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I 



\ 



A HISTORY 



OF THE 



ARTICLES OF RELIGION. 



A HISTORY 



OF THE 



ARTICLES OF RELIGION: 



TO WHICH IS ADDED 



A SERIES OF DOCUMENTS, 



FROM A.D. 1536 TO AJ>. 1616 ; 



TOUETHER WITH 



ILLUSTRATIONS FROM CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. 



BY 



CHARLES HARDWICK, B.D. 

AKrilDEA4X)N or KLY, AND CIIKIiniAM ADVOCATE IN TIIK 
irMIVKRHITT or CAMUBIDOS. 



NEW EDITION, THOROUGHLY REVISED. 



(Bnmhxfbit : 

DEIOHTON, BELL, AND CO. 

LONDON: BELL AND DALDT. 

1859, 



iU 




TO THE 



REV. JAMES AMIRAUX JEREMIE, D.D. 

BBOIUS FROFE880B OF DIVINITY AT CAMBBIDOE, 
AMD BUB-DSAN OF USOOLS, 



9)^ (Snbiafrmir 

TO PROMOTE TIIE CULTIVATION OF ONE DEPABTMENT OF A STUDY 

OVBB WIIIOH HE PKESIDE8 



WITH EQUAL COURTESY, ELOQUENCE AND ERUDITION. 




RESPECTFUJiiLY AND AFF^OT/oNATELY 



INSCRIBED. 



'It 18 much to be regretted that those, who have either profeflsedly 
or inddentally written upon our Articles, have not bestowed that par- 
tiouhur attention upon the history of their compilation which the subject 
itMlf seems to require ; the scope of every attempt having rather been 
to discover what construction peculiar expressions would admit, as 
applicable to the favourite controversies of a more recent period, than 
to determine their sense by ascertaining the sources from which they 
were primarily derived.' Abohbishop LaubekoEp 

'The History of the Articles will afiford the true key, in most 
critical points, to their right interpretation/ Pbofbssob Blunt. 



PREFACE. 



rjlHESE Chapters are intended to supply a want 
which has been long and keenly felt by 
Theological Students both at home and in £ax- 
distant branches of the AngUcan Communion. The 
idea of undertaking such a work is traceable to 
suggestions of the late Archbishop Laurence, who 
complained that while the doctrine of the Articles, 
abstractedly considered, was evolved and harmonized 
in a succession of able treatises, no regular attempt 
was made in any of those treatises, to illustrate 
the framing of the Fommlary itself, by placing it 
distinctly in connexion with the kindred pub- 
lications of an earlier and later date, and by ex- 
pounding it as the peculiar product and reflection 
of the Reformation-movement. 

Much indeed of the material of this work is 
indicated, if not actually gathered to our hands, 
in documentary annals of the English Reforma- 
tion : yet as many readers who are anxious to be 



• •• 



YIU PREFACE. 



accurately informed, are nevertheless precluded 
from consulting the huge volumes of Strype, Le 
Plat, or Wilkins, it was thought that a mere 
hand-book like the present, if fairly put together, 
would be rendering as important service to the 
Church at large as some of the analogous elu- 
cidations of the Book of Common Prayer. 



It will be found, on collating this edition with 
that of 1851 or with the American reprint of 1852, 
that while the bulk of the volume is enlarged by 
only a few pages, a considerable amount of fresh 
matter has been incorporated here and there; 
especially in the two chapters which relate to the 
construction and revision of our present code of 
Articles. 

Gaubbidgb, 

16 May, 1859. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 
THE REFORMATION. 

PAOB 

General cry for Reformation in the fifteenth century . 2 

Guiding principle of the English Reformation ... 3 

Antiquity and catholicity of the principle .... 4 
Papal supremacy — ^its growth, excesses, and synodical 

abolition 6 — 7 

Reasons for resisting it, from contemporary sources 7 — 10 

Restorative aim of the Reformers 10 

(1) English 11 (note) 

(2) Lutheran 11, 12 



CHAPTER II. 
THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 

Its intimate connexion with England 13 

Condition of the German Reformers in 1530 ... 14 
Divergence of the Lutheran and Zwinglian tenets . 14 (and note) 

Elements out of which the Augsburg Confession was framed 15 

Schtcabach Articles, 1529 15, 16 

Torgau Articlet, 1530 22 

Augsburg Confession strictly Lutheran .... 16 

Manner of its composition 16 

Presented to the Emperor (June 25, 1530) .... 17 

Analysis of its contents .... ... 17—^4 

Desire of the Reformers to mediate .25 (and note) 

Cor^futation qfthe Augsburg Confession (1530) 25 

Its nature and contents 26, 27 

Fresh attempt at mediation 28 

Final broach with the Lutherans 29 

Momentary hope of reunion at Ratisbon (1541) . 29 

How frustrated 30 



X TABLE OP CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER III. 
THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1636. 

rAOB 

Two great parties in the Church of England ... 31 

'Old and new learning' SI {note) 

Gardiner and Cranmer 32 

ReTolutionary or ' Anabaptist ' Action .... 32 

General disquiet of the Church 33 

Origin of the Ten Articles (1536) 34 

Remonstrance of the Lower House of the Southern Convo- 
cation 34 

False opinions then current 35 {fiote) 

Germs of truth among them 35 {note) 

Proceedings of the Bishops 36 

The royal message, conyeyed by Cromwell .... 36 

Disputes on the state of the Church .... 37 — 39 

Ten Articles, the result of a compromise .... 39 

Variations in the Titie 40 

By whom composed 40, 41 

Two Lists of Subscriptions 41 

Transitional character of these Articles . 41, 42 

Analysis of their contents 44-^8 

How far they were accepted 48 

Disaffection in the North of England 49 

Publication of the Articles followed by revolt ... 50 

How superseded 51 

Imtitution qf a Christian Man, and Necessary Doc- 
trine 51 {notes) 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE THIRTEEN ARTICLES i—CONFERENCES WITH THE 

LUTHERANS. 

(}eneral sympathy between English and German Reformers 52 

Actual negotiations (1535) 53 

Frustrated or deferred by Gardiner 54 

Private conferences at Wittenberg 55 

Articles drawn up 55 {and note) 

Negotiation resumed 56 

Lutiieran Legation to England 56 

Its proceedings 57 

When and why it failed 57, 58 

iS'u; .^r^tV^ (1539) 5d {and note) 

Result of the Conference with the Lutherans still extant 60 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XI 

PAOB 

Importance of the XIII. Articles 61 

Connexion with other Articles exhibited 62 — 64 

(?) Articles drawn up in 1640 64—66 

CHAPTER V. 
THE FORTY-TWO ARTICLES OF 1663. 

Accession of Edward VI. (1647) 67 

Influence and character of Cranmer 67, 68 

His opinions, with one exception, Lutheran ... 68 
His doctrine of the Eucharist in 1648 ... 68 (note) 

His reverence for antiquity 68 — 70 

Plan of a General B^ormed Confession . 70, 71 

How frustrated 71, 72 

Earliest traces of the /br/y-^MJo -4 Wic^ (1549) 72,73 

Circulated among the bishops 74 

Revised by Cranmer 74 

Submitted to Cheke, Cecil, and six royal chaplains 74 

Returned to the Council, Nov. 24, 1552 .... 76 

Mandate for subscription, June 19, 1553 .... 76 

Publication of the Articles 76 

Separately and in company of the Catechismus Brevis 76 

Traces of the Articles during their formation . 77 — 81 

Records of Hooper's visitations, 1551 and 1552 77, 78 

Controversy with Joliffe and Johnson .... 78 

Nature of HoojKjr's 'Articles' 79 

Their resemblance to the Articles of 1553 ... 79 

Questions respecting their authority 80 

Their number 81 

Why so few were answered by Joliffe . 81, 82 

Against whom were ths Articles directed .... 83 

Internal evidence 82, 84 

The BtfomuUio Leffum Ecclesiasticarum : its value as a 

commentary 82 (note) 

Sittings of the Council qf Trent 84 (nofe) 

Evidence from the history of the times .... 84, 86 

Rise of the 'Anabaptists' 85 — 86 

Their numerous heresies ..-.,., 86 — 88 

Progress in England 88 — ^92 

Royal commission against them (1548) 90 

Growth of Arianism in England 91 

Royal commission (1552) against a new sect (Family of Love T) 92 

Domestic controversies 9:3 — 97 

Hooper^s objections to three Articles .... 93 

Are sacraments ww<*w* of grace? 94 

Are sacraments merely dbsignatory of grace ? . 96 



• • 



Xll TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

PA OB 

Controversies among Reformers respecting Baptism (1562) . 96 

No change effected in tlie Formolaries .... 97 

Distinct aim of the several Articles 98—106 

Did the Articles of 1553 ever pass the Convocation ? 106 

Objections and answers 107—111 

Positive proof of their synodical authority 111,112 

Summary of the steps taken for this purpose . 112, 113 

Reaction under Mary 113,114 

Gardiner's series of XV. .^r^ic^ (1555) .... 115 
Four .^Ir^u^ compiled by Convocation (1558) . 115 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 

Accession of Elizabeth, and her eaiiy measures . . 116 

Conservative character of Parker 117,118 

Suspension of the Edwardine Artides for some years 119 

ArUelet qf Christian Doctrine^ drawn up by the exiles 

(1559) 119 (note) 

The Eleven Articles compiled (1559) 120 

Analysis of their contents 121, 122 

Articles of the Principal Heads qf Religion (? 1559) 120 (note) 
Eleven Articles eiyoined in Ireland (1566) 122 

How superseded in England 123 

Rapid return to the reformed doctrines .... 123, 124 

Forty-Thoo Articles revived 124, 125 

Corrected by Parker, Guest and others .... 125 

Fresh traces of Lutheran sympathies .... 125, 126 
Many of the corrections from the Wurtomberg Confession 127, 128 

Four new Articles 128 

Other Additions 129 

Substitutions 130 

Omissions 131, 132 

Summary of changes 132 

Meeting of Convocation (1563) 133 

Deliberations of the Bishops 134 

Have we an authentic record of their labours ? 134 

The Parker MS 135, 136 

Throe more Articles erased in Convocation 137 

Clause dropped in Art III , and reason . 137 (and note) 

the Art. respecting the Lord's Supper, 

and reason 138, 139 

Remaining alterations of the Upper House 139, 140 

Articles sent to the Lower House, and subscribed 140 — 142 

Approved by the Queen, and printed in Latin . 142 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. xiii 

PAOB 

Contents of this copy 143 

Evidence respecting the disputed clause in Art XX. 144 — 147 

Proceedings in connexion with the Articles in 1 666 147 

Plan for legalising subscription 148 

Opposed by the Queen, but finally carried 149 
Probable cauBes of the change in her views 150 
Puritanical attempt to establish a New Confettion 151 
Light thrown by it on Stat. 13 Eliz. c. 12 . 152 
Proceedings in connexion with the Articles in the Con- 
vocation of 1571 152 

Readoption of Art XXIX 154 

Were the Articles, now revised by the prelates, submitted 

to the Lower House ? 155 

No allusion made to Stat 13 Eliz. c. 12 . 155, 156 

Nature of the alterations in 1571 157 

Are the Latin and English Articles equally authoritative ? 158 

The Articles not a solitary standard of doctrine 169 — 161 



CHAPTER VIL 

THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 

High repute of St Augustine among the Reformers 
Influence of Calvin, and his school 
His system divergent from that of St Augustine 
' Calvinism ' embraced by many of the Marian exiles 
Yet not engrafted on the Anglican Formularies 
Increase of * Calvinism ' in the reign of Elizabeth 
Origin of the Zam^e^^ ^r^tV^ 
The Calvinistic contest at Cambridge 

Professor Baro's teaching 

Proceedings against William Barrett 

Appeal to the Primate 

Whitgift at first somewhat favourable to Barrett 

Influence of Dr Whitaker 

Controversy renewed 

The Primate endeavours to mediate 

Calvinistic Conference in London, Nov. 1596 

First draft of the Lambeth Articles . 

Conduct of Whitgift in assenting to them 

Changes introduced into the original draft 

The offensive and innovating character of these Articles 

Destitute of all ecclesiastical authority 

Their immediate suppression 

Reaction from 'Calvinism' 



162 
163 
164 
165 
166 
167 
168 
168 
169 
170 
171 
172 
173 
173 
174 
175 
176 
176 
177 
178 
179 
179 
180 



XIV TABLE OF CX)NTENTS. 

CHAPTER VIII. 
THE IRISH ARTICLES OF 1616. 

PAOB 

Irish Reformation like the English 181 

Br^f Declaration of 1566 181 

Were the English Articles of 1563 authorized in Ireland ? 182 

Causes leading to the formation of a new series . 182 

Influence of Ussher 183 

Said to have made the first draft of the Irish Articles . 183 

Summary of their contents 183 

Their general character 184 

Amount of their authority before 1635 .... 185 

Doubts on this subject 185 

Were the bishops empowered to demand subscription ? . 186 

Proceedings of the Irish Convocation (1635) .... 187 

.fi!n^/i»A Articles synodically accepted .... 187 
Irish Articles virtually withdrawn .... 188—190 

CHAPTER IX. 

THE SYNOD OP DORT, AND THE ROYAL 

DECLARATION. 

State of the Quinquarticular controversy 191 

Rise of 'Arminianism' (1604) . 193 

The Remonstrance (1610) 194 

Meeting ofthe Synod of Dort (1618) 195 

Patronised by James I. 195 

EQs deputation of Divines 196 

Their character and instructions 196, 197 

Proceedings of the Synod 198 

Expulsion of the Arminians ....... 199 

Moderation of the English delegates 199 

Their parting advice 199,200 

Fresh outbreak of disputes in England on the Fire Points . 200 

Attempt of the King (James) to repress them . . . 201 

Similar attempts of Charles 202 

Proclamation qf 1626 203 

His Mc^t^s Declaration prefixed to the Articles (1628) . 204 

Its general nature 204 

Effects of its circulation ....... 205 

Vow of the House of Commons 206 

Bearing of this agitation on the true character of the 

Articles 207 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XV 



CHAPTER X. 

OBJECTIONS TO THE ARTICLES AT DIFFERENT 

PERIODS. 

PAOB 

Earliest examples (1563) 208 (and note) 

Admanitiofu to the Parliament (1572) .... 209 

Puritans opposed to the general doctrine of the Church . 209 

And in some measure to the Articles 210 

Bolder denunciation of the Articles (1587) . . • 211 

Dissatisfaction betrayed by the Lambeth and Irish Articles 212 

Attempt to annex the Lambeth Articles (1604) . . 212 

Objection of the Puritans to Art XVI 213 

to Art XXIII 214 

to Art XXV 215 

Proposed addition to Art XXXVII 215 

Revision of the Articles by the Aseembly of Divinei (1643) 215 

Nature of the changes 216—218 

Further agitation against the Articles, 1660 . . . 218, 219 

1689, and subsequently 2 19, 220 
How affected by the Act qf Toleration .... 220 



CHAPTER XI. 

HISTORICAL NOTICES OF SUBSCRIPTION TO THE 

ARTICLES. 

General purport of subscription . . . . * . 222 

Mode of interpreting the Articles 223 

Five rules, or canons, proposed 224 

Subscription to the Articles first publicly enjoined, June 19, 1553 225 

Intermitted as a general rule from 1559 to 1571 . . 226 

Enjoined afresh by Stat 13 Eliz. c 12 .... 226 

Was any indulgence granted as to the number of the Articles ? 227 

Eridence, affirmative and negative 228, 229 

Proceedings of Convocation on the same subject . . . 230 

Resistance of the Non-Conformists 230 

Laxity of other prelates repaired by Whitgift (1584) . 231, 232 

Fresh laxity, and complaints of Bancroft thereon . . 233 

Subscription ordered by the Canons of 1604 . . - . 234 

Extended to the Universities 234 

Revived at the Restoration 235 

Subsequent efforts to remove it 236 

Agitation headed by Blackbume (1771) 247 

Defeated in the House of Commons 238 

Present state of the question 2.39 



XVI TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

Appendix I. 

PAOR 

TenAriu:ieio/\5ZG 241 

Appkndix II. 
Thirteen Articles qf l!y^ 269 

Appendix III. 
Articlei qf Edward VL and El%x<a>eth (1552—1571) • 275 

Appendix IV. 
Eleven Articlei qf 1559 335 

Appendix V. 
Lambeth Articletqf 1595 '341 

Appendix VI. 
Iriih Articles qf iei5 349 



CONTEMPORABT IlLU8TBATI0NS OF THE ThIRTT-NiNE AbTICLES. 369 



CORBIGENDA. 

p. 78, line 13, for latter, read letter. 

p. 95, line 14, „ Reformation-movements, ,, Reformation>movoroent. 

p. 138, line 14, ,, their, „ the. 

p. 994, (margin),, June 15, „ June 19. 



HISTORY 



OF THF 



ARTICLES OF RELIGION. 



— — ♦- 



CHAPTER I. 

THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. 



THE Articles are a distinct production of the sixteenth 
century. They were constructed step by step amid the 
heavings of those mighty controversies, which enlivened 
and ^nvulsed the Church of England at the time of the 
Reformation. The original design of the compilers will 
be, therefore, ascertained exactly in proportion to the clear- 
ness of our view as to the leading character of the event 
which brought them into being. 

This indeed is not the place for entering on the details 
of a question so momentous, and so complicated ; but no 
history of the Articles can be regarded as complete, which 
does not lead us backward to the standing-ground of the 
compilers, and enable us from thence to estimate the special 
fitness of that manifesto as one permanent expression of 
English orthodoxy. 

Now that * reformation' of some kind or other had been r^ im»w- 
long the passionate cry m almost every province of tht. formanon. 
Western Church is patent and indisputable. Those writers 
who are loudest in denouncing the Lutheran movement (as 
Bellarmine and Bossuet and M5hler) have been driven 
to confess that in the age immediately preceding, the 
whole system of the Church was grievously out of joint. 
'According to the testimony of those who were then alive, 

H. A. 1 



THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. 



[CH . 



there was almost an entire abandonment of equity in the 
ecclesiastical judgments ; in morals no discipline, in sacred 
literature no erudition, in divine things no reverence ; re- 
ligion was almost extinct^.' Examples of the prevalent 
disorganisation could be multiplied indefinitely*. They 
formed the staple oi gravamina and reformanda which were 
pressed on the attention of successive popes and kings, of 
parliaments, of councils, and of diets. They gave birth 
fkuBOarm^^'^ * Reformation-collegcs,' like that of Constance*, and 
v^^'ftr- * select committees' of cardinals and other prelates, such as 
that appointed by pope Paul III. in 1538, * De emendanda 
Ecclesia* ;' and although it must be granted that the acts 
of these reformers do not often penetrate below the surface, 
there can be no doubt that in the honest sifting and cor- 
rection of * disciplinary abuses,' they were sometimes touch- 
ing more or less directly on higher and deeper points, with 
which the outward blemish or excrescence was vitally con- 
nected. In addition to such milder efforts emanating from 
the chief authorities in church and state, there was no lack 
of earnest individuals, friars, clerics, monks and laymen, 
who contended that a reformation, to be really efficacious, 
must commence with deeds of daring, not to say of vio- 
lence, — ^with rooting up the aftergrowths of error, that had 
smothered, or at least obscured, the genuine dogmas of the 
Grospel*. Such was the prevailing spirit of the Wycliffites 



1 Bellarm. (7oneio xxvuf. 0pp. 
VI. 196, Colon. 161 7. BoMuet's ad- 
mifldon will be found in his HuA, dei 
Variaiums, Hy. i. § i : and Mohler's 
in the Synibolik, n. 31, 3a, Engl, 
trans, and in his Schr\ften und Axrf- 
idlu, II. 38, 39, Begensbui^h, 1840. 

' See, for instance, the present 
writer's Ch, ffut. 'Middle Age,' 
PP* 39^^ — 44^ f <^cl 'Reformation,' 
pp. 1—6, pp. «97— 3«5. 

* Lenfant, Sid. du Gondii de 
Comtance, n. 309 sq. Amsterdam, 
1717, has given a list of the resolu- 
tions passed in this assembly. 

* Le Plat, Monumenta Ooncil. Tri- 



dent, II. 598, Lovan. 1782. It is a 
significant fact that this document 
was afterwards thrust by one of its 
own authors into the ' Index Prohi- 
bitorum:' see Mendham's Literary 
Policy of the Church of Rome, pp. 48, 
49. If more decisive proof of its 
genuineness be caUed for, see a 
letter entitled Johan, J^urmius Oar- 
dinalibus eceteriiqwe prcelatit delectit, 
Argentorati, 1538, where a copy of 
the Keport itself is added. 

* The terms in which the author 
of the PhUoeophie Positive alludes to 
these ' Reformers before the Reform- 
ation' are well worthy of notice, 



I.] THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. 3 

in England, yet the movement they originated here and 
also in Bohemia issued in comparative failure. Many of 
thwr. principles were vitiated from the first by feverish, 
wild, or revolutionary ideas : and hence it was that when 
the Refoimation of this Church and country was accom- 
plished, the promoters of it took their stand upon a very 
different basis. 

ilow then did the Church of England^ in the sixteenth 'JgiJ'S^^ 
century, meet the urgent clamour of the age, and enter on {'Jji*^^**^"" 
the reformation of abuses? She revived the ancient theory 
of national independence, as distinguished from the modem 
theory of papal universalism. 

Her guiding principle was this: — A national Church, 
and therefore the ' Ecclesia Anglicana,' through the me- 
dium of its representative synods, acting under royal 
licence, has authority from Christ Himself to extirpate 
abuses, whether of doctrine or of discipline, of ritual or of 
polity, existing within its own jurisdiction ; nay, is abso- 
lutely bound by its allegiance to Christ and by regard to 
the well-being of tlie people committed to its charge, to 
vindicate and re-affirm the truths of Christianity, as once 
for all delivered to the saints and current in the Early 
Church. 

The nature of the jurisdiction which prescribed all {(J*Jf^;?J^ 
future changes in our own ecclesiastical system had been g^JJJJ^ 
indicated by the Preamble to Stat. 24° Hen. VIII. c. 12 
(a.d. 1532 — 3), which proved the harbinger of Reforma- 
tion. There it is declared, on tlie authority of * sundrie 
olde autentike histories and cronicles,' that this realm of 
England is an empire made up of spiritualty and tempo- 
ralty, and that it has been the custom when any cause * of 
the Lawe Devine,' or * of spirituall lernyng/ came in ques- 

especiaUy as M. Comte's religious long before; ko that the success of 

Rympathies, if he had any, were Luther, after the failure of prema- 

entirely on the side of Medisvalism. ture reformers, was mainly due to 

'The Lutheran revolution/ he writes the ripeness of the time : a confirm- 

(Liv. VI. c. x), ' produced no inno- ation of which is found in the rapid 

yation, in regard to discipline, ec- and easy propagation of the decisive 

clesiastical orders or dogma, that explosion.' 
had not hten persev^ringfy propoml 

1—2 



4 THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. [CH. 

tion, to have such controversy decided *by that parte of the 
said bodye politike called the spiritualtie, nowe bejnig 
usually called the Englishe ChurcAe, which alwaies hath 
been reputed, and also founde, of that sorte that both for 
knowlege, integritie and sufficiencie of nombre, it hath ben 
alwaies thought, and is also at this houre, sufficiente and 
mete of itselffe, without the intermedlying of any exterior 
peraonne or peraonnea^ to declare and determyne all suche 
doubtes and to administre all suche offices and dueties as 
to their romes [rooms] spirituall doth apperteyne/ 
^53*S^i. Nor in asserting this great principle of national inde- 
^X&^ pendence did our legislators overstep the powers which 
had been claimed and exercised by the domestic synods of 
the best and purest ages. Till the founding and consoli- 
dation of the papal monarchy such bodies had been always 
held not only competent but morally responsible for the 
correction of all heresies and errors which sprang up in a 
particular Church. * This right of provincial synods, that 
they might decree in causes of faith, and in cases of reform- 
ation, where corruptions had crept into the sacraments of 
Christ, was practised much above a thousand years ago by 
iwwtfftf many, both national and provincial synods. For the coun- 
cil at Rome under pope Sylvester, anno 324, condemned 
Photinus and Sabellius ; (and their heresies were of a high 
nature against the faith). The council of Gangra about 
the same time [between 325 and 380] condemned Eusta- 
thius for his condemning of marriage as unlawful. The 
first council at Carthage, being a provincial, condemned 
rebaptization, much about the year 348. The provincial 
council at Aquileia, in the year 381, in which St Ambrose 
was present, condemned Palladius and Secundinus, for em- 
bracing the Arian heresy. The second council of Carthage 
handled and decreed the belief and preaching of the Tri- 
nity ; and this a little after the year 424. The council of 
Milevis in Africa, in which St Augustine was present, con- 
demned the whole course of the heresy of Pelagius, that 
great and bewitching heresy, in the year 416. The second 
council of Orange, a provincial too, handled the great con- 
troversies about grace and free-will, and aet the Church 



I.] THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. 5 

right in them in the year 444 [529]. The third cooncil of 
Toledo (a national one), in the year 589, determined many 
things against the Arian heresy, about the very prime ar- 
ticles of faith, under fourteen several anathemas. The 
fourth council of Toledo did not only handle matters of 
faith, for the reformation of that people, but even added 
also some things to the Creed which were not expressly de^ 
livered in former creeds. Nay, the bishops did not only 
practise this to condemn heresies in national and provincial 
synods, and so reform these several places and the Church 
itself by parts, but they did openly challenge this as their 
right and due, and that without any leave asked of the see 
of Rome ; for in this fourth coimcil of Toledo they decree, 
"That if there happen a cause of faith to be settled, a 
general, that is, a national synod of all Spain and Galicia 
shall be held thereon ;" and this in the year 643 : where 
you see it was then catholic doctrine in all Spain that a 
national synod might be a competent judge in a cause of 
faith. And I would fain know what article of faith doth 
more concern all Christians in general, than that of Filio- 
que? and yet the Church of Rome herself made that 
-addition to the Creed without a general council.... And if 
this were practised so often and in so many places, why 
may not a national council of the Church of England do 
the like*?' 

The earliest triumph which these principles achieved JJ^jjgJ 
on their resuscitation in the sixteenth century was the 
absolute repudiation of the ultra-papal claims. Originally 
independent of the Latin Church, this country had been 
gradually reduced into a state of bondage. Roman modes 
of thought so largely intermingled in our Anglo-Saxon 
Christianity had overpowered the influences exerted for a 
time by the surviving British Church and by the mis- 
sionaries out of Ireland ; till at length the deepest defer* lu gradual 
ence, not to say servility, had been manifested by the"««^- 
king, the clergy, and the people, in their dealings with the 
court of Rome. Anterior to the Norman Conquest the 

* Archhp Laud, Conference foUh Pisher, Sect. 24, pp. 116, 117, Oxf. 1839. 



6 THE ENGLISH SEFORMATION. [CH. 

predominant feeling might be one of gratitude and filial 
reverence, — snch indeed as we can trace at present in the 
language of our brethren in America while reviewing their 
relations to the Church of England : but as soon as ever 
the pretensions of the papacy had grown into the towering 
shape which they assumed in Hildebrand and his suc- 
cessors, the demeanour of the English was considerably 
altered, and in speaking of the Roman pontifis they be- 
trayed from time to time the workings of that ardent 
nationality which issued in the Reformation. From the 
period of the troubles of archbishop Anselm, when *the 
king and his nobles, the bishops also, and others of inferior 
rank, were so indignant as to assert that rather than sur- 
render the privileges of their forefathers, they would depart 
from the Roman Church*' — until the closing struggle in 
the reigns of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, the encroach- 
ments of the pontiff had been calling up a spirit of deter- 
mined opposition ; and in cases even where his interference 
might be salutary, and as such was cordially desired by 
the great body of the nation, it is quite impossible to watch 
the temper of the English parliament ', without discovering 
many a trace of that profound exasperation, which eventu- 
ally repelled all foreign intermeddling, and gave freedom 
to the English Church. 

Formtuhidi The usurpatious of the papacy consisted in the main 

JJSSS? of these particulars : 

(1) A judicial power in matters ecclesiastical, or cases 

of appeal. 

(2) The right of granting licences and dispensations. 

(3) The liberty of sending legates into England and 

through them of overruling the domestic synods. 



^ Archbp Anselm's Letter to Pag- and at one time there was a general 

ehxdu II., in Twysden's Vindieation, idea that Henry II. would have an- 

p. i6, Camb. edit. The GonttitationB tidpated the reeistance of his eighth 

of Clarendon ' were an actual 8ub< namesake, p. 159. 
vereion, as fur they went, of the ' See a list of proleaiant acts 

papal policy and system of hierarchy during the Middle Ages, in Full- 

introduced by Gregory VII.' Tur- wood, Boma BuU, chapters viii. — 

ner. Middle Age$y i. 746, ed. 1830 ; xni. 



I.] THE ENGLISH REFORICATION. 7 

(4) The power of granting investiture to bishops, of 

confirming their elections, and dispensing the 
church-patronage. 

(5) The privilege of receiving the first-fruits, the 

tenths of English benefices, and goods of clergy- 
men who died intestate. 

We have no concern at present with the motives of the Jhecowm 

... adopUdin 

English monarch, in whose reign this country was relieved otr^ieeUan. 
from foreign usurpations. What is really important to ua 
is the fact that Henry manifested no desire, in re-asserting 
his prerogative, to suppress or supersede the action of the 
English spiritualty. It was the Church herself, canoni- 
cally represented, that came forward to resolve the ardu- 
ous questions mooted in this country. All of them were 
severally examined on their own distinctive merits, just 
as similar controversies were discussed and settled by the 
Church of earlier times. In 1534, for instance, after statutes 
pointing in the same direction had been carried in the 
parliament, it was deliberated in the two provincial synods 
of Canterbury and York, Whether the hiahop of Rome has 
in Holy Scripture any greater jurisdicttonj within the Jcing^ 
dom of England, than any other foreign bishop ? — ^and the 
question was then answered in the negative with scarcely 
one dissentient voice. This judgment was again corro- 
borated by the English universities, after five weeks of 
deliberation, and was echoed by cathedral chapters and 
conventual bodies ; so that, with the almost solitary excep- 
tion of Fisher, bishop of Rochester, the verdicts of the 
several church-authorities were adverse to the old preten- 
sions of the Roman pontiff \ 

The general grounds on which this memorable judg- JJ^UJJJJ;^ 
ment had been based, are stated in the following extracts 
from contemporary documents. They prove, what is else- 
where apparent, that the English prelates and divines were 
instigated by no spirit of ecclesiastical revolution, but pro- 
ceeded to their task deliberately, in armour they had drawn 
from their familiar converse with Christian antiquity. 

' Rymer*8 Pcedera, xiv. 487—517, ed. 1718; Wilkins, ConcU. ra. 74884. 



m • »im 



^m^tm 



mmm 



m 



8 



THE ENGLISH ^FORMATION. 



[CH, 



frvm tike 'in- 



I 



^I beliere that these particular Churches, in, what 
Mm/i^. pl^M^ of the world soever they be congregated, be the 
very parts, portions or members of this Catholic and Uni- 
versal Church. And that between them there is indeed 
no difference in superiority, pre-eminence or Authority, 
neither that any one of them is head or sovereign over the 
other; but that they be all equal in power and dignity, 
and be all grounded and builded upon one foundation .... 
And therefore I do believe that the Church of Rome is 
not, nor cannot worthily be called the Catholic Church, but 
only a particular member thereof, and cannot challenge or 
vindicate of right, and by the Word of God, to be head of 
this Universal Church, or to have any superiority over the 
other Churches of Christ which be in England, France, 
Spain, or in any other realm, but tbat they be all free 
from any subjection unto the said Church of Rome, or unto 
the minister or bishop of the same. And I believe also 
that the said Church of Rome, with all the other parti- 
cular Churches in the world, compacted and united to- 
gether, do make and constitute but one Catholic Church 
or body .... And therefore I protest and knowledge that 
in my heart I abhor and detest all heresies and schisms 
whereby the true interpretation and sense of Scripture is 
or may be perverted. And do promise, by the help of God, 
to endure unto my life's end in the right profession of 
fidth and doctrine of the Catholic Church^' 

If it be urged that the rejection of the papal claims 
is made to turn almost exclusively upon a theory of the 
Church, another extract from the same book will bring 
before us the historical reasons which had weight among 
the members of the English synod : 

'As for the bishop of Rome, it was many hundred 
years after Christ before he could acquire or get any 
primacy or governance above any other bishops, out of his 
province in Italy. Sith the which time he hath ever 
usurped more and more. And though some part of his 
power was given unto him by the consent of the emperors, 

1 IfUtUuHon of a CkrisHan Man; a.D. 1537; 'FormuUries of Faith/ 
PP- 55—57, Oxf. i8«5. 



SSi 



I.] THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. 9 

kings and princes, and by the consent also of the clergy in 
general^ councils assembled; yet snrely he attained the 
most part thereof by marvellous subtilty and craft, and 
specially by colluding with great kings and princes ; some-' 
time training them into his devotion by pretence and 
colour of holiness and sanctimony, and sometime constrain- 
ing them by force and tyranny : whereby the said bishops of 
Rome aspired and arose at length unto such greatness 
in strength and authority, that they presumed and took 
upon them to be heads, and to put laws by their own 
authority, not only unto all other bishops within Christen- 
dom, but also imto the emperors, kings, and other the 
princes and lords of the world, and that under the pretence 
of the authority committed unto them by the Gospel*: 
wherein the said bishops of Rome do not only abuse and 
pervert the true sense and meaning of Christ's Word, but 
they do also clean contrary to the use and custom of the 
primitive Church, and also do manifestly violate as well 
the holy canons made in the Church immediately after the 
time of the Apostles, as also the decrees and constitutions 
made in that behalf by the holy fathers of the Catholic 
Church, assembled in the first general Councils: and 
finally they do transgress their own profession, made in 
their creation. For all the bishops of Rome always, when 
they be consecrated and made bishops of that see, do make 
a solemn profession and vow, that they shall inviolably 
observe and keep all the ordinances made in the eight first 
general Councils, among the which it is specially provided gjjjjj^^ 
and enacted, that all causes shall be finished and deter- ^Jfjg^' 
mined within the province where the same be begun, and 
that by the bishops of the same province; and that no 
bishop shall exercise any jiirisdiction out of his own dio- 
cese or province. And divers such other canons were 
then made and confirmed by the said Councils, to repress 
and take away out of the Church all such primacy and 

^ This epithet was applied at the ' For this reason the point brought 
time of the Reformation to other before Convocation in 1534 was re- 
synods besides those which were specting the Seriptur€Une8i of the 
strictly CBCumenical. (Cf. Art. xxi. papal claims, 
of the present series). 



10 THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. [CH. 

jurisdiction over kings and bishops, as the bishops of 
uS'S^' Kome pretend now to have over the same. And we find 
SSmSSowiS; that divers good fathers, bishops of Borne, did greatly 
^^^ ^ reprove, yea and abhor, (as a thing clean contrary to the 
Gospel, and the decrees of the Church,) that any bishop of 
Borne or elsewhere, should presume, usurp, or take upon 
him the title and name of ''the universal bishop,'' or of 
"the head of all priests," or of "the highest priest," or 
any such like title. For confirmation whereof, it is out 
of all doubt, that there is no mention made, neither in 
Scripture, neither in the writings of any authentical doctor 
or author of the Church, being within the time of the 
apostles, that Christ did ever make or institute any distinc- 
tion or difference to be in the pre-eminence of power, 
order, or jurisdiction between the apostles themselves, or 
between the bishops themselves; but that they were all 
equal in power, order, authority and jurisdiction. And 
that there is now, and sith the time of the apostles, any 
such diversity or difference among the bishops, it was 
devised by the ancient fathers of the primitive Church, for 
the conservation of good order and unity of the Catholic 
Church; and that either by the consent and authority, 
or else at the least by the permission and sufferance of the 
princes and civil powers for the time ruling*.' 

This subject, when resumed soon after in the ' Necessary 
Doctrine for any Christian Man' (1543), was handled in 
precisely the same fashion, and elucidated by still further 
references to history and canon-law*. 
^J^JfJS* ^* ^ impossible indeed to study the productions of the 

K^ormert. ^^rly Bcformcrs without feeling that their aim had never 
been to found a novel Church or system of their own, but 
rather to re-edify and re-invigorate the system of their fathers 
which was rapidly falling to decay. They did not wish to 
break away in a schismatic temper from the rest of Chris- 
tendom, but only to extinguish the unlawful jurisdiction of 
a proud and bold usurper, and, by following in the foot- 
steps of the primitive Church, to rescue for their nation 

^ Jbid. pp. 117, 1 1 8. * pp. 182 — 286. 



I.] 



THE ENGLISH REFOBMATIOK. 



11 



manj a pure and evangelic element of faith, of fSseling, and 
of ritual, which had long been deadened or distorted in 
the speculations of the leading schoolmen^ As these 
points have been so frequently insisted on with reference to 
the Church of England, the production here of further evi- 
dence is deemed superfluous* : but the reader may be in- 
terested to observe that the same principle of reverence for 
the primitive faith was no less definitely advocated in a 
foreign document, drawn up by certain of the Lutheran 
states (March 5, 1537), and rendered into English: 'For 
the sklaunder is moost fals,' they write, * which our aduer- 



1 See Field, Of tht Church, i. 
165 seqq. and especially Appendix 
to Book III., 'wherein it is clearely 
proved that the Latine, or West 
Church in which the Pope tyran- 
nized, was, and continued a true, 
orthodox, and protestant Church, 
and that the devisers and main- 
tainers of Bomish errors and super- 
stitious abuses, were only a faction 
m the iame, at the time when Luther, 
not without the applause of all 
good m«i, published his propositions 
against the prophane abuse of papal 
indulgences.* 11. i — 387, ed.E.H.S. 
1849. 

* e.g, 'Reformatio non aurum 
abstulit, sed purgavit a luto : non 
vel fundamenta evertit, vel parietes 
dimit aut tecta, sed vepres solum 
exscidit, et fimum ejecit: non car- 
nem, ossa aut sanguinem corpori 
detraxit, sed saniero et humores pes- 
tiferos expulit. Aut si clarius hcec 
did velis : quicquid aureum, solidum, 
fundamental, quicquid catholicum 
et antiquum est, retinuit : ea solum 
quie intemis sordibus vestra, lutea, 
morbida, et fundamento assuta, quic- 
quid novum, heereticum, idololatri- 
cum, aut antichristianum erat, am- 
putavit. De substantia antiqiuB et 
catholicse fidei, nihil quidquam a 
nobis immutatum : quicqaid tale est 



ampleotimur ambabus oluis, exosca- 
lamur, tuemur.' Crakanthorp, Ikfen- 
sio Eccl. Anglican, p. 6oi, ed. Words- 
worth, 1847. The same is even more 
distinctly affirmed by Bp Overall 
(then dean of St Paul's) in the Con- 
vocation of 1 605, where he was pro- 
locutor {Camh. Univ. MS. Gg, i. 19, 
p. 158). He contends: 'Nihil nos 
in doctrina, religione, ecclesia, mi- 
nisterio ac ordine eccledlastico, sacris 
et sacramentis, aut ulla re alia ad 
Ecclesiam Christianam etCatholicam 
pertinente, essentiale et necessarium 
detraxisse aut immutasse, ab ilia 
forma doctrinsB et religionis qoam 
a Christo et Apostolis traditam, in 
Primitiva Ecclesia receptaro, agni- 
tam, stabilitam fuisse constat: sed 
tantum nsevos et labes, superstitiones 
et abusus, supervacanea et non ne- 
cessaria, quae temporis tractu homi- 
numque vitio accesserant et irr^ 
serant, et tanquam mania, diaboli 
invidia, superseminata sunt expur- 
gasse : idque non inordinate, iurbu- 
lenter, temere, ad hominum privatO' 
rum pkunta ac decreta ; sed puhlica 
et synodica authoritate, jtuta c(msul' 
tatione et maturojudicio legitime pros- 
cedenie,jtiiXta VerbumDei, consentum 
Patrum, usum veterum Synodorum, 
ae praxim antiquioris et puriorii 
Ecclence.* 



12 



THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. 



[CH. I. 



Banes do oftentjmes cast forth, that erroors somtyme con- 
demned are scattred abrode and olde heresyes renewed of 
our men ; and therfore they denye that ther is any nede 
of tryall. Nother is it onye harde thynge to refdte this 
sklamider, our Confession^ once shewed fourth. For thys 
pure doctryne of the Gospel whiche we haue embraced 
is, wythout doute, euen the verye consente of the catholyke 
Church of Christ : as the testimonies of the olde Church 
and of holye fathers do euydentlye declare. For we do not 
receaue or approue any wycked opynions, or such as fyghte 
with the consent of the holy fathers ; yee rather in many 
artikles we do renew the teachynges of the old synodes 
and fathers, which the latter age had put out of the way, 
and for them had geuen forth other false and conterfette 
doctiynes, wyth the which oure aduersaiyes do shamefully 
fyghte wyth the judgementes of the fathers and authoryte 
of the synodes*.' 



^ The aUuBion is to the Augiibwrg 
Confestionf where among other state- 
mentB of a like character, it is de- 
clared : ' Hsbc fere summa est doc- 
triniB apud nos, in qua cemi potest, 
nihil inesse, quod discrepet a Scrip- 
tuns, vel ab ecclesia Catholica, vel 
ab ecclesia Romana, quatenus ex 
Scripioribus nota est (Cferm, aus der 
Vater Schrift.)' Corrfettio Augutt, 
Pars I. § xxn. : Libri SymM, Bed, 
Lutheran, p. 35, ed. Francke, 1847. 
Bucer, in like manner, did not scru- 
pie to occupy the same ground as 
late as 1544 : see the Scripta Duo 
Advenaria D, Barthol, Latomi et 
Martini Buceri, p. 5. Argentor. 1544 : 
'Statutum autem hslbeo .decertare 



veris armis et instnimentis, hoc eat, 
Scripturis, traditionibus vere aposto- 
lids et sententiis catholicis ac ortho- 
doxis S. Patrum, non oonyitiis.' He 
justly' discriminates, however, be- 
tween the two authorities. Scripture 
and Church-tradition (e,g, pp. 136, 
937), asserting that the Fathers are 
to be accepted by us ' ut testee, non 
ut authores, sacrorum dogmatum 
vel ceremoniarum.' 

* The Cdutea why the Cfermanea 
wiU not go, nor conaente vnto that 
Councdy &c. (the proposed synod of 
Mantua) sign. A. v. Sowthwarke, 
1537. The original is printed in Le 
Plat, Monvmenta, 11. 577. 



CHAPTER II. 

THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 



THE observations made at the conclusion of the pre- tiu auos- 
vious chapter have enabled us to understand the gene->^^ 
ral drift and purpose of the first of the Reformed Confes- 
sions, published in the spring of 1530, and therefore nearly 
three years anterior to the elevation of Cranmer to the 
see of Canterbury. It was this remarkable document 
which suggested the idea so generally adopted in the 
middle of the sixteenth century ; and had no further basis 
of affinity subsisted between it and our own Articles of 
Religion, it might fairly have demanded at our hands a 
more than passing notice. 

But there is a second and imperative reason for em- ruintimatt 
bracing an account of the Augsburg Confession in the limits ^^a'^^ 
of the present volume. That Confession is most inti- 
mately connected with the progress of the English Re- 
formation ; and besides the influence which it cannot fail to 
have exerted by its rapid circulation in our coimtry, it contri- 
buted directly, in a large degree, to the construction of the 
public Formularies of Faith put forward by the Church of 
England. The XIII. Articles, drawn up, as we shall 
see, in 1538, were based almost entirely on the language 
of the great Germanic Confession ; while a similar expres- 
sion of respect is no less manifest in the Articles of Ed- 
ward VI., and consequently in that series which is bind- 
ing now upon the conscience of the English clergy. 

For this reason it is necessary to ascertain the temper cm^ium 
and position of the Wittenberg Reformers in the year^jjjj^ 
1530, when they laid a formal record of their tenets at '" *^ 
the feet of Charles V. 



14 



THE AUflSBURG CONFESSION. 



[CH. 



Divergence 

o/the 

lAitheran 

andZwin- 

ffUan 

opinUmM, 



Now it is clear that since the meeting of the Diet of 
Worms in 1521, the movement, of which Luther was the 
ruling spirit, had been growing far more moderate in its 
tone*, and far more purely theological. Its earlier vehe- 
mence had been expended in decrying all the disciplinary 
abuses of the age, and the extravagant pretensions of the 
Roman pontiff. It had afterwards entered for a while into 
a partial union with the bolder and less balanced followers 
of Zwingli, and had so incurred the risk of falling in with 
his political maxims, and accepting the more neoteric of his 
theological opinions : but the conference held at Marburg* 
in 1529 had proved conclusive, both to others and them- 
selves, that the two schools of reformers (Swiss and Saxon) 
were in many ways divergent, and that warmly as they 
might agree in their repudiation of * Romish' errors, it was 
quite impossible to bring them, either by persuasion or by 
pressure, to subscribe a commpn formulary of faith. 

One great historian of the period furnishes an apt epi- 
tome of the contending factions in the masterly contrast 
he has drawn between the animus and idiosyncrasy of their 
respective leaders : ' Whereas Luther wished to retain 
everything in the existing ecclesiastical institutions that 
was not at variance with the express words of Scripture, 
Zwingli was resolved to get rid of everything that could 
not be maintained by a direct appeal to Scripture. Luther 
took up his station on the ground already occupied by the 
Latin Church; his desire was only to purify, to put an 
end to the contradictions between the doctrines of the 
Church and the Gospel. Zwingli, on the other hand, 
thought it necessary to restore, as far as possible, the pri- 
mitive and simplest condition of the Church ; he aimed at 
a complete revolution'.' 



^ See a detailed account of Lu- 
ther's consternation at the rise of 
Anabaptism and the outbreak of the 
Peasants* War, in Hardwick's Ik- 
form, pp. 41 sq. 

^ Ranke, Reformation in Oermany, 
III. 189 seqq. Engl. Trans. 1847. 
Luthor had despaired of this con- 



ference from the first, and his lan- 
guage at the close of it was most 
pregnant: 'Ihr habt einen andem 
Geitt als wir.' See Daniel's Cod. 
LUurg. Eccl Hefoitn, 'Proleg.' § i, 
Lips. 1851. 

» Ibid. III. 86, 87. 'The Reform- 
ers [f. r. the Zwinglians, as opposed 



II.] 



THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 



15 



The peculiar features of this contrast could not fail to 
be imprinted on the minds of all the Wittenberg reformers, 
when, immediately after the great breach at Marburg, they 
proceeded with the compilation of the Augsburg formulary. 

The idea of presenting an apology for their religion EUmau* 
was suggested by Pontanus (or Brttck), the senior chan- ^^SSST^ 
cellor of Saxony^ ; and on obtaining the consent of his **«'A«'^ 
master, the elector John, the chief promoters of the object 
took as the main basis of their work a series of somewhat 
older Articles, which had been carefully compiled in the 
previous year. This document was known by the name 
of the * Schwabach Articles,' — so entitled from the convent 
where it was adopted (Oct. 16, 1529), as the indispensable 
condition of membership in a reforming league. It was 
also in its turn no more than the corrected version of a test 
which had in vain been offered to tlie Zwinglian delegates 
some days before in the great meeting held at Marburg^ 
(Oct. 3). 

The Schwabach Articles are seventeen in number*. ahiS^^ 

1529. ' 



to the Proiestaota or LutheranH] 
would have nothing but the simple 
Word. The same end was proposed 
in all the practices of the Church. 
A new form of baptism was drawn 
up, in which all the additions "which 
have no ground in God's Word" 
were omitted. The next step was 
the alteration of the mass. Luther 
had contented himself with the omis- 
sion of the words relating to the 
doctrine of sacrifice, and with the 
introduction of the sacrament in 
both kinds. Zwingli established a 
regular love-feast (Easter, 1535).' 
p. 88. 

^ The following was the advice 
given by Pontanus (March 14, 1530): 
'Dieweil Kaia. Mt. Ausschreiben 
verroag, dass eins Itzlichen Opinion 
und Meinung gehort soil werden 
[L e. at the ensuing Diet], will uns 
fur gut ansehen, dass solche Meinung, 
darauf unaers Theils bisanher ge- 



standen und verharret, ordentlich in 
Schriften zusammen gezogen werden 
mit griindlicher Bewahrung dersel- 
bigen aus gottlicher Schriil, damit 
man solchs in Schriften furzutragen 
hat, wo man den Standen auch die 
Prediger in den Handelungen die 
Sachen furzutragen lassen je nit 
wtirdo verstatten wollen.' Forste- 
mann, Urhunden-hueh zu tJUr Qesch, 
des Reichatagea zu Attgsburg in J. 
^52^t ^' 4^ seqq. It is clear from 
the imperial edict, as well as from 
other sources, that the Augsburg 
Confession was not meant to be a 
complete tystem of doctrine^ but only 
an apologetic statement of the Lu- 
theran position with respect to dif- 
ferent subjects actually in dispute : 
cf. Guerike, Kircheng. ii. 174 (note). 

• Ranke, R^orm. iii. 197. 

' See them at length in Weber, 
Kriiiache Gench. dtr Augsh. Conf. r. 
App. 1. 



16 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. [CH, 

They imply in their whole structure the profound and 
almost fundamental separation, winch was thought to have 
grown up between the Lutlieran body and those who had 
persisted in their predilections for the rival school of Zwin- 
gli (or the German-speaking Swiss). 
b^^^et- We have no reason, therefore, to anticipate that when 
'iMtJuroH/ Melancthon was deputed to remodel the * Schwabach Arti- 
cles,' and to insert additional matter on the subject of ec- 
clesiastical abuses, he was acting in the least degree as the 
exponent of other than his own communion ; and on study- 
ing the result of his endeavours in the Augsburg Confes- 
sion, the inference which might thus have been derived 
from general knowledge of the times, is found to be sup- 
ported by internal testimony. That production is distinctly 
LiUheran, — opposed to Zwinglian tenets on all controverted 
points, and breathing the same cordial deference for the 
teaching of the past*, which characterises nearly all the 
writings of Melancthon. In the mildness of its tone, the 
gracefulness of its diction, and the general perspicuity of 
its arrangement, it is worthy of its gifted author : while in 
theological terminology it everywhere adheres, as closely 
as the truth permitted, to existing standards of the Western 
Church. Melancthon seems indeed to have been confident 
that he was treading in the steps of St Augustine and the 
Early Fathers ; all his protests were, accordingly, confined 
to modem innovations and distortions by which sectaries 
and schoolmen had been gradually corrupting the deposit 
of the Christian faith. 
^wS^ ^ ^^ ^^ ^^^ Confession, which was first made in 

Latin, and sent on May 11 to Luther, then at Coburg, was 
accompanied by a request from the Elector of Saxony, that 
he would read and revise it with the greatest caution. His 
reply, bearing date May 15, expresses the entire satisfaction 
with which he had perused the labours of his colleague. 
* I have read over Mr Philip's Apology (the original name 

^ The following statement of his in Ecclesia Dei nee author esse volo 

was quoted with peculiar satisfaction nee defensor.* It is found in Me- 

by Bp Overall {Camb, Univ. MS. lancthon's Works, it. 824, ed. Bret- 

Gg. I. 19, p. 161): *Novi dogmatis Schneider. 



Mian. 



I 



II.] 



THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 



17 



of the Confession) : it pleases me very much. I know not 
how to improve or alter anything, if that would not indeed 
be unbecoming in me, for I cannot tread so gently and 
softly. Christ our Lord ^ant that it may bring forth abun- 
dant fruit, even as we hope and prayK' 

A fresh revision by Mclancthon and others, more espe- 
cially by the chancellor Pontanus, waa not terminated till 
the Slst of May*, when copies of the Latin Articles' were 
put into the hands of all the Lutheran princes who were 
present at the Diet. It is probably to the effect of criti- 
cisms which it received in this interval that we should at- 
tribute not a few of the various readings which appear in 
all the earlier editions^. The revision was in truth un- 
finished when a message from the emperor informed the 
Lutherans that he would listen to their Apology on the 
25th of June. Accordingly a German version, also from rnfentedto 
the pen of Melancthon, was on that day read aloud to the Jum^Sk. 
assembled States at Augsburg in the chapter-room of the 
episcopal palace*. This copy of the work, as well as the 
Latin original, was then delivered to the emperor, but not 
imtil it had received the signatures of the Elector of Saxony 
and other members of the Diet, who expressed themselves 
in favour of the Lutheran theology*. 

After the above description of the circumstances which jucanunu. 
attended its original presentation, we may now proceed to 
give an abstract of its principal contents. It consists of 
two Parts, the first having reference to matters of faith, the 



^ Luther's Brief e, iv. 17, ed. De 
Wette. 

* Libri Symbolici Eccl. Lutheran. 
ed. Francke, Lips. 1847, Prolegoin. 
p. xvi. note (10). 

' Melancthon next undertook the 
German version, which was com- 
pleted on the 14th of June. Ibid. 
p. xvii. 

^ See Ranke, iir. 374 ; Guerike, 11. 
176. Notwithstanding the prohibi- 
tion of the emperor, the Confession 
pasted through seven editions in the 

H. A. 



course of 1 530. Francke, ubi supra, 
p. xxiv. 

° Kanke, m. 177. 

' The names stand in the follow* 
ing order: John, the elector of 
Saxony; George, the markgrave of 
Brandenburg ; Ernest, duke of Liine- 
burg; Philip, landgrave of Hesse; 
John Frederick, electoral prince of 
Saxony ; Francis, duke of LUneburg ; 
Wolfgang, prince of Anhalt; the 
senate and magistracy of Nurem- 
berg; and the senate of Reutlingen. 

2 



Art. i. 



Art. ii. 



Art. Ui. 



18 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. [CH. 

second to ecclesiastical or disciplinary abuses. The former 
18 distributed in twenty-two articles ; the latter in seven. 
PART J. rpj^g gj^^ article is entitled *De Deo,' and in it the 

Lutheran states declare their full acceptance of the Catholic 
definitions touching tlie Unity of the Divine Essence, and 
the Trinity of the Divine Persons. They also are equally 
prepared to execrate all heresies by which this doctrine of 
the Church has been impugned in ancient and modem 
times^. 

The second article is on the subject of original sin (* de 
peccato originis,') aflSrming that all men naturally sprung 
from Adam are bom in sin, and that this primary disease 
(* morbus seu vitium ') is sin, and so entails eternal death 
on all persons who are not regenerated by baptism and the 
Holy Spirit. On its negative side this article condemns 
the Pelagians and other misbelievers*. 

The third article adopts the current language of the 
Creeds respecting the Incarnation of our Lord, His life, 
His death. His resurrection, His ascension, with their salu- 
tary fruits ; subjoining (in the German copy) an emphatic 
condemnation of all heretics who have impugned these 
fundamental verities. 

The fourth article proceeds to handle the doctrine of 
justification, declaring that men are not made acceptable in 
the sight of God by any works or merits of their own, but 
are justified gratuitously for the sake of Christ through 
faith (* propter Christum per fidem'). 

The fifth article, *dc ministcrio ecclesiastico,' aflirms 
that the Holy Ghost, who produces faith, is given us by 
the medium of the Word and Sacraments (* tanquam per 
instrumenta'). It condemns the Anabaptist innovators, 
who were circulating their distempered notions on this 
subject as on others. 

The sixth article, * de nova obedientia,' maintains that 
faith must ever issue in good works (* debeat bonos fructus 

* Someofthe'neoterici* here con- Hardwick*8 Reform, pp. 184, 285. 
demned were Scrvetus and his party, > In the Apologia Confessionis, 

whose opinions were then spreading p. 57, ed. Francke, Mclancthon spe- 

in Germany. Francke, p. 13, note 7: cifies * scholastici doctores. 



ArL iv 



Art. v. 



Art. H 



II.] THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 19 

parere'), while denying that we are entitled to allege them 
as the means of justification before God. It appeals, in 
proof of this statement, to the words of Holy Scripture, 
and ecclesiastical antiquity. 

The seventh article, admitting that the Church is one, Art. vn 
holy, and perpetual, defines it as a congregation of saints 
{or, of all the faithful), in which the Gospel is rightly 
taught, and the sacraments rightly administered : implying* 
that communities in which these two conditions are fulfilled 
belong to the true Church. 

The eighth article explains, that notwithstanding the ah. via. 
former definition, there are always in this life a multitude 
of hypocrites commingling with the faithful. It affirms, 
moreover, that the Word and Sacraments in virtue of the 
ordinance of Christ are efficacious, even when administered 
by evil men, and so condemns Donatism and all other sys- 
tems^ where this doctrine is or was impugned. 

The ninth article, * de Baptismo,' declares that this sa- Art. tx. 
crament is necessary to salvation ; that the grace of God is 
offered or communicated by it (*per baptismum offeratur'), 
and that children ought to be baptized, in order to be 
thereby introduced to the favour of God. It also denounces 
the original misconception of Anabaptism. 

The tenth article, * de Coena Domini,' declares that the ah. x. 
Body and Blood of Christ are truly present (*vere adsint*'), 
and are distributed to the recipients. It also adds a censure 
of the Zwinglian' who was teaching otherwise. 

The eleventh article, 'de Coiifessione,' declares \h2iiAruxi, 
private absolution ought to be retained, while it denies that 
the enumeration of all sins should be regarded as essential 
to the efficacy of the act. 

The twelfth article, 'de Poenitentia,' affirms that sin ^*^ **'• 
committed after baptism is truly remissible, and defines 

^ The foUowere of Wycliffe were other hand, see Apology for the Lol- 

iDcluded; see Apol. Confess, p. 149: lards, ed. Todd, 'Introd.' pp. xxxi. 

yet this censure was probably mis- xxxii. 

applied, if we may trust the WycliflBtc * Germ. ' wahrhaftiglich unter 

treatise, edited by Mr Forshall, with Gestait des Brots und Weins im 

the title Remonstrance against Ro- Abendmahl gegenwartig sey.' 

mish Corruptions, p. 123. On the ' Franckc, p. 16, n. n. 

2—2 



20 



THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 



[CH. 



Art. xM. 



Art. xip. 



Art. r». 



Art. xri. 



penitence as consisting of contrition and faith together with 
the fruits of penitence, viz. good works. It condemns the 
'Anabaptists,' who asserted that persons once justified 
could never lose the Holy Spirit. It handles the Nova- 
tians with like severity, and repudiates the idea^then pre- 
valent among scholastics, who maintained that grace was 
merited by human satisfactions. 

The thirteenth article, ' de usu sacramentorum,' teaches 
that sacraments are not mere badges (* notse ') of our Chris- 
tian calling, but are rather signs and testimonies of God's 
will towards us, ordained for the purpose of exciting and 
confirming faith. It also denounces those, who hold that 
sacraments justify * ex opere operato^,' or, in other words, 
mechanically, and neglect to teach that faith in God's pro- 
mise is a necessary precondition or concomitant. 

The fourteenth article, * de ordine ecclesiastico,' simply 
states that no one ought to preach or administer the sacra- 
ments who is not rightly called (* rite vocatus'). 

The fifteenth article, * de ritibus ecclesiasticis,' affirms 
that festivals and other kindred institutions, though not 
essential to salvation, may justly be retained, so long as 
they are celebrated without sin, and are consistent with 
tranquillity and good order in the Church. It protests, 
however, against the notion that any such traditions have 
inherent virtue so as to merit the grace of God, or make 
atonement for sins. 

The sixteenth article, ' de rebus civilibus,' is meant to 
vindicate the high authority of the civil powers against the 
lax and revolutionary dreams of Anabaptism. It also vin- 
dicates the lawfulness of war, of property, of oaths, of 
marriage. 



^ This phrase is explained in Apol. 
Confeaiionis : 'quod sacramenta non 
ponenti obicem conferant gratiam ex 
opere operato tine bono motu uterUUf ' 
p. 203 (cf. the ninth English Article 
o^ 1538)* '^^ further explanations 
of Luther with respect to the bear- 
ing of this point on infant baptism 
may be seen at length in his Caff- 



chismus Major, Part IV. s. 41 seqq. 
For a lucid definition of the phrase 
'ex opere operato' as contrasted with 
the phrase ' ex opere operantis,' see 
Gabriel Biel, Sentent. Lib. iv. Dist. i. 
qu. 3. In the former case, the 'ex- 
hibition' or application of the exter- 
nal sign suffices : ' non requiritur 
bonus motus interior in suscipiente.' 



V'] 



THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 



21 



The seventeenth article, 'de Christi reditu ad judicium,' Art.xtHi 
re-affirms the ancient doctrine of the resurrection and final 
judgment, the eternal happiness of the holy, and the end- 
less misery of wicked men and devils. It condemns the 
Anabaptists, who maintained that future punishment is 
terminable, as well as those who were engaged in circu- 
lating * Judaical opinions,' with respect to some reign of 
faithful men on earth before the resurrection. 

The eighteenth article, * de libero arbitrio,' while it ^t. xnu. 
grants that the human will possesses a certain liberty of 
choice and action^ denies that man can work out .spiritual 
obedience, or do things pleasing to God, without the grace 
of the Holy Spirit. It makes this doctrine rest upon the 
language of St Augustine, and with him condemns Pela- 
gians and all others who exaggerate our natural, unassisted 
faculties. 

The nineteenth article, Me causa peccati,' declares ihsit Art. xix. 
the cause of sin is traceable to the will of all ungodly 
spirits, human and diabolic, which has turned itself away 
from God. 

The twentieth article, * de fide et bonis operibus,' is a Art 
difiusive answer to the popular objection that Lutheranism 
discouraged active piety, and prohibited good works*. It 
urges, chiefly on the authority of St Paul, and sometimes 
in the very words of St Augustine, that we are received 
into the favour of God solely for the merits of our Lord 
Jesus Christ, distinguished from any merits of our own; 
that we partake of this gratuitous justification by faith 
only (* tantum fide,' or * fiducia'), and that owing to the fact 



XX. 



* 'Ad efficiendam civilem justi* 
tiam {Oerm. ausserlich ehrbar zu 
leben) et deligendam res rationi sub- 
jectas/ 

* It begins by noticing a great 
improvement in the general Unguage 
of the clergy : ' De quibus rebus 
olim parum dooebant concionatores ; 
tantum puerilia et non necessaria 
opera urgebant, ut certas ferias, certa 
jejania,fratemitate8, peregrinationes, 
coitus sanctorum, rosaria, monocha- 



turn et similia. Ilcec adversarii not- 
tri admoniti nunc dtducunt, nee 
perinde preedicant hsec inutilia opera, 
ut olim. Prseterea incipiunt fidei 
mentionem facere, de qua olim mi- 
rum erat silentium : docent nos non 
tantum operibus justificari, sed con- 
jungunt fidem et opera, et dicunt, 
nos fide et operibus justificari. Qu» 
doctrina tolerabilior est priore, et 
plus afferre potest consolationis, quam 
vetus ipsorum doctrina.' 



22 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. [CH. 

of reconciliation and indwelling of the Holy Spirit, we 
exhibit new affections and are fruitful in good works. 

Art. xxt. The twenty-first article, * de cultu sanctorum,' while it 

recognises the duty of imitating the good examples of the 
saints, aflSrms, as the distinctive doctrine of the Bible, that 
Christ is the one Mediator, Priest, and Intercessor, and on 
that ground solemnly repudiates all invocations of the 
creature. 

Art. xxii. The twenty-second article closes the First Part of the 

Confession, by declaring that there is nothing in the doc- 
trine of the Lutheran body which is fundamentally diver- 
gent either from the Scriptures, or the ancient Church. 
The prevalent dissension (it goes on to state) was due to 
certain practical abuses (*quibusdam abusibus') which had 
gradually crept into the Church, but were established. by 
no competent authority. The object therefore of the Grer- 
man Reformers was to interpose and check the progress of 
those mighty evils, but no wish existed on their part to 
change the standard of doctrine, or even to abolish ancient 
rites and ceremonies if these latter could be purged from 
the abuses then adhering to them. 

PART 11. Many of the corruptions which excited the hostility of 

Luther and his friends have been enumerated in the 
Second Part of their Confession. As some elements of the 
former half had pre-existed in the * Schwabach Articles,' 
this Second Part is based upon a series called the * Torgau 
Articles,' which was similarly constructed by Lutheran 
divines, who met the Elector at Torgau early in the spring 
of 1530, in anticipation of the Augsburg diet\ 

Art.i. The first article, *de utraque specie,' is occupied in 

vindicating the right of laymen to communion in both 
kinds. This right is based upon the unequivocal lan- 
guage of Holy Scripture and the practice of the Early 
Church. 

Art. a The second article, * de conjugio sacerdotum,' relates to 

many scandals which arose from the compulsory non-mar- 
riage of the clergy. It asserts the lionour of the married 

^ See Gicaeler, Kirchgcsch. ill. i. p. 146, n. 4. 



k 



II.] THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 23 

state, and quotes St Cyprian as maintaining that even 
those who promise to live single are not absolutely fettered 
by such promise. 

The third article is entitled 'de missa.' It begins by Art.m, 
stating emphatically that * the mass ' had never been abo- 
lished by the Lutherans, but was celebrated by them with 
the greatest reverence^ only with some changes in the 
ceremonial, and with the addition of some German hymns 
for the instruction of the people. The ^private masses' 
were, however, discontinued on account of the profane and 
mercenary spirit in which they had been generally per- 
formed. The false * opinion' was repelled which taught 
men to regard the mass as a mechanical rite effacing the 
iniquities of dead and living, ^ ex opere opcrato ; ' and un- 
wonted stress was laid upon the Eucharist in its character 
of a communion, in accordance with the spirit of the ancient 
Church. 

The fourth article, *de Confessionc,' while denying the Artiv. 
necessity of a particular enumeration of sins, declares that 
confession had not been abolished by the Lutherans, but 
was positively enjoined as a pre-requisite to their partici- 
pation in the Eucharist. It further taught that absolution 
is a very great benefit (* maximum beneficium'). 

The fifth article, * de discrimine ciborum et traditioni- Art. v. 
bus,' afl^ms that an opinion had prevailed in all quarters 
respecting the efiicacy of those human ordinances in 
making satisfaction for sin; and then proceeds to dwell on 
the disastrous consequences which resulted from the error. 
On the other hand, the Lutherans did not prohibit self-dis- 
cipline and mortification of the flesh, retaining also such 
traditional usages as might conduce to the decorous per- 
formance of Divine service, but denying to them any meri- 
torious value. 

"^ ' Falso accuaantur ecclesise nos- taring the sacrament of baptism : 

trsB, quod missam aboleant. Reti- * Credo enim et certo scio majorera 

netur enim missa apud nos et simima apud nos et Eucbaristise et Baptismo 

reverentia celebratur.* John Stur- reverentiam adhiberi quam in illis 

miuB, Bpist. ad Cardinalea Ddccfos locis ubi vestra adbuc consuotudo 

(sign. E. 3, Argent. 1538), extends valet.* 
thiB remark to the mode of adminis- 



24 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. [CH. 

Artvi. The sixth article, 'de votis monachorum,* maintains 

that in the time of St Augustine religious associations were 
still purely volimtary, and that vows were only introduced 
as discipline became corrupt. It discountenances the idea 
that the monastic is the highest form of Christian life ; and 
after vindicating the dignity of marriage, dwells upon the 
dangerous effects of confiding in recluse habits as the 
ground of an especial sanctity. 

Art. vii. The seventh article, * de potestate ecclesiastica,' distin- 

guishes between the functions of the spiritual and secular 
authorities, respecting which disputes had long been agi- 
tated in all quarters. To the former, as the representa- 
tives of the apostles, it assigns the preaching of the Word, 
the power of the keys, and the administration of the sacra- 
ments; while the secular princes are to occupy themselves 
in protecting the persons and property of their subjects, 
and in illustrating the same ordinance of God under a dif- 
ferent aspect. It ends by hinting that the Lutherans had 
no wish to wrest the spiritual jurisdiction from the hands 
of the lawfiil bishops, but that schism was likely to ensue, 
if these persisted in demanding the obedience of the clergy 
with the same imperious rigour. 

It is finally stated in the ' Epilogue,' subjoined to the 
Confession, that the points above enumerated are 'the 
principal articles which seemed to be the subjects of con- 
troversy;' that a longer list of practical abuses might have 
been drawn up, extending to the question of indulgences, 
of pilgrimages, and the like; but that as the Lutherans 
had been placed on the defensive, they confined them- 
selves to matters respecting which they felt constrained to 
speak distinctly, lest a handle should be left for the prevail- 
ing imputation, that they had embraced as portions of their 
system what was contrary to Holy Scripture or the Catho- 
lic Church*. 

^ ' TaDtuni «a recitata sunt, qusB catholicam, quia maoifeetum est, nos 

videbantur necessaria dicenda esse, diligerUUntne caviae, ne qua nova et 

ut intelligi possit in doctrina ac cte- impia dogmata in ecclesias nodrat 

remoniis apud nos nihil esse recep- serpereni.* p. 50. 
turn contra scripturam aut ecclesiam 



II.] 



THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 



25 



This meagre abstract of the Augsburg Confession is:^rtqrth€ 
enough to demonstrate that in presenting it to the imperial "•«««'« 
Diet, the Reformers had been influenced by a strong desire 
to keep within the boundaries of the Latin Church, and to 
approximate as closely as possible to doctrines generally 
received*. Their moderation is peculiarly discernible in 
the silence they maintained respecting the encroachment of 
the papal power, as well as a long series of abuses in the 
penitential system which had stimulated their original pro- 
test. They were now indeed most anxious to assert and 
justify their own ecclesiastical position, to keep clear of the 
more violent reformers, whether Zwinglian or Anabaptist, 
and by following this conciliatory path to win from Charles 
V. and from the Romish section of the states at least a 
plenary toleration, till their grievances could be authori- 
tatively redressed by the assembling of a general council^. 

Yet the gentle measures of Melancthon and his col- 'Con/ittanan' 
leagues were unable to disarm the rage of their opponents. ?C^c^' 
Some of the more violent among them advocated an imme- *"*^' 
diate appeal to persecution, in obedience to the edict 
that was levelled at the Saxon friar in the Diet of Worms: 



^ Rankey Reform, ill. ^70, 171. 
' They wished for nothing but peace 
and toleration ; they thought they 
had proved that their doctrines had 
been unjustly condemned and de- 
nounced as heretical. Luther brought 
himself to entreat his old antagonist, 
the Archbishop of Mainz, who now 
seemed more peaceably disposed, to 
lay this to heart : Melancthon ad- 
dressed himself in the name of the 
princes to the legate Campeggi, and 
conjured him not to depart from the 
moderation which he thought he 
perceived in him, for that every 
fresh agitation might occasion an 
immeasurable confusion in the 
Church/ p. 176. 

' The following are the points 
which were at this time regarded as 
indispensable by Melancthon, — sa- 
crament in both kinds, marriage of 



priests, omission of the canon in the 
mass, concision of the secularised 
church-lands, and lastly, discussion 
of the other contested questions at 
a council. Ranke, p. 186. It is ^wor- 
thy of remark that Hermann, the 
archbishop of Cologne, was in like 
manner looking forward to a gene- 
ral council, and that he was acting 
in the mean time provisionally. 
'Which thinges neuertheles we set 
furth to be receyued and obserued of 
men committed to our charge, none 
otherwise than as a beginninge of 
so holie and necessarie a thinge vntil 
a generall reformacion of congrega- 
cions be made by the holie empire 
by a fre, and Christian councel, 
vniuersall or nationall, &c.' Her- 
mann's ConsHUcUion, sign. Br. ii. 
Lond. 1547. 



26 



THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 



[CH. 



lU nature 
and contents. 



but, nevertheless, the counsels of a party more pacific or 
forbearing were at last adopted by the emperor. On their 
suggestion, a committee of divines, who liappened then to 
be at Augsburg, such as Eck, Wimpina, Faber, and Coch- 
Iseus, was appointed to draw up a formal confutation of the 
articles which had been recently submitted to their notice. 
It was not, however, till the third of August^ that the 
princes, who employed them, were induced to give a hear- 
ing to their spirited report^. When read in public, it ex- 
cited the applause of all the enemies of Lutheranism'. 

This counter-manifesto is most interesting to the theo- 
logical student, because it gives an ample opportunity of 
judging how far the representatives of the scholastic sys- 
tem, at a later period of the conflict, were disposed to hold 
or to recede from the extreme positions which had proved 
offensive to the first reformers. It is found that some 
articles of the Augsburg Confession are therein absolutely 
approved; that others are as absolutely rejected; while the 
remnant are in part accepted and in part condemned. 

The articles which fall into the first division are those 
enunciating the doctrines of the Holy Trinity and the In- 
carnation, the necessity of baptism and the eflicacy of the 
sacraments (the sole objection being that the number 
* seven' is not specified), the mission of the clergy, the 
authority of the magistrates, the final judgment, and the 
resurrection. We may also add, the article on the holy 
Eucharist, with the terms of which no fault is foimd, ex- 
cepting that the Lutherans are required in explanation of it 
to accept the doctrine of concomitance, — in other words, to 
recognise the non-necessity of communion in both kinds. 

With reference to those points, where approbation was 
most positively withheld, it is important to observe how far 



* The first draft appears to have 
been shewn to the emperor on the 
13th of July, after whicli it under- 
went extensive modifications. 

■ Ibid. p. 283. 

' See it at length in Francke, Ap- 
pend, pp. 44 — 69. A more candid 
statement of objections taken by the 



Romish party to the Augsburg Con- 
fession is the Cowfilium of Cochlseus, 
presented to the king of the Romans, 
at his own request, June 17, 1540 ; 
in Le Plat, 11. 657 — 670: of. also 
the ConsuUatio of G. Cassander, A.D. 
1564, Ibid. VI. 664 seqq. 



II.] THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 27 

the Bomish theologians modified the language of their 
masters. They no longer taught that sacraments justify 
* ex opere operato,' apart from the volition or the receptivity 
of the human subject, nor tliat works done without grace 
are of the same nature as those which ai-e the fruits of the 
Holy Spirit. They were far more willing to repudiate all 
theories of human merit, and while censuring the Lutheran 
formula of * sola fides,' they maintained tliat faith and good 
works are the free gifts of God, and absolutely nothing 
('nulla sunt et nihil'), when compared with the rewards 
which He haa mercifully attached to them. The Lutheran 
definition * de ecclesia,' was rejected as seeming to imply 
that sinners are in no way members of the Church. Those 
also bearing on the invocation of saints, the denial of the 
cup, and the compulsory celibacy of the priesthood, were 
assailed by references to Holy Scripture, to the usage of 
the Primitive Church, and to the statements of the Forged 
Decretals \ The propitiatory sacrifice of the mass, the use 
of the Latin language, monastic vows, and other kindred 
topics, were all similarly re-affirmed and justified by the 
citation of authorities: and even where some hope was 
given that disciplinary abuses should hereafter be corrected, 
there is no abatement of those magisterial claims which 
had been long propoimded by tlie Latin Church and recog- 
nised by many of its members. 

Of the articles accepted in some measure only, one was 
that relating to original sin, (exception being taken to the 
term 'concupiscence'): others were the Lutheran definitions 
of confession and of penitence ; the first of which was cen- 
sured as too lax ; the second as underrating or denying the 
necessity of satisfaction. 

It was obvious that the general feeling of the Diet, after mcuo/ihs 
listening to this Confutation, was more hostile than before tion.' 
to Luther and his party. Charles himself avowed a fierce 
determination to proceed as the hereditary champion of the 
holy Roman Church; and there is reason for believing 
that if he had not been alarmed by the unflinching attitude 

^ Hardwick'a Middle Age, pp. 145 eq. 



28 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. [CH- 

of the Elector of Saxony and rumours of a Turkish war, 
he would have finally abandoned all attempts at mediation. 

atmedSSStL "^^ ^* ^^' ^^ ^^^ Consented once again to the suggestions 
of the more moderate members of his party, and, on the 
16th of August, a conference was opened with a view of 
framing some pacificatory scheme, and so of re-establishing 
the unity of the Germanic Churches. The reformers were, 
on this occasion, represented by Melancthon, Brente, end 
Schnepf*. 

*We are told that the dogmatical points at issue pre- 
sented no insuperable difliculties. On the article of origi- 
nal sin, Eck gave way as soon as Melancthon proved to 
him that an expression objected to in his definition was, in 
fact, merely a popular explanation of an ancient scholastic 
one. Respecting the article on justification " through faith 
alone," Wimpina expressly declared that no work was 
meritorious, if performed without grace ; he required the 
- union of love with faith, and only in so far he objected to 
the word " alone." In this sense, however, the protestants 
had no desire to retain it; they consented to its erasure; 
their meaning had always been merely that a reconciliation 
with God must be efiected by inward devotion, not by out- 
ward acts. On the other hand, Eck declared, that the 
satisfaction which the catholic Church required to be made 
by penitence was nothing else than reformation; an ex- 
planation which certainly left nothing further to be ob- 
jected to the doctrine of the necessity of satisfaction. Even 
on the difficult point of the sacrifice of the mass, there was 
a great approximation. Eck explained the sacrifice as 
merely a sacramental sign, in remembrance of that which 
was offered on the cross. The presence of Christ in the 
Eucharist was not debated. The protestants were easily 
persuaded to acknowledge not only a true, but also a real 
or corporal presence. It was certainly not the diflference 
in the fundamental conceptions of the Christian dogma 

' Luther himself was vehemently neatness forbidding them to proceed 

opposed to some of the concessions with the discussion. Brutfe, ed. De 

of his friends, and on the 20th of Wette, iv. 171. 
September he wrote with great ear- 



II.] 



THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 



29 



which perpetuated the contest... The real cause of rupture 
lay in the constitution and practices of the Church*.' 

The agent of tliis rupture was the papal legate Cam- ^J^^Af^ 
P©ggi> who, though recognising the approximation of the theLuUunms. 
disputants in point of doctrine*, was, on other grounds, the 
most implacable of liUther's enemies. He argued that the 
ordinances of the Church, to some of which the Lutherans 
ventured to object, were all dictated by the Holy Spirit ; 
and the States, alarmed and irritated by his representations, 
finally decreed, that till the verdict of the long-expected 
council, the reformers should appoint no more married 
priests; that they should inculcate the absolute necessity 
of confession as practised in former years; that they should 
neither omit the canon of the mass, nor put a stop to pri- 
vate masses; and, especially, that they should hold com- 
munion in one kind to be as valid as in both*. 

It was this arbitrary edict of the Augsburg diet that 
extinguished the last hope of reconciliation, hitherto so 
warmly cherished by the moderate of both parties: for 
although another effort was eventually made, in 1541, 
under the auspices of Gaspar Contarini, whom the pope 
deputed as his legate to the colloquy of Ratisbon*, it also 
was completely thwarted, on the one hand by the arro- 
gance and stiffness of the Roman court, and on the other 



' Ranke, in. 306, 307. The truth 
of this last statement has been illus- 
trated by the whole history of the 
papacy. To recognise the absolute 
authority of the Roman pontiff was 
the only indispensable condition re- 
quired of our own Church in the 
time of Queen Elizabeth (Twysden, 
Vindieaium, pp. 19S seqq. Camb. 
ed.) ; and it is stiU exacted with the 
same rigour from aU who submit to 
the Boman conununion. In the case 
also of the Russian ' Uniates,' we 
are told that 'nothing is required 
but the one capital point of submis- 
sion to the pope.' Mouravieff*s Hist, 
of the Russian Church, p. 142, Engl. 
Transl. cf. p. 390 (note). 



* Gieseler, III. i. p. 260, n. 22. 

3 Kanke, ill. 310. The refusal 
of the Lutherans to comply with 
this edict, and the project of a Re- 
cess which was based upon it, sug- 
gested the composition of their second 
symbolical book, the Apologia Con- 
fessionis; in which the main points 
of their system are brought out more 
fully, and in a style less Mediseyal. 

* See the best account in Melanc- 
thon's Works, ed. Bretschn eider, IV. 
1 19 sq. The basis of the conference 
was an essay called the BooJc of Con- 
cord, or Interim of Baiisbon (Ibid, 
pp. 190 sq.), so constructed as to 
evade as far as possible the most 
prominent points of difference. 



30 



THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 



[CH. ir. 



by the stem uncompromising spirit of the more decided 

Lutherans^ 

The approbation of the pontiff and of Luther was 
equally withheld from the conclusions of that mediating 
body ; and a few years after, the council of Trent" was 
placing an insuperable bar against all kindpdd efforts, by 
its rigorous definition of the Eomish tenets, and its abso- 
lute denunciation of the Lutheran movement 



1 The Pope, as usual, had required 
in the first pkce the acknowledg- 
ment of his own supremacy, but 
Contarini kept it back till other 
questions had been settled. Melanc- 
thon and Bucer advocated the cause 
of the Reformers. It is most remark- 
able that the whole assembly came 
to an agreement on the three im- 
portant articles of the state of man 
before the fall, original sin, and even 
justification. The friends of Con- 
tarini congratulated him on the suc- 
cess of his endeavours ; and among 
others, we find Cardinal Pole ad- 
dressing him in these terms : * When 
I observed this unanimity of opinion, 
I felt a delight such as no harmony 
of sounds could have inspired me 
with; not only because I see the 
approach of peace and concord, but 
because these articles are the foun- 
dation of the whole Christian faith. 
They appear, it is true, to treat of 
divers things, of faith, works, and 
justification; upon the latter, how- 
ever, — ^justification — all the rest are 
groimded ; and I wish you joy, and 
thank God that the divines of both 
parties have agreed upon that. We 
hope that He who hath begun so 
mercifully will complete His work.* 
Quoted from Pole's Letters, in 
Ranke, Popes, i. 164, 165, by Aus- 
tin, 2nd ed. The proceedings at 
Katisbon were, however, repudiated 
by Luther in violent language, and 
afterwards by some of the Cardinals, 



and the Pope. Bucer*s remark on 
this occasion was too sadly verified 
in the result: 'Most reverend Sir,' 
he declared to Contarini, who waa 
finally overruled by fresh instruc- 
tions from Home, ' the people are 
sinning on both sides ; we, in de- 
fending some points too obstinately, 
and you in not correcting your many 
abuses.' Beccatelli, VU. Contarini, 
apud Quirini. Diatrib. in. 1 10. 

' In the history of the Council we 
have frequent proofs of the unrea- 
soning prejudice which all sugges- 
tions in the way of Reformation bad 
to encounter, merely because they 
seemed to justify the clamours of the 
Lutherans. Thus, when the report 
of the select Committee of Cardinals 
was discussed in a full consistory, 
the following sentiments of Cardinal 
Schomberg prevailed: 'II ajouta que 
par-Ik Ton donneroit lieu aux Lu- 
th^riens de se vanter d*avoir forcd 
le Pape h cette r^forme ; il insista 
beaucoup h faire voir que ce seroit 
un pas non seulement pour retrancher 
les abus, mais aussi pour abolir les 
bons usages, et pour exposer k un 
plus grand danger toutes lee choses 
de la religion ; parceque la reforma- 
tion que Ton feroit, ^tant une esp^ 
d'aveu que les Luth^riens avoient eu 
raison de reprendre les abus ausquels 
il avoit fallu rem^dier, serviroit k 
fomenter tout le reste de leur doc- 
trine.' Sarpi, Hist, du Concile de 
Treni, i. 151, ed. Oourayer. 




CHAPTER III. 



THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. 



WE have seen already that the tirst grand triumph 
of the English Reformation was the orderly rejection 
of the papal supremacy, in 1534. In carrying out that 
measure the intelligent members of the Church had very 
generally acquiesced. But notwithstanding so much har- 
mony of action in the outset of the movement, there 
existed little or no ground for hoping that its progress 
would conciliate an equal share of public approbation. 

The Church of England, like all other provinces o{ The two 



western Christendom, was then agitated by a number ot'Inthe 
hostile parties, widely differing in the details of their 
system, but reducible under one of two popular descrip- 
tions, as the friends of the ' old ' or of the * new learning^' 
One school symbolized most fully with Stephen Gardiner, 



tpartiei 



^ SeeArchbishopLaurence, -Bam/)- 
Um Lectures, p. 198, Oxf. 1838. In 
strictness of language, however, this 
distinction was untrue, and as such 
it was combated by some of the re- 
forming party: 'Surely they that 
set asyde the biynde iudgemente of 
the affeccion, and loke earnestly vp- 
pon the matter, iudge otherwyse of 
Ts: For the olde auncient fathers 
dyd neuer hnowe or heare tell of the 
moost parte of those thynges whyche 
cure condempners do teache: than ye 
maye be sure that theyr leamynge 
oaghte not to be rekened for olde 
leamynge and apostolicall. Farther- 
more not euery thjmge that the olde 
fathers wrote sauoure h of the syn- 



cerenesse and purenesse of the sprete 
of the apostles. Certayn thynges 
whyche were dcuised wythin these 
foure hundreth yeareSf yee rather 
euen of late haue bene receaued by 
and by of them, as soone as they 
were made, namely thys is theyr 
leamynge and so olde, that they de- 
syre for thys, that the Gospell al- 
moost shoulde be cast awaye, and 
counted as a new teachyng and 
leam3mge.* A Comparison hetwene 
the Olde leamynge and the Newe, 
translated out of Latyn unto Eng- 
lysh by Wyliam Turner, 1538, sign. 
A. iii. Cf. Archbp Cranmer's Works, 
I. 375, ed. Jenkyns. 



32 THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. [CH. 

who was promoted to the see of Winchester in 1531 ; the 
other, on excluding the more violent and distempered, 
found a champion in archbishop Cranmer, who was con- 
secrated in the spring of 1533. 

h^oSSl^ In Gardiner we have a prelate of no ordinary powers ; 
yet, like too many of his great contemporaries, he imagined 
that the work of reformation was well-nigh complete, when 
the encroachments of the foreign pontiff were soocessfully 
repelled. In that emancipation of the English Church* 
he acted a conspicuous part ; but when he found that the 
established creed and ritual of his country were exposed 
to fierce assault, and not unfrequently to furious vitu- 
peration, he stood forward in the firont of the reactionary 
(anti-reformation) party, and contested every inch of ground 
with equal courage and sagacity. 

theotKer.bv Craumer, on the other hand, while ranking high above 
his rival, in the area and solidity of his learning and his 
deep religious earnestness, became the centre of the moral 
and doctrinal reformers. He was gradually made conscious 
of the errors and abuses in this province of the Christian 
Church, and, as befitted his exalted name of 'primate of 
all England,' was determined to promote the work of 
purification and revival. 

Raniutionr It is most Unfair, however, to identify the principles 

ory, or Ana- -ii. ^ii n t • 

baptist paHif. of Cranmer and his party, with those of the more sweeping 
* Gospellers,' — still less with the positions of a host of 
turbulent spirits both at home and on the continent, who 
were assailing the more cardinal doctrines of the Bible, and 
erecting their eccentric institutions on the ruins of the 
papal monarchy. We have seen already that the views 
of Luther and the Wittenberg divines, were quite in- 
capable of sympathetic union with the bolder and less 
balanced theories of Zwingli ; and the same discrimination 
is still needed when we try to ascertain the attitude and 
tendencies of men who led the way to reformation in this 

* See his OrcUum J)e Vera Obe- upon the genuineness of the Preface, 

cUentiOf with Bonner's Preface, in in Dr Maitland*8 JR^onnatian Ea^yt, 

Brown's Patciculut, ii. 8oo — 820. No. xvn. No. xviii. 
Doubts have, however, been thrown 



III.] 



THE ENGLISH ABTICLE8 OF 1586. 



33 



countxy. We discover that the conflict of a Cranmer and 
a Gkurdiner was onlj one important aspect of a manjHsided 
struggle, which the Church of England had been destined 
to encounter in that stormy crisis. 

Very aoon after the rejection of the papal supremacy, 
a multitude of misbelievers, known by the generic name 
of 'Anabaptists,' but departing from the Church on almost 
every fundamental doctrine ^ had begun to propagate their 
creed in England as in other parts of Europe. As early 
as Oct. 1, 1538, a royal commission 'contra Anabaptistas',' 
stigmatizes them as both pestiferous and heretical, and 
excites the primate and his comprovincials to devise im- 
mediate measures for their confutation or extermination. 
The injection of these foreign elements could hardly fail JSJJS?^ 
to quicken and exasperate the feuds already raging in the *** ~ 
Church of England. Everywhere was clamour, bickering 
and disquiet. * Too many tlierc be,' wrote the Homilist', 
* which upon the ale-benches or other places, delight to 
set forth certain questions, not so much pertaining to 
edification, as to vain-gloiy, and shewing forth of their 
cunning; and so unsoberly to reason and dispute, that 
when neither part will give place to other, they fall to 
chiding and contention, and sometime from hot words to 
further inconvenience.' And examples of the taunts and 
nicknames bandied round from mouth to mouth are added ^ 



CkmrdL 



^ Baoke, for example, (Rrfarm. 
m. 588 seqq.) has an excellent chap- 
ter on the 'Unitarian' and other 
Anabaptists. Evidence will be ad- 
duced respecting their extreme here- 
sies, when we come to consider the 
main rlaiHies of nusbelievers against 
whom the XLII. Articles were le- 
Telled. 

* Wilkins, Conea, ni. 836: cf. 
Mr Fronde's ITijt. 0/ England, m. 
337 sq. where he gives a letter of 
warning from Philip, Landgrave of 
Hesse, calling npon Henry VIII. to 
interpose in favour of truth and 
social order. 

' Sermon agaiml Contention and 

H. A. 



Brcpwling, p. 135, Camb. ed. The 
same kind of language is employed 
in a more nearly contemporary docu- 
ment, entitled 'The king's procla- 
mation for uniformity in religion,' 
cir. A.D. 1536; Wilkins, ill. 810. 

^ Uli 8up, Another curious illus- 
tration of these disputes has been 
preserved in the last speech of Henry 
VIII., whose object was by pressure 
or persuasion to bring about ex- 
ternal uniformity; 'Behold then 
what love and charitie is amongst 
you, when the one calleth another 
heretike and Anoibaplitt; and he call- 
eth him againe Papitt, hypocrite and 
pharisey...I hears daily that you of 

3 



34 



THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 153&. 



[CH. 



Origin df the 
T€H ArUckt. 



JkmoN' 

^a9u>eof 

theUfwer 

hatuet^ 

OomfociMtiom, 



by the writer : * He is a pharisee, he is a gospeller, he is 
of the new sort, he is of the old faith, he is a new-broached 
brother, he is a good catholic father, he is a papist, he is 
an heretic' 

The more minute consideration of this strife of tongues, 
which seemed to wax in virulence from day to day, has 
been reserved for an ulterior stage of our inquiry. It is 
only noticed here to illustrate the title of the earliest code 
of doctrine promulgated by the Church of England at the 
time of the Reformation. That document consists of *-4r- 
ticles to atablyshe christen quietnes and unitie amonge tis, 
and to avoyde contentious opiniona^.^ 

The proximate causes of its compilation must be sought 
for in the history of the Church in 1536, and more par- 
ticularly in proceedings of the southern Convocation which 
assembled on the 9th of June. The lower house at once 
determined to draw up a representation of errors 'then 
publicly preached, printed and professed;' and on the 
23rd of June, Eichard Gwent, archdeacon of London and 
prolocutor, carried their gravamina into the upper house", 
requesting that order might be taken to stop the further 
propagation of all such dangerous positions. In this re- 
port, they are divided into sixty-seven heads ; and though 
Fuller, who transcribed them from the records of con- 
vocation, is disposed to view them as 'the protestant 
religion in ore,' there is much justice in the criticism, 
which Collier passed upon his language, viz. that ' unless 
we had found a richer vein, it may yery well be questioned, 
whether the mine had been worth the working*.' Fuller 
indeed admits, that ' many vile and distempered expres- 
sions are found therein;' nor is it possible to read the 



the oleargie preach one against ano- 
ther, teach one contrary to another, 
envying one against another, without 
charity or discretion. Some be too 
stifle in their old mumpsimiM, other 
be too busie and curious in their 
new nmptifhut. Thus all men, al- 
mosty be in variety and discord, and 
Ume or none preach tniely and sin- 



cerely the Word of God according 
as they ought to do.' Stew's Chrcn, 
p. 590, Lend. 163 1. 

* These Articles will be found at 
large in Appendix, No. I., together 
with collations of the several forms 
in which they have been recorded. 

« Wilkins, m. 804. 

' II. Ill; ed. 1714. 



III.] 



THE ENGLISH ABTICLES OF 1536. 



35 



list without arriving at a clear conviction that profaneness 
and dogmatic misbelief were calling for a ' special reform- 
ation^ in this quarter also. The majority of the points 
adverted to are truly described by Carte, as 'erroneous 
opinions, which had been held by the Lollards formerly, 
or started now by the Anabaptists and others *.' At the 
same time, it must be acknowledged, that in more than 
one of the obnoxious propositions, we discern the rudi- 
ments of evangelic Christianity'; and in contemplating 
these both Cranmer and the more advanced of the reform- 
ing party may have felt a secret satisfaction. It is even 
probable that one of the concluding articles of the re- 
monstrance had been levelled at the primate and his 
colleagues; for the lower house complain, that *when 
heretofore divers books had been examined by persons 



1 m. 137; ecL 1751. The follow- 
ing are a few of the objectionable 
teDets : * Divers light and lewd per- 
sons be not ashamed or afraid to 
say, Why should I see the sacring 
of the high mass? Is it anything 
else bat a piece of bread, or a little 
pretty round Robin ?' — 'Priests have 
no more authority to minister sacra- 
ments than the la3rmen have.' — 
'AU oerenu>nie8 accustomed in the 
Church, which are not clearly ex- 
pressed in Scripture, must be taken 
away, because they are men's inven- 
tkms.' — 'A man haih no free will.' 
— 'Grod never gave grace nor know- 
ledge of Holy Scripture to any great 
estate of rich men, and they in no 
wise follow the same.' — 'It is 
preached and taught that all things 
ought to be common.' — 'It is ido- 
latry to make any oblations.' — 'It 
is as lawful at all times to confess to 
a layman as to a priest' — ' Bishops, 
ordinaries, and eoclesiasUcal judges 
have no authority to give any sen- 
tenoe of excommunication or cen- 
sure, ne yet to absolve or loose any 
man from the same.' — 'All sins. 



after the sinner be once converted, 
are made by the merits of Christ's 
passion venial sins, that is to say, 
sins clean forgiven.' — 'The singing 
or saying of mass, mattens, or even- 
song, is but a roring, howling, whis- 
tling, murmuring, tomring, and jug- 
gling ; and the playing at the organs 
a foolish vanity.' — 'It is sufficient and 
enough to believe, though a man do 
no good work at all.' — 'No human 
constitutions or laws do bind any 
Christian man but such as be in the 
Gospels, Paul's epistles, or the New 
Testament ; and that a man may 
break them without any offence at 
all.' 

^ e. g. ' They deny extreme unc- 
tion to be a sacrament.' — 'All those 
are antichrists that do deny the lay- 
men the sacrament of the altar tub 
utraque specie.* — ' Priests should 
have wives.' — 'There is no mean 
place between heaven and hell where- 
in souls departed may be afflicted' 
(referring to the Mediceval doctrine 
of purgatory, and not to the inter- 
mediate state of expectation, as now 
recognised by the English Church). 

3—2 



ufthe 
Bishepf. 



36 THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1586. [CH. 

appointed in the Convocation, and the said books found 
full of heresies and erroneous opinions, and so declared; 
the said books are not yet by ike btshopa expressly con- 
demned, but suffered to remain in the hands of unlearned 
people, which ministreth to them matter of argument and 
much unquietness within this realm \* 

Jjl^gg***^ While these and other kindred topics were exciting 
the displeasure of the lower house, the bishops in their 
turn appear to have been occupied with similar con- 
troversies. They were now divided into nearly equal 
parties, the one side advocating further changes, both in 
doctrine and discipline ; the other rigorously adhering to 
a state of things which they had found predominant at 
the time of their consecration, with the sole exception of 
the papal monarchy. In the first division, we may reckon 
Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, Goodrich, bishop of 
Ely, Shaxton, bishop of Salisbury, Latimer*, bishop of 
Worcester, Fox, bishop of Hereford, Hilsey, bishop of 
Rochester, and Barlow, bishop of St David's. The second 
consisted of Lee, archbishop of York, Stokesley, bishop 
of London, Tonstal, bishop of Durham, Grardiner, bishop 
of Winchester, Sherburne, bishop of Chichester, Kite, 
bishop of Carlisle, and Nix, bishop of Norwich. 

Sfjy * It was during the first session of this synod, that 

Cromwell, who attended in his capacity of * vicar-general 
of the realm,' delivered a significant address, assuring 
the assembled prelates of the deep concern exhibited by 
his royal master for the speedy termination of "religious 
discord. *The king studyeth day and nyght,' he says, 
' to set a quietnesse in the Churche, and he cannot rest, 
vntil all such controuersies be fiiUy debated and ended, 
through the determination of you and of his whole par- 
liament. For although his speciall desire is to set a stay 

1 Wilkins, m. 807. spoken manner with the rest of his 
■ By Cranmer's appointment he brother prelates for tolerating super- 
had preached the Sermon at the fluous oeremonies and a variety of 
opening of the Convocation (Lati- superstitions* He had also condemn- 
mer's Sermom, pp. 33 geqq. ed. P. 8.), ed the 'monster, purgatory/ and the 
and had remonstrated in his out- impious sale of masses : pp.50, 55. 




ill.] THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. 37 

for the vnleamed people, whose consciences are in doubt 
what they may belue, and he himselfe, by his excellent 
learning, knoweth these controuersies wel enough; yet 
he will suffer no common alteration, but by the consent 
of you and of his whole parliament*.' He next ad- 
monished them in the name of Henry, *to conclude all 
thinges by the Woord of God, without all brawling or 
scolding,' since he would not suffer * the Scripture to be 
wrasted and defaced by any gloses, any papisticall lawes, 
or by any authority of doctours or counselles, and muche 
lesse will he admitte any article or doctrine not con- 
teyned in the Scripture, but approued onley by con- 
tinuance of time and olde custome, and by vnwritten 
verities.' 

A disputation then arose, in which the bishop of Lon- DUpuu»in 
don, Stokesley, was the principal speaker on one side, ^^***»^ 
and Cranmer on the other. The characteristic speech of 
the archbishop, which has been preserved* with more or 
less of accuracy, commences with an exhortation to cease 
from debating about words, so long as agreement is ob- 
tained *in the very substance and effect of the matter.' 
* There be waighty controuersies,' he continues, *nowe 
moued and put forth, not of ceremonies and light thinges, 
but of the true vnderstanding, and of the right difference 
of the lawe and of the gospell ; of the maner and waye 
how sinnesbe forgeuen ; of comforting doubtfuU and wauer- 
ing consciences; by what meaues they may be certified, 
that they please God, seeing they feele the strength of 
the lawe, accusing them of sinne : of the true vse of the 
sacramentes, whether the outward worke of them doth 
instifie men, or whether we receaue our iustification by 
fayth. Item, which be the good workes, and the true 
seruice and honour which pleascth God: and whether the 
choyce of meates, the difference of garmcntes, the vowes 

^ See the speech at length in Fox, Collier, Burnet, and others, refer it 

p. Ii8i;ed. 1583. Atterbury (/^i^rAt^ to the present- year: cf. Hardwick's 

of Convocation, p. 367, ed. 1700) con- Brform, p. 198, n. 3. 
tends that this meeting of the bishops * Fox, Ibid. 

took place in the year 1537: but 



38 THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. [CH. 

of monkes and priestes, and other traditions which haue 
no worde of God to confirme them, — ^whether these (I say) 
be right good workes, and suche as make a perfect Christian 
man or no. Item, whether vayne seroice and false honour- 
ing of Grod, and mans traditions, doe binde mens con* 
sciences or no? Finally, whether the ceremony of con- 
firmation, of orders, and of annealing, and such other 
(whiche cannot be proued to be institute of Christ, nor 
haue anye worde in them to certifie vs of remission of 
sinnes) ought to be called sacraments, and be compared 
with Baptisme and the Supper of the Lord, or no?' 

Such statement of the questions more especially de- 
manding the attention of the upper house, is an important 
illustration of the Articles, to which those questions led 
the way. K we may credit the account of Fox, the 
principal debate now turned upon the meaning of the 
word ' sacrament,' and on the number of those Christian 
rites to which it is legitimately assigned. One speaker 
Alane, or Alesius^ a canon of St Andrews and a refugee, 
whom Cromwell introduced to the assembly as a learned 
doctor, went so far as to argue that the term sacrament, 
though fairly capable of wider application, should in 
fature be confined to those ordinances of the Gospel * which 
haue the manifest Word of God, and be institute by Christ 
to signify vnto us the remission of our sinnes*.' He 
grounded this restricted use of * sacrament' on the au- 
thority of St Augustine: but Fox, bishop of Hereford, 
who had lately been commissioned to negotiate with the 
foreign reformers, urged the Scotchman to uphold his 
argument by simple reference to Holy Scripture ; declaring 
also that the Grermans had made * the text of the Bible 
so playne and easye by the Hebrue and Greeke tongue, 
that now many thinges may be better understand without 

^ His true name was Alexander at Cambridge. 

Alane, but, on being driven from his * Fox, p. 1183. It is worth ob- 

own country (see Hard wick's Rrform, serring that when the bishops were 

p. 14 j, n. 4) he adopted the pseudo- assembled on the foUowing day, 

nym il^iii« (formed upon d\atpuf= Cranmer sent a message to Alane 

dXdofmi), He seems at one time to ' commanding him to abstain IVom 

have read ' a lecture of the Scripture ' disputation . ' Ibid. p. 1 1 84 . 



UI.] THE ENGLISH AKTICLES OF 1536. 39 

any gloses at all, then by all the commentaries of the 
doctours.* The chief spokesman of the Medieval party 
on this question, as on others, was the bishop of London, 
Stokesley, who ' endeauoured himselfe with all his labour 
and industry, out of the old schoole gloses, to maynteyne 
the seucn sacramentes of the Churche.' He was not in- 
deed unwilling to regard the Bible as the written Word of 
God, but still asserted that the Bible had itself commanded 
us to receive a number of oral traditions, which may 
fairly be denominated * the Word of GU)d unwritten,' and 
may claim no less authority than that conceded to the 
Holy Scriptures. 

The destruction of the Convocation-records in the fire 
of 1666 prevents us from pursuing these debates through 
all their ramifications. It has also left us in complete 
uncertainty as to the way in which the spirited remon- 
strance of the lower house was handled by the prelates. 
Enough, however, is surviving to attest the sad disunion 
of the pastors of the Church as well as of the people, 
and to illustrate the urgent need of healing and pacific 
measures. 

It is probable that the discussions in both houses were '^^^ 
followed by a sort of compromise ; for the * Ten Articles j!^'<,jrS 
about Eeligion,' which grew out of the deliberation oi^"*^^^' 
that synod bear indubitable traces of conflicting principles, 
and must have, therefore, been the fruit of mutual con- 
cession. They seem to have been brought into the 
Convocation-house by CromwelP, and were probably 
drawn up by some committee appointed for the purpose; 
but the numerous variations and corrections existing in 
the several MS. copies of them leave no doubt that re- 
presentatives of different schools of thought had been 
employed if not in the construction, at least in the revision 
of them*. 



^ Herbert's Hm. VIIL, p. 466. saints, while Cranmer added a quali- 

* An example of this is given by fication that it must 'be done with- 

Dr Jenkyns (Oranmer's Works, i. out any vain superstition.' Both 

XV.) where Tonstal inserted a sane- clauses are retained in the printed 

tion of the practice of invoking copies. 



40 



tHE ENaLISH ABTICLES OF 15S6. 



[CH. 



VarkMomt 
inthetUk. 



According to one of the present versions^ they are 
entitled 'Articles devised by the Ktng*8 Highness^' &c., and 
are said to have been ' also approved by the consent and 
determination of the hole clergie of this realme:' while 
another copy' describes them as 'Articles about Beligion, 
set out by the Convocation, and published by the King's 
SidoSmSS authority.' The former of these titles has created a belief 
**''*^' that the origmal document was fashioned by the king 
himself, when he had witnessed the inextricable feuds in 
which the upper and lower houses were gradually en- 
tangled; nor is other testimony wanting which will give 
to such hypothesis an air of plausibility. In the royal 
'Injunctions' issued during the same year (1536) , it is 
stated that 'certain Articles were lately devised and put 
forthe by the King's highnesse authority, and condescended 
upon by the prelates and clergy of this his realme in 
Convocation®.' In like manner he declares in a letter 
written at the same juncture, that the growing discord of 
the realm constrained him ' to ptU his oum pen to the book, 
and to conceive certain Articles, which were by all the 
bishops and whole clergy of the realm in Convocation 
agreed on as catholic^;' and he proceeds to charge the 
bishops, whom he is addressing, openly in their cathedrals 
and elsewhere, to read and declare what he entitles *our 
said Articles,' plainly and without additions of their own. 

But though such passages appear to claim the author- 
ship of the Articles absolutely for the king himself, it is 
most diffici:dt to reconcile that supposition with what is 
stated in the royal Declaration prefixed to them in nearly 
all existing copies. Henry there states that being credibly 
advertised of the diversity of opinions which prevailed in 
all parts of England, he had ' not only in his own person 



^ See the edition of Thomas 
Berthelet (the king's printer), Lond. 
i53^> reprinted in the Appendix. 
This was also the title in Fox's copy, 
p. 1093. 

* In Burnet, Addend, to Vol. i. 
459 seqq. from a MS. in the Cotton 
Library (Cleop. E. V. fol. 59). 



s Wilkins, m. 813. 

^ JUd. 825. From this passage, 
without reference to any other, and 
with no attempt to weigh the evi- 
dence dispassionately, Mr Froude 
{HUL m. 67) assigns the whole 
merit of the document to his royal 
hero. 



III.] 



THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. 



41 



at maQ7 times taken great pain, study, labours, and tra- 
vails, but alao had caused the bishops, and other the most 
discreet and best learned men of the clergy to be assembled 
in Convocation, Jhr the full debasement and quiet determinor 
turn of the earned 

After weighing all this evidence together, the most ^Jgjgjj'*'' 
natural inference is, that a rough draft of the Articles was 
made by a committee^, consisting of the moderate divines 
of each party, and presided over by the king himself, or 
placed in frequent communication with him by means of 
the *' vicar-general.' Aftier various modifications had been 
introduced to meet the wishes of discordant members, and 
the censorship of the royal pen had been completed^, the 
draft was probably submitted to the upper house of Con- 
vocation, and perhaps was made to undergo some further 
criticism at the hands of the remaining prelates who had 
not assisted in the compilation. There is also ample reason 
for concluding that the edition printed by Berthelet, in 
1536, contains the most authentic record of the Articles ; 
partly on account of the correction, in that copy, of errors 
which are found in the Cotton Manuscript, and partly 
from the subsequent incorporation of the Articles as there 
•printed with the ' Institution of a Christian Man,' which 
was made public in the following year^. 

A ftirther discrepancy of importance has been noticed U^SS-*^ 
in the different copies of the Articles, apart from certain ''*^- 



^ Strype (Cranmer, Lib. i. c. xi.; 
I. 83, ed. E. H. S.) conjectures that 
the Archbishop of Canterbury had 
'a great share therein,' but gives no 
proof or reason. Archbishop Lau- 
reDce has noticed a correspondence 
l>etween the article on justification 
and the definition contained in Me- 
lancthon*s Lod Theologici (Bampton 
Lectures, p. 201, Oxf. 1838), which, 
together with the Lutheran tendency 
of some of the other Articles, would 
point to the influence of Granmer, 
and the reforming party. Professor 
Blunt, relying on evidence adduced 



by the same writer, believes that 
Melancthon had a voice in the draw- 
ing up of this document. Reform. 
p. 186, Lond. 1843. 

' Burnet, in. 137, states that he 
had seen copies of some portions of 
it, with alterations by the king's own 
hand : and Dr Jenkyns adds (CWm« 
meTf I. XV.) that MSS. corresponding 
to Burnet's description are still ex- 
tant among the Theological Tracts 
in the Chapter-House at Westmin- 
ster. 

' FormiUai'ies of Faith, p. vii. Oxf. 
1825. 



42 THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. [CH. 

minor points, to be exhibited hereafter. Of the two lists 
of subscriptions as preserved by Collier, one is considerably 
shorter than the other. The first was derived from a 
Manuscript in the State-Paper Office, from which also he 
has printed the copy of the Articles^ contained in his 'His- 
tory of the Church.' It may have been intended ^ a 
record for the single province of Canterbury, since we find 
in it the signatures of those members only who belonged to 
the southern jurisdiction. The second and much longer 
list of assentients is transmitted in the Cotton Manuscript* 
alluded to above: and as that list includes the names of 
both the Archbishops, we are almost entitled to conjecture 
that in the final sanctioning of the manifesto, the convoca- 
tions of Canterbury and York had learned for once to act 
in concert', as a kind of national sjmod. 

We may now pass forward firom this sketch of the ex- 
ternal history of the Articles, to a consideration of their 
purport and contents. 
Trantuianai As sceu by US, fjTom the position we now occupy, those 
thmASidu. Articles belong to a transition-period. They embody the 
ideas of men who were emerging gradually into a different 
sphere of thought, who could not for the present contem- 
plate the truth they were recovering, either in its har- 
monies or contrasts, and who consequently did not shrink 
from acquiescing in accommodations and concessions, which 
to riper understandings might have seemed like the betrayal 
of a sacred trust. It is ungenerous to suppose with Fox, 
that both the king and the reforming members of the coun- 
cil had deliberately consented to adulterate the Gospel, 
through false tenderness for 'weakelings, which were 
newely weyned from their mother's milke of Kome ;' and 
yet we must allow, on a minute comparison of the fruits 
of the discussion with the principles avowed in different 
stages of its progress, that the leading speakers on both 

^ Probably one of the earliest prefixed to VoL I. of Dodd's Church 

drafts, as we may argue from its in- Hittory, ed. Tiemey. 

completeness, and the absence of the ' Lathbury, Hitlt. €ff Convocaiion, 

royal Declaration. IlntL p. 115, and ed. 

* A facsimile of the signatures is 



lU*] THE ENQLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. 43 

sides were often willing to recast or modify their system. 
They were treading upon ground of which but few of them j^^*J 
as yet had any certain knowledge, and we need not, there- JX;^ 
fore, wonder if the best among them sometimes stumbled, '**^ 
or completely lost his way. 

A singular example of this want of firmness or con- 
sistency is traceable in the conduct of the honest Latimer. 
Although a sermon which he preached at the assembling of 
the Convocation is distinguished by a resolute assault on 
the received doctrine of purgatory^, he was ultimately in- 
duced to sign a statement of the Articles, in which men 
are enjoined to 'pray for the souls of the departed in masses 
and exequies, and to give alms to other to pray for them, 
uihereby they may he relieved and holpen of some part of their 
pain^J' In the same way, bishop Fox, according to his 
namesake, was disinclined to lay stress upon the testimonies 
of * doctors and scholemen, forsomuch as they doe not all 
agree in like matters, neither are they stedfast among them- 
selves in all poyntes;' — Vl sentiment, in which he was but 
echoing the stronger speech of Cromwell. Nevertheless 
the names of both are found appended to the document, 
wherein it is absolutely enjoined that all bishops and 
preachers shall construe the words of Holy Writ according 
to the Catholic Creeds, and * as the holy approved doctors 
of the Church do entreat and defend the same*.' 

If these and other like examples all betray the not un- 
natural oscillation of men's minds, while contemplating 
the disputed questions of the Reformation-period, they 
evince still more completely both the magnitude and depth 
of the disturbing forces which then operated in all quar- 
ters. And the Articles of 1536 are a reflection and ex- 
pression of the same internal struggles. 



' See above, p. 36, note (i). It is of course just possible that 

* In Collier's copy, roost probably Latimer was contemplating only an 

an early draft, the language here esAreme view of purgatory, like that 

italicized was much softer, but it repudiated at the end of the same 

still involved the doctrine against Article. 

which bishop Latimer had protested. ' Art. i. 



44 THE ENQLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. [CH. 

^^*' The first of them declares that 'the fimdamentals of 

religion are comprehended in the whole body and canon 
of the Bible, and also in the three Creeds or symbols: 
whereof one was made by the Apostles, and is the 
common creed which every man useth; the second was 
made by the holy council of Nice, and is said daily in the 
mass ; and the third was made by Athanasius, and is com- 
prehended in the Psalm Quicunque vultJ* It adds that 
whosoever shall 'obstinately affirm the contrary, he or 
they cannot be the very members of Christ and His 
espouse the Church, but be very infidels and heretics and 
members of the devil, with whom they shall perpetually 
be damned.' It also recognises the authority of ' the four 
holy councils, that is to say, the council of Nice, Constan- 
tinople, Ephesus and Chalcedonense,' and repudiates the 
heresies condemned in all those synods. 

This article was probably directed against the tenets of 
the ^ Anabaptists,' many of whom denied (as we shall see 
hereafter) both the doctrine of the Holy Trinity and of the 
Saviour's Incarnation. 

Art H, The second article relates to the Sacrament of Baptism, 

and was still more obviously intended to repel the same 
class of misbelievers, as we gather from internal evidence. 
It declares that baptism was instituted by our Saviour * as 
a thing necessary for the attaining of everlasting life' 
(John iii.) ; that by it all, as well infants as such as have 
the use of reason, obtain * remission of sins, and the grace 
and favour of God ;' that infants and innocents ought to 
be baptized, because the promise of everlasting life per- 
tains to them also; that dying in their infancy they 'shall 
undoubtedly be saved thereby, and else not;' that they 
must be * christened because they be bom in original sin,' 
and this sin can only be remitted 'by the sacrament of 
baptism, whereby they receive the Holy Ghost;' that re- 
baptization is inadmissible ; that the opinions of Anabap- 
tists and Pelagians are ' detestable heresies ;' that in ' men 
or children having the use of reason,' repentance and faith 
are needed in order to the efficacy of baptism. 



III.] 



THE ENGLISH ABTICLES OF 1586. 



