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The Colloquial Dialects of M.arwar, Kumaon, 

AvADH, Baghelkhand, Bhojpur, etc.; with 

Copious JPhilological Notes. 









AU rights reserved. 


Of the two hundred and fifty million inhabitants of India, speak- 
ing a Boore or more of different languages, fully one fourth, or be* 
tween sixty and seventy millions, own the Hindi as their vernacular. 
In all the great centres of Hindu faith in North India, alike in 
populous Benares, Allahabad and Mathur&, and in the mountains 
about the sacred shrines of Gungotrf, Eid^mMh, and Badrin£th» 
among the Himalayas ; in many of the most powerful independent 
native states of India, as in the dominions of the Mah&r&ja Sindhia^ 
and the extensive territories under the Mah&r&jfi of Jaipur and other 
B&jpiit chiefs ; in short, throughout an area of more than 248,000 
square miles, Hindi is the language of the great mass of the popida- 
tion. Only where Mohammedan influence has long prevailed, as in 
the large cities, and on account of the almost exclusive currency of 
Mohammedan speech in Q-ovemment offices, have many Hind^ learn- 
ed to contemn their native tongue and affect the Persianized Hindi 
known as 'Urdii'. 

Of the importance, especially to those who have been called to places 
of authority in North India, of thoroughly knowing a language so 
widely diffused, and of the need of a grammar which shall exhibit its 
chief phenomena, one would think that no doubt could be entertain- 
ed. But chiefly because XTrdii has been adopted by government as 
the official language, it has come to pass that although this dialect 
represents grammatically only a single western form of speech, and 
is the vernacular only of the Mohammadans of North India, it has 
been read and studied by foreigners in India, to the great neglect, 
even almost to the exclusion of the living Aryan speech which is 
the actual vernacular of the great mass of the Hind6 population. 
Many, indeed, have even been led to believe that the Urdu with 
which they are themselves familiar, is essentially the vernacular of 
the Hindus as well as of the Mohammedans of North India ; that 
the only difference between Urdu and Hindi consists in the use of a 


different alphabet ; and that such a language as Hindi, apart and 
distinct from Urdu, exists only in name and not in reality. The 
refutation of suoh a theory needs no other argument than that 
whioh is afforded in the declensional and oonjugational tables of 
this grammar. 

Others, again, while rightly asserting for Hindi an individual 
existence, have still e^red in their apprehension of the relation be- 
tween it and Urdu. Thus when I first entered India, I was repeat- 
edly assured that the main difference between Hindi and TJrdii was 
one of vocabulary. And this statement, indeed, was quite correct, if 
it be understood to apply only to that special form of Hindi which is 
exhibited in those religious and educational works which owe their 
origin, directly or indirectly, to the foreigner in India. Many for- 
eigners who have written books in Hindi, seem to have imagined that 
by merely substituting Sanskrit for the Arabic and Persian terms 
which are found in Urdu, that familiar dialect might be at once 
transformed into bond fide Hindi. Hence, apparently, has arisen the 
strange but popular notion, that the 'purity' of Hindi is to be measure 
ed by the degree to which a writer may have succeeded in excluding 
from his pages words of Arabic or Persian origin ; a standard of purity, 
according to which the author oiihBRdmdyan has failed, and the gifted 
Kahir^ with his free use of Arabic and Persian words, must renounce 
his claim to be considered a Hindi poet. But the early delusion on 
this subject was soon dispelled. When we fancied that we were 
speaking something like *pure Hindi', the villagers stared confound- 
ed at our sonorous Sanskrit terms, many of which were evidently 
less familiar to them than even the Arabic and Persian of the Urdu. 
Still it was equally plain that, although often using Arabic and 
Persian words, they themselves did not speak Urdu, except, perhaps, 
in condescension to our ignorance. Their Hindi, indeed, was scarce- 
ly more intelligible to us than was ours to them ; but it soon became 
quite plain that the speech of the people differed from Urdu much 
more notably in grammatical forms than in vocabulary. Similarly, 
in literature, the difference between the Hindi, e.g.y of Tuki Ddsy Sur 
Dds or Kabivy and modem Urdu, is not by any means merely in their 
choice of words; it is not that they scrupulously exclude Arabic and 
Persian terms, for they do not. The special difficulties and peculiar- 


itieB, for instance, of the Bdmdym, are of a much more radical and 
Berions natnre. They concern, not mere vocabulary, but the very 
grammatical forms and syntax of the language. 

Regarding these distinctive peculiarities of Hindi, the student 
hitherto has had no adequate help. No grammar, indeed, has hither- 
to even attempted or professed to exhibit, with any approach to tho- 
roughness or completeness, the actual colloquial and literary langu- 
age of the Hindis of North India. Mr. Etherington in his grammar 
has confined his attention to that single modification of Hindi which 
agrees in grammatical form with the Urdd dialect ; only giving, in 
his last edition, a brief synopsis of the Braj declensions and conjuga- 
tions. On the other hand, Dr. Ballantyne in his brief Braj Grammar, 
as also Prof. De Tassy in his ^Qrammaire de la Langue Hindoui', 
passing by the Urdu dialect, gave only the forms of the Braj ; which, 
indeed, had been previously exhibited in an old Hindi Qrammar 
published by Qovernment in connexion with the College of Fort 
William. All grammarians of the Hindi hitherto, have alike entirely 
ignored the eastern type of Hindi, as represented, e.g,y with some ad- 
mixture, in the Rdmdyan of Tuhi Dds, Indeed, it is a remarkable 
fact that although of all Hindi books, the writings of Kabir except- 
ed, none compare with the Rdmdyan in universal popularity and 
general influence upon the people, and although this eastern Hindi, 
even more than the western Braj, may be regarded as par excellence 
the classic dialect of Hindi, yet not a Hindi grammar hitherto pub- 
lished, nor a Hindi dictionary, previous to the late valuable work 
of Mr. Bate, so much as hints the existence of any grammatical form 
or construction, peculiar to Tuhi Dds or-any similar writer. What 
grammarian, for example, has ever noted the future in 6, so common 
not only in the Rdmdyan^ but in all the modem eastern Hindi dia- 
lects P Or where has the fact been noted in any grammar, that one 
chief distinguishing characteristic of the Urdu and other western 
Hindi dialects, viz.^ the passive construction of the perfects of transi- 
tive verbs with the case of the agent in ne^ does not exist in eastern 
Hindi P and that this ne is never used by Tulsi Dds, even when ho 
employs the passive construction P 

This absence of the assistance needed by the Hindi student, has 
doabtlesa been the occasion of increasing the prevailing indifierence 


of Europeans to classic Hindis and of turning many to the speoial 
study of the more fashionable Urdii, for which helps have beoome so 
abundant. Very many civilians in India, instead of seeking the re- 
wards and honors offered by Government to the thorough student of 
the great Hindi poem of Tulsi Ddsy have preferred to compete for the 
prizes which are offered for high proficiency in Arabic and Persian, lan- 
guages utterly alien to all but the Mohammedan popidation of India. 
Too many missionaries, seeking to influence the religious thought of 
the people, have omitted to make themselves familiar with the one 
poem, which, more than any other, is exerting a present, living influ- 
ence, direct or indirect, upon the religious thought of the Hindus of 
North India. And one chief reason of this neglect of their great ver- 
nacular epic is to be found in the utter absence of any work which 
might aid the student in its interpretation. For, as I know by a 
vexatious experience, it is by no means so easy as might be imagined, 
to obtain in a email station in India, a trustworthy pundit, really 
competent to guide the student to a thorough critical knowledge of 
the Bdmdyan or any similar poetry. No less difficulties have hither- 
to met him who would acquaint himself with the actual speech of 
the Hindus in the district where he might be stationed. Most of these 
dialects have no literature ; and whatever the intrinsic merits of some 
of them may be, the attempt to force any one of them into the field 
already preoccupied by the Urdii dialect as the lingua franca of 
North India, would doubtless be both unwise and futile. Still it is 
evidently very desirable that the magistrate in his court, should be 
able to understand the rustic witness, and the missionary disputing 
in the bazar, his adversaries, without the aid of a third and not al- 
ways disinterested party. But no effort whatever has yet been made 
to indicate the actual nature and extent of those dialectic variations, 
which always perplex, and sometimes discourage him, who really 
desires a knowledge of the spoken language of the people, as well as 
that of their books. 

Thus it was, that, embarrassed by these difficulties, I was led to 
take up the Hindi, with such pundits as might be procured, and note 
and arrange, primarily for my own use, and with no thought of writ- 
ing a book, facts of the class above referred to. In this way, in 
the course of several years, gradually grew up a considerable body of 


notes on Hindi, which has finally developed into this grammar. My 
aim has aooordingly been, not merely to reproduce, under a new 
arrangement, the matter of grammars previously existing, but rather 
to supply their omissions and supplement their defects.' All existing 
Hindi and XJrdfi grammars have been carefully studied, with this 
particular point in view. Thus, in addition to the fundamental matter 
pertaining especially to modem standard Hindi, or common to that 
with other Hindi dialects, the grammar now offered to the public will 
be found to contain a large amount of matter not to be found in any 
Hindi grammar hitherto published. I may be allowed to mention 
the following particulars. 

i. For practical reasons, that variety of Hindi which agrees in 
grammatical form with the ITrd6 has been taken as the basis of the 
grammar. It is to this form of Hindi, for various reasons, that the 
student commonly first directs his attention ; and, moreover, in 
virtue of the position of this dialect as a lingua franca throughout 
the whole Hindi area of North India, and its adoption by the edu« 
oational authorities as the medium of vernacular instruction in all 
Hindi schools, it has a special claim to our primary consideration; and, 
for such reasons only, may be justly termed the 'standard dialect' of 
Hindi.* But while thus yielding to this 'standard Hindi' a priority in 
certain respects, I have endeavoured to treat with equal thoroughness, 
the two great dialects of classic Hindi literature, as of no less impor- 
tance to the Hindi scholar. Of these dialects, the JBraj and the old 
Purbi^ the former represents the western, as the latter represents 
the eastern type of Hindi. The very numerous and marked pecu^ 
liarities of these two typical dialects, in declension, conjugation and 

* This form of Hindi has also often been termed khofi hoU, or the 'pnre 
speech'; and also, by some European scholars, after the analogy of the Ger- 
ms^ ^igh Hindi'. Both the phrases 'standard Hindi* and *High Hindi', have 
been employed in this grammar ; though indeed it may be admitted that both 
are open to objection. In particular, to avoid a misapprehension, it should 
be carefully noted that by the phrase 'standard Hindi', it is not intended 
to suggest that all other dialectic forms are corruptions of forms of this 
'standard dialect'. On the contrary, they are, very commonly, collateral 
branches of the old Aryan speech of India, and in most instances are older 
and less divergent from the ancient original, than those of 'standard' or 

'High Hindi'. 



fiyntax, have been for the first time oolleotedy olassifled, and com-r 
pared. It is not indeed elaimed that all the varioas forms of these 
types whioh may occur in Hindi, will be found in these pages ; 
nor will this be e:!(pected by any one at all familiar with the almost 
endless vagaries of Efindi writers. It is hoped, however, that the 
student of the Prem Sdgavy the R4fnUiy or the Rdmdyan will rarely be 
disappointed in consulting this work.* . Outside of these books any 
variations not noted in this grammar, will probably be found but 
slight and unimportai^^t deviations from son^e central type herein 

ii. In addition to the various forms of literary Hindi, the deden^ 
•ion and conjugation of nine or ten less important colloquial dialects 
have been exhibited in these pages. This is, I believe, the first 
attempt to set forth with any approach to completeness the actual 
living speech of the Hindi^speaking population of North India. 
It IB indeed true that local variations may be adduced almost with^ 
out number, which have not been mentioned in this grammar ; but 
the dialects which have been exhibited, it is hoped, will be found 
to represent all of the leading varieties of speech from Bengal 
in the east to Qujar^t and Sindh in the west. Moreover^ all 
these numerous dialects may be readily assigned to two or three 
general types, so that excessive detail might embarrass rather than 
aid the student. I trust that in this respect this grammar may 
prove a valuable aid to the foreigner in India, who would learn to un-? 
derstand the special vernacular of the district where he may reside. 
For although colloquial speech cannot be learned from books alone, 
yet a grammar, if it indicate the forms for which we are to listen, 
may assist us in acquiring a knowledge of colloquial speech. Nor 
are these rude dialects without value in a literary point of view. 
For very often some unusual form in literature may be explicated 
by a reference to the colloquial of some rustic district ; 'vvhile for 
the purposes of the philologist, it is such wild, unpruned dialects 

• A few passages in the Rdmdyan^ however, chiefly in the Lankd Kdnd and 
TJUar Kdn4 have been written in pure Sanskrit. It scarcely needs to be said 
that we have regarded the explication of such passages as belonging to Sans* 
krit rather than to Hindi grammar. 


as these, which of all others promise and yield the riohest harvest of 
yaluahle fruit.* 

iii. Especial attention has been giyen to the matter of illustration. 
In grammar, particularly, mere assertion, unsupported by examplei 
is extremely unsatisfactory. And when one undertakes to write a 
grammar of any language not his own, examples constructed by the 
author himself to fit his rules, however correct they may be, can 
hardly inspire a student with perfect confidence in his guide. I have 
accordingly made it a rule to support every statement of any conse- 
quence in etymology or syntax, by one or more illustrations, which, 
with no exception of any importance, have been culled from native 
books, or taken down fresh from the lips of the people. Nor have 
I allowed myself to draw an illustration from any Hindi book 
written by a foreigner ; for even those European scholars who have 
most thoroughly mastered an Oriental language cannot be regarded 
as models so trustworthy as native authors, who write in their own 
vernacular. Very few, if any, Hindi books have been written by 
Europeans, which in some casual turn of expression, or occasional 

peculiarity of idiom, do not betray their foreign origin ; while the 
great majority of such books would prove in many important 
respects quite misleading to him who should trust them implicitly 
as guides to a knowledge of Hindi. While the abundant illustration 
characteristic of this grammar, as will be evident at a glance, has very 
materiaUy increased the size and expense of the book, it is believed 
that its practical value to the student has thereby been much enhanced. 
The illustrations of literary Hindi have been drawn chiefly from the 
Prem Sdgar and the Rdmdyan, To this special use of these works, 
I have been led, partly by the fact that these books have been chosen 
by Government, for the examination of candidates in connexion with 

^ ^ __ _ .. - - — I f 

• I hftve ventured for prai^fcical reasons to deviate in some cftses from the 
common nomenclature of these dialects, and have preferred generally to 
indicate them by names indicative of the modern names of the province 
in which they are used. Thus, Avadhi, of course, denotes the dialect of 
Oude ; Biwdif that of the state of Hiwd ; etc., etc. It may be noted here, 
that the Bajputana dialect of Mewdr, is also essentially that of the Mairs, and 
might, perhaps with equal propriety, be designated either MairwdH or }fewdri, 
I have usod the term Old Fwrhi to denote the dialect of ih^ Rdmdyan. 


the oiyil and military servioes of India, so that the illustration of 
their grammar and idiom is especially demanded. And I may 
venture to express the hope, that by all applicants for admission 
to the Indian services, or contestants in the competitive examina- 
tions which are held for Indian civilians, this grammar, with its 
copious illustrations from the Prem Sdgar and Rdmdyariy may be 
found to meet a real need. A second consideration which has 
seemed to justify a prominent reference to these books, is found 
in their undeniable popularity and influence among all classes of the 
Hindu population. For, however much may have been said against 
the Hindi of the Prem Sdgar^ and even of the Rdmdyan^ by critics 
commonly familiar only with Urdu, and therefore judging every 
thing in Hindi, either by English standards of taste, or from a 
Mohammedan point of view, the fact remains that the Hindus, from 
the highest to the lowest, learned and unlearned, greatly admire their 
style. Crowds, even of the most illiterate rustics, may often be seen 
listening eagerly to some Brahman intoning the measured rhyming 
prose of the Prem Sdgar. And although much has been said of the 
unintelligibility of the Bdmdi/an, it is the experience of every mission- 
ary, at least everywhere in the Ganges valley, that a happy quotation 
from the Rdmdyan in preaching or in conversation, is sure to awaken 
a look of intelligent appreciation from even the rudest villagers. No 
civilian, and especially no missionary, can well afford to remain igno- 
rant of a book so popular and influential with the people ; and if this 
grammar shall serve in any degree to aid and stimulate the study of 
the great poem of Tuhi Ddsy one great aim of my work will have 
been accomplished. But while, for the reasons indicated, a large pro- 
portion of my quotations have been taken from the Prem Sdgar and 
the Rdmdyan^ other books have not been ignored. In particular, I 
have now and then drawn, from the sententious Braj prose of the 
Rdjniti^ the western Hindi of Kabir, the Stikh BildSj and the i^af 
Darsan Darpan of Pundit Nilkanth Gore Shdstri. M^rw^ri can 
scarcely be called a literary dialect ; the only work accessible to 
me, has been the Marwari 'Plays,' edited by Rev. Mr. Robson of the 
Scotch Presbyterian Mission, Beawr. 

iv. Another feature peculiar to this grammar will be found in the 
philological notes, occupying in all about fifty pages, in which I 


have attempted to indicate, the probable origin and derivation of the 
forms of the Hindi language, and the relation of various dialectic forma 
to one another, and to the Sanskrit and old Prakrit dialects of India. 
In a field where, until the late researches of scholars like Mr. Beames 
and Dr. Hoemle, so little had been done, I cannot venture to hope 
that I have always succeeded in reducing apparent chaos to order, 
and in correctly pointing out the lines of derivation. I have only 
endeavored, with no little diffidence, to indicate the conclusions to 
which facts, so far as known, would seem to guide us. And while 
I have not been able to follow implicitly the guidance of any one 
individual, it has on several occasions been a satisfaction to find that 
authorities like the learned scholars mentioned, bad been indepen- 
dently led to the same conclusions with myself. 

y. Besides the above, much else will be found in this grammar 
which is strictly new, both in matter and in arrangement. In the 
sections, for instance, on pronunciation, I have aimed at more precision 
and accuracy than has been previously attempted. If some may deem 
that I have sometimes erred in the way of an over-refinement, I am 
still glad to know that some of the best practical masters of Hindi 
have recognised the chief distinctions which I have made in treating 
of this subject. A nomenclature of the tenses has been presented 
which is believed to be more uniform and philosophical than any which 
has been hitherto employed, and which, it is hoped, may commend 
itself to Hindi scholars. The chapter on Derivation, again, will be 
found more than a mere arbitrary list of terminations; I have 
endeavored rather to group them according to their probable mu- 
tual relations and affinities. In the section on Compound words, 
all, it is believed, is quite new. Strange to say, no Hindi gram- 
mar that I remember, has dealt with this most characteristic feature 
of the language, although an understanding of the subject is 
indispensable to the interpretation of almost any page of Hindi 
poetry. In the Syntax, attention has everywhere been given to 
those constructions which are characteristic of poetry, especially in 
archaic Hindi ; and the construction of Compound Sentences, for the 
first time, has been separately and distinctly treated. The chapter 
on Prosody, it is hoped, will be found in completeness and accuracy, 
all that, for any practical purpose, the student of Hindi can desire* 


The Prosody of Hindi deserves and will repay far more study than is 
commonly bestowed upon it. In no western language is an under^ 
standing of the laws of its prosody so essential to the interpretation 
and comprehension of its literature, as in Hindi 5 where, indeed, a 
purely native work in prose is a rare exception. Unfortunately, 
however, until very lately, there has been no English work on Hindi 
prosody 5 and the native works upon the subject, are so laden with 
technicalities and an enigmatical symbolism, as without the aid of a 
rare native prosodian, quite to baffle the student. I shall be glad 
if I have so cleared away the thorns which have obstructed the 
entrance, as to tempt my fellow missionaries and others to labour 
in thi? attractive field. 

Finally, it should be remarked, that as tlis grammar is intended 
alike for the beginner and for tbe advanced student, I have endeav- 
oured to indicate by the use of a large type those important funda- 
mental matters to which chiefly the beginner will do well to confine 
his attention. Matter less fundamental, and intended rather for the 
advanced scholar, as, ^.^., in all the sections upon dialectic Hindi, has 
been uniformly printed in smaller type. 

It gives me pleasure to express my grateful appreciation of the 
assistance and encouragement which I have received from many 
missionaries and members of the civil service, during the years that 
this grammar has been in progress. In particular, I would express my 
hearty thanks to the Rev. W. Robb of the Scotch Presbyterian Mis- 
sion, Todgarh, B^jpiitana, for his invaluable assistance in the com- 
pilation of the sections on the Marwari and other Bajput^na dialects, 
and afterwards in the correction of the proofs of the same. Indeed, 
it is only due to this gentleman to say, that whatever of value 
those sections may be found to possess, the merit is chiefly due to 
him. My thanks are also due to Mr. Beames, c.s., of Cuttack, Orissa, 
for valuable hints and constant encouragement in the work ; and to 
the Rev. J. D. Bate, of the Baptist Mission, Allahabad, for many a 
useful suggestion, and for his very kind revision of the proof sheets 
during many months of my absence from Allahabad. 

In conclusion, I desire to record my special obligations and thanks 
to the Rev. J. J. Caleb, of the Mission Press, Allahabad, for the 
great labour and patience which he has bestowed upon the printing 


of this book. For Qiany years this press has been sustained solely 
by the capital and enterprise of members of the Hindustani Christian 
community in Allahabad, and the creditable style in which Mr. 
Caleb has brought out this volume, affords a gratifying indication of 
their substantial progress and prosperity. 

Allahabad: | 
Pecembery 1875.J 



In a field much of which has been quite untrodden hitherto, I have fre- 
quently found myself without a guide or help. But I have derived valuable 
fissistance from the first volume of Mr. Beames' Comparative Grammar of the 
Aryan Languages of India ; and regret that I oould not have had the advant- 
age of consulting the remaining volumes. I also owe much to Prof. Lassen's 
InttUutiones Linguce Prahriticce, and Prof Oowell's edition of the Prdhfita Pra^ 
hdsha of Vararuchi. In some parts of the grammar I have consulted with 
advantage. Prof. Monier Williams* Sanskrit Grammar (4th Ed.) Dr. Trumpp's 
learned Grammar of the Sindhi, came to hand too late to help me as it might 
have done. In the Prosody I am chiefly indebted to the Chhanddrnava, the 
Chhandodipaka, (a small but useful compendium issued by the Government of 
the N. W. P., now unfortunately out of print,) and especially to the ShHjpmga* 
ddarsha of Kavi Hird Ohand Kdnj{, an exhaustive treatise on Prosody in the 
Braj dialect, with a Gujardti commentary. Besides these native authorities, 
the admirable chapter on Prosody by John Christian, Esq. of Manghfr, in the 
let edition of Mr. Etherington's Hindi Grammar has been of essential service. 

On the general topics of the Grammar the following works have been con- 
sulted, viz. : the Hindustani Grammar of Prof. Forbes ;' the Introduction to 
Hindnstdnl, by Prof. Williams ; the Hindustani Grammars of Mr. Piatt and 
Prof. Dowson; Prof. De Tassy's Grammaire de la Langue Hindoui; Shapurji 
Edalji*8 Gujarati Grammar, the Mara^hi Grammars of Mr. Stevenson and of 
Messrs. Bellairs and Askhedar ; the Panj4bi Grammar of Mr. Newton, and 
the Bangali Grammar of Shama Charan Sarkdr. 

The following abbreviations have been used : 

Ar., Arabic; Av., Avadhi; Bt., Braj; Bh., Bhojpdri; Bu., Btindelkhandi ; G., 
Gafhwdli; H. H., High Hindi, i.e., the standard dialect; K, Kanauji; Kum., 
Kmnaoni ; 0. P., Old Purbi, i.e., the dialect of the Bdmdyatf' ; Pr., Prakrit 
Hf Biwai; 8h., Sanskrit; T., Tirhutf. 



Chap. L Of the Letters, 1 

Mode of writing, 3 

PronuDoiation, 7 

Glassifioation of letters, , 18 

Chap. II. Of Sandhi, 19 

6un and Vriddhi, t6, 

Sandhi of Vowels, 20 

Sandhi of Consonants, 21 

Chap. III. Of the constituent elements of Hindi, 23 

Of TaUama words, 28 

Of Tadbhava words, 31 

Of Vowel changes, ih. 

Of Consonantal changes,. 37 

Of Dialectic Peculiarities, 44 

Chap. IV. Of Substantives, 49 

Gender, ib. 

Formation of Feminine nouns, 58 

Declension, 60 

Table I, Postpositions, 68, 69 

Table II, Dialectic masculine declension,... 80, 81 

Table III, Dialectic feminine declension,... 82, 83 

Origin of declensional forms, 84 

Origin of postpositions, 86 

Chap. V. Of Adjectives, 89 

Comparison, 92 




Chap. VI. Of Numerals, 94 

Table of Numerals, 95-99 

Ordinals, 102 

Fractional Numbers, 103 

Proportionals, 104 

Denominatives, 105 

Collectives, , 107 

Derivation of the numerals, ib. 

Chap. VIL Of Pronouns, 108 

Table IV, Standard Pronominal Declension, 112, 113 
Table V, Dialectic declension of the 1st Per- 
sonal Pronoun, 126, 127 

Table VI, Dialectic declension of the 2nd 

Personal Pronoun, 128, 129 

Table VII, Dialectic declension of the De- 

monstratives, 130, 131 

Table VIII, Dialectic declension of the Re- 
lative and Correlative, 132, 133 

Table IX, Dialectic declension of the In- 
terrogative and Indefinite pronouns,. • , , 134, 135 

Pronominal Adjectives, 138 

Table X, of Pronominal Adjectives, lo9 

Table XI, Dialectic forms of Pronominal 

Adjectives, , 140, HI 

Compound Pronouns, 145 

Origin of the Pronominal forms, 147 

CHAP.VIII.Of the Verb, 157 

Table XII, Conjugation of niTsn, 173-175 

Table XIII, Conjugation of ^TRT, 176-79 

Table XIV, Conjugation of qiT«n, 179-181 

Of the Passive, 182 

Causal Verbs, 183 

Compound Verbs, 187 

Compounds formed with tVe Root, 188 

Compounds formed with Perfect participle, WZ 




Dialectic Conjugation, 197 

Conjugation in Braj and other western dia- 
lects, 199 

Table XV, Dialectic Conjugation of the 

substantive verb, 200, 201 

Conjugation in the Eamayan, and eastern 

dialects, 216 

Table XVI, Dialectic conjugation of imr, 232-237 
Table XVII, Dialectic conjugation of 
mr^n, 238-241 

Origin of the verbal forms, 242 

Chap. IX. Of Derivative and Compound Words, 249 

I. Of Derivative Words, ib. 

II. Of Compound Words, 256 

Chap. X, Of Adverbs, Prepositions, Conjunc- 
tions and Interj ections, 264 

Of Adverbs, ib. 

Table XVIII, Of Pronominal Adverbs, ... 265, 266 

Of Prepositions, 272 

Of Conjunctions, 274 

Of Interjections and Enclitics, 276 

Chap. XI. Of Syntax, 277 

Part I. Analytic Syntax, ib. 

Syntax of the Noun, %b. 

„ „ „ Adjective, 299 

„ „ „ Numerals, 301 

„ „ „ Pronouns, 302 

„ „ „ Verb, 308 

„ „ Adverbs, 836 

„ „ Prepositions, 339 

„ „ Conjunctions, 340 

„ „ Interjections, • 342 

Onomatopoeia, 346 

Part II, Synthetic Syntax,. ib. 



I. Of the Simple sentence, 346 

Of the parts of a sentence, ib. 

Agreement, , 352 

II. Of Compound Sentences, , , , , 356 

A, Co-ordinate Sentences, 356 

Copulative Sentences, 357 

Disjunctive Sentences, i6. 

Adversative Sentences,. . . < 358 

Causal Sentences, 359 

B, Subordinate Clauses, 360 

Substantive Clauses, • « 361 

Adjective Clauses, 364 

Adverbial Clauses, 367 

Interrogative Sentences, 374 

Of the Collocation of Words, 375 

Supplement ; — Prosody, 1-26 

* »^ j-V/'X #'>_jfi». »X '^ *'■* /^-*^ 




1. The Hindi language is commonly written, like the 
Sanskrit, in the Devandgari alphabet.* This alphabet, as 
used in Hindi, has eleven vowels and thirty- three simple con- 
sonants. To these we must add the nasal symbols, Anuavdr 
and Anundaik^ and the symbol for a weak aspiration, Visarg. 
The latter of these, however, is of very rare occurrence in 
Hindi. The letters are given below, with their equivalents 
in the Roman character. It will be observed that all the 
vowels but the short er, have two forms. Of these, the form 
first given is used as initial in a word or syllable ; the second, 
as medial or final. It will aid the memory to observe 
that the alphabetical order of each class of letters, vowels, 
mutes, semi-vowels, and sibilants, is the order of the 
oi^ns of utterance, beginning with the throat, and ending 
with the lips. The first five classes of consonants are 
technically known as the five vargs.i 


• More commonly called N6gari. f Sansk. ^^ *a class.' 


Nasal symbols, Anundsik^, Anusvdr " n. Symbol of the 
weak final aspirate^ Visarg, # h. 


Gutturals, SR* 'mch ^g IfgrA ^^ 

Palatals, ^ch Wchh ^fy WJh ^n 

Cerebrals, Z f 'Z th ^ d ^ 4h '^ n 

Dentals, <l < ^th Z.d XI dh '^n 

Labials, '^p TJRph «I6 *?M '^m 

Semirowels, Tiy X,r '^l '^v 

Sibilants, 1^ ah ^ sh ^a 

Aspirate, ^ h 

a. Besides the aboye^ olassieal Sanskrit had three additional Toweb, 
^ rf, ^ Iriy ^ H; and the Vedic Sanskrit, one additional cerebral 
consonant, 3 /, which is still preserred in the Marathl. The Panj6bi, 
Gujarfiti, and Oriya have also preserved the sound, though denoting 
it by different olwuracters. This same consonantal sound is heard in 
the Mairw^ri dialect of Hindi, and in some, at least, of the Himala- 
yan dialects. So also the villagers of the central Do/ib sometimes 
give the iSnal ^ of lihw, * the sacred fig tree,' an unmistakeable 
cerebral sound. But none <rf the above letters have any place in lite- 
rary Hindi. 

h. In addition to the above vowels, a short ?, nearly like i in *met', 
exists in the colloquial of some districts. It is heard, for example, in the 
local dialect about Ayodhy^, chiefly in certain verbal forms ; as, e.g., in 
the subst. verb, ahhinn, * I am,* ahes^ * thou art,' etc.* It may also be 
heard in some words in the Doab, where it has arisen from the shorten- 
ing of a previous long f» ; as, ^. ^., in lietiyd for hitiydy dim. from hetd^ 
* a son.' This sound is also said to be common in the N. W. Hima- 
layas. It may be noticed, as further indicating the existence of this 
short €y that ^, which, according to some books on Prosody, sliould be 

• For further illustrations, see the tables of Declension and Conjugation. 


uniformly long, in the Eam^yan is sometimes reckoned prosodially 
short. In these oases, it oommonly appears as a substitute, either for 
short t, as injehi, for j'ihi; or for a short a, as in rdkheUy for rdkhau.* 

Lassen has noted the fact that this same letter also represented a 
long and a short sound in the literary Prakrit.f 

2. The consonants are all vocalized by the short vowel a, 
which is theoretically inherent in each consonant. Thus, is 
properly represents, not A, but ka ;% pa; etc. The letters 
are indicated by adding the word wi Mr ; as, mmi akdr, 
* the letter a ;' wm, * the letter t;* etc. t, when first in a 
compound consonant, as eft rk, is indicated as ^ reph. 
When no particiilar letter is intended, the term wbr akshar, 
often corrupted into ^mFC dchchhar, is used; as in the phrase, 
9< ^ ^ ^nF 9 ^^^ f^(^^tm sd akshar hai, 'what letter is that.' 


S. ma being inherent in each consonant, is only written 
when initial in a word or syllable ; thus, we write w^ ap^ 
?ni tua^ but ii jpa, ^ ta. The other vowels, when following 
a consonant, are substituted for the inherent a, and, in this 
case, the second of the two forms above given is used. But 
when the vowel sound is initial in a word or syllable, the 
first of the two forms is recj^uired ; as, ^^ uk^ ^;3i tin^ ^v ip^ 
^ ikhj iiT#r gdOf Tr4 ddi. Of the several non-initial vowel 
forms, T a,"^ /,> o, and> cm^ are written after, Fi, before, "^ e 
and "^ ai, over, and ^ «^, «, ei, and ^ W, under the consonants 
which they vocalize. Thus, the several vowel sounds are 
written after ^ as follows : 

CK Aa, qir kd^ ioR kiy ^ kt, m ku, m kuy ^ kriy ^ ke, i^ kai^ %{ ko, 
^ Lau. 

* Abundant illustrations of this statement will be found in the &&mijan. 
Vid. chap, xiv, On Prosody. 
t Inst Ling. Pracr. § 19. 4. 


a. When initial, the vowels are all written as pronounced, before 
tbe following consonant ; as, ^Wl at^ ^T ud^ ^Ut or, etc. Instead of 
% ai initial, we sometimes find, in Hindi books, tbe combination ^ ; 
but this is not correct, and should never be imitated. 

4. The consonants have but one invariable form. Except- 
ing the cerebrals, they all have one perpendicular, vdth one 
horizontal stroke ; which latter, again, is broken in three 
letters, viz., h dh, h bh, ^Jh. 

a. But iffi jh has two additional forms, ^ and 7. The former is 
found in English and native prints ; the latter is the regular form in 
M&rw&n, These forms, like n, and all the other consonants, are used 
both as initial and as non-initial. 

b. In M^rwliri, b and v are distinguished merely by a diacritical 
point ; thus, 96, ^v. The character 9 is not commonly used ; its 
place is regularly taken by V. No sibilant is used but H s, 

5. In addition to the above simple consonants, a great 
number of compound letters are used. The compound form 
is used to denote the non-intervention between its elements 
of the inherent a. Thus, ^w is sata, but ^ is sta ; ?wi, ta/va, 
but TO, tva. In certain cases, however, to be hereafter men- 
tioned, the elementary forms are regularly used, even though 
no vowel sound intervene; as, wm, 'doing,' pronounced 
kartd; but the Sk. kartta, * a doer,* is written «^. * 

a. It may be remarked, for the guidance of the student, that the use of the 
compound consonants is chiefly confined to the pure Sanskrit words in the 

language; in words of Prakrit origin, the elementary letters are commonly 

i. Consonants are compounded in three ways : viz., 1st, by writing 
one above the other, as, ^ kk, 5 it ; 2dly, by writing one after the 
other, omitting in all but the last the perpendicular stroke, and unit- 
ing the remainder of the oharacter to that next following ; as, «T ^, 
fH tthj m yy ; 3dly, some letters, when in combination, partially or 
wholly change their form ; thus, W+^ becomes %ksh\ ^+«, Xijn. 

(1) T takes two different forms, according as it is the first or last 

• Vid. § 10. 0. 


letter of a compound. Thus, when initial in a conjunct, it is written 
as a semicircle above the second consonant, as in ^ sarp ; but when 
non*initial, it takes the form of a short stroke below the preceding 
consonant, eis in 919 grahan, 

(2) When a conjunct of which T r is the first member, consists of 
more than two consonants, the semicircle reph is written over the last 
letter, as in W& dharmmy ^sd sarvv. When a conjunct with r initial 
is vocalized by \^il\ i,^ e,^ a*,l o,^ aw, or followed by Anusvfir, then 
reph is written to the right of them all ; thus, }g[^dharmmi, J^ murttij 
wA aarwanif etc. 

6. Gonjoiicts are classified as strong, weak, or mixed, according to the char* 
aeter of the letters composing them.* Gonjuncts formed of strong letters 
only, are termed strong, and those formed of weak letters only, weaJc conjuncts. 
Combinations of strong and weak letters, are called mixed conjuncts. The 
following list will be found to comprise all the more common combinations, 
arranged in these three classes. 


^ i*, ^m kkhy f!i kiy 19 gdh, Q chchy «9 chchhy mi jjy US jjhy 
5 .«> 5 ^K 3f dgy J ddy m tky fl tty m tthy m tpy J dgy j ddy 
g ddhy jj dbhy ^ pt, W pp, HF pph, W bjy ^ bdy « bdh, ^ 66, 
WR bbh. 


9« Hfty m «y, }| nn, 5?| nw, ^ ny^ 9 nVy ^ nVy ^ nSy ^ muy 
m mniy W mt/y ^ mr, g ml, ^ mhy m yyy ik rn, ^ miy i ry, 
i rr, ll rshy i r«A, ^ rA, ^R ///i, W lyy f[ //, W Ihy m vyy ^ Wy 
Jl «B| w, 15f Bhfiy im ahy^ "n sAr, 1C^ shly ua shVy T^ «An, m shrny 
W ^hyy isa s^Vy ^ an, m «w, FI «y, ^ «r, ^51 sv, « ««, ^ A/n, 
W Ay, W Ar, J A/, I Ae?. 


m kniy m kyy m kVy 9i */, ^ kVy % k/ihy ^n khyy JH gn, 
m gmy m gyy fl ^r, ^ gly 99 gvy f| ghn, m ghyy ^ ghvy |F ^A:, 
J «*A, f ^^, I %A, m cAy, j; cAAr, ^ juy WR >», ^ jyy if jvy 
^ /r, V9 «<?A, ^ «oAA, ^m «;*, VIS njhy f fl?r, ^B? w.^, TB nthy H" nc?, 

* Bj the strong letters are intended, all the five classes of mute letters, both 
smooth and aspirated ; bj weak letters, aU other consonants. 


ndh^ ^ tfiy f^ tm^ TO ty^ ^ ^r, W ^p, TO ^, W - thy^ Jf (fn, 
xn dhy, ^ £/Ar, lEBI dhVy «fl n^, TO n^A, TO tic/, TOT ne/A, ^ pn^ 
•m ptriy TV pyy n pr^ J ply TO ;w, TO 6y, V ftr, TO bhyy 79 bkr^ 
^ rky li rkhy it vQy ^ rghy ^ rcA, ^ rcAA, ^ rjy ?f r^, ^^ rthy 
^ rdy yai rdhy ^ rpy ^ r6, ^ rM, TO W, TO ^, TOI /6, DH «AoA, 
TO shky 2 «A,^, g «A.^A, TO sf^py TO ^m, TO ^byy TOT «A;, TO 9^, TO tf^A, 
TO Bpy TOi «pA. 

7. Anundsik ^ simply denotes the nasalization of a preceding 
vowel, and can therefore never begin a syllable. It is written directly 
over, or to the right of the vowel thus nasali/ed ; thus, ^ff kahdn, 
^T kaun. In books edited by foreigners, Anusvar is always written 
instead of Anunasik. 

Anusvd'ry which, in strict accuracy, denotes a stronger nasalization 
than the above, is written, like Anundsik, over, or to the right of the 
preceding vowel ; as, 4|ir anshy Vltf bdnh, ^ soti. 

Visargy meaning * rejection,* (i.^., of ^ or \,) indicates a weak as- 
piration, which has euphonically taken the place of those letters. It 
is only found in pure Sanskrit words, and even then, though occur- 
ing in the original, is very commonly omitted in Hindi. It is writ- 
ten thus, : ; as, ^. g.y in ^:9 duhkhy more commonly written and pro- 
nounced 5^ efwA;A,=J^+^ dus+kha. 

8. Besides these, there are several other signs used in Sanskrit, 
which, as they occasionally appear in Hindi, may here be explained. 

Virdniy ' pause,' is written under a consonant, thus, CR Ar, and de- 
notes the absence of the inherent a by which the consonant is voca- 

Avagrah, s indicates the elision of an initial ^ a after a final ^e or 
^ Oy as, Wih" J" TOW trimho ^dhydyUy for f^dTOTOfiT trimho adhydya. It 
is therefore analogous to the English apostrophe. The half pause i 
is written at the end of the first line of a couplet ; the full pause i 
at the end of the second. These marks are only prosodial, and, 
besides these, there are no other marks of punctuation. But in a 
few books issued by English publishers, the English marks have 
been introduced. In native works, space is not even left between 
the words. 

9. The symbol ^ between two words, indicates that the former of 
the two is repeated, as, 9f WFt ^ H^ 117, wah apne qpne ghar gae. 


a. The mark o Is used, like the period in English, to indicate the 
abhreviation of a word ; as, Tmmr OTo Bdmdyan Bd, for Tmmr 
Ul^WhlU Rdmdyan Bdl Kdnd, 

b. The orthography of Hindi is as yet in a very unsettled state. ^ 
is constantly substituted for W, even in Sanskrit words, where rule or 
usage would demand it; as in foRFni, for f^isrv, ^, for ^, eto. The same 
confusion exists with reference to the characters 9 and 9, and also the 
sibilants 91, 9 ; the tendency is to substitute 9 for the other sibilants. 
The Sanskrit rules of orthography are the only recognized standard 
at present ; but these rules, it should be remembered, apply only, as 
has been remarked, to the spelling of such Sanskrit words as exist in 
the language in an unaltered and uncoirupted form. 


10. The vowels, in Hindi, are pronounced, for the most 
part, nearly as in the continental languages of Europe, m a 
has no exact counterpart in English, though the last a in 
such words as * total,* 'America,* very nearly represents it. 
It is said to correspond exactly to the short a in German. 
Many foreigners in India pronounce this iff a as a in * cat,' 
but the correct sound is entirely different. 

a. In conversation and in reading prose, Iff a final, after a conso- 
nant, as a general rule, is silent ; as in ^, pronounced gun, not 
ffttna ; TPf , rdt^ not rdta. But to this general rule there are a few 
important exceptions. 

(1) Iff a final is, of necessity, always distinctly pronounced in a few 
monosyllables ; as, W na, ?! ta, ^ chhd. 

(2) So, also, it is very slightly sounded after Xr ot^v final in a 
conjunct, and after H y final, preceded by Y < , ^ i , or ^ u ; as, irr^, 
shdstra, ^^, indra, firo, bipra* iuiifCi, inhvaratva, ^JP^* gurutva ; ftw 
iiyay nW, priya^ Vyhl, indrtya, TTSreiV, rdjaauya. 

(3) When, in prose and in conversation, H ya final is preceded by 
H a, this aya is not to be distinguished in sound £rom % ai, which is 

* it shoald be noted, that while the Pandits give this pronunciation of these 
conjnncts with ^, yet the common people usually separate the letters, and pro« 
noonoe, shdetaVf bipcur, eta 


even ocoasionally, though inaocorately, written for it ; as, wmr samaya^ 
always pronounced, and sometimes written, ^ samai ; W^ chhayay also 
pronounced, and sometimes written, ^ chhai. Conversely, it may here 
be noted, that IRH aya is sometimes inaccurately written for % at ; as 
often in the B^m. mr hayar^ for JN hair^ etc. 

h. Observe, that when, in the formation of compound words, a silent 
final Iff a becomes medial, it still remains silent, though in the middle 
of a word ; as, ^l^^arnnT, pronounced annddi&y not annaddtd ; Hi^Rm^ 
pkalddyakf not phaJaddyak. 

It should be noted that the above remarks refer only to Iff a as in- 
herent in a consonant. When non-inherent, it is always pronounced, 
whether medial or final ; as, ^ tua, IT^ harua. 

c. The inherent a, when final in roots or primitive words, in 
reading prose and in conversation, is always silent before all added 
terminations. Thus, in verbal forms, CfRfT, root ^, is pronounced 
iarndy not karand ; iRinT, clmltd^ not chalatd ; dT^I?i^, boltiy etc. So, 
also, in all derivatives ; as, TOSIT purvd, dim. from JR pur ; mnriR, 
kudrpan, from ^^VTTC kudr; m^riR murakhpan^ firom liT^ murakh. 
It also becomes silent, when medial in the final syllable of dis- 
syllabic verbal roots, before all terminations beginning with vowels ; 
as, i^l9i^ nikldy from the root i^nii^ nikal : but, in the same root, when 
the termination begins with a consonant, it is pronounced, as, e. g.^ 
r^«4iHHI, nikaltd. 

( 1 ) This rale holds good without exception, in the standard dialect. But 
in the Braj and other dialects, where the verbal terminations, in several in- 
stances, consist of a consonantal sound only, the inherent a final in the root is 

' necessarily pronounced. Thus, e. g,j although we pronounce ^H^i^yan^ci, root 

^n«l jdna ; in the Kauauji dialect, the corresponding ^ini?! is pronounced j'dna^; 
so, also, fir^fvf, root n^ chala^ chalan^ etc. 

(2) The pronominal gen. ^n]«n is pronounced, sometimes apnd, and some* 
times apand. The latter is most commonly used by the mass of the people. 
It is to be noticed that although the regular nom. of this pronoun is 9ini dp, 

yet the 9| does not belong to the termination, but represents the 9f of the 
original ^|f4l«1. After the analogy of the language, therefore, the pronun- 
ciation apandy is the more defensible. The pronunciation, apid, has possibly 
arisen from a popular misapprehension, regarding ^fm or ^m as the radical 

element, instead of ^imM ; in which case, following the analogy of verbal 
roots, the a of j^ pa would be silent 


d. The final a inherent of the Denominative numerals, fh^, ?i^9 
r, is always pronounced, thus, chauka^ Una, namrna ; wm W^ ^, 

pronounoed tin Una nau^ lit,^ Hhree threes nine.' 

e. In poetry, the inherent a is always pronounoed, even when 
final, as in the following half stanza ; "^fm mk •vf^ $nr IS'^ ' ^^^^^ 
is read, samara f ha kahan nahin dos^a gnadin. But when it falls on 
the metrical pause, it is commonly silent ; thus, ^TO?T H^RT THW 
H^ri^Kn w4, jknlaia paland Raghuvar pulakita mat, 

11. nr ^ is pronounced like a in 'father'; ^ i, like i in 'pin'; 
4 I, as i in 'machine'; ^ u^ like u in 'pull'; ^ u, like oo in 
'tool'; ^ W, as W in ^brink\ 

a. Y I and ^ t/ final, though, like a final, always sounded in poetry, 
in the colloquial are but very faintly, if at all pronounced ; as nfif, 
pronounced mati or mat) HWI, pronounced joaran^w or par ant. 

(1) Bat some of the dialects, on the other hand, often lengthens final i; as 
in Kanauji, 91?it mo^/, for 9|fH ^^^^ ; Kam&oni, f[r^ ^ chali ver, for f^^ ^ 
chali kar, 

h. Theoretically, ^ differs from f^, in that the tongne vibrating, is not 

allowed to touch the gums, as in the consonant ^. But this distinction is 
neYer regarded. 

12. ^ e^ ^ ai^ and ^ o, Ih au^ are diphthongs : ^^ e and 
% ai are the diphthongs oi \i\^ o and Itr au^ of ^ w. ne 
is pronounced nearly like e in ' they'. Its elements are im-^ 
a+i. % ai is not quite the English i in 'time*. Like this 
English i, a diphthong, it differs from it, in that the short i, 
instead of the long /, is the latter element of the diphthong; 
f. e.^ %=4+i, hut i in time=a+e. Thus, e.g.^ the common 
word, t Aai, 'is', is not correctly pronoimced exactly like 
the English word 'high'. ^ o corresponds to the English 
in * go*: it never has the sound of the English o in ' top'. 
Its elements are m-^'^ a+u. ^ au differs from the English 
ou in ' our', in the same way that % ai differs from i in 'fine*. 
It is composed of iit+^, d+u\ the English ou^ of 4+w. 

13. Anundaik (^), as hasheen remarked, simply indicates 
the nasalization of the preceding vowel. The sound ia 


heard in the proper pronunciation of such French words as 
bouj enfcmti etiC. But in many Hindi hooks, especially 
those published hy foreigners, this sound is represented by 
the symbol Anusvdr (•). 

14. Anusvdr properly represents a nasal sound stronger 
than that of Anundsik : it is best heard before the sibilants, 
as in im ansh^ ^ hansh. 

a. But in words introduced from the Sanskrit, with little or no 
alteration, the sign Anusvar is very often used, after a short vowel, 
to express the nasal of the class of a following mute consonant ; 
and may thus represent, as the case may be, any one of the 
five nasals, V, W, W, % or I?. Thus, e.g.f we may either write vvjpl 
or ^ira maHgal, Anusvfir having here the power of ¥. Similarly, in 
%^ sambandhy the first Anusv&r, preceding the labial 9 6, has the 
power of the labial nasal IT m, but the second, before the dental VH dh, 
has the power of the dental nasal if n. 

b. But in the case of words much corrupted from the Sanskrit, afler 
a long vowel, Anusvar, even before a mute consonant, denotes, not a 
consonant, but a nasalization ; as, e.g.y ^is, pronounced sonth^ not 
south, irtr, ckdndy #C, sdnr^ etc. 

(1) In the cases referred to, Anusvar stands in the place of an original nasal 
consonant, preceded by a short vowel ; as, e.g., in ^|^|, for ^4^^. The 

question has heen raised, whether the AnnsT&r in snch cases denotes a con- 
sonant or merely a nasalization. But all the Pandits that I have been able to 
consult, insist on the inorganic character of the nasal, and I notice thai 
Mr. Beames, in his Comparative Grammar, takes the same view. As he just- 
ly remarks, the lengthening of the preceding vowel, according to all the 
analogies of the language, argues the loss of a letter from the original 

c. Occasionally in poetry, Anusvir, in Sanskrit words, following a 

final consonant in the end of a line, represents the letter IT, and 
must be so pronounced ; as, e.g.^ ^pni4, gunamayam ; ^, ay am, 

16. OR k and if g are pronounced, respectively, as A: in 
*key', and g in *give': ifflf never has the sound of g in 

* Vid. Comp. Gramm. p. 296. 


16. w ch and '^j are pronounced nearly as y in 'just*, and 
as cA in ' church', but slightly more dental. 

17. ^ t and ▼ d^ though often compared to the English 
t and rf, have no precise equivalents in English. In pro- 
nouncing them, the tongue should be thrown well back, 
so as to strike, not the gums, as in the English t and rf, but 
the roof of the mouth. 

a. ▼ is often written with a diacritical point (^), and is 
then represented in the Roman character by r. To utter 
this correctly, place the tongue in the same position as for 
▼ rf, and try to pronounce the English r ; the proper sound 
will then be given. The corresponding aspirate ^ has also 
the same double sound, which is represented by ^ rh. 

(1) Great care should be taken to acquire the correct pronuncia- 
tion of this letter, which is, undoubtedly, for western organs, the 
most difficult of idl the Hindi sounds : very few Europeans ever 
give it correctly. The learner should carefully observe that this 
is equally distinct from the English r, and the Hindi T. The soimd, 
when correctly given, much more resembles the cerebral ▼, with 
which, indeed, it is constantly interchanged; many words being writ- 
ten and pronounced indiflferently with ▼ </, ^ dhy or ▼ r, ;5 rh ; as HW 
btqrhd or ^IW bndhd. The Panjabi distinguishes these two sounds by 
two separate characters. 

18. The sounds of ?i ^ and T cZ do not exist in English. 
In pronoimcing them, press the tongue, not against the 
gums, as in the English t and c?, but against the front 

19. 1 ^ is pronounced like the English p. 19 b diflfers 
from the English 6, only in that the contact of the lips 
is less jfiiin. Many words thus fluctuate, in orthography 
and pronimciation, between ^ b and ^ v. 

20. Each of the above consonants has its aspirate ; i.e.^ 
it is combined with the apiritvs asper so as to form but 
one vocal utterance. The same direction applies to the 


pronunciation of all the aspirates, viz.^ utter the smooth 
consonant with a forcible expiration; the corresponding 
aspirates will then be given. In the English phrases, * up- 
hill,* * brick-house,' pronounced so that the p and k shall 
be closely joined to the following A, we have the correct 
soinid. Especial care should be taken that no vowel-sound 
be interpolated between the smooth consonant and the 
aspiration; thtis, xnm is pronounced \pAa/, not pahal; wmr, 
khdndj not kahdnd, which has a very different meaning. 

a. The greatest pains should be taken by the learner to master the pronan- 
oiation of these aspirates. A native, however illiterate, never confounds the 
smooth and aspirated consonants ; and, except in the case of q; ph, which is 
ofben by the uneducated corruptly pronounced as /, never fails to give the 
aspirate its correct pronunciation. He never separates the smooth conso- 
nant from the following aspiration. 

21. ^ A has the soimd of ;^^ in * sing*; it is only found 
immediately before a guttural consonant, and never begins 
a word or syllable, 

w h has the sharp soimd of t^ in * pinch.* like % it is 
never initial, and is only found before a consonant of its 
own class. 

^ n^ like the other letters of the class to which it belongs, 
has no equivalent in any European language. It is pro- 
nounced after the analogy of the other cerebrals ; i. e,y the 
tongue should be turned back, as for z and ▼, so as to 
strike the roof of the mouth ; in that position, endeavour to 
pronounce n. 

a. This nasal, while the only nasal admissible before a consonant 
of its own order, is not, like the former two, confined in use to such 
a position, but may occur separately, as, e, g.y in the common words, 
^ gun and W[i^ banian. It never occurs as initial in a word. 

b. The common people in the valley of the Ganges, as well as most foreigners 
in India, make no distinction between this and the dental 9f n, which is often 
Bubstitnted for it, even in writing. Educated Hindoos, however, carefully dis- 
tinguish the two letters, and the correct sound should be acquired. 


^flis slightly more dental than the English n, heing 
pronounced, like the foregoing nasals, after the analogy 
of the class to which it belongs ; i.e., with the tip of the 
tongue against the front teeth. 

^ mis sounded like the corresponding English letter. 

22. «i y is generally pronounced like y in English. 

a. But sometimes it is pronounced like ^y, especially when initial in 
Sanskrit words; as, e.g.^ jpiyw^j pronounced ^/w^; ^myogya^ pro- 
nounced /o^. So also it is pronounced as/, when doubled and final ; 
as wAy pronounced and occasionally written ^T^ mraj. As above re- 
marked,* H final, preceded by short a, blends with it so as to give the 
diphthongal sound ^ at] ba ^ran samaya, pronounced J^ samai, etc. 

T r has no precise equivalent in English ; it has a rolling 
sound like the German r, but much softer. 

^ Z is not quite identical in sound with the English I, In 
its utterance the tip of the tongue touches the front teeth, 
instead of the gums. The resulting sound is distinctly 
softer and more dental than the English I. 

n V has a sound intermediate between the English v and to, 
but more like t?, which letter is therefore chosen as the 
usual Roman equivalent. 

a. But in a conjunct, after any consonant but T r or ?! ^, it has a 
Bofter sound, like the English tc ; as, 5.^., J hwaiy '^S[h stcarg. In the 
common conjunct, ^l sv, the common people usually soften ^ still 
further to its cognate vowel, ^ h ; pronouncing, e.g.y ^CR swar, as if 
it were written ^ sm?-, etc. Similarly, in some parts of the country, 
people say ^^ i««r, for iiOSR ishtcar. fSl initial in the pronoun «lf 
wah generally receives the softer sound. Examples of the harder 
sound, in the conjuncts i rv and ?CI /«?, are ?1TO tattva, im mahatva ; 
^ purv^ JSiSi sarv, f In these conjuncts with T, ^ is often hardened 
to 9, 80 that many pronounce piirb, sarb. 

23. ^ ah is pronounced like sh in ^ shut'; the palatal 'r sh 
differs little from n ; the lingual contact is slightly further 
back, as in the cerebral mutes. 

* Yid. § 10 a. (1). t '^he inherent a of ^i is never pronounced. 


^ 5 is the dental sibilant, and, like the other letters of its 
class, differs from the corresponding English letter, in that 
the tongue, in its utterance, touches the teeth instead of 
the gums, 

H h does not differ from the English h. 

a, n is very often pronounced exa^ctly like ^ kh\ e.g,j ^X^ dosh is 
pronounced either dosh or dokh. Accordingly, Xi is often inaccurately 
written for ^; as J^ for 5^ ; TTOT for Trarr, etc. This is the uniform 
usage in Marwari, as also in much old Hindi, 

24. In pronouncing compound letters, each element should be 
distinctly articulated, whether the letters be different or the same ; 
e.g.^ ^tTF is kui'td, not kut^d; Xfc^fK pat-thar^ not path-ar. But this 
should not be exaggerated. 

25. The following peculiarities of pronunciation occur in Marwar 
and Mairw&ra. The vowel-sound in the plural termination^ an is pro- 
nounced very nearly as a in * all', but a little less open. The sound 
of ^ ail also closely resembles that of W in ^. ^ ch and ^ chh are 
both pronounced like ^ ; thus, H^ is pronounced sakki^ and ?ITO, ffds, 
H is pronounced lightly, and often entirely dropped. The cerebral 
S Hs common, and is pronounced by rolling the upturned tongue 
along the palate. It is sometimes indicated by a diacritical point 
under ^. 

26. The grammarianR of the Indian languages have not, for the most part, 
indicated so many distinctions hetween the pronunciation of the Indian and 
English letters as have been made in the above sections. But we are none 
the less confident that a large part of the Hindi letters do differ slightly from 
their nearest English equivalents. Let the reader, if in India, ask some native 
who is learning English, to read an English sentence, and it will soon appear 
to the attentive listener, that he pronounces very few of the English letters 
quite correctly. Perhaps there is no better way than this to train the ear to 
catch the nice distinctions of pronunciation to which we have adverted. So 
long as both words and sounds are foreign, the sounds are not so closely 
nonced ; but when the native pronunciation of the vowels and consonants is 
applied to English words, the difference is instantly apparent. 

27. It should be observed, before leaving the subject of pronuncia- 
tion, that Accent, although unquestionably existing in Hindi, is much 
less strongly marked than in English, and is quite subordinate in 


importance to Quantity. Even in conversation, the native habit- 
ually observes the quantity of each syllable. In the enunciation 
of sentences, therefore, the student should be careful to avoid that 
strongly accentuated style, which is so characteristic of English 
speech, and give to every long vowel in an unaccented syllable, its 
full quantity. 

28. It will be apparent from the above sections, that, with the two exceptions 
of n and n, which each represent two sounds, the Devanagari alphabet is 
strictly phonetia As the pronunciation of words in which n and if occur, 
varie«», even in the same locality, they will be uniformly represented in the 
present work by the Roman letters sh and y. 

The same ambiguity attaches to the Bangali y ; but the Bangnlis distinguish 
the two sounds by a diacritical point. So also in the Mahajanf or script 
alphabet, used in business, & and v are distinguished in the same way, merely 
by a dot. 

To these two exceptions may be added the compound character, ^=z 
^^.^^ y-l-n, which is invariably pronounced in Hindi as if it were gy. This 
conjunct will therefore be represented in this book by the Roman letters gy ; 
as J[P^, gydny not jiXdn, 

29. As above remarked, it is extremely important that the student 
accurately discriminate in pronunciation between closely related 
letters. Because the undisciplined ear at first detects little or no 
difference between, e.g,^ a smooth and an aspirated consonant, or 
between the cerebral and dental letters, it is often imagined that a 
failure to distinguish them in pronunciation cannot be a very serious 
matter. No mistake could be greater or more fatal to one who wish- 
es to understand the people, and be understood by them. As a mat- 
ter of fact, multitudes of words of different meaning, differ only in 
these similar letters ; so that by the neglect of an aspirate, the sub- 
stitution of our English t for the Hindi dental, or converting the 
hard ^ r into the Hindi T r or English r, we may say something so 
foreign to our intention, if not worse, as to make our speech, if 
understood at all, a matter only of ridicule. 

a. The foreigner is most apt to blunder in the following particu- 
lars, viz. : a smooth consonant is substituted for an aspirate ; the 
cerebral t and d, or the English t and d^ which have a somewhat 
similar sound, are substituted for the corresponding Hindi dentals ; 
and, especially, the cerebral ^ r is pronounced like the Hindi T r, or 
the English r ; doubled consonants are indistinctly pronounced. To 



these eommon mistakes may be added an English tendency to short- 
en a final unaccented long vowel ; so that, e. g.y 9IR7IT karid is mis- 
pronounced karta ; Hl^ pdni^ pdny ; l?rat mdlij mdly^ etc. 

30. As the best means of impressing the above remarks upon 
the mind, we subjoin a list of common words similar in sound, but 
differing in meaning. 


^rmr khdndy * dinner, food, to eat'. Iirft gdriy * a carriage*. 
CRfPTT kahdnd, *to cause to say', in^ gdriy * abuse'. 
eFnn kdndy *a one eyed man'. 
^HTfT ^l^ khdnd. 'a room'. 

^ chhuriy * a knife'. 
Wfi churiy * a bangle'. 

^ifT ckhund, * to touch'. 
IRT chund. * to leak'. 

^TTfT jdrdy * cold'. 

*liTfT jhdrdy * sens, obscoen'. 
(%PIT) khard (handy) Ho stand'. 

^RIT kardy ' hard'. wmjhdly * spice, pungency'. 

5Kt^ Arfrrf, *a worm'. 
^hr khirdy *a cucumber'. 

eiiidWl A:rffw(f, *to cut'. 
SRTTRT kdtndy 'to spin'. 

IjlTr khardy * pure'. 

^IJI kharrdy * a curry comb'. 

;5^ kJiattdy * sour'. 
KT yb^/.^a, ' a large louse'. 
A-afa, *cut'. 

^nvTT khapvdy * a tile'. 
eviUlT kaprdy * a cloth'. 

1fT% //rfo, * a cow'. 
^IT^ ghdoy * a bruise'. 

HfT ^Aarrf, * a water-jar'. 

iTfT p'ar^, * buried'. 
iFST garhdy ' a ditch'. 

^8ira /«/, * a net'. 

^hRT .^lAra, * inoculation; a sectarial 

3hFT .^AeH, * hire'. 

Tra ddly * a split pulse'. 
¥ra ^i/, * throw', {imperat.) 
dhdly * a declivity'. 

i^T dhOy * wash', {imperat,) 
^ (;fo, * give', (imperat,) 

dwt ^Ao6f, * a washerman', 
^rst dobiy ' a Brahmanical title'. 

dlfT ^Aorrf, * a horse', [soldier'. WJRt bakriy * a goat'. 
Jtm gordy * white, a European «ra^ bakhri^ * a house'. 



?nw tdldf *a look'. 
^rai tdldy 'a quagmire*. 

^^HT burhiydy 'an old woman*. 
^nf^QT buriydy ^sens. obsccm.' 

CTT parkndy *to read'. 
11791T parndf 'to fall'. 

m^ jt?rf«(, 'water*, 
joaniy 'hand*. 

inn puriydy 'a powder*. 
vnrOT phuriydy *a boil*. 
^ftOT, phuriydy 'true*. 

^ 5T burhd, 'old*. 
grr 6wrrf, 'bad*. 

wri JAit, 'brother*, 
ani 6if, 'rheumatism*. 
n't bhai, 'became*. (Fern.) 

mSt motif 'fat, thick*. (Fern.) 
Ttm^ motiy 'a pearl*. 

^nft rotif 'crying*. (Fern, part.) 
^XSt roti, 'bread*. 

591?! sdty 'seven*. 
^m sdthf 'with*. 
""^ sdth, 'Bixty\ 

phalf 'fruit*. 
xm paly 'an instant*. 

um bdty 'a word, a thing*. 
»re bdt, 'a road*. 
W?l bhdty 'boiled rice*. 
9TT5 bdty 'a bard^ 

SI. Besides the Devanagari, Hindi is written in two other alphabets, the 
KdyaUU or KaitM, and the Mahdjani or Sarrdfi. The word Kdycdhi is from 
Kdyasth or Kdyaih, the name of the writer caste among the Hindoos ; and the 
character is so called because certain slight alterations better adapt it to the 
purpose of rapid writing. Books are printed in this character^ but it is by no 
means so common as the Devanagari, and is not much used west of Allahabad. 
The MahSjani, (from the Hindi moMjany 'a bankerV) also called Sarr&£[, (firom 

the corresponding Ar. wily^,) is only used in business, and is the character in 

which receipts, drafts, etc., are ccmimonly written. These alphabets will be 
found opposite p. 18. 

a. It will be observed that the Mahajanf is derived directly from the Kaya- 
thi ; most of the characters differ from it chiefly by the omission of the hori« 
zontal or perpendicular stroke or both. Some, however, have assumed a form 
w idely diflering from both the Kayathi and Ndgari. It will be observed also that 
in the Mahajanf, one sign is made to represent both the long and short sounds 
of any vowel, whether initial or non-initial. Similarly, no distinction is made 
between ^ and T, or ^ and ^. Armwdr is never written in the Mahfijanf 
character. It will be also noticed that the K&yathi form of T is identical 
with the form which this letter assumes in Devandgari, when it is the last 
member of a conjunct. 



32. An attempt has been made to indicate in the Devanigarf character, by 
means of diacritical points, the varions letters peculiar to the Arabic and 
Persian alphabets as used in Urdu. A few common Hindi books, as the 
Bait41 Pachisi, and Sinhdsan Battisi, contain a large admixture of Persian 
and Arabic words, and are sometimes met with printed in this pointed NagarL 
The various pointed letters are given below. A point written under any of 
the vowels, indicates that the vowel is followed or preceded by p 4^yin; ^^ 
when it occurs alone, represents the consonant ^. 

• t A 

i5. ^6 ?*6 ^)'^)^ 

P^. Wie. 


yf^ ^C-""- 


t33. All the letters, both vowels and consonants, may be classified 
according to the organ by which they are pronounced, as in the 
following table. 




























(^) (? 

71 «r 











a. In Col. 1, 9, %, and ^, ^h, are classified according to their second 
diphthongal element, as respectively palatal and labial ; but they are 
also related to the guttural sounds, by their initial element, 91 or ^ffr. 
Letters of the same organ are said to be cognate to each other. 

34. The letters may again be classified according to the nature of 
the vocal effort made in their utterance. If, in the utterance of a 
letter, the breath be completely arrested, the resulting sound is 
reckoned hard*^ if the breath be but partially arrested, or be allowed 
to escape freely, the resulting letter is called soft. Thus, in the 
above table, the consonants in Col. II, together with the sibilants, 
are called hard ; all the other letters, whether vowels or consonants, 
are reckoned soft. 


iihi. V 

Eftithf. '>f«l»^fttt^ N<g«m'. 




To face page la 


a. The following relations between the letters should be carefully 
noted. Each hard consonant in Col. II, has its cognate soft con- 
sonant in Col. Ill, and vice versd. Thus, to the hard IR in Col. II, 
corresponds the soft 1! in Col. Ill ; and to the soft aspirate, *l, in 
Col. Ill, corresponds the hard aspirate Hi in Col. II. Each soft con- 
sonant in Col. Ill and each vowel, except the gutturals, has its cog- 
nate semivowel in Col. V. Thus, the labial semivowel, % corresponds 
to the soft labial consonant «r, in Col. V, and to the labial vowels, W, ^, 
in Col. I. So also, cognate to the vowels ^ and ♦, are the soft mute ^ 
and the palatal semivowel i|. H, strictly speaking, is a guttural sibila- 
tion, so that it is written in Col. VI, with the sibilants. Eewh of the con- 
sonants, therefore, except the labials, has its corresponding sibilation. 
The student is now prepared to understand the principles of Sandhi. 



35. By the term ^SandhV ('union') is technically denoted the 
euphonic combination of concurrent letters. Its laws apply' uniformly 
to the Sanskritic element in Hindi, in respect of the correct orthog- 
raphy of pure Sanskrit (Tatmma) words, and the formation of com- 
pounds from such single words. 

a. In the Prakritic element of Hindi, the laws of Sandhi are con- 
stantly disregarded. Still we may observe, even in Prakritic words, 
the operation of these laws at a former period, in producing many 
modern forms ; and a knowledge of the principles of Sandhi will 
thus often enable the student to recognize, without a tedious and 
perhaps fruitless search in the Dictionary, the various peculiar and 
corrupted words with which Hindi poetry, especially, abounds. 


36. In treating of Sandhi, we have first to notice the subject of 
Gun and Vriddhi. Gun essentially consists in the prefixing of a 
short a to the several simple vowel sounds ; so that 1H +^ or 'fc = '^ ; 
W+^ or ^=%; 1I+^=^JT. By Gutiy therefore, is denoted this 
change of ^ or 'fc to '^j ^ or ^ to ^, and ^ to ^JT. 

* This chapter and the followiBg may be omitted by the beginner. 



37. Vriddhi consists in the prefixing of a long d to these same 
simple vowels ; or, which is the same thing, prefixing a short a to the 
Gu9 of those vowels. Thus, by Vriddhi, W+lf = %; w+^ = 4h; 

w+^ = irrT: or^+^ = ^; ^+^— 4h; and ^+^w=irrT. 

By Vriddhiy therefore, is denoted the change of Y or ^ to %, B oris 
to 4h, and ^ to WIK. ^ is technically regarded as itself a Gun vowel, 
and is therefore susceptible of the Vriddhi modification only. 

38. Observe, further^ that vowels of the same organ, whether sim- 
ple or diphthongal, are said to be similar to each other. Thus, Y, ^, 
^, ^, are similar to each other. Vowels of different organs are said 
to be dissimilar; thus, e,g,y % 7, % are mutually dissimilar. 

39. Observe, finally, that, according to § 34, a., the vowels of each 
organ, except the gutturals ^ and W, have their coguate semivowel. 
Thus, the cognate semivowel of % ^^ ^, and %, is 9 ; of 7, is, %, and 
Ht, the cognate semivowel is 61 ; and of ^, T. The following table 
will present this whole matter at a glance. 

short vowel. 

Long vowel. 









The following common rules of Sandhi will be now readily under- 


40. Any simple vowel, long or short, followed by a similar simple 
vowel, long or short, coalesces with it into its own long. In the 
application of this, and all succeeding rules of Sandhi, the inherent a 
is never regarded as silent. Thus, qp^+n^ becomes Qfi^FqUfl; imi+ 


41. ^ or 'lif , followed by a dissimilar simple vowel, long or short, 
blend with it into the Gui? of that vowel ; and when followed by a 
Ghin or Vriddhi vowel, blend with it into the corresponding Vriddhi. 
Thus XRW+fesR becomes QT^iCSR; ^+^sffl, ^m; HIH-^, tAv ; 

42. The simple vowels, If, ♦, ^, 15, ^, followed by any dissimilar 
vowel, are changed into their cognate semivowels. Thus, l[f?l+W^ 
becomes vmft* ; ^H-^IW, ^WH ; iB^+TOt, W^cn ; etc. 

43. The Grun diphthongs, ^ and ^, followed by any vowel, are 
changeable, respectively, to TOT and V9; and the Fr«WA» diphthongs, 
% and Ih, under the same conditions, are changeable to imv and ITRSI. 

a. This is, in fact^ only a special application of the foregoing rule, accord- 
ing to which, the i and u, which are, respectively, the second elements in the 
above diphthongs, harden into y and v, leaving the first element, a or <i 

b. This rule will chiefly be of service to the Hindi scholar, in ena- 
bb'ng him to recognize the roots of those Sanskrit words with which 
Hindi abounds. Thus, by Gun of the radical vowel, we have, from 
the root ftl, * to conquer', #+^=lw, * victory' ; similarly, from w, 
*to be', ^+^=iTOI, 'existence'. So also, by Vriddhi of the radical 
vowely and addition of the termination WR, we have, from the root 
^, *to guide', ^+wil=«ninii, * a leader'; similarly from % *to 
purify', ^4-w»l=VRRli, *fire'. 

44. Sometimes, in a few Sanskrit phrases, rarely met, m initial, 
following ^ or ^, is elided, and ^ or % remain unchanged. Thus, 
in the IWmdyan we find ^Rl for ^ ^ifil and ?M?l for ^ ^ifti. But these 
in Sanskrit, would be written with Avagrah,* thus ; ^j Ri, ^s fti. 


45. A bard consonant,! before any soft letter, must be changed 
to its own unaspirated soft. Thus, WPI+*«H becomes mnrvSTT; 
f|j9lfl+wRr, nywrfir; i^ftnn?l+WKT, ^^Tiiwijfhl. In Sanskrit, it is 
also true that a soft consonant before a hard consonant, must be 
changed to its own unaspirated hard. But Hindi scarcely affords 
examples of the operation of this rule. 

•Vid.§8. tyid.§34. 



46. If the second consonant be a nasal, the first is changed into 
the nasal of its own class. Thus, ?IT+'Tnsr becomes ?l99rrsi ; f^+«Pl, 

47. n otW final, followed by n or "^ are changed to that following 
letter. Thus, ^ before the resulting conjunct being dropped, we 
have, from ^sfi+m?!, ^f|pi ; from ^5fi+^R, ^19R. 

48. ^, before any vowel-sound, or one of the consonants ^, fl, a, 
or CI, in all pure Sanskrit words, is changed to H, when following 
either of the three cerebral letters, ^, T, U. This rule operates, even 
though a guttural or labial mute, a semivowel, a nasal, or a vowel, 
Anusvar or 15, or any combination of these, intervene between ^ and 
the above cerebral letters. Thus, we correctly write ^^ for ^^pl, 
lim for HT^r, WT|rq[il for WWR. So also, e.g,y we correctly write 
Tmnw, not <miu^, on account of the initial T, even though the com- 
bination ^(^RT^ intervene between the T and the nasal. 

a. This rule is especially to be remembered in order to the correct spelling 
of pure Sanskrit words in Hindi. But it must be no less carefully observed, 
that the rule applies to. such words only. In all other words, «f under the 
above circumstances, in the standard dialect, remains unchanged. Thus, 
although we must write 9|iTT9, and not SViTni, it would not be correct to write 
^JfTifT, for eh<HI , because <4^«|l, unlike q^R^, is not an unoorrupted Sanskrit 
word. In some of the dialects, indeed, ss, e.g., Mapvarf, Gayhwali, etc., IT often 
appears oven in these corrupted Prdkritic words ; but this is to be attributed, 
not at all to the operation of the above principle of euphony, but to a preference 
for the cerebral nasal, which those dialects everywhere exhibit, dragging it 
in constantly, in the most unexpected places. 

49. I?, before any mute consonant, is changeable to the nasal of 

that class, which may be always written as Anusvar.* Before all 
other consonants it becomes Anusvar. The operation of this rule is 
especially to be noticed in the numerous Sanskrit compounds in 
which ^^ * with*, * together', is the first element. Thus, /».</., ^+5KW= 
^W^ or ^^^ ; ^+fwi='QfeiPf ; ^+?!ni, 4j*fHU ; ^+ini=^§ini. 

50 Final ^, in composition, becomes T, before all soft letters 
except T, when preceded by any vowel other than ^ or W. Instances 
of this change are common in Sanskrit compounds ; as, e.g., ^f^^St^+ 
m^=wi\il'^ ; 5^+^R=5^f . When T follows, ^ is dropped, and 
the preceding vowel is lengthened; as in ^ftm, fix»m fiw+^ni. 



51. W is substituted for ITO (or ^:) before short % or a soft con- 
sonant; ^ following, is then elided, and the elision marked by 
Avagrah. This rule is illustrated by such compounds as ^iShTfT, from 
«nr9+KT; ^^dr^, from T^re+ipv; also in the headings of chapters, 
as nn^J ^mQ: for TTinn ^iilli4^. So likewise, such Sanskrit phrases 
in the Hamayan as %liil, %f%, %Tre, are to be explained ; ire (1:) and 
^^^ (^:), before win and W^, have first become %T and % by the above 
rule, and then the following initial ^ has been elided. Avagrah, in 
these instances, is inaccurately omitted. 

52. In all Sanskrit words, H must be written for ^, not final, after 
any vowel but ^ or W and after either 9 or T. Thus we write, 
correctly, vifmi, not lifci^. But Hindi yields few examples under 
this rule. 

53. 9 final, in Sanskrit compounds, is changed to Yisarg or IT, 
before 9, 9, % and V. This rule is illustrated by numerous com- 
pounds with the negative prefix PR, and a few other words ; as, 
^rvimni for ^nSinii; fn«ii^ or m:«s^, for ^R^^; in7!:qira, for 


54. In Sanskrit, the number of these euphonic rules is much 
greater, but those that we have given will be found sufficient to in- 
dicate and explain the correct writing of nearly every Sanskrit word 
ever used in Hindi. 



55. When, long before the Christian era, the Aryan, Sanskrit- 
speaking people entered what is now called Hindusth^n, they found 
it inhabited by people of another race and another tongue. This 
inferior race, as the tide of Aryan invasion rolled on eastward, re- 
treated before it, falling away, some into the mountains on the north, 
more into the jungles and hills of Central and Southern India, 
where, under various names, preserving still their ancient dialects, 
and superstitious demon-worship, they are found to-day. Many, 
however, doubtless remained in their ancient homes, where the stream 
of Aryan immigration and Aryan speech soon swept oyer them> and 


they became tlie servants of the invading race. Although the abori- 
ginal speech must thus soon have disappeared from Northern and 
Western India, it is scarcely conceivable that it should not, before 
its disappearance from the scene, have influenced, to some extent, 
the language of the Aryan invaders. To this external, Turanian 
influence, we shall probably not err in attributing many peculiari- 
ties of those ancient Indian dialects known as Prakrit^ 'common, 
vulgar', which for centuries co-existed with the Sanskrit, much as, 
in ancient Italy, the various provincial dialects co-existed with the 
Latin of the court and of the forum. 

56. Out of these Prakrit dialects, rather than from the classic Sans- 
krit, arose the Hindi, as well as the other modern Aryan languages 
of India. Their relation to the primitive Sanskrit finds an almost 
exact parallel, in the relation of the modem llomance languages of 
Europe to the classic Latin.* But the Hindi, almost from its very 
birth, about 1000 A.D., has been subjected to foreign influence. The 
successive invasions and final occupation of the country by the 
Muhammadans, gave rise to the so-called Urdu or Hindustilni. This 
is, essentially, merely a dialect of Hindi, in the broader sense of the 
term ; in which, to a large extent, the vocabulary, and in a less 
degree, the grammar of the Hindi has been modified by a substitu- 
tion of Arabic and Persian, for Sanskrit and Prdkrit words and con- 
structions. But besides this, there is probably no dialect of Hindi, 
however pure, which has not received at least a few Arabic and 
Persian words from the Muhammadan conquerors of India, 

57. From the above brief sketch of the origin and history of 
modern Hindi, it is apparent that Hindi, though essentially as truly 
an Aryan tongue as Sanskrit, contains, besides the Aryan,! which 
constitutes its form and most of its substance, a Turanian and a 
Shemitic element. 

As to the Turanian or aboriginal element preserved in Hindi, 
little that is satisfactory can be said. We are not aware that any 
such thorough and systematic comparison of Hindi with the modem 

*An interesting and suggestive note on this subject will be found in Muir's 
Sanskrit Texts, Vol. II, pp. 146—149. 

f Most Aryan words in Hindi are of Sanskrit or Prakrit origin. But a 
few, brought in by the Muhammadau invasions, have come from the old Zand 
through the modem Persian. 


aboriginal and Dravidian dialects of India, has been made, which 
might cast light upon this question. It would be difficult, probably, 
to find many scholars competent for such an investigation. But, if 
we mistake not, modem researches would seem to indicate that the 
Turanian influence in the Hindi and other Indo-Aryan dialects, has 
often been unduly exaggerated. 

a. Some have thought that they could trace this influence almost through- 
out the entire Hindi grammatical system. The indication of the case-relation 
by certain appended particles, rather than by inflection, or organic additions to 
the word; the conjugation of the verb chiefly by means of auxiliaries, instead 
of by tense and modal inflections, — these, among other deviations from the San* 
skrit and Prakrit dialects, and corresponding agreements with the Dravidian 
languages of S. India, have been attributed to extra- Aryan influence. But all 
these analogies are probably more fancied and apparent, than real and signi- 
ficant. The relation of the postposition to the Hindi substantive, is, in fact, 
quite another thing from the 'agglutination' of words in the Turanian lan- 
guages. It has been abundantly demonstrated that the Hindi particles indica- 
tive of case-relation, are, in reality, bond fide Sanskrit words, greatly cor- 
rupted, which were originally apprehended, not as * agglutinated' to the noun, 
but as in some sort of grammatical construction with it. The striking corres- 
pondence, pointed out by Dr. Caldwell in his Comparative Grammar, between 
the Dravidian dat. sign, ho or hu, and the Hindi dat. postposition, ko, is now 
regarded by the best scholars as probably only a casual coincidence ; and, in 
view of the Sanskrit origin, which may be clearly demonstrated in the case of 
the other Hindi postpositions, the Turanian origin of this one particle becomes 
highly improbable. As to the difference noted between the Sanskrit and the 
Hindi conjugation, it is only precisely similar to what we observe, to a greater 
or less extent, in every European language, where, in consequence of the 
abrasion and loss of the terminations and inflections which characterized the 
synthetic languages from which they severally arose, the use of auxiliaries 
became a simple necessity of speech. As to vocabulary, it is, in the first 
place, a notable fact« that as the various Indo-Aryan dialects become bettor 
known, and their phonetic laws better understood, many words, which at first 
resisted all attempts to prove their Aryan origin, and therefore might have 
been imagined to be aboriginal, have finally been satisfactorily identified or 
connected with classic Sanskrit terms. Still there can be little reason to 
doubt that, more especially among the vulgar words of various local dialects, 
investigation will finally leave a residuum of words unquestionably Turanian. 
Prof. Williams has suggested, in his Sanskrit Grammar, that the cerebral 
letters, which the Hindi has received from Sanskrit, are probably derived 
from the aboriginal dialects. It is, at least, a fact worth noticing in this con- 
nection, that» of those Hindi words which begin with a cerebral, much the 


larger part belong to the Pr4kritic, rather than the pare Sanskrit element of 
Hindi. For example, of 89 words in the Prem-Sdgar beginning with one of 
the cerebral letters, f, {h, 4, 4K only 21 are pure Sanskrit, to 68 Pr4kritic 
words; whereas, of 128 words beginning with h, we find 21 of Prdkritic origin 
to 107 pure Sanskrit words ; t. e., in the case of words with initial cerebrals, 
over three- fourths are Prdkritic; while of words with an initial k, five-sixths are 
Sanskrit. And it may be further observed, that the cerebral letters prevail 
most in those sections of the Hindi country where, as in the Himalayas and 
the wastes of Bajputand, the aborigines, if not still remaining, may be sap- 
posed to have held the ground the longest. 

58. In brief, the Turanian element in Hindi must be regarded as, 
in any case, of minor prominence and importance. In grammar and 
in vocabulary alike, Hindi is emphatically an Aryan language. 
But some foreigners have gone to the extreme of denying that Hin- 
di, properly so called, contains any other than Sanskrit and Prakrit 
words ; and, in their zeal for what they term * pure Hindi', scrupu- 
lously exclude from their writing, if not from their speech, all Arabic 
and Persian words.* But it should not be forgotten that, in such a 
matter as this, we have to do, not with theories, but with facts. Now 
we are free to assert that if we take cletssic Hindi works, such as, in 
prose, the Prem-Sdgar^ and in poetry, the Rdmdyany we do not find, 
in point of fact, that the language which the people of the country 
call Hindi, is thus firee from any Arabic and Persian admixture. 

a. In proof of this assertion, the student may note the following 
list of Arabic and Persian words occurring in the Rdmdyan, We 
follow the Hindi spelling. Ili^ \Am% ^T^, VlTV, WTW^, ^resn^ 

apsfpi^, iniTt, HiiHh, OTif, fra, inr, #r, «wWni:, f^n#, v^mv, mxvt^j 
yiT, ^, TOT^, ^w^ ?iTmT, TTWT, ipp, mm, drr, eRrarr, irft, nrhi, r«H^, 

^fW, ^Wrai, 'nr, 'aUTR, ^ihf, etc. In other Hindi writers, as, e.g., Kabir, 
they are much more numerous. Nor, if we attend to the colloquial of 
the people, shall we fail to hear, even in the most secluded districts, 
and from Hindoos living quite apart from the Muhammadans, such 
Arabic and Persian words, as hukm^ sarkdr, yd, bandobasty sdhiby bakh* 
shishy majuri (for mazduri), jaminddr (for zaminddr), etc., etc. 

6. It may be noted here, with regard to the character and extent of 
this Arabic and Persian admixture, that in the case of all words 
having any special reference to government and law, the conquering 
Muhammadans have succeeded in imposing their own words upon 

• Vide, e.g., Etherington*s Hindi Grammar, Preface, pp. iv, v. 


tlie oolloquial Hindi to the exclusion of the Sanskrit. And if any 
one, in his zeal for * pure Hindi', will attempt to use, instead of 
these, the corresponding Sanskrit words> he will probably find that 
none but a few Pundits will understand him* As to Arabic and Per*- 
sian words of other sorts, the proportion found in Hindi varies, as 
might be expected, in different parts of the country; being greatest in 
the extreme N. W., and gradually diminishilig toward the E. and S. 

59. Inasmuch as the Arabic and Persian alphabets differ widely 
fifom the Devan^gari, all words from those languages containing 
letters not represented in those alphabets, when received into Hindi, 
imdergo certain modifications. These are, in brief^ as follows : — 

a. Both ifl and ^ are represented by ?t ; as, v^i ftWI, * wages '; 
)^y5, waRtTKy * contention'. 

b. The three sibilants, d^, j«, and ^, all become %; as cujiJ, 
wvsmy ' proved'; ,,r^, ^4^, * a groom'; i-*^U, ^n, * sir, master'. 
^ often becomes It ; but In many Sections of the country (as, for exam^ 
pie, through the central Doab and in Marwar) it is regularly sounded 
as ^ ; thus, jj;^, 5^ or 515, * beginning'; w<a, 1^ or ^, ' doubt'. 

c. The letters ^, ), ^, i*, all pronounced in Urdu as 2, become "^j 
in Hindi, as );i, ^TCf, * a little'; ^-•3, "^^t^, 'land'; cr*^> ^ITWR, *a 
surety'; f>^y wiusKy 'manifest'. But in Marw^ri and some other forms 
of Hindi, 6 final becomes ^, as in QRHI^, for «Ul^, * paper*. 

d. c and « both become 15 } as JU, ^ra, « state*; )*, ft, * every*. In 
Marwari, when medial, they commonly disappear ; as, e.g., ^ for 
yfi' • a city', ^anl for «-*a-l^, *sir*. The gutturals ^ and j become, 
respectively, ^ and 1! ; as, e.g., in ^QHR, * dust', for «-Ai-, ^Wfi, 
*grief ', for^, and Jp5iro. 'a slave*, for (•13. j commonly becomes 
fi, as in t|[, * right', for ^; and W^, *word', for J;*. But the 
common people in the central Do^b often change a final j to fl ; thus, 
jxisJ, 'investigation', becomes ft^R^ ; J* V> * ^i^^'* «nfili?l. j is always 
dropped; thus, J^ becomes WTO, 'intellect'; f»1;, cnfiH, 'existent, 
real'. But short a before ^ , on the rejection of {, is lengthened ; as 
HT^, ' known', for fyl^. ; is ordinarily unchanged ; but in Mdrwfiri, 
I have found ^flTii, ' a minister of state', for ^.3;, where the conso- 
nantal r has been softened to the cognate vowel. 

e. The sound of yJ may be regarded as fairly naturalized in most 
Hindi dialects. Not only is its pxonunciation retained in Arabic 


and Persian words when introduced into Hindi, where it is repre* 
sented by Hi, as in mtUk, 'a banker', for ^1;^ ; but, to a great extent, 
the common people substitute the foreign sound of / for ph even in 
Indian words; pronouncing, e.g.^ xsm ('fruity /«/, instead of />^tf/; 
fiw (* again') jfir, etc. 

/. Arabic and Persian words not containing any of the above letters, 
for the most part enter Hindi without change, the Devan&gari furnish- 
ing the equivalents of all the other Arabic letters. Occasional changes 
and corruptions indeed occur which can scarcely be reduced to rule. 
There seems to be at least a tendency in some parts of the country to 
reject a consonant following any sibilant; thus we hear, in the 
Do6b, »l^, 'a laborer', for ))^y; IIW, *firm', for i^^H^; and in 
Mdrwdri, ira^, * a mosque', for »>«r^. We should also note a decided 
tendency to substitute i for a as in ^IVRIi, ^ salt', for (.<o3 ; crSt'?:, an 

agent', for ^^^. 

60. But we may now pass to the consideration of words of 
Sanskrit origin, which make up not less than nine-tenths of the lan- 
guage. These have been divided by native writers into Tataama 
and Tadbhava words. The word Tatsamay H^^il, meaning * the same 
as that', appropriately denotes all purely Sanskrit words; i.^., all such 
as have entered ^Hindi with no alteration save the loss of the ancient 
affixes of declension. The word Tadbhava^ * of the nature of that', 
denotes, on the other band, all corrupted Sanskrit words, which, by 
the addition, loss, or change of certain letters, have come to 
appear in Hindi in a form more or less modified, and often greatly 


61. Tatsama words, as is evident from the above description, 
appear in every dialect under one and the same form. But inasmuch 
as pure Sanskrit words in Hindi, like most words of Latin and Gh*eek 
origin in English, are especially appropriated to the expression of 
higher or scientific thought, it is evident, that the proportion of these 
Tatsamas actually found in the various Hindi dialects, must needs 
vary greatly, in proportion to their literary cultivation. Moreover, 
it must not be forgotten that, to a limited extent everywhere, but 
more especially in Western Hindi, Arabic and Persian words have 
often usurped the place of the Sanskrit Tatsamas. And so it has 


oome to pasB, that, speaking in a general way, the proportion of 
Tatsamas current in Hindi, regularly increases as we go eastward, 
till we reach the Bangali, in which they reach a maximum. The 
following remarks will help to indicate the nature and extent of this 
Tatsama element. 

62. In very many cases, the Tatsama and Tadbhava forms of the 
same word coexist in the language. Thus, e,g.^ we have ^^, Tat- 
sama, and $i99rr, Tadbhava ; sKtci, Tatsama, ^rt, Tadbhava. In some 
cases, the two forms retain the same meaning ; thus, wrei and ^f 
both signify * anger'; Stw and #nf, ' fit, worthy^. In such cases, one 
iorm is often dialectic. Thus Tadbhava forms, with 15 for an aspirated 
mute, are especially characteristic of the old Purbi of the Rdmdyan, 
as, e.g.^ W^, %Tfr, %Tf , for WW, %WT, ?Srei. But where Tatsamas and 
Tadbhavas coexist in the same dialect, it often happens that, with the 
difference in form, we find a difference also in signification ; thus, ^ 
Tatsama, is * a rain-cloud'; but the corresponding Tadbhava, ^, is 
always, *rain, a shower'. Often, the Tatsama is the general term, and 
the Tadbhava, the more specific one; as ^vnr, *a place', in general; but 
?pnfr, *a police-station'. Where the words will admit it, the Tatsama 
word is often appropriated to a higher sense, and the Tadbhava is res- 
tricted to a lower signification. Thus, the Tadbhava $^RT is, * to 
see, seeing', in general ; but the Tatsama Ti$^, is * beholding', in a 
higher sense, as of a superior in rank, an idol, or a deity. Thus, 
people say, Wlijlil m T^ ^F^fT, * to behold Jagannath', but never 
Wl||lll %l ?^RT, *to see Jag-annath'. 

a. The carefal regard to etiqaotte for which the Hindoos are noted, is 
manifest, not only (as will hereafter appear) in the appropriation of certain 
pronominal forms and verbal inflections for the indication of various de^ees 
of respect, but also, and very often, in the choice of a Tatsama or Tadbhava 

63. Of purely Sanskrit nouns and adjectives, the case-terminations 
have been lost, and they regularly appear in Hindi, under the form 
which they assume in the Sk. nom. sing., minus the nom. case termi- 
nation. Thus, the bases q^, ^ra?T, ^3, ^ Tig, Hig, ^fei, kfrri, 
^IVR, niiVR, f^^l^SR, respectively appear in Hindi as ^^. T^^y mim 

d^ TRiF, ^imr, ^ftw, UH6IM9 5fm, nf^, and ?Nr^. 

a. The only nouns exempted from the operation of this law 
are crude bases in ira and ^55, as, e.^., *|iwi, fnro, which, in Hindi, 


have lost, not only, as in Sanskrit itself, the nom. sing, termination^ 
but also the final radical 9, as found in the Sansk. nom. sing., so 
that the above words appear in Hindi as «PI, H^. But, in a single 
instance in the Rdrndyauy Tulsi D£s has written (doubtless for the 
sake of the metre) the root of the strong Sanskrit oases, ^inTT for 
ffjm, * a giver'. 

b. Sansk. adjectives in Wf, occurring in Hindi, frequently substitute 
for the nom. sing., the base in CRI, of the strong cases, as, e,g.y ^illQNfl, 
* merciful', HTHWf, ' sinful '; so also, ^^TQPff for wmRI, ' hungry'. 

c. As has been remarked, Hindi nouns exhibit, in their declension, 
only the scanty remainder of the Sanskrit case-terminations, so cor-, 
rupted and modified as to be recognized only with difficulty. The 
unchanged Sanskrit forms are, however, occasionally met with, but 
are no more organically connected with the Hindi, than such Latin 
phrases as ^id est\ *et cetera\ are thus connected with English. 
Examples are, ^sd^, gen. sing, of ^asi, *all'; ir8m=: r»a., abl. 
sing, of wi ; ftrpftr, * parents', nom. dual of Rwj ; «rtT:, * the rains', 
nom. plur. from vk ; 5^, * with pleasure', instr. sing, of ^m. But 
the most of these are very rare ; and, with few exceptions, are only 
found in poetry. 

64. Sanskrit comparatives and superlatives occur in Hindi, with 
the usual loss of their case-terminations, but are by no means com- 
mon, and, with a few exceptions, they belong rather to literature 
than to the colloquial. Examples are, of superlatives, lig, * most 
excellent', from ^ ; ifihpm, * dearest', from nhl. Comparatives are 
yet more imcommon ; we have noted HTW, * slower', from ipif ; 
mUTlT, *more holy', from mn. It may be remarked that these Sanskrit 
comparatives, when they occur in Hindi, very commonly lose the 
comparative sense and are, in effect, superlatives. 

65. The numerals and pronouns appear in Hindi (as might be 
expected of words in such incessant use by all classes) in an extremely 
mutilated and corrupted form. But the unchanged Sanskrit numer- 
als are occasionally found in Hindi literature, especially in the 
headings of chapters. So also, we occasionally meet certain cases of 
the Sanskrit pronouns ; more especially, the gen. sing, of the 1st and 
2nd personal pronouns, IW and fWI. 

66. The Hindi verbs, without an exception, are Tadbhava words. 
Still, in poetry, parts of Sanskrit tenses are occasionally found ; thus, 



from the root nR, we have nm9fiy * I salute', Ist sing. pres. Parasmai. 
But such forms as this have no organic connexion with the language. 
The Hindi, however, besides the regular Tadbhava participles of its 
verbfid conjugation, admits, even in the colloquial, various Sanskrit 
participles in an unaltered form. Thus, we have the pres. part. Atmane 
in nm; as, from the root i|?I, CRf?im, ^existing, present', and, very rare- 
ly, the indecl. past part, in fW as, in the Rdmdyan, ftFQT. Much more 
common is the past part, in ?I or f (n); as, e.g,, from ^, ^, * done, 
made'; from Wl, ^^, * spoken, said'; from u, 5^, * filled'; from iTf , 
dlfffl, 'fascinated'. Not uncommon are fut. pa^s. participles ; whether 
those in ?I5II, as from ^, 9i^ai, 'worthy to be done'; or widn, as ^RfiBil, 

* to be received', from ^f ; or in 9, as TlJ, from nr, ' to be seen, 
visible'. Very rare is the 2nd fut. part. Parasmai in W ; as, from W, 

* to be', the final consonant ?I having been rejected, vif^nv, 'future.' 
Sanskrit also contributes to Hindi many adverbs, prepositions and 
conjunctions, in an unaltered form. A list of these will be given 
in the appropriate place. 


67. The plan of this work will not allow the space necessary to an 
exhaustive discussion of the Tadbhava words of Hindi ; but a brief 
exhibition of the processes by which they have been formed, will be 
found of service in the study of the Hindi dialects, and aid the student 
to an intelligent acquaintance with the language. Accordingly, refer- 
ring the student elsewhere for a full discussion of this matter,* we 
propose to notice, as briefly as may be, the more important of those 
phonetic laws which have operated and are still operating in the 
Hindi dialects of N. India. 

Of Vowel Changes. 

68. As has already appeared,! Hindi exhibits a decided tendency 
to the omission of the short vowels. The inherent a is constantly 

* Little has as yet been written on the subject ; the student, will however, 
find Mr. Beames* Comparative Orammar of great value. The " Essays in aid 
of a Comparative Grammar of tho G^aupian languages", by Dr. Hoemle, are 
well worth careful study. Vid. Joum^ As. Soc Beng. Part I, No. II, 1872, 
and Part I, No. H, of 187b. f Vid. §§ 10, 11. 






dropped from unaooented syllables, even though its omission be not 
marked bj the use of a conjunct consonant. 1( and 7 are very com- 
monly silent when final ; in other positions they usually remain. 

a. But Mr. Beames has noted the frequent elision of ^ and 7 initi- 
al, in Sanskrit compounds in which one of the inseparable prepositions 
wiSt ^nfQ> ^1^, ^Qy etc.y is the fijrst member. 'Among his illustrations 
are 5«hFfT, *to peep', from Sk. ^reo^, 'overlooking'; ^IliMI, *to be wet', 
from Sk. W^; d^, * seated', from Sk. ^nf^; to which may be added 
others, as ^iTot, * a family priest', from ^q^fTI ; and UTRRT or UTTOR, 
'to send', from theSk. causal base, ^uijUlM. ^ initial is sometimes 
omitted in simple words also ; as, e.g.^ in ^ITg, * a pnmpkin ', for Sk* 

b. TheSk. fem. term. W is often elided; as in TStm, *a thing, word', 
Sk. W^St ; wl^, * sleep', Sk. ^fT, So also ^t final in feminines in l^ft, 
whence come Hindi feminines in ^ ; as ilf^R, * a gardener's wife', 
from Tira^, for mi^w ; ^^f, the wife of a %3. 

c. ^ final is dropped in many words now used as adverbs or pre- 
positions, but originally Sk. locatives sing.; as ^mhl, *near', for Sansk. 
^^; ^, * with', for ^, etc. 

69. ^ is often changed to If in unaccented syllables, especially in 
Western Hindi. Thus, ^m«, * remembrance', becomes ^mrsf ; t|?i9T 
* first ', is constantly pronounced and often written, ift^.* m is 
changed to ^ in ^CWIF, * a weasel', Sk. «icn^i. 

a. The vowels If and ^ often supersede W in a preceding syllable, 
or cause it to be exchanged for the cognate gun diphthong. Illustra- 
tions of the substitution of the simple vowel are ^f^, * a tamarind 
tree', for Sk. ^lrf|p5r ; %JJ^, ' a finger ', for Sk. *l|^. In €u, ' a hole 
dug by burglars', Sk. ^afii, and ^H^, * the beak of a bird', Sk. frt, the 
gun diphthong is the substitute. 

b. Very often in Sk. words, W, when followed by the semivowels a 
or ^, coalesces with them into the cognate diphthong, commonly the 
vriddhu Thus, the Sk. ifiR, * eye ', becomes ^ ; ^iw, ' time ', ^ or 
^ ; ^rav, * salt ', ^Pf, but also ^ ; WTC, * another ', by the previous 
substitution of «l for H, ^. 

c. Here may best be noticed the operation of a law by which #T 
was regularly substituted in Prakrit for the Sanskrit declensional 

* For further illostrationB, see the section on Dialectic Changes* 


termination %t9 (H:).* Although, in most Tadbhava words, the 
corruption of this termination in the standard dicJeot, has proceeded 
still further, till only n or 7 final is left, yet many illustrations still 
remain, as in the pronouns, where, e.g., the rel. dr and the (Braj) interr, 
iftr, stand respectively for the Sk. H: and m:. Similarly, we have, 
from the Sk. nmw, ilT%t, ^ the second day before or after the present'. 
d. Quite anomalous is a tendency, exhibited chiefly in the numer- 
als, by which m becomes %, as, e.g., in 9^tm, * thirty-five*, for Sk. 
ita^isifl ; lf?fns^, * forty-seven', for Sk. ^«l^irtv?j. The same ten- 
dency is illustrated in ShFI, ^ egg-plant', for Sk. cliPl, and a few other 
words. These cases, it will be observed, are quite distinct from the 
similar change of n to W, already noticed, which is evidently due to 
the epenthesis of Y. 

70. V, f , 9, and v; present few instances of change. But V ii 
changed to v;, in ^Htr, ^ to smell', from Sk. vn ; and ^ to H, iii 
q^^m, ' testing', for Sk. Q^^^Ri. 9 has become m in the oommon 
word ivm^, * lightning', for Sk. ^l^|n. In vri, ^rheumatism', 
for Sk. QfOy I am inclined to regard the ^ final as having arisen 
from the cognate 9, W final having been dropped, and H (l() length- 
ened in compensation. In f^P^, * a dot', from Sk. ftl^, we have 
apparently a real change of W to ^ ; unless, indeed, after the ana* 
logy of many other Tadbhavas in ij A represents, in this instancCi 
the 1( of a Prakrit form, ftfvni (P). 

71. ^ undergoes various changes. When initial it always appears 
in Tadbhava words as ft, as in Mv for ^^. When non-initial, the 
most common substitution is % as in ^ng, * a vulture', for ir^ ; im^ 
* a scorpion', for ^Btm. It may be changed to ^, as in ^i^, *a horn', 
for 1^ and ^in for JfjF^ ^ death'; or even ^, as in 9)9, * a house', for Iff, 
It often becomes W, commonly imder the influence of a contiguous 
labial ; as in ^|TVI, * remembrance', for ^n^ ; or v;, as in 9lir, ' dead', 
for ?pf.\ Less frequently it appears as 9r, as in vi^, * earth', Sk. 
ijTfMi ; unra, ^ the rainy season', Sk. ht^. In many oases, even 
when non-initial, it is represented by the consonant T, in oombina^ 
tion with one or more vowels ; most commonly ft, as in ftlfV* * a 
householder', for 1|99V; or even ift, as in fijft'^R, 'creating', for ^9R ; 
or, under the influence of a labial, 9, as in 991, * a tree', for Sk. i|fl. 

♦C£ Yaroruchi Prikr. Prak. V, (!)• 



72. % % and H, in the penult of Sanskrit or Prdkrit words, regu- 
larly appear as long in Hindi, in all cases where the original ulti- 
mate syllable has been dropped. This is most of all to be noted in a 
large class of Sanskrit and Prakrit words formed by the suffix qi. This 
includes a few Sanskrit nouns of agency, but especially, a very large 
number of words, chiefly Prakrit, formed by the addition of an in- 
organic ^ to the original Sanskrit base.* This law will be found 
to coyer most Tadbhava masc. nouns in Wf final, and fem. nouns 
in ^, as also many nouns in ^, denoting trades. Examples are, 
^ftm, *a leopard', Sk. ffPRR:; (Prakrit itW^P); difT, *a horse', 
Sk. t9toR:, {Prak. ih¥^P); ^WR^, *a fly', Sk. irf^TOT; WH, * sand', 
8k. 9T^I9iT; H^, 'clarified butter', Sk. Wl: ; 'rt, *a barber', Sk. ^flftRf:. 
The ^t and IS of these words have probably arisen directly from inter- 
mediate forms, ^h^ ^3r,t H and Q haying been euphonioally inserted 
after the elision of 9. t 

73. When, in the process of phonetic decay, a Sanskrit conjunct 
has been reduced in Hindi to a simple consonant, a short yowel, pre- 
ceding such a conjunct, is regularly lengthened. Thus, the Sk. ^s^Fi, 
* hand', becomes, in Hindi, inr ; ^ifel, * fire', Wl! ; ^f^ * sugarcane', 
to; i*"?- (^B'ROj ^^ ; ^i^inHj * twenty', d^. 

a. Sometimes, instead of the long vowel, the cognate gun diph- 
thong is the substitute ; as in i^T^, * a leper', Sk. «Rjt ; %te, * ginger', 
Sk. ^fks. ^ under such circumstances commonly becomes ^, as in 
qte, * back', from ^; ^te, ' sight', from grg. 

b. But in some such cases, chiefly Sanskrit compounds with various 
prefixes, in which the accent rests on the radical syllable, the accent 
has prevented the lengthening of the vowel, as in derivatives from 
the Sk. ^JWT, (^^+^ffT), * rising', where H. has JTS^, ela, and 
not ^liSfT. 

74. Long vowels are almost invariably changed to their own short, 
when any long or heavy appendage is added to a word. This occurs 
especially in the first member of compounds ; as in «idi4K, ' a high- 
wayman', where «I3 is for W3, * a road'; XRfTXT, * a water-carrier', 
for m^tflTT; ^OTdd, *a flower-garden', for ^ffHcnrt; fawhiH , 'winter', 

♦ Concerning this Prakrit suflSx, see Lass. Inst. Ling. Prac. §§ 89, 1; 164, 
19 ; et pcfsaim. f Vid. § 77, 6, (1). J Yid. § 78. 


for iTlMilH. So also where heavy terminations have been added ; as 
ind^rary 'old age', &om si^; fil3Ti, ^sweetmeats', from^^TT, ^ sweet', 
Sk. mgsn: . For the diphthongs the corresponding simple vowel is 
the substitute, as in TCIT^, dim. &om d^, ^ a son'; ^d4hl, ^ a younger 
son', from $nCT, * little', Sk. ^:, (^ly^). 

75. Diphthongs final in Prakrit and Sanskrit are in Hindi regular- 
ly reduced to their simple vowel. Thus the Pr^k. nom. sing. term. 
#r, for Sk. 9:, in archaic Hindi, and among the modems, in Naipali, 
and often in other Himalayan dialects, regularly becomes ^. Thus 
Sk. UT:, *an arrow', Prak. ^^, is in the Rdmdyauy ^m\ ^RTTif:, 
^affection', Pr^k. 9l^^n^, old H. ^IJ^. It should be observed, 
however, that in later Hindi,* this short ^ also has been dropped, 
leaving, e.g,^ ^I^TTH anurdg^ for ^ig^. Similarly, ^ or % final, in 
the conjugation of verbs, often appears as Y ; as in %nf for ^T^, Sk. 
"mm ; W^ for fn%, etc. ^ medial becomes ^, in F3?l, 'white', for lOTI. 

a. But where, in Prakrit, after elision of a final consonant, we have 
wSt, \^y ^^ final, the standard Hindi presents ^HT, 'I, and ^. In 
the western and Himalayan dialects, ^ and ^ appear for the Pr£k. 
H^.f ^ medial becomes ^ in ili^R, for $l^R ; and ^ medial, ^ in 
iU^y for Sk. dllvh<!&. 

b. Most changes of ^ and % to % and ^ are dialectic. The reverse 
process is exhibited in dim, * a grandson', for Sk. ^m, and ^^13, * a 
pilot', for Sk. ^dfl. 

76. The modem Hindoos, in the colloquial, constantly prefix a 
short H to words beginning with a conjunct in which ^ is the first 
letter; thus, e.g,^ ^dft, *a woman', becomes ^T^, or, with some, ^^^; 
^VPf, ' a place', ^l^aT«f, etc. Such forms are occasionally found in 
literature ; as, e.g,^ in the Rdnidyany iraj%, for '^jftl, ' praise', and 
91^0^. for BUf , * bathing'. 

77. When, by the elision of a medial consonant, two vowels have 
been brought into contact, Hindi, instead of allowing the hiatus to 
remain, as in Prakrit, very often, though by no means always, seeks 
to avoid it, either, where the rules of Sandhi will permit, by uniting 
the concurrent vowels ; or, in other cases, by inserting a consonant, 
usually H or Cl. Thus, the Sk. iwi?!, *he walks', W being elided, 

♦Vid.§68. tVid. §§101...103. 

86 ooKfirrlTtmM el^mekts of HiKbf. 

becomes, in old Hindis mrv, and in many modem dialects, «ld or fro. 
The 8k. Rnnft?t:, * thirsty*, n and H being elided, and ^f inserted, 
becomes fiwWT ; W|!!f:, * crazy*, W being elided, and 9 inserted, be- 
comes Vtnt^y but sometimes fTRTOT or wtnttS. Occasionally, as in gi, 
* a needle*, Sk. |[fft, and itH^, ^ the cuckoo*, Sk. €illBlS9, the hiatoid 
is suffered to remain. 

a. While these combinations often take place in accordance with 
the Sanskrit rules of Sandhi^ this is by no means always the case. 
The following exceptions may be especially noted. 

(1) A short vowel after a long often disappears ; as in^nVT, Ho cry*, 
where ^ is for ^IW, firom ^nw. The short vowel, however, some- 
times maintains its ground, as, e,g,y above, in qtnra, for Sk. #Tii|Rr. 

(2) The simple vowels, V+V, 11+^, sometimes coalesce into the 
vriddhij instead of the gui^ which the Sanskrit law would require ; but 
this often is dialectic. Examples frequently occur in the conjugation 
of verbs; as, e.g.^ ^, 'he laughs', fromf^V, Sk. f^ri^; and probably 
V^, 2nd plur. imperat., 'walk*, from the old H. V^. 

b. The semivowels Q and 9, after 9 or their cognate vowels, Y and 
My are often treated as vowels, so that H+Q, like m+% becomes % or 
^ ; m+% like 11+^,= ^ or ^; \+% like ^+^,='1, and M+% like 
¥+7,=V. Thus, as before noted, ^9iiv, 'time', becomes ^; 919, 
^existence', )h; ^f^H, 'the senses', WJfi* 

(1) This principle apparently leads to the explanation of those 
nouns in ^ and ^ referred to in $ 72. The m of the ultimate being 
rejected, 9 or !9 was inserted to fill the hiatus, giving us, e.g,^ for the 
Sk. i6hf?51iT, 'a mare', Pr^k. ihfvw, first a form dfTfUT, from 
which would successively come the forms ^T^pv, and finally^ 
Vi becoming ^, #^. By a similar process, from the Sk. silfgai^l, 
Pr^k. in^lTT, we should have the successive forms, VT^9T, vrgo^ mi. 
It may be noted here, that in the colloquial throughout Oude and 
the Doab, the intermediate forms thus postulated as the originid 
of nouns fem. in ^, still exist. In the dialect of W. Oude, e.g.^ we 
have Vifw^y (as if from a Sk. form ^i^^fmj) for %i^, ' a buffido-cow'; 
ih^pTT) Sk. ^iNf^CflKT, ' a mare', etc., eto.f 

♦Vid § 79. t It is to be remembered, in investigating words of this class, that 
this suffix 9 was in Prakrit added indifferently to almost any word. Lassen'a 
words are *omnibu8 tJiematU*. Vid. Lass. Inst. Ling. Prac. passim. 



Simple Consonants. 

78. Any smooth mute, except C or ¥, also W, H, ?si, ^, and % when 
single and non-initial, may be elided. The vowels thus brought to- 
gether, combine, if similar ; if otherwise, the hiatus often remains, 
as in Prakrit ; but in the modem dialects, Q or !9 is preferably 
inserted. Examples are, Sk. i^^l^:, * an assembly ', Prak. d^fdr, 
H. Sw, for the older M^r. S^; Sk. viTimt, * sister ^ H. siffVf, 
where the medial aspirate, II being rejected, has arisen from the 
Aspiration of H; Sk. ^wt, * a needle', H. |r4; Sk. T^lftf, 'night', 
H. ^31 ; 8k. fig4, ' fourth \ H. ^tvm ; Sk. ^TO, * the heart ', H. 
ii9 ; Sk. HW, ' rising of the sun'. Old H. W^ ; 'Sk. ^, * a well', H. 
wpi; Sk. i^, *a lamp', H. vxm\ Sk. "^km, *the day of new 
moon', H. 5*^; Sk. Rsicnw, 'marriage', H. betti, for i^pnn. irreR, 
' the nose', for Sk. 11^9^, has probably arisen from a collateral 
form ^l4Klil. 

a. '^y when elided, would seem in most cases to have first passed 
into W. The older Hindi generally preserves the form in % and, 
rarely, even those in ^. Thus, in the futures, we have Sfsri^, * thou 
wilt do', for CRri^, 2nd sing, fut.; but in iRp^^, * thou wilt regret ', 
2nd sing, fut., the 9 is preserved. After ^iRTf, comes next di^V and 
finally ^. In #I?T, * a twin brother', for Sk. ^^T^, we have an 
example of the less common elision of 9 in nouns. The irregular 
Sandhiy iR+%=%, instead of ^, may be noted. In the case of 
verbs, the elision of 9 medial is much more common. Additional 
examples are ^ for ^mAl, * is', ^iftr, * do, make', for ?liTJ, etc. 

79. The labials, n, 9. 1, 9, when medial after d or a, very commonly 
soften into the cognate vowel 7, which then combines with the pre- 
ceding a into the diphthong wr or ^. Thus the Sk. ^RUT, ^another', 
becomes in Hindi, first ^rar, and then ^ ; ^Rsm, ^ salt', becomes 
fhw ; 1WI, * going ', jhfT, . * the going home of a bride ' ; srnm, 
'a dwarf', dRT; 119^9, ^excellency', l^. In such cases, the nasal 
element of vi is often retained, in the form of an Anmvdr attach- 
ed to the diphthong, as in H. ^diit, *a whisk', for Sk. fFRT. So 
also, the palatal Q, under similar conditions, passes into the cognate 


vowel % whence, by Sandhi^ arises the diphthong, ^ or ^ ; as, e.g.y 
in ^, * sleeping', for Sk. HHH; ^ or ^, *time', for ^IW. When 
^ precedes H, tbe H combines with it into the cognate long vowel, 
as in 1f^, * an organ of sense', for ^f^rn. 

80. A final consonant is usually rejected. Thus, iTIFf , * renown', 
becomes ^re ; ^IT?iR, 'self, becomes WV. By the same law, ^ final is 
dropped in all numerals ; as, e,g.^ in ^ira, * eight', ^f^, * ten', for ^Og^, 

81. Initial consonants commonly remain unchanged. The excep- 
tions occur, for the most part, in the case of the sibilant ^, initial in a 
conjunct ;* or if in other letters, they may be traced to the disturb- 
ing influence of a neighboring sibilant or aspirate. Thus the Sk. 
raw^, * superhuman power', becomes wsr?!; W^y *ohaflf', vm\ HIH, 

* a noose', vs^^ ; 5ITOI, ' vapor', WHi. 

82. When medial, hard mutes, as in other Aryan languages, are 
frequently softened. Examples are «Rni, * a crow', Sk. 5FFSR; ^^, 

* a small awl ', Sk. '^^, The change is especially common with 
the cerebrals, as, e.g.j in #rrr, a * horse', Sk. ^h?^; TOf, 'reading', 
for H^f. H more commonly passes through H or ?S| into the cognate 
vowel ^, and thus loses its consonantal character entirely. But occa- 
sionally it stops at ^ ; as in Tira, ' heat', for Sk. ?Tni, and in the 
fifties; as, e.^., STTCR, 'fifty-two'; ^RR, 'fifty-four'; ^tTRR, 'fifty- 
seven', etcy where ?S| is for the H of ntn, which remains in some other 
numbers of tiie same series ; as, e.g,y T«iiH, 'fifty-three'. I should 
therefore suppose that such forms as OTXR. ^TtR, etc. must have pre- 
ceded the forms now in use, but hitherto I have not met with them 
in Hindi. Marathi preserves the form ^nw ; but the other forms 
agree with Hindi. Barely, a nasal is substituted for a cognate mute, 
as in treWr, ' sweat', for Sk. irc$T. 

