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AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS
D, S, Chauhan, M. A., Ph. D, t
Director,
The B. R. School of Economics & Sociology,
AGRA.
A&VRWAL,
afSsje-^^Xij^^S^^bf^^
H O 9 P I T Al HO A li ,AG R A
(INDIA),
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.
Printed at The Modern Press, Agra.
aJia Cflamvi
jUom -tonom
aumol naA a4aaw
FOREWORD
Agricultural Economics is taught and studied in India as
an appendage to urban-industrial economics, of which the
type and pattern are set by the economic history and institu-
tions of Western Europe and America, This kind of approach
is responsible not only for the lack of scientific understand-
ing and interpretation of the social and economic problems
of the Indian country-side, but also for the indifference,
nay fatalism with which we look upon the present trends of
rural decay, desocialization and disintegration as inevitable*
It is for this reason that this brief and fresh introduction to
the study of Agricultural Economics coming as it does from
Dr. D S. Chauhan, who has had a long and valuable experi-
ence of field agricultural research, is to be heartily welcomed
by the scientific circles.
The net output at factor cost from agriculture in India is
estimated at about 48 per cent by the National Income
Committee. But agriculture is not merely an occupation but
also a mode of living; and hence the enhancement or lapse of
its values apart from income or employment has both direct
and indirect effects upon general economics and policies far
beyond farming as a business. Yet even within the limited
field of the agricultural occupation we have the insistent pro-
blems that are crying for solution, such as the optimum size of
the holding, the optimum cropping system, the optimum uti-
lization of cattle power and the optimum farm management
on which rests the whole success of the Five Year Plan on its
agricultural sector. These have been skilfully dealt with
by Dr. Cbauhan* He makes out a strong case for proper
land utilization that today holds the major key not only for
successful population adjustment but also for withstanding
the social and economic perils of erosion and dessication*
Today the Great Indian Desert is eating into the vitals of
the soil and the population oi Uttar Pradesh. On account
ot the cumulative effects of the expansion of loose sands
set free by the disappearance of scrub jungle and grass, over
gming and browsing by cattle, sheep and goats for gene-
rations and heavy erosion, especially along the flanks of the
Jamuna and its tributaries, what may be called, the 'man-
made desert 1 or the 'Dust Bowl of India' has now established
itself over about a thousand square miles oi land once
smiling in plenty. Topographical surveys indicate that
from the north to the south Ferozpur, Patiala, Mathura and
Agra are the vulnerable lines across which the desert
invades the Ganges valley in a great convex arc at a rate
of half a mile per year during the last half a century and
swallowing up about 50 sq. miles of fertile land per yean
It may be estimated that the gullied lands in U* P. cover
at least 500 sq, miles and are not merely useless but consti-
tute a serious danger to the adjoining good lands. Almost
20 per cent of the tracts along the Jamuaa and the Chambal
in Uttar Pradesh is now intersected and denuded by ravines
comprising a vast waving sea of aching desolation and
waste fringing and attacking one of the most prosperous
parts of India. The U. P. doe to man's recklessness, igno-
rance and hunger-drive, which are accelerating the pro*
cesses of wind and water erosion in a semi-arid tract
bordering the Great Desert, is committing 'regional suicide 1
in the south-west. The conservation of soil and the con-
servation of water which are intimately associated with
( Hi )
each other together touch the entire field of man's exploita-
tion of the earth and thus a scientific bio-physical programme
involves the highest amount of co-ordination of man's
uses of trees) grasses, soils and waters in the back-ground
of his popolation pressure and standard of living. I
would expect that the team-investigations of the B, R. School
of Economics and Sociology, Agra, under Dr. Chauhan's
expert guidance will show the way for the recovery
of the Agra-Mathura region on the basis of integration of
methods and materials from the different fields.
Researches into soil and water conservation) land
reclamation and agricultural intensification and extension
cannot succeed if these be undertaken piecemeal, These
have to be carried out in total setting of the emerging
agricultural economic science concerned with the techniques
of farm production, the patterns of farm management and
the standards of farm work and living in their dynamic
reciprocity with the complex of economic, social and cultural
transformations. The entire trend of culture and technology
in India is working against the country-side and agriculture,
Today the Indian village is victimized by the city, The
rehabilitation and progress of the country-side depend upon
the success with which we can introduce a dispersed type
of industrialism on the basis of hydel power and motor
transport and set up certain intermediate "rurban" habi-
tations that combine the social values of the village with
skills and technologies of the city- The Five Year Plan is
unhappily silent about these aspects of economic integration
and development. Dr, Chauhan has made a strong plea
for rural industrialization on a decentralized basis that will
lead to the diversification of employment, improvement of
farm technology and the reorganization of rural credit and
marketing without the control and exploitation by the chain
of intermediaries, All this is related to the distribution of
higher educational institutions, such as Folk Schools and
Colleges after the Danish pattern in rural surroundings, the
expansion of the powers of village Panchayats and other
local bodies and the development of rural social welfare
programmes. In Uttar Pradesh we have the Panchayat Raj
Act which Or. Chauhan heartily welcomes, The Bharat
Sevak Sangh hopes to begin social service programmes in
rural areas. A social security plan is yet to be envisaged
for the Indian village that, however, constitutes the primary
shock-absorber for the hazards and misfortunes in all sectors
of life. It is urgent that we approach problems of rural
economics in our country not merely from the point of view
of income and employment but from that of the broad social
values of an agricultural civilization. Dr. Chauhan's pioneer
work contributes materially to the development of agricultural
economics as a social science in India.
Radha Kamal Mukerjee.
UNIVERSITY OF LUCKNOW,
KMrch 77, 1953.
PREFACE
A good deal of literature has-been and is being produced
on the subject covered by this book, under the same ot
closely resembling titles, This attempt is made in a
collaborating rather than in a competitive spirit, and neither
in the approach nor in the scope it is claimed to be of a
pioneering nature,
The book is primarily intended to provide a clear and
full understanding of the subject of Agricultural Economics*
How far it will prove useful, if at all, to how many, for
which classes of readers, and for hew long, the author
is not able to foresee at present, He will, however, be happy
if it stimulates thinking on the subject, either as a whole or
on any specific problem treated therein*
The treatment could not be made more exhaustive because
of covering a wide scope in a relatively shorter space. But
through the device of frequent and sometimes lengthy foot-
notes an attempt has been made to invite or persuade the rea*
ders to enter into usually neglected spheres of controversies
and intricacies, which for want of space could not be treated
in detail, and could not be accommodated in the body of the
text, After an analysis opinions are expressed; and for
detailed study some sources are indicated here and there.
The approach has been without preconceived notions, and
some of the conclusions are widely different from popular
thinking. At ^places doubts have been expresed on the
validity of some assumptions, or about facts which are taken
for granted, or about controversies which are taken as
settled, For this no apology is needed since independent
thinking generally results in such divergent views whose
merit is to be examined, and assessed through scientific
approach.
While making the book interesting to the non-
specialists and at the same time to provide something for the
specialists, die style, instead of maintaining the specific and
distinctive characteristics of either, has become a mixture of
readableness and exactness* The exactness of statements
and precision attempted for the sake of the specialists make the
style prolix at places* The interspersed digressions and the
language loaded with long sentences have been adopted
to make the statements exact without being obscure.
But it so appears that clarity attempted for the sake of
the specialists has become, at place, confusing to the general
reader* It looks like the vision of an orchard or forest
becoming obscure when one approaches too close or actually
moves amongst the trees.
The author is most indebted to Dr. Radhakamal Mukerjee
who has been a source of inspiration. Besides, acknowledge*
ments of gratefulness are due to a very large number of
authors on whom he has drawn considerably for thought and
substance. Some of the names are being referred to but many
more remain unmentioned. The author is conscious of their
obligations* Thanks are also due to Mrs, Sushila Kumari
Chauhan, who has helped considerably in reading the proofs
and preparing the index. Lastly, we thank our Publishers
for their remarkable patience in bringing out this book.
D. S. Chauhan.
Agra, Nov., 1952.
CQJJTBNTS
FOREWORD.
PREFACE.
CHAPTERS.
I. THE SUBJECT-MATTER. 1-11
DEFINITION. ,
SCOPE. N
NATURE.,
II. IMPORTANCE OF AGRICULTURE. ... 12-25
AGRICULTURAL FUNDAMENTALISM.
PLACE OF AGRICULTURE IN NATIONAL
ECONOMY*
IMPORTANCE OF AGRICULTURE-
III. SPECIAL FEATURES OF AGRICULTURAL
ECONOMY. ... ... .,, 26-56
DIFFERENCE BETWEEN AGRICULTURE AND
INDUSTRIAL ECONOMY.
AGRICULTURAL ENVIRONMENT.
INTERDEPENDENCE OF AGRICULTURAL AND
OTHER ECONOMIES.
THE LAW OF DIMINISHING RETURNS.
INTENSITY OF CULTIVATION.
IV. TYPES OF FARMING AND THE PROBLEMS
OF SELECTION AND VALUATION. ... 57-95
^CLASSIFICATION OF FARMS.
FARMING AS AN OCCUPATION.
SPECIALIZED VS, DIVERSIFIED FARMING.
PROBLEMS OF SELECTION.
VALUING THE FARM.
V. RURAL LIFE AND ECONOMIC TRANSI-
TION. .., ... -
THE VILLAGE COMMUNITIES,
PRESENT ORGANIZATION OF VILLAGES-
SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT AND AGRICULTURE,
ECONOMIC TRANSITION AND AGRICULTURE-
RURAL-URBAN RELATIONSHIP.
VILLAGE PANCHAYATS IN U P.
VI, FAMINES AND FAMINE RELIEF. . 158-200
FAMINES.
HISTORY OF FAMINES,
FAMINES IN MODERN TIMES,
EFFECTS OF FAMINES.
MEASURES AGAINST FAMINES,
PLAN OF MODERN FAMINE CAMPAIGN,
VII, RESOURCE UTILIZATION. (LAND
RESOURCES,) 201-264
RESOURCE ASSESSMENT.
LAND-USE PATTERN.
SOIL CONSERVATION.
FORESTS,
LAND RECLAMATION AND AGR. EXTENSION,
VIII, RESOURCE UTILIZATION CONTINUED.
(WATER AND POWER RESOURCES.) 265-350
RIVER TRAINING.
PROTECTION AGAINST FLOODS,
'IRRIGATION.
POWER RESOURCES,
CO-ORDINATED POLICY OF RESOURCE
UTILIZATION,
APPENDIX A. Changes in the sale value of land,
APPENDIX B. The Community Concept.
CHAPTER I,
The Subject-Matter.
Definition. The scientific study of Agricultural Eco-
nomics as a separate branch of Economics is of recent
origin, though books on agriculture used to be written long
beforehand and many important problems of agricultural
economics have been given considerable thought and have
been solved through organized effort. 1 All this literature is
of a different nature which is not generally considered as
agricultural economics in the modern conception of the term.
However, even in the recent approaches to the subject there
is no unanimity of thought, and the definitions given by
various authors differ both in nature and scope. By way of
example, a few of them are given below :
^/j. "Agricultural Economics is that branch of agri-
cultural science which treats of the manner of regulating
the relations of the different elements comprising the
resources of the farmer whether it be the relations to
each other or to human beings in order to secure the
greatest degree of prosperity to the enterprise," (Jouzier)
1 , The beginning of the study of agricultural economics is generally
traced back to the 9th decade of the last century or roughly towards the
close of the 19th century. At the same time we are told that agriculture
is the oldest occupation ; customs, traditions and even legislation regarding
land system, taxation, exchange and international trade, irrigation, price
administration and relief etc., have existed since the ancient times;
economy of most of the countries of the world till the middle of the last
century was founded almost exclusively on agriculture ; and the treatment
of agrarian problems is seen in almost all the important treatises on politi-
cal economy by classical writers. Thus, we find a considerable thought
and effort being given to agrarian economy since long. Then how to
reconcile these two apparently opposite ideas ? Really speaking, when it
is said to be a recent study the implication is that the application of moderq
( 2 )
2. "Agricultural Economics deals with the principles
which underlie the farmer's problems of what to pro-
duce, how to produce it, what to sell and how to sell it,
in order to secure the largest net profit for himself
consistent with the best interest of the society as a whole.
More specifically agricultural economics treats of the
selection of land, labour and equipment for a farm, the
choice of crops to be grown, the selection of livestock
enterprises to be carried on, and the whole question
of the proportions in which all these agencies should
be combined. These questions are treated primarily
from the view-point of costs and prices. It deals not
only with economics in production but also with problems
of justice in distribution of wealth amongst various
classes "
3 "Rural problem is divided into four general
aspects, The industrial aspect or agricultural economics
has to do with the relation of the farmer with other
elements of the industrial system, such as land tenures,
means of transportation, methods of marketing, system
of taxation, credit institutions and protective and stimu-
lative legislation."
(American Farm Management Association.)
economic thought and analysis and the technique of research to the admi-
nistration of agricultural economy so as to put it on the status of an
independent scientific approach, teaching and study of it at the university
level, i, e , appointment of professors exclusively for agricultural economics
and the inclusion of it as a separate subject for post-graduate studies
and research, and the writing of books exclusively on economic and
social problems of agriculture and peasants etc., are recent developments.
Agricultural economy as such, as an organic doctrine based on adequate
experimental data scientifically collected and logically analyzed, did not
exist until the end of the last century when thought was stimulated in
Western Europe, England and America by the agricultural depression. In
fact the earlier treatment of the problems of agriculture as indicated above
is not considered as the study of agricultural economics in the modern
meaning of the term. It is because agricultural economy in early times
has been studied by technical agriculturists rather than by professional
economists, and the earlier economists while dealing with problems of
agriculture dwelt on general economic problems apart from the specific
character of the sector under consideration (e, g,, discussed general problem
of price-fixing even though investigations were concerned with agricultural
products) and even while studying agriculture as a human activity (e. g,,
in historical approach) and in their sociological approach (e.g., life of
peasants and problems of farm-work) they rarely conceived of anything
other than abstract problems of little practical value,
2, Taylor,
( 3 )
4, "It may be defined as the science in which the
principles and methods of economics are applied to the
special conditions of agricultural industry,"
5, ''Agricultural Economics may be defined as the
application of general economics to the craft and busi-
ness of agriculture."
6, "Agricultural Economics is the study of rela*
tionships arising from the wealth-getting and wealth*
spending activities of man in agriculture."-
The first three definitions identify agricultural economics
with farm management and hence, they are limited in scope.
The other three are better because of being more compre-
hensive in comparison to the first three. But they neglect
the social aspect. Hibbard's idea is more akin to Marshall's
conception of economic activities and hence, it is also limited ;
and Gray's definition, though it covers a wider scope, is not
explanatory and is characterized by vagueness. Really
speaking, a definition loses its charm on being explanatory
since in that case it necessarily becomes lengthy ; and
brevity often sacrifices comprehensiveness. It is very easy
to criticise a definition from one point of view or another but
Secondly, there is an impression that the systematic study of agricultural
economics as a separate branch of study has originated in the U, S. A,
and that the terminology such as 'rural economies' and 'agricultural econo-
mies' has also originated there. These are wrong impressions, and have
gained ground most probably because the literature of the countries of
Western Europe specially Germany and Italy, has not been sufficiently
studied. In America, though a few earlier contributions are found, T. F.
Hunt^lj&2) is the outstanding pioneer in the field of agricultural economics
^wTufpuTniral economics on the list of courses recommended in 1896, and
the most popular book for the students of agricultural economics in U. 8,
libraries was 'Progress and Poverty', by Henry George written in 1880.
Besides, the terminology referred to above is seen in English literature prior
to its use in the U.S.A., and in England there is also available a rich literature
by Caird (1850 and 51), Prothero (1888), Cobden (1846) and even much earlier
to them by William Marshall and Young at the close of the 18th and the
beginning of the 19th century American thought is considerably influ-
enced by, and American students at the close of the 19th century found
many of their basic principles explained in, German literature, by Thaer,
Thunen, Roscher, Sering and Goltz This shows that prior to America,
England had a considerably rich literature in agricultural economics and
4. Gray, 5. Howard, 6. Hibbard,
( 4 )
very difficult to give one which may be free from the defects
found in the previous ones, But while describing the subject-
matter and the scope a brief definition is not indispensable
nor is it necessary for students to remember any particular
one. Very often definitions are criticised because a few
lines torn off the original text do not convey the exact sense
and the full scope covered by the author. This is the case with
Taylor whose ideas and treatment of agricultural economics
covered a much wider scope than indicated by his definition
which is generally quoted. Perhaps the purpose can be
served by omitting a brief definition in the beginning and
the students may find it easier by first dealing in a bit detail
with the nature and scope of the subject-matter and then come
to a concrete definition.
Scope, Agricultural economics is not the application of
the general theory of economics to the business of agriculture
but as is indicated by the term itself, is a specific aspect of
the social science of economics. It is, therefore, necessary
to have at the very outset a clear understanding of generaj
economics. In this regard it is to be noted that the scope of
economics has widened from Trice Economy* to 'Welfare
Economy 1 . Economics instead of being defined in the words
of Marshall that it "is a study of mankind in the ordinary
business of life ; it examines that part of individual and
that America borrowed considerably from Germany, Again, even prior to
England, Germany and Italy had advanced far in this study. At the close
of the 19th century every important German University had its professor
who taught subjects concerning fields now designated as agricultural
economics when there was no chair of agricultural economics in any English
University, and the contributions of Thaer (1798) and Thunen (1826) are
said to be The outstanding contributions in agricultural economics.
Similarly, Italy was remarkably rich in such literature contributed by Cato,
Varro, Columella, Pliny and Virgil. And the influence of Italy on British
thought and practice is proved by the fact that prior to the introduction of
modern agriculture the British system of farming was termed as 'Virgilian
Agriculture/ Besides, during the 19th century Italy had fine contributions
made by Carlo Castaneo, lacini and Valenti.
( 5 )
social action which is most closely connected with the attain*
ment and with the use of the material requisites of well-being/ 1
and thus, being considered to be a study of 'material welfare, 1
and economic activities being considered to be a particular
group of human activities distinguished from non-economic
activities, it is now more popularly defined in the words of
Robbins that it is a "science which studies human behaviour
as a relationship between ends and scarce means which have
alternative uses", It is a study of a particular aspect <*f
human activities. The problem of economics is how to
satisfy multifarious wants with scarce means. The back-
ground is that wants are unlimited and the means to satisfy
them are scarce* A complication has been introduced by
the characteristic of means that they can be put to alternative
uses. The objective is to attain the greatest satisfaction or
the maximum social welfare. Here is the subject-matter for
economists, and their task has been described in short as
that of selecting or choosing or economising* Agriculture on
the other hand, is the science and art of cultivating land and
raising of livestock, and is not only a mode of livelihood but
a way of life also, A combination of these two ideas, of
economics in general and of agriculture in particular, gives
a clue to our subject-matter.
Agriculture, in general, is governed by a number of forces.
Some of these forces are physical and are treated by physicists,
chemists, geologists and soil specialists, etc* Some others
are biological forces which are studied by plant and animal
physiologists, pathologists, geneticists, entomologists and
bacteriologists, etc. Another set of forces are economic and
sociological forces which are characterised by relationships
arising amongst men on account of agriculture being followed
as a vocation and a way of life. It is with these relationships
that agricultural economists deal. In other words, while
( 6 )
satisfying the multifarious wants farmers come in contact
with others. These contacts are the natural characteristics
of modern economic life, which the economists say, arise on
account of specialization and commercialization of production,
division of labour and combinations of widely scattered
and distinct factors of production. With the progress of
civilization these contacts are becoming more numerous and
complicated, weaving around an individual a network of
inter-relationships some of which are supplementary, some
complimentary and others competitive. They involve :
(i) relations between different enterprises indicating
the choice of farming as an occupation, and between different
branches of the same occupation indicating a choice between
growing of crops or raising of livestock, or even in growing
of crops, between cereals and fibres,
(w) relations between different factors of production
presenting a problem of right combination and substitution,
(fit) commercial relations between farmers and the
people to whom they sell or from whom they buy goods and
services, and,
(iv) relations oi value between the different factors of
production and the final product, involving cost and price
relationship.
Agricultural economics covers all the four branches of
economic life of the agricultural community . production,
exchange, distribution and consumption, and for practical
purposes or for detailed treatment it can be divided into
these four branches. With special reference to agriculture
it studies '. what to produce, how to produce and how much
to produce ; what to sell, where to sell and at what price to
sell ; what to distribute, among whom to distribute and on
what basis to distribute ; what to consume ami how much
to consume. To be specific it includes the choice of farming
( 7 )
as an occupation, the choice of farm and livestock, of machi-
nery and labour, of crops and cropping system, the size of the
unit of production the grouping of the factors of production,
intensity of culture, manuring, irrigation, soil conservation,
selling of agricultural products, land system and rent, agri-
cultural finance and rate of interest, wages and employment,
prices, costs and profits, standard of living and National
Dividend, etc.
In all the cases the basic problem is of economising or of
efficiency, i, e,, choosing the most profitable enterprise and
operating it at the optimum scale, combining the different
factors of production in the most economical proportion,
buying and selling most advantageously, regulating all the
activities involving value to the best interest, and in short,
directing all the activities to the best advantage, The task
of the agricultural economist is to point out what is best to
do in the economic interest of the agricultural community
under given conditions, what is technically termed as valua-
tion of phenomena by social standards or human standards.
It is worthwhile to note that this does not coincide exactly
with maximum return in money or product, or maximum
satisfaction in consumption. That is a limited ideal. Monetary
aspect, call it the problem of pricing or of profits, is a basic
and very important aspect of our science but not the whole of
it. It is the basic economic motive, but is a means to an end
and not an end in itself* It provides a will, an urge, a purpose,
and a driving force for higher motives the service of
mankind or of society. The study of agricultural economics
does not end in attaining maximum return in money or
maximum indvidual satisfaction of the farmer. The social
interest cannot be overlooked. Individual interest is sacri-
ficed for the community interest, The results have to be
judged not from the maximum profit but from the general
( 8 )
happiness of life. The ideal is the maximum social welfare.
Besides, the subject is in evolutionary growth- New
problems arise under new circumstances which call for fresh
solutions, and emphasis shifts from one problem to another
according to changed conditions. The 'line fence conception 1 *
of agricultural economics has now widened so as to include
all the economic and social problems of the farm community.
The cost analysts of individual crops and farms, formerly
attempted with H view to discover the relative importance
of various factors in the determination of farm profits, is
now used in connection with regional adjustment of produc-
tion from a national point of view; and serves as a basis for
national policy. The study of foreign trade in agricultural
commodities has evolved from the economic advantages to
different nations and the idea of the comparative cost to the
present activities of International Emergency Food Council
and the Food and Agricultural Organization. The study of
land economics has developed from merely resource descrip-
tion to directional measures as a means of dealing with
public problems of resource conservation. The study of
iarm labour and rural welfare has advanced from community
studies to the distribution of national labour force, social
security and public utility services. Similarly, considerable
development has been made in research in marketing and price
analysis, statistical research, soil conservation, enumerative
surveys and attitude studies in determining public policy, etc.
Nature, In order to concentrate attention on a particular
branch the domain of economic activities has been divided
into several provinces which are distinguished from one
'The conception that the field of agricultural economics should be
restricted to those things which could be acted upon by the individual
farmer within his own line fence This was the early American
view, (B. \V, Allm, Journal of Faim Economics, Aug., 1948),
( 9 )
another by some qualifying terms such as land economics
and labour economics, household economics and public
economics, rural economics and municipal economics, etc,
It will be wrong to imagine that any one of them is absolutely
exclusive of another. Such a thing is not possible specially
in social sciences, At higher stages the problems are
inseparably interlinked, and at the highest stage they merge
into one, Hence, the principles and practices of agricultural
economics are not any specific group of general economic
theories and practices which are applicable exclusively to
agricultural environment or refer to the economic aspect of
the behaviour of agricultural community, and not applicable
to other conditions and communities, It is to be remembered
that economics is not a doctrine, it is a way of approach, a
method. Agriculture is largely governed by physical and
social conditions which vary from time to time, Farmers
cannot follow specific rules since each time they have to
adjust to soil, climate, market and many other conditions.
Adjustment being a constant problem they have to follow
some guiding principles for directing the activities under
certain circumstances in accordance with a definite purpose,
These guiding principles indicate a way of approach in
which the basic problem is that of 'economising,' and hence,
they are not exclusive, The principles and practices of
agricultural economics likewise are not exclusive,
Agricultural economics is an applied science. It does -
not mean that it studies only the application of the general
theory of economics to the field of agriculture, But it is an
applied science in the sense that it is a systematic knowledge
and the methodical pursuit of knowledge, analysis, organiza-
tion and of their results in agriculture for the purpose of
stabilizing, adjusting and changing them, It is not a pure
2
( 10 )
or naturalistic science in the sense of 'knowledge for the
sake of knowledge,' i. e. t pursuit of knowledge with reference
to certain phenomena or facts having nothing to do with
'values', or assessment of phenomena or facts by social
standards, But it has both a theoretical and practical aspect.
In the former case it includes the knowledge which governs
the systems of economic behaviour and relationships, and
in the latter case the results are used for manipulative or
directive purposes.
Some early writers have identified agricultural economics
with farm management, and some have even treated it as a
branch of farm management. Recently some have insisted
that they are two different subjects and must be treated by
different specialists, These differences have arisen mostly
amongst American thinkers, Agricultural economics and
farm management had separate starts, and the latter, which
generally grew out of the department of agronomy had an
early start. The early courses were based mainly on the
books by Cato and Varro, Daubeny, Heitland and Xenophon.
Later on, when scientific study was started, the beginning was
made with cost studies in relation to prices, which was
incidental to the introduction of new crops and was stimulated
by low farm prices during 9o's of the last century, Later
on the attempts were made to studying the best methods of
farming and the study of agriculture as a social activity
aimed at best national interest, It is mainly due to the early
start that the study of farm management became more promi-
nent. There has been a change in the terminology also. Now
it is generally accepted that agricultural economics covers a
wider scope and farm management is only one of its
aspects.
Lastly, it has to be remembered that economic ideas and
ideals, policies and measures, institutions and activities are
( 11 )
governed by the cultural, political, and social structure of the
community, They are not entirely identical under capitalis*
tic and socialistic orders. A student of agricultural
economics will, therefore, seek in vain an identity in these
things under different systems.' 1
With this scope and nature of the subject in mind let us
now attempt a definition. Agricultural Economics is an
applied science in which the thought, process, analysis and
organization of economics are studied in relation to the
specific forces and relationships .arising out of agriculture
being followed as a vocation and aswell as a mode of life,
under a particular political, social and cultural set-up. Thns )
tt is on the one hand a special branch of the general study of
agriculture and on the other a particular branch of general
economics but fundamentally it is a social science.
*Life shows a series of levels of organization ranging from the
nucleus and cell, the organ and organism, the sociological and psychologi-
cal entity Laws found at one level cannot be applicable at other levels
Community organization changes under the influence of internal forces and
the pressure of external environment Economic life, therefore, is partly
evolved out of the environment and is partly the result of conscious
adjustment of the environment by the community Economic institutions
therefore, bear a mark of relativity, e ,, the change from free trade to
protection, from laissez-faire to planned economy and the individualism
of olden type giving place in England 'and America to a new economic
order with community as a focal point of industrial effort,
CHAPTER II.
Importance of Agriculture.
Agricultural Fundamentalism. There is a group of
thinkers (Barker, Wilson, Barsodi and Humphries, etc,)
commonly said to be having an orthodox view, which holds
that agriculture is par exellence the fundamental industry.
The usual explanation is that since it feeds the world agricul-
ture is the basis of the existence of human race. It is indispen-
sable for providing raw material for many industries and
provides a considerable part of the materials for trade, hence
it is the foundation of manufacture and commerce. It is the
first settled occupation and tven to-day it is by far the most
important and numerically superior industry, since roughly
2/3 of the world population depends on it. The beginning of
Industrial Revolution was made earlier in agriculture and it
made the revolution in industry possible^ The rapid increase
in world population was made possible by a great increase in
agricultural production, Barsodi goes to the extent of say-
ing that "there is not only something wrong with modern
agriculture but that there is also something wrong with
modern life,''* and thereby he suggests that modern life
which is becoming more and more mechanical, commercial
and artificial should be adjusted to rural and agricultural
*Baker, Barsodi and Wilson, Agriculture in Modern Life, quoted in
Readings in Agricultural Fconomics, by the Indian Societv of Agricultural
Economics, 1950
12
v 13 >
life which is more natural. Rural population occupies a basic
place in the social structure, and it is the source of human
race. Farmers are in a peculiar sense and degree of basic
importance to society, Agriculture furnishes the basis and
substance of prosprity in other fields ; and Humphries holds
that "If agriculture in the widest sense can be made pros-
peious, then the whole world will very shortly become more
prosperous as well." It will never be possible to have a
civilization wholly urban and industrial which may neglect
agriculture completely. Ht nee, agriculture is said to be
lundamental in the sense of absolutely controlling other
businesses. These thinkers believe that without the basic
contributions of agriculture all the rest of the fabric of our
civilization would topple into ruins. Hence, they have a faith
in agricultural fundamentalism-
Soundness of this faith is challenged by another group
of thinkers popularly known to be having the modern view.
J, S. Davis is one of the most popular representative of this
group, and he holds that The wealth and welfare of nations
depends upon many complex conditions. To-day agriculture
is not uniquely basic, and the prosperity of a nation depends
largely on other factors than the work of those who till the
soil nl This is supported by the following arguments : The
study of economic history shows that economic progress,
broadly speaking, tends to be accompanied by a decline in
the relative importance of agriculture. This is true, if not
universely, of most nations in most periods and of the world
as a whole. To-day we find in the countries of more advanced
standard of living a trend towards a gradual decline of the
place of agriculture in their national economy. This is
visible in the falling ratio of agricultural wealth to total
1, ], S. Davis, Agricultural Fundamentalism, reproduced m Readings
in Agricultural Policy, Edited by 0, B. Jesness, 1949.
( 14 )
national wealth, i,*,, falling percentage of agricultural income
to national income, falling index of the net output of agricul-
ture as compared with that of industries, declining rate of
increase in rural population as compared with the urban
population and the absolute contraction of numbers engaged
in agriculture leading to a falling ratio of agricultural popu-
lation to the total population, and the decrease in the per
capita demand for agricultural efforts,
These are the extreme views. A more balanced view is
taken by others like Karl Brandt, H. R, Tolley and P, Chew,
who after considering both eastern and western countries and
agricultural and industrial communities, assign to agriculture
a status equal to that of other sectors of economy, They hold
that one part of the country cannot be happy and prosperous
if another part is in distress. K. Brandt holds that "farmers
are a vital part of the arterial system of circulation through
which flow the goods and services of the national economy.
The nation depends on properly functioning farms as impor-
tant sources of primary materials, foods and fibres. Yet the
farms cannot be treated as an independent object of policies,
nor can they be made prosperous in emancipation from the re-
mainder of the economy. Nor can the conditions creating mass
unemployment and decreased output in cities be cured by
maintaining or restoring economic well-being to the farmers
alone. 1 '*
A still better explanation is given by T, W . Schultz, W . W.
Wilcox, Food and Agriculture Organization, and the Royal
Institute of International affairs, London. By explaining the
complex nature of the modern economic society they empha-
sise the interdependence and the close relationship of the
various sectors of economy or groups of the society instead of
*Karl Brandt, Report of the committee on Parity Concepts, U. S, A.
( 15 )
saying which is fundamental or which is more important*
They say that the size is not the supreme test of importance,
as the height or weight of a man is no indication of his
importance or prestige. The quantitative tests such as the
physical volume of output, the amount and the ratio of income
to total income and the number of persons engaged in it.
etc., are misleading in this regard, At lower levels of eco-
nomic development economic activity may be compartmen-
talized, but as a country makes an advance the interdepence
of various sectors increases, and their relationship becomes
more close. In its economic evolution when a country grows
to a specialized production and a relatively free exch-
ange of goods it becomes impossible to say which part is
more important, since it is the mutual stimulous and the
reciprocal behaviour o{ different parts which make the prog-
ress possible. The nature of modern economic society is
becoming more complex than ever before. This implies a
gradually lesser degree of self-sufficiency of different sectors,
or a lesser degree of self-contained economy, or a greater
degree of dependence on each other. In this ever changing
relationship we cannot establish the fundamentalism of
any.
It is true that farming is the first settled occupation, that
it employs a large section of population, that it produces food
which is the basis of life, that it provides materials for trade
and manufacture, and that in terms of output it is the most
important. But man does not live by bread alone specially
in more advanced countries. "When we say that it is in
any sense more a generator of income in modern society than
other occupations, we fail to understand the true nature of
modern economic society ..An efficient agriculture made up
of farm families with a high standard of living and a high
buying power per person contributes much towards a high
( 16 )
national income and the economic well-being of the nation,
but the same can be said for each of the other group,., It is
impossible to say which is most important in modern
economic society," 1 Though agriculture will continue to
produce food, 2 the basis of life, it does not prove that it should
be considered to be the most important of all occupations,
An efficient agriculture providing an adequate and stable
farm income and attaining increasingly regular sufficiency of
food is no index of economic progress of a nation. Progress
in modern times is indicated by an adequate leisure and an
adequate provision of the means enjoying that leisure, i, e t1
consumption of goods and services that make life rich and
wholesome, in short worth living. To this maximum satis*
faction all occupations and sections contribute. In the
economic society which is organized like this it is neither
easy nor desirable to demarcate the essential and the non-
essential sectors, nor can they be rated in order of their
importance. 8 Really speaking, it is futile now to argue the
1, W, W, Wilcox, Farm Prosperity.
2, Synthetic chemistry has made considerable progress and we find
laboratories producing a number of organic compounds. The chemists
to-day very well understand the composition of food substances of our diets,
But at present we cannot imagine a time when growing of crops and raising
of livestock will be substituted by factories producing the commodities now
furnished by farms. That will never come, though it may be partially
achieved after a long time,
3, Man has to be fed and food production has been the most funda-
mental and permanent concern of man. The profound importance of
agriculture, therefore, dominated the thought of man from the very beginn-
ing, and thinkers made agriculture the only key to economics. During the
early times all the nations have mostly been concerned from day to day
with the problem of bread. It is only during the 19th century that a small
section of mankind has attained freedom from concern over feeding
themselves. But it is true of only a small section of the world population.
Even at present 3/4 of the working time of the whole world is spent in
making a living possible, Though civilization has advanced to a stage
when the thought is not wholly dominated by the question of bread, even
to-day for the under-developed regions of the world the problem is otherwise,
These rigions include 2/3 of the world population, and there the human
life is at sub-human level, and there is a problem of bread. With reference
,( 1? )
relative importance of land, labour and capital, It is highly
problematical whether these factors of production, while
functioning in the real world, can be sorted into neatly cut
and divided, either three or more mutually exclusive, cate-
gories.
Place of Agriculture in National Economy. Our country
is one of the four ancient homes of civilization, These
ancient civilizations were mainly agricultural in charactert
Our country too has been an agricultural country from times
immemorial, Though our cottage industries attained a high
water mark of excellence and earned world-wide reputation
in the past, we^were even at that time primarily an agricul-
tural people, Inspite of the steady and gradual industrializa-
tion during the modern times, specially after the First World
War, agriculture even to-day retains the role of being by
far the most important occupatiffii and the most outstanding
mode of national life. The place of agriculture in our
economy at present, as shown by the First Report of the
National Income Committee, 1951, can be estimated from the
following table.
to these facts the talk of agricultural fundamentalism in the sense that it
should be given the primary importance in policy and programme, is not
wholly baseless, But those who hold that the progress of these regions
depends on the degree of industrialization do not consider agriculture to be
fundamental in the sense that it should be given priority one. Really
speaking, it is the surplus in agriculture which is the basis for building up
further, At least in this sense agriculture is fundamental in India at
present.
3
Net output at
No. of persons
factor cost,
Engaged.
Earners
Items*
&
Rs.
o/
Working
(abja.)
/o
depen-
dents
(lakhs.)
A, Agriculture,
41'5
47*6
905
68'2
1. Agr , Animal husbandry and
Ancillary activities,
40'7
467
2, Forestry,
'6
'7
3, Fishery,
2
'2
B, Mining, Manufacturing & Hand
trade,
15'0
17*2
187
14*1
4, Mining,
'6
'7
1 38
'5
)
5, Factory establishments,
5'8
6'6
I
13'6
6, Small enterprises.
8'6
9'9
149
1
C. Commerce, Transports &
Communications.
17 (
19*5
107
8'0
7, Communications.
'3
'3
1 12
1'8
8, Railways,
2'0
2'3
)
9, Organized Banking & Insurance,
'5
'6
I <
y us
6*2
10, Other Commerce & Transport.
14'2
J6'5
r **
D. Other Services,
13'8
159
128
97
11, Professions and Liberal arts.
3*2
3'7
50
3'8
12. Govt. Services (administration)
4'6
53
36
27
13. Domestic Services.
1'5
17
42
3'2
14. House Property.
4'5
5'2
Total. Net domestic product at
factor cost.
87'3
1002
1327
lOO'O
Net earned income from abroad,
. *2
-'2
Net national output,
87'1
lOO'O
In arder to have a comparative idea data relating to some
countries is given in the following table, The selection of
the countries is made so as to represent highly industrial,
mainly industrial and mainly agricultural countries,
( 19 )
A. National Income at factor cost by industrial origin,
A . , Manufactur- Transport & A1]
Countries, A S ricuI " i ng an a Govt, Trade, Communica- ^*^
ture ' Construction, tions. others '
U, S, A. (1949)
9*9
36*8
8'8 19'8
80
1C'4
Canada, (1947)
J5'7
387
7'6 15*2
101
12'7
France. (1948)
21'1
375
13'9
14*2
13'3
Denmark (1949)
21'9
38'0
7'8
7'2
25' 1
Greece, (1946)
409
19'8
8 20*9
2'8
7*6
Turkey, (1948)
43'Q
12'7
22
B, Occupational distribution of the gainfully occupied
population, (%) 2
Agri,, fore- Manufacture Coram- Transport & .,
Countries. stry & Construction Govt, erce & Communica-
Fishing. & Mining. Finance. tions,
U, K. (1938)
71
46'3
11'5
16'8
7'4
10*8
U. S. A, (J940)
19*3
31*2
12'2
19'6
5*8
il'9
France, (1931)
24'5
41'0
105
14'2
5'0
4'8
Denmark (1929)
28'9
32'6
9'4
12'6
5'9
9*3
Canada, (1941)
29'2
31'8
100
14'0
6'5
8'5
Romania, (1930)
63*5
12'3
93
5'3
2'8
6'8
China, (1931)
70'0
10*0
5'0
8'0
7*0
Turkey, (1935)
70*2
13'6
8'2
4'5
2'5
6'Q
Importance of Agriculture, It has not only been the main
source of livelihood but also a tradition and the most common
way of life, and has been enjoying since times immemorial
a place of pride in our economic and social life. The situ-
ation has been reflected in our festivals, literature, customs,
ceremonies, songs and dances. To be specific the importance
of agriculture can be explained from several points of views.
1, It is by far the most important source of employment
1, United Nations, National Income Statistics, 1938-48, 1950, pp, 211-215.
2, Colin Clark, The Conditions of Economic Progress, 1951, pp, 39S-9
( 20 )
and of livelihood. More than two-thirds ol the total popula-
tion depends directly on agriculture, 11 we add hunting and
pastoral occupations the percentage increases to about 70.
Besides there aie menials and artisans in villages whose
livelihood depends on the cultivators and thus they are
supported by the produce of the land. Agriculture is also
found to have been combined with some cottage industries
and also with some urban pursuits. And a considerable
amount of trade and transport are concerned with agricul-
tural produce- It has generally been estimated that more than
90% of our rural population depends directly or indirectly
on agiiculture,
2. It contributes a major share to the national wealth^
It was estimated that in 1931-32 the percentage of con-
tributions to national income was: Agriculture 53, Indus-
try 17, Services 22, and otheisS, During 1948-49 India
produced goods wortli R<?. 3942 crores of which agriculture
contributed R^. 2193 crores or about 53%. The National
Income Committee has estimated the net output at factor cost
from agriculture to be Rs. 41 f 5 out of a total of Rs. 87*1
,abja or about 48%, Besides, agricultural conditions are said
to reflect directly and influence considerably the public
budgets,
3. It contributes considerably to our exports, Though
the percentage has declined recently, even at present about
45% of our total exports are raw materials and other agricul-
tural commodities which value more than Rs. 200 crores,
These exports earn foreign exchanges for us with the help of
which we import capital goods for our development plans
and other necessary commodities.
4, It produces raw materials for our industries, Some of our
biggest industries, e, g, cotton, jute and sugar, for their raw ma-
terials, depend on agriculture. Again, agriculture provides the
( 21 )
bulk of the demand or the main market for industrial
goods.
5. It is the source of food for the entire population. Food
situation having deteriorated we at present depend for part of
our food supply on imports. But that is a precarious position
and the country has to be self-sufficient in this fespect.
Clothing like food is likewise agricultural in origin. There-
fore, for both food and clothing, the two primary necessaries
of life, we have to depend on cultivation.
6. The gradual realization of the country, and the absorp-
tion of the seasonal unemployment created by some industries
show that agriculture is the shock-absorber, and is the last
refuge for employment for all workers. Thus, the working
population falls back on agriculture as the source of livelihood
when it fails to. get employment anywhere else.
7. Agriculture resembles a public service. It aims at
permanent preservation of the productive capacity of nataral
resources. Though the individual farmer is guided by
private interests, he produces the basic necessities of life and
his interest is mostly a public interest.
8. Agricultural population occupies an important place
in the social structure of our country. It provides labour for
industries and man power for army. Because of the chara-
cteristic resistance of rural culture to change it has maintained
the old culture and traditions. The agricultural community
has preserved our cultural identity and the social herit^g.e.
In cities under the influence of commercial and urban civilt;
zation the social life is under going a fast change which is
more often disorderly. Agricultural cponnunity , exercises $
stabilizing influence by permitting only a gradual change.
9. Agricultural community promotes social as well as
political security. Economic upheavals, strikes and social
disorders in their worst forms do not fully influence
( 22 )
the farm population. In the days of political upheavals
it constitutes a reservoir of national patriotism* The urban
community which is a heterogeneous ethnic and cultural
hedge podge and the culture which is generally commercial-
aim-industrial, are at present a great menace to international
peace and good will. Contrary to it rural community and
culture promote peace and good will.
10, As explained in Chapter V, though agriculture is not
very encouraging as an occupation from the pecuniary
point of view, it is quite stable and is less susceptible to
disturbances in the financial world. As a mode ot living it
is simple and happy. Though rural areas do not provide
some conveniences which towns and cities do, but the cost
of living is much lower. And even during the depression
farmers are not faced with unemployment, It is observed
that agricultural communities are most peace-loving commu-
nities and agricultural life is the most contented and peaceful
life. That the two oldest and biggest agricultural countries
of the world, India and China, have never fought each other
inspite of being neighbours, is an important fact in world
history.
The situation is best summarised in a Chinese proverb
which says that economic life is just like a tree whose roots
are represented by agriculture, stem by industry and
branches and leaves by trade and commerce. It is, however,
worthwhile to note that this important role of our agriculture
has to continue in future, though not exactly to the same
extent, and the country will remain mostly an agricultural
country for pretty long in future. The reasons are as
follows;
First, the present occupational distribution showing an
overwhelmingly large proportion of population depending
on agriculture is unbalanced. But the major part of the
population is bound to remain agricultural for very long,
and a considerable part of it for ever. Rapid industrializa-
tion is linked by serious handicaps, and it cannot absorb a
very considerable portion of the present and the growing
population. Under a balanced occupational distribution the
percentage of population depending on agriculture is sugges-
ted by some to be 45, and by others 50 to 60, Whatsoever
it may actually be, a change from the present state of affairs
will be very slow. Generally, with the development of trans-
port, industrialization and an overall economic progress the
percentage of agriculturists begins to decline. In the early
days the % of farmers in England and U.S.A. was more
than 75, but now it has been reduced to less than 10 in the
former and less than 25 in the latter. Such a state cannot be
expected in India for a pretty long time, because agricultural
communities are conservative in character and the capacity
for development in the under-developed communities is very
limited. It involves a change in the national psychology,
overcoming long established traditions and modifications in
the mode of life and the method of working. These are
stupendous tasks specially in an illitrate and poor country.
Secondly, the share of agriculture in the national income in
future is supposed to be more than that of any other occupa-
tion, Even the Bombay Plan which is said to be the
capitalists plan, the shares of the national income are sugges-
ted to be : Agriculture 40%, Industry 35%, Services 20% and
others 5%. Thirdly, to meet the shortage of food and to place
the country on a sound food economy we require about 10
million tons of more foodgrains. Our increasing population
further adds to the food requirements, For increasing the
standard and to meet the adequate nutritional demands better
types of foods are necessary. Besides t there will be greater
( 24 )
ne^ds for seeds and feeds.* Fourthly, for increased industria-
lization there will be greater need for raw materials. And
also for enhancing the volume of our exports we shall have
to depend on more of agricultural produce, Lastly, for balanc-
ed .economic development adequate attention will have to
be paid to agriculture, Therefore, for the prosperity of
industry and commerce and for the general prosperity
prosperous agriculture is basic. f
This shows that for considerable time to come agri-
culture has to remain the most important industry. The
United Nations, its specialized agencies and the Technical
Bureau have specially emphasized and are intending to give
priority to agricultural schemes in the development of under-
developed areas, Similar schemes characterize the plans
made by The Planning Commission for the economic deve-
lopment for the next 5 years, A very important role of
#The Bombay Plan imagines the target for agricultural production to be
130% and the Kharegat Plan to be 200%. The Advisory Planning Board
suggests an increase of 10% in cereals, 20% in pulses, 50% in fruits, 100%
in vegetables, 250% in fats and oils, 300% in milk, fish and eggs, Again,
we require 55% increase in fodder and 400% in oil cakes. The Planning
Commission in their broad objectives of the agricultural programme during
the next five years suggest an increase in the production of food by 7'2 mill-
ions, of cotton by 1'2 mil. bales, of jute by 2'06 mil. bales, of sugarcane
(gur) by 6'9 lakh tons and of oil seeds by 3 "75 lakh tons,
Us agricultural prosperity basically important for general prosperity?
Really speaking the position depends upon the economic pattern of a given
society and the relative strength of different sections. Prosperous peasantry
means wider and more effective demand for industrial goods, greater indus-
trial profits and greater volume of industrial employment. On the other hand,
agriculturists would be prosperous if other sections of the people are able to
pay well for the farm produce, The movement is circular, However, the
international relations and the condition for foreign trade may influence
this state of affairs. But exports pay for imports. We can have a foreign
market for our goods simply by creating a home market for foreign goods.
Therefore, the surplus of goods and services are the basis of prosperity.
One can buy only when one has to sell something, and one can buy more
only when one can sell more. Poor persons or nations are poor customers,
In our country agriculturists are in the overwhelming majority. If they
have more to sell they will buy more, an4 there will be wider scope for
industrialization and also greater volume of imports, Their prosperity
means the prosperity of the whole nation,
( 25 )
agriculture in our economy, therefore, will continue for
considerable time to come. Numerically it will be the most
important occupation and shall contribute the most signifi-
cant share to the national wealth. And further it will remain
basic for all economic progress. Though after sufficient
industrial advancement the percentage of people depending
on it and its share in the national income may not be major,
yet they will always be quite significant.
CHAPTER III.
Special Features of Agricultural Economy.
I. DIFFERENCE BETWEEN AGRICULTURAL AND
INDUSTRIAL ECONOMY.
Agriculture presents a close combination of a science, a
craft, a business and a way of life. In all these respects it
is characterized by certain peculiarities of its own. The
geographical and the sociological environment under which
production is carried on, the process of production and the
complexity of production, etc,, impart agriculture certain
characteristics which make it substantially different from
other occupations specially industry. These differences are
responsible for the difference in the basic assumptions which
ultimately reflect in the economic relationships and economic
behaviour of farmers rendering agricultural economy distinct
and slightly different from industrial economy.*
Nature of Agricultural Activity, Agriculture is a sort
of replacement of nature's favourite plants by the cultivated
plants of man's choice, and hence, it is a sort of man's
*rhis should not be interpreted in the sense that agricultural econo-
mics is something absolutely distinct from industrial economics, or that it has
got a theory of its own. Really speaking the science of economics, which
has now become as accurate as any other science, is a special technique, a
way of approach, a method, which may be called the general framework of
economic theory, governing economic behaviour of mankind. And it is
equally applicable to all types of economies But when one proceeds from
the mere outline to the concrete problems, to explain the economic life, to
frame policies and measures for improvements, and to establish standards,
one finds that the basic assumptions being different agricultural economy is
slightly different from industrial economy.
( 27 )
imposition on nature, and a constant battle against it.
Farmers have to work constantly with nature and make a
maximum use of land in relation to other factors of production.
Agricultural activity is, therefore, directly influenced by the
geographical environment, and the part played by nature
being more prominent in agriculture than in any secondary
or tertiary occupation, the Law of Diminishing Returns is
more applicable to the former than to the latter.
The process of production in agriculture is biological.
Growth of plants or of animals takes a natural course and
it is not possible, except at a highly disproportionate cost,*
to speed up the pace of production as it is possible in
manufacturing.
Agriculture being a partnership between man and nature
is characterized by uncertainty. The overwhelming impor-
tance of physical factors limits the scope of human endeavour,
and the results, therefore, depend on conditions beyond the
control of man. Crops being exposed to several hazards,
e. g,, failure of rainfall, floods, hail storms, diseases, pests
and stray animals, etc., production cannot be controlled as
in industry. Even if the crops mature well, the time lag
between investment and return being pretty lengthy, business
fluctuations bring about considerable variations in farm
incomes. Besides, it is far more difficult to measure the
element of risk in agriculture than in industry, and hence,
agricultural insurance is more difficult than other types of
insurance.
On account of uncertainty agriculturists cannot capitalize
the future as the industrialists can do, because the estimates
of earnings are highly conjectural. Again, the use of borro-
wed capital involves longer time and greater risks, rendering
are su
'Glass-bouse culture is not economical; and only few crops in India
j supposed to permit vernalization,
{ 28 )
jthe problem of agricultural finance much different from that
pf industrial finance.
