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• ' ' CONTEJiTS 




State of the respective Armies^ &c.— Battle of Naseby. — Capture 
and Publication of Letters found in the King's Cabinet. — 
Farther Successes of the Parliamentary Troops.-*Fall of Bris- 
tol.— Retreat of the King to Oxford. — Motions of the Scots. — 
Actions of Montrose^ and his Defeat at Philliphaugh. — Trans- 
actions of Glamorgan. — Intrigues of the King. — Advance of 
Fairfax to Oxford^ and Flight of Charles to the Scottish Army 
before Newark.— Termination of the War. — Fruitless Nego-. 
dation.— The King delivered up by the Scots ..... i 


State of the Army, and Mutiny. — The King seized by Joyce.— 
The Army brought up to London, — and the Effect on the Par- 
liament — The King flies to the Isle of Wight.— ,Sscond Civil 
War, and Invasion from 3J2otl^ci.-^Tke Trcai;y.orNewport. — . 
The Invaders from Scotland ovfercome, 'and the Civil War ter- 
minated. — King seized a WcanS; tjide by the Army.— The 
House of Commons purged. -»Tlvtl^iMg^s*^rial and Execu- 

llUU * • . • • . 4 ^ ' t -> -^» J t , . m ^ ^J ^^ . . • . • OU 

., , » . *. w •> - t •' 


CHAP.Xri. . 

State of England.— Settlement of the Commonwealth— A High 
Covirt of Justice conetituled for the Trial of the Duke of Ha- 
milton, aa Earl of Cambridge, and the Earls of Norwich, &c. — 
Imh affitirs, and the Exploits of Cromwell there, &c.— State 
of Scotland.— The Expedition and Death of Montrose.— Eng- 
lish Afiaira. — Arrival of Charles II. in Scotland, and War be- 
tween the two Nations. — Fairfax declines the Command of the 
Aitnjr destined againat Scotland, and Cromwell appointed Ge< 
neral. — Cromwell's Expedition into Scotland. — Battle of Dun- 
bar. — Subaeqqent Meaiures of the Covenantera, and thnr Ex- 
pedition into England. — Battle of Worcester. — The King's 
Escape.- Expkits of the Navy; Character of Blake.— 'The 
Dutch War.— State of Fartiee.- Diaaolution of the Parlia- 
ment, and Usurpation of Cromwell S30 


SlaW of the Nation under CbomweU'ft Usu^tion. — Barebone'a 
FarliBmettt — Cromwell made PrMoetori— P^et with IM- 
luid.— AnodierPaiDament.- InsDh«cdon of thb Itoj^IiBta. — • 
State of Entope, and Warwitii S^'ri. — CromweH'e third Pu> 
Iiament.-^l{iimble Petition and AdViee.'— INssolution of Palw 
liatnent. — State e( the Nation. — Conquest of Jamaica -^■Suc- 
cess uidDeaA of Blake.— Capture of Dunkirk. — Sickness and 
Dajthiof Cromwdl . . . ' 3S1 


Richard Cromwell, Oliver's eldest Son, acknowledged Protector. 
— ^ammeUB a Pariiament. — Cabal of Wallingfdrd-House. — 
Pe&iaent 'diaaolved. — Richard deposed.— Loiig Parliament 
mike seat 
itM fbr a 
ig Pallia- 






State of the respective Armies^ Sfc..^Battle of Naseby.-^ 
Capiiire and Publication of Letters found in the King's 
Cabinet.''^'Farther Successes of tiis Parliamentary 
Troops. — FaU of Bristci^^^Retreat of the King to Ox- 
ford, — Motions of the Scots. — Actions of Montrose:^ and 
his Defeat at Philliphaugh. — Transactions of Otamor- 
gan,-^Intrigues of the King. — Advance ofFairfsuc to 
Oxfordy and Flight of Charles to the Scottish Army he- 
fore Newark. — Termination of the War.-^FruUUss 
Negociation, — The King delivered up by the Scots. 

The three parliamentary armies having been, by 
the ordinance of parliament, ordered to be reduced 
to one, the soldiers that had been under Essex 
mutinied, and eight troops, commanded by Colonel 
Dalbier, kept for some time at such a suspicious 
distance, that it was expected they would join the 
king*; but the soldier Jike, masterly address of 

* Rush. vol. yi. p. 18. If ever any letter was^ as Hollis asserts, 
written by St. John to the committee of Hertfordshire, to fall upon any 
of the troops, it probably r^arded those, which were alone suspected; 
and it is not easy to say what was to be done under such circunu- 
itances : Was it a time to talk of the ordinary process of law, which 
Hollis argues for, when their conduct evinced a disposition to join 
the adverse party ? 



Skippon, with the high estimation in which he 
was held by the whole military, soon brought 
the great body to order, and Dalbier also joined 
them *• All laxity of discipline was now dismiss- 
ed, and throughout the whole ranks was kindled 
an enthusiasm for the cause as it involved both 
civil and religious rights. Fairfax having been 
sent down to join them, determined to waste no 
time in inactivity. Cromwell had come to Wind- 
sor, with the avowed purpose ^f taking leave of the 
general, on laying down his command, according 
to the Bel&denying ordinance^ When the dispen- 
sation frotA pibrliament arrived, with orders to 
hitn to march on a particular servidef. iThe eneihies 
of the new mbdd cried out against it, predicting 
nothing but ruiti from commandet's devoid of ex- 
perience; and Charles himself indulged in unwor- 
thy ** remarks on the parliament's new British ge- 
neral V 

In the west, the king had possession of the great- 
er part of the country. All Cornwall was in his 
power ; and, in Devonshire, I^ymouth was the only 
town goirrisone^ by the ^lii^nent. In iSomerset, 
Taunton, the only town o£that county, and indeed 
the only walled town in that quarter garrisoned 
there by the parliaikient, was closely besieged by 
Sir Richard Gi^nville, aiul in grea.t distress ; the 
excellent conduct of Blake having alone preserved 
it. In t)orset, the parliament still held Pod, 

'* Kush. vol. Til. p. 16, eiseg. t lb. p. 2S«4. Whitdooke, p. 141. 
i Baillie's Let vol. ii. p. 91. 9^. 98. 103, 104. 106. King's Cabinet 
Opened. Whitelocke, p. 140. 


Lime, add Weymouth; but the king, also, had 
posEfes^sion of other places. In Wilts, Hants, Ox* 
ford, and Bucks, the places of strength were chiefly 
in possession of the king. In the midland counties, 
as Hereford, Worcester, Salop, Staftbrd, Chester, 
Leicester, Lincoln, and Nottingham, the majority 
of the forts were also occupied by him. Warwick 
and Northampton were chiefly garrisoned by the 
parliament forces ; but the whole of Wales, with 
the exception of Pembroke town and castle, in 
South Wales, and Montgomery castle, in North 
Wales, were in possession of the king. Beyond 
the Trent, he still held some places; but thg 
r>untry in general was subjected to the parlia^ 

At the commencement of the campaign, Fairfas^ 
himself proposed to march to the relief of Taun- 
ton ; but, as the king's army became formidable in 
the midland counties, the committee of both king* 
doms ordered the general to send a detachment 
only to the relief of that place, and himself besiege 
Oxford, and watch the royal motions* He there- 
fore dispatched between 4000 and 5000 men to 
Taunton ; and, having deceived the enemy by his 
countermarches, so that the besiegers imagined his 
whole force was directed against them, he proceed*- 
ed back towards Oxford. But Goring, having 
been sent by the king with 3000 to join with Greu* 
ville, Hopeton, and Berkeley, their united forces 
being about 10,000, to renew the siege of Taun- 
ton, cooped up in the town the forces sent by 

* Rush. vol. vi. p. 18, et seq, 
B 2 


Fairfax to its relief, and recommenced the siege 
with vigour. By occupying the situation about Ox- 
ford, Fairfax was in a posture to intercept the king 
if he attempted to march to the south or souths 
west, while the Scottish army, nominally21,000,yet 
scarcely 16,000, was ordered to march south, and 
be joined with all the forces in Derbyshire, Staf- 
fordshire, Yorkshire, Nottinghamshire, and Lin- 
colnshire, besides 2500 horse and dragoons, under 
Colonel Vermuden, whom Fairfax dispatched to 
join them, as they were deficient in horse. But 
this promising state of things was disappointed by 
the conduct of the Scottish army, which, chagrined 
at the new model, and probably reposing small 
confidence in a military body in which one old 
soldier alone, Skippon, remained, retreated into 
Westmoreland, and thus changed the nature of the 
campaign. At the outset, the new-modelled army 
met with some slight repulses, which raised the 
presumption of their enemies, as they excited the 
melancholy forebodings of false friends, who de- 
clared " the hugie imprudence" of the arrangement 
to be now fully exemplified. Charles had taken 
by storm Leicester, which his troops plundered 
and sacked with every speqies of inhumanity ; and 
the state of the parliamentary affairs appeared to 
become critical. Their forces were, therefore, or- 
dered to concentrate, and Cromwell was, at the ex- 
press desire of Fairfax, nominated lieutenant-gene* 
ral of the horse. Having left Oxford, the parlia- 
mentary general closely followed the king and 
beat up his quarters, determined, if possible, to 


bring his majesty to an immediate engagement. 
Charles, who was taken by surprise, and saw that 
his army would be exposed if he auempted to re- 
treat, resolved to offer the engagement, which 
could not safely be avoided. Both armies, now in 
the neighbourhood of Naseby, immediately formed 
their plans for battle. Skippon drew that for Fair- 
fax, and Cromwell joined him late in the evening. 
The active disposition of the new general would 
not allow him to rest on such an important occa- 
sion, and himself rode about during the night re- 
connoitring, when an odd accident occurred. Ab- 
sorbed in deep reflection, he passed the lines, and, 
as he was unknown to the centinel, he was, on his 
return, threatened with being shot through the 
head, when the captain of the guard having been 
called, recognised his person *. 

The following was the arrangement on the royal Battle of 
side : The centre was commanded by the king in ^4^ junc, 
person, the right wing, consisting of cavalry, by ^^*^- 
the Princes Rupert and Maurice ; the left, also of 
cavalry, by Sir Marmaduke Lonsdale. The right 
hand reserve was commanded by the Earl of Lind* 
say, and Sir Jacob, now created Lord, Ashley j the 
left by the Earl of Litchfield and Sir George Lisle. 
The parliament's army stood thus : The main body 
was commanded by Fairfax and Skippon ; the right 
wing, consisting of six regiments of horse, was led 
by Cromwell ; the left wing, composed of five re- 
giments of horse, and a division of 200 horse of 

 Rush. vol. vii. p. 27, et seq. Whitelocke, p. 141, ei seq, Clar. 
vol. iv. p. 652, et seq. fiaiUie, vol. ii. p. 106. 1 1 6. 



the Association^ to secure the left flank, was^ at 
the particular request of Cromwell, committed to 
Colonel IretoK, who, for that purpose, was mada 
commissary-general of horse. The reserves were 
brought up by Rainsborough, Hammond, and 
Pride. The two armies were about equal imnum* 
ber, and the scene of action was a large fallow 
field, about a mile broad, at the distance of a mile 
from Naseby. The field was wholly occupied with 
the respective armies. Fairfax had taken up his 
position on the brow of a small hill, having sent 
down a forlorn hope of 300, who were instructed 
to retreat when hard pressed. On the right wing 
of the king's army, Rupert charged most furiously ; 
and, though Ireton received him with great spirit, 
the prince ultimately bore down that wing, a cir- 
cumstance which was imputed by the adverse party 
to a disorder occasioned by pits and ditches which 
had not been observed. Ireton's own horse was 
killed under him, while a spear was run through 
his leg, and another into his face ; and, in this 
condition, he fell into the hands of the enemy, 
from whom he only escaped during their subse* 
quent rout. Rupert pushed on till he came to the 
baggage, which he commanded to surrender ; but 
the forces stationed to guard it, being well pre- 
pared, returned the summons with a brisk fire, and 
kept him engaged till the royal foices were thrown 
into confusion in other parts of the field. In the 
right wing of the parliamentary forces, Cromwell, 
after a desperate resistance by the royal troops, 
which conducted themselves to admiration, confi- 


pletely routed that wing i but» instead of follow- 
ing tke eouFse poirsued by Rupert^ he sent a snudl 
part of his force to prevent the enemy from form- 
ing, and wheeled back to the charge of the main 
, h<Hiy. In the centre, success appeared at firsi to 
indine to the king's side, the parliamentary troops 
having been obliged to retreat upon the reserve, but 
rallying, they made another most desperate charge, 
and threw the king's foot into confusion, with the 
exception qf one Tertia, which stood two attacks 
immovable as a rock ; when Fairfax having com- 
manded Captain D'Oiley, of his lifeguard^ to attack 
them in rear, while himself charge them in front» 
that they might meet, in the middle^ bcoke them» 
and with his own hand he killed the en$ign who 
carried the royal colours. A trooper of D'Oiley^s 
having seized them, boasted that himself perform^^ 
ed this meritorious act } but, when D'Qiley re- 
primanded him for arrogating the credit of the 
general's exploit, Fairfax cried out, << let him 
take that honour, I have enough beside/' Ru* 
pert had now returned, but he could ntt pre- 
vail on his troops to make, a second charge, and 
a body of cavalry alone still remained undei^at- 
ed. Fairfax delayed the attack upon it till he 
could direct against it the flower of bis foot as 
well as horse, and when the adverse par^y saw 
such mighty odds brought againH the^ they 
fled from the fleld in spite of the magimiimQus 
efibrts of the king, who cried out ** one charge 
more and we recover the d2i,y.** His conduct this 
day, which, in spite of fortune, was in reality the 


most glorious of his life, was indeed worthy of a 
prince, and was generously admired by his enemies. 
The victory was complete ; 600 of the royal forces 
were killedi and 4^00 taken prisoners, amongst 
whom was an immense number of officers ; 8000 
stands of arms, with all the artillery, bag and bag- 
gage, and the king's coach, with his private cabi* 
net, fell into the hands of the victors. 

The utmost renown was this day gained by. 
Fairfax and Cromwell, and likewise by Skippon. 
Fairfax had lost his helmet in the heat of the en- 
gagement } and D'Oiley, regretting to see so va- 
luable a life exposed in every part of the field 
where the battle raged most, offered him his own 
helmet ; but the general, saying, *< it is well enough 
Charles,'' declined it, and without this usual pro- 
tection to his person, performed the gallant feat 
above commemorated. Skippon, who was now 
far advanced in life, received a dangerous wound 
in the side at the beginning of the engagement ; 
and Fairfax, perceiving his condition, advised him 
to withdraw ; but the gallant veteran swore he 
would not stir so long as a man remained, and 
continued at his post till the end of the battle *• 
King re. Charles retreated into Wales, having happily 
Wftici. escaped Sir John Gell, who was rapidly marching 
up to join the parliamentary army, with 2000 
horse, and arrived on the day after the battle. 
A messenger was, on the following day, inter- 

 Rush. vol. vi. p. 41, et seq, Whitelocke, p. 150, et seq. Clar. toI. 
IT. p. 649, et seq. Append, to Evelyn's Mem. p. 92, et seq. Ludlow^ 
yd. i. p. 151, et seq, Baillie, vol. ii. p. 116, 117. 


cepted by the parliament from Goring, who said, 
that he expected to finish the siege of Taunton 
within a certain time, when he would be in a condi- 
tion to join his majesty ; and it has been thought, 
that had the intelligence reached the king before 
the battle, he would have declined an engage- 
ment. But as he could not have done this with- 
out loss in the meantime, so such information 
would probably have only tended to ensure his 
destruction j for Goring was himself deceived by 
his own sanguine hopes in regard to the siege, 
and Gell, with his 2000 horse, besides others, 
would have augmented the parliamentary army ♦• 
The correspondence found in the royal cabinet, 
completely proved the perfidious assertions of the 
king in regard to his negociations with foreign 
powers for supplies of troops, in spite of the most 
solemn appeals to heaven, that he never had in- 

* Rush* vol. Ti. p. 49. Clar. vol. iv. p. 659. On every disaster^ 
party-men set their wits to work to prove that the hattle should not 
have heen fought^ or ought to have heen gained^ and that the course 
pursued after it was ruinous — ^though^ in reality^ no other could have 
been prudently followed^ and none could have heen successful. Such 
is the conduct of Clarendon on this and other occasions. Laing says 
that Charles should have abandoned all garrisons^ and collected the 
troops, and that, had he done so, he might have still kept the field ; 
for that the parliament could not have occupied the garrisons without 
dropping active operations. But the garrisons did not all lie in one 
qtiarter ; and by delaying his retreat for the accomplishment of this 
object, the king would have exposed his shattered army to inevitable 
destraction,-*'While the forces from the garrisons woidd have been 
beaten in detail before they could concentrate. Besides, new levies by 
the parliament could easily have manned the garrisons thus abandon- 
ed, and the country, no longer awed by them, would have risen. 
Then the Scots were marching south. Baillie, voLii. p. 118. 


tended it. They also fully establish the insincerity 
with ivhich he had entered into treaty with the 
parliament, and expose some of his intentions rela- 
tive to Ireland. In a letter^ on the 4th August of 
this year, to Sir Edward Nicholas, he says,— ^ 
** Though I could have wished that paine&i ha4 
beene spaired, yet I will neither de^y that tbosQ 
things are myne wch they haue s^tt put i|i my 
name, (only some words heere and there mistaken^ 
and some commas misplaced, but not much mate** 
rialU) nor as a good Protestant, or honest man, 
blush for any of those papers } indeed as a dis^ 
creet man, I will not justify my selfe ; and yet I 
would fain know .him who would be willing that 
the freedom of all his priuat letters were publique^ 
]y seene, as myne have now beene } howsoumever, 
so that one clause be rightly understood, { care 
not much though the rest take their fortui^s : it 
is concerning the mungrill parliament j the trewth 
is, that Sussex * factiouseness at that time put roe 
somewhat out of patience, wc^ made me freely 
vent my displeasure against those of his party to 
my wyfe, and the intention of that phrase was, 
that his faction did what they could to make it 
come to that by theire raising and fomenting of 
baae propositions f.** This quotation has been in- 
troduced, as it sufficiently disproves the statement 
by the apologists of Charles, that the parliament 
were guilty of unfairness in the publication, in 

* Lord S«ivile^ lately created Barl of Sussex. , 

t Append, to Evdyn's Mem. p, 101^ 8. Clar. vol. iv. p. eiS. 




order to give a false colour to the king's proceed- 
ings. The copy of the notes abstracted at the 
trial of Strafibrde, was also found with a writing in 
the king's hand, that he got it from Digby *. 

* Ludlow^ ToL i. p. 156. Baillie^ vol. U. p. 134, 145; Mr. Hume se- 
T^ely censures the parliament for publishing these letters^ and, with- 
out informing us that he was indebted for the allusion to the Key 
to the Bang's Cabinet Opened, whldi was published soon after the 
publication of the letters, refers to the conduct of the Athenians, 
when they intercepted a letter from Philip to Olympias, who, says he, 
" 80 far from being moved by a curiosity of prying into the secret* of 
that relation, immediately sent the letter to the queen unopened* 
J^kUip wa9 not their sovereign ; nor were they inflamed with that vio- 
lent animosity against him, which attends all dvil commotions." Now, 
the conduct of the Athenians was certainly no rule for tl;ie English. 
Assuredly if that polite people conceived that the letter related to 
domestic affiilrs, they were bound by every principle of honour to 
transmit it unopened. But who will venture to say, that, had the 
safety of the state been, on probable grounds, supposed to depend on 
that letter, they ought not to have opened it? Suppose that at 
the time this country was threatened with invasioi\y||rpm France, 
Napoleon's letters to his wife had fallen into the hands of our go- 
vernment, and that, from previous circumstances, there was reason to 
suppose that they related to that very intended invasion— *would any 
minister have been justified in sacrificing the pubUc safety to a punc« 
tUio ? But Napoleon was not our native sovereign any more than Philip 
was that qf Athens. And mark the difference : Charles and his con- 
sort were engaged in a conspiracy against the laws of their country, 
—laws which Uiey were by every tie bound to protect ; and unless 
it can be maintained that any treason, or oth^ wickedness, between 
man and yn£e, ought, from their relation, to pass without scrutinyj 
the argument of Mr. Hume, if argument it can be called, must be 
regarded as worthy only of that period of Hfe, when every thiqg 
connected with the ancients, is received with admiration* The eaxm 
remark applies to his observations about the queen's late departuie 
for the contineiit. 

Hume allege that " they chose, no doubt, such of them as they 
thou£^t could reflect dishonour upon him. Yet upon the whole, the 
lett^s are written with delicacy and tenderness, and give an advan^ 
iageous idea both of the king's genius and morals" Really it is deplor- 


In retreating to Wales, Charles appears to have 
been actuated by sound views. Had he gone to 
the west, Cromwell and Fairfax would have pur- 
sued him without a moment's intermission ; and as 
all his forces, united with those of Goring, could 
not have coped with the parliamentary army, 
while the Scottish troops were at last rapidly march- 
ing south, his hopes, resting entirely on his pre- 
sent strength, would soon have been terminated ; 
while in Wales, which he imagined devoted to 
him, he expected to raise another army, and wait- 
ed the arrival of ten thousand Irish, that he was 
promised, as well as foreign troops, and could 
more easily form a junction with Montrose, on 
whose great success he so confidently relied. But 
the Welsh, dreading that their assistance to him, 
at this juncture, would draw the whole parliament- 
ary arm^into the country, became extremely 
lukewarm in his catise, while the utter overthrow 
of Montrose in Scotland blasted all his prospects 
from that quarter, and the magnificent promises of 
the Duke of Lorrain, and the Irish, proved equally 
fallacious. \ 


able to meet all this : For can lett^s which betray perfidy^ and ran- 
corous hostility to the laws he had so solemnly engaged to defend^ 
deserve such a character ? As for the composition^ it is as vulgar as the 
principles are detestable. But the author who could discover poetic 
beauty in the bombast of Montrose^ was not likely to miss exoellenoe in 
the royal letters. The only point Charles regretted^ was that about 
the mongrel parliament^ and he sends some ciphers to Evelyn^ which^ 
he alleges^ were the copy of a letter sent to the queen^ explanatory of 
the other^ according to what he stated in the letter given in the text. 
But that letter does not mend the matter, and the ciphers are unin« 


A fresh dispensation having been granted to 
Cromwell, he continued in the army. Under 
the old system of the parliamentary army, the 
loss at Naseby might have been recovered, 
since, under pretext of refreshing the troops, 
which the Presbyterian party now declared to 
be absolutely necessary^ time to recover from 
the surprise, and to raise fresh forces would have 
been allowed. But Fairfax and Cromwell were 
not the men to gives day's respite; and the Proceedings 
success at Naseby was followed up without inter- ^^e" 
mission by fresh actions. Fairfax having sent a^J*!^^^ 
party of 3000 under Pointz and Rositer to attend 
the king's motions and prevent him rallying, 
marched instantly to Leicester. The governor re- 
fused to surrender; and he determined to take it by 
storm. But when his purpose was perceived, and 
the cannon began to play, the place was surren- 
dered on terms. Having secured this town, 
where he found 14 pieces of brass ordnance, SO 
colours, 2000 stand of arms, 50 barrels of powder, 
and other ammunition, he determined imme- 
diately to march to the relief of Taunton. On 
his way thither he was met by large parties of 
clubmen — country-men, who, not strongly attach- 
ed to either party, but mainly actuated by a de^ 
sire of protecting their own property, had been 
much instigated by the king's emissaries. The par- 
liamentary general, who knew well that, though this 
body of men might easily be dispersed in his pre- 
sent condition, yet that on any disaster they might 
knock his soldiers on the head, endeavoured to con- 


ciliate thedd, and at all events to temporize, by 
yielding to some of their demands, while he de- 
nied others, and thus escaped their fury *• 

Goring having received intelligence of Fair* 
fitx^s approach, raised the siege of Taunton, which 
was thus relieved a second time, and retreated 
towards Langport and Long-Sutton, where the 
king had several forts. The ground occupied by 
him was extremely favourable for defence, and 
with the king's garrisons an attack upon him be- 
came hazardous. Knowing his situation, he had 
sent a party back to Taunton, in hopes to take 
the town by surprise ; but the party having been 
met by Massey, was routed with considerable loss* 
Having therefore occupied the passes on the 
river Parrot, Goring marched to Bridgewater, 
but Fairfax out -manoeuvred him, and at Lang- 
port gave him a signal defeat. To stop the pur- 
suit of the victors, Goring's forces fired Langport; 
but the adversaries forced their way through 
flaming houses, killed 300, took 1400 prisoners, 
amongst whom were several officers of distinction, 
and 1300 horses, many of which had been de- 
serted by their riders : 300 standards graced the 
conquest;, which, was gained with the loss of less 
than 100 men. On that very day Fairfax march^ 
ed towards Bridgewater, having taken up his 
quarters within two miles of the town : there they 
met with another party of clubmen ; but after some 
expostulation they parted on good terms. Bridge^ 

* Rush. vol. vi. p. 50, et seq» Whitelocke^ p. 152. 


Water» situated in a valley so level as not to afibrd 
a clod ^hich miglut give an advantage in assailing 
it^ was strcmgfy as well as regularly fortified^ The 
moalt, ^hiqh was in almost every part filled each 
tide to the brim, was about thirty feet wide, and 
pro^portionally deep: The lines occupied a small 
coBopass of ground, and were manned with eigh^ 
teen Itrundred troops : a large supply of provisions 
and ammunition, &c. promised to enable them to 
stand a long si^ge^ The parliamentary army waS) 
therefore, in a dilemma* If it left this town, the 
consequences might be serious ; if it sat down be«- 
fore it, and were to any degree unsuccessful, the 
king might have leisure to collect a fresh force« 
Some proposed to attempt it by regular approach* 
es J but the time was too precious for that» and a 
fall of rain might in an instant dash all their 
schemes. The extent of the ground, though rela- 
tively small, rendered it impracticable to block it 
up with a detachment of the army. It was, there- 
fore at last determined on to attempt the capture 
by storm, and Lieut-General Hammond, having 
devised a li^ght moveable species of bridge from 
thirty to forty feet long, was ordered to give dir6C«> 
tions to construct eight immediately for the enter- 
prize. On Monday, the 21st of July, at two o'clock 
in the morning, the storming began ; feints were 
made in several parts at once, and while the gar* 
rison was distracted with the variety of attacks, 
the bridges were suddenly thrown across the moat ; 
the soldiers then quickly passed, and having, in 
spite of opposition, beat the enemy from the guuf^ 


turned them against the town» Having thus reach- 
ed the upper town, they quickly let down the draw- 
bridge, and passed into the lower, where the caval* 
ry, now admitted, scoured the streets* Six hun*- 
dred of the enemy were taken ; but those that 
(escaped, having fled to the upper town, from which 
the parliamentary troops had passed, dre^ up the 
bridge, and showered down grenadoes and hot 
^lug, that set the division they had left in flames, 
from which only two or three houses were rescued. 
While that quarter was in one conflagration. Ma- 
jor Cowel stood with his guard in the street to 
prevent a sally. The garrison in the second town 
still held out, and it was at first resolved to carry 
it by storm ; but the assailants so far altered their 
plan, as to content themselves with a feint to keep 
the troops in constant alarm. A message was then 
sent by Fairfax to the governor, informing him 
that he compassionated the innocent, who must 
suffer on the occasion, and that he would allow 
the women to leave the town by a certain hour; 
but the governor's lady, laying her hand on her 
breast, which she said gave suck to prince Charles, 
desired, the messenger to tell the general they 
would hold out to the last ; yet when the hot slugs 
fired the houses, this lady, with the rest of her sex, 
gladly accepted of the proffered kindness ; and, as 
the townsmen felt amazed, the governor surrender- 
ed on terms. A thousand officers and soldiers, be- 
sides gentlemen and clergy, marched out prison- 
ers, while forty-four barrels of powder, as many 
pieces of ordnance, four hundred weight of match. 


and fifteen hundred stand of arms, fell into the 
bands of the victors. Goods too, of great value, 
which had been deposited here for security, were 
seized by the commissioners of the parliament, 
and sold ; from the price of lyhich three shillings 
were allowed to every soldier for his services in 
storming the place. 

The capture of this town was of immense con- 
sequence ; for, as the distance between it and Lime, 
a town in the possession of the parliament, was 
only about twenty miles, a line of garrisons con-* 
Bected them ; and all communication with Devon 
and Cornwall, the counties most devoted to the 
royal cause, and the rest of the kingdom, was cut 
off. It was debated by the victors whether they 
should pursue Goring or take in Bath. The 
council generally recommended the first; but 
Fairfax, however disposed to follow their advice,' 
latterly resolved upon the last, as the capture of 
that place might straiten Bristol, and consequently 
facilitate his operations upon that most important 
garrison. Before his approach, however, Bath was 
reduced by Col. Rich, under whom, in the affair, a 
party of dragoons performed a remarkable exploiL' 
Having been drawn up near the bridge, they, 
quitting their horses, crept on their bellies towards 
the gate, and having seized on the small ends of 
the muskets presented against their party through 
the loop holes of the gate, called out to the guard 
to take quarter. The astonished guard instantly 
fled, leaving their muskets behind them, and thus 
^ave possession of the bridge to the assailants, who 


tow* V^SS Sjurr^P^Tf 4 Ptt tert^ A tw<if^4 %fd 

tafeeo <jsfl th^ epeasior^, P^pert fe«4 a4vpn«f d ^i<i% 
1^ to ^V relief 9)f th^t tp<|to» ^ ^ing tfe^t )\« 
^ffts ^ \^t% ^^, retpe»^^4 

Fairfax, having received intellig^t)/se f|f U)g ^pr. 
tflf^ of gsi^, 4«^tP4 WW8?^f to Sbey^WFfl i ^Ht as 
*?%* €JMt>ffia<» xo^ ^p gr^f^li nucp^jjrs in i)Qr^et^ 
"^ats, ^ lpNOweE?^t, Cr-<w^^U was dMp^|^4 
i(g^^ tl^e^. Th# majority t& pers.qa4^ to t%. 
t*tp pfacf^Iy lio their o^n dvelliflgs j t)«tji^^pwt^ 
fyf4 vpoi^ 9, detachment of horse, ^1^4 1^M^4 9o^}|3 
^J^(d^ ^e sejpt, Y}^vcl«r f lieutenant. *Q inquire intpi 
tju^ ^ai^^ qf ^heii: w^F%^ proce^ings, h;e foup4 
i^ n^cess^f^j tq att^cl^ then), and about 20Q M^^ft 
V^nd^, T^s? pers?!^ |eing t^ken prij^c^^i^ 
'wer^. ^f ap exiaflni^^t^Qii ^eg^rding their instig?Mr 
^9^ 4iW!Uss^ <m ^heir proinise not tP epgage i^ 
i}Whf. a4v^PHii'es> Their standard had % inottQ 
Av^hipb, ^ho"g^ cpnceive4 ^Q 9'. s^rry jingle, wpuld 
hfive j()^ly poY^d th^ impassion of ^very g-en^- 
9018, ^ffld, V?d ^t rpally 4epicte4. % feelipgs with 

« If jrpu, oQ^if to pl\uid?r. our Cf^p, 
B^ a|$«^red ^e Tiyi]U, gi,v« yoiu, baJttl«. 


H^y W^ dlisp^ysed ik^ese club^ien, CrpmweH joia- 
^4 y^rf^x at Sjiierborn, and the place was quickly 
i^^duoed. Four hundred prisoners were takeft 
i^^e, anioiii^s)t whom were sev^r^ of qvwdity j aad 

H»¥0]l¥ OF fJXR BUmSH BMPIftaS. 19 

tiie soldiers, in tiie confusion atteoding the capr 
ture, could not be prevented from phinder, whidh 
they disposed of te the country people on th^ fol*- 
}oving qaai^et day. 

After this Fairfax resolved to reduce Bristol; but Bristol snr. 
the qapture of that town was expepted by him to^a^^^ 
he a matter of uncommon difficulty, while the ^d^fgj^^^* 
¥erse party flattered themselves that it would 
weary out the assailants in fruitless efforts, till 
new forces were elsewhere levied. The garrisom 
was large and well provided $ but if we may 
judge from the accounts transmitted, the fortiieaF 
timis were not calculated for a very vigwous de- 
fence. It is probable however that, had sujjch zb. 
individual as Blake commapded the place, it 
might have held out longer ; but the impetuosity 
of Bupert was not accompanied with iJiat ineXr 
faaustible resolution whi^^h qualifies a iQian fan bear«- 
iflg up against a continued disastrous contest. 
The situation of Charles elsewhere, too^ v|,s at 
this time to all appearance so desperate, that it 
seemed better^ if possible, to save the garrison, in 
order that it might take the field. Massey had 
shut up Goring in the west ; and the Scots, who 
had advanced to Glocester, intercepted the king's 
approach to Bristol. Such was the posture of 
affiiirs, when the town was surrendered; but 
the Scots unexpectedly retreated, and then the 
plaee might, if it could have been preserved, 
have afforded a refuge to the king's harassed 
troops. This, howev^, which afforded the bar 
fis of the outcry against Rupert, by his own 

c 2 


party, could not have been foreseen ; and before 
he did yield, the lines were forced, a party of his 
troops cut oft' from the garrison, and the town 
fired in several places. But in a declining cause, 
every act is condemned by its partisans, and it was 
the fate of Rupert, who, with all his faults, was 
the best officer Charles had, to incur the personal 
resentment, on many accounts, of the very indi- 
vidual whom the king desired to record the events 
of his reign. 

After the fall of Bristol, the garrisons in the 
west which intercepted the communication with 
London, were beset. Rainsborough was dispatch- 
ed against Berkley- castle, the only considerable 
place left for the king in Gloucestershire, and which 
was already blocked up, while Cromwell was sent 
against the Devises. The Devises was a place of 
great strength. The castle, raised on a huge mount 
of earth, had lately been fortified by the order of 
the governor. Sir Charles Loyd, accounted a good 
engineer, with several new works cut out of the 
main earth, so strong that no cannon could pierce 
them, and so situated as to command each other, 
while most of the approaches were so palisaded 
and stoccadoed, as seemingly to obstruct a storm* 
ing. But Cromwell was not to be daunted. Before 
attempting the place, however, he summoned the 
governor to surrender, and intimated that, if he 
were otherwise resolved, his wife and the other 
females were at liberty to pass from the town. The 
answer was " win and wear it ;'* but when all was 
prepared for a storm, the governor surrendered 


on terms. Layock-house, on the same day, yielded 
to Colonel Pickering, and Berkley-castle to Rains-^ 
borough. Winchester, in a few days afterwards, 
likewise surrendered to Cromwell, and the castle of 
Winton, garrisoned with no less than 700 men* 
Basing-house, which had been strongly fortified by 
the Marquis of Winchester, had hitherto withstood 
every siege, and either beat oft" the assailants, or 
wearied them out with loss : uplifted by his success, 
the marquis had declared that he, if the king had 
no more ground than Basing-house, would hold 
it out to the last extremity — whence it had been 
designated by the cavaliers loyalty-house. But 
Cromwell having resolved, at. whatever cost, to 
storm it, carried it without either great difficulty or 

In the mean time Fairfax was himself actively 
employed. Warminster and Axminster surrender- 
ed to him. Tiverton-castle was taken by assault^ 
and here occurred a remarkable instance of the 
just punishment of treachery. There happened 
to be in the garrison, one major Sadler, who had 
formerly deserted the parliament's service for the 
king's. But conceiving, on the investment of this 
place, that he might purchase his indemnity by 
treachery to the party he had latterly joined, he 
proposed to betray the castle* His propositions 
were, however, rejected, and himself with about 
200 more, seized on the capture of the place. 
Condemned by court-martial to be shot for his 
desertion, he effected an escape, and fled to Exe- 
ter, then in the possession of the royalists, as to a 



|)lade of refuge^ But his late priK^tices having been 
detected by that party^ he was condemned tberft 
likewise^ and paid the mulct of his offences. 

Exeter was a town of importance, and to reduce 
it the parliamentary general now proposed to rais^ 
forts on its east side, to cut off resoorees from that 
quarter, while with his army^ for a similar purpose^ 
he sslt down on the others But winter had begun» 
and the inclemency of the season, with want of a&- 
eommodation, engendered sickness in the troops, 
which wasted them away, particularly the infant- 
ry ) atid the prince^ who was in the west, having, 
m conjugation with Hopton, atid Sir Richard 
Grenville^ drawn off the troops with which they 
then besieged Plymouth, and collected what they 
could from garrisons, as well as raised many re- 
eruits, brought into the field from eight to nine 
thousand hoi'se and foot, which they quartered 
about TaTibtoeke^ Okehdrnptony and the neighbour^ 
hood^ with a view to force Fairfax to rise from the 
i&Bt side of E^^ten But!, inforihed of their design^ 
he suddenly seitt a party against them, which beat 
VLp their quarters at Bavy-Tracy, and obliged theni 
to r^tirb with considerable loss< After thi^, h^ 
tdbk Darttlaouth by storm^ and having disarmed 
the garriisoni amounting t6 from 800 to 1000, be 
Oifdered them to retul'n to their several dwellings^ 
Ftddrain^dastle ako fell into his hands ^ and at 
Tortingt^h, he def bated Hopton^ who retired wi^h 
his shuttered forees into Cornwalh Eesolved id 
allow the eiieihy no time to rally and recruit, Fai^- 
fe« pttrsued him with continual alarm to a ndok of 

tMt )[:<$Unty, Hbd tt $bf ttiMl^ disebVe^ hliTkig 1^ 
flamed the pc^tllatioH th^e dg^ibi^ tfi^ tdfsA. ^^k^ 
snre^ upwards trf h thmisatid vbltiritle^red to hlttdk 
up th& ^as§^^ in brd^i* t0 pr^V^ht Ho^ion froiti Hopton*f 
breakiiig thrdugh with hii dav^Iry. THte rby ftlirt ^Jdf^ 
genei-ai thus edtttptetdy i»hut iip» ^tilered into a 
treaty, which WAd sdon coihptetedi fbl- disWilding 
hh drmy^ and durrenddritlg tbb fabi^ed &»d drini td 
the pariiatnfenti The discovery allUded to Regard- 
ed the tfansactions rf the Eari bf Glithorgah ifl 
Ireland^ A vessel frow Watetfotd bad irriVed irt 
Padstowv as at a frieiidly port ; but it was sudden^ 
ly bfa&rdedi and the tneti ptii to the dt^brd, ^hile 
the letters^ which the cipteiti had throWti itltd the 
*a^ wfere fortundtely rescued from the WaVes> &ttd 
dievfelop^d the schemes in agitation. Fairfax theii 
assembled the iiihabitants df the neighbourhood^ 
and shelved them the letters^ which produced the 
happy result recorded above *. 

Tlie royal cause had not bei^n more siiec6£(dful The pro. 
el^wHere. Havirig recruited his shattered al*ttiy> ^S? ^ 
Gharles hiihself left Wales about the end of July, Jj^^«^*^ 
andj in the beginning of Auguiit, advanced to Litch-"™y- 
field, with a View^ as was Supposed, to taise the 
siege of Hereford, which was At that time Warmly 
carried on by the Scdts. But the Earl of Leven^ 
having seht out a sttong paHy df horse ufader 
David Lejslie, to watch the rdyal motiohs^ obliged 
Wm to dhange his toute. Ujidti thisj he drew out 
a amsiderable reinforcement froni Newark, and 

* Rush. vol. xiy. chap. iii. for ftti jtoedttnt of the Military Tran« 
actions of Faiifax'g army. Clar. toI. iv. p. 669 — 70. 678. 730. 


manifested an intention to proceed north, in order 
to join with Montrose, who was then triumphant 
in Scotland, and with his usual boasting language, 
promised to assist his master with 20,000 *, though 
he never could command even a third of that num- 
ber. Pointz and Rossiter, however, with a large 
party of horse, intercepted his majesty's passage, 
and he broke into the eastern association, where 
he took Huntingdon, and alarmed Cambridge, 
while he enriched his troops with booty. The Scots 
now, in discontent at not receiving their pay from 
the parliament, and bereft of their cavalry, with 
which Leslie returned to Scotland to punish Mon- 
trose, raised the siege of Hereford, and marched 
north. Charles, therefore, visited Hereford, and 
expected to relieve Bristol from the siege by Fair- 
fax. But for this his force would have been in- 
sufficient, and Rupert, who never could have an- 
ticipated the strange countermarch of the Scots, 
which alone enabled the king to approach that 
quarter, had already surrendered the town. In the 
meantime, Pointz had stationed himself between 
the royal army and Oxford j and Charles, having 
learnt that Chester, which was well situated for 
the landing of his expected succours from Ireland, 
was almost reduced by a party of the parliament- 
ary troops, hastened to its relief with about 5000 
horse and foot. But Pointz encountered him on 
Routen-heath, within two miles of Chester, and 
defeated him with great loss. At first, success so 

• King Charlei' Works, p, 154, 



inclined to the royal side that the parliamentary 
troops were routed ; but Colonel Jones and Adju- 
tant Lothian having drawn out 500 foot, and 300 
horse, from the leaguer before Chester, at this in- 
stant charged the king's troops, and thus gave 
Pointz^s men an opportunity to rally. Then com- 
menced a furious assault by Pointz, in front, while 
Jones assailed the royal forces in rear ; and the 
king's army was utterly discomfited with the loss of 
five or six hundred slain, amongst whom was the 
Earl of Litchfield, and of 1000 common prisoners, 
besides many officers of quality. With difficulty 
Charles again led his broken force to Wales j where, 
having refreshed and recruited his little army, he, 
with about 3000 fighting men came, on the 2d of 
October, to Litchfield, the next day to Meldrum, 
and the 4th to Newark, where he continued till 
the beginning of November, having quartered his 
horse at Bel voir, Worton, Welbeck, and Sleaford, 
But Pointz having taken Shelford-manor, the seat 
of the Earl of Chesterfield, by storm, and put the 
garrison, consisting of about 200, to the sword ; 
the unhappy monarch apprehending that he might 
be besieged in Newark, marched away during the 
night with a party of horse to Daintry, where the 
Earl of Northampton met him with a larger body, 
and conducted him by Banbury to Oxford, where 
he continued during the remainder of the yean 
The Scots, in the meantime, having been induced 
by the parliament to alter their resolution to 
proceed homeward, sat down before Newark, 
while the parliamentary forces under Colonel 

26 HMTOBT OF THB BftlTIM fifinMi 

Morgan Were attended with greaA ^at^sa Af 
Wales *. 

Daring the ^hort period Charteil f^ttlakiAd iM 
Newark, he dispatdhcd Lord DJgby, Adcoftipifii&l 
by Sir Mai'maduke Langdalb, with 190D bofsrtS^ 
to join Montrosei who boni|)lained ttiU&H ef #ahi 
of davalry; Thrde hUiidtdd gentlemeli joined thiS 
detachment^ and at first it was attended With 
Success, having at Don caster d^ffeated a 1-egimehl 
of horsey and takdn abdut 1000 foot^risoners. Biit: 
their prosperity was shorMiVed. Golotiel Cbjilejr 
eame tip to them at Shetboth, in Yorkshire^ With 
about 1800 horsb, and rdHted th^ih doitiptetel^r, 
having not dnly reedver^ the prisoners, biit takeh 
300 df Digby's force, With his o*h eoaeh, Whet* 
were fouhd several letters dnd paper* of vast coth 
si^quinee in developilig th^ i-oyal designs, dttd 
which were therefore published by the parliament 
for the iiifbrmatlon of the pfeoplfe. They were to 
this efiect; Ist^ Sfevetal letters from Goff, ah dgent 
in Holland^ to Jerrtiyti^ nbW created a Lord, and tb 
Digby himself^ regarding ^ negociatioh then on foot 
fot a marriage between the Prince of Wales, and 
thi Prince of Orange's datightferi ih order to induce 
the states to espouse the king's interest, ^d. Let- 
terb from Jehiyn, then at Paris, to Digby, relativef 
to the treaty for brittglHg o^er the Duke bf hbt- 
rain's army, also concerning felipected dd ftom 
Denmark, and the Prince of Courldhd ; tod about 
an application by Sir Ketielto Digby, ib the pbpd, 

• Rush; vol. Ti. p. 116, et se^. Clar. Tol. iv. ^. 0f 7, H hiq, 7l5*i ^ 
Hq, wiiitelocke^ p. 167^ et seq. 


for assistance from his hbliness. %d. Regarding a 
treatj of an Irishman, Colonel Fitzwilliams, With 
the queen^ for sending over ten thousand men 
from Ireland *« 

After their defeat at Sherbom, Digby and Lang* 
dale endeavoured to rdise a party in Lancashire 
to join them ; but the parliamentary forces obliged 
them to change their route, while David Leslie 
interposed between them and Scotland. With 
di£Bculty therefore, they reached Carlisle saiids^ 
where the governor of the town, Sir John Brown^ 
having encountered them with an inferior force^ 
broke through and routed their little army, when 
the two commanders, perceiving the impractical 
bility 6f forraiftg a j auction with Monttose, fled 
td the Isle of Mart. Their ti'oops, abandoned by 
their leaders, dispersed m all directions, and many 
of them fell into their enemy's hands \i 

Losses, oti the royal side, accumulated. Sir 
William Vaughan was defeated at Denbigh : Here- 
fordy which had withstood all the Scotch army, 
was tliken by Colonel Morgan^ with only about 
3000 men : the objedt having been effected by a 
stratagem^ as creditable to the ability of the com- 
mander^ as the execution of it was to the bravery 
of the troops. Bieston*castle was also captuted, 
and Chester, which had been in the possession of 

* Rfteh. vol. vi. p. 128^ ei seq. Clar. vol. iv. p. 715, et seq. Pig- 
by's Cabinet. Sir Kenehn Digby must have been tbe fittest person to 
nl^bdlBit^ t&itb the Popi^, ai Ms kiiitT, Sit Ef eraM, wits one of ihh 
chief conspirators in the gunpowder plot. 

f feuMfe; fdl. ri. p. ISi*!. 


the royalists from the beginning of the war; 
and was equally fortified by art and nature, while 
it was no less advantageously situated for landing' 
troops from Ireland, than for preserving a commu- 
nication with Wales, was at last reduced ; and the 
defeat of Lord Ashley on the 22d of March follow- 
ing, may be said to have given the finishing blow 
to the war. Ashley commanded the only force 
which Charles had now in the field. - It consisted 
of 3000, chiefly cavalry, and it was imagined that, 
joined to the forces at Oxford, ^t might enable 
him to keep his ground till the arrival of the 
Irish auxiliaries in the spring. Ashley, there- 
fore, proceeded from Worcester to Oxford, and the 
king sent out 1500 to meet him, that, with their 
combined strength, they might beat of the assaults 
of the enemy ; but the passes were so blocked up, 
that the two bodies were prevented from commu- 
nication, and that from Oxford was not even aware 
of the motions of the other, till the news arrived of 
its total overthrow. Encountered with an equal 
force under Morgan, Brereton and Birch, Ashley's 
little army was utterly defeated : himself and all 
the chief oflicers were taken prisoners. Under 
this misfortune, that lord justly remarked to some 
of Brereton's oflicers : " You have now done your 
work, and may go to play, unless you fall out 
amongst yourselves *." 
Actions of We shall now relate the transactions of Mon- 
trose. As his army increased, and his exploits 

* Rush. vol. yi. p. 134^ et seq. BaiUie^ rol. ii. p. 134, ei seq, Clar. 
Tol. iv. p. 7$3. 



became ten*ible, Argyle brou^t back his little army 
of 1500 from Ireland, and the parliament which, on 
the expiration of the three years from the former, 
superseded theconvention of estates, recalled Lieut. 
General Baillie from England to take command of 
the troops newly raised against the enemy at home. 
This officer, who had been bred under Gustavus 
Adolphqs, had acquired the character of a good 
commander. After the taking of Newcastle, he 
ret^rned to Scotland about his private business ; 
and as he, on the settlement of his affairs, was 
proceeding back to the army, he was recalled, by 
an express, which reached him when he was with- 
in twelve miles of Newcastle ; but inadequate , 
were the preparations, and these ill-directed. Bail- 
lie himself informs us, that part of the force on 
foot being employed elsewhere, he never, till the 
battle of Kilsyth, commanded 2000 foot, nor above 
SOO horse at one time *• It was his misfortune, 
too, to be hampered in all his motions, both by the 
committee of estates, particularly through the in- 
fluence of Argyle, whose enmity he incurred, and 

* Laing says that General Baillie returned with six regiments ; 
and the idea does receive some countenance from the Rev. Mr. Bail- 
lie's letters, as he indeed speaks of eight regiments having heen 
recalled, though not under Baillie. But when we view the general's 
own account, and collate it with other authorities, particularly with 
the acts of the Scottish parliament, we discover the mistake. I presume 
that the reverend gentleman had heen misled, in consequence of regi- 
ments which had heen wasted hy sickness, desertion, and loss, at York, 
Newcastle and other places, having heen sent home as ineffective : 
and indeed this may he gathered from other letters, all referred to 
here. Baillie*8 Let vol. ii. p. 94, 95. 98. 104. 135. 1 41. Wishart's Life 
of Montrose, chap. ix. Scots Acts, lately puhlished, vol. vi* p. 190, et 
seq, Spalding, vol. ii. p. 275-87. 



by tlie appointment of Colonel Hurry as Li^ 
nant-@6neral — an individual who had now desert- 
ed the king as he had formerly done the Dnglish 
parliament, and yet, as a Seot, was unaccountably 
employed by his countrymen against Montrose. 
Bailiie and he having crossed the Tay, arrived 
critically to save Dundee, which was stormed by 
Montrose in three several places at once j and one 
of the forts having been taken, the guns were turn- 
ed against the town, and the suburbs fired in seve- 
ral quarters. Having been apprized of the approach 
of the enemy, Montrose immediately summoned 
back his men, who were not easily recalled from 
drink and plunder. General Bailiie charges Huriy 
with treachery, for not having used his advantage 
in routing the whole army of Montrose at this 
juncture, stating that he was informed Hurry was 
** desired by some to take heed lest any thin^ 
might be achieved where he (Bailiie) was present, 
whereby he might have honour.'' Montrose, 
though not without considerable loss, effected his 
retreat, and Bailiie and Hurry divided their forces 
to pursue him separately, when, as might have 
been f^ptii^ips^fieds they w^re beaten ip detail. 

Bailiie went to Athol to revenge the conduct of 
tb@ inhabitants pf that district, and is alleged to 
hs^y^^ rav^ed the territory with the inhuip^Rity 
which he ought to have punished. Hurry, with 
1 200 fpot, and 1 60 horse, went north to prevent 
Moiitrose's retreat to the hills ; and, on hi^ return 
from Inverness, he obtained a considerable rein- 
forcement from the garrison, b^sidgs being joined 


h^ tka Bark of Siuth^daad and Sep&i0tb. Mqn^ 
tFoae alsot reiafapced, nowfiaUowed hips, tjbs^tfad 
miglit lout tfaaii 4^^4sion faefove it waa joinfid by 
!E^lUe ; and Hurty^ anxious tQ signalize himself 
by ttie overthrow £^ tha enetny dinging Baillie'a afa? 
a&siee, gave th^ advantage nvfaioh ^as sought* lo^ 
stead of vraiting the arrival of his supericury ha^ 
hastened to attack Montrose, who took i^p bis 
grjoqDd in a valley at a village called Auldearn, in 
thfi neighbourhood of Nairne. No post could have 
been better chosen. The valley, with which Huf^s 
ly was unacquainted, enabled him at once to mifr- 
lead his adversary, to render the attaek on som^ 
quarters of his own troops almost impraeticat^le^ 
and yet to pour ^own upon the enemy with the 
best effect. His ordnance, guarded by a few choice 
foot, and defended by $teep bapks and ditches, was 
placed in the centre ; his right wing, conamanded by 
his lieutenant, Alaster McDonald of Coll-Kettocfa, 
who brought ov^r the Irish, cofisii^ted only of 400 
jbot, and a sma^l party of cavalry j but then it was 
unassailable by means of the ground, while it was 
sa obscured that its strength could not be estimated 
by Hurry; to deceive whom Montrose placed 
his own standard there, as in the principal parlf of 
bis army^ The flower of his force was placed on 
the left. Misled by this judicious arrangement. 
Hurry attacks the right wing, and, as McDonald at: 
Ust rashly left his entrenchment to meet an ener 
my which oould not reach him, he ultimately over* 
th^ew that fo^ody ; but then he had been ^ready 
long exposed to the ordnance, in fruitless attea^pts 


to pass the deep ditches and steep banks, and Mon- 
trose, taking advantage of the chief strength of his 
adversary being so misdirected, pours down upon 
the rest of his army almost his whole concentrated 
force. The result was the overthrow of Hurry, at- 
tended, according to some accounts, with the loss 
of nearly 2000 men, though he still boasted of a 
victory. What aggravated the loss was, that a 
portion of the veterans from Ireland was destroyed. 
On the approach of Baillie, Montrose again re- 
treated to the mountains. The force under the 
first was about 2000 foot and 100 horse ; but a 
great part of the infantry was after taken from him 
to guard the low country, leaving him only 1300 ; 
200 horse, including Hurry's, joined him, and, 
with this trifling army was he, reproached at the 
same time for not pursuing effectual measures to 
terminate the war, sent into the wilds of the High- 
lands, in pursuit of an enemy much more than 
double his strength, and well supplied by the na- 
tives with provisions. After some painful marches, 
in which his men were nearly famished, he return- 
ed without meeting the object of his pursuit. His 
experienced soldiers were now taken from him, to 
be put under the command of Argyle, while raw 
levies supplied their place ; and with from 1200 to 
1300 foot, and 260 horse, he was appointed to 
guard the low country from the invasion of Mon- 
trose : but scarcely had the arrangement been 
formed, when he was commanded to find out the 
enemy. The result was such as might have been 
expected. Montrose attacks him at Alford on the 


Dee, with an equal number of horse, and more 
than double the number of foot, and obtained a 
complete victory. An opportunity, however, of re- 
covering the loss, in the defeat of the adversary, 
was afterwards let slip, through the misconduct of 

After this new forces were raised by the parlia- 
ment, and Baillie was nominated to the command ; 
but it was unfortunate that a few great aristo- 
crats, without talent for military affairs, still govern- 
ed all ; and vexed by finding himself crampt in 
every movement by the interposition of the com- 
mittee of estates, who, though unacquainted with 
war, would, instead of issuing out general direc- 
tions, and leaving the detail to the judgment of the 
commander, direct in every thing, he had resolved 
to refuse the appointment : Yet, destitute of firm- 
ness of character, he at last allowed himself to be 
persuaded to accept of it, contenting himself with 
the poor part of remonstrating against injudicious 
interference. In the meantime, Montrose's army 
had increased to upwards of 6000, and he even 
threatened Perth, where the Parliament sat. His 
troops had undergone a long training, and were 
elated with victory : Those brought against him 
were raw levies, with as much training as hamper- 
ed their native impetuosity. Baillie was appointed 
to watch his motions on one side, while a detach- 
ment also threatened him from the west. As, 
therefore, he passed the ford a little above Stirling, 
he was overtaken by Baillie with at least an equal 
force, at a village called Kilsyth, near the Roman 



^^; bat^ a^ the parliamentary general was ndt 
disposed to hazard a battle on fiiia ground, he, in 
order to atcf^ the other's advance, took up a posi* 
tkm remarkably calculated for defence ; yet such 
aa reixdered a movement towards the enemy ha- 
zardous in the extreme. The committee despi»* 
ing the enemy, and only afraid that be should 
escape to the mountains, insisted upon attadking 
i)im ; and BaiUie remonstrated in vain. The con-r 
sequence was, that while the troops were marching 
on ground where it was impossible for them to 
make any effective resistance, the cavalry, at once 
assailed with the utmost fury, was thrown upaa 
the foot, and thus brought all into such utter con^ 
fusion, that Montrose pursued them with immense 
slaughter, for about fourteen miles. It is said 
that between four and five thousand perished, and 
the victory was gained with small loss* The event 
struck universal dismay, and the evils of war were 
augmented by a severe pestilence. 
. On the day ibtlowing the battle of Kilsyth, by 
{ar the greatest of his exploits, Montrose nuu*ched 
ipto Clydesdale, and soon took Glasgow under his 
protection, when several of the nobility joined 
him^ He even sent a party to Edinburgh to sum- 
mon that city, and to command the immediate li« 
beration of his imprisoned partizans. The last 
command was complied with, and the town sent de- 
puties to implore his clemency *. 

* Genasal Baillie'a account, in the second vol. of fiaillie's Let. Rush, 
vol. vi. p."2S0. Wishart; ch. xiv. andxv. 


Tbid success equally tnisled the presuinptUoUft 
Montrose and his master^ as it even deceived thdir 
edemies. No place of strength had he ever pos.. 
sessed himself of; and his army, far from aug* 
menting in proportion to his hopes, daily diminish- 
ed, while the country was every where inflamed 
against him, for his uniform plunderi murders, and 
devastation. The Gordons deserted him, and as 
he marched south, with the view of forming i 
junction with Digby, and proceeding to England, 
many of the Highlanders returned to their hills. 
The defeat of Digby was soon followed by his 
own, David Lesslie returned with his horse and 
some foot, and, by rapid marches, expected at the 
Forth to intercept the flight of Montrose to th^ 
mountains; but when he reached Gladsmuir, 
about three miles and a half to the west of Had-- 
dington, he learned that the enemy was stationed 
at Ettrick Forest, near Selkirk, and instantly pe* 
netrated into that district. The ability shewn by 
Montrose in his irregular warfare, did not mark 
bis generalship here ; for Lesslie was within a mile 
of his camp before he suspected his approach. 
He instantly prepared for battle on Philiphaugh ; 
and his foot resisted Lesslie's cavalry, till that ge^ 
neral, having led on his own regiment, threw theni 
into confusion ; and as Montrose was deficient in 
horse, the infantry, once broken, were in the ene* 
my's power. They were therefore either cut off 
or taken. Montrose repeatedly rallied his horse 
in the flight, but his efforts only augmented his 
loss. His only resource was disgraceful flight to 



the mountains, where he tried to levy fresh forces ; 
but, on the pacification with his roaster, orders ar- 
rived to abandon his design, and he escaped to the 
Continent *. 

. Some of the prisoners taken at this battle were 
executed as traitors, even according to statutes 
particularly passed in the beginning of tlie year 
against those who carried on intestine war against 
the parliament: 100 of the Irish were shot at a postf • 
fidraand It wiU uow be ueccssary to take a survey of the 
oTgu^w! transactions of Glamorgan in Ireland. Ormonde^ 
»*»• as we have seen, had, by following out his instruc- 
tions, endeavoured to procure the co-operation of 
the Irish, on terms which Charles had, with every 
solemnity, denied that he would ever grant ; but, 
as negociations were carried on with the queen, 
and Sir Kenelm Digby solicited assistance directly 
from the Pope, his holiness dispatched J. Baptista 
Rinuccini as his nuncio, to encourage the Irish 
to insist on the restoration of their religion, as the 
price of recovering the king's absolute power, 
and Charles only hesitated on the conditions, from 
a fear of for ever forfeiting the support of his pro- 
testant subjects, and even raising them as one man 
against him. Ormonde had been so reproached 
by the chief protestants in Ireland for his conces- 

* Wishart speaks of the amazing cruelty practised by Lesslie, 
drowning hundreds by throwing them over a bridge^ though there was 
^ no bridge there ; and he estimates the number thus murdered far 
beyond what he would allow to have been on Montrose's side ! I 
presume that the 1 00 Irish were the individuals which misled the distin- 
guished editor of the Memoirs of the Somervilles. BaiDie, vol. ii. p. 164. 
t Scots Acts, lately published. 


sions,— which were indeed such as were incompa- 
We with the existence of the protestant body, 
while there was a scheme to join in warlike opera- 
tions against Monroe's army, that, — as well as in 
some measure from principle, he declined to pro- 
ceed farther, and Lord Herbert, now created Earl 
of Glamorgan, being a rigid papist, was selected as 
a fit instrument for conducting the business ; for' 
the queen, dissatisfied with Ormonde, had already 
declared that no protestant was to be trusted in 
such an afiair: Glamorgan had some property in Ire- 
land, whichafTorded him an excuse to visit thatcoun- 
try ; but it is extraordinary that notice of the com^ 
mission was secretly obtained long before the full 
disclosure, by papers found on the person of the titu- 
lar archbishop of Tuam, who was slain at Sligo, and 
those got at Padstow. The promises made to Gla- 
morgan, were repeated to the nuncio. •* My instruc- 
tions and powers/' says that nobleman, in a letter to 
the Earl of Clarendon, dated the 11th of June 1660, 
^* were signed by the king under bis pocket signet, 
with blanks for me to put in the names of the pope 
or princes, to the end that the king might have a 
starting hole to deny the having given me such 
commissions, if excepted against by his own sub- 
jects, leaving me as it were at the stake, who, for 
his majesty's sake was willing to undergo it, trust- 
ing to his word alone. In like manner did I not 
stick upon having this commission inrolled or as- 
sented unto by his council, nor indeed the seal to 
be put on it in an ordinary manner, but as Mr. 
Endymion Porter and I could perform it with rolU 



9FS gii4 no 9crew-pre88 **'' It was even resolved 
that the king <' should have seemed angry with 
him at his return out of Ireland, until," says he, ^* I 
had brought him into a posture and power to own 
liis commands, to make good his instructions, and 
to reward my faithfulness and zeal therein.'' The 
royal design, as disclosed in the same letter, was to 
bring one army of 10,000 from Ireland, through 
North Wales, and another of the same strength 
through South Wales J while a third, of 6000, should 
have been brought from the Continent, and support- 
ed by the pope and catholic princes at the rate of 
L. S0,000 a^montb. Fully empowered to treat 
with the pope and catholic princes, as well with 
the Irish, and even to erect a mint, and dispose 
of the revenue and delinquents' estates, Glamor- 
gan seits out for Ireland ; but lest Ormonde should 
suspect the extent of his powers, the roost unworthy 
artifices by the king were resorted to. In a short 
time.he concluded a treaty with the confederated 
council of the Irish catholics, for the supply of 
troops, upon the condition of removing all disqua* 
lifications^ and allowing their clergy to retain aU 
the livings which they had held fVom December 
1641. Though Herbert's commission had been 
suspected, yet the steady denial of it by Charles^ 
had silenced the rumours regarding it, till the sei- 
zure of the papers at Padstow developed the whole 
business. While the affair produced the utmost 
consternation among the king's friends, Digby ar- 

. * Does not this service performed by Porter catt some light up<m 
>rhat is stated in vol. ill. p. 190-1 ? 


rivfed in Ii'eland ; and perceiving that the general 
belief in the circumstance would prove fatal to the 
royal character with his protectant subjects, as 
weli as eager to supersede Glamorgan in the com* 
mand of the army, he, in conjunction with Or- 
monde, commits him to prison on a charge of high 
treason, for having counterfeited a commission 
from his master, and grossly abused his name; 
But Glamorgan, confident in his innocence in thai 
respect, and of his continued influence over th^ 
king, bore the imprisonment with cheerfulness; 
and, as he expected, Charles, after the most so- 
lemn disclamations of *ever having granted that in*- 
dividual powers which were not to be exercised 
tinder the guidance of Ormonde, wrote for his li- 
jberatioui when, in pursuance of bis original powers^ 
backed with fresh letters from Charles, the accused 
recommenced his intrigues. Though concealment 
.was still practised, the lord lieutenant, (who had 
been much exasperated by a discovery that iJla- 
morgan had formed a design with the catholics to 
Beize his person,) was not to be longer deceiv^» 
and while he declined to appear in the negoCia- 
tions, he declared he would not oppose them { but 
in the mean time, he carried on a separate treaty 
himself. The fall of Chester, arid ruin of the royal 
affairs elsewhere, rendered the treaties fruitless; 
but the intrigues were still persisted in by that ml#« 
guidfed prince ♦. 

• « For a i^oof of Glamorgftn'B oommisdion^ 8e6 BifA'n Ettquity; 
€Ur. State Pftpen^ voL £i. p« dOl-S^ SST. See thd pttfiHMSe referr^ 
i4>mp« as? ;«^iii oar hist, vol* Ui. p, ISS; fieealsdCiir. State paperl^ 
p. 346. *' I could wish/' says Hyde, or Clarendon^ iu the letter here 



The king*8 Having given an account of the transactions of 
withtibli^^r! Glamorgan, it may now be necessary to relate the 
ri^*h^8*uyi°^™6diate proceedings of the king. Defeated in 
»t osEfoid. ^)ie field| and disappointed, both in foreign sup* 

referred to^ written to Nicholas^ 7th March^ 1647, ** I could wish th^ 
king should sadly apply himself to the part he is to act, that is, to 
suffer resolutely^ and to have no tricks ; but, on my conscience, if he 
had any noble design, Denbigh would serve him stoutly and faithliilly ; 
and if he comes into France, I will pass my life he will send me all 
the intelligence he thinks of moment to my own particular, or that 
part of the public I intend. You do not believe that my Lord Digby 
knew of my Lord Glamorgan's commission and negociaiion in Ireland* 
lam confident he did not ; for he shewed me the copies of letters which 
he had written to the king upon it, which ought not in good manners to 
have been written, and I believe will never be forgiven by those for whose 
service they were written." 

See as to Digby's supposed selfish motive for arresting Glamorgan, 
Birch's Enq. p. 105. See Clar. State papers regarding the opinion en- 
tertained by the queen of Ormonde, vol. ii. p. 178. See p. 168-175, 
in proof of the reflections by the Irish protestants, who had supr 
ported the royalpretensions to a certain extent, which were flung out 
against Ormonde for the concessions to the Catholics, concessions, they 
alleged, that put the island into thepowerof that body. As to the trans- 
porting of Glamorgan's commission, and the eagerness with which it 
was expected, see Carte's Let. vol. i. p. 80-2. Birch, p. 58. Clar. 
State Papers, vol. ii. p. 187. Had the editor of the Clarendon papers 
attended to the letters published by Carte, he would have found that 
no other commission could be alluded to here. 

As part of Mr. Hume's argument against the genuineness of the 
commission to Glamorgan is founded on the king's character for sin- 
cerity, we shall begin our examination of his reasoning with a few re- 
marks on that subject ^^ I shall flrst remark," says he, regarding the 
imputation of insincerity, " that this imputation seems to be of a later 
growth than his own age ; and that even his enemies, though they loaded 
him with many calumnies, did not insist on this accusation. Ludlow, / 
think, is almost the only parliamentarian who imputes that vice to him; 
and how passionate a writer he is must be obvious to every one. iVei- 
ther Clarendon, nor any other of the royalists ever justify him from in" 
sincerity, as not supposing that he had ever been accused of it. In the 
|(fpopd place, his dep<Mrtment itnd diaracter in common life was free 


plies, and in his hopes from Ireland, he resorted to 
negociation without abandoning his intrigues, both 
with the Irish catholics . and foreign states. His 
professions, in which he made a notable abuse of 

from that vice: He was reserved^ distant, stately, cold in his address, 
plain in his discourse^ inflexible in his principles, wide qf the caress^* 
ing, insinuating' manners of his son, or the professing talkative humour 
of his father" Note F. to vol. vii. That any writer who had the 
slightest respect for his own character, not merely as an historian but 
as a man, should have written thus, is truly astonishing ; but, indeed, 
it is the less wonderful in a writer who, (not to mention other things,) 
after having told us, that " it must be confessed, that though Laud 
deserved not the appellation of papist, the genius of his religion was, 
though in a less degree, the same with that of the Romish ; and that 
not only the discontented puritans beUeved the church of £ngland to 
he relapsing fast into the Romish superstition ; the court of Rome it- 
self entertained hopes of regaining its authority in this island,*' could 
yet say, in treating of the trial of Laud, '^ the groundless charge of 
popery, though belied by his whole (^ndiLct, was continually urged 
against him :" It is not so astonishing in a writer who alleges, with 
every degree of scorn, that Hampden, St. John, and others, (the fact 
is very doubtful, not to say unauthcnticated in regard to them,) had 
determined to go to America, that they might enjoy long fanatical 
prayers, which were not aUowed them in England : — who, after staU* 
ing that even the Dutch and Walloon congregations were, contrary 
to all former practice, commanded to attend the established church, 
and giving an account of the proceedings in the star-chamber relative 
to the ** zealots/* who had erected themselves into a society for buying 
impropriations — that they might establish lecturers of their own — ^and, 
in fact, justifying the general proceedings, on the ground that tbe 
principles of toleration were then unknown — yet boldly asserts, th^t 
Laud never denied the puritan preachers separate places of worship, 
hut only refused to let them enjoy livings in the established church, 
when they would not comply with its. doctrines and ceremonies. 
Withr^^d to the calumnies which he says were vented against. 
Charles, it is utterly impossible that he could be ignorant for an. 
instant, that they imported downright insincerity ; indeed in transac- 
tions betwixt men,v every charge against an individual of a departure 
&om principle, must import insincerity : the one cannot be charged 
iri^out necessarily involving the other. But let us just follow a few 


religion, which he affected such an earnest wish to 
cultivate, however veiled over with a defcire of 
putting a period to the distractions of' the comitiofi* 
wealth, were all calculated to obtain for him that 

ef Mr Hume'fl own statements in regard to the conduct of Charles 
immediately after the execution of Straffbrde. He says^ '' In vain did 
Charles expect^ as a return for so many instances of unbounded com« 
pliance^ that the parliament would at last shew him some indulgence; 
and would cordially fall into that unanimity^ to which^ at the expei»5e 
©f his own power, and of his friencTs life, he so oamesily invited; 
All his concessions were poisoned by their su^cion of his want of 
cordiality; and the supposed attempt to engage the army i^ainst 
them, served with many as a confirmation of this jealousy. It was 
natural for the king to seek some resource, while all the world seemed 
to desert him, or combine against him ;** (Query ? What is the 
meaning of this, but that it was natural for him to engage the army 
against the parliament, a parliament of whose '^ transactions, during 
the first period of its opera tions,*" till the king's journey to Scotland^ 
he himself says, " we shall find that, excepting Strafifbrde attainder> 
which was a complication of cruel iniquity, their merits in other res-^ 
pects so much outweigh their mistakes, as to entitle them to prais6 
from all lovers of liberty.") He concludes the sentence thus, *^ and 
this,** (what, except engaging the army against them ?) *' probably 
was the utmost of that embryo scheme, which was formed with regard 
to the army. But the popular leaders still insisted that a desperate 
plot was laid, to bring up the forces immediately, and offer violence 
to the parliament ; a design of which Percy's evidence acquits the 
king, and which the near neighbourhood of the Scottish army seemit 
to render absolutely impracticable.'* The perplexity of this passage 
we shall not dwell upon, and we have already remarked sufficiently 
on Percy's letter, (vol. iii. p. 113-14, and 58.) But did not the 
charge insisted on by the parliament, imply insincerity ? nay, the most 
unbounded perfidy ? Did it not directly import this, — the royal pro-- 
fessions, with the passing of laws, cannot be trusted, since the perfidi- 
ous olgect of this plot is to overturn all law? See again, what Mr. Hume 
says in r^ard to the incident. But what is his language in regard to 
the Irish rebellion ? " When the people heard that the Irish rebels 
pleaded the king's commission for all their acts of violence, bigotry, 
ever credulous and malignant, assented without scruple to that gross 
ittiposture, and loaded the unhappy prince with the whole enormity 



uollmited power which it had been the object of 
his reign to usurp. The views with which the 
jScots had entered Englandi have already been suf- 
ficiently developed. The lust of dominion which 

of a contrivance so barbarous and inhuman." Did not this involve 
an accusation of the last degree of perfidy in the face of all his solemn 
appeals ? ^^ Amidst the greatest security^ they/' (the commons^) says 
he^ '^ affected continual fears of destruction to themselves and the na- 
tion^ andaeemed to quake at every breath of danger/' &o, '^ When 
Charles diamissed the guard which they had ordered during his abr 
senee^ they complained, and^ upon his promising them a new guards 
under the command of the Earl of Lindsay^ they absolutely refused 
the ofSer, and were well pleased to insinuate^ by this instance of jea* 
kusy^ that their danger chiefly arose from the king himself." If all 
this do not import a belief or accusation of insincerity^ the word has 
no meaning ; we might follow this throughout his history^ and yet 
the imputation of insincerity was of a Uter growth than Charles's own 
age \ — though every charge in r^rd to Ireland^ and> in particular^ 
that relative to Glamorgan's transaction^ carries such an imputation 
on the face of it. Thus Mr. Hume stands self-confuted ; but we 
might also ask what he means by alleging that Ludlow was the first 
to impute insincerity to Charles, when the state papers, published 
during the king's life, nay, before the civil war, and even addressed 
to him, directly charge him with perfidy ? Let the reader just look 
back to our quotations from them, in the preceding volume, p. 32S 
and 332.. See again, p. 604, and consider that the evidence of the 
army plot was published purposely to affix it to him, in spite of hia pnn 
iessions. Let it likewise be remembered, that the pariiament, in the 
face of his most solemn denial, accompanied with oaths, voted that the 
king intended to raise war against them, and that he had been tam^* 
pering with foreign powers, to introduce their troops into the kingdom* 
Bat had Hume never seen the introduction to, and annotations on, 
^* the king's cabinet opened," and the introduction to Digby's cabi- 
net, where the royal professions are contrasted with the letters ? &e. 
indeed, the only object in publishing the letters, was to unveil 
Charles's treacherous designs. Had he never seen, for instance, the 
Eikonoklastes, or answer by Milton, to the Eikon BasiHke ; not to 
mention other works ? £ven Fairfax dissuaded the Parliament from 
treating, in consequence of the discovery of the king's perfidy, by the 
letters got at Padstow, and he pronounces the arrestment of Glamor 


tempted them, in so intolerant a manner, to insist 
upon the obtrusion of their own ecclesiastical sys- 
tem in England, had not only alarmed the inde- 
pendents, properly so called, but all the intelligent 

gan to have only been for a present colour, to salve repuiaiion with the 
people. Rush. vol. vi. p. 107. Birch, p. 122-3, 1756. We might 
quote many works, hut it is unnecessary. £ven the gentle Baillie 
calls Charles, during his life, excessively bloody, and false, and hypo- 
eritical, &c. With regard to what Hume says ahout Clarendon, and 
other royalist writers, not justifying the king from insincerity, as, not 
supposing that he had ever heen accused of it ; it need not surprise 
us after what we have seen of this historian's mode of writing. Does 
not Clarendon justify his master from the army plot, the incident, 
the Irish rehellion, &c. &c. and do not all these import perfidy to his 
people and Parliament ? But, farther, does not, as we have amply 
shewn, that nohle author fully confirm the charge, hy informing us 
that acts of parliament were passed, under a secret intention of tak- 
ing advantage of a pretext to disregard them«— that, in the face of the 
most solemn disclamations, accompanied hy appeals to heaven for his 
sincerity — of any purpose to make war, he had fully resolved upon 
it ? &c. The passage quoted ahove, from one of that historian's pri- 
vate letters, and another referred to, as quoted in our preceding vo- 
lume^ prove his idea of his master's sincerity. But Mr. Hume can 
even defend the passing of hills, with a secret intention to disregard 
them, hecause they had heen passed hy the houses, while they had not 
full liberty. When, then, could the Parliament ever after rely on 
any treaty } He says that Charles' secret purpose only referred to the 
bill about the bishops, and that for pressing troops ; though Claren- 
don, his ovm only authority, after stating that he had passed those 
two bills, on that principle, says expressly, ^' I doubt this logic had 
an influence upon other acts of no less moment than these,^^ vol. ii. p. 
430. £ven Hume himself, as we have seen, is obliged to admit that 
he was tampering with the army, to engage it against the Parlia- 
ment, before his journey to Scotland. As to the inflexibility of 
Charles* principles then, I know not what is meant by it, unless that 
he obstinately denied such concessions as alone could a£K>rd a securi- 
ty to the people against a recurrence of an utter disregard of every le- 
gal principle to which he had bound himself. As to his private 
conduct, we need only refer to his ofier to give his testimony in fa- 
vour of Buckingham, and his treatment of Williams. Bat he va/^ 


portion of the community, including thie majority 
of both houses, who did not believe that any pe- 
culiar system of church government was prescribed 
by the author. of revelation. Obstructions were 

cold and reserved in his fridnner. Why, this very Mr. Hume ever charges 
the puritans and preshyterians with hypocrisy, on account of their 
cold reserved manner. Yes, hut then Charles had neither the pro- 
fessing, talkative humour of his father, nor the caressing, insinuat- 
ing manner of his son. Now, does he allow that the first was a hypo- 
crite ? He does, indeed, say that his wisdom hordered on cunning, 
but he pronounces " his intentions just." Then what is his charac- 
ter of Charles 11. ? Let the reader examine it. It formed, forsooth, 
a complete contrast to that of Tiberius, with which Burnet had com- 
pared it ; for *' the emperor was provident, wise, active, jealous, malig- 
nant, dark, sullen^ unsociable, reserved, &d." For my part, I should 
like to know whether any man would not rather trust an open, frank 
disposition, than a cold, reserved one ? Whether Fielding, and other 
writers, evinced an utter want of knowledge in the human heart, 
when they drew their fictitious characters: and as for professions, 
have we not seen enow of them ? The sincerity of Charles, after 
what we have proved, cannot be longer a matter of controversy 

We shall now proceed to an examination of Glamorgan's transac- 
tions. Lord Herbert, now created £arl of Glamorgan, son of the 
Marquis of Worcester, had early been deeply in the confidence of 
Charles. (Birch^ p. S30, et seq, Clar. State Papers, vol. ii. p* 144, 
etseq,) And, on the 27th December, 1644, Charles writes to Or- 
monde, ** My Lord Herbert having business of hiis own in Ireland, 
(wherein I desire you to do him all lawful favour and furtherance) 
I have thought good to use the powere I have, both in his affection 
and duty, to engage him in aU possible ways, to further the peace there ; 
which he hath promised to do. Wherefore, as you find occasion, you 
may confidently use and trust him in this, or any other thing he 
shall propound to you, for my service, there being none in whose 
honesty and %eal to my person and honour I have more confidence^ 
80 1 rest yours, &c.*' To this the following postscript was added in ci- 
pher : ^^ His honesty and afiection to my service will not deceive you ; 
hut I will not answer for his judgment." Carte's Ormonde, Append, 
to vol. ii. Rush. p. 17. This, from the sequel will evidently appear to 
have been calculated to afford ^' the starting hole" which Charles so 
ardently desired : But Hume, of course, lays hold of it, to prove that 


therefore thrown in the way of their intolerant 
proceedings ; and men, alarmed by the disclosure 
of their principles, determined that if Presbyterian-* 
i$m ever were established, it should be under limi-i 

the king had too contemptible an opinion of the earl's understanding;., 
to trust him in such a matter ; and to shew how justly his xnigesty es- 
timated the nobleman's powers^ he alludes to a publication of his. 
But the earl does not appear^ as a politician, however absurdly he 
might on so curious a subject as his work comprehends, to have been 
contemptible ; and nothing can afford a better proof of the idea form- 
ed of his capacity, than the confidence of Hyde and others with the 
great powers — ^including those of conferring honours — ^which had 
been granted to him. Birch, p. 18, et teq. Besides* a limited capacity 
would have been no objection to his employment ; for Clarendon in- 
forms us, that Charles, and he imputes the failing to kings in general, 
afraid lest he should be thought to be led by an able minister, com- 
mitted his affairs to weak men, whom he soon allowed to acquire an 
ascendency over him. Life, vol. i. p. 96. After the discovery of the 
commission, and the effect it produced, Dlgby, who is accused of having 
acted from unworthy motives, alleging that the belief in such a commis- 
sion to Glamorgan by the king, would confirm all the chaises against 
Charles, in regard to his having been accessory to the rebellion, pre- 
vailed on Ormonde to commit that nobleman to prison, on a suspicion 
of treason, as the commission must either have been forged, or surrep* 
iitiously gained* " Or, if possible, the earl had any colour of autho- 
rity, it was certainly bound up and limited by such instructions and 
declarations of his majesty*s intentions therein, as would in no wise 
license the said earl to any transaction of that nature; but most con- 
fident he was that the king, to redeem his crown, his own life, the 
lives of his queen and children, would not grant unto them'* (the Irish) 
'^ the least piece of concessions so destructive to his regality and reli- 
gion/' lb. p. 93, 94. But Glamorgan bore the ignominious restraint 
with patience, and wrote to his wife, assuring her both of hk 
perfect integrity, and of the king's continued favour. Yet he 
is said to have produced to the council the following defeasance, 
signed on the day after the treaty, by the same commissioners who 
had subscribed it. That the earl ^' did no way intend to oblige his 
majesty, other than he himself should please, after he had received 
those 10,000 men as a pledge of the said Roman Cathdks' hyyaSty 
and fidelity to his majesty ; yet he promised faithfully, upon his word 


tationslhat would render it innocuous. Parliament, 
with this view, prudently introduced that species 
of ecclesiastical government, With a complete soh- 
ordtoation to the civil* The grounds upon which 

and honour^ not to acquaud hit rnajest^ with this defiasance, till he had 
fiidesYOHml^ as far as in hlhi lay^ to induce his majesty to the grant* 
iog of the particulats in dtt said srtieles ; hut that done, the said 
cominissionefs dischai^ed the said Earl of Gkmorgan, hoth in honour 
jind conscience, of any fardier engagement to them therein^ though his 
miyesty should not he pleased to grant the said paniculars in the ar-» 
tides moBdoiied; the said earl having given them assuranee upon 
his vord^ honour, and Toluntary oeUi, that he would never, to any 
person whatsoev^, discover tlus defeasance in the interim, without 
ibds consent." Carte's Ormonde, voL i. p. 551. The first author, 
so far as I know, who alluckd to this strange doeumenl, was Carte, 
^d h^ refers to a maimscnpt fot his autibority. Hk papers are at 
Oxford ; but I omitted to examine whether this formed part of them. 
If it do not; or if l^e original itself be not there, I am afraid it can- 
not deserve a moment's attention. For is it not beyond all measure 
strange, that Ormonde, Digby, Secretary Nicholas, and even tlie king: 
himself, and aU his friends, in all their attempts to remove the odium 
of Ktihis transactioa, by charging Glamorgan with having exceeded hia 
powars, and having even forged a commission, never once so much a» 
alluded to l2us document in st^port of a statement to which all 
their protestations could procure no belief? Mr. Hume ^uotei» 
it as conclusive in favour of the king, anct yet Charles and all 
his Menda were so blind to the plainest fact, as not to see it. But taking 
it aa genuine, it admits of an easy solution. Charles had restored to have 
" a starting hde," in case of failure, since a disclosure without success, 
naoesasrily withdrew from him the support of the whole protestant bo- 
dy ; but it was no less expedient for the cathofics to prevent such a ca- 
ta«tniphe> sinc^ in that case, all that portion of the protestant party, 
who were now inclined to favour them to a certain extent, for their 
own security, would, on the puUication of such concessions, leave 
them naked to the vengeance of the parliament. If it were presented 
by (^amorgan, too, it is not unlikely that it was prepared at the time 
and antedated. That his commission and powers were never dou bted 
by the catholics,^ is a fact beyond all question ; and it is strange that 
Charles does not, in his dispatches, deny the commission, but alleges 
that his instructions were exceeded ; and that Niehokf;,. in his dis« 


any individual could be excluded from the sacra^ 
ment, were defined ; and the church was inter, 
dieted from interfering with any question betwixt 

man and man. Every presbytery was tempered 


liatches, at the tiitte, pretendfi with Digby, that if genuine^ it was 
surreptitiously obtained — an expression which can merely import diat 
the king acted without advice of his council. We may remark^ too, 
Firat, that the assurances, &c. were repeated in a letter to the 
nuncio, specially written by Charles, and also in another to the pope : 
Secondly, that Ormonde had particularly recommended him to the lead- 
ing catholic. Lord Muskerry, to whom Ormonde subscribes himself 
his most affectionate servant and brother. Thirdly, ThatOlamofgaB, at 
the treaty, took an oath (which was pretended by Digby to be one 
causeof ^e earl's committment) <* for the punctual performance of what 
he had, as authorized by his migesty, obliged himself to see perform- 
ed, and in dejauli, not to permit the army entrusted to his charge io 
adventure itself, or any considerable part thereof, until conditions from 
his majesty J and by his majesty, be performed,** Birch, p. 7I-«. It 
may perhaps be conceived that a nobleman of their own persuasion, 
so bound down, and likewise authorized by the king, ought to have 
been safely trusted with the defeasance. But is it at all conceivable 
that men should oblige him to swear thus, if they knew that he had 
no powers to treat, and therefore peijured himself by the oath he took ? 
and Fourthly, that in all the after transactions between that nobleman 
and the catholics, for the treaty was renewed, the original powers of 
Glamorgan are assumed as indisputable. But, if they knew that he 
possessed no such authority, what motive could they have for acting 
thus, after the disclosure of the defeasance ? — Thus, then, the main 
argument of Hume falls to the ground ; and what is perfectly con- 
clusive is, that Hyde (Clarendon) and Secretary Nicholas, who had 
every opportunity of ascertaining the fact, and the latter of whom had 
been employed, at the disclosure, to disclaim the powers, appear by 
their correspondence to have regarded them as quite unquestionable. 
Surely men of their talents, who had all opportunities of acquiring an 
intimate knowledge of the royal character, as well as of ascertaining 
the truth, and who had a direct interest in wishing it to be otherwise, 
deserve infinitely more attention than Mr. Hume. And I repeat that, 
as they never alluded to the defeasance, nothing short of the original 
instrument can be received as evidence to outweigh the presumption 
thence arising against its authenticity. The paper ccccxviii. in the 
third vol. of Cartes Ormonde, appears to me decisive of this point. 


with lay elders ; but from it there lay an appeal to 
the synod, from the synod to the assembly, from 
the assembly to the parliament, or commissioners 

Charles'sdisdamations were all takenbyboth eatholicsand protestants, 
aa a mere device to divert the present storm. Glamorgan was made 
a prisoner on the doth of December^ 1645 ; and^ on the 30th of Jan<- 
liary^ Charles says in a letter to Ormonde^ '' I cannot bat add to my 
long letter^ that^ upon the word of a Christian , I never intended Gla- 
morgan ^ould treat any thing, without your approbation^ much less 
your knowledge. For besides the ii\jury to you, I was always diffi- 
dent of his judgment, though I could not think him so extremely 
weak ; aa now, to my cost, I have found," &c. Birch, p. 89, et seq* 

Thus writes he on the 30th of January, to Ormonde, and it is 
not without justice that . Mr. Hume remarks ; '* it is impossible that 
«fiy man of honour, however he might dissemble with his enenues, 
.would assert a falsehood in so solemn a manner^ to his best friend." 
If then we establish beyond all question that he did so dissemble, the 
character of that prince must be abandoned as indefensible. On 
the 3d of February, or four days after the above letter to Ormonde, 
he writes to Glamorgan, but he evinces an anxiety, chiefly for the 
.consequences to himself, and assures that nobleman that he will bring 
him so off, that he may be still useful, and that he (the king) shall 
be able to recompense him for his affection, if he will follow advice^ 
which was clearly to take the blame. Id. p. 356-7. But on the 28th 
of the same month, his migesty addresses the £arl thus : ^' Herbert, 
I am eonfident thai this honest trusty bearer will give you good satiS" 
faction why I have not in every thing done as you desired, the want of 
eop^idence in you. being so far from being the cause thereof, that /. am 
.every day more and more cofufirmed in the trust that I have qf you ; 
for, believe m£, it is not in the power of any one to make you suffer, in 
my opinion, by ill offices. But of this and dyverse other things I have 
giveii Sir John Winter softUl instructions, that I will say no more, but 
that I am your most asseured constant frend," Charles R. Oxford 
dSth February, 1645. This Sir John Winter was the earl's cousin- 
german, a rigid Catholic, and lately appointed secretary to the 
queen. Id. p. 359. Glamorgan was released on the 91st of January, 
partly at the request of the confederated Irish, who declared that hla 
hberty was necessary for preparing the levies, and he never slackened 
his dihgeiice in the business he was sent on ; even Ormonde, who had 
been much influenced by an idea that the earl meant to axxeat an4 


so itt8t«ftT tf ink ililtlfill tMPmt. 

tpttitillf ftppdtited by iu The pkmers of tbe ftK* 
setnbly wer6 strictly defined, and extremely Ktftit- 
ed| while Iheir proceedings wer^, as tre have said, 

gopcgae de himy^ht bad tfr^ abtdiiedyowisfbr thekiir'Aen i»- 
teed hkn that he Alight tMiudy go on hi the way he, (Ghmorgm) 
Ind ptop(ttM bhnaelf to serve the king, tidthout &8r Of intemiptitfii 
frvm hitn^ or so nnidi an inqwiriitg into the means he irorieed hy^ UL 
]»* ]38*lfS^ e^ i«7. JEven D^[t^,jarfnm cvtawring him IfMgtt^ cmiH* 
tdhuftiendakip, p. 860; At first he tried to pretail oh die Ccdufliai^ 
to eansent to terxils more consonaiit to the feelingi of the fchig'a pseiti* 
tttt 8appor4er% and consequently more i^reeahfe to die roy^ iftH^ 
rest^ with secret assurances of gteater eoAcetakms aftetwiEtda^ \S4% 
aa the Pope had h^n atpphed to for pecuniary assistaocey die mmdo 
hifaiated that the funds t>f his hdinesa should not he advanced withottt 
iomething fike an equiyaleDt^ and he efen objected to the conditisaa 
'ioi the treaty which had been dhulged-^particuhitly to that of aacxv- 
ej^4 vhiefa he conceived to be attended equally with dishonoiBa' lUld 
ititecurity* Yet it is extraordinary that he never once alhflied to 
Iheddidiftaace? Ghnnorgsn^ liieref«re> found himself chimed to 4baa- 
dS0|E^the»ore moderate views, and recur to hie fotmer: te lAdte 
irasisaetionBy ihe esiginal powers and treaty are refenied to oa u&qu(e»- 
ttsinhiew On the Adi Apxsl^ Cln«les writes dius : 

* Dxfbrd 5th Apta, I9^y 

ihu99n» 1$mey nor doe ^fmtxpect ih&t I ^aU maki Uimetesiaiy r^ 
i^^HikMt^ymi, Wherefore (referring you to i)%by lot hnsiM%) 
UeU is 4m%f to 'gwe you> usnanmKe ef my comtemt ffitntkh^ ^AdsA, 
eonsidcriDg tlse general defection 9i common honnesty^ is fin a eon m- 
foirite* Ho wbeit, I know you cannot be but eonfid«it ef ntjr makH^ 
jg9^ aHtMsiructions ondprimmes to ydtt and tke miliiei&* 

Ymsr fttoH tasured coMianifnff^ 
tSu pi 360-1 CiiAnLls ^^ 

The lasl words printed in itaKcs, " my fttaMng good,'* 4c. ktt 
ilrritten in cijpher. Though Digby now affHxd a des^e df m6m^<lh 
•jfaent with Glamoigan^ ChArles did not conceive him trust-Wdrthy 
!n iSnt hnsmess, (see Hyde's letter^ ^oted abore>) und^ ther^^^ 
ie3tc6pt w'hftt is expressed in dpher, Charles is cautious^ l^feftfndinfc 
iibtekt Gtemoigan to diat hiCi^ldM. Btrttna dxefbHowing <Afty, te 

sobjeot to the review of the legislature ; but thtr# 
lyis another important change in the institnticm oi 
that assembly : instead of permitting it to be cooi^ 

*' Herbxrt^ 
As J doute not but ye have too much courage to be dismayed of dti^* 
eouraged at the usage ye have had ; sol assure you that my estimatum 
of you is nothing diminished by it, but rather begets in m^ a desffr^ of 
i ^ mnge and reparation to us bothCf (for in this I hotdd mys^e equally 
itUereited with you*) Wherrfor, not d^uiing of your accus^om^d core 
atkd industry in my service, I assmr you qf the continuanee ffmyfn* 
««to* tmd ftotection to you ; and that in deeds more than in wordff t 
skdl ske0 mU^eiftQ bee, 

Your most asseured constant f rend, 

How, who ofQ tbey tlwt hh m^j^sty ^Ihides to, as the iDdividuaJri 
afwUwl wlipm he £b^ guch a deqiie of levenge and reparation ? I pr^ 
mUBO diey cx>tild be no othjer than those who proceeded against thai 
lArdp-Ti«. Onnonde and PlgUy* What then becomes of the efigt 
gwta by Home to the letter firom Charles " to his bestjriend ?*' 

9«t ^e following letter is the most conclusive of all : 

% vamit ao stpjfitly gaarded^ but that if y<Mi send to me a pmd|9n( 
aiid socrot pjerson^ I csn recem a letter^ asi^ you may signify to m^s 
yowr modi, I having always loved your person and conversation, whit^ 
Jgrdfsntly tpisbfor at present mere than ever, if it could be had wi4l^ 
out pr^^^ ^ Jo^M whose safety is as dear to me as my own* If yom 
«Ui raise a large sum of moneyj, by pawning my kingdoms for that pu]>^ 
poae, I am content you should do it; and i£ I recover them^ I will 
folly rc^y tiiat money. And tell the nuncio, that if once / can com^ 
into hisoMdyour hands, which ought (o be extremely wished for by you 
both as well for the sake of England as Ireland, since $11 the reti, as i 
m^ dnpi§^nii0i futill do it* . And ifldont^say this from my hearf, 
or «i any/uiure Urns IfaH you in this, may God nevet restore w» t% 
my bdngdonts *n this world, nor give me eternal happiness in the neset, i^ 
vAi€hIkope tbis iribuktOon wHl conduct m^ at ktat, after J ham sfiM^r 
Jkd my pUigoHons to my friends, to none qf whom am i so fimk 

£ 2 


posed of divines and elders selected by the re- 
spective presbyteries, the parliament, conceiving 
that the discussions of ecclesiastics were harmless 

obliged at yourself, whose merits towards me exceed all expressions that 
can be used by your constant friend. 

