Essays, historical, moral, political, and agricultural

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*

4

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I

ESSAYS,
• S&*&?<

HISTORICAL, MORAL,
POLITICAL

AND

AGRICULTURAL.

'* Where * rational1 liberty is, there is my country.*'

Franklin.

14 In proportion as the structure of a government gives
force to pub lick opinion, it is essential that publick opiii-
ion should be enlightened." Washington.

** Reason and free inquiry are the only effectual agent*
against error." Jefferson.

BY CHRISTOPHER MANWARING,

OF NEW-LONDON, CONN.

NEW-LONDON :

PRINTED BY SAMUEL GREEN, FOR THE AUTHOR..
1829.

.v

5V^VV».

DISTRICT OF CONNECTICUT, as.

BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the thirtieth
day of March, in the fifty-third year of the Independ-
:enceofthe United States of America, CHRISTO
PHER MANWARING, of the said District, hath de
posited in this office the title of a Book, the right
whereof he claims as Author, in the wo»ds following, to wit :

" Essays historical, moral, political and agricultural, by Chris
topher Manwaring, of New-London, Conn.

"Where 'ra/ionariiberty is, there it my Country." — Franklin.
" Tu proportion as the structure of a government gives force to
publick opinion, it is essential that publick opinion should be en
lightened." — Washington*

u Reason and free inquiry are the only effectual agents
against error." — Jefferson.

In conformity to the act of Congress of the TJr.ited States, en
titled, " An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing
the copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the authors and pro
prietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned.'' —
And also to the act entitled, "An act supplementary to an act,
entitled « An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing
the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprie
tors of such copies during the times therein mentioned,' and ex
tending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving,
and etching historical and otTier prints."

CHARLES A. INGERSOLL,

Clerk of the District oj Connecticut.
A true copy of Record, examined and sealed by me,
CHARLES A. INGERSOLL,

Clerk of the District of Connecticut.

MdS

ADVERTISEMENT.

TO THE PUB LICK.

THE following Essays are extracts
from productions, written between the
years 1803 and 1825 ; not, however, with
a design to the press : but on reviewing,
it was thought they might be of publick
utility ; and in revising, such parts have
been selected, as were supposed to be
most conducive to that end.

When speaking of different religions
I have given that of Jesus Christ the
preference. When speaking of sects, no
distinction has been made. This is not
the business of a politician. Indeed, it
does not come within his province.

Against having any particular denom
ination established bylaw, the author has

* ADVERTISEMENT.

taken a decided stand ; viewing a na
tional religion a national evil, unless all
can agree to the same creed, without co
ercion.

Perhaps it may be thought, by some,
I have borne too hard upon the British
nation ; but I wish to have it clearly un
derstood, that wrhat is said on this subject
is of particular application to the govern
ment and administration, As a people I
love them : their patriotism, manners,
company and language, I prefer to those of
any country, excepting my own. To give
them their due, the English have carried
the arts and sciences to a greater degree
of perfection, than any other nation ; while
the ministry and administration have been
tyrannical and oppressive, in the extreme.

The experiment is to be tried, whether
the revolutionary principles, as exhibited
in the declaration of independence, and
the constitution of the United States, will
stand : they, being the most conducive to
the happiness of mankind, have a decid-

ADVERTISEMENT. 5

ed preference over monarchy and aristoc
racy. To accomplish the object, it is ne
cessary to resort to those principles. It is
in this way, and by instilling into the
minds of youth ideas of rational liberty,
that this best of all forms of governmentj
and its excellent institutions, can be es
tablished for the benefit of the present^
and from principle, habit, and education
descend to succeeding generations.

In the title page, there are sentences
selected from the writings of the most
distinguished statesmen, that this country
ever produced, and who were the most
prominent leaders in the American Revo
lution, It is designed that every page of
this work shall accord with the sentiments
of these men, presuming that whatever
has been written by Franklin and Wash
ington, and approved of by Jefferson,
must be deemed politically correct.

Conscious my design is good, I should
extremely regret, should publick expect
ation be disappointed.

THE AUTHOR.

ESSAYS, &c.

ESSAY L

DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT OF AMERICA.

IN the History of North America, there
are four important periods, namely :

The Discovery. — The Settlement by
Europeans. — The Separation from the
Mother Country.— And the Establishment
of a system of government differing from
every other on earth.

So important an event as the first dis
covery, cannot be viewed as uninterest
ing ; especially, as the circumstances
which led to it, are well calculated to en
force upon mankind the belief that Ameri
ca was the part of the Globe reserved by
heaven as the asylum for the oppressed of

8 DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT

all nations. In this event we are forcibly
struck with the interposition of Divine
Providence, with respect to the discovery
and its first settlement by Europeans.

North America was discovered in the
year 1492. The reformation by Luther
commenced in 1517 — so that there is but
the difference of twenty five years be
tween the discovery and reformation.

During the long period of one thousand
years, previous to the illustrious era of the
reformation, the whole world was envelop
ed in ignorance. A period which has
been justly termed by historians, the dark
ages or the night of time. The papal
church had extended her dominion
throughout Christendom — the religion of
the gospel was not only corrupted, but
the most monstrous absurdities, delusions
and cruelties, were introduced and practi
sed. The arrogance, impiety and extrava
gance of the Priests, could be exceeded
only by the ignorance, credulity and blind
submission of the Priest rid-den People.

OF AMERICA- 9

The bare recollection of the wickedness
of that age, is enough to make the blood
run cold, and freeze the soul with horror !
This was the first union of church and
state. It took place under the reign of
Constantine> in the fourth century; and
such has been its accursed effects, to the
present period.

The reformation by Luther progress
ed with astonishing rapidity ; it took place
in England under the reign of Henry VIII,
about eighteen }rears from its commence
ment, at which time, nearly one half of the
Christian world had become protestant.
In France and those countries where the
civil power was in favour of popery, the
protestants suffered the most cruel and un
heard of persecutions, greater by far than
had been experienced by the Christians
from the heathen. In England the same
system was not only tolerated, but estab
lished, by law. From the persecutions
on the continent, who could have supposed
that the same evil for conscience sake,

10 DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT

would so soon have found its way into
England, and as the Protestants had so
recently felt the full force of z7, it seems
almost incredible that they should so soon
imbrue their hands in the blood of their
fellow Christians.

But thus are we again reminded of the
direful effects of religious establishments,
by law. For scarce had the dreadful
storm subsided, when it again arose,
spending its force on the devoted Puri
tans. It had just been Papist against
Protestant ; but it is now Protestant
against Puritan. The only alternative is
conformity to the established order, fines,
imprisonment, banishment, or death. —
These different modes of punishment
were inflicted in some instances under
circumstances of aggravated cruelty.

At such a time what was to be done ?
They might indeed have sacrificed their
consciences to the lust arid ambition of
tyrants and been received into royal fa
vour. But this woulJ not do. No ! Here

OF AMERICA. 11

were men who would not surrender then
rights — Rights to which they were enti
tled by the God of nature, to any power
on earth. Thus straitened which way
to look for relief; not a civilized spot
on the Globe, offered itself to their long
ing eyes. To no place could they flee
and find refuge, but to this newly discov
ered world. What was the prospect be
fore them? an extensive ocean ; a dan
gerous coast ; a wilderness inhabited by
savages and beasts of prej . What but
the most daring enterprise, the most
finished fortitude, could have qualified
men, with their families, for such an un
dertaking. Nothing but liberty and the
grace of God. Yes ! that liberty, civil
and religious, the love of which is strong
er than death. — Under such circumstan
ces, these intrepid adventurers embarked,
and with their wives and children, were
preserved through the perils of the track
less deep, reached in safety their desi
red country ; and after encountering in-

12 DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT

numerable hardships, by indefatigable in
dustry, they changed this wilderness into a
habitable world.

And here permit me for a moment to ar
rest your attention, and ask, whether you
can cast a reflection on the first discovery
of this country, the parallel event of the re
formation, and the consequent persecution
that drove the first emigrants from their na
tive land, without being impressed with the
signal interposition and systematick opera
tion of Divine Providence, in reserving
and preparing this country as an asylum
for the persecuted of all nations, and lay
ing the foundation of a vast republick,
where civil and religious freedom might be
enjoyed, and thence diffused to the whole

family of man.-

Wonderful, divine interposition !
Incredible human intrepidity !

At our first thought, we exclaim, Oh
the goodness of God — how excellent is
thy name in all the earth ! Therefore
do the sons of men delight to put their

OF AMERICA. 13

trust under the shadow of thy wings. —
Therefore do we look unto Thee as our
God, and the God of our fathers. Our
next thought is — pious and venerable an
cestors, what could have induced you to
have exchanged your once pleasant
homes, for this howling wilderness. —
Surely no pecuniary consideration. No !
It was liberty — liberty, civil and reli
gious—for the enjoyment of which, you
were willing to suffer the loss of all things ;
and which your posterity have since fought
and bled to establish and perpetuate.

It would seem, if there ever was a race
of men, who claimed superior homage, it
must be these ; and our first impulse is,
to bow down with all reverence, before
these illustrious shades. Yet while we
mention their names with veneration, and
applaud the spirit with which they opposed
oppression and surmounted difficulty, the
idea recurs, were these perfect ? By no
means. — Would they persecute? Yes,

14 DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT

they did persecute. No sooner had they
become settled, than they exercised to
wards others, the same intolerance they
had experienced in England, It was not
now protestant against puritan, but puri
tan against quaker, baptist, and in fact,
every man that would not bend to their
established form ; and if the persecution
was not equal in degree, it was in nature
the same, and circumstances considered,
more blameable than that which they had
suffered.

This was the fittest time to have estab
lished a form of government, guarantee
ing both civil and religious freedom. But
this was not done — and since even these,
our illustrious ancestors, men of holy lives,
great independence and incorruptible in
tegrity, since even these were bigots and
persecutors, where are the men who would
not persecute, if they had the means ? —
The inference therefore is, that as re
publicans and Christians, the best and
safest way is for the people to retain the

OF AMERICA. 15

power, and be extremely cautious, how
they delegate it to anybody of men wheth
er civil or ecclesiastical.

Infallibility belongs to God alone. When
applied to man, the term is inadmissible.
It is the very foundation of popery. All
the mischief of popery arose from the cre
dulous idea that the pope was God's vice
gerent on earth, and could not err. And>
in this place, another idea might be advan
ced, which if possible, should be written*
or rather stamped with indelible characters
upon all our hearts. It is this — whenever
any particular religion, whether Jewish,
Christian, pagan or mahometan, or any
particular sect, whether roman catholick,
episcopalian, presbyterian, congrega-
tionalist, baptist, quaker, or methodist,
is established by law, such establishment
necessarily presupposes infallibility, and
partakes of the nature of popery; and in
whatever part of the world it may exist,
whether in India, Italy, Arabia, Geneva5
Old or New England, is totally immaterial,

16 DISCOVERY, SETTLEMENT, &c.

and whoever be at the head of it, whether
pope Herod, pope Mahomet, pope Pius,
pope George, pope Calvin, or pope D — 5
is equally so ; it is popery in nature, and
in proportion as it prevails, will end, in
a greater or lesser degree, in the before
mentioned evils, resulting from a union of
church and state. Be therefore determin
ed by the grace of Gcd, that wherever
your lot may be cast, if religious establish
ments exist in that place, to profess your
self a protestant — protesting against po
pery of every shape, name, and degree.
Let God be the object of your worship,
the bible your creed, Christianity your re
ligion, conscience God's vicegerent, the
world your platform, and man the object
of your benevolence.

Although intolerant and oppressive to
wards others, our ancestors boldly assert
ed their own rights. Whether from con
quest, possession, or by tenure of charters
from European monarchs, they consider
ed the soil as their own, and were deter-

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 17

mined, (as in the case of their religious
principles,) that it should suffer no inva
sion. It was doubtless owing to this un
conquerable spirit of liberty, (though at
that time accompanied with much obstin
acy,) which they instilled into the minds
of their posterity, that stimulated our fa
thers to that noble and successful stand
against the tyranny of Britain, in the cases
of the stamp act, tea act, and that pre
sumptive act of parliament, declaring
"they had a right to bind us in all cases
whatsoever," — an act of finished tyranny.

ESSAY II.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

THIS leads us to the third important pe
riod in the annals of our history — the se
paration from our mother country. We
call it the American revolution— the court
of St. James — the rebellion of the colo-

B2

18 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

nies. In this violent struggle between li
berty and slavery, the finger of God is no
less conspicuous than in the creation and
preservation of man ; and it may be con
sidered as a principal link in the chain of
events, to emancipate man from the thral
dom in which he has ever been held by his
fellow mortals. Every feature in this revo
lution is important, not only to those who
achieved it, but to us and our posterity.
The parties engaged, the principles invol
ved, the means employed, the end accom
plished — tyranny defeated, liberty trium
phant, independence acknowledged, and
finally, the great example to the \vorld>
and its consequent blessings, all conspire
to exhibit in one view, one of the most in
teresting scenes that can be presented to
mankind.

The author has spoken and meant to
speak of our venerable ancestors, with ap
probation, and hopes he has bestowed on
them their due share of praise ; but cir
cumstances considered, he must give the

AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 19

preference to the men who made and sign
ed tKe declaration of independence ; —
if they were not more courageous they
were more liberal — if they were not more
religious they were more virtuous and tol
erant. They might not have loved their
own particular sect so well ; but as they
were friends to civil and religious liberty,
they were more benevolent, and liked the
inheritors of the soil better. One cannot
contemplate the act without astonishment.
What was their situation ? Small in num
bers, scanty in resources, unskilled in arms
and the arts of war, thinly spread over an
extensive country, vulnerable in every
part, liable to the attacks of hostile fleets>
that had bid defiance to the ocean, and
with frontiers exposed to the enemy, as
sisted by the merciless savage. — Under
these circumstances, was the declaration
of independence made. Thus situated'
our fathers, sensible of their own weak
ness, looked to heaven for support— the
appeal was solemn and sincere. — It was

20 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

registered by the " recording Angel" —
answered by assistance, and rewarded by
success.— -Hear what they say. ''Our
cause is just, our union is perfect. — We
are reduced to the alternative of choosing
an unconditional submission by force, or
death: — 7 he latter is our choice ; we have
Counted the cost and find nothing so dread
ful as voluntary slavery." What was the
result ? — They fought, they bled, their
prayers were heard ; (and they are always
heard in the cause of liberty) they con
quered ; and to this conquest do we owe
our independence, and our exemption
from the subsequent wars, heavy debts,
and ruinous policy of Great Britain. The
contest ended, and in favour of the rights
of man ; what those rights were, was yet
to be determined, They knew what had
been wrong, and had now to decide what
was right. And this leads us to the fourth
important period, the establishment of a
new form of government, differing from
every other on earth.

OF GOVERNMENT. 21

As yet we consisted of thirteen separ
ate states. A federal compact was ne
cessary, to our union, strength and per
manency. — The experiment was hazard
ous, but it was made, and we succeeded in
establishing a constitution, admirably cal
culated to keep up the representative sys
tem in full vigour ; and which if found de
fective, can be amended and altered, at
pleasure — and by it, thank God, as a na
tion, we enjoy liberty of conscience, and
freedom from ecclesiastical intolerance.
In this undertaking, if we consider the na
ture of man, the divine agency is no less
apparent than in the discovery, settle
ment, and happy revolution of our
country.

ESSAY III.

OF GOVERNMENT.

As the prosperity, happiness and liberty
of every man, is in a great measure, con-

22 OF GOVERNMENT.

nected with government, it becomes his
duty as well as his interest, to be acquaint
ed with its principles. And I shall attempt
to show that a republican or representa
tive form of government, securing equal
rights and privileges to all, is not only the
best of all others, but the only one con
sistent with the prosperity, happiness and
improvement of mankind-

From the persevering labors of suc
ceeding generations, almost every art and
science has been progressing towards a
state of. perfection, while the science of
government, of all others the most easy to
be understood, has been enveloped in
mystery, for the purpose of imposing on,
plundering, and enslaving mankind. — We
find that in almost every country in Europe
the same systems which were established
in remote ages, still continue. — But to
America was reserved the important pri
vilege of taking the first effectual step to
wards political perfection, and to teach an
ignorant world not by theory only, butbj

OF GOVERNMENT. 23

practice, that men were capable of gov
erning themselves.

At the commencement of the American
revolution, "long lost liberty'' once more
began to dawn upon the world. Previous
to that important period, we existed under
a monarchical government, which we by
experience found to be a tyrannical one, as
is the case with all monarchies. What
end had America in view during the re
volutionary contest? Liberty and inde
pendence. — Does not this imply that we
were before in a state of vassalage and
dependence ? After we had obtained the
end for which we supported the perilous
conflict, was then a form of government
consistent with liberty and independence
established? We think so. The same
form of government now exists, and it is
the duty of every American firmly and
unceasingly to support it. All have the
greatest inducements to perpetuate it, as
it is the only form conducive to social
happiness.

24 OF GOVERNMENT.

Under a real republican government,
all enjoy equal rights — all stand on a level
and act on one common floor. — Rights are
not transferable like property. — A man
may give all his estate to a favourite child,
but he cannot bequeath to one greater
privileges in society than another. The
fee absolute of rights does not exist ex
clusively in our ancestors, ourselves nor
our children, all are but tenants for life in
this great freehold* Wherever inequality
of rights exists in a state, it is clearly an
as-sumption of one part, and a robbery of
the other — When a law exists, allowing
the right of electing, or being elected, to
men possessing a certain quantity of pro.
perty, and excluding those who do not
possess such a quantity, it is evident, that
this inequality is created by men posses
sing that quantity, who have invested
themselves with power, as a self created
part, to the exclusion of the rest. This
principle is not only unjust but dangerous .
because it must exclude a large number

OF GOVERNMENT. 25

who cannot feel themselves interested in
supporting a government in which they
can have no voice. The principle is ab
surd and unreasonable, be the property
more or less, on which rights are made
to depend.

A real republican government, is not
only the best and most just, but it is by
far the strongest and most safe, —for the
security and strength of a government most
certainly must depend on the numbers
who feel themselves interested in support
ing it. And consequently, that govern
ment cannot be so strong and permanent,
which excludes a part from having a voice
in it. It is true, while men can be kept
in ignorance, and persuaded they have
not rights in society, they may be govern
ed the same as beasts of burden, and in a
political sense, become " hewers of wood,
and drawers of water," for others : but it is
equally true, that when the ignorance is
gone, and the delusion vanished — when
they become enlightened, and feel their

26 OF GOVERNMENT.

due consequence in society, that it then
becomes impossible to deceive them as
before. " The fraud being once detected
cannot be reacted.'7

We have read of rebellions, dissentions
and civil wars, which originated in op
pression, and an abridgment of natural
rights ; but we never read, heard, or knew
of the liberties of a nation being destroy
ed, or government being in danger, in
consequence of all enjoying the fruits of
their industry, and the free exercise cf
their natural rights ; therefore, the most
just, and by far the most safe way, is for
all to enjoy the privilege of exercising
them. It is this principle of full and com
plete representation, which renders a
government equal, — and by interesting
the whole in its support, gives it strength
and permanancy.

Another distinguishing excellency of a
real republican government, is this ; that
under it every person may enjoy the free
exercise of his religious opinions. — When

OF GOVERNMENT. 27

they read of fines, imprisonment, banish
ment, loss of property and lives, in con
sequence of ecclesiastical establishments
by law, some are apt to form an unfavour
able opinion of the Christian religion, and
think it the cause of those things. But
this is an unjust inference, and far from
being the case. The religion of the gos
pel is exactly the reverse in its operation,
and has a direct tendency to unite men. —
Its true spirit and language is " peace on
earth and good will towards men," And
it must be completely reversed from the
original design, when used under a cloak
for the purpose of sanctioning war and.
ill will, and made to subserve the passions
of its worldly hypocritical professors, or
pretended friends.

