  biblical 
'■•luunple  of  Ehud  and  Eglon,  and  by  various  medieval 
ipoblicists,  and  taught  the  value  of  murder  by  the 
[;.^^rinces  and  popes  who  set  prices  on  each  other 's  heads, 
r-^*li  extraordinary  number  of  sixteenth  century  divines 
k  -  l|)proved  of  the  dagger  as  the  best  remedy  for  tyranny. 
^  ^  llelanchthon  wished  that  God  would  raise  up  an  able 
'     iBan  to  slay  Henry  VIII;  John  Ponet  and  Cajetan  and 
the  French  theologian  Boucher  admitted  the  possible 
-     virtue  of  assassination.    But  the  most  elaborate  state- 
ment of  the  same  doctrine  was  put  by  the  Spanish 
Jesuit  Mariana,  in  a  book  On  the  King  and  his  Educor 
Hon  published  in  1599,  with  an  official  imprimatur,  a 
dedication  to  the  reigning  monarch  and  an  assertion 
that  it  was  approved  by  learned  and  grave  men  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus.    It  taught  that  the  prince  holds  sway 
solely  by  the  consent  of  the  people  and  by  ancient  law, 
and  that,  though  his  vices  are  to  be  borne  up  to  a  cer- 
tain point,  yet  when  he  ruins  the  state  he  is  a  public 
enemy,  to  slay  whom  is  not  only  permissible  but  glo- 
rious for  any  man  brave  enough  to  despise  his  own 
safety  for  the  public  good. 

If  one  may  gather  the  oflBcial  theory  of  the  Catholic 
church  from  the  contradictory  statements  of  her  doc- 
tors, she  advocated  despotism  tempered  by  a^&a^^is 


606        MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

tion.    No  Lutheran  ever  preached  the  duty  of  pasiiii   ■■   1 
obedience  more  strongly  than  did  the  Catecliism  of 
Council  of  Trent. 

A  word  must  be  said  about  the  more  radical  ihoo] 
of  the  time.  All  the  writers  just  analysed  saw  thinj  ^-^ 
from  the  standpoint  of  the  governing  and  propertil  "• 
classes.  But  the  voice  of  the  poor  came  to  be  \itt 
now  and  then,  nol  their  own  monlhs  1 

from  that  of  the  fe  ho  had  enough  iiimgii 

tion  to  sympathize  ti.    "The  idea  that  n 

might  Bonietime  li  «ny  government  at 

is  found  in  such  i  ent  writers  as  Richsrf' 

Hooker   and    Frai  is.    But    socialism  vt^ 

then,  as  ever,  more  tdvocated  than  anardiji 

The  Anabaptists,  partita.,  believed  in  a  comnmnitj 

of  goods,  and  even  tried  to  practice  it  when  they  got  tb? 
chance.  Though  they  failed  in  this,  the  contributions 
to  democracy  latent  in  their  egalitarian  spirit  must 
not  be  forgotten.  Thoy  brought  do^\'^  on  themselyes 
the  severest  animadversions  from  defenders  of  the 
existing  order,  by  whatever  confession  they  were 
bound.  Vivos  wrote  a  special  tract  to  refute  the  argu- 
ments of  the  Anabaptists  on  communism.  Luther  said 
that  the  example  of  the  early  Christians  did  not  au- 
thorize communism  for,  though  the  first  disciplei 
pooled  their  ovm  goods,  they  did  not  try  to  seize  the 
property  of  Pilate  and  Herod.  Even  the  French  Cal- 
vinists,  in  tbeir  books  dedicated  to  liberty,  referred  to 
the  Anabaptists  as  seditious  rebels  worthy  of  the  sfr 
verest  repression. 

A  nobler  work  than  any  produced  by  the  Anabap- 
tists, and  one  that  may  have  influenced  them  not  a  little, 
was  the  Utopia  of  Sir  Tliomas  More.  He  drew  partly 
on  Plato,  on  Tacitus's  Gcrmama,  on  Augustine  and  on 
Pico  della  Mirandola,  and  for  the  outward  framework 
of  his  book  on  \.\ve  Four  Voyages  of  Americus  Vespvc- 


POLITICAL  THEORY  607 

hts.  Bat  he  relied  mostly  on  his  own  observation  of 
»liat  was  rotten  in  the  English  state  where  he  was  a 
Bdge  and  a  ruler  of  men.  He  imagined  an  ideal  coun- 
ty, Utopia,  a  place  of  perfect  equality  economically 
I  well  as  politically.  It  was  by  government  an  elec- 
ve  monarchy  with  inferior  magistrates  and  represen- 
itive  assembly  also  elected.  The  people  changed 
>uses  even,'  ten  years  by  lot;  they  considered  luxury 
tad  wealth  a  reproach.  "In  other  places  they  speak 
mi  of  the  common  wealth  but  every  man  proeureth 
08  private  wealth.  Here  where  nothing  is  private 
ie  common  affairs  be  earnestly  looked  upon," 
"What  justice  is  this,  that  a  rich  goldsmith  or  usurer 
bould  have  a  pleasant  and  wealthy  living  either  by 
cHeness  or  by  unnecessary  occupation,  when  in  the 
icantime  poor  laborers,  carters,  ironsmiths,  carpen- 
irs  and  plowmen  by  so  great  and  continual  toil  .  .  , 
to  yet  get  so  hard  and  so  poor  a  living  and  live  so 
■etched  a  life  that  the  condition  of  the  laboring  beasts  i 

ly   seem  much  better  and  wcalthierT"     "When  I  I 

bonsider  and  weigh  in  my  mind  all  these  common-  niecora- 
wealths  which  nowadays  anywhere  do  flourish,  so  God  n"">"'«I'l 
help  me,  I  can  perceive  nothing  but  a  certain  conspiracy 
of  rich  men  procuring  their  own  commodities  under  the 
name  and  title  of  the  commonwealth."  More  was 
convinced  that  a  short  day's  labor  shared  by  everyone 
would  produce  quite  sufficient  wealth  to  keep  all  in 
comfort.  He  protests  explicitly  against  those  who 
pretend  that  there  are  two  sorts  of  justice,  one  for  gov- 
amments  and  one  for  private  men.  He  repudiates 
the  doctrine  that  bad  faith  is  necessary  to  the  pros- 
perity of  a  state;  the  Utopians  form  no  alliances  and 
carry  out  faithfully  the  few  and  necessary  treaties 
that  they  ratify.  Moreover  they  dishonor  war  above 
all  things. 
In  the  realm  of  pure  economic  and  Roc\a\  \.\\feor^ 


i 


cm         MArX  CUREENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

something,  though  not  much,  ivas  done.  Machian 
believed  that  the  growth  of  population  in  the  n 
and  its  migration  southwards  was  a  constant  h%\ 
idea  derived  from  Paulus  Diaconus  and  handed  on 
Milton.  He  even  derived  "Germany"  from  "p™ 
nare."  A  more  acute  remark,  anticipating  Maltbl  ■** 
was  made  by  the  Spanish  Jesuit  John  Botero  who,! 
his  Reason  of  Slate,  pointed  out  that  populatiim  l 
absolutely  dependent  on  means  of  subsistence.  B  ^  ' 
concluded  a  priori  that  the  nopulation  of  the  «otil  •* 
had  remained  statiom  hree  thousand  years. 

;       Statesmen   then  I  ider  the   vicious  (irrorj 

drawn  from  the^analt  irivate  man  and  a  slawj 

that  national  wealth  in  the  precious  metal 

The  stringent  and  un  wb  against  the  export^ 

specie  and  intended  rage  its  import,  pre 

a  considerable  burdei  a,  though  as  a  matter  4 

fact  they  only  retard  lid  not  stop  the  flow  d 

coin.  The  striking  rise  lu  prices  during  the  ccntarjl 
attracted  some  attention.  Various  causes  were 
signed  for  it,  among  others  the  growth  of  i>opulation 
and  the  increase  of  luxury.  Hardly  anyone  saw  that 
the  increase  in  the  precious  metals  was  the  fundamen- 
tal cause,  but  several  writers,  among  them  Bodin,  .John 
Hales  and  CopiTnicus,  saw  that  a  debased  cnrrencr 
was  responsitile  for  the  acute  dearnesa  of  certain  local 
markets. 

The  lawfulne.ss  of  the  taking  of  usurj'  greatly  exer- 
cised the  minds  of  men  of  that  day.  The  church  on 
traditional  grounds  had  forbidden  it,  and  her  doctors 
stood  fast  by  her  precept,  though  -an  occasional  indi- 
vidual, like  .Idhu  Eck,  could  be  found  to  argue  for  it 
Luther  was  in  principle  against  allowing  a  nian  "to 
sit  behind  his  stove  and  let  his  money  work  for  him," 
but  he  weakened  enough  to  allow  moderate  interest  in 
given  circumt^taucoft.    ZwiugU  would  allow  interest  to 


SCIENCE  609 

6  taken  only  as  a  form  of  profit-sharing.  Calvin  said : 
'If  we  forbid  usury  wholly  we  bind  consciences  by  a 
ond  straiter  than  that  of  God  liimself.  But  if  we 
iHow  it  the  least  iu  the  world,  under  cover  of  our  per- 
mission someone  will  immediately  make  a  general  and 
unbridled  licence."  The  laws  against  the  taking  of 
interest  were  gradually  relaxed  throughout  the  cen- 
airy,  but  even  at  its  close  Bacon  could  only  regard 
•y  as  a  concession  made  on  account  of  the  hard- 
jess  of  men 's  hearts. 

§  4.    SclKNCB 

The  glory  of  sL'iteenth-century  science  is  that  for  the  Inductitre 
Irst  time,  on  a  large  scale,  since  the  ancient  Greeks,   ""^ 
Bd  men  try  to  look  at  nature  through  their  own  eyes  ■ 

istead  of  through  those  of  Aristotle  and  the  Physi- 
Hogus.  Bacon  and  Vives  have  each  been  credited 
th  the  discovery  of  the  inductive  method,  but,  like  so 
iny  philosophers,  they  merely  generalized  a  practice 
flready  common  at  their  time.  Save  for  one  discovery 
^f  the  first  magnitude,  and  two  or  three  others  of  some 
little  importance,  the  work  of  the  sixteenth  century  was 
that  of  observing,  describing  and  classifying  facts. 
^his  was  no  small  service  in  itself,  though  it  does  not 
■trike  the  imagination  as  do  the  great  new  theories. 
'  In  mathematics  the  preparatory  work  for  the  state- 
ment and  solution  of  new  problems  consisted  in  the 
perfection  of  symbolism.  As  reasoning  iu  general  is 
dependent  on  words,  as  music  is  dependent  on  the  me- 
chanical invention  of  instruments,  so  mathematics  can- 
not progress  far  save  with  a  simple  and  arlequate 
symbolism.  The  introduction  of  the  Arabic  as  against 
the  Roman  numerals,  and  particularly  the  introduction 
of  the  zero  in  reckoning,  for  the  first  time,  in  the  later 
Middle  Ages,  allowed  men  to  perform  conveniently  the 
four  fundamental  processes.     The  use  of  ttve  ft\?;i\'a  -^ 


I 


MAIN  CURREXTS  OF  THOUGHT 

and  —  for  plus  and  minus  (formerly  written  p.  and 
m.),  and  of  the  sign  —  for  equality  and  of  V  for  root, 
were  additional  conveniences.  To  this  might  be  added 
the  popularization  of  decimals  by  Simon  Ste\'in  in 
1586,  which  he  called  "the  art  of  calculating  by  wholt 
numbers  without  fractions."  How  clumsy  are  aE 
things  at  their  birth  is  illustrated  by  his  method  of 
writing  decimals  by  putting  them  as  powers  of  one* 
tenth,  with  circles  around  the  exponents;  e.g.,  ti 
number  titat  we  should  write  237.578,  he  wrol 
237 "  5  *  7  ^  8  ^  He  first  declared  for  decimal  syBtemi 
of  coinage,  weights  and  measures. 

Algebraic  notation  also  improved  vastly  in  the 
nod.  In  a  treatise  of  Lucas  Paciolus  we  find  caoh 
brous  signs  instead  of  letters,  thus  no.  (numero)  for 
the  known  quantity,  co.  (cosa)  for  the  miknown  quau* 
tity,  ce.  (ccnso)  for  the  square,  and  cu.  (cubo)  for  the 
cube  of  the  unknown  quantity.  As  he  still  used  p.  and 
m.  for  plus  and  minus,  he  wrote  3oo.p.4ce.m.5cu.p,2ce. 
ce.m.Gno.  for  the  number  we  should  write  3s  +  4x=  — 
5x' -}- 2x'  —  6a.  The  use  of  letters  in  the  modem 
style  is  due  to  the  mathematicians  of  the  sixteenth 
tury.  The  solution  of  cubic  and  of  biquadratic  equa- 
tions, at  first  only  in  certain  particular  forms,  but  later 
in  all  forms,  was  mastered  by  Tartaglia  and  Cardan. 
The  latter  even  discussed  negative  roots,  whether  ra- 
tional or  irrational. 

Geometry  at  that  time,  as  for  long  afterwards,  was 
dependent  wholly  on  Euclid,  of  whose  work  a  Ijatin 
translation  was  first  published  at  Venice.  Copernicus 
with  liis  pupil  George  Joachim,  called  Rhelicus,  and 
Francis  Vieta,  made  some  progress  in  trigonometrj'- 
Copernicus  gave  the  first  simple  demonstration  of  the 
fundamental  formula  of  spherical  trigonometry; 
Rheticus  made  tables  of  sines,  tangents  and  secants 


SCIENCE 

of  arcs.     Vieta  discovered  the  formula  for  deriving 
the  sine  of  a  multiple  angle. 

As  one  turns  the  pages  of  the  numerous  works  of  Cardu^, 
Jerome  Cardan  one  is  astonished  to  find  the  number  ^^^"'^ 
of  subjects  on  which  he  wrote,  including,  in  mathe- 
matics, choice  and  chance,  arithmetic,  algebra,  the  cal- 
endar, negative  quantities,  and  the  theory  of  numbers. 
In  the  last  named  branch  it  was  another  Italian,  Mau- 
rolycus,  who  recognized  the  general  character  of  matlie- 
matics  as  ".symbolic  logic."  He  is  indeed  credited 
with  understanding  the  most  general  principle  on 
which  depends  all  mathematical  deduction.'  Some  of 
the  most  remarkable  anticipations  of  modern  science 
were  made  by  Cardan.  He  believed  that  inorganic 
matter  was  animated,  and  tliat  all  nature  was  a  pro- 
gressive evolution.  Thus  his  statement  that  all  ani- 
mals were  originally  worms  implies  the  indefinite  vari- 
ability of  species,  just  as  his  remark  that  inferior  met- 
als were  unsuccessful  attempts  of  nature  to  produce 
gold,  might  seem  to  foreshadow  the  idea  of  the  trans- 
mutation of  metals  under  the  influence  of  radioactivity. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  such  guesses  had  no  claim 
to  be  scientific  demonstrations. 

The  encyclopaedic  character  of  knowledge  was  then, 
perhaps,  one  of  its  most  striking  characteristics.  Ba- 
con was  not  the  first  man  of  his  century  to  take  all 
imowiedge  for  his  province.  In  learning  and  breadth 
of  view  few  men  have  ever  exceeded  Conrad  Gesner,  Go»oer, 
called  by  Cuvier  "the  German  Pliny."  His  History 
of  Animals  (published  in  many  volumes  1551-87)  was 
the  basis  of  zoology  until  the  time  of  Darwin.     He  ZoSlogr 

1  I.e.  the  principle  thus  fonniilBted  in  the  Encyclopaedia  BHtannica, 
g.v.  "MathematicH":  "I(  s  ie  any  cIbbb  and  ztro  a  member  of  it.  also 
if   wbm  JL   is  a  cardinal  number  and   a  mtmbcr  of  a,  alao  x  +  I   is  a 

lather  of  b,  then  the  whole  claas  of  cftrdJnal  numbers  ia  contaioed 


jmei 

I 


612        MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

drew  largely  on  previous  writers,  Aristotle  and  H  r_ 
bertas  Magnus,  but  he  also  took  pains  to  see  for  hi 
self  as  much  as  possible.  The  excellent  illuatrstii 
for  his  book,  partlj'  drawn  from  previous  worka  bl  ^ 
mostly  new,  added  greatly  to  its  value.  His  clasdifi* 
lion,  though  superior  to  any  that  had  preceded  it.  n 
in  some  respects  astonishing,  as  when  he  put  the  hi| 
popotamus  among  mals  with  fish,  and 

bat  among  birds.  y  he  describes  a  pni 

mythical  animal  li  inkey-fox."    It 

cult  to  see  what  ci  truth  would  have 

adequate  for  the  s  at  time.     A  monkey- 

is  no  more  improb,  rhinoceros,  and 

found  it  necessary  i  his   readers 

rhinoceros  really  exlsvi  turc  and  was  not 

tion  of  fancy. 

As  the  master  of  modern  anatomy  and  of  seveni' 
other  branches  of  science,  stands  Leonardo  da  Yind^' 
It  is  difficult  to  appraise  his  work  accurately  because  it 
is  not  yet  fully  known,  and  still  more  because  of  its 
extraordinary  form.  He  left  thou.saiids  of  pages  of 
notes  on  e\erything  and  hardly  one  complete  treatise 
on  anything.  He  began  a  hundred  studies  and  finished 
none  of  them.  He  had  a  queer  twist  to  his  miud  that 
made  liim,  with  all  liis  power,  seek  b\"\vays.  The  mon- 
strous, the  uncouth,  fascinated  him;  ho  saw  a  Medusa 
in  a  spider  and  the  universe  in  a  drop  of  water.  He 
wrote  his  notes  in  mirror-writing,  from  right  to  loft: 
he  illustrated  them  with  a  thousand  fragments  of  ex- 
quisite drawing,  all  unfinished  and  tantalizing  alike  to 
the  artist  and  to  the  scientist.  Hi.s  mind  roamed  to 
flying  machines  and  submarino.s,  but  he  never  made 
one;  the  reason  given  by  him  in  the  latter  case  heini; 
his  fear  that  it  would  be  put  to  piratical  use.  He  had 
something  in  liini  of  Faust;  in  some  respects  he  re- 
minds us  of   WUUara  James,  who  also  started  as  a 


SCIENCE 


613 


inter  and  ended  as  an  omniverous  student  of  outre 
iiings  and  as  a  psychologist. 

If,  therefore,  the  anatomical  drawings  made  by 
jeonardo  from  about  twenty  bodies  that  he  dissected, 
ire  marvellous  specimens  of  art,  he  left  it  to  others 
o  make  a  really  systematic  study  of  the  human  body, 
lis  contemporary,  Berengar  of  Carpi,  professor  at 
iologna,  first  did  this  with  marked  success,  classify- 
ag  the  various  tissues  as  fat,  membrane,  flesh,  nerve, 
Ibre  and  so  forth.  So  far  from  true  is  it  that  it  was 
Ufficult  to  get  corpses  to  work  upon  that  he  had  at  least 
i  hundred.  Indeed,  according  to  Fallopius,  another 
amons  scientist,  the  Duke  of  Tuscany  would  occaaion- 
ily  send  live  criminals  to  be  vivisected,  thus  making 
heir  punishment  redound  to  the  benefit  of  science. 
[Tie  Inquisitors  made  the  path  of  science  hard  by  burn- 
ng  books  on  anatomy  as  materialistic  and  indecent. 

Two  or  three  investigators  anticipated  Harvey's  dis-  ; 

overj'  of  the  circulation  of  the  blood.     Unfortunately, 

is  the  matter  is  of  interest,  Scrvetus's  treatment  of 

he  subject,  found  in  his  work  on  The  Trinity,  is  too 

Dng  to  quote,  but  it  is  plain  that,  along  with  various 

Wlacious  ideas,  he  had  really  discovered  the  truth  that 

the  blood  all  passes  through  heart  and  lungs  whence  it 

is  returned  to  the  other  organs. 

While  hardly  anything  was  done  in  chemistry,  a  ' 

ifge  number  of  phenomena  in  the  field  of  physics  were 

ibsen^ed  now  for  the  first  time.     Leonardo  da  Vinci 

easured  the  rapidity  of  failing  bodies,  by  dropping 

lem  from  towers  and  having  the  time  of  their  pas- 

tge  at  various  stages  noted.     He  thus  found,  cor- 

ectly,  that  their  velocity  increased.     It  is  also  said 

that  he  observed  that  bodies  always  fell  a  little  to  the 

(eastward  of  the  plumb  line,  and  thence  concluded  that 

the  earth  revolved  on  its  axis.     He  made  careful  ex- 

ximents  with  billiard  balls,  discovering  Vhal  \\ife  isici- 


614        MAIN  CUBRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

mentam  of  the  impact  always  was  preserved  entire 
in  the  motion  of  the  balls  struck.  He  measured  forceB 
by  the  weight  and  speed  of  the  bodies  and  arrived  at 
an  approximation  of  the  ideas  of  mechanical  "wori" 
and  energy  of  position.  He  thought  of  energy  as  a 
spiritual  force  transferred  from  one  body  to  another 
by  touch.  This  remarkable  man  further  invented  s 
hygrometer,  explained  sound  as  a  wave-motion  in  ths 
air,  and  said  that  the  appearance  known  to  us  as  "th« 
old  moon  in  the  new  moon's  lap"  was  due  to  the  reflefr 
tion  of  earth-light. 

Nicholas  Tartaglia  first  showed  that  the  course  of  a 
projectile  was  a  parabola,  and  that  the  maximum  range 
of  a  gun  would  be  at  an  angle  of  45°. 

Some  good  work  was  done  in  optics.  John  Baptist 
delta  Porta  described,  though  he  did  not  invent,  the 
camera  obscura.  Burning  glasses  were  explaiued 
Leonard  Digges  even  anticipated  the  telescope  by  the 
use  of  double  lenses. 

Further  progress  in  mechanics  was  made  by  Cardan 
who  explained  the  lever  and  pulley,  and -by  Simon 
Stevin  who  first  demonstrated  the  resolution  of  forces. 
He  also  noticed  the  difference  between  stable  and  un- 
stable equilibrium,  and  showed  that  the  downward 
pressure  of  a  liquid  is  independent  of  the  shape  of  the 
vessel  it  is  in  and  is  dependent  only  on  the  height.  He 
and  other  scholars  asserted  the  causation  of  the  tides 
by  the  moon. 

Magnetism  was  much  studied.  "When  compasses 
were  first  invented  it  was  thought  that  they  always 
pointed  to  the  North  Star  under  the  influence  of  some 
stellar  compulsion.  But  even  in  the  fifteenth  century 
it  was  noticed  independently  by  Columbus  and  by  Ger- 
man experimenters  that  the  needle  did  not  point  tme 
north.     As  the  amount  of  its  declination  varies  at  dif- 


SCIENCE  615 

jrent  places  on  the  earth  and  at  different  times,  this 
'as  one  of  the  most  puzzling  facts  to  explain.  One 
man  believed  that  the  change  depended  on  climate, 
Bother  that  it  was  an  individual  property  of  each 
eedle.  About  1581  Robert  Norman  discovered  the 
iclination,  or  dip  of  the  compass.  These  and  other 
bservations  were  summed  up  by  William  Gilbert  in  his  Cillx 
rork  on  The  Magnet,  Magnetic  Bodies  and  the  Earth 
8  a  great  Magnet.  A  great  deal  of  his  space  was  1«XJ 
aken  in  that  valuable  destructive  criticism  that  refutes 
irevalent  errors.  His  greatest  discovery  was  that  the 
Brth  itself  is  a  large  magnet.  lie  thought  of  mag- 
etism  as  "a  soul,  or  like  a  soul,  which  is  in  many 
hings  superior  to  the  human  soul  as  long  as  this  is 
mnd  by  our  bodily  organs."  It  was  therefore  an 
ippetite  that  compelled  the  magnet  to  point  north  and 
loath.  Similar  explanations  of  physical  and  chem- 
ical properties  are  found  in  the  earliest  and  in  some  of  ' 
lie  most  recent  philosophers. 

As   might  be  expected,  the   science  of  geography,   Geograph] 

onrished  by  the  discoveries  of  new  lands,  grew  might- 

y.     Even  the  size  of  the  earth  could  only  be  guessed 

t  until  it  had  been  encircled.     Columbus  believed  that 

8  circumference  at  the  equator  was  8000  miles.     The 

latories  of  its  size  that  circulated  after  Magellan  were 

■xaggerated  by  the  people.     Thus  Sir  Bavid  Lyndsay 

■i  his  poem  The  Drcme  quotes  "the  author  of  the    i- 

■phere"  as  saying  that  the  earth  was  101,750  miles  in 

Rrcumference,  each  mile  being  5000  feet.     The  author 

IPeferred  to  was  the  thirteenth  century  Johannes  de 

Bacro  Bosco  (John  Holywood).     Two  editions  of  his 

^ork,  De  Sphaera,  that  I  have  seen,  one  of  Venice, 

1499,  and  one  of  Paris,  1527,  give  the  circumference 

of  the  earth  as  20,428  miles,  but  an  edition  published 

at  AVittenberg  in  1550  gives  it  as  5,4ilO,  probably  an 


616         MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

attempt  to  reduce  the  author's  English  miles  to  Q 
man  ones.  Robert  Eecorde  calculated  the  earth's  ( 
cumference  at  21,300  miles.' 

Rough  maps  of  the  new  lands  were  drawn  byi 
compamoiis  of  the  discoverers.  Martin  WaldseemSl 
published  a  large  map  of  the  world  in  twelve  she 
and  a  small  globe  about  414  inches  in  diameter, 
which  the  new  v,  the  first  time  called  .\in 

ica.     The  next  g  3e  was  made  by  the  Fli'iB 

cartographer  Ge  itor  whose  globes  and  m 

— some  of  them  ajection  since  called  by 

name — are  extn  accurate  for  Europe  | 

the  coast  of  Af r:  rly  correct  for  Asia,  tbd 

he  represented  snt  as  too  narrow.    Ha 

eluded,  however,  m  men  approximately  correct  \ 
tions,  India,  the  Malay  peninsula,  Sumatra,  Java 
Japan.  America  is  very  poorly  drawn,  for  tin 
the  east  coast  of  North  America  is  fairly  correct 
continent  is  too  broad  and  the  rest  of  the  coasts  v; 
He  made  two  startling  anticipations  of  later  disc 
ies,  the  first  that  he  separated  Asia  and  Americ 
only  a  narrow  strait  at  the  north,  and  the  second 
he  assumed  the  existence  of  a  continent  arount 
south  pole.  This,  however,  he  made  far  too  I 
thinking  that  the  Tierra  del  Fuego  was  part  of  i 
drawing  it  so  as  to  come  near  the  south  coast  of  .\ 
and  of  Java.  His  maps  of  Europe  were  based  c 
cent  and  excellent  surveys. 

Astronomy,  the  oldest  of  the  sciences,   bad 
much   progress   in   the  tabulation  of  material. 
apparent  orbits  of  the  sun,  moon,  planets,  and 
had  been  correctly  observed,  so  that  eclipses  miff 
predicted,  conjunction  of  planets  calculated,  and 

1  Kratosthc'iipa  {276-106  B.C.)  had  correctly  calculated  the 
circumfprc'ticc  at  2S.000,  which  Posei.ionLiiB  (c.  135-50  a.c.)  reJi 
18,000.  id  which  he  wuB  followed  by  rtolcmy    (2d  century  a.d.) 


SCIENCE  617 

dual  movement  of  the  sun  through  the  signs  of  the 
iac  known  as  the  precession  of  the  equinoxes,  taken 
unt  of.    To  explain  these  movements  the  ancients 
on  the  theory  that  each  heavenly  body  moved 
-  a  perfect  circle  around  the  earth;  the  fixed  stars 
re  assigned  to  one  of  a  group  of  revolving  spheres, 
sun,  moon  and  five  planets  each  to  one,  making 
4  in  all.    But  it  was  soon  observed  that  the  move- 
ts  of  the  planets  were  too  complicated  to  fall  into 
system ;  the  number  of  moving  spheres  was  raised 
27  before  Aristotle  and  to  56  by  him.    To  these  con- 
trie   spheres   later   astronomers    added   eccentric 
eres,  moving  within  others,  called  epicycles,  and  to 
epicycles  of  the  second  order ;  in  fact  astronomers 
compelled : 

To  build,  unbuild,  contrive, 
To  save  appearances,  to  gird  the  sphere 
With  centric  and  eccentric  scribbled  o'er 
Cycle  and  epicycle,  orb  in  orb. 

The  complexity  of  this  system,  which  moved  the 
<s  tdirth  of  Voltaire  and,  according  to  Milton,  of  the  Al- 
S:f  mighty,  was  such  as  to  make  it  doubted  by  some  think- 
^  ers  even  in  antiquity.  Several  men  thought  the  earth 
,  revolved  on  its  axis,  but  the  hypothesis  was  rejected  by 
li  Aristotle  and  Ptolemy.  Heracleides,  in  the  fourth 
!>.  century  b.  c,  said  that  Mercury  and  Venus  circled 
^   around  the  sun,  and  in  the  third  century  Aristarchus 

of  Samos  actually  anticipated,  though  it  was  a  mere 

gaess,  the  heliocentric  theory. 

Just  before  Copernicus  various  authors  seemed  to 
-  Mnt  at  the  truth,  but  in  so  mystical  or  brief  a  way  that 
J  little  can  be  made  of  their  statements.  Thus,  Nicholas 
B    of  Cusa  argued  that  **as  the  earth  cannot  be  the  cen-  Nichola 

ter  of  the  universe  it  cannot  lack  all  motion. ' '    Leon-  ^40^ 
?    ardo  believed  that  the  earth  revolved  on  its  axis,  and 

stated  that  it  was  a  star  and  would  look,  to  a  man  c 


<v- 


m  618        M 

I  the  moou, 


^pontic  ua, 
«3-1543 


MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

the  moon,  as  the  moon  does  to  ds.  In  one  place  he 
wrote,  "the  sun  docs  not  move," — only  that  enigmat- 
ical sentence  and  nothing  more. 

Nicholas  Copernicus  was  a  native  of  Thorn  in  Po- 
land, himself  of  mixed  Polish  and  Teutonic  blood.  At 
the  age  of  eighteen  he  went  to  the  university  of  Cra- 
cow, where  he  spent  three  years.  In  1496  he  was  en- 
abled by  an  ecclesiastical  appointment  to  go  to  Italy, 
where  he  spent  most  of  the  next  ten  years  in  study. 
He  worked  at  the  universities  of  Bologna,  Padua  and 
Ferrara,  and  lectured^though  not  as  a  member  of  the 
university — at  Rome.  His  studies  were  coniprehen- 
sive,  including  civil  law,  canon  law,  medicine,  mathe- 
matics, and  the  classics.  At  Padua,  on  May  31,  1503, 
he  was  made  doctor  of  canon  law.  He  also  studied 
astronomy  in  Italy,  talked  with  the  most  famous  pro- 
fessors of  that  science  and  made  obseirations  of  the 
heavens. 

Copernicus 's  uncle  was  bishop  of  Ermeland,  a  spir- 
itual domain  and  fief  of  the  Teutonic  Order,  under  the 
supreme  suzerainty,  at  least  after  1525,  of  the  king 
of  Poland.  Hero  Copernicus  spent  the  rest  of  his  life; 
the  years  1506-1512  in  the  bishop's  palace  at  Heilsberg; 
after  1512,  except  for  two  not  long  stays  at  AUenstcin, 
as  a  canon  at  Frauenburg. 

This  little  town,  near  but  not  quite  on  the  Baltic 
coast,  is  ornamented  by  a  beautiful  cathedral.  On  the 
wall  surrounding  the  close  is  a  small  tower  which  the 
astronomer  made  his  observatory.  Here,  in  the  long 
frosty  nights  of  winter  and  in  the  few  short  hours  of 
summer  darkness,  he  often  lay  on  his  back  examining 
the  stars.  He  had  no  telescope,  and  his  other  instru- 
ments were  such  crude  things  as  he  put  together  him- 
self. The  most  important  was  what  he  calls  the  In- 
strumeniiim  parallacticutn,  a  wooden  isosceles  tri- 
angle with  legs  e\g\i.l  i&ia't  Vsa.^  divided  into  1000  divi- 


SCIENCE  619 

iioiis  by  ink  marks,  and  a  hypotenuse  divided  into  1414 
-  ^visions.    With  this  he  determined  the  height  of  the 
moon  and  stars,  and  their  deviation  from  the 
point.    To  this  he  added  a  square  (quadrum) 
ich  told  the  height  of  the  sun  by  the  shadow  thrown 
a  peg  in  the  middle  of  the  square.    A  third  instru- 
mty  also  to  measure  the  height  of  a  celestial  body, 
called  the  Jacob's  staflf.    His  diflSculties  were  in- 
led  by  the  lack  of  any  astronomical  tables  save 
poor  ones  made  by  Greeks  and  Arabs.    The 
^%ltB  of  these  were  so  great  that  the  fundamental  star, 
the  one  he  took  by  which  to  measure  the  rest, 
was  given  a  longitude  nearly  40^  out  of  the  true 


Nevertheless  with  these  poor  helps  Copernicus  ar-  Copenii< 

and  that  very  early,  at  his  momentous  conclu-  ^^ypo^® 

^tion.    His  observations,  depending  as  they  did  on  the 

leather,  were  not  numerous.    His  time  was  spent 

'krgely  in  reading  the  classic  astronomers  and  in  work- 

^ing  out  the  mathematical  proofs  of  his  hypothesis. 

:  He  found  hints  in  quotations  from  ancient  astronomers 

:f^:  in  Cicero  and  Plutarch  that  the  earth  moved,  but  he, 

^v  for  the  first  time,  placed  the  planets  in  their  true  posi- 

^  tion  around  the  sun,  and  the  moon  as  a  satellite  of  the 

earth.    He  retained  the  old  conception  of  the  primum 

::;,  mobile  or  sphere  of  fixed  stars  though  he  placed  it  at 

an  infinitely  greater  distance  than  did  the  ancients,  to 

-  account  for  the  absence  of  any  observed  alteration 

^   (parallax)  in  the  position  of  the  stars  during  the  year. 

^:  He  also  retained  the  old  conception  of  circular  orbits 

^  for  the  planets,  though  at  one  time  he  considered  the 

possibility  of  their  being  elliptical,  as  they  are.    Un- 

^^   fortunately  for  his  immediate  followers  the  section 

^    on  this  subject  found  in  his  own  manuscript  was  cut 

«    out  of  his  printed  book. 

The  precise  moment  at  which  Copernicus  formu. 


620         MATX  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

lated  his  tlieory  in  his  own  mind  cannot  be  told  irill 
certainty,  but  it  was  certainly  before  1516.  He  kif 
back  his  books  for  a  long  time,  but  his  light  wasnl 
placed  under -a  bushel  nevertheless.  The  first  rayst 
it  shown  forth  in  a  tract  by  Celio  Calcagnini  of  wW( 
only  the  title,  "That  the  earth  moves  and  the  heavd 
is  still,"  has  survived.  -Some  years  later  CoperiucM 
wrote  a  short  summarj'  of  his  book,  for  private  cii 
lation  only,  entitled  "A  Short  commentary'  on  his 
potheses  concerning  thr>  rtnlestial  movements."  A] 
fuller  account  of  fher  ven  by  his  frlpiiii  ai 

disciple,  George  .loi  ed  Rheticus,  who  leB 

Wittenberri:,  where  he  bing,  to  sit  at  Xhe 

tor's  feet,  and  who  pu  lat  was  called  The  Pint 

Account. 

Finally,  Copemicu  iuaded  to  give  hie  oil' 

work  to  the  public.  j  the  opposition  it 

likely  to  call  forth,  he  forestall  criticism  by  • 

dedication  to  the  Pope  Kaui  nI.  Friends  at  Xnrein- 
bcrg  undertook  to  find  a  printer,  and  one  of  them,  the 
Lutheran  pawtor  Andrew  Oaiander,  with  the  best 
tentions,  did  the  great  wrong  of  innerting  an  anony 
mous  preface  stating  that  the  author  did  not  advance 
his  hypothe.ses  as  necessarily  true,  but  merely  as  a 
means  of  facilitating  astronomical  calculations.  Ai 
last  the  greatest  work  of  the  century.  On  the  Bevolti- 
tions  of  the  Ileavenh/  Spheres,  carac  from  the  press: 
a  copy  was  brought  to  the  author  on  his  death  bed. 

The  first  of  the  six  books  examines  the  previous  au- 
thorities, the  second  proposes  the  new  theory,  the  third 
discusses  the  preccs.sion  of  the  equinoxes,  the  fourth 
proves  that  the  moon  circles  the  earth,  the  fifth  and 
most  important  proves  that  the  planets,  includinir  the 
earth,  move  around  the  sun,  and  gives  correctly  tlic 
time  of  the  orbits  of  all  the  planets  then  known,  from 
Mercury  with  eighty -c\gUt  days  to  Saturn  with  thirty 


SCIENCE  621 

Murs.  The  sixth  book  is  on  the  determination  of  lati- 
Ide  and  longitude  from  the  fixed  stars.  Copernicus 's 
roofs  and  reasons  are  absolutely  convincing  and  valid 
I  far  as  they  go.  It  remained  for  Galileo  and  Newton 
^  give  further  explanations  and  some  modifications 
1  detail  of  the  new  theory. 

When  one  remembers  the  enormous  hubbub  raised  R«cept!c 
IT  Darwin's  Origin  of  Species,  the  reception  of  Coper-  copemic 
Lens's  no  less  revolutionary  work  seems  singularly  ^^^ 
ild.    The  idea  was  too  far  in  advance  of  the  age,  too 
reaty   too  paradoxical,  to  be  appreciated  at  once. 
%ve  for  a  few  astronomers  like  Bheticus  and  Bein- 
>ld,  hardly  anyone  accepted  it  at  first.    It  would  have 
len  miraculous  had  they  done  so. 
Among  the  first  to  take  alarm  were  the  Wittenberg 
eologians,  to  whose  attention  the  new  theory  was 
rcibly  brought  by  their  colleague  Rheticus.    Luther 
Indes  to  the  subject  twice  or  thrice  in  his  table  talk, 
ost  clearly  on  June  4, 1539,  when 

mention  was  made  of  a  certain  new  astronomer,  who  tried 
to  prove  that  the  earth  moved  and  not  the  sky,  sun  and 
moon,  just  as,  when  one  was  carried  along  in  a  boat  or 
wagon,  it  seemed  to  himself  that  he  was  still  and  that 
the  trees  and  landscape  moved.  **So  it  goes  now,*'  said 
Luther,  **  whoever  wishes  to  be  clever  must  not  let  any- 
thing please  him  that  others  do,  but  must  do  something 
of  his  own.  Thus  he  does  who  wishes  to  subvert  the 
whole  of  astronomy;  but  I  believe  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
which  say  that  Joshua  conmianded  the  sun,  and  not  the 
earth,  to  stand  still. 

In  his  Elements  of  Physics,  written  probably  in  1545, 
it  not  published  until  1549,  Melanchthon  said: 

The  eyes  bear  witness  that  the  sky  revolves  every 
twenty-four  hours.  But  some  men  now,  either  for  love 
of  novelty,  or  to  display  their  ingenuity,  assert  that  the 
earth  moves.  .  .  .  But  it  is  hurtful  and  dishonorable  to 


622        MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

assert  such  absurdities.  ,  .  .  The  Psalmist  says  tlisi 
sun  moves  and  the  earth  stands  fast.  .  .  .  And  the  mi 
as  the  center  of  the  universe,  must  needs  be  the  inn 
able  point  on  which  the  circle  turns. 

Apparently,  however,  Melanchthon  either  canif 
adopt  the  new  theory,  or  to  regard  it  as  possible, 
he  left  this  passage  entirely  out  of  the  second  edit 
of  the  same  w  er  his  relations  with  Bl 

icu8  continuec  heinhold  ■continued  to  te 

the  Copernica  fittonberg. 

The  recepti  work  was  also  surprisii 

mild,  at  first,  circles.     As  early  as  1 

Albert  Widma  told  Clement  VII  of 

Copernican  hy]  the  pope  did  not,  at  li 

condemn  it.     Mc.  s^as  a  cardinal,  Schiiiit 

who  consulted  Paul  III  on  the  matter  and  then  u 
Copernicus  to  publish  his  book,  though  in  his  l 
the  language  is  so  cautiously  guarded  against  pes 
heresy  that  not  a  word  is  said  about  the  earth 
ing  around  the  sun  but  only  about  the  moon  ant 
bodies  near  it  so  doing.  A  Spanish  theologian,  1 
ens  a  Stunica  (ZuiJiga)  wrote  a  commentarj'  on 
which  was  licensed  by  the  censors,  accepting  thi 
pernican  astronomy. 

But  gradually,  as  the  implications  of  the  doc 
became  apparent,  the  church  in  self-defence  tc 
strong  stand  against  it.  The  Congregation  of  tli 
dex  issued  a  decree  saying,  "Lest  opinions  of  this 
creep  in  to  the  destruction  of  Catholic  truth,  the 
of  Nicholas  Copernicus  and  others  [defending  hi 
pothesis]  are  suspended  until  they  be  corrected. 
little  later  Galileo  was  forced,  under  the  threat  o 
ture,  to  recant  this  heresy.  Only  when  the  systen 
become  universally  accepted,  did  the  church,  in 
first  expressly  permit  the  faithful  to  hold  it. 

The  philosopKera  were  as  shy  of  tiie  new  lig 


SCIENCE 

the  theologians.  Bodin  in  France  and  Bacon  in  Eng- 
land both  rejected  It;  the  former  was  conservative  at 
heart  and  the  latter  was  never  able  to  see  good  in 
other  men's  work,  whether  that  of  Aristotle  or  of  Gil- 
bert or  of  the  great  Pole,  Possibly  he  was  also  misled 
by  Osiander's  preface  and  by  Tycho  Brahe.  Gior- 
dano Bruno,  however,  welcomed  the  new  idea  with 
enthusiasm,  saying  that  Copernicus  taught  more  in 
two  chapters  than  did  Aristotle  and  the  Peripatetics 
m  all  their  works. 

Astronomers  alone  were  capable  of  weighing  the  evi- 
dence scientifically  and  they,  at  first,  were  also  divided. 
Erasmus  Reinhold,  of  Wittenberg,  accepted  it  and 
made  his  calculations  on  the  assumption  of  its  truth,  as 
did  an  Englishman,  John  Field.  Tycho  Brahe,  on  the  '^^ 
other  hand,  tried  to  find  a  compromise  between  the  Tycho 
Copemican  and  Ptolemaic  systems.  He  argued  that  fj^.-rti 
de  earth  could  not  revolve  on  its  axis  as  the  centrifugal 
force  would  hurl  it  to  pieces,  and  that  it  could  not  re- 
solve around  the  sun  as  in  that  case  a  change  in  the 
position  of  the  fixed  stars  would  be  observed.  Both 
objections  were  well  taken,  of  course,  considered  in 
themselves  alone,  but  both  could  be  answered  by  a 
Jeeper  knowledge.  Brahe  therefore  considered  the 
varth  as  the  center  of  the  orbits  of  the  moon,  sun,  and 
jltars,  and  the  sun  as  the  center  of  the  orbits  of  the 
planets. 

The  attention  to  astronomy  had  two  practical  corol-'- 
Jaries,  the  improvement  of  navigation  and  the  reform 
■of  the  calendar.  Several  better  forms  of  astrolabe, 
of  "sun-compass"  (or  dial  tamable  by  a  magnet)  and 
ftn  "astronomical  ring"  for  getting  the  latitude  and 
longitude  by  observation  of  sun  and  star,  were  intro- 
duced. 

The  reform  of  the  Julian  calendar  was  needed  on   Refonaor 
account  of  the  imperfect  reckoning  of  the  Yeu^W  o1  *CQa 


624        MAIN  CUKRBNTS  OF  THOUGHT 

year  as  exactly  365i^  days;  thus  every  four  eciilnril 
there  would  be  three  days  too  mnch.  It  was  pn>pos<  - 
to  remedy  this  for  the  present  by  leaving  out  ten  dsfl  - 
and  for  the  future  by  omitting  leap-year  every  centra 
not  divisible  by  400.  The  bull  of  Gregor>-  XIII,  wK 
resumed  the  duties  of  the  ancient  Poutifex  Majinn  '- 
in  regulating  time,  enjoined  Catholic  lands  to  rMtifl  >- 
their  calendar  bj      "  the  fifteenth  of  Oetofcfli 

1582,  to  follow  i  after  the  fourth.   Thil 

was  done  by  most  ■  Spain,  Portugal,  Polai 

most  of  Germany.  fetherlands.     Otiier  l&D^ 

adopted  the  new  .ater,  England  not  i 

1752  and  Russia  ]  ,7. 


The  interrelations  of  science,  religion,  and  pit 
Icsophy,  though  complex  in  their  operation,  are  easily 
understood  in  their  broad  outlines.  Science  is  the  ei* 
amination  of  the  data  of  experience  and  their  explana- 
tion in  logical,  physical,  or  mathematical  terms.  Re 
ligion,  on  the  other  hand,  is  an  attitude  towards  nn 
seen  powers,  involving  the  belief  in  the  existence  o 
spirits.  Philosophy,  or  the  search  for  the  ultimat 
reality,  is  necessarily  an  afterthought.  It  comes  onl; 
after  man  is  sophisticated  enough  to  see  some  diffei 
encc  between  the  phenomenon  and  the  idea.  It  draw 
its  premises  from  both  science  and  religion:  some  sy: 
tems,  like  that  of  Plato,  being  primarily  religion 
fancy,  some,  like  that  of  Aristotle,  scientific  realism. 

The  philosophical  position  taken  by  the  Catholi 
church  was  that  of  Aquinas,  Aristotelian  realism.  Th 
official  commentary  on  the  Sumtna  was  written  at  thi 
time  by  Cardinal  Cajotan,  Compared  to  the  stead 
orientation  of  the  Catholic,  the  Protestant  philosoplier 
wavered,  c!x\.c\vmg  o'vVcw  &\.  VV*i\A.*i*V  •&'vsV.\<^'Jiavi,y:ti 
be  it  monism  ox  -pfaS^^s-^^^^-   '^'^'^^■^  "«*»•  "^-^  •» 


PHILOSOPHY  625 

lal  child  of  Occam,  and  the  ancestor  of  Kant.  His 
iividualism  stood  half-way  between  the  former's 
tniiialism  and  the  latter 's  transcendentalism  and 
bjectivism.  But  the  Reformers  were  far  less  in- 
rested  in  purely  metaphysical  than  they  were  in 
Smatic  questions.  The  main  use  they  made  of  their 
KUosophy  was  to  bring  in  a  more  individual  and  less 
^ohanical  scheme  of  salvation.  Their  great  change 
'  point  of  view  from  Catholicism  was  the  rejection 
'  the  sacramental,  hierarchical  system  in  favor  of 
^%tification  by  faith.  This  was,  in  truth,  a  stupendous 
^«nge,  putting  the  responsibility  for  salvation  di- 
^ly  on  God,  and  dispensing  with  the  mediation  of 
feest  and  rite. 

But  it  was  the  only  important  change,  of  a  specula-  Attitude 
Ve  nature,  made  by  the  Reformers.  The  violent  J^]^^ 
olemics  of  that  and  later  times  have  concealed  the 
ict  that  in  most  of  his  ideas  the  Protestant  is  but  a 
iriety  of  the  Catholic.  Both  religions  accepted  as 
iomatic  the  existence  of  a  personal,  ethical  God,  the 
imortality  of  the  soul,  future  rewards  and  punish- 
^ntSy  the  mystery  of  the  Trinity,  the  revelation,  in- 
mation  and  miracles  of  Christ,  the  authority  of  the 
ble  and  the  real  presence  in  the  sacrament.  Both 
ually  detested  reason. 

He  who  is  gifted  with  the  heavenly  knowledge  of  faith 
[says  the  Catechism  of  the  Council  of  Trent]  is  free  from 
an  inquisitive  curiosity;  for  when  God  commands  us  to 
believe,  he  does  not  propose  to  have  us  search  into  his 
divine  judgments,  nor  to  inquire  their  reasons  and  causes, 
but  demands  an  immutable  faith.  .  .  .  Faith,  therefore, 
excludes  not  only  all  doubt,  but  even  the  desire  of  sub- 
jecting its  truth  to  demonstration. 

We  know  that  reason  is  the  devil's  harlot  [says  Lu- 
ther] and  can  do  nothing  but  slander  and  harm  all  that 
God  says  and  does.     [And  again]  If,  outside  ol  C»\LTveX^ 
you  wish  by  your  own  thoughts  to  know  youx  t^X^lWotl  \» 


626        MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

God,  you  will  break  your  neck.     Thunder  strikn 
who  examines.     It  is  Sat&n's  wisdom  to  teil  wliU  6| 
i8,   and  by  doing  so  he  will  draw  you  into  tit  i^j^ 
Therefore  keep  to  revelation  and  don't  try  to  imdenll 

There  are  many  mysteries  in  the  Bible,  Luther  i 
knowledged,  that  setm  absurd  to  reason,  but  it 
our  duty  to  swallow  them  whole.  '  Cjilyia.  .abboQ 
the  free  spirit  of   "     "  '  "b  as  the  supreme  hen 

of  free  thought.  at  philosophy  was  4 

the  shadow  and  n  j  substance.    "Noril 

reasonable,"  said  lie  divine  will  should 

made  the  subject  vs^  with  us..'.*    Zwi 

anticipating  Desi  itum  infiniti  capax 

est, ' '  stated  that  01  ds  could  not  grasp  Oodlfcr; 

plan.     Oecolampad:  said  that  he  want 

more  light  than  he  then  had — an  instructive  coiilrasl 
to  Goethe's  last  words:  "Mehr  Licht!"  Even  Bacon, 
either  from  prudence  or  conviction,  said  that  theolog- 
ical mysteries  seeming  absurd  to  reason  must  be  be- 
lieved. 

Nor  were  the  radical  sects  a  whit  more  ratiouaL 
Those  who  represented  the  protest  against  Protestant- 
ism and  the  dissidence  of  dissent  appealed  to  the  Bibl« 
as  an  authority  and  abhorred  reason  as  much  as  did 
the  ortliodox  churches.  The  Antitrinitarians  were  no 
more  dfists  or  free  thinkers  than  were  the  Lutherans. 
CampanuK  and  Adam  Pastor  and  Sorvetus  and  the 
Sozinis  had  no  aversion  to  the  supernatural  and  niade 
no  claim  to  reduce  Christianity  to  a  bumanitariati 
deism,  as  some  modern  Unitarians  would  do.  Their 
doubts  were  simply  based  on  a  different  exegesis  of 
the  biblical  texts.  Fauslo  Sozini  thought  Christ  was 
"a  .subaltern  God  to  whom  at  a  certain  time  the  Su- 
preme God  gave  over  the  government  of  the  worKl. 
Sorvetus  (\ef\uei\  \\\c  "WtoA^"  V'A  V^  "vwt  an  illusion  1 
three  invisible  V\m\^ft,  \i\i.V  'Oi^'^  m-i.\\\W'*.Ns.>:\si^  ^^^'t^-^' 


PHILOSOPHY  627 

16  Word  and  a  communication  of  the  substance  of 
in  the  Spirit."  This  is  no  new  rationalism  com- 
in  but  a  reversion  to  an  obsolete  heresy,  that  of 
1  of  Samosata.  It  does  not  surprise  us  to  find 
^etus  lecturing  on  astrology. 

)mewhat  to  the  left  of  the  Antitrinitarian  sects  ^j|^^^ 
5  a  few  men,  who  had  hardly  any  followers,  who 
be  called,  for  want  of  a  better  term.  Spiritual  Re- 
lers.    They  sought,  quite  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
spirit,  to  make  Christianity  nothing  but  an  eth- 
cultnre.    James  Acontius,  bom  in  Trent  but  nat-  1565 
ized  in  England,  published  his  Stratagems  of  Satan 
365  to  reduce  the  fundamental  doctrines  of  Chris- 
ity  to  the  very  fewest  possible.    Sebastian  Franck 
Qgolstadt  found  the  only  authority  for  each  man  in  Fnmck, 
nward,  spiritual  message.    He  sought  to  found  no 
munity  or  church,  but  to  get  only  readers.    These 
passed  almost  unnoticed  in  their  day. 
liere  was  much  skepticism  throughout  the  century.  Italian 
iplete  Pyrrhonism  under  a  thin  veil  of  lip-con-  •^^p'*" 
aity,  was  preached  by  Peter  Pomponazzi,  professor  ^®?p^ 
•hilosophy  at  Padua,  Ferrara  and  Bologna.    His  ^525 
immortalitate  animi  caused  a  storm  by  its  plain  1515 
lusion  that  the  soul  perished  with  the  body.    He 
1  to  make  the  distinction  in  his  favor  that  a  thing 
it  be  true  in  religion  and  false  in  philosophy.    Thus 
lenied  his  belief  in  demons  and  spirits  as  a  phi- 
pher,  while  affirming  that  he  believed  in  them  as  a 
Lstiah.    He  was  in  fact  a  materialist.    He  placed 
Lstianity,  Mohammedanism  and  Judaism  on  the 
e  level,  broadly  hinting  that  all  were  impostures, 
ablic  opinion  became  so  interested  in  the  subject 
nmortality  at  this  time  that  when  another  philoso- 
r,  Simon  Porzio,  tried  to  lecture  on  meteorology 
isa,  his  audience  interrupted  him  wilVi  eT\e^,''*'^^\^ 
lima  f    He,  also,  maintained  that  tVie  ao\3\  oi  \3MKCl 


■    -■■'   s'"»"i) 

clerics  to  Icclur, 

vain!    A  repori 

fessors  of  philo; 

"le  whole  litera 

ctUvelli,  who  tr 

ions  superstilioi 

nothing  but  plea 

"Vanity  maies  i 

osto,"whyi8itt 

handf-'lju^  1+ 

In  Germany,  fc 

most  celebrated  ca 

of  Nuremberg," 

Beham,  and  Oeorj 

some  doubts  about 

tholomew  went  fui 

human  device,  tha 

H'vcd  and  that  th, 

ldl*»  fott 1     . 


PHILOSOPHY  629 

ials  of  heretics  who  denied  all  Christian  doctrines 
**all  principles  save  natural  ones."     But  a  spirit 
more  dangerous  to  religion  than  any  mere  denial 
mated  itself  in  Rabelais.    He  did  not  philosophize, 
he  poured  forth  a  torrent  of  the  raw  material  from 
ch  philosophies  are  made.    He  did  not  argue  or 
ck;  he  rose  like  a  flood  or  a  tide  until  men  found 
elves  either  swimming  in  the  sea  of  mirth  and 
ery,  or  else  swept  off  their  feet  by  it.    He  studied 
,  theology  and  medicine ;  he  travelled  in  Germany 
d  Italy  and  he  read  the  classics,  the  schoolmen,  the 
anists  and  the  heretics.    And  he  found  everywhere 
t  nature  and  life  were  good  and  nothing  evil  in  the 
rid  save  its  deniers.    To  live  according  to  nature 
boilt,  in  his  story,  the  abbey  of  Theleme,  a  sort  of 
onist's  or  anarchist's  Utopia  where  men  and  women 
U  together  under  the  rule,  **Do  what  thou  wilt,*' 
d  which  has  over  its  gates  the  punning  invitation: 
**Cy  entrez,  vous,  qui  le  saint  evangile  en  sens  agile 
oncez,  quoy  qu'on  gronde.'*    For  Rabelais  there 
8  nothing  sacred,  or  even  serious  in  **  revealed  re- 
ion,"  and  God  was  **that  intellectual  sphere  the  cen- 
ter of  which  is  everywhere  and  the  circumference  no- 
where. '  * 

Rabelais  was  not  the  only  Frenchman  to  burlesque 
the  religious  quarrels  of  the  day.  Bonaventure  des 
Periers,  in  a  work  called  Cymbalum  Mundi,  introduced  Dc»P^ 
Luther  under  the  anagram  of  Rethulus,  a  Catholic  as 
Tryocan  {i.e.,  Croyant)  and  a  skeptic  as  Du  Clenier 
(i.e.,  Incredule),  debating  their  opinions  in  a  way  that 
redounded  much  to  the  advantage  of  the  last  named. 

Then  there  was  Stephen  Dolet  the  humanist  pub-  l>olct, 

1509-46 

Usher  of  Lyons,  burned  to  death  as  an  atheist,  because, 
in  translating  the  Axiochos,  a  dialogue  then  attributed 
to  Plato,  he  bad  written  ''After  death  you  mW\i^  XkSsKXi- 
ingr  at  all''  instead  of  ''After  deatli  you  ^'WiISX  \>^  "s^^ 


at 

r      ** 


MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

more,"  as  the  original  is  literally  to  be  construed 
The  charge  was  frivolous,  but  the  impression  was 
doubtless  correct  that  he  was  a  rather  indifferent  skep- 
tic, disdainful  of  religion.  He,  too,  considered  the 
Reformers  only  to  reject  them  as  too  much  like  their 
enemies.  No  Christian  church  could  hold  the  wor- 
shipper of  Cicero  and  of  letters,  of  glor\-  and  of  hu- 
manity. And  yet  this  sad  and  restless  man,  who  found 
the  taste  of  life  as  bitter  as  Rabelais  had  found  it 
sweet,  died  for  his  faith.  He  was  the  martyr  of  the 
Renaissance. 

A  more  systematic  examination  of  religion  was  made 
by  Jean  Bodin  in  his  Colloquy  on  Secret  and  Sublime 
Matters,  commonly  called  the  Hcptaplomeres.  Though 
not  published  until  long  after  the  author's  death,  it  had 
a  brisk  circulation  in  manuscript  and  won  a  reputation 
for  impiety  far  beyond  its  deserts.  It  is  simply  a  con- 
versation between  a  Jew,  a  Mohammedan,  a  Lutheran, 
a  Zwinglian,  a  Catholic,  an  Epicurean  and  a  Tbeist. 
The  striking  thing  about  it  is  the  fairness  with  whieh 
all  sides  are  presented;  there  is  no  summing  up  in 
favor  of  one  faith  rather  than  another.  Nevertheless, 
the  conclusion  would  force  itself  upon  the  reader  thai 
among  so  many  religions  there  was  little  choice;  that 
there  was  something  true  and  something  false  in  all; 
and  that  the  only  necessary  articles  were  those  on 
which  all  agreed.  Bodin  was  half  way  between  a  theist 
and  a  deist;  he  believed  that  the  Decalogue  was  a  nat- 
ural law  imprinted  in  all  men's  hearts  and  that  Ja- 
daism  was  the  nearest  to  being  a  natural  religion.  He 
admitted,  however,  that  the  chain  of  casuality  was 
broken  by  miracle  and  he  believed  in  witchcraft.  It 
cannot  be  thought  that  he  was  wholly  without  personal 
faith,  like  Maeliiavelli,  and  yet  his  strong:  argument 
against  changing  religion  even  if  the  new  be  better  than 
the  old,  13  entireV^  ■wot\^'^.  "^  \'Oss. '^taii.ce  before  his 


.  PHILOSOPHY 

■yes,  it  is  not  strange  that  be  drew  the  general  con- 
clusion that  any  change  of  religion  is  dangerous  and 
sure  to  be  followed  by  war,  pestilence,  famine  and  de- 
moniacal possession. 

After  the  fiery  stimulants,  compounded  of  brimstone  Montaigne 
and  Stygian  hatred,  offered  by  Calvin  and  the  Cath- 
olics, and  after  the  plethoric  gorge  of  good  cheer  at  , 
Bargantna's  table,  the  mild  sedative  of  Montaigne's 
Conversation  comes  like  a  draft  of  nepenthe  or  the 
fruit  of  the  lotus.  In  him  we  find  no  blast  and  blaze 
of  propaganda,  no  fulmination  of  bull  and  ban ;  nor  any 
tide  of  earth-encircling  Rabelaisian  mirth.  His  words 
fall  as  softly  and  as  thick  as  snowflakes,  and  they  leave 
his  world  a  white  page,  with  all  vestiges  of  previous 
"writings  erased.  He  neither  asseverates  nor  denies; 
he  merely,  as  he  puts  it  himself,  "juggles,"  treating  of 
idle  subjects  which  he  believes  nothing  at  all,  for  he 
has  noticed  that  as  soon  one  denies  the  possibility  of 
anything,  someone  else  will  say  that  he  has  seen  it.  In 
short,  truth  is  a  near  neighbor  to  falsehood,  and  the 
wise  man  can  only  repeat,  "Que  sais-jel"  Let  us  live 
delicately  and  quietly,  finding  the  world  worth  enjoy- 
ing, but  not  worth  troubling  about. 

Wide  as  are  the  differences  between  the  Greek 
thinker  and  the  French,  there  is  something  Socratic 
in  the  way  in  which  Montaigne  takes  up  every  subject 
only  to  suggest  doubts  of  previously  held  opinion  about 
it.  If  he  remained  outwardly  a  Catholic,  it  was  be- 
cause he  saw  exactly  as  much  to  doubt  in  other  re- 
ligions. Almost  all  opinions,  he  urges,  are  taken  on 
authority,  for  when  men  begin  to  reason  they  draw 
diametrically  opposite  conclusions  from  the  same  ob- 
served facts.  He  was  in  the  civil  wars  esteemed  an 
enemy  by  all  parties,  though  it  was  only  because  he  had  ~| 

both  Huguenot  and  Catholic  friends.     "I  have  seen  in 
Germany,"  he  wrote,  "that  Luther  hath  Yetl  a,a  inw.vj 


632        MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

divisioiiB  and  aUercations  concerning;  the  doubt  of  li  .j:! 
opinionB,  yea,  and  more,  than  he  himself  moveth  bImi  •_  I 
the  Holy  Scriptures."  The  Reformers,  in  fart,  il  i  -? 
done  nothing  but  reform  superficial  faults  aad  i»  irj 
either  left  the  essential  ones  untouched,  or  increaia  zj. 
them.  How  foolish  they  were  to  imagine  that  Ihe  pci  * 
pie  could  understand  the  Bible  if  they  could  oulyrd  -.' 
it  in  their  own  lar 
Montaigne  was  feel  the  fall  significaa   z  t 

^  of  the  multiplicity  "Is  there  any  opimoa*     -A 

fantastical,  or  cont  ravagant  ...  or  opiiua   ■« 

so  strange,"  he  a  .  custom  hath  not  estm^ 

lished  and  plante  i  some  region!"    I'sanef 

sanctions  every  moi  including  incest  and  p0v 

ricide  in  some  places,  others  "that  unsociaUtw: 

opinion  of  tlie  mortality  of  the  soul."  Indeed,  Mon- 
taigne comes  back  to  the  point,  a  man 's  belief  does  not 
depend  on  his  reason,  but  on  where  he  was  bom  and 
how  brought  up.  "To  an  atheist  all  writings  mat* 
for  atheism."  "We  receive  our  religion  but  accord- 
ing to  our  fashion.  .  ,  .  Another  eountrj',  other  ti'sti- 
monics,  equal  promises,  like  menaces,  might  sembabl; 
imprint  a  clean  contrary  religion  in  us." 

Piously  hoping  that  he  has  set  down  nothing  ^^ 
pugnant  to  the  prescriptions  of  the  Catholic,  Apostolic 
and  Roman  church,  where  he  was  born  and  out  of  which 
he  purposes  not  to  die,  Montaigne  proceeds  to  demon- 
strate that  God  is  unknowable.  A  man  cannot  grasp 
more  than  his  hand  will  hold  nor  straddle  more  than 
his  legs'  lengtli.  Not  only  all  religions,  but  all  sci- 
entists give  the  lie  to  each  other,  Copernicus,  liaving 
recently  overthrown  the  old  astronomy,  may  be  later 
overthrown  himself.  In  like  manner  the  new  medical 
science  of  Paracelsus  contradicts  the  old  and  may  iu 
turn  pass  away.  t\\c  saiftft  WtAa  vi'^^^a.^  i.\SiirGntIy  to  ' 
different  men,  a\\A"Ti^V>i«^% '^««^^^'^^ '^'*'^'^^^^^*^ 


PHILOSOPHY  633 

altered  bv  our  senses."     Probability  is  as  hard  to 
it  as  truth,  for  a  man 's  mind  is  changed  by  ilhiess,  or 
m  by  time,  and  by  his  wishes.    Even  skepticism  is 
rtain,  for  **when  the  Pyrrhonians  say,  *I  doubt,' 
have  them  fast  by  the  throat  to  make  them  avow 
.t  at  least  you  are  assured  and  know  that  they 
iT)t.''    In   short,   **  nothing   is   certain  but   uncer- 
ity,*'  and  **  nothing  seemeth  true  that  may  not 
«n  false. ' '    Montaigne  wrote  of  pleasure  as  the  chief 
of  man,  and  of  death  as  annihilation.    The  glory 
philosophy  is  to  teach  men  to  despise  death.    One 
wld  do  so  by  remembering  that  it  is  as  great  folly  to 
because  one  would  not  be  alive  a  hundred  years 
ice  as  it  would  be  to  weep  because  one  had  not  been 
ing  a  hundred  years  ago. 
1^^  A  disciple  who  dotted  the  i's  and  crossed  the  t's  of  Chanon 
^llontaigne  was  Peter  Charron.    He,  too,  played  off  the  ^^^"^^ 
itradictions  of  the  sects  against  each  other.    All 
im  inspiration  and  who  can  tell  which  inspiration  is 
right  f    Can  the  same  Spirit  tell  the  Catholic  that  the 
books  of  Maccabees  are  canonical  and  tell  Luther  that 
they  are  not?    The  senses  are  fallible  and  the  soul, 
located  by  Charron  in  a  ventricle  of  the  brain,  is  sub- 
ject to  strange  disturbances.    Many  things  almost  uni- 
versally believed,  like  immortality,  cannot  be  proved. 
Man  is  like  the  lower  animals.    **We  believe,  judge, 
act,  live  and  die  on  faith,"  but  this  faith  is  poorly  sup- 
ported, for  all  religions  and  all  authorities  are  but  of 
human  origin. 

English  thought  followed  rather  than  led  that  of  ^li^^ 
Europe  throughout  the  century.    At  first  tolerant  and      *^  ^ 
liberal,  it  became  violently  religious  towards  the  mid- 
dle of  the  period  and  then  underwent  a  strong  re- 
action in  the  direction  of  indifference  and  atheism. 
For  the  Brst  years,  before  the  Kef  ormaliow,  Wi^  13  lopxa 
may  serve  as  an  example.     More,  under  tti^  m^^xvfexvsifc 


634        MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

of  the  Italian  Platonists,  pictured  his  ideal  people  as 
adherents  of  a  dcistic,  humanitarian  religion,  with  iev 
priests  and  holy,  tolerant  of  everything  save  intol- 
erance. They  worshipped  one  God,  believed  in  im- 
mortality and  yet  thought  that  "the  cliief  felicity  of 
man"  lay  in  the  pursuit  of  rational  pleasure.  Whether 
More  depicted  this  cult  simply  to  fulfil  the  dramatic 
probabiliticfi  and  to  show  what  was  natural  religion 
among  men  hcfore  revelation  came  to  them,  or  whether 
his  own  opinions  altered  in  later  life,  it  is  certain  that 
he  became  robustly  Catholic,  He  spent  much  time  in 
religious  controversy  and  resorted  to  austerities.  In 
one  place  he  tells  of  a  lewd  gallant  who  asked  a  friar 
"why  he  gave  himself  the  pain  of  walking  barefoot 
Answered  that  this  pain  was  less  than  hell,  the  gallanl 
replied,  "If  there  be  no  hell,  what  a  fool  are  you,"  and 
received  the  retort,  "If  there  bo  hell,  what  n  fool  ar« 
you. ' '  Sir  Thomas  evidently  believed  there  was  a  hell, 
or  preferred  to  take  no  chances.  In  one  place  hf 
argues  at  length  that  many  and  great  miracles  daily 
take  place  at  shrines. 

The  fe%'erish  crisis  of  the  Keforraation  was  followed 
in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  by  an  epidemic  of  skepticism. 
Widely  as  it  was  spread  there  can  be  found  little  phil- 
osophical thought  in  it.  It  was  simply  the  penduluin 
pulled  far  to  the  right  swinging  back  again  to  the  es- 
treme  left.  The  suspicions  expressed  that  the  queen 
herself  was  an  atheist  were  unfounded,  but  it  is  impos- 
sible to  dismi.ss  as  easily  the  numerous  testimonies  of 
infidelity  among  her  subjects.  Roger  Ascham  wrote  in 
his  Schoolmaster  that  the  "incarnate  devils"  of  Eng- 
lishmen returned  from  Italy  said  "there  is  no  God" 
and  then,  "they  first  lustily  condemn  God,  then  scorn- 
fully mock  his  Word  .  .  .  counting  as  fables  the  holv 
mysteries  of  religion.  They  make  Christ  and  his  Oos- 
pel  only  serve  ewW.  -poXxOita.  .  .  .  Tbay  boldly  laugh 


PHILOSOPHY  635 

to  scorn  both  Protestant  and  Papist.     Thoy  confess  no 
>ture.  .  .  .  They  mock  the  pope ;  they  rail  on  Lu- 
.  .  .  They  are  Epicures  in  living  and  o^coi  in  doo- 

^    In  like  manner  Cecil  wrote :  *  *  The  service  of  God  and   1569 
sincere  profession  of  Christianity  are  much  de- 
^  ed,  and  in  place  of  it,  partly  papistry,  partly  pagan- 
Wttn  and  irreligion  have  crept  in.  .  .  .  Baptists,  de- 
'^Iftders  of  religion.  Epicureans  and  atheists  are  every- 
jre. ' '    Ten  years  later  John  Lyly  wrote  that  *  *  there 
'er  were  such  sects  among  the  heathens,  such  schisms 
mg  the  Turks,  such  misbelief  among  infidels  as  is 
among  scholars. ' '    The  same  author  wrote  a  dia- 
^  le,   Euphues   and  Atheos,   to   convince    skeptics, 
C^Mile   from   the   pulpit    the   Puritan    Henry    Smith 
"^^^iiiot  ** God's  Arrow  against  atheists."    According  to 
^-*33ioma8   Nash    {Pierce   Penmless^s   Supplication   to  1592 
"^  ^  ike  Devil)  atheists  are  now  triumphing  and  rejoicing, 
-^Morning  the  Bible,  proving  that  there  were  men  be- 
fore Adam  and  even  maintaining  'Hhat  there  are  no 
divells.*'    Marlowe  and  some  of  his  associates  were 
mispected  of  atheism.    In  1595  John  Baldwin,  exam- 
ined before  Star  Chamber,  **  questioned  whether  there 
were  a  God;  if  there  were,  how  he  should  be  known; 
if  by  his  Word,  who  wrote  the  same,  if  the  prophets  and 
the  apostles,  they  were  but  men  and  humanum  est 
errare/'    The  next  year  Robert  Fisher  maintained  be- 
fore the  same  court  that  ''Christ  was  no  saviour  and 
that  the  gospel  was  a  fable. ' ' 

That  one  of  the  prime  causes  of  all  this  skepticism  Bacon 
was  to  be  found  in  the  religious  revolution  was  the 
opinion  of  Francis  Bacon.  Although  Bacon's  philo- 
sophic thought  is  excluded  from  consideration  by  the 
chronological  limits  of  this  book,  it  may  be  permissible 
to  qvote  bj8  words  on  this  subject.  Iiv  oive  ^'SiCi^  V^ 
say^s  that  where  there  are  two  religions  eoTiteTidLVCk%  lox 


L 


MAIN  CURKEKTS  OF  THOUGH 

mastery  their  mutual  animosity  will  add  warmth  to 
conviction  and  rather  strengthen  the  adherents  of  eaeli 
in  their  own  opinions,  but  where  there  are  i.  irc  than 
two  they  will  breed  doubt.     In  another  place  h  1  •  says : 

Heresies  and  schisms  are  of  all  others  the  greatest  scin- 
dals,  yea  more  tlian  corruption  of  manners.  ...  So  thit 
nothing  doth  so  keep  men  out  of  the  church  and  drive 
men  out  of  the  church  as  breach  of  unity.  .  .  .  The  dor- 
tor  of  the  gentiles  saith,  "If  an  heathen  come  in  and  h«f 
you  speak  with  several  tonpues,  will  he  not  say  that  yon 
are  mad  I"  And  certainly  it  is  little  better  when  atheiiili 
and  profane  persons  hear  of  so  many  discordant  and 
contrary  opinions  in  religion. 