45 



The third article is entitled *The Sacrament* of Pen- Art uu 
ance.* By contrasting it with the propositions which were 
reprobated at the same time in the lower house of Convo- 
cation, its bearing on the actual circumstances of the 
Church is far more clearly seen^. It begins by affirming 
that penance is a sacrament instituted by our Lord in the 
New Testament as a thing absolutely necessary to salva- 
tion, in the case of sins committed after baptism. Ac- 
cording to it, penance consists of contrition, confession and 
amendment of life. The first of these parts is made up of 
a sorrowing acknowledgment of sin and of a deep confi- 
dence in Grod's * mercy, whereby the penitent must con- 
ceive certain hope and faith that God will forgive him his 
sins, and repute him justified and of the number of His 
elect children, not for the worthiness of any merit or work 
done by the penitent, but for the only merits of the blood 
and passion of our Saviour Jesus Christ.' Respecting the 
second part of penance, it declares Hhat confession to the 
minister of the Church is a very expedient and necessary 
mean,' and must in no wise be contemned, for that *the 
words of absolution pronounced by the priest are spoken 
by authority given to him by Christ in the Grospel.' As 
to the remaining part of penance, — amendment of life, — ^it 
consists in prayer, fasting, almsdeeds, restitution in will 
and deed, and all other good works of mercy and charity. 



* Hall (Chrcn. fol. ccxxviu. ed. 
1583) noticed in the new book of 
Artides, as one of the moet promi- 
nent points, that it specially men- 
tions only ihrte sacraments. This 
has become a very general observa- 
tion ; and the reintrodnction of Ma- 
trimony, Confirmation, Orders, and 
Extreme Unction, with the title of 
sacraments, into the JnstUviion of a 
Ckrultian Man in the following year, 
is deplored as a retrogressive step. 
But Dr Jenkyns (Cranm^r's Work*, 
I. XV.) has called attention to a MS. 
fragment of the Articles of 1536, 
subscribed by Cranmer, and other 



members of the reforming party, in 
which the above sacred rites are 
actually denominated after the man- 
ner of the 'old learning,' though 
defined in such a Way as to distin- 
guish them entirely from the rest. 
This circumstance led Dr Jenkyns 
to the conclusion that Stokesley, Gar^ 
diner, and others of the anti-refor- 
mation school, preferred to remain 
silent on the subject in 1536, rather 
than to adopt those restricted defi- 
nitions. 

« See §§ 26--31 : WUkins, m. 805 
806. 



46 THE ENGUSH ARTICLES OF 1536. [CH. 

These must be diligently performed in order to obtain 
everlasting life, and also to 'deserve remission or mitiga- 
tion of pains and afflictions in this world;' for though 
'Christ and His death be the sufficient oblation, sacri- 
fice, satis&ction and recompense for the which Grod the 
Father forgiveth and remitteth to all sinners* the eternal 
consequences of their sin, the temporal consequences are 
to be abated or rescinded by the efforts of the penitent 
himself. 
Art.iv. The fourth article, entitled the 'Sacrament of the 

Altar,* had been similarly levelled at the 'mala dogmata' 
condemned in the lower house of Convocation. It declares, 
in emphatic language, that 'under the form and figure of 
bread and wine, which we there presently do see and per- 
ceive by outward senses, is substantially and really com- 
prehended the very sel&ame body and blood of our Saviour, 
which was bom of the Virgin Mary and suffered upon the 
cross for our redemption:' that 'the very sel&ame body 
and blood of Christ, under the same form of bread and 
wine, is corporally, really, and in very substance, exhibited, 
distributed and received unto and of all them which re- 
ceive the said sacrament;' and that as a consequence the 
holy sacrament is to be used with all due reverence and 
only after careftd self-examination. 

The fifth article defines 'justification' as 'remission of 
our sins, and oiu: acceptation or reconciliation unto the 
grace and favour of God, that w to saj/y our perfect renova- 
tion in Christ.' This question had been very warmly contro- 
verted, not only in the continental schools, but also in our 
country; and the definition here adopted was most pro- 
bably a compromise between the advocates of what is called 
the 'Lutheran' tenet and the tenet stereotyped as 'Roman' 
by the Council of Trent. For the ensuing paragraph 
asserts that justification is attained by contrition and faith, 
joined with charity, 'not as though our contrition^ or 
faith, or any works proceeding thereof, can worthily de- 
serve to attain the said justification,' but are required by 
the Almighty as accompanying conditions. He command- 
eth also, that ^ after we be justified we must have good 



Art. V. 



m.] THE ENGLISH ABTICLES OF 1536; 47 

works of charity and obedience towards God, in the observ- 
ing and fulfilling outwardly of His laws and command- 
ments.' 

The five articles immediately relating to points of faith, 
are followed by five other articles * concerning the laudable 
ceremonies of the Church* ;' — a designation which included 
many topics of the deepest practical moment. Like the 
former series of decisions, these are also traceable directly 
to the special circumstances of the times, and illustrated in 
a greater or less degree by the long list of *mala dog- 
mata,^ to which attention was before directed. 

The first, *0f Images,' allows the use of statues and^^**- 
pictures as the /representers of virtue and good example, 
as kindlers and stirrers of men's minds,' specifying the 
images of * Christ and our Lady;' but at the same time 
commands the clergy to * reform their abuses, for else,' it 
adds, 'there might fortune idolatry to ensue; which God 
forbid.' It also enjoins the bishops and preachers to in- 
struct their flocks more carefiiUy with regard to censing, 
kneeling and offering to images, *that they in no wise do 
it, nor think it meet to be done to the same images, but 
only to be done to God and in His honour.' 

The next is entitled *0f honouring of Saints,' and^irf. Hi 
while it sanctions a modified reverence of them, partly on 
the ground that *they already do reign in glory with 
Christ,' and partly *for their excellent virtues which He 
planted in them,' it is careful to guard against the supposi- 
tion that the saints are worthy of the kind of honour which 
is due to God Himself. 

The next article, *0f praying to Saints,' is favourable iir«. h«. 
to the practice of invoking them, so long as they are viewed 
as intercessors, praying with us and for us unto God. It 
also adds a specimen of the kind of prayer then believed to 
be exempted firom the charge of superstition. We are 
warned, however, that * grace, remission of sin, and salva- 

^ In the King's injunctions (Wil- 'deanes, persones, vicars, and other 

kinSy in. 813), after drawing a like curates/ to open and declare it in 

distinction between the two divisions their sermons. 
of these Articles, he charges all 



48 THE ENaLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. [CH. 

tion,' can be obtained of God only 'by the mediation of our 
Savionr Christ, which is the only sufficient Mediator for 
our sins ;' a farther caution being added against supposing 
that 'any saint is more merciftd, or will hear us sooner 
than Christ, or that any saint doth serve for one thing 
more than another, or is patron of the same/ 

jbrt ix. The next article embarks upon the general question of 

'Rites and Ceremonies/ vindicating many of those in use 
from the prevailing accusations, on the ground that they 
are 'things good and laudable, to put us in remembrance 
of those spiritual things that they do signify f yet adding, 
as before, a sort of caveat or corrective, viz. that 'none of 
these ceremonies have power to remit sin,, but only to stir 
and lift up our minds unto God, by whom only our sins be 
forgiven; 

ArLx. The last article, 'Of Purgatory,' commences by affirm- 

ing that 'it is a very good and charitable deed to pray for 
souls departed,' resting the observance on 'the due order of 
charity,' on the Book of Maccabees, on the plain statements 
of ancient doctors, and the usage of the Church from the 
beginning. It accordingly insists upon the duty of com- 
mitting the departed to God's mercy in our prayers, and of 
causing others 'to pray for them in masses and exequies/ 
in order to facilitate their rescue from a state of present 
suffering. It adds, however, that we know but little either 
of their place or of the nature of their pains, and therefore 
that we must refer particulars respecting them to Grod Him- 
self, 'trusting that He accepteth our prayers for them.' In 
the mean time it denounces the more scandalous abuses 
* which under the name of purgatory hath been advanced,' 
— specifying in the number 'pope's pardons,' and 'masses 
said at Scala Coeli.' 

ihSfc^JS^ I* is now impossible to ascertain by what majorities 

"^**'''^ these Articles were finally carried in the two houses of 
Convocation. In the longer series of subscriptions there are 
eighteen bishops (including Stokesley, but not Gardiner,) 
and forty abbots and priors : while the number of assen- 
tients in the lower house is fifty, all of them belonging to 
the province of Canterbury. They consist of four deans of 



III.] 



THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. 



49 



cathedrals, twenty-five archdeacons^ three deans of colle- 
giate churches, seventeen proctors for the parochial clergy, 
and one master of a college'. If the two provincial sjmods 
were actoally combined on this occasion, as the signatures 
of Lee, archbishop of York, and Tonstal, bishop of Durham, 
have been thought to indicate (at least with reference to 
the prelates), it would follow that the lower house of the 
northern Convocation must have either dissented in a 
body*, or else (what is not easy to conceive under all the 
circumstances) the record of their acquiescence was distinct 
from that belonging to the southern province. 

We may readily imagine that some members of Convo- ^^SJaSSX- 
cation would be slow in setting out on a long journey to**^*'*'^*" 
London, especially when they foresaw that it would end in 
disputations, if it did not actually involve them in fresh 
oaths and protests, which they could not cordially adopt. 
And there is reason to believe that in the northern pro- 
vince such reluctance did exist in a peculiar measure. 
The 'old learning' was there cherished with unreasoning 
fondness, so that few, as in the southern and midland 
counties, had abandoned their belief in the most central of 
the Bomish dogmas, — the papal supremacy. An * Opinion 
of the clergy of the north parts, in Convocation, upon Ten 
Articles sent to them,' is printed both in Strype and 
Wilkins; and although it is not certain that the articles* 



' It is worthy of note that two 
of these were ItaUans, viz. Polydore 
Vergil, archdeacon of Wells, and 
Peter Vanncfl, archdeacon of Wor- 
cester. 

' Some members of the lower 
house subscribed in double capaci- 
ties, which makes the official signa- 
tures more numerous. Atterbury, 
JOghU of English Convocation, p. 149, 
ed. 1700. 

' The only exception seems to be 
the archdeacon of ChuUr, William 
Knyght. 

^ They are dated 1536, and from 
their aUusion to Stat. 18 Hen. VIII. 

H. A. 



c. 16, respecting dispensations from 
the see of Rome, must have been 
written in the tummer or aviumn. 
They prove beyond a doubt that the 
northern convocation imm eutemJbled 
in this year (of. Wake, Stale of the 
Church, p. 491); whatever be the 
true mode of solving questions ad- 
verted to above. Besides advocating 
the extreme view of the papal juris- 
diction, they 'think it convenient, 
that such clerks as be in prison, or 
fled out of the realm, for withstand- 
ing the king's superiority in the 
Church, may be set at liberty and 
restored without danger.' Wilkins, 

4 



50 



THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. 



[CH. 



adverted to were the identical document, which forms the 
subject of the present chapter, answers then elicited from 
the northern clergy * in Convocation' testify the deep re- 
pugnance of that district to the measures of their brethren 
in the south. This hatred, based on Mediaeval theories 
and wounded superstition, was exasperated by the recent 
acts of the civil legislature, which had called upon the 
northern clergy to exhibit dispensations granted to them 
by the pope. No sooner therefore had the bishops given 
orders for circulating^ the new * Articles about Religion,' 
than the disaffected of aU classes flew to arms in vindica- 
PtMieaiioH tion of the ancient system. * This booke,' as Hall observes', 
^tSoSl^ * had specially mentioned but three sacramentes, with the 
whiche the Lyncolneshyremen (I meane their ignoraunt 
priestes) were offended, and of that occasion depraued the 
Kinges doynges.' In the sketches left by him and others 
of the frightful insurrection which now blazed in every 
town and village to the north of the Trent, we see how 
strong and general was the feeling that the bishops would 
not rest until they had completely undermined the ftmda- 
mental doctrines'. 

One of the last incidents connected with the publica- 
tion of the Ten Articles, grew out of this rebellion in the 
north. To do away with the suspicion of abetting heresy, 
to satisfy the formidable insurgents that the document in 
question had been duly sanctioned by the Church, and was 
accordingly no wanton innovation of the monarch or his 
council, printed copies of it were liberally dispersed by 



m. 812 ; Strype, Eecl, Mem, i. 247, 
948, ed. 1791. From evidence lately 
brought to light by Mr Fronde {Hi$i. 
in. 173) we may gather that these 
anti-reformation Articles were drawn 
up (Nov. 17, i53<5) by the insurgent 
clergy of Yorkshire, assembled in 
Convocation at Pontefract ; just after 
archbishop Lee had been dragged out 
of tiie pulpit, where he was preach- 
ing against the rebels. 

1 They had been charged to do so 
on every holy-day by the king, (Wil- 



kins. III. 815), and a mandate of the 
bishop of Lincoln (Longland) ei^joins 
the beneficed clergymen to avoid all 
controversial topics, and to preach 
four times a year, ' secundimi Arti- 
culos, qui nuper per seremssimam 
r^giam majestatem, ac totimi hujus 
regni Angliie cleri in convocatione 
sua sandti fuere.' Ibid. 829. 

■ ChrtmicUf fol. ccxxviii. ed. 1583. 
For a graphic picture of the whole 
struggle, see Froude, HiH. in. 95 sq. 

' Collier, n. 131. 



III.] 



THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. 



51 



the commander of the royal forces, who had also with him 
the original work as signed and authorized in Convo- 
cation^. 

But this early set of Articles was virtually superseded 2«5Sr 
in the course of the next year (1537), on the appearance of '"^**'^''**** 
a second Formulary of Faith, entitled the * Institution of a 
Christian Man.' On it, however, many of the Articles of 
1536 had been substantially engrafted; and as the new 
work never gained the formal sanction* either of Convoca- 
tion or the crown, those Articles were really in force until 
supplanted by the * Necessary Doctrine ahd Erudition for 
any Christian Man,' set forth as late as 1543*. 



^ Strype, Oramnerf i. 84, od. £. 
H. S. 

' Jenkyns' Crooimer, i. xviii. and 
the * Letter' there referred to. The 
IfuUhtUon was drawn up by a num- 
ber of CommissionerB (Collier moat 
erxoneooBly affirms three years before 
its droulation, n. 139); but never 
regularly submitted to Convocation: 
and although published by the king's 
printer, it ¥ras not, like the former 
book of Articles, provided with a 
pre&oe by his Majesty, commanding 
it to be received by his subjects. 
Being thus destitute of the royal 
authority, it was called the Bishops 
Book, It consists of an Exposition 
of the Creed, the Seven Sacraments, 
the Ten Commandments, the Pater- 
noster, Ave-Maria> Justification, 
and Purgatory. The introduction 
to it is no more than a letter from 
the Commissioners to the king an- 
nouncing its completion. This drew 
from him a very guarded answer 
(Jenkyns' Oranmer, i. 18S) which. 



while assenting to the publication 
of the Bishops' Book, does not com- 
mit him to a full sanction of the 
contents. 

s This work (the King's Book) is 
on the whole a revised edition of the 
Bishops' Book, although (as Collier 
observes) 'it seems mostly to lose 
ground, and reform backwards' (ii. 
191 : cf. Prof, Blunt's Reform, pp. 
190 seqq.) Unlike its predecessor, 
however, it was not only drawn up 
by a committee of Divines, but ac- 
tually approved in Convoaition, and 
enjoined by a royal mandate : Wil- 
kins, ni. 868 ; Jenkyns' Cfranmer, i. 
xxxvii.; cf. I. 188, 189 (note). This 
account of the authority of the two 
'Books' is the reverse of what has 
been commonly received ; but it is 
well supported by Dr Jenkyns, and 
seems to me the only hyx>othesiB 
which is capable of explaining all the 
evidence on the subject Bespecting 
Burnet's strange mistake, see Abp. 
Laurence, Bamp, Lec$. i. note (4). 



4—2 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE XIIL ARTICLES :— CONFERENCES WITH 
THE LUTHERAN REFORMERS. 



Gjjjg^ "VrOTHING was more natural in the earlier stage of 
^SSSktmd -^^ reformation, than the strong anxiety evinced by 
many of the English to secure the good opinion of their 
fellow-workers in Grermany. They all had felt the pressure 
of the papal yoke; they had lamented, each in his own 
province of the Christian Church, the rank and deadly 
weeds which had been mingled with the true religion; 
they had all embarked with equal earnestness of pur- 
pose on the same remedial project ; and despairing in the 
end of a * true general council,' they had simultaneously 
arrived at the conclusion, that it was the paramount duty 
of ' every prince to redress his o^-n realmV 

The greatest obstacle in the way of friendly intercourse 
had been the quarrel which broke out in 1521 between 
Henry VIII. and Luther : but as neither of the combatants 
appeared unwilling to forget his early fulminations, the 
estrangement could no longer be regarded as incurable. 
A positive bond of union was moreover furnished by 
the partiality which Henry afterwards conceived for 
Luther's chief companion. As early as the spring of 1534, 
Melancthon was invited to come over and assist in the 
reforming of the English Church, — an invitation which 
appears to have been warmly supported by the King him- 
self on many subsequent occasions'. Henry saw that 

> Cf. the CaniMB why the Germans of the En^^h od this subject, io 

did not reoognise the Ootmcil of Fox, p. 1085. • 

Mantua (quoted aboye, pp. 11, ii), ' Archbp. Laurence, Bam|>^on Xer- 

with the contemporary Protfttation turf», Serm. I. note (3); Serm. n. 



CH. IV.] THE LUTHERAN CONFERENCES. 



53 



while Melanctkon and his colleagues were possessed by 
the idea of national independence, and contended also for 
the primitive faith, they felt no sympathy with the 
licentiousness and misbelief, which sometimes followed in 
the track of reformation both at home and on the conti- 
nent. The Saxons had, for instance, kept aloof entirely 
from the wild and rationalistic speculations of such men 
as Carlstadt; they had vigorously opposed the fermenta- 
tion of political theories which resulted in the * Peasants' 
War ;' they had repudiated the whole swann of sectaries 
who bore the name of * Anabaptists.' Their main prin- 
ciples had thus been vindicated in the eyes of all candid 
critics ; and therefore we are not surprised to witness the 
increasing confidence reposed in them by many of our 
cautious fellow-countryinen who had no dealings with the 
school of Zwingli and the other ' Swiss' reformers. 

A perception of this common basis in relis^ious matters, ^ct**ai ntg<h 
aided by strong reasons of diplomacy, suggested the com- ^^^ 
mencement of negociations with the ' princes of the Augs- 
burg Confession,' as early as the year 1535. The first 
English envoy sent among them was Robert Barnes, the 
victim, only five years later, of his predilection for the 
new opinions. He was followed to Germany in the 
autumn of 1535 by Bishop Fox and Dr Heatli^, who found 
the Lutheran states in anxious consultation respecting the 
religious and political alliance, entered into at Schmalkald 
in 1534. The message of the English monarch, as de- 
livered by his delegates (Dec. 24), was gratefully acknow- 



noie (3). In 1538, Henry wrote as 
foUowB to the Elector of SazoDy : 
*Pro his, quffi feliciter agi coepta 
sunt, felicius absolyendis concluden- 
disque expectamus, ut DonuDum 
Philippom Melancthonem, in aijus 
exceUenti eruditions et tano judicio a 
bonis omnibus multa spes reposita 
est^ dootosque alios et probos viros, 
primo quoqae tempore, ad nos mit- 
tat.' Seckendorf, ffiator, Luther, 
Lib. m. § 66. add. i : Francof. 1691 : 



cf. Ratzeberger*s Handtchr, Oet' 
chichte iiber Luther, &c. ed. Neu- 
decker (Jena, 1850), pp. 79, 80. 
Melanctbon waa finally appointed di- 
vinity professor at Cambridge (May, 
1553), but owing to the death of 
Edward never came into residence. 

* Strype, EccL Mem. I. 415 — 118. 
They had an interview with Pon- 
tanus and Burckhardt, Deo. 15 : 
Melancthon. 0pp. n. 108, ed. Bret- 
schneider. 



54 THE XIII. ARTICLES: — [CH. 

ledged by the members of the ' Schmalkaldic League/ who 
signified their readiness to take him into their confederacy 
on his acceding to the usual conditions. Of these the 
most important was that he should publicly adopt, or 
should at least approve in general terms\ the true doctrine 
of Christ, as laid down in the Confession of Augsburg, 
and hereafter join them in defending it, under the title of 
* Patron and Protector of the League.' 
^ISuSor' T^hxA project, fiill of most momentous bearings, seems 

dtftrrtA. ^ \i9,Y% bccu frustrated almost entirely through the arts 
of bishop Gardiner*, then acting as ambassador at the 
court of France. He represented, that the King would be 
so entangled by this treaty in the affairs of the Grerman 
nation, as to be unable without their consent ' to do what 
the Word of God shall permit ;' that as Henry was * head 
of the Church of England,' by the authority of Scripture, 
so the emperor was 'head' of the Germanic Churches; 
and that consequently princes who were subject to his 
jurisdiction, ought not to combine for public objects with- 
out his consent. By these and other arguments, applied 
with his peculiar tact, the bishop of Winchester succeeded 
in restraining the alacrity of his master, and eventually 
defeated the intentions of the League. At present, it is 
true, the language of the English monarch, though less 
cordial than his first communication, opens out some dis- 
tant prospect of success. He does not absolutely decUne 
the honour proffered to him by the German princes, but 
postpones the acceptance of it, until ' agreement shall be 
had betwixt him and their Orators,' respecting the par- 
ticular terms of a religious union. *For it should not 
be sure nor honourable for his Majesty, before they shall 
be with his Grace agreed upon a certain concord of doc- 
triney to take such a province upon his Highness. And 
forasmuch as his Majesty desiretii much that his bishops 
and learned men might agree with theirs; but seeing 

^ The Eogliflh were required to yidebontur.' Ranke, m. 66i : cf. 

conform to the Confession and Apo* Strype;, vbi mp. Append. No. LXIY. 

logy, 'nisi forte qu8Bdam...ex yerbo ' Strjpe, Ibid, 126, and Append. 

Dei merito corrigenda aut mutanda No. LXV. 



IV.] 



THE LUTHERAN CONFERENCES. 



55 



that it cannot be, unless certain things in their Confession 
and Apology should by their familiar conferences be miti* 
goJte; his Grace therefore would their Orators, and some 
ercellent learned men with them, should be sent hither, 
to confer, talk, and common upon the same^/ 

But while Henry was thus faltering on the subject ^*22 2"' 
of communion with the German League, a conference had '^*"*''*^- 
been opened on the spot between the English delegates 
and a committee of Lutheran theologians. Luther was 
himself a party to it from the first, and Melancthon 
came soon afterwards^ (Jan. 15, 1536). The place of 
meeting was at Wittenberg, in the house of Fontanus 
(Brttck), the senior chancellor of Saxony, where Fox 
dilated on the Lutheran tendencies of England, and 
more especially of his royal master. 

- An account has been preserved in Seckendorf' ^^d!ramnup, 
certain Articles of Religion, which were drawn up by 
the mediating party in the winter of 153f . Of these one 
article has reference to the Lord's Supper, and is merely an 
expanded version of the Augsburg definition : a second ab- 
solutely denies that 'any primacy or monarchy of the Eoman 
bishop doth now obtain, or ever hath obtained, by Divine 
right.' The Germans had moreover insisted very strongly 
on the abolition of all private masses, and the relaxation of 
the' law for enforcing clerical celibacy; but on these, as 
well as on some other points pertaining to the ritual 
and organisation of the Church, the English were not 
authorised to give the same degree of satisfaction. 

In the following year (1536) the conferences, at least 
in their religious bearing, went on still more slowly* ; for 



* Strype, IbH, Append. No. LXVI. 
p. 163. 

' See his communication to Burck- 
hardt ; 0pp. iii. 26. 

' C<nMMnU de LtOheran. Lib. in. 
§ XXXIX. : ' Extat elaborata a Wit- 
tenbergensibuB, aooeptata etiam et 
domom reportata a legatiB Anglids, 
repeUHo el exegetis quetdam Auffus- 
tana (knrfemonii,* p. iii, Franoof. 



1699. These Articles are said to 
exist both in Latin and German: 
Melancthon. 0pp. in. 104, note (a). 
An expression in a letter dated Nov. 
^8, 1536, implies that either the 
8a/me Articles revised, or a fresh com- 
pilation, were again recommended 
by the English to the notice of their 
Raxon friends, in. 192. 
* On the 9th of March, the di- 



56 THE XIIT. ARTICLES: — [CH. 

the Wittenberg divines were losing confidence in Fox, 
and saw good reason for suspecting the motives of his 
master, who appeared to them more anxious to secure 
political advantages, or their assent to the propriety of 
his divorce, than to facilitate the progress of true religion 
or the purification of the Western Church ^ 
^JSUS*^ It seems, however, that in 1538 the apprehensions of 
a continental war, combining with the earlier causes, 
had induced him to reopen his negociation with the 
Germans, and to press for his admission to the League 
with a redoubled earnestness. The * princes of the Augs- 
burg Confession' had assembled early in the year at 
Brunswick, whither he dispatched a confidential messenger, 
with some preliminary questions. He spoke * of his Chris- 
tian zele and propension of mind towards the Word of 
God, and of his desire to plant the sound doctrine of 
s Christian religion in his kingdoms, and wholly to take 

away and abolish the impious ceremonies of the bishop 
of Bome*.' But as the Germans still persisted in de- 
manding that all who entered the confederacy should 
recognise the truth of their Confession, Henry begged 
them to fulfil their former promise, and send over a legation 
of divines (including his peculiar favourite Melancthon*), 
to confer on the disputed points with a committee of 
English theologians. In this overture the Lutheran princes 
readily acquiesced, except as it concerned Melancthon, who 
was more than ever needed in his own country to assist in 
the deliberations of the state, and give instructions to the 
University of Wittenberg. The persons actually chosen 
for this mission were Francis Burckhardt, vice-chancellor 
to the elector of Saxony; George Boyneburg*, a noble- 
man of Hesse, and doctor of laws ; and Frederic Mekum 
or Myconius, ' superintendent' (quasi-bishop) of the Church 

vines were engaged in purely doo- * Strype, Ibid. 139, 930. 

trinal discussions {Ibid. m. 45) ; * Strype, Ihid. i. 319. 

Mid on the 30tb, mfter muob hesita- ' Herbert, Life cf Henry VIII, 

tion, tbey bad agreed 'de plerisque.' p. 494. 

On the 34th of April, the English ^ On this person, see Bommels. 

ambassadors departed. PKUUp der OroumiUhige, I. 26. 



UgatUm. 



IV.] 



THE LUTHERAN CONFERENCES. 



57 



at Grotha. Burckhardt was the head of the legation and 
bore with him a commendatory letter to King Henry, 
dated May 12, 1538*. The English monarch is therein 
implored to fix his eyes upon tlie imminent perils of 
the Church, and aid in framing measures which may 
tend at once to the establishing of firm consent among 
the friends of Reformation, and also to dissuade some 
other European princes from participating in the papal 
cause. 

As soon as this Lutheran embassy arrived, a small /jlj^f"*'**'' 
committee consisting of three bishops' and four doctors, 
was nominated by the King, to act as organs of the Church 
of England. The whole course of the discission was 
apparently determined by the plan and order of the Augs- 
burg Confession; and we leani that points of faith had 
been alone sufficient to engage the interest of the dis- 
putants for nearly two months*. Althougli it is not easy 
to trace out the several steps of this important conference, 
there is reason for supposing that the delegates arrived 
at an agreement on the fundamental doctrines of the 
Gospel, and proceeded 'to put their articles in ^vriting*.' 
Strype asserts that queries of the King were all submitted 
in the first instance to the ' Orators' (for so the German 
envoys were commonly entitled), and that after the replies 
had been returned, they were examined by the English /JjJ^Sji/ 
committee*. Be this, however, as it may, the fact of their 
ultimate accord, respecting the more central points of 
Christian faith, is stated in a letter addressed by My- 



* Strype, Ibid. App. No. xciv. 

■ Cranmer and Tonstal were of 
the omnber, and represented dif- 
ferent schools. Herbert, p. 495. 

' See the Brevis Summa of the 
Germans, in Strype, App. No. xovi., 
where they also inform us that 'they 
could not stay for the rest of the 
disputation concerning abuses;' p. 
a6i. This account tallies with a let- 
ter of Oranmer, (No. ooxxx. ; i. 961, 
ed. Jenkyos), dated Aug. 18, in 



which he states that the 'Orators of 
Grermany' durst not tarry, 'foras- 
much as they have been so long 
from their princes,' and were fully 
determined to depart within eight 
days from that time. However, they 
were finally induced to remain a 
month longer. 

* Cranmer's Letters, ubi sup. and 
p. 364. 

* EccUt, Memor, i. 330: cf. Ori- 
ginoi Letters, ed. P. S. pp. 61 9, 6t3. 



68 THE XIIL ARTICLES: — [CH. 

conius to Cromwell \ a short time before his departure 
(Sept. 7, 1538). 

/SS *^ ®^^^ ^^^^ labours in the second province of investiga- 

tion did not lead to such an amicable issue ; Henry was 
inexorable in his demands; and when the Grermans took 
their leave of him, he chmg to many of the errors and 
abuses against which they had been contending from the 
first with unabated sternness. These 'abuses* were, the 
prohibition of both kinds in the administration of the 
Lord's Supper, the custom of private propitiatory masses, 
and the absolute injxmction of clerical celibacy*. Cranmer 
had long striven but in vain to interest the English section 
of the Conference in this part of the discussion ; for in a 
letter to Cromwell (Aug. 23), he remarks that when the 
Orators of Germany were anxious to proceed *in their 
book, and entreat of the abtisesy so that the same might 
be set forth in writing as the other articles are! he had 
'effectiously moved the bishops thereto,' but they made 
him this answer : * That they knew that the King's Grace 
hath taken upon himself to answer the said Orators in that 
behalf y and thereof a book is already devised by the King's 
majesty; and therefore they will not meddle with the 
abuses, lest they should write therein contrary to that the 
King shall write.' * Wherefore,'- he continues, * they have 
required me to entreat now of the sacraments of matri- 
mony, orders, confirmation and extreme imction ; wherein 
they know certainly that the Germans will not agree with 
us, except it be in matrimony only. So that I perceive 
that the bishops seek only an occasion to break the 
concord*.' 

SjySSire ^^^ 'book' aUudcd to by Cranmer in this passage 

was actually drawn by Henry, with the aid of bishop 
Tonstal*, one of the committee who was still devoted to 
the * old learning.' It indicates, what the archbishop had 



> In Strype's Eede$. Memor, i. envoys on this occasion. Ibid. No. 

Append. No. xov. xovi. 

* See the 'Judgment oonoeming * Warkt, i. 963, 164 ; ed. Jenkyns. 

Abuses/ composed by the Gennan 4 In Burnet, i. Add. Noe. 7, 8. 



IT.] 



THE LUTHERAN CONFERENCES. 



59 



on odrar gx)unda good reason for suspecting, that the anti- 
xefonnation party had of late been gaining fresh ascend- 
ancy' at court \ and that, however much the King was 
willing on some points to acquiesce in Lutheran de- 
finitions, there was little or no hope of weaning him from 
other vices in the doctrine and administration of the Church. 
It is most true, that on the eve of their departure, he in- 
vited the envoys to return to England, for the purpose of 
considering afresh those points in which the conference 
was divided; and in the letter which Melancthon wrote 
to him^, March 26, 1539, an expectation is indulged, that 
as he had begun to take away * wicked superstitions,' he 
would abolish such as still remained: but in the mean- 
while Henry's feelings had been more and more estranged 
from every class of continental reformers ; and when 
Burckhardt and his friends renewed their visit to this 
country in the spring of the following year®, the power 
of Gardiner was foxmd sufficient not only to defeat all fresh 
negociations with them*, but to carry in the southern 
Convocation and in Parliament, the * Act for the abolishing ^*^%S 
of Diversity of Opinions,' or, as it is not unfrequently jjg*^*' 
entitled, the * bloody Statute of the Six Articles*.' 

Our present object does not make it necessary for us 



* Prof. Blunt's Reform, p. 189, 
note (5). 

■ In Strype, I. App. No. or. 

* Stiype, Ecd, Mem, i. 341. 

^ In a document drawn up on 
this occasion (Strype, Eccl. Mem, I. 
34 X ; Collier, n. 171), it is remark- 
able how far the Lutherans were 
disponed to make concessions in 
favour of the ' older learning :* cf. 
Luther's Schriften, xvn. 342 — 345 : 
ed. 1745. 

* This ' whip withe size stringes,' 
as Hall terms it — though Dr Mait- 
land {Rrform, Euays, No. xn) repre- 
sents it as comparatively inoperative 
— enforces a belief in the foUowing 
articles: (t) of transubstantiation, 
or the entire physical change of the 



elements in the eucharist, (2) the 
non-necessity of communion in both 
kinds, (3) the sinfulness of marriage 
after receiving the order of priest- 
hood, (4) the absolute obligation of 
the vows of chastity or widowhood, 
(5) the propriety and necessity of 
'private masses/ (6) the expediency 
and continual obligation of auricular 
confession. (Stat. 31° Hen. VIII. 
0.14). All these dogmas, excepting, 
perhaps, the first, refer to recent 
negociations with the Germans, 
and on that account are strongly 
censured by Melancthon, in a letter 
addressed by him to the English 
monarch, Sept. 22, 1539. ^^*> PP* 
1 172 seqq.; cf. Melancthon. Opp* III. 

783, 784. 



60 THB XIII. ARTICLES: — [CH. 

to investigate the origin of those Six Articles, or to ex- 
patiate on the persecutions which for several months at 
least accompanied their enactment. An inquiry more 
congenial to our purpose is suggested by the mission of 
the Wittenberg reformers. We have seen that traces are 
surviving of a partial disagreement between them and the 
committee of English theologians ; yet we also know that 
union was eflfected to a very great extent, and that a 
number of Articles were actually compiled as the result 
of their deliberations on the leading points of Christianity. 
5StotS«** -A. manifesto embodying this agreement is of special interest 
Genuuuttiu to all studcuts of the Beformation both in England and in 
Grermany; and at length it has been, for the first time, 
placed within thieir reach by the researches of a living 
writer. In looking for remains of Archbishop Cranmer, 
Dr Jenkyns discovered among a bundle of papers belonging 
to that prelate, a thin folio manuscript, entitled, ^A Boke^ 
conteyntng divers Articles de ZTnitate Dei et Trinitate 
Personarum, de Peccato Originali,' &c. He informs us 
that the other documents tied up in the same bxmdie 
relate chiefly to negociations with the Lutheran envoys 
in the year 1538; and believes that the 'Articles' were 
those agreed upon at the conference held in London at 
that time. 'The "boke'' itself is manifestly foxmded 
on the Confession of Augsburg, often following it very 
closely, and departing from it exactly in those instances, 
where the mixture of English and Grerman theology might 
have been expected to cause a variation. It is also in 
Latin, and this circumstance adds to the probability of 
its having been composed in concert with foreigners: 
for such other Formularies of this reign as were designed 
for domestic use are in English. And, lastly, the only 
Article, namely, that on the Lord's Supper, which there 
is an opportunity of comparing with the conclusions 
approved by Fox and Heath in Germany, is word for word 
the same*.' This argument is further strengthened by the 
circumstance, that the manuscript Articles do not embrace 

1 Cranmer's Warki, I. xxii. xxiii. 



IT.] THE LUTHERAN CONFERENCES. 61 

any of those topics on which the English and Grerman 
delegates had failed to arriye at a perfect understanding; 
while three other separate papers^ also in Latin, of the 
same general form, and of nearly the same length, refer to 
points which were then actually disputed, and are pro- 
bably the drafts of articles not accepted by the Lutheran 
divines. 

But other reasons may be urged for drawing the atten- ^^^j*'^^ 
tion of the reader to the Thirteen Articles of 1538. They ^^^-^ 
will not only indicate the disposition of our leading re- 
formers to acquiesce in the dogmatic statements which had 
been put forward in the Augsburg Confession, but have 
also a prospective bearing of still more importance, as, 
in many ways, the ground-work of Articles now in use. 
No one can deny that the compilers of the Forty-two 
Articles in the reign of Edward VI. drew largely from the 
Lutheran formulary of 1530; but the recent discovery of 
the Thirteen Articles has made it probable that such Ba$itofau 
derivation, instead of being, (as was hitherto supposed), i^- 
direct^ took place entirely through the medium of the 
Anglo-Gterman channel. This conclusion is supported by 
the fact, ' that the expressions in Edward VI. 's Formulary, 
usually adduced to prove its connexion with the Confession 
of Augsburg, are also found in the Book of Articles: 
while it contains others, wliicli can be traced as far as 
the Book of Articles, but which will be sought for in vain 
in the Confession of Augsburg.' From what is known 
of their general character, the framers of the Edwardine 
Articles would be * anxious, in the execution of their 
undertaking, to meet, if possible, the views of their 
brethren on the continent, as well as of their country- 
men at home; and they could scarcely pursue a surer 

1 Ilid. IV. 292 seqq. This bundle communi consensu*): and also 'Cer- 

was re-examined for the benefit of ten Articles admytted in Germany,' 

the present work. It was found to endorsed by Sir Ralph Sadleyr, who 

contain, among other valuable pieces, became Secretary of State in 1540. 

the exposition of the ' Sacrament of The latter document seems to be an 

Confirmation,' contained in the /n- abstract of one alluded to above. 

tiitution of a (Christian man (which p. 59, n. 4. 
is said to have been 'agreed upon 



62 THE XIII. ARTICLES: — [CH. 

method of attaining their ohject than by borrowing from 
a form of doctrine abready approved by both^.' 

The Articles thus serving as a species of connecting- 
link between the formularies of the two countries, are 
distributed under the following heads : (1) De Unitate Dei 
et Trinitate Personarum; (2) De Peccato Originali; (3) 
De duabus Christi naturis ; (4) De Justificatione ; (5) De 
Ecclesia; (6) De Baptismo; (7) De Eucharistia; (8) De 
Poenitentia; (9) De Sacramentorum usu; (10) De Minis- 
tris Ecclesise; (11) De Bitibus Ecclesiasticis ; (12) De 
Bebus Civilibus; (13) De Corporum Besurrectione et 
Judicio extremo. 

^{*2£? An opportunity of comparing this new series with the 

mSm.*'' Augsburg Confession on the one hand, and the subsequent 
English Articles on the other, is provided in a separate 
Appendix* to the present volume: but a cursory perusal 
of them is sufficient to convince the reader, with how 
much fidelity they have adhered, in their arrangement and 
their substance also, to the elder of those Formularies, 
and at the same time how distinctly they anticipate ma- 
terials made available in the composition of the later. 

-^•<- The first of the XIII. Articles, though bearing a 

different title, is almost a verbal copy of Art. I. of the 
Augsburg Confession, and includes the first of the XLII. 
Articles. 

jrt u. The second corresponds with Art II. of the Augsburg, 

but, like the eighth of the XLII. Articles, it speaks of 
'peccatum originale^ instead of 'peccatum arigints,^ and 
contains the expression ' originalis justitia,' which is not 
in the Augsburg series. 

Art. Hi. The third is identical with Art. III. of the Augsburg, 

and includes the second of the XLII. Articles. 

Art.iv. The fourth is a much longer statement on the sub- 

ject of justification than Art. IV. of the Augsburg; yet 
both affirm that men are accepted by God 'gratis prop- 
ter Christum per fidem.' The English definition is, 
however, different in some measure, from the German, 

* Ibid. I. xxiv. > See App. No. ii. 



I 



IV.] THE LUTHERAN CONFERENCES. 63 

including, like the Articles of 1536, the thought of * trae 
renovatton in Christ' as equivalent to * remission of sins.' 
This Article also embodies a portion of Arts. V. and VI. 
of the Augsburg, but has no expressions in common with 
the corresponding Articles of 1553. 

The fifth is a considerable departure from Art. VII. ^rt. v. 
of the Augsburg, though manifestly copying some ex- 
pressions from thence, as also from Art. VIII. It views 
the Church under two aspects, either as completely holy 
and as the mystical body of Christ, or as the congregation 
of those who have been baptized and not excommunicated. 
This latter it describes'as the Catholic and Apostolic Church 
composed of all national and particular Churches, exactly 
in the spirit of the * Institution of a Christian Man.' No 
trace exists in it of the twentieth Article of 1553 (the 
nineteenth of our present series) ; but, what is remarkable, 
it includes the thirty-third and the twenty-seventh of the 
Edwardine code, employing language in both cases which 
is not found in the Augsburg Confession. 

The sixth, on the subject of Baptism, is much {uHer Art. vi 
than Art. IX. of the Augsburg series, though stating 
precisely the same doctrine. It seems to have much in 
common with the Articles of 1536, and, so far as lan- 
guage is concerned, has no affinity whatever with the 
twenty-eighth of the Edwardine Articles. • 

The seventh is also an expansion of Art. X. of the Art vu. 
Augsburg series, and agrees verbatim with the statement 
on the Eucharist adopted in Grermany during the Con- 
ferences of 1535. It has no terms in common with the 
twenty-ninth of the XLII. Articles. 

The eighth is a diffuse and for the most part an Art. hh. 
original essay on 'Penitence.' It may however be com- 
pared with Arts. XI. and XII. of the Augsburg. 

The ninth, respecting the efficacy of the sacraments, Art ix. 
has much in common with Art. XIII. of the Augsburg 
series, but far more with the twenty-sixth of the XLII. 
Articles, where the language is almost identical^. 

^ A fuller example of this adop- remarked in the Homilies for the 
tion of much older theology may be Passion and the Resurrection, which 



64 



THE XIII. articles: — 



[CH- 



ArL X. 



ArLxi. 
ArL xli. 
ArL xiii. 



ArtieUt 
drawn up in 
1M0(?) 



The tenth, though bearing a different title, is based 
upon Art. XIV. of the Augsburg series, and agrees still 
further with the twenty-fourth of the XLII. Articles. 

The eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth, are long dis- 
sertations, in the main agreeing with Arts. XV. XVI. 
and XVII. of the Augsburg; but, if we except a few 
general sentiments, they have no parallels whatever in 
the later EngUsh Articles. 

It is worthy of a passing notice, that rough drafts of 
different parts of the above document exist in our public 
repositories; some exhibiting corrections in the handwrit- 
ing of archbishop Cranmer, and one in the handwriting 
of the King himself. Until the recent discovery of the 
copy containing the XIII. Articles in their collected 
form« it had been usual to assign those drafts to labours 
of a select committee appointed in April, 1540, to pre- 
pare a * Declaration of the principal Articles of the Chris- 
tain belief*.' Henry had been now considerably pro- 
pitiated by the burning of unhappy 'Gospellers,' who 
dared to speak against the ' Six Articles.' He had even 
manifested a fi'esh desire to mediate between the two 
rival schools, denouncing the ' rashness and licentiousness 
of some, and the superstition and stiffness of others*:' 
yet there is no satisfactory evidence to shew that the 
commissioners ever undertook a compilation such as that 
above described. . The patient Strype, who has collected 
six of the Articles', and who assigns them to this new 
committee, confesses, notwithstanding, that many of the 
accompanying papers were * drawn up by the divines for 
the King's use' in the discussions with the Grerman en- 



had appeared almost verbatim in 
Tavemer'g PoatiU, as early as 1540. 
^ Arohbp. Laurence, Bampton 
Lectures, Serm. I. note (5). The 
names of the Commissioners are 
given in Strype {Mem, of Cranmer, 
I. 173); who describes them as 
'generally learned and moderate 
men.' Gardiner was not of the num- 
ber. 



■ Strype, Bed, Mem, I. 356. 

* 'Deeoclesiay"dejustificatione/ 
'de eucharistia,' 'de baptismo/ 'de 
poBnitentIa,' 'de saonimentonim usu:' 
Bed, Mem. i, App. No. oxii., where 
they are printed with notes of the 
King in the margin. They present 
considerable variations in language, 
but accord in doctrine (so far as they 
go) with the XIII. Articles. 



IV.] THE LUTHERAN CONFERENCES. 66 

voys*. And. it may be doubted whether the same state- 
ment does not equally apply to all the definitions of 
Christian doctrine which he has preserved in his 'Ap- 
pendix :' for besides the fact that they are drawn in Latin, 
which might favour this conjecture, the indubitable re- 
cords of the commission organised in 1540, refer almost 
entirely to ' Questions and Answers concerning the sacra- 
ments, and the appointment and power of bishops and 
priests*.' Fox, indeed, intimates that ' a Book of Articles' 
was then completed in accordance with the views of 
Cranmer, but no perfect Formulary answering his de- 
scription is now extant: and if such a work existed, it 
appears to have been speedily abandoned or suppressed, 
before obtaining either royal or ecclesiastical sanction. A 
corroboration of this view, which is suggested partly by 
tlie absence of the document itself, and partly by the 
lack of other historical testimony, may be also gathered 
from the Injunctions of bishop Bonner in 1542^, who di- 
rected his clergy to procure and study 'The Institution 
of a Christian Man ;' whicli he could hardly have dared 
to do in this public manner, had there been a later work 
invested with supreme authority. It is however a possible 
supposition, and by no means inconsistent with the view 
here advocated, that the Articles of 1538 were partially 
revived two years later by means of this commission. The 
operation of the * bloody statute' was suspended in 1540, 
as we know from various sources, among others from a 
further correspondence, which took place in the spring 
of that year, between Henry VIII. and the Germanic 
princes. At the request of Henry a fresh series of well- 
digested arguments was forwarded to him by certain of 
the Lutlieran theologians*; but no traces of the coitc- 
spondence have been found after April 12, 1540. The 
same construction was, perhaps, implied in the spring of 

* Mem. of Cranmer, i. 1 79. ' Quoted by Dr Jcnkyns, tibi 

* Ibid. App. N08. XXVI.*, XXVII., supra, 

xxviii., XXVIII.* ; cf. Cranmer's * Melancthon, 0pp. iii. 1005 — 

Worlcd, cd. JonkyDH, i. xxiii. (note), 1016. 
XXIX. 80qq. 

H. A. 5 



66 



THE Xlll. ARTICLES. 



[CH. IV.] 



1543, when the repressive Act* ' for the advancement of 
true religion,' led the way to the compiling of the last 
public Formulary in the reign of Henry VIII.* 



1 SkUuta of the Bealm, 34" and 
35« Henry VIII. o. I. Among other 
things it orders that recourse must 
be had to the Catiiolic and Apostolic 
Church for the decision of contro^ 
versiesy and abolishes 'all books 
comprising any matter of Christian 
Doctrine, Articles •f the Faith, or 
holy Scripture \i,e. in vernacular 
translations], contrary to' the doctrine 
9et forth eithence a.d. 1540, or to bo 
set forth by the King.' 

• A Ncccseari/ Doctrine and Eru- 



dition for any Christian Man. In 
spite, however, of the traces of re- 
action which are visible at the close 
of Henry's reign, it is remarkable 
that attempts were set on foot by 
Convocation in 154 1 and 1549 for 
revising the Mediaeval Service-Books 
CWilkms, in. 861— 863; iv. 15, 16), 
and that Homilies (such as Taver- 
ner's PostilSf ed. Cardwell) were ac- 
tually submitted to that body: cf. 
Lathbury, ffist. of Conv, p. 130, 
n. 4 ; pp. 147, 148, 2nd ed. 



CHAPTER V. 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



THE death of Henry, which took place in 1547, like 
that of Luther in the previous year, excited a most 
lively joy among the members of the counter-reformation ^JJJJyi^. 
party then assemhled at Trent*. Their triimiph was, how- ^^^• 
ever, premature, and in so far as it related to ourselves, was 
utterly illusive : for the reign of Edward VI. was destined 
to extend the breach already opened by his predecessor, 
and established the whole structure of the English Eeforma- 
tion on a deeper and more permanent basis. The reaction- 
ary school, with Gardiner its chieftain, was discredited and 
rapidly displaced ; it had no chance of counterworking the 
determined spirits who stood first in royal favour; and if 
auglit like apprehension mingled with the joy of sober 
and devout reformers, it was prompted by misgivings lest 
the boyish flexibility of the monarch should be used by an 
ill-regulated zeal or by political partisanship for propelling 
the more sanguine of his subjects into rash and revolution- 
ary changes. 

Of the men, who were raised up to guide their country if^hieneeand 
through the perils of that stormy crisis, and who finally Anhbp. 
succeeded in rebuilding for us what has proved itself a 
sanctuary not only from the malice of the Romanist, but 
also from a flood of Puritanical innovations, none was so 
illustrious and untiring as the primate of all England. 
After granting that the life of Cranmer was disfigured 
here and there by human blemishes ; after granting that 
the caution and timidity of his nature had degenerated, on 
some rare occasions, into weakness and irresolution, he is 

'* Sarpi, I. 157, 467 ; ed. Courayer. 

5—2 



68 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



[CH. 



still, if we regard him fairly as a whole, among the bright- 
est worthies of his age: to him we are indebted, under 
God, for much of the sobrfety of tone that marks the 
English Keformation, or in other words, for the accordance 
of our present system with the Apostolic models. 

For this reason it becomes important to inquire into 
the leading principles of Cranmer in the years immediately 
after the accession of king Edward; (since although we 
ought not to identify the teaching of the Church with that 
of individual writers, the opinions of a man like Cranmer 
must have always exercised a mighty influence on the 
public formularies of the age). An answer to our question 
has been partly furnished by the fact, that in the first 
year of the new reign (1548), he had *set forth' an 
English Catechism, of a distinctly Lutheran stamp ^ in- 
deed originally composed in German and translated into 
Latin, by Justus Jonas the elder, one of Luther's bosom- 
HUophiUna, friends. With the exception of one single tenet, on the 
2^J2». ^"- nature and manner of the Presence in the holy Eucharist^, 
the views of Cranmer afterwards underwent no variation 
with respect to any of the agitated questions of that day. 
His predilections were again most clearly manifested in 
the framing of the First Service-Book of Edward VI., 
which came into use on Whit-sunday, 1549 ; for, like the 



^ Laurence, BampUm Led, i6, 
17 (note) : see Hardwick's Rtform, 
p. 210, and n. 3. In a copy of 
this catechism (Camb. Univ. Lib.) 
the following entry is made on the 
title-page : ' This Catechisme is but 
a meer translation of a Catechisme 
set forth Viiehergas ex officina Petri 
Seitz. an. 1539.' 

" ^ This change seems to have com- 
menced in 1548 (Hardwick*s Btform, 
pp. 113, 125 sq.). It is often attri- 
buted to the influence of John Laski 
or k Lasco, whose opinion at the 
very same period is said to be ascer- 
tainable from the following passage : 
* Mysterium porro omnium Rum- 



mum in coena eese puto, communio- 
nem corporis et sanguinis Ghristi : 
in hoc vero nullum usque dissidium 
video. Omnes enim ingenue fate- 
mur, nos w coma vero Chrislicorpori 
et tanguini vere etiam communicare, 
quicunque yerbas[Illius credimus. 
Quod jam attinet, quo modo id fiat, ' 
etc. Letters of h Lasco, quoted in 
Dr Jenkyns' Oranmer, I. Ixxx. This, 
however, it should be remembered, 
though approximating to the Cal- 
vmittic (later Swiss) view, is very 
di£forent from the ZwingUan (early 
Smss) view. The whole subject has 
been discussed elsewhere (Hardwick'e 
Reform, pp. i66 sq.). 



v.] 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



69 



ror on- 



kindred compilationB of the Saxon reformers^ our own 
Prayer-Book is substantially derived from old or MedisBval 
Liturgies, — the Daily Service from the Sarum Portiforium, 
and the Office for the Holy Communion from the Sarum 
Missal. 

The conservative temper, everywhere displayed in the S^ cm- 
adoption of these measures, is still more discernible ong^JJ" 
contrasting the English Prayer-Book, as originally ar- 
ranged by Cranmer and his colleagues, with the earliest 
forms of worship substituted for the Mediaeval services by 
Zwingli and the German-speaking Swiss; or with the 
less denuded system subsequently introduced by Calvin at 
Gkneva. Of the latter even it has been remarked, with 
equal justice and severity, that Calvin ' chose rather to be- 
come an author than a compiler, preferring the task of 
composing a new Liturgy to that of reforming an old one*.' 
And the Second Prayer-Book of king Edward, though 
considerably modified, and maimed (as some have thought) 
in more than one particular, evinced no disposition to with- 
draw from the traditional ground on which its predecessor 
had been planted. The great bulk of the materials out of 
which it was constructed are the heirloom of far-distant 
ages ; so that while it practically bears witness to the con- 
tinuity of Church-life, it illustrates the guiding spii-it of 
the English reformers. 

Deference to the general teaching of the past is also 
traceable on every page of the first book of Homilies (1547), 
and more especially perhaps in those portions which are 
known to have proceeded from the pen of archbishop Cran- 
mer : while even his polemical Treatises on the vexed ques- 
tion of the Eucharist, in which, if ever, he has been occasion- 
ally betrayed into the use of language varying from the 



* In Luther's own life-time the 
Services in use were all avowedly 
nothing more than simplifications 
and corrections of corresponding 
Latin services : see 'Richiet*B Evangd. 
Kirchenou'dntmgenf Vol. I., Weimar, 
1846, and Daniel's Codex LUurg. 
Ecd, Lutheraruef Lips. 1848. See 



also Tke ConguUation of Hermann, 
Archbp. of Cologne, drawn up by 
Melancthon with the aid of Bucer, 
published in 1543, and transhited 
into English in 1547 (and more cor- 
rectly* ^548). 

' Laurence, BampUm Led. i. note 
(6). 



70 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CH. 

primitive standards, all abound with fresh professions of 
adherence to the doctors of the Early Church. * Lest any 
man,' he writes, ' should think that I feign anything of 
mine own head, without any other ground or authority, 
you shall hear, by God's grace, as well the errors of the 
papists confuted, as the Catholic truth defended, both by 
God's sacred Word, and also by the most old approved 
authors and martyrs of Christ's Church.' And again: 
* This is the true Catholic faith, which the Scripture teach- 
eth and the universal Church of Christ hath ever believed 
from the beginning, until within these four or five hundred 
years past, that the bishop of Rome, with the assistance 
of his papists, hath set up a new faith and belief of their 
own devising^.' Or to take another extract from his 
memorable appeal, in 1556, when he was standing on the 
very brink of death : * Touching my doctrine of the sacra- 
ment, and other my doctrine, of what kind soever it be, I 
protest that it was never my mind to write, speak, or un- 
derstand, anything contrary to the most Holy Word of 
God, or else against the holy Catholic Church of Christ ; 
but purely and simply to imitate and teach those things 
only which 1 had learned of the Sacred Scripture and of 
the holy Catholic Church of Christ from the beginning; 
and also according to the exposition of the most holy 
and learned Fathers and Martyrs of the Church^.' 

Carrying with us, therefore, these important indications 
of the kind of influence which presided over the construc- 
tion of our later Formularies of Faith, we pass to the par-' 
ticular inquiry opened in the present chapter. 
WhMtJui It has seemed surprising to most writers, that so long 

ticu$'wert an interval was suffered to elapse from the death of kiner 

no/ pub- ^ 

liskedioaner. Henry VIII. in 1547, to the publication of the XLII. Ar- 
ticles in 1553 ; because a consequence had been, that the 
* Necessary Doctrine of a Christian Man' continued to be 
one of the accredited standards of belief, so far as it was 

^ Defence of the true and CathoUe Prrfacej in. 13 : Antwerto Qardiner, 

Doctrine of the Sacrament, published ra. 41 — 43. 

in 1550: Works, ii. 313, 356, ed. « IV. 116. 
Jenkynfl. Of. Antwer to Smythe't 



V.J 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



71 



not repressed or overruled 6y the more recent teaching of 
the Homilies, the Ordinal, and the Prayer-Book. Now, Piamt^a 
whatever else may have contributed to this delay, one^JSS?.''^" 
cause must be unquestionably sought for in a scheme which 
Cranmer cherished at the time, with the idea of embracing 
all Reformed communions in one great society. The thought 
had been suggested as far back as 1539, in a letter of Me- 
lancthon to king Henry VIIL It was revived in 1542, 
and afterwards propounded more distinctly at the opening 
of the reign of Edwards 

Captivated by a project, which, in days of controversy 
and religious isolation, was peculiarly attractive to a mind 
like his, archbishop Cranmer lost no time in his arrange- 
ments for attempting its immediate execution. In July 
1548, we find some learned men arriving from the continent^ 
upon this errand ; and although Melancthon's slackness to 
participate in the new plan appears to have deferred and 
ultimately to have frustrated the business of the conference, 
the anxiety of Cranmer to secure the help of Saxon theolo- 
gians is evinced by his repeated applications, one of which 
was sent to them as late as March 1552*. Their slackness, 
and especially Melancthon's, may have been occasioned in 
some measure by political perplexities*, and the domestic 
troubles of the Wittenberg reformers; but the failure of jwjAic*- 
•the scheme of comprehension they had been invited to 
consider, is attributable to its own inherent diflSculties. 
A congress of the kind now contemplated by the English 
primate, was to be attended not by Lutherans only nor 
by members of the * mediating school' as represented by 
the pliant Bucer, but also by the diflferent shades of 
Swiss reformers*, who were now beginning to exert some 



^ See Laurence, Serm. n. note (5) : 
Cranmer's Workt, ed. Jenkyns, i. 
337, 338, note (r). 

■ * AcceniyimuB igitnr et te (writ- 
ing to Laski) et alios quosdam doc- 
tos viros ; qui cum non gravatim ad 
nos venerint, ita ut nullum fere ex 
lis prseter te et Melancthonem desi- 
dereraufl/ etc. Granmer's Lditrt, 



CX7LXXII. : 0pp. I. 330. The whole 
of this Letter is important. 

' Dr Jenkyns* *Pref.* cv., and 
Letters there referred to. 

* Todd's Cranmer f 11. 126, ed. 

183'- 
' See Cranmer's Letter to Me- 

lancthon (OCLZZXV.), where he adds 

' Scripsi ad D. Calvinum et ad D. 



72 



THB XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



[CH. 



Earliut 

trtMe€$qftke 

ArlicUt. 



influence in England. The discussions must have there- 
fore turned ere long upon the doctrine of the Eucharist, 
respecting which, as had been shewn by recent efibrts, there 
was little or no hope of harmony between the Saxon and 
the Swiss divines*. Indeed, a letter written by John 
Laski (July 19, 1548), before his own arriyal in England, 
represents the calming of the * sacramentary contention*,' 
as the principal object of the meeting : and though Cran- 
mer (March 24, 1552) was himself desirous of extending 
the discussion to a great variety of controverted topics, — 
to ' all the heads of ecclesiastical doctrine, and not only to 
the things themselves, but also to the forms of speech,' — 
he could not £etil to hear amid dissensions on the ^ sacra- 
ment of unity,' a most emphatic reason for the course he 
had pursued'. 

We have no means of ascertaining the precise time 
at which this theory was abandoned; but it is indisputa- 
ble* that some such project was still cherished both by 



Bullingerum, eosque hoiiatua sum, 
ne operi tarn necessario, adeoque 
uiili reipublicsB Christianie deesse 
vellent.^ In writing to Calvin he 
asks, ' Adversarii nostri habent nunc 
IVidenti soa concilia^ ut errores sta- 
biliant, et nos piam synodum con- 
gregare negligemus, ut erroree refu- 
tare, dogmata repurgare et propagare 
possimus !' Letter ooLxxxiv. 

^ In Switzerland the French-speak- 
ing reformera under Calvin and the 
German-speaking reformers under 
Bullinger did effect a union on this 
subject, as on others, in the Consen- 
sus Tigurinus (1549); but the old 
feud between the Saxons and the 
Swiss continued almost as implacable 
as ever to the end of the century. 

' ' Contentio sacramentaria ooepit 
illic exagitari per quosdam, estque 
instituta eadtre publica disputatio, 
ad quam magnis multarum precibus 
vocor. Bucerus expectatur. Fran- 
ciscus noster Dryander jam adest. 



Et de Calvino inussatnr, nisi quoil 
Gallus est.' Ibid, L 330^ note (a). 
Bucer had arrived with Paul Fagius 
in May, 1549. Their influence over 
the Archbishop was looked forwanl 
to with apprehension by Burcher 
(who regarded them as Lutherans, . 
and therefore dangerous men) : ' I 
wish they may not pervert him, or 
make him worse.' Original Letters, 
ed. P. S. 652. For another speci- 
men of this jealousy, see Ibid. p. 61 . 
' Letter cclxxxiy. passim, 
^ The last letter of invitation is 
the one above mentioned, bearing 
date, March 20, 1551, and in a sub- 
sequent conmiunication of Calvin 
the project b spoken of as relin- 
quished. Cranmer's Works, i. 347 : 
Laurence, Serm, 11. note (4). Calvin 
himself revived it early in tlie reign 
of Elizabeth (Strype's Parker, I. 69, 
ed. X7ii)> but died immediately after 
it was submitted to the royal Coun- 
cil. 



v.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 73 

Cranmer and his friends long after they began to fashion 
a domestic Formulary. A sketch of the new document, 
which constitutes, as we have reason to believe, the basis 
of our present Articles, appears to have been made as 
early as the autumn of 1549, if not, indeed, still earlier ^ 
In a letter from Micronius to Bullinger, dated * London, 
May 28, 1550,* we discover that some kind of Articles 
had been already offered as a test to Hooper^; and the fol- 
lowing extract from one of Hooper's own epistles', bear- 
ing date * Feb. 27, 1549,' enables us to carry back the 
origin of such Articles into the previous year : * The arch- 
bishop of Canterbury entertains right views as to the 
nature of Christ's presence in the Supper, and is now very 
friendly towards myself. He has some Articles of Reli- 
gion to which all preachers and lecturers in divinity are 
required to subscribe, or else a licence for teaching is not 
granted them.' This statement is repeated* *Feb. 5, 1550,' 
and with no expression of distrust or disapproval ; yet on 
Hooper's nomination to the see of Gloucester (May 15, 
1650), he objected strongly, as will be hereafter noticed 
more at length, to three important members of the series. 

The existence of a code of Articles, so early in XhQ Dnumupby 
reign of Edward, was unknown until the publication of the *"**~^' 
letters just referred to. Strype, and others following in 
his track, assigned the preparation of such a document to 
the summer of 1551 ; the king and privy council having 
then directed * the archbishop to frame a book of Articles of 
Religion, for the preserving and maintaining peace and 
unity of doctrine in this Church, that being finished they 
might be set forth by public authority*.' If this state- 
ment be correct, the series which the primate had been 
using as a test of doctrine, for at least two years, was 
either an early draft of the great Formulary afterwards 
issued as the XLII. Articles, or else was a distinct 

* This is just possible ; for Fox, ■ Orig, Letters, ed. P. S. p. 563. 

as wo have seen (above, p. 65) im- ' Ibid. p. 71 

plies that something of the kind was * Ibid. p. 76. 

prepared in the last years of Henry ' CranmeTf Lib. 11. c. 27 (Vol. 11. 

VIII. : cf. p. 66, n. 2. 366, ed. B.* H. S.). 



74 THE XUI. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CH. 

production of his own, as well as circulated on his own 
authoritj. The former supposition is more probable, on 
Yarioos grounds, especially when we bear in mind that 
Cranmer is himself declared to be the principal finuner' of 
both documents. 
eircHiaud But bc this as it may, we are entirely justified in 

MS^Sishapt; stating that the work which grew at last into the Articles 
of Religion, was transferred by Cranmer, long before its 
final publication, to the other English prelates. It re- 
mained with them until the spring of the following year 
(15j52), when a communication from the privy council, 
bearing date May 2nd, called on the Archbishop to send the 
Articles that * were delivered the last year (1551) to the 
bishops, and to signify whether the same were set forth 
by any public authority, according to the minutes'.' 
They were now forwarded to the council in obedience to 
this order, but soon afterwards appear to have returned to 
•wjw^i*« the Archbishop, in whose hands they remained until Sept. 
19. He next digested them more carefully, and after 
adding titles and some supplementary clauses, sent a copy 
nOtmitL-dto of them to Sir Wm. Cecil and Sir John Cheke', the sreat 
^*^' lay * patrons of the Reformation at the court,' desiring their 

opinion and revision. The document was finally submit- 
ted to the king himself, with a request that measures 
might be taken to secure for it authority, entitling prelates 
to enforce it as a test on all the clergy of both provinces. 

Delays, however, still continued to intervene; for on 

the 2nd (or 21st) of the following October a letter was 

torixro^i addressed to six royal chaplains, Harley, Bill, Home, 

ehaptaiM. 

^ With regard to the authorship se adhibuisne ejus consilium circa 
of the XLII. Articles, it is plain editionem tgusdem.' ZHwibeth MS, 
that Cranmer had a principal share quoted by Todd, n. 486. 
in them, both from the wording of ' Strype, «H tup. 
the royal instructions and his own ' 'I have sent the book of Arti- 
admission at his triaL Fox, indeed, des for Religion unto Mr Cheke, set 
represents him as avowing on this in a better order than it was, and 
last occasion that the work was ab- the titles upon every matter, adding 
solutely one of his doings ; but the thereto that which lacked.' Gran- 
official report of his language is mertoCedl, Sept. 19, 1552: Strype's 
slightly different : ' Quoad Catechis- Cranmer, n. App. No. Lxvi. 
mum et Articulcs in eod^ fatetur 



v.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 75 

Grindaiy Peme, and Knox, directing them to 'consider 
certaine Articles exhibited to the Kinges Ma***, to be sub- 
scribed by all suche as shal be admitted to be preachers 
or ministers in any part of the realme and to make report 
of theyr opinions touching the same^' At this particular 
stage the Articles, though not in substance very different 
from the final issue, were forty-five in number, and en- 
titled ^Articles concerning an Uniformite in Belligion.^ Hav- 
ing passed this further scrutiny, the work was remitted 
(Nov. 20) to the archbishop at one of his country-houses, 
for the * last corrections of his judgment and his pen;' and^j'^JJ- 
on the 24th of the same month he sent it to the council, ^JJHJ^^^' 
accompanied by the following observations : * I have sent ^^^ 
unto the same [your good lordships] the Book of Articles, 
which yesterday 1 received from your lordships. I have 
sent also a schedule inclosed, declaring briefly my mind 
upon the said book ; beseeching your lordships to be means 
unto the King's majesty, that all the bishops may have 
authority from him to cause all their preachers, archdea- 
cons, deans, prebendaries, parsons, vicars, ciirates, with all 
their clergy, to subscribe to the said Articles. And then I 
trust that such a concord and quietness in religion shall 
shortly follow thereof, as else it is not to be looked for 
many years'.' 

How far the fresh procrastination of the court was due 
to the assembling of Convocation in the following March, 
or how far it was connected with the scruples felt in cer- 
tain quarters on the use of anti-Zwinglian phraseology in 
speaking of the Sacraments, we may determine more con- 
veniently hereafter. It is now important to observe, that 
in compliance with Cranmer's wish a mandate (June 19, ^J^/J^ 
1553) was issued, in the name of the King, to the officials •'"^^'^^ 
of the province of Canterbury, requiring them to sec that 

^ MS,C(mneURegiita',*'Edw,Yl»* supplying not a few important va- 

Vol. m. p. 624. Todd, Oranmer, n. nations (see Mr Lemon's Calendar 

«88, drew attention to a version of of Stale Papers, 'Domestic/ 1547 — 

the Articles in Latin, subscribed by 1580, p. 46). 

the six chaplains. It is in the State- ■ Strype's OranmeTf ii. App. No. 

Paper Office, and has been collated LXiv. 
for the present work (App. No. ill.), 



76 



THE XLII, ARTICLES OF 1553. 



[CH. 



PiMieation 

oftheAr- 

iiela. 



the new Fonnulary was publicly subscribed^; and in the 
few remaining days of Edward's reign, the order was obeyed, 
to some extent at least, in two or three dioceses of the 
realm*. 

There can be no doubt, however, that a fortnight or 
three weeks before this date, the Articles had been in 
general circulation; as we learn, among other sources, 
from the following title : * Articles agreed on by the bishcps 
and other learned men in the synod at London, in the year of 
our Lord Ood 1552 [=1553],^^ the avoiding of controversy in 
opinions, and the establishment of a godly concord in certain 
matters of religion. Published by the King's Majesty's 
commandment, in the month of May, 1553. Rich. Graf- 
tonus, typographus regius excudebat. Lond. mense Junii, 
1553.' This work, it should be noted here, was printed 
separately*, and in English ; but another edition of 1553, 
which issued from the press of Brajnold Wolfe, exhibits 
the Articles in Latin, appended to a distinct treatise, with 
the title 'Catechismus Brevis Christiansa Disciplinae*.' 
These two productions, similarly connected, but in En- 
glish, were published in the same year, * by the King's 
Majesty's authority ;' and the royal Injunction prefixed to 
the Catechism is dated May 20, 1553*. In both cases the 



^ See the mandate in Wilkins, iv. 
79. It extended also to schoolmas- 
ters, and apparently to members of 
the university on admission to de- 
grees. Todd, n. 493. 

* On the 42nd of June (not the 
2nd, as in Strype), the clergy of 
Canterbury were cited for this pur- 
pose, but it is uncertain how many 
of them actually subscribed. Ac- 
cording to Burnet, the Articles were 
not circulated widely on account of 
the death of Edward, which followed 
very soon after (July 6) : m. 365 — 
367. When examined by Queen 
Mary*s commissioners, Cranmer de- 
clared that he only ' exhorted such 
as were willing to subscribe ; but 
against their wills he compelled 



none.* Fox, p. 1877. The bishops 
were permitted to suspend all com- 
pulsory measures for a period of six 
weeks, Todd, n. 296. 

' An important consideration, 
proving (as Dr Cardwell remarks) 
that the Articles were not treated as 
a mere appendage to the Catechism, 
with which they were often combined. 
Synod, i, 6, 

^ The author of the Catechism is 
unknown. It has been ascribed to 
Bidley, Ponet, and Nowell ; but the 
reasons are strongest in favour of 
the second. See a Letter of Sir 
John Oheke, June 7, 1553, <^°c[ the 
remarks upon it, in Cranmer*s Worhs^ 
ed. P. S, I. 4^2, note (2). 

• A very short interval must havti' 



v.] 



THE XLII. AKTICLES OF 1553. 



77 



Articles are said to have been ' agreed on by the bishops 
and other learned and godly men in the last Convocation* 
(in ultima synodo), A.D. 1552 [=1553], but in describing 
their object the language somewhat varies* from that em- 
ployed above, in Grafton's copy. 

It has been remarked already, that the earliest draft oi^^^^ 
this important manifesto was made by archbishop Cran- utsi^HuZt 
mer, and by him submitted to a series of revisions ixmngp!£Si^ 
eighteen months, and probably a longer period. With the 
sole exception of the form it had assumed when in the 
hands of the royal chaplains (Oct. 1552) we have no defi- 
nite means of judging as to the degree of modification it 
was made to undergo in the course of this protracted cri- 
ticism ; and yet the letter of the King to Ridley, bearing 
date June 9, 1553, as well as that of the Archbishop to 
Cecil in the previous September, lead us to suppose that 
the amount of alteration had been considerable ; for it 
describes the Articles, which were then publishing in 
their final form, as * devised and gathered with great study, 
and hy counsel and good advice of the greatest learned 
part of our bishops of this realm and sundry others of our 
clergy^. ^ We are, therefore, justified in concluding that 
the work had been submitted to a searching criticism, and 
gradually amended by a number of auxiliary hands, be- 
fore subscription to it was enforced upon the clergy by 
royal mandate. 

Some of the uncertainty in which this question \\?a iueord$ oj 
been long enveloped, is dispelled by records appertaining SSiSi. 
^to the visitations of bishop Hooper in 1551 and 1552^, — 
the very time, as we have seen, in which the Articles 



elapsed between this order and the 
actual publication, for in a letter of 
Utenhovius to Bullinger, dated Lon- 
don, June 7, i553f he reraarks that 
' Articles are now printed in the king'8 
name, to which all persons must sub- 
scribe who are to be appointed to 
any office in the Church, as also 
those who are already appointed, 
under pain of deprivation. Original 



Letters, ed. P. S. p. 594. 

* ' For to roote out the discord of 
opinions, and staUish the agreement 
of trew religion.* 

• Strype, Ecd. Mem, 11. 42 1. Ac- 
cording to Mr Lemon *s Calendar, 
as above, p. 51, there is a copy of 
this letter dated May, 1 553. 

' Strype, (hnvnmer. Book ii. ch. 
xvin., and 'DocuraeDts.' 



78 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 155a. 



[CH. 



and in like 
wtanher. 



were in process of formation, but not publicly enjoined 
by Convocation or the Crown. In one of his pastoral 
letters to the clergy of Gloucester, bearing date 1551, 
and signifying his intention to visit that diocese in the 
following summer, he informs them that ' according to the 
talent and gift given him of the Lord, he hlid collected 
and gathered out of Grod's holy Word, a few Articles, 
which he trusted would much profit and do them good.' 
In the course of the visitation he proceeded to require 
subscription to these Articles, as we infer from his account 
in writing to Cecil, July 6, 1552 ^ That step, however, 
had been taken solely on his own responsibility; for in 
the latter he expresses a desire that some such document, 
more binding on the clergy, might be circulated from still 
higher quarters. *For the love of God,' writes Hooper, 
* cause the Articles, that the King's majesty spake of, 
when we took our oaths', to be set forth by his authority.^ 
1*^52. ^ October, 1552, he arrived at Worcester in continuation 
of the same visit; but was there resisted by two Roman- 
izing prebendaries, who declared themselves unwilling to 
accept a portion of the doctrines he propounded in his 
Articles of Religion. This resistance on their part resulted 
in a vehement disputation with the bishop, an account 
of which was instantly communicated by him to the royal 
council (Oct. 25, 1552) ; while Jolifie, one of the re- 
fractory prebendaries, after the accession of Queen Eliza- 
beth, gave the controversy to the world in a small volume 
published at Antwerp, in 1564. His work' comprises 
some of the main arguments of the objectors, together . 
with replies returned to them by Hooper, and a confutation 



^ Ibid. App. No. xlviii. One of 
his ' interrogatories* on the same oc- 
casion was : ' How many priests in 
the deanery have aubtcribcd unto the 
Artkle* thai I put forth unto ihemV 
Eccl. Mem. Ii. 355. 

^ ^ c. on his appointment to the 
biHhopric of Worcester (wliich he 
held ' in commcndam'), May 20, 

1552- 



' See some account of it in $trype*s 
Ecd. Mem. Ii. 354. The title of a 
copy in the Library of the University 
of Cambridge is as follows : Respon- 
no veMrabUium sacerdotum Ilenrici 
lolifi d Rdberii Jonson, auh pitHesta- 
tione facta, ad Ulos Artictdos Joannis 
Hopcrif epUcopi Vigomia: notnai tjc- 
renli* in quibus a Catholica fide dis- 
sentithat, etc. Ant v. 1564. 



v.] 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



79 



of his answer from the pen of Gardiner, who had been 
thrown into the Tower ; but more interesting still is the 
discovery, that Joliffe has preserved an actual copy of the 
Articles, which formed the moving cause of the dispute. 

We may at first sight be inclined to view those wh<uwre 
Articles as totally distinct from the great Formulary after- 'ArticUsf 
wards enjoined by Edward for subscription in the Church 
of England. Such indeed appears to be the inference of 
Strype*; and the expressions used by Hooper, where he 
speaks of Articles * gathered' by himself out of the Scrip- 
tures, all unquestionably point us to the same conclusion. 
Yet there is, upon the other hand, most satisfactory proof Their mm*- 

1 1 1 11 111 Wa"«'«'t»«« 

that those two documents were closely related to each ^'•'*'«'^ 
other if they did not actually proceed from a common 
source; for out of the nineteen Articles animadverted on 
by the refractory prebendaries, ten are found to coincide 
precisely (some few instances of varying phraseology ex- 
cepted) with the Latin Articles of 1553, although the 
order in which they stand is different throughout ; while 
of the nine remaining Articles, seven as obviously agree 
in substance, though less fully stated than the parallel 
definitions of the latter Formularj'. The only Articles 
of which no traces were preserved in those of 1553, are 
the first and eighteenth in Jolifie's publication ; the former 
being levelled at prevailing errors on the subject of our 
Saviour's Incarnation, and the oneness of His great pro- 
pitiator}" sacrifice^; the latter, at the superstitious service 



* * When he visited them he gave 
them Articles concerning Christian 
religion, to the, number of fifty.' 
Cranmer, ii. 220. A full account 
of the visitation was perused by 
Strype in a certain folio MS. of 
which a copy from Dr Williams' 
Library has been obligingly furnish- 
ed to the present writer, by the Eldi- 
t^>r of Bp. Hooper's Remains (since 
published by the Parker Society). 
The title there given describes the 
Articles as composed for ' tbc unity 
and agreement, as well as for the 



doctrine of God's Word, as also for 
the conformity of the ceremonies 
agreeing with God's Word/ (p. 120). 
* 'Christi corpus non ex virili 
semine, nee ex ulla alia materia nisi 
tantum ex substantia Virginis Ma- 
rias, opera Spiritus Sancti factum est, 
idque semel, et semel tantum, obla- 
tum est:* Art. i. fol. 13. 'Missa 
quae consuevit a sacerdutibus did, 
superstitionis et abusus plena erat, 
et pneter epistolas, evangelia et ver- 
ba ccentp, perpauca instituta per 
Christum habuit : sed a Romanis 



80 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OP 1553. 



[CH. 



of the mass as commonly celebrated in the age preceding 
the Information. 
Qtustiontre- Thcrc are some expressions also in this correspondence, 
a!Mor%. ^ which although not easily reconcileable with Hooper's 
previous language, intimate that Articles tendered by him 
to the Worcester clergy had been either positively sanc- 
tioned by the King, or were at least in plain accordance 
with another Formulary which could claim the royal 
* sanction, and which Hooper and his brethren had pre- 
viously subscribed. Such passages^ have prompted the 
idea that after the Articles were remitted by Cranmer 
to the privy council in May, 1552, the King had by some 
private act' encouraged all the well-affected prelates to 
urge that manifesto on the notice of the clergy, with a 
view to ascertain their willingness in the matter of sub- 
scription. Yet we must remember, on the contrary, that 
quite as early as the autumn of 1549, archbishop Cranmer 
had made use of such a series, and in 1551 allusion had 
been also made by Hooper to a series which he designated 
his Articles. If therefore, we be justified in thinking that 
these documents were substantially the same", and cognate 



Pontificibus ot ab aliis ejasdem notes 
honiinibus inventa et excogitata est : * 
Art. XVIII. fol. 1 88 b. 

^ Hooper (or, as some suspected, 
Harley or Jewel) began his confuta- 
tion of Joliffe in the following terms : 
'Quod serins quam pro vestra ex- 
pectatione, ad ea quas in ArttctUos re- 
gies acriptutit responderim/ etc. foL 
6 b. ; and again : ' Quid hie de regis 
majestate, qui nUhi author fuit, ut 
\mc suis omnibus, tarn qui in clero 
sunt, quam qui in promiscua multi- 
tudine proponerem, suspicamini, aliis 
divinandum relinquo. Me vero, mei- 
que loci et ordinis alios, qui his jam 
pridem aubtcripnmuSf quo ingenio 
alpkattat nota liberetis non video, 
postquam hos articulos, quos verbo 
vcritatis freti approbavimus, sacne 
Scriptune, analogise fidci, ct ecclesio) 
determination i vestra censura adver- 



santur.' fol. 7 b. It is clear aJso 
from Jolifl^*s statement, that the 
royal authority was pleaded by those 
who enforced subscription (fol. 5) : 
but Gardiner in his Hepficalion (fol. 
8 b) implies that no such authority 
had been brought to bear, except in- 
directly and in terrwrem, 

' Soames, Rrform. in. 651. 

' The truth appears to be, that 
whatever was the precise complexion 
of Cranmer*s Articles of 1549, the 
series in Hooper's Visitation- Book 
was nothing but a popular English 
form of the original draft of the 
XLII. Articles, enlarged by ritual 
and other injunctions for the guid- 
ance of his clergy, and modified in 
different ways. Not a few of hia 
extreme statements, which remind 
us of his sojourn in Switzerland, are 
softened down in the authorized Ar- 



v.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 81 

also with the test of doctrine offered to the prebendaries of 
Worcester in 1552, it follows that a draft of the Articles, 
afterwards published by supreme authority, was already in 
the hands of the reforming prelates, and enforced by them 
upon the clergy of their several dioceses. 

Be this, however, as it may, there is not evidence ^Jf*'"'**^' 
enough to warrant the conclusion of archbishop Laurence, 
that the number of the Articles, as originally compiled 
at Lambeth, did not exceed nineteen, or that the primate 
in the first instance had composed little or nothing more 
than a condemnation of 'Komish errors*.' It is obvious 
from an extant copy, that the English series of bishop 
Hooper had amounted to no less than fifty Articles ; and 
if some only of these last were openly refuted by the 
prebendaries of Worcester, the true reason might have 
been that the remainder were ccmsidered far less open 
to attack, or even such as the objectors had no scruple 
in subscribing. 

And this inference is supported by the testimony of wh»$ofno 
the work itself; for in the 'argument' prefixed by Joliffe, ««»^- 
he admits that while some of 'the many Articles' were 
heretical and impious, others entitled to the name of 
'catholic' had been artfully interspersed, in order that 
the simple and incautious might the more easily be led 
astray^. In such a case, it is quite evident that we can 
hope to recover the Articles of 1553, from records of the 
Worcester disputation, so far only as those Articles had 
proved distasteftd to the party who opposed the reformation- 
movement; and accordingly on noting down the subjects 
which were handled in the longer of these series, but 
omitted in the shorter, we shall find that they relate to 
questions where disciples of the * old' and * new learning,' 
were generally agreed, and therefore were not likely to 

tides of 1553 ; as may be seen in- culos mulioB, alios errore atque h»- 

deed at once, from the oollations in retica impietate plenos, alios caiko- 

Append. No. m. licot, quo siroplices et incautos magis 

» BampUm Lectures, il. note (6). deciperet....probando8 subscriptione 

' '1m {i. e. Hopems) sub annum postulavit atque docendos obtrusit.' 

sextum Edouardi Regis VI. arti- fol. 6. 

H. A. 6 



82 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CU. 

provoke disciission in the champions of the ^Bomisli' 
tenets. For example, it has been remarked as somewhat 
singular, that the first Article of 1553, relating to the 
doctrine of the Holj Trinity, has no equivalent definition 
in the notice of the controversy between Hooper and the 
Worcester clergymen ; and yet the presence of such Article 
in the series he submitted to them, has been placed, 
as it would seem, beyond all reasonable doubt. In the 
True Copy of Bishop Hooper a Vtaitation'Book, there is an 
order to the following efiect: *That they faithfully teach 
and instruct the people committed unto their charge, that 
there is but one God, everlasting, incorporate, almighty, 
wise and good. Maker and Conserver of heaven and earth, 
the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, by whom also He 
will be called upon by us. And albeit there be but one 
God in essence and unity in the Grodhead, nevertheless 
in the same unity there be Three distinct Persons V &c« 
Fresh corroboration may also be derived fix)m the first 
Article in Joli£Ss*s publication. That article was chiefly 
aimed against the errors not of Bomanizers but of Ana- 
baptists, as we gather fi*om a great contemporary work', 
the BeJbrmcUto Legum Ecdesiasticarum^ in which it re- 
appears; yet as the closing observation was intended to 
glance off at the scholastic dogma of repeated oblations 
of our blessed Lord in the sacrament of the altar, it was 
so far made the object of attack in the production of the 

* Art. n. inevhal,'* (c. 3). In c. 5, among 
' The Btformaitio Legwm EocU' other false opinionB of the Anabap- 
nadicarum (ed. CardweD, 1850) waa tiata reprobated by the compilers, 
in process of construction at the there is one identical with that which 
same time with the Articles, and comes out first in the Worcester con- 
was the work of nearly the same troversy (cf. above, p. 79): 'Qui 
hands. On this account it often erroresomnessaoranimScripturarum 
forms an excellent commentary on authoritate sic corrigendi sunt, ut 
the Articles themselves (see Hard- Christus meliore natura Deus sem- 
wick*s Reform, p. 133, n. 7). The pitemus aocipiatnr, et quidem aequa- 
aeetion, 'de Hteresibus* contains a lis sit Dei Patris; humaiia vero oor- 
strong denunciation of those phases pas habeat ex tempore UnAxaa, neque 
of misbelief, which at that time ex- aoptiM quam aemel, neque ex alia 
isted in the Church of England : materia qutm ex Marin virgimh vera 
* quarum pnesens pestis in pemiciem et tola fkhetantia, ' 
religionis nottronim temporumf adhnc 



v.] 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



83 



Worcester prebendaries: and to this alone are we most 
probably indebted for the preservation there of all the 
Article. 

But while the theory of archbishop Laurence, both as ^jjj^ 
to the number and nature of the original draft,' is shewn dS^Sf^ 
to be untenable, it is suggestive of important investigations 
into the history of the Articles, and more especially of 
one investigation, which has not been hitherto pursued 
with the minuteness it deserves. What reasons chiefly 
weighed with the Reformers in selecting the particular 
subjects handled by them in the Articles of 1553? On 
what principle may we explain the introduction of this 
point, or the omission of that? Did they intend us to 
conclude that their new code of doctrine was put forward 
as a system of theology f Or did they mean it to express 
the judgment of the English Church on a variety of 
sacred topics strongly controverted, in that age, within 
the limits of her jurisdiction ? 

The internal evidence afforded in the solving of these inumaieti- 
questions may be stated very briefly. In the title of the '^•^"^ 
English Articles^ as published by Grafton, in 1553, they 
are said to have been constructed with reference to * certain 
matters of religion ;' and in all the copies, to have aimed 
at the * establishment of a godly concord and the avoiding 
of controversies' agitated at the time*. Two Articles (the 
eighth and thirty-seventh) repudiate errors of the Ana- 
baptists on original sin and a community of goods. Four 
others (from the thirty-ninth to the forty-second) are 
levelled at as many forms of misbelief relating to the 
resurrection, the sleep of the soul, the theory of a millen- 
nium, and the ultimate recovery of all human beings. The 
eighteenth places its anathema on those who dared to rob 



^ Thii translation, according to 
Dr Cardwell, was probably made 
concurrently with the original Arti- 
cles, and under the same direction. 
Synod, i. i8. 

* In the Epilogue of the R^or- 
mcUio Leffum, where many of the 
Articles re-appear in a somewhat 



different form, attention is distinctly 
confined to the heresies then known 
to be in course of propagation. 
'Posset magna oolluvies alianim 
hteresum accumulari, sed hoc tempore 
illas nominare solum Toluimus, quse 
potissimum hiace notirit temjporibvs 
per Ecdesiam diffunduntur.* p. 92. 

6—2 



84 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



[CH. 



EpUUnee 
ftromtkeM»- 
totyqftk4 
Uwtet, 



the Gospel of its claim to absolute supremacy. While 
the twelfth and thirteenth reject *the doctrine of the 
schoolmen^,' touching human merit and works of super- 
erogation ; and the twenty-third their doctrine touching 
purgatory, indulgences, and other figments which were 
strenuously defended in all quarters by the anti-reformation 
party. 

With regard to the remainder of the XLII. Articles, 
though now impossible to speak with equal certainty, it is 
not difficult to trace the circumstances which produced 
them in contemporaneous annals of the English Church*. 
As in the case of the Augsburg Confession, which those 
Articles have followed not unfrequently, the authors had 
an eye in the first instance to existing dangers and 
emergencies. In other words, their formulary was con- 
structed so as to repel not one but many different classes of 
critics and assailants. While protesting vigorously against 
the over-drawn distinctions and the over-learned figments 
of the * orthodox' schoolman, they endeavoured also to 
impose a curb on the licentiousness of private speculation, 
which was hitherto imperfectly kept under by the pressure 



^ This phrase was exchanged in 
the Articles of 1563 for 'the Romith 
doctrine;' the council of Trent 
haiong in the mean while spoken 
oat distinctly and adopted as por- 
tions of the Christian faith a number 
of opinions, which had been long 
floating in the Church at large, and 
advocated by scholastics. It should 
be remembered that the sittings of 
the council had commenced in Dec. 
1545: they continued till 1547: 
after an interruption of four years 
they were resumed in May, 1551; 
but before the business of the synod 
was completed a very long suspen- 
sion intervened, extending as far as 
Jan. 18, 1561. The various decrees 
were finally confirmed by a papal 
buU, bearing date Jan. 6, 1564. In 
several letters of Beformers we ob- 
serve the interest with which they 



were watching the contemporary 
disputations at Trent, especially in 
the course of the eventful year, 
155 1 : e.ff. Cranmer's Works, i. 346, 

349- 
' This was certainly the view of 

Cranmer when he requested the 
continental reformers to take part in 
such a compilation : and Calvin 
understood him in this sense, as we 
read in a letter which he addressed 
to the Archbishop, while the Eng- 
lish Articles were in progress. He 
there says that the doctors were 
invited, 'ut ex diversis ecclesiis, 
que puram Evangelii doctrinam 
amplexi sunt, convenirent precipui 
quique doctores, ac ex puro Dei 
verbo certam de sinffulit capUtbus 
hodie conUroverm ac dilucidam ad 
potteros oonfessionem ederent.' Cran- 
mer's Works, I. 347. 



v.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OP 1553. 85 

of the papal joke. It is indeed impossible to doubt the 
anti-Eomish character of many of the Articles, or to dis- 
pute the general want of such a safeguard at the time of 
its construction ; but few persons seem to be alive to the 
existence of other and of opposite evils, which were 
threatening not so much the outworks as the citadel of 
Christian truth. To borrow the emphatic language of an 
able writer* on the period, *the papal infallibility was 
sometimes transferred to the leader of a petty sect: at 
other times a dreaming enthusiast would become his own 
pope, and would consult nothing but the oracle within 
his own breast.' That age indeed was a most stirring 
crisis in the life of Western Europe; when the human 
spirit, starting up from its long torpor and finding itself 
free, was tempted to rush headlong into every kind of 
misbelief; when rationalist and mystic, one of them cold- 
hearted and the other feverish and impulsive, but alike 
presuming on their unassisted faculties and emotions, 
overleapt all ancient limits of religious thought as well as 
all the immemorial forms and usages of Christian coun- 
tries. Ridley', for example, was constrained to cry not 
long before his martyrdom: ' Whereas you write of the out- 
rageous rule that Satan, our ghostly enemy, beareth abroad 
in the world, whereby he stirreth and raiseth up so pesti- 
lent and heinous heresies, as some to deny the Blessed 
Trinity, some the Divinity of our Saviour Christ, some 
the Divinity of the Holy Ghost, some the baptism of 
infants, some original sin, and to be infected with the 
errors of the Pelagians, and to rebaptize those that have 
been baptized with Christ's baptism already, — alas! Sir, 
this doth declare this time and these days to be wicked 
indeed.' 

The ramification of these varied misbelievers may Therue^ 
be traced, in many cases, to the scene* of the original titu: 

^ Le Bas, Cranmer, n. 88. to guard against the heresies which 

' Workt, p. 367, ed. P. S. are introduced by our countrymen.' 

' ' It is a matter of the first im* Micronius to Bullinger, in a letter 

portance that the Word of Qod dated London, May 20, 1550: 

should be preached here in (German, Original Letters, ed. P. S. p. 560. 



86 



THE XUI. ABTICLES OF 1553. 



[CH. 



collisions between the 'old' and 'new learning.' One of 
their distinctive errors, though not the grand characteristic 
of their system, was the absolute rejection of infant 
baptism; and from this peculiarity came the title 'Ana- 
baptists.' Mistaking or perverting what was urged by 
Luther^ as to the necessity of active, conscious faith in 
all partakers of the sacraments, they soon proceeded to 
postpone the ministration of the initiatory rite until the 
subjects of it had complied with all the requisite pre- 
conditions. 
Their nume- But the poiuts at which they had departed from the 
ground of the Beformers were not limited to infant baptism. 
They proceeded to assail the Lutheran formula in which 
salvation was attributed to 'faith only,' and in agitating 
this, they fell into a further question respecting the two 
natures of our blessed Lord and His essential Divinity. 
John Denk*, and others, now affirmed that man may earn 
salvation by his own virtuous actions, and regarded the 
Founder of Christianity chiefly in His character of Teacher 
and Exemplar. In Him, as one of the most spotless of 
our race, the Father was peculiarly manifested to the 
world, but to assert that Christ is the Bedeemer, in the 
ordinary meaning of the term, was to convert Him into 
an idol. He was held to be a Saviour of His people, 
because He was the leader and forerunner of all who 
would be saved. 

While notions of this kind were spreading rapidly on 
every side*, a second school of 'Anabaptists' were de- 



^ This connexion was manifest in 
the case of Nicholas Storch, who had 
once been a disciple of Luther. His 
inference was, however, vehemently 
confuted in the CaUchismm Mc^f 
Pars lY. § 31 seqq., and elsewhere 
in the works of the Saxon reformers. 
When Luther first handled the 
subject in his l>e Captiv, Babylon, 
Eed. (0pp. II. fol. 374, 6, Jens, 
1600), and before the rise of Ana- 
bsptisro, he contended : ' Hie dice, 
quod omnes dicunt, fide aliena par- 



vulis suocurri, illorum qui offerunt 
eos;' at the same time indicating 
a prindple which he afterwards 
evolved more fully, viz. that 'a 
habit of faith' is then infused by 
Divine grace into the unconscious 
infant, and forms the subjective 
ground on which the sacrament takes 
effect. 

> See Banke, Hrf. ni. 559 sq. 
and Heb6ri6*s article in the Sludien 
wtd Kriiiim (1855), pp. 817 sq. 

> Ranke, 561, 56a. 



v.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 87 

vising a very different creed*. The tone of thought 
prevailing in the former school was strongly rationalistic : 
in the latter it was more entirely mystical. They intro- 
duced a dualistic (quasi-Manichean) distinction between 
the 'flesh' and 'spirit;* and instead of holding, like the 
former sect, that man, though fallen, may be rescued by 
his natural powers, they alleged that the ' flesh' alone par^ 
ticipated in the fall, and ftirther that when the material 
element in him was most of all obnoxious to the in- 
dignation of God, the spirit still continued free and un- 
contaminated by the vilest of the outward actions. They 
attributed the restoration of harmony between these ele- 
ments of our nature to the intervention of the Logos, 
but maintained that His humanity was peculiar, not 
consisting of flesh and blood which He derived from the 
substance of the Virgin. Not a few of these same ' Ana- 
baptists' afterwards abandoned every semblance of belief 
in the doctrine of the Holy Trinity, and so passed over 
to the Arian and Socinian schools, then rising up in 
Switzerland, in Italy, and in Poland'. 

In addition to these deadly errors, some of the original 
Anabaptists had insisted on the dogma of an absolute 
necessity. Others preached the restoration of all things, 
and the ultimate conversion of the devil*. Others fancied 
that the soul will sleep throughout the interval between 
death and judgment: while the great majority of them 
cherished the belief that in a kingdom (the millennial) to 
be speedily established, there would be no longer any need 
of an external magistracy, nor even of the guidance fur- 
nished by the Written Word of God. In close connexion 
with this hope, they now asserted the community of goods. 
They censured military service of a merely secular kind, 
and steadily objected to the taking of an oath in their 

^ John Gastius, Ve AnahapUt- d. 9) that they sought to eetablish 

tarwn eoDordio, kc. ed. Basil. 1544, this theory of 'nniversalism' (the 

has specified 9even distinct sects, pp. terminability of future punishment) 

496 — 501. partly by referring to abstract ideas 

* Hardwick*s Reform, pp. «84— of God, and partly by broaching 

289. new interpretations of the word 

' It is obeeryable (i6W. p. i79> 'eternal/ 



B8 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CH. 

negociations with the world in general. Some moreover 
held that the observance of the Lord's-daj was anti- 
christian ; others openly advocated a licence of polygamy, 
and are even charged with holding that to those who 
had received the Spirit, or, in other words, had passed 
the Anabaptist ordeal of initiation, adultery was itself no 
sin. By all it was agreed that Anabaptists were at liberty 
to evade the jurisdiction both of civil and ecclesiastical 
tribunals, to denounce the latter more especially as a 
grievous burden, and to aid in the emancipation of all 
Christians from the discipline as well as doctrine of the 
Catholic Church^ 

If we add to this imperfect sketch of continental 
Anabaptism^ one of the most prominent of its remaining 
features, we shall understand how formidable the system 
must have looked to all the sober and devout reformers. 
It was advocated as a leading principle that every Ana- 
baptist was not only able, but was bound to execute the 
office of a teacher, as soon as he perceived within his breast 
the motions of the Holy Spirit. The effect of this im- 
mediate inspiration also made the preacher independent 
of the Sacred Volume, which he sometimes ventured to 
denominate 'mere dead letter,'— obsolete in itself, and 
in the course of its transmission falsified in such a manner 
as to be unworthy of the faith of full-grown Christians. 
Thus the last external check imposed on man's pre- 
sumptuous speculations ran the risk of being summarily 
demolished; and if Anabaptism had prevailed, it would 
have reared its throne upon the ruins of all ancient insti- 
tutions, and have trampled underfoot the Word of Grod 
itself. 
IJ^^^ The date at which the Anabaptist emissaries found 
/JSJm'jbi^ their way to England i^ not handed down exactly by 

land. 

^ These and other errors may be XX. 9089 seqq. ed. 1745, where 

seen at lai^ in Hermann's ComuUo' other evidence is given (3073 — 3129); 

tion, sign. t. iii. sq. Lond. [547; in in Bollinger's work Advenut omnia 

Zwingli's EUnchus contra CaUibap' CaiahapHdarum prava dogmata, ed. 

HsUu; in Melancthon's Propositions Tiguii, 1535. See also Banke, ubi 

against the Doctrine of the Anabap- sup., and Mohler's Sgrnbotik, 11. 

tists (German) ; in Luther's Schriften, 155 — 188, Eng. transl. 



v.] 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



89 



the chroniclers of the period. As the sect had no single 
leader and no one locality, its movements were obscure and 
desultory, and are therefore somewhat difficult to follow. 
In the year 1538, however, its appearance in this country 
had attracted the attention of the government, and elicited 
a royal prohibition adverted to above*. A letter, written 
at the same time, by certain of the German princes*, 
intimates that revolutionary spirits who had long excited 
apprehension on the continent were crossing over to this 
side of the channel : but the stringent measures instantly 
adopted by Henry VIII. for the extermination of the 
sectaries, continued to retard their progress during the re- 
mainder of his reign. It seems, however, that in Ed- 
ward's time the vigilance of the executive was gradually 
relaxed; for Anabaptists rose at once into a consider- 
able body, then beginning it is said, * to look abroad 
and to disperse their dotages^.' They flourished more 



1 See above, p. 33. For other 
traces of them at this period, see 
IfUtUution of a Chriitian Man, pp. 
93» 94; Wilkins, ill. 843, 847. By 
32 Hen. VIII. 0. 49, § 1 1, all who 
held the foUowing tenets were ex- 
cluded from the pardon which had 
been granted by the King, in July, 
1540: 'That infants ought not to 
be baptised, and if they be baptised 
they ought to be re-baptised when 
they com to laufull age : That it is 
not leafull for a Christen man to 
beare office or rule in the Gommen 
Welth : That no mans lawes ought 
to be obeyed : That it is not leafull 
for a Christen man to take an othe 
before any judge : That Christ toke 
no bodily substaunce of our blessed 
Jady : That Synners afbre baptisme 
cannot be restored by repentaunce : 
That every maner of Death, with 
the tyme and houre thereof, is so 
certainely prescribed, appointed and 
determyned to every man of God, 
that neither any prince by his 
Bworde can altre it, ne any man by 



his owne wilfulnes prevent or 
chaunge it: That all things be 
cotnmon and nothing severall.' 

* Seckendorf, lib. ui. sect. xvn. 
§ Lxvi. p. 181. The princes affirm 
that besides the hostility of Ana- 
baptism to the civil magistrate, it 
had introduced an endless confusion 
of opiiuons, denying the Divinity 
and the two natures of Christ as weU 
as original sin, and propagating 
false and absurd notions on the doc- 
trine of justification. 

* Heylin, Bist, Jtrform, I. 153; 
ed. Robertson : Carte, IX. i^i. The 
latter authority, quoting Strype, 
mentions a very strange circum- 
stance connected with the spread of 
Anabaptism. A letter dated Delft, 
May 12, i549y was addressed to 
bishop Gardiner acquainting him 
that in consequence of the projected 
organisation of the reformers, it be- 
came necessary to introduce divisions 
among them, and that this would 
be best effected by preaching up the 
Anabaptist doctrines. 



90 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CH. 

particularly in Essex and in Kent^ ; and Hooper, foremost 
in his zeal against them, left a frightful picture of their 
misbelief. In writing to BuUinger, June 25, 1549, he 
says: 'The Anabaptists flock to the jdace [ue. of his 
lecture], and give me much trouble with their opinions 
respecting the Incarnation of our Lord; for they deny 
altogether that Christ was bom of the Virgin Mary 
according to the flesh. They contend, that a man wiio 
is reconciled to Gk)d is without sin, and free from all stain 
of concupiscence, and that nothing of the old Adam re- 
mains in his nature ; and a man, they say, who is thus 
regenerate cannot sin. They add, that all hope of pardon 
is taken away from those who, after having received the 
Holy Ghost, fall into sin. They maintain a fatal ne- 
cessity, and that beyond and besides that will of His, 
which He has revealed to us in the Scriptures, GK)d hath 
another will by which He altogether acts under some kind 
of necessity... How dangerously our England is afiected by 
heresies of this kind, God only knows : I am unable in- 
deed from sorrow of heart, to express to your piety. 
There are some who deny that man is endued with a soul 
different from that of a beast, and subject to decay. Alas ! 
not only are these heresies reviving among us which were 
formerly dead and buried, but new ones are sprinffing 
up every day. There are such libertines and wretches 
who are daring enough in their conventicles, not only 
to deny that Christ is the Messiah and Saviour of the 
world, but also to call that blessed Seed a mischievous 
fellow, and deceiver of the world. On the other hand, 
a great portion of the kingdom so adheres to the popish 
faction as altogether to set at naught God and the lawfrd 
authority of the magistrates ; so that I am greatly afraid 
of a rebellion and civil discord ^' 
SMf^com- While Hooper and some others like him were thus 
|jgg»w««, combating the errors which beset them in their daily 

^ OriffimU Letten, ed. P. S. p. 87. put forth % ipeoud treatise agaiost 

' Ibid, pp. 65, 66: of. Hooper's the Anabsptisti, entitled A Lesson 

English 'Articles/ § 6. In the <^ the Incamaiion of Christ, 'Later 

course of the same year (1549) he Writings/ ed. P. S. 185a. 



v.] 



THE XLII. ABTICLES OF 1553. 



91 



ministrations, a rojal commission (Jan. 18, 1550,) was 
vigorously at work in aid of their endeavours^ Many 
of the leading misbelievers were compelled to recant, or in 
the language of the time, ' to bear their faggots at Paul's 
cross/ From what has been recorded of proceedings of 
this nature, we determine the precise complexion of the 
heresy impugned ; and while it must be granted that some 
persons, like Champneys^ did not venture to assail the 
fundamental articles of the Christian faith, some others, as 
Assheton* for example, openly denied the doctrine of the 
Holy Trinity and the Incarnation of the Saviour*. The Theintroduc 
appalling spread of Arian notions is deplored indeed by<»»- 
a contemporary writer, as among the greatest and most 
deadly of the manifold calamities then pressing on the 
Church of England, and perplexing the spirit of her 
teachers. * We have not only (he writes) to contend with 
the papists, who are almost everywhere ashamed of their 
errors, but much more with the sectaries, and Epicureans, 
and pseudo-evangelicals*. In addition to the ancient 
errors* respecting paedo-baptism, the Incarnation of Christ, 
the authority of the magistrate, the [lawfulness of an] 
oath, the property and community of goods, and the like, 
new ones are rising up every day, with which we have 
to contend. The chief opponents, however, of Christ's 
Divinity are the Arians, who are now beginning to shake 



1 Of. Wilkins, iv. 66. 

■ Strype, Cranmer, n. 92, 93. 
AmoDg the propositions maintained 
by him were the following: (1) 
That a man, after he is regenerate 
in Christ, cannot sin : (i) That the 
outward man might sin, but the 
inward man could not: (3) That 
God doth permit to all His elect 
people their bodily necessities of all 
worldly things. 

• JUd. p. 95. 

^ Joan of Kent was burnt May 7, 
1550, for maintaining a heresy like 
that of the early Valentinianri. She 
denied that our Lord took flesh of 



the Virgrin, from a persuasion that 
He would in that case haye shared 
the sinfulness of man's nature. See 
above, p. 82, note 2, That this 
docetic view respecting the Incarna- 
tion was common in 1549, we may 
infer from Hooper's Zeston of the 
Incarnation of ChriM, 

^ Otherwise nicknamed 'Gospel- 
lers.' For a sketch of them at this 
period, see Becon's Worhi, ('Ca- 
techism,' kc.) pp. 415, 416, ed. 
P. 8. 

* The letter is dated London, Aug. 
14, 1 55 1. Cf. Zurich LetterSf I. 30, 
91. 



92 



THE XUI. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



[CH. 



MjTttK 00M* 



oar Churches with greaier violence than ever, as they deny 
the conception of Christ by the Virgin*.' 

In September, 1552, a farther missive, emanating 
from the royal coancU arged the primate to repress the 
evil^oings of another sect^ newly sprang ap in Kent V 
jj^^*[|^ The name and character of this sect have not been dis- 
^lSH^'^ tinctly placed on record, bat we have good reason for 
conclading that it formed the earliest wave of a disastrous 
inundation which difiosed itself extensively in England 
daring the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Becon», writing 
at the period when the sectaries arose, entitles them 
* Davidians,' or the followers of David, at the same time 
classing their ^wicked and ungodly opinions' with those 
of the Anabaptists and the Libertines. They subsequently 
bore the title 'Family of Love,' and under it became a 
large association of distempered spiritualists, who set at 
naught the letter of the Holy Scriptures and professed 
to raise man out of his subjection to all outward, introduc- 
tory oeconomies. In this second stage of their existence, 
they had found an active leader in Henry Niclas or 
Nicholas, a native of Amsterdam* ; and one of the directions 
given by him to all who joined his standard indicates the 
sweeping and annihilative temper of the system he was 
building up: *They must pass four most terrible castles 
full of cumbersome enemies, before they come to the House 



^ Original Letters, ed. P. S. p. 574: 
cf. p. 560. 'On the 14th of April, % 
DatchiDAn wm burned in Smitbfield 
for Arianism :' Stow*8 Chron. p. 605, 
Lond. 1633. Among other subjects 
of inquiry during Hooper's visitation 
in this same year, he asks ' Whether 
any of them speak unreverently of 
God the Father, the Son, or the Holy 
Ghost r Strype, Eoel. Mem. n. 355. 

■ Stiype, Onmmer, ii. 410. 

• 17orib,('Gatechi8m,'&c.),p.4i5> 
ed. P. S. The name Davidians is 
derived from the Dutchman, Damd 
George, the real founder of the Fa- 
mily of Love (Hardwick's Reform, 



p. 191). In a letter written from 
London, May 30, 1550, it is stated 
that 'there are Arians, Marcionist^ 
Libertines, Danists, and the like 
monstrosities, in great numbers/ 
Original Letters, ed. P. S. p. 560. 
The editor has added no explanation 
of the term, Danists, but it seems to 
be intended for Davids or Davidians. 
The form Davidislat occurs elsewhere 
in the same sense. 

^ TKe ditpUxying qf an horrible 
aecU ofgrosse and vnched fferetiqwes, 
naming themsdves the Family of 
Love, &c., by John Rogers, Lond. 
1579* ngi^ A. iiij. 



v.] 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



93 



of Love; the first is, of John Calvin, the second the 
Papists, the third Martin Luther, the fourth the Ana- 
baptists ; and passing these dangers thej may be of the 
Family, else not^.' 

But these external causes of anxiety and annoyance comrowarHet 
were accompanied by dissension, irritation and n^is^ving^S- 
in the bosom of the Church itself. The contest which 
arose in 1550 between Hooper and Ridley on the subject 
of ecclesiastical vestments* was a specimen of the incessant 
struggle everywhere maintained between adherents of the 
old and of the new ideas*. Hooper, fresh from Zlirich, 
where he had been fascinated by the Zwinglian usages and 
also to a great extent infected by Swiss theology, was the 
avowed opponent of the English Ordinal as well as of the 
first of the Edwardine Prayer-Books*. He conformed, 
indeed, eventually (in 1551) on his promotion to the see of 
Gloucester; but throughout the reign of Edward he was 
ever actively at work in fostering the growth of anti- 
Mediaeval tastes, and pushing forward an ^ entire purifica- 
tion of the Church from the very foundation*.' 

It is most important to observe, as throwing ^^S^^ S3£'^ 
upon the scruples of Hooper and his party, that when SSTimo*' 
Cranmer, in conjunction with the royal council, first made 
use of Articles of Religion, in 1549, to test the ortho- 
doxy of preachers and lecturers in divinity. Hooper was 
imable to acquiesce in three of those Articles (May 1550). 
The two relating to the Ordinal And Prayer-Book were 
distasteful to him, as we might have readily predicted 
from our general knowledge of his character and bias ; but 



^ Ibid. A. iiij. b. 

* See Strype's chapter (Memorials 
of Cfranmer, Bk. n. ch. xvii.) on this 
quettion ; and Heylin's Hist, Brform. 
I. 193, 194, ed. Robertson. There 
are also frequent notices of it in the 
Original LeUers, ed. P. S. e.g. pp. 
9, 91, «7i, 486, 586, 671—^75. 

' A notable instance occurred in 
the controversy with regard to kneel- 
ing at the Holy Crommimion (Hard- 



wiek*8 Jief. p. 22$, and n. 9). The 
scruples on this subject, though 
strongly shaned by Knox {Ibid. p. 
X48, n. 4), appear to have been gene- 
rated by the influence of foreign 
refugees ; to whose proceedings, it is 
worthy of notice, Ridley was also 
vehemently opposed. Original Let- 
ters, pp. 568, 569. 

* Ibid. p. 563. 

» Ibid. p. 674. 



94 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



[CH, 



menlrttc 

VMKMV 0r 

graotf 



until the recent publication of letters* where those Articles 
are mentioned, no one seems to have suspected that 
Hooper had been also brought into collision with such men 
as Cranmer, Bidlej and Bucer, on the nature and efficacy 
of the Christian Sacraments. The third obnoxious Article 
in that earlj series had made use of the expression ' sacra^ 
ments confer gra/ce^ — ^which, having been exposed already 
to the stem denunciations both of Zwingli and Calvin, had 
come to be regarded as a party-badge, or war-cry ^ alienat- 
ing Swiss from Saxon theologians. While the schoolmen, 
anxious above all things to establish the objective character 
and virtue of the sacraments, insisted strongly on the 
phrase ' continere gratiam,' Luther and his followers, in the 
later stages^ of their teaching, clung to such expressions 
as ^canjerre gratiam,' ^efficacia signa,' and the like; by 
which they inculcated the great &ct that sacraments are 
used by God as channels of His grace, without forget- 
ting the correlative truth of human susceptibility. So 
distinct indeed were their conceptions as to the legiti- 
macy of the phrases 'sacraments om^ gni<^,' 'baptism 
w&rka or confers regeneration,' that numerous examples 
have been put on record where the contradiction of 
those statements is vehemently condemned^. In Eng- 



^ Ibid. p. 563. This particular 
letter was from Martin Micronius to 
BulliDger, and bears date, ' London, 
May a8, 1550.' The articles (cf. 
above^ p. 73) were proposed to him 
by ikt cauneU on his nomination to 
the see of Gloucester; but we may 
reasonably identify them with the 
articles used by Cranmer in the 
previous December. 

' See, for instance, the CaiueniUM 
Tigvrinui (printed in Niemeyer,) 
§ ZTii. Calvin, however, whose ap- 
preciation of the sacraments is far 
deeper thanZwingli's,objected chiefly 
to the phrase 'saoramenta per $e 
gratiam conferunt I'-cf. InsUt. Lib. iv. 
c. 17. 

' Even Mohler (Sytnb. i. 294) fiilly 



acquits the Lutherans of the charge 
of heresy on this subject ; though he 
contends that some of the earlier 
language, both of Luther and Me- 
lancthon, was 'most decidedly op- 
posed to the Catholic Church,* in 
seeming to make the efficacy of the 
sacraments depend entirely on hu- 
man dispositions. He refers to such 
passages as that of Luther, De Cape, 
Babylon. Bed. (Tom. n. foL aii, 
0pp. Jens, 1600), where the phrase 
tfioaeia gigna gratim, as defining sa- 
craments, IS only accepted after some 
qualification (ef. Henry VlIL's cri- 
tique in the Aueirtio Septem Sacra- 
meniormm, sign. i. 4 ; ed. 1532). 

* e.g. in the Saxon AHiculi Viei- 
taUfrii (Franoke, Lib. Symh. App. 



v.] 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



95 



land^y also, there had never been a disposition to reduce 
the sacraments into inoperative signs or outward badges. 
Both before and after the Breformation they were termed 
' effectual signs/ * instruments with which and by which it 
pleases God to work/ material means and vehicles, through 
which, in virtue of His institution, blessings were derived to 
every member of the Church. With reference more parti- 
cularly, to the sacrament of baptism, the Baptismal OfBce 
of our own Reformers was derived in no small measure 
from Luther's Taufbiichlein^, itself the offspring and reflec- 
tion of far older Manuals. But a different state of feeline: ordotaera- 
had grown up, respectmg sacraments, m all those parts of }^J^**^ 
Switzerland which were affected by the Reformation-move- ^!^uS£df 
ments. Calvin and his school repudiated, it is true, the frigid 
theories of Zwingli, and unlike him treated sacraments not 
only as external badges of membership in a religious body, 
but as * organs' in the hands of God for certifying faithful 
men of their connexion with Himself^. The sacraments 
were thus obsignatory ; they were signs and seals of bless- 
ings which already appertained to the recipient as a child 
of grace, and thus their real efficacy was restricted to the 
single class of Christians who were destined to be ultimately 
saved. To call a sacrament the channel or conductor of 
grace was further deemed in Switzerland 'a most insipid 
superstition*.' 

Now it is observable that when Hooper started his ob- Theiaitur 

. view 

jections to the word * confer' in the expression ' sacraments bo<v^'»- 
confer grace,' he wished to substitute for it ' seal' or ' testify 



p. 119), one of the propoatiozia of 
the Swiss refonnera there selected 
for condemnation is: 'Baptismum 
non operari neque conferre regene- 
rationem, fidem, gratiain et salutem, 
sed tantnm significare et obsignare 
irta.' Cf. a remarkable passage on 
this sal^ect in the Rvrchtn-Ordnung 
for the duchies of Brunswick and 
LUneburg (1569), pp. 6^ 65, Han- 
noyer, 1853. 