As a free, regular government, never
stands in need of ecclesiastical establish
ments to uphold it ; so pure and undefiled
religion flourishes best while standing on
its own foundation ; without human laws,
carnal weapons, or the arm of flesh, to

28 OF GOVERNMENT.

aid its support. But, as a corrupt, tyran
nical government, always needs a corrupt
religion, as a prop to prevent its falling,
so a corrupt religion would fall of itself,
was it not upheld by human institutions.
Under a truly free government, it is im
possible that one sect can persecute ano
ther. The laws which place all on a le
vel, would take cognizance of every per
secutor as a disturber of the public peace —
but under other governments, the perse
cution and intolerance of the established
order is countenanced by law.

I shall now proceed to show, that the
characters of men may much depend on
*he governments under which they exist.
And from this view of the subject, it will
appear evidently necessary, that the re
publican form be established, in order that
men may conduct like men. For proof,
let us turn our attention to Ireland, and
take into consideration the distressing situ
ation of that unhappy nation. Are not nine-
tenths of the people poor and miserable,

OF GOVERNMENT. 29

and I may add, politically blind and liter
ally naked ? What have men in such a
situation to hope for from this world ? Un
less possessed of an uncommon share of
divine grace, they are just fit and ready
for the perpetration of the most horrid
crimes that can disgrace human nature*
When we contrast the American and Irish
characters, we are struck with astonish,
ment and are ready to exclaim, what has
made us to differ ? has nature caused this
difference? Some think this the case, and
imagine that the nation is naturally worse
than others ; but this idea is incorrect, and
is most certainly a reflection on divine
providence, and the God of nature, who
has made of one blood all the nations of
the earth. This difference of character is
owing to nothing more nor less than the
government and administration under
which they live. The vices characteris-
tick of this unhappy people would never
have prevailed to such a degree under a
free representative government , but be-

c2

30 OF GOVERNMENT.

ing ruled by the iron rod of despotism,
governed by tyrannical laws, deprived of
the means of acquiring useful information,
reduced to a state of most extreme pov
erty, and consequently bereft of that am
bition so essential to the welfare of man,
is it a wonder they attempt the possession
of liberty and property by means which
under other circumstances might be im
proper and illegal. Reduce men, I care
not of what nation, to a state of ignorance,
vassallage and poverty — let them be lost to
all dignity of character by destroying their
ambition to be virtuous, and what can be
expected from them ; does not their hope
less, desperate circumstances, render
them fit instruments of wickedness ? Are
not the haunts of ignorance, poverty and
oppression, the real sources of almost all
the evils that afflict mankind ? If some
patriotic soul, actuated by motives of gen
uine benevolence, ventures to hold forth
the principles of liberty for the purpose of
reforming this state of things, he is imme-

OF GOVERNMENT. 31

diately selected as the victim of tyrannical
vengeance. He is at once apprehended,
charged with high treason and rebellion —
and finally consigned to the block, impris
oned for life, or banished from his native
country, to drag out a miserable existence
in exile. How often has this been the
case with the best of men — men, who were
the ornaments of their age, and ought to
have been the boast of their nation. And
would not this have been the case in this
country, had America failed of success in
her revolutionary struggle for independ
ence ? Yes. Hancock, Adams, Washing
ton and other heroes, whose revolutionary
services and patriotic exertions have ren
dered their memories dear to every true
American, and immortalized their names,
had Britain succeeded, would have been
branded as rebels, and sacrificed at the al
tar of British crueltjr, and their names been
handed down to posterity blackened with
infamy and disgrace. These are some of
the miseries which result from a strong

33 OF GOVERNMENT.

energetic government,from which strength
and energy, it is the happiness of America
to be at present free.

It has been argued, that there is not
strength and energy enough in a republi
can government to stand ; that it contains
the seeds of its own dissolution, and that
there is not virtue sufficient in the people
to support it — but such arguments are
founded in delusion, and must, to succeed,
be directed to the ignorance of mankind,
As every person possessed of common
sense must perceive on a moments reflec
tion, that even allowing all mankind to be
imperfect, it is infinitely more dangerous
to give the government to one or a few of
those imperfect beings, than to invest the
whole with the sovereignty ; thus render
ing mankind accountable to each other.

The preposterous idea that apart, were
formed to govern, and that government
was not instituted for the good of all, has
been followed by a train of evils, which
otherwise would not have existed. Still

OF GOVERNMENT. 33

this is the opinion of all those who are not
in favour of a representative form of gov
ernment. The real language of their hearts
must be something like this : " We aris
tocrats are fit to be trusted with ourselves,
but you the people, are not. It is our
province to make laws, it is your duty to
be subjected to them. We are our own
and belong to ourselves — you are not your
own, but our property, and belong to us.
We are w?//b3rn, but you are base born.
The original curse that man should earn
his bread by the sweat of his brow never
fell on us, but you are doomed to procure
bread for us and our children*" Now is
this noble or ignoble language 1 Be that as
it may, it is the language of all those who
do not wish for a government guaranteeing
and securing equal rights to all.

We scarce know which are most de
serving of our pity, or abhorence — the man
who would thus sacrifice the rights of oth
ers at the altar of his own aggrandize
ment, or the one who would meanly sub-

34 OF GOVERNMENT.

mit to those aristocratical impositions. We
know that man who is born free and tame
ly submits to slavery is unspeakably con
temptible : — but the man who would sac
rifice the rights of another at the altar of
his own greatness, forfeits the character
of man, and is a being inconceivably ab-
horant and detestable. Such is man when
he swells himself into a demi-god, and
such, alas ! is he when reduced to ignor
ance and slavery. As the mind bowed
down by slavery, loses in silence its elas
tic powers — so, when it is buoyed up by
folly it becomes incapable of exerting
them. Aristocrats do not have just ideas
of themselves or of others. — They con
stantly look through a false medium.
When they take a viev/ of themselves, to
discover their own greatness, they com
paratively look through a convex glass,
which makes them appear near, and mag
nifies them to an enormous size, that is^
in their own view. But when they take
a survey of those whom they call THE

OF GOVERNMENT. 35

PEOPLE — they shift the perspective, and
look through a concave glass, which dim
inishes the object. From this view, the
common people appear remarkably small
and at a vast distance. And they think it
perfectly consistent, that the rights, pro
perty, and even lives of millions of these
little common people should be sacrificed
to support their folly and extravagance.
What a pity it is that these self distin
guished mortals could not obtain a glass,
or some instrument, which would discover
the true state of their own minds. Would
not the most of them find written there
mene-tekel — and would they not discover,
and justly too, that although their bodies
were stall fed, their minds were as poor
as Pharaoh's lean kine ? It is impossible
that the mind which is occupied with titles,
stars, garters and ribbons, should ever be
great, the childishness of the objects in-
tirely destroys the man. Thus when we
view those great men in the light of re
publicanism, stript of all their silly page-

38 OF GOVERNMENT.

antry and external pomp, we find them
just about the size of common men ; and
if they did not exhibit such striking proof
of their knavery and folly, AVC should be
willing to allow them common sense.

Whilst three quarters of our globe re
main in ignorance, groaning under the
yoke of tyranny, and experiencing (he ca
lamities of war, the people of the United
States, enjoy, in a political sense, solid
happiness and unclouded peace. Ours
is the only truly republican government
on earth, of course we are the most inde
pendent and happy. — Our excellent con
stitution of the general government, is
admirably calculated to keep up and per
petuate the representative system in full
vigour in all its parts. — We as a people,
enjoy liberty of conscience and free
dom from ecclesiastical intolerance. Ours
is the privilege of pursuing innocent oc.
cupations, unobstructed by monopolies. —
We are not burthened with oppressive
taxes, — being lighter than those of any

ON JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION. 37

other nation and applied to public objects.
We enjoy the free exercise of our men
tal faculties, in speaking, writing and
publishing our opinions. — And to crown
the whole, we are in the enjoyment of
peace amidst a jarring world. These
are the blessings resulting from a well
administered republican government, and
which so eminently distinguish us from
all nations, and render America the glory
of the world.

ESSAY IV.

ON JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION.

All those visionary and imaginary evils,
predicted at the downfall of the late ad
ministration, have fallen to the ground.
The predictors have all proved false
prophets. Not one of their prophecies
lias been fulfilled — nor one of the evils
predicted taken place, or been realized.

38 ON JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION.

They have all vanished, "like the base
less fabric of a vision."

To their utter astonishment and sur
prise, our clergy are as much respected,
our bibles as much read, and as safe as
at any former period. Our churches yet
stand ; religion still flourishes ; and pub
lic and private virtue is practised and en
couraged.

To their sorrow, information is dissem
inated ; the public mind fast enlighten
ing ; our national debt diminishing ; our
country increasing in wealth ; our public
credit established and in repute ; and
our population rapid beyond a parallel.

To their disappointment, the industri
ous cultivator of the soil, the useful arti
ficer, the fair merchant, together with
the different professions, all receive the
rewards of their labour.

To their grief and lamentation, the cause
of republicanism is flourishing by the ra
pid increase of its numbers, especially
in New England, and by the accession

ON JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION, 39

of New-Hampshire to the general gov
ernment. Our country has become more
extensive by the addition of a territory,
the acquisition of which does honor to
the present administration.

To their vexation and despair, such is
the happy state of our nation, that there
is the fairest prospect of having our
most sanguine expectations gratified, in
the lasting and durable triumph of civil
and religious liberty over every species
of tyranny.

And it is to their shame and contempt,
that they ever assumed the character of
prophets. How much more to their cre
dit would it have been to have kept silent,
and waited with patience, till at least
some of their imaginary evils took place.

As respects the general government,
every thing appears to be conducted
wisely and well — and no man who is a
friend to the people, and possessed of
information, can take a comparative view
of the late and present administrations,

40 ON THE EMBARGO.

without being struck with the contrast,
and giving a decided preference to the
latter.

ESSAY V.
ON THE EMBARGO.

At a time when at peace with all na
tions, we have recently, in repeated in
stances, seen our sovereignty and inde
pendence treated with contempt — our
national flag degraded — our commerce
embarrassed and partially destroyed, by
the detention and condemnation of our
vessels, the spoliation of our property,
the impressment of our American sea
men, and the murder of our citizens with
in the jurisdiction of the United States ;
and all this outrage and destruction, un
der circumstances of aggravated cruelty
and insult, and by a nation professing
friendship and a high sense of national

ON THE EMBARGO. 41

honour. And to finish the climax, two
of the most powerful nations of Europe,
have, by orders and decrees, operating
in the total destruction of our neutral
rights, cut off our intercourse with all na
tions. In this critical, injured and insul
ted situation, what was to be done? In
what manner retaliate ? How seek re
dress ? Must we have recourse to ar
mies and navies, and by opposing force
to force, bring them to a sense of justice ?
No : we were not in a situation to do this. '
Had we a navy sufficient, and were we
instead of an agricultural and manufac
turing, merely a commercial nation, and
dependent for the necessaries of life on
the nation or nations by whom we were
insulted and injured, then with propriety
might we have recourse to those kinds of
retaliating measures. But the case is far
different, and the plain and incontestible
fact is, that as a nation we cannot with
propriety be denominated commercial,
but agricultural ; and those nations with

42 CN THE EMBARGO.

whom we have intercourse are far more
dependent on us than we are on them.
This truth appears with full force from
the consideration, that this country, to a
great degree, in the commercial line, in
exchange for the actual necessaries of
life, receives those, which strictly speak
ing, may be termed superfluous. This
shows that those nations, instead of hav
ing a redundancy, are in want ; not of
the luxuries and superfluities, but the or
dinary means of subsistence. Their
wants are real, riot imaginary. But quite
the contrary with us. While they are
"starving in a foreign land, we have
bread enough, and to spare." Our actual
wants are amply supplied. For the gra
tification of our partial and imaginary
ones, we are in a degree dependent on
other nations.

This contrast exhibits in a striking and
convincing manner, the dependence and
independence of this and other nations,
in a commercial point of view. And

ON THE EMBARGO. 43

while intercourse could be kept with the
belligerent powers, upon mutual princi*
pies, we were willing to supply their ac
tual wants, by delivering our produce at
their own doors, and receiving in ex
change, articles, many of which were
wholly superfluous to them in every oth
er respect, and not less so to us. Hence
we can exist without them ; but they can
not without us.

Placed in these circumstances, can any
one be at a loss as to our mode of redress.
On this point the voice of God, the voice
of reason, and the voice of our country,
unite.

The language of scripture speaketh
thus : — " Come ye out from among them ;
be ye separate : for let favour be shown
to the wicked, yet will they not learn
righteousness, in the land of uprightness
will they deal unjustly. Come therefore
my people, enter into thy chambers, and
shut thy doors about thee ; hide thyself
for a little moment, until the indignation

44 ON THE EMBARGO.

be overpast." More appropriate lan
guage cannot be made use of.

Listen now to the voice of reason,
while it addresseth us in the following
manner :

" Americans, consider well your sov
ereignty, prosperity and resources. Al
though your internal strength, if united,
is sufficient to repel the force of foreign
invasion, still you are young — you are not
in a state of preparation, (and if you
were, it would not be consistent with
your interest or happiness) to be impli
cated in the war of hatred, desperation
and extermination of the old world, As
a nation, you have internal resources,
and are the best calculated of any other
to live alone- Stil] there are nations at
a distance with whom you wish to have
intercourse, To this I do not object,
provided it is conducted on principles of
reciprocity. But as those nations injure
you, and insist you should take a part in
their quarrels, my advice is, to stand

ON THE EMBARGO. 45

aloof. You are better customers to them
than they are to you. You have the staff*
in your own hands— make no use of it in
threatening— but let them know you do
not wish to trade or associate with a band
of robbers on the high seas, any more
than on the common highways ; and if
they do not desist from such unjustifiable
conduct, you will withdraw all connexion ;
and tame them as you would a tiger, by
starving them,"

With the voice of both, coincides the
voice of our government. On our gov
ernment having notice of the orders
and decrees of Great Britain and France,
which operate in the destruction of our
commerce and neutral rights, what was
to be done? Would it have been proper
to have declared war against both na
tions ? Prudence answers, no ; this will
not mend the matter, Our commerce, if
possible would be in a worse situation.
Shall we go to war with England? This
may be gratifying to the French ; but of

46 ON THE EMBARGO.

what advantage to us; our commerce
remains in the same embarrassed condi
tion. The gain on our side would bear
but small proportion to the loss. But
suppose we had levied war against France-
1 ask for what ? Merely to gratify the
British and their agents in this country ;
for surely we could neither get at them,
or their property. Now in either case,
our commerce -would have been in a
worse situation, if possible, than in con
sequence of the embargo. Not so, says
the objector. — " Our government did not
conduct wisely: instead of laying the
embargo, they ought to have declared
war against France — then Britain would
have protected our commerce, fought our
battles, and defended our rights against
the universal invader — who in his bound
less ambition for extent of territory, is
not confined merely to Europe, Asia and
Africa ; but in his rage for conquest, is
still sighing and grasping for America ;
and, Collossus like, stands with one foot

ON THE EMBARGO. 47

on the old world, the other on the new.''
Here let any reasonable man, for a
moment, pause, and reflect. I will not
go so far back as the commencement of
the American revolution. I will not
point you to the catalogue of grievances,
contained in the declaration of indepen
dence — nor would I remind you of the
dishonorable conduct — the inhuman and
savage cruelty of Britain from that time
to the conclusion of the war. Look at
her conduct since. When after relin
quishing her right to govern us, and ac
knowledging the people of the United
States, a free, sovereign and independent
nation ; has she not, in repeated instan
ces, trampled on our neutral rights ; des
pised our flag, scoffed and jeered at our
independence ; impressed our seamen ;
detained and condemned our vessels and
cargoes, and even murdered our citizens;
thus adding death to injury and insult:
and all these acts of outrage and injustice,
not only countenanced by her agents and

48 ON THE EMBARGO.

emissaries in this country, but tolerated
and sanctioned by their own government.
I ask any candid American, whether
this is the nation to entrust with the pro
tection of our liberties and neutral rights ?
If so, I exclaim, O9 unhappy and ill-fated
America ! — We may forgive, but to con
fide in or forget them, we never can.
The man who in repeated instances has
broken into your cellar and robbed you
of your provisions, you may perhaps
wisely forgive ; but afterwards to entrust
him with the key, would be consummate
folly.

For my own part, I have no particular
partiality for George III. or Buonaparte,
and think all our apprehensions, respect
ing either, are groundless, provided we
are united among ourselves. Still there
are some who think we have much to fear
from France, and that we are in jeopardy
unless protected by the British navy ;
thus intimating, that she is fully equal to
the conquering of America ; and were

ON THE EMBARGO. 49

it not for the English, Buonaparte would
at this moment be employed in the work
of subjugation.

To such characters I reply: are you
sure but France may conquer England ?
It is answered no. Well one thing is
pretty certain, at our distance from En-
land, we can be but of little use to her
in subduing France ; — and France, after
all, may come off victorious ; in which
case, think ye, we should fare much the
better in consequence of our friendly aid
to Britain ? If Buonaparte is such a ter
rible creature, is it not sound policy to
let him alone ?

But admitting the supposition, that by
the assistance of America, England should
humble France, could we expect to find
more liberal friends in the character of
George III. and his ministry ? We have
tried them again and again, and if at last
we should succeed, I should be almost
ready to pronounce it the " wonder of
wonders." Hence we conclude, that the

5d . - - ON THE EMBARGO.

best and safest way is, to leave the king
of England and the emperor of France
to fight their own battles. If they do not
use us well, withdraw all connexion, and
have nothing to do with either.

This was the policy adopted by our
government in laying the embargo ; the
only safe and effectual measure which at
the time, could have been taken; and
will, in my opinion, if strictly adhered to,
soon convince both England and France,
of the vast utility of American commerce.

But it is confidently asserted by some,
"that the embargo is a war measure —
forced upon us by our government, in
compliance with the mandates of the
French emperor, for the purpose of
bringing us into a war with England."

Let any impartial person read the
British orders of council of the llth of
November, 1807, together with the re
taliating decrees of France, and he will
see sufficient cause for an embargo, se
parate from the secret man dates of Buorr

ON THE EMBARGO. 51

aparte. In addition to these, there is an
other order of council, sanctioned by
parliament, laying a tax on goods landed
in England by neutrals, of over thirty
per cent, called a warehouse duty. —
Were ever the rights of neutrals so vio
lated? Was ever the commerce of a
neutral nation thrown into a more injured,
perplexed and embarrassed situation?
Was ever a government called upon to
interfere at a more critical crisis ? dt a
time, when our commerce was extended
to a greater degree than at any former
period — at a time, when from the united
impulse of self-interest, foreign influence
and party spirit, jealousy and suspicion,
had arisen to the highest pitch, At this
critical, this alarming juncture, was our
government called upon by a sense of
national honor ; by the sovereignty and
independence of their country ; by pub
lic and private interest, to interfere. The
government did interfere. It was their
The result of their discussions

52 ON THE EMBARGO.

and deliberations was the embargo. It
was the only mean to prevent greater
evils than we had experienced. But it
is asked, is not the embargo an evil?
Simply considered, perhaps it may be
termed an evil ; but as the only remedy
to prevent a greater, I do not think it is.
Admitting, however, that it is an evil in
every sense, from whence did it origin
ate ? Not from the secret mandates of
Napoleon; but from the open, avowed
and published decrees of both England
and France, operating in the destruction
of our commerce and neutral rights.

But it is said, that Mr. Pickering, and
other great men, who have possessed the
means of information, are of a different
opinion. They say, " they believe it was
merely a compliance of the administra
tion to the secret mandates of Buona
parte, to plunge us headlong into a war
with Britain ; thus sacrificing the interests
both of England and America on the al
tar of France." I know they say they

ON THE EMBARGO. 53

believe so. Mr. Pickering has also given
us to understand, that he is a good man.
But, his goodness, to the contrary not
withstanding, from the tenor of his letter
addressed to the legislature of Massa
chusetts, he has no claim on the public to
consider him as a candid or impartial man.
For while he is very particular in alarm
ing the fears and exciting the passions,
by resorting to secret corruption and the
imaginary terrors of the French empe
ror ; he is equally so in concealing the
true interests of the nation, and the real
causes of the embargo.