As compared to industry which is of localized nature and
has generally larger units of production, agriculture, as a
general rule, is scattered fairly widely and is typically
carried on by family units under small-sized units of produc-
tion. As a result of it the organization of producers even on
a reginoal basis, much less to say on national and international
basis, is rendered very difficult. It leads to a greater degree
of competition amongst agriculturists and the general
economic theory of perfect competition is more real in
agriculture than in industry. The individual small farmer
is unmindful of, and often disregards the influence of the
variation of his own produce on agricultural prices, This is
hardly true of industry.
Small scale production being the general feature of far-
ming, the economic analysis pertaining to large-scale produc-
tion and division of labour which is characteristic of industry
is much less applicable to agricultural enterprise,
Productive effort in farming is highly stable. It is partly
due to sluggish movements in it, partly due to the lack of
adaptation of agricultural investment to other uses, and
partly to the reluctance of farmers to abandon farming even
in bad times. Unlike industry in which movements of
output are more sensitive to price variations, adjustments of
production are much less smooth in agriculture, with the
result that it offers less resistance to depression and equally
less expansion under price incentives. Price disparity during
the Great Depression of thirties and the lack of expansion
during and after the World War II are examples of it. Thus,
the ordinary measures to meet the situation of depression
and boom or of glut and scarcity in industrial Sector prove
( 29 )
much less effective in agricultural sector which calls for
special measures. . ,
Agriculture is a way of life as well as a means of liveli-
hood. Therefore, sociological, psychological and sentimental
considerations influence its organization. Moreover, it- is
followed by less efficient and more conservative people
which impart it an inflexible character.
Agriculture is just like public service. It aims at conser-
vation of human and natural resources and not their exploi-
tation or robbing of nature. Farmer produces the basic
necessity of life and works with the national resources. ,His
interest is essentially public interest and is very much unlike
that of an industrialist who is mainly guided by private profit,
Agriculture provides national security and preserves social
stability. While framing agricultural policies this fact has
to be kept in mind,
The attitude of farmers is much different from that of
businessmen. They do not anticipate the fears of idle plants
and idle workers. Even during the depressi9n they do not
face unemployment, but on the other hand, work harder $nd
try to increase the output to maintain the income.
Nature of Agricultural Output. Farm products afe
generally joint products,* e. g,, cereals and straw tir stock, lint
and cotton seed, and wool and mutton, As in industry where
several products might be produced by the same machinery,
in agriculture it is not possible to separate the costs attributable
to various products. And it becomes very difficult to consider
the supply of such farm products in isolation.
*The word 'joint-products' is also applied to a number of commodities
produced in a typical rotation where the output of one can easily be
increased by expanding that of another. Here, the reference is to a cotrtbi-
nation of different processes on a mixed farm. To make things simpler,aqd
,more*pJain it will be better 4o use the word 'several tfnal products.' ' ' '
( 30 )
A typical farm generally grows several food crops, a
few oil seeds and sometimes some fibre crop also. Variety
of production on each farm is a general rule and specialize
tion an exception. Every seller, therefore, has very small
quantities of several commodities to sell. Besides, produc-
tion being widely scattered in small units, the problem of
marketing of farm products is rendered more difficult, the
chain of middlemen becomes very lengthy, and the cost of
marketing becomes very high.
Though agricultural production as a whole, due to certain
'self-compensating 1 features of its aggregate supply, is highly
stable, there are wide yearly fluctuations in the output of
individual product or individual producer. Thus, even when
agricultural prices as a whole are stable, prices within
agriculture often vary and induce shifts in the use of
resources.
Due to small-scale organization and scattered nature of
production the supply of agricultural produce shows less
flexibility and adaptability to new economic conditions. It
shows a considerable time lag in response to price variations,
and the adjustments of supply to price changes are much
slower than in the case of industrial products, Besides there
is another peculiarity in the adjustment of agricultural
production. During the short period it shows almost 'one-
way flexibility', since in response to increased demand the
supply may increase, though slowly and slightly, but the
reaction to falling demand and lower prices is very much
sluggish and generally does not bring about a comparable
contraction.
Agriculture being a seasonal industry the output presents
glut at harvest time and scarcity in the off season. This
irregular nature of the supply puts special burden on the
means of transport, the channels of normal trade, and the credit
( 31 )
institutions at certain times of the year. This gives rise to
special problems of marketing and finance, much different
from those of industrial goods the supply of which is more
regular.
vfhe quality and character of agricultural production is
governed much by soil and climatic conditions which differ
from locality to locality* The result is that supply is not of
the uniform quality, It makes standardization more difficult
and marketing more imperfect.
Partly due to a considerable time lag in the adjustment
of supply to price variations and partly due to a compara*
lively more rigid cost structure, agricultural prices decline
more rapidly than those of manufactured articles, and when
the former decline it becomes more difficult to restore them,
Farmers under such circumstances suffer a double loss.
Their money income or the purchasing power declines
comparatively more than that of other sections of the popu-
lation, They sell at relatively low prices and buy at higher
prices.
Agricultural output is generally of perishable nature ; and
like indj^tfi^ (Cutout cannot be stored for long. It has to
find a*m >t soon, Partly because it is difficult to postpone
the consumption and partly because of small scale production,
the role of middlemen between the original producer and
the final consumer is of special importance in agriculture,
Agriculture being primarily concerned with the production
of food which is a basic necessity of life, the demand for
its products is less elastic than that for non-agricultural
products.*
*0rdinarily f it is expected that with the improvement in the standard of
living the demand for agricultural production should increase less rapidly.
This is true of developed countries. In our country the standard of living
is very low and the overall production is short of the total requirement, Any
improvement in the standard of living will, in the beginning, increase the
demand for food sufficiently rapidly.
( 32 )
Thus, it is noticed that on account of these differences in
the nature of agricultural activity and the peculiarities of
agricultural output, the economic problems of the farm com-
munity are characteristically different fram those ot other
communities specially industrial. These differences impart
some distinguishing features 10 agricultural economics which
may reflect in price analysis and policy, nature of saving
and investment, organization of production, establishment
of equilibrium between demand and supply, degree of com-
petition amongst the producers, nature of risks, incomes,
wages, costs and profits, etc.
II. AGRICULTURAL ENVIRONMENT.
We have a glorious history behind us. Not only the art,
culture, literature, religion and philosophy but also the
economic wealth which was the result of agriculture and
industry, was proverbial, But at present in economic order
we are almost at the bottom of the list of nations, and mea-
sured by modern economic tests we are an under-developed
country, Agricultural environment greatly differs trom one
part of the country to another, and if accuracy ^ f Stalls is
preserved it would be difficult to generalize, , ere is a
considerable difference in the agricultural environment ot
millet growers in arid Rajasthan, of the sugarcane growers
of the upper Doab of Uttar Pradesh, of the rice growers in
Orissa and Madras, and of the cultivators on the foothills in
Assam. However, taking the country as a whole, and taking
into account the common features, one can imagine a certain
pattern, There is a high pressure on land and considerable
land hunger, Agriculture is followed by nearly 70% of
the people on individual family basis, It is small scale
subsistence type of farming mainly devoted to cereal culti-
vation. Most of the work is performed by human hand,
( 33 )
most of the finance is provided by village money-lender and
most of the transactions are local, Standard of general
health is considerably low and so is productive efficiency.
Most of the farmers have no surplus to sell, many others
have only small, while only a few have fairly good amounts
to spare, Their purchasing capacity is correspondingly low,
Productivity per capita, income per capita, nutritional
standard and general standard of living are considetably
low, and the struggle for existence is correspondingly hard.
Poverty, hunger, disease and death are common features. And
in this way agricultural life flows in a traditional pattern.
Agricultural community (detailed discussion in ch, V) is
comparatively ignorant and illiterate. They have a narrow
outlook and circumscribed vision. Their talks are confined
to their crops and animals, and their knowledge is limited
to the local surroundings, There is a lack of initiative and
urge for improvement. The lack of adaptability makes
them suspect the new ways of life and methods of production,
leading to immobility in respect of both occupation and
place. But conservatism is not peculiar to our farm comma*
nity. Agricultural civilization as such and its traditions and
institutions are conservative. And this is common to all
agricultural communities of the world whether we talk of
under-developed countries like China, Egypt, Mexico, Brazil
and Indonesia, or of highly advanced and developed coun-
tries like the U, S- A,, U K-, Germany, France, Denmark,
Australia and Argentina. There is, however, one note-
worthy feature. The Harijan Movement, the political
independence and the establishment of rural democracy are
slowly bringing about some consciousness amongst the
masses and a change in the social values. The recent land
reforms are providing momentum to the wave of revival,
5
( 34 )
But these things are only in an embryonic stage and their
speed will depend on the political climate in the country.
Tin seeds have, however, germinated,
The volume of employment and production exhibit sta-
gnation. The population increasing at an yearly rate of one
percent brings about a deterioration in the economic situation
which has become more pronounced during some past years.
The following table shows the trend ol agricultural pro-
duction and the income per capita during the recent past,
(Index of production based on the average of 36 37 to
38-39=100, and income in Rs,)*
Production
Agr. Income
Years,
Kice
Wheat
Food
Grain!-
Fibres,, 011 ,
1 Seeds
Mis.
General
Agr
per capital
(Rs)
39-4C
1 98
lot
99
90
106
102
99
49
40-41
88
98
95
111
111
107
98
53
41-42
92
91
93
105
94
112
95
86
42-43
99
99
103
78
93
117
102
86
'43-44
109
90
107
87
104
115
106
104
44-45
102
97
104
55
107
112
101
112
45-46
96
84
95
56
97
124
94
107
46-47
104
67
97
53
100
121
96
122
47-48
98
76
98
56
101
III
97
129
48-49
95
73 93
52
94
MB
92
148
This shows a state of haulting decay so far as production
is concerned and a decline in the general standard of living,
as indicated by the real income per capita. Besides there is
a limited scope for employment and very few job-opportuni-
ties in rural areas. The resources both human and material
await utilization, The desirability of their better utilization
has generally been accepted and the magnitude of dorment
resources very often lulls us in a sense of security and
complacency, That the development of these resources is an
uphill task, involves tremendous investment and is fraught
^Records and statistics, vol. No. (Eastern Economist, Delhi.)
( 35 )
with considerable financial, technical and administrative
limitations, has been only very recently realized,
The agricultural environment, therefore, has hardly any-
thing encouraging. Village is supposed to be a place for the
less intelligent, and agricultural profession is supposed to be
meant for the poor and the illiterate. The middle class wants
to migrate from villages to towns and thus recede the pace
of economic progress. There is not much of incentive and
initiative amongst those who are left there, and neither there
is sufficient scope for economic progress at present. The
general poverty leads to deficit economy which in its turn
leads to further poverty and debt, and thus, the vicious circle
runs from which farmers do not find a way out. The present
situation is, therefore, a sort of challenge to the people and to
the Union and the State governments.
One of the interesting studies is to find out whether the
real fault lies with the people or the defect is inherent in the
environment. The rate of variation in culture and civiliza-
tion depends upon biological inheritance, physical environ
ment and cultural endowment. All the three play a part in
every human action. For the time being anyone of them may
acquire predominating importance as we find cultural acti-
vities looming large in some highly developed western count-
ries. It does not mean that civilization lessens the effects of
environment. Really speaking the effects are not so direct
as on the savage people, but they are just as strong. And it
is believed that the mastery over nature is measured in terms
of obeying it or adapting to it. Taking the world as a whole
climate seems to have established a basic pattern of civilization
upon which other factors simply impose some variations with
different degrees of magnitude. The geographical pattern of
civilization shows that the efficiency of physical environment
and the degree of civilization have a high degree of positive
( 36 )
a&Jation.* And the physical environment largely deter-
mine* the habitabiluy, occupations, mode of life, method of
working, dress, diets, health, houses, transport, ideas and
ideals. Our geographical environment is, really speaking, less
stimulating and less favourable for human activities as
compared to that of the temperate regions* It is our environ-
ment which is mostly responsible for the present state of
economic backwardness.
An objection is sometimes raised that how under almost the
same physical environment a high degree of civilisation was
possible in ancient India. It should be noted that it was
located in geographically more favourable parts of the Ganges
and the Indus valleys. Under similar circumstances almost
similar civilizations developed in China, Egypt and Mesopo-
tamia. They were different from modern civilization. It
does not mean tftat environment is wholly responsible for
our present backwardness. There is no doubt about the
fact that the political climate in the country after the Arab
invasion has not been very congenial, and the foreign domi*
nation specially during the last 300 years, has been to some
extent responsible for retarded growth, But what has China
achieved ? We too without any foreign domination would
not have been very much different. It does not mean that
a better economic condition could not be possible in the past,
and that there is no bright hope for the future. The envi-
ronment is capable of affording a better standard than our
present one and also a higher degree of civilization, but the
basic differences are bound to be reflected in future.
III. INTERDEPENDENCE OF AGRICULTURAL AND
OTHER ECONOMIES.
One of the important lessons of economic history of the
*A comparison of the two following maps illustrates tfee idea more
clearly.
1 World Dentation of Climatic Efficiency.
HfcHE=| HIGH ^ MEDIUM |[|{|| LOW jv^d VEY 10*
2 World Distribution of General Proqress*
( 37 )
world is that economic progress can be attained only through
a simultaneous development in various economic fields. In
England,, the Revolution in industries could not have been
possible without a reciprocal revolution in agriculture, and
similarly agriculture too could not have been revolutionzed
without a similar change in industries. Generally, industries
depend for their raw material on agriculture and for their
labour force on rural community ; and they provide a market
for agricultuial commodities and for labour supply. Agricul-
tural community, on the other hand, depends for all the other
necessaries of life except food, on other industries, Our
agricultural progress depends on the development of techno-
logy to provide improved agricultural machinery to cultivate
the land, to draw water and to manufacture ferilizers, on the
development of power to industrialize the rural areas in order
to absorb the surplus labour from agriculture and to provide
a subsidiary income to farmers, on the development of roads
and railways to transport the farm produce to markets, and on
the development of banking to provide credit for day to day
working and tor development, Again, the development of
agriculture not only depends on that of industry, international
trade and foreign exchange, transport, power and banking
etc,, but it is limited by the development of the latter. It
means that unless these things are expanded, development
in agriculture is a vain attempt, and the latter will be possible
only to the extent of development in these things, On the
other hand, the volume and character of the latter is largely
controlled by the conditions of agriculture,, e, g,, the type
and quality of raw material it produces, the volume of goods it
puts in the market for home consumption or for exports, the
nature and quantity of financial accommodation it needs and
the character and quantity of demand for consumer's goods
it offers, etc,, will considerably determine the conditions in
( 38 )
industries, foreign trade and banking, etc.
This interdependence of one sector of economy on an-
other leads to an important feature that the repercussions of
the problems of one sector are not confined to that particular
sector alone, e. g., a depression in industry is bound to create
depression in agriculture. The volume of employment, the
level of earnings, price level and the conditions of living and
working, in short, the economic conditions of one group
exercise a controlling influence on those of the other groups,
changing a previous balance and again striving to establish
a fresh equilibrium only to be dislocated soon. This results
in a perpetual shifting of resources and men from one occu-
pation to another. And in this way t the action and interaction
continues establishing a causal relationship and reciprocal
behaviour between different segments of national economy,
With the development of civilization and economic
progress this interdependence has been increasing. And so
will it do in future. In agriculture, there is a change from
self-contained subsistence type of farming and village eco-
nomy to specialization of production, production of cash
crops for the market and to national and even international
economy This implies more dependence on buying and
selling and the nature and volume of production and con-
sumption being oriented by the market. The growing impor-
tance of exchange in modern economy makes agriculture,
and so also other industries, vulnerable to actions in other
segments of economy, This has got both advantages and
disadvantages. The advantage is that through this mutual
relationship a higher, better and fuller economic life has been
made possible, and the chances for the future progress have
been made more bright and the scope is enlarged. The dis-
advantage is that different groups are exposed, in addition to
their own individual risks, to those of other groups, e. g,, the
( 39 )
stability of farm income is disturbed not only by the agricul-
tural hazards and their consequent variability in farm produ-
ction, but also by the fluctuations in demand and thus by
trade cycles. Besides, the economic problems are becoming
.more complicated and difficult. But with the march of civili-
zation and economic progress the problems have to be more
complicated. The advanced man soon finds a solution for
every complexity. On the whole, these disadvantages can be
greatly controlled. And this interdependence can serve as
mutual help and cooperation leading to a balanced distribution
and fuller utilization of human and material resources, and
thus creating a spiral for more civilized and better economic
life.
But there is one important thing to note. Agricultural
economy is not an isolated affair. And similarly no othet
economy is. Some of the problems of agriculture aie its own
problems, e. g., the size of the unit of production, land tenure,
irrigation and manure etc. But quite a large and sufficiently
important are the problems of inter-relationship between
agriculture and industry, trade, foreign exchange and trans-
port, etc., e.g., the volume of employment, price level,
influence of foreign market, level of earnings and the rate
of savings and investment, etc. It implies that remedies for
most of the problems of agriculture do not lie in agricultural
sector alone. And similarly, the remedies for the problems
of any particular section are also not confined to it. Economic
problems of every group are many-fold and the remedies are
likewise multi-sided. Progress in any isolated segment of
economy is not possible. It has to be made a coordinated
part of the general and overall economic progress of the
whole country.
IV. THE LAW OF DIMINISHING RETURNS.
Land and its importance in agriculture. In Economics
( 40 )
the term land* is interpreted to mean 'materials and the forces
which nature gives freely for man's aid in land and water,
in air, light and heat. 1 It includes all the forces and resources
of nature for which science can discover any useful applica-
tion, but which are not the result of human effort,
Importance of land is obvious, It provides man room for
action, and is, therefore, the primary condition of everything
that a man can do Inspite of the scientific development the
world as a whole, is still so poor that it must devote a major
part of the resources to the production of necessaries, mainly
food. Nearly 2/3 of the world's population is residing in
under-developed countries in which agriculture is by far the
most important occupation, and most of the people depend
on land, Even in the world as a whole, agriculture is
numerically the most important occupation at present, and in
agriculture land is the basis and the most important factor of
production. It affords standing room, supplies mineral
products and supplies conditions and materials for plant
growth. The chemical constituents of the soil in combination
with seed, produce the plant. Life and growth are affected
by geographical constitution of the soil and the forces of
nature which are associated with land surface, such as rain,
air, sunshine, light, heat, and atmospheric pressure f etc- They
are very important in the process of crop production and
slightly less in live stock. But they can be affected only to
a minor extent by man.
It is worth-while to note that with the growth of population
and the social progress, the absolute importance of this primary
requisite increases, because the increased population makes
fresh demands, and the new discoveries and the development
'Instead of a general term 'natural resources' or 'materials' economists
use the term land in a very wide sense, It is because under the existing
legal institutions it is through the ownership of land or rental that posses-
sion of natural materials is obtained or access to natural forces is gained,
( 41 )
of science and technology point out new uses for these
objects. But the increase in the quantity of wealth is due
largely to the efficiency in the form of human efforts, and
hence, the relative importance of resources as a factor
of production decreases. Again, in the process of social
evolution human society is passing from the Etiological to
Ecological and then to the Epharmological stage, and man's
powers over nature are gradually increasing. In the earlier
stages primary industries, and in them the part played by
nature, are more important ; but later on secondary and
tertiary occupations gain more importance, and in them the
part played by man becomes more prominent, and the
relative importance of nature declines, The following
tables and the accompanying diagram may serve as an
illustration.
Trend in the Distribution of Working Population by Types
of Employment.
Countries.
Primary.
Secondary.
Services
U, S. A,
1870
54
23
23
1910
32
31
37
1945
20
30
50
Gr, Britain
1871
15
49
36
1911
8
46
46
1950
6
48
46
Japan
1872
85
5
10
19U
62
18
20
1947
55
23
22
Primary industries include agriculture, forestry, fishing and hunting,
Secondary occupations include raining manufacturing, electric power and
building construction. Services or tertiary occupations include the rest, i e,,
trade, transport, communication, domestic, public and professional services,
( 42 )
Relationship between occupational distribtiution and
economic growth. (Economic growth is measured in terms of
Real Income per head.)
^
Real Income
% of working population engaged in
per head of
Countries,
different sectors*
population,
International
Primary.
Secondary.
Tertiary.
units per 2500
hrs f
U. K, (1950)
60
480
160
584
U, S. A. (1945)
200
30'0
500
545
Australia. (1933)
20'8
311
461
521
Germany. (1939)
26'0
4>'5
32'5
343
Canada. (1941)
26'3
27'9
458
529
Denmark. (1940)
28'5
308
407
347
France. (1936)
35'6
309
33'5
358
Japan. (1947)
52'6
23'3
241
139
Poland. (1931)
64'3
16'9
18'8
117
India, (1948)
68'2
14 1
177
64
Romania. (1930)
78 7
7'2
141
102;
^Yugoslavia. (1931)
78'7
ll'l
10'2
102J
of \vorlfmg population
c^aged m primary
occupations
Real Income
{ International units, )
to
600
Sod
K
!
Fig. I,
* Compiled from National Income Statistics, U, N, 0,, 1950, and
Statistical Year Book, U. N. 0., 1948.
f Colin Clark, The Economics of 1960.
[ Heal Income per bead for the Balkan States.
( 43 )
Productivity of Land, Productivity ordinarily means the
capacity of yielding a certain amount of output as a result of
investing a certain amount of labour and capital, It depends
basically on the fertility of land. But the development of-
exchange economy makes the value of land as a factor of
production dependent also upon the relationship of its situation
to other forms of productive activity from the side of both
buying and selling, It means land is valued not only for its
fertility but also for its good situation, Really speaking, the
location greatly influences the physical and chemical charac-
teristics of land, and the physical conditions vary from place
to place. Besides, the social conditions, e* g., the character
of the people and the market conditions also influence
production and sale of commodities, and hence, the v&lue of
land. In economic analysis productivity means the value
producing power; and it is determined by capacity multiplied
by efficiency. Capacity of a given area is measured in terms
of the units of labour and capital which can be absorbed by
it or can be associated with it with optimum results at a
given stage of economic development* Economic efficiency*
is the ratio between the effort put in and the result obtained-
It is the value of the product per unit of labour and capital
spent on it. Capacity is measured in terms of input per
unit of land, and efficiency is measured in terms of output
per unit of input. Thus, in estimating the productivity of land
both the factors: the physical conditions and the location,
have to be taken into account, e.g.,
*In economic analysis efficiency may be calculated in terms of physical
products or in terms of value, While analysing the efficiency of movable
instruments of production the former is a better basis for comparison
because of the difference in value at different places. But in the case of
the immovable instruments of production value of the product is a better
basis of comparison, * : *
( 44 )
Case No. Capacity units. Output per unit, Productivity.
A. 10 1-5 15-0
B, 12 1-4 16-8
Capacity ratio.
Efficiency ratio.
Productivity ratio.
5:6
15:14
25:28
Thus, we find that productivity primarily depends upon
two factors : natural and locationaK The Gangetic plain is
more fertile than the arid and the barren tracts. And the
difference is what the nature has brought about. Again, a
plot of lesser fertility in the vicinity of a city may yield more
value than one which may be more fertile but distant. Besides,
man in his own way has tried to improve the productivity of
laud by tempering with nature, e, g., clearing of forests,
draining marshes, irrigating barren lands, judicious selection
of plants, careful sowing, proper rotation, manuring and
weeding, etc. If left alone nature would have yielded much
less. But there is limit to man's control over nature, and
modifications by man can go only to a small extent. However,
the productivity can be increased through artificial increase
in the fertility, improvement in the means of transport,
improvement in land system and the development of townships,
etc,
The Law of Diminishing Returns. It is a common
experience in farming that increased applications of labour
and capital to a piece of land, or successive additions of land,
generally result in less than proportionate .results, The
diminishing tendency of the extra return obtained as a
result of the application of successive doses of labour and
capital or successive additions of land, is termed in econo-
mic theory as the Law of Diminishing Returns, It is also
known as the Law of Diminishing Marginal Returns, or the
45
Law of Varying Productivity,, or the Law of Proportions. In
a simple form the law is stated that "An increase in the
capital and labour applied in the cultivation of land causes,
in general, a less than proportionate increase in the amount
of produce raised unless it happens to coincide with an im-
provement in the art of agriculture. '* (Marshall),
It is not necessary that the tendency of diminishing return
may always be visible from the beginning, If the land is
under-cultivated, f, 0,, the amount of investment in the form
of labour and capital is less than the quantity required for
normal performance of the agricultural operations, the mar*
ginal return as a result of further investment may increase
for some time. It is also possible that after increasing for
some time it may remain constant and then may begin to
decline. But there is no doubt about the fact that ultima-
tely the law of Diminishing Returns is bound to operate. It is
sometimes stated that the law of Increasing and Constant
returns are the two temporary phases operating previous to
the tendency of Diminishing Return, The following example;
and the diagram may illustrate the point,
Doses of
labour and
capital
Total
output
(mds.)
Marginal
output
(m.ds )
1
80
80
2
180
100
Increasing
3
330
150
returns,
4
5
490
650
160
160
r Constant
returns
6
795
1451
7
8
915
1005
120
90
Diminishing
returns
9
1065
60
10
1080
25
( 46 )
160 ,
130
$0
Ao
*
$
<
CONSTANT
BEtuRNS
, , ,.. s\
160
160
\
\
150
145
100
130
90
60
60
a*
I
I 3 ^ 5 G 7
Doses of input.)
Fig. 2.
This explains in a very simple form the working of the
laws of returns. But it must be noted that the laws refer to
the produce and not to the value of output, Secondly,
diminishing returns do not indicate that the produce
diminishes. The total produce increases. But the increase
is at a continuosly diminishing rate* Thirdly, the decrease
in produce is not the result of a decline in the fertility of land
after continuous cultivation. While stating the law it is
assumed that for the time being the fertility of land remains
constant. And lastly, land is not a limited factor of pro-
duction in the absolute sense of the term. At the same time
neither of the factors of production is unlimited in quantity,
Really speaking all factors are variable, but there is a
difference of degree. Land is relatively more limited than
other factors of production.
Experience has taught farmers how much land they
can cultivate successfully. Ordinarily, in farming, one can
neither succeed on a very small area nor on thousands of
t 47 )
Farmers have a fairly clear idea of what can they do,
Therefore, they try within moderate limits. Similarly, they
have understood the folly of over cultivating a single acre
or over feeding their stock. Hence, they practise moderation.
It must be noted that perhaps no body begins with the 1st
column and no body carries production to the 10th column.
Mostly farmers will begin with the 3rd and will stop near
about the 6th or the 7th- Major part of the production will
be carried within these limits. The theoretical analysis of
the limits to which production will be carried on is very
interesting. If we imagine all land to be equally fertile a
farmer would cultivate that much area which, with the
amount of labour and capital available, would give maximum
output per unit of input, In this case, each acre will be
cultivated to the point till it begins to show decreasing
returns, or ceases to show increasing returns as a result of
additional investment. This area will be the most profitable
one to cultivate because either more land is used less
intensively or less land is cultivated more intensively, the
marginal return as per unit of input would be less. Secondly,
if we take land to be varying in fertility, as it really is, all
units will not be cultivated to the same point at which returns
begin to diminish. It is because in case of all the lands
being cultivated with equal intensity marginal return on
more fertile land will be greater than on the less fertile one.
And it would be advantageous to cultivate the more fertile
land more intensively than the less fertile land. It means
that so long as the marginal return on more fertile land is
greater than the marginal productivity of the less fertile land
greater investment will be made on the former, and it will
be profitable to cultivate them beyond the point at which
Diminishing Returns begin to appear. But in the process of
intensifying production, owing to the law of Diminishing
( 48 )
Returns, a point will be reached at which the marginal
productivity of more fertile land will be less than that on the
less fertile one. Then it will be equally profitable to cultivate
the less fertile land also. The best state of cultivation, or the
best distribution of labour and capital would be one which
yields equal marginal product on all cultivated lands. This
shows that the point at which the returns begin to diminish is
not the determining point or the limit to which cultivation
should be extended or intensified. The producer will go fur-
ther till the marginal productivity on different lands becomes
more or less equal. In brief, the point of diminishing returns
is not the limit of cultivation except on marginal land.
In the efforts to increase production the tendency of
diminishing returns operates whether more land is cultivated
extensively or lesser area is cultivated more intensively.
In the former case, the producer will go on adding inferior
lands so long as the value of the output is more than the
expenses of cultivation. He stops when the addition in income
is equal to expenditure. This is known as the marginal land
which is just worth while to cultivate. In the latter case, he will
stop further application of dozes of labour and capital when he
finds the extra income just covering the extra expenses, This
dose is known as the marginal dose which is considered just
worthwhile to be invested. The margin is said to have been
reached when the cost and the income become equal. Thus,
in agricuhure t we find a twofold idea of margin. The idea of
marginal land associated with extensive cultivation and that
of marginal dose associated with intensive cultivation.
There is a tendency of bringing more and more of land
under agriculture because of the increasing costs of intensi-
fying, There is likewise a tendency of restricting the area,
and devoting the available resources of labour and capital
to more fertile lands on account of lesser yields on inferior
lands, or increasing costs of cultivating them, If the difference
in the fertility of different lands is greater, the total area
cultivated would be less than if they differed only slightly.
Similarly, if on the more fertile land the marginal returns,
as a result of intensification, decline rapidly, less fertile lands
would soon be drawn under cultivation than if they decline
only slowly. Again, if the marginal returns, as a result of the
successive dozes of capital and labour applied to land, decline
faster they will be used less intensively than if the returns
declined only slowly. It is, however, worthwhile to note that
though the total return of labour and capital from more fertile
land is greater than that on the marginal land their marginal
return is the same on both more fertile and inferior lands.
It is because more fertile land is cultivated more intensively
until its marginal return declines to that obtained from the
least fertile land under cultivation.
The average returns will be higher for some farmers than
for others. The higher limit depends upon their ability and the
lower is determined by a worthwhile commercial return if
the deficit is not intended to be compensated from wages. But
all farmers, from the best to the worst, will be pushed to invest
till the last addition brings in returns just equal to costs,
Thus, at the point of margin all farmers are equal and all
farms are alike.
The tendency of diminishing returns is common to all
types of industries extractive and manufacturing. It is said
to be universal in the process of production. The word
universal in this connection implies not that it appears, or is
visible, in all cases of production and at all times, but it
means that in all forms of production the output as a result
of the successive input will sooner or later be less than
proportionate, and it will not be worth-while to go beyond a
certain limit. The difference in various industries arlsi* e$
( 50 )
account of the difference in the degree of supremacy of
nature or the part played by it in them. It is often remarked
that the part played by nature in production corresponds to
diminishing returns and the part which man plays conforms
to the law of increasing returns.
It will be a wrong conclusion to say that the law of
Diminishing Returns is characteristic of agriculture in which
nature plays a greater role, and the law of increasing Returns is
characteristic of manufacturing in which the ingenuity of man
plays a supreme role. Really speaking, the difference is that
of degree only ; and agriculture is relatively more prone to it.
There are reasons for it. Agricultural production is limited
by the supply of mineral substances, e. g. t nitrogen and
potassium, etc., and every crop reduces their quantity. Time
and space put another type of limits on production, It takes
months for the seed to be transformed into crop and years
for animals to grow to maturity. Every plant requires space
in the soil and air. Specialization in the process of produc-
tion cannot be carried too far because every worker is
expected to do a number of jobs at the same time. Supervi-
sion cannot be very effective because of operations being
spread over a wider area. Scope for mechanization is
i^Jatively limited because of the need of human hand for
the delicacy of operation and for the attention to individual
plants. Thus, the economies of large scale operation are not
9p$B to farmers on a very wide scale. Climatic conditions
sometimes interrupt the operations and also exercise a
Determining influence on the quality and quantity of prod uce.
A considerable part of the process of agricultural production
is natural where man is not the master of the situation but
nature in doing its work. Hence, in agriculture
of Piminisbing Returns s^ts in earlier thfm in
jfherc huigoan iq^eijtuty has a gjfrafer and
more significant role to play in planning and in execution.
An expert manufacturer may not allow that stage at all.
Similarly an expert farmer can postpone it for pretty long.
Science has provided immense powers to man to change his
environment. Even in agriculture science and technology
seem to have held the tendency of Diminishing Returns,
specially in progressive countries. The fact that food con-
sumption has increased but the population depending on
agriculture has gone down, lends support to such contensions.
But nature can be controlled only partially. The inherent
characteristics of the environment and its original properties
cannot be changed completely; and this interference is at
considerable costs. The tendency of diminishing returns is
bound to operate ultimately*
The above discussion leads to a conclusion that whenever
any factor of production is fixed and the other cooperating
factors vary, the total output increases at a diminishing rate.
It means the combination of a variable factor with a constant
factor results in diminishing marginal returns for the variable
factor* The operation of the law is due, therefore! to the
scarcity of a particular factor of production, But the actual
relationship is a joint one, because the quantity of one factor
of production for most profitable combination will depend
on the quality and quantity of other factors. Besides, all the
factors of production are variable with a difference of degree.
The law of proportions simply refers to a principle of combi-
nation of factors- Any variation in one or more factors of
production will charge the combination causing relative
scarcity of one and relative excess of another factor.
The law of Diminishing Returns assumes that the land
is already utilized in the best known manner/ that the
amount of labour and capital applied is adequate, and that
the methods of cultivation remain the same. Any improve-
( 62 )
<D*at ID the methods of cultivation and farm management,
in cultivation of virgin lands, and the greater investment of
labour and capital for the development of full powers in the
case of under cultivation, may lead to increasing returns.
These are said to be the limitations to the law of Diminishing
Returns* Further, the tendency of diminishing returns can be
counteracted for the time being by some positive methods,
Modern implements, manures and fertilizers, better irriga-
tion facilities, judicious cropping, better management,
improvement in transport and marketing, and above all
improvement in the human factor, in short science and
technology which improve the quality of land and can make
it yield more, can hold the law in check temporarily!
V. INTENSITY OF CULTIVATION
Human efforts are generally directed towards wresting
maximum results from nature. The methods adopted can
broadly be put under two classes. In old settled communities
having comparatively dense population, land is supposed to
be a comparatively limited factor. Cultivators generally
have small farms, and in order to make the best of them they
work hard, try to grow more than one crop, practise judicious
cropping through rotations and mixtures and invest more
capital in the form of seed, manures, irrigation and improved
tools, etc. This is commonly termed as intensive cultivation.
In comparatively new countries, or where population is sparce
efforts to maximise production lead to bring greater areas
under cultivation instead of concentrating on increased
efforts devoted to smaller areas. Land being ample the
size of farms is relatively bigger, and the increased use
sometimes results in wasteful use of land. This is termed
as extensive cultivation. The point of distinction is the
increased use of particular factors of production, Increasing
application of labour apd capital distinguishes intensive agri<
( 53 )
culture from the extensive one which is characterized by thf
increasing use of land.
Ordinarily, the intensive method implies small farms and
the extensive method large farms. Where vast lands are
available farmers follow extensive method and where land is
scarce they cultivate it more intensively. But it is not always
the case. The term intensity refers to the degree of invest-
ment per unit of land. In the US.A* and Canada where farmers
use modern scientific developments investment per acre is
more than that on small farms cultivated by more primitive
methods in China and India.
Is our agriculture intensive or extensive? There are
many cases clearly illustrating the two types. But that does
not describe the general character* Small size of farming is
the general rule. And equally conspicuous is the low invest-
ment per acre. In the total farm investment land values
form more than 2/3 share* And if cost of family labour
is added to it, both form more than 3/4 share, and all other
investment hardly forms 1/4 share of the total investment.*
Though there is an excessive labour in agriculture even
these small farms are under-cultivated due to the inadequacy
of capital and equipment. Ordinarily, the ability of the
farmer, the area of land, the volume of family labour and to
some extent the quantity and quality of capital are fairly
fixed factors at least for the time being. And hence, our
cultivation is more of an extensive type than of intensive one.
Factors affecting the intensity of cultivation. The
intensity of cultivation is affected by several factors,
(1) Ability of the Producer : In order to make a proper
combination of different factors of production ability of the
*Raraphal Singh, Income and Standard of Living of Farmers, 195 ri
an unpublished thesis, Dept, of Agr. ECO,, P, R. College, Agra,
( 54 )
producer counts most. He is an indispensable agent. His
personality is associated with agricultural operations as a
Vital part of an organism, and the return is limited by it,
(2) The Quantity and Character of other factors of Produfr
tion : Availability and the efficiency of land, labour and capital
determine the degree of theit use and the combination for
producing the best results,
(3) Agricultural Prices; Price fluctuations occur frequ-
ently and in varying degrees, The abnormal situation thus
created may be temporary, or the tendency to return to the
previous balance may be realized only partially, or the
abnormal situation may continue and form a new norm, a
readjustment in the combination of factors generally takes
place.
(4) Variation in Capital Costs: If prices, rent and
interest are assumed to be constant, and capital costs vary,
producers will find it advantageous to change intensity con-
versely with such costs, reducing the use of capital when
they rise, and increasing when they fall.
(5) Variation in Wages : Intensity varies inversely with
wage rates, if other things remain the same, because it will
be advantageous to farmers to make less use of labour when
it is more costly and vice versa* But in actual practice the
case is rtofc so simple. The changes in prices, wages and cost
of capital lead to substituting one factor for another, Again,
the result of such changes may be a new balance similar to
the previous one though not absolutely identical.
(6) Pitch o/ Rent; Rent generally, though not always,
reflects the degree of intensity, since higher rent means
greater costs which can only exist if there is greater return
per acre.
(7) Stage of Economic Growth ; The prevailing economic
apd social condition? will <Jetenpine the volume of (Jemnnd,
employment, pitch of industrialization and the pressure on
land, etc., such things in turn will reflect upon the intensity of
agriculture.
How can the optimum degree of intensity be visualized
and approached ? The most simple answer is to have the
most advantageous combination of land, labour and capital,
and let it continue. There can, of course, be an optimum
combination of factors but it is difficult to arrive at, and still
more difficult to continue. The method of arriving at the
proper degree of intensity of cultivation is to try the various
combinations at different levels by changing the different
factors alternately and simultaneously. The process seems
theoretically simple but is practically impossible, since it invol-
ves four variables. Every situation in order to determine the
tight amount of a particular factor of production will assume
a combination of the remaining factors. It will be difficult
to say whether the unsatisfactory result was due to the wrong
quantity of a particular factor, or dne to the wrong combina-
tion of the remaining factors. To say that a particular factor
is in right or wrong amount is to decide one question inde-
pendently of others. In actual practice the experiment is
only partial because the major premise will not bear analysis,
Even if we suppose that a laboratory method determines the
right proportions on a trial farm and the results are theoreti-
cally demonstrable, this combination cannot serve as a
practicable measure on farms of smaller or bigger size. The
problem of proper degree of intensity of cultivation, therefore,
cannot in actual practice be solved through accountancy
method or mathematical calculations* The experiments,
however, do advance useful suggestions for movement in
a particular direction.
Our growing population, the scarcity of farm products, and
the desire to increase the standard of living, with in future, pat
( 56 )
greater demands on agricultural resources. Resort to new
lands for cultivation being limited (explained in chapter VII)
the most important method of increasing the supply of
agricultural production is through intensifying our farming
more and more. This implies a greater part to be played by
labour, capital, equipment and management in future than in
the past. But both in the process of intensification and
extension the return per unit of social and economic costs is
sure to decline sooner or later. The depressing effects of
the law of Diminishing Returns will necessitate an improve-
ments in the human factor in farming and in other equipment,
which is termed as capital or technology.
CHAPTER IV-
Types of Farming and the Problems of
Selection and Valuation.
I. CLASSIFICATION OF FARMS
What is a Farm ? It is a piece or faeces of land operated as a
single unit of agricultural enterprise under one management.
In our country the term 'farm 1 is not so commonly used as
the term 'holding,' and very often the two terms are found
to be used as synonyms. Really speaking 'holding* is a
legal concept indicating parcel or parcels of land held
under one lease, engagement or grant, or theka, or in the
absence of any such lease etc,, under one tenure. The word
'farm 1 indicates the actual unit of operation, Dimentionally
they may or may not coincide, and very often they do not.
Types of Farms, The phrases types of farming or systems
of farming apparently appear vague, since they bring to the
mind a bewildering variety of agricultural enterprises both
in respect of growing of crops and of raising of livestock.
Generally, these terms are used interchangeably. But really
speaking the latter is & broader term. It generally denotes
the nature of production or the combination. The former
has been more commonly used in the classification of farms
Ty^e-of -farming area denotes the territory within which a particular
product or combination of products is found on most of the farms, or even
in the case of intermingling that is the most common system of farming
The term 'combination' denotes not only the products which are combined
but also the proportion in which they are combined, e. g , potato-tobacco
farm means more income is from potato than from tobacco, and the tobacqo-
potato farm rnean^ the reverse of it.
8 57
( 58 )
specially on the basis of the share of gross income received
from different sources. But this is not a commonly accepted
terminology in our country indicating clear cut distinction.
However, a classification of farm5 can be made on several
bases.
1. According to the nature of the produce. Broadly
speaking agriculture may be divided into two classes ;
(a) crop farming, and (6) livestock raising.
2. According to size (measured in terms of area}. In terms
of area they are generally classified into : (a) small, (b) medium-
sized, and (c) large. Sometimes a detailed classification is
attempted, such as: (a) small, (b) medium'Sma}l t (c) medium^
(d) medium-large, and (e) large. These terms convey different
ideas in different countries, depending upon the total culti-
vated area, the number of people following agriculture and
the prevailing size of the unit of production. The distinction
is more marked in countries of small-scale farming on the
one hand and those of large-scale farming on the other.
In our country, in the case of the threefold classification
farms upto 5 acres may be considered small, 5-15 acres as
medium-sized and those of above 15 acres as large. In the
latter case those upto 5 acres as small, 5-8 acres as medium-
small, 8-12 acres as medium-sized, 12-15 acres as medium-
large and those above 15 acres as large,
3. According io value of products, or income. Broadly
they are classified into : (a) Specialized farms, when the
major source of income is from a single crop or one industry.
There may be crop speciality, such as cotton farm, wheat
farm and sugar cane farm, etc., or animal speciality, such as
sheep ranch, poultry farm and piggery etc. (b) General
farm* when the income is from several sources, i. e n when
not even 4W/o of the income is from one particular source. It
p'resenfs a comblifcilion oF agricultural enterprises, which may
( 59 )
be closely related, each being necessary for the profitableness
of the whole undertaking, such as dairying combined with
growing of fodder; or it may combine several departments,
each producing its independent share of the income, such as
a farm producing sugar cane, vegetables and dairy products.
An extreme form of combination may be of several industries
on the same farm, such as cereal cultivation, fruit farming,
vegetable growing, and they being combined with dairying,
cattle breeding and poultry etc. These are the three stages
of combinations of agricultural enterprises on the basis of
which general farming may again be classified under three
heads.
Closely resembling to the term general farming there are
two terms : diversified farming and mixed farming Ordinarily
the term general farming can be used for any of these two
types, But specifically diversified farming means growing
of several crops, or including different kinds of livestock in
a stock-ranch. There are diversified crop farms as well as
diversified livestock farms. The word mixed farming is
used for a type on which growing of crops is combined with
some kind of stock-raising. A more explanatory substitution
for it would be crop and livestock farming,
4. According to the business enterprise. On the basis of
the nature of business farming may be classified into :
(a) Self 'Sufficing or subsistence or family living farms t when
most of the goods produced on the farm are consumed in the
farm family and agriculture is carried on mostly as a mode
of living, (b) Commercial farming^ when the farmer lives
on profit, agriculture is mostly carried on as a business, and
most of the farm produce is for sale in the market, (c) Part*
time farming, when agriculture is combined as a secondary
occupation with some non-agricultural occupation,
5, According to farm organization, On the basis of farp
( 60 )
organization it may be classified as : (a) Individual farming,
when the farm family is the unit of operation and the
farmer operates the farm individually, mostly with the help
of his family labour and resources, (b) Joint farming , when
two or more (mostly two and occasionally three) farm
families operate their land jointly as one farm, combining
their lands, supplying labour and other investment in a
particular proportion (mostly equally) and dividing the output
in the same ratio, The combination is mostly for one agri-
cultural year and lasts till the harvest, (c) Cooperative
farthing, when cultivators for in a cooperative society pooling
their own land or taking it on lease or buying it, and culti-
vate it jointly by means of production owned by the society.
Sometimes land is cultivated individually and the society
performs some common services such as supplying of credit,
marketing of the produce and supplying costly implements.
Really speaking at some stage the actual farm operations
must be done on a cooperative basis, (d) Corporate
farming, when the farm is operated by a joirtt*stock enter-
prise, The work is done by hired labour under the supervi-
sion of paid services. The share-holders are concerned
only with the profits or losses. Agriculture is followed
generally on large-scale based on capitalistic method, (e) State
farming when the faim is owned by the Government and
worked by the paid labour under the management of the
government services. The workers have no voice in deciding
the nature of crops, or in the management, and they have no
interest in the improvement of the farm. The operation is
generally on large scale and such farms are often equipped
with up-to-date machinery, (f) Collective farming, when
the members surrender their land irrevocably. The rights
in land and livestock are joint and the actual farming is
done cojnmonty. The ipcctne is based op the amount of
( 61 )
work done. Farmers mostly live with individual families
in own houses which have small garden allotments attached
to them. Sometimes in the extreme form of collectivization
members live together, have a common kitchen and own
everything commonly, having no separate belongings except
trifling things of personal use like the tooth brush.
6, According to land tenures. There is a bewildering
variety of farms and farmers based on the nature of rights
in land. However, on the basis of the duration of the
occupaticy right farms may be of five types : fa) Tttwncy-Gt*
will, when no right accrues in land and the farmer simply
depends on the sweet will of the owner. Generally, $ucfa
farms are for one agricultural year, The tenancy is renewed
and the farmer may have the same land next year or diffe-
rent land, (b) Lease holding, when the land is held for a
number of years under a lease, (o) Life tenancy, when the
right of cultivation lasts till the life of the operator,
(d) Hereditary tenancy, when the right of cultivation is
inherited and passes from generation to generation according
to the law of inheritance, (e) Heritable and transferable
tenancy, when the right of cultivation is both heritable and
transferable. Besides, another type of classification based
on tenancy may be as : (a] Tenant farming, when the land
is taken on rent from landlords. The rent may be paid in cash
or in kind. Share cropping is also a form of tenancy farming
in which a part of the produce, generally half, is paid as rent,
(6) Peasant proprietorship, when the land is taken directly
from the State by the farmers and there is no intermediary
between the farmer and the State. The right is also heritable
and transferable, {e) Owner or Landlord farming, when the
land is farmed by the actual owner or the land holder who
has the superior right of ownership in it, The actual farming
pay be done by himself or throogh-hired labour, , .,
( 62 )
7, According to farm labour. On the basis of the
actual farm work done, farms may be of two types : (a)
Family farms, when most of the agricultural operations are
performed by the farmer with the help of the family labour,
and (d) Faming by hired labour, when most of the farm
work is done by wage paid workers.
II, FARMING AS AN OCCUPATION
There is an old Indian proverb that agriculture is the
best of all occupations. Such a conception is not peculiar to
India alone but it reflects the traditional view of all agricul-
tural societies. As observed earlier man had to be fed and food
production was the most fundamental and permanent concern
of man. The fundamental importance of agriculture, therefore,
dominated the thought of man from the very beginning of
settled life, and thinkers made agriculture the only key to
economic activities. 'Throughout the age-old struggle of
mankind to make a living, perhaps no dream has been more
appealing than that of a home on the land a snug, secure
place where one could be reasonably sure of enough to eat,
of shelter, of warmth, of those elemental necessaries of life
that the average man thinks of first for himself and his
family 1 .*
One thing peculiar about fatming is, and it is hardly true
of any other vocation, that it is a home enterprise, intimately
combining business with home. Farming should, therefore,
be considered in two ways : as an occupation and as a living,
Technically speaking, they are two different forms of activities,
and the principles governing them are likewise different.
The tests of an occupation are economy and efficiency, to
be more explicit ptofitdbleness, safety, stability, and ulti-
mately the national good. Judged b) its piofitablencss agticul-
^JLarson apd Teller, What is Farming ? p. 13,
( 65 )
ture cannot be the best occupation. Agricultural communities
all over the world are not so advanced asindustrial commuai-
ties, and are not even equally prosperous*. In agriculture
only a few become rich. A small percentage is well-of but the
rank and file is poor, and some miserably poor. But farming
is said to be more safe and stable, and less susceptible to serious
dislocation in the financial world than other businesses are.
This is mostly due to self-contained economy. Farm production
on the whole is fairly stable but taking the different regions
and individuals into account income variability is quite con-
siderable, which is due both to production variability and
business fluctuations. Besides, agriculture is subject to natural
hazards more than any other form of business* Again, in the
Bengal famine of 1943 majority of the starvation deaths were
of rural people and farming community, That makes the
idea of safety doubtful. However, since agriculture pro*
duces primarily food and agricultural economy is mostly of
a self-sufficing nature, it is less susceptible to financial dis-
turbances than other occupations. Booms and depressions,
inflation and deflation, and unemployment, etc,, do not affect
farming so seriously as they do in the case of other busi-
nesses. Even wars do not dislocate agriculture so much as
other industries, Hence, farming on the whole can be treated
to be more stable and safe than other occupations.*
But farming cannot be treated as a business only* It
is a mode of life as well, And some go to the extent of
* Really speaking large scale farming and big business cannot be com*
pared. A big farmer can do slightly better only through improving the
organization but so far as the methods of production are concerned he has
got the same standard as his small neighbours. Farming is not an occupa-
tion in which a small revolving fund can be made to do wonders, nor is it
one in which few great fortunes are made by a lucky turn of the wheel which
grinds thousands of competitors, It is mainly the result of individual
effort. The vast majority of farmers are trying to get along doing the best
they can under all forts of handicaps,
( 64 )
saying that it is a mode of life and not a business, and hence,
business principles should demand least consideration in it.