* See Notes and lUtuirationSy Art. 
XXV. Art. XXTIJ. at the end of the 



present Volume. 

> Daniel*s Codex Lit. Eccl, Luth. 
p. 185 ; Procter, On the Prayer- Book, 
Part II. ch. iv. The deriTation took 
place through the medium of Her- 
mann's ContultiiHon, 

^ See Comenmu Tigurintu, c. vn., 
and a fiill discussion of these points 
in Schenkel, Dot Weten des Protet- 
tantiemtts, i. 466 sq. Schaffhausen, 
1846. 

* Consenswnie CapUum ExpUcatio, 
in Niemeyer, p. 109. 



96 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



[CH. 



Conlrovartkt 



toV exactly in the Swiss or Calvinistic manner. He was 
probably supported in his view by several of the foreign 
refugees, by Laski* for example and by Peter Martyr; 
though their colleague Bucer, as a moderate/ Lutheran/ 
shewed no sympathy with Hooper*, and made i|se of very 
different language in speaking of the sacraments^. It 
seems, moreover, that discussions on these topics, and 
especially with reference to the benefits of infant baptism, 
had been waxing hot in England anterior to the spring 
of 1552. 

A letter*, from Peter Martyr to Bullinger, bearing date 
mSv'£». June 14 of that year, has mentioned that such controversy 
was ' the chief reason why other things which were pur- 
posed,* in addition to the reformation of the Prayer-Book, 
*had not been effected;' there perhaps implying that de- 
lays which had arisen*, in regard to the authoritative issue 
of the Articles, were caused in some degree by hesitations 
among English prelates on the nature of the sacraments. 
The author of this document, we should remember, leaned 
himself in the direction of the Calvinistic theory. A ver- 
sion of his *book on the Lord's Supper could not be 
printed' in 1550 ^ owing to the bishops, and those too 
Grospellers^:' and so strenuous was the opposition he had 
always cherished to the Lutherans and the Augsburg Con- 
fession^, that on quitting England he could not reside at 
Strasburg but betook himself to Ziirich. It is not sur- 
prising, therefore, if we find a man like Peter Martyr 
writing mainly on the side of Hooper, and propounding 



^ Orig, Letters, p. 563. 

* See Laski (It Lasco), Jk Sacra- 
mentu Ecdetiof, fol. 10 &. Lond. 
1553, where it is said that baptism 
is not a 'medium salutis nostne/ 
but an 'obsignaculum.' 

* See Orig. Letters, Dec. a8, 1550, 

p. 675. 
^ He adhered to the obnoxious 

phrase 'conferre gratiam/ in his 
Script. Anglic, p. 477 : of. Original 
Letters, pp. 573, 653. On the Eu- 
charist his ultimate position was: 



'Quod panis et vinum sint signa 
exhibitiva quibus datis et acoeptis 
simul detur et accipiatur Corpus 
Christ! :' Schenkel^ as above, p. 545, 
n. 3. 

» First edited by the Rev. W. 
Qoode, Lond. 1850: cf. a Letter to 
the Rev. W. Qoode (respecting this 
document), by the Rev. F. Massing- 
herd, Lond. 1850. 

• Above, p. 75. 

' Orig. Letters, p. 561. 

* ZtmckLetters,!!. 48, 1 1 1, ed. P.S. 



v.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1558. 97 

what are known as 'Calvinistic' tenets. In his view Hhe 
reception and use of the sacraments' in general 'is the 
seal and obsignation of the promise already apprehended^.* 
'But,' he continues, *in the case of children, when they are 
baptized, since on account of their age they cannot have 
that assent to the Divine promises which is faith^ in them 
the sacrament effects this, — ^that pardon of original sin, 
reconciliation with God, and the grace of the Holy Spirit, 
bestowed on them through Christ, is sealed in them, and 
that those belonging already to the Church are also visibly 
implanted in it.' He adds, however, that this effort of the 
Swiss or Calvinistic party to alter the received opinions of 
the English, was opposed by the less sweeping section of 
Beformers, persons neither few in number *nor in other 
respects unlearned nor evil*,' all of whom contended vigor- 
ously that * grace is conferred, as they say, by means of the 
sacraments' (per sacramenta), and that children in par- 
ticular are not * justified nor regenerated prior to their bap- 
tism.^ We are also told that in repelling the attempted 
innovation, the Reformers took their stand especially upon 
the works of St Augustine, whose authority both Martyr 
and his friends were held to have most seriously disparaged, 
if not utterly cast off^ The issue therefore had heen no cHmim 
most unfavourable to the advocates of change, who com- r^^ioHet. 
forted themselves by hoping to accomplish *at some other 
time what has now failed of success ;' and very noticeable 
is the fact that Hooper who began the controversy seems to 
have eventually adopted language in complete accordance 
with the English formularies. In explaining the nature 
of 'sacraments,' he urges that they 'are not only signs 
whereby something is signified [the Zwinglian hypothesis], 
but also they are such signs as do exhibit and give [? con- 
feruni] the grace that they signify indeed*.' 

^ UnpuHUhed Lettert, die. p. 6. p. i6. 

' ' Sed recUmatum eet ; et volunt ^ ' Ex eo tamen haud parva nobis 

multi, aique hi alias non indocti ne- movetar invidia, quod ab Augustino 

que mali, per sacramenta (ut aiunt) prorsns dissentiamus/ Ibid. 

conferri gratiam. Neque volant con- * Later Writing, p. 45, ed. P. S. 

cedere panmlos justificatos aat re- Although the actual words * oonferre 

generatos ante baptismum/ Ibid, gratiam ' do not appear in our present 

H. A. 7 



98 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



[CH. 



DUUtMiob- 
jeetttfUte 



An, i, 
lArtt of 
praciit 
•erin.] 



AH. U. 
lArt. a . of 
pnfWiit 



Ari.iH 
I Art ill-of 
pftMnt 

WINlLj 



By recollecting the existence of those feuds within the 
camp of the reformers we are able to discern additional 
force and fitness in the Articles of 1553, attempting as they 
did in a most feverish epoch to establish ^ godly concord in 
certain matters of religion.' 

We turn, then, to the document itself ^ in order to 
point out the origin and purpose of its several definitions. 

The first article, * Of Faith in the Holy Trinity,' is bor- 
rowed almost verbatim from the Augsburg Confession. 
While condemning the pantheism and blasphemy of Ser- 
yetus', it extended also, like the corresponding article of 
its prototype, to *new' as well as old disciples of Paul of 
Samosata, of Arius, of Sabellius, of Fhotinus, who in tlie 
disguise of Anabaptists were subvei-ting the foundations of 
the faith. 

The second article, respecting the Incarnation of the 
Word, is also borrowed from the Augsburg Confession'. 
The grand truth which it is meant to vindicate was 
strenuously assailed by 'Anabaptists*' and others, who are 
censured in the Reformatio Legum JScclesiasttcarum^, as 
then actually infesting the Church of England. 

The doctrine asserted in the third article (*0f the 
going down into Hell') was in like manner agitated in 
this country at the time we are considering®. We shall see 



AiiioleSy the thought is found suh- 
stantUlly in such phrases as ' effica- 
oia sigua per quse operatur/and ' tan- 
quam per instrumentum.' The very 
words moreover recur in the ffeads 
of Heligion, compiled hy Parker and 
his friends in 1559: see below, p. 
1 30, n. 4, and Stiype's AnnaU, i. 
116, 3x7. Bp Ridley, who was 
doubtless one of Martyr's ' roulti at- 
que hi alias non indocti,' in his Di*- 
jmUUwn at Osrford {Worlct, p. 94, 
ed. P. S.)» makes use of precisely the 
same kind of language : ' This sacra- 
ment [t. f. the Eucharist] hath a 
promise of grace, made to those who 
receive it worthily, because grace is 
ffiven hyUf athy an instrunienU* 



^ See Appendix, No. in., where 
these Articles are printed both in 
English and Latin. 

' See above, p. 87, and Art. i. of 
1538, App. No. n. 

3 See Art. n. of 1538, App. No. 11. 

^ See above, pp. 90 sq. 

^ De ffceresibtu, c. v. In the 
strange work of Myles Haggard, 
The Displaying of the ProUtlanUs, 
Lond. 1556, sign. B. ii., we read of 
a person condemned for holding 'how 
Christ was only incarnate and suffired 
death for all those that died before 
His incarnation, and not for them 
which died synce.' 

* Original Letters, ed. P. S. p. 561, 
(dated, London, May 20, T550). 



v.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OP 1553. 99 

hereafter that the violence of the controversy to which it 
had given rise induced the Convocation of 1563 to drop 
the final clause as it was left in the present version*. 

The fourth article, on the 'Eesurrection of Christ,' i»r^^; ^ 
complementaiy to the second and third, affirming the JJSSj 
proper manhood of our blessed Lord, against the mystical 
(half-docetic) class of Anabaptists. The fact of His resur- 
rection, in the ordinary sense, had been impugned by a 
Silesian noble, Caspar Schwenckfeld*, who, as early as 
1528, contended that the flesh of Christ had never been 
the flesh of a created being, and is now so deified as to 
retain no semblance of humanity. 

The fifth article, on the * Sufficiency of Holy Scripture,' i}iC;^ct 
was originally constructed with a two-fold reference. ItJSSSo 
asserted (1) the necessity of scriptural proof for every doc- 
trine of the Church, and so repudiated the scholastic and 
Tridentine errors on the subject of *the Word unwritten*.' 
It condemned (2) an opposite class of misbelievers, the *Illu- 
minati' of that period, who disparaged the authority of the 
Bible, as compared with the immediate inspirations, of 
which they were the fanatic channel*. It is also careful in 
the second clause to guard against the misconceptions of 
extreme Reformers, such as Zwingli, who maintained that 
all the usages of the Church must be deducible from the 
directions of Holy Scripture*. 

The sixth article, enjoining a due reverence for the Old ^Xn.*^. o! 



prewnt 
Mriea.] 



^Sirype, Annals of Rrform. 1,^48, ipsi iDterim pnefidentee, ut eanun 

ed. 1 725. See some of the numerous authoritate se teneri non putent, sed 

and conflicting theories on this sub- pecuitarem quendam tpiriium jaetant, 

ject in Strype's WhUgifi, p. 504, ed. a quo sibi omnia suppeditari aiunt, 

1 718. qufficunque docent et fiiciunt.* Be- 

* Hardwick's Reform, pp. 189 sq. form. Leg, Eccl. 'de Hsresibus/ c. 3. 

• See above, pp. 37 sq. The Bp Alley {Poore Maim JAbrarie, I. 
Council of Trent had stereotyped 171 a) is referring to this peculiarity, 
this error, in the year 1546: Sarpi, J. when he speaks of ' Swinckfeldians 
266, ed. Courayer. and other fantasticall heades, which 

^ 'In quo genere teterrimi illi do depraue the holye Scripture:' 

sunt, (itaque a nobis primum nomi- Lond. 1565 : cf. Dorman*s Disprotf 

nabuntur,) qui Saoras Scripturas ad of 3f» Nowdles Reprovfe, ch. zxiv. 

infirmorum tantum hominum debili- Antwerp, 1563. 

tatem ablegant etdetrudunt, sjbi sic ' See above, p. 14. 

7—2 



100 



THE XLII. ABTICLES OF 1553. 



[CH. 



Aftm vtL 

[Art via. of 
Mfiet.] 



jf yx. Vfif. 
[Art.ix.or 



•eriM.] 



ArtUe, 
profoiit 

WINlLJ 



Art. X. 



Testament, was manifestly levelled at the Anabaptist 
emissaries^, many of whom denied, as did Servetus, that 
the Jewish system was vitally connected with the Chris- 
tian, or that worthies of the introductory oeconomy had 
the fidntest expectation of a life beyond the present^. 

The seventh article, exactly like the first of those com- 
piled in 1536, accepted the authoritative definitions con- 
tained in the Three Creeds, condemning thereby all the 
heresies of modem and of ancient growth, which were 
assailing the more cardinal verities of the Gospel. 

The eighth article, *0f Original or Birth Sin,' is 
levelled at the early misbelief which had been propagated 
by Pelagius and his party; 'whiche also the Anabap- 
tistes* doe now-a-daies renue.' Like the second of the 
Augsburg Articles, firom which it was derived, it may have 
also been intended to rebuke a prevalent error of scholas- 
tics touching the entire eradication of original sin by the 
sacrament of baptism, or even to repudiate the more defi- 
nite determinations on that subject, recently proceeding 
firom the Council of Trent*. 

The ninth article, *0f Free Will,' is intimately related 
to the one preceding, and was meant to disavow all sympa- 
thy with Anabaptism on the subject of preventing and 
co-operating grace*. 

The tenth article, *0f Grace,' was meant as a reply 
to opposite errors current in a second school of Anabap- 
tism®, and adopted by a few of the more violent Reformers, 
who were sometimes called the 'Gospellers^.' They seem 



^ 'Multi nostrifl iemporibos in- 
Teniuntur, inter quos Anftbaptistae 
prodpue sunt collocandi, ad quos si 
quia vetoB TesUmentum aUeget, illud 
pro abrogate jam et obsoleto peoitas 
habent, omnia quas in illo posita 
sunt ad priaca majorum noetrorum 
tempora referentes.' Rrform. Leg. 
Ecd, Ibid. c. 4. 

* Calvin, ImUI. Lib. n. c. 10, § i; 
cf. GastiuB, de AnabapHd. p. 305. 

• Cf. Brform, Leg, Ecd, Ibid. c. 7, 
and Hermann's Conatdt. sign. t. vii. 



Lond. 1547. 

* See above, p. 18, n. 9. The 
question had been decided by the Tri- 
dentine diviaesi, June 17, 1546: 
Sarpi, I. 319. 

* See above, p. 86. This refer- 
enoe also is clearly established by 
the testimony of the Brformatio Le- 
gum. Ibid. o. 7. 

* See Bp Hooper's LeUer, above 
dted, p. 90. 

' Hooper's EaHg Writings, p. 42 1 , 
ed. P. S. 



v.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 101 

to have been pushing their belief in absolute predestina- 
tion to such frightful lengths that human actions were es- 
teemed involuntary, and the evil choice of man ascribed to 
a necessitating fiat of his Maker. 

The eleventh article, touching our justification 'by^^^^^ 
only faith in Jesus Christ,' is found to coincide almost J^JJjy"* 
entirely with the fourth of the Augsburg Articles. Like 
that it was directed against ideas of human merit, which 
had long been propagated, more or less distinctly, in the 
whole of Western Christendom^. It may have also been 
designed to animadvert upon the kindred tenets of the Ana- 
baptists on the same vital question*. 

The twelfth article, entitled 'Works before Justifica- ai. «/<. 
tion,' or, more properly, * Works before the grace of Christ,' pj^* 
repudiates the error of certain 'schole-aucthores,' who 
affirmed, and were affirming, that the favour of God may 
be recovered (or, in other words, that man may be entitled 
to receive initial grace), as the reward of actions, which 
resulted from his own strength, or had been wrought by 
him without dependence on the Holy Spirit*. 

The thirteenth article, on * Works of Supererogation, ^^jrfjj ^ 
was similarly levelled at a well-known figment of somejjg^j* 
later schoolmen*. 

The fourteenth article, affirming that our blessed Lord fj^^- - 
alone was bom without sin, impugns the Romish doctrine £32^] 
with regard to the immaculate conception of the blessed 
Virgin*. 

The fifteenth, *0f Sin against the Holy Ghost,' ia Art. xv. 

preient 

^ For some traces, howeveri of a themselues, for theyr owne good ^ 

■oander doctrine, more especially workes and persecution, if they suf- 

among the Thomist schoolmen, see fre any.' 

Field, On the Cfhvrch, App. Book ' The Dominicans, at the council 

m. c. xii. of Trent, condemned this idea of 

* See above, p. 86 ; and com- merit de cangruo as Pelagian : Sarpi, 

pare JUform. Legwa JScd. Ibid. c. I. 344. 

7. In Hermann's Corutdt. sign. t. * Cf. Jtrformai. Leg^m Sod. Ibid. 

vii. we read : ' They (the Anabap- c. 8 : Field, On the Church, App. 

tists) boste themselaes to be ryght- Book ni. c. xiii. : Joliffe, AgcunH 

uouB and to please God, not purely Hooper, fol. 175. 

and absolutely for Ohristes sake, '^ See Field, Ihid. c VI. : Joliffe, 

but for theyr owne mortification of Agcdntt ffooper, fol. 165. 



102 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



[CH. 



Axi» sn» 



ArLxvU. 
[Art.xTlLor 
praent 
•ertai.] 



Art,xviiL 

[Art zTiii. of 

pratent 

ttrleiL] 



borrowed chiefly from the Augsburg CoDfession, and 
asserts distinctly the remissibility of sins committed after 
baptism. The errors broached upon this subject in the 
primitive Church, were all revived (as we have seen) among 
the Anabaptists at the period of the Beformation^. 

The sixteenth article, entitled 'Blasphemy against the 
Holy Ghost,' defines the nature of this unpardonable sin, 
apparently with a view of obviating strong temptations to 
despair, which had been generated by the heresy de- 
nounced in the preceding article. 

The seventeenth article, *0f Predestination and Elec- 
tion,' was intended to allay the numerous altercations that 
were stirred in the reforming body*, as well as in scholastic 
and Anabaptist circles by these awfuT and mysterious 
topics. It is careful at the same time to repudiate fatal- 
istic errors, into which some 'curious and carnal persons' 
were betrayed by taking a one-sided view of doctrines 
then discussed'. 

The eighteenth article is levelled at a philosophical 
theory of the rationalistic school of Anabaptists*, who 
contended that if men were sincere only in following out 
their own systems, their deliberate rejection of the Sa- 
viour of the world would prove no obstacle to their salva- 
tion. 



^ See above, p. 90, and compare 
Hrform. Leg. Bed. Ibid. c. 9. 

* Many of the paiiicnlarB of these 
diflputes have been transcribed by 
archbishop Laurence, from a MS. 
in the Bodleian, and published under 
the title AtUhenUc Xheumentt reUU- 
ing to the PredetUnarian Centra- 
verty. For still earlier traces of it, 
see Bp Gardiner's Dedaration (a- 
gainst George Joye), fol. IL seqq. 
Lond. 1546. From John Knox's 
Annoer to a great nomJber of blat- 
phemoui eattUUUiont foriUen by an 
Anahaptitt and aduenarie of Ood^s 
eternal PredeetinaHcn, we gather 
that the controversy continued to 
rage at least till 1560. 



' The prevalence of these perver- 
sions is thus noted in the B/tformnUxo 
Legwn : ' Ad extremum in Ecdesia 
multi feris et dissolutis moribus vi- 
vunt, qui cum re ipsa curiosi sint, 
differti luxu, et a Christi Spiritu 
prorsus alieni, semper prsBdestina- 
Uonem et rejectionem, vel, tU utitale 
loqutmtur, reprobationem, in ser- 
mone jaotant, ut cum ntemo con- 
silio Deus vel de salute, vel de in- 
teritu aliquid certi constituent, inde 
latebram suis malefidis et soeleribus, 
et onmis generis perversitati qusB- 
raot.' Ibid, 0. 11. 

* See the i2^ormat»o X^^m, which 
characterizes this error as ' horribilis 
et immanis audacia.' Ibid, c. 1 1. 



v.] 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



103 



The nineteenth contemplates another (mystical) branch ^'<. *'jf. 
of the same faction^, who, by putting forth the plea of JJ^JJ?"* 
preternatural illumination, made themselves superior to 
the moral law, and circulated opinions respecting it *most 
evidently repugnant to the Holy Scripture.' 

The twentieth article, while defining the 'Church*' in i!^^*^- 

•Ml IT CArt.xix.oC 

language very similar to that employed in the seventh of g^JJ^ 
the Augsburg series, negatives a plea then urged in many 
quarters with respect to the infallibility of the particular 
Church of Rome. 

The twenty-first article, *0f the Authority of I^^Art.xxL 
Church,' was levelled in like manner at the Romanizing p««a>* 
party*; and although it advocates the Church's right of 
acting as a witness and keeper of Holy Scripture, it pro- 
nounces her unauthorised to issue a decree at variance 
with that record. 

The twenty-second article, *0f the Authority of Gene- ArLxxii 
ral Councils,' vindicates the right of the civil power to p^SJJi 
call together such assemblies. It maintains moreover 
that some councils commonly reputed 'general' at the 
period of the Reformation* had fallen into actual error. 

The twenty-third determines that the * doctrine of^^J^*^'-^^ 
school-authors,' with regard to purgatory, image-worship, gJSj 
and some other kindred superstitions*, are follies and fig- 
ments unsupported by Holy Writ, or rather are antago- 
nistic to the teaching of the Sacred Volume. 



^ See above, p. 87. 

■ The Worcester prebendary (Jo- 
liffe) thought this definition imper- 
fect on account of its silence touch- 
ing the on«fM9s of the Church, and 
the 'continuous succession of the 
vicars of Christ.' He admits that 
the Boman Church had erred in the 
'agenda* of religion, but not in the 
'credenda,* fol. 80 : cf. Reform, Leg, 
Ibid. c. 31. 

• Sdi^SeyAgaifuit Hooper, fo\.%i,%i. 

^ The JReformoHo Legum .is an 
excellent commentary on this Arti- 
cle. It declares that we reverently 



accept the four great cM^umenical 
councils, and defer to the decisions 
of many of the later synods, so tatr 
as they upheld the fundamentals of 
religion : ' De Summa Trinitate et 
Fide Catholica,' c. 14. 

■ Cf. R^orm. Leg, 'de Haere- 
sibus,' c. 10, and Joliffe, AgttinM 
Hooper, fol. 90 seqq. It is remark- 
able that the copy of this Article, 
as signed by the royal chaplains 
(Oct. 1552), contains a censure of 
'praying for the dead,' which had 
been subsequently dropped ( perhaps 
in Convocation). 



104 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



[CH. 



ArLxxo. 
[Art. xziT. of 
preiont 

•erin.] 



ArLxxvi. 
[cf. Art xzT. 
ofpreienfc 
series.] 



Art.xxi9. The twenty-fourth is manifestly levelled at a charac- 

p^"^ teristic error of the Anabaptists, who maintained that any 
one, believing himself called to the work of the ministry^ 
was bound to exercise his ftmctions as a preacher in de- 
fiance of all church-authority. It is based upon the four- 
teenth of the Augsburg Articles ^ 

The twenty-fifth declares, in opposition to the Roman- 
izing party, that the language of the public Service- 
Books should always be intelligible to the people. 

The twenty-sixth article, *0f the Sacraments,' appears 
to have a manifold application to the circumstances of the 
times. The first and second clauses were designed (1) to 
limit the number of evangelical rites to which the title 
'sacrament* is properly affixed, and (2) to warn against the 
error of supposing that Baptism and the Eucharist produce 
effects without regard to the condition or susceptibility of 
the recipient. On the contrary, the third clause, like the 
ninth of the Thirteen Articles of 1538, is made to combat 
a prevailing misconception, to the effect that sacraments 
were no more than empty rites or outward badges'. 

The tweflly-seventii, which is included in the fifth of 
the Thirteen Articles, maintains, in opposition to the sec- 
taries of the day^, that the validity of sacraments is im- 
destroyed by personal imfitness in the minister. 



ArLxxvU. 
[Art xxtL 
of pretent 
senes.] 



^ See above, p. so : and coinp. 
Brform, Leg. Ibid. o. i6. In Hug- 
gard's Displaying of the Protestantei, 
flign. B. iii. we read : * A briok- 
laer taking vpon him the office of 
preachyng, affinned he myght Ian- 
fully do it, though he were not 
called therynto by yc Church. For 
Spiritus vbi vuU tpirat,* 

' This intention is clearly eeta- 
bliahed by the testimony of the JSe- 
forvMUio Legum. In speaking of 
the 'heresies' then current, it ob- 
serves: 'Magna quoque temeritas 
illorum est, qui sacramenta sic ex- 
tenuant, ut ea pro nudis signis, et 
extemis tantum indioiis capi veb'nt, 
quibus tanquam nobis hominum 



Chiistianorum religio possit a cse- 
tens intemosci, nee animadvertunt 
quantum tit tceltu, hcBC sancta Dei 
ingiituta inania et vacua credere. 
Ibid. c. 17. Bp Bidley, in like 
manner, says (Worke, p. IJ4) that 
'in all ages the devil hath stirred 
up some light heads to esteem the 
sacraments but lightly, as to be 
empty and bare signs.' Cf. Bp La- 
timer's JUtnaine, p. 351, ed. P. S. ; 
where the disparaging of sacraments 
is treated as a proof of Anabap- 
tism. 

* The Srfortnatio Legum also 
speaks^ of Anabaptists, who sepa- 
rated from the Lord's Table on the 
plea that they were deterred, 'vel 



v.] THE XLIl. ARTICLES OF 1553. 105 

The twenty-eighth, * Of Baptism,' seems to be a pro- ah. xtpwi. 
longation of the censure passed with reference both tppramit 
Baptism and the Eucharist in Article XXVI. It states 
expressly that Christian baptism is far more than a profes- 
sional badge or sign of membership in a society, and vin- 
dicates *the custom of the Church' in her retention of 
tnjimt baptism^. 

The twenty-ninth, 'Of the Lord's Supper,' while repu- Art.xxix. 
diating the chief errors of the Zwinglian school, condemns Jji?^ 
with equal emphasis the opposite dogma of some physical 
transubstantiation in the Eucharistic elements; on the 
ground that such conversion is repugnant to the Word of 
Grod, and inconsistent with the belief in the humanity of the 
Saviour and His local residence in heaven*. 

The thirtieth of our series, like the third article in A^«»'-, , 
the Second Part of the Augsburg Formulary, urges the SSS? 
uniqueness and completeness of the sacrifice which Christ 
our blessed Lord has offered on the cross, — in answer to 
a current form of misbelief with reference to the repetition 
of that offering in *the sacrifices of masses.' 

The thirty-first article is levelled at a Mediaeval error ah. xxxi. 
which esteemed the marriage of the clergy absolutely g^* 
sinful*. 

The thirty-second and thirty-third relate to the m\et'AH.xxxii. 
nal discipline and usages of the Church, — a class of topics JJduf**^^ 
which excited the most vehement disputation in the reign SSl^]* 
of Edward VI.* The first denounces excommimicated 
persons as unfit for the society of Christians; while the 
second rules that * church-traditions,' — ceremonies, rites 
and customs, — ought not to be violated at the impulse of 

.minutrorum improbitaU, vel aliorum water, illustrating the probable on- 

fratrum/ c. 15. Cf. Alley, Poore gin of scruples felt by the extreme 

MwM Librarie, I. 34a b. Beformers with regard to the ex- 

1 See Reform. Leg. c. 18, 'de pression *c(mferrt gratiam' (above, 

Baptismo,' where we have also a p. 96). 

glimpse of errors rising from an « Cf. Rtform. Leg. Ibid. c. 19. 

opposite (Mediffival) quarter. One > Cf . the third of the * Six Arti- 

of these attributed the benefit of cles.' 

baptism to a quasi-physical union of ^ See above, p. 93. 
the Holy Spirit with the element of 



106 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CH. 

man's 'private judgment.' It is also worthy of remark 

that nearly all the language of the second of these laws is 

borrowed from the fifth of the Thirteen Articles of 1538. 

lAk'SSl'.ot The thirty-fourth simply authorises the use of the First 

EriS"] Book of Homilies, which had been circulating with the 

royal sanction smce the year 1547. 
[xitiSx^ The thirty-fifth, in like manner, authorises and com- 

JJCT* mends the Ordinal and Prayer-Book, previously put forth 

'by the king and the parliament,' in 1550 and 1552. 
rArL^mJtt.* "^^ thirty-sixth, *0f Civil Magistrates,' is levelled 
Jjjgy** partly at the Romanizing faction who continued to assert 
the supremacy of the pope^ and partly at the Anabaptist 
zealots, who impugned the jurisdiction of the civil magis- 
tracy and the lawfrdness of war*. 
Mt. SS& "^^^ thirty-seventh and thirty-eighth have reference to 
!a^m3?oJ *te same disorderly spirits ; one condemning their idea of 
ISS^ a community of goods, the other combating their scruples 

on the subject of taking oaths'. 
AH. ^*^' "^^ ^*^^ remaining articles, of which three were borrow- 
Artixiu. ®d fr^™ *^® Augsburg Confession, are condemnatory of four 
other notions inculcated in the reign of Edward by the 
Anabaptist zealots*. One determines, that the resurrection 
of the dead will be extended to the body, and has therefore 
not been realized already in the quickening of the pious 
soul. The second, that the spirit does not perish with the 
body, and retains its former consciousness and personality 
in a state of separation ; the third, that the heretical fable 
of the *Millenarii' is repugnant to the Word of God; the 
fourth, that to believe in the eventual restoration of all men 
is a dangerous and destructive error. 

aJkl^T Having thus exhibited the bearing of the XLII. Arti- 
Ar^. cles upon the circumstances of the times in which they 
were constructed, it remains for us to ascertain the nature 
and amount of the authority by which they might origi- 
nally challenge the adhesion of the English Church. In 

1 Reform, Leg, Ibid. c. 2i. c. 15. 

■ Ibid, c. 13. See above, p. 87. * See above, pp. 87, 88 : and com- 

' R^orm, Legum, c. 14, and pare iZ^orm. X<^. Ibid. c. 12. 



v.] 



THE XUI. ARTICLES OF 1558. 



107 



doing this, we open an inquiry which is answered very 
differently by the historians of the Reformation-period : 

Were the Articles of 1553 submitted to the English 
Convocation f Or were they circulated during the hrief r»- 
mainder of the reign of Edward on the sola authority of the 
royal council f 

As the latter view is urged by several writers, whose 
opinions, on all subjects of this nature^, are entitled to 
respect and deference, it may justly claim from us a candid 
and minute examination. They are found to rest their in- objeeuontto 
ference mainly on the fact, that registers of the southera Jfej^^^*^ 
Convocation, which was summoned for March 19, *1552*,' ^Sl^^^ 
(in modem language 1553), contained no mention whatever ^'^"^ ^ 
of the Articles; being, we are told expressly, *but one 
degree above blanks,' and 'scarce affording the names of 
the clerks assembled therein^.' 

So long, however, as the absence of this public testi- Amwer. 
mony is explainable either on the supposition of carelessness 
in the time of Edward, or of some deliberate mutilation in 
the following reign, it will not lead to any clear presump- 
tion that the Articles were destitute of all synodical 
authority. The Convocation may have been * barren,' (to 



* Palmer^ Treaiiu on the Church, 
>• S^Sf 31^ od.; Buraet, Brform, 
m. 361 seqq. ; Lamb, Historical 
Account of the XXXIX, Articles, 

PP- 4, 5. 
' Wake, StaU of the Church, p. 

598 ; yet he adds in the next page, 
that the Convocation actually met 
on the 2nd (? a and) of March. 

' This is the statement of Fuller, 
(Church Hist, pp. 420, 411, fol. ed.), 
who had the opportunity of examin- 
ing the records before the great fire ; 
and Heylin (i. 256) so far agrees 
with him, remarking that ' the acts 
of this Convocation were so ill kept, 
that there remains nothing on re- 
cord touching their proceedings, ex- 
cept it be names of such of the 
bishops as came thither to acyoum 



the house.' A like uncertainty 
hangs over the proceedings of the 
Convocation of the previous year, 
1552 ; and yet from the expressions 
in the Preamble of 5 and 6 Edw. VI. 
(155^) c. 12 — 'the learned clergy of 
this realm, who have determined the 
same [marriage of priests] to be most 
lawful by the Law of God in their 
Convocation, as well by their com- 
mon consent as by the svhscription of 
their hands* — we are almost autho- 
rised to infer that a declaration like 
the 31st of the XLIL Articles had 
been already sanctioned and sub- 
scribed. Does this allusion mean 
that the Articles had been already 
considered and passed in Convoca- 
tion as early as the spring of 1553 f 
Cf. above, pp. 74, 75, 



108 



THE XUI. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



[CH. 



use Fuller's phraseology), because its proceedings were 
either unreported, or were subsequently destroyed; and 
therefore we demur to follow him at once in drawing his 
conclusion, that the synod received 'no commission from 
the king to meddle with Church-business.' 

onfeetion 1 But it is Contended, in the second place, that the origi- 

nal title of the Articles of 1553 itself betrays a want of due 
ecclesiastical sanction. They are merely said to have been 
agreed on 'by the bishops and other learned men, in the 
synod at London' ('inter episcopos et alios eruditos viros^^) : 
whereas, in the subsequent promulgation of them in 1563, 
they are described as 'agreed upon by the archbishops and 
bishops of both provinces, and the whole dergy! &c. 

Antwr. The apparent vagueness of the former statement is, 

however, not without its parallel in contemporary records 
of the Church; and that, in cases where no doubt can 
possibly exist as to the convocational authority of docu- 
ments to which such language is appUed'. The argument 
derived from this consideration must be therefore deemed 
as inconclusive as the one adverted to above. 

okjfOion^ A third and far more cogent reason for disputing the 

synodical approbation of the Articles is furnished by the 
language of Cranmer and Philpot, when questioned on this 
very subject at the opening of the reign of Mary. 

It has been already noticed, that when the Articles 
were completed in the spring of 1553, they were made 



^ Heylin has struok out a theory 
by which this language is readily 
explained, bat the theory is itself of 
course entirely conjectural; unless 
indeed he was alluding to the com- 
mission for framing the Rrfcrma/tio 
Legvm (see below, p« 109, n. 3). He 
thinks that the lower house of the 
ConvooaUon of Canterbury, to whom 
the Artides were submitted, 'had 
devolyed their power on some grand 
committee, sufficiently authorised to 
debate, conclude, and publish what 
they had concluded in the name of 
the rest :* i. 257. 



A some^diat kindred solution has 
been proposed by Dr Gaidwell, who, 
while admitting the synodical au- 
thority of these Articles, supposes 
that the sanction of the upper House 
was given, if not directly, at least 
by delegation ; and that this sanc- 
tion was considered to involve the 
ratification of the whole synod. 
Sffnod, I. 4, 5. 

* See above, p. 41 : and compare 
an able article in the British Critic 
for i8«9 (yi. 84), attributed to Dr 
Corrie, now Master of Jesus College, 
Cambridge. 



v.] 



THE XLII. ABTICLES OF 1553. 



109 



public in a separate fonn and also in the company of a 
certain 'Catechism.' Now in reference to this second 
work, complaints were made by Weston, the prolocutor 
of the southern Convocation, which assembled in the fol- 
lowing autumn, to the effect that 4t bore the name of 
the honourable synod, although, as he understood, ^<^^>r<A 
without their consent^.' Philpot^, who was present as arch- 
deacon of Winchester, explained at some length in what 
way 'it might be well said to be done in the Synod of 
Xiondon,' although the members of the present house *had 
no notice thereof before the promulgation.' He seems to 
have imagined that when the clergy authorised certain 
persons to make ecclesiastical laws*, they had transferred 
their own synodic rights to this committee. But Cranmer 
in his 'Disputation at Oxford,' in April, 1554, appears to 
have supplied a somewhat different, if not contradictory, 
solution. When charged by Weston with publishing 'a 
Catechism in the name of the synod of London,' he an- 
swered*: *I was ignorant of the setting to of that title/ 
and as soon as I had knowledge thereof, I did not like 
it; therefore, when I complained thereof to the Council, 
it was answered me by them, that the book was so entitled, 
because it was set forth in the time of the Convocation.^ 
Both these testimonies sanction the hypothesis that the 
Cixtechism in question had never been regularly submitted 
to a synod of the southern province, much less approved 
and authorised by the two houses : and therefore, if the 
Articles are necessarily implicated in disclaimers here 



1 In the violent sermon of Brokis 
(Brookfl), Marian bishop of Glou- 
cester, which he preached at St 
Paul's Cross, Nov. n, 1553, we 
have a repetition of this charge: 
'Was there not,' he asks, 'one peril- 
ous, pernicious, pestilente Calhe' 
€hitm€ emong other thinges set 
fourthe of late, with a commaunde- 
ment to bee readde in al Grammare 
scholes throng out the whole realme, 
And that also set furth as allowed 



by the clergy in Synod. Londi. 
wheras the Conuocation without all 
doubte (/or the lower hou9e ai Uatte) 
was neuer made priuie thereunto :' 
sign. D. vii. 

' Fox, p. 1 4 10. The date was 
Oct. 10. 

' He must have been alluding to 
the Commission appointed in 1551 
to draw up the Beformaitio Legum 
Eccleiitutiearum. 

* Cranmer's Works, TV. 64, 65. 



110 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



[CH. 



Answr. 



adduced, we are compelled to acquiesce in the idea that 
they also had been put in circulation by the royal Council, 
with no formal approbation of the Church at large. 

But on the other hand it may be argued that the 
Catechism alone was comprehended in the terms of 
Weston's censure. The Articles of 1553, had formed, as 
we have seen, an independent p^iblication^; and although 
they were associated in some early copies with a more 
extensive work, there is no adequate reason for concluding 
that they were originally viewed by friend or enemy as 
a mere appendage to it*. While it is declared to have 
been put forth *by certain bishops and other learned men',' 
they claim to be the work of Hhe bishops,' and to have 
been agreed upon by the Church assembled in Convoca- 
tion. And in further proof of the distinctness of these 
two contemporary documents, it is remarkable that not- 
withstanding all the animadversions^ which the Catechism 



1 See above, p. 76. 

* See Bp Maddox, Vindication of 
the Church of England, p. 309, ed. 
1733. The only instance where the 
two works aeem to be actually united 
is found in the language of Cranmer 
above quoted, p. 74, n. i ; but this 
does not necessarily imply more than 
their publication in the same volume, 
which, as we have seen, was not 
unusual. 

> See the royal Injunction pre- 
fixed to the Caleehigm of Edw. VI. 
(ed. P. 8.). The date is ' 10 Mail, 
anno regni 7,' (t. e. 1553). It is 
probable that Weston alluded to this 
expression when he spoke of the 
Catechism as claiming to have been 
set forth by Convocation: for there 
is no statement of that kind in the 
work itself, although Mr Lathbury 
(pp. 145, 146) affirms that it was so 
sanctioned in 1553. The writer in the 
Brilish Critic for 1829 (vi. 85, 86), 
to whom this part of our inquiry is 



much indebted, has shewn cause for 
suspecting that the Catechism cen- 
sured in the reign of Mary, was not 
the one usually called the Catechism 
of Edw, VI., but some other book 
with which we are now unacquaint- 
ed. Still the evidence seems to pre- 
ponderate in favour of the identifi- 
cation. It is not very improbable 
that such a manual was printed in 
September 1552, and that a royal 
injunction to schoolmasters was pre- 
fixed to a subsequent edition in the 
spring of 1553. Strype thinks that 
the injunction for printing it was 
suspended in order that opportunity 
might be given for submitting it to 
Convocation at the next meeting. 

* Instances are given above, p. 
109. A third is supplied by the 
aooount of Bp Ridley *s 'Examina- 
tion '(Fox, p. 1449), who distinctly 
disclaimed the authorship of the 
Catechism, but admitted with re- 
gard to the Articles, 'They were 



v.] THE XLII, ARTICLES OF 1553. Ill 

excited in the following reign, the Articles are never once 
attacked by name in the surviving records, on the ground 
that they were published surreptitiously, so that the as- 
sailant of the former work appears to have acknowledged 
the ecclesiastical authority which they repeatedly assumed. 
We may, accordingly, conclude in this as in the other 
cases, that no adequate reasons have been urged for dis- 
believing or denying the synodic approbation of the latter 
Formulary of Faith. 

But there is other and more positive proof that it was Poriuvearir 
brought before the southern Convocation in the spring of jjjjj^ 
1553, and if not actually debated in that body, was at least 
to some extent accepted and subscribed. 

The wording of the title in all extant copies of the 
Articles expressly mentions their ratification 'in the. last 
synod of London.' They are publicly recited as possessing 
such authority on their subsequent revival and enactment 
in the Convocation of 1563^, and it appears almost in- 
credible that these assumptions should have been allowed 
to pass unchallenged, more especially by prelates like arch- 
bishop Parker, in a critical synod, if the document had not 
been really invested with the sanction which it claims. 
Our faith in the veracity of such language is still further 
strengthened by an interesting communication from the 
visitors to the Vice-Chancellor and Senate of Cambridge* 
(Jime 1, 1553), in which they speak of the Articles as 

set out, I both willing and consent- onem, conclusura, equiBsimnm judi- 

ing to them. Mine own hand will cavimus eosdem regia authoritate 

testify the same.' promulgates et omnibus episcopis 

^ Iteg. Oonvoc€U, in Bennet, Eatay ad meliorem dioceseos suae adminis- 

on (^ Thirty'tiine Articles, p. 167 : trationem traditosi vobis etiam com- 

'Ulterius proposuit (». e. the Prolo- mendare et visitationis nostras au- 

outer) quod ArtictUi in Synodo Lon- thoritate pnedpere etc.' From a 

donienti tempore nuper reffis, Edw. MS. in C. G. C. Cambridge, quoted 

VP*, (ut asseruit) editiy* &c. by Dr Lamb, Hiriorical Account, 

* 'Cum antea in reintegranda re- pp. 4, 5, note. This Convocation is 

ligione multum denique regiie Ma- placed in the year 1553, because it 

jestatis authoritate et bonorum atque continued until April i. It assera- 

eruditorum yirorum judiciis sit ela- bled in the month preceding, and 

boratum, et de ArticulU quibtisdam therefore in what was, (according to 

in synodo Londoniensi, a.d. 1553, ecclesiastical computation) the year 

ad toUendam opinionum dissenti- 155^. 



112 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



[CH. 



having been jost before prepared by good and learned 
men, and agreed upon in the synod of London : and also 
by a second contemporary letter^ from Sir John Cheke to 
Bollinger (June 7, 1553), where he informs his corre- 
spondent that the Articles of the synod at London were then 
published by royal mandate. 

Some additional evidence, tending to establish the con- 
vocational authority of these Edwardine Articles, we gather 
out of the memorials of a controversy on the subject of 
clerical vestments* in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. When 
certain ministers of London disputed the 'tradition' of the 
Church, and thus infringed the Article enacted for securing 
the agreement of the clergy on this and other kindred 
questions, it was urged against them by an advocate of 
order', that many of their party had actually subscribed 
tlie Edwardine Formulary in the Convocation of 1553, and 
were accordingly bent on violating their own pledge by 
'breaking the traditions and ceremonies of the Church.' 
The answer of the puritan makes no attempt to throw 
discredit on this statement. He concedes that many of 
the disaflTected clergy set their hands to the 33rd of the 
XLII. Articles in common with the rest, but argued that 
they did so, with the reservation, that nothing was or ought 
to be commanded by the Church in contradiction to the 
Word of God. 

Such then being the most natural inference on this 
S^^mM- subject, it becomes desirable to indicate the process which 
nSStrtiti/ka- had been most probably adopted in the composition and 



prSbabl 



mori 



tiom. 



^ Original Letlen, ed. P.S. p. 143. 

' An Antwerefor the Time, print- 
ed in t$66, with other Tracts on 
the same question. It seems to have 
first arrested the attention of arch- 
bishop Wake (State of the Church, 
pp. 599, 600). A copy is in the Cam- 
bridge University Library, marked 
G. 6, 84. 

«Pp. 151— 153. The 'Examiner* 
appeals to 'the determination of this 
Church in Englande^ both agreed 
vpon in Kyiig Edwardes dayes, and 



also testified and iubscribed by them- 
idues, who nowe woulde gaynsay 
their owne doynges then.' He adds, 
'The wordes which the uhole sinode 
were well pleased withall and where- 
unto all the cleargies handes are set 
to be these,' (quoting the 33rd of 
the XLII. Articles). The remark 
of the Aunswerer is as follows : ' The 
Articles of the sinode haue such 
conditions annexed to them, that 
wee nede not feare to subscribe to 
them againe,^ &c. 



v.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 113 

ratification of the Edwardine Articles. An early draft of 
them appears to have been made by Cranmer as far back as 
1549. This document he used on his own authority, or in 
conjunction with the royal council, in the course of 1550. 
In the following year, we find the same series of Articles, 
or one suggested by it, in circulation among other prelates, 
and the substance of it pressed by Hooper on his clergy 
in the shape of a religious test. On the 2nd of May, 
1552, the council ask of the archbishop whether Articles 
have * been set forth by any pvhlic authority / and this 
question naturally suggests the thought that some intention 
then existed of submitting the new formulary to the 
southern Convocation, which had been but recently pro- 
rogued (April 16*). That such intention was then ex- 
ecuted we have no means of proving ; but there is no doubt 
that in the interval which elapsed from this inquiry of 
the council to the autumn of the same year, the Formulary 
had been passed from hand to hand and made to imdergo 
still further modification. We lose sight of it upon the 
24th of November, 1552, when a copy was remitted to the 
royal council. In their custody it seems to have continued, 
till the meeting of the southern Convocation in the March 
of 1553. If discussed at this time either in one or both 
houses, the debate must have been speedily concluded; — 
for on the first day of the following month, the synod was 
itself dissolved, and royal orders for the printing of the 
Articles appeared on the 20tli of May*. They would 
thus have been ' prepared by the authority of the king and 
council, agreed to in Convocation, and there subscribed by 
both houses ; and so presently promulgated by the King's 
authority, according to law^.' 

But this, like other firuits which had been ripening JUacium un- 

* '-' der Mary. 

in the reign of Edward, was soon after to be crushed and 
buried in the midst of tempests and revulsions, which 
accompanied his untimely death. The youthful monarch 

* Wake, State of the Church, p. generally accords with the able Ar- 
598 : cf. above, p. 107, n. 3. tide in the British CritiCy alluded to 

• ThiB view of their history and above. 

ultimate ratification in the synod, ' Wake, p. 6od. 

H. A. ^ 



114 



THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



[CH. 



breathed his last on the sixth of July, 1553 ; and, strange 
to say, the Convocation which assembled on the 6th of 
October was either * so packed or so compliant,' that only 
six members of the lower house* stood forward to repudiate 
the notion of a physical presence in the Eucharist, or 
scrupled to take part in a denunciation of the ' Catechism,' 
adverted to above. In the ensuing year, a large proportion 
of the English people were formally * reconciled' to the 
communion of the Roman pontiff; Cardinal Pole*, as the 
legatus k latere, presiding in the southern Convocation, 
and administering the papal absolution. An impetuous 
vigour was now mani^t in all proceedings of the counter- 
reformation party : and the objects first selected by the 
Marian prelates for emphatic censure, were the ^ pestilent 
books of Thomas Cranmer, late archbishop of Canterbury*.' 
It is true that in the actual enumeration of public For- 
mularies of Faith which were indebted so extensively to 
Cranmer, his accusers make no special mention of the 
XLII. Articles; but these are doubtless to be reckoned 
in the list of * other books as well in Latin as in English, 
concerning heretical, erroneous, or slanderous doctrine.' 
And although the Articles were never formally abolished, 
it would seem, in this or any future Convocation, their 
effect was altogether counteracted by the new ascendancy 
of Gardiner and others of the Romanizing school. An 
instance of the virtual suppression of our document is 
furnished by a series of Articles* (fifteen in number,) which 



1 Wilkins, IV. 88. 

* In his Decree on the Reforma- 
tion of Englund, dated Feb. lo, 
1556, he lays it down as his future 
object, ' ut in hoc legationis munere 
perseveremus, ut ea, quae jam in 
ejusdem unitatis negotio confecta 
erant, magis stabilirentur, utque ec- 
clesia hsec Anglicana, quae ob pro- 
teriti schismatis calamitatem in doc- 
trina et moribua valde defonnata 
esset, ad veterum patrum et sacro- 
rum canonum normam reformare- 
tur' Le Plat, Monument, iv. 57 r. 



» Wilkins, iv. 96: cf. the 'Pro- 
clamation for the restraining of all 
books and writings against the pope,' 
&c. Ibid. pp. 128, 129. 

* Ibid. pp. H7, 128. On the 
BubaoriptJons of members of the 
Senate, see Lamb, DocumtntSf pp. 
17a sq. Lond. 1838. It is remark- 
able that in the Injunctions of Pole 
for the diocese of Gloucester, the 
clergy are ordered, when there is no 
sermon, to read some portion of the 
Neetuary Doctrine, until such time 
'as Homelies by th* authoritie of 



V-] 



THK XIJI. ARTICLES OF 1553. 



115 



were forwarded on the 1st of April, 1555, to the Uni- 
versity of Cambridge. Gardiner himself was chancellor, 
and therefore added an injimction that no one should in 
fnture be allowed to graduate or live in peace at Cam- 
bridge, till he vindicated his orthodoxy by subscribing the 
new test. And in the closing year of Mary's reign, the zeal 
of the southern Convocation was conspicuously embodied 
in a series of dogmatic definitions, which have been de- 
scribed as * the last of the kind that were ever presented 
in England by a legal corporation in defence of the popish 
religion^.' 



the iiynode shall be made and pub- 
lished for the same intent and pur- 
pose.' Ibid. pp. 146, 148. A small 
catechimn in English and Latin wna 
also in contemplation, {fbid. p. 156.) 
To which may be added a transla- 
tion of the New Testament, ordered 
by the legatine synod. Jbid. p. 
131. 



^ Fuller, Church History, Book 
IX. p. 55. The first three are affir- 
mations on the nature of the Eucha- 
rist, the fourth on the papal supre- 
macy, and the fifth on the propriety 
of committing ecclesiastical judg- 
ments to the pastors of the Church, 
instead of leavint; them in the hands 
of laymen. Wilkins, iv. 179, 180. 



8—2 



CHAPTEK VI. 

THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



Q^^i&- T^HE proclamation of Queen Elizabeth, on the 17th of 
***** J- November, 1558, was one of the most memorable 

epochs in the annals of the English Chnrch. Her long 
and prosperous reign enabled her to regulate and carry on 
the work, which had been started by her predecessors, and 
especially to heal the numerous breaches it had suffered at 
the hands of her sister Mary. 
2J2g2;*^ Yet the calm and almost calculating spirit, that was 
^St!Sl&. manifested in her early measures on the subject of religion, 
did not satisfy the crowd of ardent exiles, whom the news 
of her accession instantly emboldened to revisit their native 
shores ^ The pulpits were at first all silenced by a royal 
order". The service of the Church was still used in Latin •, 
with the sole exception of the * Gospel and Epistle' and 
* the Ten Commandments in the vulgar tongue.' A slight 
majority^ also of the royal council, as now constituted by 
the Queen herself, were favourable to the * old learning,' 
while her general demeanour indicated a desire to carry 
with her the affections of the country, by restraining every 
form of partizanship and allaying the more hot and ardent 
spirits on the right hand and the left. Thus, Bacon, the 
lord-keeper*, stated to the Parliament on the authority of 

^ Thdr dissaiisfaction is well il- Litany, which was said in English 

lustrated by the Letters of Bp Jewel, on the ist of January preceding, 

written at this period to some of his * Tomer, Hist, of England, iii. 

foreign friends. 507 (note). 

» Dec. a7, 1558: Wilkins, iv. » B^Ewea* Journals of Parliammi, 

180. p. 13. In like manner, it was or- 

* This practice continued till June dered in the Queen's Injunctions of 

^4> f 559* except in the case of the 1559, § 50, that her subjects should 



CH. VI.] 



THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



117 



his rojal mistress, ' that no party-language was to be kept 
up in this kingdom, that the names of heretic, schismatic, 
papist and such like, were to be laid aside and forgotten : 
that on the one side there must be a guard against unlaw- 
ful worship and superstition, and on the other, things must 
not be left imder such a loose regulation as to occasion in- 
differency in religion and contempt of holy things.' 

But much as this repressive policy was calculated to 
perplex the chiefs of the reforming paity, it was really no 
proof of terror, vacillation or indifference in the spirit of 
the Queen herself. Amid the pomp and splendours of the 
coronation, she had firmly purposed to attempt the restora- 
tion of public worship to the state in which it had been 
celebrated in the time of Edward ; and the crowd of perils 
she was going to encounter by this step, when pointed out 
by Cecily only deepened her determination and invigorated 
all her measures. 

An early instance of discernment in the choice of her Parker, areh- 

. . /• 1 • bishop nf 

advisers, and indeed the brightest omen of her ultimate can^^^^irp. 
success, was the appointment of Matthew Parker to the 
archbishopric of Canterbury. 

By nature and by education, by the ripeness of his HiscKaraeter 
learning, the sobriety of his judgment, and the incorrupt- SS/'^ 
ness of his private life, he had been eminently fitted for the 
task of ruling in the Church of England through a stormy 
period of her history ; and though seldom able to reduce 
conflicting elements of thought and feeling into active har- 
mony, the vessel he was called to pilot has been saved, 
almost entirely by his skill, from breaking on the rock of 
Mediaeval superstitions, or else drifting far away into the 
whirlpool of licentiousness and unbelief. Like Cranmer, 



'forbear aU vain and contentious 
diBpatations in matters of religion, 
and not use, in despite or rebuke of 
any person, these ooovitious words. 
Papist or Papistical Heretick, Schis- 
matick, or Sacramentary, or any 
such like words of reproach.' 

^ See the statement in Burnet, v. 
450—454. 



' 'These times/ he writes, 'are 
troublesome. The Church is sore 
assaulted ; but not so much of open 
enemies, who can less hurt, as of 
pretended favourers and false bre- 
thren, who, under cover of refomM- 
turn, seek the ruin add subversion 
both of learning and religion.' Par- 
ker's Cforreipond, p. 434, ed. P. S. 



118 



THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



[CH. 



his great predecessor, whom he valued so highly, that he 

* wolde as moche rejoyce to wynne' some of the lost writ- 
ings of that prelate as he * wolde to restore an old chancel 
to reparation V — he was intimately acquainted with the 
records of the ancient Church, and uniformly based his 
vindication of our own upon its cordial adherence to the 
primitive faith and to the practice of the purest ages. 

* His great skill in antiquity' (to quote the language of his 
biographer^) ' reached to ecclesiastical matters as well as 
historical ; whereby he became acquainted with the ancient 
Litutgies and docLes of the Christian Chmch in former 
times. He utterly disliked, therefore, the public Offices of 
the present Roman Church, because they varied so much 
from the ancient.' * Pray behold and see,' writes Parker, 
on addressing the ejected bishops (March 26, 1560), * how 
we of the Church of England, reformed by our late king 
Edward and his clergy, and now by her Majesty and hers 
reviving the same, have but imitated and followed the ex- 
ample of the ancient and worthy Fathers^.' And in his 
last will he has declared*: * I profess that I do certainly 
believe and hold whatsoever the holy Catholic Church be- 
lieveth and receiveth in any Articles whatsoever, pertaining 
to faith, hope and charity, in the whole sacred Scripture.' 

It is under the auspices of such a primate that we now 
resume the history of our Articles of Religion, tracing 
them by gradual stages out of the obscurity to which they 
were consigned on the death of Edward, and noting down 
the principal modifications they experienced during the rest 
of the Elizabethan period. 



In writing to Cecil (Nov. 6, 1559,) 
be prays that Qod may preserve the 
Church of England from such a 
visitation as Knox had attempted 
in Scotland, 'the people' being 'or- 
derers of things/ {/hid, p. 105) : 
cf. Hardwick's Beform. pp. 945, 

24<5. 

1 Parker to Cecil, Aug. ai, 1563 ; 
in Stryi>e'8 Crawmer, Appendix, No. 
xo. He elsewhere speaks in pre- 
(URely the same tone of literature in 



general : ' Certainly the colleges and 
all the religioTis houses were plun- 
dered before it was considered what 
great inoonvenienoe would arise to 
the Church of Christ by this clan- 
destine dispersion and loss of books.' 
Zurich Letten, n. 80. 
» Strype, Parker, p. 530. 

• Parker's Correspond, p. iii, ed. 
P. S. 

* Strype, Parker, p. 500, and 
Appendix, No. c. 



VI.] 



THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



119 



As the Formulaiy of 1553 had probably passed both J^JS^^S^ 
houses of the southern Convocation, and remained (so far S^rynTrtJJd. 
as we can judge) uncancelled in the time of Mary, it might 
easily have been at once propounded to the clergy for 
adoption and subscription. Yet no movement of this kind 
appears to have been contemplated at the opening of the 
new reign, nor even for some period after th^ general resto- 
ration of the Prayer-Book. The Articles in truth were 
kept almost entirely in the background \ till submitted for 
discussion in the Convocation of 1563 ; nor, after they had 
been considerably remodelled in that Synod, was subscrtp- 
tton to them regularly enforced until some further Acts of 
Parliament and Convocation in 157P. 



* They are referred to, however, 
now and then, as in the following 
passage of a document presented to 
the Queen in 1559, by some of the 
refugees, in answer to the charge 
that 'their doctrine was nothing but 
heresy, and they a company of sec- 
taries and schismatics/ They begin 
by stating: 'Although in this our 
Declaration and Confession we do 
not precisely observe the words, sen- 
tence, and orders of certain godly 
Articles by authority tet forth in the 
time of King Edward of most famous 
memory... yet in altering, augment- 
ing or diminishing, adding or omit- 
ting, we do neither improve [i. e. 
call in question = 'improbare'], nor 
yet recede from any of the said 
Articles, but fully consent unto the 
whole, as to a most true and sound 
doctrine, grounded upon God*s Word, 
and do refer ourselves unto such 
Articles there as in our Confession, 
for shortness' sake, we have omitted.' 
Strype, AnnaU of Rrform, I. 115, 
ed. 1715; who gives one or two 
specimens of 'the Confession,' and 
adds (p. 116) that ' on the back-side 
of this Paper are writ these words 
by GrindaVe hand (as it seems), 
Articuli Subtcripti anno prima Re- 



gincB nunc.' The whole may be seen 
in a MS. belonging to C. C. C. 
Cambridge (oxzi. § 30) ; and as the 
authors of it allude to the public 
Disputation at Westminster which 
began on the last day of March, 
I559i the document was drawn up 
after that date. From a letter of 
Sandys to Parker, (April 30, 1559), 
we gather that the authors of it, 
anxious to stop 'the vain bruits of 
the lying Papists,' designed to pub- 
lish their work, ' so soon as the Par- 
liament was ended.' Some points 
in which it varied from the £d- 
wardine Articles are worthy of no- 
tice. The article on Predestination 
(§ 3) is much fuller. That on Jus- 
tification is almost entirely new. 
The article on the Eucharist (§ 14) 
does 'not denye all maner of pre- 
sence of Christes bodye and bloude,' 
and affirms that ' to the beleuer and 
worthie receyuer is verily given and 
exhibited whole Christ, God and 
man, with the fhiites of His passion.' 
While prefixed to the articles on the 
civil magistrate is an earnest dis- 
avowal of sympathy with Knox's 
work on the Regiment of Women. 

« Wilkins, IV. 175, 'de Cancel- 
lariis,' etc. : of. English Review, m. 



120 



THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



[CH. 



ArUela,l6S». 



It seems, however, that throughout the interval which 
elapsed from the accession of Queen Elizabeth to the latter 
date, the bishops were provided with another independent 
test of doctrine, which we here entitle, for the sake of dis- 
tinctness, the * Eleven Articles of Religion.' It was com- 
piled in 1559 or early in 1560, under the eye of archbishop 
Parker*, with the sanction of the northern metropoKtan 
and other English prelates ; and of it the clergy were re- 
quired to make a public profession*, not only on admission 
to their benefices, but twice also every year, immediately 
after the Gospel for the day. It was designed to further 
* uniformity of doctrine,' and appointed to be taught and 
holden of all parsons, vicars, and curates, as * well in testi- 
fication of their common consent in the said doctrine, to 
the stopping of the mouths of them that go about to slan- 
der the ministers of the Church for diversity of judgment, 
as necessary for the instruction of their people^.' 

According to Collier's description* the Eleven Articles 
were * drawn upon a very near resemblance with those pub- 
lished in 1552 (t. e. 1553) ;' but while conceding that there 



165 seqq., where it is shewn that 
occasional instances had occurred in 
the mean time, where persons sus- 
pected of heterodoxy were called 
upon to subscribe as equivalent to 
recantation. 

' Strype, AhtmU, I. aio. 

' Hooper seems to have consi- 
dered this kind of acquiescence far 
more stringent than subscription: 
' Subscribing privately in the pap<T 
I perceive little availeth. For not- 
withstanding that, they speak as 
evil of good faith, as ever they did 
before they subscribed.' Strype's 
Crctntner, App. XLVU. 

' Wilkins, nr. 195 seqq. Tliis 
document is reprinted belcw, Ap- 
pendix, No. lY. It was first pub- 
lished by Richard Jugge (the Queen's 
Printer) in 1561, and is said to ex- 
ist in MS. among the treasures of 
C. C. C. Cambridge, although the 



present writer has searched for it in 
vain. 

* Ch. llUt. II. 463. A closer aflB- 
nity exists between the Edwanlino 
Formulary and a Latin series of 
XXIV. Articles characterised by 
Strype as The Arixd^ of the Prin- 
cipal Headi of ReHgitm pretcribed to 
ministers : Annals, 1. 1 1 6, a 1 7. They 
seem to have been drawn up by the 
Archbishop and his friends, along 
with the XI. Articles in the yeiir 
1559 (Ibid, p. 115), but whether 
from motives of prudenoe, or from 
inability to gain the sanction of the 
Crown, they were not circulated 
among the clergy. They are, how- 
ever, most important as contempo- 
rary illustrations of the XXXIX. 
Articles, and as such will be cm- 
ployed for that purpose, in the Notes 
and lUustrationSf appended to the 
present volume. 



VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 121 

is a germ of truth in this assertion, with respect to the 
main spirit of the Articles, a brief examination of the docu- 
ment itself will demonstrate how widely it has varied both 
in form and matter from the previous models. It delibe- 
rately avoids all mention of the numerous speculative 
topics which were agitating both our own and foreign 
communities. 

The first article is almost verbally derived from the Art. <. 
first of the XLII. Articles, laying down the necessity of a 
belief in the doctrine of the Holy Trinity in Unity. The 
second recognises the suflSciency of Scripture, for establish- ah. a. 
ing the truths of the Gospel, and also for the confutation of 
* all errors and heresies ;' while the three great catholic 
Creeds are pointed out as summaries of the principal arti- 
cles of our faith. The third acknowledges * that Church to Art. m. 
be the Spouse of Christ, wherein the Word of God is truly 
taught, the sacraments orderly ministered according to 
Christ's institution, and the authority of the keys duly 
used:' adding, with the 33rd of the older Articles, that 
every national Church has power to modify its ritual in- 
stitutions. The fimrth excludes from any oflSceor ministry, AH.iw. 
either ecclesiastical or secular, all persons who have not 
been lawfully thereunto called jlPJlhe high authorities.' 
The fijih insisJm^^^^e iRdfl^Bm the royal supremacy, An. v. 
as expressedTn * the late act of parliament,' and as expound- 
ed in her Majesty's * Injunctions.' The sixth repudiates the Art h. 
papal monarchy, on the ground that such a notion is at 
variance with Holy Scripture and the example of the pri- 
mitive Church. The seventh acknowledges the English ^rf. w*. 
Prayer-Book to be * agreeable to the Scriptures,' and * ca- 
tholic, apostolic, and most for the advancing of God's 
glory.* The eighth declares that exorcism, oil, &c. do not Art via. 
pertain to the substance of the sacrament of baptism, and 
that they have been reasonably abolished. The ninth de- Art ix. 
nies that ' private masses' were used amongst the fathers 
of the Primitive Church ; and then proceeds to censure the 
idea that the ^mass is a propitiatory sacrifice' for quick 
and dead, and ' a mean to deliver souls out of purgatory,' — 
urging that such a tenet is neither agreeable to Christ's 



122 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH. 

^M. X. ordinance nor grounded upon * doctrine apostolic' The tenth 
maintains the right of all the faithful to communion in 
both kinds ; and, ironing from the language of our Sa- 
viour's institution and the practice of the ancient ' doctors 
of the Church,' denounces the withholding of the * mystical 

Art. xi. cup,' as * plain sacrilege.' The eleventh disallows the ex- 
tolling of images, relics, feigned miracles, and other super- 
stitions, on the ground that they ^ have no promise of re- 
ward in Scripture, but contrariwise threatenings and male- 
dictions,' and exhorts all men on the contrary to diUgent 
cultivation of good works. 

It is nowhere stated that this Formulary had been re- 
cognised, or put in circulation by Elizabeth and her coun- 
cil; nor, as Convocation did not actually meet until the 
opening of the year 1563, are we at liberty to claim for it 
the regular sanction of the church-authorities, except so far 
as the approval of the bishops carried with it the concur- 
rence of the other clergy. Issuing, as that Formulary did, 
however, from the royal press, and strengthened, as it was, 
in its demands on all incumbents by a series of episcopal 
injunctions, it may fairly be regarded as a public manifesto, 
or, at least, as an authentic record of the teaching of the 
English prelates in the interval between the date of its 
- publication and the re-enactment of the longer Articles in 
the next Convocation. 

Tfu XL Arti- As late as 1566 the Eleven Articles were actually pre- 

*»^r«^iKi, scribed verbatim to the Church of Ireland, * by order and 
authority as well of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Sid- 
ney, General Deputy, as by the Archbishops and Bishops, 
and other her Majesty's High Commissioners for causes 
ecclesiastical in the same realm V and thus, with the ex- 
ception of the Irish Prayer-Book, constituted the sole 
formulary of the sister-Church, until" her own peculiar 



^ This document was printed at are said, however, to have been sub- 
Dublin, by Humfrey Powel, Jan. ao, scribed in the mean time by Irish 
1566, and may be seen at length in clergymen, at least in some few cases 
Dr £lrington*s Life of Utuher: App. (Mant, I. 38a, md ed.); but com- 
pp. xxiii. xxix. pare £lrington*8 UsiheTf ubi sup. 

2 The English Articles of 1563 pp. 42, 43. 



VI.] 



THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



123 



* Articles of Religion' were put forward by the CJonvoca^ 
tion of Dublin, in 1615. 

It is plain, however, that in reference to this country, whtHtuva- 
the Eleven Articles had been intended as no more than land. "* '^' 
a provisional test of orthodoxy, which in practice would 
be commonly superseded ^ when the great Elizabethan 
Articles passed the synod of 1563 and were enjoined on 
all the English clergy by the canons of 1571. 

To the production, therefore, of these Articles our 
thoughts are now especially directed. 

There is ample reason for believing, that while * many i^ogw rHum 
popishly-affected priests still kept their hold by their ouir^^J^^: 
ward compliances*,' the great majority of English people, ^'*^ 
in all ranks and orders, cordially accepted the important 
changes which had flowed from the accession of Elizabeth, 
and the appointment of archbishop Parker. The labours 
of a royal commission, which had been deputed in 1559 to 
visit all the English dioceses, had contributed in no small 
measure to secure this object, partly by confirming waverers, 
and partly by imposing silence on *■ recusants,' who might 



I Among the ' Ordinances' of Arch- 
bishop Parker in 1564, is one re- 
lating to this Formulary, which was 
regarded by him as an authority eo- 
ordinate with the Articles of 1563 ; 
for after enjoining the clergy to read 
the Book of Articles, 'without not- 
inge or expoundinge, as theye be 
sett owte in the English Tounge, 
twyse in the yere/ he adds, 'That 
theye reade also the Declaration for 
the unitye of Doctrine sett owte for 
the same purpose.' Strype, Parker, 
App. xxvin. p. 48. An allusion 
was probably made to the XI. Ar- 
ticles in the following extract from 
a dispute between the fellows and 
the provost of King's College, Cam- 
bridge, in 1565. They allege that 
when he was 'personn of St An- 
drewes in London, besides other de- 
faultes and just causes of his de- 
priuation, he was removed by the 



bisshop of London, for refusing to 
read the generaU confession for the 
renouncinge of the pope and his 
doctrine.' Ancient La\D% for King*s 
CoUege, &c. ed. Heywood, p. 110. 

■ Strype, Parker, p. 91, ed. 171 1. 
The number of the clergy in posses- 
sion who refused to recognise the 
English Prayer-Book, on its resto- 
ration by Elizabeth, was one hun- 
dred and eighty -nine. Annals, I. 
171, 173. It was not indeed till 
1571 or 1573 that a reaction in fa- 
vour of the 'old learning' excited 
much alarm in men like Parker. 
Writing in the latter year, he attri- 
butes the change in feeling, among 
other causes, to the exasperation 
produced in men's minds 'by the 
disordered preachings and writings 
of some PuritapM, who will never be 
at a point:' Correspond, p. 39a, ed. 
P. 8. 



124 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH. 

either question the supremacy of the Queen, or vilify the 
English Prayer-Bpok. Jewel, who himself was one of the 
most zealous members of this deputation, has narrated their 
proceedings at some length in writing to Peter MartyrS 
November 2, 1559 : * Everywhere,' he says, *we found the 
minds of the multitude sufficiently alive to religion, and 
that even where all things were supposed to be most diffi- 
cult and disheartening. Still it is incredible what a harvest, 
or, rather what a wilderness of superstition had shot forth 
again during the darkness of the Marian period. . .The cathe- 
drals were no better than dens of thieves.... K we had to 
encounter obstinacy and malice in any quarters, it was en- 
tirely among the priests, and especially those who had 
once been of our own way of thinking. I suppose they are 
now disturbing all things, in order that they may not seem 
to have changed their minds without sufficient considera- 
tion. But let them create as much confusion as they like : 
we have in the mean time ejected them (* conturbavimus') 
out of their priestly office.' 
Meeting of : Partly as the fruit of these repressive measures, but 
i6«L still more of the increasing bias of the Church at large in 

favour of the Beformation, they who acted as her represen- 
tatives, on the convening of the first Elizabethan synod, 
were unanimous in their hostility to errors and abuses 
which had been resuscitated in the previous reign. How 
much soever they might disagree in their appreciation 
of particular dogmas, — some disliking all * Germanical 
natures' and adhering scrupulously to patristic modes of 
thought and feeling ; others tinctured by their sojourn on 
the continent with the peculiar prejudices of the Swiss di- 
vines, — they all were, notwithstanding, actuated by a wish 
to forward and consolidate the Beformation, as distinguished 
from the Mediaeval system, it was striving to replace. 

The royal writ which summoned the two Convocations 
of Canterbury and York to meet for the despatch of business 

1 Worit^viu. 128— 130, ed. Jelf. io CecU on the state of Irelaod 

The whole letter is curious and in- (July 27, 1563): Original Ldter$ 

stnictive, and should be compared (relating to the Irish Reformation), 

with a letter of the Earl of Sussex pp. 117, 118, ed. Shirley. 



VI.] 



THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



125 



on the 12th of Jan. 1562 {{.e. 1563), was dated on the 11th 
of the previous November*. In this interval, and probably ^JJ&J^. 
for some time before, archbishop Parker had been sedn- •**•*• 
lously engaged in modifying the XLII. Articles of 1553 ; 
with the intention of submitting them to the next synod as 
the basis of a Formulary of Faith to be considered by that 
body. He was aided in his delicate task by several of his 
brother-prelates, especially by bishop Cox of Ely, and still 
more perhaps by Guest of Rochester^ who had already 
taken a most active part* in the revision of the Prayer- 
Book.' They adopted as the basis of revision the Latin and eorrteted 
Articles of 1553 ; and it is interesting to find that one Parker. 
result of this preliminary criticism has been preserved 
among the Parker manuscripts* surviving in Corpus Christi 
College, Cambridge. We are thus enabled to describe the 
various changes which the present Articles have undergone 
with more of fulness and exactness than was possible in 
tracing the formation of the kindred documents discussed 
in previous chapters. 

Now in estimating the main spirit of the changes intro- 
duced at this revision, it is most important to observe that 
Parker and his friends, instead of drawing hints from * Swiss' 



^ It is well to remember that the 
Council of Trent was sitting at the 
same time: see p. 84, n. i. After 
promulgating a decree on the ' saori- 
fioe of the mass/ (Sept. 17, 1562), a 
vehement contest was being waged 
between the Italian bishops on one 
side, -and the French and Spanish on 
the other, touching the extent of 
the papal jurisdiction, or rather the 
Divine appointment of episcopacy: 
Sarpi, n. a6i sq. The same spirit 
of national independence, manifested 
by French prelates on this occasion, 
had been witnessed under a different 
aspect in the autumn of 1561, at 
the 'Colloquy of Poissy,' where 
attempts were made to conciliate the 
Huguenots by means of a species of 
national synod, and without inyoking 



the aid of the Roman Pontiff. Fleury, 
Iftit, Eccl, liv. OLvn. s. i — 37; 
Bossuet, VaricUions, liv. ix. s. 90; 
Smedley, Hist, of Reform, in France^ 
ly 1 75 sq. In a contemporary letter 
of Parker to Cecil, we see the in- 
terest felt by the English with re- 
gard to the fruits of this 'Colloquy,* 
Parker's (krrtapond, p. 147. 

' See Dugdale's Life and Cho' 
meter of Edmund Qt&te, pp. 37 sq. 
Lond. 1840. 

' Dr Lamb, in 1829, published, 
among other documents, an exact 
copy of the Latin Articles of 1563, 
as presented by Parker to the Con- 
vocation. It contains also the marks 
of numerous corrections which the 
Formulary had itself experienced, 
while under the notice of that body. 



126 



THE ELIZABETHAl!^ ARTICLES. 



[CH. 



Confessions, which were high in favour with the Marian 
exiles, had recourse to a series of Articles of 'Saxon^ origin, 
particularly distinguished by the moderation of their tone. 
We find, indeed, that very soon after the accession of 
Elizabeth one considerable party of Beformers in this 
country were desirous of reverting to the ground which 
had been occupied at first by the compilers of the Augs- 
burg Confession ^ Guided by their counsels, overtures pro- 
ceeded from the English court, with the idea of joining the 
great Lutheran, or Schmalkaldic, league^; to the annoyance 
of those churchmen, who were still evincing sympathy with 
Peter Martyr*, who were satisfied with the Helvetic Con- 
fession^, and who spoke of Lutherans as mere 'papists' in 
disguise^. Negociations on the subject of this union were 
continued eagerly for a while and then broken off; but 
notwithstanding the failure of the project, no small part of 
the fresh matter in the Articles of 1563 was borrowed from 



1 Strype, Annals, A. D. 1558, i. 
53, 174, Lond. 1725. 

* See Jewel to Peter Martyr, 
April aS, 1559; Zwrich LeUen, i. 
ai : cf. pp. 54, 55, and u. 48. 

* He was strongly opposed to the 
Augsburg CJonfession, and had mi- 
grated from Strasburg to Zurich on 
account of the Lutheran tendencies 
of the former place : Ibid. n. m. ; 
cf . his own letter to Sampson (March 
ao, 1560) : Ihid. n. 48. 

* Grindal writing to Bullinger 
(August 27, 1566) declared that 
'notwithstanding the attempts of 
many to the contrary/ the English 
fully agreed with the Swiss, and 
with the Confession they had 'lately ' 
set forth (meaning perhaps the se- 
cond 'Helvetic CJonfession ') : Ihid. i. 
169. 

' Thus, Grindal in the letter cited 
above has classed the Lutherans 
with ' Ecebolians ' and ' semi- papists * 
and intimates that they were menac- 
ing the Church of England (cf. 11. 
261, 162). Grindal and Home (i. 



177) writing jointly to BulUnger and 
Gualter (Feb. 6, 1567) declare that 
their forced adoption of the autho- 
rised vestments was the only means 
of preserving the Church from 'a 
papistical or at least a Lutherano- 
papiatical ministry:' cf. ii. 143, 
when the same plea for conformity 
is alleged by Gualter in writing to 
Beza (Sept. fi, 1566). He had just 
before (July 33, 1566) stigmatised 
the English Clergy as 'wolves, pa- 
pists, LutheranSf Sadducoes and 
Herodians' (ii. 125). The root of 
his hatred lay in what he deemed 
the half-measures of the Lutherans, 
who 'invent a form of religion of a 
mixed, uncertain and doubtful cha- 
racter, and obtrude the same upon 
the churches imder the pretext of 
evangelical reformatidn : from which 
the return to papistical superstition 
and idol-madness is afterwards most 
easy' {Ibid. n. 11). And in this 
sentiment he is echoed by George 
Withers, the great organ of the 
disaffected English (Ibid. it. 157). 



VI.] 



THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



127 



a Lutheran document, Itself in turn an echo of the Auffsbure: ^^**K^^ 
Confession. It bears the title of * Confession of Wttrtem--^^f^*;:- 
bergS' and was presented to the Council of Trent in 1552 •^'"^•' ^^* 
by the ambassadors of that stated 

From it has been derived the clause in our second Mwfte««/n 
Article, touching the eternal generation and consubstanti- 
ality of the Son ; the agreement being absolutely verbatim®. 

The same is true respecting the tMrd Article, * Of the Art.if%. ^ 
Holy Spirit,' which has no equivalent in the Edwardine 
series, but exists entire among the WUrtemberg Articles*. 

An appendix to the sixth of our present list (the fifth Additiamin 
of the Edwardine), stating that those books are to be re- 
puted as component parts of the Sacred Canon, *of whose 
authority there has never been any doubt in the Church,' 
is manifestly copied from the same quarter^. 

The tenth Article* on *Free Will,' the new portion ^w. x. 

* Art. xt. 

of the eleventh'' on * Justification,' and the twelfth® ^''' •'^'^ 
on *Grood Works,' though not agreeing to the letter 



^ See it at length in Le Plat, 
Monum. iv. 420 seqq. The resem- 
blance of our own to this Formu- 
lary was first pointed out in Lau- 
rence's JBampton Led. p. 40, and 
notes. It professes to be in exact 
accordance with the Augsburg Ar- 
ticles; and although designed for 
the single State of WUrtemberg, it 
will be found to be a more compen- 
dium of the Bepetitio ConfeMumia 
AugtutancCf drawn up at the same 
period by the Saxon Churches, for 
presentation at the Council of Trent 
(Francke, Libri Symbol, Append, 
pp. 69 — 116). 

' Sarpi, n. 104, ed. Courayer. 

' 'Credunus et confitemur Filium 
Dei, Dominum nostrum Jesum 
Christum, a5 cBlemo a PcUrt mo 
ffeniium, verwn et astemum Deum, 
Patri «M> consvbstantialem* De 
Filio Dei. For the corresponding 
English Articles, see App. No. ni. 

* 'Credimus et confitemur Spi- 
ritum Sanctum ab letemo prooedere 



a Deo Patre et Filio, et esse ejus- 
dem cum Patre et Filio essentise, 
mi^jestatis, et glorise, verum ac 
setemum Deum.' De Spiritu Sancto. 

* 'Sacram Scripturam vocamus 
eos Canonicos libros veteris et novi 
Testament!, de quorum authoritate 
in Ecclesia nunquam dubitatum est.' 
De Sacra Scriptura. 

• *Quod autem nonnulli affirmant 
homini post lapsum tantam animi 
integritatem relictam, %U possit gese 
ncUuralibus suU viribus et bonis 
opfribtUf adfidem et invocaiionem Dei 
converters ae prceparare, baud ob- 
scure pugnat cum Apostolica doc- 
trina, et cum vero Eoclesise Catholicse 
consensu.' De Peccato. 

' 'Homo enim fit Deo acceptus, 
et reputaiur coram eo Justus, propter 
solum Filium Dei, Dominum nos- 
trum Jesum CTiristum, per fidem* 
De Justificatione, and stiU more 
closely in the statement, 'De Evan- 
gelio Christi.' 

^ 'Non est autem sentiendum. 



128 



THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



[CH. 



Ckmtein 
AH. XX. 



Fowrnav 
ArtkUt. 



with the language of the same Formulary, are no less 
obviously adapted from it; while the oft-disputed clause 
of our twentieth Article* (to which we shall advert 
hereafter) is analogous to language there employed by 
Wttrtemberg theologians with regard to the judicial ftmc- 
tions of the Church. 

But in addition to important hints derivable from this 
foreign source, the copy of the Formulary as submitted 
by archbishop Parker to the southern Convocation in 1563, 
exhibits a variety of other changes. 

We discover that the twenty-ninth and thirtieth of 
our present set were now introduced by him ; the first at- 
tempting to discountenance an error then prevailing with 
respect to their communication of Christ* to the unworthy 
receiver of the Lord's Supper; and the second indicat- 
ing the propriety of communion in both kinds. The fifth 
and twelfth on 'the Holy Spirit' and *Good Works' 
respectively, though traceable as we have seen to the Con- 
fession of Wttrtemberg, were both entirely new in this 
rough draft of the Elizabethan Articles. The first had been 
designed, we may conjecture, to complete dogmatic state- 
ments of the Church in opposition to the Arians, and the 
second to repudiate the conclusion of the Solifidians ; both 
of whom were following in the track of the reforming 
movement*. 



quod iiB bonis operibus, quae per noe 
fihcimus, in judicio Dei ubi agitur de 
expiatione peccatorum, et placatione 
divinsB irsB, ac merito sEitemae salutis, 
confidendam est Omniii enim bona 
opera, quae nos fisunmus, sunt im- 
perfecta, nee postunt »everitaiem 
divmi judicU feirt* De Bonis 
Operibus. 

^ 'Credimus et confitemur qaod 
...hsec Ecdetia habeat jut judicandi 
de omnilmt doctrinit, etc.Quod hmo 
ecclesia habeat jus interpretandae 
SoriptnriB.' De Ecclesia. 

' This arUde, however, as we 
shall see hereafter, did not appear in 



the early printed copies of the Arti- 
cles, as finally pat forth, 

* That such enemies continued to 
look formidable in the early years of 
Elizabeth is clear, among other 
proofs, from the following expres- 
sions of Parker (March i, 1558-9) : 
'They say that the realm is full of 
Anabaptists, Arians, Libertines, 
Free-will men, &c., against whom 
only I thought ministers should 
have needed to fight in unity of 
doctrine. As for the Romish ad- 
versaries, their mouths may be 
stopped with their own books and 
confessions of late dayft.* He then 



VI.] 



tHE ELIZABETHAN ABTIOLES. 



129 



Other amplifications indicate the same anxiety to check other addi- 
the progress of new forms of error and to obviate mis- 
conception with regard to earlier statements ^ Such is the 
design of matter added to the second, fifth, and eleventh 
of the XLII. Articles. The fifth was also now enlarged 
by a specification of the books accepted as canonical ; the 
sixth by adding to it a new clause insisting on the present 
obligation of the moral law, — which clause however was 
transferred from the nineteenth of the elder series. 

A more adequate definition on the freedom of the will, 
and on its forfeiture by Adam's fall, was introduced into 
the earlier article relating to that question. 

The twenty-sixth was now modified in such a way as 
to deny distinctly that Confirmation, Penance, Orders, 
Matrimony, and Extreme Unction, are * Sacraments of 
the Grospel.' 

The thirty-third was subjected to similar enlargement, 
for the purpose of declaring the authority of a national 
Church to institute and to abolish ceremonies. 

The thirty-fourth was made to specify the titles of the 
Homilies (with the exception of that against Rebellion, 
which was published afterwards). 

The thirty-sixth, in answer to misgivings and objec- 
tions, dwelt upon the sense in which the royal supremacy 
had been accepted by the Church in matters ecclesias- 
tical2. 



alladet to internal diBcords : ' I never 
dreamed that ministers should be 
compelled to impugn ministers, dsc* 
Parker's Corrttpondence, ed. P. S. 
p. 6f : cf. p. 321. 

^ Other additbns, though only 
verbal, and as such passed over now, 
deserve to be carefully noted by the 
student ; e, g, in the Article ' de 
Prndestinatione ' the Edwardiue 
reading is ' decrevit eos quos elegit ; ' 
the Eliiabethan, 'decrevit eos quos 
in Chriato elegit.' 

' 'The Queen is unwxifing to be 
addressed either by word of la^ath, 

H. A. 



or in writing, as the hectd of the 
Church of England. For she se- 
riously maintains that this honour 
is due to Christ alone,' &c. Jewel 
to Bullinger, May 22, 1559: Zurich 
LeUertf I. 33 ; cf. p. 24, and Sandys 
to Parker (April 30, 1559) in Burnet, 
'Records,' Part ii. Bk. m. N. ii. 
who says the scruple was suggested 
to the Queen by Lever. Parker 
still thought that the claims of the 
civil power were excessive in some 
cases: 'Whatsoever the ecclesiasti- 
cal prerogative is ' he writes to Cecil 
(April II, 1575) *I fear it is not 

9 



130 



THE ELIZABETHAN ABTICLES. 



[CH. 



tUmt, 



The same regard to present wants and fresh emergen- 
cies may be observed on taming to the principal substttu-' 
turns, in the copj of the Articles revised by Parker and his 
colleagues, and at length adopted in the Synod. 

Certain dogmas which had been denounced in the 
twenty-third Article of 1553 as fictions of some ^school" 
mm^ are significantly described in 1563 as the ^doctrina 
Bomanensium / the Tridentine doctors having then made 
further progress in the building and consolidation of the 
neo-Romish system. 

The use of other than vernacular language in the per- 
formance of Divine worship is more strongly interdicted. 

Infant baptism is declared to be not only tenable^, 
as seems to be implied in the Edwardine Articles, but 
'most agreeable to the institution of Christ.' 

The theoiy of transubstantiation is now said to 'over- 
throw the nature of a sacrament' f yet while the Romish 
doctrine of the Eucharist was thus rejected, a new para- 
graph was added, on the motion of bishop Ghiest^, to vindi- 
cate the truth from opposite perversions ; for this paragraph 
declares that *the Body of Christ is given, taken, and 
eaten in the Lord's Supper,' though *only after an heavenly 
and spiritual manner.' 

The lawfulness of clerical marriage is now positively 
advocated, in the place of the assertion in the former series 
that no precept could be urged against it. 



so great as your pen hath given it 
her in the Injonotion, and yet her 
goyemance is of more prerogative 
Uian the head papists would grant 
unto her :' Corretpond, p. 479. 

* Cf. Hardwick*s B^form. p. 173, 
n. 3. 

' The phrase was not new, how- 
ever, since we find its equivalent ' a 
natura sacramenti discrepat' in the 
Reform, Legum, * De Hseres.' n. 19 : 
and in the ' DecUration of Christvui 
Doctrine* (MS. C. C. C. Camb. No. 
*^^^"« ?• I55)» drawn up in 1559, 
the same thought recurs : 'So dothe 
it utterly denye the nature of a 



sacrament* It is also worthy of 
notice, that . this very point had 
been strongly urged by Besa at the 
recent 'CoUoquy of Poissy ' and had 
there excited the deepest indigna- 
tion. Fleury, liv. CLvn. s. 6. 

' This £M}t has lately been estab- 
lished by the discovery among the 
State Papers of a letter from Quest 
to Oedl (Deo. aa, 1566) ; where he 
justifies the use of the adverb 'only/ 
and says that he never intended it to 
exclude 'the presence of Christia 
body from the sacrament, but onely 
the grossenee and sensiblenes in the 
receavinge thereof.' 



VI.] 



THE ELIZABETHAN ABTICLE8. 



131 



FourArUeUi 
dropped. 



The Ordinal is mentioned by itself, and also is de- 
fended from the cavils^ of the Romanizing party, who 
objected thai, owing to an informality in acts of parlia^ 
ment, all persons consecrated or ordained, according to this 
form, since the accession of Elizabeth, possessed no legtd 
status as the clergy of the Church of England. 

Other modifications of the Articles, as we inspect them S^Jf*'* 
in the Primate's copy, may be classed under the head of 
retrenchments or omiasiona. These also are both numerous 
and important. 

Four Articles were dropped entirely : 

(1) The tenth, on 'Grace.' 

(2) The sixteenth, on * Blasphemy against the Holy 
Ghost,' — abandoned, it may be, from a reluctance to define 
the nature of the irremissible sin, or, as in other cases, from 
the partial disappearance of the sect at which it had been 
levelled. 

(3) The nineteenth, on the obligation of the moral 
Law, — a portion of it having been incorporated in the 
seventh of the new Articles, 

(4) The forty-first against the ' Millenarii,' — owing, 
it may be, to the suppression of fanatic teachers who had 
formerly converted Millenarian expectations' into pretexts 
for licentiousness, both moral and political. 

In tracing out omissions in the Parker Manuscript, we Minor amis- 
should notice that one passage, in the Article on Holy ^'^ 
Scripture, had been dropped, as it would seem, upon the 
ground that toleration ought on no accoimt to be conceded 
to ecclesiastical usages which stood at variance with ex- 
press injunctions of the Word of God. 

A clause had also been withdrawn from the Article on 



^ In repealing the Pimyer Book, 
Queen Maiy hftd also mentioned 
the Ordinal by name; but on the 
aooeerion of Elimbeth, when the 
Prayer Book was restored, the 
Ordinal was not so specified, being 
regarded as part of the former. On 
the ground of this omission, it was 
urged by Bonner and some others of 
his sohooly that ordinations which 



had been made since the year 1559, 
according to the Edwardine form, 
were in the eye of the law defective. 
See Courayer, (M EngUtk Ordino' 
tioHi, pp. 116 seqq. Oxf. 1844. 

' Some, howeyer, denounced the 
hypothesis in Mo, See a contem- 
porary account of the 'Milenaries,' 
in Alley's Poore Man* 9 lAbrarie, i. 
ii^i seqq. 

9—2 



132 



THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



[CH. 



Predestination, which afiSrmed that 'the Divine decrees 
are unknown to us/ 

The Article 'Of the Sacraments/ was made to undergo 
considerable dislocation; but of passages omitted, none 
was more important than that containing the scholastic 
phrase *ex opere operate,' which had been originally cen- 
sured on the ground that it was foreign to Holy Scripture 
and was likely to engender a superstitious sense. The 
condemnation of such phraseology was now omitted; it 
may be, as 4he result of explanations recently offered in 
the Council of Trent ^ as well as in the works of individual 
polemics'. 

The effect, then, of this searching criticism of Parker 
and his colleagues was,^r5<, to add four Articles ; secondly, 
to take away an equal number; thirdly, to modify by 
partial amplification or curtailment, as many as seventeen 
of the remainder. And no higher proof can be afforded of 
the care with which these changes were conducted than 
the general disposition to adopt them in the Synod', to 
whose notice they were next submitted. 



^ See Sarpi, I. 4^3, 4^4, and 
Counyer'fl exoeUent annotations. 

* The following specimen occurs 
in Joliffe against Hooper, while 
commenting on this Article : ' Quod 
enim didmus gratiam et remissionem 
pecoatorum in nobis fieri ex opere 
cpertUo, nihil est aliad quam earn 
fieri in nobis, non propter oput, aut 
meritum hominii operanUa, ted 
propter oput ChrUti per vmbile tUi- 
quod saerameatum largientit pratMmi ; 
Telati cum in£uis baptizatus justifi- 
oatUTy non per ullum c^us suum, 
ant suscipientis, aut ministri, sed 
per iptum oput operaHum, hoc est, 
per ipsum baptismi sacramentum, 
gratiam et remissionem peocatomm 
aasequitur, |>fvpter Chriatum t« Ulo 
Memniento operon^em/ fol 173 b. It 
has also been pointed out to me that 
Jewel's recent controversy with Har- 
ding, where the phrase ' ex opere ope- 



rate ' was examined at some length, 
might have suggested the propriety 
of withdrawing all reference to ex- 
pressions, whichboth Joliffe and Har- 
ding could make use of, without con- 
founding the efficacy of Sacraments 
with their mechanical administration. 
* Parker's language respecting the 
character of the clergy there assem- 
bled is curious and suggestive. He 
writes to Cecil (shortly after April 
'4» 15^3)9 oii reviewing the 'quali- 
ties of aU his brethren ' as manifested 
in the 'Convocation Societies:* 'I 
see some of them to be fletii rima- 
rum, hoc atque Mae efflwmt, although 
indeed the Queen's Majesty may 
h»ve good cause to be well con- 
tented with her choice of the most of 
them/ de. He adds, 'Though we 
h»ve done amongst ourselves little 
in our own cause, yet I assure you 
our mutual conferences have taught 



k 



VI.] 



THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



133 



tent. 



The Convocation of Canterbury assembled on the day ^H^Hg,^ 
appointed in the royal writ (Jan. 12, 1563), and on the 
13th, after service at St Paul's, proceeded to the solemn 
business for which it had been called together. Parker, as 
primate of all England, was the president, and was sup- 
ported by the following bishops of the southern province : 

Edmund (Grindal) of London; BUkopapn 

Robert (Home) of Winchester ; 

William (Barlowe) of Chichester ; 

John (Scory) of Hereford ; 

Richard (Cox) of Ely ; 

Edwin (Sandys) of Worcester ; 

Roland (Merick) of Bangor ; 

Nicholas (Bolingham) of Lincoln; 

John (Jewel) of Salisbury ; 

Richard (Davis) of St David's ; 

Edmund (Guest) of Rochester ; 

Gilbert (Berkeley) of Bath and Wells ; 

Thomas (Bentham) of Coventry and Lichfield ; 

WilUam (Alley) of Exeter ; 

John (Parkhurst) of Norwich ; 

Edmund (Scambler) of Peterborough ; 

Thomas (Davies) of St Asaph ; 

Richard (Guest) of Gloucester and commendatory of 
BristoP. 



us such experieDces, that I trust 
we aha]] all be the better in govem- 
anoe for hereafter.' Corrttpondence, 
p. 173. 'With regard to the relative 
strength of church- parties at the 
time, it is remarkable that ritualistic 
temples had already appeared in 
great numbers (see Stiype's AnnaU, 
I. 335 sq. ed. iihY One batch Of 
reformanda on this subject was 
signed by the Prolocutor and thirty- 
two other members of the lower 
house. An attempt was also made 
to modify the 33rd Article ' Of tra- 
ditions ' after it had passed both 
houses; and was only defeated by 
a majority of one. ' Those ^ writes 



Strype 'that were for alterations 
and for stripping the English Church 
of her ceremonies and usages then 
retained and used, were such (as I 
find by their names subscribed) as 
had lately liyed abroad.' (p. 337.) 

^ Strype, Parker, p. lai. It 
should be remembered, that the 
original Registers of this Convoca- 
tion are not extant^ having been 
destroyed in the fire of London, 
1666. An important extract, en- 
titled 'Acta in superiore Dome 
Convocationis anno 1563,' is, how- 
ever, fortunately preserved (Strype, 
Annalif i. 3r5 : Bennet, Bnay, pp. 
165 seq(^.). This paper not only 



134 THE EUZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH. 

In his opening speecli the president congratulated the 
two houses on the opportunity thus given them for pro- 
moting the well-being of the Church, and at the same 
time intimated with how much of zeal and interest both 
Elizabeth and the English nobles were awaiting the con* 
elusions of the present Synod. He then directed the lower 
house, as usual, to proceed with the election of a Prolocutor ; 
and on the 16th of January^ they presented Alexander 
Nowel, dean of St Paul's, to serve in that capacity. It 
seems that on the 19th, the Synod reassembled at West- 
minster, instead of the more customary place of meeting in 
the chapter-house of St Paul's. On this occasion, the 
prolocutor in the name of all the clergy, who appear to 
have evinced the greatest ardour in the cause of reforma- 
tion, reported to the prelates that 'the Articles published 
in the Synod of London, during the reign of Edward, had 
been handed to a committee of the lower house, in order 
that they might weigh and reconstruct them (if such 
changes were thought proper), in time for the following 
DMterauoHi scssiou*.' The bishops in the mean while had been occu- 
pied by independent deliberations on the same absorbing 
topics ; and as the primate would naturally take the lead 
in all such matters, it is highly probable that he submitted 
to his brother-prelates the particular copy of the Articles, 
which had been previously revised under his own eye. On 
the 20th, the 22nd, the 25th and the 27th of January », other 
faint and fragmentary traces may be found of disputations 
then excited in the upper house by the projected formulary ; 
and on the 29th, at an early session in St Paul's*, a further 
conference * respecting some of the Articles,' was followed 
by subscription on the part of all the prelates then as- 
sembled. 
Themohen- One at Icast of the authentic vouchers for this fact is 
their <mt- cxtaut in the Latin Manuscript of Archbishop Parker 



Msiflts us in tracing the Artideg ^ Strype, Parker, Ibid, 

tiirottgh the nppw hooae of Convo- * Bennet, p. 167. 

cation^ but also illustrateB the pro- > Strype, Parker, Ibid. 

oeediogB of the lower houae during * 'Inter horas 8*" et 9*" ante me- 

the game period. ridiem.' Bennet, Ibid. 



VlJ 



THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



136 



noticed on a former page. The cdgnatures which it con- 
ainB are manifestly autographs ; and as some prelates of 
the northern province are included in the number of sub- 
scribers^ there recorded, we are tempted to infer that this 
was the identical copy of the Articles transmitted for the 
sanction of the clergy then assembled in the northern Con- 
vocation. 

But formidable doubts have been excited as to the 
supreme authority of the Parker Manuscript by collating 
portions of it with an extract taken from the actual register 
of Convocation in the time of Archbishop Laud, and for- 
mally attested by a public notary to satisfy or silence his 
accusers*. Besides exhibiting a different version of one 
article *0n the Authority of the Church,' (to be considered 
afterwards), the extract from the Convocation-records has 
preserved a catalogue of the assentient prelates, varying in 
some noticeable points from that surviving in the Parker 
Manuscript': and fresh perplexity is added to this question 



^ They are Thomas (Young) of 
York, James (Pilkington) of Dur- 
ham, William (Downham) of Ches- 
ter. 

' He had been accused of forging 
the disputed clause of Art. XX; and 
after appealing to four printed co- 
pies of the Articles, one of them as 
early as 1563, and all of them con- 
taining the yery passive which the 
Puritans disliked, he added : ' I shall 
make it yet plainer : for it is not fit 
concerning an Article of Religion, 
and an Article of such consequence 
for the order, truth, and peace of 
this Church, you should rely upon 
my copies, be they never so many or 
never so ancient. Therefore I sent 
to the public records in my office, and 
here under my officer*8 hand, who 
19 a public notary, is returned to me 
the twentieth Article with this affirma- 
tive douse in U, and there is aUo 
the whole hody of the Articles to he 
9een,* JUmains, n. 83 (quoted with 



remarks by Bennet, p. 166). The 
copy, thus taken before the destruc- 
tion of the records, is said to be still 
in existence. Bennet himself made 
use of it, and has printed it in his 
Essay, pp. 167 — 169. 

' This MS. contains the sub- 
scriptions of the archbishop of 
Canterbury, and the bishops of 
London, Winchester, Chichester, 
Ely, Worcester, Hereford, Bangor, 
Lincoln, Salisbury, St David's, 
Bath and Wells, Coventry and 
Lichfield, Exeter, Norwich, Peter- 
borough, and St Asaph, — besides 
the three above mentioned who 
belonged to the other province. 
The copy of the record produced by 
archbishop Laud omits the three 
northern prelates, as well as those 
of Chichester, Worcester, and Peter- 
borough. It, however, includes the 
name of Guest, bishop of Rochester, 
although some persons have doubted 
whether he subscribed or not (Ben- 



136 



THE ELISAWTUAH ARTICLES. 



[CH. 



Parker MR., 



by the circumstance, thAt hoik the series of episcopal signa^ 
tures are said to have been appended to the Articles on the 
same day and in the same place. 

If one may safely hazard a conjecture in the midst of 
these clashing statements^ it is possible that after the house 
of bishops had subscribed the primate's copy on the 29th 
of January, it was transmitted to the northern Convocation, 
without waiting for the criticism of the lower house, who 
had continued their discussions for another week ; and that 
on its return it was deposited like other private papers with 
the Parker Manuscripts, where it is now surviving ; while 
the copy of the Articles as left when finally authorised by 
the whole Synod on the fifth of the following month had 
found its natural place among the other records of Convoca- 
tion, viz. in the registry belonging to the see of Canterbury, 
at St Paul's cathedral. 

But if cogent reasons^ do exist for thus disputing the su- 
preme authority of the Parker Manuscript, and even for re- 
jecting claims put forth on its behalf as constituting the most 
finished copy of the Articles, the form they had assumed 
at the rising of the Convocation — that Manuscript is, not- 
withstanding, a most valuable guide in tracing out their 
early progress, and determining the nature and amount of 



net, p. 184), — a suspicion which is 
somewhat strengthened, so far as 
Parker's draft is concerned, by 
what is known of Guest's opinions 
on the Eucharist. But when the 
3rd clause in the Art ' De Coeoa Do- 
mini/ appearing to favour Zwinglian 
▼iews as to the nature of the Presence, 
was struck out by the Convocation, 
Guest would be entirely satisfied, 
.and so might subscribe; — which 
strongly favours the conclusion that 
the extract produced at Laud's trial 
was taken from a later and more 
authoritative document. On the other 
hand, Cheynie bishop of Gloucester, 
though occasionally present at meet- 
ings of the Synod, never acquiesced 
in some of the decisions, which ex- 



plains the omission of his name in aU 
the lists, (Strype, AnnaU, I. 563). 
The bishopric of Oxford was not 
full ; and Kitchen of lilandaif (appa- 
rently from want of sympathy) took 
no part in the proceedings. 

^ See more on this sulgect in 
Bennet, c. vni., and Strype, Parker, 
PP* 3'9» 330, where it is argued 
that this MS. as well as a second of 
157 1, are no more than 'first schemes 
or drafts preparatory.' The fact of 
their being left in the private library 
of Parker, the variety of corrections 
in the do^ments themselves, and 
the absence of all mention of royal 
approbation, naturally form the main 
arguments of those learned antiqua- 
ries. 



yi.] 



THE ELIZABETHAV iiRTICLES. 



137 



changes which had been impressed npon them in the house 
of bishops*. 

When first presented to that house about the 19th of jj^^Jj^g^ 
January^ the Articles, by reason of the balance in previous dUSd^^ 
changes, were still forty-two in number ; but on the 29th, "****•• 
which is the date of the episcopal subscriptions, three more 
articles had been erased. These were the thirty-ninth, the 
fortieth and the forty-second of the Edwardine series, all of JJSSSJ*^ 
them relating, like the forty-first, which had been previously ^*"^' 
withdrawn by Parker, to the theories of Anabaptism ; and 
the cause of the suppression was most probably that above 
suggested, viz. the comparative disappearance of the sect 
whose tenets had been previously denounced. 

A firesh omission is observable in the statement on our 
blessed Lord's 'Descent into Hell,' which had been justi- 
fied in earlier Articles by pointing to the well-known lan- 
euARe of St Peter. That allusion to a sinerle text was now oaute 

^ ^ , ° . dropped in 

abandoned ; as we may conjecture, on account of violent ^'^ '«<• 
controversies which had been excited in some districts, 
more particularly in the diocese of Exeter ^, by theorizing 
on this very subject. 



^ These alterations are distinguish- 
ed in the MS. by the marks of a 
red minium pencil, and by the Arch- 
bishop's own handwriting. Dr Lamb, 
Bid. Account, p. 17. 

' Among the papers of Alley, 
bishop of that see, which had been 
drawn up for the synod of 1563, 
there is one relating to this very 
suljeot. After expressing his de- 
sire that the clergy might all preach 
one kind of doctrine, and not in- 
veigh against each other, he pro- 
ceeds : ' First, for matters of Scrip- 
ture, namely, for this place which 
is written in the epistle of St Peter, 
that Christ went down into heU, and 
preached to the eoide that toere in 
prison. There have been in my 
diocese great invectives between the 
preachers, one against the other, 
and also partakers with them ; some 



holding, that the going down of 
Christ His soul to hell, was nothing 
else but the virtue and strength of 
Christ His death, to be made mani- 
fest and known to them that were 
dead before. Others say, that de- 
scendit in infema is nothing else but 
that Christ did sustain upon the 

cross the infernal pains of hell 

Finally, others preach, that this 
article is not contained in other 
symbols, neither in the symbol of 
Cyprian, or rather Kufine. And 
all these sayings they ground upon 
Erasmus, and the Germans, and 
especially upon the authority of 
Mr Calvin and Mr Bullinger. The 
contrary side bring for them the 
universal consent and all the Fa- 
thers of both Churches, both of the 
Greeks and the Latins... Thus, my 
right honourable good lords, your 



138 



THE ELfKidnBTHAN ABTIGLE8. 



[CH. 



A third erasure of importeice had been made in the 
article respecting the ^ Lord's Supper/ which, as we have 
seen, was partially recast by the Archbishop and his friends 
jj[J^ *J before the meeting of the Synod. A long paragraph, adapt- 
1ESS?8^ ed from the older serieSi disappears entirely from the Arti- 
'*^* cles of 1563 ; and even had we no historical evidence by 

which to illustrate the motives for this change, we might 
have readily assigned it to a disagreement of the prelates 
with regard to the peculiar shade of doctrine thus aban- 
doned or withdrawn. But in the history of the Elizabethan 
period there are numberless allusions to the quarrel which 
had only been exasperated by this article in its original form. 
The clause of it, ejected by the Synod, was to many minds 
suggestive of interpretations favourable to the school of 
Zwingli. It appeared to question the presence of our blessed 
Lord's humanity in any way tohatever, at the celebration of 
the Eucharist : and this would doubtless be a reason for 
the change effected, in the judgment of one class of pre- 
lates^. The ejected clause had also opened an ulterior 



CatmofUa 
removtU. 



wisdoms may perceive, what trage- 
dies and dissensions may arise for 
consenting to or dissenting from, 
this Article.' See Strype, AnnaU, 
I. 348, ed. 1715 ; and for some no- 
tice of a warm controversy at Cam- 
bridge on the same question in 1567, 
Life of ParJcer, p. 458. In the vo- 
lume of theological Miscellanies by 
bishop Alley, entitled The Poore 
Man's Librarie, (Lond. 1565), he 
'declares at large the opinions and 
judgements as well of the olde Fa- 
thers as of later writers, concerning 
this article of the f&ith,* (Tom. 
n. fol. 7a — 77), and concludes by 
saying, 'One thinge I would wishe, 
that neither this article, nor any 
other conteyned in the symbole, 
commonly called Symbolum ApoHo- 
lorwn, shoulde be lightlye shaken 
of, but to be beleued as they stande 
there.* 
^ DormaDi who wrote his !>»• 



pratfe of M, Nowdles Iteprovfe in 
1565, alludes to this controversy in 
the 'new Church,' as he calls it 
(foL 51 a) ; affirming that while 
some, like Edmund Guest, (of Ro- 
chester), preached for the 'real 
presence,' and others, like Grindal, 
denied it, Parker was ' suspected to 
be a Lutheran :' cf. foL 103. It is 
probable that all these statements 
are somewhat exaggerated ; but 
Nowel in his 'Confutation of Dor- 
man,* does not deny that disunion 
existed on the subject (fol. 362). In 
157 1, however, the archbishop writes 
as if uo material differences had 
been perpetuated (Corretp, p. 379). 
StiU it is indisputable that the 
change e£Eected in 1563, in this 
Article was most distasteful to the 
'8wiss' party. Iii proof of this it 
ii sufficient to adduce an extract 
from a letter of Humphrey and 
Sampson to Bollinger, July, 1566. 



VI.] 



THE ELIZABETHAR ARTICLES. 



139 



question, which was agitated at that very juncture with 
peculiar bittemess among the continental Reformers^ viz. 
whether the humanity of our Lord, as now glorified, is so 
absolutely and inseparably associated with His Divinity, 
that we are justified in speaking of His Body as present in 
many places at one and the same time. 

Whatever may have been the number of voices ad- 
vocating this or that side of the dispute, it closed like the 
preceding altercations on the subject of our Lord's descent 
to Hades ; the expressions which had formed a stumbling- 
block to many, or which seemed to minister incentives to 
a finitless controversy, were eventually withdrawn by their 
proposers. Such withdrawal may be taken as a farther 
testimony to the latitude and brotherly forbearance which 
was constantly exhibited, on minor points, in the decisions 
of the English Church : and if some persons have been 
ready to condemn this silence as a mark of hesitation or 
indifferentism, they may discover an abundant justification 
of it, with regard to one large group of speculative truths, 
not only in the general history of Councils, but in some of 
the most stirring records of the synod of Trent itself. 

The few remaining alterations of the upper house were ^~'7''v 
limited to single phrases, nearly all of which however, are 
deemed worthy of some cursory notice. 

The eighth article of the elder series had read in one 
version of ^povrjfia crapKo^ the word * studium' only, and 
the omission had not been observed by archbishop Parker ; 
but * camis' was now added by the Convocation for the sake 
of completing the sense*. 

In the title of the fifteenth article Parker had retained 



Thejare pointing ont the 'blemishes ' 
which still attach to the Church of 
England : 'Lastly, the Article com- 
posed in the time of Edward the 
Sixth, rmpeeUng the ipiriiwd eating, 
which expressly oppagned and took 
away the real presence in the enoha- 
nst, and contained a most dear ex- 
planation of the truth, is now set 
knrlh among ns m mtil t ti f d mmd im- 



peifeel,* Zurich Letten, i. 165. 

^ See Le Bas, Life of Jewel, pp. 
139,130. The Lutheran Brenz had 
fully developed this doctrine, as to 
the omnipresence of our Lord's glo- 
rified humanity, in T561 : see Hard- 
wick's Btfwm, p. 171. 

* In the Englirii Articles of 1553, 
the passage stood correctly, 'The 
Amaxe pf ^ Jk^,* 



140 



THE ELIZABETHAN ABTICLES. 



[CH- 



'in Spiritum Sanctum/ which phrase was subsequently 
underscored in the Manuscript, and the words ' after bap- 
tism* introduced. 

In the twenty-second of the Edwardine Articles * verbo 
Dei' was substituted for * verbis Dei.' 

In the margin of the twenty-ninth a passage of St 
Augustine, which had there been cited, was distinctly veri- 
fied by reference to the treatise* out of which it was taken. 

And in the thirty-third on * Traditions Ecclesiastical,' 
the word ^ temporum' was added after ' regionum,' to make 
the statement of the principle more full and comprehensive. 

By such hither modifications the whole number of the 
Articles was now reduced to thirty-nine ; and in the form 
which it assumed at this stage', the document appears to 
ThiHtfemd havc bccu scut iuto the lower house of Convocation. We 
htmmqfom- havc sccu already that the members of that house had 
manifested a peculiar eagerness for the revival of the Arti- 
cles of 1553', and even had proceeded to organize a com- 



AHickt 

rtiueedto 

XXXIX. 



^ The reference so appended was 
'super Joann. Tract. 36/ which 
afterwards gave rise to some 'nib- 
bling.' See Strype's Parker, pp. 
331, 333: cf. Porson, Letters to 
Travis, p. iig and ' Pref.' p. xxxiii. ; 
where, however, he forgets in speak- 
ing of the quotation as spurious or 
interpolated, that the words extrud- 
ed by the Benedictine editors of St 
Augustine, are found in Bede, Al- 
cuin and others. 

' It may be remarked, on taking 
leave of the Parker MS., that the 
following statement is appended to 
this copy of the Articles : ' Hos 
Articulos fidei ChristiansB, oonti- 
nentes in nniversum novemdecim 
paginas in autographo, quod asserva- 
tur apud Beverendissimum in Christo 
patrem dominum MattluEum Caniua- 
riiensem archt^nscopumf tocius An- 
glis primatem et metropolitanum 
{then follows an enumeration of the 
Articles in each page), nos archi* 
episcopi et episcopi utriusqwe pro* 



vineioi in sacra Synodo provinciali 
legitime congregati, recipimus et 
profitemur, et ut veroe atque or- 
todoxoB, manunm nostranim sub- 
scriptionibus approbamus, vioesimo 
none die mensis Januarii anno 
Domini secundum computationera 
EocleeisB Anglicanaa miUesimo quin- 
gen* sexagesimo secundo, et illus- 
trissinuB Priocipis Elisabethaa Dei 
gratia Anglis, FrancisB, et Hiber- 
nin reginse, fidei Defensons etc. do- 
minie nostrse dementiBsimse, anno 
quinto.' The subscriptions are then 
added, as enumerated above, p. 

135, n. 3. 
' A list of ' Matters to be moved 

by the clergy in the next parliament 
and synod,' which Strype has print- 
ed in his Annals, I. 317, seq. pro- 
ceeded firom some of the more zealoug 
reformers. It includes the following 
note, among others : ' Certain Arti- 
cles containing the principal grounds 
of Christian religion are to be set 
forth, in which also is to be deter- 



VI.] 



.THE EUZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



141 



mittee, under the sanction of the bishops, for considering 
what changes were required before such Articles could be 
republished. The 20th of January was the day appointed 
for the bringing up of their report ; and if this order were 
punctually obeyed, their criticism was under the notice of 
the bishops during all their own deliberations. It is now 
of course impossible to ascertain how many of the changes 
ultimately adopted are attributable to the hints of this 
committee ; but on comparing the first edition of the Arti- 
cles, as put forth in 1563, with the Manuscript containing 
the episcopal signatures, we gather most unquestionably, 
that the lower house of Convocation acquiesced almost im- 
plicitly in the copy which received the approbation of 
the bishops, on the 29th of January : — the only variations 
between the printed series and the Parker Manuscript 
being (1) the existence in the former, of the disputed clause 
of Article XX, on Church-authority ; and (2) the omis- 
sion from k of the whole of Article XXIX, on the effect of 
unworthy partaking. To these two important modifications 
we shall presently recur. 

At a session held on the 5th of February, the prolocu-poaedb^ore 
tor^ and six other members were called up into the presence 
of bishop Grindal (acting in the room of Parker), and were 
questioned with regard to the *Book of Doctrine' lately 
forwarded from the bishops for subscription in the lower ami oradMo/- 
house. The prolocutor on replying to the summons ex- 
hibited a copy of the Articles, remarking that they had 
already passed, and had been signed by several of the 
members; but as others seem to have betrayed reluctance 
in following that example, he proceeded to request, that 
orders might be issued from the prelates to enjoin subscrip- 
tion in all cases. For this reason it was now decreed 



mined the truth of those things 
which In this age are called in ques- 
tion. Much like to such Articles as 
were set forth a little hefore the 
death of King Edward. Of which 
Articles the most part may be used 
with additions and corrections, as 
shaU be thought oonyenient.' 



^ The only authentic information 
now obtainable respecting these pro- 
ceedings, is derived from brief ex- 
tracts above mentioned (p. 133, n. i): 
and as they aU were taken from the 
Journals of the upper house, the 
light reflected from them on the 
lower is but casual and indirect. 