Chaales R. 

fSrom Newcastle^ July SO^ 1646. 

Now, what has been the course pursued by Mr. Hume in the 
Tindication of Charles? At first he took no notice of Inch's £n- 
qub^, contenting himself with repeating the assertions of Carte 
(Birch, p. 348.) ; but as he found this would no longer satisfy the pub- 
lie, he, on that subject, writes a long note, in which he dwells on th« 
defeasance; and, referring only to die letter of 5th April, passing aU 
the others over in total silence, as if no such letters had been in exist'* 
ence^ though they are all given by Birch, all too (with one exception) 
from the originals in the British Museum, — he pretends that this 
alludes to a new negociation, as the former had been broken o£ 
For this too he quotes Birch, though that author produces documents 
which incontestibly prove that the original powers and instructions 
to Glamorgan, and the assurances to the nuncio, were the basis of all 
the subsequent transactions : But is it not extraordinary that a writer 
of such acuteness as Hume, should set out with proving that Gla- 
morgan was a man of too limited a capacity to be trusted by 
Charles before any allied demerit; and yet that he should 
conclude with contending, that, after such a breadi of confldenoe, 
he should still be deemed worthy of a fresh employment, of as high s 
nature as that disputed. It may be observed that the queen's con- 
fessor. Father George Leybum, provoked the nuncio, by ditsdaiming 
Glamorgan's instructions, and that yet the same father, in his me- 
moirs, gives an account of the matter as quite unquestionable. See 
his memoirs, and passages from them in Birch, p. 319, et seq. Since 
the publication of Birch's work, the facts have been put beyond all 
doubt, if doubt eould have possibly existed, by the Clarendon papers, 
already quoted by us< 

But why shoidd they have been doubted ? Was it that the concessdons 
were too great ? Charles had, during his stay in the Peninsula,' pro- 
posed to bring back his whole kingdoms to the Cathdic churdi, and a 
negociation for that purpose had afterwards proceeded far« Was it that 
he denied the facts? He,,on the 8th of April, 164S, called God to witness 


in comparison of the intrigues and cabals of emi- 
nent laymen, who might endeavour to make the 
assembly of the church the means of erecting an 
independent government in the state, excluded lay- 
men firom forming a constituent portion of it. This 
was a severe blow to the aspiring hopes of an 
interested priesthood, as well as of their lay bre- 
thren, who already possessed in fanqy the pivil of- 

*' that hb wo:u]d never consent^ upon whatsoever pretence^ to a tolera* 
tion of the Popish profession, or abolition of the laws now in force 
against Popish recusants in Ireland ;" and took the sacrament from 
Archbishop Usher^ that he would never connive at Popery> (Bireh> p. 
278-9^ Hu^b. CoL p. 134^ Rush^ vol. iv. p. 346^) and yet his own 
letters prove, beyond all question, that he proposed to '* bargain away" 
the whole penal laws on that subject. As for yielding to the de-i 
ures of his Catholic subjects, had It not implied a breach of faith, aud 
lust of power, it could not have been condemned. But the honjd 
guilt was in endeavouring to purchase the assistance of the atrocious 
actors in the Irish rebellion, to subjugate Britain : and then, had 
they succeeded, they might and would have imposed their creed. 
Yet this is, of course, defended by Hume, who alleges that i.t wa^s ne- 
cessary, for the safety of himself, his wife, children, and friends. But 
why were his own, and their safety ever in danger ? Because nothing 
diort of the overthrow of the laws which made him king would con- 
tent him. He might even still have reigned secure, by adequate con- 
cessions ; and Ym friends, far from wishing him to pursue the course 
he took, were only prevented from deserting him as one man, by 
his -denials of the truth. They all too, (but Hyde, and perhaps one 
or two more, who could not brook their own proscription,) urged 
Charles to enter into an accommodation willi his parliament ; and 
by doing so, they only brought against themselves, from tb^is very 
king, a charge of villainy and treason. 

After all this, the candour of Hume, I doubt, cannot longer be 
defended, any more than that of the monarch whose cause he un-i 
dertook. But, possibly, the reader may concdve that he has af- 
forded to Charles a defence of an unexpected nature. For if an 
^lislorian can be vindicated for sitting down coolly to misrepresent 

E 3 

S4f mwakt OOP the juhtish ncratt. 

fices of the state. But even this arrangement vtnas 
Kftkly by way of experiment ♦. 

How iv)efficient the Scottish army had proved ki 
this urduoos contest, has been sufliciently seen. 
The leading men of that ftation, attd particularty 
*he clergy, had depended more for the snccess of 
th^ir schemes upoti its anticipated achievements, 
ttian upon their own arguments in the assem- 
bly of divines. Imagining that the power of 
Iflte parliament was broken, they trusted that, to 
the arms of their countrymen would be reserved 
ike ^k)ry of a successful termination to the con* 
tert, and that when thus possessed of the militaiy 
Strength, they could not fail to secure the civil 
and ecclasiaiEttical power. First 90,000 Scots had 
lettered England, and iSien an additional lt),000 

iacts^ through so many vokimes, in defence of that misguided pniice, 
we cannot condemn the infatuated individual himself. 

^ Old Pari. Hist. vol. xiv. p. 280^ et seq. Cohbet's, vol. iii. p. 4A^, 
ft ^eq. Baillie^ vol. ii. p. 133-4. 8. 149-60. 162^ 3. 8. 9-70^ ^^, 4. 
194> 9t seg. TVhitelooke^ p. 69^ et seq. Rush. voL vi. p. S05-7. 884>^ 
et seg. Selden had incurred the emnity of the High church parly^ 
before the beginning of this parliament ; but because he would not 
subscribe to the terms of the Presbyterians^ he was early denounoed by 
them as ** the avowed proctor for the Bishops." JBaillie^ voL i..p. 916. 
fielden and Whitelocke having both spoken against the Presbytesian 
j^yranny, " They," (the clergy) " w«De pleased to term me" (White- 
locke) ''an Erastian, and a disciple of Selden," p. 169-70, see also^ p. 
1 1 0, 1 1 1 . Selden and Whitelocke were, with many other members of 
.parliament, members of the assembly, and '' Selden spake admirably, 
and confuted many of the divines in their own learning. And sometimds, 
vi^honthcjy oitedateKt of Scripture, to prove theii assertions, he would 
teU them, perhaps, in your litde pocket Bibles, with gilt leaves, (iNddch 
^hej would often ^pull 4>iit iand read) the translation may be ^ua, but 
the (ireek or the Hebrew signifies thus and thus, and so would totally 
silenee them.'* Id. p. 71. 

mier C^^der had Joined the axmy ; after tibtf» 
tbiere 19 xesrn^n to believe tfa^t recruits were like^ 
ifm »mi up } yet, 99 they }ost great numbers at 
York and Newcastle, as weU us by disease, and 
pTiibAbly jby deaertion, while they garrisoned vaii* 
QU3 t^wns which they oecuipied for their seciudty^ 
they eoiild not bring 16,000 men into the£eld. 
In the ^d parliamentary army, many Scotchmen 
b$4 held commissions; but all 'these were care* 
fuUv excluded under the new model, and their 
^pcMmtrymen regarded this as no favourable omen 
\m their future hopes. When the Scottish army^ 
?t the beginning of the preceding summer's cam* 
pftigs^ so miserably disappointed die hopes of tho 
£ngUsfa parliament, that body naturally provided 
fax th^p military destined tp stand all thie shock of 
ibB conflict, with more unwearied pains th^n for 
Ae Scottish, which they are accused of having ne- 
glected. But the latter supplied its own wantsi, 
by mereilfis^ly piundering the country, s^nd thiui 
exeited both against it and the northern kingdonu 
|i ^neral abhorrence in Englishmen, 

JEmtx^ after be wm discarded, as well as Hcdlis, 
and ^eir party, conceiving that their only chance 
j(9 xpgain power was by uniting more closely with 
the presbytedans, complained loudly of the par-* 
thdHy shewn to the En^ish army; but as they 
co^ld npt stimulate the Scpttisb army to any great 
CKfloit ffirbiefa might have recovered its character, 
tliey dedaitned to tinwilling ears against a better 
provision to that fine military body which in so. 


short a period accomplished the object of the?, 
war. The independent party, who now perceived 
that the army favoured their pretensions, advanced 
them more boldly ; and, to the great indignation 
of the Presbyterians, both Fairfax and Cromwell 
pleaded, in their dispatches, for a Christian tolera- 
tion to all opinions which did not involve princi- 
ples pernicious to the state *. The commons, di- 
vided between the parties, was in a state of fac- 

* Cromwell condudes his acoount of the battle nearly thus : " Sir, 
this is none other than the hand of God, and to him alone belongs 
ihe glory, wherein none are to share unth him. The general served 
you with all faithfulness and honour ; and the best commendation I can 
giye him is, that I dare say he attributes all to God ; and would ra- 
ther perish than assume to himself, which is an honest and a thriving 
way; and yet as much for bravery may be given to him, in this ac- 
tion, as to a man. Honest men served you faithfully in this action. 
Sir, they are trusty; I beseech you in the name of God not to dis- 
courage theuL He that ventures his life for the liberty of his country, 
I wish he may trust God for the liberty of his conscience, and you for 
the liberty be fights for." Rush. voL vi. p. 46. '' My Lord Fidrfax,*^ 
says Baillie, the divine, in a letter to Lord Lauderdale, dated four days 
after the battle, " sei^t up the l^t week an horrible antitriastrian ; the 
whole assembly went in a body to the houses to complain of his blas- 
phemies. It was the will of Cromwell, in the letter of his victory, to 
desire .die house not to discourage those who had ventured their lives 
for them, and to come out vnth the m^ch desired liberty qf conscience.*' 
VoL ii. p. 1 10, 111. Cromwell speaks more fully out in his letter on the 
iaklng of Bristol. The following passage in his letter r^ardlng the 
capture of Bristol, appears to me good. " It may be thought that 
some praises are due to these gallant men, of whose valour so much 
mention is made. Their humble suit to you, and all that have an in- 
terest in this blessing, is, that in remembrance of God's praises, they 
may be forgotten. It is their joy that they are instruments to God's 
glory, and their counOry's good. It is their honour that God vouch^ 
safes to use them." Rush. vol. vi. p. 85-8. Whitlocke, p. 172. 
^hurloe's State Papers,' voL i. p. 73. 


tion ; the upper house hac) been considerably alien- 
ated from the lower ; and as the Scottish army had 
been regarded by the presbyterian party as their 
chief strength, so its removal from England had 
been reckoned by the favourers of the independ- 
ents, no less necessary for them. In the commis- 
sion which had been granted to Fairfax, the clause 
for the safety of the king's person had been omit- 
ted ; but, with a very few exceptions, the idea of 
changing the form of the government into a re- 
public had not been contemplated. Some had, 
indeed, talked of executing justice upon the king ; 
but even Ireton long afterwards, only declared 
that Charles had done enough to warrant his de- 
position, and placing the crown on the head of his 
son. The idea of deposing him does not appear 
to have been confined to the independents; it 
spread widely among the presbyterians, a portion 
of whom seem to have entertained the notion of im- 
prisoning him, or even bringing him to the block*. 
But they still cherished monarchy, and indeed the 
Scots had a direct interest to maintain the kingly 
power, since it alone afforded them a pretext for 
claiming a footing in England. Both parties, there- 
fore, still looked towards Charles as to a prince with 
v^hom it was possible to negociate, and whose co- 
operation with either would confer ascendency in 
the state. 

* Baillie's Let. yol. ii. p. S08^ et seq. and 353. Walker*s Hist, 
of the Independents^ p. 164. 


Charles was no straoger to this poitute of «^ 

^>s $ hut, instead of being moved by it to ooal^see 

witb (either^ be wa^ induced to play the same false 

0od subttle game which hadalwaysdistioguisbed him. 

Trusting tibat, by flattering eacii by turns, be might 

iwse up audi a jealousy between them, as would lead 

to a bloody contest, wherein each should aim al: tte 

other's extenmnation^-'-wfaen he should recover his 

|>oweff in their confusion*-^he endeavoured to 300th 

.each, and pmson it with inveteracy against the other. 

*^NoWf for my own particular resolution,^' says he,i|i 

a letter to Lord Digby, on the 26th March, I6df6, 

•p^^ it is this. I am endeavouring to get to London, 

4B0 that the conditions may be sudi as a gentl^nan 

may own, and that the i«bels may ackoowledgis 

tns king, being not without hope that I shall be 

ablie so to draw either the Prei^yterians or Lide- 

^ndents to side with me for extirpating f^ one 

4he other, tbat I shall be really kmg dgcm V 

Jo the mesmtime, he was endeavouring to raise m 

army in Ireland^ from amongst the insmgents 

there, whose acts had been so revolting to buma^ 

0Jity, In order that, with their assistoncei hetsiboul^ 

Jbear down ati opposition, after the is^jutual i^^tff* 

* Carte's Ormonde^ vol. iii« p. 4t$2, Let any man re^ this .let- 
ter, and collate it inth those to Glamorgan^ and his professions to 
like |»ailiainent, 4Mid defend the sincerity of Cliarles, if he can. <' Wile 
truth is," says BaiUie, in a letter to his hrother-in-lai«> wnttf^ 
fthout Novemher, 1645, regarding the king's messages for peace, ''the 
truth is, secret letters written ahout the last treaty, make them trust 
iAm He mme, add jremfare ,le tre«^ so t|norei^.<aU leith Mmi «nly 
they will send him propositions, and ssquire Jm fo^im wmmet/^ 
▼ol. ii. p. 173. 

ftiidMi%ti of tbd ponies wboni be was courting in 
Sfigfamd. In tepitfi to ^ehd Irish tnansactioos, hit 
«^ii4M* itas filtfll taore ^rejyrehefiwM^ than those 
-wJtJi «*ie English and Sools : Whih fee ^w^s aBsiifv 
ifig bo1;h Oftticmdc and Digfey, in 4^e most soleiiiti 
language^ tbsrt: tbey alone}>08se6sed<bk oonfidence; 
*iid thatOIftcnor^n had acted with eqaal want of 
judgnaetot R»d hefiesty, h<; was eecretiy encourag- 
ing tljalr eail to prosecute his schemes, by the pro- 
fDise of Revenge against the two individuate, Or- 
immde a»d Digby, who had ohstracted them. 
<$laiiK)rgan had ^ven aiMliority to su^rsede the 
^ffrquis m lord Heotenant ^. Such disingenuoas 
ftSS^, mi!>d attempts to overreach all patties, could 
TO c ecc d i9vith none ; and whfle Charles hugged 
iiittrdelf upon the Dotftonof deceiving al4, he was, in 
teaSity, 4)imself the on]y dupe of his own impos- 

He proposed that the power of the militia ishoulfl 
le'V'estedinceitain i%»di viduate, and asked to be t!U 
lowed forty days residence at Westminster, for the 
tsettlement of affairs, •when he alleged that he 
doubted not *o give them satisfaction, provided 
bolJh honses, the lord mayor, -and the common 
coottcil. Sir Thomas Fairfax, aad the commission- 
iBfs for Scofland, ^ould come under «n engage- 
ment for his safety, and liberty to return to Ox- 
ffkA. {^aaiisrtneiit, hmfewt, mw through Ins de- 
vlgns, Hnd determined to frustrate them b^ rdTus- 

* See fonner note. 


ing such an engagement. They therefore cold- 
ly answered, that they were preparing ordinances 
which, when he should agree to them, might be 
productive of a lasting peace. These ordinances 
put the power of the sword entirely into the hands 
of the parliament j but they gave offence to the 
Scots by reserving to each country the command 
of its own militia, while they also displeased the 
city of London, by withdrawing from it that por- 
tion of power which had been intended at the 
treaty of Uxbridge*. These mutual disgusts 
kindled additional hope in the royal breast, of 
stirring up the parties to mutual extermination, 
while, at the critical moment of their depression, 
he might, at the head of the Irish army, establish 
himself in uncontrolled authority. To the Inde- 
pendents, he urged th^ tyranny of the Presbyte- 
rians, and the necessity of combining with him 
for their own security. To the Presbyterians, he 
represented that the Independents were averse to 
monarchical government, and would sacrifice the 
interest of Scotland to their levelling principles ; 
and that, therefore, their only chance of safety lay 
in joining with him, in order to subdue the Inde- 
pendents. The negotiation with the Presbyterians, 
and particularly the Scots, was conducted by 

• Rush. voL vi. p. 215, et seq. 249, et seq. Whitdocke, p. 182, 
et seq. Old Pari. Hist. vol. xiv. p. 159, et seq. Cobbet's, voL iii. 
p. 404, et seq. Clar. Papers, vol. ii. p. 196, et seq. Hist. vol. iv. p, 
745, et seq* Baillie, vol. ii. p. 184, et seq. 


Montreville, the French - ambassador, in his mas* 
tei^s name, though it was afterwards alleged that 
he acted without sufficient authority. In his zeal 
for the service, he visited Scotland, and afterwards 
treated with the army. The ' intrigues with the 
Independents were managed by Ashburnham, who 
likewise sounded the English Presbyterians. 

Out of Montreville's intrigues, arose a strange 
agreement, in the name of his master and the 
queen regent, on the one side, and Charles on the 
other — ^whereby the latter was promised security 
in the Scottish camp ; and it has been said that, 
though Charles treated with the ambassador to 
avoid the disgrace of doing it with a rebellious 
army, the Scottish commanders had really agreed 
to the terms. But it is not easy to conceive what 
the conditions were, other than the personal safe« 
ty of Charles, since it is established by Montreville's 
correspondence, subsequeht to the agreement, that 
the Scots steadily adhered to their Presbyterian 
principles. That they were anxious to have the 
king with them, fully confiding in their power to 
persuade him to yield to their conditions, is a 
fact that rests on sufficient evidence : that Charles, 
who was now blockaded in Oxford, and terrified at 
the idea of being taken a prisoner by Fairfax, and 
led in ignominy to the metropolis, by his victorious 
army, which rapidly advanced, wished refuge, is no 
less certain. His hope was to engage the Scottish 
army on his side, and, with his characteristic 
dissimulation, he affirmed that, could they convince 


hb comcieiica of the truth of tboirFresbytcnan t0« 
iiets^ he wouU tmiMdiatelj suhacribe to iOMm^ 
Tb« Scots, however, i^ere not to be decetfecL 
They saw through the sprioga of the royal eccle* 
siastical policy ; and one of their chief divines af^ 
ftrmed that do oaths would convince him that 
Charles was actuated by conacientious motivoa. 
While, therefore, the ecclesiastioa were sufficiently 
ready to enter upon a discussioQ regarding Pres*^ 
byterianiaih, they, a& well as the stateamen, restai 
aU their hopes of c(Miverting htoii on the grmaul 
of their being able to satisfy his understanding-^** 
that it waa for his interest to coalesce with them. 
Previous to his taking r^ge in their camp, tbey 
intimated to lum, through Montreville, the absuTfi 
dity of his even wishing them to agree with him^ 
on the principle of su^pporting the hierarchy, stnce^ 
by such a proceeding, they would at once Ibrfeit 
ti^e cqhoporation of* the Eng^sh Presbyterians, aaui 
thus joiei both parties against themselves^ who, iii 
tfaatt case» mdesa they were guided by the chimeEi4 
cdl hope of conquering England, could never 6X« 
pect to reinstate him in the throne* He pressed 
that they should co-opecaie with Montrose; but 
though the Scotch army had been as selfish as ha 
wished it, snch pdJcy was not reatKmably to be an^ 
tseipated, since, besides fmfeiting the flSectioa of 
die English, it would have lost the support of fiie 
party in Scotland which raised it, and, as the 
httding moi justly argued, put all in the hands of 
Ae maiignants, against whom they had hitlierto 

MsnoKt Of THE BUtrm &aiHM* $3 

fmight Indeed^ it k most likely tbat^ bod the 
officer* really dcted so treaclreroiis a part to their 
country^ they would hspre been deserted by the 
sddiers. This scheme, therefore, on whtefa Charleft 
io much rdied, was rejected, and admission to his 
followers was even refused *. 

In the meantime, as Fairfax was rapidly adr 
vancing to Oxford, while the town was already in 
a state of blockade, the king's situation there he^ 
cxme critical; and to avoid the humiliation of 
being carrt^ to London a captive, he determined 
if possible, to effect his escape. With only two 
attendants-^Ashbumham and the fieverend Dn 
Hudsoii^'-^h^ disguised as the servant of the first, 
1^ Oxford i but his toati was not yet resolved 
ii|»on. He hesitated whether to throw himself 
upon llie merdy of London, or, if possible, retreat King uvm 
north to form a junction with Montiose, whose 27th Apro, 
]^eSQmption misfortune could not cure. He pro- JJ^^t|„ 
ceeded to Henley, and from thence to Harrow Scottish 
on the HiU» within sight of London^ uncertain May,' i64«. 
whether it onc6 to repair to the capital. Of this the 
parliament was very apprehensive, knowing that 
it would at once occasion intrigues to embroil a£> 
faiiB, by the pretext which it afforded his adhe* 
tenia of resorting thither ; they, therefore, pub* 
Ikbed an ordinance the instant they heard of his 

* Clar. Papers^ vol. ii. p. 309> et seq. Hist. toI. iv. p. 74T^ et leg- 
!tIkiiTloe's State Papers^ p. 7^4. 85^ et seq. Baillie^ vol. ii. p. 213. 
A^^d. U> Evelyn'fi Mem. p. 115^ et seq, Gompare p. 10^ and 11 S* 
Bmimtin Hte. of die Hmikolit^ p. 274. 


retreat from Oxford — declaring that all who hai'- 
boured the king, or, knowing of his resort, con« 
cealed it, should be proceeded against as traitors 
to the commonwealth, forfeit their whole estates, 
and die without mercy. They likewise ordered 
the immediate departure from London, of all pa- 
pists, and soldiers of fortune who had borne arms 
against the parliament. In the meantime, Charles 
had visited families who recognised his person, 
though they affected ignorance of his quality ; and 
it is not to be doubted that he was, in this way, 
apprised of the ordinance which thus threatened to 
cut him off from all communication with his sup- 
porters. .Having lingered for some time, where he 
twice narrowly escaped detection, first from a man 
intoxicated, and secondly from a hair-dresser, who 
observed the particular cut of the hair in spite of 
the attempt to conceal it by negligence— he at 
last turned towards the Scottish camp before New* 
ark. This delay had been partly owing to his dis- 
appointment of a party of horse, which had been 
promised by Montreville, to escort him ; but which 
came at length. It is possible that, in spite of the 
cegociation, Leven was surprised at the appear- 
ance, of Charles ; yet, without pre-supposing that 
he was less acquainted with the intrigues than the 
other officers, we cannot believe that the surprise 
he showed was not in some measure assumed. But 
poor Montreville was reviled by them, and sacri- 
ficed by the French. court itp cover their own dark 
designs. Newark was, by the command of Cbarles> 


surrendered to the Scots ; and Montrose, by his 
orders, also laid down his arms. That individual 
had been again defeated in the north, and his 
influence was so reduced that he had resolved upon 
the strange expedient of employing his limited 
troops to impress an army *. 

Conceiving that they had the game in their own 
hands, and being not immediately in a condition 
to resist the English parliament, which demanded 
the custody of the king's person, and sent Poyntz 
to watch their motions, the Scots retreated to 
Newcastle, as in the neighbourhood of their own 
resources. The parliament demanded the perr 
sons ,of Ashburnham and Hudson; but the Scots 
were prepared with an excuse when these indi- 
viduals escaped. At Newcastle every means were 
taken to induce Charles to agree to the presbyte- 
rian establishment ; and as he affected to be go- 
verned by conscience, though his private corres- 
pondence shows that he was actuated by worldly 
policy . only, Henderson undertook to remove his 
scruples. A long written controversy ensued be- 
tween them upon the respective merits of their 
creeds ; but it ended as is usual with all discus- 
sions of that nature. Clarendon asserts that so 
excellent was the royal argument, that Hender- 
son indirectly acknowledged himself to be van- 
quished. But such a story of a Scottish divine^ 

* Rush, vol- tL p. ^^^y et seq, Clar. vol. v. p. 15, et seq. Wishart, 
chap. XX. Guthrey's Memoirs, p. 174, et seq, Whiteloicke, p* 
199^ et seq. Baillie, vol. ii. p. 201, et seq. 



wliom interested motives could not sway» would 
have required great authority to confirm it ; and, 
unfortunately for this, it is proved beyond doubt 
by private correspondence, that Henderson was 
^ly grieved to observe, that while Charles pre* 
tended to be influenced by conscientious scruples, 
he was really actuated by that perverted thirst for 
dominion, which had proved so calamitous to his 
country. Whether Charles was really the au- 
thor of the ccmtroversial writings that pass 
under his name may well be questioned ; but it 
has justly been remarked that the far*fkmed pro- 
duction is never read. The style is as stiff and 
pedantic as the thoughts are common-place K 

When he joined the Scots he declared it was 
not his intention to prolong the miseries of war ; 
and Oxford, as well as the other garrisons, were 
mirrendered to the conquerors, to whose credit it 
redounds, that, from the time of the new model; 
H&ey were remarkable for the most scrupulous 
fulfilment of articles. The garrison of Oxford 
' consisted of about 7000, containing the army the 
"king had brought thither; and though part c^ 
them were Irish, not an insult was o&red to ont 
of their number. An order was at the same time 
issued by Charles for the surrender of Dublin ; 
but secret instructions of a diiSferent kind were 
dispatched to his confidential agents ; for he had 
determined not to desist from war ; and though 

f Qmr^ T^l. V. p. Si. King. Cl»rlea' W<vka. B^e]^ M^ff, 
Tol. ii. p- 90S, et seq* A d$aili*l)ed recantation wm fqrgei Ifor H^iH 
denoD^ ¥rho died during the kijng's stay at Newcastle. 

]lw ^B^t 9 publiq dispatch to Onnopde, declaripg, 
^ffi, ^s iiotbing h]x\, f eg^rd to the prptestwjts 9f 
that districted country, :who pthierwisp piust h^vp 
perls^€;d, ha,d induced biip to treat, and thus di^- 
sist from his purpose of executing vengeanqe pp 
tl^e rebels j sp now he wished all negociation tp 
1;^ sus^ended^ th^t they mighjt still be reaerveji 
for ^usti?ej yet be s^nt privately to t,be saflOje 
jaQblw^n^ desirijUg him npt to pbey his pubjip 
pr^e^^^ and during bi9 ;residence At Newcastle, 
^ wa3 4?onperting the n^eans ,of raising an armvjr 
^ gO,QGO in Irpl^ud ! A peace was .cpncluded 
^e^e ,by Ormonde, cpntrary |to the orders of both 
houses. jBy tbis the Jrish engaged to provide i^i 
^rmy of 20,000, wd poj^r them intp Scptl?tnd- 
Tb^ {Stricter cathplics, however, and their prie^tji, 
were dissatisfied with tbe conditions ; ^nd as they 
^f^ed tp jbe boi^d b^ them^ Glamprgap was 
jn^:iicted ^wd emjjpj^jirered by the mona.rdb, (al?o 
in thfi f^jice of d .Iett;er ^ent to bini by Charles to 
dfQjp ^1 proceedings,) tp purcbftse their assistance 
on ^9y po^iditipps, ^even m tb?»t of pawing bis 
.tV^e kingdoms *. 

When he enterM the Scpttish camp, t\ie Eng- 
jybh parliament, cwith the whole independent party 
:2^ least, were under the most serious am)rehe,Q- 
.^on^ that a new war w^^ meditated; and the 
pAispicion was soon strengthened by a letter frpm 
^m to Qrmo^de^ wherein he meptiops bis pur- 

Btonde, voL iii. p. 452. Birch's Exufg^, 



pose of proceeding to the Scottish army, in con- 
sequence of a promise from them to assist him in 
conjunction with the forces of Montrose— to pro- 
cure a safe peace and the restitution of his own 
prerogative ; and that as the circumstance would 
prevent troops from being transported by the re- 
beli^ into Ireland, he desired that his letters should 
be shown to his friends on that side of the water, 
to make them resolute in his cause. It had been 
written a few days before his departure from Ox- 
ford; and, as it was circulated throughout Ire- 
land by Ormonde, it fell into the hands of the 
Scottish general, Munro, who transmitted it to 
the English parliament. Great was the outcry 
against the Scots for their supposed perfidy ; but 
they vindicated themselves by declaring the king's 
statement to be " a most damnable untruth * " 

As the prospects of the Scots in relation to 
English affairs depended entirely upon the king's 
joining them on their own terms — by acknowledg- 
ing the presbyterian discipline, and subscribing 
the covenant, they endeavoured by every species 
of entreaty and argument, to bring him to the 
conditioniS. Dreading too the influence of his 
former advisers, and jealous of the English, they 
tried to prevent access to the royal presence; 
and Charles, whose hopes had at first been sari- 
guine, complained of ill treatment, though he af- 
terwards did them the justice to own, that in re- 

• Rush. vol. vi. p^ 266, ei seq, Whitelocke, p. 1308. Gobbet's 
Pari. Hist. vol. Hi. p. 463, etseq. 


gard to personal respect, he had no cause to pom- 

The English parliament demanded delivery of 
the king's person ; but the Scots, — ^arguing that 
Charles being their monarch, as well as that of 
^England, they were fully as much entitled as 
their southern neighbours to that important 
charge ; and that, in such a case, possession gave 
them a preferable right, — refused compliance. The 
English, on the other hand, maintained, that the 
Scots having entered England merely as auxiliaries, 
and haying no right of jurisdiction there ^ and it 
having beep in the capacity of ausfiliaries, that his 
majesty had taken refuge in their camp — they 
were bound to receive directions from those who 
paid them for %ht;ng their battles.. Charles, 
however, believing at this time, from the language 
of the pulpit, which generally announced the 
public feelings, that thp Scots were favourably 
disposed towards him, was inclined to reside for 
some time with the army. Their views were dis- 
closed by the following passage from Scripture, 
which was by one of their preachers read before 
him : *^ And behold all the men of Israel came to 
the king, and said unto him, why have our bre- 
thren the men of Judah stolen thee a\|iray, and 
|iave brought the king and his household, and all 
David's men with him oyer Jordan ? And all th^ 
men of Judah answered the men of Israel, be- 
cause the king is near of kin to us : Wherefore 
be ye angry for this matter ? Have we eaten at 
all at the king's cost ; or hath he given us any 


^ihf And iihe ineti bf Israel an^wefed thfe tti^n of 
Judah, and said, we have ten parts in the king^ 
^tid we have also more right in David thsin ye ; 
yffhy then did ye despise us, that our advic^ 
6%ould ilot be first heard itx bringing ba6k ou^ 
king : and the words of the men of Ju^ah ^etfe 
fiercer than the words of the men of Israel." 

{Propositions having been agreed to by the |^ati 
liament, and consented to by the i^coteh C6ifitfiii5^ 
sioners, were transmitted to the king. In sub- 
stance they did not materially diflFer frotii those 
itaade at the tfeaty of Uxbridge, except that tht 
term demanded for vesting the power of thfe 
militia in commissioners, before it should b6 set- 
tled by bill, wa6 prolonged from seven to twenty 
yeats. Charles, as if he had had only one sdtiri* 
cat remark in store, nearly repeated the obserVa*- 
tidn which be made both before the treaty of 
Oxford, and afterwards before that of Uxbridg^e; 
for, having demanded whether the commissioneit 
from the parliament had any power to alter the 
conditions tendered to him, and having been an- 
swered in the negative, he told them that, having 
the honour of. the business, a common troopet 
might have equally well performed the part as- 
signed them. As it was evident that he would 
not agree to the terms, negociatiotis both by thfe 
presbyterians and independents were set on fotrt 
to gain him. By the presbyterian party he was 
urged to close with them, ostensibly on their owA 
terms, under the prospect of a mitigation of them, 
when the weight of the kingly character Ishould, 


¥?ith the settlement of afiuirs, give thetn 1^ ^ 
cendency in the state : But as he considered th& 
hierarchy a necessary support to the thronei 
ivhich again upheld the churchy while he con^ 
ceived the presbyterian government to be so dd^- 
structive of monarchical power^ that it ivoMd re* 
dace him to the situation of a titular king, iia 
persuasicm prevailed upon him; yet, instead eft' 
giving an absolute n^ative, be pretended to 
found all his scruples upon a conscientiooa belief 
that episcopacy was a divine institution. Thtu 
presbyterians, however, were not to be deceiv^dr 
"f hey justly regarded this as a mere device tdi 
gain time, till lie consulted his masters beyond 
seas^ and was in a situation to eiccite fresh bomi* 
motions. They therefore endeavoured to alarni 
hiniy by asserting, that a great portion of the peo^^ 
pie, firom his having been so bloody aind &l9ev 
had resolved to cast him and his faisnily dff for 
ever ; and that if he did not quickly assent to the 
propositions, all men, even the presbyterians, 
would abandon him, when the scafibld or per- 
petual imprisonment would be his doom : but thhk 
tf ected nothing ; it having been always ihe mm^ 
fortune of this monarch, to belfeve that neither 
his person, nor the externals of royalty could be 
m danger* The queen, however, aind all hk can* 
flderitial friends, importuned him to agree to the 
presbytetian government, provided he could re*. 
serve the power of the sword, since, by thf» satis- 
fyiug the Scots, he adopted the only meatts o^' 
living himself for the present, and preserving the^ 


chance of recovering his full regal authority. 
But he, declaring to them that the church was 
a: more powerful engine than the militia; and 
that, once renounced, it might never be recovered, 
obstinately adhered to his resolution. He looked 
towards France for assistance, and was warned in 
vain that his hopes there would prove a dream *. 
Apprehensions were even entertained by his own 
friends, that if France interposed at all with any 
sufficient force, it would only be to reduce him to 
the state of a tributary prince ; and resolutions were 
entered into by Hopton and Hyde to defeat any 
attempt against Jersey and Guernsey, (to the first 
of which the prince had retreated when Hopton 
was driven into Cornwall,) — ^an attempt which they 
were warned that the French court meditated in 
conjunction with Jermain, the king's agent and 
I^osom friend, whom that perfidious court is said to 
have bribed to such a treason. At the same time. 

* The correspondence on this subject in the Clar. Papers, is ex- 
tremely valuable, and proves beyond all question the utter mistake 
which Mr. Hume laboured under on this most important subject.' 
He says,. that had Charles agreed to put down episcopacy, he would 
have so ojffended the religious feelings of his adherents, that he would 
have been deserted; whereas his friends, with the exception of 
Hyde, all urged him to the measure ; and Jermyn, in one of his let- 
ters to Charles, declares that ^^ there were not five or six persons of 
the protestant persuasion, who believed that episcopacy was jure 
divinoy so as to exclude any other form of ecclesiastical polity ; and 
that even the divines at the treaty of Uxbridge, woiild not, though 
much provoked thereunto, maintain that (we might say uncha- 
ritable) opinion, no, not privately among your commissioners." 
Vol. ii. p. 263. See also p. 242, et seq. generally ; and Baillie's Let- 
Ifers. . • 


Charles was deeply engaged in negociations with 
the Irish. To please the Scots, as we have al- 
ready said, he sent a public dispatch to Ormonde 
to break off all treaties with the catholics, in order 
that, for their crimes and rebellion, they might be 
left to the punishment of the parliament ; but, sen- 
sible that such a demand would be made of him, 
he had previously commanded that lord lieutenant 
to obey none of his public instructions. While, too, 
he was thus caballing with Ormonde, he was car- 
Tying on another correspondence with Glamorgan, 
calculated to involve the ruin even of the other. 
It is vain, therefore, to allege in his vindication, 
that, being a prisoner in the Scottish camp, and no 
longer a free agent, he was obliged to send dis- 
jpatches of which he disapproved. With an indi- 
vidual who acted thus, there could be no safety in 
negociation ; and so much was he accustomed to 
this disingenuous practice, that Clarendon, in one 
of his letters, mentions that a certain individual — 
probably himself — had lost the royal confidence for 
♦refusing to act in conformity with his secret inten- 
tions, in opposition to his warrants as monarch. 
Ormonde concluded a peace upon the condition of 
abrogating all the penal laws against the catholics ; 
but, as the Pope had promised pecuniary assist- 
ance, and his nuncio flattered himself that the ca- 
tholic interest would bear down all opposition, the 
peace was annulled, and Glamorgan negociated for 
an army upon their own terms. Romantic promises 
were made of an immense force, which, assisted by 
the Pope, and joined with whatever could be raised 


by Montrose, should recover £ot Chftrles the 
right which he pretetided to have inherited frott 
his ancestors. Flattered with this prospect of a£- 
fairsi he meditated an escape to that kingdom—^ 
presaging that a rupture between the English and 
Scots wOuid ensue upon his absence { and thepo^ 
inferring, that when the two parties had been 
wearied and exhausted with mutual bloodshed, 4 
great portion of the kingdom would fiy to him for 
refuge against the pressure of the times. 

From all these considerations Charles, deluded 
with the idea that he would deceive both parties^ 
continued obstinate ; and after the lapse of about 
eight months, the Scots determined to deliver him 
up to the English parliament. They indeed still 
declared their attachment to monarchy, though it 
Was such a monarchy as would have left no power 
to the king ; but they did not conceal their senti- 
ments that monarchy was not inconsistent with 
thb deposition and imprisonment of a prince who 
wilfully opposed the welfare of his subjects. They 
even declared in parliament, that it wim only oh 
the condition of his assenting to their propositions^ 
that they would ever restore him ; and that if he 
resisted the terms offered, and entered their coun- 
try, they would confine him for the public good* 
and carry on the government without him. A 
great party, however, went so far as to conceive 
the idea of bringing him to the scaffold, in which 
they outdid the independents, who only entertain- 
ed the idea of deposing him, and transferring the 

antom w ths BHmnH emfihe. 'fs 

etoifA fo the Duke of Yotk, wbo was in their 

It MfBi when the Scdts had lost all hopes of pre-* 
VAilitig dn the king^ and wete fully sensible thai 
no trust could be reposed in him, that one of their 
niitiisteri, after having uttered bdid truths, ordered 
the psalm to be Sung which begins thus, 

«' Why dost ihotL, tyrAht, bonat thyself. 
Thy wicked deeda to pkihe." 

But Charles, standing up in his pkce, called fot 
the psalto which begins with 

" Have mercy. Lord, on me I pray. 
For men would me devour;" 

and the atidieUce good-naturedly indulged him. 

Hei during his residence with the Scottish army^ 
repeatedly proposed to go to London for the pur- 
pose of treating with his people ) but the parlia* 
ment as constantly resisted it, unless ha would con- 
Sent tb their propositions, and sign the covenant : 
uid matters came at last to a crisis. The English 
brdered the Scottish army to quit the, kingdom, as 
they had no further use for their services ; and the 
Scots only pretended to delay on the ground that 
great arrears were due to them. Their demand 
amounted to aboi^t two millions, but, after all the 
nedessary deductions^ it was reduced by the par- 
liament to lesd than a fifth of that sum j and one of 
the implied, though not expressed conditions upon Emg deU. 
whi<^h the fifst instalment was paid, was that the^E^^.** 
custody of the king's person should be resigned to^»^* 
the Eiftglish. This gave rise to a great scandal i64T. 


against the Scots, and their apology, in so far as 
the officers of their army was concernedi is not aU 
together admissible : — That they came into Eng- 
land merely as auxiliaries, and were, in the com- 
mon cause, as deeply interested ia securing the 
king's person as Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Eng- 
lish army ; That his refuge in their camp was a 
mere matter of necessity, to prevent an ignominious 
captivity j and that, though they regretted that he 
had thrown hiniself upon their mercy, they did 
not conceive that his act could possibly absolve 
them from the solemn covenant they had taken 
when they engaged in the war : That, in short, the 
case was simply this, Charles saw that he would 
be a prisoner somewhere, and preferred the Scot- 
tish army for his keepers ; and it was ridiculous to 
suppose that an army, under the comniand of a 
committee of both kingdoms, could have any pos- 
sible right to act for itself^ in opposition to those 
principles on which it had been raised and kept 
a-foot. It is not easy to discover an answer to this 
argument, if we admit that it was urged in good 
faith. But it applies only to the Scottish parlia- 
ment and their commissioners, and not to the mi- 
litary officers, who had been treacherously tamper- 
ing with Charles through the French ambassador, 
and were, consequently, bound to continue their 
treachery to their employers, by affording him an 
opportunity to escape if he desired it. Affairs had 
become critical with the English, and even Hollis 
and his party, who ardently desired to favour the 
Scottish army, in opposition to that of Fairfax, 


tiow urged its departure from the kingdom — ^ima- 
gining that, as the self-denying ordinance was only 
to continue during the war, his party might now 
alter the new model, and recover the military power 
into their own hands. In this, however, they were 
sadly disappointed j and they, in no small degree, 
attributed the failure of their expectations to the 
unexpected death of Essex, whom they wished to 
reinstate in the command, and round whom both 
that party and the Scots had rallied; If the pre- 
vious professions of the Scots — ^tbat Charles would 
be brought to the scaffold if he obliged them to 
surrender his person^— were sincere, they had no 
cause afterwards to complain of that catastrophe, 
since in that case they, by surrendering him, must 
be regarded as accessary to his fate. But the truth 
seems to be, that such notions had been principal- 
ly harboured by themselves ; and that it was only 
after a full experience of the perfidy of Charles, 
and the second resort to hostilities, together with 
his intrigues even in the Isle of Wight, and obsti- 
nate rejection of all propositions, that such a mea- 
sure was, as necessary to the safety of the victors, 
fully resolved upon *. 

* Rush. vol. vi. chap. x. and xi. Whitelocke, p. 206, et seq. 
Clar. vol. V. p. 30, et seq. BaiUie's Let. vol. ii. p. 306, et seq. These let- 
ters are remarkable for the light they throw on the state of parties. 
Cobbett's Pari. Hist. vol. iii. p. 463, et seq. Ludlow, vol. i. p. 174, 
et seq. Hutchinson, vol. ii. p. 94, et seq. Clar. Papers, vol. ii. p. 
242, etseq. Append, to Evelyn's Mems. p. 118, et seq. No won- 
der Charles was anxious about burning his cabinet after the discovery 
by the former. Burnet's Mem. of the Hamiltons, p. 277, et seq. 
See particularly, p. 310-11. Charles told the Scottish commissioners. 


It if fiaid that» vben the intepliofi of tfae Scots 
to deliver him up vas comfniinicated to Chaiisf, 
he was engaged in a game of cli^as ; and that» such 
was the native composure of bis mind, he contm^ju^d 
it, unruffled by the intelligence. It has been wdl 
remarked of him, tbat, like hi^ progenitors, be ap- 
peared to most advantage in adversity, whidi vm 
may remark, in passing, is far more easily borne 
than prosperity ; but the anecdote is not entitled 
to piiuch credit, and the intellsg^enoe could not be 
very unexpected. Long bad he heen waf ned ef 
the event ; and his hope of a different issue bad 
been bounded entirely on the prospiects held out 
by the Hamiltoos, of raising a party in Scotland, 
which, contrary to all their former principles, 
should attempt his unconditional restoration. With- 
out that, be was not only not averse to change his 
jceepers, but really desired it, as be flattered him- 
self that he mig^t obtain that sigceess mith the 
Engliah d^Bcers which he was inflexibly denied hy 
the Scots, whose interest indeed aecorded wilb 
their principles. He wa^ conducted to fij3ld6iii)y, 
wher^ he continued a considerable time p. 

** That if he were a prisoner^ it was the opinion of many divines, that 
the proxnjses made h^ a prisoner did not oblige, though he did not 
,a9sert lliat to be his own sense." But he did not deny it to be so. 
Such was the use he made of divinity. *' The king/' saysBaillie, in 
.a letter dated Ist Peoember, .1646, ^' aU his tife has loved trinketing 
naiuvaU^, and js thought to be i^duch in that action now with all par- 
ties^ fo^r the imminent hazard of aU." VqI. ii. p. 245< Yet the impu- 
tadpn 9f jnBincerity, according to Hume, was of a later grow;^ thjin 
his, own ^e ! See Scots Acts, lately published, xol. vi. p. 5339. De- 
claration concenujig the }dpg*s person- Ifailes* Let. p. ^85, et seq. 
* Burnet's Mem. of the JEIamiltons, p. 307. Hailes* Let. p. 19(>-»1. 


During this summer (1646) an ordinance was Epuoopwj 
passed for abolishing Episcopacy, and sequestering J^^m^*'^ 
the lands of the church for the use of the state, *^ ^^--^ 
and the beneficed clergy were thus deprived of 
their livings. The impeachment of the bishops 
had been allowed tq drop, but in this measure they 
suffered the punishment. Whatever the bigoted, 
whether in religion or politics, may think, it sure- 
ly cannot fairly be questioned, that when a politi- 
cal change deprives a body of men of their livings, 
tliey are entitled to compensation ; and the Eng« 
Msh parliament cannot be justified in departing 
from such a project which had formerly been con- 
templated. But, on the other hand, the high 
clergy, though some of them were men of pro- 
found erudition and great capacity, did not merit 
much sympathy, since they had been at least acces« 
scry to the innovations that had led to the change 
under which they smarted, and since the inferior 
clergy had been mercilessly driven by them from 
their livings, because they would not comply with 
audacious novelties *• 

* Qld. Pari. Hist toL zt. p. 158. Cob. ¥ol. iii. p. 68S. Raih. 
KlLTi. p.a78, €tMeq. 



SUUe of the Army and Mutiny, — The King seized by Joyce. 
^^The Army brought up to London, — and the Effect on 
the Parliament, — The King flies to the Isle of Wight. — 
Second Civil War and Invasion from Scotland. — The 
Treaty of Newport. — The Invaders from Scotland over^ 
come, and the Civil War terminated. — King seized a 
second time by the Army. — The House of Commons pur^ 
ged. — The King's Trial and Execution. 

Had the parliament been united in interest and 
principles, and been still supported by the people, 
they could not have had much cause to fear from 
the army they had raised ; but as it was divided 
into factions/ while each regarded the military as 
the instrument of ascendency in the state, in- 
trigues were engendered in the army, and its ruin 
attempted by one party, as well as the great body 
encouraged by the other. Cromwell, Vane, and 
their party, had now gained the ascendency ; and 
HoUis, with his party, irritated at success which 
had been so fatal to their own ambition, deter- 
mined to break the army. But, as another must 



have been necessary under existing circumstances, 
we may safely conclude, that the object was mere- 
ly to recover the sword into their own hands, and 
by new arrangements crush their opponents. Their 
violence and injustice, particularly of HoUis, ex- 
posed their scheme to unavoidable failure. The 
principle on which they proposed to reduce the 
army— that there was no occasion for a military 
force now that the war was closed, was palpably 
uncandid. The king's adherents were ready on 
the first opportunity to take the field. Without re- 
gularly embodying and exercising the train bands 
throughout the country, till they were reduced to 
perfect order, the dissolution of the military could 
only give rise to a new war, to the most imminent 
hazard of the parliament. It was evident, there- 
fore, that the object was merely to disgrace and 
dissolve the present army that they might raise an- 
other. But it may appear so extraordinary that 
the independent party, which had been so success- 
ful, should now be outvoted in the two houses, af- 
ter the success that had procured them the support 
of the people, that it will be necessary in this place 
to explain the cause. We may easily conclude, 
that many who had voted for the new model, out 
of fear that the royalists would otherwise prevail 
in the struggle, were not now unwilling to see a 
fresh change in the military establishment. But 
tftiis would not have been sufficient to counterba- 
ince the increasing weight of Vane, Cromwell, 
md their friends. The real cause was, the addi- 
tjion of a great number of new members. Of these, 



irany, no doubt, supported the independetit party ; 
but, as in the i^estern districts, from the state of 
property, a limited number of individuals led the 
country, and were devoted to the royal interest, so 
now, from the same ca^uses, that qiiarter returned 
members wiho, though hosrtile to both parties, yet 
tfanew their weight into the presbyterian scale as 
tfee lightest, and the nuinber particularly from 
Cornwall being great, they enabled the presbyte- 
rians in the lower house to carry the measures 
sagaiifBiist die army, contrary to the wishes of the 
commuflrnty. Many peers too were allowed to 
compound with two years rent for their pardon, 
and having resumed their seats, gave their prepon- 
derance also in the upper house ; but the majority 
of both houses forgot that they were not in a si- 
tuation to pay up the arrears of the army, and the 
resentment of Hollis seems not to have been averse 
to Ae injustice. Upwards of twelve months* pay 
was due, and it was proposed to allow only that 
dt* seven weeks, and reserve the remainder to be 
Disagree. Settled after their di^anding. The soldiers, wh< 
Srwii the probably believed that the object was to preserve 
Sd rai*"^* funds for the payment of another army, naturally 
conceived this to be gross injustice : they could^ 
not be ignorant of the difficulties with which ini 
dividuals should contend for wages, after havin.^ 
laid down arms ; and as an act of indemnity wi 
refused, they saw themselves exposed to proseci 
tion from the civil power for what they had peij 
formed as soldiers : but it was intended to send A I 
large proportion of them for the reduction of Iref .. 




land^ and they objected to the service unless they 
saw a disposition to grant the proper encourage- 
ment. They alleged that they had not entered 
into the service of the state as mere mercenaries, 
but as citizens, not only deeply interested in the 
safety of the commonwealth, but zealously deter- 
mined to defend it ; and that, had they been pure 
mercenaries, yet that which the service demanded 
could not properly exceed the original terms, which 
were understood to be limited to the English 
war. They, however, declared their readiness to 
embark, provided their arrears were paid, dis- 
claiming all thoughts of mutiny ; but representing 
strongly that it would be hard indeed, if, after 
having served the public so successfully, they 
should be sent back to those trades which they 
md renounced for the common good, not only 
fwithout reward, but even without the ordinary 
wages, to which, as mercenaries, they were fully 
entitled. They petitioned also for relief to M- 
phans, widows, and the maimed. T^eir feelings 
were the more strongly excited by the suggestion, 
that some in civil offices had accumulated large 
; fortmies, and even by a suspicion that the party in 
\ parliament hostile to them, purposely withheld their 
{. pay, that, by obliging them to live at free quar- 
i' ters, they might render them generally odious to 
j[ the community, so that all classes might unite in 
I ailing for the disbanding. 

^ When the petition in which they represented their 
L rievances was presented, Hollis, who had long be^ 
I' )re laid his plans for dissolving this army, that he 



and his party might recover command of the sword, 
hastily drew up on his knee a resolution, which, at a 
late hour, and when the house was thin, he procured 
the adoption of^ — that the petition tended to intro- 
duce mutiny, to put conditions upon the parliament, 
and to obstruct the relief of Ireland ; and the vote 
brought with it the evil which it was pretendedly 
calculated to avoid. The soldiers lamented that 
this rash vote deprived them of their rights as ci- 
tizens, merely because they had saved the republic 
by their valour as soldiers, and a deeper spirit of 
discontent rapidly spread through the ranks. That 
it is ever dangerous for soldiers to interfere with 
the civil power, is an indisputable principle ; but 
before parliament had resolved to proceed with 
rigour against the army, it ought to have satisfied 
the just demands of the military ^. I 

Certain commissioners, — Dacres, Sir William 
Waller, General Massey, and Sir John Clotworthy, 
were sent by both houses to the army, to make 
propositions for the Irish war ; and the army, on 
its part, appointed deputies to transact for them. 
The deputies having alluded to their grievances, 
which the commissioners assured them, either had 
been, or would be, redressed, next adverted to the 
oflScers under whom they were to serve in Ireland j 
intimating that they desired such as they could 
confide in for talent. The commissioners answer- 

 Ludlow^ vol. i- p. 185, ei seq. Hutchison, vol. ii. p. B7, et seg, 
Clar. vol. V. p. 42, et seq. 'Whitelocke, p. 243, et seq. Rush. vol. vi. 
chap. xiii. Cobbett's Pari. Hist. vol. iii. p. 560, et seq. Baillie, vol. ii. 
p. S57. Berkeley's Mem. p.lUet seq. 


ed, that both houses had fixed on General Skip* 
pon as Commander-in-chiefi and the army seem- 
ed satisfied with him ; but they remarked, that if 
the other general officers whom they were attached 
to— meaning Fairfax and Cromwell, were appoint- 
ed, they would all go to a man. It would appear 
that a great portion of the army engaged in thfs ser- 
vice, but that several of the chief officers were active 
in preventing such a dismemberment of the mili- 
tary force, while certain deputies presented to the 
parliament a vindication from the late charge of be- 
ing enemies to the state, declaring that they saw 
designs entertained against them, and many of 
the godly part of the kingdom. Eight hundred 
and upwards of one regiment consented to go 
upon the expedition, and an ordinance of indem<- 
fiity against civil actions, at the instance of many 
who wished to ruin them whom they could not 
overthrow in the field, was passed. Others fol- 
lowed the example, and a negociation was going 
on with the rest, whom it was resolved to disband, 
if they obstinately declined the service. Had any 
of the distempers been confined to the army, it is 
evident from this that they might have been easily 
quashed ; and indeed it could not be supposed 
that a military body, so limited in number, could 
have ventured to cut themselves off from the other 
classes of the community, without any proper head 
or civil government ; and, had they done so, they 
must have been quickly reduced j but as the two 
parties in the state, of presbyterians and independ- 
ents, were nearly balanced, and each had regarded the 

o 8 


military force as subservient to its own ascendencj, 
it was not likely that the independents were to 
yield to the sinister motions of their adversaries. 
In every case of this kind, there will always be a 
numerous body, who, not entering into the views 
of either party, but steering a middle course, occa- 
sionally throw their strength into the one scale, 
and then into the other, and at this time there 
might be many of this description. By a narrow 
majority had the self-denying ordinance, or the 
new model, been carried ; and it would not have 
been strange that, jealous of an army which had 
been so victorious under leaders of so determined 
a character as Cromwell, they should have desired 
a succession of commanders, and consequently the 
dismemberment of this army, whose victories bad 
given them confidence and union, and the appoint- 
ment of a new body of military which, though in- 
ferior in discipline, would, now that the king's 
forces were disorganized, be sufficiently qualified 
to keep down fresh insurrections, while the men, 
lately drawn from their civil employments, would 
not acquire the habits necessarily engendered by 
such a brilliant careen But, on the other hand, 
success had, with the nation at large, and even 
with a great portion of the parliament, given 
such a character to the independents, that, as has 
been said, we must account for their being out- 
voted, to the great accession of new members, from 
the west particularly, who joined the presbyterians, 
to overpower aparty that had overcome them in war* 
The return of peers, on paying a composition. 


pcoduced* a nimilair efiect in the upper bouse ; \mt 
the country in general supported the independents, 
who,— i-as they perceiyed that the object of the pres^ 
hyterians waa their ruin, and that they would, after 
the dissohxtion of this army, and the levying a£ 
another, be enabled, by coalescing with the Scots, 
to bear down all c^positioo^-^^set every engine 
to work to stir up the army to second their views* 
The military, therefore, thus encouraged, regukr- 
ly appointed from every troop deputies, or, as they 
were eaUed, adjatators, (a word which has been 
eonverted into agitators,) and were prepared to 
eapitulate in an organized, and consequently a most 
dMgerous form. Ireton was understood to be the 
man employed to embody the complaints in wri- 
ting, and the papers do credit to his talents* The 
&naticism ascribed to the soldiery no where ap- 
pears in these productions; and it is extraordi^i 
nary that the military do not object to the presby- 
terian establishment, but merely to the intolerance 
which accompanied it. With a limited presbytery 
they would have been satisfied j but this did not 
soit the ambitious views of the opposite party ; and 
it is not unlikely that many urged on the distinc- 
tion between ecclesiastics, in order to render the 
difEerence irreconcilable. The most implacable 
enemy to the independents Vfm HoUis, who soon 
forgot, in discomfiture, the views he set out with, 
while he stood near the head of the triumphant 

Some remarks which fell from Cromwell at this 
time were afterwards supposed to indicate the 


views of aggrandizement which he subsequently 
realized. He observed to Ludlow how unfortunate 
it was for them to serve a parliament or public 
body, as the strictest integrity no more secured 
them from obloquy, than the most meritorious ser- 
vice gained them reward ; but that a general could 
at once both appreciate and reward merit. When 
too, one of the petitions from the army arrived, and 
produced great dissatisfaction in the house,- he 
remarked,. " these fellows will never be quiet till 
the soldiers pull them out by the ears." — What 
with his interest in parliament, and the great abi- 
lities of Ireton, joined to his own, he had, in this 
troubled period, when Ireton had become the or- 
gan of the soldiers, obtained an ascendency be- 
yond that of Fairfax himself; but it does not ap- 
pear that the latter ever objected to the measures, 
and the documents under his own hand distinctly 
establish that, whatever might be his sentiments 
afterwards, they at this time did not fall short 
of those of Cromwell. Though that individu- 
al, however, might possibly now begin to en- 
tertain very ambitious views, yet the construc- 
tion afterwards put on insulated remarks was pro- 
bably erroneous, and a man of integrity, in call- 
ing to mind past occurrences, may, in his anxiety to 
discover some proofs of a latent purpose, allow 
his prepossessions to give a turrt to words which 
they would not have borne, and even uncon- 
sciously to modify the words themselves. Most 
certain it is, that neither the statesmen who acted 
with him, nor the very officers who were engaged 


in the present business suspected his designs. It is 
alleged, too, by the presbyterian party, that he af- 
fected the utmost grief and indignation at the 
present proceedings of the military j but he appears . 
to have, at this time, steadily adhered to his party, 
indeed he could not otherwise have kept his 
ground, — and his party were averse to the disband- 
ing, which was intended to transfer the sword to 
the presbyterians. At the same time it is not un- 
likely that he both expressed and felt indignation 
at the first symptoms of mutiny : he might even 
expect to be sent to Ireland ; but as the rash and 
violent proceedings, instigated by Hollis, roused 
the soldiery and their supporters, so a fresh plot 
against Cromwell himself, necessarily taught both 
him and his party, that they had no security but 
in preserving the army. Hollis and the presbyte* 
rian party, who had long aimed at his destruction, 
secretly concerted, before the appointment of ad- 
jutators, to send him to the Tower, on a general 
charge of instigating the troops to mutiny, though 
without the knowledge of any particular fact which 
could justify such a measure, — ^in order that they 
might the more easily break the army during his 
confinement ; and he having received- intelligence 
of it, immediately departed for the camp, when his 
enemies forbore to shew an intention which they 
could not execute. 

Thus matters proceeded, and an order was issued 
to disband the army, allowing eight weeks* pay 
instead of fifty, which was due ; but the soldiery 
were, at the same time, charged with an intention 


of conspiring with the king ; and certain intercept- 
ed letters to bim from Asburnham seemed to con* 
firm tbe idea : that individual also advised his ma»- 
jesty not to close with the parliament at this junc^ 
ture } for, that as peace had been concluded be- 
tween France and Spain, leisure would be affi>rded 
to foreign states to pour in 50,000 troops for the 
recovery of his throne ♦. 

When the mutinous state of the army became 
terrible to the parliameut, and particularly to the 
presby terian party, a proposal wa& made by Massey 
to raise another army immediately, in order to dis- 
band the present troops by force ; while petitions, 
from various quarters for an immediate accommo* 
dation with the king were encouraged. Each 
party now evidently hoped, by a coalition with the 
monarch, to obtain ascendency in the state ; and 
as the military believed that, unless they prevent* 
ed it by a decisive step, they should see him at the 
bead of a fresh army, through a coaliticm between 
h]m» the cavaliers, and the presby terians, they, 
formed the resolution of frustrating such a purpose, 
by taking possession of his person. According to 
i^T^'^ this resolution. Cornet Joyce, with a party of 500^ 
King't per- proceeded to Holdenby house and demanded his 
lies him to" majesty from the commissioners. They, amazed at 
M Jm^* the demand, asked by whose authority it was made ? 
i«47. Joyce, and his brother officers, replied, by the army, 
and insisted on being admitted to Charles. Access 

* Rush. vol. vi. ch. xiii. Hollis' Memoire. Clar. vol, v. p. i2, e^*cj. 
Ludlow^ Hutchison, Whitelocke, p. 248. 


having been allowed, his majesty put the same ques^ 
tion, and received a similar answer. He obtained an 
assurance, however, of personal protection, and 
then retired to rest. Next morning the king again 
demanded by what authority he was to be carried 
away ; asking, at the same time, for Joyce's com- 
mission ? Joyce pointed to his soldiers, and told 
him these were his commission ; Charles smilingly 
remarked, ** that it was as well a written one as he 
had ever beheld — ^a company of handsome proper 
gentlemen as he had seen a great while/' Ac^ 
companied by the commissioners, he then proceed* 
ed to the army. The military excused themselves 
for this act, by alleging that they had received in- 
timation of a design to surprise the king, and de- 
claring that they could not be contented with the 
payment of arrears, unless they were assured that 
their present enemies should not be their future 
judges. In the meantime, a guard was put upon 
Charles by Col. Whaley, for the purpose, as it was 
said, of preventing a new war *. 

The city of London having begun to raise a 
force for the purpose of opposing the army, the 
latter determined to march towards the metropo- 
lis ; and a long petition, which struck directly at 
the authority of both houses, was presented from 
Fairfax and his soldiers, to purge the parliament. 

Matters had now arrived at such a crisis, that 
the army, supported by a great proportion of the 

• Rush. vol. vi. p. 503, ei seq* Whitelocke, p. 250, et seq, Ber- 
keley, p. 11—13. 


community, began regularly to dictate to parlia* 
ment in affairs of government — as that the repre- 
sentation should be more equal ; the present par- 
liament quickly determined, and another appoint- 
ed, while a biennial law should be passed to secure 
a frequent change. They also insisted that the 
lower house should be purged of those malignant 
members who had opposed the parliament during 
the late war ; and they brought a charge against 
eleven members, of an attempt to overthrow the 
rights of the people, and for that purpose unjustly 
to break the present army, and raise a fresh one. 
Charge by Thesc wcrc HolHs, Stapleton, Lewis, Clotworthy, 

the army -»«- -r tti i 

against the Waller, Maynard, Massey,Glyn, Long, Harley, and 

members. Nichols. On the Other hand, the presbyterian 

party mustered all their force ; and as the common 

council of London supported them, matters seem- 

ed to tend to a second war. 

The proceedings of the army had been conduct- 
ed with uncommon ability; and their moderation, 
in so far as moderation was compatible with their 
.interference at all, was remarkable. Their profes- 
sions for public liberty, too, were great, and while 
their friends were numerous in all quarters, several 
counties, as Bucks, openly declared their approba- 
tion of their conduct. They, therefore, advanced 
to St. Albans with a manifestation to approach to 
London itself; and though some of the impeached 
members were for meeting the issue, yet as the rest 
insisted they should all retire, they complied. Far 
from attempting further opposition, the parliament 
proposed an act of oblivion ; and the common council. 


abandoning their measures, addressed them in the 
character of arbitrators in the state. The new le- 
vies were laid aside, and fresh commissioners were 
Sent to treat. By an ordinance of 4th May, the mi- 
litia of London had been transferred from the inde- 
pendent party, of whom the late lord mayor was 
one ; but it was now restored to the former commis- 
sioners. Having been thus gratified, the army 
obeyed an order not to advance further. But soon Tumults 
after, tumults were fomented, and a large body^"^^*^!^ 
of the seditious having entered the lower house, **>«*i^«"' 

- , . to leave the 

forced it to vote at their pleasure. The mem- houses of 
bers of the independent party now conceived them- Sa teke"re- 
selves no longer safe ; and the speakers of both a^y.^^t^ 
houses, attended with nineteen members of the ^^^y* i^*'''- 
higher, and a hundred of the lower, went to the 
army at Hounslow-heath to demand its protection. 
The military rent the air with acclamations, and 
gave to this body the respect due to both houses 
of parliament. 

The members who had not seceded now met in Proceedingt 
either house, conceiving that this was the time tol^nec!"* 
carry those measures in which they had hitherto 
been frustrated by the independent party. Mr. Pel- 
ham was elected speaker of the lower house ; Lord 
Willoughby of the upper. The eleven members were 
recalled ; and with little opposition was it voted, 
thattheking should come to his parliament with ho- 
nour, freedom, and safety; and that the order which 
had passed on the 24th for putting all land forces 
under Sir Thomas Fairfax, gave him no power 
over the trained-bands or garrisons. They ap- 


pointed a committee of safety, in which were includ- 
ed the eleven members, with powers to grant com- 
missions to commanders of horse and foot. They 
voted that the commanders of the city militia should 
be esnpowered to punish all who did not repair to 
tlieir colours, and that the master and assistant of 
the trinity-house should arm all the seamen whom 
they could find. Massey was appointed general, 
and he immediately summoned all the reformadoes, 
&c. then fit for the occasion, measures having been 
taken to form them into regiments. Disposed to 
carry his new commission to its utmost height, he 
immediately attacked the inhabitants of South wark, 
who petitioned to be put under separate command, 
as well as others who petitioned for composing 
Theanny matters, and wounded and killed several. But 
Loudon and this tumult was short-Hvcd : the army marched 
J^^^* to the city, and resistance was abandoned. The 
**• ^'Jg^y common-council likewise sent a message to Fair- 
fax, that, as they understood the object was to re- 
store the secluded members, they were ready to 
concur in the measure. The general answered, 
that a declaration lately published, wherein the sol- 
diers were charged as the authors of the present con- 
fusion, should be recalled ; that the impeached mem- 
bers should be deserted, and the militia relinquished; 
that the forts and line of communication, and 
other forts, should be delivered up : that the new 
forces should be disbanded, and the other works 
demolished ; that the guard should be withdrawn 
from the parliament, and such a guard of horse 
and foot as he thought proper to appoint be re- 


ceived within the lines ; and, lastly, that his 
anny should be allowed to march through the 
city without interruption. These demands were 
not to be resisted; and such was the excellent 
discipline of the army, that in its march through 
the city it did not offer an insult to an indi- 

The two speakers, and the seceding members, 
were conducted with great pomp to Westminster, 
where they resumed their seats. Measures of a 
very opposite nature from those lately adopted 
were now taken. The proceedings of the army 
were ratified, and Fairfax appointed generalissimo, 
with power to place and displace oiSicers at dis* 
cretion, as well as to annihilate the London niili« 
tia. But matters did not termuiate there. He 
was nominated constable of the tower, with au* 
thority to name his deputies ; and empowered to 
appoint a guard for the parliament. Thus, in their 
anxiety to escape from one evil, did the two 
houses expose themselves to another. F^rfax 
was invited to receive the thanks of both houses ; 
a committee was enjoined to discover the persons 
coQcemed in the late tumults, and the promoteis 
of the association declared against by the house on 
the 24th of July. TTaey were likewise instructed 
to inquire who had raised any force in mainte- 
nance of that engagement. All reformado sol- 
diers and officers were commanded to depart from 
London, and ordered not to come within twenty 
miles of the town. The 12th of August was or- 
dained to be kept as a thanksgiving day for re- 


Storing the members without the efiusion of blood, 
and a month's pay given to each non-commission- 
ed officer and soldier, as a gratuity for their meri- 
torious services. Acts of indemnity were passed 
in favour of Southwark, and the forces in Hert- 
fordshire and Kent ; while thanks for joining Sir 
Thomas Fairfax's army were bestowed upon them. 
On the other hand, Sir John Maynard, and Sir J. 
Glyn, were dismissed the lower house for being 
accessory to bringing the restraint upon it. Sir 
John Gayre,' the. lord mayor, one of the sheriffs, 
and four aldermen, were committed to the tower, 
on a charge of high treason, while impeachments 
for levying war upon the kingdom were also voted 
against the Earls of Suffolk, Middlesex, and Lin« 
coin, and lords Willoughby of Parham, and Hut- 
tingdon *. 
Kfflg*»ne. During this time the king was not idlej and 
could he have only been steady to any one prin- 
ciple, with a resolution to make certain conces- 
sions, he might have succeeded in recovering a 
considerable share of power. Far from wishing 
to suppress monarchy at this juncture, the army 
would have restored him on better terms than the 
presbyterians. The utmost personal respect was 
paid to him ; he was allowed to indulge himself 
in the English ritual, which was so strongly de- 

• Cobbet'fl Pari. Hist. vol. iii. p. 724, et seq. Old Pari. Hist. voL 
XV. p. 330, et seq* xvi. p. 70, et seq. Whitelocke, p. 240, et seq. 260, 
et seq. In page 248, the reader will find the motives of Hollis and 
his friends fully developed, and also the line of policy pursued by 
Cromwell and his friends. Rush. vol. vii. p. 738, et seq. 



nied before ; instead of the seclusion under which 
he was obliged to live in the Scottish army, he en- 
joyed at all times the free access of bis friends, 
while the independent party also recommended 
great moderation towards the royalists*, and every 
regard to the king's pretensions which was com* 
patible with general liberty. Sir John Berkeley and 
Mr. Ashburnham, who had been dispatched by 
the queen to promote a firm union with the army, 
not only returned to the king, but resided con- 
stantly with him. As the negociations proceeded, 
proposals to the following effect were drawn by 
Ireton, to be laid before the king for his approval, 
previously to their being transmitted to parlia- 
ment : — That there should be a law for biennial 
parliaments, or, in other words, for summoning a 
parliament every second year ; and that, after it 
bad sat fourteen days, it should be adjournable or 
dissoluble at the royal pleasure ; but that a better 
appropriation of members to the numbers of the 
Community should be adopted, and the freedom of 
elections fully provided for : that a council of state 
should be immediately appointed for such a term. 

* Ludlow, vol. i. p. 192, et seq. Berkeley's Mem. p. 3, et seq, 
Huchinson's Mem. vol. ii p. 113. Herbert; p. 25, et seq. Clar. vol. 
V. p. 50. Though a guard was put upon Charles, the reader must not 
sappose that he ever was, either at Newcastle, Holdenby, or now, 
confined to any house. He was not only allowed the various amuse- 
ments and exercises of bowling and the like, but rode about at his 
pleasure, while the guard kept at a respectful distance. '* Sir Ro- 
bert Pye, a colonel in the army, now supplied the place of equerry, 
riding bare before him whenever he rode abroad." Lud. voL i. p. 
193. He hunted too. Whitelocke, p. 267. 



not exceeding seven years, as should be agreed 
upon; and that during their appointment, the 
fnembers should not be removable except for 
malversation : that the king might, authorized by 
the advice pf his council, summon a parliament be- 
twixt the biennial parliaments, provided it did not 
disturb the course of biennial elections ; but that 
the biennial parliaments were to appoint commit- 
tees, which should manage such business as might 
be committed by one parliament, at its rising, till 
the assembling of another. These proposals also 
vindicated the house of commons from any pro- 
ceedings against them by the peers, and provided 
perfect iffivmnity from any censure for what passed 
)p the bouse : there was a provision, too, regarding 
the judicial power of the houses, and that no parr 
doj?, jiflter judgipent, should be granted by the 
l^ing without the consent of parliament. It was 
priQyidfd 9]$o, that grand jurymen should be ap- 
pointed ^^cprding to a division of the counties, in^ 
stead pf being eligible at the discretion of under^ 
sheriill I That the militia, with the power of rais- 
ing money for its support, and every thing regard- 
ing it, should be under the power of parliament for 
ten years, and that, in the meantime, a sufficient 
fund for the support of the present establishment 
should be provided, and commanders be immediate- 
ly nominated ; that the great officers of state should 
be nominated by the first biennial parliament, and 
should continue under the nomination of parlia- 
ments for the next ten years, after which, on any 
vacancy, three shpuld be nam^d, pf whom his oi»- 


je$ty should choose one. But it was particularly 
provided, that pone of the cavaliers, or such as bad 
borne arms against the parliament, should be ell* 
gibile for five years : that all declarations against 
the parliamentary party should be recalled ; and 
that grants of peerage, since May, 1642, should he 
made void, while no peer should be thereaftw 
created without the consent of both houses* The 
ordinance for taking away wards was to be con* 
firmed ; the cessation with Ireland declared null ; 
and the prosecution of the war transferred to both 
houses. All coercive power and jurisdiction were 
to he withdrawn from the ecclesiaatical courts, as 
well as the authority of bishops ; and ministers 
paid by a mode less oppressive than by tithes. But 
episcopal government did not seem to be altoge- 
ther objeeted to, and it was provided that the cove- 
nant should not be enforced* There were some 
minor provisions stipulated for; but the number 
of persons excepted from pardon was reduced to 
seven, unnamed, and that more with a desire to 
imply the justice of the cause, than to inflict pu- 
nishment on their opponents *. 

These propositions were much milder than those 
which had been tendered to Charles before the 
commencement of the war ; when Denzil Hollis^ 
who now denounced the independent party as anti^ 
monarchical, as levellers of ranks, and subverters 

* Berkeley's Mem. p. B2, et teq. Rush. yoL vii. p. 731^ et seq. 
Old Pari. Hist. vol. xtL p. S10> et. seq. Gobbet's^ toI. liL p. 73T, 
ft seq, WhitelocVc, p. 269. 

H 2 


of every constitutional principle, was not only ac- 
tive in promoting the harshest terms, but declared 
that he abhorred the very word accommodation. 
Never, it has been well remarked, were terms so 
mild proposed to a conquered prince, and (though 
it is easy to conceive that the military command- 
ers might abuse their trust) nothing short of them 
could have secured the safety of those who so late- 
ly opposed him *. 