But  while  Bacon  saw  that  when  doctors  disagree  the 
common  man  will  lose  all  faith  in  them,  it  was  not  to 
religion  but  to  science  that  he  looked  for  the  reforma- 
tion of  philosophy.  Thcologj',  in  Bacon's  judgment, 
was  a  chief  enemy  to  philosophy,  for  it  seduced 
from  scientific  pursuit  of  truth  to  the  ser\'ice  of  dog 
"You  may  find  all  access  to  any  species  of  phik 
ophy,"  said  Bacon,  "however  pure,  intercepted  bj^ 
the  ignorance  of  divines." 

The  thought  here  expressed  but  sums  up  the  acttul 
trend  of  the  sixteenth  century  in  the  direction  of  sep- 
arating philosophy  and  religion.  In  modem  times  the 
philosopher  has  found  his  inspiration  far  more  in  sd- 
ence  than  in  religion,  and  the  turning-point  carae  about 
the  time  of,  and  largely  as  a  consequence  of,  the  new 
observation  of  nature,  and  particularly  the  new  astron- 
omy. 

The  prologue  to  the  drama  of  the  new  thonght  was 
the  revolt  against  Aristotle.  "The  master  of  them 
who  know"  had  become,  after  the  definite  acceptance 
of  his  works  as  standard  texts  in  the  universities  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  an  inspired  and  infallible  authority 


PHILOSOPHY  637 

all  science.  With  him  were  associated  the  school- 
who.  debated  the  question  of  realism  versus  nom- 
m.  ^But  as  the  mind  of  man  grew  and  advanced, 
it  ha  been  once  the  brace  became  a  galling  bond, 
parties  united  to  make  common  cause  against  the 
litb.  The  Italian  Platonists  attacked  him  in  the 
of  their,  and  his,  master.  Luther  opined  that 
one  had  ever  understood  Aristotle's  meaning,  that 
ethics  of  that  ''danmed  heathen"  directly  contra- 
;ed  Christian  virtue,  that  any  potter  would  know 
»re  of  natural  science  than  he,  and  that  it  would  be 
if  he  who  had  started  the  debate  on  realism  and 
^minalism  had  never  been  born.  Catholics  like 
Lgen  protested  at  the  excessive  reverence  given  to 
^^Aristotle  at  the  expense  of  Christ.  Finally,  the  French 
^  .'aeientist  Peter  Ramus  advanced  the  thesis  at  the  Uni-  ^*^J^ 
£  "irersity  of  Paris  that  everything  taught  by  Aristotle 
^  Was  false.  No  authority,  he  argued,  is  superior  to  rea- 
son, for  it  is  reason  which  creates  and  determines  au- 
-  thority. 

In  place  of  AristotleT  men  turned  to  nature.  *  *  Who-  Effect  o\ 
soever  in  discussion  adduces  authority  uses  not  intel-  J|^^"^j 
leet  but  memory,'*  said  Leonardo.  Vives  urged  that 
experiment  was  the  only  road  to  truth.  The  discov- 
eries of  natural  laws  led  to  a  new  conception  of  ex- 
ternal reality,  independent  of  man's  wishes  and  ego- 
centric theories.  It  also  gave  rise  to  the  conception  of 
uniformity  of  law.  Copernicus  sought  and  found  a 
mathematical  unity  in  the  heavens.  It  was,  above  all 
else,  his  astronomy  that  fought  the  battle  of,  and  won 
the  victory  for,  the  new  principles  of  research.  Its 
glory  was  not  so  much  its  positive  addition  to  knowl- 
edge, great  as  that  was,  but  its  mode  of  thought.  By 
pure  reason  a  new  system  was  established  and  tri- 
umphed over  the  testimony  of  the  senses  axA  o1  ^ 


638        MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 

previous  authority,  even  that  which  purported  t«  I 
revelation.  Man  was  reduced  to  a  creatnre  of  Ui 
God  was  defined  as  an  expression  of  law. 

How  much  was  man's  imagination  touched, 
was  his  whole  thought  and  purpose  changed  by  tb 
Copemican  discovery !  No  longer  lord  of  a  litlll 
bounded  world,  man  crept  as  a  parasite  on  a  grain 
dust  spinning  etc  "  '  igh  endless  space.  Aa 
with  thfrlmniiliati  -eat  exaltation.    Forti 

tiny  creature  con  the  stars  and  hind  fl    » 

Pleiades  and  souii  i  abyss  that  held  a 

What  new  sublin  ight,  what  grreatness 

soul  was  not  his !  ieus  belongs  properly 

praise  lavished  by  on  Epicurus,  of  ha' 

burst  the  flaming  bo,  :he  world  and  of  havii 

made  man  equal  to  heaven.  The  histury  of  the  past, 
the  religion  of  the  present,  the  science  of  the  future- 
all  ideas  were  transmuted,  all  values  reversed  by  this 
new  and  wonderful  hypothesis. 

But  all  this,  of  course,  was  but  dimly  sensed  by  the 
contemporaries  of  Oopemicus.  AVhat  they  really  felt 
was  the  new  compulsion  of  natural  law  and  the  neces- 
sity of  causation.  Leonardo  was  led  thus  far  by  his 
study  of  mathematics,  which  he  regarded  as  the  kfv  to 
natural  science.  He  even  went  so  far  as  to  define  time 
as  a  sort  of  n  on -geometrical  space, 
rheoryof  Two  things  were  necessary  to  a  philosophy  in  liar- 
inowledge  jDQ,iy  „riti)  tlie  scientific  view;  the  first  was  a  new  the- 
ory of  knowledge,  the  second  was  a  now  conception  of 
the  ultimate  reality  in  the  uiiivL^rse.  Paracelsuy  cou- 
tributed  to  the  first  in  the  direction  of  modern  em- 
piricism, by  defending  understanding  as  that  wliich 
comprehended  exactly  the  thing  that  the  hand  touched 
and  the  eyes  saw.  Several  immature  attempts  were 
made  at  scientific  skepticism.  That  of  CorneUus 
Agrippa — Dc  incertitudine  ct  vanitate  scientiarum  et 


PHILOSOPHY  639 

tiuyn  atqne  exccllentia  Verbi  Dei  dcclamatio — can 
•dly  be  taken  seriously,  as  it  was  regarded  by  the 
itJior  himself  rather  as  a  clever  paradox.  Francis 
Lchez,  on  the  other  hand,  formulated  a  tenable  the- 
of  the  impossibility  of  knowing  anything.  A  riper 
)jj  of  perception,  following  Paracelsus  and  antici- 
tting  Leibnitz,  was  that  of  Edward  Digby,  based  on 
notion  of  the  active  correspondence  between  mind 
matter. 
To  the^  thinker  of  the  sixteenth  century  the  solution  The  uiti 
the  question  of  the  ultimate  reality  seemed  to  de-  "*^®'® 
id  some  form  of  identification  of  the  world-soul 
matter.  Paracelsus  and  Gilbert  both  felt  in  the 
ion  of  hylozoism,  or  the  theory  of  the  animation 
all  things.  If  logically  carried  out,  as  it  was  not 
them,  this  would  have  meant  that  everything  was 
^k)d.  The  other  alternative,  that  God  was  everything, 
was  developed  by  a  remarkable  man,  who  felt  for  the 
new  science  the  enthusiasm  of  a  religious  convert, 
Giordano  Bruno. 

Bom  at  Nola  near  Naples,  he  entered  in  his  fifteenth  Bruno, 

1548-16 

year  the  Dominican  friary.  This  step  he  soon  re- 
gretted, and,  after  being  disciplined  for  disobedience, 
fled,  first  to  Rome  and  then  to  Geneva.  Thence  he 
wandered  to  France,  to  England,  and  to  Wittenberg  1569 
and  Prague,  lecturing  at  several  universities,  including 
Oxford.  In  1593  he  was  lured  back  to  Italy,  was  im- 
prisoned by  the  Inquisition,  and  after  long  years  was  f?*?^ 
finally  burnt  at  the  stake  in  Rome. 

In  religion  Bruno  was  an  eclectic,  if  not  a  skeptic. 
At  Wittenberg  he  spoke  of  Luther  as  *'a  second  Her- 
cnles  who  bound  the  three-headed  and  triply-crowTied 
honnd  of  hell  and  forced  him  to  vomit  forth  his  poi- 
son.'* But  in  Italy  he  wrote  that  he  despised  the  Re- 
formers as  more  ignorant  than  himself.  His  Expul- 
sion of  the  Triumphant  Beast,  in  the  disgvxis^  oi  wi  ^V 


aii;  ifu  to  contemplate 
apart,  and  distant  fron 
deity  is  situated  wholly 
as  we  can  be  to  oursel 
Bruno  had  learned  that 
est  as  in  the  greatest  tl 
being  as  endless  in  po^\ 
energy,  and  all  being  ui 
One."  Now,  Bruno's 
cosmological  impllcatio 
fication  of  the  Copemi 
terms  of  Nicholas  of  C 
Liberated  from  the  t 
senses,  dazzled  by  the  w. 
end  scattered  like  blazi 
drunk  with  the  thought 
paean  of  breathing  tho 
celebrate  his  new  faith, 
universe  for  him  was  c 


CHAPTER  Xin 
THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 


i 


g  1.  Tolerance  and  Intolerance 
Because  religion  has  in  the  past  protested  its  own 
intolerance  tlie  most  loudly,  it  is  commonly  regarded 
as  the  field  of  persecution  par  excellence.     This  is  so 
far  from  heing  the  case  that  it  is  just  iu  the  field  of 
religion  that  the  greatest  liberty  has  been,  after  a  hard 
struggle,  won.     It  is  as  if  the  son  who  refused  to  work 
jfan    the    vineyard    had   been    forcibly    hauled    thither, 
■pfaercas  the  other  son,  admitting  his  willingness  to 
I,  had  been  left  out.     Nowadays  in  most  civilized 
antries  a  man  would  suffer  more  inconvenience  by 
ing  bare-foot  and  long-haired  than  by  proclaiming 
[>vel  religious  views;  he  would  be  in  vastly  more  dan- 
T  by  opposing  the  prevalent  patriotic  or  economic 
ictrines,  or  by  violating  some  possibly  irrational  con- 
ation, than  he  would  by  declaring  his  agnosticism 
atheism.     The  reason  of  this  state  of  things  is  that 
the  field  of  religion  a  tremendous  battle  between 
iposing  faiths  was  once  fought,  with  exhaustion  as 
e  result,  and  that  the  rationalists  then  succeeded  in 
aposing  on  the  two  parties,  convinced  that  neither 
raid  exterminate  the  other,  respect  for  each  other's 
j^hts. 

This  battle  was  fought  in  the  sixteenth  and  seven-  J? 

teentb  centuries.     Almost  all  religions  and  almost  all 

tesmen  were  then  equally  intolerant  when  they  had 

ie  power  to  be  so.     The  Catholic  church,  with  that 

iperb  consistency  that  no  new  light  cau  aWcT,  VtA 


J 


642  THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

always  asserted  that  the  opinion  that  even-one  jJhw 
■  have  freedom  of  conscience  was  "madness  floii 
from  the  most  foul  fountain  of  indifference."'  A 
gustine  believed  that  the  church  should  '* compel  m 
to  enter  in  "  to  the  kingdom,  by  force.  Aqainas  aifn 
that  faith  is  a  virtue,  infidelity  of  those  who  have  bn: 
the  truth  a  sin,  and  that  "heretics  deserve  not  only 
be  exeommunics'  '  '  '  '  'e  put  to  death."  One 
Luther's  propos  nned  by  the  hull  Exswj 

Domine  was  tin  nst  the  will  of  the  HiJj 

Ghost  to  put  her>  i,     Wlien  Erasmus  wroti 

"Who  ever  hea  ,  bishops   incite  king* 

slaughter  hereti  s  nothing  else  than  hen 

ticst"  the  propt  condemned,  by  the  S« 

bonne,  as  repugnji,  iws  of  nature,  of  God 

of  mail.  The  power  of  the  pope  to  depo.se  and  yainik 
heretical  princes  was  asserted  in  the  bull  of  Februait 
15, 1559. 

.  The  theory  of  the  Catholic  church  was  put  into  in- 
stant practice;  the  duty  of  persecution  was  carried oal 
by  the  Holy  Office,  of  which  Lord  Acton,  though  him- 
self a  Catholic,  has  said:  ^ 

Tlie  Inr[uisilion  is  peculiarly  the  weapon  and  peculiwlj 
the  work  of  the  popes.  It  stands  out  from  all  those  ihiup 
in  whiL'h  tliey  co-operated,  followed  or  assented,  as  U« 
distinctive  feature  of  papal  Rome.  ...  It  is  the  pria- 
cipal  thing  with  which  the  papacy  is  idenlitied  and  br 
which  it  must  be  judged.  The  principle  of  the  Inquia- 
tion  is  murderous,  and  a  man's  opinion  of  the  papacy  it 
regulated  and  determined  by  his  opinion  about  religiooi 
assassination. 

But  Acton's  judgment,  just,  as  it  is  severe,  is  ntrt 
the  judgment  of  tlie  church.     A  prelate  of  the  papal 

1  Gregory  XVI.  Kncydioal.  ilirari  roa.  1832. 

sLettcrt  to  Mary  (lladalone,  e4.ft,?a.»ii,wa*.^.M8t. 


I 


TOLERANCE  AND  INTOLERANCE   643 

ousehold  published  in  1895,  the  following  words  in 
le  Annates  ecclesiastici:  ' 

Some  sons  of  darkness  nowadays  with  dilalrd  nostrils 
and  wild  eyes  inveigh  against  the  intolerance  of  the  Mid- 
dle Ages.  But  let  not  us,  blinded  by  that  liberalism  that 
bewitches  under  the  guise  of  wisdom,  seek  for  silly  little 
reasons  to  defend  the  Inquisition!  Let  no  one  speak  o£ 
the  condition  of  the  times  and  intemperate  zeal,  as  if  the 
church  needed  exeuscs.  0  blessed  flames  of  those  pyrea 
by  which  a  very  few  crafty  and  insignificant  persons 
were  taken  away  that  hundreds  of  hundreds  of  phalanxes 
of  souls  should  be  saved  from  the  jaws  of  error  and  eter- 
nal damnation !  0  noble  and  venerable  memory  of  Tor- 
qucmada ! 

So  much  for  the  Catholics.  If  any  one  still  harbors  ?"««« 
be  traditional  prejudice  that  the  early  Protestants 
rere  more  liberal,  he  must  be  undeceived.  Save  for  a 
'ew  splendid  sayings  of  Luther,  confined  to  the  early  Luiher 
rears  when  he  was  powerless,  tliere  is  hardly  anything 
xt  be  found  among  the  leading  reformers  in  favor  of 
freedom  of  conscience.  As  soon  as  they  had  the  power 
o  persecute  they  did. 

In  his  first  period  Luther  expressed  the  theory  of 
oleration  as  well  as  anyone  can.  He  wrote:  "The 
lope  is  no  judge  of  matters  pertaining  to  God's  Word 
md  the  faith,  but  a  Christian  must  examine  and  judge 
bein  himself,  as  he  must  live  and  die  by  them." 
Igain  he  said:  "Heresy  can  never  be  prevented  by 
'oTce.  .  .  .  Heresy  is  a  spiritual  thing;  it  cannot  be 
cut  with  iron  nor  burnt  with  fire  nor  drowned  in  wa- 
ter." And  yet  again,  "Faith  is  free.  What  could  a 
leresy  trial  do!  No  more  than  make  people  agree  by 
naoath  or  in  writing;  it  could  not  compel  the  heart. 
For  true  is  the  proverb:  'Thoughts  are  free  of  taxes.'  " 

C.  Mirbt:  Qutlltn  zur  Ueichichte  dea  FaptHumt,  a,  1011,  p.  30O. 


644  THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

Even  when  the  Anabaptists  began  to  preach  doctrine  "-^^ 
that  he  thoroughly  disliked,  Luther  at  first  advist3dtll  *  ' 
government  to  leave  them  unmolested  to  teach  and  bl 
lieve  what  they  liked,  "be  it  gospel  or  lies." 

But  alas  for  the  inconsistency  of  human  naUn 
When  Luther's  party  ripened  into  success,  ho  s 
things  quite  differently.  The  first  impulse  catuefM 
the  civil  magistral  .e  theologians  at  first  a 

dured,  then  justifie*-  y  urged  on.    All  pena 

save  priests  were  by  the  Elector  John  4 

Saxony  to  preach  a  measure  aimed  at  i 

Anabaptists.     In  iv,  under  this  law,  twe 

men  and  one  wom  t  to  death,  and  sncli  eM 

cutions  wore  repet  il  times  in  the  foUoi 

years,  e. //.  in  1530,  "i  1538.     In  the  year  IsSJ  © 

came  the  terrible  imperial  law,  passed  by  an  allianC' 
of  Catholics  and  Lutherans  at  the  Diet  of  Spires,  con- 
demning all  Anabaptists  to  death,  and  interpreted  to' 
cover  cases  of  simple  heresy  in  which  no  breath  of 
sedition  mingled.  A  regular  inquisition  was  set  up 
Saxony,  with  Melanchthon  on  the  bench,  and  under  il 
many  persons  were  punished,  some  with  death,  sons 
with  life  imprisonment,  and  some  with  exile. 

Mliile  Luther  took  no  active  part  in  these  proceed- 
ings, and  on  several  occasions  gave  the  opinion  that 
exile  was  the  only  proper  punishment,  he  also,  at 
other  times,  justified  persecution  on  the  ground  that 
he  was  suppressing  not  heresy  but  blasphemy,  .^s  he 
interpreted  blasphemy,  in  a  work  published  about  1530, 
it  included  the  papal  mass,  the  denial  of  the  diviuily 
of  Christ  or  of  any  other  "manifest  article  of  the  faith, 
clearly  grounded  in  Scripture  and  believed  throughout  | 
Christendom."  The  government  should  also,  in  his 
opinion,  put  to  death  those  who  preached  sedition,  an- 
arcliv  or  the  a\io\\\\ott  o'i  Yt''\^'»-'^^"S>^^^>'^^'^'^- 

Alelanclit\ion  was  iaT  mo^e  ^tiC^^t^-c^S^-i  v^1:^■^-v\'i^ 


TOLERANCE  AND  INTOLEHAXCE   645 

retics  than  was  his  older  friend.  He  reckoned  the 
knial  of  infant  baptism,  or  of  original  sin,  and  the 
inion  that  the  eueharistic  bread  did  not  contain  the 
Bal  body  and  blood  of  Christ,  as  blasphemy  properly 
Biiishable  by  death.  Ho  blamed  Brenz  for  his  tol- 
rance,  asking  why  we  should  pity  heretics  more  than  [ 
Bee  God,  who  sends  them  to  eternal  torment !     Brenz  | 

convinced  by  this  argument  and  became  a  perse- 
itor  himself. 

The  Strassburgers,  who  tried  to  take  a  position  in-  Bucer 
irmediate  between  Lutherans  and  Zwinglians,  were  as     °'"'*' 
ttolcrant  as  any  one  else.     Tliey  put  to  death  a  man 
for  saying  that  Christ  was  a  mere  man  and  a  false 
prophet,  and  then  defended  this  act  in  a  long  mani- 
festo asking  whether  all  religious  customs  of  antiquity, 
snch  as  the  violation  of  women,  be  tolerated,  and,  if  not, 
why  they  should  draw  the  line  at  those  who  aimed  not 
t  the  physical  dishonor,  but  at  the  eternal  damnation, 
'  their  wives  and  daughters? 

The  Swiss  also  punished  for  heresy.     Felix  Manz  ZwingU 
as  put  to  death  by  dro\vning,  the  method  of  punish-   i^""' 
Bnt  chosen  as  a  practical  satire  on  his  doctrine  of 
;ptism  of  adults  by  immersion.     At  the  same  time 
eorge  Blaurock  was  cruelly  beaten  and  banished  un- 
r  threat  of  death.     Zurich,  Berne  and  St.  Gall  pub-  ^j"^ 
Bhed  a  joint  edict  condemning  Anabaptists  to  death, 
kd  under  this  law  two  Anabaptists  were  sentenced  in 
S8  and  two  more  in  1532. 

In  judicially  murdering  Servetus  the  Genevans  were  Calvin 
wototoly  consistent  with  Calvin's  theory.  In  the 
reface  to  the  Institutes  he  admitted  the  right  of  the 
jvernmcnt  to  put  heretics  to  death  and  only  argued 
at  Protestants  were  not  heretics.  Grounding  him- 
If  on  the  law  of  Moses,  be  said  that  the  death  decreed 
'  God  to  idolatry  in  the  Old  Testament  was  a  uni- 
irsal  law  binding  on  Christians.    He  \.\iom^\  'Ca'B.V 


646  THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

Christians  should  hate  the  enemies  of  God  as  muclil 
did  David,  and  when  Ronee  of  Ferrara  suggested  ill 
that  law  might  have  been  abrogated  by  the  newi 
pensation,  Calvin  retorted  that  any  snch  gloss  n 
plain  text  would  overturn  the  whole  Bible.  CaW  r»: 
went  further,  and  when  Castellio  argued  that  hewt 
should  not  be  punished  with  death,  Calvin  said  Q 
those   who   dcfent  3   in    this   manner  w* 

equally  culpable  ai  le  equally  punished. 

Given  the  prem:  theologians,  their  atp 

ments  were  unans  Df  late  the  opinioii  h 

prevailed  that  his  lot  he  wrong  whose  Bl 

is  in  the  right.    Bi  is  believed  that  the  oM 

was  the  all-imports  that  God  would  send 

hell  those  who  entertaii.c^  mg  notions  of  his  scliew 
of  salvation,  "Wc  utterly  abhor,"  says  the  Scots' 
Confession  of  1560,  "the  blasphemy  of  those  that  al- 
firm  that  men  who  live  according  to  equity  and  juslicf 
sliall  be  savfd,  what  religion  so  ever  they  have  pro- 
fessed." 

Against  this  Ilood  of  bigotry  a  few  Christians 
tured  to  protest  in  the  name  of  their  master.  In  gen- 
eral, the  persecuted  sects.  Anabaptists  and  Unitarians, 
were  firmly  for  tolerance,  by  which  their  own  position 
would  have  been  improved.  Erasmus  was  thorougUy 
tolerant  in  spirit  and,  though  he  never  wrote  a  treatise 
specially  devoted  to  the  subject,  uttered  many  ohittr 
dicta  in  favor  of  mercy  and  wrote  many  letters  to  the 
great  ones  of  the  earth  interceding  for  the  oppressed. 
His  broad  sympathies,  his  classical  tastes,  his  horror 
of  the  tumult,  and  his  Christ-like  spirit,  would  not  havs 
permitted  liim  to  resort  to  the  coarse  arms  of  rack 
and  stake  even  against  infidels  and  Turks, 

Tlie  noblest  \}\Qa.  for  tolerance  from  the  Christian 
stanilpoinl  \vivs  W\aV  wcvVW-cvV^  ^^■r^Kx'&w  ^■a&V'tVJi.is  a* 
a  protest  agaVnst  V\i%  cxB-sa^Awv  «iS. '$.%TM««ta«..  -5^.^^ 


TOLERANCE  AND  INTOLERANCE   647 

ts  all  the  authorities  ancient  and  modem,  the  latter   Castelli 
OEEoluding  Luther  and  Erasmus  and  even  some  words, 
insistent  with  the  rest  of  his  life,  written  by  Calvin 
lelf.    **The  more  one  knows  of  the  truth  the  less 
is  inclined  to  condemnation  of  others,"  he  wisely 
^rves,  and  yet,  '*  there  is  no  sect  which  does  not 
lenm  all  others  and  wish  to  reign  alone.    Thence 
le  banishments,  exiles,  chains,  imprisonments,  bum- 
I,  scaffolds  and  the  miserable  rage  of  torture  and 
lent  that  is  plied  every  day  because  of  some  opin- 
not  pleasing  to  the  government,  or  even  because  of 
igs  unknown."    But  Christians  bum  not  only  in- 
l«l8  but  even  each  other,  for  the  heretic  calls  on  the 
le  of  Christ  as  he  perishes  in  agony. 

Who  would  not  think  that  Christ  were  Moloch,  or  some 
such  god,  if  he  wished  that  men  be  immolated  to  him  and 
burnt  alive  t  .  .  .  Imagine  that  Christ,  the  judge  of  all, 
were  present  and  himself  pronounced  sentence  and  lit 
the  fire, — ^who  would  not  take  Christ  for  Satan  t  For 
what  else  would  Satan  do  than  burn  those  who  call  on 
the  name  of  Christ  t  0  Christ,  creator  of  the  world,  dost 
thou  see  such  things  f  And  hast  thou  become  so  totally 
different  from  what  thou  wast,  so  cruel  and  contrary  to 
thyself  t  When  thou  wast  on  earth,  there  was  no  one 
gentler  or  more  compassionate  or  more  patient  of  in- 
juries. 

Calvin  called  upon  his  henchmen  Beza  to  answer  this 
* 'blasphemy'*  of  one  that  must  surely  be  'Hhe  chosen 
vessel  of  Satan.''  Beza  replied  to  Castellio  that  God 
had  given  the  sword  to  the  magistrate  not  to  be  borne 
in  vain  and  that  it  was  better  to  have  even  a  cruel 
tyrant  than  to  allow  everyone  to  do  as  he  pleased. 
Those  who  forbid  the  punishment  of  heresy  are,  in 
Beza's  opinion,  despisers  of  God's  Word  and  might  as 
well  say  that  even  parricides  should  not  \>^  (^Tv,^\S!Lfcftc, 
Two  authors  quoted  in  favor  of  tolexaue^  txiot^  XJji'asL 


THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

jo„  they  deserve  to  be  are  Sir  Thomas  More  and  Moa- 

»  taigne.     In  Utopia,  indeed,  there  was  no  iJersecution, 

save  of  the  fanatic  who  wished  to  persecute  otherB. 
But  even  in  Utopia  censure  of  the  government  by  a  pri- 
vate individual  was  punishable  by  death.  And,  twelve 
years  after  the  publicatiou  of  the  lltopin,  More  came  to 
argue  "that  the  burning  of  heretics  is  lawful  and  well 
done,"  and  he  did  it  himself  accordingly.  The  reason 
he  gave,  in  his  Dialogue,  was  that  heretics  also  perse- 
cute, and  that  it  would  put  the  -Catholies  at  an  unfnir 
disadvantage  to  allow  heresy  to  wax  unhindered  until 
it  grew  great  enough  to  crush  them.  There  is  so^!^ 
thing  in  this  argument.  It  is  like  that  today  used 
against  disarmament,  that  any  nation  which  started  il 
would  put  itself  at  the  mercy  of  its  rivals. 

The  spirit  of  ilontaigmj  was  thoroughly  tolerant, 
because  he  was  always  able  to  see  both  sides  of  every- 
thing; one  might  even  say  that  he  was  negatively  sug- 
ge.stible, -and  always  saw  the  "other"  side  of  an  opin- 
ion better  than  he  saw  his  own  side  of  it.  He  never 
came  out  strongly  for  toleration,  but  he  made  two  ex- 
tremely sage  remarks  about  it.  The  first  was  that  it 
was  setting  a  high  value  on  our  o^\ti  conjectures  to  put 
men  to  death  for  their  sake.  The  second  was  thns 
phrased,  in  the  old  English  translation;  "It  might  be 
urged  that  to  give  factions  the  bridle  to  uphold  their 
opinion,  is  by  that  facility  and  ease,  the  ready  way  to 
mollify  and'release  them;  and  to  blunt  the  edge,  which 
is  sharpened  by  rareness,  novelty  and  difficulty. '  '-*'' 
Had  the  course  of  history  been  decided  by  weight  oE 
argument,  persecution  would  have  been  fastened  on 
the  world  forever,  for  the  consensus  of  opinion  wss 
overwhelmingly  against  liberty  of  conscience.  But 
just  as  individuals  are  rarely  converted  on  any  vital 
question  by  argument,  so  the  course  of  races  and  of 
civilizations  is  des^fiiei  \s^  ia.«a^QTs  lying  deeper  than 


TOLERA^X'E  AND  INTOLERANCE       6^9" 

le  logic  of  publicists  can  reach.  Modern  toleration 
eveloped  from  two  very  different  sources;  by  one  of 
'hich  tbe  whole  point  of  view  of  the  race  has  changed, 
nd  by  the  other  of  which  a  truce  between  warring 
ictions,  at  first  imposed  as  bitter  necessity,  has  de- 
eloped,  because  of  its  proved  value,  into  a  permanent 
^ace. 
The  first  cause  of  modem  tolerance  is  the  growing  n^-u 
itionalism  of  which  the  seeds  were  sown  by  the  Re- 
aissancc.  The  generation  before  Luther  saw  an  al- 
lost  unparalleled  liberty  in  tbe  expression  of  learned 
Ipinion.  Valla  could  attack  pope,  Bible  and  Christian 
tthics;  Pomponazzi  could  doubt  the  immortality  of  the 
loul;  More  could  frame  a  Utopia  of  deists,  and  Maclii- 
ivelli  could  treat  religion  as  an  instrument  in  the 
lands  of  knaves  to  dupe  fools.  As  far  as  it  went  this 
iberty  was  admirable;  but  it  was  really  narrow  and 
'academic"  in  the  worst  sense  of  the  word.  The 
Kjholars  who  vindicated  for  themselves  the  right  to  say 
id  think  what  they  pleased  in  the  learned  tongue  and 
university  halls,  never  dreamed  that  the  people  had 
fae  same  rights.  Even  Erasmus  was  always  urging 
Juther  not  to  communicate  imprudent  truths  to  the 
mlgar,  and  when  he  kept  on  doing  so  Erasmus  was  so 
fexed  that  he  "eared  not  whether  Luther  was  roasted 
(r  boiled"  for  it.  Erasmus's  good  friend  Ammonius 
ocosely  complained  that  heretics  were  so  plentiful  in 
Sngland  in  1511  before  the  Reformation  had  been 
leard  of,  that  the  demand  for  faggots  to  burn  them 
ras  enhancing  the  price  of  fire-wood.  Indeed,  in  this 
mlightened  era  of  the  Renaissance,  what  porridge  was 
landed  to  the  common  people  I  What  was  free,  ex- 
ept  dentistry,  to  the  Jews,  expelled  from  Spain  and 
*ortugal  and  persecuted  everywhere  else?  What  tol- 
irance  was  extended  to  the  Hussites!  What  mercy 
'as  shown  to  the  Lollards  or  to  SavonarolaT 


h 


h 


650  THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

Paradoxical  as  it  may  seem  to  say  it,  after  what  has 
been  said  of  the  intolerance  of  the  Reformers,  the 
second  cause  that  extended  modem  freedom  of  con- 
science from  the  privileged  few  to  the  masses,  was 
the  Reformation,  Overclouding,  as  it  did  for  a  few 
years,  all  the  glorious  culture  of  the  Renaissance  wth 
a  dark  mist  of  fanaticism,  it  nevertheless  proved,  con- 
trary to  its  own  purpose,  one  of  tlie  two  parents  of  < 
liberty.  What  neither  the  common  ground  of 
Christians  in  doctrine,  nor  their  vaunted  love  of  Go^l 
nor  their  enlightenment  by  the  Spirit,  could  produce, 
was  finally  wrung  from  their  mutual  and  bitter  hatretk 
Of  all  the  fair  flowers  that  have  sprung  from  a  daA 
and  noisome  soil,  that  of  religious  liberty  sprouting 
from  religious  war  has  been  the  fairest. 

The  steps  were  gradual.  First,  after  the  long  dead- 
lock of  Lutheran  and  Catholic,  came  to  be  worked  out 
the  principle  of  the  toleration  of  the  two  churches,  em- 
bodied in  the  Peace  of  Augsburg.  The  Compact  of 
AVarsaw  granted  absolute  religious  liberty  to  tlie 
nobles.  The  people  of  the  Netherlands,  sickened  wth 
slaughter  in  the  name  of  the  faith,  took  a  longer  step 
in  the  direction  of  toleration  in  the  Union  of  Utrecht 
The  government  of  Elizabeth,  acting  from  prudential 
motives  only,  created  and  maintained  an  extra-legal 
tolerance  of  Catholics,  again  and  again  refusing  to 
molest  those  who  were  peaceable  and  quiet.  The 
papists  even  hoped  to  obtain  legal  recognition  when 
Francis  Bacon  proposed  to  tolerate  all  Christians  ex- 
cept those  who  refused  to  fight  a  foreign  enemy. 
France  found  herself  in  a  like  position,  and  solved  it 
by  allowing  the  two  religions  to  live  side  by  side  in  the 
Edict  of  Nantes.  The  furious  hatred  of  the  Christians 
for  each  other  blazed  forth  in  the  Thirty  Years  War, 
but  after  that  lesson  persecution  on  a  large  scale  was 
at  an  end.    ludeed,  before  its  end,  wide  religions  lih- 


WITCHCRAFT  651 

y  had  been  granted  in  some  of  the  American  colo- 
j  notably  in  Shode  Island  and  Maryland. 


-.  > 


§  2.  Witchcraft 

Some  analogy  to  the  wave  of  persecution  and  con- 
(sional  war  that  swept  over  Europe  at  this  time  can 
found  in  the  witchcraft  craze.    Both  were  examples 
those  manias  to  which  mankind  is  periodically  sub- 
They  run  over  the  face  of  the  earth  like  epidem- 
or  as  a  great  fire  consumes  a  city.    Beginning  in 
tew  isolated  cases,  so  obscure  as  to  be  hard  to  trace, 
mania  gathers  strength  until  it  bums  with  its  maxi- 
fierceness  and  then,  having  exhausted  itself,  as  it 
>re,  dies  away,  often  quite  suddenly.     Such  manias 
^piere  the  Children 's  Crusade  and  the  zeal  of  the  flagel- 
its  in  the  Middle  Ages.    Such  have  been  the  mad 
lations  as  that  of  the  South  Sea  Bubble  and  the 
lies   that   repeatedly   visit   our  markets.    To   the 
le  category  belong  the  religious  and  superstitious 
Vildusions  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

The  history  of  these  mental  epidemics  is  easier  to 
^^itrace  than  their  causes.  Certainly,  reason  does  noth- 
ing to  control  them.  In  almost  every  case  there  are  a 
few  sane  men  to  point  out,  with  perfect  rationality,  the 
Batnre  of  the  folly  to  their  contemporaries,  but  in  all 
eases  their  words  fall  on  deaf  ears.  They  are  mocked, 
imprisoned,  sometimes  put  to  death  for  their  pains, 
whereas  any  fanatical  fool  that  adds  fuel  to  the  flame 
of  current  passion  is  listened  to,  rewarded  and  fol- 
lowed. 

The    original    stuff    from    which    the    mania    was  Ancient 
wrought  is  a  savage  survival.    Hebrew  and  Roman  ™***^ 
law  dealt  with  witchcraft.     The  Middle  Ages  saw  the 
survival  of  magic,  still  called  in  Italy,  *'the  old  re- 
ligion,*' and  new  superstitions  added  lo  \\..    ^wssa- 
tbing'  of  the  ancient  enchantment  stiW  Aie^  \v?poTv  ^^ 


652  THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

fairylands  of  Europe.  In  the  Apennines  one  s 
times  comes  upon  a  grove  of  olives  or  cypresses  i 
gnarled  and  twisted  as  the  tortured  souls  that  Daal 
imag:ined  them  to  be.  WTio  can  wander  throu;;b  ti 
heaths  and  mountains  of  the  Scotch  Highlands,  int 
their  uncanny  harmonies  of  silver  mist  and  grer  elm  |, 
and  glint  of  water  and  bare  rock  and  heather,  and  Ml  _ 
see  in  the  distance  '  "*  "  d  Sisters  crooning  ore 
their  horrible  cauld  3crmany  the  forests  i 

magic-mad.     AValki  ic  huge  oaks  of  the  Thi 

ingian  Forest  or  tht  or  in  the  pine  wood** 

Hesse,  one  can  see  of  nirj-  garments 

chequered  sunlight  »on  fern  and  moss; 

can  glimpse  goblini  raids  hiding  behind  ll 

roots  and  rocks;  one  it  the  King  of  the 

lows  ^  and  the  Bride  of  the  AVind  moaning  and  calling 
in  the  rustling  of  the  leaves.  On  a  summer's  day  tbe 
calm  of  pools  is  so  complete  that  it  seems  as  if,  accord- 
ing to  Luther's  words,  the  throwing  of  a  stone  into  the 
M-ater  would  raise  a  tempest.  But  on  moonlit,  windy, 
Walpurgis  Night,  witches  audibly  ride  by,  hooted  at  by 
the  owls,  and  vast  spectres  dance  in  the  cloud-banks 
beyond  the  Brocken. 

The  witch  has  become  a  typical  figure:  she  was  usu- 
ally a  simple,  old  woman  living  in  a  lonely  cottage  with 
a  black  cat,  gathering  herbs  by  the  light  of  the  moon. 
But  she  was  not  always  an  ancient  beldam;  some 
witches  were  known  as  the  purest  and  fairest  maidfiii 
of  the  village;  some  were  ladies  in  high  station;  som* 
were  men.  A  ground  for  suspicion  was  sometimes  fur- 
nished by  the  fact  that  certain  charletans  playing  upon 
the  credulity  of  the  ignorant,  professed  to  be  able  by 
sorcery  to  find  money,  "to  provoke  persons  to  love." 
or  to  consume  the  body  and  goods  of  a  client's  enemy. 
Black  magic  ^vfts  ocea.sw-a^iA-a  T't^.ts-^ti  to  to  get  rid 

>  Erikonig. 


WITCHCRAFT  653 

'  personal  or  political  enemies.  More  often  a  wise 
Oman  would  bo  sought  for  her  skill  in  herbs  and  her 
(ly  success  in  making  cures  would  sometimes  be  her 
idoing. 

If  the  witch  was  a  domestic  article  in  Europe,  the  The  devil 
svil  was  an  imported  luxury  from  Asia.  Like  Aeneas 
id  many  another  foreig^i  conquerer,  when  he  came  to 
lie  the  land  he  married  its  princess — in  this  case 
'nlda  the  pristine  goddess  of  love  and  beauty — and 
Sopted  many  of  the  native  customs.  It  is  diffi- 
ilt  for  us  to  imagine  what  a  personage  the  devil 
Bs  in  the  age  of  the  Reformation.  Like  all  geniuses 
I  had  a  large  capacity  for  work  and  paid  great 
ttention  to  detail.  Frequcutly  he  took  the  form  of 
cat  or  a  black  dog  with  horns  to  frighten  children 
f  "skipping  to  and  fro  and  sitting  upon  the  top  of 
nettle";  again  he  would  obligingly  hold  a  review  of 
ril  spirits  for  the  satisfaction  of  Benvenuto  Cellini's  | , 
iriosity.  lie  was  at  the  bottom  of  all  the  earthquakes, 
iBtilences,  famines  and  wars  of  the  century,  and  also, 
we  may  trust  their  mutual  recriminations,  he  was  the 
lecial  patron  of  the  pope  on  the  one  hand  and  of 
alvin  on  the  other.  Luther  often  talked  with  him, 
longh  in  doing  so  the  sweat  poured  from  his  brow 
id  his  heart  almost  stopped  beating.  Luther  ad- 
ittcd  that  the  devil  always  got  the  best  of  an  argu- 
ent  and  could  only  be  banished  by  some  unprintably 
isty  epithets  hurled  at  his  head.  Satan  and  his  satel- 
tes  often  took  the  form  of  men  or  women  and  under 
le  name  of  incubi  and  succubi  had  sexual  intercourse 
ith  mortals.  One  of  the  most  abominable  features 
'  the  witch  craze  was  that  during  its  height  hundreds 
'  children  of  four  or  five  years  old  confessed  to  being 
le  devil's  paramours. 

So  great  was  the  power  of  Satan  that,  in  the  com- 
on  belief,  many  persons  bartered  the'vT  so\v\a  Vo  \i«fi. 


u 


THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

in  return  for  supernatural  gifts  in  this  life.  To  com- 
pensate them  for  the  loss  of  their  salvation,  these  pet- 
sons,  the  \vitche8,  were  enabled  to  do  acts  of  pettv  spill 
to  their  neighbors,  turning  milk  sour,  blighting  crops 
causing  sickness  to  man  and  animals,  making  childres 
cry  themselves  to  death  before  baptism,  rendering  maiv 
riages  barren,  procuring  abortion,  and  giving  channi 
to  blind  a  husband  to  his  wife's  adultery,  or  philters  to 
compel  love. 

On  certain  nights  the  witches  and  devils  met  for  the 
celebration  of  blasphemous  and  obscene  rites  ui  an  as- 
sembly known  as  the  Witches'  Sabbath.  To  enable 
themselves  to  ride  to  the  meeting-place  on  broomsticks, 
the  witches  procured  a  communion  wafer,  applied  s 
toad  to  it,  burned  it,  mingled  its  ashes  with  the  blood  of 
an  infant,  the  powdered  bones  of  a  hanged  man  and  cer- 
tain herbs.  The  meeting  then  indulged  in  a  parody  of 
the  mass,  for,  so  the  grave  doctors  taught,  as  Christ 
had  his  sacraments  the  devil  had  his  "uusacraments" 
or  "execrements."  His  Satanic  Majesty  took  the 
form  of  a  goat,  dog,  oat  or  ape  and  received  the  homage 
of  his  subjects  in  a  loathsome  ceremony.  After  a  ban- 
quet promiscuous  intercourse  of  devils  and  witches 
followed. 

All  this  superstition  smouldered  along  in  the  embers 
of  folk  tales  for  centuries  until  it  was  blown  into  > 
devastating  blaze  by  the  breath  of  theologians  who 
started  to  try  to  blow  it  out.  The  first  puff  was  givoB 
by  Innocence  VIII  in  his  bull  Summis  desiderantes. 
The  Holy  Father  having  learned  with  sorrow  that 
many  persons  in  Germany  had  had  intercourse  with 
demons  and  had  by  incantations  hindered  the  birth  of 
children  and  blasted  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  gave  an- 
thority  to  Henry  Inatitoris  and  James  Sprenger  to  cor- 
rect, incarcerate,  punish  and  fine  such  persons,  calling 
in,  if  need  \)e,  Wc  a\4.  q>1  'Cafe  ft^'scis.t  ^im.    TTiese  gen- 


WITCHCRAFT  655 

quitted  themselves  with  unsurpassed  zeal, 
at  with  trying  and  punishing  people  brought 
3m,  they  put  forth  The  Witches'  Hammer,  MalUiu 
Lea  the  most  portentous  monument  of  super-  ^^{j 
T  produced.    In  the  next  two  centuries  it  was 
enty-nine  times.    The  University  of  Cologne 
cided  that  to  doubt  the  reality  of  witchcraft 
me.    The  Spanish  Inquisition,  on  the  other 
ing  all  it  could  do  with  Jews  and  heretics, 
tchcraft  as  a  diabolical  delusion, 
most  men,  including  those  whom  we  consider  Inqnwit 
and  master-spirits  of  the  age,  Erasmus  and 
ily  believed  in  the  objective  reality  of  witch- 
'  were  not  obsessed  by  the  subject,  as  were 
ediate  posterity.    Two  causes  may  be  found  v 

ensification  of  the  fanaticism.  The  first  was 
torture  by  the  Inquisition.  The  crime  was  Torture 
lature  that  it  could  hardly  be  proved  save  by 
,  and  this,  in  general,  could  be  extracted  only 
iction  of  pain.  It  is  instructive  to  note  that 
d  where  the  spirit  of  the  law  was  averse  to 
)  progress  in  witch-hunting  took  place  until 
te  for  the  rack  had  been  found,  first  in  prick- 
dy  of  the  witch  with  pins  to  find  the  anaes- 
t  supposed  to  mark  her,  and  secondly  in  de- 
r  of  sleep. 

i  patent  cause  of  the  mania  was  the  zeal  and  BiblioUi 
atry  of  Protestantism.  The  religious  debate 
B  spiritual  atmosphere  and  turned  men's 
o  the  world  of  spirits.  Such  texts,  continu- 
i  upon,  as  that  on  the  witch  of  Eudor,  the  in- 
*Thou  shalt  not  suffer  a  witch  to  live,"  and 
iacs  of  the  New  Testament,  weighed  heavily 
shepherds  of  the  people  and  upon  their 
'  the  reality  of  witchcraft  LiUlYieT  \\ax\i«t^ 
L    The  Grst  use  he  made  o£  t\ie  )[>a!i  ^«a  \a 


xiLv  uiiicT  rroiestam 
ample  of  tlioir  masfe 
thirty-four  women  wer 
crime  in  the  year  1545. 
1562  was  perhaps  the 
against  witchcraft.  Ri 
tainty  of  a  World  of  Sp 
bad  record  of  the  Math 
Wesley's  remark  that  g 
ing  up  the  Bible. 

After  the  loania  rea 
years  of  the  century,  ai 
arouse  suspicion.  A  co 
its  leg,  or  there  would  ' 
murrain  on  the  cattle  o 
else  a  physician,  baffled 
yield  to  his  treatment  o 
garlic  and  horses'  dung, 
was  the  reason  for  his 


WITCHCRAFT  657 

lit  her  person.     Torture  in  some  form  was   then 

I>lied,  and  a  ghastly  list  it  was,  pricking  with  needles 

er   nails,    crushing   of   bones    until   the    marrow 

ed  out,  wrenching  of  the  head  with  knotted  cords, 

g  the  feet  before  a  fire,  suspending  the  victim  by 

hands  tied  behind  the  back  and  letting  her  drop 

til  the  shoulders  were  disjointed.     The  horrible  work 

'oxild  be  kept  up  until  the  poor  woman  either  died  un- 

the  torture,  or  confessed,  when  she  was  sentenced 

tliout  mercy,  usually  to  be  burned,  sometimes  to  les- 

punishments. 
Ai'Vhen  the  madness  was  at  its  height,  hardly  anyone, 
accused,  escaped.    John  Bodin,  a  man  otherwise 
htened  and  learned,  earned  himself  the  not  unjust 
of  *' Satan's  attorney-general"  by  urging  that 
ct  proof  could  not  be  demanded  by  the  very  nature 
these  cases  and  that  no  suspected  person  should 
er  be  released  unless  the  malice  of  her  accusers  was 
er  than  day.    Moreover,  each  trial  bred  others, 
each  witch  denounced  accomplices  until  almost  the 
ole  population  of  certain  districts  was  suspected. 
-^fe  frequently  did  they  accuse  their  judges  or  their  sov- 
ereign of  having  assisted  at  the  witches '  sabbath,  that 
"ttis  came  to  be  discounted  as  a  regular  trick  of  the 
^viL 

Persecution  raged  in  some  places,  chiefly  in  Ger- 
many, like  a  visitation  of  pestilence  or  war.  Those 
who  tried  to  stop  it  fell  victims  to  their  own  courage, 
and,  unless  they  recanted,  languished  for  years  in 
prison,  or  were  executed  as  possessed  by  devils  them- 
selves. At  Treves  the  persecution  w^as  encouraged  by 
the  cupidity  of  the  magistrates  who  profited  by  con- 
fiscation of  the  property  of  those  sentenced.  At  Bonn 
schoolboys  of  nine  or  ten,  fair  young  maidens,  mawy 
priests  and  scores  of  good  women  were  dow^  \.o  ^^^iOa. 
No  Sgares  have  been  compiled  for  the  to\.c\  Tv\m^^^ 


658  THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

of  victims  of  this  insanity.     In  England,  under  His    " 
beth,  before  the  craze  had  more  than  well  started  on 
career,  125  persons  are  known  to  have  been  tried  fil    "* 
witchcraft  and  47  are  known  to  have  been  cxecutwl  U 
the  crime.     In  Venice  the  Inquisition  punishod 
persons  for  sorcery  during  the  sixteenth  century.  Il 
the  year  1510,  l^n  witr.iiP«  tuere  burned  at  Brcscia,i 
1514,  300  at  Co  ingle  year  the  bishop 

Geneva  burned  ,  the  bishop  of  Bamlx 

600,  the  bishop  of  E)00.     About  800  were  O- 

demned  to  death  s  batch  by  the  Senate* 

Savoy.     In  the  he  archbishop  of  Trerfl 

burned  118  won;  .  men  for  this  imapim] 

crime.    Even  thei  jive  but  an  imperfect » 

tion  of  the  extent  ot  me  midsuranier  madness.  TV 
number  of  victims  must  be  reckoned  by  tlie  teus  of 
thousands. 

Throughout  the  century  there  wore  not  wanting 
some  signs  of  a  healthy  skepticism.  When,  during  U 
epidemic  of  St.  Vitlis's  dance  at  Strassburg,  the  cit- 
izens proposed  a  pilgrimage  to  stop  it,  the  episcopal 
vicar  replied  that  as  it  was  a  natural  disease  natnnl 
remedies  should  be  used.  Just  as  witches  were  becoia- 
ing  common  in  England,  Gosson  wrote  in  his  School  of 
Abuse:  "Do  not  imitate  those  foolish  patients,  who. 
having  sought  Jill  means  of  recovery  and  are  never  tb! 
nearer,  run  into  witchcraft. ' '  Leonardo  da  Vina 
called  belief  in  necromancy  the  most  foolish  of  all  hfr 
man  delusions 

As  it  was  dangerous  to  oppose  the  popular  mood  at 
its  height,  the  more  honor  must  go  to  the  few  ffho 
wrote  ex  professo  against  it.  The  first  of  these,  of  any 
note,  was  the  Protestant  physician  John  Weyer.  In 
Iiis  book  Dc  pracsligiis  daemontim  be  sought  verj"  cau- 
tiously to  s\\ow  WvaV  Wg  •s>«ot  "  o\^A^*2^^-'Ki«A'^^^'as,- 


WITCHCRAFT 


659 


it-bome  women"  souteneed  for  witchcraft  wore  simply 
he  victims  of  their  own  and  other  people's  delusions. 
latan  has  no  commerce  with  them  save  to  injure  their 
oinds  and  corrupt  their  imaginations.  Quite  differ- 
nt,  he  thought,  were  those  infamous  magicians  who 
eally  used  spells,  charms,  potions  and  the  like,  though 
iven  here  Weyer  did  not  admit  that  their  effects  were 
[ne  to  supernatural  agency.  This  mild  and  cautious 
tttempt  to  defend  the  innocent  was  placed  on  the  Index 
md  elicited  the  opinion  from  John  Bodiu  that  the 
mthor  was  a  true  servant  of  Satan. 

A  far  more  thorough  and  brilliant  attack  on  the  su-  i 
(erstition  was  Reginald  Scott's  Discovery  of  Wilch- 
traft,  wherein  the  lewd  dealings  of  Witches  and  Witch- 
igers  is  notably  detected  .  .  .  whereunto  is  added  a 
'reatise  upon  the  Nature  and  Substance  of  Spirits  and 
'evils.  Scott  had  read  212  Latin  authors  and  23  Eng- 
on  his  subject,  and  he  was  under  considerable 
ibligation  to  some  of  them,  notably  Weyer.  But  he 
adeavored  to  make  first-hand  observations,  attended 
itch  trials  and  traced  gossip  to  its  source.  He 
tiowed,  none  better,  the  utter  Bimslness  and  absurdity 
r  the  charges  on  which  poor  old  women  were  done  to 
eatb.  He  explained  the  performance  of  the  witch  of 
Indor  as  ventriloquism.  Tr>'ing  to  prove  that  magic 
■as  rejected  by  reason  and  religion  alike,  he  pointed 
lit  that  all  the  phenomena  might  most  easily  be  ex- 
dained  by  wilful  imposture  or  by  illusion  due  to  mental 
Ustnrbance.  As  his  purpose  was  the  humanitarian  one 
rf  staying  the  cruel  persecution,  with  calculated  par- 
asanship  he  tried  to  lay  the  blame  for  it  on  the  Catholic 
iJinrch.  As  the  ver>'  existence  of  magic  could  not  be 
Sisproved  completely  bj'  empirical  reasons  ho  attacked 
it  on  a  priori  grounds,  alleging  that  spirits  and  bodies 
are  in  two  categories,  unable  to  act  directly  upon  each 


660  THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

other.  Brilliant  and  eonvmcing  as  the  work  was, 
produced  no  corresponding  effect.  It  was  burned  po 
licly  bj'  order  of  James  I. 

Montaigne,  who  was  never  roased  to  anger  by  as) 
thing,  had  the  supreme  art  of  rebutting  others'  ofni 
ions  without  seeming  to  do  so.  It  was  doubtless 
din's  abominable  Demonology  that  called  forth  liis< 
brated  essay  on  in  which  that  subject  i 

treated  in  the  m  npirit.     The  old  preson? 

tion  in  favor  of  ous  has  fallen  complete 

from  him;  his  cot  regard  was  too  modi 

Satan,  who,  with  owledge  of  tlic  world,  i 

easily  embarrass  e.     The  delusion  of  witti 

craft  might  be  eo  a  noxious  bacillus, 

tried  to  kill  it  by  hen.. ,  ..>        1  it  up  to  a  fire  of  iiidipii- 
tion,  and  fairly  boiled  it  in  hL'i  scorching  tlame  of  reS' 
son.     Montaigne  fried  the  opposite  treatment:  retrii:- 
eration.     He  attacked  nothing;  he  only  asked,  withu 
icy  smile,  why  anything  should  be  believed.     Certainly. 
as  long  as  the  mental  passions  could  be  kept  at  his  o«s 
low  temperature,  there  was  no  danger  that  the  milt  of 
human  kindness  should  turn  sour,  no  matter  what  vi- 
cious culture  of  germs  it  originally  held.     He  begins  by 
saying  that  he  bad  seen  various  miracles  in  his  own 
day,  but,  one  reads  between  the  lines,  he  doesn't  be- 
lieve any  of  them.     One  error,  ho  says,  begets  another, 
and  everything  is  exaggerated  in  the  hope  of  rnakinj 
converts  to  the  talker's  opinion.     One  miracle  bmilei 
all  over  France  turned  out  to  be  a  prank  of  young  peo- 
ple counterfeiting  ghosts.     When  one  hears  a  marvei 
he  should  always  say,  "perhaps."     Better  bo  appren- 
tices at  sixty  then  doctors  at  ten.     Now  witches,  be  con- 
tinues, are  the  sub.iect  of  the  wildest  and  most  foolid) 
accusatio!\s.     Bodin  had  proposed  that  they  should  be 
killed  on  n:icTe  BMspw\o'c\,\>'a\."^\w^V^\?.^'a  *5t.'s,iiTs's'!.,"To 
kill  human  Wmga  VV^tg  Kft  x^^^vt^^  ^Vtv^v^v^-^ 


EDUCATION  661 

d  dear  light.**    And  what  do  the  stories  amount  tot 

How  much  more  natural  and  more  likely  do  I  find  it 
that  two  men  should  lie  than  that  one  in  twelve  hours 
should  pass  from  east  to  west  f  How  much  more  natural 
that  our  understanding  may  by  the  volubility  of  our 
loose-capring  mind  be  transported  from  his  place,  than 
that  one  of  us  should  by  a  strange  spirit  in  flesh  and 
bone  be  carried  upon  a  broom  through  the  tunnel  of  a 
chimney  f  ...  I  deem  it  a  matter  pardonable  not  to  be- 
lieve a  wonder,  at  least  so  far  forth  as  one  may  explain 
away  or  break  down  the  truth  of  the  report  in  some  way 
not  miraculous.  .  .  .  Some  years  past  I  traveled  through 
the  country  of  a  sovereign  prince,  who,  in  favor  of  me 
and  to  abate  my  incredulity,  did  me  the  grace  in  his  own 
presence  and  in  a  particular  place  to  make  me  see  ten 
or  twelve  prisoners  of  that  kind,  and  amongst  others  an 
old  beldam  witch,  a  true  and  perfect  sorceress,  both  by 
her  ugliness  and  deformity,  and  such  a  one  as  long  be- 
fore was  most  famous  in  that  profession.  I  saw  both 
proofs,  witnesses,  voluntary  confessions,  and  some  in- 
sensible marks  about  this  miserable  old  woman ;  I  enquired 
and  talked  with  her  a  long  time,  with  the  greatest  heed 
and  attention  I  could,  and  I  am  not  easily  carried  away 
by  preconceived  opinion.  In  the  end  and  in  my  con- 
science I  should  rather  have  appointed  them  hellebore 
than  hemlock.     It  was  rather  a  disease  than  a  crime. 

Montaigne  goes  on  to  argue  that  even  when  we  can- 
t  get  an  explanation — and  any  explanation  is  more 
obable  than  magic — it  is  safe  to  disbelieve:  **Fear 
cnetimes  representeth  strange  apparitions  to  the  vul- 
r  sort,  as  ghosts  .  .  .  larves,  hobgoblins,  Robbin- 
od-f  ellows  and  such  other  bugbears  and  chimaeras. ' ' 
ir  Montaigne  the  evil  spell  upon  the  mind  of  the  race 
d  been  broken;  alas!  that  it  took  so  long  for  other 
m  to  throw  it  off ! 

§  3.  Education 

Wrom  the  most  terrible  superstition  \e\.  u^  \?Qcnv  \.^  ^iA^oR^s 
noblest,  most  iDspiring  and  most  impoTtaxA.  ^oxt  ^^ 


THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

humanity.  With  each  generation  the  process  of  hamm- 
ing on  to  posterity  the  full  heritage  of  the  race  has  b^ 
come  longer  and  more  complex. 

It  was,  therefore,  upon  a  very  definite  and  highly  dt- 
veloped  course  of  instruction  that  the  contemporary  of 
Erasmus  entered.  There  were  a  few  great  endowed 
schools,  like  Eton  and  Winchester  and  Deventer,  in 
which  the  small  hoy  might  hegin  to  learn  his  "gram- 
mar"— Latin,  of  course.  Some  of  the  buildings  at 
Winchester  and  Eton  are  the  same  now  as  they  were 
then,  the  quite  beautiful  chapel  and  dormitories  of  red 
brick  at  Eton,  for  example.  Each  of  these  two  Englisli 
schools  had,  at  this  time,  less  than  150  pupils,  and  but 
two  masters,  but  the  great  Dutch  school,  Deventer, 
under  the  renowned  tuition  of  Hegius,  boasted  2200 
scholars,  divided  into  eight  forms.  Many  an  old  wood- 
cut shows  us  the  pupils  gathered  around  the  master  as 
thick  as  flies,  sitting  cross-legged  on  the  Soor,  some  in- 
tent on  their  books  and  others  playing  pranks,  while 
there  seldom  fails  to  be  one  undergoing  the  chastis^ 
ment  so  highly  recommended  by  Solomon.  These  great 
schools  did  not  suflGce  for  all  would-be  scholars.  It 
many  villages  there  was  some  poor  priest  or  master 
who  would  teach  the  boys  what  he  knew  and  prepart 
them  thus  for  higher  things.  In  some  places  there  were 
tiny  school-houses,  much  like  those  now  seen  in  rural 
America.  Such  an  one,  renovated,  may  be  still  visited 
at  Mansfeld,  and  its  quaint  inscription  read  over  the 
door,  to  the  effect  that  a  good  school  is  like  the  wooden 
horse  of  Troy,  When  the  boys  left  home  they  lived 
more  as  they  do  now  at  college,  being  given  a  good  deal 
of  freedom  out  of  hours.  The  poorer  scholars  used 
their  free  times  to  beg,  for  as  many  were  supported  in 
this  way  then  as  now  are  given  scholarships  and  other 
charitable  aids  in  our  universities. 

Though,  ttieie  vjcte  a.  ^tjo^-masi^  csLReijtions,  most  of 


EDUCATION 


663 


the  teachers  were  brutes.  The  profession  was  despised 
■8  a  menial  oue  aiid  indeed,  even  so,  many  a  gentleman 
took  more  care  in  the  selection  of  grooms  and  game- 
keepers than  he  did  in  choosing  the  men  with  whom  to 
entrust  his  children.  Of  many  of  the  tutors  the  man- 
ners and  morals  were  alike  outrageous.  They  used 
filthy  language  to  the  boys,  whipped  them  cruelly  and 
habitually  drank  too  much.  They  made  the  examina- 
tions, says  one  unfortunate  pupil  of  such  a  master,  like 

trial  for  murder.  The  monitor  employed  to  spy  on 
the  boys  was  known  by  the  significant  name  of  "the 
wolf,"  Public  opinion  then  approved  of  harsh  meth- 
ods. Nicholas  Udall,  the  talented  head-master  of  Eton, 
was  warmly  commended  for  being  "the  best  flogging 
teacher  in  England" — until  he  was  removed  for  his 
jonmorality. 

The  principal  study — after  the  rudiments  of  reading  ^ 
and  writing  the  mother  tongue  were  learned — was 
Latin.  As,  at  the  opening  of  the  century,  there  were 
usually  not  enough  books  to  go  around,  the  pedagogue 
Would  dictate  declensions  and  conjugations,  with  ap- 
propriate exercises,  to  his  pupils.     The  books  used 

ere  such  as  Donaius  on  the  Parts  of  Speech,  a  poem 
ealled  the  Facetus  by  John  of  Garland,  intended  to  give 
Snoral,  theological  and  grammatical  information  all  in 
and  selecting  as  the  proper  vehicle  rhymed  coup- 
lets. Other  manuals  were  the  Floretiis,  a  sort  of  ab- 
struse catechism,  the  Cortiuius,  a  treatise  on  synonyms, 
And  a  dictionary  in  which  the  words  were  arranged  not 
alphabetically  but  according  to  their  supposed  etymol- 
ogy— thus  hirundo  (swallow)  from  aer  (air).  One 
tad  to  know  the  meaning  of  the  word  before  one 
searched  for  it!  The  grammars  were  written  in  a 
T)orbarou8  Latin  of  inconceivably  difficult  style.  Can 
any  man  now  readily  understand  the  following  defi- 

tion  of  "pronoujj,"  taken   from  a  Vioot  "■m.^.Wi.^fe^ 


THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

for  beginners,  published  in  1499T  "Pronomeu  .  . . 
sigiiiiicat  substantiara  sen  entitatem  sub  modo  eon- 
ceptus  intrinseco  permanentis  seu  habitus  et  qoietis 
sub  detcrminatae  apprchensionis  formalitate." 

That  with  all  these  handicaps  boys  learned  Latin  at 
all,  and  some  boys  learned  it  extremely  well,  must  be 
attributed  to  the  amount  of  time  spent  on  the  subject 
For  years  it  was  practically  all  that  was  studied — for 
the  medieval  trivium  of  grammar,  rhetoric  and  logie 
reduced  itself  to  this— and  they  not  only  read  a  great 
deal  but  wrote  and  spoke  Latin.  Finally,  it  became  as 
easy  and  fluent  to  them  as  their  own  tongue.  Many 
instances  that  sound  like  infant  prodigies  are  known 
to  us ;  boys  who  spoke  Latin  at  seven  and  wrote  elo- 
quent orations  in  it  at  fourteen,  were  not  uneoramon. 
It  is  true  that  the  average  boy  spoke  then  rather  s 
translation  of  his  own  language  into  Latin  than  Uie 
best  idiom  of  Rome.  The  following  ludicrous  speci- 
mens of  conversation,  throwing  light  on  the  mannere 
as  well  as  on  the  linguistic  attainments  of  the  students, 
were  overheard  in  the  University  of  Paris :  * '  Capis  me 
pro  uno  alio";  "Quando  ego  veni  de  ludendo,  ego  bibi 
unum  raagnum  vitrum  totum  plenum  de  vino,  sine  de- 
ponendo  nasum  de  vitro";  "In  praudendo  non  facil 
nisi  Kchare  suos  digitos."        -^  '_\'  ■*■ 

Though  there  was  no  radical  reform  in  education 
during  the  century  between  Erasmus  and  Shakespeare, 
two  strong  tendencies  may  be  discerned  at  work,  one 
looking  towards  a  milder  method,  the  other  towards 
the  extension  of  elementary  instruction  to  large  classes 
hitherto  left  illiterate.  The  Reformation,  which  WM 
rather  poor  in  original  thought,  was  at  any  rate  a  tre- 
mendous vulgarizer  of  the  current  culture.  It  wafi  a 
popular  movement  in  that  it  passed  around  to  the  peo- 
ple the  ideas  that  had  hitherto  been  the  possession  of 
tile  few.    Its  &TS\,  e%etV,\TL^'&ft\A^¥i*'^'»s^^  ^ith  that  of 


EDUCATION  665 

tumults  that  accompanied  it,  was  for  tlie  moment 
avorable  to  all  sorts  of  learning.     Not  only  wars 
rebellions  frightened  the  youth  from  school,  but 
n  arose,  both  in  England  and  Germany,  who  taught 
t  if  God  had  vouchsafed  his  secrets  to  babes  and 
ings,  ignorance  must  be  better  than  wisdom  and 
t  it  was  therefore  folly  to  be  learned. 
bf    luther  not  only  turned  the  tide,  but  started  it  flowing  Luther 
■^  that  great  wave  that  has  finally  given  civilized  lands 
^^^iBe  and  compulsory  education  for  all.    In  a  Letter  to 
^^  Aldermen  and  Cities  of  Germany  on  the  Erec-   1524 
and  Maintenance  of  Christian  Schools  he  urged 
*ongly  the  advantages  of  learning.    **Good  schools 
e  maintained]  are  the  tree  from  which  grow  all  good 
'Hduct  in  life,  and  if  they  decay  great  blindness  must 
Bow  in  religion  and  in  all  useful  arts.  .  .  .  There- 
,  all  wise  rulers  have  thought  schools  a  great  light 
civil  life.**    Even  the  heathen  had  seen  that  their 
^ilildren  should  be  instructed  in  all  liberal  arts  and  sci- 
^^^oes  both  to  fit  them  for  war  and  government  and  to 
Kive  them  personal  culture.    Luther  several  times  sug- 
^sted  that  '*the  civil  authorities  ought  to  compel  peo- 
ple to  send  their  children  to  school.    If  the  government 
tan  compel  men  to  bear  spear  and  arquebus,  to  man 
Tamparts  and  perform  other  martial  duties,  how  much 
more  has  it  the  right  to  compel  them  to  send  their  chil- 
i    dren  to  school!'*    Repeatedly  he  urged  upon  the  many 
-  princes  and  burgomasters  with  whom  he  corresponded 
^  the  duty  of  providing  schools  in  every  town  and  village. 
A  portion  of  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  confiscated  by 
^  the  German  states  was  in  fact  applied  to  this  end. 
Many  other  new  schools  were  founded  by  princes  and 
were  known  as  '^Fiirstenschulen"  or  gymnasia. 

The    same   course   was   run   in   England.    Colet*s  En«l*nd 
foundation  of  St  Paul's  School  in  Loivdoii,  iox  \^%  ^^^^ 
boj^s,  lias  perhaps  won  an  undue  fame,  5ot  \1  ^a^\i^^- 


666         THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

ward  in  method  and  not  important  in  any  apeeialnj 
but  it  is  a  sign  tliat  people  at  that  time  were  taniiiii 
their  thoughts  to  the  education  of  the  young.    Wbu  - 
Edward  VI  mounted  the  throne  the  dissolution  of  til 
chantries  had  a  very  bad  effect,  for  their  funds  bi 
commonly   supported   scholars.     A   few  years  pr«i  r_ 
ously  Henry  VIII  had  ordered  "every  of  yon  thatb    ; 
parsons,  vicars,  1  also  chantry  priests  u    - 

stipendiaries  t'  and  bring  up  in  Ipaniifl 

the  best  you  car  Idren  of  your  parishioM    : 

as  shall  come  1  least  teach  them  to  rsi    : 

English."     Ed'  ived  this  law  in  ordfii?    l 

chantry  priests  e  themselves  in  teacM 

youth  to  read  an  nd  he  also  urged  peopld 

contribute  to  tlw  ice  of  primary  Bclionlsti 

each    parish.     He    also    endowed    certain    grammu 
schools  with  the  revenues  of  the  chantries,  1 

V-  In  Scotland  the  Book  of  Disciplhie  advocated  coo-l 
pulsorj-  education,  children  of  the  well-to-do  at  their! 
parents'  expense,  poor  children  at  that  of  the  cbard 
In  Catholic  countries,  too,  there  was  a  passion  for' 
founding  now  schools.  Especially  to  be  mentioned  an 
the  Jesuit  "colleges,"  "of  which, "Bacon  confesses,"! 
must  say,  Talis  cum  sis  utinam  tioster  esses."  Hff 
well  frequented  they  were  is  sho\vn  by  the  followins 
figures.  The  Jesuit  school  at  Vienna  had,  in  1558.  5O0 
pupils,  in  Cologne,  about  the  same  time,  517,  in  Treve 
500,  in  ilayence  4li0,  in  Spires  453,  in  Munich  3O0 
The  method  of  the  Jesuits  became  famous  for  its  com 
bined  gentleness  and  art.  They  developed  consum 
mate  skill  in  allowing  their  pupils  as  much  of  historj 
science  and  philosophy  as  they  could  imbibe  withon 
jeoparding  their  faitli.  From  this  point  of  view  the! 
instruction  was  an  inoculation  against  free  thought 
But   it  raual  tc  aWciXNc^  'Oaa.X,  Vwixt  \ft.^^'s».v.^  of  thi 


L  EDUCATION  667 

■assies  was  excellent  They  followed  the  humanists' 
Diethods,  but  they  adapted  them  to  the  purpose  of  the 
church. 

All  this  flood  of  new  scholars  had  little  that  was  new  Th 

to  study.     Neither  Reformers  nor  humanists  had  any  "' 

searching  or  thorough  revision  to  propose;  all  that 

JLhey  asked  was  that  the  old  be  taught  better:  the  hu- 

anities  more  humanely.     Erasmus  wrote  much  on  ed- 

sation,  and,  following  him  Vives  and  Bude  and  Me- 

.nchthon  and  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  and  Roger  Ascham; 

leir  programs,  covering  the  whole  period  from  the 

radle  to  the  highest  degree,  seem  thorough,  but  what 

3oes  it  all  amount  to,  in  the  end,  hut  Latin  and  Greekt 

'ossibly  a  little  arithmetic  and  geometry  and  even 

stronomy  were  admitted,  bnt  all  was  supposed  to  be 

mbibed  as  a  by-product  of  literature,  history  from 

iivy,  for  example,  and  natural  science  from  Pliny.     In- 

leed,  it  often  seems  as  if  the  knowledge  of  things  waa 

Valued  chiefly  for  the  sake  of  literary  comprehension 

and  allnsion. 

The  educational  reformers  differed  little  from  one 
another  save  in  such  details  as  the  best  authors  to  read. 
Colet  preferred  Christian  authors,  such  as  Lactantius, 
IPnidentius  and  Baptista  Mantuan.  Erasmus  thought 
St  well  to  begin  with  the  versos  of  Dionysius  Cato,  and 
to  proceed  through  the  standard  authors  of  Oreece  and 
iltome.  For  the  sake  of  making  instruction  easy  and 
■pleasant  he  wrote  his  Colloquies — in  many  respects  his 
chef  d'  oeuvre  if  not  the  best  Latin  produced  by  any- 
.one  during  the  century.  In  this  justly  famous  work, 
"which  was  adopted  and  used  by  all  parties  immediately, 
he  conveyed  a  considerable  amount  of  liberal  religi- 
ons and  moral  instruction  with  enough  wit  to  make  it 
palatable.  Luther,  on  Melanchthon's  adv\ec,  tioWv'Or^- 
sBtatiding  bis  hatred  for  the  author,  urged  t\ie  Mse  oS.  "Ooft 


J 


THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 


Colloquies  in  Protestant  schools,  and  they  were  lilia  . 
■wise  among  the  books  permitted  by  the  Imperial  mu 
date  issued  at  Louvain. 