142 



THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



[CH. 



Approved bp 



unanimously, that the names of persons who continued in 
the list of non-subscribers at the next meeting should be 
noted bj the prolocutor. Manj fresh names accordingly 
appear to have been added before the day when Convoca- 
tion reassembled (Feb. 10) ; and as no further measures 
were adopted after the 12th of this month, for stimulating 
the reluctant or coercing the refractory spirits, it is probable 
that nearly all the members of the lower house gave in their 
acquiescence either in person or by proxy ^. 

When the labours of the Synod* were thus brought 
to an harmonious conclusion, in so far at least as they con- 
cerned the new formulary, we might naturally expect to 
follow it at once into the chamber of the privy council, and 
there witness the affixing of the royal approbation. Coke 
indeed has stated^ that the Articles of 1563 were ratified in 
the most formal maimer, by passing under the great seal 
of England ; but, however this may be, it is apparent, that 
some time elapsed^ before the labours of the Convocation 
and printed were ffiveu to the public. That first edition of the Arti- 

tM JLcMn by 

cles, bearing date 1563 and in Latin^ issued from the royal 
press. It also urges that the work to which an imprimatur 
was thus granted, had been diligently read and sifited by 
her Majesty in person*. There is consequently little or no 



Wc^ 



^ A list of 0ub8Ciiber8 has been 
pablished in Strype, Annals, i. 337 
— 339 ; but there seems no sufBcient 
ground for supposing that it is a full 
and perfectly authentic copy, (cf. 
Dr Lamb's Hitt, Ace. 20 seqq., 
Bennet, c. vi. pcusim). The number 
of representatiTes in the lower house 
was one hundred and forty-four, 
twenty-two deans, fifty-three arch- 
deacons, twenty-four prebendaries 
(or proctors of chapters), forty-four 
proctors of the diocesan clergy, and 
one precentor (St David's). All 
the signatures in Strype amount to 
ninety-one 'propriis manibus,' and 
fifteen others, 'per procurationem.' 

' Though the northern Convo- 
cation, as a body, had no direct 



influence in the oompiling of the Ar- 
ticles, its concurrence was to some 
extent implied in the signatures of 
the archbishop of York and his two 
suffiagans. In 1605 "^ doubts and 
scruples on this question were set at 
rest, by the formal acceptance of 
the Articles in the Convocation of 
York. 

* Insiil, Part iv. c. 74, quoted by 
Bennett p. 330. 

^ See Bennety c. xyn. Others, 
less correctly, make the inten^al 
nearly one year : e, g, Cardwell's 
Sjfnod, I. 38. 

'^ The language is very noticeable: 
'Quibus omnibus Articulis serenis- 
sima princeps Elizabetha Dei gratia 
AnglisB, Francis, et Hibemiae regina, 



TlJ 



THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



143 



doubt, that in the absence of the Manuscript^ which had 
been finally accepted by the Crown, the most authentic 
representation of the Articles of 1563 exists in the Latin 
text, a£K printed under the direct authority of Elizabeth 
herself. Invested, as it was, with the concurrent sanction 
of the civil and ecclesiastical powers*, it alone, of the exist- 
ing copies, exercised a binding force upon the conscience of 
the English clergy. 

Now, as we have seen already, one of the new Articles*, ^^Jf 
relating to unworthy participation of the Eucharist and 
standing as the XXIXth in Parker's Manuscript, is alto- 
gether wanting in this printed copy ; and still more it ac- 
tually contains the celebrated clause affirming the authority 
of the Church in controversies of faith. These changes may 
of course have been adopted at the instance* of the lower 
house of Convocation after the episcopal signatures were 
all appended to the Parker Manuscript, or, what is far 
more probable, they were inserted by the royal council in 



fidei defensor, etc. per seiptam dili» 
ffcnUr lecUt et examinatis regium 
saum M8ensam pnebuit.' 

1 I am dispoaed to think that the 
Latin MS. from which this first 
edition of the Articles was printed is 
now among the Elizabethan State 
Papen, 'Domestic/ Vol. xxvii. § 41, 
A. The draft is not dated and is 
without heading, but is manifestly an 
early copy. It omits the XXIXth 
ArUele; while the disputed clause 
in Art. XX, filling just one line and 
somewhat crowding the pftge, was 
clearly introduced in the tame hand, 
after the draft itself was made. 

' See Dr Cardwell*8 remark, Sy- 
nod. L 38, 39. 

' Bennet argues that it had passed 
the Conyocation, but was subse- 
quently withdrawn, (cf. below, p. 
144, n. i), through tenderness to 
the extreme or Romanising party, 
who were still in communion with 
the Church of England. At the 



time when this Article was read- 
mitted, (1571), the secession of that 
party was taking place, and there- 
fore the same need of forbearance no 
longer existed ; pp. 133, 234. 

* With respect to the disputed 
clause in Art. XX, it is evident from 
the existence of a similar passage in 
the Wtlrtemberg Confession of 1553 
(above, p. ia8), from equivalent a£Br- 
mations in Art. XXXIV, frt>m the 
sequel of Art. XX, and even from 
the language used by members of 
the Puritanic party in the Elizabe- 
than period, that no reasonable 
ground existed to the introduction 
of such statements into the new 
Formulary. See, for instance, the 
language of Fox, in Strype's An- 
nals, I. 316. It was not until the 
troublous time of Charles I. that 
the obnoxious character of the Arti- 
cle was clearly discovered or any 
definite controversy opened on the 
subject. 



144 



THE ELIZABETHAN ABTICLES. 



[CH. 



Swidmee 
igiihwt fftnf 
totlkedit- 
mtttd fdmn 
m Art XX. 



compliance with the wishes of the monarch or the scruples 
of her chief advisers^: but in either case it is indisput- 
able that the changes were admitted, without protest, if not 
cordially adopted in the Church at large. One discrepancy, 
it is true, was speedily adjusted, since the twenty-ninth 
article was readopted by the bishops on May 11, 1571, and 
finds its place in all the printed copies of that date, whether 
English or Latin. Its suspension, therefore, lasting for 
so short a period, has excited far less criticism than the 
conflicting versions of the twentieth article; for these^ 
affirming or omitting, as they did, the claim of synods and 
of Church-tribunals to adjudicate in controversies of the 
faith, were touching on a class of questions, which, at least 
in all the seventeenth century, gave rise to the most for- 
midable altercations and collisions'. 

The precise amount of evidence adducible on both sides 
of this vexed question* may be briefly stated thus: 

The controverted clause is not found 



1 Gaidwell*8 Synod, i. 39. This 
yiew IB urged by Dr Lamb, pp. 34, 
35, and receives some degree of 
probability firom what happened da- 
ring an interview (cf. above, p. 140, 
n. i) between Parker and Cecil in 
1571 (Strype's Parker, pp. 331, 
331) ; where Cecil called in question 
the fairness of the quotation made 
in the 19th Article from the writings 
of St Augustine. His own scruples, 
or still more his gentleness in deal- 
ing with adherents of the 'old 
learning' (whether Romish or Lu- 
theran), might have thus occasioned 
the withdrawal of the Article from 
the Convocation-records; and ex- 
amples given by Mr Soames (JSli- 
zdbeth. Hist, pp. 222, 223, notes) 
appear to demonstrate that such 
acts of interference on the part of 
the crown and royal council were 
not uncommon at the time. 

' Some account of an early dispu- 



tation on this topic will be found in 
the Life of HeyHn, who selected 
Church-authority as the subject for 
an exercise in the schools. His 
opponent was the ProfSessor himself, 
(Dr Prideauz) : Life of Heylin, pp. 
xcii., xciii. prefixed to his Hittory 
oftheJRrform. ed. Robertson. 

3 The disputed clause, it will be 
noticed, begins at the opening of 
the 30th Article in the following 
terms : ' Habet Ecclesia ritus [sive 
ceremonias] statuendi jus, et in fidei 
controversiis auctoritatem ; quam- 
vis.* The two words in brackets, 
though represented in the English 
version, do not appear in the original 
Latin edition, nor in the transcript 
made in 1637, from the Convocation- 
records; nor (which is again re. 
maxkable) in the set of Articles, 
among the StaU Papen, as described 
above, p. 143, n. i. 



i 



▼I*] THE ELIZABETHAN ABTICLES. 145, 

(1) In the Latin MS. of Parker, which was signed by 
himself and the other bishops, on the 29th of January, 
1563. 

Nor (2) in an English 'minute' of the Articles, 
among the Elizabethan State Papers i, dated January 31, 
1563 (two days later). 

Nor (3) in a fair copy of this English draft, also 
among the State Papers*, and endorsed * Articles of Re- 
ligion agreed on, 1562, in the Conuocation hous.' 

Nor (4) in the English version of the Articles, as 
printed by Jugge and Cawood, in 1563. 

Nor (5) in the English Manuscript of Parker signed 
by the bishops in the Convocation of 1571. 

Nor (6) in one Latin and one English edition, printed 
by Jugge and Cawood, in 1571. 

On the other hand, it la found 

(1) In an early Latin draft of the Articles, among the 
Elizabethan State Papers', where it was inserted by the 
same hand« after the draft itself was made, so as to fill 
exactly one line. 

(2) In the LkUiti edition of Reynold Wolfe, 1563, as 
expressly authorised by the Queen. 

(3) In two or more English editions of Jugge and 
Cawood, 1571. 

(4) In six or more English editions from 1581 to 
1628 ; and in all subsequent copies. 

(5) In the transcript made in 1637 from an original 
copy of the Articles, as deposited in the registry of the see 
of Canterbury. 

Now those persons who maintain that the clause in J^fJS?*' 
question was foisted into the Articles without authority, **<*«*• 
either from the Convocation or the Crown, should recollect 
that the importance of the Manuscript evidence against 
it rests on the ctssumption that the documents now extant 
in the Parker Library present us with the ultimate form of 
the Articles, — ^the form in which they stood when finally 

1 'Domestic/ Vol. xzvii. § 40. * Ibid. § 41, A: cf. above, p. 

' Ibid. § 41. 143, D. I. 

H. A. 10 



146 THE ELIZABETHAN ABTICLE8. [CH. 

passed by Conyocation and sanctioned by the Crown ; bat 
(as both Strype and Bennet argoe^), an assumption of this 
kind is utterly precluded (1) by the slovenly condition of 
the manuscripts themselves, (2) by their place in a private 
repository, and above all (3) by tiieir deficiency in tokens, 
which invariably appear in acts and instruments put for- 
ward under royal approbation. 

With regaxd to those eaxly printed copies in which the 
paragraph is also wanting, they are more than balanced by 
the weight and number of others in which it actually ex- 
ists. On one side is the Latin text of 1563, the very 
earliest publication of the Articles, issuing from the press 
of the Queen's printer, and containing her emphatic sanc- 
tion ; on the other, is an English version laying claim to no 
kind of authority, either civil or ecclesiastical, and if made, 
as there is every reason to believe, from the Parker Manu- 
script, entitled to no higher appreciation than the Manu- 
script itself. 

But even if it be conceded that the printed evidence is 
equaly the fact that such a clause had been inserted in the 
Convocation-record, as attested by a public notary in 1637, 
is absolutely fatal to the plea that it had found its way 
into some printed copies in defiance both of civil and eccle- 
siastical authority. It may possibly have issued from the 
Synod at a later stage of their proceedings and before the 
Articles had been submitted to the Queen, or else, which is 
more likely, it might afterwards have been interpolated 
while the document was in the hands of the royal council ; 
but no reasonable man will doubt the fairness of its claim 
to be regarded as a genuine portion of the copy which had 
long existed in the archives of St Paul's cathedral, and 
which perished in the fire of 1666. The testimony of that 
record was produced upon the trial of archbishop Laud, in 
the most open and explicit manner, at a time when it was 
perfectly accessible to his accusers, or was rather in the 
hands of his infririated enemies, and yet ' not one of them 



* See references above, p. 136, n, i, and compare British Critic (1829), 
pp. 96, 97. 



i 



VI.] 



THE ELIZABETHAN ABTIGLES. 



147 



eyer yentiired to question the truth of the assertionB, or at- 
tempted to invalidate the proofs on which his defence had 
rested*.' 

From these remarks on the revision of the Articles in 
1563, we maj proceed to the investigation of some further 
changes that befel them in the course of the Elizabethan 
period. The last touches were applied on the assembling 
of Convocation in 1571 ; for then the series was reduced 
exactlj to the form in which it is transmitted to ourselves, 
and also was imposed as a preliminary test on candidates 
for H0I7 Orders. 

In thi interval, however, that elapsed between theJJ"2!JSSH 
passing of the code in 1563 and its final ratification, it had SS^faiM?' 
not unfirequently been chosen as a subject of debate in the 
civil legislature, where attempts were made bj sundry of 
the Commons to exact subscription from the dergy. For 
example, on the 5th of December, 1566, we read' that 
'the bill with a Liule Book printed in the year 1562', 
(which was the fourth or fifth of her Majesty's reign) for 
the sound Christian religion, was read the first time.' The 
'Little Book,' it is now universally conceded, was a copy 
of the Elizabethan Articles of Religion, and most probably 
the second English edition, in very small octavo, from the 



1 Bfiti$h CriliCf as aboTe, p. 96. 
Attention is there drawn to the 
ftirther statement of Archbishop 
Landi that the contested clause was 
ftbo found in the Articles subscribed 
by the lower home in 1571. Heylin, 
JExamen ffutaricumt in alluding to 
the same discussions, writes as fol- 
lows (pp. X44, 145) : 'Having oc- 
casion to consult the records of 
OonYocation, I found this contro- 
▼erted oUuse, verboHm, in these 
following words: Habet eoclesia 
ritus stataendi jus et in fidei oon- 
troverriis authoritatem ; ' where also 
it is worthy of notice, the two words, 
'■ive oeremonias/ are wanting. One 
of the stoutest opponents of the 
genuineness of the clause was An- 



tony Collins, in his Prietkrqft in 
Perfedton, 17x0, and also in a work 
entitled ffistorieai and OriticcU Et* 
say on the XXXIX Atiiclea (in reply 
to Bennet)| 1724. 

* D^EweSy Journals ofParliameni, 
p. 133, Lond. 1682. 

* According to modem computa- 
tion, 1563. Similar notices of it occur 
on subsequent days in the Journals 
of the House of Commons ; and on 
reaching the Lords the entry in 
their Journals is ; ' Die Sahbatif 14* 
Deoembris (present Archbishop of 
York and seventeen Bishops) allate 
sunt due BiUe a Domo Cknnmuni, 
videlicet.., An Act for Uniformity 
of Doctrine, que prima vice leota 
est.' 

10-2 



148 THE ELIZABETHAN ABTICLES. [CH. 

press of Jugge and Cawood^. It is again mentioned in the 
'Journals of Parliament,' on the 10th of December, when 
the bill which claimed for the new document a wider cur- 
rency, was read the second time*. On the 13th of Decem- 
ber, some firesh traces of it are detected ; *the bill, with the 
Articles printed 1562 for Christian Eeligion,' being passed 
at the third reading'. On the next day (the 14th) it was 
sent up to the House of Lords, but there abruptly 'steyd 
by commandement from the Queen :* her reason being, as 
we learn from one of Parker's letters (Dec. 21, 1566), not 
that she disliked the 'doctrine of the Book of Religion, for 
that it containeth the religion which she doth openly pro- 
fess, but the manner of putting forth the book^.' 
Sfmm^ The primate, and indeed the bishops generally, appear 
^^SjKg^ to have been most desirous of accelerating the course of 
tim. this bill about Eeligion through the House of Lords ; as we 

conclude from a petition or address^ exhibited by them 'to 
the Queen's Majesiye the 24th of Decembre, anno 1566.' 
Although the credit or discredit of the measure was due 
entirely to the Lower House, the bishops urge that they 
accepted it as likely to produce a greater uniformity of faith 
and practice. They declare, that 'thapprobation of thies 
Articles by your Majestic shal be a verie good meane to 
establyshe and confirme all your Highnes subjects in one 
consent and xmitie of true doctrine, to the great quiete 
and safetie of your Majestic and this your realm ; whereas 
now for want of a playn certeintie of Articles of Doctrine 
by law to be declared, great distraction and dissention of 
myndes is at this present among your subjects, and dailie 
is like more and more to encrease, and that with verie 
great daunger in policie, the circumstances considered, if 



' It 18 reprinted in Dr Lamb's * Pttrker'i Corretp. p. api. 
publication, where it may be noted ' Parker*! Correip. pp. ig2 sq. 
that although the 29th Article is Bennet, ppb 258 — 260. It is inter- 
wanting, the number is made 'nine lined in the handwriting of arch- 
and thirty,' by dividing the 6th bishop Parker, and is written in 
Article into two portions. the name of 'the Archebyshope and 

• D'Ewes, vbi tupra. Byshops of both the Provinces.' 

» Ihid. p. 133. 



TI.] 



THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



149 



the said Boke of Articles be now steyd in your Majesties 
hand or (as God forbid) rejected.' 

Their petition was, however, unavailing ; for the Queen, ivommi 
immoveably resolved to guard what she considered her ■{•""•rif </ 
prerogative, cut short all further 'doings of the Commons* 
by dissolving Parliament on the 2nd of January. Her 
strong conviction at this period harmonized entirely with 
the message she sent down upon a similar occasion, when 
the project for securing uniformity in religion was revived 
in 1671. *She approved their good endeavours, but would 
not suffer these things to be ordered by Parliament*;' and 
with especial reference to the Articles, it was reported on 
the 1st of May, 'that the Queen's Majesty having been 
made privy to the said Articles, liketh very well of them 
and mindeth to publish them [i.e. in a fresh edition], and 
have them executed by the bishops, by direction of her 
Majesty's regal authority of supremacy of the Church of 
England, and not to have the same dealt in by Parlia- 
ment.' 

But, strange as it may be, the rigour which gave utter- 
ance to this magisterial language, speedily relaxed; and 
when the same measure had been introduced afresh into 
the House of Commons (April 7, 1571), and from thence 
transmitted to the Lords on the 3rd of May, Elizabeth was Jgi^'j^ 
forced into compliance; and the bill', entitled *For the^*^^* 



^ D'Ewes, p. 185. 

* SUd, 13 Eliz. c. I). It enacts 
'by the authority of the present 
parliament, that every person vmder 
the degree of a bishop, which doth 
or shall pretend to be a priest or 
minister of God's holy Word and 
Sacraments, by reason of any other 
form of institution, consecration, or 
ordering, than the form set forth by 
parliament in the time of the late 
king of most worthy memory. King 
Edward the Sixth, or now used in 
the reign of our most gracious sove- 
reign lady, before the feast of the 
Nativity of Christ next following, 
shall, in the presence of the bishop 



or guardian of the spiritualities of 
some one diocese where he hath or 
shall have ecclesiastical living, de- 
clare his (U$ent, and $vbicribe to aU 
the Ariidea of Rdigum, which only 
concern ike ecnfamon of the true 
Christian faith and the doctrine of 
the Sacraments, comprised in a book 
imprinted, entitled ''Artides where- 
upon it was agreed ly the archbishops 
and bishops of both provinces, and 
the whole eUrgy in the Convocation 
holden at London in the year of our 
Lord CM one thousand five hundred 
sixty and two, according to the com- 
putation of the Church of England, 
for the avoiding of the diversitiet of 



150 



THE ELUABBTHAN ABTICLBS. 



[CH. 



PrtMbU 

emueto/thU 

change. 



order of tninisterB* Or 'For the miniciterd of the Church to 
be of sound religion/ after pacing the Upper House on 
the 21st, obtained her wavering^ assent, on the 29th of the 
same month. 

We maj imagine that the fears awakened at that 
juncture bj the partisans of Mary, queen of Scots, the 
menacing attitude of early Puritanism, and, most of all, the 
excommunicatory bull\ which had just before been levelled 
at this nation by the Roman pontiff and had stimulated 
many Bomanizers to fall off entirely from the Church\ 
would all have weight in mitigating the hostility of the 
Crown to parliamentary interference in religious matters : 
for nothing but extraordinary pressure could have recon- 
ciled a sovereign like Elizabeth to the abandonment of 
what she always felt to be the highest branch of the pre« 
rogative. 

When it is further borne in mind that the series of 
measures on Church-affairs, in which the bill about the 
Articles stood foremost', were the work of a new party in 



opmiom and for th$ eUaUMing qf 
eonseiU UmdUng true reUffion: ptU 
forth hy the Queen's aulhorUy." * It 
is enacted further, that a teetimoiiial 
of rach assent and subscription shall 
be procured from the bishops, and 
read together with the Articles in 
Church. The 'said Articles' are 
also ordered to be subscribed in the 
presence of the ordinary, and pub- 
lickly read in Church by eveiy one 
at his admission to a benefice. On 
disputes which have arisen as to the 
particular edition of the Articles 
referred to in this Act, see Dr 
Lamb's ffiti Ace, p. i6 ; Briiith 
Critic, as above, pp. 93, 94; and 
Mr Swainson's Etiay en the HUtory 
cfAH, XXIX. and o/t^ iiihEliM- 
belh, c. I a, Camb. 1856. Mr Swain- 
son has brought out distinctly that 
the edition of the Articles mentioned 
in this Act could not have contained 
the 99th Article of the present 



ries, which was only readopted by 
the bishops on May 11, 1571. 

^ See it in Camden's AnnaUi Eliz, 
p. 183 ; ed. 1695. Hie true date is 
April If, 1570. 

* This was the origin of the An- 
glo-Romish schism. See Fullwood's 
Boma RiUt, Appendix (A), pp. 317, 
318, ed. 1847. The number of 
such secessions was increased soon 
after by enforcing subscription to 
the Articles: for it was chiefly 
against persons ordained in the 
time of Mary that the Bill was 
pointed ; and until the works of Da- 
venport (Fran, k Sancta Clara) in 
the time of Charles I. no one at- 
tempted to reconcile the Anglican 
with the Tridentine standard of 
Christian orthodoxy. 

* In the original JounuU-Booh, it 
is oalled Bill A, being one of a series 
of meaitires 'touching Beligion and 
Church government' (D*£we8, p. 



k 



VI.] 



THE ELIZABETHAN ABTICLES. 



161 



the State, with puritanical and democratic leanings, the 
eventual acqnieaoence of Elizabeth is all the more sor- 
prising. One of the promoters of the Act of 1571 was ^an 
ancient gentleman of hot zeal/ named Strickland^, who 
was bent on making further changes in the ritual Offices of 
the Church', and ventured even to propose the framing of 
a new Formulary of Faith, upon the model of the Swiss Auenauo 
Confessions^. Strickland was supported by Wentworth, jg^conAet- 
another of the early Puritans ; and when a deputation, of 
which Wentworth was a member, waited on the primate 
'for answer touching matters of religion,' it was noticed 
that the version of the Articles which they were advo- 
cating, dropped all mention of the Homilies, the Ordinal, 
and other topics which related to the hierarchy and cere- 
monial of the Church. The primate, startled by this 
change, desired an explanation ; on which Wentworth de- 
clared that certain subjects were omitted from the series 
because the Commons had no time 'to examine them how 
they agreed with the Word of God.' 'What?' asked 
Parker; 'surely you mistook the matter; you will refer 
yourselves wholly to us therein,' t. e. have recourse to the 
ecclesiastical authorities in the determination of such points. 
But Wentworth answered, 'No! by the faith I bear to 
Gk)d, we will pass nothing before we understand what it is, 
for that were but to make you popes ; make you popes who 
list, for we will make you none*.' 



185) : but, as Mr Swainson has point- 
ed out, this Bill A was 'dashed' by 
the Queen and replaced by Bill B, 
'For the order of Ministers/ which 
although of precisely the same cha- 
racter and object, was finally as- 
sented to (May ig). 

^ Strype, Annals, u. 63, 64. 'The 
Queen liked not all these proceed- 
ings, reckoning it struck at her pre- 
rogative... So that during the time 
of Easter, in the holy-days, Strick- 
land, for his exhibiting a bill for the 
reformation of ceremonies, and his 
speech thereupon, was sent for be- 
fore the Lords of the Prify €k>uncil ; 



and required to attend upon them : ' 
Ibid, In many minds the restraining 
of the Queen's prerogative was be- 
coming more or less associated with 
the advancement of the Puritanic 
interest. 

« The 'sour leaven' of Puritanism, 
in reference to matters ritual, had 
already begun to work at Cambridge 
(see Dr LMnb's CoUectum of Lettert, 

^^•* P> 35^)1 ^^^ in 1571 appeared 
the great manifesto of this party 
called the 'Admonition to the Par* 
liameni,' 

» Strype, Ihid. p. 66. 

* D'Bwes, p. 139: Strype, An- 



152 



THE ELIZABETHAN ABTICLES. 



[CH. 



UmUt^iht 



arprtquin- 
wtmttfnib' 



Prqeeeiingt 
mmea 

un. 



efCtrnmeor 
ion, 



The language of the puritanical party both on this and 
other like occasions is in favour of a supposition not un- 
sanctioned by the wording of the Act itself, that in the 
confirmation of the Articles by parliament in 1571, it was 
intended to enforce subscription only to such statements as 
embrace the fundamental points of Christian faith and the 
true doctrine of the Sacraments ; the fact that efibrts had 
been made in the direction of some new Confession by the 
chief promoters of that measure being taken as corrobora- 
tory of the same hypothesis. But as the question will be 
reconsidered at a later stage of our inquiry when we come 
to the historical notices of subscription, we shall here pro- 
ceed to ascertain as fiur as possible the course pursued in 
reference to the Articles by members of the southern Con- 
vocation, which was sitting in connexion with the Parlia- 
ment of 1571. 

The opening sermon was preached on April 3 by Dr 
Whitgift, wh6 after dwelling at some length on the au- 
thoritjr of synods, imd the lawfulness of vestoents and 
ecclesiastical decorations, adverted to the present enemies 
of the Church, whom he divided into Puritans and Pa- 
pists \ As the preacher made no special reference to the 
Articles, much less to any changes in the series of 1563, it 
is most probable that the idea of reconsidering them arose 
entirely from the agitations on the subject afterwards ex- 
cited in the House of Commons. However, on the 7th of 
April, the very day when a string of bills concerning Re- 
ligion were read in that House, an order had been issued 
from the primate', enjoining that all members of the lower 



ndU, n. 67. Wentwortb'fl 'freedom ' 
afterwardB brought him into the 
cuftody of the sergeant. 

* Bennety p. 363. Burghley (Cecil) 
complains, in the same spirit, not 
long after (Sept. ix, 1573), of being 
'bitten with a viperous generation 
of traitors, papists, and (he adds) I 
fear of some domestic hidden scor- 
pions : ' Parker's Corretp. p. 444. 

' Ibid, Dr Lamb thinks this or- 



der was directed against Cheynie, 
bishop of Gloucester, (above, p. 135, 
n. 3), who was excommunicated for 
non-attendance at the synod, and 
afterwards absolved in the person of 
his proxy; but the terms of the 
order confine it to the members of 
the latoer House. Camden speaks 
of Cheynie as 'most addicted to 
Luther,' probably on account of 
his doctrine of the Eucharist and 



VI.] 



THE ELIZABETHAN ABTICLE8. 



153 



Honse of Convocation ^who had not fonnerly snbscribed 
the Articles of Beligion, agreed on in the year 1562 [1563], 
should subscribe them now, or upon their absolute refusal 
or delay (if such persons existed) that thej should be 
wholly excluded from the house.' In deference to this 
order the 'Book of Articles' was read aloud and personally 
subscribed by members of both Houses ; but no more is 
heard of it until the following month, when the delibera- 
tions of the Commons were harmoniously concluded, and 
their bill for legalising the Articles of Beligion was already 
introduced into the House of Lords (May 3). As one result, 
we may conjecture, of this progress, and in order to multi- 
ply copies of the formulary which might claim the definite 
sanction of the Church and correspond with the specification 
of the bill requiring tlie Articles to be used in English^ the 
bishops forthwith undertook a fresh revision of the whole 
series. Minutes to the following effect were thereupon 
inserted in the register of Convocation*, at its fifth session 
(May 4): 

*Po8t tractatum aliquandiu inter Eeverendissimum et 
confratres suos secrete habitum, tandem unanimiter con- 
venit, ut sequitur; viz.: That when the Book of Articles 
touching Doctrine shall be ftiUy agreed upon, that then 
the same shall be put in print by the appointment of my 
Lord of Sarum [Jewel], and a price rated for the same 
to be sold.' 

'Item, That the same being printed, every bishop to 
have a competent number thereof, to be published in their 
synods throughout their several dioceses, and to be read in 
every parish-church four times' a year.' 



his retention of pictureB in churches. 
He refused, u we have seen, to 
subscribe the Articles in 1563 : 
Strype, Annals, x. 563. Jewel, in 
writing to Bullinger (Feb. 4, 1567), 
refers both to Gheynie and others of 
his way of thinking : 'One alone of 
our number, the bishop of Glouces- 
ter, hath openly and boldly declared 
in Parliament his approval of Lu- 



ther's opinion respecting the Eucha- 
rist, but this crop will not, I hope, 
be of long continuance:' Zwrkh 
Letters, I. 185, x8d 

^ Bennet, pp. «6a, 163. 

* Archbp Parker had before en- 
joined the reading of them twice a 
year (Strype*s Parker, App. p. 48), 
together with the 'Declaration' a- 
bove mentioned (p. 119), which was 



154 



THE EUZABBTHAK JLBTICUEB. 



[CH. 



At the next seBsion (Maj 11), which was held at 
Lambeth, and was alao Btrictly private, the blshopB seem to 
have been anxiously engaged in fresh deUberationa on the 
Book of Artidee^ and posaiblj with reference to the re* 
adoption of Article XXIX ; — a surmise which is counten^^ 
anced and strengthened by the fact, that on the same day 
an English Manuscript, surviving in the library of arch- 
bishop Parker^ and containing the Article in question, 
was subscribed by the primate and ten other bishops of the 
southern province*. The same subject may have possibly 
been reconsidered in the eighth session on the 2Srd of May ; 
for then, we know, the prelates held another meeting of two 
hours' duration, and had thus an opportunity of sanction- 
ing some emendations which had in the meanwhile been 
incorporated into both the Latin and the English texts\ 
But in the absence of all definite note of these proceedings. 



a]flo to be read imu. Grindal, ▲.!>. 
157I9 makes the same order with 
regard to the 'Articles' (Card well's 
DocuM, Anndb, i. 370)1 and en- 
joins the use of them (AJd. 1576) 
when there was no sermon {lldcL i. 
401). They were also ordered to be 
read twice a year as late as the time 
of Charles 11. {Ihid. n. 308). 

^ Bennety p. 963. The minute is 
remarkable : ' Episoopi in ccenaculo 
Lambethano congregati de et super 
rebus Boclesiffi et Libro Articulorum 
de Doctrina, ut apparuit, secrete 
semotis omnibus arbitris traotaront.' 

' An exact copy is contained 
in Dr Lamb's publication, No. lY. 
It was probably a transcript from 
the LUtU Book (see above, p. 147), 
amended so as to meet the wishes of 
Parker and his friends ; and so act- 
ing as an intermediate stage in the 
production of the document finally 
authorised. For the variations be- 
tween it and the printed copies of 
157 1 imply that some further revi- 
sion of it took place after the nth 
of May : Bennett pp. 311 — 315. The 



same industrious writer shews that 
the ' Canons ' of this year were, in 
like manner, authoritatively modi- 
fied defter the subscriptions of the 
bishops were appended, pp. 345, 

346. 

' These were Robert (Home) of 
Winchester, John (Scory) of Here- 
foid, Richard (Cox) of Ely, Nicho- 
las (Bolingham) of Worcester, John 
(Jewel) of Salisbury, £dmund(GueBt) 
of Rochester, Nicholas (Robinson) 
of Bangor, Richard (Curteis) of 
Chichester, Thomas (Cooper) of Lin- 
cohi, William (Bradbridge) of Exeter. 
They describe themselves as fol- 
lows: 'We, tharchbisshoppes and 
bisshoppes of either Province of this 
realme of Englande^* 8do,; — ^intend- 
ing, it may be, to forward a copy of 
the document to the northern Con- 
vocation (cf. above, p. 135). They 
also mention the Articles as ' thirty- 
eight ' in number, two, via. the 35th 
and 36th (respecting the Homilies 
and the Ordinal), being in this copy 
united in one Article. 

* BeniMt, ohap. xzii. passim. 



YI.] THS SLIZABSTHAK ABTIGLI8. 165 

we can ofier only goeBses as to their precise character^ until 
the Convocation was itself dissolved, in the tenth session, 
on the 30th of May. 

It is natural to expect that the Articles, in their revised wertou 
condition, would be finally submitted to both houses ot^oee^ 
Convocation and again be regularly subscribed. Such"^' 
infisrence is implied or hinted in the royal ratification, ap-> 
pended to editions, both English and Latin, which were 
given to the public in the same year^ But as the original 
copy, or copies, of the work have altogether perished, like 
the labours of the previous Convocation, we are now unable 
to determine the degree of unanimity by which this last 
revision was ultimately approved. Bennet^ draws atten-» 
tion to one copy of the Latin edition of 1563, accompanied 
by names of members of the lower House, who had sub- 
scribed the Articles of Religion in the course of 1671 ; but 
there is reason for believing that the time at which those 
signatures had been appended was the earlier part of April, 
when, as we have seen, the representatives were ordered to 
subscribe as an initial step on pain of exclusion from the 
Synod. Still, the fact that one whole Article, the 29th, as 
well as a variety of minor changes, was henceforward to be 
absolutely enforced on all the clergy, would doubtless have 
suggested the propriety of submitting the Formulary to 
both Houses when the task of revision was completed ; so 
that, much as we deplore the loss of the original document, 
we are entitled to believe that the particular version of the 
Articles eventually ordered to be *holden and executed' by 
the ratification of the Queen, was duly sanctioned, like its 
predecessor, by the Church-authorities. 

It is worthy of especial notice that neither in this royal NoaUutUmt 
sanction, nor the Book of Canons, passed in the later gjjjj^^ 
sessions of the present Synod and stipulating' that allf^^**- 

^ The Latin, 'apad Johannem ' Ghap. zx. 

DayniUy typographum. An. Domini, * 'Quiris minister Eoolenie, ante- 

15 7 1 :' the English, 'at London in quam in saoram fiinctionem ingre- 

Powles Churchyard, by Bicharde diatur, subteribet cnmiSfmi ArdctUit 

Ingge and lohn Oawood, Printers de religione Christiana, in quos 

to the Queenes Maieetis^ in Anno consensum est in synodo ; et pub* 

Domini, 1571/ Uoe ad populom, ubicunque episco- 



156 



THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



[CH. 



candidates for holy orders shall henceforward sign the Arti- 
cles, do we discern the slightest reference to the Act of par- 
liament by which the code of doctrine had been previously 
incorporated into the statutes of the realm. This silence, 
on the part of Queen Elizabeth, is readily explained by her 
unflinching maintenance of what she deemed the true prero- 
gative of the Crown ; while on the part of bishops and clergy, 
it had risen from a strong dislike to recognise distinctions, 
which to all appearance had been sanctioned in the Act 
of Parliament, between doctrinal and other Articles. Both 
Queen and clergy were beginning to foresee most clearly 
that the intermeddling of the House of Commons, in the 
province of theology, was intimately connected at that 
period with the growth of democratic elements, and might 
result, if not abated by the application of more vigorous 
checks, in the subversion both of throne and altar. As 
early as 1573, the two archbishops in a joint communica- 
tion had the foresight to declare : 'In the platform of these 
new builders, we evidently see the spoliation of the patri- 
mony of Christ, a popular state to be sought The end 
will be ruin to religion and confusion to our coxmtry*.' 

Actuated by forebodings of this kind, the Convocation 
was so far from bending under the attacks of Wentworth 



pus junerit, patefieunet conBdentiam 
Buam, quid de illis AiiiculiB, et 
univena doctrina Bentiat.' Gardwel], 
Synod, x. no. And in the &moa8 
canon 'Concionatores/ after decUu> 
ing, thai preachers shall never teach 
anything as matter of £&ith except 
that which is agreeable to the doc- 
trine of the Old and New Testament, 
and which Catholic fathers and an- 
cient bishops have collected out of 
the same doctrine, it is added : ' Et 
quoniam Artlculi illi religionis Chris- 
tians, in quos consensum est ab 
episcopis in legitima et sancta syno- 
do, jussu atque authoritate serenis- 
simse principis Elizabethse convocata 
et celebrata, baud dubie' collect! 
sunt ex sacris libris Veteris et Novi 



Testament!, et cum ooelesti doctrina^ 
que in illis continetur, per omnia 
congruunt; quoniam etiam liber 
publioarum precum et liber de inau- 
guratione arohiepiscoporum, episco- 
porum, presbyterorum et diaconorum 
nihil continent ab ilia ipsa doctrina 
alienum ; quicunque mittentur ad 
dooendum populum illorum Articu- 
lorum authoritatem et fidem, non 
tantum condonibus suis, sed etiam 
subscriptione confirmabunt.' Ibid, 
137. Cf. 'Articuli per archiepiscu- 
pum etc. in Synodo,' 1584, Ibid. i. 
141. 

^ Parker's Carretp. p. 434. He 
expressed the same forebodings in 
1566 (pp. 384, 985), and also after- 
wards (p. 437). 



YI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 157 

and his pariy, that the Articles on issuing from this last 
review had suffered none of the threatened mutilations, nor 
indeed experienced any formidable change. The twenty- ^SSSSmK 
ninth (as we have seen already) was inserted now in every STuS?^' 
copy ; and the clause affirming the authority of the Church 
in controversies of faith, though wanting in the draft sub- 
scribed on May 11 by the eleven bishops, as also in the 
English edition of 1563, on which that Manuscript was 
modelled* — is found in all the English copies of 1571, 
which have the slightest claim to be regarded as authentic'. 
The disputed clause is wanting, it is true, in one LcUin 
edition of 1571, printed by John Day; but, on the con- 
trary, it seems to have existed in other copies', in the 
same language, of the same date, and by the same printer ; 
so that whether we attribute the omission to design or 
accident, to the imscrupulous intrigues of Leicester^ and his 
puritan allies, or the timidity of bishop Jewel*, the editor 
appointed by the Synod to superintend the publication of 
the Articles, there can be little doubt of its synodical 
adoption at that time, and none whatever of its universal 
obligation* since the year 1605. 

The other changes which are met with in the autho- 



1 Bennet, p. 336. 

* llid, c. zxiv. This point is 
proved from a minute oorrespond- 
enoe between an English copy (in 
Bennet*8 work marked E) and the 
language of a letter of Archbishop 
Parker (dated June 4, 1571, t. e. 
immediately after the dose of the 
Convocation). In this edition, au- 
thenticated by the allusion of the 
primate, the disputed clause is 
found. 

* e. ^. in the Latin edition, by 
John Day, printed in Bp Sparrow's 
(MUctionj which differs in three 
other material particulars from the 
extant copy of Pay's edition. 

* Fuller speaks of him as the 
'patron-general of non-subscribers ;' 
and there can be no doubt as to his 



violent dislike of Parker and the 
more conservative Reformers. Par- 
ker's Corretp, p. 47a. 

' This is the supposition of Mr 
Soames, Elizabethan Hid, p. 15a. 
If any such omission was made by 
that prelate, he clearly exceeded the 
powers which had been granted by 
the synod: for so £ur frt>m consti- 
tuting him an irresponsible reviser, 
the order was that his duty of editor 
conmience 'when the Articles shall 
be fully agreed upon.' 

' The disputed clause occurs in 
the English copy of the Articles 
subscribed by the Southern Convo- 
cation in 1604, and by the Northern 
in 1605. It enters therefore into 
the series contemplated by the 36th 
canon. 



AretheLaHn 

andBngliih 

ArHekt 

eguaUvim- 

ikoritatimf 



158 THE XUZABBTHAN ABTICI1E8. [CH. 

rbed versions of this period will be alfcerwarcU exhibited 
more fully * : it is here suffioient to observe that thej have 
left the character impressed upon tiie Articles in 1563 
entirely unaffected^ They are either emendations in the 
wording of thirteen titles, or corrections introduced into the 
English from the older Latin copy, or occasional explana- 
tions of phraseology belieyed to have been capable of 
misconstruction. One posMve addition will be found in 
the completed list of the ^Apocryphal' writings, now ap- 
pended to the sixth Article. 

There is, however, an important consideration belong- 
ing to this stage of our inquiry, which has been suggested 
partly by the fact that we possess the Articles of 1571 
in two forms, English and Latin. Are, then, these two 
versions equally authentic, or, in the event of discrepan- 
cies' between them, which may be regarded as of para- 
mount authority ? 

Thia question ia so dearly and auocinctly answered by 
Waterland in his 'Supplement to the case of Arian Sub- 
scription,' that his language may with great advantage be 
transferred to our own pages : * As to the Articles, English 
and Latin, I may just observe for the sake of such readers 
as are less acquainted with these things ; Jirst, that the 
Articles were passed, recorded, and ratified in the year 
1562 [1563], and tVi IxUin only. Secondly, that those Latin 
Articles were revised and corrected by the Convocation of 
1571. Thirdli/j that an authentic English translation was 
then made of the Latin Articles by the same Convocation, 



> See Append. No. ni., where 
the Axtiolea, Id thia their dual shapes 
are printed at length in Latin and 
English, hy the ride of the Forty- 
two Artiolee, together with colla- 
tions of the moet authentic copies 
of 1563. 

* A few such variations have been 
pointed out : e.^. in the ninth Arti- 
cle, the English, 'for them that be- 
lieve and are bapHud* T^tht Latin, 
*rtnatii et oredentibos ;' and just 
before, the English, 'there be no 



oondenmation' « the Latin, 'nulla 
propter Ohruium est condemnatio.' 
Similarly, in the twelfth Article, 
the English, 'follow after justifica- 
tion 's the Latin, 'justificatos se- 
quuntor.' The English heading of 
Art XVnL Is, '(HoUaining eter- 
nal salvation only by the name of 
Christ ;* the Latin is, 'Tantum in 
nomine Christi tpemnda est aeteroa 
aalus.' Li Art. XXV. the Latin 
words, 'quomodo nee Posnitentia,' 
have no English equivalent 



TI.] THE EUZABBTHAN ABTICLES. 159 

and the Latin and English adjusted as nearly as possible. 
FaurtUjf, that the Articles thus perfected in both languagea 
were published the same year, and by the royal authority. 
FiftMifj subscription was required the same year to the 
English Articles, called the Articles of 1562, by the 
fitmous act of the 13th of Elizabeth. 

'These things considered, I might justly say with 
bishop Burnet, that the Latin and English are both equally 
auiherUtcal. Thus much, however, I may certainly infer, 
that if in any places the English version be ambiguous, 
where the Latin original is clear and determinate; the 
Latin ought to fix the more doubtful sense of the other, 
(as also vice versd,) it being evident that the Convocar 
tion, Queen, and Parliament intended the same sense in 
both*.' 

Another and more general class of .questions cannot Sfi^SSS 
fail to have been prompted in the course of the investiga- u^SJ^uui 
tion now drawing to a close. We saw in every step how 
intimate as well as constant was the sympathy or corre- 
spondence between the structure of the English Articles 
and the condition of the Church of England at the time of 
their compilation and revision. Now this fact, attested 
as it is not only in contemporaneous writings, but in all 
successive titles of the document itself, may fairly be in- 
voked to modify our judgment with regard to its distinctive 
character and office as a test of Christian truth. The 
Articles, if viewed under one aspect, were pacijlcatory: they 
strove by silence, or at least by general statements, to 
divert and calm the speculations of the English clergy on 
mysterious and scholastic questions which remain imsolved 
in Holy Scripture, and transcend the present limits of the 
human understanding. On the otlier hand those Articles 
were meant to be denunciatory; plain and positive errors 
were unsparingly rebuked. Criteria had been there pro- 
vided, so that advocates alike of Eomanism and Ana- 
baptism, Papist and fanatic, Puritan and Zwinglian ' sacra- 
mentary,' weye all excluded from the office of public teachers 

1 fForib, n. 316, 317. Oxf. 1843. 



160 



THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 



[CH. 



in the Church of England. But a dear perception of 
these characteristic traits is absolutely fatal to the argu- 
ment which labours to exalt the Articles of 1571 into a 
full and systematic body of theology, — ^reaching to all 
topics and sufficient for all times. The Articles may claim 
to be, and are, an adequate exponent of the Church's mind 
with reference to the questions which they rule affirma- 
tively ; but in cases where they merely censure some 
obnoxious form of misbelief or of malpractice, without 
accurately defining truths of which those errors are cor- 
ruptions, or distortions, or negations, we must seek for the 
whole teaching of the Church of England on such topics in 
a somewhat difierent quarter, — in the Prayer-Book and 
other writings which have been invested with a like au- 
thority\ 

Such has ev^ been the language held by those who 
in the sixteenth century, as well as in all subsequent 
crises, have stood forward as our champions against error 
on the right hand and the left. TTieir judgment as to 
the true province of the Articles is quite in harmony with 
memorable words of bishop Pearson, who like older pre- 
latesy while encountering the arts and malice of the Church 
of Rome, had also to do battle with an opposite party who 
were panting after the more perfect 'reformation of the 
public doctrine'.' He remarks, most truly, that on the Puri- 
tan hypothesis, the Book of Articles must always seem irre- 
gular and defective, and then adds the following weighty 
answer to the prevalent mistake. That Book, he says, 4s 
not, nor is pretended to be, a complete body of divinity, or 
a comprehension and explication of all Christian doctrines 



^ It 18 worthy of note that in the 
year 1675, daring the diBCUSsione on 
the Test-Bill, Lord Shaftesbury (the 
profligate leader of what were then 
called the 'low- churchmen') asked 
in the house of peen, ' How much 
is meant by the Protestant Beli- 
giont' Whereupon several bishops 
explained, ' that the Protestant Reli- 
gion is comprehended in the Thirty- 



nine ArtideSy the Lituigy, the Cate- 
chism, the Homilies, and the Canons 
of the Church of England.' Lord 
Campbell's Livet of the Chancdlors, 
U'« 3^3* ^' the language of the 
prolocutor in the Convocation of 
168^; Card well's Hi$t. of Coi\fer- 
9MiU^ p. 445, Oxf. 1 84 1. 

' No necessity of BefwrntUion: 
'Minor Works,' 11. 1 69 ; ed. Churton. 



VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICIJSS. 161 

necessary to be taught; but an enumeration of some truths, 
which upon and since the Reformation have been denied 
by some persons ; who upon their denial are thought imfit 
to have any cure of souls in this Church or realm ; be- 
cause they might by their opinions either infect their flock 
with error, or else disturb the Church with schism, or the 
realm with sedition ^' 

We shall next endeavour to describe the framing of 
some kindred documents which serve to throw especial 
light on the 'interpretation of the earlier series ; and shall 
then present the reader with some sketches of the efforts 
made in various schools of misbelief, to alter its contents or 
to unsettle its authority. 

^ Answer to Burgee, Ibid. ii. 215, 



II. A. 11 



CHAPTER VII. 



THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 



ofSt 



Theh 
Augukine 



OF all the ancient * clerks,' whom leaders of the Refor- 
mation-movement had continued to regard with a 
peculiar deference, none was so conspicuous and command- 
ing as the bishop of Hippo-Regius, — the incomparable 
Augustine. In the writings both of * Swiss' and * Saxon' 
theologians, Luther, Zwingli, Bucer, Bullinger, Calvin and 
Melancthon, the time-honoured name of St Augustine 
constantly recurs: while the profiise citations from his 
works which meet us everywhere in studying the pro- 
ductions of our own Reformers ^ testify how much of 
confidence they also had reposed in his authority, and 
their delight in his sacred learning. 

It is not to be disguised, however, that in spite of this 
determination to enthrone Augustine as the doctor of the 
West, some portions of his theological system were at 
variance with the coiTcsponding statements of other and 
still earlier Fathers*. The portentous controversies which 
were kindled in all quarters by the zeal of the Pelagian 
party drove him to reflect more deeply on the nature 
and necessity of Grace ; and the direction of these grand 
investigations, coinciding with the bias of his natural 
temperament, conducted him ere long to the ulterior 



^ Their reverence for him has been 
made the ground of animadversion 
by Bp Horsley, Sermon on i St Peter 
iii. 1 8 — 20, who thinks that the 
change made in the Article on our 
Lord's descent into Hades (1563) 
was owing to doubts which had been 
entertained by St Augustine as to 



the import of this passage. 

' Faber, Primitive Doctrine of 
Election, I. 96 — III, Lond. 1836: 
Blunty Sketch of the Church, Serm. 
nr. pp. 167 — 177, Camb. 1836. This 
discord or divergence did not e8caj>e 
the criticism of Bp Gardiner, Decla- 
ration (against Joye), fol. Ixxix. 



CH. VII.] 



THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 



163 



problem, which attempts to reconcile the truth of God's 
supreme fore-knowledge with the parallel fact of individual 
freedom, and the consciousness in man of his own moral 
responsibility. The treasures both of wisdom and ex- 
perience thus accumulated by Augustine in a long and 
painful process of inquiry, furnished a most copious stock 
of theses for the mock-encounters of the schools, as 
well as ample food for some of the more philosophic 
spirits of the Middle Ages*; and from thence it was 
that Calvin, in the second generation of Reformers, had 
rejoiced* to draw materials for the masterly system of 
theology, which he bequeathed to a succession of disciples 
and admirers. 

The extent to which our English Reformation was Tkeinfiuenee 

/v» T1 !••• •I'll /»^^T« ^Caiviniuui 

affected by peculiarities associated with the name of Calvin, fii**chooi. 
has been often made a matter of debate. It may be true, 
as some have argued, that his first distinct avowal of the 
doctrines here considered can be traced no further back 
than 1551'; and therefore that the compilation of our 



^ ' Of predestination and reproba- 
tiun, it is our part to speak advised- 
ly. But that the only will of God 
is the cause of reprobation, being 
taken as it is contrary to predesti- 
nation, not only St Paul and St 
Augustine, but the best and leamcd- 
est schoolmen have largely and in- 
vincibly proved.* Dr Whi taker to 
the Archbishop, in Strype's WhUgiftf 
App. No. XXV, p. 700. For the in- 
teresting disputes on these questions 
at the Council of Trent, see Sarpi, I. 
367, seqq. On the contemporaneous 
agitation of the same topics among 
our own Reformers, see above, p. 
1 03 ; and on Luther*8 earlier contro- 
versy with Erasmus, see Hardwick's 
Brform. pp. 48 sq. 

' InaU, Lib. lu. c. aa, § 8, where, 
however, he disingenuously affirms 
that St Augustine claimed the sup- 
port of the other Fathers ; the fact 
being that Augustine appeals only 



to three writers of the age before 
his own : Faber's Doctrine of Elec- 
tion, ubi sup. 

* Archbp. Laurence, Serm. ii. 
note (14). The name of Calvin was 
however well known in England be- 
fore this period, for, as we have 
seen, he was of the number invited 
to take part in the religious 'Con- 
ference' projected as early as 1549: 
see above, pp. 71. sq. His Institutio 
had, moreover, been circulating since 
the year 1536 ; and there is no good 
reas n for maintaining that his ori- 
ginal view of election was very dif- 
ferent from that finally developed. 
It is curious that one of the first 
strictures passed upon him, by an 
English reformer, occurs in a letter 
of Hooper to Bucer (dated Ztlrich, 
June 19, 1548): 'I do not rightly 
understand what you write respect- 
ing Calvin. I had never any inten- 
tion of using my pen either against 

11--2 



164 



THE LAMBETH AUTICLES. 



[CH. 



t 



?/M: 



Articles and Prayer-Book cannot possibly bear any im- 
press of the ' Calvinistic' modes of thought : but never- 
theless if it be granted that his teaching on Election and 
the other cognate questions was identical with that of 
St Augustine, both the Articles and other Formularies 
of the Church may still have been considerably tinctured 
with * Calvinism,' though such admixture was not actually 
derived from treatises of Calvin. 
Jg^^ This identity, however, will no longer be maintained 

q^S^M- ^y ^^7 oii® who makes himself familiar with the systems 
of theology as fabricated in the schools of Hippo and 
Geneva : for extensively as Calvinists have been indebted 
to their African predecessor, they have so exaggerated 
various portions of his teaching, and have so curtailed or 
contradicted others, that in spite of similarity of language 
a profound if not a frmdamental change is frequently ob- 
servable on comparing the positions of the ancient and the 
modem doctor. For example, as one proof of such di- 
versity we may select the doctrine of * final perseverance,' 
or the inamissibility of regenerating grace. In both those 
systems it was equally contended that a remnant only 
of the human family are made partakers of the special 
gift, which schoolmen term the * grace of perseverance:' 
yet Augustine uniformly held that other persons, not in- 
cluded in this remnant, may be verily regenerate and 
actually possessed of living faith in Christ, which not- 
withstanding they will forfeit altogether; while Calvin, 
who identified the gifts of perseverance and regeneration, 
had been driven to deny the possibility of spiritual life, 
except in those, whom a Divine decree had also irreversibly 
exempted from the chance of ultimate perdition^. In the 



him or Farell, aUJiouyh his commen- 
taries on the fir^ Epistle to Hie Corin- 
thians displeased me exceedingly,* 
Original Letters, ed. P. S. p. 48. 

* Cf. the Augustinian Treatise, 
De Correptume et Gratia, c. 6 and 
c. 13, or De Prcedestinalione Sanc- 
torum, c. 14, with Calvin's Institution 
Lib. III. c. 74, § 6, It is very ob- 



servable that this distinction was 
keenly felt at the compiling of the 
Lambeth Articles ; for in the emen- 
dations of Whitaker's theses by the 
archbishop and his colleagues, an 
important change was made in Art. 
v.: *In autographo Whitakeri ver- 
ba erant "in iis qui semel ejus par- 
tidpes fuerunt," pro quibus a Lam- 



\ 



VII.] 



THE LAMBETH AUTICLES. 



165 



Augustinlan system there was left a positive check upon 
the desolating influence of presumption and the tendency 
to recklessness and desperation : in the Calvinistic system, 
where both justifying and regenerating grace were held 
to be not given excepting to the finally saved, we need 
not wonder if the feeling of responsibility for human 
actions had been seriously endangered. 

It is probable, indeed, that no forebodings of this kind emtrated by 
liad been suggested to the refugees, who, seekuig shelter ^J?** 
from the Marian persecutions, on the continent beneath 
the hospitable roofs of * Calvinistic' refonnera, had on their 
return been chiefly instrumental in the opening of dis- 
putes still agitated in the Church of England. In the 
number of such exiles whicli was very considerable, we 
can recognize a large majority of those who from the 
special nature and emergency of tlic times had been ad- 
vanced on the accession of Elizabeth, to some of the 
most honourable positions in their native country. The 
effects of their association with the leading Swiss re- 
foimcrs, are especially visible if we contrast their fiiture 
bearing witli the conduct of a smaller band of scholars, 
such as xilley. Guest and Parker, who had never crossed 
the seas. These latter were in almost every case untainted 
by the disciplinary scruples of their brethren, and still 
more, evinced no tenderness for the extreme opinions on 



bcthanis substituta sunt, "in electis/ 
— sensu planb alio et ad mentem Au- 
gu^ini; cum in autographo sint ad 
mentem CcUvini. Augustinus enim 
opinatus est, veram fidem quae per 
dilectioDem operatur, per quam con- 
tingit adoptio, justificatio et sancti- 
ficatio, po98€ et iniercidi et amitti; 
fidcm vero esse commune donum 
dectis et reprobis, sed perseverantiam 
electis propriam: Calvinus autem, 
Teram et justificantem fidem solia sal- 
vandis et electis contingere.' See 
Append. No. V. Hutton, Archbishop 
of York, suggested an alteration in 
Art. YI., on the ground that as it 



stood it was opposed to St Augus- 
tine, who taught, 'Keprobi quidem 
vocati, justificati, per layacrum re- 
generationis renovati sunt, et tamen 
exeunt/ etc. Strype's Wkitgift, p. 
461, ed. 1718. Cf. the Augsburg 
Confession, Part i. § 11 ; where not- 
withstanding the uniform reverence 
for St Augustine, the notion that 
'persons once justified cannot lose 
the Holy Spirit,' is denounced as an 
error of the 'Anabaptists.' This 
charge seems to have been actually 
made against the Cambridge 'Cal- 
vinists* in 1595: Strype's WhUff^t, 

p. 434. 



166 



THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 



[CH. 



dogmatic points, which not a few of the * predestinarian 
zealots' had imbibed from the instruction of. their foreign 
masters ^ Parker and his friends were acting as con- 
servative elements amid the heavings of a stormy and most 
anxious period, when continual struggles were made * to 
throw off the godly orders of the Church ' or * break in pieces 
those constitutions, on which it was established ;' and had 
no such better elements survived, *it would in all pro- 
bability have never been able to have subsisted afterwards*.' 
The wider introduction of the doctrines of Geneva might 
have easily paved a way for its * pretended holy discipline,' 
and thus the fears expressed at the conclusion of the six- 
teenth century by men like Hooker might ere long have 
been accomplished. 
gnJ&Mthe ^^ ^^ likely that the reverence felt on every side for 
IflnwSSief. ^^ authority of St Augustine had continued to facilitate 
the circulation of strong *Calvinian' tenets, or at least, 
disarm the indignation and hostility of some who could 
not fail to have foreseen the consequences into which those 
tenets might be pushed by their less scrupulous admirers. 
It was taxing all the courage and sobriety of Parker', and 
a few of his more trusty coadjutors, to resist the constant 
efforts of the * Swiss' party, who were anxious to inftise 
a more distinctively Genevan spirit into all our public 
Formularies. As early as 1559, when many of the exiles 
just returning to their homes presented a declaration of 
their doctrine to Elizabeth, they laid particular stress upon 
the tenet of Predestination*, as *a thing fruitful and 



^ Some of these did not blush to 
say, that ' all evil springeth of God's 
ordinance, and that God's predesti- 
nation was the cause of Adam's fall, 
and of all wickedness.' See other 
instances in Heylin, Hist, of the 
Pre^tyterians, p. 243, Oxf. 1670. 

' Strype's Observations on Archbp 
Parker; Life, p. 543. 

' See a curious account of one 
Richard Kechyn, whom the arch- 
bishop preferred, ' charging him not 
to preach controversial sermons on 



the Divine Ck)un8els,' in MrHaweis' 
Sketches of the Hrfminationf p. 95. 
The obedient clerk was afterwards 
rebuked for his silence by one of the 
itinerant preachers, who declared 
that ' Predestination should and 
ought to be preached in every ser- 
mon and in eveiy place, before all 
congregations, as the only doctrine 
of salvation,' &c. 

* See above, p. 119, n. i, and 
Strype's AnnalSf i. 116. They ad- 
mit, however, that ' in this our cor- 



VII.] THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 167 

profitable to be known,' appealing also to tlie high ex- 
ample of St Augustine; yet the reader will have looked 
in vain for any mention of that tenet in the Eleven 
Articles, — the test which was, immediately after, put in 
circulation both in this and in the siBter island; and in 
1663, on the revision of the Edwardine Formulary, it is 
noticeable that the language* of the Article on Predestina- 
tion was in one point softened or restrained, instead of 
having contracted the more rigorous tone which through 
the zeal and energy of the exiles was pervading the great 
body of the Church of England. 

Yet the controversy, in which that doctrine always eontimud 
stood conspicuous, had continued rather to increase than ^Jf^/** 
to diminish with the lapse of the Elizabethan period ; ^'*«»'*'*- 
and indeed it may be confidently aflirmed that during an 
interval of nearly thirty years the more extreme opinions 
of the school of Calvin, not excluding his theory of irre- 
spective reprobation, were predominant in almost every 
town and parish. Calvin thus became, if we may use 
the pointed parallel of Hooker*, what the * Master of the 
Sentences' had been in the more palmy period of scholas- 
ticism ; * so that the perfectest divines were judged they, 
which were skilfullest in Calvin's writings.' Even the 
repulsive dictum^ * which speaks little better of our gracious 

God than this, that God should design many thousands 

• 

rupt age/ discreet ministers should the sense that Calvin alloweth, and 

speak ' sparely and circumspectly ' it is of more force in any man's de- 

of such matters. fense, and to the proofe of any 

^ For instance, one clause, * al- assertion, than if ten thousand Au- 

though the decrees of predestinoHon gustines, Jeromes, Chrysostomes, 

are unknaiim unto us,* was then Cyprians, or whosoever els were 

dropped; and instead of the naked brought foorth. Doe we not daily 

reference to election 'out of man- see that men are accused of heresie 

kind,' the Article of 1563 speaks for holding that which the Fathers 

of election ' in Christ out of man- held, and that they never are deere, 

kind/ if they find not somewhat in Calvin 

■ 'Pref.' to Eccl. Pol. chap. 11. to justify themselves V Works, i, 139. 

§ 8. In a MS. note of Hooker on note (33), ed. Keble. 
A Christian Letter, &c. he asks ironi- > Calvin himself says, ' horrihUe 

cally, 'What should the world doe quidem decretum fateor,' in con- 

with the old musty doctors? AUeage templating his own theory of repro- 

Scripture, and shew it alleaged in bation. Instit, Lib. ill. c. 23, § 7. 



168 



THE t»/LMB£TH ABTICLES. 



[CH. 



ThtcrMn 

'Lambeth 
ArUdei.' 



of souls to hell before they were, not in eye to their faults, 
but to His own absolute will and power,' — was grown, to 
cite the burning words of Harsnet, in 1584, *high and 
monstrous, and like a Goliah, and,' he continues, * men do 
shake and tremWe at it; yet never a man reacheth to 
David's sling to cast it down. In the name of the Lord 
of Hofts, we will encounter it ; for it hath reviled not the 
host of the living God but the Lord of Hosts*.' 

Such, therefore, was the general aspect of the popular 
theology, with reference to the dogma of absolute pre- 
destination, when the party, then in the ascendant, made 
a vigorous effort to perpetuate their system, by compiling 
an important string of definitions which have since been 
commonly entitled the * Lambeth Articles.' 

The origin of this» new movement may be traced, with 
more or less exactness, to the rigorous * Calvinism' of 
Dr Whitaker, the foremost of polemics in his time, and 
Regius Professor of Divinity at Cambridge. Aided by 
two others, Chadderton and Perkins*, the latter of whom 
had always been distinguished for his reckless theorizing 
on these subjects, Whitaker began to publish a crusade for 
checking the advances of 'Pelagianism and Popery,' — ^two 
names, by which it was the fashion to describe all kinds of 
teaching which was held to vary from the *Calvinistic' 
standard. At the head of the opposing or remonstrant 
' party was the Margaret Professor of Divinity, Baro (Baron), 
of French extraction, who, as a Reformer, fled for refuge 
to this country at an early period of his life, and by the 
favour of Burghley (Cecil) was promoted to a chair at 
Cambridge, in 1574 or 1575. Although his gentle and 
retiring spirit indisposed him for this kind of warfare. 



^ Quoted in Heylin, ffistor.QutnqU' 
ArticiU. Part in. ch. xvii. §4. There 
are two theses of Harsnet among 
the Harleian MSS., No. 314^, pp. 
107 sq. The titles are: * Nemo ne- 
cessario daranatur/ and 'Certitudo 
uniuscujusque salutis non est certi- 
tudo fidei.' 

' His ArmUla Aurea, containing 



the order of the causes of salvation 
and damnation, was published in 
1591, for the use of students, and 
tended, perhaps, more than the 
writings of the other party, to da- 
mage the character of 'Calvinism' 
by pushing some of its more start- 
ling principles into their logical re- 
suits. 



VII.] THiE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 169 

Baro seems to have stood forward manfully in opposition ^J^j£J"* 
to extravagancies then advocated by his brother professor, 
and espoused by a majority of the senior members of the 
Senate. His lectures, also, had a tendency to lower the 
exorbitant value which was set upon the writings of the 
Swiss reformers : and exactly as a generation of students, 
moulded by his teaching, had been gradually replacing 
the admirers of Calyin and Bullinger, the * Institutio,* the 
* Decades* and a host of similar text-books were ex- 
changed for volumes of the Fathers and occasionally of 
the Schoolmen ^ 

Not long after the arrival of Baro at Cambridge he ^I^J^ShJ' 
had ventnred to maintain distinctly from the history of '***'''^' 
the Ninevites, that ' it is the will of God we should have 
eternal life, if we believe and persevere in the faith of 
Christ; but if we do not believe, or believing only for 
a time, do not persevere, then it is not the will of God 
we should be saved*.' And further expositions of this 
doctrine are still extant in a * concio ad clerum ' which he 
preached in 1595, on the occasion when the Lambeth 
Articles were first projected. He was ready to uphold these 
three assertions, (1) 'That God created all men according 
to His own likeness in Adam, and so consequently, to 
eternal life; from which He chased no man, unless because 
of sin. (2) That Christ died sufficiently for all, shewing 
that the denial of this doctrine is contrary to the Confession 
of the Church of England, and the Articles approved by 
the Parliament of this kingdom, and confirmed by the 
Queen's authority. (3) That the promises of God made 
to us, as they are generally propounded to us, were to be 
generally understood, as it is set down in the seventeenth 
Article' ' [* generaliter propositae ']. 

1 In a report of the Vice- Chan- their stationers, the new writers 

cellor and others to Whitgiffc, who were very rarely bought; and that 

had sanctioned their search into pri- there were no books more ordinarily 

vate rooms and studies at Cambridge bought and sold than popish writers/ 

(Strype's JVkitgift, p. 43S), it is even &c. 

mentioned, that things had already ' Prcdcct, in Jonam Prophetam, 

come to such a pass, that 'instead p. 317: Lond. 1579. 
of godly and sound writers, among ' Strype's Whiigift, p. 466. See 



170 



THE LAMBETH AfiTICLES. 



[CH. 



hertUret 
from the Uni- 



TheprocMd' 
ingtoffoifut 
Barrett. 



ffiirdrac' 
UUian. 



In spite, however, of the moderation of these statements 
and the * modest ' way in which they are reported to have 
been delivered, the unfortunate professor was cited before 
the Vice-Chancellor of the University (Dr Goade) : and 
though proceedings then instituted were eventually stopped 
by the good office of his patron Burghley, Baro could not 
be induced to oflFer himself for re-election (1696)^ 

But while a genial friend of OveraJJ and Andrewes, and 
the able champion of English orthodoxy, was thus driven 
from his post by the intolerant zeal of the *Calvinian' party, 
a fresh victim, second to him both in age and reputation, 
was exciting their activity and ardour to a still more feverish 
pitch. William Barrett was a fellow of Caius College, and 
one of the warmest spirits in the number who 4iked not 
Calvin's scheme/ A * concio ad clerum,' preached by him 
at Great St Mary's church on the 29th of ApriP, 1595, 
contained a strong, if not a virulent attack upon the popu- 
lar theology ; in which, besides denying in emphatic terms 
the indefectibility of grace and the received doctrine of as- 
surance, he indulged in a succession of disparaging reflec- 
tions on Calvin, Beza, Peter Martyr, and others, all of 
whom had sanctioned the idea of irrespective, miconditioned, 
reprobation'. Soon after the delivery of this sermon the 
offender was summoned before the Vice-Chancellor and 
heads of colleges, and was urged by them at several meet- 
ings to retract expressions which had given offence. He 
finally consented to this course, and on the 10th of May 
recited in St Mary's church, a form of recantation* which 



also his 'Orthodox Explanation of 
the nine propositions concluded upon 
at Lambeth.' Ibid. App. No. xxvi. 
and the ' Assertionos ' of his accu- 
sers. Ibid. 470, Their great objec- 
tion was to his doctrine of ' universal 
redemption.' See on this latter a 
discussion of Baro's, entitled Cur 
frttctus mortis Christi ad omnet A- 
dami posteros non perveniat, among 
the Canib. Univ. MSS. Gg. I. ig, 
fol. 46 sq. (date circ. 1594). 
* Ibid. p. 473. 



■ Heylin, Iliat. Quinqu-Artic. Part 
III. c. 20, § 6, 7. 

' Strype, Whitgift, p. 436: and 
of. Bk. IV. App. No. XXIII. 

* Ibid. App. No. XXII. It is ob- 
servable in this form of recantation, 
that Barrett was taught to discern 
the doctrine of reprobation in the 
XVIIth Article ; although Whitaker 
in writing to the archbishop is more 
cautious. His words are, * For the 
points of doctrine, we are fully per- 
suaded, that Mr Barrett hath taught 



VIL] the LAMBETH ARTICLES. 171 

had been provided by the University-authorities, if not by 
Dr Whitaker himself. The hollowness and insincerity of 
this act, like many of the similar recantations in all ages, 
were immediately apparent; and as early as the 26th of the 
same month, the old disputes had been reopened by the 
'Calvinistic' members of the Senate, who presented a me- Tfteeoturo- 
morial to the Vice-Chancellor and his colleagues, denounc- **«^p«»««- 
ing Barrett's sermon on the ground that it * savoured of 
Popish doctrine in the whole course and tenour thereof,' 
and censuring the *imreverend manner' in which it was 
withdrawn. 

The quarrel, appertaining as it did to academic rather jppjo^ to au 
than episcopal jurisdiction, was now carried by both parties 
to Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury. A letter of the heads 
of colleges (bearing date June 12,) complained of Barrett's 
misbehaviour, and denounced his teaching as * injurious to 
the worthy learned men of our times,' as * strongly savour- 
ing of the leaven of Popery,' and as * contrary to the doctrine 
of the nature of faith set forth in the Articles of Religion 
and Homilies, appointed to be read in Churches^.' Barrett 
on tlie other hand appealed from the Vice-Chancellor to 
the Primate, alleging that his fierce opponents were no 
more than a puritanical faction in the University, for that 
many of the residents who studied truth and peace refused 
to join the present persecution. He admitted tliat in preach- 
ing he had handled Calvin roughly, but reserved his strong- 
est censures for a work of Perkins, — * On the Apostles' 
Creed,' — which, notwithstanding the denial in it of an 
article of the faith", had not, as he complained, been hither- 
to discountenanced or forbidden by any of the academical 
authorities. On these and other grounds he prayed that 
Whitgift would interpose in his behalf and save him from 
the further malice of his enemies, who had already punished 
him severely by stopping his degree^. 

uDtnitb, if not against the Articles, 'descent into Hell,* which Calvin- 
yet against the religion of our ists and Perkins with them expound- 
Church, publicly received/ &c. lb, ed of our Lord's mental sufferings 
Bk. iv. No. XXV. in the place of the damned. 

1 Strype, Whitgift, pp. 437, 438. » Strype, Ibid. pp. 438, 439. 

' Alluding to the article on the 



172 



THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 



[CH. 






The first impressions of the Primate seem to have been 
'Honijmmar' favourable to the cause of the appellant. In a message to 
Barreu, the Vice-Chancellor and heads of houses, he condemned 
the hot precipitation of their late proceedings, and asserted 
his own right to sit in judgment on this class of questions. 
He objected more particularly that some portions of the re- 
tractation, they had forced on Barrett, were * contrary to the 
doctrine holden and expressed by many sound and learned 
divines^ in the Church of England,' and positions which, 
for his own part, he rejected as * false and contrary to the 
Scriptures.' On alluding to the contumelious language in 
which Barrett animadverted on the Calvinistic writers, he 
expressed his utter disapprobation of it, adding that he * did 
not allow the same towards Augustine, Jerome, and other 
learned Fathers, which nevertheless had often been abused 
in the University without control. And yet,' he proceeded, 
' if a man would have occasion to control Calvin for his bad 
tod unchristian censure of King Henry the VIII., or him 
and others in that peremptory and false reproof of the 
Church of England in divers points, and likewise in some 
other singularities, he knew no Article of Eeligion against 
it. Much less did he know any cause why men should be 
violently dealt withal for it, or termed ungodly, popish, 
impudent For the doctrine of the Church of England did 
in no respect depend upon them*.' 



1 One of these waa Hooker's bo- 
som-friend Saravla, and a favourite 
of Whitgift. He was frequently at 
Lambeth and wrote (apparently for 
the Archbishop) a Censure ofBarreU^a 
Rdraction, Ibid. Bk. iv. App. xxiv. 
It is a sober and elaborate produc- 
tion, breathing far more the spirit of 
Augustine than of Calvin, and quot- 
ing the former authority throughout. 
He concludes by censuring the acri- 
monious language of Barrett, and 
by declaring : * Fuerunt et sunt ad- 
huc hodie in diversis ecclesiis quam- 
plures fideles Christi servi bene de 
Ecclesia meriti, qui non idem de 
pnedestinatione sentiunt, qui taraen 



se mutua charitate fuerunt amplexi, 
nee ullius sese mutuo heereseos in- 
simulant,' p. 198. — ^There is also a 
CenBura Censwras D. Barrdi, among 
the Minor Works of Bp Andrcwes, 
Oicford, 1846 : pp. 301 seqq. It is 
confined, however, to one point, viz. 
the certainty of salvation, which 
Whitaker and his school maintained. 
In the same place will be found the 
' Judgment ' of Bp. Andrewes touch- 
ing the Lambeth Articles. 

' Stiype's Wkitgiftj p. 441. See 
another example of his independence 
on these subjects in Nicolas's Life of 
ffcUtan, p. 487. 



VII.] THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 173 

Emboldened hj the measure of success which had re- Jj^jif**'**'* 
suited from this application, or apprehensive lest his enemies ^JS?*' 
in Cambridge would have strength enough remaining to 
deprive him of his fellowship, Barrett next proceeded to 
solicit from the Primate a more formal statement of the 
truths then controverted in the University of Cambridge. 
Many of the heads of colleges, in the meanwhile, had been 
starting an objection with regard to the Archbishop's right 
of interference in matters like the present, so that owing to 
the warmth evoked by this collateral disputation, it seemed 
likely that the case of Barrett would be thrown into the 
background, if not utterly forgotten. 

Whitaker, however, had been now induced to mediate ^j^*-^^^ 
between the three contending parties. The great service 
rendered by him to tlie Church in answering the objections 
of Cardinal Bellarmine, placed him high in the opinion of 
Archbishop Whitgift, while the moderate and conciliatory 
tone which he adopted at this stage of the dispute, con- 
tributed still more to the promotion of his general object. 
He no longer ventured to assert that the opinions of Barrett 
flatly contradicted the language of the Articles ; he even 
went so far as to concede tliat many of the controverted 
points * were not concluded and defined by public autho- 
rity^;' yet, pleading that the Church had been most \'io- 
lently disturbed, and that opinions of his adversary were 
both novel and offensive, he requested the Archbishop to 
employ his influence in exacting from the culprit a more 
ample recantation. 

A comparative lull now followed for some weeks ; but cmtratyrty 
in the month of September, the whole question was revived 
by the * Calvinian ' heads of houses, who forwarded a duti- 
ful communication to the Primate, urging him to institute 
a far more rigorous inquiry into the opinions of Barrett, in 
order that the scandal which had been occasioned *not only 
to malicious enemies but also to weak professors,' might at 
length be done away*. In deference to this wish a string 

1 Strype's Whitgift, App. No. n. 343, 344, Oxf. 1843. 
XXV. 199: cf. the romarks of Dr ' /&i<2. pp. 451, 452. Inthisdocu- 

Waterland, on this letter ; Worlcs, ment they characterize the positions 



174 



THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 



[CH. 



BarreU 
examined 
qfreA, at 
Lambeth. 



WhUaker's 
Hricturtion 
hU answer. 



biihep 

aUempttto 

moderate. 



of pointed questions^ * nicely propounded and suited criti- 
cally to the principles of Whitaker/ was now transmitted 
to the culprit, who answered them, as we may judge, in 
person at Lambeth palace. His replies were sent directly 
to the heads of houses, and by them submitted to the criti- 
cism of Whitaker, who, in opening his denmnciations, spoke 
of them ' as not only indirect and insufficient, but for the 
most part Popish also.* He contended, in particular, that 
the views of Barrett, with respect to the nature of faith, 
were not in harmony with the accredited language of the 
Articles', but did not specify in what he held the discord 
to consist; and on the 17th of September, the heads of 
houses, with untiring zeal, prepared and forwarded an- 
other list' of animadversions, — in addition to the set which 
Whitaker had previously transmitted to the Primate. 

Whitgift, in his turn, was now the mediator, and while 
censuring several of the answers which Barrett had just 
given him, argued with regard to another (one indeed of the 
most serious points of difference) that he could not see 
how it varied from the Articles of Religion^. He declared, 
however, that he also was annoyed by the habitual want of 
reverence for the academical authorities, which the culprit 
seems to have betrayed at every stage of the existing dis- 
putation^; and as all misunderstandings between the heads 
of houses and himself were now amicably adjusted, he was 
not unwilling to assist them in correcting an unruly spirit, 
whom they all were anxious to humiliate, or banish from 
the University. Acting in this spirit he appointed a second 
meeting at Lambeth palace, where Barrett was examined 



of Barrett as * contrary to the doc- 
trine of our Church set down in the 
Book of Articles, in the Apology of 
the Church of England, and in the 
Defence of the same, in Catechisms 
commanded by authority to be used, 
and in the Book of Common Pray- 
er:' but as Watcrland remarks, 
' they neither specify those positions, 
nor at that time point to any Article, 
or particular passage of the Cate- 
chisms or CommonPraver, so that 



this general charge is of little or no 
moment.' Ibid. p. 344. 

* They were eight in number, 
and related to the indefectibility of 
'justifying faith,' and other kindred 
topics which were handled in St Ma- 
ry's by the anti-Calvinistic preacher. 
Strype, Ibid. pp. 452, 453. 

« Strype, WhUgift, p. 453. 
» Ibid p. 454. 

* Ibid. pp. 455, 456. 
' Ibid. p. 457. 



VII.] 



THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 



175 



in the presence of a deputation from Cambridge, Whitaker 
himself included; and on modifying his dogmatic state- 
ments, and recalling his most acrimonious observations 
upon Calvin, the defendant finally consented to put forth 
some public retractation in terms of his own devising, — 
a pledge, however, which he seems to have delayed till the 
commencement of the following year, and then to have 
abandoned altogether^ 

But while this controversy was still pending, a fresh 
plan had been suggested to Professor Whitaker and his 
party for obtaining a more definite sanction of their * Cal- 
vinistic' tenets, so that they might have the power of 
extruding Baro as well as Barrett from the precincts of 
the University, if not entirely from communion with the 
Church of England. 

Having cleared the way before him in a vehement GUviniguc 
sermon* from the pulpit of St Mary's, Whitaker went up to jfj**!^* 
London early in November, 1595, at the desire, we may 
again conjecture, of the heads of houses, to be present at 
a conference which was called together for allaying ani- 
mosities excited everywhere by the proceedings just de- 
scribed. Another member of the deputation was Tyndal, 
dean of Ely, who had also taken a most active part in 
prosecuting Barrett, and was present at the final examina- 
tion. How long this private conference lasted it is diflScult 
to ascertain. We know that Whitaker was in London on 
the 19th of November, as is stated in a letter he then wrote 
to Burghley (Cecil) ^, the Chancellor of Cambridge; and as 
reasons can be urged from other quarters for believing, that 



^ A letter of his to Dr Goade (in 
Hoylin's JIutor. Quinqu A rtic. Part 
in. ch. XX. § lo) appears to estab- 
lish this point in opposition to 
Strype. He there says : * But if 
you and the rest of your assistants 
(whom I reverence) do purpose to 
))roceed in disquieting and traducing 
me as you have done by the space of 
three quarters of this year, and so in 
the end mean to drive me out of 



the University, I must take it pa- 
tiently, because I know not how to 
redress it: but let God be judge 
between you and me.' According 
to Fuller, he afterwards went abroad 
and conformed to the Church of 
Rome. Iliat, of Univ, of Cambridge, 
p. 286 ; new ed. 

^ Strype, WhiU/ift, p. 460. 

3 Ibid. 



176 



THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 



[CH. 



disputes among the Calvinists themselves were long and 
animated*, it is probable that they had met together very 
cj^fioj early in the month. Heylin and other writers* inform ns 
^ida^ that the * Propositions ' which exhibit the result of their 
labom*s were submitted to the Primate on the 10th of 
November; while Strype* mentions that the work was 
actually completed on the 20th of the same month. The 
tiTith will probably turn out to be that Whitaker and the 
friends, who aided him in making the original draft of the 
Lambeth Articles, had held a series of preliminary meetings 
which were strictly private*; and that after they deter- 
mined the exact complexion of their manifesto, it was for- 
warded at once to the Archbishop for his approbation or 
correction. 

Whitgift's conduct in this matter has occasioned very 
different guesses as to the chief motives which had swayed 
him, in bestowing what was held to be his sanction on the 
speculations of the Cambridge doctors. In addition to all 
inferences which might be drawn from his unswerving 
patronage of men like Harsnet*, Hooker* and Saravia^, his 
own language in the case of Barrett would have led to the 
conclusion that he shrank from the complete development 
of the Genevan dogmas. Yet we cannot doubt, upon the 
other hand, that he was sympatliizing to no small extent 
with Dr Whitaker and the Calvinistic party : and if love 
of peace® and dread of innovation may be thought to have 



CiofMiiid and 
vrineipki of 
IheAreh- 
bUhop. 



^ ArticiUi Lambethanif p. 4, Lond. 
1651. 

* Heylin, Jlitt Quinqu. Part III. 
ch. xxi. § 2: Collier, ii. 644. 

3 Strype, Ibid. p. 461. 

* Perhaps at the house of Nowel, 
dean of St Paul's, from whence the 
above letter to Burghley is dated. 

^ After the publication of the 
Sermon (see above, p. 168) in which 
he had so strongly objected to the 
dogma of reprobation, he was made 
the archbishop's chaplain, and was 
treated with peculiar kindness. 

* Hooker, in like manner, modi- 



' fied the Calvinistic theory, denying 
the doctrine of reprobation altoge- 
ther, and foUo^ng the language of 
St Augustine on the efficxtcy of the 
sacraments. See his version of the 
Lambeth Articles: Works, ed. Ke- 
ble. Vol. I. p. cii. JSccl. Pol. v. LX. 
§ 3, and App. to Bk. v. pp. 596, 

597. 
' See the paper above referred to, 

p. 172, n. 1 ; from which it is clear 

that the tenets of Saravia were 

strictly AugvMinian, and opposed to 

the system of Whitaker and Calvin. 

8 In the short history of this 



VII.] 



THE LAMBETH ABTICLES. 



177 



contributed to his acceptance of the Lambeth Articles, he 
did not scruple to declare that after some important modifi- 
cations had been introduced into the series, he * agreed fvllj 
with them and they with him^' 

Throughout the conference which preceded the publica- Jjj^jj^' 
tion of this docutttent, Whitgift was assisted by Richard ^^'^J^' 
Fletcher, recently translated to the bishopric of London, by ^?* '^'^'* 
Richard Vaughan bishop-elect of Bangor, and the deputa- 
tion of divines from Cambridge*. They were all, so far 
as we are able to determine, of the school from whose 
conclusions Barrett and the Margaret Professor had both 
ventured to dissent ; and it was consequently to be looked 
for that the test devised on such occasion would be strongly 
coloured by the partisanship in the midst of which it was 
constructed. Yet upon comparing the rough draft of what 
are called the * Lambeth Articles,' as they proceeded from 
the pen of Whitaker, with the form in which they finally 
appeared, we shall perceive that they had undergone a 
number of important modifications, all of which would tend 
to make them less offensive to the anti-calvinistic party. 
For example, there had been a phrase in the original copy, 
declaring that *all who had ever been partakers of true 
fidth and of the sanctifying Spirit' must eventually be 
accepted : while in the amended Article, as propounded to 
the Chmch, the indefectibility of Divine grace was stated 
not in reference to all persons who had been regenerated 



compilation prefixed to the 'Arti- 
culi Lambethani/ Lond. 165 1, we 
have the following statement, which 
must be taken, however, with some 
qualification : * Whitgiftus, princeps 
ejus conventus, etsi Whitakeri dog- 
mata minime probabcUf facilitate ta- 
men et metu dUcordicCf cum suam 
probare aliis non posset, factus est 
ipse alienae sententia acccssio/ p. 4. 
^ See his own memoranda in 
Strype, p. 459. He adds, * 1 know 
them to be sound doctrines and 
uniformly professed in this Church 
of England, and agreeable to the 

H. A. 



Articles of Bcligion established by 
authority. And therefore I thought 
it meet that Barret should in more 
humble sort confess his ignorance 
and error : and that none should be 
suffered to teach any contrary doc- 
trine to the foresaid propositions 
agreed upon.' 

* The corrected copy of the Arti- 
cles in Strype is headed, 'Articuli 
approbati a reverendissimis dominis 
D.D. Joanne archiepiscopo Cantua- 
riensi, et Richardo episcopo Londi- 
nensi et aliis Theologis, Lambethse, 
Novembris 70, anno 1595.* 

12 



178 



THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 



[CH. 



^araeier. 



and justified, but only to a special class entitled ' the elect/ 
— ^in plain accordance with the testimony of St Augustine. 
Similar deference was again evinced hj modifications in- 
troduced into a second Article, respecting the nature of 
assurance or ^ the certainty of faith/ as well as into that 
affirming the extent to which the saving grace of Grod has 
been communicated or withheld in reference to mankind at 
large ^ 

In spite, however, of such mitigating clauses, all attri- 
butable to the influence of Whitgift and his fiiends, the 
*Orthodoxal Propositions,' as some persons termed them, 
have aroused in doctors of the subsequent period the most 
sweeping and indignant condemnation*. And in reference 
to the age when they appeared, it must be granted that the 
harshness of their general tone and their unshrinking affir- 
mation of the ^ horrible decree ' were calculated rather to 
infuriate than to extinguish the prevailing disputations. It 
was there attempted to impose upon the Church a series of 
most arbitrary definitions, ill according with the tolerant 
spirit of the men by whom the English Reformation was 
effected, and in many points at variance^ with the Prayer- 
Book and the earlier Formularies of Faith. One class of 
writers have attempted, it is true, to represent the 'Lambeth 
Articles' as nothing more than a series of interpretative 
statements^, all deducible from the Elizabethan Articles; 
but we despair of bringing them into connexion with that 
work by any of the ordinary processes of ratiocination. On 
the other hand it is most reasonable to infer from such 
attempts to introduce more stringent measures and to speak 



^ For these and other variations 
see Append. No. v., where the Ar- 
ticles are printed in the original 
Latin, with notes and emendations 
by the bishops and divines. 

' See an extreme specimen in 
Warbiirton's Jtetnarh on NeaVs Hid, 
of ike Puritans: Works, vn. 899, 
Lond. 1 7 88. 

' Collier, n. 645 seqq. ; Heylin, 
Hisior. Quinqm-Afi, Part ii. ch. viii. 



seqq. ; and Laurence, Bampton Lee- 
iuret, pamm, 

* See Fuller, Bk. ix. p. 131. 
Hutton, archbishop of York, who 
yielded a general assent to them, 
employs a somewhat different lan- 
guage : ' Hsa theses ex sacris Ute- 
ris vel aperte colligi vel necessaria 
consecutione deduci possunt, et 
ex scriptis Augustini.' Stiype, p. 
461. 



VII.] 



THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 



179 



in a less faltering language, that with reference to the points 
then advocated by the dominant school at Cambridge, all 
the older manifestoes of the Church were silent, vague or 
insufficient, if not absolutely antagonistic. 

But be this as it may, the Articles of Dr Whitaker, ThHr want 
though accepted, in some measure, by the Pnmate and a oMcaUutho- 
few of his episcopal brethren, have no claim whatever to be 
viewed as convocational decisions binding now or then 
upon the Church of England. We may quote them as a 
melancholy illustration of the age in which they were pro- 
jected, or may welcome them as proofs that tenets which 
we cherish were then strenuously pushed forward to their 
logical results; but as the Primate was careful to inform 
the University of Cambridge (Nov. 24), the articles *must 
be so taken and used as the private judgments ' of the com- 
pilers, who thought * them to be true and correspondent to 
the doctrine professed in the Church of England, and es- 
tablished by the laws of the land, and not aa laws and 
decrees'^' 

It is said that the displeasure of Lord Burghley and his '^l^j^^^' 
royal mistress', added to the death of Whitaker himself '''^''^' 
who seems to have enjoyed his triumph only a few days, 
had the effect of suspending all further circulation of the 
Lambeth manifesto, even in the University which called it 
into being. The new articles were offered, it is true, to 
Baro by some of the heads of houses, and were so the 
means of implicating him still further in the feuds to which 
we have before adverted* : but after the month of January, 
1596, no more is heard* of making the * Lambeth propo- 
sitions ' a test of doctrine or an authorized Interpretation of 
the Formularies of Faith, until the party, who had now 



^ Strype, p. 46a. Cf. Heylin, uhi 
tup. Part III. ch. xz. § 3> 4. 

* Strype, pp. 463, 464. The letter 
of Whitgift to the Vice-Chancellor 
(Dec. 8) advises him to comply with 
the royal wishes, and forbear urging 
them on the University. Fuller has 
a curious story of the Queen remind- 
ing the Primate, half in jest, that his 



recent conduct in ' calling a council * 
had exposed him to a praemunire. 

' See p. 169. 

* They continued, however, to 
excite 'much talk and resentment' 
for some months later, as we gather 
from a communication of Hutton to 
Whitgift, 'March 14, 1595* (i.e. 
1596): Strype, p. 478. 

12—2 



180 THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. [CH. YII. 

extorted them from Whitgift, made, in 1604, a fruitless 
effort to engraft them into our own * Articles of Religion^' 
It was then too late, however ; for the Church was daily 
strengthening her hold on the more sober truths which had 
been vindicated in the early stages of the Reformation ; and 
in Cambridge even, a new race of scholars and divines, with 
Overall* at their head, were rapidly displacing the adherents 
of Calvin, and the advocates of the * Grenevan platform.' 
jjjjj^ A reaction was commencing, and the spell by which the 
vintsm. j^jjj^ author of the * Institutio ' had bewildered not a few 
of the finest intellects of Europe was ere long to be entirely 
broken ; or if some of our divines continued to accept the 
leading principles of 'Calvinism,' a clearer insight into 
other and more comprehensive tenets issued in their virtual 
renunciation of the harsher dogmas of that system. 

Such amelioration was, indeed, restricted for the present 
to our own country: since in all the sister-island, as will 
be observed in the following chapter, the Genevan spirit 
rankled and prevailed for a much longer period, and suc- 
ceeded even in communicating to the Lambeth Articles the 
semblance of ecclesiastical authority. 

^ Ibid. p. 480. the Five Points exist in the Camh, 

* Several of his disputations on Univ. MS. Gg, i. 29. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



THE IRISH ARTICLES OF 1615. 



THE Church of Irelapd, reaching backward like our own 
to the first ages of the Gospel, had gradually contracted 
the same errors and diseases, which, immediately before the 
dawn of reformation, were corrupting the Church of Eng- ^,5;^. 
land. She awoke and threw them off, however, at thejg^-^'v 
same crisis, by her own intrinsic vigour; and, restoring 
many articles of faith which had been long perverted or 
forgotten, took her stand upon the tenets of her English 
sister, in the struggle with the Roman pontiffs. 

It appears, indeed, that in the reigns of Henry and 
Edward, Irish prelates were induced to lean almost exclu- 
sively on the decisions of the English Convocation, and 
had so adopted the chief forms of faith and worship which 
were emanating from this country under the ecclesiastical 
supremacy of the Crown ^ Yet, after the accession of Eli- 
zabeth, when the Prayer-Book, as restored amongst us, had 
been regularly accepted by the Irish clergy*, in 1560, the 
main character of the reforming movement was more strictly 
national. In 1566, as we have seen already', the 'Brief Bw</itec/a 
Declaration' coinciding with our own * Eleven Articles,' was iSk"^ 
ordered to be read by all the Irish incumbents *at their 
possession-taking, and twice every year afterwards;' but 



* The English Prayer-Book was 
first used on Easter Sunday, 155 1, 
at the commandment of Sir Anthony 
St Ledger, the Lord Deputy. Mant, 
Hist, of the Church, i. 204, 105; 
and ed. 

• Elrington*8 Life of Archbithop 
Uather, p. 4a. 

' See above, p. 122. It is note- 
worthy, that during the reign of 
Elizabeth and long after the Union 
of Scotland with England, the Scot- 



tish Church, as well as the Presby- 
terians, had made use of the C(mfe»* 
gion of Faith drawn up by Knox 
and his friends in 1560 ; and also 
that the Knox-party in Scotland 
used the English Prayer-Book tiU 
1564, when the Order of Geneva 
was regularly introduced : Stephen*s 
HtMt. of the Church of Scotland, I. 
95. Lond. 1843; Lathbury, ffitt, of 
Conv, p. 162, and ed. The Pres- 
byterians afterwards adopted the 



182 



THE IRISH ARTICLES OF 1615. 



[CH. 



Wert the 
JSaklUb 
ArUdet 
authorizedf 



whether the Elizabethan Articles of 1563 were circulated 
simultaneously in Ireland, as a species of co-ordinate au- 
thority, does not seem to have been fully settled. Arch- 
bishop Ussher, in a sermon which he preached in 1621, 
before the English House of Commons, has declared : * We 
all agree that the Scriptures of God are the perfect rule of 
bur faith ; we all consent in the main grounds of religion 
drawn from thence ; we all svhscrtbe to the Articles of doc- 
trine agreed upon in the synod of the year 1562, for the 
avoiding of diversities of opinions,' &c. It is, however, 
contended, on the other hand, by one of his biographers, 
that these expressions cannot fairly be considered as de- 
cisive of the point, because we have to weigh against them 
a large mass of evidence more explicit and direct. He 
urges that archbishop Ussher * might have used the words 
in a general sense, as merely expressive of assent, and, 
indeed, mv^t have done so, for many of the persons [lay- 
men] he addressed had never subscribed the Articles*.' 

We may conjecture, even, that the lack of some mi- 
nuter test than the * Eleven Articles ' of archbishop Parker 
was one reason operating in the minds of Irish prelates 
when they countenanced the compilation of the longer set 
jru^rticiee of Ai'ticlcs, which foHU the subject of the present chapter. 
Yet, while urging this conjecture, it should not be con- 
cealed, that far more questionable agencies were influencing 
at least some bishops and divines, who aided in the framing 
of such a Formulary. The rigorous * Calvinism,' which 
had already found a shelter in the Church of England, and 
had struggled there to silence all dissentients by the im- 
position of the Lambeth Articles, is said to have been still 
more dominant at this period in the neighbouring kingdom; 
and, when ultimately baffled in our island, to have risen 
there into an absolute supremacy of power. And the pro- 
pagation of Genevan tenets, though attributed in some 



ITufonna 
Han of the 



'Westminster Confession ;* while 
the Episcopalians accepted our own 
'Articles,' in the Convocation held 
at Laurencekirk, 1S04. In 1801 the 
'Articles' had been also adopted 



(with some modifications) by the 
Church in the United States of 
America. 

^ Elrington, ubi tup, p. 43, and 
note. 



VIII.] THE IRISH AETICLES OF 1615. 183 

measure, to political causes ^ was at length facilitated more 
than ever by the influence of James Ussher, who had 
passed with the most brilliant reputation through 8ubor-^{^<^ 
dinate stages to the headship of the theological faculty at 
Dublin 2. Ussher's views were doubtless afterwards soften- 
ed', like those of many other theologians who became the 
brightest luminaries of the Caroline period in our history ; 
but no less certain is it that in years of which we are now 
treating, he was always the imflinching advocate of * Cal- 
vinism,' thus ranking with the learned Whitaker and others, 
who were labouring to purge out all * Popish and Pelagian' 
errors from the Cambridge-colleges. It has been stated, «*o«arf«'*< 
even, that the Irish Articles of 1615 were drawn up by ^°^*^ 
Ussher himself upon the nomination of the Synod, which 
assembled in that year at Dublin and which sat concur- 
rently with the civil legislature^, in accordance with the 
English usage. The president was Jones, Archbishop of 
Dublin, but extremely few particulars survive in reference 
to the acts of the Synod, or the cordiality with which the 
members of it recognised the code of Articles that still bear 
its name*. 

Those * Irish Articles' aie a discursive compilation, 
extending to one hundred and four paragraphs, arranged s«w»»w»*y o/ 
under nineteen general heads. They comprehend a large 
variety of definitions, or more properly disquisitions on the 
following theological topics : The Holy Scripture and the 
three Creeds; faith in the Holy Trinity; God's eternal 
decree and predestination ; the creation and government of 
all things ; the fall of man, original sin, and the state of 

^ /6id. p. 43. or the beginning of 16 1 5. Elrington, 

' Uhi sup. p. 44. He was also p. 39. 
Vice-chancellor in the previous year, ' ' A rticles of Religion, agreed vpon 

1614. Ibid. p. 49. bjf the Archbishops and Bishops, and 

* Waterland, Works, 11. 346, and the rest of the cleargie of Ireland, in 
Dr Ellington's Life, pp. 290 seq. the Convocation holden at Dublin in 

* Parr, an older biographer of the yeare of our Lord Qod \6i^,* kc, 
Ussher, implies that the two legis- They wiU be found at length in 
labive bodies were convened at the Append. No. ▼!., printed from a 
same time ; but the Parliament met copy of the original edition in Dr 
May 18, 16 1 3, and the Convocation Elrington's Life of Ussher y App. 
did not assemble till the end of 1 6 1 4, iv . 



1S4 



THE IRISH ARTICLES OF 1615. 



[CH. 



Omeral 
dutraeUr. 



man before justification ; Christ the Mediator of the second 
Covenant; the communicating of the grace of Christ; 
justification and faith ; sanctification and good works ; the 
servicQ of God ; the civil magistrate ; our duty towards our 
neighbours ; the Church and outward ministry of the Gos- 
pel ; the authority of the Church, Greneral Councils, and 
bishop of Rome; the state of the Old and New Testament; 
the Sacraments of the New Testament; Baptism; the 
Lord's Supper ; the state of the souls of men after they be 
departed out of this life, together with the general resur- 
rection and the last judgment. 

Not a few of the Articles, contained in one or other of 
these main divisions, are borrowed from the corresponding 
portions of the English series. Some, again, are of a ho- 
miletic nature, relating wholly to Christian duties. Others 
enter upon speculative questions, as the fall of angels, and 
the aboriginal state of man. One article pronounces abso- 
lutely that the pope is * the Man of Sin' and * Antichrist*.' 
The paragraphs, however, which excited the most bitter 
animadversion*, at the time of their appearance and in 
subsequent ages, are those which have revived the Lam- 
beth Articles, or bear upon the angry controversies out of 
which the Lambeth Articles had issued. It is true they 
are not all incorporated in a body, but dispersed in various 
sections of the work; and further, the original copy' of the 
Irish series contained no reference to the English manifesto 
of 1595; yet the identity is so complete, with one or two 
verbal^ exceptions, that no reader could have doubted the 
connexion which . the firamers of the Irish Articles were 
anxious to establish®. 



^ A similar decree had been made 
juAt before in a * CalyinisUc * synod 
at Gappe : Collier, n. 708. 

' Mant, I. 385 seqq. 

' Bp Mant's copy bad such a re- 
ference to each of the Nine Articles 
of the Lambeth series ; but it must 
have been either the London edition 
of 1629, or that which is appended 
to Neal*8 Hist, of the Puritans: see 



EIringtou's Ussher, p. 44, note (/). 

^ One of these is important ; for 
while the Irish Articles (§ 38) affirm 
that true faith is not extinguished 
in ' the regenerate,' the fifth of the 
Lambeth Articles had deliberately 
avoided this phrase and spoken of 
'the elect:* see above, pp. 177, 178. 

'^ Some persons, like Heylin, as- 
sorted that the whole proceeding 



YIII.] 



THE IRISH ARTICLES OF 1615. 



185 



Keferring the reader, as before, to an Appendix for the ^J^^J^ 
Articles themselves, it is desirable to investigate their j|j^^"^ 
claims on the acceptance of the Irish clergy; and the rather, 
since this question has been more than once reopened, and 
selected as the ground of resolute assaults on both the Irish 
and the English Churches. Now the document itself (as 
we have seen) professes to have been originally sanctioned 
by the Convocation of Dublin, and a paragraph appended 
to the first edition, comprises the following decree : * If any 
minister, of what degree or qualitie soeuer he be, shall 
publikely teach any doctrine contrary to these Articles 
agreed upon, — if, after due admonition, he doe not con- 
forme himselfe and cease to disturbe the peace of the 
Church, — let liim bee silenced and depriued of all spirituall 
promotions he doth enjoy.' 

On the other hand, the novelty apparent in the consti- gJJ'JJJ^L 
tution of the Synod of 1615, and various minor informali- 
ties in its proceedings*, had excited doubts respecting the 
ecclesiastical authority of the Dublin Articles at the very 
time of their publication : for we find Bernard, the oldest 
biographer of Ussher, and himself a uniform admirer of 
the Irish Articles, attempting to repel this prevalent objec- 
tion, and asserting, on the verbal testimony of his patron, 
that the Formulary was actually signed *by archbishop 
Jones, the president of Convocation, by the prolocutor of 
the lower House, in the name of the whole clergy, and also 
by the Lord Deputy, by order of James I.^' But while it 



was ' a plot of the Calvinians and 
Sabbatarians of England to make 
themselves a strong party in Ire- 
land:' see Mant, I. 387. 

* Elrington's Ussher, pp. 39, 40. 

• Bernard's Life of Ussher, p. 50. 
Collier endeavours to explain the 
motives of the English monarch in 
confirming so many Articles at va- 
riance with his own opinions, ii. 
708. Cf. Heylin, Hist. Q^inqu^ Ar- 
tie. Part III. ch. xxii. § 5 : but the 
solution of Wood, (in Dr Elrington's 
Ussher, pp. 47, 48,) is far more pro- 



bable. Archdeacon Stopford discre- 
dits the testimony of Bernard, sus- 
pecting that the deputy never signed 
the Articles at aU, and contending, 
that if he did, such an indirect 
exercise of the supremacy was in- 
valid : * Introduction ' to Vol. ill. 
of the MS, Irish Prayer Book, p. 
Ixiii. ed. E. H. S. But the following 
extract from an anti-Arminian 
pamphlet of 1633, entitled The TrtUh 
of three Tilings, &c. indicates that 
the royal sanction of them was ge- 
nerally believed : ' I may add here- 



186 



THE IRISH ARTICLES OF 1615. 



[CH. 



Wert the 
bUhaptem- 



may be granted that a portion of this evidence has been 
discredited, it cannot be entirely set aside ; and, therefore, 
while we are entitled to argue that the Irish Articles were 
destitute of parliamentary sanction, and as such could not 
have been enforced by temporal penalties, we, notwith- 
standing, must admit, that there is no sufficient ground^ 
for questioning their formal recognition in some kind of 
convocational meeting. 

Whether or no they were originally offered to the 
^SH^^b- clergy for subscriptiony like the English series, after the 
seHpUonf (j^nyocation of 1671, and whether the Church at that, or 
any future time, had authorized the prelates to exact sub- 
scription from the candidates for holy orders, — are distinct 
questions, and questions which it is not easy to determine 
either one way or the other. The reply, which seems to be 
most satisfactory •, proceeds upon the supposition, that where 
any individual bishops used the Irish Articles as a positive 
test of doctrine, they were overstretching the authority con- 
ceded to them by the Synod ; for in the decree appended 
to the document itself no wish is manifested to impose 
those Articles absolutely on the Church of Ireland, either 
by the agency of subscription or by any other apparatus. It 
declares, indeed, that whoever shall teach what is antago- 
nisttc to them shall be silenced and deposed, — ^in imitation, 
it would seem, of the stem order which accompanied the 
Lambeth propositions ; jet, unlike determinations of the 
English Church in 1563, the Irish series claimed no more 



unto the doctrine of the Articles of 
the Church of Ireland, which fitly 
may here be inserted, as both look- 
ing to king James, under whose 
authority and protection it came forth 
and was maintained, and looking 
to the doctrine of the Church of 
England, since it were an intollera- 
ble and impudent iniury to the wis- 
dome and religious knowledge of 
these times, to say that betweene 
them there was not a harmonie,' 
pp. 29, 30. The pamphlet, how- 
ever, it should be remarked, is full 



of special-pleading. 

^ All the evidence against the 
Ugiiimaie adoption of the Articles 
was ably stated in the Irish Ecde- 
siadical JoumcU, No. 1 18, pp. 66,67. 

• In this way only can we give a 
satisfactory explanation of the lan- 
guage employed in 1634 ^y Strafford, 
Laud, and Bramhall. They all 
speak as if the Irish Articles needed 
confirmation, and imply that the 
Puritan party were fully aware of 
the defect. See Archdeacon Stop- 
ford, nbi sup. pp. Ixiii. Ixiv. 



VIII.] 



THE IRISH ABTICLES OF 1615. 



187 



than negative virtue, and must therefore have been serving 
rather as so many Articles of discipline and self-defence, 
than as a public Formulary of Faith. 

But on whatever footing they were placed in the short £j*"igf2l5 
interval from 1615 to 1635, those Articles were virtually, ^^• 
if not in form, abolished by the Convocation of this latter 
date. The leanings of the Irish Church in the direction of 
Geneva had been now considerably adjusted, and with men 
like Strafford and Bramhall regulating her affairs, it was 
most natural to expect that efforts would be made to clear 
away all obstacles that hindered her more cordial union 
with the Church of England. As early indeed as 1634, 
Strafford, in his character of Deputy, devised a plan for 
this complete assimilation; and Laud*, with the concur- 
rence of his royal master, instantly adopted the proposal, 
and commended its immediate execution. The project was 
accordingly submitted to the Irish Convocation in the en- 
suing year, and by the powerful advocacy of Bramhall, a 
new Canon was accepted, with but one dissentient voice*. 
It ran as follows : * For the manifestation of our agreement ^^J^ 
with the Church of England in the confession of the same ««^«'- 
Christian faith, and the doctrine of the Sacraments, we do 
receive and approve the Book of Articles of Religion, 
agreed upon by the archbishops and bishops and the whole 
clergy in the Convocation holden at London, in the year of 
our Lord, 1562, &c. And therefore if any hereafter shall 
affirm that any of these Articles are in any part super- 
stitious or erroneous, or such as he may not with a good 
conscience subscribe unto, let him be excommunicated, and 



* In writing to Strafford, Oct. 
70, 1634, he says, ' I knew how you 
would find my Lord Primate [i. e. 
Usflher] affected to the Articles of 
Ireland ; but I am glad the trouble 
that hath been in it will end there, 
without advertising of it over to us. 
And whereas you propose to have 
the Articles of England received tJ» 
ipsidsimis verhi*, and leave the other 



as no way concerned, neither affirm- 
ed nor denied, you are certainly in 
the right, and so says the King, to 
whom I imparted it, as well as I. 
Go, hold close, and you will do a 
great service in it.' Straffdrd, Let- 
ters, I. 329: cf. Bramhall's Works, 
V. 80, and notes; Oxf. 1845. 
' Mant, I. 491. 



188 THE IRISH ARTICLES OF 1615. [CH. 

not absolved before he make a public recantation of his 
error.' 
W0rttkt There is thus no doubt whatever as to the resiilar 

;^Jg2 jy adoption of the English Articles of 1563, by the authorities 
***^' of Ae sister-Church ; but it still disputed whether the fact 
of such approbation had the power of absolutely repealing 
the Dublin Articles. In answer to this question, we may 
feirly urge that the original promoters of the scheme re- 
garded the Canon of 1635 from different points of view. 
Archbishop Ussher, who was still unweaned from the 
more rigorous of his Calvinistic tenets, though the intimate 
friend of Laud, has left us his opinion of the case in 
a contemporary letter addressed to Dr Ward : ' The Arti- 
cles of Keligion agreed upon in our former synod, anno 
1615, we let aland as we did before. But for the manifest- 
ing of our agreement with the Church of England, we have 
received and approved your Articles also, concluded in the 
year 1562, as you may see in the first of our Canons ^' 
On the other hand, it is indisputable that Strafford and 
Bramhall were alike anticipating the abrogation of the 
Irish Articles as one result of their proposal to adopt the 
English code. The former hinted that it had been always 
his intention *to silence them without noise*:' the latter 
hoped to * take away that Shibboleth which made the Irish 
Church lisp too undecently, or rather, in some little degree, 
to speak the speech of Ashdod, and not the language of 
Canaan^.' Heylin has, indeed, asserted that the Dublin 
Articles were actually * called in^;' but there is no sufiicient 
proof that any order was given prohibiting the use of them 
by individual bishops, and tlie practice of Ussher himself^ 
in requiring subscription to both series leads to the con- 
clusion that they both were still in some degree accepted 

^ Elrington*8 Life, p. 176. ed. Eden. 

' Strafford, Letters, Dec. 16, 1634, * Hfe of Laud, Part 11. 171 — 

I. 341: cf. Neal, Puritans, ii. 107, 274: Eist, of the Sabbath, Part il. 

ed. 1733. c. vm. § 9. 

• Mant, I. 493, and Bp Taylor's • Elrington's Life, p. 176 : cf. a 

' Sermon upon the Lord Primate ' letter of Laud to Ussher, May 10, 

[Bramhall]: Works, viii. 411, 412, 1635; Ussher s Works, xvi. 7, 8. 



VIII.] 



THE IRISH ARTICLES OF 1615. 



189 



or permitted. An attempt, however, of the Primate, to ^^'gj^ 
procure a formal vote of Convocation, which might rank £S{'2S5c? 
them as a second or co-ordinate' rule of doctrine In then^*"*^*^ 
Irish Church, was strongly discountenanced by Strafford, 
and was ultimately abandoned ; so that while considerable 
forbearance had been exercised In reference to all positive 
and direct repudiation of those Articles, they had In truth 
been tacitly withdrawn, together with a Canon, which dis- 
tinctly aimed at placing them upon a level with the English 
Articles. 

It follows, therefore, that whatever may have been the ^'r**, 
nature of their claims throughout the interval between the ^S^^**^' 
two Convocations of 1615 and 1635, they were In future 
placed in the condition of a will, in which the latest decla- 
ration has the force of absolutely overruling all the earlier 
provisions, — in so far as these had worn a different aspect, 
or were held to be susceptible of a contrary meaning*. 
Hence it is that, after the Rebellion, In the course of 
which the Puritanism of Ireland had been moderated or 
exploded^, we discover no fresh instance of a wish among 
the Irish prelates to enforce subscription to the Dublin 



^ This appears from the draft of 
the following canon proposed in the 
Convocation, but withdrawn through 
the influence of Strafford: 'Those 
which shall affirm any of the Arti- 
cles agreed on by the clergy of Ire- 
land at Dublin, 1615, or any of the 
39 concluded of in the Convocation 
at London, 1562, and received by 
the Convocation at Dublin, 1634, to 
be in any part superstitious, or such 
as may not with a good conscience 
be received and allowed, shall be ex- 
communicated and not restored but 
only by the Archbishop.' 'Introd.' 
to VoL ra. of MS. Book of Common 
Prayer for Irdand, E. H. S. p. 
cxviii. The note of Strafford is re- 
markable as indicating seme defect 
in the authority of the Articles of 
1615 : 'It would be considered here 



whether these Articles of Dublin, 
1 61 5, agree substantially with those 
of London, or confirm^ eqwMy by 
the King*8 authority: else I see no 
reason of establishing them under 
one penalty.' 

' See Collier's observation to this 
effect, II. 763. 

^ It is weU observed by a writer 
in the Irith Ecclesiasiical Journal 
for June, 1850, that notwithstand- 
ing the strength of feeling at this 
period, in Ireland as elsewhere, 
against every thing 'Grenevan,' the 
Dublin Articles of 1615 were unno- 
ticed by the Convocation (from 1661 
to 1665); which is a strong proof 
that they were considered as no lon- 
ger possessed of the slightest autho« 
rity or obligation. 



180 



THE lEISH ARTICLES OF 1615. . [CH. VIII. 



Artides. The English have alone been ua^ as a pre- 
Kminaiy test of orthodoxy «> .dmission into holy ordersS 
80 that long before enactments of the civil legislature at 
the opening of the present centuiy, the two communions 
on the opposite sides of the Channel had been constituted 
by ecclesiastical usage the united ^ Church of England and 
Ireland*.' 



1 Elrington'g Uluker, p. 177. 

' e. ^. in An Ad for ihe Union of 
QrtaJt Britain and Ireland, it is 
provided (Stat. 40 Gko. III. c 58, 
'Ireland*): 'That it be the fifth 
Artidle of Union, that the Ohnrches 
of England and Irebuid, a« now by 
law ettabliahedf be united into one 
proteatant epiioopal Church, to be 



called "The United Church of Eng- 
land and Ireland;** and that the 
doctrine, worship, discipline, and 
government of the said United 
Church shall be, and shaU remain 
in full force for ever, as the same 
are now by law established for the 
Church of England.* 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE SYNOD OF DORT AND THE ROYAL 

DECLARATION. 



ON the failure of the vehement effort which was made stauqftke 
at Cambridge, in the hope of riveting the Lambeth ticuiarZn- 
Articles upon the Church of England, the enthusiasm j^^^^*^-^ 
which had suggested their compilation appears to have 
been gradually subsiding. Calvinism was losing its as- 
cendancy; it was confronted everywhere by an array of 
formidable opponents*, while the ablest of its champions 
were, in many cases, falling off into positions of neutrality, 
or passing over to the opposite camp*. A few, indeed, 
and in that remnant some of the more gifted writers of 
their age, continued to combine a partial acquiescence in 
Grenevan doctrines with a pure and unreserved attachment 
to the Formularies of the Church ; but, in the great ma- 
jority, it was apparent that extreme or supra-lapsarian 
Calvinists were more and more identified with * Puritans' 



^ See Bp YouDg's remftrk at ihe 
time of Laud's ordination, in Le 
Bas, Life of Laud, p. 6. The fol- 
lowing order of the King to the 
Universities in 1616, conduced to the 
same result : * That young students 
in divinity be directed to study such 
books as be most agreeable in doc- 
trine and discipline to the Church 
of England, and incited to bestow 
their time on the Fathers and Coun- 
cils, schoolmen, histories and con- 
troversies, and not to iimst 90 long 
upon eompendiwnt and abhrevicUureSf 
making them the grounds of their 



divinity.' Wilkins, rv. 459. 