Really speaking there is a close intermingling of the two
lines of activities each exercising a great influence on the
other. The farm family is very important to the farm
business, and equally important to the family are food,
clothing and fuel provided by the farm. Farm and the
family become more closely involved because there is a sort
of conflict between the desire for cash income and wholesome
living, between the use of income on the farm and for family,
and between the work on the farm and the time for living,
recreation and leisure. Farmers have to make a choice
between how much to sell in order to get enough income to
meet the various obligations and how much to keep for their
family requirements. They have to make a choice in the
use of income and other resources for carrying out the farm
operations and improving the farm, or for living, comfort,
leisure, health, education, and recreation of the family. There
is a choice between work on the farm and enjoying life, for
children to go to school or to look after the cattle and crops,
and for ladies to take care of children and look to household
duties, or to attend to milch cattle and to help the male mem-
bers on farms. The choice has to be made between the care
of children and their education or the rush of work at the
sowing and harvesting time, between the medical care of the
wife or some urgent farm expenses, between reducing the debt
or performing some social ceremony, in short between more
income or better life, and between farm business or farm lifet
*Is security a powerful economic motive ? The psychology of agricul-
tural communities proves it to be so, To the prosperous and specially those
who have imbibed the spirit of individualism and competition, and are sure
of themselves as competitors in the commercial and the business world, it
may not be so. But to the relatively poorer sections the sense qf safety
provided by the farm, regarding food and living, makes them stick to farm-
fog inspite of the fact that it provides relatively poorer standard of living
and lower incomes,
( 65 )
The standard of living and the standard of farm work
are also closely related. Working conditions are as much
a part of life as food, clothing and housing, etc. Any improve-
ment which makes the farm work light also contributes to
the welfare of the family and may increase the income.
Again most of the satisfactions which make up life and which
are termed as 'utilities', are derived not from direct consump-
tion like taking of food or wearing of clothes but from
pleasure of work. The usual illustration is the satisfaction
derived by an artist by looking at his paintings. The satis-
faction which farmers derive from maturing crops and
fattening livestock, a grain heap on the threshing ground or a
milking cow, and even the care of crops and animals when
they grow and develop, is as genuine as that of an artist.*
Farming has got certain advantages- Farmers work for
themselves an i have a greater independence than labourers
working for others. Farm work is varied and out of doers.
Farming provides opportunities for making a living possible
with comparatively smaller investment, There are opportuni-
ties for smaller investments and smaller businesses, hence,
there are greater chances for tnediocres al&o to be quite
successful. Agriculture is an occupation which though suSers
on account of inefficient and unintelligent operation and still
returns a living, while other businesses, inspite of inefficient
operation may not return a living. Farming provides work
*There is a fine story about farming told by Plutarch, the famous
Roman historian. Over 2000 > ears ago, a certain nation sent emissaries
with a large sum of gold to gain the fa\our of a prominent Roman citizen.
They sought out the powerful I<oman and found him on his little farm,
Though he had been three times accoided a public triumph and though he
owned many slaves, they found him in the chimney corner of his cottage,
busy dressing turnips for the evening meal After they had made their
offers, the great man said to them, 'The Reman who owns a farm like this
wants nothing 3 ou can give, What need have I, or any man \vbocan
produce and enjoy such a supper as thro, of gold', He sent them away
and went on dressing turnips.
9
( $6 )
Cor young and old and work which women and children can
dp with profit and pleasure. Farm life provides a better
community life, and life which is more close to natural copdr
turns and nearer to human hopes and desires than life in
other occupations, specially in cities, which a^e dominated by
pecuniary motives, selfishness and greed, resuldng in dehu-
manizing of human personality, Farm life is more contented
and peaceful; it is more simple and happier.
Farming in our country is a tradition and a mode of life.
But the choice between the farm and the family very often
resolves in favour of farm work and cash income than actual
living. Most of our farmers, almost all, must secure enough
return to keep their families, and hence, must consider
business principles in so far as they bear on their securing
enough money for meeting their various obligations. Both
business principles and family considerations, therefore,
have to be given their due weight. The business aspect is
rarely so successful that farm life may appear to be a long
sweet song, Due to a number of handicaps farm business
runs so low that farm life is a downtrodden sweated slavery
and a permanent struggle against fate. Farm life in rural
areas is devoid of some conveniences which are available
to workers in other occupations in towns. But the cost of
living in rural areas is lower. Even during the depression
farmers are not faced with unemployment. During the
time of general unemployment agriculture serves as the
shock-absorber. And farm life is more contented ; and farm
communities are nnst peace loving.*
*The economic history of the developed countries shows that with
economic progress the attachment of people with land has gradually become
less numerous and less close. But the results of the urbancum commer-
cial civilization which has come into being are not very happy. On the
other hand, experience shows that every great war tends to draw increasing
attention towards farming, which means that such -turrcorls which disrupt
economic life considerably seem to revive the simple old bope of seeking
safety, security and peace on land.
( 67 )
III. SPECIALIZED Vs, DIVERSIFIED FARMING,
The distinction between specialized and diversified farm-
ing has briefly been drawn in the discussion of types of farms.
10 the extreme fora* specialization means single crop
farming! or only one kind of business regarding one kind of
livestock, Similarly, diversified farming in the extreme form
implies a combination of a very large number of hetrogenous
agricultural industries both in respect of growing of crops
and raising of livestock, e, g., growing of several kinds of
crops: cereals, oil seeds, fibres, pulses, fruits and vegetables,
etc., and also having different kinds of livestock. In actual
practice such extreme forms are rare. In our country we
have examples of the same land growing rice repeatedly for
a number of years in the rice zone, or in Rajasthan certain
lands growing bajra for a number of years, Again, in the
case of tea gardens and rubber plantations, we have examples
of single crop farming. There are also dairy farms keeping
only cows, selling milk and buying all feeds and foddef.
But such cases are uncommon. Really speaking, the differ-
ence between specialized and diversified farming, in actual
practice, is only that of degree* The former implies two or
three crops or relatively less number of crops and the latter
five or six or even more, i. <?, a relatively larger number of
crops. Another way of drawing a distinction is that one
implies living on the profit and the other living on the farm.
It means specialized farming is drawn more extensively into
commercial and business relationships, and is dragged closer
to the same principles which underlie other business under-
takings. And in diversified farming producers live mostly 1
on the products of their farms ; the farms produce almost as
many things as needed by family and the farm, Applying
this test to the actual: conditions it is found that specialized
fatmtng is not only for profit and wholly for the market,
( 68 )
similarly diversification is not absolute self-sufficiency or
farming merely for home consumption. Here also, there is
a question of degree. One is mainly for the market depen-
ding largely on business principles, while the other is
generally for home consumption. There can be examples
of farms growing several crops and most of them being ment
for the market. The real distinction is not the growing for
the market or for the family, but the degree of the variety of
products, or the number of businesses.
Advantages of Specialized Farming. (1) Specialization leads
to community centralization. When the degree of specializa-
tion is greater the facilities for marketing are better. It attracts
wholesale buying. Thus, products are more easily marketed.
(2) Farm work is less exacting, less confining and liable
to a less neglect.
(3) Specialized farms are generally better equipped,
since the proportion of fixed charges being less they can
afford to have better machinery and other equipment.
(4) A start is usually possible with less capital investment.
(5) Less equipment is required.
(6) Less labour is needed.
(7) Chances of undetectable leakage are minimised.
(8) Farmers have considerable leisure to enjoy life.
(9) Specialization leads to a greater degree of skill and
dexterity in the production and care of a particular product.
(10) In some cases lesser land is required. A five-acres
poultry farm or twenty-acres fruit or vegetable farm may
probably produce almost the same income as 40 or 50 acres of
mixed farm. Specialized cereal farming is of course exten-
sive but not fruit and vegetable farming.
Objections to Specialized Farming, (l) Specialized
farming is very hazardous. There is a greater dependence
on the market the failure of which brings serious disaster,*
* g , bankrupt Europe unable to buy at high prices made
American farmers also bankrupt and U. S. A f s best land was
under most trouble. In the U, S. A. specialization has been
the leading cause of farmers 1 troubles and the worst example
is of their cotton belt.
(2) Generally, farmers unconsciously become a part of
an international plan because they become producers for world
market. And in abnormal times they become more helpless.
(3) When international trade is invloved buying and
selling of specialized farms become difficult because bargain-
ing on a safe basis is rendered very difficult in case of
variations in international prices. A comparatively, small
and diversified farm seldom goes bankrupt.
(4) Success of farm depends ou the crop conditions of
one or two crops, and crop failure spells disaster.
(5) The worst effects are to be seen when the prices fall.
The system leads to dependence on public help. And the
poorer the country the lesser help it can afford, and farmers
suffer more*
(6) The return in cash is mostly once a year and hence,
irregular. The investment fails to turn over more than once
a year,
(7) It does not provide for the proper maintenance of
soil productivity. Continuous use of the land for ihe same
crop not only exhausts soil fertility but also results in losses
from diseases. Commercial fertilizers can counter balance
* Demand for agricultural commodities is generally said to be
relatively more inelastic. It is subject to fewer changes tban that for other
types of goods. But even the most stable parts of diets experience changes, e.g.,
during the First World War due to emergency there was a 20% cut in bread in
the U. S. A, diet. It has never increased since then. Consumers have adopted
the new type of diet as normal and producers have adopted to meet the
requirements of new type of diet by producing more fruits, vegetables and
dairy products/
( 70 )
the redaction infertility but the soil-borne diseases neccessi-
late crop rotations which are not properly carried out oa
specialized farms*
(8) Labour and equipment is not used to the best
advantage*
(9) Specialized crop farms do not keep sufficient livestock
to consume waste products of farms and to make the waste
land productive,
(10) It does not produce the necessary articles of Kood.
And even the producers of food become dependent for their
baste requirements on traders, and suffer from trade risks
and business hazards even when production is maintained.
Advantage* of Diversified Farming. (1) it
economical and better use of equipment.
(2) Since different crops mature at different times, the
system offers a steady and constant employment to labour,
and distributes the farm work more evenly throughout the
year. There are more months for productive labour and
hence, greater income, The nature of steady employment
retains better workers on the farm*
(3) When several crops are grown in succession soil
fertility is kept in a better balance, since leguminous crops
transfer atmospheric nitrogen to the soil. And soil-borne
diseases ate also reduced. Sometimes soil texture is also
improved.
(4) Farm practices and methods are improved on account
of better rotations, green manure crops, clean tillage, storage
of moisture and reduction of loss from pests. Sometimes
crops not only fill up the gap, or a vacant or idle time and
space in rotations, but help other crops. Thus, the oppor*
tunnies for productivity are increased*
(5) The: system results in a better land use, Many farms
( H )
have a variety of types of soils. Diversification leads to the
adaptation of crops to soil conditions. A combination of
daep and shallow rooted crops taps different layers of soil
for plant nutrients. Again, deep rooted crops store a part of
the plant nutrients in the heavy root growth near the surface.
And close growing crops reduce soil erosion and add organic
matter in the soil when they are ploughed. Thus to some
extent they reduce the need for fallowing,
(6) Combination of crops and livestock leads to better
utilization of crops. There are certain industries which
prove more economical if they are carried together. Diversi*
fication permits a proper utilization of by-products and thus
minimises waste.
(7) Returns are more quicker and more regular. Invest-
ment has chances of turning over more than once a year.
(8) There are several sources of income and more money
producing factors. Thus, there is greater safety of investment
and certainty of income every year. Climatic hazards are
not so disasterous as in the case of specialization*
(9) Market fluctuations do not hit the diversified farmers
so hard as the specialized ones. It is because diversification
is not primarily based on producing for the market and
hence, market factors are not so important. Secondly there
are a number of products for the market and it will be rare
that the market may be depressed for all.
(10) It is better for beginner? who are not closely
familiar with local agricultural practices and conditions.
There are chances of some business proving profitable if others
fail, and thus of returning some reward.
(11) It is a more complex system of farming, and Kenjce
more exacting to the operator or the manager. Their capa*
cities are put to real test in respect of crop planning, orgam*
flation of work, utilization of labour and equipment and
marketing, etc.
(12) The system is more suitable for maintaining a heavy
population.
Objections to Diversification. (I) In case of too much
diversification crops compete for the use of labour and equip-
ment at the same time, and in such cases some are liable to
be neglected,
(2) There is multiplicity of duty, and year round routine,
Less time is left for leisure and living, This sort of objec-
tion is more appreciated at an advanced stage of economy*
In a country like ours the problem is of providing more work*
(3) Due to the variety and small quantities for sale, there
are generally difficulties in marketing farm products.
(4) The work is scattered, more exacting, and, therefore,
liable to be neglected sometimes.
(5) Though two or three crops in rotation exhaust the
soil fertility more slowly than single crop farming, but they
do it very effectively, specially when crops are grown in rows.
But this generally happens in a lower degree of diversification
and row-cropping.
(6) In case of mechanized farming both general and
special purpose machines are used for a lesser duration of
time. At times the situation has to be mastered and the
work has to be finished quickly, hence farmers are inclined
to buy larger and greater amount of machinery than is ordi-
narily needed. This increases overhead costs.
Adopting a particular system. After examining the advan-
tages and disadvantages of the two systems it should not be
difficult to decide whether farmers should specialize or
follow diversified farming, But it is worthwhile to note that
thefre is no single answer to this question. First, "agriculture
( 78 )
is no where, and perhaps, cannot so highly be specialized as
many other occupations, Secondly, whether a farmer should
or should not specialize* or to what extent should he diversify,
depends largely on conditions under which he lives* Soil
and climatic conditions mainly govern the nature of crops
grown. Amount of rainfall and the facilities for irrigation
determine the extent of intensification. Besides, in poor
communities and relatively underdeveloped areas farming is
mostly of subsistence type and farmers grow several crops ;
and in prosperous communities self-supporting farms give
way to specialization* It is because when a man has to work
hard from morn till evening simply to make a bare living he
has no time to think about the scientific aspect of his under-
taking or the business principles underlying it. It is only
when he receives an adequate return that he has opportunities
to think of such things. In prosperous countries specially in
the West there has been a tendency towards specialization
which is probably the result of surplus economy. Moreover, in
densely populated countries like India and China in which
agriculture is sufficiently old and established and farm prac-
tices have slowly matured and have attained almost an
equilibrium, diversified farming has aimed at best land use
and the maintenance of a dense population. On the other
hand, it has been seen that diversification does not help all
farmers. Hence, it is not generally a question of choice
between the two systems because most of the things will be
governed by circumstances. But a more correct view is that
for successful farming diversity o( business is an important
factor. And a medium degree of diversity so as to give an
even distribution of labour, to offer a variety of products to
sell so as to bring regular and sure income, and to best utilize
the land, is much better than either an extreme form of
10
diversity or a low degree of it,
C*e for Mixed Farming. In view of the peculiar features
of our agriculture the case for mixed farming is quite
obvious. Our agriculture is overcrowded; the crop yields
are low ; farm income and standard of living are very poor ;
and cattle economy is very closely connected with agriculture
because animal power is the main source of power in agri-
culture, farm yard manure is the main source of maintaining
soil festility, and animals make good use of subsidiary and
by products on farms. Under such circumstances a system
of mixed farming will most suit our conditions.
It is capable of maintaining a thicker population. It offers
a chance of better labour utilization by providing greaterem-
ployment, and further reduces the period of spare time.
Thus, it will make a maximum use of the factor of production
which is available in plenty, and by enhancing the duration
of productive employment will increase the productive
capacity. Besides under the conditions of land scarcity it offers
better methods and practices of land use. Different types
of lands will be used for the purpose for which they are
suitable, Thus by establishing a balanced land-use-pattern it
will better conserve the soil fertility, subsidiary and by-pro-
ducts of agriculture will be utilized by different kinds of
live-stock, which in their turn will provide farm-yard manure.
It not only makes our agriculture more economical but also
recoups soil exhaustion. It is more significant in our case
because the possibilities of the use of chemical festilizers and
artificial manures by farmers in general, are limited due to
sevetal reasons. Again, it will provide not only a subsidiary
source of income but also more frequent and regular income,
and thereby will enhance the standard of living.
Really speaking the case for mixed farming can be esta-
blished only after considering the alternative measures.
( 75 )
The problems of our agriculture as have been pointed out
above, e, g., over crowding, spare time, lower yields, and low
incomes, etc,, can be solved better by a system of mixed
farming, which seems to suit best our conditions, A recent
study in Mathura district of Uttar Pradesh comparing mixed
(arming (cereal cultivation being combined with dairying)
with purely cereal cultivation, puts the case in a more con*
crete shape.*
Items
Mixed
farming
Cereal
cultivation
I,
Land Utilization.
(a) % of the double cropped area to net
cultivated area, (%)
26'8
17*3
II.
Labour Utilization,
(b) Employment provided to family labour
per average farm, (male-work-units )
480
358
(c) Working days for human labour per agr,
year, (days.)
302
245
(d) Working days for cattle labour per agr,
year, (days )
223
170
(e) Agricultural-idleness in family labour.
(% to available work days )
90
246
(f) Spare time of work animals. (% to
available work days.)
390
530
(g) Total employment per acre per year,
(male-work-units.)
66*4
50*2
in.
Farm Income.
(h) Gross income per acre. ( Rs,)
286/8-
209/9-
(i) Net income per acre, ( Rs,)
71/7-
38/-
From the study of European agriculture Yates and
warriner come to the same conclusion that ' ~grain pro-
* Jitpal Sing, Economics of Mixed Farming in Mathura District,
an unpublished thesis, Dept, Agr, Eco,, B,R, College, Agra,
( 76 )
duction by itself will never give a high money output per
acre* and is, therefore, utterly inappropriate as a staple
farming for crowded regions, 1 and the evidance supplied
by them is quite interesting,* but it reveals its full significance
only to one who is familiar with European agricultural
conditions.
A Active workers in agriculture per 100 acres farm land.
Over 15 Italy, Greece, Bulgaria, Rumania, Poland, Albania,
Yugoslavia,
1215 Switzerland, Belgium, Germany, Hungary, Spain,
Portugal, Czechoslovakia,
912 Netherlands, Norway, Finland, Lithunia,
fi 9 Denmark, Sweden, France, Estonia, Latvia,
i
Under 6 United Kingdom, Eire,
B. Net output in per acre. (1937)
1215 Belgium, Netherlands, Switzerland,
9 12 Denmark,
69 Norway, Sweden, Italy, France, Germany, United
Kingdom, Estonia,
36 I Hungary, Bulgaria, Greece, Spain, Portugal, Slovakia,
Poland, Finland, Lithunia, Latvia, Eire,
Under 3 Rumania, Yugoslavia, Albania,
*p, L. Yates and D. Warriner, Food and Farming in Post-war
Europe, 1943, pp, 39-40,
( 77 )
C, Net output per active worker in 2(1937)
Over 120
90-120
60-90
30-60
Under 30
U, K., Denmark,
Belgium, Netherlands, Switzerland,
Germany, France, Norway, Sweden, Eire,
Finland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Italy, Spain,
Estonia, Lateria,
Portugal, Poland, Rumania, Yugoslavia, Greece,
Bulgaria, Lithunia, Albania.
IV. PROBLEM OF SELECTION.
Selecting farming as an occupation. It is mostly a
personal matter and must be determined by tastes, aspirations
and other circumstances of the individuals concerned. There
are, however, other factors for general consideration, specially
in respect of farming as a business, such as potential
profitability of farming, availability of alternate occupations
and also the social values attached to it. Therefore, before
making a choice of farming as an occupation both the sets of
factors have to be taken into account.
(a) Personal considerations. In every locality we find
examples of farmers: who are most successful due to their
special ability or efficiency, others miserably failing, and
still others presenting all gradations between success and
failure, depending far more upon differences in the human
element than on those in physical conditions of land and
other opportunities of money and market. Thus, in making
farming successful considerable stress has to be placed on
the individual. There is, however, no rule to indicate the
percentage of success attributed to mam But it must be
quite considerable. It is sometimes believed that half of
the success depends on ipan and the other half depends on
( 78 )
the conditions of soil, climate and market, etc, (a detailed
discussion of this point is made elsewhere). .While consi-
dering the personal factor several elements have to be taken
into account. They are : personal taste for agriculture as an
occupation, experience in farm practices, knowledge of local
agricultural conditions, level of efficiency as an operator,
energy, enthusiasm, courage, faith and responsibility.
(b) Other considerations. The other set of factors com-
prises of those which have been considered in previous pages
under the heading 'farming as an occupation'. To be brief, it
has to be considered both as a business and as a life, and as
such, it is quite stable though not a very profitable business. It
aSords a healthy, peaceful and enjoyable life, and a variety of
work. While making a choice the points to be considered are :
probable income and its adequacy for the family and the farm,
stability and safety as a business, availability of alternate
occupations limiting choice, nature of work provided by it,
social values attached to it and the type of life it affords.
Selecting Farm Business. After making choice of farm-
ing as an occupation the other question is of selecting the
type of farming or the farm business. It will largely be
determined by circumstances, and the factors to be taken into
account can be put under four groups : (a) Environmental
conditions or the locality limitations, such as the soil and
the climatic conditions, quantity and the quality of labour
and the location of market and the market conditions, which
will greatly determine the kind and quality of the crops
gtown. (fr) Availability of capital, (o) Financial require-
ments for operating expenses, or family needs, or for both*
Since different farm businesses have variable earning capaci-
ties greater family needs may influence the choice of the
business, (d) Personal tastes and the capacity of the operator.
AH the$e factors have a bearing in makiftg the choice.
( 79 )
and they have to be balanced against each other, The need
of larger income may shift the personal factor to a second
place. Again, lack of capital may compel to choose a busi-
ness of lesser income possibility. Sometimes the environ-
mental conditions prove most powerful and overcome ail
other considerations, Hence, a consideration of all these
factors is necessary. But it is to be noted that if there is a
greater elasticity ol choice, or if one has the whole country
to choose from, all the factors enter into choice. But in
actual practice the choice is generally simplified by the
decision based on either a given locality or a particular
business. To be precise, the factors which have to be taken
into consideration while deciding the desirability of an
enterprise are :
1. Income possibility or the profitableness as determined
by local experience,
2, Physical conditions of soil and climate,
3 Effects of the type of farming on the fertility oi the soil.
4. Financial requirements for equipment and other
investment.
5. Extent and quality of labour requirements.
6. Nature of work and its seasonal distribution.
? Location with respect to market.
8. Other conditions existing in the market, specially
marketing costs and facilities for sale.
9. The extent of enterprise, and the volume of business
determining the quantity and stability in supply.
10. The extent of the market foi the product or the
demand so as to determine the probable influence of
an increase in the supply on market price.
11, Personal inclination of the whole farm family for the
particular line of business.
Selecting the Farm, The basic essentials in selecting a
( 80 )
farm are right type of land, good income producing power,
congenial community life and reasonable price* These are
broad considerations including amongst them a number of
elements which, under a detailed analysis must be considered
Separately. They are as follows : -
1. Types of /arming. The farm to be selected should
fit in the already formulated plan and must be able to produce
the kind ot crops, or raise animals which the operator intends.
To have a place simply because it is a farm and then try to
find out the right type of crops or animals after long experi-
ments, is a costly method of gaining experience,
2. Quality of soil. It determines yield and is the most
Valuable asset. Through proper management and artificial
manuring some improvement is possible, but the soils of
naturally poor physical condition will not pay.
3. Topography. General lay-out of the land, slope and its
direction, presence of ravines or hills, proper drainage, etc.,
influence the kind and quality of produce, farm practices
and operations,
4. Shape and arrangement of the farm. There should be
facilities for dividing the farm into fields of proper size, and
proper arrangement of fields, buildings, roads, paths and
water supply, etc. Irregular shape and a haphazard
arrangement of these things increase difficulties in cultivation,
add to the cost, and sometimes waste land.
5. Size of farm It is one of the most important considera-
tions because it mostly determines the volume of business.
The size should be such as to provide full and profitable
use to labour, capital and equipment, and ultimately to
provide an adequate income and a tolerably good, if not
a high, standard of living. It should not be too small to
limit the opportunities for profitable employment of labour
and capital, and thus, adding to the cost of cultivation, nor
( 81 )
should it be too big resulting in under-cultivation and waste*
ful use of land.
6. Climate. It plays an important part in determining the
kind of crops, Temperature, rainfall, forest, hail, thunder
storm, etc,, determine the succes or otherwise of crops.
Pleasant climate leads to healthy life of men and cattle, and
permits regular farm work. And unfavourable climate may
cause diseases which may deteriorate the health and working
capacity of men and cattle, and reduce crop yields.
7. Water supply. Normal rainfall is seldom sufficient
for crop production. The need for irrigation, therefore, is
paramount for successful cultivation. Without it fertility of
land and manures cannot be fully utilized. Cultivation cannot
be intensified and crop yields are considerably reduced*
8. Location with reference to market. The earning
capacity of the farm is considerably affected by its location.
Proximity to market and good means of transport and
commuication are basic for successful commercial farming,
specially when the produce is of a perishable nature. Pro-
duction can be arranged with reference to consumers'
preferences and the output can be transported quickly,
cheaply and in fresh condition. The locational factor
may not be very important in subsistence farming but in
commercial farming it is of fundamental importance.
9. Financial requirements. The price of land or rent
should not be too high and out of proportion to income produc-
ing power. The operational requirements and the family
needs during the period of production have to be
adjusted to the availability of money immediately or in future.
10. Labour. Amount, quality, availability and cost of
labour (wages) have to be considered specially in case of
large-scale farming, Due to scarcity of labour the work may
11
( 82 )
not be performed in time, and it may affect the yield. If
wages are too high the costs may be out of proportion. On
the other hand, cheap labour may limit the extent of mechani-
zation. In case of family farming it is not so important-
11. Safety against damage. Sometimes considerable
damage is caused by wild animals, birds and stray cattle,
Safety against them is important for successful farming,
12. Social conditions. Good neighbours provide not
only a congenial community life but also govern profitable-
ness of farming. When new comers are not liked hinderances
are created in work, crops are damaged, petty bickerings
and sometimes prolonged litigation take place, and life be-
comes unwholesome and farming unprofitable. Besides the
farm should not be too isolated for good social life.
Agriculture for Town dwellers. In some cases persons
residing in cities also adopt farming as an occupation,
sometimes in remote villages and more often in places,
easily accesible by roads. Such persons are either the big
landlords who have temporarily or permanently shifted to
cities, or city money-lenders to whom land has passed under
a debt, or service-men who during the period of their service
want to continue the possession ol land or maintain connec-
tions with villages, or other rich persons who follow indivi-
dual or corporate farming mainly for profit, or those having
spare cash want to have land property. In most of these
cases farming is done on a comparatively larger scale, work
is done by wage paid labour, even the management is paid,
production is for the market, and profitability is the main
aim. But leaving aside big commercial farms most of the
farms due to the lack of supervision, prove unprofitable.
Land is not maintained in a high state of productivity, and it
Jeads to under utilization. As a subsidiary occupation, and
( 83 )
specially providing the basic necessaries of life, it may be
considered good, particularly in abnormal times. During
the period of high prices it may prove profitable also.
But from the view point of land utilization it should be
discouraged as a national policy. Under the present
shortage of production optimum utilization of land and
maximum production is the aim. So far as the question of
property right in land is concerned, it is a different question.
If the institution of property in land is maintained tenancy
laws can provide an adequate and safe arrangement. Either
through lease or sub-letting land must be maintained in a
high state of productivity. Even in case of newly reclaimed
tracts colonization from thickly populated regions should be
preferable to extensive commercial farming by individuals
or corporations. On the whole it is a sort of enchroachment
by cities on villages reducing the farmer to the status of a
wage earner. Even from the view point of business and
profitability, in most of the cases it is not desirable, There-
fore, farming by town-dwellers in villages must be discou-
raged. In can, of course, be tolerated in the vicinities of
cities if they have farms nearby and practise farming under
their close supervision.
Agriculture as a Subsidiary Occupation. Village artisans,
menials, workers who migrate to cities in slack season, and
others having very small areas of land, follow farming as a
part-time job to supplement their incomes derived from
their traditional main occupations. In many cases the
areas are so small that the operators cannot afford to keep
bullocks and other farm equipment. They have the land
ploughed and sown by those from whom they take it, and
supply other labour. Land is not put to proper use and it is
under-cultivated. Lack of experience in the technique of
production generally results in low production, It also
( .84 )
reduces the size of faniis of regular farmers and increases
the pressure on land, This practice has become common
because the income of artisans from their occupations has
declined and there are no alternative occupations in villages,
The real remedy is the development of cottage industries for
artisans and the creation of farms of suitable size for farmers,
Very often, the development of cottage industries as a subsi-
diary occupation for farmers is suggested as a remedy for
under-sized holdings and as a provision of subsidiary
income. This amounts to dual occupation, which has been very
successful in Japan. In the transitional period it will have to
be done, But in the long run the adjustments will take
place and specialization will lead to the choice ol a single
occupation, Therefore, farming as a subsidiary occupation
by those having little agricultural traditions should be
discouraged*
A recent study in Meerut District or Uttar Pradesh brings
out the following results.*
Artisan himself Cultivating
Artisan Warking as a
Land,
Farm Labour.
Tradi-
Agr, (as
Tradi
Agr, (as
tional oc-
subsidi-
Total,
tional oc-
subsidi-
Total
cupation.
ary).
cupation
ary.)
1, Labour emplo-
yment labour
units,)
Total,
132
231
363
151
150
301
%
664
63'6
100
50'2
49'8
100
2, Annual In-
come (Rs.)
Total,
554/3/3
142/9/7
696/12/11
67S/6/-
247/1 Q/-
923 1-
%
S4'7
153
100
73 '2
268
100
3. Income per la-
our unit. (Rs,)
4/3/2
-/9/10
1/14/9
4/7/7
1/9/9
3/1/1
#]ai Niwas Tyagi, Agriculture as a Subsidiary Occupation, 1951, an
unpublished theis, Dept, of Agr, & co., B, R, College, Agra,
( 85 )
V. VALUING THE FARM,
Appraisal Process. The term valuation is mostly used
as a synonym for appraisal i. e., the theory and the
process of estimating the value of a given property at a
specific place and time, In a derived sense it refers to the
value placed upon the property as a result of an appraisal.
Valuing a farm, therefore, ordinarily means determining a
figure in terms of money which one would be justified in
paying for a farm or an agricultural enterprise.
The appraisal process consists of two main parts : (i) Physical
inventary, i.e., collection of all the physical data affecting
the value of a farm, and (ii) Economic appraisal, i.e.,
converting physical yield into money income, or determining
their value in terms of money. The whole process is
comprised of six stages, the first three of which are
concerned with physical aspects and the other three with
economic aspects. They are as follows :
I Physical Data.
/. Appraisal map and soil inventary. It includes
a complete description of physical resources of
the farm, such as location, demarkation of its
boundaries, location of buildings, trees, streams,
soil texture, depth of surface soil, character of
sub-soil ; topography ; climate ; drainage, etc.
2, Estimation of yield. It includes an estimate of
productivity through estimating crcp yields and
typical cropping systems.
3. Building inventary. It includes physical inventary
and analysis of farm im provements and equip-
ment such as measurements of buildings, capacity,
estimate of future life and adaptability, etc.
For this section we have largely drawn on W. G, Murray, Farm
Appraisal, 1947,
( 86 )
II Economic Appraisal.
4. Preparation of Income Statement. It aims at
determining the internal producing and earning
capacity o{ the farm. The net income is found
out with the help of farm product prices and
expenses of production. It also includes building
valuation, and costs and valuation of other things.
5. Determination of value by capitalizing the income.
It means deciding the present worth of a farm
with the help of the estimated annual income by
capitalizing* the expected future income at the
pravailing rate of interest.
6. Determination of total vafae. It is the final
determination of the total value by adding the
intangible values (values attached to the farm on
account of favourable location and other amenities
or non-economic features being available) to the
productivity value, and by making other adjust-
ments after comparing the sale value of the farm
in question with those of other farms in the locality.
Methods of Valuation, There is almost unanimity of
opinion in respect of the appraisal of farm productivity. But
there is considerable difference of opinion on the best method
of valuation, *' e tt the process to be followed in convert-
ing production estimates into value. Two extreme sugges-
tions on the best method of valuation are : (i) The net
income capitalization method, and (ii) The sales value com-
parison method, They are termed briefly as the income
Capitalizing means assigning to the farm a value on which the annual
net income is the prevailing rate of interest, <?.,, if the farm area is 100
acres, the rate of rent (taken as annual net income) is Ks, 8 per acre and the
prevailing rate of interest is 5%, the capitalized value of the farm will be
Rs, 16,000. The determination of the rate of capitalization is a difficult
process because it depends on the expected income and also the expected
rate of interest both of which are inconsistant,
( 87 ,)
approach and the sales approach, These methods have their
own merits and demerits which make them suitable under
particular circumstances anJ unsuitable in others, There-
lore, in order to avoid the evils of both and to retain their
good points a third suggestion is to combine the two on a
compromise basis by employin g analysis, comparison and
capitalization, These methods are as follows:
1, The net income capitalization method. In this method
value is determined by capitalizing the net annual income
taking into account the returns Irom land and buildings. It
requires, first, an estimate of productivity and net income,
second, selection of the rate of capitalization, and third, ad
justment of the capitalized value to account for the non-eco-
nomic features or amenities mostly of intangible nature. The
estimates of the income may be based on the returns of land-
lords or of owner-operators. The difficulties arise in calcu-
lating certain items of expenses involved in owner-operation,
Therefore, while valuing land the income method usually
relies on estimates of rental income which can be substan-
tiated by comparison with actual facts, and owner-operator
income is generally estimated while examining the possibi-
lity of an owner having sufficient income to pay the interest
on a mortgage loan,
The merits of this method are that it is easy to determine
the annual rental value specially where tenancy is more com-
mon, and where soil and climatic conditions, and not the
management, are more important in determining yields, And
as T. D. Morse believes, income capitalization is the direct
and primary approach to valuation,* It leads to exhaustive
mathematical analysis. And since, it can develop to such a
*T, D. Morse, American Rural Appraisal System, Journal of the Ameri-
can Society of Farm Managers and Rural Appraisers, II No, 2, Nov. 1938,
p. 98, Quoted by W, G, Murray, Farm Appraisal, p, 206,
( 88 )
large extent from definite mathematical data and formulae it
appears logical to use it as a foundation to build upon,
The limitations of this method are as follows :
(a) The most serious handicap is that in certain localities
there may not be rental agreements, and in others rental
income may not be uniform. Again, the estimate of income
in case of owner-operation is very difficult, And estimation
of rental income in areas where tenancy is uncommon
becomes untrue to facts,
(b) A considerable portion of land value is due to non-
economic features, amenities and other intangible elements,
(c) It is very difficult to determine the rate of capitaliza-
tion.
(d) The difficulty in determining both income and capi-
talizing rate is greater in regions where crop yields vary
considerably and agricultural prices fluctuate widely,
(e) Estimates of net annual income lose much of their
significance in areas of marginal farming where average
expenses and returns almost balance each other, and farm
value is very low.
(/) It does not suit where a wide variety of methods of
farming are practised, or where farms produce a variety of
(g) It is unsatisfactory where buildings, location and
management are of special significance and soil conditions
play a minor role in determining annual return.
(h) It assumes a scientific accuracy which, unfortunately,
it does not possess. Hence, it is subject to serious errors, and
is not reliable. As F. Aereboe believes,* valuation according
to revenue is unscientific, impracticable and indefensible. A
*F. Aereboe, The Value of Landed Property, International Institute
of Agriculture, Bulletin of the Bureau of Agricultural Intelligence and of
Plant Diseases, Nov. 1912. Quoted by W. G, Murray, Farm Appraisal,
p,206,
( 89 )
slight mistake in yield per acre (under the assumption of the
same cost of cultivation) will bring about such a difference
in the net returns that the whole value after being capitalized
will appear absurd. Again, even if the valuation of net
returns were practicable, capitalization will depend on the
rate of interest in which a small difference will bring about
a considerable difference in the value.
2. The sale value comparison method. It uses actual
sales as standards. The level of value in the particular
region is determined from actual sales. The first step in this
method is to estimate the farm productivity or to establish
the productivity rating of a given farm, The second step is
to consider the non-economic features, and accounting for
the intangible features. The final step after rating the farm
as a productivity and amenity feature is to fit in the general
level of values in the region through comparisons. It is
a checking or a corroborative process in which values are
first determined on the basis of comparative productivity
and other factors, and then the capitalization method is used
as a check in determining the correctness of those values.
Market price of farms is supposed to be the best index of
value since it represents the actual price finally settled
between both the buyer who wants to offer the lowest possible
price and the seller who wants to get the highest possible price
(forced sales being avoided).
Those who emphasize this method think that in farm
appraisal the figure arrived at is the probable market price,
and not what one thinks that the farm should be worth,
And as G. C. Haas believes,* market price is the result of the
judgments of the land market, and represents the best esti-
G, C. Haas, Sale Prices as a Basis for Farm Land Appraisal, Minn.
Agr, Exp, Sta., Tech. Bull, 9,, Nov. 1922. Quoted by W. G. Murray,
Farm Appraisal, p. 208,
13
mates of buyers and sellers about the future farm income.
Secondly, value estimated by any other Method will approxi*
mate sale value. It is, because sate value and income value
remain almost at the same level except during short periods
When sale values may be higher on account of excessive
optimism during a boom or lower due to undue pessimism*
during a depression, than they should be. Again, when
income value based on normal price level is nfttich less than
the^sfcle value it is brought at par with the latter through
changes in price of the capitalizing rate, Thirdly; as Karl
Brandt thinks, this method is fit for quick application 1 on
large scale, It is less costly. Theoretically it operates on a
more scientific basis and the results are reliable.
The handle *ps of this method are : (a) unreliability of
the sale value estimates specially where farms are handed
down from generation to generation and sales are scarce ;
(b) sale value has a lesser significance in making comparisons
with other farms, It may be the only basis for comparison,
but its limitations cannot be overlooked ; (c) lack of standard-
ization in the land market.
After discussing the two methods one would note that though
there are differences between them they use farm prodfUct
prices as a cotrimofc b&se and also use the method of capita-
lization. Direct capitalization of income as a method of land
valuation has serious handicaps, but its usefulness as a gttkte
afrd 'a check has to be recognized. Really speaking the two
methods should supplement each other, A compromise
method is suggested which aims at avoiding the evils of
both the methods and at the same time retaining the merits
of both. It employs analysis, comparison and thfcn capitalfea*
ttom Since irt some cases a particular approach may be more
suitable than the other, greater weight has tb be attached to
the one better adapted, There are different kinds of
( 91 )
The specific use to which the appraisal is, put
.determines the place of emphasis, *, &, while buying fopd
m t aip emphasis is on the productive characteristics of soils,
Sipce the main objective is the future earnings ; while selling
land the seller should see that both income and non-income
or intangible features are included ; in condemnation
appraisal (taking land for military purposes, for air fields and
for roads, etc.) a reasonable compensation to the individual is
the aim of the govt,, and main consideration is of the personal
sacrifice which the present owner makes ; if it is designed for
tax assessment it must reflect the existing conditions and must
$how,the relative position of one region to another ; and if it is
made for loan purposes the emphasis is on long range views,
such as the probable conditions of the land during the period
of loan, natural, hazards, price risks and borrower's integrity
and security.
Theories of Land Value, Valuation, it is learnt from the
above discussion, is a process of establishing a value figure
based upon a particular programme through a formula of
capitalizing economic return. The value figure is an, amount
that an entrepreneur would be economically justified in
paying for land to be obtained under a specific business
decision* And as such, it is a function of all future retains
depending upon several economic jand pon-egonomic features,
as foreseen bty prospective entrepreneur. Therefore, 'Jajid
yjdjie' is not truly the value of land alone although for #11
.practical .purposes it may be considered to be so. What one
generally has in mind is the 'capitalized land return 1 which
is the result of ^mawy compromises ip applying the basic
land value formula* Opinions differ on the very basis of
this land value formula, and they are known as different
theories of land value, which are as follows:-
7, Kent Theory, ft is based pp the plassi?a[l copceptipi}
( 92 )
of rent as a surplus, i. e n an excess of annual income that
any piece of land yields over and above the cost of invest-
ment in the form of labour and capital. It is the worth of
its annual use. This is what the tenant would pay for land-
use, and it is also what the owner should count if he cultivates
the land himself, or if he wishes to sell it, the amount he can
get for it will depend upon rent, t, e. t the value of its annual
use. The competition amongst investors tends to establish a
normal ratio between the annual net rent of a piece of land
and its value, e. g,, if the current rate of interest is 5% price
of land will be about 20 times the rent.
2. Interest Theory. Land value is residual in character 1
since capital and labour have priority claims against net
earning, If after meeting these claims any income is left
then land has value and the amount of value which land
acquires in this way depends upon the amount of excess
productivity, The main point is that value of land is a
function of price of capital and labour, for net return of an
enterprise cannot be determined without first determining the
value of improvements. The residual nature of land income
implies that while valuing land we should proceed through
estimating labour and capital and the required returns to them.
The conclusion is that the price of land is determined only
after, and in part, by the price of investment (capital and
labour). This argument is also based upon the classical idea
that land is fixed and immobile while other factors are not.
But the modern view-point is that land is economically
mobile 2 and hence, land value is not residual in character.
Return to any factor of production can be considered residual.
1. Land is residual in the sense of permanence of value. It is physically
non-deteriorating and unlike improvements rarely becomes valueless,
2. Land is economically mobile to the extent to which it can be put to
several uses and to the extent to which a unit of it can be substituted for
another or for capital and labour.
( 93 )
3. Demand and Supply Theory. Unlike classical eco-
nomic analysis distinguishing land, labour and capital as
prime factors of production, modern economic theory suggests
that pure definition of land as nature has little practical value
since in production land and investment in the form of
capital and labour are so intricably combined that there is
no possibility of separating and measuring the productivity
of original and indestructible qualities of land. Productivity
of an enterprise is an undifferentiated stream of services or
revenues. And in economic behaviour land is similar to
other factors of production.* Therefore, land valuation is not
fundamentally different from investment analysis in other
fields. And land value is determined by the forces of
demand and supply.
But in actual practice buyers differ from sellers and in
each group one individual from another. Hence there cannot
be a single series of earning powers attached to a piece of land.
On the other hand, there will be different earning powers for
each diSerent seller and buyer. The difficulty is that which
one is to be capitalized into present market value. Again,
each seller and buyer has his separate discount rate, a
separate process through which to arrive at his individual
present worth of future income, and maximum bid for it.
Thus, in the market process individual capitalizing underlies
both the demand and the supply schemes, and hence value is
not the normal equilibrium of free forces of demand and
supply but in practice it has to be strictly individualized.
*In some respects land is similar to other factors, but this similarity
does not justify a complete merger of land and capital because for analyti-
cal purposes land retains important distinguishing characteristics, e.g.,
location is of peculiar importance in the case of land. 1 1 rests on the
physical immobility of land and the relative permanence of location feature.
Besides, relative durability of land and the relative inflexibility of supply
are differences in degree that are sufficient to have considerable economic
significance to distinguish it from capital.
Besides, land values are considerably wflaeaced by Local
customs, institutions and standards,
Increase in Und Value. In an old .agricultural country
having a thick population, by far the major portion of whi<?h
depends on agriculture, land has a special economic signifi-
cance and a natural attraction. During the last five or six
decades and specially during the last decade there has beep
a considerable rise in the price of land* There are se.vetal
factors leading to this rise :
(i) decline of cottage industries combined with a rapid
increase in population which have resulted in a gradually
increased realization of the country with an undue emphasis
on landed property ;
(it) inadequate development of alternative sources of
investment in the form of industry, trade and commerce
which have diverted a considerable portion of rural invest-
ment in land ;
(iti) development of transport facilities for exchange and
distribution of agricultural commodities which have mini*
mised the isolation factor and have increased locatinal value ;
: (iv) scientific and ; t$chnical developments in agriculture
.Whfch have regularized .or increased outturn or have mini-
mised, agricultural hazards ;
(v) general rise in the price level ;
(vi) impact of urban growth ;
tv'w) security of life and .prpperty and settled political
conditions ;
(via) a threat of Japanese invasion during 194243
combined with a slight loss of faith in paper currency which
induced many people to invest in landed property j
(IK) recent tenancy reforms and the abolition of Zamindari
Jsgttaaftsystfeffls in most of the States which have led the
land holders to sell or leave land and make money ;
(x) and the rise in prices during and after the war which
has increased farm incomes and agricultural profits, and have
created a sudden land hunger.
CHAPTER V.
Rural Life and Economic Transition.
I. THE VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
Origin of Villages. In order to understand rural life we
have to study the village which was the unit of our old
economic system, From times immemorial almost through-
out the country, people have been living in small isolated
and self-contained villages, It is very interesting to enquire
as to when and how did they come into existence,
The term 'village 7 means permanent settlement 1 , and is
indicative of a stage of settled life as opposed to nomadic
life, and of permanent or continuous agriculture as opposed
to shifting cultivation. Shifting cultivation marks the first
stage in the development from pastoral stage, and permanent
agriculture marks the beginning from pastoral to agricultural
stage, and begins with permanently settled or permanent
community life. Thus, village communities begin with
continuous cultivation. It should, however, be noted that
even in pastoral stage when life is nomadic there is concen*
tration of population ; there are settlements though of a
temporary nature and agriculture is followed which is of a
shifting character. At that stage there is community living
and some community institutions are developed. But such
settlements are temporary and are not technically called
village communities. Settled life begins with continuous
cultivation and that marks the beginning of village commu-
nities.
96
( 97 )
It is difficult to say exactly as to when did village
communities originate* Sometimes it is believed that the
word 'Arya' means tiller of soil and from it they conclude
that continuous cultivation in India began after the coming
of the Aryans, and village communities likewise sprang up
after that time, Again, it is also believed that communities
were always on a kindred basis, except where family tie
seems to have been broken by over-sea migration. These
kindreds were usually tribally organized on a patrilineal
basis, often under a chief or a headman. This organization
has been an Aryan feature. But there is ample evidence
to disprove these statements, Leaving aside for the time
being the question that whether the Aryans, when they came
to India, were accustomed to settled life and continuous
cultivation or not, 1 it can easily be established, and there is
ample evidance to prove, that the Dravidians whom the
Aryans found in India, were living a permanently settled
life and had village communities. Even the Kolarians who
were the earlier inhabitants, were accustomed to that sort
of life, though most of them were in pastoral stage and
were mostly nomads. Conditions in the different parts of the
country being different, the Kol race (different tribes) lived
in different stages of pastoral and agricultural life* Most
of them were nomads, some moving after a short time and
1. The Aryans were originally pastoral people. In what stage of
development were they when they first moved, and when they came to the
plains of India cannot be said with certainty. But it is generally believed
that they came in waves The first Aryan tribes in India established
themselves along the Himalyan slopes in Kashmir. There agriculture
must have been limited to narrow valleys or terraced fields on the moun-
tain side. Perhaps they took to settled agriculture and life afterwards when
being pushed by successive waves they left the hill sides and descended to
the wider spaces of the alluvial plains of upper India. There they found
the Dravidians living in village communities and following continuous
cultivation. Though in different parts of the country the Dravidian race
must have been living at different stages of pastoral and agricultural dev$-
lopment,
13
some after a long. But some of them lived in villages and
followed continuous cultivation! Thus, the existence of
villages goes to the times of the Kolarians and Dravidians*
And it is certain that before the coming of the Aryans in
India village settlements of a permanent nature were there
in India. But they were not the general feature of rural life
as they became later on after the Aryan settlements*
The idea of living together or aggregation of man in
vilage groups seems to have its origin in some purpose of
effective cooperation. Basically it is due to natural instict
which can be called to be the fundamental cause of village
grouping. Regarding the purpose of effective cooperation
several hypotheses have been advanced, e,g, t the task of
clearing the jungle for cultivation, the supply of water and
the need for protection from wild beasts and hostile tribes,
Again some villages seem to have arisen due to tribal ins-
tinct, It is difficult to say exactly as to what was the purpose
of earliest groupings. It is also difficult to say that all the
earliest groupings were due to one and the same purpose.
We are inclined to believe that the earliest aggregation of
men was for the purpose of security or protection, But
afterwards, at one and the same time, village groupings must
have sprung up for diSerent purposes as mentioned above.
Besides some thinkers have referred the village system to
Hindu Law and believe that the system is peculiar to Hindu
races. But sufficient evidance is available to prove that the
system was prevalent in India among the races living prior
to Hindus, and which, with some of their institutions, still
suivive in some parts of the country, The history of evolu-
tion shows that in the same environment human mind be-
haves in the same manner. We are inclined to believe that
where environment was suitable villages had been formed
by all races almost at the same time.
( 99 )
Types of villages, There are two types of villages, and
they are distinct in origin: Severally villages and Joint
villages*, (i) Severally villages are perhaps the oldest
form of villages, Landholders are disconnected aggregates
of families each claiming its own holding. They are practi-
cally owners of their several family holdings which they
have inherited or bought or cleared from the original jungle.
They have a common headman and also some common offi-
cers and artisans who serve them. They are directly con-
nected with the government and there is no landlord (class
or individual). Cultivators have no claim as a joint body
of the whole estate and then dividing it among themselves,
nor are they jointly liable to the government for the revenue,
In some places we find the superior lords surviving, who
claim to be owners of all the soil, and tenants are recognized
only as landholders though hereditary after holding for
several generations. They are conquerors or adventurers
who gained the superior position in one way or another. In
Manu we do not find any such claim of the ownership of the
soil being made by the Raja. He had his private
*3ome thinkers like Phillips believe that there is only one type of vil-
lage, the joint village, which is the earliest and the original type, It is
in the process of decay, and in flux of time the joint rights are substi-
tuted, and the severally type arises, This does not seem to be correct.
There is evidence of buch cases in which in the process of decay one form
passes into another. Joint villages as a result of partition get splitted up
and are turned into individual properties. But it is easily recognizable and
is a different thing It should not be believed that the joint village in the
process of decay has been transformed into i,everaky village which is of a
later development. Keaily speaking severally villages s^em to be of earlier
origin, and the two are distinct in origin. A few exceptions may be there
which do not prove the general rule,
Campbell has termed them as 'democratic' and 'aristocratic 1 , and Baden
Powell as 'Ryotwari* and 'Landlord'. The latter terms have become
more popular in use. Sometimes we come across such terms as 'autono-
mous' and 'feudal'. But they are not expressive of the main distinctiop
and riot better terms to be used.