The  method  of  learning  language  was  for  ike  ii 
structor  to  interpret  a  passage  to  the  class  which  (!«] 
were  expected  to  be  able  to  translate  the  next  dq 
Ascham  recommended  that,  when  the  child  hitd  ini( 
ten  a  translation  ,  after  a  saitable  interd   . 

be  required  to  v  is  own  Englisli  into  lak   ■ 

Writing,  parti cui  crs,  was  taaght.    The  id   - 

advance  over  the  irrienlum  was  in  the  leai  , 

ing  of  Greek —  e  exceptionally  arabitimi    . 

school  at  Gene^  fter  1538,  Hebrew.   Sill   , 

for  this  and  the  i  t  of  scholastic  barbaria 

there  was  no  attem,.  tig  in  the  new  sciences  ssi 

arts.  For  nearly  four  hundred  years  the  curriculum  i 
of  Erasmus  has  remained  the  foundation  of  our  nlnca- 1 
tion.  Oidy  in  our  own  times  are  Latin  am!  Gwil 
giving  way,  as  the  staples  of  mental  traiuinz,  to  nn^- 
ern  languages  and  science.  In  those  days  modem  lan- 
guages were  picked  up,  as  Milton  was  later  to  recom- 
mend that  they  should  be,  not  as  part  of  the  rcgolat 
course,  but  "in  some  leisure  hour,"  like  music  or 
dancing.  Notwithstanding  such  exceptions  as  Edward 
VI  and  Elizabeth,  who  spoke  French  and  Italian,  then 
were  comparatively  few  scholars  who  knew  any  livini 
tongue  save  their  oa\ti. 

When  the  youth  went  to  the  university  he  fonn' 
little  change  in  either  his  manner  of  life  or  in  his  slue 
ies.  A  number  of  boys  matriculated  at  the  age  c 
thirteen  or  fourteen ;  on  the  other  hand  there  was 
sprinkling  of  mature  students.  The  extreme  youth  ( 
many  scholars  made  it  natural  that  they  should  be  ui 
der  somewhat  stricter  discipline  than  is  now  the  cas 
Even  in  Uic  eaT\^'  \\\?.\ciin  «i1  Yi^?L,Ysa,^^  \t  \?,  record^ 
that  the  presVdcwV  o-cvtt  ^'?vo%'ifi^^w«>^'^^'^^^'^"  ' 


EDUCATION  669 

Bug  out  too  late  at  night.    At  colleges  like  Montaigu, 

one  may  believe  Erasmus,  the  path  of  learning  was 
ideed  thorny.  What  between  the  wretched  diet,  the 
!th,  the  cold,  the  crowding,  "tlie  short-winged  hawks" 
lat  the  students  combed  from  their  hair  or  shook 
■om  their  shirts,  it  is  no  wonder  that  many  of  them 
>I1  ill.  Oaming,  fighting,  drinking  and  wenching  were 
onmon. 

Nominally,  the  university  was  then  under  the  entire  M<Kleof 
.ntrol  of  the  faculty,  who  elected  one  of  themselves  e""*""""! 
'i*ector"  (president)  for  a  single  year,  who  appointed 
leir  own  members  and  who  had  complete  charge  of 
hidies  and  discipline,  save  that  the  students  occasion- 
Dy  asserted  their  ancient  riglits.     In  fact,  the  eor- 

iration  was  pretty  well  under  the  thumb  of  the  gov- 
himent,    which    compelled    elections    aud    dismissals 

en  it  saw  fit,  and  occasionally  appointed  commis- 
lons  to  visit  and  reform  the  faculties. 
Instruction  was  still  carried  on  by  the  old  method  "/' 

lectures  and  debates.     These  latter  were  sometimes 

important  questions  of  the  day,  theological  or  po- 
Hcal,  but  were  often,  also,  nothing  hut  displays  of 

:enuity.  There  was  a  great  lack  of  laboratories,  a 
ied  that  just  began  to  be  felt  at  the  end  of  the  cen- 
iry  when  Bacon  wrote:  "Unto  the  deep,  fruitful 
id  operative  study  of  many  sciences,  specially  nat- 
■al  philosophy  and  physics,  books  bo  not  only  the 

.tmmentala. "  Bacon's  further  complaint  that, 
among  so  many  great  foundations  of  colleges  in  Eu- 
ipe,  I  find  it  strange  that  they  arc  all  dedicated  to 
rofessions,  and  none  left  free  to  arts  and  sciences 

large,"  is  an  early  hint  of  the  need  of  the  endow- 
ent  of  research.     The  degrees  in  liberal  arts,  B.A. 
id  M.A.,  were  then  more  strictly  than,  uovi  Uecwtft* 
tiier  to  teach  or  to  pursue  higher  proteasioiAaX  s,'w.*Ji\'e'* 
divinity,  law,   or  medieiue.     Fees  ior    6TB,A.\iB.'C\'^'ft 


I 


■  670 

W  were  heai 


THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

were  heavy;  in  France  a  B.A.  cost  $24,  an  M.D.  $690 
and  a  D.D.  $780. 

Germany  then  held  the  primacy  that  she  has  e'^'er 
since  had  in  Europe  both  in  the  number  of  her  uni- 
veraitics  and  in  the  aggregate  of  her  students.  The 
new  universities  founded  by  the  Protestants  were: 
Marburg  1527,  Konigsberg  1544,  Jena  1548  and  again 
1558,  Helmstadt  1575,  Altdorf  1578,  Paderbom  15*t. 
In  addition  to  tliese  the  Catholics  founded  four  or  five 
new  universities,  though  not  important  ones.  Th*y 
concentrated  their  efforts  on  the  endeavor  to  fonnil 
new  "colleges"  at  the  old  institutions. 

In  general  the  universities  lost  during  the  first  yeart 
of  the  Reformation,  but  more  than  made  up  their  num- 
bers by  the  middle  of  the  century.  Wittenberg  had 
245  matriculations  in  1521;  in  1526  the  matriculations 
had  fallen  to  175,  but  by  1550,  notwithstanding  the  re- 
cent Schmalkaldie  War,  the  total  numbers  had  risen 
to  2000,  and  this  number  was  well  maintained  throngh- 
out  the  century, 

Erfurt,  remaining  Catholic  in  a  Protestant  region, 
declined  more  rapidly  and  permanently.  In  the  year 
152f)-21  there  were  311  matriculations,  in  the  follow- 
ing year  120,  in  the  next  year  72,  and  five  years  later 
only  14.  Between  1521  to  1530  the  number  of  studeuts 
fell  at  Rostock  from  123  to  33,  at  Frankfort-on-the 
Oder  from  73  to  32.  Rostock,  however,  recovered 
after  a  reorganization  in  1532.  The  number  of  stu- 
dents at  Greifswald  declined  so  that  no  lectures  were 
given  during  the  period  1527-39,  after  which  it  again 
began  to  pick  up.  Konigsberg,  starting  with  314  stn- 
dents  later  fell  off,  Cologne  declined  in  numbers,  and 
so  did  Mayence  until  the  Jesuits  founded  their  college 
in  1561,  which,  by  1568,  had  500  pupils  recognized 
as  members  of  the  university.  Vienna,  also,  having 
sunk  to  the  numbeT  ol  \1  sVM.daii.t8  in  1532,  kept  at  a 


EDUCATION  671 

very  low  ebb  I'ntil  1554,  when  the  effects  of  the  Jesuit 
revival  were  felt.  Whereas,  during  the  fifteen  years 
1508-22  there  were  6485  matriculations  at  Leipzig, 
during  the  next  fifteen  years  there  were  only  1935,  By 
the  end  of  the  century,  however,  Leipzig  had  again 
■become,  under  Protestant  leadership,  a  large  institu- 
tion. 

Two  new  universities  were  founded  in  the  British  bh 
Isles  during  the  century,  Edinburgh  in  1582  and  Trin- 
ity College,  Dublin,  in  1591.  In  England  a  number  of 
colleges  were  added  to  those  already  existing  at  Ox- 
ford and  Cambridge,  namely  Christ  Church  (first 
known,  after  its  founder,  Wolscy,  as  Cardinal's  Col- 
lege, then  as  King's  College),  Brasenose,  and  Corpus 
Christi  at  Oxford  and  St.  John's,  Magdalen,  and  Trin- 
ity at  Cambridge.  Notwithstanding  these  new  foun- 
dations the  number  of  students  sank.  During  the 
years  1542-8,  only  191  degrees  of  B.A.  were  given  at 
Cambridge  and  only  172  at  Oxford.  Ascham  is  au- 
thority for  the  statement  that  things  were  still  worse 
■Under  Mary,  when  "the  wild  boar  of  the  wood"  either 
"cut  up  by  the  root  or  trod  doA\ni  to  the  ground"  the 
institutions  of  learning.  The  revenues  of  the  univer- 
Mties  reached  their  low-water  mark  about  1547,  when 
the  total  income  of  Oxford  from  land  was  reckoned  at 
£5  and  that  of  Cambridge  at  £50,  per  annum.  Under 
EUizabetb,  the  universities  rose  in  numbers,  while  bet- 
ter Latin  and  Greek  were  taught.  It  was  at  this  time 
that  a  college  education  became  fashionable  for  young 
gentlemen  instead  of  being  exclusively  patronized  by 
"learned  clerks."  The  foundation  of  the  College  of  1528 
Physicians  in  London  deeer\'e3  to  be  mentioned, 

A  university  was  founded  at  Zurich  under  the  influ- 
■CTce  of  Zwingli.  Geneva's  University  opened  in  1559 
■vith  Beza  as  rector,  ,  Connected  with  it  was  a  prepara- 
tory school  of  seven  forms,  with  a  rigidlj  pieacxOo'i^ 


I 


672  THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

course  in  the  classics.  When  the  boy  was  admil 
to  the  university  proper  by  examination,  he  took  v 
he  chose;  there  was  not  even  a  division  into  cks 
The  eoopseg  offered  to  him  included  Greek,  Hebr 
theology,  dialectic,  rhetoric,  physics  and  matheraat 

The  foundation  of  the  College  de  France  by  Frai 
I  represented  an  attempt  to  bring  new  life  and  vi 
into  learning  b'  lociation  of  learned  men. 

was  planned  t  te  science  from  the  tntel 

of  theology.  .8  invited  but,  on  his  reft 

to  accept,  Bude  the  leading  position.    Chi 

pf  Greek,  Hebr*  atics  and  Latin  were  fonft 

by  the  king  ii  tier  institutions  of  lean 

founded  in  Fra  heims  1547,  Douai  1562, 

Sanson  '  1564,  noi.^  (m  now  in  existence.    P; 

continued  to  be  the  largest  university  in  the  wo 
with  an  average  number  of  students  of  about  GOi 

Louvain,  in  the  Netherlands,  had  3U00  student 
1500  and  1521 ;  in  1550  the  number  rose  to  oiKH). 
was  divided  into  colleges  on  the  plan  still  fourn 
England.  Each  college  had  a  president,  throe 
fessors  and  twelve  fellows,  entertained  gratis,  in  i 
tion  to  a  larger  number  of  paying  scholars.  The  i 
popular  classes  often  reached  the  number  of  .300. 
foundation  of  the  Collegium  Trilingue  by  Erasn 
friend  Jerome  Busleiden  in  1517  was  an  attempt,  a 
name  indicates,  to  give  instruction  in  Greek  and 
brew  as  well  as  in  the  Latin  classics.  A  bliglit 
upon  the  noble  institution  during  tlie  wars  of  rcli 
Under  the  supervision  of  Alva  it  founded  profo 
ships  of  catechetics  and  substituted  the  decrees  o 
Council  of  Trent  for  the  Decretinn  of  Gratian  ii 
law  school.  Exhausted  by  the  hemorrhages  cause 
the  Religious  War  and  starved  by  the  Lenten  dii 
Spauisli  Caft\oVvc\sTcv,  Vt  ^^a.-i.M.-i^N  ^VKL^-jii*,.,  ^^ilul 
iBcaancon  was  ttvew  ati  \m.^^\»\"S^ce  C*.-s 


EDUCATION  673 

5  was  taken  in  the  eyes  of  Europe  by  the  Protestant  ^575 
^ersity  of  Leyden.    A  second  Protestant  founda-  ^585 

Franeker,  for  a  time  flourished,  but  finally  with- 

away. 

lanish  universities  were  crowded  with  new  num- 
The  maximum  student  body  was  reached  by 
manca  in  1584  with  6778  men,  while  Alcala  passed 
snith  in  1547  with  the  respectable  enrollment  of 
.  The  foundation  of  no  less  than  nine  new  uni- 
ities  in  Spain  bears  witness  to  the  interest  of  the 
ian  Peninsula  in  education. 

>ur  new  universities  opened  their  doors  in  Italy 
ng  the  year  1540-1565.    The  Sapienza  at  Rome, 
ddition  to  these,  was  revived  temporarily  by  Leo 
L  1513,  and,  after  a  relapse  to  the  dormant  state, 
n  awoke  to  its  full  power  under  Paul  III,  when 
rs  of  Greek  and  Hebrew  were  established, 
le  services  of  all  these  universities  cannot  be  com-  Comnbu- 
d  on  any  statistical  method.    Notwithstanding  all  ^^^^^ 
•  faults,  their  dogmatic  narrowness  and  their  aca- 
Lc  arrogance,  they  contributed  more  to  progress   , 

any  other  institutions.  Each  academy  became  the 
er  of  scientific  research  and  of  intellectual  life, 
r  influence  was  enormous.  How  much  did  it  mean 
lat  age  to  see  its  contending  hosts  marshalled  un- 
Iwo  professors,  Luther  and  Adrian  VI !  And  how 
y  other  leaders  taught  in  universities : — Erasmus, 
mchthon,  Reuchlin,  Lefevre,  to  mention  only  a 
Pontiffs  and  kings  sought  for  support  in  aca- 
LC  pronouncements,  nor  could  they  always  force 
lectors  to  give  the  decision  they  wished.    In  fact, 

university  stood  like  an  Acropolis  in  the  republic 
otters,  at  once  a  temple  and  a  fortress  for  those 
loved  truth  and  ensued  it. 


674  THE  TEMPER  OF  THK  TIMES 

§  4.  Art 

The  significant  thing  about  art,  for  the  historimi 
for  the  average  man,  is  the  ideal  it  expresses,  Tl 
artist  and  eritic  may  find  more  to  interest  hlminti  '^ 
development  of  teclinique,  how  this  painter  dealt » 
perspective  and  that  one  with  "tactile  values,"  ll 
the  Florentines  excelled  in  drawing  and  the  Venetiu  •■■ 
in  color.     But  i  ing  professionals,  thee*    - 

tent  of  the  art  rtant  than  its  form,  Fi* 

after  all,  the  g]  drals  of  the  Middle  Ajd 

and  the  marve  s  of  the  Renaissance  w 

not  mere  iridei  blown  by  or  for  cbildti  i 

with  nothing  be  'hey  were  the  embodimfflll  ^ 

of  ideas;  as  the  jht  in  their  hearts  solhOT^ 

projected  themselvet  e  objects  they  ereiiteil.     r 

The  greatest  painters  the  world  has  seen,  and  man!  1 
others  who  would  be  greatest  in  any  other  time, ««!' 
contemporaries  of  Luther.  They  had  a  gos\w\  »f 
preach  no  less  sacred  to  them  than  was  his  to  him;itl 
was  the  glad  tidings  of  the  kingdom  of  this  wor!d;t!Kl 
splendor,  the  loveliness,  the  wonder  and  the  nobility 
of  human  life.  When,  with  young  eyes,  they  looktdl 
out  upon  the  world  in  its  spring-tide,  they  found  itnol 
the  vale  of  tears  that  they  had  been  told;  they  foundh 
a  rapture.  They  saw  the  naked  body  not  vile  but  beat 
tiful, 

Leonardo  da  Vinci  was  -a  painter  of  wonder,  but  not 
■of  naive  admiration  of  things  seen.  To  him  the  mir- 
acle of  the  world  was  in  the  mystery  of  knowledge,- 
and  he  took  all  nature  as  his  province.  He  gave  to 
life  and  his  soul  for  the  mastery  of  science;  he  ob' 
served,  he  studied,  he  pondered  everj'thiiig.  From 
the  sun  in  the  heavens  to  the  insect  on  the  ground 
nothing  was  so  large  as  to  impose  upon  him,  nothin? 
too  snii\\\  to  tscav'i^^^'"^-  "^'^\^^'''^^%'««^^'*K«xsN^,-ix.Qeri 
monting,  he  dug  ie^v  ^^"^  'Caft  vk^^^  x^^-v\.-^  ^K'i&sg 


ART 


675 


he  spent  years  drawing  the  internal  organs  of  the  body, 
id  other  years  making  plans  for  engineers. 
When  he  painted,  there  was  but  one  thing  that  fasci- 
ited  him:  the  soul.     To  lay  hare  the  mind  ae  he  had 
^ssected  the  brain;  to  take  man  or  woman  at  some 
ielf-revealing  pose,  to  surprise  the  hidden  secret  of 
ipcrsonality,  all  this  was  his  passion,  and  in  all  this 
he  excelled  as  no  one  had  ever  done,  before  or  since. 
His  battle  picture  is  not  some  gorgeous  and  romantic 
ij«avalry  charge,  but  a  confused  melee  of  horses  snort- 
ing with  terror,  of  men  wild  with  the  lust  of  battle  or 
pritfa  hatred  or  with  fear.     His  portraits  are  either  cari- 
catures or  prophecies:  they  lay  bare  some- trait  unsus- 
l^ected,  or  they  probe  some  secret  weakness.     Is  not 
ius  portrait  of  himself  a  wizard?     Does  not  his  Medusa 
l^ill  us  with  the  horror  of  death?     Is  not  Beatrice 
B'Este  already  doomed  to  waste  away,  when  he  paints 
berT 

,     The  Last  Supper  had  been  treated  a  hundred  times  ThcUi 

liefore  him,  now  as  a  eucharistie  sacrament,  now  as  a  ^"pp** 

iponastic  meal,  now  as  a  gathering  of  friends.     What 

Bid    Leonardo   make    of   it!     A    study   of   character. 

■esus  has  just  said,  "One  of  you  will  betray  me,"  and 

Ilia  divine  head  has  sunk  upon  his  breast  with  calm, 

immortal  grief.     John,  the  Beloved,  is  fairly  sick  with 

8orrow;  Peter  would  be  fiercely  at  the  traitor's  throat; 

.Xhomas  darts  forward,  doubting,  to  ask,  "Lord,  is  it 

t"     Every  face  expresses  deep  and  different  reaction. 

lere  sits  Judas,  his  face  tense,  the  cords  of  his  neck 

nding  out,  his  muscles  taut  with  the  supreme  effort 

;   to  betray  the  evil  purpose  which,  nevertheless, 

■ers  on  his  visage  as  plainly  as  a  thunder  cloud  on 

gnltry  afternoon. 

Throughout  life  Leonardo  was  fascinated  with  an 
gmatic  smile  that  he  had  seen  somewhere,  perhaps 
Verocchio's  studio,  perhaps  on  the  f-ace  ot  &wcb&      ^m 


676  THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

woman  be  had  kno^ftTi  as  a  boy.     His  first  painting 
■were  of  laughing  women,  and  the  same  smite  is  m'in  i 
lips  of  Jolm  the  Baptist  and  Dionysus  ami  L«ia 
the  Virgin  and  St.  Anne  and  Mona  Lisa!    What  n 
he  trying  to  express  1    Vasari  found  the  "smilf 
pleasing  that  it  was  a  thing  more  divine  than  lim 
to  behold";  Ruskin  thought  it  archaic,  Miintz  "saJ 
disillnsioncd, "  Bei  ;rcilious,  and  Freud 

rotic.     Eeymond  3   smile    of    Promdi 

Faust,  Oedipus  aim  ix;  Pater  saw  in  it"fl 

animalism  of  Greei  .  of  Rome,  the  reverie^ 

the  Middle  Ages  ■?  tnal  ambitions  and  Imi 

inary  loves,  the  rei  pagan  world,  the  una  I 

the  Borgias."    Thi  j  great  critics,  like  F 

nach,  have  asserted  la  Lisa  is  only  subtle 

any  great  portrait  is  subtle,  it  is  impossible  to  reaiard 
it  merely  as  that.  It  is  a  psychological  study.  And 
what  means  the  smile  I  In  a  word,  sex, — not  on  tbe 
physical  side  so  studied  and  glorified  by  other  painters, 
but  in  its  psychological  aspect.  For  once  Leonardo 
has  stripped  bare  not  the  body  but  the  soul  of  desirfii 
— the  passion,  the  lust,  the  trembling  and  the  sbaffif- 
There  is  something  frightening  about  Leda  caught  with 
the  swan,  about  the  effeminate  Dionysus  and  John  the 
Baptist's  mouth  "folded  for  a  kiss  of  irresistible 
pleasure,"  If  the  stories  then  told  about  the  chiltlreo 
of  Alexander  VI  and  about  Margaret  of  Navarre  and 
Anne  Boleyn  were  true,  Mona  Lisa  was  their  sister. 

Everything  he  touched  acquires  the  same  psycho- 
logical penetration.  His  Adoration  of  the  Magi 
not  an  effort  to  delight  the  eye,  but  is  a  study,  almost 
a  ciiticism,  of  Christianity.  All  sorts  of  men  are 
brought  before  the  miraculous  Babe,  and  their  reac- 
tions, of  wonder,  of  amazement,  of  devotion,  of  love. 
of  skepUeism,  o?  aco^'ft^,  aw^Ji-  o\\\-\?!c,.'?v'«.^'ij>s.^are  per- 
fectly recorded. 


ART  677 

After  the  cool  and  stormv  spring  of  art  came  the   The 

*  V        t* 

and  gentle  summer.     Life  became  so  full,  so     ^"^ " 
tiful,  so  pleasant,  so  alluring,  that  men  sought 
nothing  save  to  quaff  its  goblet  to  the  dregs. 
^^tnice,  seated  like  a  lovely,  wanton  queen,  on  her 
ine  of  sparkling  waters,  drew  to  her  bosom  all 
devotees  of  pleasure  in  the  whole  of  Europe.    Her 
lies  still  brought  to  her  every  pomp  and  glory  of 
lent  with  which  to  array  her  body  sumptuously; 
lovers  lavished  on  her  gold  and  jewels  and  palaces 
rare  exotic  luxuries.    How  all  this  is  reflected  in 
great  painters,  the  Bellinis  and  Giorgione  and 
itian  and  Tintoretto!    Life  is  no  longer  a  wonder  to 
but  a  banquet;  the  malady  of  thought,  the  trou- 
of  the  soul  is  not  for  them.    Theirs  is  the  realm 
'^if  the  senses,  and  if  man  could  live  by  sense  alone, 
4barely  he  must  revel  in  what  they  offer.    They  dye 
Ifheir  canvasses  in  such  blaze  of  color  and  light  as  can 
1>e  seen  only  in  the  sunset  or  in  the  azure  of  the  Med- 
iterranean, or  in  tropical  flowers.    How  they  clothe 
Ihcir  figures  in  every  conceivable  splendor  of  orphrey 
and  ermine,  in  jewels  and  shining  armor  and  rich 
stuff  of  silk  and  samite,  in  robe  of  scarlet  or  in  yellow 
dalmatic!    Every  house  for  them  is  a  palace,  every  bit 
of  landscape  an  enchanted  garden,  every  action  an 
ecstasy,  every  man  a  hero  and  every  woman  a  paragon 
of  voluptuous  beauty. 

The  portrait  is  one  of  the  most  characteristic 
branches  of  Renaissance  painting,  for  it  appealed  to 
the  newly  aroused  individualism,  the  grandiose  egotism 
of  the  so  optimistic  and  so  self-confident  age.  After 
Leonardo  no  one  sought  to  make  the  portrait  pri- 
marily a  character  study.  Titian  and  Raphael  and 
Holbi*in  and  most  of  th<^ir  contemporaries  sought 
ratljor  to  please  and  flatter  than  \o  au^xVs^^.  "^xiX.  ^"^"^^^ 
withal  there  is  often  a  truth  to  nature  tViaV  Tna2&ft  twovcj   >sjv^ 


678  THE  TEMPEK  OF  THE  TIMES 

of  the  portraits  of  that  time  like  the  day  of  judjnint 
in  their  revelation  of  character.  Titian's  splendii 
harmonies  of  scarlet  silk  and  crimson  satin  aod^ 
brocade  and  purple  velvet  and  silvery  fur  enslirra 
many  a  blend  of  villainies  and  brutal  stupidilis 
What  is  more  cruelly  realistic  than  the  leeroftla 
satyr  clothed  as  Francis,  King  of  France;  than  tl* 
bovine  dullnes;  V  and  the  lizard-like  dot 

ness  of  his  son;  at  strange  combination (t 

■wolfish   cunning  sh   bestiality  with  1 

thought  and  self  hat  fascinates  in  Raplad"! 

portrait  of  Let  b  two  cardinals!   (In  ik 

other  hand,  whi  n  of  strong  and  noble 

and  women  ga  om  the  canvases  of  tW 

time.     Tliey  are  a  o^i  infinite  variety  and  of  sur- 

passing charm. 

The  secularization  of  art  proceeded  even  to  tht 
length  of  affecting  religious  painting.  Susanna  ani 
Magdalen  and  St.  Barbara  and  St.  SebasliaQ  are  no 
longer  starved  nuns  and  monks,  bundled  in  sliapfin* 
clothes ;  they  become  maidens  and  youths  of  marvellrtu 
beauty.  £ven  the  Virgin  and  Christ  were  draMfrui 
the  handsomest  models  obtainable  and  were  ticU! 
clothed.  This  tendency,  long  at  work,  found  its  o» 
summation  in  Raphael  Sanzio  of  Urbino. 

It  is  one  of  those  useful  coincidences  that  secmil- 
most  symbolic  that  Raphael  and  Luther  wt-re  borniil 
the  same  year,  for  they  were  both  the  products  ot4t 
same  process — the  decay  of  Catholicism.  When.  I« 
long  ages,  a  forest  has  rotted  on  the  ground,  it  M! 
form  a  bed  of  coal,  ready  to  be  dug  up  and  turned  inK 
power,  or  it  may  make  a  field  luxuriant  in  grain  am 
fruit  and  flowers.  From  the  deposits  of  raodievalu 
ligiou  the  miner's  son  of  Mansfeld  extracted  enoot 
enorgv  to  Uu'u  \vcv\1  Y.Mxov'i  MV^xiS.^  &«^-^-,  "v^-as!.  tl 
same  fertile  swam-p'^^V'i-^^^  «i?\tSs.  *<^'i  to^^x.  -CTssji 


ART  67» 


1 


blossoms  and  the  most  delicious  berries.  To  change 
the  metaphor,  Lutlicr  was  the  thunder  and  Rapliaol 
the  rainbow  of  the  same  storm. 

The  chief  work  of  both  of  them  was  to  make  religion  Reitpoi 
nnderstnnded  of  the  people;  to  adapt  it  to  the  needs  "" 
of  the  time.  When  faith  fails  a  man  may  either  aban- 
don tlie  old  religion  for  another,  or  he  may  stop  think- 
ing about  dogma  altogether  and  find  solace  in  the 
mystical-aesthetic  aspect  of  his  cult.  Tliis  second  al- 
ternative was  worked  to  its  limit  by  Raphael.  He  was 
not  concerned  with  the  true  but  with  the  beautiful. 
By  far  the  larger  part  of  his  very  numerous  pictures 
have  religious  subjects.  The  wlii>lo  Bible— which  Lu- 
tlier  translated  into  the  vernacular — was  by  him  trans- 
lated into  the  yet  clearer  huiiiuage  of  sense.  Even 
now  most  people  conceive  biblical  cliaracters  in  the 
forms  of  this  greatest  of  illustrators.  Delicacy, 
pathos,  spirituality,  idyllic  loveliness — everything  but 
realism  or  tragedy — arc  stamped  on  all  his  canvases. 
"Beautiful  as  a  Raphael  Madonna"  is  an  Italian 
proverb,  and  so  skilfully  selected  a  type  of  beauty  is 
there  in  his  Virgins  that  they  are  neither  too.  ctliereal 
nor  too  sensuous.  Divine  tenderness,  motherhood  at 
its  holiest,  gazes  calmly  from  the  face  of  the  Sistine 
Madonna,  "whose  eyes  are  deeper  than  the  deptlis  of 
waters  stilled  at  even."  The  simple  mind,  unsopliisti- 
cated  by  lore  of  the  pre-Raphaolite  school,  will  worship 
a  Raphael  when  he  will  but  revel  in  a  Titian. 
Strangely  touched  by  tlie  magic  of  this  passionate  lover 
both  of  the  church  and  of  mortal  women,  the  average 
man  of  that  day,  or  of  this,  found,  and  will  find,  glad 
tidings  for  his  heart  in  tlie  very  color  of  Mary's  robe. 
"Whoever  would  know  how  Christ  transfigured  and 
made  divine  should  be  painted,  must  look,"  says  Va- 
sari.  on  Raphael's  canvases. 

The  church  and  the  papacy  found  an  aVly  m\\v\\i\\aA^ 


THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 


whose  pencil  illustrated  so  many  triumphs  of  tbe  pop* 
and  so  many  mysteries  of  religion.  In  his  llisputa  (s* 
called)  he  made  the  secret  of  transubstantiationvisiblt 
In  his  great  cartoon  of  Leo  I  turning  back  Altilate 
gave  new  power  to  the  arm  of  Leo  X.  His  Paniassu 
and  School  of  Athens  seemed  to  make  philosophy  eag 
for  the  people.  Indeed,  it  is  from  them  that  be  htt 
reaped  his  rich  re\  while  the  Pharisees  of  irt 

pick  flaws  in  him,  what  they  find  of  sliallo* 

ness  and  of  insim  leople  love  him  morrUm 

any  other  artist  ha  ed.     It  is  for  tliemtlall* 

worked,  and  on  t  one  might  read  as  it  wen 

his  motto,  "I  wih  d  even  one  of  these litUi 

ones." 

If  Raphael's  art  wua  c«.l-  in  his  own  hands  tlicrert" 
be  little  doubt  that  it  hastened  the  decadence  of  \rM- 
ing  in  the  hands  of  his  followers.  His  favorite  pupil 
■Giulio  Romano,  caught  every  trick  of  the  niastiT  buA 
like  the  devil  citing  Scripture,  painted  pictures  topf- 
light the  eye  so  licentious  that  tliey  cannot  now  be 
exhibited.  Andrea  del  Sarto  sentimentalized  the  Vir- 
gin, turning  tenderness  to  bathos.  Correguno,  itf 
most  gifted  of  them  all,  could  do  nothing  so  wdl  i> 
depict  sensual  love.  His  pictures  arc  hymns  to  Vi'im 
and  his  women,  saints  and  sinners  alike,  are  hourisof 
an  erotic  paradise.  Has  the  ecstasy  of  amorous  pas- 
sion amounting  almost  to  mystical  transport  everl)efii 
better  suggested  than  in  the  marvellous  light  and  sliadt 
of  his  .Inpiter  and  lot  These  and  many  other  con- 1 
temporary  artists  had  on  their  lips  but  one  song,* 
paean  in  praise  of  life,  the  pomps  and  glories  of  this 
goodly  world  and  the  delights  and  beaut  ies  of  the  bwiy. 

But  to  all  men,  save  those  loved  by  the  gods,  there 
comes  some  moment,  perhaps  in  the  very  heyday  ol 
success  and  joy  ani\o\'e,'^\«\\^^x''^.'^'i'ci.^N\x-^<%.Usupon 
the  ^vor\d.     IW  dea.\\v  o^  oxvc  \wtiJL -cw^iT^ti  s::^^^. '^ 


ART 


681 


disease  and  pain,  the  betrayal  of  some  trust,  the  failure 
of  the  so  cherished  cause — all  these  and  many  more 
are    the  gates  by  which  tragedy  is  born.     And  the 
kbeauty  of  tragedy  is  above  all  other  beauty  because 
ly  in  some  supreme  struggle  can  the  grandeur  of 
le  human  spirit  assert  its  full  majesty.     In  Shake- 
leare  and   Michelangelo   it  is  not  the  torture  that 
(leases  us,  but  the  triumph  over  circumstance. 
No  one  has  so  deeply  ftlt  or  so  truly  expressed  this   Michel- 
the  Florentine  sculptor  who,  amidst  a  world  of  love   i475_'i'564 
id  laughter,  lived  in  wilful  sadness,  learning  how 
,n  from  his  death-grapple  in  the  darkness  can  emerge 
ictor  and  how  the  soul,  by  her  passion  of  pain,  is  per- 
fected.    He  was  interested  in  but  one  thing,  man,  be- 
cause only  man  is  tragic.     Ho  would  paint  no  por- 
traits— or  but  one  or  two — because  no  living  person 
came  up  to  his  ideal.     All  his  figures  are  strong  be- 
use  strength  only  is  able  to  suffer  as  to  do.     Niue- 
tnths  of  them  are  men  rather  than  women,  because 
le  beauty  of  the  male  is  strength,  whereas  the  strength 
if  the  woman  is  beauty.     Only  in  a  few  of  his  early 
fllfures  does  he  attain  calm, — in  a  Madonna,  in  David 
in  the  Men  Bathing,  all  of  them,  including  the  Ma- 
donna with  its  figures  of  men  in  the  background,  in- 
tended to  exhibit  the  perfection  of  athletic  power. 

But  save  in  these  early  works  almost  all  that  Michel- 
angelo set  his  hand  to  is  fairly  convulsed  with  passion, 
teda  embraces  the  swan  at  the  supreme  moment  of 
Bnception;  Kve,  drawn  from  the  side  of  Adam,  is 
reeping  bitterly ;  Adam  is  rousing  himself  to  the  hard 
trnggle* that  is  life;  the  slaves  are  writhing  under  their 
lends  as  though  they  were  of  hot  iron;  Moses  is  start- 
ing   from    his    seat    for    some    tremendous    conflict. 
Every  tigurc  lavished  on  the  decoration  of  the  Sistine 
lapel  reaches,  when  it  does  not  surpass,  the  limit  of 
imnn    physical    development.     Sibyl    and    pT<iv\yiV, 


682  THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

Adam  and  Eve,  man  and  God  are  all  hurled  togtthi 
with  a  riot  of  strength  and  "terribilita." 

The  almost  supernatural  terror  of  MichelaiigeVi 
genins  found  fullest  scope  in  illustrating  the  id<4 
predestination  that  obsessed  the  Reformers  a 
haunted  many  a  Catholic  of  that  time  also.  In  1 
Last  Judgment  the  artist  laid  the  whole  emphasis  up 
the  damnation  of  hurled  dovni  to  exlen 

torment  by  the  se:  lart  from  me,  ye  cQri<ed 

uttered  by  Chrisi  leek  and  gentle  Mao 

Sorrows,  but  the  r  le  majestatis,  a  Hercall 

before  wliom  Mai  ind  the  whole  of  creati 

shudders.     A  qui(  less  tragic  work  of  t 

is  the  sculpture  oi.  if  Lorenzo  de '  Medici 

Florence.     The  heru  .  sits  above,  and  both 

and  the  four  allegorical  figures,  two  men  and  two 
women,  commonly  called  Day  and  Night,  Morniog 
and  Evening,  arc  lost  in  pensive,  eternal  sorrow.  So 
they  brood  for  ever  as  if  seeking  in  sleep  and  dumb 
forgetfulness  some  anodyue  for  the  sense  of  their 
country's  and  their  race's  doom. 

But  it  is  not  all  pain,  Titian  has  not  made  joy  nor 
Raphael  love  nor  Leonardo  wonder  so  beautiful  as 
Michelangelo  has  made  tragedy.  His  sonnets  breathe 
a  worship  of  beauty  as  the  symbol  of  divine  love.  He 
is  like  the  great,  dark  angel  of  Victor  Hugo: 

Et  I'ange  devint  noir,  et  dit: — Je  siiis  lainour. 
Mais  son  froiil  sombre  etait  plus  charmaiit  que  le  jour, 
Kt  je  voyais,  dans  I'ombre  ou  brillaieiil  sps  prunelles, 
Les  astres  a  travers  lea  plumes  de  ses  ailes. 

The  contrast  between  the  fertility  of  Italian  artistic 
genius  and  the  comparative  poverty  of  Northern  Eu- 
rope is  most  apparent  when  the  northern  painters  wp- 
ied  most  c\o)^f'\y  \W\"c  V"C'AT\'?.?\v\w.^\i-t»\.Vw_vs,  The  last'' 
for  Italian  pVcWtea  \Ja*  wy^v^vA  aSittitiJV  Ns^  Ss^a-'SM^. 


ART  683 

travelers,  and  the  demand  created  a  supply  of  copies 

and  imitations.    Antwerp  became  a  regular  factory 

such  works,  whereas  the  Germans,  Cranach,  Diirer 

id  Holbein  were  profoundly  affected  by  Italy.    Of 

L6m  all  Holbein  was  the  only  one  who  could  really 

ete  with  the  Italians  on  their  own  irround,  and  HansHi 
it  only  in  one  branch  of  art,  portraiture.    His  stud-  vomigl^ 
of  Henry  VIH,  and  of  his  wives  and  courtiers,  com-  i497-is 
^bine  truth  to  nature  with  a  high  sense  of  beauty.    His 
~^^|Muntings  of  More  and  Erasmus  express  with  perfect 
r^lnastery  the  finest  qualities  of  two  rare  natures. 
^'    Diirer  seldom  succeeded  in  painting  pictures  of  the  Albert 
^'inost  beautiful  type,  but  a  few  of  his  portraits  can  be  14*^15 
'  -TOmpared  with  nothing  save  Leonardo's  studies.    The 
■irtiole  of  a  man's  life  and  character  are  set  forth  in  his 
two  drawings  of  his  friend  Pirckheimer,  a  strange 
Idend  of  the  philosopher  and  the  hog.    And  the  tragedy 
is  that  the  lower  nature  won;  in  1504  there  is  but  a 
potential  coarseness  in  the  strong  face;  in  1522  the 
swine  had  conquered  and  but  the  wreck  of  the  scholar 
is  visible. 

As  an  engineer  and  as  a  student  of  aesthetics  Diirer 
was  also  the  northern  Leonardo.  His  theory  of  art 
reveals  the  secret  of  his  genius:  **What  beauty  is,  I 
Imow  not ;  but  for  myself  I  take  that  which  at  all  times 
has  been  considered  beautiful  by  the  greater  number.'* 
This  is  making  art  democratic,  bringing  it  down  from 
the  small  coterie  of  palace  and  mansion  to  the  home 
of  the  people  at  large.  Diirer  and  his  compeers  were 
enabled  to  do  this  by  exploiting  the  new  German  arts 
of  etching  and  wood-engraving.  Pictures  were  multi- 
plied by  hundreds  and  thousands  and  sold,  not  to  one 
patron  but  to  the  many.  Characteristically  they  re- 
flected the  life  and  thoughts  of  the  common  people  in 
eveiy  homely  phase.  Pious  snb3ect8  wex^  TL\ffliW^T>»> 
because  religion  balked  large  in  the  coimxiOTL  Wiow^go^i 


THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

but  it  was  the  religion  of  the  popular  preacher,  trans- 
lating the  life  of  Christ  into  contemporarj'  German  life, 
wholesome  and  a  little  vulgar.  The  people  love  mar- 
vels and  they  are  very  literal ;  what  could  be  more  mar- 
vellous and  more  literal  than  Diirer's  illustrations  of 
the  Apocalypse  in  which  the  Dragon  with  ten  honi3 
and  seven  heads,  and  the  Lamb  with  seven  horns  and 
seven  eyes  are  represented  exactly  as  they  are  de- 
scribed t  Diirer  neither  strove  for  nor  attained  any- 
thing but  realism.  "I  think,"  he  wrote,  "the  more 
exact  aud  like  a  man  a  picture  is,  the  better  the  work. 
.  .  .  Others  are  of  another  opinion  and  speak  of  bow 
a  man  should  be  .  .  .  but  in  such  things  I  consider 
nature  the  master  and  human  imaginations  errors." 
It  was  life  he  copied,  the  life  he  saw  around  him  at 
Nuremberg. 

But  Diirer,  to  use  his  own  famous  criterion  of  por- 
traiture, painted  not  only  the  features  of  Germany, 
but  her  soul.  Three  of  his  woodcuts  depict  German 
aspirations  so  fully  that  tbey  are  the  best  explanation 
of  the  Reformation,  which  they  prophesy.  The  firel 
of  these,  The  Knight,  Death  and  the  Devil,  shows  lie 
Christian  soldier  riding  through  a  valley  of  supernat- 
ural terrors.  "So  ist  des  Menchen  Leben  nichts  an- 
deres  dann  eine  Ritterschaft  auf  Erden,"  is  the  old 
German  translation  of  Job  vii,  1,  following  the  Vul- 
gate. Erasmus  in  his  Handbook  of  the  Chrtstim 
Knight  had  imagined  just  such  a  scene,  and  so  deeply 
had  the  idea  of  the  soldier  of  Christ  sunk  into  the 
people's  mind  that  later  generations  interprete<i 
Diirer's  knight  as  a  picture  of  Sickingen  or  Hutten  or 
one  of  the  hold  champions  of  the  new  religion. 

In  the  St.  Jerome  peacefully  at  work  in  his  panelled 
study,  translating  the  Bible,  while  the  blessed  sup 
shines  in  and  the  Hon  and  the  little  bear  doze  content- 
edly, 18  not  li\i\.\veT  iote\.Q\M    But  the  German  study, 


y 


■  ART  685         1 

Hhat  magician's  laboratory  that  has  produced  so  much 
ftf  good,  has  also  often  been  the  alembic  of  brooding 
puid  despair.  More  than  ever  before  at  the  opening 
bf  the  centurj-  men  felt  the  vast  promises  and  the  vast 
Oppression  of  thought.  New  science  bad  burst  the  old 
bonds  but,  ^vithal,  the  soul  still  yearned  for  more.  The 
Vanity  of  knowledge  is  expressed  as  nowhere  else  in 
IKirer's  Melancholia,  one  of  the  world's  greatest  pic- 
tares.  Surrounded  by  scientific  instruments,— the 
eompass,  the  book,  the  balance,  the  hammer,  the  arith- 
laetical  square,  the  hour-glass,  the  bell — sits  a  woman 
nrith  wings  too  small  to  raise  her  heavy  body.  Far  in 
Ihc  distance  is  a  wonderful  city,  with  the  glory  of  the 
Northern  Lights,  but  across  the  splendid  vision  flits 
the  little  bat-like  creature,  fit  symbol  of  some  disor- 
Idered  fancy  of  au  overwrought  mind. 

Closely  akin  to  the  melancholy  of  the  Renaissance  The 
is  the  love  of  the  grewsome.  In  Diirer  it  took  the  ^"""^ 
liarmless  form  of  a  fondness  for  monstrosities, — 
Srhinoceroses,  bearded  babies,  six-legged  pigs  and  the 
ftke.  Bat  Holbein  and  many  other  artists  tickled  the 
Bmotions  of  their  contemporaries  by  painting  long 
Series  known  as  the  Dance  of  Death,  in  which  some 
man  or  woman  typical  of  a  certain  class,  such  as  the 
iBmperor,  the  soldier,  the  peasant,  the  bride,  is  repre- 
Bsnted  as  being  haled  from  life  by  a  grinning  skeleton. 
Typical  of  the  age,  too,  was  the  caricature  now 
irawn  into  the  service  of  the  intense  party  struggles 
of  the  Reformation.  To  depict  the  pope  or  Luther 
or  the  Huguenots  in  their  true  form  their  enemies  drew 
thcra  with  claws  and  hoofs  and  ass's  heads,  and  devil's 
tails,  drinking  and  blaspheming.  Even  Jungs  were 
■caricatured,- — doubly  significant  fact! 

As  painting  and  sculpture  attained  so  high  a  level  Ard* 
of  maturity  in  the  sixteenth  centurj',  one  might  sup-  ''^'"" 
pose  that  architecture  would  do  the  same.    l\v  ^.TM^.\i-^ 


-  ~'  ^"^  "»u  el 
and  demands  so 

Churches  q     ,, 

»o  the  supreir 

seen  at  Pisa  oi 

Cologne,  was  ne 

•As  the  Church  di 

Peter's  at  Borne 

Meqnal  in  execn 

self-confidence  P 

'ore  down  the  ol 

ments,  venerable  i 

centuries.    Even 

Bramante,  was  di 

which  was  started 

appointed  San  Ga 

together  or  in  tnn 

dose  of  the  sbttee. 

gest  building  in  thi 

portioned.    After  < 


ART 

18  this  18,  there  is  a  certain  largeness  of  line  that  is  not 
Bothic,  but  that  goes  back  to  classical  models.  St. 
Etienne  da  Mont  at  Paris  is  another  good  example  of 
fthe  influence  of  the  study  of  the  ancients  upon  archi- 
tecture. It  is  difficult  to  point  to  a  great  cathedral 
or  church  built  in  Germany  during  this  century.  In 
England  portions  of  the  colleges  at  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge date  from  these  years,  but  these  portions  are 

aftcd  on  to  an  older  style  that  really  determined 
them.  The  greatest  glory  of  English  university  ar- 
hitecture,  the  chapel  of  King's  College  at  Cambridge, 
was  finished  in  the  first  years  of  the  century.  The 
noble  fan-vaulting  and  the  stained-glass  windows  will 
be  remembered  by  all  who  have  seen  them. 

After  the  Reformation   ecclesiastical  architecture  E<^if»'' 
toUowed  two  diverse  styles ;  the  Protestants  cultivated 

xcessive  plainness,  the  Catholics  excessive  ornament.  j 
TThe  iconoclasts  bad  no  sense  for  beauty,  and  thought, 
ikB  Luther  put  it,  that  faith  was  likely  to  be  neglected 
those  who  set  a  high  value  on  external  form. 
tforeover  the  Protestant  services  necessitated  a  modifi- 
cation of  the  medieval  cathedral  style.  What  they 
wanted  was  a  lecture  hall  %vith  pews;  the  old  columns 
1  transepts  and  the  roomy  floor  made  way  for  a  more 
practical  form. 

The  Catholics,  on  the  other  hand,  by  a  natural  re- 
action, lavished  decoration  on  their  churches  as  never 
"before.  Every  column  was  made  ornate,  every  excuse 
was  taken  for  adding  some  extraneous  embellishment ; 
the  walls  were  crowded  with  pictures  and  statues  and 
carving  to  delight,  or  at  least  to  arrest,  the  eye.  But 
it  happened  that  the  noble  taste  of  the  earlier  and 
simpler  age  failed ;  amid  all  possible  devices  to  give  t 

eflfect,  quiet  grandeur  was  wanting. 

What  the  people  of  that  secular  geneTuWou  tt^^'j    ^-»** 
iaiiJt  with  enthusiasm  and  success  were  theiT  o^w.  ^"^^i^- 


f 


688  THE  TEMPEK  OF  THE  TIMES 

ings.  What  are  the  castles  of  Chambord  and  Bloi 
and  the  Louvre  and  Hampton  Court  and  HeiiJelbeH 
but  bouses  of  play  and  pleasure  such  as  oiily  a  chill 
could  dream  oft  King  and  cardinal  and  noble  vid  " 
in  making  tower  and  gable,  gallery  and  court  as  of 
fairy  palace ;  banqueting  hall  and  secret  chamher  »ta 
they  and  their  plajinates  could  revel  to  their  heartl 
content  and  leave  i  ,s  carved  asthickly  a 

carve  them  on  an  jI  desk.     And  how  ricWl  ^ 

they  filed  them!  if  new  arts  sprang  up 

minister  to  the  i  bese  palace-dwellere;  c 

maseams  are  st  the  glass  and  enamel,  tlS 

vases  and  porce  pestry  and  furniture 

jewelrj'  that  beli  rancis  and  Catharine  tf 

Medici  and  Leo  X  ;abeth.     How  perfect  m 

the  art  of  many  of  tlfese  articles  of  daily  use  canoilT 
be  appreciated  by  studying  at  first  hand  the  salt-cellan 
of  Colliiii,  or  the  gold  and  silver  and  crystal  gohletl 
made  by  his  compeers.     Examine  the  clocks,  of  wbi* 
the  one  at  Strassburg  is  an  example;  the  detail  of 
■workmanship  is  infinite;  even  the  striking  apparatM 
and  the  dials  showing  planetary  motions  are  f ar  t*- 
yond  our  own  means,  or  perhaps  our  taste.    ^Vlle^ 
Peter  Ilenlcin  invented  the  watch,  using  as  the  main-| 
spring  a  coiled  feather,  he  may  not  have  made  elirtrn- 
omoters  as  exact  as  those  turned  out  nowadays,  bnt 
the  "Nuremberg  eggs" — so  called  from  their  place  of 
origin  and  their  shape,  not  a  disk,  but  a  sphere — were 
marvels  of  cliasing  and  incrustation  and  jewelry. 

The  love  of  the  beautiful  was  universal.  The  dt; 
of  that  time,  less  commodious,  sanitary,  and  populoo 
than  it  is  today,  was  certainly  fairer  to  the  eye 
Enough  of  old  Xuremberg  and  Chester  and  Siena  am 
Perugia  and  many  other  towns  remains  to  assure  u 
that  Iho  rcdAWcO.  \\oxiS(;§,,  *On*i  •iN»i\\\-&.-&.^-&,'^-fetj:>,^<;vs,  tfc 
high  gaWos  aTvA  <\\ia.\v\t  iio-rKv^^  ^^'x^^^-^^,  -^tl^-s^i^-^^s 


ART  689 

Tar  more  pleasing  appearance  than  do  our  lines  of 
noky  factories  and  drab  dwellings. 

The  men  so  greedy  of  all  delicate  sights  and  pleas-  Music 
it,  would  fain  also  stuif  their  ears  with  sweet  sounds, 
ad  80  they  did,  within  the  limitations  of  a  still  im- 
Icveloped  technique.  They  had  organs,  lutes,  viols, 
fres,  harps,  citherns,  horns,  and  a  kind  of  primitive 
iano  known  as  the  clavichord  or  the  clavicembalo. 
tany  of  those  instruments  were  exquisitely  rich  and 
elicate  in  tone,  but  they  lacked  the  range  and  volume 
nd  variety  of  our  music.  Almost  all  melodies  were 
low,  solemn,  plaintive;  the  tune  of  Luther's  hymn 
ives  a  good  idea  of  the  style  then  prevalent.     When  ■ 

re  read  that  the  churches  adopted  tlie  airs  of  popular  I 

bongs,  so  that  hymns  were  sung  to  ale-house  jigs  and  t 

catches  from  the  street,  we  must  remember  that  the 
said  jigs  and  love-songs  were  at  least  as  sober  and 
staid  as  are  many  of  the  tunes  now  expressly  written  Paiesirinn, 
for  our  hymns.     The  composers  of  the  time,  especially 
Palestrina  and  Orlando  Lasso,  did  wonders  within  the  Lasso, 

Fnits  then  possible  to  introduce  richness  and  variety  1^4 
to  song. 
Art  was  already  on  the  decline  when  it  came  into  con-  Artand 
fliet  with  the  religious  revivals  of  the  time.     The  causes   " 
of  the  decadence  are  not  hard  to  understand.     The 
generation  of  giants,  born  in  the  latter  half  of  the 
■fifteenth  century,  seemed  to  exhaust  the  possibilities 
of  artistic  expression  in  painting  and  sculpture,  or  at 
least   to   exhaust  the   current   ideas   so   expressible. 
Guide  Keui  and  the  Caraeci  could  do  nothing  but  imi- 
tate and  recombine, 

L  And  then  came  the  battle  of  Protestant  and  Catholic 
■ft  turn  men's  minds  into  other  channels  than  that  of 
SKBUty.     Even   when  the  Keformation  was  not  co"^- 
sciousljr  opposed  to  art,  it  shoved  it  aside  as  a.  Oi^v&S.ta.'i- 
iJon  from  the  real  business  of  life.     Tbua  W  Wa  toisva 


I 


THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 


about  in  Protestant  lands  that  the  public  regard* 
as  either  a  "business"  or  an  "education."  Lol 
himself  loved  music  above  all  things  and  did  mud 
popularize  it, — while  Erasmus  shuddered  at  theps 
singing  he  heard  from  Protestant  congregations! 
painting  the  Reformer  spoke  with  admiratiou,  bu 
rarely!  What  could  art  be  in  the  life  of  a  man 
■was  fighting  salvation  T     Calvin  saw  i 

clearly  the  ;  soul  from  the  seduptioi 

this   world '(  charm.     Images   he  tho 

idolatrous  md    he    said    outright: 

would  be  a  inept  imitation  of  the  pa 

to  fancy  thi  God  more  worthy  servi 

ornamenting  and  in  employing  organ 

toys  of  that  son.  he  people  are  thus  disti 

by  external  things  the  worship  of  God  is  profa 
So  it  was  that  the  Puritans  chased  all  blandish 
not  only  from  church  but  from  life,  and  art  ca 
be  looked  upon  as  a  bit  immoral. 

But  the  little  finger  of  the  reforming  popi 
thicker  than  the  Puritan's  loins;  where  Calvii 
chastised  with  whips  Sixtus  V  chastised  with  scor 
Adrian  VI,  the  first  Catholic  Reformer  after  L 
could  not  away  with  "those  idols  of  the  heathen 
ancient  statues.  Clement  VII  for  a  moment  re 
the  old  regime  of  art  and  licentiousness  togethei 
ing  Perino  del  Vaga  paint  his  bathroom  with 
from  the  life  of  Venus  in  the  manner  of  Giulio  Ro 
But  the  Council  of  Trent  made  severe  regul 
against  nude  pictures,  in  pursuance  of  which  " 
da  Volterra  was  appointed  to  paint  breeches  on 
naked  figures  of  Michelangelo's  Last  Judgmoi 
on  similar  paintings.  Sixtus  V,  who  could  hare 
dure  the  Laocoon  and  Apollo  Belvidere,  was  hi 

was  comp\ele  \\\wu  Vo  Vet  ct\x«W?.\.fe  "^to.^  ^^^^^^ 


BOOKS  691 

sr  yet  more  cruel  love.  Along  came  the  Jesuits  offcr- 
.g,  like  pedlars,  instead  of  the  good  old  article  a  sub- 
ititute  guaranteed  by  them  to  be  "just  as  good,"  and  a 
deal  cheaper.  Painting  was  sentimentalized  and 
moralized"  under  their  tuition;  architecture  adopted 
!ie  baroque  style,  gaudy  and  insincere.  The  church 
ras  stuffed  with  gewgaws  and  tinsel;  marble  was  re- 
laced  by  painted  plaster  and  saintlinees  by  sickliness. 

§  5.  Books 

The  sixteenth  was  the  first  really  bookish  century.  Number*  c 
there  were  then  in  Germany  alone  about  100,000  works  ijahed''" 
[irinted,  or  reprinted.  If  each  edition  amounted  to 
1000 — a  fair  average,  for  if  many  editions  were  smaller, 
home  were  much  larger^ — that  would  mean  that  about 
i  million  volumes  were  offered  to  the  German  public 
toch  year  throughout  the  century.  There  is  no  doubt 
Biat  the  religious  controversy  had  a  great  deal  to  do 
"with  the  expansion  of  the  reading  public,  for  it  had  the 
tame  effect  on  the  circulation  of  pamphlets  that  a 
political  campaign  now  has  on  the  circulation  of  th's 
Bewspaper.  The  following  figures  show  how  rapidly 
file  number  of  books  published  in  Germany  increased 
jnring  the  decisive  years.  In  1518  there  were  150, 
in  1519  260,  in  1520  570, 1521  620,  in  1522  680, 1523  935, 
■-nd  1524  990. 

Many  of  these  books  were  short,  controversial  tracts; 
ime  others  were  intended  as  purveyors  of  news  pure 
id  simple.  Some  of  these  broadsides  were  devoted  to 
single  event,  as  the  Neue  Zeitung:  Die  Schlacht  des 
fbrkischen  Kaisers,  others  had  several  items  of  inter-  1526 

it,  including  letters  from  distant  parts.     Occasion- 
ally a  mere  lampoon  would  appear  under  the  title  of 
'eue  Zeitiinfi,  corresponding  to  our  Emtvta'J  v^V^"^*- 
!d(  tJiese  sabstitates  for  modem  jouniaVs  nnctg  \io'Co. 
re  and  irregular;  the  world  then  got  aVona  vixXXi.  to.xx^ 


I 


bemoaning  tlieir  hard 
iicss  of  an  unapprcciat 
that  they  were,  or  clai 
the  people,  who  could 
were  imposed  on  by  p 
and  a  Ciceronian  style. 

Even  the  medieval  \ 
suited  the  taste  of  the  n 
continued  to  read  Ama 
thur  furtively,  but  the 
they  would  no  longer  dc 
moral;  the  man  of  the 
Ascham  asserts  that  "tl 
d'Arthur,  "standeth  ii 
manslaughter  and  bold 
hardly  out  when  Cerva 
deadly  satire  on  the  knij 

But  as  the  tale  of  cl 
was  transmuted  into  tl 


BOOKS  693 

Fnsso  mnst  wind  his  voluptuous  verses  around  a  reli- 
gious epic.  Edmund  Spenser,  the  Puritan  and  Eng- 
!]ishiiiau,  allegorized  the  whole  in  such  fashion  that 
'while  the  conscience  was  soothed  by  knowing  that  all 
Uie  knights  and  ladies  represented  moral  virtues  or 
vices,  the  senses  were  titillated  by  mellifluous  cadences 
imd  by  naked  descriptions  of  the  temptations  of  the 
Bower  of  Bliss.  And  how  British  that  Queen  Eliza- 
beth of  England  should  impersonate  the  principal  vir- 
nes! 

Poetry  was  in  the  hearts  of  the  people;  song  was  on 
their  lips.  The  early  spring  of  Italy  came  later  to  the 
northern  latitudes,  but  when  it  did  come,  it  brought 
■with  it  Marot  and  Ronsard  in  France,  Wyatt  and  Sur- 
Tey  in  England.  More  significant  than  the  output  of 
the  greater  poets  was  the  wide  distribution  of  lyric 
talent.  Not  a  few  compilations  of  verses  offer  to 
f  public  the  songs  of  many  writers,  some  of  them 

known  by  name.  England,  especially,  was  *'a  nest 
of  singing  birds,"  rapturously  greeting  the  da\\'n,  and 
ithe  rimes  were  mostly  of  "love,  whose  month  is  always 
May."     Each  songster  poured  forth  his  heart  in  fresh, 

ank  praise  of  his  mistress's  beauty,  or  in  chiding  of 
ier  cruelty,  or  in  lamenting  her  unfaithfulness.  There 
was  something  very  simple  and  direct  about  it  all; 
Dothing  deeply  psychological  until  at  the  very  end  of 
(the  century  Shakespeare's  "sugared  sonnets"  gave 
ids  "private  friends"  something  to  think  about  as 
Well  as  something  to  enjoy. 

If  life  could  not  he  all  love  it  could  be  nearly  all  Wit 
laughter.  Wit  and  humor  were  appreciated  above  all 
things,  and  Satire  awoke  to  a  sense  of  her  terrible 
power.  Two  statues  at  Rome,  called  Pasquino  and 
Marforio,  were  used  as  billboards  to  whicU  IVifi  -^to^Vfe 
aSxed  sqaibbs  aud  lampoons  against  t\\e  goNeTK«\«s&. 
ndpablicmen.    Erasmus  laughed  at  eveTvXKva%\"Vj^- 


694  THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

ther  and  Murner  btJabored  each  other  with  ndld 
a  man  like  Peter  Aretino  owed  his  evil  tmioeQeeil 
the  art  of  blackmailing  to  bia  wit. 

But  the  "master  of  scoffing,"  as  Bacon  far  tooca 
temptuously  called  him,  was  Rabelais.  His  laujhtt 
is  as  multitudinous  as  the  ocean  billows,  and  aw  vhk 
Bome  as  the  sunshine.  He  laughed  not  became  ll 
Bcomed  life  but  ,oved  it;  he  did  not  "fan 

both  hands"  be  !  of  existence,  he  rolIicW  i- 

before  its  blaze.  t  be  said  that  Le  tooti 

"slice  of  life"  a  ct,  for  this  would  ifflplji 

more  exquisite  n  fie  would  care  to  mail!    , 

rather  he  reach  le  fashion  of  his  time,  uj  \, 

pulled  ^vith  both  n  the  dish  before  him,  ttl   -, 

very  largest  and  li ^.  .  lunk  of  life  thai  he  wal^ 

grasp.  "You  never  saw  a  man,"  he  said  of  liinisltl 
"who  would  more  love  to  be  king  or  to  be  richlliul 
I  would,  so  that  I  could  live  richly  and  not  workswl 
not  worry,  and  that  I  might  enrich  all  my  f rienJ;  aid  I- 
all  good,  wise  people."  Like  Whitman  he  wassiiisl 
love  with  everything  that  the  mere  repetition  of  coitl 
mon  names  delighted  him.  It  took  pages  to  tell  vi&  I 
Pantagruel  ate  and  still  more  pages  to  tell  wlmtla' 
drank.  This  giant  dressed  with  a  more  than  toji 
lavishness  and  when  he  played  cards,  how  many  gamM 
do  you  suppose  Eabelais  enumerated  one  after  dw 
other  witliout  pausing  to  take  breath?  Two  hundrw 
and  fourteen!  So  he  treated  everything;  his  appetil 
was  like  Gargantua  's  mouth.  This  was  the  vei 
stamp  of  the  age;  it  was  gluttonous  of  all  pleasure 
of  food  and  drink  and  gorgeous  clothes  and  fine  dwe 
ings  and  merry-making  without  end,  and  advenla 
without  stint  or  limit.  Almost  every  sixteen th-centu 
man  was  a,  Pauta?;ruc.l,  whose  lust  for  living  fully  a 
hotly   no   salieVy   c.q\x\^  cVc^n  ,  -ft.ta  "1^^%:^  >i.V  <iR,-wa»ssK« 


BOOKS  695 

lampen.  The  ascetic  gloom  and  terror  of  the  Middle 
Iges  burned  away  like  an  early  fog  before  the  summer 
un.  Men  saw  the  world  unfolding  before  them  as  if 
D  a  second  creation,  and  they  hurled  themselves  on 
t  with  but  one  fear,  that  they  should  be  too  elow  or  too 
ackward  to  gamer  all  its  wonder  and  all  its  pleasure 
br  thenrselves. 

And  the  people  were  no  longer  content  to  leave  the 
;lory  of  life  to  their  superiors.  They  saw  no  reason  Tales  of 
rhy  all  the  good  things  should  be  presen'ed  like  game  *^^ 
or  the  nobles  to  hunt,  or  iuclosed  like  commons,  for 
le  pasturage  of  a  few  aristocratic  mutton-heads.  So 
1  literature  they  were  quite  content  to  let  the  fastid- 
ms  gentry  read  their  fill  of  poetry  about  knights  wan- 
ering  in  fairy-lands  forlorn,  while  they  themselves 
evoured  books  about  humbler  heroes.  The  Pica- 
esque  novel  in  Spain  and  its  counterparts,  Till  Eulen- 
(iegel  or  Reinecke  Vos  in  the  north,  told  the  adven- 
res  of  some  rascal  or  vagabond.  Living  by  his  wits 
i  found  it  a  good  life  to  cheat  and  to  gamble,  to  drink 
id  to  make  love. 
,  For  those  who  could  not  concentrate  on  a  book,  there  P1«J» 
as  the  drama.  From  the  Middle  Ages,  when  the  play 
Its  a  vehicle  of  religious  instruction,  it  developed  in 
le  period  of  the  Keuaissance  into  a  completely  seeu- 
ir  mirror  of  life.  In  Italy  there  was  an  exquisite 
iterary  drama,  turning  on  some  plot  of  love  or  tale 
»f  seduction,  and  there  was  alongside  of  this  a  popular 
Bort  of  farce  known  as  the  Commedia  dell'  Arte,  in 
Srhich  only  the  outline  of  the  plot  was  sketched,  and 
(he  characters,  usually  typical  persons  as  the  Lover, 
bis  Lady,  the  Bragging  Captain,  the  Miser,  would  fill 
in  the  dialogue  and  such  comic  "business"  as  tickled 
the  fancy  of  the  audience. 

Somewhat  akin  to  these  pieces  in  ap'irVV  "^e^^  '^'^ 


THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

Shrovetide  Farces  written  in  Germany  by  the  simplf 
Nurcmberger  who  describes  himself  in  the  verses,  lit- 
erally translatable : 

Hans  Sachs  is  a  shoe- 
Jlaker  and  poet,  too. 

The  people,  always  moral,  delighted  no  less  in  the  rough 
fun  of  these  artless  scenes  than  in  the  apothegms  and 
sound  advice  in  which  they  abounded. 

The  contrast  of  two  themes  much  in  the  thought  of 
men,  typifies  the  spirit  of  the  age.  The  one  moti^ 
is  loud  at  the  beginning  of  the  Reformation  but  sl- 
most  dies  away  before  the  end  of  the  century;  ibe 
other,  beginning  at  the  same  time,  rises  slowly  into* 
crescendo  culminating  far  beyond  the  boundaries  of 
the  age.  The  first  theme  was  the  Prodigal  Son,  freattd 
hy  no  less  than  twenty-seven  German  dramatists,  not 
counting  several  in  other  languages.  To  the  Prot- 
estant, the  Younger  Son  represented  faith,  the  Elder 
Son  works.  To  all,  the  exile  in  the  far  couiitr;',  the 
riotous  living  with  harlots  and  the  feeding  on  husb 
with  swine,  meant  the  life  of  this  world  with  its  pomps 
and  vanities,  its  lusts  and  sinful  desires  that  become 
as  mast  to  the  soul.  The  return  to  the  father  is  the 
return  to  God's  love  here  below  and  to  everlasting 
felicity  above.  To  those  who  can  believe  it,  it  is  the 
most  beautiful  story  in  the  world. 

And  it  is  a  perfect  contrast  to  that  other  tale,  equally 
typical  of  the  time,  the  fable  of  Faust.  Though  there 
was  a  real  man  of  this  name,  a  charlatan  and  necro- 
mancer who,  in  his  extensive  wanderings  visited  Wit- 
tenberg, probably  in  1521,  and  who  died  about  la36-"i 
his  life  was  but  a  peg  on  which  to  hang  a  moral.  He 
became  tbe  tyve  ol  V\\e  msxi.  Vwi  Vs^  sold  his  soul  to 
the  devil  in  reWro.  ^o^  'Oivft  -^^w  \.oV^q,-«  vfs-».T?*css%  I 

do  everytbiiig  ai^A  ^o  eu=i«^  eN«^vVv^^\^SS^%^^^ 


BOOKS 

The  first  printed  Faust-book  (15S7)  passed  for  three 
inturies  as  a  Protestant  production,  but  the  discovery 
'  an  older  and  quite  different  form  of  the  legend  in 
1897  changed  the  whole  literary  problem.  It  has  been 
isserted  now  that  the  Faust  of  this  unknown  author 
is  a  parody  of  Luther  by  a  Catholic.  He  is  a  professor 
at  Wittenberg,  he  drinks  heartily,  his  marriage  with 
Helena  recalls  the  Catholic  caricature  of  Luther's  mar- 
riage; his  compact  with  the  devil  is  such  as  an  apostate 
night  have  made.  But  it  is  truer  to  say  that  Faust 
not  a  caricature  of  Luther,  but  his  devilish  counter- 
irt,  just  as  in  early  Christian  literature  Simon  Magus 
the  antithesis  of  Peter,  Faust  is  the  man  of  Satan 
I  Luther  was  the  man  of  God;  their  adventures  are 
imewhat  similar  but  with  the  reverse  purpose. 
And  Faust  is  the  sixteenth  century  man  as  truly  as 
the  Prodigal  or  Pantagruel.  To  live  to  the  full;  to 
)know  all  science  and  all  mysteries,  to  drain  to  the  dregs 
(he  cup  crowned  with  the  wine  of  the  pleasure  and  the 
tride  of  life:  this  was  worth  more  tlian  heaven!  The 
ftill  meaning  of  the  parable  of  salvation  well  lost  for 
Ionian  experience  was  not  brought  out  until  Goethe 
took  it  up;  but  it  is  implied  both  in  the  German  Faust- 
hooks  and  in  Marlowe's  play. 

Many  twentieth-century  men  find  it  difficult  to  do  jus-    Greatnets 
Hce  to  the  age  of  the  Reformation.     We  are  now  at  gl^J'^th 
ttie  eud  of  the  period  inaugurated  by  Columbus  and  Ccwuiy 
Xnther  and  we  have  reversed  the  judgments  of  their 
contemporaries.     Religion  no  longer  takes  the  place 
that  it  then  did,  nor  does  the  difference  between  Cath- 
dUc  and  Protestant  any  longer  seem  the  most  important 
thing  in  religion.     Moreover,  capitalism  and  the  state, 
^th  of  which  started  on  their  paths  of  conquest  then, 
lire  now  attacked. 

A^aJn,    the  application    of   any    sVat\sWta\  ■mt'O&o^ 
tires  the  former  ages  seem  to  shrink  m  coYa\»a.T\s>OTi. 


THE  TEMPER  OF  THE  TIMES 

with  the  present.  In  population  and  wealth,  in  war 
and  in  science  we  are  immeasurably  larger  than  our 
ancestors.  Many  a  merchant  has  a  bigger  income  thao 
had  Henry  VIII,  and  many  a  college  boy  knows  more 
astronomy  than  did  Kepler.  But  if  we  judge  the  great-, 
ness  of  an  age,  as  we  should,  not  by  its  distance  fi 
us,  but  by  its  own  achievement,  by  what  its  poeli 
dreamed  and  by  what  its  strong  men  accomplished,  the 
importance  of  th«  sixteenth  century  can  be  appreciated. 
It  was  an  "experiencing"  age.  It  loved  sensation 
with  the  greediness  of  childhood;  it  intoxicated  itself 
with  Rabelais  and  Titian,  with  the  gold  of  Pern  and 
with  the  spices  and  vestments  of  the  Orient.  It  was 
a  daring  age.  Men  stood  bravely  with  Luther  for 
spiritual  liberty,  or  they  gave  their  lives  with  Ma- 
gellan to  compass  the  earth  or  with  Bnino  to  span 
the  heavens.  It  was  an  age  of  aspiration.  It  dreamed 
with  Erasmus  of  the  time  when  men  should  be  Chrifit- 
like,  or  with  More  of  the  place  where  they  should 
just;  or  with  Michelangelo  it  pondered  the  meaning 
sorrow,  or  with  Montaigne  it  stored  up  daily  wii 
And  of  this  time,  bone  of  its  bone  and  flesh  of  its 
was  born  the  world's  supreme  poet  with  an  eye  to 
the  deepest  and  a  tongue  to  tell  the  most  of  the  hunuT 
heart.  Truly  such  a  generation  was  not  a  poor,  nor 
a  backward  one.  Bather  it  was  great  in  what  il 
achieved,  sublime  in  what  it  dreamed;  abounding  in 
ripe  wisdom  and  in  heroic  deeds;  full  of  light  and  of 
beauty  and  of  life  I 


■hrifit- 

ddbJ 
ingd 


CHAPTER  XIV 

THE  HEFORMATION  INTERPRETED 

The  historians  who  have  treated  the  Reformation 
ight  be  classified  in  a  variety  of  ways:  according  to 
leir  national  or  confessional  bias,  or  by  their  scien- 
Sfic  methods  or  by  their  literary  achievement.  For 
ir  present  purpose  it  will  be  convenient  to  classify 
lem,  aecording  to  their  point  of  view,  into  four  lead- 
ing schools  of  thought  which,  for  want  of  better  names 
I  may  call  the  Religious-Political,  the  Rationalist,  the 
Liberal-Romantic,  and  the  Economic-Evolutionary. 
lake  all  categories  of  things  human  these  are  hut 
■ugh;  many,  if  not  most,  historians  have  been  influ- 
iced  by  more  than  one  type  of  thought.  "When  differ- 
it  philosophies  of  history  prevail  at  the  same  time, 
I  eclecticism  results.  The  religious  and  political  ex- 
planations were  at  their  height  in  the  sixteenth  and 
■eventeenth  centuries,  though  they  sur\'ived  thereafter; 
the  rationalist  critique  dominates  the  eighteenth  cen- 
itliry  and  lasts  in  some  instances  to  the  nineteenth;  the 
Eberal-romantic  school  came  in  with  the  French  Revo- 
(hition  and  subsided  into  secondarj'  importance  about 
l1859,  when  the  economists  and  Darwinians  began  to  as- 
Bert  their  claims. 

g  1.  The  Religious  and  Political  Interpretations. 
(Sixteenth  asd  Seventeenth  Centuries) 
The  early  Protestant  theory  of  the  Reformation  was    Eariy 
a  simple  one  based  on  the  analogy  of  Scripture.     God,   f"""'™' 
it  was  thought,  had  chosen  a  peculiar  people  to  serve 
him,  for  whose  instruction  and  guidance,  particularly 
in  view  of  their  habitual  backsliding,  he  Ta.\se,A.  m-^  % 


700     THE  REFOEMATION  INTERPRETED 

series  of  witnesses  to  the  truth,  prophets,  apostles  a 
martyrs.  God's  care  for  the  Jews  under  the  old  d 
pensation  was  transferred  to  the  church  in  the  ot^ 
and  this  care  was  confined  to  that  branch  of  the  tr^ 
church  to  which  the  particular  writer  and  historii 
happened  to  belong. 