But, far from yielding to these terms, Charles 
only meditated a fresh war upon his people. Dif- 
ferent parties courted him, and he flattered himself 
always that, while he ran no risk either in his per- 
son or regal dignity, he might, with the assistance 
of one, subdue the rest, and rise on the wreck of 
all. The presbyterians, dreadfully alarmed that 
peace should be concluded by any party but them- 
selves, were busily intriguing with him, while the 
Scottish commissioners, to gain him, secretly pro- 
mised great assistance. And, at this time, accord- 
ing to Clarendon, was laid the foundation of the 
famous engagement f . The Marquis of Ormonde, 
having visited England by the permission of par- 
liament, and obtained access to the king, also un- 
dertook to engage the catholics of Ireland : and 
Lord Capel was instructed by Charles, that, as war 
was probable between England and Scotland, he 
must be on the watch to raise the royalists for the 
vindication of that pure unmixed cause for which 

* Berkeley's Mem. p. «J>--3«. t Clwr. vcd. r. p. 7%, 


hostilities had been first commenced *. His pros* 
pects seemed now better than ever : the army itself 
was ready to fall into pieces ; but his own multi- 
plied intrigues lost all. 

Charles himself, finding that he was courted by 
all parties, and being misled on the one hand by 
the suggestions of Ashburnham, and on the other, 
by the representations of the presby terians, who, 
alleging that they could soon break the army, pre- 
tended to despise it, not only rejected the propo- 
sals, but personally offended the officers. In vain 
had Berkeley urged that never was a crown so near 
lost offered to be restored on such easy terms ; 
that with regard to the exception from pardon of 
seven unnamed individuals, it ought not to form 
an objection, since his majesty could at least make 
their situation comfortable beyond seas ; and that 
* he ought to esteem it an important matter, that 
the army had not positively insisted on the aboli- 
tion of episcopacy, since the late ordinance, unra- 
tified by him on a conclusion of the treaty, would 
fall, and the old law of itself restore the hierarchy* 

When the proposals were formally tendered to 
him for his approbation, before they were trans- 
mitted to parliament, he, not only to the amaze- 
ment of Ireton and the rest, but even of Berkeley, 
to whom we are indebted for the information, " en- 
tertained them with very tart and bitter discourses,*' 
saying that he would have no man to suffer for his 
sake, as he repented of nothing so much as of his 

* CUr. vol. V. p. 71, 72. 



consent to the bill against Strafibrdd, ahd that hef 
must have a special article in favour of episcopa- 
cy, or of the church as it had been established by 
law. With the first they were suflSciently displeas- 
ed, and as for the latter, they answered that it wa:s 
not their province to propose the re-establishment 
of the hierarchy ; that it was enough for them to 
wave that point, and they hoped it was enough 
for his majesty, who had waved it in Scotland. 
He replied, that " he hoped God had forgiven 
him that sin, and repeated often, you cannot do 
without me, you fall to ruin if I do not sustain 
you." They looked with astonishment on Ash- 
bumham and Berkeley, and the latter, as much as 
he durst, on the king, to check this imprudent 
conduct ; but the infatuated prince would take no 
notice of it, " until,*' says Berkeley, " I was forced 
to step up to him and whisper in his ear. Sir, your 
majesty speaks as if you had some secret strength 
and power that I do not know of, and since yoiir 
majesty hath concealed it from me, I wish you 
had concealed it also from those men too.'' Charles 
then changed his tone ; but it was too late ; Rains- 
borough and others, who were the coldeist in the 
negociation, stole away from the meeting, and in- 
flamed the army with the intelligence. " Sir," 
said Iretbn to him on another occasion, ** you have 
an intention to be arbitrator between the parliament 
and lis, and we mean to be so between you and the 
parliament.'* The king afterwards remarked, •* I 
shall play my game as well as I can.*' The other 

HIS^tOaT OF TUk BfllttS^ ElfPIBJ;. 103 

replied^ ** If your majesty have a game to play* 
yott must give us also the liberty to play ours/' 

It is extraordinary that no experience could 
teach Charles and his advisers the great truth, that 
the leaders of a party are merely, the organs for 
expressing its sentiments. But the mistake is th6 
less to be admired in them, from the general adop-^ 
tion of Jt by historians. Ashburnham refused tO' 
treat with the adjutators* calling them senseless fel- 
lows, and declaring it as his opinion that, provided 
the leaders were gained, the army must follow ♦. 

HoUis and his friends, whose eagerness to ci'ush 
Cromwell previous to the self-denying ordinance^ 
had obliged him to push on a change in the mill* 
tary establishment with the utmost resolution, 
again fell into the same fault. Imagining that, 
could they sever him from the army, they might 
easily reduce it, and consequently overwhelm him, 
they secretly concerted to send him, by a vote of 
the bouse, to the Tower, upon a general charge 
of exciting mutiny in the army f : and it is rather 
amusing to observe the language of Hollis, in re- 
gard to the general charge against himself at thd 
instance of the army, when he would have thus 
proceeded against Cromwell, without proof of any 
particular which could warrant the measure. Find-* 
idg that, in the present posture of the lower house, 
he had no security there, Cromwell secretly went 
t4> the army^ which he most heartily joined for his 

• Berkeley's Mem. p. 14. 29, et seq. 

t Ludlow's Mem. yoL i. p. 195, et seq. Hutchinson, vol. ii. p» 111* 


own safety. To save themselves and their patty^ 
Ireton and he were exceedingly anxious for ac- 
commodation with the king, though at first even 
the military doubted that, from their cautious pro- 
ceedings, they were not sincere ; and never had 
the misguided monarch a better opportunity to re- 
cover his throne ; but, as nothing short of uncon- 
ditional restoration to power would satisfy him, he 
soon perceived that they were unapt instruments 
for such a project. He had no confidence either 
in them or the other oflScers, except Major Hunt- 
ingdon, who had been a creature of Cromwell's, 
because they shewed a backwardness in accepting 
of favours from him *, and was displeased that 
though Fairfax kissed his hand, neither Cromwell 
nor Ireton, whose carriage was respectful, but 
distant, seemed disposed to that mark of loyalty t. 
Yet, as they still negociated with him, after the 
disgust taken by Rainsborbugh and his friends, 
and earnestly, as members of the commons t, urged 
the house to accede to the monarch's desire of a 
personal treaty on the proposals of the array, after 
he had rejected the propositions of parliament, 
they fell under a violent suspicion of a design to 
compromise the general cause for their own selfish 
ends. The famous John Lilburn, now lieutenant- 
colonel of a regiment, having been committed to 

* This^ which rests on the authority of Berkeley^ appears to me 
decisive ; and we may easily judge what credit is due to the charge of 
Huntingdon against Cromwell^ and his statement after the resto- 
ration. Berkeley, p. 17. 

t Clar. vol. V. p. 52. 

i The reader need scarcely be reminded, that Cromwell returned 
freely to parliament after the army removed his enemies. 


Newgate for publishing a seditious book, was con- 
fined in the same cell with Sir Lewis Dives, the 
brother-in-law of Digby, who, conceiving it to be 
for the king's advantage to sever Cromwell from 
both parliament and army, zealously infused into 
the mind of his fellow-prisoner suspicions of his 
having been bought over, as if he had received his 
intelligence from his friends about the king ; — and 
Lilburn daily published pamphlets on the subject. 
As nothing could be more fatal to the ambitious 
hopes of the presbyterians than an agreement be- 
tween the king and the army, they most eagerly 
inculcated the charge ; and Cromwell himself told 
Berkeley that he had traced a story to the Countess 
of Carlisle, a presbyterian — that he had been pro- 
mised the vacant title of Earl of Essex, and the 
post of commander of the guard ; and that her 
ladyship had alleged she had received her intelli- 
gence from Berkeley himself. By Berkeley we are 
assured of the groundlessness of the story ; but it 
answered the full object of the inventors, in inflam- 
ing the public mind against Cromwell, and also 
against his son-in-law, Ireton, who was likewise al- 
leged to have been bribed, by a promise of the 
lieutenancy of Ireland. 

While they had thus fallen under a general sus- 
picion of betraying the cause, they discovered that 
Charles was himself intriguing for their destruc- 
tion, as well as to involve the nation again in blood. 
" Cromwell himself," says Clarendon, " expos- 
tulated with Ashburnham, that the king could not 
be trmted^ that he had no affection and confidence 


in the army, but was jealous of them^ and of all 
ihi officers ; and that he had intrigues in the par- 
liamenti and treaties with the presbyterians in the 
city to raise new troubles ; that he had a trdaty 
concluded with the Scottish commissioners to en- 
gage the nation again in blood, and therefore be 
would not be answerable if any thing fell oot 
amiss */' It is remarkable that Clarendon, far 
, from denying this charge against his master, com 
firms it by his own relation of affair^. 
Mutiny in Iti the meantime, the suspicion against Cromwell 
tht umj. ^^^ Ireton, who had been a little before accused of 
slowness by the army, was now so violent, and the 
indignation of the soldiers at the king's intrigues 
so great, that a spirit of mutiny^ and desire of a 
republican form of government, rapidly spread 
trough the ranks ; and part conceived the idea 
of carrying through their designs without either 

* That Cromwell and Ireton^ as well as Fairfax^ seriously desired 
accommodation^ till tbey saw through the king's treachery^ cannot^ I 
thinks be doubted : but I conceiye that it is sufficiently clear^ from 
this and other matters^ that Cromwell was true to his priiiciples ai 
this time; and that Mrs. Hutchinson's account^ that he would not 
stoop to dissimulation at this juncture^ is quite correct. £yen Berke- 
ley informs us, that the story of the earldom was an inrention. In- 
deed the parliament had passed an ordinance for making him a baron^ 
with L.2,5Q0 a year ; while Fairfax's father was to be created an earl. 
Clarendon's testimony is in unison with Berkeley's in this respect. 
Penzil Hollis only refers in support of his to an anonymous pamphlet^ 
and probably the production of Lilburn^ who was purposely misled 
by Dives. Berkeley^ p. 39, et seq, Baillie the dirine writes on IStb 
July, 1647, to his kinsman, that " no human hope remained, but in 
the king's unparalleled wilfulness, and the army's umneasurable 
pride/' Tol. tL p. 855. Glar. vol. v. p. 75, 76. Whitelooke, p. 95^ 


king or pat liam^nt. These were called levellers $' 
but though .tiieir enemies industriously tried to 
impute the absurd pi*oject of equalizing property^ 
all that th\gy ever proposed was to withdraw the 
exclusive privileges of the aristocracy, particularly 
in l^al proceedings. They, however, desired, sB 
an inherent right of the people, that the parliament 
should end in September next, atid the first biennial 
parliament begin : That the representatives of th6 
people, whos^ power should only be subordinate to 
that of their constituents, should be equally chosen 
according to a fair arrangement of the population i 
and have full authority in all inatters of legisla* 
tion, peace and war ; but that they should have 
no power over the consciences of men, or to im-^ 
press any individual into the service of the state« 
Whatever, in the abstract, might be said of the 
propositions thus drawn down, either in whole or 
in part, the mode in which that portion of the army 
which entertained them, was disposed to act, threat- 
ened that ruin to the army which Charles had re* 
lied upon. By a coalition with the king, the army 
tnight, acting with a party in parliament, have 
forced the remainder into compliance, . as, by the 
support of the parliament, they could subdue the 
king; but the idea of standing alone, without 
the support of either, or even of any consi- 
derable portion of the people, could not fail to 
prove fatal. Besides this, however, the greater 
part of the army, though it might be poisoned 
with the notion of Cromwell and Ireton's treach- 
ery, was disposed to adhere to the parliament; 


and, therefore, the other portion,^ had the soldiers 
concurred with the adjutators, which, generally 
speaking, they did not, (for the adjutators spoke 
their own language ratlier than that of their con- 
stituents^) must soon have been obliged to suc- 
cumb. The madnes3, too, with which Lilburn's 
regiment had proceeded, prognosticated general 
dissolution. The soldiers had driven away all their 
officers above a lieutenant, excepting a Captain- 
Lieutenant Bray. — This insurrection dreadfully 
alarmed Cromwell and his party, who perceived 
the ruin with which it was pregnant ; and he, who 
had the greatest reason to suppress it, as it had 
arisen from a jealousy of himself, went down at 
the desire of the commons to quell it The gene- 
ral (Fairfax) and his council of officers, ordered 
a rendezvous of a division of the army between 
Hertford and Ware : the regiments ordered were, 
of horse, the general's,Colonel Fleetwood's, Colonel 
Rich's, and Colonel Twisel ton's— of foot, the ge- 
neral's. Colonel Hammond's, and Colonel Pride's. 
But, besides these, there appeared, contrary to or- 
ders, but by the seduction of the adjutators. Colonel 
Harrison's ^nd Colonel Lilburn's. 
Mutiny When Fairfax and his staff entered the field, 
?^*rendc2- t^^X obscrved Colonel Eyre and Major Scott to be 
extremely busy in stirring up the soldiers against 
the general. But he having " expressed himself 
very gallantly at the head of every regiment, to 
live and die with them for those particulars which 
were contained in a remonstrance read to every re- 
giment—they, notwithstanding the endeavours of 



Major Scott and others to animate the soldiers to 
stand to a paper, called the agreement of the peo- 
ple, generally, by many acclamations, declared 
their affections, and resolutions to adhere to the ge- 
neral ; and as many as could, in a short time they 
had allowed, signed an agreement drawn up for 
that purpose, concerning their being ready from 
time to time to observe such orders as they should 
receive from the general and council of the army/* 
Eyre and Scott were then committed; and the lat- 
ter, as a member of the commons, sent up to par- 
liament: some inferior persons were also appre- 
hended. But what had yet been done, appears to 
have regarded the regiments summoned to the 
rendezvous ; and it was necessary to subdue the 
other two, of which each soldier had a motto in 
his hat, " England's freedom, and Soldiers' rights.** 
Harrison's, after a stern rebuke by the general, 
owned their fault, tore the mottoes, and, with the 
rest, declared their resolution to adhere to him. 
The majority of Lilburn's, which had driven away 
their officers, also testified their contrition, and 
followed the example set them by the other ; but 
a few refused compliance, and as an example in a 
regiment so mutinous was wished, three of them 
were pulled from the ranks, (no difficult matter, 
when all the other regiments had come under such 
an engagement, and the majority of this had fol- 
lowed the example,) and having been tried by 
court-martial in the field, were condemned to be 
shot. As an example, however, was at this time 
deemed sufficient, the three cast lots^ and the in- 


dividual on whom it fell to suffert was instantlj 
shot at the head of the regioient. Several others 
were afterwards secured for trial to enforce great- 
er awe *. 

Charles was extremely anxious to await the re- 
suit of this rendezvous, expecting that, in the ge^ 
neral confusion, be might be joined by one party ; 
but, when he found his intrigues all detected, and, 
in consequence, his followers restrained, and addi-r 
tional guards put upon bimself^ he determined to 
^ect his escape — a proceeding which had been ear- 
nestly recommended by some of his advisers — that 
be might be ready to set himself at the head of the 
Scots, the Irish auxiliaries, and the cavaliers whom 
he expected to rise in England. But it was a matter 
of deep consideration whither he was to proceed in 
the mean time. The Scottish commissioners had 
indeed made him promises, which, under certain 
circtifustaqces, he confidently expected the fa\SU 
mei)t of; but he was perfectly aware that, how- 
ever they might be disposed to restore him to 
power without any other condition but that of 
their own advancement, yet the great body of the 

• Rush. vol. vii. p. 875, et seq, Whitelocke, p. 278. Cob. Par. 
Hist vol. iii, p. 791. 'Old ParL Hist. voL xvi. p, 333, et seq. The 
f|kr-£Etnied exploit of Cromwell, as recorded by Clarendon, whose misr^ 
presentations on this subject are extremely gross, (vol. v. p. 87.) 
dwindles down to little, when the facts are stated ; and it is rather 
amusing to observe the remarks of Laing on this subject. One wmild 
imaigine from them, that the miraculous powers of Cromwell, who waa 
not even general, could have forced the army not only against its 
own will, but in opposition to the commanders, the parliament, and 
all, into any thing. 


people would) in the event of his taking sanctuary 
amongst them^ immediately recur to the proposi* 
tions which he had formerly refused, and which 
were infinitely harder than those which had been 
tendered to him by the army. His hope of 
Scotch assistance depended upon their hatred of 
the puritans, and their expectation of recovering 
more than their former influence in England ; so 
that while the parties were mutually destroying 
each other, he might step in upon a^n exhausted 
country, and regain every thing he had lost. He 
even at one time thought of going to London ; and 
a vessel, which, however, did not appear, is said to 
have been expected upon the coast to afford him an 
opportunity of either proceeding to Ireland to set 
himself at the head of the catholics, or of retiring 
to the continent till the factions in Britain were 
mutually exhausted. He at last, however, deter- 
mined on taking refuge in the Isle of Wight. Hav- 
ing resolved upon flight, he ordered relays of 
horses, and, on the evening of the 11th of No- King 
vember 1647) escaped in company with Ashburn*^ HamptoD. 
ham and Legge. In passing through Windsor ^^\^4^ 
forest, in the evening, which was dark and tem- 
pestuous, they lost their way, and with diflSculty 
recovered it ; but having arrived next morning at 
the seat of the Earl of Southampton, Ashburnham 
and Berkeley, who had joined them, were dis- 
patched to the Isle of Wight to intimate to Ham- 
mond the governor his majesty's resolution. Ham- 
mond was a confidant of Cromwell, having, through 
his interest, married the daughter of Hampden ; 



and when the intelligence was communicated to 
him» his colour went, and a violent trembling 
shook his frame, while he exclaimed, in agony, 
" Oh, gentlemen, you have undone me in bring- 
ing the king into this island, if you have 
brought him ; and if you have not, I pray let him 
not come ; for what between my duty to him, and 
gratitude for this fresh obligation of confidence, 
and the discharge of my trust to the army, I shall 
be confounded/' Berkeley, justly alarmed, wish- 
ed to recede from their purpose while it was yet in 
their power; but Ashburnham, more sanguine, de- 
termined to persist; andthey,therefore,endeavoured 
to prevail on Hammond to enter into an engage- 
ment ; but he declined any thing more explicit than 
thefoUowing — "thathe was subject to the command 
of his superiors, but that he believed the king relied 
upon him as a person of honour ; and he engaged 
to conduct himself as such." Charles had himself 
instructed his two servants to insist upon an en- 
gagement not to deliver either himself or his at- 
tendants up to parliament ; and Ashburnham and 
Berkeley ought instantly to have left Hammond, 
and returned to the king with the intelligence ; but 
instead of this, they agreed to carry Hammond to 
him. When they returned to Charles, and told 
him what had passed, as well as that Hammond 
was in attendance, he struck his hand upon his 
breast, and exclaimed, "Oh, you have undone 
me : I am now made fast for ever." Ashburnham 
now perceiving his mistake, burst out into passion- 
ate, but vain lamentations, and proposed instantly 


to assiesinate Hammond, who had not come una1> 
tended with military force. But, upon this, the 
king put a decided negative, remarking, that << the 
world, would say that he had trepanned and taken 
the life of a man who had come upon his invitation 
to do him service/' Hammond was therefore ad- 
mitted } but he would do no more than repeat his 
general engagement to act honourably in the dis- 
charge of his duty ; and Charles accompanied him 
to the Isle of Wight. 

The royal flight spread general consternation ; MeMum 
and parliament immediately passed an: ordinance liament on 
threatening all, as traitors, with loss of life, andt^^g"^, 
confiscation of goods, who harboured his person, **^' **^ 
without immediately revealing the circumstance to 
the two houses ; commanding the dwellings of all 
who had been engaged in the late riots, or who 
had shewn hostility to the army, to be immediately 
searched, and all who had borne arms against the 
parliament to retire to the distance of twenty miles 
from London: and ordering, at the same time, 
all the ports to be shut. Letters from Hammond 
restored tranquillity ; but a vote was immediately 
passed for confining the king's person in Caris- 
brook*castle *, 

It was not the intention of Charles by his flight 
to break ofi^ correspondence with Fairfax, Crom- 

* Berkeley's Mem. p. 48> et seq, Herbert^ p. 36^ ei seq. Clar. 
▼oL ▼. p. 77, et seq. Ludlow, vol. i. p. 214, et seq. (Old Pari. Hist, 
vol- xvi. p. 324, et seq. Cobb. vol. iii. p. 785, et seq. Whitelocke, 
p. «7«, 279. Hutchinson, vol. ii, p. 117, 118. Rush. vol. vii. p. 871, 
ei seq. 



w^l, and Ireton, while he continued hii negoci»* 
tion with the Scottish oommimonerSr who were 
admitted to his presence. Sir John Berkley wairi 
dispatched to the general and the other twt>, ^k 
letters from the king, a»d also from Hammond ^ 
but be soon perceived that nothing was to be ex^ 
pected from that quarter. Fairfax, in a full tssem^ 
hly oi* officers, told him, th^t it did not become 
tihem to decide on such a business ; but that the 
letters should be transmitted to the parliament, tcr 
which matters of that kind exclusively belonged. 
Cromwell and Ireton likewise gave him a cold re« 
ception, and treated the letters from Hammond 
with contempt Berkeley informs us, tfasat he re^ 
tired to his lodgings ^1 of mortification; but 
about midnight he received notke from a general 
officer, probably Watson, thci scoutmast^r^gehera}, 
that Cromwell and Ireton were reconciled vtith 
the army, through the mediation of the faknmis 
Hugh Peters; that all idea of accommodation 
with Charles was dropt ; and that there was even 
an intention to bring the king to trial *. 

* We shall not withhold the information Berkelejr says he obtained^ 
though there is every reason to believe either thftt he had been de- 
celved^ or that^ is his Memoirs were drawn up for a purpose^ he, 
whose faculty at invention was considerable, had embellished.— That 
the army was so indignant at the king, that a resolution was formed 
to bring him to trial, and that it was not even in Cromwell's power 
to save him; that, no doubt, «t the late rendezvouB, CrotnWell 
had appeared triamphant, and that an opinion had thence been 
formed that the disaffection of the troops was qu^ed ; but that this 
had entirely arisen from the decision with which Fairfax and he had 
acted, in taking the soldiers by surprise ; that they themselves Were 

Th^intalUgi^nce reoeivad by B^rkeleDr did xkiA 
ittt^ him from aen^g a aieisisage to Citm^dtt* 
requesting ati interview, as he had parttcuW lets 

tm Add iaafcrnotioiis for htm ^ biit CromwhU de- 

- 1 

«(Kli amire of' tbo pMtiire: of diiiigi>^ at Ht^y iinagiQfd l^bait Aifi notifia-f 
ooa ^[«nt w^^fCocAmed to a finwiULportipn ^ l^ot tihat^ iis tl^^^ badfiuicp 
(liscovere4 that two-thirds of the a|iuy were determined against a 
kesij with the Icings Cmmweil argued that th^ army would ^vide; 
when s fortioit'wouid join witk die pteiby tet ians^ which wualdporotd 
hi^ ruin ;; ^X}d ^nX, as h^ mly chance of necoverin^ hi^ ipfl^ei^ an4 
popularity was hj yielding to the current, directing what he could 
not restrain, he hnmediately ordered the mtititieerd to be releaseii 
fmconfinemeat; ^dycanftwiiigthftfchebadl^eeaii^idedbyiwi^^ 
Ti^W8>4edi^edthat tbo I^ord ha4n<^w opeqedl^s eyes ; and had^ witl^ 
the assistance of the famous Hugh Petersi, mad^ hjs peape. . Herbe^rt 
says, that his inform^ conjectured the motives of Cromwell t'^. 
If> ft sAq. That Clzomwell tMM. ii6t a^t ^thout tho ^asAiy, iitlf 
tho^ore dep^nd^d^ .on td^ papujl^ty yiUh^ the troops, is j»^ ^pxgX'^ 
tionable truth; but he had. also discovered the intrigues of thp 
kb^ for renewing die war; knd^it was fortuliate fbr him that the 
fliddt ^ thfi tfzniy havlttg : t^kjea thus 4urn, Enabled him to. Att 

aj;iiuist thte lm%i>a hiigh«f fS^^^^» whien ]jie ^se^v^c^'that^t w^s 
impossible to bind him tp condi^tions. The proposition^ drawn h^ 
ireton had. accorded with the feelings of the bulk of the niin- ' 
tasy ; «Bd It is .eVi^Uixt item Bd^eliy*« />wn «talei]al0nt> i)»t Omv^- 
well had never agreed to any other. His character had indeed been 
aspersed with the charge of betraying his trust, for his own promo- 
iSioR ; Jm^iiC iwfwi mes&mxj to xcnlofefthat imfiiitation, 'vvdiich. poaatbl^ 
fifilew aaiiflted in. doing* TH% Imd afciam £efaa his .tFeatinglo6idn^^ 
tet he had n«Sf dboensened thf iniadguos of Ghs^iies, find hp iKould 
mofit Vkdy .aaugn hia GreduHty iis the eause of havj^ng jeo long 
^QOliiiittd the Aegoifiartdop. Had he avowed other ends, he ciwM 
not afierwttcds ha^ne been triiJBt^; and die ^t wodld have ^been 
itt&dedxdown to ua on indifipuiiaUe aiUhorifey. Ludlow, whp wasauf*- 
adently inflamed againat that individual, takes .«p 4}ie story ii^m 
£crke]ey» (with the ;htat«ry of wlhoae memoir he waa unacquainted. 
^\A had it been .trtte, LudJow must liavs ^mt it elaewiisYe; and 
Hutchinson and odiers, wi^se accounts contradict it, mast have 

I 2 ^ 


dined a meetiDg) and it is alleged that he remark- 
ed he would willingly serve his majesty so far only 
as was consistent with his own safety *• 

Berkeley having thus sounded the parties, imme- 
diately acquainted Charles that he ought now to 
take advantage of the freedom allowed him by 
Hammond to effect his esqape; but the other, 
not presuming that his life was in the least hazard, 
disregarded the advice; and while he began a 
treaty with the parliament, he completed his en- 
gagement with the Scotch commissioners. To 
both houses he proposed a personal treaty, offering 
to restrain the power of the bishops, and to resign 
the militia during his reign; to transfer to the 
parliament the appointment of the great officers 
of state ; to take away for a valuable considera- 
tion the courts of wards and liveries } to pass an 
act of oblivion, and to pay up the arrears of the 
army : but his great object was a personal treaty. 
Tmty £n Upou this the parliament sent four propositions, 
with notice, that upon bis agreeing to these^ he 

been vyfrsxe o£ it. When the royal artifices were seen throi^h^ soch 
«8 had n^er unshed accommodation would now hare taken the lead 
in the present temper of the §oldiery, had Cromwell attempted to 
coalesce unjustly with Charles. Berkeley and Ashbun^am followed 
different interests instead of co-operating; and stories were indus- 
triously circulated against the firsts that he was a presbyterian^ in 
order to produce alienation from him in the army. Id. p. 19. See 
Clar. vol. v. p. 34. See an account of Berkeley's Mem. Id. p. 82. 
They were written expressly to be handed about among his friends. 
Ashbumham wrote a narrative also. lb. See character of Berkeley 
in Supplement to 3d vol. of the Clar. Papers^ p. -Ti. 
• Berkeley's Memoirs^ p. 75, 76. 


should be admitted to the personal treaty he de- 
sired. By the first of these propositions^ the mili- 
tia was to be vested in parliament for twenty 
years, with the power even after that of resuming 
it whenever they conceived it necessary for the 
public good. By the second, the king was to re- 
call all proclamations against the parliament^ and 
acknowledge that it had resorted to arms on just 
. and . necessary grounds. By the third he was to 
. annul all acts, as well as patents of peerage from 
the time the seal was taken away from London. 
And by the last, parliament was to have the full 
power to adjourn at pleasure. It is singular that 
these terms were more severe than those which 
had been tendered by the army, and more lenient 
than such as had been ofiered by both kingdoms 
during the king^s residence at Newcastle; and 
yet that during his stay at Newcastle, the presby- 
terians had taken the lead in the negociation. 
The republican party, as it was afterwards styled, 
were anxious that he should. reject the terms; for 
they dreaded, that if once restored to his place, 
he would burst every fetter, and, having regained 
that power which he formerly usurped, glut his 
vengeance with the ruin of his present conque- 
rors. They were not mistaken in his character, 
considering what passed at the very moment with 
the Scotch commissioners. In conjunction with 
them, who protested against the terms as incon- 
sistent with the covenant, he, to gain time, af- 
fected to change the propositions, and substitute 



others^ and particdarly ptoposbd that his ac- 
kiiiowledginent of the justice of the parliament's 
diuse shoilld only be f £6bctual in the event of the 
treaty being successfuL His contmct with iixe 
Bootoh cocamisaioiierfi^ in the meatitiniet was re- 
^ttced to writing, and havii^ hoen wrapped up in a 
isheet c^ lead, was buried by the king in the gar- 
iden, for it was sil^ected that the commissioii- 
ers might be searched on their departure £rom bm 
majesty — that it miglit on their return to London 
be conveyed to them. % this contract^ commonly 
known by the name of the engagement^ he agreed 
to coniSrm the coyewBu&ti to establish thepresby- 
terkn church govemm^it for three years> till it 
should be eith^ revised, or another prepared by 
an assembly of divines J to concur with them in 
extirpating the sectaries, and of ct^iseqiienee 
the present army; dnd to give to Scotland the 
advantages df England in a cominercial view, 
while he admitted them to share in the honours of 
his Eingiish subjects. These terms, it was sup* 
|>c^ed, woiiid «o reconcile the Scots, that an army 
Might h& raised ; bitt it Was fidiy undterstodi 
tktt there was no purpose to keep the coftdj^ions : 
iiie iinderstanding was, that Orm<Mide shmi^ Joitt 
4jbeM w^ith all the forces he could raise ; that 
Mutiro should return with the Scotlfeh army from 
Ireland, and the royalists from all quarters be 
lenlisted under the sam^ banners ; twhfen it was 
hoped that the army might be modelled atcordifig 
to the royri directions, and the sword once again 


fairly transferred to his own person, thus en- 
abling him to resume the power he bad lost *. 

Charles had determined tm an escape from the 
Isle of Wight, that he might set himsdf at the 
head of the intended army ; and, in order to 
conceal his purpose, and delude the commission* 
ers from the parliament, he delivered his answer 
to both houses sealed up ; but they refused to re- 
ceive tin answer in such a manner, and they saw 
through his latent purpose. After some conten* 
tipn, Charles disclosed the purport of his answer, 
and they abruptly departed. An attempt was 
laade at this time to rescue him by open mutiny, 
but, as it failed, it only revealed the designs medi- 
tated : the chief mutineer. Captain Burley, was ar- 
rested ; the guards upon the king redoubled, and 
many of his attendants soon dismissed ; while Co- 
lonel Rainsborough, now appointed vice-admiral of 
the fleet, was ordered to station his ships near the 
island, tp block up all access by sea t. 

It ia impossible to excuse the conduct of Charles 
on this occasion. His arbitrary government had 
inflicted the utniost misery on his kingdoms, and 
driven the people to arms.Jn^^'deifi gnce of their 
privileges. The appe^Hiad been decided in fa- 

 Buniet's Memoiiybf &e Humiltoiw, p. 324, et seq. Clar. vol. 
▼. p. 88, et $eq, ^u&e, vol. ii. p. 28P, et seq. Berkeley's Mem. p. 
80, et seq. Ludlois^^'vol. i. p. 230. 

t Old Pari. Hi^t. vol. xvi. p. 347, et seq. Cobbett's, vol. iii. p. 
f 99> H se^ W^teloc*:e, p. «T8, et seq. Clar. vol. v. p. 8S, et seq. 
Herbert, p. ^9,M seq. 






vour of the parliament, and yet again did he d€>- 
termine to plunge the nations into all the horrors 
of civil war. It is indeed extraordinary that any 
historian should perceive magnanimity in such 
conduct. Nor is it enough to say, that the unfor- 
tunate Charles was reduced to a situation so much 
more humiliating than that of his predecessors, 
since his own conduct, in open attempts to over- 
turn all law, had rendered restraints upon bis pre- 
rogative, which the welfare of the state in former 
ages had not required, now absolutely necessary ; 
,and after being defeated with the loss of so much 
blood in his illegal projects, he ought to have con- 
sidered restoration to his throne, on any terms, a 
proof of moderation. The historian to whom we 
have so often alluded, has ventured to represent 
the custody of Charles as of the severest and most 
uncalled for kind, and the conduct of the governor 
as insolent and overbearing, while he has accused 
the parliament of having deceived the people as 
to his treatment and his cheerfulness. But we 
learn, even from Herbert, his attendant, .and who, 
as one of the keenest royalists, published an ac- 
count of matt§rs_during this period, that every 
means were adopted to1r§Qder his restraint as com- 
fortable as was consistent with^ecuring his person ; 
that till the month of FebruaryVfce had full liberty 
to ride about at his pleasure, whife his attendants 
were freely admitted ; that aboun^e middle of 
February, long after the vote of no itoore address- 
es, and after some attempts at an es^pe» many 
of his attendants, as Ashburnham aw Legge, 


who had been engaged in the army-plots, and his 
chaplains, were ordered to leave the island ; that 
after this he was not allowed to go beyond the 
lines, which were very iextensive, " and sufficiently 
large and convenient for his walking and having 
good air," but that a neat summer-house, which 
commanded a most beautiful prospect, was erected; 
that a large garden was converted into a bowling- 
green for his amusement, Hammond himself hav- 
ing almost daily waited on him to join in the recrea- 
tion } and that, in consequence of this individual's 
unremitting respect and attention, his own fidelity to 
his employers began to be suspected *. The grand 
charge against him by royalist writers was that he 
would not betray his trust by conniving at the 
king's escape t. To Ludlow we are indebted for 
an anecdote of what occurred at this time, descrip- 
tive of Charles's character : — That he one day was 
observed to take great delight in throwing a bone 
to two dogs — that in their struggle for it, he might 
typify the contention of parties for himself t. 

No sooner was it understood in parliament that ^^ l^^ 
the clandestine treaty had been concluded with^J^^** 
the Scots, and that Charles had attempted to ^^ciantion* 

*^ 11th Feb. 

escape, in order to set himself at the head of an- 1646. 
other army, than many of those who had hitherto 
been anxious for accommodation no longer sup- 

* Herbert^ p. 39^ et seg. Hammond was the nephew of the king's 
chaplain^ Dr. Hammond. 
+ See Clar. vol. v. p. 79, et seq. 
X Ludlow^ vol. L p. 232. 


ported him: a resolution was therefoire taken 
to scQcl no further addresses to him ; aqd a decla- 
ration against him, detailing the various miscari- 
riages of his reign, was drawn up. It sets out with 
the secret treaty with Spain i and then nairates 
what had occurred relative to the prosecution o|' 
Buckingham on the charge of having given the 
late king a posset, &c. whidi caused his death. 
In regard to this, the charge is given exactlj 
in the original words : the simple fact is stated, 
that Charles proposed, by his o^n testin^onyv 
to vindicate the character of his sei*vant; and 
that, upon parliament's persisting in their pui> 
pose of impeachment^ the king, to frustrate the 
object, dissolved the parliament ; when Sir Dud^ 
ley Diggs and Sir John Elliot were, for managing 
the impeachment, imprisoned in the Tower. Af- 
terthis simple statement of facts follows this eorh^^ 
cbe remark : ^ We leave the world now to judge 
where the ^It of this remains/' We have already 
delivered our sentiments on this subject; and w€i 
shall only remark here, that though we believe 
Charles to have been innocent, yteU that his con-» 
duct in regard to Buckingham wtas throughout so 
like absolute inMnation, that he had little cause to 
complain of conclusions against himself, when he 
so pertinaciously denied inquiry into a charge 
stated with the utmost circumstantiality. The de- 
claration also adverts to the miscarriages at the Isle 
of Rbee and at Rochelle ; the blood shed in Eng- 
land and Scotland to enforce popish ceremonies, if 


nat to intf6diK» (^tfaolicism itself; the instruc- 
tioDB to Cochxan to make gross mis*8tate|[neots to 
the cofuit of D^nmark^ in which be, with the ut* 
most indelicsicy, . £dsely accuses the parliament 
of an intention to impeach his mother^s chastity 
(a thing of which they never dreamt) that they 
alight disinherit her ofi^ring-#-all . done for th^ 
parpoee of engaging that kingdom to assist him 
with arms to prosecute a civil war. The plots 
figainst the parliament, the Irish rebelli^Mi, &c. wisre 
all eniHnerated, as well as his various acts of dissi«> 
mudation^ wliich last we particularly mentioOi as it 
sdone ought to have prevented Mr. Hume from 
stating, that the charge ^f indneerity against this 
monarch was brought after his death* 

The army seemed fiow to enter heartily into the 
priiunple of suppc^ting pariiament to change the 
govermnent ; and petitions to the same effect were 
received from various quarters ; but, in the mean^^ 
time, the adherents of Charles were not idle in pre- 
paring their party to rise in different quarters, that 
ibey might join the Scots and Irish *. 

« Oid. Ptll. BmL ^ToL&to. p. «83> efseq. Gob. YoL iii. p. 631, 
et w^ I^iallow, vol. L p. 1^1, d^f . Clarifiidon sBys *' Thut €hrom- 
meSl, iMfiire this vote^ ddefaired the king ims a mm of great parts and 
mdcntasicliiig, I^MiiMeB they had hUherfto €Jkideatoufed to hate him 
liMI^ id he wi&iDW^ %iU titot he watt «(> ^al a disfi^ 
« wan, tbatlM Wafrtioi to bemistedy Aftd fhampem r^ated many p»N 
4kKihtt« wliSbirt lie waa in &e airmy^ tibat hia majesty willed that such 
«Bd«iidbJdKiugaiSii^tb64oiie« which being do&e lo gratily him, he was 
flidflitiieA imd ^omplaiiiod of it: That whiist he ^fessed, whh tA 
CMteflSBity, liMt he ttHermd himself wholly to the parUameiit> and de* 
pended only upon their wisdom and counsel for the seltlcment and 


Scottish ftf- The people of Scotland, predisposed against the 
^tS^'to English parliament, impatiently awaited the arrival 
the invaaon of their commissioners, who had, it was believed, 

of Cogland 

under Ha. though they were not authorized to treat, at ' last 
^^^^ induced the monarch to agree to terms consistent 
with their principles, and the supposed benefit of 
their country. The commissioners were, them- 
selves, men admirably calculated for the royal de- 
signs. Lauderdale, the chief of them, had com- 
menced a keen covenanter, but Charles had suc- 
ceeded in his conversion. His temper was dark, 
gloomy, sycophantish, and violent ; bis designs, 
the ofispring mainly of unprincipled ambition. 
I^nerick, like his brother, the Marquis of Hamil- 
ton, veered about from one principle to another, 
steadily influenced by a desire of self-aggrandise- 
ment alone, while Loudon, the chancellor, plung- 
ed in pecuniary difficulties, was easily seduced from 
his integrity by a bribe. 

composing die distractions of the kingdom^ he had^ at the same time, 
secret treaties with the Scottish commissioners^ how he might embroil 
the nation iu a new war^ and destroy the parliament^" vol. y. p. 91. 
From Clarepdon. himself, we learn, that the charge .was true; and 
yet the imputation of insincerity against Charles was of a later growth 
thax his own age. — ^But Ckrendon does not defend him against it. 
No ; because he acknowledges its truth. Other charges, he says, of 
such ab(»ninable actions as had never been heard of, were brought 
forward. lb. It is singular, that Herbert denies that the king knew 
of the intention to rise in Scotland. Had he been deceived by Charles, 
as one not deemed to be thorough enough paced for his confidence ?-* 
But what is most strange, is,^ that he. informs us there was a talk of 
an intercepted letter, so that Roger Coke was not the first to mention 
it. P. 61, et seq. 


But, before proceeding farther, it may be ne- 
cessary to present a picture of the state of parties 
at this time in Scotland. There were three, which 
were known under the names of the rigid pr^sby- 
terians, the moderate presbyterians, and the royal- 
ists. The first, who were headed by Argyle, were 
supposed to incline to a republic, and were at all 
events determined never to restore monarchy, ex- 
cept on certain conditions, while a great proper- 
tion of them approved of bringing Charles to the 
scafibld, though they abhorred the sectarian in- 
struments by which it was accomplished. This 
party embraced a small portion of the chief aristo- 
cracy, (Argyle, Eglinton, CassiHs, Lothian, Ar- 
buthnot, Torphicfaen, Ross, Balmerinoch, Cupar, 
Burleigh, jBalcarras, and it soon obtained the acces- 
sion of Loudon, the chancellor, who, disgusted at 
the violence of the Hamiltons, returned to his prin- 
ciples, and others followed,) the far greater part 
of the clergy, and the majority of the middling 
and lower ranks, particularly in the western coun- 
ties. The second, headed by the Hamiltons, did 
not nominally differ much from the first, except as 
to the last point ; for they affected to adhere to 
the covenant, which necessarily denied authority 
to the monarch, till he complied with the terms 
prescribed for his readmission ; but as the party 
was phiefly composed of the aristocratical portion 
of the community, of whom many had been ac- 
tuated by the hope of places in England, they 
were now willing to restore the monarch uncon- 


dit]onal]y» from tbe prospect of sbaring the favours 
wbieh they presumed would be due to those who 
r^d^red so acceptal^ a service, while tiiey con- 
ceived that they might themselves, in reality, pre* 
serve much of the power which they pretended to 
recover for him. The third party were the royal- 
ists, who avowed the purpose of restoring Charles 
to unmixed despotism, and were now headed by 
Traquair and Calendar*. 

In the first triennial parliament, all the influence 
of the Hamfltons fkiled to accompli^ their object 
of receiving Charles into Scotlsind unshacklied* 
But, when that unhappy prince was seized by the 
army, and the friends of the presbyterians, oif the 
Scottish particularly, (HoUis andother(;) were drlveti 
frcmi the parliament, and the fear was, that the 
sectaries would either agree with the king, or de- 
throne him, and in either case establish themselves 
in power, tixe Marquis of Argyle, ^ho adhered to 
Vane, sank in influence, and a^l^ded his enemies 
an opportunity of depressing him still more, by 
charging him with a purpose to raise himself to the 
chief magistracy. Other circumstances strengthen- 
ed the impression, and as elections for die second 
triiennial parliament approached, the Hamilton into- 
rest, which was supposed at the time to be more 
fevourabie td the hope of constitutional monarchy, 
rose to that height, that their friends prevailed so 


 Burnet's Mem. of the HamUtotis, p. 336. Thwloe's State Papers, 
vol. i. p. 73*4. Baiilie, vol. ii. p. 255 to 260. 281, et seq. 


madb ill electuras zb to obtaih a; preponderatibe. 
This parUaflQent first met oq the 11th of Marchi 
1648 *• . . - ^ . . 

When, thd Etlgli/sh ooinmisluoDeTs retuf tied to 
Scotland, the balk of the p^oplei entertaining the 
idea dmt the Sectaries might be subdued^ and the 
king restored according^ to th^ <^ovenant| eageriy 
inquired into the terms of the engagement ; but the once perceived how treacherondy the 
commissioners had acted. They declared that the 
king had given satisfaction, yet refused to disclose 
the terms, allying that they had come ukider an 
oath of secrecy. ; bnt though this succeeded inrith a 
parliiim^nt i6 well selected for the object, it did not 
m^ the population at lai^ge. Argyle's patty, par- 
tii^lady the: clergy, fcH'e^aw the consequences:—* 
That^ as the tei:a»s could only be concealed because 
they Wi^rie either m themselves hostile to the cove* 
nant, or irtnere never intended to be observed : $o 
the kiogy who had ceiiised to make the i>e(|uisite 
concessiacs to the predbyterian government in his 
lowest fbrtime. 'would never yield to the (X>nditions 
in the hour of triumph, unless the army were com- 
poted of men that could be relied on, as resolved 
to ibrce him into their measures, or substitute ano- 
ther, who would be obedienjt. But that, as the 
old Earl of Leven was, by ill iiiage, obliged to re- 
nounce his place, that Hamilton might have the 

]xe, vol. ii. p. 983^ ei ^eq* Scots Acts^ lately published^ vol. 
vi, p. 889. Walker's Append, to Itdependeocj, p» & Clar. vol. v. 
p. l^i^ et seq. 


chief command, and the royalists were to join him, 
while the subordinate commands were generally 
bestowed on those who would not deem the pres- 
byterian government a primary object, the army 
could easily be modified to the royal wish, when all 
the laws enacted for the security of the subject 
would be abrogated as extorted ; episcopacy re- 
established; and the presbyterians, with their 
leaders and clergy, exposed to the monarch's ven^- 

The clergy, therefore, in their assembly, op^ 
posed the engagement, and the pulpits resound- 
ed with anathemas against its authors and abet- 
tors; but the parliament passed bloody laws 
against those who should attempt to frustrate 
their intended invasion of England, and provid- 
ed for the impressment of troops. On the one 
hand, the poox people were threatened with terri- 
ble temporal penalties for disobeying the parlia- 
ment ; on the other, with eternal damnation if, 
by obedience, they violated the covenant. But 
the clergy soon found to their grief and mortifica- 
tion, that an army could be raised without them : 
Yet a part of the soldiers were impressed into the 
service; and not only were insurrections raised 
against the present proceedings, but Argyle was 
prepared to take the field on the absence of the 
new levied army. To obtain the advantage of 
some experienced commanders, and give charac- 
ter to the expedition, it was proposed to bestow a 
command on David Leslie, and some other great 
officers ; but though they were at first disposed 


toaccept of the places ai^signed, they afterwards 
yielded to the persuasions of the clergy to re- 
Jiounce all part in such an expedition. They 
were probably not: a little, moved by the chief 
command having been obtained by Hamilton*. 

When a nation is determined, on war, it never 
fails in a pretext. A vote was passed in a com- 
mittee of danger, as it was called, which had been 
appwnted by the parliament, to seize Carlisle and 
.Berwick; but the protest of Argyle and his 
friends in parliament, and the interposition of the 
church, stopt the measure till a pretext for the 
act was obtained. The two English royalists, 
Laogdale and Mushgrave, concerted with them to 
.seize Carlisle and Berwick, and it was imme- 
diately alleged that tlie vicinity of these malig- 
nants rendered the general, levy necessary. Ac- 
cording to the pacification, neither country was 
to hegiti war against the other, without due pre- 
monition, and full time for explanation or redress ; 
and, in compliance with this, Hamilton and his 
party made three requisitions to the English par- 
. liament : That the sectaries should be suppressed, 
-the king recalled, and the army disbanded. To 
requisitions so extraordinary, nothing but a refu« 
sal was expected, apd fifteen days only were al« 


* BaiQie^ vol. ii. p. 283^ et seq. Bumefs Memorials^ p. 336, ^ seq, 
Clar. v61.>. p. 144.' Guthrie, p. S09. It wotdd appear that several 
of Argyle's part j, or Argiliana as they were called, were turned out 
of parliament, as having been elected by faction, &c., and the royalists 

^ who had been can^dates, substituted as the duly elected. . lb. p. 813. 

* This arose from the peers sitting in the same house with tho other 


lowed ftir ^^^latiatfan, dft^r ivhich tlie eajtmtdGi 
jsQbitcljr dectafed tbat they meant te ttstore ihp 
kitig aceeMiiig to the eo^^efnant, and adjotnrneiL 
Fart of ifae army imB l^ecalled from Ifetflnd, WMlor 
MdnM Ifke yottnger, hut kries weM vigormmly 
typpdsed 4)y the ehweSii and there mete lewa ris- 
Itfgsi to oppose ^em; but thedei were aeon quelkaL; 
imd as the «oldieTs were drawn out by tsnsfd^ it 
l¥as evident that they either must he joeffieMit m 
war, or become the tools of "a 4[ew leading mm. 
Bnt ^eten ihe officers were jealous, lest the mmscsm 
of the English roydists should give them the 
^ascetideticy, and therefore slackened tiie prepam- 
tidns, that they might be 0i more impoct^mce 
when ihe otftiers b^an to sink under ihe ^war. 
The tetardment would have been pregaaist with 
Oht ruin of 4he causei liad {here otherwise baeaa 
great chance of success, a;s the English iosurMH- 
tiotis were tdmoist ^quelled before the &^tti^ army 
<could take the StML *. 
insurrec Bi Soul9i Wdcs iSto ^Tefiit body ai the ^people 
£ngLd, knew lootMng ofihe English tongtie^ and b» tbe 
gentry^ under whose hiitietice'lliey wer^^imt^aad 
to the royal iside, a considet^le army was speedf- 
iy raised to 4>ppose the parliament, but it ^was won 
defeated by Xi^olonel fiorton. In ordej to-^rewrt 
Cromwell, whose genius was dreaded equally by 
ii^f4iy^ai^»BApmshyj^Ti3^ from faavipig 

lie,>t«L iL^ 98S,^«e7. iottt Af«i JiA^lf f^lMiedj «pL ?i, |tpdu 
vol. vii. p. 1005-47. Guthry^ p. 214^ et seq. 

tion in 

4on, wj^BD :pf ril ^e oSBcf^m Qw\^ rj^cged ciomweii 
&^lm%. «09fi4e»q^ in, because be sif}c§^tfii (^ If^^g^^ 
ftv(Hjr% Igy down Ms .^iaiSI^$$i(»ij ^^^nigg js 
^if i^^foji, lifeiat €rf»»»r^ ^ad^i^jed Jo the }f^ 
to d^py fflie farii^Bwirtt, 0.r\i joiij jyiji^ any p%|fty 
to !*fiwrt :bim $ ^kid ihet he biyd :la«»iily icfeiwg«(i 
.Ws |H?U^y % itbe saogye purpp«^ pf eisiltwg feiiHi- 
.a^9 Ijufujie b^ bad profesa^d p^iicipl«9 at^sgjiii^ly 
j^<^stile tp ^19 p^iiliam^U But tbojugh ^ ci^^;^ 
Kjs 2ip^j(i&Iy t^en up Ji)y gLplU? apd hifi fwty, 
after their return to the lower house, {jCrpm^tfP 
v» afogq4 t4>} feav# :§fip4 tbftt he <»HCf iyecl j|im. 
.$elf fus fi^ qjuali^kd tp gwem .|£^s ^ ^e|thf^ 
Bfllfe pr St%pl#tqnj) :it was^Bp yigpfpusly fwpo^ 

*y ^ jipjdlpppqdeiitjg, ijjQcMQg nmy mp .»w- 

jtsrigi^g^inp J^vowrjJbte P¥«»W^ iflf fiiw^ ♦h^ it ^^^ 
%^;?9:^r :Wi)d J4»gbj)«b jRpj^r,^4*«!Wi» ti^ 

^ >See liifiti]igdoii'4S4;harge In Xkuiloe^a State Ptpcni^ «icdL i. ^ 9i; 

restoia(iony pul^lished wiljh JEIeFJ^t's Mev^irs. "l^hAt both cpp 
tain much truth, there can be no cloubt: but that there is an im-« 
BMQse mkt^e of falsehood, may easily be ^MoetPtainqd Jby 4X)iHatitig 

^^y^L L,^, J53, «5f C;opa.^#„Bon;^ litde t^ne j)^ore th^, i/L a 
secret meeting, declared, that J^ie was not resolved against monardiv^ 
^-tbat ymt^onn <^goyemmmit, or an imstoeratical or^emooratiflal 
^mgf^)^MP9^ VOL th^apweli^ itpa^t^Mf^^fig^ y^l^^ ^^ 
A^ ifstfi d^n^ed^or spQl^ep ^f qg^st.^he f^^g's person^ that |ke 
^w the cuisiLion at Ludlow's he^/ Id. p. ^38^40. * The statem^t 
by Clarendon regarding a council hdd at Windsor a few days after 
A^Jpng'fsflJiJit jfrfiin tile iroj, ,wl^w M .wa? .de,t^i?ai}ngd |o*ring 
lum to trial, must therefore be unfounded* Vpl. ,y. ,p..9g; >3. 



parliament service, and, as one of their officers, en- 
trusted with the custody of Pembroke castle, which 
he now declared his resolution to hold for the king. 
Of a dissipated character, he, while sober in the 
morning, expressed the utmost penitence towards 
the parliament i but, inebriated in the evening, 
he was full of plots in favour of the opposite party. 
Some of Langhofn's regiment had joined Poyer, 
* and Langhorn shortly after his defeat by HortoA, 
followed himself* But they were, speedily shut 
up there by Cromwell, who determined to reduce 
the place *. 
E»iof Lord Goring, now created Earl of Norwich, 
iiuoiKc- hdd gone to Blackheath, expecting to be joined 
*""' by a great party from London j but a tumult in 
the metropolis having been suppressed, those in 
the city who had undertaken to join him durst 
not venture out ; and he, with about 500 of his 
principal men, escaped to the opposite, side of the 
Thames. Disappointed in Kent, he yet raised a 
considerable party in Essex ; but the parliament 
having offered an indemnity to deserters, while they 
thundered penalties against tho^e who continued 
obstinate, thinned his ranks ; and though he still 
retained 4000 soldiers, he was defeated, and soon 
shut up in Colchester. Eresh troops were drawn out 
by the parliament from various shires, and sent in 
different directions. Fairfax was dispatched against 
this party. He was at the time so ill of the gout, 

 Rush. vol. vii. p. 2017. 33, 34, et seq,; 1110, et teq. White* 
locke>' p. 993, erje^. 



as to require one of his feet to be bandaged; but 
his buoyant spirit was as little inclined to yield to^ 
the indisposition of the body, as his dauntless re- ^ 
solution was to be dismayed by danger; and- 
while he was ready to bear all the fatigues of a 
campaign, he always exposed himself in the hot- . 
test of the fight. Wherever he went he was vic- 
torious, and he now sent a trumpet to Colchester, to 
summon the Earl of Norwich, and his associates to 
surrender ; but that individual and h)s chjief offi- 
cers replied by a trumpet, that they wppld cure him 
of the gout, and all his other diseases— an insult 
which equally enraged the soldiery and the g^ne^ 
ral, and for which the others dearly suffered*^ 
But before we give an account of the siege of 
Colchester, we shall take a review of proceedings 
in other quarters. The J^arl of Holland, wbo,Eariof 
with that inconstancy of temper that distinguished ^j^*^'* 
his public conduct^ had raised another body against ****"» ^^ 
the parliament, was defeated by Scroop, and oblig- 
ed to surrender on the bare condition of being 
safe from military execution t. In Lancashire^ 
Colonel Robert Lilburne, the brother of John, 
had with 600 engaged 1000, headed by Sir 
Bichard Tempest, and either taken or destroyed 
thenii^ without the loss of a maq \. Another party 

 Rush* Tol. vii. p. 976. 1055. 1115. 1128, et seq. Whitelocke, 
p. 308, ei seq. Clar. vol. v. p. 131, et seq. 

t Whitelocke, p. 317-20. Clar. vol. v. p. 174f-6. Rush. vol. vii, 
p. 1)87. 

X Id. p. 1175. Whitelocke, p. 317, 


1:34- HISTORY (# Trii: BRirrsn ehfike. 

\^tts dtfeat^d by Cok)bel Hositer^ f^earr Fontefract, 
atod iOOO Hofse^, nearly their whole body, with all 
their bag and baggage taken *. Latfibert, who 
lias sent to ttieet Hafnilton, asr weH as to sappTess 
£iangdal6 and the others, gained considerable suc- 
cess 6ver the latter f; WhUe Cromwell^ flawing 
reduced Pembroke casltle, where w6 left hJm, dis- 
{iatelied some of hh troops to join Lambert, «nd 
prepared to follow himself. 
Hamiitoii's For th^ command of an sixtbff Hamilton dp« 
frl^Tso^t. |rears fo batd been totdiy utiqtialifiedv Mtt^o, 
^'^ who had been recalled frofti Irelatid With dOODrnto, 
followed at a great distaiicev lest he ^m\d b6 mder 
the command of the Eatl ^Calendar; and Hsun- 
itton himself did not forml a juti^tibii with Latig- 
dalcj either through jealousy of hJtn; or Ifear oi? 
disgusting his own nien. An armiy thus disjointed,* 
derived little advantage from numbers ; and sd d^-^ 
feetive wafs Hamilton's ihtelUgence^ th&f Ctom- 
Defeated at ^eil fell upoti Lsmgddle at Prfe'ston, befbre he 
Aug. 17, (Hatniitdn) suspected the approach of M6r€ ihM 
^^^ ft detachment j arid in a sfhOrt lime the ivhote 
ariny 'waii put to a disorderly rout by forcefs scarcely 
k third of thdft nuiaiiben This victory wai folloWeld 
irith fresh siiccess, which, ho^^rever, iiras ae<^!ri})a- 
iiied by the death of a parlistmentary dfficer, Colo* 
nel Thornhaugh, one of the most gallant men of 
the age. Finding himself mortally wounded, he 
felt only interest in the overthrow of the enemy, 

• Whitelocke, p. 318. Rush. yoj. vii. p. 1182| ei seq. 
t Id p. 1148, et seq. 

oeaA eaEf»f«4 with ><^ ^hm victory w^ ^ivmw^ 

Crooiwdll sftlU foUowing up^ %h^ \ikw^ fttMjf 4x«- 
peofged tha aniQr at Al^^ngtoiV. \^]?^ Hm^ltm$ 
wittr cfiany tinmsMd pritfo^er^ fAl mko \kk hmA$^ 
Tiie fagitivea ne€ with Htt)^ qu^itor litfn, th^ f^ouo* 
try pMjde^xn tomtqnenm of tbe ^trcK^ittea ^^bich 
Aey had been gviflty $ ehUdr^i} h^yi»g ^en bfetl 
Ibroed from tbcir parents^ tb^i money might W 
eitorted far their redemptiaPg Munr^ who had 
been behind, »od kept bis tbrae fcogtthep't h^d rm 
8Glved on firing the coaj-pitt on bit retreat; hlit 
news having arrived thftt Afgyh with I^die hed 
raised an artny cxf frcrai siy to ten thdwaod in iu|»<^ 
port of the covenant, and oomequeittiy i^imt 
the interest he e^ponsed, he hastened Intab U) 
Scotlrndt cwrylng every thing h9 toouU befoff 

Cromwdl laafehed towards Scodandt und cromwdi 
knpwing how to act his part, immediately joilifd land, &c 
with Ai'gyle* ^nd afiected all moderation: He 
lenewed the soJenm league and i^aveMfitt and 
easily got the engageoK^t resdndedr Now was 
the time for the Scottish clergy to triumph fn 
torOf How eoQtiraiy to their views th$ mg»gGr 
nent had been entered intOi and the army raised, 
^^e h^ve already reUtj^j and it was not to b§ 

-p. ll9Sj et iiq, WlliMlodc^^ {>« Sfil,^ §eq. Clar. «d. y« p^ ISO, et 
«7. Cttrie'« Letters^ toL i. p. IS^, et Hq. Baitti^ voi M. p. Wf^ 


expected that. they should allow the present op- 
portunity of humbling their adversaries to slip; 
Though the chancellor, Loudon, disgusted by ' 
the violence of Hamilton, had previously aban- 
doned the engagement, his early repentance^ did 
not satisfy the church any more than it did his own 
lady, who being a zealous presbyterian, and hav. 
ing a great ascendency over him, in consequence 
of having brought him the estate, threatened to 
divorce him for his manifold adulteries, unless he 
submitted to the pienance enjoined him by the' 
clergy. Placed upon the repenting stool, in his' 
own parish church, he received a rebuke in? the 
face of the whole congregation, and the scene' is 
represented as having been a most affecting one. 
With many bitter tears he deplored his departure 
from the covenant, and solicited the > prayers of 
the congregation in his behalf. The whole people 
at such a refi^shing sight were dissolved in tears 
of joy*. 

* The feelings of the moderate Scottisli clergy are exemplified in 
ihe follpwing let^ter by Baillie^ dated 23d August, 1648. After shewing 
that there was a probability of the army under Fairfax being destroy- 
ed, he proceeds thus : " That the cursed army of sectaries' should 
vanish in smoke, and their friends in the houses, city and country, 
be brought to their well-deserved ruin; that the king and his fami- 
ly should be at last in some nearness to be restored to their dignity 
and former condition, I am very glad : But my fear is grekt, that hfs 
restitution shall come by these hands,'* (the Hamiltons, &c.) ^' and be 
so ill prepared, that the glorious reformation we have suffered so much 
for, shall be much endangered, and the most that obtained 
be but an £rastian presbytery, with a toleration of popery and £pi^ 
copacy at court, and of divers sects elsewhere." Baillie, vol. ii. p. 
298. See Hamilton s Mem. p. 367, et seq. N.B. The word Whig, 


Colodel ' Rainsborougb, whose father had been Revolt of 
an eminent naval commander, and who was. him- S^l from* 
self bred to that line, having been appointed vicei^^^^'^' 
admiral of the fleet, was set on shore by the muti* 
nous sailors; and many of the ships revolted from 
the parliament, but several of them were after- 
wards brought back by the Earl of Warwick ; and 
the vigorous measures of the parliament soon 
made up the deficiency of those which were not 
recovered. It is strange, that no sooner had the 
cavaliers obtained these ships; which the Prince 
of Wales and Rupert entered, than they broke 
out . into '. the most ruinous contentions for su^ 
perioiity *. — The known principles of Rains- Assasnna. 
borough excited such a rancorous spirit of re^j^WMbo- 
venge in the cavaliers, that though defeated in^'^^w^ws^ . 
one dastardly attempt at his. assassination, tbey 
soon afterwards succeeded in another, no less 
cowardly and unprincipled f. . 

ag designatiog a party^ aroae from the west country men who joined 
Argyle^ called Whigamores. Guthrey's Mem. p. 238, et seq, White- 
locke, p. 339, et seq, Clar. vol. v. p. 172-3. Scot of Scotstarvet's 
Sti^geringjState of Scotch Statesmen. Carte's Letters, yd. i. p. 171, 
etteq. In a. manuscript of Wodrow's which I have seen, giving a 
violent history of Archbishop Sharpe during his life, it is said that 
he was at first for the engagement; but finding that it was not a 
politic game, he furiously brought all his parishioners to the repenting 
stool, who had in the least inclined that way. Ludlow, p. ^63, shews 
great knowledge of Scottish affairs. 

• Clar. vol. V. p. 136, et seq. Rush. vol. vii. p. 943, 944. 952. 
1131.. WMteloc&e, p^ 308. Cob. Pari. Hist. vol. iii p. 696. 

t Rush. vol. V. p. 1279. 1315. Mrs. M'Auly remarks, that Cla- 
rendon, to his eternal infamy, applauds every circumstance of the 
foul unmanly deed. Vol. iv. p. 402. Clar. vol. v. p. 188 to 190. 

138 HiaTomy ov tbic British watBX, 

stiMeof #i As va^ny oS^otn oiihit army bad in the kte 
v^'^^^p^^^ etectiooa l>ecome mttnbers at the \owet houac; 
ttroir absence on dutjr during thtaci dtstinrfaailcci 
ao weakened tfaefar party ia parliaasant* that their 
itdveitefiea took advaatage at the opportuaity to 
attdflopt a recQVety df their authority. The im^ 
{iaachiti6»ta agitnst the peer^ add the membera 
oi the commoiis, were dropt ^ and the secluded 
IBambers restored. 

' The object now waa to conclude a hasty treaty 
with the kingt that, with the name of partiament 
Joined to the royal authority,^ they mi^t regain the 
Policy (tf Ascendency; and so feasible waa the plan^ tbat^ 
. ^^^ could Charles have for once determined to act ii»- 
genuously, and have made the requisite concesaicRis^ 
it is not impossible that he might have saved his 
life and recovered his throne : but a l^aturally ob- 
istitiate temper had become rivetted to bis purposa 
by adversity, and as . he still qi^nrehended no dao> 
ger to his person, be yet expected by force of arms 
to restore himself to absolute power. In vain was 
. it urged» tbat^ before the overthrow of Hamilton 
Atid the cavaliers, was bis time f br accommodation ; 
that great part of the pariiamentaty army, if they 
were not absolutely brought Over, might be neutra^ 
ii^ed by such an event, while throughout England 
the people would oppose a force that must norni* 
nally at least fight against king and parliament. He 
fondly iBattered himself that the Scottish army, 
joined to the cavaliers, would be triumphant ; and, 
under pretext of desiring a negociation, he deter- 
mined against concluding a treaty till he saw the 

result. Et&i thdti bis ptaspMi» vme Hoi «)o$ed, 
as h6 had formed the idea of e$elt]Mtig to If elMdfr 
and setting bisis^f at the bead of the In^ insiir^ 
gemots. DuriHg his &bstsf at Newcastle^ all tte eii^ 
treaties of the queen and his lay advisers, to yi^d 
t6 the presbyterian establisbmeUt^ bald utterly fail- 
ed, ai<d notfaiog coilld more hiia to aeeede to the 
Idas rigorous propositious of the army ^ but be bad 
now beeome sturrounded with adviser^ who approvi- 
eA of bis resoiution^ The^ were ecelesiastiesi 
(SbeldoUi Hammofid, Ind others,) i;^ho, having lost 
their liiiugs^ trere hostile to aDy arria^getn^t that 
^duld ii^f ever escliide tbefili frotn power; Lord 
Glariaidon, to4i, dncoiiraged hitt» by letters, to the 
safoe oofirsei Exempted hiitself from pardon by 
2il the prbpositioiis, be founded all bis hopes of be*. 
ibg reatofed to his country, and rewarded by the 
tfown^ OD a steady refusal of accommodation-^ 
ii?(bil^^ however fktal at ndigbt pix^e to bis present 
meiter, Woald^ be flattered biniself, ultimately be 
triumphant iti tfaet person of tfae prince. It thdre«. 
fmre Appears, by his private correspondence^ that 
he deenied it better that the king shdtild fall a vie-f 
tim to bis principles than yield to his enemies. In 
t^e clash of parties be e:D:pected that the successor 
would be recalled unshackled ; but thought that if 
what be supposed the best jewels of the crown were 
anCe renounced, they might never be recovered ^* 
Theugh Charles had resolved against complying 
vrith the propositions tendered to him, he was too 

 fckr. Papers, vd. ii. p. S41, H s^q. particularly p. 411. 



deep a politician not to pretend to entertain them. 
Three bills were tendered to him preparatory to a 
treaty: to settle church-government and the militia, : 
and recall all proclamations and declarations against . 
Treaty of the parliament These occupied much time j and 
Charles agreed to the latter, by which he owned . 
the justice of the war against him, but he did so 
with equivocation, and likewise under a protest '. 
that it should only be obligatory in the event of. 
the treaty being completed in other respects.. This . 
wasted much time, and a treaty was afterwards 
ordained to be held at Newport, in the Isle of 
Wight, whither Charles was removed ; but it did 
not begin till about the end of September, when 
commissioners from the parliament went down. 
The treaty embraced the old points of the. mi- 
litia, the church, and Ireland. With regard, 
to the first, he . afiected an inclination to pro- 
ceed further than could have been anticipateid. 
The parliament demanded it for twenty years, 
and he .proposed to allow it for ten ; but in 
a short time he even agreed to renounce it for 
twenty, and this, point was voted to be satisfacto* 
ry. He also agreed to allow the parliament the 
power of nominating the great officers, first, for ten 
years, and, afterwards, even for twenty. But, as 
'we shall soon find, the object was not to conclude 
a treaty on such conditions, but to spin out the 
time, and so to overreach the adverse party*^— that 
they might relax their vigilance in guarding him, 
and thus afibrd him an opportunity to escape. As- 
sured that he could break off the treaty on the re» 


llgious grounds, he was anxious, too, by such ap- 
parent concessions, to inculcate the idea that he 
was restrained from accommodation by conscien- 
tious motives, and not by a desire of power. Re- 
garding religion, he proposed to pass an act con- 
firming the sitting of the assembly of divines, and 
establishing the directory of worship, together with 
the presbyterian government, for three years, pro- 
vided neither himself nor those of his judgment 
should' be obliged to conform ; but that, in the 
meantime, the assembly of divines, to whose num- 
ber he insisted on adding twenty, should determine 
upon the future government of the church, and 
the form of worship. He afterwards agreed to 
give up archbishops, deans, and chapters, but not 
bishops. Parliament had sold the bishops' lands to 
defray the expenses of the war, as well as to pre- 
vent the recurrence of that species of establish- 
ment ; but he positively refused to confirm the 
sale, though, as some satisfaction to the purchas- 
ers, he agreed to grant leases on lives, or for nine- 
ty-nine years, at the oldi rents. It is not so wonder* 
ful that he should have refused to take the covenant:, 
and have hesitated at exceptions from indemnity. 
But as the presbyterian party, in point of church- 
government, were so extremely rigorous, that they 
even still denied toleration, 4;here was, on this 
head, no hope of concluding a treaty. With re- 
gard to Ireland, he indeed proposed to annul the 
peace concluded by Ormond, and said that, after 
advising with his two houses, be would leave the 
prosecution of the business to their determination ; 

14S I|IST<}R¥ OF THE WUTiaff^ EMPIB^.- 

hiKt, w^u premed ^ #Kiv9W ^ n^ »im Heu- 
tenant i» that k«ig4pin, (kf gf^9 ««ch ev^^yp 

w8fKei9, tlwit tJ9^ wfi» ffnomtmcfA mm^^fi^t^ 

C^j^fpwi out #^ nfigpQittiQp, and difputed 
vMi M^fMflii^ i»)jt 91^ to gaj» time tSl tii» 
ji«p»4>%«M(;«« 9f^e ip9iifS9nt«.l>oUi in SogUnd 
ami S^fig^ao^^fx^ld Tp^inmh. a^etiter posture, but 
tp i^Vpe tjie^^erjae pfut^r, op^e &ith of peace, to 
i^enut th^ wgiAtfiQeip,g«9fdii>g hifii* titotiie miglMt 

fi$^ to mc»f^» mi pUkse jbMKs^ at ^e ibeMi .<^ 

tbe.fUi4^; b!i|:i«:gi»»t«jtieip[H:AtftQi$«f»pew«sii9i- 
t9<:$edW4e£e«|i:eiiilb9r<:;«9t^ Ralph. JsuSiga/mt 
gt such a dip^h^r^ 9^ duty* his .emii^ories <&«Hy 
if^rged lihat iQjdivi(il|j^l-3ir^)a design to asaassixtate 
his «Mg«jt7« iwd f99iif afiTef^ed to iielieve itbe 
p;h9rg^ an4 .taliie a deep ifttereait m ike tdal; 
but tbe object W9S ^0 tObvWi9 ^or m&Biffga, :apd 1^ 
gf^v^ jw^.r^gisi^ tQ :fiud ^ bJU of }iigh ti^soo. 
Tivis piy>!Sfl«dipg ivm mmh of :» piftpe mHi thti 

Pbarg? gg»i!ia|; jCriOiqjw^^L by {iimtiiigd«i, vbaeh 
yr;i» ^ ^peqw^ged by .^oHtS «9d lus ftauty fyt rtbc 

lu iiffi i?(wcmsioQ^ Molt^fflg ^hose 4q tbe ittune 
^n)iptoMtiw» whi^h .Cl^^s ;l¥^ made, be was i«i- 

«ii>fleris>;hii9 j^j^tfl^^ tP amuse /the 

jp{|]fli9i8iep^ <itill jbe^l\jQ»Ul ftwertiwi ^tiie &ite of ibis 

Berbert, p. 6^,^ett€q. Sir Edward JValker, p. 7. Perfect copie? of 
411 >v«tes> &c. -vekiing -to 4he Treaty at Newport. 'Lu^w^ vd. i* 



mliiilMy ^ec^s tK>th » ^Seotfend mi Gogbiid $ 
md io induce tbi? fMorliameott hi jeoofideiKse of m 
iax)0Miu)dfttfaii^ to be «o negligent About gi^u^iif 
him, that he might (€fifet;jwMe^>e# He theteloisf 
imtesto Ormonde^ that though he W9X9 e9gllg^(l 
ma treatjr, jret k«t Oan0fide oiig^ be misAed by 
Mae TUBiouiB, iie apprised ihim that Aere mM Q# 
chance • of an aooraimodatsen. *^ Whmefose,'' aajw 
he^ ^ I mint isommand you two things; firstp tt 
<d)6y ail my ^ife^^t^commaads, then, not to ofa^any 
^rabtic iconunand of mkie, untU I send you wordthat 
i am &Ge from restraint. Lastly, be not startled at 
mj gittat concessions concerning Ireland, fi>r ihef 
wiH come looiothing/' We may, in passings remari^ 
in tegardtothis kfcter, timt it fully proves the conti- 
iiaanee of that principle which, he said, during hjs re- 
sidence at Newcastle, he had learned from^divines*^ ^ ^ 
tibat no pcomise 1^ a man inoder sestraiat was oUi^ 
gatoiy ^ and it may just be aedced upon what prin- 
tpipte any )ag];eement with the parliament could be 
in a^ietter predicament? He had formerly, accord- 
ing to his noble advocate, passed bills on the ground 
that a fatal nullity attached to them in consequence 
of the parliament not being altogether free when 
they were voted, (a resolution whjcb, though Qa- 
Timion coiddnot defends Mr. Hume .does,) but as- 
wradly 4;he objection applied with t&a&lA force 
now. The letter just c[uoted was dated on the 10th 
October, (31648) and on the 28th of that month hp 
^f coa&rms it, andpcoeeeds ^thus : << This k not 
only to confirm the contents of that, Init also to 

iipjprove of certain commands to you j likewise t^ 


command you to prosecute certain instructions, 
u Atil I shall, und^r my own hand, give you oth^r 
commands. And though you will hear that this 
treaty is near, or at least most likely to be conclud- 
ed, yet believe it not, but pursue the way you are 
in with all possible vigour* Deliver also that my 
command ^to all my friends, but not in a. public 
way, because it may be inconvenient to me, and 
particularly to Inchiquin ♦." In the meantime^ he 
carried on a correspondence with Sir William Hop- 
kins, regarding a ship to convey him from the 
island ; and his letters to that individual fully 
prove the want of candour with wliich he was ne- 
gociating with the parliament. "To deal freely 
•with you," says he in one of his letters to Hop- 
kim^' *« the great concession I made to-day was 
merely in order to my escape, of which, if I had 
•not hopes, I had not done. For then I could re- 
turn to my f straight prisoa without reluctance, but 
J now confess it will break my heart, having done 
that which nothing but an escape can justify ;j-.** 
Tet Charles had given his parole not to leave the 

* Append, to Carte's Ormonde, vol. ii. p. 17. 

t Letters subjoined to Wagstaff's Vindication, 3d edit' p. 142; 
'161, 9th Oct. Hopkin's resided opposite to Newport.' Haine, 
uponihe authority; of Cobnel Cooke's Memoirs, states that, ooex^ 
tremely honourable was Charles, that though he might have e^Tected 
his escape, he would not so far violate his word. These letters shew 
the utter groundlessness of the statement, and set the character of 
this unhappy prince in a very diff^eiit l%ht. But what shall we fiay 
to another statement of Hume, that all Charles's attendants were 
excluded from his presence when he negociated with the -com- 
missioners, and yet that such were his transoendant abilities, *that 


Hollis and some others, upon their knees, and 
with tears in their eyes, beseeched him to comply- 
awhile it was yet time; but they did it in vairi. 
When matters disappointed his hopes in England, 
he fixed them steadily on Ireland, where Inchiquin, 
having revolted from the parliament, had reared a 
standard for the king, and the catholics, notwith- 

he ftiUy matched all his antagonists? It is true that^ accoitling 
to Clarendon^ Burners own authority^ the parliiimehtary commiji^ 
sioners did insist^ as a matter of fonn^ on their exclusion ; hut it 
is as true^ according to the same authority^ that the king was at- 
tended by the most eminent divines^ as well as great lawyers ; that 
it was arranged with the parliamentary commissioners^ that these 
should be placed behind a curtain^ that^ though absent in point of 
form» they might fully hear the whole debate^ and that the king on 
every difficulty might retire to consult with them. Olar. toL v. p.S09. 
Even this^ howeyer^ was a mistake; for both Herbert and Warwick^ 
who were present^ inform us^ that they stood behind his majesty^s 
dudr. The latter says^ they were not allowed to speak : The former^, 
in one page^ gives us to understand the same things and mentions, 
that Charles answered all the commissioners, who were many^ with^ 
out any discomposure. But from what he says in the preceding page, 
I conceive that he wished to magnify the king's talent by a small 
{ttous fraud. The Duke of Richmond^ Ihe Marquis of Hertford^ the 
Earls of Southampton and Lihdsay^ and several others of the nobili- 
ty attended him. Of the dergy^ there were Drs. Hammond^ Sheldon, 
Juxon, Holdsworth, Sanderson, Tumeh Of lawyers. Sir Thomas 
Gardiner, Sir Orlando Bridgman, Mr. Palmer, Mr. Vaughan, &c. 
Herbert, p. 70, 71. See p. 7«, 73. Warwick, p. 332.— Even Warwick 
says, that Charles retired to consult, either when he wished assistance 
himself, or any of his attendants desired to sujggest or debate any thing. 
The papers in the royal name have been supposed by Laing the king's 
production, though Charles had so many able advisers about him ; 
and Herbert expressly gives us to imderstand that every paper was 
'drawn by them. The verses in Burnet's Memoirs of the Hamiltons, 
-alleged to have been written by Charles in Carisbrook-castle, are a 
pa^ble forgery. > 



ttandtng a severe defeat by Jones^ the parliaoieii- 
Uty general, were stiU powerful K The uiiha[^ 
monarch had involved himself in so many intrigues^ 
that he could qot move a single st^ without per- 
fldy, and thus convincing all who were ac(juai&tad 
with his measures^ of the utter insecuritj of any 
a^eement with him« He had {decked himself^ in 
the most solemn manner, to Glamorgan and the 
Pc^-a Qunoio^ ivipre^atiog the divwe vengeance if 
he fiifled, and y^ net only the concessions demand 
^4 of binp,^ h.ujt ^ven those proposed by himself fa 
«eg»f d ta that k\»JQ^ involved a complete depar- 
ture fi*om all those engagements, and would Dece». 
99t^^ h9Y0, exposed the cs^tholics to the utmost 
perils fw Tmying relfe^ on his projwise/^ t. 

in the mean time all England was subdued,, and 

CrQtnw^ afler his success in Scotland, wa^ on his 

SwmSet letwn to the souths ColchesteT»afteragaUwit.di^ 

ter.amiend ftuce. Surrendered on the ST^h c^ Augusts Quap. 

of ifat was. ^^j. ^^ ftUpwod. to the privatea and o|l$cers uoder 

tibo! iM^ of capiaia; Iwt the f^ «ynemdj(»^ 9t 

the merey el the ^ueraL Three of the prisoners^ 

Sir Charles Lupas, Sir George l43l^ and Sir 6er« 

mrd QascayoQ^ were tried aboi^st immef^a^y hj 

court-martial; and eendemned to be shot j^ but the 

Id* ToL XTiiL p. ly €i seq. Cob. vol. iii. p. 928j et jef« {k^.Herbe^ 
loid Walker, Wbitelocke^ p. 390^ el ley. 


gentence was only executed on the two first. Lu- 
cas^ who was at first much dismayedj^ urged that 
this was without precedeut, « but a parliament sol- 
dier standing by, told him he had put to death 
with his own hand some of the parliament sol- 
diers in cold blood." When he engaged in this 
insurrection, he was a prisoner on parole ; ^nd 
Fairfax had, in the beginning of the siege, re- 
proached him, when he proposed an exchange of 
prisoners, *' that he had forfeited his parole, his 
honour, and faith, being his prisoner upon parole^ 
and therefore not capable of command or trust in 
martial offedrs/* Whitelocke, however, informs 
us, that the rigorous proceedings against these 
iadividuals, and the other prisoners, was in no 
small degree imputed to the message about curing 
the general of the gout, and all his other diseases^. 
Lucas, finding his fate inevitable, strung his nerves 
for the occasion, and met it with intrepidity. He 
suffered first ; and Lisle having kissed his dead 
body, and expostulated to no purpose with the 
genera], and had much conversation with one of 
Irord Norwich*s chaplains, died with equal resolu- 
tion. The other prisoners of rank were reserved 
finr the justice of the pariiament t. This siege, 

* Whitelocke, p. S19. 

f'Tht prooeedkigB againtl l»acaa and IdBle, acoMcBng to €teeiL«< 
inm, ^ xnatgeoinMf hnputed to Iraon, ¥di0 swayed iftA gpsnend^ tfnd 
wa- tipos aS ocoarient of an unmerciftil and blood;f naiaxtt.'' Tlia 
injitstiee of the eharge hett, aSMa an example cf the u^urimia im« 
putations against Ireton's memory. Whitelocke imputea the meft« 



which had tied down Fairfax, and was on that 
account greatly calculated on by the royalists, 
being finished, he proceeded to other quarters to 
quell the insurgents. 
SitittUon of By not complying in time, Charles sealed his 
ShSewt of own doom. No party now could trust him, and 
*j^J"^^'*"that which had gained the ascendency could only 
secure its own safety by his removal. An idea 
had been entertained by some, that if the inferior 
offenders were brought to the scafibld, the grand 
delinquent should not be permitted to escape; 
and the principle of self-preservation recommend- 
ed the notion, not only to the party which, by 
this fresh conquest, now obtained the reins of go- 
*verriment, but even to another, provided it should 
be equally successfuL Yet Ireton and some others, 
then argued only for deposing Charles, and placing 
the crown on the Duke of York, who had not been 
like his elder brother, in arms against the pariia- 

-sitre to the tevenge of FaMdx luins^; mid he (Fairfax) notoniy 
justified it in a letter .to.theparliamenty hut in his own memoirs. 
Hume says, *^ Faitfax^ instigated hy Ireton^ to whom CromweU, 
in his ahsence^ had consigned over the government of the passive 
general^ &c." Fairfax assisted in ihe restoration^ and that was an 
excuse for all his previous faults; hut his defenders, as Clarendon, 
Hume, and others, certainly adopt a notahle mode of vindicating his 
memory, hy making him (who was a man of eminent talent) ihe 
^[iassive tckd of others jh any thing they st^matise as atrodoos. Such 
a hdng could have no more moral character than an unhappy inmate 
of any lunatic asylum. Whitelocke, p. 312j et seq. Rush. vol. vii. 
I». 1152, et seq. Old Pari. Hist. vol. xvii. p. 430, etteq^ Clar. vol. v. 


ment. This moderate course, however^ was soon 
abandoned. From what they bad already seen and 
sufieredy they c(Mild not but anticipate. fresh insur-* 
rections in his favour, even though they should 
confine him strictly to a prison. It wa^ conceiv- 
ed that the act of holding out. to: the people at 
large, that no misdeeds of^ his could hting his ex^ 
istence into hazard^ Inspired that train ;of think*-; 
ing which was just calculated to recommend him 
in fresh adventures for the recovery of power; 
and it was fully believed, that, impose upon him 
what conditions thiey might, they coul4 not effec-* 
tually bind him^ since he had fully evinced by his 
past conduct, that Ixy no tie^ was he to be restrained^ 
and» in the present unsettled state of the nation; he 
Gould never find difiiculty in raising up a body to 
take a perfidious advantage of the false security of 
those with whom he had entered into /anaccom* 
modation. But this idea became still stronger^: 
from a pretty prevalent conviction that Hollis and 
his party were now determined to break 'the army 
with almost any sacrifice, even that of the princi- 
ples on which they had undertaken the war. 
The question then appeared to them to be ; were 
all those who had successfully waged the war, 
and sufiered so many privations on their account, 
to be exposed as victims of regal fury, through 
the treachery of part of that assembly that ought 
to be the guardian of public rights ? was every 
principle on which the war was undertaken to be 
renounced, and, in observance of the form of the 
legislature, tlie substance to be for ever lost? 