( 100 )
As a ruler of the country his right is represented to the re-
venue, taxes, cesses and the power of making grants of the
waste land but perhaps not an owner of the land, That is
why they are called ryotwari or non-landlord villages.
(ii) Joint villages, There is a strong joint-body mostly
descending from a single head or a single family having
pretentions of being higher castes and having superior title
claiming jointly the entire estate. They are descendants of
former rulers or colonizing founders or conquerors or
grantees or later on of revenue farmers and auction purcha-
sers. The tenants have only the right of cultivation. The
whole area of the village, including the site of habitation
and the waste land, is claimed by that body, and the tenants
use it only by permission" The body of landlords has a
superior right of ownership of land and stands between the
cultivators and the State. They divide the estate among
themselves on their own principles and acknowledge them-
selves in some degree, jointly liable to the State for the
revenue demand. Such villages have arisen in two ways :
(a) they are a growth among and over the first type of
villagee, and (&) they have arisen from the original conquest
and occupation of land previously unoccupied by some
tribes and leaders of colonists, A further classification of
their growth as given by Baden Powell is as follows :
(a) Landlords rights f 1. Out of the dismemberment of
have grown up over
the village of the
first type,
the old Raja's or chief's estate,
and the division and partition
of larger estates
2. Out of grants made by the Raja
to courtiers, favourites and
minor members of the royal
family, etc.
3. By later growth and userpation
I of Govt, revenue officials.
(b) Landlord rights
were claimed from
the first settlement
or foundation.
( 101 )
f 4. fn quite recent times by the
growth of revenue farmers and
purchasers when the village
has been sold under the first
laws for the recovery of the
i arrears of revenue.
5. From the original establish*
ment of special clans and
families by conquest or occupa-
tion and by the settlement of
associated bands of village
families and colonists in
comparatively late times,
Old Village Communities and their Disintegration, The
word 'Village Community' should not be interpreted to mean
anything like a communistic or socialistic right or interest,
There is no evidence to show that villages, even in the
remotest past, were owned communally or even cultivated
land was owned in common.* In many cases, villages are
held in common for some time but that cannot be called
community ownership* In such cases they are always so
held by joint descendants of a chief or a conqueror who some
how acquired the estate. These descendants have equal
rights and privileges. Correctly speaking, the term 'com-
*It has been asserted by several thinkers that the institution of lordship
is of relatively recent origin and that it was superimposed upon an origi-
nal lordless community, Originally there was co-ownership and common
cultivation by village communities. Maine believed that m India land was
originally held in common by groups, of people for the most part, of common
descent but including strangers who had been adopted. Lavelcye thinks
that all peoples utilized this economic form as they passed from pastoral
to agricultural stage and that communal ownership was natural at this
phase of development. On the other hand, Coulanges has strongly denied
the conception of common ownership of land, Baden Powell finding no
evidence seriously doubts it, And Ashley, Pollock and Maitland, Lewinski
and Sanderson have also seriously questioned it. Property in land is said to
pass through three stages : (i) when it is held by tribe or clan and is said
to be the common property of the whole body, (ii) when redistribution is
abandoned and each family retains its holding permanently, and (iii) when
families break up and individual ownership is created, These stages are
those of community property, family property and individual property, In
( 102 )
nity* should only be used with reference to a corporate life
showing a close connection and interdependence between
the families living in each village. This close connection
arose due to several facts : they lived together under a system
which made them joint owners ; in some cases they lived
together under similar conditions; in others, they had tribal
or caste connections, and in still others they had simply a
common system of local government, But the word 'commu-
nity' being used for such a close connection between families,
should not in any way suggest an idea of community or
common ownership of land.
The self governing and self-sufficient village communities
were the most important feature of economic and social life
in the past. They were equally well developed both in North
and South, and were the most outstanding features of rural
life almost throughout the country. About Bombay province
Elphinstone wrote in 1819 that M These communities contain
in miniature all the materials of a State within themselves,
and are almost sufficient to protect their members if all
Governments are withdrawn."* About Madras it was reported
in 1812 that 'under this simple form of Municipal Government
India in case of most of villages, property is in 'family stage'. Opinions
differ considerably and it has not been well established that there was an
early stage of joint tribal holding. Some curious instances are given by
Tupper regarding Jhelem District of Punjab : that in some areas now form-
ing separate villages there was once some units of tribal holdings divided
into shares. The cases mentioned show a part of the land being held in
common but the produce was always divided according to certain shares.
That shows that different family shares were recognized. Moreover, it
was due to local circumstances, Besides, the idea of common ownership
is referred to the custom of periodical redistribution of land or holdings in
particular tribes for which there is sufficient evidence, But this was always
followed by distinct allotments of holdings It indicates a desire to equalize
the holding so that some may not get all better land and oihers all inferior
land, Redistribution qf land does not indicate so much a communistic idea
of property as a desire to equalize land The question, however, remains
unsolved and requires further research.
*Elphinstone's "Report on the Territories conquered from the
Peshwas," 1819,
( 103 )
the inhabitants of the country have lived from times imme*
morial... The inhabitants give themselves no trouble
about the breaking up and division of kingdoms, while the
villages remain entire, they care not to what power it is
transferred, or to what sovereign it devolves, its internal
economy remains unchanged." 1 About Northern India
Sir Charles Metcalfe wrote in 1830 that "the Village Commu-
nities are little republics, having nearly everything they want
within themselves. They seem to last where nothing else
lasts. Dynasty after dynasty tumbles down, revolution
succeeds to revolution, Hindu, Pathan, Moghal, Mahratta,
Sikh, English are masters in turn, but the Village Communi-
ties remain the same The Union of Village
Communities, each one forming a separate little State in
itself, has, I conceive, contributed more than any other cause
to the preservation of the people of India through all revolu-
tions and changes which they have suftered, and it is in a
high degree conducive to their happiness, and to the enjoy-
ment of a great portion of freedom and independence." 2
These village Communities as it appears from the above
statements managed their ov/n economic and social life,
They had very little contact with each other and almost no
knowledge of the outside world. They had a peculiar cons*
titution. Most of the population was agricultural. The other
occupational groups were those of artisans and village
servants and menials, Many of the artisans had small plots
of land which they had either rent free or on concessional
rents. Many of the menials and village servants were artisans
also. But the most peculiar feature of these communities,
which distinguishes them from their parallel, in other coun-
tries, was the close connection and interdependence of the
1. Fifth Report, 1812, p, 85,
2, Sir Charles Metcalfe's Minute, dated November 7, 183%
( 104 )
different occupational groups. The artisans and servants
were paid a certain quantity of produce by each cultivator
and in their turn they rendered certain services to them. The
amounts paid to them and their duties were not uniform
throughout the country. All the village servants were not
artisans nor all the artisans were village servants. But
artisans whose services were regularly required by all
members of the village community were generally both arti-
sans and village servants. Their units were highly self-
contained and self-sufficient. They produced not only their
own food and agricultural raw materials but also met almost
all the requirements of industrial output, since almost every
village had a variety of artisans including carpenter, weaver,
potter, oil presser, cobler, ironsmith and sometimes a gold-
smith also. Most of the requirements, which were not so
numerous as now, were produced within the same unit, and
only a few articles such as salt, glass bangles, gold, fine cloth
and some luxury goods required for ceremonial occasions
were imported from other places. These units generally
produced for thtir own demand and little for the market
which in the technical sense of the term did not, as a matter
of fact, exist* We hear of a flourishing foreign trade in the
past but there were no important exports of agricultural
produce- Agriculture was more of a subsistence type. Every
fanner grew a variety of crops for his use suiting to the local
conditions of soil and climate, and kept a few milch cattle.
The revenue demand was fixed as a share of the actual
produce varying between 1/3 ami 1/6 from time to time. It
was accompanied by a number of taxes and cesses. Hence
though the revenue demand in the past does not seem to be
very high, the total payments were quite considerable.
The size of these village units was different in different
parts of the country, In plains, where the environment being
congenial it was easier to earn the livelihood and life was
buller and better, the villages were of larger size than those
in hilly and barren tracts, The constitution and organization
of these communities and the administration of their affairs
through village panchayats are said to be responsible for the
happiness of the people residing within these units. They
maintained peace and order even when there was anarchy
in the realm. They settled most of the disputes arising
among the members, and managed their own economic and
social life, They served as a form of social security and
protected their members.
There is a very interesting question about the enduring
quality of these communities. It is said that Indian Village
communities had their parallels in the English medieval
manor, the Russian mir and the German mark, But the
Indian Village Communities had a peculiar feature on
account of which they could persist in the face of numerous
political changes and could withstand numerous shocks. The
statement that the village life was entirely unaffected by
wars and revolutions can be accepted only with reservation,
since during the 18ih century and specially after the breaking
up of the Moghal Empire the whole country being a theatre
of constant wars and brigandage, the village life could not
remain entirely undisturbed. Besides, there were innumer-
able movements of people from place to place. But it. is a
fact that the village organization remained mostly unchanged
for centuries. It is interesting to enquire as to whether the
survival of these communities for such a long time was due
to some inherent characteristics, or was it due to some out-
side factors. Opinions difier on this point. One explanation
is that the lack cf communication and consequent absence of
effective centralized system of administration was mostly
14
( 106 )
responsible for their survival for such a long time* Another
version is that the compactness and the solidarity of the
communities which was due to their being forced to rely on
themselves for defence against aggression was mostly repon-
sible for their persistence. Both these factors seem to be
simply contributory. The real cause is their peculiar form
of social structure ( specially the caste system which those
communities adopted in India* The occupations and the
social status were hereditary, and the custom made the
different sections of the village community highly interde-
pendent on each other* They were closely interwoven in
practically all the economic and social activities. This form
of village constitution determined the whole structure of
economic and social life ; and the solidarity which it imparted
to the village community aided by the factor of isolation and
the consequent local autonomy and self-sufficiency, mainly
contributed to their long survival.
The economic development of the country was affected
by these communities in several ways. Isolation and self-
sufficiency imparted to Indian agriculture a subsistence
character. The absence of market and the difficulty of
communications have been responsible for the lack of
commercialization* In the case of artisans their offices being
hereditaty, their productive system likewise became stereo-
typed* Under such a system of organization price or money
economy had little place. The needs of the community were
served by barter rather than by exchange. Since the
community was considered to be responsible for the protec-
tion and maintenance of its members competition had no place
in the economic system. Practically, all the spheres of life
were regulated by customs. This sort of organization had its
definite advantages, but the whole rural life became stereo*
typed, and the greatest drawback was that the incentive for
( 107 )
efficiency and improvement was weakened, and customs and
traditions being dominating forces in the choice of occupations
and other matters, conservatism checked the habit of adapta-
bility, due to which a number of forces that were released
during the latter half of the 19th century upr ooted the old
economic structure of the village communities, and the rural
population could not adapt itself to the new environment.
Historians have recorded the lamentable facts about the
decay of these self-governing institutions specially during the
latter half of the 19th century. They are said to have
survived well both in form and reality until the Crown rule
in India, and virtually ceased to exist before the first gene-
ration of British administrators had closed their labours in
the conquered territories, The reasons of their decline are
said to be :
(i) the administrative reforms and the abolition of the
Panchayat system,
(ii) the fixation of rent and revenue in the form of
money,
(iii) the establishment of civil and criminal courts for the
administration of justice,
(iv) improvement in the means of communications,
(v) progress in education, and
(vi) the growth of the spirit of individualism.
It should, however, be noted as to what is meant by the
phrase 'decline of village communities/ The villages continue
to exist ; many of them have been enlarged, and their number
has also increased* It is the self-government and local
autonomy (administration through village Panchayat) which
is gone, and the corporate life (close connection and inter-
dependence of different occupational-cum-social groups)
is disintegrated. Thus f their decline should be
( 108 )
interpreted in the sense that their functions and duties being,
due to the loss of self-government and local autonomy, taken
over by other newly established courts, they have become
lifeless ; due to the modern economic forces being released
after the Industrial Revolution, the interdependence of
different groups has become less, and the corporate life
has . greatly disintegrated with the result that the village
communities in the old sense oi the term have gradually
declined.
II. PRESENT ORGANIZATION OF VILLAGES.
. Organization of Villages. An ordinary Indian village is
described as a group of mud houses which are huddled
together in a more or less compact area situated under a
cluster of trees in the midst of fields which provide the main
source of livelihood to the inhabitants. The Royal Commi-
ssion on Indian Agriculture observed 'that the main
characteristics of village life are still those of centuries
anterior to British rule'.* What they wrote about two decades
back is true today, and isolation and self-sufficiency still
remain to be the outstanding features of village life.
Most of the families have been living in the same village
for generations, and most of the holdings have been inherited
from common ancestors. These holdings have been divided
or aggregated as the descendants of a common ancestor have
increased or decreased in number. Both according to the
Hindu Law, and the customary law, the inheritance of im-
movable property has been among sons in equal shares.
There have been slight variations but it is mostly true that
inheritance is by blood in the male line and very seldom by
will. The result has been a repeated partition and a gradual
*The Report of, the Royal Commission on Indian Agriculture, 1930.
( 109 )
tendency towards sab-division of holdings leading, to
their uneconomic size, The population generally consists of
several castes arranged in a social hierarchy in which
economic status and social values are usually found to go
together* Most of the people are agriculturists, some of them
have permanent rights in land either as owners or as tenants
having hereditary occupancy rights. Out of these some
cultivate all the land they hold, and some having larger areas
sublet to others. Lowest in the economic and social scate
are agricultural labourers, mostly belonging to low castes.
Some of them have acquired small pieces of land either under
permanent tenure or on rent and rarely in proprietary right.
But most of them are simply casual farm-workers. Between
the land holders and the labourers in the economic scale are
the artisans, generally, except in the smallest villages, there
are some skilled artisans, Some of them follow agriculture
as a part-time occupation. Below them in the economic and
also in social scale are the village menials or servants who
partly follow community services and partly work as farm
labourers, All the social and economic stratification is
rather rigid, and the choice of occupation, the nature and
scope of economic activities, and the social behaviour, etc.,
are mostly determined by tradition and custom. The original
functional groups were gradually converted into social groups
and they hardened into an occupational caste system.
Agriculture which is the main stay of by far the major
part of the village population is generally said to be a gamble
in the monsoon since only a small part of the cultivated land
is protected against the vagaries of the rainfall by means of
irrigation. Almost all the major agricultural operations are
regulated by the monsoon and most of the agricultural
activity is confined to only a few months in the year. The
spall ?ifce of farms, the present methods of farming and th$
( no )
nature of agricultural seasons combining the farm activities
to short durations at specific times, leave a considerable
amount of spare time with farmers, and contribute to a low
standard of living. The urban population not being even
15% of the total, the demand for farm produce for final
consumption in towns is comparatively a small part of the
whole volume of farm production. Besides, the inadequate
means of communication and transportation have kept the
villages in isolation. Producers both agriculturists and
artisans have had little incentive beyond that which was
furnished by local demand. And local demand has always
been very small. Thus, circumstances have combined to
maintain a subsistence type of farming, and the village
population has maintained a self-contained village economy.
The villages which are remote from cities and roads are
comparatively more self-sufficient in character,
The lack of incentive which still continues to be an
outstanding drawback in rural life has been partly due to self-
sufficing character of villages which was due ultimately to
the lack of proper means of communications and transporta-
tion, and partly, due to the fact that in the recorded history
of India there were very few periods during which the people
in general over large tracts of the country enjoyed peace
and prosperity for long.* The sense of insecurity created
*The glories of our past have been recorded in high sounding phrases.
But was that wealth and prosperity shared by the common man ? The
facts have to be carefully scrutinized. Excepting in the golden age in the
Gupta period the masses in general rarely enjoyed peace and prosperity for
long Even, during the British administration, when peace was secured
over large parts of the country the prosperity was occasionally disturbed by
severe famines and the exhorbitant revenue demands of the State. But a
question which usually arises in one's mind is : if peace and prosperity
was not the lot of the common man how could such fabulous wealth be
accumulated, and how could art and culture make so much progress, We
are inclined to believe that the ancient wealth of India which historians
have magnified was most probably the luxurious life and the pomp and
magnificence of the royal aristocracy and the wealth of temples. And the
art, culture, religion and poetry, etc,, all developed under the court
patronage,
by the occasional disturbances of peace was further streng-
thened by exhorbitant state demands in one form or another.
Thus, the lack of incentive is a legacy of the past, During the
tec t&t past the incentive has been provided through several
means, e. g. t security of tenures, fair rents, high prices
and security of life and property provided through adminis-
trative reforms. But these measures have not been able to
overcome the long established phychology. Changes are
slowly taking place. Isolation is gradually breaking up.
Markets are widening, Villages are being brought in touch
with towns and the outside world also* Specialization and
commercialization in farm production has been introduced
in the form of increased acreage and localization of some
cash crops. Social values are also changing. The so-called
lower castes are rising in economic status and also in social
scale. There is some political consciousness also, The new
economic, social and political forces are at work. They are
breaking up the existing organization. But since all agricul'
tural communities are highly conservative, these changes
can only take place very slowly. Thus, we find a beginning
being made in almost all these directions but the general
picture remains almost as usual. A fuller account of these
changes is given in the following sections on social back-
ground and the economic transition.
Characteristics of a Rural Society. The basic features
of a rural society are derived from its living nearer to nature
and relationship to land from which most of its members
eke out their living* The nature of diets, the methods of
work, the mode of living the social grouping, the cultural
pattern, the thought process and the general behaviour are
largely determined by this relationship. Hence, they tend
to be regional and largely influenced by natural environ-
ment, The vertical social mobility in a rural society is
( 112 )
largely related to the movements up and down the scale
from landless labourers to the position of a landlord. The
organization of a rural society includes a high proportion
of status as against contract relationship. Society is com-
posed chiefly of primary groups. People are bound to a
greater extent by organic relationship rather than by coopera-
tion necessitated by economic division of labour. The
individual has comparatively fewer contacts, since his field
of activity both geographic and social is narrower, but his
contacts are lasting. Though the individual lacks the modern
sophisticated specialized personality, there is a fair degree of
adjustment and life is simple, stable and sure.
A rural society is characterized by isolation and hence,
the economic features develop around its regional self-
sufficiency. The unit of production is the family which tries
to produce much of its own goods and what it does not make
is produced by artisans residing in the same or nearby
communities. There is a lesser degree of competition for
goods, power and status. Agriculture and industry are
closely connected and are mainly characterised by local
environment. Culture, likewise tends to be regional, and
develops out of the local environment, The rural society
develops some selective traits, e. g., simplicity of life and
social rituals, abbreviated speech patterns, rigid moral stand-
ards, customary folkways, adaptation and non-pecuniary
philosophy towards work, etc., which are quite distinct from
those of an urban society. Rural art is expressed in house
construction, domestic articles, religious images and in
festivities, such as dances, songs and games. Since there
has never been an absolute isolation in rural communities it
is very difficult to say as to what extent a specific njral
culture is indigenous to the country and how much of it is due
to outside factors specially the urban influence,
( 118 )
The main characteristics of a rural society as distinguished
from those of an urban society are :
(i) relative predominance of agricultural as against non-
agricultural occupations,
(ii) closeness of the people to natural environment as
against an artificial man-made environment,
(iii) an organic relationship in the community members
based on cooperation as against economic and commercial
combinations based on competition and for profit seeking,
(iv) simple and happy life as against complicated and
worried existence,
(v) smallness of its communal aggregates and a relatively
sparce population as against huge agglomeration concentrated
in a compact area resulting in a dense population,
(vi) primary social grouping leading to a greater social
homogeneity and less internal stratification and differentia*
tioft as against too much diversified and socially and econo*
mically stratified secondary human groups,
(vii) politico-social classes being related to the holding of
land as contrasted with a system largely related to personal
and movable property,
(viii) comparatively less occupational, territorial arid
vertical social movements as against vast and frequent geog-
raphical, occupational and vertical social movement of popu-
lation,
(ix) conservatism as against inventiveness,
(x) but a life more close to human hopes and desires as
against 'a life of negative energy, suicidal vitality, moral and
spiritual failure and dwarf personality 1 **
The more isolated a rural society is, the more distinct are
these characteristics, and as the isolation breaks and it gets
*L, Mumford, City Development,
15
( 114 )
into greater contact with urban society, a cultural interchange
takes place, and the distinctive characteristics begin to
disappear as a part of the standardization process. As the
contacts increase culture and language become more national
and less local. Urban fashions, styles and behaviours per*
meate the rural society. Education and technology increases
Money economy slowly replaces barter, and prices are quoted
in terms of currency based upon standard measures. Econo-
mic division of labour increases, commercialization and
specialization in production begin to emerge, credit begins
to play greater role in production rather than remaining
confined to only consumption. Property begins to accumulate
in the hands of non-agriculturists. But the vitality of the
social life of the rural community begins to decrease and
the antagonism and conflict between different economic and
social classes increase. And life becomes more complicated,
more formalized in social relationships, more mechanized
in material aspects, more artificial in environmental setting ;
and social organizations become more systematic and less
spontaneous.
III. SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT AND AGRICULTURE
A Common Impression. Many text-books written
on the economic conditions of India and on the economic
history of India have traced the impact cf social environment
on economic progress. They give an impression that our
social environment has not only been uncongenial and
unfavourable for economic development but has definitely
hampered or retarded it. From this hypothesis a conclusion
is generally drawn that in order to make economic progress
possible the social institutions, customs, traditions, relation-
ships, ideas, ideals and behaviour, etc., in short, the whole
social environment has to be fundamentally reformed,
( 115 )
reorganized and modified so as to suit the new circumstances
of a progressive or developing economy. This view is shared
by some foreign authors like Moreland, Wadia and Anstay.
Many Indian writers, some of them being impressed by
foreign writers, and some perhaps as their own beliefs,
subscribe to the same view. Amongst the students such an
impression -about the influence of social environment on
economic life and activities is quite natural. Some of the
statements explaining this influence in the field of agriculture
which are intended to be examined here, to the exclusion of
other economic fields, are as follows :
Caste mainly determines the occupations and thus checks
both geographical and vocational mobility. The result is
that agriculture is overburdened and many other occupations
experience the scarcity of labour. Some castes, generally
the superior ones, do not perform certain farm operations
(ploughing) do not grow certain crops (vegetables), do not
keep certain type of livestock (pigs, poultry & donkeys etc.),
and do not use certain types of manures like bone-meal and
human excreta, Some low castes cannot follow some occu-
pations traditionally belonging to superior castes due to the
difficulty of social mixing, and cannot adopt dairy farming
because of the difficulty of marketing the products, The
joint-family system is mainly responsible for the rapid
increase in population which has deteriorated the land-man
relationship and is primarily responsible for the present food
shortage. It increases recklessness and improvidence among
the junior members and by capitalizing the credit of the en-
tire family at the time of debt it accentuates farm indebted-
ness. The laws of inheritance and succession have mainly
governed the existing land systems in which land is said to
be very unevenly distributed, and the outstanding problems
concerning farms, i. *., the uneconomic si?e, the sub-division
and the fragmentation are mainly their outcome* The sy&tem
of purda amongst women of higher castes prevents them
from working with their male members .on the fields and
look after the cattle outside the home, This results in some
farm operations being delayed in some castes, under-cultiva-
tion due to labour shortage and increased farm costs. Reli-
gious beliefs stand in the way of killing the useless and weak
animals which remain a burden on land and create fodder,
feed and food shortage, in killing stray cattle, birds and
monkeys which cause a considerable damage to crops, and
on the other hand, they are responsible for supporting a subs-
tantial class of unproductive and idle able-bodied mendicants
who lead a parasitic living and add to farmer's responsibili-
ties. Social ceremonies concerning marriages, births and
deaths, govern considerably the administration of individual
resources, determining indirectly the structure of preferences,
standard of living, volume of savings and capital formation ;
and are responsible for a considerable portion of agricultu*
ral indebtedness and for the continuation of agrestic serfdom.
To be brief, the philosophy of life, the thought process, the
habit pattern and the general behaviour of the rural masses
have taken their shape and character from our social environ*
meat. They are characterized by pessimism, fatalism, su-
perstition, conservatism and suspicion about new things and
new ways of doing things. Talking in a different vein, many
of the existing economic problems having a bearing on agri-
culture, t t g,, unequal occupational distribution with a very
heavy burden on land, rapid increase in population with a
gradual ruralization of the country, unequal land distribution!
uneconomic size of farms, sub-division and fragmentation,
agricultural indebtedness, agricultural idleness, low yield,
high cost of production and a low standard of living of the
farming population, etc., are partly the outcome of our
( 117 )
social environment, Not only that agricultural progress in the
form of mechanization, commercialization, specialization and
intensification! etc*, is held in check ; and it has throughout
been discouraging push, drive, adventure, mobility! adapta*
bility and inventiveness.
There is also a contrary view that the influence of social
environment on economic evolution is merely secondary,
and the economic conditions and forces have a greater
determining influence on social evolution than vice versa.
This is Engellian diagnosis which traces the final causes of
all social changes and political revolutions in the modes of
production and exchange. This view is not shared by many,
and is, therefore, not current in India. The former view is,
however, quite common* But this impression and specially
the conclusions drawn from it are likely to create a confusion
of thought when an analysis is attempted, and further are
likely to place emphasis on wrong measures and priorities
on less urgent measures when a solution is sought, *.#., while
blaming the social ennvironment for creating and intensifying
some of the economic problems the opposite side, i. c. t the
influence of the economic environment on social structure,
institutions, behaviour and problems is generally overlooked.
A sociologist can trace with an equal degree of certainty, the
causes of many social problems in the economic environment.
Again, while believing that the social environment is mainly
responsible for holding the economic progress in check one
feels to suggest that to make progress possible it should be
recast. But it is neither possible nor desirable to reorganize
the whole social environment at once or even in a shorts time,
Besides shall we concentrate the whole attention on reform*
ing it and wait for the progress to begin till it is reorgnized
so as to suit the new environment. Is it really the caste
system which stands in the way of usiqg better i
( 118 )
seeds, manure and more of irrigation facilities? Is the
social structure really unfit for improved agriculture ?
How far shall the change be one sided ? What is to be
made the spear-head of the proposed development plans ?
These are some of the questions which are not properly
tackled and answered by the foregoing analysis. It is neces-
sary, therefore, to study the relationship of social and economic
environments before the real causes of our problems can be
located and the appropriate solutions can be suggested.
Relationship Between Social and Economic Environment,
The history ol evolution shows that the growth of culture and
civilization depends on biological inheritance, physical
environment and cultural endowment. Human nature, values,
relationships, life philosophies, thought processes, habit patterns,
group forms and personality configuarations, etc., are formed
within a particular environment. They are the results of
interactive forces which in themselves have causal relation-
ships, Thus, man is shaped and reshaped in a particular
environment which in itself is continually modified by man.*
This explains the unity or oneness of the total situation of
which social, economic, political and cultural environments,
eic. are mutually related parts. It further explains that
these environments cannot be studied and evaluated indivi-
dually or in isolation, and the relationship and the influence
of one on the other are not one stdtd but interactive and
'There is a difference of opinion on the relationship between physical
environment and human culture and civilization. The geographical
determimst believe that the physical environment or the natural factors
fairly completely determine human activities. Sociologists, anthropologists
and some human geographers, however, believe that man acquires enough
force to control nature to supply bis needs since he has the capacity to
build culture and transform his habitat to suit his social needs. Thus, man
himself becomes a great force of nature, We are inclined to believe that
'n the developed cultures and in the experience of civilized man there is
no absolute geographical determinism, and the influence of natural forces
is relative to the stage of development of man's civilization. The higher
tye levels of civilization tfce lesser the importance of forces of nature.
( 119 )
mutually stimulating. Hence, we cannot hold the social
environment to be mainly responsible for our economic
muddle, or for holding economic progress in check, nor can
we ascribe our social problems mainly to economic conditions
and institutions since each one is partly an outcome of the
other,
A correct understanding of this relationship provides
appropriate explanations for many of our common notions,
and can trace the real causes of particular forms of human
behaviour. The natural setting affects the structural pattern
of society, the nature of output, the type of occupations and
the density of population, The structural pattern of society
bears directly on the type of institutions, nature of functions,
character of relationships and social processes and problems,
The density of population also bears on the human values
and relationships. Human values in their turn influence the
nature of economic behaviour and the forms of economic
institutions. The types of occupations and the conditions
under which work is done, influence personality pattern,
social outlook, psychological traits, scale of values and ratios
of preferences. Such a heavy pressure on land and an
unbalanced occupational distribution is not so much due to
caste system determining the choice of occupation as to the
geographical environment and the stage of economic progress.
Hence, for transfering some working force from agriculture
to other secondary and tertiary occupations the most impor-
tant thing and the first thing to be done is not the dissolution
of the caste system or the joint-family system but to release
certain economic forces and to create certain economic
climate to make the shift possible. The main problem
therefore, is not social but economic.
The rapid increase in population is not only due to the
systems of joint-family and child marriage but also due to
biolcgica), natural and economic factors. Hence, the disinte-
gration of joint-family system and an increase in the age at
marriage time will not hold the population in check unless
conscious family planning is attempted, which will be succes-
sful only when the standard of living has been improved to
a stage when the individual begins to feel consicious of
controlling the size of family. The most eSective remedy is,
therefore, to better the standard of living.
Agricultural population is said to be much less
mobile, and this character is said to be mostly due
to our social customs and institutions. Really speaking
farmer works with nature and is vitally influenced by the
process and conditions which exist throughout the natural
world. Farming is so much dependent on soil, topography,
climate and other weather conditions that market changes in
geographical habitats require considerable changes in the
mode of living and manner of working. Migration of farm
population must mean marked changes in the technique of
production and farm practices, arid, therefore, must be less
frequent and less distant than in the case of urban occupa-
tionl Nature makes its imprint permanently on the persona-
lity of agricultural population. A constant care of the living
and perishable things affects the philosophy of life of farmers.
Harvest being always threatened he develops a sense of
insecurity. When crops begin to dry up there is nothing
which a farmer can do except pray for rains, There
develops an awareness of the eternal presence of nature for
which he is generally blamed to be fatalist and pessimist,
and these characteristics are popularly said to be due to
religious and social background. The slow pace of change
and relatively less inventions in agriculture as campared to
those in urban people cannot be explained as adequately by
the differences in the intensity of competition or the process
('121 )
of Mechanization, as by the fact that farmers have learnt to
scale the pace of their activities and to adjust and accommo-
date their movements to the slow moving process of nature,
The habit pattern of farmers has been chiselled up in an
environment in which the natural processes of life, growth
and death take their slow but sure course, Farmer's habits
are built to conform to the requirements of living in such a
setting. Agricultural technique is more directly adapted to
natural factors than industrial technique, The process of
inventions in rural environment is generally in the way of
making tools so as to suit to working with natural forces. On
the other hand, in an urban-industrial environment inventions
take the direction of adapting the technology to meet the
demands of artificially created environment. Urban inven-
tions, therefore, must be more numerous and frequent
because in an artificial setting changes in human needs and
desires are much more rapid than in a natural setting in
which the course of events is fairly regular. The prepon-
derance ot vegetarian character in dieis is due not so much
to religious outlook as to the economic reasons, since vege-
tarian diets are more land economising and can maintain a
thicker population. Besides numerous examples can be
cited to show that economic considerations overcome social
customs and traditions, and it is not always the latter that
influence the former, A recent investigation carried out in
Meerut district of Uttar Pradesh shows that 86% of the
persons migrating to industrial centres from the village
during the last decade are Brahmins who are relatively least
mobile due to social and religious considerations, and in the
case of occupational adjustments social customs and traditions
have given way to economic considerations, It is the job-
opportunity which will provide the best solution for shifting
16
( ;122 )
th population from land, and social institutions will not
hinder the adjustment. 41
This explains the nature of relationship between social
and economic institutions and the part played by them in
tconomic progress- Really speaking the imposition of a new
economic order in the 19th century which is based on freedom
and competition, and is motivated by profit characteristic of
industrial and commercial civilization does not fit in our
cultural evolution and social structure which is corporate in
character. The modern economic system which is developing
on the same lines as in the West after the industrial Revolution,
has not evolved out of our ancient past The basic philosophy,
the scale of values, the human motives and ideals etc., of the
two systems are incompatible. The institutions that serve
agricultural life at present are adapted to older and relatively
static situations. They are not adequate to the requirements
of new organisation which is more dynamic. The former
represents a rural and agricultural civilization while the
latter, an urban and industrial civilization* They require
considerable social and economic adjustments, and the
adjustment must take sufficient time. And dating this
period of adjustment there are bound to be many economic
problems which seem to be due to social environment and
many social problems which seem to be due to economic
system. Really speaking they are the problems of adjustments,
and the solutions should aim at making these adjustments
smooth and quick. It is an inappropriate analysis to blame
the social environment for checking economic progress, and
it will be equally inappropriate to suggest a dissolution of
the entire social structure to make economic progress
*Jaipal Singh, Distribution of Labour and Earnings in Agriculture,
1951, an unpublished thesis, Department of Agricultural Economics
B, R, College, Agra,
( 123 )
possible. But it should, however, be noted that it doej not
lead to a non-recognition of the influence of social environ-
ment on economic system and problems. Economic relation*,
and institutions as a matter of fact, cannot exist apart from
their cultural and social context, since they do not exist in a
vacuum but in a particular setting which must stamp it with
its character.
The Future Policy, The foregoing analysis of the
relationship between social and economic environment shows
that for agricultural progress the dissolution of the entire
social structure is not indispensable. Creation of an economic
climate will automatically loosen the rigidities and overcome
many customs which at present seem unsurmountable, Our
agricultur?! population is living at a very low level, and has
a narrow intellectual outlook. At this level power of adapta*
tion <and change must be very low, and hence change is
bound to be slow. Ordinarily, we imagine a social disaster
or considerable social friction as a result of a changed
economic system. This is not so, At higher levels the power
of adaptation is more. But the change should be hrouqht
about gradually, The story of the decline of cottage
industries is a lesson. Beside, what we call modern economic
progress is commercial, industrial and urban civilization. It
aims at power, profit, greed, and glorification of the individual
rather than at social stability and solidarity. Even in the
West the social consequences of it have been very unhappy,
and life is becoming more artificial, complicated and unhappy.
To the extent our social structure has offered resistance to
the development of such an environment it has rendered
some definite seivice, Again, in the modern economic
civilization of the West, religion has played a rather insigni
ficant role, Frono this sometimes a conclusion is drawn that
far economic progress religion can be ignored. Somehow we
(1240
lave begun to believe that industrial-cum-commercial civiliza-
tion of the western type is the ideal which we want to achieve
when we talk of economic progress or agricultural develop-
ment ; and since our social structure does not fit in the exigen-
ts of it we have begun to ascribe all blame to that. Really
speaking this economic ideal itself has to be changed. It
does not mean that social structure is not to be touched.
That too must be reconstructed to suit thei new, atmosphere,
But some of its basic ideals and relationships have to be
maintained because there is something beautiful, healthier,
moral and nearer to human hopes and desires. The concrete
answer will, of course, depend on what type of atmosphere
we want to create, '. e n the shape of things we want, That
will determine the human values, and all the systems and
organizations will slowly be adjusted to its requirements,
Lastly, regarding the adaptation of the old social and
cultural pattern which was adjusted to a relatively more
static situation, to the new setting which is more dynamic,
sve have to remember that in the process of evolution change
oaust take place. With the advancement of civilization
forces of change gather momentum, and inspite of institutional
ind emotional resistance social and cultural pattern must
change. But the pace of automatic adjustment is slow and
lence the slow rate of adaptation of our institutional life and
locial structure to the new economic system is quite natural.
\nd this lack of accommodation and adaptation must
continue. It is because no institution can be perfect and,
:tn fully meet the requirements for which it is created*
2ven the most thoughtful and most intelligently directed
restitution cannot fully and correctly anticipate the future,
conditions and deeds. In a relatively more static society in ,
which mobility is less and cultural changes are slow.'
nstitutionft continue to serve for comparatively longer the
recognized social needs. But in a more dynamic society in
which changed are quick they become inadequate very soon,
Tfcat inadequacy is called the lack of adaptation. This is
exactly our situation. Therefore, blaming the social environ-
ment for the backwardness of agriculture serves no useful
purpose. Nor do we find the original causes of many of the
economic problems that have a direct or indirect bearing on
agriculture to be located in social system. For the develop-
ment of agriculture the most important things are : technology,
education of farmers and cheap and efficient rendering of
certain services like the provision of water, finance and
sale of farm produce. There are many other requirements
also. But what is meant is that the greatest problem is not
social ; agricultural progress is not checked mostly by social
structure ; and for agricultural improvement we shall have to
look more to other fields than religion and social surroundings.
IV, ECONOMIC TRANSITION AND AGRICULTURE
Meaning of Economic Transition, The phrase economic
transition ordinarily implies change from one economic stage
to another. The process of evolution is a ceaseless journey,
and economic history is a continuous march. Change being
a permanent characteristic any period of time can be consi-
dered transitional. Again normally the change is smooth,
the form is non-violent, the consequences are unspectacular
an<J one stage merges into another imperceptably. Hence
the characteristic differences between the two stages become
undistinguished- But over longer periods even the slow
changes accummulate to an extent that economic conditions,
organization and institutions become fundamentally different,
and the two periods appear to be very much, if not absolutely,
different from each other so as to be appropriately termed as
different economic stages, Sometimes the forces of change
( 126 )
gather so much strength that change becomes drastic, it
takes violent form and the consequences are striking. The
economic structure changes fundamentally within a relatively
shorter time. It implies a sudden or revolutionary change
from one stage to another.
In its economic evolution the world is said to have passed
through five stages : hunting, pastoral, agricultural, handicraft
and industrial.* But in the nomenclature of the science of eco*
nomics the term 'Econ tnic Transition' is generally used in a
specific sense, f",0 M for the change from the old rather medieval
*Economic progress is measured in terms of man's control over
nature for the satisfaction of bis material wants, and usually five stages
are mentioned : (i) the stage of direct appropriation from nature, which is
termed as hunting and fishing stage ; (i) the stage of domesticating and
herding animals, which is termed as pastoral ; (in) the stage of settled life
depending on growing of crops, which is called agricultural stage ; (iv)the
stai<e of specialized handicrafts ; and (v) the vstage characterized by
the use of modern power-driven machinery, popularly termed as the
mJHbtiial stage
A second classification measuring human advancement in terms of the
progress in the us-; of tools, mentions different stages PS . paleolithic or
old rough stone age , neolithic or recent or polished stone age , Inonze
age and 'iron age, etc. Each of these ages marks the use of .new and im-
proved type of tools.
another classification measuring human progress in terms of man's
adaptation to his geographical milieu, shows three stages : (i) Kttologtcal,
when man is merely a creature of the environment, and in adapting to its
possibilities submits to his situation ; (n) Fcohgical, when man and region
are not separate but mutually interdependent entities, and man's mastery
over environment is not a one sided transaction but a value for value
bargain ; and (ni) Bpharmolngtcal, when man as an active agent of his
environment dictates rather than surrenders, and develops in the desired
direction,
Patrick Geddes, describing the development of modern technics, has
used entirely different terms to indicate different stages : (i) Rotechntc, it
refers to the dawn age of modern technic. The economy is based upon
the use of wind, water, and wood as power, with wood as the principal
material for construction. It was dominant in Western Europe from the
10th to the 18*h century, (ii) Puleotechmc, it refers to the coal and iron
economy, which existed as a mutation in the eotechnic period, but began
in the 18th century to displace the eotechnic complex, and became domi-
nant between 1850 and 1890, (iii) Neotcchnic, it refers to the new
economy which began to emerge in the eighties, based on the use of
electricity, the lighter metals, like aluminium and copper, and rare metals
and earths, like tungsten, platinum and thorium etc , utilization of by-
ducts and growing perfection and automatism in all machinery,
economic system to the new or modern economic system
which came into existence after the Industrial Revolution.
The Industrial Revolution began in England in the middle of
the eighteenth century, and then spreading to other countries ;
it has transformed the whole economic organization, the
systems of production, exchange and distribution, the measure
of values, the scale of preferences, the ideas and ideals, the
mode of life and all economic relationships,*
present, the eotechnic complex is a survival, the paleotechnic is recessive,
and the neotechnic is a dominant, (iv) Biotechntc, it refers to an emergent
economy, already separating more clearly from the neotechnic Ipurelyl
mechanic) complex, and pointing to a civilization in which the biologica
sciences will be freely applied to technology, and in which technology
itself will be oriented towards the culture of life. Application of bacterio-
logy to medicine, of physiology to nutrition and of psychology for the
discipline of human behaviour is common, Biological and social arts
become dominant, improvements instead of depending solely upon
mechanical manipulation of matter and energy rest upon organic utilization
of the entiie environment, and groups are considered in their multifold
relations : physical, biological, social, economic, esthetic and psychological,
* About 1770 a series of inventions were made in England,
which brought in the factory system and revolutionized the economic life,
but the course was completed by about 1815, Toynbee and Mantoux put it
as 1760 to 1820, and Cunningham from 1770 to 1840 Jn France it was felt
after the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars, 1789-1815 Germany
entered her industrial age of power driven machinery after 1870. Japan
abolished her feudal system and began her industrial career about 1870,
specially since the Smo Japanese War of 1894 U.S.A. became
an industrial country since 1880, And in Russia the change
took place after 1890, but specially after the Revolution, hardly 25 years
back, It should, however, be noted that it was not a sudden change which
occurred and then ceased. It is a process which after being commenced
still continues. Secondly, Industrial Revolution is a theoretical conception
and not a mere historical denotation designating a period of English
economic history.
Chang while commenting upon the line of thought explaining the
nature and characteristics of Industrial Revolution mentions four schools
or groups : (i) Blanqui in France and Gaskell in England, who considered
inventions as the prime cause of the great changes, identified more or less
completely the inventions with the Industrial Revolution, (ii) Toynbee
and some of his followers who have placed greater emphasis upon changes
in economic thought and commercial policy than on changes in industrial
organization, Invention and the growth of factory system, which undoubted-
ly characterize the system, are considered only incidental to the neto
outlook in theory and commercial policy (iii) Marx and his followers,
Marx distinguished the revolution in 'modern industry' from that in
'manufacture,' by saying that 'in manufacture the revolution in the mode
( OS )
The old economic system is characterised by :
(i) Isolation of small self-sufficient groups and this state
being mostly due to inadequate transport and communication
system.
(ii) Uneven occupational distribution of population with
predominance of agriculture over other occupations, and of
rural over urban population.
(iii) Small-scale production with simple and imperfect
division of labour.
(iv) Industries in handicraft stage, smaller capital, and
absence of employer and employee or capital and labour
relationship,
(v) Limited market and hence production being mostly
for local consumption.
(vi) Exchange being conducted through barter system
due to the absence of money economy.
(vii) Undeveloped state of credit and banking, and
(viii) Customs and status mostly regulate values and
predominate competition and contract.
The modern economic system is fundamentally different
from it. The main characteristics are :
(i) Highly developed and efficient system of transport
and communications, after breaking up the isolation of small
groups, have increased the interdependence of different groups,
of production begins with labour-power, in modern industry it begins with
instruments of labour', He emphasized both changes in productive force
(technical changes) and changes in productive relations (organizational
change), which he took as interacting, both generating and destroying,
through the history of economic evolution. Industrial Revolution is ex-
plained by the interaction of these two changes, and mostly by their iriter
action (iv) Modern writers among whom Shadwell and Usher may be named,
They hold that Industrial Revolution is only one phase in a vast and cotriplex
process that is still going on. The various transformations in that hase
are gradual ; and its natural characteristics can be fully understood only by
a research into the fundamental causes or factors that are underlying the
long process of econoraip evolution (Pei-kang Chang, Agriculture' "and
Industrialization, 1940, pp, 73-77.)
and has brought the different countries very ctose to each
other, ' ' '
(U) A more balanced occupational distribution wtth agri-
culture occupying less important role and secondary -and
tertiary occupations more important place, and predominance
of urban over rural population.
(iii) Large-scale production with complex and perfect
division of labour, :
(iv) Specialization in production, increased use ol machi^
nery, concentration of industry, accumulation of huge capital
directed by entrepreneur, creation of a labour class, its
concentration in manufacturing centres, and the disappearance
of the personal relationship between employer and the emp
loyees.
(v) Very wider market, and commercialization of
production-
(vi) Money economy in place of barter and heiice
price entering the calculation of values*
(vii) Highly developed system of banking and credit; and"
(viii) Freedom of contract and competition,
In some countries this change has been so rapid that
within a period of 50 to 75 years the old economic system
has been completely substituted by the modern economic
system ; and these countries at present are highly developed
industrialized countries like England, Germany, U,SA,
France and Belgium, etc. In India the beginning was Jate.
and the pace of change has been rather slow with the result
that though the impact of modern economic forces has brought"
about noticeable changes in the economic system,, and is.
gradually transforming the old organization, the old system
and organizations still continue, and they have only partially
been changed. The new system has not come into being with
17
( 180 )
full consequences, but the change has already set in, and
hence we say that India is in a state of economic transition.
Beginning ol Transition, It is difficult to determine the
exact period when the forces working towards this change began
to operate in our country. Really speaking in the history of no
country can the two periods be clearly separated by a definite
line of demarcation. India had commercial relations and cul-
tural contacts with the West for several centuries but that did
not affect her economic structure till the 19th century. In the
beginning of the 19th century India began to feel the impact of
some of these forces, and changes began to operate slowly* But
their total influence was by no means so large as to make a
noticeable structural change. It was since the middle of the
19th century that these forces introduced fundamental changes
in our economic life and system. The transition which began
in England in the middle of the 18th century and ran its full
course by the first quarter of the 19th century, began in our
country about a century later, and is still going on since it has
not yet been able to complete its course.
There were several factors which worked towards this
transition :
(i) The most important factor in transition has been the
linking up of India with foreign countries by means of new
ship routes, and the opening up of her interior by means of
roads and railways. Opening of the Suez canal in 1869 made
Indian market and supplies of raw material quite close to
the West by reducing the former distance through Cape of Good
Hope by about 3000 miles. Beginning of the railway enter-
prise in India in fiftees, an almost simultaneous beginning of
road construction, and their rapid increase during the days
pf Lord Dalhousie, opened the interior of India to the full
blast of foreign competition.
(ii) Beginning of the competition of British manufactures
( 131 )
produced under large-scale operation and with the application
of mechanical power, with Indian industry which wascanlftd
on by artisans on a small scale, with the result that the Indian
artisan was ousted by the British industrialist both in the
home and outside markets.
(Hi) The establishment of British rule in India synchro-
nized with the beginning of the competition of British manufac-
tures with Indian exports* The foreign rule introduced a
new revenue system and also a new system of judicial
administration*
(iv) Rise in prices which began near about 1860: Intro-
duction of payments to government in cash increased the
demand for money, but metals being scarce in India prices
had a falling tendency during the first half of the 19th century
after which a reverse tendency is seen. It was almost at
this very time that the Indian exports increased very much
and the world supply of precious metals was also increased
considerably due to the discovery of gold in Australia ami
California and silver in Mexico. It led to a considerable flow
of precious metals in India and raised the price level,
Besides, the construction of large scale public works in India
raised the wage level also.
(v) The failure of American cotton crop in 1846 made
England conscious of seeking an alternative market in
India. After that the American Civil War in 1861-65 and
the subsequent cotton famine in Lancashire is said to be the
first important event to bring to the notice of Indian farmers
the existence of western markets for their products. It like-
wise showed for the first time how close India was brought
to the Western market.
(vi) Establishment of a strong, stable and centralized
administration leading to the establishment of law and order
apd security of life and property which in its turn provided
( 132 )
opportunity and incentive for work.
faii) . Introduction of money economy as a result of cash
assessments, .and increased credit due to rise in prices, and
(viii) The influences of British culture, civilization and
education which gave rise to the spirit of individualism.
The most noteworthy feature about the causes and forces
of economic transition is the coincidence of many events*
These events mutually stimulated the force and pace of each
other, and thus .brought about a sudden and violent change
popularly termed as revolution. But in India we do not use
the terqi 'revolution 1 but only 'transition', which is a milder
term indicating a lesser intensity of change, It is because
the pace of change has been rather slow here, and the trans-
formation has not been complete, as will be seen from the
following study.
Changes in Agriculture and Rural Life, The most
outstanding influences of these forces were the decline of
village handicrafts, the disintegration of the village com-
munities and the breaking down of the village isolation and
self-sufficiency. The consequences were many-fold ; and both
agriculture and farm-life were influenced immensely.
The immediate effects were : the pressure on agriculture
began to swell and this brought about an unbalanced occupa-
tional distribution. The Indian farmer came in contact with
the world market and began to produce for exports in the
form of raw materials. The most remarkable was the case of
cotton cultivation- Though cotton was cultivated in India
from very early times the export of raw cotton upto 1860 was
small.* Dr* Royle wrote in 1851 that 'It forms but. a
'Before the 19th century India used to export elegant fabrics and not
raw cotton. After the Industrial Revolution in the West the machiiac'tnuuc
goods pushed the Indian exports away from foreign markets, This, chan-
ged the nature of Indian exports, and India became a supplier of cotton,
In about 1830 English industry drew its cotton principally from America
an0*at tfiat time India exported a very small quantity of cotton, It vyas tf(er
1860 that cotton exports increased much,
( 133 )
small part of the imports into this country (England), but a
more .conspicuous factor in those of China ; the two quantities
together, however, make but an insignificant portion of what
i$ produced in the country.' The following statistics about
cotton significantly indicate the fresh trend.*
!
Extension of Cotton
Price.
Exports to U K,
Cultivation in. C, P, &
Years.
Berar
(as. per Ib.)
(Bales.)
Yrs.
Acres,
1859
2-7
509,695
1861-62
375,623
1860
3-7
562,738
1862-63
427,111
1861
43
986,280
1863-64
488,436
1862
6-4
1,071,768
1864-65
691,198
1863
105
1,229.984
1865-66
568,398
1864
11-5
1,399,514
1866-67
593,801
1867-68
735,633
,
1868-69 ! 750,875
i
!
After 1864 the value of cotton exports formed more than
half of our total exports for several years, Similarly, though
jute was cultivated for long its extensive cultivation in
Bengal for the purpose of export began near about 1830.