The  word  "Reformation,"  far  older  than  the  men 


menttoMPhich  it  ap] " 
what  its  leaders  inte 
been  one  of  the  pen 
the  Middle  Ages  it ' 
bor  of  leaders  lilie 
gram  of  the  counci 
adopted  it  at  least  t 
George  stating  that 


■inence,  indicates  cxat 
mid  be.     " Reform*'! 
chwords  of  mankind;! 
i  to  the  work  of  a  i; 
1  was  taken  as  the  pro-  I 
ince  and  Basle.     Lntbi 
1518,  in  a  letter  to  Dal 
things  a  common  refffi 


niation  of  the  siiiritual  and  temporal  estates  shouM  be 
undertaken,"  and  he  incorporated  it  in  the  title  of  bis 
greatest  Gemian  pamphlet.  The  other  name  fre- 
quently applied  by  Luther  and  his  friends  to  their 
party  was  "the  gospel."  In  his  own  eyes  the  Wit- 
tenberg professor  was  doing  nothing  more  nor  less 
than  restoring  the  long  buried  evangel  of  Jesus  and 
Paul.  "LuJher  began,"  says  Richard  Burton,  "npon 
a  sudden  to  drive  away  the  foggy  mists  of  superstition 
and  to  restore  the  purity  of  the  primitive  church." 

It  wouhl  be  easy  but  superfluous  to  multiply  ad  libi- 
tum quotations  showing  that  the  early  Protestants  re- 
ferred everything  to  the  general  pui-poses  of  Provi- 
dence and  sometimes  to  the  direct  action  of  God,  or  to 
the  impertinent  but  more  assiduous  activity  of  the 
devil.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  they  were  not 
wholly  blind  to  natural  causes.  Luther  himself  saw. 
as  early  as  1523,  the  connection  between  his  movement 
and  the  revival  of  learning,  which  he  compared  to  a 
John  the  Bapl\s\,  ^tc\iiiv'c\\\%'Ccift^?c3  S.(s,^  t\\ft  ijreachiiip 
of  the    gospo\.    liUWcT  ?^?.*i  ^^■eoM , '^iV'svX,  ts>»k^  tiV>b« 


THE  RELIGIOUS  INTERPRETATIONS 

followers  did  not,  that  the  Reformatinn  was  no  acci- 
dent, depending  on  his  own  personal  intervention,  but 
was  inevitable  and  in  progress  when  he  began  to  preach. 
**The  remedy  and  suppression  of  abuses,"  said  he  in 
1529,  "was  already  in  full  swing  before  Luther's  doc- 
trine arose  .  .  ,  and  it  was  much  to  be  feared  that 
there  would  have  been  a  disorderly,  stormy,  dangerous 
revolution,  such  as  Miinzer  began,  had  not  a  steady 
doctrine  intervened," 

English  Protestant  historians,  while  fully  adopting 
the  theory  of  an  overruling  Providence,  were  disposed 
to  give  due  weight  to  secondary,  natural  causes. 
Foxe,  while  maintaining  that  the  overthrow  of  the 
papacy  was  a  great  miracle  and  an  everlasting  mercy, 
yet  recognized  that  it  was  rendered  possible  by  the 
invention  of  printing  and  by  the  "first  push  and  as- 
Bault"  given  by  the  ungodly  humanists.  Burnet  fol- 
lowed Foxe's  thesis  in  a  much  better  book.  While 
printing  many  documents  he  also  was  capable,  in  the 
interests  of  piety,  of  concealing  facts  damaging  to  the 
Protestants.  For  his  panegj'rie  he  was  thanked  by 
the  Parliament,  The  work  was  dedicated  to  Charles 
11  with  the  flattering  and  truthful  remark  that  "the 
first  step  that  was  made  in  the  Reformation  was  the 
restoring  to  your  royal  ancestors  the  rights  of  the 
crown  and  an  entire  dominion  over  all  their  subjects." 
The  task  of  the  contemporary  Qerman  Protestant 
historian,  Seckendorf,  was  much  harder,  for  the  Thirty 
Tears  War  had,  as  he  confesses,  made  many  people 
doubt  the  benefits  of  the  Reformation,  distrust  its  prin- 
ciples, and  reject  its  doctrines.  He  discharged  the 
thankless  labor  of  apology  in  a  work  of  enormous  eru- 
dition, still  valuable  to  the  special  student  for  the  docu- 
ments it  quotes. 

Tbo  Catholic  philosophy  of  history  was  \.o  tfic  "^toV-  "^ 
ietaut  as  a  seal  to  the  wax,  or  as  a  negaVVve  Vo  a.  "S^^^- 


702  THE  REFORMATION  INTERPRETED 

tograph;  what  was  raised  in  one  was  depressed  in  tie 
other,  what  was  light  in  one  was  shade  in  the  other. 
The  same  theory  of  the  chosen  people,  of  the  direct 
divint  governance  and  of  Satanic  meddling,  was  thi' 
foundation  of  both.  That  Luther  was  a  bad  man,  an 
apostate,  begotten  by  an  incubus,  and  familiar  with  the 
devil,  went  to  explain  his  heresy,  and  he  was  commonly 
compared  to  Mohammed  or  Arlus.  Bad,  if  often  trivial 
motii'es  were  found  for  his  actions,  as  that  he  broke 
away  from  Rome  because  he  failed  to  get  a  papal  dis- 
pensation to  marry.  The  legend  that  his  protest 
against  indulgences  was  prompted  by  the  jealousy  of 
the  Augustinians  toward  the  Dominicans  to  whom  the 
pope  had  committed  their  sale,  was  started  by  Emser 
in  1519,  and  has  been  repeated  by  Peter  Martyr  d'An- 
ghierra,  by  Cochlaeus,  by  Bossuet  and  by  most  Catholic 
and  secular  historians  down  to  our  own  day. 

Apart  from  the  revolting  polemic  of  Dr.  Sanders, 
who  found  the  sole  cause  of  the  Reformation  in  sheer 
depravity,  the  Catholics  produced,  prior  to  1700,  only 
one  noteworthy  contribution  to  the  subject,  that  of 
Bossuet,  Bishop  of  Meaux.  His  History  of  the  Varia- 
tions  of  the  Protestant  Churches,  written  T,vithout  that 
odious  defamation  of  character  that  had  hitherto  been 
the  staple  of  confessional  polemic,  and  with  mnch  real 
eloquence,  sets  out  to  condemn  the  Reformers  out  of 
their  own  mouths  by  their  mutual  contradictions. 
Truth  is  one,  Bossuet  maintains,  and  that  which  varies 
is  not  truth,  but  the  Protestants  have  almost  as  many 
varieties  as  there  are  pastors.  Never  before  nor  since 
has  such  an  effective  attack  been  made  on  Protestant- 
ism from  the  Christian  standpoint.  With  porsuasife 
iteration  the  moral  is  driven  home:  there  is  nothinfC 
certain  "m  a  reWgVotv  V\^.\\o\A a. fieutral  authority;  revolt  i 
is  sure  to  load  to  \\\^\fteTe.vifi.fc  a\A  ii.'<^i^\'&\ft.\^  <ssi\!ssa,  J 
nd  to  tke  ovcTtVro^  o'i  aft.  fe'&'vaHa^'s^ -^^Kt^sv*;^ 


THE  RELIGIOUS  INTERPRETATIONS      703 

Bfe.     The  chief  causes  of  the  Reformation  are  found 
In  the  admitted  corruption  of  the  church,  and  in  the 
frsoual  animositieB  of  the  Reformers.     The  immoral 
nsequences  of  their  theories  are  alleged,  as  in  Lu- 
ther's ideas  about  polygamy  and  in  Zwingli's  denial  of 
original  sin  and  his  latitudinarian  admission  of  good 
tieathens  to  heaven. 
A  great  deal  that  was  not  much  biassed  by  creed  Secular 
'as  written  on  the  Reformation  during  this  period.     ""'"" 
It  all  goes  to  show  how  completely  men  of  the  most  lib- 
eral tendencies  were  under  the  influence  of  their  en- 
vironment, for  their  comments  were  almost  identical 
with  those  of  the  most  convinced  partisans.     For  the 
most  part  secular  historians  neglected  ecclesiastical 
ustorj'  as  a  separate  discipline.     Edward  Hall,  the 
ypical  Protestant  chronicler,  barely  mentions  religion. 
Jaraden  apologizes  for  touching  lightly  on  church  his- 
>ry  and  not  confining  himself  to  polities  and  war, 
'hich  he  considers  the  proper  subject  of  the  annalist, 
tnchanan  ignores  the  Reformation;  De  Thou  passes 
ver  it  with  the  fewest  words,  fearing  to  give  offence  to 
ather  papists  or  Huguenots.     Jovius  has  only  a  page 
two  on  it  in  all  his  works.     In  one  place  he  finds  the 
ief  cause  of  the  Reformation  in  a  malignant  conjuuc- 
ion  of  the  stars ;  in  another  he  speaks  of  it  as  a  revival 
f  one  of  the  old  heresies  condemned  at  Constance, 
'olydore  Vergil  pays  small  attention  to  a  schism,  the 
inse  of  which  he  found  in  the  weakness  of  men  'a  minds 
od  their  propensity  to  novelty. 

The  one  valuable  explanation  of  the  rise  of  Prot- 
itantism  contributed  by  the  secular  historians  of  this 
ge  was  the  theory  that  it  was  largely  a  political  phe- 
Dmeoon.  That  there  was  much  truth  in  this  is  evi- 
tent;  the  danger  of  the  theory  was  iu  its  ovftT-s^'B.^ft- 
ment,  and  in  its  too  superficial  appWcatvo'n..  '^A.crw 
Hp«^/.v  the  Reformation  appealed  to  tte  po\\\\c8\  t^^^^ 


m 


704     THE  REFORMATION  INTERPRETED 

of  that  age  has  only  beon  shown  in  the  niiietecnlli  M^ 
tury;  how  subtly,  how  niieonsciously  the  two  revolt 
tiong  often,  worked  together  was  beyond  the  coffl|»r»- 
hension  of  even  the  best  miuds  of  that  time.  Thep* 
litical  explanation  that  they  offered  was  simply  ttiil 
religion  was  a  hypocritical  pretext  for  the  attaiiaiail 
of  the  selfish  ends  of  monarchs  or  of  a  factiou,  Eva 
in  this  there  was  st  ,  but  it  was  far  from  beiii( 

the  larger  part. 

Vettori   in  his  >/  ItaJy   mentions  Latlw 

merely  to  show  he  pcror  used  him  as  a  lewr 

against  the  pope,  lini  accounts  for  the  Bfl* 

mation  by  the  in  if  the  Germans  at  payisf  . 

money  for  indulge  om  this  beginning,  hnn* 

or  at  \cns\  rxcusable  in  iisoif,  he  says,  I^uthcr,  rarrif^ 
away  with  ambition  and  popular  applause,  noumbtd 
a  party.  The  pope  might  easily  have  allowed  ^^li;t^ 
volt  to  die  had  he  neglected  it,  but  he  took  the  wrong 
course  and  blew  the  tiny  spark  into  a  great  flame  bf 
opposing  it. 

A  number  of  French  writers  took  up  the  parafc 
Brantonie  say.s  that  he  leaves  the  religious  i.-sHf  M 
thc-^e  wiio  know  more  than  he  does  about  it,  but  hfcot 
sidens  a  change  perilous,  "for  a  new  religion  auioW 
a  people  demands  afterwards  a  change  of  govern 
meiit."  lie  thought  Luther  won  over  a  good  man,' 
of  the  clergy  by  allowing  them  to  marry.  Slarlifll'i 
Bellay  found  the  cause  of  the  English  schism  ii 
Henry's  divorce  and  the  small  respect  the  pope  hadff* 
his  majewty.  Davila,  de  Mezeray  and  Daniel,  wriii"! 
the  history  of  the  French  civil  wars,  treated  theHt 
guenots  merely  as  a  political  party.  So  they  WK 
but  they  were  .something  more.  Even  Hugo  tiriW 
could  nut  sound  the  deeper  causes  of  the  Dutch  revon 
and  of  tile  religious  revolution. 

The  firat  ot  G\\\\i.e\as'^C)i:\t?,  ti'i^.V'i.a  German  BefonM' 


THE  RELIGIOUS  INTERPBETATIONS      705 

tion  was  also,  for  at  least  tr*o  centuries,  the  best. 
Though  surpassed  in  some  particulars  by  others,  Slei- 
dan  united  more  of  the  qualities  of  a  great  historian 
than  anyone  else  who  wrote  extensively  on  church  his- 
tory in  the  sixteenth  or  seventeenth  centuries :  fairness, 
accuracy,  learning,  skill  in  presentation.  In  words 
that  recall  Ranke's  motto  he  declared  that,  though  a 
Protestant,  he  would  be  impartial  and  set  forth  sim- 
ply "rem  totam,  sicut  est  acta."  "In  describing  re- 
ligious affairs,"  he  continues,  "I  was  not  able  to 
omit  polities,  for,  aa  I  said  before,  they  almost  always 
interact,  and  in  our  age  least  of  all  can  they  be  sepa- 
rated.*' Withal,  he  regards  the  Reformation  as  a 
great  victory  for  God's  word,  and  Luther  as  a  notable 
champion  of  the  true  religion.  In  plain,  straightfor- 
■ward  narrative,  without  much  philosophic  reflection, 
he  sets  forth, — none  better, — the  diplomatic  and  theo- 
logical side  of  the  movement  without  probing  its  causes 
or  inquiring  into  the  popular  support  on  which  all  the 
rest  was  based. 

Greater  art  and  deeper  psychological  penetration  Sarrf 
than  Sleidan  compassed  is  found  in  the  writings  of 
Paul  Sarpi,  "the  great  unmasker  of  the  Tridentine 
Cooneil, ' '  as  Milton  aptly  called  him.  This  friar  whose 
book  could  only  be  published  on  Protestant  soil,  this 
historian  admired  by  Macaulay  as  the  best  of  modern 
times  and  denounced  by  Acton  as  fit  for  Newgate 
prison,  has  furnished  students  with  one  of  the  most 
curious  of  psychological  puzzles.  Omitting  discussion 
of  his  learning  and  accuracy,  which  have  recently  been 
severely  attacked  and  perhaps  discredited,  let  us  ask 
what  was  his  attitude  in  regard  to  his  subjeetT  It  is 
difficult  to  place  him  as  either  a  Protestant,  a  Catholic 
apologist  or  a  rationalist.  The  most  probable  e-s-Via-fta.- 
tjon  of  his  attacks  on  the  eroed  in  w\i\tt\i  Ve  ^y^\ftNfc5i. 
und  of  his  favorable  presentation,  of  V\ie  a.c\a  o'i.  "^"^ 


706     T    E  BEFORMATION  INTERPKETED 

heretics  he  must  have  anathematized,  is  that  lie  va 
a  Catholic  reformer,  one  who  ardently  desired  topunir 
the  church,  but  who  disliked  her  political  entaafif 
mente.  It  is  not  unnatural  to  compare  hira  wlthii- 
rian  VT  and  Contarini  who,  in  a  freer  age,  had  wrilia 
scathing  indictments  of  their  oi^ii  church ;  one  mavilji  | 
find  in  Dollinger  "  "orollol  to  him.  Whatever  hisbioi 
his  limitations  !  '  those  of  his  age;  hiso- 

planatioiis  of  tl  t  revolt,  of  which  began 

a  full  history  aa  r  to  his  main  subject,™* 

exactly  those  th  i  advanced  by  his  pKJ^ 

cessors :  it  was  (  ensation,  it  was  cauac^ij 

the  abuses  of  thi  by  the  jealousy  of 

tinian  anil  Domini 

A  brilliant  anticipation  of  the  modem  ecououiif 
school  of  historical  thought  is  found  in  the  Oceona« 
Harrington,  who  suggested  that  the  causes  of  the  iwfr 
lution  in  Entrland  were  less  religious  than  sac^ 
When  Henry  VIII  put  the  confiscated  lands  of  abt'I 
and  noble  into  the  hands  of  scions  of  the  people.  Har- 
rington thought  that  he  had  destroj'ed  the  ancient  Ul- 
ance  of  power  in  the  constitution,  and,  while  Ifvelm? 
feudalism  and  the  church,  had  raised  up  uulo  ^^ 
throne  an  even  more  dangerous  enemy. 

g  2.  The  RAxiONAuaTic  Critique.     (Tuc  Eighteistb 
Century) 

While  the  "philosophers"  of  the  enlightenment wfff 
not  the  first  to  judge  the  Reformation  from  a  swl'' 
standpoint,  they  marked  a  great  advance  in  historic 
interpretation  as  compared  with  the  humanists,  11" 
latter  hiid  been  able  to  make  of  the  whole  mcivpinf' 
nothing  but  either  a  delusion  or  a  fraud  inspired  of 
refined  and  ca\e\\\aVoA,  \nA\c\' .  Tlw  \ihilosophers  a* 
deeper  into  1\\^;  mrA\.o.T  VVw\  Vcv^V-, '^\ws.'iS\\ w  s^v^ro^^ 
religion  was  5a\se,oT\^^^^'Cv^%.^'^^^^^-^^^'^-^^'*-^ 


THE  RATIONALISTIC  CBITIQUE        707 

the  first  knave  met  the  first  fool.  But  they  were  able 
to  see  causes  of  religious  change  and  to  point  out  in- 
Btructive  analogies. 

Montesquieu  showed  that  religions  served  the  needs  Mon- 
of  their  adherents  and  were  thus  adapted  by  them 
to  the  prevailing  civil  organization.  After  comparing 
Mohammedanism  and  Christianity  he  said  that  the 
North  of  Europe  adopted  Protestantism  because  it 
had  the  spirit  of  independence  whereas  the  South,  nat- 
.Uy  servile,  clung  to  the  authoritative  Catholic 
creed.  The  divisions  among  Protestants,  too,  corre- 
Bponded,  he  said,  to  their  secular  polity;  thus  Luther- 
ism  became  despotic  and  Calvinism  republican  be- 
cause of  the  circumstances  in  which  each  arose.  The 
pprcssion  of  church  festivals  in  Protestant  coun- 

KicB  he  thought  due  to  the  greater  need  and  zest  for 
bor  in  the  North.  He  accounted  for  the  alleged  fact 
that  Protestantism  produced  more  free-thinkers  by 
saying  tliat  their  unadonied  cult  naturally  aroused  a 
less  warm  attachment  than  the  sensuous  ritual  of  Ro- 
manism. 

One  of  the  greatest  of  historians  was  Voltaire.  Vo 
Xone  other  has  made  history  so  nearly  universal  as 
did  he,  peering  into  every  side  of  life  and  into  every 
comer  of  the  earth.  No  authority  imposed  on  him, 
no  fact  was  admitted  to  be  inexplicable  by  natural 
laws.  It  is  true  that  he  was  not  very  learned  and  that 
he  had  strong  prejudices  against  what  he  called  "the 
most  infamous  Huperstition  that  ever  brutalized  man." 
But  with  it  all  he  brought  more  freedom  and  life  into 
the  story  of  maiddnd  than  had  any  of  his  predeces- 
sors. 

For  his  history  of  the  Reformation  he  was  depend- 
ent on  Bossuet,  Sarpi,  and  a  few  other  general  works; 
there  is  no  evidence  that  he  perused  any  of  the  sources. 
But  his  treatment  of  the  phenomena  '\s  woii«\^&^N^- 


1 


708     THE  REFORMATION  INTERPRETED 

Begiiuimg  with  an  enthusiastic  account  of  the  gTeat 
ness  of  the  Renaissance,  its  discoveries,  its  opulence 
its  roll  of  mighty  names,  he  proceeds  to  compare  Ik 
Reformation  with  the  two  contemporaneous  relijrioQS 
revolntions  in  Mohammedanism,  the  one  iu  Africa,  tb 
other  in  Persia.  He  does  not  probo  deeply,  but  no  oM 
else  had  even  thought  of  looking  to  comparative  reli- 
gion for  light.  In  le  course  of  events  he  li 
more  conventional,  rather  small  causes  f« 
large  effects.  The  ig  started,  he  assures  jb, 
in  a  quarrel  of  Au  and  Dominicans  over  lit 
spoils  of  indulgent;  nd  this  little  squabble  o( 
monks  in  a  comer  ',  produced  more  than  I 
hundred  years  of  iry,  and  misfortune  for 
thirty  nations."  "jju^  separated  from  the  pope 
because  King  Henry  fell  in  love."  The  Swiss  revolted 
because  of  the  painful  impression  produced  by  the 
Jetzer  scandal.  The  Reformation,  in  Voltaire's  opin- 
ion, is  condemned  by  its  bloodshed  and  by  its  app*sl 
to  the  passions  of  the  mob.  The  dogmas  of  the  R^ 
formers  are  considered  no  whit  more  rational  thas 
those  of  their  opponents,  save  that  Zwingli  is  praised 
for  "ap])earing  more  zealous  for  freedom  than  for 
Christianity.  Of  course  he  erred,"  wittily  comuifnts 
our  author,  "but  how  humane  it  is  to  err  thus!"  T!ie  I 
influence  nf  Montesquieu  is  found  in  the  following  earlv  \ 
economic  interpretation  in  the  Philosophic  Dictionary- 

There  arc  some  nations  whose  religion  is  the  result  of 
neither  climate  nor  government.  What  cause  detached 
Nortli  Germany,  Denmark,  most  of  Switzerland,  Hotlani 
England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland  [sic]  from  the  Roman 
comiiumlon!  Poverty.  Indulgences  .  .  .  were  sold  loa 
dear.  The  prelates  and  monks  alisorbcd  the  whole  rev- 
enue of  a  province.     People  adopted  a  cheaper  religion. 

Of  Uie  two  §,co\,e\\  V\%\.wvi.-w*  'Ci'^^K.  '^^s^^  *ii&  Tjwst 
faithful  sludenU  ol\o\is:viv;,w.ft,"t.?.N\$OiV^'a..^;.a:Ss^^ 


THE  RATIONALISTIC  CRITIQUE 

perfectly  his  skepticism  and  scorn  for  Christianity 
the  other,  AVilliam  Robertson,  everything  but  that. 
Presbyterian  clergyman  as  was  the  latter,  he  found 
that  the  "happy  reformation  of  religion"  had  pro- 
dnccd  "a  revolution  in  the  sentiments  of  mankind  the 
greatest  as  well  as  the  most  beneficial  that  has  hap- 
pened since  the  publication  of  Christianity."  Such  an 
operation,  in  his  opinion,  "historians  the  least  prone 
to  superstition  and  credulity  ascribe  to  divine  Provi- 
dence." But  this  Providence  worked  hy  natural 
eanses,  specially  prepared,  among  which  he  enumer- 
ates: the  long  schism  of  the  fourteenth  century,  the 
pontificates  of  Alexander  VI  and  Julius  II,  the  im- 
morality and  wealth  of  the  clergy  together  with  their 
immunities  and  oppressive  taxes,  the  invention  of 
printing,  the  revival  of  learning,  and,  last  hut  not  least, 
the  fact  that,  in  the  writer's  judgment,  the  doctrines 
of  the  papists  were  repugnant  to  Scripture.  With 
breadth,  power  of  synthesis,  and  real  judiciousness,  he 
traced  the  course  of  the  Reformation.  He  blamed  Lu- 
ther for  his  violence,  but  praised  him — and  here  speaks 
the  middle-class  advocate  of  law  and  order — for  his 
firm  stand  against  the  peasants  in  their  revolt. 

Inferior  to  Robertson  in  the  use  of  sources  as  well  Hunt 
as  in  the  scope  of  his  treatment,  Hume  was  his  supe- 
rior in  having  completely  escaped  the  spell  of  the  sa- 
pematural.  His  analysis  of  the  nature  of  ecclesiastical 
establishments,  with  which  he  begins  his  account  of 
the  English  Reformation,  is  acute  if  bitter.  lie  shows 
why  it  is  that,  in  his  view,  priests  always  find  it  their 
interest  to  practice  on  the  credulity  and  passions  of 
the  populace,  and  to  mix  error,  superstition  and  delu- 
aion  even  with  the  deposit  of  truth.  It  was  therefore 
incumbent  on  the  civil  power  to  put  lUe  cVwiYoJa  ■Q.vi^'i^ 
gorenimenta}  regalation.  This  policy,  Viuvagvi'ca.Vii^  ■e*- 
ag-ainst  the  great  evi\  C^^oi 


710  THE  REFORMATION  INTERPRETED 

mankind  by  the  church  of  Rome,  in  suppressing  lib 
of  thought  and  in  opposing  the  will  of  the  state, 
one  cause,  though  not  the  largest  cause,  of  the  Refot 
tion.  Other  influences  were  the  invention  of  priu 
and  the  revival  of  learning  and  the  violent,  popi 
character  of  Luther  and  his  friends,  who  appealed 
to  reason  but  *"  thp  nrpiurljces  of  the  multitude.  T 
secured  the  at  masses  by  fooling  themi 

the  belief  tl  hinking  for  themselves,! 

the  support  Timent  by  denouncing  i 

trincs  unfavc  "ereignty.     The  doctrine 

justification  b  le  thought,  was  in  hanno 

with  the  gene  lich  religions  tend  morei 

more  to  exaltat  Deity  and  to  self-abaBCiM 

Lif  f])c  worshipper.  Tory  an  ho  was,  he  juJ^'nl  t 
effects  of  the  Reformation  as  at  fir.st  favorable  to  I 
execution  of  justice  and  finally  dangerous  by  exciti 
a  restless  spirit  of  opposition  to  authority.  One  f 
result  was  that  it  exalted  "those  wretched  conipofi 
of  metaphysical  polemics,  the  theologians,"  to  a  i» 
of  honor  that  no  poet  or  philosopher  had  ever  attflln 
The  ablest  and  fairest  estimate  of  the  Refornial 
found  in  the  eighteenth  century  is  contained  in  tlief 
pages  Edward  Gibbon  devoted  to  that  subji-ct  in 
great  history  of  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  finn 
Empin:.  "A  philosopher,"  he  begins,  "who  ca 
lates  the  degree  of  their  merit  {i.e.  of  Zwingll,  Lul 
and  Calvin]  will  prudently  ask  from  wlmt  articW 
faith,  above  or  against  our  reason  they  have  cut 
chisod  the  Christians,"  and,  in  answering  tliis  c 
tion  he  will  "rather  be  surprised  at  the  timidity 
seandiiHzt'd  by  the  freedom  of  the  first  llefoniv 
Tliey  adopted  the  inspired  Scriptures  with  all  the 
aclos,  the  si-''"'^^  \w\s\.t\\v¥,  c?  Uw  Trinity  and  Inc: 
tidn    t\io  UiooVi^t.y  '>^  Vfi.i>  S.o«.^  v.^  '^\^^\.'s.v  <iiji\ss«^ 


I 


THE  RATIONALISTIC  CRITIQUE        711 


lot  believe  in  the  Catholic  faith.     Instead  of  consult- 
ing their  reason  in  the  article  of  transubstantiation, 
they  became  entangled  in  scraples,  and  so  Luther  main- 
tained a  corporeal  and  Calvin  a  real  presence  in  the 
«ucharist.     They  not  only  adopted  but  improved  upon 
And  popularized  the  "stupendous  doctrines  of  original 
Bin,  redemption,  faith,  grace  and  predestination,"  to 
each    purpose  that  "many  a  sober  Christian  would 
xather  admit  that  a  wafer  is  God  than  that  God  is  a 
cruel    and  capricious  tyrant."     "And  yet,"   Gibbon 
fjontinues,  "the  services  of  Luther  and  his  rivals  are 
Bolid  and  important,  and  the  philosopher  must  own 
liis  obligations  to  these  fearless  enthusiasts.     By  their 
hands  the  lofty  fabric  of  superstition,  from  the  abuse 
of  indulgences  to  the  intercession  of  the  Virgin,  has 
"been  levelled  with  the  ground.     Myriads  of  both  sexes 
of  the  monastic  profession  have  been  restored  to  the 
liberties  and  labors  of  social  life."     Credulity  was  no 
longer  nourished  on  daily  miracles  of  images  and  rel- 
ies; a  simple  worship  "the  most  worthy  of  man,  the 
least  unworthy  of  the  Deity"  was  substituted  for  an 
"imitation  of  paganism."     Finally,  the  chain  of  au- 
thority was  broken  and  each  Christian  taught  to  ac- 
knowledge no  interpreter  of  Scripture  but  his  own 
conscience.     This  led,  rather  as  a  consequence  than  as 
a  design,  to  toleration,  to  indifference  and  to  skepti- 
cism. 

Wieland,  on  the  other  hand,  frankly  gave  the  opinion, 
anticipating  Xietzsebe,  that  the  Reformation  had  done 
harm  in  retarding  the  progress  of  philosophy  for  cen- 
turies. The  Italians,  he  said,  might  have  effected  a 
salutary  aud  rational  reform  had  not  Luther  inter- 
fered and  made  the  people  a  party  to  a  dispute  which  * 
should  have  been  left  to  scholars. 

Goethe  at  one  time  wrote  that  Lutherdom  had  driven    Goeihe 
quiet  culture  back,  and  at  another  spoke  oi  Wft'^^felw-        ^ 


712     THE  REFORMATION  INTERPRETED 

mation  as  "a  sorry  spectacle  of  boundless  coufusinii, 
error  fighting  with  error,  selfishness  with  seitisiinesi 
the  truth  only  here  and  there  heaving  in  sigliL' 
Again  he  wrote  to  a  friend:  "The  character  of  La- 
ther is  the  only  interesting  thing  in  the  Reformaiiv 
and  the  only  thing,  moreover,  that  made  an  Imprcssi* 
on  the  masses.  All  the  rest  is  a  lot  of  bizarre  tnik 
we  have  not  yet,  at,  cleared  away."   In  tie 

last  years  of  his  1  changed  his  opinion 

what  for,  if  we  c  he  report  of  hl-s  amvcr* 

tions  with  Eekeri  old  his  young  diwciple  (Jut 

people  hardly  r€  much  they  owed  to  U^ 

who  had  given  t  oarage  to  stand  firmlf 

God's  earth. 

The  treatment  of  tile  suoject  by  German  ProlesUatf 
underwent  a  marked  change  under  the  influence  of  PifV 
ism  and  the  Enlightenment.  Just  as  the  earlier  UrtB- 
dox  school  had  over-emphasized  Luther's  uarrowneft 
and  had  been  concerned  chiefly  to  prove  that  tlie  Befor- 
mation  changed  nothing  save  abuacs,  so  now  tie  W 
er's  liberalism  was  much  over-stressed.  It  wasinvin 
of  the  earlier  Protestant  bigotry  that  Lessiiig  a; 
phized  the  AVittenberg  professor:  "Luther! 'lln* 
great,  misunderstood  man!  Thou  hast  freed  us  fnfl 
the  yoke  of  tradition,  who  is  to  free  us  from  tJiii  M" 
unbearable  yoke  of  the  letter!  \V)io  will  finally  htiil 
us  Christianity  such  as  tliou  thyself  wuuld  imw  ttai 
such  as  Christ  himself  woulil  leach  f" 

Gernmii  Robertsons,  though  hardly  equal  to  tk 
Scotch,  were  found  in  ilosheim  and  Schmidt, 
wrote  lliu  history  of  the  Protestant  revolulioii  inil* 
endea\(ir  to  make  it  all  natural.  In  Moshoira,  indeM 
the  devil  still  apjjcars,  though  in  the  baekgroWi 
Schmidt  Is  as  vaImaiuiI  and  as  fair  as  any  GenMi 
ProtesUml  eowXCv  \\\t:\\\isi. 


LIBERAL-ROMANTIC  APPRECIATION     713 


J.  The  LiBEHAirRoMANTic  Appreciation. 

1794~c.  1860) 
A  about  the  end  of  (he  eighteenth  century  historiog-  I 
ty  underwent  a  profound  change  due  primarily  to 
M  influences:     1.  The  French  Revolution  and  the  I 
pggle  for  political  democracy  throughout  nearly  a 
fury  after  1789 ;  2.  The  Romantic  Movement ;  3.  The 
1  of  the  gcientifie  spirit.    The  judgment  of  the  Refor- 
lion  changed  accordingly;  the  rather  unfavorable 
flict  of  the  eighteenth  century  was  completely  re- 
led.    Hardly  by  its  extremes!  partisans  in  the  Prot- 
mt  camp  has  the  importance  of  that  movement  and 
Bharacter  of  its  leaders  been  esteemed  so  highly  as 
ias  by  the  writers  of  the  liberal-romantic  school. 
Jed,  so  little  had  confession  to  do  with  this  bias  that  j 
finest  things  about  Luther  and  the  most  extrava- 
;  praise  of  bis  work,  was  uttered  not  by  Protestants, 
by  the  Catholic  Dollinger,  the  Jew  Heine,  and  the 

thinkers,  Miclielet,  Carlyle,  and  Froude. 
lie  French  Revolution  taught  men  to  see,  or  misled  X''*^'*?' 
&  into  construing,  the  whole  of  history  as  a  struggle  ™ 

liberty  against  oppression.     Naturally,  the  Refor-     

Ion  was  one  of  the  favorite  examples  of  this  per-    ^^M 
lal  warfare;  it  ivas  the  Revolution  of  the  earlier    ^^H 
,  and  Luther  was  the  great  liberator,  standing  for    ^M 
Bights  of  ilan  against  a  galling  tyranny, 
he  first  to  draw  the  parallel  between  Reformation  Condon 

Revolution  was  Condorcet  in  his  noble  essay  on     ^h 
I  Advance  of  the  Human  Spirit,  written  in  prison  ^^H 

published  posthumously.    Luther,  said  he.  pun-  ^^H 
id  the  crimes  of  the  clergy  and  freed  some  peoples  , 

n  the  yoke  of  the  papacy ;  he  would  have  freed  all, 
i  for  the  false  politics  of  the  kings  who,  feeling 
jnctively  that  religions  liberty  woii\A.  \>rvtv%  "s>^^^" 
enfranebiaement,  banded  togettieT  agamA  ^)ti.ft  tc-       t 


714     THE  REFORMATION  INTERPRETED 

volt.     He  adds  that  the  epoch  brought  added  strengfl 

to  the  government  and  to  political  science  and  that 

purified  morals  by  abolishing  sacerdotal  celibacy;  b 

that  it  was  {like  tlie  Revolution,  one  reads  between  t] 

lines)  soiled  by  great  atrocities. 

In  the  year  1802,  the  Institute  of  France  annoano 
as  the  subject  for  a  prize  competition,  "What  has 
the  influence  of  the  Reformation  of  Luther  on  the  p 
litical  situation  of  the  several  states  of  Europe  an 
on  the  progress  of  enlightenment  r '  The  prize  wj 
won  by  Charles  de  Villers  in  an  essay  maintainifl 
elaborately  the  thesis  that  the  gradual  iniprovemei 
of  the  human  species  has  been  effected  by  a  series  i 
revolutions,  partly  silent,  partly  violent,  and  that  tl 
object  of  all  these  risings  has  been  the  attainment  ( 
either  religious  or  of  civil  liberty.  After  arguing  hi 
position  in  respect  to  the  Reformation,  the  authd 
eulogizes  it  for  having  established  religious  freedon 
promoted  civil  liberty,  and  for  having  endowed  Ei 
rope  with  a  variety  of  blessings,  including  almoi 
everything  he  liked.  Thus,  in  his  opinion,  the  RefOT 
mation  made  Protestant  countries  more  wealthy  \^ 
keeping  the  papal  tax-gatherers  aloof;  it  started  "tin 
grand  idea  the  balance  of  power,"  and  it  prepari 
the  way  for  a  general  philosophical  enlightenment. 

The  thesis  of  Villers  is  exactly  that  maintained,  wil 
more  learning  and  caution,  by  Guizot.     According  to  ~\ 
him: 

The  Reformation  was  a  vast  effort  made  by  the  buman 
race  to  secure  its  freedom ;  it  was  a  new-bom  desire  to 
think  and  judge  freely  and  independently  of  all  ideas 
and  opinions,  which  until  then  Europe  had  received  or 
been  bound  to  receive  from  the  hands  of  antii^uity.  It 
was  a  great  endeavor  to  emancipate  the  human  reason 
and  to  call  things  by  their  right  names.  It  wb 
surrectioii  of  the  human  mind  against  the  absolute  powe 
ol  the  ftpmiuaiV  e^aVe. 


LIBERAL-ROMANTIC  APPRECL\TION      715 

But  there  was  more  than  politics  to  draw  the  sym-   Homam 
lathies  of  the  iiiiieteeiith  century  to  the  sixteenth.     A  ''^^'*'*'"'^ 
:e  anthology  of  poetical,  artistic  and  musical  tri- 
^fcotes  to  Luther  and  the  Keformation  might  be  made 
show  how  congenial  they  were  to  the  spirit  of  that 
One  need  only  mention  Werner's  drama  on  the 
ibject  of  Luther's  life  (1805),  Mendelssohn's  ''Ref cr- 
emation Symphony"  (1832-3),  Meyerbeer's  opera  *'The 
IHuguenots"   (1836),  and  Kaulbach's  painting  ''The 
:e  of  the  Reformation"  (c.  1840).    In  fact  the  Refor- 
ion  was  a  Romantic  movement,  with  its  emotional 
id  mystical  piety,  its  endeavor  to  transcend  the  lim- 
of  the  classic  spirit,  to  search  for  the  infinite,  to 
the  trammels  of  traditional  order  and  method. 
All  this  is  reflected  in  Mme.  de  Stael's  enthusiastic  Mmc.d« 
^appreciation  of  Protestant  Germany,  in  which  she 
^ound  a  people  characterized  by  reflectiveness,  ideal- 
lam,  and  energy  of  inner  conviction.     She  contrasted 
Xiather's  revolution  of  ideas  with  her  own  countrymen's 
Tevolution  of  acts,  practical  if  not  materialistic.    The 
Oerman  had  brought  back  religion  from  an  affair  of 
politics  to  be  •a  matter  of  life;  had  transferred  it  from 
the  realm  of  calculated  interest  to  that  of  heart  and 
l>rain. 

Much  the  same  ideas,  set  forth  with  the  most  daz-  Hcino 
zling brilliancy  of  style,  animate  Heine's  too  much  neg- 
lected sketch  of  German  religion  and  philosophy.  To 
a  French  public,  unappreciative  of  German  literature, 
Heine  points  out  that  the  place  taken  in  France  by 
belles  lettres  is  taken  east  of  the  Rhine  by  metaphysics. 
From  Luther  to  Kant  there  is  one  continuous  develop- 
ment of  thought,  and  no  less  than  two  revolutions  in 
spiritual  values.  Luther  was  the  sword  and  tongue 
of  his  time;  the  tempest  that  shattered  the  old  oaks 
of  hoary  tyranny;  his  hynm  was  the  Marseillaise  of 
the  spirit;  he  made  a  revolution  and  not  mtli  x^^^- 


716      THE  REFOEMATION  INTERPEETED 

leaves,  either,  but  with  a  certain  "divine  brutalitT,!  - 
He  gave  his  people  language,  Kant  gave  them  ihm^ 
Luther  deposed  the  pope;  Robespierre  decapitated Iki 
king;  Kant  disposed  of  God:  it  was  all  one  iiisu!T«-|- 
tion  of  Man  against  the  same  tyrant  under  difiera 
names. 

Under  the  triple  influence  of  liberalism,  romanticlaf 


and  the  scientific  ii 
moat  of  the  great  h 
century  wrote.  If  i 
able  of  them  all,  wi 
Huguenot  ancestry, 
the  biography  of  s 
he  agonizes  in  her 
And  to  all  great  men,  ftt-r 
one  inexorable  question, 


esently  to  be  de»cril 
->t  the  middle  ninoteenl 
eatest,  yet  the  most 
ichelet,  a  free-lhiiiker 
itory  of  France  ia 
and  worshipped  grauoifl 
glories  in  her  triampht.1 
u"ii  and  others,  he  puts  but 
"What  did  you  do  for  xht 
peopleT"  and  according  to  their  answer  they  stand  or 
fall  before  him.  It  is  just  here  that  one  notices  (whal 
entirely  escaped  previous  generations),  that  the  "peo- 
ple" here  means  that  part  of  it  now  called,  in  current 
cant,  "the  bourgeoisie,"  that  educated  middle  daJS 
with  some  small  property  and  with  tlie  vote.  For  thf 
ignorant  laborer  and  the  pauper  Michelet  had  as  Iitllf 
concern  as  he  had  small  patience  witli  king  and  noble 
and  priest.  One  thing  that  he  and  his  contemporaries 
prized  in  Lutlier  was  just  that  bourgeois  virtue  that 
made  liim  a  model  husband  and  father,  fattlifally  per- 
forming a  daily  task  for  an  adequate  reward.  La- 
ther's joys,  he  assures  us,  were  "those  of  the  heart, ff 
the  man,  the  innocent  happiness  of  family  and  hoiiii' 
M'hat  family  more  holy,  what  home  more  pure?"  Bui 
he  returns  ever  and  again  to  the  thought  that  the  Hu- 
guenots were  the  re])ublicans  of  their  age  and  thnl. 
"Lutlier  has  been  the  restorer  of  liberty.  If  now  v 
exercise  in  all  its  fullness  this  highest  prerogative  oi 
human  inlo\V\^ewte,\V\'s\.o\vvn\,'«*i  ?k.Te  indebted  for  it- 


I 


UBERAL-EOMANTIC  APPRECIATION     717 

?o  whom  do  I  owe  the  power  of  publishing  what 
am  now  writing,  save  to  this  liberator  of  modem 
bought?"  Michelet  employed  his  almost  matchless 
hetoric  not  only  to  exalt  the  Reformers  to  the  highest 
innacle  of  greatness,  but  to  blacken  the  character  of 
lieir  adversaries,  the  obscurantists,  the  Jesuits,  Cath- 
rine  de'  Medici. 

English  liberalism  found  its  perfect  expression  in  Froudo 
he  work  of  Froude.     Built  up  on  painstaking  research, 
eadable  as  a  novel,  cut  exactly  to  the  prejudices  of  the 
SngUsh  Protestant  middle  class,  The  History  of  Eng- 
d  from  (he  Fall  of  Wolsey  to  the  Defeat  of  the  Span- 
ih    Armada   won    a    resounding   immediate    auccess. 
'roude  loved  Protestantism  for  the  enemies  it  made, 
nd  as  a  mild  kind  of  rationalism.     The  Reformers, 
le  thoufrht,  triumphed  because  they  were  armed  with 
the  truth;  it  was  a  revolt  of  conscience  against  lies, 
real   religion   over  against  "a   superstition  which 
■was   but  the  counterpart  of  magic  and  witchcraft" 
and  which,  at  that  time,  "meant  the  stake,  the  rack, 
the  gibbet,  the  Inquisition  dungeons  and  the  devil  en- 
throned."    It  was  the  different  choice  made  then  by 
England  and  Spain  that  accounted  for  the  greatness 
of  the  former  and  the  downfall  of  the  latter,  for,  after 
the  Spaniard,  once  "the  noblest,  grandest  and  most  en- 
ilightened  people  in  the  known  world,"  had  chosen  for 
the  saints  and  the  Inquisition,  "his  intellect  shrivelled 
in  his  brain  and  the  sinews  shrank  in  his  self -bandaged 
limbs. ' ' 

Practically  the  same  type  of  opinion  is  found  in  the  Liberalt 
whole  school  of  middle-century  historians.  "Our  firm 
belief  is,"  wrote  Macaulay,  "that  the  North  owes  its 
great  civilization  and  prosperity  chiefly  to  the  moral 
efFect  of  the  Protestant  Reformation,  and  that  the  de- 
cay of  the  Southern  countries  is  to  lae  itia\.\\\^  aset^*.^ 
to  tie  great  Catholic  revival,"     It  woviVd  \ie  ^\tiaft'&.w\,. 


718     1     E  REFORMATION  INTERPRETED 

were  there  space,  to  quote  similar  enthusiastic  appi 
ciatious  from  the  French  scholars  Quinet  and  TliI 
the  Englishman  Herbert  Spencer  and  the  Anient 
Motley  and  Prescott.  They  all  regarded  the  Refoi 
tion  as  at  once  an  enlightenment  and  enfranchisei 
Even  the  philosophers  rushed  into  the  same 
Carlyle  worshipped  Luther  as  a  hero;  Emerstm 
that  his  "religio  it  was  the  fonndatii 

so  much  intellectu  Europe ;  that  is,  Lathi 

conscience  animi  Uictically  the  conscii 

of  millions,  the  p  1  into  thought,  and 

mated  itself  in  G  'lers,  Swedenborgs, 

tons,  Shakespeare  and  Miltoiis."    Bade 

all  this  appreciati'  strong  unconscious 

pathy  between  the  age  oi  ine  RetVimiation  ami  that 
of  Victoria.  The  creations  of  the  one,  Protestanti; 
the  national  state,  capitalism,  individuiilism,  reached 
their  perfect  maturity  in  the  other.  The  ver."  mod- 
erate liberals  of  the  latter  found  in  the  former  jasl 
that  "safe  and  sane"  spirit  of  reform  which  they  could 
thoroushly  approve. 

The  enthusiasm  generated  by  political  democracy  in 
France,  England  and  America,  was  supplementi*(l  in 
Germany  by  patriotism.  Herder  first  emphasized  Ln- 
ther's  love  of  country  as  his  great  virtue;  Armh,  in 
the  Napoleonic  wars,  counted  it  unto  him  for  righteen?- 
ness  that  he  hated  Italian  craft  and  dreaded  Frenct 
deceitfulness.  Fichte,  at  the  same  time,  in  his  fer\'etl 
Speeches  to  the  German  Nation,  called  the  Refomu- 
tion  "the  consummate  achievement  of  the  German  peo- 
ple," and  its  "perfect  act  of  world-wide  significance." 
Freyfag,  at  a  later  period,  tried  to  educate  the  puWif 
to  search  for  a  German  state  at  once  national  and  li'>- 
eral.  In  his  Piclitrrs  from  the  German  Past,  larirel} 
painted  from  sixteenth-century  models,  he  places  all 
the  h\gVi-V\g\\\.a  otv  "■"VJeiA.at^VAKB."  Bxid.  "Burgertum,'" 


LIBERAL-ROMANTIC  APPRECIATION     719 

■d  all  the  shade  on  the  foreigners  and  the  Junkers, 

"With  Freytag  as  a  German  liberal  may  be  classed  D.  F. 

Strauss,  who  defended  the  Reformers  for  choosing, 

ther  than  superficial  culture,  "the  better  part,"  "the 

e  thing  needful,"  which  was  truth. 

It  is  now  high  time  to  say  something  of  the  third   ScieniiSc 
lat  influence  that,  early  in  the  nineteenth  centurj',    '*""      | 
'ansf  ormed  historiography.     It  was  the  rise  of  the  sci- 
tific  spirit,  of  the  fruitful  conception  of  a  world 
lapped  in  universal  law.     For  two  centuries  men  had 
gradually  become  accustomed  to  the  thought  of  an  ex- 
ternal nature  governed  by  an  unbreakable  chain  of 
eanse  and  effect,  but  it  was  still  believed  that  man, 
Lth  his  free  will,  was  an  exception  and  that  history, 
lerefore,  consisting  of  the  sum  total  of  humanity's 
rbitrary  actions,  was  incalculable  and  in  large  part 
haesplicable.     But  the  more  closely  men  studied  the 
past,  and  the  more  widely  and  deeply  did  the  uniform- 
ity of  nature  soak  into  their  consciousness,  the  more 
natural"  did  the  progress  of  the  human  race  seem. 
When  it  was  found  that  every  age  had  its  own  temper 
ind  point  of  view,  that  men  turned  with  one  accord  in 
the  same  direction  as  if  set  by  a  current,  long  before 
any  great  man  had  come  to  create  the  current,  the  in- 
fluence of  personality  seemed  to  sink  into  the  back- 
TOitnd,  and  that  of  other  influences  to  be  preponderant. 

Quite  inevitably  the  first  natural  and  important  phi-  Hegel 
losophy  of  history  took  a  semi-theological,  semi-per- 
Bonal  form.  The  philosopher  Hegel,  pondering  on  the 
fact  that  each  age  has  its  own  unmistakable  "time- 
l^jirit"  and  that  each  age  is  a  natural,  even  logical,  de- 
■elopment  of  some  antecedent,  announced  the  Doctrine 
of  Ideas  as  the  governing  forces  in  human  progress. 
History  was  but  the  development  of  spirit,  ot  1\vg  Tfe?».V- 
tion  of  its  idea:  and  its  fundamentaV  \a\'J  "wo-ft  '^^ 
'progress  in  the  coQSciousTvcas  ot  itc^^ow^- 


1 


k 


720      THE  REFORMATION  INTERPRETED 

The  Oriental  knew  that  one  is  free,  tlie  Greek  that  8 
are  free,  the  Germans  that  all  are  free.  In  this  thii 
or  Teutonic,  stage  of  evolution,  the  Reformation  i 
one  of  the  longest  steps.  The  characteristic  of  mode 
times  is  that  the  spirit  is  conscious  of  its  own  free* 
and  wills  the  true,  the  eternal  and  the  universal, 
dawn  of  this  period,  after  the  long  and  terrible  night 
the  Middle  Ages,  is  the  Renaissance,  its  sunrise  t 
Reformation.  In  order  to  prove  his  thesis,  Hegel ! 
bors  to  show  that  the  cause  of  the  Protestant  revolt 
the  corruption  of  the  church  was  not  accidental  1 
necessnrj-,  inasmuch  as,  at  the  Catholic  stage  of  p 
(tress,  that  which  is  adored  must  necessarily  be  seni 
ons,  but  at  the  lofty  German  level  the  worshipper  mi 
look  for  God  in  the  spirit  and  heart,  that  is,  in  fail 
The  sobjectinsm  of  Luther  is  due  to  German  sincei 
luauifestiug  the  self -consciousness  of  the  world-apiri 
his  doctrine  of  the  eucharist,  conservative  as  it  seema 
the  rationalist,  is  in  reality  a  manifestation  of  the  s 
spirituality,  in  the  assertion  of  an  immediate  relati 
of  t?hrist  to  the  soul.  In  short,  the  essence  of  the  Bn 
onnation  is  said  to  be  that  man  in  his  very  nature 
destined  to  be  free,  and  all  history  since  Luther's  tin 
is  but  a  working  out  of  the  implications  of  his  posittd 
If  only  the  Germanic  nations  have  adopted  Protestaa 
inm,  it  is  because  only  they  have  reached  the  highl 
(ftute  of  spiritual  development. 

The   philosopher's  truest  disciple  was   Ferdinai 
Christian  Baur,  of  whom  it  has  been  said  that  he  rath 
deduced  history  than  narrated  it.     AVith  much  dcti 
he  filled  in  the  outline  offered  by  the  master,  in  as  fl 
as  the  subject  of  church  history  was  concerned, 
showed  that  the  Reformation  (a  term  to  which  he  ot 
jected,  appaie^lXy  'pte^tTtxw^  Division,  or  Schism)  i 
bound  to  (WTneiTO'tu&^^.cGft\cu^.■&^T%w!s.'^^^^.Vc:i.wJe 
tion  betoxe  Lut\v&t.     i>.N.  mQ?,V,V^  %.iwti*.\K^, -Coft 


LIBERAL-ROMANTIC  APPRECIATION     721 

lonal  factor  was  decisive  of  the  time  and  place  of  the 
Devitable  revolution,  but  said  that  the  most  powerful 
►ersouaiity  would  have  been  helpless  but  for  the  popu- 
arity  of  the  ideas  expressed  by  him.  Like  Hegel,  he 
leduced  the  causes  of  the  movement  from  the  corrup- 
ioTi  of  the  medieval  church,  and  like  him  he  regarded 
,11  later  history  as  but  the  tide  of  which  the  first  wave 
iroke  in  1517.  The  true  principle  of  the  movement, 
eligious  autonomy  and  subjective  freedom,  he  be- 
leved,  had  been  achieved  only  for  states  in  the  six- 
eenth  century,  but  thereafter  logically  and  necessarily 
amc  to  be  applied  to  individuals. 

From  the  Hegelian  school  came  forth  the  best  Ranki 
quipped  historian  the  world  has  ever  seen.  Save  the 
highest  quality  of  thought  and  emotion  that  is  the  pre- 
'ogative  of  poetic  genius,  Leopold  von  Ranke  lacked 
lOtbing  of  industry,  of  learning,  of  method  and  of  tal-  - 
mt  to  make  him  the  perfect  narrator  of  the  past.  It 
ras  his  idea  to  pursue  history  for  no  purpose  but  its 
»wn;  to  tell  "exactly  what  happened"  without  regard 
o  the  moral,  or  theological,  or  political  lesson.  Think- 
ing the  most  colorless  presentation  the  best,  he  seldom 
Allowed  his  o\\ti  opinions  to  appear.  In  treating  the 
IBeforraatlon  he  was  "first  an  historian  and  then  a 
Christian."  There  is  In  his  work  little  biography,  and 
'that  little  psychological;  there  is  no  dogma  and  no  po- 
lemic. From  Hegel  he  derived  his  belief  in  the 
spirit"  of  the  times,  and  nicely  differentiated  that  of 
"the  Renaissance,  the  Reformation  and  the  Counter- 
Teformation.  He  was  the  first  to  generalize  the  use  of 
■the  word  "Counter-reformation" — coined  in  1770  and 
obtaining  currency  later  on  the  analogj'  of  "counter- 
revolution." The  causes  of  the  Reformation  Ranke 
fonnd  In  "deeper  religious  and  moral  repugo.a.'o.Cft,  ^.*i 
the  disorders  of  a  merely  assenting  £a\V\i,  awtV  scTN\<yft. 
of  'works,'  and,  secondarily,  in  tl\e  aaseiWou  o1  "Oq.«> 


722      1     E  EEFORiL\TI0N  INTERPRKTED 

rights  and  duties  residing  in  the  state. ' '  Quite  r'v'Mj, 
he  emphasized  the  result  of  the  movement  in  hr-ukini 
down  the  political  power  of  the  ecclesiastical  >;tai'' 
establiahing  in  its  stead  "a  completely  autoui^ 
state  sovereignty,  bound  by  no  extraneous  considciv 
tions  and  existing  for  itself  alone."  Of  all  the  ideil 
which  have  aided  in  i:b«  deveJopmeut  of  modern  Earopi 
he  esteemed  this  ffective.     Would  he  fan 

thought  so  after 

A  new  start  in  t'  for  fixed  historical  lai 

was  made  by  Hen  Buckle.     His  point  nf  d> 

parture  was  not,  i  Hegel,  the  universal,  M 

rather  certain  verj  r  Bociological  facts  asi 

terpreted  by  Comte  nsm.     Beeaose  the  Ban 

percentage  of  unaddressea  letter?;  is  maili'd  every  y-^a 
because  crimes  vary  in  a  constant  cur\'o  according  I* 
season,  because  the  number  of  suicides  and  of  mar- 
riages stands  in  a  fixed  ratio  to  the  cost  of  bread 
Buckle  argued  that  all  human  acts,  at  least  in  the  mass, 
must  be  calculable,  and  reducible  to  general  laws.  Al 
present  we  are  concerned  only  with  his  views  on  li' 
Reformation.  The  religious  opinions  prevalent  at  any 
period,  he  pointed  out,  are  but  symptoms  of  the  general 
culture  of  that  age.  Protestantism  was  to  Catholi' 
cism  simply  as  the  moderate  enlightenment  of  the  fa- 
teenth  century  was  to  the  darkness  of  the  earlier  cen- 
turies. Credulity  and  ignorance  were  still  common, 
though  diminishing,  in  Luther's  time,  and  this  inlel- 
lectual  change  was  the  cause  of  the  religious  chaiijf- 
Buckle  makes  one  strange  and  damaging  admission, 
namely  that  though,  according  to  his  theory,  or,  a*  iw 
puts  it,  "according  to  the  natural  order,"  the  "miijt 
civilized  countries  should  be  Protestant  and  the  luo-l 
uncivilized  Catholic  [sic],"  it  has  not  always  been  w^. 
In  general  Buckle  adopts  the  theory  of  the  Keformi' 


LIBERAL-ROMANTIC  APPRECLVTION      723 

wi  as  an  uprising  of  the  human  mind,  an  enlighten- 
eiit,  and  a  democratic  rebellion. 
Whereas  Henry  Hallam,  who  wrote  on  the  relation 
the   Reformers  to   modem   thought,   is  a  belated 

jgrhteenth -century  rationalist,  doubtless  Lecky  is  best 
ssified  as  a  member  of  the  new  school.     His  History 

f  the  Rise  and  Influence  of  the  Spirit  of  Rationalism 
partly  Hegelian,  partly  inspired  by  Buckle.  His 
ain  object  is  to  show  how  little  reason  has  to  do  with 
le  adoption  or  rejection  of  any  theology,  and  how 
nch  it  is  dependent  on  a  certain  spirit  of  the  age,  de- 

(rmined  by  quite  other  causes.  He  found  the  essence 
the  Reformation  in  its  conformity  to  then  prevalent 
ibits  of  mind  and  morals.  But  he  thought  it  had  done 
ore  than  any  other  movement  to  emancipate  the  mind 
om  superstition  and  to  secularize  society. 
It  is  impossible  to  do  more  than  mention  by  name, 
,  the  short  space  at  my  command,  the  principal  Prot- 

Btant  apologists  for  the  Reformation,  in  this  period, 
hereas  Ritschl  gave  a  somewhat  new  aspect  to  the 

Id  "truths,"  Merle  d'Aubigne  won  an  enormous  and 

Dmerited  success  by  reviving  the  supernatural  theory 

t  the  Protestant  revolution,  with  such  modern  con- 
itations  and  modifications  as  suited  the  still  lively 
'ejudiccs  of  the  evangelical  public  of  England  and 
merica;  for  it  was  in  these  countries  that  his  book, 
translation  from  the  French,  won  its  enormous  eir- 

idation.* 
An  extremely  able  adverse  judgment  of  the  Bef- 

tmation  was  expressed  by  the  Catholic  Dollinger,  the 
lost  theological  of  historians,  the  most  historically- 

linded  of  divines.     He,  too,  thought  Luther  had  really 


1  Ttia  preface  of  the  English  edi 
16.  only  4(KH)  copies  were  Bold  i 
re  wild  in  Eughad  and  Americ 


Proteslanu 


ion  of  ISJfi  clainiB  that  whereas,  ainee 
I  France,  between  160.000  »nd  2QOjU0O 


724     THE  REFOEMATION  INTERPRETED 

founded  a  new  religion,  of  which  the  center  wm  Uul 
mystical  doctrine,  tending  to  solipsism,  of  justificatJa 
by  faith.     The  very  fact  that  he  said  much  good  of  L 
ther,  and  approved  of  many  of  his  practical  rcfoni 
made  his  protest  the  more  effective.     It  is  notice 
that  when  he  broke  with  Rome  he  did  not  becomej 
Protestant. 

§  4.  The  Ecoitom  )LUTioirABT  Interpi 

TI0H6.  "HE  Present) 

The  year  1859  sa'v  ihing  of  two  new  theoril 

of  the  utmost  imp  Chese,  together  with  II 

political  developme  next  twelve  years,  c 

pletely  altered  the  \  of  the  intellectual  c 

as  well  as  of  the  peop.L-i:..  _.i  relation  to  tlic  snbjed' 
under  discussion  this  meant  a  reversal  of  historical 
judgment  as  radical  as  that  which  occurred  at  the  tJint 
of  the  French  Revolution.  The  three  new  influencef, 
in  the  order  of  their  immediate  importance  for  histori- 
ography, were  the  following:  1.  The  publication  of 
Marx's  Ziir  Kritik  der  politisclien  Okonomie  in  ISoS, 
containing  the  germ  of  the  economic  interpretation  of 
history  later  developed  in  Das  Kapital  (16G7)  and  in 
other  works.  2.  The  publication  of  Darwin's  Ori.uMi 
of  Species,  giving  rise  to  an  evolutionary  treatment  of 
history.  3.  The  Bismarckian  wars  (ISti-t-Tl),  fol- 
lowed by  German  intellectual  and  material  hcgi'mon^. 
and  the  defeat  of  the  old  liberalism.  This  lasted  onlf 
until  the  Great  War  (1914—18),  when  Germany  wa; 
cast  down  and  liberalism  rose  in  more  radical  guiw^ 
than  ever, 

Karl  Marx  not  only  viewed  history  for  the  first  tinii' 
from  tlie  point  of  view  of  the  proletariat,  or  workine 
class,  but  ho  directly  asserted  that  in  the  march  of  man- 
kind tlic  economic  factors  had  always  been,  in  the  Ia^i 
analysis,  dcciswc,  \.\i.?A,  Wie  ^naterial  basis  of  life,  par 


ECONOMIC  INTERPRETATIONS  725 

ticularly  the  system  of  production,  determined,  in  gen- 
eral, the  social,  political  and  religious  ideas  of  every 
epoch  and  of  every  locality.  Revolutions  follow  as  the 
^4iecessary  consequence  of  economic  change.  In  the 
Mramble  for  sustenance  and  wealth  class  war  is  postu- 
lated as  natural  and  ceaseless.  The  old  Hegelian  anti- 
thesis of  idea  versus  personality  took  the  new  form  of 
**the  masses*'  versus  **the  great  man,''  both  of  whom 
were  but  puppets  in  the  hands  of  overmastering  de- 
terminism. As  often  interpreted,  Marx's  theory  re- 
placed the  Hegelian  ** spirits  of  the  time"  by  the 
classes,  conceived  as  entities  struggling  for  mastery. 

This  brilliant  theorj"  suffered  at  first  in  its  applica- 
tion, which  was  often  hasty,  or  fantastic.  As  the  eco- 
nomic factor  had  once  been  completely  ignored,  so  now 
it  was  overworked.  Its  major  premise  of  an  **  eco- 
nomic man,"  all  greed  and  calculation,  is  obviously 
false,  or  rather,  only  half  true.  Men's  motives  are 
mixed,  and  so  are  those  of  aggregates  of  men.  There 
are  other  elements  in  progress  besides  the  economic 
ones.  The  only  effective  criticism  of  the  theory  of 
economic  determination  is  that  well  expressed  by  Dr. 
Shailer  Mathews,  that  it  is  too  simple.  Self-interest 
is  one  factor  in  history,  but  not  the  only  one. 

Exception  can  be  more  justly  taken  to  the  way  in  Bax 
which  the  theory  has  sometimes  been  applied  than 
to  its  formulation.  Belfort  Bax,  maintaining  that  the 
revolt  from  Rome  was  largely  economic  in  its  causes, 
gave  as  one  of  these  **the  hatred  of  the  ecclesiastical 
hierarchy,  obviously  due  to  its  increasing  exactions." 
Luther  would  have  produced  no  result  had  not  the 
economic  soil  been  ready  for  his  seed,  and  with  that 
soil  prepared  he  achieved  a  world-historical  result 
even  though,  in  Bax's  opinion,  his  character  and  in- 
tellect were  below  those  of  the  average  English  vil- 
lage grocer-deacon  who  sold  sand  for  sugar.    Luther^ 


726     1      3  EEFOKMATION  INTERPRETED 

in  fact,  did  no  more  than  give  a  flag  to  those  dii 
tented  with  the  existing  political  and  industrial  11 
Strange  to  say,  Bax  found  even  the  most  radical  partj 
that  of  the  communistic  Anabaptists,  retrograde,  wi 
its  program  of  return  to  a  golden  age  of  gild  and  m 
men  land. 

A  somewhat  better  grounded,  but  still  inadequa 
solution  of  the  pn  ffered  by  Karl  Kantd 

He,  too,  found  the  if  the  revolt  in  the  spol 

tion  of  Germany  t  In  addition  to  this  « 

the  new  rivalry  of  al  classes.    Unlike  Bi 

Kautsky  finds  in  j  tists  Socialists  of  vb 

he  can  thoroughly  i 

The  criticism  thai  aade  of  these  and  siinib 

attempts,  is  that  tlie  cause^  p.cked  out  by  them  are  too 
trivinl.  To  say  that  the  men  who,  by  the  thousands 
and  tens  of  thousands  suffered  martyrdom  for  their 
faith,  changed  that  faith  simply  because  they  objected 
to  pay  a  tithe,  reminds  one  of  the  ancient  CathoUc  der- 
ivation of  the  whole  movement  from  Lutlicr's  desire 
to  marry.  The  effect  is  out  of  proportion  to  the  cause, 
But  some  theorists  were  even  more  fantastic  tliai 
trivial.  When  Professor  S.  N.  Patten  traces  Ih* 
origins  of  revolutions  to  either  over-nutrition  or  under- 
nutrition, and  that  of  the  Reformation  to  "the  gro'«'tlJ 
of  frugalistic  concepts";  when  Mr.  Brooks  Adams  it*- 
scrts  tliat  it  was  all  due  to  the  desire  of  the  people  fw 
a  elieaper  religion,  exchanging  an  expensive  offerinf 
for  justification  by  faith  and  mental  anguish,  which 
cost  nothing,  and  an  expensive  ehureh  for  a  cheap  Bibk 
— we  feel  that  the  dish  of  theory  has  run  away  with  tbf 
spoon  of  fact.  The  climax  was  capped  by  the  German 
socio!n<;-ist  Friedrich  Simmel,  who  explained  the  R'^ 
formiition  by  (he  law  of  the  operation  of  force  along  Ihf 
line  of  least  resistance.  The  Reformers,  by  scmlini 
the  soul  stra\g\\t  \.o  Goi^,  s^a^^d  vt  the  detour  via  the 


ECONOMIC  INTERPRETATIONS  727 

priest,  thus  short-circuiting  grace,  as  it  were,  and  sav- 

dUDg  energy. 

J    The  genius  who  first  and  most  fully  worked  out  a  Lanip«c 

"tenable  economic  interpretation  of  the  Lutheran  move- 
ment was  Karl  Lampr^cht,  who  stands  in  much  the 
same  relation  to  Marx  as  did  Ranke  to  Hegel,  to  wit, 
ttat  of  an  independent,  eclectic  and  better  informed 
student.  Lamprecht,  as  it  is  well  known,  divides  his- 
tory into  periods  according  to  their  psychological  char- 
acter— perhaps  an  up-to-date  Hegelianism — ^but  he 
maintains,  and  on  the  whole  successfully,  that  the  tem- 
per of  each  of  these  epochs  is  determined  by  their  eco- 
nomic institutions.  Thus,  says  he,  the  condition  of  the 
transition  from  medieval  to  modem  times  was  the 
development  of  a  system  of  ** money  economy'*  from 
a  system  of  *' natural  economy,**  which  took  place 
dowly  throughout  the  14th,  15th,  16th  and  17th  cen- 
turies. *'The  complete  emergence  of  capitalistic  ten- 
dencies, with  their  consequent  effects  on  the  social, 
and,  chiefly  through  this,  on  the  intellectual  sphere, 
must  of  itself  bring  on  modem  times."  Lamprecht 
shows  how  the  rise  of  capitalism  was  followed  by  the 
growth  of  the  cities  and  of  the  culture  of  the  Renais- 
sance in  them,  and  how,  also,  individualism  arose  in 
large  part  as  a  natural  consequence  of  the  increased 
power  and  scope  given  to  the  ego  by  the  possession  of 
wealth.  This  individualism,  he  thinks,  strengthened 
by  and  strengthening  humanism,  was  made  forever 
safe  by  the  Bef ormation. 

It  is  a  momentous  error,  as  Lamprecht  rightly  points 
out,  to  suppose  that  we  are  living  in  the  same  era  of 
civilization,  psychologically  considered,  as  that  of  Lu- 
ther. Our  subjectivism  is  as  different  from  his  in- 
dividualism as  his  modernity  was  from  medievalism. 
The  eighteenth  century  was  a  transitional  period  from 
the  one  to  the  other. 


728     THE  REFORMATION  INTERPRETED 

One  of  the  chief  characteristics  of  the  Reformation, 
continues  Laraprecht,  seen  first  in  tlie  earlier  mystic* 
was  the  change  from  "polydynamism,"  or  the  worship 
of  many  saints,  and  the  mediation  of  manifold  reh^ons 
agencies,  to  "raonodynamism"  or  the  direct  and  single 
intercourse  of  the  soul  with  God.  Still  more  different 
was  the  world-view  of  the  nineteenth  centur>',  built  M^ 
"an  extra-Christian,  not  yet   antl-Ohrii 

foundation. ' ' 

In  tile  very  same  3  iieh  Lamprecht's  volt 

on  the  German  Refo'  ippeared,  another  inl 

pretation,  though  h  nd  and  less  in  the 

nomic  school  of  thoi  ut  forth  by  A.  E.  Bcrgea' 

He  found  the  four  p  lases  of  the  ReformatioB 

in  the  growth  nf  national  a.-. -consciousness,  the  over- 
throw of  an  ascetic  for  a  secular  culture,  individualism. 
and  the  growth  of  a  lay  religion.  The  Reformation  it- 
self was  a  triumph  of  conscience  and  of  "German  in- 
wardness," and  its  success  was  due  to  the  fact  that  it 
made  of  the  church  a  purely  spiritual  entity. 

The  most  brilliant  essay  in  the  economic  interpr^ 
tation  of  the  origins  of  Protestantism,  though  an  essay 
in  a  very  narrow  field,  was  that  of  Max  Weber  whici 
has  made  "('apitalism  and  Calvinism"  one  of  tl* 
watchwords  of  contemporary  thought-  The  intimate 
connection  of  the  Reformation  and  the  merchant  class 
had  long  been  noticed,  e.  g.  by  Froude  and  by  ThoroW 
Rogers.  But  Weber  was  the  first  to  ask,  and  to  an- 
swer, the  question  what  it  was  that  made  Protestant- 
ism particularly  congenial  to  the  industrial  type  of  civ- 
ilization. In  the  first  place,  Calvinism  stimulated  just 
those  ethical  qualities  of  rugged  strength  and  solf- 
confidenco  needful  for  worldly  success.  In  the  secomi 
place,  Protestantism  abolished  the  old  ascetic  ideal  of 
labor  for  the  sake  of  the  next  world,  and  substituted 
for  it  the  cowcepWow  ol  a.  taSSiw?,,  tWt  ia^  of  doiiifr 


ECONOMIC  INTERPRETATIONS  720 

faithfully  the  work  appointed  to  each  man  in  this  world. 
Indeed,  the  word  '* calling''  or  '^Beruf/'  meaning  God- 
given  work,  is  found  only  in  Germanic  languages,  and 
is  wanting  in  all  those  of  the  Latin  group.  The  ethical 
idea  expressed  by  Luther  and  more  strongly  by  Calvin 
was  that  of  faithfully  performing  the  daily  task;  in 
facty  such  labor  was  inculcated  as  a  duty  to  the  point 
of  pain;  in  other  words  it  was  **a  worldly  asceticism/' 
Finally,  Calvin  looked  upon  thrift  as  a  duty,  and  re- 
garded prosperity,  in  the  Old  Testament  style,  as  a  sign 
of  God's  favor.  **You  may  labor  in  that  manner  as 
tendeth  most  to  your  success  and  lawful  gain, ' '  said  the 
Protestant  divine  Richard  Baxter,  *  *  for  you  are  bound 
to  improve  all  your  talents."  And  again,  **If  God 
show  you  a  way  in  which  you  may  lawfully  get  more 
than  in  another  way,  if  you  refuse  this  and  choose  the 
less  gainful  way,  you  cross  one  of  the  ends  of  your 
calling,  and  you  refuse  to  be  God's  steward." 