Thus the re^admission of the exduded members, 
and the spirit which they showed in favour of the 
king now, so very difierent from wliat . they for« 
merly both expressed and acted upcm, proved &« 
tal to him, and led to that violence upon the par* 
Uament which ereated so great a revolution in 
the st&te. That many of the great actors in this 
business were men of upright <:haracter8 and pa- 
triotic views5 cannot be josily questioned ; and it 
is not easy to determine how men under such 
circumstances ought to have acted ; but, cm the 
other hand, it is evident^ that the army, being 
thus used as an engine of government, was, in the 
most alarming degree, tsuight its own superiority* 
The piu*liament was, indeed, entrusted for the pub* 
iie good, but the army was employed by it ; and 
when it was birought forward to act in opposition 
to the power that raised it, the civil government 
seemed ready to pass over to the military. 

Ludlow tells us, that, in this exigency, j^e went 
directly to Uie general, and insisted on his inters 
position ; but he, (Fairfax,) though he acknoWf> 
ledged ^he justice of Ludlow's representation, as 
to the sinister motives of many members; the utter 
impossibility of treating with thejring, as he would 
not conceive himself bound by any conditions ; and 
the necessity of coercing the parliament, if it dared 
to conclude a treaty — ^was irresolute; and Ludlow 
applied to the general's great friend Ireton, (Crom'- 
well was not yet returned from Scotland) to use 
his influence over him. Ireton agreed with Lud- 
low regarding th^ peqqssity of suph a pjocepdipg^ 


provided the parliaoiedt diould eoaclude a (re^jr 
with thiB king : But he expressed ft wi«h to «^ord 
iiktm ad c^^ortunity to testify euch a baii^ace4 
hfeadi of trust as he coaceived that to bo« Lud- 
low arj^edt on the other I|and# that were jbhe peaq^ 
mkee coaduded^ the oountr/ Kiight be deceived 
by the crjr^ that the army obstructed a settlement 
to preservo their own power^ and Ireton was sensi* 
Uy moved by his representattoik* Nothing fofai* RemoD. 
Uc^ however^ was yet resorted toj but a Jurge re^^m^ 
moDfitrance was presented ftom the army^ not only ^ 
s^ed by Fairfax himseli^ but aecompanied with 
a Irtter by him to the speaker^ in which he de* 
dares it to contain his own opinion as W6U a$ 
that of the council of offioa-a. In this remon- 
ttfanoe the various miscarriages and crimes of 
the ki^y many of which had been judged 
capital in his predecessons^ and the fraitlessness of 
tile treaties are detailed { his frauds hypocrisy, and 
revenge^ are dwelt on ; and the impossibility ot 
binding him by any conditions^ fully stated; 
whence it is inferi^d^ that accommodation with 
him would be destructil^e, that pailiament had suf^ 
ioient oaule to resume the vote of Oon addresses^ 
and at once refuse the king liberty to return to 
London, or right to have any share in tiie govern* 
ibent : it was insisted on that detiliquents should no' 
more be bargained with, or partially dealt With^ 
and that theyt though the penalties upon them 
might be moderated on submissiooi ishouid neither 


be protected nor pardoned by any power whatever; 
They at great length shew the necessity of bring- 
ing the king, as the prime cause of the inno* 
cent blood, rapine, mischief and spoil, of the 
kingdom, to justice. How far, *« say they, the 
'public justice of the kingdom can be satisfied, the 
blood, rapine, &c. avenged, or expiated, and the 
wrath of God for the same appeased, without 
judgment executed against him ; and consequent* 
ly how far an accommodation with hkn, implying 
a restitution of him, when God hath given him so 
clearly into your power to do justice— Krari be just 
before God or good men, (without so much as a 
judicial trial, or evident remorse appearing in him 
proportionable to the offence,) we thus recotnmend 
to your saddest and most serious consideration, who 
must one day be accountable for your judgments 
here on earth, to that which is highest and niost 
just.*! They therefore propose <^*that the capital and 
grand author of our troubles, the person of the 
king, by whose commissions, commands, or procure- 
ment, and in whose behalf^ and for whose interest 
only, of will and power, all our woes and troubles 
have been, with all the miseries attending them, 
may be speedily brought to justice, for the treason, 
blood, and mischief, he is therein guilty of." €dly. 
That a day should be set for the prince of Wales and 
the duke of York, (the duke had lately, through a 
contrivance of the king's, escaped from his keep- 
ers,) to come in, when they might either be par- 
doned or proceeded against, as they gave satisfac*- 
tionj 3dly, That public justice might be execut* 


ed against some capital promoters of' the war ; 
4thly, That the rest, upon submission^ should have 
mercy for their lives; 5thly, That the soldiers might 
have arrears paid them out of delinquents' estates ; 
Othly, That a period should be set to this parlia- 
ment;, and a more equal representation be made 
in the new ; that the representatives of the peo- 
ple having been elected according to rules which 
they projected, should be the supreme power; 
and that no king should thereafter be admitted 
but upon election by the representative, and in 
trust for the people ; that the government should 
be established by the present parliament, as the 
general contract ^and agreement of the people, 
whose subscriptions should be appended^ while 
neither king nor any other person should be ad« 
mitted to power, without subscribing. These 
things the a:rmy pressed as beneficial for this and 
the other kingdoms, trusting that the pp,riiament 
would not take it amiss as proceeding from their 
servants, since they ought to remember that they 
are themselves only servants and trustees for the 

- The remonstrance excited great agitation in the 
house : some inveighed sharply against it, as the 
height of insolence in their servants ; many were 
silent from fear of the army ; others palliated and 
excused it ; and some again openly justified it, 

^ No ope wHl preteiid that all who assaited to this remonstrance 
fully at this time meditated the king's deaths and force on the parlia^ 
men t^ and that they approved of what had heen formerly done in regard 
U> the parliament, ^ut it has been commonly asserted^ as undoiibte4; 


Some of the comtntssioners most inclined to popu- 
lar measures^ had already left the king ; but those 
who remained urged him to Vigree to terms instant- 
ly-^hat a peace once concluded, the people might 

liiftl^genenmsFkiiiteooiideMiMiidl Bach proceedings, andin^ 
jnemoin published M hufy and wUf^ K9 dttabdcBt ge^^ 
extent— though one would wish to beMeye that what is just to be 
quoted^ is an interpolation hy his son-ia-law, the duke of Buckinghaaft, 
or other relation, there ocenrs the following passage : '' t lay, from 
the timo ihey declaied their usurped audiority at Triplow fiealii^ i 
uever gave my free ^ecmsent to any thing they did, but being yet uik 
dischaiged of my place, they set my name in way of course, to all 
the papers, whether I consented or not, and to sudi failings are all 
audiarities subject.^ Bee bis m«moirs in Scott's edkion of 6om«ra' 
tracts, vd. t« This has been held as evidence in his favour ; but I 
Would ask whether his name were, or could be, set to the following 
ietAer which he sent to the speaker of the comfioons, akn^ irddi fhn 
abore lemonabsnce ? 

'' Mr SpeaiEer^ 

The general ooundl of^ officers at their late meeting here, «fUM& 
mously agreed on a remonstrance to be presented to you, whidi is 
herewith sent by the hands of Colonel £wer, and the officers ; and, in 
JT^ard, it concerns matters of highest and present importance to your- 
self and to us^ and the whde kingdom, I do, at the deske of the offi« 
•oersj and in behalf of them and myself, humbly and earnestly intreat 
that it may have a present reading, and the things propounded 
be timely considered, and that no faiUng in circumstance or express 
aions may prejudice either the reason or jtistiee of what is here ten- 
dei^, or their intentions, of whose good afibctiona and constancy you 
have had so long experience* 

I femain, &c. 

JSt. Albania No». 16th. 

N. B. His father died the preceding summer^ 

It is needless to make any c(Hnments on this ; and human effiw- 
tery, one would think, . could scarcely pen his alleged defence of 
himself, in what are called his memoirs. Therefore, out of charity, kt 
us believe c^tain passages interpolations. His name was set, by way 


join with bim against the army if it dared to 
disobey him ; but he was inexorable, and the mili- 
tary had already gotie too far to recede. As money 
was still withheld from the general, he wrote to 
the house of commons, that unless funds were pro<* 
vided ioT the exigences of the troops^ he must 
himself take it from the collectors and receivers $ 
and though the letter was thought highly unbe* 
coming by many, yet it was Dot a time to cavil, 
far less to attempt to punish it ** A full council 
of the army having agreed to a declaration to the^**""*^' 
parliament, it was immediately sent. In this they 

4f 4»ane» to papers^ hy tke offieen! Did diejr hold hk hnA, 
and n^te him write this letter^ as Ingolsby most impudently 
allied Cromwell dld^ when he signed the wammt for the king's ex« 
jocution ? Did they force him to march to London to overawe the par- 
liament^ and'wi4te to the lord mayor^ whidi we shall nbtice soon? 
The ttjxth ia, thst at the Restoration, as it was the object to oonfina 
the chaige.of accomplishing the king's death to a few, and to gain ihe 
firm support of all who had joined in the Restoration ; so all were 
loud in the Tindication of Fairfax, who assisted the Restoration, and 
did not «it at the trial ei Charles. We shall afterwards harve bccasion 
to say ^ little on that subject 

We have akeady shewn the^ironeousness of Hume's statements re- 
lative .to Chailes' sincerity, but the following passage of the remon- 
stranoe ,m$if. be fairly quoted. After enumerating his misdeeds, it 
proceeds ttius» " And let those many particulars of hypocrisy, dis* 
simulations and treachery, couched under his fairest overtures, prox 
jfessions, and protestations, which yourselves, in your several declara* 
tions have obsenred and recorded, bespeak what cause there is to 
confide in his promises or engagements ;" and yet the imputation of 
insiBcerity was of a later growth than his own age. The remonstrance 
goes on to prove his revengeful disposition ; and it accuses him of the 
moider jo£ his farther; yet. this was the adopted language at least 
of Fairfax. See Fairfax's letters, and the j^rmy*s remonstrance at 
length, in Old. Pari. Hist. vol. xviii. p. 160-338. Cob. vol. iii. p. 1077, 
n^ sea. Rush. vol. vii. p. 133. et seq. Whitelodce, p. 355. 
» Qld Pari Hist, vol xviii. p. 265. Whitelocke, p. 3^7. 


again express their apprehensions of the dangers 
and evils attending a treaty with the king, and jus- 
tify their late remonstrance j remarking that, far 
from having obtained an answer to it, they perceiv- 
ed that none was to be expected, as, to their gtief, 
the consideration of their remonstrance was de- 
ferred from day to day : that they believed that 
the majority in parliament were guilty of a treach- 
erous, or corrupt neglect of the public trust re- 
posed in them, and apidstacy to their principles : 
thjat, considering there is no power of man to ap- 
peal to for such a breach of trust, they are war- 
ranted in exercising that common judgment which 
is left to them in their natural capacity — appealing 
to the common understanding of mankind for the 
approbation of their conduct, and, above all, to the 
righteous judgment of God : that their purpose 
was to preserve as much of the present representa- 
tive as might preserve the forms of parliamentary 
proceeding, tiU a new constitution was introduced : 
that they should still rejoice if the majority, sensi- 
ble of their late misconduct, should exclude the 
apostatized members from their councils ; but that, 
in the meantime, though for no profit to them- 
selves, the army was advancing to London. This 
declaration was, by the appointment of Fairfax and 
his council of officers, subscribed by the famous 
collector Rushworth ; but, on the very next day, 
Fairfax directly wrote to the mayor and common 
council, that, being on the immediate advance to 
the metropolis, he thought fit to intimate his in- 
tention i and that, as the declaration of the army 


had not been answered, it was only necessary to 
refer to it for the motives of the proceeding j that 
it Was not the object to commit either the least 
plunder or wrong to any of the citizens; yet that 
it would be advisable, in order to prevent any dis* 
orders, for the city to advance L.40,000 of the ar» 
rears due ; and he would quarter the troops in the 
great houses in and about the city. The demand 
of the money was confirmed by the parliament, 
which .ordered the army not to advance nearer 
London *• 

In the meantime, the general and council offing re- 
officers had sent to remove the king from Newport 5hw^ ^ 
to Hurst-castle, iatimatingto Hammond, thegover-^ ^^ 
nor, their purposfe to keep him there till their re*, 
monstrance was answered^ News of this arrived 
on. the 4th of December j and the commons, upon 
reading Hammond's letter announcing the event, 
voted that it was neither. by their advice nor their 
consent : and, that they might now bring matters 

* Old Pari. Hist. vol. xviii. p. 26«— S72. 388. Cok vol. iii. p. 
1137. 1144-5. After such a declaratioD^ in addition to the remon- ' 
ttrance and letter^ and the letter to the mayor^ tinder Fairfax's hand^ 
together with, the faet of the army's having actually advanced to West^ 
minster under that general on the 2d of Decemher, and the purging of 
the house on the 6th^ we can scarcely helieve that human akurance 
could proceed sD far as to permit Fairfax to all^e that he knew no« 
ihii^ of the matter till it was. done ; that the army did what it 
pleased, &c. The memdrs, I flatter myself, have therefore heen in<< 
terpolated: But some say that. he was over-persuaded hy Ireton. 
Over-persuaded — ^what is the meaning of the term ? Was he a re* 
Bponsihle a^ent ? . or might he not .he over-persuaded aftarwards hy his 
courtly friends, the language of the times, and his own intereat—* to 
deny the truth ? Whitelocke, p. 358. 

159 HiaromY of tb£ wmim bmpire. 

to a conclosfon in otder to break the army, thejri 
an the fbllowiog morning, voted that his majesty's 
concessions to the propositions c£ parliament a£- 
Ibrded sufficient ground for settling the peace of 
the kingdom. They also nominated a committee to 
confer with the general about a fair correspondences 
This at once brought matters to a crisis, and Fair* 
fax and his council determined not to lose an in* 
stant. He therefore caused proclamation to be 
made by trumpet, requiring all delinquents to det- 
part ten miles from London for a month, as they 
should otherwise be proceeded against as pris<»iers 
of war : He also issued another ordering the sob- 
diers, on the pain of severe punishment, not to 
Aimy offer incivility to any one ; nor, on the pain of 
j^^^ death, to touch any man's goods, (orders admirv 
jl^l^al ably obeyed by this excellently discif^aed army,) 
and immediately marched towards the metropoli& 
One regiment of horse, commanded by Colonel 
Rich, and another of toot, by Colonel Pride, were 
specially destined to act against the parliament. 
As the foot regiment was necessarily brought most 
into action, the reproach of the proceeding has 
most undesenredty been altogether transferred to 
Pride, who, though the measure accorded with 
his own judgment,, acted on the orders prescribed 
by Fairfax, as well as the other officers. Pride 
stationed his troops in the Court of Requests, and 
other places aboutt Westminster^hall, and having 
received a note of the individuals to be seized^ 
who were pointed out to him by Lord Grrey of 
Qrooby, a nobleman who zealously assisted on the 

ravroBT M Tm britibh kmtibb. 1^ 

occasioii^ he apprdiendeol th« individualfl^ and 
sent them guarded to the Queen's Courtjt tite 
Court of Records^ and other places, all ^« 2;^ spe^ 
ckd order from the generai mi ooumdl qf theap^ 
$^J* The hou9e being informed of this proceed* 
mg, used the ceremony of sending for the men>- 
bers ; and the committee that had been dispatched 
la the general, reported thai his excdleney had 
desired tkne to consult with his council about the 
Mftswer% Proposals were then po'eaented from the 
army, reminding the commcms that certain mem^ 
bers who had been impeached and ^xpelkd the 
kous^ bad yet, by the prevs^nce of a faction, been 
lately restored to thetr seats} and stating that they 
byonbly desired all faithful members to protest 
i^ainst such proceedings, and to be pr^ared to put 
a speedy end to then sitting. Another paper 
drawn by Ireton, and proposing a form of gorern- 
meot, was at the same time presented, differing 
litti& ftovft that known by the name of the agree- 
ment of the people : it suggested that the represen<i 
tation abould consist of 300, equally elected by 
hiooseholders, upwards of twenty-one years of ag^ 
and according to a fair distribution of their num- 
bem tfcroii^out the kingdom; that a parliament 
ahecild be chosen every second year; and that aQ 
maltgnistft should be excluded for the preeent^^ 
A» nethiDg was done on this petition^ we shaiiv 

* Cob. FarL Hist, vol iS. p. 11^7, etseq. Old de. roL tTiii. p. 
SS8> tf# $9q. Wbiteloeke, p. SS8> €t seq* dai* ?qL y« p^ S94> it fCfi 


before proceeding to jother matters, giv,e a short 
^sketch of the character of Ireton^ 
Oiartcter Henry Ireton, sonrin-law of Cromwell, and com- 
missary general, was. descended from an ancieot 
and respectable family in Nottinghamshire, being 
the eldest son of German Ireton oC Atten ton, |)sq; 
in that county. He was born in I6IO, a^d in 
1626 was sent as a gentleman comnioner to Trinity 
College, Oxford : in l629 he took his degree of 
bachelor ;of arts. Having passed through this 
liberal, course of education, he became a student 
of law in the Middle Temple j but whether he 
.ever practised at the bar, or intended to prosecute 
the profession, I have not been able to discdven 
.It was very common in that age for the heirs 
of distinguished families to be sent to the Inns 
of Court to complete their education, it having 
been wisely conceived that they, who, from their 
rank, were, destined to perform the part of legisla- 
tors, should, have some knowledge of jurisprudence, 
or of that science which it was their province to 
protect. and improve; and it is not improbable, 
^nay, .from all I can learn, I think it most likely, 
that Ireton, like Hampden and other illustrious in- 
dividuals, had, as the heir of the family, studied 
in the Middle Temple, to qualify him to discharge 
the duties, of sl. conspicuous station in life. But it', 
pn the other hand, he meant to devote himself to 
the legal profession, he continued too short time 
in it to acquire distinction, having, at the outset 
of the civil wars, obtained a command in the par- 
liament army. Of a great capacity^ and ubwearied 


industry, he had not ostensibly studied the law 
in^ithout acquiring a considerable knowledge of 
the science ; and a speculative he^d, uncrampt by 
drudgery in the profession, enabled him to view 
the jurisprudence of his country with the eye of 
a philosopher, who, aware of the general value, is 
yet not blinded, like the ordinary practitioner, to 
defects which the pride of knowledge is apt to 
overlook. Ireton, therefore, early devoted his at- 
tention to free the law from its cumbrous forms, 
to have the whole reduced to a proper digest, and, 
what would have been of incalculable value to 
England, to establish registers for all titles of lands 
or deeds affecting it.— As a soldier, the benefit of a 
liberal education manifested itself in Ireton, as 
well as other commanders of that age. Some have 
not scrupled to affirm that, in the military depart- 
ment, where he displayed great courage, he was 
superior to Cromwell himself* j but though that 

* In order to convey the idea of want of personal courage in Ire« 

€aD, (and he shewed his valour on many occasions^) Clarendon says 

that in Ihe debate during the summer of 1648^ HoUis and he came 

to high words ; and that Hollis having challenged him^ lie refused to 

fighty all^;ing his conscience would not let him^ when HoUis answered 

ihsLt, if his conscience would not allow him to fights it should not let 

him insult a gentleman^ and pulled his hose. Had thijs been the fact, 

it would only have proved that Ireton had too much principle to allow 

himaelf to be hmrried^ by the fear of reproach, into an act against the 

dictates of his conscience ; for none who is ac|g[uainted with his history 

can doubt his personal bravery. But the statement^ probably the iuven* 

tion of Hollis himself, who continually accuses his adversaries of cow>* 

isffdioe, is linfouhded. Both Ludlow and Hutchinson agree in stating^ 

as if the matter were imdoubted, that Ireton accepted of the challenge. 

Hollis whispered it in the house, and the other followed to terminate 

the matter in the usual way, when some of the members having ob^ 



is iiioM probably ^ exaggeration) nothing provea 
tile flower of hh mind mm-e than i^ deference 
invariably shewn to him by Cromwell* whose as- 
cendency was* acknowledged by all other men* 
With great capacity^ indefatigable assiduity, and 
dta*iking powef of expressions both in speajcing and 
writings joijtied to a character for consistency and 
iHiifQjE^tt^ upj^ightnesfr, he could oot £til to acquire 
i^iuence over tibe miihlfi of those with whom he 
edriiie ill contacti He did not obtain a seat in par« 
Ikuneiit till 1646) but he soon rendered himeolf 
Mtiinent there. So long as accommodation with 
the king' appeared i^acticable) be eagerly end<da^ 
ikHiired' to accomplish it j and when a thorough 
p#oof of the unhappy monarch's want of good 
^tb, at length convinced him that no treaty could 
be reKed on, he at first only pr(^)Osed that Charles 
j»houhl' himself be imprisoned, and the crown placed 
en the head of the Duke of York ; but the contl* 
nual plots of the king, and the danger which his 
Hie threatened to every »'rangement fbr securibg 
the privileges of the people, ultimately convinced 
bij» tbali a system which sfhojuld firee them from 
bondage ta the evil passions of an^ individual was 
neceii|sary ; and that an example ought to be made 
of the grimd ofieodei^ who,, by trampling oa a)i 
those kiw» which he had been appointed and sworn 
to maiotain^ had already brought so many calami- 

tmiAyfk^ ptMKwd# M^initHod the hom» withi<^ and the seQCDBt 
Wwilg lk»«i iiisli»dy. dMi^ttli^iiei t9 maamxkd thetf< att6ii^PQ>. «i>- 
AFed mMme t/otni&g ibtim MLt])^ w&c0 a^ewttac^M^ t}ie.TfaiBlM> 
Ififtdlofr, vol* i ir« ^4» 94^. Hiit^Qi»on, ¥eL ii* p, 147. 


ties 00, and still threatened innimierably more to, 
his country. It may, indeed, be argued with truth, 
that the form of government which Ireton pro- 
posed, was not calculated to attain the object which 
he meditated ; but on a new and unprecedented 
occasion, mistaken opinions ought to be forgiven. 
Nor can it with justice be said, that he was guilty 
of departing from the ancient monarchical institu- 
tion. By attempting to overturn the laws of his 
country, Charles had thrown all things loose, and 
people were imperiously called upon to make some 
aew arrangement in order to secure those rights 
and privileges which had descended to them from 
their ancestors. It is, however, singular, that the 
idea of passing by the lineal successor, in conse- 
quence of his improper principles, and yet electing 
a member of the family, by which it was supposed 
that the power of the people would be established 
on the one hand, while usurpers, in consequence 
of such a small departure from the usual course 
of inheritance, would be repressed on the other,-^ 
iras afterwards urged by Whitelocke, St. John, and 
others, and ultimately adopted at the revolution. It 
is believed that had Ireton lived, Cromwell would 
not have dared to usurp the government, or would 
have been quickly repressed ; for that, such was 
the inflexibility of his principles, he would not 
kave respected an usurper in the person of his fa- 
ther-in-law, more than in any other individual. 
$0 remarkable was his disinterestedness, that had 
his premature death not obstructed his purpose, he 
would have declined the grant of two thousand 



a-year which was ordered for his services^ and con^ 
f erred on his family*. 

^ Wliitelctke waH rather offended with Ifeton for Un atthnpt to 
reform the law; yet he does justice to his talents^ courage, and inte« 
grity. Mem. p. $33. 516. Even Clarendon admits, that Iretbn was 
no dissembler, and so true to his principles, that, had he lived, Crom- 
well would not have ventured to usurp the government. VoL vi. p. 46T, 
468. As to his character for gentleness and inflexible worth, see 
Ludlow, vi. p. 340. 61. 71. 81. Wood's Athen. Oxon. vol. ii. p. 81. 
FastiOxon.vol.i!.p.865. Hutcheson. See Cromwell's Liife of Cfom^^ 
well, p. 450. NobleV History of the Protectorid House of Crem- 
Well. This last writer has very little judgment, and as little re- 
search, but he brings a few well-known particulars together. 

The character of Ireton by Hume is i^gular: "Crofiiwell Dni 
great deference for the coimsels of Ireton; a man who, having graft- 
ed the soldier on the lawyer, the statesman on the saint, had adopted 
such principles as were fitted to introduce the severest tyranny, while 
they seemed to encourage the most unbounded Kcense iff human so^ 
ciety." It is scarcely possible to conceive, what in logic is termed a 
non sequitur, more complete than thiit here presented in this (short paii« 
sage. Did it really fofloW, t&at, because Ireton had studied the law 
of his country, and foughi in its defence, and sincerely bdieVed' bk 
the Christian revelation — he had adopted such principlea ''aaweie 
fitted to introduce the severed tyranny, while they seemed to encou** 
rage the mtost unbounded llcen^ iti human sodety t" We have st&t* 
ed, in the text, what was the usual course of education in that age 
for men in a high sphere of life ; and that Ireton had not, by druA* 
gery in his profession, contracted his understanding. But we may 
observe that, though pitofessional pitctice may injUre ah ordinary 
mind, it never will subdue a great one. Of this, the works of Ba« 
con, who had a profound knowledge of the law, however he violated 
the justice it inculcated, will ever afford an illustrious proof; and 
'Hume's ownr favourite. Clarendon, was a professibnal man, besides 
others whom he eilogizes. To those who Ailly estimate the charae- 
ter of Lord Somers, too, the notion relative to Ireton must be parti« 
cularly surprising ; and one is amazed to find Laing, himself a Iaw« 
yer, and yet an historian, almost re^teating Hume's Words ; but per* 
haps he found it easier to rqieat other people's sentiments than to 
think for himself; and sitting down to history as a mere party man, 
he Viewed every thing through the medium of the party he espoused. 


We shall now return to Charles. Hurstda^le, 
to which he had been latterly carried by the orders 
pf Fairfax, was situated on the mainland, oppo^ 

It may be ireiiiaAed, iowever, that the stody and practice of the 
law have a decided tendency to produce an effect on the mind directly 
lihe reyense of that stated by Mr. Hume. The mind of a mere law- 
yets— by such I mean an individual of ordinary capacity^ who cannot 
rise above his profeesion^ and for such Hyde himself expressed great 
contempt^ kifonning us, that Whitelocke and others, though profound- 
ly vepflsed in lawi were all of a higher stamp— is so crippled by cases, 
that he never can think without a precedent to direct his judgment. 
As to lieton's grafting the statesman on the saint, he certainly did so 
with benefit to mankind, for it taught him this most important truth 
—-that the consciences of men, in the service of then: God, ought never 
to be interfered with, provided their principles are not subversive of 
the safety of civil society; that persecution generally encouragea 
what U is intended to repress ; and that no form of ecdesiastical gor 
vemmcBt has been prescribed by the author of revelation to the ex^ 
daaioii of all others. What we learn of Ireton, however, from the 
beet authorities, and the very able ^a^pen which he drew up, would 
induce us to believe that he was one of the most exempt of his time 
firom any thing like cant or fanaticism. Anthony Wood, indeed, tells 
OS, that he wjas xedconed the best preacher and prayer^maker of the ar- 
my; but honest Anthony, as he is called, lived in a r^on of bigotry — 
where every thing connected with the name of Ireton was likely to 
be traduced, and where prayers, however excellent in themselves, 
ihat weve net to be found in ihe service bode, were r^jarded with hor? 
ror; and he had imbibed all those prejudices to their full extent ; 
while, in ^ite of his character dl honest, it would be no difficult 
matter to diow, as in his account of Digby *s afiair at Kingston-upon- 
Thamefi^ that he had no objection to a pious fraud. On this sub^ 
ject, however, tiie following passage from Whitelocke's account of 
his embassy to Sweden may not be unacceptable. It is a conversation 
with the Queen Christina. — *^ (iueen. I have been told that many 
officers of your army do themselves preach and pray to their soldiers. 
Is that true ^^Whitelocke, Yes, Madam, it is very true. When their 
enemies are swearing, or debauching, or pillaging, the officers and 
soldiers of the parliament's army use to be encouraging and exhorting 
one another out of tlje word of God, and praying together to the Lord 

M 3 


site to the Isle of Wight ; but was not nearly so 
beautiful a residence as Carisbrooke-'Castle. The 
accommodations were not becoming the guest; 

of Hosts for his blessing to be with tJiem^ who hath showed his ap- 
probation of this military preaching by the successes he hath given 
them.— <2» That's well. Do you use to do so too P—^fl^* Yes, upon 
some occasions in my own family ; and think it as proper for me^ 
being the master of it, to admonish and speak to my people when 
there is cause, as to be beholden to another to do it for me, whidk 
sometimes brings the chaplain into more credit than his Lord.— ^ Do 
your generals and other great officers dQ so P— IT. Yes, Madam> tery 
often, and yery well. Nevertheless, they maintain dlaplaiAs and 
ministers in their houses and Foments ; and such as are godly and 
worthy ministers, have as much respect, and as good proVisbn in 
England, as in any place of Christendom. Yet, it is the opinion of 
many good men with us, that a long cassock, with a silk giidie, and a 
great beard, do not make a learned or a good preacher, without gifts 
of the spirit of God, and labouring in his vineyard ; itnd, whosoever 
studies the Holy Scriptures, and is enabled to do good to tlfe souls ^ 
others, and endeavours the same, is no wheife forbiMen by that 
word, nor is it blamable. The officers and soldiers of the parHament'a 
army held it not unlawful, when they carried their lives in their 
hands, and were going to adventure them in the high plaoes of the 
field, to encourage one another out of His word who eommands over 
all ; and this had more weight and impression with it than any other 
word could have; and was never denied to be of ude but by the Po« 
pish prelates, who by no means would admit lay people (as they called 
them) to gather from thence that instruction aiid cotaafbrt iwincfa can 
nowhere else be found.— Q. Methinks you preach veiy well, and 
have now made a good sermon. I assure you I like it very welL— 
IF. Madam, I shall account it a great happiness if any of my words 
may please you." Journal of the Swedi^ Embassy, vol. i. p. 2Sg, 
^53. Such is the accoimt given by the great lord commisaonar White^ 
locke, of whom Hume himself talks in the highest strain, and surely 
none will venture to call him a fanatic, fiut, if any layman were en* 
titled to preach, it must have been an individutd so highly educated 
and of such a great capacity as IretoUi. Hear the language of Claren- 
don : " Liberty of conscience was now become the great charter ; and 
men who were inspired ^reaxihied and prayed where they would," Vol Vt 


but every means were taken to render his sitiiftli^)i 
a6 ccnnfbitable as possible. Few o£ bis ulteod^nte 
were indeed admitted; but Lieut0M»t4^ol0il9l 

jp. 1 1 6. Mighty offence against religion and morals ! The remekider 

«f the character given by Hume^ is as discrediHthle to the ^iter as 

'Uigiut to the subjcict of it. As we «r^ on tlaie topic of rdigian, me 

nuijr remark in regard to Hiune^ that oo^e a4; first ^ight is a|»t to he 

startled. a4; the opinion expressed by him (when he ^ves the account 

of Land's trial and death) relative to the najcedness^ worsfalp^ the 

Cfanridi lof £n|;taiid^ ^xxusideriiig the tendency of \m v^itjii^ ^ gl^ 

A^raly and the attacks which he soften indulges in,4g^p^t the clergy. 

One would almost imagine that he. had the same objjeet in view with 

that aacribed to the unhappy subjects of his pan^yries^thftt 4f Im- 

^^judng, by madbug men irreUgioas; in onier tfpqsfiiyse 4^e|a Cor'8»« 

petatitio]>«^r for that mental subjection to the.priesdiQQd which 

m%ht contribute to the uncontrolled, power of the prince. I cannot 

refrain here from remarking^ that Ms case affords a proof, l3tat a man 

'safieiA wane ^hom Jtibie injudicious eonduot of his MtMfi, iton Aeiqyffi 

attaeka of has icaemies. Onef can ^eaaily conceive how* not ontlj wiUi- 

ottt any intention to injure society, but even under an impression *Aat 

he was promoting its interests, he mi^t ptft>]ish theresilh otiis-m^ 

Ciimction on 4ihe ^ost iB))pttl)8Bt (Miinas xif lovnaa spooaMpq; ofld 

il fldnat have been to Ihe astoniabment of ^very msji who .desires to 

think highly of his memory, -to find a letter from his;(iephew to the 

editor of the Quarterly Review, With information caknilated to convey 

llie idea that Oke unde hoA Uirown out :se<wial notious for ftto^afanisf- 

ncnt of tiiespeoalatiTe, while himsolf was fuliy convinced pf 4he 

truth of what he assailed. No one who respects his memory i^ould 

Wish to give it credit, nor indeed is it consonant with his private 'Ctr- 

respondence, or all we know of his conversations ; for what opinion 

must we entertain of any man who can publish opinions calculated to 

snbi^vt the latth oi thoioandsy m a religion which he himself con- 

ceml a holief of ^s^ential to dMiretenMilwdl&re?'— See Quarterly 

ilmow/ for OotObca-, ISIQ. 

To retmSBn to ^seton : Anthony Wood infonns "us, that at- the uni- 

•vmsitj, he 'had the^oharaoter of being sauey to his seniors ; -and that, 

-therefOKe, his eon^any was .not much sought after. This is just wJtiat 

we should expect <tf a. great and generous mind. The insolent and 

overbearing, to those whom they r^ard as their inferiors, are always 


Cobetty **to give him his due," says Herbert, 
*< was very civil to the king, both in his language 
and behaviour, and courteous to those that attend- 
ed, upon all occasions; nor was his disposition 
rugged towards such as in loyalty and love came 
to see the king and to pray for him ; as sundry 
out of Hampshire did, and the neighbouring coun- 
ties/* The conduct of this oflRcer proved a con- 
trast to that of a captain who received his ma- 
jesty at landing. This man's look was stern, his 
hair and large beard black, and bushy, << and no le^ 
robust and rude was his behaviour,'' acting with 
all the assumed consequence of a base mind, that 
feels itself suddenly invested with a little brief 
authority. ** Some of his majesty's servants were 
not a little fearful of him ; and that he was de- 
signed for mischief, especially when he vapoured, 
being elevated with his command, and puffed up 
with having so royal a prisoner, so as he probably 
conceived that he was nothing inferior to the go- 
vempr of the castle at Milan; but being com- 
plained of to his superior officers, appeared a bub- 
ble ; for, being pretty sharply admonished, he 
quickly became mild and calm— -a posture ill be- 

despicably mean to their seniors^ or as such as they deem their supe^ 
riors. A generous mind^ on the other hand^ disputes the claims to 
respect of many with whom it comes in contact; and cannot purchase 
the good opinion of seniors by the ready smile of assent Such a per- 
son thinks for himself^ and will not Matter by receiving and repeating 
other people's sentiments without examination. Fielding^ who was 
such an admirable master of the human hearty has happily depicted 
this in the characters of Blifil and Tom Jones. 


coming such a rhodomont, and made it visible that 
this humour, (or tumour rather,) was acted to cur- 
ry favour, wherein also he was mistaken *." The 
walk allowed the king was about two miles in 
length, but only a few paces broad, and is said to 
have been covered pretty deep with gravel or small 
pebble, which rendered it disagreeable to the 

It was at last determined to remove the king Hanim 
from Hurst-castle to Windsor, and Colonel Harri- ^^^ 
son, afterwards major-general, was deputed to l>ring^hMi« 
him up* Harrison was the son of a grazier in thecastie to 
neighbourhood of Newcastle-under-Line. He had ci^acte^ 
been early articled to a Mr. Hosdker, an eminent jJJ^"' 
attorney in Clifford's Inn, who had employment un- 
der the king. When the young gentlemen in the 
inns of court were formed into companies under Sir 
Fhflip Stapleton, Harrison was one; and such was 
his general talents, aptitude for war, and faithful 
discharge of his duty, that, long before the new 
model, he had been promoted to the rank of ma- 
jor ty and had acquired a high character as a sol- 

• Herbert, p, 86. 

f Herbert, p. 84> e/ seq» 

% Ckrendon says, that he was only a captain before the new mo- 
del; and Noble teUs ua, that he had attained no rank before it; 
but the following passage in a letter by Baillie, dated London, Jidy 
6th, 16i4, to Mr. Robert Blair,' is conclusive. He says, in relation to 
the battle pf Marston Moor, ^^ we were both grieyed and angry thfit 
your independents there should haye sent up M^jor Harrison to trum- 
pet oyer all the dty their own praises, to our prejudice, making ^H 
belieye that Cromwell alone, with his unspeakably yalorous regiments, 
had done all the service." BaiUie's Letters, vol. ii. p. ^. Clarendoi^ is 


dier. Ardent In reli^on, even to enthusiasm, be 
was open and generous in all his actions. The 
same individual who bad contributed to raise Crom- 
well, (there was scarcely any man in whose judg- 
ment and talents, to which his professional habits 
contributed much, Cromwell bad morecoafidenoc^) 
immediately attempted to overthrow hioi when he 
discovered the selfishness of his designs. What- 
ever opinions may be formed regarding the politi- 
cal and religious opinions of Harrison, it is im- 
possible not to admire the rectitude of feelh^ that 
:actuated him ; for he was not one of those who 
aimed merely at their own aggrandizement, or were 
influenced by personal resentment; neither was 
he amongst the number of such as the after chiuige, 
with all its motives of fear on the one hand* sxnd 
hope on the other, could induce to di^vow his 
sentiments* At the Restoration, he r^fiiaed to 
withdraw himself^ though informed of the intett- 
tion of his adversaries, and advised by his friends 
to consult his safety in fl^ht. << He accodated 
such an action,'' says Ludlow, <^ a desertion of the 
cause in which he had engaged; though many 
precepts and examples might be produced, even 
from the Scriptures, to justify men who endeavour 
to avoid the cruelty of ^n^nies and persecutors 
by removing themselves where they may be pro- 
tected. For that only can pr<^rly be called a de- 
sertion of the cause, when men disown it to save 

incorrect in regard to the early ffltU8tion> or the bitth-plaeeof Harrison; 
bat he does justice to his talents and general fair intention8> while 
he disproves the story told by Bnmet^ ef .bis having entertained an 
idea to assassinate the king. Clar. vol. v. p. 246. 


tbeir liV68, and pot when they Endeavour to secure 
themselves bylalivful raean^ in order to promote it 
But^ aball not take upon me to censure the 
conduct of the majoif general, not knowing 
\7hat extraordinary . impulse one of his ¥irtue» 
piety, and oouifage, may have had upon his mind 
in that conjuncture. Sure I am, he was everyway 
so qualified for the part he had in the following 
sufieritigs, that even his ebemies were astonished 
and confounded *.'* . 

Harrison arrived at Hurstrcastle late in the even- 
ing, and hk majesty having heard the drawbridge 
let down and the horses enter, sent his attendant 
Mr. Herbert to inquire the cause of the noise. 
Herbert went to Captain Reynolds, who informed 
hitt of the arrival of Harrison, but refused, at 
this time, to say more than that the cause of his 
arrival Would be speedily known. Herbert re^ 
turned with the intelligence to his majesty, who 
recdved it with much discomposure. Herbert 
wept; and Charles having asked the cause, and 
been apprised that it arose from the perturbation he 
bad observed, proceeded thus : '< I am not afraid, 
but do not you know that this is the man who 
intended to assassinate me, as by letter I was in- 
formed during the late treaty? To my know* 
fedge I never saw the major, though I have oft 
heatd of^him, nor ever did him injury. The com- 
missioners, indeed, hearing of it, represented it 
from Newport to the house of lords j what satis-* 

• Ludlow, vol. iii. p. 12, 


faction he gave them I cannot tell ; this I can, 
that I trust in God M^ho is my helj^er ; I would 
not be surprised ; this is a place fit for such a 
purpose. Herbert, I trust to your care, go again 
and make £irther inquiry into this business.*' 
Herbert returned to Reynolds,— who was a gentle? 
man well educated, as Herbert himself informs 
US| and had not only shewn great personal civility 
to the king, but to all his servants, and had there- 
fore generally been selected by his majesty to 
walk with him,— -and was apprized by him that the 
object was to remove the king within two days to 
Windsor. The news were received with great 
satisfaction, Windsor being a place the king had 
ever delighted in *. 

Harrison stayed two nights at Hurst, and then 
departed at night without seeing the king, or 
speaking with any of his attendants. All things 
having be^n prepared £or his removal, Charles 
was conveyed to Milford, about three miles from 
Hurst-castle. There a party of horse, which had 
been sent for winter quarters to Lind-Hurst, con- 
veyed him to Winchester, where he was received 
with the most dutiful respect. From thence he 
rode to Alton, and then to Alesford, where his. re?- 
ception was as gratifying as at Winchester. ^* From 
Alesford the king passed to Famham, betwixt which 
two towns (being about seven miles asunder^ 
another troop of horse was in good order drawn 
^Pi by which his majesty passed : it was to bjring 

P Herbert; y. 91— a*. 


up therbar. In] the head of it was the captain^ 
gallantly mounted and armed ; a velvet monteir 
va9 on. his head, a new buff coat on his back, 
and a crimson silk scarf about his waist, richly 
fringed *; who as the king passed by with an 
easy pace, (as delighted to see men well horsed 
at|d armed,) the captain gave the king a bow with 
his head a la soldade, which his majesty requited. 
This was the first timei the king saw the captain. 
Mr. Herbert, riding a little behind the king, 
(who made no use of his coach since he came 
from Hurst-castle) he called him to come near, 
and asked him who the captain was ^ and being 
tpld it was Major Harrison^ the kii^ viewed him 
more narrowly^ and fixed his eyes so steadily upon 
him, as made the major abashed, and fall back to 
his troop sooner than probably he intended f. 
The king said he looked like a soldier, and that 
his aspect was good, and found him not such a 
one as was represented; and that, having some 
judgment in faces, if he had observed him so well 
before^ he should not have harboured that ill opi- 

* Mn. HatehloBon accases Harrison of having been too fond of 
diea, and on one occasion of having acted rather disingenuously to- 
wards her liusband on ihat head* But Hutchinson might be un« 
jmHf piqued; and thon^ upon the whole a very worthy churac- 
ia^ he had not the ingenuousness of Harrison^ as may fairly be seen 
in their respective conduct at the restoration. I rather think too, 
diat the town's people, and others of Notting^iam, appear from the 
iady^a own shewing to have been often right in the Inckerings with 
her hn f b ftT*4lr 

t This sorely is a striking proof of a proper feeling of delicacy. 


nion of him ; for oft times the spirit and disposi- 
tion may be discerned by the countenance ; yet, 
in that, onis may be deceived ♦." That evening 
his majesty lodged in a private gentleman^ house 
in Farnham; the castle, which belonged to the 
bishop of Winchester, being then garrisoned with 
soldiers, and consequently unfit for his accommo- 
dation. A little before supper the parlour was full 
of company t6 see the king ; but he having ob- 
served through the crofwd. Colonel Harrison> 
talking with another officer at the far end of this 
room, ** beckoned to him with his hand to come 
nearer to him ; which he did with due reverence ;* 
(that is, he addressed his majesty on his knee ;) 
** the king then taking him by the arm, drew him 
aside towards the window, where, for half an hour 
or more, they discoursed together; and. amongst 
other things the king minded him of the informa- 
tion concerning him, which, if true, rendered him 
an enemy in the worst sense to his person j to 
which the major in his vindication, assured his 
majesty that what was so reported of him was not 
true ; what he had said he might repeat; that the 
law was equally obliging to great and small, and 
that justice bad no respect of persons ; or words 
to that purpose; which his iiKQesty, Coding af- 
ffectedly spoken, and to no good end, he left off 
^ther pQUversation with him, and went to sup- 
per, being all the time very fdeasant, which v^m 
no small rejoicing to many to see him so chei^rfui 

* This presents a fayoaiable picture of CharleiS. 



IB that company and sach a condition/^ It is 
extraordinaiy, that, though both Chaiies and his 
attendants were fuUy satisfied that Harrison dis- 
dained the very thought of assassination, and that 
the cause of the mistake was thus explained, the 
false report was afterwards revived to blacken the 
memory of him who was, with such circumstances 
of cruelty, executed as a traitor, while the bones 
of Cromwell, Ireton, Bradshaw, and others, were 
dug from their graves to be exposed on a gibbets 
The cause of his speech having been taken up, 
was that he had beeii more unreserved than* the 
other officers in the expression of sentiments, 
which yeU b^ore the king's reau>val £rom I]ur$t«. 
castle, were, as we have seen, embodied in a re- 
monstrance to the parliament by Fairfax and his 
council ; wd that the presbyterian party in parr 
liameaty eager to conclude a treaty with the king 
and dissolve the army, caught hold of this circum- 
stance as a pretext for rendering the soldiers 

On the following day the king rode from Fam- 
Iwato Slagshot, wher^ he dined at Lord New- 
biH^'s; and here we are told by Clarendon, 
though the circumstance does not appear to have 
been coiamuxucated to the king's imiiaedia.te at- 
tendant Herbert, that there was a dei»gn to effect 
an escape, by laming his majesty^s own horsef, and 
ttipplying him with one from his lordship, (who 
was reckoned to have the fleetest in England,) by 
which he might be able, in his passage through 


the forest, to bolt off from, and outride his guard, 
when in the obscure passages of the forest, with 
which, he was particularly acquainted, he might 
be lost sight of; and that other horses were in 
readiness to convey him to a place of safety. 
The design, however, having been suspected by 
Harrison, had been suflSciently provided against, 
and Charles abandoned the attempt. In the 
evening he reached Windsor-castle, where the 
chambers had been prepared for his reception *• 

' * Herbert's Memoinj p. 95 to 99. Clar. Tdl. r. p. S46 to 949. 
The noble historian tells us^ that Harrison received the king with 
outward respect, kept himself bare; but attended him with great 
strictness; and was not to be approached hy any address; answer^ 
iBg questions in short and few words, and when importui^ed, with 
rudeness." Again he says; ^' in this journey Harrison observed, 
that the king had always an apprehension that there was a purpose 
to murder him, and had once let fall some words of the odiousness 
and wickedness of such an assassination and murder, which could 
never be safe to the person who undertook it; he plainly told him 
that he needed not to entertain any such imagination or appreh^« 
sion ; that the parliament had too much honour and justice to cher-i 
ish such an intention ; and assured him that whatever the parlia.< 
ment resolved to do would- be very public, and in the way of ju8« 
tice, to which the world should be witness; and wopld never endure 
a thought of secret violence: which his majesty could not pasoade 
himself to believe; nor did imagine that they durst ever produce 
him in the sight of the people under any form whatever of a public 
triaL" We may remark,' that Clarendon's account of Harrison's con* 
duct, is not so' favourable to that gallant officer as Herbert's; but 
that, as Okprendon was not then in England, he could only receive 
his information from those who attended his majesty: and that as 
Herbert was the person most immediately in waiting, heprobabl/ do- 
rived it fhmi that very individual This account, however, do^ credit 
to hiipself when compared with that of Burnet, who says that Har^ 
rjson *' was a fierce and bloody enthusiast And it was bcUeved that. 


Colonel Whitchcott was at this time governor of The sUua- 
Windsor-castle, and, though none of the nobility, chlries at 
and few of the gentry, were suffered to come to see ^"*^'* 


iviiile the anny was in doubt whetibier it was fitter to kill the king 
privately or to bring him to an open trial, that he offered, if a private 
way was settled on, to be the man who should do it." Burnet's Hist. ! 
vol. i. Now, who were they who believed this ? Clarendon says, that 
it had been acknowledged since, (that is, after the restoraiim,) by 
some officers and others, who were present at the consultations, that 
some advised to depose the king, others to cut him off privately ; but 
Ireton, Harrison, and the levellers, would not endure either way, but 
insisted on an open trial ; vol. v. p. 251, 252. Clarendon was, how- 
ever, no great enemy to assassination himself, and not slow at black- 
ening his enemies. When we consult White^ocke, and others, we have 
no reason to doubt that such an idea never entered into the imagina- 
tion of the army. That it was utterly abhorrent from the whole life 
and disposition of Harrison, (to whom the t^m bloody could not, 
with the slightest justice, — ^unless it be alleged that his having sat as 
one of the king's judges, form an exception, — ^be attributed,) is evi- 
dent from Clarendon, Herbert, and others, as well as the evidence * 
on his trial. Even Burnet allows that he was conscientious, and his 
general deportment was that of humanity. But here I cannot omit 
a few observations relative to. Burnet himself, since an attempt has 
lately been made, particularly by Laing, to prop up his character. 
Lsing repels the objections brought against him by Hume and 
others, by alleging that he had compared Burnet's works with a great 
number of manuscripts in the Advocates' Library, and found them to 
be generaUy correct. This is a sweeping statement: I admit that 
< there is much valuable information in Burnet; but I cannot pro-' 
ceed so far, an^vparticularly in his sketches of characters. Swift 
and he were great enemies ; and it is singular that both had been 
apostates from their original principles, th<^h the course had been 
directly reversed betwixt them. Swift set out a pretended enthu- 
siast in favour of public liberty, and not only flattered Lord Soiners, 
whom he afterwards abused, because he did not help him to office And 
emolument, but even made an epigram in honour of the execution of 
Charles I. as the most glorious deed ; aiid yet, afterwards, spoke with 
fury against that monarch's adversaries, and with admiration of ** the 
blessed, martyred, prince," and his churchman Laud. What over- 
tures Swift subsequently made to the reigning party we need not men- \ 
tion : the utter profligacy of his political principles is scarcely a sub- 

VOL. !¥• N 


his majesty, except on Sundays to sermon, in St 
George's chapel^ where the cha{^n to the gover- 
nor and ganrifion preached ; <* the coliMiel be* 

ject of d^ttbt Whfit^ on tbe ootitmry, ms the ooiirse of his enemy 
3iunNei? Be begimft Violet tory, and ended vitdmiixr of vevdii^^ 
jnrweiples. The quetlioa Smmedittdy pat on this fttatanent i»**- 
Wbat I is U wondMul^ or Is it diacnditable, for a man to become a 
oimvert to motf Ubeni principlied as he adyttooes in Ufe? I7nques>- 
tionablynot; tho«^ formy own part> I shopld entertain a more £a* 
yourable opinion of a man who oommettoed with very libeial princi# 
pies, and became^ in the prp^press of Ijiib, coolesr in all his views^ than 
of one who hegipa as a supporter of arbitrary power> and is oonrerted 
into a warm sdyoeate of Uberty, when it happens to correspond with 
his interest^ or to arise from ftome disaj^^Knntment. Youth is not 
only the seaapB ol g.enerou8 feelii^piy but for indulgence in prospects 
of happiness to manjdnd* whidi a sad experience of the worlds with all 
its convicting interests^ fataUy ovetidouds. But this is not all that 
can be said <^ Qurnet*. He was \lm pan^gyrijBt^ not only of Charles I* 
of whom he afterwM^ds spoke in such WaTourable terms, but of 
Cbariss II. whom he subsequently likened to Tiberius ; and even of 
the detest^ble« ioftmous Duke of X^audi^rdale himsdif. Had he been 
^inoere in bise^ly principles^ he would have had some charity for those 
who omtinued to adhere to thank But instead of that> he invariably 
imputes to them the worst ^otivesj^-rrwhenoe we may fairly deduce 
that he must have judged of them irpm what he Mt in his own 
breiet. Nor ctn it even be saidj, that the affiurs had undergone a 
changerrbecause he c(mdemn8> in the most unqualified tenmb the 
vfory actions and actofs he had formarly aj^roved (^» Evai this is 
not allr-rtn his memoirs of the Hamiltcms he stamps with his appro- 
hatton the most downright acts of perfidy, as pious mew^ towards a 
WlHrthy end. When the revolution in his principles took plaoej and 
how i^ quadrated with his interest, we shall not pause to explain. It 
is amaaing], however> that the bishops of Ei^land were not satisfied 
ey^ with the toryisw of Burnet ; and therefore attempted to prevent 
his w^tiug t^ history of the ref<mnation. He desired to be admitted 
t^ the Cotton Library ; but^ according to his own account^ was '^pre- 
vented by the archbishop^ (Sancroft,) who told Sir John Cotton that 
Smnet was no friend to the prerogative of the qrown, or the constitu« 
tien 9i the kingdom.'* ^' This judgment^" says Swift, " was the 
miOKe extraordinary! because the doctor 1ml not long before pul]J]ahed 
a book in Scotland, with his name prefixed, which carries the royal 


haved bitiiBelf^ nevertheless^ very civilly towards 
the king, and his c^servance was takto notice of 
by his majestyi as also the soldiers th^e^ who^ in 

prtrogatiTe faiglrar thitn trnf writer of th^ age." Nidud's cditJoti of 
Swift, vol. V. p. 62. It is remarkable, however, that this story by 
Burnet, which was generally questioned, I discovered by a letter hi 
the British Museum from Sit William Diigdale to Sk John Cotton, 
dated Herald's Offiee, 5l0th December, 1677, (Ayici il6d No. of vd. 
62,) to be perfectly correct Dugdale had been applied to by Cotton 
in behalf of Burnet, for access to papers, and l)ugdale answers, " that 
Ihe bishops do not think Burnet a ^t hand | that he ts a Scotchman, 
«nd has sho^vtt his bias in the Memoits of the Hamiltons, laying 
the foundation of the late execrable rebellion entirely on the bishops. 
Dugdale, therefore* desires Cotton tp tell him that he, being no Eng- 
lishman, he (Cotton) must advise with the bishops.'^ This is surdy 
a valuable proof of the unconscionable lengths these men would have 
gone ; for the meinoirs had been subniitted to Charles II. himself, and 
approved of by him. To retum to Harrison, Hume b^jb : ^' Colonel 
Hanison, the son of a butcher, and the mostftUious endiusiast in the 
«nny. Was sent With a strong party to oOndUtt the king to London." 
Witii r^ard to the birth of Harrisoh, there are two accounts of it ; 
told as Clarendon is wrong iii regard to the ettly life of that ihditidual, 
we may conohide that, in the torrent of filth Which was poured forth 
oil all those charftcters, where birth was ever assailed, tod the grossest 
calumnies on that head invented, the most favourable acoount^that 
his father was a respectable graader^is the correct one. But the 
statement of Mr. Hume is intended to convey a misrepresentation 
under what he had an authority for calling truth. The natural in* 
ferenoe i»*-«what Hume ever attempts to inculdate-**that Harrison, 
told others in employment, had been rused from mean occupations to 
high affiees> merely by cant and fanaticism. One would never im»« 
gine, ftmn his stateknent, that Harrison, who had been bi«d to a libe^i* 
ral profession, had received the education of a gentleman, had asso« 
eiated with genikmen, and had so profited froikl the opportunities 
presented to him, that with his grent talents he could not fail to rise 
to distinction wherever the road was open to merit. To the credit of 
the £i^sh government, there are, at this moment, in the highest fli« 
tnttions,— *ftnd, though not disposed to panegyric, I must say, that it 
would have been a dL^ace to any government wMdi would not have 
affinded an opportilnity to some of those to rise,«^perBons from an infe« 
Tior sphere of life. Hume's statement, indeed, reminds us of the baa 



their places there, gave no ofience, either in lan- 
guage or in behaviour, either to the king or any 
that served him.*' Charles bad full liberty to walk 
at his pleasure within the castle, and on the large 
terrace without, which commands so beautiful a 
prospect *. 

We now. return to the parliament and army. 
Many of the members, besides those seized, were 
refused access to the lower house, which, having 
been thus purged, recalled the vote for admitting 
the impeached members, and returned to that of no 
more addresses, while it also voted that the late 
treaty in the Isle of Wight was scandalous f . 

malignity of Swift in regard to Lord Somers— the subject of his former 
panegyrics. In remarks on the characters of the court of Queen 
Aone^ the original author of the characters says of Lord Somers^ that 
'* he was of a creditable family in the city of Worcester." Swift 
writes under it, *'.very mean; his father was a noted rogue." voL v. 
p. 164. Thus does Swift write of one of the greatest characters that 
Jj)ngland erer produced, and whom he had courted with the meanest 
sycophancy. The character of Somers was beyond his power; but he 
would wound him by slandering his father, whose obscurity rendered 
the vindication of his good name difficult. Yet Swift was himself of 
low origin. ^' The lowest of all wretches," says Fielding, " are. al- 
ways the first to cry out low in the pit" 

* Herbert, p. 101. This conveys a very different picture of the 
parliamentary officers and soldiers, from that generally given ; yet it 
proceeds from the royal attendant. But he appears to have had too 
much the spirit of a gentleman to do injustice to any extent to his 

t As Pride was the officer who acted in secluding the members, the 
obloquy of the transaction, as we have remarked, has been unjustly im- 
puted to him in a more eminent degree than to Fairfax and his other 
superiors, as well as to a great number of the House of Commons, and 
a part qf the peerage ; and, to render him the more odious, he has been 
represented as having been originally a drayman, though it is also stat- 
ed that he had raised himself to the rank of a brewer before the troubles. 
But all acquainted with the misrepresentations, regarding the birth 



About this period a consultation was held a consuita. 
amongst the leading men regarding the constitution the mai of 
of a new government ; and many tvho thought that*^^ ^"^' 
monarchy, as most agreeable to the habits of the 
people and general fabric of the laws, oilght td 

bf ilidividuals who acted at that time on the popular side, will pay 
small attention to this story. Out of such as rose to that eminence 
as to render their hirth a suhject of strict inquiry^ a feW have re« 
luctantly received something like justice from history ; . hut even 
thele have bnl^ obtained it, because their original rank was too t)ulM 
lie t0 be long disputed; The memories of the rest hslve incurred all 
the consequences of failure in a grand contest. But, though Pride 
had been of low birth, ought that to form an objection to him ? The 
majority of the chief officers, and other great actor^, were meii of 
rank as well as educations-even Colonel Rich; who was deputed to 
act along with him, though his regiment of horse was not required—^ 
wad Si man of family, and bred a barrister. Nay, a great portion of 
ih6 (Common soldiery were men of some rank ; Cromwell's regiment 
of horse was composed of freeholders and freeholders' sons, who en^ 
gaged out of conscience. High, therefore, must any man's talents 
have been who could distinguish himself amongst such competitors 
—competitors with all the advantage Of even parliamentary friends. 
It is one great excellency of a free government/ that merit meets 
with its just reward, and such was the necessary result of the 
present contest. Was there any spirit so mean as to grudge the 
rise from thd lowest rank to the highest of soke of our bravest 
natal commanders during the late war ? But even arbitrary princes 
fiiid it expedient, nay, necessary, to employ new men in the admini-* 
stration of their government. Did those men, however, who are so 
loud in calumniating the popular party, find the want of birth to be 
any objection in the courtiers-**as Laud ? Davenant, too> the poet— 
the army-conspirator, and great favourite of the coiurt, was the son of a 
tavern-keeper, and had lost his nose by dissipation. Williams, bi- 
shop of Lincoln, who was at one time keeper of the great seal, and 
afterwards created archbishop of York, was of low birth ; and the 
celebrated Jeremy Taylor, bishop of Downe, was the son of a barber. 
Home seems to think that genius or talent could only legitimately 
rise through a court, or by literature — ^and the last he would have 
t^jid under .the protection of a court, which wotdd have palsied it. 
The profanation of learning he mortally di^iked. 

N 3 


be preserved, advised that Chailes should be set 
aside for his gross abuse of power, and the prince, 
for having been in arms against the people of Eng- 
land, and ako the Duke of York, as having fled 
from their custody ; but that the crown should be 
placed on the head of the Duke of Glocester, who, 
as a mere boy, might easily be trained up in, and 
imbued with, the principles of a free government, 
and, owing the throne to the election of the peo* 
pie, might conduct the afiairs of the state ac# 
cording to the law which made him monarch. The 
majority, however, conceiving that, by a better ar- 
rangement, and frequent cbangesi in the represent 
tation, the public will might be properly expressed 
by the parliament, and that, as the national coun- 
qil, thus the organ of the public will, ought to be 
supreme, it was unsafe to commit authority to an 
individual who, from what they had just experien- 
ced, would probably* conceive hi3 interest difierent 
from that of the people, and always endeavour to 
promote it at their expense, by frustrating, to the 
utmost qS, his power, the measures of the parlia* 
meiit,-^proposed to lay aside monarchy entirely, 
and conduct the government by committees^ or a 
council nominated by the parliament, according to 
the plan so successfully pursued from the com- 
mencement of the late struggle. It was, at the 
same time, determined on to bring Charles to tnal» 
and petitions in favour of the measure were brought 
from various quarters *. 

* W1utdocke> p. 364, and compare it with paqsagea relative to 
events after the king's death, p* ^16, 517« 


The commons in pursuance of the design tocommonf 
bring Charles to trial, nominated a committee of ^mmkL 
thirty-eight, to examine witnesses and jHrepare a Se^^Sa 
charge against him; The committee sat close, ^.^ 

Hume puts & speech, as Uttered in the hduse of commons^ into 
Cromwell's moath> for whkh he quotes no autihorityi The firtft 
part is taken from Clement Walker, a writer so ahsurdly vio- 
lent, and so regardless of truth, as to he unworthy of much con- 
tnderation. The alleged speech of Cromwell is ; '' should any one 
hare voluntarily proposed to bring the king to punishment, I should 
have regarded lum as the greatest traitor ; but since providence 
and necessity have cast us upon it, I will pray to God fbr a blessing 
on your counsels ; though I am not prepared to give you any advice 
on this important occasion.'' Here Walker, whom Hume does not 
even quote, stops, (History of Indepeiidency, Part II. p. M ;) but 
then follows in Hume's work, this: " Even I myself,'' sul^jmned he, 
(CromweU,) '^ when I was lately offering up petitions for his mijesty's 
restoration^ felt my tongue cleave to thfe roof of my mouth, and 
conadered the preternatural movement as the answer ^vdiich heaven, 
having rejected the king, had sent to my su^lications." I would 
ask, how even the first pert, as given by Walker, corresponds wiih the 
general conduct of Cromwell, (Clar. vol. v. p. 110, 111.) with what 
he urged as to the vote of no more addresses? (see our note in p. ISS,) 
with the large remonstrance of the army, &c. &c. But whence does 
Mr. Hume extract the last part of this ptetended speech ? I b^ 
the reader's attention: For if ever an instance of unpasdonable 
imposition was practised, it occurs here^ Walker's account of what 
passed in the house, from whidi he was exclude, is manifestly fa- 
bricated ; and it is evident, that could he have ventured to proceed a 
step farther, without exposing his work to utter contempt, he would 
have done it. Now, what does Hume do ? He finds the following 
passage in Perinchief, and he manu^MtureiB it to suit his own pur- 
pose. " Cromwell, to some, would have covered this impiety with 
another" — (the reader will remark, that neither time nor place is 
hinted at, while the word some dearly proves that it never could be 
meant to insinuate that it was *' in the house," as Hume says) — '* that 
as he was praying for a blessing ftom God on his undertakings to re- 
store the king to his pristine majesty. Ins tongue cleaved hf the roof 
of hts mouth, that he could not «peak one word more, whidishe took 


and an impeachment was framed to the following 
Charge efFcct. " That Charles Stuart being admitted 
ffil king of England, and therein intrusted with a limit- 
ed power to govern by, and according to, the laws 
of the land, and not . otherwise ; and by his trust, 
oath, and office, being obliged to use the power 
committed to him for the good and benefit of the 

as a return of prayer, and that God had rejected him from being king, 
p. 69. No one that ever looked into Perinchief would give one straw 
for any unvouched statement of his, particularly when neither time, 
place, nor person — ^all which, as he wrote after the restoration, could . 
have been specified, — are even insinuated. But I must develop a little 
artifice. Mr. Hume knew well that, as never was period more the subject 
of misrepresentation than this, even ministers of the gospel of high de- 
gree comparing the sufierings of Charles to those of Christ, nay, as 
more unjustifiable, and feigning miracles as performed by handker- 
chiefs dipt in his blood, so there are some authors whom, by quoting, 
he would have exposed himself to ridicule. Of this description are 
Perinchief, and Lloyd, whom he only refers to, I think, once ; and 
yet he, in some important places, almost transcribes from them, par- 
ticularly the first, making their language his own, without either 
giving a reference at all, or giving a wrong one. 

Immediately after the pretended speech of Cromwell, there occurs 
the following passage: ^^ A woman of Hertfordshire, illuminated by 
prophetical visions, desired admittance into the military council, and 
commimicated to the officers a revelation, which assured them that 
their measures were consecrated from above, and ratified by a hea- 
venly sanction. This intelligence gave them great comfort, and 
much confirmed them in their present resolutions." For this he 
quotes Whitelocke, whose words are these : " A woman out of Hert- 
fordshire came to the council of the army, and acquainted them she 
had something from God to speak to them, and being admitted, she 
did much encours^e theni in their present proceedings." P. 356. 
Now all that know the style of the age must admit that the meaning 
of the passage is only that she used encouraging language, not that 
they were encouraged. But Hume makes a good story of it. The 
reader will find in Herbert a notable proof of superstition on the part 
jotgharles and his attendants, p. 87. See Perinchief, p. 82, 1 1 4. 


people, and for the preservation of their righta 
and liberties : yet nevertheless, out -of a wicked 
design to erect and uphold in himself an unlimit? 
ed and tyrannical power, to rule according to his 
will, and to overthrow the rights and liberties of 
the people, yea, to take away and make void the 
foundations thereof, and of all redress and remedy 
of misgovernment, which,by thefundamental consti- 
tutions of this kingdom, were reserved on the peor 
pie's behalf, in the right and power of frequent and 
successive parliaments, or national meetings in coun- 
cil ; he, the said Charles Stuart, for the accomplish- 
ment of such his designs, and for the promoting of 
himself and his adherents, in his, and their wicked 
practices, to the same end hath traitorously and ma- 
liciously levied war against the present parliament, 
and the people therein represented.'* It then 
proceeds to enunierate and specify the several 
places where battles were fought ; it next states that 
he had caused the war to be renewed, and goes 
on thus : ^* by which cruel and unnatural wars, 
by him, the said Charles Stuart levied, continued, 
and renewed, as aforesaid, much innocent blood 
of the free people of this nation hath been spilt, 
many families have been undone, the public trea- 
sure wasted and exhausted, trade obstructed and 
miserably decayed, vast expenses and damages to 
the nation incurred, and many parts of this land 
spoiled, some of them even to desolation ; and for 
further prosecution of his said evil designs, he, 
the said Charles Stuart, doth still continue his 
commissions to the said prince his son, and other 
rebels and revolters, both English and foreigners, 

186 RRTOitir w Tins British emj^irs* 

and to the £arl of Ormonde^ and to the Irish re^ 
beb sod revdters associated with him ; from whom 
farther invaaions upon this land are threatecied^ 
upon the procurement^ and on the behdif of the 
said Cbartes Stuart. All which wicked designsi 
works, and evil practices^ of him, the said Charles 
Stuart, have been, and are carried on, for the ad* 
vancement and upholding of a personal interest oi* 
will, power, and pretended prerogative to him* 
self and his family, against the public iuterest, 
common right, liberty, justice, and peace of 
the people of this nation, by and from whom 
he was intrusted as aforesaid. By all which, 
it appeareth that the said Charles Stuart hath 
been, and is, the occasioner, author, and conti* 
nuer of the said unnatural^ cruel, and bloody wars ; 
and therein guilty of all the treasons, murder^ 
rapines, burnings, ^oils, desolations, damages, 
and mischiefs to this nation, acted and committ'- 
Ordinance ed iu thc said wars, or occasioned thereby/* This 
Ac. ^ ^' charge was voted by the commons, and a provi- 
sion was made against the king's refusing to plead, 
while a vote was passed adjudging and declaring 
it to be treason in time to come to levy war against 
the parliament. When, however, the ordinances 
were sent up to the lords, they declared themselves 
unsatisfied regarding the collective power of the 
nation to bnng the king to trial, and, to avoid a 
disagreement, adjourned for ten days. But the 
commons having appointed a committee to inspect 
their journals, discovered that there were votes 
recorded, which they had concealed, against the 
ordinances, and, therefore, they (in which they only 


fbllowed out mi intimatioa tibat they had sent up 
before the civil wars, and by ilo less a man than 
Denzil HoUis hiiE»elf,) determined to act without 
tiiat body as sittmg in parliament for thek* own 
behoitf ofily, while themselves re^Hresented the com- 
munity at larger In confcHmity to this purpose 
they passed the three foUowkig resolutions t <^ first, 
that the peq)le are, under God, the origin of all 
JQSt pow€^ ; secondly, that the commons of England 
assembled in parliament, have the supreme autho- 
rity of this nation i thirdly, that whatever is en- 
acted and declared for law by the commons of 
parliament, hath the force ci law, and all the people 
<^ the nation aTC included thereby, although the 
consent and concurrence of the peers may not be 
bad thereto/* These were passed without a nega- 
tive voice, and an ordinance for the trial of Charles 
Stuart by a high court of justice, specially consti- 
tuted, was consented to and ordained to be en- 
grossed on the succeeding day. The commons 
thenceforth styled themselves the parliament. A 
new seal was likewise ordered, bearing on one side 
the arms of England and Ireland, with these words, 
«* The great seal of England j'* and on the other 
side the picture of the house of commons, with the 
words, •♦ The first year of freedom, by God*s bles* 
sing, restored, 1648/*^ The inscription was im- 
puted to Henry Martin, who was a keen common- 
wealth's man *. 

The Scottish commissioners having heard of the Scotash 

sioners pro- 
,-^ • test against 

* Old Farl. Hist. vol. xviii. p. 488, et seq. Cob. vol. liL p. 1252, the trial. 

tt seq. Rush. vol. vii. oh. 34. Whitelocke, p. 966, etseq* 


ordinance for the trials sent to the commons a Ief« 
ter, in which they protested against it» and pressed 
for that unity of councils and actions between the 
two kingdoms which had been so studiously pro- 
vided for by the solemn league and covenant ; 
but their repres^itations were disregarded. 
Commis- There were in all ^ hundred and fifty commis- 

nonen lox - • • tr 

the trial, sioners (some of the lords and commons^ officers 
F^irfaV&c. of the army, aldermen of London, and gentlemen 
from the counties,) nominated by the parliament 
for the trial of the king, and twenty were to form 
a quorum ; but there do not appear to have sat 
above eighty-one of the number appointed, and 
never above seventy-one at one time. The ab- 
sence of the rest has been by many writers ascrib- 
ed to abhorrence at the proceeding ; but if we may 
credit others who had better opportunities of know- 
ing, and whose statements are corroborated by the 
subsequent conduct of the absentees, they were 
influenced by prudential motives only. The 
measure itself formed a new era in the political 
world \ and the present government could not 
be supposed to have the stability of an old esta- 
blished one,^ On any fresh revolution the grand 
actors in this event were the most likely to be se- 
lected for victims ; and as there was no compulsion 
used, and no loss of favour threatened to those 
who absented themselves, many perceived that, 
while by absence they should not incur the dan- 
ger of the act, they might derive (as they did) 
all the advantages of the measure. Lord Fairfax 
himself, who had very lately declared his desire of 
bringing the king to justice, sat once as a commis» 


sioner in that court to prepare matters for the 
trial, and assented to what was done, whence it 
Cannot be* denied that he fully sanctioned the 
institution of that judicature, and its authority over 
the individual whom it was specially appointed to 
try * ; but, after this, he sat no more, and therefore 
has been ranked amongst the chief of those who 
would take no part in the proceedings,— though he 
did not scruple to continue in his office, and ac- 
knowledge the new government. 

The inconsistent conduct of Fairfax on that 
occasion has been ascribed to the influence of 
his lady. He had been himself attached to the 
independent principles; but she having been 
gained oyer by some presbyterian divines, exclud- 
ed the independent clergy from his presence, and 
unceasingly laboured to convert him to her princi- 
ples. It is not, however, improbable, that other 
motives swayed both him and his consort. Though 
not an English peer, he was now, on the death of 
his father, a Scottish one j and most likely was at- 
tached to the title which he inherited. The par- 
liament had determined to make his father an earl, 
both to reward his own services, and, through him, 
those of his son ; and had the ordinance which 
was voted been established, the general would now 
have held that rank ; but as the * measures of the 
commons were now destructive of the upper house, 
his ambition had received, in that particular, a fatal 
blow. He still held the chief command in the 

* Howell's State Papers, vol. iv. p. 1054. This fact has been uu-i 
accountably overlooked. 


army i yet the character of Cromwell, with the 
parliament, the army, and the nation at large, sur- 
passed his own { and, in the council of officers, he 
found his influence subordinate to that of Crom- 
well and Ireton« He had, besides all this, the 
same prudential motives as the others : still he had 
the candour at the restoration to acknowledge, 
that if any man ought to sufier for the death of 
Charles, it should be himself, as he might have 
prevented it had he chosen.* It has been said 
that those who acted as commissioners in this 
high court of justice^ were almost entirely men of 
mean extraction f ; but it is only necessary to in- 
spect the list to be satisfied of the contrary : there 

* Ludlow, yoL liL p. 10. Hutchinson's Mem. vol. iL p, 101*2^ 
l&i, €t seq. This lady informs us that Ingolby, who afterwards pre- 
tended that Cromwell and other oftcers^ having put a pen into hit 
hand by fbrce^ made it scrawl the slgutune^ was the most fbrwaid in 
urging on the trial. With regard to Fadrfax, she has this just state- 
ment : *^ Then also a declaration to the same purpose was presented 
to the house^ from the Lord General Fairfax and his coundl of offi** 
oerf» and stninge it Is, how men that could afterwards pretend such 
rdluctancy and abhoifence of thoae things that were done> should for«> 
get they were the efPective answer of their petition*? 
. The motives which influenced Lord Willoughby of Parham^ may 
have affected Fairfax at the king's triaL Lord WUloug^by^ aman df 
talentj oouragOj &c. acted as Lieutenant-General to Essex, and was 
voted to be an earl, but '^ having taken a disgust at the parliament's 
declining of a personal treaty with the king, and being Jealous that 
nontrdiy, indeonseqiientlyd^raes And titles of hotiour, mete in dan*- 
gor tobo wholly abdithed, he was ^arward,** && WMtelodce, p. 324.. 

t The scurrility of the scum of the royalist party is truly ridicu- 
lous. They pretend that all were low : one or two of them were 
cobblers; some, tod, adulterers; others atheistical, &c. &c. But 
Sanderson has the highest flight of all. " If it were necessary to prove 
it," says he, <^ it was reported for truth, there was one man, and no 
man, or rather of double sex, an hermaphrodite.'' P. 1131. Perin- 
chief, p. 81, et seq. 


were three lords, five barcmets, five lo^^hts^ and 
the remainder, with two or three exceptions, were 
members of old and highly respectable families. 
The president, John Bradshaw, seijeant at "l^^Wi ciMiMtar 
was of a very ancient family, though his fortune thaw, 
was chiefly of his own acquiring, by talent and 
industry in his profession* Even the most liberal 
pf bis enemies allow the depth of his knowledge 
and the extent of his legal practice* Amongst his 
owp party, his character, not only for professional 
ability, but for general information, unimpeacha- 
ble integrity, and dauntless resolution, was remark- 
ably high* The parliament had appointed coun- 
sel to plead for the people of England ; and John 
Cooke was nominated for the occasion, solicitor*ge- 
nieral ; and Dr« Dorislaus, originally a native of 
Holland, Mr. Steel, and Mr. Aske, his assis- 
tants. As the character of Cooke has been grosslycbaiMm 
misrepresented, he having been pronounced not^^^^*^ 
even a member of the bar, and unlettered, it may 
be necessary here to present an account of him. 
Cooke had, in his younger years, seen the best parts 
of Europe ; and during his stay at Rome, had ac- 
quilled such a reputation, that the clergy there 
C0nceived it worth tbeir while to use their endea- 
vours to bring him over to their interest. He af- 
terwards spent some months in the house of G. Deo- 
dati, the learned friend of Milton ; and having, on 
bis return to England, been called to the bar^ soon 
acquired a coasiderable practice in the profes- 
sion *. 

 Ludlow> yol. iii. p. 69, 70. 


In the meiantime, petitions were presented froni 
various' quarters, to proceed in the execution of 
justice. As, however, neither Charlies himself, 
nor his immediate followers, conceived it possible 
that he could be brought to trial, he gave himself 
no concern about the proceedings ; and declared 
that he had no doubt whatever of seeing peace" 
established in England within six months; for that 
in case' the parliament should not restore him, or 
Ireland vindicate his rights, Denmark and other 
foreign stat'es^ would. It was only after he was 
brought into Westminster Hall, that his eyes were 
opened to the delusion which had been, in no small 
degree, the cause of the wilfulness that had all 
along scorned concession, and caused so many dis* 
asters to a people whose laws he had been ap- 
pointed to administer. 
State pre- During Charles's residence at Windsor, he lived 
chwiesat 1^ all the state of a monarch : his usual diet was 
Windsor. t( ^jgpj. yp . »j „ 3j^ Fttlke Grevile being cup-bearer, 

gave it upon his knee ; Mr. Mildmay was carver ; 
Captain Preston sometimes sewer, and kept the 
robes; Mr. Anstey, gentleman usher; Captain 
Burroughs, Mr. Firebrass, Mr. Muschamp, bad 
their places ; Captain Brimer was cook ; Mr. Ba- 
bington, barber ; Mr. Reading, page of the Back 
Stairs ; and some others also waited. The king's 
dishes were brought up covered, and all things 
performed with satisfaction in that point" He 
was now brought to St. James's, preparatory to his 
trial, and at first dined publicly in the presence 


chamber, and at meals, was served after the usual 
state, the carver, cup-bearer, and gentleman-usher, 
attending and doing their offices I'espectively ; his 
cup was given upon the knee^ as were his covered 
dishes ; the say was given, and other accustomed 
ceremonies of state observed, notwithstanding this 
his dolorous condition; and the king was 
well pleased with the observance afforded him. 
But then the case was altered ; for the officers of 
the army being predominant, gave order at a court 
of war, that thenceforth all state ceremony or ac- 
customed respect to his majesty should be forborn, 
and his menial servants, though few in number, 
be lessened. And accordingly the king's meat 
was brought up by soldiers, the dishes uncovered^ 
DO say^ no cup upon the knee, nor other accus- 
tomed court-state was then observed j which was 
an uncouth sight unto the king, saying, that the 
respect and honour denied him, no sovereign prince 
ever wanted ; nor yet subjects of high degree, 
according to ancient practice ; farther expressing. 
Is there any thing more contemptible than a des- 
pised prince ? But seeing it was come to such a 
pass, the best expedient he had to reconcile it, 
was to contract his diet to a few wishes out of the 
bill of fare, and to eat in private*." 

* Herbert's Mem. p. 101, et seq. Clar. voL v. p. 3^1-3. White- 
locke^ p. 363, et seq* But he must be wrong as to the time when 
ceremony was ordered to be withdrawn from Charles. He makes it 
on the 27th December, while the king wa^ at Windsor ; but Herbert^ 
though he woidd have thel^ing to be longer at St. James's than he 
was, (such mistakes are not wonderful,) could not be wrong as to the 
ceremony having been used at the latter place. 

VOL. IV. O. 


c^i« be ^" ^^^ ^^ *^* ^* January 1648-9, Charles was 
gms 20th brought before the high court of justice for trial 
1648^^' He went into the inside of the bar covered, and 

We have been the fuller in our quotations^ to shew the mistate« 
ments generally made on this subject Warwick, when compared with 
Herbert,— who he erroneously says was afipointed to the king, for 
Charies Ipimself gave a certificate to ihe contrary> (Herbert is ever 
loud in Charles's praise, and was afterwards made a baronet,)— will 
be found to misrepresent strangely. Perinchief says that Charles, 
who used to have his beard, which he wore long, neatly pidced> ne- 
^ected it at the Isle of Wight; but he had his barber, and was 
f<H} fond of state to allow that; yet this is represented in glow- 
ing colours by other historians, who, to depict a heart surcharged 
with woe, and estranged from the world ; (though he was At the time 
intent on only plunging the nations again in blood ;) have dwelt upon 
the circumstance without eyen warning thdr readers that the beard 
which they say he allowed to grow, was worn long. His stifl^ cold, 
fbnnal manner, and fondness for state, which were unaccompanied with 
the migesti<s grape of a Lewis XIV. to set them eff, raised up i^foinst 
him many enemies. It is aaid that the younger Vane, hayins, at 
an early period, gone accidentally, into a chamber of state, which 
those oi^y of a cotain rank were permitted to enter, no sooner heard 
the approach of the king^s foot, than he hid himself behind tlie cur-t 
tains, but Charles having observed' something bulge out, poked him 
o\it widi his staff, and immediately struck him. He turned away so 
abruptly tOQ(, f^om Sir Thomas Fairfax, in the act of presentii^ a 
petition on his knees, that his horse trampled aa Sir Thomas's foot 
Carte's Ormonde, vol. i. p. 35e, 357. 

We may now put to the proof the verses which Burnet alleges 
were written by Charles in Carrisbrooke Castle. The ^th and 81st 
stansasrun thu]|: 

SO. ** My lifb they prize at such a slender rate. 
That in my absence they draw bills of hate, 
To prove the king a traitor to the state. 

21. Felons obtsm more privilege than I, 

They ate allowed to answer ere they die, 
'Tifideatli ^ me to ask the leasoo why.** 

^. B, The bills alluded to in the first stanza were drawn after his 
arrival at Windsor, The second staiuta relates to an event, which 



the judgeSj who would otherwise have lifted their 
hats, also retained theirs. He sternly looked both 
on the court and the audience, but paid not the 
slightest respect to the tribunal. The president 
having commanded silence, to be proclaimed, ad- 
dressed the prisoner, stating, that the commons of 
England assembled in parliamenti being deeply 
sensible of the mischiefs and calamities that had 
been brought on the nation, and the innocent blood 
which had been shed — whereof he was accused as 
the principal author — ^had resolved to make inqui- 
sitioiL for this blood j and, according to the debt 
they owed to God, to justice, to the kingdom, and 
to themselves, and in conformity to that funda- 
mental power which belonged to them, and the 
trust reposed in them by the people— other means 
failing through his default — ^had determined to 
bring him to trial and judgment j and had, there- 
fore, constituted the present court of justice be- 
fore which he was now summoned, and where he 
would hear the charge on which the court would 
proceed. Mr. Cooke, as solicitor for the people of 
England, stood up to read the impeachment, when 
Charles, gently touching him on the shoulder with 
his stafli commanded him to forbear. Even then 
he was firmly persuaded that the court durst not 
proceed to sentence ; but a trivial incident was re>- 

even Clarendon assures ns he never conceived to be possible, till be was 
actually brought into Westminster-Hall. When verses were forged, 
something decent in pdnt of talent^ genius is out of the questipn^ 
ought to have been framed; but these are, taken altogether, the 
most sorry jingle. Burnet's Mem. of the Hamiltons, p. 381-3. 



garded by his followers as an unfavourable omen } 
find, from the deep impression it jnade on his own 
mind, appears to have first opened his eyes to a 
truth which all other circumstances had failed to 
convince him of*: — The silver head of his staff 
fell off while he was in the act of touching Cooke's 
shoulder, and one of his attendants having stooped 
to lifl it up, it rolled to the opposite side, and 
Charles was obliged to stoop for it himself. The pre- 
sident, in opposition to the king's command, ordered 
the counsel to proceed ; and the charge was read. 
While Cooke read the charge, Charles was observ- 
ed to smile, and the circumstance was, according 
to the difference of feeling in the spectators, ascrib- 
.ed to different motives. His friends, probably with 
the greatest truth, conceived that it indicated a 
contempt of the power assumed over him : his ad- 
versaries imputed it to the satisfaction that be felt 
at the recital of the blood shed by him for the re- 
establishment of his own usurped power ; and they 

* Herbert^ p. 115. Warwick^ p. 339^ 340. This omen must ha^e 
overcome a favourable one at Oxford. Charles had always '^ a large 
cake of wax" set in a sUver bason to bum all the night. It went out^ 
and the Earl of Lindsay^ who slept in the chamber as his attendant^ 
observed^ that it had gone out^ but durst not^ for fear of disturbing 
his majesty^ rise to nslight it. He then fell asleep^i and when he awoke 
he observed the laipp burning bright^ and in his astonishment He 
mentioned the circumstance to Charles^ who told him he had remark- 
ed it himself^ and considered it as a prognostic of God's power and 
mercy towards him or his; that although he was at that time so 
eclipsed^ yet either he or they might shine out bright again. Perin- 
chief, p. 114. Lloyd, p. 175. We have also referred to it in Herbert, 
yrho, however, merely mentions it as having learned it from the per- 
son to whom he, in the epistolary style, writes his Memoirs. See an 
instance of Carte's own ridiculous superstition, in his Life of Ormonde, 
vol. ii. p. 54, 55. 


thdught that the same feeling was farther testified 
by his general conduct, as he neither evinced re- 
morse nor pity for the calamities which he had 
brought on his country. 