83. Letters of one organ are often substituted for those of another. 
Thus, palatals are exchanged for cerebrals or dentals. The most 
familiar illustration is found in the case of the numerals, 41, 43, 45, 
47, 48, where ?! is the substitute for fl ; as, e.g,^ in f^hHli^U, * forty- 
one', for ^?OTraN, Sk. 4ie4i^t^iRsjfi. Mr. Beames has noted a large 
number of examples, involving the apparently cognate roots, fTO, ¥^, 
?:a, ^n, etc., from the Sk. nBt 

• Vid. § 97. t Vid. Cornp. Gram. § 57. 


a. The cognate languages present numerous instances of the change 
of the palatals to the sibilants, but this is scarcely found in Hindi 
outside of the IWjputfin/i and Himalayan dialects. In the Marw^n 
dialect, the rule is universal, in respect to fl and 9$ which, although 
still written, are always pronounced as 8, 

84. Very common is the substitution of the cerebrals, whether 
initial or medial, for the dentals. Examples are numerous ; as, e.g,j 
fini, *side', Sk. fiwf; ¥T, *fear', Sk. ^ ; ¥T^, * burning, envy', from 
Sk. ^ ; xnpn, * to fair, from Sk. TO ; ^hvTT, * a sectarial mark', for 
{?I9CK, which is also used; g^, *old', for Sk. ^. In this case, 
however, the cerebral is probably due to the absorption of the ^. 
Here may be noted a large class of words from the Sk. root, ^m ; 
as 3^ ^ a place', for Sk. WR ; ^RT, ' a police-station', as if from a 
form ^9n«1^:, etc. 

a. But in some cases a Sanskrit cerebral is changed to a dental, 
as in the Hindi, TUfT, *to be pressed down', from Sk. WQy etc, 

b. Through the change of ¥ to 7, the cerebrals, and, through the 
cerebrals, the dentals, modulate into K, This is especially characteris- 
tic of the eastern Hindi, which constantly substitutes T for V, as also 
for ^. Thus, xrfm, *to fall', from Sk. TO, becomes, in E. Hindi, vm ; 
so also the regular form ^RRR^, 'a girl', from the root ^15, appears in the 
Rdmdyan as ^nnR. In ffTRrei, *a tank', for Sk. Tirni, the cerebral ¥ is 
changed to ^. Similar is H. flw, *a servant, disciple', for Sk. fte, and 
Mar. ^sdr, * to open', for ^^FfT, where ^ is for S. In Ch^li), ' an 
axe', for Sk. ^dK. W is the substitute for 3. In the numerals, from 
eleven to eighteen, the ¥ of THW regularly becomes T, except in #m9, 
'sixteen', where 9 is the substitute. But the dialects give also %Tt9, 
aiter the analogy of the other numbers in question. ¥ is changed to 
V in VTWI, ^ thatching', for ¥T7¥. 

85. In the standard Hindi, the Sanskrit cerebral nasal is regulaily 
changed to the dental nasal in all Tadbhava words, as, e,g.y in IR, 
* virtue*, for JW ; W, * merit', for gm ; and universally in the infin. 
termination of verbs, wherever the laws of Sandhi would require W\ ; 
as in ^ffm, * to do, make', instead of ?RT¥T ; ?R51T, * to die', for HT^PT. 
But in the Himalayan and lUjputan^ dialects the reverse tendency 
is exhibited, the cerebral nasal being constantly preferred to the 


86. 9 initial is regularly changed to V in all Tadbhavas, as in 
' an age', for 091. It is also hardened when doubled and final, as iu 
^T^, ' the sun', for wi. X, is changed to 9 in ^ram, * a river*, Sk. 
^li^ ; as also in fsom^ ' hair', if from ^, ^ to cover'. But this is far 
less common than the reverse change of 9 to T, which is very frequent 
throughout the Hindi country. 

87. The sibilants are all prone to change, ir is constantly pro- 
nounced, throughout the Doab, as 9 ; as, e,g.^ in firet^ * region*, for 
^rirr, etc., etc. O very commonly becomes 9, as in 1^, 'a m^n', for 
n^ ; $T^, * a fault', for ^, etc. But in writing, 9 is generally 
retained, and in some districts, as in Marwdr, has usurped the char- 
acter 9 in all words whatever. 9 becomes 9 in 9> ^ six', and vm, 
*sixth', for 8k. m, Hg. ^ becomes fl or 15 in ^r^fl, ' covetousness', 
for ^n^RT. Similarly we find #niT, ^ beauty', for Sk. drar. The ten- 
dency of the sibilants to pass into the pure aspirate, of which the 
cognate languages afibrd so many examples, is abundantly illustrated 
in Hindi. Thus the ir of TiR is changed to 9 in all the numerals 
from eleven to eighteen inclusive, as also the 9 of ^ifl^ ^^ ^he seven* 
ties throughout, except in ^W, * seventy', and 4H\h\ * seventy-nine' 
which is from another root. Thus the Sk. ^idmr^. thirteen', becomes 
^n; ^^Wflfif, * seventy-one', becomes ^l^f^ etc., etc. This change, 
as regards these numerals, is found in all dialects alike ; but, exoept 
in some of the Bajputana and Himalayan dialects, it is rarely met 
with in other words. Certain pronominal and verbal forms of extensive 
or universal use, are, however, to be explained by reference to this 
principle. These, however, will be noted in another place. 

88. Very common is the substitution of the pure aspirate W for 
any of the asiprated mutes ^, H, W, «, or H. Examples are, ^ 
* mouth, face', for g^ ; w|, * rain', from ^ ; csf^, *to speak', from 
the root W^ ; ^, ' curdled milk', for ^ ; WTT, * deaf', for ^fijT. If 
initial, however, the letter commonly remains unchanged. I have only 
found instances of such a change of an initial aspirate in the case of 
H. A notable example is found in the verb tmr, * to be', from the 
Sk. g. To this may be added it^, ' a pot', and ^i^, * a cheque', 
for Sk. iit¥, ^. This change of these aspirated letters is more 
common in the old Purbi than in modem literature; additional 
examples will be found in the section on the dialects. 


89. Before leaving this subject of the changes of single letters, it 
maj be well to refer to an old Prilkrit habit of adding to various words 
the affix 9. This Pr^kritic 9 is not to be confounded with the Sans- 
krit affix CK, which is added to roots to form adjectives and nouns of 
agency. Unlike that, this Prakrit % is wholly unmeaning.* Although, 
in modern Hindi, this affix has commonly disappeared, yet its former 
existence is to be noted, as having influenced the form of a great 
number of modem words. And even so late a writer as Tulsi Dds, 
dr. 1600 A. D., frequently uses nouns, pronouns, and numerals, with 
this old Prakrit affix.t We shall have frequent occasion hereafter to 
refer to this usage. 

90. The Hindus have an odd habit of inverting syllables, which 
should be remembered in the investigation of obscure words. Thus, 
in the west, people say 9imi9 for wm^siy * object'; in the Doab, HfPI, 
* bathing', for I^IR, Sk. W^, and 9hm for vblR, * sick*; in Tirhut 
and Garhwid, V^Q^, for ^If^nr, * to arrive', etc., etc. 


91. This subject of the treatment of conjunct consonants in Hindi, 
is so extensive and complicated, that the limits of this work will not 
allow ufi more than to indicate the general principles which have ope- 
rated in the case. We shall enter into detail only so far as may be 
necessary briefly to illustrate these general laws, and refer the stu- 
dent for a full discussion of the subject to Mr. Beames' Comparative 

• Even Sanskrit contains many words thus formed; as, e.^.i^h?C5R, * a horse, 
1^9^5811^ ' a thorn'; ^^m, *an assemblage', etc. But in Prikrit the use of this 
affix was greatly extended. On this subject, which is of some etymological 
importance, the stndent may consult Yararnchi, Prakf. Prak. iv, (25); Lassen, 
Inst. Ling. Prac pp. 28^ 460, 461, 475. 

t Vid. § 105. h. 

J It is proper that I should here express my indebtedness to Mr. Beames for 
much in this chapter, more especially in the present section. Although the 
substance of this chapter was written prior to the appearance of Mr. Beames' 
work, I have derived from him many additional examples, and have remodel- 
ed this section, with a view to greater brevity and clearness, somewhat afler 

the plan of bis chapter on ' Compound Consonants'. 



92. The general principles which regulate the treatment of con- 
junct consonants in Tadbhava words, may be briefly summed up under 
two heads, viz. : 

(1) Where the members of the conjunct are of equal or nearly 
equal strength, the Hindi, in older words, rejects the first of the 
two consonants ; in those of later formation, it separates them by 
a vowel. 

(2) Where the members of the conjunct are of unequal strength, 
as a general rule, the stronger remains, and the weaker is dropped. 
In some cases, however, the remaining consonant, under the influence 
of the vanishing letter, is itself modified, and often transferred to 

another order. 

a. Prior to the rejection of one element of a conjunct, there was, 
in the Prakrit period, an assimilation, in the case of strong oonjuncts, 
of the first to the second consonant ; and, in the case of mixed con- 
juncts, of the weaker to the stronger. Not a few examples of this 
earliest process are preserved in Hindi ; as, e.g., in II?HT, *a stone', 
wgp^, *a fly', and the old form, 1R^, ' hand', for the Sk. Jtmty nfeRT, 
and W^. Further illustrations will be found below. 

b. When, under the application of these rules, a conjunct has been 
reduced to a simple consonant, a short vowel, originally preceding 
the conjunct, is usually lengthened in compensation. But when long 
and heavy syllables follow, and in a few other cases, this compensa- 
tory lengthening of the vowel is sometimes neglected. 

c. For the interpretation of these general principles, it is to be re- 
membered that the first four letters of the five ^vargs^ are called 
strangy and all the others weak letters.* It is further to be noted, that 
in the practical application of these principles, the strong letters are 
regarded as of equal strength, but the weak letters vary in strength 
among themselves.f 

• Vid. § 6. 

t Mr. Beames arranges the weak consonants in the order of their strength, 
as follows, viz. : first the nasals, then the sibilants, and, last of all, the semi- 
vowels. The nasals and the sibilants he regards as of equal strength. The 
eemivowels he arranges in the following order, beginning with the strongest ; 
viz.9 Q (with the power of ^), l| (with the power of ^)j ^^ X, CI (softened to 
^), n (softened to ^). Vid. Comp. Gramm. p. 360. 


93. The following examples and remarks will illustrate the above 
rules. In the following strong conjunots, the first consonant is 
rejected ; dnft, * a pearl ', for 8k. AlTfh^l ; ^^, * milk', Sk. JW ; ^TW, 

* 8even\ 8k. ^J|^. The vowel remains short in g?f, * connected ', for 
Qfi; ; and generally when an accented syllable has in 8anskrit follow- 
ed the conjunct; as in ^6^1, 'rising', from 8k. ^Tfl+WT. Most strong 
conjuncts, in words written as Tatsamas, are by the common people 
among the modem Hindus, divided in pronunciation. Thus, HCTy 

* a word', becomes ^W[^ ; ftjjl, * satisfied', f?Rq?i ; 5Rrfr, * work', ?IRH, etc. 

94. In the following conjimcts, the elements being of unequal 
strength, the weaker is rejected; viz., ^1^, *fire', H. ^rni; wiy 

* wool', H. ^W ; ^ifii*, * pregnant', H. infiHH ; ^Sl^m, * astrology', 
H. 9innr ; lin|^, * the rains', H. HRR ; WW, * price', H. iftra ; %f , H. 
%W ; ^, * a woman', H. fiwT. 

a. K following H in a conjunct is very often separated from it by a; 
as in YIT9T$, * shade', 8k. HT^wniT ; ncRTir, * brightness', H. IR1IF9, 
II1IT7, * favor', IFOTI^, etc. 

6. The root V, *to know', becomes WT, as in «M«ll, * to know'; this 
is further weakened to H, in ftwTfT, * wise', and ^WR, * foolish', for 

95. A nasal initial in a conjimct with a mute usually vanishes, 
leaving Anmvdry and lengthening a preceding short vowel. This 
class of words is very numerous. Examples are Cfiter, * a thorn, Sk. 
«lsnE59i ; ^rtr, * the moon', Sk. fpy ; ?lfarT, * copper', Sk. W|, etc. 

96. n, ^ and ?S|, in a conjunct with a dental, disappear, transferring 
the dental to their own organ. Thus the conjunct TH becomes fl in 

, * true', for Sk. ^FH, and riVai, ' death', Sk. ijrH. ^ becomes "9 in 
, 'to-day', Sk. vm ; CT becomes «K in ^3tHi, ' twilight', Sk. W^rji. 
X very often modifies the dental, if first, and more rarely, if second in 
the conjunct. Examples are, WZ, *a road', Sk. wr^f ; g^, * old', from 
Prak. TO^, for Sk. ^ ; UTS, * clotb', Sk. Jm ; #T3T, * little', Sk., ^y. 
This assimilation, in the case of a labial, is much more rare. The 
chief examples are afforded by the numerals, in the combinations 
of ij, * two', as 9K9, * twelve', for Sk. Jp^lFI ; ^nim, * twenty-two', 
Sk. ^ueiiiui, etc. Analogous is the derivation of WH, *self', from 
the Sk. VIIH4H. 

97. A sibilant, in a conjunct with a stronger letter, disappears, 


commonly aspirating the remaining consonant. Thus, we have 
%rSif from Sk. ^few, *an elephant'; ufiAIHly 'west', Sk. nfinRV; Hf, 
* an udder', Sk. ^W ; |rarr, *dry', Sk. ^BR ; W<5, * eighty Sk. ^Ig^. la 
some cases the aspirate assumes a separate existence, and is even 
transferred to the beginning of a syllable ; as in W^y ' a bone', Sk. 
nftff ; innr, * bathing', Sk. ??fR ; qjn, * a flower', Sk. qw. For a 
conjunct formed by 9, % or H preceding a sibilant, the regular 
substitute is 9. Thus ^Rl, 'destruction', becomes ?pi ; ^VTQT, ^ a letter'i 
UIF ; WW, * a fish', «VW ; 'Hoe?!, < desired', iftwi 

a. But, in conjimction with 9, the sibilant often merely leaves an 
aspiration, without changing the letter, as, in old Hindi, W^9K, * a 
letter', for Sk. WW, and VRFot, or irr^, * a fly', for Sk. vri^RRT. 

i. In a large class of words beginning with W, chiefly derivatives 
of the root WT, ' to stand', the dental has been transferred to •the 
cerebral rarg. Such are, e.g,y the words, 3t, 'a place', ^1^, *a 
police station^; 7T^, * erect'. Mar. 5I53T, * where',, etc., etc. With a 
weaker letter the sibilant remains, as in wsim, ' necessary', for Sk. 
mci 1.149 etc. 

98. While the foregoing exposition of the phonetic laws which 
have operated in the development of the Hindi, is necessarily but 
brief and incomplete, it is hoped that it may at least indicate the 
path of research to the student ; and aid him in interpreting the 
various strange and irregular forms which one often encounters 
in old Hindi books, and in the diverse local dialects of modern 


99. Before leaving this general subject, it will be advisable, as a 
preliminary to the subject of declension and conjugation, to notice 
briefly the peculiar characteristics of the chief dialects exhibited in 
this grammar. These peculicurities are both lexical and etymological. 
Notable differences often obtain in words chosen to convey the most 
common ideas. Thus, ^ to send', in the standard dialect, is ^^PIT, in 
M^rwdri, d^ldr ; in the E. M6ie4«i. * To call', in the standard dialect, 
is g«MI, in the Bdmdyan. dl^R, in E. Hindi, S. of Allahabad, 
iilfilWI. But the indication of these lexical differences, belongs to a 
dictionary rather than a grammar. 


100. As to diflferences in the forms of words, these respect, in some 
instances, merely individual letters ; the word, both in its root and 
termination, remaining essentially the same. Some dialects, again, 
in some cases, present us with an inflectional system, so different 
from that prevailing elsewhere, as to compel us to postulate for it a 
separate origin. Thus, in such different forms as, e,g.^ eastern H. 
W^ High Hindi, STfT, K. 9^, B. QVT, ^ great', we have nothing 
which is not explicable by the laws of phonetic change. But, on the 
other hand, in the case of the futures fl^ran, E. Hindi, IFIV, B. and 
K. W^lit, *I will go', we have differences inexplicable by any pho- 
netic law, and must therefore assign each of these variant forms to a 
different origin. Differences of this latter sort, can only be exhibited 
in detail, when we come to treat of declension and conjugation. It 
will suffice at present to indicate briefly a few distinguishing peculi- 
arities of the various dialects. 

101. In the Braj, the inflectible W final of the standard dialect, (for 
Prak. ^, Sk. H:,) in adjectives, and verbs, commonly appears as ^; 
but in nouns, the Pr^kritic ^ has become W. Often in verbs, and 
more rarely in nouns, ^ final is vriddhied to %. Anmvdr is used 
much more freely than in High Hindi. Short a in close roots is very 
often lengthened ; as, e.g.^ in TX^S^ for T^RT, * to keep'; m^, ' to 
walk', for ireRT ; ^in, ' true', for ^Bfl. 

102. The Kanaujf is related closely to the Braj. Where the Braj, 
as above, has ^, the Kanauji retains the Prakrit %. ^ final remains 
unaltered. Anusvdr is used in season and out of season. 

103. The Marwari and Mairw^ri agree with the Kanauji in pre- 
senting % instead of the inflected w, and extend this usage so as 
to include nouns, saying, e,g.y drfr, instead of ^^TlT, * a horse', etc. 
W is preferred to a medial a, as in Braj, as in ^nT#T * to adhere', 
for HIMI, m^, for i?gt, *earth', etc. These dialects, and, it is said, 
the Rajputana dialects generally, agree in that, unlike those of the 
Ganges valley, they constantly prefer the cerebral nasal n to the 
dental «f . Thus, the standard forms, ^HRT, *own', ^PIT, * to be', are, 
in Marwari, MIUJI, %T^. Quite peculiar, again, is the aversion of 
these dialects to the letter U ; which, when medial, is very commonly 
dropped ; the concurrent vowel-sounds then coalesce, according to 
the rules of Sandhi, Thus, 9iC^, *to say', becomes, in Mar., ^%, for 


m^, from 5FfifdT ; fnftS, * ought', #3 ; wfwm, ' sir', becomes ^W ;♦ 
ly^^, At. yf^, *a city', ^ ; tmRrr, * first', ^^ ; 9i^» * said', qf^T, etc. 
But in S. Eajputan^, IJ is very commonly substituted for ^, as, ^.«7., 
in iFMi, * understanding', for ^JiWR, etc. The Ar. «wt>, *a throne', 
becomes ?nR!; the Persian 8U.>b, <a king', ^sn#T. ^ initial becomes 5| 
in HMfl, *a curse', for Ar. "^t-i^J; and •l^H, * London'. The 8k. ^W^, 
* wonderful ', is transformed into ^?T^. 

a. As appears from the above examples, in the R^jput^nd dialects 
^ is very commonly preferred to W in unaccented syllables. I have 
obtained no written examples, but it is evident that the Sandhi %, in 
the above cases, must have arisen, not from H+H, but 11+^. Occa- 
sionally, H or Bl is inserted between the concurrent vowels, as in 
9SOTdT, for eti^idl v^R^T^) ; ^nwr, for ^rff^, etc. 

104. Inasmuch as the Kumaoni and Qarhwali, so far as we know, 
possess no literature, our materials for the illustration of these dialects 
are comparatively scanty. But it will be abundantly evident from 
the sequel, that their aflBnities are not with the contiguous dialects 
of the valley of the Ganges, but with those of Eajputana. We note, 
especially, the preference of the cerebral to the dental nasal, as in 
W3[9S\, * own', for WRT ; «R!It9t, ' made', for 6IHIUI, and in infinitives 
generally, as ^T#T, ' to cry', for ^TfT. There are also indications of 
the same aversion to % that we have noted in the Kajputana dialects. 
Thus, in Garhwali we hear ^I'^I, ' he will be', for ^HT^T, H. H. %nTT. 
In Kumaoni, CRT, and ut, 'where', *here' stand for ?Bft, iTf! ; and ?^T^, 
for QRf«rT, * to say'. The Sandhi in this last case indicates a previous 
substitution of ^ for the unaccented "^R, instead of ^, as in W. Hindi. 
^ becomes If in tglu^^HI, * a honey-comb', for ^iu^HI ; and fl becomes 
^ in \A^\, * under', for 5ft#. Very many nouns terminate in ^ or g^ as 
in archaic Ilindi, as, e,g.^ ^"^^ *^ sheep'. These dialects are marked 
in general by great abbreviation, especially of verbal forms, but this 
will be illustrated in the tables of conjugation. 

105. Coming to the eastern dialects, that of the Rdmdyan claims 
special attention. It should be observed, however, that Tulsi D^s 
has allowed himself the utmost freedom in drawing grammatical 
forms from various Hindi dialects, and even from the old Prakrit, as 
the exigencies of the metre, or his personal fancy might suggest. 

* For thib Sandhi, Vid. § 77, a, (I). 


The student should of course carefully discriminate between such 
foreign elements, and those which are distinctive of that form of 
Hindi in which the poet wrote. Although, e.g.^ the Braj perf. part, 
in ^, and the K. in % are often. found in the Rdmdyan^ as also the 
Bhoj. perf. in ^, neither of these are to he regarded as belonging to 
the old Purbi, in which the poem is written. 

a. The Priikritic term. %, which elsewhere appears as w, "WT, or 
ill, is, in the Bdmdyan, regularly reduced to ^. Thus 5"^^, ' a bride- 
groom', becomes T^H; hIwi, * third', iSNt ; ^hlT, perf. part., * con- 
quered', ^ftff; WT, * large', «R, etc. Many nouns which in High 
Hindi end in the silent a, in the Rdmdyan terminate in ^. Examples 
are numerous, as ^5^, * an arrow', ftf^, * the head ', wg, *the face', for 
the modem standard forms, ^, ftR, W^* 

b. Diphthongs are often resolved into their elements, especially 
in the conjugation of verbs, as, e.g.^ qwp, for ^; Wl^, for mtl. 
These forms have frequently been referred to a careless style of 
writing ; but we think that investigation will show that they are, in 
most instances, 6ow«^t/e grammatical forms.- The dioeresis of the 
vowels will, in most cases, be found to indicate the elision of an 
original consonant. Thus ^RKWy ' he does', stands for a Prakrit form, 
ffCrm, for Sk. eR^rm, where fl has been elided. But we shall have 
occasion to notice this matter again hereafter. 

€, For ^, ^ is sometimes written, as in ^snm, for ^hl. Some 
words are written indifferently with W^, ^TR, or ^ ; thus we find 
Traft, TRft, and ^, all signifying * your excellency'. % is sometimes 
written for ^W as in %H, for WR, * a place'. 

d. ^ is very often substituted for m or % before affixes and suffixes. 
Thus, we have «n^, *a child', for OT5W ; Vlt^, * was', for Wf^ ; 5Ftw, 
* say', for CRCT, etc. This change never occurs in roots, except in the 
final vowel. This % thus derived, is prosodially common, but more 
often short than long. 

€, Quite characteristic is the frequent allowance of an hiatus, 

♦ This final u is the characteristic vowel of the final diphthong o of the 
Prak. nom. sing. This termination represents a stage of the language imme- 
diately preceding the modern forms, in which, the u being no longer sounded, 
it is no longer written, so that all this class of words are reduced to the form 
of noons ending in a silent a. 


where both Sanskrit and modem Hindi would avoid it, either by 
Sandhiy or by the retention or insertion of a consonant. Thus we have 
ftwi, * husband', for Sk. fim, modern Hindi, ftw ; B^R, * a son', for 
^^5R ; PH9RI, ' living', for niOTI, etc. The semivowels H and Bl are often 
softened to Y and ^, producing a hiatus, which is suffered to remain ; 
as, e.g.., ftpirr^, * love', for xamc; jwft, * at the door', for ^. 

/. Quite ch6u:acteristic is the very frequent substitution of the sim- 
ple aspirate U for an aspirated mute.* Thus we find, ^ini, * gain', for 
m^ ; #T^, *anger', for sfensr ; ITf , * lord', for «ITO, etc., etc. Instances 
of this change occur in every dialect, but it is especially common in 
the Rdtndyan, 

g. The cerebral W r does not occur. Its place is usually taken by 
T, * as in ili, * they fell ', for nf ; HWIR, obi. plur., ^girls', for ^TfTCli^. 
But sometimes an original Z for a modern V is retained ; as in ^13, 

* an earthen jar', for the modem H^. T is also very commonly pre- 
ferred to ^ as in fft, * under*, for ?l^ ; ^^aft, * thin, lean', for ra^ ; 
r<4^ili)l, * showed', for f^r^lFnin. 5f is regularly substituted for W, as in 
^, ' virtue', for ipt ; and % for U, as in #RF, ' grief, for dw. 

A. The unmeaning Prakritic suffix m is of frequent occurrence.f 
The following instances may be noted : of nouns ; ^Tin^, * a wife', 
44r6^l, *the fist', ^nRT, *a ship', for TTTT, wg^, and ^; of numerals, 
infr^, 'fi'ur', Uxli^hh, *fifty', ftreaR, *acrore'; of pronominals, etc., iilifTI^, 

* how much', ^R^, * some', 9J71SR and 9|^, * much', CR^^, * ever '. 

106. The modern eastern dialects exhibited in this work, are exclu- 
sively colloquial, and their peculiarities need be only briefly noticed. 
The Avadhi, or dialect of Oude,t as well as the Rival, bordering 
it on the S., are both characterized by the existence of the same short 
^ which we find in the Rdmdyan, Abundant illustrations will be 
found in the tables of conjugation. In the Avadhi, all masculine^ 
nouns are commonly made to terminate in W or ^RT in the nom. sing. 
Thus, %?!!, * a parrot', is in Av. ^iSmi, or ^mm ; HT, 'house', U^HI or 
^IT^, etc. II Feminine nouns commonly terminate in HT or ^. A 
final vowel, long in High Hindi, is shortened before HI, but remains 
long before ^. Thus ^Tf^, * a river', becomes ^ifirm or ^nf^ ; WH, 

* sand', «Fnrr, etc. 

• Vid. § 88. t Vid. § 89. J Sometimes called Koaali. || Observe that, by 
8a7idhi, a or d+uz^au. 


n. ThtBse forms in W, it may be observed, occur commonly In tlie 
Eanauji dialect also^ The forms in QTT I have beard often on the 
frontiers of BiY&, and should suppose that they were as common 
there as in Oude. 

107. Mr. Beames has indicated^ in the Joum. R. A. Soc.,* the 
following peculiarities of the Bhojpuri dialect* The gun and vrid^ 
dhi vowels are preferably left uncombined, so that, e.g,^ for ^ and ih 
we have Wf, W^. The final inflected '^JTT, is often shortened to a. 
Soft €ure preferred to hard mutes, as, e.g.^ in whfrt *to throw^ for 
Hi^pn. H very commonly becomes T, and fr, 9. ^ is substituted for 
V, as in the Rdmdyan ; thus Ql€l, ' a horse ', becomes '^Ut, For 
the inflected ^ of substantives in High Hindi, irar or ^^ are 
constantly substituted, as in SRR^, ^ black', for ^fiTOT ; d^W, ^ a son', 
for dST.f 




108. Hindi substantives axe affected by gender, numbei* 
and case. We have first to consider the subject of gender* 
Only two genders, masculine and feminine, are recognized. 
The neuter of Sanskrit, (which has been retained in the 
Mardthi,) the Hindi, as well as the closely related Panjabi, 
has lost, so that the gender of many nouns is of necessity 
amhiguous, being apparently determined solely by popular 

109. As a general principle, Sanskrit nouns, introduced 
into Hindi, if masculine or feminine, retain their original 

• Vol III, Part 2. 

1 1 jadge that the hiatus here marks the place of an original Frakritic Tc ; 
the forms are therefore older than those in d or o, or even those found else- 
where in iyd and uyd. 


gender; or if neuter, become masculine in Hindi. But 
there are many exceptions to this principle. 

a. Among the most common exceptions may be noted the follow- 
ing words, whioh, although masculine m Sanskrit, have become femi- 
nine in Hindi, viz. : nm (Sk. llB^), *fire'; wHn (8k. ^rf^), *flame'; WW 
(Sk. wA), 'heat of the sun'; AwT, * a tinkling'; ^, * incense '; W9 
(Sk. W^), *odor*. WITT, *a strong wind', if derived, as some say, 
firom the Sk. masculine, 9r|, is another common illustration ; but the 
original identity of the two words is not certain. 

b. The following Sanskrit masc. nouns, are in Hindi commonly 
reckoned fem., though occasionally masc, viz. ; tW or % * victory'; 
nrv, ^a tune'; TTl, ' burning', and, from the same Sanskrit root, VTIt 
^envy*, ^malice', irt^, ' the eye', H^, *a thing', andlim, * the body% 
from the Sk. neuters, ^ri^, 81^ and nni, have become fem. So also 
$f , ^ the body', and CTRUfi, ' a book', in Sanskrit, masc. or neut., are 
fem. in Hindi, ^rg, * death', masc. or fem. in Sanskrit, in Hindi is 
always fem., as also is the derived Tadbhava, ^^9. 

c. Of the contrary change from a Sanskrit fem., to a Hindi masc, 
I have noted only one common example, m., dT?i^, * a pearl', from 
6k. dnwfc. 

d. In soroe cases, the reason of the change of gender may perhaps be 
found in the influence of coexisting Urdd equivalents. Thus, e.g., the words 
91IR, irer, Q^f^R, uiay have become fem. through the influence of the Urddy 
lyD, 'yk^ and wU3. In the case of some Tadbhavas, the words may possibly 

not be, in fact, descended directly from the Sanskrit, but from similar Prakrit' 
words, which have not been preserved in literature. 

110. Although, as thus appears, the gender of a Hindi 
word is often apparently quite arbitrary, yet there are cer- 
tain rules by vrhich the gender of most nouns may be 
known. These rules respect, either the signification of 
nouns, or their terminations. As respects their significa- 
tion, vre have the following principles to guide us. 

111. The following are masculine, viz. : — 

(1) All names of males. 

(2) Names of large, or coarse and roughly made objects, 
as contrasted with small, or more finely made objects of the 


same kind ; as nrfr gdr^f ^ ^ cart', in contrast with Tirf^ 
gdriy * a carriage', fern.; t»t ro^^rf, * a heavy rope', ^smipothd^ 
*a tome*; in contrast, respectively, with t^ rassi^ *a small 
rope', and 9tA pothi, a book'. 

(3) Names of metals, alloys, precious stones, and rocks 
generally; as #rt aond^ ^ gold'; iwr rupdy * silver*; ireix jas' 
tdf * pewter*; ikr hird, *a diamond'; qfioRT kankar, ^nodular 

JEw?. The following are feminine, viz.; irt^ chdndiy * silver'; and 
oompounds in which ijifRRr or WF^ (li^96RT) is the last member, as 
uU4|Twil pdndumrittikdj ^ opal'; ^I«II4K|^ sondmakkhi^ * goldstone'. 

(4) Names of the year, of the months, of the days of the 
week, and of the astrological Kdram; * as imi samvat, *a 
year*; ^ budh, * Wednesday*. 

(6) Names of moimtains and seas, whether common or 
proper; asis^pahdf, * a mountain'; ^rm sdgc^, *the ocean'; 
fifkgiri, ^ a mountain*; Rtai vindhyay *the Vindhya range'. 

(6) Names of the heavenly bodies, as ^, pronounced 
mi^rajf xfti ravij etc., *the sun'; 58K shukr, *the planet 
Venus'; ift?! ketu^ * a comet'- 

(7) Most words denoting aflfections of the mind ; as fin 
prem^ * love'; *ra kop, * anger'; %*i lobh, * avarice'- 

Hxc. All Sanskrit nouns of this class inwd final are feminine ; as 
^«ir ichchhdy * desire'; also the three following, rw., ^Mn afainchj 

* enmity'; nwi krudk, and occasionally, WTCI krodhy * anger'. 

(8) All nouns denoting agency or relationship. This 

includes the following : 

a. Many nouns in m td, from Sanskrit bases in g fri ; as ^T?ll ddtd^ 

* a giver'; Sl^T yoddhd, * a warrior*, from J yw, * to fight '; where the 
final m tdy for the sake of euphony, has been changed to W dhd. 

b. Some nouns in ^ (, from Sanskrit bases in fR in, as QRRt kdrt, 

* a doer', and its oompounds. 

* The Puodits reckon eleven Karan$, seyen moveable, and four fixed, of 
wMch two equal a lanar day. 


c. A large class of Sanskrit nouns in en A; ; as Bil$«m upadeshakf 

* an instructor'; TiRR rachak^ * a maker'. 

d. Another large class of Sanskrit nouns in 9| n (w n), especially 
common in poetry, as the last member of compound words ; as l^n 
harauj *a remover'; j^wi^R dukhhhanjan^ *a destroyer of grief; 
ilTfl^MlflM patitpdwan^ ' purifier of the guilty*. 

e. A large class of compounds, in which the last member is a 
Sanskrit root, either unchanged, or affected with gun ; as TSR^l^ 
rafnichar^ * a demon', lit. * night-walker', ^SFT^hsR dharnidharj * sup- 
porter of the earth ; unifT pdphar^ * remoTer of sin'. 

/. A numerous class of Tadbhava substantives invjyd (WT iyd^ VOT 
and ^HT); as TldnT gatmiyd^ *a singer'; ^)d<IT lewaiyd, *a taker'; ^Uui 
dhandhoriyd^ * a crier*. 

112. The following are feminine, viz. : 

(1) All names of females. 

(2) Names of the lunar days ; as Tm duj, • the second '; 
mg^ c^tami, * the eighth'; ^nmcm amdvas, ^ the day of new 

(3) Most names of rivers ; as ifcrrr gang a, * the Granges*; 

^RSRT lavcmd, * a river in Tirhut'. 

Exc. %[^ son, * the Sone', fil^ sindhu, * the Indus', and ^mo^, * the 
Brahmaputra', are masculine. 

113. As to the gender of trees, plants and flowers, no general role can be 
given, further than this, that the majority of names, especially of large trees, 
are masculine. The many various names of the lotus, asjalajt mroruh, hamcd, 
etc., are all masculine. But the names of a large number of plants and fruits 
are feminine. As the most of these are rarely used, it is not necessary to 
enter into further detail here. 

114. It would not be easy to assign a reason for these rules in every case. 
In some instances, doubtless, the gender of the prevailing common term, has 
determined the gender of the individuals included under it. Thus, names of 
mountains are probably masc, because the generic terms, parhat, gvi% etc., sig- 
nifying 'mountain*, are masc. So, probably, names of metals, etc, are maso., be- 
cause the common terms, dhdtu, *a metal*,2?a/^Aar, pdshdu, eta, *a stone', ratn^ 

• a jewel', are masc. In the case of the exceptions, chdndi, and the compounds 
of mfUiihd and maJcshihd, the fem. terminations a and ^ have occasioned the 
deviation from the rule. So also^ the days of the week are reckoned masc., 
because the words, din, divas, etc , * a solar day*, are masc. ; but the names of 


the days of the month are fern., as foUoiving the gender of tithiy ' a Innar day'. 
Still, at last, the ultimate reason for these rules must be found in the imagi- 
nation of the people, which assigned the gender of inanimate objects, according 
as masculine or feminine attributes were supposed to be predominant in 

115. The following rules have respect to the terminations 
of nouns. 

Nouns having the following terminations are masculine, 
viz. : — 

(1) Most Tadbhava nouns ixim a or ^ mj final ; as wsi 
ghard, * an earthen jar'; #n derd, * a tent'; ^rar jhold^ * a 
wallet'; ^wrt dhtldt^, * smoke'. 

Exc. Diminutives ending in TOT are feminine, as, e,g., it^m thaili- 
ydy * a small bag'; ^l^riT chiriydy * a small bird'; ^nptTphuripd^ ' a boil*. 
The following are also fem., piz. : ma gud^ * betel nut'; liftlT jhingdy 

* a shrimp'; tlWJ tod^ * the act of feeling'; m^ hiriydn^ ' time'. 3t 
thdn^ * a place', is maso. or fem. 

N. B. Tadbhava masc. noons in d may be recognized as such, by their uni- 
form inflection of i to e in the obliqae cases of the singular. 

(2) Most nouns in ^ t^ or ^ t^, in their diphthongs, ^ o 
or ^ au, or in the cognate semivowel «i «?, whether with 
or without Anicsvdr; as n^ madhu^ * honey'; 9|#k kaleu^ 
*a luncheon'; fnp#r charhdo^ 'an ascent'; w^ mahyati^ 

* buttermilk'; w^ bhdv, * an emotion'; ufai gdr^w^ * a village'. 

The following lists comprise all common exceptions. 

a. Nouns fem, in ^ w. 

IW^ achakshtiy * spectacles'. ?f^ tarku^ * a spindle*. 

mg ayw, * age'. TOJ ha%tu^ ' a thing'. 

^ lAMw, * sugarcane'. v^ mrityu* * death'. 

%n chanchu^ the ' beak of a bird'. ^ renu^ * sand'. 
^jamlm* * the rose-apple'. 

b. Nouns fern, in « w, ^ un. 

WJ 4pAtt, * opium'. [grass', fijun, * a louse'. 

ijl or ^ uia or «/w, * a kind of ^fT^ ddniy * ardent spirits'. 

2 gii, ' excrement'. mfi or wn bdlti or bdru, * sand'. 

*Also rarely masculine. 


cha)ndUf 'shoes fixed to pat- M bhuy ^ the earth\ 

chamuy ' an army'. [tens'. ^ ^ rehii pehuy * abundance'. 

fig chaniptij * a work in alternate W9 idvu^ ' a pumpkin'. 

prose and verse'. H /m, ' the hot wind'. 

Wltjdgd, * a place'. ^m sdruy * a starling'. 

c. Noting fern, in #r (?, # on. 

iprwt chhaon^ * shade'. St bhan* * the eyebrow', [wan'. 

dT#tyoA;Aon, * risk'. ^^1% salno^ * the full moon in S<i- 

vrdr Jrfo, *wind'. ^5^ sarsony * a kind of mustard'. 

%t 8onj *' an oath'. 

d. Nouns fem, in ^ au^ ^ aun. 

JH gaun;\ * opportunity'. th" pau^ * the one in dice'. 

$1 daun^ * flame'. ^ lan^ * the flame of a candle'. 

e. The following in «I t?, are feminine, viz. : ^ w^, 'a foundation'; 
S«l .^«?, habit, custom'; THSI wrai rir cA^z?, * merriment '. 

/. The following are of either gender, viz, : ^^RRi khardun;^ * wood- 
en sandals'; 7S\^ thdon^ ' a place'; ^HT^ sahdu^ ' help'. 

Bern. Many words are written indifferently with one or another of these 
cognate letters ; as, e.g.^ m^ or 9T9 ; W^ or WT^ ; %t < r 36 ; ^ or ?#, etc. ; 
but as this does not affect their gender, it has not been thought necessary to 
repeat them under each list. 

(3) Abstract nouns in f^ tva and n ya final are all mas« 
culine; asinEnra ishvaratva^ 'godhead*, from insn 4Af;ar, 
* God'; Txm rdjya^ * a kingdom', from the base thr rajan. 

a. These are all Tatsamas and are all derived from concrete nouns. When, 
in any case, a Tadbhava form exists, derived from such a Tatsama, its gender 
is commonly determined by that of the Tatsama, according to § 109 ; as, eg,, 
rdj, for rdjya, masc. 

(4) Nouns formed with the sufl&xes ^ J, 'bom of, 
nn paUy q9iT pand^ or nr pa, English, ^hood*, *ness', are all 
masc; as immjalaj, 'a lotus', from ^mjal, *water', and the 
suflBx ny, lit. * the water-bom'; ^npsiR larakpan, ^chUdhood'; 
^OTIT burhdpd, * old age '; ^awm murakhpan, * foolishness'. 

*Also bhatiih t Occasionally maso. ]: In the £. always fem. 


^m. The anomalous form ^"WlHi luchchhpani is fem. 

(5) Notms irmn (w w) are both masc. and fem.; but the 
majority are masc. Among masculines in. ^ n may be 
particularly noted the following, viz. : 

J. All nouns of agency ; as iTft dahan^ * a consumer'; itwm gahjauy 

• a destroyer'; etc. 

b. A large class of Tatsamas, (Sanskrit neuters,) as WR at/an^ 

• a place'; wm ddn^ * a gift, alms'; ^hm darpan^ * a mirror'; VI, gydn^ 

• knowledge*. 

e. A few abstract nouns from Sanskrit nouns in n final in a con- 
junct ; as ini yattij commonly pronounced and often written as a 
Tadbhaya, Wimjatany ' labor'; ^BUf svapriy * sleep'. 

d. Add to these a large class of verbal nouns in 1 « (Tadbbavas); 
as wm cha/aUy * going, walk'; W^ karariy * action, deed'; Vjm mdran, 
' slaughter'. 

£itc. The following list comprehends most common fem. nouns 
in 9| n: 

IRQff^ advdtiy * braces for tighten- W^l dharan^ * a beam', * accent'. 

[ing a bedstead'. Wl dhuHj ' propensity', * ardor'. 
dnrdfiy ^spirit, proper pride', VpS^ phutan^ * a quarrel', [tree'. 
dvandmuy ^ tidings of inSTiR bakdyan^ *• the name of a 

[arrival'. TfH rahan^ * method'. 
utrariy * fragments', * cast-oflF %»I ram, * night'. 
w», ' wool'. [clothes', ^deg^ sutkuny * a rod'. 

mUM kdfiy ^ shame'. ^iH^T sunghan, ^act of smelling'. 

^ kamy * a bamboo twig'. giR sitJuiny * drawers'. 

PdileMl khirkiriy * a window'. ^ saiUy * a hint', * a wink', 

{q9| ^Am, ' disgust'. [thatch'. ^ htiny 'name of a coin', 

Vm chhdny ' a bamboo frame for a 

116. Nouns vrhich have the following terminations are 
feminine, viz. : 

(1) Pure Sanskrit nomis inmt a final. Under this head, 
•we msLj note especially : — 

a. Nouns inW d and «!T nd (HT nd), from roots either unaltered or 
affected with gun, as, from the root ^(H^, Y19T ichchhdy ^ desire'; from 
qw, fgcm fris^nd, * thirst'; from ftwr, ^NlT lekhd, * a line'. 


b. Abstracts in ?IT id^ derived from nouns and adjectives ; as, from 
5^5, ' courteous', «I^q?fr namratd, * courtesy'; iw, * lord', W^ prabhutdy 
* lordship'. These are very numerous. 

Uxc. A few Tatsama nouns in W a, from bases in ^W an, are mas- 
culine, according to § 109. The principal of these are ^llfiwfr anhnd^ 
*• the faculty of becoming invisible'; "^J murddhd, * the head'; ttwt 
f/akshmd, * pulmonary consumption'; ^WT shiesjimd^ * the phlegmatic 

JRem. But the following, from bases in ^Jf «w, have become fern, 
in Hindi; r/c, ^^fSXpKhd^ *the spleen'; VlfOT mahimdy 'majesty'. THTt 
tdrd, * a star', is both masc. and fem. 

(2) Many nouns in ^ i final are feminine. 

a. Under this head are to be noted, especially, all abstract nouns 
in f?l ti and R ni] as nftl mati^ *the mind'; ^§71^ sangaii, 'intercourse'; 
IHTW gldni^ 'weariness. Under this class come also such nouns as 
^% vriddhiy * increase'; ^% buddhi^ * wisdom'; where the final affix 
m ti has become TOT dhi by sandhi. 

Exc, But the following nouns in ^ * are masc, tnz, : 

a. Names of animals, as ^^ kapt, * a monkey'; ^iRl krimiy * a worm*. 

b. All compounds with nST dhi; as qnfkr paridhi, * circumference'; 
fsfrcr w«V/A/, * a treasure'; wfttfel vdridhi, * the ocean'. 

c. To these add all nouns in the following list, vis. : 

nsffmv atithi, * a guest'. xnim pdni* * the hand'. 

W^ akshiy * the eye'. wfif mani* * a jewel', 

^ifiw «^;ji, * fire'. nig yashti^ * a stick'. 

a«*, * edge of a weapon'. Tfm rdshiy * a heap quantity*. 

^Ipi arcAe, ' flame'. ?5lfT5| raAnt, * fire'. 

^if^ asi, * a sword'. WFC rrfr« or «nft iar/, 'water*. 

^fT^a asihiy * a bone'. ?5fff trf A/, * rice'. 

^HTTTT?! drdtif * an enemy*. nrftl sArf/*, * rice'. 

^ffer dadhiy * curd*. ^Bftl socA/, * intimacy'. 

lEBlfil dhvaniy * soimd'. g^Rl mrabhi * nutmeg'. 

(3) Most nouns in i / final are feminine, as \(^ roUy 
* bread'; nwit hinti, ' supplication'; irrat ^^a/e, * abuse*. 

* Sometimes masc 


a. Except those included under § 11 1, (8) &., and the following : 
ipi) ami^ * nectar*. TW^ dahiy * curdled milk'. 

lift flri, * an enemy^. m^ pdni, * water*. 

^ ghtf * clarified butter*. ^mi motiy * a pearl*, 

^yf, ' life', * soul*. V^ hdthi, * an elephant*. 

Mem. These exceptions can all be explained as corruptions of 
Sanskrit masc. or neut. nouns. Thus, wft and ^ are corruptions of 
mfg^ and ^ ; nft and Tf^, of ^St (llftsR:) and ^fisi (^fkrt?); ^ and 
URt, of nwl and uniw ; ftT?it, of ftrftWR. They thus all come under 
the general principle laid down at the beginning of this chapter. 

(4) All nouns in ws hat, q^ wat, or sw wat^ are feminine; 
as iRfRTfs chcmcha/ndhaty ^ a throbbing '; ^mwz huldhat, * a 
calling*; vnira^ bandwat, *a fabrication'; ^nrafi aagdwat^ 

* relationship*. 

^amr. It may be observed (1) that these nonns in lia^ are all» derived from 
verbal roots in d final, and are, for the most part, alliterative, and imitative 
words : and (2) that the d ^nd the % are in some dialects frequently dropped. 

117. It is to be observed; in the application of the above rules, that each 
rule is to be regarded as limited by all that has gone before, even though 
words thus excepted be not expressly mentioned. Thus, e.^., d/w>W, * a washer- 
man*, is masc, though not explicitly excepted from § 116 (3), because it is 
already included under § 111 (8) &. 

117. The above rules hare especial reference to those 
words of Sanskrit origin, which make up the chief part of 
the Hindi language. With regard to the gender of such 
Arabic and Persian words as occasionally appear in Hindi, 
the following principles will enable the student, in most 
cases, to determine their gender. 

(1) Most Arabic and Persian words in mr a or w A {Ar. I 
or 8 c)> are masc.; as t^ht daryd (b^^), *a river'; ^tr: khdnah 
(jLJu), ipa% gundh (»u$), *sin\ 

Exc, The following common words are fem., viz. : ^sm khatd (^i^^), 
*a fault'; ?lTir tarah (c;^), 'manner'; ^m dawd (t^), * medicine*; JW 
dud ( t*j ), ' a prayer'; gfOT dunyd ( ^**> ), * the world'; IRIT bald \^.)j 

* a calamity'; m ruh (c)))> * spirit' ; ^Wf saldh ( ^ ), * counsel'; ^f 

(fh^)^ * morning'. 

^ 8 


(2) A large class of Arabic trisyllables, in which n ta is 
the first syllable, and ^ w, the vowel of the last syllable, 
and which hare the final consonant doubled, or the final 
vowel lengthened, in the second syllable, are masc. ; as 
fi9i^ taalluq {jf^ ),* connexion*; ?i^ira[?i taldwat (cy^K), 
•reading*. The word ?raj^ Hawajjuh* ( ^^ ), is an excep- 
tion. But words of this form, though common in Urdu, 
are quite rare in Hindi. 

(3) Most Arabic and Persian words in n ^ «^ and n sh 
J* are fern., as ^^Rfm hukumat (cu^yCa.), ^government'; 
3iT^m ndlish ( jiJU ). 

Exc. The most oommon exceptions to the above rule are the fol* 
lowing, f>iz, : JhlTi gosht {^^^)^ * meat'; fl^ takhty M6r. mm (*^), *a 
throne'; ^<^H darakht {^:u^^c>)^ often mispronounced darakhatj and even 
darkhaty *a tree'; ?raifl?a«^ (cu^^), *a hand'; $ra? dost ('^i^;«i), *a friend'; 
iWlmrfeA (j5^), * a picture', * a print'; g?l 6m^ (cu^), *an idol'; WR 
v^akt («^;), often mispronounced wakat, and even wakht : H^ sharbat 
(ttoyt), < a drink'. 

(4) Arabic dissyllables (infinitives) with ?! ta for the first 
syllable, and ^ / as the vowel of the last syllable, are gene- 
rally fern.; as ?ijk tadhir ( ^j5 ), *an expedient*; ??jhi taj' 
icij ( ji;«^ ), * a plan'. ?frahi tdwij ( <^^fo ), * an amulet *, is 
masc., but will scarcely be met with in Hindi, except, pos- 
sibly, in the extreme west. 

118. Most compound words follow the gender of the last 
word ; as ^sieA^^i ishtoarechchhdy fern., * the will of God *; 
jh^^^im goptndthy masc, *lord of the milk-maids'. 

Exc, But the following Tadbhava copulatives, most frequently take 
the gender of the first word, viz, : in^HFR, fllirldueifK, fem., * walk', 
* behaviour'. 


119. Tadbhava masc. nouns in w a final* usually form 
their feminines by the substitution of i / for w a. t Thus 

* Vid. § 115 (1) jY. B. t-^ways, where the a represents an original oAraJ. 


^irfT ghord^ * a horse', makes iftnft ghori, *a mare*; S^r held, 
* a son', di^ beHy ' a daughter'. 

a. A few such nouns, chiefly names of occupations or trades, make 
the fern, in 1R in ; as, e.g., 4h^<l kaserd^ *a brazier', fem., 8K^ft«l kaserin; 
^r^l dtilhdy *a bridegroom', fem., ^fe^f dulhiuy * a bride', d^il thatherdy 
*a brazier', makes the fem., 6^<) thatJieri. MWkXtl bhatiydrdy *an 
inn-keeper', makes its fem., ^ld<41<i bhatiydn or >lIdi4IK«l bhatiydrin. 

120. Many nouns ending in a consonant, both Tatsamas 
and Tadbhavas, also form their feminine by adding the 
termination i /. Examples are, of Tatsamas ; ^ devi, 
a goddess', from $51 dev^ ^ putri, *a daughter?, from m 

putra ; w^^mi brdhmayii^ *a Brahman woman', etc.: of Tad* 
bhavas, df^ bheri^ *a ewe', from df bher\ «feT^ banda/ri^ * a 
female monkey', from ^[^ bandar^ etc. 

121. Masc. nouns in ^ ^ commonly form their feminine 
by adding 3| 7^, the final vowel being previously shortened ; 
as htA dhobly *a washerman', fem., viftiH ; w^ mdli, *a 
gardener', fem., 4jimh mdlin; mi ndi^ *a barber', fem., ^inpi 
fmm. Nouns of this class are all Tadbhavas, and common- 
ly denote professions and occupations. 

122. Masc. nouns denoting occupations or trades, if end- 
ing in a cousonant, form the fem. by the suffix x^inov^ ni j 
as, e.g.y %niR sondvy *a goldsmith', fem., ^^;(^ aundrin or 
^\K^ sundrni ; ^r^ir kaldr, * a distiller', fem., ehHiKH kaldrin 
or Qir^inisit kaldrni. 

a. So also, many pure Sanskrit masc. nouns form their 
fem. in ^ft nL These include, especially, many names of 
animals ; as i^if^ ainhanly * a lioness', from i%? sink ; itr^ 
hirni, *a doe', from ftTw hiran. 

Bern. In some cases, i takes the place of a before the tormination ; as from 
ifTH ' a serpent*, the fem., HTnnf . HITf, ' & husband', makes its fem., n^, 

a. In like manner is formed (a final vowel being shortened) the 
fem. of Tatsama nouns of agency in ^ / ; as T^^ihli) hitkdri^ *a friend', 
fem., nnmrait hithdrinL 


123. The Buffix wA dni^ is added to Sanskrit nouns, to denote 

* the wife of; as, e.g.^ iSk^l^i panditdniy * the wife of a pundit*, from 
tilTI pafidU ; ^TlA indrdniy * the wife of Indra*. This usage is 
extended to a very few Persian words ; as, especially, U^CfKl^l mihfa» 
rdnij * the wife of a sweeper', from ft???lT (y^t*). 

124. A few family and class names, much corrupted, form their 
fern, by adding the suffix WW^ din, a Enal long vowel being rejected. 
Thus, $lA dobty *a class of Brahmans', makes its fem., T^Tf^ dubdin ; 
vH^pdnre, * a brahmanical title', fem., ^^fVt^ pardin. 

125. As in other languages, the feminine noun is, in many instan- 
ces, quite a different word from the corresponding masc. term. 
Examples are, ^Hm sdnr^ * a bull', fem., nrfir gdo, * a cow'; Jm purush^ 

* a man ', fem., ^ stri^ *a woman'; w4 bhdiy *a brother', fem., nftl 
bahiiij 'a sister'; fil?lT jtwVrf, * a father', fem., irmr mdtdy * a mother'. 

126. Nouns of agency in m retain the same form in either gender; 
as, e,g.y llSmr gawaiydj * a singer', ^mfilUT lapatiyd, * a liar', masc. or 

127. In the fem. term., /, as found in Tatsama nouns, we have simply the 
regular Sanskrit fem. termination. But the same terminations in the fem. of 
Tadbhara nouns in d will be found to represent the Sanskrit fem. term., ihd. 
Thus, as, e.g.\ ghofd, *a horse', is for the Sanskrit ghofakdh; so ghori, *a mare', 
is for the Sanskrit ghofikd, through an intermediate form, ghofiyd. Similar- 
ly, dhiri, * a cowherdess', from dhir, Sk. dhhiral^ has arisen from a Prakritio 
form ahhirxkdt whence ahirid, ahiriyd, ahiri. Tadbhava feminines in n, tn, ni, 
have probably all arisen from Sanskrit masc. bases in in^ fem., ini. Thus, e.g. 
mdlin, * a gardener's wife*, from mdli, (Sk. mdlin, nom. sing., mdl{)t is for 
mdlini; dhohin, *a washerman*, masc, dhohit for a form, dhdvini; sundnn or 
6undm{, * a goldsmith's wife', points to a Sk. masc. base, svartiakdriv, (fem. 
svarndkdnxii), for the more common tvarnahdra. 


128. Declension respects those modifications of the noun 
by which are expressed the relations of number and case. 

a. Hindi, in common with all the Indo- Aryan languages, has lost 
the dual, and only recognizes a singular and plural. If, very rarely, 
we meet a Sanskrit dual form, as, e.g.^ iirsiT pitrau^ ' parents', from 
finj, ^father', such forms have no organic connection with the 


129. The distinctions of number and case are marked, in 
part, and in a limited and imperfect degree, by certain in- 
flectional changes ; and in part, and more precisely, by the 
addition of certain particles to the base. Practically, Hindi 
has but one declension, from which certain classes of nouns 
exhibit slight variations, to be noted below. The following 
four rules cover all the inflectional changes to which sub- 
stantives are subject in the standard dialect. 

(1) Most Tadbhava masc. nouns in w a, inflect the final 
vowel to ^ ^, and those in nt m^, to i en ot^ e, throughout 
the oblique singular ; all other nouns, masc. or fern., are 
uninflected in the singular. Examples of inflected noims 
are the following : ^fir kuttdy * a dog*, obi. sing., ^ kutte; 
dif! ghord^ *a horse*, obi. sing., ^ ghore; fim tdnhd, 'cop- 
per*, obi. miQ.^T^tdnbe\ «ifinrt baniydn, * a shopkeeper*, obi. 
sing., rfirf baniyen or «ift9 baniye; wiA dhtidn, * smoke*, obi. 
sing., ^ dhuen. Examples of uninflected nouns are «ra^ 
mdU^ *a gardener', ht ghar^ 'a house*, ^f^ larki^ *a girl*, 
ivmr mdtdy *a mother*, vs^jA biriydn^ *time*, Tm rdt, *night*, 
etc., all which, as to form, may be either in the nom. or obi. 
sing. Similarly all Tatsama masc. nouns in mr a, as Txm 
rdjd, * a king*; in?iiT dtmdy 'spirit*, ^mx pitd^ 'father*, etc., 
retain the same form unchanged throughout the singular. 

.Ere. The following Tadbhava masc. nouns remain unchanged in 
the sing., riz. : qCHKT kdkd, *a paternal uncle', wm cha^hdy *a maternal 
unde', WW Idldy * a school-master', * a title of respect', and a few other 
nouns expressive of relationship. 

a. A few Persian nouns, ending in the obscure o A, follow the 
analogy of inflected Tadbhavas and make the obi. sing, in 7 &, as, ^.(/., 
WIT: bandahy *a servant', obi. sing., m^bande. 

b. Occasionally the voc. sing., even of inflected Tadbhava masc. 
nouns, remains uninflected. Thus, *8on!', is either dd bete^ or 
dsT betd. 

c. It is difficult to give any rule or rules, by which the beginner, 


unacquainted with Sanskrit, may be able infallibly to distinguish 
Tadbhava masc. nouns in W, from Tatsama nouns having the same 
termination. It wiU however be of service to observe, that 
1st, All nouns of agency and relationship in ?1T, and 
2nd, All abstract nouns in W, including especially a large number 
of common fem. nouns in ?1T, and a few in m (HT), are pure Sanskrit 
and are never inflected. 

On the contrary, most common concrete terms in w are Tadbhava 
and masc, and are inflected as above to ^ throughout the obi. sing. 
For example, the following, viz, : TlTfT ddtd, *a giver', $li4i!ldl komaltdy 
* softness', K^\ ichchhdy * desire', fg^H trishiidy ' thirst', are thus indi- 
cated as Tatsama nouns and uninflected. But, on the contrary, the 
concrete terms, ETf! ghardj *a earthen jar', ^(W^ larkd^ 'a boy', 
Ud«ll ghutndy ^ the knee', are Tadbhavas, and are inflected to 7 in the 
obi. sing. 

(2) All such masc. nouns as are inflected by the above 
rule to ^ ^ or ^ ^^ in the obi. sing., retain the same inflec- 
tion in the nom. plur. In all other masculine nouns the nom. 
sing, and plur. are alike. Thus wsma larkd^ * a boy \ obi. 
sing., ^np€i larke, makes its nom. plur. also ^ffqi larke, 
*boys'; im garhd^ *a ditch', obi. sing., ji^ garhe,noia.^luT., 
71^ gar he, * ditches', ■'^fimi rupiyd, *a rupee', makes the obi. 
sing, and nom. plur., ^q9 rupaye, or ^rw rupae. On the 
other hand, ht ghar, * a house', ^rgr yoddhd, *a warrior', wi 
hhdt, *a brother', have in the nom. plur., also, ^[ighar, *hous- 
es', Ttigx yoddhd, * warriors', w4 bhdi, * brothers'. 

a. Although, thus, in many nouns the number is not apparent from the ter- 
mination, yet practically this will be found to occasion no ambiguity. As in 
the use of such English words as * deer', * sheep*, etc., the number is generally 
quite evident from the context. 

(3) All fem. nouns in ^ i, * /, ^ ^^, ^ «?, make the nom. 
plur. in ^ dn; all other fem. nouns, in ^ en. 

a. Observe, that fem. nouns in ^m d, occasionally, and 
those in ^ ^, or i /, always, insert a euphonic ^ y before all 
43uch added terminations, 'i i final before ^ being regularly 


shortened. Examples are mwmi larM, ^ a girl ^ nom. pliir., 
isii^ larkiydn; ftirei vidhiy *a divine law', nom. plur., fiaTunt 
vidhiydn ; toj bastu, * a thing*, nom. plur., «^^r^ bastudn; 
itmjoru, *a wife', nom. pliir., ^j^^ii Jorudn. But mm hdty *a 
word', ^ bher^ *a sheep', make the nom. plnr., ^ bdien^ 
df bheren. 

a, ?5W rkhd^ *a sacred ode', and V^ ghatdy 'a heavy cloud*, make 
the nom. plur. either ^^psA richden^ Udrt ghatden^ or ^^Hl^ richdyen^ 
B3t3 ghatdyen, 

i. 9 f7 is rarely inserted as the euphonic letter instead of i| ^ ; 
chiefly after a lahial vowel, as in ^ilif bhauwen^ ' eyebrows', nom. plur. 
of ^ hhaun ; and in one instance, after ^ «, as in wip^putliwdny for 
umlaut putliydn^ * dolk^ * puppets', from gro^ putli. 

c. A number of fem. noims in TOT iyd^ chiefly diminutives, form 
the plur. by the addition of Anusvdr only; as feraUT tiliyd^ * a young 
hen', nom. plur., felOTt tiliydn ; ^fsrUT dibiyd^ * a small box*, nom. 
plur., fWant dibiydn ; ftmpiT chiriydy * a bird', nom. plur., TfrffHt, 
chiriydu- Similarly, fisi^^T vidhvd, ' a widow', makes the nom. plur., 
fgCRlf vidhvdn. 

d. iTR gde or VT^ gdoj * a cow', and ^ rorn^ * fine hair', * down', 
both reject the final letter before the plur. terminations ; as in the 
nom. plur., Urt gden, ^ roen, 

e. The numerals, when used collectively, either as substantives or 
adjectives, make the nom. plur. in ^; otherwise, the nom. plur. 
remains unchanged, as Wl^ chdroriy nom. plur., * the four', or fn^ i^T^ 
chdron ghore^ * the four horses'; but mt ^tli chdr ghore^ * four horses'. 

(4) All nouns whatever, masc. and fem., terminate in # 
ouy throughout the oblique plural; Anvsvdr being dropped 
in the vocative only. 

a. In the case of nouns inflected to ^ ^ in the obi. sing., 
this termination # on is substituted for the final voweL 
If the noun end in ^ / or ^ i, the vowel, if long, is shortened, 
and a euphonic ^ y is inserted before the termination. A 
final long « ti is shortened. In all other cases the termina- 
tion is simply added to the nom. sing* 



Examples are, of nouns inflected to ^ in the sing., €hfi 
ghordy * a horse', obi. plnr., drft ghoron, voc. plur., drfi 
ghoro ; ^w kuttd, * a dog', obi. plnr., ^ kutton, voc. plur., 
^w kutto : of nouns in ^ and % ftig^ billi, ' a cat', obi. plur., 
iv^pt Ulliyoriy voc. plur., rai^idT ; iSrat cf Aoft/, * a washerman', 
obi. plur., drraSf dhobiyon, ; narci «?wiAi, ^ a law', obi. plur., 
f^iTudl vidhiyon : of other nouns, gj^eif pustak, * a book', obL 
plur., ^^pustakon; rm rat, * night', obi. plur., jMrdton; 
dre joru, * a wife', obi. plur. dns# joruon ; nmr i?i^«, ^ a 
father', obi. plur., fqm# pit don. 

a. Occasionally we meet with the obi. plurals, ^d^ devton, T^ 

rdjon, wrmi dtmon, from $8l?n devtdj * a deity \ TTm rdjd, * a king \ 

9R7^ dtmdy ' the spirit '; but these forms are incorrect, and have 

not the sanction of good usage. They correctly follow the usage 

of all Tatsama nouns, and for the obi. plur. add the termination 

to the nom. sing., making $eifii^t devtdon, TnVT^ rdjdon, Wfm^ 

b. The following nouns, viz. , ifl^ gde^ * a cow \ %il row, * down ', 
llta gdnWy ^ a village', «lta ndnw, * a name', ^ta ddnw^ ' a time', utel 
panWy *the foot', drop the final letter before the obi. plur, termination. 
In the last four the Anusvdr before the final consonant is abo often 
dropped, so that the obi. plur. of these nouns, becomes in^ gdon^ \x^ 
rooHy irnftt gdon, «ll4)l ndoHy <9l4ii (idon^ VJVtpdan, 

130. In the Braj dialect, % is rarely substituted for ^ in the obi. 
sing, of Tadbhava nouns in W, as in ^ for ^ ; but more common- 
ly the inflection remains as in High Hindi. A voc. sing, in W 
from masc. nouns in i, is occasionally found, as mraw, ' gardener'; 
^im^l , * Lord ', from WTHT, MliTl. In the nom. plur. of fem. 
nouns, $ is often substituted for ^, as in Tt8 for Tm, * nights'. The 
nom. plur. of fem. nouns in ^ is often formed by the addition of 
Anmvdr, as in MY, for Wiwt, ' books'; ^r^, for 'wftwi, * friends'. An 
irregular masc. nom. plur., m<$Hi4l, * a class of servants', is found in 
the Prem Sdgar. In the obi. plur., # is occasionally vriddhied to ^, 
as in ^ft for ^, * houses'; but, more commonly, the obi. plur. is 
formed by the termination 3| or fit. A final long vowel is shortened 
before these letters, and Q sometimes inserted after a final \. 


Examples are, WO^, *a sinner', obi. plur., mftR, mfuhl, or mfqiPI; uro, 
* a woman', obi. pinr., inftf or inftiW ; df , * a tree', obi. plur., xt^ ; 
Hf^, * a foot', obi. plnr., unni.* 

131. In the dialect of the Edmdyan^ as in many modem eastern 
dialects, a final long vowel in nouns is regularly shortened through* 
out. Thus, for ^r^WT, ^a bridegroom', we have 7^19; for ^pp, ^an 
earthen jar ', ViZ ; for Iro, * a woman ', Hlft, etc., etc. 

a. All nouns whatever, in this dialect, are declined in precisely the 
same way. The class of (High Hindi) Tadbhava substantives in mt 
does not exist, and all nouns are unchanged in the sing., except that 
for the ace. or dat., the termination ff or B| is often added to the unin* 
fleeted base ; thus, ^ni^ or TRinI, ^Bdm', or *to Bam', ^^ or ^Mri, 
Hhe sage', or ^ to the sage'. In the following, this form is apparently 
used as an abl. ; IJ^ ^, cilR ^^iT^lTil tniT, * the king, having made 
inquiry of his Ghiru and performed the family rites ^ Occasionally, 
at the end of a line, in old Hindi poetry, we find the termination ^, 
commonly represented by Anu8vdr, It may be added (1) to a nom. 
sing.; as, in^^i;^^, ^to-day there is no doubt', in which case it is to 
be regarded as a neuter termination ; or (2) to an ace. sing., as 9^ 
^gSti, * together with Sugriv'. The voc. sing, is regularly like the nom. 

b. The nom. plur. of all nouns, maso. and fem., is like the nom. 
sing.; the obi. plur. is formed by adding % ^ or fNf, to the nom. 
sing.; as, from ;gpf, *a sage', obi. plur., ^T^FW ; 5^, *a god'; obi. plur., 
^|l^ ; ^rrit, ^ a woman', obi. plur., ifli^. In some instances, 9Pf is 
added after a vowel-termination, the euphonic 9 being characteristi- 
cally omitted ; as in tfir^iiRV^, dat., ' to the eager ', from i^Rjicil. 

c. In a single instance, we find in the Bdmdyan a fem. nom. plur. 
in 9, m., df¥, ^eyebrows',! from df. 1 is here to be regarded as mere- 
ly euphonic, in place of the more common 9 or CI. Also we have a 
single instance of a masc. nom. plur. in #, in sniRilt, ^ musicians'. $ 

d. The following Sanskrit case-forms occur, m.; masc. instr. sing., 
^iftil, *with an arrow'; also 5^, used adverbially, 'joyfully'; neut. aoc. 

• For the rejection of ^, Vid. § 130, (4) h. 

t Hl# WPI «fe^ ^ ^, * angry grew Lakshman, knitted were his eye- 

i ^BOm «W Wlfturt «imT l 5^ filS TR HAH\A\ , *the servants all, and 

the different mosiciansy he loaded with gifts and honor*. 


Bing., 51^, 'Brahma* ; maso. abl. sing., IWW, *from (their) rank'; neut. 
loo. sing., ^nifij, * in the heart ' ; maso. nom. plur., sm, * men '; maso« 
voo. sing., XXWP^y * king V ; fem. voc. sing., ^^, * O 8it6 !^ 

e. In many instanoes, we find in the Rdmdyan the termination 
^5 added to substantives and words used substantively ; as ^Rddr, 4ldr, 
^?ftr, eto. This, however, is not a oase-ending, but serves merely to 
emphasize the noun, and is therefore equivalent to the High Hindi 
emphatic particle, ^ ;* e,g,<i ^frSr S^OT 1 ^TB VifTw, *even one blind or 
deaf would not speak thus'. 

132. The Mai-wari, as also the other Biijput^na dialects, and the 
Kumfioni and Garhw&li, exhibits ^, instead of W, as the sign of the 
nom. sing, of all Tadbhava maso. nouns ; which, again, is inflected in 
the obi. sing, to W, instead of % in all the dialects in question. Thus, 
$,g,^ for the High Hindi, dr^, *a horse', we have dl^, obi. sing., #vr. 
All other nouns agree with the High Hindi throughout the singular. 

a. But the case of the agent, in M^rwiri nouns of this class, ends 
in %, and to this form no postposition is affixed. Thus we have 
dr^=dF^ ^. In all other nouns, the case of the agent sing., is like 
the nom. All Marwari nouns have also an inflected loo. sing, in %, 
as, e,g,^ ^, ' in the house', ^^, * on the horse'. 

b. The nom. plur. of all Marwari Tadbhava maso. nouns in ^, 
ends in W. Thus, from dr^, 'a horse', we have the nom. plur., drcT, 
* horses'. Mewari, Ghirhwali, and Eumaoni all follow the same rule. 
Other M^rw^ri maso. nouns are unchanged in the nom. plural. All 
M^rwILri fem. nouns make the nom. plur. in ^ ; ^ final, before this 
termination, is hardened to H. Examples are, dr^, * a mare', nom. 
plur., drfrt ; wn, * a word ', nom. plur., w?rt. The obi. plur. form of 
all Marwari nouns terminates in ^. The above rules for M^rwafi 
declension apply to all the Hajputana dialects. 

133. The peculiarities of the remaining dialects will be sufficiently 
dear from the tables of declension. As they have no literature, it 
is unnecessary to enter into further detail. 

134. In strict truth, the rules above given cover the whole sub- 
ject of the declension of nouns. And it is to be noted, that to a 

* This form has apparently arisen from the Br%j form, feu, of this particle, 
bj the elision of A, and sandhi of the then concurrent vowels, so that, e.g, ekau 
is for ekahu. 


very limited extent in High Hindi, more freely in Braj poetry and 
almost constantly in all arohaic Hindi, the oblique form of the noun 
may of itself^ without the aid of any additional word, express any of 
the relations denoted by the seven oblique cases of the Sanekrit. But 
inasmuch as this scanty declensional system, almost denuded of the 
uicient Sanskrit case-endings, was found inadequate to express with- 
out ambiguity the various relations of the noun in a sentence, certain 
particles are in the modem dialects regularly appended to the obli- 
que form of the noun. These particles are, most of them, similar to 
prepositions in English, but as they invariably follow the noun, are 
accurately termed posti^ositions. 

135. Although the relation of the noun to these postpositions is 
certainly less intimate than that of the Latin or Sanskrit case- 
terminations to the stem, still, reasons of practical convenience have 
led most grammarians to arrange the declension of the noim after 
the Sanskrit model insight cases, as follows ; Nominative, AccusativCi 
Dative, Agent, Ablative, Genitive, Locative, and Vocative. 

a. What we have termed the case of the Agent, has usually been called, 
after the terminology of Sanskrit grammars, the Instrumental case. But as* 
in Hindi, this case never denotes the instrnment, but the agent only, it seems 
better to drop a term which can only mislead. 

136. The following table exhibits the postpositions, as they are 
usually assigned to express the functions of the several cases. 




Aco. Dai 











^, m{. 




t •• 

^f ^K%%» 






• •• 

9ir, infi. 


«lift, CliT#. 

^, infl. 

• • • 





• • • 

w, infl. ^. 

• •• 


w, «. 

fwij n^jwu. 


«, ^. 





^, infl. TT, 









. •• 




iren, wi%. 

#T, infl. HiTy 
w, ?8. t 

a^, infl. ST, 

0D*5 w. 

. • • 



gw, wi%. 

* Also, in the Bbat^f dialect of Cband, qfrf. f Among the Mairs, also 
§ Als0| among the modems, >:^|]|. 








• •• 


• •* 

«feT, ^ infl. 


• • • 






€tT, infl. 

"> f . 





■ • • 

t •• 

• • • 


ikf di. 



%ly ^TT, ^1^, infl. 
^KKf infl. fern. QrIt. 

qiy infl. fern. ^. 

IW?I, ^iftl. § 

• • • 


• •• 

• • • 






wif ?4. 

^, ^. 





• •• 


• • • 

• . • 


• •• 



j^ in, etc. t Also, in Chand, ^ A|, nui^ ir|^ nft| and wsa. 


137. Besides the postpositions enumerated in the table^the follow- 
ing may be noted. ^, in the ace. sing., is found occasionally in 
eastern Hindi ; it is evidently identical with the termination of the 
accusative in Bangali. %Y and ^^ are sometimes found for the abl. 
postposition %. ^ is sometimes colloquially added to % in the Do&b, 
thus, % #t ; it emphasizes the idea of ' source', ^ beginning '; thus, qfTf 
^ #1 «l^ ?nii, * quite from the mountain to the river \ ^, ( $, ^, ) is 
the genitive sign in Panjibi ; it is, however, occasionally found in 
books written in western Hindi, as also J (Panj.), ace., for %J. 

138. The postposition ^ maybe expressed by the English prepo- 
sion *to', when indicating the dative case. When it is the sign of 
the accusative, it is incapable of any separate translation, but 
gives a certain definiteness to the noun with which it is con- 
nected. It may be here remarked that the accusative appears in 
Hindi under two forms, the one being identical with the nominative, 
the other consisting of the noun, inflected where possible, with the 
addition of the postposition #T. As the sign of the accusative after 
verbs of motion, ^ must be translated by ^ to', as H^ ^ v^, ' go to 
the house*. ?l^ is used, in the standard dialect, only with the reflexive 
pronoun iffiq, in the form, WPt 71$. It is exactly equivalent to ^ as 
the sign of the direct object of a verb. Strictly speaking, ^ is the 
Engl., ^ by', but in rendering into English idiom, it will be found 
necessary to translate the case of the agent precisely as the nomi- 
native. The full explanation of the use of this case is necessarily 
deferred to the chapter on verbs. The abl. postposition, %, is some- 
times to be translated * from' or * by', and sometimes, ' with'. 

139, The gen. postposition, m Jed, is, accurately speaking, 
an adjective particle, equivalent to such English phrases as 
^pertaining to*, * belonging to*, etc. The noun, by the addi- 
tion of this particle, is in reality converted into a posses- 
sive adjective ;* which, as will hereafter appear, follows tho ♦ 

♦ The following remarku by Prof. Lassen, well illustrate this poiut. He 
speaks of the corresponding Mardthi gen. in ch4y but his remarks i^ply 
equally to the Hindi: * Mahra^thi nimirum non dicunt, *patris equum\ *oppidi 
cive^f sed *patemum equum\ *oppidano8 cives\ Adjectivum autem quum sit, 
facile apparet cur terminatio pro Tario regiminis genere varietur '. 

IvsU Lifig, Frac» p. 54. 


regular rules for the inflection of adjectives, and is made 
to agree with the noun it defines in gender, number and 

140. The following rules regulate the use of the three 
forms of the genitive postposition. 

(1) m kd ia Tised before all masc. noxuis in the nom. 
sing., or in that form of the ace. which is the same as the 
nom. sing. 

(2) ^ ke ia used before all masc. noims when in any case 
but the nom. sing. The only exception has been stated un- 
der rule (1). 

(3) fSt kiis used before all fem. noims in any case what- 
ever, singular or plural. The following examples will make 
the matter clear. Thus we say ; — 

"Stnii Wt dST dhobi kd bpfdy ' the washerman's son'. 
m^ % ^ mdli he bete, ^ the gardener's sods'. 
m^ «ft W^ W barhai he larke par, * on the carpenter's child'. 
TXm «ft 1IT# « rdjd ke gdoi} men, * in the king's villages'. 
ik?V?tt W ^[Kpanditon kd ghar, ' the house of the pundits'. 
919111 «Kt dr^ brdhman kipothi, ' the Brahman's book'. 
TtW fft WlfT W rdJd ki dgyd par, * on the king's command'. 
^feR: «Rt Wfi ishwar ki bdten, * the words of God'. 
mrff «ft «hfe^ W pahdron ki chotion par, * on the peaks of the 

N.B, The student will carefully observe that the gender or number 
of the noun to which the gen. particle is attached, has nothing what- 
ever to do with the inflection of the particle. It is determined solely 
by the gender, number and case of the following noun. 

141. Of the various postpositions conunonly assigned to the loc. 
case, ^ is the English ' in'; HT is ^ on'; Wk and TT^mi alike denote 
the Umit to which, ' up to', * as far as '. 

fl. It should be observed, that, in fact, the locative, like the accu- 
sative, has two forms, the one consisting of the oblique form of 
the noun, singular or plural, with one of the locative postpositions 
attached ; and the other form consisting of such oblique form only, 


the postpositions being omitted. In the case of oninfleoted sing* 
nouns, the latter form will of course be identioal with the nom. sing. 
Thus we may say, B9 ^fVi % or ^9 ^mv, ^ at that time '; mR, % iBn, 
or ^niT ^ 9^ iky * in the middle of the city'. 

b. That this is a true locative case, is plain from the fact that the d final of 
the gen. postpositions and of adjectives, is always inflected to e before the form 
in question, even when it is similar to the nom. sing. Nor is it correct to 
regard the poRtposition as in this case arbitrarily omitted. In reality, we have 
here simply a trace of the ancient inflectional system of declension. The in- 
flectional ending has, indeed, in the majority of nouns, entirely disapp>eared, 
leaving the noun, if singular, in form like the nominative, but the real cha- 
racter of the word is discernible from its power to occasion the inflection of 
any attributive adjunct. 

142. The remarks made above as to the meaning and use of the 
postpositions, apply, for the most part, equally to the corresponding 
dialectic postpositions. The obi. postposition, A, or H, used in the 
Braj and other dialects, must always be translated ^ from ' or ^ by ', 
never, *with\ The Braj form, ^, is almost always rendered *on*, but 
rarely is used in the sense of ' by \ where, in High Hindi, we would 
have ^* ^ or ^ are exactly equivalent to ?nii. 

143. The gen. postposition appears in the Rdmdyan under three 
difiPerent forms, m., #c or 9icr, obi. masc, t^, fem., ^ ;t QR^ in- 
flected, before fem. nouns only, to ^ ; «IS, to which we may assign the 
fem. inflected form, d. As these are apt to oonfuse the beginner, we 
give the following examples of the use of each form : VM 9i9 9IT9 ^ 
nSTO 9icr, *' the Lord said. It is the poison of the moon, brother'; 
m^ ^ ^ft^F^ ^fe^ ^iR'it^, * the pain of the creatures is not removed *; 
UiTfflflPl ^iro ftl^ ^ 'whose gain is the injury of others* well-being'; 
^tm ^ 9PCJ ^c^ranrt, * guard Sxt& \ or * keep a watch of Sit& '; nun 
9infi %Pf ^RT ^mr, Hhe first (form of) devotion is association with 
the good.' QR^ is also used before masc. nouns in an oblique case ; 
f*r «ITO W^ 'wfil ^ irft, ' I may not be killed by any one', lity *die, killed 
by any one '; ^n^ 3 ^ni^ % WI«IHl4t, * that immortal One, whose 
handmaid thou art '; ^Htf «^4^ 9, * the welfare of Tulsi '; Hm ^ jl 
YfY VP€xky * Uma, this is the greatness of the good'. Besides these the 
regular inflections, ^ and CRt, are also found in i\iQRdmdyaii\ so also, 
rarely, the Kanauji gen. sign, ^, and the Braj, tiKr. The numerous 

• Vid. Syntaic f Also, we/n' gratid^ «fe^. 


forms of the loo. postposition scarcely reqiiire illustration^ as they 
are not likely to be confounded with other words. The Sanskrit irf^i 
often corrupted to iniff, in the sense of ?FR, ^ up to ', is rarely met ; 
an example is dnR 791 iniff, * for as far as a yojan'. 

144. The Miirwiiri forms call for little remark. The gen. post- 
positions, ^, JJ, T^, correspond in usage respectively to QRT, €(, «K^, in 
the standard dialect ; with the single exception, that when the gen. 
denotes possession or duty, ) is used before masc nouns in the obi. 
sing., instead of TT. The same remarks apply to the use of ik(, Wf, 
fit, etc., in Mew^n. Examples are, fll^ld ^ Fw^K ^ ^ 4, * the ruler 
of Bathoth is Dung Ji ' ; ^ 9T9n ^ V^ 11^, * he went to the Brah- 
man's house'; ^rn innr T^ ^rwf, * ten thousand of treasure'. ^, for #T, 
( =fFT,) is occasionally found, as $CR fsk $5|, * the god of gods '. The 
gen. postpositions, n^ andii^ (=9iT,) so fcir as we are aware, are used 
only in poetry. Examples are, ^ratli^^rRC=^9l 9m% * a steam- 
er'; fir^^ n#T ^rarai, * the NawlLb of Delhi', fl^ (for fl#T) occurs, in 
one instance only, in the Prem Sdgar^ with the 2nd pers. pron., mv- 
fAr, *your', for ?wnTf. *rtfil, often urii, (=^,) 'in', in Mdr. is regularly 
nsed as a postposition, as ^T^ mn^ 9iiff, ' dust on the turban'; but 
it more rarely occurs in its primitive sense as a substantive, in con- 
struction with a preceding genitive, as TO9i fR *rtTf, *in the country', 
for ^^RR "1^1=^ «; ^ ^ "Ifil, * in captivity ',=^ ^. The same 
usage with the dialectic equivalents of d occasionally occurs in the 
Rdmdyan and other archaic Hindi poetry. In the colloquial, ^TO^ is 
often treated as a predicative adjective, and is then made to agree 
with the subject of the sentence in gender and number. Thus they 
say, vmft imv ^dr ndr, * the shopkeeper went as far as the village'; 
dliai ?IT9 ^rat nvt, ' the washerwoman went as far as the lake'. 
The following sentences illustrate the remaining M^r. postpositions : 
vm {%ll^ mrf ^indr, ^ he has seized and carried off Dungar Sing'; 
wSi ili^r vA, ' having climbed upon the fort '. ^(^^ is sometimes 
construe^ with the genitive, like *rtfil, as dr^ fR ^5^^, * on the horse'. 
^ is used like % as m$V § flift ^IfHi, * he fought with the English'. 
145. In western Hindi, I have met an aco. and dat. postposition «rr, 
=#r. It is evidently connected with the corresponding Mar. ^, Panj. 
4. 91 as the gen. postposition, is the regular substitute for CRT in 

Paojibi ; it is found very rarely in western Hindi, mft, though 



really a participle from «KWT, * to do*, or * make*, is ooUoqtdally used 
as a postposition with the inflected forms of both nouns and pronouns, 
throughout the Ganges valley. It is equivalent to % in the sense of 
*from' or *by'; it is never to be rendered *with\ Thus we may say, 
xm qpdfe 5fif?i, *free from sin*, for iini% ife? or uni ife?. But in the 
following from the Rdrndyauy it is equivalent to % *in'; ^ ^H ^ WlW 
^ wiSky ^ fastened like arrows in (his) mother's breast '. T^Tf^ very 
rarely occurs as a dialectic substitute for ?1QR. 

146- The word ^im log^ Sk. and Gta,rh., #wk, is appended 
to plural nouns when it is intended to denote the plural as 
a class. The plural inflection is then added, not to the noun 
itself, but to the appended ^im. In the case of inflected 
Tadbhavas in w, the noun is inflected to ^ ^ before the word 
dm, whether in the nom. or obi. plur. In all other cases^ 
the noun in connection with #hii remains uninflected. 

Examples are, nom. plur., THir dni rdjd log, ^ kings*, as a class; 
€h9t drjit Ji dhohi logon men^ ^ among washermen *; OKTCl %J)t ^ katTi 
logon kOf ^ to poets'. Thus, such a phrase as ^ ten kings came *, we 
must translate, T9 THIT ^n^ das rdjd de^ as there is no reference to 
kings as a class ; but the phrase, ^ kings are wealthy ', as referring 
to the class, * kings', must be trajislated, TXHJ #Hl! HRt ^ri)% rdjd log 
dhani hote hain. 

a. This usage of the word %m is properly confined to nouns denot- 
ing persons, though it is occasionally used, perhaps jocosely, in 
reference to animals, by the common people, who might say, e.g.^ 
^^ %n bandar logy much as we would say, ' the monkey folk *. It 
has indeed been strenuously denied that dni is ever used except in 
reference to persons, but the word occurs with igir in the following 
phrase from the Bdmdyan ; J^ dm ^1^ ff^, * they killed deer with 
the arrow*. 

b. The word dm is often used alone where in English we have 
* they', in the sense of * people, in general '; as dm 5F?^^, * they say*, 
= French, * on dit *. dm has also a feminine form, ^mHI, * woman *, 
but this is never appended as a sign of plurality to other nouns. 

c. Besides dm, the word m, ' host ', is also occasionally added to 
nouns to denote plurality^ but its use in prose is rare, and is restricted 


to a few nonns, as, e.g., $qmm, *the gods', TfRTTRl, *the stars', etc. 
The word ^m, * all ', is also colloquially added as a sign of plurality, 
instead of %nf, in some eastern dialects. 

147. In poetry, besides iw, many other words also are appended 
to nouns as indicative of plurality or multitude. The most common 
are the following, m. : ^, as grsiT ^, ' mountains'; IR, as WU IR, 

* worshippers '; firar, as TTOnrp: firar, ' sunbeams '; #ira, as *i imm^ 

* animals '; ^m, as ^(gftr 5rm, ' sages '; ^f, as mn ^f, * sins ', i.e., 
' the whole of my sins '; ^irni, as im ^Hn», * the good *, i.e., * the 
assemblage of the good '; WW, as vrs «RW, 'warriors'; ^F^TtI, as ^fjs 
^g^, 'young Brahmins'; Hn?f, as eirfq 3m, 'the monkeys' ; ^rer, as 
^IH ^re, 'sins'. The word ^mi^ is added to a few nouns to denote 
order in a line ; as ^rora^, ' the line of hair along the breast 
bone '; ^H^ici^, ' a flock of cranes', as always flying in a line. Two 
nouns of plurality are occasionally appended to a word, as fN^W 
pmST 9^11, ' a multitude of demons '. 

a In many oases the noun of plurality may be translated, ' assem- 
blage', ' multitude', ' flock', etc., but very often it will be found that 
English idiom will only admit the translation of the noun as a sim- 
ple plural. The above words are by no means edl equivalent to %1!, 
nor are they all used interchangeably among themselves. 

148. As Hindi has no article, the distinction indicated in English 
by the definite and indefinite article, cannot always be expressed in 
Hindi. drvT may be either ' a horse' or ' the horse' ; i^mi may be 

* women' or ' the women'. The indefinite article may be sometimes 
rendered by the numeral ^^, ' one ', or the indefinite pronoun, ^Hi, 
'some', 'any'; but it is oftener incapable of translation. The definite 
article, occasionally, when strongly demonstrative, may be expressed 
by the remote demonstrative pronoun, cif . In the case of nouns in 
the accusative, the force of the definite article may be often express- 
ed by the use of the form with ^, as dr^ ^, which may mean, ' the 
horse'. But the student must not therefore imderstand that the aco. 
with #r is always to be rendered with the definite article. 

149. In exhibiting the declension of nouns according to 
the foregoing rules, it will be convenient to classify them 
according to gender in two declensions, each of which has 
two varieties. 


The first declension will comprise all masculines. Of 
this declension the first variety will include all Tadbhava* 
nouns in w or ^ which are inflected in the obi. sing, to 
^ or ^, and the second variety, all other masculine nouns. 
Nouns of the first variety are declined like 

dFfT ghord^ *a horse \ 

Singular. Plural. 

N. #n|T ghord, * a horse*. N. dl^ ghore^ * hor8e8\ 

Ac. ih^ ghard OT^ni^ ghore kOy Ac. ^t^ ghore OT^t^^fghoronko^ 

* a horse ', or * to a horse *. * horses ' or * to horses \ 
D. drf %l ghore ^o, * to a horse\ D. dfff ^ ghoron ko^ * to horse8\ 
Ag. drf ^ ghore ne^ ' by a horse*. Ag. #Tft ^ ghoron ne^ * by horses'. 
Ab. drf % ghore se, * from a horse*. Ab. lilit % ghoron se^ *£rom horses', 
G. drf «FT {% or ^) ghore kd {ke Q. drit CRT (^ or ?ft) ghoron kd {ke 

or k(,) *of a horse*, * horse's*. or ki) , ^horses* or 'of horses'. 

L. €hFf W, W, fm, f^^m, ghore L. €h^ % W, TOi, ?|^RF ghoron 

meny par^ tak^ talaky etc., men, par^ tak^ talak^ etc., 

* in, on, to a horse*. *in, on, to horses*. 

V. ^ #Ff he ghore, *0 horse*. V, ^ dlfr he ghoro, *0 horses'. 

a. The second variety of masculine declension includes 
all other masculine nouns of whatever termination, and may 
be represented by ^ir ghar, * a house *. It diflTers from the 
above, only in that the inflection of the noun is confined 
to the oblique plural. As the postpositions are the same 
with all nouns, it will be unnecessary to give the remain- 
ing paradigms in detail. It will be remembered that the 
second form of the loc. is like the nom. 

H^ ghar^ ^ a house *. 
Singular. Plural. 

N. HT ghar, * a house*. N. HT ghar, * houses*. 

Ac. IR ghar or H^ ^ ghar ko^ Ac, HT ghar or H^ %^ gharon ko^ 

* a house * or ' to a house *. ^ houses' or ' to the houses*. 

• Vid. § 60. 


So also is declined the Tatsama noun, 

rrm r4fd, * a king'. 
Singular. Plural. 

N. Tmr rdjdy * the kiiig\ N. Txm rdjd, * kings*. 

Ac. WMJ rdjd or THIT #r r^jd ko, Ao. Kfm rdj'd or TWr^ %t r^'don 

* the king\ Aro, * the kings'. 

So also decline masc. nouns ending in any other vowel, 
as the following : 

?nf5^ mdli^ *a gardener'. 
Singular. Plural, 

N. iireft mdliy * a gardener*. N. W^ mdli^ * gardeners'. 

Ao. m^ mdli or 9n^ ^ mdli ko^ Ac. m^ mdH or IT^dt ^ mdUyon 

* a gardener*. kOy * gardeners'. 

bichchhiy * a scorpion'. 

Singular. Plural. 

N- ftw* hichchhuy * a scorpion '. N. ftw* bichchhAy * scorpions '. 
Ao. ^sr9hichchhiiox^S^%{bich'' Ac. fisi9 bichchhu or Tiiwu)! ^ 
chhi kOy * a scorpion'. bichchhuo^ kOy * scorpions'. 

150. The second declension comprises all feminine 
nouns. The first variety includes all feminines in ^ iy 
\{j^u ox^ u; the second variety, all other feminines. 

As an example of the first variety, we may take 

^tA pofh(, * a book'. 
Singular. Plural. 

N. xnH pothiy * a book'. N. WiUlf polhiydn, ' books'. 

Ac. dmt pothi or xtlii %^poihi ko, Ac. driililf pothiydn or dri^ *T 

* a book'. pothiyon ko^ * books'. 

Like 9ra^ is declined 

uta dmAy ^a tear*. 
Singular. Plural. 

N. III9 dns&y * a tear'. N. nHpnf dmudny * tears'. 

Ao. 909 (in^ or lrt|r ^ dnsH ko, Ac. lrt^# dnsudn or nf^f^ ^ 

* a tear'. dnsuon koy * tears'. 


a. The second variety of fern, declension may be illus- 
trated by the word 

^m rdty * night*. 
SiNGULAB. Plural. 

N. ^m rdt^ * night'. N. nft rdtef^f ' nights*. 

Ao. TR! rdt or Tm #T rdt ko, Ac, ^S rdten or ^nW ^ rdton ko^ 
* night'. * nights*. 

As an example of fem. nouns in w we take 

V!m mdtd^ 'a mother*. 
Singular. Plural, [.^others*. 

N. WRIT mdtd^ * a mother*. N. urart mdtden or mm rndtd^ * 

Ao. mm mdtd or mm ^ mdtd Ao. mm^ mdtden or vimrM % 
A:o, * a mother*. mdtdoft ko^ * mothers*. 

151. The following tables present the ohief forms of dialeotie de- 
clension. It will be noticed that the ease of the Agent is wanting 
in the modem eastern dialects given, m., the Avadhf, Eiwfii and 
Bhojpurf. The peculiar construction with % elsewhere referred to, is 
distinctively a western idiom, and is not foimd in the local speech 
much east of Cawnpore. In the column representing the Old 
Purbl of the Bdrndyan^ the word W5, (for the regular form, HfT, * an 
earthen jar',) is taken as a representative of the declension instead of 
^TfT, which, though universally employed in the modem dialects, 
does not occur in the Rdmdyan. 

152. It is to be obserred that not only in the old Purbl, as indicated in the 
tables, but in most Hindi poetry, the postpositions, though sometimes used, 
are as often omitted, and the oblique form of the noun, if there be such, or if 
not, the nom. form, may represent any one of the cases. The same peculiarity 
appears, though to a much more limited extent, in some Braj prose. This 
omission of the postpositions is not to be regarded as mere poetic license. 
The classic poetry, which is still held as the model for poetical composition, 
presents the language at a much earlier stage than the modern Hindi. Tulsi 
D4s, whose Edmdya^ is held as the standard of poetical excellence, wrote in 
the latter half of the 16th century. Kabir, whose writings are also highly 
esteemed, wrote over a hundred years before Tulsi D&s. In this old Hindi 
poetry we see the Prakrit speech just at, or rather just past, a transition 

* The more common form. 


period. In its last stage of decay the ancient case-terminations had been 
almost all lost, so that one form, very often the ancient genitive, had to express 
all the varioas relations formerly distributed among six cases. It was out of 
this state of things that the modem system of declension by postpositions, not 
all at once, but gradually arose, as it was felt to be demanded by the utterly 
decayed state of the language. The ancient Hindi poetry exhibits the langu- 
age just at the beginning of this period of grammatical reform. Postpositions 
are indeed used, but sparingly as compared with modem Hindi prose, 
and the Pr&krit system of declension still largely prevails. But this ancient 
declension, so abraded and worn out as scarcely to deserve the name, is accu- 
rately represented not by eight, but by two, or, if we count a vocative which 
now and then appears, three cases only. The recognition of this is essential 
to the grammatical understanding of ancient Hindi verse. 

153. As the various forms of declension, except the first, agree in all cases 
but' the nom. plur., we give only one paradigm in full The dialectic declen- 
sion of noims belonging to the second variety of High Hindi declension, difiers 
firom that of other masa nouns, only in the omission of the inflection in the 
obL sing, and nom. plur., as in the standard dialect. It is therefore unneoes- 
aary to give any separate paradigm of nouns of this class. The few forms in 
brackets are supplied from analogy. 




^1^, 'a horse' i 






















drvf %. 














dif I. 


11^. S*, 115.'^ 



* Althougb, in this dialect, the postpositions are regularly and commonly 
But Hd, the postposition of the agent, is never used, f Besides the word too, 
to n or 9W. ;j; Either of these forms may be declined throughout. In the 




Pur. H3=H. H,, ^^, ^ajar\ 


drsT ^, 



%JWl ^. 

diVT W. 


€h¥T wft. 

€h¥T Xy etc. 

dnjT %T. 

dnp ITT. 


^i€l ^f^. ^Nrt^ni^. 

^ihvt ITT. 


i^Tft ^, etc. 

%jw\ %T. 








dif sii, eto. 




UII4S ^. 








^Srtvif ^ #T^ ^19 %T. 

VAilf if^ #r^ ^51 %T. 



VAlt^SH ^ 

Wlf ^^i 

VAiii H n. 


€h^^^ IT. 

omitted, yet they are occasionally added to the base, as in the other dialects. 
log is also added to denote plurality; rarely the aoan is inflected in the plural 
Aradhi plaral, ghofen is also used. 




1st Variety; m^i, 'a tcoman\ 














•5» i 














































2nd Variety; mm, 'a thing*. 

















prftaa^— «MaM>^^^»te 




























2 g 

^ o 

3 g 



So P- 



g " 

.« ^ 

« M 





a J 



-B .a f^ 

o o 


2 a 

8 ca 




OS » 

•pH ^ ^ 


Origin of the Declensional fonns. 

154. In all Tatsama nouns and many Tadbhavas, the distinctive termina- 
tion of the Sanskrit nom. sing., has entirely disappeared in modem High 
HindL In archaic and poetic Hindi, as also in Naipali and other Himalayan 
dialects, u final often remains in masc. nouns, where it represents the Prak, 
termination o, for the Sk. ah\ as, e.g., in desu^ for Pr4k. deBo, 8k. deshxh, H. H. 
desk; and Idhu, Pr4k. Idho, Sk. Idhhal^, H. H. Idbh* 

a, Tadbhava masc. nouns in i, inflected to e in the sing., always represent 
Sanskrit or Prakrit nouns formed by adding the affix ka to bases in a. This 
added k was first rejected by § 78, and then the concurrent vowels were com- 
bined. Thus, e.g., for the Sk. ghafOy we have a Pr4k. theme, ghafaka, nom. 
sing., gha^akajf^f whence, by §§ 78, 69, c, k being rejected, and the final al^ 
changed to o, we have a form ghafoo, which by Sandki, yields first a form in 
ati, the common Braj termination; which, again, is softened to o in gharo, as 
in most western dialects, and is finally reduced to ci in the High Hindi form, 
ghofd. By a similar process, we obtain in succession from the Sk. melakaJh 
for melah, the forms, melao, Ma^. melo, H. H. meld, 

h, Tadbhava nouns fem. in 4 commonly stand for Sanskrit or Prakrit nouns 
ending in the fem. affix ikd, whence have arisen, successively, forms in id and 
iyd.f By a similar process are explained the Avadhi fem. nouns in 4vd ; as, 
e.g., nadivd, (H. H. nodi,) which presupposes a Prak. theme, nadikd. After 
the same analogy are derived fem. nouns in u, as, e.g., hdlu, for Sk. hdlukd, 
whence, Pr&k. hdlud, Av. hdlwyd, H. H. bdlu. Similarly we explain a few Tad- 
bhava masc. nouns in < and u ; as, e.g., from Sk. dhdvikah, H. H. dhoU, through 
intermediate forms, dhdvio, dhohiyd, and also, H. H. bichckhu, for a Prak. form, 
virichhtio, for vulgar Sk. vfiehchukah, for vrishchikaji, 

155. Except in the case of inflected Tadbhava masc. nouns in d, the Hindi 
has retained, in the sing., no trace of the old Sanskrit or Prakrit declensional 
system. In the case of these nouns in d, the original addition of the affix Jbo, 
has served ;30 far to retard the process of phonetic decay, as to preserve in the 
obi. sing, termination e, the remainder of the Sk. gen. sing. Thus, e.g., the 
gen. sing, of the Sk. ghotakafjk, has successively pMsed through the following 
changes, all of which are explicable by principles laid down in Chap III, viz.; 
Sk. gen. sing, gholdkasya, Prak. ghodakassa, gho^cLaeea, gho^adha, ghodad, and, 
y being euphonically inserted, ghofaya, whence H. H. obi. sing, ghofe. J In 
the Maj-warl and some other dialects, y apparently was not inserted, so that 

• Vid. §§ 63, 75, 75, a. In Bhagelkhandi, as represented in the Baptist 
translation of the N. T., Serampore, 1821, this u is added, from analogy, even 
to Arabic and Persian nouns, as, e.g., shaksu, shahru, for shdkhs, shahr, 

t Vid. §§ 77, &. (1), 127. t Vid. §§ 77, 77 6. 


from the itmdhi of the ooncnrrent vowels, ad, we hare the obi. sing., gliord. In 
inch eastern forms as ghofavd, v, instead of y, has apparently been inserted in 
the place of the lost k. 

h. I am inclined to think that the hi or his which we find in the obi. sing., in 
archaic Hindi, is to be identified with the same termination which occurs in 
the loo. sing, of certain Prakrit dialects, as, e.g., in aggthin, for Sk. agnes, H. H. 
dg mes. It is thus to be deriyed, tbrongh the interroediat-e form, mhifh from 
the Sk. loo. sing, term., smin, which, although in Sanskrit found only in pro- 
nominal declension, in some forms of Prdkrit is assumed by substantiyes also. 
I have indeed noted no example of the use of this termination in the objective 
construction ofnonns in Pr4krit; but as such instances do occur in the case 
of the pronouns, we are justified in assuming such an extension of the use of 
the loo. in the case of nouns also. The only other hypothesis of the origin of 
this termination, which would connect it with the Sk. gen. sing, term., sya, fails 
Co account for the final Anusvdr ; nor, so far as I have observed, does the 
Hindi form in question ever occur, like the termination d, in a genitive 
construction with the postpositions. 

156. Thenom. plur. in a, of Tadbhava nouns in a, might possibly have 
arisen from the Sk. nom. sing. neut. term, ani, which was often assumed in 
Pr4krit by masc. nouns.* On this supposition, we must refer the dialectic 
nom. plur. in 4 to the Sk. masc. nom. plur. term, ds. But, on the whole, 
I am inclined to prefer Dr. Hoemle's suggestion, that the inflected nom. 
plur. of the nouns in question is, in fact, identical with the obi. sing. ; i. e, it 
18 originally a gen. sing., so that we are to understand this as really an 
elliptical expression, leaving log, vfind, or some such noun of multitude to be 
supplied. This hypothesis explains both forms of the masc. nom. plur. inflec- 
tion, as also such rare and now vulgar idioms as kuMe log, etc. In the Bhagel* 
khandi N. T. we find the modem gen. plur. Hhdnre, of the 2nd personal 
pronoun, similarly assumed into the nom, 

a. The fem. nom. plur. in duj stands for the Prak. term, d, Sk. ds. Thus 
maJMiydB, is for the Prak. mdkkhid, Sk. mdkshikdi. The inserted y evidently 
marks the place of the lost k, all trace of which has disappeared from the sing. 

h. The origin of the fem. nom. plur. in en, is more obscure. It may possibly 
have arisen from the Sk. neut. nom. plur. term, in dniy which, according to 
Prof. Lassen, was sometimes assumed in Pr&krit, even by fem. nouns. From 
the Prakrit form of this termination, din, en and ain might easily have arisen 
by contraction.t But this is not certain. The Gafhw41i fem. nom. plur. in a 
is evidenUy derived immediately from the corresponding Prakrit tormina* 
tion, d» 

• Vid. Lassen Inst. Ling. Prac. § 164, 17; 175, 7. 
t Yid. Lassen Inst. Ling Prac. § 95, 1. 


157. The various forms of the obi. plnr. in <m, am, d^, an, ant, are all 
to be explained as different corruptions of the Sanskrit gen. plnr. termination 
in dm. In the forms in on and ems, the m, as often, has been, as it were* 
separated into its labial and nasal elements, whence the labial diphthong. The 
n which appears in various dialectic forms, is identical with the n which in 
Sanskrit was regularly inserted before the gen. plur. termination, after all 
bases ending in vowels. The final i in the Braj plur. is probably due to a weaken- 
ing of a final a, so that, e.g., ptUrani is for ptUratui, for Sk. ptUrdndm (Prak. 
puddnau). Similarly, from sydr, Prak. sidlo, Sk. shfigdlah, we have the gen* 
plur. forms, Pr4k. tidldnan^ H. aiydron, sydrattn and sydran ; and from nadt, 
nadiyon, as if for a form nadikdndm (Pr4k. ndinan\ whence, k being drop- 
ped, as above, we may derive the various forms, nadiyont nadiyan^ etc. The 
Braj and Kan. obi. plur. forms in n, aspdpm, for pdpiyon or pd^iyan, have pro- 
bably arisen from the simple base, as those longer forms, from the increased 
base in ka ; so that, e.g., pdpin stands for an original pdpindm, but pdpiyon, etc* 
for an original pdpikdndm, 

a. The origin of the obi. plur. forms in nh and nhi, is obscure. Mr. Beames 
suggests that they have arisen from a confusion between the common plural 
in n, and the Prak. plur. term, htv, said to be still preserved in Maf4thi. The 
student is referred to Vol. II. of Mr. B's. Comparative Grammar, where he will 
find the question fully discussed. 

Origin of the Postpositions of declension. 

158. The explanation of the genitive postpositions will best precede that of 
the dat. and ace. postposition, Tco, The origin of these genitive postpositions 
has long been one of the vexed questions of Hindi philology ; but Dr. Hoemle 
of Benares, in a late able essay, may be regarded as having at last reached a 
solution of the problem. For the exhibition of his conclusive argument, we 
refer the reader to the essay in question,* and here briefly note the results of 
his investigation. 

The various forms of the Hindi gen. postposition, viz. kd, kau, ko, kd, kar, 
kei'o, ke)'d, ker, dd, go, ro, lo, are all corruptions of Prakrit modifications of krita, 
the Sk. past part, of kfi, 'to do*. 

This participle received in Prdkrit the addition of the common affix ka, so 
that by the elision of t, and change of r{ to er, it assumed the form keraka or 
kerika. In Prakrit, this participle was often used after a gen. noun, with which 
it was made to agree, but without any modification of the sense. Thus it came 
at last to supplant the gen. termination, and became itself a sign of the gen. 
case, as it is to-day in Hindi. From kerakal),, we obtain the Hindi postpositions 
kero, kerd, ker, precisely as we have ghofo, glwfd, and ghor, from ghofakaJk i 

* Vid. Journ. As. Soc. of Bengal, Part. I ; No. II, 1872. 


and, ar instead of er being substituted for the ft of fef ito, from hxrakak^ we 
derive the forms "karoy har. These are therefore the oldest forms of the 
Hindi postposition. In the case of the 1st and 2nd personal pronouns in 
High Hindi, and in M4rw4fi universallj, the initial h and the final h of harakah^ 
or heiakal}, having both been elided, the forms ro and rd remained. The Braj,. 
Kanauji and High Hindi forms, hau, ho, hd may have arisen, either from the 
forms above given, cr from another Pr&k. form of hrUOf viz., Tcidah, or haddk 
which would yield, by the elision of d, hau, ho, or kd, or by the elision of the ini- 
tial A;, as in the case of the Maf wafi gen. sign., dd, which is the form in Pan- 
j4bL The M4rw4|i postposition, lo, may be compared with another Prakritic 
form of this same word, heldka, for TceroJca, This theory of the origin of these 
postposifcions accounts for all the forms that I have met, except the very rare 
old Marw4ri forms, fotkiu, and hundo, regarding which I have no satisfactory 
suggestion to make. 

159. The analogy of the gen. postpositions will lead us to a probable theory 
as to the dat. postpositions, Icaua, Icon* ho, hun, hu, hai. The same Prakrit 
participle, heraka, which came to be the sign of the gen., was also used in the 
forms herakam and heraJee, {hritam, hrite,) as the sign of the dative. And if 
these forms were so used, it is as likely that the Prakrit equivalents, hadam or 
hade, might have been so used. From the former of these, by elision of (2, 1 would 
derive the Braj dat. sign, haun* whence we have the High Hindi, Jfeo, just as in 
the infinitive, we have the Kan. hcumo, for the Braj, hamauU' The eastern form 
he has probably arisen from hade. By a similar process, may also probably be 
derived the M^r* dat. and ace. sign nai^ from another Prakrit form, hint^, of the 
same participle, hritey the initial h being rejected, just as, in this same dialect, 
in deriving ro from herahak. The corresponding Mew. postposition, ai, is ap« 
parently a still further reduction of the same affix, by the elision of n. 

a. The dat. and ace. postpositions, with a medial aspirate, viz., hahuQ, hdhu, 
hahat, hash, may perhaps, as Dr. Hoemle suggests, have arisen from a difierent 
origin, as the Sk. saJed8he,f which was sometimes used as a sign of the dat. 
and ace. But it is quite possible that they, like the foregoing, may have arisen 
from the same herakam, herake, h having been euphonioally inserted, after the 
elision of ^ as before the nom. plur. termination in hhauohain, for bhaunvain. 

h. On the derivation of the apparently related Himalayan dative and accusa- 
tive case-signs, viz. ha/t}{, eatii, huvki, I have obtained no light. 

160. It has been common to compare the postposition ne, denoting the agent> 
with the termination of the instr. sing, of the Ist decl. of Sk. nouns, as, e.g. 
the Hindi, Bdm ne, with the Sk. Rdmena. It may perhaps also be connected 
with the Sanskrit termination of nouns of agency, in ana. But the origin of 
this postposition has not yet been demonstrated; and if we regard the analogy 

• Vid. § 79. t Vid. Benfey*s Sansk. Diet., sub voc. 


of the postpositions already considered, it seems more reasonable to seek ita 
original in some single word. The 8k. instr. affix, ina, ooold soaroely have 
separated itself from its noon, as the common theory supposes. 

161. The postposition $e with its variations, aos, 9ub, son, $en, hoi, etc., 
is probably to be connected with the 6k. preposition, earn, * with', or, more 
accurately, with ' 8a\ of which 9am is the ace. sing. 8e is probably a genitive 
from the same stem, for saeya, as mde is for meioBya. 

a. Ten, U and t<m^ are evidently related to the Sanskrit adverbial affix, toM^ 
which is added to any noun in Sanskrit with an ablative sense. It i« to be 
noticed that, under the form io, this affix had become the regular abL termina- 
tion in Prdkrit. Compare the Sk. pUrUas, with the Braj pitd ten* 

1 62. The various forms of the loo. postposition, men* are all referable to the Sk« 
madhya, 'middle*, generally to its loc. sing., madhye. The various forms, madh* 
ya, madhi, mahi, mdhiy mah, all exhibit successive processes of derivation, dh 
becoming h, and y, by § 68, first becoming • and then disappearing. In the 
forms mdvoK fnajhi, jh is substituted for the conjunct dky (§ 96). The long 
form mdhai suggests an increased Prakritic form, madhyake, Hie various 
forms with Anuavdr, mdhi^, maha»t tne^f moB* majjham, are possibly to be 
referred to the ace. form, madhyam. Mm or moiv has arisen from mdhiih and 
fndn from maha§t by rejection of h, and Sandhi of the concurrent vowels. 

a. The other loa postposition, par, in all its variations, is derived from the 
Sk. tfpari, 'on*. The M^p^dfi, always tenacious of old forms, has retained the 
initial vowel to the present day. From this original have proceeded in sucoea- 
eion, the Bhoj. pari, H. H. par, Bn^ pai and Urdu pa, 

h. The postposition iak is connected by Prof. Williams * with the Sanskrit 
affix daghna, used in the same sense ; thus, we may compare the Hindi, ghutne 
iak, * up to the knee*, with the Sk. jdnu-daghna, of the same meaning. With 
the same affix, through the operation of a few common changes, may also be 
connected the postposition talak, which has the same meaning. The elements 
of the conjunct ghn in daghna being separated and then transposed, as is often 
the case in Hindi, we would have a form danagk, whence by the substitution 
of the cognate hard smooth mute, for the soft mutes, d and g\ and change of 
n to Z, we reach ialak, the form in question. 

e. The postposition lagi or Idgi, having the same meaning as the above, is 
to be identified with the Sk. indecL past part, lagya, Prak. lagia, from the root 
lag, ' to be attached *. The forms Ion and lavn* are to be derived from the 
other Prakrit form of the same participle, viz., lagitma, or lagima, for the Sk. 
lagitvd, whence, by the rejection of the medial g, and Sandhi of the vowels, 9 
final passing into Anusvdr, we have the forms lauQ and Ioq, 

* Sansk. Qrammari § 80 XX. 




163. The Hindi adjective is exceedingly simple, and pre- 
sents little requiring special explanation. Adjectives fall 
into two classes, viz., uninflected and inflected^ Uninflected 
adjectives, as the term implies, remain unchanged before 
all nouns and under all circumstances, like the English 
adjective, and require no explanation. Inflected adjectives 
all terminate in w a, and correspond in all respects to Tad- 
bhava nouns of the same termination, inflected to ^i? ^ in the 
oblique cases. The rules for the inflection of such adjec- 
tives are the same as those given for the inflection of the 
genitive postposition, w, viz. : — 

(1) Before a masc. noim in the nom. sing., w a final is 

(2) Before a masc. noun in any other case, w a final is 
changed to ^ e. 

(3) Before a fem. noun in any case, sing, or plur., ^ a 
final is changed to 4i i. 

The following examples will illustrate the construction of adjec- 
tives : 

Uninflbcted Adjectives. 

igl^ TO stmdar phul, * a beautiful flower', or * beautiful flowers'. 

^Itt W^ VfK siindar phul par y ' on a beautiful flower'. 

i|^ wSft CRT mndttr phiiJon kd, * of beautiful flowers '. 

^Itt ^I^HK^ sundar iarki, ' a beautiful girl'. 

^i^ H4fKWl sundar larklydii^ * beautiful girls '. 

iter ^^^ W sundar hrki kd, * the beautiful girl's '. 

^ter ^IfTQK^ €tT sundar larkiyori ko, * to beautiful girls '. 

^ivnf il^fV dharmmi purush, *a virtuous man', or * virtuous men'. 

^rof g^^ 5RT dharmml purush kd, * a virtuous man's. 

ig[^nwiH^dharmmimrmhon men^ *among virtuous men', 



yfiTf ^ dkarmmi striy * a virtuous woman'. 
yfiTf ^^mt dharmmi Btriydrij * virtuous women*. 
HR^^ ^ dharmmi stri ko^ * to bl virtuous woman*. 
UMif ^9l3t ^ dharmmi striyon ko^ * to virtuous women *. 

Inflected Adjectives. 

QRT^ ilTVT A:({/(i ghordy * a black horse \ 
9il^ drf A;/!^ ^Aor^, * black horses '. 
9il^ drf 9KT H^ ^Aor^ H, ^ the black horse's '. 
9il^ ^)r|f HT Ar^fe ghorot} par^ * on bl6U)k horses '. 
qiT^ ni^ Aef /( 6i7/t, ^ a black cat *. 
qiT^ f«n||ilf H/l billiydny * black cats '. 
4hiH^ Tisi^ nr H/l 6t7/l ji^ar, ^ on a black cat '. 
QiT^ i^li||^ %t kdli billiyon ko^ ^ to black oats '. 

164. A very fevr adjectives in irt an follow the analogy 
of Tadbhava masc. nouns of the same termination, and are 
inflected to * en^ obi. mJasc, and ^ in^ fem., according to 
the rules above given for adjectives in w a.* The same 
rule applies to all ordinal nimieral adjectives ending in 
rt wan. Examples are, «n^ mr, bay en Iidth, * on the left 
hand'; ^^St b^ w, da&win ghari par^ *at the tenth hour'; 
9^^ ni^ ^, biswen mahine men, 4n the twentieth month'. 

Rem. Adjectives do not, as a rule, sissume the plural terminations, 
4, irt, ^. When the adjective comes last, in the poetic style, they 
are very rarely added. The perfect and imperfect participles of 
verbs, when used adjectively, are subject to the same rules as inflect- 
ed adjectives. 

165. The affix ^ «a is added to adjectives to express re- 
semblance, with the accessory idea of a lesser degree of the 

a. This affix is inflected to ^ ^ and 4i i according to the rules for 
the inflection of Tadbhava adjectives in W. The adjective preceding 
^ sdy if capable of inflection, must also be inflected. Examples are, 


ABJEcrrivES. 91 

W^ W ^ Idl sd phtii, * a reddish flower '; sft^ ^ nfTfUf nili si 
chiriydn^ * blueish birds '; ut# % nS pile se patte, • yellowish leaves '. 

b. The same particle may also be added to a noun or 
pronoun, converting it into an adjective expressing likeness; 
the pronoun must be put in the oblique form. Thus, e.g., 
we may say, ^wn wwnnT kharag sd hathydr, 'a sword-like 
weapon', w^ w xitA mujh adpapi, *.a sinner like me', to ^ w% 
turn sd mitr, *a friend like you'.* 

c. wf sd is also added to the genitive both of nouns and 
pronouns, when the likeness intended is not, as in the pre- 
vious case, to the person or thing itself, but to something 
pertaining to the person or thing. Both the genitive and 
the appended wt are then inflected to agree vnth the follow- 
ing noim. 