It  would  be  instructive  and  delightful  to  follow  the 
controversy  caused  by  Weber 's  thesis.  Some  scholars, 
like  Knodt,  denied  its  validity,  tracing  capitalism  back 
of  the  spirit  of  Fugger  rather  than  of  Calvin ;  but  most 
accepted  it.  Fine  interpretations  and  criticisms  of  it 
were  offered  by  Cunningham,  Brentano,  Kovalewsky 
and  Ashley.  So  commonly  has  it  been  received  that  it 
has  finally  been  summed  up  in  a  brilliant  but  superficial 
epigram  used  by  Chesterton,  good  enough  to  have  been 
coined  by  him — though  it  is  not,  I  believe,  from  his 
mint — that  the  Reformation  was  ''the  Revolution  of 
the  rich  against  the  poor. ' ' 

Contemporary  with  the  economic  historiography,  Dtrwini 
there  was  a  new  intellectual  criticism  reminding  one 
superficially  of  the  Voltairean,  but  in  reality  founded 
far  more  on  Darwinian  ideas.  The  older  **  philoso- 
phers" had  blamed  the  Reformers  for  not  coming  up 
to  a  modem  standard ;  the  new  evolutioidat%  ^«mmx^ 


730     1         REFORMATION  INTERPRETED 

thorn  for  falling  below  the  standard  of  their  own  a. 
Moreover,  the  critique  of  the  new  atheism  was  mi 
searching  than  had  boon  that  of  the  old  deism. 

Until  Nietzsche,  the  prevailing  view  had  been  IhllV 
the  Reformation  was  the  child,  or  sister,  of  the  Reuufcl 
sance,  and  the  parent  of  the  Enlightenment  and  thil 
French  Revolution.  "We  are  in  the  midst  of  a  gig8ft-» 
tie  movement,"  v  y,   "greater   than  tluil 

which  preceded  ai  I  tlie  Reformation,  a9l>l 

really  only  a  contini  hat  movement."    "Thil 

Reformation,"  in  tl  if  Tolstoy,  "was  a  radfcl 

incidental  refloetioi  )or  of  thought,  striving  I 

after  the  liberation  n  the  darkness. "    "TbJ 

truth  is,"  according  ids,  "that  the  Hefoma-1 

tion  was  the  Teutonic  tiermi,--.-^once.  It  was  the  emanci- 
pation of  the  reason  on  a  line  neglected  by  the  Italians, 
more  important,  indeed,  in  its  political  consequences. 
more  weighty  in  its  bearing  on  rationalistic  develop- 
ments than  was  the  Italian  Renaissance,  but  none  the 
less  an  outcome  of  the  same  grand  influence."  Wil- 
liam Dilthey,  in  the  nineties,  labored  to  show  that  the 
es.'^ence  of  the  Reformation  was  the  same  in  tho  re- 
lijrious  liolds  as  that  of  the  best  thought  contemporan* 
to  it  in  other  lines. 

liut  these  ideas  were  already  obsolescent  since 
Friedrich  Nietzsche  had  worked  out,  with  some  care, 
the  thought  that  "the  Reformation  was  a  re-action  of 
old-fashioned  minds,  against  the  Italian  Renaissance."  ' 
One  might  suppose  that  this  furious  Antichrist,  as  he 
wished  to  be,  would  have  thought  well  of  Luther  be- 
cause of  his  opinion  that  the  Saxon  first  taught  the 
tJermans  to  be  unchristian,  and  because  "Luther's 
merit  is  greater  in  nothing  than  that  he  had  the  cour- 
age of  his  sensuality — then  called,  gently  enough, 
'evangelic  liberty.'  "  Rut  no!  AVitli  frantic  passion 
Nietzsche  cViaY«cA-.  "1\\.ft  "^tlQ-raisAviw,  a  duplication 


NIETZSCHE 


731 


cf  the  medieval  spirit  at  a  time  when  this  spirit  no 
longer  had  a  good  conscience,  pullulated  sects,  and  su- 
perstitions like  the  witchcraft  craze."  German  cul- 
ture was  just  ready  to  burst  into  full  bloom,  only  one  ( 
night  more  was  needed,  but  that  night  brought  the 
storm  that  ruined  all.  The  Keformation  was  the  peas- 
ants' revolt  of  the  human  spirit,  a  rising  full  of  sound 
and  fury,  but  signifying  nothing.  It  was  "the  rage  of 
tile  simple  against  the  complex,  a  rough,  honest  misun- 
derstanding, in  which  (to  speak  mildly)  much  must  be 
^'orgiven,"  Luther  unraveled  and  tore  apart  a  cul- 
ture he  did  not  appreciate  and  an  authority  he  did  not 
relish.  Behind  the  formula  "every  man  his  own 
priest"  lurked  nothing  but  the  abysmal  hatred  of  the 
low  for  the  higher;  the  truly  plebeian  spirit  at  its 
worst. 

Quite  slowly  but  surely  Nietzsche's  opinion  gained  Acceptane 
ground  until  one  may  say  that  it  was,  not  long  ago,  fjic^jci^' 
generally   accepted.     "Our   sympathies   are  more   in  opinion 
unison,   our   reason   less   shocked  by   the   arguments 
^i^cd  doctrines  of  Sadolet  than  by  those  of  Calvin," 
ote  R.  C.  Christie.     Andrew  D.   White's  popular 
udy  of  The  Warfare  of  Science  and  Tiieology  proved 
Protestant   churches    had   been    no   less   hostile 
I  intellectual  progress  than  had  the  Catholic  church. 
L'The   Reformation,  in  fact,"  opined  J.  M.  Eobert- 
■'speedily    overclouded    with    fanaticism    what 
Bw  hght  of  free  thought  had  been  glimmering  be- 
nre,  turning  into  Bibliolaters  those  who  had  ration- 
doubted   some   of   the   Catholic   mysteries    and 
brcing  back  into  Catholic  bigotry  those  more  refined 
pirits  who,  like  Sir  Thomas  More,  had  been  in  advance 
Eof  their  age."     "Before  the  Lutheran  revolt,"  said 
[Henry  C.  Lea,  "much  freedom  of  thought  aud  s^e^ch. 
fVas  a)\owed  in  Catholic  Europe,  but  not  aiVet.*"     ^wta- 
hr  opinjons  might  be  collected  in  large  nuTrfcei  ■,\-cwi'a- 


732      THE  REFORMATION  INTERPRETED 

tion  only  the  works  of  Bezold  and  the  brief  bot  a 
mirably  expressed  articles  of  Professor  George  1 
Burr,  and  that  of  Lcmonmer,  who  places  in  a  s 
light  the  battle  of  the  Renaissance,  intellectual,  m 
ferent  in  religion  and  politics,  but  aristocratic  i 
per,  and  the  Reformation,  reaetionarj^,  religious,  j 
occupied  with  medieval  questions  and  turning,  inl 
hostility  to  the  goi  ers,  to  popular  politica.1 

The  reaction  of  rmation  on  religion  i 

noticed  by  the  critic  is  came  to  agree  with  tl 

conservative  estim  i  they  deplored  what  d 

others  had   rejoice  ng  before    Nietz^e^tj 

Burckhardt  had  pc  that  the  greatest  dai 

to  the  papacy,  secui  ,  had  been  adjourned! 

centuries  by  the  Gennim  ^.xi'fornialinn.  It  wa? 
that  roused  the  papacy  from  the  soulless  debasement 
in  which  it  lay;  it  was  thus  that  the  moral  salvation  of 
the  papacy  was  due  to  its  mortal  enemies. 

The  twentieth  century  has  seen  two  brilliant  critiqn« 
of  the  Reformation  from  the  intellectual  aide  bj 
scholars  of  consummate  ability,  Ernst  Troeltsch  ami 
George  Santayana.  The  former  begins  by  pointisg 
out,  with  a  fineness  never  surpassed,  the  essential  OIl^ 
ness  and  slight  differences  between  early  Protestant- 
ism and  Catholicism.  The  Reformers  asked  the  eaiM 
questions  as  did  the  medieval  schoolmen  and,  thon^ 
they  gave  these  questions  somewhat  different  answer*, 
their  minds,  like  those  of  other  men,  revealed  them- 
selves far  more  characteristically  in  the  asking  than 
in  the  reply.  "Genuine  early  Protestantism  ...  was 
an  authoritative  ecclesiastical  civilization  (kirchiicbt 
Zwangskultur),  a  claim  to  regulate  state  and  society, 
science  and  education,  law,  commerce,  and  industry,  ac- 
cording to  the  supernatural  standpoint  of  revelation.'* 
The  Reformers  separated  early  and  with  cruel  violence 
from  the  \ramamsV\t,  -^>;\\\c»\Q%\tiaV,  w\d  philosophical 


TROELTSCH 

leology  of  Erasmus  because  they  were  conscious  of 
a  essential  opposition.  Luther's  sole  concern  was 
ith  assurance  of  salvation,  and  this  could  only  be  won 
t  the  cost  of  a  miracle,  not  any  longer  the  old,  outward 
lagic  of  saints  and  priestcraft,  but  the  wonder  of  faith 

Hxnirring  in  the  inmost  center  of  personal  life.  "The 
msuous  sacramental  miracle  is  done  away,  and  in  its 

tead  appears  the  miracle  of  faith,  that  man,  in  his  sin 

r.d  weakness,  can  grasp  and  confidently  assent  to  such 
thought."     Thus  it  came  about  that  the  way  of  sal- 
tation became  more   important   than   the    goal,   and 
Ihe    tyranny   of   dogma  became    at    last    unbearable. 
Troeltsch    characterizes    both   hia    own   position    and 
Ihat  of  the  Reformers  when  he  enumerates  among  the 
ancient  dogmas  taken  over  naively  by  Luther,  that  of 
the  existence  of  a  personal,  ethical  God.     Finely  con- 
ir^ting  the  ideals  of  Renaissance  and  Ref  ormation^  he   Renab- 
shows  that  the  former  was  naturalism,  the  latter  an  in-  ""f'*™ 
itensifieation  of   religion    and   of  a   convinced   other-  tion 
worldliness,  that  while  the  ethic  of  the  former  was 
Iwsed  on  "affirmation  of  life,"  that  of  the  latter  was 
liased  on  "calling."     Even  as  compared  with  Catholi- 
sra,  Troeltsch  thinks,  supererogatory  works  were  abol- 
lied  because  each  Protestant  Christian  was  bound  to 
lert  himself  to  the  utmost  at  all  times.     The  learned 
irofessor  hazards  the  further  opinion  that  the  spirit  of 
le  Eenai'ssance  amalgamated  better  with  Catholicism 
nd,  after  a  period  of  quiescence,  burst  forth  in  the 
frightful  explosion"  of  the  Enlightenment  and  Revo- 
[lotion,  both  more  radical  in  Catholic  countries  than  in 
fTrotestant.     But  Troeltsch  is  too  historically-minded 
to  see  in  the  Reformation  only  a  reaction.     He  believes 
that  it  contributed  to  the  formation  of  the  modern 
world  by  the  development  of  nationalism,  i.\\dvv\ii».viV- 

(qualWed  by  the  objectively  conceived  &b.uc'C\o'cv  o1 
\ible  and  Christian  community),  moral  YieaV'^,  ^''^^' 


734     THE  BEFOEMATION  INTEEPKETBD 

indirectly,  by  the  introduction  of  the  ideas  of  tolerance, 
criticism,  and  religious  progress.  Moreover,  it  m- 
riched  the  world  with  the  storj'  of  great  personalitiw 
Protestantism  was  better  able  to  absorb  modem  et 
menta  of  political,  social,  scientific,  artistic  and  eco- 
nomic content,  not  because  it  was  professedly  more 
open  to  them,  but  because  it  was  weakened  by  the 
memory  of  one  great  revolt  from  authority.  But  the 
great  change  in  religion  as  in  other  matters  cams, 
Troeltsch  is  fully  convinced,  In  the  eighteenth  ccntoiy. 
If  Troeltsch  has  the  head  of  a  skeptic  with  the  heart 
of  a  Protestant,  Santayana's  equally  irreligious  brain 
is  biased  by  a  sentimental  sympathy  for  the  Catholi- 
cism in  which  he  was  trained.  The  essence  of  his  criti- 
cism of  Luther,  than  whom,  he  once  scornfully  n- 
marked,  no  one  could  be  more  unintelligent,  is  thai 
he  moved  away  from  the  ideal  of  the  gospel.  Saint 
Francis,  like  Jesus,  was  unworldly,  disenchanted, 
ascetic;  Protestantism  is  remote  from  this  sjiirit,  for 
it  is  convinced  of  the  importance  of  success  and  pros- 
perity, abominates  the  disreputable,  thinks  of  con- 
templation as  idleness,  of  solitude  as  selfishness,  of 
poverty  as  a  punishment,  and  of  married  and  indus- 
trial life  as  typically  godly.  In  short,  it  is  a  reversion 
to  German  heathendom.  But  Santayana  denies  thst 
Luther  prevented  the  euthanasia  of  Christianity,  for 
there  would  have  been,  he  affirms,  a  Catholic  revivsl 
without  him.  With  all  its  old-fashioned  insistence  that 
dogma  was  scientifically  true  and  that  salvation  was 
urgent  and  fearfully  doubtful,  Protestantism  broke 
down  the  authority  of  Christianity,  for  "it  is  suicidal 
to  make  one  part  of  an  organic  system  the  instniment 
for  attacking  the  other  part."  It  is  the  beauty  and 
torment  oi  VTo\.cs\.aA\\S.s«v  "OvwX  'A.  Vs'ads,  to  something 
ever  beyond  ila  Vctv,  ^i\?^"3  \a.^?wwfeN-V*-  ^Saa-^^^s.'-^.^ 
pious  BkeptVdsm.    ^^iii^x  W^  ^^Vft^\.  ^"i  ^V^t&kss 


SANTAYANA  735 

Berman  religion  and  philosophy  have  dropped,  one  by 
ine,  all  9upernaturalism  and  comforting  private  hopes 
md  have  become  absorbed  in  the  duty  of  living  man- 
pidly  the  conventional  life  of  the  world.  Positive  re- 
Pgion  and  frivolity  both  disappear,  and  only  **conse- 
jgrmted  worldliness ' '  remains. 

I  Some  support  to  the  old  idea  that  the  Reformation 
Igms  a  progressive  movement  has  been  recently  offered  Recent 
li/f  eminent  scholars.  G.  Monod  says  that  the  differ-  ®p"^" 
moe  between  Catholicism  and  Protestantism  is  that  the 
former  created  a  closed  philosophy,  the  latter  left  much 
ipen.  **The  Reformation, ' '  according  to  H.  A.  L. 
Ksher,  **was  the  great  dissolvent  of  European  con- 
lervatism.  A  religion  which  had  been  accepted  with 
little  question  for  1200  years,  which  had  dominated 
Bnropean  thought,  moulded  European  customs,  shaped 
no  small  part  of  private  law  and  public  policy  .  .  .  was 
suddenly  and  sharply  questioned  in  all  the  progressive 
Bommunities  of  the  West. ' ' 

Bertrand  Russell  thinks  that,  while  the  Renaissance 
undermined  the  medieval  theory  of  authority  in  a  few 
Bhoice  minds,  the  Reformation  made  the  first  really 
Berious  breach  in  that  theory.  It  is  just  because  the 
Bght  for  liberty  (which  he  hardly  differentiates  from 
inarchism)  began  in  the  religious  field,  that  its  tri- 
umph is  now  most  complete  in  that  field.  We  are  still 
bound  politically  and  economically;  that  we  are  free 
religiously  is  due  to  Luther.  It  is  an  evil,  however,  in 
ICr.  Russell's  opinion,  that  subjectivism  has  been  fos- 
tered in  Protestant  morality. 

A  similar  opinion,  in  the  most  attenuated  form,  has 
been  expressed  by  Salomon  Reinach.  ^'Instead  of 
freedom  of  faith  and  thought  the  Reformation  pro- 
clnced  a  kind  of  attenuated  Catholicism.  But  the  seeds 
of  religious  liberty  were  there,  though  it  was  only  after 
two  centories  that  they  blossomed  aad  Vk>x^  Itq^ 


I  736      TH 

^  thanks  to 


THE  REFORMATION  IXTERPEETED 

thanks  to  the  breach  made  by  Luther  in  the  ancient  eiK- 
fiee  of  Rome." 

A  judicious  estimate  is  offered  by  Imbart  de  la  Tour, 
to  the  effect  that,  though  the  logical  result  of  some(J 
Luther's  premises  would  have  been  individual  rehgion 
and  autonomy  of  conscience,  as  actually  worked  onl, 
"his  mystical  doctrine  of  inner  inspiration  has  no  re- 
semblance whatever  to  our  subjectivism,"  His  true 
originality  was  his  personality  which  imposed  on  an 
optimistic  society  a  pessimistic  world-view.  It  is  trM 
that  the  revolution  was  profound  and  yet  it  was  not 
modern:  "the  classic  spirit,  free  institutions,  demo- 
cratic ideals,  all  these  great  forces  by  which  we  livs 
are  not  the  heritage  of  Luther." 

As  the  wave  of  nationalism  and  militarism  swept 
over  Europe  with  the  Bismarckian  wars,  men  began  to 
judge  the  Reformation  as  everything  else  by  its  rela- 
tion, real  or  fancied,  to  racial  superiority  or  power. 
Even  in  Germany  scholars  were  not  at  all  clear  as  to 
exactly  what  this  relation  was.  Paul  de  Lagarde  ideal- 
ized the  Middle  Ages  as  showing  the  perfect  expression 
of  German  character  and  he  detested  "the  coarse, 
scolding  Luther,  who  never  saw  further  than  his  tw 
hobnailed  shoes,  and  who  by  his  demagogy,  brought  in 
barbarism  and  split  Germany  into  fragments,"  Nev- 
ertheless even  he  saw,  at  times,  that  the  Reformatio! 
meant  a  triumph  of  nationalism,  and  found  it  signifi- 
cant that  the  Basques,  who  were  not  a  nation,  shouH 
have  produced,  in  Loyola  and  Xavier,  the  two  greatest 
champions  of  the  anti-national  church.  '•—* 

The  tide  soon  started  flowing  the  other  way  ami 
scholars  began  to  see  clearly  that  in  some  sort  the  Ref- 
ormation was  a  triumph  of  "Deutschtum"  against 
the  "KomamVas"  ol  \ia.\.W  TcU^ion  and  culture. 
Treitsclike,  aslVe  TCV^caft\^,a.^;\NtQ\^^i\%■sR^.;«5v,^.■TOSM;J 
eted  fort^  that  "\.Vc'S.ei'irmaN:via\i.%xft%feVt<»ss.'Caa-^ 


GEEMAN  PATRIOTS  737 

fperman  conscience, ' '  and  that,  *Hhe  Reformer  of  our 
^urch  was  the  pioneer  of  the  whole  German  nation  on 
road  to  a  freer  civilization. ' '  The  dogma  that 
t  makes  right  was  adopted  at  Berlin — as  Acton 
te  in  1886 — and  the  mere  fact  that  the  Reformation 
||Mt8  successful  was  accounted  a  proof  of  its  rightness 
lOf  historians  like  Waitz  and  Kurtz. 
*  Naturally,  all  was  not  as  bad  as  this.  A  rather  at- 
deactive  form  of  the  thesis  was  presented  by  Karl  Sell. 
iPliereas,  he  thinks.  Protestantism  has  died,  or  is  dy- 
i^9  as  a  religion,  it  still  exists  as  a  mood,  as  bibli- 
^piatry,  as  a  national  and  political  cult,  as  a  scientific 
pad  technical  motive-power,  and,  last  but  not  least,  as 
the  ethos  and  pathos  of  the  Germanic  peoples. 
.  In  the  Great  War  Luther  was  mobilized  as  one  of  the  ^he  Great 
Oerman  national  assets.  Professor  Gustav  Kawerau 
tmd  many  others  appealed  to  the  Reformer's  writings 
for  inspiration  and  justification  of  their  cause ;  and  the 

«   _  

iOerman  infantry  sang  **Ein'  feste  Burg*'  while  march- 
ings to  battle. 

Even  outside  of  Germany  the  war  of  1870  meant,  in 
jnany  quarters,  the  defeat  of  the  old  liberalism  and  the 
jeise  of  a  new  school  inclined,  even  in  America — ^witness 
ffAhiiTi — to  see  in  armed  force  rather  than  in  intel- 
lectual and  moral  ideas  the  decisive  factors  in  history. 
Many  scholars  noticed,  in  this  connection,  the  shift  of 
power  from  the  Catholic  nations,  led  by  France,  to 
ihe  Protestant  peoples,  Germany,  England  and  Amer- 
ica. Some,  like  Acton,  though  impressed  by  it,  did  not 
draw  the  conclusion  ably  presented  by  a  Belgian,  Emile 
de  Laveleye,  that  the  cause  of  national  superiority  lay 
in  Protestantism,  but  it  doubtless  had  a  wide  influence, 
partly  unconscious,  on  the  verdict  of  history. 

But  the  recoil  was  far  greater  than  the  first  move-  Reaction 
ment.    Paul  Sabatier  wrote  (in  1913)  that  until  1870  ^^^^^ 
Protestantism  had  enjoyed  the  esteenL  oi  \Xio\SL^\X?oS^  "Ar?^ 


1 


738     '      E  EEFOEMATION  INTERPRETED 

men  on  account  of  its  good  sense,  domestic  and  ci' 
virtues  and  its  openness  to  science  and  literary  cnli- 
cism.  This  high  opinion,  strengthened  by  the  presti^ 
of  German  thought,  was  shattered,  says  our  antlioritj, 
by  the  results  of  the  Franco-Prussian  war,  its  I  ram  of 
horrors,  and  the  consequences  to  the  victors,  who  ra«< 
of  their  superiority  and  attributed  to  Luther  the  rtsult 
of  Sedan. 

The  Great  "War  tongaes  of  all  enemies  J 

Luther,     "Literari  osophie  Germany,"  sul 

Denys  Cochin  in  a  ,  "prepared  the  evolatioi 

of  the  state  and  might.  .  .  .  The  haaghlj 

and  aristocratic  r  uther  both  prepared  U 

seconded  the  abern 

Paquicr  has  written  a.  ,>ook  around  the  tlieii^ 
"Nothing  in  the  present  war  would  have  been  alieul 
Luther,  for  like  all  Germans  of  to-day,  he  was  violent 
and  faithless.  The  theory  of  Nietzsche  is  monstroas. 
but  it  is  the  logical  conclusion  of  the  religious  revoln- 
tion  accomplished  by  Luther  and  of  the  philosophica) 
revolution  accomplished  by  Kant."  He  finds  llie 
causal  nexus  between  Luther  and  Tlindenburg  in  t«o 
important  doctrines  and  several  corollaries.  First,  ttf 
doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  meant  the  disparae^ 
ment  of  morality  and  the  exaltation  of  the  end  at  ih* 
expense  of  the  means.  Secondly,  Luther  deified  tbt 
state.  Finally,  in  his  narrow  patriotism,  Luther  i* 
thought  to  have  inspired  the  reckless  deeds  of  his  pos- 
terity. 

On  the  other  hand  some  French  Protestants,  notably 
AA''eiss,  have  sought  to  show  that  the  modem  doetrinw 
of  Prussia  were  not  due  to  Luther  but  were  an  apostasy 
from  him. 

Practically  all  the  older  methods  of  interpretiiij 
the  Reformation  have  survived  to  the  present;  to  sav? 
space  they  To.\itt\.Vc  Tio\.\»it*i"«\\\v\.'&>i  ^itmoat  brevity. 


HARNACK  739 

j;    The  Protestant  scholars  of  the  last  sixty  years  have  Protcstan 
^pll,  as  far  as  they  are  worthy  of  serious  notice,  escaped 
im   the   crudely   supematuralistic  point   of   view. 
leir  temptation  is  now,  in  proportion  as  they  are  con- 
Sitervative,  to  read  into  the  Reformation  ideas  of  their 
^irwn.    Hamack  sees  in  Luther,  as  he  does  in  Christ  Hamack 
Sand  Paul  and  all  other  of  his  heroes,  exactly  his  own 
Gterman  liberal  Evangelical  mind.    He  is  inclined  to 
I  admit  that  Luther  was  little  help  to  the  progress 
|.of  science  and  enlightenment,  that  he  did  not  absorb 
^fhe  cultural  elements  of  his  time  nor  recognize  the 
^  Tight  and  duty  of  free  research,  but  yet  he  thinks  the 
|.  Bef  ormation  more  important  than  any  other  revolution 
since  Paul  simply  because  it  restored  the  true,  t.  e. 
Pauline  and  Hamackian  theology.    Loisy's  criticism 
of  him  is  brilliant:  **What  would  Luther  have  thought 
had  his  doctrine  of  salvation  by  faith  been  presented  to 
him  with  the  amendment  ^independently  of  beliefs,'  or 
with  this  amendment,  ^  faith  in  the  merciful  Father,  for 
faith  in  the  Son  is  foreign  to  the  Gospel  of  Jesus '  ? " 
The  same  treatment  of  Mohammedanism,  as  that  ac- 
"  corded  by  Hamack  to  Christianity  would,  as  Loisy  re- 
marks, deduce  from  it  the  same  humanitarian  deism  as 
that  now  fashionable  at  Berlin. 

I  should  like  to  speak  of  the  work  of  Below  and 
Wemle,  of  Bohmer  and  Kohler,  of  Fisher  and  Walker 
and  McQiffert,  and  of  many  other  Protestant  scholars, 
by  which  I  have  profited.  But  I  can  only  mention  one 
other  Protestant  tendency,  that  of  some  liberals  who 
find  the  Reformation  (quite  naturally)  too  conservative 
for  them.  Laurent  wrote  in  this  sense  in  1862-70,  and 
he  was  followed  by  one  of  the  most  thoughtful  of  Prot- 
estant apologists,  Charles  Beard.  Beard  saw  in  the  Beard 
Bef  ormation  the  subjective  form  of  religion  over 
against  the  objectivity  of  Catholicism,  and  also,  **the 
first  great  triumph  of  the  scientific  spirit" — the  E»ew- 


740     THE  REFORMATION  INTERPRETED 

aissance,  in  fact,  applied  to  theology.  And  yet  he 
found  its  work  so  imperfect  and  eveu  hampering  at 
the  time  he  wrote  (1883)  that  the  chief  purpose  of  his 
book  was  to  advocate  a  new  Eeformation  to  bring 
Christianity  in  complete  harmony  with  smence. 

Several  philosophers  have,  more  from  tradition  than 
creed,  adopted  the  Protestant  standpoint.  Eucken 
thinks  that  "the  Reformation  became  the  animating 
soul  of  the  modem  world,  the  principle  motive-force  of 
its  progress.  ...  In  truth,  every  phase  of  modern  life 
not  directly  or  indirectly  connected  with  the  Reformt 
tion  has  something  insipid  and  paltry  about  it" 
Windelband  believes  that  the  Reformation  arose  from 
mysticism  but  conquered  only  by  the  power  of  the  state, 
and  that  the  stamp  of  the  conflict  between  the  inner 
grace  and  the  outward  support  is  of  the  esse  of  Prot- 
estanisra.  William  James  was  also  in  warm  sympathy 
with  Luther  who,  he  thought,  "in  his  immense,  manly 
way  .  .  .  stretched  the  soul's  imagination  and  saved 
theology  from  puerility."  James  added  that  the  Re- 
former also  invented  a  morality,  as  new  as  romantic 
love  in  literature,  founded  on  a  religious  experience  of 
despair  breaking  through  the  old,  pagan  pride. 

"While  many  Catholics,  among  them  Maurenbrecher 
and  Gasquet,  labored  fruitfully  In  the  field  of  the  Eef- 
ormation by  uncovering  new  facts,  few  or  none  of  them 
had  much  new  light  to  cast  on  the  philosophy  of  the 
period.  Janssen  brought  to  its  perfection  a  ne* 
method  applied  to  a  new  field;  the  field  was  that  of 
Kulturgeschichle,  the  method  that  of  letting  the  sources 
speak  for  themselves,  but  naturally  only  those  sources 
agreeable  to  the  author's  bias.  In  this  way  be  repre- 
sented the  fifteenth  century  as  the  great  blossoming  of 
the  GormaTv  mTvi,  wv4>  "Oafe  Reformation  as  a  blighting 
frost   to  \iot\i  caW-U^ft  6.\\ii.  -mat^^-i.   "^^^^Nax'^  -jroi 

JUgh  dense  V\iV  ^Te.&\vVtvo^V^^ft,^'S«*-&a  wwsas 


CATHOLIC  INTERPRETATIONS  741 

theory.  The  Reformation,  he  thinks,  was  a  shock  with- 
0at  parallel,  involving  all  sides  of  life,  but  chiefly  the 
TeUgions.  It  was  due  in  Germany  to  a  union  of  the 
learned  classes  and  the  common  people ;  in  England  to 
the  caprice  of  an  autocrat.  From  the  learned  uproar 
of  Denifle's  school  emerges  the  explanation  of  the 
revolt  as  the  ** great  sewer"  which  carried  off  from  the 
«imrch  all  the  refuse  and  garbage  of  the  time.  Grisar's 
far  finer  psychology— characteristically  Jesuit — tries 
to  cast  on  Luther  the  origin  of  the  present  destructive 
sabjectivism.  Grisar's  proof  that  **the  modem  infidel 
theology"  of  Germany  bases  itself  in  an  exaggerated 
way  on  the  Luther  of  the  first  period,  is  suggestive. 

Though  the  Reformation  was  one  of  Lord  Acton's  Acton 
favorite  topics,  I  cannot  find  on  that  subject  any  new  or 
fruitful  thought  at  all  in  proportion  to  his  vast  learn- 
ing. His  theory  of  the  Reformation  is  therefore  the 
old  Catholic  one,  stripped  of  supernaturalism,  that  it 
was  merely  the  product  of  the  wickedness  and  vagaries 
of  a  few  gifted  demagogues,  and  the  almost  equally 
blamable  obstinacy  of  a  few  popes.  He  thought  the 
English  Bishop  Creighton  too  easy  in  his  judgment  of 
the  popes,  adding,  **  My  dogma  is  not  the  special  wicked- 
ness of  my  own  spiritual  superiors,  but  the  general 
wickedness  of  men  in  authority — of  Luther  and  Zwingli 
and  Calvin  and  Cranmer  and  Knox,  of  Mary  Stuart 
and  Henry  VIII,  of  Philip  II  and  Elizabeth,  of  Crom- 
well and  Louis  XIV,  James  and  Charles,  William,  Bos- 
saet  and  Ken.'*  Acton  dated  modern  times  from  the 
turn  of  the  15th  and  16th  centuries,  believing  that  the 
fundamental  characteristic  of  the  period  is  the  belief 
in  conscience  as  the  voice  of  God.  He  says,  that  *  *  Lu- 
ther at  Worms  is  the  most  pregnant  and  momentous 
fact  in  our  history, ' '  but  he  confesses  himself  baffled  by 
the  problem,  which  is,  to  his  mind,  why  Luther  did  not 
return  to  the  church.    Luther,  alleges  AeloxL,  ^Sbn^m^ 


742     '.       1  REFORMATION  INTERPKETED 

all  the  doctrines  commonly  insisted  on  as  crucial  an 
then  or  later,  dropped  predestination,  and  admitted  tj 
necessity  of  good  works,  the  freedom  of  the  will,  tl 
hierarchical  constitntion,  the  authority  of  tradition,  t 
seven  sacraments,  the  Latin  Mass.  In  fact,  says  k 
ton,  the  one  bar  to  his  return  to  the  church  was  \ 
belief  that  the  pope  was  Antichrist, 

It  is  notable  fhi  the  free  minds  startil 

from  Catholicism  :  traded  to  the  Protest* 

camp.  ,  Renan  pn  it  St.  Paul  and  Pi 

tantism  were  com:  ad  of  their  reign.    Pi 

Sabatier  carefully  it  the  Modernists  oi 

nothing-  to  Luther  greatest  scholar,  Loi 

succinctly  put  the  ai  remark,  '*We  are  dc 

with  partial  heresies." 

The  Anglicans  have  joined  the  Romanists  to  de- 
nounce as  heretics  those  who  rebelled  against  tie 
clmrch  which  still  calls  Anglicans  heretics.  Neville 
Figgis,  having  snatched  from  Treitschke  the  juxtaposi- 
tion "Luther  and  Machiavelli,"  has  labored  to  buildup 
aronnd  it  a  theory  by  which  these  two  men  shall  ap- 
pear as  the  chief  supports  of  absolutism  and  "dirine 
right  of  kings."  Figgis  thinks  that  ^vith  the  Reforma- 
tion religion  was  merely  the  "performance  for  passinir 
entertainment,"  but  that  the  state  was  the  "etenial 
treasure."  A  far  more  judicious  and  unprejudiced 
discussion  of  the  same  thesis  is  offered  in  the  worts 
of  Professor  A.  F.  Pollard.  He  sees  both  sides  of  the 
medal  for,  if  religion  had  become  a  subject  of  politics, 
politics  had  become  matter  of  religion.  He  thinks  the 
English  Reformation  was  primarily  a  revolt  of  the 
laity  against  the  clergy. 

The  liberal  estimate  of  the  Reformation  fashional>le 
a  hundred  years  ago  has  also  been  revived  in  an  elab- 
orate work  of  Mackinnon,  and  is  assumed  in  obiter 
dicta  by  suck  emmeiA\i\s\.oT\».'cv?,  «.■&  K,  W,  Benn,  E.  P. 


CONCLUDING  ESTIMATE  743 

Cheyney,  C.  Borgeand,  H.  L.  Osgood  and  Woodrow 
Wilson.  Finally,  Professor  J.  H.  Eobinson  has  im- 
proved the  old  political  interpretation  current  among 
the  secular  historians  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries.  The  essence  of  the  Lutheran  movement  he 
finds  in  the  revolt  from  the  Roman  ecclesiastical  state. 

§  5.  Concluding  Estimate 

The  reader  will  expect  me,  after  having  given  some 
account  of  the  estimates  of  others,  to  make  an  evalu- 
ation of  my  own.  Of  course  no  view  can  be  final ;  mine, 
like  that  of  everyone  else,  is  the  expression  of  an  age 
and  an  environment  as  well  as  that  of  an  individual. 

The  Reformation,  like  the  Renaissance  and  the  six-  Causes  < 
teenth-century  Social  Revolution,  was  but  the  conse-  J^^^, 
quence  of  the  operation  of  antecedent  changes  in  en- 
vironment and  habit,  intellectual  and  economic.  There 
was  the  widening  and  deepening  of  knowledge,  due  in 
one  aspect  to  the  invention  of  printing,  in  the  other  to 
the  geographical  and  historical  discoveries  of  the  fif- 
teenth century  and  the  consequent  adumbration  of  the 
idea  of  natural  law.  Even  in  the  later  schoolmen,  like 
Biel  and  Occam,  still  more  in  the  humanists,  one  finds 
a  much  stronger  rationalism  than  in  the  representative 
thinkers  of  the  Middle  Ages.  The  general  economic 
antecedent  was  the  growth  in  wealth  and  the  change  in 
the  system  of  production  from  gild  and  barter  to  that 
of  money  and  wages.  This  produced  three  secondary 
results,  which  in  turn  operated  as  causes :  the  rise  of 
the  moneyed  class,  individualism,  and  nationalism. 

All  these  tendencies,  operating  in  three  fields,  the  re- 
ligious, the  political  and  the  intellectual,  produced  the 
Reformation  and  its  sisters,  the  Renaissance  and  the 
Social  Revolution  of  the  sixteenth  century.  The  Re- 
formation— including  in  that  term  both  the  Protestant 
movement  and  the  Catholic  reaction — ^paxW^  owsa^v^A. 


744     T:     1  REFORMATION  INTERPRETED 

all  these  fields,  but  did  not  monopolize  any  of 
There  were  some  religious,  or  anti-religious,  mort 
merits  outside  the  Reformation,  and  the  Lutheran  il 
pulse  swept  into  its  own  domain  large  tracts  of  the  il 
telleetual  and  political  fields,  primarily  occupied  b 
Renaissance  and  Revolution. 

^  (1)  The  gene  felt  hv  mnnv  secular  historians  in  tk 
treatment  of  religi  iving  way  to  the  dooH 

conviction  of  the  in  )f  the  subject  and  of  il 

susceptibility  to  sci  3y.     Religion  in  hoioi 

life  is  not  a  subject  j  is  it  necessary  to  regil 

all  theological  revol'  irantist.     As  a  rationi 

ist  ^  has  remarked,  ''  priests  who  have  trel 

mankind  from  taboos  erstitions.     Indeed,  in 

religious  age,  no  effective  attack  on  the  existing  church 
is  possible  save  one  inspired  by  piety. 

Many  instructive  parallels  to  the  Reformation  can  be 
found  both  in  Christian  history  and  in  that  of  other 
religions;  they  all  markedly  show  the  same  coiise- 
queiiceti  of  the  same  causes.  The  publication  of  Chris- 
tianity, ■\vifh  its  propaganda  of  monotheism  against  the 
Roman  world  and  its  accentuation  of  faitli  against  the 
coremoniaH.sm  of  the  Jewish  church,  resembled  that  of 
Luther's  "gospel,"  Marcion  willi  his  message  of 
Pauline  faith  and  his  criticism  of  the  Bible,  was  a  sec- 
ond-century Reformer.  The  iconoclasm  and  national- 
ism of  the  Emperor  Leo  furnish  striking  similarities 
to  the  Protestant  Revolt.  The  movements  started  bv 
the  medieval  mystics  and  still  more  by  the  heretics 
Wyclif  and  IIuss,  rehearsed  the  religious  drama  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  Many  revivals  in  the  Protestant 
church,  such  as  Methodism,  were,  like  the  original 
movement,  returns  to  personal  piety  and  biblicism. 
The  Old  Catholic  schism  in  its  repudiation  of  the  papal 
supremacy,  and  even  Modernism,  notwithstanding  its 


CONCLUDING  ESTIMATE  745 

disclaimers,  are  animated  in  part  by  the  same  motives 
as  those  inspiring  the  Reformers.     In  Judaism  the 

J  Sadducees,  in  their  bibliolatry  and  in  their  opposition 
to  the  traditions  dear  to  the  Pharisees,  were  Protes- 

-  tants ;  a  later  counterpart  of  the  same  thing  is  found  in 
the  reform  the  Karaites  by  Anan  ben  David.    Mo- 

Jiainmed  has  been  a  favorite  subject  for  comparison 
with  Luther  by  the  Catholics,  but  in  truth,  in  no  dis- 
paraging sense,  the  proclamation  of  Islam,  with  its 
monotheism,  emphasis  on  faith  and  predestination,  was 
very  like  the  Reformation,  and  so  were  several  later 
reforms  within  Mohammedanism,  including  two  in  the 
sixteenth  century.  Many  parallels  could  doubtless  be 
adduced  from  the  heathen  religions,  perhaps  the  most 
striking  is  the  foundation  of  Sikhism  by  Luther's  con- 
temporary Nanak,  who  preached  monotheism  and  re- 
volted from  the  ancient  ceremonial  and  hierarchy  of 
easte. 

What  is  the  etiology  of  religious  revolution!  The 
principal  law  governing  it  is  that  any  marked  change 
either  in  scientific  knowledge  or  in  ethical  feeling  ne- 
cessitates a  corresponding  alteration  in  the  faith. 
All  the  great  religious  innovations  of  Luther  and  his 
followers  can  be  explained  as  an  attempt  to  readjust 
faith  to  the  new  culture,  partly  intellectual,  partly 
social,  that  had  gradually  developed  during  the  later 
Middle  Ages. 

The  first  shift,  and  the  most  important,  was  that  Faith  tb 
from  salvation  by  works  to  salvation  by  faith  only.  ^^^^ 
The  Catholic  dogma  is  that  salvation  is  dependent  on 
certain  sacraments,  grace  being  bestowed  automatic- 
ally (ex  opere  operato)  on  all  who  participate  in  the 
celebration  of  the  rite  without  actively  opposing  its 
effect.  Luther  not  only  reduced  the  number  of  sacra- 
ments but  he  entirely  changed  their  character.  Not 
they,  but  the  faith  of  the  participant  ir^\i«^  «xA 


746 


1  BEFORMATION  INTERPRETED 


this  faith  was  bestowed  freely  by  God,  or  not  at 
In  this  innovation  one  primary  cause  was  the 
vidualism  of  the  age ;  the  sense  of  the  worth  of  the 
or,  if  one  pleases,  of  the  ego.     This  did  not  mean 
jectivism,  or  religious  autonomy,  for  the  Bt'fonni 
held  passionately  to  an  ideal  of  objective  truth,  botB 
did  mean  that  every  soul  had  the  ri^ht  to  make 


personal  account  w 
or  sacrament.  An 
was  the  simpler,  £ 
of  the  new  age.  '. 
to  the  inner  is  trj 
present,  from  the 
of  the  good  blows  sn. 
is  but  the  storv  of  an  ■ 


hout  mediation  of  pri«t  1 
ent  in  this  new  dogmi  I 
•e  profound,  psyciii>logJ  I 
jmphasis  from  the  OTtiT  I 
.  the  earliest  age  to  Ibe  j 
Homer  delighted  to  I 
t  to  the  time  when  fictii 
,  spiritual  strug-arle. 


Reformation  was  one  phase  in  this  long  process  from 
the  external  to  the  intenial.  The  debit  and  credit  bal- 
ance of  outward  work  and  merit  was  done  away,  and 
for  it  was  substituted  the  nobler,  or  at  least  more  spir- 
itual and  less  mechanical,  idea  of  disinterested  moral- 
ity and  unconditioned  salvation.  The  God  of  Calvin 
may  have  been  a  tyrant,  but  he  was  not  corruptible  bj 
bribes. 

We  arc  so  much  accustomed  f  o  think  of  dogma  as  tli^ 
esse  of  religion  that  it  is  hard  for  us  to  do  justice  lo 
the  importance  of  this  change.  Really,  it  is  not  dopna 
so  much  as  rite  and  custom  that  is  fundamental.  The 
sacramental  habit  of  mind  was  common  to  medieval 
Christianity  and  to  most  primitive  religions.  For  the 
first  time  Luther  substituted  for  the  sacramental  habit, 
or  attitude,  its  antithesis,  an  almost  purely  ethical  cri- 
terion of  faith.  The  transcendental  philosophy  and 
the  categorical  imperative  lay  implicit  in  the  famous 
sola  fide. 

The  second  great  change  made  by  Protestantism  was 
more  into\\ect\ia\,  W\aV  Vtotcv  ^  ■^M.\?\\%^\.si  to  a.  monistic 


CONCLUDING  ESTIMATE 

standpoint.  Far  from  the  conception  of  natural  law, 
the  early  Protestants  did  little  or  nothing  to  rational- 
ize, or  explain  away,  the  creeds  of  the  Catholics,  but 
they  had  arrived  at  a  sufficiently  monistic  philosophy 
to  find  scandal  in  the  worship  of  the  saiats,  ^vith  its 
attendant  train  of  daily  and  trivial  miracles.  To  sweep 
away  the  vast  hierarchy  of  angels  and  canonized  per- 
sons that  made  Catholicism  quasi-polytheistic,  and  to 
preach  pure  monotheism  was  in  the  spirit  of  the  time 
and  is  a  phenomenon  for  which  many  parallels  can  be 
found.  Instructive  is  the  analogy  of  the  contemporary 
trend  to  absolutism;  neither  God  nor  king  any  longer 
needed  intermediaries, 

(2)  In  two  aspects  the  Reformation  was  the  reh-  Poliiici: 
gious  expression  of  the  current  political  and  economic  ""J^ 
change.  In  the  fixat-place  it  reflected  and  reacted  upon  aap^cia 
the  growing  national  self-consciousness,  particularly 
of  the  Teutonic  peoples.  The  revolt  from  Rome  was  Naiiona 
in  the  interests  of  the  state  church,  and  also  of  Ger-  ^^^"^ 
manic  culture.  The  break-up  of  the  Roman  church  at 
the  hands  of  the  Northern  peoples  is  strikingly  like  the  | 

break-up  of  the  Roman  Empire  under  pressure  from 
their  ancestors.  Indeed,  the  limits  of  the  Roman 
church  practically  coincided  with  the  boundaries  of 
the  Empire.  The  apparent  exception  of  England 
proves  the  rule,  for  in  Britain  the  Roman  civilization 
was  swept  away  by  the  German  invasions  of  the  fifth 
and  following  centuries. 

That  the  Reformation  strengthened  the  state  was  in- 
evitable, for  there  was  no  practical  alternative  to  put- 
ting the  final  authority  in  spiritual  matters,  after  the 
pope  bad  been  ejected,  into  the  hands  of  the  civil  gov- 
ernment. Congregationahsm  was  tried  and  failed  as 
tending  to  anarchy.  But  how  little  the  Reformation 
was  really  responsible  for  the  new  despotism  and  the 
divine  right  of  kings,  is  clear  from  a  coQi^at\.aQ"R. 'wSWsi. 


748      THE  REFORMATION  INTERPRETED 

the  Greek  church  and  the  Turkish  Empire.  In  both, 
the  same  forces  which  produced  the  state  churches  of 
Western  Europe  operated  in  the  same  way.  Selun  I, 
a  bigoted  Sunnite,  after  putting  down  the  Shi'ite  ber- 
esy,  induced  the  last  caliph  of  the  Abbasid  dynasty  to 
surrender  the  sword  and  mantle  of  the  prophet;  there- 
after he  and  his  successors  were  caliphs  as  well  as 
sultana.  In  Russia  Ivan  the  Terrible  made  himself, 
in  1547,  head  of  the  national  church. 

Protestantism  also  harmonized  with  the  capitahstic 
revolution  in  that  its  ethics  are,  far  more  than  those 
of  Catholicism,  oriented  by  a  reference  to  this  world. 

I  The  old  monastic  ideal  of  celibacy,  solitude,  mortifica- 
tion of  the  flesh,  prayer  and  meditation,  melted  under 
the  sun  of  a  new  prosperity.     In  its  light  men  began 

'  to  realize  the  ethical  value  of  this  life,  of  marriage,  of 

I  children,  of  daily  labor  and  of  success  and  prosperity. 

I  It  was  just  in  this  work  that  Protestantism  came  to  see 
its  chance  of  serving  God  and  one's  neighbor  best. 
The  man  at  the  plough,  the  maid  with  the  broom,  said 
Luther,  are  doing  God  better  service  than  does  the 
praying,  self-tormenting  monk. 

Moreover,  the  accentuation  of  the  virtues  of  thrift 
and  industry,  which  made  capitalism  and  Calvinism 
allies,  hut  reflected  the  standards  natural  to  the  hour- 
geois  class.  It  was  by  the  might  of  the  merchants  and 
their  money  that  the  Reformation  triumphed;  con- 
versely they  benefited  both  by  the  spoils  of  the  cbnrdi 
and  by  the  abolition  of  a  privileged  class.  LuthCT 
stated  that  there  was  no  difference  between  priest  and 
layman;  some  men  were  called  to  preach,  others  to 
make  shoes,  but — and  this  is  his  own  illustration — the 
one  vocation  is  no  more  spiritual  than  the  other.  No 
longer  necessaTV  '^'^  a.'n\ftt^\o.VQT  ^Lwi dispenser  of  sacra- 
mental   "race,  \^\e  "?toVc's,V'sib.V  (^^t^^Hsam.  ^ss^Nssef,- 


CONCLUDING  ESTIMATE  749 

(3)  In  its  relation  to  the  Renaissance  and  to  modern  inwiiwii 
thought  the  Reformation  solved,  in  its  way,  two  prob-  **       ■ 
■ms,  or  one  problem,  that  of  authority,  in  two  forms.  I 

Though  anything  but  consciously  rational  in  their  pur-  m 

)ose,  the  innovating  leaders  did  assert,  at  least  for  I 

hemselves,  the  right  of  private  judgment.     Appealing  ^ 

Tom  indulgence-seller  to  pope,  from  pope  to  council, 
'rom  council  to  the  Bible  and  (in  Luther's  own  words) 
!rora  the  Bible  to  Christ,  the  Reformers  finally  came  to  '"^nrid- 
Iheir  own  conscience  as  the  supreme  court.  Trying  to 
leuy  to  others  the  very  rights  they  had  fought  to  se- 
Bnre  for  themselves,  yet  their  example  operated  more 
powerfully  than  their  arguments,  even  when  these  were 
made  of  ropes  and  of  thumb-screws.  The  delicate  bal- 
ance of  faith  was  overthrown  and  it  was  put  into  a  con- 
dition of  unstable  equilibrium;  the  avalanche,  started 
by  ever  so  gentle  a  push,  swept  onward  until  it  buried 
the  men  who  tried  to  stop  it  half  way.  Dogma  slowly 
narrowing  down  from  precedent  to  precedent  had  its 
logical,  though  unintended,  outcome  in  complete  religi- 
ous autonomy,  yes,  in  infidelity  and  skepticism. 

Protestantism  has  been  represented  now  as  the  ally,  VulgiriM 
BOW  as  the  enemy  of  humanism.     Consciously  it  was  JJ"" 
■itlier.     Rather,  it  was  the  vulgarization  of  the  Re-  sam 
naissance;  it  transformed,  adapted,  and  popularized 
many  of  the  ideas  originated  by  its  rival.     It  is  easy 
to  see  now  that  the  future  lay  rather  outside  of  both 
diurehes  than  in  either  of  them,  if  we  look  only  for 
direct   descent.     Columbus  burst  the  bounds   of  the 
world,  Copernicus  those  of  the  universe;  Luther  only 
broke  his  vows.     But  the  point  is  that  the  repudiation 
of  religious  vows  was  the  hardest  to  do  at  that  time, 
a  feat  infinitely  more  impressive  to  the  masses  than 
either  of  the  former.     It  was  just  here  feaV  \.\\ft  -sft- 
Vgioua  niovemeut  became  a    great  so\vv^«V  oi  eoTA^ifevs- 
Jt  made  the  masses  think,  paBiiioTia\,cV;i  M  "^"^"^ 


IE  REFORMATION  INTERPRETED 

'  deeply,  on  their  o\v-n  beliefs.  It  broke  the  cake  i 
custom  and  made  way  for  greater  emancipatioiu  tlH 
its  ovn\.  It  was  the  logic  of  events  that,  wherCMtl 
Renaissance  gave  freedom  of  thought  to  the  cultivst 
few,  the  Reformation  finally  resulted  in  tolerance  f 
the  masses.     Logically  also,  even  while  it  feared  a 

hated  pliilosor*"'  '"  *' Teat  thiokers  and  scieotis 

it  advocated  t  »  to  a  certain  point,  for  I 

masses. 

In  summary,  irmatlon  is  judged  with  I: 

torical  imagini  ;  not  appear  to  he  primai 

a  reaction.     *!  be  such  is  both  o  priori 

probable  aud  by  the  facta.     The  Refon 

tion  did  not  'er  to  the  many  problon 

was  called  upon  to  face;  nevertheless  it  gave  the  st 
tion  demanded  and  accepted  by  tlie  time,  and  thcref 
liistorieally  the  valid  solution.  With  all  its  liniitati 
it  was,  fundamentally,  a  step  forward  and  not  tlie 
turn  to  an  earlier  standpoint,  either  to  tliat  of  prinil' 
Christianity,  as  the  Reformers  tliemselves  claimed 
to  the  dark  ages,  as  has  been  latterly  asserted. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 
PRELIMINARY 

1.  Unpublished  Sources. 

Fhe  amount  of  important  unpublished  documents  on  the 
iiormation,  though  still  large,  is  much  smaller  than  that  of 
inted  sources,  and  the  value  of  these  manuscripts  is  less 
m  that  of  those  which  have  been  published.  It  is  no  pur- 
Be  of  this  bibliography  to  furnish  a  guide  to  archives. 
rhough  the  quantity  of  unpublished  material  that  I  have 
*d  has  been  small,  it  has  proved  unexpectedly  rich.  In 
ier  to  avoid  repetition  in  each  following  chapter,  I  will 
re  summarize  manuscript  material  used  (most  of  it  for  the 
Bt  time),  which  is  either  still  unpublished  or  is  in  course  of 
blication  by  myself.  See  Luther's  Correspondence,  transl. 
d  ed.  by  Preserved  Smith  and  C.  M.  Jacobs,  1913  ff ;  Eng- 
h  Historical  Review,  July  1919;  Scottish  Historical  Re- 
tw,  Jan.  1919;  Harvard  Theological  Review,  April  1919; 
le  N.  Y.  Nation,  various  dates  1919. 

Prom  the  Bodleian  Library,  I  have  secured  a  copy  of  an 
published  letter  and  other  fragments  of  Luther,  press  mark, 
mtagu  d.  20,  fol.  225,  and  Auct.  Z.  ii,  2. 
Prom  the  British  Museum  I  have  had  diplomatic  corre- 
mdence  of  Robert  Barnes,  Cotton  MSS.,  Vitellius  B  XXI, 
1.  120  flP.;  a  letter  of  Albinianus  Tretius  to  Luther,  Add. 
J.  19,  959,  fol.  4b  ff ;  and  a  portion  of  John  Foxe's  Collec- 
n  of  Letters  and  Papers,  Harleian  MS  419,  fol.  125. 
Prom  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society,  Philadelphia, 
lection  of  autographs  made  by  Ferdinand  J.  Dreer,  unpub- 
led  and  hitherto  unused  letters  of  Erasmus,  James  VI  of 
3tland  (2),  Leo  X,  Hedio,  Farel  to  Calvin,  Forster,  Melanch- 
m,  Charles  V,  Albrecht  of  Mansfeld,  Henry  VIII,  Francis  I 
),  Catherine  de'  Medici,  Grynaeus^  Viglius  van  Zuichem, 
phonso  d'Este,  Philip  Mamix,  Camden,  Tasso,  Machiavelli, 
us  IV,  Vassari,  Borromeo,  Alesandro  Ottavio  de'  Medici 
fterwards  Leo  XI),  Clement  VIII,  Sarpi,  Emperor  Ferd- 
ind,  William  of  Nassau  (1559),  MaximiV\aiill\,'5«xs^'E\^x 

761 


752 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


(2),  Rudolph  II,  Henry  III,  Ptiilip  II,  Emanuel  Philibm. 
Henry  IV,  Scaliger,  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  Robert  Dudlcj 
(Leicester),  Filippo  Strozzi,  and  others. 

From  Wcllesley  College  a  patent  of  Charles  V..  iaiti 
Worms,  March  6,  1521,  granting  mining  rights  to  the  Coual 
of  Belalcazar.     Unpublished. 

From  the  American  Hispanic  Society  of  New  York  un- 
published letter  of  Henry  IV  of  France  to  Du  Pont,  on  bii 
conversion,  and  letter  of  Henry  VII  of  England  to  Ferdi- 
nand of  Aragon. 

2.  General  Works 

Encyclopaedia  Britannica."  1910-1.  (Many  valuable  arti- 
cles of  a  thoroughly  scientific  character  j. 

The  i\ew  International  Encyclopadia,  1915f.  (Equally  vain- 
able). 

Beal^ncyklopiidie  fur  proteslantische  Tkeologie  und  EirclH* 
24  vols.  Leipzig.  1896-1913.  (Indispensable  to  th» 
student  of  Church  History;  The  Schaff-Herzog  BncyfJo- 
pedia  of  Religious  Knowledge,  12  vols.,  1908  ff,  thoiigi 
in  part  based  on  this,  is  far  less  valuable  for  the  prraeul 
subject). 

Wetzer  und  Welte:  Eirchenlexikon  oder  Encyklopadit  ia 
kathotischen  Theologie  und  ihrer  Hiilfiiwissenschafte*, 
Zweite  Auflage  von  J.  Card.  Hergenrother  und  F- 
Kaiilen.  Freiburg  im  Breisgau.  1880-1901.  12  voli. 
(Valuable). 

Die  Religion  in  Ge^chickte  vnd  Gegenwart,  hg.  von  H,  Gunk^ 
0.  Scheel,  F.  M.  Schiele.     5  vols.     1909-13. 

The  Cambridge  Modern  History,  planned  by  Lord  Acton, 
edited  by  A.  W.  Ward,  G.  W.  Prolhero,  Staoley  Leathtf. 
London  and  New  York.  1902  ff.  Vol.  1.  The  Reiiaa- 
samce.  1903.  Vol.  2.  The  Reformation.  1904.  Vol. 
3.  The  Wars  of  Religion.  1905.  Vol.  13.  TabUs  atid 
Index.  1911.  Vol.  14.  Maps.  1912.  (A  standiri 
co-operative  work,  with  full  bibliographies). 

Weltgeschichte,  kg.vj.  von  ffliigk-Uarttiing:  Das  Rttigiott 
Zeitalter,  1500-1650.  Berlin.  1907.  (A  co-operati« 
work,  written  by  masters  of  their  subjects  in  poptUtf 
style.     Profusely  illustrated). 

E.  LaTuse  et  A.  Sambaud:  Histoire  generate  du  IVe  siicU 
a  nos  jours.    "Y^wie  Y^  B-vwiAssatice  et  reforme.  Us  nm- 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  753 

.^      veaux  numdes  1492-1559.    1894.    Tome  V.    Les  guerres 

I      de  religion  1559-1648.    1895. 

^L.  Poole:    Historical  Atlas  of  Modern  Europe.    1902. 

m.  K.  Sbeplierd:    Historical  Atlas.    1911. 

jUhniay    Knir:    Hammond's    New    Historical    Atlas    for 

Students.    1914. 
^  A  list  of  general  histories  of  the  Reformation  will  be  found 
||  the  bibliography  to  the  last  chapter. 
I  An  excellent  introduction  to  the  bibliography  of  the  public 
doeoments  of  all  countries  will  be  found  in  the  Encyclopaedia 
S.V.  ''Record." 


CHAPTER  I.  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW 

§  1.  The  World 

On  economic  changes  see  bibliography  to  chapter  xi ;  on 
pgq>Ioration,  chapter  ix;  on  universities,  chapter  xiii,  3.    On 

Finting : 
Janssen:    A  History  of  the  German  People  from  the  Close 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  transl.  by  M.  A.  Mitchell  and  A.  M. 
Christie.    2d  English  ed.    16  volumes.    1905-10. 

i.  W.  Pollard:    Pine  Books.    1912. 

^  L.  De  Vinne :    The  Invention  of  Printing.    1878. 

WmrSffentlichungen  der  Gutenberg-Gesellschaft.    1901  ff. 

ft.  Xeisner  und  T.  Luther:  Die  Erfindung  der  Buchdrucker- 
kunst.    1900. 

Article  ** Typography''  in  Encyclopadia  Britannica.  (The 
author  defends  the  now  untenable  thesis  that  printing 
originated  in  Holland,  though  the  numerous  and  valua- 
ble data  given  by  himself  point  clearly  to  Mayence  as 
the  cradle  of  the  art). 

§§2  and  3    The  Church,  Causes  of  the  Reformation. 

Sources. 

0.  Mirbt:  QueUen  zur  Geschichte  des  Papsitums  und  der 
romischen  Kaiholizismus.^  1911.  (Convenient  and 
scholarly;  indispensable  to  any  one  who  has  not  a  large 
library  at  command). 

The  Missal,  compiled  from  the  Missale  Romanum.     1913. 

The  Priest's  New  Bitual,  compiled  by  P.  Griffith.  1902. 
(The  rites  of  the  Roman  Church,  except  the  Mass,  partly 
in  Latin,  partly  in  English). 


754  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Th9   Catechism   of    the    Counci'i   of    Trent,    translated  i 

Englbh  by  J.  Donovan.     1829. 
Corptts  Juris  Canonici,  post  curas  A.  L.  Richteri  i 

Aemilius  Friedberg.     2  vols.     1879-81. 
Codex  Juris  Canonici,  Pii  X  jussu  digestus,   Benedtcti  SVi 

auctoritale  promnlgatus.     1918. 
ThoniAi  AqainaB:     Summa  Theologia.     Many    editions;  tlK. 

best,  with  a  commeotaiy  by   Cardinal   Cajetan   (H69- 

1534)    in  Opera  wit  impensaque   Leoms  JIO' 

PP.    vols.  4-10. 
The  Summa  iheologica  iomas  Aquinas,  translate  ^7 

the  Fathers  of  the  Jominican  Province.     1911  i 

(In  course  of  j  ks  yet,  6  vols). 

Von  der  Hardt:     Ml  menicum  Constanittnse  Cm- 

c^iutn.     6  vols.  I 

D.  Kami:     Conciliorv  i  ampUssinui  coUectio.    Tolti 

27-32.     Venice,     i  (Identical     reprint.     Pars 

1902). 
Most  of  the  best  literature  of  the  14th  and  15th  centurifi 

e.g.,  the  works  of  Chaucer,  Langland,  Boccat-cio  and  P^- 

trach. 
Special  works  of  ecclesiastical  writers,  humanists,  nationalifii 

and  heretics  quoted  below. 
V.  Hasak:    Der  ckristlicke  Glaube  des  devtscken  Volkes  btiti 

Schhme  des  JiPittelalters.     1868.     (A  collection  of  worb 

of  popular  edification  prior  lo  Luther). 
G.  Berb^:     "Die  erste  kursdchsischc  VisHatio^i  im  Orflaid 

Franken."    Archiv  fiir  Reformationsgesckichle,  iii.  IW6- 

402;  iv.  370-408.     1905-6. 

Treatises. 

E.  Friedberg:     Lckrbtich  des  katkolischen  und  evangelisclici 

KirchcHreckts.''     Leipzig.     190H. 

L.  Pastor:  History  of  the  Popes  from  the  close  of  ike  Mid- 
dle Ages.  English  translation,'  vols.  1-6  edited  by  Ad- 
trobus,  vols.  7-12  edited  by  R.  Kerr.  1899  ff.  '  (Ei- 
haustive,  brilliantly  written,  Catholic,  a  little  one-sid-Ji 

Uandel  Creighton:  A  History  of  the  Papacy  33TS-1557.  6 
vols.  189?  ff.  (Good,  but  iu  large  part  superseded  h' 
I'aslor). 

F.  Gregorovius:     A   Jlisiorv  of  Rome  in   the   Middle   Agfi. 

translated    by    A.    Hamilton      vols     ^    and     8      IStX' 
(,Bt\\\\anl~) . 


^^? 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  755 

thaff*!  History  of  the  Christian  Church.    Vol.  5,  part  2. 

The  Middle  Ages,    1294-1517,  by  D.  S.  Schaflt.     1910. 

(A  scholarly  summary,  warmly  Protestant). 
Sclinitser:    Quellen  und  Forschungen  zur  Oeschichte  Sor 

vonarolas.    3  vols.    1902-4. 
Sohnitier:    Savonarola  im  Streite  mii  seinem  Orden  und 

seinem  Kloster.    1914. 

•  Lnoas:    Fra  Oirolamo  Savonarola.*    1906. 

.  C.  Lea:  An  BHstorical  Sketch  of  Sacerdotal  Celibacy.*  2 
vols.  1907.  (Lea's  valuable  works  evince  a  marvelously 
wide  reading  in  the  sources,  but  are  slightly  marred  by 
an  insufBcient  use  of  modem  scholarship). 

!.  C.  Lea:  A  History  of  Auricular  Confession  and  InduU 
gences  in  the  Latin  Church.    3  vols.    1896. 

loyi  Sohnlte:  Die  Fugger  in  Rom,  1495-1523.  2  vols. 
Leipzig.  1904.  (Describes  the  financial  methods  of  the 
church.     The  second  volume  consists  of  documents). 

.  Bodocanachi:  Rome  au  temps  de  Jules  II  et  de  Lion  X. 
1912. 

:  Bohmer:  Luthers  Romfahrt.  1914.  (The  latter  part  of 
this  work  gives  a  dark  picture  of  the  corruption  of  Rome 
at  the  beginning  of  the  16th  century). 

§  4.  The  Mystics 

Sources. 
T.'R.lagt:    Life,  Light  and  Love.    1904.     (Selections  from 

Eckart,  Tauler,  Suso,  Buysbroeck,  etc.). 
L  Denifle:    **M.  Eckeharts  lateinische  Schriften  und  die 

Grundanschauung  seiner  Lehre.'*    Archiv  fUr  Literatur- 

und  Sprachgeschichte.    ii.  416-652. 
(eister  Eckeharts  Schriften  und  Predigten  aus  dem  MitteU 

hochdeutschen  iibersetzt  von  H.  Buttner.    2  vols.     1912. 
r.  Seuses  Deutsche  Schriften  iibertragen  von  W.  Lehmann. 

2  vols.    1914. 

•  Taulers  Predigten,  iibertragen  von  W.  Lehmann.    2  vols. 

1914. 
Siomas  k  Kempis:    imitatio  Christi.     (So  many  editions  and 

translations  of  this  celebrated  work  that  it  is  hardly 

necessary  to  specify  one). 
*%«  German  Theology,  translated  by  Susannah  Winkworth. 

1854. 


756  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

TRBATTSEg. 
Eano  Francke:     "Medieval   German   Mysticism."    Batrtri 

Theological  Review,  Jan.,  1912. 
0.  Siedel;     Die  Mystik  TatUers.    1911. 
M.     Winditosser:     ^tude    sur    la    'Thiologie     germaniqw.' 

1912. 
W.  Freger:     Geschichte  der  deutschen  Myatik  im  MiitelaHtr. 

3  vols.     1874-93. 
History  and  Life  of  thf  m  Taiiter,  with  25  itrmota, 

translated   by  Sub  nkworth.     1858. 

H.  Haeterliuck :     Ruysu  the  itystica,  with  selectioBi 

from  Ruysbroeek,  t  by  J.  T.  Stoddard.    ISH 

J.  E.  a.  de  Hfontmorenc;  iim  A  Kempis,  hit  Agt  nd 

Ai>  Book.    1906. 
A.  K.  BuTT:     Religious  its  and  Confessanii.    19U 

(The  best  psycholog  y  of  mysticism).  ■ 

§  5.  Pre-Reformers 

Sources. 
/.  WycUf's  Select  English  Works,  ed.  by  T.  ArnoM.     186*- 

71.     3  vols. 
J.   WycUf's   English   Works   Mtherto  vnprintcd.   ed.    F. 
Matthew.     1880. 

F.  Palacky:     Docunifnta  MagisiH  J.  Hits.     1869. 

The  Letters  of  Joint  lliiss,  translated  by  H.  B.  Workman  aai 

R,  M.  Pope.     1904. 
Wyelif's  Tjatin  Works  bave  been  edited  in  many  votum*^  by 

the   Wyclif   Sufirly  of   London,   the   last   volume  bfing 

the  Opera  mlnoru,  \9V.i. 
John  Hubs:     The  Church,  translated  by  D.  S.  Schaff.     1915. 

TbEvITISES. 

H.  C.  Lea:     A  History  of  the  Inquisition  in  the  Middle  AgtL 

3  vols.     1888. 

G.  M.  Trevelyan:     England  in  the  Age  of  Wyclif  =.     I8y9, 
r.  A.  Gasquet:     The  Eve  of  Ihc  Reformation^.     1905. 

P.  Pala'^ky:     Geschichte  von  Biihrncn..'     1864  fT.     5  vols. 

J.  H.  Wylie :     The  Council  of  Constance  to  the  Death  of  John 

Hus.     1900. 
H.  B.  Workman:     The  Dawn  of  the  Reformation.     The  Aee 

of  Uus.     1002. 
Count  F.LuUo^-.     TVe  Rms\U*^aTs.    \ftU, 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  757 

Umatt  F.  LUtiow.    The  Life  and  Times  of  Master  John  Hue. 
";      1909. 
IL  8.  Sohaff :    The  Life  of  John  Hus.    1915. 

^    §  6.  Nationalizing  the  Churches 

Host  of  the  bibliography  in  this  chapter  is  g^ven  below,  in 
I       the  chapters  on  Germany,  England  and  France. 
Ikeher    et    Stravins.    Rerum    Oerma/n    icarum    Scriptores. 

(1717.)     pp.   676-1704:    ''Gravamina  Germanicae  Na- 

tionis  ...  ad    Cassarem    Maximilianum    contra    Sedem 
>       Bomanam." 

}A  G.  F.  Waloh:    Monumenta  medii  aevi.     (1757.)     pp.  101- 
. ;      110.    ''Gravamina  nationis  GermanicflB  adversus  curiam 

Bomanam,  tempore  Nicolai  V  Papae." 
;B.  Oebhardt:    Die  Oravamina  der  deutschen  Nation  gegen  den 

romischen  Hof.    1895. 
Documents  illustrative  of  English  Church  History,  compiled 

by  Henry  Gee  and  W.  J.  Hardy.    1896. 
A.  Werminghoff :    Oeschichte  der  Kirchenverfassung  Deutsch- 

lands  im  Mittelalter,    Band  I.*    1913. 
A.  Stdrmann:    Die  St&dtischen  Chravamina  gegen  den  Klerus. 

1916. 

§  7.  The  Humanists 

Sources. 

The  Utopia  of  Sir  Thomas  More.  Balph  Robinson's  transla- 
tion, with  Roper's  Life  of  More  and  some  of  his  letters. 
Edited  by  G.  Sampson  and  A.  Guthkelch.  With  Latin 
Text  of  the  Utopia.    1910.     (Bohn's  Libraries). 

Der  Briefwechsel  des  Mutianus  Rufus,  bearbeitet  von  C. 
Krause.    1885. 

/.  Reuchlins  Briefwechsel,  hg.  von  L.  Geiger.     1875. 

S.  Bdcking:    Hutteni  Opera.    1859-66.    5  vols. 

EpistolcB  Obscurorum  Virorum:  The  Latin  Text  with  an 
English  translation,  Notes  and  an  Historical  Introduc- 
tion by  F.  G.  Stokes.    1909. 

Des.  Erasmi  Roterodami  Opera  Omnia,  curavit  J.  Clericus. 
1703-6.    10  vols. 

Des.  Erasmi  Roterodami  Opus  Epistolarum,  ed.  P.  S.  Allen. 
1906  flf.  (A  wonderful  edition  of  the  letters,  in  course 
of  publication.    As  yet  3  vols). 

The  Colloquies  of  Des.  Erasmus,  translated  by  N.  Bailey,  ed. 
by  E.  JohDBOD.    1900.    3  vols. 


758  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The  Prmte  of  Folly.    "Written  by  Erasmus  1509  and  \n» 

lated  by  John  Wilson  1668,  edited  by  Mrs.  P.  S.  AUhl 

1913. 
The  Epistles  of  Erasmus,  translated  by  F.  M.  Nichols.    1901- 

18.    3  vols.     (To  1519). 
The  Ship  of  Fools,  translated  by  Alexander  Barclay.    2  vok; 

1874.     (Sebastian  Brandt's  Narrenschiff  in  the  old  tm* 

lation). 

Trbatiseb. 
P.  Komuer:     Le  Quattr  I  vols.     1908.      (Work  of  i 

high  order). 
L.    Oeiger:     Reraissance  umanismua   in    Italien   k*^ 

Deutschland.     1882  )ncken  'a     Series) .     2d    td. 