^ e. g. Dr Thomas Jackson, of 
whom Prynne says that he 'dis- 
graced his mother the University of 
Oxford, who grieved for his defec- 
tion :' Worhi, VoL I. p. xL Oxf. 
1S44. Hales of Etoa abandoned 
his former opinions with the obser- 
vation that he 'bade John Calvin 
good night :' Farindon's Leiier, pre- 
fixed to Qolden Remains, Lond. 1659. 
See also Bp Sanderson's remarka- 
ble statement respecting the change 
of his own mind on these subjects : 
Hammond's Worh$f i. 669, fol. ed. 



192 



THE SYNOD OF DORT 



[CH. 



and * Precisians,' whose deep-rooted horror of * the cap, the 
tippet, and the surplice,' had been driving them into the arms 
of men like Thomas Cartwright, and at length to a fresh 
platform! of their own devising. 

Yet a cursory perusal of the Jacobean literature will 
satisfy us, that in spite of all defections, there was still a 
large and acrimonious party, both within and without the 
Church, who went on preaching the * Divine decrees' as 
the distinguishing feature of the Gospel. Even where re- 
ceding (as they now did) from the logical consequences of 
their system, or, in other words, adopting as their own the 
«t£&-lapsarian hypothesis, by which the harshness of the 
older teaching was considerably softened, they esteemed it 
an imperative duty to denounce all deviations from their 
ground as both Pelagian and Popish*. To deny that the 
regenerating grace of Grod must issue in the saving of the 
soul to which it is imparted ; to assert the universal appli- 
cability of Christ's atoning work; to claim for man the 
power of self-determination, or free choice, as one surviving 
element of his moral constitution ; to suspend his full ac- 
quittal at the day of judgment on the energy of his faith, or 
on his faithful use of talents with which he is entrusted, — 
would be sure to implicate the preacher in a series of un- 
seemly disputations: it was treason to the majesty of 
Calvin; it amounted to renunciation of the genuine Gospel. 



^ The first ' conventicle ' was or- 
ganized in 1567. Mr Haweis' 
Sketches f p. 1 89 : Zurich Letters, 1. 10 1 . 

3 The Vice-chancellor of Oxford 
(Dr Robert Abbott) in a Sermon 
before the University, 16 14, made' 
the following onslaughi upon Laud, 
who was then rising into eminence : 
'Might not Christ say, what art 
thou! Romish or English? Papist 
or Protestant? Or what art thou! 
A mongrel, or compound of both ? 
A Protestant by ordination, a Pa- 
pist in point of Free-will, inherent 
righteousness and the like ? * Le Bas, 
Life of Laud, p. 25. Carleton, in 
like manner, denounces Montague 



as 'running with the Arminians 
into the depth of Pelagius his poy- 
soned doctrine,' and when the 'Ap- 
pellant' declares that he has read 
nothing of the Arminians and ut- 
terly repudiates Pelagius, the only 
answer he obtains from his stern 
'Examiner,' is this: 'It seemeth 
that you are an excellent schoUer, 
that can leame your lesson so per- 
fectly without instructors.* Ejcami- 
nation of those things tD?ierein the 
Author of the late Appeale holdeth 
the doctrines of the Pelagians and 
Arminians f to be the doctrines of the 
Church of England, pp. 19, qo : 
2nd ed. 



IX.] 



AND THE ROYAL DECLARATION. 



193 



Agitations of this kind arising: out of our domeBtic TturUeo/ 

1 .11 ^1 . !• 1 '^rminian- 

quarrels, were still more exasperated at the opening of the <«*/i«w- 
seventeenth century by the appearance of a kindred crop 
of controversies in the republic of the Low Countries. Our 
own Church, as Bishop Hall expressed it, began to sicken 
of the * Belgic disease,' or the * five busy Articles^ ;' and our 
preachers to indulge in most declamatory warnings against 
the * poison' of Arminius. The chief leader of that new 
assault upon the fashionable metaphysics was professor in 
the university of Leyden, who is said to have abandoned 
all his Calvinistic tenets after reading a production of 
William Perkins, one of the most violent of the English 
supra-lapsarians*. Startled, it would seem, by principles 
enunciated in that work, without the slightest mitigation 
or reserve, Arminius had resorted to a milder theory of the 
Divine decrees which seems to have been first of all adopted 
by St Ambrose^. There he found a clue, facilitating his 
escape from the perplexities in which he was entangled, 
and supplying what he deemed the one intelligible method 
which enabled him to recognize the love of the Almighty, 
and to vindicate the freedom of His fallen creatures. 

This revulsion in the spirit of Arminius occurred in 
1604, and as we might expect from tlie prevailing temper 
of the age, to which his theory was submitted, he became 
at once the object of unsparing castigation. Nor upon his 
own witlidrawal from the theatre of strife (Oct. 1609) was 
the discussion he had raised in any way determined or ex- 
hausted. On the contrary, it spread with fresh rapidity in 



^ 'Men, brethren, fathers, help. 
Who Bees not a dangerood fire kin- 
dling in our Church, by these five 
fatal brands ? which, if they be not 
speedily quenched, threatens a fu- 
rious eruption, and shall too late 
die in our ashes.* Bp Hall, Via 
Media, Works, x. 479. Oxf. 1837. 
As early as 1597, these quarrels had 
begun in the Low Countries ; many 
of the Dutch divines disputing the 
authority of the Confessio Belgica 
and the Heidelbei*g Catechism: see 

H. A. 



A short Relation of the Stirres in Sol- 
land concerning Predestination, &c. 
in Canib. Univ. MS. Gg. 1. 19, fol. 54 b. 

■ William Perkins, Armilla Au- 
rea (see above, p. 168). The ani- 
madversions of Arminius are enti- 
tled Examen Prmiettinationis Per- 
hinnanee. 

' See Mosheim, Ch. ffist. n. 93, 
and the Confessio sententia Pasto* 
rum, qui in fcederaio Belgio JRemon- 
strantes vocantur, p. 31. Herdewic. 
1622. 

13 



194 



THE SYNOD OF DORT 



[CH. 



T%e*Remcn- 
ttranee,' 1610. 



eyeiy quarter, and was hst absorbing into the Arminian 
school the very ablest men of Holland. Among others of 
this class who were contributing to its extension and de- 
fence were Episcopius and Uytenbogaert\ the former by 
the agency of the press, the latter of the pulpit. They 
were also aided by the powerftd countenance of Hugo Gro- 
tius and Olden-Bameveld: but the co-operation of these 
eminent statesmen led ere long to the association of the 
name and principles of Arminius with political combina- 
tions, entered into for the purpose of resisting the supreme 
authority, which by the revolution was conferred upon the 
leading House of Orange. For this reason, while particular 
states of the 'United Provinces' were ardent patrons of 
Arminianism, it was exposed to the hostility and hatred of 
Prince Maurice, and the whole of his adherents^. 

In order to avert the indignation of the party then as- 
cendanty who not only wielded the civil sword, but threat- 
ened to unsheath it in behalf of Calvinistic dogmas, the 
Arminians now resolved to frame a solemn declaration of 
their tenets, and present it at a general meeting of the States, 
in 1610. This document was due to Episcopius and his 
colleague, and the title which it bore (the Remonstrance) y 
has suggested the future appellation of the sect (* the Re- 
monstrants'). It consisted of Five Articles', (1) on pre- 
destination; (2) the extent of Christ's death; (3) free-will 
and human depravity; (4) the manner of our conversion to 
God, and (5) the perseverance of the saints ; yet, far from 
smoothing down the opposition, which on civil and religious 
grounds had been aroused against Arminius, that apology 
resulted, after a tempestuous interval of eight years*, in the 
convening of the Synod of Dort. 



^ Guerike, Kircheng, n. 519. 
> MiUer, PkUotophy of Hist, ill. 

19^^ 193* 3"^ ed. 

' See Acta Synod, Dordrecht, Part 
in. ed. 1610, for the Articles and 
also for the Judgments of the Di- 
vines upon each thesis in succession. 

* During this interval (1611) a 
public disputation had taken place 



at the Hague between the Remon- 
strants and the Contra • remon- 
strants, but no concession having 
been made by either party and the 
toleration of the Prince of Orange 
being exhausted, he imprisoned Gro- 
tins and Olden-Bameveld: Collier, 
II. 716. The latter was afterwards 
beheaded, in 16 19: Guerike, ii. 511. 



IX.] 



AND THE ROYAL DECLARATION. 



195 



The object of this meeting was to bring about the con- ^^^^''^ 
demnation^ of the five points embodied in the Dutch * Re- 
monstrance,' so that the pretensions of Axminianism were 
all rejected before they were synodically examined or dis- 
cussed. At the end of November, 1618, sixty-one' of the 
Dutch divines, comprising thirty-six ministers, five profes- 
sors, and twenty elders, were assembled with this object in 
the town of Dort; and there they welcomed eight and 
twenty foreign coadjutors, who had come on invitation to 
the synod from the various states of Europe, for the pur- 
pose of conferring weight on its conclusions, but without 
the privilege of aiding by their vote in the determination 
of disputed points. 

Amone the others who had condescended to assist in Patronized 
these proceedings was King James I. of England, though 
the motives which had influenced him in choosing such a 
course have not been hitherto ascertained. The bitterness 
which he had shewn in censuring both the doctrine' and 
ritual scruples of the Nonconformists at the Hampton- 
Court Conference (1604), and the unvarying patronage he 
lavished on such men as Montague* and other sturdy doc- 
tors of the anti-Calvinistic school, imply that his own per- 
sonal bias never turned in the direction of the principles 
asserted at the synod of Dort : and yet his fierce philippics 
against Vorstius*, who succeeded to the theological chair 
of Leyden, will be found to have included the most merci- 
less denunciation of Arminius and some principles of his 



^ It has even been alleged that 
an oath was taken by the delegates, 
to proceed in this arbitrary manner, 
but Fuller has shewn satisfactorily 
with regard to the English divines 
at least, that no such obligation was 
imposed : Church Hint. Book xi. 
Sect. n. §§ 14, 15. In fact, the 
foreign deputies had no votes, and 
therefore might not be called upon 
to take the oath administered to the 
others. 

' Kerroux, Ahrigi de VHUt. de 
la Hoflande, ii. 500, 501, (quoted 



by Miller), makes the number sixty- 
four. 

' See Cardwell's Jffist ofConf. pp. 
180 seqq. 

* The famous Appdlo Cctsarem, 
(1634) was approved by James and 
immediately lioensed, with the de- 
claration Hhat there was nothing 
contained in it but what was agree- 
able to the public &ith, doctrine and 
discipline established in the Church 
of England.' 

' Heylin, Hiit. (luinqu • Artie, 
Part in. chap. xxn. § 8. 

13—2 



196 



THE STNOD OF DORT 



[CH. 



uhoMndia 
dautaUoH 



Their cha- 
fxuter, 



party. On the whole it is most probable that the reasons 
bj which James was swajed in thus acceding to the wishes 
of the Belgic states, were partly theological and partly 
political. The wild and reprehensible speculations of 
Vorstius^ may have led him to conjecture that Arminius, 
who was high in favour with the same body, had been 
similarly tainted by heretical notions, or at least that the 
Arminian dogmas had a tendency to generate in the mind 
unworthy thoughts of the Divine Being : while, upon the 
other hand, the friendship then subsisting between James I. 
and the Prince of Orange might induce him to assist in 
the depression of a party, which, through the admixture 
of political elements before adverted to, was more and 
more identified with opposition to the house of Orange. 

The result, however, was that James, incited either by 
these causes, or by others which have been suggested*, did 
respond to the solicitations of the States, and sent to Dort 
a private deputation* of English theologians. The men 
selected were Greorge Carleton, bishop of Llandaff, after- 
wards of Chichester ; Joseph Hall, at that time dean of 
Worcester, and eventually the famous bishop of Exeter 
and Norwich ; John Davenant, Margaret Professor at Cam- 
bridge, and afterwards bishop of Salisbury; and Samuel 
Ward, master of Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, and 
archdeacon of Taunton*. Of this number, Carleton was 
reputed a most rigid Calvinist ; but the remainder may be 
safely classed among the moderate Augustinians. They 
were all opposed indeed to the peculiar notions of Armi- 
nius with respect to the Divine decrees ; but, as we argue 
from their language on the benefits of infant baptism, or 
on the reception of regenerating grace by some who may 



^ He had seemed to called in 
question the absolute perfections of 
the Divine attributes : Ihid. 

* Collier, n. 716. 

^ * Whatever this synod may sig* 
nify in some place we have nothing 
to do with it. The English that 
appeared there were no other than 
four court-divines ; their commission 



and instruction were only from the 
King... they had no delegation from 
the bishops, and by consequence 
were no representatives of the British 
Church:' Ibid. p. 718. 

^ They were joined in the follow- 
ing month by Walter Balcanqual, 
a Scotchman, who was also the 
bearer of credentials from King 



IX.] 



AND THE ROYAL DECLARATION. 



197 



not afterwards have persevered*, their general doctrine had 
been drawn exclusively from Hippo, in contradistinction to 
Geneva. They were all on this account well fitted to pro- 
mote the object of King James, by advocating principles 
in the forthcoming synod, which might *tend to the miti- andimiruc 
gation of the heat on both sides,' and might dissuade the 
Contra-remonstrants in particular from * delivering in the 
pulpit to the people those things for ordinary doctrines 
which are the highest points of schools'.' It is affirmed, 
moreover, that the King instructed them to lay especial 
emphasis upon the doctrine of universal redemption, — a 
tenet which * pursued in its just consequences is sufficient 
to overthrow the whole Calvinian system of the five 
points*.' 



James. Collier, ii. 717: Hales's 
Letten from the Synod of Dort, p. 
44. ed. 1659. 

^ Dr Ward, in writing to Archbp 
Ussher (May 25, 1630), asserts 
that the efficacy of baptism in in- 
fants I^kI been discussed by Dave- 
nant and himself at Dort, when 
they signified their judgment UuU the 
ccae of infants wot not appertaining 
to the quextion of Perseverance: XJs- 
sher's Works, xv. 504. ed. Elring- 
ton. See also Ward's Determ/no/iones 
TheologicaSf pp. 44 seqq. Lond. 1658, 
and Bedford's Vindictce QraticB Sa- 
cramentalis, to which a Letter of 
Davenant is prefixed relating to the 
same question. These works toge- 
ther with Ward's Vindication, which 
Ussher, his bosom-friend, published 
after his death, demonstrate that a 
belief in the regeneration of all in- 
fants (as distinguished from their 
final perseverance) was deemed in 
no way incompatible with the strong- 
est denial of the Arminian theory 
of decrees. See the next note but 
one, and compare XJssher's Works, 
XV. 505— 5 «o. 

* See the 'Royal Instructions,' 
in Collier, 11. 716. 



' Dr Waterland, Works, ii. 348. 
Oxf. 1843. This question was first 
handled by Balcanqual, the Scotch 
deputy of King James, (Hales* Let- 
ters, p. 74), and from his own corre- 
spondence (Ibid. p. 2) we learn that 
Davenant and Ward agreed in 
maintaining that ' Christ died for 
<Ul particular men,' while Carleton 
and Goade (who took the place of 
Hall) persisted in the belief that He 
died 'only for the elect, who con- 
sist of all sorts of men.' The Cal- 
vinistic limitation prevailed for a 
while {Ibid. p. 4) ; but the following 
extract from a subsequent letter of 
the same divine, April ^, implies 
that the English theologians had 
afterwards returned to the question : 
'The deputies appointed by the 
synod have taken pains, I must 
needs confess, to give our CoUedge 
all satisfaction; besides the second 
Article [on the extent of Christ's 
death], some of our CoUedge have 
been earnest to have this proposition 
out: "Infideles damnabuntur non 
solum ob infidelitatem, sed etiam ob 
omnia alia peccata sua tam originale 
quara actuaUa:" because they say 
that from thence may be inferred 



198 



THE SYNOD OF DORT 



[CH. 



^IhT^mSd ^^ ^^^ asaembling of the deputies at Dort the business 
of the synod was begun, although the representatives of the 
Arminian school did not arrive until the fourth of the fol- 
lowing months The president was Bogermann, the strait- 
est member of the Calvinistic party, who had previously 
avowed his own opinion that all persons who declined to 
acquiesce in the established dogmas should be punished by 
the civil sword*. The other leading deputies had all been 
trained in the same rigorous school and had contracted the 
same bias, so that when the party of Eemonstrants, under 
Episcopius, were admitted to the synod on the 7th of De- 
cember, it was easy to discover that the cause which they 
expressed themselves desirous of defending had been abso- 
lutely predetermined. If one doubt existed on this point, 
it must hav9 been dispelled entirely by a circumstance 
which happened on the morrow ; for two of the Arminian 
deputies from Utrecht, who had taken their places with the 
other members of the synod, were then ordered to renounce 
that character, and to associate in all future meetings with 
the thirteen others who were formally cited^ as delinquents. 
Episcopius vainly urged them to discuss the controverted 
questions publicly and seriatim: his appeal to * Scripture 
and to solid reason*,' was met by Bogermann and others, who 



that oriffirud sin is not remitted to 
all who are baptized, which opinion 
hath been by more than one councel 
condemned as heretical : They have, 
therefore, at their reguett put it out,* 
p. 34: cf. 'Sententia Theologorum 
MagnsB Britannise de Articulo se- 
cundo/ Acta Synod, Dordrecht Part 
II. pp. 100 — 106. 

^ John Hales, who was an eye- 
witness of the proceedings for three 
months, writes (Dec. 6, 161S, stylo 
novo): 'The armies have been in 
sight one of another and have had 
some parley.' Letters, p. 23. 

' He had before this time trans- 
lated into Dutch the notorious Trea- 
tise of Beza, De Hareticit a civili 
magietratu puniendis. 



' Hales, uhi tup, pp. 26 seqq. 
A third deputy from Utrecht, ' pro- 
fessed to submit himself to the judg- 
ment of the synod, if they shall 
decide according to his conscience,' 

P- 33. 
^ Ibid. p. 39. It was conceded by 

the synod that the Remonstrants 

might propose their doubts both in 

the matter of election and of repro« 

bation, but must not venture to 

make any suggestion as to the best 

mode of proceeding, p. 47. 'An 

absolute liberty of going as &r as 

they list in oppugning before the 

synod what opinions they pleased of 

learned men, this was thought unfit,' 

pp. 48, 52. 



IX.] 



AND THE ROYAL DECLARATION. 



199 



demanded of him an unquestioning adoption of the terms 
imposed upon him by the synod; and at last when the 
B^nonstrants in defiant language went so far as to protest 
against assumptions of authority which they believed to be 
imperious and unjust, they were extruded one and all from ^fSfj^ 
the assembly, were deprived of their ecclesiastical appoint- "•''*'"'^- 
ments, and were banished from the territory of the Dutch 
republic. Sad indeed were the emotions which these spec- 
tacles excited in the bosom of the future Bishop Hall ! He 
did not, however, stay at Dort, until the end of the pro- 
ceedings^ ; for the failiire of his health induced him to solicit 
a recall, and his commission was accordingly transferred to 
Dr Goade, who, as we saw, had shewn his Calvinistic bias 
by assisting in the prosecution of Barrett more than twenty 
years before. The lapse of time had softened in some mea- Modmdion 
sure the acerbity of his zeal ; and in the course of the ^J^JJ^ 
discussions, from the opening of the synod to its close, 
we cannot fail to notice that the influence of the English 
deputies, and more especially of Davenant and Ward, was 
always on the side of primitive truth and Christian modera- 
tion. When they finally returned to England* in April, 
1619, they left the following most appropriate admonitions 
ringing in the ears of their too-zealous colleagues: 'If a Their parting 
class of questions such as the reformed Churches have not 
hitherto decided chances to spring into existence, and if 
they are discussed by learned and holy men, without any 
detriment to the faith, it is not seemly in grave and mode- 
rate divines to obtrude upon all others their own way of 
thinking. In such a case all is well, provided only the di- 
versity of opinions break not the bond of peace among the 
clergy, nor be the means of disseminating faction. We 



1 He had preached in the i6th 
Seamou of the Synod (Nov. 29) what 
Hales described (p. 10) as 'a polite 
and pathetical Latine sennon, ' urging 
among other means of reconciliation 
a fuU discussion of Bom. ix. by the 
two contending parties : ' Agite ergo, 
viri judices, si me auditis, jubete, ut 
pars utraque litigantiom, brevem, 



claram, apertamque sine fuco, sine 
ambagibus, illius loci paraphrasin, 
sancta Synodo, fratema manu, ex- 
hibeat:' Acta Synodi Dordrecht, 
p. 46. 

' Balcanqual's last letter is dated 
' 25 of April stylo loci/ The Synod 
itself closed May 9, 16 19, with the 
154th Session. Guerike, u. 521. 



200 THE SYNOD OF DORT [CH. 

suggest, moreover, that of those things which are esta- 
blished on the sure foundation of the Word of God, there 
are some, which ought not to be promiscuously inculcated 
upon all, but touched in the proper time and place with 
tenderness and judgment. One of them is the sublime 
mystery of Predestination, sweet indeed and most full of 
comfort, — but to them who are rooted in the faith, and 
exercised in holy living ; for to such alone should it 
commend itself as an unfailing bulwark in the grievous 
struggles of the conscience. But whenever the impru- 
dence of certain preachers exposes this profound inquiry to 
men who have not learned as they ought the first princi- 
ples of religion, and whose mind is still rioting in carnal 
afiections, it follows as a necessary consequence that while 
they wrangle about the mysteries of predestination, they 
abandon the life-^ving Gospel, while they dream of nothing 
else but their predestination unto life, they enter not upon 
the way eternal as marked out for the pi*edestined. Still 
greater need of caution is there in approaching the mystery 
of reprobation, not only that it may be handled sparingly 
and prudently, but also that in the expounding of it the 
horrible and unscriptural opinions be avoided which lead 
rather to desperation than to the edification of the people, 
and which are now one of the most grievous scandals in 
some of the reformed Churches. Finally, let us so think 
of the most precious merit of Christ's death that we spuni 
not the opinions of the Early Church, nor the Confessions 
of the Beformed Communions, and what is of the highest 
moment, that we never weaken the promises of the Gospel 
imiversally propounded in the Church ^' 
F^re^ottt' It had been well for our own country, as for others, if 

^inquar- the coutrovcrsialists had hearkened to these sober counsels, 
i^SSd!" and instead of inculcating their one-sided speculations on the 
nature of Divine decrees, had laboured to unfold the practi- 
cal aspect of religion and its bearing upon human conduct. 
The return, however, of the deputies from Dort became the 
signal for still deeper agitation of the topics there discussed. 

* Suffragium CoHegtaU Synodo Dordrecht, pp. 103, 104, Lond. 1626. 



IX.] 



AND THE ROYAL DECLARATION. 



201 



* Already do we see the sky blacken,* was the language of 
Bishop Hall*, (himself one of the few mediators); ' we hear 
the winds whistle hollow afar off, and feel all the presages 
of a tempest, which the late example of our neighbours 
bids us fear.' One active school of English theologians 
eagerly espoused the tenets of Arminius, and gave vent to 
their unmeasured condemnation of the synod where those 
tenets were proscribed; another grew more clamorous in 
their advocacy of the wildest Cal^ism; and though re- 
strained firom deeds of bloodshed which accompanied the 
suppression of the Dutch Remonstrants, it is scarcely possi- 
ble to overstate the violence which they were breathing in 
all quarters. Every pulpit of the rural parishes, as well as 
of the towns, was now converted into an arena for ex- 
tending perturbations which had hitherto been chiefly felt 
in Universities and schools. Some one or other of the 

* Five Points ' was chosen as the favourite text of the 
polemic preacher ; and as often as he held the Calvinistic 
theory, whicli was frequently the case, he roused the strong- 
est passions of his audience by associating the theological 
system of Arminius with the hated Babylonish harlot*; 
while the press, conspiring with the pulpit, inundated the 
whole country with a class of publications, which for 
coarseness, rancour and injustice have few equals even in 
the sickening pages of the Quinquarticular disputations. 

The intemperance, not to say the frenzy, which pre- Attempt ttf 
dominated everywhere in the discussion of these questions, repn$$ixtm. 
was enough to satisfy the King that his cooperation at 



' Dedication of the Via Media. 

• The House of Commons, who 
made their religious discontent a 
plea for political agitations, were 
manifesting the same spirit. The 
following specimen occurs in their 
remonstrance against the Duke of 
Buckingham : ' And as our fear con- 
cerning change of subversion of 
religion is grounded upon the daily 
increase of papists... so are the hearts 
of your good subjects no less per- 
plexed, when with sorrow they be- 



hold a daily growth and spreading 
of the faction of the Arminians, that 
being, as your majesty well knows, 
but a cunning way to bring in po- 
pery, and the professors of those 
opinions, the common disturbers of 
the protestant churches, and incen- 
diaries in those states wherein they 
have gotten any head, being pro- 
testauts in shew, but Jesuites in 
opinion,' &c. Rushworth, Hiat CM' 
led, I. 621, Lond. 1684. 



202 



THE SYNOD OF DORT 



[CH. 



Skmiiar 
attempt of 
Chartal. 



the synod of Dort, had been the means of calling up a 
spirit of contention and disorder, which, if not allayed, 
might speedily embody itself in a political agitation, and 
might even shake him from his throne. Accordingly his 
next endeayoor was to place a curb on the contending 
parties, and with this intention he despatched a letter to 
archbishop Abbot (August 4, 1622), deploring the abuses 
and extravagances of the pulpit, and charging him to circu- 
late a series of ' Directions concerning Preachers ' among 
the clergy of the southern province. One of these, which 
may be taken as a sample of the whole, was couched in the 
following terms : ' That no preacher of what title soever, 
under the degree of a bishop, or dean at least, do from 
henceforth presume to preach in any popular auditory the 
deep points of predestination, election, reprobation, or the 
universality, efficacy, resistibility or irresistibility of Grod's 
grace; but leave those themes to be handled by learned 
men, and that moderately and modestly, by way of use and 
application, rather than by way of positive doctrine, as 
being fitter for the schools and Universities than for simple 
auditories*.' 

But notwithstanding the fresh vigilance of the eccle- 
siastical authorities, who grew from day to day as weary 
as the King himself of fruitless* agitations, and were scan- 
dalized by the * indecent railing of their clergy,' royal orders 
and episcopal charges were alike inoperative; they were 
immediately forgotten, or deliberately ignored. When 
Charles I. succeeded to the throne in 1625, he found the 
Church of England groaning under evils which had been 
accumulating in the previous reigns, diverted from her 
mission by unedifying contests, and exhausted by the fac- 
tions which had been engendered in her by the virulence 



I WilkixiB, IV. 465. In the Ja- 
na»ry following, Gabriol Bridges of 
CorpuB GhriBti Ck>Ilege, Oxford, wmm 
prosecuted under this order for 
preaching against the theory of 
irrespeotive predestination. Heylin, 
Hittor, Qwnqu^Ari, Part in. ch. 
JLXIL fi 10. 



' Almost the only fruit of it wmm 
visible in defections from the Church 
to 'Popery, Anabaptism, or other 
points of separation in some parts 
of this kingdom:* see 'Abbot*s 
Letter explaining the above doo- 
trinesy' in Wilkins, iv. 466. 



IX.] 



AND THE ROYAL DECLABATION. 



203 



of party-spirit. Fully conscious of these evils, Charles 
betook himself in earnest to the use of remedies suggested 
by his father, and, in concert with Laud and other bishops*, 
drew up the memorable 'Proclamation' of 1626. He there ProOamatioH 
deplored the prevalence of theological dissension, and * the 
sharp and indiscreet handling of some of either party,' 
urging as one cause of his regret that they had * given 
much offence to the sober and well-grounded readers, and 
raised some hopes in the Roman Catholics that by degrees 
the professors of our religion may be drawn, first to schism, 
and afterwards to plain popery.' He then expressed his own 
disapprobation of all persons who, from motives of a dif- 
ferent kind, adventured to innovate on the existing usage 
of the realm, avowing his determination to visit clergy- 
men, whoever they might be, with severe penalties, if they 
should raise, publish, or maintain opinions not clearly 
warranted by the doctrine and discipline of the Church". 

In the Universities as well as in the principal towns <«^«rf/jf 
where copies of this edict were immediately distributed, it 
seems to have produced a great effect in silencing the hot and 
boisterous polemics ; but a multitude of others in remoter 
parts of England, ready almost to identify the ^Institutio' 
of Calvin with the revelations of the Sacred Volume, in- 
stantly perceived that by such measures their own craft 
was seriously endangered, and their hopes of further reform- 
ation in the Church defeated or destroyed. The mutters 
of dissatisfaction were not long in reaching the ears of 
Laud ; and it was obviously to check the ebullition of this 
temper, and oppose new barriers to the growth of a commo- 
tion which was soon to be the agent for precipitating the 
whole Church into the miseries of the Great Rebellion*, that 



^ Their object might be in some 
measure to deliver Montague from 
hk numberiess assailants, among 
the rest from the House of Com- 
mons, who had established a Com- 
mittee of Religion and undertaken 
the censorship of the theological 
press. See Le Bas, Ltfk of Laud, 
pp. 87, 88. 



■ Rush worth, I. 411. 

* Many divines at that period 
were beginning to foresee the tend- 
ency of the Genevan teaching. In 
a letter to the Duke of Buckingham 
in 1615 from three of the bishops, it 
is affirmed 'that they cannot con- 
ceive what use there can be of civil 
government in the commonwealth. 



204 



THE SYNOD OF DORT 



[CH. 






Itiomerat 
uaatrt. 



King Charles was now advised to order a reprint of the 
Thirty-nine Articles, and in a prefiace to insist with greater 
stringency upon the execution of his recent edict. 

The advertisement or preface, which appears to have 
dSmSmipe- heen settled at a conference with the bishops^, and has 
ever since retained its place in front of our Articles, under 
the title of 'His Majesty's Declaration,* was made public 
in 1628. 

After reminding the English people that he was the 
supreme Gk)vemor of the Church, and therefore was 
desirous of repressing all unnecessary disputations, he pro- 
ceeds, with the advice of the bishops, to declare that the 
Articles of Religion contain true doctrine, and confirms 
them by his royal approbation. He then states, in the 
two following clauses, that differences respecting the ex- 
ternal polity of the Church are to be settled by the clergy 
assembled from time to time in Convocation', and that 
from decisions of this body he will not endure any varying 
or departing in the least degree. On approaching the dis- 
sensions which had ' been ill raised * among the clergy, he 



or of preaching and external minis- 
try in the Church, if such fatal 
opinions, as some which are opposite 
and contrary to those delivered by 
Mr Montague, shall be publickly 
taught and maintained.' A still 
stronger affirmation on this subject 
may be seen in a Letter of Dr Brooks, 
Master of Trinity College, Cam- 
bridge, Dec. 15, 1630 : Heylin's Hist. 
Quinqti-AH. Part n. ch. VI. § 10. 

* Piynne, in his Canterbtirie^s 
Doome, has the following observa- 
tion, after charging archbishop Laud 
with the intention of establishing 
Arminianism in England : 'To which 
end he procured his Migesty by a 
printed Declaration prefixed to tlie 
Thirty-nine Articles, compiled by 
himself and other bishops, of which 
the most part were Arminians, * p. 1 60 : 
cf. Rushworth, i. 653. That Laud 
was in reality actuated by ' moderate 



counsels ' and an earnest desire for 
peace is demonstrated by his private 
correspondence. Le Bas, Ltfe, pp. 
laS, 129. 

' This clause aroused the special 
indignation of the puritan, Sir John 
Elliot : 'And now to the particular 
in the Declaration, we see what is 
said of Popery and Arminianism ; 
our faith and religion is in danger 
by it, for like an inundation it doth 
break in at once upon us. It is 
said. If there be any difference of 
opinion concerning the seasonable 
interpretation of the Thirty-nine Ar- 
ticles, the bishops and clergy in the 
convocation have poww to dispute 
it, and to order which way they 
please, and for aught I know, Po- 
pery and Arminianism may be in- 
troduced by them, and then it must 
be received by all :* Rushworth, i. 
649. 



IX.] 



AND THE ROYAL DECLARATION. 



205 



expressed his satisfaction that all of them had cordiallj 
subscribed the Articles established, and that even in 'those 
curious points in which the present differences lie,' the 
disputants were on both sides not unwilling to carry their 
appeals to that common standard. In respect, therefore, 
of questions rising out of the Quinquarticular contro- 
versy, he ended by the following order : * We will that all 
further curious search be laid aside, and these disputes 
shut up in God's promises, as they be generally set forth 
to us in the holy Scriptures, and the general meaning of 
the Articles of the Church of England according to them. 
And that no man hereafter shall either print or preach 
to draw the Article aside any way, but shall submit to 
it in the plain and full meaning thereof: and shall not put 
his own sense or comment to be the meaning of the Article, 
but shall take it in the literal and grammatical sense ^.' 

A document more sober and conciliatory could not well ^2J5^'»? 
have been devised. The clergyman was simply bidden to 
perform an obvious duty, by abstaining as an honest man 
from all attempts to torture Articles of Religion till he 
made them square with his own theories. Yet so factious 
was the age in which this order was made public, that the 
passions it was meant to calm and mollify* were all the 



1 Wilkins, iv. 475. On Dec. 30, 
1629, the king published instruc- 
tions for causing the contents of the 
Declaration to be put in execution 
and punctually observed for the time 
to come : Heylin, ubi tup. Part in. 
ch. xxii. § 12. 

* The following passage from a 
' Declaration ' of the King on the 
dissolution of parliament (March 10, 
1628), is a strong proof of his per- 
sonal earnestness in this matter : 
'Having taken a strict and exact 
survey of our government, both in 
the Church and commonwealth, and 
what things were most fit and ne- 
cessary to be reformed, We found, 
in the first place, that much excep- 
tion had been taken at a book, en- 



titled, Appello Coiarem, or, An Ap' 
peal to CcawFt and published in the 
year 1625, by Richard Montague, 
then Bachelor of Divinity, and now 
bishop of Chichester ; and because it 
did open the way to those schisms 
and divisions, which have since en- 
sued in the Church, We did, for 
remedy and redress thereof, and for 
the satis£Action of the consciences of 
our own good people, not only by 
our publick proclamation, eaJtX in 
that booh, which ministered matter of 
offence ; but to prevent the like dan- 
ger for hereafter, reprinted the Ar- 
ticles of Beligion, established in the 
time of Queen Elizabeth, of famous 
memory ; and by a Declaration be- 
fore those Artides, We did tie and 



206 



THE SYNOD OP DORT 



[CH. 



more embittered and inflamed. A .group of Calvinistic 
clergy, in the neighbourhood of London, lost no time in 
framing a petition to the King, in which they deprecated 
the restraint he had imposed of late upon * the saving doc- 
trines of God's free grace in election and perseverance.' 
They contended that the ' Declaration ' placed them in a 
very grave dilemma, for that they must either disobey an 
earthly monarch by attacking the ' Pelagian and Arminian 
heresies,' or else must, on the other hand, provoke the 
heavier indignation of the King of kings Himself, by fail- 
ing to make known ' the whole counsel of Grod^' And in 
the House of Commons, where the Puritan or Calvinistic 
party was predominant, and where the members more than 
once had solemnly averred that the suppression of ' Popery 
and Arminianism ' was one of their own foremost duties', 
a debate' upon the royal ^Declaration' resulted in the 
following vote or manifesto : * We the Commons in parlia- 
ment assembled do claim, protest, and avow for truth, the 
sense of the Articles of Religion which were established by 
parliament in the thirteenth year of our late Queen Eliza- 
beth, which by the publick act of the Church of England, and 
by the general and currant expositions of the writers of our 
Church, have been delivered unto us. And we reject the 
sense of the Jesuites and Arminiaiis, and all others, where- 
in they differ from us.' 

How inconsistent are such protestations with the pre- 
text that the Articles were framed entirely on a Calvinistic 
hypothesis, it were superfluous to remark at length ; for as 



restrain all opini<m$ to the tense of 
those Articles f that nothing might be 
left to fancies and invocations [! in- 
novations]. For we call God to 
record, before whom we stand, that 
it is, and always hath been, our 
heart's desire, to be found worthy 
of that title, which we account the 
most glorious in all our crown, De- 
fender of the Faith.* Rush worth, I. 
App. p. 4. 

* Collier, n. 746, 747. 

• Riishworth, i. 6t,2. 



* Thespeechesof Rous and Prynne 
are faU of the most vehement denun- 
ciations of Arminianism : Jbid. pp. 
645, 647. The latter asserts it to be 
the duty of a parliament to establish 
true religion and to punish finlse, 
declaring its superiority above the 
Convocation of Canterbury, which is 
but provincial and cannot bind the 
whole kingdom, and adding, with 
respect to York, that 'it is distant 
and cannot do any thing to bind us 
or the laws.' Ihid. pp. 649, 650. 



IX.] AND THE ROYAL DECLARATION. 207 

the 'Declaration' aimed at nothing more than to confine 
the teaching of the clergy to those points which were sug- 
gested by a plain and literal exposition of the public For- 
mulary, the wild outcry raised against such principles of 
exegesis seemed to justify the argument which Montague 
and others were adopting, when they urged that * Calvinism' 
is not accordant with the letter of the Articles, and cannot 
be deduced from them by any of the rules which judges 
commonly apply to the interpretation of a legal document*. 

^ See Dr Waterland's remarkfi on this subject: Workt, n. 35a 



CHAPTER X. 

OBJECTIONS TO THE ARTICLES AT DIFFERENT 

PERIODS. 



M^^^ nPHE earliest symptoms of dislike to the Elizabethan 
iSSf**^ X Articles resulted fix)m the numerous scruples of the 
school or party who, inheriting the predilections of bishop 
Hooper, aimed at a still further simplification of the rites 
and ceremonies of the Church. Though many of this 
earlier race of Puritans could reconcile their deep abhor- 
rence of the surplice and other * defiled robes of Antichrist' 
with their acceptance of the thirty-fourth article respecting 
* Traditions^,' that article was viewed by nearly all the 
disaffected spirits as a harsh restriction, which they were 
at liberty to criticise, to cancel, to evade. Accordingly the 
bill * For ministers of the Church to be of sound religion,' 
which passed, as we have seen, in 1571, was so ambigu- 
ously worded either by its framers or promoters in the 
houses of Parliament, as to ' serve the turn of the Puritan 
faction,' and relieve the non-conforming clergy (in their 
own opinion) firom the duty of subscribing to any other 
Articles, except those ' which only concern the confession 
of the true Christian faith, and the doctrine of the sacra- 
ments*.' 



* See above, p. iia, p. 132, n. 3. 
Other obooxiouB Articles were those 
relating to the consecration of Bishops 
and the Homilies. Some persons, 
howeyer, more consistently objected 
always to the zxxivth of the Eliza- 
bethan Articles, and as early as the 
Convocation of 1563, proposed that 
'the censure of those who discon- 
form may be softened, and let down 



to a gentler dislike :* Collier, ii. 486 ; 
Hardwick's R^orm, pp. 251 sq. p. 
a68. 

■ Neal, HitU of the Puritan^y i. 
167, 268, Lond. 175a ; Blackbume, 
WorhSf V. 13, Camb. 1804, and be- 
low, pp. 217 sq. The Parliament 
of 16 10 urged this distinction ex- 
pressly on behalf of the Puritans. 
Neal, II. 83. 



CH. X.] OBJECTIONS TO THE AKTICLES, 209 

But compromises of this kind did nothing to conciliate ujjj,^^®"*" 
the virulence of party-spirit, which was rapidly diffused by fsfil*"*^"*' 
the returning exiles on their not infrequent promotion to 
the ministry of the Church. The 'Admonitions to the Parlia- 
ment,' of which the first appeared early in 1572, were bold 
and acrimonious demonstrations of the growing discontent. 
Incited by a letter of Beza, Calvin's pupil and successor, 
which was actually appended to the first * Admonition,' the 
chief oracles of Non-conformity insisted more impatiently 
than ever on the need of * purity of discipline;' understand- 
ing, first of all, by that language, the subversion of the 
English hierarchy, which they regarded as the *cheefe 
cause of backewardnesse, and of all breache and dissen- 
tion^.' But their zeal was not exhausted in denunciations 
of the bishops, and of ' antichristian rites.' *Remoue 
Homylies, Articles, Iniunctions,' was ere long their undis- 
criminating clamour, * and that prescripte Order of seruice 
made out of the masse-booke':' while defenders of the 
English Formularies, such as Parker and Burghley, were 
classed among the enemies of reformation and stigma- 
tised by many as ' great papist8^' 

Some writers have, indeed, contended that the Puritans, gg'J^J^ 
while agitating for 'their conceived discipline, never moved di^iVeo/ 
any quarrel against the doctrine of our Church*;' |)ut ''^ '*^* 
nothing is more certain than that authors of the Admo- 
nitions to Parliament and other kindred publications, stood 
on very different ground ; afltening, with as much sagacity 
as malice, that * the righte gouemment of the Church can- 
not be separated from the doctrine*.' They maintained 
consistently that in addition to its ritual deformities, the 
Prayer-Book was ' full of corruptions®;' that in the Ordinal 
there was one paragraph at least which they had never 

^ ' To the godly readers/ sign. A. pies may be found among the Zwrick 

■ Ihid, sign. A. iiij. Lettert; e.g. George Withers, writ- 

' Parker's Correap, p. 479. ing to the Prince Elector Palatine 

* e.g. Bp Carleton, Examination (before 1567) dcdares (n. i6a) : *I 

(of Montague's Appeal)^ pp. S, 1 3 1^ will not touch upon the doctrine of 

Lond. 1626. our Church, which though sound in 

' Firat Admonition, sign. C. most respects, is however lame in 

> Ihid. sign. B. vii. Other exam- others :' cf. above, p. 138, n. i. 

H. A. 14 



210 OBJECTIONS TO THE ARTICLES [CH. 

hesitated to condemn as 'manifest blasphemy;* and some 
had, for this reason, steadily refdsed to sign the Articles in 
1571, when called into the presence of the high Com- 
missioners. 

It is tme, however, that the Articles, except so far as 
thej involved approval of the other Formularies of the 
Church, were less obnoxious to the Non-conformists in the 
Tkermrm reign of Elizabeth than in the following centuiy. The 
SSKJS? earlier Puritans were not unwilling to avow*: *For the 
'*^^' Articles concerning the substance of doctrine, vsinff a godly 
tfUerpreiaium in a poytUe or ttoo, which are ejther too 
sparely or else too darkely set doume, we were and are 
readj, according to duetie, to subscribe vnto them.* But 
reservations which accompany these early statements not 
unreasonably excite suspicion, that with reference even to 
the document thus arbitrarily singled out for their approval, 
the Puritans had not a few misgivings, lest here idso they 
should 'be stoong with the tayle of Antichristian infection.' 
And on turning to other pages of the same portentous 
manifestoes, there is definite proof that scruples of this kind 
were peeping forth more clearly in the authors of the 
second Admonition. They are not content with uttering 
their invectives on the persecuting and intolerant genius of 
episcopacy, but have proceeded to point out more serious 
blemishes, not sparing the Articles themselves : ' I praye 
you are they not starke naught, yea, and so are diners of 
them, not onely for their bribing and corruption, their arro- 
gancie, and their tyrannie, but for flat heresie in the sacra- 
ment; and some bee suspected of the heresy of Pelagius. 
ThdrpoH- For the first, that is, concerning the sacrament, the bishops 
itoiirSS^ are notoriously knowne which erre in it; and for free-will 
not onely suspected, but others also. And in deede the 
booke of the Articles of Christian religion speaketh very 
daufigerously of falling from grace, which is to be reformed^ 
bicause it too muche enclineth to their erroure*.' 

^ See the passage at length and Lond. 1573, pp. 198, 199. 
remarks upon it in Wbitgifl's An* ' Secvnde Admonition to the Par- 

awert to a certen Libdl intituled liament, a. D, 157^1 p. 43. 
' An Admonition to the Parliament,* 



X.] AT DIFFERENT PERIODS. 211 

The disaffection, or at least misgiving, everywhere im- 
plied in language of this kind was shared extensively by 
English ptople in proportion as the principles imported 
from Greneva were more consciously developed. In 1587, 
appeared * A Defence of the Grovemment established in the 
Church of England by John Bridges, deane of Sarum,' — 
which is occupied in vindicating the Elizabethan Articles 
no less than other Formularies of Faith from the objections 
of the same unquiet spirits. They had ventured to 'speake ^^^"^{Jjj^ 
against diuers grosse and palpable errors that had escaped i**^^*^- 
the bishops,' in the compilation of the Book of Articles*; 
alleging, it would seem by way of example,^ only some 
of the more obnoxious. One related to distinctions drawn ah. h. 
in the sixth of our present Articles between Canonical and 
Apocryphal books, although the cause of their dislike is 
somewhat difficult to ascertain*. A second ground of ani- 
madversion is the same as we have previously observed in 

* Admonitions to the Parliament.' Those Puritans contend- 
ed that the clause of the sixteenth Article which recognized ah. xvl 
the possibility of falling from grace was capable of an 
heretical interpretation, if it was not positively false*. 
They looked on the expressions * justified' and * elect,' as 
interchangeable ; while Bridges in replying to their cavils 
occupied a very different position. He maintained that 

* diuers graces of the Holy Ghost may bee geuen to those 
that are not elected*,' and consequently that the statement 
of the Article is in no way at variance with the view of 
predestination, as held by himself and others of the Au- 
cnistinian school. A third objection went so far as to oemrat 

•11 iiii/»iA'i 1 11 oA^Mon. 

assail the whole body of the Articles, upon the ground tliat 
they were arbitrary dicta and the offspring of prelatical 
or quasi-popish domination. To satisfy the Puritanical 
hypothesis, they ought to have been severally proved by 
an array of scriptural texts ; whereas now * they must be 
accepted of all men, without either reason or testimonie of 

1 pp. 1301, 1302, Lond. 1587. can neither see nor feel 'the gross 

■ Ibid. p. 1302, and jialpable errors.* 
' Bridges says, after guessing for * Ibid. p. 1308. 

some time, pp. 1304 — 1308, that he * Ibid. p. 1310. 

14—2 



213 OBJECTIONS TO THE ABTICLES [CH. 

the Scriptnre, and no man permitted to shew anye reason 
or scripture, that enforceth his conscience to the contrary, 
but onely to hang vppon the authority of bishops^.' 
2v^^e(% It may seem unreasonable to connect the progress of 
.^JJttSJS" ecclesiastical democracy in England with the purely theo- 
S!^iS^ logical movement which was agitating the University of 
*^*' Cambridge in 1595: for Non-conformists, who enlisted 

under the * Precisian ' banner of Thomas Cartwright, were 
devoting their chief energies to. an attack upon the ritual 
and the hierarchy, which Whitaker and others, who took 
part in the compiling of the Lambeth Articles, most cor* 
dially accepted. And the same is doubtless true of Ussher 
and of members of the Dublin Convocation^ who after- 
wards embodied the Lambeth Articles into their national 
crtted, and bound them, in some sort at least, upon the 
conscience of the Irish clergy. Yet while granting this, 
it mu^t not be concealed that in attempts now started for 
communicating a distinctly ^ Calvinistic ' tone and bias to 
our speculative theology, misgivings are betrayed by some at 
least of their promoters as to the inadequacji; of the present 
Articles for the establishment of their ideas. Dr Whitaker, 
as we have seen^, admitted that the points which he con- 
demned in the teaching of Barrett *were not concluded and 
defined by public authority ;' and similar feelings must have 
actuated Irish prelates in departing so completely from the 
English standard, where it seemed to give no positive 
sanction to the Calvinistic system. 
obfecuansai And this mcthod of explaining the conduct of an in- 
Sn/CTwiL fluential party is no mere conjecture. That the voice of 



Qmfi 
160l 



the Articles had seemed to waver was deliberately confessed 
at the Hampton-Court Conference in 1604; for Puritans 
then prayed by Hainolds their representative, himself the 
ardent champion of Greneva, that Hhe nine assertions ortho- 
doxal, concluded upon at Lambeth, might be inserted into 
the Bopk of Articles*,' — a motion which was strenuously 
refused, however, on the ground that all such questions 
were best suited to the schools, and that when agitated 

^ Ibid, p. 1 3 14. * Cardwell, ffUt, of Conferences, 

* See above, p. 179, n. 4; p. 173. p. 17S. 



X.] AT DIFFERENT PERIODS. 213 

it was most desirable to determine them in seats of learn- 
ing, and *not to stnff the Book with all conclusions 
theological^.' 

It is observable indeed that Non-conformists were com- 
plaining at this juncture with fresh warmth and acrimony 
of * the errors and imperfections of the Church, as well in 
matter of doctrine as of discipline';' and at the Conference 
of 1604, which had been summoned in the hope of mode^ 
rating scruples and disarming opposition, it was specified 
among the list of grievances submitted by Rainolds, that 
*the Book of Articles of Religion, concluded in 1562, might 
be explained in places obscure, and enlarged where some 
things were defective. For example, whereas Article XVI. ^^- J^ 
the words are these ; AJier we have received the Holy Ghosty 
we may depart from grace; notwithstanding the meaning 
be sound, yet he desired, that, because they may seem to 
be contrary to the doctrine of God's predestination and 
election in the seventeenth Article, both these words might 
be explained with this or the like addition ; yet neither 
totally nor finally ^.^ 

In Bancroft's answer, which is of historical importance, ^^frofl\ 
it was represented that * very many in these daies, neglect-^ 
ing holinesse of life, presumed too much of persisting of 
grace, laying all their religion upon predestination, Jff^ I 
shall be saved, I shall be saved; which he termed a despe- 
rate doctrine, shewing it to be contrary to good divinity, 
and the true doctrine of predestination, wherein we should 
reason rather ascendendo than descendendo,^ He pointed at 
the same time to the teaching of the Church of England in 
the last clause of Article XVII., where we are admonished 
to receive God's promises in such wise as they be generally 
(i. e. universally) set forth to us in holy Scripture*. 

* Ibid. p. 185. Prayer, 'contained sundry things 

■ Ibid. p. 72^, which are not agreeable, but con- 

' Ibid. p. 178. The same deep- trary to the Word of God.* 

ening objection to the Articles is * Jbid. pp. 180, 181. Overall 

seen in an 'Apology of the Lincoln- (dean of St PauVs) entered into the 

shire Ministers' in 1604 (Neal, IT. same question (p. 186), reaffirming a 

55), who affirmed that the Book of statement he had made during the 

Articles aa weU as of Common- discussion of the Lambeth Articles, 



214 OBJECTIONS TO THE AHTICLE8 [CU. 

ArL'xxUi ^ second animadversion^ of the Puritan representa- 

tives, had reference to the wording of Art. XXIII., * in the 
congregation,' — as though it were implied that men (and 
women also') might both preach and minister the sacra^ 
ments out of the congregation, before they were lawfully 
called. This cavil was, however, easily repelled by point- 
ing to the fact that * congregation' was intended to denote 
the Church in its largest acceptation, and Ihat 'by the 
doctrine and practice of the Church of England, none but 
a licensed minister might preach, nor either publikely or 
privately administer the Eucharist^' 

2J{; Jjy^. A third objection had reference to the language of Arti- 

cle XXV. in which Confirmation seems to be included among 
rites that had * grown partly of the corrupt following the 
Apostles;' whereas in the Confirmation-Service it is said 
to be administered ' after the example of the Apostles^.' 
According to Bancroft, we should harmonize the discre- 
pancy by supposing that while the Article had respect to 
that undue elevation of the ordinance which ranks it on a 
level with the two great * sacraments of the Gospel,' the 
Prayer-Book 'aims at the right use and proper course 
thereof.' 

ad^i^to '^ further emendation was proposed in Article XXXVII., 
by adding to the clause * The bishop of Rome hath no 
authority in this land,' the words * nor ought to have : ' but 

to the eflfect that 'whosoever (al- p. 41, seq. Lond. 1651. 
though before justified) did commit ^ Jfist. of Conferences, p. 1 79. 
any grievous sin did become ipso > The objection was chiefly aimed 
facfOf subject to Ood*s wrath, and at the practice of baptism by mid- 
guilty of damnation until they re- wives,whichexcitedthe displeasure of 
pented.' His opponents, who adopt- the Puritans; and tomeet their wishes 
ed the rigorously-Calvinistic tenet, the words 'lawful minister' were 
maintained the absolute indefecti- introduced into the third rubric be- 
bility of grace, believing that all fore the office for Private Baptism 
persons who were once tmly jus- of Infants. 

tified, though afterwards guilty of > See Bancroft's Answer, Jb. p. 

the most grievous sins, 'remained 181. 

■till just, or in a state of justifica- * Jbid. p. 179. Hooper's laxity 

tioD, before they actiuilly repented in speaking of Confirmation and the 

of those sins.' See Overall's Sen- other rites connected with it in our 

tentia Ecd, Anglican, dc Prcedestina- present Article is very oharacteris- 

lione, etc. in 'ArticuU Lambethani,' tic: Later WriUngs, P*45> ed. P.S. 



Art. xxxdi. 



X.] 



AT DIFFERENT PERIODS. 



215 



such addition was declared to be redundant; and when 
Bainolds next proceeded to suggest the introduction of 
a phrase, denying that the intention of the minister 
was of the essence of a sacrament, his proposition was 
again repelled upon the threshold, and the Formulary 
left exactly as it issued from the hands of Convocation 
in 16711. 

But further efforts, threatening also to be more success- JfS^^^J^* 
ful, were originated by the party who had uniformly shewn SlSiJj^^ieis, 
repugnance to one section of the Articles, and now were, for 
the first time, armed with ample powers for carrying out 
their wishes. At an early session of the conclave known 
as the * Assembly of Divines,' an order was received from 
both Houses of Parliament (July 5, 1643), requiring them 
to consider the first ten of the XXXIX. Articles of the 
Church of England, with a view 'to free and vindicate the 
doctrine of them from all aspersions and false interpreta- 
tions'.' A fresh series of instructions, issuing from the 
same quarter, afterwards extended the authority of the 
Assembly to the nine Articles following, which were also 
in due course submitted to elaborate criticism. The orders 
had been limited, however, in both cases to ' the clearing 
and vindicating ' of the Articles, and the Divines accord- 
ingly in their report to the House of Commons, proceeded 
to acknowledge that, notwithstanding the additions and 
modifications which they had inserted, very many things 
continued to be * defective,' and * other expressions also »rJo ^^*^ 
were fit to be changed.' We know that when their work -^'•'«<^^- 



^ In ' A Note of such thinges as 
shal be reformed in the Church ' 
(Strype's Whii{jift, p. 575) drawn up, 
it would seem, at the close of the 
Confereuce, we find the following 
minute : ' The Articles of Religion 
to he explaned and inlardged. And 
no man to teach or read against 
anie of them.' The handwriting is 
thought to be Bancroft's ; but it is not 
probable, after reading his speeches 
at the Conference, that he was will- 



ing to make any change whatever. 

* See one of Six hundred copies of 
the proceedings of the Assembly of 
IHvines upon the Thitiy-nine Arti- 
cles of the Church of England printed 
' for the services of both houses and 
the Assembly of Divines/ in the 
Cambridge University Library, Ff. 
14, 25. The Articles are signed by 
* Charles Herle, prolocutor, Henry 
Borrough, Scriba, Adoniram Byficld, 
Scriba.' 



216 



.OBJECTIONS TO THE ARTICLES 



[CH. 



Vatwrtofthe 
ehanqei. 



was interrupted by fresh orders, bearing date Oct 12, 
1643, Jifteen of the Articles had been thus 'sparingly' 
revised; but little or no further progress seems to have 
been made at this or any subsequent time^. The care of 
the Assembly was devoted, in the first instance, to the 
subject of 'Church-Government,' and afterwards to the com- 
piling of a memorable ^ Confession for the three kingdoms, 
according to the solemn League and Covenant.' It seems 
indeed that their intention was to throw the Articles aside 
entirely, ' as a piece several ways imperfect, and the whole 
as relating onely to the Church of England ; ' but an order 
from the House of Commons, (Dec. 7, 1646), commanded 
them to bring the fruits of the revision to their parliament- 
ary employers, — a circumstance to which we are most 
probably indebted for the preservation of the work to our 
own times'. 

The scope of this revision was exactly as described by 
Neal", * to render the sense of the Articles mare express 
and deterriiincUe in favour of Calvinism^* Indeed a super- 
ficial examination of the terminology adopted in the new 
series of definitions, is conclusive as to the specific in- 
fluences at work in all the * reformations' of the seven- 



^ We learn fh>in a pamphlet 
(Lond. 1654), entitled 'Fourteen 
Pillars of the Church of England/ 
that the revined Articles were pre- 
sented under this designation to 
Charles I. in the Isle of Wight. 

* Above, p. 115, n. i. A few hints 
on this subject will be found in 
Lightfoot's ' Journal of the Assem- 
bly of Divines/ WorJcs, xni. 5. 
seq. ed. Pitman. On July 1 1, there 
was a great debate as to the pro- 
priety of adducing Scriptural proofs 
for each Article according to a wish 
expressed by the Elizabethan Non- 
conformists ; see above, p. an. This 
was carried in the affirmative, p. 5. 
On July 15, Selden and others who 
had been appointed to search for 
authentic copies of the Articles, made 



their report to the Assembly, p. 6. 
On July 28, the third Article excited 
much discussion, some proposing 
that it should be altogether with- 
drawn, p. 7. The three Greeds were 
considered, Aug. 18, and after a long 
agitation about translating them a- 
new, and about ' setting some gloss 
upon the preface and conclusion of 
Athanasius' Creed, which seems to 
be something harsh,' the question 
was deferred till some future time, 
p. 10. It appears that the Divines 
were ' very busy upon the sixteenth 
Article and upon that clause of it 
which mentioneth departing from 
grace,' p. 17, when the work was 
finally suspended by order of the 
Parliament, 
s IlUi. of the Puriiant, m. 68. 



X.] 



AT DIFFERENT PERIODS. 



217 



teenth century. The first, second*, fourth*, fifth, twelfth, 
fourteenth, and fifteenth Articles, as might have been ex- 
pected from their general character, were left as they were 
found, or altered so as to betray but little of the dominant 
spirit. On examining the rest, however, it is found that 
the third of the new series interprets the * descent into 
Hell' as equivalent to * continuing in the state of the dead, 
and under the power and dominion of death.' The siicth 
omits all mention of the testimony of the Church in ascer- 
taining the component parts of the Scripture-canon; it 
eliminates the Apocrypha ; it ftimishes a list of the New- 
Testament writings ; and instead of laying stress upon the 
canonicity of sacred books, it makes the fact of their tn- 
spiration the true ground of deference to their teaching. 
In the seventh a new clause is added, which implies that 
civil precepts of the Law of Moses are binding on the 
Christian, provided they be not such as were peculiarly 
restricted to the Jewish commonwealth *. This article is 
also made to say expressly that by the ' moral law ' we 
understand all the Ten Commandments taken in their full 
extent*. The eighth^ respecting the Three Creeds, was 
finally accepted, with the proviso that they should all be 



1 In the new Article, 'for our 
flakes truly suffered most grievous 
tormente in bis soul from God'= 
* truly suffered' in the authorized 
Article. 

■ 'At the general resurrection of 
the body at the last day ' ='at the 
last day.' 

* This clause is somewhat illus- 
trated by the fact that during the 
Protectorate of Cromwell, there was 
a party who laboured to bring about 
the abolition of the whole law of 
England, and to substitute the Mo- 
saic in its place. Lord Campbell, 
LivtB of the Chancellors, in. 88. 

* The force of this decision is 
seen at once on comparing the scru- 
ples felt by Chillingworth a few 
years before. He maintained that 



the fourth commandment was no 
part of the moral law, and did not 
appertain to Christians. See the 
Life prefixed to his Works, ed. i8io, 
p. i6. From other sources {e.g. 
Hook's Eccl. Biography, iv. lo), we 
know that according to Chilling- 
worth 'praying to Grod to incline 
our hearts to keep this law imported 
that the Jewish Sabbath', or Satur- 
day, is still in force.' He also ob- 
jected to Art. XX. Art. xiv. Art. 
XXXI. Art. XIII., and to Articles in 
general, * as an imposition on men's 
consciences, much like that autho-* 
rity which the Church of Rome as- 
sumes.' His scruples were, how- 
ever, obviated in the end, chiefly 
through the instrumentality of Shel- 
don. 



218 OBJECTIONS TO THE ARTICLES [CH. 

retranslated, and explained in an Appendix to the new 
edition of the Articles*, then nnder contemplation. The 
ntnthy on Original Sin, is made to bear the special impress 
of Geneva. The Divines assert (1) that original sin con- 
sists of the ' first sin imputed,' as well as of inherent cor* 
ruption ; (2) that man is not only * very far gone from 
original righteousness,' but * wholly deprived' of it ; (3) 
that he is of his own nature inclined only to evil ; (4) they 
substitute ' regenerate' for ^ baptised ;' and (5) affirm that 
concupiscence ' is truly and properly sin.' Upon the tenths 
*0f Free-will,' a clause has been engrafted, which de- 
scribes ^the preventing grace' of God as 'working so 
effectually in us, as that it determineth our will to that 
which is good.' The eleventh, * Of the justification of man 
(befi)re Qt)d),' in order to explain the mode of our ac- 
quittal, declares that the ' whole obedience and satisfaction,' 
of the Saviour * is by God imputed imto us, and Christ 
with His righteousness apprehended and rested on by faith 
only.' While the thirteenth changes the expression ' works 
done before the grace of Christ and the inspiration of His 
Spirit' into * works done before justification by Christ and 
regeneration by his Spirit.' 
uuh^atS&it ^^® ^^ ^^ more leading members in the parliamentary 
^mt^' synod which had been entrusted with this criticism of the 
Elizabethan Articles, and one of the assessors who took 
part in the compiling of the Westminster Confession, was 
Cornelius Surges. On the restoration of the English 
monarchy, and with it of the English Church, he pub- 
lished a new string of * Seasons shewing the necessity of 
reformation of the public doctrine',' as well as of worship 
and government. He once again indulged in sharp attacks 
upon the Articles of Keligion, which he ventured to im- 
pugn as either doubtful or defective. 

Under the first head, was included an emphatic censure 
of the Royal Declaration*, on the ground that it was so 

^ See above, p. «i6, n a. was the real author. See Bp Pear- 

* The work professes to have been son's Mitwr Works, u. 165, and the 

written ' by divers ministers of sun- Editor's note. 

dry counties in England/ but Bui^g^ ^ Bp Pearson is not correct in 



.] 



AT DIFFEKENT PERIODS. 



219 



coDBtrncted as to yield a shelter to * Arminian' tendencies 
among the English clergy. Surges also argued that to 
keep that ' Declaration' as a kind of preface to the Articles 
would check the circulation of salutary doctrine, and would 
lead the way to many ^ sad consequences/ sanctioning, as 
lie foreboded, a belief in the defectibility of grace, in the 
judicial authority of the Church, and in some other ques- 
tionable topics which are interspersed in all the Books of 
Homilies, especially in that relating to Almsdeeds^ 

On the other hand, it was attempted to prove that the 
Articles were deJhcHve, (1) in failing to enumerate the 
books of the New-Testament canon ; (2) in shrinking from 
assaults on sundry points of Popery, or rather of ' Armi- 
nianism,' which loudly called, in his judgment, for em- 
phatic animadversion* ; (3) in passing over many topics of 
general divinity, such as the creation, the doctrine of pro- 
vidence, the fall of man, sin, effectual calling, sabbath or 
Lord*s day, marriage, communion of saints, &c. It was 
shewn, however, in all cases, by Bishop Pearson, who re- 
plied to Burges, that the main objections were either false 
in themselves, or else were resting on a false hypothesis as 
to the nature of the formulary at which they had been 
levelled*. 

Many cavils, emanating from the same quarter, have inim, and 
recurred in writings of the later Puritans^, and nowhere 
have they been more plausibly and fully stated than in 
Baxter's * English Non-conformity,' which appeared in 
1689. Like a majority of his predecessors in this field of 
criticism, that writer indicates a general willingness to 
acquiesce in definitions of Christian doctrine as they stand 



mbiequetUlih 



■peaking of the date of the Declara- 
tion, as ' lo Caroli.' The mistake 
11 explained by Bennet, p. 366 : cf. 
*Pref.* to Minor Works, pp. xliii. 
zliy. 

^ See Pearson's replies to the ob- 
jections terioHm, Ibid. 11. 1 74, seqq. 

* The work of Burges specifies uni- 
versal redemption, universal grace, 
falling from grace, &c. See Pear- 



son's remark, p. 189. 

' See as above, and Answer to 
Dr Burges, 11. 105, seqq. 

^ They had publicly urged at the 
Savoy Conference, 1661, as one of 
their many grievances, that their 
preachers were, obliged to accept the 
Articles as not contrary to the Word 
of God. Cardwell, Hist, of Conf, 
p. 466, (note). 



220 



OBJECTIONS TO THE ARTICLES 



[CH. 



in our present series; but in common with the authors 
of the Admonitions to Parliament, he feels himself con- 
strained to add by waj of qualification that ^ the words of 
the Articles in the obvious sense are many times liable to 
exception, and there are many things in them that good 
men may scruple*/ He proceeds accordingly to specify 
examples where objections had been fi-eely taken to some 
one or other of them, by writers of his own age ; but his 
remarks, unworthy now of serious refutation*, are interest- 
ing to us only as a further proof that notwithstanding all 
the ofiers of the Non-conformist to comply with the con- 
ditions of church-membership, provided the rank ^ weeds 
of Popery* were banished from the Ordinal and Prayer- 
Book, there was always lurking in such men as Baxter a 
dislike of everything patristic and distinctive in the teach- 
ing of the Church of England* She was true to the in- 
heritance she had received, not merely from the Reforma- 
tion, but through it from the most primitive ages of the 
faith; while he had little or no sympathy with ancient 
Christian worthies, acting, if not arguing, as though Christ 
had no * true Church on the earth before these times'/ 

The hatred of the Non-conformist had, however, been 
disarmed or soflened by events which followed the poli- 
tical convulsion of 1688. Thenceforward he was left to 
the unfettered use of his own modes of worship ; and al- 
though in licensing the Non-conformist minister the * Act 
of Toleration*' insisted for a time on the formality of 



^ Chap. xxiv. 

' Bingham, in his /VeTic^ C^ttn^ 
Apology for the Church of England, 
pp. 36 — 98, Lond. 1706, has ex- 
amined most of the objections made 
by Baxter and others to the Articles 
of Religion. A later critic of distinc- 
tion "was John Wesley, who reduced 
the number of the Articles to twenty- 
five, and inserted many characteris- 
tic changes. The docmnent, as thus 
curtailed and modified, was raised 
into a species of ' symbolical book ' 
by the American Wesleyans, and is 



now used by them as a test of ortho- 
doxy: see Baird's Region in Ameri- 
ca, pp. 490 sq. New York, 1856. 

' Bp Pearson, On the Creed, 'To 
the Reader.' 

* Stat, I Gul. et Mar. c. 18, § 8. 
It is note- worthy that the ' Compre- 
hension Bill' of 1689 attempted to 
relieve all ministers of the Church 
from the necessity of subscribing the 
XXXIX. Articles. For the Articles 
were substituted a Declaration which 
ran thus : ' I do approve of the doc- 
trine and worship and government 



X.] 



AT DIFFERENT PERIODS. 



221 



signing the Articles of Keligion, excepting the thirty- 
fotirth, the thirty-fifth, the thirty-sixth, the affirmative 
clause of the twentieth, and a portion of the twenty- 
seventh \ this latest point of contact or collision seems to 
have been gradually diminished^ and is now removed 
entirely. 

The subsequent efforts of an Arian party, in the Church 
itself, to break away from the unpalatable truths pro- 
pounded in the more dogmatic Articles, we shall consider 
most conveniently in the next chapter. 



of the Church of England by law 
eftaUuhed, as oontaining all thinga 
neoeeaary to salvation, and I promise, 
in the exercise of my ministry, to 
preach and practise according there* 
unto.' Macaulay, Hitt, of Engl. ni. 
90^91. 
^ For the relief of the dissenters 



'who scmple the baptizing of in- 
fants,' § 10. 

' It appears that in 1773, the 
subscription of the dissenting minis- 
ter was very seldom made. ZeUer to 
a Bishop, p. 56: and in 1779, the 
Act of 19 George III. o. 44, ab- 
solved him altogether. 



CHAPTER XI, 

HISTORICAL NOTICES OF SUBSCRIPTION TO 

THE ARTICLES. 



PjjTWj*^ TT is not my purpose in the present chapter to discuss 
X the ethical meaning of subscription to a formulary 
of faith, nor to adjudicate with special reference to the 
Articles before us, (1) whether such subscription must be 
viewed as a distinct and positive adoption of all tenets 
there defined ; or (2) whether it imply no more than general 
willingness upon the part of the subscriber to restrain 
himself within the limits there determined in his public 
treatment of disputed points. Although the latter view 
lias been occasionally advanced by writers of the highest 
reputation and ability \ the former seems to be consistent 
with the nature and intention of the Articles as well as 
with the principle embodied by the Church of England in 
the Canons of 1571'. 

Subscription to the Articles has been exacted with the 
hope of securing imiformity of doctrine in those churchmen 
who deliberately assume the office of public teachers. It 
accordingly involves their own appropriation of the Articles 
as the exponent of their individual opinions, — so far at 
least as such opinions bear on subjects which have been 
determined by authority in that code of doctrine ; and, 
wliile pledging every clergyman to full and positive faith, 
subscription is the act by which he also formally renounces 
errors and coiTuptions which are there repudiated or pro- 

^ e.g. Bramliall, Works, ii. loi, lecti sunt ex sacris libris Veteria et 

and elsewhere, Oxf. 1842: but see Novi Testament!, et cum coelcsti 

Bennet, c. xxxiv. on this and other doctrina qu© in illis continetur per 

similar passages. omnia conffruunC Cardwell's Synod. 



9 t 



Articuli illi...haud diibie se- i. 127. 



CH. XI.] 



HISTOfblCAL NOTICES, ETC. 



223 



scribed. It does not indeed imply thiat every single defi- 
nition in the Articles is capable of the same kind of proof, 
or that they all are in the same way needful to salvation, 
and are therefore necessary terms of communion for the 
laity ; yet even with respect to minor statements, some of 
which maybe regarded as no more than probable opinions, 
and others as but matters of history and morals, every 
candidate for holy orders certifies his willingness to shape 
his future teaching by the public standard, and to yield 
unwavering assent to the propriety of all the code. 

The method of interpreting particular Articles was 
made a further subject of discussion from the time of 
their first appearance^ ; one claiming to subscribe them 
with the mental reservation — *so far as in my judgment 
they agree with Holy Scripture ;' a second, questioning the 
absolute obligation of the test, or struggling to evade it 
whenever it appeared to vary firom the language of an 
older school or system of theology*; but reluctant though 
we be to stigmatize' subscribers of this kind as utterly 




^ See above, pp. iii, 70S, 
• It i8 worthy of note in this con- 
nexion that Archbishop Laud was 
taxed on his impeachment in 164T, 
with sanctioning the works of Da- 
yenport above mentioned (p. 150, 
n. 1) * wherein the 39 Articles of the 
Church of England established by 
act of Parliament are much traduced 
and scandalized.' The archbishop 
answered among other things (see 
Troubles, &c. pp. 150 sq.) that he 
never expected Davenport *to ex- 
pound the Articles so, that the 
Church of England might have 
cause to thank him for it.' The 
Non-conformists afterwards revived 
this charge of disaffection or dis- 
loyalty, affirming that many clergy^ 
men who signed the Articles were 
infected with Komiah errors; e.g. 
in Jenkyns' Celetuma, seu Clamor ad 
Theologos Hierarchiat Anglieana, 
Lond. 1679, p. 30. He quotes a 



Jesuit writer (p. 28) who rejoiced 
that together with sundry indications 
of a Eomanizing spirit ' 39 Articuli 
flexi in sensum Oatholicum.' Jenkyns 
then sums up as follows : ' Denique 
dum vident Bramhallum, Taylerum, 
Thomdikum, Hylenum, Sherlociun 
\i. e. William Sherlock], cseterosquo 
quamplurimos ejuadem furfuris pub- 
lice Bcriptis suis Sacraa Scripture 
lectionempromiscuam, imputationem 
Christi justitiae, separationem ab 
ecclesia Bomana ut schismaticam 
damnare ; preces pro defunctis, ado* 
rationem imaginum et hostis in 
Eucharistia, justificationem per ope- 
ra etc. propugnare ; hec (inquaro) 
dum siccis oculis conspiciunt Pon- 
tifidi, quis de iUis non credat, nos 
non ire, sed currere, totisque animis 
et veils ad Papismum ferri V 

' Bp Conybeare (Sermon on i Tim. 
'vi* Z> 4) characterizes the former 
view as ' trifling with common sense 



224 HISTORICAL NOTICES OF [CH. 

disloyal to the Church, or as regardless of their own posi- 
tion and their promise, such an exercise of ' private judg- 
ment' is assuredly incompatible with unity, and adverse to 
the health of all religious associations. 
S^ZHSl The following rules or canons of interpretation, sanc- 

tioned by some able writers on this subject, are more 
reasonable in themselves and for more suited to the nature 
of the document to which they are applied. It is desirable: 

First, to weigh the history of the Beformation move- 
ment in the midst of which the Articles had been produced. 

Secondly, to read them in this light, approximating as 
£Eur as possible to the particular point of view which had 
been occupied by all the leading compilers. 

Thirty y to interpret the language of the formulary in 
its plain and grammatical sense {i.e. the sense which it had 
borne in the Edwardine and Elizabethan periods of the 
Church), bestowing on it *the just and favourable con- 
struction, which ought to be allowed to all human writings, 
especially such as are set forth by authority.' 

Fourthly, where the language of the Articles is vague, 
or where (as might have been expected from their history) 
we meet with a comparative silence in respect of any theo- 
logical topic, to ascertain the fuller doctrine of the Church 
of England on that point, by reference to her other sym- 
bolical writings — ^the Prayer-Book, the Ordinal, the Homi- 
lies and the Canons. 

Fifthly, where these sources have been tried without 
arriving at explicit knowledge as to the intention of any 
Article, to acquiesce in the deductions which ' the catholic 
doctors and ancient bishops' have expressly gathered on 
that point from Holy Scripture; in accordance with the 
recommendation of the Canon of 1571 in which subscrip- 
tion to the present Articles had been enjoined upon the 
clergy. 

^^Jj«j^^ Although instances are found, in earlier times and foreign 
countries, of the application of religious tests to academical 

as much as with common honesty.' ning of the hist century. Water- 
The same principle was deliberately land. Cote of Arian Subteriptum, 
9tated by the Arians at the begin- passim. 



June IS, 
1668. 



XI.] 



SUBSCRIPTION TO THE ARTICLES. 



225 



students^, the occasiou which in England had first wit- 
nessed the exercise of such principles upon a large scale 
occurred in 1549 and the three following years; when 
Articles resembling those of 1553 were put in circulation 
by reforming prelates*. This, however, undertaken, as it 
seems to have been, with no regular sanction either of the 
Church or civil power, was frequently resisted by the Me- 
diaeval party; but the royal mandate of June 19, 1553, 
enforced subscription on the clergy (students of the Univer- 
sities included), before the expiration of six weeks firom the 
date of its appearance. By this pressure all incumbents 
would have been constrained to sign the Articles on pain 
of deprivation, and the test' was ordered to extend to those 
who might in future be appointed to a benefice or any other 
ecclesiastical o£Sce. But the death of Edward, some days 



^ See, for instance, Hardwick's 
Middle Age, p. iSg, n. 7. At the 
time of the Iteformation, Osiander 
(1553) complained that academical 
teeta. invaded the liberty of the stu- 
dents ; whereupon Melancthon gave 
the following account of their intro- 
duction at Wittenberg, and the 
grounds on which they rested : 
' Non recens a nobis excogitata est 
hiBC promissio, sed instituta ab hoc 
Collegio {i,e. the theological faculty) 
ante annos fere viginti, videlicet a 
Luthero, lona^ et pastore hujus 
EcolesisB Doctore Pomerano. Hos 
integerrimos viros magna injuria ad- 
fi<nt Osiander, cum serit suspicionem 
quod voluerint tyrannidem constitu- 
eire, quum honestissima causa con* 
iilii in conspectu sit. Et time va- 
gabantur multi fanatici homines, qui 
■ubinde nova deliramenta sparge- 
bant, AnabaptistGB, Servetus, Cam- 
panus, Schwenkfeldius, et alii. Et 
non desunt tales furie ullo tempore. 
Quantum igitur humana diligentia 
oavere potuit, voluit hie Senatus 
bona ingenia de modestia oommone- 
facere, et metas ostendere extra quas 

H. A 



non temere etumpendum esset. Vo* 
luit fheuare, quantum posset, minus 
quietos. Hie mos fuit et Ecclesis ve- 
teris....' MeiancthoUj Liber Select. De^ 
clam.: 0pp. xii. 7, ed. Bretschneider. 

• See above, pp. 73 sq. The rigor- 
ous way in which subscription had 
been urged upon the students in the 
University of Oxford and also on the 
candidates for Church - preferment, 
is brought out distinctly in the Ser- 
mon preached by Brokis (Brooks) 
Nov. 12, 1553 at St Paul's Cross. 
Referring to the latter point, he asks 
(sign. D. viii) : ' Hathe there been 
anye spiritual promotion and digni- 
tie, ye or almoste anye meane liuyng 
of the churche, bestowed these few 
yeares paste, but vppon such onely, 
as would emesUy set furth, (either 
by preaching, either by eubecribing) 
al the erronious doctrine, falsi term- 
ed the Kinget procedinges t Hath 
there been any catholike of late 
yeares refusyng subscription, but 
that hath been, other depriued, other 
imprisoned, other banished their 
company, other at leaste silenced !' 

* See above, p. 76, n. 1. 

15 



226 HISTORICAL N0TICE8 OF [CH. 

after, interrupted the circtdation of the mandate, and sub- 
scription to the Articles was consequently abandoned for a 
period of eighteen years. 

Meanwhile, however, it is found that Gardiner had 
learned to profit by the stem example of his rival Hooper ; 
and on forwarding his own series of fifteen Articles to 
Cambridge, he had taken the precaution to enjoin that 
they should all in future be subscribed by students in the 
University before admission to degrees^. 
jjjj][^^ We saw that during the early years of Queen Elizabeth 
"^ (1659 — 1671),^ the clergy, on admission to their benefices, 

and twice also every year, had been required to signify their 
acquiescence in a form of doctrine, called the 'Eleven 
Articles.' This act, however, rested solely on the mandate 
of archbishop Parker and the other bishops, not upon a 
regular order of Convocation or the Crown. The same 
code of doctrine was also promulgated in Ireland as early 
as the year 1566 ; although in neither country was atten- 
tion drawn distinctly to the permanent fitness of the present 
list of Articles till 1571, — excepting that the formal signa^ 
ture of members of Convocation, under whose auspices the 
Articles had been revised, amounted to a general recogni- 
tion of the principle of subscription. 
l^^^^f^ At the latter date two measures, independent in their 
H^thi^^' origin as well as in their operation, were adopted for the 
nScHptZn, purpose of promoting uniformity of doctrine, and excluding 
all those persons from the ministry of the Church who 
were unwilling to adopt the Articles as one test of ortho- 
doxy. By the first of these measures, which, as we have 
seen, is the famous Act 13 Eliz. c. 12, it was required that 
* every one under the degree of a bishop, which doth or 
shall pretend to be a priest or minister of God's holy Word 
and Sacraments, by reason of any other form of institution, 
consecration or ordering than the form set forth by Parlia- 
ment in the time of the late king, of most worthy memory. 
King Edward the Sixth, or now used in the reign of our 
most gracious sovereign lady, before the feast of the Nativity 

1 Wilkins, IV. 117. 



XI.] SUBSCRIPTION TO THE ARTICLES. 227 

of Christ next following^ shall in the presence of the bishop, 
or guardian of the spiritualities of some one diocese, where 
he hath or shall have ecclesiastical living, declare his assent^ 
and sttbscnbe to all the Articles of religion, which only con- 
cern the conjeesion of the true Christian faith, and the 
doctrine of the Sacraments .. .2inA, shall bring from such 
bishop or guardian of spiritualities in writing under his 
seal authentick, a testimonial of such assent and subscrip- 
tion; and openly on some Sunday, in the time of the 
pubUc service aforenoon, in every Church where by reason 
of any ecclesiastical living he ought to attend, read both 
the said testimonial and the said Articles,^ 

The earlier portion of the above clause was obviously watanv 
intended to secure the acquiescence of the clergy who had .J5!^^5 
been ordained according to the Mediaeval forms in the reign thenurriber 
of Mary, while the new Ordinal was in abeyance. For this '^^>»crihedf 
reason the provisions of the Act encountered the hostility 
of the 'Admonition to the Parliament,' put forth in the 
following year : but whether Articles, to which subscrip- 
tion was exacted by that statute from aspirants to eccle- 
siastical promotion, were all the thirty-nine of the present 
series, or those only of the number which may be regarded 
as dogmatical^, is a question very difficult to answer. 

In a later clause of the same Act it is enjoined that no 
person shall hereafter be admitted to a benefice with cure, 
' except he then be of the age of three and tsv^enty years at 
the least and a deacon, and shall first have subscribed the 
said Articles in presence of the ordinary,' — expressions 
where the ambiguity of which we have complained above, 
is equally apparent. 

Bennet' and other writers have contended that the word 
'only' was not designed to be restrictive but demonstrative, 
declaring the nature of the subjects handled in the Articles, 

* The Articles relating to faith ^ o. xxn. : cf. Collier, n. 531 ; 

and doctrine (so far as these may be Bedford's Vindication of the Chwrck 

separated from the rest), are i, a, 3, of England against ' Priestcraft in 

4> 5»9> 10, II, li, 13, 14, 15, 16, Perfection;* and Mr Swain son's Eb- 

17, 18, la. Bp Gibson's Codtx, p. Bay on the Hist, of Article XXIX. 

3^1- pp. 46 sq. 

15—2 



228 



HISTORICAL NOTICES OF 



[CH. 



Affhnmative 
evidence. 



NepcAive 
evidence. 



or in other words, importing that they all concern the true 
Christian faith and the doctrine of the Sacraments. 

But this argument must be regarded as precarious even 
in respect of grammar ; and as soon as we have recollected 
that distinctions of the kind supposed were actually drawn 
as early as the introduction of the bill, by some of its chief 
promoters^, were revived by Admonitioners to Parliament 
in the course of the following year', as well as by some 
members of the Convocation of 1575', and were repeated 
still more urgently in favour of the Puritans on the ac- 
cession of James I>, it cannot be denied that the statute 
had been construed from the first by those who were in 
search of pretexts for their non-conformity, as binding the 
subscriber only to one section of the Elizabethan Articles. 

Selden^ alludes to this circumstance in the following 
passage of his * Table- Talk:' 'There is a secret concerning 
the Articles,' he writes : * of late ministers have subscribed 
to all of them; but by the Act of Parliament that confirmed 
them, they ought only to subscribe to those Articles which 
contain matters of faith and the doctrine of the Sacraments, 
as appears by the first subscriptions... But bishop Bancroft, 
in the Convocation held in king James's days, he began it, 
that ministers should subscribe to three things, to the King's 
supremacy, to the Common-Prayer, and to the Thirty-nine 
Articles ; though many of them do not contain matter of 
faith.' 

But writers on the other side allege a very definite 
opinion from Coke's * Institutes,' which is couched in the 
following terms: *I heard Wray, Chief Justice in the 
King's Bench, Pasch. 23 Eliz., report that where one 
Smyth subscribed to the said Thirty-nine Articles of Re- 
ligion with this addition '^ so far forth as the same were 



* See above, pp. 151, 15a. 

« See Whitgift'a Defemc of the 
Antwert to the Admonitionf p. 776, 
Lond. 1574. Elaewhere, however, 
it would seem as if the Admonition- 
era did not themselves recognize this 
distinction. They speak of the ' pon- 
tificall, which is annexed to the 



booke of common-prayer, and where- 

unto subscribing to the Articles we 

must subscribe also.' B. ▼. 
» Wilkins, iv. 284. 
* See above, p. ^09, n. 2, 
» TabU Talk, 'Articles,' pp. 3, 4. 

Lond. 1789. 



XI.] SUBSCRIPTION TO THE ARTICLES. 229 

agreeable to the Word of God," it was resolved by him 
and all the Judges of England, that this subscription was 
fwt according to the statute of 13 Eliz. Because the statute 
required an absolute subscription, and this subscription made 
it conditional ; and that this Act was made for avoiding of 
diversity of opinions, &c., and by this addition the party 
might by his own private opinion take some of them to be 
against the Word of God, and by this means diversity of 
opinions should not be avoided, — which was the scope of 
the statute, — and the very Act itself made touching sub- 
scription hereby of none effect*.' 

This strong opinion of the Lord Chief Justice, not long 
after the passing of the Elizabethan statute, is entitled 
doubtless to considerable weight, and yet it seems to rest 
upon a mere conviction that reserve or limitation in such 
cases is irreconcileable with the object of the Church in 
framing Articles, instead of being drawn from careful study 
of the Act itself, and due regard to the known feelings 
of its chief promoters. 

It has also been contended that the practice of the High 
Commissioners, who had to deal with the first race of Non- 
conformists, was in favour of the stringent interpretation of 
the Elizabethan statute; but this fact, while serving to 
acquaint us with the feeling of the Church-authorities, does 
nothing to clear up the ambiguity of passages above recited. 
As late, moreover, as the opening of the reign of Charles II. 
the king himself appears to have been recognising a dis- 
tinction between articles of doctrine and articles of disci- 
pline": yet in the Act of Uniformity (13 and 14 Car. II. 
c. 4), such difference is abandoned altogetlier; and no 
colourable plea* is left for seeking shelter in tlie limitatory 
clause, which might have been adduced with no small shew 
of reason in the period just preceding. 

While the House of Commons were thus bent upon proceemngt 
exacting a subscription to the Articles, in whole or part, iocauon?' 

1571, on 
6tU)icrip(ion. 

* Irutit. Part iv. c. 74, pp. 3^3, * Yet Blackburne veDtures to af- 
334. firm, that the limiting clause ia not 

* Card well's DocuwerU. AniuUs, abrogated by that Act: 'Preface' 
II. 300. to and edition of the Confessumal. 



230 HISTORICAL NOTICES OF [CH. 

(1) from all the clergy who were not ordained according to 
the English Beformed Ordinal, and (2) from all the friture 
incnmbents on admission to their several cures, the Convoca- 
tion of the sam^ jear was actively engaged in putting forth 
a second and to some extent a supplementary provision. It 
was there enjoined^ that all persons approved as public 
preachers, should have their licences renewed only on con- 
dition that they subscribed the series of Articles agreed on 
at the Synod, and pledged themselves to preach in strict 
accordance with that public standard. In like maimer, 
every minister of a church before entering on hia sacred 
fimctions was enjoined* to give a satisfactory proof of 
orthodoxy by subscribing, not a few, but aU the Articles 
of BeUgion ;— a decree in which the members of Convoct^ 
tion had an eye to the prevailing fancy that requirements 
of the Church were all included in the recognition of doe^ 
trinal Articles: and consequently, though subscription to 
the rest might never have been legally enforced, it is in- 
disputable that the whole production was henceforth made 
binding on the English clergy, injbro conscienticB, 
2?*g;jS2r It may have been this same consideration which was 
moving the commissioners to call for the subscriptions of 
the clergy in the following year without regard to any 
limitatory clause : and the severity with which the Articles 
in general were imposed would form the sorest grievance of 
the Puritans, and so give birth to many of the serious 
agitations which now rose in every quarter. The most 
early symptom of such disaffection may be gathered from 
the following extract^: 'Whereas immediately after the 
laste Parliament, holden at Westminster, begon in anno 
1570, and ended in anno 1571, the ministers of God's holy 
Word and Sacraments were called before her maiesties 
hygh commyssyoners and enforced to subscribe vnto the 
Articles, if they would kepe theyr places and liuyngs, and 
some for refusing to subscribe* vnbrotherly and vncharit- 

> Cardwell, Synod. I. lay. * The number actu*Uy deprived 

* Ibid, I. I30. for non-subscription was about one 

3 'Pref/to theFirst Jrfiiumtluw hundred. Neal, i. 384: of. 'Pre- 

to 1h$ Parliament. face' to Rogers, On the Article, who 



formisti. 



k 



XI.] 



SUBSCRIPTION TO THE ARTICLES. 



231 



ably intreated, and from theyr ofiyces and places removed : 
May it please therefore thys honorable and high court of 
Parliament, in consideration of the premises, to take a view 
of such causes as then dyd withhold, and now doth, the 
foresayd ministers from subscribing and consenting vnto 
those foresaid Articles,' &c. 

This onslaught was, however, turned ere long into a gene- ^^^^Y^ 
ral censure of the principle of subscription, in which no re- gjjjgj^ 
gard was had to the distinctive purport of the document itself^ 
It was denounced because it was put forward by authority. 
* The wound,' those critics now exclaimed S * grows despe- 
rate, and wants a corrosive ; 'tis no time to blanch, or sew 
pillows under men's elbows.' Yet no less apparent is it 
that instead of the Elizabethan prelates acting vigorously 
at this conjuncture, and confuting Non-conformity upon the 
threshold, not a few of them sank down into lethargic 
acquiescence, if they did not wink at its difiiision and * feed 
its fond humour.' For example, the whole primacy of 
Grindal had been marked by tenderness in fevour of the 
Non-conformists, and in all his later years he seems to 
have neglected to impose the Articles, or any other test of 
doctrine, on the clergy of the southern province*. The 
result was that on Whitgift's elevation to the same post in 
1583, he found himself compelled to institute more stringent 
measures for preserving what he felt to be the genuine 
rites and dogmas of tlie Church of England from the rising 
inundations of that Puritanism which issued in the Great 
Rebellion. He accordingly put forward certain declara- 
tions which were known as * Whitgift's Articles,' and which repaired in 
ere long received a formal sanction in the 36th of the fLj'^**^>*' 



describes the mal-contents as * divein 
of the inferior ministers in and a- 
bout London and elsewhere in this 
kingdom.' 

1 Neal, I. 285. 

• FuUer, Church Hiti. Bk. IX. p. 
138, fol. ed. Parkhursty bishop of 
Norwich^ was another example of 
this laxity. He * is blamed even of 
the best sort for his remissness in 
ordering his clergy. He winketh at 



schismatics and Anabaptists, as I 
am informed. Surely I see great 
variety in ministration. A surplice 
may not be borne here. And the 
ministers follow the folly of the 
people, calling it charity to feed 
their fond humour. Oh, my Lord, 
what shall become of this time?' 
Cecil to Parker, Aug. 12, 1561: 
Parker's Cormpond, p. 149. 



232 



HISTORICAL NOTICES OF 



[CH. 



JlMffaWflftefl 

ifthtPuri- 

UMMM 



Jacobean Canons. These three Articles he had designed for 
all who were admitted to the cure of souls^, as well as for 
all those who should in future be licensed to preach; read, 
catechize, minister the sacraments, or execute any other 
ecclesiastical function^. One relates to the supremacy of 
the Crown, the second to the Prayer-Book and the Ordi- 
nal» and the third which bears immediately upon our sub- 
ject is expressed in the following terms: *That I allow 
the Book of Articles of Religion agreed upon by the arch- 
bishops and bishops of both provinces, and the whole 
clergy, in the Convocation holden at London in the year 
of our Lord Grod 1662, and set forth by her Majesty's 
authority, and do believe all the Articles therein contained 
to be agreeable to the Word of God. In witness whereof 
I have subscribed my name*.' 

*The brethren,' as the Puritan party was now often 
designated, were so pressed by this intrepid measure of the 
Primate^, that 1584 is noted in their annals as * the woful 
year of subscription*.' Laity and clergy were alike offend- 
ed by such * Articles as lately had been tendered in divers 
parts of this realm ;' and in December, 1584, we find the 



^ 'Pref.* to Rogere, On the Arli- 
da, 

» Bennet, pp. 398, 399. 

' For aDother form of subscrip- 
tion employed at thia period, see 
Bonnet, p. 399. An early copy of 
Whitgift's Three Articles will be 
found in the Library of Gains Col- 
lege, Cambridge, MS. No. 197, § 6, 
together with 'reasons which may 
persuade (ubscribinge' (fol. 167). 
The reason lurged in favour of the 
third Article runs thus : ' If not to 
the last Article, then you denie true 
doctrine to be established in the 
Churches of England, which is the 
maigne note of the Clmrches : And 
so I see not reason whie I sholde 
persuade the Papiste to our religion, 
and to oome to our Churche, seeinge 
we will not allowe it ourselves.' In 



writing to Sir Christopher Hatton 
(May 9, 1584), the archbishop gives 
a melancholy account of his difficul- 
ties in reference to these matters ; 
Nicolas's Life of Ilatton, pp. 371, 
372, Lond. 1847. 

^ In the same year the Convoca* 
tion put forth certain ' Artiouli pro 
clero,' enjoining among other things 
that no bishop shall hereafter admit 
any person to holy Orders, except 
he is of his own diocese... 'vel sal- 
tern, nisi rationem fidei suae juzta 
Articulos illos Religionis ...Latino 
sermone reddere possit, adeo ut sa- 
cranim literarum testimonia, quibus 
eorundem ArUculorum Veritas in- 
nititur, rocitare etiam valeat.' Card- 
well, Si/nod. I. 141. 

' Rogers, Ibid. 



^ 



XI.] SUBSCRIPTION TO THE ARTICLES. 233 

House of Commons, which was more and more completely 
tainted bj the Puritanic principle, addressing a petition to 
the Lords spiritual and temporal, in which it was desired 
that 'hereafter no oath or subscription be tendered to any 
that is to enter into the ministry, or to any benefice with 
cure, or to any place of preaching, but such only as be 
expressly prescribed by the statutes of this realm*.' 

Resisted as they were by Puritans in parliament, the SSSSSi 
efforts of a band of men like Whitgift had but little force ^J**"*^ 
in mastering the disaffection which was rampant in the 
middle classes of society now growing into fresh import- 
ance. Non-conformity went on increasing, sometimes, as 
before, with the connivance of the bishops, till it leavened 
nearly all the lump. ' How carelessly subscription is ex- 
acted in England,' was Bancroft's lamentation in 1593, 
*I am ashamed to report. Such is the retchlessness of 
many of our bishops on the one side, and their desire to be 
at ease and quietness to think upon their own affairs ; and 
on the other side, such is the obstinacy and intolerable 
pride of that factious sort, as that betwixt both sides, either 
subscription is not at all required, or if it be, the bishops 
admit them so to qualijie it that it were better to be omitted 
altogether*.' 

Bancroft yas himself exalted to the primacy of England Thexeaiof 
early in the following century, and, both before and after 
that promotion, was distinguished by his ardour in the 
conflict which was being waged between the Church and 
Non-conformists. He was also president of the southern 
Convocation which assembled on the 20th of March, 1604 ; 
and there it is recorded that the Articles of Religion ' all 
and singular,' were subscribed * by the byshops and the 
whole cleargy of the province of Canterbury.' This solemn 
act had doubtless been suggested by the known hostility of 
Puritans to many of the Articles, as well as other Formu- 

^ D'Ewes, p. 358. The Arch- the cause of much order and quiet- 

bwhop of York (Sandys) replied, ness in the Church/ p. 360. 

that 'for subscription, he doubted * Survey of the Pretended ffolff 

not it was lawful and might prove Diseiptine, p. 349. Lend. 1593. 



234 



HISTORICAL NOTICES OF 



[CH. 



lanes of the English Church^, — ^hostility which led again 
sttbteHptum to BancToft's new proposal, to engraft the disciplinary de* 

commanded rr ,/,7L i^i /• 

PmL""^ crees of Whitgift* on the code of Canons, which were for- 
mally enacted at this period and confirmed under the great 
seal of England. By the absolute order for subscription 
which this code embodied, a large number of the Non-con- 
formists, called the 'brethren of the second separation/ 
were driven to relinquish their positions in the Church ; 
while many who adhered to her communion for a time, 
were rendered more completely hostile to her government 
and ritual system. 

But the zeal of English rulers, though long dormant or 
perverted, was now prompting them to undertake more 
strenuous measures for repairing some of the sad breaches 
which the Church of England had sustained'. The Uni- 
versities, too long the nursery of Puritanism, were now to 
be included under the operation of the test prescribed by the 
Canons of 1604. The officers of Cambridge, it is true, and 
probably of Oxford also, had recourse to similar methods 
for ascertaining the orthodoxy of their graduate members, 
as early as the reign of Edward ; but his death, as we have 
noticed, put an end to agitations which this question was 
exciting, and it does not seem to have been mooted any 
more in Cambridge till the reign of James I.* At Oxford, 
on the contrary, it was decreed in 1573, that every candi- 



Extendedto 
the Univerri- 
tUi. 



* At the Hampton-Court Confer- 
ence just before, the leader of the 
Puritans had contended that ' sub- 
scription was a great impeachment 
to a learned ministry, and therefore 
entreated it might not he exacted ca 
heretofore* Card well's Hut. of Con- 
fer, p. 193. *To subscribe according 
to the statutes of the realm, namely, 
to the Articles and the King's su- 
premacy they were not unwilling.' 
The Prayer-Book was the grreat 
stumbling-block. 

s See above, p. 232, and cf. Canon 
XXXVI. which enjoins subscription to 
the Articlefl universally on all, as 



well at ordination as at institution 
to a benefice. The best 'Account 
of the Subscription of the Convoca- 
tion to the Articles in 1604,' is given 
by the late Archdeacon Todd in 
App. IV. .of his Dedarations of our 
JReformers on Origirud Sin, &c. 
Lond. 1 8 18. 

' e.g. Bancroft inquires in 1605, 
and Abbott in 16 16, whether any 
impugn the Articles (Cardwell's 
Docum. Ann. u. 103, 321). 

^ Some of the following facts are 
drawn from a Summary View t^ the 
Laws relating to Suhicriptiaiu, 9tc., 
9nded. Lond. 1771 



XI.] SUBSCRIPTION TO THE ARTICLES. 235 

date for the future, before taking his degree, should sub- 
scribe the Articles of Eeligion ; and in 1576, a further law 
extended the application of the test to every person above 
the age of sixteen, upon entering his name at any College 
or Hall. The powers of both the Universities were subse- 
quently enlarged* in 1616 by directions from King James I. 
enjoining that all persons on admission to degrees should 
sign not only the Articles of Religion, but also the two other 
statements of the 36th Canon. But in reference to Cambridge, 
if not Oxford also, it was ruled by the * Grand Committee 
for Religion' (Jan. 19, 1641), that to exact subscription 
from the students was against the law and liberty of the 
subject, and ought not to be pressed in future on any one 
whatever*. 

But on reaching the close of that gloomy interval which ^^^^ 
next ensued, we find that on the Restoration of Charles II., *^j;^2tS**^ 
subscription to the Articles was universally imposed upon 
the clergy with more stringency than ever. Close conform- 
ity to rules and rubrics was now peremptorily ordered by 
Sheldon and his colleagues, while the 36th of the Jacobean 
Canons was obeyed by minister and prelate with unswerv- 
ing punctuality. Among the other proofs of vigilance, 
which rulers both in Church and State thought necessary 
to exert, it may be noticed, that the Act of Uniformity, 13 
and 14 Car. II. c. 4, requires every head of a college to 
* subscribe unto the Nine and Thirty Articles of Religion, 
mentioned in the statute made in the 13th year of the 
reign of the late Queen Elizabeth... and declare his un- 
feigned assent and consent unto, and approbation of, 
the said Articles:' and in a subsequent proviso (§ xxx.) 
it enacts, with the intention of removing every species of 
evasion, that ' all such subscriptions shall be construed as 
extending to the Ordinal mentioned in the six and thirtieth 
Article, any thing in the said Article, or in any statute, 

^ Three yean earlier the King degrees, but the rule was now made 
had prescribed subscription to the binding upon all who took any de- 
three Articles of the 36th Canon in gree whatever, 
the case of candidates for divinity * Rush worth, iv. 149. 



236 HISTORICAL NOTICES OF [OU. 

act or canon heretofore had or made, to the contraiy there- 
of, in any wise notwithstanding.' 

The Act of Toleration, we have seen abeady, limited 
the number of the Articles to which ' dissenting ministers' 
were still required to subscribe; but in the application 
of that test of doctrine to the clergy, it has undergone 
no change whatever from the period of the Restoration 
to the present time. 
AfbMgfMmi Wc should remark, indeed, that one large section of 

^ English clergymen, especially about the middle of the last 
century, were loudly crying for emancipation from the * fet- 
ters of subscription.* Their demand was not ' unlimited 
toleration' as dissenters, but ^ imlimited licence/ while dis- 
charging their ministerial functions. The depriving of Non- 
jurors had too frequently involved the introduction, in high 
places, of a class of teachers whose ideas ill accorded with 
the temper of the Prayer-Book, or the voice which other 
Formularies were continually uplifting in behalf of dog- 
matic truth. The controversies with Deism, which broke 
out in the succeeding period, were the means of lowering 
the tone of clerical society, or limiting men's interest too 
exclusively to wants of their own age ; while in proportion 
as the study of patristic literature decayed, a school of 
Arian and Socinian clergy had sprung up in England, 
absolutely denying the necessity of faith in fundamental 
doctrines of the Church, or striving to reduce the plain 
credenda of the Gospel to the smallest possible number. 
It is painful to record, that not a few of these writers 
were willing, in the first instance, to encounter the * for- 
mality,' as they esteemed it, of subscribing Articles to 
which they rendered no allegiance, either as a step to 
ordination or the honours and emoluments of office. They 
contended that * these Articles may conscientiously be sub- 
scribed in any sense in which they themselves, by their 
own interpretation, could reconcile them to Scripture, with- 
out regard to the meaning and intention, either of the 
persons who first compiled, or who now imposed them^.' 

' Waterland, Case of Avian Sabacription : Works, ii. 164, 165. 



XI.] 



SUBSCRIPTION TO THE AKTICLE8. 



237 



But the hoUowness of such a principle was very soon dis- 
covered, and its chief abettors next resorted to a bolder 
scheme for getting rid of oaths and declarations, which 
were challenging their personal fitness for the work of 
their high callings. Headed by Archdeacon Blackbume, 2%««w«f. 
the unscrupulous author of the * Confessional,' those agi- ^^^^ 
tators argued that the doctrines of the Christian religion 
cannot possibly be made clearer by human compilations 
or Articles of faith ; that to demand a lull and undoubted 
assent to propositions, in themselves very doubtful and ob- 
scure, is to tyrannize over the understanding of subscribers ; 
that to disqualify a person on account of his religious scru- 
ples is to subject him to pains and penalties, and that bare 
compliance in the tise of an established Liturgy without the 
aid of Articles of Religion, or indeed of any test of doc- 
trine whatsoever, is security enough for all the decencies 
of public worship, as well as for the peaceful continua- 
tion of the present Church-establishment^. 

And as the press was teeming for a while with publica- 
tions in support of these sweeping measures, the objections 
to religious tests assumed a formidable aspect under the 
guidance of the same Archdeacon Blackbume, who had 
been the foremost instrument in stirring up the general 
agitation. In 1771, he published his * Proposals for an 
Application to Parliament, for relief in tlie matter of sub- 
scription to the Liturgy and Thirty-nine Articles of the 
Established Church of England*;' and the way being 
already paved with great ability in his earlier productions, 
there were * learned and conscientious clergy ' at his beck 
to aid him in his present undertaking. A petition', known 



^ See these arguments soberly 
stated in a Letter to the Members of 
the Honwirable House of Commons, 
by a Christian Whig, Lond. 1771. 
The Arian character of the move- 
ment is peculiarly manifest in ' Kea* 
sons humbly offered for composing a 
new set of Articles of Keligion ; with 
XXI. Articles proposed as a specimen 
for improvement,' Lond. 1771. In 



this 'improved set/ there is no allu- 
sion to the doctrine of the Holy 
Trinity. 

' Works, VII. I, seqq. Camb. 
1804. 

' See it at length ; Ibid, pp. 15 
seq. These Petitioners, however, 
adopted the old principle to some 
extent by proposing to subscribe to 
the Scriptures as set forth in our 



APPENDIX 



No. I. 



ARTICLES' 

DEViaiO BT 

THE KINGES HIGHNES MAJESTIE, 

TO STABLYSHE CHRISTEN QUIETNES AND UNITIE 

AMONGB US, 

AKD 

TO AVOYDE CONTENTIOUS OPINIONS, 

WHICH ABTIOLSS BK ALSO APPROVED 

BY THE CONSENT AND DETERMINATION OF THE HOLfi 

CLERGIE OF THIS REALME. 

Aiwo M.D.XXXVI. 



^ [In the Cotton MS. the title is, ' Articles about Religion, set out by the 
Conyocation, and publiahed by the King's authority.' See above, p. 40]. 

H. A. 16 



The text of the following Articles is that of the edition originally 
printed hy Thomas Berthelot, In 1536, which is preferred for the reasons 
abore stated, p. 41. 

The collations marked B arederiTed from the Cotton MS. Cleopatra, 
E. V. fol. 59 seq., through the medium of Burnet's ' Addend/ to Vol. i. 
459 seqq. 

Those marked C represent the rariations of the Articles as they were 
drawn by Collier from the * State Paper Office,' u. 122 seqq. 

Those marked F, the variations in a copy made by Fuller from the 
Conrocation-Records; Church Higtory^ Book t. pp. 213 seq. od. fol. 



THE PREFACE'. 



Henry the VIII, by the grace of God king of England and of France^ 
defensor* of thefaithy lord of Irekmd^ and in earth supreme head 
of the Church of England^ to all, and singular ou/r most loving, 
faithful, and obedient euhjectSy greeting, 

A MONG other cures appertaining** unto this our princely office, 
f\ whereunto it hath pleased Almighty Grod of His infinite mercy 
and goodness to call us, we have always esteemed and thought^ like 
as we also yet esteem and think, that it most chiefly belongeth unto our 
said charge diligently to foresee and cause, that not only the most holy 
word and commandments of God should most sincerely be believed, 
and most reverently be observe^ and kept of our subjects, but also* 
that unity and concord in opinion"*, namely in such things as doth 
concern our religion, may increase and go forthward, and all occasion 
of dissent and discord touching the same be repressed and utterly ex- 
tinguished. 

For the which cause, we being of late, to our great regret, credibly 
advertised of such diversity in opinions, as have grown and sprung in 
this our realm', as well concerning certain articles necessary to our sal- 
vation, as also touching certain other honest and conmiendable cere- 
monies, rites, and usages now of long time used and accustomed in our 
churches*, for conservation of an honest policy and decent and seemly 
order to be had therein', minding to have that imity and agreement 
established through our said Church concerning the premises, and being 
very desirous to eschew not only the dangers of souls, but also the 
outward unquietness which by occasion of the said diversity in opinions 
(if remedy were not provided) might perchance have ensued, have not 
only in our own person at many times taken great pains, study, labours, 
and travails, but also have caused our bishops, and other the most 

• defentor] defender B. and UuU B. 

k appertaining] committed B. ' opinion] opinlou F. 

• that it nuMt ctiiefl7...lmt alto] thit to be mott • now of long time ...churches] in our Mid 
dilef, moat ponderous, and of most weight, thai church B. 

His holy >rord and commandments may sincerely, t for conTerBation...had therein] for an hooest 

without let or hindrance, be of our subjects policy and decent order heretofore of long time 
truly belieTed and reverently kept, and obeerred ; used and accustomed B. 

' The whole of the Declaration or Preface in wanting in C. 

16—2 



244 APPENDIX I. 

discreet and best learned men of our clergy of this our whole realm, to 
be assembled in our convocation, for the full debatement and quiet 
determination of the same. Where, after long and mature deliberation, 
and disputations had of and upon the premises, finally they have con- 
cluded and agreed upon the most special points and articles, as well 
such as be commanded of God, and are necessary to our salvation, as 
also divers other matters' touching the honest ceremonies and good and 
politic orders, as is aforesaid; which their determination, debatement^ 
and agreement, for so much as we think to have proceeded of a good, 
right, and true judgment, and to be agreeable to the laws and ordi- 
nances of Crod, and much profitable for the establishment of that 
charitable concord and unity in our Church of England, which we most 
desire, we have caused the same to be published, willing, requiring, and 
commanding you, to accept^ repute, and take them accordingly. And 
further we most heartily desire and pray** Almighty Grod, that it may 
please Him so to illumine your hearts, that you and every of you may 
have no less desire, zeal, and love to the said unity and concord, in 
reading, divulging, and following the same, than we have had, and have 
in causing them to be thus devised, ^t forth, and published. 

And, for because we would the said Articles and every of them 
should be taken and understanden of you after such sort^ order, and 
degree, as appertaineth accordingly, we have caused, by the like assent 
and agreement of our said bishops and other learned men, the said 
Articles to be divided into two sorts ; whereof the one part containeth 
such as be commanded* expressly by God, and be necessary to our sal- 
vation j and the other containeth such things as have been of a long 
continuance for a decent order and honest policy, prudently instituted 
and used in the churches* of our realm, and be for that same purpose 
and end to be observed and kept accordingly, although they be not 
expressly commanded of God, nor necessary to our salvation'. Where- 
fore we will and require you to accept the same, after such sort as 
we have here prescribed them unto you, and to conform yourselves 
obediently unto the same. Whereby you™ shall not only attain that 
most charitable unity and loving concord, whereof shall ensue your 
incomparable commodity, profit, and lucre, as well spiritual as other, 
but also you shall not a little encourage us to take further travails", 

ff the most special points... other matters] the i The order of the eknuei of the tenteitee it 

nid matters, as well tboee that be icommanded inverted in B. 

of God, and are necessary to our salvation, and ■ Wherefore we iriI]...Wherebj youl wWch ye 

as also the other B. following, after such sort as we hate preecribed 

k And ftirther...pra7] most heartUy desiring unto you B. 

and praying B. ■ yon shall not...traTaIl8] ye oonformhig yoor- 

1 whereof the one part...commanded] that is sehres, and using these our said Articles as is 

to say, such as are commanded B. aforesaid shall not a little encoange tis to take 

k churches] church F. Anther traTiil B. 



APPENDIX I. 245 

pains, and labours for your commodities, in all such other matters 
as in time to come may happen to occur, and as it shall be most to the 
honour of God, the profit, tranquillity, and quietness of all you our 
most loving subjects. 

[I.] The principal articles concerning our Faith, 

First, As touching the chief and principal articles of our faith, sith 
it is thus agreed as hereafter followeth by the whole clergy of this our 
realm, we will that all bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach 
our people, by us committed to their spiritual charge, that they ought 
and must most constantly believe and defend all those things to be 
true, which be comprehended in the whole body and canon of the Bible, 
and also in the three Creeds or symbols**, whereof one was made by the 
apostles, and is the common creed, which every man useth ; the second 
was made by the holy council of Nice, and is said daily in the mass; 
and the third was made by Athanasius, and is comprehended in the 
Psalm Quicunque mdt : and that they ought and must take and inter- 
pret all the same things according to the selfsame sentence and inter- 
pretation, which the words of the selfsame** creeds or symbols do pur- 
port, and the holy approved doctors of the Church do entreat and 
defend the same. 

Itenij That they ought and must repute, hold, and take ail the same 
things for the most holy, most sure, and most certain, and infallible 
words of God, and such as neither ought, ne can be altered or convelled, 
by any contrary opinion or authority. 

Itern^ That they ought and must believe, repute, and take all the 
articles of our £aith contained in the said creeds to be so necessary to 
be believed for man's salvation, that whosoever being taught will not 
believe them as is aforesaid, or will obstinately affirm the contrary of 
them**, he or they cannot be the very members of Christ and his espouse 
the Church, but be very infidels or heretics, and members of the Devil, 
with whom they shall perpetually be damned. 

Item, That they ought and must most reverently and religiously 
observe and keep the selfsame words, according to the very same form 
and manner of speaking, as the articles of our fSuth be already con- 
tained and expressed in the said creeds, without altering in any wise, 
or varying from the same. 

Item, That they ought and must utterly refuse and condemn all those 
opinions contrary to the said Articles, which were of long time past 
condemned in the four holy councils, that is to say, in the Council of 

• three deeds or vymbob] Creed and sym* f seUlnme] leid C. 

bols C. % them] C adds or eny of them. 



246 APPENDIX I. 

Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, and Ohalcedonense, and all other cdth 
that time in any point consonant to the same. 



[IL] The Sacrament of Baptism, 

Secondly, As touching the holy sacrament of baptism, we will that 
all bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed 
by us unto their spiritual charge, that they ought and must of necessity 
believe certainly all those things, which hath been always by the whole 
consent of the Church approved, received, and used in the sacrament of 
baptism; that is to say, that the sacrament of bn^tism was instituted 
and ordained in the New Testament by our Saviour Jesu' Christy as 
a thing necessary for the attaining of everlasting life, according to the 
saying of Christy Nisi quia renaiuajnerit ex aqwk et SpirUu SanotOf non 
potest mtrare in regnu/m ccdortim: that is to say*. No man can enter 
into the kingdom of heaven, except he be bom again of water and 
the Holy Ghost 

Item, That it is offered unto all men, as well in&nts as such as 
have the use of reason, that by baptism they shall have remission of 
sins, and the grace and favour of God, according to the saying of 
Christ*, Qui crediderit et baptizattis /ttsritf ealvus erit: that is to say, 
Whosoever believeth and is baptized shall be saved. 

Itemy That the promise of grace and everlasting life (which promise 
is adjoined unto this sacrament of baptism) pertaineth not only unto 
such as have the use of reason, but also to in&nts, innocents, and chil- 
dren ; and that they ought therefore and must needs be baptized ; and 
that by the sacrament of baptism they do also obtain remission of their 
sins, the grace and favour of God, and be made thereby the very sons 
and children of God. Insomuch as in£Euits and children dying in their 
in£9incy shall undoubtedly be saved" thereby, and else not. 

Itemy That infants must needs be christened because they be bom in 
original sin, which sin must needs be remitted ; which cannot be done 
but by the sacrament of baptism, whereby they receive the Holy Ghost, 
which exerciseth His grace and efficacy in them, and cleanseth and 
purifieth them from sin by His most secret virtue and operation. 

Itemy That children or men once baptized, can, ne ought ever to 
be baptized again. 

Item, That they ought to repute and take all the Anabaptists' and 
the Pelagians' opinions contrary to the premises, and every other man*s 

Jem] Jenu B, C; the same eUeuhere. • laying of Ghrlit] laying of John C. 

The translation in this and other instances « MTod] nlred V. This spelling is retained 

winning in B and C : F gires the English without thrvnghouL 
the Latin. 