The secret corruption of French in
fluence still remains a secret ; and that
the President's conduct was governed
with a reference to Imperial commands,
is equally so. Neither Mr. Pickering's
letter, or any other, throws any addition
al light on the subject — nor, in my opinion,
ever will. But as Mr. Pickering's letter
answered the end intended, it may be

£2

54 ON THE EMBARGO,

immaterial with some whether its con
tents were true or false.

But Buonaparte says, he will have no
neutrals. Well, admitting for supposi
tion that he did actually say he would
have no neutrals. What then is to be in
ferred. The people must be told " that
France is our mortal foe, that England
is our dearest friend. That France has
threatened destruction to our commerce
and neutral rights— that England is fight
ing France for the support of our liber
ties : — it is therefore the interest and true
policy of this country to unite with Eng
land, and wage war against France : and
if our government do not act agreeable
to this mode of reasoning, it is the most
convincing proof they are subject to the
dictates of the French emperor, and un
worthy of the confidence of the people."
Is this the language of union or division ?
of peace or war ? of a true hearted Amer
ican, or of & false foreign faction? I am
now upon a topic on which every Amer-

ON THE EMBARGO. 55

lean ought to feel himself deeply inter
ested.

Permit me, therefore, to call upon the
disaffected, upon foreign agents, upon
one and all, to come forward and testify,
as in the presence of the Judge of the
Universe, whether you ever saw any
thing in, or heard any thing from Mr.
Jefferson, either directly or indirectly,
that had the most distant appearance of
sacrificing the interests of this country to
France. If it can be made to appear that
he is guilty, then he has forfeited the na
tional confidence, and is totally unworthy
the trust committed to his charge f *and I
will be found among the first to have him
displaced ; to have his name recorded,
and handed down to posterity, blackened
with infamy and disgrace. But if he is
not guilty, how wicked ; how scandalous ;
how infamous must that man be, who
will invent and circulate such notorious
falsehoods, for the purpose of blasting
the reputation of the President, and des-

56 ONTHE EMBARGO.

troying the confidence of the people in
the present administration.

Admitting Buonaparte had written, or
ever had in person directly spoken to
Mr. Jefferson, declaring he would have
no neutrals. How could the President
prevent his saying what he pleased, and
what more could be done, than has alrea
dy been done ? The proper answer in
this case would have been, — *' You say,
sir, that you will have no neutrals. Very
well ; one thing you may rest assured of,
that you shall reap no advantage from
our neutrality."

Sdtftetimes it is confidently asserted,
that Mr. Armstrong has quit France ;
again it is reported as a fact, that he is

massacred.

The next news, all well authenticated,

is, that Buonaparte has limited Mr. Jef
ferson to sixty days to make war with
England.

At one time, Mr. Jefferson is repre
sented as being afraid of the French

ON THE EMBARGO. 57

emperor, and will unconditionally submit
to any injunction or command, for the
purpose of keeping him at a distance.
At another, he would make any sacrifice
for the sake of getting him to this coun
try ; and readily leave the most dignified
and honorable station in the known world,
for a small appointment from his impe
rial majesty.

Now, for what are all these falsities
retailed or circulated throughout the
United States? Is not the object to de
lude the honest and industrious part of
our countrymen, by imposing on them the
belief that America has no liberty, no
property, no happiness, separate from
Great Britain — that the President of the
United States is a decided Frenchman,
and that every other American ought to
be a decided Englishman. The men, who
with such indefatigable industry circulate
such monstrous absurdities, are the very
same from whom originate the abuse of
our government for laying the embargo.

58 ON THE EMBARGO.

But the embargo is on : — what the
the event will be, time alone must deter
mine. The cause of it was the conduct
of the belligerent powers of Europe.
The men who made the law, were those
whom the people of the United States
selected, by their suffrages, to legislate
and manage the national concerns. If
there are any foreign agents, or members
of a foreign faction, in this country,
who dislike the measure, they will do
well to consider, that the fault lies at their
own doors — and if they do not like the
government and laws of the United
States, they are at full liberty to return
home ; and as dutiful subjects, take their
places at the foot of the sovereign to
whom they respectively belong : being
confident that Americans can manage, at
least, their internal concerns, as well
without as with them.

Notwithstanding the embargo was a
judicious measure, and the only alterna
tive except war ; still it must necessarily

ON THE EMBARGO. 59

have a considerable effect on almost
every kind of business. As a commer
cial nation, we had increased with surpri
sing rapidity, and perhaps too fast for the
real prosperity and happiness of our
country. It is acknowledged that com
merce is a spur to industry : but at the
same time, it will not be disputed, that it
is a business more hazardous than any
other. It also, like any other business
may be overdone ; in which case it will
not support itself. To be conducted pru
dently, a capital is required, at least equal
to the amount employed in trade, other
wise the business must be partly done
on credit; consequently, if not insured,
at the risk of the creditor,

No event ever gave such a spring to
American commerce, as what is termed
the French revolution. Soon after the
conclusion of the American war, the
price of lands, labor, produce, and almost
every article of trade, both foreign and

60 ON THE EMBARGO.

domestic, fell in price, to about the same
they were previous to the war.

The revolution in France, and conse
quent wars, occasioned the demand of
our produce in foreign markets. This
raised the price of produce and necessa
rily of land. As some now supposed
that all the lands in the United States
would soon be in a state of cultivation,
it opened a wide field for speculation.
No young man of an ambitious make, on
seeing one of his poor neighbors, jump,
as it were, into an estate in a few days,
could be contented to get rich by the
dint of industry. It was a powerful sti
mulant to follow the example. One fol
lowed another, till it was discovered that
there was more land than could be oc
cupied. The purchases being on a cre
dit, pay-day came — no man wanted to
pay — the price had fallen— titles were
bad — one fell through after another —the
fever subsided, and the business ended.
Here was an embargo. What was the

ON THE EMBARGO. 61

cause of it ? The business was overdone,
because done on credit.

Now, if at the height of this fever, it
had become necessary for government to
have passed an act, putting a stop to the
business, how many of those speculators,
who, notwithstanding their " golden
views," were worth nothing, would have
exclaimed, / am ruined ! I am ruined !
O, this cruel law ! it has stripped me of
all my property. Ah ! how ? Has it
taken from you your land or your money ?
O, no ; but it has blasted my expecta
tion. Yes, that is it. It has deprived
you of property you never owned— -and
prevented your buying more, for which
you had nothing to pay.

Thus, in some measure, has it been
with the commercial and mercantile busi
ness. Many have left their industrious
callings and engaged in trade and navi
gation, who had no business with it. I
do not mean that a man ought, by law, to
be deprived of pursuing any innocent or

62 ON THE EMBARGO.

useful calling : — but it is inconsistent with
honesty or prudence, for a man worth
nothing, by telling some plausible story,
or by other improper means, to get his
credit established ; run in debt for a ves
sel, fit it out— set all his property afloat,
incident to numerous risks — and, per"
haps, continue the business for years,
with the balance of trade continually a-
gainst him. I say such conduct is incon
sistent with prudence or honesty. Still
how many instances of it have we, in this
country.

Of the failures that have taken place
since the laying of the embargo, I pre
sume not one in twenty have happened
in consequence of it. What then has
been the cause ? Why, as Franklin has
justly observed, " men may live by their
wits, but they generally break for the
want of stock."

A person may commence trade insol
vent, and continue to grow more and more
so through life ; but when death comes,

ON THE EMBARGO. 63

the enchantment is broken, and his real
standing becomes known ! And if by any
accident or event, previous to his death,
his business stops, it will have a similar
effect in discovering his circumstances.
It is not on the principle of putting a stop
to credit, or of disclosing men's real stand
ing in life, that I justify the embargo. —
These observations have been made,
merely to show, that those who find the
most fault with the measure, have, of all
others, the least reason ; and that it is
very ungenerous to impute the cause of
their failing to our government, when, in
fact, they were worth nothing before the
embargo. No man, in good circumstances,
will continue a business which will not sup
port itself; or whenthe risk of loss is great
er than the chance of gain : but a man in
solvent may for the purpose of concealing
his poverty. Hence, men really possessed
of property, object least to the embargo.
If there ever was a time when foreign
intercourse might be suspended, for a

64 ONTHE EMBARGO.

season, without experiencing inconven
ience for want of imported articles, it is
the present.

Is there any want, at present, in this
country, of articles of foreign growth and
manufacture ? There is an abundance,
and I might add, a superabundance. If
there was a scarcity, the demand would
be greater. The same complaint is heard
from those engaged in commerce and ag
riculture, We have property on hand ;
but there is no sale. What is the reason
there is no sale for imported articles ? Is
there a scarcity of cash 1 No ; there is
more real cash, that is, hard money, at
this time, than at any former period , and
no one will dispute, but there are as many
bank bills. It is true, there is not so
much money in circulation, neither is it
necessary ; the most it is now wanted for,
is to pay debts. But there never has, in
reality, been so much in circulation as
appeared to be. A ten dollar bill has fre
quently been made to count for one hun-

ON THE EMBARGO. 65

dred dollars, in the course of a day, by
shifting through ten different hands ; still
neither of the possessors was the real
owner, and after all, it was but a ten dol
lar bill.

The scarcity of money is not the grand
cause why foreign articles are not in de
mand ; but the reason is, the business has
been over-done, and credit is at an end.
The true state of the case is, the hus
bandman and mechanic, have been trust
ing the commercial part of the communi
ty ; the banks and monied men have been
loaning to the merchant and importer ;
and, in their rage for extending business,
on the foundation of both domestic and
foreign credit, they have been heaping
upon heap, as though they were determi
ned to export the new and import the old
world ; and we have sometimes been al
most persuaded to believe, that our pro
duce, consisting of the actual necessaries
of life, was of no use but to foreigners ;

66 ON THE EMBARGO,

and that Americans ought to live on tea
and rum.

Money ought to represent industry :
it is this, and this principle only, and not
credit and speculation, that makes a dol
lar worth a dollar, and count for no more,
and establishes a circulating medium.

It is much easier to write a note, or to
get money from the banks, by the assist
ance of an endorser, of sufficient amount
to purchase a vessel and cargo, than to
raise enough by industry, to pay for them.
It is conducting business in this manner,
and not the embargo, that causes fail
ures. It is running in debt further than
they are able to pay, that makes bank
rupts. The embargo has, for the pre
sent, put a stop to the business. Credit
appears almost at an end.

The price of lands and produce may
fall. But the farmer has no reason to be
discouraged. Your lands and produce
are in reality worth no more on account
of the prices being enhanced, by holding

ON THE EMBARGO. 67

the note of a bankrupt. They still re
main the same, actually necessary, worth
as much as ever. Cultivate, eat, drink,
enjoy, the good of your labour. Complain
not in consequence of the embargo ; but
consider it more prudent to sacrifice the
note of an insolvent debtor, than your
best interests — the liberties and inde
pendence of your country.

Once more, I observe, that the men
who exclaim the most against the embar
go, make use of the most direct means
for its continuance. It is most likely that
the embargo will not be raised, until the
belligerent powers are disposed to regard
our neutral rights, and respect the flag of
the United States. Those nations are
well acquainted with the design or end of
our government, in suspending all inter
course with them. As it is a measiife
which, in all probability, does not meet
their approbation ; they, undoubtedly,
will stand out as long as possible, before
they will negotiate on honourable terms.

68 ON THE EMBARGO.

Meanwhile they are anxious to learn
how the people of this country stand af
fected towards the measure. Now, if
England and France are informed, that
the people of the United States, instead
of unanimously supporting their own
rights and laws, are divided and contend
ing for those of other nations, what will
they infer ? Why, that there is a party
in the United States, who place no con
fidence in their own government, and
would give the preference to another. —
Is this the way to accelerate or retard
negotiation ? To a question so plain,
any one can answer.

All laws made and sanctioned by go
vernment, referring to the illegal conduct
of other nations ; bringing them to a
sense of justice, and tending to negotia
tion, ought to be strictly observed by ev
ery citizen of the United States;

The least violation of such laws, either
directly or indirectly, is inconsistent with
the character of an American ; tends to

ON THE LATE WAR WITH ENGLAND. 69

rebellion, and the destruction of the Un
ion ; ought not to be countenanced by
any citizen, much less, by those whose
particular province it is to guard the
laws. If we do not regard our own laws,
can it be expected other nations will : in
this case we should not be united at
home, or respected abroad;

Let us respect ourselves, and submit to
the laws of our land. Teach surround
ing nations, that in one principle, at least,
we are united, namely ; in repelling ev
ery foreign aggression, and resisting ev
ery foreign foe.

ESSAY VI.

ON THE LATE WAR WITH ENGLAND.

THE " times that tried men's souls" be
ing over, and the perilous contest deci
ded in favour of America ; Great Britain
was under the necessity of acknowledging
the United States, free and independent.
Both professed to forgive, but to forge

70 ON THE LATE WAR WITH ENGLAND.

was not consistent with the feelings of the
one, nor the selfishness of the other.

England constantly sighing and sob
bing for what she had lost, and having
full proof she could not conquer us by
land, yet conscious of her naval superior
ity, cast her eyes upon the ocean, and
soon gave us to understand, that she
could restrict our commerce to such laws
and regulations as she pleased ; and time
and experience have convinced us she
was not mistaken. In all instances where
intrigue and duplicity have failed, she has
applied force, and thus kept America,
" dancing attendence," as it were, ever
since.

It is presumed, that since the first es
tablishment of our national government,
Congress have spent half their time, about
commercial regulations and fruitless ne
gotiations with England — during which
time, Britain has constantly been making
promises, and as constantly breaking
them — while many, professing themselves

ON THE LATE WAR WITH ENGAAND. 71

Americans, grew more and more credu
lous, as though every promise they broke,
or lie they told, bound them by a greater
obligation to believe the next.

A catalogue of the injuries and insults
we have received for years past, is con
tained in the report of the committee of
foreign relations to Congress, to whom
was referred the message of the Presi
dent of the United States, of the 1st June,
1812. But the question may be asked,
how are these evils to be remedied ? I
answer, by a War. But why go to war ?
Because the evils are too great to be
borne, and every pacific measure, which
human policy could devise, has proved
ineffectual. Why would not an embargo
answer ? Because certain characters,
who are more under the influence of av
arice than patriotism, or were more influ
enced by foreign politicks than their own,
with the aid of Britain, violated, or en
couraged the violation of the laws. But
will it not be the same with respect to

72 ON THE LATE WAR WITH ENGLAND.

war ? No. The risk is greater, as Eng
land will make prizes of those vessels,
which in the other case, she would en
courage and protect. Besides, terms of
war will admit of more decided measures
being enforced upon those who violate
the laws made by government, for the
purpose of bringing an enemy to just
terms.

But if after the most justifiable and un
answerable reasons which can be given,
and which have been repeated frequent
ly in the hearing of almost every man,
woman and child, you should again re
peat the question, Why go to war ? Do
view yourself as the owner of an Ameri
can vessel, peaceably pursuing a lawful
trade with a foreign nation, boarded by a
British man-of-war, carried into one of
their ports and condemned, or subjected
to illegal restrictions, amounting to near
ly the same — after petitioning for redress
till you are convinced you are but adding
expense to the original loss. Then if

ON THE LATE WAR WITH ENGLAND. 73

you are not satisfied, place yourself in
the situation of an American seaman, torn
by force from his vessel, thence trans
ported to the most distant and deadly
clime, subjected to hardships of almost
every description, and doomed to drag
out, in exile, a miserable existence, sep
arated from all he holds dear on earth. —
Should you still remain unconvinced —
then behold your nearest friends mur
dered, within the jurisdiction of your own
country, by the authority of British com
manders, and the inhuman dictators of
the horrid act, viewed as the complacent
objects of governmental favour, and fit
subjects for promotion. Then turn your
eyes eastward, and behold, an agent or
emissary employed by the government
of Great-Britain, for the purpose of ef
fecting a division of the Union. If con
viction still be wanting, look westward.
Place yourself at the head of a family on
our frontiers, and witness the tragic scene
of the friend of your bosom, and your

74 ON THE LATE WAR WITH ENGLAND.

innocent children falling a prey to savage
barbarity, and expiring under circumstan
ces of aggravated cruelty — at the same
time having a full knowledge, that your
government has taken every pacific meth
od to obtain redress and reconciliation.
If after this, you again repeat the inte-
rogatory, why go to war with England ?
What occasion for it ? She has done us
no essential injury. What answer can
be given. " We sometimes experience
sensations to which language is not equal,
and in the torture of thinking become
dumb, till the struggle for expression is
so great, that it discovers itself in every
motion of the bod}r, and every finger, as
it were, tries to become a tongue." Sim
ilar must be the sensations of every friend
to his country, while listening to such re
petitions, till at length too full to contain
himself, the door of utterance is burst
open, and he justly exclaims, good God !
is it possible that an American, who has
the least spark of patriotism, and in the

ON THE LATE WAR WITH ENGLAND. 75

face of the fullest evidence, having seen
and experienced to the degree you have,
can repeat the question, why go to war 1
The very question itself, under such cir
cumstances, affords one of the strongest
reasons for war, that can possibly be pro
duced — while it discovers that you are so
far gone, so entirely lost to the best in
terests of your country ; so completely
hardened against conviction, that there
can be no hopes of your recovery — any
further reasoning would be like "admin
istering physick to a dead man, or at
tempting the conversion of an Atheist by
scripture, v

Every gentle mean has been tried in
vain, to bring England and the faction in
this country, to a sense of duty, Pallia
tives and mild correctives will no longer
answer. More powerful remedies must
be applied. To talk of reconciliation
would be fallacy. The cup of forbear
ance is now emptied to the last drop —
and as a Milton wisely expressed it, " ne-

76 ON THE LATE WAR WITH ENGLAND.

ver can true reconcilement grow, where
wounds of deadly hate have pierced so
deep."

The voice of our country calls for una
nimity. Its voice will not only be heard,
but must be obeyed. The declaration
of war is not only necessary but consti
tutional. The laws of the general gov
ernment with respect to it, must be con
stitutionally adhered to by every State,
otherwise the most serious evils will re
sult. No individual is under stronger ob
ligations to observe the laws of this State,
than this and every other State, is those
of the United States. And in case of
the avowed hostility or resistance of one
State, it will be actual war against the
rest. In an event of this kind it requires
not the spirit of prophecy to foretell the
consequences, It would introduce at
once, what in England, is called the lev
elling principle. There would be no pro
tection either for property or lives — but
all laid waste by the whirl-wind of anar-

ON THE LATE WAR WITH ENGLAND. 77

chy and confusion. But from the antici
pation of such an event, I willingly with
draw.

If each State is to the United States,
what each individual is to the State in
which he resides : — then as States, how
dear and invaluable is our union. Before
it every other consideration vanishes. —
On this, our character, as a nation de
pends.

It is the flag of the United States, which
must render our ships or commerce safe,
on the seas or in foreign ports. " Uni
ted we are formidable, separated we are
a medley of nothings, and shall become
the prey and sport of foreign powers/'
If we are only united at home, and duly
assert our sovereignty as united and in
dependent States — our situation, resour
ces and force, will be amply sufficient to
command respect from every nation, —
Then will free ships make free goods ;
then will the American flag cover the ves
sel ; be the only effectual protection to

G2

78 ON THE LATE WAR WITH ENGLAND.

those who sail under it, and our proper
ty be transported unmolested to every
port. Bui otherwise, " our flag, howe
ver beautiful to the eye, or however de
lightful the contemplation of its origin,"
by its insult, will bring sorrow to our
hearts and degradation to our national
character.