1899. 
J.  Bnrokhordt:    Die  Cy  Renmtaance  in  ItaHen.   2(L 

Auflage     von     L.     ijeiy...     Berlin.     1919.     (Almost    a 

classic). 
P.  Villari:     Niccold  MachiavelU  and  His  Times,  translated  by 

Mrs.  Vniari  =.     4  vols.     1891. 
W.  H.  Hntten:     Sir  Thomas  More.    1900. 
J.  A.  Fronde:     The  Life  and  Letters  of  Erasmus.     Londan 

1895.     (Charmingly  written,  but  marred  by  gross  earv- 


E.  Emertonr     Erasmus.    New  York.     1900. 

G.  V.  Jourdan:     The  Movement  towards  Catholic  Reform  m 

the  carhj  XVI  Century.     1914. 
A.  Humbert:     Les  Origines  de  la  Theologie  mvdeme.    Pari? 

1911.     (Brilliant). 
A,  Renaudet:     Prt'reforme  et  Humanisme  a  Paris  149J-1-'!' 

I9I6. 

CHAPTER  II.  GERMANY 
General 
List  of  References  -on  the  History  of  the  Ueforvmtion  in  G(r 

many,  ed.  by  G.  L.  KielTer,  W.  W.  Rockwell  and  0.  it 

Pannkoke,  1917. 
Dahlmann- Waitz :     Qvellenkunde   der  deutschen   Gcschickti.' 

1912. 
G.     Wolf:     Quellenkundc     der     deutschen     Reformationsgr- 

schichte.     2  vols.     1915-16. 
A,   Morel-Eatio -.     RUtorlogTa-pV-w  d*.   Charles-Quint.     Pt.  1-  J 

1913.  < 


p 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  759 

B.  /.  Kidd:     Documents  illustrative  of  tke  Conthiental  Re- 
formation.    1911. 
1.  H.  Lindwiy:     A  History  of  the  Reformation.     Vol.  1,  In 
*  Germany.     1906. 

J.  Janssen:  op.  cit. 
I  I.  Lamprecht:     Deutsche  Gesckichte,  vols.  4  and  5.     1894. 
fl.  Brie(rer:     Die  Reformation.     (In  Pflugk-Harttung 'a  Welt- 
geschichte:    Das    religiose    Zeitalter    1500-16SO.    1907; 
also  printed  separately  in  enlarged  form), 
'a.     Mentz;     Deutsche    Geschichte    1493-1648.    1913.     (The 
be.st  purely  political  summary). 
de  Foronda  y  Afnilera:     Eslancias  y  viajes  del  Empera- 
dor  Carlos  V,  desde  el  d/ia  de  su  tiaciniiento  hasta  el  de  su 
muerte.     1914. 


§   1.  Luther 

Bibliography  in  Catalogue  of  the  British  Museum. 

,  Martiri  Luther's  Werke.  Kritisehe  Gesanitausgabe,  von 
Knaake  und  Andern.  Weimar.  1883  ff.  (The  stand- 
ard edition  of  the  Reformer's  writings,  in  course  of  pub- 
lication, approaching  completion.  As  yet  have  appeared 
more  than  fifty  volumes  of  the  Works,  and,  separately 
numbered:  Die  Deutsche  Bibel,  4  vols.,  and  Tischreden, 
4  vols.), 

■jV.  Martin  Luther's  Briefwechsel,  bearbeitet  von  E.  L.  En- 
dera  (vols.  12  ff.  fortgesetzt  von  G.  Kawerau).  1884  ff. 
(In  course  of  publication;  as  yet  17  volumes). 

Luther's  Briefe,  herausgegeben  von  W.  L.  M.  de  Wette.  6 
vols.     1825-56. 

Jjuther's  Primary  Works,  translated  by  H.  Wace  and  C,  A. 
Buchheim.     1896. 

The  Works  of  Martin  Luther,  translated  and  edited  by  W. 
A.  Lambert,  J.  J.  Schindel.  A,  T,  W,  Steinhaeuser,  A, 
L.  Steimle  and  C,  M.  Jacobs.  1915  ff.  (To  be  complete 
in  ten  volumes ;  as  yet  2 ) . 

lather's  Correspondence  and  other  Contemporary  Letters, 
translated  and  edited  by  Preserved  Smith.  Vol.  I.  1913, 
Vol.  II,  in  collaboration  with  0,  M-  Jacobs,  1918. 

Conversations  with  Luther,  Selections  from  tke  Table  Talk, 
trajislated  and  edited  by  Preserved  Smith  and  H.  P,  Gall- 
I  inger.     1915. 


760  BIBLIOGEAPHT 

Melonchthmiis  Opera,  ed.  Bretschiieider  und  Bindseil. 

ff.     In  Corpus  Reformatorum  vols,  i-sxviii. 
J.  Efiitliii:     Martin  Luther,  funfte  Auflage  besor^  von  Q. 

Kawerau.     2     vols.     1!>03.     (The    standard    biograplij. 

The  English  translation  made  from  the  edition  of 

in  no  wise  represents  the  scholarship  of  the  last  editiool. 
A.  HaniraU) :     Luther's  Leben,  neue  Aurtage  von  H.  von  Scb* 

bert.     1914.     (Exee"'""^ 
H.  Grisar:     Luther.    E  nslation  by  F.  M,  Liimoni 

1913  flf,     (Six  volu.  esonting'  the  German  tian. 

A  learned,  somewhat  ous  work,  from  the  Catliolic 

standpoint,  but  not 
H.  Denifle;     Luther  und  ium  in  der  ersten  Ei^wd- 

lung*.    3  vols.     19(  J.  P.  Gooch  calls  "Ueniflell 

eight  hundred  pagf  at  the  memory  of  the  Be- 

former  among  the  i  Isive  books  in  historinl  B- 

erature";    nevertheless    luc    aulluir    is    so    wonderfulk 

learned  that  much  may  be  aoiiuirtd  from  him}. 
A.  C.  McGiffert:     Martin  Luthtr,   the   Man   and   his   IVori 

1911. 
Preserved  Smith:     The  Life  and  Letters  of  Martin  Lutktr'. 

1914. 
0.  Scheel:     Martin  Luther,  vom  Kalholizismus  zur  RfforM- 

tion.*    2  vols.     1917.     (Detailed  study  of  Luther  umil 

1517.     Warmly  Protestant). 
W.  W.  Eockwell:     Die  Doppelche  dcs  Landtfrafen  P/ii7i>p  io» 

Uessen.     19W.     (Work  of  a  higli  order). 

§§  2-5.  The  Revotution 

Deutsche  lieichstagsakten  unter  Karl   V,  herausgegehen  von 

A.  Klutkhiiliii  and  A,  Wrede.     1S93  tt'.      (l-'our  volums 

to  15'24  have  appeared). 
Nuntiaturberichle  aus  Deulschland  nebst  crgaiizetiden  A)itn- 

siiicken,  herausgegebeu  dureh  das  Kiinigliche  Prcussisehe  . 

Institut  in   Rom.     Erste  AbtheiUing  1533-59.     1892  ff. 

(As  yet  have  appeared  vols.  1-6,  8-12). 
Emil  Sehling:     Die  Evavgelischen  Kirckenordungen  des  A'Vi 

Jahrhunderlx.     5  vols.  1902-13. 
E.  A:-m9trong:     The  Emperor  Charles  V".     2  vols.     1910. 
Christopher  Hare:     A  Great  Emperor.     1917,     (Popular). 
0.  Clemen-.     flugsthriSttTi  aus  dt-r  K.t{ormoiions2et(.    4  vols.   I 

1904-10.  ' 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  761 

O.  Schade:     Satireri  mid  Pasquillc  aiis  dcr  Rcformationszeit} 

3  vols.     1863. 
JE.    Barge:    Der   deufsche    Bauernkrieg    in   zeitgenossischen 

Quellenzeugnissen,    2  vols.     (No  date,  published  about 

1914.    A  small  and  cheap  selection  from  the  sources 

turned  into  modem  German). 
7.  S.  Schapiro:    Social  Reform  and  the  Reformation.    1909. 

(Gives  some  of  the  texts  and  a  good  treatment  of  the 

popular  movement). 
Belfort  Bax:    The   Peasants'   War  in  Germany.    1889. 

(Based  chiefly  on  Janssen,  and  unscholarly,  but  worth 

mentioning  considering  the  paucity  of  English  works). 

See  also  articles  Carlstadt,  Karlstadt,  T.  Miinzer,  Sick- 

ingen,  etc.  in  the  Encyclopedia  of  Reliffiotis  Knowledge 

and  other  works  of  reference. 
Stolze:    Der  deutsche  Bauernkrieg,    1908. 
L    Wappler:    Die   Tduferbewegung  in  Thiiringen   1526-84, 

1913. 
X.  Baz :    Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Anabaptists,    1903. 

7.  Wappler:    Die  SteUung  Kursachsens  und  Landgraf  Phil- 

ipps  von  Hessen  zur  Timferbewegung,    1910. 
T.  W.  Schirrmacher :    Brief e  und  Akten  zur  Oeschicte  des  Re- 

Ugionsgesprdches  zu  Marburg  1529  und  des  Reichstages 

zu  Augsburg,  1530,     1876. 
S.    Ton   Sdinbert:    Bekenntnisbildung   und   Religionspolitik 

1529-^0,    1910. 

• 

W.  Ouismann :  QueUen  und  Forschungen  zur  Geschichte  des 
Au^sburgischen  Olaubensbekenntmses.  Die  Ratschlage 
der  evangel  ischen  Reichsstande  zum  Reichstag  zu  Augs- 
burg.   3  vols.    1911. 

Poliiische  Korrespondenz  des  Herzog  und  Kurfurst  Moritz 
von  Sachsen,  hg.  v.  E.  Brandenburg.  2  vols,  (as  yet), 
1900,  1904. 

8.  Cardanns:    Zur  Oeschichte  der  Kirchlichen  Unions — und 

Reformbestrebungen  1538^2.    1910. 

P.  Heidiioh :  Karl  V  und  die  deutschen  Protestanten  am  Vor- 
abend  des  Schmalkaldischen  Krieges,    2  vols.    1911-12. 

O.  Ments:    Johann  Friedrich,  vol.  3,  1908. 

See  also  the  works  cited  above  by  Armstrong,  Pflugk-Hart- 
tang,  Janssen,  Pastor,  The  Cambridge  Modem  History,  and 
documents  in  Kidd. 


762  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

5  6.  Scandinavia,  Poland,  and  Hungary 

Documents   in   Kidd,   and    treatment    in    The    Cambr\dji 
Modem  History. 
Acta  Pontific-um  Danica.  Band  VI  1513-36.     Udgivet  aJ  I 

Krarup  og  J.  Lindbaek.     1915. 
C.  F.  Alien:  H.sioire  de  Danemark,  traduite  par  E.  Be&QToiL 

2  vols.     1878. 
P,  B.  Watwa :     The  Swedish  Revoluiion  under  Gwiavus  t'«. 

1889. 
Specimen  diplomatarii  .  .  .  ab  vetusiioribut  iirf' 

temporibus  vsque  .  wculi  XVI.     Ved  Or.  Fm- 

gner  Lundh.     1828. 
J,  Lund:    Bistoire  de  .  .  traduite   par  0.  Mwli. 

1899. 
Norges  hiitorie,  fremst  it  narske  folk  af  A.  Piijrp. 

E.  Herlzberg,  0.  A,  Yngvar  Nielsen,  J,  E.  Surs, 

A.  Tarniiger.     1912. 
C.    Zivien     Seufm    (hschichte    Folens.     Band     1.     loiKj-i:!. 

1915. 
T.  Wotschkc:     Geschichte  der  Reformation  in  Polen.    1911. 
A.  Bei^a.     Pierre  SIcarga  iri36--1612 .     fitude  sur  Ja  Pnl.ipi! 

dii  XVIe  sicele  et  le  Protestant israe  polonaii.     lHHi. 
F.  E.  Whitton :    A  History  of  Poland.     1917.     (Popular). 

CHAPTER  III. 
SWITZERLAND 
§  1,  Zwingli 

Ulrichi  Zwimjlii  opera  ed.  Schuler  und  Schulthess,  8  vnk 

1828-42. 
Vlrich  Zwinglis   Werke,  hg.  von  Egli,  Finslcr  und  Kiihler, 

1904  ff.     {Corpus  Reformatorum,  vols.  88  ff).     As  yeL 

vols,  i,  ii,  iii,  vii.  viii. 
Vlrich  Zwingli's  Selected  Works,  translated  and  rdited  by  ? 

M.  Jackson.     1901. 
The  Latin  Works  and  Correspondence  of  Huldreich  Ziringli. 

cd.  S.  M.  Jackson,     vol.  i,  1912. 
Vadianische  liriefsammlung,  hg.  von  B.  Arhenz  und  H.  Warl- 

raann,   3890-1913.     7  vols,  and  6  siipplpnients. 
Dcr  Bricfwerh.tf!  der  Briider  Anibroxiu.-<  und  Thomas  Blaurer. 

hg.  von  T.  Sch\^,  S  vols.     1908-12. 
Johannes   KcssUrs  Sa\)\)al.Oi,\v%.  N(i\i'?.,'^^\  w\i.  ^,  Schoct 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  763 

1902.     (Reliable  source  for  the  Swiss  Reformation  1519- 
39). 
JDoouments  in  Kidd. 

M.  Jackson:    Huldreich  ZuHngli,    1900. 
,  Xdliler:    *'ZtmngU"  in  Pflugk-Harttung's  Im  Morgenrot 
der  Reformation,  1912. 

Egli:    Schweizerische   Reformationsgeschichte,    Band    I, 
1519-25.    1910. 
Wm  Humbel :     Ulrich  Zwingli  und  seine  Reformation  im  Spie- 
gel der  gleichzeitigen  Schweizerischen  volkstiimlichen  Lit- 
eratur.    1913. 
Cambridge  Modern  History,  Lindsay,  etc. 
S«  Barth:    Bibliographie  der  Schweizer  Geschichte.    3  vols. 

1914  f. 
Bibliography  in  G.  Wolf,  Quellenkunde,  vol.  2. 
On  Jetzer  see  Religion  in  Oeschichte  und  Oegenwart,  s.v. 
' '  Jetzer  Prozess, ' '  and  R.  Reuss :    *  *  Le  Procfes  des  Domin- 
icains  de  Berne,'*  Revue  de  VHistoire  des  Religions,  1905, 
237  flf. 
T.  Burokliardt:    H.  Zwingli.    1918. 
W.  Kdhlcr:     Ulrich  Zwingli,*    1917. 

Ulrich  Zwingli:    Zum  Geddchtnis  der  ZUrcher  Reformation, 
1519-1919,  ed.  H.  Escher,  1919.     (Sumptuous  and  valu- 
able). 
Atntliche  Sammlung  der  alteren  eidgenossischen  Abschiede, 

Abt.  3  und  4.     1861  ff. 
J.   Strickler:    Aktensammlung  zur  Schweizer  Reformations- 
geschichte.   1878. 
J.    Dieraner:     Oeschichte   der   schweizerischen   Eidgenossen- 

schaft.    Band  III.    1907. 
Hadom:    Kirchengeschichte  der  reform,    Schweiz:,    1907. 
O.  Tobler:    Aktensammlung'  ziur  Oeschichte  der  Bemer  Re- 
formation.   1918. 
E.  ^11:    Analecta  Reformatoria.    2  vols.    1899-1901. 

§  2.  Calvin 

Bibliography  in  Wolf :    Quellenkunde,  ii. 

Correspondance  des  Reformateurs  dans  les  Pays  de  langue 

franqaise  *,  pub.  par  A.  L.  Herminjard.    9  vols.     1878  ff. 
Calvini  Opera  omnia,  ed.  O.  Baum,  E.  Gunitz,  E.  Reuss,  59 

vols.     1866  ff.     (Corpus  Reformat orum  vols.  29-87). 
7oliii  Calvin:    The  Institutes  of  the  Ctristian  ReUgiot^^ Xx^^^^^ 


764  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

lated  by  J.  Allen.     Ed.  by  B.  B.  Warfiold.     2  ^-ols.    1KB. 
The  Letters  of  John  Cah'in,  compiled  by  J,  Bonnet,  Iranslitri 

from  the  original  Latin  and  Freocli.     4  vols.     1858. 
J.  Calvin:     Institution  de  la  religion  chrestienne,  reimpriot^, 

sous  la  direction  d'  A.  Lefranc  par  H.   Chatelain  et } 

Pannir.     1911. 
The  Life  of  John  Calvin  by  Theodore  Beza,  translated  by  E 

Beveridge.     1909. 
A.  Lai^:    Johann  CalviJi      '■"'*" 
W.  Walker:     J.  Calvin.  [Best  biography). 

H.  T.  Eeybarn :     John  Ci  114, 

J.  Dotunerjfne:     Jean  Co,  i  yet  5  vols.     1899-1917. 

E.  Knodt;     Die  Bedeutu  \s  und  Calviniamas  furiit 

proteitantiscke     Wi  (Extensive     biblio^pV 

and  review  of  recer 
E.  Troeltich:     "Calvin.  Joumcl,  viii,  102  flF. 

T.  C.  Hall:     "Was  Cal  "ormer  or  a  Reactionary!' 

Hibbert  Journal,  vi,  i/i  ii. 
Etienne   Qiran^     S/'hai^tien  Castcllion.     1913.      (Severe  judg- 

nient  of  Calvin  from  the  liberal  Proteslant  standpoint:. 
Allan  Menzies:     The  Theology  of  Calvin.     1915. 
H.   D.   Foster:     Calvin's  programme  for  a  Puritan  Stair  w 

Geneva  1536-41.     1908. 
r,  Bmnetigre:     "L'oeiivre  litteraire  de  Calvin."     Revut  dii 

Deux  Momirs,  4  .serie,  el.xi,  pp.  8*tS  ff.      (1900). 
E.  lobstein:     Kalvin  und  Montaigne.     1909. 

CFLVPTER  IV 
FRANCE 

Sources, 
A.  Molinier,  H.  Hauser,  E,  Bourgeois  (et  autres)  :   Lfs  Sovrrei 

de  I'histoire  de  France  depuis  les  origiucs  jiisqu'en  181J. 

Deuxierae  Partie.     Le  XVIe  siecle,   1494-1610.   par.  II. 

Hauser.     4  vols.     1906-1915.     (Valuable,  critical  bibliog- 
raphy of  sources). 
Rcciiril  ginirah  dts  anciennes  lois  francaises,  par  Isambert. 

Decnisy,   Armet.     Tomes   12-15    (1514-1610).     1826  ff. 
Ordonnances  des  rois  de  France.     Regne  de  Francois  I.     10 

vols.     1902-8. 
Michel  de  L'Hopital:     (Euvres  completes,  ed.  DuEey.     4  vols 

1824-5. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  765 

ournal  d*un  bourgeois  de  Paris  sous  le  ri^gne  de  Fraui^'ois  Icr 
(1515-36),  ed.  par  L.  Lalanne.     1854. 
Cammentaires  de  Blaise  de  Monluc,  ed.  P.  Courtreault.    2 
vols.    1911  ff. 
imaireS'joumaux  du  due  de  Ouise  1547-61,  ed.  Michaud  et 
Poujoulat.    1839. 

vres  completes  de  Pierre  de  BaurdeUle,  seigneur  de  Bran- 
tome,  ed.  par  L.  Lalanne,  11  vols.  1864-82. 
JBisioire  Ecelesiastique  des  £gUses  reform^es  au  Royaume  de 
France,  ed.  G.  Baum  et  E.  Cunitz,  3  vols.  1883-9. 
(This  history  first  appeared  anonymously  in  1580  in  3 
vols.  The  place  of  publication  is  given  as  Antwerp,  but 
probably  it  was  really  (Geneva.  The  author  has  been 
thought  by  many  to  be  Theodore  Beza. 
JHemoires  of  the  Duke   of  Sully.    English   translation  in 

Bohn's  Library.    3  vols.     No  date. 
CSrespin :    Histoire  des  martyrs,  persecute  et  mis  d  m4>rt  pour 

la  vefite  de  V  Svangile.    Ed.  of  1619. 
Jiifnaires  de  Martin  et  de  Chiillaume  du  BeUay,  ed.  par  V.  L. 

Bourilly  et  P.  Vindry.    4  vols.     1908-1920. 
Correspondance  des  Reformatenirs  dans  les  pays  de  langus 
frangaise,  pub.  par  A.  L.  Herminjard.    9  vols.    1878  ff. 
J.  Fraikin:    Nonciatures  de  la  France.    Vol.  i,  Clement  VII, 

1906. 
Leitres  de  Catherine  de  Medicis,  publiees  par  H.  de  la  FerriSre 

et  B.  de  Puchesse.     10  vols.    Paris.     1880-1909. 
Catalogue  generate  de  la  Bibliothique  Nationale.    Actes  Boy- 
aux.    Vol.  i,  1910. 

LITERATURE. 

A.  M.  Whitehead :     Oaspard  de  Coligny.    1904. 

Louis  Batiffol:    The  Century  of  the  Renaissance,  translated 
from  the  French  by  E.  P.  Buckley,  with  an  introduction 
by  J.  E.  C.  Bodley.    1916. 
•  J.  W.  Thompson:    The  Wars  of  Religion  in  France  1559-76. 
1909. 

E.  Laviue:  Histoire  de  France.  Tome  Cinqui^me.  I.  Les 
guerres  d'  Italie.  La  France  sous  Charles  VIII,  Louis 
XII  et  Francois  I,  par  H.  Tjemonnier.  1903.  II.  La 
lutte  contre  la  maisan  d'Autriche.  La  France  sous 
Henri  II,  par  H.  Lemonnier.  1904.  Tome  Sixiftme.  I. 
La  Reforme  et  la  Ligue.  L'fidit  de  Nantes  (1559-98), 
par  J.  H.  MariSjoh    1904.     (Standard  ^oxV^ . 


K.  Balrd:     The  Rise  of  the  HuguenoU 

1879. 
K.  Baird:     The  Huguenots  and  Henry  of  Navarre.    2jikM 

1886. 

H.  WilliiUns:     Hevri  II.     iniO. 

Xarokg;  Gaspurd  von  Col-gny:  sein  Leben  und  ( 
Frankrei(^h  seiner  Zeit.  1892.  (Excellent,  only  Volai 
takinp  CoHgny  to  15G0.  has  appeared!. 


iitM  de  la  Refomu.  I. ! 
L'E^lise  CathoHqne  Ft 
1909.  III.  I'fivanpais 
t  work,  social  and  culturd 

tmd  the  French  RtfcnuA- 

aiherine  de'  iiediei.    IM£- 
rsilatis  Piinsieiisis.     Tomui 


Imbut  de  la  Tonr 

France  Jloderne. 

Crise    de    la    Rer 

(1521-38).     1914. 

rather  than  politie 
E.  Siohel:     Catherine 

tion.    1905. 
£.  Siohel:     The  Later  ] 
C.  E.  dtt  Boalay;     nisto,... 

VI.     1673, 
J.  Michelet:     Ilistoire  de  France.     Vols,  8-10.     First  edilM 

1855  ff.     (A  beautiful  book;  though  naturally  supersmifd 

in  part,  it  may  still  be  read  with  profit). 
W,    Henbi:     FraH{-ois    I    el    le    mouvemcnt    intellfciiid  <•< 

France.     1914. 
A,  Autin:     L'  Schec  de  la  Reforme  en  France  au  XVI,  j" 

cle.  Contribution  i  I'Histoire  du  Sentiment  Religieui- 

1918. 
L.  Romier;     Les  Origines  Polittques  des  Guerres  de  fiefijiu" 

2  vols.     1911-13. 
L.  Romier:     "Les  Protestants  fran^ais  a  la  veille  des  guern'S 

civilcs,"  Revue  Ilixtorique.  vol.  124,  1917.  pp.  iff.  225  ff. 
E.  Armstrong:     The  French  Wars  of  Religion.     1892. 
C.  G.  Kelley:     French  Protestantism  1559-62.     Johns  Hop- 
kins University  Studies,  vol.  xxxvi,  no,  4,     1919. 
N.  Weiss:     La  Chambre  Ardente.     1889. 


CHAPTER  V.  THE  NETHERLANDS 

H.  Pirenne:  Bibliographie  de  I'Histoire  de  Belgique.  Cats- 
loguc  des  sinirws  ot  des  ouvrages  principaux  relatifs  it 
I'histoire  de  tons  les  Pays-Bas  jusq'en  1598.'     1902. 

Sources : 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


767 


d'Angleterre.     10  vols.  18S2-91.     (Covers  1556-76). 

Sesolutien  der  Staatcn-Generaal  1576-1609.  Door  N.  Ja- 
pikse.     As  yet  4  vols.     (1576-84.)     1915-19. 

Corpus  documentorum  Inquisitionis  .  .  .  Neerlandicae  .  .  . 
I'itgegeven  door  P.  Frederieq.     Vols.  4-6,  1900  If. 

sBibliotheca  Reformatoria  Neerlandica  .  .  .  Uitgegeven  door 
S.  Cramer  en  P.  Pijper.     1903-14.     10  vols. 

Collectanea  van  Gerardus  Geldenkauer  Noviomagus  .  .  .  Uit- 
gegeven .  .  .  door  J.  Prinsen.     1901. 

f^i  Ckasse  aux  Lutkeriens  des  Pays-Bas.  Souvenirs  de  Fran- 
cisco de  Eiizinas.  Paris.  1910.  (Memoirs  of  a  Spanish 
Protestant  in  the  Netherlands.  This  edition  is  beauti- 
fully illustrated). 

Correspoiidance  de  QuiUaume  le  Tacitume,  publiee  .  ,  .  par 
M.  Gachard.     1847-57.     6  vols. 

Correspondance  de  Philippe  II  sur  les  affaires  des  Pays-Bas, 
publiee  .  .  .  par  M.  Gachard.     5  vols.     1848-79. 

H.  Grotins:  The  Annals  and  History  of  the.  Low  Country- 
Wars,  Rendered  into  English  by  T.  M[anley].     1665. 

Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Foreign,  of  Elizabeth,  ed.  J.  Steven- 
son and  others.  London  1863-1916.  (19  volumes  to 
date ;  much  material  on  the  Ketherlands) . 

Ltter-^ture. 
H.  Pirenne:     Histotrc  de  Belgiqiie.     Vols  3  and  4.     1907-11. 

(Standard  work.     A  German  translation  by  P.  Arnheim 

was  published  of  the  third  volume  in  1007,  before  the 

French   edition,    and   of   the   4th   volume,    revised   and 

slightly  improved,  in  1915). 
"S.    J.    Blok:     History    of    the    People    of    the    Netherlands. 

Translated  by  Ruth  Putnam.     Part  2,  1907,  Part  3,  1900. 

(Also  a  standard  work). 
E.  Grossart:     Charles  V  et  Philippe  II.     1910. 
feliz  Rachfahl:     Wilhelm  von  Oravien  und  der  nicderland- 

ische  Aiifstand.    Vols.  1  and  2.     1906-8. 
Bnth  Putnam:     William  the  Silent      (Heroes  of  the  Nations), 

1911. 
t-  Kalkoff:     AnfUnge  der  Gegenreformalion  in  den  J^iedw- 

landen.    J903.     (Monograph  of  value). 
\0esch$f.denis  van  de  f/ervorming  en  de  Ilervormde  Kctt  4.W 
JiTederlanden,  door  3.   Beitsma.     Derde,  bVi^.e'we.TYX.e  «»- 


768  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

vermeerderde  Druk  beworkt  door  L,  A.  von  Lang^nid 

...  en  bezoi^d  door  F.  R«itsina.     1916. 
J.  L.  Kotloy:     The  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic.     1855.    [i. 

clasuc,  naturally  in  part  superseded  by  later  researrhi. 
J.  F.  ICotley:     The  Life  and  Death  of  John  of  Oldenbamnill 

1873. 
J.  C.  Squirt:    Willum  the  SHent.     (1918). 


CHAPTER  ILAND  1509-88 

Bibliographies  iu  Cambi  lern  History,  and  in  the  P> 

litic<d  History  of  I  by  Pollard  and  Fisher,  for 
which  see  below. 


Letters  and  papers,  fo  I  dotnestic,  of  the  mg*  ^1 

Henry  VII!.  arraiitrcii  ny  .1.  R,  Brewer,  J.  Gairdner  an^  1 

R.  H.  RroLlif.     20  vols,  '  (Monunienta!). 
Similar  series  of  "Calendars  n£  State  Papers"  have  been  pob-  ' 

lishpd   for  English   papers   preser\'od   at   Rome    {.\  vol 

1916),  Spain,   (15  vols.),  Venice  (22  vols),  Ireland  (10 

vols.),   Domestic  of  Edward  VI,   Mary,   Elizabeth  and 

James  (12  vols.),  Foreign  Edward  VI  (1  vol.),  Marj-  (1 

vol.).  Elizabeth  (19  vols,  to  1585).  Milan  (1  vol.  1912^ 
The  English  Garner:     Tudor  Tracts  1532-88.  ed.   E.  Arber, 

8  vols.     1877-96. 
Documents  illtistraiive  of  English  Church  History,  compiled 

by  H.  Gee  and  W.  J.  Hardy.     1896. 
Select  Statutes  and   other  Conslfitutional  Documents   l^i^ 

16-25,  ed.  G.  W.  Protbero.*     1898. 
The  Statutes  of  the  Realm,  printed  bv  command  of  Georpf 

III.     1819  ff. 
Select  Coses  before  the  King's  Council  in  Star  Chamber,  ed. 

I.  S.  Leadam.     Vol.  2,  1509^4.     Selden  Society.     1911. 
Original  Letters,  ed.  by  Sir  II.  Ellis.     1st  series,  3  vols.  1S"24; 

2d  series  4  vols.  1827;  3  series  4  vols.  1846. 

LlTER.\TirRE: 

H.  A.  L.  Fisher:  Political  History  of  England  US-'^-l^fT- 
New  edi1ii>ii  1913.  (Political  History  of  England  edit.ii 
by  W.  Hunt  and  R.  L.  Poole,  vol.  5.     Standard  worki 

A.   F.    PoWaii-.    PoUlkal  Tl\&\.oTy   o\   E"^^Un<^    i',tT-l6o::. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  7G!) 

1910.     (Political  History  of  England  ed.  by  Hunt   and 
Poole,  vol.  6.     Standard  work). 
D.  Innet:    England  under  the  Tudors.    1905. 
Gee:    The  Reformation  Period.    1909.     (Handbooks  of 
English  Church  History). 
m  Oairdner :    LoUardy  and  the  Reformation,    4  vols.  1908  ff. 
(Written  by  an  immensely  learned  man  with  a  very 
strong  high-church  Anglican  bias). 

Smith:    '* Luther  and  Henry  VIII,"  English  His- 
torieal  Review,  xxv,  656  ff,  1910. 

Smith :    *  *  German  Opinion  of  the  Divorce  of  Henry 
VIII,"  English  Historical  Review,  xxvii,  671  ff,  1912. 

Smith :    ' '  Hans  Luf t  of  Marburg, ' '  Nation,  May  16, 
1912. 

Smith:    **News  for  Bibliophiles,"  Nation,  May  29, 
1913.     (On  early  English  translations  of  Luther). 

Smith:    '^ Martin  Luther  and  England,"  Nation, 
Dec.  17, 1914. 
Xresenred  Smith:    ''Complete  List  of  Works  of  Luther  in 

English,"  Lutheran  Quarterly,  October,  1918. 
.1.  S.  Adair:    "The  Statute  of  Proclamations,"  English  His- 
*        iorical  Review,  xxxii,  34  ff.    1917. 
^Ivri  Ernest  Hamilton:    Elizabethan  Ulster,     (1919). 
r  Brter  Onilday :    The  English  Catholic  Refugees  on  the  Conti- 
nent 1558-1795.    Vol.  1.  1914.     (Brilliant  study). 
A.  F.  Pollard:    England  under  Protector  Somerset.    1900. 

A.  P.  Pollard:    Henry  VIII.    1902. 

*"  A.  P.  Pollard :    Thomas  Cranmer,    1906. 

T.  H.  Pollen:    The  English  Catholics  in  the  Reign  of  Eliza- 
beth.   1920. 
P,  A.  Oasqnet :    The  Eve  of  the  Reformation.    New  ed.    1900. 

B.  B.  Kerriman :    The  Life  and  Letters  of  Thomas  Cromwell. 

2  vols.    1902.     (Valuable). 

A.  0.  Keyer :  England  und  die  katholische  Kirche  unter  Eliz- 
abeth. 1911.  (Thorough  and  brilliant).  Said  to  be 
translated  into  English,  1916. 

L.  Tr68al:    Les  origines  du  schisme  anglican  1509-71,    1908. 

A.  T.  Klein :    Intolerance  in  the  Reign  of  Elizabeth.    1917. 

J.  A.  Pronde:  History  of  England  from  the  Fall  of  Wolsey 
to  the  Armada.  12  vols.  1854-70.  (Still  the  best 
picture  of  the  time.  Strongly  royalist  and  Protestant, 
.  some  errors  in  detail,  brilliantly  written) . 


BIBLIOOEAPHT 


Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  ed.  by  Leslie  StepheoG  and 

Sidney  Lee.     63  vols.  1887-1900. 
CarlOB  B.  Luniiden:     The  Dawn  of  MocUrii  England  1509-S. 

1910. 
Bichard  Ba^^ell:     Ireland  under  the  Tudors.     3  vols.  lS8i. 
H.  Holloway:     The  Rcformalion  in  Ireland.     1919. 
Mrs.  J.  K.  Green;     The  Making  of  Ireland  and  its  Vn4oi%i 

3200-1600.    First   edition   1908;    revised    and   eorrecWi 

1909.     (Nationalist;  interesting), 
H.  N.   Birt:     The   Elizabethan   Religion   Settlement.    190T, 
W.  Waloh:     England's  Fight  with  the  Papacy.     1912. 
H.  G.  Uaher:     Tlie  Rise  and  Fall  of  Bigk  Commission.    1911 
Die  Wittenberger  Artiket  von  1336,  hg.  von  G.  Mentz.    liKfe 
E.  G.  TIsher:     The  Presbyterian  Movement  1383-9.    1905. 


CHAPTER  VIL  SCOTLAND 
Sources. 
Acts  of  the  Parliament  of  Scotland.     12  vols.  1844  ff. 
B.  J.  Kidd :     Docunienis  of  the  Continental  Reformation,  19U, 

pp.  686-715. 
Calendar  of  State  Papers  relating  to  Scotland  1509-1603.  1 

vols.     ed.  M.  J.  Thorpe.     1858. 
State  Papers  relating  to  Scotland  and  Mary  Queen  of  ScBti 

1542-81,  ed.  J.  Bain  and  W.  K.  Boyd.     5  vols.   1898  ff. 
Hamilton  Papers.  1532-90,  ed.  J.  Bain. 
Much  in  the  English  calendars  for  which  see  bibliography  to 

chap.  VI. 
John  Knox's  Works,  ed.  Laing,  1846-64. 
B.  Lindsay  of  Pitscottie :     Historie  and  cronides  of  Scotland, 

ed.  A.  J.  G.  Mackay.     1899-1911.     3  vols. 
Satirical  Poems  of  the  Time  of  the  Reformation,  ed.  J.  Cran* 

toun.     2  vols.  1891. 
John  Knox:     The  History  of  the  Reformation  of  Religion  » 

Scotland,  ed.  by  Cuthbert  Lennox.     1905. 
Literature : 
P.  Hume  Brown:     History  of  Scotland.     3  vols.  1899-1909. 
W.  L,  'MathifcTOiv.    PolUlcs  aivfl.  ReU^ion;  a  study  of  Scottiti^ 

Jlistori;  from  ReSormalwTvlo'R.eMoV.uH.vi'n..    'l.^^.^^-vfi       " 
D,      H.     TlemuiS'.    TVe     Kc^oTmalvm    "w    &«>«««&..  * 
^       (StrongXy  PTo\.ea\.&aV^ 


iE- 


BEBLIOGEAPHY  771 

Bk  Christie :  The  Influence  of  Letters  on  the  Scottish  Refor- 
mation.   1908. 

L  Lang:    John  Knox  and  the  Reformation.    1905. 

r.  Crook:    John  Knox  the  Reformer.    1907. 

L  B.  Earty  ''John  Knox,"  in  American  Historical  Review , 
xiii,  259-80.     (Brilliant  character  study). 

L  S.  Bait:  ''John  Knox,"  in  Quarterly  Review ^  vol.  205, 
1906. 

L  lAng:    The  Mystery  of  Mary  Stuart.    1902. 

Imdy  Blennerhassett :  Maria  Stuart,  Konigin  von  Schottland. 
1907. 

L  Lang:    A  History  of  Scotland.    4  vols.  1900-7. 

P.  Hume  Brown:    John  Knox.    2  vols.  1895. 

I.  Cowan:    John  Knox.    1905. 

L  B.  Macewen:  A  History  of  the  Church  in  Scotland.  Vol. 
I  (397-1546),  1913;  Vol.  II  (1546-60),  1918.     (Good). 

L  Lang :    '  *  Casket  Letters, ' '  Encyclopaedia  Britamnica,  1910. 

P.  Hnme  Brown:  Surveys  of  Scottish  History,  1919. 
(Philosophical). 

CHAPTER  VIII.  THE  COUNTER  REFORMATION 

§§  1  and  2.    The  Papacy  and  Italy  1521-1590. 

Sources: 

CL  Mirbt:    op.  cit. 

Consilium  delectorum  cardinalium  et  aliorum  praelatorum  de 

emendanda  ecclesia  1537.    In  Mansi:  Sacrorum  Concil- 
,       iorum  et  Decretorum  collectio  nova,  1751,  Supplement  5, 

pp.  539-47.    The  same  in  German  with  Luther's  notes 

in  Luther's  Werke,  Weimar,  vol.  50. 

Literature: 

L  Ton  Pastor :  A  History  of  the  Popes  from  the  Close  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  English  translation  ed.  by  R.  F.  Kerr. 
Vols.  9-12.  1910  ff.  (These  volumes  cover  the  period 
1522-1549.    Standard  work  dense  with  new  knowledge). 

L  von  Pastor:  Oeschichte  der  Pdpsie  seit  dem  Ausgang  des 
Mittelalters.  Band  VI.  1913;  VII.  1920.  (Of  these  vol- 
umes of  the  German,  covering  the  years  1550-65,  there  is 
as  yet  no  English  translation). 

P.  Herre:  Papsttum  und  Papstwahl  im  Zeitalter  Philipps,  II. 
1907. 


772  BIBLIOGKAPHY 

J.   KoCabe:     Crises    in   the   History    of   the    Papacy.    191S. 

(Popular). 
Handel  Creighton;     op.  cit. 
L.  Ton  Banke :     History  of  the  popeg,  tkeir  church  and  itdU, 

in   the   siniecnth  and   seventeenth   centuries,   InuulaUd 

from    the    German    by    Sarah    Austin.     Vol.    1,    IW. 

(Translation    of    Ranke's    Die    romischen    PUpttt,  d 

which  the  first  edition  appeared  l&O-G.     A  elassic) 
H.  X.  Vat«lian:     The  M  oes.     1908.     (Popular,  sjn- 

pathetic). 
0.      Droyien:     Gcschich  Gegenrt formation.    199i 

(Onckeu's  Series). 
E.   Aodooanachi :     "La  ion   en    Italie,"    Rfvtu  in 

Deux  lUondes,  Mar 
Lord  Aoton:     Lectures  ■  »  History,  1906,  pp.  109 

J.  A.  SymOBds:     The  C.  action.     2  vota.  1887. 

0.   Uonod;     "La    Refoiu.  otiqup."    Revue    //wfonflHf 

vol.  cxxi  (19IG). 

B.  Wiffen:     Life  and  Writings  of  Juan  de  Valdes.     1865, 

C.  Hare:    Men    and    Women    of    the    Italian    Reformalt^n 

(1913). 
Eirche    und    Reformation.    Unter    mitwirkung    von    L.   t 

Pastor,    W.     Schnj-der,     L.     Strhneller     iisw.     hg.    vod 

J.  Scheiiber.     1917. 
"Counter-Reformation"  In  the  Catholic  Encyclopadia. 
G.  Benrath:     Uescliichte  der  Reformation  in  Venedig.    Mf'a 
J.  Barckhardt:     op.  cit. 

§  3.  The  Council  of  Trent 

Soi^KCES: 
Concilium    Tridentinum.     Diariorum,   aetonim,   epistulanun- 
tractatuiirti     nova    collcctio.     Edidit     Soeietas    Goem-*- 
iana.     1901  fF.     In  course  of  publicalion;  as  yet  have  iv 
_  peared  vols.  1-5,  8,  10. 
J.  Susta:     Die   romische  Kurie  und  das  Komil   von   Tritn'- 
unter  Pius  IV.    Aktenstiicke  zur  Geschichte  des  Konzil:' 
von  Trient.     4  vol.s.     1904-1914. 
Le  Plat:     Mowimenta  ad  historiam  Concilii  Tridcntini  spf''- 

tantia.     7  vols.  1781-7. 
The  Canons  and  Decrees  of  the  Sacred  and  Ecumenical  Coim 
cil  of  Trent,  translated  by  J.  Waterworth.     1848.     Ri^ 
print,  CVwago,  \^Y;  . 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


773 


i.  Drei:     "Per  la  Storia  del  Coneilio  de  Trento.     Lettere  in- 

edite  del  Segretario  Camille  Olivo  1562."    Archivio  Sto- 

rico  Italiano  1916. 
*.     Schaff:     The    Creeds    of    Christendom.    Vol.    2,    1877. 

(Latin    text    and    English    translation    of    canons    and 

decrees ) . 
"he    Catkechism   of   the   Council   of   Trent,   translated   into 

English  by  J.  Donovan.     1829. 

Literature : 
'.   A.  Fronde:     Lectures  on  the  Council  of  Trent.     1899. 
*.    Sarpi:     The    historic   .of    the    Councel    of    Trent.    1620. 
(Translation  from  the  Italian,  which  first  appeared  1619). 
L  Hamack:     Lehrbvch  der  Dogmcngeschichte*  1910,  vol.  iii, 
pp.  692  S.     English  translation,  vol.  vii,  pp.  35-117. 
Ranke's   remark   that   there   was   no   good   history  of  the 
iouncil  of  Trent  holds  good  today.     The  best,  as  far  as  it 


The  Jesuits 


§  *■ 

SOUBCBB: 

^ibliothrqve  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus.    I  &re  partie:  Biblio- 

graphie  par  les  pSres  De  Backer.     2eme  partie  par  A. 

Carayan.     Nouvelle  ed.  par   C.   Sommervogel.     10  vols. 

1890^1909.     Corrections  et  Additions  par  E.  M.  Riviere. 

1911. 
Uontimenta  historica  Societalis  Jesu,  edita  a  Patribus  ejusdem 

Societatis.     Madrid,    1894-1913.     46   volumes. 
Cartas  de  San  Ignacio  de  Loyola,  6  vols.     1874-89. 
Acta  Sanctorum,  July  7.     1731. 
The  Autobiography  of  St.  Ignatius,  English  translation  ed, 

by  J.  P.  X.  O'Connor.     1900. 
J/etters  and  Instructions  of  St.  Ignatius  Loyola,  translated  by 

D.  F,  O'Leary  and  ed.  by  A.  Goodier.     1914. 
The  Spiritual  Exercises  of  St.  Ignatius  Loyola.     Spanish  and 

English,  by  J.  Rickaby,  S.  J.  1915. 
Beati  Petri  Canisii,  S.  J.,  Eptstulae  et  Acta,  ed.  0.  Brauns- 

berger.     6  vols,  as  yet.     1896-1913. 

Literature. 
"M-  Soehmer:    Les  JesuUes.     Ouvrage  tradm^  4e  Va^'^■c&OTi^ 
avee  une  Introduction  et  des  Notes  par  O.  "NLovioi.    \^'^^- 
(Standard  work  tiiough  very  concise"! . 


774 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Ignatius  von  Loyola  und  die  GeijcnrtformatfOK 
1895. 

A.  KoCabe:    A  Ca,ndid  Uisiory  of  ihe  Jesuits.     1913.     (H* 

tile  but  not  unveracious) , 

B.  Dnhr:     Geschichte  der  Jesuiten  in  den  Liindrrn  dfulitktf 

Zunge  im  ICten  Jahrhundert.     Band  I.  IWi. 
H.  Fonqneray:     Histoire  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus  en  Franet. 
2  vols.  1910-13. 


E.  L.  Taunton:     The  Jei 
Francis  Thompson:    Sa^ 

tion  this  book  by  ' 

the  nineteenth  een 
8.  Brou:  St.  Franioii 
J.  M.  Cros:  St.  Frapc 
On  Xavier  see  also  i 

fare  of  Science  ant 
Life  of  St.  Francis  Xavit, 

tions  from  his  letters  by  D.  Mucdonald. 

ular  aJid  sj-mpathctic}. 
W,  G.  Jayne:     Vasco  da  Oama  and  his  successors  (19101,  Od 

Xavier,  pp.  188  ff. 


igland.     1901. 
IS  Loyola.     1913.     (I  mo- 
(Oth  century  poet  bom  ioW 
count  of  the  author's  tame]. 
vols.    Paris,  1912. 
tr,  2  vols.  Toulouse,  1900. 
no.  350,  A.  D.  White:  Wir- 
,  1896,  ii,  5-22,  and  Pa*««. 
th  A.  Stewart,  wilh  transli- 
(i'oih 


§  5- 


The  Inquisition  and  the  Index 


Sources : 

P.  Fredericq:  Corpus  Dficninentoriim  InrjuisHionis  .Vcrlflit- 
dica;,  vols.  4,  5.,  1900  ff. 

L,  von  Pastor:  Allegcmeine  Dekreie  der  rihiiischeti  Inquui- 
lion  }.-:-jj-'J7.     1913. 

MandamenI  der  Keyserlijckrn  Maicstril,  vuytfrhcyieven  iul 
laer  xlvi.  Louvain,  1540,  One  hiiinlroil  ffii'.siiiiile  copifs 
printed  for  A.  11,  llimlinmon  iil  Ihe  Dp  Viiine  Press. 
New  York,  1896. 

Cataloiji  Libruruiii  ri.probutoruiii  d-  prukycndorum  ei  iudim 
Aciidcmiit  Luiianicnsis,  I'inuiat',  MULI.  Slandatu  do 
minoruni  do  uousilio  sanetae  geiipralis  Infinisitionis,  One 
hundred  faesimile  copies  printed  for  A.  M.  Iluntiugi'" 
at  tlie  De  Vinne  Pre.ss,  New  York,  1895. 

Cataloijus  libriirinn  qui  prohibcniiir  mandato  Illustrissimi  A 
Itev.  }).  />,  Ferdinund  de  Vatdcs,  Ilispalen.  Arehiojii- 
copi,  Ituvuisitocis  (Jeneraiis   Hispanite,   15'>9.     One  limi- 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  775 

Literature. 

H.  C.  Lea:  A  History  of  the  Inquisition  in  Spain.  4  vols. 
1906-7,  Characterized  by  wide  reading  and  Ihe  use 
of  many  manuscripts  whicli  Lea  had  copied  from  all 
European  archives.  A  really  wonderful  work.  The 
manuscripts  on  which  it  is  based  are  still  in  his  library 
in  Philadelphia.  I  have  been  kindly  allowed  by  his  son 
and  daughter  to  look  over  those  on  Spanish  Protes- 
tant ism. 

E.  C.  Lea:  The  Inquisition  in  the  Spanish  DependenciM. 
1908. 

t.  Fredericq:  "Les  recenta  historieus  cathoUques  de  I'lnqui- 
sition  en  France,"  Revue  Historique,  eix,  1912),  pp. 
307  ff.  (A  Roathing  criticisni  of  the  apologists  of  the  In- 
quisition who  have  written  against  Lea). 

B-  IT.  Adler:     Auto  de  Fe  and  the  Jew.     1908. 

E.  Sch&fer:    Beitriige  zur  Gesckickte  des  spanischen  Proies- 

taniismus  und  der  Inquisition.    3  vols.  19U2. 
O.  Bvahbell:     Reformation  und  Inquisition  in  Italien  um  die 
Mitic  dcs  XVI  Jahrhunderts.     1910. 

F.  H.  Reasch:     Dcr  Index  der  verbotenen  Biicker.    2  vols. 

1883.     {Standard), 
J,     Hilgers:     Der    Index    der    verbotenen    Biicher.    1904. 

(Apologetic). 
E.  C.  Lea:     Chapters  from  the  Religious  Uisiory  of  Spain 

connected  with  the  Inquisition.    1890.     (Chiefly  on  the 

Index), 
Articles;     "Inquisition,"  "Holy  Office,"  &e.  in  the  Encylo- 

pwdia  of  Religion  and  Ethics,  Prolestantische  Realency- 

clopiidie,  Catholic  Encyclopedia,  &c. 
O.  H.  Putnam:     The  Censorship  of  the  Chwrck  of  Rome.    2 

vols.  1906. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

THE    IBERIAN  PENINSULA   AND   THE   EXPANSION 
OF   EUROPE 
§  1,  Spain 

BotntCES : 

Coleecion  de  docnmentos  ineditos  para  \a  liistorva  de  ■£si'po!&«.. 
113  vols.     1842  ft. 
ColeccioH  de  documenios  ineditos  «tc.     ft  -noVa.  ^S^f^--*- 


^^^B^^H 

776 

BIBLIOGEAPHY 

Caletidar  of 
4o,  15 
to  date 

A.   Horel-Fi 
(Contai 
of  Char 

7.  L.  de  Ooi 
aB.M 

Letters,  Despatches  and  Stale  Papers,  SpanA. 
vols,  covering   1509-1603,  except   1555-8.    180 

tioL     Eistoriographie   de   Charles    Quint.    1913, 
ns  a  new  French  version  of  the  CominenUna 
esV). 

lara;     Annals  of  tke  Emperor  CkarUs  V,  ed.  by 
errimaii.     1912. 

LlTEEATURE. 

Rafael  Altai 

1913. 

written 
C.  E.  Cliapii 

Altamir 
E.  B.  Henii 

to   1516 

nira  y  Crevt 

The   best 
in  easy,  po, 
an;     The  . 

oan :     The 
.   1918.     (1 

ria  de  Espaiia,  Tomo  III' 
story,    very   largely  »oa»i, 

Bpain.     1918.     (Based  on 

Spanish  Empire.    2  ndi, 
he   futuro   volumes  of  ik 

!ven  more  vahialilf  for  mir  prf 

purpose ) , 
K.    Hahler:     Oeschichte   Spanievs    witfr    dfn    II obshurgi'n. 

Hand     1,     1907.      (Standard    work     lor    the     period    L.t 

Cliarles  V). 
Martin  A.  S.  Hnme;     Upain,  its  Greatness  and   Dicmj  U'-'- 

178S.     1S98.     (Po[)ular). 
M.  A.  S.  Hume:     I'hilip  II  of  Spnix.     )Si)7. 
E.  Gossart:     Cluirlps  V  et  Philip  II.     1910. 
E.  A.  Armstrong :     Charles  V.     Seeoud  ed.  1910.     2  vi-l^:, 
W.  H.  Prescott:     nistory  of  the  Reign  of  Philip  II.  Kir,j  '.,' 

Spam.     If-o5-74.      (Unfinished,  a  cla.ssiei. 
H.  C.  Lea:     The  Moriscos  in  Spain:  their  Conversion  and  Ei- 

pulsion.      1901. 
BratU:     Philippe    II,   roi   d'Espagne,    1912.     (An    unhappy 

attempt  to  whitewash  I'hilip;  uses  some  new   material'. 
M.  Philippson:     Westeitropa  im  Zeitalter  von  Philip  II,  Eliz- 
abeth umi  Ileinrich  IV.     1882. 

§  2.  The  Expansion  of  Europe 

W.  H.  Prescott:     History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mextjro.    1^4' 

(A  classic). 
W.  H,  Prescott:     Histonj  of  the  Conquest  of  Peru,     1847. 
H.   Vander  Linden:     "Alexander  VI  and   the   Bnlls  of  Dp- 

marcatiim,"  Americati  Historical  Kcvieu;  xxii,  1916.  pp 

1  fE 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  777 

I.  A.  Wright:    Early  History  of  Cuba,  1492-1586.    1916. 
O.  de  Lannoy  et  H.  Van  der  Linden:    L' Expansion  coloniale 

des  Peuples  Europeans .  *  Vol.  1.  Portugal  et  Espagne. 

1907. 
B.   O.  Bourne:    Spain  in  America.    1904.     (Excellent). 
8.  Bnge:     Oeschichte  des  Zeitalters  der  Entdeckungen.    1881. 

(Oneken:  Allgemeine  Geschichte). 
7.  Leroy-Beanlieu :    De  la  Colonisation  chez  les  peuples  mod- 
ernes.    1st  ed.  1874.    6th  ed.  1908.    2  vols. 
J.  Winsor:    Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  vols. 

1,  2,  1889,  1886. 
S.  Horse  Stephens:     The  Story  of  Portugal.    1891. 
G.  Young:    Portugal  Old  and  Young.    1917. 
The  Commentaries  of  the  great  Afonso  Dalboquerque,  ed.  by 

W.  de  G.  Birch.    4  vols.  187^-84. 
K.  O.  Tayne:     Vasco  da  Gama  and  his  Successors.     (1910). 
K.  Waliszewski:    Ivan  le  Terrible.    1904. 
The  Principal  Navigations,  Voyages,  Traffiques  and  Discoveries 

of  the  English  Nation,  by  B.  Hakluyt.     12  vols.  1903. 
Purchas  His  Pilgrimes,  by  S.  Purchas.    20  vols.     1905. 
P.  G.  Davenport:    European  Treaties  bearing  on  the  History 

of  the  United  States  and  its  Dependencies.    1917. 
W.  C.  Abbott:     The  Expansion  of  Europe.  2  vols.     1918. 


CHAPTEB  X 

SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

As  the  sources  for  this  chapter  would  include  all  the  ex- 
tant literature  and  documents  of  the  period,  it  is  impossible 
to  do  more  than  mention  a  few  of  those  particularly  referred 
to.  Moreover,  as  most  political  histories  now  have  chapters 
on  social  and  economic  conditions,  a  great  deal  on  the  sub- 
ject will  be  found  in  the  previous  bibliographies. 

Oeneral 
Sources: 

Wm.  Harrison's  Description  of  England  (1577,  revised  and 
enlarged  1586)  ed.  F.  J.  Fumivall.     1877  ft.   7  parts. 

Social  Tracts,  ed.  A.  Lang  from  Arber's  English  Garner^ 
1904. 


778  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Literature. 

nandworierbuch   der  Siaatstvisaenschaften,*   ed.   J. 

W.    A.    Lexis,    E.    Loening.     8    vols.     1909-11.     (Sun- 
dard). 

Worterhuch  der  Volkswirtsckaft,'  hg.  von  L,  Elster,  2  vot. 
1911. 

Social  England,  ed.  by  H.  D.  Traill  and  J.  S.  JIann.  Vol 
3.  Uenry  VIII  lo  Rliwil.Mli  1902.  (Standard  soifc 
originally  publishi 

S.  B.  Fay:     The  Hoheh  isekold.     1916. 

A  Catalogue  of  French  Documents  from  Iht  Kt*, 

I7tk  and  ISlh  Cev  lished  by  the  John  Crenr 

Library,  Chicago, 

H.  van  Houtte:    Ihca.  .ervir  d  I'  kistoire.  dtt  pm 

de  1337  a  1794.    \ 

Cavaignac:    "La    Popi  I'Eepasr&e    vera    13O0i" 

Svancf^  ct  Travaiix  m.  mie  dcs  Sciencfs  moraUttl 

politlqiies,  79e  Annce,  1919,  pp.  491  ff.  (puts  the  popu 
lalinii  at  ten  to  twelve  millions). 

J.  Calevier:  Lcs  dcnombremcnts  de  foyers  en  Brabant  (XVli 
et  XVIIe  siecles.)     1912. 

W.  Cunningham:  Essay  on  Western  Civilization  in  its  Eco- 
nomic Aspect.     Vol  2.     1900. 

J.  Beloch:  "Die  Beviilkerung  Eiiropas  ziir  Zeit  der  Renais- 
sance." Zcitschrifl  fiir  Sozialwissenschafi,  iii,  1900.  pp 
765-86. 

D.  J.  Hill:  A  History  of  Diplomacy  in  the  International  D(- 
velopment  of  Europe.     Vol.  2.  1910. 

C.  H.  Haring:  "American,  Gold  and  Silver  Production  in 
llie  first  half  of  the  Sixteenth  Centurj',"  Quarterly  Jour- 
nal of  Economics,  May,  1915. 

C.  H.  Haring:  Trade  and  Navigation  between  Spain  and  tht 
Indiis  in  the  Time  of  the  Ilapsbiirgs.     1918. 

L.  Felix:  Der  Einfluss  von  l^taat  und  lieckt  aiif  die  Enl- 
u-icldung  des  Eigenthums.  2le  Hiilfte,  2te  Ahteilung. 
1903. 

0.  Wiebe:  Zur  Gcschicktc  der  Preisrevolution  drr  16.  und  !■. 
Jahrhundrrtrn.  in  Von  Miaskowski:  Staats  und  ski- 
alxvisscnschaftliche  Bcitriige,  II,  2.  1895.     (Important.' 

G.  d'  Avenel:  Ilistoire  cconomique  de  la  propriitc,  dcs  su'- 
aires,  drs  denrers  ct  dc  tons  lcs  prix  en  general  liOO- 
1800.     6  \o\x.  "Vft^^  ^.     iv"^ o\v6.«W\\-3  ^■M.ftvesting  work). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  779 

ft.  d'Ayencl:    DScotivertes  d'Hisioire  Sociale.    1910.     (Brief 

summary  of  his  larger  work). 
W.    Haudi:    Die    Oetreidehandelspolitik    der   Europdischen 

Staaten  von  13ien  his  zum  Idten  Jahrhundert.    1896. 
H.  S.  B.  Oras:    The  Evolution  of  the  English  Corn  Market. 

1915. 

A.  P.  Usber:     The  History  of  the  Orain  Trade  in  France. 

1400-1710.     1913. 
Z.  Eabler:    Die  wirtschaftliche  Bliite  Spaniens  im  16.  Jahr- 
hundert und  ihr  Verfall.    1888. 

B.  Hoses:    ''The  Economic  Condition  of  Spain  in  the  16th 

Century."       American  Historical  Association  Reports. 

1893. 
E*  P.  Cheyney:    Social  Changes  in  England  in  the  Sixteenth 

Century  as  Reflected  in  Contemporary  Literature.    Part 

I,  Rural  Changes.     1895. 
A.  Lnschin   von    Ebengreuth:    Allgemeine    Munzkunde    und 

Oeldgeschichte  des  Mittelalters  und  der  neueren  Zeit. 

1904. 

§  4.  Life  of  the  People 

Sources: 

Das  Zimmersche  Chronik,*  hg.  v.  K.  A.  Barack.  4  vols. 
1861-2. 

Social  Germany  in  Luther's  Time,  the  Memoirs  of  Bartholo- 
mew Sastrow,  translated  by  A.  D.  Vandam.     1902. 

T.  Tusscr:  A  Hundred  Points  of  Good  Hushandrie,  1558. 
(Later  expanded  as:  Five  Hundred  Points  of  Good  Hus- 
bandry united  to  as  many  of  Good  Huswifery.     1573). 

L.  von  Pastor:  Die  Reise  Kardinals  Luigi  d'Aragona  1517-8. 
1905.  (Erganzungen  und  Erlauterungen  zu  Janssens 
Geschichte  des  deutschen  Volkes.     Band  IV,  Teil  4). 

Baldassare  Castiglione:  The  Book  of  the  Courtier.  English 
translation  by  Opdycke.     1903. 

The  Seconde  Parte  of  a  Register:  being  a  Calendar  of  Man- 
uscripts  under  that  title  intended  for  publication  by  the 
Puritans.    1593.    By   A.   Peel.    2   vols.   1915. 

Treatises  : 

E.  B.  Baz :    Oerman  Society  at  the  Close  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

1894. 
P.  V.  B.  Tones:    Household  of  a  Tudor  Noblemau.    \^Y\. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


W.  B.  B,ye:     England  as  seen  by  Foreigners  in   the  Dayi  0/ 

Elizabeth  and  James  I.     1865. 
C.    L.    Powell;     English    Domestic    Relathm,    1487-1653:  4 

stitdy   of  Matrimony   and  Family  Life   in   Theory  odJ 

Practice  as  revealed  in  the  Literature,  Law  and  Bislor^ 

of  the  Period.     1917, 
W.  Kawerau:     Die  Reformation  und  die  Eke.     1892. 
P.  S.  Allen:     The  Atje  of  Erasmus.     1914. 
K.  R.  Greenfield:     Sumptuary  Laws  of  ^'Urnberg.     1918. 
Preserved    Smith :     ' '  Some    old    Blue    Laws, "    Open    Covrt, 

April,  1915. 
H.  Almann:     Das  Leben  des  dcutschen  Volkea  bem  Begin*  dir 

Neaseit.     1893. 
E.  S.  Bates;     Touring  in  1600.     1911. 
T.  F.  Ordish:     The  Early  London  Theatres.     1894. 
J.  Cartwright:     Baldassare  Castiglione.     2  vols.   1908. 
J,  L.  Pagel:     Gcsckichte  der  Medizin.     Zweile  Auftage  w« 

K.  Siidho/f.    1915. 
A.  H.  Buck :     The  Growth  of  Medicine  from  the  Earliest  Tima 

to  about  1800.     1917. 
H.  Haeser:     Geschichte  der  Medicin.    Band  II.*     1881. 
T.  H.  Oarriion:     An  Introduction  to  the  History  of  Mtdiei»»- 

1914. 
J.   Liilir:     Methodisch-kritische  Beitrage  z«r  Geschichte  itr 

Sittlichkeit   des  Klerus,  besonders  der  Erzdiozese  KSl* 

am  Ausgang  des  Mittelalters.    1910. 
H.  A.  Krose :     Der  Einfluss  der  Konfession  auf  die  SittUckitil 

nach  den  Ergebnissen  der  Slatistik.     1900. 
Henri  (J.  A.)  Bandrillart:     Histoire  du  luxe  prive  et  pulpit 

depuis  I'antiquite  jusqu'  a  nos  jours.     Vol.  3,  Moyen  Ag* 

et  Renaissance.    1879. 

CHAPTER  XI 
THE  CAPITALISTIC  REVOLUTION 

Many  of  ihc  books  referred  to  in  the  last  chapter  vA 
many  general  histories  have  chapters  on  the  subject.  Their 
titles  arc  not  repeated  here. 

English  Economic  Hisfory.    Select  Docunients  ed.  by  A.  E- 
Bland,  V.  X.  ^tovju  Mv&'a..V>.,'\v«^'»-i.    1914,'   (With 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  781 

G.  Rosedale:     Queen  Elizabeth  and  the  Levant  Company, 

1904. 
LeTasseur:    Hisioire  des  classes  ouvriires  et  de  I'  industrie 
-'       en  France  avant  1789.*    2  vols.  1900-1. 

Ayenel:    Paysans  et  Ouvriers  depuis  sept  cent  ans,^    1904. 
Cnnninghani:     The  (Growth  of  English  Industry  and  Com- 
merce, during  the  Early  and  Middle  Ages,^    1910.     Mod- 

era  Times.'    1894. 
ni7.    T.    Ashley:    The   Economic    Organisation   of   England, 

1914.     (Brief,  brilliant). 
ft.  Trnwin:    The  Industrial  Organization  of  England  in  the 

Sixteenth    and    Seventeenth    Centuries.    1904.     (Schol- 
^arly). 
A.  P.  Vaher:     The  Industrial  History  of  England.    1920. 
J.  W.  Bnrgon:    Life  and  Times  of  Sir  T.  Oresham.    2  vols. 

1839. 
0.  Noel:    Histoire  du  commerce  du  monde.    3  vols.  1891- 

1906. 
E.  O.  Self  ridge:    The  Romance  of  Commerce.    1918. 
J.   A.   WilliamBon:    Maritime  Enterprise   1485-1558.    1913. 
J,  Strieder:    Die  Inventar  der  Firma  Fugger  au>s  dem  Jdhre 

1527.    1905. 
7.  Strieder:    Zur  Genesis  des  modernen  Kapitalismus.    1904. 
J.  Strieder:    Studien  zur  Oeschichte  kapitalistischer  Organi- 

sationsformen :  Monopole,  Kartelle  und  Aktiengesellschaf- 

ten  im  Mittelalter  und  zu  Beginn  der  Neuzeit.    1914. 

(Highly  important). 
Clive  Day:    History  of  Commerce.    1907. 
W.  MtLek:    Der  Mansf elder  Kupferschieferbergbau.    1910. 
K.  Ehrenberg:    Das  Zeitalier  der  Fugger.    Band  I,  1896. 
C.  A.  Herrick:    History  of  Commerce  and  Industry.    1917. 

(Text-book). 
M.  P.  Sooseboom:     The  Scottish  Staple  in  the  Netherlands, 

1292-1676.     1910. 
W.  Sombart:    Krieg  und  Kapitalismus.    1913. 
W.   Sombart:    Der  Modeme   Kapitalismus?    2   vols,   in   3. 

1916-7. 
L.    Brentano:    Die    Anfdnge    des    modernen    Kapitalismus. 

1916. 
A.  Sohnlte :    Die  Fugger  in  Rom.    2  vols.  1904. 
Kaidme   Eowalewsky:    Die    okonomische   Entwicklung   Eu- 

ropas  his  zum  Beginn  der  ftapitolisiiscKetv  Wvrt^tSv«i^\%- 


782  BIBLIOGBAPHT 

fornt.    Aus  dem  Russiscken  iibersetzt  von  A.  Stei^    VA 

6.     1913.     (Important). 
E.  E.  Fnthero:     English  Farming  Past  and  Present.    1911 
£.  P.  Gay:     "Incloaures  in  England  in  tbe  16th  CentBiy, 

Quarterly  Journal  of  Ecovomics,  vol.  17,  1903. 
£.  F.  Oay:    Zur  Geschichte  der  Einkegungen   in  fa^loai 

1902.     (Berlin  dissertation). 
J.  S.  Leadam:     Th&  Do^'""ii»  "f  Inclosures.     1897. 
J.  E.  T.  Borers:     Six  Ce  Work  and  Wages.    188t 

J.  E.  T.  Sogers:     A  I  Agriculture  mid  Pricrai 

England.     Vols,     i  iv,     1400-1582.     1881    (j 

classic). 
J.  Klein :     The  Mesta  -.  A  ■  Spanish  Economic  ff tdn] 

1920. 
B.  E.  Tawney:    Tk«  A  oblem  m  the  Sixteenth  Cfi 

tvry.    1912. 
W.  StolM:     Zur  Vorgesc ,.'es  Bauemkriegex.     (Slaatt- 

und    sozialwissenschaftiiehe    Forschungcn,    hg.    run   d. 

SckmoUer.     Band  18,  Heft  4).     1900. 
J,  Hayem :     Les  Greves  dans  les  Temps  Mod^mes.    Mimvm 

et  Documents  pour  serv:r  a  I'histoire  dit  commerce  (t  di 

I'indusirif  en  France.     1911. 
X.  Feuchtwanger :     "Geschichte  der  .sozialeii  Politik  und  d« 

Armenwosens  im  Zeitaher  der  Reformation."     Jahrbuf^ 

fiir  Gesctzgebung,  1908.  xxxii,  and  1909.  xxxiii. 
J.     S.     Schapiro:     Social    Reform     and     the     Reformal\<m. 

1909. 
G.  UUhorn:     Die  CkristUche  Liebcstaiigkeit.     1895. 
E.  M.  Leonard:     The  Early  History  of  English  Poor  Rfi-'f 

1900. 
0.    Winckelmann :     "Die    Armenordnungen     von     NiiriilkTp 

(1522),    Kilzingen     (152:5),    Regensburg     (152;i)    uiiJ 

Ypprn   (1525),"  Archiv  fiir  Reformat ionsgeschichle.  i. 

1913  and  xi,  1014, 
J.  L.  Vives:     Concerning  the  Relief  of  the  Poor,  tr.  by  M.  M. 

Sherwood.     1917. 
Liber    Vagatorum,    reprinted,    with    Luther's    preface,    in 

Lutlier's  "Werkp,  Weimar,  vol.  xxvi,  pp.  634  ff. 
Brooks  Adams:     The  A'etc  Empire.     1902.     {Fanciful*. 
K.  Latnprecht:     Ziim   VerstHndnis  der  wirtscKaftlichen  vnd 

sozialen  Wandlungen  in  Deuisckland  vom  14-16.    Jakr- 

JiUTiderl.    16^'i. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  783 

Shakespcwre's    'Cngland,  by  varioiia   authors.     2   vols.   1916. 

chap,     xi,     G,     Unwin :       ' '  Commerce     and     Coinage. ' ' 
E.  Schonebaum;     "Aittwerpena  Bliitezeit  im  XVI.     Jahrhun- 

dprt."     Archiv  fur  Kulturyeschichtc,  xin.     1917. 
0.  Winckelmann :     "Ueber  die  iiltesten  Armenordnungen  der 

Reforniationszeit."    Historiscke   Vicrteljakrschrift,  xviL 

1914-5. 
Stella  Kramer:     The  EngUsk  Craft   Gilds  and  the  Gwern- 

niFtit.     1905. 
Jfiedcrliinduicke   Aklen   und    Vrkiinden   zur   Geschichle   der 

Ilanse   und  zur  deutschen  Seegeachickte  .  .  .  bearbeitet 

von  R.  Hdpke.     Band  I   (1531-57).     1913. 
W.     Canninghaiii :     Progress     of     Capitalism    in    England. 

1916. 

CHAPTER  XII 
MAIN  CURRENTS  OF  THOUGHT 
§  1.  Biblical  and  Classical  Scholarship 

Tovvm  Intirumentum  omne,  Ailigenter  ah  Erasmo  Rot.  recog- 
nitum  et  emendatum.  Basileae.  1516.  (Nearly  300 
editions  catalogued  in  the  Bihliotheca  Erasmiana.  In 
Erasmi  Opera  Omnia,  1703,  vol.  VI.) 
Kovum  teslamentum  graece  et  latitte  in  academia  Complutensi 
noviter  impressum.  1514.  Vetua  testamentum  multi- 
plici  lingua  nunc  pritnitm  impressum.  In  kae  prae- 
clarisxima  Complutensi  universitate.  1517. 
C.   K,    Oregflry:     Die   Textkritik   des  Neuen   Testaments.    3 

parts.  1900-9. 
Articles  "Bible,"  in  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  Encyclopaedia 
of  Religion  and  Ethics,  Protestantischc  Realencijklopadic, 
and  Die  Religion  in  Geschichle  und  Gegcnuiarl. 

E.  TOn  Sobsohiitz:     The  Influence  of  the  Bible  on  Civilization. 

1913. 

F.  Falk:     D  c  Bibcl  am  Ausgange  des  Mittelalters,  ihrc  Kennt- 

nis  und  Hire  Verbreilung.     1905. 

Kartin  luther'i  Deutsche  Bibel,  in  Sammtliche  Werke,  Wei- 
mar, separately  numbered,  vols,  i,  ii,  iii,  v. 

K.  Tnllerton:  "Lulher's  doctrine  and  criticism  of  Scrip- 
ture," Bibliofheca  Sacra,  Jan.  and  April,  1906. 

H.  Zerener:  Sludim  Hber  das  beginvende  Eindringen  der 
lutherischen  Bibeliibertettung  in  der  diut»cKe*ft  l,Uwrii.\iii.T , 
19JX 


784 


BIBLIOORAPHY 


Lviherstudien  etrr  i.  Jahrhundertfeier  der  Reformatim, 

den   MitarhcHern   der   Weimarer  Lutherausgaht. 

pp.  203  ff. 
K,  A.  Keiisinger:     Luther's  Exegese  in  der  FrUhzHI. 
0.  Beioh«rt:     Martin  Luther's  Deutsche  BibeL     1910. 
Sir  H.  H.  Howorth:     "The  Biblical  Canon  acconling 

Continental  Reformers,"  Journal  of  Tkeologieat  SI 

ix,  188  ff.     (1907-8). 