Thus we say, ilfl?1 ?fV ^ dr^ pandit hi si boliy * speech like that 
of a pundit '; wS\ 9iT ^ ^f hdthi kd sd munh, * a face like an ele- 
phant's'; WH % ^ Ttn bdgh he se ddnty * teeth like those of a tiger'. 

d. This idiom is to be explained by supposing an ellipsis of the substantiye 
after the genitive. Thus, lidtM kdsd munh is for hdthd kd munh sd muuk\ as we 
say in English, ' a face like an elephant's', for ' a face like an elephant's face'. 

6. Sometimes the nonn qualified is omitted, as in the following; 'parbcU ki 
Jcundald si dihlidi parti hai ', ' something like a mountain cave appears*. Here 
we must evidoutly supply some feminine noun, as, eg., bastu, 

166. Identical in form, bat of different origin and mean- 
ing, is the particle ^ sd, which is added in like manner to 
adjectives to denote intensity or excess. 

Examples of this usage are, 81^ ^ WZl bahut sd did, ^ a great deal 
of flour'; ihwi ^ ^TZt thorl si rotiy * a very little bread'; ^sm "m HfTV 
{mchd sd pakdr, * a very high mountain'; «l^ % €h^ bare se ghorCy 
* very large horses'. 

a. 8d. as used in this sense, is derived from the Sanskrit affix shas, *-fold ', 
through the Braj so. 8d, the affix denoting likeness, has come from the 
Sanskrit sama, * like', through .the intermediate (Braj) form, sam, as the H. H. 
inf. kamd has come through the Braj kai-naun. 

* With such expressions as the above, compare such English colloquial 
forma as ' sick-like *, * weak-like *, etc. 



167. The dialectic forms of adjectives present no new peculiarity. 
Tadbhava High Hindi adjectives in W, inflected, in Braj take the 
termination ^, and in Mdrwari and other western and the Himala- 
yan dialects, ^. The inflection of such adjectives in each of these 
dialects is the same as that of the corresponding class of nouns. 
Occasionally Anusvdr is added to the Braj obi. masc* inflection. 
Examples are the following : for H. H., drrr, Braj, ^T^, Mar., Mew., 
Kan., etc., %fT, ' little*; Braj, HhS WR ^ or rife ^RR ^, * with a 
pleasant word', for H. H., rife WBfii %; M6r., 5#T %#T, *a large horse'; 
^Vf^i^nft, *a large mare'; WT €h^,* large horses'; «l^«n#T^ fWHj 
•the throne of the great king'. Kanauji forms of the adjective 
occasionally occur in poetry, as, in the Edmdyar}, ^1c^, for H. H., 
^tcmr, * sallow'. 

a. In the dialect of the Edmdyan^ the class of Tadbhava adjectives 
in '^ is wanting, and all adjectives alike are uninflected ; except that 
as noted below, they occasionally assume the Sanskrit fem. nom. 
sing, terminations. But sometimes ^ is added for the fem. Thus, we 
have W TT^y * a great king ', and «R ^iftl or ^ ^TR (fem.), * a great 
injury'. ^OTT is the usual substitute for ^; 8W, e.g.^ T^RH ^OT ^RJ, *a 
king like Dasarath'. 

168. Occasionally, in poetry, some adjectives, chiefly Tatsamas, 
assume certain Sanskrit terminations, indicative of case and gender. 
Thus we often meet adjectives with the Sanskrit fem. terminations, 
4 (after bases in TO or ^,) and in. Such forms occur most frequent- 
ly in the latter part of compound words. The final 4 is often short- 
ened for the sake of the metre. Examples are *1WH^ Tfew^^ftrcR^ 

' beautiful women, destroyers of the pride of Bati ' ; wnh ^sm Ul^H, 

* devotion most holy'; ri^ jri)?!!, 'Sita, the pure'; n^ ^ ftiTT TCR^, 

* the modest speech of Q-urur'. More rarely, we meet witli the ter- 
mination !!(•) of the Sk. ace. sing., masc. or neut., as, ^.^., W^ RH TTO 
A^\Xh, * Bam, the unborn, I ever adore' ; H4Ji<i4 ^ TO, * destroy all 
my doubt '. 


169. The Hindi adjective has no separate form to express 
tlie degrees of comparison. The comparative degree is 


expressed by simply putting the noun or pronoun with 
which comparison is made, in the ablative ease, thus; 
QW ^1^ ^r^ % OTT t yah ghar us se bard haiy ' this house is 
larger than that ';?w^w?i^9f%^Nnt loah vriksh dm 
he per se unchd hai^ * that tree is higher than a mango tree'; 
15?T % 4^ shahad se mithdy ^ sweeter than honey*. 

a. The superlative degree is expressed by using with the 
adjective, the abl. of 99 sab, *all'; thus, Tm^wwisab se bard, 
nhe greatest'; i.e., * great with all'; to % ^ sab se nick, 
*the lowest'; w Ji^ ^« «*w9l %^ t, yah machhli sab 
machhliyon se sundar hai, * this is the most beautiful of 
all fishes '. 

b. Comparison may also be expressed by prefixing the words ^ 
aur and miapsR adhiky 'more', and sometimes, with the same significa- 
tion, the Persian ziyddah, corrupted in Hindi to TORIT: jiydda, or, 
colloquially, in the Doab, urai^ jdnti. 

c. Where no comparison is intended, a high degree of any quality 
is expressed by prefixing various words to the adjective, as in English 
and other languages. Most commonly, the word «r|?! hahut^ *much', 
*very*, is prefixed, as 51^ Jf^ "^^ bahnt gnhri vadi, *a very deep 
river'. Sometimes, colloquially, OT7 bard, * great', is used instead of 
«IJ?I ; as W€J WtV xjfanc bqrd bhdri patthar, * a very heavy stone'; but 
this use of WT is not considered elegant. The intensive aflBx, ^ 
«rf, (§ 166) has the same force. Other words, used especially in literary 
Hindi, are ^iftf ati, * very', W^iJ^fi atyant^ ' extremely'; as ^m ^^ ati 
sundar, * very beautiful '; ^tUH\ WTRW afyant bhaydnak, * exceedingly 
terrible'. The word UTO paraniy {cf. Lat. primus) is often prefixed to 
Tatsama adjectives in the same sense as the above, as, e.g., ir?I 
W^T^ paraniadbhut, * very wonderful ' ; il^f^ paramshiiddh, very 
holy '. 

d. Sometimes the superlative degree of comparison is elegantly 
expressed by placing the noun or pronoun with which comparison is 
made, in the loc. case with ^ men, either with or without ^«r mb pre- 
fixed ; as, e.g.^ 81^ ^im ^^WPtt $ ^%7rR HI wah sab buddhimdnon men 
buddhundn thd, ' he was the wisest of the wise '; ^R d#t^ arfT ni^ ^ 


in peroi} men bard yahi hai^ *of these trees this is the greatest'. Com* 
pare the similar English idiom, * brave among the brave/ 

170. A few Sanskrit comparatives and superlatives occur, the 
former often in a superlative sense ; as, e.^., i|iil?n punyatar firom mn 
pnnya^ * more holy', or ' very holy'. But superlative forms are much 
more common, as ^ffH uttanhy *best';'^ shresM, *most excellent', 
from "^ ; Rlil?m priyatamy * dearest ', from ftw ; VXV^ pdpishty * most 
sinful ', from UTO^ pdpi, 

a. Persian comparatives and superlatives have found no place in 
Hindi, unless we except the word f9f?TC ( y^ ), which one occasion- 
ally hears from Hindoos who are in the habit of using much Urdu. 

171. The same general principles of derivation which have been indicated 
(§§ S4 — 157) in explanation of substantive forms, apply equally in regard to 
adjectives. Thus Tadbhava adjectives in d have always arisen from Prakritio 
bases increased by the addition of a consonant, usually h ; and all Tatsamas 
ending in the silent a, from the simple Sanskrit base. Thus the adjective 
Icdldy * black', must be derived, not directly from the Sk. hdld, but from an 
increased Prakritic base, kdlaka. On the other hand the Tatsama, atmdar, 
'beautiful*, has arisen directly from the Sk. sundara, with only the loss of the 
case-termination. Tatsamas in < commonly represent Sk. bases in in, as dkand, 
from the base dhanin,* 



172. The Hindi numerals are quite irregular in their 
formation, and it will be necessary for the student to com- 
mit them all to memory as far as 100. The Sanskrit 
numerals are also in common use in books, especially in 
numbering chapters and sections. 

Both the Hindi and Sanskrit numerals are given in the 
following table, with the figures corresponding. 

• Vid. §§ 63, 127. 



Hindi. . 




































































































































1 *s r^f »^ 

















































pain f is. 






























~— • •• 


















A *V 


H J^ 

• A f 1^ 


1 '/•' 


































ftp 9^ 































# * #1 

















1 1 










• • 






^jfVraiUsi^ mptachafrdn'n 


^g fi ^iUtiH 



>9 X 


dwdponch dshat, 













~— • ^— — • 

anh tosh ash ti, 













J 1 mmTmi 


























I T 'I. J.J. -... 











Jl. I. ±A „ 










O A 












1 / / 








A t^ a' 


























^ 7 / / 








/ 1 f 1 * 
































r .n 



J. ' 1 ' 

f^ in^moi 


1^ A 1 ' 








f 7 • / 



11 / 










































a. The following are of less frequent occurrence, viz. : ^ arb, *one 
hundred karor ',=* one billion '; ^ kharb, ' one hundred arb\=:' one 
hundred billion '; ^iNl nil, ' one hundred kharb\=' ten trillion '; qTH 
padm, *one hundred nll\=<one quadrillion'; ^sankh, 'one hundred 
padm\=' one hundred quadrillion'. 

173. Many of the above numerals have slightly different forms. 
We subjoin the most common variations. 


6, 9 

9, TO. 


• This is a Persian word ; but it is in common use in Hindi. Etymologically 
it is identical with the Sanskrit form, sahaera. 

t In Edmdya}}, J Braj. § Kanaujf. 




21, [ 











91, < ^CRTRd. 

a. To the above list may be added the anomalous form &om the 
Rdmdyany •rsre}}, Ht.^ 'nine-seven', 'sixteen'. ^ is occasionally 
substituted for ^^, ' ten', as in the phrase, T^fifTO, ' the ten points 
of the compass '. Many of the above forms merely present differen- 
ces of orthography. 

174. The numbers above one hundred proceed as in 
English, except that the copulative conjunction is omitted* 
Thus, ^5R %T ^5R ^A; 8au eky * one hundied and one'; ^ %t ^ra 
tin 8ai(, adthy ' three hundred and sixty' ; ^qi iw^ ^t^ ek hajdr 
Msy ^one thousand and twenty'. 

fl. But the copulative is sometimes inserted in poetry, even in the 
lower numbers, as W^ ^R^ ^TH ^HJ OT9T, ' seven and twenty ka/pas 

b. The numbers between 100 and 200 are sometimes expressed by 
writing the smallcjr number first, with the affix rf, as ^.f/., WTH^%T, *a 
hundred and forty'. Other modes of expression will be noticed in 
the sections concerning fractional and denominative numerals. 

In Udmdyan, 

t Kanauji. 

J In Tirhut. 

NDMBRAL8. 101 

175. The numeral ^^R is added to other numerals in the sense of 
the English * ahout'; as, e,g.^ WwB ^W, ' about forty'; ^ 59^, ' about 
a hundred ', — not ^5R ^ ^?K, which is * one hundred and one'. But 
to ^^ the word ^IT7 (Sk. vnf^) is added in the same sense, as ^91 w^ 
%C ^n^r, * a seer or so of flour'. • 

176. Ordinarily the numerals are not used in the inflected 
plural form. But when they are used to denote a totality 
or aggregation, they may take, both in the nom. and obi. 
cases, the termination #.* Thus, mr 9f char per is * four 
trees', but in^ ^ chdron per^ *the four trees*; so also 
A^ mm bis de is * twenty came', but d%t w^ bison aV, ^ the 
twenty came*. 

fl. This termination ^ on added to the numbers * one hundred', 
*one thousand', etc., always denotes an indefinite number of these 
aggregates. In this idiom, ^Sfi^ saikrd is always substituted for ^ 
sau, ' one hundred'. Examples are, ^l^li#t ^ saikron per, * hundreds 
of trees '; wmftt hajdron^ * thousands '; ^IT^ inw Idkhovi rupae^ * Idklis 
of rupees'. 

b. Dialectic forms are, for $Rtt, 'both, the two', B., T^, $i«>Dl, ^; 
Old Purbi, |f, Jjftf, 5*t: for ?i^, *the three', B., €t^, fHf; for in^, 
* the four', B., H^. Wl^, etc. 

c. ^V exceptionally takes the obi. plur. form ^^CfFf , in a few places 
in the Rdnidyan. 

177. The Hindi idiom in such indefinite expressions as ' one or 
two', 'four or five', differs slightly from the English. The numbers, 
except in the case of ' one' and 'two', are rarely taken consecutively, 
and the larger very often precedes the smaller. The disjunctive 
conjunction is always omitted. Thus we say, ^Jt ^5R, * one or two'; 
$1 flR, ' two four',=' two or three'; ^^ it^, ' ten or twenty'. 

• I doubt if this is, in reality, identical with the plur. term, off, as has been 
commonly assumed. It is probably to be connected with the Sanskrit aggre- 
gatives formed by the affix yam, so that, e.g.y chdrouj 'the four', is reaUy a cor- 
ruption of the Sk. chatuslUaijam, and hiaou pre-supposes a form mjtshatayam. 
This, it will be observed, accounts for the uppearauco of the termination ou in 
the num., as th common theory does not. 


178. The Ordinals J up to * sixth', are as follows, viz :- 

H^W, H^OTT pahld, pahtld, * first '. ^tnn chanthdy * fourth*. 
dusrdj * second'. vltfoi pdnchwdn, fifth'. 

H^WT tisrdy * third'. ifgT, ^HFOrt chhatthd^ chhathwdn^ 

The ordinals above * sixth' are all formed by adding «rt 
wan to the cardinal numbers. Both the w a and nad an 
final of the ordinals are inflected, like Tadbhava adjectives 
of the same terminations, to ^ and ^ for the obi. maac, and 
t[ i and <r in for the fem. Thus, from ^^ das * ten' is 
formed ^^art daswdriy * tenth'; vnm pachas^ ' fifty', Hfrwrt 
pachdswdfij ^fiftieth', etc. 

a. Further examples of the use of the ordinals are nT^^ H^nv 
pahili pmtak, * the first book', m^ iwa& ^ sdtwen parbb men^ 'in the 
seventh chapter'; ^^art JTfhfT da^wdn mahfnd, * the tenth month'. 

6. The following dialectic variations occur in the Rdrndyan^ viz.^ 
91?1SI, * seventh', 9V39, * eighth', l^il, ninth'. 

179. When referring to the lunar days, another set of ordinals is 
used. The month is reckoned as consisting of two parts, each of 
15 lunar days, corresponding to the waxing and waning half of the 
moon. The waning half is commonly called ^MM^ or «l^; the 
waxing half, ^gliir9 or ^^. The month is reckoned to begin with 
the full moon, and the lunar days are counted twice in a month 
from one to fifteen. Although the names of these days are, strictly 
speaking, numeral adjectives in the feminine gender, agreeing with 
filTH, • a lunar day', this noun is rarely written, and they are practi- 
cally used as nouns. They are as follows : — 

mm. i?ini. 

Ist, nfelT pariicd, 4th, ^ni chauth. 

2nd, T9 duj, 5th, 4to^ pahchami, 

3rd. win tij, 6th, Wg chhatih. 



7th, ^ifl^ sattami, 
8th, Hg^ ashtami. 
9th, ^mf naumin, 
10th, '^^^ dastnin. 

11th, ^W^nft ekddast, 
12th, ^nre^ e/er<^c/a-«. 
13th, ^^ teras. 


15th, ^nnoi^ amdvas. 


a. The days of the second fortnight are reckoned in the same way, 
except that the fifteenth, or day of full moon, is called xpirrRiV or vp^, 

b. The following are dialectic variations, viz. : 7th, ^51^ ; 8th, wH ; 

15th, imm, «ncR. 

c. Sometimes the lunar days are denoted by the Sanskrit ordinals 
throughout. In so far as these differ from the above, they are as 
follows : — 

1st, innn prafhamd, 
2nd, f^^nn, dmtiyd, 
3rd, gftWT, tritiyd. 
4th, fPnif, chaturthi, 
6th, V^ ^ashti. 

7th, ^n^ saptami. 

9th, «ram navami. 
10th, Tirn^ dashamu 
13th, 4|i)i^in irayodaM, 
14th, Wf^ift chaturdaahi. 

Fractional Numbers. 

180. The fractional numbers are very irregular. The more com- 
mon are the following : — 

f in#T pdo, -J, ^[^paxme^ lit,j ' a quarter less 


fhvHI chauthdi. 

IJ, ^W «afrf. 

I, {?lfl^ ^ii^at. 1^, ^ derh. 

\j WWddha. 2^, ^R^I^ arhdi. 

181. Observe, that itApauney prefixed to any number, or noun of 
measure, denotes a quarter less than that number or measure ; ^m 
Bardj similarly prefixed, denotes a quarter more than that number 


or measure. ^ derh is similarly used, to denote one and a half 
times such number or measure. When either of these three stand 
alone, unity is to be understood ; but in this case itm paun is the 
substitute for ^1^ ; it is used with units only. 91^1^ arhdi^ used 
alone, is 2^ ; prefixed to any numeral or noun of measure, it denotes 
two and a half times that number or measure. ^rT§ sdrhe is never 
used alone. Prefixed, as above, to a noun or number, it denotes one 
half more than the following number or measure. It is never used 
with * one' or * two', where %S and ^9V^Ti take its place. ^TfHT ddhd^ 
^ half', is very commonly shortened to ^rra ddh before numerals, as 
^mi % ddh sau, 50. For ^rra, the Sk. ^ is sometimes used. 

a. The following examples will illustrate the use of these frac- 
tional numbers : — 

^ X J = I, WH vrdx ddh pdo. 250, ^(^ik ^ arhdi sau, 

11 X J=i(5, ^arr xrrdr sam pdo, 375, ^T^ WR ^ paune chdr sau. 

1 ^ X i = I, %^ Vj^ derh pdo. 460, ^1^ mr ^T sdrhe chdr sau. 

2| X i=f , TOI^ m% arhdi pdo. 1225, ^m T^TR savd hajdr. 

2i, ^arr ^ savd do. 1500, #5 ^ITT derh hajdr. 

5 J, ^1^ 'itw sdrhe pdnch. 1725, ^1^ ^ WWX paune do hajdr. 

7f, Sf^ WZpauiie dth. 2500, ^TSri ^^TTT arhdi hajdr. 

75, ^1^ % paune sau. 3500, ^T^ ^^ W^ITT sdr/ie tin hajdr. 

150, i^ ^ derh sau. 150000, i^ W^ derh Idkh. 

b. They are used with nouns of measure, quantity, etc., as follows : 
^ i&re derh kos, * a kos and a half; ^I^ ^TB m paune das ga;\ * 9f 
yards'; 91^ ?R arhdi man, ' 2^ wyi;2.s'; qT#r TfRfHR ^rfo chittdk, * i 
chittdk '; ^T^ WTf Will sarAe 6(f/ aA //a^A, * 12 J cubits^] TOTT «K^ 5«prf 
iara«, * a year and a quarter'. 


182. To express proportion, gsn 5^t*;ia or wr gun is added 
to the numerals, some of which then assume forms slightly 


niufitrations are the following: j^wn dugund^ * two-fold'; ^hlfff 
ekaugutid, * four-fold*; f^piT tigundy * three-fold '; ^9?IQS|t satgund, 
seven-fold '; 7^9n^ dasgund^ ' ten-fold '; 9l{|«ll saugund, ^ a hundred- 
fold \ 

a. Besides ^JFIT the afiBix ITT is also sometimes added to a few 
numerals, in a similar sense, as $T?TT, * double '; fTflTT, * threefold'. 

b. When, either in a literal or metaphorical sense, the idea of a 
string or cord is involved, ^ifT may be similarly added, as iTI^IfTi 
* triple '; ^NwT, * quadruple'. 


183. Multiplioatives, such as the English ' twice', and ' thrice', are 
not found in Hindi. The Hindi idiom is illustrated in such phrases 
as the following, viz. ; niRf ^m ^5?TOfC gydrah adi aaihattar^ lit.j 'elev- 
en sevens seventy seven '; 9 nhi ^I3R9 chha tin athdrah^ * six threes 
eighteen'; which correspond to the English idioms, * seven timea 
eleven', and * three times six'. Numbers thus used may be termed 
Denominative numerals. They have, in many oases, a form slightly 
different ttom that of the Cardinals. These special forms are as 
follows : — 

r^ ekam. 
*• l*kam. 

(^^ chauka. 
' C^^I^ chaukd. 

1|, ^991 eama. 

4J, iifn dhonchd. 

(il^ daurkd. 
** (.#$1^ deorhd. 

5, M pahje. 
5i, ^^mponchd. 

2, 79|T dund. 

6, ^FT chhakkd* 

rVRI dhama. 
^*' i^m dhdmd. 

6|, #iw khonchd. 

7, 55PPI satte. 

' t?iWl tina. 

7|, 9?Hfn mtonchd, 
8, ^ a,^,^A«. 

^*' iStel hontd. 

' LliilT nammd. 

10, ^1^T9i dahdnin 


184. The above are the only numbers which present peculiar formo^ 
and even these forms are not substituted in every case. The only 
way to master their idiomatic use, is to commit the multiplication* 
table to memory. Meantime the following remarks will suffice. W1R9 
commonly written 4, is substituted for ^«, in the series of * one ' 
only ; as WT ^ ITR, litj * four ones four', t.e., * once four is four*. In 
the first of the series, however, we have simply ^^R9i ^^T, ' once one is 
one'; probably a oontraction for ^9i 4 ^^SR. In all other places in the 
table ^ is the substitute, as, e,g.y ^^ ^ T9, * ten times one is ten '. 
From the series of two onwards, t^it is used as the Denominative 
numeral for ^ ; it seems to be a modification of the Mar&thi form of 
the numeral, §ni. From twos to tens, the fem. form, 5^, is used ; 
from tens onward, the masc. Thus, ^Bm J^ ^hw, 7x2=14, but 
WTf w^t it^Si^, 12x2=24. ri^ is substituted for ?ihi from threes 
to tens o^ly ; in all other cases, !lhl is used. Thus, inr liV QITf, 
4X3=12 ; W7TW rft^ ^wV^, 11 X 3=33. From threes onward, dnn 
(pronounced chauka before consonants,) is the substitute for WK ; in 
the twos, the longer form, ^HRT, is preferred. Thus, util ^ftrai i^, 
5X4=20; tr^raiT W^, 2x4=8. ^ is the substitute for ^hi 
throughout, as 79 4d imro, 10 X 5=50. The sing, form, ^[T, * six% 
is used from elevens on ; from twos to elevens, the plur., n, is pre- 
ferred; asinr 15^ ^ftraW, 4X6=24; «IRW ^ WW^, 12x6=72. 
^, * sevens ', (as if plur. of 9W,) is used throughout, except in the 
elevens, where ^m is employed ; e.g.^ 9 ^ QUra^, 6x7=42; but 
WK^* 9T?I 9?fWT, 11x7=77. Similarly ^ is used for ^ eight', 
except in the elevens, where we have W3; e,g.y uhl ^ W^te, 
5x8=40; WTTfW^^l^nft, 11x8=88. ^m is used for nine in 
the twos only ; si79n, from the threes to the tens ; ^ is retained in 
the elevens ; «lil is used from the twelves onward. Thus, ^^ ^iwi 
^RHTf, 2 X 9=18 ; mr 5IWT IBI^y 4 X 9=36 ; WK? 5h fiRPiS, 
11X9=99; «rTT?«lll^^^^ire, 12x9 = 108. TfTW is substituted 
for 79 in every instance. Above ten the cardinal numbers are 
employed as Denominatives. 

a. In the multiplication table the word utar, * over', is sometimes added to 
the smaller number in the numerals from 100 to 200. In this case the word aau 
always comes last, as, e.^., hisotar aau, 120. Observe that bisoiar=bi8a+tUar. 

b. The fractional Denominatives from 3^ to 7^ are chiefly used in sur* 


€. In numeration the words ^^RT^t, 9TT^ and ^^ are ufled respec- 
tively for * units \ * tens ', * hundreds'. Of a similar nature are the 
words, ^QTRIT, 1^, TT^ and 9R^, 2^, which are used in the headings 
of the multiplication-table. 


185. The terminations m d and 4^ ^ are added to some of the car- 
dinals, to denote collectiye numbers ; as iltm bisd, ^ a score '; «ni^ 
baitisi, * a thirty two '; frraWr chdlud^ ' a forty'. Besides these, the 
following words are used as collective numbers, mz, : — 

^tlWJjord^ Tnft gdhiA 

jnrr gandd^ * a four ' (chiefly of Wl^ kori^ * a score '. 

cowries). ^QTffT saikrd^ * a hundred '. 

a. The cardinal numbers are often used as collectives, without any 
ohange of form. 

Derivation of the Ntwierala. 

186. The Hindi numerals are all derived from the Sanskrit^ through 
intermediate Prakrit forms ; and by referring to the general principles set 
forth in Chapter III, the student will be able himself to demonstrate their 
derivation. "We only note a few of the more obscure forms. 

a. The numbers of the series tmU, 19, untie, 29, untdUs, 39, etc., have arisen 
from the combination of the Sk. una, * lessened', with the next higher number. 
The full form of the prefix was ekona=eka+ilna. Thus, even in Sanskrit, we 
have, e,g., for riavatriushai, 39, the alternative form, ekonachatvdrinshat, H. un- 
tdlie, lU.f * forty less one*. The ek was early dropped, even in Sanskrit, giving, 
e.g.^ uncimnshat for navadashan, 19, whence by regular processes we have the 
H. unaia or U7i49, The instability of the labial mutes is illustrated by their 
disappearance in the numbers unh, 19, unchds, 49, for unavhf and uTta^ctchda, 
A regard for euphony has probably led to the preference for the form navdsi, 
89, instead of unnave after the analogy of other similar numerals. 

h. The student will note the peculiar change of (2 to r or {, in the series 
from 11 to 18, as, eg,, in the H. bdrah, 12,^ for Sk. dwddashan, etc. Similarly, 
the final t of the Sk. saptaU becomes r in the seventies, as in aaUar, 70, for 
•aipUUL The initial %o of the last syllable in certain of the fifties represents 
the p of the Sk. panclidshat \ as, e.g., in ikdwcm, 51, for the Sk. ekapanckdshat, 
Bau or sot, 100, has arisen ultimately from Uie Sk* »hat, but imfliediately from 

108 PB0N0UN8. 

Prakritio forms, scUaha, scUika, nom. sing., $cUaJcdf^ satihdh, whence^ $aiaot 
saHo, and finally, t being elided, sau, sai. 

187. The irregular fractional numbers are derived as follows, w»: — 

PdOf *i*f from the Sk. pdcUi, nom. sing., pdddf^ whence by §§ 69, c, 78^ pdo. 
Or possibly it may have arisen by a similar process from an increased form, 
pddctka, Paunt f, and paune, * — i\ come from the Sk. pdd(mai=pdda+una, ' a 
quarter less'. Adhd, 'V* ^s from ar<{i^aA:a, secondary form of 8k. a/rddha: aavd^ 
*li\ or, as a prefix, ' +i\ from the Sk. aapdda, (sa+pdda,) * with a quarter*: 
^efhf from the Prak. divaddhe, Sk. dv)i-\'aTddha ; the labial is preserved in the 
Denominative fractional forms, 4(^ufhd, 4^ofhd, Mr. Beames happily illustrates 
this form by the German idiom, *halb9wei\ I^. (Can ctfhdi, 2), be similarly 
connected with a Sk. compound irayo+^rddha?) Sdfhey '+i', is from the 
Sk. 8a'\'0urddha, (Bdrddhaka^) 'with one half*. In the rare forms, (^&off- 
ehdf * 4^', poocha, * 5|', hhonchd, * 6^*, saUmchd, ' 7V» we evidently have as the 
last member the Sk. uchcha, {uchchaka,) * superior*, H. uftehd : ^^«^ appar- 
ently stands for cTuUur+uchchaha, the initial ^ representing the final r of 
ehatuTf ' four*. Initial consonants were freely elided in Prakrit. The hh of 
hhcmchd is evidently for the eh of the Sk ^]jm^ ' six*. 

188. The ordinals are derived from the Sanskrit ordinals, through interme* 
diate Prakrit forms. Thus pdhld, daswdn, pachdawdn have respectively arisen 
from the Sk. pvathama, daahamcL, and pahchdshcUtama. 

*> i. 



189. The pronouns in Hindi, as in all other langtiages, 
exhihit many irregularities in their forms of declension. 
Old inflectional case-endings which have quite vanished 
from the noun, except in certain dialects, here appear in the 
regular system of declension ; although, indeed, the analyt* 
ical forms, even in pronominal declension, largely prevail 
over the inflectional. The Hindi pronoim, except in some 
of the Bijputdna dialects, has quite lost the distinction 
of gender, which was still retained in the Prakrit. There 
is no distinctive pronoun for the third person ; the demon* 
stratives, w yaA, *this', m.toah, 'that*, and, after a relative 



pTonoun, expressed or implied^ the correlative pronoun, % 
so, supply its place. 

190. In the pronouns of the 1st and 2nd persons, ^ main 
and TO tuniy u rd appears as the sign of the genitive, in- 
stead of «RT kdy and is appended to a stem different from that 
which we find in any other case. The reflexive pronoun, 

dp, is peculiar in retaining a purely inflectional gen., 
apnd, for the Sk. ^rttyr:. In none of the pronouns, 
except in the case of the ag. sing, of the 1st and 2nd per- 
sons, is the base in the oblique cases identical in form with 
the nom. sing. 

191. It wiU aid the memory to observe the close analogy in the 
declension of the different pronouns. In both demonstratives, the 
relative, correlative and interrogative pronouns, 9 appears as the 
inflective sign of the oblique singular throughout; and if ;», or, in the 
longer forms, ^ nh, as the sign of the oblique plural. A similar 
analogy will be found to run through each of the dialectic" systems 
of declension. Observe, further, that throughout all the varieties 
of declension, an initial palatal, viz., % (rarely n,) its long vowel, i(, 
or its gun diphthong, % or the cognate semivowel, ^, marks the 
proximate demonstrative ; an initial labial, viz,^ ^, its long vowel, 
V, its gun diphthong, ^, or its cognate semivowel, Q, marks the 
remote demonstrative ; H initial marks the relative ; 9 or n initial, 
the correlative ; and 9i, the interrogative pronoun. Thus the declen- 
sion of any one of these five pronouns may be transformed into that 
of any other, by simply substituting the proper pronominal initial. 
Thus, to tabulate the above, we have, in standard Hindi, the follow- 
ing pronominal bases : — 

Frox, Dem, 

Rem. Dem, 


















a. The idea of indefiniteness is expressed by adding to the inter- 
rogative inflected base, in standard Hindi, ^ (, in other dialects, % ^ 
or 9, or with the aspirate, f^, ¥^, or W. 

b. After the same analogy are formed from these pronominal bases 
six classes of adverbs, which will be noticed in Chapter X. 

192. The first personal pronoun is declined as follows : — 

% tnainy *I\ 

N. H 





r. OT 

ham or 
hamon ko^ 

ham or 


us', 'to us . 

*by us*. 

' from us'. 

^^\^ ^"^""^'^l *me^*tome^ ?f . 

Ag. ^ ^ main ne^ * by me*. W^^ | ^ 

Ab. W5 % mujh 86^ *from me*. ^n» |a ^'^ ^' 
^ l^J hamon se^ 

^ ^ merdy <^ t <•«;„..» WTH, hamdrdy ^ , «-.„«^.f 

L nw I ^' "^""-^'^ "^'^ * .' '"^ ' ^' Stl^' ^''''*' ^'''^'^ *in* or *on us\ 
^Jw, or par, *onme'. wt)W,f»^,ori>ar, 

193. After the same model is declined the second per- 
sonal pronoun, 

g ^fi, *thou*. 

N. 5 tu, *thou\ 

Ag. 5 *> ^ei ne, * by thee*. 

Ab. ^ % tujh 86, * from thee' . 

O. f^iix^^"^' .vHh/,*thine*. 
«nw, or iwr, *onthee'. 




W^ tumhen 

gw^J ^ turn or *you*, *to you*. 

^1^ tumhon ko, 

fm )s^ turn or 

tumhon ne, '^yyo^'- 

^^<«mAo«*., 'from you'. 
fnRPTTT tumhdrd, . , , • 

S'ls W, ^ww, tumhon *in* or 
n^iRi iw^«, or i>ar, *on you*. 

PK0N0T7NS 111 

a.-ln the dat. and aoo. sing., we occasionally find the forms, ^ 
ff%, S^ fHf ; but these are archaic, and have about disappeared from 
standard Hindi. 

194. In the above pronouns, the plural forms, wvi and mi, as in 
the corresponding English pronouns, are often used for the singular. 
The sing, of the 2nd personal pronoun, is only used, in the standard 
dialect, to express either extreme familiarity, or, more commonly, 
aversion and contempt. It is however used, at least by Christians, 
in addressing the Deity. The singular of the 1st person is to be 
preferred to the plural used in a singular sense. 

195. The longer forms, ^, ?p^, are restricted to a pliiral 
signification. They are not, however, extensively em- 
ployed, but instead of these, when a plural is intended, the 
word ^Ti! log, duly inflected for the several cases, is added 
to the bases w and gw. Thus, in a plural sense, instead 
of the forms given in the paradigms, in standard Hindi 
we preferably have, N., w %ii, gw %^ ; Ac, is?i #n)t q^, ^ 
%ij| JiT ; G. i«T firRt ^kt, ^ #r?tt jrt, etc., etc. 

196. When these pronouns are used appositively with 
any noun or adjective in the gen. case, instead of the gen. 
forms given above, the base of the oblique cases must be 
used, and the postposition, qsr, *, or ^^ be appended to 
the following noun only. Thus we must translate, ' of 
unlucky me*, ^ ^trnUt sft ; * of us carpenters*, ^h w(fS^ cft ; 

* of you wise men*, gn g%m^ qsr, etc. f?nft widr crt would 
mean» 'of our carpenters*; g^Rn^ g%??Tilt qsr, 'of your wise men*. 

197. The genitives of the personal pronouns are occasionally used 
substantively, with the obL plur. inflection, in which case the objects 
denoted must be determined from the context. The following exam- 
ple iB from the Bhdgavat Purdn ; W^ $dt fk ^wi^ ^ ^ S^ ^ 1^^> 

• in other countries there have been heroes and braves greater than 
yours \ 

198. The close analogy between the next six pronouns 
will best appear by exhibiting their declension in a tabula* 

ted form^ as follows : — > 



Table IV : Stanbjlbd 



Prox. Demonst. 

IT? y^r/i, 'this*. 

N. 1W Bi^ y«A, y^A. cil gi «?«*, w^A. 

Bem. Demonst. 

dl traA, ' that '. 




ise. or 

t> Aro. 

G. 1W«T 

is A;(f . 

L. ^W,%, ismertypar. 

N. dm 

Ac ^ 



uscy or 

us ko. 

H8 tie. 

m 86. 

U8 kd. 




yey yah.^^[% 




in or 

in or 

t n or 
inhon se, 

in or 

t(?69 tc'aA. 

unhon ko. 


^joy *who*, *which\ 


jise^ or 
jia ko. 

Jis ne. 

jis se. 

fire W * jis kd. 


^ jiitnen.par. 

^ f/n or 

^ f/n or 

unhon se 



rin%1j^ jinhon ko. 

'r nil ^ 

^pi J« tn or mAoM^ 


un or 

tiiiAon kd. 

« «M or wwAon 

jm or 
jinhon ne. 

jin or 

jinhon se. 

jin OP 
jinhofi kd. 

ftR jS y«« OT jinhon 
W i/w'n, joar. T^r%t Jw #n6ii, /?^r. 

* qSf is of coarse inflected to q^ or QRt according to § 140. f jh«l is often 



Faokominal Declension. 


%T «o, * that \ 





tise or 
tie ko, 

its ne. 

tis se. 





tin or 

tinhon ho. 

tin or 
tinhon ne. 

tin or 
tinhot} He, 

tin or 
tinhon kd. 


?Rri /rrtww, * who *. 



tis kd. fiw 8|iT * 

A:t^, or 
kiB ko. 

kis ne, 
kis se. 
kis kd. 

tis men, par. Riw{ ZL kis tnen^ par. 


^ hit 



kin or 

kinhon ko. 

kin or 
kinhon ne. 

kin or 
kinhon se. 

^ kin or 

kinhon kd. 


%^i kot, * any one\ 



filw «felt 

iisf ilro. 

A;is{ fi^. 

iis( «6. 

kisi kd. 

kisi meny par. 

f?W ) ^ ^i« or tinhon^^Fm ) ^ Arm or kinhon 
VX^^XSK tnetjy par,^^f^^^ men, par. 



ooUoquiaUy used for ^sm, and skAy ^^^ 9f^, hat the forms are inaccurate. 



199. Observe, that the relatiye pronoun, #T, does not precisely oor* 
respond to the English relative, ^ who', ^ which \ It is rather * the 
one who ' or * which ', * that which *. Thus, #T WW^ WWT ' the man 
who came '; % ^ dr diVT %T i^liilT, ' what I said, that I have done'. 

200. The plural of the indefinite pronoun, %Ti, is often expressed 
by repeating the pronoun; thus, %^i%^i WOT, 'some (persons) came'; 
a ^ fiipit fil5^ %J ^Wt, ' I saw some, {or several) persons '. This 
often has an intensive force, i.a., * some few '. Or nKfA may be the 
substitute, as ftliffSJ ?W?I d, * some (a number) were saying \ 

201. ^Rri, as also, still more rarely, %^i, is occasionally uninflected 
in the oblique singular, as in the following from the Prem 8dgar, 
jtm Tlih % ^^M Hud, * in what manner Krishna was bom'. 

202. The emphatic particle i i or wi hi h sometimes 
added to all the above pronouns. In the oblique plural, 
if /^ is substituted for the final ^ on. 

Examples are, il^ yoAt, * this very* ; ^ W^ main hi, * I myself'; wSi 
^ usi kOj^ to that very person' ; B^ ^ ^SWl unhin ne kahdj * those 
same persons said '. But, rarely, wt also follows the plur. inflection ; 
as, e.g. J ^»%t W^ % unhon hi se, 'from those very persons' or *that 
very person '. 

203. When any of the pronouns are used substantively, 
they take the proper postpositions as given in the tables. 
When they are used adjectively, i.e.^ with a noun, if in any 
oblique case, the inflected form of the pronoun, sing, or 
plur., is placed before the noim, and the postposition is 
added to the noun only. 

Thus we say, H^ W w« par, * on that', or * on him'; but m %f W 
U8 ghore par^ * on that horse'; fiira ^ WC iiT IWT Im he ghar ko gayd^ 
*' to whose house did he go '; but Bfi9 VJ, %l kk ghar ko^ *' to what 
house'; ^9 ^ $ir ^ ^>ni uh ke desh ke log, * the people of his country'; 
but H9 $ir ^ ^hn U8 desh ke log, * the people of that country'; vm W 
Jin kdy ' of whom'; but ftR in^ldt ^jin baniyot^ kd, * the shop-keepers 
whose'; ftpf ^ircAf ^ tin kaviyon ko, * to those poets'. 

204. Observe, that the longer plural forms, in ^, can 
only be used in a substantive sense ; the shorter forms may 

PROKOUNfl. 115 

be used either adjectively or substantively. Thus, * of those 
horses', is ^r ^rfl sft, — ^never ^i%t dift w ; but, on the other 
hand, we may say either ^m ^ wrr, or ^3%t ^ wrr, * he' or * they 

205. The plural forms of these pronouns are used for 
the singular, whenever it is intended to express respect. 
The longer forms are considered more respectful than the 
shorter. Since, thus, ambiguity might sometimes arise, 
the word ^ni is preferably added to the pronoun, to denote 
plurality. In the oblique cases, this word, with the plural 
inflection, is inserted between the shorter form of the in- 
flected base and the postposition. Thus, ' they' is en ^m ; 
*in their village', B^ftntt^nta fk; * those who came', dr 
%m w^y etc. 

206. It will be observed that all the pronouns hitherto considered, 
except the indefinite, present two forms of the aoo. and dat. in both the 
sing, and plur. ; the one, purely inflectional, in ^ (sing.) or ^ (plur.); 
the other, analytic, consisting of the base of the oblique cases with %t. 
These may both be used as either dative or accusative ; but the forms 
with «fel are preferred for the accusative, and the others, for the dative. 
Sometimes the employment of one or the other is determined merely 
by a regard to euphony, as, e.g.^ % ^ ^ m^ ^ firm, ' I gave it to 
the gardener'; where the immediate repetition of ^ would have been 
unpleasant to the ear. 

207. All the above pronouns, when used adjectively, 
may take the nom. form, with a noim in the ace. 

Thus, we may say, dr ^R % ^^QITT % * the house which I see '; qw 
Wtm Vf!W9^ ' saying this thing '. So also when used substantively, 
the nom. form of the accusative may be employed, but of things only, 
aB% 119 ^iim J, ' I say this '; #T W^ g^ ^ %T^{ ?iiwd ^, * we say 
those very (things) which we hear'. But with ^k^ and %4i this 
usage is not considered elegant. 

208. Besides the interrogative ^ komn^ * who', and the 
indefinite pronoun ifcrt koii *any one', 'some one', etc.. 

116 moNouKS. 

another interrogative pronoun, wt kyd^ 'what*, and another 
indefinite pronoun, ^ ktwhh, *some', 'any', 'something', 
'anything', is employed. The following principles regulate 
the usage of the two Interrogative pronouns. 

(1) ^ kaun may be applied both to persons and to 
things; wt kt/d^ to things only, except in expressions denot- 
ing surprise, as, e.g., wt mm kyd murakhy 'what a fool I* 
More commonly, in such a case, the emphatic particle, w^ hi^ 
is added to the pronoun, as «t it awr nw kyd hi ba^d rdjd^ 
' what a great king 1' 

(2) ^km kcmn is used both substantively and adjectively, 
in both the nom. and obi. cases, but when used substan- 
tively, it refers to persons only. 

Examples are, ^ni ^ kaun hat, ^ who is it ?'; fm ^ iim %T n^mt 
turn ne kis ko buldi/d, * whom did you call P'; fira «FT ^ kf's kd haij 

* whose is it ?'; filW ^W^ WX kis larke kd, * what boy's ?'; g*l ^ 6lW 
TVWT^R % ^Q^ turn ne kis mahdjan se puchhd, ^ of what banker did you 
inquire ?'; filW H^C H iw ghar men, * in what house ?'. 

(3) m\ kyd can be used adjectively in the nom. only : 
in the oblique cases it is always used substantively. 

a. The aoo., W% % kdhe ko, * for what *, is commonly used as the 
equivalent for the English ' why^ The gen., ^Rit 5FT kdhe kd, * of 
what', usually denotes the material. Examples are, ?fiT «|iT% j^ 
m^ turn kdhe ko dcy * why have you come ?'; IT^ qOTT ^ yah kyd hai, 

* what is this P'; II^ 5liT^ m «RT i yah kdhe kd band hoi, * of what is 
this made ?\ 

209. The two Indefinite pronouns, ^ koi and vm kuchh, 
are both used either substantively or adjectively, and of 
both persons and things. But when used substantively, 
^ koiy like ^, refers to persons only, and mm kuchh, to 
things only. When used adjectively, either may be used 
to denote both persons and things. 

a. The distinction between these two pronouns, when used adjeo- 
tively, appears to be this ; that ^ kuchh always oonveys, more or 


less distinctly, a partitive sense. Examples of their use are, j^ ^ 
koihaij 'is there any one ?\ or Hhere is some one'; but OR?? ^ kuchh haiy 
* there is some'; % ^ %li^ ^ $3QT maif} ne ktsi ko dekhd^ ' I saw some 
one'; CK9 ^^If^ ^ffI7 kuchh larke de^ ^ some boys came'. 

210. mt Icyd is declined in the singular only ; w^ kuchh 
is indeclinable. 

€u The obL form hitu^ which many grammarians have assigned to kuchh, is 
properly a dialectic variation of the obi. form of hot. It will be found in the 
tables of dialectic declension. Prof. De Tassy similarly assigns to kuchh, obi. 
plnr. forms, klnhun, hinuQ, * but these are to be regarded as mere variations 
of hinhoB, the obi. plur. of hot. 

mn kyd is declined as foUows : — 

Wl kyd^ *what?' 


N. «pn kyd^ *what?'. Ab. «RT% % kdheue^ 'from what?'. 

^' ^Bin* *T kdhe ko, * for what P'. Q. qnt 5FT kdhe kd, ' of what P^ 

K -or A' T _A^ ^ ^^^ ^^w * in * or 

Ag.Wanhng. L. *tt^^ or ^ar", 'on what?'. 

211. The Sonorifio pronoun, wm dp^ is used instead of 
the 2nd personal pronoun, g ^w or mi ttrni^ whenever it is 
intended to show respect to the person addressed. In the 
singular it is declined exactly like a masculine noun of 
the second variety of declension; i.e.^ Nom., wm dp, Ace. 
Dat., mun ^ dp ko, Gen., m^ 5kt, etc. 

a. But when more than one person is addressed, the plural 
is denoted by affixing the word ^hn log, which is then regu- 
larly declined throughout the plural, the word wm remain- 
ing unchanged; as, wm %vn $fia9 dp log dekhiye, *your 
excellencies will please to see '; ^ wm ^rilt % ^rtm i main dp 
logon se kahtd hun, * I say to your excellencies'. 

b. The honorific pronoun ^im is also, much more rarely, used for 
the person spoken of, when that person is present, so that the refer- 
ence will be evident. But in such cases it is better to use, instead of 
mn, the proper title of the person addressed, as ^nn, <qff¥?i, ^irar, etc. 

* Budiments de la Langae Hindonl, p. 35. 


212. The Reflexive pronomi, imi dp^ 'self*, although, 
like the foregoing, derived from the Sanskrit mm^, is 
differently declined. The singular number is declined as 
follows : — 

mn dp, 'self*. 


N. uni dp. Ab. uni ^ dp Be, 

WliJ frtf apne tain, 

Ag. wxi^ rf/>««. L. S£ rfporajww 

a. The plural forms are the same as the singular, with the 
exception of the Gen., ^vnm m dpaa kd^ and theLoc., ^inre 4 
apflw m^^, * among themselves'. 

Examples of their use are, WUf^ ^ VlTlfrhl dpas ki hdtchit^ ^mu- 
tual oonversation'; d W^W ^ ^KJIfT 5RT?i ^ we dpas men jhagrd karte 
hain^ ' they are quarreling among themselves'. 

213. The genitive of the reflexive pronoun must always 
be substituted for the genitive of the other pronouns, when 
the pronoun refers to the subject of the verb, and also in 
certain other cases, which will be duly noted in the chapter 
on Syntax. For the present one or two examples will suffice. 

Thus, «W WliJ WC iiT mm ^ wah apne ghar kojdtd hat, * he is going 
to his own house'; but QY H9 % ^TC ^ WRIT ^ wah us ke ghar ko jdtd 
half ^ he is going to his house', i.e., the house of another person. 
Similarly, ^HK WFt ^sm « TWHT T^ sydr apne bil me^ chhipd rahd, 
^ the jackal remained hid in his hole'. 

214. It will be noticed that all the shorter forms of the reflexive 
pronoun are identical with those of the honorific pronoun, HW. 
Thus, ^^ ^ WQ % *IKT may mean, * he struck you', (honorific form,) 
or 'he struck himself'. Whenever, therefore, the sense might be 
ambiguous, the longer form of the refiexive is to be preferred ; thus, 
99 9 W3^ iir inrr can only mean, * he struck himself'. 

215. The genitive inniT sometimes assumes the plural termination 


itt, and is then tised as a noun, in the sense ^ one's own people '. 
ThoBy 9f WiPii % vm ^inuT, 'he came to his own (people'). 


216. The tables annexed to this section exhibit the pronominal 
declension of ten dialects. Preliminary to the tables, the following 
remarks and illustrations of the forms current in the more important 
dialects may be found of service. The Braj forms are so uniform 
and regular as scarcely to demand illustration. The tables exhibit 
all the common Mirw^ colloquial forms. The remarks in the 
following paragraphs refer especially to the Marwdri of the 

* Plays '. 

217. The aspirated and imaspirated bases of the 1st personal pronoun 
are indiflterently employed ; thus, unft IKW ^ ' hear my suppli- 
cation '; ^ »nft W?l ' hear my word '. ^ is used alone, as ag. sing. 
in the following, i|^ ^ 9imT% uri, *I have received the command of 
my Gfurtl \ Instead of the regular base, H, of the Mar. obi. sing, of 
the 2nd personal pronoun, ^ (Braj, ^) is sometimes used, as ^ ^ 
jhrv WTU WJf^y ^Chrakh Ndth has led thee astray'. 

218. 4f and #r are the common nom. sing, forms of the two de- 
monstratives, HW and QY. Thus we read, #r ^^ ^nr, * he, writing 
a note'; 4f TJh i^lsQT 4ll^, Hhis treachery has the Englishman 
eommitted '. But dr is found for 4f (HW) and dr for ih (Q9), as % 
dnft wm mdr, * this jogi has come into the jungle '; dr^ «nil TPr^, 

* that same lord, queen !' Besides the forms given in the tables, 
the * Plays' often use the Braj 9T ( H. H. ^9 ) in the obi. sing., as, 
e.g.<f m 5 HT^, •( he ) has found that '; where 5 is for ^ ( H. H. %l). 
The base ^ also occurs in the ag. (plur. of respect) in the following ; 
nm f^R^T ^, * he has made (me) immortal '. d occurs in the same 
case, as in d 991 wm ^^n^ in ^, ^ he declared to me the knowledge 
of Brahma'. Finally, 9 also is used as a base in the obi. sing., as 
in itirai ^ ^Tr4> ^Pingald his wife *. 

219. Besides ^, dr and # are also used for the relative. The 
most common sing, inflection is ^, as dl¥^ vfsHt ?I^ ^ A 9^, 

* in whom dwells that lord of thine'. This inflection alone expresses 
the ca^e of the agent, but ^ is occasionally borrowed from the Braj, 


in this and other oases ; as, ^ ^ ^dr ^ih9 HT ^m^ ' he who placed 
(his) hand upon (my) head '. 

220. Besides the forms of the interrogative given in the tables, 
vsm and %R are found in the obi. sing. ; thus, in the case of the ag., 
rant Xfm VRirrtT, * what sinner has led (him) astray?'; %R Tra ?iini 
?iq^in Wt^i ' who, leaving his kingdom, has practiced austerities ?\ 
So also the regular form, ^k^, occurs in the case of the agent, as, 
^TH ^Wl^ ^ WR T^, * what teacher hath given (thee) knowledge ?'. 
QiTfT, for WF, * what?', occurs in the * Plays', but this is Braj. The 
regular Mar. form 9iH[ occurs in the following : 7^ 9iti wm il QiT'l, 
* what business of mine in the sarde ?'. ^ (for WT or «FHt^ is used in 
the following, merely as a sign of a question ; %RT voni CRf unA, * is 
there rain without wind P'. 

221. Mewf'iri, it will be observed, is distinguished from all other 
Hindi dialects in retaining separate forms for the maso. and fern., in 
all except the two personal pronouns. It should be further observed^ 
that the Mewilri pronominal genitives in 9^ are less common than 
those in ^. The longer plural forms of the personal pronouns, in 
Vt and SR}, are preferred to the shorter for the true plural. In the 
colloquial of both Marwar and Mewdr, the reflexive genitive, WFR, 
is rarely used. The genitive of the several pronouns commonly 
takes its place, even when referring to the subject of the sentence. 
Thus the Marwaris would usually say, ?lj l^T^ ^Rm fK^^^^nm^FJR, 
vrtnT, * I shall do my work'; 9 m ^ vm iB^.^QY wfI lAm mn, * he 
went to his village '; d art 5FT jif t ii^in,=d WK^ drft w wp, * they 
mounted their horses', etc. 

222. In the Old Purbi of the Rdmdyan all the postpositions, ex- 
cepting that of the agent, which has no existence in this dialect, are 
often employed with the pronouns as in standard Hindi. But they 
are much more frequently omitted, and the inflected base of the pro- 
noun, sing, or plur., may then represent any oblique case whatever. 
This is indicated in the tables by placing the postpositions in a 

a. This remark as to the use of the oblique forms of the pronouns, applies 
not only to the old eastern Hindi, but, more or less, to all archaic Hindi 
poetry, as, e.g.., to the writings of the Rajput bard, Chand, Kabfr and others. 
Abundant iUustrations will be found in the Syntax. 

223. In the Rdmdyan )i ia used, instead of id or ^iTf, in the case 


of the agent; as, it % ^ «lff tri, * that which I may 'not have 
asked'. The same remark applies to n or w.* 

2 £4. Observe, that while the longer oblique forms, ^rf^, ?4lft, of 
the personal pronouns, are constantly used in the Mdmdyan, both with 
and without the postpositions, on the other hand, the shorter oblique 
forms. ^ and fh, always take the postpositions. 

a. But in the archaic Hindi of Chand^ according to Mr. Beames^ 
even ^ and fh are used for all cases more frequently without than 
with the postpositions. Among his examples are, fiinf ^UPR % %rv, 
' how shall there be salvation for me P'; SHU ^ 5im WT, * lord, my 
name is Chand ' ; ^pw «n?I ^ wm, * hearing this word, thy father'.f 

b. wvi is occasionally used in the gen. plur., for WTRT, as in the 
following from the Rdmdyan ; ?i ^^QWV l** ^^, * in my esteem, they 
are treasuries of merit'. 

c. Besides the more common oblique forms of the 1st pers. pron., 
given in the tables, a form Vlf , in the compound, ^ ^m, (~ ^ ^, ) 
' like me', occurs in one place only in the Rdmdyan. Quite analogous 
to this, is an obi. sing, form, fiw, of the 2nd pers. pron., noted by 
Prof. De Tassy in his Hindoui Grammar. 

d. The Sanskrit genitives sing, of the personal pronouns, HH, TOI, 

*my', 'thy', frequently occur in the Bdrndyan^ as in other Hindi 

poetry, but they cannot be accounted Hindi, and are therefore 
omitted from the tables. 

i2b. The regular Old Purbi forms of the Demonstrative pronouns, 
are 1W, fa, or ^, * this', and %, * that '. But for ^W, a form 3^f also 
occurs ; as Jm Hfli 97C ^Ri^ d^, ' this is a mark of devotion to Rdm\ 
In the obi. sing., the proximate demonstrative is inflected to ^ffl or 
^ ; the remote, to ^ftlfw, or rarely, dif?. Examples are, ^rfw feSfel 
ITI7I Tni9R 9iT^, ' in this manner Bharaty bathing'; HT^i qfsf vs^im ^TTW, 
' again and again she asks him'; ^ ^HHHQ Fwiq^ dr^, ' my evil 
fortune keeps ]um alive' ; inw % WH, * in the heart of this (demon)'. 
iff W¥ V^fim «ITO, * in this, the name of the lord of Raghu '. 

a. In the plural, we most commonly meet the inflected forms, Y^, 
B^, which, like the obi. sing, forms, are used, after the manner 
of the dialect, either with or without the postpositions. Thus, Tlf^ 

* It should be observed, however, that the Rdmdyavt exhibits great confu* 
sion in the use of the direct and paitsive construction, 
t Vide Journal As. Soc. uf Beugal, Part I, No. II, 1873. 


122 PRONOTJirs. 

nff^ wity ^ keep these (two) in your eyes'. For the dat« and aoo. 
plur., forms ^ilfii and vS^ exist ; as VTT^^ VlRt «R ^^'W, * the lord ci 
the world gave a wilderness to these'. For these, ^ and b)! also oooor. 
b. In the Rdmdyai^ we meet a form ^T^ of the Remote demons- 
trative pronoun. The final % is not an essential part of the word, 
but an emphatic particle, = Br. V, H. H., 9^. But sometimes it 
seems to be added merely metri gratid, as, e.g., in the following ; 
%f^R ^IFI drft 5IPC ?ra I TO ^P! ^ 5Rfw 5OT5?! f ^W I ' his eyes full 
of tears, joining both hands, to the lord nothing could he say*. 

0. Similarly, in old Hindi, we find the emphatic nom. sing, forms, 
^f^, ^, (for mft,) of the Prox. demons, pronoun, 1W (1W). Thus, fiwi 
%Rlif^ fortn jA i^SRP ^ ftrtjn^, ^Brahmd, having delivered this instruc- 
tion to the gods, went to his own world '; ^^ CRfTf, ^ saying just this'. 
The final % or ih has arisen &om the sandhi of the final inherent V of 
m with the emphatic particle ^ or 9, == H. H., ^. In the forms ^^, ^ 
of the same pronoun, the final vowel is simply lengthened metri grcttid. 
d. In the Bdmdt/an and other Hindi poetry, we occasionally meet 
the Sanskrit demonstrative WUy * this ', as uiQlUW ?ia ?IJ ^, *' per- 
vaded by sin and impurity is this body of thine *. 

226. The most common forms of the obi. sing, of the Relative and 
Correlative pronouns in the Rdmdyan and similar poetry, are f^riw or 
«lf% and f?lfw or ?H9. ^nfw and mfw also occur, but are to be assign- 
ed, not to eastern Hindi, but to the Braj. All these forms, as above 
remarked, are used in any case, either with or without the postposi- 
tions ; as, e.g., dfw f^ ITTT ^, * in what quarter Ndrad was seated'; 
f?ini fnx^ m US f^rer^, ^on that mountain was a large fig-tree '. Instead 
of these longer forms, the Braj obi. forms, "m and m, are often used, 
but generally with the postpositions. Like ^ and fir, however, these 
are also sometimes used substantively without the postpositions, as in 
the following line ; "WJ v:z TO HT «l% m ^lE WJ HH\% *in whose body love 
dwells not, regard his body as a burning-ground (of the dead) '. 8.B. 
a. The genitive is thus commonly expressed in the Rdmdyan by 
ftrff , dni, and T?rftf, ?tff , or irnRT, etc., as #T% ^Tvn?!, * by remember- 
ing ( of ) whom'; "m ^ 3 ^T^, * whose handmaid thou art '. But 
the Braj inflected genitives, ^If^, Wl^, occasionally occur, and, still 
more rarely, in^, as, e.g., IT? ^W^ in^ Wi ^nOT, * into whose heart 
this conversation enters'. A form TIT^, for fNf?, is found in a few 

PE0N0UN8. 123 

places, as w^ lA m ?n^ H mnn, * the lord hath not forsaken him 
(who) hath taken refuge with him', lit.y ^ gone to his feet'. 
b. #v is found in the ohl. sing, for dff ; as #v IT^ 9R^^ 9r6R^, 

* who hath made ( his ) mother crazy '. In the phrase %^ vni ^^fili 
( Bam, L. K, ), ^ thinking this in his mind ', %^ is an emphatio form of 
the aoo. sing., = H.H., %TfV. Very rarely, the correlative %T is treated as 
if indeclinable, as, e.^., xm unQ^i % nft %TJf, * over him, R&m is chief. 

e. Instead of the longer forms, Bfl^ and f?l«9, # and ^ also some- 
times occur in the obi. plur. ; as, e,g,^ ^FH # wd, ' blessed are they 
who bore ( them )'; ^ t# ^TH HRIT, * they beheld the two brothers.' 

d. The Sanskrit forms of the relative and correlative pronouns, are oc- 
casionally used in the Rdm&yan, thus, ^n^in?! ?lcn9R 91^ % 'who behold 
thy face with reverence *; moi?! ik 9nrt, * whom ascetic saints behold '. 

227. The most common form of the first Interrogative pronoun, 
Jh^, in the Rdmdyan, is QISQR. To this, Y is sometimes added, as in the 
following, before a fem. noun, ^9sm ^sm ^inj firo ^ifij Hfift, *what thing 
has been so dear to me ?'. The firaj ^ is also occasionally used, as 
in ^ffilT'l?! ^ lAy *who can enumerate (their) countless disguises ?'. 

a. In the obi. sing, the regular forms, fiRff , ^Tf , are preferred to 
others when the pronoun is used substantively, as ci^ v^ qs^ ftftra 

* with whom do they cherish enmity ?'. The medial H is sometimes 
dropped, as, Hyi ^ ?iTO, * who broke the bow ?*. But when the 
pronoun is used adjectively, the nom. more commonly remains un- 
changed, as fiid 9i?sR T^irk QT^, ' in what way may I obtain the 
maiden V\ or the nom. form in Y may be used ; as, ISR^ wsm f^ira 
Wl, * in what way can ( all the wonders ) be recounted V, A third 
obi. sing, form, CKQ^, also occurs; thus, WRftt^ ^^ ^iQP) ^THIT, 

* of what use is pleasure to one destitute of religion V. This may 
be contracted to ^|3t, as wrS ^T^ W^, ' of what use can it be ?'. The 
Braj obi. sing., 9iTff , is also found in the Rdnidyany as 9VI 9nff , 

* whom wouldst thou serve ?'. The plur. forms, nom. CfpsR, obL 
Sr^, lifF^ni, etc., call for no special remark or illustration. 

228. For the second Interrogative, WT, when used substantively, 5ITO 
(W^) is the usual substitute in the Rdmdyan, The Braj forms, q!T and 
^ilf, also occur. eRT^ is ajso found in the obi. sing. ; as 51R 5FT^, 'for 
what fault ?'. iifi or i^ is used for CPTT as a mere sign of interrogation ; 
thoB, %lfw l^rnnm crsIJ nii «Rnn, 'will a crow ever live without meat?'. 


229. For the first Indefinite pronoun, ^t4, ^rgr, ^FClfil^, ik^ and 
8KCRH are the common substitutes in the Rdnidyan, Thus, ewiTH^ f^ 
fis ftig ftl^T^, * was there ever any saint without faith ?'. I should 
suppose a nom. CRSiiBr| or 9iQ^ must exist, but have not noticed it. 
The H of ^ is however certainly preserved in the obi. form, CRS^, for 
fficA^, which is also used, as in ^R^Fij QRT^, * at any time '. Besides 
the above nom. forms, ^ and ^7f also occur, as in the following ; 
^igffl?! Qn9 5! 4T¥fl 'Si^, ' no wise man will call it wrong ' ; ^ni^ imrar 
Qin m ^, ^ let no one know this thine '. We also find i^ and ^T. 

a. In the obi. sing, a variety of forms exist. CRof^ occurs in the 
following ; crai^ vrtftl dror ^Si wran", * in no way did he comprehend*. 
einj,( in the dat. and aco. W^|fif, ^ is also used ; as QiT^Tf ^fir ^a^ $f , 

* do not impute blame to any one*. In the following we have ^S% ; 
CKTl ^ ^n^ iWlsr ^^*, ' it cannot in any way be told '; Y is lengthened 
metri gratid. An obi. plur. form, CRi^, exists ; thus QPi ^9 ^IH^ xn^ 
*every one received pdn\ 

230. The second Indefinite pronoun, Qg??, is used in old Fiirbi poetry, 
but CR^ is preferred, often in the augmented Frakritic form, ^v^. It 
is always indeclinable, as in standard Hindi. Thus, JJM .... cii|[CR {^ 
wm W^C^ WY, '(after) some days Rdm will come and dwell (here)'. 

231. The Reflexive pronoun commonly appears in old Purbi as 
wm or VTOH; as ^'HTO %nr If %nr, *(but) that same himself is not' ; ^ftfl 
wra ^ir§H, * the lord of men himself mounted '. The genitive of the 
reflexive in the same dialect is ^RTQ«I, as in the following, where WHf 

* one's own', is contrasted with ^^, ' another's ; WJJR ^K ^K^ §^ 1 ^T^j 

* no one heard his own ( or ) another'^ (voice)'. The fem. form is ^lUpl, 
as uniftl ir^, * toward myself'. The penultimate vowel is sometimes 
lengthened metri gratid^ thus, wnHT, ^HUlPl. 

a. Frequently, in the Hdmdyan and other poetry, the Sanskrit inde- 
clinable reflexive pronoun, ^OT, is substituted for WH. Thus, <?T8| mwi 
ift ^EOT, ^JSarij himself a consuming fire'. Similarly, for the possessive, 
fRHR, the Sanskrit inseparable possessive particle, ^d, is often prefixed 
to a word ; as ^CRK^ qnrk 4W, * cutting off ( his) head with his own hand*. 

232. For wm ^, the gen. of the Honorific pronoun, wni. the usual 
substitute in old Purbi poetry is ^T3T; as'WC?! fis TT^ JRf «! %r5^, * is 
not Blmrat your majesty's son ?'. 

233. The remaining colloquial dialects call for little remarks 


Observe, that in the Bhojpuri and Riw6i dialects the medial ^ is 
always pronounced short, thus, df, jen^ ^^, khih^ etc. 

a. In tbe modern eastern colloquial dialects, as, e.g,^ the Avadhi 
and Bhojpuri, the word ^H, uninflected, is commonly added to the base 
of the obi. plur., instead of 'Sm, whenever a true plural is intended. 
Thus, Bh., ^W ^m ^=H. H., ^w #r?tt ^ ; A., ^ 99 «R=H. H., ?ro 
diiii W, etc. 

h. In some districts in the east, the final consonant 9v;, of ^ and "^^ 
is changed by the rustics to 9, giving such forms as ^, n%, ^ %; ^9 
%T. etc. 

c. In the Bhojpuri dialect, the longer plural forms, as ^H^tiil %t, 
IS'mn 5ft, etc., are used in preference to the shorter forms, when 
emphasis is intended. To the forms given in the tables, Mr. Beames 
adds ^ITT and ^Tt?T, for gipn ( ?Ti^RT ), and, in Shahabad, ik^ %t. for 
nm ^ ( W« % ). For the plur. of ^ (=^r|), lUir)^ is commonly 
employed ; as lonrioii HT ^RW W, *some houses are burning*. 

234. The Honorific pronoun, WQ, is in use throughout the Qtinges 
valley, and, so far as I have noticed, is declined as in the standard dialect, 
except, of course, that the postpositions peculiar to each locality are 
appended to the stem. But, in the dialect of Eiwd, the nom. sing, is 
Uipn. This is inflected to ^, as in WI^ ^=H. H., WITV ^; but some- 
times the inflection is neglected, as in ^BWIT IW=H. H. ^im W. 

fl. Further east, as in Bhojpur, and elsewhere, the word ^RT or 
^BTT, plur. <^i«^, is the substitute for the honoriflo pronoun WITV. It 
follows the declension of substantives. Instead of THTT^ V3\ is also 

sometimes heard. 

h. In the Pai\jab and the Himalayas the common people are not so partic* 
tdar about using the honorific pronoun, and frequently address their supe- 
riors with tum^ when no disrespect is intended. Indeed, so far as the writer's 
observation has gone, 6/g is rarely heard from the mountaineers of the Hima- 
layas, except from individuals who may have mingled much with the people 
of the plains. So also the singular, iu^ is freely used among tbe same people, 
when in the Ganges valley we would only hear the plural, turn,. 

235. In the following paradigms, the inflected form of tbe genitives is not 
given, but may be readily learned from the rules for the dialectic inflection of 
adjectives and substantive genitives. 

}^. B. For tbe plural, the word ^ni, or, in the eastern dialects, ^9^ may be 
added to tbe nom. and then declined throughout. 



Table V: Dialectic 
1st personal 
















^ %. 













971 i). 



144 Rl. 




% ft, ^. 



















iiT in%. 

iit, 4iiiiD ^ 

it___T i ^* 


ntwt ) 

ilt, 4ltlltj%T. 




* These forms are also used, more rarely, with the postpositions. A 
either of the postpositioDS may be added to either of the forms covered by 



PsoNOHiNAL Declension, 
pronoun; ^ etc., '/'. 


















WIf ^. 



WW it. 

W9T, W1«t. 

wn ^wnl). 




wn (wrfw), 






WW wrr. 


pi, ?!'!. 






T^ fPi, 


WW^ W. 





WWTT %t. 



wsrft w. 











WW^ W. 

bracket between the pronominal bases and the postpositions indicates that 
the bracket. 



Table VI : Dialectic 
2nd personal 












>9 '^T. 









fW i|. 

?TR %. 









?TR ^. 

?m ^. 

?!H %. 



ig. ft?i. 

^' w. «. 
















Pronominal Dbclensiok. 
peonoxtn; jr, etc., *thou\ 



9 ifi^i. 

?TO 1. 





im, g?w 









5' % "• 




fh 5RT. 
























gw^ ^. 






gf^ 5I5T. 






Table VII : Dialectic 


H. Hindi. 












il¥, ft. 









5, a. 

xn Jii. 

'fir, St. ^. 

W, HT. /. 




irt, ^. 


















H^ ft. 

€1^, Qt, d. 

g^, ^• 






d, a. 

^TH, ftR 

B^ feR 


ort sot 






Pronominal Declension, 
peonoun; vw, etc., ^this\ 




0« PtirW. 




^, m. 



'W, t, *. 













^, ^^. 



^Pl W. 







Of, etc., 'that', ' he% 'she', *it\ 





^, tr, iK. 



^ W. 

cifii ^W. 













iWf ^. 




If anting. 



Table VIII : Dialectic 

RELATIVE pronoun; 











JT. Bindi. 


nw %. 

Hw w. 










ftni ^. 


• • 






ill, ^Rn. 














ftni la 









Pronominal Declension. 
#T, etc., *who\ *u)hich\ 



0« Ptirfti. 









d W. 



If anting. 



^Tf *I. 






#T, W. 









%f, etc., Hhat\ Hhe same\ 




%,?TOi,fti'i. fwrtd. 


ft ^Iw. 



ft P 






?np fti. 

ft WC. 









ft, ftwrl. 


ft^ 1 









Table IX : Dialbctic 
1st interrogative pronoun ; 

JPlural. | Singular. 







JT. EindL 







WW, WW. 

WW ww^) 

WW WW^^^R. 

WW wwt. 


wf % 



r/ n}WT. 
^R ) 




1st indefinite pronoun ; 









WTf wt. 




2nd interrogative and 2nd indefinite 








WT% Wf. 

^, wrtf. 





^, wrtf. 




Peonominal Declension 
^8th, etc., * who \ * what \ 



Old Purbi. 





9iT, St. 


















•• • 



. •• 


Wanting. Wanting. 


ifer^, etc., ^(my\ *<my one\ etc. 


%r, ^. 


w ^8f. 

'R !lm. 

^T^ 5FTf (5rt). 







pronouns; wt, etc., ^what?^ qr^, *<my, 8onie\ 



CUT, ^Rra. liTf . 


• . • 




• * . 



^, gRfW. 




236. Observe, that whenever, in the above tables, we have a final 
short vowel, in poetry this vowel may, meiri gratid^ be optionally 
lengthened, so that we may have, e.g.^ such forms as #ni^, %f^, qnw» 
for 4jiTi5, ^fw, «KTJ. 

237. Observe further that Anusvdr is freely inserted or omitted in 
all the above pronouns, both in the terminations and, less frequently, 
in the pronominal base. Thus, e.g,^ we have ^Hf, ^Kli)t, «M^, crt, for 
^dlH, c^T^, ^f, m, etc., etc. It has not been thought necessary to 
give all such trifling variations in detail. 

238. Occasionally, for the aco. postposition, qh, the postposition 
fl^, ( also written m%, ?!t%, ?lrt and mwf, ) is used in construction 
with the genitive. Thus we find SI ?ri{, H^^ «ft ?ri{, for the aoc., ^ 
%[y 9^ ^. ?lt^ is also sometimes added, like 9^, directly to the 
inflected base. Thus in the Marwdri play of Hira and Ranjdy we 
have Td ^. . . .Wi fn%, * (they) will give thee the secret'. 

a. The postpositions ^ and tit are occasionally found, even in 
standard Hindi, in construction with the genitive of the pronouns, 
thus SI ft, ift IK, flT % TK, etc.* 

239. In the gen. sing, of the Ist and 2nd pers. pronouns, besides 
the forms given in the tables, the Mairs use Wl^ and ^T^.f Also 
observe, that in both colloquial Marw^ri and Mewari, ^ (masc.) and 
in or IIT (fem.) are uniformly employed for m, * this', and dl (masc.) 
and W (fem.) for 5W, * that \ The distinction of gender is preserved 
in the nom. sing. only. Of the former pronoun, the regular obi. 
sing, is ^ in both these dialects. In the colloquial of M^rw^r and 
Mewdr the relative is very commonly used for the correlative pro- 
noun. X 

240. To the forms given in the above table, may be added the 
following ; some of which I am unable to assign to any specific time 
or locality. Many of these are no doubt to be regarded as mere 
variations in spelling. 

♦ Compare the Mafwrdii idiom noticed in § 144. 

t For the pronunciation of the first diphthong, ^, in these forms, 

see § 25. 
X The student will note the diflference here indicated between the colloquial 

of Marwlnr and the M4rw&ri of the plays. (§ 216.) 


o. ^, = ^, < I ', is evidently a shortened form of the M&rw&ri ^ * 
An abbreviated form, ^, for the obi. sing., dif^, is sometimes used 
by Chand. t^^ very rarely ooours as a nom. plur. for ^vi or m ^ni. 
Chand makes the obi. plur. of the Ist and 2nd personal pronouns 
V^ and ^piff . But ^vi and ^ with the postpositions, are also 

b. f^ and n are sometimes substituted for fl or H, ^ thou \ In 
western Hindi, I have met with a gen. sing, of this pronoun, ^ffT, 
for ?kT ; as, e.g.y xns^ ^4M\m\ 3fT ^TH, *let the wife of the Mogul take 
thy hand'. A Prakritio gen. sing., ^, (for Sk. mi,) is now and 
then used in arohaio Hindi. 

c. In the nom. sing, of the proximate demonstrative iTY» the follow* 
ing variant forms occur, viz. ; — ^, $w, ftll, Mm, ♦§, iiw, tt, ^. Of 
these, the last three appear, in some cases, to be merely emphatic 
forms. In the east, 7 and % are also heard. In the obi. plur., we 
find i^ and VM, 

d. In the declension of the remote demonstrative, 99, ^ occurs 
in the nom. sing., and, in the obi. sing., dr is sometimes found for W, 
and cnj, for qttv. For the obi. sing., 99, rustic Mohammedans some- 
times substitute era. It occurs also in the following from the M&r. 
Play of Oop( Chand ; U^ ^ ^ wm, ' fix ( your ) thoughts on him*. 
In the obL plur., Bit, ^ and 9^dt are found for the dat., 95%; and 
91^. in the case of the agent, for 9^1 ^. 

e. Variant forms of the correlative pronoun are, in the nom. sing., 
%ra, #m and ^, for %. The latter two are emphatic forms. In the 
obi. sing., ftl and ftlj occur, for filftl ; I have also met with a gen. 
sing., f!m^,=ftr9 Wy which evidently belongs to the S.W. HT alone 
is used as gen. sing, in the following ; wm ITR ?n wftr, * what is his 
name ?\ (P. S. Ch. IX.) A nom. plur. %, for H.H., %T, is used 
colloquially between Allahabad and Benares. ftRi«l is found for the 

• 9 is said by Prof. East wick, (Vocabulary to Prem Sdgar, 8uh voc.\ to be 
used in the obi. sing, with the postposition CR< in the following Arrdh Chau- 
pai ; ^jf\ i cK 11% ^^ YIVR^. But i^ in this place, is in fact the Braj emphat- 
ic particle. = ^ ; and ^ is a Braj form of the conjunctive participle, ^^ (from 
the verb iRrm), which is in High Hindi added directly to ^fit, making cntaCT. 
We therefore render, — * how (then) remained my honor P* Kiishna to Hukmini, 

P. ^.— Ch. LXI. 



obl. plur., ?^iR%t, of the relative. iWI, for Tff»%, and ?!FI, for the obi. 
plnr., ftw, of the correlative, also occur in literary Hindi. 

f. For the nom. sing, of the interrogative, wf, we find in the 
* Chrestomathie ' of Prof. De Tassy, tftlj, ^!^ and ^^. An obl. 
sing, and plur., WTO, for filW, is found in western Hindi, ihw 
and W^ occur, for the indefinite, ifer^, and V^, irfw and WJ, for 
^. fllfw and ^ belong to the west. For the Braj interrogative, 
qSfT,=9VT, we sometimes have wtr, and in the obl. sing., WT%, 

for W%. 

g. As the nom. sing, of the reflexive pronoun, inn, I have met with 
md. With this same pronoun, is evidently to be connected a Mar. 
nom. plur. form, wrt. In the only place, however, where I have 
met with it, in would have been used in standard Hindi. In the 
obl. forms of this pronoun, u is often substituted for a after ./>, as, e.g,^ 
in WQ9, obl. plur., for lvnF9. 

241. In the translation of the N. T. into Bhagelkhandi Hindi,* 
the following peculiar pronominal forms occur. The nom. plur. of 
the 1st personal pronoun is mi^ and the obl. plur., fVTJ. Of the 
2nd personal pronoun, the nom. plur. is ^IWl), and the obl. plur., 
iviwf^. % and il9 are both found in both the nom. and obl. plur. of 
the proximate demonstrative. il% also occurs as nom. sing. The 
plural of this and other pronouns, is sometimes formed with 99, *all% 
as in other eastern dialects ; thus, d 91^ ^, H.H., Y9 ^HJtt %. The 
nom. plur. of the remote demonstrative, 9% ( 9W ), is d, and the obl. 
plur., always 9T^. The relative and correlative make the obl. plur., 
Bsnj, f?TO^. The interrogative is %TJ ; the nom. and obl. sing, are 
alike. The remaining pronominal forms correspond closely to the 
Braj. All the obl. forms above given, are used with the postpositions, 
which for the most part are the same as in Braj. But ^ is used for H. 


242. Besides the above pronouns many pronominal ad- 
jectives occur. They may nearly all be used either as 
adjectives or as pronouns. Two series, the one expressive 
of quantity, the other of kind, are formed from the five 
pronominal elements noted in §191. When used substan- 

* Baptist Mission Press, Serampore, 1821. 



tively, they all follow, in standard Hindi, the first variety 
of masculine declension ; when used adjectively, they follow 
the laws for the inflection of Tadbhava adjectives in wr, 
and are thus inflected to % masc., and <t, fern. The follow- 
ing tables exhibit, first the standard forms, and then the 
dialectic forms of each series : — 

Table X : Pronominal Adjectives. 









AbjEcnvBs OF Quantity. 

Adjectives of Kind. 


7fWT Und^ 
7W ittd^ 
B?WT utndy 
7W uitd, 

ftmr jitid, 

ftwn iiindy 
ftfflT tittdy 
i«R?i9!T kitndy 

* this much '. %W aisdy * such', * like this'. 

that much '. d^ waisd^ * such', * like that'. 

* as much '. ^Nt jakd, * Uke which', * as*. 

*so much'. ft^T taisdy *hkethat', *flo'. 

*how much?'. 

?Nt kaisd, *Uke what?', *how?' 

243. Besides the forms given in Table XI, the following additional 
modifications of some of these pronominals occur, viz. : — for ^?|i!T, 
Hhihi, d?prr, g^wr ; for i^Rfir, fiR?i, ftsw, ^fcfir, ftm; and for ftifn, ftnn. 
The following forms also are occasionally used in literature, viz. ;— 
% ft, it They are respectively equivalent to ftnWT, fiwRF, fiinwf. 

a. The Sanskrit forms, ^ItQ. ^?nTO,=%W, inTO,=wT, ?ffTO.=TOT, 
and 9E^n,=^fi^, are occasionally used in poetry. For 4ki9 and 
iftra we also find WTtI and >vn^. 



Table XI : Dialectic Foems 

JBT. JUndi. 



























^^1 . 























* Anusvdr optionally added, f I ft°^ unable to assign these forma with 
to belong to the east. 



OP THE Pronominal Adjectives. 




















^nj, 're. 



^^'i, ^'B. 

^Nf, OT. 

^wf, ^Nf. 


TOf , ^. 

<8iJ^, ^^. 










om eastern 

forms, -f 




iQfflirfaii. icfKlQn 

certainty to any particular time or locality ; but, from analogy, they appear 


244. Besides the above, the following words also are 
used as pronominal adjectives. Those which terminate 
in m follow the declension of Tadbhava nouns or adjectives 
inflected to ^. The others, when used substantively, are 
declined like the second variety of masc. noxms; when used 
adjectively, they are indeclinable. 

^^ ek, * one*. Hr aur, * other', *more'. 

^T^^ dusrdy 'another', 'the other'. WJfl bahui^ * much', 'many'. 

#T^ donoHy *both'. W^ kai^ 

I 'several', 'how many P'. 
?JKT ^drd^ ' all', ' the whole'. ^ kai^ 

sab, * all', ' the whole'. "R^ mj\ *8elf ', 'own'. 

IT Aar, * every'. IRT^ pardi^ * another person'. 

245. ^sR ehy strictly speaking, is a cardinal numeral, and 
TOTT dusrdj an ordinal, ^qs, 'one', when used pronominally, 
is usually followed by t^tt, * the other', in the succeeding 
clause ; as ^qs i^m ^^tr ^fm w ^ek hanstd^ dusrd rota thd, 
'one was laughing, the other was crying'. 

a. Sometimes nm itself folio ws in the second clause, when 
the first ^qs should be rendered 'one', the second, 'another'. 
Thus, ^«R n^ ^« CI9 m^m in ek yah^ eh wah kahtd thd, ' one 
was saying this, another that'. 

b. When t^tt follows ^m in the same clause, the two 
have a reciprocal force ; as 8 ^qs t^ *f im^^ we eh dusre ko 
mdrte hain^ 'they are beating one another', ^cr is indeclin- 
able in the plural. 

246. trSit donon^ * both', is declinable in the plur. only, 
thus Nom. tiSit donon^ Ace. ti'ft *t donon kOy etc. 

247. ^w Boh^ 'all', 'every', commonly aspirates the final « 
in the oblique plural ; thus. Ace. ^3dt *t Bahhon ko. Gen. 
B^ «KT sahhon kd, etc. But ^dt, also, rarely occurs. 


a. When used in the singular, as 99 ^ sab ko, ^ to all', it denotes 
^ all ' considered as a unity, * the whole '; in the plural, it represents 

* all ' as a plurality, 'every*, 'every one'. 

248. The Persian adjective 9^ Aar, 'every*, though not 
very common in classic Hindi, is found even in the Prem 
Sdgar^ and is freely used in the colloquial. It may there- 
fore be fairly regarded as belonging to the language. It 
is never used substantively. Compoimded with ^qs ek^ it 
means 'every one' or 'every single*, and is used either as a 
substantive or adjective, thus, it ^^r ^nm har ek dyd^ 'every 
one came'; irr ^ ier har ek ghar^ 'every single house'. 

249. Hr cmr^ when used substantively, and followed by 
no other pronominal in the next clause, always signifies 

* more'; as ^ Dr $r mujhe <mr do^ ' give me more '. But 
when used adjectively, it may mean either ' more ' or 
'another', as the context may determine. Thus ^Dn^iRm 
tr m/iijhe aur andj do, 'give me more grain'; but n^^^rmt 
yah aur bdt hai^ 'this is another matter'. 

a. When ^ is repeated in two successive clauses, the 
first is to be rendered 'one', and the second, 'another'. Thus 
vm «rm ^ t cnr Dr t yah bdt aur hai wah aur hai, ' this is 
one thing, that is another'. 

250. Besides 9^, * much', we meet the intensive forms, 5IJ^ 
bahuterdy and WJfl W bahut sdy 'very much', 'very many*. 

a. Colloquially, 9TTT is also added to 9^, 'many', with an intensive 
force ; thus 9^ Wlf is equivalent to the colloquial English idiom, 

* a great deal'. This use of ^TRT is only colloquial. In Panjabi it is 
employed much more extensively. 

251. QR^ kai or ^ kai as an adjective means ' several '; 
when used as a pronoun, it must be rendered 'how many?'. 
It cannot take the postpositions. Thus, qr^ x[^^ ^m kai 
puru^ de, 'several men came'; ^ wm kai de, 'how many 
came ?'. Where in English ' several ' has a pronominal 
force, it must be rendered in Hindi by «^ ^« kai ek or 


fiii?Fi ^qfi kitne ek; as qr^ ^cr^ kai ek hain^ 'there are several'. 
But QRJr^ kai hain^ would be interrogative, — 'how many are 
there ?'. 9ii ^m kai ek^ and fiR?i^ ^qs kitne ekj however, 
may also be used adjectively in the same sense ; as fqR?F) ^m 
^^ kitne ek per hain^ ' there are several trees*. 

a. The pronominal adjective fiR?i^ kitne is also used in the 
sense of 'some', 'several', both substantively and adjective- 
ly. Thus, OTrt ftfmSi wr: «^ ^iw wahdn kitne bhdt bhi «€, 
'several bards also came'; ^ib!^ «IiT im t kitnon kd mat hai, 
* it is the opinion of some'. 

262. fini nij\ 'own', may be used as a pronoim, the person 
referred to being determined by the context; as firar qrriER^ 
nij kd ghar hai, 'it is (my, his, etc.) own house', ftrei ^ ^i^ 
^rfir «rTf^ nij buddhi bharosa mohi ndhi^ ' I have no confid- 
ence in my own wisdom'. Or it may be added to possessive 
genitives of both noxms and pronouns, in the sense of the 
English 'own', as qiq rem w ^m 5^ t wah rdjd kd nij putra 
hai, ' he is the king's own son '; nw ^ ftrei u^rmf t yah meri 
nij pvstak hai^ ' this is my own book '; cnr WFt i^ ^ jm 
toah apne nij ghar gaydy ' he went to his own house'. 

253. WT^ parody 'another's', is properly a possessive adjec- 
tive. It may be used either with or without a noun; thus, 
OT WT^ w t yah pardi kd haiy ' this is another's'; wr^ ^ 
pardi striy 'another's wife'. 

254. The words ^q^^ sakal (Sk. 9+9)^), and ^^rei samast 
both signify 'all'. They are rarely, if ever, used as noxms. 

256. The following dialectic variations of the above pronominals 

occur, viz. : for ^^, TO5 and Wi ; for T^U, Br. ^H^\, K. T^, Old Pur. 

®v »k ©V 

^^m, T9 ; for ^jilt, Br. $T^, M Ti^, Old Pur. rt, T^. ?^ ; for ^51TT, 
Br. ^T^, K. ^ftr ; for 'TO, Br. ^, €«i^, Old Pur. ^«lft ; for ^, Old 
Pur. wa^ ; for wjfl, Br. sitm, Old Pur. !E|J^. otri ; in Garhw^l fii#r, 
and in Marwfir dl?!, SttV, dl^, dT^m, and i)l<hdl are the substitutes 
for 9^. For 9i^, M£r. has cft^. For ^99i9, Br. gives f^^, and the 
Edmdt/an mA (nom. plur.). For filWI% ^ the Mfirw&ri has filfntv. 


256. The following pronouns are Sanskrit. The most of them, as 
compared with the foregoing, are of rare occurrence in the colloquial, 
but are more frequent in literature, especially in poetry. 


^fRQ anya^ 


8IJ bahUf 

WK apavj 


*ll< bhuriy 

ira^ amuk^ 

*a certain one'. 

^ y^g. 

BVPI ubhaya^ 


gira yugaly 

I^RVlfii kimapij 


gm yugnuiy 

VX pary 

^another', *other\ 

^o5 sarvvj 





257. IB^, as also the more common corrupted form, Wf, is 'another', 
in the sense of 'a different one', like the Greek heteros ; but ^RUT is 

* another ', numerically, like the Greek alios. Thus, iRTil $ir TIHT, 
*he went to another coimtry'; 5iri WR ^Ml^, ' there is no other expe- 
dient '; but HHT i^ ^, ' hear another reason !' In many words H^ 
not only denotes 'another', as IR $nr, 'another's fault', but, especially 
in compounds, suggests that other as distant: as, e.g.^ m^, 'a foreign 
country'; HT^RR, *the other world*. 

258. The related words, gif, gira, gu?, * both ', * the two ', strictly 
speaking, are all nouns, meaning ' a pair '; but they are practically 
pronominal adjectives, as will appear from the following examples : 
Q7! |raii?l, * the two kings'; giM ^Hf ^5l5rerrc cii^, * from both eyes a 
stream of water flowed '; ^rm^ m\ #m %, * joining my two hands'. 
Examples of the use of the other Sanskrit pronominals are the follow- 
ing : ^ron WIR ^r^ffer, * both a boundless ocean '; i^RTlTii ndniR HTflf, 

* there is not any need '; W^ 9Sf7IT ^, *a certain person says '; HFQ^ 
ft^, * every day '. 

259. H^, (indeclinable,) is occasionally used as a pronominal 
adjective ; thus, H^ ^ramT ^RU\ m %^, ' the story of each incarnation 
of the Lord'. ^ and gft, * much', are both equivalent to SIJ?!, and, 
like most of these Sanskrit pronominals, are chiefly used in poetry. 

Compound Pronouns. 

260. The relative pronoun may be compounded with the 

correlative or the indefinite pronouns. Each member is 

then inflected, but the postposition is added to the last only, 



Thus, with %, we have ftre fTO W.;« tie kd^ * whosesoever '; with 
iUi, §T ikf^jo koiy * whoever '; ftre filW^ ^ jis kisi ko, * whomever '; 
with ^, dr ^ jo kuchhy * whatever'. 

a. In the Rdmdyan a similar Sanskrit comppund ocours, in the 
phrase, ^ #t«l ionsi, * in whatever way ', where d^ ^, ( for 9*1 cfel, ) 
is in the instr. sing. 

261. Other compounds axe formed with ^ <mr, * other '; 
as Dr ^ cmr kuchhy ^something else'; Dr ^ aur hoi^ 'some 
one else'; Hr ^Rr aur kaun^ *who else ?'. Dr «t aur kyd^ 'what 
else?', is colloquially used as a reply of strong aflfirmation.* 

a. Sometimes Hr occupies the second place, but the 
compound has then a different meaning ; as ^ri Hr koi aur, 

'some other'; cr^ Hr kuchh aur^ 'some more.' 

J. The pronominal, ^FH, *other', is compounded with itself in the 
form IP^PH (8k. W^PH), * each other ', ^ mutual '; but this is rare in 
Hindi. The two are occasionally written separately, thus; ^X^ ^P^ 
itftl % 'with mutual love*. 

262. The particle w sd, (infl. % 8e^ ^ si,) may be added to 
the nom. form of ^r, thus ; ^Rr w kaun sd, lit., 'what like?'; 
cnr ^^ ^ ^ t wah kaun ad per haiy 'what tree is that ?', i.e.^ 
'what kind of a tree ?'; but siw ^ ^ri?^ t "fjoah katm adhib hai, 
'what gentleman is that ?'. 

a. The same afiObc is added, colloquially, in the east at least, to the 
relative, ^h«I, and correlative, ftpf, making ^h«I^, ftlf ^; and in the 
Do&b to the demonstratives, nw and CI9, making HY ^, QW ^. But 
I have never met these forms in literature. 

b. In old eastern poetry, however, the equivalent affix ^H is added 
to the inflected base of the demonstratives, thus ; Kf 911, 1F^ 991, 
'like this'; 99 99, 9^ 99, ' like that ', or ' Uke him'. 

e. For At9 9T, the Mew&ri has ^dHh, fem., wty as in the following; 
iiro 999 9t % eiiki)l,=^R % ''y ^ ?I9 ^ 959T, 'what man told you ?'. 

263. The indefinite pronoims are also compounded with 

*In Garhwil, aur alone is used, with a peculiar intonation, in the same 
sense of a strong affirmative. 


^ra sab ; as 99 iUii sctb koi^ ^ every one ', 99 «« aah huchh^ 
* everything '. Before w^, i^ har may be used instead of 
99, in the same sense. 

264. A peculiar indefinite is formed by repeating the in- 
definite pronoun with the negative particle, ii, interposed ; 
as j^ ^ %^ koi na koi^ ^ some one or other '; ^ ^ ^ kuehh 
na kuchh, *some thing or other*. In the former case, both 
members are inflected in the oblique cases, but the post- 
position is added only to the second ; as Bii^^ 9i finq^ qn #71 
kisi na kisi kd khet^ * the field of some one or other*. 

265. CR9 is idiomatioally added to various pronouns and pronomi- 
nals to give them an indefinite sense; it is then often scarcely capable 
of translation. Thus, w?l m\ ^ %tj}, * what we shall be '; w^ ^, 
^ a great deal *. Similar are HW ^, ^RTRT ^, etc. 

266. The following pronominals belong rather to TJrdIi than to 
Hindi, but as they will be found in some modem EQndi books, they 
are enumerated here. 

«ni v>*?> I ^^ntT Oib, « a certain one*. 

I ^ some*. ^f 

«n# *^»*^, J ^ J^, * the whole*. 

jhc u^, 'other*, * different'. ^ *u^, * many*, * several*. 

267. Of these, all are Arabic, except ilr, which is Persian. JN is 
sometimes used as a negative prefix, especially in the compound, 
ih WIWR ( y^^ i^)i *^ absent ', * not present \ iK^miT is always pro- 
nounced fuldnd. Although it belongs rather to Urdu than to 
Hindi, still it is often heard from Hindi speaking people, especially 
in some parts of Oude, where, in a dialectic form, ^^^lor, it is 
often used, instead of the remote demonstrative, for a third personal 

Origin of the Pronominal forma. 

268. It is impossible, within the limits of the present work, to discuss in 

every detail, all the very numerons variations of the Hindi pronouns. We can 
only briefly indicate the probable origin of the more common forms. In the 
nom. sing., mats or m«0, of the 1st personal pronoun, we probably have the Sk. 


UiBtr. sing., mwydf Fdik. inai, transferred to the nom. The ne, therefore, which 
is added to main* in the case of the ag., in High Hindii is reallj superfluous, 
and in Mafwaf f and the Old Purbi, maiut alone and properly, denotes that case. 
The same remarks, mutatis miUandiSy apply to taiut the Braj nom. sing, of the 
2nd personal pronoun. 

a. Besides the 1st pera. nom. sing., maio, from a labial theme, the Braj pre- 
sents a form, haufi or honi which has arisen from the corresponding Sk. aham, 
through Fr4k. forms, ahamam, hamam, haam or liaum. In the M4f. hun or 
huQ, we have the same word, with the common reduction of the diphthong, 
( §75. ) The corresponding Me. mhm, 1 would attribute to the theme tmo, 
which appears in the Sk. base, amnad, and is also the base of the 8k. plur. 
declension of this pronoun. It presupposes a Pr4k. form, asmakam, after the 
analogy of the Pr4k. tumakam^ for Sk. tvam, H. iu. This theme, sma, in 
Prdkrit, regularly became mha (§97) ; so that from asinalcamt h being rejected, 
we would have amhaam, and thence, as above, mhauny mhuU' With the same 
theme, ama, I would connect the Bh. nom. sing., ham, m and h having been 
transposed and a inserted between them. 

269. The nom. sing., id, of the 2nd person, has arisen from the Sk. nom. 
sing., tvam. The final nasal is preserved in the Mar. and Old Purbl, iuu or 
iun* But I am inclined to regard the tu in tu ne, ag., as a gen. from the Sk. 
toAja, through the Pr4k. tua. The Av. and R. nom. sing., tayan, points to the 
Sk. inst. sing., tvayd, as its original. An analogous derivation may be suggested 
for the R. 1st pers. sing., may an. 

a. The Bh. nom. sing., tunh is a weakened form of tumh, for tushma^ the 
base of the plur. in standard Hindi, where the theme tu has received, like the 
pronominal themes, a and yu, in Sanskrit, the increment snia. In the Me. 
and Mar-, thiin, we have apparently a transfer of the aspirate of iwnh from the 
end to the beginning of the syllable, as in §97. 

270. The obi. sing, forms, mujh, tujh, have their immediate origin in the 
Pr4k. genitives sing., majjha, tujjha, for mah, tuh. Prof. Lassen (Inet, Lhig, 
Prae. §50) gives an apposite example of this change in the Prak. root, lijjh, for 
Sk. Uh. The form mah occurs in the Rdmdyan, and must be referred to a 
Prak. gen. sing , rnasya (?) forSk. ma^na; and, by analogy, tuh, to a Prak. gen., 
iu»ya {?) for Sk. iava, formed after the analogy of the other Sanskrit pro- 
nominal genitives. 

a. Braj, Kanaujf, Avadhf and some other dialects present in the personal pro- 
nouns, the obi. sing, themes, mo, to. These also are true genitives, and are so 
used by Ghand. (Vid. §224, a.) Their immediate original is to be found in the 
Pr4k. genitives sing., mahu (and tahu ?), which again, through the common 
change of « to ^, may be compared with the Br. pron. genitives, J(f«*, tdau. In 
this 8u Prof. Lassen judges that we have the Sk. possessive, sva. (Inst. Idng, 
Prac, §175, 6.) The R. obi. sing, themes, mvd, tvd, will be considered in §283. 
The analogy of the Braj leads us to ascribe a similar origin to the Me. obL sing. 


themes, mho, tho, from Pr4k. bases, asmaka, tusmdka, to wbicb, as above suggest* 
edy we may suppose tbat tbe poRsessive sva, (Prak su, hu,) was originally added. 

271. In the M4f. forms, Ist pers., mhain, 2nd pers., tain or thain, wo have a 
true instr. sing., with which the abl. postposition, sun, must be regarded as in 
grammatical construction, as would be its original, earn, in Sanskrit. I should 
Bupposo, however, that the same forms in the loc, mhain mdhai, ihain upaii, 
etc., must be regarded as accusatives, for I have found no instance of the Sk. 
vuidhye and upari in construction with the instr. case, but only with the gen. 
or ace. In the later Pr4krit, the pronominal termination ain is found in the 
ace., instr. and loo. Thus the analogous Pr4krit forms, tain, aiji, are either 
ace., instr. or loc. After the same analogy, probably, may bo explained the G. 
and Eu. obi. forms, main, men, tvai, as Prdkrit instr. or ace. sing, forms in 
grammatical construction with the postpositions. 

272. In the genitive mhdrau, the suflSx may have been originally added, as 
sometimes in Prakrit, to the base itself, mha ; in which case, the long d has 
arisen from the elision of the k of the original karau (karahak)y the earlier 
form being, doubtless, mhakarao, whence mJiaarao, mhdrau. But in the ace, 
and dat. forms, Tna nai, mha nai, ta nai, tha nai, as there is no lengthening of the 
final vowel of the theme, I infer that the theme here is an abraded case-form, 
probably the gen. So in the Me. gen., mhauro, or mhaulo, as also in the 
eastern gen. m^yr, the original suffix (JcaraJcah or halahah) was apparently 
added to the genitive. The same remark may be made of the genitives* 
m£rd, ierd, etc., in which the affix has been added to the Sanskrit genitives, 
me, U, In the Bh. obi. sing, forms, hamard, tuhard^ we have, as in mo, 
mujh, etc., a modem genitive taken as a new theme of the oblique cases. We 
would have expected, as in other dialects, hamdrd, tuhdrd ; the shortening of 
the vowel is possibly to be explained by reference to the accent (?). The h 
of tiihard, as in all the plur. forms of the pers. pronouns, represents the 8 of 
8ma ; by which is formed from tu, the increased base, iusma, 

a. The remaining sing, forms, mohi, tohi, etc., of the personal pronouns, 
will be best considered when we shall deal with the analogous forms, jdhit 
tdhi, etc., of the remaining pronouns. 

273. Most of the dialects present ham, as the nom. plur. of the 1st person* 
al pronoun. This has arisen, by transposition of the consonants and loss of 
the plur. termination, from the regular Prak. nom. plur., mhe, which is 
still the nom. plur. in Mafwdfi. This Prak. nom., mhe (amhe), evidently stands 
for an earlier form, asme, for the regular Sk. nom. plur , vayam, in which 
the theme, ct^mo, of the Sk. obi. plur., asmdn, asmdhhik, etc., was assumed 
also into the nom., and the plur. termination, i, added after the analogy of all 
the other pronouns; so that amne (=a8mxi-\'i) corresponds precisely to the 
Sk. nominatives plur., te, ime, ye, etc. In the B. nom. plur., hamh, 1 suspect 
that the h has been ignorantly added to make the form correspond to the 2nd 
pers. nom. plur., tumh, of the same dialect. The Me. nom. plur., mhain, as 


I conjecture, stands for the ace. plur., amhdint of the western Fr4krit, which 
has been assamed into the nom., after the manner of the English obrjectiye, 
in the vulgar phrase, ' it is me'. 

27^. The most common form of the nom. plur. of the 2nd person, is turn. 
For this, in archaic Hindi, we have the form iumh, (also tumah,) which is but 
one step removed from the Pr4k. nom. plur., iiunihe, for the Sk. yuyam. The 
sing, theme, tu (tva), increased by the pronominal element, sma, was for the 
sake of regularity, substituted for the increased theme, yu^ma, of the Sk. plur., 
and, as in the case of the 1st pers., asme (amhe), a nom. plur., tuakma, was also 
formed from the theme of the obi. cases, after the analogy of the other pro- 
nouns, making tushme. It would therefore appear that besides the classic Sk. 
irregular plur., yuyam, yushmdn, yushmdbhih, etc., a more regular plural, tuH^* 
me, tushmdn, etc., was also formed from the base of the sing. 

275. In the Maf. nom. plur., the, the aspirate of tumh has been transferred 
to the beginning of the previous syllable, (giving thume?). The nasal thus 
left alone, has been weakened to Anuavdr, and then lost, and the labial has 
disappeared before the diphthong, as in the sing., tain^ for tvayd, etc In the 
Me. thain$ we have probably an ace. transferred to the nom., as in the 1st pers* 
mham, so that thaio stands for the Pr4k. aca plur., tumhdia, 

276. The ace. and dat. forms, hameu* tvmhen, etc., of the personal pronouns, 
have arisen immediately from the Fr4k. accusatives plur , amhdin, tumhadn* 
The hiatus points to the loss of an ^ so that the forms in question really 
stand for amhaJiio, (hamdhin,) and tumhaJiin; — Prdkrit forms which occur 
frequently even in archaic Hindi. This hin I take to be identical with the 
same termination in the ace. and dat. sing, of nouns in old Hindi, already 
noticed in §155, &.; t.6., it is probably identical with the Sk. loc. sing. termi« 
nation, smin, 

277. Most of the dialects present a longer and shorter theme in the obi. 
plur.; as, e.g., ham or kamooy turn or tumhon, etc. All these themes in all their 
varieties were originally genitives plur. The longer forms, refer us, perhaps, 
to the increased Pr&krit themes, asmaJca, ttiahmaJca; the shorter forms, to the 
simple themes, oamo, tushma* Ham and turn or ttimh are both used as geni- 
tives in old Hindi (§224, &.), as also are the equivalent am^a, tumka^ in the later 
Prakrit, where the gen. term., dt^m, of the earlier Prak. has quite disappeared. 
The longer forms, hamoiPt ham^wni, tumhoi^f iumani, iuhani, are to be explained 
by reference to the Prdk. gen. plurals, amhdnam, tumhdiuvm, which were 
formed on the model of the gen. plur. of the 1 st decl. of Sk. masc. nouns. 
The terminations, 09, ani, etc., have therefore arisen in the same way as the 
same terminations in the declension of substantives. (§ 157.) In the short u, 
of the G. iumm, hamun, we have a still further reduction of to u. (§75.) 

278. In the M4r. and Mew&ri» the Pr4k. gen. plur. term, dnam, for Sk. dndm, 
has become dn, as in the substantive declension, giving mhun, thdn, for amhd' 
nam, tumhdnam. The inserted y in the longer Mewaf i forms, rnhdnydu, thdnydn. 


distinctly points, as in substantive declension, to the elision of the Prdk. suffix, 
k, which, according to Prof. Lassen, was sometimes added to these pronominal 
bases ; so that these longer forms represent Prdk. genitives, amJuikdtiam, turn* 
hakdnamu The nasal before y must be regarded as inorganic and unessential. 
On the origin of the still longer forms, mhdnvardrh thdnvardn, I have no light. 
Bhagelkhan^ presents a modern gen. form, tihdnre, as nom. plur. Apparently 
some such word as Zo^ is to be understood. 

27d. The genitives plur., hamdrd, tumikdrd, have arisen from the combination 
of the Prdk. kwrdkah with the bases amha and ttmika, giving, amha kcvrdko, 
iurnha karako, from both of which, k having been elided, the forms amhaarao, 
iumhaarao, must have arisen ; whence, by sandhi, and the usual transposition 
of m and h in the 1st person, we have, first the Braj hamdrau, turnhdrau, then 
the EL hamdro, himhdro, whence, finally, the standard forms, hamdrdt tumhdrd. 
N. B. Dr. Hoemle in the * Essays ' previously referred to, in confirmation 
of this theory, cites from the Mrichchhakaii, a passage containing the form 
amhakeldke Cfor amhakeraJee). In the case of the shorter forms, hamdr, iuni' 
hdTf analogy leads us to believe that the suffix was first added to the base, not 
in its increased form, kardkah, but in the simple form, karah. 

a. If, in the M&fwari and Mewdri forms, mhdnro, thdnro, mhdnlo* thdnjo, the 
Antuvdr be organic, it follows, that, in this case, the affix was pleonastically 
added, not to the base, as in the above forms, but to the gen., so that the 
original of these Bajpatana forms must have been amkdi^am karako, 
amhdf^am kaiakOf etc. Otherwise they must be explained like the regular 

280. The various forms of the nom. sing, of the prox. demonstrative, which 
oontmn hy viz., yah, yih, yihu, ih, eh, ehu, he, have probably all arisen from the 
Sk. eehaJ^, The final u of yihu, yehu, ehu, as in the case of nouns ( §75J, repre- 
sents the Pr4k. o for the final df^ of eshah. Prof Lassen gives a form, ehe, which 
looks like the original of the Bh. he. It appears to presuppose a nom. plur., 
e»he, firom the stem esh. The loss of the final aspirate from eh and 4h, has left 
the forms e, i. The remaining forms, yo, yd, yon, mas. o, fem. d, I would connect 
with the base vn, which, although having a defective declension in Sanskrit, 
was fully declined in Prakrit. Yo and yd, have apparently arisen from the 
Pr4k. nom. masa sing., imo, which, by the elision of m, yields io, whence yo 
and ya. The final nasal of yon, points to the Prdkrit neut., imam, whence, 
iam, yon- The Me. o, fem., d, must, similarly, be ascribed to imo, fem. imd, 

281. The perfect analogy between the two demonstrative pronouns seems 
to justify the hypothesis, that, as in the case of the prox. demonstrative we 
have a variety of forms from eehalj^ (eeho) and wwa J. (imo), all resting ulti- 
mately upon the pronominal base i ; so there must have been in the ancient 
vulgar speech, analogous pronouns, oshal}, umah, resting on the pronominal 
base u, from which, precisely as above, we must derive the various nom. forms 
of the remote demonstratiye, wah* But, although the existence of this base is 


abundantly attested by such Sanskrit prepositions as ut, upa, upari, etc., yet 
I have mot no instance of a declension resting on this labial, either in 
Sanskrit or the Prakrit dialects. But it is quite possible that further investi- 
gation of these dialects may furnish such examples, and verify the above 

282. The next three pronouns, jo^ so and haun, are so closely analogous that 
we may consider them all together. Each of them presents two general forms 
in the nom. sing. ; the one form terminating in a vowel, e, o or u, the other, 
in n. We first consider the group in o. It has been hitherto assumed that 
the pronouns Jo, so and ho, are derived immediately from the Sk. ydh^ 
ioh and haji. Bat it is to be noticed that we have no proven instance of the 
preservation of this Prakrit termination, o, in modem Hindi, in any monosyl- 
lable, except under the influence of a preceding consonant, commonly Jc, 
appended to the Sanskrit base. It is therefore more reasonable to postulate, 
as the original of these three forms, Pr&kritic bases, formed by the addition 
of this k. f§79 J Now in the archaic Hindi spoken in Mewaf and Mdywdr, we 
find precisely the increased form required by this hypothesis, in the relative 
prononn jako, or jiko. From this latter form, again, by elision, and consequent 
hardening of i to ^ before o, we have another M4f wafi form, jyo, of this same 
pronoun. This last form, thus derived, or a form jao, from the other base, I 
therefore regard as the immediate original of the common Hindi jo ; and by 
analogy would suppose that similar forms, sako or siko, hako or Mko, must have 
existed, or may exist still, as the originals of so and ho. Although I caa 
adduce no example of these forms, their actual existence is, I think, intimated 
in the B. obi. forms of the pronouns, jyd, tyd, and X^i, which are precisely 
analogous to the Maf . jyo, and may be held to presuppose as their originals^ 
the h&sesjid, jikd, iid, tikd, and kid, kikd, 

283. We are now, in the light of these phenomena, prepared, I think, to in- 
terpret the B. obi. sing, forms of the personal pronouns, mvd, tvd, etc. which, we 
have hitherto purposely passed by. Analogy evidently leads us to suppose, 
that, as the suffix k was, in Prakrit, added to the other themes, astnci, iushma, oi 
these same pronouns, so it may have been added also to the shorter themes, nia 
(mu) and tu, giving the increased bases,r)iuA;a, tuka; of which theoriginal genitives 
would have been mukasya, tukasya, whence, according to the uniform laws of 
Prakrit speech, would come first, mudha, iudhct, then, muda, tuda, and by the 
usual hardening of the semivowel and sandhi of the final vowels, mvd, tvd. 

281. From this digression we now return to consider the three pronouns 
under discussion. Besides the forms jo, so, ko, several dialects exhibit je or 
jai, se, ke or kai, in the nom. sing. The analogies of the language lead us to 
infer that, probably, these have arisen irom the euphonic insertion of ^ in the 
place of the lost k, giving, therefore, from the above themes, first jayo, sayo, 
kayo, and then, o having been at last reduced to a, as in all Tatsama nouns, 
jaya, eaya, kayo, whence the forms in question immediately arise. (§77, b.) Am 


incidental corroboration of this theory is afforded by the archaic eastern form, 
kayau, of the indefinite prononn. The base of the indefinite pronoun is always 
identical with that of the interrogative ; and in this instance exhibits the very 
form postulated as the original of he or kai. For the Sanskrit bases, jo, to, 
ha, the Prakrit substitutes ^'i, H, hi. From hi might be formed a theme kiko, 
whence, as above, would proceed the forms, kiyo, kiya, and thus, finally, the 
G. interrogative, M. 

a. The archaic forms, ju and su, found in the Rdmdya^ and other Hindi 
poetry, I would derive immediately from the 8k. yah and «a^ through the Prak. 
yo, so. We have already noted, C§§75,154,j the existence of this final u, as the 
last remnant of the Sk. nom. masc. case-ending, in Tatsama nouns in old Hin* 
di, and it needs no further illustration. 

285. As to the remaining nom. forms, jatm, tatM, kaun, the interrogative 
will lead us to the explanation of the rest. To the interrogative ko, the word 
punar was, in Prakrit, pleonastically added, giving for ko, ko puncar. The final 
r being elided (^78), and p weakened to i; ("§82 J, we have the eastern form, 
haoan, and thence, by a simple process, its equivalents, kaun, kdrni, kun and 
kan. This derivation being established, we are naturally led to the conclusion, 
that jaun and taun must also have had their origin from similar Prakrit 
forms, as jo punar and to punar ; but we are as yet unable to demonstrate 
their existence. The analogies already exhibited seem to justify us in assum- 
ing, as the original of the B. forms, jaunayaa, taunayao, jaunai, taunaif in- 
creased Prakritic forms, jo puMaraka, to punaraka. 

28t>. The analogy between the obi. forms of the demonstrative, relative, 
correlative and interrogative pronouns is so close that the explication of the 
forms of any one of these pronouns will apply, with the change of the theme, 
to all the others. As in the case of the personal pronouns, most if not all of 
these obi. forms, sing, or plur., are in fact true genitives. Thus for the Sk. 
gen. sing., yasya=jis'kd, the Pr4krit exhibits jassa or jissa, whence, by 
the loss of the last syllable, the modern ^w. Similarly, tis stands for the Prak. 
ti$$a, Sk. tasya; kis=Vrkk. kUsa, Sk. kasya; and, by analogy, is presupposes 
a PrAk. form, issa, for Sk. a^ya ; and us, ussa for usya {?). Again, by the 
common change of s to h, and lengthening of the penultimate vowel in com- 
pensation for the loss of the conjunct, from the Sk. yasyOf Pr4k. jassa, we 
derive the forms, jdha, jda, whence the Braj obi. form, jd. Similarly, id and 
kd may be derived from the Sk. tasya, kasya, through intermediate forms, 
idha,kdha; while yd presupposes the forms, imasya, idha, yda; and wd, 
unuisya, udha, voda, 

a. Sometimes ya final in a conjunct with a sibilant becomes *, as in avasi for Sk. 

7,vashya (§97, h.) ; thus, once more, from yasya, tasya, kasya, have proceeded the 

tormBJdhi, tdhi, kdhi; and from the Prak. themes, ji, ii and ki,jihi, Wii, kihi, or 

jehi, iehi, kehi, for original forms, yisya, tisya, kisya. By the elision of h, from 

ehijahi, iahi, etc., we have the Q. eijai, iai, etc., and by subsequent sandhi, 



also the Ku. e or yc, jai, tai, etc., The Av. e, je, etc., are probably identical 
in origin with these Himalayan genitives. In the U. jyd, jydhi, etc., we 
again have the same genitives. The y has probably arisen from the elision of 
Jc from the increased theme, jika, still existent in Marwari, so th&tjyd &nd jyahi 
stand iov jikctsyay and so on. 

6. In the Braj genitives, ^Vf«u and tdsn, we have the same termination as in 
the gen. of nouns in the Apabhransic Prakrit, as, e.g., in vachchha8U = hachche 
hd, (Vid. Lass. Inst. Ling. Prac. §175,6.) 

c. In the Bh. obi. 8uig.,^*tfcar, etc., the Prak. Tcarakah was apparently added 
to the theme for a new genitive, which, as in other dialects, became a new 
secondary base for the obi. sing, throughout. 

287. If the above derivations be correct we are now prepared to understand 
the dat. and ace. sing, forms of the personal pronouns, mohi, iohi, mnjhe, iujli^, 
which we have hitherto passed by. In the final hi of mohi, tohi, we are led to 
recognize, as in the other pronouns, the Sk. gen. term., sya, here added, how- 
eyer, not as in the other pronouns to the primary base of the pronoun, but to 
the secondary bases, mo, to. Similarly we are to regard the forms mujhe and 
iujhe as having arisen from earlier forms, mujhahi, mujhahif by the elision of h 
and consequent sandhi of the concurrent vowels. These secondary bases, mo, 
mujlh, to, tujh, have already been shown to be Prakritic genitives, so that all the 
forms under discussion really contain a gen. termination twice repeated. It 
may be remarked in regard to the use of these forms as datives, that in many 
Prikrit dialects, the dative was already lost, and its place was often supplied 
by the genitive. And from the dative, as the case of the indirect object, it is 
but a step to the accusative, as the case of the direct object. 

288. The Mar. and Me. obi. sing, forms in n, ni, or s, present some diffi- 
culty. Possibly we may identify them with the Prak. instr. sing, of these 
same pronounS| which terminates in nd, fem., e ; but this has little support 
from analogy, nor have I met with any such intermediate forms as might 
throw light upon the case. 