Agricultural prices began to increase, e t g., in 1861 rice was
sold in Bengal at 27 seers a rupee and in 1870 the rate
became 22 seers a rupee, in the same period the rate of
wheat in Punjab changed from 18 seers a rupee to 15 seers a
rupee, the rate of Bajra in Bombay changed from 21 seers to
13 seers a rupee and the price of cotton in C, P. and Berar
changed from /2/7 per Ib. in 1859 to -/11/5 per Ib, .in 1864.
and provincial price variations were immense. Major-
*G Watt Article on Cotton in Dictionary of Economic Products in
India ; The Annual Report of the Cotton Commissioner for C, P, and Bebar
1867-68, p, 132; and Dr, Royle* Culture & Commerce of Cotton in India,
1851, p. 18, quoted by Gadgil, The Industrial Evolution of India in Recent
Times, pp, 16-18
( 134 )
General Briggs in his evidence before the Parliamentary Select
Committee pointed out that in 1823 grain was 8s, a quarter in
Khandesh, 34s, a quarter in Aurangabad and 64s.~70s a quar*
ter in Poona, and in 1833 a famine year in North-West
Province, wheat was sold at Agra at the rate of 13J seers a
rupee and in Khandesh 61 seers a rupee. Such variations
began to be minimised, and the price trends in one part began
to affect the movements in other parts. And a considerable
volume of agricultural labour class came into being. Though
agricultural labour existed since very long it was never a
distinct and considerable class. After the decline of village
handicrafts it swelled suddenly. After the formation of the
Public Works Department by Lord Dalhousie in 1859 and the
construction of huge public works, labour class came into being ;
and after these works were over it depended on agriculture.
Slowly and slowly the transition began to manifest itself
in many directions* The growing pressure on land led to a
gradual shrinkage in the size of farms, e, g., the average size
of farms in village Suraya in Mainpuri District of Uttar
Pradesh was reduced to 7*1 acres in 1940 from 117 acres
in 1870, in village Pimla Soudgar in Poona the average size
was reduced to 7*0 acres in 1915 from 40 acres in 1771.*
Foreign markets began to influence Indian agriculture which
began to be slowly commercialized. Cotton, oil seeds, jute,
hides and skins began to be exported, and the area under
industrial crops likewise registered an increase.! Internal
trade in agricultural commodities increased considerably.
^Village surveys conducted by Dr, D. S, Chauhan and Dr, H, Mann,
fine extent of commercialization in agriculture is not to be judged
only by the extent of industrial crops grown but by the actual amount pj
agricultural produce put on the market or the volume of .trade, Though
farmers grow mostly for home consumption, because rent and interest
falling due after the harvest time they have to put on the market consider-
ably more than the actual marketable surplus, and then buy again in tne off
season .
( 135 )
Localization and specialization ot crops according to. soil
and climatic conditions began to take place, *, &> jute in
Bengal, wheat in Punjab, oil-seeds in C, P., cotton in Bomba7
and later on sugar cane in U. P. and Bihar* Agricultural
prices got an up ward trend, land values increased, cultivators 1
rights in land became more safe and tenure more fixed,
This enhanced the credit position of farmers considerably.
This is also said to be a cause of the considerable amount ol
agricultural indebtedness and likewise a factor in the passing
away of land from agricultural to non-agricultural classes.
Prices in principal mandis began to correspond, and further
the inland prices began to follow the world market, e t g. f
Monthly wholesale prices of wheat, April 1934 to March 1936.*
Hapur Karachi
Average price per md, (Rs,) 2'463 2-797
Standard Deviation. 0*326 0*207
Co-efficient of Variation. 13'236% 7*401%
Co-efficient of correlation (r) + 0774
Probable Error of (r) 0'055
Taking the weekly wholesale prices ol wheat at the same
places and for the same period we find the Co-efficient of
correlation+'819and probable error '028.
Monthly wholesale prices of wheat, at London, and
Karachi^ 1929 to 1931, (before the import duty).
London Karachi
Average price per md, (Rs,) 4-296 3*824
Standard Deviation. 1*344 1*038
Co-efficient of Variation, 24*301% 27*144%
Co-efficient of Correlation (r) + 3'104
Probable error of (r) o 028
*J, K, Pande Prices of cereaU in the United Provinces, 1938.
( 136 )
High coefficient o( correlation and low probable error in
the first case show that prices at ports and at ntandis in the
far interior are very much correlated, and in the second
case show that fluctuations in foreign prices affect our prices,
Isolation of the village is broken and its self-sufficient character
is considerably changed. The media of contact and communi-
cation are increasing and they are constantly minimising the
spatial separation* Money has entered exchange and all pay-
ments of services, Rent, wages, taxes and prices are regulated
and determined more by competition than by custom and
status. Mobility of labour both occupational and geographical,
has increased considerably, The old village organization
is transformed, the old relationships of farmers are changed)
the influences of social institutions and processes are conside-
rably modified, and the fundamental values are more closely
identified with economic factors, The more fundamental
and far reaching changes are ; breakdown of farmers'
isolation, abolition of the feudal system, re-italization of the
cooperative spirit, removal of untouchability and establish-
ment of rural democracy through village panchayats. The
more visual changes are ; replacement of barter by money
economy, payments in cash instead of in kind, development
of transport and communications, increased mobility of lab-
our, commercialization, specialization, and mechanization of
production and the rise in wages and prices,
The process of transition is not uniform* in all classes of
people and in different parts of the country. In isolated and
*The economic history of the world records five distinct stages iq its
development. But this process of evolution has not been simultaneous
throughout the world ; and any particular stage has been shorter in some
countries and longer in others, depending upon the quality, character and
relationship of the basic and emergent factors. Moreover, it is not necessary
that all countries should pass through all the stages. Some countries or
some sections of population in any particular country can skip over one
stage or another, or can reduce the duration by accelerating the rate of
progress,
( 137 )
remote parts old cultures persist and old methods and customs
continue ; and in parts where outside contacts are frequent
and modern forces have a greater impact, the process of
transition has gone a long way, There are examples of a
few completely mechanized large-scale farms in almost all
States, of completely commercialized and specialized farming
like potato cultivation in Farrukhabad District and rose cultiva-
tion in Aligarh District of Uttar Pradesh, and on the other hand
of primitive type of cultivation amongst the aboriginal tribes
in Orissa and Vidhya Pradesh, Bhils in Rajasthan, and even
of shifting cultivation in Assam hills. But these are extreme
cases which do not represent the general picture of the
country. The vast majority of farmers, however, is passing
through uneven stages, exhibiting characteristics some of
which pertain to the older system and seme to the modern
system- This is peculiar to transitional stages, and is quite
natural, There is dislocation and lack of adjustment. Some
sections, and older generation in all sections, are more con-
servative and cling religiously to old customs and methods,
yet things are changing fast.
But how far has the essential character of agriculture
changed ? The organization of agriculture, the technique of
production, the farm practices, the pattern of farm life and
the standards of farming and living, on the whole, appear to
be as they were long back. The percentage of population
depending on agriculture was 68*5% at the time of first census
in 1872, and it is found to be the same 68*2% in 1951. More
than 80% of the total cultivated area being devoted to food
crops, shows the preponderance of cereal cultivation, and the
fact that hardly 30% of the total agricultural production enters
the market, shows the subsistence character of our agriculture.
Besides, considerable amount of agricultural indebtedness
18
( 138 )
and a very low standard of living and farming show a back-
ward or an underdeveloped stage. Low output, low income,
low rate of saving and investment, and on the other hand, high
propensity to consume which in its turn aggravates scarcities,
apparently exhibit a state of stable equilibrium at a low
level of economic behaviour, The ebb and flow of agricult-
ural life and activities appear to be grooving deeply into
channels of custom. There are evidences of emotional clinging
to established attitudes, traditional pattern of life, accustomed
behaviours and ancient cultural traits. In fact, it is not a
stationary state but that of stagnation* which Toynbee terms
as 'the blind alleys of civilization.' To be specific, inspite
of subsistence farming specialization in production is taking
place, and crops have localized according to the soil and climatic
conditions. Enlargement in the size of the unit of production
in the form of joint-cultivation, cooperative cultivation, capital-
istic farming, etc., have already started. Fair rents and fixity
of tenure have been attempted for the last few decades through-
out the country. The feudal system is being abolished. The
capitalist farmer seems in the offing. Legislative measures have
already been passed for the fixation of wages in agriculture,
The use of farm machinery and the challenging influence of
modern technology are on the increase. The area under
improved varieties of seeds is increasing specially in the case
of sugarcane, wheat, cotton and rice. The production of fer-
tilizers and their use is expanding. Irrigation and power are
considered most important parts of the Five Year Plan.
Agricultural prices, tarm incomes, cooperative c redit, animal
*The state of stable equilibrium at a low level as seen in many under-
developed countries is not stationary and cannot be interpreted as a lack
of transition or change. "There is stagnation which appears as a symptom
in its aetiology but is not endogenously determine d function of the sy&tem,
Like any other system it experiences a change and an interaction of the
Accelerator and the Multiplier, and in their peculiaritie s lies its uniqueness."
Dr, Baljit Singh ; Federal Finance and Underdeveloped Economy, p, 2, 1951.
( 139 )
breeding, and agricultural education and research are being
given increasing attention. Though farmers are geographi-
cally isolated as compared to town dwellers, few are now so
completely isolated as to be beyond the reach of the modern
means of transport and communications. The fluctuations in
the international agricultural prices affect even remote culti-
vators. Besides, though farmers grow a number of crops and
largely for home, they approach the market more readily and
frequently for buying their requirements and for selling their
surplus produce, and thus do not attempt to grow all they
need.
Farm life has likewise undergone and is at present under-
going a change. Economic values are entering activities of
farmers in all walks of life.* Social status, recreation,
group contacts, personal freedom and many other basic
values have begun to play increasing part in functional rela-
tions and social order, Cash, competitive, and market eco-
nomy is entering the agricultural life since farmers seek
financial reward for their work, Virtues of simple life are
losing their significance and are giving place to artificially
created needs expressed in the form of increasing emphasis
on consumption, ostentations in ornaments and clothing.
Pecuniary considerations are being placed above subjective
* It is important to consider the role of economic factors in the scale
of values of a people, Success should not be taken in absolute terms but
,is defined by a particular culture. In oriental civilizations coveted values
are religious, philosophical, speculative and subjective , and they are
placed above economic goods, On the contrary in occidental culture the
competitive society ranks status, achievement and emulation as first ; and
since they are achieved through the accumulation of economic goods pecu-
niary values are most fundamental, and economic factors are pivotal in the
attainment of the objective of life, The more important thing is one that
determines the maximum amount of total satisfaction. If it is attained
through economic factors they should be considered more important, if not,
less important, But the total satisfaction in any social group will be
governed by the systems of values or the objectives of life. Though they
also change, they are more fundamental, and determine the relative impor-
tance of economic factors,
( 140 )
and other philosophical values. Adjustments in social move-
ments have gone far beyond traditional social forms. Changes
are visible in the whole pattern. Social institutions, social
process, social behaviour and the nature of problems are all
changing. Contacts are wider, and movements are faster and
distant. Activities seem to do more with business, Relation-
ships are more interconnected* Domination of locality
in habits and consumption is decreasing due to the break-
down of isolation; widening of markets and the extension
of contacts* Farmers expect adequate reward for their work ;
its failure is not considered simply a stroke of bad luck or
attributed to anger of some mythical god. On the other hand,
they feel frustrated. Their attitude is resentful and bitter
towards the economic order. The very fact that old system
is failing to meet life's new needs proves that a transition is
taking place,*
Nature of Problems during Transition, When an eco-
nomy passes from one stage to another the movement is not
direct and through straight line path. It is a change from one
set of circumstances to another. The movement from one
*There is, however, a feeling that economic transition should have nor-
mally brought about a period of prosperity and growing standards of pro-
duction and living. This has not been possible due to several factors : a
quick succession of famines after 1865 covering almost the whole country
xvith the result that during 187080 farmers throughout the country lost all
the progress made so far, economic drain under colonial rule which gradually
impoverished the country, rack-renting and exorbitant rate of interest
charged by money lender dispossessing farmers of most of his gains, rapid
increase in population eating into all production increase, and the great
economic Depression which considerably reduced farm incomes. The
effects of these factors are generally prolonged and recovery takes very long
This prolonged nature should well be appreciated.
For further study the following books are recommended : Pei-kang
Chang, Agriculture and Industrialization, 1947 ; T. W, Schultz, Agricul-
ture in an Unstable Economy, 1945 ; M Sweezy, The Theory of Capitalistic
Development, 1942 ; J. D. Black, Factors Conditioning Innovations in
Agriculture, 1945 ; and schumpeter, The Theory of Economic Development
and Business objects, 1934,
( 141 )
point of equilibrium to another is through a cobweb and from
one step to another the movement is through a concave path
Thus, the transition implies a movement through a network of
interlocking circles, This explains the interdependence and
interconnection of different problems. Thus transition in agri-
culture, therefore, is the result and in its turn a cause of tran-
sition in other economic sectors, Transition implies increas-
ing or intensifying complexities. It creates fresh problems
and renders the existing ones more complicated.
Ordinarily speaking this transition is the process of
industrialization which should be defined as 'a process in
which changes of a series of strategical production functions*
are taking place'. In this sense it includes industrializing
both manufactures and farms, It involves different stages,
and the nature of problems at different stages is also different.
However, ordinarily speaking the problems which arise are
those refering to : changes in cost structure ; changes in the
internal organization of farms and a new combination of
factors of production : changes in the quantity of demand,
depending upon the elasticity of demand and cost structure
of particular goods; changes in the nature and extent of
mechanization of agriculture, depending upon the price of
farm products and the scarcity and cost of labour ; changes
in the size of farms ; changes in the quantity 5 and efficiency
of both human and animal labour; changes in the types of
farming ; changes in the marketing structure of agricultural
commodities ; and ultimately the change in the place ot
agriculture in the total national economy. In actual practice
^Strategical production functions are those the changes of which
are generating and determining the changes of other production functions,
while the latter may be termed as 'induced '
Production function is usually written as P~ f (a, b, c ), where F
is product and a, b, c, are productive services or factors used in pro-
duction, In Cobb-Douglas formula it is written as p = bLkCj for two
dimensions or Pb+kL+jC for three dimensions,
( 142 )
there is considerable shifting of labour and capital both
geographical and vocational, and farmers have to make
several adjustments with reference to variations in prices,
costs, quantity and kind of demand, volume of employment,
volume of consumption and savings, extent of capital for-
mation and the nature of technology.
V. RURAL-URBAN RELATIONSHIP
Rural Exploitation. There has been a gradual depletion
of wealth and power from our villages. There are two
major factors responsible for it. After the disintegration of
village communities the social protection afforded by them
ceased and their functions in social, economic and political
matters were taken up by other institutions. Secondly, the
decline of village handicrafts narrowed down the field of
economic activities, and by increasing the pressure on
agriculture rendered it more and more uneconomic. In
addition to these two major factors there has continuously
been an urban ward drift of money and intelligent and
healthy men from rural areas, motivated by economic and
social status and the attractions of city life. The result is
that to-day, inspite of the fact that villages contribute a major
part of the national income, they wear a deserted appearance.
Village life is rendered less vivacious and less varied,
unwholesome and unhealthy, cramped and circumscribed
and narrow and incomplete. On the other hand, cities are
becoming the nuclei of power and privilege, of wealth and
glory, of art and culture and of modern advancement, There
is a significant gulf between the two ; and it has gradually
been widening for some time, past. An undesirable feature
of this is that the cities are thriving at the cost of villages
For further study readers may look to our two articles ; Rural-urban
Relationship, Rural India, July 1949 ; and the Role of Village in Proves
sfve Economy, Rural India, April 195 U <
( 143 )
which appear to have remained where they were centuries
back without making any noticeable progress,
The economic consequences are unhappy for both cities
and villages. In villages we find that the size and capacity
have limited the opportunity for progress. The chances for
multiplication of occupations, extension of employment, and
accumulation of wealth are minimised. There is no material
and social environment in which culture can be enriched,
civilization can make a progress and life can be fuller,
Really speaking rural life is reduced to an existence on a
sub-human level.
City development in our country is not an organic
growth of the society. Even in its physical form
it has mostly been a casual egglomeration of men and build-
ings rather than a natural economic process. Urbanization,
though very limited in India, has taken such an ugly shape
that water, light, air, soil, the basic environments of life are
becoming mote and more difficult to procure. The environment
is gradually becoming unfit for a happy life, There are said
to be quick and easy methods of earning and spending,
These pecuniary processes may be considered satisfactory
on economic grounds, but humanly speaking they are low
forms of activity. The mechanical ingenuities, the pecuniary
pride and the splendid devices in providing the material
bases of life are simply the symptoms of spiritual failure.
Many of the universal forms of dishonour are not considered
undignified. The honest workers shave wood, beat iron
bars, handle earth ; scholars incubate ideas and artists and
poets brood in some unwholesome quarters in neglected
corners, Physically, our cities have failed to provide tbe
basic conditions of life, socially there is no civic and commu-
nity life and culturally the human personality is dwarfed,
( 144 )
Urbanization, in other words, 'is dehumanization, depersonali-
zation, desocialization and devitalization.'*
The gradual impoverishment of villages and a huge popu-
lation living at a very low scale of living, and carrying on
under deficit economy, are very grave features. The villages
produce less, they eat less, they sell less and they buy less.
It forms a vicious circle dragging the nation down. The
gulf between the villages and the cities is already quite
significant and it is gradually widening. The worst feature
ts that under the present economic set-up it cannot be
minimised. On the other hand, the present process of rural
exploitation which is inherent in the modern industrial
system, and the existing system of distribution of economic
activity, will continue. The growing diversity of human
culture shows that advanced communities change rapidly
and backward only slowly and slightly. The existing system
will increase the difference between cities and villages in
future. The present differences between the developed
and the under-developed countries of the world are increa-
sing. It establishes the same fact,
Interdependence of Rural and Urban Areas. The linking
factors between the two are food, raw materials, labour, and
farmers as buyers of goods and services.
It should be appreciated that villages are the
bed-rock of our national structure. They are the ultimate
source of the diffused rays of life which fall into focus in
cities. The signs and the symbols, the designs and patterns
and the systems and the orders of urban life, which are
considered to be the durable elements of human heritage, are
simply the 'etherealized' forms of life in the countryside, All
phazes of village life contribute towards the existence of cities,
*L, Mumford, City Development, 1946. For further study of urbani-
sation one can look to Mumford's Culture of Cities, 1940,
( 145 )
Thus, there is a limit to the progress of the former fixed by the
nature and character of the latter. And any attempt for pro-
gress and planning cannot afford to neglect the countryside,
Not only that the extent to which progress can be made by the
country as a whole cannot be far ahead of that of villages.
On the other hand cities (taken both as economic
base and social emergent), through culture and technology,
provide motive force for economic progress by widening the
scope for economic activities, diversification of occupations,
multiplicity of opportunities, specialization of functions,
deepening of experience, enriching modes and methods of
expression and ultimately leading agriculture, industry and
government into new channels of experiment, and thus
transforming passive agricultural rural environment.
A case for Regional Distribution of Economic Power and
Activity. The parasitic existence of cities cannot be tolerated
in future. It depends on how permanent are the forces and
methods which drain our villages, Under our present
constitution and with the rising surge of political, economic
and social consciousness, rural exploitation cannot be
tolerated permanently* And longer it continues, the greater
are the chances of serious dislocations, violent changes and
unhappy consequences* Hence, it is necessary to seek a
remedy as early as possible.
The remedy lies in providing the necessary opportunities
and incentives for progress in the countryside. Before
analyzing the factors leading to it let us be definite about the
meaning of the word progress at which we aim. In short it
implies the development of a balanced human personality*.
*When machine was considered supreme human ideas and ideals wer$
too much influenced by quantitative measures of power and progress. Now
organism being considered uppermost the line of thought has changed to
qualitative measures like growth, norm, inter-relationship and association.
The aim is not to make man more powerful but to make him capable of
developing the attributes of culture,
19
( 146 )
Progressive economy assumes an economic frame work in
which at least the basic requirements of life may be provided
to all, and further the equipment for the realization of the
creative needs of the community life may be provided in
adequate quantity, and the growing standards of civilized
life may be realized* Really speaking it is a preliminary
condition for the realization of the final objective, To be
accomplished it requires a suitable environment. In brief
the remedy lies in the creation of a new environment in
which not only the forces and methods depleting the villages
may be counter balanced but a new economic, social and
political life may be emerged in the countryside. The methods
are : to check the causes of accelerated drift to cities through
legislative measures and social reforms, to increase the
capacity of villages to hold the population at a higher stand-
dard, and to replace the existing economic framework which
is incapable of bettering the lot of poor farmers by new units
of organization, administration having new ideals of life, new
scales of values and new system of income distribution. It
requires a balanced occupational distribution, security of
employment and output, opportunities for enhanced production*
equitable distribution and adequate savings, stimulating an
urge for improvement, social engineering and the develop-
ment of the art of life. Objectively speaking it require rural
industrialization on a decentralized basis, and thus creating
diversification of employment and a source of income, inten-
sification of agriculture and improvement of farm technology,
reorganization of rural credit and marketing so as to avoid
the exploitation of the rural population by middlemen,
development of means of transport and communications,
eleethficatoin of rural areas, scattering the higher educational
institutions in rural surroundings, overhauling the constitu-
tions, powers and functions of the existing local bodies,
( 147 )
provision of security of life and property in the countryside
which has recently been endangered, and the provision of the
emenities of life at cheaper rates.
The fresh organization must be attempted on a regional
basis harmonising the rural and the urban elements with a
biologically adequate environment of the tormer and the
cultural resources of the latter. The knowledge of organic
life shows that there cannot be a compartmentation of popu-
lation into separate rural and urban zones. The autonomy of
organism which is a characteiistic feature of its growth does
not lead to isolation, Environment is a cooperative factor,
Therefore, the existing distinctive features of rural and urban
areas 1 and institutions have to be avoided giving place to a
fresh regional organization, Corr ctly analyzed it is neither
municipalizing villages nor ruralizing cities. 2 It is not simply
transferring the population or decentralizing the authority.
It is reorganizing the whole economic structure with new
economic institutions, ideals, scale of values and relationships.
It will mean a balanced distribution of economic power and
activities on a regional basis, and community giving place
to society.
1. The decree of nibani/ation in India is \ery limited and such a big
country cannot be urbanized to the extent to \\hich some \vestern countries
have But the concentiation of economic power in cities and luial exploi-
tation are obvious. The system has got some inherent characteristics
which hamper piogress The danger is that the country may go the way
of China if things are not impioved It can lead to a collapse of the \\ho]p
modern urban ami commercial civilization uhich implies greed, domination,
and conquest,
2, The idea is difterent horn that of 'uibamzation' of the countryside
\\hich aims at a richer life of social contact, and is also distinct from that of
the 'extension of city de\elopment' which intends to increase the influence
of natural surroundings on metropolitan civilization,
For further study one can look to Dr, T. R. Sharraa, Location o
Industries, 1948, and A P. Usher, A Dynamic Analysis of the Location o
Economic Activity, 1943,
( 148 )
VI. VILLAGE PANCHAYATS IN U. P,
The government of Uttar Pradesh has passed The U,P.
Panchayat Raj Act, 1947, in order to establish and develop
Local Self-Government in rural areas* and to make better
provision for village administration and development, The
village is the unit, and in every unit there are three bodies :
the Gaon Sabha, the Gaon Panchayat and the Panchayati
AdalaU Their organization is as follows :
The Oaon Sabha. For every village or a group of villages
within three miles, ordinarily having a population of 1000 to
2000 persons, there is a Gaon Sabha, which is a body
corporate 2 having perpetual succession and a common seal,
It consists of all adults (males and females above 21 yrs.)
permanently residing in the area. A member will be dis-
qualified if he or she is of unsound mind, is suffering from
leprosy, is an undischarged insolvent, is a servant of a local
body or is a convict. Normally, the membership is life long
and one ceases to be a member only when one incurs any
one of the above disqualifications, or when the area in which
one resides is excluded from the jurisdiction of the Gaon
Sabha, or when one leaves the village, On the establishment
of Gaon Sabha a register is prepared in Hindi in the pres-
cribed form, of all adult persons permanently residing
within the jurisdiction of soch Gaon Sabha, and it is revised
at least once a year.
The Gaon Sabha elects according to joint electorate system,
from amongst its members, a President (Pradhan) and a
1 , Rural areas include all areas except municipal areas, cantonments,
town areas and notified areas,
2. A body corporate is the same thing as a Corporation, an artificial
person established for prescribing in perpetual succession certain rights,
which if conferred on natural persons would fail in process of time. It is an
artificial being, invisible, intangible and existing only in contemplation of
law,
( 149 )
Vice-President (Up-Pradhan) for a term of 3 years, and an
Executive (Gaon Panchayat), Ordinarily the Gaon Sabha
holds two general meetings in each year after the two main
harvests. The Kharif meeting considers and passes budget
for the following year and the Rabi meeting considers the
accounts of the preceding year. Besides, each meeting
considers the biennial reports of business submitted by the
President. An extraordinary general meeting can be called
by the President, or can be requisitioned by 1/5 members
within 30 days of giving a written request. For any meeting
1/5 of the total members shall form the quorum while no
quorum is necessary for a meeting adjourned for want of
quorum. Vested in each Gaon Sabha is a Goan Fund, which
is managed, realized and utilized by the Gaon Panchayat.
It consists of taxes imposed under this Act, sums handed
over to Gaon Sabha by State Government, sums ordered by a
court to be placed to the credit of the Gaon Fund, contribu-
tions by District Board or other local authority, amount
assigned to Gaon Fund by any special or general order of
the State Government, amount received by way of loans and
gifts, portion of rent or proceeds of nazul property placed by
State Government to the credit of Gaon Fund, sale proceeds
of dust, dirt, dung or refuge etc,, collection charges for taxes
and dues collected on behalf of the State Government, and
the payment received on compounding an offence under
Section 104, The Gaon Sabha has a power to acquire land,
first by private negotiation, and failing that through the
Collector. All public property situated within the jurisdiction
of a Goan Sabha vests in and belongs to it, and is under its
direct management and control. It can borrow money from
State Government to carry out any of the purposes^ It can
impose the following taxes : a tax on rent not exceeding one
anna in a rupee payable by cultivators, a tax op rept received
( 150 )
by proprietors and under-proprietors not exceeding 6 pies in
the rupee of such rents, a tax on the rental value of Sir arid
Khudkast not exceeding one anna in the rupee, payable by
proprietors and under-proprietors, a tax on trade, callings and
professions, and a tax on buildings owned by persons who do
not pay any of the aforesaid taxes.
The Oaon Panchayat, It is the executive committee of
the Gaon Sabha. The President and the Vice-president of
Gaon Sabha are also its President and Vice-president respec*
tively, Beside these two there are 30 to 51 other members
elected by the Gaon Sabha on joint electorate system, for a
term of 3 years. One third of the members retire annually.
Seats are assigned to minority communities in proportion of
population. Gaon Panchayat arranges for the realization of
taxes and dues, custody of its funds, and maintenance of its
accounts which are audited every year.
It is the duty of every Gaon Panchayat, so far as its funds
may allow, to make reasonable provision within its juris-
diction for : Construction, repair, maintenance, cleaning and
lighting of public streets; medical relief; sanitation and
taking curative and preventive measures to remove and
to stop the spread of an epidemic ; upkeep, protection and
supervision of any building or other property belonging to
Gaon Sabha or transferred to it for management; registering
births, deaths and marriages, and maintenance of the register
of all the members of the Gaon Sabha ; removal of encroach-
ment on public streets, public places, and property vested
in Gaon Sabha ; regulating places for the disposal of the dead
bodies of human beings and animals, and of other offensive
matter ; regulation of fairs, markets and hats within its area
except those managed by State Government ; establishing
and maintaining primary schools for boys and girls, establish-
( 151 )
merit, management and care of common grazing grounds
and land for the common benefit of the persons residing
within its jurisdiction ; construction, repair and maintenance
of public wells, tanks and ponds for the supply of water for
drinking, washing and bathing purposes, and regulation of
sources of water supply for drinking purposes ; regulating
the construction of new buildings or the extension or altera-
tions of existing buildings ; assisting the development of
agriculture, industry and commerce ; rendering assistance
in extinguishing fire and protecting life and property when
fire occurs ; maternity and child welfare ; allotment of
places for storing manure ; maintenance of such records
relating to population census and cattle census as may be
prescribed ; administration of civil and criminal justice
and the election of Panches on the panel of the Panchayati
Adalat ; and fulfilling any other obligation imposed by any
other law on Gaon Sabha, Besides, there are some
discretionary functions of Gaon Panchayats, and they
may make provision for : planting and maintaining
trees at public streets and other public places ; improvement
of cattle ; improvement of sanitation ; organizing a
village volunteer force for watch and ward and assist-
ing the different bodies in discharging their functions ;
improvement of agriculture and the development of coopera-
tion ; assisting cultivators in obtaining Government loans,
in repayment thereof, in liquidation of old debt and establish-
ing a sound credit system ; relief against famine and other
calamities ; extension of abadi ; establishing and maintain-
ing library, reading rooms, clubs for recreation and games
and organizations for promoting goodwill and social harmony
between different communities ; and other measures of public
utility calculated to promote the moral and material well-
being or convenience of villagers.
( 152 )
The Gaon Panchayat has power to enquire and report
about the misconduct of amin, process server, vaccinator,
constable, patwari, patrol or peons of Government Depart-
ments, and forward the complaint to proper authority with its
own report. It has power to enter into contract with the State
Government to collect any taxes and dues for proprietors
within its jurisdiction. As prescribed it appoints a secretary
and other staff subject to the approval of the prescribed
authority, but in time of emergency can appoint a servant
for a period not exceeding three months without such
sanction. Subject to the prescribed conditions it may
establish a committee to assist it in the discharge of any
specified duty, and may delegate to such committee such of
its powers as may be necessary for the purpose of rendering
such assistance. Two or more Gaon Sabhas can combine by
means of a written instrument to appoint a joint committee
consisting of their representatives for the purpose of transac-
ting any business in which they are jointly interested, and
may delegate to such committee power to frame any scheme
and modify rules which will be binding on each Gaon Sabha
Every member of a Gaon Panchayat has a right, at any
meeting, to move any resolution and to put questions to the
President or Vice-President on matters connected with the
administration of the Panchayat, And every member of the
Gaon Panchayat, any joint committee or any other committee
constituted under this Act, is liable for loss, waste or mis-
application of any money or property belonging to the Panchayat,
and a suit for compensation may be instituted against him
by the Panchayat with the previous sanction of the prescribed ^
authority,
The Panchayati Adalat, The State Government has divided
each district in circles, each circle usually including contiguous
afea of 3 to 5 Gaon Sabhas, for the purpose of establishing
Panchayati Adalat far each such circle. Every Gaon Sabha
in a circle elects 5 adults oi prescribed qualifications,
permanently residing within its jurisdiction to act as Panches
for 3 years, in the Panchayati Adalat of that circle. The
Panches so elected by the Gaon Sabhas in a circle form a
panel, and elect from amongst themselves a person who is
able to record proceedings and to act as Sarpanch of the
Panchayati Adalat.
Any person who wishes to institute a suit, case or proceed-
ing under this Act before a Panchayati Adalat can make an
application orally or in writing to the Sarpanch, or in the
case of his absence from the circle, to such other
Panch as may have been appointed in this behalf, ana
shall pay the prescribed fee. The Court Fee Act,
1870 does not apply to Panchayati Adalats except as may be
prescribed. Any party can appear before the Adalat in person
or by such representative as the Adalat may adroit as a fit
person to represent him. But no legal practitioner shall
appear, plead or act on behalf of any party before a Panchayati
Adalat. For the trial of every case, suit or proceeding, the
Sarpanch forms a bench of 5 Panches from the panel, including
one Panch residing in the area of the Gaon Sabha in which
the plaintiff of a suit or proceeding or the complainant of a case
resides, one Panch residing in the area of the Gaon Sabha
in which the defendant or the accused resides, and three
Panches residing in the area of the Gaon Sabha in which
neither party resides, But no Panch or Sarpanch can take
part in any case to which he or any near relation, employer,
employee or partner is a party, or in which any of them may
be personally interested, In the event ot any disagreement
between Panches the opinion of the majority prevails,
20
( 154 )
Almost all the minor cases criminal cases, civil cases,
land revenue cases and cases of gambling} cattle trespassing
and any other offence under any other enactment declared
by State Government to be cognizable by a Panchayati
Adalat -are brought before Panchayati Adalats. Criminal
cases are instituted before the Sarpanch of the Adalat of the
circle in which ofience is committed, civil cases are instituted
before the Sarpanch of the Adalat of the circle in which the
defendant or any defendants ordinarily reside or carry
out business at that time, and cases under Sec. 70 of the
Land Revenue Act are transferred by Tahsildar of the Adalat
within the local area of which the land concerned is situated.
A criminal case pending before a magistrate can be trans-
ferred by him to the Adalat il he feels that it can be tried
by it. Besides, the Adalat has special jurisdiction in
compromised matters, since it has power to decide all civil,
revenue and compoundable civil cases not pending in any
court in accordance with any settlement, compromise or oath
agreed upon by the parties. But if the Adalat feels that it
has no jurisdiction to try a case, or the oSence is such in
which it cannot award adequate punishment, or is so
complicated that it should be tried by a regular court, it
returns the complaint to the complainant directing him to
file it before the Sub-Divisional Magistrate having jurisdiction
to try such case.
A Panchayati Adalat cannot inflict a substantive sentence
of imprisonment but can fine upto Rs. 100 (the fine varies
according to the nature of offence), but no imprisonment
can be awarded in default of payment, It cannot try a
person if hfc has been previously convicted of an offence
with imprisonment of 3 years or more, or is fined for theft
by Adalat, or is a registered member of a criminal tribe or
is convicted for gambling. It has no power to cancel,
( 155 )
revise or alter any decree or order passed by it, except to
correct a clerical mistake, but can for sufficient reason
recorded, on application made within one month of the date
ot decree or order or knowledge, restore any case which has
been dismissed or in which decree or order has been passed
ex parte. A revision from any order or decree passed by an
Adalat lies to the Sub-Divisional Magistrate and the Munsii.
It their is miscarriage oi justice by an Adalat the Sub-Divi-
sional Magistrate or Munsii can at any time in a pending
suit, or within 60 days fiom the date of a decree or order,
call for the record ot thi j case from Adalat, can cancel die
jurisdiction, or can quash any decree or order* A decree or
an order passed by a Panchayati Adalat is executed by it in
a prescribed manner. And if the dependants 1 property is
Mtuated outside its jurisdiction it transfers the decree to the
other Adalat where the property is situated, or to the court
ot the Munsif if there is no Panchayati Adalat, The fine
imposed by an Adalat is recoverable in the manner provided
in Sec. 386 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898. And
it the Adalat finds it difficult to recover, it requests the
Sub-Divisional Magistrate to recover it,
The Present working, According to this Act Panchayats
have been formed throughout the State on 15th August 1949.
At present there are 35,919 Gaon Sabhas and 8,414 Pan-
chayati Adalats in the State- On and from the date on which
a Gaon Sabha is established in any area under this Act the
U. P. Village Panchayat Act, 1920, the U, P. Village Courts
Act, 1892 and the U. P, Village Sanitation Act, 1892 are
deemed to be repealed, The Panchayats have assumed their
duties and are working since then- Every member or
servant of Gaon Panchayat or Panchayati Adalat or committee
is deemed to be a public servant within the meaning of Sec.
2} of the Indiap Penal Code f This raises considerably his
( 156 )
personal status in discharging his duties, The State Govt.
has, subject to the condition of previous publication by noti-
fication in the official Gazette, power to make rules consistant
with : this Act to carry out the purposes of this Act, i. .,
organization, working, powers and duties of the Gaon Sabha,
Gaon Panchayat and the Panchayati Adalat. It means that
in the light of the experience the Act is subject to modifications
and amendments subsequently.
In actual practice and the provisions of the Act there is
a considerable difference. Really speaking the success and
failure of Panchayats depends upon the type of people. Where
educated and sincere men are available really good work
has been done /specially id regard to the improvement of
roads and paths in abadi areas, education, village sanitation
and disposal of refuge outside the abadi areas, lighting of
public streets, distribution of cloth in villages and the
disposal of petty disputes. During 1950 the total number of
different types of cases brought before the Panchayati
Adalats was 467,340, out oi which about 25% were settled by
mutual agreement. As fines and fees they received Rs, 7*9
lakhs out of which they saved Rs. 4*2 lakhs and used them for
constructive purposes. The Gaon Panchayats have construc-
ted 218 miles Pacca and 1290 miles Kachha roads, and repaired
3619 miles old roads. They turned 14,134 Kachha wells
into Pacca and repaired 35826, They have planted more
than 10 million fruit trees and 45 million other types of
trees ; and prepared 3*7 lakhs compost pits. On the other
hand many Pancbayats have proved to be the breeding
grounds for party friction and further litigation. The Panches
are easily bribed * There is considerable litigation in the
courts against judgments of Adalats, and revisions and
appeals. There are a few difficulties due to which Pancha-
yats are not able ^o work properly. ^ certain stin jafcj pf
( 157 )
individual character is required for a successful democracy
which in the ignorant, illiterate and poor communities in
villages is badly lacking. Under the existing political
atmosphere respect tor law in villages has considerably
declined, and the offender is not much afraid of the hand of
law, much less of the Gaon Panchayat or the Panchayati
Adalat, The congress propaganda against the so far eco-
nomically and socially superior communities has practically
finished the leadership in villages. In the absence of such leaders
.he Gaon Panchayats and Panchayati Adalats lack capacity to
administer matters, and do not command respect and obe-
dience. Due to abject poverty of the masses the finances remain
meagre, and most of the funds being utilized in paying the
salary of the secretary, very small amounts are left for further
improvements. And the party friction spoils the atmosphere
of good-will and cooperation which is fundamental for rural
progress and smooth working oi such local bodies. Really
speaking the experience is so short that any judgment should
not be passed, The initial difficulties are so outstanding
that spectacular results cannot be expected. There can,
however, be no doubt about the utility and usefulness of
these Panchayats. The Act provides protection of life and
property, and the maintenance of civil liberties of all persons
residing in the jurisdiction of Panchayats. It aims not only
at the development of local self-government but also at
reducing litigation and making it economically cheap,
establishing rural democracy and training of the voter. It is
a step in the right direction and will try to revive the spirit
of old village communities. Even during this short period
of working these signs are visible*
CHAPTER VI
Famines and Famine Relief.
1, FAMINES.
Famine Conditions, Famine is 'the state of extreme
hunger suffered by the population of a region as a result of
the failure of the accustomed food supply.'* Famine condi-
tions are said to prevail when large groups of people fail to
procure enough food for their normal or accustomed needs.
Hence, to be specific, it has to be distinguished from the
state of constant under-nourishment of chronically poverty
stricken areas. The normal under-nourishment is not called
a famine. In such cases, as our own, famine is the state oi
an extraordinary aggravation of the normal misery.
Causes of Famines. Famine conditions may be created
by several causes, which are generally grouped under two
catagories : direct or apparent causes, and indirect or remote
causes.
(i) Direct causes* Food supply may fail due to natural
causes, such as drought, flood, hail storm, frost, prolonged
winter, too dry summer, or some other unusual meteoro-
logical phenomenon, plague of locusts or rodents, and plant
diseases, Failure of crops may further be due toman-made
or artificial causes, such as devastation of rural areas by
war, breakdown of the system of distribution affecting the
region depending upon the imported supply, and speculation
in the grain market resulting in prohibitive prices.
(ii) Indirect causes. Deforestation increases the danger
of floods, and over-population reduces the size of farms to
*F. A, Southard, Encyclopedia of Social Science, Vol. V-VI, p, 85,
158
( 159 )
such an extent that u is hardly sufficient to afford a miserable
subsistence in good years, precluding the shortage of surplus
in bad years. These two tactors indirectly lead to famine
conditions.
Regarding the causes ot lamines a few things are to be
noted, Firs>t, it is rare tor a famine to be directly traceable
to one Mngle cause, Usually, several tactors combine to
cause a bevere famine, In our country the primary cause
and likewise the most common cause ot tamines, has been a
widespread drought due to the tailure of the accustomed
monsoon. But very often other tactors like heavy exactions
of rulers sometimes resulting in huge migrations of rural
population leaving the land uncultivated, 1 invasions, and
internal wars devastating the rural areas, have also combined
with it, 2
Secondly, though the tailure ot the monsoon involves some
degree of crop failure and thereby reduces the physical
volume ot food and the demand for agricultural laboijr, every
lailure of rain does not result in a famine. Varying degrees
1, 'Muhammad's (fughlak) exactions, which extinguished cultivation
in large tracts of the Doab, and his severity which destroyed those who
might have cultivated, contributed m no small measure to the calamity
(famine of 1335), which is always mentioned in connection with, though
not directly attributed to his ill treatment of his subjects in the Doab,'
(Cambridge History of India Vol. Ill, p. 152),
'No misapprehension can be greater than to suppose that the settlement
of public demand on the land is only lightly, or as may be, not at all
connected with the occurrence of famines ' (Col, Baird Smith, Report ol
Aug. 14,1861, para 36) Besides, during the iMuslim and the British
Period there are many other similar instances,
2. Some authors have stated that the real and the fundamental cause
of famines in our country is the economic backwardness of the people,
because farmers have no reserves and no power of resistance when faming
occurs. This is not an appropriate expression because aggranan poverty
does not cause the crops to fail. Poverty aggravates the famine and paves
the way for it no doubt, when the failure of the accustomed food supply
occurs due to other causes. Poverty and backwardness are our normal
miseries, and famine is said to occur only when they are exceptionally
aggravated by something else,
( 180 )
of the failure of rain involve varying degrees of crop
failures, with varying effects on the demand for farm work*
A widespread or a continuous failure of rain will, of course,
result in a distress, but whether the distress amounts to a
famine or not will depend on many situations, such as
condition of previous harvest, degree of farm work affected,
chance and capacity for imports, and the general resistance
of the people, etc*
Thirdly, there has been a common impression that with
economic progress and the advancement of civilization there
has been a change in the causes of famines. War, rapine
and misrule, which were formerly direct causes, no longer
cause famines. But some new causes specially depressions
and purely monetary factors have arisen. Further the ease
with which food can be transported has minimised the
danger for natural causes, and the revolution in agriculture
has removed even food production from the list of factors
causing famines. But in view of the devastating nature of
modern wars, and the fact that 2/3 of the world population
resides in underdeveloped areas which are mainly agricul-
tural, and agriculture in all such areas is far from secure, the
statements can be accepted only with considerable reserva-
tions.
Fourthly, population has already, and is further accumula-
ting such a huge burden on food resources that it has assumed
the nature of a continuous famine problem.
II, HISTORY OF FAMINES.
Throughout the world, excepting in the tropical regions,
the danger of famine has always been great, specially in
olden times. All early civilizations were subject to frequent
famines. From 108 B. C. to 1911 A, D, there have been 1828
famines in China ; from the beginning of the Christian era
161
till 1855 there have been 600 recorded famines in Europe ;
lot 1000 to 1855 there have been nearly 450 famines confined
to small regions likes Wales, Lorraine and Alsace ; Egypt
was afflicted with drought and locust plague, and in Greece
and Rome considerable urbanization magnified the difficulties
of securing adequate food supply in bad years. The
chronicler oi Novgorod refers to a number of famines in
medieval times specially in eastern Europe. Some of these
famines have been very severe. The great famines in world
history are as follows: 1
Years.
Country,
Years,
Country,
Years.
Country,
B. C, 436
Rome,
1396-1407
India,-
18761878
India,
A. D, 42
Egypt,
1586
England,
1877-1878
China,
650
India
1661
India.
1887
China.
879
Universal
1769-1770
India.
18911892
Rflssia.
\M1
India,
1783
India,
18971898
India.
1005
England.
1790-1792
India.
18981900
India.
1016
whole Europe
1838
India.
1905
Kussia.
1022
India.
1846-1847
Ireland,
1916
China. '
1033
India
1860-1861
India.
1921
Kussia,
1064-72
Egypt
18651866
India.
1932-1933
Kussia,
1162
Universal,
1869-1870
India
H44-45
India.
1873-1874
India.
Early Famines. Our history is said to be punctuated
at frequent intervals by disastrous famines, Details of
ancient famines are not known, but their earliest references
are traced in some traditions, embodied in the sacred books
of Brahamans and the Jain and Buddhist literature. 2 The
1 ! I, Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol. 9, p, 64,
2. , This contradicts Megasthenes who mentioned that 'famine has never
visited India,' (M'crindle, Ancient India as described by Megasthenes.
p. 32) His words perhaps mean either during the days be stayed here ,
or in the living memory of those whom he interviewed, or a severe country-
wide protracted calamity, Buddhist records-Vinaya, Jatak, and other books
of< Suita Pitak make definite mention of brief periods of local scarcities
Megasthenes was perhaps overwhelmed by the conditions of living <>f the
pieasantry in the parts he visited, specially in comparison to those of the
contemporary peasantry in other countries t?e knew of,
' ?l
( 162 )
earliest record of famine in historical tiroes is of 460 Bt C.
m Magadh during the time of Nandivardhan, From 377 to
362 B, C; there was again an almost continuous famine in
Magadh, In 650 A* D. famine raged throughout the country,
After that series of famines are said to have occurred in
941, 1022 and 1033 when some of the provinces ate said to
have been depopulated ; and traditions show that men were
driven to cannibalism. For a decade from 1148 to 1159,
there was almost a continuous famine in different parts of
the country. For seven years from 1335 famine was rampant
throughout Northern India, when Muhammad Tughlak
ordered the evacuation of Delhi to Deogiri in the Deccan.
It is said that even for the Emperor's household necessaries
of life could not be obtained* Ibn Batuta mentions that towns
and districts were depopulated and people were reduced to
eat unnatural food such as cooked hides, human flesh and
drinking of blood of slaughtered cattle. Again, from 1396 to
1407 the Deccan was devastated by almost continuous
famine, popularly known as the Durga Devi famine, affecting
one part after another, and it reduced the population to
such an extent that a considerable portion of the cultivated
area remained uncultivated for years,
During the reign of Akbar famine occurred three times :
once in 1556 in the area surrounding Delhi, and then in 1575
in Gujrat, and the third, which was very disastrous and
continued for four years 1595-99 in Northern India. The
next severe calamity occurred in the days of Shah Jehan in
1630 in Gujrat and Deccan. This is said to be one of the
greatest famines recorded in history, and the first about
which precise details, specially by Dutch merchant named
Twist, have survived, It is said that in Swally only li oat
of 260 families survived; in Surat a populous city at that time
pearly 30 thousand perished and hardly any life survived ;
( Ufc )
and on the road between Surat and Swally there was a
very large number of bodies decaying. Hunter described
it as the garden of the world being turned into wilderness' 1
Cattle perished in huge numbers, and people in large
numbers abandoned villages and towns, It is said that men
deserted wives, mothers sold their children, women sold
themselves as slaves, families took poison together or drowned
hand-in-hand, and people took human flesh, The other
severe famine occurred in the days of Auungzeb in 1686 in
Deccan stretching upto Gujrat, In the same area another
tamine visited in 1747. Between 1660 and 1750 there were
14 major famines about which precise details are not known.
Of all the famines that have occurred during the Muslim
period five have been most severe : two in Northern India :
in 1335-43 in the days of Muhammad Tughlak and in 1595-99
in the days of Akbar ; and three in the Deccan : in 1396-1407
in the days of Feroz Shah, in 1630 in the days of Shah Jehan
and in 1686 in the days of Aurangzeb,
Famines during the British Period. About a dozen famines
occurred during the time of the East India Company : in
1769-70 in Bengal, in 1783 in North India, in 1790-92 in the
Deccan specially Bombay and Hydrabad, in 1800 in Mysore,
in 1803 in Bombay, in 1804 in North India, in 1807 in Madras,
in 1813 in Bombay, in 1823 and 1833 in Madras and in 1837
in North India, Out of these four (first three and the last one)
were very severe. In 1769-70 in Bengal 1/3 inhabitants or
about 10 millions died. There was a tremendous decrease
in cultivation and about 1/3 ot the cultivated land returned
to waste. In 1783 came the Chalisa 2 famine in Northern
India, extending from eastern end ot Benares Province to
I. Hunter, W, W,, History of British India, Vol. II, p. 59,
2 The word 'Chahsa' indicates'. 'that which occurred in the year forty
a figure in the Sambat year 1840, and called 'chahs' in local language,
( 164 )
Lahore and Jammu It continued the next year also, and in
1784 famine conditions prevailed in Madras also. The
horrors oi this famine have been symbolized in local songs.
In place of grain, it is said that people took roots and bark
of trees. Hastings wrote to the Council Board in April 1784
that 'from Buxar to the opposite boundary (of Benares Pro-
vince) 1 have seen nothing but complete devastation in every
village', and Edwards in 1783 found Oudh which was quite
populous at that time 'forlorn and desolate 5 , In 1790-92
came the Doji Bara or the Skull* famine of the Deccan. It
extended over the whole of Bombay and Hydrabad and
affected northern districts of Madras. This famine is said
to be the severest famine ever known in which people died
in such large numbers that they could not be hurried,
Another severe famine occurred in 1837-38 in Northern
India, specially in the upper reaches ol the Ganges and
the Jamuna, It was most severe in the North-West Province.