199 


1911 


J.  P.  Heiitz;     History 
1910. 

D.  lorUeh :  Histoire  di 
A.  W.  Pollard:  ffccoro- 
S.  C.  Kacaaley:     "The 

Oet.  1911,  pp.  505 
W.  Canton;  Thf.  Bibl 
H.  T.  Peck:  A  Histor 
Sir  J.  E.  Sandys:     "Sel 

EngUmd.  11)16. 
Sir  J.  E.  Sandys:     A  History  of  Classical  Schola-rship.    Vol.", 

1908.     (Standard). 

E.  Hallam:     Introduction  lo  the  Literature  of  Europe  in  tin 

15th,  16th  and  17th  Centuries.  1837-9.  (Verj-  compre- 
hensive, in  part  antiquated,  somewhat  external  but  on  the 
whole  cxeellent). 


keran  Version  of  tlu  BiA 

en  France.     1910. 
English  Bible.     1911. 
Bible,"   Quarterly 

Anglo-Saxon  People, 
cal  Philology.  1911. 
"  chap,  ix  io  fHtalirsp'ar''^ 


§  2. 

TltE.M 


History 


£.  Fucter:  Geschickle  der  ^^eueren  Eisloriograpkie.  1911 
French  translation,  revised,  Ifllii.  (Work  of  brilliBiiM^ 
philosophical,  reliable,  readable). 

M,  Ritter:  "Stndien  iibvr  die  EntwieKiunK  tier  Gesehithi*- 
wis-seiisi-haft."      Historische    Zeitschrift,    eit.       (1912'. 

2C1  ir. 

E.  Menke-Gluckert :  Die  Gcsc.hichlschrcibiin'j  d-r  Htformo- 
tion  uad  Ocgevreformation.  Bodin  und  die  Bcgriindung 
drr  O'rsrhichtsmeihadologie  durch  Bartholomiius  Ktck(r- 
mann.     1912. 

P.  Toachimsen :  Gcschichtsaujfassung  und  Geschichtschrd- 
bung  in  Deutschland  vnter  dent  Einfluss  des  Humanis- 
niii^.     Teil  I.     1910. 

0,  L.  Burr:  "The  Freedom  of  History,"  American  Hislorio'- 
licvku:,  xxu, '1^1  i.  V:i\?.. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  785 

.  Morel-Fatio:     Ilistoriographie  de  CharJes-Quint.     1913. 
,  C.   Baur:     Die  Epoohen  der  kirchlichen  Geschichtschrei' 

hung,     1852. 

Ton    Sanke:    Zur    Kritik    neueren    Oeschdchtschreiber* 

1874. 

Wolf:     Quellenkunde    der    deutschen    Reformationsge' 

schichte.    Vol.  i,  1915 ;  vol.  ii,  1916. 
..^^jrticle,  ** History"  in  Encyclopedia  Americana,  ed.  of  1919. 

^Originals. 

3r.  Kachiavelli:  Istorie  fiarentine,  (to  1492).  First  ed. 
1561-64.  Numerous  editions,  and  English  translation  by 
C.  E.  Detmold:  The  Historical,  Political  and  Diplomatic 
Writings  of  N.  Machiavelli.    4  vols.  1882. 

Hkmnoesco  Ouicciardini :  Storia  fiorentina,  (1378-1509). 
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BenTenuto  Cellini:  Life,  translated  by  R.  H.  H.  Gust.  2 
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Flaiiliu  Tovius:  Historiarum  sui  temporis  lihri.  xlv,  (1493^ 
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Folydore  Vergil:  Anglicae  Historiae  Ubri,  xxvii,  (to  1538). 
First  edition,  to  1509,  Basle,  1534;  2d  ed.  1555.  (I  use 
the  edition  of  1570.  The  best  criticism  is  in  II.  A.  L. 
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Polydore  Vergil:  De  rerum  inventorihus  Ubri  octo.  1536. 
2d  ed.,  enlarged,  1557. 

C&tesar  Baronins:  Annates  Ecclesiastici  (to  1198).  Rome. 
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Eeclesiastica  Historia  .  .  .  secundum  centurias,  a  M.  Flacio, 
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TL  Bullinger:  Reformationsgeschichte,  hg,  von  J,  J.  Hottin- 
ger  und  H,  H,  Vogeli.  3  vols.  1838-40.  (Index  to 
this  in  preparation  by  W.  Wuhrmann;  Bullinger 's  Gor- 
respondence  will  also  soon  appear). 

Joan.  Sleidani:  De  statu  religionis  et  reipuilicae,  Carolo 
Quinto  Caesare,  commentariorum  lihri  xxvi,  1555. 
(My  edition,  1785,  3  vols.,  was  owned  formerly  by  I. 
DoUinger). 


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787 


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§  3.  Poheical  Theory 

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Wissenschaft    der    neuen    ZM.    Vol.    i.*    1911.     (Ex- 
cellent.   First  edition,  1906-7). 
X.  Adamson:    A  Short  History  of  Logic.    1911. 
H.  Hbffding:    A   History   of  Modern  Philosophy.    English 

translation.    2  vols.    1900. 
S.  Eueken:    The  Problem  of  Human  Life  as  Viewed  by  the 

Great  Thinkers.    English  translation.    1909. 
J.  X.  Baldwin:    Dictionary  of  Philosophy  and  Psychology. 

3  vols.    1901-5. 
J.  B.  Charbonnel:    La  pensee  italienne  au  XVIe  siecle.    1919. 
A.  Bonilla  y  San  Martin :    Luis  Vives  y  la  fUosofia  del  renaci- 
miento.    1903. 

CHAPTER  XIII 

THE  TEMPER  OP  THE  TIMES 
§  1.  Tolera/nce  and  Intolerance 

Lord  Acton :  The  History  of  Freedom.  1907.  *  *  The  Protest- 
ant Theory  of  Persecution,"  pp.  150-187.  (Essay  writ- 
ten in  1862). 

F.  Bnfflni:  ReUgious  Liberty,  translated  by  J.  P.  Heyes. 
1912. 

H.  Panlns:    Protestantismus  und  Toleranz.    1912. 

a.  1.  Burr :  *  *  Anent  the  Middle  Ages. ' '  American  Historical 
Review.    1913,  pp.  710-726. 

P.  Wappler:  Die  Stellung  Kursachsens  und  Philipps  von 
Hessen  zur  Tduferbewegung.    1910. 

Eneyclopadia  of  Religion  and  Ethics,  ix,  a.  n.  ^'Yewfe^xs^Ivs^?*' 


794  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

8.  Castellion:     Traite  des  Hereliques.    A  savoir,  si  on  )«s  doit 

persecuter.     Ed.  A.  Olivet.     Genfeve.     19ia, 
P.    Wappler;    Inqwisition    vnd    Ketzcrprozess    zu    Ztcieka, 

1908. 
J.  A.  Faulkner:     "Luther  aiid  Toleration,"  Papers  of  Amm- 

can  Church  History  Society,  Soeond  Scriea,  vol  ir,  pp^ 

129   ff.     1914. 
K.  Volker:     ToUram  und  Intoleram  im  Zeitalier  der  Befir- 

motion.     1912, 
W.  E.  H.  Lecky:     A  Hli  s  R.se  and  Influenct  oftU 

Spirit  of  Rationaiis  e.    2  vols,  1865.  ch»pterii, 

"Persecution"  (in  .  2  both). 

Erasmi  opera,  1703,  ix,  ;  oposition  iii, 

H.  Hennelinck:     Der  T.  infte.     1908. 

The  Workes  of  Sir  Tko  1557,  pp.  274  ff.     (A  Wt 

logue  of  Sir  Tlioma  !8}. 

HontB^e:     Essays,  Bo  :uc 

A.  J.  Klein:     Intolerance  in  the  iicign  of  Elizahcih.     191 
R.  Lewini     Luther's  Sicllung  zu  den  Jud-en.     1911. 

E.  H.  Murray:     Erasmus  and  Luther:  their  attitude  to  ToJ- 

eralion.    1920. 
5  2.  Witchcraft 

Papers  of  the  American  Historicai  Associaiion,  iv,  pp.  237-6fi, 

Bililiography  o£  witchcraft  hy  G.  L,  Burr. 
N.  Faulus:     Ilrzrnwahn  und  Hexenprozess,  vornehmlich  in 

16.     Jahrhvndrri.     1910. 
G.  L.  Bun:     The  ^Vitc.h  Persecutions.     Traiislation.s  and  R'^ 

prints  issued  by  the  t'nivt'rsity  of  Pennsylvania,  vol.  3, 

no,  4,  1897. 
0.  L.  Burr:     The  Fate  of  Dietrich  Flade.     1891. 
J.  Hansen:     Zauherwakn,  Inquisition  vnd  Dexenprozess  m 

Mittelalter,  und  die  Entstehung  der  grossen  Ilexenvtrjol 

gung.     1900. 

F.  von  Bezold:     "Jean  Bodin  als  Okkultist  und  seine  Demon- 

omanie."     Histonsche  Zcitschrift,  ev.     1  fF.     (19101, 
Gosson:     The  School  of  Abuse  (1578),  ed.  E.  Arber,  1906.  p. 

60. 
De    i'racstigiis    denionum  .  .  .  authore    Joanne    W'iero  .  .  . 

1564. 
Johannis  Wieri ;     De  lamiis.     1582. 
Reginald  Scott:     The  Discoverie  of  Witchcraft,  wherein  ih( 

Lcu-'de  dealing  oj  'WllcVes  a.T>.d  'Wi.tch.mongers  is  notablit 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  795 

I 

iji      detected  .  .  .  whereunio  is  added  a  Treatise  upon  the 

]       Nature  and  Substance  of  Spifits  and  Devils.    1584.    Be- 

L      printed  by  B.  Nicholson,  1886. 

m»  Votestdn:    A  History  of  Witt^i&raft  in  England  1558- 

k       1718.    1911. 
'^9t*  ^  H.  Leoky:    A  History  of  the  Rise  and  Influence  of  the 
Spirit  of  Rationalism  in  Europe.    2  vols.  1865.    Vol.  1, 
■^>       ehaps.  i,  and  ii. 

*nitaigne:    Essays,  vol.  iii,  no.  xi. 
C.  Lea:    A  History  of  the  Inquisition  in  the  Middle  Ages. 
m.       Vol.  iii,  392  flf. 
•.  L.  Eittredge:    '*A  Case  of  Witchcraft/'  American  His- 
torical Review,  xxiii,  pp.  1  flf,  1917. 
IE.  Xirbt:    Quellen  zur  Oeschichte  des  Papsttums  und  des  ro- 
mischen  Katholizismus.*    1911.    p.  182.     (Bull,  Summis 
desiderantes) . 
9.  Botkoff:    Oeschichte  des  Teufels.    1869. 

A.  Graf:    II  diavolo.    1889. 

~  E.  C.  Lea:    The  Inquisition  in  Spain,  1907,  vol.  iv,  chaps.  8 

and  9. 
Statutes  of  the  Realm,  5  Eliz.  16:  An  Act  agaynst  Inchant- 

mentes  and  Witchcraftes.     (1562-3). 
T.  de  Caazons:    La  Magie  et  la  Sorcellerie  en  France.    4  vols. 

(1911). 

B.  Klinger :    Luther  und  der  deutsche  VoUcsaberglaube.    1912. 

{Palaestra,  vol.  56). 

§  3.  Education 

Album  Academim  Vitebergensis  1502-1602,  Band  I,  ed.  K.  E. 
Forstemann,  1841.  Band  ii,  1895.  Band  iii  Indices, 
1905.     (Reprint  of  vol.  i,  1906). 

J.  C.  H.  Weissenbom:  Akten  der  Erfurter  Vniversitdt.  3 
vols.    1884. 

O.  Buchanan:  ''Anent  the  Reformation  of  the  University  of 
St.  Andros,'*  in  Buchanan's  Vernacular  Writings,  ed.  P. 
Hume  Brown,  1892. 

The  Statutes  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts  and  of  the  Faculty  of 
Theology  at  the  Period  of  the  Reformation,  of  St.  An- 
drews' University,  ed.  R.  K.  Hannay,  1910. 

K.  Hartf elder:    Melanchthoniana  pcedogogica.    1895. 

F.  V.  H.  Fainter:  Luther  on  Education,  including  a  historical 
introduction  and  a  translation  of  the  Reformer's  two 
most  important  educational  treatises.    1&&9. 


796 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


i  printed  fi 


Mandameni  der  Ee'jserlijcker  Maiesteit,  vuytgkegef 
Jaer  xlvi.  Louvain,  1546.  {100  facsimiles 
A.  M.  Huntington  at  the  De  Vinne  Press,  N,  Y., 
Contains  lists  of  books  allowed  in  schools  in  the  Ni 
lands). 

C.  Bor^rcand:     Hisiaire  de  I' Vniversite  de  Geneve.    2 
1900,  1909. 

J.  K.  Hofer:     Die  Stellung  des  Des.  Erasmus  wnrf  J.  L. 
zur  Pdd^gogik  des  '~  '  ~ 

1910. 

F.  Watson:     Fives  and 
1912. 


(Erlangen  Dissertatioa 
•cence  education  of  tCoM 


■tion.    5  vols.  1912-3. 
zi6kur\g  vom  Anfang  b>tff  I 
1884^1902.      (Standard). 
■en  Engtands  im  16.    Jitr- 1 


P.  Honroe;    Cyclopedui 

E.  ASbhmid:     Qeschich 

unserer  Zeit.    5  vo 
A.  Zinunennann:     Die  h 

kundert.     1889. 
A.  Zimraermann:     England's  "o/fcutlu'hc  Scliiihn"  ion  dn 
Reformation    bis    zur    Gegenwart,    1892     (Stimraea  sd> 
Maria-Lach.  vol.  56). 

F.  P.  Graves:     A   Ilistorg  of  Education  diiritig   ihf  Viddlt 

Ages  and  the  Transition  to  Modern  Times.     1910 
"Die    Prequenz    der    deiitschen    Universilaten     in     fruhfW 

Zeit,"  Dfutschcs  Wochenblati,  1897.  pp.  391  fT. 
P.  Monroe:     A  Text-Book  of  the  History  of  Education.    1905. 

(Standard  ti'Xl-book). 
W.  S.  Monroe:     A  Bibliography  of  Education.     1897. 


0.  Mertz: 
1902. 

P.  Paulsen 
land.' 

Vr.  Sohm: 

J.  Picker: 


Das    Schulwesen    der    driilschen     Eeformatvi*. 


Oeschichic  des  gelehrten  V nterrichts  in  DeuU(k- 
2  vols.  1896-7. 

Die  Schvle  Johann  Sturms.     1912. 
Die  Anfange  der  akademiscken  Studien  in  StTus- 
burg.     1912. 
Shakespeare's  EngJavd,  1916.  2  vols.  ch.  8  "Education"  bj 

Sir  J.  B.  Sandy.s. 
A.  Roersch:     L'  ITumanismc  beige  a  I'  epogue  de  la  Renaii- 

sance.     1910. 
Sir  T.  Elyot:     The  boke  numed  the  governour.     1531.     (Ne" 

.■dition  liy  H.  II.  S.  Croft.     2  vols.  1880). 
Melaiu:hthonis  opera  omnia,  si,  12  ff.     "Declaraatio  de  cor- 

rigpmUs  adiAoiweiitiu;  studies."     (1518). 
R.  Ascham;     The  ScKole  MosUt.   "SSi'W,    >^,  ^!»Jt  \.W  wqrint 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  797 

%  in  the  English  Works  of  R.  Ascham,  ed.  J.  Bennet,  1761). 
|L  Fonmier:  Leg  Staiuis  ei  Privileges  des  Universites  fran- 
U  gaiies  depuis  leur  fondation  jusqu^en  1789,  4  vols. 
•      1890-4. 

f.  Baoon:    The  Advancement  of  Learning,  Book  ii. 
Biiabethan  Oxford:    reprints  of  rare  tracts  ed.  by  G.  Plumer. 

1887. 
Oraee  hook  A  containing  records  of  the  University  of  Cam- 

bridge  1542-89,  ed.  by  J.  Venn.    1910. 
Begistres  des  procis-verbatix  de  la  Faculte  de  theologie  de 

Paris,  pub.  par  A.  Clerval.    Tome  I.  1917.     (1505-23). 
J.  H.  Lapton:    A  Life  of  John  Colet,  new  ed.  1909.  (First 

printed  1887.    On  St.  Paul's  School,  pp.  169,  271  flf.) 
W.  H.  Woodward:    Des.  Erasmus  concerning  the  Aim  and 

Method  of  Education.    1904.     (Pine  work), 
r.  P.  Orayes :    Peter  Ramus  and  the  Educational  Reformation 

of  the  16th  Century.    1912. 
tncyclopcedia     Britannica,     articles     '*  Universities"     and 

"Schools." 
aitunira  y  Crevea:    Historia  de  Espana,*  iii,  532  ff.     (1913). 
f«    Oribble:    The    Romance    of    the    Cambridge    Colleges. 

(1913). 
h  B.  Hnllinger:    A  History  of  the  University  of  Cambridge. 

1888. 
G^.  C.  Brodriek:    A  History  of  the   University  of  Oxford. 

1886. 
D.  Headlam:    The  Story  of  Oxford.    1907. 
W.  H.  Woodward:    Studies  in  Education  during  the  Age  of 

the  Renaissance  1400-1600. 
A«  Bonilla  y  San  Martin:    Luis  Vives  y  la  fUosofia  del  renaci- 

miento.    1903. 
L.  Lefrano:    Histoire  du  CoUige  de  France  depuis  ses  origines 

jusqu'  i  la  fin  du  premier  empire.    1893. 
P.    Feret:    La    FacultS    de    Theologie    de    Paris.    iSpoque 

Moderne.    7  vols.    1900-10. 
W.   Friedensburg :    Oeschichie  der   Universitdt   Wittenberg. 

1918. 
§  4.  Art 

Very  fine  reproductions  of  the  works   of  the   principal 
painters  of  the  time  are  published  in  separate  volumes  of  the 
series,  Klassiker  der  Kunst  in  Gesamtausgaben,  Deutsche  Ver- 
lags-Anstalt,  Stuttgart  und  Leipzig.    A  bml  \\^  oi  ^%xAsct^ 
•riticisma  of  art,  many  of  them  well  \ll\xalTaledL,  W^^^^\ 


Central  Italian  Painters  of  the  Reiuutsawt. 
The  Venetian  Painters  of  the  Benaissana.' 
The  Florentine  Painters  of  the  Renaissancf.' 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

K.    Wocrmann:     Geschickie    der    Kunst    aller    Zeiten    vni 

VdlL-er.    Band  4.=     li>19. 
8.     Eeinach:     Apollo.*     1907.     (Also     English     translation- 

Marvelou-sly  compressed  and  sound  criticism). 
J.  A.   STmoiids:     The  Italian   Rcmmsance.     The    Fine  Ajtt. 

1888. 
L.  Pastor:     History  of  the  Popfs.     (Much  on  art  at  Rome, 

passim). 
B.    Berenson;     North    ItaUan   Painters    of    the    Ret 

1907. 
fi.  Berenson: 

1897. 
B.  BerenMii: 

1902, 

B.  Berenson: 

190H. 

Oiorgio  Vasari:     Lives  of  the  Most  Eminent  Painters,  Sculp- 
tors and  Architects,  newly  translated  by  G.  du  C.  de  Ven-. 

10  vols.  1912-14.     (Other  editions). 
R.  Lanciani:      The  Oolden  Days  of  the  Renaissavce  in  Romf. 

1907. 
£,  Kiintz;     Hisloire  de  I'  art  pendant  la  Renaissance.    3  vols. 

1889-95. 
J.  Crowe  and  0.  Gavalcaselle :     History  of  ItaJian  Paititiftg. 

1903  ff. 

L.  Dimier:     French  Painting  in  the  Sixteenth  Century,    1904. 
L.  F.  Freeman:     Italian  Sculptors  of  the  Renaissance.    1902. 
H.    Janitschek:     Geschichte    der    deulschen    Malcrei.    1890. 
H.  A.  Dickenson:     German  Masters  of  Art.     1914. 
E.  Bertanz:     Rome  de  I'  avinement  de  Jules  II  a  not  jourt.' 

1908. 
U.  Eeymond:     L'  Education  de  Leonard.     1910. 
W.  Pater:     "Leonardo  da  Vinci,"  in  the  volume  called  T^t 

Renaissance,  1878.     (Though  much  attacked   this  is,  in 

my  opinion,  Ihe  liest  criticism  of  Leonardo). 
S.  Frend :     Leonardo  da  Vitici.    1910. 
W.  von  Seidlitz:     Leonardo  da   Vinci.    2  vols.   1909.     (Ei- 

cellent). 
Osvald  8ir6n:     Leonardo  da  Vinci.     1916. 
Leonardo  d&  Ymc\'.     A  treatise  on  painting,  translated  from 

the  UaVian  \)y  5 .  "S .  "^i^aai..   \j«ra&w^.    VS^I. 

C.  J.     Holmw.     Leonardo    da  ^^-ntJk,   TTw;e*AW<iv   sf^  *» 
British.    Academy.    W^^- 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  799 

iL  Xllnti:    Raphael,  sa  vie,  son  oeuvre  ei  son  temps.    1881. 
W.    Pater:    ''Raphael/'    in    Miscellaneous    Studies,    1913. 

(First  written  1892;  fine  criticism). 
Bdwaid  HcCurdy:    Raphael  Santi.    1917. 
Si  Orimm:    Bife  of  Michael  Angela,  tr.  by  F.  E.  Biinn^tt. 

2  vols.    New  ed.  1906. 
flrowe  and  CaYalcasselle :    Life  and  Times  of  Titian.    1877. 
H.  Thode:    Michelangelo  und  das  Ende  der  Renaissance.    5 

vols.    1902-13. 
L.  Doret:    ''Nouvelles  recherches  sur  Michel-Ange  et  son  en- 
tourage/' Bibliothique  de  V  £cole  des  Chartes.    Vol. 

77,  pp.  448  flf.  (1916),  vol.  78,  pp.  179  ff.  (1917). 
lommin  Boland:    Vie  de  Michel-Ange.^    1913. 
The  Sonnets  of  Michael  Angela  Buonarroti,  translated  into 

English  by  J.  A.  Symonds.     (My  copy,  Venice,  has  no 

date). 
X.  W.  Emerson :    Essay  on  MichaeUmgelo. 
IL  Mrer's  Schriftliche  NacMass,  ed.  E.  Heidrich.    1908. 
IL  Hutniing:    A.  DUrer.*    1876.     (English  translation  from 

1st  ed.  by  F.  A.  Eaton.    1882). 
Atbrecht  Diirers  Niederldndische  Reise,  hg.  von  J.  Veth  und 

S.  Muller.    2  vols.    1918. 

A.  B.   Chamberlain:    Hans  Holbein  the   Younger,    2  vols. 

1913. 
A»   Michel:    Histoire   de  V art   depuis   les  premiers  temps 

Chretiens  jusqu'  i  nos  jours,    3  vols.    1905-8. 
0.  H.  Moore:    The  Character  of  Renaissance  Architecture. 

1905. 

B.  Bloomfield:    A  History  of  French  Architecture  from  the 

Reign  of  Charles  VIII  till  the  death  of  Mazarin.    2  vols. 
1911. 

§  5.  Belles  Lettres 

Note:  The  works  of  the  humanists,  theologians,  biblical 
and  classical  scholars,  historians,  publicists  and  philosophers 
have  been  dealt  with  in  other  sections  of  this  bibliography. 
Representative  poets,  dramatists  and  writers  of  fiction  for 
the  century  (up  to  but  not  including  the  Age  of  Shakespeare 
in  England  or  of  Henry  IV  in  France)  are  the  following: 
Italian:    Ariosto,  A.   F.   Orazzini,   M.  Bandello,   T.   Tasso, 

Bemi,  Guarini. 
French:    Margaret  of  Navarre,  G.  Marot,  Rabelais,  Joachim 

du  BeUay,  Ronsard,  Montaigne. 


800  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

English:     Lyndcsay,    Skellon,    Wyatt,    Surrey,    anonymina 

poets  in  Tottpl's  Miseeliany,  Sidney,  E.  Spenser,  Doom, 

Lyly,  Hej-wood,  Kyd,  Peele,  Greene,  Lodge,  Nash.  M»p 

lowe. 
Oerman ;     Hans  Sachs.  Fisehart,  T,  JIumer,  anonjtnous  TiD 

Enlenspiegel  and  Faiistbuch,  B.  Waldis. 
Spanish:     The   Picaresque   novel,   La  vida   de   Lazarilk)  it 

Tonnes  y  de  sus  fortunes  v  adversidades. 
Portuguese :     Camoens. 

As  it  is  not  my  purp'  e  even  a  sketch  of  litem; 

history,  but  merely  To  i  le  temper  of  the  limes  fnn 

the  contemporary  belles  nly  a  few  suggestive  woii 

of  criticism  can  be  men'  e. 

H.  Hallam:     Introductl  Liierature  of  Europe  u  Iti 

15th,  16th  and  171  a.    1838-9.     (Old,  but 

useful ) . 
J.  A  Symonds:     Ualian  i  e.    1888. 

G.  Lanson:      Itisloire  de  la  litleraliire  fran^aise."      1906. 
C.  H.  C.  Wright:     .4  riislori)  of  French  Literalurc.     1912. 
C.  Thomas:     ,1  History  of  German  Literature.     1909. 
E.  Wolff:     FfiKst   and  Lifthrr.     1912. 
The  Camhridrjc  Ilislory  of  English  Literature,  vol.  iii,  ReniL"- 

sance   and    Reformation.     1908. 
J,    J.    JusHerand:     llistoire    Litteraire    du    Peiiple    Anglati. 

Tome   ii,  De  la   Renaissance  a  la  Guerre  Civile.     19H. 

(Also  Enplisli  translation:  a  beautiful  work). 
Winifred  Smith:     The  Commcdia  dell'  Arte.     1912.     (XoU- 

He). 
A.  Tilley:      The.  Literature  of  the  French  Renaissance.     2  vols 

1904. 

CIIAPTKR  XIV 

THE  REFORMATION   INTERPRETED 

The  purpose  of  the  following  list  is  not  to  give  the  titles  of 
all  general  histories  of  the  Reformation,  but  of  these  b<x)lR 
and  articles  in  which  some  noteworthy  contribution  has  Wo 
made  to  the  philosophical  interpretation  of  the  events.  Many 
an  excellent  work  of  pure  narrative  character,  and  many  of 
those  dealinfT  with  some  particular  phase  of  the  Reformation. 
arc  omitteA.  AU  W  -nolcworthy  historical  works  publishwl 
prior  to  1600  arc  W^uA.  \(v  Vft^ '^W^w-gt^'^-^  \ii  tV'a,-^v<t^  \ll. 


lib 


Ir'  , 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  801 

etion  2y  and  mie  not  repeated  here.  The  chronolo^ieal  order 
here  adopted,  save  that  ail  the  works  of  each  writer  are 
onped  together.  In  every  case  I  enter  the  hock  onder  the 
ar  in  which  it  first  appeared,  adding  in  parentheses  the 
ition,  if  another,  which  I  have  used, 
aaeis  Baeoa  (1561-1626):    Essay  Iviii;  also  Essays  i,  iii, 

xzxv ;  Novum  Organum  Bk.  i,  aphorisms  xv  and  Ixv ;  Ad- 

vaneement  of  Learning,  Bk.  iz,  and  L 
oqites-Aagaste  de  Thorn  (Thaaaas) :    Historiae  sui  temparu. 

1604-20. 
Igo  Orotiiis:    Annales  ei  kuiahae  de  rebus  belgieig.    1657. 

(Written  1611  flF). 
niiam  Caaiden:    Anmaies  Rerum  Amgliearum  ei  Hiberm- 

earum  regnanie  Elizabetha.    Pars  I,  1615 ;  Pars  II,  1625. 
^i^pa  d'AabigB^:    ffisUnre  VnivenelU.    1616-20. 
aIo    ftopi:    Maria   del   CamcUw    Trideniino.    1619.     (P. 

Sarpi:     Histoire  dn  Concile  dn  Trente,  French  transla- 
tion by  Amelot  de  la  Hoossaie.    1699). 
Tigo  Gateriao  Savila:    Btoria  deUe  guerre  civUi  di  Franeia. 

1690. 
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804  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

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Frederic  Seebohm:    The  Oxford  Reformers,  1867. 
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Friedrich  Nietzsche:  Menschiiches,  AlUumenschtiches.  187S, 
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Ladwig  (von)  Pastor:  Die  kirchliche  Vnionsbestrebungen  «n- 
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H.  M.  Baird:     The  Rise  of  the  Huguenots  in  France.     1879. 

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Cleorg  Christian  Benthard  Fiinjer:  Geschichte  der  christliekm 
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J.  Z.  Thorold  Rogers:  History  of  Agriculture  and  Prieet  i* 
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.32lCl 


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817 


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INDEX 


Aalst,  264. 

Aberdeen,  University  of,  12. 

Abgarus,  585. 

Abyssinia,  405. 

Acontius,  J.,  627. 

Acton,  Lord,  357,  377,  642, 

737,  741. 
Adams,  B.,  726. 
Adrian  VI,  Pope, 

apx>eal  to  Germany,  84£.', 
378. 

and  Luther,  241,  378. 

and  Inquisition,  242,  378, 
415. 

pontificate,  378  f .,  389. 

in  Spain,  427. 

and  art,  690. 
Aerschot,  Duke  of,  269. 
Aeschylus,  574. 
Aesop,  574. 


Alen<;^on,  195. 

Charles,  Duke  of,  189. 
Aleppo,  446. 
Alesius,  A.,  354. 
Alexander    VI,    Pope,    17  f., 

407,  418,  435,  709. 
Algiers,  449. 
Allenstein,  618. 
Almeida,  F.  d',  442. 
Altdorf,  670. 
Alva,  Duke  of, 

defeats     Oerman     Protes- 
tants, 120. 

besieges  Metz,  200. 

regent  of  the  Netherlands, 
254,  257  flf.,  672. 

and    England,    332,    335, 
339  f. 

art  of  war,  488. 
Amazon,  438. 


Africa,    10,    437,    441,    443,     America,  275,  407,  416,  430, 


445  f .,  473,  525,  533, 

616. 
Agriculture,  540  flp. 
Agrippa    of   Nettesheim,    H. 


435  flf.,  457,  512,  523, 
616,  651. 
gold     and     silver 
473  flf. 


from, 


C,    420,    508,    510,     Amboise,  197. 


638  f. 
Aigle,  161. 

Aix-in-Provence,  203. 
Alamanni,  L.,  373. 
Albertinus,  A.,  453. 
Albertus  Magnus,  612. 
Albigenses,  35. 
Albuquerque,  A.  d',  443. 
Alcala,  University  of,  12,  400, 

565,  673. 
Aleander,  J.,  78,  80, 191,  195, 

241. 


Tumult  of,  210  f . 
Amboyna,  524. 
Ameaux,  175. 
Ammonius,  A.,  649. 
Amsterdam,  244,  257,  261  f., 

275,  531. 
Amyot,  576. 
Anabaptists,  82. 

in  Germany,  99  flf. 

and  Melanchthon,  117. 

and  polygamy,  120. 

in  Svredeu^  li*. 


819 


Anabaptists  (continued) 
in  Poland,  142. 
in  Transylvania,  145. 
in  Switzerland,  154  flf. 
in  Netherlands,  237,  243  f., 

248  t,  295. 
in  England,  295,  308,  315. 
in  Italy,  376,  417. 
and  Council  of  Trent, ''"" 
and  Bible.  573. 
comniunism,  606. 
persecuted,  644  f. 
for  toleration,  646. 
judged  by  Bax  ani 
sky,  726. 
Andalusia,  4331 
Andelot,  205. 
Andrea  del  Sarto,  680. 
AijgliiciTa,  I'-  M.  d',  702. 
Anjou,     Francis,     Duke    of, 
269  f.,  272,  274,  602. 
Anne  Boleyn,  Queen  of  Eng- 
land, 287,  290  f.,  293, 
205,  298  f.,  548,  568, 
676. 
Anne    of    Cleves,    Queen    of 

England,  306  f. 
Anne,  Queen  of  France,  182  f. 
Anthology,  574, 
Antwerp,    237,    239  ff.,    245, 
256  f.,  260,  265,  284, 
355,   442,    454,   467, 
472,  565. 
trade,  523  ff.,  531  f.,  537. 
charity,  559, 
art,  683. 
Appenzell,  146. 
Aquaviva,  410. 
Aquinas,  T..  34,  43,  47,  163, 

529,  590,  624. 
Arabs,  442  ?.,  US. 
Aragon,  428. 
Arbuthnot,  ^.,"^5^. 


Archangel.  526, 
Arvimboldi,  136. 
Aretino,  P.,  694. 
Argyle,  Earl  of,  360. 
Ariosto,     11,     19,    374. 

508  ff.,  628,  692. 
Aristarchus,  617. 
Aristophanes,  574, 
'ristotle,    49,    52,    63  f.. 
513,    574.   5!>0.  i 
612,  617,  623. 

reaction  against,  636 1 

rmentieres,  256. 

rmstrongs,  505. 

mdt,  718. 

rras,  League  of,  271 

rt,  3,  674,  91. 

Gothic.  7. 

rewards  of  urlisis,  47 

history  of,  582  f . 

painting,  674  fT. 

architecture,  685  ff. 

Reformation   and   Counter- 
reformation,  68911. 
Artois,  239. 
Arzila.  446. 
Aseham,  R„327,  497f..634f. 

667  f.,  671,  692. 
Ashley,  729. 
Asia,  447  f.,  474,  616. 
Aske,  R.,  304. 
Askewe,  A.,  309. 
Atahualpa,  440. 
Atlantic,  10,  442,  490,  523. 
Auhigne,  M.  d',  723. 
Aubigne,  T.  Ad',  600  f. 
Augsburg,  74,  113,  128,  454. 

Dietof  (1518),46,  67. 

Diet  of  (1530).  110,  116ff. 

Diet  of  (1548),  129,239. 

Dietof  (1555), 130. 


\'y^^.,*Ei^,< 


,  vu. 


INDEX 


821 


uTg  (continued) 
fession,  116  f.,  122,  130, 

145,  299,  392. 
ks,  520  f .,  527  f. 
perism,  559  f . 
itine,  84,  65,  584,  606. 
Jtinian  Friars,  67,  240, 

702,  708. 
ilia,  443. 
a,  74flf.,  79,  146,  158, 

238. 
olph  IV,  Duke  of,  44. 
John  of,  266  flf.,  272. 
thew.      Archduke     of, 

268  flf. 
?ne,  202. 
ina,  513. 

DD,  popes  at,  14,  42. 
,  435,  441. 
,  438  f . 

?ton.  A.,  338. 
F.,   392,  487,   591  f., 
609,   623,   626,   650, 
666,  669. 

jflfect  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, 635  f . 

,  157,  238. 

I,  J.,  471. 

,  438. 

in,  J.,  635. 

r.,  578. 

ic  Isles,  535. 

523,  526. 

rg,  114,  658. 

li,  P.  A.,  377. 

ta  Mantuanus,  667. 

ts,  102. 

•ossa,  449. 

T,  535. 

3na,  428,  535. 

ersity  of,  12,  400. 

ites,  397. 


Barnes,  R.,  308. 
Baronius,  C,  585. 
Barton,  E.,  290. 
Basil  III,  Czar,  447. 
Basle 

joins    Swiss    Confederacy, 
146. 

center  of  humanism,   147, 
150. 

Reformation,    156  f .,    160, 
162. 

Council   of,   15  f.,   40,   45, 
147  f.,  389. 

University  of,  11,  149. 
Baur,  P.  C,  720  f . 
Bavaria,  44,  74, 114, 127,  406, 

454. 
Bax,  B.,  725  f . 
Baxter,  R.,  656,  729. 
Bayard,  501. 
Beard,  C,  739. 
Beaton,  D.,  356  f .,  382. 
Beatus  Rhenanus,  53. 
Becket,  T.,  59,  305. 
Beda,  N.,  161. 
Beirut,  446. 
Beham,  B.,  103,  628. 
Beham,  H.  S.,  103,  628. 
Belgium,  76,  555. 
Belgrade,  449. 
Bellay,  J.  du,  576,  579. 
Bellay,  M.  du,  582,  704. 
Bellay,  R.  du,  196. 
Bellinis,  677. 
Below,  G.  von,  739. 
Bembo,  P.,  51,  374,  376. 
Benedict,  St.,  397. 
Bjengal,  524. 
Ben  Mosheh,  G.,  565. 
Benn,  A.  W.,  742. 
Ber,  L.,  106, 
Berger,  A,lEi.,l^%. 
Bernard,  S>V,^,^^'l* 


^^B^^IB 

822                                 INDEX                                        1 

Berne,     146  (f.,     153,     157  f.. 

Bible  (continued) 

160  f.,     168  f.,     179, 

by  Lefevrc.  52  t. 

645. 

by  Colet.  53. 

Bemi,  F.,  376. 

by  Reuohlin,  54. 

Berquin,  L.  de,  193. 

bv  Erasmus,  60,  5641 

Berthelicr,  P.,  175. 

by  Luther,  568  f. 

Berwick,  358. 

new        translations       con- 

Berwickshire, 362. 

demned.     192,    203, 

Beaan^on,  Universit.v  of,  672. 

284,  309,  4201. 

Bessarion,  52. 

price  of,  468. 

Beucklpssen,  101  f. 

popularity,  571  f. 

Beza,  T.,  172,  181,  213,  565, 

effect    of   bibliolatrv,  573, 

585,  598,  647,  671. 

655  f. 

Bezold,  732. 

illustrated  by  Raphael,  67), 

Bible 

Biblia  Paupcrum,  8,  26. 

first  printed,  9. 

Biel,  G.,  160,  743. 

number  of  editions,  26. 

Bijns,  A.,  246. 

Vulgate,  26,  188,  392,  396, 

Bion,  574. 

566. 

Elaurer,  A.,  179. 

Freneli,  26,  175,  188,  196, 

Blaurer,  T.,  134. 

570. 

Blaurock,  G.,  645. 

German,   26,    81.   86,    100, 

Blois,  197,  210. 

111  f,  157,  569  t. 

Stales  General,  222. 

English,    37  f.,    243,    284, 

Blue  Laws.  171  ff.,  482  fT. 

289,300,329,354  ft., 

Boccaccio,  47  f.,  422. 

359,  566,  570  !. 

Bodin,    J.,    222,    582,   60H, 

Swedish,  138. 

608,  623. 

Polisli,  142. 

on  religion,  630. 

Greek,   147,  188,  374,  420, 

on  witchcraft,  657,  659f 

564  ff. 

Boece,  H.,  354. 

Dutch,  243. 

Bohemia,  38  ff.,  74, 144, 290. 

Spanish,  245. 

Bohemian     Brethren,     40  f. 

new     Latin     translations. 

142,  144. 

374,  565  f. 

Bohm,  a,  87. 

Italian,  374. 

Bohmer,  739. 

Hebrew,  665. 

Boiardo,  376. 

Complutensian       Polyglot, 

Bologna,  393. 

565  f. 

Dniversity  of,  11,603.613, 

authorit.v  of,  35,  37  f.,  40, 

618,  627. 

165  f.,  392,  571  ff. 

Concordat    of,    42  f.,   184, 

exegesis   ami   criticism    of. 

230. 

__                      566 «. 

"?.Q\yt*i,3.,  167,  176,375. 

^^^        byVaUa,4<),&««l. 

"9i5«sio%&\\is,,  ^^A. 

INDEX 


823 


Boniface  VIII,  Pope,  14,  23, 

41  f. 
Bonivard,  168. 
Bonn,  657. 
Bonner,  604. 
Books 

numbers  of,  9,  691  f . 

prices  of,  468. 

royalties,  471  f. 

literature,  691-8. 
Borgeaud,  C,  743. 
Borgia  family,  15,  676. 

Caesar,  17,  590,  676. 

Lucretia,  17,  676. 
Borgia,  F.,  410. 
Borneo,  524. 
Borromeo,  C,  386,  417. 
Borthwick,  D.,  355  note. 
Bossuet,  702  f . 
Botero,  J.,  608. 
Bothwell,  Earl  of,  366  flf. 
Boucher,  J.,  190,  600,  605. 
Bourbon,    Anthony   of,    205, 

210,  213. 
Bourbon,   Charles,   Constable 

of,  185,  205,  380. 
Bourbon,    Charles,    Cardinal 

of,  223. 
Bourgeoisie,     5,     236,     278, 

549  flf. 
Bourges,  195. 

University  of,  11,  162. 

Pragmatic      Sanction     of, 

42  f. 
Archbishop  of,  227. 

Boyneburg,  313. 
Brabant,  245,  253,  255,  264, 
269,  274. 

population,  454. 
Brahe,  T.,  623. 
Bramante,  686. 
Brandenburg,  74,  468,  540. 

population,  454. 


Brandenburg  (continued) 
Joachim  I,  Elector  of,  77. 
Joachim  II,  Elector  of,  119, 

127. 
Albert  of,  Orand  Master  of 

the  Teutonic  Order, 

113,139. 
John,  Margrave  of,  398. 
Brandenburg-Culmbach,    Al- 
bert of,  130. 
Brant,  S.,  88. 

Ship  .of  Fools,  54, 147. 
BrantSme,  211,  350,  582,  704. 
Brask,  J.,  137. 
Brazil,  405,  408,  435,  444. 
Breda,  251. 
Brederode,  257. 
Brentano,  729. 
Brenz,  645. 
Brescia,  455,  565,  658. 
Brethren    of    the    Common 

Life,  12,  26,  32. 
Brigonnet,  W.,  180  flF. 
Brielle,  260. 
Bristol,  323. 
Brittany,  182,  195. 
Brothers  of  Mercy,  397. 
Browne,  R.,  345. 
Bnick,  G.,  116. 
Bruges,  273,  559. 
Bruno,  507,  623,  639  f. 
Brunswick,  Henry,  Duke  of, 

120. 
Brussels,  235,  242,  245,  253, 

255  flf.,  264,  266,  268, 

272,  439,  502,  540. 
Bucer,  M.,  110,  120,  122,  164, 

169,  312  f .,  322,  375, 

508,  596,  645. 
Buchanan,    G.,    354,    579  f., 

603,  703. 
Buckingham,  Duke  of,  280. 
Buckle,  H,T.,1^^. 


824  INT 

Bude,    W.,    187,    190,    193  f., 

667,  672. 
Bugenhagen,  J.,  137. 
BuUinger,  H.,  102,  123,  150, 

160,    179,   299.   312, 

326,  356,  420,  587. 
Burckhardt,  J.,  732. 
Burghley,    W.    Ceei!,    Lord, 

327,  333  f.,     3 
554,  635. 

Burgos,  457. 
Burgundy,   Free  Cmm* 

76,    234,    ; 

553. 
Philip  the  Good,  1 

234. 
Charles  the  Bold,  Du 

235. 
Burgundy  (France),  186. 
Burnet,  G.,  701. 
Burr,  G.  L,,  732. 
Busleiden,  J.,  672. 
Butts,  W.,  470  f . 


Cabot.  S.,  446. 

Cabral,  442. 

Cabriercs,  203. 

Cadiz,  341,  524  f. 

Cairo,  446. 

Cajetan,  T.  de  Vio,  Cardinal, 

46,    67  E.,    393,    566, 

605,  624. 
Calais,  200,  281,  302,  319,  332 
Calcagnini,  C,  620. 
Calderon,  433. 

Calendar,  reform  of  the,  623  f. 
Calicut,  441  f. 
Calixtus  III,  Pope,  16. 
Calvin,  G.,  161. 
Calvin,  I.,  169. 
Calvin.  J.: 
and  German  TKcologyi^t- 


Calvin,  J.  (continued) 
doctrine   of   the   euchariil, 

110,  165  f. 
and  Lutherans,  134. 
and    Zwingli,     134,    IHf., 

166. 
and    Bohemian     Brethta. 

144. 
early  life.  161  f. 
and  Erasmus,  162,  IW. 
and  Luther,  162,  164 1 
conversion,  162. 
Institutes  of  the  Ckrittim 

Religion.  162  ff^  169.    ' 

198,  208.  W5. 
doctrine  of  predestiniUion. 

164  IT.,  746. 
in  Italy,  163.  376. 
in  Geneva,  168  IT.,  179. 
at  Stras.sburg,  169. 
at    Colloquy    of    Ralisbon, 

169. 
marriage,  169. 
social  reform,  170  ff.,  483. 
persecutes,  175  ff.,  645  f. 
and  Servetus,  177  f. 
international  position.  liOf. 
dealh  and  character,  180  f. 
and    Prcnoh    Reformation, 

wr,  201,. a*) f. 

and  Ral)elais,  194  f. 
and  French  Bible,  196. 
political   theory,   211,  592, 

596  f.,  604. 
influence    in     Netherlands, 

248, 
influence  in   England,  312, 

326  f.,  335. 
influence  in  Scotland,  ■-m. 
and  Bolsec.  375. 
and  Council  of  Trent,  392. 
and  Index,  420. 


INDEX 


825 


Calvin,  J.  (contimied) 

on  amusements,  485. 

biblical  exegesis,  569,  572. 

on  usury,  609. 

and  free  thought,  626. 

and  witchcraft,  656. 

and  art,  690. 

judged  by  Gibbon,  710  f. 

judged  by  Christie,  731. 
Calvinism 

barred  by  Peace  of  Augs- 
burg, 130. 

and      Lutheranism,      134, 
179  f. 

in  Scandinavia,  138. 

in  Poland,  142  f . 

international,  179  f .  • 

in  Prance,  201  flf. 

in  Netherlands,  247  ff. 

in  Scotland,  353. 

in  Spain,  416. 

in  Italy,  417. 
/  political  effect,  594,  707. 
Lamd  Capitalism,  728  f . 
Camden,  703. 
Cambrai 

Treaty  of,  186. 

Archbishopric  of,  252. 
Cambridge,  University  of,  56, 
471,  604,  671,  687. 

and  Reformation,  281  f. 
Cambridgeshire,  323. 
Camoens,  11,  444  f. 
Campanus,  626. 
Campeggio,  122. 
Canisius,  P.,  32,  406. 
Cano,  S.  del,  441. 
Canon  Law,  43  f.,  69,  71,  78. 
Canossa,  43. 

Cape  of  Good  Hope,  10,  441. 
Cape    Verde    Islands,    435, 

441. 
Capitalism,  3^5,  515-562. 


Capitalism  (continued) 

and      Reformation,      515, 
727  f .,  748. 

origins,  515  ff. 

first  great  fortunes,  517  f . 

banking,  518  ff. 

mining,  522  f . 

commerce,  523  ff. 

manufacture,  536  ff. 

gilds,  537  ff. 

agriculture,  541  ff. 

bourgeoisie,  548  ff. 

proletariat,  552  ff. 

pauperism,  556  ff. 
Capito,  W.,  110, 150, 157, 189, 

508,  645. 
Cappel 

First  Peace  of,  158. 

battle  of,  158  f . 
Capuchins,  375,  397. 
Caracci,  689. 
Caracciolo,  M.,  78. 
Caraffa,  J.  P.,  see  Paul  IV. 
Cardan,  J.,  610  f .,  614. 
Carlstadt,  A.  Bodenstein  of, 
69,  81,  83,  90,  108, 
120,   136,   241,  420, 
569. 
Carlyle,  T.,  718. 
Carpi,  Berengar  of,  613. 
Cartier,  J.,  446,  526. 
Cartwright,  T.,  343. 
Cassander,  248,  255. 
Castellio,  S.,  175,  646  f. 
Castiglione,  B.,  492,  501,  510. 
Castile,  412,  427  f. 
Cateau-Cambresis,  Treaty  of, 

200,  206,  372. 
Catechisms,    112,    142,    395, 

406  f. 
Catharine  of  Aragon,  Queen 
of     England,     279, 


Catharine  Howard,  Queen  of 

England,  307. 
Catharine    Parr,    Queen    of 

England,  307. 
Catharine  de'  Medici,  Queen 
of  France, 

marriage,  198  f. 

character.  211. 

policy,  211  ff. 

"flying  squadron,"  2i 

and  St.  Bartholomew, 

as  seen  by  Huguenots, , 

death,  224. 

and  Pius  V,  386. 

invents  corsets,  497, 

and  Machiavelli,  591. 

and  art.  688. 

judged  by  Michelet,  717. 
Catholic  Church  (sec  also  Pa- 
pacy   and    Counter- 
reformation). 

revolt  from,  4. 

history     in     later     Middle 
Ages,  13-20. 

heir  of  flie  Roman  Empire, 
13,  747. 

abuses,  20  f. 

wealth,  21. 

temporal     power,    29,    37, 
70  f. 

attacked    by    Luther,    123, 
388. 

intolerance,  641  fF. 
Celii)acy,  sacerdotal, 

effect  on  race,  13,  453. 

vow  not  kept,  25. 

rejected  by  Wydif,  37. 

repudiated  by  Luther,  71, 
81. 

ill  Enj,'laiKl,  306,  313. 

and  Inquisition,  508. 
Cellarius,  C,  a6\. 
Cellini,  B.,  504,  56^,  f-^S-i,  ^ft. 


Censorship    of      the      prei^ 

417  flf.,  423  f. 
Cerdagne.  426. 
Cerratani,  B.,  377. 
Cervantes,  433,  692. 
Ceuta,  446. 
Ceylon,  408.  524. 
Hhambre  Ardente.  203  f, 
laneellor,  R..  447. 
lapuis,  288,  291. 
larles  V,  Emperor, 
heir     of     Burgundy 
Spain,  76,  426. 
elected  emperor,  77. 
crowned,  78,  ^ 

religious      policy,      794^ 
llCff..     121  f..    236. 
322  note. 
conquers  Tunis,  121. 
war     with     France,     121, 

185  ff,,  198.  427. 
Schmalkaldic     War,     126, 

383. 
abdicates,  132,  246. 
in        Netherlands,        235. 

238. 
suppresses      rebellion      of 

Ghent.  236  f. 
and   Enfrlantl,   278  ff.,  294. 

317  f. 
and  papacy,  378  ff. 
and  Inquisition.  417. 
character,  427,  49S. 
betrothed   to   Man-  Tudor, 

432. 
and  Moors,  433. 
and  Rii-s.sia.  447. 
finance,  467. 
in  Spain,  477. 
and  Fuggers,  528, 
portrait.  678. 
CWtlea  VIII,  King  of  France. 


Charles  IX,  King  of  France, 

143,  211flE.,217f. 
Charron,  P.,  633. 
Chartres,  227. 

Chateaubriaod,  Edict  of,  204. 
Chaucer,  G.,  25.<- 
Cheshire,  323. 
Chesterton,  G.  K.,  729. 
Cheyney,  E.  P.,  742  f. 
Chieregato,  P.,  84,  377. 
Children,  510 1,  555. 
China,  443. 

Christian  II,  King  of  Den- 
mark, Norway,  and 
Sweden,  136. 
Christian  III,  King  of  Den- 
mark, 119,  137. 
Christianity,    13,    583,    627, 

7441 
Christie,  R.  C,  731. 
Cicero,  49,  488,  619. 
Ciceronians,  577  f. 
Cisneroa,  G.  de,  401. 
Civita  Veechia,  535. 
Clement  of  Rome,  568. 
Clement  V,  Pope,  14. 
Clement  VII,  Pope,  186,  250. 

and  Charlca  V,  236,  433. 

and  Henry  VIII,  287,  291 

pontificate,  379  ff.,  389. 

forbids  duelling,  485  f. 

and  Copernicus,  622. 

and  art,  690. 
Clement  VIII,  Pope,  228. 
Clenoch,  M.,  325. 
Clergy 

morals,  25,  493  f. 

power  of,  27  f . 

denounced  by  Wyclif,  37. 

attacked  in  Qravawina,  45. 

assailed  by  Luther,  71. 

in  Netheriands,  236. 

retoTm  in  England,  314. 


EX  827 

Clergy  (omtmued) 

in  Scotland,  353 1,  356. 

pay  of,  470. 

position  of,  493  ff. 

spoliation,  550  f, 
CI  eves,  44, 

William,  Duke  of,  306. 
Clocks  and  watches,  invention 

of,  7  f.,  688. 
Cochin,  D.,  738. 
Cochin  (India),  442. 
Cochin-China,  408. 
Cochlaeus,  284,  588,  702. 
Coeur,  J.,  460. 
Cognac,  League  of,  186. 
Cole  of  Faversham,  167. 
Colet,  J.,  26,  53,  57,  280  f., 

510,  665,  667. 
Coligni,    0.    de,    199,    205, 

214  ff.,  261. 
Cologne,  44,  54,  74,  252,  454. 

University  of,  77,  241,  655, 
666,  670. 

reformation  of,120, 127,283. 

counter-reformation  of,  128. 
Colonna  family,  16. 

Vittoria,  375. 
Columbus,  C,  3, 10  f.,  62,  430, 

434  f .,  614  f . 
Commerce,  442  ff.,  523  ff. 
Communism,  94, 155. 
Como,  658. 
Compass,     invention     of,     7, 

614  f. 
Compostella,  499. 
Conde,  Prince  of,  211,  214  f. 
Condorcet,  713. 
Congo,  405. 
Constance,  Council  of, 

ends  Great  Schism,  14. 

deals  with  heresy,  14,  39  f. 

reforms,  14  f.,  45, 

memory  ol,\«.,^^>'\^. 


Const  antinopfe,  9,  16,  448, 
Consubstantiation,  33,  108. 
Contarmi.  G.,  117,  122,  377, 

382,  393,  402. 
Coornheert,  D.  V.,  249,  251. 
Cop,  172. 
Copenhagen,    UniverMty    of, 

12. 
Copernicus,  N. 

Bible  quoted  against 

economic  theory,  60* 

trigonometry,  610. 

life,  618. 

astronomy,  3,  618  S 

De  Revotutionibus 
C(Flestium,  61 

reception     of    his    tneoij, 
621  ff.,  632. 

influence     on     philosophy, 
6.'!7  ff. 
Cordus,  E.,  558. 
Correggio,  680. 
Corsica,  456. 
Cortez,  II.,  438  f. 
Cossacks,  139  f. 
Cotta,  v.,  63. 

Counter-reformation,   377- 
424. 

turns  back  Protestants,  388. 

Spanish  Spirit,  380. 

and  art,  690  f. 

origin  of  word,  721. 
Cotirtenay,  W.,  36. 
Coutras.  battle  of,  223. 
Coverdale,  M.,  299  f .,  327, 355, 

570  f. 
Cox,  R.,  508. 
Cracow,  140,  144. 

Tniversitv  of,  618. 
Craig,  J.,  603. 
Cranach,  L,,  376,  683. 
Cranmer,  T., 'i90,'2,gsi,'i\?,l.. 


Creighton,  M.,  741.  b. 

Crepy,  Peace  of,  121. 19S. 
Crespin,  585, 
Cromwell.  T. 

alliance  with  France,  187. 

and       Reformat  ion,      28 
295ff.,  299ff.,306l 

death,  307. 

fortune,  518. 

and  Machiavelli,  59! 
Cuba,  438. 
Cugnatis,  I.  de,  502. 
Cumberland,  304. 
Cunningham.  W.,  729. 
Cuaa,  N.  of,  48.  617, 


«Lifl 


.64« 


Dama.seus.  446. 
Dancing.  500. 
Daniel,  G.,  704. 
Dante,  47.  423. 
Danzig.  140  f.,  454. 
Damley,  Lord,  366  f. 
Dauphine.  202. 
Davila,  704. 
Delft,  264. 

Dcmonology,  63,  653  ff. 
Demosthenes,  574. 
Deiiifle,  741. 
Denmark 

and  Liibeck,  118. 

early  emigration,  135. 

Reformation.  136  ff. 

population,  458. 

chiirch  property,  551, 
Des.sau,  Lcapuc  of.  114. 
Deventer,  school,  56,  662. 
Diaz,  B.,  10. 
Digby.  E.,  639. 
Digges,  L.,  614. 
Dillenburg,  251,  258. 
Q\HheY,W.,730. 


INDEX 


829 


Dionysius  the  Areopagite,  50, 

52  f. 
Dispensations,  papal,  22  f . 
Dolet,  S.,  187,  203,  231,  629  f. 
DolUnger,  I.,  723  f. 
Dominic,  St.,  397,  399. 
Dominicans,  148, 407, 702, 708. 
Donatus,  Latin  grammar  of, 

8  f.,  663. 
Dordrecht,  240. 
Doria,  A.,  449. 
Douai,  186,  672. 
Drake,  P.,  339  flf.,  446. 
Dress,  496  f . 
Drinking,  485,  497  f . 
Dublin,  347. 
Dudley,  Edmond,  279. 
Dudley,  Guilford,  317,  518. 
Duelling,  485  f . 
Dundee,  354. 
Durand,  108. 
Diirer,  A.,  510. 

at  Basle,  147. 

in   Netherlands,   240,   454, 
466  flf.,  537. 

and  Mexican  spoils,  439. 

property,  472. 

art,  683  ff. 

Bast  Indies,  274  f .,  409. 
Eck,  J.,  68  f .,  77  f .,  117  f .,  122, 

608. 
Bckhart,  30  f . 

Edinburgh,  355  f.,  360,  367, 
671. 
Treaty  of,  361  f. 
Education,  661-73. 
method,  662  f.,  667  f . 
curriculum,  663  f . 
effect  of  Reformation, 
664  f .,  670. 
Edward  II,  King  of  England, 
296. 


Edward  VI,  King  of  England, 

foreign  policy,  200. 

and  Reformation,  286. 

birth,  299. 

reign,  310-7. 

and  Scotland,  352. 

a  law  of,  483. 

and  gilds,  540. 

and  Bible,  572. 

schools,  666. 

accomplishments,  668. 
Edwards,  J.,  166  f. 
Egmont,  L.,   Count  of,  200, 

251,  257,  259. 
Egmont,  N.  of,  240. 
Egypt,  449. 
Einsiedeln,  140,  150. 
Eisenach,  63,  81. 
Eleanor,    Queen    of   Prance, 

186. 
Elizabeth,  Queen  of  England, 

and  St.  Bartholomew,  219. 

and  Netherlands,  253,  267, 
275 

birth,  291. 

heir  to  the  throne,  316  f . 

character,  324. 

religious     policy,     324  flf., 
336  flf. 

refuses  to  marry,  331. 

foreign  policy,  332  flf. 

and     popes,     335,     337  f., 
386  f. 

and  Ireland,  346,  348. 

and  Knox,  361. 

and  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots, 
368. 

censorship,  419. 

government,  477,  479. 

navy,  491. 

dancing,  500. 

commercial  policy^  52JJ. 

and  BftAe,  hTl. 


830 


Elizabeth,  Queen  of  England, 
{continued) 

and  liberty,  604  f. 

skepticism,  634. 

tolerance,  650. 

accomplishments,  66 S. 

and  universities,  671. 

and  «rt,  688. 

and  Spenser,  693. 
Elizabeth  of  Valois,  Qu 

Spain,  226. 
Ely,  H.,  338. 
Elyot,  T.,  510,  667. 
Emden,  260. 
Emerson,  R.  W.,  718. 
Empson,  R.,  279,  518. 


Em 


702. 


England 
pays  Peter's  Pence,  21. 
church  of,  41  f.,  327,  330. 
literature,  135. 
and  French  Calvinists,  204, 

214,  219. 
and       Netherlands,       238, 

248  f.,  260,  275,  288, 

339. 
foreign  policy  under  Henry 

VIII, 277ff.,  288. 309. 
Reformation,  281  ff.,  310  ff. 
Reformation       Parliament, 

288  ff. 
dissolution   of  monasteries, 

296  f.,  551. 
alliance  with  Schmalkaldic 

League,  300  f.,  305  f. 
Pilgrimage  of  Grace,  302  ff. 
religious  parties  and  statis- 
tics,   308,    311,   323, 

325  r.,  328. 
Book   of   Common   Prayer. 

312,  329  f.,  344,  358. 
social  disorders,  ^\4  ft. 
Catholic  reaction,  ?>^%^. 


England  (conlinufd) 

war  with  Prance,  319,  33'2. 
conversion     of    masses    l^^ 

Protestantism.  3271 
Thirty-nine  Articles,  329 1. 

343. 
finances,  331  f.,  522. 
war  with  Spain,  332,  339  ff.. 

433. 
rebellion  of  Northern  Earis, 

334  f .,  550. 
buccaneers,  339  f,,  533. 
Puritanism,  343  ff. 
and  Scotland,  359,  361  f. 
censorahip,  419.  J 

population,  453,  458.  " 

coinage.  462,  474. 
navy,  470,  490  f, 
criminal  law,  481  f. 
army,  489. 
clergj',  494. 
brigandage,  505. 
commerce,  526  f.,  532  ff. 
gilds,  540  f . 
inclosures,  543  ff. 
agriculture,  546  ff. 
serfs,  553. 

regulation  of  labor,  554. 
poor-relief,  561  f. 
and  Polydore  Vergil,  581. 
chronicles,  582. 
skeptics,  633  ff. 
witchcraft,  656,  658. 
schools,  665  f. 
universities,  671. 
Enzinas,  P.,  245. 
Epictetus,  574. 
EpistoUie  Obscurorum  Viror- 

um,  55. 
Erasmus,  51. 

Enchiridion   MHitis   Chris- 

t\am,   26,    57,    193. 


F^'^ 

INDEX                                   831            1 

Brasmus  (contimied) 

Erasmus  (continued) 

on  worship  of  saints,  28  f. 

and  witchcraft,  655. 

and  Colet,  53. 

on  education,  667,  669,  672. 

early  life  and  works,  56-61. 

portrait,  683. 

Praise  of  FolUj,  57. 

on  hymn-singing,  690. 

"philosophy  of  Christ,"  58, 

wit,  693. 

583,  698, 

Erastus,  T.,  594. 

Colloqvies,  59  t.  667  f. 

Erfurt,  30.  82,  350,  454. 

Latinstyle.  60f,  577f. 

University  of,  63  f.,  670. 

foresees  Reformfltion,  61. 

Eric  XIV,  King  of  Sweden, 

and    Luther,    104  fF.,    134, 

138. 

241,  649,  733. 

Ermeland,  618. 

Diatribe  on  Free  Will,  105, 

Eseh,  J,  242. 

167. 

Essex,  323. 

edits  New  Testament,  147, 

Earl  of,  348. 

564  f. 

Esthonia,  139. 

and  Zwingli,  149  f.,  153  f.. 

Estienne  family,  187,  203. 

160. 

Henry,  220. 

and  Farel,  160  f. 

Henry,  junior,  575. 

and  Calvin,  162,  164. 

Robert,  565,  575 

biblical  erltieism.  188. 

Eton.  662  f. 

on    persecution,    191,    642, 

Eucharist,  doctrine  of  the,  86, 

646  f. 

107  ff.,      133,      160, 

influence  in  France,  193. 

165  f.,  206,  241,  301, 

and       Netherlands,       235, 

314,  711. 

239  ff. 

Eucken,  740. 

and  Henr>-  VIII,  277,  287 

Euclid,  574,  610. 

and   English   Reformation, 

Eugene  IV,  Pope,  15. 

281  f.    , 

Euripides,  574. 

on  polygamy,  287.  507. 

Exeter,  323. 

influence  in  Italy.  376. 

Exploration,  10  f.,  434-50. 

and  Index,  420  ff. 

Exsurge  Domine,  77  f. 

income,  471. 

Eyemouth,  362. 

on  war,  488. 

on  German  inns,  499  f. 

Faber,    see    Le    Fevre    and 

anecdote,  502. 

Lef&vre. 

on    treatment    of    women. 

Fagius,  312,  322. 

509. 

Fallopius,  613. 

political  theory-,  557,  592  f. 

Farel,  W.,  160  f.,  164,  168  f., 

edits  Fathers,  575. 

176,  178, 195  f. 

on  Roman  eapitol,  575. 

Farnese,  A.,  272  ff. 

on  books,  577. 

Pamew,  0.,i&Q.                           — 

^0^^582.^    .    . 

Fauat.6961                 ^^^^B 

Ferdinand,  Emperor,  76,  238. 
and  Wiirttemberg,  79,  119. 
and  Luther,  86. 
opposes    German    reforms, 

114. 
elected    King   of    Romans, 

118. 
tolerates  Lutherans,  1^' 
becoimes  emperor,  132, 
in  Hungary,  144. 
and  Elizabeth,  333. 
and  Council  of  Trent, 

394  f. 
commercial  grants,  52 
Ferdinand,  King  of  Ar 

76,    398,    412, 

Ferrara.  ;!75  f. 

Alphonso,  Duke  of,  492. 

Renee,  Duchess  of,  168,  376, 
646. 

University  of,  618,  627. 
Fiehte,  718. 
Ficino,  M.,  51. 
Field,  J.,  623. 
FifTRis.  X..  742. 
Finland,  138,458. 
Fish,  S..  283,  296. 
Fisher,  G.  P.,  739. 
Fisher,  II.  A.  L.,  735. 
Fisher,   J.,    282  f.,   290,   294. 

382. 
Pisher,  R.,  635. 
Fitzherbert,  543. 
Flacins  Illyrifus,  133,  584. 
Flanders,    23!)  f.,    246,    257, 

274,  288,  525. 
Flemings,  270. 
Flodden,  baltJe  of,  279,  353, 

488. 
Floreucf",  17  f..  372,  381,  456, 
4tV.\  L,  "j'i^,  VIQ,  fim. 
Florida,  43'. 


Flushing.  260. 

Folengo,  374. 

Formula  of  Cvncard,  133  I. 

Forzio,  B.,  376. 

Fox,  E.,  301. 

Foxe,  J.,  327,  585  t.,  701. 

France 

Universities,  11  f. 

R.'formation,  12,  187  ff. 

invades  Italy,  17,  185. 

Oallican  church,  42,  IH 
215.  551. 

war  with  Germany,  79,  llfij 
121.  123.  127.  185ft. 
198.  207. 

relations  with  Switaerland. 
147. 

Calvin.  1G2, 

condition,  182,  184. 

royal  pedigrees,  183. 

Renaissance,  187. 

expansion  of,  199  f. 

wars  of  religion,  2111  ff.. 
455. 

failure    of     Protestantism. 

228  tr. 

war    with     England.    2711. 

309,  319,  332. 
civilization,  350. 
and  Scotland,  359. 
and  Council  of  Trent.  395. 
Jesuits  in,  405  f. 
censorship,  419, 
population,  455,  458. 
wealth,  4o9  ff. 
army,  459. 
coinage,  462  f . 
ttnance,  467,  470,  480,  522. 
duelling,  486. 
trade.  52-')  f. 
serfs,  553. 
■\wi"f-relii'f,  561. 


INDEX 


833 


Prance  (continued) 
republicans,  597  flf. 
skeptics,  628  ff. 
Pranche    Comt6,    see    Bur- 
gundy, Free  County 
of. 
Francis,  St.,  397,  399,  404. 
Francis  I,  King  of  Prance, 
candidate      for      imperial 

throne,  77. 
and  Zwingli,  157  f . 
and  Calvin,  162. 
character,  184  f.,  278  f . 
and  Luther,  191,  231. 
alliance  with  German  Prot- 
estants, 197. 
death,  198. 
and  Waldenses,  203. 
army,  459,  489. 
finance,  461,  467,  470. 
on  gambling,  485. 
College  de  Prance,  672. 
portrait,  678. 
and  art,  688. 
Francis  II,  King  of  Prance, 
210  f.,  330,  359,  362. 
Francis,  Dauphin,  221. 
Franciscans,  148,  397,  407. 
Francke,  S.,  583,  627. 
Franconia,  91. 
Franeker,      University      of, 

673. 
Frankenhausen,  95. 
Frankfort-on-the-Oder,     Uni- 
versity of,  11,  670. 
Frankfort-on-the-Main,       31, 
76,  321,  358,  523. 
Treaty  of,  122. 
Frauenburg,  618. 
Frederic  III,  Emperor,  45. 
Frederic  I,  King  of  Denmark, 

136  f. 
Free  Will,  105,  164  ff. 


Freiburg  -  in  -  the  -  Breisgau, 

University  of,  11. 
Freiburg      in      Switzerland, 

146, 168. 
Preytag,  G.,  718  f . 
Priesland,  235,  238,  259,  272. 
Proben,  J.,  147,  190,  280. 
Probisher,  M.,  446. 
Proude,  J.  A.,  343,  367,  717. 
Prundsberg,  380,  488. 
Pugger,    Bank    of,    77,   461, 
520  ff. 

family,  461,  479,  522  f. 

Anthony,  528. 

James,  527  f . 

Jerome,  528. 

Raymond,  528. 
Funk,  133. 
Fust,  J.,  9. 

Gaetano  di  Tiene,  397. 

Galateo,  J.,  375. 

Galen,  513,  574. 

Galileo,  424,  621  f . 

Gama,    Vasco    da,    3,    10  f., 

441  flf. 
Gambling,  485. 
Gandia,  Duke  of,  517. 
Garland,  John  of,  663. 
Garv,  N.,  347. 
Gascony,  216. 
Gasquet,  740. 
Gelasius,  Pope,  418. 
Gembloux,  battle  of,  269. 
Geneva 

evangelized  by  Zwingli 's 
missionaries,  158, 
160. 

Calvin  at,  168  flf. 

constitution,  168  f. 

theocracy,  170  flf. 

immigration,  174  f .,  204, 
32.1. 


Geneva  (conihtited) 
Libertines,  175  f. 
capital    of    Protestantism, 

179. 
under  Beza,  181. 
Knox  at,  358  f. 
dancing,  500. 

witch  persecution,  6f>fi  fiSS 
school,  668,  671  f. 
univer^ty,  671. 
Genoa,  381,456,468,; 
Gentillet,  591. 
Germaine  de  Foix, 
Spun,  398. 
German  Tkeolcgv,  '. 
Germany 
universities,  11,  53,  bi .  _. 
mystics,  30  ff. 
nationalism,  43  ff. 
humanism,  53. 
condition,  74  ff. 
Peasants'  War,  87-95,  552. 
causes,  87  ff. 
Twelve  Articles,  92  f. 
suppression,  94  f. 
Luther,  97  f. 
effect   of,   155,   192,  531, 

593  r. 

rebellion  of  the  Knights, 
83  f.,  505. 

religious  statistics,  132  f. 

effect  of  religious  contro- 
versy, 134. 

French  Calvinists  in,  204. 

and  Netherlands,  2:17  ff. 

Aseham's  opinion  of,  327. 

civilization,  350. 

and  Italy.  371. 

and  Spain,  372. 

Counter-refonnation,  388. 

and  Council  of  Trent,  395. 

Jesuits  in,  Woffi. 

censorship,  4W. 


I"! 


Germany  {continued) 

and  Reformation,  42S,J 

population,  454,  458. 

coinage,  463. 

inns.  499  f . 

mines,  522  f. 

trade,  526  f. 

agriculture,  543. 

serfs,  553. 

labor.  554  f. 

poor-relief,  560  f. 

constitution,  595  f. 

reform  of  calendar,  624. 

witch  hunt,  657  f. 

schools,  665.  "" 

books.  691.  ^1 

Oertniidcnberg.  251. 
Gesner,  C,  611  f. 
Ghent,  236  f.,  240.  256,  269  f. 
272  f..  454. 

Pacification  of,  265,  270 
Ghislieri,  see  Pius  V. 
Giberti,  M..  382. 
Gibbon,  E.,  167,  710  f. 
Gilbert.  H.,  532  (. 
Gilbert.  W..  61.5.  639. 
Gilds,  3  ff.,  263  f.,  537  ff. 
Oiorgiono,  677. 
Gipsies.  558. 

Giulio  Romano.  680.  690. 
Oiusliniani.  280. 
Glanis,  146,  149.  157. 
Gla.sgow,  354,  368. 