289. The nom. plur. forms of the five pronouns under discussion may appa- 
rently be reduced to two heads, viz., those which correspond with the sing., 
and those which assume a special plur. termination. In the case of such 
forms as wuh, yih, jo, so, haun, etc., the sing, form has evidently been assumed 
into the plural. The original model of most of the other forms is to be found 
in the May. jakai, whence by elision of h and sandhi of the vowels we have 
jai. Similar are the other forms in question. The final e or ai may be identi- 
fied with the same terminations in the Sk. nom. plur. of these same pronouns* 
where it has resulted from the sandhi of the final radical a with the i which is 
the affix of the nom. plur. The analogy of tumh for tumlie leads us to suppose 
such a form as jenhe or jinhe, as the original of the B. nom. p\\ji.,jenh. The 
analogy is strengthened by the Bh. nom. plur., jihe. The same remark 
applies, mutatis mutandis, to the other pronotins. 


290. The bases of the obi. plur. of these pronouns present four forms ; viz, 
Ist, the simple radical, as, e.g., in the standard forms, un, in, jin, etc. ; 2nd, 
a form in n (n), as in the Mar. forms, undui rwrfp, jandn* etc. ; 3rd, an increased 
form in nA, as in the longer plnr. forms^ jinhon, tinhorn, of the standard dialect; 
4th, another increased form, in A;, as in the Mdr., jahduy tikdn, etc. Of these 
forms the Ist requires no comment. In the second form in n, we have 
the gen. plur, as in the Braj plur. in n. (§175.) The fourth form in k has 
been already explained. The remaining base in nh presents a difficulty which 
we cannot certainly resolve. We may suppose, in the absence of any analo- 
gous forms which might explain the bases in question, that possibly h may 
have been ignorantly added to the bases, un,jin, tin, etc., after the analogy of 
amh and tximh, of the personal pronouns. Further than this we have no 
conjecture to oflPer. 

291. The various terminations of the several dialects in the obi. plur., are of 
course identical in their origin with the same terminations in the substan- 
tives and personal pronouns; i.e., they are simply various modifications of the 
Sk. gen. plur. term., dm or dndm. The dat. and ace. forms, jinhen, tijihen, 
come immediately from the archaic forms, jinhahiu, tinhahiu, and therefore 
justify the hypothesis of corresponding forms in the other pronouns of the 
series. This hin, in the dat. and ace. plur., may very possibly be identifi.ed 
with the termination siut of the Prak. gen. plur. forms, jesiUf tesin, etc., in 
which case these forms would present a perfect analogy with the correspond- 
ing dat. sing, forms. (But see §276.) 

292. The various modifications of the indefinite pronoun, A;o/, have arisen from 
the combination of the interrogative in one or another of its various forms, with 
the Sk. affix, api. Thus, Icoi or hoi stands for the Sk. Icojpi. In hou and Aw?t*, 
the i has disappeared, and the p has been softened to the cognate vowel. 
In haxinaxt, and kano, the affix api has been originally added to the compound 
form, thus, ko punar api, and api has been reduced to au or o. The obi. sing, 
forms are to be similarly explicated. Thus, from the base ki, for Sk. ka, come 
;km and kisu, both for kisijdpi,(kl»yaapi) for the Sk gen. sing., kasydpi ; and with 
the change of « to h, from the base ka, we have kdhu=kasyd2n. The forms kehi 
and kchu probably stand for kihi, kihu, or kahi, kahu, still other corruptions of 
the genitive in question; and from these or similar forms in h, proceed the Av. 
keu and the G. kat, K. kai. Several of these forms in h are found in the nom., 
but they must be regarded as genitives transferred by the ignorant to that 
case. The R. form, kannho, I have met but once, and suspect that we have 
here but an orthographic variation of kanno. 

293. In the Purbi interrogative, kdh, for kam/a, we have again a genitive 
taken as a nom., and as the base of a new declension. This secondary theme, 
according to Prof Lassen, (Inst Ling. Prac. §106,5.; was already declined in 
Prakrit. All the analogies of the language lead us to regard the longer form, 
kahdj having proceeded from a theme kdhaka, derived from kdh by the addi- 


tion of the FrtLkritic h ft8» e.g., in hachchhuh for hichh. This Je being elided, 
and the long d shortened before the heavy termination, we have by sandhi the 
Braj kdhd. The shorter form, Jed, was evidently derived from kdha by the 
elision of h. The regular form, Tcyd, for kidy presupposes a base kihd from the 
theme hi. Grantiog that Jcahd stands for a secondary base, JedhaJca, it is plain 
that in the obi. sing, kdhe, we have a secondary genitive from this base, after 
the analogy of Tadbhava nouns in d, so that hdhe presupposes a Pr&k. gen. 
hdhddha, whence, as in nouns, Jcdhdya, Tcdhe, 

204. The May. and Me. Icain, Icdin, etc., appear to be derived from an 
increased Prakritic neuter form, kakim, for the Sk. him. The final Anuavdr 
therefore represents the Sk. neut. term., m. The first Anusvdr of kduidy iB» 
I suspect, merely inorganic. The obi. sing., khd, is connected with the 
secondary themes, kdh, (kdhaka,) so common in other dialects. The aspirate 
has been transferred from the second to the first syllable ; the final d instead 
of 6, represents the Prak. gen. term., ddhd, after the analogy of the obL sing, 
of substantives in the same dialect. 

295. Kttchh, kachhu, kichhu, are all corruptions of the corresponding Sk. 
kashchU* Kachhuk,hsLB been already noticed. (§105,^.^ The corresponding 
Mij. and Me. forms are to be connected with the Sk. neut. of the same pro- 
noun combined with the suffix apt, viz., kimapi, through ar similar form, kamapi, 
whence, m having become Anusvdr, and p being elided, kdni, or kdnin remains. 
The final n has, I judge, been added through a popular misapprehension con- 
founding this word with the interrogative kain* 

296. Of the pronominal series derived from the five pronominal elements, 
( Tables X & XI, ) those expressing quantity are all to be connected with the 
corresponding Sanskrit series, iyat, kiyat, etc., or rather with their Prdkrifc 
equivalents, viz., ettid, ketiid, etc. This hiatus marks the place of a k, originally 
added to these Sanskrit forms, which is still preserved in several dialects noted 
in Table XI, as, e.g , Bh. atek, jatek, G. etakd, tatakd, etc. From forms similar 
to the above Prakrit pronominals have immediately proceeded the H. H. ittd^ 
jittd, etc. The peculiar R. forms, jydtik, tyatidn, etc., have evidently been formed 
from the secondary bases, ^'i^a, tika, etc., like the similar forms in the Riw4i 
pronouns. Of the n, r and f , which appear in many dialects in the termina- 
tion of these pronominals, as, e.g., kiind, Me. kataro, katarro, R. kyaitdn, etc., 
I have no explanation to ofi*er. It may be noted here that in Rlwa and Bhoj- 
pur, n is added also to the pronominal series denoting likeness, as, e.g.,jaiMan, 
taitan, etc. The final no of this second series in the G. vano, jano, etc., has 
probably the same origin. Similarly, in Mewap fo is the affix both in the first 
and the second series ; cf. kataijo=hUnd, and kaijro=Jcaisd. 

a. The dialectic forms, j'ai, tax, kai,=jiind, etc., are derived from the Sans- 
krit series, yati, tati, kcUi. 

297. The various forms of the pronominal series expressive of likeness, as, 
e.g.,jai$d, ia9,jai6an, are all to be oonnected with the Sk. series formed with 



the affix driih, v%m,, yddriah, etc. In the MewAri and Garhw&li dialects the 
absence of the characteristic t, is to be explained by the custom in those 
dialects of changing « to ^ and then dropping it entirely. (§§103, 104.) 

298. The reflexive pronoun, dp^ is derived from the Sk. dtman, which is used 
in the same sense. The obi. forms, apnd, apne^ point to a Pr&k. form, dtma" 
ndkor with an adjective sense. The derivation of the obi. plur. form, dpas, 
is uncertain. 

299. The honorific pronoun, dp, is also derived from dtman, through the 
intermediate dialectic forms, dpun and dpu. The dialectic honorific pronoun 
raWy or rawatky etc , is to be regarded as a gen. formed from the noun, rdu^ 
with the affix rd. This rdu is derived from rdjah, a form which the base rdjan 
assumes in Sk. at the end of compound.*?; ; being elided, and ah changed to o, 
rdo remains, whence rdu. ( §§69, c, 75, 78.) 



300. The Hindi verb is very simple. There is but one 
conjugation, and all verbs whatever, both in the standard 
dialect, and in the local dialects, take the regular termina- 
tions belonging to the several tenses. 

a. Seven verbs only in the standard dialect, present an irregularity 
in the Respectful form of the Imperative, and in the Perfect Participle 
and the tenses formed with it. But this irregularity consists only in 
the substitution of another root, slightly different from that which 
appears in the other tenses, and will give no trouble. To this root 
the regular terminations are appended. 

301. The Hindi verb is aflfected by the distinctions of 
voice, mood, tense, gender, number and person. The voices 
are two. Active and Passive. The moods, properly speak- 
ing, are four only. Indicative, Subjunctive, Imperative 
and Infinitive. The Infinitive simply expresses the ab- 
stract and unrestricted verbal idea; it is indeed, strictly 
speaking, a Gerund or Verbal noun. The participles are 

158 VERBS. 

three, viz,^ Imperfect, Perfect, and Conjunctive.* From 
every verb may also be formed a Noun of Agency. 

a. The Imperfect and Perfect participles are sometimes termed 'Adjective 
participles*. The Conjunctive participle is peculiarly characteristic of the 
Indian languages : its functions will be explained in due order. 

302. E/Cckoning the Imperative as a variety of thePuture, 
we have, in Hindi, fifteen tenses. Three of these tenses 
are formed by inflection of the verbal root ; the remaining 
twelve are all formed, in the standard dialect, by means of 
the participles, combined, in all the tenses but two, with 
an auxiliary verb. 

303. The distinction of Number is made by inflection in 
all the tenses. The distinction of Gender is expressed in 
all the tenses, except the Contingent Puture and the Im- 
perative. As in the noun and adjective, mt is everywhere 
the sign of the masc. sing. ; ^ of the masc. plur. ; 4i of the 
fem. sing. ; ^ or, rarely, wt, of the fem. plur. The distinc- 
tion of person is marked by inflection in the three tenses 
of the future, viz. : the Contingent, the Absolute Puture 
and the Imperative. In the Indefijiite, Past, and Negative 
Contingent tenses, both Perfect and Imperfect, the distinc- 
tion of person is not expressed ; in the remaining tenses, 
the person is indicated by the auxiliary. 

a. In none of the tenses, however, is the scheme of personal endings com- 
plete. Except in the Imperative, which has a separate form for the 2nd sing., 
the same terminations everywhere denote both the *2nd and 3rd person sing, 
and, in the plural, the 1st and 3rd person also have the same terminations. 

* The appropriateness of this nomenclature, of necessity, cannot be shown, 
until we come to examine the use of these participles. We can, in this place, 
only express our conviction that the terras * present * and * past ', commonly 
applied to these participles, are not philosophically accurate. These partici- 
ples, with their dependent tenses, represent action in different stages of pro- 
grc88y not necessarily at diflfercnt points of time. Since the above was writ- 
ten, I have noticed that Mr. Piatt in his excellent Hindustani Grammar has 
adopted for the adjective participles these same terms, * perfect ' and * imper- 
fect *. He has failed, however, to carry out an analogous nomenclature in 
the tenses. 

VERBS. 159 

304. The above remarks are to be understood as applying without 
restriction to the standard dialect only. The peculiarities of the 
dialectic conjugations will be noticed in detail below. We first pro- 
ceed to explain the formation of the various parts of the verb in 
standsurd Hindi. 

305. In the standard dialect the Infinitive of all verbs 
terminates in ^n. Under this form the verb will always be 
found in the dictionary; as, e,g.y Srrt, 'to speak'; -mm, *to 
go', etc. 

a. The infinitive is used as a Gerund or verbal noun, denoting 
abstractly the action or state signified by the verb. As thus employ- 
ed it is inflected to ^ throughout the obi. sing., and takes the usual 
postpositions after the manner of Tadbhava masc. nouns in w. It is 
never used in the plural. Thus we have, e.g,^ H€HI, *to fight', 
^fighting'; Gen., ^W^ 5RT, *of fighting'; Loc, ^f^ % *in fighting', etc. 

306. E/CJecting the final ^n of the infinitive, we obtain 
the Root of the verb, from which, except in the case of 
seyen verbs to be hereafter noted, all the parts of the verb 
may be derived in a regular and orderly manner. Thus, e.g,^ 
the root of ^rht is ^fi ; of Tvjm, mt ; of 5F5^, ^%, etc. 

N, B. The root of the verb, in standard Hindi, is always identical 
in form with the 2nd pers. sing, of the Imperative. 

307. The roots of verbs may be conveniently distinguished as close 
and open. By a close root is denoted a root terminating in a conso- 
nant ; by an open root, a root terminating in a vowel. Verbs which 
have open roots, are often termed ^wre verbs, and those which have close 
roots, mixed verbs. Thus ^, ^^ and %T, the roots of the verbs ^|«||, 
€IHMI and %^, are open roots, and their verbs pure verbs ; but ^H, 
VTt and il¥, the roots of fRIHT, WUU and M€HI are close roots, and 
their verbs, mixed verbs. 

308. Prom the root of the verb, the Imperfect and Per- 
fect participles in standard Hindi are respectively derived 
as follows : — 

(1) The Imperfect participle is formed by adding to the 
root the syllable m. 



(2) The JPerfect participle is formed by adding to the 
root the syllable ht. 

The followino: table will illustrate : — 




*to speak'. 


*to fear\ 


*to meet . 


*to strike'. 


Perfect Part. 

drat, * spoken'. 
¥n, * feared', 
fe^, *met'. 
ITRT, ' struck'. 

Verb, Root, 

^nfl, * to bring'. W. 
ihlT, * to drink', tft. 

dr^, *to sow'. dr. 

Perfect Part. 

^nUT, * brought'. 
RwT, * drank'. 
drUT, *60wn'. 

Imperfect Part, 

dram, * speaking'. 
¥Tm, * fearing'. 
ftram, 'meeting'. 
mmX y * striking'. 

309. Observe, that before the termination wi of the per- 
fect participle, 

(1) n is inserted after all roots ending inin, 4i or ^ : 

(2) If the root end in the long ^ this vowel is shortened. 
Examples are ; — 

Imperfect Part, 

^n?!T, * bringing'. 
^^, * drinking'. 
#T?n, * sowing'. 

310. The participial terminations, m and ht, are inJlected 
to ^ (masc.) and 4i (fem.) according to the rules for the in- 
flection of Tadbhava adjectives. (§163.) The fem. plnr. is 
sometimes inflected to ^, or, rarely, to vit. 

a. Verbs which insert a before wi in the perfect partici- 
ple, optionally insert n before the inflection ^, and occa- 
sionally before 4i. But if the root of the verb in the perfect 
participle terminate inir or 4i, the 4i of the fem. termination 
sometimes combines with this radical vowel, by §40. Thus 
we have, e.g,, from tftm, *to drink', (perf. part, masc, ftrar,) 
the perf. part, fem., ^, for ftrii. Examples of these inflected 
participles are as follows : — 

Norn, masc. Obi, masc, Fem, sing, Fem.plur. 

From vratT, * to throw'. ¥ra?fT. ¥ra?%. ¥raw. ¥TTOT. 
„ „ „ „ Wrar. ¥T^. €IHI. Wlm(. 

9, %Pff, * to sleep', %T7iT. %ld. %m. ^m(. 

VBRBS. 161 

From %W, 

* to sleep'. 





„ ^, 

* to give'. 





„ ^iT5n, 

• to do'. 





b. Observe, that in dissyllabic roots with a short vowel in the first 
syllable, and short a in the second, this a very commonly, though 
not invariably, becomes silent before all terminations beginning with 
a vowel. Thus from M4iH«ffl, * to come out', we have the perf. part., 
PkIiHI. commonly pronounced nikld. Similarly, in the contingent fu- 
ture, the 3rd sing., ^H5^, and the 2nd plur., ^W^, from ^TVRiiifT samajh^ 
ndy are respectively pronounced samjhe and samjho. But this rule is 
not to be applied in reading poetry. {Vid. §10, c. e,) 

311. In the following seven common verbs, the perfect 
participle is formed from a root different from the root of 
the infinitive, viz : — 

^nrr, ' to be'. 






TV^ifT, * to die'. 






QRT9IT, * to do'. 






^, ' to give'. 






^|5fr, * to take'. 






WRT, * to go'. 






dR^I, * to determine'. 






a. Of the above, SFT^n, TOfT and W^J also form their perfect parti- 
ciples regularly from the root of the infinitive ; thus, 5fPiT, iRT, ^nUT. 
'WnUy however, is only used in the Frequentative form of the verb ; 

and CRTT and Wl belong rather to Kanauji and other local dialects 
than to standard Hindi. 

312. When the perfect and imperfect participles are 
used as adjectives, the perf. part., yjn, of the verb imi, * to 
be', inflected, if necessary, to agree with the participle and 
noun qualified, is very often added. The participle j^, in 
this idiom, is strictly pleonastic and cannot be translated. 

Examples are, — drUT JW iN^, ' sown wheat '; ^Ifft J^ dr^, * run- 
ning horses'; VJHt fi ^ifR^, * a singing girl'. 


162 VBRBS. 

313. The Conjunctive participle consists either of the root 
alone, or adds to the root the syllable «k?: or w. The follow- 
ing are examples : — 

Verb, Root. Conjunctive Participle, 

W^m. 5Rt. «K^, «K^ *, or «K?: 5Rt, 'doing^ 'having done'. 

^^^. i[^. ^, ^ it, or ^ «K^, laughing', 'having laughed*. 

^n^. W. 'm, im it, or im 5W, 'going', having gone', 

^hn. ^. ^, ^ it, or ^ 5R^, 'sewing', 'having sewed'. 

a. Sometimes either «K^ or it is repeated after ^KT ; thus, ^Ff 5Rt % 
or ^rei 5Rt 5Rt, ' having walked'; 7TT CRT it or 7TT 9i^ 5W, ' having sung'. 
But this is colloquial and scarcely elegant. 

314. The verbal Notm of agency is formed by adding to 
the inflected infinitive, the aflix orr^ or wttt. Thus, to 
illustrate : — 

Infinitive, Noun of Agency, 

iTRT, 'to sing'. Jll^eilHI or Jlllif Kl, *a singer'. 

5?T^^, Ho run'. 9lf^cilHI or ^T^fTTT, 'a runner'. 

dRT, *to sow'. dr^^nnr or di^UKi, *a sower'. 

a. Of these two suffixes, cirar is everywhere used ; ^TO is more 
common in the east than in the west. These nouns are declined in 
the masc , like €h^ {p. 76); and in the fem., like dra^ (p, 77). The 
final d of these affixes,especially of YKT, is occasionally shortened ; 
but this again is an eastern usage. 

315. The fifteen tenses of the standard dialect may be 
distributed into three groups. The first group will include 
such tenses as are formed immediately from the Rooty by 
means of certain terminations; the second group, such 
tenses as are formed by means of the Imperfect Participle ; 
the third group, such tenses as are formed by means of the 
Perfect Participle. As thus distributed, the tenses stand 
as follows : — 

Geoup !• 


1. Contingent Future. 2. Absolute Future. 3. Imperative (Future). 

VERBS, 1 63 

Group ii. Group in. 



1. Indefinite Imperfect. 1. Indefinite Perfect. 

2. Present Imperfect. 2. Present Perfect. 

3. Past Imperfect. 3. Past Perfect. 

4. Contingent Imperfect. 4. Contingent Perfect. 
6. Presumptive Imperfect. 5. Presumptive Perfect. 

6. Negative Contingent Imperfect. 6. Negative Contingent Perfect. 

316. The above arrangement and nomenclature differs somewhat from any 
given in other Hindi or Hindustani grammars ; but it is believed to rest on 
sound philosophical principles, and to give a more precise expression to the 
distinctive characteristics and mutual relations of the several tenses. Kot 
only do these several groups have an outward individual character, in respect 
of their derivation respectively from three different parts of the verb, but one 
distinctive radical conception will be found to underlie all the tenses of each 
gfroup, with which all their various usages may be connected. Every action 
or state, whether actual or contingent, may be conceived of under three 
different aspects, relatively to its own progress, i.e., (1) as not yet begun; (2) 
as begun, but not completed; or (3) as completed. It is believed that these are 
the essential ideas which severally pervade these three groups of tenses. 
In Group I, all three tenses represent the action as not begun, i.e., as 
future. The Absolute Future represents this futurition as a reality ; the Con- 
tingent Future and Imperative^ represent it as a possibility. The Contingent 
Future represents the futurition as contingent, in a general way, whether 
desired or not ; the Imperative represents it as an object of desire or will. 
The tenses of Gi'oup II, represent the action of the verb, under various phas- 
es, as imperfect, i.e., as not yet completed; the tenses of Group III, represent 
it, in different aspects, as perfect or completed. 

317. The three tenses of the Future, in Group I, are 
formed by adding certain terminations to the root, as 

follows : — 

(1) The Contingent Future is formed by adding to the 
root the terminations given in the following table. 

Terminations of the Contingent Future. 

Sing. 1. * 2. ^. 3. W. 

Plur. 1. 4. 2. *T. 3. *. 

164 VERBS. 

(2) The terminations of the Imperative are identical with 
the above, except in the 2nd sing., in which no affix what- 
ever is added to the root. 

a. In the place of the above affixes for the 2nd and 3rd 
plur., other terminations are added to the root to form 
what is commonly known as the Respectful Imperative. 
These terminations are as follows : — 2nd plur., to ; 3rd 
plur., ij^, or, more rarely, toh. Of these, the form ^ is 
commonly used with the plur. of the 2nd pers. pronoim, ?n? ; 
that in ij^ or ^SnT with the honorific pronoun, wn, or some 
equiyalent word. 

h. Verbs of which the root ends in 4i or ^ insert ^ before 
the above affixes. In this case the radical ^ is changed to 4i. 

Thus ^5|T, *to take', makes the resp. imper., HtftlSl, ^WW ; $5^, *to 
give*, resp. imper., ^ftfti^, ^tfW ; €hlT, *to sew'; resp. imper., ^Q^T^RT, 
3Q^iM; ^hn, *to drink'; resp. imper., li\ni9T, vtftil^ or uir^DjII, etc. 

c. To the verbs included under h may be added three 
verbs from the list in §311, which irregularly form the 
respectful imperative from the root of the perfect participle; 
viz.^ 5RWT, *to do', HTUT, *to die', and ^mr, *to be', of which 
the respectful forms of the imperative are, cftftiST, 5RtfW ; 

VTT^Hn, WTw; ^rWT, QIM. 

©\ «\ ©s fi\ 

d. Observe that ^fSr and IJ^, after ^ in these respectful forms, are 
very often contracted to #T and ^; giving, instead of the above, ^fWl, 
W^y 'TO, etc. 

(3) The Absolute Future is formed from the Contingent 
Future, by adding to each person of that tense, in the sing., 
m, masc, or ift, fem. ; and in the plur. H, masc, or iff, fem. 
The full terminations, therefore, as added to the root are as 
follows : — 

Terminations of the Absolute Future. 

Sing. 1. ?hn, fem. wiT. 2. ^?!T, fem. ^^n. 3 ^?!T, fem. ^ift. 
Plur. 1. W, fem. ^ifif. 2. %ft, fem. #rnY. 3. W, fem. ^iFt 

VERBS. 165 

318. In the 2nd and 3rd sing, and the 1st and 3rd plur., n is very 
often substituted for ^ after open roots ( §307), in all three tenses of 
the future. In this case the Anusvdr in the plural is added, not to 
the initial ^ of the termination, but to the final vowel of the root. 
Thus, %RT, ^ to be', makes the 2nd and 3rd sing, in these tenses 
%T^ or %nt ; ^ronr or %nnTT ; and the 1st and 3rd plur., %rtJI or ^ii?, 
tlslt or zunt. 

319. After roots ending in w, ^, ^ or ^, si is optionally 

inserted before ^ and ^ in the tenses of the Future. Thus, 
for wiT^, tft^, %T^y we very commonly hear wrrd, ^% trd. 

a. But in the case of roots ending in ^, educated modems 
very often reject that vowel before all the terminations of 
the three tenses of the future. 

Thus, from $5fT, *to give*, we may have in the Contingent Future, 
1st sing., ♦, for $^; 3rd sing., $, for tS; 2nd plur., ^, for $%. 
Similarly, from ^5|T, *to take', we have, in the Absolute Future, 1st 
sing., ^in, 1st plur., ^, etc., etc. 

320. Before proceeding to explain the formation of the 
remaining tenses of the verb, it will be necessary, as a pre- 
liminary, to exhibit certain tenses of the auxiliary verb 
^WT, *to be', or 'become'. Besides the regular tenses com- 
mon to all verbs, two other tenses, viz.^ a Present and an 
Indefinite Past, are usually, though inaccurately, assigned 
to this verb. These must be considered first in order. * They 
express simple existence, and answer, respectively, to the 
English *am' and *was'. These tenses are conjugated in 
the standard dialect as follows : — 


Singular. Plural. 

^% * I am'. WW \l, * we are'. 

g ^, * thou art'. W^ ^, * you are'. 

mw t, * he is'. S ^, ' they are'. 

• Though conveniently treated here, it should be understood that, in reali- 
ty, they have no organic connextion with the verb hond, which is derived 
throughout from the Sanskrit bhu; while the various forms of these two ten- 
ses are derived from as and other radicals. 

166 VERBS. 


Singular. Plural. . 

^ m, * I was'. %^^y * we were', 

n m, * thou wast'. WR % * you were'. 

sif m, * he, she or it was', d ^, * they were'. 

F&m. ^ A, etc. J<?m. %n ^, etc. 

321. We add the three future tenses of the yerb 

tRT, * to be ' or ^ become \ 

Contingent Future. 

Singular. Plural. 

^ %T^ or %t, *I may be'. ir^T^rt-^Tdj^tHor^t, *wemaybe'. 

H%T^,%Td,^Tilor%T,*thoumay8tbe'. OT %T#r or ^, 'you may be'. 
09 tnr, %Td, %m or ^, *he may be', d ^,%Td, ^or tl, *they may be'. 

Absolute Futubos. 

Singular. Plural. 

^ dl^JII or TOT, *I shall be'. ifH %T^, 9t^, ^teft or %W, *we 

shall be'. 
?! <T^^, wsniT, ^iM4ii or ifniT, ?JR 91^111 or tsTlf, *you will be . 
' thou wilt be'. 

CI9 fT^w, irdiiT, fnniT or tnn, d ii^ii, %rai>, ^inA or tHI, *they 

'he will be'. will be'. 

Fern, ^ %T^tlft, g ^Rlft, etc. Jl^w. ^i? fr^lfir, TO tnfif, etc. 


2nd sing, n ^. The rest like the Contingent Future. 
Respectful Imperative, Knvdr or ^%, l(T?ird or tf#, ^faiiilii, 

* be pleased to be'. 

322. We are now prepared to explain the formation of 
tlie tenses of tlie Imperfect and Perfect participles, as enu- 
merated in Groups I and II. Inasmuch as between each 
of the six tenses in each group, taken in pairs, there will 
be found the closest analogy, we may most conveniently 
treat the tenses of both participles together. The verb 
mmj ^to come'^ is taken as an illustration. 



323. The Indefinite Imperfect represents an action simply 
as incomplete, without reference to any particular time, and 
may thus refer either to the past, present, or future ; the 
Indefinite Perfect represents the action as complete, but 
also with no definite reference to time. These agree in 
grammatical form, as consisting simply of the Participle 
without any auxiliary; e.g., ^ ^rnprr, 'I come', *I would come'; 
^ WHT, *I came'. 

a. The Indefinite Imperfect has no one precise equivalent in English, 
which might of itself express all its various uses. It is most commouljr 
employed as a past contingent, as, e g ^ jo turn each bolte, ' had you spoken 
the truth*. 

324. The second pair consists of the Present Imperfect 
and Present Perfect. These both agree in referring the 
action to the present time ; the former represents the action 
as unfinished at the present time ; the latter as finished at 
the present time. As thus both referring to the present, 
they are both formed by adding to the participles, the Pre- 
sent of the auxiliary substantive verb; e.g., ^ ^nm i, *I come* 
or *am coming'; % mm i, *I have come'. 

325. The third pair consists of the Past Imperfect and 
Past Perfect. The former represents the action of the verb 
as in progress at some past time ; the latter as completed 
at some past time. The agreement in time is represented 
by the Past tense of the auxiliary substantive verb ; e.g., 
^ wm in, *I was coming'; % ^^nn m, 'I had come'. 

326. The fourth pair consists of the Contingent Imper^ 
feet and the Contingent Perfect. These tenses again diflfer 
in that we have, in the former, the action in progress ; 
in the latter, the action completed. But both alike repre- 
sent the action merely as a possibility. The characteristic 
auxiliary is the Contingent Puture of the substantive 
verb ; e.g., ^ wxm tr*, *I may be coming'; ^ wht tr*, * I may 
have comc'» 

168 VERBS. 

327. The fifth pair embraces the Presumptive Imperfect 
and the Presumptive Perfect. These exhibit the same 
contrast of incompleteness and completion^ and agree in re- 
presenting the action, under these two phases, as a proba- 
bility. The auxiliary common to both is the Absolute 
Puture of the substantive verb; the Future tense indicating 
the positive presumption of the occurrence of the action ; 
e.g.^ sif ^rmr tnn, *he must be coming'; 9f win tnir, *he must 
have come'. 

328. In the sixth Group we have two tenses which we 
have called the Negative Contingent Imperfect^ and Nega^ 
tive Contingent Perfect. These are formed by adding to 
the two participles of the verb, the Indefinite Imperfect of 
the substantive verb; as, e.g.^ % to w^ trft, * had you been 
coming'; ^ ^ f wht frfn nr ^r srf vm ^ iifn, ^if I had not come, 
they had not had sin'. 

a. Grammarians have found much difficulty in defining the precise scope 
of these infrequent tenses, or assigning them a name. In truth, the former 
of the two, especially, is so very rarely met, that it is difficult to gather exam- 
ples enough to form the hasis of a judgment. While hy no means confident 
that the name chosen is the best possible, it is so far expressive of the usage 
of these tenses that they alone are never found except in conditional clauses 
implying the negation of the condition. It is indeed true that negative con- 
ditional clauses are also often and more commonly expressed by the Indefinite 
tenses, perfect and imperfect ; but this is not, by any means, in the Indefinite 
tenses, as in these, their exclusive function. 

h. The last three pairs of tenses have usually been arranged by themselves, 
as the 'six uncommon tenses'. But apart from the fact, that some, at least, of 
these tenses are by no means uncommon, it scarcely seems philosophical, 
thus to set off certain tenses in a class by themselves, on the sole ground of 
their comparatively infrequent occurrence. They are accordingly made to 
take their proper place under the tenses of the participles. 

329. la addition to the above verbal forms, grammarians have 

usually enumerated a so-called ^Adverbial participle', which is formed 
by adding the emphatic particle, ^, to the obi. form of the imperfect 
participle; as, e.g.y from ^TRIT, ^»T^ ^, * immediately upon going'. 
But as this is not in truth an additional formation from the verb, 
but merely a special grammatical construction of the Imperfect par- 

YBRBS. 169 

tioiple, there seems to be no Sufficient reason for giving it a separate 
place in the paradigm of the verb. The same idiom, indeed, occurs^ 
though much more rarely, with the perfect participle also ; as^ e»g,^ 
^fQ ^ 717 9^, ' immediately upon his having gone'. 

330. The three tenses of the future of the verb %pn, ^to 
be', have already been exhibited. We now add six tenses 
of the participles ; the remaining six, with the exception of 
the Contingent Perfect, are much less frequent, 

a. Observe, that in aU the compound tenses of the Imperfect par- 
ticiple, and in the Indefinite perfect, this verb has the signification, 
not of ^being' but ^becoming'. In the other tenses, it may have either 
sense, but the compound verb ^ ^iniT, is to be preferred in the sense 
of ' becoming'. 

Imperfect Participle, %T?n, ^becoming'. 

Perfect Participle, jw, *been'. [ing become*. 

Conjunctive Participle, %,fwiiT,tT5ft,%nFT%, * having been' or *hav- 
NouN OF Agency, il^eiKdi or ^T^TTTT, *that which is to be'. 

Indefinite Imperfect. 

Singular. Plural. 

?l iim, * I would be',* etc. ifH W%, * we would be', etc. 

H tT?IT, * thou wouldst be', etc. mi Wi, * you would be', etc. 

€lf tmr, * he ' or * it would be', d Wi, * they would be', etc. 

Present Imperfect. 

Singular. Plural. 

^tmi^, 'I am becoming'. W^^T^^, *we are becoming'. 

5 tmi f » *thou art becoming'. ?W Wi tr, *you are becoming'. 
CIW iT?n f , *he, it is becoming', d flft^, 'they are becoming'. 

Past Imperfect. 

Singular. Plural. 

\ tT?lT HT, * I was becoming'. %^ ^rft ^, *we were becoming'. 
H %T?n W, * thou wast becoming'. WK tr^ ^, *you were becoming'. 
CIW t!?fT HT, *he was becoming', d tlft ^, *they were becoming'. 

* Thia is only one of many possible renderings of this tense. Yvi. §323. 


170 VERBS. 

Indefinite Perfect. 

Singular. Plural. 

^ jm, * I became'. ¥R ^, *w« became'. 

w «n, *thou becamest*. ?p ^, *you became*. 

g^ WIT, *he became', d ^, *they became'. 

Present Perfect. 

Singular. Plural. 

^ ^^ *, * I have been' or * be- ^il f^^, *we have been' or *be- 
^ *^ come'. come'. 

n wn t, 'thou hast been' or *be- ?W ip tt, ^you have been' or 'be- 
^^ come'. "* come\ 

99 Mr t, *he has been' or 'be- 9 f^^, *they have been' or *be- 

come'. come'. 

Past Perfect. 

Singular. Plural. 

^ TOT W, ' I had been' or 'be- ^*r J^ i, *we had been' or 'be- 
come', come'. 

n jw in, 'thou hadst been' or 'be- ?pi J^ i, 'you had been' or 'be- 

come'. come'. 

BM fW W, 'he had been' or 'be- d J^ *, 'they had been' or 'be- 
come', come'- 

a. Observe, tbat by changing W\ final to 'i for the singular, and ^ 
final to ^ for the plural, the above will be transformed into the femi- 
nine conjugation. In the compound forms of the verb, however, 
AnuHvdr in the plural is commonly added to the second member only. 
Thus we say, %n trA ^, not tT?Tf ^ ; similarly, jit ^, etc. These 
remarks apply to all verbs whateve^. 

h. JW is commonly Romanized, Awrf, but this is incorrect; in the 
Nagari, the first syllable is always short. 

331. Prom what has been said, it will be evident that the 
conjugation of the Hindi verb, as respects terminations is 
perfectly regular. In standard Hindi and in all the western 
dialects, however, there is a peculiar idiom in the construc- 
tion of the tenses of the Perfect Participle in Transitive 
verbs, which demands especial notice. The following rules 
should therefore be carefully studied. 

332. In the use of all the tenses of the Perfect Partici- 

VERB*. 171 

pie of Transitive verbs, the case of the Agent must be sub- 
stituted for the nominative of the subject. Two construc- 
tions are then admissible, viz. : — 

(1) That which, in English idiom, is the object of the 
action, may be put in the nominative case, with which the 
verb is inflected to agree in gender and number. 

(2) That which, in English idiom, is the object of the 
action, may be put in the dative, and the verb, irrespective 
of the gender or number of either the subject or object, is 
then put in the masc. sing. 

These two may be termed, respectively, the Passive and 

Impersonal constructions. 

Thus, with the Present Perfect of ^^RT, *to see^ we have, instead 
of the English construction, either, e.g.^ ^ % ^n VJ^ $w, *I saw that 
carriage'; or ^ % ^^ ^l¥^ ^ $^IT, ^ I saw that girl'. In the former 
case the real nominative to the verb is IIFT^, with which therefore the 
verb agrees in the 3rd fem. sing. In the second, there is no nominative 
expressed ; that which in English is the nominative of the verb, 
appears here in the dative, and the verb is used impersonally in the 
3rd masc. sing. 

N. B. The beginner should carefully observe, ( I ) that this con- 
struction is used with transitive verbs only ; and (2) with such verbs, 
only in the tenses of the perfect participle. Thus, although we must 
say, g^ i| ^nii wi %T iTTtT, * he beat his brother', we must use the 
active construction with the same verb in the tenses of the imperfect 
participle, even when referring to past time. Thus we say, e,g.y Wf 
^X^ wi %r WJm in, *he was beating his brother'; not B^ i| HXKHV W, 
which would be nonsense. 

333. It is to be noted that all HindC perfect participles are in fact corrapted 
forms of the Sk. perfect passive participle, and the idiom under consideration 
has its origin and explanation in the Sanskrit construction of such participles, 
according to which, under the above conditions, the passive participle is made 
to agree in gender and number with that which in English idiom is the object 
of the verb, and the logical subject is put in the instrumental case. Thus, to 
illustrate, the English phrase *he said*, may be rendered in Sanskrit, ^ QfifllTf, 
lit, 'by him said', Hindi, '^;^ ^ ^TfT. Similarly, the Sanskrit ^ IJUI^I^SUICi^ 
n:, *he saw a young mouse\ becomes in Hindi, ^^ if ?|% m^ CV^ $^0". 

172 VERBS. 

334. The following common verbs, m., VRilT, *to talk idly^ dl^Sff, 
* to speak', W^RT, ' to forget', ^^l, ' to fight', and WHJ, * to bring', 
although transitive in sense, taking an object after them, are excep- 
tions to the above rule, and are never construed with the case of the 

a. The perfect tenses of ^WKHT, *to understand', are also sometimes 
construed with the nominative of the subject ; but it is considered 
better to use the case of the agent. 

335. Observe, that in the pronunciation of all primitive or causal 
verbs with monosyllabic roots, the accent everywhere remains upon 
the radical syllable. But in causal verbs formed by adding a sylla- 
ble, as IRT, W, W^, W, etc., to the root of the primitive, the accent 
rests throughout upon this causal aiB^. In the following examples, 
the accent is indicated by the italic letters : A;ariinga, kariungd ; kahii^ 
kahldHy ban&y banef, etc. Many words identical in form, but different 
in meaning, are thus distinguished only by the accent ; thus parhk^ is 
3rd sing,, indef. perf., from parknd, *(he) read'; but parhrf, with the 
accent on the second syllable is 2nd sing. imp. from parhdnd^ ^cause 
thou (him) to read'. Similarly, swwS, is *heard'; but *sun4', 'tell thou', 
etc. etc. In no case, however, must the accent be exaggerated. 

3-36. The following tables exhibit the conjugation of three verbs. 
Table XII illustrates the conjugation of a regular intransitive verb, 
with a consonant final in the root ; Table XIII, that of an intransitive 
verb with a vowel final in the root. Table XIV exhibits the conju- 
gation of the transitive verb c|R?fT, *to do'. So slight are the differen- 
ces in the conjugation of pure and mixed verbs, that it has not been 
thought necessary to give more than one paradigm of a regular verb. 
On the other band, as will appear, the slightly irregular verbs, wm 
and Qii<«ii, in various combinations are so very common that it has 
seemed desirable to exhibit their conjugation in full. Exactly like 
«ii<«ti, perf. part., f^liHr, are also conjugated the transitive verbs, $9ff, 
*to give', perf. part., firm, and #HT, *to take', perf. part., ftwT. All 
regular pure verbs as, e.g.y fir^TRT, *to shew', perf. part., ftr^miT, are 
conjugated exactly as ^n«!T, except that the root of the infinitives is 
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Of the Passive Voice. 

337. The Passive Voice is much less used in Hindi than 
in English. Its place is largely taken by neuter verbs. It 
is to be remembered, however, that the construction of the 
past tenses of transitive verbs with % is, in reality, a passive 
construction. Still in certain cases, which will be duly 
noticed in the chapter on syntax, the Hindi verb admits 
of a Passive Voice. 

338. Any verb may be conjugated passively by adding 
to its Perfect participle the verb ^trt. 'to go*, which verb is 
then conjugated after the manner exhibited in Table XIII. 
The participle is inflected to agree with the subject ; w 
final becoming ^, for the masc. plur., and *, for the fem., 
sing, or plur. 

Thus from the verb «khi, *to strike', we have the passive itrt WHT, 
*to be struck'; from $5n, *to give', pass., ^tit ^IRT, *to be given'; from 
r<s4«mi, *to shew', pass., ft^miT ^IRT, *to be shown'. Other examples 
are as follows, CI9 ^^ T^TOT imr, *that letter was written'; ^rit ^ 
jhtV "m^ ^, *somo woman was being beaten'; d i|^ $# ^nS ^ 
'they are not seen'; i.e., 'they are invisible'. 

a. Sometimes even neuter verbs are conjugated passively ; as e.g, 
from ^imr, *to come', pass., ^mn ^!rRT. But this idiom is scarcely 
transferable to English. 

339. As the passive conjugation presents no difficulties 
whatever, it will be quite sufficient to present a mere 
synopsis of the more common tenses. We take, as an 
example, the verb ^rrt, ' to write', perf. part., ftwr. 

Synopsis of the passive Conjugation of ^mm. 

Infinitive ; ftpBTT ITRT, «to be written'. 

Conjunctive Participle ; f^wr ^nRT, 'having been written'. 

Contingent Future, 3rd sing. ; ftwT w^, *it may be written'. 

Absolute Future ; „ „ ftrar w^in, 'it will be written'. 

Imperative; „ „ iWiWT^, 'let it be written'. 


Indefinite Imperfect, 3rd sing.; f^TOT^smT/it is, or would be, written'. 
Present Imperfect, „ „ f^WT^iT?lT^, *it is being written*. 
Past Imperfect, „ „ fe^n ^n?n in, *it was being written*. 

Indefinite Perfect, „ „ raWT WU, *it was written^ 
Present Perfect, „ „ ftWT ItUJ t, 'it has been written*. 

Past Perfect, „ „ f^TOT lim m, 'it had been written*. 

a. The remaining tenses are extremely rare ; if, indeed, many of 
them ever occur at all. In general, the student will need to guard 
against the too free use of any of these passive forms. 

Causal Verbs. 

340. From every primitive verb ia Hindi, may be de- 
rived a Causal and a Second causal verb. The first causal 
expresses immediate causation, and the second causal, the 
mediate causation of the act or state of the primitive. Thus 
from the primitive sRm, ' to be made', we have the causal, 
^Rmr, *to make*, and the second causal, sRcn^rr, *to cause 
(another person) to make'. 

a. If the primitive be a neuter verb, it is plain that the 1st causal will be 
the corresponding active verb. It is thus evident that the causal may often 
be translated into English by a single verb having no etymological connexion 
with the word which properly translates the primitive. Illustrations will be 
found below. 

341. The rules for the formation of causal verbs are 
as follows : — 

(1) Add to the root of the primitive, w\ for the causal, and 
m for the second causal. The usual infinitive termination, 
m, added to the root thus modified, will give the infinitive 
of the causal or second causal in question. Thus from 
^i^RT, * to bum', we have the root ^rer; whence we derive, 
as above, the root of the causal, ^»ht, and of the second 
causal, iracn ; from which again, we have the causal infini- 
tives, miRT, *to set on fire', and ii^im^, *to cause to set on 
fire'. Similar are the following examples : — 




Primitive. Carnal Second Carnal 

HSm, *to rise'. 93RT, *to raise*. vsainiT, *to cause to raise'. 

ftpRT, *to be hid- fi^niT, 'to hide*. f^UdPir, *to cause to hide\ 

M*^l, *to be ripe', fmnn, *to cook'. iniicmiT, *to cause to cook'. 

ftwRf, *to meet'. firofRr, *to cause to HiijiQii^i, *to cause to mix'. 

meet', to mix'. 

j'niT, *to hear', gfim, *to tell'. ^irapn, *to cause to tell'. 

a. A short a in the second syllable of dissyllabic roots 
which have a short vowel in the first syllable, usually be- 
comes silent in the causal. But before the afBx of the 
second causal^ the a is pronounced. Examples are, — 

Primitive. Causal Second Carnal 

fm^PIT chamakndf fi44eKI4l, pron. chamkdnd. fHiOhCll^l chamakwdnd. 
*to shine'. 

^sm^m pighalndy foHHRT, „ pighldnd. TllUWIHI pighalwdnd. 
*to melt' intr. 

MMi^X bhataknd^ )ld^MI, „ bhatkdnd. M^^^XAX bhatakwdnd. 
*to wander'. 

^msilT samajhnd, M^HkMly „ aamjhdnd. HH^m^X samajhwdnd. 
*to understand'. 

HCKV^ pakarndy U^f |i|l, ■ „ pakrdnd, M^fClMI pakartcdnd. 
*to seize'. 

QT^RT parakhnd, HT^fHTT, „ parkhdnd. Ui^eiMI parakhvcdnd. 
*to be tried'. 

ft. Monosyllabic roots containing a long vowel shorten 
that vowel before the causal and second causal affixes. 
Open roots then insert ^ between the shortened vowel and 
the causal affixes. 

N. B. In the application of this rule, observe, that a is the short 
substitute for m ; ^, for 'i, % %, and occasionally for Wl ; ^, for «, 
#f, and ^, in the primitive. 

Under this head, the following are examples of close roots : — 

Primitive. Carnal Second Carnal 

W\^Xy *to go around'. l^^n^) *to turn around'. ^nqrm. 

innWT, *to waken'. ^TOmr, *to awaken'. ^nraiHT. 

^n^'i *to conquer'. T^PimT, *to cause to conquer'. f^RmPIT. 


The following are examples of open roots : — 

wm^y *to eat'. filWfRT, *to feed'. ftFrarPIT, *to cause to feed'. 

i^ilT, *to drink'. FuHMI, *to give to drink'. fq^mmT, *to cause to give 

%T5!T, *to sleep'. 5^fRT, *to put to sleep'. ^HSllHIl, *to cause to put 

to sleep'. 

a. Verbs of this class with monosyllabic roots enclosing 
^ or ^, commonly retain the long vowel, and form their 
cansals according to (1) ; as, e.g.y 

^mr, *to swim'. DilHl, 'to cause to swim'. 2nd Causal^ dtcinir. 
?T¥fT, *to run'. ?T¥T^, *to cause to run'. „ „ ^Ifoii^i. 

b. But itfS^y ^to sit', makes the 1st causal, dTniT or fiil3rilT, 
'to seat'. It also often follows the example of open roots, and admits 
an 9 before the causal affix, making T^^HMI. Similarly cmpiT, *to 
say', ^NlRT, *to leam', and ^^^RT, *to see', make their eausals either 

^¥1^1, fenrnn and fif^rnfi, or ch^Hi^i, ftrarsTRT and BRramr. ^rtPiT 

and eiifHMI are peculiar in having a passive sense, viz.y *to be called', 
*to be named'. 

(2) Many primitive neuter verbs having a monosyllabic 

root enclosing a short vowel, form the 1st causal by simply 

lengthening that vowel. The 2nd causal is formed in the 

usual way. Thus, e.g. : — 

Qism, *to be cut'. CRT^sfT, 'to cut'. ^R^Qimr, *to cause to cut'. 

4hiit, *to be fastened'. #U^, 'to fasten'. ^hsrOPIT, *to cause to fasten'. 
^WIT, *to be loaded'. ^fWW, *to load'. ^nroPIT, *to cause to load'. 
|i#enn, *to be pulled'. ^«niT, *to pull'. PAnail^l, *to cause to pull'. 

a. Sometimes in such words, instead of the cognate long vowel, 
the gun or vriddhi of the primitive vowel is the substitute, as in 
the following : — 

^^WT, *to be open'. ^dr^PlT, *to open'. ^^raifT, *to cause to open'. 
H^UTT, *to be dissolved'. €h^RT,*to dissolve', I4H4MI, 'to cause to dissolve'. 
?iftv»T, *to be pulled'. ^fRT, *to pull'. PlkfieiMl, *to cause to pull'. 

h. i«rarmT, ^to come out', make its 1st causal, ivmnmr, af- 
ter the analogy of the above. 



c. A few primitive roots ending in ?;. change this ^ to 
the cognate f in the causals. Some of these present other 
irregularities. The most common are the following : — 

R^, 'to be separated'. #nRT, *to leave'. ffPTT, *to liberate'. 

^HT, *to break', intr. Wfm, *to break', tr. ^Tf^iRTJ * to cause to 

Wrinfr, J break'. 

qra^SR, *to tear', „ HiTf^, Ho tear', „ V^RT, j *to cause to 

Uif ML ) tear'. 

wsm, *to burst', „ *Tfm, *to burst', „ ^wmr, *to cause to 

^ burst'. 

d. ^ram, *to be sold', changes the final guttural of the root to the 
corresponding palatal, in the Ist causal only, making d«RT, 'to 
sell'. TflT, 'to remain', changes if to the hard guttural aspirate, 
5^1, making TlOTT, *to keep'. 

e. Two verbs, ri>., fTBRT, *to be immersed', and li^niT, 'to be wet', 
make their ist causals, respectively, l^RT, and fwhTT. Sometimes, 
however, they assume the regular causal affixes. 

/. T^IM^I, to be ended', makes the 1st causal pHllf«ll or Bldv^lT, 
^to finish'. The verb ds^, mentioned at (1) 6., makes yet another 
form, dsPSnn ; and, similarly, ^^fT, *to enter', makes QdKMI. #fT, 
to take', makes ftnnilT. 

342. Of some verbs the neuters have become obsolete in High 
Hindi, though still in use in some dialects. Thus, e,g.^ the neuter 
of %rpiT, *to join', Wf^, ie not very common in standard Hindi, 
but in the Rdmdym^ under the form ^TOI. it is the common substitute 
for the H. H. ftreifT, *to meet' or 'find'. Similarly the common word 
$1RT, 'to see', is the causal of the dialectic K. ^hjih, 'to appear'. On 
the other hand, a few neuters are commonly used in High Hindi, of 
which the causal forms are rarely heard. A common example is ^17^, 
*to fall', the causal of which, UPpiT (^nni), frequently occurs in the 
Rdmdyan, but is very rare in standard Hindi. 

343. Many verbs form their causals both according to rules (1) and 
(2). Usually with such difference in form, there is also a di£Perence 
in signification, and often one form is dialectic. A good illustration 
is found in the verb TSRT, 'to be pressed', which makes one causal, 
^mWT, * to press down ', and another, ^WfT, having the special 
meaning, 'to shampoo'. So also, from fTTRHT, 'to meet', the standard 
dialect makes the causal, TilHRI, 'to mix'; but theM&rw^ri, following 


the second rule, makes the causal, d^l#T, *to send'. ftiiHHI, 'to call', 
is commonly reckoned a causal &om dr^RT, 'to speak'; but dTOT is 
invariably used in the Rdmdyan instead of ^HMI, in the same sense. 

344. We may note in conclusion the existence of a class of causal 
verbs derived from abstract nouns, which denote the causation of 
that which is expressed by the noun. Thus, from TO, *anger', comes 
ftrannfT, *to be angry'; from ftw, 'vertigo', TOPCniT, 'to be giddy'. 
Under this head also come a number of onomatopoetic words; as, 
e.y.^ ^^Hl, 'to simmer', 'to chink', i.e.^ 'to make the sound chhan^ 
chhan ; loh^Ul^Ml, 'to twitter as a bird', etc. 

Of Compound Verbs.* 

345. These have been commonly enmnerated as of twelve 
varieties, viz.y Intensives, Potentials, Completives, Frequen- 
tatives, Desideratives, Continuatives, Statisticals, Incep- 
tives, Permissives, Acquisitives, Reiteratives and Nominals. 

a. Of these, however, no more than the first five can properly be 
called compound verbs. In all the other combinations, (except perhaps 
some Nominals,) a Participle, Infinitive or Noun, is in grammatical 
construction with the verb which it precedes, so that their explana*- 
tion properly belongs to Syntax. As, however, all these idioms have 
usually been explained at this point, and as acquaintance with them 
will greatly facilitate the understandino^ of many illustrations used 
in the Syntax, we give the subject a place in this section. 

346. The five varieties of true Compound Verhs may be 
divided into two classes, as follows : — 

Compound Vekbs. 
Class i. Class ii. 

Formed with the Boot. Formed with the Ferf. Fart. 

1. Intensives. 1. Frequentatives. 

2. Potentials. 2. Desideratives. 

3. Completives. 

* This Bection would perhaps have been more nafcurally deferred to the 
chapter on Derivative and Compound words ; but considering the necessities 
of beginners, it has been thought well to follow the practice of other ITrdd and 
Hindi grammarians, and treat the subject in immediate connexion withVerba. 


Cldss I. Compounds formed with the Root. 

347. Intensive compounds intensify or otherwise modify 
the meaning of the verb whose root stands first in the com* 
pound. They are formed by adding to a verbal root one 
of certain other verbs, which latter verb in conjunction 
with the root is then conjugated as usual. This second 
conjugated member does not, however, retain its separate 
character and significance ; but only modifies, in accordance 
with the general idea which it embodies, the meaning of 
the unconjugated root to which it is annexed. 

Examples are the following : — 

jbinrr, * to throw ^ $^ #^, * to throw away \ 

dnpiT, * to break \ ^^ Wl^lfT, * to break to pieces \ 

WRS^f * to cut \ 5iTO 1 m«ll, *to out q^. [succeed*. 

SPniT, * to be made '. Vlt W^, *to be quite made, to 

^ITilTy * to fall \ ?i!T HflT, • to fall dotvn 

iirtim, * to cause to fall '. ftiTT $m, * to throw dotvn 

VT^im, * to know \ WI ilflT, * to be found out', *ap- 

wmij * to eat ^ ^IT ^imT, * to eat up \ [pear 

tTIf, *to be'. tf ^TRf, *to become 

qW, * to drink \ ^t ^I^IT, * to drink down 

#!T, * to take '. d #»!?, * to take away 

ds^, *to sit'. d^ HRT, *to sit stiW 

^WXHlj * to see'. ^TflT, * to look on, * to gaze 

dr^im, * to speak '. dro ^3fT, * to speak up \ 

a. Gausals very often take H after WT in these compounds, as WflU 
$afT, f^mni $9ir, iBnn ^i^, etc. This is the uniform practice in many 

318. The above list comprises about all the verbs which are com- 
bined with the roQjts of other verbs to form Intensive Compounds. 
It is evident that, in most cases, the modification of the meaning of 
the verb may be expressed in English by a preposition adverbially 
used with the verb. It may be difficult to find a term which shall 
exactly express the idea added by the secondary verb in every case, 
but the following is an approximation. 


#^, Intensity. ¥raWT, Violence. ^ 

UTIT,' Beflexion (P). ^Q^nn, Chance, accident. . A, 

^mn, Finality, completeness. #lm, Beflexion, appropriation, L 

r, Suddenness. Tf^lT, Continuance. ':''' 

a. Of the above eight verbs, it may be further observed that t'lT 
and ¥reFfT can only be used with Transitive verbs ; ^RT^IT and B<S^l, 
•with Intransitives only ; the remainder with either Transitives or 

6. It may also be noted that $5!T is the compound which is most 
frequently used with causal verbs; as «I?!T$5!T, *toshow'; 97nir$^, *to 
explain'; lH<tilf!l $9ir, 'to take out'. But with a few causals it is never 
used ; thus, from ^^IHI, Ho call', we never have TOT #^, but always 
TOI! ^l^rr, 'to call here', ».^., * to one's self. 

c. ^ntl is the verb which is most commonly found compounded 
with Intransitives ; as ^ ^SHfT, 'to be broken'; fira ^BiniT, 'to meet', 
*to unite'; ^Jfl ^TRT, 'to arrive'; but it is also used with Transitives, 
as ^IT ^IRT, 'to eat up'; «CT ^ntl, 'to tell'. 

rf. Compounds with tWfT eire common, but for the most part are 
used in the tenses of the perfect participle. In the tenses of the 
imperfect participle and the imperative, they are much more rare. 
As above remarked, these compounds exhibit the action of the verb 
emphatically as continuing or permanent. Thus, ^riii Hi^ii ^^ t9 d, 
*the two children were engaged in playing'; d^ T^, 'sit still'. 

e, ^5IT, when compounded with a verbal root, represents the action 
of the verb as terminating with, upon, near, or to the advantage of 
the agent. In many cases, therefore, this compound is equivalent to 
the Middle Voice in Greek. Thus, ^HMI, is 'to call'j in general ; 
but WIT 'SfT, is 'to call to one's self; T^RT, 'to place'; TijC #5fT, 'to lay 
by'; «.tf., for one's self. 'SfT, in compounds, thus stands in absolute 
contrast with $^, emphasizing the action as terminating upon, or to 
the advantage of one's self ; while $^ represents it emphatically as 
terminating upon or to the advantage of another. Compare, e.g,^ 
9Y1«S ^SNtt, 'to understand', t.^., for one's self; and ^Hl $^, 'to cause 
another to understand'. W^IT approaches to a reflexive sense, but is 
of much less extensive application than ^hn. 

/. VfW, although used with both transitive and intransitive verbs, 
cannot be combined with causals. The idea of 'causation' necessarily 


excludes that of 'chance'. Thus while we can say, ^ H¥T, *it 
appeared', we cannot say ^TQT Hf T. 

g. In many cases, the same root may be compounded with differ* 
ent secondary verbs. A few such examples may further elucidate 
this matter. Thus, from ^rniT, *to eat', we have ^IT VMT, *to eat up'; 
5Egrr ^Tr, 'to eat down'; ^IT TWT, 'to be engaged in eating'. Similarly 
from HTTfT, 'to strike\ we have both WX ifT, 'to beat', and WK VT^RI, 
'to strike down', 'to kill'. 

349. While the modification of the first verh by the secondary member, may 
often be expressed in English either by the addition of certain particles, or by 
the use of another verb from that used to represent the simple Hindi verb, in 
many cases, again, it will be found quite impossible to express in English the 
slight distinction between the simple and compound verb. Indeed it is to be 
remarked, that compounds in which ^ifT is the last member, even in Hindi, 
are often scarcely to be distinguished in meaning from the simple verb. Thus 
such forms as ^H^MI and ^rasCf $;n, T^^l^l a^^d ^^^ $8|T, etc., are often 
used interchangeably, with no apparent intention of greater emphasis in the 
one case than in the other. But where a distinction is intended it is 
undoubtedly that indicated above. The compound form is much more 
common colloquially. 

350. Occasionally in prose and in the colloquial, a particle, especial- 
ly a negative, is interposed between the root and the secondary verb ; 
thus, ?^ ^ «rff Hf?n ^, 'nothing appears'; ^^TirUT, '(it) is indeed 
broken'. Also, rarely, in the colloquial, the root is made to follow 
the secondary ; thus, CIW IFHT ^ WH, 'he has fled away'. This inver- 
sion is never found in prose, but like the previous idiom, is not un- 
usual in poetry.* 

351. The learner must not confound with the above Compound 
verbs, a common idiom in which the leading verb is immediately 
preceded by the conjunctive participle of another verb, taken in that 
form which is identical with the root. Although this combination 
is identical in appearance with the above forms, it is, in reality, a 
different thing, as the final verb in this idiom retains its individua- 
lity and separate signification. Examples of this idiom are, ^9 ntsi 
^ $9 ^IT#r, lit,^ ' having seen that village, come', or^ in English 
idiom, 'go and see that village*; ^ W^ ^ H^ ft OTH" i, lit,^ 
'having been at the gardener's house, I have come'; e.^., 'I have come 
by way of the gardener's house'. 

*ror other examples, see the section on dialectic conjugation. 


a. ^ infT may be explained either on this principle, as * having 
taken, oome', or as a compound, *to bring \ Similar are W!9 ^HWI, 
*to announce', W ftretfT, *to come and meet', etc., etc. 

362. A number of quasi compounds occur in which fRB, the root 
of V^«n, 'to ascend', is the first member, and a verb of motion the 
second. But in these the leading idea is in the second member^ to 
•which WB adds the idea of 'hostility'. ExamphBS are, WB WIT, * to 
run up hostilely'; TO VRT, *to attack'; WB ?T¥'!T, *to rush up hostile- 
ly'. Thus, e,g,, ciw ^m ^RSW ^51 TO OTIT, *he hastened up with all (his) 
army'; ^« ^ ^ wm\ W TJm TO fWT, *one more also, the king of 
Kashi, made an assault'. 

353. Potentials are formed by adding to the root of any 
verb, the verb ^mm, *to be able*, which may then be conju- 
gated throughout. This compound denotes ability to do 
the action expressed by the primary member. It thus often 
takes the place of the potential mood in English. 

The following are examples : — dro ^VPn, 'to be able to speak'; QIW 
$TV ^nSHl 9, *he can run'; % VT ^9^7n, 'I shall be able to go'; d WT 
^, *they may be able to come'. 

a. Sometimes, instead of forming a compound, the verb ^^fipn takes 
the verb which it modifies in the oblique form of the infinitive ; thus, 
^ wif wii 'OTSm if, 'I am not able to go'. 

354. Completives are formed by adding to the root of 
a verb, the verb ^cfh, which may then be conjugated in all 
its parts. The imperfect participle, ^cvim, is rare. This 
compound denotes the completion of the act denoted by the 
primary member of the compound. It is never identical 
in sense with the perfect participle, but denotes the com- 
pleteness of the action in a more emphatic manner. Thus, 
e.g.^ ^^ % ^mn, * he ate', but ciw ^ g^in, *he has done eating'. 

a. Very oft^n the force of ^ciri will be expressed in Eng- 
lish by the word ' already'; as q^ f^ w wsRi ^, * he is indeed 
already gone'. When in the absolute future, this compound 
often nearly corresponds to the English future perfect; 
Qi¥ ^IT ^pkm, 'when he shall have eaten'. 


ClasB II. — Compotmds formed with the Perfect 

Participle. * 

355. Frequentativea are formed by affixing to the masc. 
sing, of the perfect participle of any verb, the verb fipwr, 
which may then be used ia any tense ; the participle, how- 
ever, remains unchanged throughout. These denote the 
habitual or repeated performance of the action expressed 
by the first member of the compound; thus, tot 5RTm, *to 
read often'; win ^, 'come often'; cm wjt ciRm ^, ' he is in 
the habit of saying'. 

a. Thus whenever the adverb 'always' denotes, not duration, but 
repeated or customary action, it must be expressed in Hindi by using 
the verb which it qualifies, in the frequentative form. For example, 
the phrase, *he always bathes in the morning', must be rendered into 
Hindi, df fnpR ^P! ftniT unriT ^. But, on the contrary, *we shall be 
always happy', is in Hindi, W ^TT ^ITRT « TCT. Other examples 
are, ^ irrR5r ^ TOT 9iT?fT i, *I am in the habit of reading the Shiistra'; 
HH ftft «nft HRT 5li^, 'always obey my words'; ?W 5Wt %^ fifim «R^ 
%r, *why do you always do so ?'. 

356. JDesideratives are formed, like Frequentatives, with 
an unchanging perfect participle* in the masc. sing., 
substituting the verb mwm for qsr^ir as the second and con- 
jugated member. These denote, primarily, desire to do 

* Aithotigh I have followed usage in speaking of these compounds as 
formed with the perfect participle, it is, I think, doubtful whether this state- 
ment is accurate. I am rather inclined to believe that we have in these com- 
binations, not a perfect participle, but a gerund in rf, equivalent to the com- 
mon gerund or infinitive in nd. This form of the gerund certainly occurs in 
Bang41i, where we have, e.g., chalan='K, H. ehalnd, chalibd=BrBJ. chaUvau, 
and ckcdd, as three equivalent and alternative forms. Moreover, this gerund 
in its inflected form in at, is constantly used in eastern Hindi in these very 
compounds. Thus the H. H. chcdtie lagd, is in E. Hindi, chcdai la^d. There is, 
therefore, good reason to believe that chald and chcdai in these compounds are 
true gerundial forms, exactly equivalent, respectively, to chalnd and chalne^ 
and that the common account of these compounds which we have provision- 
ally followed is not grammatically correct. 


the action expressed by the participial member ; secondari- 
ly, the immediate futurition of that action. It can only 
be known from the context which of these may be intended 
in any particular case, but there is not often ambiguity. 
Thus, cnr drar wwm ^, *he wishes to speak', or *is about to 
speak'; ^rf^ «nn ^m^ 5ft, *the clock was about to strike*. 

a. Sometimes the first verb may be in the inflected Infin., as en 
Wlii WTWflT ^, 'he wishes to go'. In this ease the Infinitive is to be re- 
garded as in grammatical construction with fn^«fT, and the combina- 
tion is in no true sense a compound. 

6. The Desiderative compound, in the respectful form 
with fiffwky is idiomatically used to express obligation or 
duty; as n^ towr ^ tot imfd, ^(one) ought to read this book'; 
or, with a noun or pronoun expressed, w^ ^nli ^»nn wFfd, *you 
ought to go there'. The construction of this idiom will be 
explained in the Syntax. In this combination, the direct 
form of the infinitive is very commonly substituted for the 
verbal form in w. Thus we may say, cnit -mm fnrW, *(one) 
ought to go there'. 

c. Observe, that when WHRT and ORt^ are thus compounded with 
^ntl. 'to go*, WHT is used instead of WTT. Thus, Cl^ ^nUT CRTm ^, *he 
often goes'; 815 ^9am WTW?IT ^, 'he wishes', or 'is about to go'. So 
also, in the forms derived from ?IT5IT, 'to die', WJ, and not ^^n, is used 
in combination with the above verbs; thus, Clf WT ^11(11 ^, *he is 
about to die'. 

357. We have next to consider the other combinations 
referred to in §345, a. These have been commonly enume- 
rated as Continuatives^ Staticals^ Inceptives^ Termissives, 
Acquisitives and Nominala. Of these, the first two are 
combinations of certain verbs with an Imperfect Participle; 
Inceptives, Permissives and Acquisitives, are combinations 
of certain verbs with Infinitives ; Nominals are combina- 
tions of certain verbs with Nouns or Adjectives. 

358. Those combinations have been called Continuatives 



in whicli the imperfect participle of any verb is connected 
with the verbs ^mn, *to go*, or tf«iT, Ho remain*. The parti- 
ciple, which is really a predicative adjimct of the subject, 
agrees with it in gender and number. 

a. Although combinations with ^n^ and tf«IT have always been 
thus grouped together under this head, they cannot be interchange- 
ably used, but should rather be separately classified. The combina- 
tions with ^nfT might be more accurately termed Progressives. The 
action of the participle is thus exhibited as steadily progressing or 
advancing. Thus we may say ; en ftw?lT ^n?n ^, *he is going on 
writing'; S ^flifci^l TO?ft ^nnt vf, *those girls were going on reading'; 
Hmt «ll?n wm ^, *the water keeps flowing away'. 

h. The analogous combinations with TfIT are correctly termed 
Continuatives, They denote the continuance of an incomplete action ; 
as, CW VJ^ Twt ^, *8he continues singing'; WR wf ICTH TW tr, *why 
do you keep laughing ?'; ^nft ^ OT^ «ITO^ Tint ^, *the stream of the 
river keeps flowing on'. 

c. It will be instructive to compare these forms with others closely 
similar. Thus CIW TOm ^ is simply *he is reading'; CIW inE TCT 9 is 
*he is engaged in reading'; QIW U<bHI TfTIT 9 is *he continues reading'. 
Vffn ^IRI is *to flow away^ from the speaker ; V9?ir tWfT is *to flow on\ 
continually, as it were, htfore the speaker. 

d, ^n?n T^fT very commonly means *to die'; thus, TO Rl?n WHT 
ffT ^, would be, in English idiom, *my father has passed away'. 
It is also used of things, as 99 ^ wm T^, ^ every thing is 

359. Closely analogous to the above is a common combi- 
nation in which the perfect instead of the imperfect parti- 
ciple takes the first place, and a verb of motion the second 
place ; as wm wn, *to flee away'; iren ^tri, *to go away'; fwn 
uwf, *to come along', etc. As in the case of the above 
combinations of the imperfect participle, the perfect 
participle agrees with the subject of the verb in gender 
and number ; as ftt¥^ fi^ ^5n?it wi, * the girl was going 


a. It is perhaps impossible in all cases to give in English idiom the force 
of this combination. But it will be found to lie in the distinctive idea of 
the perfect participle; i.e., the subject is represented as having completely 
come into a certain state, in which state it is then represented as re* 
maining or moving. Thus, in the phrase, j^ WJ^ II¥T TUi«1l HT, ^he com- 
pound, (from q^vfT, **o ^^^\ and Ti|i<^l, *to move around*,) represents the 
lion as first *crouched', and then in this state moving around ; hence we render, 
'a lion was prowling about'. 

360. The verbal combinations which are called SiatU 
cats denote motion in the state of doing any thing. They 
are formed by combining a verb of motion with an imper- 
fect participle in the inflected masc. sing. The participle 
suffers no change for gender and nmnber. Thus, cm ^ ^ 
mim 9y *he comes weeping'; ^« ^ nm ^rnrlr tft, *a woman 
was coming singing*. 

361. Of the combinations of verbs with the Infinitive, 
above enumerated, we notice, — 

(1) Inceptives. These consist of an inflected infinitive 
in construction with the verb ^itrt, and denote, primarily, 
the action of the infinitive as beginning. They are also 
used, when that action is interrupted. In this way is to 
be explained the conmion use of the phrase, ?Riit ^nn, lit., 
*he began to say', in the narration of conversation. Exam- 
ples of these compounds are abundant, as uroi ^nmr, *to be- 
gin to beat'; ^nii ^nn, *he began to eat', etc., etc. 

(2) Permi88ive8 are formed by combining with an in- 
flected infinitive the verb $m, 'to give', and express permis" 
sion to do the act denoted by the infinitive. Thus, ^ 
^irii ^, 'let me go'; ^ dr^Pt Ttftrt, 'have the goodness to 
allow me to speak'; ^9 % ^^ #^ ^nii ft-or, 'he allowed him to 
eat) , ecc. 

(3) Acquisitives are the exact converse of the preceding, 
and are formed in the same way, substituting m^, 'to get', 
for inT. Thus, ?m aiwt in^ ^^ ^[^%di, 'you will not obtain per- 
mission to go there'; 1i d3^ ^ mur, ' I was not allowed to 


sit\ Observe, in this idiom with mm, as in the frequenta- 
tive compound with fiRm, the case of the agent is never 

362. These combinations of verbs with the infinitive, as has been observed, 
are not to be regarded as true compounds. The inflected infinitive is simply 
governed by the verb, in the same manner that a noun would be in the 
same place. Thus not only the verbs ^I7|9|T, $«IT ^^d ^\^{^ but other verba 
may be combined with infinitives in a similar way, as, e.g., in such forms aa 
in^ TrtlRT, 'to ask leave to go'; $i| W^m, *to wish to give'; ^ if i^ mil 99im, 
for % ^f( ^JT ^QRm, *I cannot go*, etc. 

363. With regard to all the above Compound verbs, as well as these 
other various oombinations, it is to be remarked, that when several 
roots, infinitives, or participles, thus succeed one another in the same 
construction, the finite verb is written only with the last. Thus, 
^m d ^H Cii9 wi qt 117, ^when they had eaten and drank everything 
up'; % 1 IHB 1 f^W HU^Hl ^, *I am able neither to read nor to write'; 
QV ^nm imm *T?n HT, * he was in the habit of coming and going'; 
d ITT fPS H^^, 'they have done singing and reading'; % H^ ^ i5WT 
m ^n%fn ^, 'I wish both to read and to write'; en ITfRTT wm ^WT 
WTfTT HT, 'he was going along dancing and singing'; QIW 5^^ wil ^rpl 
$in, *he will allow me to come and go'. 

364. Reiteratives scarcely need a special mention. In these, two 
verbs of the same or similar meaning, and often similar in sound, are 
conjugated together in the tenses of the participles, and in the 
conjunctive participle ; as, e.g,^ ftw ^IWTO 5*TiT7, 'without having 
explained'; ^^ wra ^F^, 'having seen', etc. The latter word adds 
little or nothing to the former ; but, in accordance with the taste of 
the Hindoos for rhyme in sense or sound, is added simply to please 
the ear. 

365. Those have been called Notnmal compounds in which a 
substantive or adjective is so united with a verb as that the 
two express but one idea. These are especially common with 
the verbs tim, *to be', and «Ktm, 'to do', or 'make'. Very 
commonly they are to be translated into English by one word. 
Examples are, ^l¥T tl^, *to stand'; ^TfT WT5IT, 'to stand' (trans.) \ 
UTJI WHT, 'to obtain'; "^m^ ^xm^ 'to be complete'; ftw ?lm, 'to 


a. Very often when especial respect is intended, or when, as, ^.^., 


in poetry, a lofty diction is desired, a Sanskrit noun or participle, in 
composition with CRT«fT, tnif, HTfT, or some other Hindi verb, is prefer- 
red to the more vulgar word. Often the diflferenoe in signification 
may be expressed by the use of different words in English. Exam- 
ples are, ^lS^ QRTHt, *to behold', for $^RT, *to see'; driR ^liT'fT, 
for mim, 'to eat*; imH or TOR ^k^m, 'to go', for wmi ; TXWl^ W'mT 
ornfism fmr, *to depart', for HHT WMT, etc., etc. This matter is 
deserving of especial attention by the student both in conversation 
and in composition. 

Dialectic Conjugation of Verbs. 

366. As a preliminary to the consideration of dialectic conjuga- 
tion, it will be expedient to exhibit the various dialectic forms and 
substitutions for the present and past tenses of the auxiliary substan- 
tive verb, answering respectively to the standard Hindi, ^ and HT, 
etc. It is thought unnecessary to exhibit the variations for gender 
which occur in the past tense, as they are identical with those which 
occur in the same dialects in nouns and adjectives of the same termi- 
nation. Nor has it been thought necessary to repeat the pronoun 

in each dialect. This the student can easily supply for himself from 
the pronominal tables. 

367. The various Kanauji forms of the present in j|x or jjr, ©tc., are collo- 
qoial throughout the central Doah, but the standard forms are no less com- 
mon. PanjabC has analogous forms also in the pres. 1st sing., ^fllT, *I &in'» 
and 2nd plnr., %rJti 'j^u are'. 

368. The Braj forms in Table XVI will be found on almost every 
page of the Rdjniti and similar books. In the present they differ 
but slightly from the standard forms, and in the 1st sing, and 2nd plur. 
only. Thus, ^ H^nft tt, *I am Lakshmi '; mr #^ 9t, *who are you?'. 
infif is used as 2nd plur. in one passage only in the Prem Sdgar, viz.j 
fjH ^ ^ ^irerr ^ ^nfir, *you two who are parts of me'. But I 
suspect that this is used simply metri gratid. Of the Braj forms of 
the past, the following are examples of the use of ft (fem. "ft) ; Hft 
^^H «im TTm ft, 'in that place was a king named Sudarshan^; ^iwft 
vHhi^ mn n^ ii, 'he had a wife named PdrvatV, This form of this 
Braj past tense is the more common in books ; but J^ also occasion- 


ally occurs,* as in the following ; S^ W^ l>^ J^ ft^ f^ $fi8fft, 
*thou shalt see my face just as it was'; JR^ HT ??hK Tim, 'in the house 
was the queen'. Closely connected is the Bhag. f^T and K. IF^T. 

369. Of the two Rajputana forms of these two tenses, the present, 
iy etc., and past, ^, etc., are used throughout Mew&r and Marwar ; 
and east of Me war, through Kot^h, Bund4, Jaipur, etc., the forms 
with If are used. But in literature and correspondence, it is said 
that ?|. i^, etc., are used much more extensively. Thus the forms in 
^ constantly occur in the ^Plays', as in the following examples : — 
^ ^ OTTOT, *I am a shopkeeper'; ^ ^ Vh¥^[ W9m, (plur. for sing.) 
*how am I ignorant ?'; •fTO IWTXT ^Id^l ^, *my name is Lotno^; 5 $ 
^nraiHT, *thou art a prince'; etc., etc. 

a. It may be remarked here that the Mafwap forms of these and other 
verbs are often disguised by the addition of various unmeaning letters and 
syllables, such as ^, ^^ ^, ^^^ etc. Thus in the 'Flays' we find dr( ^X^f 
*you are that same', where ^J^ is for |^=H. H. ^. These letters are added, 
indeed, not only to verbs, but to all other parts of speech.f 

370. The Garhwdli forms given in Table XVI are those which prevail in 
and about Tiri, the capital of native Gaphwal, and are commonly understood 
(though not exclusively used) throughout that province. The form ^ is used 
for the present in some villages of Gayhwal, both alone and as an auxiliary. 
Thus I have heard, ^n| #T=H- H. ^r^ ^; f^^^ ^i^| ?5n = H. H. f^ ^JuS 
^, *are you coming P*, etc., etc. The longer 9 forms given in the pres. plur. 
belong east of Tirf. 

371. In the Rdmdt/an, as in poetry generally, the copula is very 

freely omitted, both in the present and the past tense. When the 

copula is necessary, in the past tense the indef. perf., ITO^, of the verb 

^Tf , *to be', is often thus used. But occasionally in the Rdmdyan^ 

as regularly in all the modem eastern dialects, the indef. perf. of the 

verb TfIT, *to remain', is used both as a copula and as an auxiliary, 

instead of the H. H. HT. Thus we read in the Rdmdyan^ %i ^a ^ffm 

T^ % flS^^r, '(BrahmdJ has done whatever was proper'; ^^ mn ?W 
nr HPfTTT, 'then your name was Sati\ 

372. With the Avadhi and old Piirbl forms of the present may be compared 
the almost identical Mard^hf conjugation, viz.. Sing., ^Sff^, ^inf^9, ^IT^ * Plur , 
H1^, W^, 11^. The common negative, 5|^, Br. ^Wi^ has arisen from 
the combination of the negative, if, with the 3rd sing., ^Rlfw* ^f the subst. verb. 

• This word is erroneously explained in Prof. Eastwick*s Prem Sugar, p. 194, 
as a Braj form of the imperfect participle,- ^t?IT. t Vid. Ch. X, last section. 


873. In the region west of Bhojpur, ^, is used for ^, *is*. The indeclinable 
9t is not confined to Bhojpur* but is used for all persons in both numbers as far 
west as Allahabad. Thus, ^ ^niCRI STT, *he is coming*; ^T ^fw WT ihW^TWI 
Sit 'whom are you calliug P*. According to Mr. Beames, the Bhojpuri de- 
clinable forms, isnrf, WT (hdra), snTTI, are used in questions aud replies, but 
not commonly in narrative, when the other forms given are preferred. The 
dialectic paradigms of these two tenses will be found on the next two pages. 

Of Conjugation in the Braj and other 

Western dialects. 

374. It will be convenient to treat of the various dialectic conjuga- 
tions according to their' mutual affinities. These conjugations may 
thus be grouped in respect of their common resemblances, as western 
or eastern. We begin with conjugation in the western dialects, and 
first of all, as most important, with the Braj. 

375. The tense system in Braj corresponds essentially with that 
in High Hindi. For final WT and ^, the Braj characteristically 
exhibits 4h and ^. (§101.) Thus, e,g,, for qi^, we have 5|ft ; for fl^lin, 
«f^; for ^ifT, 95A, etc. ^, in the first sing., and ^ in the 2nd 
plur., of the future tenses are also vriddhied to 41t; as, e.g., in ftftt, 
HT^tlh, ^, for H. H. firt, ?rt?n and qi^. But * occasionally be- 
comes ^ ; or after a vowel is retained. 9 is commonly inserted 
after roots ending in W, ^ or ^, not only, as in High Hindi, before 
^, but also before %, occasionally before WT, and regularly before all 
terminations beginning with a consonant. Thus, e.g., we have ^trdr, 
liraJlt, urag. jSt, wSt, for H. H. HT%, WHT, mm. JW, wm. Simi- 
larly, a is inserted after roots in^; as, e.g.^ Aiif §djh, *who will 
touch (it)P'. 

376. The Braj infinitive or gerund has two forms, the one in ^ or 
^, the other in dl or dt. Before the latter termination, ^ is often 
inserted. This latter form is especially common in the obi. sing. 
For the common inflection, ^, of the infinitive, the Braj, after if has 
not only ^, but % which, again, is often dropped, leaving if as the 
final letter. To illustrate, for H. H. qrCTT, Braj has ^S!^ or w:^, 
qsrdt or Qhridl ; inflected forms, 5|p:^, w^ or wni, and ^irS or qif?d. 
The vowel of union, \, after WT is often hardened to H, as in Tiimildl, 
=H. H. flmRT. But still more commonly it combines with the 
preceding WT, forming %, whence such common Braj forms, as, e.g.^ 



Table XV : Dialectic Conjugation 


JJ. Hindi, 



W. Rdj. 

E. Rdj. 






#t. ^. 








», $. %. 





^in, 5ih. 




«. %. 





















w. w. 


^^, 1^. 

*T, 5^. 





5 m 

^, ^^. 

^, jftr. 





99 VT. 

%, 15^. 

ti, 5?^. 













«, <ft. 








«, 1^. 





* The final short vowel in all these forms is often lengthened metri gratid, 
liary, as, e.g.f tumhajapata hahu. X These seven forms are used without change 




OF THE Substantive Verb. 
*I am', etc. 


Old Purbi. 

^. 4. 








/. TlW. 

V ^. 









/ ^. 


T%, Tt«. 


^tj. „ ^. 


5> ^* 



^, Ttf. 

n, ?n. 



TT^^. II 

ft, nr. 







t These shorter forms are preferred to the longer, when the verb is used an auxi- 
throughout the sing, and plur.; bhd belongs to Shahabad. || Pronounced rahila. 


202 mALBcric coNJtJOATioir. 

%d ^ for 9Tvd t^, H. H. ^rtril 5FT, *of coming'; «^dr, for WTTndt or 
Wrnrdr^^H. H. «l?nm, 'to show'; Jh or 9^, for $5n, 'to give', etc., 
etc. But before ^, after W, a( is more commonly found instead of 
% as in ^[TTCI^, 'to steal', for H. H. WfT. Further examples are, 
^5TT WJ ^ ?fif§T firk, * there is no remaining always with any one'; 
WI S^ iraiH ^ ililm 'SRft^ dm ft, 'you are competent to make my 
sons wise men; THIT ^CTftr^irdr, 'the king began to say'; gw W ^CTH 
^ W^ ^, *I have come to tell you'. 

377. Instead of the H. H. terminations m and W (HT) of the 
Imperf. and Perf. participles, the Braj has g and &T. Before n, roots 
in W sometimes take ^ or Q instead of % as, e.^., in ddlWH for 
dsrag, 'seating', unm, 'finding'. The Q which in High Hindi is 
inserted in the perf. part, only after open roots, is always inserted in 
Braj before ^ after all roots whatever. Examples of these participles 

are ^in, w^, HT^, wtAt, for H. H. %T?iT, iiHHi, ?nTT, spnui. 

a. The final 9 of the imperf. part, is occasionally dropped even in 
the sing., and often in the plur. Y is substituted for 9 in the fern. 
Sometimes for the imperf. part, forms in H or W, longer forms in ftl 
or ^, plur. %y occur ; as, e.g.^ %T^, m^, for %T?IT, Wtm. 

378. The Conjunctive part, is formed by the affixes ^ or «R, W or 
Hift ; but, much more commonly than in the standard dialect, the root 
alone or with the afi^ Y is iised as the conj. part. If the root end 
in a vowel, H is very commonly written instead of ^, but the pronun- 
ciation is not perceptibly different. Even when ^R^ or ^ is added, 
this Y or H is often retained after the root. Examples are, from 

imSrt,— ?nft, inft^, mUehU ; from w«i^,— wu, wn^, etc. 

879. The Braj Noun of agency agrees, in general, with the stand- 
ard form ; except that for W final, as usual, we find ^ ; and the 
suffix 91% or 1^ is added to one of the dialectic infiected forms of 
the infinitive. Thus, 6.^., from 4h<^i, come the various forms of the 
noun of agency, ^hi^cil^l, «h4Heiidl, ^hUS^l^l, etc. 

380. The usual Braj terminations of the Cent. Fut., are. Sing, (1) 
*t, ^, * ; (2) % ; (3) % ; Plur, (1) ? ; (2) Irt ; (3) ?. Besides these we 
also have in the Sing. (2, 3,) if ; Flur. (1, 3,) W, (2) f . Both forms 
are common in the Prem Sdgar. In the 1st sing., ^ or # is used 
after vowels. I have also found in the 2nd plur., ci for %, as mc^ 
'you may go', fip and fit often appear, meiri gratia^ as ii and tt. 


381. In the Absol. Fat« the Braj exhibits two classes of terminationB^ 
The let variety of the future is formed precisely as in the stand* 
ard dialect by adding Jh (H. H. 7n)» duly inflected, to the several 
persons of the cont. fut. Thus, e.g.^ we have from m^^ Sing. (1) 
aftHh, (2, 3) qftin ; Piur. (1, 3) qsi^JI, (2) qsWI. This affix Jh is also 
added to the longer terminations above noted, as, e.g.y in the plur. (1) 
^fiij}, for H. H. ^ ; (2) QTQifJ), for H. H. imdn) ; wnsri)=H. H. ^rT#TJ). 
The short penultimate vowel is often lengthened metri gratid^ as, e.g.^ 
$1^. The 2nd variety of the Braj futnre is formed by adding to the 
root the following terminations, ^ being regularly employed as a 
vowel of union :—8ing, (1) V ; (2, 3) > ; Plur. (1,3)^; (2) V. For 
%t, we occasionally have It, ^ or j, and for %T, %T. 

a. Observe that, as in the infinitive so in the future, after roots 
ending in HT, Y either becomes q, or more commonly combines with 
W\ to form %. Thus arise, e.g.^ such forms as Tiimilif, iPinit,=H.H. 
TilifllAlll, WIlSlll; and ^, 'he will come'; ^Itl, *you will go', for ivnt, 

A. More rarely this ^ combines also with the a inherent in the 
final consonant of a close root ; giving, e.g,^ such forms as if^^t (=qc^ 
+^+^) for Qiii?:^ (H. H. ^riifT); ^^tr, nflSf for ^jfii^, ^iftft, (H. H. 
^^TJ), *iuit). 

c. The following passages illustrate these future forms : — %% ^|^ 
funvit, *80 will I bring a beautiful woman'; TOI ^ HT ^ *llft8t, *I 
will kill this (snake) immediately'; 9«l %t 9^ 9R^ 9711^, ^who will 
form an alliance with us ?' QTUT ^Kgn vH) lER ^1^, 'when the rains are 
over you shall go home'; IK ^ g4h nfiS, 'we shall all starve to 
death'; HT %t ?pf ?8% dr 9if^, 'with this (snake) how will you be at 
enmity'; WXl ftwn^ ^nSf, 'they shall dwell in heaven'. 

Bern. 1. In some Braj books printed under English supervision, these ter- 
minations ^y ), etc., will be found separated from the preceding root. This 
seems to have arisen from a confusion of these terminations with the substan* 
tive verb. Similarly the terminations n| and m of the cont. fut. are often 
printed separate from the root, having apparently been confounded with the 
emphatic particle. This not infrequent printer's error should be noted. 

E^n, 2. Observe that there is no difference of signification whatever, be- 
tween the two forms of the Braj future here given. They both alike express 
the absolute and unconditioned futurition of the action. 

382. The Imperative, as in the standard dialect, agrees in form 


with the oont. fut., except in the 2nd pers. sing, where the root only 
is used. But a form in ni is frequently used in poetry and archaic 
prose instead of the root, as HT % HTm ^ 9(^, *do not labor in this'; 
ftRIT Trm ^IpStf *do not be anxious'. 

a. The Bespeotf ul forms commonly agree with those in High Hindi, 
except that, as usual, ^ and ^ final become % and ^. H is occasion- 
ally doubled; thus X[^ HlTumi, ^afterwards kill (me)'. Occasionally m 
is substituted for H in these forms, and Y before H or ?i is sometimes 
lengthened. Examples are, %T9[ ^TTV^, ^abandon grief; QTT^^ 
^ain^, ^regard him as a brother'; ^ ^ VTIH ^oilQ, ^kill and eat this'. 

383. The tenses of the participles are all formed as in standard Hindi 
by combining the participles with certain tenses of the substantive yerb ; 
«.^., for the Present tenses, ^, etc., for the Past, tf, for the Presump- 
tive, ^l^iih or ^S^y etc. Examples are, ^ 9iffn 9, *the snake speaks'; 
5 W^ ft ^ran i, *why art thou crying ?'; ciir OTT ^ Ht^ ^ ddllUH ^, 
^he is seating him in (his) lap'; fSRm Th^M ^in^ 9, ^death comes near'; 
^ ^fl llfil ^ira?l, *I do not find a place'; tiA ^ram ^, *the queen was 
crying'; ^ ^in9l ^, 'I have come'; ^% w^ ^W, *he may have come'; 
Wg ^ fl fFHT ^, ^he had walked for some distance', etc., etc. 

384. The passive construction of the Perfect tenses of transitives 
with the case of the agent, is regularly employed in Braj as in stand- 
ard Hindi. But it should be noticed that while ^ is often used with 
the case of the agent, it is also often omitted, both in poetry, and, 
more rarely, in prose ; and the noun or pronoun is iised in its oblique 
form, where such a form exists. Thiis, ^^ ITR HIR srer^T, 'he settled 
a city'; ^RTII ^W ^ft^T, *the crow cawed'. In a French Braj transla- 
tion of the Hitopadea,* a special inflection of the substantive in this 
construction occurs, as, e.g.^ ^ ^sfS%, 'the hare said', f where ^ is 
the inflected case of the agent, from ^^. 

385. A number of common verbs assume peculiar forms in Braj 
which may be well noted here. 

(1) The root of the substantive verb, fpH, *to be', in the 2nd 
form of the absol. fut., the infinitive in dl, and the conjunctive par- 
ticiple, becomes j. Thus, the absol. fut. becomes §tt, jft, etc. ; 

• Vid. Prof. De Tassy's 'Chre8tomathie\ Paris, 1849. 

t This is evidently identical with the Mdf waf i agent case termination. Yid. 
§132, a. 


the infin. Jdr, and the oonj. part. J, ^, etc. In the perf. part, and 
all its tenses, vA\, (masc. infl. ^orwr, fern, wft, or Tui,) is the com- 
mon substitute for ^m. The same form with only the change of ^ 
to ^ is universally employed in Kanauji, where it is even shortened 
to v^ or ^. In one place in a Braj work I have noted a perf. WW, 
(Sk. WI,) *was', for H. H. ^sn. In another place occurs Jli, 2nd 
plur. fut., for Wi. 

(2) In the verbs 9^, *to give*, and ^^, *to take', the Sanskrit 
roots ^ and W are substituted for $ and ^ in the 2nd form of the 
future, the infin. in ^, and in the perf. part. In the participle the 
final UT is shortened to V. In the future and infinitive the radical 
W combining with the union vowel W, gives %. Thus, the Braj 
forms of the above tenses of these verbs are as follows : inf. $3t, ^dr, 
obi. form, ^, ^ ; fut. 5?^, ^tt, etc.; perf. part. ^^, ^l^, obi. forms, 
^ or T^, ^ or ^RT, etc. Thus, e,g.y we read, m ^ 8 ^ TO ^ 9^, 
*we will give some of that to you\ Similar forms occur in Kanauji. 
Sometimes the vowel of union is omitted in the fut. of these verbs, 
and the root of the tense becomes 7 and 9. Thus, e.^.y ^m ^^ %qm 
^, Hhey wiU take all joy and wealth away*. Similarly dH^t, 'to 
appoint', makes the perf. part., 9^, fem. ^, as in the following, 
!TO!?n ^ n% ^, ^Brahmd has appointed this'. In one place in the 
Prem Sdgar (Oh. I), we find a fut. 1st sing., ^, for ^, H. H. |Tn, 
from $m, *to give'; thus,% ^^ ^ W% ^nxi, 'I wiU curse him'. 

a. In a Braj commentary on the Bhaht Mdld, I have found, in a compound 
form, an imperative 2nd plur., ^, from ^^, for ^ or $^j = H. H. ^j 
thus, 119 3|ffT Thf ^ ferarrff A, 'give this daughter in marriage to him*. 
The form has evidently arisen by sandhi from fif^, from the root ^ for $. 

(3) The verb <li<9t, *to do' or *make', in Braj often forms its perf. 
part, regularly as (fiiDl, instead of fiii^, which also occurs. Similar- 
ly the Kanauji makes eii^, for H. H. Srht. In the fut. of this verb, 
besides the more common and regular forms, onrdt, ^ift^, etc., the 
Braj also has ^^, ^, etc., (for CRT?^, etc.,) from the root ^, one 
of the Prakrit substitutes for y.* Thus, THI ^ ^ ^Stt, *I will sway 
Indra's sceptre.' 

(4) In the perf, tenses of the three verbs, $5!T, #fT, CRTTT, we often 
find, besides the forms already mentioned, the irregular forms 

• Vid. Varamchi, Prak. Prak. VIII. 17. 


^)^, ^r^l, «if^^, or often, with n dropped, ?i^, ^TOT, w^. Thus, 
jrai IRH 5^JW ^t^ w^ I % f^lTCi IW ^TWf iK^ T^,* *Bome one in a 
former birth has practiced virtue, hence Brahmd has given this 
vision as a reward'. From the root ^, for ?K^, we also have a rare 
infinitive, 5FRT. 

386. Besides the regular tenses corresponding with those of the 
standard dialect, theBraj, as also the Kanauji, OldPurbi, and many 
other dialects, presents, in addition to the common regular analytic 
pros, imperf , formed by means of the participle and auxiliary, also 
a purely inflectional form of the same tense exactly agreeing in form 
with the contingent future. While not infrequent in prose it is 
especially common in poetry and proverbial expressions. It is occa^* 
sionally used even in literary Urdu, in such common expressions, as 
^U. j»^ Khtidd jdne^ *God knows', etc. Examples of the Braj tense 
are, — ^ iftn %T1f %r ^ 5^ ^ m^, *he who is wise regards neither 
sorrow or joy'; ^(9 ^19 ^ ^ ^f ICini, ^he abandons the society of 
all'; ^f€fi f!lt W ^5pl, *there Pundits are reciting the Vedas'. This 
tense is very common in the Prem Sdgar. Further examples will bo 
found in the Syntax. 

a. With this inflected present is combined occasionally, in Braj, 
the several persons of the pres. of the substantive verb, ^, 9, etc. 
Thus, e,g,y the following forms are found in ih^Prem Sdgar :— 41 QWWT^ 
i, *I recognize'; T^ i, 'it appears'; w5 \ 'they come*. Further 
west, in M&rw^r, this becomes the rule. There seems to be no differ- 
ence in meaning between this and other forms of the present. This 
idiom is even more common in the colloquial about Kanauj, than in 
common Braj literature. Thus we often hear, ^Wfm ^HT^ ^, 'the 
Sdhib is calling'; V^ inSJ^, *I am coming'. 

Mem. Misled by the less common occurrence of the present than of the 
future sense, in modern High Hindi, most grammarians hitherto have stated 
that the cont. fut. CAorist of Forbes and others^ is sometimes used in the 
sense of the present. It is, however, more accurate to regard the present 
as the original, and the future as the secondary meaning of the tense, which 
in fact is the worn-out remainder of the Sansk. pres. Parasmai, 

387. Besides the above tenses, yet another is found occasionally in 
Braj prose and poetry, formed by the combination of the imperfect 

* In Prof. Eastwick's edition of the Prem Sdgar, Anvsvdr is added to the 
final vowel in this passage. 


participle with the indefinite perfect, W^, of the substantive verb, %T^, 
The nature of this tense may be best denoted by the term, ^Inceptive 
Imperf€ct\ It indicates the subject as entering upon the action 
expressed by the verb. Examples are, — vta?l lAl ^rft, *he began to 
drink the sour milk'; ^ d IVW W?f ^ ftwroi lAl, *so he began to 
think on this matter'. Further illustrations will be given below, in 
treating of the old P6rbi dialect. 

388. The Braj commonly adds wm to the root for the 1st Causal, 
and follows the standard dialect in adding en (or OTQ) for the 2nd 
Causal, But a long vowel in the root of the primitive is sometimes 
retained where High Hindi shortens it. 

a. Many verbs which, in standard Hindi, make the causal irregu- 
larly in WH or W, take the regular form in Braj. If the root end 
in a vowel, CI or H is inserted before the causal affix WCI. Thus, 
e,g.y — J^l^, *to forget', makes n^ira^ and niHsn^; fiiM^I , 'to speak', 
dmraStt and TOWn^ ; ^n^, *to eat', ^TSn^ and faiflfeH^H ; q^, *to 
drink', RraTBi^ and TuHftllUl. W8I is very rarely in poetry shortened to 
nam ; thus, in the Prem Sdgar (Ch. LXIII) we have a causative form 
q^ ; ^ xnid ftn t1^ Wrrt, *who will fill the desire of my heart ?', 
where xnA is for innd. 

389. The Braj forms its passive with the verb W^, *to go', pre- 
cisely after the manner of the standard Hindi. 

390. Very closely allied to the Braj is the Kanaigi conjugation. ^ and ^ 
are preferred to the Braj ^ and $ ; ^ final is dropped from the termi- 
nation of the imperf. part ; Q is only inserted before the termination ^ 
of the perfect tenses of pure verbs. «h<^l and 9IT%r form the perfect 
regularly firom the root of the infinitive, making q;^ and iftr for H. H. 
iiinn and Tmr. For H. H. VWT, 'became*, K. has vHt^ or Y|^ like the 
Brsy. The remaining details can be learned from the tables. 

391. The dialect exhibited in the Bhagelkhandi N. T. CBapt. Mission Fr^ss, 
Serampore, 1821j is related much more closely to the Braj in its conjugation 
than to eastern Hindi ; and exhibits the peculiar construction of the case of 
the agent with H. H. transitive verbs, which is characteristic of all western 
Hindi. The infinitive ends in % and the noun of agency in on^ or ^i^. 
The fatore tenses correspond exactly to the Braj, except that ^ and i^ are 
preferred to ^ and ^; as, e.g., in d%t, = Br. ^tt, H. H. ^inilfT, *I will go*; 
^,-=Br. ^, H. H. URilT, eto. The imperf. part, ends in ?| as in Braj, and 
the per£ ini^ as in KaBai:yL CI is however preferred to q before the termi« 


nation of the perf. as in E. Hindi. Thus we have, e g., j|St, ^tSt, for H.H. J(^f^ 
*gone', and finiT, *given'. V^ is regularly used for H. H. mVT, 'become*. Quite 
peculiar is tbe -termiuation QK«TTi in the conjunct, part , which is added to the 
root like $ in H. H. n^ however, is inserted before the terminations when the 

root ends in a vowel ; thus we find ^H^h^li, ^ll4ehHli,= H. H. ^^TQRT, ^IHFT. 
This termination is evidently connected with the Mewari termination, S|^, of 
the conj. part., to be noticed below. 

392. As one general type of conjugation prevails throughout R^j- 
putan^, it will be convenient to treat Marwari and Mewari, etc., to- 
gether, noting local diflferences as they occur. 

Two general forms of the Infinitive prevail, the one in #T or A, 
the other in ^. Between these there appears to be no difference in 
meaning, but only in usage. Both forms are heard everywhere, but 
among the Mairs #T and A are much the more common. In W. iUj- 
put^na the final vowel of #T is usually dropped, giving, e,g,y draw for 
dT3l#r, etc. But ^dr and ^^^, retain the final vowel. Both ^ and 
dr are used in an inflected form. ^ is regularly inflected to «n, but 
#T is changed to d, never to 39T, and that only among the Mairs. 
The dat. postposition ^ is never used after this inflected infinitive. 
Elsewhere if any inflected form be required, the obi. form in STT is 
used. Thus the Mairs would say, 5|iT# afer, 5|iT# ^,=H. H. ?i5Til 5FT, 
^Rsrit %, *of doing', 'by doing'; but the Marw^ris, W^sn ^, QitST ^. 
So also in the 'Plays' we read, ^1^ %raT ^n^,=H. H. ^Iht ^nl WfHT, 
'I have come to be a disciple'. But the standard form of the infini- 
tive is also employed, as, in the Play of ^Dungar 8ingh\ ^Nt fft 
Tf# 5F^ 'Wre, 'there is no hope of your remaining thus'. 

a. The infinitive in i is used by the Mairs, in the Frequentative 
form of the verb only, where standard Hindi employs the per- 
fect participle. Thus for the Frequentative verbs, HTUT ^srt^, HTTI 
ehiHI, 'to go often', 'to beat often', the Mairs say, wra QRT#r, ?rnni 
qiT^. The Marwaris also use the infinitive in the frequentative 
verb, but in the other form, saying, e.g,y vrdt QKTl^, HTT^ CRT^. 
The infinitive in ^4 (^) is however, employed in the 'Plays', in the 
same manner as the other forms ; thus, in the 'Play' of ^Bharatri\ irtj 
Wf* i^fT^, 'believe my word', lit,^ 'my saying'. The infinitive in #T 
is sometimes used adjectively like the Urdu infinitive, and may 
therefore be inflected to ift to agree with a fern, noun, thus ; 'h^t 
mqhici^ i, 'bread must be cooked'; and in an imperative sense in 


^Dungar 8ingh\ ^ ^ni^ QR^, *make no delsiy\ But the infinitive 
in dr is never thus employed.* 

393. The imperfect participle everywhere in Edjpiitanfi ends in ?Tr, 
and the perfect participle in dr. But when the perfect participle is 
used adjectively, in Marwdr the suffix #T is added. Thus, from 
)49dT, 'to read', theperf. part. adj. is ^Ti5t#T,=H. H. VPSl J^; from 
*rR#T, 'to beat', ?in^T¥T,=H. H. wm yWT, etc., etc. Before this affix 
#r, Q of the termination is sometimes dropped^ as in <hldl^l,=H. H. 
Brvt ^sn. To the imperfect and perfect participles, when used adjec- 
tively, is optionally added, either the perf. part., f^Q^T, of s^dx, *to be', 
or if%\, or ^wh t ; as # #nt ^ ^rra^ ^f^, *I saw the boys coming'; 
ort^T ^THI il5lrt 'fe WUX HT niOr, 'their father died in childhood', etc. 

a. Before the termination 9t of the perf. part., ^ is often inserted 
in the * Plays'; HT is also often written for 3t. Thus, ^T^ mihlT, 
*the sun has risen'; Tin ?lTfiinn, '(I) have forsaken my kingdom'; 
HSnr? ^ ^ wftWT, *I have brought a paper {i.e.^ letter)'. 

6. When the participles are used as verbal nouns, or absolutely, 
^ final becomes w\ in the oblique form. Thus, w^rf fn ftwrt filfi, 'I 
will take (thee) about the country'. So also, i^T^ mm HlfTCPlt Hf^ H 
Hii^ dn, 'he will not make an hour's delay in sending for my pro- 
perty'. But otherwise the oblique form eiids in W, sing. ^, plur. 

c. The various verbal forms are often disguised by meaningless 
enclitic additions. Thus we find <!4lietHlil for WT«im,=H. H. Htm; 
ilifi||^«l for #Tnrin,=H. H. ^np ; $^, for H. H. $i, etc., etc. 

394. The Conjunctive participle exhibits several forms. (1) The 
root alone is used ; or (*2), % is added to the root ; as, e.^., ^Rni, ♦ik^, 
=H. H. «^, im^. Both of these are used throughout Rajputana. 
The former often occurs in the 'Plays'. In Mew6r, the Conjunctive 
participle is formed (3) by adding «il to the root ; as, e.g., in 51^, 
fn^,=H. H. 5^, iin*; or (4) by adding ^ to the imperfect 
participle, as in Wf^TO^, 'having cut',=H. H. *ldA. (5) Again, 
in E. R^jput^n^, this participle is formed by adding 5 to the root. 
Thus we have wn^ =H. H. wroft ; 5}5,=H. H. irarc ; ^T^,=H. H. 
^IHRT, etc., etc. This last form occurs in the 'Plays'; as, e.g., vA 

• Prof. De Tassy mentions an infin. in ^, as, eg., CRT^, for CRT^fT. This 
looks like a Western form, and is therefore noted here ; but I have no fur- 
ther information about it. f ^rih is used chiefly in Mewar and Mairward. 



mro^, '(although) thou wilt eat (it), sitting in a corner'. (6) I 
have also heard repeatedly from a native of Rdjputana a conjunctive 
participle formed by the suflSx «fiT^:mirTorQR^?inn, as, e.g., ^mmmxmX y 
=H. H. ^^<4)<, 'having heard', etc. This is said to be also used in 
poetry, but I have not met with any example.* 

395. The Noun of agency is formed by tiie sufl&x CIT^, which is 
added to either form of the inflected infinitive. In this combination 
the infinitive in #T, inflected to in, seems to be the more common, but 
the other form of the infinitive is also used, as in the following ; Vfi^ 
*ira ^ROTrar^, *the robber of my property'. (Play of Dungar Singh.) 

896. The M/irw/iri tenses may be distributed in the same three 
groups as those of the standard dialect ; though I doubt whether 
examples can be adduced of each of the twelve participial tenses. CI 
is inserted before the terminations as in High Hindi, but much more 
freely. Thus, e.g., it is constantly insetted after a vowel in the cont* 
fut., Ist sing, and 2nd plur.; as ^iTg tan ^R^, 'shall I bring Ganges 
water ?'; Vl^rrm %St\ wn^ 'go and get tidings (of him)': also before the 
imperf. part, term., ^ ; as in ^RR^, ^ira^,=H. H. ^T?!T, ^n?n : also 
even after a short vowel in the perf. ; as ^ f^rat HRR^, 'I had taken 
up the life of a mendicant'. But in the perf. tenses q is more com- 
mon. Thus, although we find jcrr in the 'Plays', =H. H. ^KT, J^T is 
more frequent, as, e,g.y in ^|dT ^9T^, 'he became a jogi\ The com- 
mon colloquial form of this word is {^idr or si^#r. 

397. The terminations of the Contingent Future in Marw^ri, Mewfiri, 
etc. are. Sing. (1) % or *; (2, 3) %; Plur. (1) ^; (2) %; (3) ^. A single 
example will suffice, in addition to those given above ; Jm ^nd ^ 
H?rct, 'we will rest fUL^ alight) wherever it may please us', (HL^ 'may 
come into the mind'.) 

398. Three forms of the Absolute Future prevail in Rajputanfi. 
Two of these are formed directly from the root by adding the follow- 
ing terminations, viz, : — 

Terminations of the let Future. 
Sing. 1. '^. 2. m. 3. ^. 

Terminations of the 2nd Future. 
1. |. 2. A 3. A 

Plur. 1. ^. 2. ^HT. 3. #. I 1. ^. 2. tl. 3. ^ 

* T doubt whether the final ^ in the bih form of the conj, participle is any 
thing different from the enclitic T which sometimes, in the Tlays' at least, is 
added also to other parts of the verb, as, e.g., in JAr for $^ eta 



^ and ^ are sometimes corrupted to ^ and %. The 3rd form of 
the future is formed after the analogy of the future in standard 
Hindi ; i.e,y by adding a syllable, viz.y %l (instead of H. H. in), to the 
several forms of the contingent future. Like 9IT, this #T is inflected 
for gender and number, and therefore becomes ^ in the maso. 
plur.; ^, fem. sing, and plur. But ^ is sometimes used for ^ 
in the masc. sing. Thus the full terminations added to the root 
are as follows i—Sing, (1) it§T ; (2, 3) ^#r ; Plur. (1) ^rt^ ; (2) ^tmt ; 
(3) $^. 

a. These forms appear to be substantially identical in signification, except 
that the future in ^ is said to express a slight degree of dubiety. This future 
in ^ is especially common about Jodhpur. Further east, in eastern Mapvaf 
and Me war, the 2nd form in ^, etc., is chiefly used ; while in Bunda, Kotab, 
along the river Chambal, and northward to Jaipur, the future in ^, etc, is the 
usual colloquial form. The use of this form of the future, therefore, is ter- 
ritorially co-extensive with that of the substantive verb ^, etc. (§369) and, 
like that, appears to be the common literary form ; while the other futures are 
used in the same districts as the substantive verb ^, eta 

b. The following illustrations of the literary future in ^ are from 
the ^Plays', i^ qrart HWg, 'afterward I will bring (him) to (your) 
feet'; vA SsT VT5l^, *thou wilt eat (it) sitting in a comer*; Ulili ^ 
m Xfm, %i^fSi. 'there shall be (to thee) a son like Oopi Chand^; mSi 
Vim fn^T^rt, *we all will go together'; f^ % %I^T HR, *by which 
you shall succeed'. The final Anuatdr in these fut. forms, is often 
omitted in the text, but I judge it to be a printer's error. The 
Tlays' do not, that I have noticed, give any examples of either of 
the other two futures. 

309. The Imperative in the 2nd sing, consists of the root alone ; 
and adds "^ to the root for the 2nd plur. as in High Hindi. When 
the root ends in a vowel, CI is inserted before W ; thus, ^ in ^St ^f&in, 
*take up the tent'; HtSt w4, 'go, mother !'. In a few words, final ^ 
in the root is often hardened to H before ^ ; thus, WT fRORt WTU ^, 
'take swords in the hand'; TO?fT WTT ^, 'point out the way'. Occa- 
sionally in the 'Plays', the 2nd sing, terminates in ^ ; thus, ?R^ ^TTi^ 
vxky 'mind my word'. 

400. In the Respectful forms of the imperative, the 'Plays' exhibit 
the terminations dr or WT, and d or W. These ^ forms are added 
not only to a few verbs, as $^11, #RT, etc., as in standard Hindi, but to 


all verbs whatever, even when the root terminatefl in a consonant. 
The form in wr or 5h, at least, is used even with the sing, of the 2nd 
pers. pronoun. Examples of these forms occur in the following : — 
ORTinr rtfRl WBW^T, immediately on reading the paper, come !'; d ^|^rdr 
^A^lTt, *hear ye, chieftains!'; H H?l d^ ^iTird, *make thou no delay'; 
mart wni8 ?n5, 'bring (him) to my feet. 

a. In the colloquial, the respectful forms of the imperative are ^ or j|^, 
and ^ or ^J^. Thus from jlfldl, *to eat*, the respectful forms are whl^ 
or ^f^^l^, and ^ft91% or ^hI^I. Iu the * Plays', also, ^ is sometimes insert- 
ed before the termination ; thus, ^ d^ ohi^^l Tmf , 'make you no delay'. 

401. In the tenses of imperfect action, the imperfect participle 
alone is used, as in standard Hindi, for a past oontingent tense, and 
not unfrequently in the *Plays', as a present tense ; as, «.^., fiarei ^TH 
%T 5lif^ TSRH, 'he who is perfect, dwells not (here)'. 

402. But the Present imperfect is regularly formed, both in the 
colloquial and in literature, by adding to the forms already noted in 
the contingent future, the several persons of the present of the sub- 
stantive verb, either of the W or the W series. Illustrations are; — dniV 
WWt wnj^ i, *eLjog{ is calling ^AlaW !'; ?| ^ dil d ^, *why dost 
thou send (me) afterward P'; ciiisilt «rf Ui^i #T ?nf, *why do you 
lay hands upon the merchant ?'; W inSr #r Ihrc, 'why do you eat 
poison ?'. 

a. The auxiliary is often omitted, especially when several verbs 
occur in the same construction, in which case the present imperfect 
has the same form as the contingent future. Thus, in the followiDg, 
both the first and the second verbs are to be regarded as present 
imperfects ; W^ «niTd ifRT ^^A V^ d ^ ^ WT, 'he is playing the 
lute, singing a song, standing without the palace'. Similar is 
the verb in the following ; ^ ^ mi HRJRtSt, *what do you com- 
mand me ?'. 

403. The formation of the Past imperfect is analogous to that of 
the present, except that the auxiliary past tense, ^ or #r, of the sub- 
stantive verb, is added, both in the sing, and plur., to that form of the 
verb only, which is found in the 3rd sing, of the contingent future. 
Thus, for the H. H. ^ ^^m W, we have "t ^ #r, *I was hearing'; 
similarly, for WH mi «R^ % 'what were you doing P', ^ «irt^ ^ IR or 
«lf^ ¥T, etc. 


o. These forms are colloquial throughout Rajpdtana, but the tense is some- 
times also formed as in High Hindi, by adding the past tense of the substan- 
tive verb (%T or ^) to the imperfect participle. 

404. The tenses of the Perfect are all formed with the perfect par- 
ticiple in combination, when necessary, with the various tenses of 
lit (^wr); and transitive verbs construe these tenses with the case 
of the agent, taking the object either in the nominative or dative, 
exactly as in High Hindi (§ 332). Thus in the following we have 
both the active and passive construction : 55^ wm hi W3 fri^ 
^^ $WT ^t^y *a dream came in the night, — I saw (thy) head 
flying'. The following are illustrations of the more common 
tenses : # ^ ^ ^^ it, *I had sent thee'; ^ drt m^ |#T, 'he must 
have mounted (his) horse'; «IPt ^^ ^ HT?^ tr^, *some one must have 

struck him'. 

405. The irregular verbs mentioned at § 311, are irregular also in the R&j- 
pdtana dialects. In W. Bijput&nd, «FT#T, *to do*, makes its perf , sgt^, ^R^tr, 
or «|C^ ; ?*T, 'to take', perf., ^^ and 1^^ ; $*T, 'to give', perf, ^^ 
and ^^. So also, ^9T#T, *to eat', makes the perf, ijrreh'.* WC^, 'to die', 
makes its perf., »^ or ifbSt. But in the Tlays' and in E. Edjputana, 
q;^ ^i^ and ^#1, make the perfect in g or in, fem. m, as will appear 
from the following passages : imrt «Rb^ JIIMiHI, *my brothers have been care- 
less (lit, done carelessness)'; ^^ Hi^SK^, (D have taken up the life of a/a^r'; 
n ^ ^ rm ift, *^dm Ji hath given sorrow and joy'. wAl, *to go', 

makes the perf l||l||. 

a. Besides the verbs that are usually irregular in all the Hindi dialects, all 
verbs of which the root terminates in H, often lose that letter before the 
various verbal terminations and thus appear as in-egular. Thus the perf of 
the verbs m^, *to say', TW^, **<> remain', «|fjh, 'to flow', becomes 95%, t9t, 
mm, as in the following : CRI^ ^Pjix WIW, 'regard what I have said'; qnTn^ 
Wre TUT ^I^lin, *>n the month of Kdtih we remained without salt'; wIt J^T 
HRf ^H ^ *water has flowed in your eyes'. Sometimes the H of the termin- 
ation is doubled in compensation for the loss of H; thus, #r ^TT «fimT 70%. *if 
thou regard my word'. Sometimes, again, d is inserted in the hiatus caused 
by the elision of », giving such forms as q||%,=:«|{fT; Ta^,=TTOT; etc , etc. 

• These perf. forms in dt and ?r are well illustrated by such archaic Hindi 
perfects as ^r%V, 'given', ^I%1|, 'taken', cited by Mr. Beames from Chand, 
who has also ftjT and itlh,=ftin and g|^, = i«V|in. (Journ. As. Soc. 
Beng., Part I. No. II, 1873). 


Thus, we have, e gr., 9^ ^Stt, 'remain in happiness'; 9li% W?l, 'say the word'; 
%T «t^ TJS^ ^r9 'mtt Ji nf^ ; 'that (man) dwells not in this village'; % 9V 
TC7 CirSI?n in, *that man also was saying*. Sometimes in the imperative, 
9 beiug dropped, the concurrent vowels are united, so that we have ^ for 
qitr, and 5t for T%T. Similarly, ?ft stands for qiff , and ^ for mi or sfif , as, 
6.<7., 5!^ d "Wrd, *the river flows away*. 

406. Causal verbs in Marwar and Rajputfei generally, are form- 
ed as in Braj, by adding W8I to the root for the lat, and CTRI for 
the 2nd causal. A long vowel in the root of the primitive, is 
shortened as usual before the heavy affix. These forms therefore 
require no further illustration. But a few verbs with monosyllabic 
open roots shorten a final long vowel in the root, and insert T before 
lira for the 1st causal. Thus ^#T, *to give', makes its 1st causal, 
p T iiei^l , and^^^, 'to take', ftwra^T; as, e.g,, ^ ihir ftlii^, *I will cause 
(liim) to take nipjog^; i.e,, *to become an ascetic'. Alternative forms, 
^Uiydl and MCll6ldl, also exist. 

a. Verbs with X ^^^ i^ the root drop this 9 before the causal terminations, 
as in the primitive conjugation ; thus we have the following examples : mif SfQi 
Uni^, *the water caused (all) to flow away*; nf Trai Wiraftt ♦, *I am called 

a king*. 