There was an utter desolation in the parganas of Modal and
Palwal. Deaths were numerous. It is said that about 8 lakhs
people perished, and in Kanpur, Fatehpur and Agra special
establishments patrolled the streets to remove corpses. Dead
bodies were lying on the roadside unburried and unburm
till they were devoured by wild animals,
During the rule of the Crown there have been eight
major disasters, and about these sufficiently precise and
reliable details are available. In 1860-61 there was a famine
in Northern India specially in parts of North- Western
Province around Agra, Punjab and touched Rajputana and
Catch* The total area affected was 53,500 sq. miles with a
population of 2 crores. More severely affected parts were
*It was so" called because deaths were so numerous that cropses could
not be "burned and skulls, the hardest part of the body, \vere the usual
sight here and there,
Delhi, Agra, Allahabad and Alwar State, rdghly the tfact
between Agra and Delhi, comprising an area of about. 25
thousand sq, miles with a population of nearly 13 millions. It
is said that nearly i/2 million people deserted the distressed
tract. From 1865 to 67 another severe famine affected
the whole east coast from Calcutta to Madras penetrating far
inland. It began in Orissa in 1865 and then extended to
Bihar and Bengal. It is generally known as the Orissa
famine of 1866, since it assumed most terrible form in Orissa
in 1866, The total area affected was 180,000 sq. miles with
a population of 47| millions. In Orissa atone at least 1
million or about 1/3 of the total population died, and in some
of the divisions of Bengal about 1/4 of the population died*
It assumed the worst form in Orissa due to isolation, and
specially in the rainy season the grain being available it
could not be distributed, and in Bengal the lack of data and
thus lack of information was mostly responsible for the
tragedy.
This famine in the eastern part was soon (almost on its
heels) followed by one in the western part in 1868 to 1870.
It extended over Rajputana, parts of North-West* Province,
Accounts of all the early famines ate said to be vitiated by guesses
\vhicb are still fruitful sources of controversy. The danger of drawing
conclusions on them is illustrated by the fact that inspite of the great
mortality in Orissa famine of 1866, the population of the affected district,
as estimated by the 1871*72 census, was considerably larger than the
estimate made of it by the best authorities prior to the famine. Besides
information regarding States (termed by foreign writers as native territory)
where famines are said to be more frequent, is sadly lacking, perhaps not
thoroughly collected. Even if collected it must be lacking in precise details
since enquiries and investigations by Commissions or similar bodies were
not made as we tind later on in British rule, Accounts of the early famines
are available in the chronicles of courts, and from them only a few general
descriptions come down, such as vast-scale desolation and depopulation of
tracts, man feeding on man and killing him for food, violation of natural
human relationships, loss of revenue and conspicuous acts of charity. But
even from this mass speculation some general facts regarding the causes
and effects stand out clearly and help considerably in studying the nature
of the problem and in suggesting methods of control.
Puiyab and Bundelkhand* This is commonly known as the
Rajputana famine of 1868-69, because of being most intense
and widespread in Rajputana in that year. It aflected
296,000 sq. miles and about 44| million people, but the
tragedy is said to have been centralized in the states of
Rajputana and Ajmer. The extra mortality mainly due to
cholera, small-pox and fever which broke out after the
famine. It is said that all the characteristics of old famines
in India were brought out in this famine, and it was the last
famine in which the scarcity of foad was felt severely* There
were two conspicuous features : one, an exceptionally large
cattle mortality ; and another, aimless wandering of a huge
population. The Report of the Indian Famine Commission
of 1880 mentions that majority of cattle in Rajputana perished,
and vast masses of people moved out of Rajputana at random,
with their large herds, in seaich of food and fodder, and in
the aimless wandering many lives were lost, Officers were
so much moved by the terrible loss of life in Rajputana that
Lord Lawrence laid down a principle at that time that the
government officials will be held personally responsible for
taking every possible means to avert death by starvation.
Another famine quickly followed in 1873-74 covering
Bihar and adjacent parts of Bengal and U. P. It is known
as the Bihar famine because of being most severe there. It
afiected an area of 54,000 sq. miles with a population of 215
lakhs, but the distressed area was 40,000 sq. miles with a
population of 170 lakhs. The terrible mortality of Orissa
famine of 1866 and of Rajputana famine of 1868-69 was still
fresh in the minds of the people and the government officers.
It is said that Lord Northbrook was determined not to allow
the same fatal results and lamentable history to be repeated
in 1874, Asa result of this determination and extravagant
relief the Indian Famine Commission, 1880 gives credit to
( 167 )
the Government for no death due to starvation. But this
view of the Commission seems to be exaggerated, and the
view expressed by the Cambridge History of India seems to
be more reasonable that 'for the first time in Indian history
a serious failure of crops had not produced heavy mortality/ 1
In the dacade 1870-80 a series of famines occurred covering
almost the whole of the country. Almost immediately after
this famine in North India there was a famine in the Deccan
for two years, 1876-78. It afiected major portions of the
presidencies of Madras, Bombay, Mysore and Hydrabad.
It occurred first in the Deccan, and in 1878 was extended to
North- West Province and Oudh, It affected an area of
257,000 sq, miles and 585 lakhs people, and was most severe
in Madras and Bombay in 1877* The Cambridge History of
India considers it 'most widespread and fatal in the 19th
century' 2 and the Imperial Gazetteer of India regards it to far
'more widespread than any calamity then on record.' 8
Perhaps the implication is better expressed by the Famine
Commission of 1880 which described it as the worst experi-
enced since the beginning of the British rule upto that time,
since the latter famines were more severe and widespread
than this* In excess of the normal 5f million deaths occurred ,
vast tracts of agricultural land were left uncultivated and
there were continuous streams of people migrating from
different parts of South India to the Western Ghats. This
movement was different from that in Rajputana, since it was
in search of fodder in the forests of Western Ghats and not
for food of which there was no lack.
For about a decade and a half, roughly from 1880 to 1895,
there was no severe famine but there had been several local
1, Cambridge History of India, Vol. VI, p, 300,
2, Cambridge History of India* Vol. It.
3, The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. II p. 518,
scarcities such as in 1884-85 in Bengal, in 1886 in Chhatisgarh,
in 889 in Orissa and from 1890 to 95 in parts of Madras and
C. P, In the closing years of the 19th century two severe
famines occurred in quick succession. In 1896-97 famine
conditions prevailed in North-Western Province, Oudh, Bihar,
Bengal, C, P., Punjab, Madras and Bombay, It is said to
have occurred almost all over India except the Southern
parts of Burma and the extreme South of the Deccan Penin-
sula. It was most intense in U. P,, C, P., Bihar, Hisar
district of Punjab, Madras and Bombay. About 3 lakhs sq.
miles of land and 695 lakhs people were affected in British
India alone, and out of these 1 J lakh sq, qailes of area and
340 lakhs people were severely affected. In 1896 plague broke
out in Bombay. Total deaths are said to be about 1 million
of which 7\ lakhs were in British territory. The Famine
Commission of 1880 considered the famine of 1877-78 to be
severest, but this time a famine occurred over still wider
tract <and was as severe. More intensely affected area
was greater in 1896-97 than in any previous famine, and
another peculiar feature of this famine was that it affected
even those parts which were considered almost immume
from famine, VasJ tracts of , cultivated landa were turned
into jungles spe 'rally in C. P.. and whole districts, were
.devastated,
In A89Sbl9QO another famine occurred which is said to
be, not so .widespread, i, M not covering as wide an area as
the two earlier famines of 1876-78 and 1896-97, but was
certainly quite severe, The area affected simultaneously was
largest in 1900 (4| lakhs sq. miles) but the number of people
affected was largest in 1896-97 (695 lakhs). On the whole in
1899-1900 a small area and a smaller population was affected
than in 1896-97. Some part? specially in Bombay suffered
coptipuously for. three Jrearsf' Jhe totjd a^ea affected was 4|
( 169 )
lakhs sq. miles with a population of 60 millions, d( which It8
lakhs sq, miles and 20 millions people were in British territory,
Famine was not acute in North-West Province, Oudh, Raj*
putana, Madras, and Punjab, but was more Severe in parts
of Bombay, C P, and Berar, Hydrabad, Kathiwar, Baroda
and Central India, The famine was more acute in those
parts of South where the earlier famine of 189697 was also
severe. Starvation deaths during famine were not many,
but it was followed by Cholera and Malaria in which about
1 million persons died in British India alone. Large tracts
of cultivated land became waste, and jungle grew over wheat
and rice lands. Remarkable features of this famine were
high cattle mortality in Gujrat and migration from States into
British territory.
For four decades since 1901 there was no serious calamity
though localized famine conditions had occurred frequently,
such as in 1902-3 in C. P., in 1905-6 in U. P. and Punjab, in
1907-8 in U, P., Bengal, C, P. and Bombay, and in 1918 in
Punjab, U. P, f Bombay, C. P., Bihar and Onssa. The ex-
perience in 1907-8 was a quick recovery and in !918 was
that the effects of the severe failure of rain were little felt,
Bengal Famine of 1943. The most recent severe famine
occurred in Bengal in 1943. Several factors precipitated
this crisis. At that time Bengal was producing slightly
more than 80% of her food supply, and most of the imports
being made from Burma which being occupied by Japan in
1942, rice supply from there to Bengal was cut, Midnapur
hurricane in late 1942 by destroying about 1*5 millions tpns
of rice further intensified the shortage. Public nervousness
over the fall of Burma and the denial policy by which boats
and large rice stocks were removed from East Bengal due
to the fear of being used by the enemy made the shortage
22
( 170 )
widespread and apparent* On being apparent shortage was
considerably intensified by speculation, as a result of which
rice supply was hoarded mostly in trade channels, and prices
rose beyond the reach of the people, and famine conditions
prevailed even in those districts where crops were not
destroyed by natural calamities, Supplies from outside
were made difficult for two reasons : due to general disloca-
tion of the grain market large supplies were not readily
available elsewhere, and due to transport bottle-neck,
specially the congestion of railways, movement of supplies
to Bengal was rendered difficult. Further floods in Damodar
river during the monsoon of 1943 held up supplies from
U. P, and Punjab* But inspite of all these difficulties a steady
stream of grain was flowing in Calcutta trom July onwards,
but the government machinery failed to distribute it
properly, and to keep the situation under control.
The official version is that the basic cause of this famine
was the failure of winter rice crop of 1942, The Bengal
Famine Enquiry Commission consider high prices to be as
responsible as crop failures in causing starvation, The most
outstanding causes were the lack of information and failure
of both the Central and the Provincial governments to take
timely measures. Hence, even after considering the strange
sequence of events, coincidence of so many circumstances,
and appreciating the wartime difficulties of the government,
this famine is to be taken as a man-made affair,*
*In the beginning the Government being self-complacent and ill
informed could not foresee the magnitude of the crisis, and when it cam
they miserably failed to control the situation and to take timely measures
Failure of winter crop of 1942 cannot be accepted as the main cause c
starvation since distress and staivation deaths occurred in those districl
also in which there was no crop failure, Shortage of supply cannot b
believed since huge quantities of grain were stored in Bengal which afte
&eing decomposed and rendered unfit for human consumption wer
destroyed. This cannot be taken to be purely an act of caution during WE
emergency, Further, it was simply an inefficient control and failure <
( 171 )
The Woodhead Commission estimated that about 6 lakhs
or 1/10 of the total population of Bengal was affected* and
about 1*5 million people died as a result of famine and the
accompanying epidemics of cholera, malaria, smallpox and
dysentery which caused as many deaths as starvation itself,
The immediate crisis was overcome by the relief and the
record rice crop in Jan-Feb., 1944, After the Bengal
famine scarcity conditions prevailed in 1948 in Gujrat and in
1949-50 and 1950-51 in eastern U. P M Bihar, Bengal and
Madras, and in 1951*52 in Madras, Punjab, Saurasthra and
Madhya Pradesh, But none of them was permitted to develop
into a major tragedy. The Bengal famine has brought out
some very interesting and important facts :
1, High prices were as important a cause of starvation
deaths as crop failure. It means that crop security and pro*
duction stability cannot fully guard against starvation which
may prevail as a result of price movements arising out of
speculation or trade cycles,
2. Practically all the population which suffered
administration that hoarding on such a vast scale could take place, and ft
greater failure that available supplies could not be distributed, for it is said
that trains loaded with grain remained standing in railway yards for weeks
and grain could not be distributed, The report of the Woodhead Commission
clearly exposed the failure of both the Central and the Provincial Govern-
ments to take timely measures and to keep the food situation of Bengal
under control. Beside the defective control, procurement and distribution
of food, even medical relief, which could have mitigated the epidemics
considerably was far inadequate. The same year famine broke out in
Bijapur district of Bombay, ceded districts of Madras, Travancore, Cochin
and Orissa, Bat no where conditions were allowed to approach the severity
of Bengal, and it was mainly due to the capacity and efficiency of local
authorities in organizing relief and controlling food supplies and prices.
The fact, which was admitted by the Woodhead Commission also, that
starvation was equally due to high prices, shows that failure of administra-
tion in handling the situation mainly caused and intensified the tragedy,
The failure of administration is further proved by the fact that many famine
areas in the province were without relief until the army assisted the civil
authorities in organizing food distribution and medical relief in November
1943. A foreign government could easily afford to play wjth the lives oj
the people like this
( 172 )
belonged to poorer classes in rural areas, That the grower
of food dies of hunger t.ven after pioducing adequate for his
annual consumption, is a seiious challenge to the prevailing
economic system.
3. A strange coincidence of so many unfavourable
events precipitated and intensified the ciisis. Such a combi-
nation of fresh events can take place again. Hence the
belief* that the country, alter the development of railways
and canals, was rendered safe against any widespread
starvation, is shattered.
4. Our famine codes weie supposed to have developed
so well as to be capable of dealing with all eventualities.
But they could not meet the situation. It means that under
tresh situations the accustomed procedure and measures
fail, and our famine codes have to be adapted to fresh
prdblems.
' 5. How fatal the lack of information proves, and how
serious the situation becomes if timely measures are not
taken.
6. It has exposed the seriousness of the food situation in
the country, and has focussed the attention of the Union
and State governments on the nature and the magnitude of
the food problem.
Some Remarkable Features, This brief history of famines
in India, apparently a chronological statement of dry, un-
interesting and unpleasant facts, brings out some very
remarkable features*
1. There have been during the last 300 years 26 major
famines, and during the last 700 yeais 17 very severe disas-
ters. , It shows that famines are frequent and cyclical, Their
periodical recurrence is said to be dependent on sunspot
period. In every 5 years there is an annual scarcity, in
every 10 years a wider scarcity resulting in a recognized
( 173 )
famine condition, and in every 50-100 years scarcity extend-
ing over wide tracts covering fully or partly several provinces,
A closer study of famines shows that after about a
century (though the period is not very exact) there is a
countrywide abnormality in the monsoon. This is not
simultaneous all over the country but continues fora cumber
of years in different tracts with the result that starting from
one place the scarcity moves from one part to another and
thus covering the country within a number of years. It is
very interesting and revealing to study the course of this
movement and to analyse the factors which determine the
direction and speed. 1
2. For some time a feeling has been gaining ground that
due to so much development in the means of transport and
irrigation and some improvement in the resistance of culti-
vators against famines, the chance of a severe famine was
almost completely overcome. But the Bengal famine of 1943
. has shattered that facile optimism and has further proved
that the danger is not over. Really speaking famine is a
danger in all agricultural countries, and so long as India is
mainly agricultural and depends mostly on the Monsoon,
famine due to the failure of rain and consequent destruction
of crops must occur, since uncertainty and irregularity are
inherent in the nature of the Indian Monsoon. 2
3. The list of great famines in the recorded history of
1, We have Deliberately avoided the detailed discussion of it here
because full discussion would have taken undue space, and probab'ly would
not have fitted in the plan of the present work. But we believe that a
close study of meteorological phenomena will reveal definite routes and a
relationship with certain definite factors,
2. The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. II, p 527, mentions that 'After
J901 the cycle of bad harvests came to an end and the country slowly and
gradually recovered. 1 This remark does not seem to be adcurate, since the
Chances of bad harvests or drought are not over. It can at the .most be
taken in the sense that for about four decades since 1900 there was no
major tragedy, and after the development of transport capacity to meet
*he famine was greater.
( 174 )
the world shows that out of a total number of 34 famines 18
have occurred in India. The list may not be vary accurate
but it is indicative of a peculiar susceptibility of the country
to famine. This peculiar susceptibility is imparted by two*
fold factors : (i) the uncertainty and irregularity of the
monsoon, and (ii) small-scale farming, poverty, endemic
unemployment and htnce lack of resistance when any crop
failure occurs.
4, Upto the end of the 19th century famines have exer-
cised a considerable check on the growth of population.
5. At the time of a severe calamity which is usually the
result of a strange coincidence of several factors there is
generally some extraordinary difficulty. The situation
presents a two-fold problem : either it creates new circums-
tances of which the relief administration had no experience,
or the extraordinary difficulty gives the familiar problem
an unmanagable shape and size. In Orissa famine of 1865
isolation due to transport difficulties presented an extra-
ordinary difficulty, In Rajputana famine of 1868-70 there
was an utter dearth of fodder, and huge wanderings of men
and cattle took place* In the famine of 1896-98 in C. P, the
reluctance of wild tribes to accept relief on ordinary terms
presented a great difficulty. In the famine of 1899-1900 the
failure of water supply and fodder enormously increased
the difficulties of administration. In addition to these extra-
ordinary difficulties it is seen that in every famine oiany
persons refuse relief until it becomes too late to save them.
Besides, this situation explains the repetition of the same
mistakes by the government in matters of relief adminis-
tration, e. g. t the wrong estimate of the situation in 1865 in
Orissa, in 1873-74 in Bihar and in 1943 in Bengal ; mistake
in the relief of the aboriginal tribes in 1897 in C, P. and in
1900inGujrat andKhandesh; hampering of administration
( 175 )
by unexpected immigration in 1868-70 in Rajputana and in
1900 in many British Provinces ; and excessive relief distri*
bution in 1873-74 in Bihar and in 1900 in several provinces.
III. FAMINES IN MODERN TIMES.
Modern Concept of Famine. The conception of a modern
famine is a state of emergency in which the government
recognizes the existence of unemployment on a scale, which
in the absence of general poor law, requires special mea-
sures of relief. Historical study of this situation shows that
with the change of times there have been changes in its
nature, causes, intensity and frequency.
Change in the Nature of Famines. It is said that early
famines (mostly upto the Muslim period) were food famines,
in which actual food shortage was the chief characteristic,
and the main problem was of getting food at all. The later
famines were simply money or work famines, in which the
main characteristic was poverty and the main problem was
of obtaining work and wage thereby getting the means to
pay for food.* It does not mean that crop failures do not
result in food shortage, and food production is removed
from the list of famine factors, The implications are that since
usually there is no countrywide failure of crops, the develop-
ment in the means of transport can meet the scarcity at
particular place by drawing the surplus from other places ;
the administrative organization dealing with famines and
the system of administrative relief have progressively
reduced the distress caused by crop failures ; and the govern-
ment have taken the responsibility of providing work and
*!t is difficult to say as to when does this change take place. It is said
that the Rajputana famine of 186870 was the last famine in which the
scarcity of food was severely felt. Really speaking it is not from the
beginning of the British Rule, but specially after the construction of
railways and the improvement in the administration of famine relief in
the latter half of the 19th century that tbe change came into being.
wage daring emergency, Hence, though the country is
constantly faced with local food shortage, there is no fear of
deaths due to starvation if people have adequate purchasing
power to buy food. The earlier famines were characterized
by widespread deaths caused by starvation due to non-
availability of food, and the later ones are characterized by a
temporary dislocation of employment caused by crop failures,
At present the idea of food famine is supposed to have
banished except from a few tracts which are still inaccesible
to trade.
Changes in the Causes of Famines. As mentioned in the
opening section of this chapter famine conditions are now
created not so much by direct and natural causes as by
indirect and monetary causes. It does not mean that
natural factors no more cause famines. Really speaking in
India they continue to be so. And fresh causes have also
been added. The development of transport and irrigation
have minimised the power of natural factors in causing
famines, and now price variations, caused by monetary and
fiscal factors resulting in trade depressions, can also create
famine conditions by creating widespread unemployment and
lack of purchasing power.
Changes in the Intensity of Famines, In the past famines
used to be mostly localized, but now the effects of local
shortages are spread over larger areas, and thus the intensity
is thereby reduced, The rigour of famine in the form of
deaths and suffering is also minimised because relief can
now be administered more quickly and widely, and the
measures and methods of relief are more scientific and
numerous,
Changes in the Frequency of Famines, The change in the
conception of famines makes it difficult to compare the
( 177 )
frequency of famines at different periods ; and it is difficult
to say whether the food famines in former times were more
frequent or the work or money famines are more numerous
in modern times. There is, howevef, an irapressiop that
famines were more frequent during t the Company Ruje an,d
during the early period of the Crown Rule than under the
native rule. This impression is probably due to the, fact
that there has been a systematic record of famines during
the later times and the accounts of previous famines a K re
comparatively more incomplete.
Regarding the frequency of famines in future there are
two contrary views* Some say that the danger of famine is
increasing, while others hold that it is gradually minimised,
It was commonly believed that during the 19th centui-y
revolution in agriculture, development in the means of
transport and the methods of food preservation and storage
vanished famine from the Western World, and famine was
very unusual in the civilized world. But there have occurred
several famines since then : Irish famine of 1846-51, Russian
famines of 1892, 1905 and 1921-22, China famines of 1878,
1887 and 1916, U.S. A. famine of 1930-31, and Indian famines
towards the end of the 19th century and in 1943, Besides
there are several things which indicate a growing danger;
(if There are several chronic famine areas urthe thickly
populated underdeveloped regions of the world, (ii) At
present population is causing a famine problem, and popula-
tion experts predict an increasing pressure on the margin of
subsistence which unchecked would breed increasing famines
in futuret (Hi) In future there is a possibility of famine in
natural resources of the world, (iv) The danger of food
shortage is entertathed not so much on account of paucity of
resources as on account of the declining percentage of popu*
23 ' ' '
( 178 )
lation on agriculture) and (v) Widespread unemployment
and famine conditions can be caused by trade cycles.
On the other hand the methods of fighting famines are
progressively increasing and thus minimising the chances of
widespread disasters, The prophecies of population experts are
perhaps based on present net increase of population and the
existing methods and technique in agriculture, and they do
not fully account for the likely modifications in population
behaviour and the technological development in food
production. In India though population is increasing at a grow
ing rate and the food supply is lagging behind presenting
a Malthusian spectacle, there is neither a danger of growing
severity nor of increasing frequency because the methods of
fighting them, both preventive and protective are becoming
more elaborate, scientific and efficient. But this should by no
means be taken as immunity from famines, but only in the
sense that their frequency is gradually minimised. Famines
will come from time to time, not so quickly, and not
resulting from single crop failure but work famines on a
scale to call for state relief.
Changes in Resistance and Recouperative Power, In the
long struggle against nature considerable ground has been
gained in the form of both protection and prevention. Apaong
the former by far the best methods have been the develop-
ment of railways and irrigation works. Other efforts to
increase farm prosperity in the form of general administra-
tion, iand revenue administration, cooperative credit, agri-
cultural improvements, marketing, prices, and animal husban-
dry, etc., have gradually increased the resistance of farmers*
Besides, other improvements, not confined to agricultural
classes, such as industries, trade, commerce, banking, ethno-
logical and linguistic surveys, and vital statistics, etc,, have
I 179 )
increased the power to fight against famines.* The power
of prevention has also increased gradually with the result
that the recovery from famines is now much quicker and
mortality is less. Though the tales of suffering and morta*
liiy in Indian famines are still heart-rendering to the civilized
world, they are much less than during past famines, But one
class which'is still left behind is that of agricultural labourers,
Areas Immune from and Specially Subject to Famines. The
areas which receive heavy rainfall (annual average of at
least 70 inches or 7,000 01 more tons of rain water per acre)
and in which the chances uf a serious departure in any year
are remote, such as coastal strip between the Western Ghats
and the Arabian Sea from the extreme south of the Peninsula
to the southern boundary of Surat District Assam and lower
Bengal, are said to be safe against widespread drought. The
hazard of famine is not very great in areas which are
rendered sale by irrigation, suchasaieas served by large
canals and tube-wells in Northern India and the deltas in
Madras. Besides in such areas also in which cultivation
without irrigation is exceedingly precarious (where rainfall
is less than 10 or 12 inches and which are scrub lands fit for
grazing), the danger of famine is not great. Beside these
areas which are either protected or leceive heavy rainiall
(approximately 10 lakhs qr. miles), or where agriculture is
always precarious, the remaining areas are not safe against
the vagaries of the Monsoon and the uncertainties of seasons,
and hence they are exposed to a risk of famine*
The parts exposed to occasional drought are the plateau
of Peninsular India receiving an average rainfall of 30
inches or less, and in the tract of higher average rainfall
Gujrat, Malwa and part of C. P. In these areas scarcity is
'For detailed studies one can look to the Reports of the Faming
Commissions of 1880 and 1898,
( 183 )
periodic and it often intensities into severe famines. Roughly
speaking the areas lying between the line of 20" and 30"
average rainfall are more exposed to famines, Out of this
whole area some portions are recognized famine zones, They
are Ptjapur, Dharwar, Sholapur, Satara, districts and the
Deccan States now merged iu Bombay; millet growing dis-
tricts of Anantpur, Bellary, Cudappa, Kurnool, and the
paddy growipg districts o( Vizgapattam and Ranjanad in
Madras ; Rohtak, Gurgaon and Hissar districts of the East
Punjab ; Kutch State; and some western parts of Rajasfchaa*
. Since famine is related not only to drought but also to
paany other things scarcity or uncertainty of the Monsoon is
got the only determining factor in the liability of any aiea
to fapune. In modern times no area can be considered
absolutely safe against famine, It can occur any-
where, But in an agricultural country the danger is greater
IJQ aj;eas of uncertain rainfall. Famines usually occur where
porqaally rainfall is sufficient for a good crop but a severe
departure from the normal brings about an unexpected food
IV. EFFECTS OF FAMINES.
Famines in India are mostly caused by widespread
drought resulting in crop failure. The characteristic features
are food shortage, fodder shortage, unemployment on a vast
scale, aimless wanderings of men and cattle resulting in a
heavy loss of life of both, and epidemics. The extent and
intensity of famines vary considerably in different cases,
but the basic features being the same the effects are similar
innature though they differ in degree. Generally the effects
of famines are as follows:
() Increase in death rate. Unless relief is very efficient
and rendered in time, there is a temporary increase ii\
( 181 )
death rate 1 either on account of starvation or due to accom-
panying diseases resulting from weakened resistance.
Largest number of deaths due to famine have taken place in
India, China and Russia, During the last 100 years about
20 million people have died in major famines in India.
Some epidemiologists say that diseases are the invariable
consequence of famines 2 because of debility resulting from
food deficiency or from vile food substitutes, e. g., plague
in 1348 in Florence, malaria in 1848 in Upper Siberia,
typhus in Finland in 1867-68, plague in Bombay in 1896,
cholera and small-pox after the Rajputana famine, cholera
and malaria after the famine of 1899-1900, and cholera,
malaria and small- pox after the Bengal famine of 1943. -
(if) Wanderings and Migrations. Famine stricken popu
lation takes to aimless wandering in search of food* It
happened, in most conspicuous manner, in the case of Chalisa
famine, the Rajputana famine and the famine in 1876-78.
Besides there are permanent movements also to more
favoured places, 8 Delafosse mentions such movements from
Wadai in 1830. Petrie mentions pastoral people of arid
1. Mallory from his study of famines in China concludes that food
scarcity was the main check on population. In semi-arid Iran also*penodic
famines kept the population within limits set by the environment. Simi-
larly in India upto the last century famines annihilated huge population
periodically, But inspite of a huge number of deaths during famines they
cannot be considered as a permanent check on over-population,
2. Ordinarily famines do not produce new or special diseases, but
the typical diseases of the locality break out after them, But sometimes a
new disease somehow (perhaps imported) breaks out as plague in Bombay
in 1896,
3. Permanent movements as a result of series of droughts and
frequent famines take place generally in case of nomadic or pastoral
people. But famine as a significant factor in inducing the population of a
settled economy, seems doubtful. Some agricultural regions of China,
Pueblo culture in America, and Gujrat, Malwa and some portions of
Rajputana in India have faced countless famines. But there have not
been permanent migrations, and on the other hand they have tried to
develop a famine proof economy,
( 182 )
regions migrating to richer lands. The Arab Migrations
after 600 are said to have started after a great famine, and
series of drought between 816 and 1072 kept them in motion-
The movements in the northern plain of Hungary from the
Steppes are also said to be caused by prolonged droughts.
(Hi l Disruption in economic life. Failure of crops causes
unemployment on a large scale- Being accompanied by a
fodder famine it causes desttuction of cattle on a large scale
which means loss of working capital, the main source of
power in farming and a major part of the stored wealth of
farmers* Vast areas go out of cultivation, at least tem-
porarily. Normal trade is upset, Industries face a lack
of demand arising out of the decline in the purchasing power,
and state finances are strained.
(iv) Set-back in agricultural progress. Famine is said to
put back the clock of agricultural progress. Stricken villages
are deserted. It reduces labour efficiency by lowering
vitality. It increases indebtedness and thus reduces the
chance of investment in agriculture. Sometimes industrial
crops are to some extent replaced by food crops. There is
a decline in the level of skill and knowledge due to death
of expert farmers, and loss of power due to death of cattle,*
Periodical famines not only eat into temporary agricultural
prosperities but by developing a fear complex or a sense
of insecurity and urcertainty, also check the incentive and
the scope for agricultural development. On the other hand
they stereotype the agricultural systems and practices,
(v) Effects on social life and customs. Wanderings
break up the settled life, Sometimes the family life is also
*Food and fodder famines need not necessarily go together, as
in 1896 Kbarif crops grew large quantities of fodder. But generally
fodder famine accompanies food famine And Moreland aptly remarks
that 'fodder famine is the worst calamity that can befall the people, 1
(Moreland, Agriculture of (he United Provinces, 1921, p, 12),
broken. Famines are reflected in religious beliefs, ceremo-
nies and rituals in all agricultural coramities. They condition
some social customs. Sumner belives abortion and infanticide
to be protective devices against famines*. And some writers
have connected famines with religious exaltation and maina,
group movements and social turbulence in Europe in the
Middle Ages, In India the worship of rain god, the elaborate
ceremonies before and after the harvests, the typical worship
when the monsoon gets delayed, charitable disposition of
Indian rural masses and social responsibility of destitutes,
etc., seem to have originated in crop failures and agricultural
insecurity*
(vi) Prolonged difficulties of rural communities. During
famines the rural communities suffer most. Though un-
pleasant, it is a fact that the producers of food die of
starvation during famines, And it is a greater pity to find
widespread starvation not due to the lack of food but due to
man-made economic factors. In a country where famines
occur rarely the effects are likely to be ephemeral, but
where it is a recurring phenomenon the effects are lasting.
Besides in economically advanced countiies, the power of
resistance being greater, the effects are relatively more
temporary, and the recovery is quicker. But in a poor
country like India, the effects are lasting, and the recovery is
very slow.
(vii) Constructive institutions and measures, Sometimes
famine conditions give rise to constructive institutions and
measures, which are intended to reduce the chances of
famines and to increase the capacity of people to withstand
them. The Raiffeisen Cooperative Movement in Germany
*Cannibalism is seen to have often occurred during famines, but it does
not seem to have originated as a regular practice under absolute lack of food,
(Southard, Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, Vol. v-vi, p.)
is said to have been organized to meet the needs of famine
of 1848* In India the reforms of Chanakya caine after the
12 yrs. famines* More recently the Cooperative Movement,
the development of railways, the irrigation system and the
land revenue policy, are said to be mainly the outcomes of
this perpetual and periodic menace.
V, MEASURES AGAINST FAMINES,,
Measures against famines have been of two types :
(i) preventive, and (ii) protective. The former imply all those
policies and measures which aim at checking the recurrence
of famines, such as development of irrigation and other
agricultural improvements leading to agricultural security,
limiting population and other social and economic changes
minimising the danger of famines. The latter imply those
measures which are adopted to relieve the distress when
famine actually occurs, such as distribution of food, provision
of employment, remission and suspension of rent and revenue
and provision of medical facilities, in short the measures
commonly called the relief measures.
Measures taken by Ancient Civilizations. Wherever
famines have been frequent attempts of both the preventive
and the protective type have usually been made to fight
against them. The usual measures were to store food and
water. The storing of food as an insurance against scarcity
,is proved by the stone storage rooms and under-ground
granaries found in Harappa and Mohinjodaro in the Indus
Valley Civilization, in Lower Egypt in Badarian Culture and
in the prehistoric remains of the Swiss Lakeland, and also
amongst, the savage societies, such as the Maori in New
Zealand, the Hopi and Moqui in America,
Examples of famine prevention schemes are the canal
irrigation system of Sumer (3000 B. C.), the earials heading
( 177 )
in the Euphrates and draining into the Tigris during Baby-
lonian supremacy, the flood prevention dikes on the Hwang
Ho (2000 B. C,), the irrigation works of the Incas, irrigated
terraces of Phoenicia, from which the Greeks are said to have
acquired the knowledge of irrigation, presence of tanks in
South India, the remains of irrigated terraces around Carmel
and Gilboa in Palestine, and the irrigation systems of some
primitive cultures, such as those of Arizona Pueblos.
Measures under the Native Rule. Some accounts of the
development of famine policy and relief seem give an
impression that under native rule no adequate and proper
measures were ever taken to fight against famines; and
hence very often a wrong impression prevails that no eSort
was made towards famine control and relief by the native
rulers, and it is only after the country passed under the
Crown Rule that a systematic lamine policy and relief grew
up. Sleeman complains ot the ignorance which prevailed in
India in regard to the economic aspect of famine. This can
easily be disproved by historical facts about the days of
Chandragupta. Canals and wells were constructed as a
safety against failure of rain, And during famines poor
houses were started and maintained, There were famine
relief funds and associations.* Besides hibtory provides
innumerable examples of both preventive and protective
type of measures being taken during the Hindu and the
Muslim periods specially during the days ot Muhammad
Tughulak, Akbar, and Shah Jahan. The two quite common
examples are Jumna Canal inherited from the Mughal times
and the canal system of the Cavery Delta coming down from
remote antiquity.
It is said that 'under Native rule there was little thought
*The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. Ill, p, 478,
24
for, and no effective means of remedial action. Occasionally
a large relief work was started and spasmodic atten&pts were
made to send food to famine-stricken areas, But primitive
transport could not enter fodderless and roadless cotmtry
and so broke down where most required. The people
wandered and died in thousands, the country was desolfcte
and the revenue was not collected. Conditions scarcely
changed in the early days of the Bast India Company, but by
degrees a scheme of systematic relief grew up. The modern-
view of the responsibility of the State was not reached, h6w-
ever, until India had passed under the Crown, 11 In a similar
vein the Cambridge History of India mentions about famines
in the Muslim period that 'as long as districts Were
land-locked and populations were isolated famine relief was
largely regarded as hopeless. Alms giving, storage of food
grains in central towns, remission of revenue, digging of
wells, were palliatives occasionally resorted. But no attempt
was made to stem the full tide of starvation and ruin.' 2 But
in view of the circumstances of these days and the difficulties
of overcoming a severe distress, any blame of the then admi-
nistration, not to have fully stemmed the tide of starvation
and ruin, or not to have developed some effective reme-
dial meant?, or not to have formulated a systematic scheme
of famine relief, in the modern sense of the term, is wholly
unjustified. The nature of contemporary measures in
Europe lends support to our contention that anything better,
, theoretically pOttaiWe, was hardly practicable. Under
r fconditions to counteract a famine or even to mitigate
erially was beyond the power of man. This does not
that nothing better was at all possible, and the native
rulers presented supreme examples of famine policy and
1, History of Ancient India,
2. Cambridge History of India, Vol. VI, p, 296
( 179 )
relief. But at the same time the impression that the famine
policy and relief began by the East India Company and was
systematized only after the country passed under the Crown,
is not correct, The facts, that the effects of the measures
take a by the native rulers were trifling, and the actual
deficiency of food was the most conspicuous factor in famine
situation, cannot be denied. But that does not prove that
little effort was made by the native rulers towards famine
control and relief. Moreland's view is more balanced
when he says that ' though their inadequacy may be
obvious, it is not easy to suggest what more could have
been done and it appears at least doubtful whether the
best and moat humane administration in the world could
have organized imports by sea sufficient to meet the situa-
tion. It would be unjust, therefore, to blame the Moghul
administration for failure to avert the calamity fthich in the
circumstances of the time, must be regarded as inevitable*. *
Measures during the British Period, During the days ot
the East India Company matters did not improve at all, and
famines were dealt with such measures as the local govern-
ments and the district officers thought proper, No attempt
seems to have been made to formulate a general system of
tamine prevention and relief, though there are instances
of storing of grain by government, penalizing hoarding,
giving bounties on imports, prohibiting exports, opening
poor houses, advancing money for sinking wells, and opening
relief works to provide employment during famine days.
Relief works were first opened in Madras in 1792 ; and from
1812 onwards the principle of non-interference with trade
was adopted, In 1837 local government laid dow* the
principle that while the State found work for the*able bodied,
*Moreland, From Akbar to Aurangzeb, pp, 21314,
( 180 )
the whole community must, asm ordinary times, look after
the helpless and the infirm. The foreign government for the
first time realized the obligation in Agra famine of 1838. But
all these measures were very inadequate ; scarcity of food
continued to characterize the situation ; and famine resulted
in heavy mortality. During Company's administration fre-
quent wars devastated large tracts, and information in the
form of agricultural statistics, vital statistics and other
economic conditions was not known. The foreign power
was trying to establish its rule, and the directors were more
particular about company's profits and were least interested
in country's welfare.*
After the country passed under the Crown Rule conscious
efforts were made to deal with famines. The present policy
seems so have matured after long experience. In order to
understand as to how has it evolved it is necessary to go
into the details of famine relief duiing all the famines,
During the famine of 1860 it was declared that the
government would provide employment to the able bodied,
and the helpless and the infirm should receive charitable
relief by voluntary agencies. Gratuitous relief was provided
by charitable public and the government opened ten large
relief works. Able bodied men and women who could work
were organized in gangs, were housed in temporary sheds
and were engaged on earth works on canals and roads, Poor
houses were also opened in which some light work was
imposed on capable inmates, and the helpless persons were
relieved in homes^ In all 330 lakhs units were relieved in
British territory at the cost of Rs, 27 lakhs of which Rs, 9
#The remarks of the Famine Commission of 1830 that upto the end
jf the 18th century 'the position of the British India was not such as either
o create any sense of general obligation to give relief, or to supply suffi-
cient means of affording it,' is just typical of the attitude of colonial
idmmistration.
( 181 )
lakhs were subscribed by the public. The mortality is said
to be less than that in 1837-38. For the first time a special
enquiry was made after this famine by Colonel Baird Smith
into the causes, area and intensity of the famine. He
submitted three reports in 1861, and emphasized two things :
(i) famine was 'due not to want of food in the country but to
difficulty of starving people in obtaining food, and (ii) the
staying power of the people depended greatly on the land
system under which they lived. Some of the modern princi-
ples, specially in regard to gratuitous relief, were anticipated
by him, but his report did not lead to any formulation of
general principles of relief. However, a new spirit about
famine policy came into being.
The experience during Orissa famine was that defective
estimates prove fatal, and that special difficulties crop up in
diflerent cases. The maintenance of land records and agri-
cultural statistics in Bengal, and the development of comnw
nications in Orissa was considered essential. In two years
350 lakh units were relieved at a cost of Rs, 95 lakhs, 2/3 of
which were spent on import of grain* If the total loss of
revenue is added to it, the total cost of Orissa famine comes
to Rs. 1| crore to the government. In Madras in 1866, 210
units were relieved at a cost of Rs, 12 lakhs, and the remis-
sion of revenue was to the extent of Rs* 15 lakhs. In Bombay
the government spent more than one lakh on relief.
Mortality during this famine stirred public conscience. The
government, instead of throwing most of the burden on the
voluntary agencies, itself undertook the responsibility, and
borrowed considerable amount to finance additional canals
and railways. Now onwards the old doctrine that the help-
less and the infirm were to be relieved by the public, was
completely abandoned, but really speaking it was not till
1874 that the responsibility of the State for gratuitous relief
was fully recognized* This time is said to be the turning point
in the history of famine relief because the report of the
committee presided over by Sir Goerge Campbell laid the
foundation of a definite famine pKcy, . The reportis believed
to have changed the outlook about famines, and the govern-
ment began to assume greater responsibility in dealing with
famines, Campbell remarked that 'the idea rather prevailed
that the Orissa failure was a personal failure, which need
not occur again'. And John Lawrence, who was Governor-
General blamed himself, far having accepted the facile
assurance of the Bengal government.
In 1868 Lawrence declared in the council that his object
was 'to save every life*. He created a Department of
Irrigation under Richard Strachey, and an enquiry was
conducted into the status of the peasantry of Oudh and
subsequently with a view to securing them customary rights
an Act was passed* In the case of Rajputana famine it was
declared that 'the district officers would be held personally
responsible that no preventable deaths occurred 1 but inspite
of it the mortality was. great. Able bodied persons were
employed on relief works. In British territory Rs. 49 lakhs
were spent on relief and Rs. 7 lakhs on gratuitous relief.
Revenue was remitted tq the extent of Rs, 5 lakhs., In the
Province of Agra alone 290 lakh units were relieved at a
cost of Rs. 30 lakhs. But [migration from native states
swarmed the relief works, broke down all relief system and
severely strained public charity. However, a new departure
in relif was made in advancing about Rs. 21 lakh to
cultivators for agricultural improvements*
In the case of Bihar famine, the terrible mortality of Orissa
and Rajputana being still fresh in the minds of the people,
Lord North .Brook was determined not to allow the same
fatal results tp be repeated, Hence relief measures were
( ifc
fanned on an unknown scale. About 40,000 sq. mlfes witji
170 lakhs of people were considered distressed for which
relief works were started. It is said that 26% of the total
population of the famine affected area was relieved, and in
some districts percentage increased to 50 or even 70, About 30
crore units were relieved at a cost of Rs, 6J crores. Gratuitous
relief was given on a very liberal scale, Export of grain
from some areas (specially rice from Bengal) was prohibited,
and when the private trade was failing it imported grain on
its own account (4'8 lakh tons of rice from Burma). The
relief was ample, timely, quite successful, but is said to be
extravagant* There was no financial consideration but life
was to be saved at all costs. An enormous expenditure was
incurred on 'a famine ot unusual brevity and of no excep-
tional security*. But a definite improvement was made in
famine administration, and for the first time a serious crop
failure did not result in any conspicuous mortality. For the
first time village inspection (for administering relief) was
made which still serves as the basis of modern organization,
In the case of the South India famine of 1876-78 the
Government insisted upon imposing proper tests, since they
acquired an experience from huge expenditure in Bihar
famine, For the able bodied relief woiks were promptly
opened, and gratuitous relief was also well organized. But
Dn the whole relief was strict this time. Prices were high
and private trade was not equal to the demand. The cost of
relief in Madras was Rs, 10 mil. and in Bombay 4 mil, though
iiuman lives were saved in Bombay to a larger extent than
in Madras, where the charitable contribution from Britisk
Colonies was 78,000. In Hydrabad and Mysore 7*2 crore uoits
were relieved at a cost of Rs* 72 lakh, and revenue remission
was Rs, 60 lakhs. In all 70 (yore pni^ were 4 relayed; at *
cost of Rs. 8J crores, A Commission was appointed under
( 184 )
the chairmanship of Sir Richard Strachey which reported in
1880. They fully recognized the duty of the State to offer
relief but held that relief should be so administered as not
to check the growth of thrift and self-reliance amongst the
people, or to impair the structure of the society, which
resting as it does in India upon the moral obligation of mutual
assistance, is admirably adopted for common effort against
a common misfortune, The object of saving life would be
far better secured if proper care is taken to prevent the
abuse and demoralization which resulted from ill-directed
and excessive distribution of charitable relief. In this
spirit provisional famine code was formed and promulgated
in 1883. It formed a guide and a basis for various
provincial famine codes subsequently prepared, which
were tested and revised between 1880 and 1896, The
Commission insisted upon the need of proper statistical
collection of facts relating to the conditions of agricultural
community, and in circulating the code the Government laid
down that fundamental principle of famine wage : 'the lowest
amount sufficient to maintain health under given circums-
tances.' The main principles of famine relief laid down by
the Commission were :
(i) Employment should be provided on the relief works
of permanent utility to the able bodied persons, before
physical efficiency is impaired by privation, on a wage
sufficient to support, on the conditions of performing a
suitable task*
(ii) Gratuitous relief should be given either in their
villages in the form of grain or money, or in poor houses in
the form of cooked food, to those who are unable to work.
It required very careful and organized control.
(til) Food supply should be managed by private agencies ;
bat if the latter were unequal to the task it should be done
( 185 )
> r
by the state ; and if necessary, export of grain should be
prohibited.
(iv) Land owners should be given loans for seeds,
grain and bullocks, and to open works for providing employ-
ment to labourers and tenants, and land revenue payment
and rents should be suspended in proportion to the crop
failure.
(v) During excessive drought facilities should be provi-
ded for the migration of cattle to forest areas.
(vi) Cost of relief should be so localized as to bring home
to its administrators a sense of personal responsibility for
expenditure.
In the case of 1896-97 the government took advantage of
the recommendations of the Famine Commission of 1880,
and hence though the number supported on relief was very
large, the actual conduct of relief was much better and at a
reduced cost* Administration of relief was not on the same
basis everywhere, and in C. P, difficulties were rather great
because of reluctance of wild tribes to accept relief on ordi-
nary terms, At one time relief was given to 4 mil, people, and
the total cost was Rs. 7| crores, Loans were given to the
extent of Rs, 1J crores, and revenue was remitted to the
extent of Rs. 1J crores. Charitable relief fund amounted
to Rs, 1| crores of which 1J crores came from U. K, alone.
*Jn 1818 the system of Famine Relief and Insurance fund was intro-
duced with the object of providing, through a special tax, as far as possible
annual surplus of Rs. 1 croie for famine relief. The original policy
was to spent it first on relief and the lemaming amount on reduction and
avoidance of debt In the next budget the policy was changed by
accepting the view that a large part of it might better be applied to
'famine protective' as distinguished from 'productive public work', and
later on railways and irrigation works 'fcegan to be constructed out of it
Under the Government of India Act, 1919 a provision was made for
setting up Famine Relief and insurance funds by Provincial Governments
by earmarking revenue annually for it, and it was invested with the Central
Government,
25
( 186 )
The experiences of this famine were examined by Sir
James Lyall Commission, which reported in 1899. They
observed that owing to high prices there was a rise in income,
in value of land, and in credit, and thus the resistance against
famine was increased. In broad principles of relief adminis-
tration they adopted the recommendations of the Commi-
ssion of 1880, but in details they suggested some changes
including more liberal wage and greater gratuitous relief
during rains, and further recommended relief for special
cases like weavers, relief for aboriginals and hill tribes,
management of the charitable relief fund and gradual
extension of decentralized relief work, The general effect
of their recommendation was to avoid all risk and to make
relief more attractive,
During 1899-1900 the number of persons resorting to
famine works was largest than at any previous time. Lord
Curzon estimated that 1/4 of the entire population had come
to a greater or lesser degree ol relief operations, which were
very liberal, There was laxity in tests and revenue was
freely suspended. In July 1900, 18% in famine stricken
areas in British India were on releif, and at one time 6J mil.
were on relief. In all 114 crore units were relieved at a
cost of Rs. 10 crores, and the total cost was Rs. 15 crores.
In order to improve the administration in States as in British
India the Government gave them 3 crores. Charitable
relief amounted to Rs. 140 lakhs of which 88J came from
U. K. alone. When the famine was over people did not
leave relief works due to high wages there, and secondly
because after two successive famines they were not sure
that the good season has really set in. The conditions were
examined by Sir Antony MacDonnell Commission, which
reported in 1901. They thought that taking the famine period as
a whole relief was excessive, and hence suggested some
( 187 )
modifications, The cardinal feature of their recommenda-
tions was 'moral strategy* or 'putting heart into people. 1
Believing that if people were assisted in the beginning they
would help themselves and if their condition was allowed to
deteriorate it would proceed on, they emphasized a policy of
'prudent boldness 7 starting with early suspension of rent
and revenue, prompt and liberal distribution of takavi loans
for the purchase of seeds, cattle and sinking of temporary
wells, They further recommended : enlisting of non-official
assistance on a lage scale ; appointment of a famine commis-
sioner in a province where relief was extensive ; strict
regulations of relief in certain respects; preference to village
works in particular circumstances in comparison to large
public works which had hitherto been the backbone of relief
schemes ; dealing with fodder problem to save cattle; consi-
derable increase in rolling stock on railways ; agricultural
banks of 'Raiffeisen' type to be established ; state irrigation
work to be pushed on ; and methods of agriculture to be
improved.
In 1907-8 the policy of moral strategy was followed T
prompt assistance by extremely liberal advances for pre-
paration, sowing, and irrigation was given ; there was large
remission and suspension of revenue ; and relief was
distributed in areas other than where relief works were
started. Out of 13 districts declared as famine stricken, test
works were started in 11, and gratuitous relief was given in 26
districts to persons at their homes. About 3 lakh persons
Io 1900 The Indian Peoples Famine Trust was created with the. initial
donation of Rs, 16 lakhs by Maharaja of Jaipur, The fund was invested in
government securities to be held in trust It increased to 30 lakhs by private
donations, and further increased in 1934 by transfering a fund of the U, P.
Government, Income from this investment was to be spent on relief due
to famines and floods, In the Act of 1935, no provision was made for a
separate relief fund, but the provincial governments instituted new famine
relief funds which remained invested in securities of the Central
Government,
( 188 )
received different kinds of relief, and 1J lakh workers were
employed on relief works, The total cost of relief was abouc
Rg. 2{ crores. The character of relief was changed because
of changed circumstances which were mainly : expansion
in canals and railways ; high prices ; rise in wages; increased
employment on public works, industrial and building opera-
tions ; emigration to colonies ; and lesser dependence of
labouring classes on agriculture.
In 1918 relief measures were taken under the Famine
codes but at any time the maximum number on relief was
6 lakhs. The manner in which the crisis was surmounted
showed an increased resistance amongst masses, though high
prices caused much silent suffering,
The system of famine relief is gradually settling down,
its basic principles are no more questioned, and the diversity
in actual practice is being minimized in each successive
famine. But the difficulty of government relief is inherent.