As to the duration of the present war,
that also will depend upon our being uni
ted in supporting it vigorously. Great
Britain's most sanguine hopes rest on our
being divided. May our united exertions
disappoint her expectations. She must
be made to know that the present poli
ticks of the two countries can never unite.
A total reformation must first take place
in England. She must first have a more
expanded soul, and instead of quarelling
with the world, by her profession and
practice, convince mankind she is not
their enemy. Her wretched policy and
ministerial intrigues are well understood,
and threaten dissolution to her govern-

ON THE LATE WAR WITH ENGLAND. 79

ment. America is too experienced to be
imposed upon, too wise to be duped, and
too virtuous to be corrupted. " The idea
of seducing her from her independence,
or dissolving her union, is too little for a
liberal mind, and impossible for an honest
one to attempt. Politicks, which in their
application have a tendency to debauch
mankind, and dissolve the virtues of hu
man nature, are truly detestable, and the
statesman, on their plan,*is only a commis- ;
sioned villain,"

What is the government of Great Bri
tain, that we should discover any partial
ity for it ? Its commencement was un
friendly to the rights of man ; and instead
of becoming more pure from age and ex
perience, it has been growing worse and
worse. It seems entailed with a curse,
and the nation that adopts its policy must
expect to sink with her into the abyss of
ruin to which she is fast verging. Do I
exaggerate ? Look, but for a ojoment, at
her history. Almost every page is stain-

80 ON THE LATE WAR WITH ENGLAND.

ed with human blood, as though life was
so long, as to render it necessary to
shorten the period of its duration. So
that monarchy, as some pretend to as
sert, does not preserve a nation either
from internal or external wars. The
whole history of England proves the
contrary. Thirty-two Kings and two
minors, besides the present Prince Re
gent, have reigned in that distracted
kingdom since the conquest. In which
time there have been no less than eight
civil wars, and upwards of twenty rebel
lions. The contest for monarchy arid
succession, between the houses of York
and Lancaster, laid England in a scene
of blood for many years. Besides sieges
and skirmishes, there were twelve pitch
ed battles between Edward and Henry,
Twice was Henry prisoner to Edward,
who in his turn was prisoner to Henry.
Henry was taken in triumph from a pri
son to a palace, and Edward obliged to
flee from a palace to a foreign land. —

ON THE LATE WAR WITH ENGLAND. 81

Henry in his turn was driven from the
throne, and Edward called to succeed
him. The quarrel was grounded on per
sonal matters only, and as respected the
Kings, perhaps right enough ; but the
nation had to bleed.

For many centuries, more than fifty
years out of an hundred, has England
been engaged in war. Whether the
cause was justifiable, or not, was not
thought worthy of consideration. Pow
er, not right, was with her the moving
principle, and when she could not con
quer, her policy was to divide. Her
fleets have proved a curse to the world.
They have been employed as the engines
of prey, and acted on the surface of the
deep the character the shark does below
it. Her ministry are distinguished for
diplomatic intrigue and duplicity, and
have rendered themselves hateful to all
nations. Her religious are equally cor
rupt with her political institutions, and
form a part of her civil government. —

82 ON THE LATE WAR WITH ENGLAND.

The rights of conscience have seldom
been enjoyed in any reign. Hence per
secution, fines, imprisonment, exile and
death, have been the fate of dissenters.
Some of the most distinguished charac
ters for virtue, science, patriotism and
piety, such as Sidney, Latimer, Lock,
Atterbury and Emmet, have been the
subjects, and many of them the victims
of tyrannical vengeance. It is impossi
ble but from a fountain so corrupt, the
streams should be impure, and by them
the poison communicated to all nations.
Hence Britain maybe emphatically term
ed, the " universal corruptor" She has
set nation against nation, sowing the seeds
of faction and discord, and as before ob
served, when she could not conquer, her
policy has been to divide. Till at length
she is considered the common enemy of
mankind : hated by all nations.

The present crisis is important. He
who now comes forward in his country's
defence, is entitled to its love, protec-

ON THE LATE WAR WITH ENGLAND. 83

tion and reward. Let him who does not
bear arms, contribute liberally to the
support of him who does. He who does
not aid in the support of a war which in
volves the independence of his country,
discovers his want of patriotism, forfeits
all claim to protection, and deserves to
be doomed to slavery,

May the troops of the United States,
and the military of each State, if called
into actual service, display that courage
and patriotism, for which American sol
diers have been distinguished; and re
ceive that support, respect and encour
agement from their fellow-citizens, which
their meritorious conduct will deserve.
May they adopt the language of the
American Hero — "Life for my country
in the cause of freedom, is but a trifle for
a man to part with, and if preserved in
so great a conquest, life is redoubled."

We are called to unanimity and exer
tion. If our rights were worth fighting
for to obtain, when invaded, it is our du-

84 ON PATRIOTISM.

ty to defend them. " No ability ought
to sleep, that can produce a mite to the
general good. Nor even a whisper to
pass unnoticed that militates against it.
The crisis is such as to admit of no delay
from a friend, nor apology from an ene
my." The war is the nations war, the
people's war. A war for the just rights
and independence of our country ; and
he who avowedly opposes it, deserves
not the name of an American. His pro
perty ought to be appropriated to the
support of a better cause, and the place
of his residence filled by a better man.

ESSAY VII.

ON PATRIOTISM.

PATRIOTISM is a noble virtue. It calls
into action some of the best feelings of
the human heart. It divests its posses
sor of every unworthy motive, and ren
ders him liberal, compassionate, and

ON PATRIOTISM. 85

brave. Its ultimate object is not the ag
grandizement of an individual, or a par
ty ; but the welfare of the nation. As
in a religious sense, without charity we
are nothing, that is, destitute of every
grace. So in a civil one, if destitute of
patriotism, we are wanting in every so
cial virtue. The man who is wanting in
this virtue, is sordid and contracted in
his views. Private, separate from pub-
lick good, is with him the grand princi
ple of action. The salutary laws and le
gal restrictions of his country, will be
broken and disregarded ; and the best
interests of the nation sacrificed, if they
do not subserve his selfish ends.

Such a character is totally unfit for pub-
lick office, particularly in time of war, or
when differences exist between his own
and other nations. For being destitute
of love of country, he is vulnerable, and
the lure of ambition, or the pecuniary
consideration held out by the enemy, will
induce him to betray his country. Hence

86 ON PATRIOTISM.

the maxim of these corrupt politicians,
" that every man has his price*"

Not so with the patriot. He views
himself as acting only for the nation's
good. No promises, threatenings, nor
other considerations can prevail with him
to sacrifice the interests of his country.

I will mention an instance of the pur
est patriotism, which occurred during the
American Revolution. In the year 1779,
an attempt was made by Great-Britain,
to compromise all differences between
the two countries, but in a manner which
was thought dishonourable. One of the
commissioners applied to Mr. Reed, an
American General, offering 10,000/. and
any office in his Majesty's gift in the col
onies, provided he would use his influ
ence in bringing about an accommoda
tion. This offer the General considered
as an attempt to bribe him, and therefore
replied : " I am not worth purchasing,
but such as I am, the King of Great-Bri
tain is not rich enough to do it" Here

ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1776. 87

was a man evidently above all price. And
thousands were the characters engaged
in the American war, who could not be
tempted to apostacy, by all the charms
of gold, titles and nobility. Whence was
it that so few of our army deserted to the
enemy, or that our brave sailors, chose
the horrors of prison-ships and death,
rather than fight against their country?
It was their patriotism. Patriotism strong
er than death. And is the American na
tion more destitute of it now ? By no
means. Let but the exigencies of the
country require it, and it will operate
like electricity from one end of the con
tinent to the other.

ESSAY VIII.

ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1776.

THE 4th of July, 1776, appears to be
the day set apart by Heaven, as the birth
day of Liberty. Shall we suffer its com-

88 ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1776.

memmoration to pass disregarded ? No ;
let us rather regard it as our political
Sabbath.

This day, the most interesting of any
in the annals of America, ought ever to
remain fresh in the recollection of all her
sons, and its return to awaken the livli-
est sensibility in their hearts. It may
emphatically be denominated the birth
day of the United States. And surely,
the recurrence of the anniversary of that
day, which gave birth to a nation, and es
pecially, the remembrance of those im
mortal sentiments, which actuated and in
spired the patriots of '76, to arise from
the degraded subjects of the King of
England, to that of free and independent
citizens of a republic, and assume a na
tional and independent character, are
considerations, calculated to call into ac
tion, sentiments far different, and by far
more congenial with the patriotic soul,
than the observance of the birth-days of
the greatest princes, statesmen or heroes,
that ever existed.

ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1776 80

The return of this day, is calculated to
excite the most patriotic feelings, and
awaken the recollection to events that
ought never to be forgotten. It was on
the 4th of July, '76, that our fathers re
solved to free themselves from the tyran
nical yoke of Britain, or die in the at
tempt. Their declaration was made with
a solemn appeal to the Judge of the Uni
verse. The answer was propitious, for
during the struggle, it was evident the
Lord was on our side. Had not the sep
aration have taken place, we must neces
sarily have been involved in the wretch
ed policy, heavy debts, and distressing
wars of England, with all the attendant
evils,

The return of this day brings to our re
flection what we were, and but for the
revolution, what we should now have
been ; the fond remembrance of departed
sages and heroes ; a grateful feeling for
those who survive and continue steadfast ;
the congratulation of each other, and

H2

90 ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1776.

above all, unfeigned thanksgiving to that
God whose tender mercies have been
over these his works, and who permits
us still to enjoy the blessings handed
down to us by our fathers.

This day calls to our remembrance,
sentiments which patriotism approves,
which virtue justifies and which Heaven
rewards. Sentiments, which the sages
of our revolution laboured, but not in
vain, to inspire. Sentiments, which it is
the interest and glory of every American
to defend and perpetuate. The senti
ments are, the love and independence of
our country. Here Americans, whether
denominated federal or republican, if
they ever unite, must unite.

Festivity and external performances,
constitute but a small part of the business
of this day, The due observance of it is
calculated to arouse into action some of
the best feelings that ever emanated from
the heart of man, and we by commemo
rating it, profess our attachment to the

ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1776. 91

principles of the revolution. Let us then
exhibit a consistency of character, and
our conduct be such as shall do honor to
those principles. May we consider that
the first step towards a regular govern
ment, is self government ; and that the
basis of all publick virtue, is private vir
tue ; and if these are not duly cultivated,
it matters but little, what our form of go
vernment is, or by what name it is called.
May we avoid discord, faction and every
vice : — practice industry, temperance,
prudence, moderation and the whole train
of republican virtues. May we never
suffer party views, or local prejudices to
divide us, or prevent us from pursuing
the public good. And may the princi
ples of genuine republicanism, become
as extensive as the human race, and be
handed down, unsullied, to the latest
posterity.

92 ON TAXATION AND RIGHTS OF SUFFRAGE.

ESSAY IX.

ON TAXATION AND RIGHTS OF
SUFFRAGE.*

IN no part of the United States, do
taxes operate more unequally than in the
State of Connecticut. The mode of tax
ation here, is calculated to injure the poor
and favour the rich man. Even the poll
tax, in some towns, amounts to more than
one half of the whole amount of the levy.
Consequently in those towns, property
does not pay one half of the taxes. Yet
property, and that only, must constitute
a man a legal voter.

According to the laws of this State,
the poor man who pays a poll tax, does
military duty, and works two days in a
year on the highways ; pays annually a
larger tax than is paid on sixteen houses
of the first class — calculating the houses
at three thousand dollars each, his tax is

• Written in 1804.

ON TAXATION AND RIGHTS OF SUFFRAGE. 93

equal to that of forty- eight thousand dol
lars worth of property in houses. If he
has two sons or apprentices between
eighteen and twenty-one years of age,
his yearly tax is more than equal to that
of thirty-six dwelling-houses, or property
in houses to the amount of one hundred
and eight thousand dollars This is in
disputably true ; and there are instances
enough in this State, of men who pay a
tax yearly, equal to what is here stated.
Still they have no voice in the govern
ment which they contribute to support ;
are not allowed to vote in either town,
or freemen's meetings, and go unrepre
sented from year to year. What can be
more unjust, more unequal than this ?
And yet it is the case with many an old
war-worn soldier, who has braved death
at the cannon's mouth, to establish the
revolutionary doctrine, that taxation and
representation are inseparable, and that
taxation without representation, is tyran
ny. This tyrannical principle, reduced

04 ON TAXATION AND RIGHTS OF SUFFRAGE.

to practice, was the chief cause of our
separation from Great-Britain. America
was taxed in the British Parliament, but
not represented there. Perhaps it may
throw some additional light upon the sub
ject, to quote a sentence or two, from the
speeches of two celebrated members of
the British Parliament.

Mr. PITT, in the House of Commons,
with an original boldness of expression,
observes, " Let the sovereign authority
of this country, over the colonies, be as-
serted in as strong terms as can be devi
sed, and made to extend to every point
of legislation whatsoever, that we may
bind their trade, confine their manufac
tures, and do any thing except taking the
money out of their pockets without their
consent,"

Lord CAMDEN, in the House of Peers,
in strong and pointed language, said,
" My position is this, I repeat it, 1 will
maintain it to my last hour, taxation and
representation are inseparable. This po-

ON TAXATION AND RIGHTS OF SUFFRAGE. 95

sition is founded on the laws of nature.
It is more, it is itself an eternal law of na
ture. For whatever is a man*'s own, is
absolutely his own. No man has a right
to take it from him without his consent.
Whoever attempts to do it, attempts an
injury. Whoever does it, commits a rob
bery."

Thus, according to the sentiments of
some of the most distinguished members
of the British Parliament, taxation with
out representation, is both tyranny and
robbery. And, indeed, 1 think it must
appear so to every honest man. But say
our steady-habit men, " it is not right for
those who have no property, to vote
away the property of others." Neither
is it right for you to vote away the poor
man's labour. If you do not believe his
labour is as useful to society as your mo
ney, suspend industry for six months or
a year, and see which then will be the
most called for at the expiration of the
time.

96 ON TAXATION AND RIGHTS OF SUFFRAGE.

I contend that every man, whether
poor or rich, who is a good member of
society, ought to have a voice in that go
vernment, of which he contributes to the
support ; also a voice in laying that tax
of which he pays a part. If this reason
ing is not acceptable, and men cannot be
made freemen, because they do not
own or possess property, or at least
enough to constitute them voters, accord
ing to the laws of this State, then repeal
the laws which oblige them to pay tax
es. If you do not, and call on them for
a tax, the old revolutionary doctrine,
that taxation and representation are in
separable ; and that taxation without re
presentation, is tyranny and political rob
bery, stares you full in the face !

I cannot conceive that there is any dan
ger in extending the right of suffrage to
every man, who is a good member of so
ciety. There will always be a large ma
jority among the whole, who will possess
virtue and information sufficient to see

ON TAXATION AND RIGHTS OF SUFFRAGE. 9t

and feel the necessity of supporting go
vernment.

It must be admitted, that all those who
wish to have men excluded the right of
suffrage, because they do not possess
property to such an amount, do not mean
the exclusion should fall on themselves.
But suppose the right of suffrage is made
to depend on an inconsiderable quantity
of property* It only discovers liberty
in disgrace, and still makes rights depend
on property ; in which case they depend
on mere accident. If property entitle
me to the right of voting, the loss of it
ought to disfranchise me. And it is to
tally immaterial, as it respects the just
ness of the principle, whether you make
a horse, a cow, or a sheep, the criterion
for voting. But in this case, let the ques
tion be asked, in whom does the right
originate ? Why in the horse, cow, or
sheep, to be sure. They possess the
right but the man may exercise it. What
a ridiculous idea this. Again, property

98 ON TAXATION AND RIGHTS OF SUFFRAGE.

may be acquired without merit, and it
may be lost without crime ; and there is
as much propriety, that the means by
which property is obtained be made a
criterion, as that property itself should.
Indeed, it would be abundantly more
consistent to confine the right of suffrage
to moral character, than to property. —
And surely wealth cannot be considered
as any part of morality, neither does po
verty imply the want of it.

I do not wish to be understood as ad
vancing the idea, that property ought to
be equal among mankind, The different
means of acquiring it, necessarily esta
blishes an inequality. The indefatiga
ble industry of some, and the extreme
negligence of others — besides fortunate
opportunities, superiority of talents, and
dexterity of management, with their op-
posites, all have a tendency to perpetu
ate this inequality. Some, perhaps, do
not wish to acquire more than is neces
sary for a comfortable subsistence, while

ON TAXATION AND RIGHTS OF SUFFRAGE. 99

others are for amassing wealth by every
means not punishable by law. But one
thing respecting property is absolutely
necessary, which is, that it be justly ob
tained, and not criminally employed —
when made a criterion of rights, it is al
ways employed criminally.

The right of voting for representatives,
is the only one, by which all others are
protected. Take away the right from a
man, and he is immediately subjected to
the will of another, which is reducing
him to a state of slavery. The distinc
tions in society will ever be in proportion
to the numbers excluded from the exer
cise of their natural rights, together with
the ignorance of the times,

If we are in indigent circumstances,
still realize, that we have rights which
cannot be bought or sold. Realize
that our independence, was, in a great
degree, achieved by men of small prop-
erty ; and as they assisted in planting
and rearing the tree of Liberty, they

100 ON TAXATION AND RIGHTS OF SUFFRAGE.

Lave a right to repose under its shade,
and partake of its fruits. Rights are
equal among all classes of men. The
laws ought never to make a distinction.
The right of dictating does not belong
exclusively to one more than another. —
The poor man's privilege among the
rich, is equal to' the rich man's among the
poor. Industry is full equal to money,
and we can better dispense with the lat
ter than the former. Thus the rich and
the poor are equally dependant.

But how are the evils of unequal tax
ation and exclusive suffrage to be reme
died in this State ? I know of but one
way, which is, a change of officers. So
long as the men now in office are kept
in, so long we must suffer those evils to
exist. But as soon as there is a majori
ty of men of the right stamp, friends of
equal rights, in both houses of the legis
lature, then will those oppressive laws
be repealed, and just ones enacted. —
Then will the old charter be dispensed

ON DEPENDANCE AND INDEPENDENCE. 101

with, and a constitution formed, fixing
bounds to rulers, and saying to legisla
tures, thus far shall ye go and no farther.
We shall then see men rank according
to personal merit ; not according to the
piety and worth of their fathers and an
cestors ; neither according to their hou
ses, occupations and professions. And
instead of a haughty, imperious, scornful
and tyrannical conduct and behaviour in
one part of mankind ; and a mean, ser
vile, degrading carriage and manners, in
the other, we shall see an open, frank
and manly independence of manners, and
propriety of conduct in all, a respect of
man for man.

ESSAY X.

ON MUTUAL DEPENDANCE AND
INDEPENDENCE.

I HAVE long been of the opinion, that
neither birth, rank, equipage or wealth,

12

102 ON DEPENDANCE AND INDEPENDENCE.

constitutes the man ; but correct senti
ments reduced to practice. This is the
source whence originate real greatness,
true nobility and genuine goodness. All
other greatness is comparative littleness;
all other nobility sinks into ignoble no-
ability ; and all other goodness is but a
delusion.

A sincere adherence to truth as repre
sented to the mind, reduced to practice,
is the only standard both for our civil and
religious creeds. If they will not bear
this test, our light is but darkness ; our
religion is but enthusiasm, delusion or
hypocrisy, and our political sentiments
erroneous and partial in the extreme.

For what was man sent into the world ?
is not an impertinent, but an important
question. As a Christian I would an
swer, to love his God with all his heart,
and his neighbour as himself. This may
be said to comprehend all the duties both
in civil and religious life. But confining
the question to a political sense, I reply,

ON DEPENDANCE AND INDEPENDENCE. 103

to do and get good — or in other words, by
a virtuous life, to make himself happy,
and by a continuation of the same mean,
to augment the happiness of his fellow-
man. To faithfully discharge both du
ties, is the great business of a virtuous
man's life. " Every species of virtue or
happiness, which has any other founda
tion, however beautiful and splendid in
appearance, are in reality but empty
names." We here find the distinction
between wisdom and folly ; virtue and
vice ; and I know not but greatness and
littleness, as appropriate to man.