407. The colloquial Mdf w&f( west of the AravalH hills is distinguished by a 
regular passive derivative verb, the root of which is formed by adding the 
syllable %?l to the root of the primitive. Boots containing a long vowel 
shorten that vowel before this afi&x. Verbs which take T before the causal, 
insert it also before the passive aflix. Thus, to illustrate, from CfiT^, *to do', is 
derived the passive, 4hlJ^JI, = H. H. ^f^m VRT, *to be done'; from ^ITQRIt, 
'to eat', the passive 4SIQ)^4|, 'to be eaten'; from ^^, 'to take', and $#T to 
give', the passives, I^<l^Jil, 'to be taken', and fV^hflFdr, *to be given'. Even 
neuter verbs may take this passive form. Thus, we have from IHra#T *to 
come', the passive WftU^^I. In the case of such verbs, however, the passive 
is only used impersonally in the 3rd masc. sing. These passive verbs are 
conjugated throughout Hke regular primitive verbs. Thus, 1%*^ 9I^Vd «liV, 
=H. H. 9i91i % irrar •fir ^fT?n, *it is not come by me', i.e., *I cannot come'; 
^ HtVwT, *I was beaten'; flf ^ «|^^6llddl, *it will not be eaien by you'; Le , 
'you will not be able to eat it'. These forms are rarely heard east of the 
AravalK hills. 

408. In the dialects of W. Rajputana the various forms of Intensive compound 
verbs, explained §§347—351*, are but rarely used. Instead of these forms, q^ or 
eftr is prefixed to the verb. Thus, for ^nT ^T^RT, the Marwaris say, q^ HRi^ ; 


for IRn WHl, *to go away', q^ ^n^Sldr ; for ^4 ^1^1, *to rise up*, iftr ^dil. Bub 

when the action is regarded as terminating with, upon, near, or for the agent, 
cftr is used instead of iftl. Thus, sftt ^^IT, *to take for one's self, = H. H. 
^ #felT, etc. These compounds with sftt therefore approximate in use to 
the middle voice in Greek, iftr and aftl are inflected to xm and «RT, oW. 
masc, and utt and arft, fem., to agree with the subject of neuter verbs, or 
with the object of transibives. Examples are, ^ cftf WT, or (fem.) m CRT WT, = 
H. H. n fRlT WC or IT^ '^, But with a transitive verb, in any tense these 
must agree with the object. Thus, ^ ^nft CRt #9, let him take the book'; 
(ie , for himself)'; ^ ^nft «R^ ^ W, *I take the book (for myself)'; ^ ^T^ 
UTT $^, *he will give the book away', etc. 

a. In Maf waf, when the imperf. part, of any verb is combined with T^^J, as 
in Continuative compounds in standard Hindi, the combination has, not a 
continuative, but a negative sense. Thus, in the R&jput^na colloquial, jn^| 
K%MXy is not 'to continue singing*, but *to be kept from singing', *not to sing'. 
So, again, ^^tSJW Wf $T ^ H^TO in% Wm T^, is *shut the door that the 
people may not come in', — not 'may continue to come in*. 

409. Before leaving these Bajputtod forms, we may briefly in- 
dicate a few peculiar forms of the E6jp6t bard Chand, as noted 
by Mr. Beames. (1) The imperf. pctrt. occasionally ends in 5^ ; as, 
^.^., ^^R!, Tli?!,=H. H. ^T?n, Tf?n. (2) The perfect termination, 
WT (^E^), is transformed into wm or ^^, as, e.g.y H^, 'wandered', for 
H.H. HTIHT ; ^%9, *spoke',=H. H. Srar, etc., etc. (3) The final m 
of jwr is sometimes shortened, thus, ^; ^ is used as a conjunctive 
participle. (4) For €t^, *given', and 5R^, *done', ft|[T and nii^ 
occur. (5) The conj. part, is sometimes made to terminate in l(d, 
as, e.g., in VSfSi for H. H. ^1!^. 

410. The verb in the Himalayan dialects of Ga^hwal and Kum&on presents 
in some respects a suggestive resemblance to the Mdrwdfi conjugation. Thus, 
the auxiliary substantive verb has ^ for its radical consonant; ^, (fem. 
^,) instead of in, is in many places the termination of the future ; ^ in the 
infinitive, as elsewhere, is changed to n. ^ final in a root is very commonly 
rejected and the concurrent vowels combined ; but the consequent sandhi is 
to jh and not %, as in G. ^lif for H. H. T9«IT ; so that ^, instead of ^ 
appears to be preferred as a vowel of onion before the infinitive termination. 
But with these resemblances, there also are some variations from the Mdf wari 
type. Most noticeable is the imperf. part, which, as in Panjabi, often ends in 
^or *^, plur. ^ori^, instead of ^, ?fT. The ^ forms, however, are also 
uesd, also sometimes retaining the ancient ^ before ^^ as in ^<||«fii^ 'raining'; 



for H. H. ^T'QTIT. In the tenses of the imperf part, of some verbs with a 
vowel final in the root, Kumaoni rejects the participial termination before 
the auxiliary, and shortens the final radical vowel, giving, e.g., j% ^ 
for H. H. ^^ ^, *he gives'. The fut. term., %, in Garhwali is often added, 
not to the cout. fut. terminations, but to the root. I have sometimes heard 
the negative particle interposed between the cont. fut. and this sufiix %\^ thus; 
^^ ^ %^ 1 %,=H. H. ^^ 5im iff^ ^TIT^, 'such a thing will not be'. 
Of the two Gafhwali forms often given in the 'Tables' the first belongs to Tfrf, 
the second is used further east. The causal affix ^n^ is softened to w ; 
giving, e.g., from the intransitive verb, 9|inT, *to float', the causal ClJh^. 

Conj.ugatio7i in the dialect of the Rdmdyan^ and other 

Eastern dialects. 

411. In the old Purbi of the Rdmdyany as in all archaio Hindi 
poetry, the tense-system is not so fully developed, nor are the distino- 
tive oharaoteristios of the various tenses always so distinctly marked 
as in modern High Hindi. But on the other hand, we find a great 
variety of terminations, and some tenses which are unknown to the 
modem form of speech. We begin with the tenses corresponding, at 
least in a general way, to those of the standard dialect. 

412. The Infinitive or Gerund presents two forms analogous to the 
two in Braj, m., one in ^, and another in 9. Examples are, 99 fffil 
qifT ^ dijf^, *when (he) told him to give up VaidehV; ftig ftw JJM filR9 
H9 11^, 'it is not well to return without Ram and Sitd\ The in- 
flected forms also occur; as, e.g.^ W^^^A^ *it is not so to be',=H.H. 
iff) ^ «KT ; % TOT T^^ ftmS ^5fnTO, * I am able to break thy teeth'. 

413. The Imperfect participle is formed by adding ?! only to the 
root; as from ftr^TO^f, *to behold', ftl^rapl, 'beholding'. This is often, 
though not invariably, inflected to i?f for the fem.; as in ^nn^fTI from 
9in9ff=H. H. ^Iin^. There is no other inflection. In the follow- 
ing we have the longer Braj participle in m ; ^ *R W9^ xw 99B|| 
*the cow drops milk gratifying to the heart'. 

414. The Perfect participle regularly consists of the root alone ; to 
which 9 is added in the fem. only. Thus from «RW, ^ff, come the 
perfr participles, «OT, ^f, fem., wnf , ^ftl. But the longer H. H. forms 
in 9T and ^ are frequently used where the metre may require it. In 
the case of verbs with roots in 9T, the 9 which in the standard dialect 
has only been retained in the tenses of the future, maintains its 


place before a or i in the perf. part, also ; thus we have nniT, *siing*, 
for H. H. iwn ; W9 or wnn, *come', for H. H. ^mn. But the com- 
mon forms in HT also occur. 

415. The Conjunetive participle is regularly formed by adding W to 
the root ; thus, %nr if^ ^«H *l^ W^y ^seeing thee, (my) breast has 
become oooF. As in the case of all short final vowels, this Y may be 
lengthened metri gralul. This is especially common at the end of a 
line ; as, S§^ wn TO^ ^irft ^T^i, ^receiving such news, the assembly 
&at down'. Much less frequently we find the Braj form in t^, after Y 
as a union- vowel; as, ^Ht^JWlU^ XITI^, ^receiving the great sage's com- 
mand'. The root alone is occasionally used ; and the final inherent 
€ may be leugthened tnetri gratidy as in the following, where fihlTT id 
not the perfect, but the conjunctive participle; ^Hi^ V^ VTRT HH 
irbfTT, 'recognizing the lord, he regarded his birth as having borne 
good fruit'. 

416. For the Noun of agency, the aflb: «nT, (plur. w^, fern. «nft,) 
is added to the root, as in the following ; ^ ^f^ f!T9 vpiT rORsn^, 'these 
are the watchful guardians of this lake'. 

417. The Rdmdyan exhibits forms of the Contingent Future iden- 
tical with the longer Braj forms ; m., Sing, (I) "^ or # ; (2, 3) f% ; 
Plur, (I, 3) fit ; (2;^ 5. For the longer forms with W, ^, ^, and ^, ^, 
are sometimes used. Examples are ; — m^nii ^ntt, *I could bum in the 
fire'; ^nr ^ WliT, 'by what road shall we go ?'; ^ ?R^, * who can tell ?'. 
'^ is sometimes inserted after Y final in a root ; as, ^T^ T^H^, 'as long 
as I live'. 

a. But instead of these final diphthongs, their elementary vowels 
often appear; as, e.^., ^^^RT^T^rl, *whenl prepcure food'; Cfi^mr^f^nTi 
'it mingles with the mud'. The final vowel of these forms, again, metri 
gratia, is often lengthened ; as, ^ WJ^ ^^f^ ^^ ^SKWi, *if I should tell 
all my faults'; ^ %T dr ^ ^TlR W^, 'whoever may eat that food'. 

b. Before ^, in the Ist sing., ^ S is sometimes inserted ; thus, fj'^^ 
^^lilj %TY, 'that same I will make known to you'. 

c. Or, again, the final diphthongs, ^, ¥, are reduced to their cog- 
nate vowel, Y, as in fnfw for ITT^, and especially in the substantive 
verb ; thus, dl WUI5 %np, 'if the order be'. 

d. This final Y, again, is often dropped, leaving the 2nd and 3rd 

oing. in form like the root ; as, iiwi % ^nft #t %ci ^ ^^ 'base (is) 



that woman, who will not serve her'; %T fiRfil %rai, *how could he 
Bleep P'. And this final a, again, may be lengthened, metri gratia^ 
giving a form identical with the H. H. perf. part. ; as, irra Rnsre ^ 
QifT «l inHT, 4f in a month's time thou obey not what is told (thee'); 
liT9i^ iflH ?rof W^ W«IT, *who8e name, (if it) come into the mouth of 
oiie dying'. 

e. For ^ of the 2nd and 3rd sing,, ^ or VI is sometimes written ; 
as, WFtf 5^ 1 St UiMI, ^not even in a dream might one hear Ved 
(or) Purdn\ ^ is sometimes substituted for W in the 2nd and 3rd 
ping. ; as, dx W^ #T^, *if it be so*. 

/. Finally, for fi|[, we often find the older form, f% ;' as, #T n ^^5^, 
*if thou wish'; ftRl H iT^lf% »R ^, *wilt thou not worship him, O dull 
lieart ?'. Sometimes ^ is substituted for ^. 

418. Besides the above forms, I have found in archaic eastern Hindi, a con- 
jngation of this tense with ?g| as the characteristic letter, to which the regular 
terminations are then added; thus, Sing. (1) St, (2, 3) d ; ^l^r, (1, 3) 8f, (2) Qr 
or 9^. With these v or ^ forms, as well as those (to be hereafter noticed) of 
the abs. fat., may he compared the Bangali fnt. terminations, iho, ibd or ibe, iberK 

419. It may be observed, finally, that although, very often, tho 
forms above noted indipate, in the Jtdmdt/an^ a degree of dubiety, 
and for the certain futurition of the event, the forms of the absolute 
future, as given in § 420, are preferred, yet now and then these forms 
are unquestionably used where there is no contingency intimated. 
Thus, Wl 5^ firoftp TTH IR" $?i^, 'all sorrow will cease on beholding 
the feet of Bdm^; HT?TO ^W T^imeH $i, 'I will give Bharat instruct 
tion in war'; IW liw? TTOt ftWT?f, *the lord will remove the terrible 
calamity'; ioi^li^ ^n% 3 5Rfil# *n^, *thou shalt be distressed because 
of a monkey'. But illustration of this belongs rather to Syntax. 

420. The Absolute Future exhibits three varieties of conjugation, 
of which IF, W, and « are, severally, as the characteristic letters. 

(1) The IT forms are not often tised. The suffixes, Jh, etc., are 
added commonly to the longer forms of the cont. fut. ; as, e,g,y 
HVRI ^K^T^ ^rfv, *he will make thee free from fear'; HT ^ ICH msi^ 
WtA, ^of this thou shalt receive the fruit hereafter'. But as these 
forms will be quite familiar to the student of the Rdmdyan^ further 
illustration is not required. 

(2) The 2nd form of the conjugation of the absolute future 

Dialectic cokjuoation. 219 

exhibits the following terminations; Sing. (I) ^; (2, 3) ii%; Plur. 
(1, 3) if^; (2) ny. As in Braj, Y is sometimes used as a union- 
Towel before these terminations ; whence after HT final in a root, we 
have, by sandhi^ ^. Illustrations of these future forms are; — 9rnv^ 
fliK9t ito, 'I will do thy work'; ^ ^>%t ^ ^, *I will carry you oflf '; 
iilV<«i| miilfBi, *they will believe the wonders'; Smf Trv...$fJ 
wmty *when you shall give me the kingdom'; ^if%9f ^Sl WKt ^ffTH^i 
*you will laugh, hearing my foolishness*. 
Of this general type of conjugation there are several variations :— 

a. fe appears for ff ; as, uI^lUl ♦?! Wirn^, *0 luckless (woman) I 
thou wilt repent it in the end'. Analogous is $^ for iFf , as in the 
peculiar form, firt^.^H. H. ^JTf; thus, ^n vr^m nr^ S 4^, ^to 
him thou shalt show SHcT. 

b. The first w is sometimes rejected ; thus, ^nm «f $MHVH|, ^if one 
shall regard neither', M., ^not regard both'. 

c. If having thus been rejected, ivis sometimes inserted: as, ^Kl^ 
Jtm ^Pm^ ^TTT, 'in the morning you shall see my exploits'. 

(3) The 3rd variety of the absolute future is formed by simply 
adding 9 to the root in all persons and numbers. This, it may 
be observed, is an extremely common form in the modem eastern 
colloquial dialects. Examples of its use in the Rdmdyan are ;— 
dl^ Bra9 ^ fti^rai Wtk, *the fourth day I will come and meet (you)'; 
^T5i ^9 ^n^ Tm d$f^ I ^igftpi «inr8i ^ qfim ^rft, 'hearing this, Rdm 
and Vaidahi will obtain joy, nor will any wise (man) call it wrong*. 

Variations from tl.e general type occur as follows : — 

a. After WJ final in a root, ^ or ^ is sometimes, but not necessarily, 
inserted ; thus, ^m wi XTRV fwf, *where I shall obtain that same, 
there shall I go'; ^ TO J^ HT^9, 'then you will find sorrow'; 
Hi^inri nra. *thou wilt puflf out the cheek'. So also, more rarely, after 
a consonant; as, HTB9^ ^rfOTim WfTO, *I will fulfil thy desire'. 

6. For 9, ftl occasionally occurs; as, ^ YITTni QRtBe ^WRI, 'drawing 
the sword I will kill thee'. 

421. The Imperative exhibits two forms of conjugation ; the one, 
identical with that of the contingent future ; the other, with that of 
the absolute future in m. In both the w and the 9 forms we find 
many of the same variations as have already been noticed in the 
contingent and absolute futuies. 


(1) Examples are, of the w (^) forms ; — qrei4 ?i fti?^ wt nftr liftf, 
*may I obtain their terrible fate'; i^ M\H\H HW wm, *do not lose 
heart*; ^iUl ^1^ ni?lF, *be thou not anxious'. Before fe, ^ ( ? ) may 
be substituted for a ; as, % T#fe ^1^, 'contrive that plan*. '^ also 
occurs ; as, 1VT#^ Stt? ^W iPHcnTT, *try me for a fortnight'. Or, eliding 
Wy in the 8rd sing., ^ may be the termination ; as, ^nvcv 9S^ '^Oh ^kfij 
*let no one wonder'. The most common termination in the 2nd sing, 
is ^ ; thus, ^ ^ "miy 'go thou and see'. The same termination is 
found in the 3rd sing. ; as, Tnr eh^^fl %T^, *may (mine) be a reign 
of a hundred kalpm\ As in the cent, fut., tLe final vowel may be 
reduced to a, so that the root alone appears in both the 2nd and 3rd 
sing. ; thus, ^TT? ^TR 1 iferi, *let no know me'. In the 2nd plur., 
5 is the common termination ; as, m lift?! 5^raj Sw, *tell me 
the deeds of the lord'; ?WI5 %lfl, 'cease (your) anxiety'. But ^ (^) 
is very often substituted for a or inserted before ^ ; as in 07 tnrsr ll^Jy 
^clasp (his) lotus feet'; vri^f^T^R vi# Wfdj, 'come in a month's time'. 
And w is sometimes rejected ; as in 9!^ %T dm ih ^^cf^ %Tirrii, 'do 
quickly, what may seem good to you'. The 1st and 3rd plur. regu- 
larly end in fii (^) ; thus, TOT froi ^w ll^TnTff, 'let me love thy 
feet', where ^rr is used for the sing., ^. 

(2) The Imperative, may also, like the absolute future, terminate 
in « throughout, ^ or ^ being optionally inserted before this termi- 
nation. Thus, % HIHSI ^9f1%IT imi^, 'know (that) it (is) from the 
virtue of good association'; h^xku JT^^Bi ^li^, *fulfil my desire', fit or 
m may be used for «; as, 9iTftl mn nft fsRQ, 'make entreaty, 
falling at his feet'; ^xmS< ^TR^, 'bring Jdnak%\ More rarely Si is 
used, in the 2nd plur. only; as, vonu f^irdr, *pardon (my) transgress- 

422. The Eespectful form of the imperative commonly ends in n or 
VI; as,, fci«iM 9TOI ^NK ^f wi, 'go and make entreaty of the ocean !'; 
^W ^ uUuiHiJ, 'be pleased to take care of me'. From this form, the 
letter H is sometimes omitted ; as, to ^^ ^ram eiift^, *devise a good 
plan'. Sometimes ?r or ^ is added as in Braj and High Hindi. 

a. For the forms in H, the older forms in H are occasionally used, 
not only as in High Hindi, after roots ending in ^{ or % but even 
after consonants, as in Braj and Mdrwari ; thus, Mw WW eiiiWl, 'make 
him free from fear'; f^mA ^ft^, '(if he) preserve thee alive, live*. 


To this termination in #, j is also sometimes added ; as, Ticni OR ^T^i^ 
ilf wn^, 'give this letter into the hand of Rdvan\ 

423. The Present Imperfect, in the dialect of the RdmSyan^ occurs 
under two general forms ; the one, like the inflected present previ- 
ously noted (§ 386), is precisely identical in form with the contingent 
future ; the other is formed by the imperfect participle, either alone, 
or, as in standard Hindi, in combination with the pres. tense of the 

substantive verb. 

a. There appears to be no difference in signification between these two 
forms of the tense, except that the participial form is restricted in use to 
denote an action as occurring in the actual present ; whereas the inflected 
form is extended, as will fully appear in the Syntax, to comprehend all imper- 
fect or incomplete action, not only in the present, but also in the past and 

424. The first or inflected form of the Imperfect, exhibits all the 
variations from the general tjrpe, which have been noted in the case of 
the contingent future. It will not be necessary to refer to these again 
in detail ; the following examples will abundantly illustrate the vari- 
ous forms, m^ ^m ^ROT9, 'one faith I hold'; ci^ ^9 ^ q^ fsmrn, 'I 
salute the lotus feet of all'; •! ^IRi^ ^T% ^nit, *dost thou not know 
me, the enemy of the gods P'; ^ Hi^ ^ d?!, *the reed neither blos- 
soms nor bears fruit', fe is especially common as the termination of 
both the 2nd and 3rd sing., and before this, ^ may be inserted ; tiius, 
€h<Ui YTR, %raT% nn ^niV, 'thou drinkest and sleepest day and night'; 
9Ct^ 4^11, *he declared (his) doubt'. In the following the 3rd sing, 
termination is W. (metri gratia^ ^ ); tf HRTW nrf 5WC tr^i, *day by day 
(his) body becomes thin'. H commonly occurs as the 3rd sing, ter- 
mination after a radical irr, and also in the following ; im ^sfSfni ^, 'in 
(her) heart (she) shrinks not'. % may precede H in the same form. ^ 
also occurs in the 2nd and 3rd sing.; as, dr m *rti! ?%, *the gift thou 
askest, I bestow'; HHIT ^rn| Sliw, 'diflBcult it is to me'. Finally, the 
root alone is found in the 2nd and 3rd sing. ; thus, ^ m^ m% ^ VJn^ 
'without that, illusion flees not away'. The final a is lengthened in 
the following'; ^TO ftm iftiw ^ini ^TOT, 'the soul is immortal, — why 
weepest thou?'. Of the plural the following are examples: — Ist 
pers., iisiW ^rr W^^ 'we make our supplication'; 2nd pers., ortv 
WPI wni ?TO intt, 'why are you doing (this) heavy penance P'; 
Zrd pers., ^ m ^ ^mBi, *who gaze upon another's fault'* In the 


following, one of the first two verbs must be rendered as a pl'esent, 
the other, as contingent future ; ^ ^^of^ t^lBi ^F9 ^^ 'who see, shall 
see, who have seen'. 

425. In the following passages^ the imperfect participle alone is used 
as a present tense : — #T wsidl^hfl dl^ulfl, *who beholds the lord of the 
world'; JWJ ^ HT #m WTRim, 'she, aQ it were, applies salt to a bum'. 

a. But to this the pres. of the substantive verb is occasionally added, 
as in standard Hindi. Examples are ; — U?A% WRff ^ffl^, 'I under- 
stand religion'; ftlfe ftrf ^ WX^ WJ Sl€^, *whom, O divine one, you 
worship night and day'; ^rft W^ irfw fiWT, 'they deride me\ 

426. Besides the common form of this participle we also find the 
older form in ^ used as a present tense ; thus, ^H ^ 5^ m^rtfl ni^, 
'all the holy walk happy on the earth'. The final vowel is some- 
times lengthened ; as, iJlMH flT^ ^W wi^y 'cursing (and) upbraiding, 
men say'. It is also found in the writings of Kabir^ as in the fol- 
lowing from the Sdkhi ; ^ ^ «« {^nSROR filft ?3t ?3t «lir5I f^, 'by so 
much as man goes about unconcerned, by so much Death laughs'.* 

427. The Rdmdyan exhibits a Fast Conditional tense derived "from 
the imperfect participle. To form this tense, in the 1st sing., % and in 
the 2nd plur., ^. is added to the imperfect participle. I have noted no 
special terminations for the other persons. Before the above tense-end- 
ings ^ (?) is commonly inserted ; thus, ni?riw ^TO ^snfti ^i'l ^Ttft, having 
eaten thy father, I could then eat thee'. For ^, ^ is employed for 
the fem., as in the following, where, in the first stanza, W is omitted 
before^ in the 2nd plur.; ^ ^ ivT^I^ mm ^^^ I ^©iftf^fe^g^wft 
^rf^ ^Wr, 'had you met me first, great sage, I bowing my head, would 
have heard your advice'. ^, &g&in, is sometimes hardened to H, 
and ^ or ^ substituted for ^ in the Ist sing.; thus, ^ ^ifilf^t ftig viZ 
^ V[[k I WT IR «Rf5c tT?5t ^ ^^, 'had I known that the earth had 
become destitute of warriors, then I had not (by) making (this) decree 
become a laughing-stock'. One more example will suffice ; ^ Wi 
^ra?ij ^ ^ 3IT$ I 117 ^CV f^ 1^ WW 5^, 'had you come like 
a sage, the youths had placed, O lord, the dust of your feet upon 
their heads'. 

• This old form of the pres. imperfect is still heard in the colloquial of inte- 
rior Gktfhw&l, where, for example, I have heard a viUager say, Qf^ ^iIRt n 
firBi amSPfh, l^f 'water rains not from above'. Vid, § 410. 


428. For the Past Imperfect no separate form occurs, except in the 
following, where W is used instead of iTT, as noted at § 371 ; ?m 
^R7IQ?I T9 ^uThqi^, *(his) heart was keeping guard at the womens* 

429. The tense mentioned under §387, as an Inceptive Imperfect, 
18 much more common in the Rdmdyan than in Braj prose. Exam- 
ples are ; — nif?! %^ WBH frt hS, *they began to bury (it) there in a 
field'; JRP! hS, 'they began to inquire'* 

430. The Indefinite Perfect is commonly employed in the Rdmdt/an 
to express action completed, whether in the past, present or future. 
The compound participial forms employed in the standard dialect 
to express the various temporal and modal modifications of such com- 
pleted action, very rarely occur. The most of them, indeed, are quite 
unknown. As in the case of the imperfect, two forms of the perfect 
tense occur, the one consisting merely of the participle, the other, 

431. The participial form of the perfect differs from that of the 
standard dialect, precisely in the same manner as the imperfect 
participle ; t?is., by the shortening of the final long d to a. Thus, for 
fRWT, 'said', we have WW, for TIT, 'remained', TW, etc. This is inflect- 
ed to ^ for the fem., giving, e.g.y such forms as ^ftl, wrfH, for H.H. ^^, 
TTTT^. But the flnal W. is often lengthened for the sake of the metre. 
Further examples are ; — NlU^i^fl ^ % ^iri, 'he went and entered a 
cave in a great mountain'; mw ^S^ ^'f > 'Sugriv said, Hear !'. 

a. In the maso. plur. the inflection 7 is very often assumed, so 
that the form of this tense thus frequently becomes identical with 
that found in the standard dialect. 

6. Observe, that after roots iniRT or Wf, «l is commonly inserted ; 
as, ^ «RTW ^rerciT, 'what have I destroyed ?'; iTO »nK ^uam^ 'he struck 
him to the earth'. 

432. It may be well here to call especial notice to the exceeding ambiguity 
of many verbal forms in the Rdmdyan. What with the extreme attrition of 
many once distinct forms, and the frequent prosodial modifications of final 
vowels, one and the same form has come to represent several difierent parts of 
the verb. Thus, e.^., ^TIT ^^^1 he 2nd or 3rd sing., of the cont. or abs. fut., or 
of the imper. or pres.; or 1st, 2nd or 3rd sing. perf. qri%, again, may be, 2nd or 
3rd sing, of the cont or abs. fat, or of the imper. or pres.; or Ist, 2nd or 3rd fern. 
per£, or the conj. participle ; or, again« it may bo used to represent the H. Q. 


perf. part. maso. in the passive conjugation, as, e.^., diS 9iH| if BItI, 'i^ cannot 
at all be told*. $q^, again, may be 1st, 2nd or 3rd fern, of the perf., or it may 
be the conj. part, i^fif, with the final vowel lengthened metri gratid. This re- 
mark will be abundantly illustrated by referring to the citations made in the 
preceding and the following paragraphs. 

433. In the case of active transitive verbs, the passive construction 
mentioned § 332 (1), is often employed ; i.e., the verb is made to agree, 
not with the subject, but with the object of the action in gender and 
number. As ^ does not occur in this dialect, the subject, noun or pro- 
noun, is simply put in the inflected form, where such form happens to 
exist. But as no nouns are inflected in the sing.^ it comes to pass that 
very often, (as where, e.g,^ subject and object are both masc. sing.,) the 
construction is in outward form identical with the active construction of 
intransitive verbs. Examples are, of intransitive verbs; — ^i^TO nw 
^trcrr, 'confidence came to (her) heart'; \AHi\ ^TCR HTT, *a stream of 
blood issued'; ^^^I^IT ^RT^, 'they came into the king's house'. Of transi- 
tive verbs, examples are ; — dl IW ftlW'! fiFTfl ?WI #^n, *that lord whom 
you (sc. Pdrvati) saw wandering in the forest'; wnftf ^ *Ttlft, *thou 
hast asked piety'; T9F% dn? 'HH ft ?i ?I1^, *I have beaten those who 
have beaten me'. 

434. Besides the more common passive construction of this tense 
in transitive verbs, the active construction also very often occurs, after 
the regular idiom of all the modern eastern dialects. Thus, Sh- 
nm . . . ?i^ ^99 ^^1^ ^ ^nJi, 'for three thousand years she ate the 
leaves of vines', — where the reference is to Umd^ afterward the wife 
of Shiv. Similar is the construction in the following ; ^ftx^ qnr TWm 
UTJ, *one said, take (them) alive'. 

Rem, Here also, on further consideration, I would place the phrases 
quoted in § 226.C., t?/a., \I^ d^rm, 'blessed they who bore them'; ft $# 
$T^ HT?n, 'they beheld the two brothers': # and ft, therefore, in these 
passages are to be regarded as in the nominative^ and not in the ob- 
lique plural as suggested, loc, cit, 

435. Instead of the above forms of this tense, which are to be 
regarded as characteristic of the dialect, the longer forms (K. and B.) 
in ^ and ^, (St and ^,) also occur. Thus, ^RTQ fRilf?^ IR^T, 'the 
monkey fell at (his) feet'; •ITTT rf^l JP^ MdlQl, ^Ndrad the sage sent 
Garvf, ^, *to give', and #n, 'to take', sometimes make the perf. 
$9T and %6IT, also 9^ and ^At. 


436. The inflected perfect is formed by adding to the perfect part., 
in the Sing.^ (I) 4; (2, 3,) ^; and in the Plur.^ (1, 3,) ^ or iN?; 
(2,) J. For the feminine, these terminations are added to the fern* 
form of the participle. Before all these endings, 7 is often inserted 
or takes the place of a final short a. Observe, that the inflected 
perfect is used in the active construction only. Examples are ; — Wk 
^TO ii|:nni Wf#, ^through the sight of thee, I (fern,) have become free 
from sin*; TO WfJ ^Mw 1iPC5l w^, *you know for what reason 
I have come'; ^ra ^fftf TTf^ <igi4l<), 'until now I have remained a vir- 
gin'; ^61 14) ^?ft W^ tRr, ^Bhavdni remained in the body of SatV', 
^nnifN VSP^ vi n^ras, *the lord of birds went to Biranchi^; ^m •iw 
^HlUj, *he declared his own name'; mg ^T «Rm? HlKfl^l^f, *they 
oast upon him trees (and) mountains'; ni^ ftrfw cqra 5R^ Hlif, *you 
have slain me, like a hunter'; H^ 5^^> *you (0 Umd) have forgot- 
ten good'. 

a. In the 2nd and 3rd sing, the termination f% is often sub- 
stituted for ^ ; thus, R^ w^ Aril 4iRUj, *he has beaten me like an 
enemy'. And this sometimes becomes if, as in the fat. ; thus, ^m 
diBp wrv ^nn^fi; QRT^, ^now for what hast thou come and waked me V. 
In the following, J is probably the emphatic particle ; «liiw 1 ^WW 
^V9 vm% nsnnT, 'he could not tell the sorrow as it really was'. 

h. Observe, that these terminations are in like manner added to 
the irregular participles noted at § 439. Thus, ift gh%F5 ^^ ^R 
snft, <he has robbed me of property and wife'; CR^^%^ ^H 5FniT, *you 
have accomplished all (your) work'. 

437. As remarked above, the indefinite perfect in its various forms, 
commonly takes the place of all the tenses of the perfect in standard 
Uindi. Very rarely, however, we find a cent, perf., and a past perf. 
formed by the combination of the perf. part, with the verb TW as an 
auxiliary. Thus, |t Hl^t il9 ^ twi ^TOTTTt, 'the two brothers had 
gone to see the garden'; and, again, ^5R ^rat ftw ioi Toi^ii IHf w, 
*one maiden companion, sporting with 8Udy had gone'. (Bdl K,) 

438. The irregular forms of the perfect of certain verbs, already 
noticed in Braj and standard Hindi, occur also, with dialectic 
variations, in the Rdmdyan. Thus from tw, 'to be', we have the 
perf. Sing., W, wra or Wfi ; Plur.y ft, ft, etc. : from ^I'R, *to deter- 
mine', perf. 3ira. "^TR, *to go', sometimes makes its perf. IW^, (H. H. 



jni)f plur. il9, eto. ; and also, more rarely, nr, plur. il. Besides these, 
note also, iSorftR, 'killed', perf. plur. from W^ and wt^y perf., (for 
H. H. ^wn), from ^UR. Examples are ; — ?TO dl 5^ WT, *the sorrow 
which then was*; ^^nr fti9nrf«l #nf TO, 'people were slain by diseases 
and bereavements'. (Also see §448, 4.) The Rdm&yan^ besides the com- 
mon pres. and fut. forms from WT^, also presents a pres. formed on 
the base 9ra or HQR, from the ultimate root, in, of the perf. iniT. Thus, 
$i5|| ^TWI irani Uiui), 'seeing the bow they went away'. 

439. The verbs eii4.Hl, tfT, ^^IfT, present, in the BAmdyan^ not 
only such forms of the perf. as iiRil, ftw, ftrOr, feftr, etc., but also, as 
in Braj, «K^, 'did', 'done'; ^t^^, 'given', 'gave'; iS^, 'taken*, 'took'; 
as, e,g,y f^l^n $f^ ^ «R^ drmr, 'whom has not greed made mad P'. 

a. As elsewhere remarked, the final W of these forms is dropped by 
many old writers, whence 5Rhi, ^)^, ^^, eto. Thus, in the Sabha 
BildSf i^ni?f 9i^T?i^ ^9Rhl, '(he) has made affliction a touch-stone'. 

b. Similarly, in the Rdmdyan^ and other archaic poetry, the perf. 
of pure verbs in Hf also often terminates in ^ ; as, ^ftl ^^Q^ftd TWPI, 
'hearing (this) the Ten-shouldered was enraged'; wm irnrpl, 'all 
rejoiced'. Or the termination may be % ; thus, ^nm^ ^q^ iilRT^, 
*(he) went around the whole world'. 

440. In one instance, again, in the Rdmdyan the perfect is made 
to terminate in ^, as in the modern colloquial of Tirhut ; thus, %^ 
inFI HT HUTH, 'angrily he rushed toward heaven'; where ^n^Rfl is for 
H. H. WHT, from OTIT, 'to run', 'to rush'. 

441. In one passage, again, the perfect is made to terminate in ^ 
(for the t5i just mentioned P), as in the following ; — iFcdr OTR ^^4^, 
'again roared the Ten-headed'. 

442. Sometimes, for the modern forms of the perfect, Sanskrit or 
Prfikrit forms are employed. Thus, for H. H. RRm, 'done', and imr, 
'gone', we often find the corresponding Sk. forms ^ and lf?l, as in 
the following ; — ^fif ^S ^rfN ^^ ^ 1 TO^^, 'whose understanding 
have these not defiled P {lit.^ 'made unclean') ; Yi% nsfiR ii?i ctrar 
%r5, 'in this way passed that day'. 

443. Besides the various participles, referred to in § 66, various 
other Sanskrit conjugational forms occur in the Rdmdyan. It will be 
sufficient, for the most part, merely to notice them, without giving 
lengthy examples in each case. Most common (1) is thePr^«. Parasniai, 


of the let oonj. ; thus, Ist sing, ^m^ or UHi4lTil, *I 8alute^ HlUT^, 
*I behold', ^mfn (for ^Rorftl,) *I repeat' : 3rd plur. mnfi^f, 'they be- 
hold'; €wftw, *they speak', ^^^, 'they roar', fif iiftlRl , 'they behold'; 
Thus, m^rii?! d 9tiiV ^Rlf Cfift, 'whom ascetics having toiled, behold'; 
IRnmr ThIhi MimA, 'I salute without ceasing the glorious Rdm\ The 
2nd sing, wm, of the Sk. subst. verb, occurs in the following ; Slfil 
%Tft* nci fRif •rarot, 'thou art that which thou art, thy feet we adore !'. 

(2) The following forms of the Pres, Atmane also occur ; 1st plur., 
H4imd, 'we salute'; ^RTW^, 'we remember'; 9T^n^, 'we worship'. 
Examples are ; — 9T8RT1I %T ^OTcmf , 'that lord of existence we remem- 
ber'; ?:ft^ fil?il *wm^, ^Eamd's lord we ever worship'. 

(3) The following Sk. Imperatives, 3rd sing. Parasmai are also 
found, viz, ; ?l%g, 'let him extend'; «ren, 'let him dwell'; 'sim, 'let him 
save'. More frequent is the 3rd sing, imper. of the subst. verb, u8u-> 
ally in the formula of permission, ^renroj, 'let it be so'; as, ^r^Rrei 
ih^lPifq dri, 'Let it be so, said the Treasury of Compassion'. 

(4) The 2nd sing. Imper, Parasmai of two or three words is not 
infrequent; as, nn^, *do thou protect'; ^snfii, 'do thou save^; thus, 
^di»jnill<iH mff mftl, 'Protect, protect (me) ! O thou deliverer from 
the dread of existence'. 

444. The following Prakritic verbal forms also occur, viz. :— • 
lil^idT, for Sk. i^lT^:, 'composed'; as, iWIUH ^R ftlfiSmr, 'who com- 
posed the Rdmdyan'\ crt, for H. ^, Sk. qivm, 3rd sing, pres., 'he 
tells'; fHf, for Sk. ftfgftl, 3rd sing. pres. from root Wty 'he stands'; 
dfir, 'I salute', for Sk. «it, 1st sing. Atmane ; as in «l|ft iJTT ^RUR, 
'again, I salute the wicked'; ^iftl, for Sk. 9Yn%, 1st sing, pres., I 
adore ; as in itfm Takhk '^ ^OTtt, 'I adore without ceasing the glori- 
ous Raghubir'; and also 5|inOT(?). Finally, in a single instance, we 
have a Prak. reduplicated perfect, f9^, for Sk. ?r^, from ^, 'to 
increase'; as in the following, %ai?l V9n[Q ftRIH? T^ft?, 'as sensual enjoy- 
ment grows (even) on one serving (the gods)'. 

445. The Passive is commonly formed by conjugating the verb 
Wff, *to go', together with the perf. part., or, more commonly, with 
the root of the verb combined with the suffix ^. Thus, «F^ ^rfe ^Sn 
wifi 1 mS, *(the deeds oiRdm) cannot be sung in ten million kalpas\ 
Hiftr «m % IIW^, *that is not told', i e., 'cannot be told'. 

* For the elision of ^ initial, see §§ 44, 51. 


a. But besides the above, a Prakritic present passive often occurs, 
which is formed by adding to the root, after ^ as a union-vowel, the 
termination im, unchanged for gender or number; thus, duUHlU 
xHwtrl fl^, *even these are worshipped in virtue of their disguise'; 
in umifl^e*^ ^^ wnn cfiinm, *with the servant of the lord of decep- 
tion, deception is employed'. 

446. Canml verbs are formed in the Rdrndyafiy by adding wcr or 
W\ to the root of the primitive, for the Isty and m for the 2nd cau- 
sal. Many verbs, however, as in standard Hindi, instead of adding 
these letters to the root, form the 1st causal by lengthening or gunat^ 
ing the medial vowel of the root. Both the 1st and 2nd causal occur 
in the following : «jMHj S^Tdil^ti ^^rarcn WW ftiftni fewTi iRiBir, 
'he caused the body of the king to be washed according to the Vedj 
(and) made a most beautiful chariot', $9n and ^^, make their 
oausals, ^cnwr and T^istrt. 

a. Observe, that many verbs, which in standard Hindi form the • 
causal by the addition of a syllable, in the Rdmdyan follow the other 
method. Thus, e,g,^ for H. H. «HMI, i;o burn', and S^fRT, 'to call', 
the JRdmdpan often uses ^rn^ (for ^n^sTT) and dl^RT ; as, e.g., # mg^ 
XSK ^n^, ^who have burnt villages of Brahmans'; ^i^ %s^ dl^, 'he 
called his upright servants'." 

b. Occasionally the root of the causal is made to terminate in ^rsi, 
instead of W^, as in the following, where ^^^^ 'fill', is for jn^lj ; 
iTOI5...?iihni dlft, 'fulfil my desire'. 

c. Occasionally, again, the characteristic ^icr or Wt9 of the causal, 
is contracted to 5h. Tbus, in the following, fti^nf is for ft^rafw ; ^^"^l^ 
WT^f^ 5PR ii:^i¥, 'his lips quiver, (and) angry are his eyes'. 

d. When a syllable is added to a close root, to form the causal, 
the usual shortening of a medial long vowel in the primitive, is not 
nnfrequently neglected. Thus, for H. H. gHI^I, 'to call', and ftroPH, 
*to show', we have sometimes, dl^ireni, 'JmcR ; as, e.^., S WH drert, 
*thou, calling a Brahman'. 

447. The various Compound verbs explained §§ 347 — 365, also oc- 
cur in the Rdmdyan and similar poetry. But it is important to notice 
that the parts of the compound are separated at pleasure, often by 
many intervening words, or, again, are often inverted in order, as the 
exigencies of the metre may demand. All these various compounds, 


moreover, present forms more or less divergent from those of standard 
Hindi, Thus, 

(1) In all such compounds as are formed in High Hindi with the 
root, W. {fitetri gratia^ \y) is added to the root in the Rdmdyan, Exam* 
pies will be found on almost every page. Thus, qni iS^^ ^ W9 
"mky 'how can the moonlight forsake the moon P'; "mm ofiTSR ^ ^ 
^^, 'calls, as it were, the passing traveller*. So also, %T ^OTT wfcw 
fianil ?lfr, *as the servants of Hari rectify (all) these'; where ^hff 
cannot be separately translated, but must be connected with ^^ITK as 
a compound, =H. H. HHXK ^ V In the following, again, the parts 
are inverted and the final ^ of the primary verb lengthened, metri 
gratid\ ^fen ^g^nPH Wfi %l 'wft, *the loveliness of the river, who can 
tell?^; where ^^ ^ 5155^, is for ^ CRTf ^'K, H. H. ^Sri «OT ^^. 

Rem. The student will do well to take especial notice of this separa- 
tion and inversion of the parts of compounds and the frequent leng- 
thening of this final Y ; as these are among the marked peculiarities 
of the poetic style, which, until recognised and understood, greatly 
embarrass the reader who is familiar only with prose Hindi. 

(2) ^ alone is often' appended to the root in participial combina- 
tions, where in High Hindi we would have Wf or ^. Thus, ^w 
TTR FCipra irfn urar, lit.y 'seeing Ram and Ripudal are coming along'; 
where standard Hindi would have fl^ ^nn^ % ; the first 7 has become 
% and the last is changed to ITT, to rhyme with the following stanza. 

448. Desiderative, Inceptive, Permissive and Acquisitive Com- 
pounds present in the Rdmdyan a variety of forms. 

(1) The Desiderative is sometimes formed with the perfect parti- 
ciple ; as, i^lSTO ^ ^ri^ ^ib^, *I wish to marry'. 

(2) All these are often formed, as in H. H. with the infinitive in 
If. Thus, iR^ ^m fiw^, *do8t (thou) now wish to die P'; Sriw ^TR ^, 
*let me go'; ^^^Qli¥ fW #raPI 5inn, *he then began to seek for Sugriv*. 

(3) But especially common in combination with the secondary 
verb, is an inflected verbal form in ^ or %. Thus, VHfJ 5^ tm IR 
ilW, *you desire to hear the mysterious attributes of Rdm^\ ^ff WTf 
«li^ ^ €t^T, *for what reason didst thou not allow (me) to do (it)'; 
tucii^ W VT^ ^fri), 'when the keepers began to forbid them'. For 
the final % m is sometimes written ; thus, ^im 9ifY, 'he began to tell'. 

(4) This ^ is sometimes further reduced to Y {metri graiid^ k) ; thus, 


dr 5f5Tir ^1^ Tfw m miy *if thou wish to bathe in this lake, brother*; 
W^ ^fel ^}TO ^iTf 5f urar, *who8e exploits no one was permitted to be- 
hold'. And ^ also becomes H ; as ^m ^ n«i w^m ^iniT, *he began to 
rehearse the virtues of Ram Chandra\ All these forms may suffer 
separation or inversion like those above mentioned ; as, HfJN ^19 ^ 
«r| «n5n, *many arrows began to rain ; wriR 5im ^SW^ fra ^PTK, 'he 
then began to repeat his own name. {Rdmdyanj B^l. K.)* 

449. The Avadhi, it will observed, in the verb as in the pronouns, closely 
follows the old Purbi. The dialect of Eiw4 does not differ widely from that 
of Avadh. In both we may notice in some words, the extreme abrasion of the 
leading verb before the auxiliaries, already noted in Kumaoni. This is well 
illustrated by such forms as Av. %\ T%, J{ 'C^, (/em. ^ ^f^, f( ^f^,) for H. H. 
5^ 'fi, IR ^9, R' W ^, W ?n,=H. H. 15^ ^, jf^ m. in the dialect of Eiwa, 
^ final in a root is ofcen changed to in before the terminations. Thus, ^7199, 
^rrcn, ^ir?? , =H. H. $jn, $ni, ^^, in both the dialects of Avadh and Kiwa, 
the verbs $«IT, ^^ &Qd ^<«ii^ add the terminations of the perfect, to the 
irregular forms, ^^r^, hI«^ and QRh=9. In the dialect of Avadh, q is often 
inserted instead of l| before the terminations of the perfect. Thus, for H. H. 
JIHT, 'gone', Av. has iraT; for ^RTUT, *made', ^SPTTCTT, etc. etc. In both Avadh 
and Eiwa, we find a Past Conditional tense closely analogous to that mention- 
ed at § 427, as occurring in the Bdmdyatjk. The conjugation, however, in both 
these dialects is more complete. In Avadh, this tense, in the verb %TfT, 
is conjugated as follows :—£fin^. (1) ^TRFi, (/•) %TWl4^ (2) ^1?^, ff.) ^ifh^, 

(3) tT?i, (/.; ^rm. Piur. (1) trnm or trw, (2) *T?m, (f) trfen, (S) trS, (fj 

%l^. In Riwa it is but slightly different. Thus, (1) $T7^, (2) ^TT^, (3) «T?f. 
Plur. (1) ^iS, (2) ^rd^, (3) gt?i. As previously remarked, neither in these 
nor the following dialects does the special H. Hindi construction with ^ occar. 

450. In the dialects of Bhojpur and Tirhut we have a still wider divergence 
from the High Hindi type of conjugation ; and a close approximation, in the 
characteristic ^ of the perfect, and, in Tirhut, in the substantive verb ^, to 
the Bangali system. In Tirhut we have, again, a distinct Past Conditional 
tense, which is conjugated, e.g., in the verb ^TfT, as follows : — Sing. (1) igm, 
(2) ^mt or (3) « ^t4w, (f) trfe^. Plur. (1) fS, (2) ^m^ or (3) i^ tr*. 

a. The dialect of Tirhut is peculiar in forming its present imperfect, not by 
means of the auxiliary substantive verb, ?|, s, etc., but by adding to the root, 
for the sing., the termination ^^ (/. i^); and, for the plur., ^ (f. ^^), 

* I judge that this is merely a corruption pf ^m^,— the i| marking the place 
of the elided if. Compare the remarks in § 162, c. 


in all tho persons. Thus, e.g.y ^ §T?n ^, is ^m "^ik^ ; d $^ ^, ^ $^$» 
etc. The pres. perf. is formed, however, analytically, by meaus of the usual 
auxiliary. Thus, ^ ^ fiRUT %, is WWT ^^ # ; ^^ ^ WTT ^, ^ 5^ i^ ; ?WI ^ 
%T, WR S^ i, etc., etc 

b. Besides the regular Bhojpiiiri conjugational forms mentioned in the tables^ 
Mr. Beames mentions such peculiar forms as Chl^dlK, *I *^w saying'; tlli^iKf, 
«I am going'; dlrfilDf, *I am tying*. The letter ^ is sometimes added to tho im- 
perative, as in ^IT^ jdha, 'go !'. For the conj. part. Bhojpurl commonly uses 
the obi. perf. part, with a postposition ; thus, ^Sflf^T^ HT, *on knowing', etc. 

c. A passive is formed in Bhojpuri by adding ^ to the root. Thus, from 
^^Rt, to see', the passive form is |^4i(|Ht ; of which the various tenses are 
formed after the usual manner of the dialect ; thus, m T^ISIKfl SIT, *I aui 
Been', HW T^4ailH iNl, *te has been seen'; HW ftTOTtf, or T^r^THf^ ITIIJ, '^^ 
will be seen'. The causal is formed by adding iJira. The 8| is often softened 
to H, as, e.g., in l^4yi^(H=H. H. ftn^TOUT ; or the concurrent vowels may bo 
combined, as in ft5&T^,=H. H. i^^miT. 

d Mr. Beames also mentions the existence of a verbal noun in 3 or d, of tho 
use of which he gives the examples, ^ if (Hhh, 'they would not give a hear- 
ing ; ilS ^ift %^H, *it will probably be'. But this idiom is not confined 
to Bhojpur, as I have often heard it in the central Dodb ; thus, ^d •! Cf^, '^^ 
will not drink'; S UTTTO ^ ^RP^, 'they will not mind'. The verbs ehiHI , 
^n^ <^d mm are irregular in Tirhut and Bhojpur as in H. Hindi Thus for 
H. H. ^ HUT, *I went', T. has ft^ or jnr#> and Bh. j^ ; for nRin, *! did', T. 
has 41^51, and Bh. j^m ; etc. Similarly in Tirhut the past tense of TTRT, *to 
find', is ^, etc. In Tirhut as in Avadh, etc., verbal roots are often shortened 
in compound forms; as, e.g., in ^ )? A^=H. H. CW ^ iniT, etc. Other pecu- 
liarities of these dialects will be learned from the tables of conjugation. 

451. Of the dialect in Central Bundelkhand, I have obtained but scanty 
specimens. From these, its affinities would seem to be rather with eastern 
than with western HindL The conjugational system is very meagre ; the 
distinction of person and number is commonly neglected. Thus tlie future 
terminates throughout in ^, often ^; as, e.g., in ^=3H. H. TOT, %T7TT, 
ma or ^TJ). The imperfect participle terminates in f| or n ; a preceding a 
aftier d in causals is changed to n. AU the tenses of the imperfect are formed 
by means of tho auxiliary substantive verb. All the tenses of the perfect in 
all verbs, terminate in 3|, in both the singular and pluraL The construction 
with the case of the agent appears to be unknown. 

452. The prinoipal forms iUostrated in the preoeding Bections will 
be found in the following tables :~ 



Table XVI: Dialectic 

^. Hindi, 








tmt, ^dl. 

tra, stdT. 


















































sit, tnrt. 
















tnrtr, tnl. 











2 PL 








Conjugation of tmr, Ho be\ 




Old Purbu 


im, ^Tf . 





































fii^if I. 



* These forms are also used for the Contingent Future ia £. Kom&on. 




Table XVI, Co7itinued : Dialectic 

iJ. Hindt. 

























ifWT 4. 











Q^flt wi. 




trii tf. 

fifi tr. 


c^^ ^. 







Wifi i?h. 







9ivii w. 







#T?fT W. 





Past Im] 



#!?! 1^. 






im wft. 







%tH W?l. 




* Where, in any dialect, different forms of the auxiliary have been given in 
t Or like the Contingent Fucure. % ^^^ participle alone is also used for 



Conjugation of ftim, Ho be\* 



O/tf Purbi. 











It. tm (iif#)l|. 
tTT.tTa.W a— 

tTff.trfBJ *« 

ft^. tm(?fit)||. 

trj. tTn(V|)||. 

trft. tm(i!T|)||. 


tl4M<l WPW. 

Table XV, it is to be understood that these may also be substituted in this table, 
the imperfect past. || The use of the auxiliary is excepiionaL 



Table XVI, Concluded : Dialectic 

ff. Sindi. 










TSfHT f. 


%Tf , %idr. 

























ftWT S. 


%T1IT St* 

^niT St. 


vm t. 

ISfUl ^. 


^nr s'lT. 


ON J, 



^, sw 

♦Also \{^ throughout, f Also %nf $ throughout the sing, and plur. 



Conjugation of t^r, *to be'. 


Old Purhi, 








S^, etc. 

H tt 




5^ (W). 


at. /. 



ft^ (W). 

n9 V w. 

WTO t, /. 


S^ (w). 

n5 V ^ m. 

i7d^ ¥n|. 

d^ (w). 


ITO^ TfT. m. 

uSt TH. 

TA^ aJorc Mf 

JVb instance 

w9^ TfT. m. 



of this 
tense noted 


used for 

in this 


^A?8 and 


lA ^ m. 


every other 

tw n^. m, 
wlf^wf. f. 


perfect tense. 







Table XVII : Dialectic 




5S ■ ^ 








wrwT. wrrih.nroi 





m^. irft. 



0S '00 












4) E 










jr«;«^ iirf;'. 




^ITRW. ^KTil BT^j^ HTOJT. 

_._ry . ,_*f«s |1IKf , 5RTTW. 




ll l i4HJI . 

41 k4^ . 



ITR^, Ill4dl 'HTW. 

'»'^- '"'*• wfcwi 
unit, inT5tT. wrcwT. 





_ y _ ri j^_ ...'^^. ...ri*!, . Want g 



Conjugation op ^ttoit, 'to strike'. 





Old Purhi. 

Uroi, 9IIT9. 

inrw.^nrfii.iTffic. HIT, 



inn}, HKi^. 











4iiT<ii9,iiiIi4iIf, ('nrftmr,)— — « 
iiiUi1f,iiiUfirf, (i4kIiiiI|) 9imi. 











vnrv.vinv wrai,iiRii 









i^uHii), 9nni. 

niTii^, niHwj. ii^jj), iTrai. 


niiRiAy nKv. 
















^lUf 1. 



Table XVII, Concluded: Dialectic 

< < 
A^ Pi 













Ph .J 



o < 

?nTT ^. 
inn ^. 
inn ^. 










fT^ t. 


E, Raj, 

inxSr w. 

IT. i?4/'. 

mrt irt. 

?n^ ^. 



ilTOTT ^. 


4IK$I Iff. 


* The remaining participial tenses are conjugated, when used, after the 



Conjugation op wnm, Ho strike\ 


Old Purhi. 



411 w. 

JVX mdra. 


WRft, m^, WT. "^ '^ 




H\IH Ijfw. 




«ii<n v9 J. 



wnn wft 

wnn ¥1%. 

HKfl ^. 



m<A ^. 

nii^ ^. 









analogy of tho above. tAlsofH^t%. t Also ||fT« infiirq. || To agree with WH. 

31 •" 


Origin of the Verbal Forms. 

453. The various parts of the Hindi verb are either directly descended 
from corresponding Sanskrit or Prakrit forms, or are new modern combina* 
tions of such ancient forms. 

454. The Hindi Infinitive appears under two general types, of which the 
eharacteristio letters are respectively n (n) and v (h). The n-terminations 
are naur^t no^ 90, i^un* nd or ndn, n; the t;«terminations, vau or vauu, vo or bo, b. 
Dr. Hoemle, has, I think, conclusively proved, that these two varieties of the 
Hindi infinitive are respectively derived from the two forms of the Sk. fut. 
pass. part, neut ; the n-forms, from the participle in aniya; the v (byformSr 
from the participle in iavya^* Not only may all the dialectic variations of the 
two types be thus explained, but all the peculiarities of the use of the infinitive 
as a noun, an adjective, or an imperative, are thus accounted for, as originally 
exhibited in this Sk. participlcf Thus, e.g., we may derive the H. U. inf. 
hamd as follows : — Sk. (neut.) haravjiyam, Fr. haramam or haranaam^ archaio 
H. karomiyamt Br. hamaun, K. IwA-non or harao, M. hamo, Me. karnutf, H. H. 
ha/md, E. H. karan. And the v-forms of the same arise thus : — Sk. ka/iiavyatnf 
Pr. haritavvam or hariiavayam, kariavayam or karaavayam, fir. kari/voMu or 
same fut. pass. part, karavatmt M. ka/rbo, E. H. karab. 

a. An infinitive, kardau, mentioned in Prof. De Tassy's grammar, I would 
explain by reference to another Prakrit form in davvam (ior tofoyam) of this 
same affix. % 

b. We should expect the penultimate vowel in the v-forms to be lengthened, 
as in the corresponding Mara^hi, kardve^ but the shortening is probably due 
to the accent, which rests on the first syllable. 

c. Inasmuch as the Sk. fut. pass, part., when used as a noun, was declined 
like neut. nouns of the 1st Sk. decl., the H. obi. infinitive in e or (i must there- 
fore be explained as a corrupted gen. sing. || But the Braj inflected infinitive 
in i has probably arisen from the Sk. loc. sing, in e, so that, e.g., karani pre* 
supposes an original Sanskrit form, karaniye. 

455. The Imperfect participle presents two general types; the one ending 
in a consonant or short vowel ; as, e,g., the archaic kahant, Br. kahtti, K. cha^ 
lot ; the other, ending in a long vowel,, G. chalanio or ehaldo, Br. ckcdtan, 
M. chalto, H. H. ehcdtd. All these forms have arisen from the Sk. pres. part. 
Par. in ai ; the n which in one or two dialects appears before (, belongs to the 
original Sk. base, and in Prakrit was always retained throughout the declen- 
sion of the participle. % 

* Joum. As. Soc. Beng , Part I, No. 2, 1873. fVid, Williams' Sk. Grammar, 
§§ 902, 905, 908. J Vid. Lass. InM. Ling. Prac, § 129, 3. || Vid. § 155. 
% Vid. Williams* Sk. Grammar. § 141 i Lass, Inet, Lmg. Frac, S 127, 1. 


a. In accordance with the principles illustrated in 8§ 1^4, I54»a., we must 
attribute the shorter participial forms to the simple Sanskrit participle ; and 
the longer to an augmented participle formed by the Prakritic sufi^ h.* 
Thus, in order of derivation, we shall have, «.^., for the Sk. nom. masc. sing^ 
(kaXdn (from chcUat), Pr. ehalanto, archaic H. chcUant, Br. ekaltu or chalaiu, B. 
H. ehalcU ;t and from an augmented Pr4krit form, chalantaJeo, G. chalanto^ 
and ehaldo, Br. chaUau, M. chdUo, and finally, H. H. chaUd, The inflections 
are explained at § 155, 156. 

456. The Perfect participle occurs under three general forms, of which, the 
1st ends in a, the 2nd, in a long vowel, (i, o, au, or e. In the 3rd form, I is the 
characteristic letter of the termination. 

(1) The Ist and 2nd -forms are without doubt derived from the Sk. past 
pass. part, in ta. The Ist form is to be explained, as in the imperf. part., as 
having arisen from the simple Sk. part. The longer forms have come from an 
increased Pr4k. part., ending in taka for ta. The y which in Br. and M. pre* 
cedes the vowel-termination has arisen from the t which, according to Yaram- 
chi, was inserted before the participial termination much more freely in Pr4krii 
than in Sanskrit.^ To illustrate, the Eastern perf. pert., chala or ehal, (in the 
passive conjugation, chcdi.) has been reduced from the Sk. part. ckdlUa^ ; while 
from a Prak. part., chalitakah, have come the longer forms, thus : — Pr. ehaiitO' 
hah, chalitao, ehaliaOj Br. chalyau, M. ehdhfo, K. ekalo, H. H. chaM. 

a. The peculiar adjective form of the Mdpvaff participle, formed with the 
affix fo, as chdlyorot etc, is identical with the same affix in the pronominal 
adjectives, and is to be connected with the Sanskrit diminutive affix r, which 
in Pr&krit was often added to nouns and adjectives with no intention of a 
diminutive sense. Similarly Sindhi adds to these participles fo or lo, and 
Marafhi, Id, all of which affixes have the same origin. 

b. The peculiar Gar^w&U participle in e. may be explained by the substitu« 
tion of a for t as a union- vowel, and the insertion of a enphonic y, instead of 
fandhi as in the other dialects; thus: — cheddOf chcdayo, chcdaya, chale.\\ 

(2) It has been common to regard the I of the perf. part, in some eastern 
Hindi dialects, as having arisen from the { of the Sanskrit participle, through 
d and r. But inasmuch as the change supposed, of r to Z, is the exact reverse 
of that which these dialects constantly exhibit in other words, it is highly im- 
probable that the law should have been uniformly reversed in the participle 
only. Nor has it yet been proved that the use of this form in Z, (which is found 
also in the Pr4krit dialects coexistent with those in d and rj historically 
followed the use of the other forms. I am therefore inclined to believe, that 
in this participle in 2, as also in the labial future of these same dialects, to be 
hereafter noticed, we have a form as ancient as the Sanskrit participle in if 
and having no connexion with it. 

♦Fii. S71, (1). fVidilS. tyi^.Frdk.Prahd$.Yll,Z2. B Fid. §§77,6,155. 


(3) The irregular perf. part, of Borae verbs, ending in no, nd, eta, ia to be 
connected with the Sfc perf. pass. part, in no. Many vepbs which in Sanskrit 
formed this participle with to, in Prakrit preferred the aflBx no. Thus, e.^., 
we have in PHLkrit, dinna, for Sk. datta, whence H. d£nd, etc., for dwyd, 

457. The Oonjunctive participle, in most of its forms at least, must, I ihiiik, 
be connected with the Sk. inded. past. act. part, in ya or tpd. 

(1) The termination ya in Pdikrit became ia, whence, eg,, from Sk. chalycLt 
Pr. chalia, Br. etc., chali, and chdl. When the significant termination had thus 
almost or quite vanished, the corresponding participle of the ever convenient 
root krit *to do', viz., kari or Jcar, fSk. hrityoj Pr. haria,) was pressed into service^ 
and appended to the remainder of the old participle; whence, Br. chdliharit 
B. H. chalhar, etc. The other a^x, he or hat, is another form of this same 
participle, and has arisen from Icari, by the elision of r and aandhi of a and i* 
A still further reduction gives us the Oafhw^li a$^, 2^ for A^ as, e.g., in v^drth* 

(2) In the u which is added to the root in Mairwar, to form such con* 
junctive participles as ft^arune, etunj^wne, etc., we probably have the remainder of 
^he other Prakrit afi^x of the past act. part., vi^., tuna or t^no, for the ancient 
Yedio ivdmrn^ Thus, e.g., for the Sk. nvrUvd, the Pr&krit had mcmiuna, 
whence, by the operation of the regular phonetic )aws, maraun, marati, and 
puird, as in Mair. marune-X 

(3) At first sight it might be natural to ei^lain the ne which is added in Mair* 
w&r to this u, and elsewhere, to the root, as identical with the n of this Pr&krit 
fiffiz tuna. But seeing that even in Pr&krit the affix had been worn down to 
fi^io, it is quite unlikely, if not impossible, that this should have been afterward 
increased to 4ne. I would therefore suggest that the aflSx oe should be connected 
with the Prikrit past pass, part., kinna (kii^naka P> for kfiia, from the root kfi^ 
to do'. When the participial affix was nearly or quite abraded, the gen. or loo. 
fJbsolute of this participle appears to have been added to the old form.|| This 
18 perhaps confirmed by the other form of this affix, kane, which is added in 
Mafwdri, to the imperf. part., to give the sense of the conjunctive. Anal(H 
gous is the Bhag. affix, kandi, of this same part., as, e.g., in 9wnkandi^=ll. I{. 
9unke, With the other form of this participle in vydna (§394,6) may be com« 
pared another Pr4krit form in 4dni ; as, e.g., kafn4dn,i, whence, if 4 he elidedt 
and y inserted, we shall have kariydni, kcvrtydna, 

(4) Of the very peculiar Kum&oni form of this participle, in ier, I am not 

able to offer any explanation. 

f ■ ■ I ■ 

^ This is still used in E. Hindi in some phrases, for H. H. karke. Thus, I 

have heard a villager say, kas ke jdh P = H. H. kaiad karke jdoge, Ut,, 'doing 
what will you go P' i.e.. *how will you go P*. 

t Compare the MadL^^i form of this participle in n, as itan^,=S, H. karke^ 
and the Gujar&tf, as, e.g., hoine,==R. H. hoke. 

1 7id, Williftma' Smsk. Grammar, § 555,a. U Of. § IS^ 



458. Of the affixes wdld and hdrd, nsed with the inflected infinitive to form 
the Noun of agency, wdld is the Sk. pdlaka, and hdrd, Sk. dhdraka* This ety- 
mology oiwdld ■aiii.j be illustrated by H. gwdld, for Sk. gopdlaka; and that of 
hdrd, by an intermediate form in the 1st line of Chand's poem, dhdranadhdra- 
yam, = M' H. dhdranhdrd. The inflected infinitive in this idiom is therefore 
in fact an objective genitive, under the government of the suffix. 

459. The tensexforms which in Bigh Hindi are used as a Contingent future, 
(and in old Hindi, also as abs. fut. and pres.,) have all arisen from Prakrit modifi- 
cations of the Sk. present. It is to be noted that Prakrit often substituted for 
the Sk. terminations, in the Ist sing, and plur., the full forms of the substan- 
tive verb, viM., Sing.» am^i,=Sk. asmi, and Plur., amho, amha,=Sk, smah. On 
the strength of this analogy, I assume a Prdk. 3rd sing, in atthi, = Sk. asti. 
This will explain, as the regular Pr4k. form in di does not, the Hindi 3rd pres. 
in hi. Similarly I would postulate for the termination of the 3rd plur., a Pra- 
krit form, ahanti for asanti (Sk. scmti), of the substantive verb, as the original 
of the old Hindi form in %/&. The following table, with the appended notes, 
wHl enable the student to work out most of the Hindi forms. 



HiNDf ?0EM8. 





1. chaldmi. 

2. chalan. 

3. chalaM, 

1. chaldmah, 

2. chalatha, 

3. chalanti. 



< (chalatthi)? 
C (chakuati)? 


( chaladham. 
\ chaXaha. 


chaldun, chala/uu, chdluu, etc. 

f cha1<isif chalahi, cJuddi, 
\ chalai, chale. 

{chcdahi, chalm, 
chcdai, chale. 

(chaldn* ehalaun, 
chalahin, chalain, chalen, chaUB- 
{chalahu, chalau, chalo. 

{chalahiBf chaldiu*chalaiUfClialeo^ 
chalai, chaUut etc. 

Bern. 1. In all the above forms the Prakrit optionally substituted e for a after 
the root, whence the frequent appearance of e before the terminations in Old 
Hindi. This may give a clue also to the explanation of other Hindi forms. 

Rem. 2. According to Vararuchi, (Prdk. Prak. VII, 20,^ Prakrit sometimes 
substituted jf;a and jjd for the proper aflixes of the present and definite future. 
Hence have arisen the common Hindi pres. and fut. forms in aya and iya, as 
fnairiya, maray<x=maHd hai, etc. The forms in yai and ye, are explained by 
Prdk. Prak. VII, 21, which states that jf;a or jj;4 was also inserted before the 
terminations of the present, future and imperative. 

460. (1) The various inflected forms of the Absolute future, with « or ft as 
the typical letter, are all, I think, to be connected, not with the 1st fut, as has 

• Or possibly idra (or hdroka t). So Dr. IVumpp, Sindhi Gram., §10, (33). 



been suggested, bnt rather with the 2nd fat. of the Sk. verb. Space will 
not allow as to work out all details, bat the following tables will suffice. 

Sanskrit. FkJljlrit. Hind£ forms. 






1. chalishydmi. 

2. chcdishyasL 

3. chalishycUL 

1. chcdishydinah, 

2. chali-fihycUha. 

3. chalishyanti. 

C chaltssdmt. 
i chaUssam. 


( chaUesdmo, etc. 
(. chalihieadvio,* etc. 


fchdlasyu^f chdlasun^ etc. 
chdlaMu^ chcdihatif^, etc. 
(chdlisi, chdlalii. 
Xchalihasif chaHhahi, chcUihai, 

{chdlasi, chdlahi. 
ckaXikahit chaUhai. 

( chdlasydn, chdlaMw. 
XchaliJuihii^, chaUhaij^, 
(ehdlasyOt chdlaho. 
Xchalihahu, chalihau. 
( chdlasit chMahi. 
\ chalihahin, chalihati^. 

(2) Neither Sanskrit nor Pr4krit literature gives any forms which coald b© 
the original of the various Hindi inflected future forms in h (v). But all the 
analogies of the Aryan languages lead us to believe, that just as Sanskrit, like 
Greek, formed a future by the aid of the substantive verb as, so the eastern 
Hindi dialects, with the Bang&li, and, beyond doubt, a Pr4krit tongue, which 
for some reason has not been preserved in literature, formed their future, like 
the Latin, by the aid of the other substantive verb, hhu. Compare, e.g., the 
E. Hindi forms, jdb Bsidjdvaim, 'I shall go', with the Latin ibo. 

(3) In many parts of India, where, for some reason, the Sanskrit future failed 
to maintain itself, when the old present, which usurped its place, by reason of 
its great diversity of use, had become quite indefinite in meaning, the people 
constructed a new future, by adding to the various forms of the present, one 
of two new terminations. These terminations now exists the one as gau, go^ 
or gd, the other as lo, Id, or lyo. Of these, the former is probably the past 
pass. part, of the 8k. gam, 'to go', for gatah, Pr. ga^o. Lo may be connected 
with the Sk. past. pass, part., lagUah, Pr. laggiao, of the root lag. 

a. In illustration of this use of a verb of motion to form a future, compare 
with the above the English idiom, I am going to say*, which is nearly equiva« 
lent to the future, *I shall say*. 

461. In the Imperative the forms in hi and «, are originally real futures, 
nsed, after the analogy of the Sanskrit, for the imperative. The 2nd sing, in 
Bu. appears to stand for the Sk. 2nd sing. imp. Atm. in sva. The common 2nd 
plur. imper. in o, Br. au, has arisen from the older Hindi termination, Au, 
which we may, with Prof Lassen, connect with the Sk. 2nd plur. imper. 
Atm. in dhvam ; so that, e.g., the order of derivation would be, chaladhoam^ 

• The Pr&krit sometimes, as here, reduplicated the fut. termination through" 
out Hence, possibly, come the longer inflected forms in the B4«^y<^^' 



ehalahunf chalahu, chalat^ chcdo. Or it may be connected like the 2nd plur., 
pres. with the Prdkrit termination d/mm The 3rd sing, forms in e, ai, 
etc., as also the 1st and 3rd plur. in eff, etc., have, I suspect, arisen from a 
Prakritic confusion of the imperative terminations with those of the present. 
The following table will illustrate the derivation of this tense. 









1. chaldni, 

2. chcdo, 

3. chdkUiL 

1. chaldtyia. 

2. cJialcUa. 

3. chalantu. 


( chcdcLSUt chaldhi. 

chaladiit chcUau. 

chaldmo, etc. 

chalaha, chdla' 

chcdav/B* ehaluQ, 

Ichalaau, chalahM, 
cludut chala, chdle, etc. 

chalu^ cluile, etc. 

ehcdeut etc 

{chalaku, chalau, 

ckaleBt etc. 

462. The Bespeotful forms of the Imperative are to be explained by the 
above-mentioned Prakrit custom of inserting jja before the verbal termina- 
tions.* The following comparisons will illustrate the derivation : — Prak. 2nd 
plur. imp. (alternative form), chaldjjadham for chalijjidham), Old H. cliaUyaliUt 
Mdf. etc., dtalijyo or chcdjo, H.H. chaliyo. Or again, 2nd plur. Prak. chalU 
jjdha^ (chalijjaa), Br. chalijjai or chalije, Cfor chalijjaya), H. H. clwXiye, 

463. (1) As the remaining tenses in most of the dialects are formed by 
means of the auxiliary substantive verb, we may here briefly indicate the origin 
of the forms of this verb. Those forms of the present which contain h, are 
to be connected with the Sk. asmi^ Prak. amhi, etc. The forms in eM, as, e.g.^ 
M. chhauif^, chhai, etc, are to be connected with the root achchh, which was 
substituted in Saurasenic Prakrit for Sk. cts, 'to be'.f This root was conjugat- 
ed like all Prakrit verbs; thus. Sing., 1, aeJichhdmh 2, 3, achchhdi, 3rd plur. 
achchhaiUi, etc. It is of course possible that some or all of the /i-forms may 
have been derived from those in ehha, but the former theory seems the more 
probable It is noticeable that Yararuchi (III, 1,) omits chh from the list of 
aspirates changeable to A. 

(*2) Of the various forms of the past tense, thd, the Br. tho stands, probably, 
for the Sk. sthiiah, from the root sthd^ 'to stand', which in Sanskrit was already 

• On this topic, Lassen's remark is worthy of note. He says, — **C<mjicio ... 
arctius Umitatam fuisse regtdam ah aliia, eirelatum ease mcreinentum poiimmum 
ad formas, quae poterUudi et precatwo Sanscr. respondeanV* Inst. Li/ng. Prac,, 
§ 124. t Vid. Var. Frdk. Frak. XII. 19, 20 j Lass. List. Ung, Frao. p. 346. 


used in the sense of simple existence. The intermediate GhifhwdU form, (Jm* 
yo,* seems to prove that thd cannot have arisen, aa Mr. Beames has snggested, 
from the Sk. hhulah. With this latter, however, I would certainly connect the 
other Braj form, huto^ and the K. haio. The Knm4oni chhiyo is, of course, the 
past participle of the Prakrit root, aehchka, (for cuhchJUo or achcJthiaoj.'f The 
verb hondt in all its variations, is derived from the Sk. hhu. 

464. The formation of the Mafwdri Present, by adding the present of the 
substantive verb to a form which, as has been above shewn, was itself a true pre- 
sent, is to be explained by the ambiguity which had come to attach to that tense. 
As it was often used as a cont. fut., and therefore did not, per se, any longer 
denote present time, Marwirl solved the difficulty by adding again, as of old, 
but in a modern form, the present of the substantive verb. Most other dia- 
lects met the case by dropping the old present as such, and forming a new 
present with the imperfect participle. 

465. The limits assigned to this section preclude more than a mere refer- 
ence to most of the remaining verbal forms. 

(1) The perf. in eu, common in the Bdmdyan, is to be referred to the Sk. 
past act. part, in tavcUt nom. masc. sing., tavdn, Pr. a/varUo. Thus the Sk. ckcdU' 
vdn, became in Pr&krit, chaliavanto, chaliau, H. chaleu. 

(2) Both the act. and pass. Sk. past participles, were used as perfect tenses 
in conjunction with the substantive verb, as. From this combination have 
ari;jen many of the inflected forms of these tenses ; as, e.g., Br. chaleuut *I have 
walked', for Sk. chalUvdnaami, An analogous origin is to be sought for the 
various terminations which are affixed to the imperfect participle, in the Bd' 
mdyan to form a past contingent, and in Qafhwdli to form a present tense. 

466. (1) The Sk. causal affix, aya^ became in Prikrit, e. This e was some- 
times added directly to the root, but very commonly, p, which in Sanskrit was 
added only to certain roots ending in vowels, in Prakrit was added, with d pre- 
fixed, to many other roots before the causal termination. This|>, again, was 
early changed to 5 or v, so that, e.^., for the Sk. causal base, hdraya, from Art, 
Prakrit exhibits not only hdre but kardve Cfor kardpe)^ whence, in succession* 
the causal bases, Br. kardva, G. ha/ratx^ H. H. Iccurd, The o, which occurs in 
two or three H. H. verbs, as, e.g.t bkigond, is a contraction of dva. 

a. A few Sk. causals, as, e.g., pd, *to preserve*, inserted a euphonic I, instead 
of p, before the causal affix, making pdlaya (whence H. pdlnd). This is the 
original of the I (m many dialects, r) which is found in many Hindi causals, 
as, e.g., pUdnd, bifhldnd, etc. 

(2) The regular form of the Sanskrit causal in aya, Prakrit, e, is preserved 
in Hindi in many causals of the 2nd form ( § 341, 2), where the causal affix, 

* This verb, ihavuB, though defective in Hindi, is conjugated in full in 
Gujarat!. Vid. ShApurji Edayi's Grammar, pp, 72—81. f Var. Prdk Pro* 
Jcde., XIL 19, 20. 


<iya (e), having disappeared, Hindi retains only the ancient lengthening or ^• 
noting of the radical syllahle. Thus, e.g.^ fh)m the Sk. neuter base, Bphci4, to 
bnrst', (represented by H. phafnd,) comes the causal base, Bphdfcbya, fPr. 
phtUfe ?) whence H. phdrnd, 

467. The Pr4krit commonly formed the stem of the passive by adding ijja 
to the root instead of the Sk. pass, affix, ya, fVar. Prdh. Prak. VII. 8, 9.) 
From this Prakrit formation has arisen the modern Man^dri passive in (jano, 
as, e.g., karijano, *to be done*. Similarly are to be explained the pres. pass, 
participles in yaia found in the Bdmdyan, (§345, aj and certain passive forma 
in iye, as, Bwrdhiye, 'it is praised*, for Sk. ehldghyate, etc. In all these, ijja has 
been softened to iya. 

a. Sometimes Prakrit assimilated the y of the Sk. pass, affix to the final 
consonant of the root, as, eg,, in diseai, for Sk. drisyate. fVar. Prdk. Prak.f 
VIII, 57, 58,) From this form of the passive are derived many Hindi verbs 
of a passive sense, as, e.g,, aiochnd, *to be watered', which is for sichehomd, and 
is properly a passive derived from the Sanskrit root sick (sihch), of which the 
passive base is sichya, Pr. eiehcha. 

Of Derivative and Compound Woeds. 

I- Of Derivatives. 

468. The general principles of the derivation of words in Hindi 
have been already treated in Chapter HI. ; where also we have noted 
the forms under which pure Sanskrit words appear in Hindi. It will 
be our object, in this section, to indicate the most common affixes by 
which Tadbba^ words of various classes are formed either from ori« 
ginal roots or from secondary formations. 

469. The following are the most common forms of Abstracfiiovins : — 
(1) The roots of very many verbs are used as abstract nouns ; as, 

^ITT, (vb. unm,) *a beating'; dr^, (vb. di^RT,) ^speech'. A short 
vowel in the verb is often lengthened or gunated in these nouns ; as, 
e.g.^ W^, (vb. IFWT,) *walk', 'behavior'; ^, (vb. ftreRT,) 'harmony ^ 

«. Here we must also place many words ending in HTfil (W^, WU, 
or 1IT%) ; as, 9in9, 'salvation'; STflTSI, 'adornment', etc. 

Rem, 1. In many such words the final 8| is identical with the Q| (Sk. ^) which 

is the characteristic of the causal afi&x. Although this 8| has disappeared from 



the High Hindi cansals, it is retained in almost all the dialects ; so that- the 
original Hindi form of the causal root, e.g., of Qin«n, was not VRn, hat 9^n9. 
Hence appears the propriety of placing such words as the above under thia 
class. It should be remarked, however, that roany words with this final labial 
express the abstract idea, not of the causal, but of its primitive. Such nouns 
will be explained below (3j. 

Bern. 2. It must not be supposed that nouns of this class are derived from 
the infinitives with which they are connected. Both the infinitive and the 
noun are collateral formations from one primitive root. 

(2) % (for Sk. ^, forming neuters in 4,) is added to verbal roots 
to form abstract nouns ; as, fRR, (vb. IFWT,) *walk'; iTOI, (vb. HT«IT,) 

a. Or mt may be added ; as, ^R5m, (vb. ^BRWrr,) 'rising'; 9irm, (vb. 
^IHIT,) 'fastening'. 

(3) unr, (Sk. Wl or WW,*) is added to primitive verbal roots to 
form abstract nouns ; as, iRp^, (vb. fl^^n,) 'an ascent'. V, 9, or %if 
is sometimes written for the final ^. 

a. liri is sometimes added instead of ^ffT?, giving the same sense ; 

(4) A large olass of abstract nouns is formed with the affixes 9?l, 
US, l?l, and IS. These are often added to causal roots ; as, from 
««nin, 'to make', srris, 'a fabrication', also V'ira?! ; from Q^iniT, 'to 
call', ^j^nws, 'oalling': and also to adjectives ; as, from 9ifW, Wfeilld, 
•bitterness'; from nwiT, re^RfTlS, 'greasiness'. 

a. Here also properly oome a number of nouns in 4H^ or 4h^ 
(for W^wt or WCist); as, «h^lHl or <4i9ldl, 'a touchstone'; ^tid), 'deli- 
verance'; which come respectively from eii^MI, 9YRT. 

Bern. All these formations are to be connected, like the foregoing, with the 
Sk. afiSz, dtu or att^ The labial which appears in many of iAtese words really 
belongs, not to the termination, but to the causal base : h has apparently been 
inserted merely for euphony. 

(5) Very common is the affix 4j, (Sk. d,) forming abstract nouns 
from other nouns and adjectives. Thus, from ^ftin, 'high', ^tfHr, 
•height'; OT, 'bad', WT*, 'badness'; itwn, 'a ball', tNtt^, 'roundness'; 
fifiin, *a boy', ^fSRT^, 'boyhood'. 

a. When added to causal roots, 4j (for iRw,) forms nouns denoting 
the price paid for the work denoted by the verb ; as, from ^^fPIT, 'to 

* Sindhi preserves the consonant, hardening t, however, to ^ 


cause to wash', ^^Hi, *the price paid for washing'; ^?nT»fT, *to carry 
over', ^?ITr|, 'ferriage'; ^^li, *prioe of carriage', etc. 

(6) Other abstract nouns are formed by adding to adjectives and 
verbal roots the affix wi ; as, from H^, ^P|n^, 'cleverness'; from 
77RT, Tirri, 'cheating'. 

(7) Many Sanskrit fern, abstract nouns are formed with the affix 
in (sometimes |i|); as, ?mi, 'the mind'; «%, (^+1?!,) 'intelligence'; 
im^, 'languor'. 

a. In Hindi Tadbhava nouns also, this suffix is added to verbal 
roots ; but ^ is either dropped or lengthened. Thus, ^^miRf , 'price', (vb. 
^TPIT, the radical a being lengthened) ; 9^n^, (for ll6ifl«hl, VsfNOT ?) 
'increase', (vb. arSfT); TO?ft, 'rise, (in price',) (vb. H^^.) 

(8) Tatsama masc. abstracts are formed from nouns and adjectives, 
by the affix ?«l ; as, from 4|i35i?, 'Cfod', ^HBRfei, 'divinity'; ^, 'heavy', 
'venerable', IT^?CI, 'dignity'. 

a. This affix, through different Prakritic modifications, has become 
in Tadbhava words, H, HT, XR or irt ; as, from TOT, 'old', ^OTIT or 
TOnni, 'old age'; ^if^, 'a child', ^rnnPI or, more rarely, ¥lf<KU^I, 
'childhood'. H is very rare ; examples are, ^in«ra, 'maturity'; TOnt, 
'senility'. IR^ also, very rarely occurs; as, ^^g^V^, 'wantonness'. 

(9) A few abstracts are formed with m ; as, <i^5SR, 'coolness'. 

(10) Many Sanskrit fem. abstracts are formed from adjectives with 
the affix m ; as, from m^, IRPIT, 'courtesy'; from vmm, V^HTIT, 'man- 
hood'. Others are formed from roots with in, and, rarely, ilT ; as, 
VBVT) 'desire'; ^JVT, 'thirst'. 

a. For fIT, flHt is often substituted ; as, ^^^Hli, for ^^flT^flT, 'beauty'. 

(11) Masc. abstract nouns are formed from Sanskrit roots or nomi- 
nal bases, by adding W^ (Sk. inw) ; as, fnTHTT, 'lightness'; iTTlin, 

a. In Hindi, this termination has become ^ ; as, e.g.^ in 4tfrt, 
'height'; *rt, length'. 

(12) Other Sanskrit abstracts (neut.) occur in Hindi, formed from 
nominal bases with the suffix Q ; as, e.g., THQ, 'kingdom'; ^QT?^, 'lord« 
ship'. But Hindi very commonly drops this H; as, e.g,y in TT5I. 

470. The following terminations are used to form nouns denoting 
Agency or Occupation. 

(1) mm (Sk. HT^m), as thus used with inflected infinitives, has 


already been noticed. It is also added to nouns to denote ^occupation'; 
as, TWn^, 'a milkman'; and to verbal roots, as, TUVre, 'a guard'. 

a. But some words terminating in QTW, have come directly from an 
old Sanskrit compound, as, e,g.^ nrar, 'a cowherd', Sk. JilUlWI. Dia- 
lectic variations of this affix are cn^, cnr, etc. 

(2) 9TTT or fiT, as used with verbs to form nouns of agency, has also 
been already noticed. It is occasionally used with nouns ; as in Wi- 
WTTT, 'a water-carrier'. The penult is sometimes shortened; as, iniwn. 

(3) ^IRT, (Sk. JFTOF,) and WT or ^ (Sk. wn,) are added to nouns to 
denote 'occupation'; as, from %9IT, ^lilT^, (Sk. ^l4eikK,) 'a goldsmith'; 
from m^m, wwnrrr, *a trader (in grain)'; 51IK, (Sk. fWRR,) *a cook'. 

a. A few nouns of agency end in xt or Wtt, (Sk. wft^); as, ^pirat 
(Sk. jrarniilft^,) *a worshipper'. 

b. Other nouns of agency are formed with ^ and ^ra ; as, H^t 
for 9WTt ; ^1^, *a robber', etc. 

Ram, The explanation of these variations is perhaps to be found in the Pr4k. 
root q^, for Sk. n. ^ would then stand for Pr. j^H^i, and 711 for Pr. it?m . 

(4) Sanskrit nouns of agency were also formed from roots with 
the affix HQR. These are common in Hindi, as, jraHR, 'a worshipper'; 
T^RR, *a protector'. 

a. HQR is often corrupted to ^, whence Hindi nouns of agency in 
m ; as, ^irr, (for *W5,) *a parcher'. 

b. In Prdkrit, this wm often became ^VW, whence the Hindi affix 
Vn, denoting 'agency '; as, from ^^WT, *to behold', ^Sffiwi, *a beholder'; 
from HTV^, 'a sheep', ir^nilT, 'a shepherd'. This YHT, again, became 
4t, whence many Hindi nouns in ^, denoting 'occupation'; as, €,g.y 
%^smkt 'a confectioner'; «is4t, 'a carpenter'. 

c. wm also became ^^, whence, again, nouns of agency in 9in orWT; 
as, ^Pf^^y 'a fisherman'. And 9in became ^, whence, finally, other nouns 
of agency in ^ ; as, d^, 'a sitter'; m^, 'a great eater', 'a glutton'. 

d. dilT, (also cnYHT and omr,) also forms nouns of agency from 
verbal roots ; as, T^ldm, ^a keeper'; ^ndnT, 'a beater'. A long vowel 
is shortened before the affix ; as, ilfldin, 'a taker', from ^Im ; ndnT, 
'a singer', from nmi. 

(5) A few nouns of agency are formed with it (for ?n P); as, ^RCllfT, 
from mamn, 'a shepherd'. This is also added to nouns ; as, «4ii<ifi» 
*a follower of Kabir\ 


(6) Two or three nouns of agency are formed from verbal roots 
with m ; as, $8IT, *a giver'; ^tm^ 'a taker*. 

Rem. This is possibly an oblique form of the infinitive in ^ so that 
^CIT, ^i^ff, =^ w, ^ w. 

(7) A few nouns of agency are formed with wm (Sk. wm); as, 
dn^, *a swimmer'. 

(8) Very common are Sanskrit nouns of agency or relationship in 
m ; as, JFtIt, *a doer', ITOT, *a giver'; fror, *a father'. 

(9) Many Sanskrit nouns of agency are formed with the affix ^R 
(919). In E!indi, these are chiefly found in poetry, as the last mem- 
ber of compounds ; as, WR, *a sleeper'; ^^onTf, *a remover of sorrow'. 

(10) Finally, Sanskrit formed nouns of agency with «, after gun of 
the root. These are found in Hindi, but only as the last member of 
compounds ; as, fix)m the root ^, HT,= HT^cimT, *a supporter', in 
UT^t^Rl, *a mountain', lit,, *an earth-supporter'. 

471. Nouns denoting the Instrument are formed from verbal roots 

(1) With ^, m, or ^y (Sk. m^, Pr. ^TOR, ^rf^W?); as, from ShlRT, 
•to blow', dtaR^, *a bellows'; Swir, *to roll out', d^R or d^wr, *a 
rolling-pin'. Compare with this the postposition % used with nouns. 

(2) Some nouns with an instrumental sense are formed by the 
affix mr (Sk. 9WI ?); as, €hCT, *a fence', from ifimy *to surround'. 

472. (1) Possessive nouns are most commonly formed from other 
nouns with the affixes cirar or flTT ; as, e.g.^ ^\H^\^\y 'one having 
teeth'; ^U^eiKAl, 'a draper'. QT^ may be thus added to a series of 
words, all of which must then be inflected ; as, dl# Yf# x^ 91^, ^horses 
having collars and girths', t.^., 'harnessed'. 

a. Here may be noted a large class of Persian nouns, formed with 
the suffix ^TT (2nd root otj^^^f to have',); as, «4^H^K, *a landhold- 
er'; W«n^lT, 'ventilated', lit.y 'possessed of air'. 

(2) The termination ura or ^wrai, (Sk. ura, Pr. ^n^m,) is added 
to a few nouns to form possessives ; as, ^ifsur^, 'one having a stick'; 
mnnT, 'a mixture of other grain with barley {itt). 

Bern. But in a few words expressive of place, wm stands for the Sk. 
m^R ; as, ^fTT^y 'father-in-law's house'. So also, perhaps^ B%iira, 
'a gong', from Vl^, ^a division of time'. 

473. Diminutives are most commonly formed in Sanskrit (1) with 
the affix fRi. This termination is similarly used in Hindi ; thus^ 


from ilW, ^NnR, *a small drum': or m (fern.) is added ; as in M^^l, 
*a small animal', from xm ; or W5T, as in WsS^sm, *a toy-oart', from 
ir^R^ ; or ^, as in d«l<£), 'a small drum'. 

a. ^ being elided from such diminutives, H was often inserted, 
whence a large class of Hindi diminutives (fem.) in f^ ; as, from 
T^ssfly *a box', W^rUT, *a little box', 'a casket'; from ^T^, *a boil', 
^T^nn, *a small sore', 'a pimple'. These diminutives often express 
'affection'; as, dr^TIT, kittle daughter', from dst. 

b. T^y again, very often became ^ ; whence a large number of 
diminutives ending in ^, as, cg.y ITTV^, 'a carriage'; ^Khi), 'a small 
basket', etc., etc. 

c. In the east, especially, 9i being elided, Ql was inserted instead of 
H, whence another class of diminutives in en; as, ^.^., from y, ^raiT, *a 
hamlet'; €hfm, *a small horse', often used by way of depreciation. 81 is 
often softened to ^, whence diminutives in ^W; as, d^^, 'a little son\ 

(2) Sanskrit also formed diminutives in K, whence have come fa) 
Hindi diminutives in Tt; as, iflfR^, *a butterfly'; and fbj in V^; as, 
Fd^hfl, ^a wafer'; H^ITf^, ^a small bedstead'; and, still more common, 
(cj others in W and ^ ; as, RihhI and Id^li^, for f?l?w and Id^f^ ; 
ddl^l, *a little bell', from ^ter. For ^ (K) ^ra and ^^ seem to have 
been added; as, e.g.y in 4M£i<dl, *a small bed'; ^HT, ^a peachick', etc. 

(3) A very few diminutives are formed with m ; as, from gw, *a 
goblin', WRT, 'a sprite'; from ^d^l, *a large earthen jar', i4d4kW|L 

474. ^, and also TT, if\ and ^, (8k. T), with their fem. forms, «ft, 
Tt, ii and ^ are often added to nouns to form derivatives expressive 
of various relations difficult to classify. Sometimes the consonant of 
the affix is preceded by ^ or ^, which is combined with the final vowel 
of the primitive according to the rules of sandhi. Examples are, from 
*rg^, *earth', ^d^l, *an earthen jar', dim. 44d^; from ^m, *hand', 
%i[m, *a pilferer'; 1^^, *the palm of the hand', Y^nn, *a hammer', 
dim. rt w ; wnit, *a handle'; W^ft^, 'a plough-handle'. 

a. w and ^, (for ^PSR, VR,) are similarly added ; as, again, from ITW, 
?OT, 'a handle', ^^, *a horse-brush'. 

475. Nouns expressing Nativity or Relationship are formed from 
other nouns with the affix ^ (Sk. ^, ipv). Examples are, HlfOllfi, 
*A native of MiirwAr^; qsAf^, 'a follower of Kabir\ 

476. Hindi Adjectives are derived as follows : — 


(1) Many adjectives were formed in Sanskrit with the aflSxes WF, 
u or im. Before these affixes, medial a or a final radical vowel was 

vriddhied^ and any other vowel changed to its gun. Examples are ; — 
4llillU«h, 'worldly*, from ^§^TT, *the world'; HIU4h, 'inflammatory', from 
fni, *heat'. 

a. In Prakrit, ofi was dropped from these forms, whence, n being in- 
serted, Hindi adjectives in VIT ; as, |rBspiT, *milky', from 5T3r. But more 
commonly sandhi took place ; whence, from ^im came the Hindi adj. 
termination, Wl\ as, from ^, 'dirt', ft^n, *dirty'; from ^^, for ^, 
dr^, 'fat', etc. Similarly, from ^VW has often come the termination 4t ; 
thus, from WT, *a burden', WTTt, 'heavy'; ^5«l, 'wool', ^5^, 'woolly'. ^« 
also became ^, as in a few modem adjectives, e.g,^ ^n^, 'sloping'. 

(2) Many Sanskrit adjectives were formed with the terminations 
W, mg, 1P5I, ^rei ; T, Wt, XK, HT. All of these, perhaps, have been 
preserved in Hindi. Examples are ; — from W^, ^niH. 'milky'; from 
^fUT, T'ira or TTrg, 'merciful'; from Tin, T^s?^ or T*^, 'toothed'; 
from dw, dl^, 'loaded'; from WW, *work', ehAil, 'industrious'; 
from i>nF, ^nft^, 'pointed'; from T^, 'juice', wNff, 'juicy'. Adjectives 
in T (^) are less common, but examples occur ; as, ^^dr, 'cruel', from 
^, *a bite'; ^ilr, 'milky', from TU. And through the change of ^ 
to ^ come a very few adjectives in ¥; as, ^^rv, 'merry', (IW+HT,) 
from the root of ♦ott, 'to laugh'. 

(3) A few adjectives or nouns occur, which are formed with the 
Sanskrit suffix ^n ; as, ^ilfl, (^+^fl,) from ^, 'seditious'; «l^f!, /tV., 
^having a spear', 'a spearman', from 9^. 

(4) The following suffixes are also occasionally used to form ad- 
jectives ; r/s., 4t (added as initial) ; as, ^Tfi, 'turbulent'; ^^ ; as, 
vri^m, *oorpulent': and IT ; as, ikm, 'tremulous'. 

(5) ManyTatsama adjectives denoting .'possession', are formed 
with ^ (Sk. ^); as, H^, 'wealthy', (Sk. ul«l^.) from ^R, 'wealth'; and 
also with cnn or wm (Sk. OT); as, from Wf, U'rani; 'wealthy'; from 
mm^ wmam^ 'strong'; from ^m, |niTCRf, 'merciful', etc. 

(6) Many Sanskrit participles, especially those in 71 and mn (TR), 
are used as adjectives in Hindi ; as, e.g.^ cirfisRl, 'angry', (from Wfai) ; 
dlHHlllil, 'beautiful', (from ]^) . 

(7) The Sanskrit affix 9lil,=EngI.— 'ful'; is also often added in Hin- 
di to Tateama nouns ; as, xmm^ 'merciful'; HlonmHi 'fiery'. 


(8) Very rarely Tatsama adjectives are found in Hindi, formed with 
the Sk. affix OT, expressing 'similitude'; as, leiTufllfl, *like the moon'. 

(9) A very few adjectives occur, formed with the Sk. desiderative 
affix, ^; the chief example is fqurer, 'thirsty', for 8k. TimT^:, perf. 
pass, desider. part, from the root HT, *to drink\ 

477. A very large number of Onomatopoetic words occur in Hindi, 
whose derivation is to be traced to an attempt to imitate or suggest 
a sound or action by the voice. These often have a reduplicated 
form. Such, e,g.^ are ^TS^IS, *a knocking'; ilRVfi^f, <a jingling'; WZPRT 
*a rattle'; lift«liii^, *a tinkling girdle'; ^H^ill^i, *to whistle', etc., etc. 

II. Of Compotmd words. 

478. Hindi admits of the greatest freedom in the use of compound 
words, the length and complexity of which form a distinguishing fea- 
ture of Hindi as compared with Urdu. Urdu, indeed from the side 
of the Arabic, does not admit of composition of words, and even in its 
Persian element it cannot compare in this respect with Hindi. 

a. Long and complex compounds are for the most part confined to poetry ; 
but short compounds are freely admissible in prose and in conversation. Many 
idioms, moreover, which cannot be strictly termed compound words, can only 
be explicated on the principles which regulate the formation of compounds. 
Thorough familiarity with these principles is absolutely essential to the under- 
standing of Hindi poetry. The constant omission of the postpositions, which 
otherwise seems quite arbitrary, upon these principles commonly admits of a 
simple explanation, and the relations of such groups of words are at once 
easily determined. 

479. The various compounds admissible in Hindi, are the same as 
those which we meet in Sanskrit, and therefore may be classified in 
the same manner. And we cannot do better in treating this subject, 
than adopt, for the most part, the classification of Prof. Williams, 
as given in his Sanskrit Grammar, which will be found much more 
clear and easy of comprehension than that of the Indian grammarians. 
We have then five general classes of Compounds ; Ist^ Dependent 
Compounds, in which the relation of the several words is that which 
is expressed by the oases of a noun : 2ndy CopnlativeSy in which the 
relation of the elements is that expressed by a copulative conjunction : 
3re/, DescriptiveSy in which an adjective is united with a substantive : 
4/A, Numerals^ in which the first element is a numeral : 5^A, Adverbials, 
in which the first element is an adverb. 


480. Dependent Compmmds are of six yarieties, oorresponding to 
the six oases of nouns by which dependence is expressed. 

(1) Accuhafivelf/ dependent Compounds are very common ; the se- 
cond member is a verbal root or noun of agency, to which the first 
member stands in the relation of an accusative case. 

The following are examples of Tadbhavas : TflHfigl, liL^ 'oil-licker', 
*a cockroach*; ehdutlf I (5Kl3+^TfT), * wood-borer', *a woodpecker*; 
ffif^^K, 'a fowler'; iWRPWhr, *butter-8tealer' (an epithet o{ Krishna), 
Similar Tatsamas are ; — ^nRTR, 'world-savior'; J|^l|l^l, 'merit-discem- 
er'; Aapwrm, 'life-giver'; MlflWliei«1, 'purifier of the guilty'; 4||Il4hl<i 
*cry for mercy'; ?FhfT, (H9TO+ W, § 51,) 'heart-ravishing'. 

a. In many such compounds, the verbal root consists of a single 
letter or compound letter; as, e.g.^ H, {8k. HT, 'to protect,') in gfH, lit.^ 
*earth-protector', 'a king'; or tr, {8k. ^, *to give',) in ^^17, 'pleasure 
giving'; or H, {8k. in> 'to know',) as in ^sdv^ *all-knowing', etc. 

b. Compounds in which 9m, 'gone', is the last member, belong to 
this class ; but 1!?1 often appears to have lost its specific meaning, 
and implies mere connexion or proximity, without any suggestion of 
motion, as in the following from the Rdmdyan : ^^Ullfl ^ri^, 'water 
in the divine river'; W.flHim TOI, 'a flower lying in the hand'. 

c. The accusative member is occasionally last in the compound ; 
as, 4|ji|i|i|il, 'destroyer of Mayan\ 

(2) Dati^ly dependent Compounds are those in which the first word 
of the two is equivalent to a dative case. These are rare ; a common 
illustration is, H^fllf?!, lit.y 'having come for refuge^ 'a refugee*. 

(3) Instrumentally dependent Compounds are those in which the 
first stands to the second in the relation of the case of the agent. The 
last member of these compounds is always a Sanskrit perf. pass, par- 
ticiple. They are comparatively rare, and are all Tatsamas. Most 
oommon are those in which ^, (perf. pass. part, of 8k. ^, 'to do',) is 
the second member ; these are chiefly used in the titles of books : as, 
gq4^^ l^ygf i ^mnm, 'the Rdmdyan by Tuhi Ddi\ 

(4) Ablatively dependent Compounds are those in which the first 

word is related to the second as an ablative case. Examples are, of 

Tadbhavas; — t^fvmrar, 'banishment'; of Tatsamas ; — ^m^, 'bom 

of ignorance'; TillliSH, 'inlaid with jewels'; ^|%f^, *void of wisdom*; 

*1^^, 'composed of the five («?. elements). 



Bern. It should be observed that many of the functions of the Sanskrit 
instmmental ease are in Hindi assumed by the ablative ; so that many com- 
pounds which in Sanskrit would be classed as instrumenicdly dependent must 
be reckoned dblailvely dependent in Hindi. 

(5) Oenitively dependent Compounds are those in which the relation 
of the first member to the seoond is that of a gmitive case. These 
are exceedingly common, both in poetry and in prose. As in other 
Tadbhava compounds, a long vowel in the first member is commonly 
shortened, and the laws of sandhi are neglected. Examples are, of 
Tadbhava compounds; — ^f^rafw, (^frai + xrt?i,) *a millionaire*, /*/., 
*owner of a lakh'; inra^, (mnt + «l§g^,) *a water-mill'; ^gf^rm, *a 
stable (for horses)'; of Tatsamas; — ^inii^, *Lord of the world'; 
q | 4;iTei<j| , ^water-fowl'; TR^lft, /eY., *a wood-woman*, z.e., *a puppet'; 
:(ni9iirT, 'the story of Rdm\ 

a. wi, in the second pleioe in these compounds, may often be ren- 
dered, *becau8e of*; as, wirS, 'because of fear'; ^fri', ^because of 

£. These compounds are especially common in titles of persons ; as, 
WJinawiA , 'Incarnation of virtue'; ihrtft^m, 'lord of the milk-maids': 
and also in proper names ; as, imfi<H, lity 'feet of Rdm'\ ^Atto, /*^., 
•servant of the goddess': also in the titles of books ; as, finiJNI^ 
*Ocean of love'; ^mfsr^ira, 'sport of Brafy etc., etc. 

c. Under this head come many idiomatic combinations in which a 
numeral is the last member; as, «hl<^lld, lit,^ 'a death-Arror', 'a csrove 
of deaths'; ?fnnw, 'the three penances'; 9iT9f^, «a thousand men*. 
Similarly is cisnm^ to be explained in the compound, iRTim^ ^^ 
*the beauty of countless Kdm Det^s^, 

d. THK 01 TFf (tw) occurs as the last member in many such com- 
pounds, denoting 'eminence* or 'superiority'; as, e.g., wmrTH, 'the 
prince of sages'; ?ikiRni, 'the chief of sacred places'; ^tjg^^ni, 'the 
prince of the seasons', i.e.y 'the Indian autumn*. 

e. In these compounds an adjective occasionally occupies the last 
place ; especially, 8tw (dm), 'worthy*, 'fit'; as, sqnRdnn, 'marriage- 

(6) Locatwefy dependent Compounds are those in which the relation 
of the first word to the second is that of a locatite case : as, 9?nvs« Ut,^ 
*horse-mounted*, 'a horseman'; ^snbvni^, 'dweller in heaven*; 9TTIR7 
WPI, 'immersed in joy*; U^^ni^^ 'bow in hand*. Here we may note 


especially a lai'ge number of compounds in which % 'born^ is the 
second member; as, iTOH, lit^ *the water- bom', 'the lotus'; TJpl, 
*the twice-bom', ue,^ *a Brahman'; also others with fxt ; as, iinra?, 
lif.^ 'night-walker', *a demon'; ISI^W^, 'aquatic animals'; and a few 
with n, 'going'; as, sfHir (HVI:+II}, 'moving in the atmosphere', 'a 

481. Occasionally the first member of Dependent Compounds is in 
the plural ; as, *Wli^fffl, 'love to worshippers'; ^^«l«i^, 'friend of the 

482. Copulative Compounds include all compounds the relation 
between whose members might be expressed by a copulative conjunc- 
tion. Under this general class we may notice, especially^ 

(1) Complementary Copulative Compounds, in which the one mem-* 
ber may be regarded as complementing or supplementing the other. 
These are the most common. Examples are; — HWni, 'parents'; 
^tiq^V^, 'food and drink'; lit., grain- water'; tTRWt, *Rdm and (his) 
younger brother, t.e., Lakshman, lit,^ Rdm- after-bom'. 

a. Words of opposite meaning are often thus coupled ; as, 9iiV^ 
m^, 'loss and gain'; WTlfR (^T+¥IW:), lit.^ 'moveable-immoveable', 
i,e,y 'animate and inanimate'. 

b. Under this head also comes the common colloquial idiom in 
which a word is repeated, either with its initial letter omitted or an- 
other substituted, or with a different medial vowel, to denote indefi- 
nitely the remainder of a class. The repeated word gives a sense 
exactly equivalent to the Sanskrit ^WlfT, or ^et cetera\ Examples 
are; — i'^ ^, 'tents, etc.', i.^., 'tents with all their appurtenances'; #Tf 
#1^, 'horses, etc.', as, e.g., 'mules, donkeys, etc'.; ifera CRTB, 'A:o«, etc'. 

(2) Reciprocal Copnlatice Compounds are those in which two words 
of similar or identical meaning, are grouped together with a recipro' 
cnl force. Often the second word is merely the feminine form of the 
first. Examples are; — JRfT 5iSft, 'altercation'; W^ WS^, 'mutual 
beating'. Sometimes the two members of the compound differ in a 
radical letter only ; as, ^l#re ^itw, 'neighbourhood'; ^inifil 9n^, 
^facing one another'. 

(3) Many other combinations occur which must be reckoned as 
copulative compounds ; but the second word seems to be added mere- 
ly for the jingle, and adds nothing to the first. The same varieties 


of formation ooour in these as have been mentioned under (1) and (2). 
Examples are ; — WIT ^hlT, 'well (and) sound'; ^fUT &^t, 'groping'; 
WIHT WT^, 'whispering'; #ni Wt^f 'search'; fn^ H^m, 'walk', 'beha- 
viour'; V^ HTW, 'inquiry*. 

483. Observe that not only the postpositions, but the substantive 
inflection, is added only to the last member of a copulative compound; 
as, mi n?tt Jir, 'to ghosts and goblins'; 4Pli|i|im4lflIf, 'to Lakshman, 
Bdm and Sitd. Similar is the relation of the first two nouns in the 
following phrase from the Prem Sdgar : 9V ^ UTIV^ ^ ^romi ni^im 
• • • .^ 9n^;%, 'all began, tying turbans and waistbands together, \o 
pull at it'; so also in the Rdmdyan ; iK&flfwhiiTW Wl^, 'he praises 
obstinacy and stupidity'. 

a. In the same way various suffixes, as 9n!lT, vn, etc., are sometimes 
attached to the last of a number of nouns, which are tben to be re- 
garded as forming a copulative compound ; as, QTf ^t^ 'in^JmWf 
W^ orar, 'that three- beaded, nine-footed, six-handed creature'; f^QT- 
TTTnm 9V ysoi HT^, 'regarding the whole world as pervaded by Sitd 
and Rdm^\ «f^fl^^$m44i| f^PFSl crHw liTmr, 'the creator (has) made 
the world to consist (both of j the animate (and) the inanimate, (of) 
virtue (and) of vice'. 

484. Descriptive Compounds are those in which an adjective or a 
word used adjectively, is compounded with a substantive. In these 
the one member of the compound is predicated of the other. Exam- 
ples are ; — ^wnnjH (WIT+^IJW), 'courteous'; «IK«ns^, 'ear-split', 'an 
ascetic with split ears'. Here come all compounds in which ?r^, 
(for m^, 'great',) occupies the first place ; as, Hinna, 'g^reat sin'; 
vifrrni, 'great king'. Other illustrations are ; — ^n^inra, ('having) 
little strength'; firdim. (qr^+few), 'the supreme God'; TreO'dm, 
'the middle world', i>., 'the earth'; VJ^m, 'of much value', 'precious'. 

a. Under this head fall compounds, common in poetry, in which 
9T or JsAy 'excellent', follows a substantive as the second member of 
the compound ; as, ^f^isij, 'noble sage'; ^Ri^, 'excellent woman'. 
The qualifying member also takes the second place in thid^^, 'mind 
defiled', 'unholy'; and regularly in compounds implying comparison ; 
as, lAi^l^W , 'dark as the lotus flower'. 

b. Sometimes an inseparable prefix takes the place of the adjective; 
especially, ^, (also CF, inr, W^ or CRCI,) 'bad'; as in ^'^IPIT^ 'a bad 


dream*; IRt^, *a bad son'; also 5 (Gbeek, eu)^ 'well', 'good'; as in 
^^lll%, *good society'; also 55, (jir, 5^), (Ghreek, oftw), *bad*; as, ^^JhlW, 
'abuse'; ^[^^9 'crime'; ^[^fn, Ht^ 'difficult to cross'. ^ has sometimes 
an intensiye force ; as in ^^f^, 'a great distance'. 

Mem, Regularly, these prefixes can only be joined with Sanskrit 
words ; but in poetry this rule is not always observed. Thus we 
have in the Rdmdyany ^^t99, 'the good master', and even, ^fnf^ Wlkf 
'the noble four brothers'. I have also noted, in poetry, ^F^TR j^i 
(g+^lra^,) 'well-opening'. 

c. A noun may supply the place of the adjective ; as, TTSri^, lit.^ 
'the king-goose', the flamingo'. So explain such idioms as the 
following ; — 4IV|ilM<) «FT ^RTJ^ WM THfT, 'a king of Mathurd named 
Ahuk*\ where wrpi mil is a descriptive compound, in which the 
proper name, ivnpff, takes the place of the adjective. These might 
be termed oppositional compounds. 

d. Similar is the use of ^ift as the second member of compounds ; 
as in 99niT, /w., ^Brahmdy the beginning'; i.«., 'Brahmd and the other 
gods, beginning with Brahmd'; ^[HT^ ITOf, 'nectar and other kinds 
of food'. 

e. Sometimes a Sanskrit and a Persian word meaning the same 
thing are coupled together, as in 9R V^, 'the body'. 

485. Numeral Compounds are those in which the first member is 
a numeral ; as, fir5>nK,*the three worlds'; 999^9, 'thousand- mouthed'; 
fmnm, 'a place where four roads meet'; tHfUTW, 'the five vital airs'; 
Hfcrf, 'a century'. 

486. Adverbial Compounds are those in which the first member is 
an inseparable adverb or preposition ; as, e.<;., compounds with mn : 
as, illllI«irM, 'according to rule'; ndtfR, (HW+^fH), 'as spoken', 'true': 
compounds with ^, abbreviated to 9 ; as, ^^^RT, 'with commentary'; 
mvra, 'with (his) younger brother'; and many others: as, lri?l^^, 'every 
day'; nf^l^, 'a superintendent'. 

a. Here also may be noted compounds with the negative prefix, 
H^ (Ghreek, alp/ia privative). In pure Sanskrit words, ^ becomes H 
before consonants, but in Hindi words of modem formation, m^ is 
used before both vowels and consonants. Examples are, of Sanskrit 
words; — m^m (m^+WW,) 'without end'; ^ifim, (H^+fim,) 'unlovable'; 
IRhl, HL, 'not-God', t.^., 'created existence'; ll^H, (^R+^, Sk. fut. 


pass, part..) 'not to be given'. Modem Hindi compounds are; — ^^RWI, 
(<iR+^nf,) 'unknown'; ihhIiiw, 'uncounted'; WWrer, *ill-fortune'; 
%R^^, lit.y 'not so', 'other-like'. It is even compounded with a perf. 
part. ; as in ^RWi^, in the following : mniH ^ WTOiRf ftwn, 'the 
king awaked ere it was morning'; lit^ 'morning not having been'. 
(Ram. B.) 

b. Under this head also include HT^IR, 'mutual', from HT, 'other', 
reduplicated with a euphonic ^. 

487. Many of the above compounds are adjectives, and yield no 
complete sense in themselves. Many others, although substantives, 
may also be used in an adjective sense ; in which case the adjective ter- 
mination'^, is often added ; as, ijn^^, 'gazelle-eyed'; nmd^, 'having 
a voice like the cuckoo'. But this^ is often omitted, and the com* 
pound is need in its original form ; as, ilVIW^, 'cloud-colored'; HT^OT, 
'having the form of a man'. 

Bern. These compoonds used thus adjectively are constantly met with in 
poetry, as the predicates of an implied relative clause ; of which the copula* 
usually, and almost always the relative also, is unexpressed. Examples of 
this construction will be found on almost every page of the Rdmdyan, 

a. The word ^Q, 'form', at the end of compounds, often has tho 
sense of 'of, 'consisting of; as, fllfMUi ^llli, 'sea of error'. But some- 
times it may be rendered literally ; as, Hi^M^li, 'JSTare in the form 
of man'. 

488. Anomalous compounds are formed with W^ and ^PW; as, VT%il 
?n^, 'mere bone'; $WW, 'another country'. 5^ or H^ is added to 
nouns to form compounds denoting 'manner'; as, ^i^iKKh «lfR, 'words 
with wisdom'; ^fXRJ^I, *loving', 'kindly'. 

489. Compound words are themselves often compounded with other 
words or with other compounds, thus forming Complex Compounds. 
Examples axe ; — Cld<^i)l^«1, 'food of six flavors'; a descriptive, involv- 
ing a numeral compound; HvraRiRWnft, 'dwellers in air, on earth, and 
in water'; a locative compound, involving a copulative of three mem- 
bers ; ^TR^RTCnR, lit.^ 'sunbeams- water', i.e., *the mirage'; ^IHIJJUU^, 
(fTfT+wra+UT), 'bearing various weapons'; an ace. dep. comp., 
used descriptively, in which the ace. member, IRIg^I, is itself a 
descriptive compound. In the Prem Sdgar, we have the anomalous 
quaai compound, ^Tf ^ pQ^l^u), for SrsftRfW^. 


a. In the R&mayan and other poetry, we find complex compounds 
of great length ; as, ^RWro^l^^nr^i^^, 'cleanser of the filth from 
the beautiful mirror of the human soul'; an accusatively dependent, 
involving four genitively dependents and a descriptive ; tritbtt^ 
WlfMlUvar, 'having (their) nails and teeth, rocks and great trees as 


£em. Such long compounds are often explicable by beginning with the 
last member, and proceeding regularly to the first. They are in imitation of 
Sanskrit idiom and are not admissible in prose, where the postpositions are 
commonly preferred even for short phrases. Siill, in prose, compounds of 
simple form are preferred, when the two ideas are conceived of as one com- 
pound whole ; as, mm^, 'worshipper of the Lord*; ^l||f<^ q^ ^RlIT, *the 
story of the rape of IMi'; f^H?!^, 'one who has subdued the senses'. 

490. As remarked §480(5) the laws of sandhi are always neglected in all 
Tadbhava compounds, and very often, in compounds formed with Tatsamas also* 
Thus, e.g,, we find, ^RHVT, *the will of Hari\ for ^{^11^ ; R | 4j^UH , 'hail- 
stones*, for ff^q^ : MHWIfli. 'distracted with fear', for )TOT?n, etc., etc. 