The reluctance of those who are unaccustomed to relief, and
the eagerness of those accustomed to famine to seek relief,
are said to remain perplexing to officers as they have been
in the past. But the system of relief is becoming more
efficient, elastic and adaptable, The most common horror
of famine (absolute dearth of food) is now unknown because
railways have revolutionized relief, and private trade pours
food where required, Since the administration is freed from
the basic necessity of finding food, and is supported by agri-
cultural intelligence and other social conditions, it has been
able to solve other difficulties more successfully, The
elasticity of the system is increased because the test works 1
J. Test work is an ordinary work employing unskilled labour usually
earth-work The conditions are strict but not unduly repellent The object
being to ascertain whether the people really need relief,
( 189 )
and relief works 1 are organized with due regard to the
feelings of the people, People unable to work are relieved in
:heir villages and special treatment is made with the respectable
poor, Habitual beggars are sheltered, clothed and fed in
poor houses, 2 weak persons are specially treated, children
are being fed in kitchens, infants whose mothers cannot
nurse them are given milk, and deserted children are
separately cared for. An elaborate scheme for forest and
hill tribes is worked out, and artisans, who formerly suffered
on ordinary relief works, are now helped in their own trades,
Non-official aid and advice are enlisted ; and every effort is
nude to prevent the loosening of moral and social ties* The
strictness o( government relief, being confined to the provi-
sion of necessaries, is softened and supplemented by private
relief funds to which the whole world subscribes. 'We may
surely thii.k ih.it tht 1 day of isolated experiments ami co^tlv
hlunii- rs have lor trVrr passed. Out of failures and dis-
appointments has come, a broad, deliberate ami wMI-tested
pi'liry, a mature and effective plan of campaign. Nonethe-
less will it always be essential that sirh rorapaigns di u'd
be conducted by devohd and tfficient puHtc setvicts, by
men equal not only to the ordinary ta<k ot administration
bat to those extra tasks which are imposed by grave erne P
VI, PLAN OF MODERN FAMINE COMPAIJX,
The plan of modern lamiue coinpaign is an elaborate
scheme, and a complete machinery for relief exists. It i*
1 Relief work is a public uork on which during emergency employ-
ment is provided to a large number for comparatively longer time on a
wage sufficient to maintain health under normal circumstances,
2, A poor house is a temporary structure run up ia a few day, where
paupers are shettered and given cooked food under conditions of decency
and discipline
t The Cambridge History of India. Voj VI, p. 313,
( 190 )
rightly said that 'inspite of inevitable defects a modern Indian
famine compaign is one of the most remarkable achievements
in history of scientific, administration/* The various steps
in the plan are as follows :
(i) Standing preparations. In ordinary times standing
oreparations are made on a large scale, and programmes of
suitable relief works are revised annually in every district.
Country is mapped into relief circles, and plans are kept
ready. The Government is kept informed of the meteorolo-
gical conditions, crop conditions, prices and birth and death
rates, etc.
(ii) Danger Signals. A regular watch is kept on the
danger signals of approaching distress, and a forecast of the
orobable failure of rain is made, When rain actually fails
preliminary enquiries are started.
(iii) Preliminary action. As the uneasiness intensifies
the Government declares its general policy and makes the
necessary financial arrangements, Great importance is
attached at this stage to 'moral strategy'. Meetings are held,
policy is explained ; non-official help is enlisted and encour-
aged to undertake local improvements to employ labour;
committees are appointed to organize private charity, villages
are inspected and preliminary lists of helpless persons who
may require gratuitous relief are made. This gives confi-
dence to people, who are further given liberal advances of
money for agricultural purposes and sinking wells, Detailed
enquiries about crop failures are also made at this stage with
a view to suspend rent and revenue, If the number of
paupers is found to be great poor houses are opened where
infirm are given gratuitous relief.
(iv) Period of test. Test works are started for providing
employment, This is an anxious stage, since if the tests are
* Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. Ill, p. 479
( 191 )
lenient the Government is put to unnecessary expenditure,
and if they are too strict the situation may not be grasped.
The condition of those who seek employment on test works
is closely watched, and the condition of those who stay in
villages is also inspected, The death-rate is also scrutinized,
(v) Period of general relief. When the test works or
village inspection disclose real distress, relief works are
opened according to the principles given in the code, and
village inspection staff is increased, Lists of persons entitled
to gratuitous relief are revised, and the distribution of
gratuitous relief begins. By about the end of December in
the famine year the number on relief is generally large and
continues to increase till March. The reaping of rabi harvest
and the ripening of mango crop draw workers from relief
works, but they return mostly by the end of April, In May
the distress is said to reach its maximum and cholera
generally breaks out, But the medical help is kept ready
all the time.
(vi) Rains policy (the beginning of the end). With the
beginning of rains the policy changes. In the interest of the
country and the people it is considered important that the agri-
cultural conditions should be restored as early as possible, and
as large area should be sown as possible. Hence relief works
are generally closed and people are moved from large works
to small works near their villages at the end of May. Local
gratuitous relief is extended, and liberal advances are made
to agriculturists for buying agricultural equipment. As soon
as rains break out relief workers return to their fields, those
who stay on are encouraged to return to villages when the
demand for labour springs, A few relief works are kept
open in case of need, and those who cannot work and require
relief are given it gratuitously. The able bodied are to
support themselves and the weak are supported by the State.
(vii) Closure o/ relief. When the earliest of the principal
khartf crops ripens, the few remaining relief works are
closed gradually, gratuitous relief is discontinued, and the
recipients are given a valedictory dole. And during
September and October quinine is distributed in larore
quantities.
CHAPTER VII
Resource Utilization (Land Resources)
I. RESOURCE ASSESSMENT.
Resource Concept. Natural Resources are popularly
defined as the environmental aspects or the materials tad
forces bestowed by nature upon a region, and utilized by man
in the satisfaction of wants*. To be objective they include
all those things which are originally conserved by nature in
the form of a fund or a perennial flow in all the spheres of
the physical environment, viz., atmosphere (ga$), hydrosphere
(water), lithosphere (upper crust] of earth and rock), centres-
phere (inner strata of the earth which is accessible) and
biosphere (organic objects). They imply, in short, all natural
things which lie within the reach of man and can be mani-
pulated for his welfare. When interpreted in a wider sense
they signify all the free gifts of nature which spontaneously
serve some human purpose. As such they mean all the
original elements and untransformed objects of nature, like
sun-shine, air, water, soil, plant and animal life etc., including
all substances, forces, conditions, spheres, relationships
and other aspects constituting or emanating from the environ-
ment. In a narrow sense they include only those materials
*Those aspects of the environment which are resistant to human
effort and are harmful to it, and even those which affect man's efforts
neither favourably nor unfavourably, are riot included in natural resources.
The frozen summits of the Himalayas, the schorching depressions of the
Sahara, the impregnable forests of the Congo Basin, 4he unconquerable
stretches of the Antarctica and the arid uplands of Pamir are mostly in-
accessible to modern man, because the environment is resistant to sustained
effort, The ocean currents, river floods and storms, in the absence of
full utilization proye harmful, and instead of supplementing resources
deplete them and hamper their utilization.
26 201
( 202 )
and forces which have been actually transformed by man or
which are the effects of human, effort, i, e,, which are made
available and useful for satisfying some basic and specific
wants. In the former case they coincide more or less with
the environment, while in the latter they represent only
those forms which are interpreted as wealth by economists*,
But neither of these interpretations seems to be appropriate
because both of them fail to explain the true implications of
the concept of natural resources,
In order to understand the nature and scope of natural
resources one thing has to be taken for granted that the earth
is the home of man. The underlying idea is 'that the earth
is a grand stage upon which mankind is playing the drama
of its social history. 1 In a man-less universe there are no
resources though it may be full of a multitudinous variety
of materials and forces. The idea of natural resources in its
true perspective develops with the emergence of man on
the earth. The resource concept, therefore, is relative to
man and can be understood only when we take into account
the relationship of both the environmental aspect on the one
hind and the man and his ability to manipulate on the other.
The original concept of natural resources is embodied in
the physical environment or the geographical milieu, The
physico-environmental factors which determine the volume
knd quality of natural resources are : locational (situation,
*There is a distinction between natural resources and economic
resources. The former is a wider concept than the latter, The points of
'distinctions are : (a) Natural resources are original elements of nature
wbije the economic resources are mere derivations, fb) The former present
the basic materials and forces which can be put to multiple uses according
to intention, while the latter are used for specific purposes for which they
are produced, (c) Natural resources are the initial potential indicating the
capacity of a people to act or to produce effect, while the economic
.resources are the effect of potency, indicating mobilized resources for satis-
fying specific wants, and (d) The former have an esteem-value, while the
'latter have both esteem and exchange value, (This contrast is really one of
degree, because natural things which are scarce and esteemed will be con-
sidered as economic goods even if they do not come to the market,)
( 203 )
shape, size, distance, isolation and proximity, ett.), physio-
graphical (structure, relief, soil, minerals, &nd water forms,
etc.), climatic (composition of atmosphere, pressure, tempera-
ture, rainfall, humidity, winds, variability and other aspects),,
biological (plants and animals) and social 1 (man and his works),
A combination or a combined influence of these factors-
determines the resource pattern and the mode of life of the
people in a given area. On the other hand, when ionsidered
from the view point of, and in relation to man, naturalresources
imply the appraisal of environment as useful to man, th$,
availability of environment in relation to human wants and
the ability to manipulate it, and the functioning of the environ-
ment in the satisfaction of wants. The former analysis repre-
sents the natural resources in their objective form while the
latter consideration imparts them a purely subjective character.
But one thing has to be noted, Many aspects of the environ-
ment which are lying dormant and are of little use today may
be used later on after the advancement of civilization and
the improvement in manipulation find fresh uses for them.
Therefore, in resource assessment at present only those
resources are to be included which are useful to man in view
of the human wants and the degree of utilization, Besides,
resources vary with the changes in human wants and in the
ability to utilize them. 2 Their values are also different for
different social groups. Resource appraisal, therefore, is
meaningful only in relation to specific time, region and people;
and resource concept has to be limited to a givep time, a well-
1, Man is treated as a geographical factor, and the social factor, being-
included here should not be treated as a confusion of thought, Man consti-
tutes a part and parcel of natural resources and is an active agent of his
environment. In the study of the relationship of the geographical environ.-
ment and man their 'mutually determining character and unity should not
be averlooked, '>
2, The traditional view in Economics is to treat land (broadly de-
fined as natural necources) as a limited factor, and that characteristic
(relatively greater degree of being limited) distinguishes it from other
( 204 )
defined area and a specific social group,
In the final analysis it is the concept of Resource
Relativity, or the functional interpretation of natural re-
sources in relation to volume and quality and also space
and time, that gives a clue to the growth of civilization and
economic progress. This functional interpretation of nat-
ural resources becomes clear when the mutability of nat-
ural phenomena is considered. Nature is said to be in a
process of 'self-movement/ hence everything is in a state
of constant flux, though apparently there seem to be at
one moment a process of stabilization and in the next of
passing away. This explains the constantly changing char*
acter of natural resources which weave themselves into
fresh and diverse patterns.* They should, therefore, be
considered as living and active embodiment of natural
phenomena. There is, however, one thing to note. The
environmental change and consequently the change in
factors of production The resource concept as defined above is of con-
stant flux, The cultural apparatus by finding fresh uses, by giving new
meanings to nature and by multiplying contacts between man and his
environment, enlarges the significance of nature both in space and
time. Multiplicity of human wants, advancement in the cooperative
social life, inventions and innovations increasing the technique of resource
manipulation, in short, every thing which leads to a greater control over
nature, revises the criteria of resource assessment and utilization, and
thus enlarges the aggregate of resources,
Secondly, the functional interpretation of natural resources which
emphasises man's active participation in the detrmination of resources
docs not overlook man's dependence on nature, The significance of nature
in human life and social progress is as important in the modern so-
ciety when man has accumulated a multitudinous variety of tools and
apparatus for manipulating his environment, as it was in a primitive
society whn man faced the nature empty handed and without any arti-
ficial aid. Fundamentally even today human life is dependent on natural
resources as it was in the beginning of history. The ability of man
to free himself from nature is iimited and the modern interpretation
of control or mastery over nature is obeying nature,
^Changes in natural resources as a result o{ the 'self-move-
ment of nature, involvt both quantitative and qualitative re-arrangement
of substances and forces, As a result of it the old resource patterns
disappear, and new ones emerge, In this succession which takes place
( 205 )
resource potential is a progressive flow and not a cyclical
movement, It means what is gone before does not come
again, but the natural phenomena reappear in new cate-
gories and emerge in fresh pattern, more adaptable and
useful in relation to time and space. This implies that
the movement of natural resources is a dynamic system,
and any specific functional position refering to any time
and placeis a dynamic equilibrium, establishing a cumu-
lative process of balancing patterns in the same resource
system as between two slices of time. The gradual develop-
ment of resources begins at one equilibrium, which serves
as the starting point, and being destroyed in the next
time, gives place to a fresh equilibrium in the next
time. What is worth while to remember is that this equili-
brium is not a static condition but a progressive element,
With the help of this progressive view of natural resources
it is possible to measure not only the 'fixed resource situa*
tions', i.e., the resource assessment in the satisfaction of
given demands at a given time, but also the resource potential,
i t a,, the degree of resource expansion in successive times.
In these characteristics of change and development of
natural resources another fundamental characteristic is
inherent, and that is the interconnection and mutual depen-
dence of different resource patterns. Since each pattern is
conditioned by surrounding phenomena, there is an insepa-
rable connection, and no resource pattern can be treated in
isolation. The mutual or reciprocal conditioning of different
resource patterns maintains a balance, and in the utilization
of different resource patterns (power, vegetable, animal and
in a wave-process there is a gradual transition in which not only one
quantity changes into another but also a quantity into quality and the
vice versa, Secondly, the environmental change is not a cyclical move-
ment (i e,, what is gone shall come again), but a progressive flow (re-
appearance of natural phenomena in rje>y categories never twice in
the same pattern),
( 206 )
mineral resources, etc,) the whole resource system of a
region must be considered as an entity and a unity. This gives
a clue to the basic policy of resource utilization in a manner
which maintains a balance between one resource pattern
and another on the one hand, and between one resource
pattern and the rest of the resource system on the other,
Each resource pattern is related to other patterns
comprising its environment. Resource patterns and the
environment act mutually, and likewise react to other forces
of nature. The root of the resource development lies in
these actions and reactions, Though the life-spring of the
change in any particular resource lies in that resource itself,
the direction of the change is determined by the predomi-
nant characters of the environing resource patterns, and the
speed is determined by the degree of impact of the surround-
ing natural phenomena. Correctly understood natural
resources represent merely an ecological complex, i, e (1 a
harmonious blending and reciprocal adjustment of the
organic to the inorganic resources, and of the whole resource
system to its constituent resource patterns on the one hand,
and the surrounding phenomena on the other. To be precise
they are progressive phenomena, representing a functional
character, which may be termed as a dynamic equilibrium
establishing a cumulative process of balancing patterns
in the same resource system as between different periods of
time. The concept is limited to a specific time, area and
social group, but there is a constant change in relation to the
ability of man to manipulate them. It is upon this concept
that economic development should be planned,*
*For a detailed study reference may be made to : Blache : Principles
of Human Geography, 1 926 ; Charles Adams : Revolution in Land, 1939 ;
Hise and Havemeyer : The Conservation of Our Natural Resources, 1930 ;
Zimraermann : World Resources and Industries. 1933 ; G, P, March ;
IVfan and Nature, Physical Geography as Modified by IJuman Action,
( 207 )
Myth of the Bounty of our Resources. Our resource
potentiality is often described in exaggerated terms, A view
has been prevalent that India is richly endowed with natural
resources, and the cause ol poverty lies in the fact that
they are untapped, This situation is often expressed in the
phrase that 'India is a rich country nhabited by the poor, 1
This brings out an exaggerated view of our future possibilities,
and also affects the policies of land-use and social engineering.
The myth of this false philosophy of plenty or inexhaustibility
of resources will be clear when we consider the following :
(a) The natuial resources are not mere material fixtures
of the physical environment (both in quantum and kind, and
also in relation to space and time), but they are also measured
in terms of the degree of applied effort in resource utilization
depending upon the ability of the people to manipulate the
resources- Resource strength is, thereiore, determined by
natural resource potential and the human effort ; and in the
resource assessment the latter is more important. Produc-
tivity is synomymous with ability, and ability with cultural
progress In view of our social factors quality and the
ability of the people to mobilize resources, and the possibili-
ties of their expansion in the near future, there is no ground
for any bright hope. People, in general, have relatively
limited technical traditions, and their accumulated experience
in art, science and cultural apparatus as exhibited by their
productive activities (being confined mostly to the primary
1864, Parkins and Whitaker Our Natural Resouices and their conserva-
tion, 1936 . N, R, C , Regional Factors in National Planning and
Development, 1935 Bowmafc Geography in Relation to Social Sciences,
1934, Barrows Geography as Human Ecology, 1923 ; Huntmgton : The
Human Habitat, 1927, Climate and Civilization, 1944 , R. K. Mukerjee
The Regional Balance of Man, 1938, Regional Sociology, 1943, Man and
His Habitation, 1940 , Gorkey Culture and the People, 1945 ; Encyclo-
pedia of Social Sciences , Pezler Population and Land Civilization, 1941 ;
Ely and Wehrwem : Land Economics, 1949 , L, A Salter Land Economics,
1947. A M, Lorenzo Natural Resources and Human Adaptations, 1947,
( 208 )
industries) shows no signs of rapid expansion. The expansion
of technical and administrative cadres requires a huge
investment in money, material and time* The report of the
Scientific Man-Power Committee, 1949 clearly explains the
inability to provide the necessary technical personnel even
after utilizing our training capacity to the full. The importing
of technical know-how has its own limitations*
(6) Natural resources per head showing our relative position
in comparison to other countries are given in the following
table : (estimates refer to the last few years before 1939),*
Coal and
Potential
Lignite
water power,
Iron ore,
Arable &
Pasture
Reserves:
at ordinary
Metal
other
Countries,
Coal equi-
minimum
Content,
cultivated
(Acres/
valent
flow,
(tons/
land.
head)
(tons/head)
(H.P/head)
head)
(Arces/head)
United Kingdom 3,700
O'OIS
38*1
0'28
040
West Continental j
Europe, j 1,510
0*200
31'4
1'09
0'47
East Continental
Europe.
980
0100
4'1
1'34
051
U.S. S. R.
6,300
0'460
940
2'35
570
U. S A. and Cuba.
17,000
0'250
48'1
2'66
4'40
Canada and New-
foundland,
37,300
2 270
2i7'l
5'04
678
South Africa,
20,600
0'230
300' 1
131
10-00
Australia and New-
Zealand,
3,580
0'640
207
374
17'00
Argentina, Urugnay,
and Chile,
107
0'480
127
4 '64
1870
India.
66
O'lOO
5'9
1'29
0'52
China.
546
O'OSO
1-4
0'55
178
Japan.
227
O'lOO
'4
023
Oil
All countries listed,
3,000
0'160
24*6
no
2'10
*A. J, Brown : Industrialization and Trade, quoted by Baljit
Federal Finance and Underdeveloped Economy, p, 32, 1952,
Singh,
( 299 )
(6) In view of the range and variety of human needs
resources carry different scales of value. Volume of produc-
tion is determined by the magnitude of demand* By far
the major part of our population depending on primary
production, the level of demand is low. At lower stages
of economic growth wants are simpler and less varied.
Secondly, in comparison to the people of temperate lands,
people in all tropical countries require comparatively less
clothing, smaller quantities of lighter foods, and cheaper and
simpler shelters. This keeps the demand at a lower level
permanently* Besides a temperament of contentment which
is characteristic of tropical climate (region of bounty) weakens
the will to produce in comparison to the desire of successfully
meeting the wider range of wants characteristic of temperate
climate (which is termed as a region of effort).
Besides, in view of the relationship between climate and
working capacity, a comparative idea of the index of health
and vigour may further indicate our relative resource
strength, which is as follows* :
Index of Health and Vigour.
Countries.
Index,
Countries.
Index,
Countries.
Index.
New Zealand
100
Germany
91
Italy
81
Netherlands
98
Canada
90
Czechoslovakia
77
Australia
98
Ireland
87
Greece
75
Norway
97
Belgium
87
Hungary
70
Sweden
96
France
87
U.S,S. R.
70
Switzerland
93
Scotland
86
Jatfan
69
U.S.A. (White)
93
Latavia
86
Poland
69
Denmark
92
Finland
86
Bulgaria
68
England
92
Estonia
83
Egypt
52
S.Africa (White)
91
Austria
83
India
45
* Hunting ton : Main Springs of Civilizatioe, p. 254, 1945.
27
( 2fo )
(d) As a matter of fact all the known categories of
minerals are utilized for some purpose or the other, but
what is more important is their occurence in certain workable
combinations in close proximitv (e.g., coal and iron, lime-
stone, gypsium and clays, etc.). This determines the possibility
of industrial growth.
These are weighty considerations specially in matters
of land policy and population policy. An exaggerated view
of resource potentialities should not lull us in any sense of
security and optimism regarding the future, but it should
remind us of our limitations. And instead of allowing the
blind biological forces to determine the number in the hope
that full utilization of the dormant resources will result into
plenty, there is an urgent need of proportioning the popula-
tion to resource utilization.
Resource Classification. Several criteria can be adopted
for resource classification. From a historical point of view,
while tracing the successive resource patterns as used
by man in the process of evolution, there are three categories :
(i) Vegetable materials, which the primitive man used
first.
(ft) Animals, which he made use of after using the first, and
(Hi) Minerals, which man used later on.
From a sociological point of view, i*. * .. evaluating the phy-
sical forces from human focus, and keeping in view the
basic products, the following classes are made :
I, Food stufis* j rim ? ry fo ? ds ' , A
I Supplementary foods.
(Organic.
Metallic.
Non-metallic.
III. Power
( 211 )
From a geographical standpoint, i. e,, considering the
original elements and not the basic products'derivcd irom
them, and keeping in mind che sources, resources are ciassi
fied as tollowe*:
I, Classes of Land utilizing the Earth's surface,
1. Agricultural Land.
1 Cultivated Land,
Pastures.
Woodlots.
Irrigable.
Non-irrigable, i Grazing.
I Forested. j Dry farming
\ Cut-over I D <*ert.
3. Environment and Recreational Lands.
^ r> ( Urban.
4, Site Purposes Non . urban .
(&) And Area.
2, Forest Land.
II, Water Resources,
Usufructary uses
Proprietary uses
Riparian*
Water power.
Fishing.
Navigation
Irrigation
Domestic, and
Urban uses.
in - i - . \ Minerals.
HI. bul)-surl.ce appropriation, j Land beneath water.
IV. Super-suiiace uses. Aeroplane, radio, air rights etr.
II. L^ND-USE PATTERN.
Land Classification. The total area of the Indian Union
according to the latest estimates of the Surveyor General is
8,10,809 thousand acres. Data on land utilization are not
available for the entire geographical area since all the
States do not collect statistics of land utilization, and further
there are pockets which are left out of account even in
the States where such statistics are collected. In 1947-48
'These broad classes are used by Hise and Havemeyer . The Conserva
lion of Our Natural Resources, 1930 , quoted by Ely and Wehrwein Land
Economics, p. 49, 1949
2)2
figures of land classification were available for 5)83 ,682 thousand
acres, t*i, for 72% of the total area. The existing land-
use pattern of the Indian Union is as follows 1 :
Land Classes. (1948-49)
Thousand
acres.
%to
total.
2
Total area according to village papers.
5,81,148
lOO'O
Area under Forests,
86,960
14*9
Area not available for cultivation.
93,117
16*1
Other uncultivated land excluding current fallow.
93,136
16' 1
Current fallow.
63,124
10*9
Net area sown.
2,43,823
42'0
EXISTING LAND-USE PATTERN
(AVERAGE Of 3YBS
FOQfSTS
AQEA NOT AVAILABLE
POP CULTIVATION ( 16 4
OTHER UNCULTIVAI&DLANO
EXCLUDING CUQQEN1 fAUOw
CUPPENT FALLOW
005%)
1. From an unpublished Govt. Report. Most of the unclassified
area appears to be unsuitable for cultivation because of being hilly or
mountainous, or desert or arid and is mostly situated in part B and C
States and Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
2. Includes 986 thousand acres for which details of land classifica-
tion are not available.
( 213 )
Land Classification in different States formed on the basis
of post-Independence administrative set-up is as follows :
(Thousand acres. 194849)
States,
Total
area.
Forests,
Not
avail-
able for
cultiva-
tion,
Other un-
cultivated
land exclu-
ding cur-
rent fallow
Current
fallow
Net
area
sown
Assam
33,400
4,200
4,248
16,887
1,708
5,371
Bihar
44,330
6,612
6,382
6,516
7,174
17,646
Bombay
58,049
8,913
7.056
1,934
6,883
33,263
Madhya Pradesh
82,997
23,572
5,965
20,098
4,784
28,378
Madras
80,796
13,515
14,424
11,874
10,049
30,934
Orissa
18,053
2,412
4,775
2,997
1,415
6,434
E. Punjab
23,236
769
6,172
2,454
2,315
11,326
Uttar Pradesh
71,428
7,502
11,859
10,311
2,727
39,029
W. Bengal
19,549
1,709
3,044
1,925
1,244
11,627
Hyderabad
52,927
6,187
8,232
1,016
15,171
22,321
Jammu &
Kashmir
3,360
417
1,102
408
487
1,036
Madhya Bharat
22,552
2,738
4,899
5,032
927
8,956
Mysore
17,385
1,957
5 705
1,460
1,807
6,456
PEPSU
6,491
78
469
902
656
4,386
Rajasthan
20,669
655
4,223
4,544
2,862
8,385
Saurasthra
1,397
7
155
222
1,013
Tran van core &
Cochin
5,350
1,542
482
429
68
2,829
Ajmer
1,561
47
596
305
274
339
Bhopal
4,432
988
914
592
358
1,553
Bilaspur
285
36
29
131
11
78
Coorg
1,012
331
250
226
40
165
Delhi
366
75
54
13
224
Himachal
Pradesh
2,305
747
412
527
42
577
Kutch
4,974
108
1,407
1,200
1,868
222
Tripura
2,634
1,715
17
501
4
397
Vindhya Pradesh
1,610
203
315
440
192
460
Total
5,80,162
86,960
93,117
93,136
63,124
243,025
( 214 )
Tread in Land Classification. The area under different
land classes is not strictly comparable between different
years because of the different areas covered in different
years. Their relative importance, as indicated by the
percentage of area under various land classes to the total
area, is meaningful, and is given in the following table :
1.
Land Classes.
Forests,
Average of 3 years,
Adjustment
during the
last decade,
(36-37 to
38-39)
(46-47 to
48-49)
14'9
14'9
2.
Area not available for cultivation,
16'6
164 -'2
3,
Other un-cuhivated land excluding
current fallow,
16'0
15 8
-'2
4.
Current fallow. 8 '9
105
+ 1 6
5,
Net area sown.
43'6
42 4
-1'2
There seems to be no significant variation in any land
class. It is really surprising that in spite of the population
pressure and the price incentive the net cultivated area has.
almost stablized around 242 mil. acr< j s or about 42% of the
total. This is primarily due to the difficulties of bringing
fresh land under the plough and the defective land tenure
system, (detailed discussion under agricultural extension).
In the first three classes also there is almost no change. But
the most conspicuous feature is the gradual increase in the
fallow land. The position is expressed in the following
diagram and the table,
'OQESTS
Increase in Fallow Land.
Fears.
Area,
(Thousand Acres,)
Percentage to
Total area
36-37 to
38-39
48,665
8'9
39-40
51,093
9'2
40-41
47,663
'6
41-42
50,823
8'6
42-43
48,529
87
43-44
48,042
8*6
44-45
49,193
90
43-46
55,042
100
46-47
57,559
I0'2
47-48
60,942
10'5
48-49
63,124
109
( 216 )
III. SOIL CONSERVATION.
Virgin Land and Geological Erosion. In a natural undis*
turbed environment the land with tangled canopy of dense
vegetative cover is maintained in harmony and balance.
The natural circulation of wind and water goes on as a
ceaseless and uniform process, which is slow though complex,
in which the new soil is formed from the parent material
beneath as fast as the finished product ftopsoil) is removed
from above. This represents the erosion characteristic of
land in its natural environment undisturbed by human
hand. This is called normal erosion, and is sometimes
referred to as geological erosion or geologic norm of erosion.
It is a normal geological activity proceeding with the tedious-
ness of ages, abrading at one place and aggrading at another,
and thus forming and dressing the landscape. It is, as a
matter of fact, process of surface planation leading to
sculpturing of mountains, plains, valley fills, plateaus, deltas,
coastal plains, aeolian deposits, alluvial fans and such other
land forms, The normal erosion is a natural complex
process of rock- weathering* which helps in soil formation
and soil distribution from one place to another. It occurs
on the virgin land (natural undisturbed environment, where
vegetation with its canopy, stems, ground cover of vegetative
litter, with under-ground network of binding roots together
with the absorptive stable character of normal humous
bound soil), under the impact of forces associated with the
natural soil environment (collective influence ol vegetation,
micro-afganisms, climate and physical and chemical activi-
ties, etc.). Normally the soil is so processed as to give it
those characteristics which impart it a marked resistance to
^Technically speaking there is a difference between 'rock-weathering 1
described above as normal erosion, and 'rock-erosion 1 The latter 13 that
phase of surface wearage having to da with the abrasion of consolidated
( 9* )
surface removal,* and generally the transportation of surface
soil by water, wind and gravitational movement takes place
TOP SOIL
(A HORIZON)
SAH&Y 10 AM
SUBSOIL
(B HORIZON)
CLAY
SUBSTRATUM
(C HORIZON) <j
ROCK
44
- LESS HUMUS
X
O
D
CLAY
STIFF CLAY
u
--0--SQPTCLAY
........ SCUD ROCK
PROFILE OF A VER6IN SOIL
rocks on which there is little or no soil. It is~a phase -of gedogie pro4ss,
and man has no causative association with this type of activity ; it is
^acribed to the process of normal or geological erosion. ,Bt it'ig*ne-
rilly refers to rock surfaces wbere vegetative cover probably
>been very effective under existing climatic conditions. iTkis
activity is the principal contributor to the development of rock j
-bad lands,
*Wellow, granular, and spongelike, the topsoil absorbs rainfall,
Hidden conduits root holes and the burrowing 6f insects, earthwawns,
28
( 218 )
at a pace not more rapid than that at which new soil is
formed. Hence the soil is maintained in a balance, and
the effects are generally beneficial to plant growth, and
seldom harmful.
Soil Erosion. 'The vastly accelerated process of soil
removal brought about by human interference with the
normal equilibrium between soil building and soil removal
is designated as soil erosion.'* This is frequently called
accelerated erosion and sometimes abnormal erosion. When
the protective cover of vegetation is removed artificially
(by plough, grazing, axe, fire, rodents, or such other causes),
the land is left bare, and water and wind while moving
across the ground surface exert an abrasive force, removing
the soil bodily much faster than it is formed from beneath.
Normally erosion proceeds on bare areas, and the rate
increases as the top layers in which the soil is more absorp-
tive are successively removed. The effect of the spongelike
organic matter in combination with the activities of mico-
organisms feeding on this organic material make the soil in
the top layers granular, absorptive and cohesive. The
and other animals~perforatmg both surface and sub-surface layers carry
water into the deep substrata ; and infiltration is further assisted by such
structural openings as the soil pores, cracks, cleavages, or fractures that
usually puncture the profiles of normally developed soil, Various constitu-
ents including important plant food elements are slowly removed in solution
or transported to lower depths as the result of leaching induced by this
internal circulation of water, Under natural conditions however, this
removal of plant food elements are balanced, in part at least, by the upward
movement of soluble constituents, derived from the 'raw* sub-layers through
plant roots and stems, into leaves and twigs, Subsequently, the leaves and
twigs return to the earth as ground litter, and, finally through decay, are
returned to the -soil. In addition to these physico-chemical activities,
percolating water farther alters the soil profile, especially of the more
stable, less sloping areas, by the slow physical transposition of fine soil
particles to lower depths (from the A into the B horizon), In .time
sub-layers thus increased in density may serve to quicken runoff by imped-
ing infiltration. Nevertheless, some degree of balance persists regardless
of these natural alterations through the soil profile ; and topsoil is developed
and maintained, (H, H. Bennett. Soil Conservation, pp, 9394, 1939),
*H. H. Bennett : Soil Conservation, p. 94, 1939.
( 219 )
underlying layers which are deficient in organic matter are
more erodible. These subsoils when exposed absorb water
so slowly that heavy precipitation results in rapid runoff
increasing the rate of erosion, since the runoS concentrates
in greater volume and moves with mounting speed tearing
the body of the earth with increasing abrasive effect as the
gullies are cut deeper*
Typci and Forms of Erosion Water and wind are the
two active forces of soil erosion. Their nature of action
is different and so also their outward manifestation. Hence
according to the agencies erosion can be said to be of two
principal types, which according to the forms may further
be classified into several sub-divisions, Besides, the actual
soil removal is sometimes a gradual process in which
soil is blown or washed away gradually in comparatively
small quantities frooa one place, and sometimes it is a
sadden mass movement, in which soil is removed in huge
quantities enblock. In brief the two broad types can be
classified according to the form of erosion as fellows :
i. Water Krosion,
/
Sheet erosion,
U. Shaped.
Rill erosion.
V, Shaped,
Gradual soil ,
Gully erosion.
Combined U & V
Removal,
Bank erosion.
type.
Wave erosion.
Tunnel type.
I Waterfall erosion, Cave type",
Soil creep
Sohfluction.
Soil flowage.
Earthflows
Mass Move-
Debris Avalanche,
> ment.
Mudflows,
j (Slumping.
1 Soil slippage, j Terracettes.
* t Subsidence
| Black storms,
,,r. . ^u ^ \ J Brown storms,
1 1 Wind erosion. (Sheet erosion). Loca , sma ,, dust
( Spirting dust clouds.
1. Ertiion fty wattr . It involves transportation of soil by
running; water (including rainfall, river, waves, waterfall
and moving ice). It is conditioned by several factors, such
as slope, type or soil, amount and intensity of rainfall, and
land-use practices, etc. Land is more susceptible to washing
on sloping areas and where the surface is stripped of the
protective cover of vegetation, It is a progressive process
intensified by the degree of slope and the intensity of rainfall.
Erosion caused by rain water is of the following forms.
Shut erosion, When a thin layer of the soil is re*
moved more or less evenly from over the entire seg-
ment of the sloping land, it is termed as sheet erosion,
Generally it changes the colour of the land, and leads to
a progressive decline in the yield. The susceptibility of
different lands to sheet washing depends on the character
of the soil, topography and climate, Ordinarily it occurs
wherever water flows across unprotected sloping areas, but
fragile sandy soils, stiff clays, and soils with high silt con-
tent and deficient in organic matter are specially prone
to sheet washing. Since it proceeds very slowly, it is not
conspicuous, but its effect is most insiduous,
Rill erosion. The runoff water instead of flowing evenly
over the sloping surface generally concentrates in stream-
'Bennett thinks that this line bends back, i, e,, the process be-
gins to reverse after a very long period On the skeletonized abandoned
areas voluntary vegetation comes in and increases in density , Gradu-
ally, though exceedingly slowly, the soil rebuilds, and on it vegeta-
tion progresses in the direction of the climax type, The grass cover
is re-established and eventually the forest returns in original form,
But this completion of the circle (eroded land, regenerated soil, and
again the rich vegetative cover) takes very long, and the period has not
so far beeti determined. There is, however, some evidence that under
natural conditions toil builds back from the raw material of the substrata
so slowly that not less than 300 to 1,000 years or even more maybe
required to replace one inch of top-soil. If soil builds downwards from
the surface, as it probably does, much longer time is required tore-
build the second inch, and still longer to restore the third, and so on
until 6 to 9 inches of normal topsoil-depth is thus recreated through
nature's slow but persistent efforts,
A sloping field washed by rain after being ploughed,
Rills formed in cultivated land along the Jamna after a heavy rainfall.
Gullied land along the
A steep cut showing depth of gullies along
the Chambal.
( m )
lets gathering volume and velocity, and generating cutting
power. This catting action of water carves ool smalt bat
well-defined incisions on the land surface. Till the aatt
channels so formed are not deep and eatt^ oWftetate* by
ordinary methods of tillage and commonly used *gticul
taral implements, they are termed as riHs. It it mote
apparent than sheet erosion, but as often neglected ; an<J
in respect of damage it is equally serious. It is most
common where precipitation is intense and land has
a low absorptive capacity. It occurs during heavy rains
on all areas where loose soil overlies dense subsoil, bat
soils with high silt content are more vulnerable. The
typical trenching is straight-lined, but frequently Ae in*
cisons join in intricate criscross pattern,
Gully erosion. When concentrated runoff gathering suffi-
cient volume and velocity cuts deep incisions or gullies, or
where concentrated water continues to cut the same groove
long enough, land surface is made rugged by deep gullies.
Gullies usually cannot be obliterated by normal tillage, and
land is rendered unfit for cultivation. Usually it follows
sheet erosion, or results from the neglected tills, but often it
begins in slightly depressed lands where runoff water
normally concentrates*
Bank erosion. It implies widening of streams by cutting
the banks, It is a sort of mass movement, and should be
considered under soil slippage.
The three forms of erosion caused by rainfall runoff are closaly
related, and are not mutually exclusive Two or more of them may
occur simultaneously in the same area, and one develops into another ,'
Sheet erosion and rill erosion cannot everywhere be sharply differ-
entiated, because the former imperceptibly develops into the latter form.
As a matter of fact, in respect of much or most of the erosion comm-
only considered as sheet washing, there is some grooving of the soil
But broadly speaking sheet erosion implies a more or less uniform
removal of a thin soil sheet from over the entire exposed area, and
rill erosion refers to the formation of small shallow channels distinctly
visible, 7
( 222 )
troitai. It implies recession of shores, and takes
place on tea coasts. This is also a sort of mass movement,
and should be considered under soil slippage*
Waterfall trosion. By undercutting the sub-layers mainly
at the heads of the trenches it contributes to gully extension,
and also helps in development of contributory gullies. The
process is more active in soils having soft or unstable sub-
strata. This type of erosion is also distinctively eSective in
cutting away soil at the base of neglected field terraces,
particularly where the channels have filled to such an extent
that runofi overtops the benched strips,
Mass mavtmenfl* According to the manner in which it
takes place, it is classified into two categories : that which
take place by flowage, and that which take place by slippage.
The difierence is not sharply defined, but is related to the
causes of displacements, and hence useful.
Soiljlowage : soil creep. Sharpe has defined it as 'slow
down slope movement of superficial soil and rock debris,
usually imperceptible except to observations of long dura-
tion.' 2 It operates on bare lands as well as forested and
When the process of gully formation starts, the shape is determined
by the relative resistance of soil strata, and the underlying rock material,
The gullies take several shapes, according to which gully erosion can be
said tobeof several forms, (a) U-shaped, (b) V-shaped, (c) A combination of
both U and V shapes, (d) Tunnel shaped, and (e) A peculiar type generally
called 'Cave shaped, V-shaped gullies change into U-shaped; the c type,
therefore, is a temporary phase till V-shaped gully finally develops into
U-shaped, U-shaped gully is the most destructive form of erosion, and
most difficult to control Ordinary dams have not succeeded in checking
their growth, Diversion of water from the head and sides is said to be
essential for success, and stabilization can be effected by establishing
protective vegetation in ravines.
1. Generally the discussion of 'mass movement' is made separately,
and is not put under the category of water erosion as we have done.
Taking into account the literal sense of the word erosion, a separate
treatment seems justifiable, But in the study of the nature of process of
erosion, agencies, principles and forms, a broad classification like the one
we have made may not be considered very inaccurate,
2 f Shatpe ; Landslides and Related Phenomena, 1938,
Soil slippage along a slope.
A small stream, joining the Chambal, has washed away all the soil
from its bed exposing the rocks beneath,
Typical Example of Cave type Gully,
( 228 )
grass-covered areas, It is a surface phenomena, extend-
ing to a depth of a few feet only, and transports vegetation
as well as man-made structures. Unlike stream erosion
and gullying it proceeds over the entire interstream areas,
In different regions the causes are different, but forest is
supposed to be the most active agent* The process is specially
effective in the climate characterized by frequent alterations
of freezing and thawing.
Solijluction. This type of mass movement is most
common in colder climates at high altitudes or high latitudes,
specially where the soil is frozen to sufficient depths for
pretty long. It is not paid much attention, and is not
considered very important because it occurs in the climate
where human activity is very much restricted.
Earthflows, After the prolonged rains, masses of locally
saturated soils, move downhill as earthflows, They are
more common in temperate and humid climates; and are
commonly termed as slips*
Debris avalanches. It is a rapid form of mass move-
ment, more common in humid areas having good vegetative
cover, It usually takes place during or after heavy rains,
when the saturated soil becomes heavy and overcomes the force
that previously held the soil on the slope. The mass flows
rapidly downhill, strips soil down to bedrock f destroys
vegetative cover, and usually floods agricultural lands by
, chocking the channels of streams*
Mudflows. This is peculiar to arid or semi-arid areas,
specially where the topography is rugged and vegetative
cover is poor. Their frequency and violence is generally
increased by man's misuse of land. When heavy rain
occurs soil and loose rock are picked up an$ carried by
streams, which can transport boulders and blocks of suffi-
ciently large sice.
( m )
Slumping. Mass movement by slippage
is commonly termed as landslides', which are more com-
mwly BD&alter, but sometimes very large. Mass of
mictmsoHdated material moves asooe unit or as several
subsidiary units, dawn the slope* Slumping is said to he an
important process in the recession of shores, widening of
stream channels and gullies. The most common qaveis
undercutting, but slippage of ground water from the base of
the bank helps .the movement considerably.
Terractttes, This form of mass movement occurs on
sloping areas, mostly on pastures. They are only a few
feet wide, and are most commonly attributed to trampling of
cattle and sheep and goats*
SuMdtace. Gradual lowering of the surface resulting
from mining operations, or as a result of brick preparation
around towns and cities, damages agricultural land. Asa
matter of fact that is no soil removal as in previous cases*
Shallow depressions are produced, where water accumulates
nd drowns the crops if grown there. The active agent is
the human hand. Sometimes subsidence results in deep
<and sharp open cracks and pitholes, making the land severely
broken and unsuitable for cultivation.
tfher<3re differences between muriflowsjand cashflows, One differ-
ence is the character of the material carried away. Secondly, the former
are found most commonly in stream channels, while the tatter are found on
uaUey frides, terraces and convex ; portioBs of slopes. ThigJJy, the former ,
like floods recur in the same place, while the latter have no marked
tendency to recur in the same area.
U alike other forms of erosion by water and wind, mass movements do
;sot carry soil or rock out of the region in which they are formed. They
simply cause downhill migration of sloping soil, and prevent the formation
-oHJeep profiles. Further they prepare the way for erosion.
Wind erosion occurs on lands where water -erosion is quite active,
but in the same locality the two types rarely assume}tquaiijpor*j|j$$,
( 286 )
II. Wind erosion. Soil blowing generally takes place
on all bare areas (level and slope) when soil is loose and
dry, bat is most serious in areas where there is a consider*
able slope and low rainfall. It is believed that wind erosion
is confined to arid and semi-arid areas. Of course, the
most severe damage is done to such areas, but it frequently
affects sandy soils of humid regions. The action of wind is
like that of a sieve, The lighter and more fertile soil
particles are picked up, and lifted to the pathways of high
air currents, which carry them to long distances. The coarser
and less fertile soil particles skip and roll on the surface,
and pile up in drifts behind obstacles. So long as the normal
soil equilibrium is maintained under protective vegetative
cover, wind erosion proceeds with the slowness of normal
geological process. But on bare and relatively flat and
undulating areas where wind sweeps unchecked by topogra-
phical irregularities, the process is highly accelerated. Unlike
water erosion wind erosion cannot be classified into different
forms or sub-types. One case of soil blowing is distinguished
from another in degree rather than in kind. The severity
Dust storms, differing mainly in magnitude, are of four types : Black
dusters. They are associated with westerly winds, travelling at a very
high velocity, lasting for about 6 to 8 hours, covering an area of about
1,000 miles in length and 4 to 5 hundred miles in width, and a ceiling
height of about 7,000 feet. They occur in summers and are not frequent.
Thick clouds of dust ranging from light blue to black colour overcast
the sky, Brown coloured storms. They are not so spectacular as black
dusters, but are more frequent. They are also associated with westerly
winds and occur in summers. They generally cover smaller areas than
the former, and the velocity of wind is also less, The soil blown is of yellow
and brown type, and lesser in magnitude than in the previous case. Small
dust storms. They are local, and occur oh dry and ploughed lands,
under the force of gentle winds. They can take any direction, cover
comparatively very small areas, wind velocity being less, the soil carrying
capacity is also less. Spirting dust clouds. They arc still more local,
and are caused by whirl winds. Sometimes they are only a few feet high,
and move a few yards, subsided by smaller obstructions like buildings
and trees,
29
( 22* )
ranges from slight disturbance of surface soil over a small
area to major catastrophic storms removing countless tons of
soil and sweeping across vast areas.
Water erosion and wind erosion appear to be similar in
the sense that both transport the surface soil. But water
and wind differ in the nature of their erosive action and also
in the outward manifestation. Water erosion takes place down
the slope, is controlled more by gravity, and the transported
material concentrates along drainage lines, and is carried
to or part way to the sea. Wind erosion takes place both
on sloping and level areas, and in any direction depending
upon the direction of air current. The wind-borne material
is laid down anywhere usually so thinly as not to constitute a
hazard by accumulation in reservoirs and streams, A basic
difference is that slope is essential to water erosion, but it
has no direct causal effect on wind erosion. The washed
away soil from a field cannot be transported back to the
original place by the same agency, but the blown away soil
can be transported back under the impact of the shifting
wind*
Factors Affecting and the Causes of Erosion. The process
of soil removal is four-phased : runoff, infiltration, absorption,
and erosion. These processes are interdependent, and are
affected by many factors separately and interdependently.
This introduces an almost inconceivable number of factors,
some of which are directly related to and are highly signifi-
cant in the process of soil removal, while others are only
indirectly related to and help other factors in their erosive
activity. While analysing these factors one feels that 'it
would be difficult to conceive an agency involving more
modifying factors than soil erosion. 1 To be brief, it is pro-
foundly and directly affected by the kind and condition of
( 227 )
soil, type and condition of cover, degree and length of slope,
and climate* (including rainfall intensity, wind velocity,
relative humidity and temperature, etc.)* In the second
category of factors may be included the changed conditions
of surface. Soil and sub-layers resulting from the land-use
practices (f *., methods of cultivation and other practices of
farming and grazing), and the conditions and character of
different sub-layers successively exposed by progressive
planation. In addition to these more evident factors there
are some less obvious variables, 6. g., mechanical relation
of gravitational creep, sliding, soil granulation, fragmentation,
dispersion, alternate freezing and thawing and sedimentation.
The causes of erosion may briefly be summarized as :
deforestation, over-grazing, shifting cultivation, faulty
methods of ordinary cultivation, and the deterioration of
village forests and pastures. It is not possible to rate these
factors in the order of seriousness. Sometimes a few of
them combine to accelerate the abrasive action of water and
wind, but more generally one of them is the predominating
* Bennett has explained in detail the nature of activity of these factors,
Soil type alone introduces an almost endless variety of conditions that
appreciably and profoundly influence the rate of infiltration and absorption,
and therefore of runoff and soil denudation. The texture of surface
material, its inherent structure and consistence markedly affect rate of
water intake, as do also similar characteristics expressed in widely divergent
sub-layers through the soil profile, down to and including the horizon of
parent material, Cover effects rate of soil removal and runoff more than
any single factor Declevity of land 2nd length of slope powerfully affect
hydrologic processes inseparably involved in soil planation and runoff.
Climate determines the conditions for the type of vegetation, It also
influences the distribution of soil, and indirectly the soil type. This can
be understood by considering the way in which the soil is formed The
surface configuration is also an example of the influence of climate on
landscape (e, g , gentle rounded slopes are characteristic of humid areas,
and sharp angles and deeply trenched surface are typical of arid regions).
Lastly, the types of soil erosion also vary from climate to climate, e. g,,
gullying and sheet wash are the mechanisms of accelerated erosion in
humid regions ; wind is effective mainly in arid and semi-arid climates ,
frost action is at the maximum where the temperature crosses the freezing
point the greatest number of times annually ; and ice action is mainly
limited to polar regions, tundras, taigas and microthermal climates.
( 228 )
cause of erosion, 0. g, deforestation is the main cause in the
Himalayan foothills specially North Bengal and Assam and
Chhota Nagpur hills ; shifting cultivation in Assam, Orissa
and Bengal ; over-grazing in western foothills of the
Himalayas, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, along the Jamna in
Uttar Pradesh (the ancient Braj Bhumi), Siwaliks in the
Punjab and the lower hills in Poonch in Kashmir ; faulty
agricultural practices specially in potato cultivation on the
Himalayan foothills and the Nilgiris, and the failure to
terrace and embank the fields in cultivated lands, and the
deterioration of village forests and pastures almost through-
out the northern plain*
Effects of Erosion, The most immediate and the most
frequent result of the bodily removal of soil by erosion
is the change in topographical details of the ground sur-
face, Washing and blowing away of the productive topsoil
carry away the available and potential plant food.
Gradually the subsoil is approached, which is less produc-
tive and more difficult to cultivate. And when the ground
is cut into rills, and further into gullies, work of culti-
vators is multiplied, agricultural operations become more
difficult, crop yields decline, cost of cultivation increases,
and gradually agriculture becomes more expensive and
unprofitable, and ultimately the land being rendered un-
fit for cultivation, agriculture is abandoned and popula-
tion migrates to other areas.* The effects of erosion are
not confined to those areas only which are stripped of
their productive topsoil by water or wind, but adjoining
areas, sometimes to a long distance, are also affected.
*This erosive process of biting, cutting and tearing ^the" 1 landscape
continues in a vicious straight-line process to impoverish the* -soil, to
ruin the land, to make agricultural land barren, to disintegrate rural
communities and ultimately resulting in the decline of tlje nation.