Respecting the term greatness, it is
frequently perverted in application to
man. Solomon informs us, that, " great
er is he who commandeth his spirit, than
he who taketh a city," Reason is the
distinguishing characteristick of man ;
and acting agreeable to enlightened rea
son, is what constitutes him both great
and good. Separate goodness from his
character, and he has but a sorry claim,

104 ON DEPENDANCE AND INDEPENDENCE.

even to the name of a man* He may be
bulky as to his body, yet possessed of a
very small soul. His estate may be large
and extensive, but his mind narrow and
circumscribed. Greatness and goodness,
I am sensible, are words of different im
port; but greatness, applied to man, will
hardly bear, when separated from good
ness. I choose rather to join with the
poet, in counting "those only, who are
good and great"

In this life our wants are various : some
natural and absolutely necessary ; some
self-created, and from habit partially so ;
others merely superfluous and imaginary.
From these wants originate the various
pursuits and employments of mankind. —
The utility of the business or occupation
in which they are engaged, depends on
the real necessity of the article which
their industry produces. Hence we say
the calling of the husbandman is the most
honorable, because the produce of his la
bour is the most essential to our existence.

ON DEPENDANCE AND INDEPENDENCE. 105

4t

The next class in point of utility, is that
of the manufacturer or mechanic. Among
their various occupations, some are more,
some are less useful, in proportion as the
article made or manufactured is more or
less necessary.

The third and last class I shall men
tion particularly, are those styled mer
chants, or venders of the produce or ar
ticles, after having passed through the
hands of the farmer, manufacturer, or ar
tisan. These men, in their employ
ments, cannot be considered so necessa
ry to the existence of society, as either
of the former. The}r never originated
from necessity, 'but convenience. It can-
riot therefore, strictly speaking, be said
that the merchant is a necessary, but a
convenient man.

In addition, might be mentioned the
employments of professional characters
and others ; but I only observe, they are
all useful when honourably pursued ; and
each one must be viewed more or less

106 ON DEPENDANCE AND INDEPENDENCE.

so, as each province is more or less ne
cessary.

These observations have been made
partly for the purpose of showing what
particular men are the most useful in so
ciety. The principle is this ; that the
business or occupation that is the most
necessary is the most useful ; and if the
word honour can be applied to callings,
or men on account of their callings, it in
a peculiar sense applies to the most ne
cessary. By what principle in philoso
phy or religion, mankind judge that there
is more merit and attention attached to a
ribbon, or piece of gauze, than to a hoe
or grid-iron, I am at a loss to determine:
Or why there should be more honour or
respect given the man who stands behind
the counter and vends the articles, than
the husbandman and manufacturer, is
equally unaccountable. But such is the
vanity of the human mind, that when it
leaves real substances, it pursues sha
dows ; while on the flight, not unfre-

ON DEPENDANCE AND INDEPENDENCE. 107

quently lights on equipage, parade and
external show ; and in its rage for grati
fication, how often is real utility sacrificed
to vanity and extravagance. With re
spect to the honour attached to men on
account of their employments in life, it
very much depends on their acting well
their part in the station they fill, or calling
they follow. Agreeable to the words of
the celebrated Pope —

** Honour and shame from no condition rise,
Act well your part — there all the honour lies."

From the absolute wants of men origin
ate their mutual dependance. Man in
the strictest sense, is dependant. He
comes into the world more helpless than
any other being, and longer needs the
assistance of those from whom he derived
his existence. Even when arrived to full
strength of body and mind, he has wants
which considered in himself, he cannot
satisfy. As old age advances, the necessity
of assistance increases. Thus, from the
moment he draws his infant breath ; from

108 ON DEPENDANCE AND INDEPENDENCE.

the cradle, through the whole bustle and
business of life, and I might add, till he
is deposited in the " deep, damp vault,"
is he dependant on his fellow-man.

This lesson of mutual wants and de-
pendance, if duly attended to, would do
much towards regulating our conduct to
wards each other in society. It addres
ses every individual thus — " Man behold
thyself. Consider well thy existence ;
thy condition ; the relation in which thou
standest to thy fellow-man. What is thy
life ? The brevity of which may be
justly compared to a vapour lost in the
air ! a flower fading in the sun ! a dream
vanishing in the morning ! What art
thou? but a being of yesterday, posses
sed of a body liable to infirmity, disease
and death. A mind knowing compara
tively nothing ; happy only in embracing
the truth, but prone to err ; putting light
for darkness, and darkness for light ;
wandering in the mists of error, igno
rance and delusion. With discordant

ON DEPENDANCE AND INDEPENDENCE. 109

and contending passions; which if let
loose, will scatter death like a whirl
wind ; causing the destruction of thyself
and others. Alone in the world, thou
findest thyself a poor, forlorn, destitute,
forsaken creature ; having desires thou
canst not gratify ; . having wants thou
canst not supply — pining for society, and
languishing out a miserable existence. —
Then consider well the relation in which
thou stand est to thy fellow-man. In so
ciety thou mayest be sheltered from the
heat and cold — thy hunger and thirst be
allayed. Here thy sorrows may be
soothed ; thy joys participated ; thy tears
sympathized ; thy pains alleviated. —
Learn then from thy need of others, to
administer to others. Go visit the sick ;
feed the hungry ; clothe the naked* As
thou wishest for the enjoyment of thine
own right, learn to respect the rights of
thy neighbour. Dost thou wish others
to rejoice in thy prosperity and happi
ness ? rejoice then in the happiness and

110 ON DEPENDNNCE AND INDEPENDENCE.

prosperity of others. Finally, do as thou
wouldst be done by." Thus it becomes
every man to think, and thus it becomes
every man to act. Were this the case,
what a happy change would be wrought
in our world. Instead of the tyger-like
spirit of revenge, we should discover the
lamb-like spirit of forgiveness. In the
place of falsehood, slander, envy, hatred,
persecution, malice, fraud, and the whole
train of vices, we should find truth, can
dor, sincerity, love, toleration, meekness,
honesty, and the whole train of virtues,
But we pause and reflect, O, how happy,
were it so ! We think, and wish it were
so ; we think again, and lament it is not
so — then end with the sad reflection —
Jilas ! poor human nature !

ON REFORM AND CHANGE, 111

ESSAY XL

ON REFORM AND CHANGE.

Let those teach others, who themselves are taught,
And those bear rule, who govern well themselves.
A publick man must have a publick heart,
Orpublick acts will end in private views.

IP a change of men in office, and a •
change of measures, necessarily implied
political reformation, no danger would
accrue to a State, from a sudden remo
val from office, of every man in publick
life. But as political change and politi
cal improvement, are by no means inse
parable, and a total change of officers,
rather the work of revolution than re
formation, it behoves reformers, to con
duct themselves prudently, lest while in
the attempt to give health and vigour to
the body politick, they by rashness, in
discretion and overaction, debilitate and
destroy it.

To discern with accuracy, the nature,
bearings, connections and nice depend-

112 ON REFORM AND CHANGE.

encies of the constitution, laws and go
vernment, necessary for a well ordered
State, requires the eye of a sagacious
theoretical politician — but, to select for
the people, qualified and disinterested
men, who can so administer such govern
ment and laws, that equal rights may be
enjoyed, and liberty and tranquility go
hand in hand* requires an extent of
knowledge, both of men and things, in
all relations and circumstances ; and
such an uncommon share of candor and
patriotism, as seldom, if ever, falls to the
lot of one man to possess.

That perfection is not attainable by
man either in a moral, civil or political
sense, is no reason why he should not
progress in improvement, to that degree,
which his nature and advantages admit
of ; and were every one disposed to do
this, no doubt, but there would be an al
teration in society for the better, appa
rent to the most superficial observer.

But we must consider men and States

ON REFORM AND CHANGE. 113

as they are ; and reason and infer from
their present situation ; not from what
they should be, or what the benevolent
heart would have them. Were all men
virtuous, we could not conceive the ne
cessity of civil government, at least while
they continued so. But that this is not
the case, and that there is in the State
of Connecticut, even in its present im
proved state of society, sufficient room
for political reform and improvement, no
person of ordinary discernment can doubt,
and that there is need of it, all good men
will agree. Yes ; here is work for wise
heads and virtuous hearts. But subtract
from the list of information and abilities,
men of design, ambition and avarice on
ly, and how few alas ! will remain to take
the lead or management in State affairs.
To ascertain as nearly as may be, the
reform necessary ; or in other words, to
do away what is politically unnecessary
and wrong; to introduce and establish
what is politically necessary and right,

K2

114 ON REFORM AND CHANGE.

by the best means and in the best man
ner, is doubtless the wish of every en
lightened and well disposed man. I shall
not however, at present, say any thing
with regard to the existing evils ; but
confine myself chiefly to the mode of
managing and conducting the business
of reform. Before proceeding farther, I
would premise, that by the word change,
I wish it to be understood as applying to
a change or shift of men — and by the
word reform, political improvement.

With us as with every other republi
can or representative form of govern
ment, all power originates in the people.
Our rulers are from ourselves ; and no
public officer, continues in office, except
re-elected or appointed, more than one
year* — the democratic branch of the le
gislature being elected semi-annually :
thence ruled and rulers may all be inclu
ded in the words — " the people." With
the people, therefore, must the work of

* Written previous to the adoption of the constitution of Conn.

ON REFORM AND CHANGE. 115

reform commence, by them conducted,
and by them must all changes be made.
As they now occur to my mind, perhaps
in no better place, can I use the words
of the beloved and immortal Washington
— " That in proportion as publick opin
ion gives force to the structure of govern
ment, it is esseiatial that the publick mind
be enlightened." The words will also
apply to the administration of govern
ment.

It is essential that the people be in
formed, in order to select suitable per
sons to compose the legislature — as on
that depends, not only the enacting of
just laws, but in a great measure, the just
and faithful administration and execution
of them, And in no instance does in
formation appear more essentially import
ant and necessary, than for the purpose
of preventing the delusions and imposi
tions, originating from intrigue, ambition
and avarice. Elections corrupted by
fraud, bribery and undue influence, and

116 ON REFORM AND CHANGE.

rational, civil and religious liberty, never
can amalgamate or exist at the same
time. Virtuous and enlightened free
men, will be most likely to select and
elect the most virtuous and enlightened
candidates and officers.

It is a maxim which will prove true,
either in a moral or political sense, " that
what we easily obtain, we too lightly es.
teem." The rights and privileges of a
Nation or State, are but trifling to a peo
ple who neither realize or enjoy them.
We must learn and experience the utili
ty of a thing, before we can duly appre
ciate its value. Knowledge of men and
things, acquired by actual experience, is
a work of time. A great general must
first have been a good soldier, acquired
courage and the arts of war, by fatigue
and combat ; and how to command by
having served well in subordinate sta
tions. No man ever became eminently
wise, learned or good, in a moment.

Improvements in the arts and sciences,

ON REFORM AND CHANGE. 117

have been progressive ; and the only
reason is, that the one is theoretical and
the other practical. Science being gen
erally acquired by books and study,
while art is the product of observation
and actual experiment. All reformations
of a religious, moral or physical nature,
must become matured, to be effectual
and permanent. It is the order of na
ture and confirmed by observation. —
Time, although the greatest innovater,
works imperceptibly, though silently and
thoroughly.

In all reformations, it is safe for prac-Xfa
tice to precede profession — and particu-._ ''
larly with respect to political improve
ment, let the work be gentle and gradu
al, which in the end will prove, it is pre
sumed, the most practical, safe, effectu
al and least dangerous and expensive
mode : and to prevent re-action, be ex
tremely cautious, lest the change produce
the reformation, and not the reformation
produce the change. Which if the case,

118 ON REFORM AND CHANGE.

your reformation will be without im
provement.

The first steps towards a reformation
are generally correct, that is, there is
cause of complaint with the people — and
the grievances in representative govern
ments, would be redressed without much
difficulty or animosity, were it not for the
interference, duplicity and intrigue, of a
few selfish, designing individuals, who by
their over-action, either destroy them
selves or produce infinite mischief.—'
They are what may be justly termed the
excresfinces of democracy, and will ne
ver be productive of harm, when the
people, whose interests are materially
the same, are duly enlightened. But
when this is not the case,

»' They meteor-like fly lawless through the void,
Destroying others, by themselves destroyed."

In the thirst for power, they forget
right, and under the name of liberty,
cloak licentiousness. Their ultimate ob
ject, or selfish ends, are ever kept from

ON REFORM AND CHANGE. 119

those they suppose the subjects of delu
sion. And when about to carry their
concerted plans into execution, they ex
claim — "we are no office seekers, nei
ther do we wish for an office, God knows
— we have no more in view than the good
of the people" — when it requires but
half an eye, to discern, that they are act
ing solely for themselves, or have some
favourite in view for promotion, whom
they suppose will best subserve and ac
complish their private ends. Such men,
a few at least, there are in society, who
are ever ready to step forward, as con
spicuous characters, in every nation,
state and town, whenever an alteration
in civil affairs is about to take place. —
The most of this class, are men of disap
pointed ambition, and who well know,
that in an ordinary state of society, they
have no chance for rising — they will glad
ly embrace and foster any order of things,
that will conduce to their exaltation.
In proof, I will refer you to" modern

120 ON REFORM AND CHANGE.

history. As I am a republican, addres
sing myself to republicans, I ask — was
the conduct of Charles I. of England,
justifiable ? I answer, no. He was be
headed, whether right or wrong — say
right. What occasioned the restoration
of his son, Charles II. to the throne ? —
Ambitious, designing men. Were the
first steps of the revolution in France,
justifiable ? I answer, yes. What im
peded its progress ? An ambitious fac
tion. Robespierre could not be satisfi
ed till he had beheaded the first men of
the country. What was the result ? —
The death of the wicked, ambitious dem
agogue, and many of his satellites. But
would this atone for the blood of the
martyred patriots, or restore them to
life 1 No — no more than Athens could
raise a Socrates. .Look at the fate of
France, Louis XVI. dead ; some of the
first men the victims of ambition ; Buo
naparte in exile — liberty and humanity
in disgrace — and could we ascertain the

ON REFORM AND CHANGE. 121

degrees of wretchedness into which the
nation has fallen, we might with safety
say, it has sunk below freezing point.
Should I for the sake of coming nearer
home, descend from great to small events,
I might turn your attention to sister
States. Massachusetts has been repub
lican. How long did she continue so ?
While a few ambitious men had time to
convince the people, that they had quit
their republican principles, and were ac
tuated by intolerant and retaliatory mea
sures. Were the people right? Ask
them; most likely they will say, men are
but men, and they support them only on
principle.

How different was the conduct of Mr.
Jefferson, who on taking the Presidential
chair, said, " we are all federalists, we
are all republicans" — we are all men,
children of the same common parent, and
entitled to the same privileges, both ci
vil and religious. The industry and
wealth of one, is as beneficial to the pub-

122 ON REFORM AND CHANGE.

lick, as of the other — and their fire-sides,
friends and relations, are as dear to them
as to us. While you are peaceable, mo
ral, good citizens, support your govern
ment and contribute your proportion of
industry, you are entitled to a propor
tion of the offices, and shall participate
in them. It is by contrasting the vir
tues a man professes to possess, with his
life, that we ascertain his true character.
Behold the caution, prudence and wis
dom, of the patriotick sage — not rash, not
precipitate, not revengeful. , What is the
result? Slander, malice or misrepre
sentation, availed nothing. " The floods
came, the rains descended, the winds
blew, and beat upon that house, and it
fell not, for it was founded upon a rock,"
A liberal policy is the best at all times
and at all places. It is best both for the
publick and publick officers — while in
the one it inspires magnanimity and pa
triotism, with the other it yields content
and acquiescence. A publick man ought

ON REFORM AND CHANGE. 123

to possess a publick spirit, to rise supe
rior to mean retrospects, local consider
ations and party views. If he is a mem
ber of the State legislature, he pays due
attention to his constituents, he is fami
liar and alive to all their proper claims
and interests : though, at the same time,
he views himself not merely as a member
of the particular town he represents, but
in the enlarged capacity of a mor^publick
character ; and in all publick questions,
considers himself bound to take into con
sideration the good of his town, in con
nexion with the interests of the State.
This spirit is commendable. Without it
he cannot act agreeably to his station —
for though he may discover uncommon
zeal, and display great interest in favour
of his own town, or some particular con
stituent, at the expense of his County,
and perhaps his State ; yet depend up
on it, he is a selfish man, and while at
home, (should you but notice him,) will
manifest equal zeal, if not greater, for

IS4 ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS.

the aggrandizement of himself and fami
ly, while he feels indifferent and takes
but little interest, whether the town suf
fers in consequence.

The true character of a publick man,
may be best learned at home. The im
portant virtues of forbearance, compas
sion and liberality, excellent ingredients
in a State officer, can be equally as well
ascertained in the private, as the most
publick walks of life. These ornaments
of the heart, are not one thing at New-
London, another at Hartford, and still
different at Washington. They are cha-
racteristick of the man at all times, pla
ces, and under all circumstances.

ESSAY XII.

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS.

I BELIEVE that the gospel is a system
of real benevolence, and the greatest

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS. 125

good that Heaven ever conferred on man :
its "ways are ways of pleasantness, and all
its paths are peace/' But as the greatest
good when perverted is productive of
the greatest evil ; so when priests unite
with statesmen, and become politicians,
with a view of having religious establish
ments by law, to the end of aggrandizing
themselves, increasing their power and
wealth, and securing their salaries on a
more permanent foundation ; and states
men unite with priests, and become
Christians, (and now and then sound an
alarm, that " the church is in danger?)
for the purpose of strengthening and
sanctioning their political measures ; re
ligion becomes a state-engine, changes
its nature, turns the gospel into a system
of malevolence, and produces the same
evils which otherwise it is calculated to
destroy, and its uniform effects are ty
ranny and ecclesiastical oppression*

As a confirmation of this observation,
and a proof that the prosperity of chris-

L2

126 ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS.

tianity does not depend upon uniting
church and state, let us for a moment re
vert to ecclesiastical history, take a view
of the church, and see in which situation
true religion most flourished ; when stand
ing on its own foundation, unsupported
by human aid, or when established by
law, and protected by the sword.

In the early ages of Christianity, when
the church was entirely independent,
and unconnected with government, reli
gion discovered its full force and effica
cy on the minds of men : it raised its
proselytes above either the pleasures or
sorrows of this life : it inspired the vi
cious with rational devotion, strict purity
of heart, and unbounded love towards
their fellow creatures : it was productive
of the happiest effects in forming men
for the social state : it made them better
magistrates and subjects, husbands and
wives, parents and children, masters and
servants, friends and neighbours, and the
most disinterested patriots ; and in pro-

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS. 127

portion as it spread through the world,
it diffused happiness, and changed man
kind into a different species of being. —
This, surely, was the golden age of the
church. It is true she had her enemies ;
but they were not of her own household.

Now let us view the other side of the
picture.

Soon after the commencement of the
fourth century, Constantine arose, by
whom the heathen emperors and their
armies were overthrown, (at this time,
the only enemies of Christianity,) hea
thenism was abolished, and Christianity
made the established religion. For a
short space the church now enjoyed a
considerable degree of calm, and multi
tudes were added to her number.

At this period, had freedom of inqui
ry been tolerated, the rights of con
science enjoyed, and every description
of men allowed equal privileges with
Christians, Constantine being a Christian
emperor, must be acknowledged a favour-

128 ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS.

able circumstance, and was doubtless con
sidered as highly advantageous to the
church. But Christianity being estab
lished by law, it threw open the doors
of the church in such a manner as to give
an opportunity for hypocritical and de
signing men, to enter in as the high road
to political preferment. Hence her
members became corrupt ; and being up
held by the secular power, she no long
er stood upon her original foundation. —
And by the death of Constantine, she
found by woful experience, that she had
been leaning on a broken reed, and that
her prosperity did not depend on wield
ing carnal weapons. Her members, in
grasping after worldly, had lost their
spiritual power.