491. In poetry, the parts of compounds are often inverted ; as, e.g.^ 
QTI^tdoR, HLf 'joined with judgment', i.e., 'discreet', for 8k. Tw^hUfh ; 
W^inftl, 'deprived of the jewel', for il^vw^ ; wffnni, 'destroyer of 
Mayan\ for Yliravnfvi ; fif^nftf, 'every day', for wftlfiR ; fcMIHUHd^h, 
'deprived of judgment'. 

492. Before leaving this subject it is important to observe that a 
large number of Sanskrit words used in Hindi, are compounds formed 
with various prepositions. 

The following list contains the most important : — 

(1) HT?!, *beyond'; as in ^fffH^Tf, lit-^ *beyond end', 'infinite'. 

(2) ^bRst, 'above', 'over'; as in ^mTu H W , *a ruler'. 

(3) IPI. 'after'; as in imi, lit.t 'after-born', 'younger'; also with nouns, as 
in ^Rgf^, 'daily'. 

(^) IRIT, 'within'; as in Ip^i^iTV, 'the internal sense', the heart'. 
(^) V^, 'away*, — usually implies detraction ; as in W|6II^, 'blame'. 

(6) nn?, to', 'towards'; as in KUIIIfl, 'desired*, 'chosen'. 

(7) IWI, 'down', — often implies disparagement; as, ^qjHf , 'bathing', 
HQRIPi (also JhTPI,) the opposite of n^, 'vice', 'demerit'. 

(8) HT, to', towards*; as in inTlfsfS, *a mirror'. With the derivatives of 
IV^, (and also HT and Y,) to go', in reverses their meaning ; as in IHIIIII«I, 
•coming', contrasted with nvpf, 'going'; so in the verb W«IT; *to come', from 



(9) ^, (TO. TO, etc.,) 'up'; as in «fq||, 'born'; IT^pw, 'pronunciation'; so 
also in ^^sm (8k. ym+Wt) lit, 'to stand up', to rise'. 

(10) ^^1, 'oo', 'down', 'under'; as in TOf^?!. 'prepared', Ut., 'stood under\ 
It often gives a depreoiative sense; as in WQYT9, 'ridicule', from w, 'to laugh'. 

(11) fil, 'down', (in contrast with i^,) as in ^nnm, 'the conclusion (in 
Logic)*; T^mW, 'subduing'. 

(12) mi (fire, fil, etc.,) 'out', commonly has the effect of a negative; as in 
^mp^, 'without blame'; m^^, 'without fault'. 

(13) nft, 'around'; as in URirn^, *an attendant', Kt., 'a walker around'. It 
often has merely an intensive force ; as in qTilliU , 'completely filled*. 

(14"; n, 'before',— hence often indicates superiority ; thus, insn«l, 'chief; lAnr 
'effort', etc. Often its force is scarcely appreciable; as in irai (XT -4- inn) 

(16) inH, 'against', 'towards', 'back again'; as in nftwn^, 'a respondent'; 
nffm^, 'recompense'. 

(16j fti, 'apart', often denotes 'negation', 'separation', 'distinction', etc; as 
in foAm, 'separation'; f^rdv, 'discrimination'; fgfi (^fi|+^), 'profitless', 'vain*. 

(17) ^, 'with', (opposed to ftl); as in ^^, •conjunction'; tV^, "fight- 
ing', 'war'. But often its force is imperceptible. 

a. Two or three Persian and Arabic inseparable prepositions and other words 
are also compounded with nouns in Hindi. Most common are the negative par- 
ticles i and jl^ (^ ); as in dOKTH, 'without work'; JK flfv^, 'not present'. 


Adverbs, Prepositions, Conjunctions 

AND Interjections. 

I. Adverbs. 

493. The tables on the next two pages exhibit a series of 
adverbs formed from the five pronominal elements noted 
at^. 109. 

494. (1) Of the temporal adverbs, all which contain a labial vowel or conso- 
nant, have arisen from the combination of the Sanskrit noun, veld (H. ber)^ 
^ime', with one of the pronominal elements. The forms containing d, are con- 
nected with the Sanskrit series formed with the suffix da, as given in the tab)^. 



Table XVIII : Pronominal Adverbs. 


Z* CO 

C ^-^ 

ad CQ 

Frox, Dem, 















W9y *now'. 






Rem. Denionst, 

¥, ^, W, CI. 







tnrt, *here'. «l^, *there'. 


cft, crt.t 

CQn«« sill). 

▼ft, ^. 
(nprt, ^irt. 


«, H W 

^W, *when\ 



^,*where\ Hft, *there' 


fly ffl. 

?W, Hhen*. 

» » 



vwqI, 4)ii6i^. 


Sk, ' 





i^/<7^. t««^6?. 



C|i, ms. 

, *when\ 

^15 >1WI,^W4i 


Wit, 'where*. 




mn,Fnt.niT- g_A -_-i ti 



* Also, in the SahAranpur district, q^. f Kumdoni completes toe series after 
the same analogy, thus ; ^, fit, lit. X^^^JP^^ vl&qb the same series, only omitting 
the first nanal. || The Bl in this series is very peculiar, but my Pundit insists upon 
it. % In Hindi, ^, also, occars, but is probably connected rather with H^, etc 




Table XVIII, Concluded : Peonominal Adverbs. 



^, *, ^, H. 








^ wl. 

Rem. Dem. 

^, ^, #r, 81. 



m, fit, (H.) 


^'^j ^.f 

E.H q, 'thus'. 







^, fi. 

^|5FT, ^ 


^j'j^, ^.f 


at, St, d. 


OT5RT, «rtrrT. 


ftreR, * whi- 

dw wl. 

i*5<, ^. 


% T?I. 

ThUi, 'thi- 


^, nil. 



^, w. 

^nt, wt, ^, 

wiR, ^. 

ftrert, 'whi- 


^ wl. 

^ftj^, ^. 

^*'m<y wfm. „ 

?«, 'so'. 

-Re/«^. used. 






Wf, 'how?'. 

9rt, cpit. 





* Also qrft?! and ^?5t : WW is also employed for ^, f Dr. Fallon gives 
the following additional variants of f^UT, viz. ; in the east, ^, ^npc, ^ ^ 
?r5=ft, ^f'W, ^?TT, 8W ; in the west, ^ and ^i?|T% : and also the following 
similar variants of HKR; in the east, ^, ^JW^, %^^ ^^ ^p^^ ^^TtlT, fIR; 
and, in the west, ^^ or g^?^. Aualogoua forms probably exist for the other 
adverbs of this series. 



(2) Of the adverbs of place, all oontaiiiing t are to be connected with the 
Sanskrit series in tra. All the other forms, in hdu, fhe, 4^U etc., as will be 
evident from comparison, have arisen by common phonetic processes from the 
combination of the pronominal elements with the Sk. luc. sing, sthdne, from 
sthdna, 'place'. 

(3) The adverbs of manner, in the first three dialects noted, are to be con- 
nected with an old series in tham^ of which Sanskrit has preserved only ittham, 
*Bo\ and kcUham, 'how*. The y which appears in the relative, correlative and 
interrogative adverb, presupposes a weakening of the a of the pronominal 
base to t, giving, e,g., hi for ka, and thus, kUham. The remaining processes are 
evident. The Mewarf suffixes, kar and gd, I would derive from the Sanskrit 
verbal roots, kfi, 'to do', and gam, *to go'. 

495. The emphatic sufl^, iV or A, may be added to any of 
the adverbs in the table. But 4f is commonly substituted 
for the final ^ of the series in ^. 

Examples are; — mA (^Wi?^), 'immediately'; ?W^ (Wwft), *ju8t then'; 
^FHt (wni^), *ever'; Hff, (rarely, ^ w^,) 'just here'; «lrff, 'anywhere', 
•somewhere'; ift. 'just as'. 

a. The dialects similarly add ^, «, or ^ ; as, e.g.^ Br. W9W.=wA ; 
9r^,=qiVf ; qnt^,=9|frf; eireft, and in the Rdmdyai^^ qim,=eRHt and 
qifl^,=q|fY; Av. ihw,=^rai^, etc., etc. 

496. Inasmuch as these adverbs are virtually substan- 
tives, they may be followed by postpositions, thereby ex- 
pressing yet other variations of the adverbial idea. 

Examples are ; — with %, 'from': mi %, 'henceforth'; Wl %, 'since'; 
^m %, 'since when P'; mii %, 'hence'; Ci?t%, 'thence'; 5R?t %, 'whence ?'; 
with ffer : 5R?t ^, 'to what place ?'; with CFT : iwr WT, 'of the present 
time'; 5R?t WT, 'of what place P'; with ?W, or ?WRK, #, etc. : mi ?nK, 
*till now'; ^Wl ?nK, 'till when', 'as long as'; ?ni fWF, 'so long'; era fWF, 
*how long ?'; Jn^ ?W, 'as far as this', 'to this degree'; fl^ ?nK, •thus 
far'; ?iift ?W, 'how far ?'. 

a. These postpositions may also be added to some of the intensive 
forms ; as, ^wt %, 'from this very time'; HwV ?FT, 'of this very place'; 
9(9^%, 'from some place', etc. 

497. Various other modifications of the radical meaning of 
these adverbs, are expressed by their repetition and combi- 


(1) Some of them may be repeated to express nnirermlify^ disfn* 
button^ or indefinite repetition ; as, im IW, 'whenever', followed by fW 
?WI in the correlative olaiise ; mH ^Tlt, 'wherever^ regularly follow- 
ed by fnrt fnrt ; wft wft, 'sometimes'; ^fsit ^KWty *in some few place8\ 

(2) The relative may be combined with the corresponding indefi- 
nite adverb to express indefiniteness ; as, W9 ^FpSt, 'whenever'; Vlt «Kff» 

(3) Or the negative particle, % may be interposed between two 
oognate adverbs to express a certain sort of indefiniteness ; as, W9 ^ 
?rar, ^now and then'; li^ ^ 9i)it, 'at some time or other'; 919^ W QKff, 
*soniewhere or other'. 

498. For the pronominal adverbs of manner, i, etc., the obliqae 
forms of the pronominal series, %^, etc.^ ( Table XI, ) are often 

a. The Sanskrit ^ibw,=4, *so', occurs in poetry in Sanskrit phrases^ 
chiefly in the formula, ^raiTOJ, 'let it be so'. 

b. The 3rd sing. cont. fut. ^it, of Wfm, 'to wish', before pronom- 
inal adjectives is equivalent to an indefinite adverb ; as, Vl$ npi^ 
HfT 9t, 'howsoever great it be'. 

499. Besides the above pronominal adverbs, are many 
others of various derivations. Very many of these, indeed, 
are, in fact, old locative cases, of nouns. The following 
lists will be found to comprehend the most common. 

(1) Adverbs otTime : as, uril, {Sk. w^.) 'before'; Dial, uni^. ^nn^ 
Wil, wft, ^; WT», {Sk. W5I,) 'to-day'; Dial, ^m, TO, ^ra, ^mim ; 
qr^ {Sk. «W,) 'yesterday', 'to-morrow'; DUl. 8Kra, qnra, «n^ 
(W. forms); ?ff^, 'at dawn*, 'early'; m?^, wn, {8k, pres. part, fipom 
WJ,) 'immediately';?!^, {8k. ^+l!5i^,) 'three days ago', or 'three 
days hence'; Dial. ll?R:%t, flT^, fftt, fiftt; «R%t, {Sk. ?+i3BW,) 'four 
days ago', or 'four days hence'; Dial, n^, H^, «ftt; iiT%t, {Sk. 
V[KW%) 'the day before yesterday', or 'the day after to-morrow'; Dial. 
HT^, lilt, iftt; fiwm, {Sk. iil+Tf,) *at last'; iim, firw, {Sk. mrq^.) 'con- 
stantly'; ^, {Sk. Hid,) 'after', 'afterwards'; Dial, ift^, fq^T^. fq^l^, 
TtiWTf^, mi^, m§, mj ; fiw or fe, 'again'; Dial. ntlR, lljft,* «l^, also 

•Tliis is really a conjunctive participle, from Vl^TTfT or VV^Cilt, *to. return*. 


Wl, jftl, (Sk. yi|); dlT, *at break of day*; mhot, {Sk. wfelTT,) *re- 
peatedly'; ^9ft, (Sk, ^+SiW^\^. fem. gen, sing.,) *early', ^betimes'. 

a. The following are dialectic ; inH, 'hitherto'; WSRl^y {8k. ^+ W^:) 

b. Of the pure Sanskrit words denoting time, which are used adverb- 
ially in Hindi, the following are among the most common, m. ; certain 
compounds with the affix ^, as, ^QR^, *once'; ^TT, ^i^, *al ways'; and, 
with the suffixes ftnj and UTil, ^^ilflfl and QK^nrv, 'sometimes', also 
'perhaps'; ?WW^, ?f?^IW, 'instantly'. 

(2) Adverbs of Place : WPI, (8k. ir«J^,) 'elsewhere'; !iniS3, {8k. 
^+^RSf) and ift. Dini, ij^andi)^, 'near'; HIT, {8k. vAy) 'over', 'across'; 
m^, 'near'. Dial, xp^ and nrfw ; and reduplicated, wm ure, *on both 
sides', 'all around'; ift, {8k. vA.) 'on that side'; eft, {8k. W^,) 'on that 
side'; mTTOR, cnTOTT, 'on both sides'; 9TT1^. (Sk. cnfl^,) ^without'; 4^, 
{8k. nwnw?,) 'within'. wA, 'before', and iH^, 'behind', are also used 

as adverbs of place. 

a. The following Sanskrit adverbs occur, formed with the suffix 
% viz. ; unni, 'elsewhere'; ^«CT, 'in one place'; ^^, 'everywhere'. 

(3) Adverbs of JfonnT : Himni, 'suddenly'; wih, (imp. 2nd plur. 
of ^n'WI,) 'so to speak', 'as it were'; Br, ^n^, ^n^; in Bdm.y ^, 
^nf«l^ ; iS^, (Sk. Hsifl,) Dial. VIS; also, 9|i3 US (US 8k, past. act. part. 
q^?,) 'quickly'; ^hw, reduplicated intensive form, 3^ W«lf, (8k. 
root, Wt,) 'exactly'; ^d, (SA;. ^, 'fate'.) 'perchance'; lift, (SA. root ^,) 
'slowly'; filTO, (5*. ftl+^?,) *very'; ^^^, {8i, wr,) 'on foot'; WJW, 
(SA. Hf,) 'much', 'very', (for Dial, forms, vide § 255 ;) in, {8k. dir,) 
'quickly', 2>ta/. dftf; wiitty (imp. 2nd plur. of ilPRT,) 'as', 'so to speak', 
Dial, ?inh, ?inr|, ^nj ; Wimrc, (8k. m[.) 'incessantly'; ?lfr, {8k. ^TO,) 
'truly', intensive form, ^V^ ; €fl, 'freely', 'gratis'; intensive form, 
^fmi, Dial. ^^\ tli, 'gently'; Dial. h\. 

a. The following are dialectic : G, IW¥T or unsiT, 'quickly', and 
WKX^, 'slowly'; ^fe, (SA. ^g.) 'very', 'extremely'; and in the Rdrndyariy 
H^, (SA. «WQ0 'rather'. 

b. The conjunctive participle ?isft, of ^FCWT, 'to do', is often used ad- 
verbially, for 'as'; thus, ftni VW 5^1^ «nt ^1^, 'I will count my birth 
as having borne good fruit'. Similar is the use of the Braj form, A ; 
thus, W^ ^^ #BI ti( H!^, 'they regard the man Krishna as a god'. 

c. The following Sanskrit words are commonly used as adverbs of 


manner: ^raPFRf?;, 'suddenly'; fRfh, *very'; HfiPn, 'infinitely'; wkm, 
•more'; ^l^m. (abl. sing.,) *id esf; WTftT, (for Sk. instr. sing. «l^^,) 
*well', 'happily'; Qlici^, 'only'; Iil<*«i, 'incessantly'; HT^q^, 'mutually'; 
(§ 486, ft,) mn, *as'; WBR, 'so'; 1|1IT, 'in vain'; liVg, 'quickly'; ^l«, liL^ 
*bom with', hence, 'naturally', 'easily'; ^^, 'truly'. Sanskrit adverbs 
formed with the suffix W, denoting 'distribution', 'kind', occasionally 
occur, as, in the Kdmdi/an, mW3J, 'of nine kinds. 

c. Here may be noted the Sanskrit particle W9^ 'like', which approx- 
imates the nature of an affix, and always follows the word to which 
it refers ; as, IT^^R ^W, 'like the servants of Hari\ 

(4) Adverbs of Affirmation and Negation. The common affirma- 
tive adverb is ^, 'yes'; Bun. ^ and ^ ; east of Bundelkhand, often 
ftr. 55^, 'truly', is also very common in affirmation. The negative 
adverbs, are H, H^ and im, 'no', 'not'. Of these, J^ is regularly 
used with the imperative only ; Hff, never with the imperative ; «!, 
with any part of the verb. 

a. Dialectic variations are;— for H^, Br. »nfit, ^m^, 5|tf^, 511^, 9fri^; 
in the Rdm.^ «m, «ITi ; modem eastern form, «nf^, pronounced ndhina. 
Other variations are, ^il?t, 5ri^ and «rt^ * For »ffl, Kanauji has irfH 
and T^. But in eastern Hindis V9R is always used for im, and, like 
that, with the imperative only. Variants of ftw, are ^TO and ftw. 

b. m, 'indeed'. Dial, ^, f!^ or ?W, is common. In the Rdmdyan^ 
^, is occasionally used with a similar force, usually with ^m ; as, 
^inarSlf ; or sometimes f^ precedes ; as, nirift or Cfi^^. 

c. Various Sanskrit nouns and adjectives are also used in affirma- 
tions ; as, ^ram, 'certainly', Rdm.y lRm% ; Pl:^^, 'without doubt'; 
nim, 'assuredly'; Dial fif^, ftl^, TH^^, etc. 

500. Here may be also noted the occasioual use of the particles ^m, *now', 
and ^jfH, thus*. In Hindi prose these are never used except at the beginning 
and the end of narratives. Thus, at the beginning of the Prem 8dgar, we have 
^ni 5RW win, *now the bep^inning of the story'; and at the end of each 
chapter, we find the particle ^rfh, which is scarcely capable of translation, but 
is similar in force to the marks of quotation in English. In Sanskrit, ^7^ 
was always written at the end of a citation ; and traces of this usage are found 
in Hindi poetry. Thus, in the Bdmdyan, wir^m f^nm %ih 5Rnf Tui ; where 
inn is, by sandhiy for 9| ^ftf, and we may literally translate, *Holy writ, 

♦ For the derivation of these forms, vide § 372. 


saying Ko, has snng bis greatness' ; ^fN after 9| simply marks the negative 
as the word, not of the writer, but of 'Holy writ.'* So also, in prose, ^rfH, as 
the first member of the compound ^fl^lT^, refers to the noun or nouns imme- 
diately preceding ; as, 9T9n iltH ^FHf^, 'Brahma, Maheeh, etc'. 

501. The following Persian and Arabic words occur now and then 
as adverbs in modem Hindi : — (1) Fers, ^IW or^R^, *quickly'; snT^T, 
(plur. of ;^, time',) 'often'; imiT, 'perhaps', mlg.^ ^9TW and ^Pg^; 
%mn (^-^J^) 'always', vulg., w^ and ?^: (2) Arab. ^FSlffT. (*^V^) 
^certainly', 'indeed', vulg. 9FSI^; ^^IT« 5ii^ (^^U-), 'especially'; ilRR?f 
(i-Si), 'only'; ftra^, (uW^), 'altogether'; m^, {^, 'namely', 'that is 
to say'. 

502. Some adverbs and nouns compounded form useful adverbial 
phrases ; examples are ; — ^h^ ^Rft, 'elsewhere'; wft H^, 'never'; ijft 
dft, 'slowly', 'easily'; wrf i^, 'else', i.e.y '(if) not, then'. For wrf ^, 
we find in the Rdmdyan^ iflflTI, il^, 9|?l and «RI^ ; niPI also occurs, for 
9rt Wi^, 'how not ?'. 

503. Many adjectives, especially such as denote quantity or quality, 
are used as adverbs ; as, wss^ and vm^ 'well', ('good') ; ^TfT, 'a 
little'; wn, ('great',) 'very'. 

504. Conjunctive participles are very often equivalent to English 
adverbs; as, W^, 'knowingly'; ftroS, 'together'; etc. Here we may 
also note the use of 9liT#t, oonj. part, of QR^sn, with nouns, adjectives 
and numerals, forming adverbial phrases ; as, UTT^nr QliTJt, 'labori- 
ously'; WW ^RXit, 'chiefly'; ^^ ^m ^ST*, 'singly'; ^ ^ qsT*,- 'with 
face downwards'. Further illustrations will be found in the Syntax. 

605. Finally, we may here notice the particle i^, which 
may be placed after any word to render it emphatic. It 
may sometimes be rendered by *JTist', *very', or some simi- 
lar word ; often, however, its force can only be expressed 
by a stress of the voice. 

a. After the pronouns vm and «lf , and often after dr and %, i^ be- 
comes \y and is written as a part of the pronoun ; thus, Hi^, 'this very'; 
9wt, 'that very', etc. For its usage with pronominal plurals, see §202. 

* The meaning of the passage is, that the Ved^ while attempting to set 
forth the greatness of Rdm^ declares that it had not yet done so ; t.e., that 
his greatness was ineffable. 


Examples are ; — 5i Wf mvn wt W, 'I was in the very act of saying 
this'; $nit ^IT¥. *just two came' ; Si^ ^RF iV ^TfT ^, 'I have only one 
horse**; ^g^ ii il^ vm CRW^, *he said this very thing*. 

h. For Y^ or ^, Braj also has Y Or V. The final ^ or V is often 
shortened, and Anusvdr is occasionally added. In one instance in 
the Ram at/an (Utt K.) ^ is hardened to a; thus, dl 9R |[ 9| ^rar^, 
'that which the very mind contains not'. In colloquial Marwari, TH 
and ^ are used instead of ^; thus, irfl|,=%n; wf'll qK^i^,=^^ ^ 
Kisin; #ni 3^,=Bpft UT, etc., etc. 


506. With the exception of those particles, more precise- 
ly termed joo^^positions, which are employed in substantive 
declension to denote the several cases of nouns, and a very 
few other words, Hindi possesses no words of a strictly pre- 
positional character. The words which, for the sake of 
convenience, are enumerated below, as the equivalents of 
the English prepositions, are really substantives in the obi. 
sing. Many of them as, e.g.^ q^, 9tp^, etc., actually occur in 
the nom. sing., ^h^, wm^. etc. ; and when in the obi. sing., 
they not unfrequently are themselves followed by postpo- 
sitions, as ^, w, etc. In virtue of this their substantive 
character, they require the noun they modify to be in the 
inflected genitive. Nearly all are masculine, and therefore 
require the preceding genitive in *. The few feminines are 
noted in the list, and of course inflect a preceding qrt to eft. 
Many words which have been enumerated as adverbs, are 
also used as prepositions and will therefore be found in the 
following lists. 

607. Tho following take the noun either with or without 
the postpositions. Jn the latter case the noim must take 
the oblique form : — 

?I^, {Sk, WH,) 'beneath', Br. m:, ?li; qpc, 'across'; nm, in Ram. mr, 
UTTf , infii, 'near', *to'; ^, Mar, xn#T, 'behind', 'after'; fe?! or ftRT, 

t»nEPosiTioKs» 273 

(Si. ftpiT,) Br, ftlj, nW ; lit^, {Sk and W» Hindi, l«W,) 'between*, 
•among'; ^flh, (Si. ^ifinw,) 5r. 9tl1f, *for the sake of; ^, (Si. ^, 
'with^+1I^, «to go',) *with'; ^^, 'together with', ^fipi, *with', prop- 
erly a Sanskrit adjeotive, is used as the last member of a compound| 
as, DH tif^A, 'with love'; but it also appears as a postposition, as, 
innfSt 'JTTO, 'with the oarriages\ 

a. IIT9 is also used as a noun ; e.g.^ in the Rdmdyan^ ^^^^TJ ^^^^ 
W, 'adorn (her) on eyery side'. 

508. The following commonly require the preceding 
noim to take the genitive postposition, viz. : — 

mil, 'before'; Wira nm, 'around', 'on both sides'; WW, {8k. mfr,) 
Mdr. «ift, (§ 144,) 'over', 'above'; fen, {8k, fif^.) 'towards'; gni, 
(Sk. JTT, *a door',) 'through', 'by means of; M«hd, 'near'; ^iHl, (Si. 
iftw,) -B/\ 'Stw, 'under'. (The Qarhwali form, l^i^, inflects the precede 
ing substantive as a true postposition ; as, ^ ^Iffll ft^l, 'under this 
tree'.) ^, 'near'; iWlS, i^^ instead of; 5nfT or ^llflfT, 'without'; 
«tm, 'within' ; ill^, (perf. part, of «TTm,) 'in consequence of, 'be* 
cause of; ftlQ, (perf. part of %^y) 'for', K, ^, ^, ^R, Bhag. ^ii, 
ftnrt, T. ^, ^; ^ni, *with'; ^T99^, 4n front of, Br, ^n^, ^n|, 
Wli^, %!%. %tft, -Mar. Wl^. 1T%, 'like', requires the preceding gen- 
itive to take the fern. form. 

a, ^uni, 'equal to', 'like', commonly requires the genitive with «fe ; 
but I have noted an instance in which it is made to agree in gender 
with the noun to which it refers ; thus, ^ HT?!? ^ ^Hlf, 'a woman 
like a mother'. 

509. Dialectic are the following : — K, etc., ^, 'to*, *near',=H. H. 

vm\ this often takes the preceding noun in the oblique form without 
a postposition ; ^W, {Sk. 91^0 'witb'; in the Ram,, ^5Pw, {Sk, ^9^,) 
♦like'; W*, wi^,=«TTW, 'for', *by reason of; MtS, 'for', 'in consider- 
ation of; in eastern Hindi, cft,=iH5, 'for'; Mdr, f^, *below'. 

510. It is to be noted that in Bajputana, these words which in High Hindi 

are used with the gen. as postpositions, are often construed as predicative 
adjectives, and made to agree with the subject of the sentence in gender 
and number. Thus, i( i^ m^ d^^ ^, = ^. ^- «IW ^ tit# ftjT ^, 'he is 
seated behind me'; but, off nt HTW^ dsT W, *^^^ i^ seated behind me*, where 
standard Hindi would also have fl^ X^, Compare the remarks concerning 



611. The following Sanskrit words, among others, are often used 
in Hindi in a prepositional sense i— Wf^fl^, *after'; WjUK , 'according 
to' ; H^TTSfl, *after'; CRTtv, *for', because of; T^Tm% *on account of; 
fisRiff, (oftener fireff,) andftnft?!, 'contrary to', 'against'; TCTOHorRnw, 
also ftl^, 'in respect to', *about'; Birhl, 'near'; ig, rtdg. i?i, *by rea- 
son of. 

512. The following Persian words are often used in modern Hindi 
as prepositions : — ««^, 'within'; ftnT, 'about', 'around'; Hqi<f)<i|i (O^^f), 
*netu:'; vnlg. in the Doab, liftfl, in the Himalayas, H^^; «TS|?f f/em.^ 
takes ^,) 'conceming\ 

513. The following Arabic words are also much used as preposi- 
tions by Hindi-speaking people : — Xjam (^^), 'instead of; T^ar^nr 
(vJlU^), 'contrary to', 'against'; wNc (yi^), 'without'; «l^, 'in exchange 
for'; WIR (^b), 'by reason of; «TO (^), 'after'; m^, 'without'; 
ti*'>"fc* (3^^r)y ^^^g^ Wlfti?!, 'according to'; «n^ (J?-'^), for'; ^OTT, 'for', 
'by reason of; fen, 'except', 'besides'. 

a. The following are feminine, and require ^ with the preceding 
noun:— ^TtHt {^^), 'for', 'for the sake of; ?lTqf (oj^), 'towards'; 
^'^ (c;^)> *Jike', 'in the manner of; Th^^h (*^H-^), 'concerning'. 


514. Copulative conjunctions are the following : — 

^, {Sk, ^mr,) 'and'; Br. ^, ^w, %, 0. P. TOR, Bhrr^. #r ; ^, 
'also'. Dial, it ; fqR, 'again', moreover'. For W^, 'also', the Sanskrit 
^irill, sometimes with elision of IT.jfil, is used in poetry only, xrj, 
also ^f and W^, is used for ftR in eastern Hindi. 

515. The most common Adversative conjunctions are 
q^, {Sk. qt+g,) *but'; qr, (Sk. qt,) Br. «, ^yet'; mm, (Sk. 
€|5W,) *but', *nay'. 

a. But the common people in the N. W. P. very commonly use the 
Arabic #tT9R, for q^, -but'; and the Arabic 5lfeR. (also, vulg., m^^hH 
and «^,) for eitw, which latter is never used by the common people. 
Equally rare, and used only in poetry and scientific writing, is the 
Sanskrit fti^,=qT5g, *but'. The Persian ?mT, 'but', 'except', is often 
used by Urdu-speaking Hindoos. 

516. The Disjunctive conjxmctions are w and m^tm, W. 


The Arabic m is often preferred to these by the common 
people in the N. W. P. The negative disjunctives, 'nei- 
ther', *nor', are expressed by repeating the negative parti- 
cle ^ with each successive clause. 

a. TO is sometimes used as a disjunctive, especially in alternative 
questions ; as, OTT TO ^ir&Tlt ?5K 51^, 'will you go or not ?'. The 
Sanskrit J^k^, {ot ftrai.) 'or', is occasionally found in literature. 

b. The 3rd sing. cont. fut. fnt, of frn^ir, 'to wish', is often used 
disjunctively in two successive clauses for 'wliether'. . . /or'; as, fnt 
wSi wi ^ ^flxSiy 'whether he come or not'. For the second mt, ^RTTSIT 
may be used. 

c. The interrogative wn, similarly repeated with nouns, must also 
be rendered 'whether', . . .'or'; as, wn ^ wn g^^, 'whether men or 

517. The Conditional conjunctions are nft" (Sk.) or w^, 
and, much more commonly, ^, *if ', Dial, m and l>. The 
Persian mil is sometimes used for ^ by Hindoos familiar 
with Urdu. 

518. The Concessive conjunctions are ^, *then',. ^indeed', 
innrq, ^although', and Hinfq, 'nevertheless'; both irorq and 
wxm are Sanskrit. But, colloquially, ^. . .«^ is used for iRSTitv, 
and ^ or ftnft, for ?rmni ; as, St wa ^ Tum ^ ^^, etc., 
*even though you should forsake me, yet', etc. 

a. Dialectic variations are, for ^, Br. ^, in Rdm. ?f^ and ?? ; for 
inTTil, Rdm. iRffil, ^RTTI. Br. ^tm ; for ?nnfq, wiffl ; for ftro^, Br. ftnr. 

b. in^, sometimes followed by HT in the same clause, is often equi- 
valent to 'although'; ^T, ^et', may then introduce the consequent 
clause. Thus ^nj «W ^ TTT irt TT^I, 'even though he should kill 
me'; Wii V[fm ^M nmr T%, ^T wft ^, 'though property all go, but 
virtue remain'. fl(^ may be thus used for fnt. 

c. ^nnra (Pers.)^ 'although', is only heard from Urdu-speaking 

519. The Causal conjunctions are nR, *for', and ^ftff, *be- 
cause', Br. ^mfm, wffiu, and wt^. The Sanskrit noun, wt3», 
'reason', is also used as a causal conjunction,=*because'. 


520. The common Illative conjunction is ftr, ^tllen^ After 
dr in the protoma^ ^ is also often used in an illative sense ; 
as, CI9 ^ wm %T ^ ^mn utin, *as he has come, I shall there- 
fore have to go'. Under other conditions, the abl. sing, of 
the prox. dem. pron., nf , viz.^ ipb %, Br. nvk, has the force of 
the illative 'therefore*. 

521. The Final conjunctions are nR, *that*, and, more 
emphatic, the abl. sing, of the relative pronoim, fvo^, 'in 
order that'. 

a. No negative final oonjunotion exists ; its place is snpphed by the 
3rd sing. oont. fut. of the substantive verb, with a negative before lis; 
as, If tr fil? or %€T 1 8t fill. The Persian ?nfiK,=nBf^, belongs rather 
to Urdu than to Hindi. 


522. Vocative interjections are the following : — 

%, ^itr, ^ or tr, wft, ^d, ^, ^, *0\ Of these i is the most respect- 
ful, and must be used to superiors ; ^, ^, ^ and 9i$T, also ^x:i^y 
may be used in addressing equals or inferiors when no displeasure is 
intended. 11% and li) or ^ always indicate some degree of displeasure 
or disrespect ; the final 7 of these three is always changed to ^ in 
connection with a feminine noun. %l, %T and ^ (T^) follow, and the 
others mentioned, precede the noun with which they are connected. 

523. Various emotions are expressed by the following: — 
H, expresses pity, in, despondency, CTO, approbation and surprise, 

*bravo', *well !*. UFH, expresses praise, *bravo*, *well done!'; ifm tfi^, 
also WT WT and im.. *alas !'; ^»nf, (also ^siTl,) is *mercy !', /«V., *8ave!*. 
Wfand ^T^, *oh', express pain or disgust; mr ^W, *hurra!', lit,^ 
'victory !' 'victory!'; ^^^ *fie', expresses disgust. Tet other inter- 
jections are, ?WF, 'shame', also T^r^[TT; ^, begone !'; Wl, *hush!'; ^, 
*lo!'; Hre, 'pshaw!'; ^^iftw, {Sk. f +llfef,) 'salutation!'. I have also 
found ^Qlf^ used as an adjective with a noun; as, ^^T^Q^^r, 'a well- 
said word'. 

524. The usual words of salutation among the Hindoos are, to 

equals or inferiors in caste, TUT ^ B4m ! Rdm !; to BrahmanS; mr^sfii^ 

8TNTAX. 277 

^Obeisanoel'; to Europeans or Mohammedans, H^\H, lit.y 'peace!'; or, 
still more respectfully, Q^^Tln, Ht, 'service !'. 

525. The following interjections are also used in the colloquial of 
some parts of the country : — it H and OT^. express disgust ; WT calls 
attention; ^f H^ and TO^t, *begone!*; %m $in, and ^TO SuT, *Alas ! 
woe!', lit., 'Alas! nurse', or 'mother!'. WT^ T^il occurs in the Edtnd* 
yan ; thus, the slave girl Kubari says, ^nfif ^^^ ^ ^FTf 'TOrax, 'Alas ! 
what have I destroyed !'. 

526. In the Majwari of the 'Plays', various unmeaning letters or syllables 
are attached enclitically to various words. These remind us of the ancient 
Prakritic addition of C|7 to which we have had frequent occasion to refer. The 
principal of these M4n7af( enclitics are QR, H. 9|i, T, 9, 4^, 9«l. These appear 
to be added alike to all parts of speech, as fancy may suggest ^ and ^^ seem 
to be the most common I cannot certainly learn whether these are used in 
the modem colloquial. The following examples are from the Tlays*:— Mfi? 
fifHT i 4mh)^, *the Company', (i.e, the E. I. Company,) *has ordered*; qtat 
wA Wni ^^9, *1 have come to your honor's feet*; ira^V %% Wl (lUKV for 
Ar. vj-i ), 'go and get news'. Other examples will be found §§ 369, a , 393, o. 



527. In this chapter we shall treat first of the functions 
of the several parts of speech under their various modifica- 
tions in respect of number, case, tense, etc., and, in the 
second place, of the construction of sentences from the 
material thus exhibited. The former may be termed Ana- 
lytic^ the latter Synthetic Syntax. 

Part I. Analytic Syntax. 

Of the Noun. 

528. The singular number denotes unity ^ the plural, ^Zw- 
rality. To this general rule there are three exceptions. 


(1) The singular may be used for tlie plural in a generic sense, to 
denote a elms ; as, ?npi^ ^ ^TO ir ^Rg^m ^ra, lit. 'base-bom women 
desert the husband'; ^T IT wfil WT ^im ^lf«^ yWT, *to god, man and 
sage, there was great joy'. 

a. This generic singular must not be confounded with those cases 
in which the plural termination is simply dropped, leaving the noun, 
although plural, in form like the singular. Thus, in the following, 
g^ ^ ftR 5R^ wni ^ta ^ ^iniri^ wi^ eins ^, 'he cut off the manacles 
and fetters from their hands and feet', the plural verb indicates WinR<f^ 
and Si^ as really plurals, for ^iPRTfTrt, dffnt. 

Bj&ni. This omission of the plural termination occurs chiefly in the nomina- 
tive of fern, nouns, and is probably becoming more and more common. The 
plural inflection is also regularly omitted from both masc. and fem. nouns 
after a numeral ; as, atlidrah pa4rdn{, 'eighteen queens'; do gliart murchhU ra- 
lidt 'four hours he remained in a swoon'.* But sometimes with special refer- 
ence to the plural, the plural iuflection is used; as, ajpiii do betiydu hydk cUb» 
*he gave his two daughters iu marriage*. 

(2) The plural is used for the singular to express respect; as, ?!1^ in 
the following ; ^?n^ ^ ^ ?1T^ ^ ^TBW ^, *the star of my eyes, ShH 
Krishn Chand, 

(3) A very few Hindi nouns are idiomatically used in the plural, 
where English would require the singular. Examples are found in 
such phrases as V^, fiwT^t, Tfflft TR»IT, *to die of hunger, of thirst, of 
cold'. So also ^TO, 'price', HfiT, in the sense of 'fortune', 'lot', ^rf^r, 
•vision', and ^riraiT, 'news', are very commonly construed as plurals. 

0/ the Nominative. 

529. The Nominative is used, 

(1) As the grammatical subject of the verb; as, thit dk 
^w ^ 3^ OT, ^Bdjd Bir was seated in the assembly'. 

(2) It is foimd as the predicate after many intransitive 
verbs, as in the following examples : — 

qmra 5RT Txm *BRni t, 'the king of Pdtdl is Shesh Nag'; jh^ 5inr 
qi^rdm, 'he shall be called 6opi Ndfh'; «w ^ramj^ 3^TT, 'he was 
counted a transgressor'; «W Slift SR JHIT, 'he became a Jogi\ 

(3) It is sometimes used for the vocative ; thus, 4IM14J< ^ «V^lTi|% 
eRfT ftfi Set, 'Bdndstir called and said, Son !'. 


(4) It sometimes staDds independent by anakolouthon \ as, "^ ^7^9 
^ W TR ^ ^III^h) % OT . . . W wt CTft XI^W, *the son of Shrl Krinhn 
Chand who was (born) of Jdmcati, he also arrived there'; iTT^lfcRIT 
^ U^rei^l 9 ^« ^ XI7 ^ J^eilii ^, 'sacred science and military 
science, — these two confer high rank*. 

(5) It is sometimes used for the genitive, absolutely with the in- 
finitive ; as, €,g,^ in the phrase, U^iT ^5% W 1F«T, 'the noise of the 
breaking of the bow\ 

0/ the Accusative. 

530. The accusative is used to denote (1) the direct ob- 
ject of a transitive verb ; or (2) local or temporal relations. 

531. To denote the direct object of a transitive verb, 
we may employ either the inflected accusative with itr, or 
that form of the accusative which is like the nominative. 
Similarly, with the perfect tenses of transitive verbs, the 
object of the action may either be put in the dative of 
reference with ^. or in the nominative. But these two 
constructions or the two forms of the accusative are by no 
means interchangeable. 

Bern. The correct use of these two alternative forms and constructions is 
perhaps the most difficult thing in the Hindi language. Only by extensive 
and continual reading of native books and long intercourse with the people, 
can the foreigner become able to use them with idiomatic accuracy. But the 
following principles and illustrations will, it is hoped, at least throw some 
light on the subject. 

532. The general principle which regulates the use of 
these two forms and constructions is the following : when 
it is desired to emphasize the object as specific and indivi- 
dual, the accusative with *t must be used ; otherwise, the 
nominative form is to be preferred. 

(1) Under this general head, observe, that in the case of 
nouns denoting rational beings, whether they be (a) generic, 
or (b) relative terms, or (c) proper names, the accusative 
with ^ is more commonly preferred. 


a. Under this head, examples are, (a) of generic terms ;— -^TfWt ftt 
^5111 fenT, 'he took his companions with (him)'; ^ BFTO il wA 911%, 
*why will you mind such a coward (as Indra) V: {h) of relative 
terms ; — ^^ W %[ ^IH^ W^ ^Kf^ ^^niT. ^Hart, immediately on seeing his 
mother, began to say'; ^Hft fPlnfiil cfef |fe5 |fe5 ITO^ Wt, *the council- 
lors, seeking around, began to kill the worshippers of Harf: (c) of 
proper names ; — «r|$9 ^ jdi wfN ^ wmiT, ^Basudev called the sage 
Oarg^; 5ft^ ^ m^FJWt ^ dw, 'Kans sent JBakdsur*; ^m Ht^ ^R'WT €^ 
T^ ^l%nT vm n^y 'all the milkmaids took Krishn and went to 

N. B. wmiT, 'to call', as implying a defiuite object, is almost in- 
variably followed by the accusative with ^. 

(2) Conversely, for nouns denoting (a) irrational beings, 
or (ft) inanimate things, or {c) for abstra<3t terms, the 
nominative form of the accusative, or, with the perfect of 
transitive verbs, the nominative case, is much more com- 
monly preferred. 

a. Examples are {a) of animate, irrational beings ; — H^ fTO^i 15!?I, 
'they began to pasture the cows'; 99^ ^l^il ^ 1^5 ft^, 'they drove off 
the calves to graze': (h) of inanimate, material objects; — "^^wSI 
WRT U^ TOnn, ^ShriKri^n enlarged his body'; iw ifl^ 'irta, *let us 
eat (our) lunches just here': {c) of abstract terms ; — ^TT $nr ftfff tl 1 
^^, 'do not take my fault to heart'; nw vj, ^ ^R^V? 5RTOT ^ ^^ W ^51 
U'l ^T?!T ♦, 'I destroy all the wealth of him to whom I show favour', 

(3) Although the use of the two forms of the accusative or the 
two alternative constructions of the object with the perfects of transi- 
tive verbs, is regulated to a great extent, especially in the colloquial, 
by the above principles, still it must be observed that other subordi- 
nate considerations often limit and modify their application. 

a. When it is specially intended to denote the object of the verb as 
indefinite, the nominative form is preferred, even when referring to 
rational beings. Thus in the Prem Sdgar, Kans says, whi^ BW^ ^ 
ilTT ?!^, 'a living girl I will not give thee'; where the omission of ^ftf, 
making the expression indefinite, adds to the emphasis. Similar is 
the phrase, ^IH 5i ^^ eilH^, 'you have killed children'; referring to 
the general massacre by Kam. 


b. On the other hand, when it is desired to indicate the objeot 
with special definiteneHSy the form with ^ may be employed even with 
nouns denoting irrational objects or abstract ideas. The accusative 
with ^ will therefore generally be preferred when the object of the 
verb has just been mentioned, or is well known. Thus, nSR ^litt 
f{im ^ wfl ^r^Wl ^ ^^\^\ vra, *throwing the mortar', (i.^., the mortar 
previously mentioned.) *oi>liquely between those two trees', ^gain, 
(P.S, Adhy. LXXXVII,) %^ T9 wm ^ "^ftflflT i, *that one overcomes 
this illusive power'. Here ^ indicates ??nn as the wm first mention- 
ed in the previous context, where, it should be noted, the nominative 
form of the accusative is employed ; thus, 9lfRt HTUT ^ «li^, 'remove 
your illusive power'. 

c. Again, in the case of plural nouns, when it is desired to denote 
the object collectively^ as a class or a totality, the accusative with ^ 
is employed ; but when it is rather to be denoted distributively^ as a 
plurality, the nominative form or construction is preferred. Thus we 
read, %mf MW^ ^m ^ W^ ferat %T ^TH ^, 'taking (his) I6i08 wives 
with him', — where %T denotes the object collectively ; ^n ^ Whftl^ 
t^s^mn, 'he called the astrologers', — where ^ denotes them as a class. 
But in the following, the nominative form of the accusative denotes 
the objects as a plurality ; 3 m^ wk. BfHi %T^ ^ T^ ^iillf), 'these 
four brothers, showering flowers of silver and gold, — '. 

d. The choice between the two forms for the object of a verbal ac- 
tion is frequently determined merely by a regard to euphony. Thus, 
especially, when an accusative und a dative occur in close proximity^ 
the nominative form is often preferred for the direct object, simply to 
avoid the disagreeable repetition of ^ftf. Thus, « ^ ^'CTTT vn ^il^«il 
*T finn t, 'I have given your son to RohinV\ H m^vnit %r ^mrVlIT 
%T wHi i ftl% 1 'ivj, ' Chdnimatiy who is betrothed to Kritdbramd, 
I will not give to him'. 

e. So also, again, the one form may be preferred to the other 

simply out of regard to the rhythm and balance of clauses, so much 

affected, even in prose, by Hindi writers. Even a fancy for a rhyme 

may determine the choice, not only in poetry, but in prose writing. 

Thus, ^Kwf fiCT^ ^ ?^IT ftn t^W ^K^Hi, 'has any one seen anywhere 

my boy Kanhdi ?', — where Cli?fri is apparently preferred to 9PfT^ '^ 

in order to rhyme with Jnk, which ends the previous clause. Every 



page of the Prem Sdgar^ with its artificial, rhyming style, will illus- 
trate this remark. 

/. Finally, the accusative with %T must always be employed, when 
otherwise the expression might be ambiguous. 

533. Many verbs, transitive and intransitive, may be 
followed by an accusative derived from the same root. 

a. Observe, this cognate accusative is invariably used in the nomi- 
native form ; and rarely, if ever, without an attributive adjunct. 
Thus, gw ^^^ ura iFfft %T, /iV., *what kind of walk are you walk- 
ing?'; ^Tlira ^FRTOR dllnut dra T^, *cuckoos were uttering their 
pleasing notes'; 99 VfT dT9 SlHfll ft, lit,^ *he talks a great talk', i.e.^ 
*he speaks boastfully'; J^rorf^ 'i ^TO ^ Wp WK HKt, lit.y *the sepoy 
beat him a great beating'. 

534. Many verbs may take after them two accusatives. 
We may here distinguish two cases. 

(1) The verb, commonly a causal, may take one accusative of the 
person, and a second, either of a person or a thing. In accordance 
with the above principles, the personal accusative regularly takes ^, 
and usually, though not invariably, precedes the other, 

(2) Verbs signifying *to think', 'to suppose', *to make', *to name*, 
*to appoint', etc., take a second accusative definitive of the first. The 
first may be termed the objective ^ and the second, the predicative accu- 
sative. In this case the objective accusative, as more specific, com- 
monly, though not always, takes ^, and the predicative accusative 
is put in the nominative form. 

Examples are, under (1), sir 99 ^ W^ HT^tto $jit, *he will put 
vestments on all'; 1i 99 %T ni^ri PEB^rrim, 'I will feed all with 
sweetmeats'; and under (2), ff9 WT TO WT ^wft ^, 'what do you call 
this ?'; H IPB ^ 5^ ^IRm ♦, *I regard this as suffering'. 

536. The accusative after a verb of motion may denoto 
the plcwe to whichy as in the following examples : — 

^py WI^ ^OP! ^ ilUT, ^Indra went to his own place'; flVfimiK 'W 
V^lQ, 'be pleased to go to Haatindpur*' 

536. It may also denote absolutely the time at which ; as, 
9ni^ W^ ^Nra ^, *on the 14th of the dark half of the month 



Kdrtik ; Rf itT^ xm %l ^l^ ^ Hid, 'that no one be permitted to bathe 

at night'. 

N. B. The postposition is often omitted from both the local and temporal 

537. The accusative with %T or its equivalents, ^, «ra, etc., is also 

used in accordance with the principles above indicated, in both early 

and modern poetry. But in archaic poetry the inflected accusative in 

nj ^) is often used for the analytic accusative with il, subject to the 

same general conditions. Examples of both forms are as follows : — 

% f^nil ftra WH ^ WI^, *who regard the sun as their own friend'; TT^ 

Tm W% iffw HTf ^rtw^, 'keep Rdm in whatever way (you may)'; ^FJ 

^iffl i*ff 5|ftt ^i^, *say ! what pauper shall I make a king P'; ^Pl 

^COTT?f irt^, *the sage extolled Raghuhar\ 

638. It is important to observe, however, that in Hindi poetry the 
laws of grammar often yield to the necessities of the measure. Even 
agreement in gender and number is often sacrificed to the exigencies 
of the metre. Moreover, In archaic poetry, the modem analytic aoou- 
sative is but beginning to appear in literature. Hence the nominative 
form of the noun is constantly employed for the accusative, with a 
license which in prose or in the colloquial would be quite inadmis- 
sible. Thus, e.g,^ in the following stanzas prose usage would have 
demanded ofiag ^ and OTH %T; ^rft OTH WW W^ iHlw)i, *we 
thought the First Man to be a mortal* (P. 8,) ; TOI ^WTf Ql^ ^p^y 
*then the lord of men summoned Vmishf (Ram,); and so in almost 
every stanza of the Rdmdyan. 

539. The inflected form of the noun alone is never used in modem Hindi 
for the object of a verb. But it should be noted that in Permissive and Acqui- 
siiivo compound verbs as also sometimes in Desideratives, the inflected infini- 
tive in ^ alone, is ds facto an accusative under the government of the following 
verb. Similarly is to be explained the colloquial Braj and Kanaujl idiom, in 
such phrases as, Q|^ ;i§3 ^ fs^^ *he will not eat'; where the inflected gerund, 

^i^y as the object of q^, must be regarded as an inflected accusative. 

The Dative. 

540. We may classify the uses of this case as follows : — 
(1) Dative of the Recipient. As thus used the dative 
denotes the indirect object of a transitive verb. 


Examples are ; — ifwm vt mi #T unJT vftnar $ft i, ^Balrdm Ji was 
inspiring all with hope and confidence'; lit ^C9 ^ ^HH^ VITOT ^ invr 
IRt, ^ShriKrishn Ghand commanded his Illusive power'; V!% 'Pim ftn% J^ 
$f! ft, 'this mouse gives me trouble\ So sometimes we have a dative 
of the person after verbs of speaking ; as, "^ ^g^m ^ i) 9^Fr$Ql ^ ^ 
^ % ICTI, ^Shri Kri^n Chand said with a wink to Baldev Ji\ But 
9n«fT is more commonly followed by the ablative of the person. 

Bern. It shonld be observed that the case with ho afler causal verbs is 
not to be regarded as a dative, as mi^bt often appear from the equivalent 
English idiom, but as an accusative. This will appear, if for the English 
equivalent to the causal verb, the verb 'cause' be used with the infinitive 
of the primitive verb. Thus, wah ghofe ho ghde hhildtd haL *he feeds grass U> 
the horse', ie., *he causes the horse to eat grass'** 

(2) Dative of Necessity. The dative of a person is often 
very idiomatically used after an infinitive with the verb 
tmr or xnfmf to denote necessity, certainty, or obligation. 
The idiom is commonly equivalent to the English 'must*, 
•have to*, etc. Similarly the dative is used after the infin- 
itive or perfect participle with inftid (§ 356, 6,) to express 

Examples : — «i5^ l^ ?yp5 ilWTiif ^ Hft WIT i, *to-morrow you and 
we have to go to the abode of YainadagnV; vA ^ 'ijfw ^nfti, *(we) 
ought to arrive there to the festival'; W^ WHI VXIfJy lit,^ *it will fall 
to us to die'; t.^ , *we must die'. 

(3) Dative of Possession. The dative is very commonly 
used to denote possession or acquisition. 

a. The dative of possession usually follows the substantive verb ; 
as, B^i ^ TR 9M ^ ^ ^ 91 ^, ^they were not conscious even of soul 
and body'; ^«l #T ^ire hQt, 'to all was terror'. 

b. But often the copula is omitted ; as, w« VlfT THf 'Ffi, 'where 
have we so much wisdom ?'; ftR ^ ^Wt ^ i, ft^ Vl^ftllTi ^ finl, 
^fiuch happiness as these have, the discontented have not'. 

c. Or some other neuter verb may take the place of the copula ; 
thus, J^ HTO ^ 1 TfT, ULy 'sorrow remained not to the name', Angl. 
'only the name of sorrow remained'. 

• With the Hindi idiom, compare the Sanskrit construction of causal verbs. 
(Williams' Saosk. Gramm. § 847.) 


d. Here may be noted the common idiom with ftlWIT, *to meet', 
*to be found'; which is always construed with the nominative of the 
thing found, and the dative of the finder. Thus, Hf ^ in^ UTtS 
firaH ^, *they obtain the four blessings'; ^ W^ llV ftl^T, 'I obtain- 
ed nothing*. 

(4) Dative of Advantage. This is found after such ad- 
jectives as gftm, Stw, ^proper', 'right', wit, 'good', 5|to?i, *diffi- 
cult', etc., with their opposites. 

Examples : — ^%^ ^^i^^ 5FCT1 ^nr^ %\ ^m?f wT, 4t is not seemly for 
a woman to be so daring'; ^irot feR ^ %T ?TOfr ^ ww i, *for a 
woman without a husband, it is well even to die'; li«}tzi %T U<j)sbSl< CRT 
^fUtll^ mjj CRfPIT UFiRf CRfef ¥, *for man to obtain the true know- 
ledge of God is extremely diflioult'. 

Rem. dim is often construed with the genitive, with a slightly dif- 
ferent meaning. 

(6) The Dative of the Final Cause denotes the motive^ 
purposey or object of an action, or the vse for which a thing 
is designed, as in the following examples : — 

nft eft ^Sh^irat c^T iftni ^^ITT, *who will remain for the watching of the 
city ?'. The infinitive, in its capacity of a gerund, is very common- 
ly used in the dative in this sense ; as, $^ ^ ^gm 8RI$8l v^ ^riiril, 
^Krishn and Balder will also come to see'; $f^d ^ ^ ^ wf^ it, 'for 
seeing, indeed, were two eyes'; ^sfsif x^ %x ^ 9?iT^, 'be pleased to 
show me a place to stay'. The postposition ^ is often omitted from 
this gerundial dative ; as, e.ff., QI9 TO% WHl ¥, 'he comes to read'. 

Mem, For the dative of the final cause, modem Hindi often substi- 
tutes the genitive with.ftfS or WW, and in the east, also eft and ^Tfhr. 

a. Here also may be noticed the peculiar use of this dative of the 
gerund with the substantive verb, to denote the proximate futuri- 
tion of the act denoted by the gerund. Thus, «w ^t^ WT J^, 'she 
was just about to mount'; «IW "Wril ^ OT, 'he was about to go'.* 

(6) The Dative oiUeference is used after a great variety 
of words, to denote the object with respect to which any 
aflGo'mation is made. 

* Compare the EngHsh colloqaial idiom, *he was for going'. 


Thus it is 80 used after many neuter verbs; as, W^l Sn cftl ^niT, 'the 
arrow struck the peacock^; ^S^kfi mi 4m< g^ ^inig i, *to a poor man 
the world seems lonely'; OT^ 9inR %! ftl% ^§^T^, 'whatever may be 
pleasing to any one, that very (thing) say'; ^riif^ ^ %T «rtd rtH WR 
9iw^ 5^, *four months passed over Anirtuidh in bondage\ So we may 
have the dative of reference after an active verb ; e,g.^ ^rt ^ «FWT ^ fe 
^Skm ^ Tim %ni, *with regard to the woman, it is said, that of what- 
ever kind (her) husband may be'. 

a. To this head may be referred the use of the dative to denote 
the object of an action, in the impersonal construction (§ 332) of the 
perfect tenses of transitive verbs. Thus, e.g,^ ^^ ^ H€$l 'iftr #^rr, is 
literally, *by him seen (with respect) to the boys'. 

h. Finally, the dative of reference may follow some adjectives ; as, 
filnTf TilMli), *dear to (her) husband'; and also, some nouns, in ex- 
pressions of praise or blame ; as, yX9^ ^ ^ ^Tf9 ^, 'praise to thy 
courage !'; ni^TT Sft ^^nn ^, *a curse to my life !'. 

641. The dative with the postposition ^, (^, crt, etc.,) is also used 
in poetry according to the same general principles, as will appear from 
the following examples : — 919R w^ ^^ ^ i^, 'from having given even 
pain to a good man'; TO ^ ftiaffi ihl ftro «W^, 'Brahmd has sown 
for you the seed of trouble'. But very often in the Rdmdt/an^ the 
inflected dative in Ff (Ft) is preferred. Thus, wm ftmSj nfif q^ Wi 
HTCIT, 'this counsel, again, pleased her parents'; 115 fefkr #ftftf WTTC ?i, 
*in many a way she shows the bondmaid honor'; Trsiff fW JXt nffil 
TCT^, *the king has a special love for you'. 

«. Or the postposition may be omitted ; as, vj, ^T^fiHT *IE ^CT W ^1 
'for another's injury, warriors with a hundred hands'. 

The Case of the Agent. 

542. The case of the Agent is used only with the tenses 
of the perfect participle of transitive verbs, and that only 
in modern standard Hindi and other western dialects, to 
denote the agent. Examples will be found further on in 
the sections which treat of the aforesaid tenses. 

a. Uuite peculiar and exceptional is the use of this case with the 
infinitive, in a Hindi translation of the Bhdgavat Purdn ; where it is 
very common in the titles of the chapters, but occurs in no other 


position. Thus the title of the 8th Skandh reads, ^ ^TO?1R ^5iiT 
OTHfT HW Tnit WT U<j)sbBl< % lit,, 'the saving of the life of (his) hand- 
maid by God, having become incarnate as Hart*, Again, in the 2nd 
Adhijaya of the same ; C|i9«fT §^$d4 ^ ^ «inn V^^ St ^IT^ 5R^, 'tne 
narration by Shakdev Jf of the story of Gajendra and Gt'dh\ 

543. In both Braj prose and poetry the postposition ^ is often 
omitted. Thus, ^'iJTTOiR ^ T«RI ^ ^51 ^R SRife fe^T, *the Sanytms 
took out all tiie store from my hole'; ^l^H 5CT^, *the Brahman said'; 
^T^ %t TO wrth SI^T^, *you have increased (your) love for me'. 

644. In the Rdmdyan ^ is never used; and in tiie singular, the case 
of the agent is thus identical in form with the nominative. In the 
plural, the oblique form alone denotes the case of the agent. Thus, 
4)«rf TfR!^ 5R^ iw 5lTrn, 'looking toward Sitd, the lord spoke this 
word'; ^K^Tifl ^WtQ wtftl ^5R otW'I inS, *the illustrious deeds of 
Hari, the great sages have sung in countless ways'. But, as previ- 
ously remarked, the nominative with the active construction is very 
often used where modern High Hindi would use the passive con- 
Btruction with the case of the agent. 

The Ablative. 

545. Most of the Hindi idioms with the ablative rest 
upon the idea of 'separation'. We may classify them as 
follows : — 

(1) The Local ablative is used commonly Tvith verbs of 
motion, to denote Wiq place from which the motion proceeds. 

Thus, «R d H^ ^ wm d, 'they were coming from the jungle to the 
house'; TTOTT % ^Rl tW, 'they set out from Mathurd^; P§15T^R % ^, 
*he rose from the throne'. But sometimes the local ablative occurs 
with other verbs also ; as, T^ % ^^ il "^ ^^fM ^ % ^rex, 'from afar he 
said to Shri Krishn Chand\ 

(2) The Temporal ablative similarly denotes the time 
from tchichy as in the following : — 

ftrat i^ % ^^ ^ TUau ^ 5RT^ S UU^ yr, 'from that day they 
became celebrated as the Pool of Krishn and the Pool of Itddhd*; iTf 
tHt! ntqrr % fl^ W^ ^, ^this custom was coming on down from old 


(3) The ablative is used after all adjectives, verbs and 
other words denoting separation. 

Taos, after adjectives ; — 99 WW % W9Ji JIJT, *he became separated 
from me'; li ii ^?l ^ ^«l Wl % VW^ fiwfT, *I made them free from all 
fear*. It is also used after a great variety of verbs, especially, tropi- 
cally, verbs of asking^ re/using^ forbiddingy desiring^ saving^ etc., etc. 
Thus, ?m WJJ^ Ttot % W 5|#T, *go and inquire of your father'; OT 
% ^ITfTfT ft ^iHRt W^, *he desires from me his death'; ^ ^ IVT ^ 
^wm ^ ^ra % f«ira ftlQ <wrnn, *for what did you save us from fire and 
water ?'. Similarly, the verbal noun 9^, 'prohibition', may be fol- 
lowed by the ablative ; thus, WT inhl ^Fufil^l %T wftn^Tf «IPC^ %, 'what 
prohibition to the great sages from, worshipping Hari?\ 

(4) The ablative is used to express the aource^ origin^ or 

Examples are : — V^ % HR*i % ^ ^^ ^mx, 'nothing comes from 
obeying Indra^\ J^ % wh H^fTTH, 'greatly agitated with sorrow'; J 
^Ii9 nni d ^inniT ]|^ in, 'for what sin didst thou become a serpent ?'; 
51^ ^ % WlH^ 5n?l ^, ^hearing this much from Nand JP, Thus may 
be explained the ablative after verbs of fearing^ where the ablative 
denotes that which is the cause of the fear; as, e.g.y % ^THR % ¥T?n4, 
*I fear infamy'. 

(5) Hence, by a natural transition, the ablative comes to 
denote the meaais or instrument^ as that from which action 
immediately proceeds ; as, for example, 

5 in^ % fwcrr vrraSr, 'do thou tear them to pieces with an ele- 
phant'; ^ %t #T$ 1^ «RTft, 'with (his) hoof he digs up the banks of 

the river'. To this head may be referred the ablative after verbs of 'fill- 
ing', as denoting that with which the action of filling is performed ; 

as, e.g,y Hix^K fM^ira % ^^, 'the lakes are filled with pure water'. 

(6) Ilence, again, the ablative may denote the agent. 

a. Observe, however, that this construction is only found in con- 
nexion with neuter verbs or with the passive conjugation. Thus, 
^W % 5|f^ «Fhn, lit.y 'it will not be made by me', e.f., 'I cannot make 
it'; Bf W 5^1 ^ % ^^ 4WHT ^imr, 'their strength cannot be resisted 
by me'.* 

• In NaipdU the abl. postposition le is also used for the H. H. ne of the 
agent, in the passive coustruction with the perfect tenses of transitive verbs. 



(7) The ablative is used after all words denoting or im- 
plying comparison. 

a. Thus, it is used (a) after adjectives ; as, ^ % «rfT, ^greater than 
I'; ^ im ilii # «IW WJW «fit ^ Jirr, *why was he not sonless rather 
than have such a eon P'; CIV ^9 % irfW W ftlw, 'she went and met 
him first of all': (J) after verbs ; as, %Ti ^ t «l ^, *no one may 
conquer me'; firaffUT % Q^VPt ?h %4t ^ni f^ ifff, 'there is no sin at 
all, greater than child-murder': (c) after adverbs; as, fT^ % wH, 
•before this'; VX % «mrT, 'outside of the house'. 

(8) The ablative may denote the price, as that by means 
of which a thing is obtained. 

Examples :— UW TOW ^ ^m ^m % fil^, *I got this book for one 
rupee'; ^ wA % wft ftwsm t, *does it ever sell for two dnds ?\ 

(9) The ablative is very commonly used to denote the 

manner of an action. 

Examples : — ^^ St'^ % V^ «RT, 'sacrificing with the vedio for- 
mulas (read) backward'; «rai ft^ % vkmi «KT, 'adorning (themselves) 
fix)m head to foot'; ^^ % ^rftl vmK % ICTI, 'he said with great love'; 
This use of the ablative is especially common with such words as 
ininr, iitm, tHH, ftrfisr, eta ; as, IPB Ttfh t, 'in this way'; ^^ lififi, 'in 
that manner', etc. Here also place such phrases as f^^ to % IP^, 'go 

by this road'. 

Rem, This modal ablative denotes the noun as a norm or standard from 
which the action may, in a manner, be regarded as proceeding. Compare the 
English idiom, *I made it from this rule'; and the Latin, nosiro more, meo con- 
siliot etc. 

(10) The ablative is used after nouns expressing need or 

Examples :— ^ iknrf^ % hQthh t, *I have need of medicine'; ICT 
% rni «m, 'what is the use of this ?'. 

(11) Finally, the ablative with % is used to express a 
variety of relations expressed in English by the prepositions 
*with*, *by', or, more rarely, *in*, or *to'. 

Examples :— ^ i ^fV^ ^^y 'fight with me'; ftw^ % mmw ^ OiTWilf, 
•do not stir up discord with any one'; ftra % ftrenn ?> 4*31 ftWT, *with 

whom Brahmi contracted an alliance'; tf % ^, *mouth to mouth'; 



^ ^nv ^ ^ ^9, 'seeing him in the disguise otKriskn^; Mm ^ ^QT 
^, *by your honor's kindness'. 

a. iilfTi 'to say'y is commonly followed by an ablative of the 
person addressed, instead of the dative or aoousative with Jkr, whioh 
is only exceptionally used ; as, ?pii ^ 9itl, 'tell me'; iifiQ ^ en, 'whom 
shall I tell f '. Other words and phrases of analogous meaning to 
qraUT, are also followed by the ablative ; as, ^[|%T^ % ?m ^ iT^ sra^ 
^HSfft vr, 'you made Jasodd this promise'. In one place in the RdmA^ 
yan^ however, the object of 9i^i1T takes vril (^nBi); thus, fm T^t<K 
qSWT ^1 "V^i 'then Raghubir said to the sage'. 

Bern. It has been denied that we can correctly say, in such cases as the 
above, that the noun is in the ablative ; and, indeed, if we restrict the word 
^ablative' to its etymological sense, then the words mentioned under (10) are 
certainly not ablatives. But in no language is the usage of the word thns 
rigidly restricted. Fr4krit and modem Hindi, especially, afford abundant 
examples of the usurpation by one case of the functions of another. It is 
quite possible, moreover, that 'with' may be the radical signification of «e, 
from which all the modern usages of the word are to be derived. 

546. The ablative is nsed in poetry in the same manner as in 
prose. Two or three examples will suffice ; thus, ^5■ ^W S K ^^T^TTI 
91^, 'they began to dig the earth with their toe-nails'; m ^ %f ^^t 
Vi^UKIi *the stream of water whioh fell from their eyes'; ^ITJ ^jm 
5 ^nn^, 'by whose gracious compassion'; vjm % ^mSRIi xm nm ^, 
*Iidm is dearer than life to me'. 

547. Even in prose the ablative postposition is often omitted. This 
idiom, however, is by no means everywhere admissible, but ooctirs 
chiefly with the ablative of manner* or of cause^ and, occasionally, with 
the ablative oi place ; as, ^55 ^tf?!, or ^^ ITQRTT, 'in this way'; ^ra ^KlIH 
^^Y, 'all are well'; JtlSi ffftf ^R ftiT W^, 'the milk-maids gathered 
around him from all four sides'. 

a. But ut poetry, as usual, the postposition is omitted much more 
freely; thus, Jjf^ dui^fE 5RT^ ^^?TW, 'she asked the people, for what waa 
the joy', etc., etc. 

648. As has been remarked (§145), the conjunctive participle QfiTi^, 
is sometimes used, instead of %, as an ablative postposition, in the sens© 
of 'from' only. Often, IRT^ can hardly be distinguished in meaning 
from ^\e.g.y mq % tRpi and uni QR^ ttct, both mean 'free from sin*. 
But sometimes, when a distinction is intended, % denotes the ^ource^ 


and cfiri^, the means or instrument, as in the following : f^ % ^ 
ftre CRT^ .... 5^ ^ITO WRT «ITO ^mr ^, 'from whomi and through 
whom, .... one's fate, good or evil, comes*. 

The Oenitive. 

649. The genitive in Hindi expresses a very great varie- 
ty of relations, which may be classified and illustrated as 
follows : 

(1) Possession ; as, xrm JFT wk^, *the king's palace'; % e^ CK^ 
^1^ i, *I am the handmaid of Kans^; Qf 99 ^ dT#¥, 'all these are 
my horses . 

(2) Belationship ; as, ^ fq?!T, *my father'; ^«l eft Hrt, 'their 
mothers'; 9 9ii|d sfe^ % $T^, 'these are the two nephews of Kans\ 

(3) Material ; as, 4mH % ^ftr, 'temples of gold'; MkXifih % WX 
Uild^h, 'four gates of crystal'; HVjMlT^iJI qnn ^, 'a swarm of bees'. 
Here also I would place the phrase ^Tf 5m T1?I ^ H^, Angl.f 'the day 
was turned into night'; and some reduplications with the genitivOi 
aSy ^ru 9iT ^TU, lit,j 'milk of milk'; i.e., pure milk. 

(4) Origin or source ; as, ¥ni ^ gitel, 'the fragrance of in- 
cense'; \Sl^ ^S^ 9iT irsT, 'the noise of the breaking of the bow'; ^FR 
Wi TW^irft, 'beggars by birth'. 

(5) Cause or reason ; as. ta crt inx irarT. 'weary and exhaust- 
ed because of the way'; eiiUd) % WtoI 5KT ^ $W lirf, 'there is no- 
thing wrong in killing a deceiver'. 

(6) Pl(We ; as, OTpCT ^ irftirt, 'the women of Mathura'; t^ t^ 
% TTW, 'kings of various countries'. 

(7) Age ; as, mm wrr mm w^ ep^ «i^, 'when J7shd became seven 

years old'. In this case the genitive is used predicatively. 

(8) Quality or ki7id ; as, ^^R iron: ^ mvk, 'a countless variety 
of things'; of ^1*^ ^ wn t, 'it is a matter of great wonder'; TH 
TOT^ W droi, 'a load of ten pameri (100 lbs)'. 

a. Here may be noted the idiomatic use of the genitive of the 
infinitive or gerund, to denote a certainty, as determined by the will 
or nature of the agent. Thus, 1i wii W «lf^, 'I will not go'; %4^ mm 

«lif ili) ^, 'such a thing is not to be'. 

R&m. In this idiom, the genitive of the gerond is a predicative adjunct of 
the subject of the sentence, and is therefore inflected to agree with it in gen- 
der and number, as in the above examples. 


(9) U^e ; as, mil W iwri, 'provision for eating*; qHi 8FT wi^, 
•drinking-water*; ilf t^ ftfi^ mm «ft Hf^T, *this body is of no use*. 

(10) Subject of the action denoted by the word it qualifies. 
Examples :— ETRI^T % m^ 9t ^?ITfm, *the news of the flight of 

Bdndmr*; ^H % wiH 5KT 9iR9, *the reason of his going*. 

(11) The object of an action, direct or indirect. 
Examples :— 5i ?|i^ i?^ W TfT, *I relied npon you*; wfk mm ftwf 

lit WBft^, *we had very much anxiety about you*; S^ W^SRSS^ ^ vtsrt, 

•do not rub abtan upon me'; ^^ qST dST ?TO$8| ^ ^ mn eRT35l ?m^iiT 

HP^ WIT, *his son began to perform a most difficult act of penance to 

Mahddev JV\ VXS^ ^ IV^ % ITR 951 WR UT WfT, 'Akrur, fixing his 

contemplation on the feet of the lord, said'; ujdUiiil %t Tni 9iT 

fHTu^li ^fV, *the house of Tadu have no right to the kingdom'; 
Mii)»i5i< ?FT i^ra^, *a sinner against Q-od*. 

Rem. The same word may be accompanied either by the subject- 
ive or objective genitive, or even by both, as in the following : ^5| qs^ 
wt ^m ^ 1 W^, *they had no compassion upon me*. 

(12) Price ; as, ^ ^9 mA mj W^ $r, 'give me ten dnds worth 
of flour*; Tf% ^^^ qRT €lTfT t, *what is the value of this horse P*. 

(13) Time ; as, wrs ftrf 5ft «n?f ft, /»Y., *it is a matter of eig)it 
days', i.e., *eight days ago*; firat ^?HI ^ «n?f ft, *it is a matter of 
a certain time*; Angl,, *it once happened*. 

(14) The Partitive genitive is used when it is intended 
to denote anything as a whole of vrhich a part is taken. 

Examples :— ^ W wtH, *the beginning of the creation'; ^mbl eft 
^hirHI, *one fourth of the land*. 

a. Here may be classified many reduplicated forms denoting inten- 
sity or totality ; as, qf ^99 diT ^911 ft, 'this is very truth'; ^ 5RT ^^, 
*very sweet*, lit, *sweet of sweet'; ^W sft ^wt, *the entire assembly'; 
^ % ^, *swarms upon swarms', /tY., *swarms of swarms*. 

i. Observe, that when a generic term is accompanied by a noun 
denoting 'measure* or 'quantity', the partitive genitive is not employ- 
ed, but the generic term follows the other in apposition with it ; as, 
tr ittUJ ^wk, 'two Mghas of land'; fil^ %^ T^ ,'three sers of milk*; f^ 
^^m nmt, 'a cup of water*; $T dif Wif , 'two suits of clothes*. 

(15) Many other combinations of nouns with the genitive might 
be noted ; as, e.g., in oaths ; thus, ilin ^ iR^ mm, 'by Qangd Ji I*: in 


interjectional exTpTeB&ions; as, ihn wi ^ ^ni, 'Victory to Mother 
Gunges !': in phrases denoting the contents of any thing ; as, TiRt m 
VfT, 'a jar of water', etc., eto. But the above specifioations comprise 
the most important idioms. 

(16) The genitive is used after a few adjectives ; as, dim 
(tm), and wroi or mm^i {Ar. ^1), *vrorthy', *fit\ 

Examples : — ^fo^nd % drw, *fit to teach'; urit % dm ft, *it looks 
like rain'; frail % ^imi, *fit to wcdk'; and, in the Rdmdyan^ nrftS 
fmm, 'able to break'. 

550. In various common phrases in which the noun limited by the 
genitive can be readily understood, it may be omitted. The inflec- 
tion of the genitive is determined by the noun which is to be under- 
stood. Thus, the genitive is regularly omitted after ynif and 4IM«ll ; 
as, V9 i| ^ ^ 5^, *he did not hear me', lit,y *my', («c. «n?f, 'word)'; TO 
ftn «wt ili^^IFI^ ir, 'why do you not regard my word?' («c. WR). 

551. It is important to observe that ^ is idiomatically used in 
many expressions denoting possession, where we might expect ^fU or 
lit ; as, ^ «ftR 1 J^, 'I had no sister'; Sft ^TO J^ ^I^WT, 'one son was 
bom to me'; Sg ^ ^ ^B^ ft, 'a pony, also, has a soul'. 

a. The practical rule for the use of this idiom would seem to be 
this ; whenever, in English idiom, possession must be expressed by a 
verb, as, e.g.^ 'to have', the Hindi genitive in ^ must be used, what- 
ever may be the gender of the following noun. But when, in Eng- 
lish, the possessive case must be employed, then Hindi idiom demands 
the genitive with W, ^8, or 5Rt, according to §140. Thus, 'it is my son' 
must be rendered in Hindi, dn WSi ft ; but, 'I have a son', ^ IPI ft. 
So also, ^5 % ^fta ft, is 'a pony has a soul'; but, ^ mj ^ft«| ft, would 
mean, 'it is the soul of a pony'. Thus, in the Rdtndyan^ im ^qr i^qn 

t ftft, 'Lord, I have one great doubt'. 

Rem. It has been common to postulate some such word as pds or yahd/Bf 
after this he ; but native grammarians deny that there is any ellipsis. More- 
over it may be noted that in Mafwdiri, which inflects the genitive postposi- 
tion, ro or Am>, to rd and kd, (obi. masc.) and ri and hi (fern.), re or he is also 
used as a ihwd inflection before both masc. and fem. nouns, when possession 
is denoted. I would suggest, therefore, that this he of possession probably 
only chances to be identical in form with the obi. masc. inflection, he ; and, in 
faei, has arisen from, another modification of the Sanskrit participle hrikk. 
The matter, however, needs farther investigation. 


652. The genitive postposition is very often omitted, even in prose, 
when the governing noun immediately follows. The two nouns then 
become, in fact, a G-enitively Dependent Compound. (§480,(6).) In 
conversation, however, the omission is much less common. 

a. Peculiar is the omission of the postposition in the following 
phrase : % ^ iriirr ^R mStm, 'he shall obtain the wealth his lips shall 
ask', /t^., *the mouth's asked wealth'. 

b. In phrases expressing a date, the genitive postpositions are 
always omitted ; as, #7 ^|T^ in^^^fy 'on the 5th of the light fortnight 
of Jeth\ The order is regularly the reverse of the English. 

553. The genitive postpositions, ^, ^, CRT, ^, etc., as used in 
poetry, are subject to the same rules as in prose. Thus, $CR Y ^ ^ 
^rort, 'of the very gods, Murdri is the God'; ^TUTfl Cfit jran ?rat, '(they) 
abandoned the worship of the ruler of the gods'; wf ^RF CRT dnj #, 
'assuming the weight of the three worlds'; ^RSf Cfni^ dl^ ^51 ^, *I 
salute the lotus feet of all'; ftjOTf ^nr J^ WRIR^ cR, 'the sins and 
sorrows of the night of existence vanish'; 1 ^?T^ HTlf WW^ ^ir| ^ 
cfNw, 'nor has (he) to this day done harm to any one'. 

a. In the following sentence from the Rdmdyan {Ay, K,) we have 
a Marwari possessive genitive in ^; i^il^ 81^ 9^ ih, 'the face of 
Slid withered'. 

The Locative Case. 

554. The postpositions commonly assigned to the loca- 
tive case, are (1) 0, (2) w, (3) otj, ?i^rr, ^n, ^, etc. As they 
differ radically in their meaning, we treat them separately. 

555. (1) The locative with ^ denotes, primarily, exist- 
ence in a place. 

Examples : — 1:^ ^ ^rai w IR? ftwT, 'he became incarnate in Braj*; 
^f^ 55^TT % 'in this world'. 

a. After a verb of motion, ^ must be rendered by 'into*, 
or 'to'. 

Examples : — «If ^WT « nS, 'he went into the assembly'; IfTOHITOC 
Ti TXWn mi ^ 9T#r, 'come to Hastindpur to the royal sacrifice'. 

6. The locative may often be rendered by ^among\ 
Examples :— f^^ ^ ^RHt ^91QR ORit miQ, 'among women where could 
one find so much beauty ?'; i^ H ikm t, 'who is there among us i\ 


c. The locative with ik is used idiomatically after aU 
verbs of Hying\ ^fa8tening\ ^wearing\ etc. 

Examples : — ^55 n ute «rtw, 'tie a knot in this'; it? 5F^ iri ^ 

¥f#t ^^^ d, *with dirty wooden trinkets hung about the neck, thej 
were playing'. 

d. It is also used after verbs oi filling. 

Thus, ^55 ^^ ^ ffp^ ^ ^T^ ^ ^ra mr i, *this ocean is filled with 
the water of anxiety and vain affection*. 

(2) The locative with ^ naturally also expresses the time 
within which any thing happens. 

Examples :— HH ^^ ^, •in those days'; vsfgFi ^q? HRT ^ H^, *in 
several days they arrived'. 

(3) And it also expresses tropically various other rela- 
tions, as follows : 

a. Difference ; as, to gw ^ tg^ d^ 51^, <there is no difference 
between me and you'. It may thus follow verbs of fighting ; as, ^^ 
?l5H ft 97 J^y 'a battle was waged between them'; or words express- 
ing union or reconciliation ; as, ^ ^ ft^ ygr, ^harmony was made be- 
tween them'. 

h. Sphere of action ; as, n ^ ftn t^ m 9ii^, <I have not any 
power in this (matter) '. 

c. Subject of discourse ; as, Hit 8r^ ^Rlh ^ )i qgr 9ni, *what shall 

I say in his praise ?'; and also, occupation ; as, cnp WRt nfti qSt %w ^ 
w, *she continued in the service of her husband'. 

d. Condition ; as, nm % WR ^ %T n^, 'she went to sleep, think- 
ing of her husband', lit,, *in thought of her husband'. 

e. Cause ; as, IRW 1^ irarni fk mvs ^KT, 'becoming angry for a 
very smcdl offence'. 

/. Instrument ;as, ^9^^«R«^nt^ ik t^ ^nmr w ^Fm mim 

fillin, *he finished this serpent's work with a single arrow'. 

g. It is often used in comparison, instead of the ablative; 
as, VI fiHtt ^amr^ ^ ift^ ^ir^Tm irt i, 'of these three gods who 
(most) quickly grants a blessing ?'. 

h. It is used after certain verbs to denote the price. 

Examples : — mK mA ^ wiifHl la^^ ftrebft, 'how much grass will 
one get for four dnds ?';^ ^m^i^fit^ ^W fk ^m ^, 'I bought this 
oow for thirty rupees'. 


Bern. The distinction between the genitive, accusative, and locative of price^ 
seems to be as follows. The genitive denotes value ahsolutdy, as an attribute 
of the subject ; as, yak hitne hd h4rd, 'what is the value of this diamond P'; the 
accusative denotes the price definitely, as that for which a thing is obtained ; aa, 
yah ivtm ne hitne ho Uyd, *for how much did you get thisP'; the locative de- 
notes the price under a slightly different aspect, as a sum within which a thin^ 
is bought ; as, yah mujhe eh rwpaye men mild, *I got this for (lU.y within) one 

i. The locative with ^ is sometimes used partitively ; 

as, ^19 iFTri ^4h r9F9 % %Ti) 'he who has even one of the nine'. 

566. The locative vrith w, *on', denotes, (1), external 
contact. Thus it expresses, 

a. Position on or upon anything ; as, cnp %f:S( w iferr jut 

W, *he was seated on the house'. Thus it regularly follows oertain 
verbs ; as, ^h^ W ir§T, 'mount the horse'. After verbs it is often to 
be rendered by *at', or *to'; as, af gi^ W ^IfT i, 'he is standing at 
the door'; ^ ^ Wf W IR, *they went to that same blind well'. 

h. Distance-, as, wnft i «CT ?T W, *at some distance bom 
KdshV; ^5R itTO W, *at (the distance of) one ko8\ 

c. Addition ; as, fn#i W rirar ?, 'putting lock upon look'. 

(2) It is used to denote the time at which ; as, cif 3^ ^f^RH 
W ^nUT, *he came at the exact time'; ^tflS nni W, *on the fifth day'. 

(3) The locative with w also denotes a variety of tropi- 
cal relations, as follows : 

a. The object toward which an action or feeling is directed. 

Examples :— ^W W ^m wH^, *be pleased to have mercy upon me'; 
Y^ sn?! VR vm HUT^, 'apply your mind to this'. 

J. Hence it denotes the subject of discourse, as the object 
to which discussion is directed. 

Examples :_ii¥5rsS*t * Hff W ^f€t ^pTOi^T yr \ 'there have 
been thousands of commentators on the doctrines of the six systems'; 
^f^ W mir ^ 'JSt, *as to this, if you say'. 

c. It may express conformity to a rule or custom ; 
as, %^ "9^ wft W nHi, *we will abide by our own reUgion'. 

d. Also, superiority ; 

as, vy «T «ra «»» W H «l^ WOT, *no power oilndra prevails over you*. 


e. The reason of any action, as tropically its foundation ; 
as, ^ 19 vr?l TPi 91 H^ nUT, 'at this word of mine he fell into a 

/. Very rarely the locative is used for the ablative with a verb in 
the passive conjugation. Thus, in the Rdjnitiy ^ 9 ff^QT irf V1?i, 'I 
am not able to walk'. 

657. The locative forms with fw, ?wwi?, ^nr, or ^, all de- 
note, literally or tropically, the limit to which an action 
extends or a statement is made. There is no difference at 
all in the meaning of these postpositions. 

Examples are ; — nu OTJ mit UTOT, *the water came up to (his) 
nose'; H^lt % ^ 9§ ?lli, 'from the child to the old man'. 

a, PecuUar is the following phrase (poet): ^m^n ftni ?qi|^ ^m), 
*thou mentionest thy own beloved even to us'. 

658. The locative postpositions, ^ and IT, are often omitted in 
prose and in the colloquial. This omission occurs chiefly in certain 
adverbial phrases of time and place. Thus we have, IK ^mr, for IK 
^MQ ^ (or W), *in' or *at' *that time'; vHiH 1%, 'falling at (his) feet'; 
^ fiptt ^VfliT ^irr, 'the days being fulfilled, a boy was (bom)'; snr HT 
vmtf *he went to the house'. 

a. ^ is almost invariably omitted in certain verbal combinations, 
commonly called 'Nominal' verbs; as, ism imr, (for fRW fk irrtlT,) 
*to be of use', lit,, *to come in work'; SHU CRTIT, *to marry'; son #1T, 
*to give in marriage'; 1% HHT, *to appear', Angl.y *to come in sight'. 
WH and its equivalents are never omitted in prose. 

659. When the above locative postpositions are employed in poet- 
ry, their usage corresponds to that already noted. A few examples 
will suffice. 

(1) HimBi ^TO i&lf IRI Wft, *they are produced in the water toge- 
ther'; ft TOi ^ wra M, *they remained safe in that time'; eR^ ?W 
fiW ^ 914 %nf, *are you one of the Three gods ?'; xm imnv XHRE l[fi| 
HTf^, *in this the glory of Rdin is manifest'; ^m^ ?KT Ti ^m «l IT ^, 
*the rosary in the hand, the thoughts not on Hart*, (2) «|ifil ¥TT W, 
Hhe monkeys on the branches'; H^ I9^IT^ 9 ^IfBi, 'the good lay hold 
of goodness'; dx ipirt ^fff vx ilw, *if you have affection for (your) 
daughter'. (3) «Rl4 Qlift ^iflT ^rm W^\k, ^whereunto shall I declare the 

greatness of the Name ?'. 



a. In poetry, however, these postpositions are more frequently 
omitted ; but any attributive of the noun in the locative, if capable of 
inflection, must be inflected. Thus, in the following, «nftr (S) is omit- 
ted : VW «irc ITO ^TilK ^JWRT, 'remembering the name of this One in the 
world'; t gi^ ^ ^'^ THK, *the king is subject to your service'. And 
in the following, W would have been used in prose : mu^ MlimTuikH 
fifW TT?ft, *cold night was on the lotus-bed'; OTYH ^Wl fiKTO, 'send me, 
O lord, upon your service'. And in the following examples, prose 
usage would have demanded OTJ (or WH*, etc.): mfil ^?W 'taH %T ^T^, 
Hhese she ate for three thousand years'; IRR ^ TM, *the pollen as- 
cends to the &ky^ 

560. A noun in the locative, whether in poetry, prose, or 
the colloquial, in addition to its own proper postposition, 
may take that of the ablative, or, less frequently, the geni* 

tive. Each postposition retains in full its special meaning- 
Examples are ; — W^ fi ^ ^hn i, *who of us is there P^ lit, *froin 
among us*; QT ^ CRT ^^ ^f^p^y *a man belonging to the town'; €h^ 
TnrWT fi « fiWRWT, *some one went out from the court'; fe^ ^ 
Iffi xtK % IV^VI^ m% 9tr ^TTUT, *he removed Ahmad Shah from the 
throne of Delhi', lit, *fi'om on the throne*. Two postpositions are 
commonly used after verbs of fa/ling^ with the noun denoting that 
from which one falls ; as, ^^ ¥T^ W % niTT, *he fell off that branch*, 
a. In Marw^ri, the accusative postposition, ^ ( = H. H. ^,) is also 
Bometimes added to TIT^, (=H. H. ^,) when it becomes, literally, 'in- 
to*. Thus, in *Diingar8ingk\ s^YrfrlihHKtt wri^, 'jump into the fort*. 

561. Before leaving the cases which are formed with postpositions, 
it is to be noted with regard to them all, that, inasmuch as the post- 
positions still partake more of the nature of prepositions than of 
true case-endings, when several nouns follow one another in the 
same case and construction, the postposition proper to them all is 
used only after the last. Thus, Jxm ^J^H ^ 9i9in <^4|i4^ ^ ^H, 
*the beauty of Damayanti, the daughter of Bhim Sen^; ira ^ ^ 
TO ^ ^wn 9PC% ^nn, *he began to live on fruits, flowers, bulbs and 
roots*. But, much more rarely, the postposition may be repeated with 
both nouns or pronouns ; thus, ^ V%T^ ^ ^1T il HiV i| HW 91R f^iOT 
m, *you and I made this promise to JN'and and Jasod4\ 


Of the Vocative. 

562. The Vocative is used in calling or address, either 
with or without an interjection. 

Examples : — t di&, *0 son !'; ^sf^l^ 5%, 'companions I hear'; ^^ 
%^ VS^fm *Pf tr, 'daughter ! be not so di8tr€8sed\ 

a. Certain words in ^n^, often make the vocative in XQX ; as, e.g.^ 
from wi, 'brother', »lHt, 'mother', vocative singular, WTVIT, ftoT. In 
Garhwal, ^ is often similarly added to proper names ; as, t 4fldT, 
^PanchamVy etc. 

b. In poetry, the writer often addresses himself by name in the 
vocative. Thus, I4II<M^<^ *HHW)5<H^ g^w Win TBWm w, lit^ *joy- 
inspiring. ^a/t-yu^-impurity-removing, O Tulsi^ is the story of RaghU'* 
ndth !'; fjTO^ %% niNfl ^ WXK VTt namnT, *Tuh%\ to such a sinner, 
again and again a curse I'. 


563. Little needs to be said here as to the construction of 
adjectives in the sentence. They may define a noun either 
(1) attributively i or (2) predicatively . 

Examples are, of (1); — W^ IJIT, *a large town'; ^5^ QtA, *a sweet 
voice'; H^ dl^. 'large horses'; and of (2); «IW ^ife 5*W ift, 'she was 
very beautiful'; ITJ IW i¥T t, 'this water is cold'; % i| ^^ itT Q9n^ 
$1IT, *I saw that he was distressed'; W$ W^ ^ra^ Q^ % 'this staff ia 
made straight'. 

a. The rules which govern the agreement of the attributive or 
predicative adjective with the noun qualified, will be found further 
on, in the section on 'Agreement'. 

564. Adjectives are often used as nouns, in which case 
they are inflected like nouns of the same terminations. 

Thus, «l#t Jft ^vm %, 'from the time of the ancients (/i^., of the 
great') ; fe^t ^BH^ i| «fT t, 'some wise (man) has said'; 'QlltV 9Pi nR| 
#ni 5^T^, *there is no blame to the powerful, Chisdin !'. 

a. When two adjectives used as plural nouns, and connected by a 
copulative conjunction, follow one another in the same case, the first 
may take the singular, and the second only, the plural form ; as in 
the phrase, #ld % «ft ^ QRlty 'small and great said'. 


665. Comparison has been explained and illustrated, 
§§169, 170, It may be noted in addition, that a very 
high degree of any quality may be expressed by repeating 
the adjective ; as, mm WW, *very black', ^t% ^ «^, *very 
sweet fruits'. 

a. Or, for greater emphasis, the first adjective may be taken as a 
noun in the ablative ; as, HR^ ^ wrt WH, *the very greatest sins'; i.e., 
•heavier than the heavy'; ^fW ^ ^fm W^, *the very best thing*. 

666. Agreeably to § 545 (7), all adjectives used compar- 
atively, require the noun with which the comparison is 
made, to be in the ablative. 

Thus, ICTIT % Wtt, 'heavier than stone'; thit ^ TSR^, 'richer than a 
king'; 99 ^S^ % ^t, 'the noblest of living creatures'; HW V9 % ^TfV 
9, 'this is superior to that'. 

667. Certain adjectives are followed by a noun in an 
oblique case. Thus, especially* 

(1) Adjectives denoting (advantage or fitness ^ or their 
contraries, govern a noun in the dative. 

Thus, ^ % wftPI t, *it is proper for a woman'; WH ^ dnn t, *it 
is right for us'. ( Vid. § 541, b.) 

(2) Adjectives denoting likeness ^ conformity ^ worthiness^ 
or the contrary, commonly take a noun in the inflected 

Thus, wm^ % JHM % 9Wn, 'like the thunder firom the cloud'; ^^^ 
^ ?!W, 'equal to this'. So also, 9tw, (Urdu j5f, often written Wim,) 
in the sense of 'worthy^, takes the genitive ; as, Hf dfvn % drm ^, 
'this is worthy of a wise man'. 

a. When such adjectives are preceded by any infinitive or gerund, 
the postposition, especially in poetry, is often omitted, and the gerund 
put in the oblique singular. Thus, ?pT ^ TX^m ^ ikfvT! ^fiTd ilTir 9l, 
'you are competent to make my sons wise men'; % fm ^f^if ^IKft 
wnnPE, 'I am able to break your teeth'. 

(3) A few verbal adjectives expressing desire or affection, take an 
objective genitive (§ 549,(11)); as, ^qW 8FT ^twt, 'covetous of money'; 
91 tapi ^ W^rot ft, *he is covetous of wealth'. 


568. The adjective w, *full', is never used by itself; but 
partakes rather of the character of an affix, like the English 
*fuir, in such phrases as a *spoon-fuir, a *house-full', etc. 
But viK is used much more extensively than the correspond- 
ing English 'full*. Any noun taking this affix is regular- 
ly inflected before it, as before the postpositions, whenever 

inflection is possible. 

Examples : — filing W, 'a oup-full'; wt¥^ WT, *a jar-fuir. W ig used 
also with nouns of distance, as, %ra vn, *as much as a kos^; and with 
expressions denoting time, as, ^Tf H^, 'the whole day'; ^ ^it^ni 99T, 
*all my life long'; and with the pronominal adjectives, ^f^niT, HHRIT, 
etc., when it has an intensive force ; as, T^WIT ^^ i| WW nniT, 4HHi ^W 
% t3% fim ^^^TTT, 'I will give him back just as much as he gave me'. 

Rem, In examples hke the last, where the noun or adjective with bhar is 
not inflected, bhar may be more correctly regarded as the conjunctive partici- 
ple of bhamd, *to fill'. 

669. Adjective formations with the affix w have been 
already explained and illustrated, § § 165, 166. 


670. wm, *one*, may be used for the English indefinite 
article (§ 148), in cases where that article is equivalent to 
the phrase, *a certain'. 

Examples : — ^W yw il W5 ^ 3inn, 'a (certain) man said to me*; W^ 
{^ ^ W^ 9, 'a certain day it happened', lit., 4t is the thing of a 
(certain) day'. 

Rem. It shonld be observed, that most Europeans nee eh for the indefinite 
article much too freely. In the majority of cases, it should not be translated 
into Hindi. 

571. ^m, when repeated in the same clause and construc- 
tion, is equivalent to *each*, or *each one'. But when the 
first ^m is in the subjective construction, and the other in 
the objective, the first must then be rendered *one', and 
the second, *another\ 

Examples of both cases are as follows : 79 ^m nm THIT, ^each one 
went away'; ^9 il 7Ql( 7Q|( ikr Qift n^vn f^, *he conveyed each ono 


there'; ^m ^« ^ WfT, 'one fought with another*; ^fH ^«i % ^ JWr, 
*each one was joined to another*. So also when repeated in sueoes- 
sive olauses, the first ^^ may be translated *one', the ceoond, *an- 
other'; as, ^^ WtHt, ^W WT?IT HT, *one was coming, another going'. 

672. ^qR 18 often used elliptically in the beginning of a sentence ; 
as, ^qR W^ f^ y5l % ^W J^ \ *one (thing is), I am troubled be- 
cause of your trouble*. If the enumeration is continued, the ordinal 
IT^n, may follow in the next sentence ; but even more frequently finc 
or xifil, *again', introduces the second particular in the enumeration ; 
as, ^qR^ W^nm. . . .^Pi m ftrff ftrai^, *one (thing is), I am of a 
dull mind ; again, the lord forgot me'. 

573. Jm ^ or ^^ mv is rendered 'together'. Thus, ^Rft ^^ ^m 
^m *n^, 'all the brothers were bom together'; filf ifm ^^ ^TH Tf?^, 
*the lion and cow would dwell together'. In this idiom, 4ffl or ^n 
is to be regarded as a noun in the locative, with the postposition 

574. For the use of the singular and plural form of nouns with 
numerals, see § 528 (1) a, Eem. 

576. The Aggregative form of the numerals in ^ (§176), 
is used when it is designed to indicate the noun as a col- 
lective whole. 

Examples occur in the common phrases, ^in^ ^^, ^he eight 
watches'; WJ i%^, *the four quarters (of the heavens)'; liW ^tr^f, *the 
three worlds'. Similarly, %T OTt ^i^^ ^ ^KlW f^, 'he gave those six 
in marriage to Ba8udev\ 

576. Colloquially, a numeral with the postposition fim is used as 
equivalent to the English, 'as much as', 'as many as'. This phrase 
may be construed as a nominative; as, ^^ TOJ W^, *as many as ten 
came'; % ^ ^rn 91^ TICR ^Wl, *I saw as many as four elephants'. 


577. A Personal pronoun, when the subject of a verb, is 
very commonly omitted. 

a. This omission is generally allowable when no emphasis is in* 
tended, and when it can occasion no ambiguity ; as, e,g.y in direct 
address ; as, vrdl, *go'; sc. IW ; dl^, *may (I) speak ?'. 


578. Pronouns are to be regarded as of the same gender 
and number with the nouns to which they refer. 

Thus, tnwiHiT dr Dmi^ i| ^ T^ ^, 'princesses whom Bhaumd* 
8ur had kept captive*. 

a. But when it is intended to show respect, the pronoun 
is put in the plural, even when referring to a singular noun. 

Thus, ?nrt % TTW .... ^f'% ^ ^nft d, *the kings of that place would 
convey him along', where v% refers to Balrdm, And in the follow- 
ing, ^P^ refers to Krishn ; ^W ^^iff 9{T CTR filS Tfft \y * we remain in 
meditation upon him alone^ 

b. The use of the plural for the singular of the 2nd personal pro- 
nouns, has already been explained (§ 194). 

c. The use of the plural 7iam, for the singular mats, 'I', is characteristic 

rather of eastern ELindi. The usage, however, is not regarded bj the best 
authorities as in good taste, and it is doubtless better for the speaker to use 
the singular. Still we often find examples in literature of the use of ham for 
the singular; nor is it easy to trace any principle which guides the choice. 

579. The use of the Honorific pronoun uni, for the 2nd 
personal pronoun, has been explained in § 211. 

580. The usage of the various pronouns referred to in the above 
paragraphs cannot, in the nature of the case, be adequately illustrated 
by individual phrases separated from their context. But we may 
note such passages as the following. The demon Bdndsur angrily 
calls to Aniruddhy ^ 9) H ill TPiR, 'who art thou, thou within the 
house ?'. (P. 8, Adhy, LXII). So Kri§hn says with anger and con- 
tempt, 9 ^ HW ^Pn i^RUT, 'what is this (that) thou hast done?'. But 

again, when in the Pretn Sdgar one girl says to another, 9ii^ n 9i9 
f^i?IT 9I?1 cis^, 'friend, do not thou be anxious', in this instance n indi- 
cates affectionate familiarity. So the great sage Vkhvamura^ with 
no intention of contempt, addresses in the singular the king Saris- 
Chandra, as one ranking far beneath him ; fm % ^ifisnR ^PISR ^ TV^ 
W'l Wwf ^ij in?n i, *no one appears more wealthy and liberal than 
thee'. A. man says to his brother, in the 2nd person plural, TTPfl) 
WM ura #^, *let me play dice with you'; but a son to his father, 
Uni Y?RI Qfl^ ^Hl, 'please inform me so much as this'; and Balrdm 
and others to Kr^hn ; ^mi ift ^WTV ^, 'obtaining your honor's per- 


i\r. B. Observe, that HTH, as the subject of a verb, always requires 
the yerb to be in the 3rd plural ; and if the imperative be used, the 
respectful form in ^ is invariably required. Occasional exceptions 
are irregular and not to be imitated. The following examples may 
be noted : irni ^^fft ^nft ^, *where is your honor going?'; vlfRni %% 
nm ^1 WSl ffF9 $#, 'Great king ! what such signs has your excellency 
seen P'; irni umiFii), 'be pleaaed to depart'. Similarly, all other pre- 
dicates of mil must be in the plural ; as, qc^ Y^ it Tom $% «liWT?l %, 
^Kanva is in this way called the father of this (maiden)'. 

R^m. In the opinion of the Hindoos, the distinctions which are made in the 
use of the pronouns, are of great importance ; and the foreigner cannot be too 
careful to observe them in conversation wi&h the people. Indeed, a failure 
to discriminate in the use of these different pronominal forms, is often the 
occasion of much unnecessary dislike and ill feeling on the part of natives of 
India toward foreign residents of the country. 

681. The choice between the two forms of the dative and accusa- 
tive which occur in the singular and plural of the pronouns (§ 206), is 
regulated to a great extent by euphonic considerations. But in 
accordance with the principles indicated in § 532 (1), the forms with 
Jkr are preferred for personal objects. 

a. But if a dative and accusative both occur in the same simple 
sentence, the form with ^ is apparently preferred for the accusative, 
and that in ^ (plur. <), for the dative. 

582. The ablative singular of the proximate demonstrative, iTf , is 
often idiomatically used to introduce a clause expressing a conse- 
quence or conclusion ; as, ^f^ % WM ^ ?ihcir PfTO W^, *do you there- 
fore go and bathe at a sacred place'. 

583. When Of and Qf occur in contrasted clauses, Jr% may often 
be rendered *the one', and Clf , *the other'. Thus, (P. 8. Adhy. 
LXXXVII), 9 ^ 5RilT^ S ^iira, *the one wears a necklace of 
flowers, the other, a necklace of skulls'; and so repeatedly in the 

584. The demonstrative, relative, and interrogative may 
be used adjectively before not only single nouns, but also 
entire phrases. 

Thus, irf ^ VfX mv ^VRRT U^, 'this expiating of a great sin has 
fallen to us'; 9 il HW WT i^inn i^ #Rt %Q|i ^mi QRm W^^ 'what is this 


that you have done, to ahandon your family, and shame, and mod- 

esty P'; t ^wy ^ dt ^?i^ ^rt^ #HT i ir 5WT ^ ^F^ «RT fsranr i, *0 

ocean ! art thou parted from some (loved) one, that thou heavest the 
long-drawn sigh V. 

a. Hence dt is used to introduce the protasis of causal and oondi» 
tional clauses ; and %, less frequently, the apodosts. So also, the 
relative dl, especially in the locative, ftro S, and ablative, ftra ft or 
T^ %, is used to introduce final clauses denoting the object or pur- 
pose of an action. Illustrations of the above will be found further 
on, in the sections on adjective and causal adverbial clauses. 

585. The relative and interrogative pronouns are often 
used, by attraction^ for the indefinite pronoun. 

Thus, dr %T^ T9 % ^IT5RT dr irtimr i, ^whatever any one goes and 
asks of him, that he obtains'; cpn W^A HR f^ ^^^ cpn 9i^, 'who 
knows what he may do at some time ?\ 

a. In poetry this attraction is often extended to a great length, as 
in the following : J^ «Fhfif im Jlffl wgri IWI dft ^PR ^Ift §ff| in4t, 
^whoever, at any time, by any effort, in any place, has obtained intel- 
ligence, renown, felicity, wealth, prosperity'. 

686. dr is often used, especially in the colloquial, pleonastically 
with i, 'is'; thus, fiT^iai: it i % ^ftaiaiufii^M i, where in English 
idiom we would simply say, 'God is almighty'. 

587. The distinction between the two interrogatives, ^pi 
and WT, and that between the two indefinite pronouns, %t# 
and ^, has been already explained (§§ 208, 200). 

a. The following idiom with ^m may be noted ; 9^ ^|!)eil^ tfitif 
^, *who am I, that I should deliver (you) ?'. 

5S8. The usage of tftni in the plural varies. The Urdu oblique 
plural form, ftRf , is used ; as, Rct %ilt CRT, *of what people P'. But 
the common people often use the uninflected singular in the oblique 
plural ; as, ^m %m %, 'from what people ?'. 

589. «n is used as both nominative and accusative ; the 
oblique form in ^ is appropriated to the dative. 

Thus, fp WT #ra?i tr, *what are you saying P'; but, WR iliTt ^ 

#Wlfl tr, 'why (for what) are you speaking; P'. 



a. «T is used idiomatically in expressions denoting sur* 

Examples : — $?ni^ QHT i Bk ^oir J^V ^^^ '■HH ^IfT JUT, *what does 
she see (but) that a man has come and stands before her'; i3rf $1^ 
QHtV BV W^^, 'the horses have run— (why,) they have come flying*. 

&. cpn is sometimes used absolutely in the accusatiye, as 
in the following : 

T9 % 'inS % HT^rw 5WT ^nrfHT, *in what respect will (my) future 
life be harmed ?'. Hence it is often used merely as the sign of a 
question ; as, mi n i| Wi9 ?1^ ^rrf ^m, 'hast thou not yet heard V. The 
dialectic M is also similarly employed (§ 228). 

c. For the use of Wl as a oonj unction, see § 516, c. 

d. The postposition is sometimes omitted after QRT^ ; thus, H HSI^ 
^TqIri ^, *why art thou crying ?\ 

590. In further illustration of the distinction between 
the two indefinite pronouns, ^fcr^ and «9 (§209), the follow- 
ing points may be noted : 

a. cRi is often practically used as a plural for ^ri. 

Thus, 'some book has fallen', is ^T^ J^^T^ ^T^ 9; but, 'some books 
have fallen', is qnff il^n$ mrt %. 

6. When ^T^ is used substantively, the inflected form, filpit %t, is 
commonly preferred for the accusative ; but when it is used adjective- 
ly, if the accompanying noun be in the nominative form of the accu- 
sative, ^Kt^ also retains the nominative form, as in the following : 
WpI Tf% ^ ifcr^ Sit T%J), *will you keep any place for your resi- 
dence P'. 

e. ^kfi is used with numerals to denote a number approximately, 
like 'some' in English ; as, %T^ ^9 WT^li^ ^n^, 'some ten men came'. 

d. With proper names, %r| must be translated 'a certain'; as, %r4 
^reh WRIT, 'a certain Udho (has) come'. 

€. ^K9 is used adjectively before substantives in any case singular 
or plural ; as, «g9 ^ ^ 'at some distance'; W9 irt^ % *in some vil* 
lages', etc. 

/. Jh^ and ^ in successive clauses must be translated 'one'. . • • 
'another'; thus, %T^ «g9 9i9?n in ^Hi 9179, 'one was saying one thing, 
(and) another, another'; ftpft ^ firft VT^HV VfniT filWT #f Wll WWW 


Vfllill, ^raining water, one he washed away ; raining fire, another b6 
burned (to death)'. 

^. ^ is added to the relative pronominal, #^, *a8 (what-Iike)*, to 
impart indefiniteness ; as, ^hiT ^J9 9t, ^of whatsoever sort it may be'* 

591. The Reflexive pronoun, wn, may be used with both 
nouns and pronouns, when it is equivalent to the English 
'self', 'myself, 'yourself*, 'himself', etc., according to the 

Thus, ^ ITO^ ^ flrar ^VETTT ♦, *I am able to feed myself'; aw HI? 
9il?Tr 9, 'he himself says'. The ablative, HTH %, is often to be trans- 
lated *of one's own accord'; ^w nm % IWIT IfHT, *the dog went away 
of hie own accord', or *of himself'. 

a. In the following, the plural wni9 % refers to the persons men- 
tioned in the context ; Wl^^ ?i jiji ^ fPCW TO^, in English idiom^ 
'they talked with each other of the sorrow'. 

i. In the following, mni is accusative singular ; 9?| null ij^ mfifi 
'regarding himself, again, as the cause {ot Itdm's exile)'. Mdm. A. 

c. The reflexive is repeated in the idiomatic phrase, W^ 9ini, 'of 
myself, himself, itself, etc. {sc, %); as, 9VT HI imi) ^HH ^{9CT 9, 'has 
this bent of itself P'. 

d. niH 9^ wm, is used in the drama, for the English 'aside'. It is 
evidently an abbreviation for nm 1^ WQ € tvsf?n 9. 

592. The reflexive genitive, wwt, must always be substir 
tuted in standard Hindi for the genitive, singular or plural, 
of all pronouns, when the genitive in question refers to the 
grammatical subject of the sentence, or to the agent in the 
passive construction (§332). 

Examples : — im mw^ ^tWlk Wlf?i tl, 'you desire your own greatness'; 
Tfm iniil ^ %r lA, 'the king went to his own country'; 99 % wxili 
^m ^, 'he gave his life'. 

a, HYFIT may also be used when the reference is not to the gram- 
matical subject, but to the subject o{ discourse. Thus, in the Prem 8d' 
gar, WiWf^ ^ ^ TpT t wfit wft «IST ^ t, *it is no fault of yours, it 
is the fault of your fate'; ^n fk W^ ^f^ 4ni 9t ck)#, 'be pleased to 
do that wherein your safety lies'. 

6. muT is alio sometimes employed, when the referenee is to the 


y>eaker ; as, Vicrer HIFIT ^ 9, ^Avadh is mj oountr7^ So also when 
another is associated with the speaker ; as, vm 99 ^HPi ^^ 9iT ^ 9^ 
^all this is the change of our times'. 

c. But in the examples under a and i, the genitiye of the personal 
pronouns might also have been used ; and must^ in general, be used 
in such oases, where the use of the reflexive would ooccision ambi- 

d. 9lfFIT, as well as the other pronominal genitives, is idiomatically 
omitted when the reference is obvious ; as, especially, before nouns 
expressing relationship. Thus, tW ^^^it vim % i^RK ^rni drat, *that 
woman, appi'oaching (her) husband, said'; % HT ^mrm % *I am going 
to (my) hou8e\ 

e. WRT is used substantively in the plural, to denote one's own 
kindred or connexions ; as, ^ n^ WlW it %\ 441^1 A, *if you will kill 
even your own (friends)'. 

693. The pronominal ^?RT, is idiomatically used in the locative 
ease with vr, as an adverb of time ; as, ^(?l^ VT Wl ^^TT, 'in the mean 
while what happened V, Also observe the use of ^ffl^ in the follow- 
ing: ^ffl^ 5PI ^n^JkTTT, 'I will come at this same hour'. 

694. The oblique singular pronominals, ^ and ^, are colloqui- 
ally used in the manner of prepositions governing the genitive, in 
the sense of 4ike'; thus, ^ tcr^ % %% f^riEITi $?n 9, 'something like 
a fort appears'; QV Wl ^ni % ^ 9^^ $?n 9, 'what is that which 
•ounds like a cannon ?'. 

Syntax of the Verb. 
The Infinitive. 

595. The uses of the Infinitive may be classified under 
three heads. 

(1) It is most commonly used as a gerund or verbal noun. 
Under this head we may note the following particulars. 

a. As a nominative it often stands as the subject of a verb; as, e.g., 
Wfk Q^ T9^ H^ ^l€f, 'it is not well for us to remain here'; /i^., *for us, 
to remain here is not well'; ?l il ^i^TTT 8lil«f! ?IR ftwi HT, 'I (on the 
fjprmer occasion) behoved your word'. 

b. In accordance with the original use of the Sanskrit future pas- 



sive participle, whence the Hindi infinitive is probably derived, it is 
often used as a subject with the copula, to express necemty or obliga- 
tion ; as, ngw ih ?IT5!T % *man must die'; m? «RT Off ^n«lT ^, *you 
must go there'. 

c. As an accusative, the infinitive is commonly used in the nomina- 
tive form ; as, fm xm •nn ^FflT ir^ ^, ^ceetse to speak the name of 
Rdm W 

Rem. But in Permissive, Acquisitive, and sometimes in Desiderative Com- 
pound verbs, the infinitive in its inflected form, without the postposition, is 
practically used as an accusative. Examples will be found in §§ 361, 356, and, 
further on, in the Section on the Syntax of Compound Verbs. 

d. The postposition ^, of the dative of the final cause (§ 540, (5)), 
is very commonly omitted ; as, WH WH ^ «ra ^Ul^ W^ %, *I have 
oome to ask something from you'; WAu\ 5SirTif ^wt^, *the women came 
to bathe\ So also the genitive postposition is often omitted from 
the infinitive before certain adjectives, as, ^inni, dim, etc., especially 
in dialectic Hindi ; as, e,g.y TTW ffT^innl % n^i nHh 5RftS dm %, 'the 
virtues of the Raja Hiranyagarhha are worthy of being esteemed'; % 
fWl ^re^l ^rfrd ^inmi, 'I am able to break thy teeth'. 

e. The dative of the infinitive, as remarked §540, (5), is idiomatical- 
ly used with the substantive verb, to denote an action as imminent. 
Thus, «!RT W^ H^ii %r yr, 'Ndrad Ji was about to rise'; mw Iliwd ^ 
H^, 'she was about to clasp him'. In this idiom ^ must always be 
used, as also in phrases like the following ; jSnSR ^ 9IM1^ ^ #H VX 
9t^ %l QRIT, ^Duryodhan told Draupadi to sit on his lap'. 

/. Occasionally, an action or event about to happen, is also denoted 
by the infinitive with VX. Thus, ^Wl ^tn «R^ ^it?lil VX Wl^, *when 
five years were drawing to a dose'. 

g. The genitive of the infinitive is often used, chiefly in negative 
clauses, as the predicate of a sentence, to express certainty or resolution ; 
as, ^ «riV iFfSi «IST, *I certainly will not tell'. In this idiom, the 95? 
of the genitive must be inflected to agree in gender and number with 
the subject ; as, e,g.^ vm ^ ^ff ^nSi CCT, *this woman certainly is not 
going'. In the Rdmdyan the same idiom occurs, the postposition, 
however, being omitted; as, d 9f im Wifii ^ 9fI, *he neither has been, 
nor, brother, is he, nor will he be'. The same idiom occurs in the 
following, where the emphatic particle ^ or j is added to the infini- 



tive : V^ ^W #TW. . • .^ ^0% wrt tl^ 1w, *like these. . . .are none, 
nor eyen ever is to be'; wn ^ 9 #nf tn)^ <niT| 'like you, none was, 
nor is, nor even is to be'. 

A. While thus used as a noun, the infinitive may also govern the 
oase proper to it as a verb. Of this, the examples already given, afford 
abundant illustration. 

(2) The infinitive is occasionally used adjectively^ and 
is then made to agree with its object in gender. 

Thus, ^ ^ nTn ^ ^m «KT^ 9ni| 9, *a woman is bound to serve 
her husband'; ^« TOJ unWRft fwTIH Wt, 'having found a thing to 
mislay it'. 

(3) The infinitive is correctly used for the imperative^ 
when it is not intended to insist on the immediate fulfil- 
ment of the order, but merely to say that a certain thing 

is to he done. 

Thus, (P. S. Oh. XLVIII,) Jasodd says to ZTdho about to go to 
Krishn ; Hf ^ ip "A ^^ «raTm nift ^ ^, 'this, then, you are to 
give to dear Shri Krishn and Balrdm\ 

The Imperfect and Perfect Participles. 

596. The essential distinction between these two parti- 
ciples has been already indicated (§ 316), and will receiye 
abundant illustration from the examples in the following 
sections. As there is no diflference in their use, they are 
conveniently treated together. 