APPENDIX I, 247 

opinion agreeable unto the said Anabaptists' or the Pelagians* opinions 
in this behalf, for detestable heresies, and utterly to be condemned. 

Itenij That men or children having the use of reason^ and willing 
and desiring to be baptized, shall, by the virtue of that holy sacrament^ 
obtain the grace and remission of all their sins, if they shall come there- 
unto perfectly and truly repentant and contrite of all their sins before 
committed, and also perfectly and constantly confessing and believing 
all the articles of our &ith, according as it was mentioned in the first 
Article'. 

And finally, if they shall also have firm credence and trust in the 
promise of God adjoined to the said sacrament, that is to say, that in 
and by this said sacrament^ which they shall receive, God the Father 
giveth unto them, for His son Jesu Christ's sake, remission of all their 
sins, and the grace of the Holy Ghost^ whereby they be newly r^e- 
nerated and made the very children of God, according to the saying of 
St John and the apostle St Peter^, Delictorum pceniterUiam ctgite^ et 
baptizeiur unusquisque vestrum in namen Jesu Chriati in remisnonem 
pecccUarum, et accipietis donum Spiritus Sancti; that is to say. Do 
penance for your sins, and be each of you baptized in the name of Jesu 
Christ) and you shall obtain remission of your sins, and shall receive 
the gift of the Holy Ghost. And according also to the saying of St 
Paul, Non ex operibua justitice qtue fedrmjLS nos, sed secundum suam 
nUsericordiam, salvos nos fecit per lavacrum regenerationis et renavct- 
tionis Spiritus Scmctiy quem ejffudit in nos opulenteper Jesum Christum 
Servdtorem nostrum^ ut justificati illius gratia hceredes effidamiur fuxta 
spem vita: astemoi; that is to say, God hath not saved us for the works 
of justice which we have done, but of His mercy by baptism, and 
renovation of the Holy Ghost^ whom He hath poured out upon us 
most plentifully, for the love of Jesu Christ our Saviour, to the intent 
that we, being justified by His grace, should be made the inheritors 
of everlasting life, according to our hope. 

[Ill] The Sacrament of Fenance. 

Thirdly, Concerning the sacrament of penance, we will that all 
bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed 
by us unto their spiritual charge, that they ought and must most con- 
stantly believe, that that sacrament was institute of Christ in the New 
Testament as a thing so necessary for man's salvation, that no man, 

* In the lint Article] in the Article here be- r laying of Saint John and the apoetle Saint 

frae, or elM not C: In the article btiore, or elie Peter] laying of Chriet and His apoitle St Peter 
not B. ' B, C. 



248 APPENDIX I. 

which after his bi^tuan is fidlen again, and hath oommitted deadly ain, 
can, without the same, be saved, or attain everlasting life. 

Item, That like as such men which after baptism do &11 again into 
sin, if they do not penance in this life, shall nndoabtedly be damned ; 
even so whensoever the same men shall convert themselves from 
their' naughty .life, and do such penance for the same as Christ re- 
quireth of them* they shall without doubt attain remission of their 
sins, and shall be saved. 

Item, That the sacrament of perfect penance which Christ requireth 
of such manner persons consisteth of three parts, that is to say, con- 
trition, confession, and the amendment of the former life, and a new 
obedient reconciliation unto the laws and will of Qod, that is to say, 
exterior acts in works of charity according as they be commanded of 
God, which be called in Scripture, /ructtts digni pcenitentia, the worthy 
bruits of penance. 

Furthermore, as touching contrition, which is the first part, we 
will that all bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach our people 
committed by us unto their spiritual charge, that the said contrition 
consisteth in two special parts, which must always be conjoined toge- 
ther, and cannot be dissevered ; that is to say, the penitent and contrite 
man must first knowledge the filthiness and abomination of his own 
sin^ (imto which knowledge* he is brought by hearing and considering 
of the will of God declared in His laws,) and feeling and perceiving 
in his own conscience that Ckxi is angry and displeased with him for 
the same ; he must also conceive not only great sorrow and inward 
shame that he hath so grievously offended God, but also great fear 
of God's displeasure towards him, considering he hath no works or 
merits of his own which he may worthily lay before God, as sufficient 
satis&ction for his sins; which done, then afterward with this fear, 
shame, and sorrow must needs succeed and be conjoined, the second 
part, that is to wit, a certain faith, trusty and confidence of the mercy 
and goodness of God, whereby the penitent must conceive certain hope 
and faith that God will forgive him his sins, and repute him justified, 
and of the number of His elect children, not for the worthiness of any 
merit or work done by the penitent^ but for the only merits of the 
blood and passion of our Saviour Jesu Christ. 

Item, That this certain faith and hope is gotten and also con- 
firmed, and made more strong by the applying of Christ's words and 
promises' of His grace and fiivour, contained in His goi^l, and the 

• th«ir] the said B, their lakl C, • unto which knowledge] wbere unt o B, C, 

• Caddi the decl«ration of which followeth. ' promlMB] promlw B. 
b ain] shia C. 



APPENDIX I. 249 

sacraments instituted by Him in the New Testament ; and therefore 
to attain this certain &ith, the second part of penance is necessary, 
that is to say, confession to a priest^ if it may be had; for the absolu- 
tion given by the priest was instituted of Christ to apply the promises 
of God's grace and fitvour to the penitent; 

Wherefore as touching confession, we will that all bishops and 
preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed by us to their 
spiritual charge, that they ought and must certainly believe that the 
words of absolution pronoimced by the priest^ be spoken by authority 
given to him by Christ in the Gospel. 

/fern, That they ought and must give no less &ith and credence to 
the same words of absolution so pronounced by the ministers of the 
Church, than they would give unto the very words and voice of God 
Himself if He should speak unto us out of heaven, according to the 
saying of Christy Qiuyrvmvcunque rermserUis pecccUa'y remiUuntvr eis : 
quorumcunque retinueritis retenta sunt: that is to say. Whose sins 
soever ye do forgive, shall be forgiven ; whose sins soever ye do retain, 
shall be retained. And again in another place Christ saith. Qui vos 
audit me audit, &c. ; that is to say. Whosoever heareth you heareth 
me, &c. 

Iterrij That in no wise' they do contemn this auricular confession 
which is made unto the ministers of the Church, but that they ought 
to repute the same as a ^ery expedient and necessary mean, whereby 
they may require and ask this absolution at the priest's hands, at such 
time as they shall find their consciences grieved with mortal sin, and 
have occasion so to do, to the intent they may thereby attain certain 
comfort and consolation of their consciences. 

As touching the third part of penance, we will that all bishops and 
preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed by us to their 
spiritual charge, that although Christ and His death be the sufficient 
oblation, sacriiice, satisfaction, and recompence, for the which God the 
Father forgiveth and remitteth to all sinners not only their sin, but 
also eternal pain due for the same ; yet all men truly penitent^ con- 
trite, and confessed, must needs also bring forth the fruits of penance, 
that is to say, prayer, fasting, almsdeeds, and must make restitution 
or satisfaction in will and deed to their neighbours, in such things as 
they have done them wrong and injury in, and also must do all other 
good works of mercy and charity*, and express their obedient will in 
the executing and fulfilling of God's commandments outwardly, when 
time, power, and occasion shall be ministered unto them, or else they 

• The rest <tf the quotation not cited in B, « ud moit nuka nititatioa or Mftidbetfon... 

' wtoe] ways B. charitj] and «U other good works C. 



250 APPENDIX I. 

shall never be saved ; for this is the express precept and oommand- 
ment of God, Agile Jructtu dignoa pcenitenUcB ; that is to say, Do you 
the worthy fruits of penance^ : and St Paid saith*, Quemadmodum 
prwbutBlis membra vestra serva immtmditiai et iniqtiUcUi €td aliam 
aiqve cUiam iniquUatem; sic et nunc prcsbeie membra vestra serva 
jusUlice ad sanct^icatianemy &c, ; that is to say, Like as in times past 
you have given and applied yourself and all the members of your body 
to all filthy living and wickedness, continually increasing the same, 
in like manner now you must give and apply yourself wholly to justice^ 
increasing continually in purity and cleanness of life : and in another 
place he aaith, Castigo corpus meum, et in servihUem redigo; that is to 
say, I chastise and subdue my carnal body, and the affections of the 
inme, and make them obedient unto the spirit. 

Item^ That these precepts and works of charity be neoessaiy works 
to our salvation, and God necessarily requireth that every penitent 
man shall perform the same, whensoever time, power, and occasion 
shall be ministered unto him so to do. 

Item^ That by penance and such good works of the same, we shall 
not only obtain everlasting life, but also we shall deserve remission or 
mitigation of these present pains and afflictions in this world, according 
to the saying of St Paul, Si nos ipsi judiccvremus^ nan judioaremur a 
Jhmino ; that is to say. If we woidd correct and take punishment of 
ourselves, we shoidd not be so grievously con^ted of God : and Zacha- 
rias the prophet saith, Convertimini ad me, et ego convertar ad vos; 
that is to say. Turn yourselves unto me, and I will turn again unto 
you : and the prophet Esay saith, Frange esurienti panem tuum, et 
egenos vagosqtie indue in domv/m tuam. Cum videris nudu/m operi eum 
et camem tuami ne despexeris : tunc crumpet quasi m>ane lumen tuum, 
et sanitas tua cUius orietu/r, et anteU/it /aciem tuam jtistitia tua, et 
gloria Dei colliget te : tunc invocabis et Dominus exaudiet te, clamabis, 
et dioet : Ecoe adsum. Tunc orietur in tenehrie lux ttia et tenebrce ttue 
erunt sicut meridies, et requiem tibi dabit Dominus semper, et impUbii 
splendorHms animam tuam, et ossa tua liberabit, et eris quasi hortus 
irriguus et sicut /ons aquarum, cujus non deficient aquae, &g. ; that is to 
say. Break and deal thy bread unto the hungry, bring into thy house 
the poor man, and such as want harbour ; when thou seest a naked 
man, give him clothes to cover him with, and refuse not to succour and 
help the poor and needy, for he is thine own flesh. And if thou wilt 
thus do, then shall thy light glister out as bright as the sun in the 
morning, and thy health shall sooner arise unto thee, and thy justice 

k penance] (7<fU«r(« and Mint Paul Mith' Be- > nant Paul laitb] fai ftaotber place be nith C. 

bitoree ■omue.' 



APPfiMDIX I. 251 

shall go before thy&ce, and the glory of God shall gatiher thee up, that 
thou shalt not fall : and whensoever thou shalt call upon Qod, Qod 
shall hear thee ; and whensoever thou shalt cry unto God, God shall 
say, Lo, here I am, ready to help thee. Then shall thy light overcome 
all darkness, and thy darkness shall be as bright as the sun at noon 
day; and then God shall give unto thee continual rest, and shall fulfil 
thy soul with brightness, and shall deliver thy body from adversity; 
and then thou shalt be like a garden, that most plentifully bringeth 
forth all kind of fruits, and like a well-spring that never shall want 
water. 

These things, and such other, should be continually taught and 
inculked into the ears of our people, to the intent to stir and provoke 
them unto good works ; and by the selfsame good works to exercise 
and confirm their faith and hope, and look for to receive at God's hand 
mitigation and remission of the miseries, calamities, and grievous 
punishments, which God sendeth to men in this world for their sins\ 

[IV.] The SacraTnent of the AUar. 

Fourthly, As touching the sacrament of the altar, we will that all 
bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach our people conmiitted by 
us unto their spintual charge, that they ought and must constantly 
believe, that under the form and figure of bread and wine, which we 
there presently do see and perceive by outward senses, is verily, sub- 
stantially, and really contained and comprehended the very selfsame 
body and blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ, which was bom of the 
Virgin Mary, and sufiered upon the cross for our redemption ; and that 
under the same form and figure of bread and wine the very sel&ame 
body and blood of Christ is corporally, really, and in the very substance 
exhibited, distributed, and received unto and* of all them which receive 
the said sacrament ; and that therefore the said sacrament is to be used 
with all due reverence and honour, and that every man ought first 
to prove and examine himself, and religiously to try and search his own 
conscience, before he shall receive the same ; according to the saying 
of St Paul, Quiaquis ederit panem hunc aut biberii depoculo Domini 
indigney reus eril corporis et sanguinis Domini; probet igitur aeipswn 
homo, etsic de pane Ulo edat et de poculo ilia bibat; nam qui edit aut 
bibet indigne judicium sibi ipai mandueat et bibit, non dijvdicana cor- 
pus Domini; that is to say, Whosoever eateth this body of Christ 

k B and C iubitUuU for thitkut poroffraph fldem. petentct et expecUntet > Deo mitigattonein 

thefoUowing equtpoUni: H»c tunt inculcaoda pnesrattnm calainitotuin. 
eoclcriis et at eurdtontur ad bene opemnduxD, > unto and] wanlir^ B, C. 

et fai bite iprit opeiibui exeroeant el ooDflrment 



252 APPENDIX I. 

unworthily, or drmketh of this blood of Christ unworthily, shall be 
g^ty of the very body and blood of Chiist ; wherefore let every man 
first prove himftelf, and so let him eat of this bread, and drink of this 
drink. For whosoever eateth it or drinketh it unworthily, he eateth 
and drinketh it to his own damnation; because he putteth no differ* 
enoe between the veiy body of Christ and other kinds of meat. 

[v.] Justyication. 

Fifthly, As touching the order and cause of our justification, we 
will that all bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach our people 
oommitted by us to their spiritual charge, that this word Justification 
Bignifieth remission of our sins, and our acceptation or reconciliation 
into the grace and &vour of God, that is to say, our perfect renovation 
in Christ 

liemy That sinners attain this justification by contrition and &ith 
joined with charity, after such sort and manner as we before mentioned 
and declared; not as though our contrition, or &ith, or any works 
proceeding thereof, can worthily merit or deserve to attain the said 
justification ; for the only mercy and grace of the Father, promised 
freefy unto us for His Son*s sake Jesu Christ, and the merits of His 
blood and passion, be the only sufficient and worthy causes thereof : 
and yet that notwithstanding, to tl\e attaining of the same justification, 
God requireth to be in us not only inward contrition, perfect faith and 
charity, certain hope and confidence, with all other spiritual graces and 
motions, which, as we said before, must necessarily concur in remission 
of our sins, that is to say, our justification ; but also He requireth and 
commandeth us, that after we be justified we must also have good 
works of charity and obedience towards God, in the observing and 
fulfilling outwardly of His laws and commandments : for although 
acceptation to everlasting life be conjoined with justification, yet our 
good works be necessarily required to the attaining of everlasting life ; 
and we being justified, be necessarily bound, and it is our necessary 
duty to do good works, according to the saying of St Paul, DehUorea 
8umu8 rum cami, ut eecundum camem vivamus. Nam si secundum 
ea/mem mxerimus, moriemur: sin autem spiritu facta corporis mortifi- 
ccmerimniSy vivemus ; etenim quicunqv^ Spiritu Dei ducuntur, hi sunt 
Jilii Dei; that is to say, We be bound not to live according to the flesh 
and to fleshly appetites ; for if we live so, we shall undoubtedly be 
damned. And contrary, if we will mortify the deeds t)f our flesh, and 
live according to the Spirit, we shall be saved. For whosoever be led 
by the Spirit of God, they be the children of God. And Christ saith, 
Si vis ad vitam ingredi, serva mandata; that is to say, K ye will come 



APPENDIX I. 253 

to heaven, keep the cominandmeiit& And St Paul, speaking of evil 
works, saith, Qui Udia agunt regnum Dei non possicMnmt; that is to 
say, Whosoever commit sinful deeds, shall never come to heaven. 
Wherefore we will that all bishops and preachers shall instruct and 
teach our people committed by us unto their spiritual charge, that G^ 
necessarily requireth of us to do good works commanded by Him; and 
that not only outward and civil works, but also the inward spiritual 
motions and graces of the Holy Ghost ; that is to say, to dread and fear 
Grod, to love God, to have firm confidence and trust in God, to invocate 
and call upon God, to have patience in all adversities, to hate sin, and 
to have certain purpose and will not to sin again, and such other like 
motions and virtues : for Christ saith, Nisi abundaverii jiiatilia veaira 
pl%L8qua/m Seriba/rum et Fhariaceonun, non intrabitia in regnwm eos- 
lorum; that is to say, we must not only do outward civU good works, 
but also we must have these foresaid inward spiritual motions^ oon> 
senting and agreeable to the law of Grod. 



ARTICLES CONCERNINa THE LAUDABLE CEREMONIES 

USED IN THE CHURCH". 

[VI.] And first of Images. 

AS touching images, truth it is that the same have been used in the 
Old Testament, and also for the great abuses of them sometime 
destroyed" and put down ; and in the New Testament they have been 
also allowed, as good authors do declare. Wherefore we will that all 
bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed by 
us to their spiritiial charge, how they ought and may use them. And 
first, that there may be attributed unto them, that they be representers 
of virtue and good example, and that they also be by occasion the 
kindlers and stirrers of men's minds, and make men oft to ° remember 
and lament their sins and offences, especially the images of Christ and 
our Lady; and that therefore it is meet that they should stand in the 
churches, and none otherwise to be esteemed : and to the intent the rude 
people should not from henceforth take such superstition, as in time 
past it is thought that the same hath used to do, we will that our 
bishops and preachers diligently shall teach them, and according to thia 
doctrine reform their abuses, for dse there might fortune idolatiy to 

^ 7M$dMiioneffhiArtiektUnotf0wnAiH aboMt of them tohsre been mneMBM d«tl»«fBd 

• ttuU the HuiM...deitro3red] UuU the hum • oft to]often B, C, F. 

hath been Mad tn the Old TertMMiit fcr the great 



254 APPENDIX I. 

ensae^ which Gknl forbid. And as for censing of them, and kneeling 
and oflforing unto them, with other like worehippings, although the 
same hath entered by devotion, and fidlen to custom ; yet the people 
ought to be diligently taught that they in no wise do it, nor think it 
meet to be done to the same images, but only to be done to God, and in 
His honour, although it be done before the images, whether it be of 
Ohxist) of the Cross, of our Lady, or of any other saint beside. 

[VII.] Of honouring of SaUU$, 

As touching the honouring of saints, we will that all bishops and 
preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed by us unto 
their spiritual charges, that saints now being with Christ in heaven be 
to be honoured of Christian people in earth ; but not with that confi- 
dence and honour which are only due unto God, trusting to attain at 
their hands that' which must be had only of God : but that they be 
thus to be honoured, because they be known the elect persons of Christ, 
because they be passed in godly life out of this transitory world, because 
they already do reign in glory with Christ; and most specially to laud 
and praise Christ in them for their excellent virtues which He planted 
in them, for example of, and by them to such as yet are in this world 
to live in virtue and goodness, and also not to fear to die for Christ and 
His cause, as some of them did ; and finally to take them, ia that they 
may, to be advancers of our prayers and demands unto Christ. By 
these ways, and such Hke, be saints to be honoured and had in rever- 
ence, and by none other. 

[VIII.] Of fraying to Saints. 

As touching praying to saints, we will that all bishops and preachers 
shall instruct and teach our people committed by us unto their spiritual 
charge, that albeit grace, remission of sin, and salvation, cannot be 
obtained but of God only by the mediation of our Saviour Christ, which 
is only sufficient Mediator for our sins ; yet it is very laudable to pray 
to saints in heaven everlastingly living, whose charity is ever permanent, 
to be intercessors, and to pray for us and with us, unto Almighty God 
after this manner: "All holy angels and saints in heaven pray for us 
and with us unto the Father, that for his dear Son Jesu Christ's sake, 
we may have grace of Him and remission of our sins, with an earnest 
ptirpose, (not wanting ghostly strength,) to observe and keep His holy 
commandments, and never to decline ftom. the same again unto our 
lives' end :** and in this manner we may pray to our blessed Lady, to 
St John Baptist, to all and every of the Apostles or any other saint 

f that] wantinff in C. 



APPENDIX I. 255 

particularly, as our devotion doth serve us ; so thai it be done without 
any vain superstition, as to think that any saint is more merciful, or 
will hear us sooner than Christ, or that any saint doth serve for one 
thing more than another, or is patron of the same. And likewise we 
must keep holy-days unto God, in memory of Him and His saints, 
upon such days as the Church hath ordained their memories to be 
celebrated ; except they be mitigated and moderated by the assent and 
commandment of us% the supreme head, to the ordinaries, and then 
the subjects ought to obey it. 

[IX.] Of EUes <md Ceremonies, 

As concerning the rites and ceremonies of Christ's Church, as to 
have such vestments in doing God's service, as be and have been most 
part used, as sprinkling of holy water to put us in remembrance of our 
baptism, and the blood of Christ sprinkled for our redemption upon the 
cross; giving of holy bread, to put us in remembrance of the sacrament 
of the altar, that all Christian men be one body mystical of Christy as 
the bread is made of many grains, and yet but one loaf, and to put us 
in remembrance of the receiving of the holy sacrament and body of 
Christ, the which we ought to receive in right charity, which in the 
beginning of Christ's Church men did more often receive than they use 
nowadays to do ; bearing of candles on Candlemas-day, in memory of 
Christ the spiritual Light, of whom Simeon did prophesy, as is read in 
the church that day * : giving of ashes on Ash-Wednesday, to put in re- 
membrance every Christian man in the beginniifg of Lent and penance, 
that he is but ashes and earth, and thereto shall return, which is right 
necessary to be uttered from henceforth in our mother-tongue alwajrs on 
the same day; bearing of palms on Palm-Sunday, in memory of the 
receiving of Christ into Jerusalem, a little before His death, that we 
may have the same desire to receive Him into our hearts ; creeping to 
the cross, and humbling ourselves to Christ on Good Friday before the 
cross, and there offering unto Christ before the same, and kissing of it 
in memory of our redemption by Christ made upon the cross ; setting 
up the sepulture' of Christ, whose body after his death was buried; 
the hallowing of the font, and other like exorcisms and' benedictions by 
the ministers of Christ's Church ; and all other like laudable customs, 
rites, and ceremonies be not to be contemned and cast away, but to be 
used and continued as things good and laudable, to put us in remem- 

^tuHwemitnginC. • exordmn Md] iaa««iv M C. 

Mpnltore] wpukfare C 

^ [i.«. in the Gospel for the Feait of the Purifiofttion.] 



256 APPENDIX I. 

faranoe of those spiritual things that they do signify* ; not sufiering 
them to be forgot, or to be put in obUvion, bat renewing them in our 
memories from time to time. But none of these ceremonies have power 
to remit sin, but only to stir and lift up our minds unto Qod, by whom 
only our sins be forgiven. 

[X.] 0/ FurgcUory. 

Forasmuch as due order of charity requireth, and the Book of 
Maccabees, and divers ancient doctors plainly shew*^ that it is a veiy 
good and a charitable deed to pray for souls departed, and forasmuch 
also as such usage hath continued in the Church so many years, even 
from the b^;inning, we will that all bishops and preachers shall instruct 
and teach our people committed by us unto their q)iritiial charge, that 
no man ought to be grieved with the continuance of the same, and that 
it standeth with the very due order of charity, a Christian man to pray 
for souls departed, and to commit them in our prayers to God*s mercy, 
and also to cause other to pray for them in masses and ezeqxdes, and to 
give alms to other to pray for them, whereby they may be relieved 
and holpen of some part of their pain* : but forasmuch as the place 
idiere they be, the name thereoi^ and kind of pains there, also be to us 
uncertain by Scripture ; therefore this with all other things we remit to 
Almighty Qod, unto whose mercy it is meet and convenient for us 
to commend them, trusting that God accepteth our prayers for them, 
referring the rest wholly to Grod, to whom is known their estate and 
condition. Wherefore it is much necessary that such abuses be clearly 
put away, which under the name of purgatory hath been advanced, as 
to make men believe that through the bishop of Rome's pardons souls 
might clearly be delivered out of purgatory, and all the pains of it, or 
that masses said at SccUa Codi'y or otherwhere, in anyplace, or before 
any image, might likewise deliver them frt>m all their pain, and send 
them straight to heaven ; and other Hke abuses. 

LONDmi IK .£DIBU8 

THOMuE BER- 

THELVn REOU IMPRES- 

SORIS. 

* Atm} thiewna B, F. paia] Booner obtain the merej of Qod and frolltai 

■ nU«vtd and twlpen of worn* pact of tkeir of Hl» glocy C, 

^ [See an interesting ' Book of Ceremonies ' in which the iymbolieai imptxti of 
Divine worship (as then practised) is illustrated at great length in Strype, Bed. 
Mem, I. App. aj seqq.] 

* [Three shrines, borrowing this name from the chapel of Scak CqbU at Rome, 
appear to have existed in England anterior to the Beformation. The first was 
King Henry the Seventh's chapel at Westminster^ the aeoo&d was in the Church of 



^. APPENDIX I. 



257 



[The following is the longer list of the signatures appended to the 
Articles of 1636 : see above, p. 42; It is here printed from Burnet, ubi 
8up,y and agree* with the second of the lists preserred by Collier, except 
that the order of the names is occasionally altered. Like many similar 
documents of a transition-period, it is capable of furnishing the reader 
with some rery instructive facts.] 



T. Cantuarien. 

Edvardus Ebor^ 

Joannes London. 

Cuthbertus Dunelmcns^. 

Joannes Lincoln. 

Joannes Lincoln, nomine procura- 

torio pro dom. Joan. Exon. 
Joannes Bathonien. 
Hugo Wygomen. 
Joannes Roffen. 
Rich. Cicestren. 
Thomas Elien. 
Joannes Lincoln, nomine procura- 

torio pro dom. Rowlando Ck)Ten. 

et Lichfielden. 
Joannes Bangoron. 
Nicholaus Sarisburiens. 
Edvardus Hereforden. 
Willielmus Norwicensis. 
Williolmus Menevon. 
Robertus Assaphen. 
Robertus abbas sancti Albani. 
Willielmus ab. Westmonaster. 
Joannes ab. Burien. 
Richardus ab. GkstoniiB. 
Hugo ab. de Redying. 
Robertus ab. Malmesber. 
Clemens ab. Eveshamen. 
Johannes ab. de Bello. 
Willielmus ab. S. Petri Glocest. 
Richardus ab. Winchelcombens. 
Joannes ab. de Croyland. 



Signed, 
Thomas Cromwell. 

Robertus ab. de Thomey. 
Robertus ab. de Waltham. 
Joannes ab. Cirencest. 
Joannes ab. Teuxber. 
Thomas prior Coventr. 



Joannes ab. de Oseney. 
Hcnricus ab. de Gratiis. 
Anthonius ab. de Eynsham. 
Robertus prior Elien. 
Robertus prior sire magister ordi- 

nis de Sempringham. 
Richardus ab. de Notteley. 
Hugo prior de Huntyngdon. 
Willielmus ab. de Stratford. 
Gabriel ab. de Buckfesttria. 
Henricus ab. de Wardenor. 
Joannes prior de Merton. 
Richardus pr. de Walsingham. 
Thomas ab. de Gerendon. 
Thomas ab. de Stanley. 
Richardus ab. de Bytlesden. 
Richardus pr. de Lanthoni. 
Robertus ab. de Thame. 
Joannes prior de Newenham. 
Radulphus prior de Kyme. 
Richardus ab. de Brueria. 
Robertus ab. de Welhowe. 
Bartholameus pr. de Overey. 
Willielmus pr. de Burgaveni. 
Thomas ab. de Abendon. 



St Botolph at Boston, the third wag the chapel of our Lady in the church of the 
Augustine Friars at Norwich. See further illustrations in 'Notes and Queries,* 
No. ^5, p. 402.] 

^ In the MS. these names are not arranged as here, but stand alone in the 
left-hand margin. 

H. A. 17 



258 



APPKNMUX I. 



Inferior Domus, 



Ri. Owent archidiaconus London, 

et Breck. 
Robertas Aldrydge archid. Oolcest. 
Thomas Bedyll archid. Oomub. 
Ricardus Strete archid. Derbiee. 
Darid Pole ar. Salop. 
Ricardus Doke archid. Sarum. 
Edmund us Bonner archid. Leyces- 

tri». 
Thomas Baghe archid. Surr. 
Gamaliel Clyfton decanus Hereford. 

et proc. capit. 
Joannes London decanus Walling- 

ford. 
Nicholas Metcalf. archid. Roffens. 
Ricardus Lay ton archid. Bucks. 
Hugo Ooren proc. cleri Hereford. 
Ricardus Sparcheford proc. cleri 

Hereford. 
Mauritius Griffith proc. cleri Rof- 

fen. 
Gulielmus Buckmastro procurator 

cleri London. 
Ricardus Rawson archid. Essex. 
Edmundus Oranmer archid. Cant. 
Foiidorus Vergilius archid. Wellen. 
Ricardus Coren archid. Oxon. 
Honricus Morgan procurator clori 

Lincoln. 
Petrus Vannes archid. Wygornen. 
Georgius Hennage decanus Lincoln^ 
Milo Spencer procurator cleri Noi^ 

wicen. 
Willelmus Knyght archid. Cestrifc. 
Nicolaus Metcalf archid. Roflfen. 
Willmus Hedge procurator cleri 

Norwicen. 



Adam Trayes archid. Exon. 
Ricardus Woleman dec. Wellen. 
Tho. Brerowood archid lacan. Bar. 

procur. capituli et cleri Exon. 
Georgius Carew archid. Totton 

proc. capituli et cleri Exon. 
Thomas Bennet proc. cleri et capit. 

Sarum. 
Ricardus Arche proc. cleri et capit. 

Sarum. 
Petrus Ligham pr. cleri Cant. 
Edmundus Steward proc. cleri 

Winton. 
Joannes Rayne pr. cleri Lincoln. 
Leonardus Sarile proc. cleri archid. 

Lewen. 
Simon Matthew pr. cleri London. 
Humfrid. Ogle archid. Salop. 
Gulielmus Maye proc. clori Elien. 
Rolandus Phylips proc. capituli 

eccles. St. Pauli London. 
Joannes Bell ar. Glocest. 
Ricardus Shelton mag. colleg. de 

Metyngham; per me Willielmum 

Glyn. archi. Anglessem. 
Robertas Erans decan. Bangon^n. 
Walterus Cretyng ar. Bathonien. 
Thomas Bagard procurator cleri 

Wygornen. 
Joannes Nase proc. cleri Bathon. 

et Wellen. 
Georgius Wyndam archid. Norwi- 
cen. 
Joannes Cfaambro dec. St. Stephana 

archid. Bedford. 
Nicolaus Wilson. 



APPENDIX 



No. II. 



A BOOK 



CONTAINING 



DIVERS ARTICLES, DE UNITATE DEI ET TRINITATE 
PERSONARUM, DE PECCATO ORIGINALI, &c. 



17 



For some account of the origin and importance of these Articles, see 
abore, pp. 60 seqq. 

They are now reprinted from Dr Jenkyns' edition of Crannur^ iv. 
273 seqq., and, as in that work, the passages or phrases which hare reap- 
peared in the Edwardine Articles, are denoted by Italics. 

Six of the Thirteen Articles; as we hare seen already, p. 64, n. 3, 
were printed by Strype, EccL Mem. i., App. No. ozii., but with con- 
siderable ▼ariations. A few of the more important are appended to the 
sereral Articles in question. 

The portions of the document which are almost identical with tbo 
Augsburg Confession hare been included between [. . .]. 



TABLR 



1. De Unitate Dei et Trinitatc Per- 8. De Pcenitentia. 



sonarum. 

2. De Peccato Original!. 

3. De DuabuB Christi Naturis. 

4. De Justificatione. 

5. De Ecclesia. 

6. De Baptismo. 

7. De Eucharistia. 



9. De Sacramentorum Usu. 

10. De Ministris Ecclesise. 

11. Dc Ritibus Ecclesiasticis. 

12. De Rebus Ci?i]ibu8. 

13. Do Corporura Resurrcctione ot 

Judicio Eztremo. 



I. De Unitate Dei et Trinitiite Personamm'. 

[De Unitate Essentise Divinie et de Tribns Personis, ccnsemus de- 
cretum Nicense Synodi verum, et sine ulla dubitatione credendum esse, 
videlicet, quod sit una Essentia Divina, quae et appellatur et est DeuSy 
(Ftemus, incorporeusy impartihilisy immensa poterUia, sapierUia, honi- 
tntey Creator et Conservator omnium rerum visibilium et invisibUium^ 
et tamen tree sint personce ejusdem essentice et potenticBy et cosBtemsa, 
Pater, Filiiis, et Spiritv^ Sanctics; et nomine personse utimur ea signi- 
ficatione qua usi sunt in hac causa scriptores ecclesiastici, ut significet 
non partem aut qualitatem in alio, sed quod proprie subsistit. Dam- 
namus onmes hsereses contra hunc articulum exortas, ut Manicheos, qui 
duo principia |)onebant) bonum et malum : item Yalentinianos, Arianos, 
Eunomianos, Mahometistas, et omnes horum similes. Damnamus et 
Samosatenos, veteres et neotericos, qui cum tantum unam personam 
esse contendant, de Verbo et Spiritu Sancto astute et impie rhetori- 
cantur, quod non sint personaj distinctse, sed quod Verbum significet 
verbum vocale, et Spiritus motum in rebus creatum.] 

II. Do Peccato Originali', 

[Onmes homines, secundum naturam propagati, nascuntur cum 
peccato originali; hoc est cum carentia originalis justUicB debited in- 
case, undo sunt filii ine, et deficiunt cognitione Dei, metu Dei, fiducia 
erga Deum, etc. Et habent concupiscentiam, repugnantem legi Dei ; 
estque hie morbus sou vitium originis vere peccatum, damnans et af- 
ferens nunc quoque setemam mortem his qui non renascuntur per Bap- 
tismum et Spiritum Sanctum. Damnamus Pelagianos, et alioe, qui 

^ Confess. August. Part i. § i. 

* Ibid. § II. The extent of the Fall is stated less strongly in the English than 
in the German Article. 



262 APPENDIX II. 

vitiiim originiB negant esse peccatmn, et ut extenuent gloriam meriti 
et beneficionim Christi, disputant hominem viribus naturalibiis sine 
Spiiitu Sancto posse legi Dei satis&cere, et propter honesta opera rati- 
onis pronunciari justum coram Deo.] 

IIL De Duabus Christi Naturis^ 

[Item docemns, quod VeHyuTn, hoc est FUvas Dei, cusumpserit hu^ 
mcmcMn ncUurcMn in tUero Beatae Marife Virginis, ut sint dua ncUurcd, 
divina et humcmOy in wnitate personcB inseparabiliter conjunctcB unus 
Ckristtta, vere Detts, et vere komoy natus ex Viigine Maria, vere pcustis, 
cruc^ixtM, mortuu8y et sepiUtuSy ut reconciliaret nobis Patrem, et hastia 
uaet nan tcmtum pro culpa originisy sed etiam pro omnibus actualibus 
Iwminwm peccatis. Item descendit ad inferoSy et vere resurrexU tertia 
die, deinde ascendit ad oodoSy ut sedeat ad dextQram Patris et perpetuo 
regnet et dominetur onmibus creaturis, sanctificet credentes in ipsum, 
misso in corde eorum Spiritu Sancto, qui r^;at, consoletur, ac vivificet 
.eofl^ ac defendat adversus Diabolum et vim peccatL Idem Christus 
palam est rediturus ut judicet vivos et mortuos, ko, juxta Symbolum 
Apostolorum.] 

lY. De Jtistificatione*. 

Item de Justificatione docemus, quod ea proprie significat remis- 
sionem peccatorum et acceptationem seu reconciliationem nostram in 
gratiam et &vorem Dei, hoc est veram renovationem in Christo; et 
quod peccatores, licet non assequantur hanc justificationem absque 
poenitentia, et bono ac propenso motu cordis quern Spiritus Sanctus 
efficit erga Deum et proximum, [non tamen propter dignitatem aut 
meritum poenitentise aut ullorum operum seu meritorum suorum justi- 
ficantur, sed gratis propter Christum per fidem, cum credunt se in 
gratiam recipi, et peccata sua propter Christum remitti, qui sua morte 
pro nostris peccatis satisfecit. Hanc fidem imputat Deus pro justitia 
coram ipso. Bom. 3°. et 4^. Fidem vero intelligimus non inanem et 
otiosam, sed eam " qu» per dilectionem operatur." Est enim vera et 
Christiana fides de qua hie loquimur, non sola notitia articulorum fidei, 
aut credulitas doctrinse Christianie duntaxat histories., sed una cum ilia 
notitia et credulitate, firma fiducia misericordi» Dei promissae propter 
Christum, qua videlicet certo persuademus ac statuimus eum etiam 
nobis misericordem et propitium. Et hiec fides vere justificat, vere est 
salutifera, non ficta, moitua, aut hypocritica, sed necessario habet spem 
et charitatem sibi individue conjunctas, ac etiam studiimi bene vivendi, 
et bene operatur pro loco et occasione. Nam bona opera ad salutem 

1 Confess. August. § ill. » Ibid. §§ iv. v. 



APPENDIX II. 263 

siint necessaiiay non quod de impio justum &ciuiit, nee quod suot 
pretium pro peccatis, aut causa justificationis, sed quia necessum est, 
ut qui jam fide justificatus est et reconciliatus Deo per Christum, vo- 
luntatem Dei facere studeat juxta illud : *' Non omnis qui dicit mihi 
Domine, Domine, intrabit regnum ccelorum, sed qui fe-cit voluntatem 
Patris mei, qui in coelis est." Qui vero h»c opera facere non studet^ 
sed secundum camem vivit, neque veram fidem habet, neque Justus 
est, neque vitam setemam (nisi ex animo resipiscat, et vere pceniteat) 
as8equetur^ 

[Ut banc fidem consequamur, institutum est ministerium docendi 
Evangelii et porrigendi Sacramenta. Nam per verbum et sacramenta 
tanquam per instrumenta donatur Spiritus Sanctus, qui fidem efficit, 
ubi et quando visum est Deo, in his qui audiunt Evangelium, scilicet 
quod Deus non propter nostra merita sed propter Christum justificet 
poenitentes, qui credunt se propter Christum in gratiam recipi. Dam- 
namus Anabaptistas, et alios, qui sentiunt Spiritum Sanctum con- 
tingere sine verbo extemo hominibus per ipsorum praeparationes et 
opera.] 

V. De Ecclesia. 

Ecclesia prater alias acceptiones in scripturis duas habet pr«cipuas : 
unam, qua Ecclesia accipitur pro congregatione omnium sanctorum et 
vere fidelium, qui Christo capiti vere credunt et sanctificantur Spiritu 
ejus. Hsec autem vivum ** est et vere sanctum Christi corpus mysticum, 
sed soli Deo cognitum, qui hominum corda solus intuetur. Altera ac- 
ceptio est qua Ecclesia accipitur pro congregatione omnium hominum 
qui baptizati sunt iq Christo et non palam abnegarunt Christum, nee 
juste et per ejus verbum* sunt excommunicatL Ista Ecclesiae acceptio 
congruit ejus statui in hac vita duntaxat^ in qua boni malis sunt ad- 
mixti et debet esse cognita ut possit audiri juxta illud : "Qui Ecclesiam 
non audierit,'* «fec. Cognoscitur autem per professionem Evangelii et 
communionem sacramentorum. *H8ec est Ecclesia catholica et apo- 
stolica, quae non Episcopatus Bromani aut cujusvis alterius Ecclesin 
finibus circumscribitur, sed universas totius Christianismi complectitur 
Ecclesias, qua simul unam efi^dunt catholicam. In hac autem catholica 
Ecclesia nulla particularis Ecclesia, sive Bomana ilia fuerit^ sive quse- 
vis alia, ex institutione Christi supra alias Ecclesias eminentiam vel 
auctoritatem ullam vindicare potest. Est vero haec Ecclesia una, non 
quod in terris unum aliquod caput, seu unum quendam vicarium sub 
Christo habe^t aut habuerit unquam, (quod sibi jam diu Pontifex 
Romanus divini jui-is pnrtextu vindicavit, cum tamen revera divino 

> The rest wanting. * ju«te et per ^us verbum] icantinfj. 

i> TiTum] una. •* The rt$t asUr at Tratlitiones wanting. 



264 APPENDIX II. 

jure nihil amplius ilia sit ooncessum quam alii cuivis cpiscopo,) sed 
ideo una didtur, qxiia universi Chiistiani in vinculo paois oolligati 
tinum caput Christum agnoecunt^ cujus se profitentur esse corpus, 
unum agnoscunt Dominum, unam fidem, unum baptisma, unum Deum 
ac Patrem omnium. 

TradUumea vero, et ritus, atqus ceremonial quse vel ad decorem vel 
ordinem vel disciplinam Ecclesiae ab hominibus simt institutse, non 
anmino neeease est ut easdem sint ttbiqus aut proreus similes, Hsb enim 
et varias /uere, et variari possunt pro regianum et marum diversitcUe, 
ubi decus, ordo, et utilitas Ecclesisa videbuntur postulare : 

•[H8B enim et varicB fuere^ et variari possunt pro regtomum et mo- 
rum dwersUcUey ubi decus decensque ordo principibus rectoribusque 
regionum videbuntur postulare; ita tamen ut mhU varietur aut in- 
sUUuUur contra verbum Dei manifestum.] 

Et quamvis in Ecclesia secundum posteriorem acceptionem Imali 
sint bonis admixtiy aJtqyi/e etiam miiMMieriis verbi et sacrameniorum non- 
nunquam prcesinQ; tamen cwm mvnistrent n07i suo sed Christi nomine, 
mmndalOy et auctorUaiey licet eorum ministerio tUiy tam in verbo audi- 
endo quam in recipiendis sa^cramentis juxta illud : "Qui vos audita me 
audit." Nee per eorum nuditiam minuitur effectuSy avi gratia donorum 
Christi rite accipientibns ; [sunt enim ejicacia propter promissionem et 
ordinationem Christi, etiamsi per malos exhibeantur.] 

VI. De Baptisnio\ 

De Baptism© dicimus, quod Baptismus a Chriiito sit institutus, et 
[sit necessarius ad salutem, et quod per Baptismum oflFerantur remissio 
peccatorum et gratia Christi], infantibus et adultis. Et quod non 
debeat iterari Baptismus. Et quod infantes debeant baptizari. Et 
quod infantes per Baptismimi consequantur remissionera peccatorum 
et gratiam, et sint filii Dei, quia promissio gratiae et vitae setemse per- 
tinet non solum ad adultos, sed etiam ad infantes. Et hsec promissio 
per ministerium in Ecclesia infantibus et adultis administrari debet. 
Quia vero infantes nascuntur cum peccato originis, habent opus remis- 
sione illius peccati, et illud ita remittitur ut reatus toUatur, licet cor- 
ruptio natures seu concupiscentia manet in hac vita, etsi incipit sanari, 
quia Spiritus Sanctus in ipsis etiam infantibus est efficax et eos mim- 
dat'. Probamus igitur sententiam Ecclesi^e quse damnavit Pelagianos, 
quia negabant infiuitibus esse peccatum originis. [Damnamus et Ana- 

• TV following paroffrapk is written on a tentieiiteB Verbo Del 
looie tUp of paper, as if stibsequaUly added. In ' mundat] mundAft suo qaodam modo. 

Str^s version we have. Sic tamen ut dnt oon- 

^ Conf. August. § IX. 



APPENDIX II. 265 

baptistas qui negant in£uites baptizandos esse]. De adultis vero 
docemus, quod ita consequuntur per Baptismum remissionem peoca- 
torum et gratiam, si baptizandi attulerint poenitentiam veram, con- 
fessionem articulonim fidei, et credant vere ipsis ibi donari remissionem 
peccatorum et justificationem propter Christum, sicut Petrus ait in 
Actis: "Poenitentiam agite, et baptizetur unusquisque vestrum in 
nomine Jesu Christi in remissionem peccatorum, et accipietis donum 
Spiritus Sancti" 

VII. De Eucharistia'. 

De Eucharistia constanter credimus et docemus, quod in Sacra- 
mento corporis et sanguinis Domini, [vere, substantialiter, et realiter 
adsint corpus et sanguis Christi] sub speciebus panis et vini. Et quod 
sub eisdera 8i>eciebus vere et realiter exhibentiir et distribuuntiu* illis 
qui sacramentum accipiunt, sive bonis sive malis. 

VIII. De Pcenitentia*. 

Simimam et ineffabilem suam erga peccatores clementiam et mise- 
ricordiam Deus Opt. Max. apud Prophetam declarans hisce verbis, 
" Vivo ego, dicit Dominus Deus, nolo mortem impii, sed ut impius 
convertatur a via sua et vivet,'* ut hujus tantse clementise ac miseri- 
cordiffi peccatores participes efficerentur, saluberrime instituit Poeni- 
tentiam, quae sit omnibus resipiscentibus velut antidotum quoddam et 
efficax remedium adversus desperationem et mortem. Cujus quidem 
Pcenitentiae tantam necessitatem esse fatemur, ut quotquot a Baptismo 
in mortalia peccata prolapsi sint, nLsi in liac vita resipiscentes Poeni- 
tentiam egerint, setemse mortis judiciiun effugere non poterint. Contra 
[vero] qui ad misericordiam Dei jKjr Poenitentiam tanquam ad asylum 
confugerint, quantiscunque peccatis obnoxii sunt, si ab illis serio 
conversi Poenitentiam egerint, peccatoinim omnium veniam ac remis- 
sionem indubie conseqiientur. Porro quoniam peccare a nobis est, 
resurgere vero a peccatis, Dei opus est et donum, valde utile et 
necessarium esse arbitramur docere, et cujus beneficium sit ut veram 
salutaremque Poenitentiam agamus, et qusenam ilia sit ac quibus ex 
rebus constet, de qua loquimur Pcenitentia. 

Dicimus itaque Poenitentiae per quam peccator a morte animte 
resurgit, et denuo in gratiam cum Deo redit, Spiritum Sanctum aucto- 
rem esse et effectorem, nee quemquam posse sine hujus arcano afflatu, 
peccata sua salutariter vel agnoscere vel odio habere, multo minus 

^ Conf. Aug. § X. : see above, p. 63. 

' Strype has printed two Articles de Pmniienlia, the second of which is on the 
whole, though not verbally, in accordance with the present. 



266 APPENDIX II. 

remiBfidonem peccatorum a Deo sperare aut assequi. Qui quidem sacer 
Spiritus Poenitentise initium, progressum, et finem, cseteraque omnia 
qiUB veram Poenitentiam perficiunt in anima peccatrice, hoc (quern 
dooebimus) ordine ac modo operatur et efficit 

Principio, &cit ut peccator per verbum peccata sua agnoBcat, et 
yeroB conscientiflB terrores concipiat, dum sentit Deum irasci peccato, 
utque serio et ex corde doleat ac ingemiflcat, quod Deum o£Eenderit; 
quam peccati agnitionem, dolorcm, et animi pavorem ob Deum offen- 
som, sequitur peccati confessio, quse fit Deo dum rea conscientia pecca- 
tum suum Deo coufitetur, et sese apud Deum accusat et damnat^ et sibi 
petit ignoscL Psabn. 31. "Delictum meum cognitum tibi feci, et 
injurtitiam meam non abscondL Dbd, confitebor advenmm me injus- 
titiam meam Domino, et tu remisisti impietatem peccati meL" Atque 
hec coram Deo confessio conjunctam habet certam fiduciam misericordis 
divinse et remissionis peccatorum propter Christum, qua fiducia consci- 
entia jam erigitur et pavore liberatur, ac certo statuit Deum sibi esse 
piopitium, non merito aut dignitate poenitentiffi, aut suorum operum, 
sed ex gratuita misericordia propter Christum, qui solus est hostia, 
satis&ctio, ac unica propitiatio pro peccatis nostris. Ad hsec adest et 
certum animi propositum vitam totam in melius commutandi, ac sta- 
dium i^endi voluntatem Dei et perpetuo abstinendi a peccatis. Nam 
vitoe novitatem sive fructus dignos Poenitentise ad totius Pcenitenti» 
perfectionem necessario requirit Deus, juxta illud, Brom. 6" : " Sicut 
exhibuistis membra vestra servire immunditise et iniquitati, ad ini- 
quitatem, ita nunc exhibete membra vestra servire justitiee, in sanctifi- 
cationem." 

Atque hsec quidem omnia, agnitionem peccati, odium peccati, dolo- 
rem pavoremque pro peccatis, peccati coram Deo confessionem, firmam 
fiduciam i*emissionis peccatorum propter Christum, una cum certo animi 
proposito postea semper a peccatis per Dei gratiam abstinendi et ser- 
viendi justitite, Spiritus Sanctus in nobis operatur et efficit, modo nos 
illius afflatui obsequamur, nee gratiae Dei nos ad Poenitentiam invitanti 
repugnemus. 

Cseterum cum has res quae Poenitentiam efficiunt maxima pars 
Christian i populi ignoret, nee quomodo agenda sit vera Poenitentia 
intelligat, nee ubi speranda sit remissio peccatorum norit, ut in his 
rebus omnibus melius instituatur et doceatur, non solum concionatores 
et pastorca diligenter in publicis concionibus populum de hac re infor- 
mare, et quid ait vera Poenitentia, et sacris Uteris sincere pnedicare 
debent, veruni ctiam valde utilem ac summe necessariam e-sse dicimiis 
peccatorum confessionem, (|u.*e auricularis dicitur, et privatim fit mi- 
niatria Ecclcaiap. 



APPENDIX II. 267 

Quae sane confessio modis omuibiis in Ecclesia retinenda est et mag- 
ni&.cienda^ cum propter hominum imperitoiiim institutionem in verbo 
Dei, et alia commoda non pauca, (de qnibus mox dicemus) turn prss- 
cipue propter absolutionis beneficium, hoc est remissionem peccatorum, 
quae in hac confessione confitentibus oflTertur et exhibetur per absolu- 
tionem et potestatem clavium, juxta illud Christi, Joan. 20. "Quorum 
remiseritis peccata," <kc. Cui absolutioui certo oportet credere. Est 
enim vox Evangelii, qua minister per verbum, non suo sed Christi 
nomine et authoritate, remissionem peccatorum confitenti annuntiat ac 
offert Cui voci Evangelii per mbiistnim sonanti, dum conlitens certa 
fide credit et assentitur, illico conscientia ejus fit certa de remissione 
peccatorum, et jam certo secum statuit Deum sibi propitium ac miseri- 
cordem esse. Quae una profecto res Christianos omnes magnopere debet 
permovere, ut confessionem, in qua per absolutionem gratise et remis- 
sionis peccatorum certitudo concipitur et confirmatur, modis omnibus et 
ament et amplectantur. Et in hac privata absolutione sacerdos potes- 
tatem habet absolvendi confitentem ab omnibus peccatis, etiam illis qui 
soliti sunt vocari casus reservati, ita tamen ut ille privatim absolutus, 
nihilominus pro manlfestis criminibus (si in jus vocetur) publicis ju- 
diciis subjaceat. 

Accedunt hue et alia confessionis arcanae commoda, quorum unum 
est, quod indocti ac imperiti homines nusquam [commodius] aut melius 
quam in confessione de doctrina Christiana institui possint, [modo con- 
fessorem doctum et pium nacti fuerint.] Nam cum animos attentos ac 
dociles in confessione afferunt^ diligenter ad ea quae a sacerdote dicun- 
tur animum advertunt. Quocirca et fides eorum exglorari potest, et 
quid peccatum sit, quamque horrenda res sit, et quae sint peccatorum 
inter se discrimina, ac quam gi'aviter contra peccata irascitur Deus, a 
doctis ac piis pastoribus sen confessoribiis [ex verbo Dei] docere pos- 
sunt ac informari. Multi enim, propterea quod hsec ignorent^ in con- 
scientiis soepe graviter anguntur, illic trepidantes timore, ubi timor 
non est, qui (ut Servator ait) "culicem excolantes, camelum deglu- 
tiunt;" in minimis levissimisque peccatis valde anxii, de maximis et 
gravissimis non perinde pcenitentes. Sunt porro qui simili laborantes 
inscitia propter immodicum timorem et animi pusillanimitatem de 
peccatorum venia fere desperant. Contra sunt, qui per hypocrisim 
superbientes seipsos adversus Deum erigunt, quasi aut sine peccato 
sint, aut ipsos pro peccatis Deus nolit punire. 

Jam quis nescit quam utilis et necessaria istiusmodi hominibus con- 
fessio sit, in qua hi verbo Dei dure increpandi arguendique sunt, ut 
peccatores se agnoscant, atque intelligant, quam horribiliter Deus 
peccata puniat. Contra, illis qui nimio timore desperant, suavissima 



268 APPENDIX II. 

Evangelii consolatio afferenda est Ad hsec in confeesione [ex verbo 
Dei] dooeri homines possunt, non solum qua ratione Diaboli tentationes 
vincant, et camem mortifioent) ne ad priores vitee sordes postea rela- 
bantur, verumetiam quibus remediis peccata onmia fugiant, ut non 
regnent in ipsis. P^seterea ilia animi humilitas qua homo homini 
propter Deum sese submittit, et pectoris sui arcana aperit, multarum 
profecto virtutum custos est et conservatrix. Quid quod pudor ille et 
erubescentia peccati quse ex confessione oritur, prseterquam quod ani- 
num a peccato ad Deum vere conversum indicat, etiam multos mortales 
a turpibus &bctis retrahit ac cohibet. Postremo, ut ille qui simpliciter 
et tanquam coram Deo peccata sua ministro Ecclesise confitetur, de- 
darat se verum Dei timorem habere, ita hac animi humilitate discit 
Deum magis et timere et revereri, et innatam in corde superbiam 
reprimere, ut Dei voluntati &cilius obsequatur et obtemperet. Jam 
vero, cum hsec ita se habeant, nihil dubitamus, quin omnes viri boni 
hanc confessionem tot nominibus utilem ac necessariam, non solum in 
Eccleeia retinendam esse, sed magno etiam in pretio habendam judicent. 
Quod si qui simt qui eam vel damnant, vel rejiciunt, hi profecto se et 
in verbo Dei institutionem, et absolutionis beneficium, (quod in con- 
fessione datiir) et alia multa atque ingentia commoda Christianis valde 
utilia, negligere et contemnere ostendunt; nee animadvertunt se in 
orbem Christianum maximam peccandi licentiam invehere, et mag- 
nam in omne scelus ruendi occasionem prsebere. 

Quod vero ad enumerationem peccatorum spectat, quemadmodum 
non probamus scrupulosam et anxiam, ne laqueam injiciat hominum 
conscientiis, ita censemus segnem et supinam negligentiam in re tarn 
salutari magnopere periculosam esse et fiigiendani. 

[IX.] De Sacramentorum Usu\ 

[Docemus, quod SacramerUa quse per verbum Dei inMituta sunt, 
non tantum siivt notce prqfessionis inter Christianos, sed magis certa 
qucedam testimonia et efficacia aigiia gratice, et honce voluntatis Dei 
erga noSy per quce Deus invisibiliter operatur in nobis, et suam gratiam 
in nos invisibiliter diffimdit^ siquidem ea rite susceperimus ; qaodque 
per ea excitatur et conjirmatur fides in his qui eis utuntur. Porro 
docemus, quod ita utendum sit sacramentis, ut in adultis, prseter veram 
contritionem, necessario etiam debeat accedere fides, quae credat prse- 
sentibus promissionibus, quae per sacramenta ostendimtur, exhibentur, 
et praestantui'.J Neque enim in illis verum est, quod quidam dicunt, 

^ Confess. August. § xni. : but the English statement by introducing the 
epithet ' efficacia ' and the phrase ' per qus Deus invisibiliter operatur in nobis ' 
expresses the doctrine of the sacraments more strongly. 



APPENDIX 11. 269 

sacramenta confen*e gratiam ex opere apercUo sine bono motu utentis, 
nam in ratione utentdbus necessum' est, ut fides etiam utentis accedat, 
per quam credat ill is promissionibus, et accipiat res promissas, qusB per 
sacramenta conferantur**. De in&ntibus vero cum temerarium sit eos 
a misericordia Dei excludere, prsesertim cum Christus in Evangelio 
dicat, "Sinite parvulos ad me venire, talium est enim regnum ccelorum :" 
et alibi, " Nisi quLs renatus fiierit ex aqiia et Spiritu Sancto, non potest 
intrare in regnum coelorum :" cumque perpetua Ecclesise Catholicss 
consuetudine, jam inde ab ipsis Apostolorum temporibus, receptum sit 
in&ntes debere baptizari in remissionem peccatorum et salutem, dici- 
mus quod Spiritus Sanctus efficax sit in illis, et eos in Baptismo mun- 
det, quemadmodum supra in Articulo de Baptismo dictum est. 

[X.] De Ministris Ecclesise*. 

[De Mimstius Ecclesiae docemus, quod nemo debeat puhlice docere, 
avl Sacra/menta ministrare, nisi rite vocatiiSf'] et quidem ab his, penes 
quos in Ecclesia, juxta verbum Dei, et leges ac consuetudines unius- 
cuj usque regionis, jus est vocandi et admittendi. Et quod nullus ad 
Ecclesice ministeriimi vocatus, etiamsi episcopus sit sive Komanus, sive 
quicunque alius, hoc sibi jure divino vindicare possit, ut publice docere, 
Sacramenta ministrare, vel ullam aliam ecclesiasticam functionem in 
aliena diocesi aut parochia exercere valeat ; hoc est, nee episcopus in 
alterius episcopi diocesi, nee parochus in alterius parochia. Et demum 
quod malitia ministri efficaciae Sacramentorum nihil detrahat, ut jam 
supra docuimus in Articulo de Ecclesia. 

[XI.] De Ritibus Ecclesiasticis*. 

[Ritus, ceremonisB, et ordinationes ecclesiastics humanitus insti- 
tute, qusecunque prosunt ad eruditionem, disciplinam, tranquillitatem, 
bonum ordinem, aut decorum in Ecclesia, servandse simt et amplec- 
tend^B, ut stata festa, jejunia, preces, et his similia.] 

De quibus admonendi sunt homines quod non sint illi cultus, quos 
Deus in Scriptura prsecipit aut requirit, aut ipsa sanctimonia, sed quod 
ad illos cultus et ipsam sanctimoniam admodimi utiles sunt, ac turn 
placent Deo, cimi ex fide, charitate, et obedientia servantur. Sunt 
autem veri et genuini cultus, timor Dei, fides, dilectio, et csetera opera 
a Deo mandata. Ad quas consequenda et pmstanda, quoties ritus et 
traditiones adjumentimi adferunt, diligenter servandse sunt, non tan- 
quam res in Scripturis a Deo exactee, aut illis veris et genuinis cultibus 
aequandse, sed tanquam res Ecclesise utiles, Deo grate, et adminicula 

( neceHum] noceiaarium. >> conferAntur] oonfenintar. 

* Confess. August. § xiv. ' Ibid. § xv. 



270 APPENDIX II. 

vene pietatis. £t quamvia ritus ac tradition^s ejasmodi a Christianis 
observari debeant, propter causas quas ante diximus, tamen in iUarum 
observatione ea libertatis Christianse ratio habenda est, ut nemo se illis 
ita teneri putet^ quin eas possit omittere, modo adsit justa violandi ratio 
et causa, et absit contemptus : nee per ejusmodi violationem proximi 
conscientia turbetur aut kedatur. Quod si ejusmodi ritus aut ordina- 
tiones alio animo ac consilio instituuntur, aut observantur, quam at 
mnt exercitia qusedam, admonitiones, et psedagogise, qusB excitent et 
oonducant ad eas res in quibus sita est vera pietas et justitia; nos 
talem institutionem et observationem omnino improbandam et rejicien- 
dam esse dicimus. Kon enim remissio peccatorum, justification et vera 
pietas tribuenda est ejusmodi ritibus et traditionibus, (nam remissionem 
peccatoris et justificationem propter Christum gratis per fidem conse- 
quimur) sed hoc illis tribuendum est, quod quemadmodum nee sine legi- 
bus poUticis civitas, ita nee sine ritibus ac traditionibus Ecclesiie ordo 
servari, confusio vitari, juventus ac vulgus imperitum erudiri potest^ 
quodque ejusmodi ritus et traditiones ad pietatem et spirituales animi 
motus non parum adminiculantur et prosunt. Quod si ullse traditiones 
aliquid prsecipiunt contra verbum Dei, vel quod sine peccato prsestari 
non potest, nos ejusmodi traditiones, tanquam noxias et pestiferas, ab 
EcclSa toUendai esse cenaemus : ^p J etiam opiniones et aupLi. 
tiones quae Christi gloriam ac beneficium Isedimt atque obscurant, 
quoties vel populi ignorantia ac simplicitate, vel prava doctrina aut 
negHgentia pastorum, traditionibus ullis annectuntur et hserent, rese- 
candas penitus et abolendas ease judicamus. Prseterea etiam hoc do- 
cendi sunt homines, quod ejusmodi rituum ac traditionum externa 
observatio Deo minime grata sit, nisi his, qui illis utimtur, animus ad- 
sit qui eas referat ad pietatem, propter quam institutae sunt. Ad hsec, 
quod inter prtecepta Dei, et ritus sive traditiones quae ab hominibus 
instituuntur, hoc discrimen habendum sit, nempe quod ritus sive tra- 
ditiones humanitus institutae, mandatis ac praeceptis Dei (quae in 
Scripturis traduntur) cedere semper et postponi ubique debeant. Et 
nihilominus quoniam ordo et tranquillitas Ecclesiae absque ritibus et 
ceremoniis conservari non potest, docemus adeo utile esse et necessa- 
rium, Ecclesiam habere ritus et ceremonias, ut si ab Ecclesia toUeren- 
tur, ipsa illico Ecclesia et dissiparetur et labe&ctaretur. 

Postremo ritus, ceremoniae, sive traditiones, de quibus amtea dixi- 
mus, non solum propter causas praedictas, verumetiam propter prae- 
ceptum Dei, qui jubet nos potestatibus obedire, servandae sunt. 



APPENDIX II. 271 

[XII.] De Rebus CivUibus. 

Misera mortal! um conditio peccato corrupta, praeceps ad iniquitatem 
et ad flagitia ruit, nisi salubri auctoritate retineatnr, nee potest publica 
salus consistere, sine justa gubematione et obedientia; qnamobrem 
benignissimus Deus ordinavit reges, principes, ac gubematores, quibus 
dedit auctoritatem non solum curandi ut popnlus juxta divinse legis 
prsescripta vivat, sed etiam legibns aliis reipublicse commodis, et jnsta 
potestate eiindem populum continendi ac regendi ; hos autem in pub- 
licam salutem deputavit Deus, suos in terra ministros, et populi sui 
duces ac rectores, eisque subjecit universam cujusvis sortis multitudinem 
reliquauL Atque ob earn causam multa ac diligenter de illis in Scrip- 
tuns tradit. Primum quidem, ut ipsi coelestibus prseceptis erudiantur 
ad sapientiam et virtutem, quo sciant cujus sint ministri, et concessum 
a Deo judicium et auctoritatem legitime atque salubriter exerceant; 
juxta illud, "Erudimini qui judicatis teri*am, servite Domino in timore." 
Deinde vero prtecipit, atque illis in hoc ipsum auctoritatem dat, ut pro 
conditione reipublicie suae, salutares ac justas leges (quoad pro virili 
possint) provideant atque legitime condant, per quas non solum sequitas, 
justitia, et tranquillitas in republica retineri, sed etiam pietas erga 
Deum promoveri possit; atque insuper ut legis Dei atque Christians 
religionis tuendse curam habeant, quemadmodum Augustinus diserte 
fatetur, dicens, "In hoc reges, sicut eis divinitus praecipitur, Deo 
serviunt) in quantum reges sunt, si in suo regno bona jubeant^ mala 
prohibeant, non solum quae pertinent ad humanam societatem, verum 
eti&n quae ad divinam religionem." Proinde principum ac gubemato- 
rum potestas et officium est, non solum pro sua et reipublicae incolumi- 
tate ac salute justa bella suscipere, probos amplecti et fovere, in impro- 
bos animadvertere, pauperes tueri, afflictos et vim passos eripere, arcere 
injurias, et ut ordo et concordia inter subditos conservetur, atque quod 
snum est cuique tribuatur curare ; verum etiam prospicere, et (si causa 
ita postulaverit) etiam compellere, ut universi tam sacerdotes quam 
reliqua multitudo officiis suis rite et diligenter fungantur, omnem 
denique operam suam adhibere, ut boni ad bene agendum invitentur, et 
improbi a maiefaciendo cohibeantur. Et quamvis illi qui timore legum 
et poenarum corporalium cohibentur a peccando, aut in officio conti- 
nentur, non eo ipso fiunt pii vel accepti Deo ; tamen hiicusque proficit 
salubris coercio, ut et illi qui tales sunt, interim vel minus sint mali, 
vel saltern minus flagitiorum committant, viamque nonnunquam faci- 
lius inveniant ad pietatem, et reliquorum quies ac pietas minus tur- 
betur, scandala et pemiciosa exempla auferantur a Christianis coetibus, 
et apertis \dtii8 aut blasphemiia noraen Dei et religionis decus quam 
jQdinimum dehonestetur. 



272 APPENDIX II. 

Ad hsec quia necessiim est, ut auctoritatem principum, reipublicse 
atque rebus humanis summopere necessariam, populus tanquam Dei 
ordinationem agnoscat et revereatur ; idcirco Dens in Scripturis passim 
pnecipit^ ut omnes cujuscunque in republica gradus aut conditionis 
fuerint, promptam et fidelem obedientiam principibus prsestent, idque 
non solum metu corporalis poence, sed etiam propter Dei volimtatem ; 
quemadmodum Petrus diligenter monet: "Subditi (inquiens) estote 
omni humanse creaturse propt-er Deum, sive regi quasi prsecellenti, sive 
ducibus, tanquam ab eo missis ad vindictam malefactorum, laudem 
vero bonorum, quia sic est voluntas Dei" Paulus vero in hunc 
modum; ^'Admone illos principibus et potestatibus subditos esse, 
magistratibus parere, ad omne opus bonum paratos esse, neminem 
blasphemare." Quod si mains princeps aut gubemator quicquam in- 
juste aut inique imperat subdito, quamvis ille potestate sua contra 
Dei voluntatem abutatur, ut animam suam Isedat, nibilominus subdi- 
tus debet ejusmodi imperium, quantumvis grave, pati ac sustinere, 
(nisi certo constet id esse peccatum,) potius quam resistendo publicum 
ordinem aut quietem perturbare ; quod si certo constet peccatum esse 
quod princeps mandate tum subditus neque pareat neque reipublicas 
paoem quovismodo perturbet, sed pace servata incolimii, et causae 
ultione Deo relicts^ vel ipsam potius mortem sustineat, quam quic- 
quam contra Dei voluntatem aut prseceptum perpetret. 

Porro quemadmodum de obedientia principibus exhibenda Scrip- 
tura diligenter prsecipit, ita etiam ut csetera ofHcia alacriter iUis prse- 
stemus, monet atque jubet, qualia sunt tributa, vectigalia, militise labor, 
et his similia. Quae populus, ex Dei prsecepto, principibus pendere et 
preestare debet, propterea quod respublicae absque ^tipendiis, prsesidiis, 
et magnis sumptibus neque defendi possimt neque regi. Est prseterea 
et honos principibus deferendus, juxta Pauli sententiam, qui jubet, 
ut principibus honorem exhibeamus. Qui sane honos non in externa 
duntaxat reverentia et observantia positus est, sed multo verius in 
animi judicio et volimtate; nempe ut agnoscamus principes a Deo or- 
dinatos esse, et Deum per eos hominibns ingentia beneficia largiri : ad 
hsec ut principes propter Deum et metuamus et amemus, et ut ad 
omnem pro viribus gratitudinem illis praestandam parati simus : pos- 
tremo ut Deum pro principibus precemur, uti servet eos, ac eorum 
mentes semper inflectat ad Dei gloriam et salutem reipublicse. Hsec si 
fecerimus, vere principes honorabimus, juxta Petri prseceptum, "Deum 
timete, Regem honorificate." Qu» cimi ita sint, non solum licet Chris- 
tianis principibus ac gubematoribus regna et ditiones possidere, atque 
dignitatibus et mimeribus publicis fungi, quae publicam salutem spec- 
tant, et undecunque promovent vel tuentur, uti supra diximus, verum 



APPENDIX II. 273 

etiam quando in ejusmodi Ainctionibus reepiciunt honorem Dei, et 
ecnlem dignitatem suam atque potestatem referunt, valde placent Deo,, 
ejusque &yoreni, ac gratiam ampliter demerentur. Sunt enim bona 
opera quse Deus prsemiid TnngnifififtTitia«iTnig non in hac duntaxat vita, 
sed multo magis in setema, cohonestat atque coronat. 

licet insuper Christianis universis, ut singuli quique pro suo 
gradu ac conditione juxta divinafl ac prindpum leges et honestas sin- 
gularum regionum oonsuetudines, talia munia atque officia obeaut et 
exerceant) quibus mortalis h»c vita vel indiget, vel omatur, vel con- 
servatur. Nempe ut victum quserant ex honestis artibus, negoti- 
entur, faciant contractus, possideant proprium, res suas jure postulent, 
militent, copulentur legitimo matrimonio, prsestent jusjurandum et 
hujusmodi. Quse omnia, quemadmodum universis Christianis, pro 
sua cujusque conditione ac gradu, divino jure licita sunt, ita cum pii 
subditi propter timorem Dei, principibus ac gubematoribus stds promp- 
tam atque debitam prsestent obedientiam, cseteraque student peragere, 
quae suum officium et reipublicse utilitas postulat, placent etiam ipsi 
magnopere Deo, et bona faciunt opera, quibus Deus ingentia prsemia 
promittit, et fidelissime largitur. 

[XIII.] De Corporum Resurrectione et Judicio Extremo. 

Credendum firmiter atque docendum censemus, quod in consum- 
matione mundi, Cluistus sicut ipsemet apud Matthseum affirmat, ven- 
turus est in gloria Patris sui cum angelis Sanctis, et majestate, ac 
potentia, sessurusque super sedem majestatis suse. £t quod in eodem 
adventu, summa celeritate, in momento temporis, ictu oculi, divina 
potentia sua suscitabit mortuos, sistetque in eisdem in quibus hie 
vixerunt corporibus ac came, coram tribimali suo cunctos honunes, 
qui imquam ab exordio mundi fuerunt, aut postea imquam usque in 
illam diem futuri sunt. Et judicabit exactissimo atque justissimo 
judicio singulos, et reddet unicuique secundum opera sua, quae in hac 
vita et corpore gessit : piis quidem ac justis setemam vitam et gloriam 
cum Sanctis angelis, impiis vero et sceleratis setemam mortem atque 
supplicium, cum Diabolo et prsevaricatoribus angelis. Prseterea quod 
in illo judicio perfecta et perpetua fiet separatio proborum ab impro- 
bis, et quod nullum erit postea terrenum regnum aut terrenarum 
Toluptatum usus, qualia quidam errore decepti somniaverunt. Demum 
quod nullus post hoc judicium erit finis tormentorum malis, qui tunc 
condemnabuntur ad supplicia, sicut nee ullus finis beatitudinis boms, 
qui in illo die acceptabuntur ad gloriam. 

H. A. 18 



i 
I 

■ • 

If 






f 




APPENDIX 

No. III. 



ARTICLES OF RELIGION 



IN THB BEIONB OF 



KING EDWARD VI. AND QUEEN ELIZABETH. 



18—2 



The following series of Articles comprisey in separate columns, 

(1) the Latin edition published by Wolfe, in 1553 ; 

(2) the English edition published teparcady in the June of the 

same year by Grafton (see abore, p. 76) ; 

(3) the Latin edition of Wolfe, published in 1563, by the express 

authority of the Queen (see above, p. 142) ; 

(4) the English edition of 1571, printed by Jugge and Cawood, 

and 'put foorth by the Queenes aucthoritie/ 

The Articles of 1553 hare been collated with a copy in the State- 
Paper Office, signed by six royal chaplains, to whom they were submitted 
before their final pubUcation (see abore, pp. 74, 75). 

The Tarious readings derived from this MS. are marked A. 

The Articles of 1553 have also been collated with a copy of the 
edition published by Wolfe, as an appendix to the CaUchmMu Brems^ in 
1553 (see above, p. 76). The various readings obtained from thence are 
marked B. 

Other variations occur in Bishop Hooper's Articles, as circulated in 
his dioceses during the years 1551 and 1552, apparently both in Latin 
and English (see above, pp. 79 sq.)* 

The particular variations contained in the record of Hooper's con- 
troversy with Joliffe and Johnson are marked /. 

In selecting the LaHn Articles of 1563, and the Englkh Articles of 
1571, my aim was to exhibit the series in a shape which has the fairest 
claim to be regarded as the authorised expression of the Church's mind 
in each pf those years respectively: see p. 158. 

For the Latin Articles, collations have been drawn (1) from the 
Parker Latin MS. of 1563, and (2) from the Latin edition of 1571, 
printed by John Day, and published * authoritate serenissimse Reginse.' 

These various readings are marked C and E respectively. 

For the English Articles, collations have been drawn (1) from the 
Parker English MS. of 1571, and (2) from the English version of the 
Articles of 1563, entitled in the Bill of 1566, the LiUle Book (see above, 
p. 147). 

These various readings are again distinguished by the letters D, and 
LB, respectively. 

A few more various readings, from other MSS. in the State-Paper 
Office, will be noticed fully as they occur. 

Where new matter was introduced into the Articles after the year 
1553, attention is called to the change by a blank space included within 
brackets [ ]. 

Where the whole or part of any Article was subsequently dropped, it 
is here printed in large type. 

Where the phraseology was modified, without involving the addi- 
tion of entirely new matter, the limits of the substitution are denoted by 

T • • • • T • 

In a few cases of simple transposition^ the change wi]|l be pointed 

out by a foot-note. 



ARTICLES, 1552—1571. 



1552 [1553]. 

Articuli de quibus in Synodo Lon- 
dinensi, Anno Dom, M.D.LII, 
ad tollendam opinionum dissen- 
Bionem et consensum verso reli- 
gioniB flrmandum, inter Episco- 
poB et alios Eruditos Viros con- 
Tenerati. 



1552 [1553]. 

Articles agreed on by the Bishop- 
pcs, and otber learned menne 
in the Synode at London, in 
the yere of our Lorde Godde, 
M.D.LII. for the auoiding of 
controuersie in opinions, and the 
establishement of a godlie Con- 
corde, in certeine matiers of Re- 
ligion. 



1562 [1563]. 

Articuli, de quibus in synodo Lon- 
dinensi anno Domini, iuzta ec- 
clesissAnglicanao computationem, 
M.D.LXII. ad tollendam opini- 
onum dissensionem, et firmandum 
in uera Religione consensum, in- 
ter Archiepiscopos Episcoposquo 
utriusque Prouinci®, nee non 
etiam uniuersum Clerum con- 
Tenit. 



^ B addSf regia authoritate in lucem editi. 



1571. 

Articles whereupon it was agreed 
by the Archbishoppes and Bi- 
shoppes of both prouinces and 
the whole cleargie, in the Con- 
uocation holdcn at London in the 
yere of our Lorde God. 1562. 
according to the computation of 
the Churche of Englande, for the 
auoiding of the diuersities of opi- 
nions, and for the stablishyng of 
consent touching true Religion. 



278 



APPENDIX 111. 



1653. 

I. 

D$ Jide in ScusroMonetofn Trinitatem, 

Unas est yItus et Tenu Dens, 
letenms, incorporeus, impartibilis, 
impassibilis, immenssa potent!®, 
sapienti®, ac« bonitatis, creator et 
conserrator omnium, tum^ Tisibi- 
linm tarn inTisibilinm. Et in uni- 
tate hujoB diTinso naturee tres sunt 
personee, ejiudem essentiee, poten- 
tin, ac SBtemitatiB, Pater, Filius, et 
SpirituB Sanctus. 

II. 

Verbum Ddj verum hominem i»u 
factum. 

Filing qui est rerbum patris, 
[ ] in utero beatso Virginis, 

ez iUins' substantift naturam hu- 
manam assumpsit, ita ut dun na- 
tune, dlyina & humana, integre 
atque perfecte in unitate persons 
fuerint inseparabiliter conjunctae, 
ez quibuB est unus Chriitus, venis 
Deus et Torus homo, qui Tere passus 
est, crucifixus, mortuus et sepultus, 
ut patrem nobis reconciliaret, es- 
setque hostia non tantum pro culpa 
originis, verum etiam pro omnibus 
actualibus bominum peccatis. 



1553. 

I. 

Of faith in the holie Trinkit*. 

There is but one lining, and true 
God, and he is euerlasting, with 
out bodie, partes, or passions, of 
infinite power, wisedomc, and good- 
nesse, the maker, and preseruer of 
all thinges bothe risible, and in- 
uisible, and in ynitio of this God- 
head there bee three persones of 
one substaunce, power, and etemi- 
tie, the Father, the Soonne, and 
the holie Ghoste. 

11. 

That the worde, or Sonne of Ood, 
was made a very man. 

The Sonne whiche is the woorde 
of the father, [ ] tooke mannes 
nature in the wombe of the blessed 
▼irgine Marie of her Substaunce, bo 
that two hole, and perfeicte natures, 
that is to saie, the Godhead, and 
manhode were ioignod together into 
one persone, neuer to be diuided, 
wherof is one Christe very God, 
and very manne, who truely suffred, 
was crucified, dead, and buried, to 
reconcile his father to ys, and to 
be a Sacrifice tfor all sinne of 
manne, bothe originall, and ac- 
tuaU.f 



III. 

De descensu ChrUti ad Inferos, 

Quemadmodum Christus pro no- 
bis mortuus est et sepultus, ita est 
etiam credendus^ ad inferos descen- 
ditte. Nam corpus usque ad 



m. 

Of the goyng doune of Christe into 

HeUe, 

As Christ died, and was buried 
for YS : so also it is to be beleued, 
that he went downe in to hell. 

Forthe bodie laie in the Sepul- 



^ turn] cum A . 

* Cf. the 2nd of Hooper t Articles cited above, p. 83. 

' iilius] ejus A. ^ est etiam credeDdus] etiam crcdeDdus est A 



APPENDIX III. 



279 



1563. 

I. 

DeFide in Sacrosanctam Trinitatem. 

Vnvs est riuuB et uerus Deus, 
setemuB, incorporeos, impartibilis, 
impassibilis, immensse potent!®, 8a> 
pientiso ac bonitatis: creator et 
conseruator omnium tum uisibilium 
turn inuiBibilium. Et in Vnitate 
huius diuinsa naturo tres sunt Per- 
sense, eiusdem essentise, potentice, 
ac setemitatis, Pater, Filius, et Spi- 
ritus sanctus. 

II. 

Verbum Dei uerum hominem esse 

factum^ 

Filius, qui est uerbum Patris, ab 
setemo k patre genitus uerus et 
setemus Deus, ac Patri consubstan- 
tialis, in utero Beatse uirginis ex 
illius substantia naturam humanam 
assumpsit: ita ut duee naturae, 
diuina et humana, integr^ atque 
perfects in unitate personee, fuerint 
inseparabiliter coniunctse : ex qui- 
bus esfy vnus CHRIST VS, verus 
Deus et yerus Homo: qui uerS 
passus est, crucifixus, mortuus, et 
sepultus, ut Patrem nobis reconci- 
liaret, essetque* non tantClm pro 
culpa originis, uerum etiam pro 
omnibus actualibus hominum pec- 
catis. 

m. 

De Descensu Christi ad Inferos, 

Qvemmadmodum Christus pro 
nobis mortuus est et sepultus, ita 



1671. 

I. 

Offayth in the holy TriniHs. 

There is but one lyuyng and 
true God, ^ euerlastyng, without 
body, partes, or passions, of infinite 
power, wysdome, and goodnesse, the 
maker and preseruer of al things 
both yisible and inuisible. And in 
ynitie of this Godhead there be 
three persons, of one substaunce, 
power, and etemitie, the father, 
the Sonne, and the holy ghost. 

II. 

Of the worde or sonne of Ood 
which was made very manK 

The Sonne, which is the worde 
of the Father, begotten from euer- 
lastyng of the Father, the yery and 
etemall GOD, of one substaunce 
with the father, toke man's nature 
in the wombe of the blessed Virgin, 
of her substaunce : so that two 
whole and perfect natures, that is 
to say the Godhead and manhood, 
were ioyned together in one person, 
neuer to be diuided, whereof is one 
Christe, yery GOD and yery man, 
who truely suffered, was crucified, 
dead, and buried, to reconcile his 
father to ys, and to be a sacrifice, 
not only for originall gylt, but also 
for alU^ actuall sinnes of men. 

III. 

Of the goyng downs of Christe into 

helL 

As Christe dyed for ys, and was 



* D and LB add and he is before euerlasting : qf. col. 2, 

• De verbo, siue filio Dei, qui verus homo factus est ^. ' ©gt] et C, 

* easetque] A inserts bostia after this toord, agreeing with the other copies. The 
omission, thereforCy might he due to an error of the press. 

• That the Worde or Sonne of God was made verie man D, LB, 

^^ all] The omission of this important word in many modem copies of ike Articles 
is wiihoiU ih£ least authority. It appears in the edition of i6i8, but is dropped as 
early as 1630, and {deliberately) in the revised text of the Assembly of Divines (1643) : 
cf. Onne's Life and Times of Baxter, i. 488, Lond. 1830. 



280 



APPENDIX III. 



1563. 

reeurrectionem in sepulchro 
jacuity Spiritus ab iUo emissus, 
cum spiritibus qui in caroere 
rive in inferno detinebcmtur, 
fuit, illisque prssdicavity quern- 
madmodum testatur Petri lo- 
cusi. 

IV. 

EeiwrrecUo ChrisU, 

ChristuB Tere ^ mortuis resur- 
rexity Buamque corpiu com carnoy 
OBsibuSy omnibusquead integritatom 
humansB natuna pertinentibus, re- 
cepit» cam qulbus in coelrnn ascen- 
dit» ibique reudet» quoad extremo 
die ad jadioandos [ ] homines 
treyertatur.f 



1563. 

chre, untill the resurrection : 
but his Ghoste departing from 
him, was with the Ghostes that 
were in prison, or in Helle, and 
didde preache to the same, as 
the nlace of .S. Peter dooeth 
testine. 

IV. 

The Reaurr^ction of Chritte. 

Ghriste didde truelie rise againe 
from deathe, and tooke again hia 
bodie with flesh, bones, and all 
thinges apperteining to the perfec- 
tion of mannes nature, wherewith 
he ascended into Heauen, and there 
sittethy untill he retoume to iudge 
[ ] men at the last dale. 



[ 



[ 



3 



V. 

DivincB Scripturm doctrina mfficit 
ad scUtUem. 

Scriptura sacra continet^ omnia 
qu8B sunt ad salutem necessaria, ita 
ut quicquid in ea nee legitur neque 
inde probari potest, licet inter- 

dum k fidelibus, ut pium et 
conducibile ad ordinem et de- 
corum^ admittatur, attamen 

t& quoquam non exigendum estf 
ut tanquam articulus fidci credatur ^ 
et ad salutis necessitatem requiri 
putetur. [ 



V. 



The doctrine of holie Scripture is 
suficient to SaixMtion, 

Holie Scripture conteineth aU 
thinges necessarie to Saluation : So 
that whatsoeuer is f neither f read 
therein, nor male be proued therby, 

although it be somtime re- 
ceiucd of the fitithful, as God- 
lie, and profitable for an ordre, 
and comelinesse : Yeat t°o 

manne ought to bee constreigned to 
beleue itf, as an article of faith, or 
repute it f requisite to the neces- 
sitief of Saluation. [ 

* Tht foUowing sentence is added in A, At suo ad inferos descensu nullos 
a carceribua aut tormentis liberauit Christus Dominus. 
' continet] sufficioDter continet /. 
' ad ordinem et decorum] watUing in J, * credatur] tradatur A, 



APPENDIX 111. 



281 



1663. 

est etiam credenduB ad Inferos 
descendisse^ 



1571. 

buryed^ : so also it Is to be belened 
that he went downe into helL 



IV. 

ReturreeUo CkrisW^, 

Christns rere a mortuis resur- 
rexity suumque corpus cum came, 
OBsibuSy omnibugque ad integrita- 
tem bumann natursa pertinentibusy 
recepit, cum quibus in coelum as- 
cendity ibique residet, quoad extre- 
me die ad iudicandos [ ] homines 
reuersurus sit. 

V. 

J)e Spiritu sancto, 

Spiritus sanctus, k patre et filio 
procedens, eiusdem est cum patre 
et filio essentuD, maiestatis, et glo- 
ri», uerus, ac setemus Deus. 

VI. 

I>ttttncB ScripturcB doctrina mfficit 
ad icUutem^^. 

Scriptura sacra continet omnia 
qussBunt ad salutem^^ nece88aria,i(a 
ut quicquid in ea nee legitur, ncque 
inde probari potest, non sit h quo- 
quam ezigendum, ut tanquam Ar- 



IV. 

Of the Remrredian of Christe. 

Christe dyd truely aryse^ agayno 
from death, and toke agayne his 
body, with flesh, bones, and all 
thinges apparteyning to the per- 
fection of mans nature, wherewith 
he ascended into heauen, and there 
sitteth, yntyll he retume to iudge 
all' men at the last day. 

V. 

Of the holy ghost. 

The holy ghost, proceedyng 
from the father and the sonne, is 
of one substaunce^^ maiestie, and 
glorie, with the &ther and the 
Sonne, rery and etemall God. 

VL 

Of the suffieiencie of the Holy Ser^ 
turesfor saluation^^, 

Holye Scripture conteyneth all 
thinges necessarie to saluation : so 
that whatsoeuer is not read therein, 
nor may be proued therby, is not 
to be required of anye man, that it 



^ The second dame of Art, ni. col. i retained in C, btU marked throughout wik 
a red pencil. 

* dyed for vs and was buryed] dyed and was buryed for us LB : cf, eol. 2, 

7 De Resnrrectioue Christi E. 

8 aryse] lyse LB: cf, col. i. 

' all] wanting in Latin copies of 1563, hut found in E: cf, cols, i and 1. 

1^ subfltaunoe] essence LB. 

1^ De Diuinis Scripturis, quod suffidant ad Balutem Et 

1' sunt ad salutem] ad salutem sunt E, 

^^ The doctrine of holye Scripture is sufficient to saluation LB, D. 



APPENDIX III. 



APPENDIX III. 



283 



1563. 

ticaluB fidei credatur, aut ad neces- 
sitatem Balutis^ requiri putetur. 

SacrsB Scriptune Domine eos Ca- 
nonicos libros Veteris et Not! tes- 
tamenti intelligimus, de quorum 
autoritate in Ecclesia nunquam 
dubitatum est. 

Catalogus librorum aaeroe CanoniecB 

scripturoB Veteris Teitamenti^. 
Genesis. 
Exodus. 
Leuiticus. 
Numeri. 
Dcuteronom. 
losue. 
ludicum. 
Ruth. 

2. Regum^. 
Paralipom. 2. 
2 Samuelis. 
EsdrcB. 2. 
Hester, 
lob. 
Psalmi. 
Prouerbia. 
Ecclesiastes. 
Cantica. 

ProphetcB maiores. 
Prophetse minores. 



Alios autem Libros (ut ait 
Hieronymus) legit quidem Ecclesia 
ad exempla uitse et formandos 
mores, iUos tamen ad dogmata con- 



1671. 

shoulde be belened as an article of 
the fayth, or be thought requisite 
necessaries to saluation. 

In the name^ of holy Scripture, 
we do ynderstande those Canonicall 
bookea of the olde and newe Tes- 
tament, of whose aucthoritie was 
neuer any doubt in the Churche. 

0/^ the names and nwmber of the 

CanonicaU Baohes, 
Genesis. 
Exodus. 
Leuiticus. 
Numerie. 
Deuteronomium . 
losue. 
ludges. 
Ruth. 

The .1. boke of Samuel. 
The .2. boke of Samuel. 
The .1. booke of Kinges. 
The .2. booke of Kinges. 
The .1. booke of Chroni. 
The .2. booke of Chroni. 
The .1. booke of Esdras. 
The .2. booke of Esdras. 
The booke of Hester. 
The booke of lob. 
The Psalmes. 
The Prouerbes. 
Ecclesia. or preacher. 
Cantica, or songes of Sa. 
4. Prophetes the greater. 
12. Prophetes the lesse. 

And the other bookesy (as Hie- 
rome sayth) the Churche doth 
reade for example of lyfe and in- 
struction of manors^ : but yet doth 



^ necessitatem s&Iutis] tramipoted in E. 

' De nominibus, et numero librorum sacne canonics Scriptune Veteris Teita- 
mcnti E, 

' 2 Regum] The order of the following hooks is slightly different in (7, E. 

* requisite necessarie] requisite as necessary LB, D: cf col. 3. 

^ In the name] By the naming LB. * Of) wanting in LB, D. 

^ example of lyfe and instruction of manors] example and for good instruction 
of lyuing LB. 



284 



APPENDIX III. 



1553. 



1558. 



7 

T 



] 



turn est r^ici' 



VI. 

Vetus Teatammtum 

mdum'\. 

t Testamentum Vetus, quasi Novo 
contrarium sit, non est repudian- 
dam, sed retinendum, qaandoqui- 
dem tarn in reteri qukm in noTO 
per Christum qui unicus est Media- 
tor Dei et hominum, Deus et homo, 
setema vita humano generi est pro- 
posita. Quare non sunt audicndi, 
qui Teteres tantum in promissiones 
temporarias sperasse confinguntt. 
[ 



] 



VI. 



The olde TestamerUe "fis not to be 
refused'^, 

fThe olde Testament is not to 
bee put awaio as though it were 
contrarie to the newo, but to be 
kept still: for bothe in the olde, 
and nowe Testamentes, euerlasting 
life is ofFred to mankinde by Christ, 
who is the onelie mediatour be- 
twene Godde and manne, being 
bothe Godde and manne. Where- 
fore thei are not to be hearde, 
whiche feigne that the olde Fathers 
didde looke onely for transitorie 
promises f. 

[ 



APPENDIX III. 



285 



1563. 

firmanda non adhibet : ut sunt 

Tertius et quartus Esdne. 

Sapientia. 

Jesus Alius Syrach. 

Tobias. Judith. 

Libri Michabseorum. 2/ 

[ 



1571. 

it not applie them to establishe any 
doctrine. Such are these follow- 

yng: 

The third boke of Esdras. 

The fourth boke of Esdras. 

The booke of Tobias. 

The booke of Judith. 

The rest of the booke of Hester'. 

The booke of Wisdome. 

Josus the Sonne of Sirach. 

Baruch, the prophet. 

Song of the .3. Children. 

The storie of Susanna. 

Of Bel and the Dragon. 

The prayer of Manasses^. 

The .1. boke of Machab. 

The .2. Booke of Macba. 

All the bookcs of the newe Tes- 
tament, as they are commonly re- 
ceaued, we do receaue and accompt 
them for Canonicall. 

VJL 

Ofih^ Olde Testammt^. 

The olde Testament is not con- 
trary to the newe, for both in the 
olde and newe Testament^ euer- 
laetyng lyfe is offered to raankynde 
by Cbriste, who is the onlye medi- 
atour betweene God and man, being 
both God and man. Wherefore 
they are not to be hearde whiche 
faigne that the olde fathers dyd 
looke onlye for transitorie pro- 
mises. Although the lawe geuen 
from God* by Moyses, as touchyng 
ceremonies and rites, do not bynde 

^ The same hooks are enumerated in State Papers, 'Domestic,' Vol. zxvn. 
§ 40 (Jan. 31, 1563); whereas in what is termed a fair copy of that draft {Ihid, 
§ 41), the list is given a* in 1571, except that the first two hooks aire caUed The first 
book of Esdras and The second book of Esdras. In § 41, there is also no allusion 
to the canonical hooks of the New Testament. 

' Iiibros omnes] omnes libros O, E, 

' The rest of the booke of Hester] wamting in LB, 

^ Baruch... Manasses] wanting in LB. 

' none] in nouo E, * Touching the olde Testament LB, 

7 Testament] Tettamentes LB, D, " from God] wanting in LB, 



] 

Noui Testamenti Libros omnes ^ 
(ut uulgo recepti sunt) recipimus 
et habemus pro Canonicis. 

VJL 

De Veteri Testamento. 

Testamentum Tetus Nouo con- 
trarium non est, quandoquidem 
tam in Teteri quhm nono^ per 
Christum, qui vnicus est mediator 
Doi et hominum, Deus et Homo, 
setema vita humane generi est pro- 
posita. Quare maid sentiunt, qui 
Teteres tantikm in promissiones tem- 
porarias sperasse confingunt. Quan- 
quam Lex k Deo data per Mosen, 
quoad Ceremonias et ritns, Christi- 
anos non astringat, neque ciuilia 
eius prsecepta in aliqna Republica 



286 



APPENDIX III. 
1553. 1553. 



;i 
I 



ft 



n 



!■ 



k. 



] 

VII. 
iS^m&o^ <rta. 

Symbola tria, Niceni^, Athana- 
sii, ot quod Tulgo Apostolicum ap- 
pellatur, omniDO recipieoda sunt 
[ ]. Nam firmissimiB diTinanim 
Scriptararum testimoniig probari 
poBSunt'. 

VIII. 

PeeccUum OriginaU, 

Peccatum originis non est (at 
fabulantur Pelagiani, et hodie 

AnabaptistsB repetunt) in imi- 

tatione Adami situm, sed est yitium 
et deprayatio natursD cujuslibet ho- 
minis ex Adamo naturaliter propa- 
gati: qua fit ut ab originali jus- 
titia quam longissime dktet, ad ma- 
lum sua natura propendeat et caro 
semper adyersus spiritum concu- 
piscat : unde in unoquoque nascen- 
tiom, iram Dei atque damnationem 
meretur. Manet etiam in renatis 
hsDc natursB deprayatio, qua fit ut 
affectus camis, grsec^ (jipovrjfAa trap- 
Kos, quod^ alii sapientiam, alii sen- 
sum, alii affectum, alii studium 
[ ] yocant, legi Dei non sub- 

jiciatur. Et quamquam renatis et 



] 



vn. 

The three Credes\ 



The three Credes, Nicene Crede, 
Athanasius Crede, and that whiche 
is commonlie called the Apostles 
Crede, ought throughly to be re- 
ceiyed [ ] : for thei male be 
proued by most certeine warraontes 
of holie Scripture. 

vm. 

Of orxgincdl or births nnne. 

Originali sinne standeth not in the 
folowing of Adam, as the Pella- 
gianes doe yainelie talke, whiche 

also the Anabaptistes doe now 
a dales renue^ but it is the fault, 

and corruption of the nature of 
euery manne, that naturallie is en- 
gendred of the ofspring of Adam, 
whereby manne is yery farre gone 
from fhis former righteousnesse, 
whiche he had at his creation f and 
is of his owne nature f geuenf to 
euill, so that the flcshe desireth 
alwaies contrarie to the spirit, and 
therefore in eucry persone borne 
into thisworlde, it deseruethGoddes 
wrath and damnation: And this 
infection of nature doeth renudne, 
yea in theim that are baptized , 



^ A has Nicenum and adds inquam. 

' Tria symbola Niceni, Athanasii et Apostolorum recipienda sunt et probantur 
scripturis Bacrls /. 

^ Of. Hooper* s yd Article^ for that as these Creeds are in such wise taken out 
of the Word of Grod, they do containe in them the sum of all Christian doctrine. 

* sed est yitium et depravatio...(ra/>/c6s, quod] yerum in unoquoque nascentium 
iram Dei atque damnationem meretur, et naturam hominum ita yitiat et deprayat 
ut a prima institutione quam longissime distet. Manet etiam in renatis ooncupis* 



APPENDIX III. 



287 



1563. 

necessario recipi debeant: nihilo- 
minus tamen ab obedientia man- 
datorum, qu» Moralia Tocantur, 
nullus quantumuis ChriBtianas est 

BOlutUB^. 



VIII. 

Symbola tria^. 

Symbola tria, Nicienum, Atha- 
nasij, et quod Tulgo Apostolicum? 
appellatur, omnino recipienda sunt 
et credenda. Nam firmissimls 
Scripturarum testimonijs probari 
possunt. 

IX. 

Peeeatum Originale^^, 

Peccatum originis non est (vt 
fabulantur Pelagian!) in imitatione 
Adami situm, sed est yitium et de- 
prauatio natursa cuiuslibet bominis 
ox Adamo naturaliter propagati, 
qua fit, Tt ab originali iustitia qu^m 
longissime distet, ad malum sua 
natura propendeat, et caro semper 
aduersus spiritum concupiscat. Vn- 
de in rnoquoque nascentium, iram 
Dei atque damnationem meretur. 
Manet etiam in renatis hsec natune 
deprauatio; qua fit, ut affectus 
camis, grsece (f)p6vrjfjui a-apKbsy (quod 
alij sapientiam, alij sensum, alij af- 
fectum, alij studiumii [ ] in- 



1671. 

Christian men, nor the ciuiie pre- 
ceptes therof^ ought of necessitie 
to be receaued in any common 
wealth: yet notwithstandyng, no 
Christian man whatsoeuer, is free 
from the obedience of the com- 
maundementes, whiche are called 
morall^. 

Vlll. 

0/8 the three Credes, 

The three Credes, Nicene Crede, 
Athanasius Crede, and that whiche 
is commonlye called the Apostles' 
Crede, ought throughlye to be 
receaued and beleued: for they 
may be proued by most certayne 
warrauntes® of holye scripture. 

IX. 

Of originali or birth nnne. 

Originali sinne standeth not in 
the folowing of Adam (as the Pela- 
gians do yaynely talke) but it is the 
fault and corruption of the na- 
ture of euery man, that naturally is 
engendred of the ofspring of Adam, 
whereby man is very farre gone 
from originali ryghteousnes ^^ and 
is of his owne nature enclined ^^ to 
euyll, so that the fleshe lusteth^^ 
slwayes contrary to the spirite, and 
therefore in euery person borne 
into this worlde, it deserueth Gods 
wrath and damnation. And this 
infection of nature doth remayne, 
yea in them that are regenerated, 



centia et deprauatio natune, qua fit ut caro semper concupiscat adveraus spiritum, 

et affectus camis Gnece ^pdny/ui quod A . 

^ The latt clause of Art, vn. vxu transposed from Art. xix. of the elder series, 

' De Tribus Symbolis E. ^ Apostolicum] Apostolorum E, 

^ Of) wanting in LB, D. ' warrauntes] warraunties LB^ D. 

10 De Peccato Originali E. 

*^ ttudium] C adds camis in the margin. It is also found in E, 

'' originali ryghteousnes] his original! righteousnes /); his former ryghteous- 

nea which he had at his creation LB: (f. col. i, 

" enclmed] geuen LB. " lusteth] deniereth LB. 



288 



APPENDIX III. 



1553. 

eredendibuB nulla propter 
ett oondemnatiOy peccati tamen in 
seie rationemi habere oononpiBoen- 
tiam flitetor Apostolus. 



IX. 

De Ubero arbUrio, 

fAbsque gratia Dei, qusa per 
Christum esty nos preveniente ut 
yelimusy et cooperante dum toIu- 
mus, ad pietatis opera £ftcienda, 
qun Deo grata sint et accepta, 
nihil Talemusf. 



155S. 

wherby the lust of the fleshe called 
in Greke ^ponjfui trapishtf (whiche 
some do expoune, the wisedome, 
some sensualitie, some the affection, 
some the desire of the flesh) is not 
subiect to the lawe of GOD. And 
although there is no condemnation 
for theim that beleue, and are bap- 
tizedy yet the Apostle doeth con- 
fesse, that concupiscence, and lust 
hath of it self the nature of sinne. 

IX. 

Of free wilU, 

f We haue no power to dooe 
good woorkes pleasaunte, and ao* 
ceptable to God, with out the Grace 
of God by Christ, preuenting us 
that woe maie haue a good wille, 
and working in us, when we haue 
that wille f. 



X. 

De gratia. 

Gratia Christi, seu spiritus 
sanctus qui per eundem datur, 
cor lapideum aufert, et dat cor 
cameum. Atque licetex nolen- 
tibus qu£e recta sunt volentes 
faciat, et ex volentibus prava, 
nolentes reddat, Toluntati ni- 
hilominus violentiam nullam 
itifert. Et nemo hac de causa, 
cum peccaverit, seipsum ex- 
cusare potest, quasi nolens aut 
coactus peccaverit, ut eam ob 
causam* accusari non mere- 
atur aut damnari. 



X. 
Of Grace. 

The Grace of Christ, or the 
holie Ghost by him geuen dothe 
take awaie the stonie harte, 
and geueth an harte of fleshe. 
And although, those that haue 
no will to good thinges, he 
maketh them to wil, and those 
that would euil thinges, he 
maketh them not to wille the 
same: Yet neuerthelesse he 
enforcethnotthewil. And ther- 
fore no man when he sinneth 
can excuse himself, as not wor- 
thie to be blame<l or condemn- 
^, by alleging that he sinned 
unwillinglie, or by compulsion. 



^ in Bese ration em] rationem in sefie A. 
* ut earn ob cannaro] ideoque A. 



APPENDIX III. 



289 



1563. 

terpretantur) legi Dei non sabijcia- 
tur. Et quanqulUn renatis et ere- 
dentibuB nulla propter Chrutum 
est condemnation peocati tamen in 
sese rationem Jhabere concupiscen- 
tiam fatetor Apostolus. 



1671. 
whereby the luste of the fleshe, 
called in Greke <l>p^ita aapK&tf 
which some do ezpounde the wis- 
dome, some sensualitie, some the 
affection, some the desyre of the 
fleshe, is not subiect to the lawe of 
Qod. And although there is no 
condemnation for them that be- 
leue and are baptized: yet the 
Apostle doth confesse that concu- 
piscence and luste hath of it selfe 
the nature of synne. 



X. 

De Libero Arhiirio. 

Ea est hominis post lapsum Adse 
conditio, ut sese naturalibus suis 
Tiribus et bonis operibus ad (idem 
et invocationem Dei conuertere ac 
prceparare non possit : Quare abs- 
que gratia Dei, quse per Christum 
est, nos prsBueniente, ut uelimus, 
et cooperante dum Tolumus, ad 
pietatis opera facienda, quss Deo 
grata sint et accepta, nihil yalcmus. 



X. 

Of free wyll. 

The condition of man after the 
fall of Adam is suche, that he can 
not tumo and prepare hym selfe 
by his owne naturall strength and 
good workes, to fayth and calling 
▼pon God : Wherefore we haue no 
power to do good workes pleasaunt 
and acceptable to God, without the 
grace of God by Christe preuent- 
yng us, that we may haue a good 
wyll, and workyng with vs', when 
we haue that good wylL 



' with ys] in TB LB, JDi rf, eci, i. 



H. A. 



19 



290 



APPENDIX UU 



1553. 

XL 

De H(mimu jutUfieatione. 

j" Jiutificatio ex sola fide Juu 
C^rtitiy eo senfiu qao in Homelia de 
Justiftcationo explicatur, est certis- 
sima et saluberrima Christianorum 
doctrinat* 



1558. 

XL 

Of the Jtutifieatian ofnumneK 

t Justification by onely faith In 
Jesus Christ in that sence, as it la 
declared in the homelie of Justifica- 
tion, is a moste certeine, and hole- 
some doctrine for Christien mennet* 



t 



] 



XII. 

Opera ante justificationem. 

Opera quse fiunt ante gratiam 
Chris ti, et Spiritus ejus afflatum, 
cum ex fide Jesu Cbristi non prod- 
eant, minime Deo grata sunt. Ne- 
que gratiam (ut multi vocant^) de 
congruo merentur: Imo cum non 
sints facta ut Deus ilia fieri voluit 
et procepit, peccati rationem ha* 
here non dubitamus. 



XIL 



Workea before Justification. 

Workcs done before the Grace 
of Chris te and the inspiratione of 
his spirite are not pleasaunt to 
GOD, forasmoche as thei spring 
not of faithe in Jesu Christe, nei- 
ther do thei make menne mete to 
receiue Grace, or (as the Scheie 
aucthoures sale) deserue grace of 
congruitie: but because thei are 
not done as god hath willed and 



^ Teach the justification of man to come only by the faith of Jesun Christ and 
not by the merit of any mans good workes, Hooper's ph Article, 

' fiunt ante gratiam... vocant] fiunt ante justificationem cum ex fide Jesu 
Christi non prodeant minime Deo grata eunt^ neque gratiam ut multi vocant A, 

' sint] sunt /. 



APPENDIX III. 



291 



1663. 
XI. 

De Hominis lustificatione, 

TantCim propter meritum Domini 
ac Seruatoris nostri lesu Christi, per 
fidem, Don propter opera ct merita 
nostra, iusti coram Deo repatamur^ : 
Quare sola fide nos iiutificari, doc- 
trina est saluberrima, ac consola- 
tionis plenissima: ut in Homilia de 
luBtificatione hominis fusiiis expli- 
catur. 

XIL 

De bonis OperUnu, 

Bona opera quce sunt fructus 
fidoi et iustificatos sequuntur, quan- 
quam peccata nostra ezpiari? et 
diuini iudicij seueritatem ferre non 
possunt, Deo tamen grata sunt et 
accepta in Christo, atque ex uera et 
uiua fide necessario profluunt, ut 
plane ex illis, nque fides uiua cog- 
nosci possit, atque arbor ex fructu 
iudicari. 

XIII. 

Opera ante Ituti/icationem^. 

Opera quro fiunt ante gratiam 
Christi, et spiritus eius afSatum, 
cum ex fide lesu Christi non prod- 
eant, minimi Deo grata sunt : ne- 
que gratiam (ut multi® uocant) de 
congruo merentur: Imo cum non 
sint facta ut Deus ilia fieri uoluit et 
pnecepit, peccati rationem habere 
non dubitamus. 



1671. 
XI. 

Of the itutificcUion of man. 

We are accqmpted righteous be- 
fore Qod, only for the merite of our 
Lord and sauiour Jesus Christe, by 
faith, and not for our owne workes 
or deseruynges. Wherefore, that 
we are iustified by fayth onely, is 6 
a most wholesome doctrine, and 
very fuU^ of comfort, as more 
largely is expressed in the Homilie 
of iustification. 

XII. 

Of good workes. 

Albeit that good workes, which 
are the fruites of fayth, and folowe 
after iustification, can not put away 
our sinnes, and endure the seueritie 
of Gods iudgement: yet are they 
pleasing and acceptable to God in 
Christe, and do spring out necessa- 
rily of a true and liuely fayth, iu 
so muche that by them, a lyuely 
fayth may be as euidently knowen, 
as a tree discerned by the fruit. 

xm. 

(yio workes before iustifieation. 

Workes done before the grace of 
Christe, and the inspiration of his 
spirite, are not pleasaunt to God, 
forasmuche as they spring not of 
fayth in Jesu Christ, neither do 
they make men meete to receaue 
grace, or (as the schole aucthoors 
saye) deserue grace of congmitie: 
yea rather for that^^ they are not 
done as GOD hath wylled and com-^ 



^ reputamnr] reputemur C, E, 

« is] it is LB, D (but corrected in the latter). • very full] full LB, 

^ expiari] expiare C, E. ^ De operibus ante justificationem E, 

' multi = Schole-aucthors. The same is observable in the dder Articles, 

w Of] wanting in LB, D. 

^^ Yea rather for that] but because LB : ef. ool, 9. 

19—2 



292 



APPENDIX III. 



1553. 



1558. 

commaanded theim to bee dono, 
wo doubt not, but thei haue the 
nature of sinne^. 



xni. 

Opera SupererogcUionis. 

Opera quss Supererogationis ap- 
'pellaiit, non possunt sine arrogantia 
et impietate prsedicari, nam illis^ 
declarant homines non tan turn se 
Deo reddere qnsB tenenturS, sed 
plus in ejus gratiam facere quam 
deberent: cum aperte Christus di- 
cat, Cum feceritis omnia qucBCunque 
praseepta sunt vobis, dkite: Servi in- 
fMes iumtu. 



XIIL 

Woorkes of Supererogation, 

Volnntarie woorkes besides, oaer, 
and aboue Goddes commaunde- 
mentes, whiche thei cal woorkes of 
Supererogation, cannot be taught 
without arrogancie, and f iniqaU 
tief. For by theim menne dooe 
declare, that thei dooe not onely 
rendre to GOD, as moche as thei 
are bounde to dooe, but that thei 
dooe more for his sake, then of 
boundenduetie is required: Where- 
as Chris te saieth plainelie: when 
you haue dooen al that are com- 
maunded you, sale, We be unprofit- 
able soruauntes. 



XIV. 

Nemo prceter Christum est sine 
peccato, 

Christus in nostne naturse veri- 
tate, per omnia similis factus est 
nobis, excepto peccato, a quo pror- 
8US crat immunis, tum in came turn 
in spiritu. Venit^ ut agnus absque^ 
macula esset, qui mundi peccata per 
immolationem sui semel factam<^ 
toUeret: et peccatum (ut inquit 
Joannes) in eo non erat Sed nos 
reliqui etiam baptizati, et in Christo 
regenerati, in multis tamen offendi- 
mus omnes, ef^ si dixerimus quia 
peccatum non habemus, nos ipsos 



XIV. 

No man is without sinne, but Christe 

alone* 

Christe in the tnieth of our na- 
ture was made like unto us in al 
thinges, sinne onely except, from 
whiche he was clearelie uoide bothe 
in his fleshe, and in his spirite. 
He came to be the lambe without 
spotte, who by sacrifice of himself 
made ones for euer, should take 
away the sinnes of the worlde: and 
sinne (as Saint Jhon saieth) was 
not in him. But the rest, yea, al* 
thoughe we bo baptized, and borne 
againe in Christe, yeat we all of- 



^ albeit that good workes do necessarily follow justification ; the which before 
justification are of no value or estimation before God, Hooper^s 'jth Article, 

* illis] ilia /. ' tenentur] teneantur /. 

* Venit] Venit enim /. ^ absque] sine /. 
' semel factam] warUing in J. 

' etiam baptizati...omnes, et] quicunque sumus J, 



APPENDIX III. 



293 



1563. 



1571. 
maunded them to be done» we 
doubt not but they haue the na* 
ture of synne. 



XIV. 

Opera Supererogatumis^, 

Opera qun suporerogationiB ap- 
pellant, non possunt sine arrogantia 
et impietate prsedicari. Nam illis 
declarant homines non tantum se 
Deo reddere quce tenentur, sed plus 
in eios gratiam facere quam debe- 
rent: cum apertd Cbristus dicat: 
Cum feceritis omnia qusocunque 
prsecepta sunt nobis, dicite: Semi 
inutiles sumus. 



XIV. 

0/9 worhea of mpererogoHon. 

Voluntarie workes besydes, ouer 
and aboueGods commaundementes^ 
which they call workes of superero- 
gation, can not be taught without 
arrog^cie and impieiie. For by 
them men do declare that they do 
not onely render ynto God as muche 
as they are bounde to do, but that 
they do more for his sake then of 
bounden duetie is required : Wher- 
as Christe sayth playnly, When ye 
haue done al that are commaunded 
to youi^ say, We be vnprofitable 
seruantcs. 



XV. 

Nemo prcBter Christum sine peccaio ^ i . 

Chrisius in nostrse naturse ueri- 
tate per omnia simiiis factus est 
nobis, excepto peccato, k quo pror- 
sus erat immunis, turn in camo turn 
in spiritu. Venit, ut Agnus absque 
macula esset^^, qui mundi peccata 
per immolationem sui semol factam, 
tolloret : et peccatum (ut inquit lo- 
annes) in co non erat. Sed nos 
reliqui, etiam baptizati, et in Ghristo 
regenerati, in multis tamcn offendi- 
mus omnes : Et si dixerimus quia^^ 



XV. 

Of Christe alone without sinne"^*, 

Christe in the trueth of our na- 
ture, was made lyke vnto ts in al 
thingcs (sinno only except) from 
which ho was clearley voyde, both 
in his fleshe, and in his spirite. Ho 
came to be the lambe without spot, 
who by the sacrifice of hym self 
once made^^, shouldc take away the 
sinnes of the worlde : and sinne, (as 
S. John sayeth) was not in hym. 
But al we the rest, (although bap- 
tized, and borne agayue in Chrbte) 



8 De operibufl Supererogationis E» • Of] wanting in LB, D, 

1° to you] wanting in LB, 

^^ Nemo prseter Christum est sine peccato E. 

!• enset] wanting in E. It exist*, however, in other copies of 157 1. 

^' quia] S&tne modem editions have quod, hut without authority, 

^^ No man is without sinne but Chryst alone LB, D. 

^' once made] made once for euer LB. 



894 



APPENDIX III. 



1558. 
■edadmiu, et Veritas in nobis non 
ait. 



XV. 

D§ peeoato fm $piriiwn 9emctum'\. 

Non omne peccatum mortale post 
Li^Hismum Tolnntarie porpetratom, 
ait peccatum in spiritum sanctam et 
irremissibile : proinde lapsis k bap* 
tismo in peccata, locos penj^ntiae 
non est negandus* Post aeceptum 
ipiritom sanctam possumus k gratia 
data recedere atque peccare, denuo- 
que per gratiam Dei resui^gere ac 
raipisoere. Ideoque illi damnandi 
sunt* qui se quamdiu hio rlranty 
amplius non posse peccare affirm- 
anty ant rere resipiscentibus pceni- 
tentiee locum denegant. 



XVI. 

Blasphemia in Spiritum 
Sanctum. 

Blasphemia in Spiritum Sanc- 
tum, est cum quis Verborum 
Dei manifesto perceptam veri- 
tatem, ex malitia et obfirma- 
tione animi, convitiis insecta- 
tur, et hostiliter insequitur. 
Atque hiyusmodi, quia male- 
dicto sunt obnoxii^, gravissi- 
mo sese astringunt sceleri. 
Unde peccati hoc genus irre- 
missibile k Domino appellatur, 
ets afiirmatur. 



1553. 
fende in many tliinges : and if wo 
side, we baue no sinne, wee deoeiue 
our selues, and the trueth is not in 



us. 



OfBxwM ^agfnntt ike koliB Ohmte f. 

Euery deadlie sinne willinglie 
committed after Baptisme, Is not 
sinne against the holio Ohosty and 
unpardonable : wherfore the place 
for penitentes. Is not to bee denied 
to soche as fiidl into sinne after Bi^ 
tisme. After we haue receiued the 
holie Ohoste, we maie departe from 
grace geuen, and fall into sinne, and 
by the grace of QOD wee mue rise 
again, and amende our lines. And 
thorfore the! are to be condemned, 
whiche saie, thei can no more sinne 
as long as thei liro here, or denie 
the place for penitentes to soche as 
trulie repent, and amende their 
lines. 