Their strength now became weak
ness, their light became extinguished,
and soon commenced the dark and dread
ful ages of ignorance and superstition. —
Errors began to creep into the church,
and by the gradual corruption of her

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS. 129

doctrine, worship, discipline and govern
ment, her ruin became almost complete.
The Bishop of Rome was constituted
her universal head ; not only so, but all
power was vested in him, both civil and
ecclesiastical ; as an earthly sovereign,
he was complete ; his word was both law
and gospel ; the opening of his hand was
life, and the shutting of it was death.

Tyranny, either civil or ecclesiastical,
is dreadful ; but now, being both united,
it was peculiarly aggravating and intole
rable.

At this time, scarce a trait of the Chris
tian church is visible ; and notwithstand
ing she has forsaken her original simpli
city and purity, still she retains the name
of Christian : and certainly it is but the
name to live, for she is dead in the strict
est sense ; her glory is departed, and the
most fine gold become dim. One part
of her members are hypocritical, worldly-
minded and oppressive — the other poor,
oppressed, ignorant and deluded. So

130 ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS.

the one half is held in complete bondage
to the other. Her priests have become
corrupt, indolent and avaricious, desti
tute of the spirit of religion, and wholly
bent on laying up treasures on earth.— ^
They now with serpentine wisdom, the
sable gown and solemn countenance, en
ter the church, ascend the pulpit, and
with hypocritical pretences of piety, de
ceive the ignorant and extort from them
their hard earned pittance ; thus spread
ing around them want, misery and op
pression. Puffed with pride and filled
with bigotry, they bring all to their own
standard, and with propriety it might be
said they introduce the bed of Procrus-
tus, and those who are not suited with
its size, will be under the necessity of
losing their legs or having them stretch
ed, and if not content with this, their
heads must experience the former or
their necks the latter operation.

It is worthy of remark, that tyranny,
civil or religious, either separate or uni-

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS. - 131

ted, checks the spirit of liberal inquiry
or literary improvement, and is equally
destructive of true religion and philoso
phy ; therefore real Christians and men
of science, with propriety agree in de
nominating the time from the fourth or
fifth century down to the illustrious era of
the reformation, the dark ages ; and by
some it is justly termed the night of time.
But few of the useful arts which now
exist among mankind, were discovered
at this period. All the various nations,
who inhabited the different provinces of
the Roman empire, were, in a great
measure, uncivilized, strangers to letters,
destitute of arts, unacquainted with reg
ular government, and of manners so rude
as hardly to be compatible with the so
cial state. Christianity did but barely ex
ist ; the glorious luminary of the gospel,
I had almost said, was totally eclipsed.
It is true, light broke out a few times in
the course of a thousand years ; but it
was soon extinguished by the powers of

I3» ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS.

darkness ; the gates of hell had apparent,
ly prevailed. But relying on the divine
word, a degree of the spirit of true reli
gion, I believe, was to be found, if no
where else, in the humble cottages of
those who dwelt in obscurity.

The ignorance of the times and conse
quent credulity of the people, gave rise
to establishments and paved the way for
doctrines, institutions, and practices the
most unnatural and absurd, that ever en
tered the imagination of a savage. As
they are well known, it would perhaps
be needless to undertake the enumera
tion of the black catalogue. Suffer me
only to observe, that complicated sys
tems of cruelty were assiduously devised
and inhumanly practised, to support the
most holy faith.

The methods to which they had re
course for increasing the revenues of the
church, by selling indulgences and par
dons, were means of amassing wealth and
promoting vice and immorality before un-

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS. 133

known, and which will ever remain a
monument of Popish superstition and ig
norance. So great was the ignorance
even of the clergy, that they were but
little superior to brutes, and so great their
avarice, deceit, pride, cruelty and blas
phemy, they were scarcely preferable to
demons, and comparable to nothing so
justly as the father of all evil, But so
much greater was the ignorance, and es
pecially the credulity of the multitude,
that for along time they submitted to eve
ry imposition of priest-craft and every act
of ecclesiastical tyranny almost without a
murmur. /

Hence these wicked and blind leaders
of the blind, claiming all power to bind in
heaven and on earth, and exercising unli
censed dominion over the bodies and es
tates, spiritual and temporal, of the mis
erable people under their charge, exult
ed for ages in their abominable career ;
until at length some of the most thought
ful were shocked at their scandalous con-

134 ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS.

duct in genera], and particularly in be
holding these same sums squandered in
drunkenness and debauchery, which were
bestowed for pious uses and in hopes of
obtaining eternal life. And those who
had any remains of true religion, could
but regret the delusion of the people. —
Especially Zuinglius, in Switzerland, and
Luther, in Germany, affected with the
blasphemous manner in which these par
dons of, and indulgences in sin, were ex
posed for sale, openly professed their
abhorrence of them ; and by a diligent
search of the scriptures, for justification
of their conduct, their views of religion
became enlarged, and as light increased,
they were bold in communicating it to
others, and in warning them of the dan
ger of adhering to the church of Rome.
Wearied of the tyranny, and detesting
the wickedness of the clergy, multitudes
readily embraced their doctrines. And
for the purpose of searching the scrip
tures themselves, (to find if these things

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS. 135

were so,) the learned reformers, every
where, furnished them with translations
of the bible in their mother tongues.

Thus in Luther, the hand of God, in
one man, was instrumental in shaking
the foundation of that throne, before
which the mightiest monarchs on earth,
were made to tremble. Doubtless his
life was marked, in some respects, with
impropriety of conduct. Yet when we
consider the work to w&ich he was cal
led, namely, to rouse mankind from the
depths of ignorance and superstition, to
encounter the rage of bigotry, armed
with power, it required a vehemence of
zeal, and a daring excess of temper, that
could not be justified in less important
undertakings. But to say nothing more
of the man, the many blessings that ac
crued to mankind, in consequence of this
reformation, render the name of Luther
worthy to be held in everlasting remem
brance.

Now the papal powers are shaken, but

136 ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS.

not overthrown ; the beast meets with a
heavy but not a fatal blow ; mankind be
gin to emerge out of darkness into light,
and from slavery into liberty. How
beautiful the day, after so dismal anight !
The light of the glorious gospel of peace,
once more begins to dawn on the world,
and thousands are attracted with its beau
ty and excellence ; the liberty of con
science is tolerated by the reformers ;
men beholding their rights, are anxious
to enjoy them ; the gospel is preached
with such remarkable success, that not
withstanding the utmost efforts of the
Popish rulers, both in church and state,
by prohibitions of Protestant meetings,
by wars, persecutions and massacres,
and by all the suggestions of the infernal
combination — yet, so great is their suc
cess that one half of the church of Rome
is converted to the protestant religion ;
and in a short space of time was the gos
pel spread over a great part of the Eu
ropean world.

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS, 137

But let it be remembered, as a plain
demonstration, that religion needs not
the arm of flesh to establish or protect it,
that in the commencement of this great
event, the weapons of these bold reform
ers, in this arduous conflict, were not
carnal or formed of bodily strength, but
spiritual or formed of the mental powers
of argument and conviction. Thus in a
very few years, was more done towards
enlightening and improving the condition
of mankind, by the force of truth alone,
and opposed by every other power on
earth, than for many ages before ; a clear
proof that the church is upheld by a pow
er superior to human.

It should be remarked that when the
reformation most flourished, it was whol
ly unconnected with State ; and that at
this time, the number of protestants in
Europe, is no less than fifteen millions
greater than it was some years ago,
when the church was so universally es
tablished by law.

M2

138 ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS.

That true religion needs not the civil
law or the sword to propagate or uphold
it, but on the contrary, that it has pros
pered and flourished and doubtless will
continue to, not only independent, but in
spite of the opposition of the united pow
er of both, is sufficiently demonstrated in
the reformation begun in 1517 — a short
account of which I have already given.
I shall now give a brief sketch of the per
secutions most worthy of observation,
that followed this glorious revival of re
ligion.

But one thing I would premise, which
is — believing oppression and coercion,
especially under the same circumstances,
to produce the same effect, in whatever
sect they may be found, and therefore as
unjustifiable in Protestant as Roman
Catholick, I shall endeavour to divest
myself of party feelings, and prosecute
my design without partiality to any par
ticular sect.

It will not be necessary to attempt a

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS. 139

minute detail of all the evils which have
arisen in consequence of uniting church
and state among the various nations in
Europe, which shared in the reforma
tion ; therefore passing over Germany,
Poland, Hungary, Holland, &c. &c.,
(which were for years, a scene of the
most affecting cruelties, and deluged with
the blood of Protestants,) I shall for a
moment confine my attention to France.
Perhaps in none of the Pope^s domin
ions, did the papal religion take deeper
root than in France. Both soil and cli
mate seemed peculiarly adapted to it,
and wanted neither manure nor cultiva
tion. Hence I infer that no part of the
earth was more deeply stained with hu
man blood.

Without being particular with respect
to the immediate cause, the persecution
took place during the reign of Charles
IX. Aug. 24, 1572, on Bartholomew's
day, at night. The event was marked
with circumstances of aggravated cruel-

140 ON" RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS*

ty. The King himself was present, and
assisted at the massacre. Signal for
slaughter was to be taken from the stri
king the great bell of the palace. At
the terrible knell the bloody work com
menced. And humanity must ever re
coil from the horrors of that fatal night,
in which twenty thousand innocent per
sons were inhumanly sacrificed, for no
other reason than because they would
not sacrifice their consciences, to gratify
the ambition of civil and religious (or
rather irreligious) tyrants.

But for exquisite and aggravated cru
elty, no persecutions ever exceeded
those in the reign of Louis XIV. The
sufferings of the Protestants were shock
ing beyond conception. Their meeting
houses were razed to their foundations ;
their dwellings destroyed ; their persons
most shamefully abused by the soldiery ;
and, besides the loss of their estates, and
the innumerable loss of lives, above fifty
thousand of their most valuable members

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS. 141

were driven into exile. But, to be short,
the history of the hellish reign of this in
fernal tyrant, which is nothing more or
less than the history of a human dev
no feeling man can read without abhor
rence — the perusal of which will give
an idea that cannot be expressed by a
few words. Other instances might be
adduced, but these two I think amply
sufficient to answer my design. There
fore, after observing that evils of a simi
lar nature, for the most part of the time,
were experienced by all those who dis
sented from the Roman church, from the
reformation down to the revolution in
'89, I will leave France, and just glance
at England.

The reformation made its appearance
in England, under the auspices of Henry
VIII. But its progress was much impe
ded by Mary, who proceeded in the most
furious manner to establish Popery. —
During her sanguinary reign, great num
bers of different ranks of men were burnt

142 ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS.

to ashes. Soon after this the Roman
church began to decline in England, and
it is not probable that it will ever again
be established.

Happy would it be if persecution was
only confined to the church of Rome. —
But alas ! no sooner had the protestant
religion gained an establishment by law,
than they ran into the same antichristian
errors, against which they protested —
the church of England became the church
of Rome. And as it was in the days of
Constantine, so it is now. The church
became accessible to unprincipled, un
godly men, who, not with a view of being
made better or doing more good, but
with a design of practising iniquity on a
larger scale, under a better appearance,
take on them the name of Christian.

this way the church was filled with impi
ous formalists, by which means she be
came corrupted, and when those who
possessed the spirit of religion, began to
separate themselves from those empty

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS. 143

professors, it manifestly excited the same
persecuting spirit, and they received the
same treatment of those who dissented
from the church of Rome. This is evi
dent from a great number of instances,
of which I shall mention one or two.

In the time of Charles I., such was the
effect of the union of the mitre and the
crown, that the King, together with his
favourite Laud, the archbishop of Can
terbury, (into whose hands he had deli
vered his conscience, and who were both
equally fond of civil and ecclesiastical
power,) were determined to make all
churchmen, and that those who were in
the church should stay, and those who
were out, should come in. And to effect
this, liberty of conscience could not be
indulged, even to the most peaceable
and loyal subjects, who would not con
form in every respeet to the church of
England ; and for non-conformity, they
were exposed to fines, imprisonment,
the ruin of their fortunes, families, and

144 ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS.

every earthly object they held dear, —
They were condemned in their spiritual
courts without the privilege of juries, with
out having their witnesses present, and
many times without knowing the crimes
alleged against them ; till at length har-
rassed with persecutions, some of them
resolved to quit their native country for
the wilds of America, where they might
peaceably enjoy their religious liberty,
free from tyrannical oppression. This
persecution was the means of spreading
universal desolation over England, and
by a re-action of these evils, monarchial
and priestly power were levelled with
the dust. The king, archbishop, and
many of their favourites, had measured
to them the same that they had meted to
others, and the sceptre of Great-Britain
was swayed by one who rose from ob
scurity, and an enemy to the church of
England. But no sooner was Charles II,
restored to the crown,than he immediate
ly imitated the example of his father. He

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS. 145

passed the act of non-conformity, which
took place on Bartholomew's day, 1662,
in consequence of which, two thousand
consciencious ministers quit the estab
lished church. And so harsh were the
measures of the episcopalian party, that
the whole country was thrown into con
fusion.

And in our own country, was not the
worthy and inoffensive sect of the friends,
which never persecutes or provokes re
taliation in another, persecuted, and its
members fined, imprisoned and put to
death — and this too, by the very men
who had learned at so dear a rate, the
value of religious liberty, and fled from
ecclesiastical tyranny in England, to the
wilds of America, to enjoy it? Who
could have thought it ? Yet no sooner
was the civil authority established in their
hands, than such was the case.

Thus does all history, civil and eccle
siastical, testify to the serious and lament
able evils, which have resulted from this

116 ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS.

ungodly connexion between church and
state — and thus do I conclude the histo
rical part of the subject.

Whether this union exists among Ro
man Catholicks or Protestants, or in a
monarchy or democracy, or whether
viewed in this or that point of light, or
in a greater or less degree, still its uni
form and direct tendency is, to subvert
all moral principle and practice, in either
religion or philosophy, by rending the
bonds of society, separating families, so
cieties, states and nations, and setting
them against each other, reducing man
kind to ignorance, and enslaving the con
sciences, bodies and estates of individu
als. In the same degree as this connex
ion exists, are the complicated and dread
ful calamities it occasions, experienced,
as has been witnessed in every age, and
is incontestibly proved not only by the
general and limited sketch of history I
have given, but by the particular and
universal history of the church, from the

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS. 147

fourth century down to 'the present
time.

From the history of the church in dif
ferent ages, and in different situations,
and among different nations, I have suf
ficiently demonstrated, that a connexion
of church and state, is productive of no
good, but infinite mischief; therefore we
naturally infer, unless it can be proved
that from the same causes, attended by
the same circumstances, do not proceed
the same effects in one nation and age as
another, that no such alliance ought to
be formed. Presuming this cannot be
done, I observe, that the motives which
induce government to unite with, or es
tablish any particular form of religion,
have a direct tendency to corrupt that
form, and to infringe the rights of con
science. When any form of religion
gains an establishment by law, it is not
done that the rights of man may be more
enjoyed or better secured. For to se
cure these rights separate from religion,

148 ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS.

is the design of the civil law. Besides,
this connexion gives one denomination
power over another. When any denom
ination unites with state, it is not with a
view to the prosperity of true religion,
unless such sect is totally ignorant of
what constitutes true religion, and the
manner in which the gospel has been,
and still continues to be propagated. —
But that it is not for the advancement or
prosperity of religion, has been incon-
testibly proved. It therefore remains,
that such an union is inconsistent with
just and regular government, and equal
ly so with true religion. From whence
I argue, the point is indisputably estab
lished, that no such alliance can be form
ed till they both become corrupted or
degenerated.

Whenever a government becomes cor
rupted, by means of the people not being
on their guard, and looking well to their
rulers, its members begin to have long-
ing desires after power, wealth and na-

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS. 140

tional grandeur, they soon get to have
exalted ideas of themselves, their birth,
importance, &c. They think it perfect
ly consistent that the liberties and prop
erties of thousands of the base-born, (as
they are pleased to style them,) should
be sacrificed for the purpose of advan
cing their interests and honour. And if
at the same time, some particular form of
religion has become so degenerated,
that the priests and leading members
have " forgotten the rock from whence
they were hewn," become earthly and
sensual, and adopt the same method of
reasoning ; they are both ripe for union.
Whenever the scales drop from the eyes
of the people, and either or both of these
systems are threatened with a revolu
tion, their situation becomes alarming ;
fear rages ; delays are dangerous ; the
business must be speedily attended to.
Now a courtship commences ; the terms
are agreed upon ; the conditions are,
that the State shall exert the utmost of

150 ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS.

her power to establish and support by
force and wealth, their form of religion ;
and the church, on her part, becomes
obligated to speak in the highest possi
ble terms, of their excellent constitution,
and to support every measure adopted.
Thus an alliance is formed ; and what
Heaven designed should ever be kept
separate, is now united on earth, And
can it be wondered at, if unnatural births
are brought into existence ? Now eve
ry thing moves strong and steady ; and
an impregnable barrier is formed against
all opposition, by the united powers of
heaven and earth. All goes on smooth
and easy : for the consciences of the ru
lers are safely deposited in the hands of
the priests, and the religion of the priests
is established by law and protected by
the sword. Thus all enjoy equal rights
and privileges, on the broad basis of ci
vil and ecclesiastical tyranny ; and equal
ly politick and religious, with equal pro
priety, the alarm may be sounded from

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS. 151

both sides — the church is in danger, the
government is in danger. Thus it is that
government is made to subserve a reli
gion, and religion a government that
ought not to exist. It is in this way they
generally become united, and produce
complicated evils, which otherwise would
never be experienced by man.

But both are alike mistaken, if in this
way, they think to make a sincere Chris
tian or disinterested patriot. They may
make hypocrites, but honest men they
never can. In vain have tyrants and
priests framed racks, fixed stakes, erect
ed gibbets, and like a pestilence scatter
ed death around them. These are not
the means by which piety and virtue are
promoted : they need no such props and
implements of cruelty to propagate or
defend them. Truth carries conviction
with it, and makes its way to the mind
by the evidence which attends it. Rash
accusations and persecutions, are reject
ed by reason and revelation, and that

152 ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS.

system, either of politicks or religion,
which does not recommend itself to the
understanding of man, it will be in vain
to enforce by coercion.

THE blending together of politicks
and religion, for the purpose of sacrifi
cing the interests of the many, to the un
natural and unchristian feelings of the
few, has a direct tendency to corrupt
both : they then become mysterious and
hard to be understood, and to an unin
formed mind, appear a kind of civil and
ecclesiastical witchcraft.

Keep religion separate, view it only
as a matter between man and his Maker,
for which he is alone accountable to his
God, and you at once divest it of all mys
tery, and it becomes so clear and easy
to comprehend, that he who runs may
read and understand.

And when civil government is consid
ered in its nature and design, as a social
compact instituted for the good of socie-

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS, 153

ty ; for the preservation of the lives, lib
erty and property of all — the mystery at
once vanishes, and it appears not such a
very difficult and puzzling thing to inves
tigate as many pretend. Thus you see
civil government and religion have no
connexion with one another, but are in
stituted for different ends. Religion to
regulate our conduct towards God. Ci
vil government to regulate our conduct
towards men. The one, for the purpose
of making or keeping us civil ; to fit us
for the society of men in this world ; —
the other, for the purpose of preparing
us for the society of saints in Heaven. —
The Saviour declared, that his kingdom
was not of this world — and what Heaven
has ordained shall be kept separate, let
not men on earth pretend to unite.