' Instead of answering to the charge, Charles de- 
manded by what authority he was brought thither j 
stating, that he had been engaged in a treaty with 
both houses of parliament, and had nearly con- 
cluded it wTien he was carried from the Isle.of 
Wight : " Now/* says he, " I would know by what 
authority, I mean lawful j there are many unlawful 
authorities in the worlds thieves and robbers by the 
high ways ; but 1 would know by what authority 
I was brought from thence, and carried from place 
to place, and I know not what ; and when I know 
by what lawful authority, I shall answer. Remem- 
ber I am your king, your lawful king, and what sins 
you bring on your heads and the judgment of God 
on this land ; think well upon it, I say, think well 
upon it, before you go farther from one sin to a 
greater : Therefore, let me know by what lawful 
authoi*ity I am seated here, and I shall not be un- 
willing to answer. In the meantime, I shall not 
betray my trust ; I have a trust committed to me 
by God, by old and lawful descent, I will not be- 
tray to answer to a new and . unlawful authority : 
Therefore, resolve me that, and you shall hear 
more of me." The president told him, that if he 
had attended to what was hinted when he entered 
into court, he would have known the authority ; 
That it was an authority in the name of the people 
of England, of which he was elected king. Charles 



denied that he bad been elected, declaring that 
the kingdom of England had been hereditary for 
nearly a thousand years, and that he stood more 
upon the liberty of his people than any that came 
there to be his pretended judges. After some more 
conversation, in which he persisted in denying 
any authority over him, he was conducted from 
the court. 

As he was brought to court on the next oc- 
casion, some of the soldiers and the rabble cried 
out, «* justice, justice, execution;" and they re- 
peated the brutality on his return from it. '* Here," 
iSays Whitelocke, with generous indignation, << we 
may take notice of the abject baseness of some 
vulgar spirits, who seeing their king in that con* 
dition, endeavoured, in their small capacity, fur* 
ther to promote his misery, that they might a little 
curry favour, and pick thanks of their then supe<^ 
riors. Some of the very same persons were after* 
wards as clamorous for justice against those that 
Were the king's judges.'' One of the soldiers, 
however, stepping out of his ranks, said, ** God 
bless you. Sir." The king thanked him, but the 
soldier^ officer struck him with his cane, upon 
which his majesfty remarked, that the punishment 
exceeded the offence. The officer (Col. Axtell) suf- 
fered capitally afterwards upon this charge amongst 
others ; and though all this matter, greatly exagge* 
rated indeed, was fully brought b^ore the court for 
the trial of the regicides after the restoration, scmie 
of the royalist writers, who published subsequently 
to that event, have not scrupled to say that the sol« 


dier was killed on the spot. Regardiog the cry for 
justice, Charles, after his return home, haying 
asked Herbert whether he heard it, who aqswer" 
ed that he did, and ** marvelled thereat,**-— said, 
** so did not I, for I am well assured that the sol- 
diers bear no malice to me. The cry was no doubt 
given by their officers, for whom the soldiers would 
do the like were there occasion." But to the ere- 
dit of the soldiery, and all concerned in the busi- 
ness, Charles was, even according to the state- 
ment of Herbert, treated at all other times with 
the utmost kindness, compatible with his situa- 
tion *. 

' As Herbert is an authority beyond all question^ I have 9tricUy 
followed him. Cl^endon and Warwick say^ that one of ibe soJdievB 
sfttt in 1^ king's face ; but audi a piece of brutality ne^er cpidd e^Cftpe 
Herbert, and they^ as they were not.even in the kingdom, ou^t tp 
have derived their information from him, particularly as it is confirm- 
ed by others, as by Whitelocke. See, too, the sort of evidence on this 
head in the trials of the r^cides. Howell, voL v. p. 115], 1915. But 
their aeoount could not of course satisfy Mr. Hume, whom even any 
royalist of that age could scarcely outstrip. The theatrical remark 
attributed to Charles— poor souls, for a little money they would 4o 
as much for their commander8,-^thoug^ to be found in Buahwortb, 
was evidently co][»ed from Ferinchief, and others of his stamp; 
^ince the very individual to whom Charles made the remark, reports 
it in a manner very different from the sanctified light in which, to 
make it aceord with the £ikon, it has been represented. But Hum^ 
proceeds thus— ^' Some <^ them were permitted to go the utmost 
lengths of brutal insolence, and to spit in his face as he was conduct- 
ed along the passage to the court. To excite a sentiment of piety 
was the only effisct which this inhuman insult was able to produce 
upon him." He quotes no authority, yet he had one; but such a one 
as he was ashamed to refer to. The reader shall have it in the origi- 
nal. *^ At his departure, he was exposed to all the insolraioe and in- 
dignities that a phanatick and base rabble, instigated by Peters and 
other instructors of villany, could invent and commit ; and he suffer- 


Several times was he brought before the tribu- 
nal, arguing that there was no power on earth that 
had jurisdiction over hinXf who was answerable to 
. God oiily for his actions } that, even supposing the 

ed many things so confonnabte to Christ his kin^ as did alleviate the 
sense of them in him^ and also instract him to a Corresponding pa- 
tience and charity. When the barbarous soldiers cried out at his de- 
parture^ justice J justiceju^xectiHon, execution — as those deceived Jews 
did once to their King, crucify him, crucify him ; this prince in imi- 
tation of that most holy King, pitied their blind fdry, and said, poor 
souls I f ot a piece of money they would do as much for their commanders. 
As he passed along, some in defiance ^it upon his garments, and one or 
two, (as it was reported by an officer of theirs, who was one of their 
courts and praises it as an evidence of his soldiers' gallantry, while 
others were stupified with their prodigious baseness,) polluted his 

majestic countenance with their unclean spittle." ^The reader will 

remark how this hangs together ; the whole rests upon the pretended 
report of a nameless officer who applauded it, and yet this writer, who 
knew it only from the nameless officer,— an officer^ too, that applaud- 
ed the deed^ — can notwithstanding tell us how all the others felt ; but 
the conclusion of the sentence is the most extraordinary of all — " the 
good king, reflecting on his great example and master, wiped it off, 
fi*yM*& '^ my Saviour suffered far more than this for me."— Did the 
author derive all this from the nameless officer? He does not even 
pretend it, and yet he sets out with telling us, that he got all his in- 
< formation on the subject from that nameless individual. '^ Into his 
very face they blowed their stinking tobacco, which they knew was 
very distasteful to him ; and in the way where he was to go, just at 
his feet, they flung down pieces of their nasty pipes, — such as pulled 
off their, hats, or bowed to him, they beat with their fists and wea- 
pons, arid knocked down one, but for crying, Crod be merciful unto him*** 
Life byPerincMef, prefixed to king Charles's works, p. 88. It is 
curious that this passage was marked by Mr. Hume himself, opposite 
the words, poor souls for a piece of money, &c. See Milton^s prose 
works regarding the story about the soldier being killed, &c. Def. Sec. 
pro Pop. Angl. voL v. p. 344. 

Perhaps I ought here to say a few words about the evidence in ge^ 
neral which was adduced at the trial of the regicides. The Restcu'a- 
tion was the hour of signal triumph to the reigning party, who re- 
turned wi^ infuriated passions ; and as every imposture had been re- 
sorted to, even by divines, to render the commonwealth-party odious. 


two houses of parliament had authority over him, 
>vhich he denied^ yet that the house of lords, which 
constitutes an essential part of the legislature, had 

so Aow^ eve^ stigma was eiiccnxiliged> not only. in triumph oyer £dlen 
enemies, but to prevent their rising again ; — ^irreligion, and ntter in- 
decency^ as well as profligacy of manners^ as the reverse of theirs^ be- 
came fashionable. But to make the death of Charles appear to be 
the act of a few, the collected torrent of abuse was directed against 
those who were arraigned as r^cides> and men who had been the 
most impudently violent against the unfortunate Charles, were now 
the most forward, both to save their own lives and curry favour, (for 
the road of preferment was chiefly open to those who could blacken 
the late ruling party most,) to act as the principal witnesses against 
dieir former associates. The accused, on ihe other hand, were, after 
a long dose confinement, suddenly brought into court, marked, too, 
for destruction, without the assistance of friends or counseL Coun« 
ter evidence they could not adduce, without involving their witnesses 
in nearly their own danger ; and none of them, except Peters, who 
adduced one to speak to a simple fact, and he was not sworn, at« 
teippted it. But of what use would exculpatory evidence have been, 
when Axtell was addressed thus by the Chief-baron : ^^ Mr. Axtell, 
you know the strength of one affirmative witness, ' I saw such a 
man, and heard such a man say, &c.' is more than if twenty should 
witness they stood by, but did not see him, nor hear him speak." 
Howell's State Trials, vol. v. p. 1166. — That the witnesses peijured 
themselves, is quite evident from a comparison of their testimony 
with the accounts of Herbert, Berkeley, and others, who, as keen 
royalists, cannot be supposed to have fallen short of the truth. But, 
indeed, the temper of the witnesses may be seen in their testimony ; 
yet their conduct was at least equalled by the indecency of the court. 
By the way, the reader may perhaps not know that Algernon Sidney 
sat as one of the commissioners in the high court of justice. 

Herbert, p. 113-14. Whitelocke, p. 373-4. Clar. vol. v. p. 255, 
says, that " the mob called the king, tyrant, murderer ; some spit in 
his face, which his msgesty, without expressing any trouble, wiped off 
with his handkerchief." There is here none of the pious reflection. 
But that the story, though repeated by Warwick, p. 339, and Sander- 
son, p. 1132, is altogether untrue, no one who consults the most un- 
doubted authority— that of the kin^s own attendant, with Whitelocke 
and Rush. vol. vii. p. 1425, &c.— can doubt. 


not concurred ; and that, granting that the peo- 
ple of England bad the authority, yet that the opi- 
nion of every man, down to the meanest subject, 
ought to be taken. Bradshaw interrupted him in 
these discourses, telling him that the authority df 
the court — ^which had proceeded from the supreme 
power of the state, the voice of the people as ex- 
pressed by their representatives— -was not to be 
disputed ; that if he demurrred to the jurisdiction 
of the court, the plea was overruled, for that they 
had considered of their jurisdiction and confirmed 
it. The court was twice interrupted by Lady 
Fairfax : when some asked where Lord Fairfax was, 
— ^he had sat as one of the commissioners prepara- 
tory to the trial, — she exclaimed that <* he had too 
much wit to be there !" a remark fully verified by 
the event ; and when Bradshaw told Charles that 
he was brought there by the people of England, she 
cried out, ** not by a half or a quarter of them ;'• 
and the interruption to the court was likely to be 
attended with serious consequences, when the fe- 
male was discovered to be the Lord General's wife. 
On the third occasion, when Charles was before 
the court, he told them that he valued not the 
charge a rush, — ^that it was the liberty of thevpeo- 
ple of England that he stood for ; that, as a king, 
he ought to be an example to all the people of 
England to uphold justice ; and he would never, 
by owning a new authority, commit a breach of 
that justice which he owed to God and his peo- 
ple, to maintain as far as in him lay, the ancient 
laws of the kingdom. Bradshaw having repeated- 


ly warned him that the default to plead would be 
recorded, addressed him thus ; ^* Sir, this is the 
third time that you have publickly disowned the 
court, and put an affront upon it : how far you 
have preserved the privileges of the people, your 
actions have spoken it ; but truly, Sir, men's in-> 
tentions <Hight to be known by their actions ; you 
have written your meaning in« bloody characters 
throughout the kingdom.'' Ludlow tells us, though 
the fact is not recorded elsewhere in any account 
of the trial, that, to Charles's repeated asserticHis 
that he was responsible only to God, Bradshaw 
answered that, '^ seeing God had by his providence 
overruled that plea, the court was determined to 
do so likewise." At the two next meetings, witness- 
es were called to prove that he had been in arms 
against the people of England in various places ; 
but the deposition of most consequence was that 
of Henry Gooche of Gray's Inn, who said that, 
« on the thirtieth of September last, having access 
to hold discourse with the king at Newport, he 
told him that, since his majesty had justified the 
parliament's taking up arms, by consenting to the 
preface of the bill, he did not question but nost of 
the presbyterian party, both soldiers and others, 
would stick close to him. To whidi the king 
answered, that he would have all his old friends 
know, that though for the present he was content- 
ed to give the parliament leave to call their own 
war what they pleased, yet that he did neither then, 
nor ever should decline the justice of his own cause. 
Moreover, upon the deponent saying that the bu- 


siness was much retarded through want of commis* 
sions, the kiog made answer, that being upon a 
treaty, he would not dishonour himself, but that if 
the deponent would go over to the prince his^ son, 
(who had full authority from him,) he or any from 
him, should receive whatever should be desired.". 
This evidence, if it had stood alone, might not, at 
such a juncture, have been entitled to credit ; but 
when we collate it with the private letters which 
Charles was writing at the very moment, we have 
no reason to doubt it, and it is just an additional 
proof of that . unfortunate want of faith in this 
prince, which rendered it utterly impossible to 
bind him to any law or condition. 
. When the trial was nearly brought to a close, 
Charles desired to be heard before the lords and 
commons in the painted chamber, and it was ge- 
nerally thought that he meant to resign the crown 
,in favour of his son. Some of the court were for 
granting the request, but others, to prevent the 
appearance of division, proposed to adjourn, which 
was carried, and, in about an hour, the court re- 
turned with an answer, that the king's request 
Sentence could not bc granted. Sentence of death, by 
27trjan. ' scvcring the head from the body, was then pro- 
16*8.9. nounced. On giving s^entence, Bradshaw dilated 
on the king's misgovernment, stating, that by 
law, which was superior to kings, they were ac- 
countable for their conduct, and instanced the case 
of many monarchs who had been deposed and im- 
prisoned by their subjects, particularly in Charles's 
native country, where, out of a hundred and 


nine, the greater part had either been dethroned, 
or proceeded against for misgovernment j and 
even the prisoner's own grandmother removed, 
and his father, while an infant, crowned in her 
stead. The sentence having been read by the 
clerk, Charles desired to be heard ; but, as the 
sentence had now passed, his request was refu- 

Two hours after his sentence, which was. pro- 
nounced on Saturday the 27th of January, Charles 
was conducted to St. James's, where he continued 
till the morning of Tuesday thereafter, on which 
he was executed. The king had desired the as- 
sistance of Dr. Juxton, formerly bishop of Lon- 
don, in his meditations, and his request was grant- 
ed t. There came also to him Messrs. Calamy, 
VineSy Carlyl, Dell, and some other ministers, (it 
may be remarked that these were hostile to the 
present proceeding against him,) " who presented 
their duty, and their humble desires to pray with 

* Rujsh. vol. vii. p. 1396, et seq. Whitelocke, p. 370. Ludlow^ 
yol. i. p. 276, et seq, Hutchinson, vol. ii. p. 155. Clarendon, vol. v. 
p. 252, et seq. Howell's State Trials, vol. iv. p. 994, et seq, and par- 
ticularly for Qooch's evidence, p. 1090. 

f Peters, who is so much reviled, was employed by Charles to in* 
timate his desire of having Juxton. This individual, of whom we 
shall afterwards have occasion to speak more at large, said on his trial, 
in answer to the evidence of his havipg ridden before Charles between 
Windsor and St. James's, '^ like bishop almoner," that he was com- 
manded by the king to ride before him, that Bishop Juxton might 
come to him. What is extraordinary is, that it was allowed by the 
court that Peters had been employed on such a service, but three 
weeks later. Peters had been very anxious to preach before Charles 
-while he was with the army, but the king, though he courted him, 
denied that. 


him, and perform other offices of service, if he 
would be pleased to accept of them." Charles re- 
turned them thanks for their love to hi^ soul, and 
hoped that, in their addresses to God, they, and 
all his other good subjects, would be mindful of 
him ; but told them, that having chosen Dr. Jux- 
jton, whose piety, learning, and ability to admi- 
nister spiritual comfort, he had experienced for 
many years, he had resolved to take his assist- 
ance only. These ministers were scarcely gone, 
when Mr- John Goodwin, an independent clergy- 
aum, presented himself on the same account; 
Charles thanked him abo for the tender of his ser- 
vice, and dismissed him with the like friendly ans- 
wer*. During th6 very short time which he had 

* Herbert^ p. 117^ et seq. This conduct was equally becoming in 
the unfortunate Charles and the dergy^ yet their conduct is alleged 
by Perinchief to have proceeded from inhuman motires. Some aiatho- 
rities, supported by the evidence on the trial of Hacker, say, that 
Charles was carried to St James's on Sunday morning; but Herbert 
could scarcely be wrong. 

^' Every night during this interval," (from the sentence tiU the 
execution,) says Hume, " the king slept sound as usual ; though 
the noise of the workmen employed in framing the 8caffi)ld, and other 
preparations for his execution, continually resounded in his ears." 
Afi Hume's own marks are still in the copy of Herbert's Mem. belong- 
ing to the Faculty of Advocates, and now on my table, it has hem 
well observed that he could have no excuse for following such a 
writer as Clement Walker, who is contradicted by every other. See 
Laing and Fox*s Letter to him in Introduction by Lord Holland 
to Fox's history. But Laing might have gone farther ; for Clement 
Walker does not bear Hume out, and so refiites himself as to leave 
no apolc^ for not perceiving the groundlessness of the statement. 
After stating the fact of the long's having been disturbed all Saturday 
and Sundaff night by the strokes of the . workmen, he proceeds thus, 
*' Tuesday, 80th January, 1648, was the day appointed for the 


iiaw to spend on ^artb, he employed himself in de- 
votion, and in taking farewell of his friends and 
family. His nephew^ the prince Elector, with the 
Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Hertford, the 
Earls (^ Southampton and Lindsay, visited him, 
and receivedN his commands^ Such of his children 
as were in England were admitted to him, to take 
a last farewell, and the scene was, as might be sup- 
posed, an affecting one* Charles bestowed upon 
them many good advices, particularly as to the duty 
which they owed to their eldest brother as king. 
I— The prince, who was in Holland, urged the 
States to interpose by their ambassador to save his 
father's life, or, at least, defer the execution ; but 
their interposition, a& well as the protest of the 
Scottish commissioners, who argued that they had 
bright and interest in the preservation of his ma- 
jesty's person, was fruitless *. 

The warrant for execution was signed on Mon- 
day the 29th, and the place assigned for the awful 

lung's death : He came on Jbot ftcm St Jameses to WkitehaU that 
morning" Hist of Independency^ 3d part^ p. 110. 

* The story told hy Hume, of Richmond, Hertford, Southampton, 
and Lindsay, having a£fered themselTes for execution to save Charles, 
jrests entirely on the authority of Perinchief and Lloyde> which, if 
true, it never could have done; but it is clearly a fabrication. In- 
deed, they could not but know that such an offer would have been 
scouted at. The account of the language used by Charles to the 
young Duke of Gloucester, and the child's reply, as detailed by Mr. 
Hume, without refining to an authority, is taken from lAoyd, p. 218, 
and doubtless also a fabrication. Hume wisely abstains from men- 
tioning such an authority. The reader will recollect, that I account 
Kennet's History no authority whatever, because it is only valuable 
in so far as if supported by references. 


catastrophe was the banqueting-house at Whitehall, 
which was prepared for the occasion by opening 
a window, that he might walk out to a scaffold 
erected before it. Serious apprehensions were en^ 
tertained either of an escape or a rescue ; and it 
is said by Clarendon, that great care was taken to 
change the guard almost daily. After sentence. 
Colonel Hacker, who commanded the guards, in- 
tended to have placed two musketeers in the cham- 
ber; but Dr. Juxton and -Mr. Herbert prevailed 
upon him to altefr that resolution, and allow Charles 
the privacy which his rank and situation required. 
Having slept about four hours on the Tuesday 
morning^, Charles awoke before day, and called 
for Herbert, who reposed on a pallet by his 
side. He had always a large ** cake of wax,** 
which, set in a silver bason, burned during the 
whole niglit, and as by it he perceived that 
Herbert was disturbed in his sleep, he desired 
to know his dream. The other repeated it, and 
Charles having declared it was remarkable, said, 
" Herbert, this is my second marriage-day ; I 
would be as trim to-day as may be ; for, before 
night, I hope to be espoused to my blessed Jesus." 
He then appointed the clothes he would wear, 
and said, ** Let me have a shirt on more than or- 
dinary, by reason the season is so sharp as proba- 
bly may make me shake, which some observers will 
imagine proceeds from fear. I would have no 
such imputation. I fear hot death. Death is not 
terrible to me. I bless my God I am prepared." 
Juxton joined them at an appointed hour, and as- 


sisted Charles in fais devotion ; after which the 
fallen monarch delivered to Herbert, some pre- 
sents for his children, accompanied with advice 
for their future conduct*. ^ 

As the hour approached. Hacker knocked gent* Chariescon. 
ly at the door; but Herbert would npt stir to ask sT James™ 
who it was, and he knocked a second time, a Httle ^au^^'^e- 
louder. . Charles then, guessing the bilsiness, de-« ^***?»^'^^ 
sired his attendant to go to the door, wheo Ha^cket 
intimated his wish to speak with the king; Charles 
having himself sdd, let hiip come in, <* .the cplntk^h 
in a trembling manner-ff carme ne^r, and tp}d hi^ ma^ 
jesty it was time to go to WhitehaU, wbe^re he , 
might have some farther time to rest.'* The ether 
bade him go forth and he would be; ready pre- 
sently; and at the next warnings (about tea o'-^^lpck,) 
went out with becoming firpiness. . Several, com- 
panies pf . fopt were drawn up. in the p^H; . 99 a 
gu^rd on ^either side as he passed : a l^ody of; hal- 
berdiers went both before and behind him : p^his 

* Herbert^ p. 12^^ et sey. Whitdocke, p. 367^ ei 'seq, ()lar. voU 
T. p. 286. Warwick gives an account of what passed with Juxton^ 
which^ he says^ he had from that prelate himself^ not qfuite so creditable 
to the royal martyr, l^ie words of Charles are, ^^ We will not talk of 
these rogues in whose hands I am ; they thirst after my bloody and 
they will hare it, and God's will be don^. I thank God! I heartily 
forgive them, and I "wOl talk of them no more." " When he had taken 
the eiich^riat, he rose ^ from his knees with a steady countenance. 
Jiow, ^^)ie,. let the rogiies come; I have heartily forgiven them^i 
and am prepared for all I am to undergo." P. 341. 343. The reader 
may, from the language, rather think this a bastard sort of forgive- 

+ Herbert, p. 133. Does this look like the conduct of a man who 
ivould be insolent ? See for a bimilar instance, p. 1S2. . 


right hand was Juxton ; and on the left was Colonel 
Tomlinson, with whom he conversed on the way. 
The drums beat all the time. His majesty, says 
Herbert, heard many of the crowd pray for him, 
*< the soldiers not rebuking any of them ; by their 
silence and dejected faces seeming afflicted rather 
than insulting */* At Whitehall he took a small 
quantity of bread and wine, and fully prepared 
himself for the last melancholy scene. About 
Ezaratkni. noou he was brought upon the scaffold, where he 
addressed the spectators; tellkig them that he 
would have held his tongue were it not that, as some 
might impute his silence to an acknowledgment 
of guilt, he deemed it a duty to God, his country^ 
and himself, to vindicate his character as an honest 
man, a good king^ and a good Christian. He 
commenced wi1& his innocence, upon which he 
said it would be unnecessary for him to enlarge^ 
as all men knew that he neither began the war 
nor intended to encroach on parliamentary privi- 
leges : — He imputed the war to the parliament, in 
their proceeding about the militia, though he 
ascribed their conduct to evil instruments between 
them : That, with regard to the blood which had 
been spilt, he could noj; charge himself with, it, 
though he reckoned his fate a just jetributioa for 
the death of Strafforde : That as to his being a 
good Christian, he appealed to Juxton, whether 
he had not heartily forgiven hi& enemies ; and 

 Herbert, p. 134. 


that his charity went farther, as he wished them 
to ^repent of the great ^in tbey had^ committed^ 
and bring back matters to theitr legitimate than* 
nel : That, as> they had no pretext for the qiiarreli 
so they had nothing to plead but conquest; and 
f • then," sttys he, ^« it is a great robbery; as a pi- 
rate said to Alexander,' that he was r great rob- 
ber, himself but a petty one/' That things would 
never be well till God had his dtie, the king his; 
nod -the people theirs: Thatj as for the regal 
powers the laws would nisttuet them what it was ^; 
and as to the people's ( liberty, it consisted in be- 
ilig g<Hremed by the laws, not inliaVing any share 
iii-the govemment ; t^e rights and duties of a so- 
vereign and a subject being different things. He 
tavQclttded in these words: ^^Sirs, it was for tfaii$ 
that aI am come here, if I would have given way 
ta an arbitrary way, for to have all laws changed 
aeoerding to the power of the sword, I lieeded 
not to have come here'; and,* therefore, I tell ybi^ 
and I pray God may not lay it to ypur charge^ 
tiiat I am* the martyr of the people. /In troth; 
SifSp I shall not hold you much longer, for I will 
only say thi| to ^you,,that^in truth.J .could h^ve 
desired some time longer, because that I would 
ha/^erput this that I have said in a little more or- 
der and a little J)e.tter, digested than. I havj? doms; 
lUidrt^r^fQj^ J hope yoyu wiU excuse me* I^ave 
detivtfed my conscience.^ I pray God that you 
may take those courses that are best for the gpo^ 
pf the kingdom and your own salvation/' At the 
desire of Juxton, he declared that be died a pro- 

p 2 


testant according to the doctrine of the chufch of 
England. His hair he put under a satin night^^ 
cap, with the assistance of Juxton and the execu-. 
tioner; and he evinced his presence of mind, by 
desiring some of the spectators who passed near 
him, to take heed of the axe. . His hair having 
been adjusted, he turned to the bishop, and saidj 
<Vl have a good cause, and a gracious God on 
my side.** The bishop replied, " there is but one 
stage more ; tl|is stage is turbulent and trouble* 
some; it is a short one ; but you may consider it 
will carry you a great wayr— from earjth to hea* 
ven, and there you shall find a great deal of cor- 
dial joy and comfort/* *^ I gp/* said Charles, from 
a corruptible to an incorruptible crown, Y^here no 
disturbance can be.** Bishop,-^" Yo|i ^re ej^ch^ng^ 
ed from a temporal to an eternal crown, £^.good 
exchange.** Having requested the executioner, 
who was in a visor, to put him to as little pain as 
possible, and bid him strike when he held out hi^ 
hands as a sign, he used the word ** remember** to 
Ju;!cton, (which the prelate said was intended to 
caution his son to forgive hisf enemiep*,) aqd laid 

* See i^hat lyiilton says on this subjpct^ Prose Works^ vol. t. p. 
6iMh The parliament^ or ruling-men^ troubled themselves little about 
the n^atter; and if itjrelated to such an injunctions it was shameftilly 
disregarded. Rush. vol. viL p. 1429-30. VThiteloclfes p. 374-6. 
Herbert, p. 134. The account given by Mr. Hume^ in r^ard to an 
alleged fresh instance of hypocrisy on the very day of the' king's 
death, and the conduct of Fairfax, together with the part assigned te 
Harrison, i^ worthy of an author who, when he took up the pen t^ 
vindicate this misguided monarch, appears to have thought himself 
as much absolved from the fundamental -law of history, as the subject 


his h0ad upon the block. The executioner per- 
formed his office at one stroke ; and another per- 
son, likewise in a mask, cried out, << Here is the 

of his panegyric conceived himself to be from the law of the land 
which alone gave him a title to reign. He quotes Herbert; but the 
author that he really follows' is Perinchief. We shall give Herbert's 
own words. ''Mr. Herbert during this," (that is, during the execu- 
tion), *' was at the door lamenting; and the bishop coming thence 
with the royal corpse, which was immediately coffined, and covered 
with a black velvet paU, he and Mr. Herbert went with' it to the 
back stairs to be embalmed. Meantime they went into the long gal<« 
lery, where chancing to meet the general, he asked Mr. Herbert how 
the king did } which he thought strange, fit seems thereby that the 
^eneral knew not what had passed, being all that vnomtTig, as indeed at  
other times, using his power and interest to have the execution deferred ' 
some days, forbearing his coming among the officers, andfuUy resolved 
with'hisown regiment, to prevent the execution, or have it deferred till 
he could make 'a party in the army to second his design; J but being . 
witli the officers of the army, then at prayer or discourse in Colonel 
Harrisons apartment, (being a room at the hither end of that gal- ' 
lery looking towards the privy garden) his question being answered, 
the general seemed much surprised ; and walking farther in the gal- * 
lery, they were met by another great commander, Cromwell, who 
knew what had so lately passed ; Jbr he told them they should have or^ 
ders for the kings burial speedily" Herbert, p. 135-6; Now the 
leader cannot have failed to remark a little incongruity in this pas- 
siige. First we are told that the general had been employed all that 
morning, as he had been for some days previous, using his power and 
interest to have the execution deferred, and therefore had forborne to 
come among the officers ; and yet, in the same breath, we are told 
that he luid been all that morning with them in* prayer or discourse : * 
In the second place, it is perfectly evident that Herbert did not mean 
to' conyey that he derived his information of Fairfax's conduct from 
lumself, as to his having been employed in attempts to stop or delay 
the execution, because he merely inferred* that Fairfax did not know 
of the fact from his having asked how the king did, (a question' of ' 
this kind,' where a man out of delicacy wishes to signify more than 
he expresses, may easily be misconceived,) and from: his having^femee^- 
8aipJ8ed.* '£tad Fairfax been imposed upon, and generously^ resent- ' 
eel what had passed, would not he have §aid so in as many words ^ 



bead of a traitor>*' Manf w^pt at the sad ^e$cta« 
qle} many strove to dip their handkerchiefs iff 
his bloodf as in that of a martyr. Misery is always 

But Cromwell conges to^them, and at qnoe tells j^em^Uiat th^ ipl^oul4 
have orders for the kiog'fi burial spee^ly : and J[ ^ould ask^ C9uld he 
IwTe possibly 'dojie^Jt^x,Uxde8{3U^n ^^ agfiu^ption th^t Fajr^a^. 
knew what ht^j^t^^takenpl^? ^And would not Fairftgc^rrwho, jp 
oi^ejpf t^e.l^Sayest me^ diat ever e^te(l^ would i^t l^ave been %fr^4 

tp utte^ l^Js j^enfin^PH^x, U^4^.^^ <^4 haye no cause for fearj|)r-:4i": 
r^ctly hjiye ^ha^ei Croifnwell with the measure ? Yet %e dpes pq\ 
ufti^r pn^ wOTd^aj^essive ^of his disapprobajtion- Now let.iis l^ev 
w})f|t ^ume ^8||js, OQ. thf subject. . After. stilting th|it Fairfax ha4 . 
eTgx^^mj^djed persua^n with his own regip^nt to. rescq^ thQ. king^ 
^%FK)4| j^^^yi4. ^^I'^^^'^^^^j .^^ proceeds thus: '^ Croniwell. aq4 
Iietpn^mformedpf^his intention^ endeavoured tocQUvince )um t)iat 
t^ Lord £ia4 rejected the king; ^ and ^ey exhorted him P> 9^ bjT. 
prayer some direction from heaven on this important octeasion ; \m% 
idey copcealed from him that they lu^ Already si^^d Itie warrant foic 
the executicm.^^^jiarrispn was Uiepersgn appointed tq join i^pr^yer 
with tii^e unwary generaL By^agreement he' prolonged^his doHul 
cant^ till intelligence arrived tha^ the fatal blo^r was struck. I{e theo, 
rqse from his k^ees^ and insist^ with Fairfax tl\at; this event waa A 
iQiracjUous and providential answer^ which heaven 1^ ^ent^ to tbeir 
devout 8i:q^licatidns/' For all this Mr. Huxpe quotes tl\e passage we 
hi^vejiut given from Herbert, aj|;id that only: and je;t it is evident, 
from Herbert's statement^ that he had met tiie general alpne^ "Vfalking. 
too in the gallery^ and that he did not even see HaiTisQii.Or an^ other. 
officer^ except Crqmwdli whq Joined them. T^e pas^^ige^ hi Herbert 
is markeii by Mr. Hume's own pendl> in the QQpy.belppging to ^tbe 
Advocates* library ; but he had not die.meiit gf invention. He.ccwed 
it to Perinchief^— ^n author jwhom he had nojt. the manliness to refcr 
tOj but whose work was always in reserve tp,be adduji^> in case his 
statements had >een attacked as opposed to his own^uthority. Pe- 
rinphief„ .after steting that Fairfax had taken up some resofaitLons, 
^\(a8 is cbedibly BEyo^TBB)," proceeds in ahhoatthe very woida 
which Air. Hume hft? adopted; " This being suspected or.lnown; 
Qrpmwell, Irj^toq^ and H^rrisQn^, coming to him^^ai^. ^hdr nsnal 
way of deceiving, endeavoured to persuade him that the Lbid bad 
ritjeeted the king, and with such like language as they knew bad Sor« 


sacred; and faUen greatness, however me^iited thb 
l»ufferii^s» never, fails to nake the deepest im- 
pression. We, too, would now willingly draw 

laerly preyailed upon hi|Q> Qoncealing tjiat tibe^ 1h4 tbat very morning 
sign^ the warrant for tl)e assassmation;" (it was not signed that 
mondng) ^^.tbey also desired him> mth them^ to sedc tikie Lord by 
prayer, that, they might know his mind in the thing. Which he as-i 
■aiting to^ Harrison was appointed for the duty, and by compact to 
draw out his profane apd bhisphemous discourse to God, in such a 
length fis might giye time, for the execution, . which they privately 
9ent to their hasten; of which, when they had notice 
that it was p^issed, they rose up, and persuaded the geneaal that this 
was tk full return of prayer> .aud Gcod having so manifested his plea- 
sure^ they were tgt acquiesce in it," p. 91-9. No one surely would 
pretend to refer to Perinchi^f as an authority; and even he qualifieit 
his statement, as we hav^ seen, by his parenthesis, *^ (as is cre^bly 
reported.)" . We may observe, as we have formerly remarked, that 
in order to prove Fairfax to havi^ been innocent, they proceed upon 
the, assumption th^t he was destitute of common sense. But, in the 
first place, it is. utterly impossible that Fair£Eix, who was at White- 
hall, could ;be ignorant of the truth. Did he., not see the scaffold 
erected? Did he^ the troops.drawn put, and the crowd assem- 
bled ? Did he not hear the noise of the drums which beat all the way 
from iSt. James's to Whitehall? Was there not one even bf his own 
regiment to apprize him of the circumstance? or, would not Colonel 
Tomlinson, upon whom Himie says, ^^ the king's conduct had 
wrought a total conversion,*' have signified the circumstance ? Would 
not all the presbyterian clergy, who knew perfectly that it was' io 
t^e place, and were vehement against it, havo run with the tidings 
to Lady Fairfax, in order to obtain the interposition of her lord? 
These clergy were always about her, and, knowing her sentiments, 
could not iaji to introduce the subject. But we must suppose, that 
what all the world knew, Fairfax alone was ignorant of; and yet, 
he does not; pretend any thing of this kind in his own memoirs, and 
we may be well assured that he would not have allowed such a charge 
against Croiuwell, Ireton, and Harrison to pass. He survived the 
restoration many years, and doubtless would have been adduced as a 
witness against Harrison, to prove a fact so calculated to excite exe- 
cration against one whom the ruling party, now joined by Fairfax, 
wished so much to make abhorred. But what sets the matter be- 


the curtamover his failings, did we not conceive 
it an imperious duty iK)t to allow the last scene of 
his life to make a false impression on the reader's 

yond all dispute ifl> that it is di^roTed in the most direct manner; 
by the evidence against Colonel Hadcer, as one of the regicides. 
The evidence IS that of Colonel Hundcs, vrho says, that a little be- 
fore the hour the king diied, he was in Ireton's chamber, where Ire- 
ton and Harrison were in bed together; and that there were Crom- 
well, Coloiel Hacker, Lientcnant-Colonel Phayre, Axtel, and the 
witness himself standing at the door. Howel's State Trials^ vol. v. 
p. 1180. Now, as Hacker was the officer who brought the king from • 
St. James's, and as the king was but a short time at Whitehall be- 
fore his execution, they left St. James's at ten> and Charles was 
brought on the scaffold by twelve, Huncks could not be wrong iri 
saying, thiit immediately after this interview the king came out to 
the scafibld. It is beyond all question, therefore, that though 
Herbert might state correctly what he vdtnessed, all the rest, 
and particularly the imputation by Perinchief and Hume, is utterly 
unfoimded. But why have all this mis*statement and slander been 
directed against Harrison ^ with whose character, as Harris well re- 
marks, it was utterly irreconcilable ? It is, that, at the Restoration^ 
he was so far from denying what he had done, or feigning repentance ^ 
for it, that he declared he came into court to bring it forth to- 
the light, and died vnth such magnanimity and Christian piety, that 
the royalists were as a^rehensive of the effect of his character after hb* 
death, as they had been of his heroism in the field : It is, that he re-' 
minded the Bench, that many who sat there had formerly been as active 
as himself; and, indeed, not to mention Moncke, who had sold £hem aBy 
it is impossible to reflect on the conduct of HoUis on that occasion, 
and the language he then used, compared with his former proceed-^ 
ings, vdthout amazement at his effirontery. But let us here quote a short' 
passage of the triaL — " Harrison. Notvvithstanding tiie judgment of 
so many learned ones, that the kings of £ngland are no ways account- 
able to the parliament, the lords and commons, in the beginning of 
this war, having declared the king's beginning war upon them, the God 
of gods — Court. Do you render yourself so desperate, ,that you care not 
what language you let fall ? It must not be suffered.*J?armo«: 
I woiild not vdllingly speak to offend any man ; but I know God *& 
no respecter of persons. His setting up his standard against the piso* 


mind. It is so revolting to the feelings of an in- 
genuous breast, to credit that a human being,-— ' 
who^ as a firm believer in Christianity, expects* 
that the stroke of death must usher his spirit into' 
the presence of his everlasting judge, to whom his 
•secret thoughts are known, and from whom he' 
looks for his reward, according to the deeds done 
in the flesh— could spend his latest breath in utter^' 
ing untruths, that too many are misled by decia- 

pi c '•^C(/urt, Truly, Mr. Hatrisdii, this must not be suffered : 

this doth not belong to you. — Harrison. Under favour^ this doth be-^ 
long to me. I would have abhoned to have brought him to accoiint/ 
had not the blood of Englishmen that had been she d .'^-CounseL 

Methinks he should be sent to Bedlam^ till he comes to the gallows^ 
to render an account of this. This most not be suffered. It is, in 
a scanner, a new impeachment of this king, to justify their treasons 
agsunst his late majesty. — SoUcitor-General. My Lords, I pray that 
the jury may go together on the evidence. — Sir Edward Turner. 
My Lords, diat man hath the plague all over him ; it is a pity any 
should stand near him, for he will infect them. Let us say to him, a» 
they used to write oter an house infected, ^ the Lord have mercy 
upon him;' and so let the officers take him away. — Lord Chief Baron, . 
Mr. Harrison, we are ready to hear you again ; but to hear such stuff 
it caimot be suffered. You have spoken that which is as high a de- 
gree* of blasphemy, next to that against God, as I have heard !" The 
plea of Harrison was, that he acted by the supreme authority, 
the parliament ; and that no inferior jurisdiction could take cogni- 
zance of the act. He in vain asked for liberty to have eounsel to urge 
that plea. 'The hangman, in an ugly dress, with a halter in his hand, . 
was purposely placed before him during what they were pleased to de- 
nominate a trial. ^ Howell's State Trials, p. 10S4-3I. Ludlow, voL 
iii. p. 62. Besides this, he was, after three months' close confinement, 
every fidend denied access to him, and the indictment never shewn, i^ 
prized at nine o'clock in the evening of the 9th of October, that he was 
to be put to the bar next morning, and he was finally disposed of by the 
court on die 11th. lb. As Love, the Sheriff of London, at th^ lUsto- 
ration, would not pack the juries, the trials were delayed till new 
fiherifis were appointed. Lud* voL iii. p. 59. 


ntioM "^ iBiioeeiioe 'emitted' on the scaffold.; but 
Bum woujs ioatunees could easfl j be tuiduced to 
prove that men, WhOBe hearts iire hardened to the 
Qommission of ctimesy and who yet retain a re« 
gard for charactei^ -^emiy deceive themselves, or 
compound with their consciences, so as to gain, by 
folsd a£^ertionet« the |;6i(kl will of bystanderis, who 
sympathize with them in theiriast affliction. The vau 
fortunate Charles, however, was in a peculiar situa* 
tion : accustomed from his earliest years to intrigue 
^nd dissimulation, he seems, like his father, to 
have . jegarded hypocrisy as a necessary part of 
^^ Mng-crqfi t'* he h2td refeonciled his conscience to 
the niost uncandid protestations, and had studied 
divinity in order to satisfy himself of the lawful-* 
ness of taking oaths to break them ^. Though he 
loved the^ church of England only as a prop to his 
own power, he had latterly endeavoured to per- 
suade hhnself that, by upholding it,' he was rehder- 
itag a service to religion ; and he was now sur- 
rounded with clergy, who, regarding the eccledas* 
tical establishment with * reverence, partaking, in 
no smaU degree, of the feeling of self-interest, w»e 
ready to assure him, (and well did they practise 
the lesson they* taught,) that a pious friaud, which 
promoted such an object, was not only justifiable, 
but commendable in the sight of God. Thus did 


' * He had translfitecl Sanderson^' De Juiaineiiti Prcbiiflsoril Obl%a^ 
labile^ with his own hand. See a judidous note by Laing on this sub* 
ject. What too we have seen^ that he said he had learned from diTines, 
regarding the validity of a promise by a person undar restraint^ is in 


Ikis faith, insfeacr of 'dbntrolfiig th^rdictaldr (rfVtng 
^l/encoarage'th6m;^''andd;heilitei«shr^'^^ wek 
ikfe of his ftiaiif ap^earedtor^him to dmiand sudH 
a'lctcrificb df prin^lcw - Deepl;^, ^ htyv^ever,' mast 
evefy iHaiiy'^hd reglirdssifaoerit^^ dfeplore, that the 
firmne^ 'displayed i>y Ohalilest on ' the scaffi>ld was 
disgrabed by the speech he uttered. ^ His ivfaole 
gmemtafyEktf 'and aU histmeasurbs-A-iias piroved by 
aathorities and' ddoumentif which crir ddmit of no 
di9pute--^bad hteen subveraiveof psrlibment, tfad 
privileges of the people, aml,in shoH, of the law tf 
the land, on which^sddne iv^ founded his right to 
govern, and yet; like his two grand '«immal minisu 
ten. Laud and Strafforde-*-wh6se own correspond*' 
ence, in tbe absence of all other proof, would indis^^ 
putably establish tl^ir gunt-^-^ averred on the 
flCjiffidd that he had always been a friend to parlia- 
ments and the franchiises of the people. 
' A few dayff after his death, was published theThe Umu 
Kkon Basilike^ or portraiture 6fhib sacred imajesty^ 
in h& ^niferings, atid, from the elBect it producedj^ 
-Man ie£fect,' howeret, which has been mwih exag^ 
gerated,^— some historians, overlodking the!circutn<^' 
stance of its having owed aU itaf efiect to its beings 
regarded in the light of a dying declaration^ have 
erronfeoiisly inferred that, ' had it been publiirfied w 
fo# days s6oner, it Would have toved the mbiimAfi 
life. ' This ^wdrfc pretends* to give tm account <^ 
th^ ' Toyel government, and the conduct of the 
Idnginldl his actions, ' while each chapter coii« 
dddfes with ^fervent jMfayers, and appealsio heaven 
for the smcerity of all his ways, and with invoca- 


tidiis of ^blessings on his people. He is represented 
as a prhicefraught with every virtue, aspersed in all 
his administration, oppressed unjustly in. all bis 
measures for the public good, rebelled against 
without a pretext ; and^ yet breathing rOut bis se- 
cret prayers for the good of bis subjects, and drink* 
ing but thiB bitter cup of affliction with all the hp* 
irignity of a r saint, . whose affection^ placed on 
another anda better world, are only concerned here 
forrtb^ wickainess and destructive folly of his peo- 
ple, and the safety d: Jiis wife and children. The 
roytdists, and particularly the. high-church party, 
whi^e pinrpose was manifestly <* to nsake.tbe 
same advantage of his book, which they did be-, 
fore of his regal name and authority, and who in-, 
tended it not so much: the defence .of his former 
actions, as die promoting of their own future de^ 
signs/' appealed to this book as to an unanswerar, 
ble vindication of their royal master. Having 
declared it to be his, they were not contented, 
with imputing to it evea* all the qualities which, 
constitute excellence in a human production; 
but, while they: blasphemously compared the i^uf* 
ferings of ther royal martyr to those of the author 
of their faith ; (nay,i some did not scruple ta as-, 
sert that they were more unjustifiable, <«' the kingr 
dom of Christ .not being of this world, and he,, 
though imjustly condemned, judged at ^ lawful, 
tribuhal,'-) have attributed to it inspiration it« 
selfk' .The same interests continuing, the work, 
was still defended with similaf pertinacity. Tbe^ 
truth won came out; but, as if it had beenl 


a point of faith^ wbich brought a man'sr prrindples 
to the test; the lligh party, with bigoted zea), firBt 
defended it as the work of that, prince, and then 
reiterated the eulogies which had been pronounce 
upon it. Though the only productions of Charles 
which can be relied oil with confidence 2^ his, are 
his* private letters, and possibly one or two mes- 
sages from the isle of .W%ht after the exctusion 
of so many of his foUowers, and the return of the 
excluded members to the house i3f commons* 
possibly also the cohtrovecsy with: Henderson*, 
which, however, I thin^ extremely doubtful ; and 
these certainly afford but a viery indifferent proof of 
talent, and none of power of composition-^yet even 
such an 'author as Mr, Home speaks of the inter- 
nal ^evidenoey derived from the. 8t)de and ccmposi- 
ticm, as perfectly conclusive ; affirming^ that ** these 
^meditations resefnbk m elegance f ptmtyf waUiess^ 
and simplicity 9 the gemus : iof those « perjfbrmcmces 
"which 'we kmm to hmns ^fljffwed from ^royalpen.^ 
No wonder that the big6try, which could see these 
qualities in the harsh, abrupt, style' of his letters, 
could perceive no defect in: his condtKt; But the 
'truth could not be denied for ever.j and though 
the oame historian is pleased to say, that these me- 

* The controversy with Henderdon is poor enough ; hut from the 
conning deVice practised after he left London; hetwixthim and Hyde, 
why should we he sui^rised at his haiing got assistance P He carried 
on many intrigues at that time^ and a varied correspondence; wby« 
then^ could he not obtain the assistance of Juxton in the way he adop^*^ 
ed with Ifyde? ^ 3ee vol. pL p. S17^ 318^ of this History* 

ftS n»nroET of the British eiipire. 

ditatioiis '^areso cinlilce the bombast, perplexed, 
xhfitQcicalf> corrupt style of. Dr*. Gaoden, ta whom 
ihej are ascribed^ that no human, testimony Kseerm 
m(j0cseotto^ cowmnceus that hewm ihe a%i&&r^^ yet 
itjiey .are now indispu^hly and for : ever ascertain- 
ed—to the. aatifi&ction of all who will be *ooiLvin- 
jmA. by bmnaii testimon);j— 4o have beeB> the ^ pro- 
tdttctiQa of Ihat individual. Ne man .who had stu* 
ilied the Clarendon papers, with the iremarks of 
JS(^inm0iis andiLaing^ couldr we imagine, . have 
4Qubti»l itheifact ; but additional dooumeiits, pul|« 
Ibbed by Mr« Todd^ in his Lifeof I>r« Walton, haiie 
A^t tiie point beyond/ the j-each .of controversy* 
lAtndnow .we may safely proi^ounce a jndgmecit 
tipon the worl^ i^hout l)eing. ehacged iwitb«ai^ 
4fi« detcactiraoi the royal merits^ ^Proof erf* 
•ny :. thing i Ijyfee a hig^ mind /it neyer> affords^ i^d 
IiomIu . thcougfa thev fiubducd tone tiKhibl^ be eon- 
icCH^i^d ijtnecessBiy to aasuffie. v If compared with 
^ihejvorks.ofOauden, 4t ikdll notsiHpriise'nstofind 
^t he; was the. author ^-but, j^"^ style can be imp- 
lied npon^ it. would. require strong humiin testi- 
j^aony !indee49 tO:jCQnvince any unprejudiced mind 
jthftt it iCQuId be the production of' the same peti 
that composed Uie royal letters. Unfortunately fw 
the memory of Charles, however, though he had 
no misrit in the composition^ he had guilt in the 
publication ; for, as the manuscript had beien ?hpwn 
%o 4iim by G^vden, aqd. Ij^e consented that it should 
be published jn bisname^ he adopted alKthe mis- 



Statements—Accompanied wifJi appeals to heaven for 
the truth of the narrative^ , and' prayjess which^ as 
they abound with untruths, (can be viewed in no 
other light thaa . as. a mockery of that Supreme 
Seingy for whose< worship in purity he 'affected 
such zeal. The imposition^ honv^ver, is the lesk 
extraordinary, Jrom the concurrence it ^m^ with 
in the. guardians of his conscience* In ohmty to Chancier oT 
this unfortunate princess memoryi weshall abstain takntv, ftc 
from farther. remark^ on his moral qualitxes.^ His 
abilities do nojt appear to< have been great; bat 
they had been judiciously cultivated in his yootlk 
He had read little, b^it he is said to havQ derived 
BO much .benefit from .con versation« a& to have a 
great stock of^eneralknowledge^^<and hiai^uggles 
with the parliament, necessarily brought his ^quali^ 
ties into play, beyond what almost falls to the lot 
of princes, or indeed to any w ho, are not obliged 
to take an active interest in^^the affiurs of liie>H 
He was a great encourager of the arts of paint- 
ing and buildings and purchased the works of emi- 

* At the outset of the war, leading men had formed too unfayour- 
eble an estimate of Charles's talents, and they were nec^sarily ask>« 
nished to find that .he h(^ fair ablliti^. . The enljDgiesof his £riendi, 
however, caimot be re^urded, anid the speeches attributed, to CrcHn* 
well and others are not to be relied on. Tfliiteiocke, at Uxe Oxford 
treaty^ gives him a high charact^ for talfnt, and none was a.))etter 
judge.^ But it is difficult tp bring a king )to the test^ because no one 
dares use the freedom ; and possibly the editor, (as, I suspect,, opi 
grounds already stated by me, he has done on one or tyi^o other occa- 
sions,) assisted the passage. If we may judge of Charles by his corre^*' 
pondence, we form no high estimate of his powers. 


nent masters at a vast expense ; but as not one out 
of a hundred of those who involve themselves in 
difficulties, and frequently in absolute ruin» on 
those branches of art/ have any taste for them, it 
is bard to say whether Charles was influenced by 
taste or a love of magnificence ; or by. the latter 
chiefly, with a small mixture of the former *. In 
stature he did . not rise above the middle height, 
but he was well proportioned ; and though he nei- 
ther walked nor rode with grace, he did both with 
activity. His features were regular, and upon the 
whole, accounted handsome ^ a feebleness about 
the eyes, however, detracted from his appearance, 
and was not calculated to give a high idea of men- 
tal enexgy* In his manners lie was cold, stifle, and 
formal^ and preserved a state and reserve which 
alienated the affections of those who approached 
him. Like his progenitors, his father ei^cepted^ he 
showed personal courage t. 

' * Had his system not been opposed, it wotdd hare been found to 
be destnicdve of the arts— as the obstruction of industry would hare 
bereft people of the means of encouragiD^ them. There is a passage 
in Milton which has been often <)uoted to shew that Charles admired 

t Warwick, p. 64, et seq, Clar. vol. v, p. 256. Racket's Life of 
Williams, part ii. p. 85. 137. Carte's Ormonde, vol. i. p. 356-7. I have 
seen an original painting of him. It is only nec^i^sary, in regard to the 
£ikon, to refer to the third volume of the Clarendon Papers, App. 
p. 95. Laiug, vol. i. note xiv. Symmons, Life of Milton, p. 27S, et 
seq. Bumefs Hist. vol. i. Lastly, Todd's Life of Dr. Walton, vol. i. 
p. 118, et seq, Perinchief says of the Icon, that *' a sober reader can- 
pot tell what to admire most, either his incredible prudence, his nX'^ 


dent piety^ or his migestic and truly royal style« It i((ras imagined 
that the admiration df following ages might bring it into the canon 
of holy writings^ because it corresponded so nearly with the occaaionSi 
and was so full of the piety and el^ance of David's Psalmsy that it 
eeemed to be dictated by the same spirit*" p# 94. This writer was a 
doctor of divinity. 

Hume says^ ^^ Milton compared its effects to those which were 
^wrought on the tumultuous Romans by Anthony's reading to them the 
will of Cssar." How far this statement is correct^ the words of Mil« 
ton win determine. ^^ Fi^t^ then, that some men (whether this were 
by hun intended or by his fHends) have by policy accomplished after 
death that revenge upon their enemies, which in life they were not 
able^ halh been oft related. And, among other examples, we find that 
the last will of Cesar being read to the people, and what bounteous 
l^;acies he had bequeathed them, wrought more in that Tulgar au«- 
dience to ihe avenging of his death, than all the art he could ever use to 
win their lavour in his lifetime. And how much their intent, who 
published these overlate apologies and meditations of the dead king, 
drives to the same end of stirring up the people to bring him that 
honour, that affection, and, by consequence, that revenge to his dead 
eoTpae, which he himself living could never gain to his person, it ap- 
pears, both by the conceited portraiture before his book, drawn out 
to the full measure of a masking scene, and set there to catch fools 
and silly gazers ; and by those Latin words, after th^ end^ ^ Fota da* 
bunt qua heUa negarunt" Symmons* edition of his prose works, 
vol. ii. p. 394, 395. The following sentence contains much truth, as 
we shall prove in the sequel: " But it is evident that the chief of his ad- 
herents never loved him, never honoured either him or his cause, but as 
they took him to set a face upon their own malignant designs, nor be- 
moaned his loss at all, but the loss of their own aspiring hopes : Like 
those captive women whom the poet notes in his Ihad, to have bewailed 
the death of Patroclus in outward show, but indeed their own con- 
dition." p. 397. The Icon is said to have passed through fifty edi- 
tions in the first year ; but considering the innumerable forgeries of 
that period, and the attempt to compare it to the Scriptures as an in- 
qnred work, we cannot find those statements entitled to much credit. 
Whitelocke, and other writers, do not so much as take notice of it. 
Clarendon had, indeed, a reason for his silence ; for he knew it to be, 
as he states in his own letters, a forgery; and says that he had 
early satisfied the king, Charles II. on that subject. We have given 
q^mens already of Charles's composition in his letters; and surely 



no 1BMI who is not peileci^ loigoted can «diiu|e tb^pa. The ISnl^ 
lowing sentence may afford ton^e id^ of the style of tjae iiuthAr qf 
the Icon : '* Generally whoeye^ had mo^t inind to bring^ forth Cj9iifi»- 
sioii and rain on church and 8tate> used the pidwifery of thoee tOr 
Inttlts ; -whose riot and irapatifioee WM eucb^ tla| tl^y would no( at«y 
the ripening and season of counsels^ or fair production of j^cta, in tl^ 
Older, gravity, and deliberateoess befitting a parliament ; but rifit up 
with barbourous cruelty, and forcibly cut put abprtive yotes, sueh us 
ihefar inviters and enoouragers moat fancied." Icoq, p. 11. ^dil. 
1€«2. . t 

It Is amusing to observe the comfortable ignorance of ^ditqra.* Tl|e 
gentleman who published £yelyn*s M^noirs, gqea on diiUy to proi^ 
what, he says, requires no proof, the' geipuiQeneds of tlie Icon— 'by i^ 
fening to a letter as i^ffinding internal evidence ; but it is. a species, of 
evidence utterly beyond my powers to oomprehend. 

The following is a very singular passage In Mr. liume'a voik. A^ 
t/et stating the violent return of duty aUd aS'ectioo whi^b waa 0^9^ 
aioned by Charles's death, he proceeds thua: '' On weak^ minds, theei^ 
ifeet of tliese complicated passions was prodigious* Women are said tP 
have cast forth the untimely fruit of their womb ; others fell int^ 
convulsions, or sunk into such a melancholy as attended, them to their 
graves ; nay some, unmindful of themselves, as though they could 
not, or would not survive their beloved prince, it is reported, sudd^t- 
ly fell down dead. The very pidpits were bedewed with unsubomed 
tears; those pulpits which had formerly thundered out the mo|t 
violent imprecations and anathemas ^;ain8t him. . And ail men united 
in the detestation of those hypocritical parricides who, by ftanetifiod 
pretences, had so long disguised their treasons, and in this act of ini« 
quity had thrown an indelible stain on the nation." Now, aa Mr. 
Hume quotes no authority for this statement, th^ read^ naturally 
imagines that he had at least seen facts resting on something deaerr- 
ing the name of authority. AIsls! it is no sUch thing. He has given 
almost the very words of Perinchief, whom yet he dui»t not, quote ; 
and his pencil-marks are still at the place. in the copy belonging to the 
Advocates* Library. " When the news of his dei^ lyere divulged^ 
women with child for grief cast forth the untime]iy Iruit of their 
womb, like her that fell in travell, when the glory wn* deferUdfinxm 
Israel Others, both men and women, feU into convulsionfi and 
swounding fits, and contracted so deep a melancholy as attended th^m 
to the grave. Some, unmindful of themselves, as though they could 
not or would not live when their beloved prince was slaughtered, (it 


m tegotttd;) nicldsDiy fill down dead. The pnlpito were likewiw 
bedewed widi unsaboimed teen ; and aome of thoie to whom the hrm- 
ing king was^ £ok episoopaeie'fi aake^ less acceptable^ yet now bewailed 
the Idea of bim when dead. Children^ (who luuallj seem unconeenied 
in public calamities^) were also afi^ted with ihe news^ and became so 
prodigal of thdr t^ars^ that^ for some time^ ibey refused comfort ; ere^i 
some of those who sat as ju^^^ conld not forbear to mingle some 
teaia with his blood when it was spilt." F. 95.^W1ien Hnme conld 
embody sueh staff as this, why ctid not he boldly giine a miracle at 
onoe»-*aB the foilowing? *' A mirade of mizades^ wrought by Ijie 
blood of king Charles of happy memory/ upon a mayd at Detfor^ 
foQze miles ftom London^ who^ by the tiolence of tbedisease called the 
king^ ev^, was blinde one whole yeeie^ but by makeing use of a piece 
of handkerchief dipped in die king's bloody is recovered of her sight; 
to the comfbrt of the king's friends^ and astonishm^t of his enemies^ 
the izudi whereof many thousands can testify.'* Lond. printed 1649. 
The author says^ *' the like was never known since our Saviour Christ 
and his blessed aposdes lived in die earth* She was the most loath* 
some spectacle^ besides being blind ; had been given up by her physi- 
cians^ forsaken by her acquaintance^ yet recovered her sight, and be- 
came lusty and strong as before^ and capable of doing every thing be- 
fitting her age^*' which was about fourteen or fifteen. The nunes of 
her parents^ and her abode^ &c. are also given> and peq>le invited to 
satirfy themselves. It is said diat ^' hundreds flock daily to see her^ and 
that all who saw her before^ do confesse that it is a work the Lord 
hath done> whereby his name might be glorified^ and the king's deadi 
thought upon/* &c. It would not be difficult to give similar instances 
from the royalist pamphlets of that time. 

The following passage is given by Mrs. M'Auley from a sermod 
preached before Charles II. at Breda^ on Feb. 4^ 1646-9. *^ The per- 
son now murdered was not the Lwd of Glory^ but a glorious loid^ 
Christ'a own vicar^ his lieutenant and vicegerent here on earth ; and 
diereloEe^ by all laws^ divine and human> he was privileged from any 
punishment which ooidd be inflicted by men. Albeit^ he was an in- 
ferior to Christ, as man is to God^ yet was his privil^pe of inviolabili- 
ty fir more dear than was Christ's ; for Christ was not a temporal 
prinee^ his kingdom was notof this world^and, therefore^ when he vouch- 
safed to come into the world, and to becotae the Son of Man, he did 
object himself to the law; but our gracious sovereign was well known 
to be a temporal prince/ a free monarch, and their undoubted sove^ 



«eign> to whom they did all owe, and bad gworn aUegianee^ The 
^Mffliament la the great oonncil, and hath acted all and more against 
their lord and sovereign than the other did against Christ. The pro- 
ceedings against our sovereign were more illegal^ and in many things 
more crueL The true religion delivered unto us in scripture, and 
professed in the true, ancient, and catholic church, doth teach us to 
honour and ohey the king, as God's minister set over us ; and that 
the injuries of kings, though ever so great, are to he endured by their 
subjects, who have no other remedy, and are to use no oilier arms 
against their king, than to pray unto God for him, who hath the 
liearts of kings in his hand, and may turn them when he thinks fit." 
M'Auley, voL iv. p. 420. Such was the language, not only of a simple 
^ninister of the gospel, but of a prelate ! i Let us be no longer sur- 
prised at the hypocrisy of Charles on the scaffold, and not wonder 
that Charles II. proved so unconstitutional in his government when 
he had such ghostly advisers ; but Englishmen would not axchange 
their privileges for the political divinity of prelates, and banished a 
family that acted upon it. Lord Digby writes thus to Ormonde: 
f' From the creation to the accursed day of this damnable murder, 
nothing parallel to it was ever heard of. £ven crueifying our blessed 
Saviour, if we consider him only in his human naturei 4id nothing 
eq^al this, his kingdom not being of this world; and he, though \m* 
justly condemned, yet judged at a lawful tribunal." Carte's Onnonde> 
voL iii. p. 667. Harris's Life of Cromwell, p. 211. Comparisons of 
Charles's sufferings with those of Christ were widely jsirculated. 
Milton's Prose Works, Def. Sec pro Pop. Ang. p. 241, 942* 
/ We have already said a little about the research of Noble, and 
here we shall give an instance of it { He, in his account of Harri- 
son, Lives of the Regicides, refers to Worsley's Histoiy of the Isle 
of Wight, and says, that the narrative of Charleses sufferings in Hurst 
castle^ as given by Worsley, from an authentic manuscript, would 
melt any heart but that of a stem republican^ Now, in the first 
place, Worsley relates chiefly what occured at Newport> and breaks 
joff his account of the king when he was carried out of the island. 
Jn the second place, the authentic manuscript is no other than Co 
ionel Cooke's Memoirs, which, says Worsley, were published shortly 
after the restoration, but have since become scarce, and therefore he 
referred to the manuscript copy in the British Museum. The fact is> 
however, that they were repuUished along with Herbert's Memoirp^ 
jtp which, Worsley particularly refers, and it is inexcusable in. No* 


ble not to have been particularly acquainted with them. Cooke 
had been one of Cromwell's officers^ but was gained over by Charles^ 
and his narrative is so disingenuous^ that it is directly contradicted 
l>y the monarch's own correspondence. Worsley is extremely incor- 
rect in his narrative^ as may be ascertained by comparing it with 
Herbert's Memoirs^ to which he xrfers as his authority for great part 
of his statement 

. J ; 




State of 

State of Engiand. — Settlement of the CommonweaUk' 
J High Court of JtMtice constituted Jbr the Trial 
the Duke ofHcmdton^ as Earl of Cambridge^ am 
Earls of Norwich, ^c. — Irish Affairs, and the 
ploiis of Cromwell there, S^c. — Stcnte of ScofUmd,^i 
Expedition and Death of Montrosc^-^English Jj 
'^Arrival of Charles IL in Scotland, and War In 
the two Nations, — Fairfax declines the Command 
Army destined against Scolia/nd, and CromweU 
ed General. — CromwelTs Expedition into Scoti 
Battle of Dunbar. — Subsequent Measures of the 
nanters, and their Expedition into England. — Sail 
Worcester. — TheKin^s Escape. — -Exploits of the 
Character of Blake.— The Dutch War.^State of 
ties. — Dissolution of the Parliament, and Usui 
of Cromwell. 

The death of Charles produced the greatest 
sation, not only throughout every part of the 
tish empire, but of all Christendom ; and the 
alist party tried to sound the tocsin amongs 
princes, clergy, and privileged orders, as an 
ample of rebellion in subjects which they wei 



■f-Interest to avenge; the motl^ 
r that they ought to regard the 
ilish kiitg 3s if it had flowed frotti 
F It is extraordinaly, howevei^ 
of the Eaglisb parlisment s^inst 
: prince, while it excited alarm, 
e and respect Fat- from joitiing 
ie conquest of Ehgland in fav6ur 
hese monarchs, as ire at« told bf 
would have ridden ou the tteck 
his country at the head i£ foreign troops, shiaf^ 
Ved in the spoil of that infataated prince's privatb 
property *. His furniture, plate, and paintings, 
wete exposed to sale; and Cardinal Mazarin, as 
head of the Prencb government, and Christina of 
JSweden, both great admirers of the English, arid 
particularly of Cromwell, were extensive puiL 
chasers of those sumptuous articles. The preri>y- 
terian party, throughout the British empire, or ra- 
ther their clergy and leaders, though they would 
have reduced the crown to a total dependency on 

* Clar. Tol. iv. p. S6i. This mthor wyB, Uut " m many ntlnctf- 
lottt drcamstimcea contribated to his rain, that men might W^ 
-think that heanen and earth coniptred ii. Thm^ he wu, JHm 
ike Jirtt dtclention of hir power, m much Wrayed byhlB iJvm '*er- 
TaDtB, that there were very few who remained faithful to him,' ftt 
ihat tieacbery proceeded not aiteai/i from any treasonable purpose to 
do him any harm, but irom pBrticular and personal anirootides agaln&t 
6Aetmen,"p. aS8. Yet. forsooth^ a woman in the middling ruilci- at 
Hit Hagoe, being wiOi chOd, fell into travel with hdrFor at the VtM' 
tion of-the king^ deadi, and died; and all abAit durlei II. wfere 
benft of theii tutdentandingTi, p. S75. 






themselves, and even avowed [ that it might be 
transferred to another head, whi ^le many justified 
the execution, though they det cested the instru. 
ments by whom it was accomjKHshed, were now 
loud in expressions of abhorrenceV against th6 ob- 
noxious party who had blasted alr\*^^i'^ hopes, 
and, instead of giving them the spiritualV "^^'^^^^^^j 
which imported also the civil, allowed sL"^ general 
liberty of conscience, fatal to the prospe^ cts aad 
pretensions of an aspiring priesthood *• 
-with . the royalists they declaimed against 
king's death, and predicted general anarchy an( 
confusion from allowing men to worship their 
Creator m the manner most reconcileable to their 
own consciences. The event, however, proved 
that the liberty of conscience so decried, was no 
less politic than charitable, and conformable to true 
Christian piety. A learned and pious ministry 

* They are well lashed by Milton in his tenure of kings and ma- 
gistrates. By the way^ had the late Dr. Watson seen this tract in 
Symmons' edition of Milton's Prose Works^ vol. ii.^ it would have 
saved him firom a very great error^ and prevented an iiyurious 
attack on Milton^ in regard to Luther and other reformers, — an at- 
tack which proves that the right reverend prelate had never looked 
into the works which he pretended to be so fully master of. For^ as 
my very learned and very worthy friend Dr. M'Crie justly observes^ 
the works are fairly quoted by MUton. But the whole passage in 
this tracts as published by himself, had been expunged in the various 
collections of his prose works, till it was restored by Symmons, vol. i^ 
p. 271. 304* By the way, I do not know how the prelate could ren- 
concile his philippic with the revolution settlement. For the passage 
I of the Bishop of Landaff just referred to, see his sermon preached 

before the house of lords, 30th Jan. 1 795. 


vas established throughout the land, the differ^ 
ences in opinion, fierce under controul and perse-* 
€utioQ, gradually melted down when the fetters 
were removed. No longer regarding each othec 
through the medium of all those interests and pas^ 
fiions, excited and inflamed by an undue interfe^ 
rence with men's spiritual conduct, they conli- 
nued an intercourse with each other as men em- 
barked in the same voyage for eternity, and only 
a little varying the course upon a difference of 
x)plnion, without materially forsaking the tr^ck. 
The rage and fury of the royalists seemed to be 
omlimited ; but the leaders of the party at least 
gave convincing proofs that it was their own mis- 
fortunes they bewailed} while they affected to 
drop tears for their late master. During his life 
the party had been rent with factions, every one 
being ready to betray the king and ruin his friends 
for his own advancement ; and even the works of 
Oarendon continue to exhibit the same disgust- 
ing picture of faction, treachery, and selfishness 
amongst those who, in foreign parts, poured forth 
execrations against the proceedings in England, 
and uttered the language of unlimited devotion tp 
kings, as well as of inexpressible anguish at the late 
catastrophe. He represents every one, from the 
queen downwards, as anxious only to monopolize 
the royal ear, in hopes of all the benefits of his 
exclusive favour whenever he should be permitted 
to ascend the throne; and even the Duke of 
York's attendants, as convulsed with faction^^ my 


that rojal duke himselfi though only fifteen years 
of age, as fond of intrigue ♦. 

The civil war, accotnpailied with all the husv 
ery we have detailed, wad 8o far from inflicting 
any lasting evils, that the cotintiy had no sooner 
felt itself relived of that oppressive system of 
itibnopoly, and want oJT confidence in individual 
property, with which the nation had, anterior to 
the meeting of the present parliament, been dia- 
tredsed, th^n it acquired a new spring of activity 
end iddiistly, l^hich brought general w^altb« 
With a feeling of independence and security,, th^ 
trading add Itnanlifactaritig classes, in S{^lte of an 
unprecedented taxation, tnade such an astoniahiog 
Interest of progrcss, that the rate of interest, which had never 
^^i2th before been uhd^ eight per cent, now fell to sixt. 
le^' DdinquentS, as the royalists were termed^ did indedd 
suffer ; but their property wa^ not lost to the publid. 
The wai*, though disgraced on the royalist sidb 
with many bruelties, which the parliamentary did 
not always abstain frbm imitating, was. Upon the 
whole, of utie^simpled mildness ; while it ted to a 
development Of tdlent almost unprecedented : in 
the annals df mankind. To the credit of the po- 
pular party, never was one assassination commii- 

• Clarendon, toL v. p. S58. S85. 29d, ef seq.; vol. ti. p. S8W. 
a#fe. 4S6> et seq. Life, toL L part trL Regarding the D^e pf Y!9rk> 
fiunily, he writto:— >^' Never little family was torn into so numy 
pieces and factions. The duke was very young, yet loved intrigues 
80 weQ, that he wagf tOd inuch inclined to heaiken to any men ^hb 
bad the confidehoe to tnik6 hold propositions to him/' p. ISS^ 

t Coh. Pari. Hist. voLiii. p. 129S. Joum. Whit p. 388. 


jted hy them* This crime, though less known in 
England than in any other country, had still, in 
the preceding times, . occasionally disgraced the 
community, and its disappearance now can only 
be ascribed to an. equal dispensation of law and 
justice^ When men are deni;ed their rights in 
courts of law, and find that there is no legal re- 
dress for oppression^ they give vent to their own 
feelings^ in order to repress thut which otherwise 
would be without check : but, wherever courts of 
law are open to the injured, and the jurii^ru- 
dence is founded on principles of equity, the ge- 
neral feelings of maljkind operate a thousand 
times more than cruel, punishments in preventing 
a crime, which disturbs every breast with a feel- 
ing of inSQcjirity, and consequently inspires the 
blackest passions. The royali^tsi however, who 
coac^iv^d that^ allied with the l^ing, they alqne 
were entitled to all power^ and that their eXcli)- 
sion was a tyrannous perpecution, evinced suffi- 
cient readiness to perpetrate this dt^stardly ^rime. 
Vain is it to attribute the civil War of England tp 
the growth pf freedom* The. liberty of that coun- 
try had previously preserved it from intestii^e cokn- 
motion^ find the struggle hf^d been for ev^jy thing 
yaluable,^-r9^1 those institutions which httd d<4- 
^cend^d, from their fincestors. Matters had> in- 
deedj proQe^ded . farther than the fii'st absertocs 
of the public rights h^d antipipated} but this 
ought t0 be : attributed J^ the bonduct of the 
prince and his advitsers» who^ in their attenipt tb 
establish unmingled desp^Hism in the pkce of a 



limited monarchy, had shaken and subverted the pil- 
lars of the constitution,' and taught the people 
that it now became them, as the origin of all just 
power, to make some new arrangement which 
might preserve for them and their posterity bless- 
ings that, though their ancestors had enjoyed 
under a certain form, they had sadly experienced 
were no longer to be expected undier the go- 
vernment of such an individual. Though no- 
thing but a great crisis, or a certainty of a grand 
melioration can justify a people, in the erijoyment 
of tolerable privileges, for attempting to alter the 
government; yet when that is done for them, 
when the prince has sapped the foundation of all 
their institutions, a3 well as instructed them that 
no conditions could bind him, no oaths were to 
be relied upon, and it becomes incumbent on 
them to erect a new structure, they are no longer 
in. the condition of a people, who, in the mere 
-pursuit of a speculative good, subvert a valuable 
government, and incur the risk of anarchy, follow- 
ed by military despotism. Whether the English 
-adopted the mode best calculated for public hap- 
piness, is not the question $ but a survey of the 
transactions in foreign states will prove with what 
-little justice the convulsions in Britain have been 
-ascribed to the freedom of her government* Ger- 
 many had long been afflicted with the most san- 
guinary contests: all men know how the Low Coun- 
tries were desolated in the last age, and by what a 
•bloody struggle Holland asserted her independence* 
JFrom the despotism of the French government, that 


country had rarely been without insurrections ; 
and the religious schism had been productive of 
horrors which never disgraced the British soil t 
Henry IV. had only reached the throne of France 
through a civil warj and the struggle of the 
Hugonots> with the civil wars, subsequently^ 
we have already in part related. Even at the 
very moment of which we are treating, civil 
war jseemed to be transferred from England to that 
-country ; but the war of the Fronde, with what- 
levef spirit of vengeance it was attended, was as ri- 
diculous as destitute of any legitimate object; and 
the royal family were treated with scorn and con- 
tempt by a people who afterwards boasted of, and 
were .eulogized for, their affection to kings. We 
have already seen that Portugal had revolted from 
Spain, and re-established an independent monarchy 
in the bouse of Braganza* 

As it was necessary to erect a new government, 
pen's thoughts were occupied with that important 
subject; and, as was to have been expected, va«> 
rious opinions were entertained, peculiar notions 
were indulged in, and many of influence were 
disappointed and chagrined that their own views 
were not adopted. But the question which princi'^ 
pally divided men's opinions, was, whether the go- 
vernment should be monarchical or republican* 
The liberal party, still attached to monarchy, pro- 
posed to place the crown on the head of one of the 
younger sons of the late king, both because the 
eldest son had already appeared in arms against the 
people, and because the deviation from tlie ordi- 



pary rules of succession, would sufficiently indicate 
the national choice, and render the king depem 
dent upon the public will ; whiles by preserving 
the crown in the same family, the ambition of pri^ 
vate men would be checked. The supporters of 
this opinion argued, and with justice, that the 
question ought not to be, what government, in 
the abstract, might be preferable, but what, as 
most suitable to the present habits and preju^ 
dices of the people, was likely to be produce 
tive of the greatest stability and happiness ? That 
the nation, having been always accustomed to mo<t 
narcby, could not, without a violent shock,- pass 
instantaneously to a new form of government, 
which necessarily required different habits ; and 
that, while monarchy would be more consonant to 
the, general sentiments, the election of a king from 
one of the late prince's children would so improve 
the machine of government, as to afford a vast field 
for meliorating the various institutions of society, 
the laws and rights of the people. It cannot be 
denied that the supporters of this view, which was 
the basis of that adopted forty years afiterwards^ 
argued with great philosophical precision. The 
other party maintained, that the melancholy train 
of events which had lately flowed from monarchy, 
proved that it was absolutely vicious, and that nd 
regulations were sufficient to check the growth of 
arbitrary power in a prince : That, after such an 
awful lesson, it would import little wisdom to re- 
establish the same form of government ; that a re^ 
public might now be established without farther re^ 


^lition or difficulty; that how reasonable soever 
submission might have been to a monarchy, pro- 
vided the king had been contented with that por- 
tion of power which had been conceded to him by 
the law of the land, yet that such reasoning could 
no longer be applicable, since the old government^ 
in con^quende of hisf attempts to overthrow the 
rights of the people, from whom his own power 
hud flowed, hiad actually been the means of brings 
itig it to a period ; that the present opportunity 
neglected, they never could expect another, and 
that matters having been once settled in a different 
chiklinel, it wouM be as irrational to expect, ad cri- 
minal to attempt, a fresh change in order to realize 
their conception of a more perfect form ; that the 
Dutch republic fully evinced the practicability of 
establishing a ipommonwealth, and the benefits ac- 
cruing from the system ; that by electing one of 
the younger sons of the late king, they might in- 
deed repress the ambition of private men in any 
hope of reaching the throne, but they held out 
an inconsistent lesson to the people, since, on the 
one hand, they intimated that the monarchy was 
elective, and taught mankind that the right of suc- 
cession was a principle founded in error ; and yet, 
on the other, they, by still selecting one of the fa- 
mily, assured them that there was a right inherent 
in the house of Stuart, which belonged to no 
other; that the inevitable effect of this would be, 
that the old principle regarding the law of succes- 
sion would be so confirmed in men's mindd, that 
they would conceive that the eldest son had been 


illegally debarred the throne, and the royalist par^^ 
ty would ever be on the watch to take advantage 
of this impression, in order to bring him in, uncon- 
ditionally ; that in this way faction would be kept 
up, and the settlement of the state bein such jeo- 
pardy, that rigorous and arbitrary measures would 
be necessary to maintain it : But that the simple 
principle, — that the people are the origin of all just 
power,— was so obvious as to obtain universal as- 
senti — It cannot be denied that the preseiut was un^- 
questionably one of those seasons when men were 
not only at full liberty, but imperiously called up- 
on to exercise their judgments as to the. form of 
the future government; and the only question 
regards the practicability of the different systems, 
with their stability and probable benefits. The 
mere name of a republic is nothing, without such 
provisions as to make even bad men co-operate for 
the public good ; and the idea of giving the na- 
tional council all the power of nominating to of- 
fices, as well as of legislation, could not fail to be 
productive of a melancholy result* The conse<- 
quences of the plan pursued at this time, and the 
benefits that afterwards accrued from the revolu- 
,tion of 1688, fully establish that the first party had 
.formed the justest estimate of the relative situa*- 
tion of the empire. But let us not be hasty in 
condemning men for not seeing all the effects of a 
A common-new posturc of affairs. — The form, of a common- 

VIVA O I f\\ A ^ 

greed upon, wealth was agreed upon, and it was understood to 
be in a manner conformable to the propositions 
contained in a paper called the agreement of th^ 


jieople ; but that, in t^e mean time, the parlia- 
ment fihould continue its powers, liU such traii-^ 
^utility should be established throu^out the na^i 
tioB, as to render a general election upon the> 
new principles no longer hazardous f. 

* As Whitdoeke refused to concur in the proceedings against 
Charles^ the blowing extract from his jouAal may not be unacoept-: 
Me. ' The convvrmdon is between the Archbishop of Upsale, a doc- 
tor who accompanied the prelate^ and Whitelocke. . After speaking of 
the wonderful acts of the parliament^ the archbishop says, " They 
lukve been indeed wonderful ; but with your leave^ my lord ambassa* \ 
dor, we, in these parts^ doe not understand what necessity you were^ 
putt unto to take away your settle4 and antient government by kings, 
wholly to abolish it, and to resolve into a republique." — ^*Wh. It was • 
judged a prudence aind necessity' nppon the pariiament party> for the: 
tfdety and securing themselves and thdr cause, after their sword had^ 
been drawn against the king, not only to throw away the scabbert, ^ 
butt to aboliiBh kingly government, and to admit no more kings, ^hidi 
they thought could never be reconciled to them ; imd to resoiveiato a 
icepublique, that. they might eigoy their just rights and liberties, 
whjch had been invaded and wrested from them by their kings."—. 
** Arch, Butt how could their consciences be satisfied, for the prater- 
leitiMSi of Uiehrowne rij^ts, to take away the right Of kings, and for' 
t)wir own safety to tlestroy their kingi^"'^'' Wh. S^lfe pres(Brvatlo^ goes . 
farre with mortall men ; and they held the rights of a people more 
io be regarded than any thing relating to a particular person ; and 
fiuit it is not the right of a king to goverfie a people, but the consent of : 
9 pe<^le thft such a ki^ag shall gpveme them; which, if he doe nol^ 
according to justice and their law, they hold, that the people for 
whom, and for whose good, and for preservation of whose rights, he is^ 
Oitrusted as Uie supreme officer, may, if they please, remove him' 
^mn ^t office, an4 ]^ppon t)^ ground the peq^*^ depjiitjei^ in our 
supreme oounsell, the parliament, thought fitt to take away the govern- 
ment by kings, and make it a republic"—" Dr. It is no false doctrine 
that kings are for the good of the people, and that the people were not 
n^ide for kinjgs, butt Jdngs for the peppl^'s sake, &c." vol. i. p. 390-1. 
Whitelo(^e says to tlie Chancellor, — " Every government, which the, 
people chooseth, is certainly lai^ull, whether ))y kingly or other ; and 
t^at to be accounted best, which they, by their representatives, dpe 
make choice of, as best for thejoa and th,eir condi^on.*' Yet he woul4 
not justify the execution of Charles, p. 339. 

yOL. iV. » 

NewSciO. The new seal, which had been ordered, ma 
now struck ^ and the crown lands and fee-farm 
fMts \tefe eiposed to sale ^ and, lest the trappings 
of royalty should seduce the people the regalia and 
rich furniture of the royal palaces were dispoMd of; 
An ordinance was likewise passed, making it high 
Inreason to proclaim any of the royal &mily *. 
Home of Ddring the month* of January, the lords ha^ 
^Ht without regard to the proceedings of the commons,^ 
continued to sit in their judicial capacity ; but st^ 
ter the death *of the king, they made an exertion to* 
secure for their order a share in the new govern- 
ment, and, for that purpose, sent a message to the 
commons, intimating their readiness to concur with 
them in a general settlement of public afl&irs : 
The message, was, however, disregarded, and a se^ 
cond and third met with a similar fate ; but, on the 
fourth, the subject underwent a debate, and the 
house having divided, came to the resolution that 
the advice of the peers should not be taketi. It 
was settled, however, without a divisiouir that the 
bouse of lords was useless and dangefrous, and 
ought to be abolished ; but they allowed the peers' 
to be eligible as representatives of the people t. 
The commons voted, at the same time, that it had 
been found by experience, that the office 6f a king 

in this nation, with the power thereof in any single 

' «. 