(1) They are used adjectively with nouns and pronouns, 
both in the attributive and the predicative construction. 
In this case the participle jin or wn, of the substantive 
verb, duly inflected if necessary, is regularly added to the 
participle. But when there is no danger of ambiguity, this 
may be omitted. 

a. Examples of the attrihuthe use of these participles are as fol- 
lows : iWUMllf) ^W W ftst Wfft A, *(the women) were going, seated 
on the glittering chariot*; %T^ Jg »m Jin wreiT im fjwft Rim % ofcs 
m vre wn 9, 'some evil person has oast a dead black make upoa 


your father's neck'; fin % ^R «ft ^ Itr^ ftn: wm ^, *a cow already 
gi^en as alms, you gave in alms again'; ^^ % ^^'^TTt f^ ^Q^ xit4, 
Hhey received the property given by you' (/»Y., *your given property'). 
b. In the following examples these participles aroused adjectively 
in the predicative construction : f?ni % q^ V^ Wf wrm UTTIT 9, *a 
Shidra beating them, follows'; vnf^ Ht dt QRimT ^W H^ % q^ ^ifT, 
Vardaindh also, thus speaking (as he went) , ran after them'; ^ % lihi^ 
Wltii^, 'if I escape alive'; «IVI 9 % min ^ ^ mn W^, *did yoa 
suppose Arjun to be gone far away ?'. Similarly, in the Rdmdyan ; — 
m ^ifw hHI ^, *give me this which I have asked', /»V., 'give this to 
me having asked'; % g^ %fRlrk ^ ql qif^T, 'that with ten million 
mouths could not be told', lit.^ 'fall told'; VRil QTfl ^ Jm f^mi^ ^Rdm 
beheld the king falling at (her) feet'. 

e. Usually when the noun qualified takes fRr in the singular or 
plural, a predicative participle remains uninflected whatever be the 
gender or number of the noun ; thus, ^i| $1^ ^ Wfm $^, 'seeing 
them both fighting'. 

d. Under this head are properly explained the so-called Continu- 
ative Compound verbs (§ 358). Thus, e.g,^ in «IW ^ TT^ vft, 'that 
woman remained singing', it is plain that the imperfect participle, 
in?iV, is simply a predicative adjunct of the noun ^ after TV^. The 
same remark applies to analogous combinations with the perfect 
participle ; as, e,g.^ in aw MniT W?1T HT, 'he was fleeing away', where 
nnn is a predicative adjunct of 9W. 

e. Here may also be noted the common phrase, tmr VT^ ^TRT, 
where both fTHT and W^ are predicative adjuncts ; as, «.^., Hf utOTI 
% tlHT H^ uniT 9, 'this has come along down firom old time'. In 
this, as in the similar phrase, $mT fFIT tiniT, ^iTIf represents the 
action as repeatedly occurring during the time indicated. 

(2) The perfect and imperfect participles are constantly 
used absolutely in the inflected masculine form, to denote 
various circumstances of time, manner, etc., accompanying 
the leading verb. 

Examples: — ^QR 9T9Pi nm eft wiM ^ llTiKjIlill Blid ITfT 9, 'a Brah- 
man, desirous of beholding your excellency, is standing (at the door)'; 
91 Ym ni^ ^ lA ilT^ 9t4t % ^ t| 'she, broken in spirit and dis* 


heartened, is drawing heavy sighs'; Hf ^^ft ftnwi ^ffniT ^, lit., *thi8 
(serpent) is going, me swallowed*, f.^., *he is devouring me'; ^cw^oni 
^1^ 9VI mx Miy ^Krishn remaining with (us), what should we fear?'. 

a. The perfect participle absolute ftl9, of ^hlT, *to take', is often 
equivalent to the English preposition *with'; as, ^T^ ^T^n 9itll ^ 
dmt f^ HPIT 9, /some Brahman, with a book under his arm, is 

b. The perfect participle absolute is especially common in express* 
ions which denote 'time elapsed'; as, frtv mQ ^ QW ^1^ inn, 'five 
years ago, he went away'; HRffii ^5R RR ^ftft TTIT fili^ il9, 'several 
days having passed, the king went again'. 

c. In these participles absolute, in eastern Hindi, ^ * is often used 
for tm ; as, mr mnn ^, *this being impossible'. In the following, 
^ is redundant : 1W ^ ^ TUXU 5RW ^, 'in leaving this body'; nrav 
wr ^ 5^ % ^TO^ li, 'having become a widow, let her remain sub* 

ject to her sons'. 

d. These participles absolute are even more common in poetry than 

in prose. Thus, \^(^m ^ «T5I iJ^rd^qeiiil , < while I live, X will not 
serve a rival wife'; 5RSf! ^^ ^ 9i^5R ff^, *king Pautriky on his head 
being cut oflf, obtained salvation'; ?n^ HfR ^Hfl 99 vSf, *on hearing 
her word, all feared'; TO ^...^ ^ ^ Tm^ifW, 'you are, indeed, love 
to Rdmy as it were, incarnate'. 

e. In archaic poetry, the perfect participle absolute is often used 
where modern Hindi would have the conjunctive participle. Thus, 
ilQ ITCR |[^ni nmrnrm, 'having gone home, they asked their parents'; 
HUT n^fv W3i Ul<ill m§, *as bow the wise, having received knowledge'. 
And so Chand (as quoted by Mr. Beames); CiT% ^R^ WHU\ ^^i mil, 
'having subdued the rulers of the land with fire and sword'. 

Rem, It will often be impossible to express in English idiom the distinction 
between the participle absolute and the predicative participle, and often it is 
a matter of little oon sequence which is used. But the distinction appears to 
be as follows. In the predicative construction the participle describes or 
defines the subject of the verb ; in the absolute construction it defines after 
the manner of an adverb, the verb itself. Thus, wah rotd hud chald jdid ihd, 
'he was going along weeping'; but, wah rote hue chald jdtd thd, is rather, 'he 
was going along tearfully*. 

• For the Sanskrit ^ft|, pres. part. loc. absol, of fpf, *to be'. Tid. Williams' 
Sanskrit Granunar, § 840. 


/. It will be evident from the above examples that in the so called Statisti- 
cal or Statical compound verb (§360), we have simply an imperfect participle 
absolate in conBtruction with a finite verb ; as, e.^., in eh apswrd gate di, 'a 
njraph came singing'. So also, the so called Adverbial participle is nothing 
more than the imperfect participle absolute, with the emphatic particle hi. 
The perfect participle is similarly employed; as, rd'p dekhe Jtihan dwe, *having 
actually seen (her) beauty, (description) may succeed'; gaye hu majjana na pd' 
tod, *even having gone, he could not bathe*. 

(3) In the third place, both these participles are often 
used as substafit ives.hothwitli and without the postpositions. 

Examples : — ^^ %T^ ^RT H^ ^dlU, 'lifting the bedstead of the 
sleeper'; ^^ % ^«l % ^'OH ^WFT «ftT WX ¥THT, 'he slew Rtikm in sight 
of all'; ^ nd 9rr %Tf, 'grief at my departure'; ^ ?RfT MlPiD, *obey 
my word'; ^T8I ^^ ^WH, *at the time of sunset'; ^TQ % |[$ n WCl 
noTlR, *what is the use of having asked him ?'. 

a. As substantives, these participles are often construed with a 
preposition ; as, ggr ftw T«r9, 'without having fought'; ftR ^ jfii ^ff 
W%niy 'it will not be disclosed without my having gone (there)*, 

b. The substantive use of these participles is also common in 
poetry. Thus, ^^ W^ ^ra 5RW?l 5*^, 'may your merit perish, 
for your speaking thus'; ^^ ^ im mfl |RR vaR^ ^, 'the defects of 
(our) work remain not in the mind of the Lord'; $9 hI^ CRT mp JfP9, 
'this is the fruit of having assumed a body*. So is to be explained 
a common idiom of the imperfect participle with the verb IRWT, 'to 
be made'; thus, OTfW^I H^ 1 ^?R ^, lit., 'from the mouth of Bharat 
no reply is made*, i,e,y * Bharat could frame no reply'. 

Il^m. In many cases it is impossible to distinguish this substantive nse 
of the participle from the participle absolute. Thus, in the following, muyai 
may be explained in either way : muyai Jcarai kd sudhd taddgd, Vhen dead' (or 
'to a dead man*) 'what avails a lake of nectar ?\ 

The Cotijimctive Farticiple. 

597. The chief uses of the Conjunctive participle maybe 
classified as follows. 

(1) It is used to denote an action as merely preliminary 
or iutroductory to the action of the leading verb. 

a. As thus employed it is very commonly used where English 

would haye the copulative conjunction. It is, indeed, always 




idiomatically preferred to the conjunction, except when the two 
clauses are distinctly of co-ordinate importance. Thus we say, tiT7' 
1IT9T ^ ^ncRT WST eiil.fl I 9, ^he goes to school and reads', because the 
first verb is merely preliminary to the action of the second. But, 
again, we must use the conjunction in the following : Jn TO?!T ^PC 
fewm ^, *he reads and writes'; because the two actions are co-ordi- 
nate. Other examples of the preliminary use of the participle are 
as follows : cvfi ^ncRT ^re % 9i^, ^go and tell him', lit.y 'having gone, 
tell him'; ^T^ ^T^R spnn ftTRT^, *one would prepare food and give 
him to eat'; w^ 46\U ^ ^#, 'lifting up the stone he then sees — '; 
ftN^^TT ^ %^ 515^ ^m ater, 'having spoken thus to Chitrarekhdy TTsyi 
sat down'. 

a. In rendering such English phrases as *go and see', 'did you go 
and call him', where the leading verb is preceded by the verb 'to go', 
Hindi idiom often reverses the English. Thus, 'go and see', is $f^ 
HTW, /iV., 'having seen, come'; Clf ^T^n ^ g^TO ^iniT, 'he has gone 
and called a Brahman', lit.y 'has come, having called a Brahman'. 

jSem. In this idiom, the participle formed with the affix i or y, is commonly 
preferred to that with the affix Tear or he, 

b. It is well to note here the distinctiou between the conjunctive participle, 
and the perfect and imperfect participles absolute. The conjunctive participle 
represents the action without any reference to its progress ; the two participles 
absolute add each their own characteristic idea, denoting the action as in pro- 
gress or completed. Thus, wah kapre pahinke hdho/r dyd, is 'having dressed he 
came out*; kapre pdJiine hdhar dyd, is 'he came out dressed*; and kapre pdtiinie 
hdhar dyd, *he came out dressing*, %.e., 'in the act of dressing*. But English 
idiom is often incapable of expressing the distinction between the conjunctive 
participle and the perfect participle absolute; and, as remarked § 596 (2) e, in 
old Hindi, the perfect participle often takes the place of the conjunctive. 

(2) By a natural transition, the conjunctive participle, 
from denoting simple antecedence, comes also to express 
the cause of the action of the leading verb. 

Examples : — <4Ml^i mm vw WIV wm hut, ^Bdndsur, greatly fear- 
ing, fled away'; WIR %T ^BRlflT ^ ^ra n^k^ wu wm vmiy 'seeing the 
city burning, all the family of Yadu cried out with fear'. 

a. It should be observed, that althongh the causal relation may 
thus be expressed by the conjunctive participle, yet when it is 
intended to give prominence to the causal relationj it is expressed 


by some tense of the verb in a subordinate clause. Thus, without 
such emphasis, we may say, QW I4gu4 ^nfh ^nn^ ^ ^ ^ wnnn, 
*this man, being very unholy, will perish'; but if we wish to make 
the cause more prominent, we must say, QW ^f^f^ ^ ^^ inifcra 9 
'IWIg tr ^innn, 'since this man is very unholy, etc.'; or, again, Hf 
^^^ ^ ^ ^fT^'flJn^ 99tBR nftf ^ToTq^ i, 'this man will perish, because 
he is very unholy*. 

(3) The conjunctive participle may also denote the means 
by which an action is eflPected. 

Thus, ciiT^n^ ^ ifr 9^ Uta TW ^RITOT, ^Kalindi awaked Sari by 
pressing his feet'. 

(4) It sometimes has a concessive force. 

a. This is especially the case with the conjunctive participle $nvST, 
etc., of iRT, 'to be'; thus, ftro ^ ^^^ ^ «l# ^ ^^ imit ^, *hear- 
ing and seeing him, great and mighty sages though they were, they 
arose'; %% ^ tr ^ QT IT^ Qli^, 'being such a brave, do you raise a 
weapon against a woman !'. 

(6) It is constantly used to express various circumstan- 
ces accompanying the action of the leading verb. 

a. In this modal sense, it may often be best rendered into Eng- 
lish by an adverb of manner, or by some equivalent phrase. Exam- 
ples are as follows : H9 % t^^RT eiifT, 'he laughingly said'; ffR! $ ^i)T, 
listen attentively!', lit,y 'giving attention, hear!'; CTI wra «RT dra 
H3T, 'he spoke up angrily'; fp % ?1WT ^VUl^ ^IR^ fifi^, 'you have 
knowingly committed a great wrong'. 

6. Under this specification may be noted various idiomatic uses of 
di^, etc., coniunctive participle of ^RCTT, 'to do' or 'make'. Thus, d 
#litt 9T^rv ftrt ^ «IR: 9fi7fV^ mi, 'those two Brahmans, crying Mine ! 
Mine ! began to quarrel'; Wl?ilT «mil «ftT Hi| % ^m WSR «IIT^ ^iDSm i, 
•the soul regards itself as one with these'; WH fft %r ^ «RT Wi HT^, 'do 
not regard Hari as a son'. «RT or ?liT#i is thus often added to nouns, 
when it gives them an adverbial force ; as, «W wH ^IPI ^•^m ^iT driJ, 
'he, with the greatest respect and deference, said', or 'most respectful- 
ly said'. Similarly, it is added to some pronominals ; as, Tm ^ W?l 
9« W yn^ i, 'I am going to tell you in full the afiair of the night'. 

c. The conjunctive participle of tPIT, 'to be', is sometimes equiva- 
lent to 'a©', in such phraaes as the following : ^ ?roT It vnm i raw 


%\ VJWm is, fira 8t 4¥n:?!T W» *a8 Brahmd. I create, as Vi-^nu, preserve, 
as ShiVy destroy*. 

(6) The conjuDof ive participle ST^^RT, is sometime used as an adject* 
ire ; thus, 1W ^ QSofiT Tpf ^, *there is none superior to this*. 

(7) Occasionally, certain conjunctive participles have sl prepositional 
force. Thus, e,g,, Clf irtci VJ ^ ^TfT WtJ ^TE^ t, *that village is a little 
beyond this'; OW WSIT OT«R ^ ^ W^ i, *that hamlet is somewhat 
ofif the road'; 1W #T ^Tfoft ^ %Hfc «rff, 'there is no other besides this'; 
ftra f?TO ^ ft ^ im ^n^ 'Q, ^through whatever country the lord was 
passing'; BW ITTH ^^9 ^ TpT <ft wmt i, 'that cow is not given for 
money'; H€ ^ TilUiiHI W^ ^^nn, *he gave him a cupful'. 

a. The conjunctive participle li^ or 5F^, of qh<**i, 'to make', is 
especially common in this prepositional eense ; as, 5Rf WIT wtH, 
'deprived of strength'; ftre «^, (§548,) 'through which', etc. Very 
idiomatic is the use of 8F5^ in the following : ^^ viin ffm 9i^ ^f^ ^, 
'(there) is one death, pertaining to the five elements'; ».«., 'there is 
one death, of the body'.* 

b. The conjunctive participle TfiHJi, 'having met', must sometimes 
be rendered *with' or 'together'. Thus, X[l^ lOTR THH^ ftranOr, 'he 
caused them to forget both knowledge and contemplation'; ^Rt m^l^ 
ira, 'both went together'. 

698. Ordinarily, as in most of the above examples, the conjunctive 
participle refers to the subject of the leading verb, or, in the passive 
construction of the perfect tenses, (§ 332,) to the agent. But some- 
times it may refer, instead, to the subject of discourse. Thus, TTift 
^ ^ %l| ^HH^fi^ ukw wm, 'the queen, somewhat reflecting and 
understanding, became composed'. This is especially frequent in 
poetry ; as, ?i^ fro^ gf Bxrat ^TUT, 'hearing of the death of his bro- 
ther, (his) wrath arose'. In the story of Dharm Singh^ (in Outakd^ 
the conjunctive participle once refers to the agent of a verb in the 
passive conjugation ; thus, ^K^ H Pl^l^T inn, 'thou wast cast out 
by beating'. This idiom is often heard in the colloquial. 

599. There is uo difference in meaning between the diflerent forms of the 
conjanctive participle. The forms in Tear and ke are the most modern, and are 

^—^^^— ^ " ^' ' ' ' ■ -■— -■ ■ ■ ■■■I „ . I ■ I ■■! ■ II Ml^». ■ ■^»— ..I ■■ ■■■■■■ ■ .^ 

• The Hindoos believe the body to be composed of the five elements, via., 
'earth*, *fire', 'air', 'ether' and *water'$ and suppose death to consist in the 
dissolution of these elements. 


preferably etnployed in modern standard Hindi. But in a long succession of 
participles, where the repetition would be disagreeable, the root-form is often 
preferred. When two participles of similar meaning follow each other with 
no word intervening, kar or he can be used only after the last ; as, jdyi hiljh 
kar, 'knowing*; soch samajhkar, 'reflecting and imderstanding'; kJid pikar, 
'eating and drinking*. So also when the participle immediately precedes 
the leading verb, as in certain qiuisi compounds, §851, the root-form is usually 
employed ; as, waJi uth dhdyd, 'he arose and ran'; kdehi ho dyd hai, he has 
come by way of Benares'. 

600. By means of conjunctive participles, a sentence may be 
idiomatically sustained to a great length, without any danger of ob- 
scurity ; thus, ?rwt % ^^ ^Jj^H % vre ^aira ^^ ^^?twr ^^th ^r % fsjrr 

^ OTfT WXQ Vjm «Rt 5TO ^m wrarq TOiara ^^Fgt 5R^ ^, -rising 
thence, going to Ugraseny and telling all the news, taking leave of 
him and going out, they began, sending hither and thither, to gather 
all the supplies for the marriage procession'. 

The Noun of Agency. 

601. After the verbal Noun of Agency in crrar or %m, 
the object of the action is regularly put in the genitive. 

Examples : — %% 5RTO ckt cf^^trit, *the doer of such a deed'; mv^ 
'sJriit 5RT flKHCKI, *the savior of sinners'. 

a. In many cases, the genitive postposition is omitted from the 

ohject of the verbal noun, and it therefore appears in the nominative 

form of the accusative ; as, m ehi^eJHl, *one who exercises love'; inn 

«feT Jijl $^6HHl , *a troubler of the people'; W Hin Jll^eil^l i, *he is 

a singer of hymns'. 

Bent. Native grammarians deny that in such phrases as the above, the noun 
is to be regarded as an accusative. They say that there is eamdsa, 'union*, of 
the noun and verb ; so that the object of the verbal action and the noun of 
agency, are to be regarded as forming a genitively dependent compound. 

602. As the predicate of a sentence after the substantive 
verb, the noun of agency is often nearly equivalent to a 
future participle. Thus, snr mf % wiitarar i, 'be is about 
to go from here'. 

Of the Tenses. 

603. As already shovro, (§§ 315, 316,) the tenses of the 


Hindi verb are properly distributed under three heads, sls 
follows : (1) the tenses denoting fiiiure action; (2) those de- 
noting action as imperfect or incomplete ; (3) those denot- 
ing action as perfect or completed. For a brief statement; 
of the distinction between the several tenses of each group, 
the student may refer to §§ 316, 323 328. The state- 
ments made in those paragraphs, it is hoped, will be justi- 
fied by the illustrations of the use of the several tenses 
which will be found in the following sections. "We begin 
with the tenses of the future. 

The Qontingent Future. 

604. The Contingent future, in modem standard Hindi, 
denotes a future action as conditioned or contingent. We 
may specify the following cases. 

(1) It is used, in simple sentences, to express a possu 

Thus, iri 5Ri, 'some one may say'; ws\ ^rij?! fiiTT 8 ni^, 'with you 
I could drop from a mountain'. 

(2) It is therefore used in the protasis of conditional 
clauses, when the condition is not regarded as an objective 
reality, but only as a possibility. And similarly it is em- 
ployed, in the apodosis of conditional clauses, whenever 
the conclusion is only affirmed as possible. 

Thus, in the protasis, we have, ^ ^H H9 «i^ ^qi dr $#T ^ fij^ 
%4^ 1 9i$n), *if you once see her, then you will not again say such 
a (thing)'; and, in both protasis and apodosis, w^ ^ MMl^ SR fii# 
^ $, *(if) a husband be found (who is) her equal, then we may 
give (her)'. 

(3) Similarly the contingent future is required in rela- 
tive clauses implying a condition, when the condition is 
merely supposed to exist. 

Thus, ?R SR9T «RR «CTS W^ St «k^ |4^<^6|, * whoever, abandoning 
deceit, in heart, deed, and word, serves the lords of the earth (i>., 


(4) Hence, again, it is used (a) in all final clauses de- 
noting purpose^ and (6) in all clauses denoting the result 
of an action, when that result is regarded not as a reality, 
but merely as a future possibility. 

Thus, under (a), ^^ srm ^^Hh OT il ^:^ X^ ^ t nii...^^ 5FT WRT 
grr irirni, 'I have mentioned this thing that... his doubt may be 
removed'; and, under (ft), «5^ %% 5^ ^ftd m %[k wS ^i ^ ^, 
'make me so powerful that no one may be able to overcome me' ; %% 
Bmn 9i^ ftre ^ aif Tmrq ftjr ftr^, 'contrive some plan by which I, 
may again meet that royal sage'. 

(5) It may express liberty. 

Thus, w^ tr ^ YH HT ntu. 'if permission be given, then we may 
go home'; WX m ¥T^, 'I might, indeed, kill (her)': and in questions; 
as, % m^^ 'may I go'; im mrt t^, 'may we remain here ?'. 

(6) It must be used in all interrogative phrases relating 

to the future, which imply uncertainty or perplexity. 

Thus, %^ T^ ^^ *T fqw *r #, 'to whom shall we give this girl ?'; 
WW 5WT 5IP?, 'what shall we do ?'. 

(7) It must be used to denote a future action or event 

when the time of its occurrence or continuance is regarded 
as indefinite. 

Examples :— war HW yam ^nn ^ ni^ 719 ^ qm W^, ^whenever 
this banner shall fall of itself, then come to me'; 'm9 99T thri^ 719 ^^ 
tr, 'when we call, then answer (us)'; 99 7T^ % n^ Ti, 'so long as I 
remain here'. 

(8) It is also sometimes used to express an intention. 
Examples :— #T % 1RT9 ^mi % «! TPPk ^ WW 9 9^ ?rt, *if I be not 

united with you to-day, then I will bum myself to death'; %r 19 if5 
^ 9191^ ^TO tnFT li, 'if I am beaten, then I will remain with you 
as a slave'; ^ 95^ m\ 9rt, 'why should I kill thee P'. 

(9) It is used to express a wish. 

Examples :— nR9^ T^9 ^ ITTO wA ^ 9 99 9T*, 'may I not 
some day forget my own self; 919^ ?l ft^lf 5KK 9T9 dm, 'may 
I obtain their fearful fate'; ftifir *li^ $9, 'may Shankar (t.^., Shiv) 
give me'. 

(10) It is used in comparisons, denoting that with which 


the comparison is made, not as an objective reality, but 
merely as a supposed case. 
Examples :— «l^l$5l iSi qRT sftci v/i «wr, ^ 5fIt ^ ^ny ^ mn «S, 

*the wrath of Baldev swelled, as will swell the tide of the sea at full 
moon'; dt mx ^BTHT t^f ^ ^ftr^ ^rT?R ^Blh: ^t^, 'he split him, as one 
might split a tooth-stick', 

(11) It may express a coficession. 

Examples : — ^^ wm H^ # F^HIT 8Rg tird, *however much hard- 
ship a woman may experience from her husband'; 9jftl if tnfc •! W!T 
^fl^, '(though) I be not a poet, nor be called clever'. 

(12) It is employed to express p^^opriety or duty ; and 
after clauses expressing 'fitness', *uiifltness\ etc. 

. Examples : — TOT H^ ^ H^ W^ tt^TtS, 'again, it should show him 
this also'; TO ^ 5CT Stw ^ TO ?r h «I%T, *when (t.^., how) is it befit- 
ting you that you should live in the wilderness ?\ 

(13) It is sometimes used, in the 2nd singular, for the 

Examples : — n wrft iSTT^i wi aT%, 'do not thou touch our feet'; 8t 
%t 5RU5 5R^ T^ nraru, 'do not deceive me, beloved !'. 

605. It is important to observe that the accurate discrimination which has 
appropriated the Contingent Future exclusively to the indication of contingent 
futurition, belongs only to the most modern development of the language. In 
old Hindi, as, e.g , in the Bdmdyan, the forms denote not only contingency, but 
also the certain futurition of an action, and even, as previously remarked, an 
action in the present. The proverbs of the language afford abundant illus- 
tration of the use of this tense in its original character, (§459,) as a present. 
Thus, e.g.f hath ho hdth pahchdnc, 'the hand knows the hand*. Other illustra- 
tions will be found in the section on the syntax of the Present Imperfect. 

The Imperative. 

606. The imperative needs little illustration. We may 

(1) It is the only tense ordinarily admissible in command 
and prohibition. 

N.B. The future cannot be substituted for the imperative. *Thou shalt not 
BteaP, in Hindf is tu chori na A?rtr; choHna karegd, would be *wilt not steal*. 

(2) In prohibition, h or im may often be indiJfferently 


used. But when the phrase consists only of the impera- 
tive and the negative, im is preferred to h ; thus, ?m iirdT, 
*do not go*; ?m ?t^5t, *do not run*, ^ff, as containing the 
present of the substantive verb, (§372,) cannot be used with 
the imperative. 

(3) The use of the singular and plural forms of the imperative is 
determined by the pronominal form which is used. (§§ 578, a, 580.) 

(4) To the Ist and 3rd persons of the imperative are to be assign- 
ed all hortatory phrases. 

a. But it is to be noted that whenever the English ^let', means to 
'allow' or 'permit', not the imperative, but the permissive compound 
must be used. Thus, 'let us go', in the hortatory sense is t^ ^srin ; but 
if it mean, 'permit us to go', we must render the phrase, ^iv ^ ikA $T. 

b. Further examples of the use of the imperative are as follows : 
U^vfl^l # W gl, 'ask (thou) Shakuntald also'; HH ^ iTTTdt ^ Hl^, 
'do you then destroy the Yddava^; HH A d^, 'let us too sit down'; 
H^ wn^ % ipn 5R^, 'come, let us go and tell Bdndsur^; f^ Wt ^ 
5^ nft^, 'let me remove the sorrow of thy heart'. Poetic examples 
are ; — Jmon iri QR^ f^I^ira, 'make your abode in the fire'; %T ^rRil 
W^ku mfns, 'know, y^that it was) in virtue of good association'; niff 
#n H ^, 'sow thou for him flowers'. 

The Respectful forms of the Imperative. 

607. Of the two Respectful forms of the imperative, in 
3f and % the latter is the more respectful. The form in 3f 
is properly used only to equals and inferiors ; that in 3, to 
equals and superiors, but never to inferiors. The less fre- 
quent form in Sin does not differ from that in 8. 

Thus, in the Prfitn Sdgar^ Satrajit says to his wife, g filSg qi 

%ff^ Wi crtiSt, 'do not mention (it) before any one'; and Krishna 

to his companions, fVR ^^ f^ ff^ ^n(t ilfDl, 'remain here for ten 

days'; and the Sun-god to Satrajit^ ^^ ^ ^ ^TOTf ?w6tot, 'regard 

this (person) as equal to me'. But the cowherds say to Krishna^ X^ 

nWT innCR^ ijon ^ nm lit ^ ^n^, 'into this great (and) dreadful cave 

neither let your honor enter'; again, to Kri^na^ i^ JfX^ ^HIRFT ^nif 

^lldin, 'regarding me as your servant be pleased to have mercy'; 



qin:il H ^iqii m^ ^l ^RTtV, 'raising such questions in your heart, che- 
rish no doubt'. 

a. In the following, the respectful form is used in the 1st plural, 
in a hortative sense : ^ftro Wil wrt «R^ w€t, *let us' (or *me') 'see the 
monkey, of what place he is'. 

608. Forms outwardly identical with these respectful forms, are 
often used, especially in poetry, for the contingent future, and even 

for the present. Thus, dr HT ^m9 ^ ^Swrr ^ 5^ % ?5fed, *if one die, 
then he is released from the sorrow of the world'; cmiH mftw irftl 
ngmn, '(though) one bring up a crow with extreme affection'; VTVW 
fOj dr^ ^ 4^fT, though you should go even without having been 
called, there is no danger'. 

a. In the following, the form in ^ is used in the 1st singular of 
the contingent future ; as, MM ^A % WUt i ^ fHF) vindt ^ # HTH 
VTRIT ^ ^^, 'I have come here for this (purpose) that I may take 
away my brothers, and give (them) to (my) mother'. 

b. In the following, the form in dUT is used for the absolute future ; 

^f^ wm %mranT wSt mu ^viiri), 'when your honor shall please to be 
angry, then at once they will flee away'. 

609. The explanation of the use of these forms in ya, ye, etc., in these vari- 
ous tenses, is to be found in their derivation from the Prakrit affix jja, which 
in Prakrit appears not only in the imperative, but was also added to the root 
to form a present and future. (Vid. §§ 459, Rern. 2, 4(52.) It is not therefore 
correct to say, as many do, that these respectful forms of the imperative and 
absolute future are used for the present and future. 

610. In many cases, again, these forms in ^ and TQ must be in- 
terpreted as the remainder of the old Prakrit passive conjugation 
formed with the suffix «»*a, (§ 467,) now almost obsolete. Thus, 
in particular, I would interpret the common idiom with wnrS, 
expressive of *duty' or 'obligation'; as, ^ cift WHl mffQ. Here 
WIT, (sometimes tbtot,) is evidently the nominative to WTf9, and 
we may render, lit.y 'with respect to us, to go there is* (or 'should 
be,) desired'. In the following examples also, these forms in H should 
be explained as passives : ^ wir^^ QY cSt^SR f^PVT, /tY., 'it is not known 
how this (man) lived'; ^ dl dl 9^ ^nifd, 'whatever things we 
ought to have'; ftV., 'whatever things should be desired for us'; wn 
^ gftw, ^ITfH ^ ^h^, 'that is reaped which was sown, that is 
received which was given'; gOT ^wrfipi ^RTfiT, HT^ ^nffH Afi, *am« 
brosia is praised by Immortality, poison is praised by Death'. 


The Absolute Future. 

611. As remarked in § 316, in the absolute future a 
future action or state of being is either (1) affirmed, or (2) 
assumed as a certainty. 

Examples ; (1) %^ in irr ^ qn?f H T*<^j|i , *suoh a husband (and) 
house will not be found elsewhere^; ^ 5Frei fulfill, *I will come to- 
morrow'; ^ra J HT ^ ^IK^t, 'I will kill this (snake) immediately'; 
*I^ vXm 11^19 TuHK, *yon, (my) father, will thoroughly repent (of 
this) '; ^^ ^l^ff W g^ ^^> *you will cause a laugh, going to a strange 
city'; TOI 5wt ^^ciTfil, *now how will we hve'; ^fft HH m^, ?nrt OT # 
^flfinl, 'where you go, there I will go': (2) dl ^sm iki ^, ^ %ir 
Qi^, *if we shall give (her) to Krishna^ then people will say — '; SHT3 
1TO 5| Ji^aiy m <MU*lW 5|ptj|, *if these bards shall receive nothing, 
then they will give us a bad name'. 

612. The future of the substantive verb is often very 
idiomatically used, both alone and as an auxiliary, to de- 
note what is presumed to be true. 

Thus, nmr 5Fbi ^ftr 3 iwi % ^ ^^fi^am .finrft tW, 'to (our) father 
Kanva^ these are doubtless dearer than even thou (art)'. 

a. The future 3rd singular, inn, is thus often used alone, in an- 
swers, as equivalent to the adverb 'probably'. Thus, WT HW 1IK 
itjfl TO'n ^ P Jnn, *is this town very old ? Probably*. 

613. Occasionally in the Rdmdyan^ the future in ^, nfil, etc., has 
an optative sense. Thus, ^TVtfJ ^&fl?l fcmTif finmV, *may you ever be 
dear to (your) husband'; ^ % ^3 m «Rft^ TTm, 'may (the prince of 
Raghu) be gracious to a wretch hke me'. 

Tenses of the Imperfect Participle. 

614. The characteristic conmion to all the tenses of the 
Imperfect Participle, is the indication of an action, under 
various modifications of mode and time, as unfinished or 
incomplete. We consider, first. 

The Indefinite Imperfect. 

615. This tense, primarily, denotes an incomplete action. 


without necessary reference to any time. It may therefore 
refer to the past, present, or future. It is moreover em- 
ployed hoth in an indicative and a contingent sense. 

(1) It is frequently used to denote an action in past 
time as repeatedly occurring. 

Examples : — fm wft W?l W ^nft ^W «ftf ftRT #^ ^ $T^, ^whenever 
they would find an opportunity, they would never let him go with- 
out having insulted him'; ftHt B^? ^ THi HT W OTIT 1 %I?IT, *no one in 
his whole kingdom would sleep hungry*. 

(2) It is also occasionally used to denote a single action 
in past time, in such sentences as the following : — 

^1^ Qfit mi Hwii A dr fWirt WR ^ # ^n?!?, *what was Arjun^s 
power that he should carry ofiF our sister ?\ 

(3) It is sometimes used to denote an action incomplete 
at the present time. 

a. In such cases it will very commonly be found that the time is 
determined as present, by an auxiliary verb, or by some adverb in the 
context. Thus, Wf ^ HH % irtipt Wl^ \, ^ ^ Hf^ ?ihl^, *I have 
come to ask just this &om you ; I ask nothing else'. 

b. It is also used for the present in other cases, when no special 
stress is laid upon the time ; as, % ^f( WR^ ^ ^n 99 9$in ^m wn 
^Tfl^ $#Ji; ^I know not, when he shall inquire, what answer you will 
give'; ^ % 'gflf ^ ^ ^wm, 'nothing can be (done) by me'. This 
usage is especially common in the Rdmdyany where the auxiliary is 
rare ; thus, sij raril *iM fersnn wraV, 'in many a way^Jdnaki laments'. 

(4) It is often used in statements of general application, 
in which no limitation to any time is intended. 

Examples : — frtr TCR I4llil4) %WT ^wf W^, 'without the moon, the 
night has no beauty'; ^rilfn 5IW ,•!€¥ ^*hI, 'that which is to be is 
never hindered'; ftHt llY m^H\ ^W W ^, 'the nature of this (per- 
Bon) no one knows'. 

(5) It is used very commonly in the protasis and apodo^ 
sis of conditional clauses. As thus employed, it refers to 
past time, and in the protasis denotes the non-fulfilment 
of the condition ; in the apodosis^ it states what would have 
been^ had the condition been fulfilled. 



Examples : — ^^ ^w mi ita iifei %i WRm^ ^^ ^ ^^T^ ?KTfn, *had 
I known even his name and village, then I would have devised some 
plan'; wSf m ^ra ^ ^ftm ^ npm, 'else, not even one would have re- 
mained alive'. 

616. It may be doubted whether in this sense of a past conditional, this 
tense is really identical in origin with the exactly similar forms which have an 
indicative sense. The actual existence of an inflected past conditional, derived 
from the iniperfect participle, in the eastern Hindi dialects, suggests the 
opinion that we have here in reality two tenses, the one indicative, consisting 
merely of the imperfect participle ; the other, a contingent, being an inflected 
derivative from the imperfect participle ; which two tenses, through the pro- 
cesses of phonetic decay, have been reduced in modern High Hindi to one 
identical form. 

617. The inflected past contingent of the Rdmdyan has already 
been noted (§ 427). One or two illustrations will illustrate its per- 
fect identity in meaning with the indefinite imperfect in the con- 
tingent construction, gr^ iw4 ^ %[ *<fl4 m^ HfTO «M5l<, *I have 
become old, else I would render you some assistance'; ^ ^Rfit «R 
te f^l^TW Rl?n «RR ♦l^lfut ^ffi ^&n?, 'if I had known of this bereave- 
ment of my brother in the wilderness, I would not have obeyed that 
word of (my) father'; ^nfifel. . . .^ W^ €hfTW SRJh^, *else, I would 
have taken away Sita by force'. 

The Present Imperfect. 

618. This tense denotes, primarily and fundamentally, (1) 

an action in progress, or a state as existing at the present time. 

Examples : — HH WP^ ^ ^R^HT ^ inw^ ir, *you desire the her- 
mit's daughter'; J «gf vrm ^, *why dost thou fear P'; Sm qRTi iff 
ftn^, *they mock me'. 

a. Hence it also denotes habitual or repeated action con- 
tinued up to the present time. 

Examples : — ^ ^Ptt. . . .lift wft^, flit wt 9FC|T?I ^nt^ \y 'where 
these two go, there they stir up mischief; ftlTTOR 9^ «ji^ ^mh S^ 
nm vifm m^\, *in what way the Veda extol the formless Brahm^\ 
I^T4li^«l ^ ^BWRI in #1^, *whom, deity, you invoke night and day'. 

ft. It is used, like the indefinite imperfect, to express 
general truths, but commonly with special application to 
the present time* 


Examples : — ^ «w ?ftni ... «KTm f % ... wniri?! nmr f , *the man 
who performs a pilgrimage, obtains supreme felicity'; dr m^ ik ^mr 
f %T^f Jmr ^, 'what is written in fate, that very (thing) comes to pass*. 

c. Hence the use of this tense in comparisons, when that with 
which the comparison is made, is represented as a common occurrence. 

Thus, cif ^ Hi^ ^ w^iR % #r^ oroi ^, isrc^ ik fiir nf , *all those 

fruits fell on the ground, as falls the hail from heaven'; ^ ^rrv ort 
^ ^ SR^TQRT ^^i^khV tmr ^, 'as the heat of the sun, causing it to 
rain, becomes a source of pleasure'. 

(2) The present imperfect is used for the future, to de- 
note that future as imminent. 

Examples :— 5i jtot fk "mm % *I am going into the cave'; ^ wS 
wJt HMHl W, *I will kill thee immediately'; ^W mt ^ ^^ ^ ^n^ ^, 
*I {plur, for sing.) am going to seek for the jewel'. This idiom re- 
presents a future action, as it were, already begun. 

(3) It is also used oipasf time, 

a. In vivacious narration, as a historical present j when 
the narrator mentally transfers himself to a past time. 

Examples : — WT^ «IT1I^^ QRV^ ^CT^IT mft ^, *the drums are beat- 
ing, the bards are singing their war-songs'. This is especially the 
case with the idiomatic phrase cmr ^^rm W, etc. ; as, ^m wri ^^f^ 9 
ftu H^ #rT nnr^ ^RT^r^ ^nft, *what does ITshd see, but that on every 
side the lightning has begun to flash'. 

b. When an action begun in the past, is regarded as 
continuing at the present time. 

Examples : — T^ PR % ^rriift ^ ^ % % ^ ^difi) % *from the 
very day I asked (it), I have suffered pain'; ^ ^ T^ % $^(?n ♦, *for 
some days I am noticing, etc.'. 

c. It is also used for a past action, when that action has 
been just interrupted, and is therefore really an action 
unfinished in the present. 

Thus, in the Prem Sugar, Shatdhanvffs speech is interrupted by 
Akrur, who replies, n wp gf^ i ^ ?«T % %Q^ 5im qROTT t, *thou 
art a great fool, to say {lit.^ who sayest) such a thing to me'. Simi- 
larly we may explain Akrur'^s words to Shatdhama ; m\ IHH ?^ ^nfH 
vlfm 5^% *are we inquiring thy caste (and) rank?'. 



619. The use of the inflected present corresponds with that of the 
analytic present as above explained. In illustration we may add to 
the examples of this tense previously given, (§§ 386, 402, a, 424,) 
the following. 

(1) Examples of the actual present ; ^^ mft ^rft ^WTJ ?lRt, 'I can 
kill thy enemy, even (though he be) immortal^; ifefir ^vmuj W gn 
fTO, *whom are you worshipping P what do you wish P': (2) of the 
habitual present ; wn| *nR f«R «liM 1 WTff, 'without whose worship, 
passion departs not'; #1?! ^ irl^ofii TO^, *the good ever extol that man'; 
5 «|i4) «nnd S ^iftft, *this one plays the flute, the other, the horn': 
(3) of the imminent present ; 5R^ iU|44i Iei44H ^re, *I will set forth the 
spotless fame of the chief of Raghu*\ (4) of the historical present ; 
$^ nrafk ^^^^^ ^^^tilfV, ^seeing Shivy the divine Triad, smile'; lA mR 
JJS^i X^HHXHXy 'having gone home, they ask their parents'. 

a. Yery often in the inflected present the habitual and historical 
sense are combined. Thus, ^^ri w^ U[^nd $T^ ^rrnd, one would 
wash (his) face, another would feed (him)'; f^V^^cin 119 HTUT 9i^, 'she 
would often sing his praise'. 

b. In the following this tense is used for the presumptive imperfect 
(§ 327): ^n'lW ^T^pi TtoW W^y lit.y 'he is probably thinking (thus), 
Having killed Edm with his younger brother (I will rule)'; where 
modem High Hindi would have "m^ ftti for WTO. {Edm. Ay.) 

c. In the following, the same form occurs twice in the same line, 
once as an absolute future, once as a present : d $^lfi| $^lfl f%«=9 $^, 
•who shall see, do see, or have seen'. {Rdm. Ay,) 

620. Similar also is the use of the western inflected present, 

(§ 386, a,) which occurs not injfrequently in the Prem Sdgar. Thus, 

Jl W TO^ wroi, % ''"'T|l J, 'you do not know me, (but) I recognize 

you'; ^m 5^ ^ ira ^ TOI ^T^ t, 'one sorrow pierces me now and 

then'; flfi ^ H ^ ^HTQ vmm % 'they excite some violent act or 


The Past Imperfect. 

621. This tense is commonly used, (1) to denote an ac- 
tion as in progress at a certain definite past time. 

Examples :—^ ^ Hfl^ ^ WM vsm in, 'I was reading with 8hri 
Mahddev ; SiT SiT ^^ vhrI % 'in every plaoe drums were beating'; 
«i!^ ^mfh lt| 'a woman was crying'. 


(2) This tense is also sometimes used to denote an action 
as repeatedly occurring during a certain period of past time. 

Examples : — ftw fUT « Hlft il Wit ^ TIW ufil TlljllQli li^ ^<% ^ 

^nd %y ^nto whatever city they were entering, the king of that place 
would with extreme courtesy convey them (on their way)'; ftwpl 
^TOl iresi iRTO il, ^?K li^ H ^nmr in, *of all the weapons and missiles 
they were hurling, not even one would hit'. 

The Contingent Imperfect. 

622. This tense denotes the action of a verb as in pro- 
gress, not actually, but possibly and contingently. 

Thus, QR^mRI dri >hi ^ Cfiim ir, 'perchance some one may be say- 
ing in his mind'. 

a. It is used in comparisons^ when the comparison is 
made, not with an actual event, but with a supposed case. 

Examples : — ?ftirt %% ^ fiff ^ ?iHrt w^ ^ Klft mft itn, *the 
three walked as though the three Times (i.e.y Past, Present, Future,) 
were walking incarnate'; %^ nw %T TfT VJ KB ^ ^ n^^RIT ir, 
^there was a continuous sound as if it were thundering'. 

The Presumptive Imperfect. 

623. This tense differs from the preceding, much as the 
absolute future differs from the contingent future; i.e., 
whereas the contingent imperfect represents the action of 
the verb as possibly in progress, the presiunptive imperfect 
represents it bb probably in progress (§ 327). The absolute 
future of the auxiliary, however, never denotes the action 
as an objective reality, but only as assumed to be so. 

Thus, S WWl^ ^T?! «IOT tW, *they will be (i.e., are probably) think- 
ing of me'; wm^ S'^ 2*^^ ^^ ^^ ^j *your Brahmans will be 
expecting you'. 

The Negative Contingent Imperfect. 

624. This extremely rare tense represents an action conditionally 
assumed to have been in progress at a certain past time ; but invari- 
ably implies the negation of the condition. A single example will 


Buffioe ; di fjn V5 lira inniT wm ^rol %ift, ^ ?n? vix, n ^in^, *had you at 
that time been doing your work, you would not have got a beating'. 

Tenses of the JPerfect Participle. 

625. The rules for the two constructions of the tenses 
of the perfect participle of transitive verbs, have been al- 
ready given (§336), and need not be repeated here. The 
following examples will abundantly illustrate those rules. 

( 1 ) The following are examples of the passive oonstruotion, in which 
the verb agrees with the objeot of the action, in gender and number : 
4^ ^i%^ ^ 9ft 71Q nKUT in, 'Nand and Jasodd had performed a heavy 
penanoe% lit.y 'by Nand- Jasodd heavy penance was performed'; "A ^pir 
i| «T^ «niT^, ^Shri Kri^n played the pipe*; V5 ^ ^aw^ WWn fivnnr, 
*he fed a thousand Brahmans'; ll^nrT ^ T^qnt 4in4(, ^Jasodd sent for 

a. In the case of pronouns the gender of the verb is of course de« 
termined by that of the noun to which the pronoun may refer. Thus, 
9W ^IV it «IT ^RqT, 'what is this we have done V {sc, «Rm); and SHd 
says {Rdm, S.), ^fff ^HTtT^ «!Tir ^ fimft, 'for what fault, (my) lord, 
am I deserted V, 

b. The verb mt^, when used with the instrument, idiomatically 
agrees, not with the object struck, but with the instrument of 8trik« 
ing, and the object is put in the genitive. Thus, V9 ^ dCV fmSR 
?IR^, 'he struck me with a sword'; IT^ i) 99 lif nmf intr, 'he boxed 
him', (f.^., 'struck him with the palm of the hand'). 

(2) The following are examples of the impersonal construction, in 
which the verb is always put in the masculine singular, without ref- 
erence to the gender or number of either the subject or object of the 
action : im ^ ^ITPi^ «ftf ^f^snn fiw, *the lord caused Jardsandh to 
be released'; ik^ ^ ^'^f^ $9^ ^ ^V iiA^j n ^ f^HIT, ^Kans shut 
up Basuder and Devaki in one room'; % it 99 IFTO iki ^W, 'I saw that 
cow'; 99 it WR^ Sfe^t ^ WIHIT, 'he called his daughters'. 

a. The pronominal accusative plurals in 4, like those with 9^, 
whatever their gender may be, require the verb to be in the imper- 
sonal construction, in the masculine singular. Thus, 99 % 9*4 
vm, 'he has kept these'; 99 it 9«$ 99Sf 9taT, 'he caught and bound 




626. As remarked before, the perfect, even of transitive yerbs, is 
often construed actively in the Rdmdymu To the examples given ia 
§434, the following may be added : gi^ #^ ^ni^ ^5^> *have you 
seen the gracious prince of Raghu ?\ 

a. The inflected perfect of the Rdmdyan^ whether of intransitive or 
transitive verbs, is always used in the active construction. Besides 
the examples given in § 43t>, the following may be noted: ^R?l?f W^ 
5! Mufa ^nft, *why didst thou not kill me at my birth ?*; CRt^ ^KTOI 
BnUT?! TOl, *they {i.e.^ the monkeys) said, Begin the destruction'; iri^C 
^n^ ^ihn ^snnhiT, *you have carried oSSitd, the mother of the world*. 
So in the modern colloquial of Allahabad, etc., people say, ^ ORT 
ilii|R,=:H. H. ?m il mi wit, *what did you say ?', etc , etc. 

b. So also the perfect in 1 or IT (§ 439) is most commonly oonstru- 
ed actively. But this termination is chiefly used in quasi causals 
with a neuter sense. Thus, ^ wi^ ^FuitiM, *joy swelled in his 
breast'; WlQ ^«li^ iRlii, 'all the monkeys fled'; MlT^^I MU(flHl, 
'afterward he repented'. 

The Indefinite Perfect. 

627. The Indefinite Perfect (1) simply indicates an ac- 
tion as completed, without reference to any definite time. 
It thus nearly corresponds to the Greek aorist. 

Examples : — ^^ % iTf «im ^Fft, *he said this thing'; iTf ^ filTB^ i| 
«l m^JT, *no one discovered this secret'; ^RTO irit, 'she became free from 
fear'; ^TT ^W! Hi^ ^ft^ ^9 ^ ^9 IWr Hlftl, 'various sorts of * trees 
ever bent with flowers and fruits'. 

(2) It may be used for the present perfect ^ when the 
time is evident from the context. 

Examples : — %% «l^ ^Tif 'JJ^^ Sf ^nd. 'who so powerful has aris- 
en in the house of Yadu ?'; gn SfjH VX^ WT^ OTi, 'you have escaped 
alive for many a day'. 

(3) Under similar conditions it is also used, where Eng- 
lish idiom would demand the pluperfect. 

Examples : — ^Rto^ ^ 1 WIT Br qw i^iCR nS, 'no one knew whither 
he had gone'; IRI W|^ ^ «npi ^ %m ^RS iHI, 'when much of the 
army of the demons had been destroyed'. 


(4) It is occasionally used where we would use the pres^ 
ent^ in general statements, when these are referred to as a 
matter of past experience. 

Examples : — ftra ^ HH\i. « W^ ^^^ ItH •! ftlUT, "RTO ^ ^1^ iw 
ftm RwT, 'whoever coming into the world takes not {lit.<^ did not take) 
your name, that person, leaving ambrosia, drinks (/lY., drank) poison\ 

a. So also, when used for the present perfect, it must sometimes be 
rendered by the present in English ; thus, ^ ^\^\ T9m 8R^ PT^, 
^measuring (you) in (my) mind, I know (that you are not Brahmans)\ 

628. In the Bdmdyan and other archaic poetry, one tense constant- 
ly discharges all the functions of the different compound perfect 
tenses of modern prose Hindi. Thus, ^H^. , . .wsraV "'Bn^ Tl^lfi<<l itfl, 
^Sati has gone and been bom in the house of Himdchal\ Other 
illustrations will be found in §§ 436, 626, a. 

The Present Perfect. 

629. The Present perfect represents the action of a verb 

as complete, with a reference to the present time. 

Examples : — ^OT nft gn # uU\^ W^ ^, *I have come to ask just 
this of jou'; ^Rl # ^ it WH W IT?! ^511 ^, 'since I have heard your 
honor's name'; W^^ fom il. . . .^ T^IT t, *(whom) your father has 
kept shut up*. 

a. It is thus often used where English idiom would re- 
quire the present. 

Thus, HH Tiiftw^ wt ^ %T, *why are you seated unconcerned ?'; 
WT WZ H %xm i^'A9\l 4^ ^, 'in each door wreaths and garlands are 

b. It is more rarely used where we would have expected the 
past perfect ; as, in the Prem Sdgar^ fiirat ^iW TJW iTOWy 51^ ^TPft 
ir WtJ 9, 'once the Raja Harishchandra had become (or became) very 

c. And in the following we would have expected the indefnite per^ 
feet : ^ ?«i9 Tjm\ ^ HUt # VJ^ ftrat f , *I got (the cow) yesterday 
from the Baja's'. 

Rem. In this case the action is regarded as effecting a result continuing 
to the present time ; whence the use of the present auxiliary. 


The Past Perfect. 

630. The Past Perfect differs from the English pluper- 
fect, in that the latter always refers to a certain definite 
point of past time, prior to which the action or event 
occurred ; while this Hindi tense simply indicates that the 
action occurred prior to an interval of past time, which is 
not^ necessarily, defined. The Hindi past perfect may there- 
fore be employed whenever an interval of time, definite or 
indefinite, has elapsed since the completion of the action. 

It is therefore often necessary to translate this tense by the Eng- 
lish indefinite past tense. Thns, % ni$ 4jie4VJl^ QRi^ ^nUT in, *I oame 
to put you on your guard*; ftw '^X^ Hf ^FUT in, *when this person 
was bom'; % BWt ir|^ ^wt ftw ^ H%f ^ HIT ^nUT m^ *they arrived 
where the lion had killed and eaten Prasen^; fm ^ wm 1 11¥, (9 HW 
poet.==^ d,) ^you had, indeed, become immortal'. 

The Contingent Perfect. 

631. The Contingent Perfect represents a completed 
action as a mere hypothesis or assumption. Thus it may 
be used (1) in conditional clauses, denoting the condition 
not as a fact, but as a mere assimiption. 

Thus, ^ «wi it ir^ f'TT'iTn qin cwm ^ Brut tr, *if Nal have com- 
mitted some deed even of unkindness'. 

(2) It may express doubt ; 

as, ^€t % ^ Qil^ tr, ^may she not have spoken in jest ?'. 

(3) Or a concession ; 

as, dr ^ ^ ^9 i) ^W fni, ^whatever he may have cooked'. 

(4) It may describe a past possibility. 

Thus, 15^5^ ^ ^^ 'WT iftni, f^mSk #?I dr vjA( %ni, 4n the family 
of Tadu is no one who, fleeing, has left a (battle) field'. 

(5) It is often used in comparisons referring to past time, 
when the comparison is made, not with an actual, but with 
a supposed case. 

Thus, ^ ... «rai vn ^ H^ f^ HT^ ttn, 'as if clouds of yarioos 
had gathered round'. 


a. In the Rdmdyan^ also, this tense ooours, but very rarely. Thus, 
Ih oftlT^ CRt^l m^ 9Hi, 'if he have ridiouled you in any thing'. 

Of the Frestwiptive Perfect. 

632. In the JPresumptive perfect a completed action is 
assumed as an objective reality ; i.e., the action is denoted 
as a prohahility. It is thus often to be rendered by the aid 
of an English adverb. 

Examples : — Hl^nR 6RT Wl nfh J^ tilit, *what must have been the 
state of the child !'; WH ^ HW ?lfT ^fT tuir, *your honor has doubt« 
less heard this couplet'; ^Si ^ 1l9Tf % ^^sin tuiT, 4t must have bent 
by the current of the river'. 

The Negative Contingent Perfect. 

633. The Negative Contingent Perfect is used only in 
the protasis and apodosis of conditional clauses. It always 
denotes an action or event as a past possibility which was 
not realized. 

Examples : — #T n 'WS WX W^ W> % MthKI iim ^ ^ CIW TOR ?iT^ 
% ^IFT ^rj^ %niV, *if thou hadst even once called from the heart, then 
that cry of thine had reached beyond the stars'; W^^ ^IV^ ^9ra% wnr 
% ^ W^ tl?i^, 'had I not killed my daughter with my own hand'. I 
have noted a single example in the Rdmdyan {8, K.); Ih ^ ^rfh ^tm 
^ici uri, 'if I had not obtained intelligence of SUd\ 

a. This tense differs from the Indefinite Imperfect in conditional 
clauses, only in that it denotes the action as finished ; and it may 
thus often be a matter of indifference which tense is employed. But 
when the completion of the action is an essential element in the sup- 
position, as in the second clause in the first of the above examples, 
then this perfect tense should be used in preference to the imperfect. 

Of the Passive Conjugation. 

634. The Passive conjugation is employed in Hindi 
chiefly in the following cases : — 

(1) When the agent is either unknown, or is not to be 
definitely mentioned. 


(2) It is elegantly used with a negative to express impos^ 
sihility. The negative is regularly placed between the verb 
and the auxiliary. 

Examples are, under (1), — ^W ^n ^ ^ ^n^ wf wm, *the 
secret of this is not known'; ^m ^n^ ^ ^^ TT^IT, 'else all the kings 
will be killed'; under (2), — ^35| CRT «FI 'Wl W^ % #*rraT wf ^8n?lT, 'his 
strength cannot now be withstood by me'. 

635. Even neuter verbs may be thus conjugated passively. Thus 
Wf # wm 5!Tf W?fT, 'I cannot come', UL^ *it cannot be come by me'; 
tm ^m ftRT ^mp l ^ir?, 'without Edm^s favor one cannot come'. 

636. The agent with the passive voice is regulcurly put in the 
ablative, as in the above examples. But in the following from the Rdj 
Niti, the agent is put in the locative with ^-IK ; ^ ^ ft^Qt ^fi ^mr, 
*I am not able to walk'. Observe, that the case of the agent is net>er 
used with the passive conjugation. 

637. When the same passive verb in successive co-ordinated sen- 
tences, is used in different tenses, the participle of the principal verb 
is properly used only with the first auxiliary. Thus, ^m ^ in? 4h 
wft^ ^ irtirii, 'people have been, are, and will be killed'. 

638. The place of the English passive is often idiomatically taken 
by the neuter verbs in Hindi. Thus, 'these fields are being irrigat- 
ed', is idiomatically rendered $^#f! V^ TJ V 

Bern. It will be remembered here, that many of these so-called neuter verbs 
are in reality corrupted 1 rakrit or Sanskrit passives (§467, a.) 

639. The inflected passive forms found in archaic Hindi have been 
already illustrated (§§ 445, a, 610.) They are used under the same 
rules as the modern analytic passive. 

Of Causal Verbs. 

640. Causal verbs call for little special remark. True 
causals are regularly followed by two accusatives. Exam- 
ples will be found in §534, a. 

641. Sometimes the causal conveys the sense, not of 
causing an action, but (1), of allowing it to take place, or 
(2), of causing an action or state to continue. 

Thus, «TO #tii tot9 ... ^« KT^ m^ 8t nsR^ «R^ Ti il, *witb nails and 


hair allowed to grow, all the kings were standing and making sup- 
plication'; wi nfin ftunS ^ft^, 4f he kill thee, die ; if he save thee 
alive, live*. 

Of Compound Verbs. 

642. In the Syntax of Compound verbs, the following 
points are chiefly to be noted. 

(1) In Intensive compound verbs, when the conjugated 
member is intransitive, the compound is always construed 
actively in the tenses of the perfect; whether the first 
member be transitive or intransitive. 

Thus in the following examples, although the simple verh, as a 
transitive, is construed passively with the case of the agent in the 
tenses of the perfect, yet the compound forms given are construed 
actively : — '^^ ^ \[S( ^rni, 'he ate bread', but ew ^Tst ^IT HHT, *he ate 
up the bread'; % i) ^^ ^ $^it, *I saw it', but ^% ^ mfT, 4t appear- 
ed'; '^^ ^ 5«!T, *he heard', but Clf ^ TfT ^, 'he is listening'. 

(2) On the other hand, in Frequentative and Permissive 
compounds, although the second conjugated member, when 
used alone, is always construed passively in the tenses of 
the perfect, yet in this combination it is always constru- 
ed actively. The same remark applies to the following 
compounds, in which ^, #^, or qmr, occur as the second 
element ; viz., mm tm, *to go out', tr #it, 'to follow', ^ uri, 
*to get a sight'. 

a. Also the following nominal verbs, denoting perception 
by the senses, although formed with the transitive ^, are 
always construed actively in all tenses ; viz., vnai $m, *to 
appear'; ^mi ^, *to sound' (intr.); :^mi ^, *to smell' 
{intr.); jht^ ^, *to be felt'. In like manner is construed 
dosni t^, *to be bound'. 

Examples : — 99 fiKTT filiHT, 'he was wont to go about'; % ^^ ^^ 
mm, 'I was not permitted to see'; d frer f^, 'they set out'; W9 S^ 
U^ tr ftnn, 'he followed after me'; ^tr^ ^^ ^ nun, *no one obtain- 
ed a sight'; ^ irta nr^ni ^, 'two villages appeared'; ^ ^ 9|fV 


^mk ^m, 'nothing was heard by me'; ih4 ^ ^[^^ ^ntf 'some 
flower emitted a perfume'; QTW WT ^ f^VT^ f^^> *what was that 
which I felt ?\ 

(3) Some compounds govern a different case from the single verb. 
Thus we say, W9 i| ^ % IRWT, 'he said to me', but ^ on firUT, 'he 
told me'. 

(4) In standard Hindi literature, the verbs 91im and ^qPIT, are 
very rarely, if ever, used alone. But in the colloquial they are 
thus used in some parts of the country, especially when the action 
referred to may be readily understood. ^^SFTT, indeed, occurs alone 
in the Udmdt/an; as, e.g.y ^^ <h ... dsj cin3^ 91^, '(if) you are 
able, then ... remove this sore trouble'. 

a. ^IQi'lT is iisually combined either with the root or the inflected 
infinitive in i|. But sometimes it is combined with the infinitive in 
«, as in the following : xm wa ^PDB ^«K ^mpT, ^JRdm will not be able 
to break the bow'. {Rdm. BdL K.) 

b. Although ^^RWT is only used in composition with another verb, a 
causal, ^eniPIT, *to cause to finish', is formed from it, which is always 
used alone. 

(5) The idiom of the desiderative compound with WBA, as denot- 
ing obligation or duty, has been already explained (§610). 

643. In the colloquial, compound verbs are often themselves com- 
pounded. Examples of such colloquial expressions are as follows : 
wvn ^ni «ro^ ^ra% ^Wl Tt, 'the gentlemen are just now in the act of 
starting'; 9I9T 99 ^VUniT, 4t will not be possible'; 99 9n^ ^Hf il9, 'all 
have set to eating'. 

Of Adverbs. 

644. The use of many adverbs as substantives has been 
already explained (§ 496.) But the following additional 
particulars may be noted. 

645. mi wn followed by a negative, is to be rendered 
'until'; but, without the negative, 'as long as'.' 

Thus, 99 ?WF^ 9 9ni, is 'until I come', but 99 ?wr^ Tt. 'as long 
as I remain'; similarly, ^ ^ ftl^t ... ftr ^ 9fil cii9 9ilfii 99r^, 'as 
long as I live, never say anything again'. 

646. A relative adyerb used as a substantive in the geni- 


tive, is combined with the correlative to denote manner, 
place, etc., as unchanged ; as, iqf «? f^t/in exactly the same 
way'; m\ srt ?iit, ^exactly in the same place*. 

647. w^ ^m is idiomatically used of measure or extent 
in such phrases as, m\ fmnR%^ ^, *as far as you may 
be able*. «fiff n^ idiomatically denotes a measure as indefi- 
nitely large. Thus, dr ^t^i t^ ^ cR^i tor 5K|, *how can I fully 
tell the alms he gave?'. This idiom cannot be literally 

648. qswf (qrt), * where', is idiomatically repeated in suc- 
cessive clauses to denote extreme disparity or incongruity. 

Examples : — ?F?t ^ 9T^|Qfi ^UMUI^ 9Wt ^ ^IR! ^, *what equality 
between these beautiful children and these powerful wrestlers ?'; ^ 
ofem ^ n§^ WHKXf *what was the Jar-bom' {Agastj/a^ who drank the 
ocean !) 4n comparison with the boundless ocean ?\ 

649. The relative and correlative adverbs are conjoined 
to express tmiversality . 

Examples : — ^ ?rt ^^^ ^T^ W^i, 'everywhere I see the two bro- 
thers'; ftrerc ftnspc ^uroiwr^ %m m ^ nft^ ^WT*!, *in every direc- 
tion the inhabitants of the town are recounting the exploits of the 

650. qs?!, — though derived from the Sanskrit ^ ('IPl)* 'where', — 
is commonly to be rendered, 'how', or *why'; thus, ^nifm 9i7H9l indt, 
*8aviour of the world! how shall I sing'; ^9ifil ^m 1FW> 'WU ilhsr, *why 
was Kekayi bom into the world ?'. 

661. The indefinite qiif, 'somewhere', is used in compa- 
risons to denote excess as indefinitely great ; m^ is also 
idiomatically used in expressions of doubt, as equivalent to 

the phrase *by any chance*. 

Examples : — ^ciw H^ Y9 % 9iTf ^^ 9, 'that house is ever so much 
higher than this'; ?lrff «IW «IITOt TO|T ?h ^ mUT tm, *surely by no 
chance can that deceitful Akr^r have come again !'. 

a. For unt, W^ is used in the Rdmdyan ; as, W(^ WH ^nf, 'no- 
where is there darkness'. 



652. TOPt, B«IT, 'hither*, 'thither*, as also the dialectic 
and w^y are often used in successive clauses to express a 

Examples : — W}IK % ^iftrey^ 4i!$idiii ?ir:S ^ ^^3R TTWlFin 3ni ^ffil 
^Wn, *here, then, Aniruddh Ji was greatly grieving, and there the 
princess was devoting herself to austerities'; v?I if?! Tfm 9^ 97inr 
ra^lrcR WH ^^1411, *here he parts from friend and loved one, there he 
beholds supernal joy'. 

653. For n, *thus', the original Sanskrit rt occurs in the Rama- 
yan^ with ^, 'this'; as, ^^Tiii|4i qrff ^ w^^ lit,, *this (is) so — (it) can- 
not be said'; t.^., 4t cannot be told just as it is'. 

654. For 9Vf with the negative, BiR is often used in the Rdmdyan 
and in other poetry ; as, 99 ii^ «K?fe filR in?!f, *said the lord of 
Lankdf why dost thou not speak a word P'. 

655. «PI, *rather', 'sooner', I have only met with in poetry ; thus, 
BA ^N VW With T^l?^, 'sooner might a fish live deprived of water'. 

666. The particle ftR is elegantly used for an adverb of 
time, denoting an action as coincident with another men- 
tioned in the foregoing clause. 

Examples : — ^ ^TOil « g^ ^ T^ w ftfi ... ih4 wft 4^m ^fw\ ^ Uf- 
HT, 'in a dream I was gazing on thee, when some one, lifting me up, 
brought me here'; Clf im ^ fe lira ^ it ^ctt, 'she was singing 
away, when Shiv Ji said'. 

657. The particles HH and ^(% have been already explained and 
illustrated (§500). 

a. After a phrase or quotation, modem Hindi often uses %^, 
where Sanskrit would have had ^fN. Thus, ^RT n^POT wn HW JW 
%^ Wl^A ^ Y19r ^ 9^, 'what has taken place, — without a motive 
let him not desire to know this'; ^jFQ ^ im^ ^U %l Mih^l }, %^ 5WK 
C|4 CRT wranv ^, 'considering that death has seized our hair, let him 
practice virtue'. In both these sentences, %^, like the Sanskrit 1[{?I, 
marks the preceding clause as quoted, as it were, from the hps or 
mind of the subject of the sentence. 

668. The emphatic particle fii, as remarked § 605, may 
be variously translated. In addition to the illustrations 
there giyen, the following may be noted. 


Of inr 9n irrr imr th tn V^, 'he was indeed wearied and exhausted 
by the journey'; 9l^Rli IW ^?T ^Wd ^ ^ Wtt, *the child was savedi 
only the cart was broken'; ^ 5^ H W^^ *I will regard sorrow as 
very joy'; ^ TOffWI ^PIT ^ ^ijjn % *how very wonderful are these 
doctrines !'; % ii mi ft %r ^^nUT, *I called ^ou I', i.e.y youy and no one 
else ; w:w^ ftR dr^, *should you go even without having been call- 
ed'; ^9 fnlaiHltri CR^il fIS mtn %Ti in, *one imperishable kadam tree 
stood on the bank, (and) that only'. 

N. B. The emphatic particle hi is not to be confoanded with the hi which 
in the Bdmdyan and other old poetry is the sign of the datiye and accusative 
cases. In the Bdmdyan, hu, hun, or au is the common form of the emphatic 
affix, f Fii. §131, e.; 

Of Prepositions. 

659. The syntax of prepositions calls for little remark. 
Their real nature and construction have been already ex- 
plained (§§506, 509.) 

660. WIT, * without', i5h«, 'within', and miHy 'before*, are 
construed not only with the genitive, as previously noted, 
but also with the ablative. In the latter case there is al- 
ways an implied comparison. Sometimes it is of little con- 
sequence which is used ; but often the two constructions 
convey a slightly different sense. 

Thus, T^ * WfT, is, lit, *on the outside'; but, T^ % «nW, 'outside 
of this'; ^ wii fl*, is, * walk before me'; but, «w WS % wii ^TfT, 'he 
ran ahead of me', eto., eto. 

a, n^ commonly takes the noun in its oblique form, where such a 
form exists. In the following from the Rdmdyan, ^^ exceptionally 
governs the accusative in it ; ft§ W^f ^|niBr ^Sm, "he sat on the 

seat with the sage'. 

661. Many words which, when following a noun in the genitive, 
must be rendered into English as prepositions, under other circum- 
stances must be regarded as nouns and often translated accordingly. 
Such, e.g.y are «TOt, Ig, ftiRm, and many others. Thus, «ft W^ * 
«nv, *on account of my going', but, ^W wnr, *for this reason'. So 
also, in the following phrase, fod has a prepositional force : IW fiw 
«l fisi HW, *for whom have you come V. But in the following it must 


be regarded as a substantive, signifying ^object'; gn ftra ftiS Hf^, *for 
what object have you come ?\ 

662» The inseparable preposition % *with*, is properly used only 
with pure Sanskrit nouns. In colloquial Hindi it is not often heard ; 
but it is more common in poetry ; as, e.g.^ ^IJV (^+"3^) *with (his) 
younger brother'; otw, 'with love'; ^WTOnt, 'with attendants*. 

Of Conjunctions. 

663. The copulative conjunction ^ is used much less 
freely than the equivalent English *and*; the conjunctive 
participle is often preferred to a finite verb followed by the 

conjunction (§697 (1) a.) 

Thus a Hindoo would not be likely to express the phrase, 'he went 
and saw the town% by Q9 JPit ^ «tm %r $W, but rather, W ^ VRIi^ 

a. It is also to be noted that Hindi idiom often requires 
the omission of the copulative between pairs of words 
where it would be necessary in English. 

Examples : — wH ^ 5R^ HYVR, 'knowledge of good (and) evil'; J^ 

5^ 5KT t^telTOT, 'the giver of joy (and) sorrow'; 1R^ $#T, 'go ! (and) 

see!'; ^1^5^ TOI^CI, ^Krishn (and) Balde^\ 

jRem. Such phrases are doubtless conceived in the popular mind as equiva- 
lent to copulative compounds (§ 482). 

664. ^ is to be rendered *also*, in an enumeration 
of particulars, but in other cases it must be translated 

Thus, "A ^^ *T ^ 5l^ltm Hi A gifeiiT ^ irnr, 'ShH Krishn Chand 
and also Balrdm Ji came to I)mrika*\ but, "^ ^m ^ H^ nVrOt ^ 9S^ 
srff ^ ^, *even Shri Krishn Chand gives nothing to any one'. 

a. After words implying a comparison, ift must be rendered 'still', 
*yet', *even'; as, ^ M^ f , *there is still more'; HW ^ ^9 H^ % ^ ^^ 
9, 'this tree is higher even than that house\ 

b. Sometimes, again, ^ oan scarcely be rendered into English 
except by an emphasis ; thus, n^ 5RTuJ ^^ ift ^ W^ ^ ^, 'howsoever 
trivial this work may be'. 

665. The Sanskrit ^ifii, 'also', 'even', is never used in oonversa- 


tion, and. only now and then in poetry; thus, ^ri?! iiiuinTii ^lOR ^i;^ 
PQRTB, 'eyen that which is most mysterious, the good make clear'. 

666. The phrase TOT W w, is often used as a copulative conjunc- 
tion, equivalent to 'moreover'; as, ifW W Ht mj 9n?f!T f , 'moreover he 
says this*. 

667. Of the disjunctive conjunctions, w or warn, and m 
(Ar.) are the most common ; ?^ and ^^ are dialectic, i^ 
also is often used as a disjunctive. 

a. Bfi and ^ are especially used in short disjunctive phrases ; as, 
*R!T ir ^ WT, 'be it good or evil'. But sometimes it is repeated before 
successive sentences ; as, ^ ^ ^ ^ n^ 5R^ UHiTti ^ ^Ftt ^ ^SRrqu ^ 
IRT^ ^ m 9| 9VT?, 'has not Sari had confidence in my affection P or 
hearing of the coming of Jardsandhy has the lord not come V. 

b. f^riiSrr is rare, but we find it in the Rdmdyan^ as, ^|1V|4IM dr^ 99 
i^JiST, or '(being) in the power of pride or love'. 

668. Sometimes in brief phrases, where it may be readily 
understood, the disjunctive may be omitted. 

Thus, ^wftf im?n^ ^in ^ m^ ftg nr4, 'wealth and authority 
pass away, obtained (or) not obtained', ue.y 'they are gone even before 
we obtain them'. 

669. dx is commonly used as a conditional conjunction 
in the colloquial; n^, usually pronounced, and often written 
9^, is Sanskrit, and in conversation is somewhat pedantic. 

a. Ih ^ is sometimes used dialectically as a conditional conjunction. 
Thus, ^ ^ ftw ^ trm fgld^li, 'if there is no treachery in his heart'. 

670. The conjunction ^ has a two fold sense, namely, 

*then', and ^indeed'. 

a. In the following passage the word occurs in both senses ; dr ^M 
% 9S^ vrtimr ?It d $?) % ^, 'if I had asked anything from him, then 
he would indeed assuredly have given it'. 

b. The illative m is only apparently used for the temporal con- 
junction. Thus, W ^wmTT 5«nil ^TW ^ ^ fl#i H^, 'having told this 
news, Ndrad Ji then went away'; where ftf suggests the accomplish- 
ment of hifi object in telling the new0» as the reason for his depar- 


b. In other oases ^ conveys a sliade of meaning which can only 
be expressed in English by a peculiar stress of yoice ; as, e.g., f^napl- 
nfh ^llTfr QRT 9!^ <^% ^, 'lord of the three worlds, and creator of the 
earth am IV. 

671. The concessive conjunction is iroRi (nftr+nfii), 'al- 
though', to which «wfii, or ^rarfa, *yet*, answers in the princi- 
pal clause. These are pure Sanskrit and are rarely used in 
the colloquial, except by pundits. The corrupted form 
iwfti is employed in the Bdmdyan. In the common collo- 
quial, dr ^ and ftr h^ are usually employed. 

672. qirrni?! and qr^ttq, 'perhaps', like many of the fore- 
going, are rarely heard, except from those conversant with 
Sanskrit. The Persian imnr {vjm and ^nnr) is often heard 
instead. All these are regularly followed by the contin- 
gent future. The verbal forms w^, mi wil, often take the 
place of these in the colloquial. 

673. fiFf is radically an explanatory particle ; its use as a 
final, = 'that', is easily derived from this explanatory sense. 

Thus, 91 V9 9im % miT f^ $^, etc., 'for this reason he went, that 
he might see'; here fifi is merely explicatory of the word ^iTOI, 'reas- 
on'. And in cases where no such noun occurs in the principal clause, 
it may be yet be understood. 

a. Often liR must be rendered by the word 'saying'; as, Clf mft 
Tlinm HT nil cil J^V cru mid, 'he was propitiating this (deity), say- 
ing', When will that man appear ?'. 

b. Sometimes fiFf is used pleonastically, after a relative pronoun or 
adverb ; thus, dl «n?f fifi Wl it W?^, 'that thing which you said'; HH 
filC MiHIHII ^IRWT wt %^ 5rif tr ^^Km, 'since the supreme Spirit not 
even for an instant can be such\ Further illustration of the use of 
the conjunctions will be foimd in the section on compound sentences. 

Of Intbrjections. 

674. Interjections call for little remark. The following 
interjectional expressions require a noun in the dative ; viz.^ 
CPU, fiaRR or fknisK. 


ThuB) urAiaT ^ uni, 'praise to Qod !'» ^31^ ^ ^iHbi %T, 'a curse 
to my life !'. 

675. ijft or ^ changes final ^ to 'i after a feminine noun. 

Thus, ^Mli4eiH 5KT ^fra ^ 53 ing ^t, *I am the servant of the Abode 
of Compassion ; hear ! O mother !'. 

Of the Repetition of Words. 

676. The repetition of words is a marked characteristic 
of Hindi idiom. Any part of speech, except a postposition 
or conjunction, may be repeated, to express, as the case 
may be, the various ideas of repetition^ distribution^ varie- 
ty ^ intensity y or continuance. 

677. Nouns when repeated may be taken (1) distribU" 

Examples : — ^HT H^ JllliAlflK ^ Tf d, ^festivities were going on in 
each house'; 91 Vtit Vtit VSR sttq m^ Y, 'they in each birth find 
(their) abode in hell'. 

(2) Or the repetition may express variety. 

Thus, ^ ^ ^ Tnn, 'kings of various countries'. 

(3) To express intensity or emphasis^ the noun is often 
repeated with the emphatic tft intervening. 

Thus, vni li vni ^ onnl ^I9n» 'in his inmost soul he began to say'; 
91^ it 91^ H, 'in the very midst of the conversation'; 99 ^cm ft 
^^ Hfm ^, 'all (the women) were saying nothing but Krishn^ 
Kriihn !'. 

a. When the first noun is in the plural, it is not used ; as, Tf it 
Wtid im, *in their very hands'; ?n^ ?lfT, *blow on blow'. 

b. Sometimes the first noun is put in the genitive ; as, md qrt wi, 
/t7., 'a fool of fools', t.^., 'a very fool'; ifcftt it ^ it ^, 'swarms up- 
on swarms of bees'. 

c. We have also noted the phrase TOT TO, 'very milk', t.^., 'pure 

(4) Sometimes the noun repeated is equivalent to an adverbial 
phrase ; as, itin lt%, 'in rows'. 

(5) The repetition sometimes suggests continuance in a place ; as, 

9fll it f«ii) vm^ n^, ^walk along by the side of the road'. 



678. For the repetition of nouns, etc., with the alteration of a let- 
ter, see § 482 (1) 6. 

679. Adjectives are repeated to express (1) intensity. 

Thus, 5ffh5^ ^t^ xpm fRi Tf^ f , *the soft, soft wind is blowing'; ^i|^ 
gill «l^, *the cleanest clothes*. Sometimes the first adjective takes 
the genitive postposition ; as, 5# CRT ^*^IT, ^extremely hungry*. 

(2) Or sometimes the repetition expresses variety ; 
Examples : — ^i ^i TO, ^various new pleasures'; ^R^ m^ #^ 

#wi ^, *they began to play various unheard of plays'. 

(3) Or the adjectives may be taken diatributively . 
Thus, 99 sif 8i# ^l^^4^) 'each and everyone of the grQdA,Yadubamia* . 

680. Numerals are repeated in a distributive sense. 

Thus, HH ^ 79 T9 ^ iT^, *ten sons were (bom) to each one*. To 
the repeated numeral, the conjunctive participle 5RT% is often added 
(§ 604), as follows ; ^ ^ 5FT^ TiTO^ nS, *they went out by twos'; ^9i 
^?li 5irofe w9, 'they came one by one'. 

681. Pronouns, when repeated, are often to be taken dia^ 
trihutively. Or the repetition may denote variety. 

Examples :— ^5%t ^ W^ wA H^ Tffra ^TO 9i^, 'hasring gone each 
one to his own house, they said—'; dr itr ftra fire TOJ ^ W5r qfil ^ 
%T ^ ^^, 'whatever different things each one may desire, that bring 
and give'; 9«l qVT qVT ^ m^ ^, 'what various sorrows do we experi- 
ence !'. 

a. But *t4, repeated, is *a few'; as, w^it sprr lira *T^ *T^, 'some 
few may gain your favor'. 

682. The relative ^^ is idiomatically repeated with the genitive 
postposition ; as, ^ 9iT ftw, 'exactly as before'; or, if the noun quali- 
fied be feminine, ^4^ «R^ ^4^ B^ jft ^HT Tf^, 'his state remained just 
as it was before'. 

683. Repetition of verbs is confined to the participles. 
It may indicate (1) simple repetition of the action. 

Examples :— fft ^ ^m Wgn 5ITO 5ITO HRT f^, 'jffan, breaking up 
the weapons one after another, threw them down': 99 ilnft mi irA 
^ dra % 5^ 5^ |te^ ^nft; 'all the milk-maids repeatedly ques- 
tioning beast, bird, tree and vine, began to search'; il^ qm 9hl^ w^ 
^RTQ ^3^ §, 'the bees kept coming and resting on her fao6^ 


(2) The repetition of certain verbs thus expresses in* 


Thus, W^ UTOW ^wm ^ ^ «Kfi| ^nn, ^Indra, deeply repenting 
and weeping much, began to say'. 

(3) It may sometimes denote the continuance or pro- 

longation of the action. 

It will sometimes be found difficult to render this idiom into 
English, fl^ H^ H^ ^ H^. 'walking on and on they reached 
home'; vft tHH % iNi iNi THI ^WT ^ ^ fi9RT#, *in this way having 
gone on, he came and displayed his glory in the palace'; "^ ^^ ^ 
M ^ H^ ^nrvi ^ ^Hl wky 'to Shri Kri^hn^ as he remained bound, 
came the recollection of a former birth'. 

a. ilft tift, is rendered 'gradually', *by degrees'. Peculiar is the 
phrase, im^ ^ ^9^fR^ 1 l^'R^, *my continued non-arriyal'. 

b. Often the first of the repeated participles is put in the mascu- 
line, and the second in the feminine ; as, ^qr f^Q^, 'secretly'; ^^ ^ 
^W $w ^^ ... itlw IWTO ^PC, *all the milk-maids, making obeisance, 
with bim looking on, — '. 

c. The perfect participles of a neuter and its active or causal are 
sometimes idiomatically joined together. Sometimes the compound 
has a reciprocal sense, as, vtttt UTt^, 'mutual beating'; but often the 
combination seems to have a certain intensive force ; as, Wif ^VTU 
d<§ niTR H 9ift % wky 'whence came this calamity upon us sitting 
still ?\ 

d. Similarly, an active or causal participle is often prefixed idiom- 
atically to a neuter verb with an intervening negative, giving an em- 
phatic force. Thus, % Vh^i irtftf ^ l TP^A, 'they cannot in any way 
be possibly effaced'. Or the reverse order is found, the neuter parti- 
ciple preceding ; thiis, W^V Hf IV^ iw 1 HT^, *the demons, mighty in 
strength, (even when) dead, were not killed'; fIJ CTh ^ 7T^, 'driven 
back, they not in the least gave way'. 

684. The repetition of adverbs has already been noted. 
(§498.) The following illustrations are added, 
m nn tiY ^ ^ 11^ fm fm im nfr ^rionsi irrkr, 'whenever 

religion suffers injury, then from time to time the lord, assuming 

Tahous bodies'—'; ^ mt cif WFin n^ ^iiit ?irt wt ^ uwr wnc wJI 



^fUT, 'just in proportion as the girl began to grow, so he began to 
love her greatly'. 

a. An adverb may be repeated witli the genitive postposition in- 
tervening, for the sake of emphasis. Sometimes the latter may also 
be in the emphatic form ; as, %T (^^) H^ «KT UlSf ^ TsmM "mt^m, *that 
army in this very spot shall so vanish'; ^ra «FT ?ni, 'at that very- 

685. Prepositions also are sometimes repeated with a 
modification of the sense similar to that above noted. 

Thus, Bt % rihl it^ WW Tre inft d, *all along through the midst, 

bards were singing (his) renown'; ^i^ iRimii%t ^ UTO OTH, 'close 

along by those same footsteps'; ^ q^ q^ iN) W#T, %llow along* 

behind me'. 


686. . The fondness of the Hindoos for onomatopoetio words has 
been already mentioned. This regard for sound extends also to 
the construction of sentences, and is seen especially in the balanced 
structure of the language ; as in the marked tendency to throw sen- 
tences of all sorts into the relative and correlative form ; the express- 
ion of repeated action by repeating the word expressing the action ; 
the fondness for rhyme, even in prose, etc., etc, 

a. The following striking examples of onomatopoDia in the choice of 
words, are from the Rdmdyan. In the description of the fighting of 
the monkeys against Rdvan we read, ii«fe TS^F^ ^W WS^ ^ ^IS?I fH^ 
^^rik OT, *the terrible monkey warriors, fighting, their bodies torn to 
pieces, are not diminished'; and the fighting of the bears is thus 
similarly described ; ^A^fif^i^ ^d^d 9ignt ^jnfil ^ffnl WierTfT ^'^Tf, 
'the bear host gnash and grind their teeth ; they eat, and howl, and 
(even) satiated, rush upon (their prey)'. 

Pabt II. Synthetic Syntax. 

Of the Construction of Sentences. 
L — Op the Simple Sentencb. 

Of the Parts of a Sentence. 
687. As in all language^ the essential elements of a 


di sentence are two, viz.^ subject and predicatey to which 
may be added the copula^ as a formal, though not, as will 
appear, a necessary element of the sentence. We treat 
first of the simple sentence. 

688. The subject in Hindi, may be (1) a noun or pronoun 
in the nominative case ; or (2) two or more nouns or pro- 
nouns in the nominative ; or (3) an adjective or numeral 
used substantively in the nominative ; or (4) an infinitive ; 
or (5) any phrase or sentence. 

Examples are, of (1) ; — g^wit ^re WHT ^, ^Tuhi Dds has come'; 9 ^ 
vi^ni ^ ^1^19 ¥, ^these are the marks of a good man'; (2) "^ ^C31 ^ 
ei^im ^ W^^, ^Shri KrisJ^n and Balrdm J I have come' ;^ ^ TO 
W%i^, *I and you will go*; (o) #T ?rft ^, *two are there'; ^tr^ ^|T^ iffY 
^VXy *no wise (man) will say'; (4) TO ^ wm f , *you must go', Ut^ 
*to go is for you'; (5) ^5% mt mt 'm^ ^ »R9 ^10^ ^W ^5^TT fRF H 
HHA\ HfTlT f » *to them it falls to wander in this earthly circle of re- 
peated births and deaths'. 

a. The cases in which a complete sentence introduced by Br stands 
as the subject of the verb, will be noticed in the Syntax of the Com- 
pound Sentence. 

b. Colloquially, the locative with Wi, ^, etc. is used as the subject 
of a sentence in such phrases as the following : 7^ VR^ WR Iff 
wm, ^not so much as one man came'; #T ^ fm t[^ ^, ^as many as 
two hundred came'. 

689. The subject may sometimes be omitted ; (1) when 
it can be readily supplied from the connexion, as, e.g.y in 
questions, or in direct address ; or (2) when it is implied 
in the form of the verb; or (3) in proverbs, where brevity 
is sought. 

Examples ; (1) WT Clf ^TRIT ^ ft W?fr ^, Hs he coming P yes (he) is 
coraiug'; dST Hf q^T ^ra f^niiT^ tl, *8on ! what conduct is this you dis- 
play ?'; (2) WWM % *(I) am a Brahman'; (3) 5FTIT ?!«l ^IT, *eam, then eat'. 

a. In the phrase SR^ITIT ^, the word VJm or «w is to be understood 
as the subject of the verb, and is indeed often expressed. 

690. Sometimes by anaiohuihon, a nominative, or the case of the 


agent, stands without a verb, as jh€t in the following : it^ dr 
HT^ %T M4|i<^ ^ % TV ^ % ^n?) $iSI ORfi) ^9lff, *the milk -maids, who 
had gone out to draw water — they, seeing the chariot coming in the 
distance, began to say — '. 

691. The predicate of a sentence may be (1) a verb ; (2) 
a noun or pronoTin either in the nominative or some obli- 
que case ; (3) an adjective ; (4) a numeral ; or (6) any word 
or pbrase used as a noun. 

Examples : — (1) Clf mnHT, *he will go'; (2) ^^ 5KT iim lIT^ f , *hi8 
name is Ahuk^; Hf TTWr CRT ^, 'this is the king's'; «IW ^kt^ xpi ^. 'ho 
is on the house'; iisnv HW ^, *the reason is this'; H^ ^^^Mi BlW ?K^ ^, 
* whose is this book ?*; %^ W^ fiipft H srff ^, *in no one is such pow- 
er'; dx xni ift tnn, *the son whom I shall have'; (3) Twn ft^qra Wff 
«rat ^ imrat ^, *the Rdjd Simpdl is very mighty and renowned'; (4) 
fift IRW %raf d, *my feet were sixteen'; (5) ^ THiT ^Shnv 5RT UTTOT ♦, 
*I am the messenger [lit.^ the sent) of Rdjd Bht§hmak\ 

692. The predicate verb is sometimes omitted when it can be easi- 
ly supplied from the context ; as, ^T%t iftt it UM\H fwn ^WR ^ JJ' ^Wl 
^f^ ^ ^ Jfm, 'both heroes saluted him, the one, regarding him as a 
spiritual guide, the other, holding him as a brother'. 

693. The copula, either explicitly, or as implied in a 
verbal form, is regularly required to connect the subject 
and predicate of a sentence. But even in prose the copula 
may often be omitted in Hindi, where it would be essen- 
tial in English or even in Urdu. 

a. Thus, in simple description, where the copula may be readily 
supplied, Hindi often characteristically omits it ; as, h^ttutV 9iT m- 
J^ ITTO XXW ftni ^ ^ dS ^WR W ini ^^ ^H<{ 9Q^, '(there was) a 
king of the city oi Mathurd^ named Ahuk^ (who had) two sons; the 
name of one (was) Devaky the other (was) Ugra8en\ 

b. The copula is also often omitted in comparisons ; as, vl^ ^^ 
^fTSRt ^anit ^ ^ ^ nlniT i^ ^nfn^, 'the earth looked as fair as 
a beauty adorned'. 

c. Similarly, the copula is very commonly omitted in negative 
sentences ; as, ^9 % fili^ Wfl W Vt ^1^, 'this (person has) no 
knowledge of anything'. 

>". F 


Rem, In snch phrases the omission of the copula is in fact only apparent. 
Nakiut as remarked § 372, ia a compound of the negative na with an archaic 
form of the copula, dhin. 

d. The oopida is also usually omitted in proverbial expressions ; 
as, %X^ 5FT ^ wter, 'stolen sugar is sweet'; iA^< ^ T%^ « ^id^ «RI 
^, 'oil of jasmine on the head of a musk rat\ 

e. But when there is any emphasis on the time as to which any 
affirmation is made, as past, present, or future, the copula must be 


694. The omission of the copula is extremely common in poetry ; 
indeed, in the Rdmdyan, its use is quite exceptional. Examples will 
be found in almost every line. Thus, WH ftro ^«l W %m TOlft, *in 
every way, all the people of the city (were) rejoioed';-^?rein?! urtiWI- 
^RW, 'association with the good, (is) the root of joy and gladness*. 

a. But occasional examples of the use of the copula occur, deter« 
mined by emphasis, or by the necessities of the metre ; as, e.g,^ JTT- 
TfW ^ Wffil ^itw. 'but difficult to be worshipped (is) Mahesh\ 

b. As in all languages, we must distinguish the occasional use of 
the substantive verb, not as a copula, but as an essential word. Thus, 
d ^tXlt WM^ ^ fti ^Prar t, *those people admit that God exists'; Hd % 
mf^ § tnDr WlH, ' (those things) which have been, are, or shall be 


695. The predicate may belong to the subject in a greater or less 
degree as compared with other objects. For illustrations of the syn- 
tax of adjectives in such cases, see § 566, under ^Comparison'. In 
the case of verbs, the comparison is expressed by prefixing the proper 

696. The subject and predicate may both be extended 
or defined, as in other languages, by the addition of vari- 
ous words in grammatical dependence upon them. The 
subject may be defined (1) by a noim or nouns in apposi- 

Examples :— nfeniTW m if^ai^i xrai H\um fn^ ^, ^Rdjd Bhish- 

mak oiHMtindpur^ (lit.^ resident of) has come'; diT^^ *ii^*H Win, 'the 
month Kdrtik came\ 

a. Here note the common idiom with the pronoun WT, which occurs 
in the following phrase ; MM milTnmiMi cm ^ «T yw unw # 8t 


CR^ d, 'all the inhabitants of the city, whether men or women, were 
thus talking among themselves'. 

b. The common idiom which occurs in the following sentences 
must be regarded as an appositive construction : ^^ ^ dl^ oni^ %#, 
*I got two suits (of) clothes'; ^m ^ Kl^ ^^ HfT, *not one drop (of) 
water fell'. 

c. In the following from the Prem Sdgar, QT^fOR is a predicative 
adjunct of the personal pronoun Ik : % «ira« ♦ d^ ^, *I, a child, (i.e., 
although a child.) am thy enemy'. 

(2) The subject may be extended or defined by an ad- 
jective. In this case vre may distinguish (a) the attribu^ 
tivey and (6) the predicative construction. 

a. In the attributive construction, the adjective precedes the noun 
and forms conjointly with it one complex idea as, e.g., T[% ¥TICRt »roi 
5Fftf TO i, 'this frightful form is the Kali Yug\ 

b. In the predicative construction, the adjective follows the noun, 
and is apprehended separately from it, being, as it were, the predi- 
cate of an abridged relative clause. Thus, T^ ^* wk %{ ftlHH THI 9p|, 
*(ifj I kill this (child), then I may reign without fear'. In the follow- 
ing both constructions occur: ^re 5R! WJ ^3g xpsf HflMil9li4) 5lfT ^^1^5^ 
OTHTQT HT, *the youngest son of that Bal^ very powerful, and greatly 
renowned, was Bdndmr\ 

(3) The subject may also be defined by a pronoun used 

Thus, HW ^R^'^T ^ >rt^ ^, *this girl is thy niece'; % lam ?WI % 8|liV, 

*the thing which you said'. 

(4) Or by a numeral. 

Thus, ^f^ ^^ $Rt JTT^ W^, *in the midst of this, the two brothers 
came'; ^ ^W9 9tjt f^^n^ ftrQ, *two thousand warriors appeared\ 

(5) Or by a genitive. 

Thus, ^^ WIT 5ft %m WI ^ T%, *all the people of the assembly held 
their peace'; ^^cm Ttix ifShru J^ JW, *now my desire has been ful- 

Rem. As the genitive is de facto an adjective, it admits of the two 
constructions mentioned above under (2). But as Hindi often imitates 
the Persian by placing the genitive after the governing noun, its 


predicative oharaoter cannot always be certainly inferred from its po- 
sition. But it is evidently used as a predicate in the following from 
the Prem Sdgar : W m^m ^ ftR «ft ^k^ ^ Wt ¥TOT, 'six children of 
theirs, then, Kam has slain'. 

(6) By an adjective participle. 

Here again, we have both {a) the attributive and {b) the predica- 
tive constructions. Thus, ^H? ?in ^t^ Clft inp HT, *a dead snake lay 
there'; but, in the predicative construction, ^?K ^t^ ^ITT JW TOT HT, 
*a snake lay dead'; ^m ¥Tm QfitOflT ^^ ^B¥T ^[W, ^KanSy fearing and 
trembling, rose and stood up'. 

697. The predicate of a sentence may be extended, 
(1) By a noun, pronoun, or any word or phrase used 
substantively. This includes several particulars. 

a. The direct object of a verb ; as, ^ ^^^ 5R^, 'declare the mess- 
age'; TUn ^hn^ ^ •! dr^, ^Rdjd Bhlshmak said nothing'. The 
object may sometimes be a phrase or sentence ; as iu the following, 
after a conjunctive participle ; 9ifv^ ftreNr ^ TK^ ^TO, 'seeing the 
sacrifice destroyed by the monkeys'; 9Tm HT ^ XH^f^Z "WT^ ^, 'hear- 
ing that the marriage procession had come near the house'; and, 
after an imperfect participle, ^mffTY IRTTI ^f?! ^«l Tl^, 'all the 
queens, on hearing (the words), The marriage procession will move'. 

Rem, Observe, that the object of the verb may itself again be 
defined in the same way as the subject noun (§f>96.) Thus, ^ 
iniTTCI wn 8Ft#. pardon my transgression'; 1?% «R H HuSk^ ^ #inrdT, 
*do not leave them alone in the jungle'. 

h. Or the predicate, under the conditions specified in § 332, may be 
extended by the case of the agent ; as, 9T^I ^ $eiHldl %!i ^5HW ftuT, 
^Brahma caused the gods to understand'. 

c. Or by a dative ; as, ^ it %^«l 9n9l#t itr ^rm dn fifHT, ^Nand 
Ji sent an invitation to all the Brahmans'. 

d. Or, in short, by any case of any noun or pronoun, defining the 
predicate in respect of time, place, manner, etc.; as, ^'it ii ii^ S SlW 
€U ^iA finn, *they allowed Mohan to come into the house ; ^19 9S iHf # 
BlW^ ^W ^h^ ^nrr, 'all the former grief left his heart'; wm ^wbi ^ 
#f^ fn 9lf^, 'the fire swept to the top of the mountain'. 

e. Or the defining noun may be a nominative in apposition with the 



predicate ; as, iii^iFdi cK tim ^^ Hnn ^Hif^ ^hw 9lHI lihlNf drwi, 

*the names of the six systems are these, Nydya^ Vaiaheshik^ Sdhkhya^ 
Yogi/a, Mlmdnnd, Veddni*, In the following, the nominative defin- 
ing the predicate is appositive to the subject : fh^ q^ HlVCrt iR^iT 
nrr ^liT9 ^iUdllT, 'her eighth child shall be born as thy death'. 

(2) The predicate may be extended by an adjective, or 
if a notin, also by a numeral. 

Examples • — W^TTT HT urini wHi, *be pleased to purify onr house'; 
dTnVT ^mro^^i, 'these are the king's four sons'; Of n^ IQTCV 
dniR ^fiVT m, 'that mountain was eleven yojans high'. 

(3) Or by a conjunctive participle. 

a. Observe that this participle always has the force of an adverbial 
adjunct of the predicate, expressing the various adverbial relations 
of time, place, manner, etc., as explained in §597. Besides the illus- 
trations there given, the following may be noted : ^ W^ fR% B^ra 
^ ^iA ^€ ^ ^, *-Vernrf «/f, being very sad, began to draw long 
sighs'; TJM ^ ^^\l\ ? WRT ITRT SsTUT, 'having taken the kingdom, 
and issued a proclamation, he established his seat'. 

(3) Or by an adjective participle absolute (§596,(2)). 

Examples : — ^fts^l^i ^^K ^^ "^^ ^ ^^ ^y ** number of days pass- 
ed staying in Mathurd^; "^ ^cm ^ ^m ^|^ ITTt ^ i^ ^n9 Y, *Shri 
Krishn Chand has come in company with a beautiful woman'. 

Bern. The conjunctive and adjective participles may, again, themselves be 
defined in the same way as the tenses of a verb in the predicate of a sentence. 
For illustrations, see §§ 596—600. 

[4i) The predicate may also be extended by a preposition 
with its case. 

Thus, H^ ^ VBR ^ ^cm ^ ikfi ^R ^ ^^IT, *he saw no house with- 
out Shri Krishn Chand'\ '^m ifnit H%T^ «ft vm TOf, 'all the milk-maids 
went to Tasodd^, 

(5) Or by an adverb. 

Thus, CW 11% ira^ fW, *he became greatly pleased'; ift^ HTlh, 
'come quickly'. 


698. Agreement is three fold, viz. ; (1) of an adjective 
used attributively with its noun ; (2) of an adjective in the 


predicative construction with its noun; (3), of the predi- 
cate of a sentence, whether verb or adjective, with the 

099. The general rules regulating the agreement of an 
adjective attributive with its subject have been already 
stated and ilhistrated (§163). The same rules apply to the 
agreement of the genitive attributive with the noun it de- 
fines (140). 

700. But when an adjective or genitive attributive de- 
fines several nouns of different genders, usage as to agree- 
ment varies. 

(1) The attributive may, preferably, agree in gender with 
the nearest noun. 

Examples : — "^m 8Rt ^ ^ ^4^y 'Ins wife and children'; TOTTT^ ^ 
^ fnr ini, *yoiir wife and four sons'. 

(2) Or the attributive may take the form of the mascu- 
line, as the *more worthy' gender, even though the noun 
immediately following be feminine. 

Examples :— ni^ra nilu^ir^g , 'your wife, sons, etc.'; U^mm ^ ^ 
wA in?lT ^ vj^a ^ aiHIU I, ^Purmrdm Ji called his mother and 

701. When an adjective or adjective participle occurs in 
the predicative construction with its noun, if the noun be 
in the accusative with ^, the adjective or participle regu- 
larly takes the form of the uninflected masculine singular, 
irrespective of the gender or case of the noun. 

Examples :— ^ vm^^ ^ ^wqmRlft T^ cftr ^Sf $^rm i, *in the 
three worlds I see no one so powerful'; snfT ^ ^W?n $^, 'seeing the 
city burning'. 

a. But occasionally the predicative adjective or participle takes the 

feminine termination even after the accusative with ?Rt. Thus, in 

Damivjauti^ WR TTB^ cftx WR % ^fcinv H ^wt^ $T¥T, 'you have left me, 

your handmaid, alone in the wilderness'. 

Rem, Here tho construction seems confused; for although the adjective 



takes the feminine termination, the verb follows the usual rule and retains 
the masculine form after ho, 

b. Observe, that when a participle is found inflected after a noun 
with cftr, it is to be regarded, not as a predicative adjunct, but as in 
the absolute construction (596, (2)). Thus, ^Ift wm ^|ftr $8Rn^ ^ 
d§ tlT?fT OT, *where he would find seated, sages, philosophers and gods*. 

702. The same rule as to agreement applies to the pronominal 
accusatives in ^ and 'i as to those in ^. Thus, IH fei% ^^ W^f 
*whom shall we regard as the real (one) ?'. 

a. But in this case, again, we occasionally find a different usage ; 
as, e.g.y in the following from the Prem Sdgar ; ?R S ^f»% 'Vl^^ Jm 
#nf^, 'do not leave this child alone in the jungle'. 

703. If the noun be in the nominative or the nominative 
form of the accusative, the predicative adjective or partici- 
ple agrees with it in gender and number, as in the attribut- 
ive construction. 

Thus, Wi ^ cira wt IW^ xrV ^FJjRty 'why dost thou not fulfil the 
desire of (my) heart P'; nrt ^bw^ itai?!^ fi|iT?ft \r, *the cows, panting 
and lowing, are wandering about'; %^ %Tfl CRTm . . . ^^nUT WPi ^R «ft 
Wki^ ^nOT, *thus reflecting, Suddmd came near his house'. 

a. In the following phrase, we must supply the 1st personal pronoun ; 
giT ii 1W «R S ?llft Vieii^, *you have left (me) alone in this wilderness'. 

704. The predicate verb, adjective, or noun must be in- 
flected to agree with the subject in number, gender and 
person, in so far as they may be capable of such inflection. 

Thus, in^^nBTOT ^ ^\m^^\ n tin BIBP HT ^ tumt^ \i, 'sacred 
science and military science, — these two procure (men) a high rank'; 
ftroir ?^ S H^\H\ ini W9nv .... ^m OT, *in that very country was 
living a Brahman, by name Suddmd\ 

a. Observe, that the case of the perfect of transitive verbs as con- 
strued with ii, is no exception to this rule ; inasmuch as that which 
in English is the object, in this passive construction becomes the 
sutyect of the verb, with which it therefore agrees according to rule; 
as, ^ (ftifrit ^) . . Tu^hI nWw '^9 ftreirt, Mit,^ *or is the old love all for- 
gotten (by Bihdrt) ?'; %T IP^ il^t^ ^ smi ^, *the six (daughters) 
were given in marriage to Ba^udev\ 


705. When the subject of a verb is a sentence, the predicate is 
always put in the 3rd masculine singular. Thus, in the passive 

construction, ^m it^ ^ ^fT ^^ W^, *one milk-maid said, Listen, 
dear I*. 

706. When the subject is an honorific pronoun, an hon- 
orific plural, or a title of respect, although the reference is 
to an individual, the predicate or predicates must agree 
with it in the plural. 

a. It will often happen that the noun or adjective in the predicate 
nominative, will admit of no distinction in form for plurality. But 
if, with such a predicate, any inflectible adjunct be joined, it must 
take the plural inflection, as in the second of the following examples : 
S ftrenmlr, *this is Vidhdtd'; irft ^nm «li ^F^tIt, 'this is the Creator 
of the world*; wm ISM fW ^T5 ^rtirj), *by what time will your honor 
return ?\ 

707. When a pronominal nominative plural refers to both mascu- 
line and feminine objects, the predicate takes the form of the mascu- 
line gender; as, ^^TOT ^ ^ dra^ ... 119 im WfTT^ VT^% 'Suddmffa 
wife said (to her husband), — Now we are experiencing great trouble*. 

708. When the subject consists of two or more nouns or 
pronouns of different genders, the predicate and copula 
commonly agree in gender with the nearest noim. The 
same rule, it should he remarked, applies to an attributive 

adjunct under similar circumstances. 

Thus, IW «ft ^ftt 5hl IIt fnr iwrr ^, 'this (creature) had three eyes 
and four arms'; ?nRfnR Of nwn ^uleiS^hfll 9 ^rSt ^H? ^H? UtJ ^ 
HiTT^lf irt H, 'youth, wealth, authority, lack of judgment, these four are 
each occasions of failure'; irt^ ^ ^ vmiT, 'a dust-storm and show- 
er came'. 

a. Some say that occasionally the attributive or predicate takes the mascu- 
line gender without reference to the gender of the nearest noun. But I am 
not able to find any good authority for such usage, and have only noted the 
following illustration of it in literature : lia purush na slH dyd, 'neither man 
nor woman came'. 

709. When the subject consists of two or more words of 
diflferent persons, the yerb then preferably agrees with the 


1st person, rather than the 2nd or 3rd, and the 2nd, rather 
than the 3rd. 

a. la this case, if the person preferred be in the singular, the verb 
agrees with it in that number, even though another noun be associ* 
ated with it. Examples are as follows : siw fn^^RT ^f^Md WTTVIT UTT 
H^ 1^^, *you and I are not that imagined spirit of yours'; ^Qrall 
^ H Clft H^HT W^ H ^ 5IW d^T in, *to-day thou and I will go to 
the place where thou and he were seated'; Clft ^ ^ U% •! ^n^ unniT, 
'thou and he will not obtain leave to go there'. 

Bern. In the colloquial, however, many people follow the same rule with 
regard to agreement in the case of ditfereut persons, as when there are differ- 
ent genders; i.e., the verb is made to agree in person with the nearest word. 
Thus many would say, maio aur tu ehalegd, id aur we chaleuge. 

710. When a subject noun denotes, not an individual, 
but a class, the predicate, although referring to a plurality 
individuals, is placed in the singular. 

Example : — ^^ fRIf wr?n JU, 'the army was going along'. So in 
the following, the subjects are construed as collectives : q ^: Wfi( 
VJWi9 $ f^ ^VHR Uhtll, 'these six duties were appointed for the 
Brahman'; ^t^ TVi ^T?I d?i IPn, 'three days and nights passed'. 

a. On the same principle, ^51, 'all', is often construed as a singu- 
lar ; as, ^51 5Rt ^51 H^RT^, 'all of them were troubled'; ilW ^51 TOT «FT 
^Vim 9, 'all these are faults in a friend'. 

711. Finally, it should be remarked that the common people, as 
might be expected, are often very careless of the laws of agreement. 
Deviations from rule are even found occasionally in literature. Thus 
we read, even in Prof. Eastwick's carefully edited Frem Sdgar, m^ 
5IW W ^l^ 1T^, *8he went to invite her sister'. 

712. In poetry, moreover, the rules of agreement often give way 
to the necessities of the metre, as in the following, where %, (plur.) 
is construed first with a singular verb, and afterwards with a plural: 
i^ nw CKUT ^SQZ ?!r8l ITTCIT CR^ S^^, 'those who, abandoning deceit, 
sing this tale, hear (it and) tell (it;'. 

II. — Or Compound Sentences. 

A. Of Co-ordinate Sentericea. 
713. When two or more connected sentences are gram- 


matically independent of one another, they are called coor- 
dinate sentences ; and when one is dependent upon the 
other, it is called a subordinate sentence. 

714. Co-ordinate compound sentences in Hindi, as in 
other languages, may be classified as Copulative, Disjunc- 
tive, Adversative, and Causal. 

Copulative Sentences. 

715. The conjunctions proper to copulative co-ordination 
are ^ and wt. ^, *and', joins two propositions when they 
are regarded as of equal importance, and as independent 
one of the other, ^...h^, *and'.../also', implies that the 
aflSrmation of the former clause is extended either, {a) in 
the subject, or (6) in the predicate. 

Examples : — OTf iren IWT ^ Rrt ^^ WHT, *he went away, and did 
not return'; ^ ^pOT ift qvil^ ^ ^^K\H ^ ift ^^ * ^ H^ IlQ, 'Shri 
Krishn departed, and Balrdm Ji also went off with him'; H^ TX^m 
Uvnf 9 ^ SIW 9^ Tsn^HRR )it 9, ^this man is virtuous, and be is 
also very learned'. 

a. Very often the copula or verb may be omitted from either the 
first or the second member of the copulative sentence. Thus, im 
JWTI W5HT ^ «l^ ra^Tnrni H^ i, *this man is both virtuous and also 
very learned'. The ellipsis of the verb in the second member, is 
more common in the colloquial speech than in literature. 

b. ftiT or HTH is often used as a copulative conjunction, with a re- 
sumptive force. Thus, ^re % WIT %f ^3T ftrai HFT lS^^s ^ %f h^ bot 

ram, *he lifted up Ukhd; again, he also bound Anirmldh Ji\ 

c. The pronominal phrase, tH^ wri^, lit., *upon that also', is often 
used as a copulative conjunction, with an enhanciie force ; as, WM W 
w wgw wA CRtl), 'moreover, men will do unrighteousness'. 

Disjunctive Sentences. 

716. Disjunctive co-ordinate sentences are connected by 
the conjunctions m or ot^it, or, vakm, ^ and Sr, *or\ Any 
of these may be repeated in successive clauses, when the 


first must be rendered ^either*, and the second, *or*. There 
is no difference in their meaning : m is preferred to mrar 
to connect single words ; nwn is preferred to connect sen- 

Examples : — ITO ^Pl %T ^^ ^ %T wt^R ^^^ wmn 4l3t «Rf 99i^ 

V 'w6 <^T^ ^^^^ them and drive away a dog, or make stakes of them'; 
^f»% VV^ wkl ^ ^ wH # Sl%, *throw him down, or drive him away 
from my presence'. Also see § 667, a, b. 

a. Sometimes sentences are disjunctively coordinated by the verb 
W% . • . . Wl% ; thus, inj Hid inj l wr%, 'whether he come, or do not 

b. Negatively disjunctive sentences are connected by repeating 
with each the negative adverb, ^; as, 9| 99 ^tai 9 ^f onr ^t 9l^9T, 
^neither is there that place, nor that ruined cot'. 

c. The first negative is sometimes omitted ; as, ^f^ mS| ^ wvi ^ 
vri) Wl i^, 'this (man) has neither joy at finding, nor sorrow at 

Adversative Sentences. 

717. In adversative coordination, tvro statements are 
contrasted with one another. These adversative sentences 
are of three kinds, viz. ; (1) the second proposition may be 
contradictory or exclusive of the first ; (2) it may be mere- 
ly restrictive of the former statement ; or (3) the contrast 
may be made by extending the former statement. 

a. It is doubtful whether Hindi as yet has strictly appropriated 
certain adversative conjunctions to introduce restrictive as distin- 
guished from contradictory adversative clauses. But, on the whole, the 
tendency seems to be, to introduce a contradictory adversative clause 
by ^T5g (very rarely, ftfiWI,) or the equivalent Arabic #i^Vi«t ; while 
W is commonly employed to introduce a sentence merely restrictive 
of the other. But an extensitfi adversative clause is regularly intro- 
duced by v^K^^ or the Arabic H^CR. 

b. In the following examples, ^Ttsw, f^Rsg and HT, are used strictly 
in accordance with the principle above suggested: (1) ^^ ^ IFIT- 

itarar ^ 5iTf ircm Bm irm % uni q^t^iiri % am t, *of the soul there 


is no creator, but it has existed of itself from eternity'; JTTrWT ^ 

man of bad character gains nothing from reading the Shdstra, but in 
this matter the nature prevails': (2) ?f ii m «r^ W^ «l^ «n^^ m ^nsi 
^ vm # ^Ft?IT ^ srftin, *thou hast indeed slain many very mighty 
(men), but now thou shalt not escape alive out of my hand'; YR % m 
mm ra vnH VX ^ni ^rm % Wll ^ ^SKT, *in his heart, indeed, he wish- 
ed to flee, but for shame flee he could not*. 

c. While these examples seem to sustain the principle suggested, 
it must be admitted that even good writers often fail to make this dis- 
tinction in the use of the different adversative conjunctions. Thus, 
in the following from the Prem Sdgar^ M<#« is used to express a 
mere restriction : ^ ^ wil 5CT?n if WPr 5 f^w ^ %ii^ ?l?i ofriw^. 
•I am telling it before thee, but do not thou tell it before any one'. 
And in the following from the Shad Darshan, W introduces a contra- 
dictory clause : Shr ftlOT CRT «RT1IT ym ^wf t W W^ % 'wni WITT^- 
fRra % Vff 5^ ^, *the Ved is not the composition of any one, but 
has existed of itself from eternity'. 

d. Examples (3) oi extensive adversative clauses are as follows: 
3 l['l ^ ^Kl'i «KT ^5^ KOW ft 5| ^nt «rn! iPi ^ ^tt % ^ ^n, 'they paid 
no attention to their speaking, but turned their faces away from 
them'; feR ^ wnR wS ^ fe9 ^nit «IT5I ^S^H 95?^ ^ T^ t, *it is not 
for establishing (the doctrine of a) God, but rather for disproving it'. 

Causal Sentences. 

718. In causal co-ordination, the one sentence denotes 
either the reason or the consequence, the cause or the effect 
of the other. A sentence denoting the cause or reason, is 
commonly introduced by the conjunction oStnR, or the noun 
CKTTW, used conjunctively; a clause expressing a conse- 
quence or effect is introduced by the conjunctive phrases, 
^55 ferQ TO, ftro raa ft?, iw cirai, or their equivalents. The con- 
junction ^^y 'therefore', is confined to Urdu. 

Examples : — %m ^^ ^ fil m^ ftpft ^ wmk Tm^ mwT 5^ ^?T t, 
'I will give them happiness because they have endured great afflic- 
tion for me'; %w wm 1 ^ITRT ^OTC «ft 9nip) ^nin^ fSi^xu wm ftit ^ 


Y^ wcm 9iT ^R3I^ ^Rtm ^, 'not to do such a deed, will stand as a sia 
before God, hence I cherish this hope'. 

a. For ^^ TOT, etc., the pronominal ablatives, T9 %, m %t, flT S, 
etc., are often used to connect sentences in the causal relation, as, e.(f.^ 
in the following : ^^ m^ ?TPC wrtlh in ^ m ^^ UTO Jt^ if 51%, *t}iis 
(vulture) will pursue and kill me, hence one can only succeed by 
having gone to him'. 

b. The connecting conjunction or phrase is sometimes omitted ia 
cases where we must nevertheless recognize the sentences as coordi- 
nated in the causal relation. Thus, ^ Wffit ^ ^^ mft i ^5g ^^^ 
flH^< ^H ^ ftpPiT TOT WtFot, 'my worshippers are oppressed, (hence) 
I ought at this time to go and remove their anxiety'. 

-B. Subordinate Sentences. 

719. Subordinate sentences are of three kinds, viz. (1) 
Subordinatey (2) Adjective or Relative^ (3) Adverbial. 
These will each be defined and explained in their order below. 

720. Before entering upon the consideration of subordinate clauses, 
it will be convenient to advert to a threefold classification of the 
tenses of the Hindi verb, as denoting the possible^ the impomble, and 
the actual, J. The following four tenses denote an action or state 
of being, contingently, as merely possible, m.; the Contingent Future, 
the Imperative, the Contingent Imperfect, and the Contingent Per- 
fect. //. The following are used to denote a supposition whose 
realization has become impossible ; r/s., the Indefinite Imperfect, the 
Neo-ative Contingent Imperfect, and the Negative Contingent Per- 
fect. Ill- The remaining tenses are all indicative ; «.<?., they all 
denote an action either as a reality, or as assumed to be such. In 
all the rules for the use of the tenses in subordinate sentences, it is 
to be remembered that the tenses of Class I are required when an 
action or state is regarded as a mere pogsibility; those of Class J7 are 
used to denote a peist possibility which cannot now be realized ; * 
those of Class ///, denote, under various phases, the actual and real. 
These statements will receive abundant illustration in the following 

* It should be remarked, however, that tlie Indefinite Imperfect, in virtue 
of its double character (§§ 615, 616), belongs properly to both classes I and //, 


Substantive Clauses,. 

721. Those are called substantive clauses which are 
equivalent to a substantive expanded into a sentence. 

a. Thus, in the sentenoe HT^^Em ^ t lYlT T&RJSr qi^ vm <rm t, 'that 
God is one, is a fundamental doctrine of religion', the phrase M ^ ii^liSK 
tnff 9, is evidently equivalent to the substantive phrase, q4>flM< QliT 
^I!9if9, *the Divine unity'. Again, in the sentenoe )sire^\i fiii Clf ^HTS- 
tJ, 'the phrase df wrdiiT is evidently equivalent to an accusative 
case after the verb wwft If. 