XVI. 

Blasphcmie against the holie 
Ghoste. 

Blas^hemie against the holie 
Ghost IS, when a man of malice 
and stubbumesse of minde, 
doeth raile upon the trueth of 
goddes word manifestlie per- 
ceiued, and being enemie ther- 
untoi)ersecuteth the same. And 
because soche be guilty of 
Goddes curse^ thei entsmgle 
themselues with a moste grieu- 
ous, and hainous crime, wher- 
upon this kinde of sinne is caU- 
ed and affirmed of the Lorde, 
vnpardonable. 



^ A adds et reprobi per pcenitentiam non ampliui restitui postunt. 
' appelUtur et] wanting in A» 



APPENDIX III. 



295 



1563. 
peccatum non habomus, nos ipsoB 
seducimus, et reritas in nobis non 
est 

XVL 

De Lapsis post Baptiimum*, 

Non omne peccatum mortale 
post baptismum uoluntarid perpe- 
tratum, est peccatum in Spiritum 
sanctum et irremissibile. Proinde 
lapsis k baptismo in peccata, locus 
poBoitentioB non est negandus. Post 
acceptum spiritum sanctum, possu- 
mus k gratia data recedere atque 
peccare, denuoque per gratlam Dei 
resurgere ac rcsipiscero. Ideoque 
illi damnandi sunt, qui se quamdiu 
hie yiuanty amplius non posse pec- 
care afilrmant, aut yerd resipiscen- 
tibus pcBDitentice^ locum denegant. 



1571. 
yet offended in many thinges, and 
if we say we haue no sinne, we de- 
ceaue our selues, and the trueth is 
not in Ts. 

XVL 

0/sinne after Baptisme, 

Not euery deadly sinne willingly 
committed after baptisme, is^ sinne 
agaynst the holy ghost, and mpar- 
donable. Wherefore, the graunt of 
repentaunce^ is not to be denyed 
to such as fal into sinne after bap- 
tisme. After we haue receaued the 
holy ghost, we may depart from 
grace geuen, and fall into sinne, 
and by the grace of Qod (we may) 
aryse^ agayne and amend our lyues. 
And therefore, they are to be con- 
demned, whiche say they can no 
more sinne as long as they lyue 
here, or denie the place of forgeue- 
nesse to such as truely repent^. 



^ al we the re8t...oflfexid] we the reste although baptised and borne againe in 
ChriBte, yet we all offende, D : the rest, although we be baptised, and borne again 
in Chryste, yet we offende LB: cf, col. 2, 

* De peccato post Baptismom E: De peccato in Spiritum Sanctum C, 

» pcenitentiaB] veniw E. « Not euery... is] Euery... is not LB: rf. col. 1. 

^ graunt of repentaunoe] plaoe for penitence LB, J) : cf. place for penitentes 
col. 1. 

" aryse] lyse LB\cf, eol» 4. * LB addi and amende theyr lyuet: </. col, i. 



296 



APPBMDIX IIL 



1653. 

xvn 

De PrcedeiHnaHone et Eleeiione, 
Pnedestinatio ad ritam est eeter- 
num Dei propoBitum, quo ante 
Jacta mundi fundamenta buo con- 
silioy nobis quidem occalto, con- 
staoter decrerit eos qnos [ ] 

el^t ex hominum genere, a male- 
dicto et exitio liberare, atqae ut 
Tasa in honorem efficta, per Chris- 
tum ad sBtemam salutem adducere h 
nnde qui tarn prseclaro Dei bene- 
licio sunt donatio, lllis, spiritu ejus 
opportune tempore operante, se- 
cundum propositum ejus vocantur, 
Tocationi per gratiam parent^ jus- 
tificantur gratis, adoptantur in filios, 
unigeniti Jesu Christi imagini effi- 
ciuntur conformes, in bonis open- 
bus sancte ambulant, et demum ex 
Dei misericordia pertingunt ad sem- 
piteniam felicitatem. 

Quemadmodum prsedestinationis 
et electionis nostne in Christo pia 
consideratio, dulcis, suavis, et inef- 
fabilis consolationis plena est yere 
piis, et his qui sentiunt in se vim 
spiritus Christi, facta camis, et 
membra quse adhuc sunt super ter- 
ram mortificantem, animumque ad 
coelestia et superna rapientem, tum 
quia fidem nostram de oeterna 
salute consequenda per Christum ^, 
plurimum stabilit atque confirmat; 
tum quia amorem nostrum in 
Deum Tehementer accendit: Ita 
hominibuB curiosis, carnalibus, et 
spiritu Christi destitutis, ob oculos 
perpctuo versari pra>destinationis 
Dei sententiam, perniciosissimum 
est prsecipitium, unde illos diabolus 
pertrudit yel in despcrationem, Tel 

^ adducere] perducere A, 

* illi] %Danting in A, 

* oonflequenda per Christum] 



1563. 

XVIL 
Of predetHnaUon and decHoru 
Predestination to life, is the 
euerlasting purpose of God, where- 
by (before the foondadons of the 
worlde were laied) he hath eon- 
Btantlie decreed by his owne 
judgemente secrete to tb, to deliaer 
from curse, and damnation those 
whom he hath chosen [ ] 

out of mankinde, and to bring 
them to euerlasting saluatjon by 
Christ, as Tesselles made to honour: 
whereupon, soche as haue so ex- 
cellent a benefite of GOD geuen 
unto theim be called, according to 
Goddes purpose, by his spirite» 
woorking in due seasone, thei 
through grace obeie the callings 
thei be justified frely, thei be jaande 
sonnes by adoptione, thei bee made 
like the image of Goddes onely 
begotten sonne Jesu Christe, thei 
walke religiouslie in goode woorkes, 
and at length by Goddes mercie, 
thei atteine to euerlasting fclicitie. 
As the Godiie consideration of 
predestination, and our election in 
Christe is ful of swete, pleasaunte, 
and Tnspeakable coumfort to god- 
lie persones, and soche as feele 
in themselues the woorking of the 
spirito of Christi, mortifiyng the 
workes of the flesh, and their 
earthlie membres, and drawing yp 
their minde to high and hcauenly 
thinges, asvrel because it doeth 
greatly stablish and confirme their 
faith of eternal saluation to bee 
enloied through Christe, as because 
it dooeth feruentlie kindle their 
loue towardes Godde : So for 

' donati] affecti A. 
* parent] credunt A . 
per Christum consequenda A, 



APPENDIX III. 



297 



1563. 

xvn. 

De PrcBdestinatione et Eleetione, 
Pnedestinatio ad uitam, est seter-^ 
num Dei propositam, quo ante iacta 
mundi fundamenta, buo consilio, 
nobis quidem occulto, constanter 
decreuit, eos quos in Gliristo elegit 
ex hominum genere, k maledicto ct 
exitio liberare, atque ut uasa in 
bonorem efficta, per Cbristum ad 
SBtemam salutem adducere: Vnde 
qui tarn prseclaro Dei beneficio sunt 
donati, illi spiritu eius opportune 
tempore operante, secundum pro- 
positum eius uocantur: uocationi 
per gratiam parent: iustificantur 
gratis: adoptantur in filios: vni- 
geniti lesu Cbristi imagini efficiun- 
tur conformes: in bonis operibus 
sanct6 ambulant : et demi^m ex Dei 
misericordia pertingunt ad sempi- 
ternam foelicitatcm. 

Quemadmodum Prssdestinatio- 
nis et Electionis nostne in Christo 
pia consideration dulcis, suauis et 
ineffabilis consolationis plena est 
Terd pijs et his qui sentiunt in se 
uim spiritus CHRISTI, facta camis 
et membra qu86 adhuc sunt super 
terram mortificantem, animumque 
ad coelestia et supema rapientem, 
turn quia (idem nostram de astema 
salute consequenda per Cbristum 
plurimum stabilit atque confirmat, 
tum quia amorem nostrum in Deum 
uehementeraccendit: itabominibus 
curiosis,camalibus,et spiritu Cbristi 
destitutis, ob oculos perpetu6 rer- 
sari Prsedestinationis Dei senten- 
tiam, pemiciosissimum est prsecipi- 



1671. 

XVII. . 

Of predestination and ekcHon. 

Predestination to lyfe, is tbo 
euerlastyng purpose of God, wher- 
by (before the foundations of the 
world were layd) he hath constantly 
decreed by his councell secrete to 
Ts^ to deliuer from curse and dam- 
nation, those whom he hath chosen 
in Christe out pf mankynde, and to 
bryng them by Christe to euerlast- 
yng saluation, as ressels made to 
honour. Wherefore^ they which 
be indued with so excellent a bene- 
fite of God*, be called accordyng to 
Gods purpose by his spirite workyng 
in due season: they through grace 
obey the callyng: they be iustifted 
freely: they be made sonnes of 
God by adoption: they bo made 
lyke the imago of his onelye be- 
gotten Sonne Jesus Christe: they 
walke religiously in good workes, 
and at length by Gods mercy, they 
attaino to euerlastyng felicitie. 

As the godly consyderation of 
predestination, and our election in 
Christe, is full of sweete, pleasaunt, 
and ynspeakeablo comfort to godly 
persons, and such as feele in them- 
sclues the working of the spirite of 
Christe, mortifying the workes of 
the fleshe, and their earthlye mem- 
bers, and drawing yp their myndo 
to hygh and hcauenly tbinges, as- 
well because it doth greatly esta- 
blyshe and confirme their fayth of 
eternal saluation to be enioyed 
through Christy as because it doth 
feniently kindle their lone towardes 



* by his councell secrete to us] wanting in LB: <;/. col, i. 

^ "Wherefore] Where vpon LB: rf. col. 2. 

" they which be indued with so excellent a benefite of God] such as haue so 
excellent a benefite of God, giuen vnto them LB : they which be end«ed with so 
excellent a benefite of Grod, geyen unto them '/>. 



298 



APPENDIX IIL 



1663. 
in nque pernioioiam impuriMinm 
Tit» Mcaritatem. 



Deinde licet prsBdestinati- 
onis decreta^ sunt' nobis ig- 

nota» promiuioQeB tamen dinnas* 
tio ampleoti oportety ut nobis in 
•aorii Uteris generaliter proposite 
sont: et Dei Tolantas in nostris ac- 
tionilms ea sequends est, qusm in 
Verbo Dei babemus diserte rerela- 
tam. 

xvra. 

Taniwn in nomins ChriiH tperanda 
est CBtema atUus, 

Sunt et illi anathematizandi qui 
dicere audent, unumquemque in 
lege aut secta quam profitetur esse 
serrandum^, modo juxta illam et 
lumen natune accurate" vixerit: 
cum sacrso literro tantum Jesu 
Christi nomen prsedicent in quo 
salros fieri homines oporteat. 



XIX. 

Omnea ohligaivtur ad moralia 
leffis prcecepta servanda. 

Lex k Deo data per Mosen, 
licet quoad ad caeremonias et 
ritus Christianos nonastringat, 



15S3. 
curionsy and carnall personea lack- 
ing the Spirite of Christy to luuie 
contlnualUe before their jiea the 
sentence of Goddes predestination, 
is a moste daungerous dounefally 
whereby the Deuill male thrust 
them either into desperation, or 
into a reohielesnesse of most rur 
cleane lining} no lesse perilous 
then desperation. 

Furthermore, although the De- 
crees of predestination are vn- 
Imowen unto us, yeat we most 
receiue Goddes promises, in soche 
wise as thei bee generallie setfoorth 
to TS in holie Scripture, and in our 
doinges that wille of Godde is to 
be folowed, whiche we bane ex- 
presselie declared mto us in the 
woorde of Godde. 

xvni. 

Wee muit trtute to ohteine eternal 
Sdluation onely by the name of 
Christe. 

Thei also are to be had accursed, 
and abhorred that presume to saie, 
that euery man shalbe saued by 
the Lawe, or secte whiche he pro- 
fesseth, so that he bee diligente to 
frame his life according to that 
Lawe, and the lighte of Nature: 
For holle Scripture doeth sette out 
vnto TS onely the name of Jesu 
Christ, wherby menne must be 
sauod. 

XIX. 

All men are botinde to kepe 
the moral commaunde- 
mentes of the Lawe. 

The Lawe, whiche was geuen 
of GOD by Moses, although it 



1 A adds qaatenus homines de hominibus judicare possunt. ' sint A. 

' A adds in a parenlhetit qoibus fides inniteiu oertos nos reddit de nofltn salate. 

* esse lenrandumj trampoted in A. * accurate] innooenter A. 



APPENDIX III. 



299 



1563. 
tium, unde illos Disbolus protrudit, 
uel in desperationem, uel in cequd 
perniciosam impurlssimee yitGBsecu- 
ritatem. 



Deinde promissioDes diuinas sic 
amplecti oportet, ut nobis in sacria 
Uteris generaliter propositse sunt: 
et Dei yoluntas in nostris actioni- 
bus ea sequenda est, quam in uerbo 
Dei habemus disert^ reuelatam. 



1671. 
God: So, for curious and carnal 
persons, lacking the spirite of 
Ghriste, to haue continually before 
their eyes the sentence of Gods 
predestination, is a most daungerous 
downefall, whereby the deuyll doth 
thrust them either into desperation, 
or into rechelesnesse of most rn- 
cleane liuing, no lesse perilous then 
desperation. 

Furthermore, wo must receaue 
Gods promises in such wyse, as 
they bo generally set foorth to ts 
in holy scripture: and in our 
doynges, that wyl of God is to be 
folowed, which we haue expreslye 
declared ynto ts in the worde of 
God. 



XVIII. 

Tantttm in nomine Christi speranda 
est astema salus^, 

Srnt illi^ anathematizandi qui 
dicere audent, mumquemque in 
Lege aut secta quam profitotur, 
esse seruandum, modo iuzta illam 
et lumen naturas accurate vixerit: 
cilm sacne literse tantumlesu Christi 
nomen prsedicent, in quo saluos 
fieri homines oporteat 



xvin. 

Ofohtaynyng etemall acdtuxHon, only 
by the name of Christe^. 

They also are to be had accursed, 
that presume to say, that euery man 
shal be saued by the lawe or sect 
which he professeth, so that he be 
diligent to frame his lyfe accordyng 
to that lawe^ and the light of 
nature. For holy scripture doth 
set out Tnto ts onely the name of 
Jesus Christe, whereby men must 
be saued. 



* Be speranda setema Salute tantmn in Nomine Christi E, 
7 iUi] et ilU C, E. 

" We must trust to obteyne etemall saloatioD, only by the name of Chryit 
LB,D. 

* that lawe] the lawe i>. 



806 



APPENDIX III. 



1663. 

neqne dvilia ejus prsecepta in 
ali(|ua Bepub. necessano re- 
cipi debeant, nihilominus ab 
obedientia mandatorum qua; 
Moralia vocantur, nullus quan- 
tumvifl Christianus est solu* 
tus. Quare Uli non sunt audi* 
endi, ^ui sacras literas tantum 
infirmis datas esse perhibent, 
et spiritum perpetud jactant^ 
it quo sibi qusd prsedicant 
suggeri asserunt, quanquam 
cum sacris literis apertissime 
pugnent. 



XX. 

De Eeclma. 

Ecclesia Christi visibilis^ est coa- 
tus fidelium, in quo yerbum Dei 
purum pnedicatur, et Sacramenta 
quoad ea qu» necessario^ exigun- 
tur, jnxta Christi institutum recto 
administrantur. 

8icut errarit Ecclesia Hyeroso- 
lymitana, Alexandrina et Antioche- 
na, ita et errarit Ecclesia Romana, 



1663. 

binde not Christian menne, 
as concerning the Ceremonies, 
and Bites of the same : Neither 
is it required, that the Ciuile 
Pr^^eptes and Ordres of it 
shoulae of necessitie bee re- 
ceiued in any commune weale : 
Yet no manne, (bee he neuer 
so i)erfeicte a Christian) is ex- 
empte and lose from the Obe- 
dience of those Commaunde- 
mentes, whiche are called 
Moral. Wherfore thei are not 
to be barkened vnto, who 
affirme that holie Scripture is 

Seuen onlie to the weake, and 
o boaste theimselues con- 
tinually of the spirit, of whom 
(thei sal) thei naue learned 
soche thinges as thei teache, 
although the same be most 
euidently repugnaimt to the 
holie Scripture. 

XX. 

Of the Church^. 

The yisible Ohurche of Christ, is 
a congregation of faiethfull Menne, 
in the whiche the pure worde of 
God is preached, and the sacra- 
mentes be duelie ministred, accord- 
ing to Christes ordinaunce, in all 
those thinges that of necessitie aro 
requisite to the same. 

As the Churche of Jerusalem, of 



^ viflibilifl] foantinff in /. 

' necosaario] wanting in J. 

• The Church of God Lb the congregation of the faithful wherein the Word of 
God in truly preaohed, and the sacraments iustly ministered according to the insti- 
tution of Christ, and his doctrine taught unto us by his holy Word, Hooper's ^h 
Article, Ht then proceeds, The Church of God is not by God's Word taken for 
the multitude or company of men as bishops, priests, and such other, but that it 
is the company of all men hearing God's Word and obeying unto the same : lest 
that any man should be seduced beUeving himself e to be bound unto any ordinary 
Buocession of bishops and priests, but only unto the Word of God and to the right 
use of his sacraments. 



APPENDIX IlL 301 

1563. 1571. 



XIX. 

De Ecclma. 

Ecclesia Christ! uisibilis est coe- 
tu8 fidelium, in quo uerbum Dei 
purum prsedicatur, et^ sacramenta, 
quoad ea quee necessario exigun- 
tur^ iuxta Christl institutum rectd 
administrantor. Sicut errauit ec- 
clesia Hierosolymitana, Aloxandrina 
et Antiochena: ita et errauit Ec- 
clesia Romana, non soICim quoad 
agenda et csaremoniarum ritus, ue- 
rum in hijs etlam qu» credenda 
sunt. 



XIX. 

Of the Church, 

The yisible Church of Christe, 
is a congregation of faythfull men, 
in the which the pure worde of 
God is preached, and the Sacra- 
montoft be duely ministred, acoord- 
yng to Christes ordinannce in all 
those thynges that of necessitle are 
requisite to the same. 

As the Church of Hierusalem, 
Alexandria, and Antiocho haue 
erred : so also the Church of Rome 
hath^ erred, not only in their liuing 
and manor of ceremonies, but also 
in matters of fayth^. 



* et] ut E, {error of the prut), 

' exigontur] exigantur E, (jperhapg a timUar error), 

> hath] haue LB. 

^ matters of feyth] matters of theyr fayth LB: ef, col, i. 



302 



APPENDIX III. 



1553. 
non solam quoad agenda et cnre- 
monianim ritus^ Terum in his 
etiam qoao oredenda sunt. 

XXL 

Dt Eeehiia auihoritate. 

I ] Ecoleua non licet 

qaicqtiamS institaere^ quod yerbo 
Dei scripto adrenetur: neque 
unum Scriptuno locum tic exponere 
potest, ut idteri contradicat. Quare 
licet Ecclesia sit dlTinorum libro- 
mm testiB et conserratriz, attamen 
ut adrenus eoe nihil deceraere, ita 
pneter illos^ nihil credendum de 
mxseiiitate salutis debet obtrudere. 



1553. 
Alexandria* and of Antioche hath 
erred: So abo the Ghurcheof Rome 
hath erred, not onely in their lioing, 
but also in matiers of their faith. 



0/ths auethorUie of the Churehs. 

[ ] It is not lawefhlle for 

the Churche, to ordein any thing, 
that is contrarie to Ooddes worde 
writen, neither maio it so ezpoune 
one place of scripturOf that it be 
repugnaunt to an other. Wherforo 
although the churche be a witnetse 
and a keper of holie writte; yet as 
it ought not to decree any thing 
againste the same, so besides the 
same ought it not to enforco any 
thing to bee beleued for necessitie 
of saluation. 



xxn 

De authoritate ConctUorum Oene- 
raUum, 

Generalia Concilia sine jussu et 
Toluntate Principum congregari 
non possunt: et ubi convenerinty 
quia ex hominibus constant qui non 
omnes spiritu et fverbisf Dei re- 
guntur, et errare possunt et inter- 
dum errftrunt, etiam in his quso 
ad normam pietatis pertinent : ideo 
quiB ab illis constituuntur, ut ad 
salutem necessaria, neque robur 
habent neque authoritatom, nisi 
ostendi possunt h sacris literis esse 
desumpta^ 



XXII. 

Of the aucthoritU of general 
Counsailei, 

Genendl counsailes maie not be 
gathered together, without the com- 
maundementey and will of Princes : 
and when thai bo gathered (foras- 
moche as thei be an assemblie of 
men wherof all be not gouemed 
with the spirite, and woorde of 
GOD) thei maie erre, and some- 
time baue erred, not onely in 

worldlie matiers, but also in 

thinges perteining Tuto God. 
Wherefore thinges ordeined by 
theim, as necessarie to saluation, 
hauo neither strength, nor aucto- 



^ et cseremoniaram ritus] VfarUing in J. 

* qaicquam] quipplam A, ' instituere] constituere A, J. 

^ attamen ut ad7er8U8...illo8] ut prsBter illoB J, (a line is probably omitted), 

' A addt Possunt reges et pii magistratus non expectata condliorum generalium 
lententia aut convocatione in republica sua juxta Dei verbum de rebus religionis 
constituere. 



APPENDIX III. 



SOS 



1563. 



1671. 



XX. 

Dt EceUsuB axUoritate, 

Habet Ecclesla Ritus statuendi 
iu8, et in fidei controuersijs autori- 
tatem, quamuU^ Ecclesise non licet 
qiilcquam instituere, quod yerbo 
Dei scripto*^ aduer8etur,iiec^ unum 
scriptura) locum sic exponere potest, 
ut alteri contradicat. Quare licet 
Ecclesia sit diuinorum librorum tes- 
tis et conseruatriz, attamen vt ad- 
uersus eos niliil decemere, ita prse- 
ter illoB nihil credeudum de neces- 
sitate salutis debet obtrudere. 



XX. 

0/ the cMcthariUe of the Church, 

The Church liath power to de- 
cree Rites or Ceremonies, and auc- 
thoritie in controuersies of fayth: 
And yet^ it is not lawfull for the 
Church to ordayne any thyng that 
is contrarie to Gods worde written, 
neyther may it so expounds one 
place of scripture, that it be re- 
pugnaunt to another. Wherefore, 
although the Churche be a witoesse 
and a keper of holy writ: yet, as 
it ought not to decree any thing 
agaynst the same, so besides the 
same, ought it not to enforce any 
thing to be beleued for necessitie 
of saiuation. 

XXI. 

0/ the aucthoritie of generall Coun- 

eelUs. 

Qenerall Counsels may not be 
gathered together without the com- 
maundement and wyll of princes. 
And when they be gathered to- 
gether (forasmuche as they be an 
assemblie of men, wherof all be 
not gouemed with the spirite and 
word of God) they may erre, and 
sometyme haue erred, euen in 
thinges parteynyng ynto God. 
Wherfore thinges ordayned by 
them as necessary to saiuation, 
haue neyther strength nor auctho- 
ritie, ynlesse it may bo declared 

* Habet Ecclesia... qoamuis] wanting tn 0, E, and dtewhere. See above, p. 145. 
^ scripto] wanting in £, 

* nee] Deque C, E. 

* The Church... And yet] wanlting in LB, D. 

" verbis Dei] yerbo Dei ^. Itii wrrected from verbis into verbo m C. 
" ideo] ideoque ^. 



XXI. 

De autoritate Conciliorum Genera^ 

Hum, 

Generalia Concilia sine iussu et 
uoluntate principum congregari non 
possunt, et vbi conuenerint, quia ex 
hominibus constant, qui non omnes 
spiritu et f verbis f Dei i<> reguntur, 
et errare possunt, et interdum erra- 
runt, etiam in hijs quse ad normam 
pietatis pertinent: ideo^^ quss ab 
illis constituuntur, ut ad salutem 
necessaria, neque robur habent, ne- 
que autoritatem, nisi ostendi possint 
e sacris Uteris esse desumpta. 



804 



APPENDIX IIL 



1563. 



xxni. 

De PwrgaUnio. 

fScholasticoramf doctrina de 
Pargatorio, de Indalgentiis, de re- 
neratione et adoratione tum^ ima- 
ginum turn reliquiarum*, nee non 
de inTOcatione Banctorum, res est 
futilifl, inaniter conficta, et nuUis 
Scripturarum testimoniU innititur^ 
imo Yerbo Dei pemiciose contra- 
dioit'. 

XXIV. 

Nemo m EccUtia mimitret nm 
voeaUa, 

Non licot cuiquam sumere sibi 
manos pablice prcedicandi, aut ad- 
'ministrandi sacramenta in Ecclesia, 
niBi priuB fuerit ad hseo obeanda 
legitime Yocatus et miseas. Atque 
illos legitime rocatos et misses ex* 
istimare debemus, qui per homines, 
quibus potestas Tocandi ministros 
atque mittendi in vineam Domini 
publice concessa est in Ecclesia, co- 
optati fuerint et asciti in hoc opus. 



XXV. 

Agmdum est iii Ecclesia lingua ^^mb 
sit poptUo nota, 

fDecentissimum est et Verbo 
Dei maxime congruiti ut nihil in 



1658. 
ritie, onlesBO it male be declared, ihat 
thei be taken out of holie scripture. 

xxm. 

Of PurgaUnie, 

fThe doctrine of Scholeauo- 
thouresf concerning Purgatorie, 
Pardones, worshipping, and adora- 
tion as well of images, as of reliquea, 
and also inuocation of sainctes, is a 
fonde thing rainlie f feigned f, and 
grounded ypon no warraunt of scrip- 
ture, but rather repugnant to the 
woorde of God. 

XXIV. 

No manne mate minister in ths Conr 
gregationf except he he called. 

It is not lawful for any man to 
take ypon him the office of Pub- 
lique preaching, or ministrinji^ the 
sacramentes in the congregation^ 
before he be lawfulUe called, and 
sent to execute the same. And 
those we ought to iudge lawfullie 
called, and sent, whiche bo chosen, 
and called to this woorko by menne» 
who haue publiquo auctoritie geuen 
ynto them in the congregation, to 
cal, and sonde ministres into the 
Lordes yineyarde. 

XXV. 

Menne mttst speaks in the Congrega" 
tion in eoche toung, as the people 
vnderstandeth, 

fit is mosto semelie, and moste 



^ turn] cum A, 

* A addi de precatione pro defunctis. In like manner, we have in Hoopei'e gith 
Afiide, the doctrine of the Bcboolmen of purgatory, pardons, prayers for them 
that are departed out of this world, &c. 

' res est futilis...contradicit] nullis innititur scripturarum testimoniis, sed est 
res futilis et inaniter conficta /. 

^ Ko maner of person of his own private authority to take upon him to preach 
the Word of God or to minister his sacraments openly, Hooper* e \*jih Article, He 
addi thcU a latrful calling is to he known either by manifest sigips and tokens out 
of heaven, or els by such men unto whome appertaineth by office to appoint. 



APPENDIX III. 



305 



1563. 



xxn. 

De Purgatorio, 

Doctrina Romanensium de Pur- 
gatorlo, de lodulgentijs, de venera- 
tiooe et adoratione turn Imaginum 
turn Reliquiamm, nee non de inuo- 
catione Sanctorum, res est futilis, 
inaniter conficta, et nuUis Scriptu- 
rarum testimonijs innititur, imo 
verbo Dei contradicit*. 



1671. 
that they be taken oat of holy 
Scripture. 

XXIL 

Of Purgatorie. 

The Romishe doctrine concem- 
yng purgatorie, pardons, worship- 
ping and adoration as well of images^ 
as of reliques, and also inuocation 
of SainteSy is a fonde thing, Tainly 
inuented^f and grounded ypon no 
warranties of Scripture, but rather 
repugnaunt to the wordo of God. 



xxin. 

Nemo in Ecclesia ministret nisi 
uocatus^. 

Non licet cuiquam sumere sibi 
munus publice prsedicandi, aut ad- 
ministrsndi Sacramenta in Ecclesia, 
nisi prius fuerit ad hsec obeunda 
legitimd uocatus et missus. Atque 
illos, legitime uocatos et missos ex- 
istimare debemus, qui per homines, 
quibus potestas uocandi Ministros 
atque mittendi in uineam Domini 
public^ concessa est in Ecclesia, co- 
optati fueriut et asciti in hoc opus. 



XXIV. 

Agendum est in EccUsia lingrta qws 
sit populo nota^^. 

Lingua populo non intellecta 
publicas in ecclesia preces peragere» 
aut Sacramenta administrare, yerbo 



XXIII. 

Of miniitryng in the congregation^. 

It is not lawful for any man to 
take ypon hym the office of pub- 
lique preachyng, or ministring the 
Sacramentes in the congregation, 
before he be lawfully called and 
sent to execute the same. And 
those we ought to iudge lawfully 
called and sent, whiche be chosen 
and called to this worke by men 
who haue publique aucthoritie 
geuen ynto them in the congr^a- 
tion, to call and sonde minlstera 
into the Lordes yineyarde. 

XXIV. 

0/ speahyng in the congregation^ in 
mch a tongue as the people vnder^ 
standeth^K 

It is a thing playnely repugnaunt 
to the worde of God, and the cus- 



* contradicit] pemitiose contradicit C, {hut the adverb is run through), 
« inuented] fayned LB: cf, col. 2, ' warrantie] warrant 2>. 

^ De Vocatione ministrorum B, 

" No roan may minister in the congregation, except he be called LB, 2>. 
*® De Precibus publicis dicendis in Lingua Vulgari B, 

^^ Men must ^ake in the congregation in such tongue as the people under- 
standeih LB, J) : </. col. 2, 

H. A. 20 



306 



APPENDIX IIL 



1653. 

Eoclesia poblice legator aut recite- 
tor lingua populo ignota, idque Pau* 
liu fieri yetaity nisi adesset qui in- 
ierpretareturf. 



XXVI. 
Ih Saeramentis. 

Dominus noster Jesus Chris- 
tas Saeramentis numero j>au- 
dssimiSy observatu iacillimis, 
significatione prsestantissimis, 
Bocietatem noyi populi colli- 

Syit, sicuti est Baptismus et 
ena Domini >. 

c 

] 

Sacramenta non instituta sunt h, 
ChriBto ut spectarentur aut circum- 
ferrentur, sed ut rite illis uteremur : 
et in his duntaxat qui digno perci- 
piunt, salutarem habent effectum, 

idque non ex opere (ut quidam 
loquuntur) operato ; quae vox 
ut peregrina est et sacris Ute- 
ris ignota, sic pant sensum mi- 
nime pium^ sed admodum su- 

perstitiosum : qui rero indigne 
percipiunt, damnationem (ut inquit 
Paulus) sibi ipsis acquirunt^. 

Sacrameuta per Yerbum Dei in- 
stituta, non tantum sunt notco pro- 



1553. 

agreable to the woorde of God, that 
in the congregation nothing be 
oponlie readde^ or spoken in a 
tongue Tuknowen to the people i, 
the whiche thing S. Paulo didde 
forbidde, except some were presente 
that should declare the samef- 

XXVI. 

Of the SacramenUs* 

Our LORDE Jesus Christe 
hathe knitte toguether a com- 
panie of newe people with Sa- 
cramentes, moste fewe in num~ 
bre, moste easie to bee kepte, 
moste excellent in signinca- 
tionCy as is Baptisme^ and the 
Lordes Supper. 

[ 

] 

The Sacramentes were not or- 
deined of Christe to be gased vpon, 
or to be caried about, but that we 
shoulde rightlie use them. And in 
soche onely, as worthelie rceeiue 
the same, thei haue an wholesome 
cflTecte, and operacione, and yet not 

that of the woorke wrought*, 
as some men speake, whiche 
worde, as it is straunge, and 
vnknowen to hoUe Scripture: 
So it engendreth no Godlie, but 
averie supersticious sense. But 

thei that receiue the Sacramentes 



^ Hooper adds to vernacular langxtage due and distinct pronunciation. 

' A adds quae duo tantum in ecdesia pro saeramentis a Christo Domino sunt 
instituta et quae sola sacramentorum propriam rationem habent. — Albeit that the 
imposition of hands be tokens of the approbation of the ministers of the Church, 
according to the example of the Apostles, yet it may not therefore be called 
a sacrament by like reason as the other two sacraments are, J£oop€r*8 ^gth Article. 

' The Article in J ends here. 

^ Qui indigne ad baptismum et ad ccenam Domini accedunt quamquam perci- 
piunt sacramenta, non tamen rem et salutarem effectum sacramentorum sumunt, 
imo, quemadmodum Paulus dicit, damnationem sibi ipsis accersimt /. 

" not of any force by vertue or strength of any outward worke of the same 
(which of superstition is called opus operatum) but only by the vertue and meanes 
of the Holy Ghost, Ifooper^s 2^th Artide, 



APPENDIX III. 



307 



1563. 

Dei et primitiu» Eocleeiao consue- 
tudini pland repug;nat. 



XXV. 

De Sacramentis. 

Sacramenta H Christo instituta, 
non tantum sunt notso professionis 
Christianorum, sed certa quicdam 
potius testimonia, et efficacia signa 
gratise atque bonae in nos uoluntatis 
Dei, per qu88 inuisibilitcr ipso in 
nobis <^ operatur, nostr^mque fidem 
in se, non solum excitat, uerum- 
ctiam confirmat. 

Duo h, Christo Domino nostro in 
Euangelio instituta sunt Sacramen- 
ta, scilicet Baptismus et Coena Do- 
mini. 

Quinque ilia uulgo nominata Sa- 
cramenta, scilicet, Confirmatio, Poe- 
nitentia, Ordo, Matrimonium, et Ex- 
trcma unctio, pro sacramentis euan- 
gelicis habenda non sunt, ut qua) 
partim a praua Apostolonim imita- 
tiono profluxerunt<^, partim uitso 
status sunt in scripturis quidem pro- 
bati, sed sacramentorum eandem 
cilm baptismo et coena Domini ra- 
tionem non habentes: quomodo nee 
Poenitentia^, ut qusesignum aliquod 
uisibile sou croremoniam a Deo in- 
stitutam^ non habeat^<). 

Sacramenta non in hoc instituta 
sunt k Christo, ut spectarentur, aut 
circnmferrentnr, sed ut ritd illis ute- 
remur : et in hijs duntaxat qui dignd 
percipiunt, salutarem habent effec- 

^ nobis] nos £, 

' quomodo neo Poenitentia] omitted in 
1563 in State Papers, Vol. xxvii. § 41 A. 
' institutam] institum £. 
" Vnction] annoyliDg LB, D: cf, col. -: 



1671. 

tome of the primitiue Ghorche, 
to haue publique prayer in the 
Churche, or to minister the Sacra- 
mentes in a tongue not mder- 
standed of the people. 

XXV. 

Of the Sacramenies. 

Sacramentes ordaynedof Christe, 
be not onely badges or tokens of 
Christian mens profession : but 
rather they be certaine sure wit- 
nesses and effectuall signes of grace 
and Gods good wyll towardes ys, by 
the which he doth worke inuisiblie 
in Ts, and doth not only quicken, 
but also strengthen and coniirme 
our fayth in hym. 

There are two Sacramentes or- 
dayned of Christo our Lorde in the 
Gospell, that is to say, Baptisme, 
and the Supper of the Lorde. 

Those fyue, commonly called 
Sacramentes, that is to say, Con. 
firmation, Penaunce, Orders, Matri- 
monie, and extreme Vnction i^, are 
not to be compted^* for Sacra- 
mentes of the gospel, being such as 
haue growen partly of the corrupt 
folowing of the Apostles, partly are 
states of life alowed in the scrip- 
tures : but yet haue not lyko nature 
of Sacramentes with Baptisme and 
the Lordes Supper, for that they 
haue not any visible signe or cere- 
monie ordayned of God. 

The Sacramentes were not or- 
dayned of Christ to be gased ypon, 
or to be caryed about : but that we 
should duely use them. And in 

' profloxerunt] profluxerint C, 

£, but found alto in the Latin form of 

10 habeat] habeant E, 

IS compted] aocompted LB, 

20—2 



808 



APPENDIX III. 



1553. 

fenionis CbrisUanorain, sed oerta 
qmedam potius testimonia et effica- 
cia signa gratia atque bonie in nos 
TolantatiB Dei, per qua io?iflibiliter 
ipse in nobis operatur, nostramque 
ftdem in se non solum ezcitat, re- 
rum etiam conftrmat^ 



xxvn. 

Minuirorum malitia non ioUU effi," 

Quamyis in EcclesiaTisibili, bonis 
mali sint semper admixti, atque in- 
terdum ministerio rorbi et Sacra- 
mentorum administration! prsesinty 
tamen cum non suo sed Ghristi no- 
mine agant, ej usque mandato et 
authoritate ministrent, illorum mi- 
nisterio uti licet, cum in Verbo Dei 
audiendo, tum in Sacramentis per- 
cipiendis : neque per illorum mali- 
tiam effectus institutorum Christi 
toUitur, aut gratia donorum Dei 
minuitur quoad eos, qui fide et rite 
sibi oblata percipiunt, quse propter 
institutionem Christi et promissio- 
nem officacia sunt, licet per males 
administrentur. Ad Ecclesia) ta- 
men disciplinam pertinet, ut in 
feosf inquiratur, accusenturque ab 



1553. 

mwoorthelie^y purchaoe to theim- 
selues daomatione, as Saincte Paule 
saieth. 

Sacramentes ordeined by the 
worde of God be not onely badges, 
and tokens of Christien Mennes 
professione, but rather thei be« 
certeine sure witnesses, and effec- 
tuall signes of grace, and Goddes 
good will towarde ts, by the whiche 
he dothe worke inuisiblie in ts, and 
dothe not onlie quicken, but also 
strengthen, and coufirme our faith 
in him'. 

xxvn. 

Tkt wickednesse of the MinUtrei 
dooeth not take awaie the effectuaU 
operation of Ooddes ordinancee. 
Although in the visible Ohurche 
the euill be euer mingled with the 
good, and sometime the euil haue 
chief aucthoritie in the ministration 
of the worde and Sacramentes; 
Tet forasmoche as thei doe not 
the same in their owne name, but 
dooe minister by Christes commis- 
sion, and auctoritie: we maie use 
their ministerie bothe in hearing 
the worde of God, and in the re- 
ceiuing the sacramentes, neither is 
the effecte of Goddes ordinaunces 
taken awaie ^ by their wickednesse, 
or the grace of Goddes giftes dimi- 
nished from soche, as by faieth and 
rightlie receiue the Sacramentes 
ministred vnto them, whiche bee 



^ The whole of this clause, both Latin and English, is transposed in 1563. 

' do not receive the virtue and true effect of the same sacraments, although 
they receive the extemall signes and elementes of the sacraments, ffooper's 
iith Artide, 

' not only signes and notes of the profession of Christian men, but also certaine 
impressions or prints of the grace and good-will of God towards us, which thing 
is made perfect in us, when inwardly the Holy Ghost wbrketh that our faith may 
apprehend the thing that is signified by the Word and the sacraments, ffoopei^M 
a^rd Article, 

* The malice of the minister cannot derogate nor hurt the doctrine, yerity and 
majesty of God's word and his sacraments, ffooper*8 2Sth Article, 



APPENDIX Iir. 



309 



1563. 

turn : qui uerb indigne percipiont, 
dsmDatlonem (ut inqait Paulus) sibi 
ipsiB acqaimnt. 



I67I. 

such only, as worthyly receaue iho 
same, they haue a wholesome effect 
or ft operation: But they that re- 
ceaue them ynworthyly, purchase 
to them selues damnation, as 8. 
Paul sayth. 



XXVI. 

Ministrorum mcUUia non toUit efica^ 
eiam institutionum diuinarum^, 

Q?amuis in Ecclesia uisibili bo- 
nis mall semper sint*^ admixti, at- 
que interdum ministerio uerbi et 
sacramentorum administrationi prse- 
sint, tamen cCim non suo sed Christ! 
nomine agant, eiusque mandate et 
autoritate ministrent, illorum minis- 
terio uti licet, cum in vorbo Dei au- 
diendo, tum in sacramcntis perci- 
piendis. Neque per illorum mali- 
tiam effectus institutorum Christi 
toUitur, aut gratia donorum Dei 
minuitur, quoad eos qui fide et ritd 
sibi oblata percipiunt, quae propter 
institutionem CHRISTI et promis- 
sionem efficacia sunt, licet per ma- 
les administrentur. 

Ad Ecclesiso tamen dlsciplinam 
pertinent, ut in males ministros in- 



XXVI. 

0/ the vntvorthynesse of the ministerif 
which hinder not the ejfecit of the 
SaeramenieeK 

Although in the yisible Churche 
the euyl be euer myngled with the 
good, and sometime the euyll haue 
cheefe aucthoritie in the ministra- 
tion of the worde and Sacramentes: 
yet forasmuch as they do not the 
same in their owne name but in 
Christes, and do minister by his 
commission and aucthoritie*, we 
may Tse their ministrie, both in 
hearing the word of Qod, and in 
the receauing of the Sacramentes. 
Neither is y* effecte of Christes 
ordinaunce^o taken away by their 
wickednesse, nor the grace of Gods 
gyftes diminished from such as by 
fayth and ryghtly do receaue the 
Sacramentes ministered Tnto them, 



' or] and LB. 

^ De Ti Institutionum Divinaruni, quod earn non tollat malitia ministrorom E, 

^ sint] sont (7. 

* The wickedness of the ministers doth not take away the effectual operation of 
God's ordinances LB, D : cf, col. '3. 

' bat in Christes and do minister by his conunission and ancthoritie] bat da 
minister by Christes commission and aucthoryte LB, D» 

1^ Christes ordinaunoe] God's ordinaunces LB. 



810 



APPENDIX IIL 



1558. 

iiS| qui eomm flagitia noTerint, at- 
que tandem justo conyicti jadiciO} 
deponantur. 



XXVIIL 
De Baptumo. 
Baptitmusy non est tantum sig- 
nam professionis ac discriminis nota, 
qua ChriBtiani k non Christianis dis- 
oemuntury sed etiam est signum 
regenerationiBy per quod tanquam 
per inBtrumentum recte BaptUmum 
suscipiontes, EcclesisD inferunturiy 
promisfiioneB de remissione pecca- 
tomm atque adoptione noetra in 
filios Dei per Spiritum Sanctum 
Tisibiliter* obsignantur, fides confir- 
matUTy et vi diTinie inyocationis, 
gratia augetur. fMos Ecclesiro 
baptizandi panrulos ot laudandus et 
omnino in Ecclesia retinendus t^. 



XXIX. 

D$ Ccetia Domini^, 
Ocena Domini^ non est tantum 
signum mutusB benerolentiso Chris- 
tianorum inter sese, yerum potius 



1558. 

effectually because of Chnstea ioBti- 
tutione and promise, although thei 
be ministred by euil men. Nener- 
thelesse it apperteineth to the dis- 
cipline of the Churche, that enquirie 
be made of fsochef, and that thei 
bee accused by those that haue 
knowelego of their offences, and 
finally being founde guiltie by lost 
iudgement, be deposed. 

xxvm. 

O/Baptitme, 
Baptisme is not onelie a signe of 
profession, and marko of difference, 
wherby Christien menne are dis- 
cerned from other that bee not 
christened, but it is also a signe, 
and scale of our newe birth, where- 
by, as by an instrument thei that 
receiue Baptisme rightlie, are graft- 
ed in the Churche, the promises of 
forgeuenesse of sinne, and our 
adoption to bee the sonnes of Qod, 
[ ] are yisiblie signed and 

sealed, faith is confirmed, and grace 
increased by yertue of praier ynto 
God. fThe custome of the Churche 
to christen yonge children, is to bee 
commended, and in any wise to bee 
reteined in the Churche f. 

XXIX. 

Of the Lordes Supper. 
The Supper of the Lorde is not 
onely a signe of the loue that 
Christiens ought to haue among 



^ inferontur] inBeruntur B, yiflibiliter inserimur A, 

' yisibiliter] wanting in A. 

' Baptiflmus infantiuin Christianorum et laudandufl est, et omnino in Ecclesia 
retinendna A. Wherecu in the Articles of Christian Doctrine (above, p. 119, n. i) 
the eloMte tttwde: The baptising of younge children is to be comended and any 
wise to be reteyned in the Churche of Christ as a thing fully grounded vpon 
Goddes worde and alwaies contynued in the Church from the Apostles tyme.' 

^ In A (hie article is divided into four, each eontitting of a clause according to 
ike present subdivision. Art, XXX. is entitled de Transubetantiatione ; xxxi. de 
Coiporali Christi prsesentia in Eucharistia; xxxn. Saoramentum Eaoharisti« non 
asservandum. ' dominica A» 



APPENDIX 111. 



311 



1563. 

quirator, accusenttirque ab hijs, qai 
eorum flagitia nouerint, atque tan- 
dem iu8to conuicti indicio, depo- 
naiitur. 



XXVII. 
De Baptismo. 

BaptismuB non est tantCim pro- 
fcssionis signum ac discriminis nota, 
qua Christiani k non Cbristianis 
dlscornantur, sed etiam est signum 
Regcnerationis, per quod tanquam 
per instnimontum recte baptismum 
suspitientes'^y ecclesiso insenintur, 
promissiones de Remissiono pec- 
catorum atque Adoptione nostra in 
fllios Dei, per Spiritum sanctum 
uisibiliter obsignantur, fides con- 
firmatur, et ui diuinse inuocationis, 
gratia augetur. 

Baptismus paniulorum omnino 
in ecclcsia retinendus est, ut qui 
cum Ghristi institutione optimd 
congruat. 



xxvm. 

De Ccena Dominu 

Coena Domini non est tantiim 
signum mutuso beneuolentia) Cbris- 
tianorum inter sese, uerum potiiis 
est sacramentum nostne per mor- 



1671. 

which be efiectoall, because of 
Christes institution and promise, 
although they be ministred by euyll 
men. 

Neuertheless, it apparteynoth to 
the discipline of the Churche, that 
enquirie be made of euyl ministres^, 
and that they be accused by those 
that haue knowledge of their of- 
fences: and finally, beyng founde 
gyltie by iust iudgement, be de- 
posed. 

XXVII. 

Of Baptitme» 

Baptisme is not only a signe of 
profession, and marke of difference, 
whereby Christian men are dis- 
cerned from other that be not 
christened: but is also a signe of 
regeneration or newe byrth*, where- 
by as by an instrument, they that 
receaue baptisme rightly, are graft* 
ed into the Churche : ^e promises 
of the forgeuenesse of sinne, and 
of ^ our adoption to be the sonnes 
of God, by the holy ghost, are 
visibly signed and sealed : fayth is 
confyrmed: and grace increased 
by vertue of prayer vnto Qod. The 
baptisme of young children is in 
any wyse to be retayned in the 
Churche, as most agreable with 
the institution of Ghriste. 

xxvnL 

Of the Lardea Supper. 

The Supper of the Lord is not 
only a signe of the loue that Chris- 
tians ought to haue among them 
selues one to another: but rather 



^ euyl miniflters] such LB : cf. col. 7, 
^ suBpitientes] an error of the press for suscipientes. 

^ a sigrne of regeneration or newe byrth] a sigae and seale of oar newe byrth 
LB\ </. col, 1, 

' of] wmUing m LB, 



{ 



312 



APPENDIX III. 



1658, 

mi Saoramentum nostrsB per mor- 
tem Ohriflti redemptionis. Atque 
ade6 rite, digne et cum fide aumen- 
iibus, psnis quem frangimus est 
commonicatio corporis Christi : Si- 
militer poculum benedictioniSy est 
oommonicatio sanguinis Christi. 



Panis et rini transnbstantiatio in 
Eucbaristia, ex sacris literis probari 
non potest, sed apertis Scripturaa 
yerbis adversatar [ ] et mul- 

tarum superstitionum dedit occasi- 
onem. 

Quum natorse humanse Veri- 
tas requirat, ut unius ejusdem- 
que hominis corpus in multis 
locis simul esse non posset, sed 
in uno aliquo et definito [ ] 
loco esse oporteat^, idcirco 
Christi corpus, in multis et 
diversis locis, eodem tempore, 
prsesens esse non i)ote8t. Et 
quoniam, ut tradunt Sacrse 
litersB, Christus in Coelum ftiit 
sublatus, et ibi usque ad fiiiem 
seculi est perman8uru8,non de- 
bet quisquam fideliiun camis 
ejus et sanguinis Realem et 
Corporalem (ut loquuntur) 
prsesentiam in Eucharistia vel 
credere vel profiteri. 

Sacramentum Eucharistiee ex in- 
stitutione Christi^ non servabatur, 
circumferebatur, oleTabatur, nee 
adorabatur^. 



1653. 

theim selues one to another, but 
rather it is a sacrament of our re- 
demption by Christes death, inao- 
moche that to soche as rlghtlie, 
woorthelie, and with faieth receiue 
the same, the breade whiche we 
breake, is a communion of the 
bodie of Christe. Likewise the 
Cuppe of blessing, is a Communion 
of the blonde of Christe. 

TransubstanciationS or the 
chaunge of the substaunce of 
breade, and wine into the sub* 
staunce of Christes bodie, and 
bloude cannot bee proued by holie 
writte, but is repugnaunt to the 
plaine woordes of Scripture, [ ] 
and hath geuen occasion to many 
supersticions. 

Forasmoche as the trueth of 
mannes nature requireth, that 
the bodie of one, and theself 
same manne cannot be at one 
time indiuerse places, but must 
nedes be in some one certeine 
place : Therefore the bodie of 
Christe cannot bee presente at 
one time in many, and diuerse 
places. And because (as holie 
Scripture doeth teache) Christe 
was taken vp into heauen, 
and there shall continue vnto 
thende of the worlde, a faithful 
man ought not, either to belcue, 
or openlic to confesse the reall, 
and bodilie presence (as thei 
terme it) of Christes fleshe and 
bloude, in the Sacramento of 
the Lordes supper. 



^ ut unius eju8demque...oporteat] ut in multis locis simul esse non posset, sed 
certo quodam et definito A . 

' / adds nee ex usu primitivse Ecclesia). 

' nee adorabatur] ut adoretur /. 

^ or any maner of corporally or locall presence of Christ in, under or with the 
hread and wine, Hooper's gpi Article. He adds that what we receive is the confirma- 
tion and augmentation of all the merits and deservings of Christ. 



APPENDIX III. 



813 



1683. 

tern ChriBtt redemptionis. Atque 
adeo ritd, dignd et cum fide sumen- 
tibuty pan 18 quern frangimus, est 
communicatio corporis Christi : si- 
militer poculum benedictionis, est 
communicatio sanguinis Christi. 



Panis et Tin! transubstantlatio in 
Eucharistiay ex sacris Uteris probari 
non potest, sed apertis scripturse 
verbis aduersatur, sacramenti na- 
turam eucrtit, et multarum super- 
stitionum dedit occasionem^. 



Corpus Cbristi datur, accipitur, 
et manducatur in coena, tantitm 
coelesti et spirituali ratione. Me- 
dium autem quo Corpus Christi ac- 
cipitur, et manducatur in coena, 
fides est. 

Sacramentum EucharistioD ex 
institutiono Christi non seruabatur, 
circumferebatur, eleuabatur, ncc 
adorabatur. 



1571. 

it is a Sacrament of our redemp- 
tion by Christes death. Insomuch 
that to suche as ryghtlie, worthyly, 
and with fayth receaue the same 
the bread whiche we breake is a 
parttakyng^} of the body of Christe, 
and likewyse the cuppe of blessing 
is a parttakyng of the blood of 
Christe. 

Transubstantiation (or the 
chaunge of the substaunce of 
bread and wine) in the Supper of 
the Lorde^, can not be proued by 
holye writ, but is repugnaunt to 
the playne wordes of scripture, 
oucrthroweth ^ the nature of a Sa- 
crament, and hath geuen occasion 
to many superstitions. 

The body of Christe is geuen, 
taken, and eaten in the Supper 
only after an heauenly and spiri- 
tuali manor 9 : And^o the meane 
whereby the body of Christe is re- 
ccaued and eaten in the Supper, is 
fayth. 

The Sacrament of the Lordes 
Supper was not by Christes ordi- 
naunce reserued, caryed about, 
lyfted yp, or^i worshipped. 



' ThtfdUinsing clatue v<u here added in C, but atruck otU in the Synod: Chris* 
tu8 in cceltim asoendens, corpori suo Immortalitatem dedit, Naturam non abstulit ; 
humane enim nature veritatem, (iuzta Scripturas) perpetuo retinet, quam uno et 
definito loco esse, et non in mnlta, vel omnia simul loca diffundi oportet. Quum 
igitur Christus in celum sublatus, ibi nsqne ad finem seouli permansiirus, atque 
inde, non aliunde (ut loquitur Augustinus) rentunis sit, ad iudicandum yiuos et 
mortttoe, non debet quisquam fidelium, et oamis eius, et sanguinis, realem, et cor* 
poralem (ut loquuntur) presentiam in Eucharistia vel credere, vel profiterL Corpui 
tamen Christi datur etc, 

* parttakyng] This word wu ecDchanged for conununion iohich i$ ih€ rwding qf 
LB, D. 

^ in the Supper of the Lorde] into the substance of Christ's body and bloode 
LB,D. 

' ouerthroweth] penrerteth LB, 

* only after... maner] after... maner onely LB* 

w And] But LB, D, " or] nor LB. 



314 



APPlilNDIX III. 



1653. 



1653. 

The Sacrameote of the Lordes 
•upper was not commaonded by 
Ghzistes ordinaanGe to be kepte» 
caned about, lifted Tp, nor wor- 
Bhipped* 



XXX. 

De unioa Christi obloUione in cruce 
per/ecta, 

Oblatio Christi semel facta ^» 
perfecta est redemptio, propitiatio 
et satisfactio pro omnibus peccatis 
totius mimdiy tarn originalibusqukm 
actualibus : neque prseter illam uni* 
cam est ulla alia pro peccatis expi- 
atio. Unde Missarum sacrificia, 
quibus Tulgo dicebatur, Sacerdotem 



XXX. 

Of the per/eicte oblacion of Christe 
made vpon the crosse. 

The offring of Ohriste made ones 
for euer, is the perfecte redemption, 
the paciflTug of goddes displeasurot 
and satisfaction for al the sinnes 
of the whole world*, bothe original 
and actuall: and there is none 
other satisfaction for sinno, but that 
alone. Wherefore the sacrifices of 



^ semel facta] scmel in cruce facta /. 

* for all sins of all times to all men belieying in the same sacrifice^ Hooper's 
tSth Article. 



APPENDIX III. 



315 



1563. 



1671. 



P 



] 
XXIX. 

De Vtraque Specie, 

Calix Domini Laicis non ost 
denegandas: utraque enim pars 
dominie! sacramenti ex Christi in- 
stitutione ct prsacepto, omnibus 
Christianls ex sequo administrari 
debet 

XXX. 

De unica Christi oblatione in Cruce 
per/ecta, 

Oblatio Christ! semel facta, per- 
fecta est redemptio, propitiatio, et 
satisfactio pro omnibus peccatis 



XXIX. 

Of the wicked which do not ecUe the 
body of Chriete in the vte of the 
Lordee Supper. 

The wicked, and suche as be 
▼oyde of a liuelye fayth, although 
they do camally and Tisibly presse 
with their teeth (as Saint Augustine 
sayth) the Sacrament of the body 
and blood of Christ: yet in no 
wyse are the[y] partakers of Christe, 
but rather to their condemnation 
do eate and drinke the signe or 
Sacrament of so great a thing. 

XXX. 

Of both kindee. 

The cuppe of the Lorde is not 
to be denyed to the laye people. 
For both Uie partes of the Lordes 
Sacrament, by Christes ordinance 
and commaundement, ought to be 
ministred to all Christian men 
alike. 

XXXI. 

Of the one oblation of Christe 
finiehed vppon the Crosse. 

The offering of Christ once 
made^, is the perfect redemption, 
propiciation, and satisfaction^ for 



' This Article is wanting in State Papers, Vol. XXVII. § 41 A (see above, p. 143, 
n. i), and in all the printed copies untU 157 1. It is found, hoteever, in State Papers, 
Vol. xxTn. §§40, 41 ; and in the fotmtr there is added, in a marffinal note of the 
same period : ' This in y* original, but not prynted.' It is also found in C and D, 
in the former of which it stands as follows : Impii, et fide vina destituti, licet cama. 
liter et visibiliter(Tt Augostinus loquitur) oorporis et sanguinis Christi saoramentnm 
dentibus premant, nullo tamen modo Christi partidpeB efficiuntur. Sed potius 
tante rei Saoramentum seu Symbolum, ad judicium sibi manducant et bibunt.' 
Similarly E. With respect to the marginal rrference, 'super Joann. Tract. ^6*, 
which exists in the Latin Parker MS., and in a unique copy of the English Articles 
^f '57if <^ above, p. 140, n. i, and Mr Swainson's Essay on Art. xxix. pp. 40, 41. 

^ onoe made] once made for euer LB\ ef. eol, 1. 

" redemption, propidation, and satis&ction] redemption, the pacifying of Gkxi'i 
displeasure and satisfkction LB, 



816 



APPENDIX III. 



1553. 

offerre Christuiii in remiBsionem 
poenn ant culpee^ pro riyis et de- 
Ainctis, figmenta sonty et pemiciossB 

ImpOBtUFBD. 



1563. 

masses, in the whiehe, it was com- 
monlie saied, that the Prieste did 
offre Christe for the qnicke and 
the dead, to haue remission of 
peine or fsinnejf were foi*ged 
fables, and danngerouse deceiptea*. 



XXXI. 



t Ccdibatus ex verho Dei prmeipUur 



nemtm. 



Episcopis, Presbyteris et Diaco- 
nis non est mandatum ut coeliba- 
tnm Toreant: neqne jure divino 
coguntur matrimonio' abstineref^. 



XXXI. 

^[The state of single life is com- 
maunded to no man by the worde 
of Qod. 

BishoppeSfPriestes, and Deacons 
are not commaunded to rowe the 
state of single life without manage^ 
neither by Goddes lawe are thei 
compelled to absteine from matri- 
monie.f 

xxxn. 

Excommunicate persones are to bee 
auoided. 

That porsone, whiche by open 
denuaciacion of the Churche, is 
rightlie cut of from the ynitie of 
the Churche, and excommunicate, 
ought to be taken of the whole 
multitude of the faiethful, as an 
Heathen and publicane, rntil he 
bee openlie reconciled by penannce, 
and receiued into the Churche by a 
Judge that hath aucthoritie thereto. 

^ in remlssionem poeiue aut culpse] warding in A, J. 

* The popish mass is a meere enemy against Gkxl's word and Christ's iostitu- 
tion... Albeit it doth retaine in it certaine Lessons of the Holy Scriptures, yet it is 
nothing better to be esteemed than the verses of the sorcerer or enchanter that be 
nothing more to be esteemed for certaine holy wordes murmured and spoaken in 
secret, Hooper^ a i^ik ArticU. 

* matrimonio] a matrimonio /. 

^ A adds si donum non habeant, tametsi youerint, quandoquidem hoc yoti genua 
verbo Dei repugnat. Hooper adds that the forbidding of marriage is the doctrine 
of diyells. 

' rite] propter oapitalia crimina A , 



xxxn. 

Excommunicaii vitandi sunt. 

Qui per publicam Ecclesiee do- 
nunciationem rite^ ab unitate Ec- 
clesise prsecisus et cxcommunicatus, 
is ab universa ftdelium multitudine, 
donee per poenitentiam publico ro- 
conciliatus fuerit arbitrio Judicis 
competeutis, habendus est tanquam 
Ethnicus et Publicanus. 



APPENDIX III. 



317 



156a. 

totius mundi, tarn originalibus quam 
actualibus. Nequo pneter illam 
unicam est alia alia pro peccatis 
expiatio. Vnde mlBsarum sacrificia, 
quibus uulgo dicebatur, Sacerdotem 
offerre Christum in remissionem 
poen® aut culpeo pro uiuis et de- 
fimcti8> blasphema figmenta sunt, 
et pemitiosa imposturse. 



XXXI. 

De Coniugio Sacerdoium. 

Episcopis, Pre&byteris et Diaco- 
nis, nuUo mandato diuino prseccp- 
turn est, ut aut coelibatum uoueant, 
aut k matrimonio abstineant. Li- 
cet igitur etiam illis, rt cseteris om- 
nibus Christianis, rbi hoc ad pieta- 
tem magis fS&cere iudicauerint, pro 
suo arbitratu matrimonium contra- 
here. 

xxxn. 

Excommunicati uitandi sunt'^, 

Qyi per publicam Ecclesi® de- 
nuntiatioDem ritd ab unitate ecclo- 
si® prsecisus est et excommunicatus, 
is ab uniuersa fidelium multitudine, 
donee per pcenitentiam public^ re- 
conciliatus fuerit, arbitrio ladicis 
competentis, habendus est tanquam 
Ethnicus et Publicanus. 



1671. 

all the sinnes of the whole 
worlde, both originall and actually 
and there is none other satisfaction 
for sinne, but that alone. Where- 
fore the sacrifices of Masses, in the 
which it was commonly said that 
the Priestes did offer Ohriste for 
the quicke and the dead, to haue 
remission of payne or gylt, were 
blasphemous^' fables, and daun- 
gerous deceits. 

XXXII. 

Of the mariage of Priestes, 

Byshops, Priestes, and Deacons, 
are not commaunded by Gods lawe 
eyther to rowe the estate of single 
lyfe, or to abstayne from manage. 
Therefore it is lawfull also for 
them, as for all other Christian 
men, to mary at their owne dis- 
cretion, as they shall iudge the 
same to seme better to godlynesse. 

xxxin. 

Of exeommunieate persona, howe 
they are to be auoided^. 

That person whiche by open 
deuuntiation of the Churche, is 
ryghtly cut of from the mitie of 
the Churche, and excommunicated, 
ought to be taken of the whole 
multitude of the faythfull as an 
Heathen and Publicane, Tntill he 
be openly reconciled by penaunce, 
and receaued into the Churche by 
a iudge that hath aucthoritie there- 
to. 



^ blAsphemous] forged LB, 2> : (f. col. i. 

7 De Ezoommunioatis Titandii B. 

• BBoommonkate persons are to be aToided LB, D. 



318 



APPENDIX III. 



1663. 



TradUioniea EoeUtioitteoB. 

TraditioneB atque cseremoniai 
eaadem non omnino neceMariam 
6tt etae ubique^ ant pronus oodbI- 
milei^ nam Tari» et semper foerunt 
et mutari posBont pro regionmn 
[ ] et morum direrutate; 

modo nihil contra Dei rerbum in- 
•tituatur. 

Traditiones et caeremonias Eccle- 
Biastioasy qun cum Verbo Dei non 
pognant et sunt authoritate publica 
inititutn atque probatse, quisquis 
privato consilio Tolens et data opera 
publico yiolarerit, is, ut qui peccat 
in publicum ordinem Eccleei®, qui- 
que Indit authoritatem MagistratuB, 
et qui infirmorum fratrum consci- 
entlaa rulnerat, publico, ut csteri 
timeant, arguenduB est. 

[ 



1663. 

xxxm. 

Tradicions of the Churehe. 

It Ib not neoeBBarie that 
ciouB and ceremoniea bee in all 
placoB one, or Ttterlie like. For at 
al times thei haue been diners, and 
maie bee ohaunged, according to 
the diuersitie of countries, [ ] 

and mennes maners, so that nothing 
bee ordeined against goddos worde. 

Whosoeuer through his priuate 
ludgement willinglie, and purposelie 
doeth openlie breake the tradicions 
and ceremonies of the Churched 
whiche bee not repugnaunte to the 
worde of God, and bee ordeined, 
and approued by common auctho- 
ritie, ought to be rebuked openlie 
(that other maie feare to doe the 
like) as one that offendeth against 
the common ordre of the churehe, 
and hurteth thauctoritie of the 
Magistrate, and woundeth the con- 
sciences of the weake brethren. 

[ 



] 



] 



^ willingly or openly with slanden do violftte and break any oeremonies made 
and approued by the Kingi majeities authority. Hooper's i6th Article, 



APPENDIX III. 



319 



1563. 

Tr<iditiones Ecckstasiicm^. 

Traditiones atque* cseremonias 
casdem, non omnino necessariuin 
est esse ubique aut prorsus consi-* 
miles. Nam et uariss semper fue- 
runty et mutari possunt, pro regie- 
num, temporum^^ et morum diuer- 
sitate, mode nihil contra uerbum 
Dei instituatnr. 

Traditiones et cseremonias eccle- 
siasticas quse cum uerbo Dei non 
pugnant, et sunt autoritate publica 
institutSB atque probatse, quisquis 
priuato consilio uolens et data opera 
publice uiolauerit, is, ut qui peccat 
in publicum ordinem ecclesio), qui- 
que Isedit autoritatem Magistratus, 
et qui inflrraorum fratrum consci- 
entias uuluerat, public^, ut cseteri 
timeant, arguendus est. 

Quselibet ecclesia particularism 
siuo nationalism autoritatem habet 
instituendi, mutandi, aut abrogandi 
cseremonias aut ritus Ecclesiasti- 
cos, humana tantum autoritate in- 
stitutos, modo omnia ad sedificatio- 
nem fiant. 

^Tomus secundus Homiliarum, 
quarum singulos titulos huic Arti- 
culo subiunximus, continet piam et 
salutarem doctrinam, et hijs tern- 
poribus necessariam, non minus 
qukm prior Tomus Homiliarum qute 
editse sunt tempore Edward! sexti. 
Itaque eas in ecclesijs per ministros 
diligenter et clar^, ut k populo in- 
telligi possint, recitandas esse iudi- 
camus. 

* De Traditionibus Ecclesiasticis E. 

^ temporum] added in C with a red pencil. 

* This ia the natural point of division, hut no tide exists in C, 2>, or LB, to dii* 
join the account of the Homilies from the foregoing Article. Where a number is 
found cUaUitis affixed to the title of the first Homily; but the error is corrected in 
E, which contains also the title De HomiliiB. 

^ ordayned and approued] ordeined and appointed D, * he] one LS, Z>. 



1671. 
XXXIV. 

Of the trctditions of the Churche. 

It is not necessarie that tradi- 
tions and ceremonies be in al places 
one, or Ttterly like, for at all times 
they haue ben diuerse, and may be 
chaunged accordyng to the diuer- 
sitie of countreys, times, and mens 
manors, so that nothing be ordeyned 
against Gods worde. Whosoeuer 
through his priuate iudgement, vryl- 
lyngly and purposely doth openly 
breake the traditions and ceremo- 
nies of the Church, which be not 
repugnaunt to the worde of Ood, 
and be ordayned and approued ^ 
by common aucthoriCie, ought to 
be rebuked openly, (thai other may 
feare to do the lyke) as he^' that 
offendeth agaynst the Common or- 
der of the Churche, and hurteth the 
aucthoritie of the Magistrate, and 
woundeth the consciences of the 
weake brethren. 

Euery particuler or nationall 
Churche, hath aucthoritie to or- 
daine, chaunge, and abolishe cere- 
monies or rites of the Churche or- 
deyned onlye by mans aucthoritie, 
so that all thinges be done to edi- 
fiyng. 



820 



APPENDIX III; 



1553. 
XXXIV. 

1[HomUioB. 

HomiliiB nuper EoclesifiB Angli- 
caiue per iDJonctiones Regias tra- 
ditsB atque commendatsBy pi» sunt 
atque salutares, doctrinamquo ab 
omnibus amplectendam continent : 
quare populo diligentery expedite 
elareque recitand® Buntf. 



1553. 
XXXIV. 

"f Homilies. 

Thomelies of late geaen, and set 
out by the kinges aucthoritie, be 
godlie and holsome, conteining doc- 
trine to bee receiued of all menne, 
and therefore are to be readde ^ to 
the people diligentlie, diBtinctlie» 
and plainlief. 



^ without omission of any part thereof, Hooper' $ 44^ Article. 



APPENDIX III. 



321 



156S. 
XXXIV. 

CatcUogus Homifiarum. 

Do recto ecclesiee usu. 
Aduersus IdoIolatri» pericula. 
Do reparandis acpurgandis ecclesys. 
Do bonis operibuB. 
Be ioittnio. 

In gulsB atque ebrietatis uitia. 
In nimis sumptuosos uestium appa- 
ratus. 
De oratione siue precatione. 
De loco et tempore oration! desti- 

natis. 
De publicis precibus ac Sacramen- 

tis, idiomate aulgari omnibusque 

noto, habondis. 
De sacrosancta uerbi dirini autorl- 

tate. 
De eleeroosina. 
De Christi natiuitate. 
De dominica passione. 
De resurrectione Domini. 
De digna corporis et sanguinis do- 

minici in coena Domini participa- 

tione. 
De donis spiritus sancti. 
In diebus, qui uulgo Rotrationum 

dicti sunt, concio. 
De matrimonij statu. 
De otio seu socordia. 
De poenitentia'. 



1571. 
XXXV. 

Of Homilies. 

The seconde booke of Homilies, 
the seuerall^ titles wherof we haue 
ioyned Tnder this article, doth^ 
conteyne a godly and wholesome 
doctrine, and necessarie for these 
tymes^ as doth the former booko 
of Homilies, whiche were set foorth 
in the time of^ Edwarde the sixt: 
and therefore we iudge them to be 
read in Churches'^ by the Ministers 
diligently^, and distinctly, that they 
may be vnderstanded of the people. 

O/^ the names of the Homilies, 

1 Of the right vse of the Churche. 

2 Agaynst perill of Idolatrie. 

3 Of repayring and keping cleane 

of Churches. 

4 Of good workes, first of fastyng. 
6 Agaynst gluttony and drunken- 

nesse. 

6 Against excesse of apparoll. 

7 Of prayer. 

8 Of the place and time of prayer. 

9 That common prayers and Sacra* 

mentes ought to be ministred 
in a knowon tongue. 

10 Of the reuerente estimation of 

Gods worde'**. 

11 Of almes doing. 

12 Of the Natiuitie of Ghriste. 

1 3 Of the passion of Ghriste. 

14 Of the resurrection of Ghriste. 

15 Of the worthie receauin^^ of the 

Sacrament of the body and 
blood of Ghriste. 



• The above titles are given in English hy C, E (also in State Papflw, Vol. 
XXVII. § 41 a); with the ffomil-if Of Repentance, preeeding that Againnt Idlenes. 

• seuerall] wanting in LB, D. * doth] do LB^ D. 

• these tymes] this time LB, D. * in the time of] at London vnder LB. 
^ we iudge them to be read in churches] are to be read in our churches LBy J). 
« LB and D add playnely. » Of] wanting in LB, D. 

'* In the Book of Homilies entitled An Information for them which take offence 
at certain places of Scripture. 

H. A. 21 



322 



APPENDIX III. 



1553. 



1553. 



XXXV. 

"f Of the booke of Praters, and Cere- 
monies of the Chureht of Eng- 
lands. 

The Booke whiche of rery late 
time was geuen to the Ohurche of 
EDglande by the kinges aucthoritie, 
and the Parlamente, conteining the 
maner and fourme of praiyng, and 
ministring the Sacramentes in the 
Charche of Englande, likewise also 
the booke of ordring Ministers of 
the Ghurche, set foorth by the for^ 
saied aucthoritie, are godlie, and in 
no poincte repugnaunt to the hoi* 
some doctrine of the Gospel but 
agreable thereunto, ferthering and 
beautifiyng the same not a litle, 
and therfore of al faithful! membres 
of the Churcho of Englande, and 
chiofiie of the ministers of the 
worde, thoi ought to be receiued, 
and allowed with all readinesse of 
minde, and thankcs geuing, and to 
bee commended to the people of 
God.f 

XXXVI. XXXVI. 

De dvilibm Magistratxbua, Of Ciuile magistrates. 

fRez Anglise est supremum ca- fTho king of Englande is Su- 

put in terris, post Christum, Eccle- preme head in earth, nexte ynder 
sise Anglicana) & Hibernicce^.f Christe, of the Churche of Eng- 

* PrsBcationum et] scanting in A. 

* et salutari doctrinse...atque ideo] et quoad ceremoDianim rationem salutari 
Evangclii libertati si ex sua Datura ceremor.ise like SBstimeDtur in nuUo repugnant 
sod probe congruunt et eandem in complurin.is imprimis promo vent ; atqiie ideo A . 

* commendandi sunt] transposed in A , 

* A adds ncque in universo orbo ullum seipso majorem agnoscit a quo sua 
potestas et autoritas pendcat. — The Kings ma*'' of England is to be taken and 
known as the only and suprcanie magistrate and power of the Church of England 
and Ireland, Hooper's ^^th A t ticJc. 



XXXV. 

fDe lAbro Prceeatianum et^ casre- 
moniarum Eeclesiaa AnglicancB, 

Liber qui nuperrime authoritate 
Begis & Parliamenti Ecclesi» Angli- 
cansB traditus est, continens modum 
& formam orandi, & Sacramenta 
administrandi in Ecclesia Angli- 
cana: similiter & libellus eadem 
authoritate editus de ordinatione 
minlstrorum Ecclesiss, quoad doc- 
trinsB Toritatemy pii sunt, & salutari 
doctrinsD Eyangelii in nuUo repug- 
nant sed congruunt, & eandem non 
parum promorent & illustrant, at- 
que ideo> ab omnibus Ecclesise 
AnglicansQ fidelibus membris, & 
maxima k ministris verbi cum omni 
promptltudine animonim & gratia- 
rum actione, recipiendi, approbandi, 
& populo Dei commendandi sunt 3. f 



APPENDIX III. 



323 



i5r»3. 



XXXV. 



Libdlus de ConsocratioDO Archi- 
opiBcoporum & Episcoporum, & dc 
ordinatione Prcsbyteronim & Dia- 
conorum roditus nuper tcmporibus 
Edward i sozti, & autoritato Parla- 
menti illis ipsis temporibus confir- 
matus, omnia ad eiusmodi consecra- 
ttoncm & ordinationcm necessaria 
continet, & nihil babct quod ox bo 
sit aut suporstitiosum aut iropium. 
Itaquo quicunque iuzta ritus illius 
libri consecrati aut ordinati sunt ab 
Anno secundo prsedicti Regis Ed- 
ward!, usque ad boo tompus, aut in 
posterum iuxta eosdom ritus conso- 
crabuntur aut ordinabuntur rite, 
ordinc, atquc legitime, statuimus 
esse & fore consecratoa & onlinatos. 



1571. 

16 Of the gyftcB of the holy ghost. 

17 For tho Rogation dayes. 

18 Of tho state of Matrimonio. 

19 Of ropentaunce. 

20 Agaynst Idlenosse. 

21 Agaynst rebollion^. 

XXXVI. 

Of consecration of Bishops and 
ministers'^. 

The booke of Consecration of 
Archbyshops, and Byshops, and 
orderyng of Priestes and Deacons, 
lately set foorth in the time of 
Edwarde^ the sizt, and confyrmod 
at the same tymo by aucthoritie 
of Parliament, doth conteyne all 
thinges necessarie to suche conse- 
cration and orderyng: neytherhath 
it any thing, that of it selfe is su- 
perstitious or vngodly. And there- 
fore, whosoeuer are consecrate or 
ordered accordyng to the rites of 
that booke, since the seconde yere 
of the aforenamed" king Edwarde, 
vnto this time, or hereafter shalbo 
consecrated or ordered accordyng 
to the same rites, we decree all 
such to bo ryghtly, orderly, and 
lawfully consecrated and ordered. 



XXXVI. 

De ciuilibtis Magistratibus. 

Regia Maiestas in hoc Anglian 
Regno ac cseteris eius Dominijs, 
iuro^o summam habet potestatem, 



XXXVII. 

Ofthe^'^ CiuiU Magistrates, 

Tho Queenes Maiestie hath the 
checfe power in this Realme of 
Englande, and other her dominions^ 



" This Homily beim/ Jirst prin^l in 1571 is not mentioned in LB or D, 
** Title wanting here and in C, hut supplied as follows by E: Do episcoporum 
ct Ministronim Consecratione. 
^ Title xoanting in LB, 

"* of Eilwardc] of the most noble Kinge Edwardc LB^ D. 
*• .iforcnamed] aforesaid in D, {hut cori'trtcd into aforename<l). 
>" iun'] irantinff in C, E. '^ the] iranthit/ in LB. 

21—2 



324 



APPENDIX III. 



1553. 



[ 



] 



Romanus Pontifex nuUam habet 
jarisdictionem in hoc Regno Ang1i». 

Ma^stratus civilis est k Deo 
ordmatus ataue probatus, 
qnamobrem illi, non solum 
propter iram, sed etiam prop- 
ter conscientiam, obediendum 
est\ 

Leges cirileB possunt Ghristianos 
propter capitalia & graria crimina 
morte punire. 

OhriBtianis licet ex mandato Ma- 
gistratus armaportare & justabella 
administrare. 



1553. 
lande, and Jrelande.f 

[ 



] 



The Bishoppe of Rome hath no 
iorisdiction^ in this Realme of 
Englande. 

The ciuile Magistrate is or- 
deined, and allowed of God : 
wherefore we must obeie him', 
not onely for feare of punish- 
ment, but also for conscience 
sake. 

The ciuile lawes maie puniahe 
Christien men with death, for hein- 
ous, and grieuouB offences. 

It is lawcfull for Christians, at 
the commaundement of the Magis- 
trate, to weare weapons, and to 
seme in laweful warrcs. 



* quamobrem illi.. .obediendum est] quamobrem illi propter coDscientiam obe- 
diendum est, nee uUi ex eiua auMitis licet aut veoHgal aut tributum negare, :u\ 
regni seu reipublicje statum tuendum et conservandum A. 

* nor by God's word or of right ought to haue any manor of authority power 
or jurisdiction within this realme of England and Ireland or any part of the same. 
Hooper* 8 ^^th Article. 

' So that they do command nothing that is contrary unto God and his law. 
Hooper' » 36/A Artirle. 



APPENDIX III. 



325 



1663. 

ud quam omnium statuum huius 
Regni, siue illi eccleBiastici sunt 
siuo nonS in omoibus causis su- 
prema gubematio pertinet, & nulli 
eztemsD iorisdictioni est Bubiocta, 
nee esse debet 

Gum RegisQ Maiestati summam 
gubemationem tribuimus, quibus 
titulis intelligimus animos quonm- 
dam calumniatorum offendi : non 
damuB Regibus nostris aut uerbi 
Dei aut sacramentorum administra- 
tionem, quod etiam Iniunctiones ab 
Elizabetha Regina nostra nuper 
sDditae, apertissim^ testantur: scd 
eam tantiim prserogatiuam, quam 
in saciis scripturis h, Deo ipso om- 
nibus pijs Prinoipibus, uidemus 
semper fuisse attributam, hoc est, 
ut omnes status atque ordines fidei 
suse k Deo commissos, siue illi ec- 
clesiastici sint, siue ciuiles, in officio 
contineant, & contumaces ac delin- 
quentes, gladio ciuili coerceant. 



Romanus Pontifex nullam habet 
iurisdictionem in hoc regno Anglise. 

Leges Giuiles possunt Christianos 
propter capitalia et grauia crimina 
morte punire. 

Christianis licet et ex mandato 
Magistratus arma portare, et iusta 
bella administrare. 



1671. 

ynto whom the cheefe goucmment 
of all estates of this Realme, whe- 
ther they be Ecclesiasticall or Gi- 
uile^y in all causes doth apparteine, 
and is not, nor ought to be subiect 
to any forraigne iurisdiction. 

Where we attribute to the 
Queones Maiestie the cheefe go* 
uernmenc, by whiche titles wc vn- 
derstand the mindes of some slaun- 
derouB folkes to be offended: we 
geue not to our princes the minis- 
tring either of God's word, or of 
Sacraments, the which thing the 
Iniunctions also lately set forth by 
Elizabeth our Queene, doth most 
plainlie tcstifie : But that only pre- 
rogatiue whiche we see to haue ben 
geuen alwayes to all godly Princes 
in holy Scriptures by God him 
selfe, that is, that they should rule 
all estates and degrees committed 
to their charge by God, whether 
they be Ecclesiasticall or Tempo- 
rail, and restraine with the ciuili 
sworde the stubberne and euyll 
doers. 

The bishop of Rome hath no 
iurisdiction in this Realme of En- 
glande. 

The lawes of the Realme may 
punishe Ghristian men with death, 
for heynous and greeuous offences. 

It is lawful! for Ghristian men, 
at the commaundoment of the Ma- 
gistrate, to weare weapons, and 
serue in the wanes. 



^ siue non] siue civiles £, 



• or Ciuile] or not LB, J). 



I 



326 



APPENDIX III. 



1563. 

xxxvn. 

ChrisHanorum bona non sunt com- 
munia, 

Facultates & bona Christiano- 
mm non sunt communia, quoad jus 
& possessionem, ut quidam Ana- 
baptistfiD fal86 jactant ; debet tamen 
quisque do his quce possidet pro 
fiuniltatum ratione, pauperibus elee- 
mosynas benigne distribuere. 



1553. 

xxxvn. 

Christien mennes gooddes are not 
commtme. 

The richesse and gooddes oj 
christians are not commune, ai 
touching die right title and posses- 
sion of the same (as certain ana- 
bap tistes dooe falslie boaste); not- 
withstanding euery man ought ol 
such thinges as he possesseth, libe- 
rallie to geue aUnes to the pore, 
according to his habilitie. 



J 



xxxvni. 

Licet ChrjMnia jurare. 

Quemadmodum juramentum ya- 
num & temerarium h Domino nos- 
tro Jesu Christo & ab Apostolo 
ejus Jacobo, Christianis hominibus 
interdictum esse fatcmur, ita Chris- 
tianam religionem minime prohi- 
bere censemus, quin jubente Magis- 
tratu, in causa fidei & charitatis 
jurare liceat, mode id fiat juzta 
Prophetsd doctrinam, in Justitia, in 
Judicio & Ycritate. 



xxxvni. 

Christien menne mate take an Oths. 

As we confesse that rune, and 
rashe swearing is forbed Christien 
men by our Lorde Jesu Christ, and 
his Apostle James: so we iudge that 
christien religion doeth not pro- 
hibito, but that a man maie sweare, 
when the magistrate requireth in a 
cause of faith, and charitie, so it 
bee doen (according to the Pro- 
photcs teaching) in iusticc, iudge- 
mentc, and trueth. 



(, 



XXXIX. 

Restirrectio mortuomm non- 
dum est fctcta. 

Resurrectio mortuonim non 
adhuc facta est, quasi tantum 
ad animum pertincat, qui per 
Christi gratiam h morte pecca- 
torum excitetur, sed extremo 
die quoad omnes qui obieruiit, 
expectanda est ; tunc en im vita 
demnctis^ (ut Scripturse mani- 
festissime testantur) propria 
corpora, canies & ossa restitu- 
entur, ut homo integer, prout 
vel recte vel perdite vixerit2, 



XXXIX. 

Tlie Resurrection of the dead 
is not yeat brought to passe. 

The Resurrection of thedead 
is not as yet brought to passe, 
as though it only belonged to 
the soulle, whiche by the grace 
of Christe is raised from the 
death of sinne, but it is to be 
loked for at the laste daie : for 
then (as Scripture doeth moste 
manifestlic testifie) to all that 
bee dead their awne bodies, 
fleshe, and bone shalbe restor- 
ed,that the whole man maie (ac- 



• defimctis] functis A 



^ vixH A . 





APPENDIX III. 




1663. 




1671. 


7:7:7 :vn. 




xil::viii. 



327 



Christicmorwn bona non mnt com- 
munia^, 

Facultates & bona Ohristlanoruin 
non sunt communia quoad ius & 
poBsosBionemy vt quidam Anabap- 
tistaa falso iactant Debet tamen 
quisque de hijs quso possidet, pro 
facultatum ratione, pauperibus ele- 
emosynas benigne distribuere. 



xxxvm. 

Licet Christiania lurare^. 

Qyemadmodum iuramcntum ua- 
num & temcrarium h Domino nos- 
tro lesu Christo, & Apostolo oius 
lacobo, ChriBtianis hominibus in- 
terdictum esse fatemur: ita Chris- 
tianam'^ religionem minime pro- 
hibere censemus, quin iubente Ma* 
gistratu, in causa fidei & cbaritatis, 
iurare liccat, modo id fiat iuxta 
ProphetSB doctrinam, in iustitia, in 
iudicio, & uoritate. 



Of ChriiHan mens goodes, which are 
not common^. 

The ryches and goodes of Chris- 
tians are not common, as touchmg 
the ryght, title, and possession of 
the same, as certayne Anabaptistes 
do falsely boast. Notwithstandyng 
euery man ought of suche thinges 
as he possesseth, liberally to geae 
almes to the poore^ accordyng to 
his habilitie. 

XXXIX. 

Of a Christian mans othe^. 

As we confosse that rayne and 
rasho swearing is forbidden Chris- 
tian men by our lord Jesus Christo, 
and James his Apostle: So wo 
iudge that Christian religion doth 
not prohibite, but that a man may 
swcare when the Magistrate requir- 
eth, in a cause of faith and charitio, 
so it bo dono accordyng to the pro- 
phetes teaching, in iustice, iudgc- 
ment, and trueth. 



^ De illicita bononun Communicatione E. 

* Christen mens goodes are not common LB, D. 
^ to the poore] wanting in LB. 

* De jurejurando E, ^ Christianam] Cbristianorum £, 
^ Christian men may take an othe LB, D, 



828 



APPENDIX 111. 



1563. 



juxta sua opera, sive pro^mia 
sive pcenas rcportet 



XL. 

Defunctorum mmnce neqm 
cu/m corparibus interemUy 
7ieqtie otwse dormiunt. 

Qui aoimas defunctorum 

Srsedicant usque ad diem ju- 
icii absque omni seusu^ dor- 
mire, aut illas asserunt ima 
cum corporibus mori, & ex< 
trema me cum illis exci- 
tandas, ab orthodoxa fide, quao 
nobis in sacris literis traditur, 
prorsus dissentiunt 



XL. 

(^mMUle^tarhru/m fabulam 
revocare couantur, sacris Ute- 
ris adversautur, & in Judaica 
delimmenta sese priecipitant. 



XLIL 

Non omnes tandein servuiidi 

sunt. 

Hi quoque damnationedigni 
sunt, qui conantur hodie per- 
uiciosam opiniouem instau- 
rare, qu6d omnes, quantumvis 
impii, servandi sunt tandem, 
cum definito tempore h justi- 
tia divina poenas de admissis 
flagitiis luorunt^ 



* absque omul seii«u] wtinthtt/ in A. 
^ luerini A. 



1653. 

cording to his workes) haue 
other rewarde, or punishmeut, 
as he hath lined vertuouslie, 
or wickedlie. 

XL. 

The saidles qf them t/uU de- 
parte t/m life doe fieUher 
die vyiiJi the bodies, nwr 
. de/ep idlie. 

Thei whiche saie, that the 
soulles of suche as departe 
hens doe sleepe, being without 
al sence, fealing, or perceiuing, 
yntil the daie of ludgement, 
or afl&rme that the soulles die 
with the bodies, and at the 
laste daie shalbe raised vp with 
thesame, doe vtterlie dissent 
from the right beliefe declared 
to vs in hoUe Scripture. 

XLL 

Heretickes called MiUeimrii, 

Thei that goe about to re- 
uewe the fable of heretickes 
called Millenarii, be repugnant 
to holie Scripture, and caste 
them selues headlong into a 
Juishe dotage. 

XLIL 

All nieu sliall "^lot bee sailed 
at ills length. 

Thei also are worthie of con- 
demnacion, who indeuoure at 
this time to restore the dan- 
gerouse opinion, that al menne, 
be thei neuer so vngodlie, 
shall at length bee saued, 
when thei haue suflFered paines 
for their sinnes a certain© 
time appoincted by Goddes 
iustice. 

^ Milliarii A . 



APPENDIX 111. 



329 



1663. 



1671. 



330 APPENDIX III. 

1663. 1663. 

Kvpu <rwrw rhw Batrtkta, God mxue the King. 



APPENDIX III. 



331 



1663. 

Hob ArticuloB fidei Christianso, 
continentes in uniueraum nouem- 
de cimpaginas in autographo, quod 
asseniatur apud Rouorendissimum 
in Christo patrem, Dominum Mat- 
thcBum Cantuariensem Archiopisco- 
pum, totius Anglise Primatem & 
Metropolitanmn, Archiepiscopi & 
Episcopi utriusqiie Prouincia) regni 
AnglisB, in sacra prouinciali Synodo 
legitime congregati, unanimi as- 
sensu recipiunt & profitentur, & ut 
ueros atque Orthodoxos, inanuum 
suarum subecriptionibus approbant, 
uicesimo nono die mensis lanuarij : 
Anno Domini, secundum computa- 
tionem occlesia) Anglicana?, millo- 
simo quingentesimo sezagesimo se- 
cundo : uniuersusque Clerus Inferi- 
oris domus, eosdem etiam unani- 
miter & recepit & professus est, ut 
cz manuum suarum subscriptioni- 
bus patot, quas obtulit & deposuit 
apud eundem Reuerendissimum, 
quinto die Februarij, Anno prse- 
dicto. 

Quibus oomibus articulis, Sere- 
nesima princeps Elizabeth, Dei gra- 
tia AnglisQ, Francise & Hibemio) 
Rogina, fidei Defensor, &c. per sc- 
ipsam diligenter prius lectis & ez- 
aminatis, Regium suum assensum 
pnebuit. 



1671. 
The Ratification, 

This Booke of Articles before 
rehearsed, is agayne approued, and 
allowed to be holden and ezecuted 
within the Real me, by the ascent 
and consent of our Soueraigne 
Ladye Elizabeth, by the grace of 
GOD, of Englande, Fraunce, and 
Irelande Queene, defender of the 
fayth, &c. Which Articles were 
deliberately read, and confirmed 
agayne by the subscription of the 
handes of the Archbyshop and 
Byshoppes of the ypper house, and 
by the subscription of the whole 
Oleargie in the neather house in 
their Conuocation, in the yere of 
our Lorde GOD, 1671. 

1 Of fayth in the Trinitie. 

2 Of Christe the sonne of GOD. 

3 Of his goyng downe into hell. 

4 Of his Resurrection. 
6 Of the holy ghost. 

6 Of the sufficiencie of the 
Scripture. 

7 Of the olde Testament. 

8 Of the three Credos. 

9 Of origlnall sinne. 

10 Of free wyll. 

11 Of lustificatioa 

12 Of good workes. 

13 Of workes before iustlfica- 
tion. 

14 Of workes of supererogation. 
16 Of Christe alone without 

sinne. 

16 Of sinne after Baptisme. 

17 Of predestination and elec- 
tion. 

18 Of obtayning saluation by 
Christe. 

19 Of the Churche. 

20 Of the aucthoritie of the 
Churche. 

21 Of the aucthoritie of generall 
Counsels. 



332 APPENDIX III. 

1663. 1W3. 



Excusum Londinij apud Regincd- Richardus OrafUmus typographus 

dum Wolfium, RogisB Majestatis iu Regius excudebat. 
Latinis Typographum, Anno Dom, Londini mense Junii, 

1663. -4n. do. M.D.LIIT. 

Gum priuilegio ad imprimeuduiu 
solum. 



APPENDIX III. 



333 



1563. 



1571. 

22 Of Purgatorie. 

23 Of ministring in the congre* 
gatioa 

24 Of speaking in the congre- 
gation. 

25 Of the Sacramentes. 

20 Of the Tnworthynefise of the 
Ministers. 

27 Offaptisme. 

28 Of the Lordee supper. 

29 Of the wicked whiche cate 
not the body of Christc. 

80 Of both kyndes. 

31 Of Ghristes one oblation. 

32 Of the manage of Priestes. 

33 Of excommunicate persons. 

34 Of traditions of the Churche. 

35 Of Homilies. 

36 Of consecration of Ministers. 

37 Of ciuill Magistrates. 

38 Of christian mens goods. 

39 Of a christian mans othe. 

40 Of the ratification. 



ExcuRum JjOTidini apud reginal- 
DVM Wolfium, RcgisB Maiost. in 
Latinis t3rpographom. anico doioni. 
1563. 



^ Imprinted at London in Pow- 
les Churchyard, by Richarde luggo 
and lohn Cawood*, Printers to the 
Queenes Maiestie, in Anno Domini 
1571. 

* Cum priuilegio Regi» maics- 
tatis. 



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1.1. 



APPENDIX 

No. IV. 



THE ELEVEN ARTICLES, 

1559. 



A Declaration of certain pri7icipal Articles of Religion set out by the 
order of both arcJihishops metropolitan^^ and tlie rest of the bishops 
for the uniformity of doctrhie, to be taught and fiolden of all par- 
sonSy vicars and curates, as well in testification of their common 
consent in the said doctrine, to the stopping of tlie mouths of them, 
tJiat go about to slander the ministers of the church for diversity of 
jtulgment, as necessary for the instruction of their people ; to be read 
by the said parsons, vicars, and curates at their jjossession-toMng, or 
first entry into their cures, and also after tfuU, yearly at ttoo several 
times, that is to say, the Sunday next follomng Easter day, and 
St Michael tJie arcliangel, or on some other Sunday within one 
month after tliose feasts, immediately after the gospel. 



For some account of the following Articles, see pp. 120 Boqq., and for 
their circulation in Ireland after the year 1566, pp. 122, 181. They are 
here reprinted from Wilkins, rv. 196 seqq. 



APPENDIX IV. 337 



FORASMUCH as it appertaineth to all Christian men, but espe- 
cially to the ministers and the pastors of the Church, being 
teachers and instructors of others, to be ready to give a reason of their 
faith, when they shall be thereunto required; I, for my part, now 
appointed your parson, vicar, or curate, having before my eyes the 
fear of God, and the testimony of my conscience, do acknowledge for 
myself, and require you to assent to the same : 

First, That there is but one living and true God, of infinite power, 
wisdom, and goodness, the Maker and Preserver of all things; and 
that in unity of this Godhead there be three Persons, of one sub- 
stance, of equal power and eternity, the Father, the Son, and the 
Holy Ghost 

II. I believe also whatsoever is contained in the holy canonical 
Scriptures, in the which Scriptures are contained all things necessary 
to salvation, by the which also all errors and heresies may sufficiently 
be reproved and convicted, and all doctrine and articles necessary to 
salvation established. I do also most firmly believe and confess all 
the articles contained in the three Creeds, the Nicene Greed, Athana- 
sius' Creed, and our common Creed called the Apostles* Creed; for 
these do briefly contain the principal articles of our faith, which are 
at large set forth in the holy Scriptures. 

III. I do acknowledge also that Church to be the spouse of Christ, 
wherein the word of Grod is truly taught, the sacraments orderly minis- 
tered according to Christ's institution, and the authority of the keys 
duly used; and that every such particular church hath authority to 
institute, to change, clean to put away ceremonies, and other ecclesi- 
astical rites, as they be superfluous, or be abused, and to constitute 
other making more to seemliness, to order, or edification. 

IV. Moreover I confess, that it is not lawful for any man to take 
upon him any office or ministry, either ecclesiastical or secular, but 
such only as are lawfiilly thereunto called by their high authorities, 
according to the ordinances of this realm. 

V. Furthermore I do acknowledge the queen's mfyesty's prero- 
gative and superiority of government of all estates, and in all causes, 
as well ecclesiastical as temporal, within this realm, and other her 
dominions and countries, to be agreeable to God's Word, and of right 
to appertain to her highness, in such sort, as is in the late act of 

H. A. 22 



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338 APPENDIX IV. 



parliament expressed, and sithence by her majesty's Injunctions de- 
clared and expounded. 

VI. Moreover, touching the bishop of Rome, I do acknowledge 
and confess, that by the Scriptures and Word of Gk)d he hath no more 
authority than other bishops have in their provinces and dioceses ; and 

I therefore the power, which he now challengeth, that is, to be the 

supreme head of the imiversal Church of Christ, and to be above all 
emperors, kings, and princes, is an usurped power, contrary to the 
Scriptures and Word of God, and contrary to the example of the pri- 
mitive Church, and therefore is for most just causes taken away and 
abolished in this realm. 

YII. Furthermore I do grant and confess, that the book of com- 

\ '■ mon prayer and administration of the holy sacramentS) set forth by 

the authority of parliament, is agreeable to the scriptures, and that it 
is catholic, apostolic, and most for the advancing of (}od*s glory, and 
the edifying of God's people, both for that it is in a tongue, that may 
be understood of the people, and also for the doctrine and form of 
ministration contained in the same. 

jj YIII. And although in the administration of baptism there is 

neither exorcism, oil, salt, spittle, or hallowing of the water now used, 
and for that they were of late years abused and esteemed necessary, 
where they pertain not to the substance and necessity of the sacra- 
ment, that they be reasonably abolished, and yet the sacrament ftill 
and perfectly ministered to all intents and purposes, agreeable to the 
institution of our Saviour Christ. 

IX. Moreover, I do not only acknowledge, that private masses 
were never used amongst the fathers of the primitive Church, I mean, 
public ministration and receiving of the sacrament by the priest alone, 
without a just number of communicants, according to Christ's saying, 
"Take ye and eat ye," etc. but also, that the doctrine, that main- 
taineth the mass to be a propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and dead, 
and a mean to deliver souls out of purgatory, is neither agreeable to 
Christ's ordinance, nor grounded upon doctrine apostolic, but contrary- 
wise most ungodly and most injurious to the precious redemption of 
our Saviour Christ, and liis only sufficient sacrifice offered once for 
ever upon the altar of the cross. 

X. I am of that mind also, that the holy commimion or sacra- 
ment of the body and blood of Christ, for the due obedience to Christ's 
institution, and to express the virtue of the same, ought to be minis- 
tered unto the people under both kinds ; and that it is avouched by 
certain fathers of the Church to be a plain sacrilege, to rob them of the 
mystical cup, for whom Christ hath shed his most precious blood, 



APPENDIX IV. 339 

seeing he himself hath said, " Drink ye all of this :" considering also, 
that in the time of the ancient doctors of the Church, as Cjrprian, 
Hierom, Augustine, Grelasius, and others, six hundred years after 
Christ and more, both the parts of the sacrament were ministered to 
the people. 

Last of all, as I do utterly disallow the extolling of images, relics, 
and feigned miracles, and also all kind of expressing Gk)d invisible in 
the form of an old man, or the Holy Ghost in the form of a dove, and 
all other vain worshipping of Grod, devised by man's fantasies, besides 
or contrary to the scriptures, as wandering on pilgrimages, setting up 
of candles, praying upon beads, and such like superstition ; which kind 
of works have no promise of reward in scripture, but contrarywise 
threatenings and maledictions; so I do exhort all men to the obedi- 
ence of God's law, and to the works of &ith, as charity, mercy, pity, 
alms, devout and frequent prayer with the affection of the heart, and 
not with the mouth only, godly abstinence and fasting, charity, obedi- 
ence to the rulers, and superior powers, with such like works and 
godliness of life commanded by God in his word, which, as St Paul 
saith, " hath promises both of this life and of the life to come," and 
are works only acceptable in God's sight. 

These things above rehearsed, though they be appointed by com- 
mon order, yet I do without all compulsion, with freedom of mind, 
and conscience, from the bottom of my heart, and upon most sure 
persuasion, acknowledge to be true and agreeable to God's word ; and 
therefore I exhort you all, of whom I have cure, heartily and obedi- 
ently to embrace and receive the same, that we all joining together in 
unity of spirit, faith and charity, may also at length be joined together 
in the kingdom of God, and that through the merits and death of our 
Saviour Jesus Christ, to whom with the Father, and the Holy Ghost, 
be all glory and empire now and for ever. Amen. 



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APPENDIX 



No. V. 



LAMBETH ARTICLES. 



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The following is a copy of the Lambeth Articles, in the form whict 
they ultimately assumed. It is taken from Strype, WkUgifi, p. 461, whc 
thought it worthy of being entitled a ' correct and authentic' Tersion, 
The truth is that we must carefully distinguish between the ' Articuli a 
D. Whitakero LambethsD propositi/ and the ' Articuli approbati :* and 
for the sake of impressing this difference on the reader, the origina] 
theses are subjoined, together with a number of emendations suggested 
by the bishops, to whom they were afterwards presented. The com- 
mentary or critique of Whitgift and the rest, is preserved in a small pub- 
lication, entitled 'Articuli Lambethani,' Lend. 1651, and afterwards 
appended to Elis's Artie, XXXIX. EccL Anglican. DefenHo (original in 
the Camb, Univ. MS. Qg. i. 29, pp. 218 sq). 



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APPENDIX V. 343 



Articuli approbati a reverendissimis DomiDis, D.D. 
Joanne Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi, et Richardo 
Episcopo Londinensi, et aliis Theologis, Lambethse, 
Novembris 20, Anno 1595. 

I. Deus ab aetemo praedestinavit quosdam ad vitam, et quosdam 
ad mortem reprobavit. 

IT. Causa movens aut efficiens prsedestinationis at vitam non 
est pwevisio fidei aut perseverantiae, aut bonorum operum, 
aut ullius rci quae insit in personis pi-sedestinatis, sed sola 
voluntas beneplaciti Dei. 

III. Praedestinatoi-um pnefinitus et cert\is est numenis, qui nee 

augeri nee minui potest 

IV. Qui non sunt pra^destinati ad salutem, nocessario propter 

peccata sua damnabuntur. 

V. Vera, viva et justificans fides, et spiritus Dei sanctificans 
non extinguitur, non excidit, non evanescit in electis, aut 
finaliter aut totaliter. 

VI. Homo vere fidelis, id est, fide justificante prseditus, certus est 

plerophoria fidei, de remissione peccatoi-um suorum et salute 
sempitema sua per Christum. 

VII. Gratia salutans non tribuitur, non communicatur, non con- 

ceditur universis hominibus, qua servari possint, si vo- 
luerint. 
VIII. Nemo potest venire ad Christum nisi datum ei ftierit, et nisi 
Pater eum traxerit Et omncs homines non trahuntur a 
Patre ut veniant ad Filium. 
IX. Non est positum in arbitrio aut potestate uniuscujusque 
hominis servari. 



t. 






Ai'PENUIX V. 



Articuli LambethEe propo- Articuli Lambethee propo- 
siti prout a cl. V. D. siti prout ab Episcopis re^ 



Whitakero in ipsius au- 
tographo concepti, Epi- 
scopis aliisque Theologis 
Lambethse proponebaQ- 
tur. 



liquisque Tbeologis con- 
cept! sunt, et de seosu, 
quo admisst sunt. 



L 



Deiu ab aterno pnededinavU Admiaaus eat bic Articulua to- 

qnoidam ad vUam, et qiuudam ad tddem verbia. Nam u per primum 

mort^Bir^trobavU, 'quoBdam' intelligantur 'creden- 

tee,' per Becundnm ' qaosdam,' 

'increduU;' lia hie nou intenditur, aed eet veriseimua Articulus. 

IL II. 

Causa e^tciena Prtedegtinatimm Causa movena aut efficiens Pne- 
non at preeoiaio foiei, aut perae- destinationis 'ad ritoia' non est 
Mrantias, aut bonorum openun, 'prteviaio' fideiautperaevemntue, 
attt vtliug rei quce in aii peraonia aut bonorum operum aut alius rei, 
preedeaUnatia, aed aola et a^wobUa qvuemsitinpersonispnedestiiiatis; 
et rimpUx voluntas Dei. and 'sola voluntaa benepluciti Dei.' 

Additur in hoc secusdo Articulo 
a Lambethanis 1° 'raovens;' 2° 'ad vitam;' 3" mutatur 'sola absoluta 
et aiinjilex voluntas Dei,' in ' aola voluntas beneplaeiti Dei ;' idque Qon 
sine juHta tatione. Caussa enim movena prtedeetinationis ' ad vitam,' 
non est 'fides,' sed 'meritum ChriBti,' cum Deua servandis salutem 
destinavit uon propter fidem, sed propter Christum. ' Moveutia' vo- 
cabuluiu propria ' merito' convenit : Meritum autem est in obedientia 
Ohriati, uon in fide nostra. Additur ' ad vitam,' quia licet prtedesti- 
nationis 'ad mortem' caussa ait 'prtevi»io' infidelitatis et impcenitentiie, 
adeoque alicujua rei quie inait iwrsonis prsedestinatis 'ad mortem;' 
tameu nulla eat causa pnedestiimtionis 'ad vitam,' nisi sola 'voluntas 
beneplaeiti Dei ;' juxta illud Augustini, ' Piwdestinationis causa quso. 
ritur et non invenitur; reprobationis vero causa qiiKiitur et inveni- 
tur,' 'Absoluta et simplex voluntaa Dei' majun quiddam dicit, quam 
aola voluntaa beneplaeiti. Nam et conditionalis voluntas eat bene- 
plaeiti, et vult De\ia noa recte facere, si noa velimus ejus gratite non 
deeiwc ; et plaeuit Deo servare singxiloa homines, si crederent 



APPENDIX V. 346 

IIL III. 

Frcedestinatorum prcefinitus et In hoc Ai-tionlo nihil mutatur : 
certus est numerus, qui nee augeri verissimus enim est si de pnesci- 
rtec minul potest^ entda Dei intelligatui* quae nun- 

qnam fallitnr. Non enim plures 
vel pauciores servantur quam Deus praBsciverit. 

IV. IV. 

Qui non sunt prcedestinati ad In hoc Articulo nihil mutatur ; 
saluteniy necessario propter pecccUa yerissimus enim est; quia statuit 
condemndbuntur. Deus non remittere peccata nisi 

credentibus. Quod si ita, hanc 
thesin et priorem interpreteris ut et * peccata' et * damnationem' neces- 
sitate quadam ex ipsa prsedestinatione deducas atque ex ea fluere 
existimes, aperte Augustino, Prospero, Fulgentio, <fec. contradicis, et 
cum Manichseis, Deum peccati autorem necesse est facias. 

V. V. 

Fiera, viva et justificans fides et Vera, viva et justificans fides et 
spiritus Dei sanctificans non ex- spiiitus Dei sanctificans non ex- 
stinguitury non excidity non eva- stinguitur, non excidit, non eva- 
nescity in iis qui semd epis par- nescit, in * electis* aut totaliter, aut 
tidpes fuerunty au>t totaliter atU finaliter. InautographoWhitakeri 
finaliter, verba erant, * in iis qui semel ejus 

participes fuerunt;' pro quibus a 
Lambethanis substituta sunt * in electis,* sensu plane alio, et ad men- 
tem Augustini ; cum in autographo sint ad mentem Calvini. Angus- 
tinus enim opinatus est, * veram fidem quae per dilectionem operatur, 
per quam contingit adoptio, justificatio et sanctificatio, posse et inter- 
cidi et amitti : fidem vero esse commune donimi electis et reprobis, 
sed perseverantiam electis propriam :* Calvinus autem, * veram et jus- 
tificantem fidem solis salvandis et electis contingere.' Et cl. v. D. 
Overal defendit et in Academia et in Conventu Hamptoniensi \ * jus- 
tificatum, si incidat in graviora peccata, antequam poenitentiam agat, 
in statu esse damnationis :' ibique contraria sententia quae statuit, 
* justificatum, etiamsi in peccata graviora incidat, justificatum tamen 
manere,' a Regia Majestate damnata est : ita in hoc Articulo nihil 
minus quam Whitakeri sententia probata est. 

VI. VI. 

Homo vere fideliSy id est, fide * Homo vere fidelis, id est tide 
justificanle jyrcedittiSy certus est, justificanto pi-aeditus,' certus est 

' S«e above, p. -213. 



346 APPENDIX V. 

eerfitudine Jidei, de remiaaione pec- ' plerophoria fidei ' de ' remiudon 
oaiorum tuorum H talute tempi- peccAtomm Buontin et salute sen 
lema nta per Ghrulum. piterna sua per ChriBtum. NUi 

hie mutator, nisi quod pro ' oa 
titudine' subetituitar vox Gneca ' plerophoria.' Quidam autem e 
theologis Toluerunt, pro fidei plerophoria, reponi sped pleropfaoriam 
rerum eomm abaentia cum tranaigeretur negotium, eSecit ut manere 
vox 'fidei' quam scripeerat Whitakerus. Voce autem 'plerophoris 
UBi sunt, quia non deaignat pleoam et absolutam certitudinem, quaii 
eat 'scientis vel principionim fidei,' (cum fides sit talium rerum, qua 
rum est evideutia vel certa acieutia), aed minorem quendam certitudi 
nis gradum, quippe cum etiam in judiciariis et forenaibns probationi 
bufl usurpetur. 

Verisaimua eet hie uticulua, si de certitudine prssentis status in 
telligatur, aut etiam futuri, sed conditionata^ Credit enim fidelia a 
credere, et credit credentem serrattim iri ; credit etiam perseveraturun 
se; sed son una omnino et eadem certitudine: quia certitude luei 
partim nititur Dei promissiouibus, qui nae tentari ultra virea not 
patitur; partim pii propositi sinceritate, quw pro t«mpore fiituro noi 
Deo obedientiam pnestituros sancte in noa recipimua. 

Alioqui ai hie senaus affingitur aasertioni, ' hominem certitudiiu 
eadem, qiia Christum credit mortuum et esse mundi salvatorem, cre- 
dere debere, sB esse serraudum, sive eleetum,' repugnaret heec aasertic 
Confessioni regis EWvardi, in qua legitur, 'decretum pnedestinatioui; 
incognitum est;' et Augustino, ' Prwdcstinatio apud nos, dum in pm- 
eontis Tit«e pericutis versamur, incerta est' De Civit. Dei, Lib. xi. 
otp. 12, et alibi, 'Justi, licet de buib persevemntioe prteinio ccrti sint, 
tamen de ipsa perse verantia reperiuiitur incorti.' 

VII. VII. 

Gratia ni£lciene ad aalutein noa Gratia 'salutaris' non tribuitur, 
tribuilur, non communicfUur, luni noucummunicatur,nonconceditui 
coitcediturunicereinhominibti3,qiia universjs hominibus, qua servari 
eervan possini, ei velint. poasint, si veliut Pro 'gratia 

sufficieuti ad salutem,' quod erat 
in Wliitakeri autt^^pho substituerunt Lambethani, 'gratiam saiu- 
tarem ;' ut plane apparent loqtii eos de ea gratia, que est octu ultimo 
salutans sive actu efficax, sen qiwe per se, non addita nova gratia, 
salutem operatur. Htec qiudem non coneeditur, sed ne offertwr uni- 
versis, eum sint plurimi (utpote pagani, 4c.) quibus Evangelium nee 
interna nee externa voce praedicetur. Ergo ilia verba 'qua servari 
]>ossint si velint' intelligenda sunt de potentia proxima et immedintn. 



APPENDIX V. 347 

Nam si de potentia remotiore intellexissent, frustra iuduxisseut yocem 
^gratite sufficientis,' quae 'sufficiens' appellari solet, non quod sit 
efficax, vel per se actu operetur salutem, sed quod sufficiens sit ad 
ualutem ducere, modo homo nou ponat obicem. Et hsec Augustini et 
Prosperi fuit sententia, qui ' gratiam saltern parciorem, occultioremque 
omiiibus datam* aiunt, et talem quidem quse ad remedium sufficeret 
Unde Fulgeutius, ' Quod non adjuvantur quidam a gratia Dei, in ipsis 
causa est, non in Deo.' 

VIII. VIII. 

Nenio potest venire ad Christum In hoc Articulo nihil mutatum : 
nisi datum ei /uerity et nisi Paler non omnes trahuntur tractu ulti- 
euiYh traocerit: et amues homines mo. Sed qui negat omnes trahi 
non trahu/ntur a Fatre ut veniant tractu remotiore tollit opitulatio- 
adJUium, nem illam generalem, sive com- 

mune auxiliimi quo onmium hominum corda pulsari dicit Prosper. 
Tractum autem Theologi Lambethaiii non intellexerunt (cum Whita- 
kero) * determinationem physicam irresistibilem ;* sed Divinam opera- 
tionem (prout communiter in conversione hominis operatur) quae 
naturam voluntatis liberam non tollit, sed ad bonum spiiituale ido- 
neam primo facit, deinde et ipsam bonam facit. 

IX. IX. 

Non est positum in arbitrto ant In hoc quoque nihil mutatum : 
potestate uniuscujusque hominis verissimum enim est, salutem nos- 
servari, tram esse primario non in nobis, 

sed a gratia prseveniente, excitante, 
concomitante et subsequente in <>mni opere bono ; secundario ab arbi- 
trio et voluntate hominis consentiente atque acceptante. Nulla potes- 
tas est arbitrii ad bonum spiritualc, nisi gratia non modo tollat im])e- 
dimenta, sed et vires suppeditet Non est ergo |>ositum in arbitrio 

* primitus et potissimum ;' imo nullo modo in arbitrio est positum, ut 
homo quilibet quolibet momento &d salutem possit pervenire. At vero 
esse aliquam aliquando in arbitrio potestatem gratia; subordinatam et 
gratise consentientem, nemo inficias iverit, qui Augustinum audiverit: 

* Dum tempus est, (inquit,) dum in nostra potestate est opera bona 
facere:* et alibi, de poenisjnfemi loquens: *Majus est (inquit) quod 
timere debes, et in potestate habes ne eveniat tibi.' 



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APPENDIX 



No. VI. 



ARTICLES OF RELIGION, 



AGREED VPON BY 



THE ARCHBISHOPS AND BISHOPS, 

AND THE REST OF THE CLEAROIE OF IRELAND, 

In the Conuocation holden at Dublin in the yeare of our 

Lord God 1615, for the auoiding of Diuersities of 

Opinions, and the establishing of consent 

touching true Religion. 



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For some account of the appearance and authority of these Article 
see abore, pp. 183 seqq. They are now reprinted from a copy of it 
original edition, which is appended to Dr Elrington's Life of Archbishc 
Uisher. 



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IRISH ARTICLES OF RELIGION. 



Of the holy Scripture and the tfiree Creeds. 

1. The grouud of our Religion, and the rule of faith and all sauing 
trueth is the word of God, contained in the holy Scripture. 

2. By the name of holy Scripture we understand all the Canonicall 
Bookes of the Old and New Testament, viz. : 

Of tfie Old TeaUiirmU. 



The 5 Bookes of Moses. 

losua. 

Judges. 

Ruth. 