( 229 )
Considerable damage is done by erosion deposits, The
finer, lighter and more tertile material is carried to long
distances, or is transported to sea. The material carried
in suspension by running water, and the wind-assorted
sand (subsoil material and tieavier residue) are spread
over adjoining lands. The deposited material is unpro-
ductive, it impoverishes lower slopes and alluvial plains,
and flattens the low-lying areas where the rate of flow
is diminished. Damage by deposition increases to tremen-
dous proportions and extends to larger areas during floods
and violent dust storms, The creeping of the Thar desert
towards the east threatens the portion of Rajas-
than and South West part of U. P. specially the Agra Divi-
sion, is a conspicuous example,* Besides, the deposits pile
up in huge quantities behind dams, in natural and artifi-
cial waterways, and in harbours, Silting of reservoirs
reduces their storing capacity, cuts short their life and
tends to spread out stored water, and exposes a broader
surface to losses by evaporation, It reduces the life and
value of costly structures constructed for the purpose of
irrigation, flood control, power production, municipal water
supply and recreation. Erosion debris clogs small streams,
shoals navigable waterways, reduces the carrying capacity
of drainage canals and impaires the effectiveness of irrigation
system. Sometimes streams are forced from their natural
course, damaging the banks, and accentuating the problem
of flood control. Navigation is threatened in harbours
and streams, and expensive dredging operations are nece-
ssitated, When the absorptive topsoil is removed, rela-
* Recent topographical surveys show that the Indian desert
of Rajasthan has been spreading outwards in a great convex arc through
Ferozpur, Patiala and Agra towards Ahgarh and Kasganj at the rate
of about half a mile per year for the last 50 years, and is encroach
ing upon approximately 50 square miles of fertile land every year.
( 280 )
lively impervious sab-soil is exposed on which water
moves with increased speed, The concentrated runoff
discharges into streams, at a great speed and an enor-
mously increased quantity of water, causing floods. Besides,
erosion debris which accumulates in channels reduces their
carrying capacity, and helps in raising the crest of floods.
In /addition to the creation of the problem of surplus water,
erosion is connected with drought, and intensifies water
shortage, by interfering with the normal process of intake
and percolation, and consequently reducing the soil and
sub-soil water leading to the decline in water-table, It
also damages the transport system. Roads, railroads and
embankments are undermined, cut and sometimes washed
away, and traffic is impeded and sometimes blocked by
erosion debris.
Considered in terms of economic and social conse-
quences, it is a threat to human security since it removes
the soil which is the basis of human life. It is termed
as a 'creeping death," Besides, the effects are not con*
fined to land, man and animals are permanently
undernourished, 'It is not merely soil that is going down
the slopes, down the rivers, down to the wastes of the
oceans. Opportunity, security, the chance for a man to
mike a living from land, these are going too. 1 The effects
on agriculture are far reaching and profound, and the
economy that fundamentally depends on soil is adver-
sely affected* It leads to lower returns, sub-marginal
cultivation, and in extreme cases abandonment of agri-
culture and rural migration Farmers run into debt, land
mortgages increase, tax base is reduced, and the market
for industrial products shrinks, Summarizing the effects
pf soil erpsipp Bennett obseryes tfya$ 'the process, |f
( 281 )
uncontrolled, impoverishes not only the land but those who
live on and by the land, as well as communities and urban
areas dependent in part or entirely on the welfare of the
farmer.' 1 The effects of soil erosion are exhibited in
the most striking form by the downfall of former civili-
zations and empires whose ruined cities now lie amid
barren wastes that once were the world's most fertile lands*
Extent of Erosion, The extent of erosion is referred in
two ways : the total area affected and the extent of soil loss*
Information in India about both these aspects is rather
inadequate. Spectacular damage on slopes in the form of
gullies has been commonly observed, and for long, but the
less spectacular damage on fiat lands in plains in the form
of sheet erosion and loss of fertility is not properly realized.
It has been noted only recently*
Asa matter of fact accelerated erosion is as old as agri-
culture itself) and on all sloping grounds which are stripped
of the protective vegetative cover or permanent grass, and
on all arable areas not properly terraced and embanked
throughout the country, erosion is always going on. The
peninsular India is geologically an eroded peneplain, which
assumed its present shape much earlier to the seismic
changes resulting in the uplift of the Himalayas. In the
hilly and mountainous portions of Northern India erosion
is of comparatively recent origin. But at present a very
large area is affected, A rough estimate is that 'erosion is
lowering the productivity of 150 million acres. 12 This
refers to the land under cultivation at present being damaged
by erosion gradually, and is in addition to the badly eroded
gullied land which has gone out of cultivation.
1. H, H, Bennett : Soil Conservation, P. 91, 1939,
2. H, Glower : Soil Erosion, p, 4, 1944.
( 282 )
The areas badly eroded are: Severely gullied areas are
the Siwalik foothills (Gurgaon, Kangra, Hoahiarpur and
Gttrdaspur districts in Punjab, and the hilly districts of
Kwnatm Division in Uttar Pradesh), the Jamna-Chambal
TraM (Agra, Jalaun and Etawah districts of U.P., South-East
portion of Rajasthan specially Dholpur and Karauli ; North-
West portion of Mad hya Bharat specially western districts
of Gwaliorj ; Chota Nagpur hills in Bihar ; uplands of
Burdwan division in Bengal ; lower hills in Poonch (adjoin-
ing Punjab border) in Kashmir ; portion of Satlaj Valley in
Basbr in PEPSU ; the upper portion of the Narbada
Valley, and the hilly north-western districts of Orissa specially
Mayorbhanj, Sambalpur and Dhenkamal. Areas badly
affected by sheet erosion are '- The Bundelkhand region.
Surma and Brahmaputra valleys in Assam, dry
northern districts of Madras, drier portions of the slopes of
Western Ghats (areas with less than 40" rainfall) specially
Bijapur district in Bombay, Chota Nagpur Plateau in Bihar,
and hilly districts of north-western Orissa. Besides, sheet
erosion is seen in almost all the bare areas whether slopes
or level ground and whether cultivated or not, Wind erosion
is serious in light soils in arid climate specially in Patiala
in PEPSU, in Gurgaon, Hisar and Karnal in Punjab, and the
dry parts of Madras, Madhy a Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bom-
bay and Rajasthan, Bank erosion occurs to some extent
along the channels of all the rivers, specially in alluvial
plains, but it is most serious in Lower Bengal along all the
major rivers. Wave erosion is not serious in India in the
form of slumping. Waterfall erosion and mass movements
are more common to lower Himalayas both western and
eastern, The most severely eroded and the worst area
is the Jamna-Chambal Tract which has been turned into deep
ravines.
Regarding the rate of erosion and the extent of soil remo-
val detailed and very accurate information is not available.
The foreign experiments are not very helpful since the local
soil and climatic conditions are the determining factors,
however, it is estimated that on a moderate slope of 1 in 80
(1'25%) the annual loss of soil per acre per inch of lain varies
from 1*6 to 4*3 tons of soil. Once gully erosion starts, the
damage resulting from it is very serious, the soil flowing
down the gully with ever increasing velocity and volume.
The velocity increases with the slope, and, when the velocity
of the runoff doubles, its carrying capacity is increased to 64
times. 1 Besides, a few runoff measurement experiments are
as follows 2 :-
A. Dry Farming Research Station Sholapur, Bombay,
(soil loss per acre per annum in tons, on an average
slope of 1-25%)
(i) Fallow, with weeds preserved. '6
(ii) Bare (uncultivated) fallow. 25
(tii) Jowar field (cultivated) 1^
B. Punjab Irrigation Research Institute.
(scrub jungle, Kangra District, Punjab, soil cost per
acre.)
32 wet Single
days, $tprm.
(i) Grass (80% cover) ,1*56 *V|6
(ii) Grass and Shrubs (90% cover) l'|Z4 '137
(iii) Bare soil. 82*58 1'567
It is really a pity that seriousness of this growing menace
is not well appreciated. That the Government are conscious
1, Planning Commission ; The first Five Year Plan, p, 131, 1951,
2. The Indian Journal of Agricultural Science, Aug. 1941,
30
of it appears from the Report of the National Planning
Committee and the first Five Year Plan of the Planning
Commission. But the proposed programmes are far inade-
quate in comparison to the needs, and greater attention is
required on the part of both the local bodies and the indivi-
dual farmers before it is too late. As a matter of fact, the
neglect of erosion could be tolerated so long as land was
ample and cheap, But in view of the growing population and
increasing demands of agiicultural and forest products, any
further neglect implies inviting poverty and undermining
the future. The major cause of neglect seems to be
ignorance about what is happening and its ultimate conse-
quences.
Methods of Control The basic principle is to reduce
the erosive eflect of the different agencies, i> e. t slowing the
speed of runoff and reducing the velocity of wind, by
obstructions across their respective lines of travel. The
aim is that the nature must be allowed to heal the wounds
created by the misuse of man, by setting in motion the
processes of soil formation and growth of vegetation. Since
the problem is multi-phazed, and factors are mutually
stimulating ; the control activities have to be multi-phazed
and should be taken simultaneously on several fronts, The
report of the National Planning Committee on Soil Conserva-
tion and Afforestation gives the following schedule summaris-
ing the erosion control activities,* some of the which check
the soil removal directly and others are helpful indirectly^
(a) Forettt.
1. Protection of existing forests.
2. Creation of shelter-belts,
*NafcionaI Planning Committee : Soil Conservation and Afforesta-
tion p, 73, 1948,
( 235 )
3. Control of nautor grants (breaking virgin land for
cultivation).
4. Encouragement of the village as the unit for forest
improvement and protection schemes under coopera-
tive or panchayat organization.
fr, Reclamation of ravine lands for grass and forest
produce.
6. Reclamation of flat lands in torrent beds which are
often cultivable after a period under forest conditions,
7. Village plantations for fuel and timber.
8 Planting of fodder trees.
9, Rotation of cropping of fodder trees.
(b) Waste Lands. (Livestock and Fodder.)
1. Reduction of surplus livestock,
2, Grading up of flocks and herds,
3 Grassland improvement.
4. Encouragement of voluntary and rotational closures.
5 Partition of common grazing lands to develop indivi-
dual ownership.
6. Panchayat Management of grasslands.
7. Replace grazing by grass-cutting and stall-feeding of
hay.
8. Develop grass markets for profitable disposal of
surplus cut grass.
9. Use of green fodder crops and silage.
10. Restriction of immigrant flocks where these are a
serious factor.
(cj Plough Lands.
1. Watt bandi and contour terracing to retain rainfall
and reduce runoff.
2. Restriction of cultivation on very steep slopes.
3. Improvements of soil wasting cultural practices.
( 236 )
4. Legutrie or gfoss crop to be sown on fallow lands.
5. Consolidation of holdings to allow better layout of
field terracing.
6. Encouragement for watt bandi and terracing through
remission of land revenue,
7. Use of live hedge plants to replace dry thorn twigs.
8. Cooperative organization for land improvement
projects.
9. Encourag ng the use of compost manure.
10, Strip cropping and suitable crop rotations.
The Idea of Soil Conservation. The term 'soil conserva-
tion' 1 is used in a very wide sense, and in the most simple
terms, it implies 'using land as it should be used i. 0., treating
land according to its needs, and using it according to its
capability. 2 The aim is that, since the earth is the home of
man, land resources should be conserved against loss and
deterioration, and maintained at a high level of optimum
productivity so as to permanently sustain national economyt
(This is the implication of the word conservation). 'Soil
Conservation connotes all methods of soil management and
other measures required to preserve soil and soil fertility
from total or partial losses caused in one way or another/ 3
(by erosion in any form, by floods, by waterlogging, by
removal of soil fertility by exhaustive cropping or by grazing
1, The terms 'Soil Conservation' and 'Land Utilization' are not
synonyms, As a matter of fact, while distinguishing between them
attention should not be paid to the technical meaning of the word 'Soil' in
the former and the economist's interpretation of the word 'Land' in the
latter. The difference is in their scope, Land utilization, more commonly
interpreted, refers to land-use pattern and practices, and is a part of soil
conservation programme which connotes a still wider scope including
many other things also.
2, H, H. Bennett : Soil Conservation, 1939,
3, National Planning Committee : Soil Conservation and Afforestation,
p, 27, 1943,
( 287 )
or the removal of the elements of fertility by leaching, etc,),
Briefly speaking the specific aspects of the programme should
include : control of soil erosion ; reclamation of sub-marginal
land ; development of land so as to enhance productivity,
e, g , conservation of soil moisture and maintenance of soil
fertility ; adjustment of the distribution of land over various
demands; growing of right crops on right lands; proper
agronomic or cultural practices and rotations, so that produc-
tivity may not be impaired ; provision of irrigation facilities ;
flood control ; proper drainage ; forests and forest products,
etc. It should, however, be noted that the programme should
not be related to the physical phenomena only but should
also cope with the economic and social conditions that affect
land-use, and secondly, the methods are not static because
they are dependent upon social, economic and political reac-
tions and the scientific developments which are always
changing,
IV, FORESTS.
Extent and Distribution, In the Indian Union forests
occupy, in 194849, according to village papers, an area
of 86*9 million acres or 14*9% of the total area of 581
mih acres for which the data of land classification is
available. According to Forest Statistics the area is 1329
mil. acres. A considerable part of the unclassified area
in Assam, in part B and C States and in Andaman and
Nicobar Islands, is under forests, and hence the actual
area, which is not known exactly, ^xcept for a part of
the country, specially part A States) is a bit more, and
the actual percentage is about 2% more, or roughly 17
or 18%, The first Five Year Plan mentions the area of
130 mil* acres or 19' 9 A, The distribution in different
( 238 )
states is as follows :
Percentage of area under forests*
States.
According to
States.
According to
1 Indian Agr.*
o I Statistics j
Indian Forest
Statistics 2
Indian Agr.
Statistics*
Indian Forest
Statistics.*
Mer-
chan-
table
6'3
Inacce-
ssible
Total
Mer-
chan-
table
*5
OpQ
SI
h*
N,A
Total
N.A.
Assam
19'3
25'8
Rajasthan
3 I
N.A.
Bihar.
14'9
7'5
109
18'4
Saurashtra
*5
2'8
O'l
29
Bombay,
15'3
7'9
47
12'6
TravAncore
& Cochin
28'8
25'3
8*2
33'5
MadhyaPradesh
28 '4
268
4'6
31'4
Ajmer;
3'0
24'5
O'O
24'5
Madras,
16'7
13'3
13'0
26'3
Bhopal,
22'3
22'6
...
22'6
Orissa.
13'3
2'5
5'0
7 5
Bilaspur.
126
10'8
33'3
44*1
Punjab,
3'3
17
87
10'4
Coorg.
327
44'8
28'7
73 ( 5
Uttar Pradesh.
10'5
7'3
12'0
19'3
Delhi.
N.A,
N.A
N,A,
W. Bengal.
87
89
51
14'0
Himachal
Pradesh
32'4
21*2
6'2
27'4
Hyderabad,
117
11-5
11'5
Kutch,
2'1
'9
...
'9
]. & Kashmir.
12*4
2'3
9'6
11'9
Tripura.
65 l l
44 8
44*8
89'6
Madhya Bharat
12-1
10' 8
4'6
15'4
Vindhya
Pradesh
12*0
25'4
8'5
33'9
Mysore
PEPSU
11*2
2'4
N.A,
N,A.
2'4
N.A,
Andaman
& Nicobar
Island's
N,A
61'9
,,,
77'8
Grand
Total
14'9
10'9
8'3
19'2
1. Unpublished Govt. of India Report.
2, Indian Forest Statistics, (1947-48), 1952 pp. 1-2.
Upto 1946-47 the statistical data regarding forests were issued
through the 'Annual Returns of Statistics relating to Forest Adminis-
tration in India'. Later on the publication was given a new name,
'Indian Forest Statistics', It includes data for a wider area, now statistics
are collected for part B and C States also ; and some of the former state-
ments have been integrated,
EXTENT FOHE5T AREA
%TO TOTAL AdEA
6AVED ON INDIAH AGRICULTURE HATIHICS
149%
CD UPTO 47. |
B -1 - 10% I LESS tHAN
fTTDTl 10- 157. [ ADEQUATE
SS9 '5-207.
ffig 20 - 30
BE ABOVE IQ % MORE THAH AOtOJJAtE
30%] ADEQUATE
: S0%1 MORE THAN f
CLASSIFICATION OF FO
Thousand
sq. miles,
Reserved,
Protected.
Unclassed.
Total.
%to
total
72-0
10'5
17-5
lOO'O
The Sub-Committee (of the National Planning Coifcmi-
ttee) on Soil Conservation and Afforestation think that
for the proper needs of a country 20% is usually
reckoned the correct amount of forest, 1 while the Planning
Commission believe that a tropical country should have at
least a third of its area under forests to preserve its climatic
conditions. 2 Judged with these standards the area is less
for the country as a whole. Even in this area consi-
derable portions are forests in name only, they have no
timber but provide fuel and grazing, and sometimes only
scrub jungles having fewer, and at places no trees ;
and some areas are of very inferior material, Apart from
the overall shortage forests are badly distributed. 3 Ex-
cepting in Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Bhopal,
Coorg, Tripura, Travancore and Cochin and Andaman and
There is a considerable difference in area under forests recorded
as part of land utilization statistics in Indian Agricultural Statistics,
and those supplied by Indian Forest Statistics, The reasons are : Cer-
tain lands not covered by forests but worked by Forest Depts. are
returned as forests in the latter, but in the former they are shown
under proper heads, as 'other uncultivated land excluding current fallow'
or 'net area sown 1 ; this happens in U, P, and Punjab. Secondly,
forests administered by corporate bodies and private individuals are
treated in the former under 'other uncultivated land excluding current
fallow 1 or 'land not available for cultivation 1 , specially in Madras,
W, Bengal and Madhya Pradesh ; and some areas shown as inaccessible
forests in the latter are treated under these heads in the former,
specially in Assam, The former are more scientific and reliable,
1. N, P, C, Soil Conservation and Afforestation, 1948, p, 104,
2. Planning Commission, The First Five Year Plan, 1951, p f 129,
3. About 45% of the forest area is inaccessible having no suitable
communications, Roads are mostly fair weather, impassable in rains,
and with a few exceptions, are unfit for mechanical transport, Water
transport, the cheapest means of forest transport, loses much of its
usefulness because many species of Indian forests do not float, use of
boats is not possible due to rapid streams, their shallowness and the
presence of rocks, After the partition this difficulty has further in-
creased specially in transporting Kashmir timber, Freight charges by
railways on forest products are said to be very high, causing consider-
able wastage in forests, Forest Depts. are handicapped in developing
transport for want of funds, and at present the expenditure on forest
communications is Rs, 67*55 lakhs or 4*6% of the total forest revenue,
Nicobar Islands, forests are insufficient in area. In Northern
India^the percentage is comparatively less in comparison to
that in South India, and about 80% of the area is confined
to the Himalayas and their foot hills, and a considerable
part of the remaining lies within 30 to 40 miles from bills.
And only a very small part (hardly 5 to 10%) lies scattered
in cultivated lands, Distribution is a bit better in the South
specially in Madhya Pradesh, Bombay and Madras where
considerable forest areas are interspersed amongst culti-
vated lands, However, both in the North and South the
gre^t for^sts.are located in hills, which makes a very large
area iujacces&ible by increasing the difficulties and the
costs of transporting forest products. Two very important
consequences of the lack of forests .within ^asy distance of
.populous, parts are the enormous w^ste of the only source of
qheap manure by burning cowdungi and the low standard of
village dwellings, about which attention was drawn by
Dr. Voelqker in 1893 and the Royal Commission on Indian
Agriculture in 1928.
Types of Forests, The climatic conditions in the country
are very favourable for forest growth, and their character
is largely governed by rainfall, elevation and soil conditions.
In the areas of heavy rainfall there are evergreen forests
containing bamboos, palms, ferns and rubber trees, etc.
Areas with a less copious rainfall have deciduous forests of
teak, sal and shisham, etc. Under a still smaller rainfall
vegetation becomes sparse, forests are known as dry or arid
forests containing tamarind, acacia (kikar) and trees having
{ thaiiy leaves. A* the, rainfall decreases further , forests pass
into scrub jungles having thorny bushes and thick small
leaves. On the Himalayas, however, where clituate varies
forests varying , accord-
( 241 )
ing to elevation are pine, fir, deodar, oak, chestnut, and
magnolia etc. The main types and their general distribution
is as follows :
(*') Tropical wtt ever green forests. They occur under a
rainfall of over 100 inches, are evergreen, dipterocarps, and
ar6 found on Western Ghats in Bombay, in Madras, in a
strip south-west from Upper Assam through Cachar and
southward through Chittagorrg Hill tfacts.
(ii) Tropical Semi-evergreen forests. They have diptero-
carps and deciduous species, and usually adjoin the tropical
evergreen forming a transition between it and the moist
deciduous, found in the Western Ghats, widespread in Assamf
and lower slopes of the Eastern Himalayas,
(Hi) Tropical Moist-Deciduous forests. They occur
under a rainfall of 60 to 80 inches and 4 to 6 months of dry
season. They are the most typical Indian forests, popularly
called the Monsoon forests, found on a strip along the foot
of the Himalayas, a strip along the east of the Western Ghats
and a large block round Chota Nagpur. The northern half
includes sal forests and the southern half teak forests, and
open Savannah forests occur scattered throughout.
(10) Tropical Dry Deciduous forests. They occur under
a rainfall of 40 to 50 inches and about 6 months dry season,
and are found in a wide, irregular strip from the foot of the
Himalayas to Cape Comorin, bounded on the north by the
Himalayas, on the north-west by the desert, on the south-
west by the Western-Ghats and oh the eatst by the wet
Bengal forests. Sal and teak are typical, but are hot fouhd
everywhere, and are much inferior to that fouhd in fbe
tropical moist deciduous forests,
(o) Tropical thofn fotea* They WxM under a f ainf all of
10 to 30 inches, are found in Rajasthan, Upper Gangetic
plain and the Deccan Plateau, and abound in acacias.
(vi) Tropical dry evergreen forest*, They are small-
leaved thorny species found on the Carnatic coast,
(wi) Subtropical wet hill forests, They are found in
the lower slopes of the Himalayas in Bengal and Assam and
locally in Khasla, Mahabeleshwar and Nilgiri-Hills,
(viii) Subtropical pine forests. They are chir pine
forests between 3000' and 600ff in the Central and Western
Himalayas and other pines in the Khasia hills.
(ix) Subtropical dry evergreen forests. They are thorny
species covering only a small patch in the north- west corner
on the higher reaches of the Indus and its tributaries.
(x) Wet temperate forests. They are evergreen occuring
on the Eastern Himalayas between 6000' and 9500' and on
the top of the hills of South India.
(*t) Moist temperate forests. They are conifers and
oaks, deodar, blue pine, spruce and fir, found on the inner
ranges of the Central and Western Himalayas with rainfall
below 40 inches and between 5,000 and 10,000 ft.
(#11) Dry temperate forests. They include deodar, pine,
juniper and most broad-leaved European genera, found on
the inner ranges of the Himalayas.
(xiii) Alpine forests. They include high level fir, birch
and rhododendron etc,, and occur over 10,000 ft.
According to ownership forests are classified
as Government, corporate and private forests.
After the merging of States and the abolition of
Zatnindart many private forests are now Govt, forests,
and the village forests have come under the administration
of panchayats. Out of the total forest area ,72*9% is
administered by State Governments, 0*7% by corporate
( 243 )
bodies and 26'4/o by private individuals, Further the forests
under the control of the Forest Dept,, according to the control
exercised by the Government in respect of the rights of
users, are classified as ; Reserved, Protected and Unclassed.
The areas under them are i 1 (Sq. miles.)
States.
Reserved.
Protected,
Unclassed-
Total.
'A' Part.
68,373
6,683
15,053
90,109
'B'
22,443
5,437
1,021
28,901
'C 1
7,162
1,839
7,951
16,952
'D'
1,498
554
137
2,189
Total.
Percentage
99,474
70-0
14,513
10-5
24,162
17-5
138-151
100-0
Utility of Forests. Forests are an important resource and
a great national asset. They have many direct and indirect
economic uses. The direct utility is mainly due to their
products. They provide timber for building purposes, fuel
for domestic and industrial purposes, raw material for
industries like match, paper, lac etc., other valuable products
commonly known as minor products, fodder and grazing for
cattle, and leaf mould for manure.
The indirect benefits are mainly through their influence
on climate and the regulation of water supply. Forests are
said to make the climate more equable by increasing
humidity, by reducing evaporation by increasing ptecipitation
of moisture 2 and by moderating the temperature. Working
1. Indian Forest Statistics, (1947-48), 1952, pp, 113,
2, It has not been well established that forest have a direct relation with
the amount of rainfall, and it cannot definitely be asserted that they
increase the amount of rain, ;
( 244 )
like a huge sponge they increase absorption and produce
a sustained feeding of springs and channels, and by checking
the mechanical force of runoff reduce the violence and check
floods. By preserving moisture they check or at least reduce
the severity of drought, By reducing the velocity and
volume of runofl they check soil erosion and by forming
a rich vegetative mould they increase soil fertility- By
changing the surface drainage into subsoil drainage they
help in maintaining the water table and also water storage of
rivers. They are a shelter -to agriculture against cold and
dfy winds, prevent the enchroachmerjt of sand-dunes on
coasts, fix the wind-borne sand in the interior, and reduce
the velocity of air currents. By providing shelter to wild
birds and beasts they provide game, Under certain copdi-
tiops they help in improving health in a country and assist in
defencei By enhancing the beauty of the landscape they
produce a wholesome aesthetic influence on the people,
Lastly, they contribute a net output of about Rs. 60 crores
or '7% to the National Income, provide, directly and indirectly,
employment to about 3 mil. persons, and provide incidental
grazing in govt* forests to 2'5 crore animals at full and
privileged rates and free.* In the days of famines and
fodder scarcity forests render invaluable help. Really
speaking it is not easy to appreciate and appraise fully what
forests mean, and what role they play in the economic
development of a country. There is much truth in the
saying that for every ill there is a plant curing.
Need for Conservation, Let it be fully realized that life
is a phenomenon of norms, a balance between the organic
and the inorganic worjd. Stability of agriculture anc} its
Report of the National Ijicome Committee, 1951, the Report N. P, C,
on Soil Conservation and Afforestation, 1948, and the Indian Forest
Statistics (1947-48), 1952,
( 240
progress depends upon the equilibrium between various
ecological forces. Destruction or exhaustion of one upsets
the normal equilibrium, liberating some destructive forces
which recoil on civilisation and endanger life as such.
Hence the need for maintaining this equilibrium is obvious.
But the pity of things is that the environment cannot be left
untouched by human hand, and the very touch of man in
the process of evolution, while advances civilization, misuses
the resources. In the beginning forests looked like a
hostile element since they occupied the ground which was
needed for growing food. Therefore, in the human struggle
for existence the use of axe or fire against forests was
considered not only fair but the only course, and hence the
attitude and institutions of man leading to a reckless
depletion were quite natural. But now the problems arising
from the pressure of human and bovine population have
gradually become so intense and have developed to such an
extent that this settler's psychology of conquest and destruc-
tion is not only unjust but also dangerous, Almost throughout
the world forests are cut to give place to crops, and it has
been seen everywhere that the natural process of reproduction
and growth by which forests keep alive are incapable of
keeping pace with man's destruction. Fortunately in India
this process has been gradual and slow than in other countries
(6. g,, England, France, Spain, Italy and Greece etc.) where
mechanization took place fast. But even here the destruction
(without replenishing) has been so reckless, spectacular and
has gone to such an extent that, through direct and indirect
influences, that it has already considerably impoverished land
and the people ; and the process is in operation*
The need for conservation is obvious from the discussion
of utility of forests in the previous section. It can farther
be appreciated by considering the dangers of deforestation.
( 246 )
The ravine lands of Northern India specially the Jamna-
Chambal tract, the scantry desert flora seen on the banks of
the Ganges and its tributaries, and in parts of Rajasthan,
Bundelkhand and in and near Mathura district, formerly
dense forests, the vast erosion caused by it as pointed out
by the Central Fodder and Grazing Committee, the irregu-
larity and decline in the rainfall in Madras and South
Peninsula as pointed out by Robertson and Temple, the
gradual silting up of the Mahanadi, Godawari, Krishna,
Brahamani and Son etc,, and the greater violence and the
increasing frequency of floods in east U, P., Bihar, Assam
and Bengal, are soms of the important consequences of
reckless deforestation! For a more spectacular phenomenon
we can look to Arabia, Persia, Syria and Egypt, The need
for conservation can still further be understood by consi-
dering the growing needs for forests and forest products
specially in view the growing pressure of human and bovine
population on the one hand ad the deteriorating land re-
sources on the other.
Forest Products and Industries, Forest products are
generally classified into two categories : (i) major products
which include timber and fire- wood, and (ii) minor products
which include all kinds of forest produce other than timber
comprising all animal, vegetable and mineral products found
in forests, The increase in total revenue of the Forest
Dept, from forests is from Rs. 125 lakhs in 1899-1900 to
Rs. 1449 lakhs in 1947-48, The average yearly production of
the former category is about 375 mil, cubic feet of which
290 mil- cubic feet is timber alone. The more important
timbers are teak, deodar, sal, shisham and mahogani etc*
In market there are more than 30 varieties of timber each
having a number of recognized grades, But we are not
( 24? )
self-sufficient in timber and import considerable quantities
from outside. In minor forest products the country is,
however, very rich. Among the more important classes
are : bamboos, grasses (including grazing), leaves for fodder,
litter and manure, fibres and flosses, oil seeds, tans and dyes,
oils, gums, resins, rubber, drugs, edible products of various
kinds, lac, honey, wax, silk, hides, horns and inory, and a
variety of mineral products The country has almost a
monopoly in la c. It is largely collected in Chhota Nagpur
in Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Vindhya Pradesh, Orissa, Hydera-
bad and Assam. Of the total quantity about 60% is collected
in Chhota Nagpur only, and about 98% of the total produce
is exported principally to U. S. A,, U, K., Germany and
Japan. The imports and exports, the out-turn and the income
ol forest produce during 4748 in the Indian Union was
as follows* :
(a) The Imports and Exports (Lakhs
Products
Gross
Imports
Gross
Exports
Net imports
( + ) or Net
exports ( )
(i) Wood and Timber.
3i7'7
62'8
+ 27-4-9
(ii) Wood Products.
1,255-4
45'8
+ 1,209-6
(iii) Minor Forest Products,
304-2
4194
"- 115-2
Total
1,89>3
528'0
+ 1,369-3
A classification together with a brief description of the more important
products is found in Troup's Indian Forest Utilization, 1913, and much
usainl details are contained in Watt's Commercial Products of
hidii. 190S. * " fc '
Indian Forest Statistics, (1947-48), 1952, Statements XI and XIV,
(b) Total out-tarn*
Forest areas*
Timber
&Fuel
(-000 c. ft.)
Minor
Produce,
(lakhs Rs.)
(i) Reserved Forests.
296-8
207-79
(it) Protected Forests.
32*3
44-34
(iii) Unclassed Forests.
16-9
845
total
362-0*
30275*
(c) Income and Expenditure,
( i ) Total Revenue. (Lakhs Rs,) 1,449*34
(ii) Total Expenditure ( ) 661-08
(iii) Net Revenue ( ) 738'26
(iv) Percentage of net revenue to gross revenue* (/*) 54*39
(v) Net revenue per sq, mile of Forest area
under the control of the Forest Dept. (Rs.) 57100
Recently some minor forest products have assumed great
economic importance, e, g,, sandal-wood oil for perfumery,
neem for making soaps for skin diseases, and some herbs and
drug plants for preparing medicines,
Some important industries and occupation based on
forest products are : building industry, railway and tramway
sleepers, highway bridges, matches, packing cases, transport
vehicles, furniture, boats and dugouts, agricultural imple-
ments, tool handles, toys, textile machinery parts, wood-
distillatiotv, sandtawood carving, and paper making etc.
The possibilities of further development of the forest resources
are suggested specially in the case of ; growing stock, wood
*IiHshidfe figarcs for Jammu & Kashmir; Mysore, Tripufa *i^ Assam-
for which details are not available,
palp manufacture, plywood and veneers, tool handles and
textile machinery parts, preservative treatment and season*
ing of timbers, wood and charcoal gas, pine resin,
improvement in methods of extraction, tanning, lac, artificial
silk and other forest cottage industries,
Forests as a crop. Forestry is a very slow business
because of the length of time required to grow a crop of
trees, which is, however, governed by soil, climate and
species. Usually it takes 40 to 150 years or more to grow
a forest. Even experiments seldom tak^e less than 5 yews
to complete, oiten they take 10 to 15 years, aad even 30
years* There is a lower rate of return on forest investments
than on business investment.* Besides, nature plays a mpre
important role than in agriculture, and therefore large areas
are needed for profitable forestry. Lastly, forests can grow
on sub-marginal lands, and being pushed more and more
by agricultural extension to the margins of cultivated lands,
they tend to occupy the residual lands. This should not
giv an impression that they can grow anywhere, Like
other crops they are also limited by soil and climatic factors,
Administration, The gpyetno^eiU became alive to the
consequences of reckless deforestation long back, and during
the British period the first o^g^^ed step to protect them
was taken during Lord Dalhousie's ticae, about JS55, when
conservators of Forests existed in Bombay, Madras and
Burma. Other ^ppoirxto^ents followed soon, and in 186* an
organized State Pept^^j!^^r^I^$p^c^o^Ge^ t erfLlQf Forests
An understocked forest often has to wither again to lose all increment
to date^r be kept perhaps {ox 50 jrears, .gjve.aiow yieW. mid, then star,*
again. (N, P, C.)
*P. Heske, German Forestry, 1938, quoted by Ely and Wehrweio,
Land Economics, 1940.
32
( 250 )
Was established. Since then the Central Dept, has grown
and the State Depts. have been established.
The old forest policy was announced in 1894 when the
Government of India issued a circular with regard to forests,
based on the following principles:
(0) The preservation of climatic and physical conditions
of the country being most important sufficient forest area
was to be retained, (ft) the general well-being of the people
comes next, (o) though cultivation is of greater importance
than forestry, permanent cultivation should not reduce forest
below the prescribed minimum, (d) Revenue should be
realized to the maximum but only after meeting the require-
ments of the rural and local population free or at conces-
sional rates.
In order of importance they classified the forests into
four heads :
(1) Forests the preservation of which was essential on
climatic and physical grounds ;
(ii) Those which supplied valuable timber for commercial
purposes ;
(iii) Minor forests including tracts which, though true
forests, produced inferior timber or smaller growths of
better sorts ; and,
(iv) Pastures and grazing grounds proper, which were
usually forests only in name.*
Though the main concern of forest administration has
been to increase the revenue, forest administration has
been aiming at eliminating the danger of overworking
the forests, and increasing the yielding capacity, This
has been done successfully, as was apparent from the
replies given by various States to the questions of the Sub-
4i m!? ep0rt f tbe Royal Comraissi n on Indian Agriculture, para
2*5 t
( 251 )
Committee on Soil Conservation and Afforestation. They
were unanimous about the general mismanagement
and rapid destruction of all private forests, but about
State forests they held that, though most of the States
had their own working plans, they were managed better
and scientifically as far as policy, knowledge and funds
permitted, For about 50 years of the existence of Forest
Department in India, the value of research in forestry
was not recognized and promoted, In 1906 the Forest
Research Institute was established at Dehra Dun, which
was further enlarged in accordance with the recommen-
dations of the Indian Industrial Commission, 1918. It
provides training for the forest services in India and car-
ries on research in forestry and forest products, It is in
close touch with the Forest Departments of the States,
and hence the results of research find quick and effec-
tive application by the States. Many valuable investi-
gations have been undertaken and a steady progress is made
in scientific and practical knowledge which has consider*
ably improved the productivity, and has ensured fuller
and better utilization of forests. At present some impor-
tant problems to which they are paying attention are to
find suitable wood for aircraft production, for battery
separators, for electrical purposes and for producing cheap
printing paper. The Planning Commission, however, feel
that there is considerable scope for improvement in secur-
ing the utilization of the results of research on the forest
products by commercial and industrial interests. For en-
suring closer contact between the Institute and the interest
utilizing timber and forest products, liaison and pub-
licity arrangements at the Institute need to be streng-
thened *
Commission, The First Five Year Plan, p. 133. 1951,
( 268 )
The Future Qtfttook. It should be appreciated that even
in the most favourable conditions forest take at tea*t
30 years to be created, but can be lost in an incredibly
short time either as a direct consequence of itfjtidici&as
interference by roan, or indirectly, from Ms tfegtect dr
lack of knowledge and supervision, The extent of actual
deforestation! their depletion and deterioration hav gone
to an extent that they are now inadequate, badly dis-
tributed and, are, in tnany ways, adversely affecting the
productivity of tend and impoverishing the people. Hence
the need for preservation and development is quite obviotis.
But it should be remembered that utility is measured
in terms of the satisfaction of social needs, Though the
principle function of forestry is to conserve and develop
forests, it has an important role of serving as the hand-
maid of agriculture, a fact that was emphasized by the
Royal Commission on Indian Agriculture that as a general
principle the policy of the Forest Department should be
so directed as to serve agricultural interests and administer
for the public benefit, The Planning Commission, how-
ever, rightly observe that a stage has been reached where
forestry should no longer be regarded as a handmaid of
agriculture but as a necessftry complement to it
The role of foresls in agriculture is tremendous specially
in view of the provision of fuel which helps in saving the so
extensively available and cheap manure,* timber for imple-
ments and houses, grating and fodder for cattle, decreasing
the pressure on land by providing employment, regulating
water supply, cheeking floods and erosion and moderating
the climate. But that is not their only role, and the only
criterion for forest policy afod administration. They have
*A recent experiment in Madhya Pradesh shows that charcoal is able
to compete under certain circumstances with petrol as motor fuel, (N, P.O.)
other equally tfftpoittnt rotea to 'pity, t,&, pr&temitefc of
Jrttyaical and climatic ConditOtis, provision of raw ttttert^s
for mduatrial atfd fctaffletthU purposes and industrial* ftwl.
The forest policy should keep in mind (bese rteecteako,
Forests are a renewable national asset capable of jriddteg
under proper scientific management nfit only a steady
annual income but also a variety of products essemialfof
hiicoan welfare. They Should be treated as a capital which
has been handed fo us in trust by our ancestors, and Whteh
we should pass on intact, and if possible improved, to future
generations, Inroads have been made into the forest capital
during the war and in the post-war years, specially in
private forests, as a result of the threat of the extinction of
private ownership. This has to be made good as far as
possible, and forests have to be preserved as a national
heritage.
Some important aspects are : management, finances,
research, transport, fires, and forest tribes, etc. In govern-
ment forests the management is said to be satisfactory, bat
not so in private forests* In some parts, after the abolition
6f private rights lorests have come under state management,
but in the remaining parts it should be improved through legisla-
tion. In states organized working plans should be created
Where there are not, and the level of working pltns should
be kept to the state of progress in forests. Besides, forestry
should be judged by the long run financial results rftther
than by the immediate surplus; and adequate . money snd
technical know-how should be provided for silvicultural
tesearch. Suitable meftns of transport should be developed
so as to make forest more accessible, and the transport
costs must be reduced, Water transport is said to be cheapest ;
in Germany, Canada and Finland waterways have
found to create Industries; toftefrjso rivers flowing t
( 204 )
or aear forests should be examined to float timber* Destruc-
tive Ares in summers, which are a common feature
specially in drier forests, should be minimised by depart-
mental light winter firing and other protective and preventive
measures-* And lastly, the welfare of forest tribes is linked
up with development of forests, They provide labour for
forest operations and collect most of the minor products.
They- should be organized into cooperatives, and forest
produce should be collected through them, instead of
auctioning the rights to contractors who exploit them,
Forests cannot be grown in cities, but in rural areas, and
even there in view of the urgent needs of agriculture, they
will be pushed to sub-marginal lands. But they cannot be
grown everywhere ; like crops they have also limiting
factors. Besides, in view of transport costs, it is not
economical to transport forest materials to plains. Fuel can
never be carried so cheaply as to compete with cowdung.
The only solution to this problem is to grow forests in plains
near villages*
* Forest fires do a tremendous damage in the form of burning wood, soil
runoff, and inundation etc. The first measure is controlled grazing in
hot weather, and the later measure is deliberate light winter burning to
prevent later destructive conflagrations, It is a lesser evil, and is said to
have little deleterious effects on tree growth and soil erosion. But in the
interest of preserving grass growth for grazing, controlled grazing as a
measure of fire protection is now considered a better alternative Besides,
in Bihar the early experiments were found positively injurious in drier
forests, and the practice is given up But in the moist forests of Bombay
it is regularly practised, and has not promoted either erosion or floods,
In U. P. the effects on grassy forests are not injurious, but in Bundelkhand
and Chirpine forests, though erosion has increased, it has been a lesser
evil, In drier mixed forests some deleterious effects may occur, but it is
pointed out that burning stimulates the activity of soil bacteria and no alter-
native and equally effective practicable treatment for minimising the
damage from late fires has so far been found. (N. P C.)
In 194748 of the total forest area under the control of the Forest
Department, 57'8% was attempted to be protected against fire. The percen-
tage of failure to area attempted being about 5, about 76 thousand sq. mile?
or nearly 95% of the attempted area was protected* (I, F, S,)
C 255 )
V. LAND RECLAMATION AND AGRICULTURAL
EXTENSION.
Idea of Land Reclamation. Ordinarily it is not apprecia-
ted that in every country land reclamation has been a major
factor in advancing civilization. Though the processes, the
standards and the results have been different in different
countries, it has everywhere increased land resources, and
thereby enlarged the opportunities of earning livelihood
from land. The advantages may be nation-wide, regional,
local or merely individual, but broadly speaking, it has
promoted national welfare.
Technically defined it means 'the operations and pro-
cesses of bringing into high grade of usefulness in crop
production lands which at the inception of the undertaking
are' either in an unproductive state or are of inferior or
limited capacity to produce 1 * 1 This is an advanced view,
and projected to its full meaning it will include all the
processes and stages from making land fit for agricultural
operation upto complete settlement. But more generally,
by the term land reclamation is understood the actual land
improvement so as to make it productive ; and the subsequent
steps (e. g. financing, actual settlement, cropping scheme etc.),
ntey be attempted unrelatedly or may be motivated by
different purposes* It implies some degree ol betterment
in making land useful. As such its forms, depending upon
the type of land and purpose, are divergent, and it may
involve: washing of alkali areas, soil corrections in arid
and semi-arid portions, clearing of weeds and other undesir-
able flora, draining of swamps and too wet lauds in humid
areas, recovering of submerged land or land from sea 9 , and
1, F. Adams, Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, Vol. 13-14, p, 160,
2, The natural process of recovering land from sea is called 'accretion, '
and rightly speaking is not called reclamation which refers to artificial
arrangements,
alto if rigtadon which is said to be fuily exampttfying reclama-
tion as an economic and Asocial mstitution.
Agencies. It can be .done by governments, organized
bodies and institutions .and individuals* But large scale
operations cannot be attempted by individuals on techni-
cal and financial grounds. The powers of organized bodies
like the co-operative societies, corporations and authori-
ties are also limited OQ legislative side. They have to
be armed with such powers through special legislation.
The best agency for any large-scale operation is the
government, whose part is not confined to finanpial aid
only. Even when no finances are involved, ipany other
things are to be done by the government e.g., investi-
gation of opportunities for the best means of carrying
out reclamation, administration of reclamation laws and
settlement etc. Besides their financial aid ranges from
bearing the entire cost to simply subsidising individuals
to partly meeting the cost even through indirect means
such as concessions in rent and irrigation charges o&
reclaimed lands. However, even government activity an,d
initiative is limited so long as private interests aje in-
volved. For success their cooperation is necessary. Fur-
ther nationalization of land before reclamation operations
are not necessary, as is believed by some economists**
Method! of Redwwtlan, Ihey haye partly be*a.dt>
cused under the section 'method* oi erosion control',
specially referi^g to r^ius^tion of ravine land* Fur-
ther Jfce q*ethds ( of re^i^ atbar ty^of laads have
been diapus^d in detail by the Cgimaiittee op Soil Amelio-
ration (of the Board of Agriculture and Animal lju
*Ur. B*i>it Smgh believes that ' :fora piammd soheme of land
re(^W^ioa and improvement ail, land to be brou^bt ua4er opwatwo
should first be nationalised', (Whither Agriculture in India, p, 44; 1945).
(
bandry in India) and the Usar Land R^Ql^mation Commi-
ttee, U, P. As a matter of fact .the type of land d$ter-
mines the method of reclamation.
Alkali lands are mainly of two types > Soils charac-
terized by excess of soluble salts, and soils having abnor-
mal amounts of replaceable sodium* The former can be
reclaimed by leaching only, while the latter require the
conversion of sodium clay into calcium for whiph heavy
doses of irrigation water followed by suitable crop rota-
tions are most effective, Systematic cropping is necessary
to check the reappearance of alkali in reclaimed area?*
In some places simple leaching combined with deep cul-
tivation has given successful results. The alkali lands
known as 'Bari' are said to respond well to the treat-
ment with gypsum and calcium chloride, but it is an ex-
pensive method. In the case of the canal irrigated lands
in the Punjab, where a rise in the sub-soil water level
resulted in excessive alkali formation, deep open drains
around blocks of suitable size followed by heavy leach*
ing combined with the application of gypsum, have been
adopted. The next stage w.as cropping wit)) .rice and
then berseem, The waste lands in north Bihar, having
high PH, and which cannot be definitely classed as usar
or kallar l can be reclaimed through liberal doses of
organic apd green m.anuripg. The u?e of molasses as a
^claiming and fertilizing a^ent is said to be hopeful,
specially ia areas near suga,r factories, where the trans-
port costs of molasses do not become exhorbitant, Similarly
The U. P, Usar Lan4 J&eclaraafcan , ,
culture for improving intractable alkali areas has not yet established
its effectiveness ; and gypsum; sulphur ahd iron sulphate will generally
he .ip.qcpirtw.MViOT' 8 ty r<^ama#m, *%ay jnrot.
.. .
further the possibilities of using molasses as a reclaiming and
* x
( 358 )
leaching is recommended for areas where surplus canal
water is available ; and sinking of wells and construction of
bundhs is good on contour lines for impounding rain-water in
other areas in addition to working out appropriate types
of saltworts suitable for alkali soils. In water-logged
areas construction of shallow drainage cuts is required.
For the waste lands whose cultivation is not likely to
be enonomic, a system of controlled rotational grazing by
paddocks and utilization of pockets of good soil for plan*
tation of trees, leaving the surrounding usar land for
improved fodder, is suggested. The unculturable wastes
consisting of ravines should be managed to produce the
type of vegetation they are capable of and suitable for
producing. This will indirectly benefit the nearby land
and check further deterioration of ravines themselves* In
areas having perennial deep-rooted 'tans', specially in
Bundelkhand, Madhya Pradesh and Bhopal, tractor culti-
vation is supposed to be effective, and the Indore Instt*
tute adopted a much simple method of eradication by
occasional deep cultivation with the help of an adjust-
able 'fttffckar' drawn by four bullocks But the reappear-
ance of ham shows that these methods have not succeeded*
Extension of Agriculture. There is a general feeling of
optimism regarding the possibilities of bringing fresh land
under the plough, and thereby enhancing agricultural produc-
tion and solving the food problem, specially in view of
the vast areas of culturable land lying uncultivated. But a
closer study and the analysis of the nature and quality of
this land, and the limitations to cultivate them, shatter that
facile optimism* The earlier estimates of the total area of
waste land which can be brought under Cultivation ranging
from 96 to 150 million acres, should not be taken to be very
reliable. The most recently available data regarding land
( 259 )
classification is given in section II of this chapter, and a
repitition of that is being avoided here. The Ministry of
Agriculture, Government of India, thought that nearly 85
million acres of culturable waste land existed in the country
and of this only 10 million acres was good, fertile and cul-
turable. The 6 years reclamation programme worked out
by the Food and Agricultural Ministry was to add 2 million
tons of food grains annually. To fully implement the
programme of the Food Grains Policy Committee estimates
of the lands which were to be reclaimed were : Punjab '5,
U. P. i'O, Bihar *2, Assam 4*0, Orissa I'O, Madhya Pradesh
1*0, Malwa Union 1*0, Madras Agency Tract I'O and Vindhya
Union '5, with a total of 10*2 million acres. The target of
self-sufficiency included only expansion of 8 lakhs acres
yielding 3 lakhs tons of additional food by March 1952,
The present programme aims at reclaiming 6 mil. acres
which include about 4 million acres of weed infested areas
which are mostly private lands and require deep ploughing
with a view to eradicating the root system oi weeds, and
about 2 million acres of other idle lands termed as 'New',
consisting mostly of government owned scrub jungles. They
are as follows :
States. New Land Weed infested
(mil, acres.) (mil. acres.)
E, Punjab -5 Nil
E. Punjab States '2 Nil
Orissa '5 Nil
Madhya Pradesh .- '6
Uttar Pradesh '5 -3
Bihar '2 -15
Madhya Bharat Nil 1-4
Bombay '3 '8
Bhopal Nil *4
Jaipur and Vindhya Pradesh Nil *11
Total 2'2 3-?6
( 266 )
This plan is t&sed on the data furnished by states Which
roadfe an overall survey before supplying the figures; Large
areas of waste land In othf provinces which *re fefdamtfbte
are not included in this scheme, since the intention is to
tackle those areas first which will lend themselves easily
to mechanized operation so that maximum effort could be
put forth in increasing food productfon within the shortest
possible time. The fundamental point in the plan is to
make lands immediately available for increased food
production so as to reduce and ultimately wipe out the food
imports. The plan, therefore, concentrates for the present
on thejreclamation of land in respect of which information
is available, and which satisfies two conditions : (i) the lands
are in large blocks of at least 500 acres each, so as to facili-
tate the mechanical reclamation, and (ii) they are either
scrub jungles with spare tree growth or are weed infested, on
which crops can be grown after reclamation, About 50 lakh
acres was to be taken in the first year and then the area
was to be increased subsequently. The entire cost is Rs, 266
crores. Various targets have been fixed for each part of
the scheme, land reclamation being the largest item. The
dollar requirements are Rs. 71*08 crores and the sterling
requirements Rs. 64'93 crores ; they will be spent within
3 years for purchasing requisite machinery and equipments,
The Indian part of the 