But when once civil government gets
perverted from its original design, by
becoming a matter of speculation, and is
viewed as the road to preferment, wealth
and honour; when those who are select-

154 ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS.

ed from the people, for the purpose of
attending to political matters, forget their
accountability to the people, and in
stead of seeking and promoting publick
interest, pursue private interest and per
sonal aggrandizement; when they for
get they are the people's servants, and
make use of the power delegated to them,
for the purpose of oppressing those from
whence their power was derived ; when
the people are reduced to such a state of
ignorance and credulity, as to place im
plicit confidence in those in office, and
think that none can do so well as those
now in, and believe and confide in every
thing they say and do ; and finally when
government is represented as a very
weak thing in itself, and will certainly
fall unless supported by the pillars of the
church, and that the church is in danger,
and religion will also tumble unless civil
laws are made to protect it ; and when
the people are so far deluded as to be
lieve this mysterious doctrine, and those

ON RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS. 155

who are opposed to these monstrous ab
surdities, are reprobated in the strongest
terms, and branded with the epithets, of
atheists, deists, heriticks, jacobins, infi
del philosophers, enemies to God and
man, and in league with the devil, and op
ponents to all order, government and re
ligion. When things come to this pass,
then both politicks and religion become
enveloped in mystery, and the knowledge
of them confined to a few, a very few in
deed. And that government and religion
may be so perverted and degenerated as
to unite, and then corrupt each other,
and instead of a blessing, prove a curse
to mankind, is incontrovertible, and that
this has been, and still is the case, cannot
be disputed.

Even in this comparatively free and
enlightened country, in consequence of
this union, there have been repeated
acts of intolerance and persecution. —
And if history may be relied on, more of
the evils which the human race have ev-

156 ON AGRICULTURE.

er experienced, have arisen from this un
godly union of church and state, than
from any other source that can be named.
That it may cease to exist, mast be the
fervent wish of every patriot and Chris
tian.

ESSAY XIII.

ON AGRICULTURE.

THE judicious and well informed part
of mankind, of every age, have consider
ed the cultivation of the earth, as the
most useful employment that could occu
py the attention and labours of man. —
But although to be a proprietor of the
soil, had long been considered as a dis
tinguishing mark of nobility, yet to be a
practical fanner, was thought derogato
ry to the characters of self -termed lords
and gentlemen. It was doubtless owing
to this cause, that while from the perse
vering labours of succeeding generations,

ON AGRICULTURE. 157

almost every art and science had been
progressing towards a state of perfec
tion, the aft of husbandry stood still, and
until of late, no material improvements
had been made.

Whether men of genius and literature,
have recently turned their attention to
the cultivation of the soil, from a convic
tion of its vast importance, from interest,
or a combination of circumstances, I shall
not attempt to say. It, however, is the
case. They now venerate the plough
and. the hoe ; and whatever may have
been their motives, by so doing, they
deserve much credit, having subserved
the real interests of mankind.

Agriculture, at the present day, is not
viewed, either in Europe or America, as
beneath the attention of gentlemen dis
tinguished for rank, property and litera
ture. In connexion with experimental
farmers, they have formed societies, for
the purpose of making real improvements,
by having theory and practice go side by

158 ON AGRICULTURE.

side, and exciting a laudable ambition and
emulation ; destitute of which, no occu
pation can rapidly advance to a state of
maturity.

To ascertain the different kinds of soil ;
the different kinds of manure, best adapt
ed to them ; the quantity to be used, and
the due proportions of each, is deemed
important in the practice of agriculture.

In this State, and indeed in this Coun
ty, there are a variety of soils ; of which
I have noticed but two kinds, but will
amply repay the hand of industry. Of
all others, that which has most baffled the
skill of the husbandman, is bog meadow.
This of any kind might be best dispen
sed with. It is ill fated by being so sit
uated that it cannot be drained ; and
therefore is doomed, as it were, to a
confirmed dropsy. It seemingly may be
tapped to advantage, but the symptoms
will return under aggravated circumstan
ces, setting at defiance the skill of the
agricultural physician. Manures of eve-

ON AGRICULTURE. 159

Ty description are unavailing : better to
abandon it to its original destiny, the ha
bitation of snakes, lizards and other rep
tiles.

Another kind of soil I will mention, as
next least inviting to the husbandman, is
that which largely partakes of sand and
gravel ; but this soil, if duly attended, in
favourable seasons, will yield a tolerable
crop of beans, or any other vegetable
that does not require land containing but
little of the principle of vegetative life,
to bring it to maturity, and is not of suf
ficient strength or consistency to either
assimulate, adhere or stimulate. But let
it be remembered, that this description
of ground, requires at least, alternate
years of rest. It is, however, in nature
wanting in constitution, and neither dis
cipline, regimen or medicine, can make
it strong and healthy.

There is one more kind of soil, that
has been complained of ; generally sty-
led leaky, that is, it will not hold manure.

160 ON AGRICULTURE.

Having but little knowledge of land of
this description, I shall pass it.

But in this county and in this State,
we are highly favoured. Not more than
one tenth of our land, can be classed
with the before mentioned. It is true,
that in many places there are ledges,
rocks and stones in abundance, but be
tween these ledges, rocks and stones,
the land is extremely fertile and luxu-
rient.

Either from ambition, avarice or igno
rance, it has been thought that one man
could not hold too much land : it is now
believed, even by men of judgment, that
one person can hardly possess too little ;
at least no more than he can till to ad
vantage.

Two acres of good land, well cultiva
ted, will support a cow, and the cow pre
vent the land from degenerating. In
this case, of what use would be four acres,
for the same purpose. Is it desirable to
be at the expense and trouble of fencing

ON AGRICULTURE. 161

and attending to twice the quantity, and
travelling double the distance, when one
half will answer? So with regard to
hay, corn and potatoes, and other pro
duce. It is much easier to raise forty
bushels of corn from one acre of land,
than to be at the expense and trouble of
managing two, to obtain the same quan
tity. A little land well fenced and well
tilled, is more to the honour, health and
prosperity of the possessor than twice
the quantity, overrun with bushes, wild,
unfenced, and uncultivated. Many lots
of land may be observed in every direc
tion, which could be made to produce
double what they do at present, and were
we busily engaged in doing this, a centu
ry hence would be soon enough to think
of emigration — and so long as so large a
portion of our lands remain uncultivated,
no one ought to be suffered to complain
for want of employment.

Our grateful mother earth, bountifully
rewards all, who liberally be&tow on her ;

o2

162 ON AGRICULTURE.

but to the agricultural miser, who is
wishing to be ever reaping and scatters
with a griping hand, she will become a
barren heath, instead of a fruitful field.

The various kinds of manure, and
which kind is best adapted to the varie
ty of soils — merit consideration.

No land will so well bear the removal
of its crops, without degenerating, as that
which is recruited by stable or vegetable
manure, and it is doubtful whether any
of our soils will produce much of a crop,
for any length of time, (provided the
whole of the products be removed,) from
the application of any other kind. All
animal and vegetative life, is continued
in existence, by the dissolution of such
substances, as have before existed, and
having reached their destined bounds,
they break, dissolve, incorporate with
the earth, and are the support of vegeta
ble and animal life. Like begets like
in many respects, and there can be no
doubt, but marine manure used in suffi-

ON AGRICULTURE. 163

cient quantity, will produce marine grass.
One instance has fallen under my own
observation. From a very liberal use of
the hair of seals, which is highly charged
with oil, and at the time of using was im
pregnated with lime, it produced a grass,
resembling in some degree, that which
grows on our salt marshes, and it is pre
sumed, similar in kind to the grass of the
south sea islands, from which the skins
are brought. It may be inferred from
this circumstance, that marine manure
produces marine grass ; but not in eve
ry instance, for a sea vegetable, com
monly called rock weed, on any of our
common soils, brings forth a crop of red
clover — while ashes, on the same soil,
produces white. Now can it be suppo
sed that the seed of the marine grass
came from the pacific ocean with the
skins, and that it could grow after having
been in salt for months, then immersed
in water for one, and then in a strong so
lution of lime for two weeks? No — no

164 ON AGRICULTURE.

more than it can be believed, that the
seed of red clover exists in rock weed,
or that ashes, originating from wood, hav
ing undergone a chemical process, con
tains the seed of white clover. Hence
it is infered, that the principle of vege
tation exists in the earth, and is called
into active life by the application of dif
ferent manures.

There can be no doubt, but all lands
adjacent to the sea, require a less quan
tity of marine manure, than those remote
ly situated — hence farms on the sea
board, where hay is in the most demand ;
the crops being removed and the conse
quent exhaustion supplied by marine ma
nure, degenerate in a few years, from
the want of a due proportion of land-
vegetable or animal manure, by which
only, they can be brought back to their
former state of fertility. Let it not be
infered from these remarks, that all ma
nures, except the animal and vegetable,
are useless ; on the contrary, a due pro-

ON AGRICULTURE. 165

portion of salts, acids and alkalis, serve
to correct, neutralize and decompose
other kinds, and all, when duly mixed,
tempered and employed judiciously, mu
tually assist and support each other. —
Great judgment should be used in the
application of manure — too much of any
kind, will not only retard but totally de
stroy vegetation. As it is with the hu
man or animal economy, a great quanti
ty of animal food will corrupt the hu
mours — add more, life is destroyed. —
Too much liquid occasions a dropsy, and
too much salt, the scurvy. Thus an un
due quantity of either of the articles on
which life depends, will destroy it. —
This observation is of universal applica
tion.

I cannot quit this part of rny subject,
without speaking of weeds — noxious
plants — which are too apt to elude the
eye of the husbandman. In addition to
their being of quick growth and greatly
impeding the progress of esculent ve-

166 ON AGRICULTURE,

getables, they are considered as positive
ly poisonous. Hence Virgil justly ob
serves,

** The towering weeds malignant poisons yield.1'

Observe in a potatoe-hill one large weed,
will absorb the fertility, stint the growth
and corrupt the quality of this important
vegetable.

The business of the farmer, may justly
be compared to a circle. It is without
end, requiring constant care and dili
gence. Every thing is to be done in
season, and every thing to be saved.

Poetry, painting, musickandthe other
fine arts, have long and deservedly en
gaged the attention and patronage of
mankind. But if we are husbandmen,
those arts must be reserved for the amuse
ment of leisure hours. We must be up
and doing. Our sons must go to the
plough and the hoe — to the sickle and
the scythe. Our daughters must apply
themselves to the loom and the wheel,
seeking wool and flax, and working dili-

ON AGRICULTURE. 167

gently with their hands. While thus in
dustriously and usefully employed, our
musick must be that of the thresher's
flail, the singing of birds, and the harmo-
nonyofthe spheres — our painting, the
green verdure of the fields, the gilded
clouds of heaven and the etherial blue —
and the subject of our contemplation, the
earth which we inhabit and worlds on
worlds, composing one vast universe.

Astronomy, geography and navigation,
may teach mankind to count the stars,
measure the earth and traverse the ocean;
but agriculture only can furnish them
with the means of comfortable subsist
ence for a single day — and the hum
ble and devout husbandman, who im
proves to advantage, a few acquired or
paternal acres, may enjoy as much from
the light and heat of the sun, as a New
ton, who could ascertain its size, degrees
of heat and distance from our world.

168 ON MANUFACTURES.

ESSAY XIV.

ON MANUFACTURES.

NEXT to agriculture, nothing is so im
portant to us as domestick manufactures.
Nothing has so much excited the atten
tion of the English government, as their
manufactories— -and for two of the best
reasons that can possibly be adduced,
viz ; wealth derived from exportation
and the preservation of internal tranquil-
ity — for nothing quiets like industry. —
How does Britain view the establish
ment of our manufactories ? I answer,
with concern and dread ; because she
knows full well, that this source of our
wealth would be her poverty, and an
abridgment of her power ; our strength,
her weakness ; our joy and glory, her
sorrow and shame.

Our manufactures, though in infancy,
have presented a mighty struggle be
tween nation and nation. How striking-

ON MANUFACTURES. 169

ly was this manifested at the conclusion
of the late war.

Can the historian enforce on the minds
of future generations, the belief, that
England, within two years from the ter
mination of the late war, by the tide of
importation, so completely inundated our
country with her goods, wares and mer
chandize, as so far to paralize the exer
tions of our manufactures, that at least,
one half of the persons employed, were
discharged? Many of our most enter
prising citizens suffered a vast reduction
in capital, and others were involved in
total bankruptcy. And what to some
may appear strange, the second importa
tion was disposed of at less than the in
voice prices, or even the first cost. Here
is an instance of genuine English policy
— for as Mr. Brougham, a celebrated
member of Parliament, shrewdly obser
ved, " It is worth while to incur a loss
upon the first exportation, in order to
glut, to stiffle in the cradle, the rising

170 ON MANUFACTURES.

manufactures in the United States, which
the war had forced into existence, con
trary to the natural course of things." —
What stronger proof can be had of the
importance of our manufactures, than the
eagerness of Britain to paralize them ?
They constitute a source of wealth,
strength and independence which excites
her envy. But, although she was san
guine that she would be remunerated for
the loss on her first exportations, her ex
pectations have not as yet been realized,
and it is probable from the present and
prospective state of our manufactures,
that they never will.

It is within the recollection of many
now living, when a great parl of the leath
er and shoes used in this country, were
imported from England; and the time well
remembered, when one half of the hats,
and almost all the nails, were of foreign
manufacture — though at the present time
there is a sufficiency of these articles
manufactured in the United States for

ON MANUFACTURES. 171

our consumption ; and the increase of
these important articles of national wealth
and independence, is the result of indi
vidual enterprise and industry, separate
from legislative aid. And were our en
terprise and industry in future, to keep
pace with our population, with respect to
other articles of manufacture, the result
would be the same, and in a short time
we should supply ourselves, not only with
cotton, woollen, silk and linen fabricksj
but with every manufactured article, ei
ther of lead, copper, brass, iron and even
ef silver and gold, independent of the
aid of government.

It is the opinion of many, that manu
factures ought to be left to individual en
terprise. Whether correct or not, only
let every American give the preference
to our own manufactures, on condition
he can procure the same quality and
quantity at the same price, and there
would not, it is believed, be any neces
sity for fearful apprehensions of their de-

172 ON MANUFACTURES.

during for want of legislative interfer
ence or protection.

These remarks have been made with
particular reference to manufacturing esta
blishments. But there is a branch which
must not be passed unnoticed—I refer
to household manufactures. I have been
repeatedly gratified in viewing fabricks,
wrought by females, equalling, if not sur
passing in quality, articles of the same
descriptions, coming from the hands of
European artists.

Then let the daughters of Columbia as
sert their dignity, and disdain, as much
the fashions, as its sons do the politicks
of foreign climes. Do not suffer the
daughters of enslaved Europe, to excel
in patriotism, the free-born fair. Let
your taste, fashions and manufactures, be
your own, adapted to your climate and
situation. " Then shall your dress as
sume a national character, and the charms
of your persons, be associated with the
love of your country, v and the ears of

ON MANUFACTURES. 173

the patriot, as he passes through our
streets and villages, be delighted with
the most charming of all musick-— the
sounds of the loom and wheel.

The time will come, and, in my opin
ion, is not far distant, when the Wew-
England States, will be primarily devo
ted to agriculture and manufactures. —
When this period shall arrive, the farmer
will not depend on a foreign market for
the sale of his overplus produce. Then
will double our present population be
wanted, and all the products of our soil
required. However visionary this idea,
in prospect, may appear, it is reasonable
to infer it from our relative situation with
the western and southern states. Our
climate, habits of industry, water privi
leges and other local considerations, in
connexion with their extent of territory
and growing numbers, almost ensure it.

Such a state of things will supercede
the necessity of entangling intercourse
with foreign powers. For possessing

P2

174 ON INDUSTRY,

the advantage of the productions of eve
ry clime, the United States, by a mutual
domestic commerce, will become inde
pendent of every other part of the globe.
Then indeed and in truth, shall we be
free,«independent and happy.

ESSAY XV.

ON INDUSTRY.

LET it be remembered, by every Ame
rican, that neither agriculture nor manu
factures can flourish, separated from in
dustry. Examine the histories of other
republicks — observe their beginning,
progress and end. While industrious,
they flourish; when indolent, they de
cline. Indeed, whatever the form of go
vernment may be, nothing is so essential
to its union, strength and permanency,
as industry. What has been the policy
of Britain for centuries ? What the ce
ment that has rendered her government

ON INDUSTRY. 175

indissoluble ? Industry. — And however
indolent her statesmen, in other respects,
they have been sufficiently diligent to
keep the nation at work. This has fre
quently preserved internal tranquillity,
when fleets and armies would have pro
ved inadequate. It is industry united
with economy, that constitutes the genu
ine philosopher's stone, which has the
transforming power of changing all into
gold. Although we have an intermina
ble extent of territory, abound with fleets,
armies, possess the wealth of the Indies,
and have the whole world at our com
mand, yet without industry " we are
nothing.'9

It is not only advantageous in a na
tional point of view, but conducive to in
dividual health, prosperity and happiness.
It is in vain, we look for a sound mind
and a sound body, among the idle and
the dissipated. Dyspepsy, low spirits,
and the whole train of chronic and ner
vous complaints, are in reserve for the

176 ON INDUSTRY.

sons and daughters of pleasure, ease and
luxury, and are destined to be their con
stant attendants.

Although in the present advanced state
of society, many are necessarily exempt
ed from manual labour and the divine
sentence of eating their bread in the
sweat of their brow, yet it is an immuta
ble decree, that the oil of gladness shall
brighten the face of industry alone — and
those who are placed in stations where
there are no active duties to perform,
will, in a great degree, be deprived of
that constant cheerfulness, which is the
solace of toil and the re ward of industry.

ON CHARITY. 177

ESSAY XVI.

ON CHARITY.

"And though I bestow all my goods to feed the
poor, and though I give my body to be burned, and
have not charity, it profiteth me nothing." — 1 Corin
thians, xiii chap. 3 v.

THE subject of the whole chapter,
from which these words are selected, is
charity — and perhaps there is not anoth
er instance in the sacred volume, of so
much being said, in the same space, on
one particular virtue of the gospel, as the
apostle has said upon charity in this, the
foregoing and following chapters. In
the chapter preceding the context, after
enumerating the different gifts, distribu
ted among the brethren, for the edifica
tion of the church, he closes by perti
nently observing, " covet earnestly the
best gifts ; and yet shew I unto you a
more excellent way." Then commen
ces the extraordinary chapter, wholly

178 ON CHARITY.

devoted to the subject under considera
tion, in the following manner: — " Though
I speak with the tongues of men and an
gels, and have not charity, I am become
as sounding brass, or a tinkling cym
bal — and though I have the gift of proph
ecy, and understand all mysteries, and
all knowledge ; and though I have all
faith, so that I could remove mountains,
and have not charity, I am nothing." —
Then comes the words of the text ; " And
though I bestow all my goods to feed
the poor, and though I give my body to
be burned, and have not charity, it pro-
fiteth ine nothing," From which we
may with the utmost assurance infer, that
the charity here spoken of, is the very
essence of true religion. Without which,
the highest attainments, the gift of proph
ecy, the understanding of mysteries, faith
even to the removal of mountains, the
distribution of property, and finally the
sacrifice of life, will avail nothing. It is
evident ^that the charity here refered to,

ON CHARITY. 179

cannot be misunderstood for alms-giving,
or that partial love which confines itself
to a particular party, and must be viewed
as merely selfish. No : the charity here
spoken of, is nothing less than that gen
uine love of God and man, in which
alone, Christianity consists. This is the
great commandment, on which hangs all
the law and the prophets. This is the
test of our faith and practice. In vain
are all our ceremonies, our observance
of the Sabbath, or praying and fasting,
or all the means of grace, if we are want
ing in this principle of divine love. It
signifies not by what name we are called,
how pure the church to which we belong,
or the creed to which we adhere, if in
this we are deficient. I am the more
particular on this point, from the consid
eration that we are too prone to place
religion in something which it is not. —
Whereas all that is truly essential to hap
piness, is within every man's reach — it is
not too high for the vulgar, nor too low

180 ON CHARITY.

for the learned — the wayfaring man,
though a fool, cannot err if sincerely en
gaged in the pursuit. Still how many
are there among mankind, who suppose,
that religion consists in being attached
to a particular denomination, and that
such only are the favourites of the Lord.
But shall I be viewed as violating that
charity which I am recommending, by
asserting, that there cannot be a stronger
proof of our being strangers to genuine
Christian charity, than by manifesting a
rigid adherence to a particular sect, to
the exclusion of every other. Such a
spirit is repugnant to the spirit of the
gospel, and most severely reprimanded
by the apostle Paul. For, says he,
" whereas there is among you envying
and strife, and divisions among you, one
saying I am of Paul and another I am of
Apollos, are ye not carnal and walk as

men."