University  of,  12. 
Glencairn,  Earl  of,  360. 
Gloucester,  323. 
Goa,  408,  443,  445. 
Gocli,  J.  Pupper  of.  420. 
Goethe,  J.  W.  von,  697.  7111 
Gold,    production   of,   473  ff 

516  f. 
G'.wmlo?.,  588. 


INDEX 


835 


Ootba,  128. 
Gouge,  J.,  519. 
Oraoada,  426, 433. 
Granvdie,  A.  P.,  250  ff. 
Gratins,  0.,  55. 
Oravarmna,  45  f . 
Gravelines,  battle  of,  200. 
Great  Schism,  14. 
Greek,  16,  53,  667  ff. 

classics,  574  ft. 
Gregory  VII,  Pope,  43. 
Gregory  XI,  Pope,  36,  44. 
Gregory,  XIII,  Pope, 

and      St.      Bartholomew, 
218  f.,  387. 

and  Elizabeth,  337  f.,  387. 

pontificate,  386  f. 

reform  of  Calendar,  624. 
Gregory  XIV,  Pope,  226. 
Greifswold,  University  of,  11, 

670. 
Grenoble,  195. 
Gresham,  T.,  534. 
Grey,  Lady  Jane,  316  ff.,  611. 
Gribaldi,  M.,  178  f . 
Grimani,  575. 
Grisar,  H.,  741. 
Grisons,       Confederacy      of, 

146  f. 
Groningen,  235,  238. 
Grwte,  G.,  32. 
Grotius,  H.,  276,  704. 
Gnirt,  J.,  176. 
Grumbach,  132. 
Guadegni,  T.,  520. 
Guam,  440. 

Guelders,  235,  238,  262,  272. 
Guieeiardini,    F.,    373,    422, 

580,  704. 
Guieeiardini,  L.,  454. 
Guinea,  533. 
Guinegate,  279. 
Guinea,  200,  280  f.,  319. 


Guise 

Claude,  Duke  of,  199. 
Francis,    Duke    of,    199  f., 
210  f .,      214,      319, 
597. 
Henry,  Duke  of,  217  f.,  221, 
223  f. 
Guizot,  714. 
Gnstavns     Yasa,     King     of 

Sweden,  137  f. 
Gutenberg,  J.,  8  f. 

Haarlem,  101,  262. 

Hagenau,  122. 

Hague,  240. 

Haiti     (Espafiola,     Hispani' 

oIa),436,  533. 
Hales,  J.,  608. 
Hall,  E.,  284,  582,  703. 
Hallam,  H.,  723. 
Hamburg,  113,  454,  559. 
Hamilton,  P.,  354. 
Haring,  C.  H.,  475. 
Harnaek,  A.  von,  739. 
Harrington,  706. 
Harrison,  498,  547. 
Harzhom,  B.,  420. 
Haug  bank,  521. 
Hawkins,  339,  533. 
Health,  public,  486  f.,  511  ff. 
Hebrew,  53  f.,  668,  672. 
Hegel,  719  f. 
Hegius,  662. 
Heidelberg,  67. 
Heilsbei^,  618. 
Heimburg,  Gregory  of,  46. 
Heine,  H.,  112,  715  f. 
Helmont,  255. 
Helmstadt,     University     of, 

670. 
Henlein,  P.,  688. 
Henry  VII,  Kioj  ol'^'MgwiA., 


836 


Henry   VIII,   King  oE   Eng- 
land, 
and  France,  186,  279. 
character,  277  ff. 
and  Luther,  277,  287  f.,  472. 
Empson  and  Dudley,  279. 
and  Scotland,  279,  356. 
and  Charles  V,  2""  ° 
"Defender  of  the  t 

283. 
divorce     from     C 
286  f .,  290  f . 
Supreme     Head 

Church,  28!Jr 
will,  316,  321. 
and  Ireland,  346,  348. 
finances,  461. 
government,  477,  479. 
navy,  491. 

commercial  policy,  526. 
and  Polydore  Vergil,  581. 
and  Sanders,  588. 
and  Melanehthon,  605. 
and  education,  666. 
portrait,  683. 
Henry  II,  King  of  France 
character,  198  f. 
suppresses     Protestantism, 

203  f. 
death,  206  f . 

and  Council  of  Trent,  393. 
income,  461. 
Henry  III,   King  of  France, 

143,  219  ff.,  600. 
Henry  IV,  King  of  France, 

597. 
policy,  167,  212,  225. 
leader  of  Huguenots,  223  ff. 
character,  224  f. 
conversion,  227  f. 
Edict  of  Nantes,  228  f. 
Henry     d'A\\»rcl,    ¥^™?     Q^ 

Navarre,  "VS^. 


Henry,     King    of    Portngsl, 

432,  446. 
Heracleides,  617. 
Herder,  718. 
Herodotus,  574. 
Hertford,  322. 
Hesse,  84,113.551. 
Philip,  Landgrave  of, 
suppresses  Peasants'  Bfr 

volt.  95. 
calls  conference  at  Mar 

burg.  109. 
attacks     Wiirzburg    and 

Bamberg,  114. 
signs  Protest,  115.  J 

restores  ITlrich  of  Wfirt-'l 

temberg.  119. 
commit."!  bigamy,  119. 
expels  Henry  of  Bruns- 
wick, 120. 
captivity,  128,  130. 
and  Zwingli,  157. 
Heywood,  J.,  283. 
Hindoos,  443. 
Hippocrates,  513. 
Historiography 

in   the   sixteenth    centun'. 
579-588, 
humanistic.  579  ff. 
memoirs,  582. 
chronicles,  582. 
biography,  582  f. 
church  histon,-,  583  ff. 
later  treatment  of  Reforma- 
tion,   see     Reforma- 
tion. 
Ilobbes,  T.,  594. 
Hochstetter,  C,  529. 
Hochstraten,  J.,  54. 
Hoen,  108,  240  f. 
Hofen,  U.  T.  von,  160. 
Wt^^wsf,,?.  von.  538. 


Holbein,   H.,  278,  548,  677, 

683,  685. 
Holland,  76,  251. 

Anabaptists,  101. 

Reformation,  240,  250,  256, 
270. 

war  with  Spain,  260,  263  f., 
271  f.,  274,  342. 

population.  454. 
Holliushed,  R.,  582. 
Holyrood,  356. 
Homer,  574. 

Hooker,  R.,  344  f.,  604,  606. 
Hooper,  314. 

Horn,  Count  of,  257,  259. 
Hotman,  F.,  218,  220,  223, 

582,  598. 
Howard  of  Effingham,  Lord, 

342. 
Hubmaier,  B.,  92. 
Huguenots 

origin  of  the  name,  208. 

character,  208  f. 

history,  210  ff. 

guaranteed  liberty  of  wor- 
ship, 228  f . 

in  Netherlands,  248,  260. 

and  England,  332. 

politics,  596  ff. 

caricatured,  685. 

judged  by  French  secular 
historians,  704. 

judged  by  Michelet,  716. 
Hulst,  F.  van  der,  242. 
Humanism 

patronized  by  papacy,  16. 

prepares  for  Reformation, 
47,  61. 

turns  against  Luther,  102  S. 

in  Poland,  140. 

in  Netherlands,  2541 

in  Scotland,  354. 

deeajr,  692. 


lEX  837 

Hume,  D.,  708  ff. 
Hungary,  144,  350,  449,  463. 

universities,  12. 
Huss,  J. 

protected  by  a  university, 
12. 

death,  14,  39. 

life  and  wot^,  38  S. 

influence  on  Luther,  41,  69, 
71  f.,  86,  744. 

influence  In  Poland,  140. 

followers  in  Bohemia,  144. 

on  Index,  420. 
Hussites,  75,  80,  649. 
Hutlin,  M.,  558. 
Hutten,  U.  von,  684. 

moc^  Julius  II,  24. 

publishes  Valla's  Donatio* 
of  Conttantine,  49, 
55,  70. 

character  and  work,  55  f. 

supports  rebellion  of 
knights,  83. 

incites  peasants,  91. 

and  Luther,  96. 

taunts  Erasmus,  105. 

commercial  ideas,  530. 
Hutton,  M.,  604. 
Huxley,  730. 

Iceland,  137, 
Idria,  528. 

Imbart  de  la  Tour,  P,  736. 
Incas,  439  f . 

Independents,  102,  345  f. 
Index  of  Prohibited  Books, 
32,    245,    381,    383, 
388,  395,  420  fP.,  591. 

Congregation  of,  422. 

Index  Expurgatoriug,  422  f . 

effect,  423  f. 

and  CopemicuA,  63S.. 

and'Wey«,65a. 


India,   10,   441  ff.,   446,    523, 

616. 
Indians  (American),  436  fF. 
Individualism,  6,  28,  515,  677, 

749. 
Indulgences, 
letters  of  first  printed,  9. 
theory     and     practice 

denouncedi  by  Wyclif,  ' 

denounced  by  Hoss,  3! 

Erasmus's  opinion  of, 

attacked  by  Luther,  66 

in  Denmark,  136. 

in  Switzerland,  151. 

in  Netheriands,  236. 

and  Puggers,  527. 
Inghirami,  51. 
Ingolstadt,  51. 

University  of,  11,  406. 
Innocent      III,      Pope,      14, 

35. 
Innocent    VIII,    Pope,    16  f., 

35,  654. 
Inquisition 

in  Netheriands,  242  ff.,  257. 

Spanish,  242,  412  ff.,  431. 

in  Venice,  376. 

and  Loyola,  400, 

medieval,  412. 

procedure,  413. 

penalties,  414. 

number  of  victims,  414  f. 

scope,  415. 

in    Spanish    dependencies, 
416. 

Roman,  416  f. 

Index,  420,  423. 

in  Port:ugal,  445. 

suppresses  books   on   anat- 
omy, ft\S. 

and  phUosop\iy,&'ift. 

and  Bruno,  6S9. 


Inquisition  {continued) 

judged   by   modern  Catli- 
olies,  642  f. 

and  witchcraft,  655,  658. 

judged  by  Froude,  717. 
Institoris,  H.,  654. 
Intelligence,  growth  of,  12 1 

telligentsia,  551  f. 

ventions,  6  ff. 

sland,  346-9,  453,  535. 

Jesuits  in,  405. 

and  Inquisition,  417. 

ibella,  Queen  of  CastUe^TBL. 
412,  426.    . 

ibella  of  Portgual,  Qneoi] 
of  Spain,  432. 
Isoerates,  574. 
Italy 

first  printers  in,  9. 

lack  of  national  feeling,  43, 
372. 

and  Renaissance,  47,  372  f., 
425. 

decadence,  135. 

invaded     by     France,    1". 
185. 

civilization,  350. 

and  Reformation,  371  ff. 

Jesuits  in,  405. 

population,  455  f,,  458. 

coinage,  463  f. 

hospitals,  514. 

banks,  519  f. 

trade,  525. 

reform  of  calendar,  624. 

universilies,  673. 
Ivan  IV,  Czar,  143,  447,  74S. 
Ivry,  battle  of,  225. 


Jagiello  dynasty,  139. 
iesaes.  W  ,  IS-YW^  of  Scotland. 


INDEX 


James  V,  King  of  Scotland, 
199,      210,      352  f., 
355  f.,  580. 
James  VI,  King  of  Scotland, 
367,  369  f.,  484,  505, 
660. 
James,  W.,  167,  740. 
Jane  Seymour,  Queen  of  Eng- 
land, 299. 
Janizaries,  449, 489. 
Jansen,  276. 
Jansenists,  406. 
Janssen,  J.,  740. 
Japan,  405, 408,  443,  616. 
Jamac,  battle  of,  215. 
Java,  443,  616. 
Jena,  University  of,  670. 
Jerome,  St.,  192,  684. 
Jerome  of  Prague,  14,  40. 
Jerusalem,  400,  402,  499. 
Jesus  Christ,  13,  29,  63. 
Jesuits,  396-411. 

in  Poland,  143  f. 

in  Bohemia,  144. 

in  France,  202,  216,  231. 

in  Netherlands,  249. 

in  England,  328,  336  f . 

origins,  381,  402 1 

and  Paul  IV,  384. 

at  Council  of  Trent,  393 1. 

typical,  398. 

oi^nization,  403  f. 

obedience,  404  f. 

growth,  405  f. 

combat  heresy,  405  flf. 

foreign  missions,  407  ff. 

decay,  409  fF. 

casuistry,  411,  506. 

in  Portugal,  445. 

and  tyrannicide,  605. 

and  philosophy,  628. 

colleges,  666,  670  f. 

art,  691. 


Jesuits  (.continued) 

judged  by  Miehelet,  717. 
Jetzer,  J.,  148,  708. 
Jewel,  J.,  327,  344,  656. 
Jews,  415  ff.,  426,  445,  649. 
Joan     d'Albret,     Queen     of 

Navarre,  205,  213. 
Joan  of  Arc,  581. 
Joanna,  Queen  of  Spain,  76, 

477. 
John  the  Baptist,  63. 
John  XXIII.  Pope,  39. 
John  III,  King  of  Portugal, 

409,445. 
John  III,  King  of  Sweden, 

138. 
Jonas,  J.,  420,  508. 
Josephus,  574. 
Jovius,  P.,  580  flF.,  703. 
Jud,  L.,  157. 
JuUus  II,  Pope,  18  f.,  24,  51, 

686,  709. 
Julius  III,  Pope,  383  f.,  393, 

420. 
Justification  by  faith  only, 
Lefivre,  53,  65. 
Luther,  65  f.,  86,  570,  625, 

724,  745. 
Contarini,  122. 
At  Ratisbon  Colloquy,  127. 
in  Prance,  196,  206. 
in  England,  301,  314. 
in  Italy,  375,  377. 
at  Council  of  Trent,  392  f. 
historical  estimate  of  the 
doctrine,  745  f, 

Kuserberg,  G.  of,  530. 
Kant,  I.,  165,  625,  715  f. 
Kaulbach,  715. 
KauUky,  K.,  726. 
Kawerau,Q.,73T. 
Keller,  L.,  506. 


840  INI 

Kempis,  Thomas  a,  Imitaiion 
of  Chriii,  26,  32  f., 
401. 
Kent,  322. 
Kett,  314. 
Khair-ed-Din,  449. 
Knodt,  729. 
Knollys,  603. 
Knox,  J.,  167. 

at  Geneva,  174,  358  f. 

in  England,  313,  32F 

political  theory,  325, 
366,  602  ff. 

character,  357  f. 

early  life,  358. 

M<mstroiis     Regiment 
Women,  361. 

and  Mary,  364  ff. 

on  women,  361,  509. 

and  Buchanan,  580. 

as  an  historian,  586  f. 
Koberger,  A.,  510. 
Kohler,  W.,  739. 
Kohlhase,  J.,  505. 
Konigsberg,  526,  670. 
Koran,  420,  584. 
Kovalewsky,  729. 
Kurdistan,  449. 
Kurtz,  737. 
Kustrin,  J.  von,  127,  130. 


La  Boetie,  599  f. 
Lactam  ius,  667. 
Ladrones,  440. 
Lagarde,  P.  de,  736. 
Lampreclit,  K.,  737. 
Lancaster,  John  of,  36. 
Landau,  495. 
Lamlstuhl,  84. 
LanfT,  A.,  367. 
Lang,  M.,  551. 
Laiiguedoc,  21.6. 


i 


La   Rochelle,   216,   219,   229^ 

260,  526. 
Las  Casas,  B.  de,  436. 
Laski,  J.,  141.  312. 
Lasso,  0.,  689. 
Lateran    Council,    Fifth,  H,  * 

418  f.,  628. 

^  .timer,   H.,   294,   299,  32S, 

495,  504. 

.tin,  53,  63,  451,  663  ft 

classics,  574  ft 

.  Tour,  354. 

orent,  739. 

veleye,  E.  de,  737. 

ynez,  394,  401. 

a,  H.  C,  423,  731. 
Ijccky,  7'2;i. 
Lef^vre  d 'Staples,  J., 

early  life,  52. 

biblical  work,  52,  188,  196. 
566,  570. 

justification    by    faith,  53. 
65. 

and  Farel,  160. 

and  Calvin,  162. 

and    French    ReformaiioD. 
188  ff.,  196  f, 
Le  Fevre,  P.,  400,  406. 
Leghorn,  535. 
Leicester,      Robert      Dudlev, 

Earl  of,  275,  331. 
Leinster,  348. 
Leiphpim,  95, 
Leipzig 

University  of.  38,  671. 

debate,  68  f.,  77,  191. 

Interim,  129. 
Lemnius,  S.,  5021 
Lemonnier,  732. 
LeoX. 

character   and    policv,   19, 
IT. 


Leo  X  {continued) 

Concordat  of  Bologna,  43. 

and     Diet    of     Augsbui^ 
(1518).  46. 

and  indulgences,  66  ff. 

condemns  Luther,  77. 

and  Charles  V,  81,  236. 

death,  84. 

attacked  by  Sachs,  86. 

and  Henry  VIII,  283. 

Oratory    of    Divine    Love, 
397. 

and  Sapienza,  673. 

portrait,  678. 

and  art,  688. 
Leo,  Emperor,  744. 
Leon,  P.  de,  437. 
Leonardo  da  Vinci, 

income,  472. 

scientific  work,  612  f .,  637  f . 

anatomy,  613. 

physics,  613  f. 

astronomy,  617. 

on  necromancy,  658. 

art,  674  ff. 
Lepanto,  battle  of,  266,  432, 

490. 
Lerma,  Duke  of,  517  f. 
Leslie,  J.,  354. 
Lessing,  712. 
Levant,  442. 

Lewis.  King  of  Hungary,  144. 
Leyden.  263. 

John  of,  101  f. 

University  of.  275.  673. 
L'Hopital.   M.  de,  213,  215, 

Ligge,  235,  260. 
Lilienstayn,  J.,  40. 
Lille,  186,  559. 
Lima,  416. 

Lincolnshire,  303,  323. 
Lisbon,  9,  408,  442,  444,  524. 


EX  841 

Lister,  G.,  240. 
Lithuania,  138  ff. 
Livonia,  139. 
Livy,  667. 
Lochleven,  368. 
Loisy,  A.,  739,  741. 
Lollards,  38,  354,  649. 
Lombardy,  456. 
London,  288,  317,  332. 

first  printers  in,  9. 

Netherlanders  in,  253. 

and  Reformation,  281,  301, 
322  f. 

population,  453, 

credit,  467. 

and  theater,  485. 

brothels,  506. 

death-rate,  511  f. 

trade,  524,  533  f.,  539,  548. 

pauperism,  559. 
Loretto,  499. 
Lorraine,  257. 

Charles,  Cardinal  of,  199, 
210  f. 
Lotto.  L..  376. 
Lotzer,  92. 
Louis  XI,  King  of  PVance, 

42,  556. 
Louis  XII,  King  of  France, 

19,  182  f. 
Louvain.   University  of.  77, 
241,   245,   253,   378, 
420, 422,  666, 672. 
Loyola,  I,, 

early  life,  398  f . 

converaion,  399  f . 

and  Luther,  400,  405. 

first  disciples,  400  f . 

Spiritwd  Exercises,  401  f, 

founds  Company  of  JesuB, 
402  f. 

death,  405. 

atilobio^&.'^'b.^ ,  %%%. 


Loyola,  I.  (continued) 

judged  by  Lagarde,  736. 
Liibeek,  113,  118  f.,  454. 
Lwblin,  140. 

Union  of,  141. 
Lueea,  420,  456. 
Lucerne,  146,  153. 
Ludolph  of  Saxony.  399. 
Luther,  C.  von  Bora,  123.  288. 
Luther,  M. 
career 

changes  in  his  life- time,  3. 
alludes   to   New    World, 

11,  497. 
and  University   of  Wit- 
tenberg, 12. 
influenced     by     mystics, 

32  ff. 
na.tionalism,  44,  46  f. 
early  life,  62  ff. 
becomes  a  friar,  64. 
inner  development,  64  ff. 
journey  to  Italy,  64,  514. 
summoneil   to   Augsburg 

(1518),  67  f. 
debates  with  Eck,  68  f. 
condemned    by    C'atholic 

church,  77. 
bums    bull    and    Canon 

Law,  78. 
at  Diet  of  Worms.  79  f., 

132,  398,  441,  741. 
under  ban  of  the  Empire, 

81. 
at  Wartburg,  81. 
opposes    radicals,    82  ff., 

96  ff. 
and  Peasants'  War,  91, 

93,  97  f.,  557  £. 
wins      German      ruling 

classes,  WV. 
reforms    c\i\iTft\v    wWvt 
andgovemmetiV'^'^'^ 


Luther,  M.  (c^mtinued) 
illnesses,  123. 
marriage,  123  f ..  284. 
death,  124,  322  note, 
real    estate   and   income, 

468,  471. 
anecdotes,  495  f.,  580. 
closes  brothels,  506  f. 
doctrines,      opinions     and 

character 
doctrine  of  eucharist.  -IB 

(see  controversj'  with 

Zwingli). 
justification      by      faith 

only,  65. 
declares  councils  can  err, 

69. 
literary  genius.  111.  12.i. 
politieal  theor>-,  116,  549, 

594  ff.,  606. 
opinion     of      polygamy, 

120,        286,        507, 

703. 
virulence,  123. 
character,  124  f, 
opinion  of  theater,  485. 
on    Sunday    observancl^ 

171. 
on  Aristotle,  637. 
opinion  of  war,  487, 
on  hunting,  500. 
on      Reformation.     50^ 

700  f. 
on  lying,  506. 
on  marriage.  506.  508 1 
on   education,    511,   6€Gi 

667. 
commercial  ideas,  530: 

G08. 
on  poor  relief,  560, 
\i4iWa.\  criticism,  568 


Luther,  M.  (continued) 

on     Copemican     theory, 

621. 
philosophy,  624  ff. 
on  toleration,  642  ff. 
on  witchcraft,  652,  655  f . 
on   art  and  music,  687, 

690. 
writings 

translates  Valla  on  Dona- 
tion of  ConsiantiTU, 

49. 
lectures  on  Bihle,  64. 
Nittety-five    Tkesex,    67, 

281. 
Address  to  the  Christian 

KobilUtj,  70  ff.,  376, 

530,  560. 
Babylonian  Captivity  of 

Church,    72 1.,    120, 

164,  282. 
translation  of  Bible,  73  f., 

81,  111  1,  569  f. 
On  Monastic  Vows,  81. 
Bondage    of    the    WtU, 

105  f.,  164. 
hymns,    112,    354,    689, 

737. 
catechisms,      112,      164, 

407. 
Jack  Sattsage,  120, 
Schmalkaldic       Articlet, 

121. 
Against    the   Papacy   at 

Rome,  123. 
Table  Talk,  124. 
influence  and  relations  with 

con  temporaries 
Leffevre,  53. 
Hutten,  56. 
general     influence,     62, 

80  f.,  83,  698. 
Saebs,  86  f. 


>EX  843 

Luther,  M.  (continued) 

deserted    by    humanists, 

102  ff. 
and  Erasmus,  104  ff.,  241, 

649. 
and      ZwingU,      107  ff., 

150  ff.,  154, 159  f. 
and  Melanchthon,  133. 
invited  to  Denmark,  136. 
hailed       hy      Bohemian 

Brethren,  144. 
and    Calvin,    162,    165, 

179  f. 
More,  167. 
influence      in      France, 

188  ff.,  203. 
influence  in  Netheriands, 

239  ff. 
and    Henry    VIII,    277, 

282f.,  285,  287. 
influence     in     England, 

281  ff.,    299  f.,    312, 

326,  635. 
influence     in     Scotland, 

354  ff. 
influence  in  Italy,  373  ff., 

380. 
influence  on  Catholic  re- 
form, 388. 
Index,  420. 
Loyola,  400,  405. 
Lemnius,  503. 
and  Raphael,  678  f. 
and  Dtirer,  684. 
caricatured,  685, 
and  Faust,  697. 
judged  by  posterity, 
Sleidan,  587,  705, 
earily  biographers,  588. 
Des  P^riera,  629. 
Montaigne,  631  f. 
Charron,633. 
Bnino,  %%^. 


PHJH^^V 

844                                    INDEX                                       1 

Luther,  M.  (continued) 

Lutheran  ism, 

R.  Burton,  700. 

in  England.  38,  308.  330. 

early  Catholics,  702. 

in  Germany,  111,  133  f. 

Bossuet,  703. 

in  France,  195  ff. 

Vettoii,  704. 

in  Xetherlands,  243  ff. 

Ouicoiardini,  704. 

in  Italy.  376  f.,  417. 

Brantome,  704. 

and  papacy,  383. 

Robertson,  709. 

in  Spain,  415  f. 

Hume,  710. 

political  theory.  594.  707. 

Gibbon,  710  !. 

Luxemburg.  76,  238. 

Wieland,  711. 

Lyiy,  J.,  635. 

Goethe,  712. 

Lyndsay,   D..   351,   355  not 

Lessing,  712. 

356.  615. 

Condorcet,  713. 

Lyons,  512,  523,  526,  556. 

and   French   Revolution, 

Waldenses,  35. 

' 

713  ff. 

and     Reformation,    19! 

and  Romantic  Movement, 

195,  218. 

715  ff. 

Mme.  dc  Staiil,  715. 

Maastricht,  258,  273. 

Heine,  715  f. 

MacAIpine.  ,T.,  354. 

Michelet,  716  f. 

Macaulay,  432.  717. 

Carlyle,  718. 

McGiffert,  A.  C,  739. 

Emerson,  718. 

Machiavelli,  N. 

Herder,  718. 

The  Prince,  295,  589. 

Arndt,  718. 

and  Inder,  421  f. 

German  patriots,  718  f. 

on  war,  487  IT. 

Hegel,  720. 

ethics,  505  f. 

Bollinger,  723  f. 

on  classics,  576. 

Bax,  725  !. 

a3  an  historian,  580. 

Nietzsche,  730  f. 

political      theory,      589  ff. 

Troeltsch,  733. 

599.  601  f.,  608. 

SantayanB,  734. 

and  Christianity,  628, 6*9. 

Imbart  de  la  Tour,  736. 

Mackinnon,  742. 

Lagardc,  736. 

Madagascar,  443. 

The  Great  War,  737  f. 

Madeira,  441,  444. 

Paquier,  738. 

Madrid.  9. 

Hamack,  739. 

Treaty  of,  185  f.,  379. 

Loisy,  739. 

Madgeburg,  63,  66,  129. 

W.  James,  740. 

Magdeburg  Centuries,  584t 

Grisar,141. 

Magellan.  P,  3,  440  f.,  615. 

Acton,  141. 

^ii^g&\,Q,A"5&- 

^^ 

^ 

^^^^^^^B 

INDEX 


845 


Majorca,  415. 

Malabar,  524. 

Malacca,  443. 

Malay  Peninsnla,  446,  616. 

Maldonato,  106. 

Malines,  252  f.,  262. 

Jfalory,  T. 

La  Morte  d'Artluir,  692. 
Malta,  456. 
Manchester,  538. 
Maimers,  500  ff. 
Manreu,  399,  401. 
Manichaeans,  418. 
Mansfeld,  62,  523,  662. 
Mantua,  121. 

Benedict  of,  376. 

Isabella  d'Eate,  Marchion- 
ess of,  376,  572. 
Manz,  F.,  645. 
Marbui^, 

Colloquy  at,  109  f . 

University  of,  287, 354,  670. 
Marcdlos  II,  Pope,  384. 
Mansion,  583,  744. 
Marconrt,  A.  de,  197. 
Marcos  Aurelius,  574. 
Margaret     d  'Angooleme, 
Queen    of    Navarre, 
29,  324, 572,  676. 

and     Reformation,     189  f., 
194  f. 
Margfaret    Tudor,    Queen    of 

Scotland,  330,352. 
Mariana,  605. 
Mari^nano,    battle    of,    147, 

150,  185,  488. 
Harlowe,  C,  635,  697. 
Mamix,  P.  van,  263. 
Marot,  C,  187,  194,  197,  203, 

232,  693. 
Marranos,  240,  445. 
Marriage, 

prohibited  degna,  22 1. 


Marriage  {continued) 
Protestant    regulation    of, 

112, 173. 
Catholic  reform,  395. 
esteemed,  507  f. 
Marsiglio  of  Padoa,  43. 
Mary,  Mother  of  Jesus,  wor- 
shiped, 29,  63,  148, 

358,  495. 

Mary  of  Burgundy,  Empress, 

76,235. 
Mary      Tudor,     Queen     of 
England,      287, 
291. 
foreign  policy,  200,  319.    , 
and  Netherlands,  248  f. 
succession,  316  f . 
marriage,  318  f.,  432. 
religious  policy,  319  It 
and  Knox,  358, 361. 
censorship,  419. 
commercial  policy,  526. 
and  universities,  671. 
Mary      Tudor,      Queen      of 
France,     281,     316, 
432. 
Mary  of  Hapsburg,  Queen  of 
Hungary,  237,  244, 
249. 
Mary  of  Lorraine,  Qaeen  of 
Scotland,    199,   352, 

359,  361. 

Mary  Stuart,  Queen  of  Scots, 
and     England,     325,    330, 

333  f.,  336,  338,  340, 

352,  365,  368. 
execution,  339  f.,  368  f. 
marriage  with  Francis  II, 

210,  351,  359. 
birth,  356. 
and  Knox,  364  ff. 
marriage     with     DamkY.. 


Maiy  StU&rt  {continued) 

marriage     with     Bothwell, 
367  £. 

Casket  Letters,  367  f. 

deposed,  367,  602  f. 

dress,  466. 

and  Buchanan,  580. 
Martyr,   Peter,   see  Vermitrli 

and  Anghierra. 
Marx,  C,  724  f , 
MasuceJo,  50. 
MathesiuB,  588. 
MathewB,  S.,  725. 
Matthews,  T.,  300. 
Matthya,  J.,  101  £. 
Maurenbrecher,  740. 
Maurer,  H.,  91. 
Maurolycus,  611. 
Slaximilian  I,  Emperor, 

and  Julius  II.  19. 

and  Luther,  68. 

policy,  75  f. 

death,  77. 

and  Netherlands,  235,  238, 
486. 
Maximilian  II,  Emperor,  132, 

144,  258. 
Mayence,  8  f.,  74,  666,  670. 

Albert,  Elector  of,  66,  79, 
496. 

Berthold,  Elector  of,  418. 
Mayenne,    Duke    of,    225  ff., 

492. 
Mayr,  C,  528, 
Meaiix,  192,  195,  202,  218. 
Mecca,  446. 

Medici,   de',   family,   15,   17, 
519. 

Lorenzo     the     Ma^ificent, 
19,  682. 

LoreiuoTI,  198f. 

Alexander,  irift,*i%\. 

Cosimo,312. 


Medina,  446,  513  ff. 
Medina  Sldonia,  Duke  of,  341 
Mediterranean.  442,  523. 
Melanchthon,  P. 

doctrine  of  euchariat,  70. 

and   Luther,  81,   111,  121, 
133. 

and  Peasants'  War,  98. 568. 

at  Marburg  Colloquy,  109, 

drafts    Augsburg    Confes- 
sion, 117. 

on  polygamy,  120,  287. 

reforms  Cologne,  121. 

negotiates    with    Gatholiet 
122.  J 

attacked     by     Ltitltemi^ 
129.  133. 

and  Zwingli,  134. 

and  Calvin,  164. 

and  Sorvetus.  178. 

and  Prance,  187.  203. 

and  England,  299,  301,  3U'. 
326  f. 

and  Scotland,  356. 

on  Indej,  420. 

salarj',  471. 

and  Lemnins,  503. 

and  Bible,  569. 

political  theory,  596,  605. 

and  Copernicus,  621  f. 

persecutes,  644  f. 

on  education,  667. 
jrendelssohn,  715. 
Mercator,  C,  616. 
Jlerindol,  203. 
Metz.  184,  200. 
Mcxieo,  416,  438  f.,  474  f. 
Meyerbeer,  715. 
Mezeray,  de,  704. 
Michaelangelo,     472,     681  ff.. 

686.  690. 
U\tV\H,  J.,  398,  716  f. 


INDEX 


847 


MUan,     185  f.,     372,    380  f., 

416 1,  456. 
Milne,  W.,  359. 
Miltitz,  C.  -von,  68. 
Milton,     J.,     74,     423,     608, 

668. 
MmbUia  Urbis  Bomae,  74. 
Mirandola,  Pico  della,  51 S,, 

108,  374,  606. 
Miritzsch,  M.,  240. 
Mississippi,  437, 
Modena,  456. 
Mofa^cs,  battle  of,  144. 
Mohammedanism,    433,    448, 
5831,     627,     707  f., 
745. 
Moluccas,  408,  443. 
Moaarehy,  476  £.,  549. 
Moncontour,  battle  of,  215. 
Money 

value  of,  in  the  sizteenth 
century,  461ff., 
472  f. 

coins,  462  ff. 

interest,  467  f. 

power  of,  548. 
Monod,  G.,  735. 
Monopolies,  85,  88,  528  ff. 
Mobs,  battle  of,  216,  261. 
Montaigne,  M.  de, 

and  New  World,  11. 

and  Reformation,  231  f. 

on  torture,  482. 

on  classics,  576  f. 

and  La  Boetie,  599  f. 

skepticism,  631 1 

on  toleration,  648. 

on  witchcraft,  660  f. 
Montauban,  219,  229. 
Montbeliard,  161. 
Monte,  A.  C.  del,  382. 
Montesquieu,  707. 
Afontlae,  B.  de,  216,  582. 


Montmorency,  A.  de,  185, 187, 

517. 
Montpellier,  229. 
Mook,  battle  of,  263. 
Moors,  426,  428,  433  f. 
Morals,  503  ff. 

of  clergy,  25,  493  f. 
Morata,  0.,  374. 
Moravians,      see      Bohemian 

Brethren. 
Moray,  Earl  of,  334,  367  f . 
More,  T. 

Utopia,   11,   26,    509.    558, 
606  f .,  648,  698. 

debt  to  Lef6vre,  53. 

and      Reformation,      167, 
281flf.,  295,  299. 

on  Henry  VIII,  279,  295. 

death,  294  f. 

on  persecution,  294  f.,  648. 

drinks  only  water,  497. 

on  hunting,  500. 

marriages,  508  f. 

and  Bibles,  571. 

and  religion,  633  f.,  649. 

and  witchcraft,  655. 

portrait,  683. 

judged  by  Robertson,  731 
Moriscos,  415,  433  f.,  517. 
Morley,  Lord,  592. 
Momay,    P.    Duplessis.,   264, 

598  f. 
Morocco,  446. 
Morone,  394. 

Mortmain,  Statute  of,  41. 
Morton,  Earl  of,  360. 
Mosehus,  574. 
Moscow,  512. 
Mosheim,  712. 
Motley,  718. 
Mountjoy,  Lord,  277. 
MiiMberg,  \iB.U\fc  oi,  Vl»',"i3S>- 
MiihlhaosaiQ.  vo.  1\cw\-o^%.,'i^ 


^^^^^^m 

848                                 INDEX 

Miiltiauseii  in  Alsace,  160. 

Netherlands  (c<mtinued) 

Munich,  666. 

constitution,  234  ff. 

Miinster,  101  (.,  244. 

Mary,  Regent  of,  237,  241, 

MUnster,  S.,  420,  565. 

249. 

Mlimter,  T.,  82,  91,  94  f.,  97, 

Margaret   of   Austria,  R^ 

112,  594,  701. 

gent  of,  237. 

Muret,  576. 

relations  with  the  Empire, 

Murner,  T.,  472,  694. 

237  f. 

Muscovy,  139,  143  !.,  447. 

Reformation,  239  if.,  271  ff. 

Music,  689. 

and   Spain,   246  ff.,  254  ff.. 

Mutian,  54,  103. 

488. 

Myconius.  160,  313. 

and  Alva,  258  ff. 

Mystics,  29-34,  744. 

Northern  Provinces  declatr 

independence,  272  if.. 

602. 

Naarden,  262. 

"Beggars."  256 ff.,  312. 

Namur,  267. 

and  England,  332,  344  f. 

Nanak,  745. 

civilization,  350. 

Nantes 

Jesuits,  405  f. 

University  ot,  11. 

censorship,  419. 

Edict  ot,  228  f .,  406,  650. 

population,  453,  458. 

Naples 

post  olBce,  486. 

French  in,  42,  186. 

commerce,  531  ff. 

Spanish,  372,  380,4161. 

agriculture,  547. 

Reformation,  375  f. 

serfs,  553. 

population,  456. 

poor-relief,  559  f. 

Narva,  534. 

reform  of  calendar,  624. 

Na.sh,  T..  635. 

-Newcastle,  358. 

Nassau,  251. 

Nice,  Truce  of,  121, 198, 

Louis  of,  257  ff.,  263. 

Nicholas    V,    Pope,    16,   *S, 

Nationalism 

566. 

rise  of,  5. 

Nicoletto,  374. 

effect  on  church,  41^7. 

Nietzsche,  F.,  730  f. 

in  France.  182. 

Niklashausen,  Piper  of,  87. 

Nauraburg,  Bishop  of,  120. 

Nimes,  219. 

Negroes,  437,  525,  533. 

Bishop  of.  205. 

Neo-Platonism,  51,  54. 

Nobility,  236,  491  £,  55a 

Nesbit,  J.,  354. 

Nola,  639. 

NethetUnda 

Norfolk,  323. 

mystics,  X2  i. 

^i^^^^l,334f.                    _ 

Charles  V,1». 

■^OTWi^Vi,'^.,^^.                           ^ 

and  French  C8.\^'«i»w.''»'>^.    ^?™?-'^^-i->??-             fl 

^^                           216. 

^Brta, 'Y.,  ^\^^^^^^« 

.^^^■^H 

INDEX 


849 


Northumberland,  John  Dud- 
ley, Duke  of,  816  f., 
821. 
Norway,  135, 137,  458. 
Norwich,  254,  315. 
Novara,  battle  of,  150. 
Noy«i,  161. 

Nuremberg,   74,   79,   86,   90, 
128,  454, 483,  688. 
humanism,  54. 
Diet  of  (1522),  84  f.,  528. 
Diet  of  (1524),  85  f. 
' '  godless    painters, ' '    103, 

628. 
revolts  from  Rome,  113. 
Peace  of,  118. 
Diirer,  472,  684. 
poor-relief,  560. 

Occam,  William  of,  35 1,  43, 
108,  625,  743. 

Ochino,  B.,  174,  312,  375,  397, 
420. 

Oecolampadius,  J.,  108  ff., 
156  f .,  159,  161,  299, 
312, 420,  508,  626. 

Oldenbarneveldt,  J.  van,  275, 
602. 

Olivetan,  162,  196,  570. 

Orange,  Anne,  Princess  of, 
251,  253. 

Orange,  Charlotte,  Princess 
of,  251. 

Orange,  William,  Prince  of, 
167,  246,  250  ff.,  258. 
character,  251,  274. 
elected  Statholder  of  Hol- 
land, 261. 
death,  274,  340. 
and  England,  339. 

Orellana,  438. 

Orinoco,  436. 

Orleans,  Univer^ty  ot,  162. 


Orleans  (continued) 

Reformation,  197,  202,  218. 

States  (General,  212  f. 
Osgood,  H.  L.,  743. 
Osiander,  A.,  420,  620,  623. 
Oudewater,  264. 
Overyssel,  235. 

Oxford,  University  of,  36,  38, 
281,   471,   639,   671, 
687. 
Oxfordshire,  814. 

Pacific  Ocean,  438,  440. 
Paciolus,  L.,  610. 
Pack,  0.  von,  114. 
Paderbom,  University  of,  670. 
Padua,  University  of,  618, 627. 
Paget,  Lord,  310. 
Palatinate,   74,  79,   84,   121, 
127. 

Frederic  III,  Elector  Pala- 
tine, 121, 128. 
Palermo,  416. 
Palestrina,  384,  689. 
Palma,  University  of,  12. 
Pampeluna,  399  f. 
Papacy 

history  of  in  the  later  Mid- 
dle Ages,  13-20. 

triumphs  over  CJouncils,  15. 

secularization,  15. 

patronizes  art  and  letters, 
16. 

denounced  by  Wyclif ,  37. 

rejected      by      Bohemian 
Brethren,  40. 

attacked  by  Marsiglio,  43. 

assailed  by  Valla,  49. 

rejected  by  Luther,  68  ff,, 
123,  388. 

dependent  on  Spain,  372. 

history,  1522-^,  ^^1^^. 


^^^^B^H 

850                                 INDEX                                        1 

Papaoy  (continued) 

Paul  III,  250. 

finance,  480. 

and    oecumenical    council. 

judged   by   Creigliton   and 

121,  389  f. 

Acton,  642,  741. 

and  Luther,  123. 

Paquier,  738. 

alliance    with    Charles   V, 

Paracelsus,  T.,  513,  632,  638  f. 

127. 

Paraguay,  408. 

and  Margaret  of  Navarre, 

Pare,  A.,  513  f . 

189. 

Paris 

and  Rabelais,  194. 

first  printers  at,  9. 

and  England,  292  ff. 

university  of,  11,  42,  161, 

pontificate.  381  ff. 

190  f.,    202  ff.,    227, 

reforms.  381  ff. 

250,   400,   422,   561, 

foreign  policy,  383. 

566,  600,  642,  664. 

and  Jesuits,  401. 

College  of  Montaigu,  161, 

and  Inquisition,  416. 

400  f.,  669. 

and  American  Indians.  436. 

Parlement    of,    42,    184  f., 

and  Sapienza,  471,  673. 

191,  227,  229,  406. 

and  artiau,  472,  504. 

and      Rpformafion,       192, 

and  Copernicus.  620,  622. 

195ff.,  213,  217,  221, 

and  philosophy.  628. 

228. 

Paul  IV.  382,  384,  397,  417. 

Jesuits,  202. 

421  f. 

besieged     by     Henry     IV, 

Paulet,  Sir  A.,  339. 

225  f.,  455. 

Paulus  Diaconus,  608. 

population,  455. 

Pauperitim,  558  fif. 

credit.  467. 

Pausanias,  574. 

constabulary,  482. 

Pavia,  battle  of,  94,  185,  S72, 

brothels.  507. 

379,  459. 

hospitals.  514. 

Penz,  Q.,  103,  628. 

trade,  539. 

Periers.  Des,  629. 

Parker,  604. 

Perrin,  A.,  176. 

Parma,  Duke  of.  226,  456. 

Persia,  449. 

Parma,     Margaret     of,     250, 

Perth.  360. 

256  f. 

Peru.  416,  438  ff..  474  f.           J 

Pascal,  B.,  398. 

Pescia.  Domenico  da,  18.         1 

Passau.  Convention  of,  130. 

Petrarch,  47.                               J 

Pastor,  A.,  626. 

Petri.  L.,  138.                        J 

Pastor,  L.  von,  740  f. 

Petri,  0.,  137.                        fl 

Patten,  S,>i.,T16. 

Pfefferkom.  J.,  54.               H 

Paul  the  \post\eA?'.Vli-,?fo 

w&\«-^'&.,?49.          m 

98,  viti,  -i^ft,  ^T^ 

,    ?\«\-s>V^    ^\  ^-tiswyt,N>..»ffi3| 

!                        418^  ^4^. 

■^^Suij  ■CwtNVswi^stTO*:  v>V%ad 

^^K   Paul  11.  PoP«.  ^^-              , 

^^^^^J^^j^B 

Philip  II,  King  of  Spain,  130, 
132. 
and    France,    212,    226  fl., 

252. 
on  St.  Bartholomew,  218. 
and     Netherlands,     246  ff., 

272  ff.,  602. 
marriage    with    Mary    of 

England,  318  f. 
and   Elizabethan   England, 
331  ff.,      338,      362, 
533. 
and  papacy,  384  ft, 
and  Council  of  Trent,  395. 
finances,  431, 

character  and  policy,  431  ff. 
and  Portugal,  446, 
and  Turks,  449  f . 
portrait,  678. 
Philippine  Islands,  440  f. 
Philosophy,  624-40. 
Reformers,  624  ff, 
skeptics,  627  ff. 
science,  637  ff. 
Piaeenza,  250,  456 
Picardy,  161,  202. 
Piccolomini  family,  15. 
Piedmont,  35. 
Pindar,  574. 
Pinkie,  battle  of,  359. 
Pirckheimer,    W.,    104,    106, 

683; 
Pisa,  627. 

Council  of  (1409),  14. 
Schismatic      Council      of 
(1511),  19. 
Pistoia,  488. 
Pius  II,  Pope,  16,  241.  42, 

350. 
Pius  IV,  Pope,  384  ff.,  393  fl. 
Pius    V,    Pope,    334  f.,    338, 

386  f.,  417,  422. 
Pizarro,  439  f. 


Plato,  51,  150,  418,  574,  606, 

629. 
Pliny  the  Elder,  667. 
Plutarch,  574,  576,  619. 
Pocock,  R.,  48. 
Podiebrad,  40. 
Poggio,  51,  421. 
Poiasy,    Colloquy    of,    213  f., 

598. 
Poitiers,  Diana  of,  199. 
Poitou,  216. 
Poland, 

pays  Peter's  Pence,  21. 

suzerain  of  Prussia,  113. 

literature,  135, 

constitution,  138  f. 

wars,  139  f.,  447, 

Reformation,  140-44. 

Henry  III,  143,  219. 

civilization,  350. 

Counter-reformation,  388, 

and  Council  of  Trent,  395. 

Jesuits,  405. 

population,  458. 

gilds,  540. 

reform  of  calendar,  624. 
Pole,  R.,  318  ff.,  377,  382,  396, 

591,  604. 
Political  theory,  588-609. 

the  state  as  power,  589  ff. 

republicanism,  592  ff. 

church  and  state,  593  ff. 

constitution,  595  ff. 

tyrannicide,  606. 

radicals,  606  f. 

economic,  607  ff. 
Pollard,  A.  F.,  742. 
Polybius,  574. 

Polygamy,  102,  120,  507,  574. 
Pomponazzi,  P.,  105,  627,  649. 
Ponet,  J.,  604  f. 
Pontano,  50*. 
Pontoise,  ^sS.8.\es  q1,W&, 


^VI^BIi^HI 

852                                 INDEX 

Porta,  J.  B.,  della,  614. 

Protestantism  (continued) 

Portsmouth,  322. 

period   of   expansion,  132,     ' 

Portugal 

388  f.                              I 

exploration,  10,  435. 

varieties  of.  179  f. 

literature,  135. 

in  France,  229  ff. 

civilizatiou,  350. 

judged  by  Renan,  742. 

and  Counc-il  of  Trent,  395. 

Provisors,  Statute  of.  41, 289,     |1 

Jesuits,  405. 

Prudentiua,  667. 

colonies,  407  ff..  435,  441  flE. 

Prussia,   113,   133,   139,  141. 

Inquisition,  416,  445. 

350. 

annexed  to  Spain,  432,  446. 

Ptolemy,  574,  616  note.  617. 

decadence,  444  ff. 

Puglia,  Francis  da,  18. 

population,  458. 

Pulei,  628. 

navy,  490. 

Purilana,  167,  286,  328,  339, 

commerce,  524. 

343  ff.,  358,  483,  4S6. 

reform  of  calendar,  624. 

604,690. 

Porzio,  S.,  627. 

Posen,  140,  144. 

Quakers.  102. 

Post  Office,  468  f.,  486. 

Quinet,  E,,  718. 

Praemunire,  Statute  of,  41  f., 

Quirlni,  595.                                 , 

289. 

Prague,  University  of,  38, 639. 

Rabelais,  F.,  187. 

Predestination,    doctrine    of. 

and     Reformation,     194 1, 

164  ff.,  176,249,682. 

197,  231  f. 

Prescott,  718. 

given  a  benefice.  471. 

Pressburg,  University  of,  12. 

anarchism,  606. 

Prices,  88,  315,  464  ff. 

philosophy,  629. 

wheat,  464  f. 

love  of  life,  694. 

animals,  465. 

Racau,  142. 

groceries,  466. 

Raeovian  catechism,  1^. 

drygoods,  466  f. 

Radewyn,  32. 

metals,  467. 

Raleigh,  W.,  532. 

real  estate,  468. 

Ramus,  P.,  637. 

books.  468. 

Ranke,  L.  von,  343,  367,  37! 

rise  of,  473.  516  f.,  608. 

721  f. 

Priscillian,  564. 

Raphael     Sanzi.     472,    491 

Printing,  3,  8ff.,  239,  349  f.. 

677  ff.,  686. 

418  f. 

Batisbon 

Probst,  J.,  240,  242. 

League  of,  114. 

Proletarial,  551ffi. 

0\«i  of,  122. 

Prostitution,  5061. 

^MsV  5i\,Vl.^. 

Protestantism 
^^         origin  oi  t^e  name,V^^- 

INDEX 


853 


R«maeh,  S.,  735. 
Reformation 

antecedents,  4  ff. 
causes,  20-29,  743  f. 
and  Renaissance,  47,  187  f., 
231  ff.,    730,    732  f., 
749  f. 
and  morals,  503  f. 
and  capitalism,  515. 
historiography  in  16th  cen- 
tury, 585  ff. 
and  state,  593  ff. 
and  education,  664  ff. 
and  art,  684  f.,  689  f. 
and  books,  691. 
parallels  to,  744  f, 
religious  changes,  745  ff. 
political      and      economic 

changes,  747  f. 
intellectual  changes,  749  f . 
the  word,  700. 
varioDB        interpretations, 
699-750. 
Protestant,  699  ff.,  739  f . 
Catholic,  701  ff.,  740  f. 
political,  703  ff. 
economic,  106,  708,  724  ff. 
rationalist,  706  ff. 
French  Eevolutionary, 

713  ff. 
romantic,  715  ff, 
liberal,  716  ff.,  742. 
scientific,  719  ff. 
Darwinian,  729  ff. 
Teutonic,  736  f.,  747. 
Reformation  of  the  Emperor 

Frederic  III,  90. 
Reformation  of  the  Emperor 

Sigismund,  89  £. 
Reinhold,  E.,  621,  623. 
Rembrandt,  276. 
Renaissance,  4. 
and  RefontjutioB,  47, 187  f ., 


Benaissance  (cantinited) 

231  ff.,    730,    732  f., 
743,  749  f. 

in  France,  187. 

in  Netherlands,  239. 
Renan,  742. 
Renard,  320  f. 
Renaudie,  210  f. 
Reni,  G.,  689. 
Requesens,  L.,  263. 
Eeuchlin,  J.,  54f.,  103. 
Eeval,  534. 
Rheims,  252,  672. 
Rheticus,  O.  J.,  610,  620  ff. 
Rhodes,  449. 
Ribadeneira,  588. 
Riccio,  D.,  366. 
Richmond,  Duke  of,  287,  471. 
Ridley,  299,  322. 
Riga,  144,  534. 
Rink,  M.,  100. 
Ritschl,  723. 
Robertson,  J.  M.,  731. 
Robertson,  W.,  367,  709. 
Robespierre,  716, 
Robinson,  J.  H.,  743. 
Rode,  H.,  240. 
Rodrigo,  416. 
Rogers,  J.,  322. 
Rohrbach,  J.,  94,  98. 
Rome 

and  Luther,  64,  67. 

sack  of,  185,  372,  380,  456. 

population,  456. 

university  of,  471, 673. 

administration,  481,  504. 

pilgrimages,  499. 

prostitutes,  507. 

and  Copemiens,  618. 

St.  Peter's  Church,  686. 

Pasquino  and  Martorio,  693. 
Ronnow,  I'M . 


854  INI 

Rosenblatt,  W.,  508. 
Rostock,  University  of,  670. 
Roth,  C,  529. 
Rotterdam,  235,  260. 
Rouen,  197,  214. 
Roiisillon,  426. 
Rovere  family,  15,  18. 
Rubeanus,  C,  55,  103  f. 
Rudolph  II,  Emperor,  261 
Russell,  B.,  735. 
Russia,  446  £.,534,  551. 
Ruthenians,  138. 
Riixner,  G.,  90. 
Ruysbroeek,  John  of,  32, 

Saal,  M.  von  der.  120. 
Sabatier,  P.,  737  f..  742. 

Sachs,  II.,  86  f.,  696. 
Sacraments 

Catholic    doctrine    of,    27, 

745. 
Protestant      doctrine      of, 

72  ff.  301,  314,  625, 

745  f. 
Sacro  Bosco,  J.  de,  615. 
Sadoleto,  169,  566. 
St.  Andrews.  IS.'tG,  358,  360. 
St.  Bartholomew,  mas-'^aere  of, 

217  f.,     261  f.,     387, 

597. 
St.  David's,  323. 
St.  Gall,  101,  157,  160,  645. 
St.  Quentin,  battle  of,  200. 
Saints,  worship  of,  28  f.,  57, 

206,  747. 
Salamauea,      University     of, 

400,  673. 
Saienio,  University  of,  11. 
Salisbury,  323. 
Salraeron,  393,  401. 
Samosata,  Paul  of,  627. 
Sanchez,  F.,6?.^. 
Samson,  B.,  lal. 


Sanders,  N.,  325,  588, 1 
Sandomir,  142. 
San  Gallo,  i 
Santayana,  G.,  734  f. 
Saracens,  448. 
Saragossa,  University  of.  12. 
Sardinia,  456. 

''-irpi,  P.,  377,  390,  395,  423, 
705  f. 
\tyre  Menippie,  226  f. 
ivonarola,    16  ff.,    5J,   560. 

649. 
ivoy,    35,     168,    372,    393, 

455  f.,  658. 
Charles  ni,  Duke  of,  16&   J 
Louise  of,  185.  ^ 

saxony 
division  into  Albertine  and 
Ernestine,  119  note. 
Albertine 

George.  Duke  of.  24,  56, 
119,    191,    283,   52S, 
554  f.,  700. 
Henry,  Duke  of,  119. 
Maurice,  Duke  and  Elec- 
tor of,  119. 
alliance    with    Charles 

V,  127  f. 
attacks  John  Frederic. 

128, 
becomes  elector,  128. 
captures      Jlagdeburg, 

129. 
turns   against    Charles 

V,  130.  393. 
death,  130. 

and  Council  of  Trent. 
393. 
Eniestine 
nationalism,  44. 
indulsrenees,  66. 
TwswVvs'o.ed,  74. 


INDEX 


855 


Saxony  (coniiivued) 

Anabaptists,  103,  644. 
becomes  Lutheran,  113. 
brigandage,  505. 
church  property,  551. 
Frederic,  Elector  of,  77, 
82,  93. 
supports    Luther,    66, 
79,  81,  104,  113,  283. 
John,    Elector    of,    113, 
283,  595,  644. 
signs  Protest,  115. 
votes    against    Ferdi- 
nand, 118. 
John  Frederic  the  Elder, 
Elector  and  Duke  of, 
305. 
expels       Bishop        of 

Naumburg,  120. 
defeated  and  captured 

by  Charles  V,  128. 
freed,  130. 

loses     electoral     vote, 
128. 
John  Frederic  the  Young- 
er, Duke  of,  132. 
Scaligcr,  J.  J.,  575,  585. 
Scandinavia,  21,  135  ff.,  350. 
Schaffhausen,  146,  157, 160. 
Schartlin,  128. 
Scheldt  barred  by  Holland, 

274. 
Schenck,  M.,  134. 
Schenitz,  J.,  518. 
Schleswig-Holstein,  136. 
Schmalkalden,      League     of, 
118  flf.,      187,      197, 
300  f .,  305  f . 
Schmalkaldic     War,     126  ff ., 
198,   200,   376,   383, 
393. 
Schmidt,  712. 
Schonberg,  622. 


Schools,  12, 471,  662  flf. 
Schoonhoven,  264. 
Schwenckfeld,         C.        von, 

164. 
Schwyz,  146,  153. 
Science,  609-24. 

inductive  method,  609. 

mathematics,  609  ff. 

zoology,  611  f. 

anatomy,  612  f . 

physics,  613  ff. 

geography,  615  f . 

astronomy,  616  ff. 

schools,  666. 
Scotland 

and    England,    279,    309, 
351  f .,  358  f .,  369. 

condition,  350  ff. 

and  France,  351  f.,  358  f. 

Reformation,  352  ff.,  359  ff., 
369  f. 

the  kirk,  364,  369  f. 

Black  Acts,  369. 

population,  453  f .,  458. 

theater,  485. 

duelling,  486. 

brigandage,  505. 

serfdom,  553. 
Scott,  R.,  659  f. 
Scotus,  Duns,  34. 
Sea  power,  490  f . 
Sebastian,  King  of  Portugal, 

446. 
Seckendorf,  701. 
Selim  I,  Sultan,  449,  748. 
Sell,  K.,  737. 
Semblangay,  518. 
Seneca,  162. 

Serfdom,  89  f .,  97  f.,  552  f . 
Seripando,  417. 
Servetus,     M.,     1771,     613, 

626  f .,  645. 
Severn,  322. 


856 

Sevi  416.  457,  524  f. 

Uiiinjrsiiy  of,  12. 
Seymour,  T.,  315. 
Shakespeare,    W.,    424,    581, 

693, 
Sicily,  416,  455. 
SickiDgen,  P.  von,  56,  83  f., 

505,  550,  684. 
Sidney,  H.,  348. 
Sidney,  P.,  336,  501. 
Siena,  375,  381. 
Sievershausen,  battle  "^ 
Sigismund,  Emperor 
Sigismund  I,  King  oi 

139  ff. 
Sigismund   II,   King  oj 

land,  141  ff. 
Sigismund  III,  King  of  Po- 
land, 144. 
Siguenza,  University  of,  12. 
Sikhism,  745. 
Silver,  production  of,  473  ff., 

516  f. 
Simrael,  F.,  726. 
Simons,  M.,  244. 
Sixtus  IV,  Pope,  16,  412. 
Sixtus    V,    Pope,    223,    341, 

387  f.,  504  f.,  670. 
Skelton,  J.,  283. 
Sleidan,  587  f.,  704  f. 
Smith,  n.,  635. 
Socinians,  376. 
Somasciaiis,  397. 
Somerset,  E.  Seymour,  Duke 

ot,  310,  352,  359. 
Sophocles,  574. 
Soto,  II.  de,  437. 
Sozini,  F.,  145,  375,  626. 
Sozini,  L.,  142,  145,  375. 
Spain 
universities,  12,  673. 
Charles  "V,  16. 
literalure,  l^Vv 


Spain  (eonlinued) 

and       Netherlands,       238^ 
246  ff.,  430,  488. 

and  England,   318  f. 

339  ff.,  348.  431  f. 

Annada,341f.,387,433. 

civilization.  350. 

and  papacy,  378  ff. 

and     Count«r-refonnalioD, 
389. 

Jesuits,  405. 

jolonies,   407,    425,   430 1, 
435  ff. 

[nquisition.  412  ff. 

sensorship,  419. 

anification,  426. 

revol  t    of    romraanea. 

427  f.,  477,  550.  552 

revolt   of   Ilerraandad.  7S 
428,  552. 

empire.  430. 

Cortes,  428  f. 

and  Portugal.  432  f. 

and  Moors,  4-33  f. 

population,  455  ff. 

coinage,  463. 

finances.  480,  522. 

navy,  490  f. 

clerpj',  494. 

trade.  524  f. 

the  Mesta,  624. 

reform  of  calendar,  624. 

judged  l>y  Froude,  717. 
Spencer,  11.,  718. 
Spenser,  E.,  327.  347,  692  f. 
Spinoza.  B.,  276. 
Spires.  666. 

Diet  of  (1526),  114. 

Diet  of   (1529),   109.  IV 
644. 

Diet  of  (1542),  122. 

Diet  of  (1544),  123. 


'i 


spurs,  battle  of  the,  279. 
Stael,  de,  715. 
Sterling,  356. 

Steven  Bathory,  King  of  Po- 
land, 144. 
Stevin,  S.,  610,  614. 
Stockholm,  9, 136. 
Stourbridge,  523. 
Stow,  J.,  582. 
Strabo,  574. 

Strassburg,  31,  101,  110,  113, 
169,  260,  464,  506, 
658. 
Strauss,  D.  F.,  719. 
Stiihlingen,  91,  93. 
Stuniea,  D.,  622. 
Suffolk,  323. 

Charles  Brandon,  Duke  of, 
316. 

Henry  Grey,  Duke  of,  316. 
Suleiman,  Sultan,  187,  449. 
Sully.  Duke  of,  215, 218, 228. 
Sumatra,  443,  616. 
Surrey,  Earl  of,  693. 
Suso,  H.,  31. 
Sussex,  323. 
Swabia,  93  ff.,  119. 
Sweden 

universities,  12. 

Reformation,  113,  137  f. 

Christian  11,  136. 

war  with  Poland,  139. 

population,  458. 

a  law  of,  511. 

church  property,  551. 
Switzerland,  88, 146  f. 

Reformation,  146-181. 

civilization,  350. 

population,  454. 
Symonds,  J.  A.,  398,  730. 
Syria,  449,  535. 

Taborites,  40. 


>EX  857 

Tacitus,  574,  606. 

Tangier,  446. 

Tapper,  254. 

Tartaglia.  N.,  610,  614. 

Tartars,  139,  447. 

Tasso,  T.,  374,  449,  628,  692  f. 

Tauler,  J.,  31,  65. 

Tetzel,  J.,  66  f. 

Teutonic  Order,  31, 44  £.,  113, 

139,  618. 
Tewkesbury,  J.,  299, 
Theater,  485,  695  ff. 
Theatines,  384,  397. 
Theocritus,  574. 
Theognis,  574. 
Thierry,  718. 
Thorn,  618. 

Edict  of,  140. 
Thou,  de,  217,  703. 
Thucydides,  574. 
Tierra  del  Fuego,  616. 
Tintoretto,  677. 
Titian,  677  f. 
Tobacco,  498. 
Toledo,  428,  457. 

Enriquez  de,  502. 
Toleration,  641-51. 

Peace  of  Augsburg,  131. 

Edict  of  Nantes,  229  f. 

and  Bible,  573. 

intolerance     of     Catholics, 
641  ff. 

intolerance  of  Protestants, 
643  ff. 

Renaissance,  649. 

Reformation,  650  f.,  750. 
Tolstoy,  L.,  730. 
Tordesillas,  Treaty  of,  435. 
Torgau,  League  of,  114. 
Torquemada,  643. 
Toul,  184,  200. 
Toulouse,  214. 


Tours,  195,  197. 
T  ransubstant  i  atioD , 
rejected  by  WycHf,  37. 
rejected  by  Tabovites,  40. 
attacked    by    Melanchthon 

and  Luther,  70,  72. 
Lateran  Council,  108. 
in     Augsburg     Confession, 

117. 
in  England,  306,  314. 
and  Council  of  Trent,  393. 
Transylvania,  144  f. 
Treitschke,  736  f.,  742. 
Trent,  Council  of,  388-96. 
and  Protestants,  127,  383, 

389  f.,  393. 
decrees  in  France,  215. 
reforms,     231,     382,     388, 
393  ff.,  486. 
_  decrees  in  England,  333  f. 

[  opening,  381,  390. 

and  Pius  IV,  385. 
i  preparation,  389  ff. 

constitution,  390  f. 
dogmatic     decrees,     391  ff., 

566. 
result,  395  f. 
and  Index,  420  ff. 
and  charity,  561. 
political  theory,  606. 
and  reason,  625. 
and  Louvain,  672. 
and  art,  690. 
judged  by  Sarpi,  705. 
Treves,  74,  84,  657  f. 
University  of,  11,  666. 
Diet     of     Treves-Cologne, 
530. 
Trie,  William,  177. 
Trinity  CoUege,  ■DtfoVva,  "hfi^, 

67\. 
Troeltsch,  K.,  1^*2^. 
Tubiugen,  UnWecs^t1J  c.i,Vi. 


Tnnis,  121. 

Tunstall,  C,  38,  282,  284, ; 

Turks, 

capture  Constantinople,  li 

war  with  Qemiany,  46, 11 
122.  132. 

war  with  Hungary,  144, 

conquer  Transylvania,  14 

alliance  with  France,  200. 

and  papacy,  383. 

and  Spain,  432. 

empire,  448  flf, 

army,  489. 

trade,  535. 
Tuscany,  372. 

Duke  of,  613. 
Tyler,  Wat,  37. 
Tyndale,  W.,  284  f.,  300,  3ft 
355,  570  f.,  596. 

Udal,  N.,  471,  663, 

Ukraine,  140. 

Ulm,  113,  128, 

Ulster,  348, 

Unitarians,    142  f„   145,   171 

375.  626,  646. 
Universities 

in  fifteenth  century,  11  f, 

and  Reformation,  12. 

reform  of,  72. 

and  Henry  VIII,  287. 

pay  of  professors,  471. 

in  sixteenth  century,  668(1 
Unlerwaiden,  146, 153. 
Upsala,  University  of,  12. 
Uri.  146,  153. 
Ursulines,  397. 
Usingen.  637. 
Usury,  72,  529  f,,  608  f. 
Utrecht,  235,   238.  240,  2581 
1&*i.*i"2.,274. 


Valais,  146  f. 
Vfllangin,  161. 
Valdes,  J.  de,  376. 
Valence,  University  of,  11. 
Valencia,  428. 

University  of,  12. 
Vaila,L.,  16,  48£E.,  649. 

Donation    of    Constantine, 
48,70. 

Annotations  on  New  Testa- 
ment, 49,  566  f . 

Dialogue  on  Free  WUl,  50, 
105. 

On  Monastic  Life,  50. 

On  Pleasure,  50, 
Valliere,  J.,  191. 
Van  Dyke,  276. 
Varthcma,  L.  de,  446. 
Vasari,  G.,  582  f .,  676,  679. 
Vassy,  massacre  of,  214. 
Velasco,  457. 
Velasquez,  433. 
Venezuela,  457. 
Venice,  372,  402,  512. 

war  with  Julius  II,  19. 

alliance  with  France,  186. 

and  Reformation,  375  f. 

Inquisition,  417,  658. 

trade.  442,  525,  535. 

population,  456. 

coinage,  463  f. 

bank.  522. 

chureh  property,  551. 

art,  677. 
Verdun,  184,  200. 
Vergerio,  P.  P.,  377,  390. 
Vergil,  Polydore,  581,  703. 
Vermigli,    P.    M.,    213,    312, 

322,  375. 
Verona,  455. 
Vespucci.  A.,  436,  606  f. 
Vettori,  704. 
Vienna,  448  /. 


Vienna  (continued) 

Concordat  of,  45. 

University  of,  149,  406, 666, 
670. 
Vienne,  168, 177. 
Vieta,  F.,  610f. 
Villalar,  battle  of,  428. 
Villavicenzio,  L.  da,  561. 
Villers,  C.  de,  714. 
Villiers,  258  f. 
Vilvorde,  284  f. 
Vitrier,  J.,  26,  57. 
Vives,    L.,   559  f.,    574,   606, 

609,  667. 
Voes,  H.,  242. 
Volmar.  M.,  162. 
Voltaire,  388,  707  f. 
Volterra,  D.  da,  690, 

Wages  and   salaries,   469  £E., 

556  f. 
Waitz,  737. 
Waldenses,  35,  82,  203. 
Waldo,  P.,  35. 
Waldseemiiller,  M.,  616. 
Wales,    298,    323,    453,   458, 

559. 
Arthur,  Prince  of,  286  f. 
Walker,  W.,  739. 
Walloons,  260,  270  f. 
Walsingham,  305,  499. 
Walsingham,  P.,  347. 
Warham,  W.,  557. 
Warsaw,    Compact    of,    143. 

650. 
Waterford,  347. 
Wealth  of  the  world,  458  ff. 
Weber,  M.,  728. 
Wedderbum,  James,  355. 
Wedderbum,  John,  355. 
Weinsberp,  94. 
Weiss,  N.,  738. 


^^  860                                 INDEX                                    ^ 

1              Wemer,  715. 

Worms  icontimied) 

1             Wernle,  739. 

Diet  a!  (1521),  78ff.,  9 

1             Westeras.  Diet  of,  137. 

282,  398. 

1              West  Indies,  274,  436  f.,  524, 

Diet  of  (1545).  123. 

f                              535. 

Edict  ot,  81,  85,  114,  11 

Westmoreland,  304. 

241,  479. 

Weyer,  J.,  658  f. 

Colloquy  of,  122,  134. 

While.  Andrew  D.,  731. 

Wiillpnwever,  0.,  118. 

Widmansletter,  A.,  622. 

Wiirttemberg,  79,  128. 

Wied,  II.  von,  120. 

nrieh,  Duke  ot,  79,  90,  It 

Wieland,  711. 

Wnrzach.  95. 

Wilna,  144. 

Wiirzbure.  114,  350,  454,  6S 

Wilson,  W.,  743. 

Wyatt,  Sir  T.   (conspirator) 

Winchester,  323,  662. 

318. 

Wishart,  G.,  357f. 

Wyatl.  .Sir  T.  (poet),  693. 

Witchcraft,  63,  422,  651-61. 

W.vclif,  J.,  12. 

ancient  magic,  651  f. 

life  and  doctrine,  36 ff..* 

the  witch,  652  f. 

284. 

the  devil.  653. 

condemned    at    Constance, . 

the  Inquisition,  655. 

39  f. 

Protestantism,  655  f. 

and  Eetormation,  41,  289,   • 

the  witch  hunt,  656  ff. 

354,  744. 

growing  sliepticism.  658  ff. 

and  Bible,  571. 

Wittenberg,   66,   81  ff.,    96  f., 

128.    240,    301,    322 

Xavier,  P.,  400,  4081,  499,  J 

note,  35i  f.,  390,  461, 

736.                           1 

464,  560  f . 

Xenophon,  574.                          1 

University  of,  11,  64,  287, 

Ximenez,  426,  565.                     I 

471,   494,    502,   509, 

1 

620ff.,639,  670,6S)tif. 

Yorltshire,  302  f.,  544.             J 

Concord,  110. 

Ypres,  560.                               M 

ft                 Articles,  301. 

M 

Woisey.  T.,  243,  518,  671. 

Zapolya,  J.,  144.                   ■ 

character  and  policy,  280  f ., 

Zasius,  U.,  103.                       ^ 

292,  294. 

Zeeland.     256,     260,     263 1, 

and     EeforraatioD,     282  f.. 

270  ff. 

355. 

Zierickzee,  264. 

death,  288. 

Zug,  146,  153. 

Women,     position     of,     361, 

Zuiderzee,  battle  of,  262. 

509  f. 

Ziitphen,  262,  272. 

Worms,  284. 

Henry  of,  240. 

Concordat  o?, «. 

Ti'MYfth 

t,.T,^«%Ssas,,"^^i^(LW5. 

INDEX 


861 


Zurich  (continued) 
joins    Swiss    Confederacy, 

146. 
Zwingli,  151. 
Reformation,  152  fF. 
theocracy,  156. 
defeat  at  Cappel,  158  flf. 
Bullinger,  160. 

English   Bible  printed  at, 
300. 

dancing,  500. 

brothels,  506. 

university,  671. 
Zwickau,  82  f . 
Zwilling,  G.,  81,  83. 
Zwingli,  A.,  152. 
Zwingli,  U. 

and  Luther,  108  ff.,  1511, 

154. 
death,  110,  159. 
and  Melanchthon,  134. 
and  Calvin,  164,  166. 
early  life,  148  flf. 
mocks  indulgences,  150  f. 
at  Zurich,  151. 
a  Reformer,  152  flf. 
marriage,  152. 


Zwingli,  U.  (continued) 
and  Erasmus,  153. 
and    Anabaptists,     154  flf., 

645. 
political  schemes,  157  f . 
True  and  False  EeUgion, 

158. 
Exposition  of  the  Christian 

Faith,  158. 
First  Peace  of  Cappel,  158. 
at  battle  of  Cappel,  158  f . 
character,  159. 
influence  in  France,  196. 
doctrine  of  the  eucharist, 

108  flf.,  154,  241. 
influence  in  England,  284; 

299. 
and  Council  of  Trent,  392. 
on  Index,  420. 
biblical  exegesis,  569. 
political  theory,  596. 
on  usury,  608  f . 
on  reason,  626. 
on  education,  671. 
judged  by  Bossuet,  703. 
judged  by  Voltaire,  708. 
judged  by  Gibbon,  710. 
ZwoUe,  240. 


,/" 


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