* Cob. Pari. Hist. toI. ui. p. 1281; et seq. Whitel6cke'fi Mem. p. 
376^ etseq, Joirm. The library at St. James's was nkved to the nation 
by the interposition of Whitelocke^ p. 415-16. 

t Some of them^ as the Earl of Pembroke for Berks^ were elected 
members for shires. Whitelocke, p. 396, Sec. 

HIJ^OBY OS THE BRfTSSa J^ifPIftfi. 94^ 

pensan, ifi imnecess^ry, burt&etisotiie, and disifi^es. 
em tct the liberty aisdi saJ^ty (^ ttki^ }»(B<^)e/ smA 
^t^pefeee. ought to bO' aiKiltili^ Mto "Wete aftek 
w^da passed td ihat j^tti»|>0^ The low^ ht^k 
tkett^hdO^A its name ih>tn ecwiltiiGiiiii ii^ta tftat of 
ihd cbnunanwealtb of !Si»gtl^ af6(l appokted i& Councfl or 
(SQunal dT state: to manage the e}cdcirt;ivei part of ^^ 
pid)lic busioess. This ehoice^ cf this council indi- 
cated that regard to ra»X atld Wealth -which genef- 
ra&y sways^^ the public mind. There wei^ fotit 
ear k and four k>rdls oC the nttmbcff, With many df 
tbeJeading characters^ 9s St. Johti^ Van6, Cromw^l, 
Wbttelocl^e, Martin^ Ludto^, ^ci '^ The housHef oi* 
coitiBidBlr itsdf uras^ reduced t& dr ^H^all numbei* ; 
buJt (Hit of the fbvtywone secluded iitecKiire]% seven 
iir^te permitted, on eertaio conditiotis, to t^urit 
The present systeni, m >va h&ve^ hinted, wa» lievet 
laore than a temporary arrangetnent ; and it musft 
be confessed to have been liable to vAvt^y object 
tions» since the scrambling for offices which might 
be supposed to result from the syfttein„ Was fit t6 
read the legidature into factions, and lead them 
to neglect the public for private intetest. Defect 
tive iaa It was» however, it possessed that inherent 
vigour which belongs to all popular assemblies; 
and, to the astmiishment of Europe, as well as of 
their immediate enemies, it taught foreign stated 
that they should not with impunity interfere with 
the internal regulations of England. The re%iouS neiigioui 
establishment was not neglected. The system waS ^enf* 


• Whitelocke, p. 381. 


presbyterianism ; but such a presbytery as was td; 
tally irreconcilable with the feelings of the party 
denominated pr^sbyterians ; while it accorded with 
those pf the independents. AH coercive power 
was taken from' their provincial and classical as- 
semblies, and nothing appears to have remained to 
them but the power of licensing prisachers, and 
the ordinations. The consequence was^ that those 
of the independent principles who agreed with them^ 
on all ppipts (^doctrine, were numerously admitted, 
and in some parts encouraged those voluntary as* 
sociations^ whidi were so agreeable to their princi* 
pies. The partiality of the presbyteries, however, 
in licensing preachers, having been complained of^ 
ministers were appointed as commissioners for that 
purpose in 1653*. Meantime^ some of the small- 
er parishes were united, and the larger one^ di- 
vided. The tithes were regularly paid, the glebe 
lands vfeve vested in the incumbents ; and to com- 
pensate for the lands of bishops, deahs^ and chap- 
tersj nearly fifty thousand pounds a-year were add- 
ied to the means of the preaching ministry. There 
were about ten thousand benefices in England l 
some of the livings were five hundred, six hun- 
dred; and seveii hundred a-yeaf, and most of 
jtbem above a hundred. If we only consider 
the value of moneys and comparative riches and 
habits of the people at that time, we shall find that 
the highest of these livings were immense, and 
that one hundred would give a man the same rank 
in the community as six hundred, at least, would 

* Whitelocke, p. 553. 


- ■• • . .. • , 

do now. As.onie instance. of the. truth of this as- 
sertion. Sir H. Slingsby kept an. establishment of 
tjiirty servants on five hundred a-year *• Thus were 
the ministers of religion in England supported in 
the most becoming manner, and their learning 
and piety corresponded with their livings. The 
universities were at the same time amply encourag- 
ed ; and an ambulatory ministry, in addition to the 
clergy: settled there, was appointed for Wales, 
which continued in deplorable ignorance.' 

.W^ have already seen. that the episcopal bene- 
ficed clergy, were deprived of their livings without 
any compensation ; and we have already pronoun- 
ced our condemnation of the measure. The par- 
liament, however, now purged of members allied to, 
and controlled by the rigid presbyterians — ^who, un- ' 
der the pretext of serving God by their divine esta- 
blishment, did injustice to his creatures — ^made a 
provision for the episcopal clergy. Many of these, 
disappointed of ambition through the favour of a 
court, applied themselves sedulously to the dis- 
charge of their duties, and general advancement of 
religion : It was during the interregnum that the 
polyglot bible was, by the> great learning and in- 
dustry of Dr. Walton, projected and executed. 
But, in this state of things, the royalists, episcopa- 
lians, and rigid presbyterians, saw nothing but con* 
fusion; and a worthy prelate, in an after age,' 
mentions as a proof that the people were even fall- 
ing from Christianity — ^that a translation, which, 
however, was suppressed, had been made of the 

* Memorials, p* 2S, 20. 



jMI) Hmenr of vke brtbish EMnss. 

Koran, ^ribenee 'ke tUfMsdiat the land «ras ia xfen* 
ger cfbein^ ovarua with Mahomdtamsm'*. 
^^ We bme already «fli«L that Hamiltoi^ Itowicfa, 


Eulf of 

Hdllaiid, •l^«AdeMlUMbe^«)nlBretiMMmedjtliftt^ 

Norwich, ^^ from. Wiatd»ekq*a J»»n<a »f tei Kmlwwiy, mf Dptl)e w«cQQpt« 
able<— In a conference one d^J with Christini^j she remarked, that 
''the papists had 'not equal Uberty with others^ as they ought to 
hate.'* Il%. Thdr tekieta dde not eonito with the puhHque peace of 
ppi^BsMit pwfes aniL vtatf^ wboni'th^ esteem, hmefkakM, wA ^ 
good service fq God to cutt them off-"-Qv« This opinion some hanre 
vented in former times ; hut now theh: interest leads them from it, 
atad they dbeta<7t hald iL^Wk. I dicraAit they still Tetahi it.-^Qu. I 
ptay wSiat reliiptti dde y«a.)itt)ii99B6 in Sig^d ?<^r^lV%. In teg!md:^mr 
m9feaij doth mer the honour to^ catechise- me> I shall answer you vei;; 
freely : We professe the true reformed protestant Christian religion ; 
Wehdieve hi God the Pather, tmr tafeator ; hi God Ute ^n, 'Jesna 
Gllrist/Yiarredeeoaier; and ia €tod: the Hciy QlwiM^ ^tfaaa crwifttftg ^ 
tbre& penons, and «ne God;-*(2^ Thi# is tery 9ghtj and these are 
the fiindamentals with other protfestant church^ ; hut the world re* 
potttf a gr^tnttmljer (tf sereaidl diiftrenttefigions in En^Und; some 
Lultos, Bone GaMms^ same eailed ioddpendent^ sonveFtxiafaaptistay 
and some yett hi^ier, and dii&rent from all the rest, whose names 
we know not-^Wh. Where Luther 'or Caltin, or others, agree with 
th)Bfa61yiSCriptitre8, the tRte Tide to waOie hy, thete ihe proftftsion in 
En^and tigress ^with thdto, md is h«tt ene m the^ AmdmoentslBaDf 
h; and as to the differoice of opinions in ceremonies, or some matters 
of worship and discipline, it is incident to men, as much as dilEer- 
ences 6f countenaoices* or of dyet ; hot, in liie nudne, they all agree. 
The ktatrcmhleftoeeafdoiied the 'people to lake a grater intjeiest in 
all things,, particularly ininatters of religion, than fonnerly^ and there 
it is esteemed the highest tyranny of all others, to tyrannize over men's 
jiidgment^ and ctmsdeuees.'^Qtf . « May not such a bnisiness as that of 
tbe-analtepti^ at'jMbmMr^hefaaBfid.hyyoatoh^^ of iheM 

differences in religion,' especially when such kind 'of men receive 
countenance? Yhere is nothing more desperate to the peace of a 
slttte; than theibstsring of stiich viblentincendiaxyes as these kind •of 
P<tt^ itfe;,«nd,. if thisyrbe sitfhidd -to^l^v, andspted'^heh: opi* 
luof^ uncoiltroule4» it will piDve' difficult to reduce them to order 
againe : These new opinions are not sprung up from thofie who now 
professe them, hut havehininstigaUid hy yo«r enemies.—^. Your 

fioilmd^ and C&pel, were refeir^ to the justice <£ 
pariiainent : and a high court <of justice -was now 
«recte4 for their trial. Hamilton hadescapedLibom 

fin|go3iy'8 o^ervatipn ist mpst jright, that our enemlea have, fop^tsd 
.these. difPerences ; and the more care and ylgilance is requiute to pr^ 
Tent the daung^s of them^ biitt hold it the best way to neglect, titiem^ 
'. spreta exolesqtofU : Thereby they .willifall of themselyi^ ; when a plibe- 
iic notice and proceeding against th^ .will butt make the^ the mgne 
considerable, men being apt to take in with, a prosecuted party ; and 
. new fangles please the Tulgar^ who can least distinguish^ aud toe 
^sonest.mislead. Butt many with us hold it a. right fpr every <me lo 
. be left to take care of his own soule> which concerns none butt l^m* 
. 8elfe> and that the magistrate^ ought not to eofxGne, or persecute ano- 
ther into his judgement^ for that which concerns the other only^ tp 
^ long as the publique peace> preserved^ to which the law of England 
, hath a strict regard i and whosoever^ by his opinion or pr^tice^ dis- 
turbes^that, peace^ i». to be severely punished."— -yoL i, p. 275-7. 
Were men^ who thought and reasoned thus^. fanatics? . WMteloobe 
4^yes also an account of conversations that he had with the Arch- 
bishop of Upsale^ whoji.says he^ '^ spake Latin fluently, butt not pe« 
dantickly,. and expressed himseHe with good reason^ mixed mth 
chearf ulness and ^earning, especially out of, the fathers and hilnian 
authorities : and he was more ready tjian. others of his coate iuitexts 

• ill-"--.'' ^ ' * • 

of holy scripture/' p. 386. After some discoursex in whidi White- 
locke told the archbishop tha^ the pr^a^ in Ei^land had been their 
men destructiofi; but Uiat there were uot wanting leamM me&.m 
.England to interpret the Scriptures^ the archbishop ,8ay8> *^ then you 
. are injured ; for the import goes^ that ypu regard not learnings and 
, that you are pulling downe the. famous universities in your country^ 
whereby learning will wholly dec^y and be^de8troyed.-r}r<&« That in- 
.deed is an injury ; and I assure you,^ that our unir^raities were, never 
.in a more fiounshing condition .than they noiv are.r-4frcA. I am .glad 
,to heajre it; and I confess I have not met wit|» such learning in a sqI- 
/dier as you shew." Cfhe r^der n^ed not be vemiuded who Wbite- 
lo^e was, tfhqugh he npw .as an am^jMissAdor appealed in a aicirt of 

• noypftary gaib.)-r" Wh. I am butt meanly learned; l^t our umver- 

• ai^s are full of eminent learned men^ and are the fimntaiiies'fiNnn 
whence the whole laud is watered with, the streames of the gospeU^ 

;by^sendipg out leaded. men from thence^ who labour in Christ^s 
^3^^IU?d.-^-4rM.. Are your ministers in repute. among you?— IF%. 


prison^ but was afterwards seized and arraigned M 
Earl, of Cambridge, and consequeDtly. as an Eng- 
lish peer subject to the laws of that country* He 

QMjy leaned^ and abl6 miikisiers, were va^ver in gfeatei^ rqilhCie tftan 
they now are.-*i<rcA. Butt I doubt their meens k iihortened by tak- 
ing away the chiurdi-landB.— IFH. The lands of bishope^ of deanei^ 

•and chapters, are sould; but the parliament added to the means of 
the preaching ministry near £60,000 Sterling yearly, more than they 
had'before.^^rcA. That is a good addition: Are their livings in 
parishes by the tithes, as ours are, and of good value? Wh, Their 

'maintenance is by tithes in dieir respective parishes, and by glebe- 
lands: Some of their livings are worth £500, £600, £700 Sterling 

•yearly, and most above £100 yearly.— ^rcA. That is farre beyond the 

'proportion in our countrey: How many i^iritual livings have you? 
-^JFh. There be in England near 10,000 benefices, there bdng so 
many parishes." Id. p. 413, 414. An excellent late publication, fty 
Mr. Orme, an Independent minister in Peith, " the Memoirs of Ihr. 
Owen," throws a great deal of light on this subject, and deservei iSke 
serious attention of ail who wish for farther information on die reli- 
gious parties of that age. He quotes the following passi^ from one of 
the addresses to the assembly at Westminster by Presbyterian divines, 
entitled, " The hanaomous consent of the Lancashire ministers, 

• with their brother at London/' " A toleration would be putting a 
- sword in a madman*s hand; a cup of poison^ into the hand of a 

ehild; a letting loose of madinen with firebrands in their hands; 
and appointkig a city of refoge in men's consciences for the devil to 
fly to; 8 laying of a stumbling-block before the blind; a prodaim* 
ing liberty to the wolves to come into Christ's fold to prey upon the 
. lambs > Neither would it be to provide for tender consciences, but to 
take away all conscience/' p. 45.^ We might give spedmens of a 
similar style from episcopalian divines; but insliead of that, let us 
give one item a statesman, in addition to what we have already 

• quoted ftom Clarendon. " The House of Commons," says Secretary 
Nicholas in a letter to a Mr. Edgman, 4th Not. 1647, *' badi 
again voted the presbytery, with liberty for tender consciences, 
which is a back door to let in all seets and heiesies. The Socmiana 
now begin to appear in great numbers under the title of rationalists ; 
and there are a sect of women lately cofne from foreign parts, and 
l)dgedin SouUiwark, called quakers, wbo swell, shiver, and shake; 
ai^d when they come to themselves, (for, in aU the time of their fiti^ 


:demurred to the jurisdiction of an English court, 
as being a native of Scotland, arguing that his ti- 
tle of Earl of Cambridge did not constitute him a 

Midtoinefs Holy Oboit csDHTeraes with them) they begm to preach 
what hath been delivered to them by the spirit." Clar. Papers, 
▼oil iil p. 3S3. See Neal as to the origin of this sect^ voL iv. p. 32. 
l^AoIas wad niislakm. But I would desire the readier to compare this 
with the passages quoted from Whitelocke and others^ and then 
say where the fanaticism or bigotry was. It is extraordin»7 that 
Mt. Hmhe^ a philosopher^ should have reiterated too many of the 
notions promulgated by men who laboured to darken their under-i 
standingis with fears of universal schism^ if not atheism^ Mahomet^ 
ism, &c. &c. 

But, ill his account of Wales, he is most ^egiously mistaken^ 
He says, that " almost all the clergy of Wales having been ejected. 
Itinerant preachers, with small salaries, were settled, not above four or 
five in each county ; and these being furnished with horse at the pub- 
lic e^penUe, hurried from place to place, and carried, as they express-i 
ed theihselves, the glad tidings of the gospel." For this he refers to 
Dr. John Walker^s attempt, and 'continues : " They were all of them 
of the lowest birth and education, who had deserted mechanical trades 
in oirder to follow their new profession. And in this particular, as 
'well as in their wandering liife, they pretended to be truly apostolical." 
NbW, as we are well informed by Neal, the inhabitantr of Wales 
were destitute of the means of Christian knowledge, their language 
was little understood, their clergy were ignorant and idle, so that they 
had scarcely a sermon from one quarter to another. The people had 
hdther'bibles nor catechisms, nor was there a sufficient maintenance 
for such as were capable of instructing them. I'he parliament, there- 
fore, on the S9d February, 1649, passed an act for the better propa- 
gation and preaching of the gospel in Wales, for the ejecting scanda- 
loiiis ministers and schoolmasters, and redress of some grievances*— to 
continue in force for three years. So intent was the parliament on 
this subject, that it devoted every Friday, says Whitelocke, to con- 
sider' the ways and means of promoting it. Neal, voL iv. p. 15. 
Whitelocke. What happened from this? The following passage 
bcdnrs: " Letters, that since the act for propagating the gospel in 
Wales, there were a hundred and fifty good preachers in the thirteen 
Wddh counties : most of them preached three or four times a-week. 
That in every market town there were placed one schoolmaster, and 


wfcject of England i but it was held that, aa not 
conteinted merely with the title, he had sat as an 
iEQgli$h peer in the house of lords, and claimed 
and exercised all the privileges^of a peer of that 
realm, he had necessarily subjected himself to £ng- 
lish jurisdictron, and his plea was overruled : his 
other pleas met with a similar fate ; and he was 

in most great towns two sdioolmasters^ ftble^ learned^ and university 
men," (he indeed says nothing of their birth.) '^ That the tithes were 
aE employed to die uses directed by the act of parliament 1. To main"* 
tain godly ministers. H* Schoolmasters. S. The Jifih part to the 
foives and children of the ejected clergy. 4. To pay taxes. S. To pay 
tile officers/' p. 543. Those Who desire mc^e i^ormatlon on thiB fub*- 
ject^'I would advise tp consult Neal, vpL iv. where they willfii^d the 
erroneousness of Hume's statement fully verified. 
" ^ I have already said a good deal about the religion of the age. Hume's 
account is always extravagant; bnt I am astonished that even he 
idiOuM have written note G to vqL vii. The story of the six poldien, 
taken from Clement Walker^ is^ considering the authority, worthy of 
no consideration. 'Hie reniainder of the note is unsupported altog^ 
ther. But are extnivagancies by a few individuals sufficient to stig- 
matize a whole age ? . Because the sect of the quakers arose then« . we 
are apt to allow ourselves to be misled. For my part, I question whe- 
&er there has not been, during the last twenty years, more absurdity 
on religion, as.tliere 1^ been undoubtedly a .greater multiplicity of 
sects, than in the time of the civil wars and commonwealth. The ex- 
travagance even of Nayler, who was a man of some learning, was. at 
least equalled by that of Johanna Southcott, and her disciples were 
far mmre numerous, while the delusion lasted a very great deal longer. 
Can any one enumerate the sects at this day ? I could not, even in 
tihe good town of Edinburgh. But the government wisely neglects 
ihem, and they do mistshief to no one. Yet what a picture might be 
drawn, did we wi^h to represent the age through th$ medliim of every 
extrava^nce. . As for,lit^es,.a party did desire, their aboUtion, and 
some oliier mode of supporting the clergy as less .oppressive ; But the 
parliament resolved to continue the tithes till some other piroviisicm^ 
*'as large and as honourable*' vrere a^^reed .iippn. Wbiteitopke, p» . IS^S* 
The clergy were judiciously prohibited fr^ interfering wij(h afiSdra 
of state. Cob. Pail. Hist voL iii. p. 1305. 

Gondenraed, nuDd jsqffisred. vCapdi argued ili»t^ 
was not HableJtotrifl Bt ^d^ot: tbatt ;<» iSkk^ 9i)r« 
render of ColcbesteCyHioce ivas.aapectialaiticl^ffar 
quaitsr to the officecs, and on that he daio^ his 
life and freedom. The gener^. Lord Fair&s;, was 
axiamiaed 9» to ttbe impoit off the articles^ :(tbe 
words did «nat wanant Capel's/coastructioni) and 
he declared that dt. meant cmfy exemptian from mi- 
litary execution, (nxatf&emqoubtic justioet I)b. was 
deaHy establiabed Ihat such was the underatand- 
ing of parties at 'the time that tiie articles were 
entered into. C!apel had commenced his career » 
vehement assertor of public liberty ; but, soon se- 
duced by I^GOUrty he thenceforth professed, a^d 
adted upon the principle of unlimited isubmissioii 
totiiethrone. Sadi an individual was not Ithsly 
to meet with mudi compassion, and the high .tome 
with which ^he vindicated his conduct, though it 
pleased his own party, and is naturally;admired by 
a generous reader, Wtas not calculated to conciliate 
mento whom the ^ civil war appeared in all its iia« 
tf ve, disgusting deformity. He was condemned* 
and died intrepidly. The Earls of Holland and 
Nm'wich were also condemned, but their caa^ 
wier& re£ncred to the parliament. That of Norwich 
was' first heard, and the house was equdUy. divided 
in r^ard to grimtiog him a ^ pardon^ oir ^ allowing 
the sentence to take - its ^ course. 3Aie speaker's 
r6te ^was therefore e^Bed' for, and he having vecei* 
vei a kindness from tiaat ncs^leman) voted in his & 
vour. When the erne of the Earl ef Hxslland was 
heard, the house was again equally divided^ and 


fhe^ speaker's vote was consequently called for. 
Hbtlaind was both a better private character tbsHi 
Norwich, and a preferable citizen ; but the same af^ 
fection did not sway the breast of the speaker, and 
he isealed his doom *• 

The present settlement was not agreeable to. 
many attached to the republican cause, to -whom 
it appeared that the parliament, fr<mi'fondn^s of 
power only, delayed to establish maitters on the"" 
basis of the propositions called the agreem^t of ^ 
the people. On the other hand, the house argued» 
in its own defence, that the present government , 
was never intended for any thing more than a 
temporary arrangement, till the public tranquillity 
was sufficiently restored - for a general electioii ; 
and that it was their object to compose matter 
and to allow full time calmly to weigh all propo- 
sitions, before they finally determined on the fu- 
ture constitution. Part of the army, however, was 
dissatisfied with this, and a portion resisted, but 
were quickly reduced. The invidious name of 
, levellers was revived, and applied to them, 
while the absurd proceedings of about thirty 
fanatics afforded a pretext, which was too much 
taken advantage of by the ruling party, as 
well as. by the royalists, for accusing those popu- 
larly inclined of being corrupted with the same 
Billy' and ridiculous notions* These thirty- fana- 
tics, under the guidance of one Everard, who had 
once been a soldier, and now professed himself- a 
prophet, proceeded with spades in their hands to 

• • • • 

 Whitdocke, p. 376, et seq. Howell's State trials, toL iv. p. 
1175, et seq. 


dig, the eaithf.wheii EverarcJ predieted on the spot 
that all things would sooq. be in comin,an. This 
ridiciiilous proceeding ende;d, bs might; be sppppsr. 
0dy in these foolish people's, returning to.tlieir oc^ 
cupations*.. John Lilburn, ^d others^ were morei 
jtbrmid^ble.. They presented their propositions; 
ior the new govgrnn^ent, and were supported by a 
very large party. Their propositions differed lit^^ 
tie. from those cont^ned in the agreement of the. 
people $ but as Lilburu used the language, and 
demeanour of dictator to the parliament^ whose, 
measures; he arraigned^ he was a second time im*'. 
prisoned, and many took ^ deep interest itv his, 
suffering. Lilburu was, ever consistent j with thet 
spirit that he had formerly opposed the court*; 
be now opposed the parliament as disinclined tq. 
establish such public liberty as might compen* 
sate for the blood which had been shed. W^ 
may perhaps allow that he was hasty in condemn^ 
ing } but it cannot be denied that hei was hpnest 
in maintaining his principles: his talents were, 
considerable ; his personal courage t)eyond the 
reach of fear, and his resolution immovable. 
Always inflexible, however, he was accused of ne- 
ver being satisfied with any thing ; and it was hu-t 
moropsly remarked of him, that if there were no 
other person in the world but hiipself, ** John woultji 
be against Lilburn, and Lilburn against John f .'' 
Jt will pow be necessary to take a yiew of the Irish af, 


*  Whitelocke, p. 396, et seq, 

f Rush, vol.ii. p. 468. Whitelocke^ p. 399, etseq, Cobbefs Pari. 
Hist. vol. iii. p. 1306. 


tmusactions in Irelatid The cat holids th^re were 
divided- info two' pssrtiei^: The arboriginal; Imhj 
and those of the })ele^ who, as of Snglith de^ent^ 
^(P0re called the Etiglifih4rkh^ We have alre»lf 
aeen that the old Iriak wem Mt only more big!M> 
ted and ignorant than those of the pale, but in.> 
iatned with deepet padsioils* The Marquis of 
Ormfonde had, as has been stated, negodated n 
peace nkore advaattageons to tlie proteatants, than 
the teema agreed npoti by Glaoiorgani who 80e4 
atoBg with the nuneid, in consequence of secret 
pimers from Chades ; but ihe nuncio^ secure oi* 
the royal support, though it dof at not be arowcdt 
had refused to ratify the treaty, tSmndeitng fortii 
anathemas against those who adhered to it ^ andy 
with the old Irish, continued the war for bettet 
tetmB* Ormondi^ having left Ireland, cohberted 
new dispositions with the king and queen j and 
seduced from the protestant side, Inchiqoin, who 
had fought hitherto against the catholics. When 
so large a portion of the Scottish army was^ recall^ 
ed, Inchiquin, joining the troops with the moderate 
catholics, turned himself against the wilder party^ 
who refused to be bound by the treaty, and while 
he compelled Owen O'Neil to cross the Shimnon^ 
Clanrickarde besieged the nuncio in the town of 
Cralway. Ormonde now landed, and concluded 
a second peace, nearly on the same terms as the 
first, -that both parties might be united against the 
English parliament. As the king's lieutenant, his 
government over all that disowned the authority 
of the parliament was nominally acknowledged. 


iMrt it was subject to the controi of twelve comki 
ttussfon^rs till the peace -shoukl' be finally r^ti^^ 
b^ tlie l^glstetard*' . : 

The hopes of the rebeU, fa^^Mntet^^nkteira m6nii^ 
ieraMy Uighted b^ a total dttfisdUv ^htch iKinqmn^ 
their; new commander, received &om Jou^ tU^ 
pmlikmeixbsLty ge&eraL Bat Ormonde^ et»rly in ths 
apnng, was prepared to take the field } anc^ at tli^ 
bead of thiiee thousand se^ren buiidred foot, and 
four thousand fire hundred hotse, mar^^d tiywatds 
Dublin, having reduced several ganidons- hy t\^ 
way. His obiect for the reduction was to ob^ucft Cromwen 
suppties by sea; but the plan faile% and ht it^i Ireland, 
ceived a total defeat from JOYiet^ Th#^£ilgfi6H^ "^ 
paiiianiBnt had been hitherto oblige, in soiAe' itied^ 
sure, to neglect Irii^ afikirs ; but now, that peao« 
was established at home, it determined to ^^ttct 
the vigodr of its counsels in th^ ueighbotirifig islel 
The |)resent lord lieu«enat&t (Lord Lisle, son of- ihi 
£arl of Leicester) was therefore recalled, and Croon 
iviefi sent as commander-ifii'^ch^ef ^ He s^t sail with a 
considerable body of hoi^ a^d foot, all afiiihated 
with that spirit which thiT disgusting atrodtfes of 
the Itisb had iiispiri^d into the hearts of^ ^eat^o^ 
fo^otestants^ It was not the teinper of tins iiitF^id 
leader to lose an instant in striking an iniFportant 
blow f and be soon lei the Irish feel both his abili- 
ty and vengeance^ Marching to Drogheda, be de- 
termined immediately to reduce it, though g^rri^ 
5oned with two thousand foot and a regiment of 
horse, and deemed by the governor to be impreg*- 



nable at that season of the year. The place was 
taken at the third assault^ and the garrison, as well 
as many of the inhabitants, put to the sword. Those 
saved were desUoed for the plantations. This has 
been generally condemned as excessively crael and 
bloody^ and it undoubtedly was a terrible act ; but 
men must ever be judged, of by the standard and 
feelings of their own times. Such had been the 
indescribable atrocities of the Irisfa»«-^ho, not coa^ 
tent with murdering men^ women, and children; 
without discrimination, arid in an unsuspecting mot. 
ment of security, had inflicted upon their unresist* 
ing victims the most excruciating toraients,*F<i^tbat 
the gates of mercy were barred against them ia 
every heart ; and Cromwell, by denying quarter; 
whiph they never granted, acted in conformity' 
with the general sentiments of the protestaats; 
The argument of that leader was, that, by rigoui^ 
in the outset, he would, in reality, save blood, by in*' 
dining the catholics to immediate subjection. To 
blaclf^en the measure, however, it Im been said 
that the majority pf the garrison were prbtestants ; 
but the statement is not authenticated ; and, had 
it even been so, and the fact been knowti to Cromf 
well, which there is no reason for presuming, it 
would not have lessei^d the public abhorrence at 
their conduct ; since, by their alliance with the 
Irish Catholics, and supporting them in their mea- 
sures, they proved themselves to be renegadoes « 
from their own principles, and assumed the guiU 
of the party with whopi they co-operated, : 


The fate of Drogheda struck such universal ter- 
TOT, that every where the catholics talked of treatr 
mgf and places of strength yielded at his approach. 
Ormonde, on the other hand, fell into complete 
disgrace with the catholics, . and the protestant 
troops under Inchiquin revolted to Cromwell, by 
which all the towns in Munster fell into his 
hands. The season, however, was so far advanced 
before he attempted Waterford, that he was oblig- 
ed to raise the siege, and retire into winter quar- 

Owen O'Neil had, in consequence of his disa- 
greement with'Ormonde, endeavoured to make his 
peace with the English parliament ; but, as all his 
offers were sternly rejected, he again united with 
Ormonde, who now entei'tained hopes of combin- 
ing all parties to resist Cromwell in the Spring. 
That great captain took the field early in the 
season, and was preparing fbr a second attempt on 
Waterford, when he was recalled, and the com- 
mand transferred to Ireton, under the title of de*. 
puty. Ireton was not the man to lose the deci*^ 
sive moment. What Cromwell had projected he 
executed; andWaterford,(which,with other towns^ 
had refused to agree with Ormonde,) was imme- 
diately reduced. These successes brought the 
power of the catholics so low, that they had 
scarcely an army to take the field t and Ormonde^ 
despised by the soldiers, and execrated by the 
clergy, was obliged to surrender his command to 
the Marquis of Clanricarde, and leave the kingdom. 
Limerick was now the only town of importance in 

VOL. rv. s 

tl)e posies^Qff ff^ ^9 W?l^> wd sjipch je^loM^ did 

tb^ wiidpf^rty that Md i^ entertain of thi$ pthei facr 
tiopj that they refused admissiim to Clanricarde. A9 
the tQWP If a? beaikgedy a party, under Ix>rd Mk9« 
^rave» advanced tQ its relief^ but fta tbey weroi 
j^e^tten b^ck by Lord BroghiU, the s^agistrat^s de« 
termWd tP surreuder the place oq t^rms. Th^ 
l^ishQpsi Qf ISxnfnok and Emly, thea in tbe^ 
town, perc.eiving th^t they would be delivered, 
up as victipi^ to tl^e Qonquerors, threatened to 
excommunicate the citizens if they proceeded in 
the treaty J, ^nd ijirheii comniissiQpers were 9p* 
pointed in spite of the tbreati^ they actually ex*, 
communicated the eity^ and published a perpetui^jl 
interdict against it» feeallable only by theijr re« 
tracting the negociation* The gqvemoTs Hi^h 
O'Neil, lilLeyise laboured to prevent a treaty; 
but a party of the soldiers^ ]?pdcf Colonel Fennells 
having given ad9U9^on to about two hundred of 
the besiegers, thp town capitulate;d. By the arti- 
clies^ the spldiers ^ere to ky dQw^ their arms ; 
but had liberty tQ n^afcl^ ijtrl^ere tl^^ please^; 
The inhabitants were allQ^ed three moiiths to 
transport themselves and their good^ to any part of 
the kingdom that should be allotted to then} ^ 
the ppliament. The mayor» the goyen^oi^ an4 
t^ie two bishops, were excepted* One of the 
bi8ho|)S^ ntfiericlc, ^fF^pcd in the disguise of a^ 
sbidier V the other,, with the mayors, w^ hj^nged 5 
the governor was( 9bot. 

TI>is si^e.p.rpyed fetftl tP the despi^y^ vIijosq "v^eslk 
constltutiojt^ 95Jnk updlei; thf? fatigue, ^e qd(Bbri^ 

secated the reduction of that kingdomf^ 
i The. Scottish commissioners had protQsted>. not Rupture 

onlj; aganist the trial and condemnation, of theiud. 
late hingy but even against, the new government. 
TheJ^gH^h parliament^, however, far fi:om att^iui-^ 
ing tQ their protestations^ treated their overtures 
with contempt, and proposed that tbe^ Scots should 
likewise establish a republic, and enter into a fe- 
deraluniott with England^ This was considered 
as adding insult to injury; anii, on their continued 
coinplaiatSi they were ignominiously conducted to 
:the borders^ and dismissed the country f. 
. Scotland was neither disposed nor prepared to Seottuh 
erect itself intO;.a« commonwealth. The aristo- 
/ cracy were so powerful, that monarchical autho- 
rity was. necessary, to restrain . theip, and afford 
prot^tioQ to the other ranks. The clergy indeed 
fbrined > a considerable counterpoise, by. uniting, 
under their direction, the great body of the peo- 
ple, who were not. immediately dependent on the . 
aristoexaci^j, from the state of maqufac- 
tures^and commerce, the bulk of the peculation 
depended on the land-owners, the authority of 
the dergy failed to afford an extensive protect^pn^ 
l^e aristocracy derived their titles, and popii- 
nally their lands too, from .the crown j and they 
were not strangers to the dispositicuoi of, their yas^ 

r - ... , ^ 

 JLudlow^ ToL i. ]^»29%.etseq. Carte's Ormonde, wl. ii; 1Vliite-< 
locke, p. 391, et seq, Milton's Prose Works, vol. ii. p. SlSy-et seq. 
€larfc'vol. y. p. «01, et seq. 317, et seq. 34*1-2. 358, et seq^ ' 

i id. ^ gyir, et skq* WJiiftdod^e,- p. 3ft7, et s^t Cobbet's P«rl. 
]^iat. wl. iiif p. 1377, e^ seq. 

" ■' '8 2 


sals to shake off their oppressive feudal tenures, 
and otherwise curb their power. They indeed 
desired to transfer the authority of the throne to 
themselves ; but they knew that the appearance 
of monarchy was necessary to the preservation of 
their exclusive privileges; and they perceived 
that the attempt to establish a commonweialth 
with the preservation of their own power, would 
probably lead the gteat body of the people to re- 
cal the king, when they, as opposing the measure, 
would incur general ruin. 

' With what views the solemn league and cove- 
nant had been entered into, we have already suf- 
ficiently explained : That many were piously dis- 
posed, cannot be disputed : but it is evident that 
they expected the lucrative offices of church and 
state as a return for conferring the benefit of the 
presbyterian system on England. The English, 
therefore, gave them no credit for their zeal, al- 
leging that their God was forms, and the tenth of 
every man's estate. The army of sectaries, as 
they denominated that of England, had blasted iall 
their expectations ; but they flattered themselves 
that the body of the people, as well as the generali* 
ty of the presbyterian clergy, hated the sectaries, no 
less than themselves did-^an opinion in which they 
were confirmed by the outcry of the presbyterian 
clergy on the late jking's death. They infer^d, 
therefore that, could they raise an army, and, ha- 
ving recalled the king on their own terms, use ^is 
name in an expedition into England, they shbtild 
be joined by such numbers as might effectuate Ms 
restoration, and if they rigorously excluded w 


, malignants or royalists, really placa the power in 
their own hands. Such were the views of the ma- 
jority of the Scots; but three parties, already de- 
scribed, still continued; and while the rigid presby. 
. terians in reality justified the execution, though 
they declaimed against it because they abhorred 
the insthimentis by which it was acqomplishedi and 
laboured to render the conditions upon which 
they proposed to restore the exiled monarch so 
severe, as would have left him scarcely the shadow 
of authority, and converted him into their tool, 
the royalists endeavoured to gain the ascendency 
by restoring him unconditionally, and thus so bind- 
ing him to them, as to make it his interest to en- 
trust them wholly with the administration of af* 
fairs. But the presbyterians in general resolved 
to exclude the malignants froip all share in either 
the civil x>r military department ; aware that, once 
admitted into either, they should, with the king's 
assistance, soon become the ruling faction. It 
was on this principle that an attempt by Monroe 
and Middleton to restore the king Unconditionally, 
was instantly put down« and the Marquis of Hunt- 
ley, who had been sixteen months in prison, brought, 
as an example, to the scaffold *. 

Such was the state of parties in Scotland, andchariesii. 
such the views of the prevailing one; yet, on theuis«Xid. 

* Clar. vol. V. p. 27 1> et seq, Burnet's Mem. p. 38B. Hist. voL 
i. p. 49. . Whitelocke^ p. 57S. Argyle was aceused pf instigating 
Huntley's ex^pution : but it appears^ by Fatber Hay's Memoirs^ that 
Argyle retired from the parliament 9s discontented at the measure ; 
and diough^ as might be expected^ the author accuses that nobleman 
<jii having secretly employed all his influence to compass Huntley's 
4eath, charity would induce us to believe^ in the absence of better 
iiuthority^ that the charge is unfounded* Whitelocke^ p. 393. 



death of the late king, they proGlaimed Charles iL 
king of Englahd and Ireland^ as well as of Sedt- 
knd» ^'as the righteous hdr and lawful successor/' 
But, they added, <* tipon the condition of his good 
behaviour, and strict observation of the covenant, 
and his entertaining no other persons about hilta 
but such as were godly men, and faithAil to thlit 
obBgatioh/* — "A proclamation," observes Clareh- 
don, ^^'So strangely worded, that though it called 
him their king, manifested enough to him. that he 
was to be subject to their determinations in all 
Commis. fj^Q TiBxts of his govemment/* That the ymmfi: 
Scotland to kins mis:ht be brought to Scotland upon prooer 

Charles at .° ^ . . ° ^ j. r Ji a ^' i 

the Hague, tenus, commissioncrs were sent from the Scottish 
^'***^'** parliament to the Hague to arrange the bu^indss 
with him. Miserable as was the condition of that 
prin6e, and rent as his few attendants were into 
factions, they were all enraged to find that the 
Scottish commissioners, instead of Inviting Charles 
back without Conditions, acted rather like ambas- 
sadors to a foreign state, than what they imagmed 
became subjects to their sovereign^ But it is not, 
indeed, {surprising that the royalists, whom they 
proposed to exclude from the king's presence, 
should have seen their conduct in the most odious 
light. To Charles also resorted the lords of the 
Engagement, Lauderdale, Callendef , and Lanerick, 
now, by his brother's death, Duke of Hamilton, who 
had, of course, a different policy to pursue. About 
the same time also came the thorough royalists, 
Montrose, Kinross, and Seaforth. Lauderdale was 
so infuriated against Montrose, whose barbarities 
and indiscriminate slaughter upon his countrymen 

he eitpiaiiated upon; that be refcsied to faave^imiL 
miHiioatlbn wfth him, ttid icfeddred tiiat he woiild 
rather the king never V«^ teslbrhit, than By An akl- 
sistahce of sruoti & tnaii as James GrabaBi} so he^ in 
conseqfoenbe of Mohtf o»i'il attaimlery denmikinaied 
4faat indmdua),' whoth he likewite ftonimmkdtisk 
Attthosr of Skll the edamities 6f hii^ country. Mbm 
trOse^ on tiie other Ii^hd, who, misted liy childish 
prc^hecies, imagined himself the d^stihbft restorer 
cf Chdrtes, advfe^ that pritioe to disdain iedl pro- 
position, khd trtat to Jiis^ validnt abhseVeiheiitB 
iiidne for the recovery 6f his crp wtfs; The lordt df 
llib BngJEi^^tot; {^eeiyifirg that all weald be loot 
^y i <io^dn with Mhisbtobe^ idvised' €haHes to 
^^e wSth the oomnnssioners fi^dm thv pMiament^ 
boplt^j^ thai/ on the rdstoi^Cibd, they liH^t reo6<- 
ver ilkeir own influenee,^ white they mtt^ated the 
tehns to him. But Hyde and others' strenuoasly 
^vised €htoles against such an agreeMlbt, and 
trusting his person in Sb^aiiid Without an' taiaed 
force. Soch a me^ur^ they' ns/t Orally a&ircirred as 
prefgnahi with their oim ruin^ and ih&t of ail wht 
had sufl^red in the royal okisei Th^y ther^ore 
supported Montrose } and, wliile the nego^sisltion 
was contintted \Hfh theeommissiota^rs^meJistitesof 
a Very different nature were a^tstted anddeHermitt- 
ed on. We haVe alrealdy'det^iled the state of rf- 
fairs. in Irdaild, sometime before t^e arrival 0f 
Cromwell ; and matters being represented M fxr 
mbre flourishing than they were, Charles wa« ad- 
vised to transport hiihsielf thither/ add set hiM- 
self at the head of the troops commanded by Or- 



monde and Inchiquin ; while he secretly grant- 
ed a commission to Montrose to levy troops ia 
Scotland, and subdue that kingdom uncondition- 
ally to t|ie royal power. This plausible sch^ne 
was, however, soon defeated. Montrose, who 
had already so fully shown his aptitude to coob- 
mit the .base and dastardly crime of i83dBsinal;ion, 
now stained his character with that enormity, on the 
. person of Dn Dorislaus, who had acted as assistant 

oMbm counsel against the late king, and was now English 
resident at the Hague. Twelve individuals, under 
his employment, perpietrated the deed, !is Do- 
rislaus was unsuspiciously seated at table in his 
• own lodgings. Dorislaus had been bred at Ley^ 
den, and was afterwards a professoi! ' ip ' Qre- 
sham college, an^ had acted as judgd-advOeate 
in .Essex's army. To the disgrace of the rbyiadist4» 
this unmanly crime was, not k>iig after, committed 
<Hi Ascbam^ who was sent ad resident t0 Madrid^ 
and it continued to be attemi^ted on others: evea 
Wbitelocke was threatened during liis embassy in 
Sweden. When the assassinatidn of: Dorislaus 
was announced to the English gOvfemment, it, 
with its accustomed vigour, took it so imperiously 
up, that the states were obliged to do something, 
though, according to Clarendon, they proceeded 
^rwith great gravity, and more than ordinary re- 
spect to ihe king,"' conducting the inquisition 
very slowly, and with such formalities that the 
assassins might escapie. They, however, intimated 
to the king, that it would be n^ciessary for him to 


leave their territory. This somewhat obstructed 
' the preparations, and many advised to delay them, 
till the parties in Ireland, who declared for him, 
had composed their mutual animosities. It was 
also deemed proper that Charles should visit his 
mother at Paris, previous to the expedition. In 
the meantime, Montrose, carried away by prophe^- 
cies and predictions, to which he <' was naturally 
given,'' that he alone should subdue Scotland, 
and successfully lead an army into England for 
the same object, prepaired to make a descent on 
the Scottish coast ^. 

The covenanters, eager to effectuate the resto- ^^^^^^^ 
ration of Charles on their own terms, sent to him aeputstioii 
a second deputation. by the Earls of Cassillis and from scot« 
Lothian. The necessities of the French court lJ^,yJJ* 
had obliged Charles to remove to Jersey; but,®**^ 
under the pretext that the island had not suffix 
,cient accomnoodations, the treaty was transferred 
to Breda* , The propositions carried by these no- 
blemen were, that Charles should not only take 
the covenant himself, but impose it on all classes 
without toleration; that malignants should be 
of course excluded, and the monarch be subject 
to the control of the parliament in civil aftairs, 
and of the assembly in ecclesiastical » Against pro- 
positions so severe towards the royalists, that party 

* Cl^r. ToL v. p. ^4* Seep«9T8^e^#e9. Clarendon accuses the 
lords of the Engagement^ widi being actuated only with a desire of 
being restored to their estates^ p. 299. But what were his own mo- 
tives for opposing the treaty ? iToumal of Whitelocke^s Embassy^ and 


bitterly declaimed ; representing ihem as injurious 
to the memory of the late kingi and unworthy of 
the presen^ eith^i^ as a ddvereign or as a man i 
as destructive of thohdrchy, and satcrilegious to tfa^ 
church. The ihastgsdlihg )partof the proceedings 
however, wias, that tfie commissioners were r^ 
strained from intimating any purpose to regaiil 
for him the English throne .^. 
• Whatever scruple of cofasciehce Charles inight 
affect in regard to the covenant, he really felt 
none; for he had at this moment set:fetly em- 
braced the catholic faith, while he professed the 
protestailt; and waij advised^ not only by the 
Prince of Orange, but by his own mother, to ihfe 
hypocritical act of taking the covenant. His refl 
motive for protracting the treaty was, tbit Mori- 
trose might have an opjiortunity to attempt the 
Pneeed. realizing of his extravagant promises. This indi- 
^ntoww' vidual had visited the Swedish court for the purposb 
of obtaining assistance in a cause, which the 
royalists loudly proclaimed to be that of mo- 
narchs in general. But his reception there was 
not commensurate with his expectations, for he 
merely obtained some hundred stand of arina. Froth 
thence he proceeded to Denmark, where he fouhd 
the monarch sufficiently hearty in the cause, but 
destitute of means of promoting It; for, besideb 
his poverty, he was in no estimation with his own 
subjects, and, consequently^ could not expect 
thek* co-operation. Montrose, however, received 

* Qar. vol. v. p. Si2, tt seq, Baillie^ toI. ii«. p. 316^ d seq. 


a imiaU advance of money; knd, in the spring, i«Md« m 
(1650,) sailed for the Orknejrs, with six htm- ^^^f*"*^ 
dred Germans, commanded chiefly by Scottish ex-^ 

The barbarous and wretched inhabitants of the 
Orkneys had lived remote &om the broils which 
had convulsed the British empire, and had taken 
no interest in the issue* Unacquainted with land- 
service, they could not, without previous training, 
which the conjunclxire would not admit o^ be 
formidable in the field; and except under their 
own superiors, they could have no spirit iu any 
undertaking. Montrose, however, insisted upon 
their acting under his bannerii ; and, as they wbre 
unprepared for resistance,' eight hundred were 
easily impr^sed into the service. His object wds 
ta cross to the main*>land^ that, amid the northern 
clians, he might raise a large army: biit^ as be 
n^ch^d through Caithness and Sutherladd^ mis- 
erable l^as his disappointment to perceive that 
the inhabitants, instead of flocking to his Istandard, 
every where fled at his approach. Erom the hor- 
rors of civil war, these counties had hitherto beeb 
exempt ; but the £ime of Montrose's dreadful e^- 
phntd bad too iliily reached them, not to spread 
dismay at his approach at the head of foreigh 
troops. The Committee of the Estates were sufii- 
ci^ntly vigilant to be prepared for bis reception'; 
and Strachan, who had served under Cromwell, 
and had formerly defeated Middleton, was dis- 
patched with three hundred horse to obstruct fats 
progress^ while Leslie followed with four thou*' 



MoatMne saiid more. Montrose never seems to have been 
«Wprii, qualified for any combined operations on an ex- 
ikto! "* tensive scale ; but possibly the prophecies or pre- 
dictions on which he relied, had now disordered 
*his understanding, ais his former penetration de- 
serted him. Without cavalry he could fight to 
advantage on the mountains only, and yet he 
trusted himself in the champaign country. As he 
advanced beyond the pass of Invercarron, on the 
confines of Ross-shire, without intelligence re- 
garding the opposite party, the small force under 
jStraehan issued from an ambuscadp iii three divi- 
sions against him. The, first division was repuls- 
ed $ but the second, headed by Strachah himself^ 
put the whole of Montrose's troops to the rout: 
The islanders threw down their arms; and the 
foreigners, having retreated to a wood, surrender- 
ed. Montrose^s own horse had been shbt under 
him ; but his friend. Lord Friendnought, gene- 
rously gave him his ; and he, having borrowed 
the clothee of a poor countryman, escaped in that 
disguise. His cloak, star, and garter, however, 
having been found swimming down a river, ena- 
bled his pursuers to ascertain the course he had 
taken ; and a friend, whom he trusted, betrayed 
him to Leslie. 

By Leslie he was conducted in triumph, in the 
mean habit he bad assumed, till they reached Dun- 
dee, where he purchased a suit becoming iiis rank: 
whether it was in the power of X^slie to a£R>rd him 
an Exchange of garb sooner, or that, according to 
theaccounts of the royalists, he exulted in the mean- 


ness of bis prisoner's garments^ we i^all not pre- 
tend to determine. At Dundee, which had for- 
merly wfibred from him, he is Said to have met 
with more pity than from other quarters : he was 
elsewhere assailed with curses. He had been pre- His tictu 
viously attainted as well as excommunicated, and^i^ 
his doom was therefore sealed. The magistrates *•"*• 
of Edinburgh received him as the blackest crimi- 
nal. With his arms pinioned with cords, and his 
principal officers coi^led together, preceding him, 
he was placed on an elevated cart, and ignomioi- 
ously conducted through the streets. But we must 
not rashly credit the enemies of Argyle, when they 
assert, t6at, seated at a window, he feasted his 
eyes on the humiliation of his enemy* All these 
indignities Montrose bore with fortitude ; but 
when reproached in parliament, previous to his sen- 
tence, With his manifold enormities, his temper 
forsook him: he vindicated his breach of the co^ 
venant, by alleging their rebellion ; his various ap« 
pearances in arms by the commissions of his sove- 
reign ; and impudently asserted that he bad never 
shed blood except in battle, and that he had taken 
up arms on the present occasion to accelerate the 
treaty. He was sentenced to be hanged on a gib- 
bet thirty feet high, and to hang for three hours ; 
to have his head affixed to the jail, and a limb to 
be placed in each of the other four principal towns 
of Scotland ; — Glasgow, Stirling, Ferth^ and Aber- 
deen ; and to have the trunk buried among the 
common malefactors, unless he were relued from 
the censures of the church. 

Execatkm . j^oDtroB^ prf^ry^d lus^ Spirit to tbQ last^ and 
tr(Me,°i6th amus^ hilii3elf .with embodying his fi^lipgsi pi* 
^'^•^^^ loyalty ia verse, which, however, wa^ as poetiy, 
no less e^ecriihle than his actions had been ^s a 
membter of. society. . The clergy, endeavoured to 
extort^ frorn him a sense of contrition, and j-efus^ 
• him absolution, unless he manifested repentance i 
hut his proud heart reaiained unsubdued. ^ *< Jar 
fropi being trcHibled that my limbs are to be 
sent to your principal towns,'' said he^^ ^* I wish 
that I had flesh enough to be dispersed through- 
out Christendom, to attest my dying attachm^ent 
to my ki9g'' He appeared . next day (m th^ 
scaffold in b, rich suit ; but a history qt\ his enor* 
mities was, by the public order, suspended from 
his necic. This, charity would induce .us to be^ 
lieve, flowed more from the desire of rendering 
the spectacle an impressive act of justice, th^ of 
embittering the last moments of a criming,, how- 
ever flagrant hi? demerits. .He smiled, ai^d told 
them he was. prouder of the history than he had 
ever been, of the garter. Having finished hii| pray- 
er?* and demanded if any farther insult were in* 
tended^ h^ calmly $^bImtted to his &te« 
. Th^t writer&«~who represent Montrose as iired 
y^ith the generous, though pei;hapa mistaken, am-> 
hit^ of toyaily serving his prince, as: a hero of 
Pi. magt»qi;nqus spirit snd decided genius, who 
^0Qdi^ p>i^ tl^at part ip the content which Jbis 
eavsoifmciet dictatedr-rshould depict^ in^ the most 
odiou&fi^lours, . the treatment, to which he wa& ex 
posed, is not wonderful : Sam many may concur in 

tlieexiBlted fientiment of the youngtirVaoe, that 
be aiway a respected the adherents of hoth parties, 
as tbey were true to their principles ; but it is 
strange to find the. treatment xxmdemned, and the 
yictlni sympathized with, hy any writer who repr^- 
tents him as I^aytog taken terrible vengeance on 
Aberdepnforxefnst^g the C9venant, andthenhaving 
betcayed the cause when he could not be leader ; 
as having projected the assassination, of Argyle and' 
tiie Hanultpns^ aa well as the ma^acre of the cave- 
nanters, in an hour of unsuspecting confidence ; 
49 having tfampl^d on all the laws of war and hu« 
nianity, in introducing the bigoted and cruel Irisb 
t^ Ymm tc^Pii and viUsges, and indiscriininately^ 
al9Ught»r inw, yf(mm and child ^ as. having assas- 
si^at§^ Dorislaus^ dq4 ^% djunng the treaty, hay* 
ing .pr<]je<:ited a^: ii^va^ioii^ calculated to defeat its 
every 1i>l^ecit|L before the design was even suspect* 
eel :i yet spme wtiters have committed this incon- 
sifip^fk^y. Should tl|ere he any who still lament 
t)if^ death qf Montrose^ l^ettbem yet not be over 
h^ty ii} th^ condemnation of his eiiemies for in- 
flicting it ; but reflect^ that mi^i who had narrowly 
escaped his assassinations and massacres, w^ere na- 
turally i^t^el^d against compassion ; that those who 
had lo$t tl^eir nearest and dearest relations— *rela« 
tipi^s w]|^9s^ ag^ or sex prevented resistance^p^^ioi 
t^ t^ coinmqa course of wai*, but by ccdd4>lood-» 
e^ in4|spnmiv^te, unmanly veng^nce $ that thej 
who hsjd ^e^p their children, that, had eso^pd fise 
a^ 37f>r4 only doooied topesish hy,&moer^ 
<^^9JQ^C?i of hithorrid devastationsh^K^ould not 


be expected to soar so far above the level of huma- 
nity, as not to feel some desire to see bim brought 
to an infamous end. Revenge is ever to be con- 
demned; but, under such circumstances, what 
breast could rise altogether sbove the feeling ? We, 
however, will venture to assert that, if there were 
sUch a thing, as law or justice in existence, Mon- 
trose could not escape his doom. Argyle is said 
to have urged it on ; but as Montrose's known ene- 
my, he declined taking an ostensible part in the 

That Montrose was decidedly brave, none will 
deny ; but it is not astonishing that, under his cir- 
cumstances, his spirits should have risen superior to 
his fate. The man who steadily pursues the dic- 
tates qi' his conscience, unsupported by any party, 
may allow his heart, at times, to sink under perse- 
cution ; but there is no merit in a heroic appearance 
on a scaffold, when, the individual acts under the 
impression that the fame of it, extending to every 
part of the civilized world, will elicit the applause of 
all whose approbation he esteems, and, in all pro- 
bability, will be recorded to his credit in the history 
of the eventful period* 

The character of this individual has already 
been depicted : his military genius was no long- 
er triumphant than when opposed by unskilful 
commanders : The . prophecies and predictions 
which misled him, yet inspired him with roman- 
tic hopes, which a cooler head would not have 
entertained; but, engaging him in adventures which( 
were accompanied with a delusive success, that 


ought not to have been aptipipatedy creatj^ for 
him a^ name that^a greater. military genius could notj 
under his circuoistancesi have earned. > 
. Sopie of bis f<^lowers suffered likewise : amongst 
these >vas Hurry. This officer, as we have al-. 
ready partly related, had first entered into the ser«; 
vice of the parliament, and then deserted and be- 
trayed them : He had not been long with the king, 
before he fell also under the suspicions of the royaU 
ists, and was dismissed from the camp. After this, 
he proffered his services to his own countrymen 
against the king, and was employed against this 
very Montrose, when his conduct did not escape 
suspicion of a second treachery. He latterly went 
again over to the royal side, and now suffered as 
the follower of Montrose. Lord Friendnought, in 
order to avoid the ignominy of a public execution, 
starved himself to death ♦.^ 

No sooner did the news of Montrose's defeat Charies 
reach Charles, than, as the only means by which 2^^7ha 
he could recover his crowns, he agreed to the *'**™°^'*f^**'*- 

^ • ' * » - . .0 . , . crs. and 

terms proposed by the Scottish commissioners, and ^aiis for 
aa^panLthpmtoScoUand.;; \ , .. **^ 

The English, parliam^t. had been perfectly in- Prooeedingt 
ferried of all these negociations, and, when theyiish^rii?' 
heard of l^e king's arrival in Scotland, they in-."**^*" 
st^ntjly determined to carry the hostilities, which 
appear^ to be inevitable, into that country. For 
this purpose was Cromwell summoned from Jre- 

* Wishart's Mem. of MontrQse^ ch. iv.— yiii. feather Hay^s Mem- 
MS. p. 3831 Nicholas Diary, MS. Adv. Lib. Laing, vol. i. p. 41 9-20, 
Claf» vol. v.' p.iS^l> et seq, -IVhitelocke^ p. 451^ et seq, 

voL.irv: t 

^i HlHTOliT Gt tftS BRITISH £MFI1X« 

§»^ ^ land, while Fairfax was solicited to take the chief 
whodfldiiiMoominand. At first his lordship appeared sot 
mi^, disinclined to the tmdertahing ; but the continued 
dissuasions of his wife, who was under the influ- 
ence of a Scottish presbyterian parson, are said to 
have prevailed with him to refuse the commandt on 
die principle that it was against the solemn league 
and covenant to begin the war with that people. 
Upon this the council of state sent a deputation to 
wait on his excellency, and use all their endeavours 
to prevail with him to accept of the employment. 
The deputies were, St. John, Whitelocke, Crom- 
well, Harrison, and Lambert \ and though aU of 
these were urgent, none pressed the g^ieral so far 
as Cromwell, *« who,*' says Ludlow, •* acted his part 
so to the life, that I thought him sincere.** The 
same opinion was entertained by all the commis- 
sioners, till subsequent events induced them to 
alter it. The ground assumed by Fairfax was, 
that the invasion of Scotland could not be jw- 
tified, as that people had proclaimed no war 
with England, and it was contrary to the s^ema 
league and covenant f<Mr the one country to com- 
mence war against the other. To this it was 
answered, that the Scots had already brokeA 
the covenant by the late Engagement $ that this 
had indeed been disavowed by a subsequent par^ 
Hament or party; but that their whole conduct 
latterly had evinced a determination to suppOTt 
the cause of Charles Stuart against the people of 
England^ and, not content with proclaiming him 
king of Scptland only, they had prewired id^Q t9 
proclaim him king of England and Ireland: That, 

HfiMrOi^Y ay mm bbiti sh EfisviaE. : 87^ 

therefore, faavfiie^Qr they might tnik of pidace, ijpat 
was inevitable, aod the on}^ queBtioi^ wasi, whether 
Scotland should be the seat of war, er that people 
be umndestedly allowed to organiise their forces* 
till they were prepared to march iQto England, and 
be joined by a party there, which would inevitably 
bring more miseries upon the country, and alienato 
the affections of the people. Fairfax allowed that 
war was probable, aiid he declared his willingness 
f o march against them if they entered England ; 
but he conceived it proper to delay hostilities till 
the event occurred. War was, however, resolved 
cm, and he resigned the command ; <^ whereby,'^ 
says Mrs. Hutchinson, <^ he then died to all his 
ibrmer gloiy, and became the monument of his 
owne name, which every day wore out." But his 
retirement £rom publiq life, and subsequent ad^ 
vmcement of the restoration, induced ^emyiBh 
ists to adopt the most extraordinary course in viis* 
dieation of his character as one. of their paaty. 
According to the account transmitted of him iram 
the best authorities, he was, though slow in resolve 
ing, steady to his purpose when formed, and of cf 
perspicacious judgment j hi^ incpnsistency at the 
king^s trial, where he was u^der the infiuenee 
of his wife, and possibly of motives which he did 
not think it prudent to express, having been an 

^35peption to his general conduct i but the rpyi- 
alist writers, in their attempt to make it appeal 
that he was inclined towards their principles: 

i^rj^ent him a? having been so dull and dfr? 

void of understanding, as to have been made, m 
property of, or a mere machine, in the hands of 




Crornwelh A portion of his memoirs, which were 
published as written by himself, is calculated in 
some measure to confirm the idea, but we have 
already said that the statement there is so contra- 
dicted by documents under his own hand, that we 
must in charity believe that part an intei'polation^ 
unless we agree with Mrs. M'Auley, that it was 
written in dotage^ and while he had fallen under 
the influence of his son-in*law^ the Duke of Buck- 
ingham« Cromwell was soon ready to march into 
Scotland at the head of sixteen thousand men '** 
lui^^f Charles reached the Scottish coast in consequence 
I!id]Sf*"^'of the negociation with him y but he was not per- 
tfcSrSl niitted to enter the country before he took the co- 
venants* The lords of the Engagement had hoped 
that the return of the king would be attended 
with their own restoration ; but the present powers, 
perceiving the necessary consequences,-^that the 
king would colleague with them, whose influence 
was so piowerful, in order to crush the rigid cove- 
nanters,-^nsisted on their immediate departure, as 
well as that of Charles'sother attendants. Aunion of 
parties, indeed, would have most efiectually resisted 
the power of England ; but the clergy, and others 
of the ruling party, perceived that, as the lords of 

* Iiudlow^ vol i. p. 314-15. Whitelocke^ p. 450. HutchinsoBj vol. 
ii. p. 171. See p. 167. Probably a reason may there be found for 
Fairfax's conduct :-^That Cromwdl had so modelled tbe axmj, that 
he (Faii£ftx) would hare found himself destitute of the power and 
deference which he had formerly enjoyed. This author says that 
Cromwell was sincere; but both Whitelocke and Ludlow say that 
ihey thought him so all thie time. It was his subsequent conduct whie^ 
induced suspicion of his candour.. 


the Engagement would mise their adherents, and 
Charles would unquestionably join with them, such 
a junction would be no less fatal to their interest 
than the success of the sectaries. The ridicule di- 
rected agamst them for their conduct in refusing 
the coalition, has been therefore misplaced, as they 
act^d, in so far as their own interest was concern- 
ed, from sound views of human policy, and not 
from the contracted bigotry ascribed to them: 
Indeed, their only object in recalling the king 
against the feelings of the English government 
was to secure those very interests which a union 
with the lords of the Engagement would have ruin, 
ed, while, by a federal union with England, they 
would not have been in immediate hazard. The 
clergy, however, are accused by their enemies 
of having resorted to many unworthy stratagems 
to raise the popular feeling : the pulpits resounded 
against the sectaries j and it was reported that, in a 
village, consisting of fourteen families, they dis* 
covered as many witches. Yet the learning and 
talents of the Scottish clergy, together with the 
diffusion of religious knowledge amongst the peo: 
pie, ought to induce us at once to reject a story 
circulated against them i» England, without the 
mention of name or place, that some ministers had, 
in their public prayersfrom the pulpit, used the most 
blasphemous language to the Deity,— that if he di4 
not subdue their enemies, he should no longer be 
their God— language which could be believed only 
of polytheists in their addresses to a tutelar god, 
and^which was, therefore, utterly repiignant tQ 

t3  •* 


the genius itf b^th pedfild and %:Urgy in Scot^ 

All outward respect was paid to Charles ; but lie 

was strictly guai^ded by the party in power, while a 

solemnity of deportment^ as well as an observance. 

of religion^ was requiredf which littfe correspond*. 

ed with a disposition accustomed to treat the most 

serious obligations of morality with derision. 

Lieutmnt- Xhe Command of the Scottish army was confer^ 

General D* ^ ' 

LetUeap. red ou David Leslie, and the country betwixt 
^(Lm!^ Edinburgh and Berwick almost entirely laid waste,, 
^^^that the English forces might be deprived of sub* 
mj; and sisteoce* As Cromwell entered the country, where 

proceeoingt , . 

of the cove;, the uuivcrsal poverty surprisaed and shocked his sol- 
•-"^^'•dierst, the inbabitante fl^d from hiB ^roach, 
^e clergy having toid them tiiat the English woulc^ 
^ut the throats of all the males between sixteen, 
and sixty, mutilate off their right haads all undei! 
irixteen and above six^ and bum the women's breastai 
Vfitb hot irons. " The dergy/' says Captain Hodg^ 
soUi who served in Cromweirs army, <v highly in^ 
censed againi^ us, represent us to the people as if 
we had been the monsters of the world V* In theor 

** Clarendon^ voL vi. p. 1, etseq. Whitdocke, p. 416, et seq. 6c^ 
f. 4^5>«botitliie allied kiigtiageY)f the ifiini&terft. ItivM aAHMiirt^ 
jiA tetters iG^lJW idle aony en itB advaniaB «> Btt^ 

+ Clarendoi^y vol^ yii* p. 367. 

^ ^^Jn the march hetweeii MorcLbigton and'Cojfperspith^'weBaw not 
^f Stt/ukhDotiXL in EJrtQil 8ttd ot)iA platses trhith "we {nci^ed "^ikim I 
hxk 4ie itFtktM v^ foil of Scoteh WMiaieii^ |AiiM flortjr erestiini^ 
^othed in nrhite AjmneU, in a Very hom^y manner ; very many of 
^em bemoaned their husbands, who, they said, "were enforced by the 
ilords ot ilie Umit& to gafige to the ixm^r/' ^ Heiataofn of i^t ^^ 
9t Leith, neew fiddnborg^,^ publiibed ^aks&g with filjngsbyla ttnd HogU 
•on'i memoirs, dispatches, and letters, rektive to this campaign, p. 207* 

HXaTORY OF TH£ BRITi$fl XBfPiaE. f79 

inarcby therefore, the EagUsh nw not for ik cod* 
fliderable time any Scotsmen under iAxty years of 
age, nor any boys above eix» and but a V^y fdiir 
women and children ^ : the women, too^ ifetl down 
jon their knees, begging of tfe^m not to hntn their 
iireasts, and th^ children followed their mbther's 
instructions in praying for their lives. Cromwell had 
too much good sense not instantly to adopt meat- 
fiures for dissipating those terrors* He published 
a declaration inviting all to remain itt th^ hdusei, 
without foar of molestation ; and at the same time 
^strictly enjoined his offices and soldiers not to of* 
Her the alightest violence to the persons 6r goods of 
«ny not immediately connected with the Scottish 
«iny% Having heard that some stragglers w^re 
guflty of violating the ofder^ he cashiered one Or 
two> and issued out another edict, &c. on which two 
or three were brought to punishment, not to go 
hdf a mile from the main body on pain of death, 
Some Scottish troopers, who were taken, were dia^ 
aiisded with kindness f. 

In the mean time, a large body of the Engagers^ 
wUhout the consent of the committees of churck 
and state, had embodied to join the Scottish army; 
butt as it was easily seen that if this party were 
once allowed to take the field Inconsiderable nuxs^ 
bers, they* under the royal protection, would soen 
gain the ascendency, and ^ustrate all the mea- 

* Hodgson's M«m. p. 19S. iSl. Relation of the fight at Leith, p. 
eo§. Jlelation of the campaign in Scotland. Id. p. !eS9. Whitelocke^ 
p. 4f«. 

t WTiitclockc, p. i?5, 466, 


.sur^s of the present hilibg party, they were or» 
dered to disband : upwards of eighty officers were, 
on the same account, dismissed from the army *. 
The spirit of the Engagers inspired further dis- 
trust of the king himself, which was confirmed 
by his refusing to sign a proclamation prepared in 
bis name, in which he is made to say, that as it 
^bad pleased the Lord in his gracious goodness 
and tender mercy to discover unto him the great 
evil of the ways wherein be had been formerly led 
by wicked counsel, and had so far blessed the en- 
deavours of this kirk and kingdom, his majesty 
had now sworn and subscribed the solemn league 
and covenant, and was most willing and desirous 
.to grant the propositions of both kingdoms pre^* 
sented to his royal father at Newcastle and Harop* 
ton-court, with such alterations and addritions as 


* Sir Edward WaQcersays* that 4000 of the best troops were dis* 
missed^ and Hume represents the matter in glowing colours* But if 
•thexovena&ters were ri^t in their desire to keep the power^ the policy 
was sound. With all their alleged or real fanaticism^ they nerer orer* 
looked the {Mindples of sound policy, so far as their own party interest 
'was concerned. Laing corrects Walker, and quotes a MS. of Bal- 
four's. '^ Some ehorte memories and passages of staite, from the 5 of 
JuUi this zeir 16^0, to the SS day of November this same zeir,' to shew 
that only above eighty officers were dismissed* But J conceive, that 
though Walker is a very bad authority^, if Laing had observed the 
following passage m a letter to Baillie, dated 20th December, 1650, 
ihe would have seen that Walker was correct here. '' A strong party 
in the north, whom we have eapcludedfrom the army for the late engager 
ment, did put themselves in arms without public order." Now, he 
says they had been excluded before. I conceive, therefore that the 
eighty officers alluded to by Balfour, were dismissed after this body, 
Baillie, vol. ii. p. 347. Walker, p. 164, et seq. BaiUie's Letten 
throw much light on the state of parties and their views. Thurjoe's 
State Papers, vol. i. p. 165. 


should be thought necessary for tke good of the 
kiif)g atid kingdom } and to give such satisfaction 
to bis people of England, as should be de$ired bjr 
his two houses of parlian»ent sitting in freedom ; 
but that, though the sectarian army, which had 
DOW, under Cromwell, invaded Scotland, contrary 
to' the solemn league and covenant, had used 
^brce on the two houses, and had put his father to 
death, contriving the subversion of all govern- 
ments, civil and ecclesiastical, and to subject all 
persons to their tyrannical usurpation, he yet, be- 
lieving that the majority had been misled, offered 
a free pardoa to all*— except those who had sat in 
parliament, in ^ measures against his father, after 
the force used on the two houses,«-who should in* 
stantly join the Scottish army. The king's de- 
dining, to subscribe this proclamation, together 
with the conduct of the Engagers^ induced the 
coairoittees to: insist on his removing to a distance 
from the camp, lest he should debauch the army. 
A large declaration, of a far stronger kind, was 
now brought to him; and, as he positively re- 
fused to. sign it, the clergy thundered out from 
their pulpits next day, that they were deceived in 
him, as he was the very root of malignancy, and 
an utter enemy to the kingdom of Christ ; and 
that, as he had only taken the covenant to gain 
his private ends, they must take heed of him and 
the heathen people about him. * The commis- 
sioners of the General Assembly then met, and 
drew up a declaration, in which, having stated 
th^t there might be just grounds of stumbling, 

ftom hlB rofuskig to rabscribe and emit the d^c]^ 
ration offered to hiin,*>-^they declare that <* the kirk 
and kingdom do not own or espouse any malig* 
naat party» or quarrel, or interest ; but that they 
ight merely iqK>n their former groundB and prin«i 
ciplesj and in deftnce of the cause of God and of 
the kingdom, as they have done these t\iv«lve 
years past { and, therefore, as they did declaim 
all the sin and guilt of the king and of his hcmse^ 
so they will not own him nor his interest, other* 
wise than with a 8ubc»*dinaticm to God, and so far 
as he owns and prosecutes the cause of God, and 
disclaims his and his father's opposition to the work 
of God and to the covenant, and likewise all the 
enemies thereof; and that they will, with conve* 
nient speedy take into consideration the papers 
lately sent unto tliem from Oliver CroraweU» and 
vindicate themselves from all the falsehoods con^ 
tained therein, especially in those things wherein 
the ground betwixt us and that party is misstatedl, 
as if we owned the 1^^ king's proceedings, and 
were resolved to prosecute and maintain his pire^ 
sent majesty's interest, before and withcHit acknow«> 
ledgment of the sins of his house and former wa}^ 
and satisfaction to God's people in both king* 
doms." The committee of estates approved of 
thia, and the officers of the army having sent t6 
the committee of estates a remonsbance against 
malignants to a similar effect, received a gracious 
answer, con&ming the declaration; The de*^ 
claration was shewn to Cromwell by the party 
most averse to the king;, but his wswec is re> 


ported to have be ea^ tb«t be woili not jkigi^ 

with them ; that he olinte fthem fix^ their king, and 

that if they would deliver him up he wduld tte^ 

but not otherwt9e«*^The state €£ the Scottfiil 

f^my appeared now prosperotia; lihe. partf at the 

helm cimseqaently trituB^hmt ; ^aasd the yckmg 

Jkiag» wIiiqI^jw mmMity^ at last agreed ten 

4iKi^i|aili0Q» whtch they prepared: That» dioagh 

it became him as a dutiful $on to honour kb £»- 

(thor'a memoryi 4ad to estisetii bis aoidtber, yiA 

that he was deeply afflicted iii : spiiit ibefaiie Godi 

because of his father's hearkeoitig imto and &&- 

lowi&g «vil coutise]^ and his opposition to ifafe 

work of* refonbatioB and to the solisma league 

and covetiatit^ by \^hich 00 much of the bk>6d of 

tfafe liord'^ people had been shed in these king*- 

idom$ ; abd for his ntother^s idolatry^ the tol^a- 

tioa whereof in the king's hbuse, as it was ^ mat^ 

te^ of grea4; stumbling uklto all the proteataa^ 

churt^e^ so it could not be but a high.iprovocft- 

tkm gainst him who is a jealous <jlou» visiting the 

sins of the father on the chiidreh : llial^ UK>ugh 

he might Extenuate hts own condutt^ yet thai he 

^eely acknowledged sdl his own aina and tlie siob 

of bis iather'a house ; Thut, from a full cdnvic* 

tie^n of the justice and equity of the solemn league 

and covenant^ he had subscrihed it and aworn to 

i% declaring that he had not entered into the oath 

of Q<k1 with his people upon any siarister inten- 

tioa and crooked design for attaining his own 

ends ; but, so far as human weakness would per* 

mity in the truth and sincerity of his heart, and 



that he would ever promote that grand objects 
He professes that he will have no enemies but 
those of the covenant: That he detested all po« 
pery» superstition, and idolatry, together with 
prelacy, and all errors, schism, &nd proianeness» 
and had resolved to endeavour the extirpation 
thereof to the utmost of his power; and, in the 
meantime, he commanded all who pretended to 
espouse his interest, to do it upon that ground ; 
and therefore recalled all commissions granted to 
any who did not adhere to the covenant : That 
he disclaimed the peace with Ireland, and the 
toleration of the catholic superstition in that king- 
dom : That, no less anxious to do justice to hi^ 
good subjects of England and Ireland, he would 
accord to the propositions formerly tendered by 
both kingdoms, if the two houses would still ten- 
der them: He declares that it is upon these 
grounds he calls on all the people to oppose the 
sectaries. Not satisfied even with this, the clergy 
appointed a solemn fast and humiliation for the 
sins of his father's house, and for his own *. 
MiHtarj We now return to military afl&irs. Leslie had 
taken up a strong position, properly entrenched, 
betwixt Edinbuigh and Leith. The line extend- 
ed from the Canongate (or lower part of the old 
town) across the Calton Hill, which was strongly 
fortified, to Leith, which was likewise fortified: 
A deep trench, mounted with cannon, fortified the 
whole line on the low ground, while the castle 

• Walker, p. 163, et jeq^ 



was at that time deemed a place of great strength. 
Cromwell found it in vain to attempt forcing the 
trenches, aind after &cing them, he retreated to 
Musselburgh for provisions; his supplies arriving 
by sea either' there or a little above Leitb* On 
his retreat to Musselburgh his rear was attacked ; 
but the Scots were repulsed with some loss; and 
the En^sh general^ to prove to the satisfaction 
of the people how much he was misrepresented, 
and bow false were the reports of success ,which 
had been circulated by the enemy, sent the princi<^ 
pal wounded officers in his own coach, and the 
rest in waggons, to Edinburgh castle. Having 
refreshed his army, which had sufiered muqh from 
a veiy heavy rain, he again returned to Edinburgh, 
in expectation of drawing Leslie beyond his en- 
trenchment; but though he :dislodged a party 
which had been posted on the north side of Ar- 
thur Seat, he could not move the Scottish general 
from his ground. To effect this object, therefore, 
he marched to the west, near the foot of the Pent- 
lands, that, by interposing betwixt Edinburgh and 
Stirling, he might intercept supplies, and thus 
oblige the Scots to follow him. Afraid of this 
measure, Leslie moves to the west, in a line far- 
th^ to the north ; and now Cromwell believed 
thaft he should be able to meet him on fair ground: 
But the local knowledge of Leslie enabled him, ow- 
ing to the ravines and other inequalities of surface, 
soi dexterously to shift his positions, as to preclude 
a^^pos^bility of reaching him. On one occasion, 
ij^deed, Cromwell believed that the juncture was 

com^i but « tiie tfpopft advanctti, % bog? uras 
ibuiut to iDteipnse betwMD them aad the raeio^ 
It was* at thisi tiiqe^ wfa^n the two aasoes.iiienf ty* 
ing veiy neair eaa& other, that Gnimwe]]^ hnring 
gotie *to reconftoitre^ rebuked on the apot a ScQb> 
tish troopev who discharged his oarabine at him^ 
wyivsg^ <diat if he had beep one of bit mea, he 
•vrould ham bad ca^iered hioi for firing at such a 
distance. After spending seme days in iH^k pot^ 
tio» to no purpose, 0)iver was obliged to* lietum 
to th^ sea«side for victuals $ but now his whole 
army began te be dispirited; the weathee hMs^ 
been exceedingly rainy, and their prirationa grMt; 
^hi\e there appeared no prospect of drawing the 
SqoOs from their strong ground** J^ieknqfS too 
was ei^ecMlerad in the army, and > the season was 
vapidly: advancing : It was there£bre deemed ad- 

; * {}oid|8|)p, p, ^li ^ 44^. lUUtion of £he ^gbt at 1^1% i|i|d ^fhef 
\^%tfiin iu ^me collection, Wbitelocke^ p» 46$^ et seq. In one of 
Uie letters referred to above^ there is the following passage : ^ Cap^ 
taiu Witfori^ a gentleman in my kvd's own troop, being on Tai»day 
Moop ^nsfm^t (bif Iwn^ Wng JaBe4 up4er bina^) waf* fairf^^ tp 
]L(i^lh9 "vl^P 1^ 1<W9 very courteously used by Lieut^nant-Ggneial 
l)ayid Leslpy^ who kept him at his own house ; where resorted to him 
ibren of th^ ministers and oommanders^ who domandddof Mia Imv 
^mg^ }^ ]l|a4: sfrired i^i^er pnticj^fis^ th^t piPttd man CromW^^ 
f ver. W^P9f liead the qo^ of QqA. hun^ for murdering the kii^ 
breaking ^e covenant^ and they did' es^iect daily when tbe ^IjOIcL 
shdiidit djrtiw hifcn into iheir hands; th^ aayingv be tenaQft.ll& 

tb9l3)'| {^d ^e coqujaanders^ old q]|vaUere like^ did sweat moat H&es- 
f>erat^ly^ that they bad taken dghte6n of our coIouiib; and the Iniii^ 
tefs- saidf >li|atr oiar- sbipe in tiie baTcn> iweiie feviilte4 ta Ae kkijl 

$h,eiYS )i)ffw}ittl^ the Ti^jg^ r#poi^ are tp b^ 1^^ 

Isanont of the bi»ti8b shpiius. Wf 

visabk to retreat ta DwAwr, where they might '^ »*>«•' 
eetablish a garrison, which it was thought, if aoyilih^i^^ 
thing eoutd^ would provoke the ^lemy to ^bt^^^^"**^ 
where they had a good harbour for reoeiving sup- 
plies of provisions from England ; where, being 
w^hin thirty miles of Berwick, they could easily ^ 
yeeeiye reiqfcH'cements that were expected; wherev 
during contrary winds, or stormy weather, they 
CQold obtain soppliep by land ; and, from which, 
;i3 the distance to Berwick was scarcely more 
thgn one day's march, they might at any time that 
the exigency required it, leave the country ) and 
yet he ready to pour in upon it on any fitvourable 
occasion, which might suddenly present itself *« 
At Musselburgh, they shipped (tf about six hundred 
sick for Dunbar, and, on Saturday, the SI st of 
August, marched to Haddington. The Scots, now 
imagining the enemy to be in fuU BSiarch to En^ 

 CromweD^ in bis dispatch about Ae battle of Dunbar^ wiites 
thus: '' Upon serious consideration^ finding our weakness so to in<« 
crease^ and the enemy lying upon his adTantages^ at a general onui« 
celk'wBfttlieug^tflltoniaMh to JDubar, and there tofotiie the 
%ffwm, whfeh^ we thooghty of any things would provoke them to eib« 
ga^; OS also the harvteg a ganison iSben, woold fusniih ws with ao- 
eoRMnodMfott for our siskmai, would boa pbee fo n good magariae, 
i(wlw^ we exeeed^ly wanted^ be&ng put to depend upon iAnB onooi* 
talnty of wealheF for kading jmnkama, idiieh many tines eaoaot 
%o dMie> ahaoflk the beug of the whole ansy hky upon it; afl tiie 
«oaoii 4Km L&nk to Bsvwiok not hating one good haiboari) aa 
«leo to lie move eonyenietitiy to nsesiiie mur foeraita of hone and 
4bot from Berwick/^ p^flfi.. fle^also another letter, p. 967 of the 
MOMAom, publkhed wMi Siingiihy'a and Hodgm's MemoiM. flee 
wleo Hodgwn hisBstlf) p. 144i 0CMe it ii OffJoBt that tfie vidgar 
account is erroneous* < 



land, presumptuously thought only of obstructing 
their retreat, and destroying them. On the Sft* 
tufdiiy evening, the S 1st of August, sis the £ng* 
lish army marched, by moonlight, they were close- 
ly followed, and the rear assailed with such impe- 
tuosity, as might have been productive of loss and 
even danger, bad not a cloud suddenly passed over 
the mood, and so obscured the field, that the Scots 
were obliged to suspend their operations till the Eng- 
lish were prepared to repulse them. That evening 
they quartered at Haddington, and next morning it 
was hoped that the enemy, who were quite close 
upon them, would Engage. Cromwell took up his 
position a little to the south of the town, ^nd wait- 
ed four or five hours in expectation of the attack. 
Leslie, however, who had occupied the . higher 
ground a little farther to the south, was not inclin- 
ed to. leave his position ; and Cromwell, consider- 
ing the other's situation, did not think it pru- 
dent to be the assailant *. He therefore ordered 

• * Walker> to throw ridicule on the rigid eoTenasters^ in whose lots at 
•Dunbar he with his mailer r^oiced^Bays^thatLesHe had an oppartnnity 
•of destroying the fingliah army' on Sunday, and that the deigy pie- 
vented him> alleging it wonld inrolTe the nation in th^ sin of Sab- 
bath breaking. But did not the mafrch do the aame thing? ,Anat- 
tadc was. exactly what Cromwell widied ; and it is. strange to observe 
the inconsistent statement of Hume. He sends Leaiye to the hei^^ts 
of Lammennnir, at die distance of about from tix to ^ht miles, 
and vrhcre he never could possibly maitfa, the ravines^ &c.; would 
have precluded it, and yet he adopto the story of Walker about the 
Sabbath. He ridicules the deigy for iwd8tti% on LesUe lewrii^ 
Down Hill to meet Cromwell, and yet holds them up to soom for pre< 
venting him attacking the English on equal ground ! . ^'. z 



his army to march to Dunbar. As they approached 
that town, Leslie, who had hong all the time on 
their rear, took a direction to the south of a mm^, 
now almost entirely drained, and richly cultivated, 
and pitched his camp on Down-Hill, in the vici- 
nity of the town ; while, supposing the enemy to 
be in retreat to England, he sent forward a party 
to seize the pass at Cockbum's path, where, as . 
Cromwell says in his dispatch, ** ten men to hin- 
der are better than forty to make their way.'* 
' Down-Hill is not distant two miles from Dun* Pontioii or 

the SihIs^m 

bar. In itself it is small, the largest base not being Bovn-Hili 
a mile in extent ; but it forms part of a range (Xf 
bOls, which connect with the lammermuirs. Be- 
twixt the sea and that range, extends a low and 
fertile stripe of land, terminated on the south-east 
by the Latnmermulrs. This low ground holds its 
communication w^ith the rest of the fertile tract 
which extends to Edinburgh, by a passage near to 
Dunbar. On the north and west, Down-Hill is so 
steep, as to be almost inaccessible. On the south 
it is also steep, though far less so. On the east it 
slopes down to the sea with such a gentle declivi- 
ty that one might gallop up. By the north side 
runs a small stream, which passes through the 
grounds of Broxmouth-house. Before it enters 
the park, the banks are so steep (except at one 
point to the west, which was occupied by Cromwell, 
to prevent a surprise by the enemy) that neither 
army could pass it in the face of the other without 
great disadvantage. From the termination of these 
banks to the sea at the nearest point, the distance 

VOL. IV. u 


ia not great $ and, accordiag to the descriptiob, 
the pias had been still more contracted by tibe 
mmAy nature of the ground^ and probaUy too by 
the state oi the park about Broxmouth housot the 
seat of die Earl of Roxbur^ 

JLesIie had drawn aphis troops to face the north, 
andi coDsequently» the Ei^h^ army. The left 
vii^ was near the top of the hill, the ri^bt to- 
wards the base. On the Monday evening, how- 
ever; be was observed to bring his cavdry from 
the left to the right, and his foot still farther 
chmn the hilL As the accounts transmitted to ik; 
of LesKe's motives are not to be relied upon, it is 
ini|)osnble to ascertain exactly by what he was 
redly influenced. An idea pervaded the Scottish 
army, tlmt the English were completely in their 
power i that they might destroy them, and march 
fiMTthwith to England ; atnd tlmt such was Crom^ 
i^eWsf skuation, that he had already embarked part 
<rf' kh foot and ordnance, and meant to break 
tihrough with his cavalry alone *. Leslie therefore 

* Cute ha& pfobluiied an original account of the bfttOs of IHrntMU^ 
bj Cadwell, a messenger of the army who was on the spot> and who 
says^ '^ that on Monday evening three soldiers were taken^ and one of 
theih wa» first examined by LesUe^ who asked him if the enemy did 
intend to fij^t ? he replied^ what did he think they came thece for ?— * 
they came for nothing else. Soldier^" says Leslie^ '^ how w31 yoa 
fight, when you have shipped half of your men and all your great 
guns> 'fhe soUfier replied. Sir, if you please to draw down ydm 
amy to the &hA of the hUl, you shall find both men and great guns 
also. One standing by asked him how he durst answer the general 
so saucily ? He told him that he only made answer to the question 
demanded of him." Carte's Let. vol. i. p. 382. Balfour's Shorte Me« 
mories, MS. Adv. Lib. 

jnjght think (^ attadong ibem in the momeiit of 
embarking, or migbt ooly intefld to place timseU' 
m a more exaet Uate of iaterpowtioD. He fi%hl^ 
however, have other reasons no less potent. The 
fiaglish aimy ms iodeed in a critieal predioanent, 
and waa reminded of the conditioD <rf* Essex's 
amy wben it sunrendered to the kkig in ConiwaiL 
The expected reinforcements from Berwick were 
stopped, as wdK £» all supply of provisions by land. 
In the event of dta^omfitwe, or failure of a supply 
of provisions by :sea, wbich> owing to contrary 
winds, might occur, they, as Itttte could be drawn 
from the exhausted csountry, migbt soon be reduced 
to extnemities. But, on the oth^ haiid» Leslie's 
own position was lifcewtfie critical. Hbe height 
expoaod his troops yto the inclemency of the aeason, 
which was iexoeedii^y rainy and tempestuous; and 
Jus aiq)p&s could -come only from the country to 
tilie west, tbe comraunicalion with which was ob- 
structed by Cxomwcdd's army. The hill did not 
afford one drop 4j£ wat^, and, ther^bre, if he re- 
solved to retain his position, he could draw it only 
from the stream already described, or possibly ano- 
ther to the south ; while the hill could not supply 
the horses with forage *. Besides all this, as the 
hill is perfectly accessible, Cromwell might trans- 
port his army beyond the pass already described^ and 
charge them up the acclivity, when, from the cmi- 
tracted nature of the ground, they could not take 

• Carte's Letters^ vol. i. p. 381. 



advantage of their superiority of numbers ; and, ia 
the event of discomfiture, retreat, owing to the 
steepness of the west and north banks, would have 
been impracticable. 
JjJ^*^ Cromwell, and Major-General Lambert, having 
3d Sept gone to Brdxmouth house to view the position of 
the enemy on the Monday evening, ** I told him," 
said the first, ** I thought it did give us an oppor- 
tunity and advantage to attempt upon the enemy ^ 
to which he immediately replied, that he had 
thought to have said the same thing to me : so that 
it pleased the Lord to set this apprehension tipon 
both of our hearts at the same instant*." Colonel 
Moncke was called, who agreed with them on the 
practicability of the measure; and the general^ 
having returned to his quarters, summoned the 
other colonels, who all cheerfully concurred, when 
the plain of the engagement was formed for the fol- 
lowing morn at day break. Six regiments of horse, 
and three and a half of foot, were appointed for 
thevan. During the night, however, Leslie pru- 
dently seized the pass, and that was the grand 
point of contention next morning; but as the 
night was rainy and tempestuous, the Scots suffer- 
ed much, while the English were under cover. 