The first and second of 

Samuel 
The first and second of 

Kings. 
The first and second of 

Chronicles. 
Esra. 
Nehemiah. 



Esther, 
lob. 

Psalmes. 
Prouerbes. 
Ecclesiafites. 
The Song of Salomon. 
Isaiah. 

leremiah, his Prophesie and La- 
mentation. 
EzechieL 
Daniel. 
The 12 lesse Prophets. 

Of the New TeatavvenL 



The Grospells according 

to 
Matthew. 
Marke. 
Luke. 
John. 

The Actea of the Apostles. 
The Epistle of S. Paul to the 

Romaines. 
Corinthians 2. 
Galathians. 
Ephesians. 



Philippians. 

Colossians. 

Thessalonians 2. 

Timothie 2. 

Titus. 

Philemon. 

Hebrewes. 

The Epistle of S. lames. 

Saint Peter 2. 

Saint lohn 3. 

Saint lude. 

The Reuelation of S. lohn. 



All which wee acknowledge to be giuen by the inspiration of 
God, and in that regard to be of most certaine credit and highest 
authority. 



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352 



APPENDIX VI. 



3. The other Bookes, commonly called ApocryphaU^ did not pi 
ceede from such inspiration, and therefore are not of sufficient a 
thoritie to establish any point of doctrine ; but the Church doth rea( 
them as Bookes containing many worthy things for example of li 
and instruction of maners. 

Such are these foUowing : 



The thirde booke of Esdras. 
The fourth booke of Iklras. 
The booke of Tobias. 
The booke of ludith. 
Additions to the booke of 

Esther. 
The booke of Wisedome. 
The booke of lesus, the Sonne of 

Sirach, called Ecclesiasticus. 



Baruch, with the Epistle of I 

remiah. 
The song of the three Childrei 
Susanna. 

BeU and the Dragon. 
The praier of Manasses. 
The First booke of Macchabee 
The second booke of Macchi 

Dees. 




4. The Scriptures ought to be translated out of the ori^ni 
tongues into all languages for the common use of all men : neither i 
any person to be discouraged from reading the Bible in such a language 
as he doth vnderstand, but seriously exhorted to read the same wit 
great humilitie and reuerencc, as a speciall meanes to bring him to th 
true knowledge of God, and of his owne duty. 

5. Although there bee some hard things in the Scripture (espc 
cially such as haue proper relation to the times in which they 'wer 
first vttered, and prophesies of things which were aflerwardes to be 
fulfilled), yet all things necessary to be knowen vnto euerlastin. 
saluation are cleerely deliuered therein : and nothing of that kinde i 
spoken vnder darke mysteries in one place, which is not in other place 
spoken more familiarly and )>lainely, to the capacitie both of leanie< 
and vnlearned. 

6. The holy Scriptures containe all things nece^saiy to saluation 
and are able to instnict sufficiently in all points of faith that we ar 
boimd to beleeue, and all good duties that we are bound to practise. 

7. All and euerie the Articles contained in the Nicene Creedey th 

Creede of AHiamisiiis, and that which is commonly called the Ajyostle 

Creede, ought firmely to bee receiued and beleeued, for they may b 
proued by most certaine warrant of holy Scripture. 

Of faith in the Jwly Trinitie. 

8. There is but one lining and true God, euerhisting, withou 
body, parts, or passions, of infinite power, wisedome, and goodnes, tin 
maker and presenier of all tilings, both visible and inuisible. And ii 
vnitie of this Godhead, there be three pei-sona of one and the Kanic 



APPENDIX VI. 353 

substance power and eteniitie: the Father, the Sone, and the holy 
Ghost. 

9. The essence of the Father doth not begett the essence of the 
Sonne; but the person of the Father begetteth the person of the Sonne, 
by communicating his whole essence to the person begotten from eter- 
nitie. 

10. The holy Ghost, proceedmg from the Father and the Sonne, 
is of one substance, maiestie, and glory, with the Father and the Sonne, 
very and etemall God. 

Of GoiPs etemall decree, and Predestination, 

11. God from all etemitie did by his vnchangeable counsell 
ordaine whatsoeuer in time should come to imase : yet so, as thereby 
no violence is offi*ed to the wills of the reasonable creatures, and 
neither the libertie nor the contingencie of the second causes is taken 
away, but established rather. 

12. By the same etemall coimsell God hath predestinated some 
vnto life, and reprobated some vnto death : of both wliich there is a 
certaine number, knowen only to God, which can neither be increased 
nor diminished V 

13. Predestination to life, is the euerlasting purpose of God, 
whereby, before the foimdations of the world were layed, he hath 
constantly decreed in his secret counsell to deliuer from curse and 
damnation, those whom he hath chosen in Christ out of mankinde, and 
to bring them by Christ vnto euerlasting saluation, as vessels made 
to honor. 

14. The cause mouing God to predestinate vnto life, is not the 
foreseeing of fedth, or perseuerance, or good worker, or of anything 
which is in the person predestinated, but onely the good pleasure of 
God himselfe*. For all things being ordained for the manifestation of 
his glory, and his glory being to appeare both in the workes of his 
Mercy and of his Justice ; it seemed good to his heauenly wisedome to 
choose out a certaine number towardes whome he would extend his 
vndeserued mercy, leaning the rest to be spectacles of liis iustice. 

15. Such as are predestinated vnto life, be called according vnto 
Gods purpose (his spirit working in due season) and through grace 
they obey the calling, they bee iustified freely, they bee made sonnes of 
€rod by adoption, they be made like the image of his onely begotten 
Sonne lesus Christ, they walke religiously in good workes, and at 
length, by God*s mercy they attaine to euerlasting felicitie. But such 

1 [Lftinbeih Articles, i. ill.] * [Ibid, ii.] 

n. A. 23 



, 364 APPENDIX VI. 

as are not predestinated to saluation, ahall finally be condemned fc 
their sinnes^ 

16. The godlike consideration of Predestination and our electio: 
in Christ, is fiill of sweete, pleasant, and vnspeakeable comfort to godl; 

■I ^ persons, and such as feele in themselues the working of the epirit c 

Christy mortifying the workes of the flesh, and their earthly memben 

and drawing vp their mindes to high and heauenly things : as wei 

because it doth greatly confirme and establish their &dth of etema] 

^ saluation to be enioyed through Christ, as because it doth feraentl; 

kindle their loue towordes God : and on the contrary side, for curiou 
and camall persons, lacking the spirit of Christ, to haue continuall; 
before their eies the sentence of Gods predestination, is veiy dan 
gerous. 

17. Wee must receiue Gods promises in such wise as they b 
generally set forth vnto vs in holy Scripture; and in our doings^ tha 
will of God is to be followed, which we haue expressely declared vnt 

r \ vs in the word of God 

Of the creation and gouemement of aU things. 

18. In the beginning of time, when no creature had any bein^ 
God by his word alone, in the space of sixe dayes, created all things 
and afterwardes by his prouidence doth continue, propagate, and orde 
them according to his owne wilL 

19. The principall creatures are Angels and men. 

20. Of Angels, some continued in that holy state wherein the; 
were created, and are by God*8 grace for euer established therein 
others fell from the same, and are resenied in chaines of darkeness 
vnto the iudgement of the great day. 

21. Man being at the beginning created according to the image c 
God (which consisted especially in the Wisedome of his minde and th 
true Holyness of his free will) had the coueiiant of the lawe ingrafie< 
in his heart : whereby God did promise vnto him euerlastiiig life, vjx)] 

* condition that he performed entire and perfect obedience unto his Com 

, 1^ mandements, according to that measure of strength wherewith hee wa 

endued in his creation, and threatned death vnto him if he did no 
performe the same. 

Of tlie fall of man, originaM sinne, and the state of nian before 

instificaiion. 

^r 22. By one man sinne entred into the world, and death by sinne 

and so death went oner all men, for as much as all haue sinned. 

\, ^ [Lambeth Articlw, rv.] 

I' 
I 

I'l 



I 
» 

t 

A 

"I 
J 



APPENDIX vf. 355 

23. Origiuall sinne standeth not in the imitation of Adam (as the 
Pelagians dreame) but is the fkult and corruption of the nature of euery 
person that naturally is ingendred and propagated from Adam : where- 
by it commeth to passe that man is depriued of originall righteousnes, 
and by nature is bent vnto sinne. And therefore, in euery person 
borne into the world, it deserueth Grods wrath and damnation. 

24. This corruption of nature doth remaine euen in those that are 
regenerated, whereby the flesh alwaies lusteth against the spirit^ and 
cannot bee made subject to the lawe of God. And howsoeuer, for 
Christs sake there bee no condemnation to such as are regenerate and 
doe beleeue : yet doth the Apostle acknowledge that in it selfe this 
concupiscence hath the nature of sinne. 

25. The condition of man after the fall of Adam is such, that he 
cannot tume, and prepare himselfe by his owne naturall strength and 
good workes, to faith, and calling vpon God. Wherefore we haue no 
power to doe good workes, pleasing and acceptable vnto God, without 
the grace of God preuenting vs, that we may haue a good will, and 
working with vs when wee liaue that good will. 

26. Workes done before the grace of Christ, and the inspiration of 
his spirit, are not pleasing vnto God, for as much as they spring not of 
faith in lesus Clirist, neither do they make men meete to receaue grace, 
or (as the Schoole Authoi-s say) deserue grace of congruitie : yea rather, 
for that they are not done in such sorte as God hath willed and com- 
maunded them to be done, we doubt not but they are sinfull. 

27. All sinnes are not equall, but some farre more heynous than 
others ; yet the very least is of its owne nature mortall, and without 
Gods mercy maketh the oflTender lyable vnto euerlasting danmation. 

28. God is not the Author of sinne : howbeit he doth not only 
permitt, but also by his prouidence goueme and onler the same, guiding 
it in such sorte by his infinite wisedome, as it tumeth to the mani- 
festation of his owne glory and to the good of his elect. 

0/ Christy the mediator of the second Covetia^U. 

29. The Sonne, which is the Word of the Father, begotten from 
euerlasting of the Father, the true and etemall God, of one substance 
with the Father, tooke mans nature in the wombe of the blessed 
Virgin, of her substance : so that two whole and perfect natures, that 
is to say, the Godhead and Manhoode were inseparably ioyned in one 
person, making one Christ very God and very man. 

30. Christ in the truth of our nature, was made like vnto vs in aU 
things, sinne only excepted, from which he was cleerely voyd, both in 
his life and in his nature. He came as a Lambe without spott, to take 

23—2 



356 APPENDIX VI. 

awaj the sins of the world, hy the sacrifice of himselfe once made, and 
sinne (as Saint Io?m saith) was not in him. He fulfilled the lainr for 
YS perfectly : For our sakes he endured most grieuous torments imme- 
diatelj in his soule, and most painefull sufferings in his body. He was 
crucified, and dyed to reconcile his Father vnto vs, and to be a sacrifice 
not onely for originall guilt, but also for aU our actuall transgressions. 
He was buried and descended into hell, and the third day rose from the 
dead, and tooke againe his body, with flesh, bones, and all things 
appertaining to the perfection of mans nature : wherewith he ascended 
into Heauen, and there sitteth at the right hand of his Father, vntil 
hee retume to iudge aU men at the last day. 

Of the commwnicating of the grace of Christ. 

31. They are to be condemned, that presume to say that eueiy 
man shalbe saued by the law or sect which he professeth, so that he be 
diligent to frame his life according to that law, and the light of nature. 
For holy Scripture doth set out ynto vs only the name of lesus Christ 
whereby men must be saued. 

32. None can come vnto Christy vnlesse it bee giuen vnto bim^ 
and vnlesse the Father drawe him. And all men are not so drawen 
by the Father that they may come vnto the Son. Neither is there 
such a sufficient measure of grace vouchsafed unto euerie man whereby 
he is enabled to come vnto everlasting life \ 

33. Ail Gods elect are in their time inseperablye vnited vnto 
Christ by the effectuall and vitall influence of the holy Ghost, deriued 
from him as from the head vnto euery true member of his mysticall 
body. And being thus made one with Christ, they are truely regene* 
rated, and made partakers of him and all his benefits. 

Of I%L8tification and Faith, 

34. We are accoimted lighteous before Gkxl, onely for the merit of 
our Lord and Saviour lesus Christ, applied by fiaith ; and not for our 
owne workes or merits. And this righteousnes, which we so receiue of 
Gods mercie and Christs merits, imbraced by fedth, is taken, accepted, 
and allowed of Grod, for our perfect and full iustification. 

35. Although this iustification be free vnto vs, yet it commeth not 
so freely vnto vs, that there is no ransome j>aid therefore at all. God 
shewed his great mercie in deliuering vs from our former captiuitie, 
without requiring of any ransome to be payd, or amends to be made on 
our parts; which thing by vs had been vnpossible to be done. And 
whereas all the world was not able of themselues to pay any part 

* [Lambeth Articles, vii. vm. ix.] 



APPENDIX VI. 357 

towards their ransome, it pleased our heavenly Father of his infinite 
mercie without any desert of ours, to prouide for vs the most precious 
merits of his owne Sonne, whereby our ransome might be fully payd, 
the la we Ailfilled, and his iustice fully satisfied. So that Christ is now 
the righteousnes of aU them that truely beleeue in him. Hee for them 
payd their ransome by his death. He for them fulfilled the lawe in his 
life ; that now in him, and by him euerie true Christian man may be 
called a fiilfiUer of the lawe : forasmuch as that which our infirmitie 
was not able to effect^ Christs iiistice hath performed. And thus the 
iustice and mercie of God doe embrace each other : the grace of God 
not shutting out the iustice of Grod in the matter of our iustification ; 
but onely shutting out the iustice of man (that is to say, the iustice of 
our own workes) firom being any cause of deseruing our iustification. 

36. * When we say that we are iustified by Faith onely, we doe 
not meane that the said iustifying faith is alone in man, without true 
Bepentance, Hope, Charity, and the feare of God (for such a faith is 
dead, and cannot iustifie), neither do we meane, that this our act to 
beleeue in Christ, or this our faith in Christ, which is within vs, doth 
of it selfe iustifie vs, or deserue our iustification vnto vs, (for that were 
to account our selues to bee iustified by the vertue or dignitie of some 
thing that is within our selues :) but the true vnderstanding and mean- 
ing thereof is that although we heare Grods word and beleeue it, although 
we haue Faith, Hope, Charitie, Repentance, and the feare of God within^ 
us, and adde neuer so many good workes thereunto : yet wee must 
renounce the merit of all our said vertues, of Faith, Hope, Charitie^ 
and all our other vertues, and good deeds, which we either haue done, 
shall doe, or can doe, as things that be farre too weake and vnperfect, 
and vnsufficient to deserue remission of our sinnes, and our iustifica- 
tion : and therefore we must trust onely in Gods niei*cie, and the 
merits of his most dearely beloued Sonne, our onely Redeemer, Sa- 
uiour, and lustifier lesus Christ. Neuerthelesse, because Faith doth 
directly send vs to Christ for our iustification, and that by fiiith given 
vs of God wee embrace the promise of Gods mercie, and the remission 
of our sinnes, (which tiling none other of our vertues or workes 
properly doth :) therefore the Scripture vseth to say, that Faith wtth- 
out vxyrkea; and the aimcient fathers of the Church to the same pur- 
pose, that onely Faith doth iustifie vs. 

37. By iustifying Faith wee vnderstand not onely the common 
Ix^leefe of the Articles of Christian Religion, and the perswaaion of the 
truth of Gods worde in generall : but also a particidar application of 

1 [Cf. Homily, Of Salvation, Part IL p. 14, ed. Camb.] 



358 APPENDIX vr. 

the gnitiouB promiBea of the Ooepell, to the comfort of our owi 
soules : whereby we lay hold on Christ, with all his benefits, hami 
an eameet truat and confidence in Ood, that he will be mercifull vnl 
vs for hia onely Sonnes saka So that a true beleever may bee oe 
taine, by the assurance of faith, of the forgiucneme-of his sicnea, be 
of his euerlasting salvation by Chriet'. 

38. A true liuely iustifying faith, and the sanctifying spirit i 
Ood, is not extinguished, nor Tanisheth away in the regeDerste, eitht 
finally or totally'. 

Of lanctijieatwn and good worka. 

39. All that are iustified, are likewise sanctified; their &it 
being alwaiee accompanied with tnie Repentance and good Workea. 

40. Repentance is a gift of God, whereby a godly sorrow i 
wrought in the heart of the faithfull, for offending God their merciful 
Father by their former transgressions, Ix^ether with a constant reaoln 
tion for the time to come to cleaue unto Ood, and to lead a new life^ 

41. Albeit that good workes, wliich are the Amite of faith, am 
follow after iustification, cannot make satia&ction for our sinnes, ami 
endure the seueritie of Gods iudgement: yet are they pleasing t 
Ood and accepted of him in Christ, and doe spring from a true am 
liuely faith, which by them is to be discerned, aa a tree by th 
fhiite. 

42. Tlie workes which God would banc his people to waike in 
are such a« he Imth commairaded in his holy Scripture, and not aucl 
workes aa men hauc deui.sed out of their own braine, of a blind zeal* 
and deuotion, without the warrant of the word of God. 

43. Tlie regenerate cannot fulfil the lawe of God perfectly in tlii 
life. For in many things we offend all : ami if we say, wc haue ni 
sinne, wee dcceaue our seines, and the truth is not in vs. 

44. Nut euerie heynoiis sinne willingly committed after baji 
titune, is sinne against the holy Ghost, and vnpardonable. And there 
fore to such as fall into aiime after baptisme, place for repentance i 
not to be <l<:nied. 

45. Voluntary workes, besides ouer and aboue God's commande 
raentH, which they call workes of Supererogation, cannot be taugh 
without an-ogancio and ini|iietic For by them men doe declare tha 
they doe not onely render vnto God aa much aa they are bound t- 
doe, but that they doe more for his sake then of bounden duty i: 
required. 

1 [Lambetli Articlus, vi,] • [Ibid, v.] 



APPENDIX VI. 359 

Of the seruice of God. 

46. Our dutie towards Grod is to beleeue in him, to feare him, 
and to loue him with all our heart, with all our minde, and with all 
our soule, and with all our strength, to worship him, and to giue 
him thankes, to put our whole trust in him, to call vpon him, to 
honour his holy Name and his word, and to seme him truelj all the 
dayes of our life*. 

47. In all our necessities we ought to haue recourse vnto God by 
prayer : assuring our selues, that whatsoeuer we aske of the Father, 
in the name of his Sonne (our onely mediator and intercessor) Christ 
lesus, and according to his will, he will vndoubtedly grant it. 

48. Wee ought to prepare our hearts before wee pray, and vnder- 
stand the things that wee aske when wee pray : that both our hearts 
and voyces may together sound in the eares of Grods Maiestie. 

49. When almightie Grod smiteth vs with affliction, or some great 
calamitie hangeth ouer vs, or any other waighty cause so requireth ; 
it is our dutie to humble our selues in fasting, to bewaile our sinnes 
with a sorrowfull heart, and to addict our selues to earnest prayer, 
that it might please God to turne his wrath from vs, or supplie vs 
with such graces as wee greatly stand in neede of 

60. 'Fasting is a with-holding of meat, drincke, and all naturall 
foode, with other outward delights, from the body, for the determined 
time of fasting. As for those abstinences which are appointed by 
publike order of our state, for eating of fish and forbearing of flesh at 
ccrtoine times and daies appointed, they are no wayea ment to bee 
religious fastes, nor intended for the maintenance of any sui)er8tition 
in the choice of meates, but are grounded meerely vpon politicke con- 
siderations, for prouision of things tending to the better preseruation 
of the Commonwealth. 

51. Wee must not fast with this perswasion of minde, that our 
^sting can bring vs to heauen, or ascribe hol3messe to the outward 
worke wrought For God alloweth not our faste for the worke sake 
(which of it selfe is a thing meerely indifferent), but chiefly respecteth 
the heart, how it is affected therein. It is therefore requisit that 
first before all things we dense our hearts from sinne, and then direct 
our fast to such ends as God will allow to bee good : that the flesh 
may thereby be chastised, the spirit may be more feruent in prayer, 
and that our festing may bee a testimony of our humble submission 
to Grods maiestie, when wee acknowledge our sinnes vnto him, and 
are inwardly touched with sorrowfulnesse of hearty bewailing the same 
in the affliction of our bodies. 

> [From the ' Catechlmi.'] ■ [Cf. Homily, Of Fasting, p. 184.] 



t.- 



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4 



. 4 



: I 



■ I ■ 






{' 



■V 

4. 



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ji 



I. 



• 



860 APPENDIX VI, 



52. All worship deuised by mans phantosie, besides or contnu 
to the Scriptures (as wandring on Pilgrimages, setting vp of Candle 
Stations, and lubilies, Pharisaicall sects and fisdned religions, prayii 
vpon Beades, and Huch like superstition) hath not onelj no promii 
of reward in Scripture, but contrariewise threatnings and maledi< 
tions. 
I 53. All manner of expressing God the Father, the Sonne, an 

I »i| the holy Ghost, in an outward forme, is vtterly vnlawinll. As also a 

I i. other images deuised or made by man to the use of Religion. 

54. All religious worship ought to bee giuen to God alone ; fix>] 
whome all goodnesse, health, and grace ought to be both asked an 
looked for, as from, the very author and giuer of the same, and froi 
none other. 

55. The name of God is to be Ysed with all reuerence and ho] 
respect: and therefore all vaine and rash swearing is vtterly to I: 
condemned. Yet uotwitlistanding vpon lawMl occasions, an oat 
may be giuen, and taken, according to the word of God, iustio 
uulgenient, and truths 

56. The first day of tlie weeke, whicb is the Lards day^ is whoU 
to be dedicated unto the sendee of God : and therefore we are boiin< 

\ therein to rest from our common and daily buysinesse, and to bestow 

that leasure vpon holy exercises, both publike and priuate. 



Of the Cm ill Magkti'ate, 

57. Tlie Kings MaieHty \Tider God hath the Souoraigne aiic 
chiefe power, ^athin his Realmes and Dominions, ouer all manner o 
persons, of what estate, either Ecclesiastical 1 or Ciuill, soeuer thej 
bee ; so as no other forrjiinc power hath or ought to haue any supe 
riority ouer them. 

58. Wee doe professe that the supreame goucmcment of all estatoi 
within the said Realmes and Dominions, in all causes, a.s well Eccle 
sia.sticall as Ttinporall, doth of right appertiiine to the Kings highnes 
Neither doe we giue vnto him hereby the administration of the Worti 
and Sacnimonts, or the |>ower of the Keyes: but that prerogatiuc 
onely, which we see to hau(i been alwaies giuen vnto all goclly Princes 
in holy Scripture by God hiuisolf(»; that is, tliat hee should containc 
all estjit(* and degree committed to liis charge by G(xl, whether they 
be Ecclesiasticall or Ciuill, within their duty, and restraine the stub- 
borne and euil doers with the power of the Ciuill swoorde. 

59. The Vo\^ neither of himselfe, nor by any authoritie of the 
Church or S(j of Rome, or by any other meanes with any other, hath 
any i>ower or authoritie to dejwse the King, or dis]K>sc any of his 



I. 



APPENDIX VI. 361 

Kiiigdomes or Dominions, or to authorise any other Prince to inuade 
or annoy him or his Countries, or to discharge any of his subiects of 
their allegeance and obedience to his Maiestie, or to give licence or 
leaue to any of them to beare armes, raise tumult, or to offer any 
violence or hurt to his Royall person, state, or gouemement, or to any 
of his subiects within his Maiesties Dominions. 

60. That Princes which be excommunicated or depriued by the 
Pope, may be deposed or murthered by their subiects, or any other 
whatsoeuer, is impious doctrine. 

61. The lawes of the Realme may punish Christian men with 
death for heynous and grieuous offences. 

62. It is lawiuU for Christian men, at the commandement of the 
Magistrate, to beare armes, and to seme in iust wars. 

Of ov/r duty towards our Neighbours, 

63. *Ovr duty towartls our neighbours is, to loue them as oxir 
selues, and to do to all men as we would they should doe to us; to 
honour and obey our Superiours; to preserue the safety of mens per- 
sons, as also their cha^titie, goods, and good names ; to beare no malice 
nor hatred in our heaiis ; to keepe our bodies in temperance, sobemes, 
and chastitie ; to be true and iust in all our doings ; not to couet other 
mens goodes, but labour truely to get our owne lining, and to doe our 
dutie in that estate of life vnto which it pleaseth God to call us. 

64. For the preseruation of the chastitie of mens persons, wedlocke 
is commaunded vnto all men that stand in need thereof Neither is 
there any prohibition by the word of Grod, but that the ministers of 
the Church may enter into the state of Matrimony : they being no 
where commaunded by Gods Law, either to vow the estate of single 
life, or to abstaine from marriage. Therefore it is lawiull also for them, 
as well as for all other Christian men, to marrie at their owne dis- 
cretion, as they shall iudge the same to seme better to godlines. 

65. The riches and goodes of Christians are not common, as 
touching the right, title, and possession of the same : as certaine Ana- 
baptists falsely affirme. Notwithstanding euerie man ought of such 
things as hee possesseth, liberally to giue almes to the poore, according 
to his ability. 

66. Faith giuen, is to be kept, even with Hereticks and Infidells. 

67. The Popish doctrine of Equiuocation and mentall Reserua- 
tion, is most vngodly, and tendeth plainely to the subuersion of all 
humaine society. 

1 [Cf. 'Catechism.'] 



362 APPENDIX VI. 

Of the Church, and outteard ministerjf of Ihe Qospdl. 

68. There is but oae Catholike Church (out of which there is n 
saluatioa) coatainlng the imiuersall company of all the Saints tha 
euer were, are, or shalbe, gathered together in one body, mder on 
head Christ lesua : part whereof is already in heaven triumphant, p&i 
as yet mUitatU faeere vpon earth. And because this Church consist 
eth of all those, and those alone, which are elected by Ood Tnto sal 
nation, & regenerated by the power of his spirit, the number of ^rhoni' 
is knowen only vnto Qod himselfe ; therefore it is called the CeUholik 
or vniversall, and the InuisihU Chureh. 

69. But pajtic\ilar and visible Churches (consistiag of those whi 
make profeHsion of the faith of Christ, and line vuder the oatwan 
meanes of Baluation) be many in number: wherein the more or lesm 
sincerely according to Christs institution, the word of Ood ia taught 
the Sacraments are administred, and the authority of the £eyes L 
vsed, the more or lesse pure are such Churches to bee accounted. 

70. Although in the visible Church the cnil bee euer minglec 
with the good, and sometimes the euill haue chiefe authoritie in tfa( 
ministration of the word & Sacraments : yet, for as much as they do< 
not the same in their owne name, but in Christs, and minister by hit 
commission and authority, we may vse their ministery both in heariii| 
the word and in receauing the Sacraments. Neither is the effect ol 
Christs ordinance taken away by their wickednease : nor the grace ol 
Gods gifts diminished from euch as by faith and rightly doe receauc 
the Sacraments ministred vnto them; which arc effectuall, because ol 
Christs institution and promise, although they be ministred by euill 
men. Ncuerthclesse it appcrtaineth to the discipline of the Church, 
that inquiry be made of euill ministern, and that they be accused by 
those that haue knowledge of their oSences, and finally being found 
guiltie, by iiist iudgement bee dcjKmwl 

71. It is not Iftwfiill for any man to take vpon him the office ol 
publike pi-eaching or ministring the Sacraments in the Church, vnlcss 
hee bee first lawfully called and sent to execute the same. And those 
we ought to iudge lawfully called and sent, which bee chosen and 
called to this worke by men who haue publike authoritie giucii 
them in the Church, to call and send minifters into the Lords vine- 

73. To haue publikc prayer in the Church, or to administer the 
Sacraments in a tongue not vnderstood of the people, is a thing 
plainly repugnant to the word of God, and the ciistome of the Primi- 
tiuc Church. 



APPENDIX VI. 363 

73. That person which by publike denunciation of the Church is 
rightly cut off from the vnitie of the Church, and excommunicate, 
ought to bee taken of the whole multitude of the &ithfdll, as a 
Heathen and Publican, vntill by Repentance he be openly reconciled 
and receaued into the Church, by the iudgement of such as haue 
authoritie in that behalfe. 

74. God hath giuen power to his ministers, not simply to forgiue 
sinnes, (which prerogatiue he hath reserued onely to himselfe) but in 
his name to declare and pronounce vnto such as truely repent Mad 
vnfainedly beleeue his holy Gospell, the absolution and forgiuenesse of 
sinnes. Neither is it Gods pleasure that his people should bee tied to 
make a particular confession of all their knowen sinnes vnto any mor- 
tall man : howsoeuer any person grieued in his conscience, vpon any 
speciall cause, may well resorte vnto any godly and learned Minister, 
to receaue aduisc and comfort at his hands. 

0/ the cmthoritie of tJie Churchy generaU Cotmcelh, and Bishop 

of Rome. 

75. It is not lawfull for the Church to ordaine any thing that is 
contrary to Gods word : neither may it so expound one place of Scrip- 
ture, that it be repugnant to another. Wherefore although the Church 
bee a witnesse, and a keeper of holy writt : yet as it ought not to 
decree any thing against the same, so besides the same ought it not 
inforce any thing to be beleeued vi)on necessitie of saluation. 

76. Generall Councells may not be gathered together without the 
commaundement and will of Princes ; and when they be gathered toge- 
ther (for as much as they be an assembly of men not alwaies gouemed 
with the spirit and word of Grod) they may erre, and sometimes haue 
en*ed, euen in things pertaining to the rule of pietie. Wherefore 
things ordained by them, as necessary to saluation, haue neither 
strength nor authority, vnlesse it may be shewed that they bee taken 
out of holy Scriptures. 

7 7. Euery particular Church hath authority to institute, to change, 
and cleane to put away ceremonies and other Ecclesiasticall rites, as 
they be superfluous, or be abused ; and to constitute other, makcing 
more to seemelynes, to order, or edification. 

78. As the Churches of lerusaleniy Alexandria and Antioch haue 
erred : so also the Church of Rome hath erred, not onely in those 
things which conceme matter of practise and point of ceremonies, but 
also in matters of faith. 

79. The power which the Bishop of Rams now challengeth, to be 
Supreame head of the vniversall Church of Christ, and to be aboue all 



364 APPENDIX VI. 

EmperouTB, Kings and Princes, is an usurped power, contrary to tiu 
Scriptures and word of God, and contraiy to the example of the 
Primitiue Church; and therefore ia for moBt iust causes taken aw&} 
and abolished within the Kings Majesties !Rea]m«a and Dominions. 

60. The Bishop of Borne is so farre from being the sapreamt 
head of the vniuersall Church of Christ, that his workes and doctarint 
doe plaiuely discover him to bee that man qfeinne, foretold in the holj 
Scriptures, whom* the Lord ghaU cotuume vriih the spirit of his mouth 
and abolish toith tie brightnet of his eomming. 

Of the Suae of the old and new Testammt. 

81. In the Old Testament the Conunaundements of the Iaw wen 
more largely, and the promises of Christ more sparingly and darkelj 
propounded, sbaddowed with a multitude of types and figures, and sc 
much the more generally and obscurely delinered, as die manifesting 
of thran was further oK 

82. The Old Testament is not contvary to the New. For both 
in the Old and New Testament eueilasting life is offered to mankindc 
by Christ, who is the onely mediator betweene God and man, being 
both God and man. Wherefore they are not to be heard, which iainc 
that the old Fathers did looke onely for transitory promises. For they 
looked for all benefits of God the Father through the merita of his 
Sonne leans Christ, as we now doe ; onely they beleeued in Christ 
which should come, we in Christ already come. 

83. The New Testament is full of grace and truth, bringing ioyfull 
tidings vnto mankinde, that whatsoeuer formerly was promised of 
Christ, is now accomplished ; and so in stead of the auiioient types and 
ceremonies, exhibiteth the things tliemselues, with a large and cleere 
declaration of all the benefits of the Gos[>elL Neither is the miiii.stery 
thereof restrained any longer to one circumcised nation, but is indiffe- 
rently propounded vnto all jieojile, whether they be lewes or Gentils. 
So that there is now no Nation which can truly complainc that they be 
shut forth from the communion of Suinta and the Uberties of the people 
of God. 

84. Although the Law giuen from God by Moses, as touching 
ceremonies and rites be abolished, and the Ciuill precepts thereof be 
not of necesaitie to be receaued in any Common-wealth : yet notwith- 
standing no Christian man whatsoeuer is freed from the obeiiiencc of 
the Commaundementfl, which are called MoralL 

Of the Sacrajnente of the Xew Teetament. 

85. The Sacraments ordained by Christy be not onely badges or 
tokens of Christian mcnB profession ; but rather certiiine sure witnesses, 



APPENDIX VI. 365 

and effectuall or powerfull aignes of grace and Crods good will towards 
us, by which he doth worke inuisibly in vs, and not onely quicken 
but also strengthen and con£rme our faith in him. 

86. There bee two Sacraments ordained of Christ our Lord in the 
Gospell, that is to say, BaptisTne and the Lords Supper. 

87. Those fiue which by the Church of Hame are called Sacra- 
ments, to witt, Confirmation, Peiiance, Orders^ Matrimony , and Ex- 
treame vnction, are not to be accounted Sacraments of the Crospell : being 
such as haue partly growen from corrupt imitation of the Apostles, 
partly are states of life allowed in the Scriptures, but yet haue not 
like nature of Sacraments with Baptieme and the Lords Supper, for 
that they haue not any visible signe or ceremonie ordained of Qod, 
together with a promise of sauing grace aimexed tliereunto. 

88. The Sacraments were not ordained of Christ to be gazed vpon, 
or to be carried about ; but that we should duely vse them. And in 
such onely as worthyly receaue the same, they haue a wholesome effect 
and operation ; but they tliat receaue them vnworthylie, thereby draw 
iudgemcnt viK>n thcmselues. 

Of Baptisms, 

89. Baptisme is not onely an outward signe of our profession, and 
a note of difference, whereby Christians are discerned from such as 
are no Christians ; but much more a Sacrament of our admission into 
the Church, sealing vnto vs our new birth (and consequently our lusti- 
fication. Adoption, and Sanctification) by the communion which we 
haue with lesus Christ. 

90. The Baptisme of Infants b to be retained in the Church, as 
agreeable to the word of God. 

91. In the administration of Baptisme, Exorcisms, Oils, Salte^ 
Spittle, and superstitious liaUowing of Uie vxUer, are for iust causes 
abolished : and without them the Sacrament is fully and perfectly ad- 
ministred, to all intents and purposes, agreeable to the institution of 
our Sauioxir Christ*. 

Of the Lords Supper, 

92. The Lords supper is not onely a signe of the mutuall loue 
which Christians ought to beare one towards another, but much more 
a Sacrament of our preseruation in the Church, sealing vnto vs ovr 
spirituall nourishment and continuall growth in Christ. 

^ [Cf. ' Eleven Articles/ § viii.] 



366 APPENDIX VI. 

93. The change of the substance of bread and wine into the sub- 
stance of the Body and Bloud of Christ, commonly called Traruvh- 
stanticUion, cannot be proued by Holy Writ ; but is repugnant to plaane 
testimonies of the Scripture, ouerthroweth the nature of a Sacrament, 
and hath giuen occasion to most grosse Idolatry, and manifold super- 
stitions. 

94. In the outward part of the Holy Communion, the Bodie and 
Bloud of Christ is in a most liuely manner represented ; being no other- 
wise present with the visible elements than things signified and sealed 
are present with the signes and scales, that is to say, symbolically and 
relatiuely. But in the inward and spirituall part the same Body and 
Bloud is really and substantially presented vnto all those who haue 
grace to receaue the Sonne of God, euen to all those that beleeue in his 
name. And vnto such as in this manner doe worthylie and with &ith 
repair vnto the Lords table, the Bodie and Bloud of Christ is not on^y 
signified and offered, but also truly exhibited and communicated. 

95. The Bodie of Christ is giuen, taken, and eaten in the Lords 
Supper, onely a^r an heaueiily and spirituall manner ; and the meane 
whereby the Body of Chiist is thus receaved and eaten is Faith. 

96. The wicked, and such as want a liuely &dth, although they 
doe carnally and visibly (as Saint Augustine speaketh) presse with their 
teeth the Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ, yet in no wise 
are they made partakers of Christ ; but rather to their condenination 
doe eat and diincke the signe or Sacrament of so great a thing. 

97. Both the parts of the Lords Sacrament, according to Christs 
institution and the practise of the auncient Chiuxih, ought to be minis- 
tred vnto Grods people ; and it is plain sacriledge to rob them of the 
mysticall cup, for whom Christ hath shed his most precious bloud \ 

98. The Sacrament of the Lords Supper was not by Christs 
ordinance resenied, carried about, lifted vp, or worshipped. 

99. The sacrifice of the Masse, wherein the Priest is said to offer 
vp Christ for obtaining the remission of paine or guilt for the quicke 
and the dead, is neither agreeable to Christs ordinance nor grounded 
upon doctrine Apostolike ; but conti*aryvvise most ungodly and most 
iniurious to that all-sufficient sacrifice of our Sauiour Clirist, offered 
once for euer vpon the Crosse, which is the onely propitiation and 
satisfaction for all our sinnes. 

100. Priuate Masse, that is, the receiuing of the Eudiarist by 
the Priest alone, without a competent number of communicants, is 
contrary to the institution of Christ. 

1 [Cf. ' Eleven Articles/ § x.] 



APPENDIX VI. 367 

Of the state of the soules of nien, after they be departed o\U of this life: 
together %mth the y&nerall Resurrection, and tlie last Judgement. 

101. After this life is ended the soules of Grods children be pre- 
sently receaued into Heauen, there to enjoy vnspeakable comforts; 
the soules of the wicked are cast into Hell, there to endure endlesse 
torments. 

102. The doctrine of the Church of Rome, concerning Limbus 
PcUruniy Litnhus Puerorum, Purgatorie, Prayer for the dead. Pardons, 
Adoration of Linages aiid Eelickes, and also Inuocation of Saints is 
uainely inuented without all warrant of holy Scripture, yea and is 
contrary vnto the same. 

103. At the end of this world the Lord lesus shall come in the 
clouds with the glory of his Father ; at which time, by the almightie 
power of God, the lining shalbe changed and the dead shalbe raised ; 
and all shall appeare both in body and soule before his iudgement seat, 
to receaue according to that which they haue done in their bodies, 
whether good or evill. 

104. When the last iudgement is finished, Christ shall deliuervp 
the ELingdome to his Father, and God shall)e all in all. 

ITie Decree of the Synod, 

If any Minister, of what degree or qualitie soeuer he be, shall pub- 
likely teach any doctrine contrary to these Articles agreed vpon, I^ 
after due admonition, he doe not conforme himselfe, and cease to dis- 
turbe the peace of the Church, let him bee silenced, and depriued of 
all spirituall promotions he doth enjoy. 



I 



NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 



II. A. 24 



The following Notit and Uluilrationt, where cot dmrn eicltui' 
from authorized or ' Bjmbolical' writinga of the Rom&n and Refon 
CommunioDa) are Baggeeted by worka of the Reform atlon-perioci, 
which the language ia strikingly parallel or clae as atrikingly antagoni 
to eipreeiioDs in tho XXSIX. Articles. The valne of snch contem 
rary illustrationa of our present aeriea will appear in caaea where 
phraseology ia technical, or strongly coloured by tho special cont 
Teraicfl of Iho siitconth century. 



NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 



ARTICLE I. 



Source: Augsburg Confession, Art. i. from which it was 
borrowed, apparently through the medium of the XIII. Articles 
of 1538 (see above, p. 62). 

Object : directed against Pantheists and Anti-trinitarians (see 
above, p. 98, and references there). 

The following is the version of this Article in the Reformatio Legum 
Ecclestasticarumy *De Summa Trinitate,* c. 2: *Omnes filii Dei per 
Jesum Christum renati, ex corde puro, conscientia bona, et fide non 
ficta credant et confiteantur, unum esse vivum et venim Deum 
setemum et incorporeum, impassibilem, immensse potentise, sapientite 
et bonitatis, Creatorem et Conservatorem omnium rerum turn visibi- 
lium turn invisibilium : et in imitate ejus divinse naturse tres esse 
Personas, ejusdem essentia ac setemitatis, Patrem, Filimn, et Spiritum 
Sanctum : Patrem vero a seipso esse, nee ab alio quoquam vel generari 
vel procedere ; et Filium quidem a Patre generari : Spiritum Sanctum 
vero et a Patre et a Filio procedere : nee ullam naturse diversitatem 
aut insequalitatem in ista Personarum diBti];ictione poni, sed quoad 
substantiam, vel, ut dicunt, essentiam divinam, omnia inter eos paria 
ct sequalia esse.' Cf. Gardiner's * Articles,* § i. (in Cardwell's Docum. 
AnncUs, l 161); Irish Articles, §§ 8 — 10. 

ARTICLE II. 

Source : Augsb. Confess. Art. III. from which the first draft 
of the English Article was mainly borrowed (see above, p. 62) ; 
while the clause respecting our Lord's eternal generation and 
consubstantiality was introduced in 1563, from the Wtirtemberg 
Articles of 1552 ; see above p. 127. 

Object: directed chiefly against a docetic form of * Anabap- 
tism' (see above, p. 98, and references there). 

In the Reformatio Legum, * De Summa Trin.' c 3, we have the 
following version of it: *Credatur etiam, cum venisset plenitude 
temporis, Filium qui est Verbum Patris, in. utero beatee virginis 
Mariee, ex ipsius camis substantia, naturam humanam assumpsisse, 

24—2 



372 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

ita ut duflB naturae, divina et humana, integre atque perfecte in imi- 
tate Personse, fuerint inseparabiliter conjiinct«e; ex quibus unus est 
Chrbtus, venis Deus et venis homo : qui vere passus est, crucifixus, 
mortuus et sepultus, descendit ad inferos ac tertia die rosurrexit, 
nobisque per suum sanguinem reconciliavit Patrem, sese hostiam 
offerens illi, non solum pro culpa origims, verum etiam pro omnibus 
peccatis quee homines propria voluntate adjecerunt.* 

The Irish Articles allude to a mysterious question respecting the 
mode in which the Son is derived from the Father : see § 9. 

ARTICLE III. 

Object: designed to quiet existing agitations (see above, 
pp. 98, 137 and notes, where also we discern the causes which 
led to the abbreviation of this Article in 1563). The longest 
form it had assumed occurs in the rough draft of 1552, as signed 
by the royal chaplains, see p. 280, n. 1. 

The Assembly of Divines in their revision made the Article run 
as follows: 'As Christ died for us, and was buried; so it is to be 
believed that he continued in the state of the dead and under the 
power and dominion of death, fix)m the time of his death and burial, 
until his resiurection ; which hath been otherwise expressed thus, ffe 
went down into helV 

The view commonly received amongst Anglican Divines, was 
stated as follows in Nowell's Catechismus: 'Christum vt corpore 
in terree viscera, ita, anima a corpore separata, ad inferos descendisse ; 
simulque etiam mortis suae virtu tern, atque efficacitatem ad mortuos 
atque inferos adeo ipsos ita penetrasse, vt et incredulorum animse 
acerbissimam iustissimamque infidelitatis suae damnationem, ipseque 
inferorum princeps Satanas tyrannidis suae et tenebrarum potestat^m 
omnem debilitatam, fractam atque ruina collapsam esse, persentiret: 
contra vero mortui Christo dum vixerunt fidentes, redemptionis suje 
opus iam peractum esse, eiusque vim atque virtutem cum suauissima 
certissimaque consolatione, intelligerent atque perciperent,* p. 71, ed. 
Lond. 1572: see Bp. Alley's account of all the different theories, 
above, p. 137, n. 2. 

ARTICLE IV. 

Object : directed chiefly against the docetic (Schwenckfeldian) 
form of Anabaptism (see above, p. 99) : but also in some minds 
connected with the true doctrine of the Eucharistic Presence 
(see Art. xxix. of 1553). 



KOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 



373 



Reformatio Legum, *de Summa Trin.' c. 4: *Credatur item 
Dominus noeter Jesus Christiis, etiam post resurrectionem, duplici 
natura constare ; divina quidem, immensa, incircumscripta, et infinita 
qua) ubique sit et omnia impleat; Humana vero, finita et descripta 
humani corporis terminis ac finibus, qua^ postquam peccata nostra 
perpui^visset^ in coelos ascendit^ ibique ha sedet ad dexteram Patris, 
ut non ubique sit^ quippe quem oportet in ccelo remanere, usque ad 
tempus restitutionis omnium, cum ad judicandum vivos et mortuos 
vcniet, ut reddat cuique juxta opera sua.' 

ARTICLE V. 

Source: Wiirtemberg Confession (see above, p. 127). 
Object: directed, like Art. i. against Anti-trinitarians (see 
above p. 128). 

Reformatio Legum, 'de HaBresibus,' c. 6: *Quomodo vero haec 
putida membra sunt ab Ecclesise corpore segreganda, quaj de Christo 
capite tam perverse sentiunt [above, p. 82, n. 2], sic illorum etiam 
est execrabilis impudentia, qui cum Macedonio contra Spiritum 
Sanctum conspiraverunt, ilium pro Deo non agnoscentes:' c£ Art i. 
of 1538, which condemns the modem * Samosateni,' who represented 
the Holy Spirit as imj)ersonal. 

ARTICLE VI. 

Source : the clause relating to the testimony of the Church 
in determining what books are canonical, derived, in 1563, from 
the Wiirtemberg Confession (above, p. 127). 

Object: to condemn (1) Mediaeval errors on the ^Word un- 
^vritten,' and (2) the errors of spiritualists or anti-book-religion- 
ists (above, p. 99). 

After enumerating the canonical Books, of botJi the New and Old 
Testament, the Reformatio Legum proceeds *de Summa Trinitate,' c. 9 : 
*Hsec igitur generatim est sancta Scriptura, qua omnia creditu ad 
salutem necessaria, plene et perfecte contineri credimus, usque adeo 
ut quicquid in ea non legitur, nee reperitur, nee denique ex eadem aut 
consequitur, aut convincitur, a nemine sit exigendum ut tanquam 
articulus fidei credatur.* The absolute supremacy of Holy Scripture 
is then affirmed with like emphasis (c. 10) : * Divinae ScripturaB tanta 
credatur authoritas, ut nulla creatursB cujusvis excellentia ipsi vel 
anteponenda sit vel sequanda.' 



374 N(IX£S AND ILLUSTKATiONS. 

One of Tlis Articles of the Principcd Heads of Religion^ (above, p. 
120, n. 4) : 'S. Scriptura in se continet omnem doctrinam pietads; ex 
qua sufficienter et error omnia convinci possit et veritaa stalHlirL' 

of whose authority was never any doubt in the Chnrcli.] This 
mode of ascertaining the component parts of the Canon did not satisfy 
the French and Belgic reformers. E.g. in Art iv. of the Gallic Con- 
fessuniy (1561), it is stated: 'Nous connoisons oes livres estre canoni- 
ques, et reigle tres certaine de nostre Foy non tant par le cammun 
accord et consentement de PEglise, que par le tesmoignage et int6rieure 
persuasion du S. Espirit^ qui les nous hit discemer d*avec les autres 
livres Eccl6siastiques [= A pocryphal], Siu* lesquels (encore qu*ils soyent 
utiles) on ne pent fonder aucun article de Foy.' (Niemeyer, pp. 314, 
315): cf Con/ess. Belgic. Art v. {Ibid. pp. 361, 362.) The Irish 
Articles J § 2, after enumerating the books both of the New and Old 
Testament^ acknowledges them to be given by inspiration of Gk)d, and 
bases their atUhority on that inspiration. 

The Apocryphal books, according to the Re/orTnaUo Legumy are 
' libri sacri, non tamen canoniciy and ' leguntur quidem a iidelibus et 
in ecclesia recitantur, quod ad sedificationem plebis plurima in illis 
valeant) quibus tamen non tantum authontas tribuitur, ut fidei nostrsd 
dogmata ex ipsis solis et separatim citra alios indubitatse Scripturse 
locos constitui, constabilirique, vel possint^ vel debeant Sunt ergo 
et cum judicio et sobrie isti turn audiendi turn legendi.* 

The Roman Churchy since April 8, 1546, has included the books of 
Tobit, Judith, Baruch, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, and the 1st and 2nd of 
Maccabees, in the Old-Testament canon, (Concil. Trident Sess. iv.) : 
and the same decree (which was the work of five cardinals and forty- 
eight bishops) after declaring that the Christian revelation is trans- 
mitted * in libris scriptis et sine scripto traditionibus,' orders both to be 
received ^pari pietatis aftectu ac reverentia.* Of this dogma. Alley 
speaks as follows, Poore Mans Librarie, i. 58 : * It is therefore a new 
inuention and lye, inuented lately in the diuels shoppe that all doctrine 
of religion cannot be proued out of the Scriptures, and that mens 
traditions, without and besides the Scriptures, are necessary workes to 
saluation:' cf Parker's Correspond, p. 110. 

ARTICLE VII. 

Object: directed against * Anabaptism* (see above pp. 99, 100, 
and the references there). 

* Here I note onely one thing, which is [the] temeritie, ignoraunce and 
blasphemy of cei-taine phantastical heades, which hold y* the prophets 



NOTES AND ILLUSTKATIONB. 375 

do write onely to the people of y* old Testament^ and that their doctrine 
did pertain onely to their time ; and wotdd seclude al y* fiithers y' lined 
vnder y* law from the hope of eternal saluation. And here is also a 
note to be gathered against them which vtterly reiect y* old testament, 
as a boke nothing neoessari to y* christians which line vnder y* (Gospel. 
But as I haue said before, ther is no difference betwene the Old Testa- 
ment and the newe, but onelye in circumstaunce and nothing in sub- 
staunce. And therfore the one is as wel to be allowed and receiued 
aA the other.' Alley, Foore Mans Libra/rie, ii. 97 : c£ Homilies^ * 2nd 
Part of Faith,' p. 38, Camb. ed 

ARTICLE VIII. 

Object: to assert the catholic and conservative character of 
the English Reformation (see Art i. of 1536, above, p. 44). 

Reformatio Legum, * de Summa Trin.* c. 5 : * Et quoniam omnia 
forme, quae ad fidem spectant catholicam, turn quoad beatissimam Trini- 
tatem, tum quoad mysteria nostne redemptionis, tribus Symbolis, hoc 
est, Apostolico, Niceno, et Athanasiibrevitercontinentur; idcircoista 
tria Symbola, ut fidei nostrae compendia quajdam recipimus et amplec- 
timur, quod firmissimis divinarum et canonicarum Scripturarum tes- 
timoniis facile probari possint.' 

TJie Articles of the Principal Heads of Religion subjoin to a similar 
statement : * Qui istis non crediderint inter veros Catholicos non sunt 
recipiendi.' 

ARTICLE IX. 

Source : It is based on Art. Ii. of the Augsburg Confession, 
from which it was drawn through the medium of the XIII. 
Articles, above, p. 62. 

Object: directed mainly against *Anabaptism' (see above, 
p. 100). 

Reformatio Legum^ * de Hseresibus,* c. 7 : * In labe peccati ex ortu 
nostro contracta, quam vitium originis appellamus, primum quidem 
Pelagianorum, deinde etiam Anabaptistarum nobis vitandus et sub- 
movendus est error, quorum in eo consensus contra veritatem sacra- 
rum Scripturarum est, quod peccatum originis in Adamo solo hieserit, 
et non ad posteroe transient^ nee idlam afferat natune nostras perver- 
sitatem, nisi quod ex Adami delicto propositimi sit peccandi noxium 
exemplum, quod homines ad eandem pravitatem invitat imitandum 
et usurpandimi,' 



376 JTOTES AND ILLUSTKATpliB. 

« ■ - 

CaUehUmua Brevis, 1553, (see above, p. 76) : 'Quo B tdl ft m esi^ Wt 
Btatim uterque mortui sunt, hoc est^ non tantum morti corporis obnozii 
fuerunt^ yerum animi quoque vitam amiaerwrU, quas eUjiuUtiaj et pro- 
tinus in illis imago offiiscata est^ ac lineamenta ilia juslftue^ flftnctitatLa^ 
veritatis et cognitionis Dei, longe pulcherrima, canfum maU et pens^ 
deleta; reliqua vero fuit imago terrena cum injustitia conjuncta^ feaude^ 
affectione carnal i, et de rebus divinis ac ccelestibus ignoratio summa. 
Inde autem nata est camis nostrsB infirmitas; inde ista corruptio et 
confiisio affectionu^l et cupiditatum omnium; hinc ilia pestLs, hinc 
illud seminarium et nutrimentum p^ccatorum omnium, quo genus 
humanum inficitur, et PecccUum Originia appellatur.' B. viL seqq. 

very far gone from original righteousness.] The ^Assembly of 
JHvinea* preferred the phrase ^whoUy deprived of original righteousness,' 
which brought the Article into harmony with some of the one-Bided 
statements of the earlier Lutherans and the general tenour of the 
Calvinistic dogmas. The GcUliccm Confesaum, Art ix. may be quoted 
as a specimen: 'Nous croyons qui Thomme ajant est6 cr66 pur et 
entier, et conforme it Timage de Dieu, est par sa propre &ute deacheu 
de sa grace qu'il avoit re^e, et ainsi s*est ali^n^ de Dieu, qui est la 
fontaine de iustice et de tous biens, en sorte que sa natwre eH du toui 
corrampue; et estant aveugl6 en son esprit et d6prav6 en son coeur, a 
perdu taiUe integrite sans en avoir rien de residu,^ 

original righteousness.] By this phrase the Schoolmen generally 
described the moral and spiritual condition of man anterior to the fall ; 
some, however, making the *donum originalis justitiae' no more than a 
superadded grace, and not a connatural quality. See Field, On the 
Churchy u, 176—205; ed. K H. S, In the view of these latter, the 
effisct of the fall was simply privative, whereas the Article before us 
regards it as a positive, though not entire, corruption or vitiation of 
man's nature: cf. Con/ess. Saocon. Art IL (apud Francke, App. p. 75). 

concupiscence and lust hath of itself the nature of sin.] 
According to the version of the Assenibly of Divines^ it * is truely 
and properly sin,* and similarly the Saxon Confession, uhi sup. On the 
contrary, the coimcil of Trent (in 1546) decreed as follows: *Hanc 
concupiscentiam, quam aliquando Apostolus peccatum appellat, sancta 
synodus declarat, ecclesiam Catholicam numquam intellexisse peccatum 
appellari, quod vere et proprie in renatis peccatum sit, sed qiiia ex 
peccato est et ad peccatum inclinat' Sessio v. § 5. It is very remark- 
able that in a former passage of the same section the view is 
anathematised, which affirms that in the sacrament of baptism *non 
tolli totum id, quod veram et propriam peccati rationem hahet.^ The 



N0I1B AND ILLUSTRATIONS* 377 

iBnglish Article retains the phrase 'peccati rationem habere,' but drops 
the epithets 'veram et propriam,' and has thus occupied a sort of 
intermediate place between contending parties. 

The ibUowing is the view of Grardiner and others of the anti- 
reformatian sdiool : ' Althoughe the gylte of oryginall synne be taken 
awaje in baptysme, yet the scarre o/*!^ (as it were), y* mcUter of it doth 
remayne, whiche as it troubleth and letteth man's perfection in vertue, 
and therby is maynteyned a continual strife and debate, so it ia not to 
be accompted our syrme tyll we conceyue it by embracyng and agreynge 
to such camall motions.' Declaration (Against Joye), fol. cxxi. 

Bonner, Profitable and Necesswrye Doctryne^ N. ii a^ writes in the 
same strain : 'Albeit baptysme be of this great efficacy e, yet ye shall 
ynderstand, that there remayneth in vs that be baptized, a certayne 
infirmitie, or inclination, to synne, called concupiscence whiche by 
lustes and desyres doth moue vs many tymes to synnes and wickednes : 
neuerthelesse, almyghty God of hys greate mercy and goodnes, hath 
geuen vs such grace in this his holye sacrament of baptysme, that 
such camall and fleshly lustes and desyres shall not ne can in any 
wyse hurte vs, excepte we do first consent vnto them.' 

Hooper, as we might expect, has put the question very differently : 
' I believe that sin dwelleth still in man, yea in the very saints and 
children of Grod after their new birth through baptism and the Holy 
Ghost' Later Writings, ed. P. S. p. 60. 

ARTICLE X. 

Source : the former clause was introduced from the Wiirtem- 
berg Articles, above, p. 127 ; the latter is almost verbatim from 
St Augustine, De Gfratia et Libero Arbitrto, c. xvii. al. xxxiii. 

Object: directed against * Anabaptism ' (see above, p. 100). 

Reformatio Legum, * de Hseresibus,' c. 7 : * Similiter nobis contra 
illos progrediendum est, qui tantum in libero arbitrio roboris et 
nervorum ponunt, ut eo solo sine cilia speciali Christi gratia recte ab 
hominibus vivi posse constituant' 

Necessary Doctrine and Erudition, 'Article of Free-will :' *And so 
likewise although there remain a certain freedom of will in those things 
which do pertain xmto the desires and works of this present life [c£ 
Augsbuig Confess. § xvin.], yet to perform spiritual and heavenly 
thii^ free-will of itself is insufficient: and therefore the power of 
man's free-will, being thus wounded and decayed, hath need of a physi- 
cian to heal it, and an help to repair it; that it may receive light and 



378 NOT£S AND ILLUSTRATIOKS, 

strength, whereby it may see, and have power to do those godly and 
spiritual things, which before the fall of Adam it was able and mi^t 
have done:' pp. 360, 361. 

€kurdiner*s Declaration (Against George Joye) : 'All such textes of 
Scripture as seeme to attribute to man power and fJEiculte of him selfe 
to do good, howe playnely so euer they be, I maye. gather no senoe or 
vnderstandynge of them, but suche as may agre with those textes of 
Scripture that shew how man of himselfe can not do any good thinge, 
not so muche as thynke a good thought, but it- be by the speciall 
gyfte and grace of God. And howe playne so euer some of the textes 
of Scripture seme, so to considre man as to resemble him to an earthpot 
at the pleasure of the potter, and onely to do as he is ordeined to do by 
€k)d, yet must we forbeare to make any other sence, then such as may 
agre with other textes of Scripture, that declare mans £re choise to 
reoeiue grace when it is offred hym, or to refuse it and continue in 
synne.' fol. xl. 

ARTICLE XL 

Source 2^ndi Object: cf. Augs. Conf. Art. IV. above, p. 18; 
Art. V. of 1536, above, p. 46 ; Art. iv. of 1538, above, p. 62 ; 
Art XI. of 1553, above p. 101, and notes ; Wttrtemberg Confess, 
above, p. 127. 

Reformatio Legum, *de Haeresibus,' c. 7: *Nec illi sunt audiendi, 
quorum impietas salutarem et in sacris Scrip turis fundatam justifi- 
cationis nostrse doctrinam oppugnat, in qua tenendum est, nan 
operum moinentis^ justitiam hominum collocari.' 

CcUechUmus JBrevis: *Quoties igitur dici solet, sola nos fide justi- 

fi^ari et servari, ita dictum est quia fides, aut potius fiducia sola 

apprehendit, intelligit, et cognoscit nostram justificationem nobis a Deo 

gratis dari, hoc est, nullia noatria meritia, sed ex gratuita gratia Omni- 

potentis Patris/ D, vi. 

(7on/e«5io [Augustana] Vaviata^ A.D. 1540: *Quum igitur dicimus 
Fide juatificaniur, non hoc intelligimus quod justi simus propter ipsius 
virtutis dignitatem, sed hsec est sententia : consequi dos remissioneni 
peccatorum et imputationem justitiae ^;er miaericordiam propter Chris- 
tum.^ Apud Francke, Lib. Symbol. App. p. 14. 

Grardiner, Declaratio7i ( Against Joye) : *I euer affirmed that we be 
frelye iustified and frely saued, and yet God in giuinge vs this fi^dome, 
for Christ, worketh so in ordre and so wylleth vs to obserue it, which 
I call the condycyon, as for wante thereof we shal eyther not atteyne 
fredome, or loose oure fredom when we haue atteyned it,' fol. ciiii. . . . 



NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIOKS. 379 

*And siirelye al the disputacyon, in this artycle of iustification is de- 
duced by discussion thus farre, that for all the only and ondyy with so 
many ordyes which they haue added to fa/yikt^ to make y* speach 
litigious, there now is none founde amonge lemed men, but that saye 
(as ye mayster Joye say) that charite is not excluded from £uth in 
iustification, [cf. Horn. 0/ ScdwUiorhy p. 24. ed. Camb.], but that there 
is in the iustification of man fiiyth and charitie. But the newe secte 
(whiche ye professe), to mayntayne the aduerbe onelyey saye the oflfyce 
of fayth is onely to iustifie, and yet charitie is present, but is not 
effectuouse therein,' fol. cxiiii : cf. the 6th of Grardiner's XV. Articles. 
The following is the view taken of the doctrine by the CotmeU of 
Trentj in 1547 : *Hanc dispositionem seu prseparationem justificatio 
ipsa consequitur : quse non est sola peccatorum remissio, sed et sancti- 
ficatio, et renovatio interioris hominis [cf Art v. of 1536. p. 46.] per 
Yoluntariam susceptionem gratise et donorum. TJnde homo ex injusto 
fit Justus et ex inimico amicus, ut sit hseres secundum spem vitee setemse. 
Hujus justificationis causse sunt; finalis quidem, gloria Dei, et Ohristi 
ac vita setemaj efficiena vero, misericors Deus, qui gratuito abluit et 
sanctificat) signans et unguens spiritu promissionis sancto, qui est pig- 
nus haereditatis nostrse : meritoria autem, dilectissimus unigenitus suus, 
Dominus noster Jesus Christus; qui, cum essemus inimici, propter 
nimiam charitatem qua dilexit nos, sua sanctissima passione in ligno 
crucis, nobis justificatione meruit, et pro nobis Deo Patri satisfecit. 
InstrumerUalis item, sacramentum baptismi, quod est sacramentum 
fidei, sine qua nulli unquam contigit justificatio. Demum unica./omial{8 
causa est justitia Dei, non qua ipse Justus est, sed qua nos justos facit, 
qua videlicet ab eo donati renovamur spiritu mentis nostrse, et non modo 
reputamur sed vere justi nominamur et sumus, justitiam in nobis reci- 
pientes, unusquisque suam secundum mensuram, quam Spiritus Sane- 
tus partitur singulis prout vult, et secundum propriam cuj usque 
dispositionem et cooperationem.' Sess. vi. c. VIL 

AKTICLE XIL 

Source : borrowed in part from the Wtirtemberg Confession 
(see above, p. 127, and n. 8). 

Object: directed against Solifidianism (see above, p. 128). 

Articles of 1538, or 1540, (see above, p. 64) : 'Nam bona opera ad 
salutem simt necessaria : non quod de impio justum &ciunt, nee quod 
sunt pretium pro peccatis, aut causa justificationis ; sed quia necesse 
est^ ut qui jam fide justificatus est, et reconciliatus Deo per Christiun, 
voluntatem Dei &cere studeat,' etc. 



380 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Cor^esaio VaricUay *de Bonis Operibiis,' § 2 : 'Docemus etiam, quo- 
modo hsBC inclioata obedientia placeat Deo. Nam in hac tanta infinni- 
tate et immunditie natune sancti non satisfaciunt legi ; optus igitur est 
piis consolatione, ut sciant, quomodo hsec exigua et imperfecta obedien- 
tia Deo placeat. Non enim ideo placet quia legi satisfebciat^ sed quia 
personsB reconciliatse et justaB sunt propter Christum et credunt sibi 
oondonari imbecillitatem suam . . . Quamquam igitur Ksec nova obedi- 
entia procul abest a perfectione legis, tamen est justitia et meretur 
prsemia, ideo quia personae reconciliatse sunt.' 

The Council of TretU, Sess. VL c. xvi. mainfains that the word 
'merit* (as in the above extract from a Lutheran manifesto) maj be 
properly applied to Christian works; and then adds the following 
denunciation of all those who questioned the assertion : * Si quis 
dixerit hominis justificati bona opera ita esse dona Dei, ut non aint 
etiam bona ipsius justificati merita, aut ipsum justificatum bonis 
operibus, quae ab eo per Dei gratiam et Jesu Christi meritum, cujus 
vivum membrum est, fiunt^ non vere mereri augmentum gratiae, vitam 
aetemam, et ipsius vitee etemse, si tamen in gratia decessent, consecu- 
tionem, atque etiam gloriae augmentum, anathema sit ; ' c£ Gardiner's 
Declaraiiony fol. xx., and the 7th of his XV. Articles, 

justificatos sequuntur.] This mode of speech appears in St 
Augustine, Be Fide et Operibus^ c. xiv : * Sequuntur enim [opera bona] 
justificatum, non prsecedunt justificandum:' cf Homily of Fasting ^ 
p. 280, Camb. ed. 

ARTICLE XIIL 

Ohject : to condemn a scholastic theory respecting merit de 
congruo (see above, p. 101, and note). The discrepancy that 
exists between the title 'works before Justification and the body 
of the Article * works done before Xh^ grace of Christ' is explained 
by referring to an early draft of the Articles of 1553 (see above, 
p. 290, n. 2). The old title was retained, although the wording 
of the Article was considerably modified (cf. the version of the 
Assembly of Divines^ above, p. 218). 

The inability of man to do good works without the preventing 
grace of Grod (*sine prseveniente Spiiitus Sancti inspiratione atque ejus 
adjutorio') was strongly affirmed at the Council of Trent (Sess. vi. 
Can. I, III), in opposition to a party of Pelagian Schoolmen. But the 
doctrine that all works wrought before justification are truly sinful 
(*vere peccata, vel odium Dei mereri*) was laid under a severe anathema 
(Can. vii). Grardiner, in like manner, distinguishes between *bona 



NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 381 

opera' and 'opera pcenitentise/ of which the former /oUow justification, 
while the latter precede it, fol. xxxviii. He afterwards taxes his 
opponent with ignorance as to the true meaning of the terms 'meri- 
turn de congruo' and *meritum de condigno,' fol. clxvL b. 

LviheVy (quoted by Archbp Laurence, Serm, rv. p. 76): *Hic 
adversarii opponunt exemplum Comelii . . . Cornelius, inquiunt, teste 
Luca, vir bonus, Justus, timens Deum, fitciens eleemosynas mtdtas 
populo et deprecans Deum semper, ergo merebcUur de congruo r«- 
missionem pecccUorum . . . Errant igitur sophistse, cum dicunt, pro 
statuendo opere congrui Comelium operibus naturalibus rationis et 
moralibus consecutum esse gratiam, et remissionem Spiritus Sancti. 
Nam justum et timentem Dei, &c. esse, affectus sunt non hominis 
G^ntilis aut naturalis sed spiritualis, qxd jam fidem haheC 

On the moral qualities ascribable to *the works of heathen men,* 
which formed a source of great perplexity to Chillingworth, when he 
was called upon to subscribe this Article, we have the following 
opinion of Bp. Wool ton. Christian Manual, p. 43, ed. P. S : 'Albeit 
the works of heathen men are not to be compared with the good works 
of faithful men engraffed in the Church of Christ ; yet for many causes, 
and principally for that without all controversy all good gifts and 
endowments, even in the paynims, are God's good gifts, they have the 
title and name of good works in some respects given unto them,' 

ARTICLE XIV. 

Object: to condemn the scholastic figment with respect to 
'supererogation' (see above, p. 101, and note). 

Reformatio Legum, *de Hseresibus,' c. 8: *Tum et illorum arro- 
gantia comprimenda est^ et authoritate legom domanda, qui superero- 
gationis opera qusedam importavenint, quibus existimant non solum 
cumulate Dei legibus, et explete satisfieri, sed aliquid etiam in illis 
amplius superesse quam Dei mandata postulent, unde et sibi mereri et 
aliis merita applicari possint.' 

ARTICLE XV. 

Object: aimed, apparently, at a scholastic dogma which assert- 
ed the immaculateness of the blessed Virgin (see above, p. 101). 

Joliffe (Against Hooper), fol. 165: 'Hvnc articulum sanum et 
verum esse affirmamus; veruntamen quoties fit qusestio de peocato, 
Mariam virginem exceptam intelligimus.' He aft;erwards (foL 166) 
quotes the following from Grabriel Biel, 'eruditissimus sacrse Theologies 
licentiatus :' 'Cseteri quoque sancti, etsi quidam eorum ab omni aduali 



382 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 

tarn mortali quam veniali peccato (sicut de loanne Baptista et leremia 
propheta constat) fuere liberi, originali tamen culpa non caruemnty 
quamids ab ea, priusquam nascerentur, sunt mundati : sola Tirgo Maria 
ita ex vtroque parente fiiit concepta, vt tamen ab originali peccato 
pnerogatiua singulari sit pneseruata.* 

See the decision of the Council of Trent under the following Article. 

AKTICLE XVI. 
Object: to condemn a 'Novatian* form of Anabaptism (see 
above, pp. 90, 101, 102). The character of the Article is further 
seen in the hostility which it provoked by teaching that the 
justified may fall from grace (see pp. 210 sq.). 

Reformatio Zegum, *de Hseresibus,' c. 9; *Etiam illi de justifi- 
catis perverse sentiunt, qui credunt illos, postquam justi semel &cti 
sunt, in peccatum non posse incidere, aut si forte quicquam eorum 
faciunt, qusQ Dei legibus prohibentur, ea Deum pro peccatis non 
accipere. Quibus opinione contrarii, sed impietate pares sunt, qui 
quodcimique peccatum mortale, quod post baptismum a nobis susceptum 
voluntate nostra committitur, illud omne contra Spiritum Sanctum 
affirmant gestum esse et remitti non posse.' 

Necessary Doctrine, (in Formul. of Faith, p. 367): *It is no doubt, 
but although we be once justified, yet we may fall therefrom by our 
own freewill and consenting unto sin. ... And here all phantastical 
imagination, curious reasoning, and vain trust of predestination, is to 
be laid apart.' 

Augsburg Confession, Art. xii. § 3: *Damnant Anabaptistas, qui 
negant semel jiistificatos posse amittere Spiritum Sanctum. . .Dam- 
nantur et Novatiani qui nolebant absolvere lapsos post baptismum 
redeimtes ad po^nitentiam:' c£ Confess, Uelvet. Foster. *de Pceni- 
tentia' (in Niamey er, p. 493). 

Council of Trent, Sess. vi. Can. xxiu : * Si quis hominem semel 
justi ficatum dixerit ampliiis j^eccare non posse, neque gratiam amittere, 
atqne ideo eum qui labituret peccat nunquam vere faissejustificatum, 
aut contm, posse in tota vita peccata omnia etiam venialia vitare, nisi 
ex speciali Dei privilegio, quemadmodum de beata virgine Maria tenet 
ecclesia, anathema sit.' 

Gardiner (Against Joye), fol. clvi. : *I haue learned and therafter 
speake, that a sinner cannot tiime without the grace of God, which 
Grod dystributeth by degrees, as y* sonne sheweth herselfe (sic) in the 
mominge, in whom there is encrease by successe tyl the sonne come to 
the highest at noon. Men fall sodenly doune the hyll from God, but 
they be drawen vp the hyll to hym by degrees.' 



NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 383 



ARTICLE XVII. 



Source : the general wording of this Article is thought to 
bear some resemblance to Luther's Preface to his Comment, on 
the Epistle to the Romans (see Bp Short's Hist, of the Church, 
pp. 323, 324). The concluding paragraph, in which God's 
promises are said to be * general' or * universal,' is more clearly 
traceable to language of Melancthon (Laurence, Bamj>, Lect. 
p. 179). 

Obfect : to allay the angry disputations then prevalent on the 
subject of Predestination (sec above, p. 102). It commends, in 
general terms, one view of predestination, while denouncing all 
approach to fatalistic notions. 

The Ee/ormaiio Legum, *de Haeresibus,' c. 22, aftermentioning the 
practical evils which had sprung from a perversion of the doctrine of 
predestination, goes on to speak as follows : *No8 vero sacris Scripturis 
eruditi, taJem in hac re doctrinam ponimus, quod diligens et acciurata 
cogitatio de prjedestinatione nostra et electione suscepta, (de quibus Dei 
voluntate determinatum fuit antequam mundi fundamenta jacerentur ;) 
haec itaque diligens et seria, quain diximus, his de rebus cogitatio, piorum 
hominum animos spiritu Christi afflatos et camis et membrorum sub- 
jectionem persentiscentes, et ad coelestia sursum tendentes, dulcissima 
quadam et juciindissima consolatione permulcet^ quoniam fidem nostram 
de perpetua salute per Christum ad nos perventura confirmat, vehe- 
mentissimas charitatis in Deum flammaa accendit, mirabiliter ad gratias 
agendas exsuscitat, ad bona nos opera propinq\iissime adducit, et a 
peccatis longissime abducit^ quoniam a Deo sumus electi, et filii ejus 
instituti. Quae singularis et eximia conditio summam a nobis salu- 
britatem morum, et excellentissimam virtutis perfectionem requirit: 
denique nobis arrogantiam minuit, ne viribus nostris geri credamus, quae 
gratuita Dei beneficentia et infinita bonitate indulgentur. Prseterea 
neminem ex hoc loco purgationem censemus vitiorum suorum afferre 
posse; quia Deus niliil ulla in re injuste constituit, nee ad peccata 
voluntates nostras unquam invitas trudit. Quapropter (Jmnes nobis 
admonendi sunt, ut in actionibus suscipiendis ad decreta prsedestina- 
tionis se non referant, sed universam vitse suse rationem ad Dei leges 
acoommodent; cum et promissiones bonis, et minas malis, in sacris 
Scripturis generaliter propositas contemplentur. Debemus enim ad Dei 
cultum viis illis ingredi, et in ilia Dei voluntate commorari, quam in 
sacris Scripturis patefactam esse videmus.* 



384 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

On the phrtuse 'genercUUer propositse* as equiyalent to ^univerMUiler 
propositse,' see above, p. 169. 

Ga/rdiner (Against Joye), fol. xxxix: *I acknowledge GJod's pre- 
destination as whereof I am most certeynly assured by scripture^ and 
also confesse the textes of scripture by me rehersed to conteyne a most 
certeine truth and ought therefore to be worshypped and reuerenoed. 
And am sory to se the high mysterye of Goddes predestinacion and the 
scriptures lykewise to be abused vnsemely by noughtye men, to suche 
«nde and effecte as the Grekes and infidels vsed the fidse opinion of 
delrtinye.*... Again (fol. lii): 'For and their opinion were true, there 
neded no preachynge, prayer, ministracion of sacramentes or any memory 
or remembraunce of Christ, but as the Turkes do, ones in a weke tell 
the people out of the stepyll, ye that are predestinate, shal be of neces- 
sitie saued, ye that are not predestinate, shal be of necessitie dampned.' 
Again, (foL Ixxiiii) : * The true teachynge of Christes churche abhoreth 
necessitie, and yet worshyppeth for moost certayne truthes Groddes pro- 
uidence, election, and predestinacion, whereby we be taughte that God 
is auctor of al our helth, welth and saluacion, the cyrcumstaunce of 
which workyng in God in his election and predestinacion, althoughe it 
be as impossible for mans wit to frame with our choyse and fi«e wyll, 
as to deuise howe a camell shulde passe through the eye of an nedle 
without makyng the nedles eye bygger or the camell lesse ; yet that is 
impossible for man, is not impossible for God.' He then goes into a 
long argument with the hope of dispelling some portion of the mystery 
in which this question is enveloped, *by distincting Goddes knowledge 
from His election as the cause from the effect.* 

Prologe vpon tlie epistle to the Romayns (May 23, 1551) : *But now 
is God sure that hys predestinacion cannot deceyue hym, neyther can 
any man withstand or let him : and therfore haue we hope and trust 
agaynst synne. But here muste a marke be set vnto those vnquyet^ 
busy and hygh clymyng spyrytes^ how faiTe they shal go : whych fyrst 
of al brynge hyther theyr hygh reasons and pregnaunte wyttes, and 
begyn fyrst from an hyghe, to searche the bottomles secretes of Gods 
predestinacyon, whether they be predestinat or not. These must 
nedes eUJier cast themselues doune headlonge into desperacyon^ or els 
commytte tfieniselues to /re cliaunce careles.^ 

The opinions of all the leading English reformers of this country 
on the question of Divine decrees have been collected several times, 
and shewn to be unfavourable to the strictly *Calvinistic' hypothesis: 
e. g. in Winchester's DissertcUion on tlie XVII^ Article, Laurence's 
AtUhentic Documents relating to the Fredestinarian Con^oversy^ and 




NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 385 

BampUm Lectures^ pp. 383 seqq. See also Dean Kipling's pamphlet 
entitled Hie Articles of the Church of England proved not to he Ccdvin- 
istic, 2nd ed. Camb. 1802. 

Ccdmn'8 doctrine is thus stated by himself in the InstUtUio, lib. 
III. c. 21, § 5, and is elsewhere intensified : ' Prsedestinationem vocamus 
setemiun Dei decretum, quo apud se constitutum habuit quid de uno- 
quoque homine fieri vellet Non enim pari conditione creantur 
onmes; sed aliis vita setema, aliis damnatio setema prteordinatur. 
Itaque prout in alterutrum finem quisque conditus est^ ita vel ad 
vitam vel ad mortem prsedestinatum dicimus.' 

The dogma of reprobation, respecting which the English Article is 
altogether silent^ (c£ above, p. 294, n. 1), was by Calvin r^arded as an 
essential part of his theological system : * Multi quidem ac si invidiam 
a Deo repellere vellent, electionem ita fatentur ut negent quenquam 
reprobari; sed inscite nimis et puoriliter, quando ipsa electio nisi 
reprobationi opposita non staret. Dicitur segregare Deus quos ad- 
optet in salutem; fortuito alios adipisci, vel sua industria acquirere, 
quod sola electio paucis confert, plusquam insuke dicetur. Quos 
ergo Deus prseterit reprobat, neque alia de causa nisi quod ab hse- 
reditate quam filiis suis prsedestinafc, illos vult excludere.* Instil. Lib. 
nL c. 23, § 1. 

The general doctrine of the LiUherans was strongly opposed to the 
Calvinistic, as wiD be seen in the following extract from the Formula 
ConcordicB (Libr. Symbol, ed Francke, Part in. p. 67) : * Rejicimus 
itaque omnes, quos jam enumerabimus, errores. (1) Quod Deus nolit^ 
ut onmes homines poenitentiam agant et evangelic credant (2) Quando 
Deus nos ad se vocat, quod non serio hoc vult, ut omnes homines ad 
ipsum veniant. (3) Quod nolit Deus, ut omnes salventur, sed quod 
quidam non ratione peccatorum suorum, verum solo Dei consilio, 
proposito, et voluntate, ad exitium destinati sint, ut prorsus salutem 
consequi non possint (4) Quod non sola Dei misericordia et sanctis- 
simum Christi meritum, sed etiam in nobis ipsis aliqua causa sit 
electionis divinse, cujus causae ratione Deus nos ad vitam setemam 
elegerit. Haec dogmata omnia fisdsa sunt, horrenda et blasphema, 
iisque piis mentibus omnis prorsus consolatio eripitur, quam ex evan- 
gelio et sacramentorum usu capere deberent, et idcirco in ecclesia Dei 
nequaquam sunt ferenda.' 

The Council of Trent, as being much divided on this subject, was 

induced to promulgate no more than the following decree (Sess. vi. 

c. xii) : ' Nemo quoque, quamdiu in hac mortalitate vivitur, de arcano 

diviniB preedestinationis mysterio usque adeo prsesumere debet, ut 

H. A. 25 



386 VOTES ABD XLLUBTRATftmS. 

certo statuat se omnino esse in numero prsddestmatoram : quiiai vesmm 
eeaet quod justificatus aut amplius peocare non posait, aut ai peocaverit 
certam sibi resipiscentiam promittere debeat, nam nisi ex speciali 
reyelatione scire non potest, quos Deus sibi elegerit.' 

ARTICLE XVIIL 
Object: to condemn a 'philoaopliical theory of Anabaptism* 
(aee above, p. 102). 

Reformatio Legum, *de Hseresibus,' c. 11 : *Horribilifl est et im- 
manis illonun audacia, qui contendunt in omni religione vel aecta, 
quam homines professi fuerint^ salutem illis esse sperandam [cf. the 
title of the Latin Article], si tantum ad innocentiam et integritatem 
vitse pro viribus enitantur juxta lumen, quod illis prselucet a natura 
infhsum. Authoritate vero sacrarum literarum confixae sunt hujus- 
modi pestes. Solum enim et unicum ibi Jesu Christi nomen nobis 
commendatiun est, ut omnis ex eo salus ad nos perveniat.' 

Mdancihon (quoted by Laurence, p. 301) : * TJsitata et fiJsa dis- 
tinctio est, tres esse leges, naturalem, Mosaicam, et Evangelicam. 
Et magis impium est, quod affingunt, singulos propter suoe legia obser- 
VdUion&m consecutos esse remissionem peccatorum, et mta/m ceiemam,^ 

Scotch Confession (1560) in Knox's Works (ii. 108, ed. Laing): 
*And thairfoir we utterlie abhorr the blasphemye of those that affirm, 
that men quhilk live according to equitie and justice, shall be saved, 
what religioim soever they have professed.' 

A curious parallel is found in Raynaldus, Annal. EccL ad an. 1326, 
§ 31, where Andreas de Perusio, a Franciscan, is speaking of the 
prospects of the Church in the dominions of the Great Khans and 
especially in China: *In isto vasto imperio sunt gentes de omni 
natione quae sub coelo est, et de omni secta, et conceditur omnibus et 
singulis vivere secundum sectam suam. Est enim hcec opinio apud 
eoSy seu potitis error, quod unusquisque in sua secta scUvatur.* 

ARTICLE XIX. 

Source and Object: see above, p. 103 and n. 2 ; cf. Augsbuig 
Conf. Art. VII. p. 19 ; Art. v. of 1538, p. 63 ; Art. iii. of 1559, 
p. 121. 

In the Articles of PrincipcU Heads of Religion (see above p. 120, 
n. 4), we have the following definition : * Ecclesia Christi est in qua 
purum Dei Verbum prsedicatur et sacramenta juxta Christi ordina- 
tionem administratur, et in qua clavium authoritas retinetur:' cf. 



NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 387 



« 



ffomilie^ p. 465, ed. Camb., and Ridley's Works, p. 123, for the same 
Hhree notes or marks.' There is, however, no allusion to the * power 
of the keys ' in Be/arm. Legw/a, * de Haeresibus,' c. 21 ; nor in Hooper^s 
Article (above p. 300, n. 3), although he has amplified the definition so 
aa to make it &vour his extreme opinions. From his Later WriiingSy 
p. 41, we learn that he also held peculiar views respecting the 'visible* 
and 'invisible' Church. 

Alley, Foare Mane lAbrariey l 195 b; *It (the Church) hath 
alwajes thre notes or markes whereby it is knowna The first note 
is pure and sound doctrine. The second note are the sacraments 
ministred according to Christes holy institution. The third note is 
the right vse of ecclesiasticall discipline. This description of the 
Church is agreable both to the Scriptures of €k)d and also to the doc- 
trine of the auncient Fathers, so that none may iustly find fault 
therwith :' c£ Confeesio JBelgic, Art xxix. apud Niemeyer, p. 380. 

Jolijffe (Against Hooper), fol. 90 : ' Diffinitio ista ecclesise manca et 
mutila est. Nam ecclesia Christi catholica est congregatio fidelium 
omnium quse \mica est professiono fidei, doctrime, et administratione 
sacramentorum, ac catholicte religionis, cum l^tima et continua suo- 
cesaione vicariorum ChristL' 

The second portion of the Article finds the following parallel in 
the ReformatiB Legurn, ' de Heeresibus,' a 21 : ' Etiam illorum insania 
legum vinculis est constringenda, qui Romanam eoclesiam in higusmodi 
petra fundatam esse ezistimant, ut nee erraverit, nee errare possit; 
cum et multi possint ejus errores ex superiore majorum memoria 
repeti, et etiam ex hac nostra proferri, partim in his quibus vita nostra 
debet informari, partim etiam in his quibus fides debet instituL' 

ARTICLE XX. 

Source : the controverted clause (respecting which, see above, 
pp. 143 sq.) has a parallel in the Wttrtemberg Confession, p. 128, 
n. 1). 

Object: to repress extravagant notions of Church-authority (see 
above, p. 103), and also to discountenance the waywardness of 
'Anabaptism.' 

AUey, Poore Moms Lihrarie, h 87 : * Of the Word the Church hath 
her authoritie and by it onely ought to pronounce and geue sentence 
of all controuersies.'. . . . Again, 88, b : ' By this it euidently appeareth 
that it was then the iudgement of the Churohe to geue sentenoe in all 
oontrouendes out of the Scriptures, and to refuse () refute) those, 

25—2 



388 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATION^. 

which wrested obecure and darcke places to confirme their wicked 
doctrine, by other manifest and playne places of the Scripture. . . . 
Therfore it may be concluded that they which attribute vnto the 
Church and to the Fathers authoiitie to ordeine any thjmg without 
the Scripture, and to define of controversies of religion without the 
Word, do offer great iniurie and wrong to the primitiue Churche.' 

Confessio (Augustana) Va/riatay Art. xxn: 'Hsec est usitata et 
legitima via in Eccle»a dirimendi dissensiones, videlicet ad synodos 
referre controversias eoclesiasticas.' 

Buoer^ Scripta duo Adversaria^ p. 249, Argentor. 1544: ^Interpretem 
Scripfcui* Ecclesiam agnoscimus, et plewsque res in Scripturis non 
expressas ab ea definiri fisitemur. Sed id simul affirmamus, oportere 
Ecclesiam sequi in utroque Scripturarum authoritatem.' 

ARTICLE XXI. 
Object: see above, p. 103. 

The Reformatio Leguroj 'de Summa Trinitate,' c. 14, after stating 
that we pay the greatest deference to the oecumenical councils (' ingen- 
tem honorem libenter deferimus ') proceeds in the following manner : 
* Quibus tamen non aliter fidem nostram obligandam esse censemus, 
nisi quatenus ex Scripturis Sanctis con£rmari possint. Nam concilia 
nonnulla interdum errasse, et contraria inter sese definivisse, partim 
in actionibus juris, partim etiam in fide, manifestum est.' 

Alley, vbi sup. i. 199, b; *The old and auncient synodes are to be 
embraced gladly, and must be taken, as toucliing the opinions of faith, 
for holy councels, as the councels of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus the 
fiiTst, of Calcidon and such like, which were assembled for the confuting 
of errours. For they doo contain nothing, but the pure and natiue 
interpretacion of the Scriptures, which the holye Fathers applyed to 
dashe downe and ouerthrow the enemies of true religion. In the latter 
[i. e. later] councels the Church did degenerate from the purity of that 
golden worlde, yet notwitlistanding those councels had some Bishops 
that were knowen to bee better than the rest f cf. Parker's Corresp, 
p. 110, ed. P. S. 

By Stal. I. Eliz. c. 1, it is determined that nothing shall henceforth 
be accounted heresy but what has been so adjudged *by the authority 
of the Canonical Scriptures, or by the first foiu* general councils or 
any of them, or by any other general council, wherein the same was 
declared heresy by the express and plain words of the said Canonical 
Scriptures,' (fee. 



NpTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 389. 

ARTICLE XXIL 

Object: to condemn scholastic and Tridentine errors (see 
above, p. 84, and n. 1 ; p. 103, and n. 5; p. 130). 

Romish doctrine] In the Heads of Doctrine^ 1559, the phrase 
'doctrina Scholasticorum,* was still retained. The words 'Romanenses' 
and ' Romanistse * were already used as far back as 1520 by Luther 
and Ulrich von Hutten, to designate the extreme Mediaeval party. 
In like manner, Hooper employs ' Romanistae,' and Alley 'Romish.' 
Cranmer, also, in his Answer to Gardiner^ iii. 516, has the phrase, 
* your new Romiah errors.' 

Purgatory.] The decree of the Council of Trent, on this and 
other points embraced in the present Article, is dated Dec. 4, 1563, 
and was not therefore directly intended by the Reformers; but the 
general teaching of the Western Church, for some time anterior to the 
Reformation, had been propagating the same errors in a less guarded 
form. The way in which they were defended by Joliffe and his Mend, 
while commenting on this Article, may be seen in their work against 
Hooper, fol. 90—115. 

Reformatio Zegum, * de Hseresibus,' c. 10 : * Verum sacrse Scripturaa 
solam Christi mortem nobis ad delictorum purgationem reservant, nee 
ullum ponimt aliud sacrificiimi quod ad banc rem valere possit, imo de 
purgatorio sane ipsorum ne una quidem syllaba sacris in Scripturis 
invenitur:' c£ Art x of 1536. 

The doctrine here contemplated is expressed as follows in the 
Articles sent by Gardiner to the University of Cambridge in 1555, 
(see above, p. 114): ^Credimus post banc vitam esse purgatorium in 
quo animse defunctorum purgantur, poenaque adhuc peccatis debita, 
exsolvitur : sanctumque et salubre esse pro defunctis exorare, nostras- 
que preces, eleemosynas, jejunia, et opera alia pia, maxime autem altaris 
sacrificium, illis mxiltum prodesse persuasissimmn habemus.' Cardwell's 
Doc. An, L 164. 

Respecting Relicks and Images, he speaks as follows: 'Reliquias 
martyrum, et loca in eorum honorem consecrata, pie et religiose a 
Christianis venerari, et invisi posse affirmamus; imaginum quoque 
usum ferendimi et hominibus fructuosum esse fJEitemur.' Ibid, 

Respecting Invocation of Saints : ' Sanctoe cum Christo agentes nos 
pie posse et debere venerari, eosdemque invocare, ut pro nobis orent, 
atque nostras preces et vota ab illis percipi, et eorum nos precibus 
juvari confitemur et agnoscimus.' Ibid, p. 163. 



390 NOTEa AMD ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Pardons.] The following illustration is from the chief of the anti- 
reformation party: 'Amonges other thynges [I] noted the deuylles 
craft, what shifle he Yseth to deceyue man whose felicitie he enuieth, 
and therfore coueteth to haue man idle and voyde of good workes, and 
to be ledde in that idelnes, with a wanne hope to line merely and at his 
pleasure here, and yet haue heuen at y* last : And for that puipoee 
procured oute pcMrdons/rom Rome, wherein heauen was sold for a little 
money, and for to retayle that marchaimdise, the deuyll vsed freres for 
his ministers : nowe they be gone with all theyr tromperye, but the 
deuyll is not yet gonne.' C^ardiner, Against Joye, foL ix. 

ARTICLE XXni. 

Source: Augsburg Conf. Art. xiv. (see above, p. 20). 
Object: directed against Auabaptism (see above, p. 103, Art 
X. of 1538, and Art. iv. of 1559). 

Reformatio Legtrni, 'de Haeresibus,* c. 16: 'Similis est illorum 
amentia, qui institutionem ministrorum ab Ecclesia disjungunt, ne- 
gantes in certis locis certos doctores, pastores atque ministros oollocari 
debere ; nee admittunt l^timas vocationes, nee solemnem manuum 
impositionem, sed per omnes publioe docendi potestatem divulgant, 
qui sacris Uteris utcimque sunt aspersi et Spiritum sibi vendicant; 
nee illos solum adhibent ad docendum, sed etiam ad moderandam 
Ecclesiam et distribuenda sacramenta ; quae sane uni versa cum scriptis 
Apostolorum manifeste pugnant.' 

Heads of Religion : * Absque externa et legitima vocatione non 
licet cuiquam sese ingerere in aliquod ministeiium ecclesiasticum vel 
sseculare.' 

ARTICLE XXIV. 

Object : see above, pp. 104, 130. 

Heads of Religion : * Prseceptum Dei est, ut qu» leguntur in 
ecclesia, ilia lingua proferantur quae ab ecclesia intelligatur.' 

ARTICLE XXV. 

Source : first clause derived from Art. ix. of 1538, (see above, 
p. 63). 

Object: (1) to protest against the 'Anabaptist' depreciation 
of sacraments, (2) to limit the number of * Sacraments of the 
Gospel,' (3) to insist on the necessity of right conditions in the 
recipient (see above, p. 104, and note, p. 132). 



NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 391 

The JR^omuUio Legamy after condemning the error of those who 
spoke of the sacraments as 'inania et vacua* (quoted above, p. 104, 
n. 2), proceeds as follows : ^Quse cum inter nos dispertiuntur, vi divini 
Spiritus fides con£rmatur, erigitur conscientia, promisyio etiam venise 
peccatorum per Christum £eu;ta intrinsecus exhibetiu*, extiinsecus vero 
istis sacramentis quasi sigillo quodam consignatur. Prseterea verbo 
Dei quod intercedit, et symbolorum adhibitorum naturis erudiuntur 
fideles de pretio nostras redemptionis per Christum comparatse, Spiritus 
sanctus et gratia in mentibus fidelium uberius instillatur, tum etiam 
foedus quod per Christum inter Deum et nos ictum est corroboratur, 
ut nobis ille proprius sit Deus, nos illi peculiaris popiilus, et astringi- 
mus nos ipsos ad peccatorum abolitionem et integritatem vit» susci- 
piendam. Quse si recte ponderentur, necesse est ut obmutescat illorum 
calumnia, qui sacramentorum inopem volunt, et nudam naturam relin- 
quere:' cf C<yiifessio Scoticana i. ad. 1568 (apud Niemeyer, pp. 352, 
353), and Hooper, at great length, in Orig. LetterSy p. 47. 

The following extract from Archbp. Hermann's Con^uUaiiony 
t. viii Lond. 1547, throws further light on the wording of this con- 
troverted Article : * They [i. e. the Anabaptists] auoyded the common 
sermons of the churche and holie assembles of the people of Christe ; 
they withdrawe from the sacramerUeSy which ifi^y wit to he nothyng eU 
than outward sygnea of our profession and felowship, as the badges of 
capitaines be in warre ; thei deni that they be workes and ceremonies 
instituted of God for this purpose, that in them we shulde acknow- 
ledge, embrace and receyue thorough fetyth the mercie of Qod and the 
merite and communion of Christ, and that God worketh by these signes 
and exhibiteth vnto vs the gyftes in dede, which he offereth wyth these 
signes,^ 

Heads of Religion : ' Christus tantum duo sacramenta expresse 
nobis commendat, Baptisma et Eucharistiam : quibus confertn/r gratia 
rite simientibus, etiamsi mains sit minister ; et non prosunt indigne 
suscipientibus quantumvis bonus sit minister.' 

On the phrase *conferre gratiam' and the controversy respecting 
it, see above, pp. 94 sq. 

Quest (of Rochester) in his Treatise againste the prevee MasseiJLAfe 
by Dugdale, Lond- 1840, p. 84): *He nameth the consecrate bread 
hys bodye, for y* it is resembled and presented therby ; baptisme is 
named the founteyn of our agayn byrth and the renuinge of the holy 
ghost, yet it is nether our newe byrth, nether the renuying of the holi 
ghost, ne chaunged into them, but so called for y* thereby the sayd 



392 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

byrth and reu^iagbe not only represented btU aUo wrcmghte^ presented 
and carUrUnUed unto us.* 

The Sunsa doctrine is thus stated in the Consensus Ttgurinus^ A.D. 
1549, c. yii: ^Sunt quidem et hi saoramentoiTim fines, ut notse sint 
ac tesserse ChristiansB professionis et societatis sive fratemitatis, ut sint 
ad gratiarum actionem incitamenta et exercitia fidei ac pise vitse, deni- 
que syngraphsa ad id obligantes. Sed hie unus inter alios prsedpuus, 
ut per ea nobis gratiam suam testetur Deus, reprsesentet atque obeignet 
Nam etsi nihil aliud significant^ quam quod verbo ipso annunciatur, 
hoc tamen magnum est, subjici oculis nostris quasi vivas imagines, 
qusB sensus nostros melius afficiant, quasi in rem ducendo ; dum nobis 
Christi mortem omniaque ejus beneficia in memonam revocant, ut 
fides magis exerceatur ; delude quod ore Dei renunciatum erat^ quasi 
sigillis confirmari et sancirL' The Reformedy as distinguished fix>m 
the LuiheranSy had always confined themselves to this obsignatory view 
of the sacraments, denying that they could properly be said to work 
or to confer grace : c£ uhi sup, c. xviL, and still more strongly in 
Zwingli's Fidei EatiOy apud Niemeyer, p. 24, and in the Consensumis 
Capitum Explication p. 209, ed. Niemeyer. The idea that a sacrament 
«ver acts ^ instar canaJis,' is denounced as ^ plane insipida superstitio.' 

efficacia signa.] The following additional illustration (c£ above, 
p. 94) is from Dr Ward, one of the delegates at the Synod of Dort : 
* Sacramenta ista, quae signa efficacia appellat Articulus noster xxiv., 
conferre gratiam dicimus/ Opera Konnullay p. 44, ed. S. Waixi, LonA 
1658; cf. TJssher's Wcyrks, xv. 506, 510, ed. Ellington. 

Joliffe (Against Hooper), fol. 174 : * Sacramenta Christi ecclesise non 
sunt tantum notae professionis Christianse, nee tantum signa efiicacia 
gratiae, sed etiam gratiam illam, quam significant, virtute passionis et 
institution is Christi, conferunt his qui non ponunt obicem. [This 
phrase is found in St Augustine, Ep. xxiii. who employs it with re- 
gard to infants. Ward, uhi sup. p. 45.]...Sacramentum nouse legis 
proprie dicitur, quod ita signum est gratiae Dei et inuisibilis gratiss 
forma, vt ipsius imaginem gerat, et causa existat ;' cf Gardiner's 3rd 
Article. 

sacraments were not... to be gazed upon or to be carried about.] 
It has been contended that the woixl * sacraments' here relates only 
to the Eucharist, and is equivalent to * sacramental elements:* see Mr 
Britten's Ilarce JSacramentales, pp. 96 sq. 



NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 393. 

ARTICLE XXVL 

Source: included in Art. v. of 1538 (above, p. 63). 

Object: directed against 'Anabaptism' (see p. 104, and n. 3). 

Consensus Tigurinvs (Niemeyer, p. 210): *De miniBtris hie non 
agitur, de quibus stulte olim dubitatum est, an eorum perfidia vel alia 
qusevis indignitas sacramenta vitiet. Nobis autem sanctior est Dei 
institutio, quam ut ejus vis ab hominibus pendeat.' 

Hermann's Simple and religious ConsiUtcUiony sign. O, v, b, Lond. 
1547 : * For the Lorde maketh those things which he hym selfe hath 
ordeined in his churche to be effectuous vnto the health of his, though 
the ministers be neuer so vnworthy, and he requireth that the fayeth 
of his people be grounded vpon his worde, and not vpon the worthi- 
nesse of the ministers.' 

On the other hand the Cotmcil of Trent declared, A.D. 1547, Sess. 
viL *De sacramentis,' can. xL : *Si quis dixerit in ministris dum 
sacramenta conficiunt et conferunt, non requiri intentionem saltern 
£aciendi quod facit Ecclesia, anathema sit.' 

ARTICLE XXVIL 
Source and Object : see Art. ii. of 1536, p. 44 ; Art. VI. of 
1538, p. 63; Art. xxviii. of 1553, p. 105. For the strengthening 
of the language of the Edwardine Article, respecting infants, see 
p. 130. 

whereby, as by an instrument.] * Bucerus in Retract, in Matth. 
agnoscit sacramenta recte dici instrume^Ua, organa et canales gratise.' 
Ward, ubi sup. p. 63. 

' Insuper ibi etiam qiuisi instrumento quodam operatur et perficit 
plenam nostri innovationem.' Liturgia Argentina^ fol. 19 : (translated 
into Latin by Valerandus Pollanus) date, Feb. 19, 1551 [t. e, 1652], 

* Diuerse good holy doctours haue taught as I sai by such places 
of Scripture, that God in the working of such clensing of the soule 
and incision of grace, useth the sacramentes not as a hare signSj but 
as an instrument with whiche and by whiche it pleaseth hym to worke 
them.' Sir Thomas More (against Tindale), Works, i. 386. 

* This sacrament [t. e, the Eucharist] hath a promise of grace, made 
to those that receive it worthily, because grace is given by it, as by an 
instrument; not that Christ hath transfused grace into the bread and 
wine.* Ridley, Disputation at Oxford : Works, ed. P. S. p. 241. 

'Also is die tawf ain jnstrument, oder handhab und mittel, 
dachirch der getauft, als ain glid Chiisti, erraicht das Krewtz, etc.* 



394 ^ NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Btriholdy (hisch. nm Chiemsee), Tewtacke Thwlogey (first published 
in 1528), Miinchen, 1852, p. 428. 

'All these graces almighty God worketh by baptisme as by a 
peculiar instrument for that purpose in the hartes of all infants that 
by the church and in the fiedth of the church [Gardiner adds, fol. clix. 
b, €md of their ptirentes] be offered to God and baptised, wher nothing 
of the infimtes party doth stop the grace of the sacrament. But if he 
that is baptised be of age and discretion hauing the use of his reason, 
it is required necessarily of him before baptisme to haue fidth and 
repentaunce of his noughty living.' ffoUome and catholt/ke Doctryne 
(Sermons by Thomas Watson, intruding bishop of Lincoln, 1557), 
foL xii. 

'Sunt enim sacramenta signa ac symbola visibilia rerum inter- 
narum et invisibilium, per qu£e, ceu per media, Deus ipse virtute 
Spiritus Sancti in nobis operatur.' Confess, Belgica, Art xxxin. 

The baptism of young children.] The Reformatio Lecpim, * de 
Hsei^bus,' c. 18, speaks as follows : ' Delude crudelis illorum impietas 
in baptismum irruit, quern in&ntibus impartiri nolunt, sed omnino 
nulla ratione. Nee enim minus ad Deum et ecclesiam pertinent 
Christianorum infantes, quam liberi quondam Hebrseorum pertinebant^ 
quibus in infantia cum circumcisio adhiberetur, nostris edam infiui- 
tibus debet baptismus admoveri, quoniam ejusdem promissionis et 
foederis divini participes sunt, et a Christo sunt etiam summa cum 
humanitate suscepti.' 

* The baptism of infants hath its beginning from God's Word and 
fix)m the use of the primitive Church. The Catholic truth delivered 
imto us by the Scriptures plainly determineth, that all such are to be 
baptised, as whom Grod acknowledgeth for His people and voucheth 
them worthy of sanctification, or remission of their sins.' Philpot, 
Works, p. 274. ed. P. S. 

* Bicause they admitte not original sinne, they [the Anabaptists] 
also refuse the baptisme of chyldren, and in as muche as in them 
lyeth, they drawe awaye the moste parte of men from God, and etemall 
saluation.* Hermann's Consultation, t. vii. Lond. 1547 ; cf sign- v. ii. 

The Lutheran, as opposed to the Calvinistic view of infant baptism, 

is forcibly stated in a series of Articuli VisitatorU (Francke, App. 

p. 119), where they condemn what they describe as the 'falsa et 

erronea doctrina Calvinistarum.' 

The propositions thus selected for especial censure are the following: 
(1) 'Baptismum esse externum lavacrum aquae, per quod interna 

qusedam ablutio a peccatis tantum significatur. 



NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 395 

(2) ' Baptdsmum non operari neque conferre fogenerationem, fidem, 
gratiam et salutem, sed tantum significare et obfiignare ista. 

(3) ' Non omnes, qui aqua baptizantur, consequi eo ipso gratiam 
aiit donum fidei, sed tantum electos. 

(4) ' Regenerationem non fieri in vel cum baptismo, sed postea 
demum cresoente setate, imo et miQtis in senectute demum contingere. 

(5) ' Salutem non dependere a baptismo, atque ideo baptismum in 
causa necessitatis non permittendum esse in ecclesia, sed in defectu 
ordinarii ministri ecclesi^s permittendum esse, ut infiins sine baptismo 
moriatur. 

(6) ^ Christianorum infantes jam ante baptismum esse sanctos ab 
utero matris, imo adhuc in utero matemo constitutos esse in foedere 
vit» setemse, ceteroqui sacrum baptismum ipsis conferri non posse.' 

This limitation of baptism to the children of the /aith/tU constantly 
appears in 'Swiss* or *Calvinistic' Confessions, e.g. Ztmnglii *de Sacra- 
mentis,' apud Niemeyer, p. 25 ; Gallic. Art xxxv. ; Belgic, xxxiv. 
'He secludeth the children of excommunicate persons and of professed 
papistes from the sacrament of baptisme, vntill they be able to make 
a confession of their fayth; which smelleth very strongely of Ana- 
baptisme, and is a manifest error.' Whitgifb's * Table of the dangerous 
doctrines avouched by T. C prefixed to Tfie Defense^ ed. 1574 : c£ 
Zurich Letters^ i. 292, 296 ; ii. 243 : Hales, Letters from the Synod 
ofDort, p. 22. 

ARTICLE XXVIII. 

Source and Object. On some of the important points involved 
in the additions and suppressions of 1563, see pp. 130, 138. 

Transubstantiation.] The Reformatio Legum, *de Hseresibus,* c. 
19 : *Obrepsit etiam in eucharistia periculosissimus error eorum qui 
docent, concionantur et contendunt, virtute cei-torum verborum quae 
minister ad symbola hujus sacramenti insusurrat, pauem converti vel 
(ut ipsi loquuntur) transubstantiari in Christi corpus, et itidem vinum 
in sanguinem. Quod sane dogma quoniam sacris Uteris adversatur, a 
natura sacramenti discrepat et verum Christi corpus ita depravat, ut 
vel divinam in illud inducat naturam omnibus locis diffiisam \cf the 
paragraph of 1552, which was afierwa^da suppressed^ vel ex eo 
spectrum aut machinam quandam comminiscatur, totum hoc papisticse 
feecis somnium auferri vol\mius, et naturam veram panis et vini in 
eucharistifle remanentem plane agnosci, quomodo Spiritus Sanctus 
apertds verbis attestatur. Itaque nee in altum tolli sacramentum hoc^ 



396 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

nee circumferri per agros patimur, nee eonservari in crastinum, nee 
adorari ; denique nullam relinqnimuB majorem eucharistise veneratio- 
nem quam baptism! et Verbi Dei' 

Heads of Religion^ A.D. 1559 : 'Ccena Dominica non est tantom 
symboliim mutuse benevolentife Chnstianorum inter se, sed magis 
symbolum est nostrse redemptionis per Christi mortem et nostrse cod- 
jonetionis cum Cliristo. XJbi fidelibns vere datur et exhibetar, com- 
munio corporis et sanguinis Domini.... Seholastica Transubstantiatio 
panis et vini in corpus et sanguinem Christi probari non potest ex 
sacris Uteris.' 

ARTICLE XXIX. 

First published in 1571. On its suppression till that period, 
see above, pp. 128, 140, n. 1, p. 143, and n. 3, p. 144, p. 154. 

ARTICLE XXX. 
Source: added in 1563 (see p. 128: cf. Art. x. of 1559). 

Gardiner, Sermon in 1548 (quoted by Mr Haweis, Sketches, p. 43): 
' Where I said of the mass that it was a sacrifice ordained to make us 
the more strong in the faith and remembrance of Christ's passion... 
the Parliament [allttding to 1 Edw. VI. c. 1] very well ordained mass 
to be kept ; and because we should be the more strong in the faith 
and devotion towards Grod, it was well done of the Parliament for 
moving the people more and more with devotion, to ordain that this 
sacrament should be received in both kinds ;^ cf the 8th of Grardiner's 
XV. Articles. 

Council of Trent, July 16, 1562, Sess. xxi. can. i. : *Si quis dix- 
erit ex Dei pnecepto vel necessitate salutis omnes et singulos Christi 
fideles utramque speciem sanctissimi eucharistiae sacramenti sumere 
debere, anathema sit* 

ARTICLE XXXI. 

Source: based on Augsburg Conf. Part ll. Art. lii. § IC; 
above, p. 105. 

BuUinger (Decad. p. 17, published 1550): *Itaque relinquitui' jam 
indubitatum Christum Dominum plenariam esse propitiationem, satis- 
factionem, hostiamque, ac victimam pro peccatis (pro poena, inquam, 
et pro culpa) totius mundi, et quidem solam. Non est enim in alio 
quoquam salus.' 

Cranmer, {Answer to Gardiner, a.d. 1551): *This is the honour 
and glory of our High Prie^st wherein He admitteth neither partner 



NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 397 

nor successor. For by His own oblation He satisfied the Father for 
all men's sins, and reconciled mankind into His grace and &yo\ir... 
And as He dying once was offered for all, so as much as pertained to 
Him, He took all men's sins unto Himself.' See other passages assert- 
ing the tmiverscUity of Christ's satisfaction, in Laurence, Bampt, LecL 
pp. 299, 300. 

The sacrifices of masses.] The Reformatio Legum, *de H^resibus,' 
c. 10: *Quorundam nimis est curiosa perversitas, qui veniam quidem 
peccatorum expectant, sed banc morte Christi per solam fidem ad nos 
accommodatam plene non credunt et omnibus partibus implerL Qua- 
propter alia conquirunt sacrificia, quibus perpurgari possint, et ad 
banc rem missas exhibent in quibus sacrificium Deo Patri credunt 
oblatum esse, nimirum corpus et sanguinem Domini nostri Jesu 
Christi, vere, quomodoque iUi dicunt, realiter, ad veniam peccatorum 
impetrandam et salutem tarn mortuorum quam vivorum procurandam; 
quibus etiam regnum tarn latum dant ut illis aliquando minui, non- 
nunquam omnino tolli purgatorii tormeuta statuant;' c£ the 9th of 
the Eleven Articles. 

Joliffe (Against Hooper), fol. 189 : *Quod ad nussam attinet recte 
eam dici arbitror repetitam commemorationem passionis et mortis 
Christi, in qua ille se obtulit pro peccatis totius mundi.' 

ARTICLE XXXIL 

Source and Object : see above, p. 105 ; and for the change 
this Article underwent in 1563, p. 130. 

Heads of Religion : * Celibatus nulli hominum statui prsecipitur, 
neque injimgitur ministris ecclesise ex verbo DeL' 

Joliffe (Against Hooper), foL 189 b : *His qui non voverunt non 
est mandatum, neque enim pugnant Ordo et Matrimonium : cseterum 
iis qui se voto astrinxerunt, dicit Scriptura, Eedde vota.' 

ARTICLE XXXIIL 

(See above, p. 105). 

Nowdl, Calechismus, (p. 157. ed. 1572) : *In ecclesiis bene institutis 
atque moratis, certa, ut antea dixi, ratio atque ordo gubemationis 
instituebatur atque observabatur. Deligebantur seniores ; id est, magis- 
tratus ecclesiastici, qui disciplinam ecclesiasticam tenerent atque 
colerent. Ad nos autoritas, animadversio, atque castigatio censoria 
pertinebant : hii, adhibito etiam pastore, si quos esse cognoverant qui 



898 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Tel opinionibus fiJaisy vel turbulentis erroribua, vel anilibus sapenti- 
tionibuB vel .yita vitiova flagitiosaque Tnagnam publioe offenaioTiem 
eodeaiiB Dei adferient^ quique sine coens Dominice pro&aatione 
aocedere non poeaent, eoe a commimione repellebant^ atque rejidebant^ 
neque rursum admittebant, donee poenitentia publica eodesiao aatb- 
feciflset.* 

ARTICLE XXXIY. 

Bcnirce : Art. v. of 1538. 

Object: see p. 105, and for its modifications in 1563, pp. 
129, 140 : cf. Art. in. of 1559. 

Heads of Dodrine : 'Qusevis ecclesia paHdoularis authoritatem in- 
Btituendi, mutandi et abrogandi oeremonias et ritus ecclesiastioos 
babet, modo ad decorem, ordinem et edificationem fiat.' 

Traditions of tbe Cburch.] 'Colligimns bine ecclesiastioonim 
(quoB Yocant) tradUumea et legee, quibus &stuin, divitias, honores, 
tituloe legesque suas fulciunt et defendunt, causam esse omnis insani^ ; 
nam capiti Christo non consonant.' Zwinglii ArticiUi, § zi: Nie- 
meyer, p. 5. 

ARTICLES XXXV, XXXVL 

Respecting the indignation which these Articles excited among 
the Puritans, see above, pp. 208 sq. The object of the second 
clause in Art. xxxvi. has been explained already, p. 131, n. 1. 

ARTICLE XXXVIL 

Olject: see above, p. 106 ; and for its modification in 1563, 
p. 129, and n. 2. 

Heads of Doctrine: ' Elizabetha regina AngLue est unicus et supre- 
mus Gubemator hujus regni et omnium dominiorum et regionuni 
suarum quarumcunque tarn in rebus et causis ecclesiasticis quam tern- 
poralibu8....Roinanus Pontifex nullam habet jurisdictionem in hoc 
regno, nee alia qusecunque potestas extranea.' 

Ga/rdiner^ Sermon in 1548, as above; *It is a marvellous thing 
that upon these words the Bishop of Rome should found his supremacy; 
for whether it be super petram or Peiruniy all is one matter; it 
maketh nothing at all for the purpose to make a foundation of any 
such supremacy. For otherwise when Peter spake carnally to Christ 
(as in the same chapter a little following,) Satan was his name, where 
Christ said, "Go after me, Satan;" so that the name of Peter is no 
foundation for the supremacy, but as it is said in Scripture, Fundati 



NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 399 

etiia $uper yundamenium apostolorum et prophetanwiy that is, by par- 
ticipation (for godly participation giveth name of things,) he might be 
called the head of the Church, as the head of the river is called the 
head, because he was the first who made this confession of Christ, 
which is not an argument for dignity, but for the quality that was in 
the man.' 

See also the remarkable arguments of Tonstal, on the Pope's 
supremacy, in a sermon preached 1539, and reprinted in 1823. 

ARTICLE XXXVni. 
Object: see above, p. 106. 

Reformatio Legum^ *de Haeresibus,' c. 14 : *Excludatur etiam ab 
eisdem Anabaptistis inducta bonorum et posscssionum communitas, 
quam tantopere urgent, ut nemini quicquam relinquant propritnn et 
suum.' 

ARTICLE XXXIX. 

Object: see above, p. 106. 

Be/ormcUio Legum, *de Hseresibus,' c. 16: 'Prseterea nee jura- 
mentorum Anabaptistse legitimum relinquunt usum, in quo contra 
Scripturarum sententiam et veteris Testamenti patrum exempla, Pauli 
etiam apostoli, imo Chnsti, imo Dei Patris, procedunt* 



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