722. Substantive clauses are of two kinds, (1) Subjective 
and (2) Predicative. Those are called subjective which 
stand either in the relation of a subject to the leading verb, 
or in apposition with the subject. Those are called predi- 
cative which limit or define the predicate of the leading 
sentence or any adjunct of that predicate. All subjective 
substantive clauses are regularly introduced by the parti- 
cle Bk, *that\ 

Examples of subjective substantive clauses are as follows : — ^^ M 
HifT T^ 1^ "^ ^cn # ^ ^^, 'he said (Jit, by him [was] said), I have 
nothing to do with Shri Khri8hn\ Yery commonly Hw, *this*, stands 
as the subject of the leading clause, and the foUowing substantivo 
clause then stands in opposition with it ; thus, QW f^ Wmt ^ foR il^pv 

ifer ^nrS^ g% # uiJivii 5rt ^fn vf wh cfwt wiwi ^Kfet t, 'this is 

evident, that for man by his own understanding to obtain the know- 
ledge of Qod, is extremely difficult. In the following sentence the 
substantive clause defines the subject %nTr of the leading verb, as to 
its elements ; — ^n ^HH ^ %W ^ «R^ ^^ in?ft fe 99 ^ Wit 9^ 
V^ ^m^ ilficil^ f irvdl ^ nifH, 'the splendor of that occasion cannot 
be described, how before aU (were) rows of enormous tusked and 
furious elephants\ 

a. After a leading clause expressing 'fitness', 'duty', 'obligation', 
etc., the verb of the substantive clause is regularly put in the contin- 
gent future, or one of the respectful forms of the imperative. Thus, 
vivTl ) fcR ^f^ titr Oft vNr ^Bd, 'it is fitting that (you) send some one 

there'; fm titr nanil i ^ ont vpAt, 'it is necessary that you go there'. 



723. Predicative substantive clauses are of various forms. 
Thus, they may stand as the object, either of the verb in 
the leadmg clause, or of a participial adjunct in the lead- 
ing clause. In this case they are usually introduced by 
the particle van. 

Examples : — tror gSi ^iiT'i^ ^ ih "mm ^nniifii HT ^ ?pf fiira^ wfi 

«Rt ffn^T wn 9li^, ^Ndrad the sage went and comforted Aniruddh /I, 
(saying) — Do not be anxious about anything'; il 9^111 i) vni fV 9R i| 
9lflit fOiTfit t ^ % i^ ^) 'the princess walks about, saying in her 
heart of hearts, — Whom shall I marry ?'; WT ^fijl HT^ Bk ^km tFWT 
fl^ WRU ), *go and see what king is coming up against (us)'. 

a. Occasionally i^ introduces the substantive clause, instead of {^. 
Thus, nit ftreif^ %f ^rjn ^ ^I'^TSR S W?r: fV cptt t, 'consider this, 
what difference at all is there between Mathurd and Brinddban*. 

b. Sometimes, especially before short clauses, Bff may be omitted ; 
as, ?«nft^lT drat, ^^ ireR ^IT^, ^Chitrarekhd said, *Friend, come 

N. JS. It is very important to observe that after verbs 
of *saying*, ^thinking', ^wishing', etc., Hindi, unlike Eng- 
lish, does not admit the oratio obliqtia. On the contrary, 
idiom demands that the words or thoughts of the speaker 
be cited as they pass in his mind. 

This principle makes it necessary, in translating from English in- 
to Hindi, to change both the tense and the person of the verb, as 
illustrated in the following examples : ^89 ^ 9iiT i^ W?iin, *he said 
he would come', lit., 'by him said, I will come'; df fn¥T RR 9^1^ #rr 
W% ^as he wished (t.^., was about to) kill Baldev\ lit,^ ^wished. May 
I kiU Baldev\ 

a. In the Rdmdyan (Bdl K.) , we read, wim *RI m^ H^ iraifil 
dl^ yi «ITwt. Here there is an ellipsis of a conjunctive participle, as 
%Tfv, ^thinking^ of which the substantive clause, ^l) ^ «nit, is the 
object ; and these words, *I have no son', are represented as actusilly 
passing in the mind of the king. Thus we may render the passage 
in English idiom, 'sadness entered the heart of the king, as he 
thought how he had no son'. 


724. Predicative substantive clauses, again, may express 
the purpose or object of the action of the leading verb. 

a. In this case, the substantive clause may be conceived of as in 
opposition to some such word as CRTT^, or 9g, 'reason', object', in the 
principal clause. Such a word is indeed, for the sake of greater 
oleamees, often expressed. The clause denoting the object or pur- 
pose, is introduced by the conjunction nv, or the relative dr used as 
a conjunction. The verb of the substantive clause expressing the 
purpose must be in the contingent future. Thus, ?9l ^fi i|^^T8R ^ 
dw ^iwfl W fil? giT ^5f 5RT ^ITTOTI 5R^ ^n%, *I wish to send you to 
Brwddhany that you may go and comfort them'; % ^27^ QRT QRvA ^ if 
firtiTT ftw n ^re itaf # ^Hfn tw, 'I will not perform even an act of 
religion, in order that I may remain free from this bondage'; n WW 
% ^H^mcfti «tT % ^ 99T^ sli ^ UTTH $, 'do thou coax father that 
he may send me with the cowherds'. 

726. A negative clause denoting purpose is introduced 
by the phrase, %w ^ It ^, follovred by the contingent future. 
Thus, cut ^ W¥^ ^wn tr fill ijR ftftr, 'do not go there, lest you 
fall*. %w is often omitted. 

a. Sometimes the connective must be supplied from the context ; 
as, wHw^ VT TOirrni ^IT^It^, *I have no fear lest (my) hereafter should 
be ruined'. 

726. When the substantive clause denotes the result of 
an action, if that result be presented (1) merely as a wish 
or expectation, the verb must be in the contingent future ; 
if (2) as an objective reality, the verb must be in one of 
the indicative tenses; if (3) as unattainable or inconceiv- 
able, the verb must be in the indefinite imperfect. 

Thus (1) ^« %€^ y^ ^''jfe wrand ftR ftra ^ ^iht g«rii w^ nta 

nta ^ %lf ^fS W^. 'let us cause to be made such a beautiful theatre 
that the people of each village immediately on hearing may rise and 
run (to see it)'; (2) iTjn ^ fw |spiT wm t fill fimi %i #nf Uft Tim i, 
•what is thy business in Mathurd that leaving (thy) father, thou art 
living here P'; «W VI S ^^ irtfil^ Tl^ ^ wft^. fiR.ftw it ^ ^ Wl 
ip ^ # q^ ts^, ^ the wilderness alone, she was weeping away in 


Buoh a manner that the heasts, and birds, hearing the voice of her 
weeping, were weeping (too)*; (3) ^T^9 ifeT WT ^T?r& vt ih" WfH 
itl # WW, *what power had Arjuuy that he should carry a^eay (my) 
sister V 

Rem, The result of an action is in Hindi more frequently express- 
ed by an adjective clause introduced by a relative pronoun or pro- 
nominal, as illustrated in the next paragraph. 

Adjective Clauses. 

727. Those are called adjective (or relative) olauses 
which are eqxiivalent to an adjective qualifying some word 
or clause in the leading sentence. 

a. For example, take the compound sentence^ "V^ ^C9 3i ^«f im^ 
^ ftWf dx «^ ii ^fft lif, ^Shri Kri§hn counted those lines which he 
had drawn'. Here the phrase introduced by dr qualifies the sub- 
stantive ^Rr)^ ^ after the manner of an adjective, and is indeed 
equivalent to WPfi liWt j^ TOftt itx. 

728. All adjective clauses are regularly introduced by 
the relative pronoun or a pronominal adjective to which 
the corresponding correlative regularly answers in the 
principal clause. The relative clause may be regarded as 
a simple expansion of the correlative pronoun. Instead 
of the correlative, one of the demonstratives (as, nif, eif , %^, 
etc., or the pronominal ^a) may be used in the principal 

a. Where especial distinctness is desired, the noun described by 
the adjective clause may be repeated in both the principal and sub- 
ordinate clauses. Thus, TT^l%t 5KT ^^ i^F rar WHT Jf\ %T ^^ VRfB ^ 
IVTOT in, 'the army of demons which had come up around them, — that 
army cast a shadow as a cloud'; 'm V[Z mmfSi^ fd V[Z wl^ ?T9T^, 
4n whose body love dwells not, regard his body as a burning-ground 
(of the dead)'. 

b. But, much more commonly, Hindi idiom, placing the relative 
clause with the noun first, omits the noun from the principal clause 
which follows. Thus, fwfii 11^ ift w w# pwil iro % ^W fV W« 


¥T^, *the lord with perfect ease broke in pieces every weapon which 
was oast at Hari\ wm 9tvi W IW ^KiT "'ft ^iwr ^ WWl VJ ft^ W^ 
TTR HT « inmn, *a city twelve yojans square, such as Shri Krishn had 
directed, he built in one night'. 

c. Sometimes, when the principal clause precedes, the substantive 
is omitted in the relative clause, as in English. Thus, dli4l^i vcq 
fmni S i^ it ^8in % WHT in, ^Bhaumdsur sat in the *Flower-chariot' 
which had come from Lankd\ 

d. Or the substantive may be omitted in both the principal and 
subordinate clause, when no particular person is intended, or when 
the reference is to a subject well known. Thus, % ^sm $T^ i^ Vi^VJ 
% ^ Yrtm vni UrdlTT, 'he who shall kill those two, shall obtain the 
wealth his lips shall ask'; Bra ^ ^ ^i^TT %T ^m W<R 99 9^ it 99 \r, 
*we are all in the power of Him who created the world'. 

e. Sometimes the correlative may be omitted from the leading 
clause especially in poetry ; as, ^ tr w 'm ^ 9l^ifi?n ) finiiTQh, 
*take out the thorn which is rankling in my heart'; # ^n^T^ m ^ 
Vnxt ^rem Wo fror Wl OTT, *tbe weapons which fell on Aniruddh^ 
were cut in two on the edge of the stone'. In the common formula 
of assent from an inferior, ^ JOFT, or dr ^VTIT) there is an ellipsis of 
the entire principal clause {ac, tr %T% QR^HT). 

/. The relative may be omitted from the subordinate clause. Thus, 
wA %T unl, *those who escaped, fled'; w^ dw wnw WX^ WT^, *who is 
unfriendly to him who speaks kindly?'. This is especially common 
in poetry ; as, ipn^TW IJJ 9^ <rtR «ra«I ^iftm 94l$llir&Hi99 Wf «lift 

finm TQRNi fOThV9, 'the soft and beautiful coUyrium of the dust of 
(my) Ouru*s feet; (which is) nectar (to) the eyes, removing (all) de- 
fect of vision, — applying this to the clear eyes of the understanding, 

g. Or, finally, where the connexion is quite plain, both the rela- 
tive and correlative pronouns are omitted ; as, IT9T niiilT ^ j^ mrj, 
yon have done well (in that you have) killed Kan8\ 

729. The indicative tenses (Class III. §721) will appear 
in adjective clauses whenever the qualification is stated as 
a fitct. Of this abundant illustration will be found in the 
aboye quotations. But when the qualification is not stated 


as an objective reality, one of the contingent tenses is em- 

a. This is especially the case, (1) in adjective clauses, denoting' tlie 
object, purpose, or prospective result of an action ; also, (2) in all in- 
definite specifications of number, quantity, quality, etc., where no 
particular individuals are intended. In tbis latter case, %^, and 
V?V9IT or ^nn are very commonly found in the principal clause ; and 
the subordinate clause is to be regarded as the expansion of tbat pro- 
nominal. Sometimes the adjective clause is introduced by fcR, in- 
stead of dr. Examples are as follows : (I) f?m m ^[OI 9l^l$ei wiS #r 
QlPt qnn, *do that thing by which Kri^n and Baldev mB,y come'; 
Mfrh ^ff Tnra Tra %ir ^ diw qRTFi 1 crtv, *keep the king in such 
a way that he may never feel troubled about me'; (2) nre Vl^ ^ 
U<iimi CRT TSg ui^ ^, *in that Scripture in which there may be a 
dear account of God'; PSifrt ^HT W^ ^ ^W %T ^^T?n $T, 'as many 
people as may have come, invite them all'; %^ ^iTTfT ^[^m RR jp^l 
9ITYI %T if nrr, *sucb joy arose that sorrow remained not to (its) name'; 
^W ^mn 5lftT §T Hi^imi^ 8t, *lay such a plan as may be effective'; 
Bfi% YTR^ ^rmi ) dr ^ 9^!n^, 'who has 80 much ability that (he) 
might set it forth ?* 

6. In the following the principal clause implies a condition, which 
not being realized, the result was impossible. Hence the Indefinite 
Imperfect (§ 615, [5]) is used in the adjective clause, wAi i^t CilT ^mi 
^ #T ^^nrt nv^ ^ ^ iSWJy *what was Arjun's power that he should 
carry off our sister ?' But in the following the contingent future is 
employed ; ^w^ &T ^f ^ 5HT m*ii w %T ^irSt % ^, *else what waa 
their power that they should fight with the Kauravs?' 

c. Sometimes the adjective clause contains two or more relatives 
corresponding to as many correlatives in the principal clause. In 
this case English idiom requires that all except the leading relative 
be translated as indefinites. Thus, dr dri V(m ^W nf^ %Ht, what- 
ever one's disposition may be, that (disposition) seems good to him'; 
ftni it Tft ITRSRT ^TOT XW Wilfl $w fhf ft^, 'whatever affection exia- 
ted with any one, according to that they beheld the lord's form'. 
Bern. A similar construction occurs with relative adverbs, 
rf. Sometimes ^1%, used adverbially, is elegantly substituted for 
the relative in final clauses, so that they assume the form of adverbi- 


al clauses. Thus, ^ im dni ipi mrt siiTj #T unf , 'make such an 
effort as that vain affeotion and gross error may depart'. 

e. Similarly Wfi may take the plaoe of the noun and relative 
which should appear in the adjective clause ; as, U^H #T ^mr Vft ^ 
find, 'hlessed that city whence they came'. 

Adverbial Clatcses. 

730. The adverbial clause is the expansion of an adverb. 
It therefore defines the predicate of the principal clause in 
respect of time, place, manner, cause, or any other adver- 
bial idea. 

731. Temporal adverbial clauses are regularly intro- 
duced by WBi (^wr or ^), *when', to which the correlative fm 
(?nr or ^) regularly corresponds in the principal clause. As 
remarked in § 496, related adverbial ideas are expressed by 
the combination of the postpositions %, ?wk, etc., with the 
temporal adverb. 

Examples are as follows : WBi «ift 1 HTUT f(9 WUP9 ft di?fr, *when 
(they) found (him) not there, then they said among themselves'; — 
«rai % wm W^ .... ^ it ^^ TW W^ ?OT % qr^re d, *since you left me 
at the house oiNaiid^ I have been subject to others'; ^TSI ?WK 'rt^, ?!«l 
WF wrar, *while there is life, there is hope'. 

fl. For the above adverbs may be substituted various nouns denot- 
ing time, as ^vm, ^FTSI, ftfl, etc., preceded by the relative pronoun in 
the subordinate, and the correlative, or a demonstrative in the prin- 
cipal clause. Thus, e,g,, ftra ^IHI vd^l^ lit %T sliHl^i #i vm, B^ «Rra 
H^V^ ^ ftlWTTH d. *at the time Bdndmr carried off Aniruddhy Ani- 
ruddh was reflecting'. 

b. Occasionally a temporal clause is elegantly introduced by fin, 
as,* Clf 5WT itSJ W, nF ^^ ft ftranffra ^ H^ 9fR ^CTT, 'he was seated 
hungry when Vi^rdmitra said this word'. 

c. As in adjective clauses, the relative is often omitted ; as, ^w 

jimiirt ^1^ #rT % ^ cr^ ^swi n^ fwi ^ ^mr h*% mv fti5 9w^ w^, 

*all the milk-maids stood encircling him on every side, then Shri 
Kri^&n, taking them along, came to that place'; n^ wim f^nij fl«i, 
'when conversation is actually going on, even then conceal (it) '. 


732. Local Adverbial clauses are regularly introduced 
by the relative adverbs Brwt, or f^rat, or their equivalents, 
combined when necessary with various postpositions. The 
proper correlative or the demonstrative regularly follows in 
the principal clause. 

Thus, wA 'Shto fl^ni ^ fni KKTiil vi^ ^nrft #^ j^ w t'TQR^ *8eve- 

ral children playing came out where the sage Lomas was'; ^ilt <^ 
im i f^vi WP? A ^^ran, *where Kans has gone, will I send you too, 
to that very place*. 

a. When the principcd clause precedes the subordinate, Cilf is 
commonly preferred to the correlative fni ; as, ^FPRrt 9^ H^ ^wt ... 
$1^ 9^ ^|fnii i^ ^ d, *the queens came where the two heroes were 
seated with the corpse*, crff WU ^Ift W§^ $CKJi) d, 'he went to the 
very place where were Basudev and DevakV. 

b. Occasionally, as in temporal clauses, a noun of locality, com- 
bined with the relative or correlative pronoun, takes the plaoe of one 
or both of the local adverbs ; as, tSPH ifM 8r BT^ ^iniiT im ^ ^ifil ftfUT, 
^blessed (is) this place, where the lord has come and revealed him- 

733. Modal Adverbial clauses are regularly introduced 
by the modal adverb ^, or it equivalents, followed by iji, 
etc., in the principal clause. 

Thus, wt TW ni«hd WHT, fut ihRwt eKfii ^irft, *as the chariot drew 
near, the milk-maids begaii to say — *. Or, rarely, the adverbial 
clause may be introduced by ^, indicating it as the explication of 
dt in the leading sentence. Thus, di 9R1 $cmt ^ OTTRt ^ dr ir« iR 
tniT %T ?p$ 4lTT, 'speaking thus, I may save Devaki^ namely, The one 
which I shall have I will give to you'. 

Rem. The latter clause here approximates closely in character to an objec- 
tive substantive clause ; but differs from it in that the sentence is not given 
as the very words to be spoken, so that it cannot stand in the relation of an 

accusative to the verb 5KW. 

a. Still more common than the above, is the adverbial use of M 

or its equivalents to introduce a modal clause. This is used almost 

invariably in introducing a comparison. Thus, ^1% UTO ^ ^kH ^ HT^ 

iwfit %i 51* finn ft% it TOjrt w 5cm «rt nw ura^i cftd, *a« your 


majesty, having destroyed Kans, gave joy to your worshippers, even 
80, reigning over Madhup&r^ be pleased to take care of the people'; 
^ Q9) ^ Yi ^ wn \y 'in whatsoever way it may be accomplished, 
80 will we bring him'. 

6. When the principal clause precedes the other, the demonstra- 
tive is commonly substituted for the correlative pronominal. Thus, 
^^ 5^ iIRT fifi ^% frot fm ^RT W^ ?TO W\ 1K^ uni 5^ ?nit, *they re- 
joice as an ascetic, having done penance, rejoices on receiving the 
fruit of that penance'. 

c. The correlative may be omitted from the principal clause ; as, 
^ ^IW ^ITT ^ '^^^ %^ ftig UTI, *like bellows of the blacksmith, it 
breathes without life'. 

d. For ^ and ^, T^lBi and ^iH are often substituted in the 
Rdmdyan. The correlative, however, is often omitted. Thus, f^iTiT 
Tn wn ^wni^ ftrt^ Rim wil iftff ^tnij wsn^ *never tell this story 
to Hari, as you have told it to me', ^oilfl $ni ^ mn ^Tmr ?r^lY 
tiro ftliil Tra ^n irer, *the Name removes the worshipper's despaiPi 
with (his) sin and sorrow, as the sun destroys the night'. 

€, As in other adverbial clauses, appropriate nouns combined with 
the relative and correlative pronouns, may take the place of the 
modal adverb ; as, raff ^3^ HT ^nn) CKIV, 'I will tell thee hereafter in 
what way it happened'. 

734, In temporal, local and modal adverbial clauses 
alike, one principle determines the use of the indicative or 
contingent tenses. When the adverbial clause is introduc- 
ed merely as a supposition, vrithout reference to any ob- 
jective reality, then one of the three contingent tenses, 
future, imperfect, or perfect must be used ; but when it is 
presented as an objective reality, one of the indicative 


a. Thus, the contingent future is used in indefinite statements of 
time or place ; as, "mm Clf 111% W^ IWT i^. *when he comes, (then) 
let me know'; inrt ftl% «% «lt xwif ^vdr, 'seize and bring him from 
wherever you may find him'. 

b. Similarly, one of the contingent tenses is commonly employed 

in comparisons, when the object with which comparison is made, is 



regarded merely as a mental conception. Thus, ^$1^ 9^ %% ^ ^1% 
infivdt % qn m nil ^, ^the two iieroes broke (upon them) as a lion 
might break upon a herd of elephauts'. But when the illustration 
is regarded as an objective reality^ one of the indicative tenses is em- 
ployed. Thus, "A ^nt ci^imi %% %wnroR ^nni ^ ^ "^^n wi « 

Tlftl^ ^ITCR^ ^nnit i, 'Shri Kri^n (and) Balrdm seemed as beauti- 
ful as seems the lightning in a dense storm-cloud'. 

B>em. The choice of the tenee in comparisons is thus obviously determined 
entirely by the way in which the speaker or writer chooses to regard the ob- 
ject with which comparison is made. 

c. In poetry, the copula being omitted, the mode of conception is 
left undefined. Thus, dr iMilf^ ot«i %t ^ ^Wl Tfi4^UH, 'He who 
is the unconditioned, how becomes he conditioned ? as the water'. 

735. Cauaal adverbial clauses express (1) the reason, 
ground, or consequence of the principal clause. They are 
commonly introduced by dr, used as a conjunction (§ 520), 
in the sense of 'since*, or * whereas*. The principal clause 
is then introduced by %t or fir. 

Examples : — ¥R i^T %% j^ «^ fft iftr^ ^i^fili^i BfT^, *8inoe we 
are in such trouble, we ought to have some deliverer'; i«R?I'ft ^«li d^ 
^ dr ^sdr ^ %Ji ^, ^ ^ ^9 it VJ^ ^ d^, 'after some time, as 
Udho Jiy having slept, arose, Nand went and sat beside him': — some- 
times the subordinate clause is not formally stated ; thus, %T IP^ft 
iwir iwi W WFffT UIHH % H^\A 8t ^:^m i, *so intelligent man after 
death passes into the condition of a stone'. 

(2) Causal adverbial clauses may express the condition 
under which the action of the principal verb takes place, 
as the causa sine qud non of the event. The subordiliate 
clause is called the protasis^ and the principal clause the 
apodosis. The protasis, expressing the condition, is regu- 
larly introduced by §t or qftr or the Persian tor, 'if'; and 
the apodosis, by the illative ftr. 

736. It is important to give careful attention to the dis- 
criminative use of the tenses in compound sentences involv- 
ing a condition. The following principles are to be noted. 




The realization of the condition may be (1) possible, (2) 
actual, or (3) impossible. Hence, three general cases pre- 
sent themselves :— 

(1) The condition may be only subjectively assumed as 
a possibility 9 vrhich may or may not be in accordance with 
fact. In this case the verb of the protasis must be in one 
of the three contingent tenses, future, imperfect or perfect. 
(§§ 604, 622, 631.) When the consequence is regarded as 
certainly following, if the condition be fulfilled, then the 
verb of the principal clause will be in one of the indicative 
tenses ; but when the conclusion is presented (b) as merely 
a possible issue, one of the contingent tenses must be em- 

Thus, a,m^%l ^TTPirsl WB ^HTd ^ miT |^ UlSlft, *if Jurdsindh 
should attack us to-morrow, then the people will have trouble'; 

dr T^^^iwR^ qs^ mm |^, ftnft fpn) ^ % ^smt «f ^, *if I should give the 

riches of the three worlds, yet I am not free from indebtedness to 

you'; ^ ?tfip ^irar «rei ftrg ^nSft i ftr iuuifi^ew n qifidf, *if I come 

to-day without having slain this (demon) then let me not be called 
the servant of the lord of Raghu^x — ft. %T ^^t %T ?Trt ^ RiAl 5cm ifi^t, 
*if I but kill this woman, then I may reign without fear'; or, with 
the respectful form for the contingent future ; i>T UTO ^ ^nVT Vlfod 
?n ^ ^«li ^^^l 9?inR, *if your honor wish to get rid of this, then 1 may 
suggest a plan'. Thus the contingent future is used in both apodo- 
sis and protasis to express a conceivable hypothesis, with its conse- 
quence. Thus, ^ fef iri?f ^WT ^i^ ^xk. fti^ci Sftt ^dnrs ir^, *if he 

should eat every day, the world would soon be a waste';— c. For 
the contingent future in the protasis the imperative may be sub- 
stituted ; as, #T ^pOT ?lff W^ ftf %U^ Wi CRT ^1^ WQy *kindly tell 
me that, (t>., if you will tell me,) *then the doubt of my mind may 
be removed'. 

Bern. Observe (1) that as the Oriental dislikes direct and positive assertion 
a contingent tense is often used in Hindi, when English idiom would require 
the indicative : 

Hem. (2) It must also be remembered that in all bat the most modem Hin- 
di these nice discriminations are constantly neglected, so that, in poetry 
especially e.g., we often find the forms of the contingent future, where the 


letter of these rules would require absolute future; as, e.g., jo ihi twrai amara 
BO ho4, where modem idiom would require hogd ; he who marries this girl shall 
become immortal'. 

(2) When the condition is assumed as a reality, or in the 
future, past or present time, as when its fulfihnent is 
assuredly expected, then the protasis takes the verb in the 
absolute future or some other of the indicative tenses* In 
the apodosis the conditions above specified necessarily re- 
gulate the choice of a contingent or indicative tense. 

Examples : — #T ^ l^iM^Jll ?It ^ra Qfft ^umiTT %iift, *if I oome out, 
then he will be degraded'; df % 119 sKm ^pcm W f^ W^ I«III^JII, ^if 
I now get angry, the business will be spoiled'; ^ 9 ^ ^ftt raUT % 
%C ^^ ^ HUT, ^if you did not take bim, then who else did oarry 

(3) In the third place^ both condition and consequence 
may be contrary to fact and impossible of realization. The 
protasis expresses a condition which was not realized, the 
apodosis a consequence which would have followed had 
not the condition failed. The verb of tbe protasis is com- 
monly put in the indefinite imperfect, much less frequent- 
ly in the negative contingent perfect, and very rarely in the 
negative contingent imperfect. The verb of the apodosis 

is commonly also found in the indefinite imperfect. 

Examples : — Si ^ W ^ 9i9 'rtTO ?^ UW ^, *had I asked any thing 
from him, he would have given (it); #T U^ irtn ireWfT ^ ^ wt ^f^n^ 
*had this story been going on, then I too should have heard (it); ^ 
^ WHT 5f iT?n ^ ^91 ^ uni ;r JT?n, *had I not come, they had not 
had sin'. 

a. Sometimes the past imperfect is used in the apodosis ; thus, 
dr finifIT ^ W ^RR?n HT, ^he was able to bring it, if he had wished'. 
The past tense, HT, of the copula is sometimes found alone in tbe 
apodosis ; thus, §T mi it^ ^^ ftr WW nr, *it had been well if you 
had heard what I had to say'. 

737. The conditional conjunction is often omitted in all varieties 
of the conditional sentence. Thus, wtit ^ nk HT W Tf ^ «fi, *(if ) 
I go and live on the bank of the Jamna, then I may escape'. Here 


may be noted the oommon idiom, in which a verb is repeated with 
(it ; as, e.g.y ^ ^ %Til ^ im, lit.y '(if) trouble be to me, then it may 
be', t>., *very possibly I may have trouble*. 

a. In phrases introduced by «rff ^, or its equivalents, there is an 
ellipsis of the entire protasis except its negative. Thus, V^ ^TQ 
WITOT mi^ Iff m WHl "wff^ ^^ wn 5^ #, *I ought to inform him 
at once, (if I do) not, then who knows what pain he may afterwards 
give P' Similar are the following passages from the Rdmdyan ; %ni 
TOtni ?pnf fwhlT «IfI^. . . .^ 5f nnm, *that, lord oiRaghUy is to be 
done by you, else I shall not live*; ^f^f^ tr 1H iftwr 11^, *be cheer- 
ful, else there is peril of your life'; ^W ^fi^K WR ^3 iW iriffW ^ 
fn#i €t?l^ sraH^, ^I endure thy hard words, wretch, else I would 
cany oflf Sitd by force'. 

&. The illative conjunction ^ is also sometimes omitted from the 
apodosis ; and often, as in the following, both the illative and the 
conditional conjunction are omitted. Thus, 9nil V^ ^HRT 9^ ^ncnd 
\i *if occasion arise, then they show their strength'. This omission 
is specially common in poetry ; as, ^m mt «S%^ ^ftr wA\ fH^ ^itf?l 
iiimv mt W^, *could I in any way at all know one trace (of her), 
I could in a moment conquer and bring captive Death himself. 

738. Sometimes a clause is at once temporal and conditional. In 
this case, the protasis is introduced by m^ but the apodosis^ by the 
illative ?h ; as, m ^19 1IT% ^ % wi, ^when he comes, then I may 
tell'; where ^ represents the 'telling' as conditioned by the previous 

a. Very often the temporal adverb is merely implied, and ?^ alone 
in the apodosis, marks the conditional character of the protasis. Thus, 
19 fIT OTf VST ^ 1^ 9) CTT«I IPt m^, '(when) his meditation was 
broken, then, reflecting, he knew'; ^OT fef TTW trWifi uritn itT ird 
?h Oil tm, 'one day (when) Rdjd Parik^U went to hunt, then he 
saw there — \ 

739. Concessive clauses are a species of conditionals, 
and are subject to the same rules as to the employment 
the tenses. The subordinate clause is introduced by imfq, 
wrfq, dr lit, or even iT alone ; to which mnf«, wft, or col- 
loquially ftnit or TIT, answer in the principal clause. 


Examples : — irafil S yw W ^TOI «n«l?4 ^ WHlftl H^ wt milUW- 
m Jtci^ mimni ^ ), 'although they regard man as intelligent, yet 
his intelligence is only a mere name'; H^fil iTQ^Av^ ITT^ fl^ni 9!?! 
^9 ^1^ f^n, ^although there is great uncertainty, yet hear a word 
of mine'; #T ^•i* ^FW ^WWIT ^ snR^TT 979 ^nftiS ftni^ fcra? 5FT H^RT ^ 
^rOT ^9fT^, 'if one should become incarnate in countless births, and 
give never so much, yet an equivalent for learning could not be 
given'; ^ftli ^^ ^ % %T% H^ W wft WlA 1 ^nni^, 'although one 
cherish this body yet it will never become his own'. 

a. Sometimes the concessive conjunction is omitted ; thus, Wl W^IT 
dr HOT^ 9VHt ^ Wl), 'what though we have been worsted in this 
present battle ?' 

Of Literrogative Sentences. 

740. These present but little that calls for special remark. 
In the absence of any other interrogative word, a question 
is often indicated by the interrogative pronoun, 5Wt (poet. nR 
[qs^] or fift), vrhich in such cases is incapable of translatioiu 
When a question merely implies perplexity, so that a 
direct answer is not expected, the contingent future is em- 
ployed ; but when asked for information, one of the indica- 
tive tenses is required. 

Examples : — ^Rl 1F5 j)l^9 m TffT ^ ^, *now how can one man- 
age to remain in Gokul?' %% ^ni ^PIT ^ HHT ^T^mY, *are such peo- 
ple called any thing good ?' HW ^inmR ^ mST ^»nmT, 'how shall this 
dishonor be endured ?' — where the question is equivalent to a strong 
negative statement ; ^ ^ 5Bn wrt, 'why should I kill thee ?' Tm^niBi 
f^ 5Rt«| V3K 95rai, *will the mother of Rdm ever show obstinacy?'. «R^ 
n9W %M\H^ 911 ^^, 'are you one of the servants of Hari P' 

741. The Hindi exhibits a special fondness for interrogative forms. 
Thus, the interrogative is often substituted for the demonstrative, or 
correlative pronoun or adverb in the various compound sentences 
above noted, — especially when surprise is expressed. Thus, irf Tt^m 

^H^kKM %T i^ %r ftrUT fifi V9R % 95^ ft ^5F w 1 IW^^ 'how did pride 
ruin Rdvan and Kumbhakaran, so that not even one of their family 
remained!' ^iw wsBi to^ %twi ^fcit ^tm ^^ raw Ural ^Wt, *SUd 


appeared between the two, like the Illusive Power between Brahm 
and the soul'; THH qTu^ST 5Rit ^ith ^ fiF ^Ht Wl ?TO 51 *lh^i «RT^ d, 
^where does Baja Yudhkhtir come, but whero the demon mdyd had 
built a palace F' 

Of the Collocation of Words. 

742. The normal order of the parts of a simple sentence in Hindi, 
IS (1) subject, (2) predicate, (3) copula, as *R^ urot i, *man is a sin- 
ner'; TJM ^re €I%4IM i. ''Ram Ddn is wise'. But in the passive con- 
struction of transitive verbs, the case of the agent takes the first 
place, the subject nominative or the accusative the second, and the 
predicate verb the last place ; as, H^ ^ ili^Ml wnr^, *he sent for ropes'. 

743. Hindi, however, allows of the greatest liberty in deviating 
from this normal order, whether for the sake of emphasis, or to meet 
the necessities of metre in poetry, and of rhythm even in prose. In 
general, a word is rendered emphatic in proportion as it is displaced 
from its normal position in the sentence. Thus, the subject is ren- 
dered emphatic when last in the sentence ; as, fra^ % nfh %T fHeti<jn4) 
iirrt, 'base-born women desert their husbands'. The predicate is also 
emphasized by placing it after the copula, last in the sentence ; as, 
ni^TTT HW i ^IJff ^ QTH i dT¥T, ^abundant is your merit, and your 
sin lit tie' \ %\ ^WT Wf ^^ % ^, Hhis is the lord of Brahmdy Rudra 
and Indra\ Or the predicate, if emphatic, may take the first place 
in the sentence ; as, ^BTiivf Sri ^ %T ilT «^^ w %«IT 5R^ ^, 'those are 

powerful^ who obey their parents'. 

744. The copula receives the greatest emphasis when placed in the 
beginning of a sentence ; as, ^ ^ ^irapT, *it is indeed good'. This is 
especially common, to heighten the effect of a following adversative 
clause ; as, ) <1T 1Rt«l, W g%wni. 'he is indeed poor, but wise'; ^ dx 
wra Wl % HT ... ftw^ WTOf! ^ ^^, 'they are indeed well, but. ..are 
in much anxiety'. 

745. The object of a transitive verb regularly immediately pre- 
cedes it ; as, QiW W<R i^ ilTOlT i, 'he is beating me', but is emphasized 
when first in the sentence ; thus, ^^ W^TO irt ^ ^ ^vMlTT, 'this un- 
oonquerable one how shall I conquer P' A less emphatic position is 
the last ; as, dl smiin ^ %T JK^m 5SI, 'he who marries hery will kill 
me\ The transitive verb itself is emphatic in the first place ; thu0, 


«li$ ^fl f^rfv f^, 'shall / kill thee P' and also in the following ; %T ^ 
«Wt iffV, 'why do you not give it V 

a. If a verb have an indirect object, this regularly immediately 
precedes the direct object ; as, % ?n? %T Hf ^ViTira 'JflT ^, 'I give you 
this book\ But words denoting the motive or object of an action, 
are regularly placed immediately before the verb ; as, 99 IHT ^ 9Vnl 
^miT, 'he came to save us'. But for emphasis it may follow the verb. 
Thus, m ^V^ vrniT ) hut ^ ^ $%, 'to afflict the people this demon 

has come'. 

746. In contrasted clauses the emphatic words may be placed, the 

one at the beginning of the first clause, the other, Itist in the second ; 
thus, 5^ ^IT H^ ^, 9H ^ nWT ^, ^sorrow he endured, to us gave 

747. In interjeotional phrases, the following is an illustration of 

the common order ; T2Fa } U<i)uii ^, 'praise unto God !' But the 
copula may sometimes be omitted, and the order inverted ; thus, 
TOW> %% irfh?! sftr STRWT fferan^ ^Tulai ! on such a sinner, again and 
again a curse !' 

748. The vocative usually stands first in a senttooe, but may 
come last for emphewis ; as, 3 ^ W 95T l^Km mTu4l, *what is this thou 
hast done, thou wicked woman P' 

749. When pronouns of different persons follow one another in 
the same construction, the order is the reverse of Eoglish, the let 
person always precedes the 2nd, and the 3rd. Thus, Wf fm $i qVT Qi^ 
qrUT, 'what fruit have you and I obtained !' 9T^Q# it wS g^W feR ?Hi 
^m, 'The guru^s wife had sent us and you to get firewood'. 

750. Attributive adjuncts, whether adjectives, participles, or geni- 
tives, invariably precede the nouns they qualify. When they follow 
they are to be taken predicatively and are thus rendered emphatic. 
The only exception to the statement is in the case of the genitive 
which, in books written under the influence of Persian, often follows 
the substantive in imitation of Persian idiom. 

Examples are, 5W W^ iTsit i, 'that is a large town'; TO ^ 3^WF 

t, 'this is my book'; ^ it awt ii^ ^ ftw %l ?^5IT, 'I saw a dead lion 
there'. But reversing the order, these all become predicative ad- 
juncts. Thus, «W «l^ ^SFfi i, *that town is large'; nw TOW drt t, 
*this book is mine'; )i *) Oft ^^ i?§9 VITT J^ $^, *I saw a lion dead 


751. Appositive adjuncts are regularly treated as attributives, and 
precede the noun which they define ; thus, ^I9til 5FT ^ TW, ^Rdm 
the son of Dasarath'; )99T^ ^g^^TT, *the goldsmith Bhavdni\ 

752. All adjuncts, whether attributive or predicative, 
are rendered emphatic by separation from the noun which 

they qualify. 

Thus, nsrenm W ^ era to W 5W H n^m, 'even Brahma will not 
have any power over you'; CR^ gn ft Tmr ^qd% ^nion^, 'in the JTa/f 
Yug kings have arisen (who are) proud*\ fnt ntci ^^wn W THI ^171 ^'It 
%C %Tfl, 'I have four feet, {viz,,) penance, truth, mercy, and medita- 

753. Adverbial adjuncts, whether words or phrases, as, 
e.g^i conjunctive participles with their adjuncts, regularly 
closely precede the verb they qualify. They may even 
come between a verb and its object. In accordance with 
the general principle above noted, they become emphatic 
in proportion to their separation from the verb. Or em- 
phasis may be expressed by placing them after the verb. 

Thus, ^t^ W^, 'come quickly !* cm QRTQ^ S 5Cf?n w, *he was 
living in KdshV; 9f m % tT fk^ QRlAT, *he would every day say to 
me — ', w? imGiST ^#T, *go and see*. But with more or less emphasis 
W^ ?^ cm f^ % CRfHT, *evert/ day he would say to me^; lyfl ^YT^nt Wl, 
*tchen will you come P', etc., etc. 

754. When the negative is used with compound verbs, the empha- 
sis of the negation properly falls upon that part of the compound to 
which it is immediately prefixed ; as, e.g., ^ 9rif f^Rl ^QQRIT ♦, *I am 
not able to icrite^; but, ^ ftw 3ff¥9Cf!m W, *I am not able to write*. 
The force of illustrations is indeed lessened when dissevered from 
the context ; but the following may be of some value : "V^ ^mr ^ 

^ ^^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^^ ^"^j ^ ^^ ¥5I¥W1I ... ^^ Tt, *Shri Krishn 
Chand with his mouth indeed was unable to speak, but with eyes 
full of tears stood gazing'. Here the emphasis is on the speaking ; 
but in the following, it is the fact of ability on which the stress of 
denial falls ; ^ ^[^m ilt^ ftl^ d mm Qfif^ ^ ^ WX f^l^ ^ ^^ ^A 
iKfti ^ ihi ^ irei Hft ^ICTIT. *my feet are twenty in all, now in the 

Kali Fug four out of the twenty are left, hence to walk I am ixnable'. 



Again, as appears from the oontext, with an emphasis on the prohi- 
bition ; — rw wm\ «lf«l itr ... finiP5l% n #r 'do not allow your sister to 
come out'; but with a different emphasis, iPBiT %T WTl « WSJQ HTHf 
^ niR H in^ ^TQT, 'he took up and carried Ushd to the palaoe, and 
did not let her return\ 

a. Observe that when the passive conjugation is used in strong 
denials the negative, in accordance with the above, is almost invari- 
ably placed immediately before the auxiliary. Examples are very 
numerous : thus, ^ra ^BW? ^ %TW 9C1^ ^im fir ^ifil, 'to describe 
the beauty of that tune is impossible'; St5 ^IWT «nT% wg, *for me to 
walk is impossible'. 

755. Of conjunctions it is to be observed, that A must always 
immediately follow the word which it emphasizes. Thus, ^TT ^ ^^^V 
d^ H^fT in, 'one son of mine also was reading ; i.e,y of miney as well 
as of some other person ; but, ^ ^SR ^ u^ ^npiT HT, *one «on, also, 
of mine, was reading ; or with yet a different sense, ^ ^r«K Tn nsm 
^ in *one son of mine was reading also'; ?^, as a particle of empha- 
sis, regularly follows the word which its emphasizes ; as, % % ^smT 
^n^^, 'I indeed, will surely come'. But as an iQative particle it 
commonly takes the first place in the sentence ; as, %T VTQ ^VHSH' ^ 
?^ fW ^Firom ^TO wS 'if your honor will give permission, then 
I will go and see my birth-place'. 

a. ^ (^re, ^, Ih, St) 'and', Rf, 'that', W'RJ, W, filRl, *but', *yet% 
W, ^nrar, or HT, 'or', must occupy the first place in the sentence they 
introduce, or immediately precede the phrase they annex, dlornfir, 
*if', tr^rfa. fnirfil, etc., *although', regularly take the first place in 
the sentence. But after emphatic words may precede them. Thus, 
HM ^IWnt #T «mS W^ ^ ^ ^re ^ %T 5WT 5Fm tr ^, 'this man, even if 
he come, then of what use can he be ?' CIW TVSSX H^Til fiyi W^ U^forni 
^ ?nrrfii Bf^ sftr A ^ra ^^ "nff, 'that Rdjd^ although very wealthy 
indeed, yet never gives any thing at all to any one'. 

756. As to the arrangement of the various members of a compound 
sentence, the following points are to be observed : — 

(1) Fiual substantive clauses introduced by fiR, 'that', and causal 
sentences introduced by 5iat^, 'because', can never stand first as 
sometimes in English. Thus, % X^ ftfS ^TOT W fifi UTO ^ W^ %ni, 
'I have come that I may have an interview with you'; ^ % ^^ gV 


« XWl wf WW ^S^ 5? ^TW tr wnrai WSnA S^ W «Rtit, 4t is impos- 
sible for me to remain in this age, because ShudraSy becoming kings, 
will exercise more injustice over me*. 

rt. But final and causal sentences introduced by the relative pro- 
noun may emphatically precede the principal clause. Thus, fm $W 
WIW ^iftr i^ % ^FW ^W^ %ni, 'contrive such such a plan as that your 
birth may prove fruitful (of good) \ 

b. Adjective clauses introduced by the relative 'it, regularly pre- 
cede the correlative clause ; but the relative when emphatic may be 
placed last. Thus, Cl^ ^ W^ W i 'it J^ ?T ^%, 'that spiritual 
guide is of use who is able to remove sorrow'; ^ii ivm fsTRR d d<S ih 
^8FT % wm W, 'he sat in that flower-chariot which had come &om 

767. Adverbial clauses, denoting place, time, manner, or the con- 
dition of an action, usually precede the principal clause which they 
follow. But when there is emphasis upon the principal sentence it 
will precede the subordinate clause. 

a. It is to be especially observed that a conditional clause cannot 
follow the principal clause as freely as in English. The learner 
should be especially careful, in translating such English phrases, as, 
he will go if you will', to avoid the English order, as in most cases 
the Hindi will then be obscure. The conditional clause in Hindi 
very rarely and exceptionally takes the 8econ4 place in a compound 

b. Examples of the emphatic position of the principal before the 
adverbial clause are as follows : — %^ ^ ?^ HW ?wt WIT HT ^W ^ sc^v 
^ 5t ... ^m w ^W ^Im, *we indeed knew this even that time when 
Shri Krishn Chand protected Braf] WH 5| «nft ^qr ^ #T m^ ^ ^rci 
?st, 'your honor has exercised great compassion, that you have come 
and taken thought for me'. 

758. It is important to remark that in poetry, all rules and prin- 
ciples touching the position of words and sentences, give way to the 
exigencies of the verse. Thus even the order of the parts of com- 
pound words is reversed ; as, e^g,^ in YnRWR for 4ii4«ii4^«i, 'destroyer 
of Mayan\ to rhyme with wni in the previous line. Words denot- 
ing plurality (§ 147) may precede the noun they modify ; as, §fi| im 
mit 'they utter abusive words'. Even the postpositions may pre- 



cede the noun ; "as, ?riHi F^fi^ft for fiiSnt d, *in the Triple junction** 
And an attributive may follow its noun, even at a long distance ; as, 
^ ^rcraniT ftlf 5Rt5P^ W, *who has made this ocean of life as sand\ 
And a conditional conjunction may appear in the end of the sentence 
to which it belongs ; as, 9llidudu^lll«h ?16l ^mm ^nrfv, 'although thy 
arrows could dry up ten million oceans'. And the parts of compound 
verbs are separated and inverted, quite at the pleasure of the poet, 
as illustrated in §447, (1). 



1. The Hindi system of prosody, in its fundamental principles, is 
substantially identical with that of the Sanskrit. In no modem 
language, probably, has prosody been so elaborately developed as in 
Hindi. Indeed, as yet, prose Hindi is quite exceptional, and almost 
owes its existence to the stimulus of a foreign government, or the 
labors of missionaries ; who, as might be expected, are for the most 
part unable to write a foreign language except in prose. Native 
writers, left to themselves, have almost without exception written in 
verse, and their labors have resulted in a system of versification 
which for inexhaustible variety, as well as for its intrinsic beauty, is 
probably unsurpassed. 

2. A general understanding of the principles of Prosody is a prerequisite 
absolutely necessary to the understanding and interpretation of Hindi poetry* 
Without this, the student will often be left to uncertain conjecture ; nort 
again, can any person, without an understanding of this topic, even read pro- 
perly the simplest Hindi verse. His enunciation, if in public, is sure to be 
chiefly a matter of amusement to the natives who may hear him. 

3. Hindi prosody knows nothing of metre determined, as in Eng- 
lish verse, by the accent. Missionaries have indeed produced many 
hymns, in accentuated verse, after the manner of English metres ; 
but verse of this kind is entirely a foreign importation, nor is there 
any reason to believe that the natives of India will ever be led to ex- 
ohange their own admirable system for the comparatively harsh and 
unflexible system of English versification, which the exigency of the 
occasion has called into, probably, a merely temporary existence, 

4. All Hindi verse is regulated, like that of classic Ghreek and 

* It is proper to remark that as the author was unexpectedly compelled to 
leave India when the printing of the Syntax had reached p, 844, it became 
necessary for him to attend to the printing of the Prosody, which required his 
persontd supervision, before the S^tax was finished. The paging could not 
therefore proceed continuously with the rest of the book, so that it became 
necessary to introduce the prosody in the shape here presented, as a supple* 
ment. This wiU ^^ft*" the irregular fbrm of this chapter. 



Latin, by a regard to the quantity of the syllables, as long or short. In 
Hindi poetry, however, unlike that of ancient Greek, Latin and San- 
skrit, rhyme (fVK) is almost universally employed ; and usage demands 
that rhyming lines shall always correspond, not in one only, but at 
least in the two last syllables. 

N. B. It should be remembered, however, in order to the correct 
interpretation of this rule, that the vowel a, inherent in all conso- 
nants, i^hioh in prose is often silent when medial, and always silent 
when final, in poetry is always counted and commonly pronoimced. 
Thus, e.g.f VRf, although in prose a monosyllable {bdt)^ in poetry is 
reckoned a dissyllable, bdla. ( Vid, § 10, e.) 

6. Quantity is either long (^ or ^^) or short (^ or y^l) . A 
long syllable is denoted in Hindi prosodial notation by the mark ^ 
and a short syllable by the mark i, which signs are thus respectively 
equivalent to the English marks - and u. 

6. Quantity is determined by the following rules. 

(1) The vowels H, Y, 7 and ^, are short, and the remaining vowels 
fIT, ^, % ^, %, % and ^, are long by nature. 

a. It is important to observe that although ^, originally, denoted 
a long diphthongal sound only, it has come to represent also, in Hin- 
di, as in Fr&krit, a short sound, e (§ 1. i); for which reason, in Hindi 
poetry, ^ is sometimes treated as a short vowel. 

b. The principle which regulates the quantity of ^ seems to be as 
follows. Whenever ^ represents an original radical, as, e,g,j in a 
noun like d^, or in a gunated causal base, like ^ in £^9|t, from ftn«IT; 
or has resulted from the combination of two formerly concurrent let* 
ters, as in qi^for <9rcv, from QitBi, or dT# for Ql«ilif ; in such cases ^ is 
invariably long. But in words where ^ represents a primitive short 
TOwel, a or t, as, e.g., in §rtf for ftini, ^ for Tnrt (P), it is usually, 
though not invariably, counted prosodially short. A good illustra- 
tion is found in the following half Dohd trom the Rdmdyan ; JAf TI%3 
^^QTC ft ^^ fti^ W^ *rt. This line can only be scanned in accord- 
ance with the above principle, by counting ^ in dftr, TI^ and ft%, 
AS short, and the remaining e's as long. Otherwise we shall have 27 
instants, instead of 24, as required for each line of a Dohd. But in 
the following Arddh Chaupdi, ^ is short in ^, and long in ftiw: ^mi 

jsn fmofh ^ff ftj^. This Fr&kritic short or ^oommoxi' ^ appean 


chiefly in the ohlique forms of the various pronouns, and as a nnion- 
vowel before verbal terminations ; as, ^ff, ir^, Qi^, eto., eto« 

(2) A short vowel before two oonsonants in the same word becomes 
long by position. Thus, ^ in 5%, and a in the first and seoond syl- 
lables of V^^n^ are long by position. 

a. In Sanskrit prosody, a final short vowel was also lengthened before a 
conjanct consonant initial in a following word. Bat Hindi poets commonly 
neglect this. 

JExc. 1. A short vowel before the plural termination «^ or ^, and 
sometimes before 99 and ^, as in ^S^FV, ?p9 and ^m, remains short. 

JExe. 2. A short vowel before a conjunct consonant of which the 
second element is T, as, e.g.y a in ^^^, may be counted either long 
or short. 

(3) A short vowel before Anusvdr or Visarg followed by a conso- 
nant, is long by position. Thus the short vowels in 5:^, ^, ftto, are 
all long by position. So also Anusvdr in the end of a line lengthens 
a preceding short vowel ; as in wA, wnnrt. 

a. But when Anusvdr stands, as is very often the case, for Anund* 
^^ (§ 7)» & preceding short vowel remains short. Thus, e,g,^ in ^on, 
unfw, ^, Anmvdr stands for Anundsik ; and therefore the vowels % 
Y, and 9, retain their natural short quantity. 

7. The unit of metrical quantity is called wm rndtra^ ^an instant'. 
A mdtra denotes the length of time occupied in the utterance of a 
short vowel, as 9, \, or 9. All long vowels and diphthongs are 
regarded as consisting of two mdtras. This must be carefully borne 
in mind, in order to understand the prosodial measurement of verse. 
Thus the words ?ni, frm, ?row^» contain, respectively, 2, 3, and 6 
mdtras, as follows; fm, T + l=2; flTO. 2+1=3; TPTFB^, 1+2+2=5. 
Similarly the line flin? sKrer 917 #ra QRt, contains 13 matras. 

Hem, For 9fPir, Ylfl also occurs in some native works. qi9 is also 
used in the same sense. 

8. The laws of Hindi prosody allow a great degree of liberty in 
respect of orthography, and even of grammatical construction. The 
following principles regulate prosodial license. 

(1) A long may be written for a short vowel, and vice versd. 

a. This rule most commonly operates in final letters and at the 
end of lineSi either for the sake of rhyme, or to fill out the total 
quantity of the line ; as in ig«rmT for igum (to rhyme with wm); 


imt (to rhyme with ilfUl^); and (to fill out quantities) VWfVT for 
•J?I, wm for ^if ; #!J for #1W, etc., etc. 

6. But medial radical vowels also are sometimes shortened^ even in 
the middle of a line ; as, e,g.^ in 3^ for 3I^» ^^^^ for ii^T^^, im^ for 
WPtf, 5gi3ji nr for gftl «t, ^rBI for vnifii, 9iiv4^ for mnvA^, eto., etc. 

(2) Anusvdr is inserted or omitted for the sake of rhyme ; as in 
fPtl^, ^VM, to rhyme with 91^ and ^SM ; and ^FK (for ^rtal) to rhyme 
with WV9k, 

(3) Diphthongs medial and final are resolved into their oompon- 

ent vowels ; as, iwinfpc for liinfj^ ; 9ifY, fi^rav, QRTl, for QR^, iiv^y and 
ift; inA^»^ for ^f^ti) etc., eto. The latter vowel is then very often 
prolonged ; as, e,g,y in QRT^, vHi, for 9^ and i|^ ; and sometimes the 
former vowel is lengthened ; as in the following, where Bll# is wri1> 
ten for 1^, to rhyme with ^irt ; ^ifiwRl^ ^ ^ ftftnl Tfi Tfi ^ BVr#. 
More rarely both are lengthened ; as in 99sHt for ^it, to rhyme with 

«m« ; thus, f«iv mi ftiS TTt if 9«T«. 

(4) Occasionally a vowel of one organ is exchanged for one of 
another ; as in $q^ for ^, in the following : fKtiw ^ J^ fm $qV. 

(5) A syllable, most commonly T, is often added to fill out a line 
and make a rhyme ; as in «f^, ViTflTW, for 9i and «liT?v. 

(6) A consonant is sometimes doubled, to lengthen a preceding 
vowel ; as in ^Hffif^, Vil^fV, ^Kgfii, T^lgf^* for ^rviqifii, etc. 

Bern, It is possible that these, as also some other variations mentioned, are 
merely archaic forms of the words in question. 

(7) The roles of agreement are often neglected, so that the mascu- 
line is used for the feminine, the singular for the plural, and vice 
fiersdf to meet the exigencies of the rhyme. Thus, we have ^rS for 

fiiciiT, vrrar for urt , mw for nrwr, etc., etc.* 

9. Pause (ftwi?!) is of two kinds, sentential and harmonic. The 
sentential pause occurs at the end of correspondent lines, and is 
marked by the signs, l hal/'pause^ and I full'pause. The harmonic 
pause or caesura varies in different metres, and is marked by no sign. 

10. The simple feet used in Hindi verse are of three kinds, rts., 
monosyllabic, dissyllabic and trisyllabic. Occasionally, compound 
polysyllabic feet are also employed. Each class of feet contains 
several varieties as indicated below.f 

*Vid. §713. t In the following pages it has been thought wise ordinarily to 
employ the Hindi names and symbols for the various feet ; as until the sto* 





In English. 











.t fl. 




Spondee^ _ 

«S 2 




Trochee^ _ 





Iambus^ ^ 





Periambua^ ^ 
















Dactyl, _ ^ 






BacchiCy ^ __ 





Amphibrach^ ^ _ 






CretiCy _ ^ 






Anapeat, ^ ^ 







a. The longus ie in Hindi named guru^ *heavy*, (also called hdru,) 
and the brevia^ laghu, 'light*, (also called meru). 

b. The eight varieties of trisyllabic feet are often coUectivelj 
termed m gan^ par excellence, 

c. It is important to note that in Hindi works on prosody, the 
symbolic letters are always nsed to denote the feet. Thus «?9il would 
denote the three feet, nm, 9119, «I1!9; 9T9I, WI9, T1I9, mni, etc., etc. 

11. Polysyllabic feet are chiefly used in Jdti Chhand (Vid, injra). 
They are formed by various combinations of the above three kinds ; 
and have no specific names. 

12. Hindi verse (9^) is of two classes ; viz., «p| 9*^ Vritt Chhand, 
and 9lf?l 9*^, Jdti Chhand. 

13. I. That is called Vritt Chhand which is regulated by the 
number of syllables (9^9) in each charan or metrical line. It ia 
therefore also called Varan Chhand, 

II. That is called Jdti Chhand which is measured by the number 
of mdtras or metrical instants in each line. 

I. 0/ Vritt Chhand. 

14. In Vritt Chhand each verse consists of four metrical lines 
{charan or pdd).^ Vritt Chhand is further distinguished as of tbrea 

dent is fiftiniliar with them, he will be quite unable to read intelligently the 
simplest page of any native work on this important subject. 

6 PR080DT. 

Orderi, m. ; (1 ) 911 sama^ ^even'; H^Qll arddhasama^ 'half-even'; (3) 
finVT tiahamay 'uneven'. These are distinguiBhed as follows : 

(1) In Sam VrUt each charan has an equal number of syllables. 

(2) In ArddhasamaVritty the first and third char ana have an equal 
number of syllables, and also the »econd and/cmrM. 

(8) In Vi^ma Vritt each charan has a different number of syllables. 

N. B. Although Vritt Chhand is measured by the number of syl- 
lables in each charan^ yet in most metres of this class these syllables 
are not taken indifferently, but in each variety are regulated by a 
certain sequence oifeety as in Latin and Greek verse. 

15. Native prosodians divide verse of the Ist Order (SamaVritt) of 
the First Class, into twenty six Genera, according to the number of 
syllalbes in each of the four charans. Each of these genera has its own 
specific name, as given below. Thus a verse of this class having 
three syllables in each charan, would belong to the 3rd Genus, named 
IDSHT Madhyd ; one of fifteen syllables, to the 16th G^nus, named irih 
ipjtrt Atkharhariy etc., etc. 

16. Under each of the above genera, again, are contained as many 
Species, as combinations of long and short syllables are possible with 
any given number of syllables. Thus the 2nd Genus comprehends 

four species, as follows, (1) ; (^) ^ w ; (3) w - ; (4) _ ^ : and the 3rd 

Genus, comprehends eight possible species ; vix.y (1) ; (2) ^ ^ ^ ; 

(3).^^; (4) ;(5)^_^;(6)^^^;(7)^^.;(8) . 

Bern, It is plain that in metres of a large number of ayllables the number 
of possible combinations must be very great. Native prosodians give ingeni- 
ous rules for determining the possible varieties under each genns, the place of 
any specified variety in the prastdr, (udisht,) or, the place in the pro^^ir being 
given, to determine the metre of any required species (nashl.) But these mat- 
ters seem to be of no practical importance, and we may wisely refer to native 
authors the student who is curious in such matters. 

17. All Sama Vritt metres containing more than twenty six sylla- 
bles are classified under a 27th Genus named ^fpcm Dandak ; which 
is fancifully said to comprehend 999 varieties. 

18. Finally, it should be observed that in Sama metres the 2nd 
charan must rhyme with the Ist, and the 4th with the 3rd. 

19. The following are examples of the most common metres under 
each genus. As the 3rd and 4th charana are exactly like the 1st and 
2nd, for lack of space, the first two charans only have been given in 
the examples after page 7. 


Class I. 44<i!j IJT^ or '^ fjfl^ 

Order I. 5H?tI 

Species. Feet in each charan. 

Genus I. 



^1 ti ^1 «ti 

Genus 11. Wfucnii. 


^pn or %nn 


Genus III. vraiT. 

9^1^ orliniT mi 

wrt or wt V9 


Genus IV. nHigr. 
9iTfiif9idT I wTiiiii^ 

1 ^luiTf 1 1 ^7 iff 
fifti fro I iWTfJI 

Gbnus V. ^nfHgr. 
Yum irtww w^i Tiwj^iT^i inmfiiinm •^ftfUfi^ 

#q^or4ifc wm ?i!tw^^ i^iwNt i^iTOt^fri^ iiira?idni^ 




Feet in each 























































Gbnus VL inil9t. 

«i 9 writ »T fit 

q5t ^ 9T9tf t 


WT99 9 imt 
wIt 99 9T9 

wr9jft vr9 ^ 

?^ 9T^ 9TTt 

Gexus VII, 9Tmi. 

I TT^r widr tidr 
I nrr^ WT99 i 

• f9f VfOTU 
I IR^ f99TTV 

I 9T9 ^19 ihr^ 

I ?fjh 99 Crf9 
I ^141 9 9T9 % 

I 9t} ^m 9Tft 
I 7JI59 99 9?^ 

9T^ 9T9T 199 9 I 
W9 ^999 f^9T I 
HTT9 t q99T I 
9i9t ^T9 f99TT^ I 
^19 W\M W9^ I 

9r9i 9TO f fyn i 

nw flR^ iwr^ 9^ I 

W9T 9lr ^ra 9 I 

9f9 9W9 ftiiT 

qit 9 9#T miKmi 

91^ 99 flWT^ 

lfT9 ^ 9TT9T 
99 IkV 9^ 99^ 
#9IT 99t 99 ^ 

Genus VIII. 'WJg^. 

#^ VT99 fisi9w I ^9T ?9I9 fi 
WTift 9T9^ 9^^^ I 9w ^99 I^tH^ 
9I9r 1R9 S^ I T99 9 99 9^ 

1ffT99 9^ T^ VH^ I ^199 9T^T WT 9n^ 

9T99 «wt 9 ^reni I W99 t nnra* 

Wt 99 $T^#r g9i I qvtrn99T9^^^ 
9^m wIt 9 99 % I 9f9iW^?h99% 
9^9 ^19 9119^ I 9^ ^T^nf 5119^ 

9T9 ?9 ^nf w^ I W9 $tfin fianiT9 
Gbnus IX. ^99^. 

99 9^ 9 TII9 9T9 I «9 ^ ftT 99 9T9 
^ 9l?tT «9T^ Wnft • df99#T9Tdf 9«9^ 


Species. Feet in each 


9ll^r HT%I WT%f M" Wm I wAl WRT W^ T^ ^TO • 

Genus X. tm. 
#^ i^T ^iw^i ^ wnft I VT%T ^rrdT ^^ ^J^ wtni i 

Genus XI. fflE^. 
Genus XII. wn^. 


^T39S ^^w^ ^'rt'T irtrc imm ^^ i ^^qr ftrtr nwr^v^ i 
nm YR^ H^R 9iTf vnv 9T^ ?i#T I TVf nini ^rm on) 9#r I 

lY^nimi m w#rww#^H%«t«irT^i^ftn<rtftw«^5iTdn 
fti^r« itH t^ ^nv THTom «it«ri i vt^r ^r «« #« raisTv?! i 

Genus XIII. nfvraiRt. 

^«iQ^ iR^nwi t^ij^iTiinRTOiinhw8nmTwiiTi»niwn?f #T5WH 
«Rf«^ ^«^uji iHi9^j«Kiu9si^vw9ntti!i[7?^^9nnrei9d^fi44iDi 

Genus XTV. v^. 

mnnvfiT «RTBWf 

1VT9 wixm 9if9 «nir fornrtr i 


















It V 






f I B *^ 




^ ^ m 



<E It 








i,r « 

•S 2 















iff g 


19 r|r 



1^ P 






































f 1 











I— I 






+ + 


P W 

I I 
+ + 

m 4|r 


20. The following, among other metres of this Genas, are classi- 
fied in the Pingalddarsha as ^iri^ifl 4^. 

has 31 syllables, but the feet are left optional. 
The pause £bl11s upon the 8th, 16th and 24th syllables. The last two 
or three syllables of each line must rhyme. 

^wrjihinii^ ^TWvf^^nn mi^f^^na^RHi ^fgmiinfiiii 
ftwwt ftr Tt^nmsr ^njmiiriviT tijvi^^^s^ ^vmiiriii^i 

II^U^lMHI'Qd^i) ^ has 32 syllables, with pause at the 8th, 
16th and 24th syllables. The feet are optional. 

Class I, Order II. ^^4j|l| ^rf Arddhasama Vritt. 

21. No division of this Order into genera and species is practica- 
ble. As in 8ama Vritt metres, the Ist charan rhymes with the 2nd, 
and the 3rd with the 4th. In the following examples, only the 1st 
and 2nd charans are given; the 3rd and 4th charans contain, respect- 
ively, the same feet as the 1st and 2nd. 

I 1st and 3rd ckarana^ 'mnnr. 
2nd and 4th „ ^^RITIT. 

fiift RKft ^^IHm ^ lit Sw I i^iTCi iw wt iwrre w ^kiiit i 

I 1st and 3rd charans^ wraifll. 
2nd and 4th „ iiwill. 

1st and 3rd charans^ 


2nd and 4th „ HHmni. 




Ist and 3rd charanR^ 


2nd and 4th „ imm. 

Ist and 3rd charana^ HH^ill. 

2nd and 4th „ ^mmi. 

^fj 9nri i«irt TTnaqiT ^ i «i^ ^v?t ow irrar dn orart i 


22. In 

Ist ch, 
2nd „ 
3rd „ 
4th „ 

Class I, Order III. f^^Vf ^rf Vi§hama Vriti. 

this order, each of the four charans is formed on a separate 
Like Order II. it admits of no subdivision into genera and 
The following are examples of the more common metres. 

^RTR •IlW ^'%T I 

Ist ch. 
2nd „ 
3rd „ 
4th „ 

Ist ch. 
2nd „ 
3rd „ 
4th „ 

1st ch. 
2nd ,1 


^ ^inm ^nftr ^ ^ra^ fiRii ^ir^ 

?!?! HIR f^ig STRT «liT?! 9| 5liT^ 
ftRWfl «!Tf Wl ^ftl t 9R7TR^ 

^^^1 nrent T^^iv 







3rd ch. THWI tf ^# ^W wftii ^TT » 

4th „ ^(^+iT i%n inm ftiT rarocni ^TO tf » 

Class II. ^{^ IBS Jdti Chhand. 

Obdeb I. Tnu ^^ Gam Chhand. 

23. Jdti Chhand has already been defined in 13, II, of this chap- 
ter. It is divided by native writers into Oana Chhand and Mdtra 

24. In Oana Chhand the verse is oommonly measured by the num- 
ber of instants in each line ; but the order of feet in each line, with- 
in certain limits, is fixed and invariable. In Mdtra Chhand the 
order of feet is for the most part left to the option of the composer. 

a. This distinction between Gana Ohhand and Mdtra Chhand, as laid down 
by native prosodians, cannot, however, be rigidly maintained. In many 
metres classified as Mdtra Ohhand, certain requisitions and restrictions are 
made as to the nature of the feet employed, and on the other hand, in some 
Gana Ohhand metres, many of the feet are left to the option of the writer. 

25. Native writers have divided Oana Chliand into six species, ex- 
planations and examples of which are given below. Each of these 
species, again, comprehends many varieties according to the succession 
of feet in the line. A few illustrations are given under each species. 

26. The 1st and most popular species of Oana Chhand^ is termed 
Art/ydy Odthd, or Odhd Chhand. In all Aryyd metres each verse con- 
sists of two lines {dal)^ the 1st of which contains 30, and the 2nd, 27 
mdtras. Each line must contain 7^ feet, each of which, again, must 
contain 4 instants, except the 6th of the 2nd line, which has only one 
instant. A.jagan (^ _ w) or a polysyllabic foot, is required in the 6th 
place in the let line ; but jagans are prohibited in the odd feet of the 
2nd line. The csesural pause falls after the 3rd foot or 12th instant 
of each line. 

27. The following is an example of that Ysxiety ot Jirt/t/ddi metres 
which is known, par excellence, as ^i<<m or ITTlfT* 


H+iWI+« I ^^+illI+ir+«+1l = 30 instants. 

im+VT+VT I HH+^+W+'WI+IT = 27 instants. 



28. Tm<«il ^^ must have a jagan in the 2nd and 4th plaoes 
each line. 

^+^+^+ir+5g+^^+ini+1l = 30. 
«i+^+^+w+'Wi+fr+^ +11 = 27. 

QiRFVii^rarm VTHim ^rm tRQ difw m^ ?)t^ 9 i 
$^ ^ ifim % iiffTR H^ ^9R 11^9 i 

29. The 2nd species of Oana Chhand is called (from its chief varietj) 
nffil #T Oiti Chhand, The principal variety differs from all metres of 
the 1 st species in that both lines contain 30 instants. The 6th foot must 
be a jagan, as in the 1st line of Aryyd Chhand. The other general 
laws of the verse are the same as in Aryyd Chhand. {Fid. §26, Bupra.) 

nn+mr+im • w+^+^+^g+n = 30 instants. 
ini+9 +1? I 9l9+9+ir+inf +91 = 30 instants. 

30. ^M^iiln 3^ contains in each line 27 instants, and follows 
in both lines the rules laid down for the 2nd line in Aryyd Chhand. 

inf+W+« I 9+9+9+7nf+9l = 27 instants. 
^^+^+^ I 9i9+inr+Qr+9+9T = 27 instants. 

indr OTV ^f^ ^^ ^ 'Bwt ^i%T ^ira^ 1 

31. BJpnf^ 9^ is the exact reverse oi Aryyd Chhand ^ having 
27 instants in the 1st, and 30 instants in the 2nd line. The samo 
laws regulate the long and short lines as in Aryyd metres. 

im+H+'ra+illl+im+^+W+JT = 27 instants. 
7nf+inf+9+9T+9+W+9?+9l = 30 instants, 

vvT^inw^^ 11% ?n% 9itT Y^rt I 

^ m ^ mi «A ifiini 5*1 5R^ ^Mi ?wiT^ I 

32. V|U||JUif| ]^ differs from Aryyd Chhand in that it adds 
one half foot to each line, making two lines of 8 feet each, instead 
of 74. The 1st line therefore contains 32, the 2nd, 29 instants. 
The other rules for each line are the same as those already given. 
(§ 26, ^uj^ra^y 


7nf+'nT+9 I i?+^+^+?m+im = 32 instants. 
«Rl+«ra+l^ i «ra+im+^+i^+ini = 29 instants. 

^m IPC* %^ ffWi 1 fira tJr uihc ^fsr vsci^ ^ w • 

33. The various metres in Gam Chhand classified by some as Bau 
tdliyddiy Shikhddi^ Vaktrddi and Achaladhrityddiy differ widely from 
the above Aryyd metres. A few examples are given under eaoh head. 

34. The Baitdliyddi metres all consist of two lines, eaoh oontain- 
ing six feet, and subdivided into two charans of three feet eaoh. 
The number of instants varies from 28 to 32 in eaoh line. The fol- 
lowing are the most common varieties. 

35. ^TTT^ni ^^^# ^^0 lines of 30 instants each, as follows : 
6+T+?aif +8+T+H1f. The combination of long and short syllables 
in the polysyllabic feet, (the Ist and 4th,) is optional. Pause at the 
14th instant. 

n^ 5^ '^ ^'^ ''^ ^ ^^ ^TOT ftp&f ira^ • 

36. ^lliil^lKlHI ^^ differs from the foregoing in substituting 
6 instants for 8 in the 4th foot, making 28 instants in eaoh line. 
The feet in both halves of each line therefore exactly correspond. 

iriiT ^1^ WW ^Tii it wIt i^rdr ^rai wit Tt i 

W^ W^ W?! fiShal it ?i^ 5F%T 53^5 ^rtH it • 

37. Shikhddi metres are characterized by having all the syllables, 
except the last two, of the same length. The number of instants 
varies from 28 to 32. The following are the most common varieties. 

38. VH^Iitil'^l ^^ ^*® *^^ ImQ^ of 32 instants each. In the 
Ist line all the syllables are long ; in the 2nd, all are short. In this 
metre, therefore, no rhyme is possible. Pause at the 8th syllable of 
the 1st line, and the 8th and 1 6th of the 2nd. 

irrah nidi ^ wrdr^ ^ ^ xvau irreh" i 
fiig fini tfi^fi ^ ^iw ^tonoRv imwrv ?ifti mni ^rar ^ i 

39. ITm^f^ITT 9^ Scheme, ^ew+1l=29 instants in each line. 
Pause at the 8th, 16th and 24th syllables. 

wij iw^Tw Tfj ift irot ?nij ^m ftrwi XRm i 
wij inr ^in? <ii^ ^ ^vim^ira ftiw wrft 'ron i 


40. Vakirddi metres all contain two lines, each of whioh is divided 
into two charana eaoh of eight syllables. The second, third and 
fourth syllables must not form a nagan (^ ^ ^) or sagan (^ ^ _). The 
following are the most common varieties. 

41. TlMHI^TShl t^^ requires, in addition to the above condi* 
tions, that the fifth syllable begin a nagan {^^J). 

42. illi{|^l|Hr ^? requires, in addition to the general oondi- 
tions of Vaktrddi metres, that the fifth syllable of the even charant 
begin Ajagan (^ _ ^). 

W9^ w^ Sftx Tt wih) fi<Mj wr9 9t I 

43. The Achaladhrityddi metres consist each of four lines of 16 
instants, of which the let rhymes with the i^nd, and the 3rd with the 
4th. The following varieties may be noted. The 1st and 2nd lines 
only are given in the examples. 

44* M^HI4l ^^ requires that the 5th instant begin a jagan 
(w - w) or nagan (^ ^ ^) . The final syllable must be long. 

45. f%Wr 1^^ requires a short syllable at the 5th, 8th and 9th 
instants, and a long syllable as final. 

w^ fii^j inni ftwro u I $^J iw Hi^^mi ftnrw j i 

46. dMIrl^l ^^ requires that the 9th and 10th instant fall 
on one long syllable, which must be followed by two short. 

ftRT HT^ fifci 1 wiS I dv ^ %f im lf% V^ I 
Class II. ^|f?{| Wff Jdti Chhand. 

Order II. m^ ^5 Mdtrd Chhand. 

47. In Mdtrd Chhand each charan or dal is composed of a oertaia 
number of instants. Often the charans are again subdivided into 
feet, each containing, again, a fixed number of mdirda or instants^ 



and following each other in an invariable order of succession. But 
the combination of long and short syllables in the several feet is 
left, for the most part, to the option of the composer ; and the verse 
is thus regulated, not by any reference to the kind of feet employed, 
but by the number of instants required for each division of the 

a. Thus, e^g.y the first foot of the Doha must consist of six instants, 
but these may be so combined as to form a double tribrach (^ ifira 

wwwwww)»ora molussus (Tim ), or any other feet possible 

under the conditions. 

48. It should be particularly noticed that not only the total num- 
ber of metrical instants in a charan or dal is fixed, but that also the 
number of instants in each foot is invariable. Thus the following 

. half Chaupdt, although containing the 16 instants required by rule, 
is faulty in the composition of its feet ; f)^ ^^>9TT w€t ftrm. In 
this, the number of instants in each of the four feet is as follows ; 
7+3+4+2, whereas it should be, 6+4+4+2. 

N. B. Observe that in the above, as in all the schemes given below, each 
figure denotes a foot or other section of a verse, and indicates also the nam* 
ber of instants which it contains. When any figure is followed by the sign of 
ranltiplication, X « it is to be understood that the foot is to be repeated the 
number of times which is denoted by the multiplier. Thus (4 X 3) would de- 
note that a foot of four instants was repeated three times ; t.6., 4 X 3=4+4+4. 
A comma after any figure will be used to denote the metrical pause ; thus, 
10, +8, +8, +6=32, is to be interpreted as denoting a line of 82 instants, 
composed of four charans, respectively containing 10, 8, 8, and 6 instants ; the 
csBsural pause falling at the 10th, 18th, and 26th instant. 

49. Verse in Mdtrd Chhand may be conveniently distributed into 

three divisions ; ru., Isty metres consisting of two lines only (f^QT^); 

2ndy those consisting of four lines (fiWMW); 3rd, those consisting of 

more than four lines (fnpnr). 

a. Many metres are reckoned Dvipdd by some prosodians, and Chaiwhpdd 
by others. But this is a matter of no great practical importance. 

50. Hindoo prosodians have enumerated and described a very 
great variety of metres in Mdtrd Chhand^ as in Varan Chhand, But 
it will suffice to enumerate and illustrate a number of the most com- 
mon. The metres under each class are arranged according to the 
number of mdirds in each line (dal)^ beginning with the shorter and 
proceeding to the longer metres. 


I. Verse of Two Lines {fk^T^\ 

61- ql^^l or q|^<|« This oontains two lines, each of 24 in- 
stants ; each of which is divided into two charans and six feet, as fol- 
lows; 6+4 + 3, 6+4 + 1. The last foot (3) in the first charan must 
not be a trochee (_ J)\ i.e.y it must be a tribrach (^ ^J) or an iambus 
(w -)• The last syllable of each line must be short. 

CirC CRT HH9i\ ^lTl4i Tm Wi HH9i\ ^ • 

Bern. This is at present the most popular and common of all metres. It is 
much used hy TuUi Dds, Kahir, and all the most esteemed poets. 

52. %rT3T» This is simply an inverted Dohd ; i.e., the 2nd and 
4th charans of the Dohd, are made to stand as let and Srd^ and vice 
versd. The same rules and restrictions as to feet bold as in the Do- 
hd ; ».«., the final syllable of the short charans must be short ; and 
the last foot of the longer charans must not be a trochee. The 
rhyme is not made at the end of the line, but maintains its original 
place at the end of the short charans. The scheme stands, 6+4+1, 
6+4+3. In the following, Tulsi Das has exceptionally rhymed also 
the longer charans. 

53. H3T5I t^^ contains in each line of two charans^ 28 in- 
stants ; the 1st and 3rd charans, each have four feet, (4X3) +3= 16 ; 
and the 2nd and 4th, three feet, 6 + 4+3 = 13 instants. 

c^ im cii9 iFi wUh %iK g% uro? to witt i 

54. ^ff^fffor ^KM^ ]^^ contains in each line 16, + 12=28 
instants. The last two syllables of each line must be long. 

dwnr inf iw wn tw^ fi^ ^^ ?? wnw i 

55. IT^TBm or '5K^n(rl t^^ ^^ seyen feet in each line ; thus, 
(4X5) +6+2 = 28 instants. Pause at the 16th instant, secondary 
pause at the 9th. The last syllable of each charan must be long. 

91719^ ^^ift vrif ^ci?i $Qm ^iimu wi i 


56. <4d| 1^141^1 W^ difFerB from the Dohd only in that a third 
charan of 5 instants is added to each line. Thus the soheme for eaoh 
line is, 6+4+3, 6+4 + 1, +3 + 2=29. 

♦i iw ftrat nit ^^ ^f^iifti ^ ^ 8ni 5K?n 5IJ I 

Hi^fe wife ^«l ^TT^ ^PS^ ^'T'l ^ ^RRTT «IJ I 

67. ^mc^ 5^ has in eaoh line, 10, + 8, + 12,=30 instants; the 
last syllable must be long. Pause at the 10th and 18th instants. 

58- %T^TcTr 1^^ ^^^ ^^ ®^^ U^o 30 instants. Pause at the 
1 6th instant. Thus, (4 X 4) ,+ (4 X 3) + 2 = 30 instants. 

WIT fw?! ftlflTTT >si^ ?R %I iiulrl CTO %T WIS ^it I 

£em. In the Chhandodipaht the line is divided thus, (4X3) + 3=15, (4X3) 
+ 3=15. I have followed the Pingalddarsh. 

59. iBixil or iBiTIl^*^ W^ ^^ *^^ lines, each of 31 instants ; 
eaoh line has nine feet, with pauses at the 10th and 18th instants, 
thus, (4x2) +2, 4+4, (4x3) + 1. 

Verse of Four Imes (•yrlW4|^X 

60. Of the various metres enumerated below, a number, as, e.g.^ 
the Tribhangiy Durmildy Dandkald, Lildvatiy Padmdtati^ Madanhar^ 
are reckoned by a few prosodians as verses of two lines (T^jUTT). The 
second pair is, indeed, in respect of feet, only a repetition of the first 
pair, and does not rhyme with it, so that the verse is really a com- 
pound of two Dvipdd stanzas. On this account, while following 
common usage in reckoning these as Chatushpad^ in many cases 
I have thought it necessary to give examples only of the first of the 
two couplets. 

61. TrVRIi 9^ has in each line 5 short syllables. 

62. ^i|^ ]^^ has in each line 10 instants. 


63. The following have each 14 inetants in each line, but differ in 
respect of the metrical pause, and the feet that are permissible. 

(1) JI'qIH W^^ 7,+7,=14. Last foot must be a trochee. 

(2) ^Uich 1^^) 8, + 6, = 14. Last foot must be a spondee. 

(3) ^1^^ 6,+8, = 14. Firstfoot,. ; last foot, . . 

64. ^mi^ W^i 8, +7, =15. Final syllable must be short. 

Ti^ ^BTT im T«i^ ^ nm I ciif^nm TTH9 n^^^mni 

65. The following two contain each 16 instants to the line, but 
differ in the feet and pauses. 

(1) ^r^d or U^m^rr 9^^ 8, + 8,= 16. 'Nojagans (^ _ ^) allow- 
ed ; the last foot must be a hhagan ( J), All four lines must rhyme. 

119 ciw uran d9[ 99161^ I lara 9ra ^ ire unofi i 

(2) ^im^ (also called m^Kahi^eh and ^^nn^) 6+4+4+2=16. 
The last foot is commonly, though not invariably, a spondee. 

^HTf9T97mT9#lT9if f^^ I n^ 

Rem, This metre ranks with the Dohd (§51, sup.) in popularity. 
A large part of the Rdmdyan of Tuki Das is composed in sections very 
commonly of four Chaupdis, alternating with one or two Dohds. 

66. ^'^Jlfd g^^ 5 + 5, + 5, + 5, =20. Pause at the 10th instant. 

67. Trer a?^, 12, +9, =21 instants. 

^iij9mrfwiT9^ ^ im If • 


68. h)^I t^^) 11, + 11, =22. Last syllable must be long. 

69. ^MT 1^, (also called T^TTO^,) 6,+ (4x4)+2,=24. Last 
syllable must be long ; pause at the 11th instant. 

Tiai wfti $<5ifi ^reH HH ^ HI vmiTfi 

70. WVSB( ^^ 6 +(4x3) + 6, =24; pause at the 11th instant. 

$fi!i ^liai ^wni fra?f ^ffRj ^^)^«i I 

71. df^^l g|^ contains 1 6, + 12, =28 instants. 

^l| ^l| ^aftl %tW?l ^fi^ m^ ^RQ7 5RTO I 

72. ^IVill ^^9 1 0,+ 8, + 12,=30 instants. Last foot a spondee. 
Subordinate rhymes fall at the iOtb and 18th instant. 

73. ^4||1|| ]^^^ 16, + 15, =31 instants. Last foot a trochee. 

74. The four following metres have each 32 instants to the line, 
and differ only in the csesural pause, and the feet which are per- 

(1) firvHrl' '^y 10,+8,+8,+6,=32. ^ojagam(^_J aUowed. 
Subordinate rhymes at each pause. 



(2) Mq«lloini ]^^ diflfers from the Tribhangi only in making 
two pauses instead of three in each line, thus, 1 0, + 8, + 14, = 32. But 
some writers make three pauses, dividing thus, 10,+8,+6,+8,=32. 
The final syllable must be long. The remaining rules are the same 
as for the Tribhangi. 

6M|ThhI 4t wt WW ?TO wT fra ?R WHX mk ^ I 

(3) difijHI t^, 10, +8, +8, + 6 =32. This diflTers from the 
Tribhangi only in that the last foot must be a spondee. Seoondary 
rhymes are made in the subordinate divisions of eaoh line. 

a. The ^fvWiW ^ differs from this only in requiring an iambus 
instead of the final spondee. 

(4) ^t^rra^ W^* Scheme, 18, + 14, =32. This differs from 
all the preceding in admitting only one caesural pause. 

75. R(^M ^* Scheme 10, + 10, + 10,+10,=40. Thelastfoot 
must be an iambus ; subordinate rhymes may occur at each pause^ 

HTwr ^ WHR « ^ ft dw S ftifi wr wi4 « ^wr ii%t ^rgwr i 
www ft ireifi ft wiwnft^''^^ wnwwiwwTW ft wi^ wtw w^pir i 

76. M^H^i ^ has in each line 10,+8,+8,+6,+8,=40 in- 
stants. The final syllable of each line must be long ; but the last 
three syllables must not form a ragan (_^J. The first two and 
last two charans rhyme. Subordinate rhymes occur at the csesural 

'^^'^ 95^ wra wiTu^ii wnnwi wfrfiiuft ws^^^ifNwsl i 
nfnwwwww^ tm^^iw^ WTBTwd^ wBcwi^ S^JJ^lAi 


Verse of more than Four Lines (^BratTT^)* 

77. chU>^M^I 1^^« This is a compound metre of six lines, 
consisting of a Dohdy (§ 51 sup,) followed by two Kdvyas (§ 70 sup,) 
The last charan of the Dohd must be repeated in the beginning of the 
Kdvya^ and the last two syllables of the Kdvya must be the same as 
the first two of the Dohd, This metre is much admired. The best 
examples are in the poem of Oirdhar Rde^ which is written in this 

?nin%T€Ri$ii sun %nn ^rf'i ^iTO i 
«CT mvsK ^Frcmn ivt ciit vm uro^ift \ 

Rem. Sonietimos for the Kdvyoy a Bold Chhand (§60 sup.) may be substitu- 
ted. This diflPers from the Kdvya^ however, only in the division of its feet. 

78. 3^ 9^ consists of a Kdvya (§ 70 sup.) and an UUdl 
Chhand (§ 53 sup.) 

9TOT9iWQfii4^ e(^ fia^ n^^irai ere i 

9ft¥ wi ftifti nm ITS n^|f^ ^dn? UT i 

W^ TW&K 1^ ^ ^ t«i H'Tra won if TTO i 

7^. Trara? ^^ consists of 6 lines, each of 11 instants. The final 
eyllable must be short. 

^Nn fRRi ^fe ^gfim i 9pR?9 19WI ;g^ ^fcf « 
^TOi ftnrfi! ftifti TOT I ftftgfi fsRT^ iifn « 
^fiPin vii ^ ^^n; I ^^ ncni aR9 tftraii « 

Of metres tised in songs (Bhajans). 

80. Many of the metres enumerated above, in both Varan Chhand 
and Mdtrd Chhand^ are used in the composition of verse designed to 
be sung. The only special point to be noted is the custom of con- 
tinuing the same rhyme throughout all the lines of the bhajan. A 


whole or half Btanza is often repeated as a refrain. Examples are 
added of common metres. 

81. r)ld4l ^^Xrr* Scheme, c ^+JT. Pause at 4th foot. 

^ife ntft nTTt wwi v[^ ^iff d^ ni# ?r ?it^ winr i 
^ tfcn ntr Hi'SR^ fiii nj mm w ^^i ftwi «ninr i etc. 

82. ^I|^ J||^ has in each verse 32 short sjllables, with pause 
and rhyme at the 8th, 16th, and 24th. 

^iw ^TOi frat im wen ^^t i 

^ HH H^ Q^ Wf HTH wni I 

83. xrar JUd* ^^ two lines, of 6 + 6, +6+4=22 instants, with 
pause at the 12th ; the last two syllables must be long. 

WW ^wc ^3?i ^ wrei 1WR di^ I 
^im^wi?iSw Atw ^cii €^ i 

84. HMrll ^TT7T« i^ o&ob line, 6+6+2,+6+4=24 instants, 
with pause at the 14tb. 

85. ^T9 TuTT* The scheme commonly used to this Rdg^ is as 
follows; 6+4+4+2, +6+4+2=28 instants, with pause at the 16th 
instant ; the metre is complete in two lines. 

86. ahm ^MCI* To this is sung a verse of two lines as follows ; 
6 + 4 + 4 + 2,+4+4 + 4=28 instants; or 6 + 4+4+2, + 6+4+4+2 
=32 instants. Pause, in either, at the 16th instant. 

^1) vnftfi ^HR 9T^ f^si^ QiT ^i?i 9fT9 n^srrt I 

(2) difh H3 ii4 yr ^H^ ^ «nf^ ^ ^cr ^t% ^kxht i 


The numbers refer to the paragraphs. 

Ablative, of the agent, 545, (6); in com- 
parisons, (7) ; of manner, (9) ; of sepa- 
ration, (3); of use, (10); postposition 
of, omitted, 547. 

Ablatively dependent compounds, 480, 

Absolute Future, how formed, 320, (3) ; 

syntax of, 611 — 613. 

Abstract nouns, how formed, 469. 

Accent, 27; in verbs, 335. 

Accentuated metres, 8up^. 3. 

Accusative in /co, 532 ; of the object, 
631 — 534; of place, 535; of time, 536; 
twofold form, in nouns and pro- 
nouns, 138, 148, 206,207. 

Accusatively dependent compounds, 

48^', (1). 

Achaladhrityddi metres, 8upp. 43. 

Acquisitive compound verbs, 361, (3); 
syntax of, 642, (2). 

Adjectives, comparison of, 169; dia- 
lectic forms oi, 167; how formed, 
476; inflection of, 163, 164; syntax 
of, 563 — 569; used for nouns, 564; 
with ablative, 169, 566; with dative, 
667, (1); with genitive, 5(57, (2), (3>, 
with locative, 169, d, 555, (3), g. 

Adjective clauses, 727—729. 

Adverbial clauses^ 730—739. 

Adverbial compounds, 486. 

Adverbial participle, 329. 

Adverbs, 493 — 505 ; of affirmation and 
negation, 499, (4V, compounded, 5f>2 ; 
of manner, 499, (3); of place, 499, (2); 
postpositions with, 496; used for 
relative and noun, 729, e ; syntax of, 

Adversative conjunctions, 615. 

Adversative sentences classified, 717. 

Afiix hltar, 568; $d, denoting likeness, 
165, or intensity, 166. 

Agent, case of the, 138; not used in 
the E., 151; cor with some com- 
pound verbs, 361. 

Agreement, 698—712; of attributive 
with noun, 699, 700 ; of predicative 
adjective or participle in the object- 
tive construction, 701 ; of predicate 
with subject, 704 ; with sentence as 

subject, 705 ; with subjects of differ- 
ent genders, 708, or persons, 709 ; 
neglected, in the colloquial, 711, and 
in poetry, 712, Snp'p. 8, (7). 

Aggregative form of numerals, 575. 

Alphabet, 1 — 9; Kdyaihioxidi MoJidja* 
rU, 31. 

Anakolouthon, 690. 

Anomalous compounds, 488. 

Anundsiki 7. 

AnuBvdr, 14; for Anundsik, 7, 8upp. 6, 
(3) a ; for nasal consonant, 14, a, b ; 
inserted or omitted, Supp. 8, (2). 

Appositional adjuncts of subject, 696 ; 
of predicate, 697, e; position of, 

Arabic words in Hindi, 68 ; how mo- 
dified, 59. 

Arabic adverbs, 501 ; conjunctions; 
516, a, 616 ; preposition, 613 ; pro- 
nominals, 266. 

Arddkasama metres, Supp, 21. 

Article, how expressed in Hindi, 149, 

Arryd metres, Supp, 26. 

Attraction of relative and interroga- 
tive pronouns, 585, and adverb. 

Attributive adjuncts, position of, 750. 

Attributive construction, of adj. 696, 
(2), (6), of participle 696, (1) b. 

Auxiliary verb conjugated, 320, 321. 

Avadhi dialect, short « in, 1,5; pecu- 
liarities of, 106 ; pronominal forms, 
233 ; conjugation in, 449. 

Baghelkhandi pronominal forms, 241 ; 
verbal forms, 391. 

Baildliyddi metres. Supp. 34. 

Bahupdd metres, Supp. 77. 

Bhajans, metres used in, Supp. 80. 

Bhojpuri dialect ; its general features, 
107; affix aab in plural, 233, a; pro- 
nominal declension, 233, 234; sub- 
stantive verb, 373 ; oonjugational 
forms, 450 ; 

Braj, its general features, 101 ; declen- 
sion of nouns, 130; postpositions, 
152; pronominal declension, 235; 
conjugation of auxiliary, 368; con- 


jugation of verbs. 375 — 383 ; ne 
omitted with passive construction, 
884, 643 ; peculiar verb forms, 385 ; 
Causals, 388; adverbs, 493; empha- 
tic affix, 495, a ; 505, h, 
Bundelkhandi, conjugation, 451 ; ad- 
verbs, 493,' 499, (4). 

Cardinal numbers, 172 ; Variant forms, 
173 ; aggregative form, 176 ; Syntax 
of, 528, (]); Rem., 570—574. 

Case of the agent, when used, 542; 
not in Edm.y 544 ; or B. Hindi dia- 
lects, 151; with infinitive, 542, a. 

Causal adverbial clauses, 735. 

Causal conjunctions, 519 ; omitted, 
718, h. 

Causal co-ordinate sentences, 718. 

Causal verbs, Ist and 2nd, 340; form- 
ation of, 341 i double forms of, 343 ; 
formed from nouns, 344 ; Syntax of, 
534 (1) ; 64", 641. 

Cause, expressed by ablative, 545 ; by 
locative, 555, (3), e, 

Chandt postpositions used by. Table I, 
pp. 68, 69 ; pronominal forms, 222, a, 
224, a, 230, a; verbal forms, 409, 
596, (2). e. 

Chatiishpdd metres, Supp, 60. 

Coincident action, how expressed, 656. 

Collective numbers, 185. 

Collective terms, how oonstrued, 711. 

Collocation of words, 742—755; of 
sentences, 756, 757 ; in poetry, 758. 

Comparison of adjectives, 169, 565, 
566 ; expressed by use of locative, 
555, g ; use of kaMut 65) . 

Comparisons, tenses used in, 604^ (10), 
618, (l)c; 622, a. 631, (5). 

Complementary compounds, 481, (1). 

Completive compound verbs, 354 ; 
syntax of, 642, (4). 

Complex compounds, 489. 

Compound pronouns, 260—266. 

Compound verbs classified, 345, 346 ; 
with charh initial, 352 ; parts inver- 
ted, 447, (1); syntax of, 642; com- 
pounded, 643. 

Compound words, 478—492; gender 
of, 118; classified, 479; how inflect- 
ed, 483 ; used adjectively, 487. 

Concessive clauses, 739. 

Concessive conjunctions, 518. 

Conditional clauses, tenses in, 604, (1), 
611, (2), 615, (5), 737, (2); position 
of, 757. 

Conditional conjunctions, 517 ; omitted 
739 ; 755, h. 

Conjugation, general remarks on, 
3«'3; in W. dialects, 374— 4i0; inE. 
dialects, 411^-452. 

Conjunct consonants, 5, 6. 

Conjunctions, 514, — 521 ; syntax of, 
663—672 ; position of, 755. 

Conjunctive participle, how formed, 
313 ; of kamd, used as postposition, 
548 ; syntax of, 597 — 6^0 ; expresses 
cause, 597, (2), means, (3), conces- 
sion, (4), circumstantial relations, 
(5) ; used as adjective, 597, (6), as 
preposition, (7); adjunct of predi- 
cate, 697, (3). 

Consonants classified, 33 ; doubled in 
poetry, Supp. 8, (6). 

Contingent future, how formed, 320, 
(1); syntax of, 6(U, 606. 

Contingent imperfect, how formed, 
.S26 ; syntax of, 622. 

Contingent perfect, how formed, 326 ; 
syntax of, 631. 

Continuative compound verbs, 358; 
with perfect participle, 359 ; syntax 
of, 596, (1), d. 

Contrasted clauses, introduced by 
idhar, udhar, etc., 652. 

Co-ordinate sentences defined, 713; 
classified, 714. 

Copula, omitted, 693 ; as an essential 
word, 694, b; omitted in oompound 
sentences, 715, a; emphatic position 
of, 746. 

Copulative compounds, 482. 

Copulative conjunction, 514; often 
omitted 663. 

Copulative co-ordinate sentences, 715. 

Correlative pronoun, declined, 198; 
omitted, 728, e ; in modal clauses, 
733, 5, 0. 

Danifdh metres, Sttpp. 17. 

Datively dependent compounds, 480, 


Dative, syntax of, 640, 541 ; of recipi- 
ent, 540, (1); of necessity, (2); of 
possession, (3); of advantage, U); 
of final cause, (6) ; of reference, (6). 

Declensional tables. High Hindi, 149, 

Declension of nouns, High Hindi, gen- 
eral rules, 128—129 

Demonstrative pronoun, declined, 198 
abl. sing., introducing a conclusion, 
582 ; in contrasted clauses, 583 ; be- 
fore phrases, 584. 

Denominative numerals. 183, 184. 

Dependent compound nouns, 480. 

Derivation, of declension forms of 
nouns, 154 — 157; of postpositions, 
158—162; of adjectives, 171; of car- 
dinal numbers, 186 ; of fractionals, 
187 ; of ordinals, 188; of pronominal 
forms, 268,-299; of verbal forms, 
443—467 ; of adverbs, 494. 

Derivative nouns, 468—477. 


Desoriptive comp. nouns, 484. 
Desiderative comp. verbs, 356 ; in E. 

Hindi, 356*, 418. 
Dialectic conjugation, 366—452 ; inW. 

374— 410; in B., 411— 451. 
Dialectic forms of pronominals, 255. 
Dialects, Pref. pp, vii, viii,*; general 

peculiarities of, 99 — 107. 
Diminutives, gender, of, 115, (1), exc; 

how formed, 473. 
Diphthongs, 12 ; resolved in poetry, 

Supp. 8, (3). 
Disjunctive conjunctions, 516. 
Disjunctive sentences, 716. 
Dvi/pdd metres, 8upp. 51. 

Elements of a sentence, 687. 

Elements of Hindi, 57. 

Emphatic particle, 495, 5'') 5 ; dialectic 
forms of, 131, e, 495, a; its use illus- 
trated, 658. 

Enclitic affixes in Mdrwdri, 393, c, 526, 
369, a. 

Feet in poetry, classified, sv/pp, 10, 11. 

Feminine nouns, how formed, 119 — 

Feminine terminations, their origin, 

Final clauses, 83mtax of, 724 ; with ne- 
gative, 725 ; denoting result, 726 ; 
emphatic position of, 756, a. 

Final conjunctions; 521. 

Fractioncd numbers, 180, 181. 

Frequentative Compound verbs, 355 ; 
in E. dialects, 356 *, 448 ; syntax of, 
642, (2). 

Future forms like respective imper- 
fect, 608, 609. 

Gana metres, 8upp, 24, 25. 

GhMrhwdli dialects, general features of, 
104; declension in, 132; pronominal 
forms, 235; verbal forms, 370, 410, 

Gender, 108 — 1 18, of Sanskrit words 
in Hindi, 109; determined by signi- 
fication, 111, 112; or by termina- 
tions, 115, 106; of Arabic and Per- 
sian wordis, 117; of compound words 

Genitively dependent compounds, 480, 

Genitive postnosition, 139; inflection 

of, 140; dialectic forms of, 142 — 145; 

omitted. 552. 
Genitive, its nature, 139; of personal 

pronouns, used substantively, 197 ; 

syntax of, with nouns, 249, (i)— (15); 

with adjectives, (16); of gerund, 

Giti metres, 8tq>p. 29—32. 

Gun, 36. 

Habitual action, expressed by freq. 
compound verb, 355 ; by indefinite 
imperfect, 615, (|); by present im- 
perfect, 6 J 8, (1), a; by past imper- 
fect, 621, (2). 

Himalayan dialects, 104. 

Historical present, 6 18, (3). 

Honorific pronoun, 211 ; not used in 
Himalayas, 234, a ; syntax of, 580, 

Illative conjunction, 620 ; omitted, 
737, 6. 

Imminent futurition, expressed by 
desid. comp. verb 856; by infinitive 
595, (i)©,/; by present imperfect, 
618, (2). 

Imperative, how formed, 320, (2) ; syn- 
tax of, 606. 

Imperfect partiple, how formed, 308, 
(I) ; used as an adjective, 596, (1); 
used absolutely, 596, (2). 

Inceptive imperfect, in JBraj, 387 ; in 
Bdm. 429. 

Inceptive comp. verbs, 361, (1) ; in E. 
Hindi, 356,* 448. 

Indefinite imperf., how formed, 323, 
(2); syntax of, 615; origin of, 616. 

Indefinite perfect, how formed, 323 ; 
svntax of, 629. 

Indefinite pronoun, 1 st form, declined, 
198; plural of, 200; 2nd form dis- 
tinguished. 209 syntax of, 59o. 

Infinitive, how formed, 3o5 ; syntax of, 
595 ; used as a noun, (1) ; as an adj., 
(2), or as an imperative, (3). 

Inflected passive, in Ifdf., 4<^'7 ; in 
Rdm , 445, a ; in modern Hindi, 

Inflected perfect, in Bdm., 436; syntax 
of, 626, a. 

Inflected present, in Braj, 386; in Rdm 
424; syntax of, 619, 620. 

Inseparable prepositions, 486, 662. 

Instant, metrical, defined. Supp. 7. 

Instrumentally dependent compounds, 
48r., (3). 

Instrument, expressed by abl., 545; 
nouns denoting. 471. 

Intensive compound verbs, 347; ele- 
ments of, separated, 350, inverted, 
447. (1); syntax of, 642, (I). 

Interjectional sentences, oraer in, 747, 

Interjections, 522, 523, local forms, 
625 ; syntax of, 674, 675. 

Interrogative pronoun, 1st, declined, 
198; uninflected, 201; syntax of, 
587 — 589; 2nd distinguished from 
l8t,208; declined, 210. 


Interrogative sentences, 740 ; prefer- 
ence for. 741. 

Interrupted action, expressed by in- 
ceptive compound verb, 361, (1) ; by 
present imperfect, 618, (.S), c. 

Inversion of parts of compound noons, 

Jdti Chliand, defined, Supp, 13, 23. 

Kananji dialect, peculiarities of, 102; 
adjectives, it'? ; declension of pro- 
noun, 235; conjugation, 367,386,390. 

Kavitt metres, Supp. '20. 

Kumaoni dialect, general features of, 
104; declension of nouns, 132,136; 
pronouns, 234, 235; conjugation in, 
410, 452. 

Letters classified, 33, 34. 

Local adverbial clauses, 732. 

Locative with men, syntax of, 555; 
second postp. added, 560 ; with par, 
syntax of, 556; with tah, etc., 557; 
used as subj. of verb, 686, b. 

Locative postposition omitted, 141, a, 

559, a. 

Locatively dependent compounds, 480, 

Long vowels 39, 8u2>p, 6, ( ) ) ; for short, 

Supp. S, (I). 

Mairw&fi, general features of, 103; 
declension of nouns, 132, 144 ; geni- 
tive pronoun forms, 239; conjuga- 
tion, 392. 

Marw^fi dialect, pronunciation in, 25 ; 
general features of, 103 ; declension 
of nouns, 182, 144, 153; adj. forms, 
167; pronouns, 217—221, 235; auxil. 
verb, 369, 373 ; conjugation infinit.. 
and participles, 392 — 395 ; formation 
of tenses, 396 — 4' '4; irregular verbs, 
405 ; causals, 406 ; inflected passive, 
407; compound verbs, 4*8; para- 
digms, 452; doubled postpositions, 

560, X. 

Mdtra Chhand, 47. 

Measure, of degree expressed hyjdkdn 

iak, 647. 
Mewari declension of nouns, 132 ; of 

pronouns, 221; conjugation, 392 — 

Modal adverbial clauses, 733. 

Negative adverb, position of, 754. 

Negative contingent imperfect, 328 ; 
syntax of, 624. 

Negative contingent perfect, 328; syn- 
tax of, 633. 

Negative disjunctive sentences, 716, 6 ; 
neg. omitted from, c. 

Negative final clauses, 725. 

Neuter verbs, originally passives, 467, 

a; and so used, 638; conjugated 

passively, 635. 
Nominal verbs, 365; syntax of, 642, 

(2), h. _ _ 

Nominative, form of, in singular, 63 ; 

syntax of, 529. 
Noun omitted in relative clauses, 728, 

c; in relative and correlative clause, 

728, d. 
Nouns of agency, how formed, 470. 
Nouns of relationship, how formedt 

Nouns repeated, ^77; used with relat- 
ive and correlative pronoun, 729, a. 
Numerals, 172 — 185; syntax of, 670 — 

576 ; used for distributive pronooziy 

571; repeated, 680. 
Numeral compounds, 485. 

Objective genitive, 549, (11). 
Obligation, expressed by desiderative 

compound verb, 356, 5; by infinitive 

595, (lU. 
Oblique forms of nouns used alone, 

ll4; and of pronouns, 222. 
Oblique narration, 724. N, B. 
Onomatopoeia, 686. 
Onomatopoetic words, 477. 
Optative expressions, 6u4, (9), 613. 
Ordinal numbers, 178; for lunar days, 


Pause in poetry, Supp, 9. 

Participles, perfect and imperfect, bow 
formed, 3"8, 3('9; inflected, 31u; 
irregular forms, 311; hud added* 
312; used absolutely, 596,(2); as 
nouns, 596, (3) ; repeated, 683 ; de- 
fining the predicate, 697, (3). 

Partitive genitive, 549, (14) ; locative, 
000, (3), i. 

Passive, conjugation in, 337 — 339; in-, 
fleeted forms of, 407, 445, a, 610; 
syntax of, 634. 

Past contingent inflected, Rdm,, 427, 
617; in Riw&, 449; in Tirhut, 450. 

Past imperfect^ how formed, 225 ; syn- 
tax of, 621. 

Past perfect, how formed, 325; syntax 
of, 630. 

Perfect part, how formed, 308, (2) 309. 

Permissive compound verbs, 361, (2). 

Persian words in Hindi, 68, 59 ; gender 
of, 117; comparatives, 17«', a; pro- 
nominals, 248, 267; adverbs, 5ul ; 
prepositions, 512 ; conjunctions, 515, 
a, 517; 618, c, 621, a. 

Personal prons., declined, 192 ; use of 
plur. forms, 194, 195; syntax of, 577 
678; their order in a sentence, 749. 


Place to which, denoting by accusa- 
tive, 535 ; from which, by ablative, 
645, (1); in which, by locative, 655. 

Plurality, words expressing, 146; in 
poetry, 147; in B. dialects, 233, a. 

Plural of nouns, how formed, 129, (2)- 
(4); when used for singular, 205, 
628,(2); 578, a, 0. 

Poetic construction of compd. verbs, 
their parts separated or inverted, 
447; of accusative, 537, 538; dative, 
631; ablative, 546, 547; genitive, 553; 
locative, 559 ; vocative, 562, b ; part- 
iciples, 596, (2), d, e, (3), h ; loose use 
of tenses, 432, 605, 628 ; future, 608, 
613, c; perfect, 628'; contingent per- 
fect, 631, (5), a; negative contingent 
perfect, 633 ; copula omitted in, 694. 

Possession, how expressed, 551; in 
Mafwari, 144. 

Possessive nouns, 472. 

Postpositions used in declension, 134, 
135 ; dialectic forms, 136 ; unusual 
forms, 137, 145; meanings of, 138 — 
141 ; derivation of, 158 — 162 ; omis- 
sion of, in nouuR, 141, a, 152 ; and 
pronouns, 222, 223, 224, 225, a, 226, 
227; in the accusative, 536 ; dative, 
540, (5). 541, a ; case of the aggregat- 
ive, 543,544; ablative, 5*7; genitive 
552 ; locative, 558, 559, a ; and in in- 
finitive, 595, (1), d. 

Potential compound verbs, 363. 

Prdkrit, how related to Hindi, 65, 66; 
conjugation tables, 459,460, 461. 

Prakritic affix kd, 89 ; in Bam., 105, h. 

Prakritic verbal forms in Bdm.f 444, 
445, a. 

Predicate, 691; omitted, 691; extended, 

Predicate nom. 529, (2). 

Predicative construction, of adjectives, 
696, (2), 5; of participles, 596, (1), a. 

Predicative substantive clauses, 723— 

Preliminary action, expressed by conj. 
participle, 596, (1). 

Prepositions, 506—513; dialectic, 509; 
construction of, 507, 508, 659, 661. 

Present imperfect, how formed, 324; 
syntax of, 618. 

Present perfect, how formed, 324; 
syntax of, 629. 

Presumptive imperfect, how formed, 
32-; syntax of, 623. 

Presumptive perfect, how formed, 327; 
syntax of, 632. 

Price, expressed by ablative, 645 (8) ; 
by genitive, 549, (12); by locative, 
655, (i»), h. 

Prohibitions, expressed by contingent 
future, 604, (13); by imper. 606, (2). 

Pronominal adjectives, 242, 244- 

254 ; variants, 243 ; dialectic forms, 
255; Und, in expressions of time, 
593 ; aisey etc , as adverbs, 59 i ; and 
for Sk. iil, 657, a; substituted for 
the relative pronoun, 729, d. 

Pronominal adverbs, 493. 

Pronominal bases, 191. 

Pronouns, general remarks on, 189 — 
191 ; usedappositively, 196; as sub- 
stantives or adjectives, 203, 204; 
dialectic forms, 235 ; miscellaneous 
dialectic forms, 23G — 240; syntax 
of, 577—584 ; repetition of, 681. 

Pronunciation of vowels, 10 — 12; in 
reading poetry, 10, e; of consonants, 
3 5 — 24; local peculiarities, 1, a, 6, 
21, 5, 25 ; common errors of foreign- 
ers, 29. 

Proportional numbers, 182. 

Prosodial license, Supp. 8. 

Quantity, Supp. 4—6. 

K4m&yan, dialect of the, 105 ; declen- 
sion of nouns, 131 ; 8k. case forms 
in, 131, e2; postpositions, 143; adjec- 
tives, 167, a; personal pronouns, 
223, 224 ; demonstrative pronouns, 
225 ; relative and correlative pro- 
nouns, 226 ; interrogative pronouns, 
227, 228 ; indefinite pronouns, 229, 
230; reflexive pronouns, 231; hono- 
rific pronoun, 232 ; forms of auxili- 
ary verb, 371,|). 201; infinitive, 412; 
imi>erf. part., 413 ; perf. part., 414; 
conj. part., 415; noun of agency, 
416; tenses, 417 — 431, 436, 437; am- 
biguity of tense forms, 432 ; con- 
struction of transitive perfects, 433, 
434; irregular perfects, 438, 439; 
dialectic tense-forms in Ram., 435, 
440, 441 ; 8k. verbal forms in, 442 — 
4lH; Prak. verbal forms in, 444; pas- 
sives, 445; causals, ^146; compound 
verbs, 447, 448. Also see under 
*Poctic construction*. 

Reciprocal copul. compounds, 482, (2). 

Reflexive pronoun, 2 1 2, 2 i 3 ; gen. of, 
when used, 2 J 3, 592; syntax of, 59 J, 

Reiterative compound verbs, 364. 

Relative (or adjective) clauses, syntax 
of, 729 ; omission of nouns in, 730, 
h,c,d; or of pronouns, e,/, a; tenses 
employed, 604, (3), 729. 

Relative or correlative with noun sub- 
stituted for adverb, 733, e. 

Relative pronoun declined, 198 ; syn- 
tax of, 584—586. 

Repetition of adverbs, 497; of words 
in general, 676—685. 


Respectful forms of the imperative, how 
formed. 317; syntax of. 607; present, 
future, and passive forms similar to 
these. 608—610. 

Rljyme. Supp. 4, 18. 

Riwai dialect, peculiarities of. 106; 
conjugation in. 449. Also, see tables. 

Roots of verbs, 306, 307. 

Salutation, phrases of. 524. 

8aina Vritt metres, defined, Supp. 14; 
and classified, 15 — 17; examples of, 
from Supp. 19. 

Bandhi neglected in Hindi, 35, a ; of 
vowels, 40 — 44; of consonants, 45 — 
54; Pr4kritic peculiarities in, 77. 

Sanskrit words in Hindi, 61 — 66 ; in- 
flected forms, in substantive declen- 
sion, 131,(2; of adjectives, 168, 170; 
of pronouns, 224, d, 225. d. 256, d, 
231, a; of pronominals, 243, a; of 
verbs, 442, 443. 

Sanskrit adverbs, 498, a. 499, a ; iva, 
499, (3), c; aiha and t7t, 500. 

Sanskrit prepositions in composition, 

Sanskrit pronominals, 256 — 259. 

Shikhddi metres, Supp. 37 — 39. 

Short vowels, when silent, 10, a, 6, c, 
11, a; long by position, Supp. 6, (2), 

Sentences nsed as subj. of verb, 6S8 ; 
as predicate 691. 

Singular, nsed for plural, 62S, (1). 

Statical compound verbs, 860; their 
construction explained, 5P6, (2),/. 

Subjective genitive, 549, (10) 

Subject of a sentence, 688 ; omitted, 
681* ; extended. 696, 

Subjective substantive clauses, 722. 

Subordinate sentences defined, 713; 
classified, 719. 

Substantive clauses defined, 721; clas- 
sified. 722. 
Syllables added in poetry, Supp. 8,(5). 

Tadhhava words, defined, 60; vowel 
changes of. 68—77; hiatus avoided, 
77; consonantal changes, 78 — 90; 
changes of conjuncts. 91 — 98 

Tafnama words defined. 60; their use 
in Hindi, ^l — 66. 

Temporal adverliial clauses, 731. 

Tenses classified, with reference to 
progress of the action, 315, 316; or 
with actuality, 720. 

Tenses in temporal clauses, 604, (7), 
in substantive clauses, 722, a; in 
final clauses, 725, 726; in adjective 
clauses, 729; in adverbial clauses, 
734; in comparisons, 734, a; in con- 
ditional clauses, 736, 738 ; in inter- 
rogative sentences, 740. 

Time expressed bv ablative, 545, (2) ; 
by gen. 649, (13); by loc. 555, (2). 

Tirhuti, conjugation in, 450; form in 
Bdm. 4A0 

Transitive verbs, peculiar construction 
of the perf, 3-}2, ('>2o ; usage in the 
Ram., 433, 434. 

Vaktrddi metres, Supp. 40—42. 
Verbal noun of agency, how formed, 

314; syntax of, 601, 602. 
Verb htfid, *to be*, conjugated, 321, 

Verse, of two kinds, Supp., 12, 13. 
Vishama metres, Supp. 22. 
Vocative, 562. 
Vowels, classified, 39; interchanged 

in poetry, Supp 8, (4). 
VHddhi, 37. 
Vritt Chhand, defined, Supp. 13; claa* 

sified, S'ipp, 14. 

» ♦-» fX*'^'^ ■>• 

Corrigenda et Addenda. 


1, page i, 

line 6, 



read Keddrndth, 


„ xiii, 

» 99 










of footnote 

, for chap, xiv „ 
Xamaoni, „ 


















4:61 t?U. 





?ny, Twi, 


?1^. T^TR. 







word or root. 


4\ t\ 


































^TCl. TO, etc. 









































2, for 

%ni. j'onlon, 






et pamm, for 

Bhagelkandi, read 


( 8 ) 

rage 85, 



• '> 


lino 19, 
















12, Col. 5, for 




21, J 



in 1st plural, 
in Ind. Per/. 
line 16, 










road plur. 









omit W, 



2, Col. 5, for JT^, 
20, 3, „ iiinS, 






„ pnfranatn, 




as attributive. 

or 'cooked'. 
(2) ^. 




„ no one. 

„ Bundelkhand. 


«\ -K 


19, omit *8ame future passive participle*. 

4, Table, Col. 2, for chalasati^ read cliala^ati. 

7, for R^, ^, read fl5 x^. 

( 9 ) 


269, line 



era, re 








vra, US, 

ira, 11^. 











































hues had. 
















4, Supp. 







6, » 








22, „ 




S, + 5, 




23, „ 

99 9> 






ftfn TOi %r. 


26, „ 







§ 131. c. The origin of ^ in bhauijhaiu as suggested in the text is, I think 
doubtful. A nom. singular bhaunh, for bhaun, also exists, to which must be 
referred the plural, bhaut^hain : h, therefore, cannot be merely a euphonic 

§ 273. Mhe and ttishme may preferably be assigned to increased Prakittic 
themes asmaha, ttishmaka.