Christianity has a direct tendency to
promote union and brotherly love. The

ON CHARITY. 181

charity of the gospel seeketh not her
own ; is not easily provoked ; beareth
all things, hopeth all things, endureth all
things. It suffereth long and is kind, it
envieth not, it vaunteth not itself, is not
puffed up. It lays the axe to the very
root of self-sufficiency, arrogance and
pride. It never discovers itself in the
vaunting pharisaical language of " come
and see my zeal for the Lord — stand by,
I am holier than thou." It has no affin
ity with human infallibility, condemning
and denouncing every one as a heretick,
who does not submit to his dictates and
subscribe to his creed. This heavenly
grace rather leads its possessor to be
yielding, modest and unassuming — view
ing the present as an imperfect state —
that here the wisest only know in part,
and prophecy in part— therefore chris-
tians ought to exercise towards each oth
er, mutual forbearance and good will,
endeavouring to keep the unity of the
spirit in the bonds of peace, And al-

182 ON CHARITY.

though possessing much knowledge, and
being deeply skilled in the mysteries of
theology, might be of some benefit to the
church, still this is not true religion, and
if not kept in subordination to divine love,
is not only unavailing, but " worse than
worthless" — for " knowledge puffeth up,
but charity edifietlr'^

It were vain to recommend for attain
ment, this divine virtue, by attempting to
describe its excellence. This has been
done by the apostle in a masterly man
ner, surpassing all uninspired writings.
But to give it its true character, in the
most striking point of light, to make it
appear as it really is, would surpass the
powers of an angel. A human being,
born in sin, deformed, debased, — having
lost the lovely image of his divine ori
ginal, and by perverting every faculty of
his mind, brutalized himself; to be so far
transformed, as to be capable of posses
sing and exercising this divine principle
of love to God and love to man, is a bles-

ON CHARITY. 183

sing, of which all those who have not re
ceived it, can form no conception. Lit
tle, very little do they know of real hap
piness, who are strangers to the ever-
living principle of gospel charity. This
is the only thing which will abide by us
when every earthly enjoyment fails. —
When earthly springs of comfort run low,
and finally dry away, this will be a well
of water springing up into everlasting
life.

My readers, do any of us possess this
lovely virtue ? I fear not in an eminent
degree. But if in our hearts it really
has existence, though in comparison as a
grain of mustard seed, let us consider it
as the pearl of great price — cultivate and
exercise it until it pervades the whole
soul. Consider its high origin — it came
from God, the fountain of all excellence
and perfection, and in proportion as we
advance in charity, we become assimila
ted to its divine author, and partakers of
the divine nature ; the nearer we ap-

184 ON CHARITY.

proach also, to the benevolent Redeem
er, whose compassion induced him to be
sacrificed for the redemption of man.—
Contemplate this benevolent principle,
in its nature. It is all lovely and divine,
operating in the happiness of its posses
sor. It is the foundation of every other
grace ; in it is comprised, meekness,
temperance, justice, patience, and the
whole train of Christian virtues.

Consider it with respect to its dura
tion. Charity never faileth. If desti
tute of this abiding principle, we have
nothing certain. Before the next breath
we maybe forever separated from all we
hold dear. It is in vain we boast of our
faith, our hope, our zeal, our perform
ances or attainments, for these all must
vanish. When hope can be no longer
indulged, when faith shall be swallowed
up in vision ; then shall charity, divine
and eternal, shine forth more clear, and
be enjoyed in far greater perfection, than
is possible in the present life. As we

ON CHARITY. 185

all desire happiness, should we not strive
to obtain something that is not only sat
isfactory for the present, but eternal in
its duration ? How uncertain our pres
ent state. Can we calculate upon dura
ble happiness upon earth? Certainly
not. Then let us be wise : conduct like
rational creatures, and regard the will of
the Creator, as inseparable with our own
felicity. Drop the world and all its
amusements, if in competition with the
attainment of this immortal grace.

And finally, if you regard the glory of
God, your own and neighbour's happi
ness — I beseech you, by whatsoever
things are lovely, whatsoever things are
pure or praise-worthy, to strive not mere
ly for the possession of, but to become
perfect in charity.

180 ON ATHEISM.

ESSAY XVII.
ON ATHEISM.

" The fool has said in his heart, there is no God."

ALTHOUGH Atheists may boast of the
antiquity of their doctrines — still, they
have seldom, if ever, been sufficiently
numerous to organize themselves into a
society. They approached the nearest
to organization, at the commencement of
the French revolution — but were soon
dismembered and scattered, on Buona
parte's assuming the reins of government,
and guaranteeing the right of private
opinion, and securing religious freedom
to all. In this enlightened age, they are
now again attempting to organize, under
the more specious appellation of Mate
rialists, thinking by changing the name,
to escape the stigma, universally attach
ed to the Atheist. Suppose Atheism
could obtain or get a footing in this coun
try. Of what use would it be? What

ON ATHEISM. 187

good could result to society in conse
quence ? Would the people enjoy more
happiness in the belief of no God, in the
mortality of what is termed the soul, or
that matter could create itself, independ
ent of a first cause, and at the same time,
by some unknown, unaccountable cause,
create spirit, inspire itself with power,
wisdom and goodness, to keep itself in
that beautiful regularity and harmony, in
which the manifold works of creation,
present themselves to man. A doctrine
too absurd for the belief of the most
sceptical.

The superintending power of the Athe
ist, or if you please, Materialist, is noth
ing more than a blind, inanimate power,
which they call Nature — without intelli
gence, this God Nature, is the creator
of what displays infinitely more intelli
gence than the making of the machinery
of the most ingenious and skillful artifi
cer. If intelligence is wanting, an inge
nuity and skill is displayed infinitely

188 ON ATHEISM.

above all competition by man, whom
even the Atheist admits to be an intelli
gent being. How comes this to pass ?
Is not this theory a palpable absurdity,
if we can trust to reason and effect.

It is to be feared that there are many
practical Atheists, who, as the apostle
Paul says, "live without God in the
world" — but professed Atheists are but
few, and

u Dim lights at best, peep out but once an age,
Dull, sullen pris'ners to their bodies' cage.*'

Indeed, I had heretofore formed the opi
nion, that not more than one professed
Atheist appeared in an age, and Phenix
like, another sprung from his ashes — but
in the present age of free discussion and
free inquiry — and under our free institu
tions, which allow every man the privi
lege of thinking and acting for himself,
in religious matters, the number has
somewhat increased in this country. — I
am, however, happy to add, that their

ON ATHEISM. 189

numbers are principally confined to for
eigners, who have recently emigrated to
the United States, and that very few na
tive Americans, have as yet, become
supporters of their pernicious and cor
rupting dogmas.

The Atheists admit they are not cer
tain that their doctrines or opinions are
correct — for they are certain of nothing
for which they have not optical or tangi
ble evidence. Have not they then their
doubts and fears, as well as the believer
in revelation ? Have they so conclusive
ly demonstrated the groundlessness of
religion, that they at no time entertain
fears from an offended Deity, whose ve
ry existence they profess to deny ? Let
their own bosoms answer the question.

Atheism claims among its devotees,
men of science, superior talents and pro
found erudition; but of such it is presu
med, there are not to exceed four in the
United States. But are there not oppo
sed to these, more than one hundred

190 ON ATHEISM.

times as many, with equal, if not superi
or, natural talents and acquirements ? —
Not including the clergy, who to a man,
are opposed to the worshippers of matter.
In England, Bacon, Newton, Lock,
Boyle, Maclaurin, Ray, Clark, Pope,
Beattie, and other philosophers distin
guished for extensive research and pro
found erudition, have strenuously oppo
sed Atheism, and been the able advo
cates of the existence and superintend
ence of Deity.

The defenders of Atheism, in compa
rison, have been few indeed. Among
the most eminent of these, was Spinoza,
who was born at Amsterdam, in 1633. —
He was a Jew by birth, but gradually
declining from his church, he was on the
point of separating himself totally from
it, when he was treacherously attacked
by a Jew, who gave him a thrust with a
knife, as he was returning from a play.
The wound was slight, but he believed
the aggressor designed to kill him. He

ON ATHEISM. 191

then entirely quit the Jews, and was con
sequently excommunicated by them. —
He then became a Christian, but merely
by profession, as appeared by his wri
tings afterwards, he was in principle an
Atheist. So it appears he was a Jew by
birth, a Christian from policy, and an
Atheist in principle. History represents
him as sociable, affable, honest, friendly
and moral — as being temperate, liberal
and disinterested — his conversation was
edifying ; he never swore ; never spoke
disrespectfully of God, (although he did
not believe in him,) sometimes attended
church, and constantly exhorted others to
go. A proof that, although an Atheist
himself, he was convinced that a gene
ral belief in his tenets, would be perni
cious, Spinoza died of a consumption,
at Hague, in February, 1675, aged 45.
He was so fully confirmed in his opin
ions, that he had taken precaution to con
ceal his wavering, in case he should dis
cover any. His friends say, that from

192 ON ATHEISM.

modesty, he desired, that no sect should
be called by his name.

I will mention but one more of the or
der. Lucilio Vanini, an Italian, of ec
centric character. He was burnt at Tou
louse, for his Atheistical principles. The
only instance known of an Atheist's suf
fering severe and cruel persecution. In
fact, in this or any other country, the
Atheists need be under no apprehensions
from persecution on account of their re
ligious opinions — for they possess none.

I shall conclude this essay, by making
a few extracts from the writings of some
of the most celebrated authors, who have
written in favour of the existence and
general providence of Deity — as being
better than any thing I can produce of
my own.

Beginning with Lord Bacon, who by
men of literature and genius, is consid
ered as the first of philosophers. — He
says,

"I had rather believe all the fables in

ON ATHEISM. 193

the legend, and the talmud, and the al-
coran, than that this universal frame is
without a mind ; and, therefore, God
never wrought miracles to convince Athe
ism, because his ordinary works convince
it. It is true, that a little philosophy in-
clineth man's mind to Atheism, but depth
in philosophy bringeth men's minds about
to religion ; for, while the mind of man
looketh upon the second causes scatter
ed, it may sometimes rest in them, and
go no farther ; but when it beholdeth the
chain of them confederate, and linked to
gether, it must needs fly to Providence
and Deity."

" The fool has said in his heart, there
is no God ;" it is not said, " The fool has
thought in his heart ;" so as he rather
saith it by rote to himself, as that he
would have, than that he can thoroughly
believe it, or be persuaded of it ; for
none deny there is a God but those for
whom it maketh that there were no
God."

194 ON ATHElSiM.

" They that deny a God, destroy a
man's nobility ; for certainly man is of
kin to the beasts by his body ; and, if he
be not of kin to God by his spirit, he is
a base and ignoble creature. It de
stroys, likewise, magnanimity, and the
raising human nature ; for, take an ex
ample of a dog, and mark what a gene
rosity and courage he will put on when
he finds himself maintained by a man,
who to him is instead of a God, or " me-
lior natura ;" which courage is manifest
ly such as that creature, without that
confidence of a better nature than his
own, could never attain. So man, when
he resteth and assureth himself upon di
vine protection and favour, gathereth a
force and faith, which human nature in
itself could not obtain ; therefore, as
Atheism is in all respects hateful, so in
this, that it depriveth human nature of
the means to exalt itself above human
frailty.".

The learned and ingenious Dr. Bal-

ON ATHEISM. 195

guy, thus forcibly expresses himself : —
" Of all the false doctrines and foolish
opinions which ever infested the mind of
man, nothing can possibly equal that of
Atheism, which is such a monstrous con
tradiction to all evidence, to all the pow
ers of understanding, and the dictates of
common sense, that it may be well ques
tioned whether any man can really fall
into it by a deliberate use of his judg
ment. All nature so clearly points out,
and so loudly proclaims a Creator of infi
nite power, wisdom, and goodness, that
whoever hears not its voice and sees not
its proofs, may well be thought wilfully
deaf and obstinately blind. If it be evi
dent, self-evident, to every man of
thought, that there can be no effect with
out a cause, what shall we say of that
manifold combination of effects, that se
ries of operations, that system of won
ders, which fill the universe ; which pre
sent themselves to all our perceptions,
and strike our minds and our senses on

196 ON ATHEISM.

every side ! Every faculty, every object
of every faculty, demonstrates a Deity.
The meanest insect we can see, the mi
nutest and most contemptible weed we
can tread upon, is really sufficient to con
found Atheism, and baffle all its preten
sions. How much more that astonishing
variety and multiplicity of God's works*
with which we are continually surround
ed. Let any man survey the face of the
earth, or lift up his eyes to the firma
ment ; let him consider the nature and
instincts of brute animals, and afterwards
look into the operations of his own mind :
will he presume to say or suppose that
all the objects he meets with, are nothing
more than the result of unaccountable
accidents and blind chance ? Can he
possibly conceive that such wonderful
order should spring out of confusion ? —
Or that such perfect beauty should be
ever formed by the fortuitous operations
of unconscious, unactive particles of mat
ter? As well, nay better, and more ea-

ON ATHEISM. 197

sily might he suppose, that an earthquake
might happen to build towns and cities ;
or the materials carried down a flood, fit
themselves up, without hands, into a reg
ular fleet For what are towns, cities or
fleets, in comparison of the vast and ama
zing fabrick of the universe ! In short,
Atheism offers such violence to all our
faculties, that it seems scarce credible it
should ever really find any footing in hu
man understanding."

On this subject, the celebrated Ches
terfield, made the following remarkable
declaration ; and no man can suppose
his understanding to have been clouded
with religious prejudices.

"I have read some of Seed's sermons,
and like them very well. But I have
neither read nor intend to read those
which are meant to prove the existence
of God ; because it seems to me too great
a disparagement of that reason which he
has given us, to require any other proofs
of his existence than those which the

R2

T.Avv

198 ON ATHEISM.

whole and every part of the creation af
ford us. If I believe my own existence,
I must believe his : it cannot be proved
a priori, as some have idly attempted to
do, and cannot be doubted of a posterio
ri. Cato says very justly — And that he
is, all nature cries aloud"

Pope, one of the most distinguished
English Poets, thus admirably expresses
himself with reference to the Deity :

"All are but parts of one stupendous whole,
"Whose body nature is, and God the soul ;
That, chang'd through all, and yet in all the same ;
Great in the earth, as in th' ethereal frame ;
Warms in the sun, refreshes in the breeze,
Glows in the stars, and blossoms in the trees ;
Lives through all life, extends through all extent ;
Spreads undivided, operates unspent ;
Breathes in our soul, infot ms our mortal part,
As full, as perfect, in a hair as heart ;
As full, as perfect, in vile man that mourns,
As the rapt seraph that adores and burns :
To him, no high, no low, no great, no small :
He fills, he bounds, connects, and equals all.'3

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DESULTORY. 199

ESSAY XVIII.

DESULTORY.

THE contest for power, has agitated
the world, more than the natural evils to
which it is incident. The passion for
bearing rule, is perhaps, inherent in man,
although it may predominate in one more
than another. This principle I consider
as necessary to the existence of the hu
man race, and when subjected to reason,
conducive to their happiness. The pas
sion of power, like that of love, may be
come a disease, if not duly restrained —
and in case of excess, is in its operation,
far more pernicious to society, than any
of the other passions.

In a state of nature, thirst for power,
would discover itself in grasping, holding
and controlling every thing thought es
sential to the gratification of self, and
those who were wanting in strength of
body, would substitute artifice, to accom
plish the same objects. But as mankind

200 DESULTORY.

multiplied, it would soon be discovered,
by the discerning part, that some plan or
system was necessary for the security of
property and rational liberty. The sys
tem planned and adopted for this pur
pose, might be termed, civil government
This government does not alter the na
ture of things, for right and wrong exist
ed prior to all human laws or institutions.
And the true end of all laws, ought to be
to secure, not create right. As the
rights and privileges of all men, are by
nature the same, they of course ought to
be defined and secured.

It is this principle of thirst for controul,
power or pre-eminence, that in a pecu
liar sense, makes what is termed civil
government, necessary. But the reme
dy not removing the principle of the dis
ease, it has in some instances, introdu
ced the same disorder— different in form,
yet aggravated in circumstances, which
it was intended to cure. And this is ev
er the case, under all absolute, monar-

DESULTORY. 201

chical or aristocratical governments, or in
all instances when the power is assumed
by a tyrant or tyrants and yielded by the
people. The power in possession of the
former, gives them the controul of the
persons and estates of the latter, which
are generally disposed of in a manner,
the best calculated, to exalt, aggrandize
and establish the power of the one, and
debase, humble and reduce the other. —
It is in vain we look for a nation, without
a constitution of civil government, guar
anteeing just laws and equal rights, where
the people enjoy their due proportion of
the fruits of their industry, security of
person, or rights of conscience.

The ambition of man, unrestrained by
external checks, is seldom kept within
due bounds, by the power of conscience
or the considerations of virtue, And if
laws exist for the purpose, they are often
either so framed, construed or executed,
with respect to the responsibility of the ru
lers, as to render them useless. Thus on

202 DESULTORY.

one part of the community, the most rigid
observance of them is enforced, while by
the other, they are totally disregarded,
We are therefore left only the alternative
of adopting a democratic or republican
form of government, placing the power in
the people, from whom all public officers
are selected, and to whom they are ac
countable. Such a government is the on
ly one that will ensure liberty, happiness
and prosperity to a nation. I do not
mean that a free government will ensure
liberty, happiness or prosperity in the
strictest sense. A want of virtue, ener
gy or ability in those that administer —
and vice, negligence or extravagance in
the people, may render it ineffectual, as
also a disregard to the principles, spirit
or genius of the constitution. But this
is not owing to the nature of the govern
ment.

I can conceive of no disadvantages at
tending a republican government that will
not apply to any other ; but there are

DESULTORY. 203

many advantages which cannot be enjoy
ed in monarchies and aristocracies, espe
cially of the hereditary kind.

It is offered as an argument in favour
of moriarchial government, that it is less
troublesome and less expensive, to be
subjected to the will of one man, than
many, provided he be a wise and good
sovereign. To this I agree — but who
will underwrite, that every succeeding
prince will be as wise arid good as his
predecessor.

The people cannot be too vigilant or
too much on their guard in denning and
confirming whatever is right, nor too care
ful in guarding against what is wrong. —
As it is commonly the case, that mankind
degenerate or swerve from first principles
instead of becoming better from experi
ence, the safest way is to take them in a
state of originality or purity, before cor
ruption and the imbecility and degenera
cy of age ensue.

From the nature of man, will be read-

204 DESULTORY.

ily admitted the necessity of what is term
ed civil government. The object is to
secure to every member of society, the
enjoyment of life, property and rational
liberty. To restrain the evil and protect
the good. The question here may be
asked, who are the governed? I answer,
all, every one being amenable to the law.
While at the same time every law ought
to subserve the publick good, or the ag
gregate interests of society. It must be
acknowledged, however, that from the
lust for power, wealth and pleasure,
which is apparently inherent in man, that
they are too apt to deviate from those
principles necessary for the good of the
whole, while the accomplishment of all
or either of those objects, constitute the
ultimate end of their views.

FINIS.

CONTENTS*

Page.

Advertisement, . 3

Discovery and settlement of America, . 7

American Revolution, . 1 .17

Government, . . . 21

Jefferson's Administration, . * .37

The Embargo, . 40

The late War, . . . .60

On Patriotism, . . - 84

On the Fourth of July, 1776, . . 87

On Taxation and Rights of Suffrage, . 92
On mutual Dependance and Independence, 101

On Reform and Change, . . Ill

On Religious Establishments, . .124

On Agriculture, . 156

On Manufacture*, • '..' .168

On Industry, . . . .174

On Charity, ... . .177

On Atheism, . 186

Desultory, . .199

GENERAL LIBRARY
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA— BERKELEY

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