* Cromwell's dispatch^ in the volume already referred to^ p. 298. 
This is a complete answer to the gossiping relation by Burnet, which 
has been turned to such good account by Hume^ and adopted by Laing^ 
that Cromwell's army being engaged in a fast, he observed the Scots 
coming down, through his glass, and exclaimed, '* the Lord has deli- 
vered them into our hands." No cotemporary account gives coante-« 
nance to it 


Lambert not having been able to bring up the ar^ 
tilleiy so quickly as he expected, the attack did 
not begin till nearly six . o'clock, and Cromwell 
was impatient. The first regiment, of horse was 
so gallantly received, that it was obliged to fall 
back } but Cromwell having called up his own re- 
giment of foot, which, like his regiment of horse, 
was ever invincible, it carried the pass with butt 
end of musket and push of pilf:e. More troops 
werQ pressed down by Leslie upon this point ; but- 
the English foot made their way, and the horse 
resolutely charged through both cavalry and in- 
fantry, ** who," says Cromwell, " were, after the 
first repulse given, made by the Lord of Hosts as 
stubble to their swords/' At this moment, about 
9even o'clock, the sun, hitherto obscured by a fog- 
gy horizon, burst in splendour on the German 
ocean ; << and," writes Captain Hodgson, << I heard 
Old Noll 9ay, < now, let God arise, and his enemies 
shall be scattered *.' It was so indeed. His next 
exclamation was, < I profess they run ;' and, in an 
instant, charged through and througli up the hill, 
they everywhere fled. Had they been allowed to 
rally at the top of the hill, possibly they might 
have renewed the conflict ; but some large guns, 
jucUciously placed at the foot of the north-west 
ascent, jdayed with such efiect as to dislodge them 
thence ; and now the steepness of the north and 
west banks, with the stream, to which they bad 

* See Psalm Ixviii. 1. 


je94> mitOKT OF THE «Alf ttft tatfiM. 

thi^ed fdr their seeuiity, proved their f nidi for 
retreat f freire wa» kfipraetieiibie ; and thoi^h piyrc 
fled towitfdiithe sotftln where they were! still f^rthfet 
frotti their resdureeSf the gi^eat body^ throwing 
^bwn tbeii^ arms^ «f ied to escape by Duiibtti and 
thus* necessarily fell ifito the enemy's hands. About 
ten thoetsmd, ioclu&ng itiany offlcersi were takes 
prisoners ; the rest were pursued with great sia^ig^ 
ter to Haddington, and by one regiment even be^ 
yond that town. Upwards of three tbonsand were 
slain, indudii^ some of the clergy, a bddy, of 
whom few e^^ped without broken lieads# All 
their ordnance, consisting of forty guns, gr^H 
and small, some of them of leather, fell into the 
hands of the victors ; while above fifteen thousand 
stand of arms we^e picked up from the field. 
Nearly two hnitdred stand of colours graded! the 
conquest. Cromwell ordered the hundred afiid 
seventh psafm to be sung on the fidd^ and the 
army returned << to bl6s8 God in their tents, like Is- 
sachar*, for the great salvation aflbrded to theifi 
that day t/* About one half of the prisoners, as 
wounded, were dismissed ; the rest were sent to 
England j:. The victory was gained with scarcely 
the loss of twenty men. 
Efeteof This victory produced a complete revolutiott in 
at i>Gmte. afiairs. Leslie retired to Stirling, and the country 

* Deuteronomy^ ch. xxxiii. v. IS. 

t Hodgson^ p. 149. 

t CromweU*s Dispatch^ and other Letters in the vol. ahwdy refer* 
ed to. Hodgson^ in same coL p. 144^ et seq. Carte's Let. vol. i. p. 
3S0-4. Clar. vol. yi. p. 376. Ludlow^ toI. i. p« 327«9. Walker» p* 
179, et seq, Burnet's Hist. vol. i. 

mSTOilT 4>F THE BftlTISH EMPIRfi. 995 

opened to Cromwdl« Leith, wfakh was Btroitogly 
iBstiSedf was abandoned to him, and EdBnburgfa- 
eartle aknei in that dcrtnct, stood out *• 

The king was at this time in Perth, and was so Steis or 
&r from hang afflicted vnik the newsi that, in the ^^j^^ 
knguage of Clarendon, **he was glad of it, aaj^****^ 
tlMi greatest haj^inesES that could b^fidl him in the 
loss of so strong a body of bis enemies ; who, If 
they should have prevailed, his majesty did believe 
that they would have shut him up in a prison the 
next day f/' He now flattered himself that this 
terriUeblow to the leading party would enable 
tiie less rigid covenanters, in conjun<ftion with the 
Engagers^ to obtain the ascendency ; and that, ia 
their anxiety to repel the invaders, and keep dieir 
ground, they m^ht allow the royalists admission 
into their ranks, when he doubted not that the 
latter, along with the Engagers, might take the 
power even from the moderate covenanters, and 
ultimately model an army with which he cotdd re- 
cover his crowns on his own terms. On this ao 
count, every species of ridicule was Jevelied against 
the rigid paity, as the authors of the late dejfeat^ 
and it was even desired to supersede David Lestie 
as general. He, di^irited by his late ill siKt^ess, 
was willing to renounce the command, but he was 
still r^iuned t* 

* ])i8patciieB ia coL referred to. Walker> p» 186> eiseq. 

t €lar, vol. ri. p. 377. 

X WiUket, p. 181^ ei seq. Baillie's Let. yoI. ii. p. 347^ et sifq. B^ 
lie bftdteen voy adxTe in bringing the kit^ in^ and he ^jaifpNihfti^ 
0f hb nganm tie«(iiient. Tlnirioe's State Papers^ vol. i. p. 167. 


In spite of dtscomfiture, the rigid covenanters 
still maintained their principles : the more mode- 
rate joined with the lords of the engagement, who 
were now permitted to return to the king. This 
gave an ascendency to these united parties, and 
the committees of church and state were moved by 
them to accept of the service of such as had either 
deserted the churchy or had maintained what was 
called a detestable neutrality, provided they testi- 
fied repentance. A parliament, too, having been 
held at Perth, passed two resolutions to that ef- 
fect. But no sooner were they passed, than ma- 
lignants flocked to testify repentance, in order to 
obtain commands; and this caused a new.defection. 
Many of the rigid presby terians not only approved 
of the beheading of the late king as an act of jus- 
tice, but had yielded to the reception of the pre- 
sent rather as a matter of necessity than of choice, 
since they perceived that, if they tailed to take 
that step, another party, supported by the majori- 
ty of the covenanters, would, and thus wrest the 
power out of their hands. Now, however, though 
Argyle supported the king, (indeed his interest 
had hitherto overruled the rigid party,) they be- 
lieved that measures of a very opposite nature were 
to be resorted to ; and that their assistance was 
only sought till the monarch and the malignants, 
with the lords of the engagement, were in a situ- 
ation to act against, and overturn, them. They 
(particularly in the counties of Air, Renfrew, Gal- 
loway, Wigton, and Dumfries) accordingly, pro- 
tested against the commission of the church, and 


declared that, to admit the disaffected, was to be- 
tray the cause, and put the whole power into the 
hands of malignants, whose pretended penitence 
w^s a mockery to God : they urged many gro^s 
faults against Argyle, Loudon, Balcarras, and 
others, for the purpose of having the active 
noblemen most inclined to their principles re-* 
moved ; they declaimed against the idea of giv- 
ing a king to England, especially one who was 
unworthy of reigning over Scotland ; for that, as 
England was not subordinate to them, they had no 
right to interfere in her afiairs. One of the minis- 
ters declared that the commission of the kirk 
would approve of nothing which was right ; that a 
hypocrite ought not to reign over them ; that they 
should treat with Cromwell, and give him security 
not to trouble England with a king ; and that the 
blood shed in the quarrel must be on their heads 
who marred such a treaty. Some also were dis- 
posed to set a strict guard on the king. All this 
has. been ascribed to bigotry and fanaticism, as if 
they could not defer their religious difierences while 
their country was invaded ; but, in truth, such 
writers overlook the nature of the war. In the 
case of an ordinary invasion from a foreign state, 
as people fear their general liberty, their property, 
and the safety of their families, all minor interests 
merge in one grand one, which involves the very 
existence of every thing that they value j but here 
the rigid covenanters would have gained far more 
valuable privileges by an alliance with England, 


thdti by allowing the ascendency of their intestine 
enemies *• 
ne stvt Charles, in the meantime^ was engaged in a ccm«- 
spiracy against even the moderate coyenMters. 
It was concerted that he should escape from the 
present party^ when a thousand Highland^^ should 
be ready to rush down from Athole, and surprise 
the estates at Perth ; that Dundee should be secu* 
red by its constable^ Lord Dudhope } and that the 
Marquis of Huntly, with General Middleton in the 
northi and Lord (^Ivy in Angus, should simulta- 
neously rise* In conformity with this plan, Charles 
escaped from his party } but miserably was he dis- 
appointed at being met only by a few Highlanders, 
who conducted him to a wretched house. Buck- 
ingham and Monroe dissuaded him from prose* 
cuting hk purpose &rther, and, on the arrival of 
Montgomery from the committee of estates, be 
was prevailed on to return. Middleton had risen^ 
but was soon put down by Leslie. Alarmed by 
this proceeding of the king, the full nature of 
which was not known, and which was called the 
starts the moderate covenanters, who still desired 
monarchical government, formed the resolution of 
conciliating him by gentle measures ; and they, 
therefore, consented to pardon the insiii^nts, and 
to perform the ceremony of crowning Charies t. 

* Baillie^ toL ii. p. 347, et seq. Nidiol's Diary^ MS. Balfour*t 
Shorte Memories^ MS. Bumet's Hist. voL i. 

t Walker, p. Idr. BaflHe, vol. ii. p. S56. Nichol'li Dicry^ MS. 
Balfimr's Shorte Mcmcnrkt, MS. Clar. rol. n. p. 8S4. Iliurioe'aatM 
Papers^ vol. i. p. 6^. 


It wa9 iqpprehmded that Cromwell might ai^charUiiL 
tempt t0 annoy them during the coronation , but*"^ 
the ceretaooy passed over without disturbaiiQe 
from him* Argyle placed the crown cm tlie young 
king's head, an act which he afterwards argued hi 
Tain ou^t to have saved bis own. Charles readily 
took the oaths» consisting of the covenant^ and he 
was warned that the breach of tbe covenant by his 
grandfather bad been the root of all the fwiily 
misfortunes^ while many plagues were denounced 
against him if he failed in his present oblig^ktioM. 
Bttt sincerity was not a virtue either q£ this prince 
or of his advisers : ** it was thought very expedi- 
ent,"' says Clarendon, << to raise an imagination in 
Argyle that the king had a purpose to marry oHe 
of bis daughters ;" and so far was the matter car- 
riedi that a message was dispatched by the royal 
hypocrite for his mother's consent^ yet Argyle 
was afterwards brought to the block for conducit 
previous to this negociation *. 

Argyle was now exceedingly active in his at- 
tenlpts to unite tbe various parties into whicb the 
country was so miserably split j yet in vain did be 
argue to the rigid covenanters^ who, from their 
late remonstrance, were called protesters or remon- 
strants, that there was now no room for a malig- 
nant party, since Charles, to whom they must look as 

* Id* p. 39d. All tbis bypocsiflyitaj^roTedof by Clu:e0do&;ba|, 
to do Carte justice^ be expresses some just sentiments on tbe occasion. 
Life of Ormonde, voi IL p. ISO. NicborslHary^MS. Baillie,vol.n. 
p. 360-4. Burnet's Hist. voL i. See an astonishing proof of Cbarles's 
hypocrisy in Tburloe*s State Papers^ after itte battle of Dunbar, ?ol. L 
p. 163. 


their bead, had himself become a covenanter. The 
GenetBi gi*^^ loss» however, was of General Stracfaanr, 
^J2^^" whose army, like himself^ had become infected 
wdL with the sectarian principles. He refused to lay 
down his command when ordered, and, having dis- 
banded such of his troops as he could not trust, 
joined Cromwell, his former commander, with the 
remainder *• The country was, indeed, in the 
most deplorable condition: famine, the result of the 
precautions to arrest the progress of Cromwell, 
was felt in all its horrors, by the inhabitants to the 
south of the Forth ; the population in the north 
was split into factions ; in the west, the remon- 
strants were inclined rather to join with Cromwell 
than oppose him, and loudly demanded a treaty. 
GiomweU'8 The English general on his part, left no measures 
^?to^ unessayed to gain the affections of the people : by 
^'^' the strictness of his discipline no one found mo* 
lestation from his soldiery ; nay, he even supplied 
many with provisions out of his own stores; and at 
Glasgow he went to one of the churches, and, 
with perfect complacency, heard Mr. Zachary 
Boyd rail at him to his face : yet he would not al- 
low the clergy to triumph in argument while 
himself did in arms : he maintained that thedivines 
in Scotland falsely charged the English parliament 
with persecuting ministers of the gospel, for that, 
on the contrary, they were supported in full liberty 
to discharge their function, though they were not 
allowed, under a pretended privilege of character, 

* Baillie^ vol. ii. p* 364. 


to overtop tbe civil powers, or debase them as they, 
pleased :. That no man, either in England or Ire- 
land had been ever molested, nor yet in Scotland, 
since the army had come thither, for preaching the 
gospel : That to speak truth became the ministers 
of Christ ; but that when, <^ under the pretence of 
a glorious reformation, they seek only power for 
themselves, they must know that the Sion promised 
is not to be built with such untempered mortan" 
That ministers were only helpers of^ not lords over, 
the faith of God's people ; and yet that denying 
any of their doctrines, or dissenting from them, in- 
curred the censure of a sectary, which was just 
assuming the infallible chair: That they would 
not find in Scripture that preaching feU exclusive- 
ly within their function: Christians were instructed 
earnestly to covet the best gifts, ** but chiefly that 
we may prophecy, which the apostle explains to be a 
speaking to instruction, edification, and comfort :" 
** and if those gifts be the seal of mission, be not 
envious though Eidad and Medad prophecy.'* 
That their pretended fear lest error should step in, 
whence they deny a man the liberty he has by na- 
ture, is like him who would keep all the wine out 
of the country, that people should not be drunk. 
" The doctrine and practice,** says he, ** should 
be tried by the word of God ; and other people 
must have a liberty of examining them upon these 
heads,, and of giving sentence." As to their charge 
against the sectaries for allowing the use of the 
pulpit to the. laity, he says, " Are ye troubled 
that Christ is preached ? Does it scandalize the 
reformed churches, and Scotland in particular ? Is 


it against the covenant ? Away with the oove-^ 
aant if this be sa I thought die covenant sad 
these could have been wiliing that any ahouid 
speak good of the name of Christ ; if not, it is 
no covenant of God's sqpproving; nor the kirk yon 
mention in so much th^ spouse of Chrisf la 
his first letter, (the correspondence was ail nomine 
ally with the governor of Edinburgh-castle,) Crom- 
well writes,-^^ We have said in our papers, with 
what hearts and upon what account we came, and 
the Lord has heard us, though you would not, 
upon as B(denm an appeal as any experience can 
pacaUd." To this tt was aoswered,**^^ We Imve 
not so learned Christ as to hai^ the eqiiity t^ a 
cause upon events/' But the Englidi general re- 
^ies,~>^ We could wish that blindness had not 
been upon your eyes to those marvellous dispensa- 
tions which God has lately wrought in England. 
But did not you solemnly appeal and pray ? Did 
not we do so too ? And ought nctf we and you to 
think with fear and trembling on the hand of the 
great God in this mighty and strange appearance 
of his, and not slightly call it an event ? Were 
not ywLT expectations and oui^ renewed from time 
to lime, whilst we waited on God to see how he 
would manifest himsdf upon our appeals ? And 
shall we, after all these our prayers, fastings, tears, 
expectations, and solemn appeals, call these bare 
events ? The Lord pity youl** It is easy to turn 
all this, and every thing of that nature, into ridi- 
cule ; but possibly reflecting minds, that serious- 
ly believe in an overruling providence, may form 
a different opinion, while it cannot be denied that 


Cromwdi's idea of toleration was, considering the 
age, enlightened and noble *• 

To return to military a&irs : Edinburgh-castlei MiUtaiy 
and all the other garrisons to the south of the Forth, 
except Stirling«castle, yielded to the English, and 
Cromwell gained a victory at Hamilton over part of 
the western troops, which had been induced to de- 
part from their neutrality: But, in spite of this con* 
tinned wdnt of success and the defection of Stradian, 
a vigorous plan of defence was determined on by the 
Scots for the ensuing spring. An army was em- 
bodied, and though many were pressed, yet, from 
the number of volunteers, it soon became as con- 
siderable as that defeated at Dunbar* Charles, at 
the request of the estates, commanded in person : 
Hamilton was appointed Lieut-General, and Les- 
Jie Major-GeneraL During the winter Cromwell 
was seized with an ague, which for some time re- 
tarded his operations ; but no sooner did his health 
permit than he was in the field f. 

Their late disasters had fully taught the Scota 
the necessity of standing entirely on the defen- 
sive ; and they encamped at Torwood, where they 
were safely entrenched by the Carron and ditches, 
while they were well supplied with provisions from 
the north. Cromwell saw the impossibility of reach- 
ing them on that ground, and therefore he tried 
to seduce them from it ; but, after having waited 

* Thurloe's State Papers^ yoI. i. p. 158^ €t seq. Baillie*s Let toL ii. 
p. S47. 
+ Cob. Pari. Hist. vol. iii» p. 1S60, ei seq. Nichol's Diary, MS. 

Whitelocke, p. 463* Baillie*s Let Col. of Dispatches. 



six weeks to no purpose, in expectation of tfaetr 
moving, he resolved to cut off their supplies. For 
this purpose he, with his accustomed vigour, passes 
over into Fife, and reduces all the towns on the 
coast, and then goes to Perth, which he forces to 
capitulate — ^when, by judicious garrisons, he at 
once cut off the supplies ttwa the Scottish army, 
from which the troops, iti distress, daily deserted. 
The yociDg In this extremity, the idea of marching into Eng- 
the Soottith land was suggested ; and as Scotland was regarded 
J^*I^^^hy the young king and his most confidential at- 
jjto Eng, tendants as only an opening to England, where 
they expected a rising in their favour, and where 
they could shake off the yoke of the covenant — 
they immediately urged it, and the plan was adcqpt- 
ed* It was hoped by Charles and his immediate ad- 
visers, that Middleton, who had a large party, wouki 
be able to gain the ascendency in the army the mo- 
ment it left Scotland. Though the army was miser- 
ably rent into factions, Argyle alone opposed the 
measure. He argued, that it was ungenerous, by 
carrying away the army, to abandon the Scots, who 
had first afforded the king an asylum, and support- 
ed him as their monarch : That the English army 
might still be prevented from bringing matters to 
the issue of a battle ; and that another winter's 
campaign in Scotland would probably prove fatal 
to it : But that, as there was no rising in England, 
and little could be calculated on, the Scottish army- 
would, unsupported, be inevitably soon forced to 
an engagement, under all the disadvantages of 


fighting in a foreign country, when they must have 
provoked the inhabitants by living at free quarters. 
This prudent view was disregarded ; and the army 
left its native country, where, by its irregularities 
and cruelties, it had rendered itself more hated 
than the English, in spite of the arts of a busy 
priesthood^ who represented the latter as monsters 
who would give no quarter, especially if they found 
bibles amongst the people *• 

Cromwell had suspected that the Scottish army Scottish 
might pursue this plan, and he preferred following ^Jia^*!" 
it into England, to hazarding another winter's "JJ^^^ 
campaign in the north t. The council of state had the English, 
likewise been apprized of the probability of such a 
measure by the enemy, and its vigilance was awake 
both to the danger and the means of overcoming 
it. The dispositions of the general were admir* 
able. He sent to Major- Generals Harrison and Rich 
to draw together as many troops and militia as pos- 
sible to obstruct the march of the Scots. He dis« 
patched Lambert to hover upon their rear ; and, 
having empowered the famous Moncke to remain 

* fiaillie^ vol. ii. p. 470, et seq. Cob. ParL Hiat. vol* iii* p. 1369. 
Balfour's Shorte Memories, MS. Nichors Diary, MS. 

f Whitelocke, p 48$. Therefore Mrs. Hutchinson must surely 
-haire either been misinfonned of the feelings of Bradshaw and others 
when the Scots entered England, (her husband, though a member of 
council, appears to have been absent on employment,) or the council 
had not reposed great confidence in Cromwell. Ludlow, corroborates 
Hutchinson's account, toI. i. p. 361, 369; but he was himself then 
In Ireland. Her picture is an animated one- Vol. ii. p. 187, 188. 



in Scotland for the purpose of completing the ccsi^ 
quest of that country, he prepared to follow tiae 
enemy with his main body *. 

The presbyterians, in their v»9X€h soi^tfa, penoeived 
plainly tbati if the royalist^ were permitted to join 
them^ victoiy» however advamtageous an accesssaa 
of numbers might be for the army, would he nso less 
calamitous to their party than a defeat from Cmio- 
welL On the other han4, they had always^ftatterdl 
themselves^ that the pr^byteriaa party in England 
was the most nuoaerou^^ and onJiy kept down lay 
the sectarian army ; and therefore that, provided 
the malignants were Qot aUowfid to interfere, they 
Would embrace the present opportunity of joining 
their Scotti^ brethren,; and settling the govemme^ 
on the monarchical principle of the covenant, when 
they should obtain all the power of church and 
fltatc to themselves Tlaough they were deceived 
m the aiiections of the pec^le, the view wa& ceiv 
taiply siagaciaus. On these pimftcqples^ tiiey pub- 
li&ihed a declaration, prohibiting all to join them 
who refused to take ikte - eov^tant ; but Charles 
ordered Major-General Massey, (formerly a pres- 
byterian, but now a royalist in the army,) to 
suppress it. UnfOrttmatdy, however, for this po- 
licy, the letter to Massey with this ord^ was in- 
tercepted 'y and, having beea immediately^ pubUsii^ 
ed, everywhere alienated the g^ectipns of \the pres- 

 Clar. voL yL p. 39^ Buiaetfa M#B. B- W- Qld)TP«t 
toL xix. p. 609. Cob. vol. iii. p. 1369. 


Hitrrour of the bbitbsh "eivwwe* 90f 

bjieriaosi and led to dsdiy desertkms fiotn tb& 

Unlike the time when the Scottisii araiy Acst 
entered finjgland, and the people were summoned 
in rain by the late king to repel foreign invasion^ 
all ranks, whether independents or presbyterians, 
seemed emulous of testifying their attachnient to 
the commonwealth, and their indignation against 
the attempt to impose a prints upon them by a 
foreign army The militia was embodied in all 
Quarters, and even some of the excluded members 
testified their zeal by heading regiments. The 
gallant Fairfax himself, who had declined the com« 
mand of the army destined again^ Scotland, true 
to his former principle~-that if the Scots invaded 
Sngland, he would readily fi^t against them--^ 
now, as a private gentleman, headed a regim^it 
of militia in the common cause. The ability, vi* 
gour, and vigilance of parliament, never dtiq)iayed 
themselves more conspicuously. The dangec £rom 
every quarter was foreseen, ami uaply provided 
against; and the rapidity of llieir intelUgenoe 
ooold scarcely be surpassed widi all the improve^ 
ments of modem times t* 

Laml>ert was soon joined by Hamson, while 
Fleetwood watched the motions of the enemy in 
a different direction, to intercept them if tbey 

 Old ParL Hist. vol.xx. p. 4. 8. 18. Cob. vol. iii. p. 1369. 1371, 
^vester's Life of Baxter, p. 68. 

t Xiudlow^ Tol. i. p, 361> et seq, Hatchiiiflcm^ voL ii. pw lS7-^d. 
The messenger who was sent by Cromwell to die En^h pai'liament 
with the letter^ announcing the victory at Dunbar, had been himself 
In the engagement, (the third,) and yet arrived at Westminster earl)r 
aat the MTenth. Whkeitcke^ p. 470. 



took that route ; while the militia concentrated 
from all quarters. Hence it was believed, on pro- 
bable grounds, that though Cromwell had remain- 
ed in Scotland, the enemy could easily have been 
subdued. . Harrison therefore declared with jus-^ 
tice, that he was assured of a glorious issue of the 
work. — ^Lambert pressed hard on the rear of the 
Scottish army; and at Warrington, the Scots, avail- 
ing themselves af their situation, attacked his van, 
the royalists shouting out, ** Oh you rogues, we 
will be with you before your Cromwell comes ;" 
but he brought off his troops without almost any 
loss. And now the question with the invading 
army was, which course should they pursue ? The 
foot, exhausted with tedious marches, cried to halt, 
as they were unable to proceed, and many desert- 
ed^ Some officers advised to march for the capital; 
but the .majority recommended Worcester— where 
the young king expected a party to join him-— 
where the harassed troops might refresh them- 
selves — ^and where his friends from Wales might 
flock to his standard. The other project, that of 
marching for the capital, was evidently rash and 
injudicious to the last degree. In front, numer^ 
ous forces would have met him, while Lambert, 
Harrison, and Fleetwood, would not have left a 
moment's breathing time in rear, and Cromwell 
was daily expected. Worcester was, therefore, 
wisely preferred ; but the army, which was now, 
by desertion^ disease, and loss in skirmisher re- 
duced to about 16,000, arrived there in a miserable 
plight, when a new disaster added to their cala- 
mities. The Earl of Derby had hitherto held out 


the Isle of Man for the king, and now made a de- 
scent on the coast for the purpose of creating a 
diversion. With all his influence, however, he 
could not muster above 1500 men, and these Co- 
lonel Lilburn utterly defeated, and almost annihi- 
lated, while Derby himself sought refuge in the 
royal camp, with only thirty followers, leaving Lil- 
burn to join in the combined operations against 
the Scottish army. 

Experience on some men is lost. The desertiou 
from the Scottish army had chiefly been of the rii- 
gid covenanters ; and the royal advisers expressed 
their satisfaction at seeing it purged of that body, 
by which it was more approximated in political 
spirit to the model they desired. The approach of 
danger could not cure these royalists of their ex* 
travagance and selfishness : When the whole army 
was in the utmost hazard, they were divided into 
factions for preferment, and underipining one ano- 
ther with all the little insidious arts of the court. 
Nay, the Duke of Buckingham, who never had 
evinced genius for war, endeavoured at this criti- 
cal juncture to supplant Leslie, representing him 
as a person unworthy of trust, while he modestly 
proposed himself for the command : And, because 
Charts would not indulge him in his request, 
he retired in sullen discontent from the councilsi* 
The young king, however^ formed a just estimate 
of the danger ; and, in his conviction of a fatal 
result, pusillanimously formed the resolution of at- 
tempting to retreat to Scotland at the head of the 
payalry : But when the purpose became known, j^ 


mutiny was threatefled^ Ae soldiers imitAlng thiPf 
shoutd alt nm one common banaTd, and the ugk 
worthy motion was af>andoBed. 
Battk of While the Scottish army remained at Woroestef* 
^^^t"* ^*fa^"* augmentation ftom the ikigtiali, OomwdH^ 
itfsi. having joined Hamson and Lambert, and concent 
trated the militia, his fbrce in all amounting to abont 
30,000, advanced to that town. Having thrown 
a temporary bridge across the Severn, be transport- 
ed to the opposite bank part of the army, that he 
might begin the attack in all quarters at onee, and 
preveM escape. Some skirmishing occurred on 
the second (of September) but it was on the third, 
the anniversary of the battle of Dunbar, that the 
battle was fought. The Scots having judiciously 
earned almost the whole of their army to one side 
of the river, while the English force was divided, 
fonght bravely, and stood then: ground for some 
time; but they wei^ at last borne down and driven 
into the town. It was only then that the king un« 
denstood that the battle had begun. Harassed, it 
is^ Baid, and exhausted by want of rest, particukkr*- 
ly on the preceding night, and assured that there 
would be no battle that day, (probably from the 
pusillanimous purpose which be formed of retreat* 
ing to Scotland with the cavalry, it was deemed 
advisable to keep him at a distance,) he bad retired 
to teposci when the fearful sound of flying troops, 
and the noise of the victors, broke his slumbers. 
Joining the cavalry, which had yet done nothing, 
be endeavoured to prevail with them to make a 
fttand I but he addressed them in vain : nor in- 


deed c^Qidd tlmr eflK)tto have been avaiiu^: Tbe 
&WBt yisBB afareadjr decided^, and ke »W tfa^ neee»- 
ttt|r of seeking bis own safety ill inmiediate fiight 
Ttro thousand were dtiiii sh^ or seven tliaasand 
sdtiedia^dy taken^ and many tnore^ particularly of 
the cavaky^ afterwards sweUtd the list <^ captives 
to tea tfaousasid ; while the tcmntry people every 
where knocked the fugittres on the headv Well 
odg^ this victory be called by CroifiiweU a crown^ 
iag mercy« The Wretched prisoners were trans^ 
ported to the colonies^ and sold to slavery. But 
fiiougb many of these had been unwillingly drag«> 
gedl ftoBif their hootes^ tbeir misery has, on account 
«f th^r obscure rank in life, never drawn one tear 
firom eyes which Ixave so proinsely wept over illm* 
trious distress, however merited* 

The young kmgy with about fifty or sixty of hi^l £«»pe of 
fi^owers, fled from Worcester about six in theidngT^ 
evening ^ and thc^y travelled together for twenty* 
Ax miles, when it was judged prudent to separate. 
By Captain Carele^, Charles was conducted to the 
&ocise of a poor cottager who mabsisted by bis daily 
labour, but was kiH>wa to Careless fts a strict ca- 
IAioUg, and consequently attached to those who 
wet e opposed to the rigid enemies of his religion* 
In this msHofs character the captain wais not decei- 
ved ; but be prudently abstained from informing 
him of the rank of hm illustrious companion, and 
the cottager esteemed them both as two unfortu- 
nate cavaliers only. In the mean time, as a thousand 
guineas were offered as a reward for apprehending 
Charles,-^the country people, as well as the soU 


diers, were eager to discover him ; and the search 
was so hot that, on one occasion, during his resi-^ 
dence with the cottager, the young king and his 
companion were obliged to take shelter in the 
branches of a large tree, afterwards known by thei 
name of the royal oak^ and preserved as a cnriosiv 
ty, whence they saw the soldiers beneath, and ovct* 
heard their conversation. Having left his faiths 
ful host, Charles in disguise travelled from place 
to place, always selecting the houses of royalists, 
whose fidelity at this juncture never Altered to* 
wards him. In chusing places of refuge he had 
little difficulty, as the protracted civil broils had 
fully brought men's principles to a public test, and 
the name of any person of rank at once brought to 
people's recollection the side he bad espoused. 
Charles, after many difficulties and dangers, at last 
got on board a vessel, which waited for him at 
Brighton, and escaped to the Continent *. 
4jnbitioa '^^ militia and volunteers highly distinguished 
WeMSr th^o^selves at Worcester j but though Cromwell in 
l^is dispatch did justice to their merits, it is allied 
that he took particular care to dismiss them im- 
mediately, as a species of military which, having 
pnqe fairly tried and felt its own powers, might 
obstruct his secret designs of personal aggran- 
dizement t. He now aspired to the crown ; yet 
though even the courts of Europe rang with his 

 Whitdocke, p. 501, et seq. Cob. Pari. Hist. vol. iii. p. 1370, ei seq, 
Clar. vcQ. vi. p. 413, et seq, Ludlow, vol. i. p. 365. 
t Ludlow, vol. i. p. 365-6. 


praises, not only as the greatest man of the age, 
but as almost unrivalled in history *, he conducted 
himself with the utmost apparent modesty and in- 
di£ference to fame, as if, in all his measures, he had 
merely been actuated by a conscientious desire to 
dischaige his duty to God and his country. All 
his artifices, however, did not conceal his ambitious 
project from Hugh Peters and others, who narrow- 
ly watched his motions, and dived into his charac- 
ter t. When he returned to the metropolis, he 
was received equally by the parliament and city 
with every mark of respect. He was met in thefields 
by the i^eaker of parliament, and president of the 
council, attended with many members ; and by the 
lord mayor and aldermen, and many thousands of 
quality. In his progress to his house, << he was en- 
tertained all the way with voUies of great and small 
shot, and. loud acclamations and shouts of the 
people/' But his good sense did not desert him 
<»i this trying occasion. f< He carried himself with 
great affability and seeming humility ; and in all 
bis discourses about the business of Worcester, 
would seldom mention any thing of himself^ but of 
the gallantry of his officers and soldiers, and gave 
(as was due) all the glory of the action unto 

The Earl of Derby and Captain Benboe, were 

* See Christina of Sweden's opinion expressed to Whitelocke^ Jour* 
aal of the Embassy/vol. i. p. 329, et seq. See also the Swedish Chan- 
cellor's opinion^ p. 314>. 

+ Lud. vol. iL p. 447. 

X Whitelocke, p. 509. 


condeiAii«d bjr a court-martial and shot ; others 
haviog been tried by a high ocAirt of justice,. wer4 
ooiidefinned and executed foe high treason \ 
ConqneBtof We may now retain to Scotland, ^here Moitcke 
^l^f^ vigorously prosecuted the war. He took Stirling 
castle, justly deemed one of the most impr^datde 
forta of the kingdom^ and where he found the rega*- 
lia, which be transmitted to London. From Stirliog 
be proceeded to Dundee^ which be took by atonn^ 
add not content with putting 500 or 6G0 of the 
garrison to the aword, he, in ccild bk>od, murdeied 
even the gonrnncn-y after quarter giveQ|. 

Scotland waa now entirely subdued by the Eng^ 
liab arms: Argyle himself submkted^ and sued fhr 
peace. The En^ish parliament,, conceiving that 
the safety of the commonwealtb depended en a 
union with jScotland, determined to incorpoitate 
that country with itself^ yet preferred it, though 
conquered, all the advantages of tbe sister state. 
Commissioners were sent ^own to transact this 
important busineas, and it was cotiduded that n^ 
presentatives, elected on equitable princqiles^ 
abcNBld be sent to the English paiiioment. The 
arrangement waa most decried by the cletgy,. w4io 
declaimed against it as inconsistent with the cove*- 
nant and the divinity of their establishment, bjp 
bringing tbe kirk under subordination ta the 
civil power, and introducing an ungodly tolera- 

* Glar. vol. ni. p> 4U. Wlik6kci:e>. f. £11, et stq. UtiAdk'm 
Diary, MS. , , 

t Ludlow, YoL i. p. S66. Nichors Diary, MS. Balfbur'a S^octe 
Memories, MS. Whitelocke, p. 507, et seq. Cob. Pari. Rut. vol hL 
p. 1370. Clar. vol. vi. p. 447. 1 



tlon ; bet the people^ who were now permitted the 
most unlimited right to exercise- their religion, feft 
ao displeasure at the restraint on their priesthood, 
ja bod;^ that bad late)/ rendered themselves terrible 
lattd odious by the attempt to engross all civit ad 
well as ecelesiastioal power, and under the pre* 
teirt of regulating the consciences of men, and ^U 
fending to their i^iritual welfare, really ruled them 
with a rod of iron. A considerable military force 
Was maintained in Scotland, to preserve the new 
jDOBStitution, which was opposed by a large party. ^ 
An order had formeriy been voted by paillia^ 
ment to allow Cromwell about L.S500 per annum 
out of the Earl of Worcester's estate ; and an ad- 
ditional grant of the same extent was now mad^ 
which raised his income to nearly five tbou^ 
sand— liberality fully adequate to his merits, and 
which ought to have bound him for ever to the 
public cause. His conduct fbrms a striking con^ 
trast with that of his 8on-in4aw, Ireton. A grant 
was at the same time made to him, and the news 
reached him a little before his dissolution ; but in- 
stead of expressing satisfaction, be eynically re- 
marked, that he wished the parliament would 
mind the public business, and discharge the public 
debt, instead of thus voting away the public mo- 
i>ey, and that he wouM not have it as he had 
enough erf his own : it was believed by those who 
knew him best, that hijr premature death prevent- 
ed him from op^ly refusing it. Sir Hariy Vane, 
too, shewed his integrity. As paymaster of the 
navy he was entitled to a certain per centage on 
the money which passed through his hiands ; but. 


fiur from deriving the ^vantage, he paid the whole 
into the treasury *• 

juductkm The Isle of Mm had been held put by the Earl 

^Muil'^^of Derby, and the countess, in his absence, refiised. 

GucwiBejr, jq surrender it, saying that she yras bound to act by. 
the orders of her lord; bu|; she at last yielded jt 
up. Prince Rupert, witli the revolted ships, had act- 
ed the part of a pirate upon the merchant vessels ; 
apd, as the isles of Jersey, Guernsey, and Scilly, af- 
forded a fit asylum for his fleet, it was deemed, both 
op this account, as well as tp restore the isles to the 
commonwealth, necessary to reduce them, which, 
with some difficulty was accomplished f • 

jPket. The Earl of Warwick might easily have recover- 

^ a)l the revolted ships, or destroyed them at an 
early pepod j but from an affected punctilio, he 
would not follow them into the TexeL This con- 
duct little suiting jthe decided measures of the 
commonwealth, the command was taken from hipi 
and bestowed on Blake, Dean, Popham, andAyscue. 
The committee for n^val affairs, of whom Sir Harry 
Yane was the chief, were men of uncommon ta- 
lents and enterprise : after the revolt of part of the 
fleet, other ships were rapidly built, and the whole 
navy put under the }}e&t possible management. 
l^efoie this time the commanders had conceived 
that they performed their duty if they brought 
their ships safe home again ; but this no longer 
accorded with the genius of England : They were 
sent out with orders tp destroy the ships and fleets 

* Ludlow^ vol. i. p. 371. See farther about Ireton, p. 381, et seq, 
t \^Tiitelocke, p. 511, €t seq. 


of their enemies ; and the slightest appearance of 
slowness to engage was severely reprimanded. 
All the commanders — ^besides those mentioned, 
there were Bourne, Fenn, Badeley, Lawson, 
Moncke, Venables, — were highly distinguished, 
each apparently emulous of the greatest glory ; but 
Blake was the most eminent*. From thd fame 
of his exploits, he has, iii history, as rising a little 
above the others, eclipsed them; but those who nar- 
rowly study the age will find that some of the others 
were not far outstript ; and that it was not Blake 
who created the naval glory of England, but the 
times and the inherent vigour of the common- 
wealth which afforded a theatre for the display of 
his talents. Had he never existed, another would 
not have been wanting to perform the same me- 
morable actions. This is no detraction from his 
merits ; but the mere confirmation of a great 
truth — ^that there is never a want of talent in the 
community, if the field be open to generous ambi* 

In this place we shall give a short account of that chaiaetei 
great naval hero. Of a good family, and bom to ^^ ®**^ 
competent circumstances t, he had, after having 
received a liberal education, (he took the degree 
of master of arts at Oxford,) lived in retire- 

* Clar. voL vi. p. 602> justly shews the superiority of the English 
navy now to that of former times, and the difference of spirit; hut he 
attrihutes it too much to Blake. See an account of Blake's repuhli- 
can principles. State Papers, vol. iii. p> 27. ' 

t Though he was satisfied with his fortune, which made it compe- 
tent, one would imagine it could not have heen very great, as he had 
stood candidate for a fellowship at Oxford, and is reported to have 
lost it in conseqtience of the hvmess of his stature* Wood's Athen. Oxon. 
vol. p. 825* Biog. Brit. 


meot till his country summoned him to her do- 
fSsncej and bis conduct at the sieges of Wells and 
PTauntoni had deservedly gained him a higfi cha- 
l^acter. After the mutiny against Rainsborougb, it 
was intended to confer the command of the navy 
upon Cromwell, who doubtless would soon have 
distinguished himself in that department of war^ 
as he did in the . other ; but the second civil war 
requiring his presence in the field, led to a new ar» 
rangement, and Blake was appointed, along with 
Dean and the others, to that station. He was at 
that time between fifty and sixty : Yet such were 
the native powers of his mind, so much of the elsush 
ticity of youth did he retain, that the new element 
became, almost immediately, as familiar to him as 
if he had been trained to it from his childhood, and 
he made himself, as if by intuition, not only peiv 
ibctly master of every thing known in the profes- 
sion, but, with inventive genius, struck out a new 
path, and carried the thunder of the English navy 
through every quarter of the globe. Land batter- 
ies, which had been timorously shunned by fortner 
commanders,. Blake silenced ^ and, entering into 
the enemy's ports, destroyed their shipping where 
they thought it unapproachable : after one of his 
daring : exploits the Spaniards believed the Eng- 
lish devils and not men. His temper was as open 
and generous as his spirit ;was valiant \ 
Ponues He bad been sent out against Rupert, and he 
^ pursued him into Kinsale; but the other, taking 

* Clar. vol, vi. p. 601. Lud. voL i. p. 290, et seq. Wliitelocke> 
p. asi^i €t 9fiq* Wood's Athen. Ox. yoL U p, S^, BiOg. Brit- 



advao^ge of a favourable opportoBity, escaped 
tbdooe aad j^oc$eded to Fortisi^. Blakp quipfcly 
foUowed him thithex; vod chased him iotoi the Ta* 
gm $ \rbeia the king of Portugal, though himself 
deemed an uaurper by the Spamards, from whom 
he had revolted^ cosiceiving himself 90 far interest'* 
edsathe fate of kings as to resent the death of 
Charles Stuart^ denied liberty to Blake to fc^w 
Huperti The English resident cojp^lained to n^ 
purpose ; but tbe parliament, apprissed of this poSf 
ture of affairs, sent out Colonel Popham with a re^ 
in£oircemeaty and instrnctions to apply to the ^or^ 
tnguese government for liberty to attack the piratic 
Kupert in the Tagus, and» in the event of the aj^ 
plication being refused, to aveoge the injury done 
to th^ JEsi^nh gover nmmit by immediate hostile 
tics on their shipping. Thm decisive measure ap- 
palled the Portuguese government ^ and twetity of 
their large merchant vessels, rjebly ladePi h^'mt 
!bsen saedzed, they made all duie submission to the 
English common vealth, and aued for peaeeu , The 
iFreneb gai^ermnent had afforded an asyluvs to th^ 
exiled Ikmily, and cdstelter to the revoked slbip^i 
Jbut its eommax^e was nearly annihilated* and it 
idso sued &r an alUaxice* AU the boasted e&^QtB 
0f dtip»money had formerly not prevented the very 
Britiah osasts fkim being, in&sted mtJ^ pirates s 
l^iit,! Rupeit^s 6(pxadroa excepted, the seas were 
JMwr deared, while every cemrt in Europe tcemble^ 
at the English name *. 

^ Clar. V9l. v^f. 360* Wldtclocke^ p. 440, «i iV^. Cob. FvsA> 
Hist. Tol. iii« p. 1361. Thurloe's State Papers, Tol. i. p. 145, etseq^ 
Clar. State Papers, vol. iii. p. 18, et seq. 


Rupert having escaped from the Tagus, lost 
some of his ships on the Spanish coast, and sailed 
for the West Indies. The royal interest had been 
so far preserved in Barbadoes; but Sir George 
Ayscue rapidly subdued it. Prince Maurice had 
gone thither with some of the revolted ships ; but 
his small fleet was wrecked in a hurricane ; and 
Rupert subsisted by piracy, indifferently on Eng* 
lish and Spanish vessels, till, during the subse- 
quent war with the Dutch, he, intending to join 
them, returned to Europe t at the conclusion of 
the war he disposed of his shattered ships for a 
sum of money. The West India islands all sub- 
mitted to the parliament *• 
Mnrom While the parliament subdued its enemies, it 

to refomi , , , 

the law. was not luatteutive to secure proper commercial 
treaties, and the internal blessings of a cheap and 
speedy dispensation of law and justice. In Eng- 
land, as if the object had been to conceal from 
men the very laws by which they were to regulate 
their conduct, the law books and legal proceedings 
were in Norman French. King James had been 
anxious to remove this absurdity, but all his influ- 
ence had been ineffectual. The great Bacon, too, 
had suggested the propriety of a digest of the laws; 
but such were the obstacles opposed to the change, 
and, particularly, such was the jealousy entertained 
of Jatiies, as desirous to substitute the civil, for the 
English, law, that these objects had never been se- 

* Clar. ToL vi. p. 466. Whitelocke, p. 474^ et seq* Cob. Par. 
HiBt. vol. iii. p. 1S57> Clar. State Papers^ vol. iii. . p, 109^ et seq. 


riously attempted. The first, however, was now 
attained^ and the last, including a simplification ^ 
forms, deeply interested the community. To men 
unacquainted with legal proceedings, nothing ap* 
pears more inexplicably dull, than the forms within 
which they are intrenched; but the pr^tical law«> 
yer, who studies the science of jurisprudence phi- 
losophically, knows that fprms are essential to its 
existence; and that they have sprung naturally 
out of the course of events as much as the law$ 
themselves. It unfortunately happens, however, 
that, in the progress of civilization, when laws ber 
come multiplied with the complex stairs of life, new 
forms are superinduced upon the old^ and yet^ 
with filial reverence, the old are clung to, though 
inapplicable to the state of society : Whence the 
forms become perfectly cumbrous, and the people 
3Te hampered in the attainment of justice, from the 
tedious and expensive forms through which it must 
be sought. The vulgar lawyer, who has with di£> 
ficulty acquired the forms, dings to them with 
affectionate solicitude, as connected with his own 
pre-eminence ; and few of those who perform the 
part of legislators are qualified to distinguish the 
useful from the unnecessary, so as to retain the 
first and discard the rest. The whole, therefore^ 
are regarded with unmerited contempt on the one 
hand, as the established jargon of the professioi^ 
and yet zealously fostered, on the other, by the 
very same men who, under the language of cour 
tempt, are yet xleterred, by reverential awe, from 
interfering with a system which has all the 



daims of antiquity and stability to irecommend it. 
But, at the period we are now treating of, u 
some men of very enlarged minds in the pro- 
fession, and many who had Htudied the law with- 
out intending to practise at the bar, occupied 
the place of legislators, much would probably hav^ 
accrued from their united efforts, had it not been 
for the subsequent usurpation of Cromwell. It 
cannot be denied, however, that many crude no* 
tions on this subject had been entertained by apor* 
tion of the community. Speculative men, who 
have never studied jurisprudence, conceive that 
nothing is easier than to frame a simple code <^ 
laws that may answer all the purposes of society ^ ; 
but an intimate acquaintance with the science in- 
iitnicts us, that the subject is pregnant with diffi- 
culties which multiply as we advance in know- 
ledge. Men, however, never stop at the exact 
line, and the vulgar lawyer will not hear of the 
practicability of extracting the essence out of all 
the ponderous tomes which adorn his library or 
encumber his table. What has been attained, 
however, in the way of institutes of the law, proves 
the erroneousness of this notion ; and, indeed, if 
it were correct, it would just amount to this--<-that 
a knowledge of law is unattainable, since, if it 
be known at all, it must be systematically ; and, 
if the lawyer could not express what he knows, his 
knowledge would be useless. The law has been 
the progressive accumulated experience of ages ; 

* See Swift's notions on this subject in his Gulliver's Tr»yels. 



nnd what has thus b^en aocumulated requires to 
be only comprised in a proper form. Such was 
the object of the parliament at this period, and 
England has to regret that it was not accomplished. 
$he has to lament, particularly, the failure of ano- 
ther project, the full establishment of records for 
titles of land and deeds aj9ecting it— a project that 
we cannot sufficiently wonder has not since been 
executed, considering the long and complete ex- 
p^ence which Scotland has had of its beneficial 
tendency. It was also fully resolved upon to make 
lands liable for the proprietor's simple debts ; and 
to dispense with the tedious forms of fine and re- 
covery in conveyances. Excellent regulations, too^ 
in regard to juries, were devised^ and would doubt- 
less have passed into a law *• 

Such were the grand views of this legislative 
assembly ; but the historian to whom we have so 
often alluded, as if incapable of seeing one bene^- 
ficial measure in a parliament which had success^ 
fully opposed the unconstitutional proceedings of 
a monarch, or as if his eye saw the happiness of a. 
modern state only through the splendour of a court, 
has represented it as swayed merely* by a gloomy 
and ridiculous fanaticism, while he has selected as 
a proof of its legislative capacity the chief circum- 
stance which appears to confirm the charge. This 
was the famous adultery act, passed in the year 
1650, which ordained the punishment of death 
for incest and adultery, and three months' impri- 
sonment for simple fornication on the first convic- 

* Whitelocke, p. 456, et seq. Ludlow, vol. i. p. 41«. " Several 
Praughu of Acts bertttofore pr«pM:ed/' &c. published 16^3. 



tion» while it was to be felony without benefit of 
clergy on the second. In popish times, the spiri- 
tual courts only took cognizance of these offences; 
and the framers of the canon law are accused, even 
by Blackstone, of treating these crimes with an 
improper levity, in consequence of their own ap- 
titude, from their constrained celibacy, to com- 
mit them ; and it must be confessed to be a strange 
desideratum, considerinjg the directness of the Le- 
vitican law. The two first are by statute in Scot- 
land still punishable capitally ; but it is conceived 
that, in regard to adultery, the law is in desuetude. 
There was, anterior to the act just referred to, no 
law in England against these offences ^ and, unfor- 
tunately, the statute was repealed at the Restoration 
without a substitute. The first crime is happily so 
abhorrent to the feelings of every mind, that the 
necessity of a law has been superseded by the com- 
mon voice of mankind ; and, perhaps, if a case 
were to occur, it would be better for society that 
the guilty should receive their punishment in the 
execration of all their neighbours, than that the 
public ear should be polluted by the account of a 
trial for a crime which human nature had never 
been believed to be so corrupt as to commit. But 
adultery, when the marriage-bed is defiled by the 
wife, is of another kind ; and it is to be lamented 
that the principle of the Levitican law, of the 
law which prevailed in many of the ancient re- 
publics, and difierent empires, should not have 
been continued in Britain. Of the various crimes 
against civilized society, this seems one of the 
greatest. It poisons domestic felicity, it alienates 


parents from their chlldreri, and introduces all thef 
train of evils attending want of parental affection, 
and of proper culture in youth. The man whose 
wife is seduced from him sustains an infinitely 
greater injury than he could have done from any 
loss of property; since the children for whom he 
was daily toiling, anxiously accumulating, and ex- 
posing himself to privations, are now covered with 
their mother's shame, and must enter the world 
under reproach, while the tender father can no 
longer regard them with confidence as his own off- 
spring. The punishment prescribed to fornication^ 
however, was too severe ; and it was strenuously 
opposed by a great part of the house. But the 
statute would most probably have been soon cor-^ 
rected by a new one *. 

Not contented with reviling the parliament as 
composed of fanatics, whose views were too ab- 
surdly confined for legislation, the same historian 
has represented the country as plunged into the 
wildest and most destructive anarchy. But, though 

men did speculate about the future constitution^ 


* Whitelocke^ p. 455. Cob. Pari. Hist. toL iii. p. 1346. Mr. 
Hume is admitted by his enemies to haVe been I'emarkably tdr- 
rect in bis private conduct; it is therefore the more to be lamented 
that his extreme partiality for the French^ or rather the courtly part 
of them^ should have led him into the erroneous speculative notion^ that 
adultery being considered in the light of an affliir 6f g^lantry^ tv'aa 
Hot greatly to be deprecated. It is singular that in another, and al* 
most the only other proof of contractedness in this assembly— the pro- 
hibition of stage plays,— the presbyterians, headed by men of the 
highest rank, as the Earl of Manchester, &c. were the most forward. 
Manchester, Kent, andMulgrave entered a protest in the year 1647, 
because the ordinance, instead of being perpetual, was only for a year. 
Old ParL Hist vol. xvi. p. 112* 




i¥hile it was not yet fully determined on, all sub* 
mitted to the present government. Every one was 
protected in his legal rights and property ; and 
never bad England beheld the time when law was 
dispensed with such even-handed justice* All mo*- 
nopolies and vexatious exclusive privileges being 
withdrawn^ and people animated with the proud 
spirit of independence, manufactures and com- 
merce — in short, every species of industiy*-*^- 
vanced with the most wonderful rapidity. Dur- 
ing the late reign, the direct taxes were indeed 
much smaller ; but talent and enterprize, as well 
as ordinary industry, were then shackled, and the 
fruits of exertion insecure ; now, however, such a 
spring had, by the removal of these paralizing 
causes, been communicated, that the nation easily 
surmounted the assessments sirhich had necessarily 
flowed from the protracted contest. Little, then^ 
is that anarchy to be deplored, which is accompa- 
nied with such effects. 
Origin of The states of Holland seemed to be the natural 
TO.^** allies of England j but the prince of Orange, who 
desired to raise his own power, and was closely 
allied to the Stuart family, had a great influence 
over the councils of the country ; for the republi- 
can party, in most of the states, had been aristo* 
cratical, and the prince gained the lower classes 
by judiciously favouring their interests. During 
the civil wars of Britain, the States had observed 
an ostensible neutrality, but there had ever been, 
through the prevalence of the Orange faction, a 
leaning towards the royal side. On the death of 
Prince W illiam, the republican party gained the 



ascendancy* but the other reniained very powerful ; 
and the exiled Stuart family and their portizaos 
eacerted all their influence and arts to fixnent a war 
with England, which they even wished to be car* 
ried on in the name of Charles. It was through 
the power of this faction that the Stuarts were so 
protected, and the assassination of Dorislaus so 
shamefully passed over. To prevent the recur* 
rence of this detestable crime, after its perpetra* 
tioQ on Dorislaus and Ascham*, so many ot the 
cavaliers who had not compounded^ and were con* 
ftequently still amenable to justice, were sei2;ed 
upon, with a threat of making them expiate the 
offence ; while St. John and Strictland were sent 
to Holland as ambassadors. Some idea was now 
entertained of an alliance between the countries 
approaching to a union ^ but, as the Orange faction, 
supported by others who began to be inflamed with 
the jealousy of trade, overbore those who were ia- 
clined to cultivate a good understanding with 
the new commonwealth,-^he ambassadors weri; 
treated by the States with indeed ceremonious 
politeness, but no friendly attention ; and, while 
the Stuart family were allowed to reside there as 
the rightful governors of Britain, they were insult- 
ed with impunity by the populace ; St. John even 
nanowly escaped assassination, the attempt at 
which was little inquired into* Not only the 

 See Clar. vol. vi. p* 370, et seq. fcfc a proof of the way in which 
the aSBasdnadon of Aflcham was considered hy tSie j^nudi minister: 
He applauded £he deed, and regretted the crime had not been resorted 
to against the Portuguese reroltcrs. 


closer confederacy was, therefore, rejected, and thO; 
proposals relative to the exiled family received with 
coldness, and evaded, but an ordinary alliance on 
fair grounds despised. All this occurred wbUe the 
young king was in Scotland,, and St. John told 
them that he perceived they were influenced by 
the notion of that prince's success i but that ere 
long they would sue in vain for what they now 
contemned. An insult to an ambassador is always 
resented as offered not to the individual, but to the 
power that sends him, and as a proof of hostility ; 
and St. John and Strictland returned to England 
in disgust *. 
i^vigatioa -jjjg English parliament^ attentive equally to the 
prosperity and honour of their country, determined 
now to adopt a measure that should not only ad- 
vance the commerce of the British dominions, but 
humble the arrogance of the Dutch. The West 
India sugar islands held out at first for Charles IL 
and traded with Holland. To stop this— to pro- 
Inote British commerce and punish the States, 
the famous navigation act, to which there had been 
an approach at a very early period, was now fram-» 
ed. According to it, all colonial produce was pro* 
hibited from being imported except in British built 
ships,' of which, too, the master, and three-fourths 
of the Mariners, should be natives. The transport 
tation of the same produce from one place to sno* 

 Thurloe's State Papers^ vol. i. p. 177, ei seq. Glar. toL vi. p. 457, 
it seq/ VThitelocke, p. 487, et seq. Old Pari. Hist. vol. xix. p. 454. 
466-7l« 471-4, 491-2. Carte's, vol. i. p. 497. 446. 464; vol. ii. p. 1, 
2, 11—13, 18, 44-5. Harris's Life of Cromwell, p. 252, et seq. Cob. 
Pari. Hist. vol. iii. p. 1362-3. Ludlow, vol. i. p. 344-6. 



ther, was put under the same restrictions ; and even 
European produce and manufactures prevented^ 
from being imported but in British bottoms, except 
they were the growth or fabric of the particular 
state which carried them ♦. This struck severely 
at the Dutch, who were fast engrossing the com* 
merce of Europe, by purchasing the various com- 
modities of one state and disposing of them to ano- 
ther ; and it was conceived by them to be a sort of 
signal for hostilities. The English, on the other 
hand, who fully prized the statute, and were pro- 
bably affected with reciprocal jealousy, while they 
resented the meanness with which the States had 
acted during their civil broils, and particularly du- 
ring the late invasion from Scotland, were not 
averse to war. But other motives have been assign- 
ed for the readiness of the parliament to engage in 
hostilities : — ^That it desired a pretext for not dis- 
solving, at the period which it bad limited for it^ 
self, and expected to find one in an expensive 
war, which it might pretend it wished to see 
brought to a conclusion : That it was anxious to 
quiet the civil wounds of the state, by withdrawing 
the public attention to foreign afiairs, by inspiring 
the sense of honour for their country, and dazzling 
with the splendour of victory : and lastly, that it 
was solicitous to give the superiority to the naval 
armament, that the popular afiections might be 
so fixed on it, that it might employ some of the 

* Co\>. ParL Hist yoI. iiL p. 1374-5. Old do. vol. xx. p. 75-0L 
Blackstone^ yol. i. p. 418. See English notions on Trade in Thurloe*» 
State papers, yoL i. p. 198, et seq. 



land (^cers, as well as common soldiers, in that 
service ; and that, in the unavoidable expense oi 
fitting out a fleet, it might have a good pretext 
fix disbanding part of the military which it could 
not employ at sea, and thus have it in its powCT 
to new*model the army, and defeat the artifices of 
Cromwell, of whom it had become jealous* The 
first motive assigned is unworthy of the character oi 
this assembly. The plausibility of the latter recom** 
mends them though only matter of conjecture. 

The prediction of St. John to the Dutch was 
now verified. Acting upon the navigation law, 
the English captured upwards of eighty of their 
merchant vessels ; and the States now apologized 
for their former conduct, and sued for an alliance 
on the principles formerly tendered ; but the par** 
liament refused to repeal so beneficial a statute i 
and since matters had come to a species of rupture, 
tbey resolved to be satisfied with nothing short of 
full indemnification : They demanded .reparation^ 
or at least complained of, tlie unatoned massacre of 
Amboyna in 1615, of the indirect support given 
to their late king during the civil wars, of the la^ 
sasisination of Dorislaus, which, though not perpe.« 
trated by the States, had been committed in their 
territories, and yet paissed unpunished ; and of the 
insults ofiered to St. John and Strictknd, which 
had been connived at, while even the assassination 
of the first had been attempted withoutpunishment* 
They also insisted on the exclusive right of Great 
Britain to the herring fishery. Disappointed in the 
attainment of their object by amicable means, the 


Dutch determined to second their proposals with 
a fleet of 150 sail-*-*^ fleet which would be justly 
regarded as perfectly astonishing in a small com- 
monwealth, which had so lately struggled for ex- 
istence, and with difiiculty asserted her indepen- 
dence against Spain, did we not know that, under 
A liberal government, there seems to be no limit 
to the powers of a people ♦* 

llaving equipped their fleet, the Dutch sent no« D«tch wir, 
tice to the English parliament that they had no success of 
purpose of hostilities ; but had merely adopted the^^°^^' 
measure for the protection of their commerce. 
The politeness of the intimation, however, did not, 
in the relative situation of the respective common- 
wealths, disguise the real object, and an event soon 
occurred to evince it. A fleet of fishing vessels 
refused to pay the accustomed homage to an £ng« 
lish man of war, which some affected to justify on 
the principle that the homage was given to royalty 
and not to the people, and therefore no longer exi- 
gible ; but this plea was disregarded by the Eng^- 
lish commands, who sank one of their vessels in 
vindication of his country's honour. In return 
for this, the Dutch laid an embargo on all English 
ships in their ports ; and, in the beginning of the 
year 1652, Van Tromp appeared with a fleet of 
fifty-*five sail before Portsmouth, whither he pre- 
tended to have been driven by stress of weather* 
The English marine was not immediately in a si*^ 
tuation to resent the insult which was unexpect- 
edly given to it, and which the Dutch declai^ 

* Thurbe^s State Papers, toI. i. p. 007, et uq. 


was not intended. The parliament immediately 
expended HSOO^OOO in fitting out the navy ; and» 
on the 19th of May following, Blake taught 
the Dutch the respect due to England. Tromp 
appeared with forty-two sail in Dover roads^ 
and Blake having met him with only twenty-six 
sail, demanded the honours due to his country : 
The Dutchman, relying on his superior strength,, 
not only refused it contemptuously ; but is said 
even to have returned a broad-side to the demand. 
The intrepid Englishman, without regard to the 
inferiority of his numbers, commenced a vigorous 
fire, and being joined during the engagement by 
Captain Bourn with other eight ships, he not only 
maintained the fight for five hours without loss, but 
took one of the enemy's vessels and sank another. 
Night put an end to the conflict, and Tromp took 
advantage of the darkness to sail for the cos^t of 
Holland. This event was no less alarming to the 
^ Dutch than it was unexpected. They perceived 
that the English commonwealth was equally power- 
ful at sea as on land ; and that, their domestic ene« 
mies quelled, their superiority could not be long 
withstood. A manifesto was published by Tromp^ 
ascribing the battle to the overliastiness of Blake^ 
who attacked him as he was preparing to pay the 
accustomed homage ; but as the statement was 
contradicted by Blake, and all the captains in bis 
fleet, so, from the superiority of the enemy's num- 
bers, it was improbable in itself. The States also 
sent an ambassador, in order to avert the war, when 
the parliament proposed as preliminaries, that every 
Dutch vessel should pay homage to the British 



ehips of waVy and should give reparation for the 
damage l^ngland had sustained. The States agreed 
to the first, but demurred to the last, though it 
is alleged that they were ready to purchase an in- 
demnity from the search under the navigation act 
at the price qf L. 800^000, Sterling. War was 
therefore declared, and the herring-busses destroy* 
ed by Blake. Tromp pursued him with a hundred 
Bail, and Blake, being joined with reinforcements, 
did not intend to decline the combat ; but a vio- 
lent storm prevented a battle. Blake took shelter 
in the English harbours, and suffered no loss ; but 
great was the damage sustained by the enemy. 
De Ruyter was famed as the greatest naval hero in 
Europe ; yet the English republicans soon tarnish- 
ed his laurels. As with sixty sail he conveyed 
thirty merchant ships. Sir George Ayscue, with 
little more than thirty sail, not only sustained the 
combat till night interposed, but sank ten of their 
vessels ; while the Dutch, whose object seems to 
have been an escape, directed their shot principally 
against the English rigging, in which they were so 
successful as to prevent the pursuit next day. 
Shortly afterwards the same officer sustained a de- 
feat from Blake, Bourne, and Fenn ; his rear-ad- 
miral having been boarded and taken, other ten 
sunk, and one blown up. In the Mediterranean 
Captain Badely was attacked by Van Galen and 
defeated ; but he fought with such desperate cou- 
rage, as to occasion great damage to the enemy, 
with the loss of their admiral. But the Dutch 
fleet wer^ successful in a more important case. 


De Ruyter and Tromp having united, mustered 
eighty ships of war, and with thirty of their largest 
merchantmen, properly equipped, they entered the 
Downs. Blake had sent away twenty of his ships 
to convey a fleet of Newcastle coal ships, other 
twelve towards Plymouth, and fifteen up the river, 
leaving only thirty*seven under his command ; yet 
the council of war rashly ordered him not to de* 
cline the engagement i and so desperately did he 
fight, that the battle was long doubtful : as, how» 
ever, the Dutch behaved with uncommon gallant- 
try, superiority of numl)ers at last prevailed. 
While, therefore, the Dutch admiral's ship was 
sunk, two of the English ships were taken, and a 
third burned : Blake himself was wounded ; and 
but for the approach of night greater loss would 
have been sustained. 

This success, the result entirely of superior num- 
bers, so raised the arrogance of the Dutch, that 
their admiral, Tromp, affixed a broom to his mast, 
to denote that he meant to sweep the seas clear 
of the English. But their pride was soon humbled : 
The immense sums voted by the parliament, hav- 
ing been levied with impartiality, and duly appro^ 
priated to the business of the state, in which the 
pride and prosperity of the nation were so deeply 
involved, were paid without a murmur; the sailors 
were encouraged by an increase of pay, and the 
whole put under the command of Blake, with the 
assistance of Dean, and likewise of Moncke, who 
had, for that purpose, been recalled from Scot- 
land ; Sir George Ayscue having, in spite of his 


9ucc^s, been laid iiside» io consequence of the sus- 
jHdon of too favourable a bias towards tb^ cava^ 
lier^, which he was supposed to have i9Mife9ted 
by the terms granted to the royalist party ip 15ar* 

The Dutch had suffered prodigiously in the cap- 
ture of their merchant vessels ; and while they 
equipped them for war> they increased the strength 
of their c<Mivoys. Three hundred merchantmen, 
many of them carrying a number of guns, entered 
the English channel, escorted by seventy^ siji^ men 
Qf war ; and now was deemed the critical moment 
to strike an important blow. Blake and his coad- 
jutors met them with eighty sail, and the conflict 
was one of the most obstinate recorded in histpry. 
For three days did the battle rage with unabated 
fury } but, in spite of the superiority of numbers 
«^many of the merchantmen, carrying a great 
number of guns, joined in the battle — victory de- 
clared in favour of the English, Thirty only of 
the merchantmen were taken ; but eleven ships of 
war were either captured or sunk, two thousand 
of their men were slain, and fifteen hundred ta- 
ken prisoners ; while tlie English, though many of 
their ships were greatly shattered, lost only one, 
which was sunk. 

This was a terrible blow to the States : Their 
maritime power, obliged tp acknowledge the su- 
periority of England, could no longer flatter them 

* ClftT. Hist vol. Ti. p. 459, ei jeq. State Ft^gers, toI. ilL p. s$, 
€i seq. Whltelocke^ p. $%$, et seq. Ludlow, voL i. p. 405> €t seq. 


with the hope of compensating the immense lossM 
they had sustained, by overcoming the English na- 
vy, and recovering their trade. Upwards of six* 
teen hundred of their merchant vessels had been 
captured by the English ; their fisheries were de- 
stroyed ; their commerce suspended. The people 
began to mutiny, and the Orange faction, taking 
advantage of the general discontent, tried to re- 
cover its ground, by proposing to advance the 
young prince to the station which had been held 
by his father. Under these circumstances the 
States sued for peace ; but the English parliament 
was high in its demands, and it was not concluded 
till after the usurpation. The followers of the ex* 
iled king, particularly Hyde and Nicholas, his 
most confidential ministers, had fomented the war 
with all imaginable arts. They even endeavour* 
ed to persuade the Dutch to proclaim it in the 
name of Charles II. and allow him to enter the 
fleet, representing that the English sailors were so 
disafiected, that if they knew their king was there 
in person, they would instantly strike. The Dutch, 
however, had formed too just an estimate of the 
British character to expect such an issue; and^ 
while they were too prudent to run the hazard of 
directly espousing his interest, the prevailing par- 
ty were restrained by other considerations, since 
they well knew that, if the English king were re- 
stored by their means, he would endeavour to 
raise his kinsman to the same dominion in Holland. 
During the war, Hyde and his associates would 
give little credit to the accounts of Dutch losses } 


and with hearts not akin to those of Englishmen/ 
they rejoiced at the victory that Tromp had for-' 
mefly gained. In the ihean time, the court of the ' 
exiled monarch continued to be convulsed with 
faction, every one being bent on the destruction 
of his neighbour, that he might obtain his place, * 
and ready to pilfer the little treasure which had ' 
been destined to other purposes. The queen and* 
her son, too, were at variance, because, instead 
of submitting to her government, he preferred the 
counsels of Hyde •. 

The commonwealth had now reached the most 
envied greatness ; all its enemies at home and ' 
abroad were subdued, and its fame extended 
throughout the world; its commerce and manu- 
factures daily proceeded with an accelerated pro- 
gression, and the openings for talent and industry 
being so great, the younger sons of high families, 
— ^wh6, though they had affected, with aristocratic 
pride, to despise the duties of life, had been, in a 
great measure, deterred from embarking in trade, 
from the small chance of success without capital,' 
and had been constrained to enter the service of 
leading men as menials, where they were ex- 
posed even to personal chastisement, with all the 
train of degradation incident to servants, who feel 
that, under their circumstances, there can be no 
change of masters, since it would be fatal to their 

* Clar. State Papers, voL iii. p. S6> et seq. Hist. vol. vi. p. 4,61, 
vol. V. p. 196, et seq. Whitelocke, p. 55S, et seq. Old Patl. Hist, 
vol. XX. p. 116, et seq. Ludlow, vol. i. p. 4«6, et seq. 

VOt. IV. ' Z 

p(pq^cts,<^|iow soiight the road to wealth i^nd 
di^ncMon in the honourable walks of iii49p6n- 
4^t induntrjs* Th? plans for refomin^ ^9 
hfim aqd ^ l^gsl prooeedingK w^ro d^ly m** 
tHrtng>, while the acj^eme of the future gov? I9- 
tni^t W49 agr^ upon. The country was divided 
vftiQ new portion^ according tP liie popuUtion siod 
the amount of the direct taiteq exigi^e* TN 
Du^nlier of pprtionq, i^d consequently of rf^p^e- 
8ltn^tive&» was four hmtd^ed. Tq entitle any to th^ 
elective franchise, it was neces^ry t^ft hei should 
hftve property in Is^iid^, i^Q»s^ of good«^ to the 
Vftlue c4* two hm^dr^ pounds, IlayiBg fufly d©* 
vf^^ th@ plan, parlij^mept prc^pared for the ael of 
dissolutipn i but the fall of the repiihllP W9s d^ 
te^ned by tb?^ hf^qda which bad fougl^t for it ^. 
Ambitioti Tb^s© who bi^d intimately watched tbe conduct 
^J[J^ <^ CiXM^well, had long suape^Jted him erf deai^ 
^,? h<>»|il« ta tb? qommoi^weftUb t and, aftw tb^ bat- 

tump tu6 

gomninent. tlo of W^r^e^t^rk th^^ bo^fn^ 90 appa;rent, that 
P^rq intiin9fted tP some of tbp steady rep^Wic^s 
thftt Cromwftll n\e9^% tP pi^l^e himself a k-iqg f . 
The general/s cpnsultai^on^ ^bout the fotui^ go^ 

* Hqv different yim ^ |tat^ 0^ fmnce iri^ its 
l^entj^ and the supposed quiet attending it : ''I will s^y nothing,' 
says eiarendon, in a letter to Nicholas from Fbxis, sUi July^ 1653^ 
^^«f Aadiatractedottiiditkwof this 1^^ lam sure Sir Ri^fhnd 
Braipiffdn give 7<m a fiilJi ^ piurticol^ axicOHnt ; till ike roMe^f 
London, when they went highest, were not worthy to be named with this 
people, who wUlbum^ kiU, and slay, aU who oppose thenu'* State Fa- 
^ei;9, vqL iii. |^.jBl. See ds^hfre. 

f t ](<!idlow, ?oL ii. p. 44(6^ et iff. Himds*s Life of Cromwell^ 
p. 288, et seq. Old P^rl, Hist. vol. xii^. p. 2i^, et seq. Vol. xx. 



vernment^ prove that Peters had not been mista* 
ken. A meeting, at which St. John, Whitelocke, 
and other great lawyers, with some of the princi*' 
pal officers, attended, having been held at his de«> 
sire, he^ with all apparent humility, started the 
question, whether it should be monarchical or re-* 
publican; insinuating that, in his opinion, a go«^ 
vemment with something of the kingly tempera^' 
ment was best suited to the genius o£ the people. 
The idea was taken up by St. John and White* 
locke, who proposed to recal one of the late king's 
sons, under pr(^r restrictions ; but the officers of 
the army were all decidedly for a republic. The 
consultation had the efiect of evincing the respec-^ 
tive dispositions of the men, and thus of enabling 
him to regulate his future conduct* In the law-^ 
yers he was disappointed : tho reformation of the 
legal proceedings which was contemplated, as it 
threatened to lowier the importance of the profess 
siQDy by rendering the law accessible to every one, 
and simplifying the forms, is alleged not to have 
been acceptable even to these eminent individuals, 
whjle it was greatly disliked by the more vulgar 
practitioners, who had no ideas beyond the dull 
routine of their little practice; and Cromwell had 
flattered himself, that, in their anxiety to preserve 
the monarchical form of government, and, along 
with it, the old state of the common law, they 
would willingly assist him to the throne. He now 
sets more than ever about a new model of the 
army, taking every opportunity to remove the con- 
as 2 


scientious officers^ and to substitute his own crea- 
tures. Those whom he chose to retain, and yet 
could not corrupt, as Harrison and Rich, he de- 
ceived and overreached. 

The measures of a parliament which had conti- 
nued so long, and under such circumstances, had 
necessarily encountered much opposition from 
clashing interests. Its intentions bad been mis- 
represented, and widely suspected, and Cromwell 
knew how to address himself to the interests, pre- 
judices, and fears, of the different parties and. 
classes. Conceiving that the attachment of the 
royalists to monarchy was to the thing, and not 
to the person, and that, provided they enjoyed 
the same privileges under him, they would desert 
the exiled family, he took every opportunity to 
favour them, and to have the compositions of de- 
linquents lessened. The apprehensions of the 
lawyers of the injury which would be done to 
their practice by the projected innovations, be 
availed himself of: To the clergy, he artfully 
insinuated, that the party in the house, who wished 
a commutation of tithes, might attain their ob- 
ject ; and thus gained that body : Some of the 
higher classes he easily alarmed by the danger of 
levelling principles, unless the populace were kept 
down by a stronger government ; while the lead- 
ing officers, as well as the people at large, he en- 
deavoured to gain, by inveighing against the par- 
liament, as composed of a body of men. who 
meant to perpetuate themselves in power, though, 
he knew that the act of dissolution was prepar- 


ing^— who imposed heavy burdens on the people, 
that themselves might share in the spoil, though 
they appear to have been remarkably consciien- 
tious in money affairs ; in short, as a body who 
would never perform the many good actions which 
bad been expected of them, but who sedulously 
cultivated their own advancement *. 

The royalists, who not only preferred the do- 
minion of an individual as the foundation of their 
exclusive privileges, but wisely inferred that, if 
the government were usurped by any man, the na- 
tion would look back to the exiled family, did 
every thing in their power to encourage Crom- 
well's present schemes, in the hope of rendering 
him an instniment for the attainment of their own 
object : The clergy zealously advocated the cause 
of the general, and many of them even prophecied 
the destruction of the parliament ; while many 
well-meaning people, jealous of the integrity of 
that assembly, and deceived by the hjrpocritical 
arts of Cromwell, wished it brought to a period. 
AH this time he professed to the parliament more 
than usual respect for it» declaring, that if it com- 
manded the army to break their swords, the sol- 
diers would obey. But to others he used a dif- 
ferent language, suited to their respective views. 
To some he pretended to lament the violence of 
the officers, and the unreasonableness of the cler- 

* Whitelocke^ p. SiS, et seq, Ludlow^ voL ii. p. 447^ ei seq. HuU 
chinson^ toL ii. p. 167^ et seq. 


gy and lawyers, who would not be satisfied with 
the parliament ; telling << Quartennaster-General 
Vernon that he was pushed on by two parties to 
do thati the consideration of the issue whereof 
made his hair stand on end/'-^<*One of these/'said 
he, << is headed by Major-General Lambert, who, in 
revenge of the injury done to him, in not permit^* 
ting him to go to Ireland with a character and 
conditions becoming his rank, will be contented 
with nothing less than their dissolution : Of the 
other, the chief is Major-General Harrison^ viho 
is an honest man, and aims at good things, but 
will not wait the Lord's leisure, but hurries me on 
to that which he and all honest men will have 
cause to repent.*'— "Thus,'* says Ludlow, " did he 
craftily feel the pulse of men towards this work, en* 
deavouring to cast the infamy of it on others^ and 
reserving to himself the appearance of tenderness 
to civil and religious liberty, and of screening 
the nation from the fury of the parties before* 
mentioned V 

Having infused jealousy and discontent, and 
filled the army with his creatures and d^iradents, 
Cromwell moved it to petition the parliament for 
a dissolution, and the appointment of another ; 
expecting that that assembly would, to avoid force, 
instantly dissolve, without adopting sufficient pre- 
cauti(His for a new parliament, and that, in the in* 
terim, he might find an opportunity to usurp the 

* J^udlow^ vol. ii. p. 449-50. 

HISTORT Of THK miVlSH tlfflllE. 9^ 

Wh6te power bt th6 im^t Tbg petitiisliWIis AUiih* 
ihg i but ihi^ |>&iiiaifleM SMIy answered the tm* 
m^i that it #ttd just (ifi^gM in thai biMM^; 
Ci'dtifilirdif hdWevdl-, tiMld hibdk iib A&styi ind 
y/mA pkfiibvAktly idflfttbeii iit th^ mteiitidA 6f ^Ifittg 
HMti{»tOn^CdUit and dtbei- pdadfea, that ihig tt&vrhi 
divested pf its Vtdti adjUtiet^ Khoilld lJ6 less ^sf^r^ 
ibl^i Sdtti6 tisptaieiAts bad ali-^dy b@feA abtlt td 
thd tiavj as miuiitiefs: the i^ s^rtibe b^n tti b6 
nkMt r^pected» th6 ^Idiei^ to b^ dialikM by th6 
pCfd^le a& burthetisotiii^ : jittd ^ it Wits itabsft 1^6^ 
kbte that the arttiy WmlA bfe ^niddy Much dtml'- 
liitih^d, lie plainly peiteivM th&i; if he did iiM 
strike itoWi the oppoi-tuiiity ffii^t be Itfst. But 
eVin his ttetvea falt^itd UHd^ 66 ha^itHl^itts A 
rti^mvttb, Uh veify ihtiitaate fi^oiifeiH ptopioikA a 
Cdttticil ^f forty for the ^fecutiVfe ; and White* 
Idcke, a iHi^M to tndttafieby, dtspfk^t^ the dang^ 
he tsi&. That gttitt lawyer and im-eStitstn havitig 
been again tonsaltied on th6Jtlbjetft,dis«iiJided hitii 
froth the M^mpl to hsttrj^ th«i gbv^M^n^t, is k 
tnedstire irhich y^dtM IrifeVitebly 6nd ift his ot/b d» 
hi^fattity'^rtiin: F«^ t^at the disptit^ WtonM tUikU 
mUng^ti wbiehkiM ^gbVeirh^gflt iria nio^ eli- 
gible, but whether Chade^ Stt^art or CHiVei: Ciota^ 
iKA\ ihdtild b^ kiiig } and tHeA m^Hi taiight that tfr6 
tfMAar^hfia) Ibnfl H/is, aRtt iSl, td be tibtruded 
u|ion tb«<fr, ^ouM CJlihg iti thti did fitnily ks heA 
€taiiMd to fill ^ thf6fte. Thtjs Air the vie\^ #ii 
Mcitid } biii lh« «dviee HfhMx fttlewed ^^s ntst 
cdiisonttttt td th6 i^t«il ^i3|fi6^iiy df Whiliiiotkt : 


That he sl;iouId recall the exiled king, under the 
condition that the command of the militia should 
be lodged in his^ own person^ whence, the power 
of the realm being thus centered in him, he might 
raise himself and his family to whatever grandeur 
he pleased. The absurdity of such a scheme 
could not escape the penetration of Cromwell. No 
army can long withstand the united wishes pf a 
people; none which he could ever command would 
have been sufficient to overpower the whole popula- 
tion of Britain* But all classes, with the monarch 
^t their head, would ultimately join in detestation of 
such a military establishment, while even the troops 
might be seduced by the combined efforts of king, 
parliament, and people ; and supposing that his 
own talents might resist all these concurring powers, 
it was not to be expected that his children should ; 
and then assured would be their destruction. , An- 
other advice, which had been formerly reconqimend- 
ed— to confer the crown on one of the younger 
sons pf the late king — was again strenuously advis- 
ed by the same individual ; but Cromwell having 
already all the power and honour which any sub- 
ject could either attain or desire, was not disposed 
to abandon his principles, and re-establish mo- 
narchy for the behoof of another ; and, in his cir- 
cumstances, it was impracticable : For many qow 
supported him from a thorough conviction of the 
truth of hisprotestation-^that he aimed at no ag- 
grandisement, but merely at the establishment of 
that just republic for which they had all fought and 


bled-^— and would have instantly fallen off from/bim 
bad be manifested sucb a purpose. 

Tbe demand of tbe army for an immediate dis- Cromwdi 
solution, not baving been complied witb^ Crom- JMrlia]^^^ 
well, wbo afterwards confessed that be knew of tbe ^^^^* 
purpose to dissolve, persuaded Harrison, Ricb, and 
some otber independent and ^ virtuous, thougb, in 
this instance, sbort-sigbted men, tbat tbe declara- 
tion by tbat assembly was a mere pretext, tbeir ob- 
ject being to reduce tbe army, wben tbey migbt 
perpetuate tbeir power without obstruction as tbey 
would not fail to discover a reason for recalling tbe 
vote and . continuing tbeir authority. In this way 
he obtained tbeir concurrence to bis designs 
against that assembly, if it should not save him the 
trouble and danger by dissolving itself. News 
having been brought to him by Colonel Ingolsby 
that some fresb business would require other 
meetings, (for he had flattered himself tbat the par* 
liament would dissolve,) be determined to delay 
no longer. Having, therefore ordered a body of 
three hundred soldiers to attend him, be placed 
some in tbe lobby, others on tbe stairs, and, with 
Harrison, entered the bouse. There be met with 
St. John, to whom he lamented tbe sad but neces- 
sary duty devolved upon him, — ^a duty which 
grieved bim to the soul, and which be had earnest- 
ly, and with tears, beseecbed tbe Lord not to im- 
pose on him, but which was unavoidable for the 
glory of God. He then took his seat, and listened 
for some time to the debate y when, beckoning to 

S46 HISTORY Of TRt; MITtSK SltniKt. 

HatrlMDi ht told him that ht now eottcdved it ia 
be the time for the execution of hii purpOM. 
<« Sir/' said Harritoti, ^< the work is very gte&t and 
dangelxHls t I desire you seriously to consider be^^ 
fore you engage in it/' << You say well/' returned 
Cromwell, and kept his stet for about a quartei" of 
an hour ; but when the vote wa» to be put on the 
subject befbre the house^^-^which re^rded the act 
of di8Solutiof!,*i^e said to Harrison, <* now is the 
time, I must do it i^ and, UtaKing up^ be loaded 
the asi»embly with every species of abuse, telling 
them they had sat long euough there for all the 

good they had done : That they had eiipomed the 
corrupt interests of presbyterians aud lawyers; aUd 
that they had only adopted the measure! of dissolu' 
tion when they perceived it could tiOt be longer 
avoided; but that^ were the necessity removed, 
they would recal what they had done : That some 
of them wei'e whoremadters, and on thlsbelook^. 
ed to tienry Martin aild Sir Peter Wentwortii, 
who bad incurred the reproach of irregular Iives^->^ 
reproach very probably, at least, much increased, 
by their exposing the adultery act : That oth^ra 
were drunkards, and some corrupt aud unjust^ as 
Well as scandalous to the profession of the gospel ; 
and that it was not fit they should Contimie fongef 
as a parliament ^ t tell you,^' said he, stamping 
furiously, and pacing up and down the hdUse,-'^<< t 
teli you, you are no Idnger a parliament Taking 
Up the mace, he said, ^ what &hsdl we do with this 
bauble ? here, take it away/* The speaker kept 


his seat ; but ^fttrisoti led bim out. Some Mem- 
bers rose to atiswer Cromwell, and viodioate thdr 
integrity : he, however, would allow no one to speak 
but himself, " which,'* says Whitelocke, «« he did 
with so mueh arrogance in himself, ^nd reproach 
to his Mow members, that some of his privadoes 
were ashamed of it/' Sir Harry Vane ejtolaimed, 
«< this is not honest, yea it is against morality and 
common honesty ;'' but Cromwell fell a railing, 
crying out, " Oh, Sir Harry Vane, Sir Harry 
Vane, the 1/Ord deliver me from Sir Harry Vane !'• 
«« It is you," said he to the house, that have forced 
me to this ; for I have sought the Lord night and 
day that he would rather slay me than put me to 
this.** Alderman Allen told him that matters were 
not yet irretrievable ; that if the soldiers were dis- 
missed^ all might be well ^^' but Cromwell having 
gone too ikr to recede, instantly changed his 
tone, and charged the Alderman with the em- 
lie2S2:lement of some hundred thousand pounds, 
which, as treasurer of the navy, he alleged Allen 

had not accounted for; and Ordered him into 
custody. Allen coolly Replied, *« that it was well 
known not to have been his fkult that the ac- 
counts wei^e not yet passed, as they had been re- 
peatedly tendered to the house/^ 

Having acted this ti'eacherous p&tt, he ordered 
the guard to clear the house, and carried off the 
records with his own hands. Amongst these was 
the bill for dissolution, which, as he had now an 
opportunity of misrepresenting it, he gave out. 


nvas calculated to qontmue the present parliament 
by filling up the vacant seats, and then, by rotation,, 
to allow new elections for so many places at a 

In the afternoon, the council of state met ; but 
Cromwell, accompanied with Lambert and Harri- 
son, repaired thither, and told them that, if they 
met as private persons, they might sit unmolested ; 
but that there was no place for them in an official 
capacity : That they could not be ignorant of what 
had occurred in the morning, and that their powers 
had determined with the parliament. Bradshaw 
answered him thus : *^ Sir, we have heard what 
you did in the morning, and before many hours 
all England will hear of it ; but. Sir, you are mis- 
taken to think that the parliament is dissolved j 
,for. no power under heaven can dissolve thena 
but themselves.'' Sir Arthur Hazlerig, Mr. Love^ 
and Mr. Scot, spoke to the same efiect} but, as 
there was no contending with military violencej 
they departed. 

The council of war liad no sooner heard of 
this strange occurrence, than it met to take it un* 
der its most serious consideration; but Cromwell 
informed them that the business was done : and» 
still continuing the mask, he professed more self- 
denial than ever, assuring Colonel Okey, and other 
upright dHcers, who desired satisfaction in a mea- 
sure which they conceived to be fraught with pub* 
lie ruin, that he would do more good than could be 
expected of the parliament. This constrained 


them to silence, but Okey, still dissatisfied, inquired 
of ' Desborough what could be his meaning for thus, 
dissolving the parliament with such sconi, when 
he had publicly opposed the petition of the army ? 
Desborough replied, " that if ever he had drolled 
in his lifei^e had drolled them.'' 

" Thjus,'* says Whitelocke, " it pleased God that 
this q^embly, famous through the world for its un-^ 
dertakings, actions, and successes, having sub- 
diied all their enemies, were themselves overthrown 
^and ruined by their servants ; and those whom 
"^ they had raised pulled down their masters." But 
as a great portion of the people were deceived, he 
is not correct in saying that ** all honest and in- 
different men wSre disgusted at this unworthy ac- 
tion ;" a great portion of the clergy rejoiced ; most 
of the officers of the army were pleased ; and the 
cavaliers, who, expecting that the dominion of 
an individual would ultimately lead to the re-esta- 
blishment of the old dynasty, and its principles, 
and consequently of their own power, were elated 
with the event. The Dutch, too, who are said to 
have been busily intriguing to efiect the object, 
now flattered themselves with the prospect of a 
speedy peace, since the public burdens, which had 
been cheerfully borne for the general good, would 
be productive of discontent when the people per- 
ceived that they served only to exalt a treacherous 
individual. The commissioners of the navy, how- 
ever, though they detested the usurpation of Crom- 
\ well, determined to continue their office to humble 


a foreign enemy ; and to their jodicious exertions 
are to be attributed the farther achievementaof the 
British navy •• .. ^^ 

* Whitdocke, p. 660, et seq. Ludlow^ vol. u* pw 450, et seq. 
Clar. vol. Ti. p. 457 et seq, ; but Clueiidon b not to^ M^depended on. 
Tburioe'a State Pipo^ yoL L p« «S^, S49, CoU FirL fiKUt voL iii. 
p. U31, e< 409* Old Paii Bint* TqI* »• p. ISS^ e^ l^. 


CHAP. xm. 



State offks Niriim wtd^r Crofim^s UmrfKUum^-^nre^ 

mti BothtnA.'r^noih^ ParU(;^mcnt^^IfMurreQtiffn qf 
the ftoKQlMt^^ — StoU qf Europe^ and war with Smm,"^ 
CromweW* third Parliament'-f^Humble Petition and Ad" 
vic^.'^DiMolution of Parliament. ^^State of the Nation. 
"Conquest ^Jamaua. — Swcess and death ^Biake.^^ 
Capture of Dunkirk.^^tdineM and Death of Crom- 

rTHOUGH Cromwell usui^ped tbe sovereign power, 
he was not in a condition to become absolute. 
The immense diflbsion of political knowledge^ with 
the more equal distribution of property, had so 
deeply fixed the principles of freedom in the pub- 
lic mind, that he never could expect to eradicate 
them ; and he was well aware that his army, with- 
out the support of a considerable portion of the 
community, would be soon inadequate to preserve 
his pre*<eminenee* It was by traducing the late 
parliament, as occupied only with contemplating^ 
the means to perpetuate their own power, and to 


promote the individual interests of the members, 
and by his ardent professions of patriotism, and real 
or affected zeal for a general liberty of conscience, 
that he succeeded in blinding the public eye to his 
selfish views of aggrandizement, while he does not 
seem himself to have projected more than to esta- 
blish himself on the throne, under limitations short 
of the theory of the old government, and sauctioned 
by new parliaments. By balancing parties, he re- 
tained power for five years ; but, even during that 
period, he was exposed to endless plots, and obli- ^ 
ged to delude the people, with, at least, the sem- 
blance of liberty, while, by the selection of eminent 
lawyers to fill the bench, he, (till the appointment 
of the major-general of the twelve districts marred 
his plans,) endeavoured to attach the great body of 
the population, by the strict dispensation of justiqe, 
and the most ample enjoyment of civil, though not 
of political liberty. To the royalists he held out 
the hope of enjoying under him, the exclusive 
privileges which they possessed under the late dy- 
nasty, and insinuated his dislike of measures pur- 
sued by the parliament, as tending to confound 
ranks : the presbyterians he flattered with the pros- 
pect of securing them fully in their tithes, as well 
as in the ecclesiastical power : to the independ- 
ents he inveighed against the parliament's slow- 
ness to reform abuses, civil and ecclesiastical, ac- 
cusing them of carnal self-seeking, and undue at-, 
tachment to the intolerant form of presbyteries* 
Many of the republicans he for some time decei-- 
ved, by assurances that his only object was the es« 


t&bljshment of that pure commonwealth for which 
they had struggled, but which he represented as 
unattainable under the late parliament. The 
very catholics, against whom he had railed; so 
furiously, were now assured that the penal laws 
would be suspended. In the progress of his go- 
vernment, as one party aimed at . his destruction, 
he endeavoured to alarm all the others, and terrify 
them into a union with him, in order to crush 
a faction whose success would be so pernicious to 
themselves. To the presbyterians, he insinuated, 
that as the success of the royalists,*- on the one 
side, would be attended with the re-establishment 
of episcopacy and the service-book, they would 
not only lose their livings, but. be exposed to se- 
vere vengeance for having so long enjoyed them, 
to the exclusion of the others; and, on the other 
hand, that the success of the independents and 
commonwealth's men would probably lead to some 
arrangement prejudicial to their right of tithes. 
To the independents he held out the prospect of 
intolerance under the presbyterians^ and, if the 
royalists succeeded, under the hierarchy, with the 
danger of vengeance from the ascendency of men 
ivho had been so long infuriated by successful op- 
position. The republicans, whom he most dread- 
ed, he alarmed with the terror of an uncondition- 
al restoration of the exiled family, accompanied 
with murders, banishments, and confiscations. 
The royalists stood thus much alone, and he in- 
spired them with fear of joining the presbyterians, 

VOL. IV. 2 a 


(Us he hiad tJone the presbyteriatis of joinitig with 
thiein,) representing that, how much soever the 
ptesbyterians might be disposed to Restore the ex- 
fted family, it was only on condition of the king's 
submitting to their t^tni!*^ which were absolutely 
iYitotefimt to all the 6avali(ers. thb balancing of 
putties wail hiis safety ^ iand ^le coadjutors per*- 
fbrmed th^ -oi^eitisible part. 
The «m. Many cie^nsultations werfe li^ld by Oomwfell and 

vention* ^ uy 

cmued apar-his x^icefs d^otft tfio wturfe fbi^m of govefttment ; 
B^mo^ed. and he pi*et6iKied at first to lambent that hie had 
jj^ig53. incnited a responsibiiity beyond his poweW, and 
which e^x^i^d him to many temptations. 1^ 
rtfply ^of Miyor Salow^y evinces the spirH of the 
man,^nd Wa&^ot calculated to flatter the general \ 
•* The way to free yD«i from these temptations, iS 
lot ybu not to loc* fipon ybutiself tobe undet* theiti; 
but to cdnl^der tihat tihe poWer is in the good peio^ 
Jple of Engkn^, as it ffertnerfy was/' Varkmft 
pkn^s iat the e^xe^tive vi^^ prq)dsed i Lambeit 
Was for Testing it in twel^ councillors, HarriMti 
$A ^sefVenVy, in ihn^ati^ 'Of «he Jewish SanbedHm % 
f^, alfter imiich cojfK^u1tatiota> the ;e:x^i«atodm^y 
dei^^ice w^i^ adO|]ited of sumfmoning a per&Oli ftoAi 
«v^ry ^^nt;^, to w^m t\\m\A he s«(bim«ted tthj^ 

^ftiand ^niM:illlUtkm «of this fMAt^ gove^nme 

9%6 Wiitu "mm^ ^tt%t& m the name of i|^6 g 

^1, frii if>he :had bei^ ft I90<rere%n ^Itibty imd>Su 
*eletit^d tt& tti^t be am^MmH koim views ;b 
tliough 'tMs dl^vifee Wftfe ai*opted, iliere se^tttt 
be'lKlile groiitfd ^f^ il^Ye iri^ottle cast upm fhe^tt 
sembly, as composed m^^y of men raised from th 

menmoi/fc or ras BfttfisH iicrntEu SS6 

iowesc MraUoi c£ life, nnd altogether desti^te of tibe 
intelligence necessary for their sttuatioo. Tiieiie 
wi»re in the ass^&My several men of koown difltjiw- 
tton, antl it would have defeated Cromwell^ o«n 
adheme to have brought forward so infeiifir |t 
class, wh^n it was his object to jdbtatn such a 10- 
cpgnitioa of his power, as might lemove the odium 
cif usttipation, and make his goviemment xesped- 

When this assembfy met, Cromwell addressed ^^^ ^ 
them in a long and artfoi speech, though in some ^' 
things he seems to have laboui^ to be ttninteiligi- 
Ue, while he desired them to encourage % pKns 
imiUBtiy, and congratuliuted them is introduetoiy 
to the ireign <3£ the saints. ' To this aasemUy was 
|>ropQsed an sostavment of gbverament, by wfaieh 
the executive iiras to be vested in a council crfTortrf^ 
e&envaiids iinuted tothirty^ode, ofwhomwiie iwere 

assemblj/'^ys ibis autUar> ^ had mamj^te^agopdaffisetiQAlbr |he 
public; l)ut some &ere were among Hxem who were brou^^t in as 
ftffkn and tte pann ors ; iM diottgli ^y ImbA hem alirays-txft die c6tt« 
nary jparty^ nacfe iilieJU^gfifil: f retft))si^ll^ to h«m|tBr ^14. j|4ieifnMce 
f)f the nation. This assembfy^ thei;efore^ was «wptpo«edj for th# i^o^t 
part of honest and wdl^meaning persons^" and Clarendon allows tl^ere 
waee seme 4neii •of 4iBli!ietioiiamei^ them ; b|it alQeges i^ rart ^ett 
sS Jew. We. «hfll flftervmnda (dry bni cQiinpepteioM <«i tdyp fiiljwi. 
Wliitei0c1^.saysj 4nd hb impartiiUty is admitted by aDj while hjli 
dpportonides Were questionless the be^t^r— ^' It was much ^roQ^l^i^by 
SomeiliatlSiese genClemeB^ numy qflhejte beif^ persons xf fortune and 
imhfleglge, weadi itt ^jdsmvmmfmBg aqi £rom theco kaavdsylwke iiqpnt 
thooa. jib^ supreme aujdiozlty of the nation^" p. 659. Wisre CJ«e^^ 
don's account^ which has been so adopted by Hiune> correct;, the con- 
doidon would just be> itbat Cromwell was insane»-^nce, instead of ad<ii 
i^audng his object^ that would have inevitably ruined it. 

2 a2 


to be a quorum. The convention appointed various 
' comihittees for public affitirs, with power to inquire 
into the. abuses of -church and state, and Uieimeans 
:cf rectifying them. These committees were pro- 
posed by Cromwell's friends, .iand the pretended 
object was to have the law reformed, and the 
church reduced to a niore evangelical constitution ; 
but bodies of men, however selected, are not to be 
depended upon by any individual in power, unless 
he have the means of .retaining them as his instru- 
ments: by immediate Interests, or by the prospect 
of honours and rewards for themselves and their 
&m^ies; and this convention, having been invest- 
ed with authority, taught Cromwell that it knew 
:how.t6 exercise it* . The committees .on law and 
religion alarmed bothi the lawyers and the clergy ; 
andJCromwell,^ who perceived. that. the conventioft 
really proceeded with vindicate 
its own authority, and reform what it deemed to 
be amiss, used all his influence to terrify these 
'bodies ' into an union with him against this new 
power,; whose immoderate.zeaU he predicted, would 
otherwise bring every thing into confusion. Nay, 
he had the effrontery to allege, that he was 
afraid of their proceeding to extirpate even the 
law and the gospel, and subvert the rights of pro- 
perty, alleging, as a proof of the lastj that they 
denied the patron's right of presentation to eccle- 
siastical benefices, and were for vesting it in the 
parishioners. A powerful body, however, percei- 
ved it to be their interest to support Cromwell 


agaihst tUe convention; for it was proposed by 
some,' that, as the great officers of the army had al- 
ready made plentiful estates out of the pubH6 
•stock, they should thereafter serve without pay ; 
which waiB evidently intended for the removal of of- 
ficei^ whose interest with the military wais thought 
dangerous to the static; that the salaries of officers of 
the excise and clfetbms should be reduced j and the 
exorbitant fees of the law diminished ; and that all 
who solicited places should be considered incapa- 
ble of holding them: but there was one grand 
measure proposed, that of abolishing the -court of 
chancery, -jvrhich gave the handle that Cromwell 
wanted to charge them with an intention to over- 
turn all the legal authbrities in the country, arid 
.which has generally afforded a subject of ridicule 
to historians. In forming a judgment on siich'a 
question, it is necessary not only to inquire into the 
origin of that court, but into its condition a,nterior 
to that .period. This court has unquestionably 
been found extremely useful in granting, relief^ in 
oases where the ordinary courts of law have no 
cognizance ; but it cannot be denied that, by a new 
arrangement, the necessity for such a tribunal,-^ 
which owes its power to the strict technicalities ob- 
served in the ordinary courts, and the limited na- 
ture of their jurisdiction, — might be superseded. 
The first object of the coiirt was to temper strict 
law with equity ; but a long train of decisions has 
now reduced the principles of equity into such 
a clear body of law, that the judge is no longer at 

2 A3 


to follow out hJB pwBi abfltnct views of jus* 
tice i while the subject can ev^ ref isr to th»t body 
x>f law for the regulaUon of )us owft cooductt and 
rely with confidence on a deoisioo» whenever a si- 
milar case has alreac^ been d6kerAi«ed# But it 
would be the last degree pf unfairness to pass judg- 
ment upon the views of men in a former age by 
standard of our own timesi when ekcumstanGes are 
completely altered^ At a former period* the courts 
of law and the court of cbanceiy had ever been 
wrangling about their respective jurtadictions. It 
14 true that the chancellor might then oecasionally 
Wftlk; by a precedent i but, generally speaking, 
t^e waSr/ under the pretext of equity^ no injus- 
tice tQO gross not to be qommitted^ and the man 
who bribed higfa^t was sure c^ gainii^ his caose.^ 
The corruption of 'Bs^on is well knowO) and, af- 
ter bis faU, the house of the Puke of Budcingham 
was a general r^i^rt fQr litigants in chancery, 
while bis retainers^ in defiance of every principle 
of honesty, besieged the c^rt, that^ by their ^e- 
jsence, they might overawe the judge to decide ac- 
cording to their master's mandate. It is perfectly 
evident then, that the court of chancery at that 
periodi and the court of chancery now, agree only 
in name; hence the historians, who ridicule the con- 
vention upon the ground of their design to abolish 
this court, as if it had been the same with that 
now known under the same denomination, are ei- 
ther unacquainted with the spirit of that age, or 
guilty of an imposition by the abuse of words. — 

In the course of the debate on that subject, the 


HISTORY OF TH£ fi^RiTIS^ J^l^PtHS,. 3^ 

court was prpnQmice(i th43 gT^at^pt gmvmQ^ W tim 
nation ; and it w^s m4. tb^t,^ for 4il^<>Fiine$»> Mt^A 
blei^ding the pi^oplQ tp their atjter p#nsI>(R|f ^a4 
yndqing, it might QQXt^e yfiti^ if »Qt S^rPftiB**, 
any court in the world; it vg$ cgn^dfntly q^; 
firmed, by a gentleman of worth, th^t th^rfj wf re, 

at that moment, before that court,, nearly three 
thousand causes, some of which had depended fpf 
five, some ten, some twenty,, §ome thirty ye^r^i and 
even more : That many thousand pounds h^, to 
the utter ruin of families, been spent on these 
causes ; and that there occurred* in almost every 
f^%tioxk before the ordinary tribunals, a preifcpxt for 
carrying it thither, where the remedy was wgrse 
than the disease, as what was done one day wais 
icontradicted the next» so that, in som^ oases, 
there bad been no fewer than five hundred differ- 
ent orders ; the consequenae of which wa^ that 
most causes never came to a decisi/on at ali, but 
ended in a reference, when the litigants had no 
longer money to continue the process. Surely 
i»ich a sU^ of things as this required a remedy * i 

* Old PvL Hist vol. XX. p. 108-9. 

The statement in tbe text^ presents a complete answer to the 
defence so inju^ciously set up for Bacon — that he was hrlbed merely 
intoiateriocutory ord^p^ and not final judgments^ asfexirof his de^ 
cbions were reversed; gince^ hy such a coursej, he really ipflicted 
grosser injustice than by deciding unfairly at once. It is^ indeet;!, 
extraordinary^ that such a plea should have been urged for that great 
pfailogopher^ but prc^lgate member of society. Can any injustice 
he more heinous than that of keeping a man out of his right, rul- 
ing his family by tedious litigation, and enormous expense ; though 
the judge> to save his own character, does not put his hand to the 
final judgment ? But I do not comprehend what is meant by reversal 


and though men of great ability at this moment 

held the seals as commissioners, Whitelocke, Wid- 

drington, and Lenthall, yet the proposal to appoint 

commissioners, under new powers, to decide the 

causes, which was intended, appears to have been 

at least not very objectionable. 

The eon- Having gained many parties in the convention, 

surrender as wcU as out of doors, Crom Well determined to put 

^cr*to" a period to an assembly which threatened to blast 

^^ig^* his own prospects, and, in particular, to abridge 


in the house of lords^ when the same judge was to sit oh the wool- 
sack, supported by all the corrupt influence of the crown, to hear and 
determine those very causes, vrhich he had already so hasely dedded 
in the court below. I am the more particular on this subject, in con- 
sequence of the attempt which is too visible in certain precise gentle- 
men, to uphold Bacon's moral character from the splendour of his 
philosophicaL These gentlemen would, I suppose, even defend his 
ungrateful and treacherous conduct to Essex, who had patronized 
him when his own friends would not, and had bestowed on him a 
good estate as a gratuitous donation, and whom he yet, afterwards, in 
order to ingratiate himself with the queen, acted against as an adviser, 
a lawyer, and an author. The precise gentlemen, however, who thus 
unscrupulously defend the character of Bacon, deceive themselves, if 
they imagine that their own motives for thus clinging to a philosophicai 
name can escape detection. Virtue, forsooth, ever accompanies genius ; 
but they are virtuous, and therefore men of genius ; while, if their ge- 
nius be acknowledged, their failings must be overlooked ! There is 
not, in my opinion, any practice more baneful to society than thus de- 
fending the errors of genius, since young men, who have little talent 
to boast of, encourage themselves in vice and irregularities, in imita- 
tion of those whom they are taught to admire. It is common for, 
though unfortunate and injudicious in, certain bodies of men, to d^ 
fend a false brother of their party, out of a fear of bringing reproach 
upon the whole class: by casting him off, however, they would prevent 
the possibility of imputation against their party ; by screening the 
guilty, they encourage others to similar acts, and thus justly fasten the 


tbe power of the army. He therefore gained a 
corrupt party, with the speaker, Mr. Rous6, who 
wa« provost of Eton college, at their head, to meet 
at an early hour, and resign their authority into 
his hands. Some, however, suspecting the de- 
sign, attended the meeting, and^ in a long debate, 
vindicated. their proceedings. They argued that, 
all the public enemies being subdued, there was 
no necessity for continuing so large a ihHitary 
force ; that, as to the reformation of the law and 
the church, it was the object for which they had 
been called together ; and little did it become 
those who condemned them now to use the laii- 
guage they did, since they had been the very men 
to advise : stilt , stronger measures than the house 
had . contemplated : That, as to the allegation, 
that, because they proposed to take the power of 
presentation from the patron and confer it on 
the parishioners, they invaded the right of private 
property-^it was unfounded, since the parishion- 
ers who supported, ought in all fairness to have 
the right of electing the minister; and the prac- 
tice of the patron's obtruding one upon them, came 
fraught with the consequences of his having it in 
his power to prescribe religion to the parish. As 
the debate continued, the house began to fill, and 
Cromwell's creatures, dreading the result, ex- 
claimed, that this was not a time for debate, but 
for considering the means of avoiding the evils 
which had been complained of. But Mr. Rouse, 
the speaker, took the most effectual course to 


serve the iwirper : leaving the house, with the rest 
of the cabalf be repaired to Whitehall, and stated 
to the general that, a9 they had been called toge^ 
ther, as well as entrui^ted with pawer by the araiy, 
for the public good, and now perceived their ina^ 
bility to perform what had been expected of them, 
they resigned their authority into his hands from 
whom they had rece^ived it 

The rest of the convention coutinued together 
until they were dismissed by a guard. Among 
these was Harrison, who, like Milton and many 
qthers, had been deluded by the ardent professions 
of Cromwell to assist him io usurping power, and 
of whom^ to make the meeting appear ridiculous 
a foolish and unautbenticated story is told, that 
the guard having asked what they were about, he 
answered that they were seeking the Lord in 
prayer ; to which the other replied, iiiat they must 
seek theXx)rd elsewhere, for to hi9 knowledge he 
had not been there for a long while- To ridicule 
this convention, too, it has be^n ironically called 
Barebones' parliament, from the circumstance of 
one of the members having that paixonymic, with 
the Christian name of Praise-God* This species 
of Christian name is alleged to have been com-* 
mon; and we are informed by Mr« Hume, that 
the pretended saints changed their names from 
James, Anthony, &;c. to scripture phrases ; the fact, 
however, is, that it was not the individuals who 
changed their names, but the parents, according to a 
practice which had subsisted for some time, that gave 



Bucb names at d^Hsteniiig iiheit c\iMre% eotieeiv- 
ing that the doariakiaii name coald i(H>t be better 
Aotived than from th^ fountain of Christianity. 

Crbmweli used 9& his influeiice \frftb the iud^ 
pendent members to prevail on them to subscribe 
a renunciation of their power, but they resolutely 
refused it; and he diflcovered^ what was to him a 
fuelarichcJy truth, that a convention, summoned 
by his own authority, and composed even of indi- 
viduals of his own selei^ion, wa^ not to be con<- 
verted into an instrument for conffrmitig his 
power. The circumstance, however, is Uie less to 
be wondened at, when we reflect, tb^t he had no 
fiieans of gaining or retaining the affections of in- 
dividuals by places, jobs, and pensions. Some 
new device, therefore, was requisite, ^nd it was 
isoon reswted toj but before we proceed to the 
relation of that,, we must detail the events which, 
jia the meantime, occurred in the Dutch war *• 

* HiiBie*8 accmiBt df th6 paraeeedii^ of this astemHy its jNirtly sup- 
ported; by Cla3tead(My {Mtitly i^thoul the shadow of authority^ and, 
opoii the whole, uttetly groundless. Hiers is no foundation fdt his 
BtBtement rdatife to the law ; on the contrary^ they took up die 
gromid of their predecessors, the Long Parliament. His statement 
rela^re to the derical fknetion, is IHcewise unfounded ; and tithes 
were expvessly voted to he the right of incumbents. See Journals, 
which, from certain pencil marks, I am satisfied Hume had before 
Mttu Those who know any thing of the law of marriage, will not 
be surprised at bdng told, that it was allowed to be constituted by a 
juitice before witnesses ; but that a proper reccnrd of marriages and 
baptiona wasio be kept; and a pardmient certificate granted by the 
magistrate on the marriage. The civil law, the canon law— the law 
of Bnglaad, prior to the marriage act, all held that marriage is consti- 
tuted by the mere consent of the parties^ as well as facie ecclesios ; and 


Naval suct 


Notwithstanding the dissolutiim of the Long 
Parliament by Cromwell, the commissiotiers of the 
navy, who had been' nominated by the legislatiire, 
conceived it to be their duty to continue in the 

Bttcbi is the law of Scotland at this day. On this subject^ I cannot 
xefrain'fzom zeferdog to the admirable speech of Sir William Scott, 
now Lord Stowell^ in the case of Gordon v, Dakymple, a speech 
which does equal credit to the scholar^ the lawyer^ and the philosopher. 
' What Hume says about the notion entertained of rooting out 
the Putch^ as wOrldly*minded men, is utterly groundless. He 
quotes Thurloe's State Papers^ and the following passage is the 
one he relies on. It is a letter from a Mr.. Edward Bernard to 
tStricdand^ dated Adle^ 4th June^ 1653^ (the parliament ' did not 
meet tiU 4th July^) in which the writer gives ^ an account of a'great 
naval victory, and proceeds thus: '^ The very noyse of the gunn^ 
which was heard very plaine for three. days together in some of these 
parts, hath strucke a very great tern»: into moste hearts; insoemuch, 
that the mostejudftious amongst them doe begin to-conMder^ andif» 
cowtempktte, in case these two mighty potentates should join together, 
what would become of the kings of the earth. Doubtless BabUon is 
upon his faD, and that is likely to be the success and issue of this 
warre with Holland ; aUho/ugh it is strong upon my hearte to oondude, 
that the Hollander is not yet low enough to helpe to carry on the 
work that God hath cut out for them to doe. They minde only the 
carryinge on off their trade. They judge that worke enough for them 
to doe ; but I am confident God, in his due time, wiUJU themjbr high-^ 
er employment" VoL i. p. 2753-3. This is the sort -of ' evidenoe which 
Mr. Hume thinks fit to adduce in proof of his assertion' that the 
parliament meant to exterminate the Dutch ! In p. Ji91, also refieried 
to there is not one syllable to countenance the statement; and as 
Mr. Hume's pencil mark is also there, I cannot conceive what he wa^ 
dreaming about.— Scobell's Collection. 

Clarendon's relation does little credit to his veradty ; but that is 
not extraordinary. He accuses them of being enemies of the univer- 
sities and of learning, &c. aU without the slightest cause. See Harrises 
Life of Cromwell, p. 330, et seq» Ludlow, vol. ii. p. 463, et seq, 
Whitelocke, p. 559, et seg. In Silvester^s Life of Baxter, we have a 
severe charge against the convention, but an unfounded one, of 


discharge of the important function committed to 
, them, since there was a wide difference between 
measures Tequisite to reduce la foreign enemy to 
reasonable conditions, and such as tended to the 
expression of* the people at home,* or the support 
<rf unlawful authority. An alliance which had 
been projected, was effected with Sweden, t which 
enabled the English to procure the materials for 
&hip»building on easy- terms, and a fleet, superior 
to any which had yet appeared in England, was 
equipped. The Dutch were no less active, and their 
effi>rts were prodigious. On the 3d of June, 1653, 
the English fleet, consisting of ninety^five men of 
war; and five fire-ships, under the command, of 
Moncke and' Dean, assisted by Penn and Law- 
son, encountered the Dutch fleet, consisting of 
ninety-eight sail, and seven fireships, under. the 
•command of i :Van/ Tromp,. De Wit, : and De 
Itu^ter J and: the contest continued for two days, 

. . . • t ■'■■■■. ' k . -  . 

* - » I ' ' ' ' ' ' ' f»» 

their having.end&avoujed to byerturn the- established' xainii^try. The 
sfone author^ howeyer^ ri^culea the idea, of the alleged leveUeTs eyer 
dreaming of equalizing property. See Olar. rol. yi. p. 481^ et seg. 
Old Pari. Hist, vol; xx, p. 151^ et seq. Cob. vol. iiL Bat mdeed, 
when, we consider the testinumy borne by Hume himself^ infayoiir of 
Wliitelocke^ there cannot be conceiyed a shadow of excuse for him* 
See about tithes^ p. 57D. See Journals^ which entii'ely contradict Cla- 
rendon's' statement;— -Barebones^ too, would rather appear to haVe 
been a ^ man of coosequcince ;-*-8ee Whitdocke* There was a pa3?ty in 
the nation who conceiyed that every man should not only be allowed to 
chujse his own' religion, but contribute, as he himself thought proper, 
towards -the support of the pastor whose duties he exacted. The party, 
however, does not appear to have, been' great. Yet let us not despise 
ihe opinion ; but remember that it has been taken up by Dr. Adam 
Smith himself as a sound one, and been acted upon suc^ssfully in a 
vBSi emiare^the United States of America. 




S66 HUTOBT oar thk britisr svpire. 

wllb unremittidg fiiry: the English "were^ as 
ustMk!, Sucoeaaful, the enemy haying been driven, 
with great lo96» into tlieir imrbJ9Uf»-4mt their 
joy was not uaAlloyed, as they lost Dem, a stea* 
dy F^ubiican, and some other brave i^cers. 
Peace became more than ever necessary to liie 
atates, and they had dispEdicfaed ambassadors to tbe 
late conventicm, called a parliament ; but the terms 
proposed fay the English were deemed too rigad, 
while a plan for mcoiTotating the two republics 
was rejected* The negociation, therefore* failed ; 
and the Dutch gave a fconvinicifig proof of their 
Tast resourses, by soon fitting out a fleet of a hin>- 
dred axid forty sail, of whidi many were larger 
than any they had hitherto bailt ThiB Jninipnge 
fleet having been sent to ^a^ was opposed on their 
own tnast by an English one of ninety sail, oom- 
manded by Moncke, Lawson, and Bsnn; wteaa 
hattle,. still more bioody than any of the preceding^ 
was fought ; and the Dutch having lost their ad- 
miral, Van Tromp, who feii by « musket-shot, and 
twenty-four of their ships^ with 4000 men in kifl- 
edL and 1000 as prisoners^ retired : £ut they bad 
done mich damage to their adversaries, that they 
were unable to follow up tlneir success, and were 
«ven obliged to qmt that coast The £ngtisb» baiF^ 
«v^, only lost one ship in the engagement, and 
700 men. These reiterated losses by the Dutch, 
jcaified up in the slates hostility to the preR^ailing 
|>arty there, and aSbrded the Orange l^tc^m a pre- 
text for turning meh^s eyes towards the y oui^g 
prince as a resource against their domefiEtic ad(» 


vetsaries^ for their miiimangexnent c^ puUie affiurs. 
Peace vraus not cooduded between the two com- 
monwealths till the protectorate, and therefore we 
muist return ta our relation of civil transactions *« 

The hypocritical pretences of Cromwell for dis- New fimn 
solving the Long Parliament, and his ardeat pro- ^cST*^* 
fessionis of desiring only the pnblic good, had mis- 
led a great portion of the people $ but, when they 
perceived that, instead of callkig a parliament 
duly eledied, to take the full management of af- 
fairs out of his hands, he summoned a number of 
individuals, selected by bimsdf for their supposed 
aptitude to promote his designs, they began to al- 
ter dieir ^ophrion of the usurper. The respectabi- 
lity of many of tiie members, however, wUdi 
Cromwell was ob%ed to attend to as the very ba- 
sis of lyis oschane, inadie them suiqpend their judg- 
mmt till they saw the result of that assembly's de- 
liberations; but when they perceived that even 
this meeting must be ignominiously dissolved, be* 
canse it asserted a right to independence, and de- 
vfited itself to the affairs of the commonwealth, in<- 
Btead of ipromoting the unprincipled views of the 
inah who had cong!regated them, their confidence 
in him was, in a mamner lost, while die members 
>etui«ied to their respective connties to spread dis- 
aatis&ctton sA &etr treatment. .But his ambition 

* Xtdlon;, vol. 1 !». ACSf€tsiq> Clar. roLii. p« 487. Thuxloe's 
State Pap^rs^ voL i. j». 272, et seq. Whitdocke, p. 536, et seq. Old 
¥ttfL nidt. 'vol. -XX. p. 193. Oombld^s Ltfe c^ Months, p. 5S, H seq. 
WSaa&t'^ Do. p. 4d. McsucV^e aiid De&n were ifi die timie ship. La^ir- 
fiOD, JordaB, XjroodflQii, performed the most {N:ai8ew(Nrt|iy service m 
the Arst occadon. 


soon manifested, itself in stronger colours. The 
title of general did not suit his arrogant preten- 
sions, and a new scheme of government must be 
devised, and a higher character assumed by him. 
After the dissolution of the late convention, there- 
' fore, a new plan of government was prepared by 
Lambert,, which, as it differed little from the old 
theory of the cohstitution, . it is not surprising 
should have, been conceived, as it is reported to 
have been, in four days. When this form was pro- 
posed, in the council of ofiicers, Lambert, accord- 
ing to concert, . expatiated upon the mischiefs 
which. had. accrued from the republican form, of 
government, and . the necessity of appointing one 
executive magistrate, who should hold his office 
not only, under certain restrictions, but the usual 
control of parliament : the proposition was not 
heard with the spirit which had been '. expect- 
ed: Some of the council, who had never anticipat- 
ed stich a result to all their labours, finding it to 
be inrpossible to frustrate the project of nominat- 
ing one chief magistrate, insisted : that . the office 
should not be vested either in any of the exiled 
family or a general. It was not deemed expedient 
at tliat meeting to agitate, that point farther ; but 
the new scheme was carried, and the council of 
istate nominated. .The arrangement, was to this 
purpose : That the legislative power was to be pre- 
served for the people, and exercised through their 
representatives, in conjunction with the individual 
who, with monarchical power, should hold only the 
humble name of protector: That a parliament 


should be elected every third year, according to 
the arrangement devised by the Lotig Pajrliament^ 
and that each should be entitled to sit five months 
without interruption, the first meeting td take 
place on the 3d of September following : That 
every bill be presented to the protector for his «s« 
sent ; but that, in the event of its cwtaiqing no- 
thing subversive of the constitution, it was^ after 
it had been submitted to him twenty days, to have 
the force *of a law, whether he agreed to it or not; 
if, however, it afiected any principle of the con- 
stitution, a negative should be allowed to him ; 
That the executive power should be vested in the 
protector and his council, though the power over 
the militia should be jointly Iddged with the protec- 
tor and parliament ; and with regard to the coun* 
cil, which was nominated at this time, its num- 
bers should be in this manner filled up on any death 
or removal — ^the parliament, on any vacancy, should 
nominate six, of whom the council should select 
two, and the protector one of these : That in the 
event of corruption or misconduct in any member 
of the council, the parliament was authorized to 
appoint seven members, and the council six, who, 
with the lord chancellor, or keeper, or commission- 
ers of the great seal, should be empowered to try 
the case. The protector might also add to the 
council by the consent of the majority. All writs 
were to run in the protector's name, and honours 
flow from him ; but the chancellor, and other 
judges, were to be appointed by parliament; and, 
in the intervals of parliament, by the council, 

VOL. IV. 2 b 


Whose choice, however, should be subject to the 
appfobMion of the next meeting of that legisla« 
tive MMetiibly^ The council was composed of the 
following iddividuals : Philip, Lord lisle. Generals 
Fleetwood and Lambert, Sir Gilbert Pickering, 
Sir Charles Wolseley^ and Sir Anthony Ashley 
Cooper^ baronets; and Montague, Desborpugh, 
Skippon^ Strictland^ Laurence, Sydenham, P.Jones, 
Richard Mayor, and Francis Blouse* A military 
Establishment of 10,000 horse and dragoons, and 
90,000 foot, with a sufficient navy to guard the 
seas, was agreed to at the same time, while it was 
arranged that the protector and his council should 
raise money for the support of it till the first meet- 
ing Of parliament The sum of L.200,000 was 
allotted, for the administration of justice, and the 
incidental expenses <^ government. A full tolera*- 
tion was also provided for all sects, which neither 
practised nor professed licentiousness, except pa->- 
pists and episcopalians *• 

Itiis plan of government having been agreed to 
by Uie ruling powers, it was not long till Crom^ 
well was appointed for the protectorate: Oa 
the l6th of December, he was inaugurated, with 
a degree <^ pomp which little accorded with the 
moderation he had hitherto professed, and he 
evinced his ambition of royalty by his care of the 
pompous accompaniments : He issued out a com- 
mission for taking charge of the palaces and fo^ 
rests, while he removed his family to Whitehall ; 

* Ludlow^ voL ii. p«476^ ttseg, Whitdodce^ p. 571^«^^en. 


HISTOmr Off THU BRITISH ^K^ins. 371 

fully evincing that he had not oppQfftJ th^ wle ^ 
the royal houses, &c. without the §el&h motive pf 
which he had been suspected ^. 

This constitution, d^fectiv^ »s it WA9f appeared 
to be accompanied with certain safeguards to liber- 
ty, which the government under the late king did 
not possess. Cromwell's idea wa?, that tbe sta- 
tute of Henry VIJ. which enjoined obedience tp ^ 
king defacto^ though not dejurCf strongly support- 
ed his usurpation ; and many, perceiving that the 
old constitution by parliaments^ whose powers were 
enlarged to such a degree as might now make them 
the organ of the public will, was still to be con- 
tinued, imagined that much had been gained by 
the change, as the usurper, having no inherent 
right in his own person to the supreme magistracy, 
could expect to secure his pre-eminence for him- 
self and his family, by a rigid adbereui^e to CQU- 
stitutional principles, and a stricter dispensation 
of justice only* It is possible that, could the par- 
liaments which he summoned have brooked the 
power that he usurped, the view might not have 
been altogether so incorrect \ but the usurpation 
was a9 unwise as it was cruel. By recalling king- 
ly power, it taught mankind to consider that his 
object, in all the late struggle, had been self-ag- 
grandi;^^ement j and that, if monarchical govern- 
ment was to be re-established, it should be under 
one of the late king's family. When a parliament 

* Ludlow^ vol. ii. p. 4S0-1. Whitclockc, p. 577« 



was assembled, therefore, it, feeling its owii power, 
directed the exercise of its authority against the 
usurper himself, and left him no alternative but 
either to dissolve the meeting, or resign his usurp- 
ed power. The authority of parliament and that 
of the protector immediately clashed, and he had 
no means of gaining a party by undue influence. 
If, however, his power were superseded, he sank 
at once into the private citizen, and might, divest- 
ed of military command, be brought to justice for 
his dissolution of the former parliament. 

The royalists exulted on the change; but when 
they perceived that the protector established his 
government, and that the people still adhered to 
their principles, of either not restoring monarchy 
at all, or of doing it under conditions which ex- 
cluded the malignants, they, conceiving now that 
Cromwell, at the head of his army, was the grand 
obstacle to their recovering power, devised plots 
against his life, while the exiled king, under the 
direction of Hyde and Nicholas, published a de- 
claration inviting the people to assassinate him, 
and offering a reward for the atrocious deed*. 
Let us, however, hear the language of a prelate 

 Clar. vol. yi. p. 572. Of the temper of Charles's courts some 
idea may be formed from the correspondence between Nicholas and 
Ormonde : '^ But I must tell your lordship^" says the firsts 6th Apiil^ 
1561^ '^ the harangues in council^ and discourses in the court at BredJb 
were^ that honour and conscience were but bugbears ; and that the 
king ought to govern himself rather by the rules of prudence and ne- 
cessity." Carte's Let. vol. i. p. 435. 


on thi$:subject : "But wherefore do we quarrel 
the remissness of princes abroad, since there is not 
among ourselves that hath the courage of a gal- 
lant man to meet with Cromwell, who jets up and 
down,, and strike him to the heart ? But it is our 
shame that .every one wisheth that done by ano- 
ther's hand which he dare not, for fear, do him- 

We have already recorded the victories gained Peace with 
against the Dutch, and it is now time to state, that 
peace was concluded with Holland in the begin- 
ning of the year 16^4. The terms were, that a 
defensive league, should be established betwixt the 
two republics, and the superiority of the flag be 
yielded to the English; that the authors of the 
massacre at Araboyna, if yet alive» should be 
brought to punishment by their own country: That 
commissioners should be sent to London to adjust 
the dispute of the India companies of the respec- 
tive nations; that the losses sustained by the Eng- 
lish in the East Indies, the Brazils, and Muscovy, 
should likewise be settled by these commissioners, 
in order that restitution should be made by the 
States-General ; and that, in the event of a dis- 
pute betwixt the respective commonwealths, the 
decision should be left to the Swiss cantons. The 
King of Denmark had shewn hostility to the Eng*^ 
lish nation, and seized some of their ships at Co- 
penhagen ; but, as the Dutch proposed to compen- 

» Hackett^ in Life of Williams^ part iL p. 2ZS, 



iiite the loss thas sustained by the Engliriii Den* 
ftMtrk w«s indaded in the treaty* The rtate of 
Holland, beaded by Dd Wit^ being now the rul« 
Ing onei an article was agreed to between that state 
and Cromwell^ that the pridce should be excluded 
ftom the offitoe lof tstadtholder, admiral, or general* 
Wb^n the ctommisldanensi arrived^ they agreed to 
restore the island of Poleron to the Engtijsh, to 
make repsmition to thd hbirs of those Who had been 
massacred at Amboyna, a&d to pay nine hondred 
thousand livres, by two instalments^ for the van* 
ouS leases sustained during ^ War ** Hiete terms 
wel*e mtaibh inferibt to what tb6 parltaibent coidd 
kave obtained ; yet not only the usurper's crem^ 
tufes, but the royalists, who saw l^at the eitalta^ 
tibn of an individual would most j^obdbly lead to 
their own restoration^ with ^wer ismd placc^did not 
Mmiple to attriUite the honour of tiie peace» as 
weli ai th« j^ory of die wat^ to OroaiweU. Of the 
)attAr» he deterved &o abate, sincfe it was Miidcr 
the Goiittdis of the Comaiittefe appointed by ibt 
fiatliament that all exertidns fi^ fittnig out the 
Deets "were made, and by the akiU and bravery cf 
liie Goiiimaaders lind of theit men^ that the vic- 
tories were gained. Medals were, however^ ^trook 
in honour erf* ihe peate> atid poetic panegyrics 
<sm]ipoited on CrodiweH. The univensities bad 
teta silerit to the repnblid^ hut they could n^ 
longer be so to ban from wbotn tiiey expected 

* Thurloe*8 State Papers^ vol. ii. p. 28, et seq. Whitelocke^ p. 580, 
€t seq. Lua. vdl. li. p. 487. Clar. vol, Vi. p. 48t, 

HisToitT OF run BmTisH EMnRE* 975 

nefiees ; aiid» in the true style of meo df the worl^ 
they paid the same adulatory addresses to the pror 
tector that had been made to aoy sovereigQ of Ejigf- 

The council, under the pretext tha^t parliamenib Acts ?^ the 
was not yet assembled^ usurping the iegislatiog state, 
power, issued several ordinances of the last iitii- 
portance z By one, all writs were ordained to run 
in the name of the ccxnmonwealth of England, 
.Scotland, and Ireland, and the dominions there- 
imto belonging; by another, the engagement 
iigatnst tiie government of a house of peers was re- 
icalled i and, by a third, it was declared high trea- 
son to compass or imagine the death of the lord 
protector, or to raise forces against the present go- 
vemflaent, or to deny that be and the pec^e ai^ 
Bemblod in parliament were the supreme authorii^ 
iof the nation,or that die iexercise of the <duef 9m^ 
giisibraey was centered in him $ or to assert that the 
^v^mment was tyrannical, usurped, or illegal, m^ 
jtfaat there was any pariiament now in existence ^. 

These arbitrary proceedings created gveat dis^ state of the 
^ust ; but the jarring interests of different parties, £Ld. 
with other causes, ccmcurved to induce the people 
to submit. M$iay desired peace t The roydUsts 
were afraid of the republicans, the repuJblicaM of 
Ihem; wfailp each was deterred by die apparent 
iKipeleosness of succeeding to overturn the present 
^ovemmeBt. The foflowing passage by Ludlow, 

* ScobeU'e Collection. Harris's Life of Cromwell. 


is vrortfay of a great character : " That we ought 
to be very careful and circumspect in that particu- 
lar,'' (opposing the government,) ** and at least 
be assured of very probable grounds to believe the 
power under which we engage to be sufficiently 
able to protect us in our undertaking, otherwise I 
should account myself not only guilty of my own 
blood, but also^ in some measure, of the ruin and 
destruction of all those I should induce to engage, 
though the cause were never so just * " Such was 
the language of a republican, and we may ccni'- 
dude that it expresses the sentiments of thepar^. 
But though they did not disturb the government, 
they wx)uld not recognise it, notwithstanding all 
the efforts of Cromwell to gain them over to such 
a measure. The answer of Ludlow to such a pro* 
position was, that he would never come under an 
engagement to the usurped government, which 
should afterwards put it out of his power, as a man 
of honour, tp adopt the means which God might 
present for vindicating the liberties of his country. 
Harrison and Rich, who, deceived by their blind 
confidence in the professions of Cromwell, had 
concurred in the dissolution of the Long Parlia- 
ment, now raised their voices against the usurpa* 
tion, and were sent to different prisons f . . 
Kitareof ^^ ^ ^^*> howcvcr, be misled by the name 
^2^''^** a usurpation, to believe that the spirit of Eng- 
govem. land did not manifest itself in ordinary proceed* 


* Vol. ii. p. 556. t Ibid, 


ings. The firm integrity of English juries during 
that period, affords a strong contrast with their ser-^ 
vility during the preceding reig;ns, evincing equal- 
ly the nobler notions that had been difiiised, and 
the purer principles which had been acted upon r 
indeed, the abolition of the Court of Star Cham- 
ber» and the usurped discretionary power to fine, 
juries, were a sufficient reason for their indepen- 
dence. The case of the famous John Lilbum, dur- Case of 
ing the Long Parliament, has already been allude ^*^' 
ed to. Charged with sedition, he was tried by a 
London jury, When he obtained an honourable ac- 
quitt^ f and no sooner was the verdict announced 
to the crowd at the door, than the air rang with 
the acclamation of thousands. The parliament, 
deeming his well-meant proceedings injurious to 
their plans, banished him by ordinance j but, partly 
out of confidence in the professions of Cromwell to 
perform his engagement to the people, and partly 
out of his own native intrepidity, he returned af- 
ter the dissolution. Cromwell, however, dreaded 
him no less than the parliament had done, and 
therefore had him arraigned for returning against 
the late ordinance. Lilburn pleaded his cause with 
a spirit so truly English, that the jury acquitted 
him in spite of all the usurper's influence, and 
again the popular voice was raised in favour of the 
accused *. A foolish plot, however, having been 

* Howell's State Trials. Clar. vol. vi. p. 600, ^ seq. ; but C]a>* 
rendon is mistaken as to the origin of Lilburn. He was of a good fa« 
mily. Ludlow, vol. ii. p. 553. Whitelocke, p. 558, et seq. 

57S m^roRY OP thb bbitish ekpirb. 

formed by «ome royalists, which was eadity defeat- 
ed, their leaders, Gerard, and one Vowel, a school- 
master, were apprehended, when Cromwell, afraid 
to trust them before a jury, tried them before a 
high oourt of justice erected for the occasion. The 
vigour of the government, and the spirit of the 
caieof Don Beoplei Were fflanificsted on another occasion. Don 
8ft. Fantoleon Sa, a Eji^t of Malta, who, as bro* 
ther-inJaw of the Portuguese ambassador, had 
come to England, included in the commission from 
the King of Portugal, having quarrelled with the 
individnal Gerard whom we have just mentioned, 
Md conceiving that the sacred character of am- 
baasador would protect him in viUany, determined 
to murder his enemy« For this purpose he armed 
his . followers, and went to the Exchange, where, 
having mistaken a London merchant for Gerard, 
he iounediately ordered him to be murdered. 8d 
daring an outrage upon a respectable citizen, eo- 
ingfid the people to such a d^ree, that they itf- 
Sta^y rose and pui:«ued l^iem to the ambassadoi^s 
house, where the Don took refoge. The usual 
coniaiB wcaaid have been to have sent him home to 
his own goixemment, and have demanded repara- 
tkm ; hut, as it was Cromw^'fi interest to conci- 
liate the affBetions of tSie Engli^ more than of 
the iVntoguese court, he resolved to allow the mat- 
ter to be determined by a court 6t^ law. After 
some delays, in consequence of the application of 
the Portugoese ambassador^ and the intervention 
of that court, the legal point regarding the privi- 
leges of ambassadors, by the common law, the 


dvil law, and the law of nations, was argued at 
great length, before a court c^ oyer and terminer, 
and the jurisdiction of the court was sustained. 
The trial, therefore, proceeded before a jury, com- 
posed one half of English and one half of foreign- 
ers. The murderers were convicted and sent^iced 
to be executed. An English boy concerned in 
the crime was hanged at Tyburn, Don Pantdeon 
himself was ultimately, after some reprieves, be- 
headed on TowGT-Hill, aknrg with Gerard, whom 
his design was against The rest were pardonk 

The third of September, 1654, a day of the year Cramwdi't 
aecoanted 1^ Ciomwdl ibrtunate, was the time iiMnent 
for the m^ethig of die new parliament, and all^^i^ 
men'a eyes were turned towsnrds that event. Crom- 
well and his party exerted themselves to the ut- 
most in elections, yet, in spite of some gross hi- 
^stances of partiality, the gesieral choice of r^ub- 
licans, who had eminently distinguished them- 
tselves in Idie service of Cbe commcmwealth, indi* 
csted the iiatiaiiBi sentiments f • But it must be 
observed that all papists atid dl royalists, who had 
horne amis, or been engaged in civil departments 
^urii^the wars, were excluded. Two hundred 
ju[id seronly of the members wete elected 1^ the 
tcanntin, the other English meqatbcm hy the towns. 
Sco^smd, sccordiiig to the terms, sent thirty; and 
irelaiid, winch had allso l^een incoiporated, smt 

» Wlittdocke, p. d92. fi«well*8 SUte Ibiala. CUr. voi vi. p. 499-M. 
'i* Ludlow> ToL ii. p. 497-8. 


as many ; but as the government had great- 
er power in Scotland and Ireland, so it exert- 
ed greater partiality. When the parliament met^ 
Cromwell, who had uncommon dexterity in dis- 
covering pretexts for the justification of his con- 
duct, and exciting the fears of the timid and well- 
meaning, harangued the parliament on the state of 
parties, singling out every, thing foolish or absurd 
that the fanatics of any party — ^and every .party 
does contain bigots or fanatics— either entertained 
or lay under the imputation of, and inferring that 
his assumption of the government had been neces- 
sary, in order to prevent a total anarchy and gene- 
ral overturn of property, nay the overthrow of the 
church-T-by anabaptists, fifth monarchy men, and 
levellers. Pretexts are fre<Juently not so valuable in 
absolutely deceiving those to whom they are used, 
as in afibrdijQg a colour to all who are determined to 
support the establishment, for adhering to it ; and 
this was fully verified on the present occasion. 

His creatures took up the same grounds ; but 
the majority were not to be imposed on.. They 
well knew that there was no class of any importance 
in the natioin who ever dreamt of Invading the 
right of pi:operty ; and that the word leveller was 
the reproachful epithet bestowed by him, as wellas 
by the royalists, upon the republicans^ whom, as a 
self-willed set of men, he most hated : that, as 
for the anabaptists and fifth monarchy men, they 
were both limited in number ; and, as to the first, 
the reproach which had been long continued 
against them by all parties, was altogether inappli- 


cable to their present condition : that their idea 
of baptism was innocent in itself, and there was no 
reason for presuming that, because the anabaptists 
of Munster had acted upon principles destructive 
of civil society, their tenets, in regard to govern- 
ment and laws, and rights of property, had ever 
been embraced, or even contemplated, by those in 
England, who held a siinilar opinion regarding the 
simple point of baptism ; and that, as to the fifth 
monarchy men, who believed thatGod would finally 
establish the reign of the saints, when all mankind 
would live in peace and mutual charity, under the 
benign influence of the gospel, there was as little 
to be apprehended from them. Indeed, he allowed 
that there were many well-meaning people amongst 
them. The pretexts used by Cromwell, too, were 
the more glaringly false, from their having been di- 
rectly against those which he had empioyed to jus- 
tify the dissolution of the long parliament. The 
present assembly, therefore, discharged its duty in 
a tone that appalled him. 

In vain did he pretend to have been raised by the 
overruling hand of providence, and bestow a ful- 
some panegyric on his own plan of government, 
desiring them to believe that he did not speak to 
them as one that would be a lord over them, but 
as one that had resolved to be a fellow-servant to 
them in the interest of this great affiiir ; and that 
he had resolved to submit himself to their judg- 
ment. He afiected to rejoice to see so free an as- 
sembly ; but the members well knew that Lord 
Grey of Grooby, and other republicans, had been 


excluded. The person chosen as speaker was 
I^enthaU» who, for opposite reasons, was agreeable 
both to the protector and the popular members ; 
to the one, because he expected to find him instru* 
mental in promoting bis views ; to the other, and 
particularly Bradshaw, because they conceived 
that, by having him in the chair, they might have 
some pretext for recaUing the long parliament and 
overturning the usurpation. The first subject 
which occupied their attention was a most alarm* 
ing one to the protector — ^the expediency of recog* 
nising his usurped power, and the new plan of go# 
vemment His party insisted on an approbation 
of the whole scheme ; but the assembly determine 
ed to consider its component parts separately, and 
the first question referred to a committee was, 
whether the executive should be vested in a single 
person or in the parliament. In this debate Sir 
Arthur Hazlerig, Mr. Scott, and many others, but 
more particularly Bradshaw, spoke with such eJBTect 
against the dominion of an individual, that the 
party gained daily the accession of young mem- 
bers. Cromwell, having received intelligence of 
this, and oi the probable issue— -that a vote would 
be passed for his deposition*-Hset a guard on the 
house early in the morning, and dispatched a mes- 
sage to the lord mayor, that precauticms might be 
taken to preserve the peace of the city* The 
members came to die house ; but, instead of ac^ 
cess, they were required to attend his highness in 
the painted chamber. On their arrival there, 
Cromwell told them that he was surprised at the 


subject of debate, aod hud summoi^d t^m thither^ 
because the questioQ waa one wbkh> as it iuvolired 
the pature and existence of the constitution, was 
contrary to pirliaibentary privilege) that, by aL 
lowing themselves to be returned members nin# 
der this instrument <^ government^ tbey bad n^ 
cognis^ it, and, consequently, by disputing bis 
authority— that by which they had been convened 
«~-they declared th&nselves to be no parliament^ 
and therefore that he would permit no member t^ 
return to the house, until he had ackixowledged 
the plan of government by his subscription. Some 
who had regarded the exclusion of Lord Grey 
of Grooby, and others, as an act of violence on the 
assembly, had absented themselves from the be- 
ginning; but, now that force was visibly used on 
the great body, the example was followed by many 
of the staunch republicans, who conceived that 
they should render a greater service to their couik 
try by shunning the assembly, than by legislating 
under fetters* About a hundred and twenty, 
however, subscribed the engagement, and were 
followed in a few days by others; but no sooner 
was the house open to them, than they declared 
that their recognition of the plan of government 
extended only to that p£»'t of it which allowed a 
right of governing to an individual by successive 
parliaments They yet declared that Cromwell 
should be protector during his life, ** hoping,^ says 
Z^udlow, ^' that by this compliance he would have 
been satisfied, and would, in gratitude, have jw^g* 
ed the peqple, after his death, to have sufficient 
«visdom to govern themselves/' The parliament 

^ I 


£utha: agreed upon the number of ships to guard 
the seas, and voted two hundred thousand pounds 
a-year for the support of the protector himsdf^ and 
the salaries of the council, (each councillor was to 
have a thousand a^year,) and of the judges, with 
the expenses of foreign intelligence, and the re- 
ception of ambassadors^ But they, at tiie same 
time, voted a declaration of the rights of the peo- 
ple, and, in particular, that no money should be 
raised unless by the authority of parliament. By 
the instrument of government it was provided diat, 
on Cromwell's deatli, the council should cbuse his 
successor : the parliament, on the contrary, deter- 
mined, that noUiing should be done by the coun- 
cil in that event except summoning the parliament; 
and lest one part of the bill prepared by them 
should be used in support of the instrument of go- 
vernment, without the other provisions, they add- 
ed a clause, that no part should be obligatory 
unless the whole were consented to. Cromwdl 
perceived that this assembly was, like the former, 
unfitted for his purpose, even after the exclusion 
of so many members. It neither transferred the 
office of protector to him and his family for ever, 
nor voted any permanent revenue, by which he 
might establish his. power without a direct violation 
of the form of government ; while the temper of 
this convention gave him an earnest of what he was 
to expect in future. But he was also afraid that 
they would abridge the power which had been 
prescribed by the new constitution ; and, lest this 
should occur, he formed the determination, in 


Which he was seconded by many of his officers^ of 
dissolving the parliament. Having taken his re« 
solution^ he summoned them to the painted cham- 
ber, on the 22d of January, (1655) and addressed iKsmautioii 
them in a speech, wherein << he made up in words liament,"' 
and passion what he wanted in matter to charge f^f "^ 
them with." The late king had pretended to de-^ 
rive his authority from heaven, and to be the vice^ 
gerent of God upon earth, founding this character 
upon arguments drawn from kingly power and he- 
reditary succession ; but Cromwell attained his 
end by a nearer route. Instead of deriving his 
claim through a long succession of sacred loins, he 
referred at once to his own exploits, declaring his 
success to be a sufficient manifestation of divine 
favour-^a proof of the assistance of the Deity, 
which all pious men must acknowledge, and which 
he was himself so sensible of, that he should con<* 
ceive himself guilty of flying in the face of provi- 
dence were he to resist the call. He therefore 
dissolved the parliament; but the prediction of 
some of his own friends--«*that, as the measure re- 
minded men of the unhappy dissolutions of parlia- 
maits during the late reign, the consequence would 
be increased disafiection— was fully verified. One 
cause assigned for the dissolution, was intelli- 
gence which he had received of a deep laid con- 
spiracy, in which some of the republicans-^ 
headed by Major Wildman, who having receiv- 
ed a most liberal education at one of the uni- 

VOL. IV. 2 c 




V0i9tties, wrote with gmat aflfept,— 4iad jom- 

Detori^ined, if poasible, to cwXte the power m 
hinosetf* wi hi? ohiWi:?^, Cro«i w^ll cuiwiBgly swt 
hii9 9m Henry to t^e tb^ Qowrmnd of tfef Iri^ 
i^Ffnyt 0¥pr even Fleetwood, who h^ nwiried biii 
dftughter» Ireton's widow ; btit to gratify th^ in^ 
dividual^ he gave him the titie of lord deputy, ^^ 
if he meaQt only to hopour him by the change. 
The army ther^ having beeo new modeU^f th« 
j»lftnd waa secured for the protector. In the eom* 
mission sent to Eleetwood» those who were foriner^ 
ly called, commissiooefs were now only styled 
ScodMd. Jq fh^ United Provinces, the Orange party, who 
|ier9eive4 that the state of Holland would, by th« 
depression of the prince, obtain the pre-eminence 
over the others, as the republican party was chiefly 
stronf there, for some time obstructed the signing 
&f the articles of the peace with England t ; and, 
before it W4s finally concluded^ the exiled king ob-' 
tained assistance to his party in the Highlands (^ 
S^ptlanid. Seventeen Dutch ships carried thither 
ISOQ foot, 800 horse, and a large supply of arm^ j 
and G^aieral Middleton, havii^ arrived with still 

* Old Pari. Hist. voL xx. p. 29I5 eiseq. Cob. voL iii. p. 19i, tt 
teq. Ludlow^ vol. ii. p. 497^ et seg. WKIIeloeke, p. 519, et seq^ 
l^rm'B LUe of C»^mw^ p- ^l, ef^* 

t Ludlow^ ?oL ii. p. ^503^ et seg. 

X Tburloe's State Papers^ vol. ii. p. 28, et seq. The State of HoI« 
land had resolved to act separately if the others did not comply. 


more supplies^ was soon at the head of an army of 
iSOQQ men. M ondce, Cromwell knew to be an indi^ 
vidua! who would unscrupulously serve him; as 
loi^ as it should be for his interest ^ aodi^ aTaiiing 
himself of the present juncture, as aparetextfoi 
giving him the command, he sent him again to 
Scotland, that he might control the other ofiicers^ 
rather than from any apprehension which he enter* 
tained of the insurgents^ who, he was well aware, 
could be easily suppressed. Moncke suecess&Hy 
pursued Middleton into the Higblandi^ and utterly 
dissipated his forces ; Middleton himself escaped 
with difficulty^ and the principal insurgents sab* 
mitfed to the govemment The protector was 
then proclaimed, and while the union of the two 
nations was continued^ the government of Scotland 
was committed to a council, chiefly Englidr. The 
chief judicature was committed to seven jtidges^ of 
whom four were English. Justices of the peace 
were also established, and vassalage abdlishedi 
The proportion of the public burdens payable by 
Scotland was likewise settled. Moncke^ besides 
being made commanderoin-cbief, was s^fiotnted 
one of the commissioners for civil affairs K Whfle, 
howevar, Cromwell apparently plao^ such confi- 
dence in that individual, he had too niuch> know* 
ledge of character iK)t to send otb«s of a different 
description, who might control liia actions in. that 

* Ludlow> vol. ii. p. 504, et seq. Nichors Diary, M5. Clar. vol. vi. 
p. 505, et seq, Whitelocke, p; 563, et seq, 



country } men who, though hostile to himself, ab- 
horred still more the restoration of the Stuarts, 
and whom it was thought expedient to remove 
from England. Colonel Adrian Scroop, a steady 
republican, and Colonel Wheathem, were joined 
with him in the commission. A remark by the 
latter, in regard to a purpose of making Crom- 
well king, having been reported, taught him that 
be was sufficiently long in England : He had ex- 
claimed with the prophet, << hast thou killed and 
also taken possession ?*' Lord Broghill was made 
president of the council, with a salary of L.@000 
a-year, and a promise of continuing the salary for 
life, while his services should be dispensed with in a 

Low as was Scotland reduced in point of power, 
the clergy still maintained their principles. Crom- 
well ordered a fast ; but they, denying the autho- 
rity of any temporal power to ordain fasts, refused 
compliance, and appointed fasts of themselves, 
while they exhorted the people to seek the Lord 
to preserve the ministry amongst them, to forget 
the offences of the house of Stuart, and to turn from 
his people the sad effects of a late eclipse. 

While Cromwell was thus using all means to con- 
solidate his power, and paving the way for a dia- 
dem, he had nearly fallen a sacrifice to a love rof 
distinction in trifles. He had sent his ambassa- 
dors to foreign states, and had been courted by all ; 
and amongst the presents sent to him were six grey 
Friezland coach-horses. With these in his coacn, 


attended only by Secretary Tburloe and by his 
guards, who were now, by his enemies, called his 
Janizaries, he took an airing in Hyde Park j anS, 
•* not doubting," in the sarcastic language of Lud- 
low, ** that three pair of horses he was about to 
drive, would prove as tame as the three nations 
wliich were driven by him," he displaced the coach- 
man and took the reins himself; but, with his ac- 
customed impetuosity, he lashed them furiously on^ 
when the horses, unused to so rough a driver, be- 
came perfectly unmanageable, and, breaking off at 
full speed, overturned the carriage. His foot ha- 
ving been entangled in the tackling, he was drag- 
ged a considemble distance, and from the concus- 
sion, a pistol in his pocket went off; yet his general 
good fortune did not desert him here, as he sus- 
tained no serious injury from the accident. The 
event gave rise to much conversation, and many 
jests at his expense, for having thus, at his years, 
attempted for the first time to drive six-in-hand. 
The anecdote is, however, chiefly valuable as illus- 
trative of his character. Distinction in small affairs, 
as well as in the highest dreams of ambition, was ea- 
gerly sought by him. Following out the character- 
istic humour of England, he excelled in what to our 
apprehension would be deemed buffoonery; ex- 
temporary verses with men of wit he fondly indul- 
ged in, and now he must perform the part of a 
coach-driver •. 

* Thurloe's State Papers^ yol. ii. p. 662-3. Ludlow^ vol. ii. p. 608. 
Wbitelocke^ p. 656; about Cromwell's makiDg vers^. 

2 cS 


^lout of Hioged liitnfielf by the timee, be partook^ m an 
fhft Mcdi. f tnineiit de|^^ <if the vigour inspired by them^ 
*'"*"*^ vbile every department was in some measure stiU 
filled with kuidred genius. At the head of a£- 
£iirs be ohtoiBed the credit of the general measures 
<if the administraticmi and his name daily became^ 
if pofisiUei more rei^pectable in the eyes of Europe* 
T^ Crrand Duke of Tuscany had harboured 
JNrjuoe Aupeyrt's ships, and injured the British 
cotfimeroe} but Blake^ having been dispatched 
gato the Mediterranean! not only procured satisfac- 
tiom% but rendered the English name terrible in all 
tliAt ^ea» After having mastered the Grand Duke 
of TM^Cwy^ ^ determined on curbing the lawless 
jKywi^r «f the jHratical states of Barbary, from which 
the Briti^ commerce was, during the late rejgn» 
80 much annoyed, and had not become quite se- 
cme* Sailing to Alters, he compelled the Dey 
to toitar into a peaces upon condition of freeing 
ali fthe fingli^ captiy§s, and soleimily eqgaging to 
s^istain from aJl further violence. From .^^gi^^ 
he pmcee^d to Tunis, and demanded restitution 
«f an English ship with its crew. The place, 
hcHiPfiimr, bc»9g deemed impregnable, ihe Bey not 
xinly ^iised compliance, but insultingly bade the 
Ei^gUsh commands look to his forts of Porto Fa* 
rino and Goletto. In spite of the supposed im« 
possibility ^ the achievement, Blake determined to 
undertake it : Sailing therefore to a little distance, 
to mislead the Bey into the idea that he had retired 
from the conviction of the impracticability of re- 
ducing the place, he returnedln a few days, and. 


with the loss of only abottt twmty d hM iMti^ be 
b^tterdd down tho fbrto, «fld btiroMl erety sh^ in 
the bafbailr. Tbk kitrdpld 9tct«lnv Hrfeocfi fiHifd 
the wh(^ of Eurc^B tritb «iM«eifiefit^ c()m^ 
the Bej to submit to his demands. The governor 
of Tripoli coneludod a peace i and the Gtutd Stf- 
]»br himscif wa» disposed to ^ourt tbe adtiAtydenf 
Efiglsnd *. 

Whikf the eict^rnal iticoei^ of Englsnd mlk^mg insumc 
upoii the protector, »t ksist preserrod bis hi^^slHt^^^ 
i^ctefr dbtoady his enemies increased at bomej iaad 
the confirikiation of his power sit this judcluare^ifiStf 
not be impitoperlj ascribed to sm ii3}tiidicidw inson- 
rectioQ of tbe royaHsts chietty. That paity^ ct^ 
responding with the exiled monalrchy each exaggef- 
rated his own power and resources, till they nattev- 
ed themselves that both yfere iti sonse measure 
commensurate with their wishes. Many of tbe 
popular party, disgusted art thd usurpation^ began 
to express themselves as not even hostile to the 
restoration of the Stuarts on proper conditions; 
and a few imagined that, if tbe royalists were to 
rise and make some head, they shoi^ tbemselt^M^ 
when the protector's power was assailed bf both 
parties at once, be enabled to take the lead, aiid^ 
overturning hitti, again re-establish a republic; 
Of these, some therefore began to hold a eorrea- 
pofidencewith tbe royalists for an insurrection; 

. *aar. vol. vL p. 580. Whitelocke^ p. 621. 627. Biog. Brit. Blake. 
Thurloe's State Papers^ vol. ill. p. 321. 326. 390. 


and Uie latter eagerly encduniged thetn, trusting 
that they might prove useful auxiliaries^ and yet be 
cast off id the hour of triumph. With this view 
Major Wildman^ and a smaU party who, as strenu'- 
ous republicans, were branded by the protector 
with the namie of levellers, had engaged to rise, 
while the rojralists had concerted to begin the in- 
surrection in various quarters at once. Cromwell, 
however^ Iros apprized of the whole conspiracy ; 
and his Ineasures to meet it were full of the vigour 
and decision fdr which he was so remarkable. Wild* 
man and his friends were apprehended ; and the 
principal rising, under the direction of Sir George 
Penruddock, Sir Joseph Wagstaff, and More, was 
so insignificant, that they never mustered four 
hundred men« The leaders having, with about 
two hundred, entered Salisbury, seized the sheriff 
and the judges then on the circuit, when Wagstaff 
proposed immediately to hang them } but, fortu- 
nately for the memory of the rest, and doubtless 
too for the royal cause, as suck a measure would 
have excited universal execration, they opposed the 
detestable purpose. The sheriff, however, was 
threatened with the loss of life unless he proclaim- 
ed Charles IL j but, though fully sensible of his 
situation, he refused to comply. Before this party 
had amounted to four hundred it was put down. 
The majority were seized, and Penruddock and 
some others suffered capitally, while the privates 
were transported to Barbadoes. Six Henry Slingsby 


and Sir T* Maleverer were seized in Yorkshire^ 
and others elsewhere*. 

Nothing oould have proved more fortunate for 
CromwelK Though Wildman aod some other po- 
pular men were carried away by the idea, that an 
insurrection by. the royalists would, by counter- 
poising the protector's power, enable the republi- 
cans to regain the ascendency — ^the great body, 
including those inclined to a limited monarchy, 
were fully aware^ of the danger of allowing the 
cavaliers to assemble an armed force. The usur- 
pation might terminate, and different measures be 
pursued ; but terrible would be the result of permit- 
ting the royalists to restore the Stuarts, and en- 
gross the power of the state. All the other par- 
ties, then, presbyterian and independent, rallied 
in general round the present government, under 
an apprehension of a worse ; and Cromwell was 
enabled to fall upon a most extraordinary device 

41 €l«r. vol. vi. p. 499> 500.— For an account of Wildman^ see p^ 
S6l, et seq. This noble author censures Penmddock's tender-hearted- 
ness in not at once hanging up the judges. That valiant cavalier, for- 
tunately for his own memory^ wanted the civilian's cold-blooded cruel- 
ty. See also vol. v. p. 187, among other passages, for anoUier proof of 
Clarendon's disposition. Yet this same historian tells us, that Rolls the 
chief-justice, whom he would have hanged, was turned out of his 
place, for refiising to officiate -against Penruddock ; but he would as- 
cribe his conduct to the fear inspired by the affiur at Salisbury, as if 
a coward were not always cruel when he had the power, p. 559. 
Roll's reason for refusing was, that he might not be thought to act out 
of personal resentment. Ludlow, vol. ii. p. 57 5« Similar r^;ret at the 
absence of cruelty not unfrequently stains the pages of the nob|o 
historian. Whitelocke, p. 618, ^ seq. Thurloe's State Papers, vol. 
iii. p. U7, et seq, S37. 248. 263. 384. 394, &c. 



for at once quelling the royalists^ gratifying the 
Appoint- other parties, and filling his own coffers* He di- 
migor-ge- vidcd England into twelve districts, over each of 
vra *cuL^ which he appointed a major-general, with power to 
^'^^ keep the district in order, while he subjected each 
of the royalists who had ever borne arms for the 
king, to a fine of the tenth part of his estate. 
He prc^ibited them too,-^or the unquietness of 
their temper, and the just cause of jealousy 
which they administered, an act, certainly^ of 
tyranny and injustice, though endless were theii 
plots,*^the use of arms, and even published 
.an interdict against their emplo3dng, as diapo 
lains ctt* schoolmasters in their families, such of 
the clergy as had been ejected for scandalous 
lives. Such conduct was worthy cdf a usurper. 
Some of the major-generals were guilty of a gross 
abuse of power ; and, as we shall find in the se*^ 
quel, it was not long ere Cromwell was most anxi- 
ous for the recal of authority from men who> while 
they alienated the a£Ssctions of the pe<H>le by their 
iBegal and rapacious proceedings, became formid- 
able to himself*. 

The exiled &mily and their advisers had relied 
much on this insurrection, and proportional was 
their mortifieation, not only at its suppression, but, 
at what was far more blasting to their hopes, the 

* Ludlow^ ToLii. p. 619. Clar. voLvi* p. 570, etseq* Harm's 
Life of Cromwell^ p. 436, et seg, Whitdocke^ p. 634. Yet Crom- 
well continued liberal to some of the episcopal clergy, and even gave 
L.200 to defray the expense of Archbishop Usher's funeral in West* 
minster Abbey. 


insignificance of the number that bad appeared in 
arms. The French court had entered into an alii- 
anoe with the protector, by which it had ei^aged 
qot to afibrd the Stuarts an asylum in France* 
Charles IL had therefore fixed his residence at 
Cologne; but, immediately previous to Uie late 
insurrection, he went to Zealand, where he lay 
concealedi to be in readiness to pass into England 
on any prospect of success. On the issue of the 
affair he returned to Cologne *• 

The alliance which Cromwell formed with 
France* and a war that he entered into withFniiet,iiid 
Spain^ having been gaierally condemned by his- sjj|[j^**** 
torians as impolitic, since it was calculated to give 
too great a preponderance to France, it will be 
necessary in this place to enter into^ a particular 
relation of those afiairs. 

The war that, with such a loss of human blood, 
had raged in Germany for upwards of thirty y^ars, 
wasi, in 1648, terqninated by the peace of We^* 
p^ia, by which the Lower Palatinate was restor- 
ed to the elector, and the protestant faith secured 
in several principalities. Though, however, the 
whole empire was again nominally united, it was 
too much divided in interest, as well as split into 
separate states, to make any great exertion ; whence 
that branch of the house of Austria, though appa- 
rently powerful, had little inherent strength ; but 
the Spanish branch was in a still worse condition* 
Catalonia had revolted, as well as Portugal, and 

* Ciar. vol. Ti. p. 520, et seq. Harris's Life of Cromwell, p. S70, 
ei seq. 


sought the protection of France, while the Low 
Countries were invaded by a superior force. The 
once formidable house of Austria, therefore, was 
no longer in a condition to menace the rest of Eu- 
rope. On the other hand, we are extremely apt 
to overlook the relative situation of France, in 
consequence of its subsequent exaltation. Under 
Henry IV. she had made great exertions ; ,but her 
powers seemed to be withered by his death, while 
the Huguenots maintained an empire within an 
empire. To overcome that body was the obvious 
policy of the French court, and it was steadily 
pursued by Richelieu and his successors, who kept 
little faith with that unfortunate party* As the 
Huguenots were depressed, men saw clearly that 
France would soon become perhaps no less formid* 
able than the house of Austria had formerly been^ 
and the danger apprehended from that source, as 
well as from the intrigues with the English court 
during the civil wars, had raised up a spirit of hos- 
tility against the nation ; but then came, the civil 
convulsions^ of France — convulsions undignified 
even by the pretext of public liberty ; and these 
displayed internal imbecility. What course they 
might take, it was not easy to predict j and man- 
kind in general could not foresee the eminence 
which France would attain in the maturer years 
of Lewis XIV. It would not be wonderful, there- 
fore, if Cromwell really believed the house of Aus- 
tria to be formidable ; but he had other motives for 
joining with France against Spain. England had 
no cause to apprehend danger from any foreign 


power when her navy carried terror to every shore. 
The protector, however, had reason to dread the 
royalists, if supported with foreign aid, and was 
naturally apprehensive of a co-operation between 
them and France. But to please him, the French 
court refused the exiled family even an asylum 
in their territory, while Spain, though it had 
received ambassadors both from the parliament 
and the protector, had zealously countenanced the 
Stuarts. Cromwell's situation required of him to 
dazzle the public eye by brilliant exploits, and to 
keep the soldiery employed, both to prevent the 
consequences of their discontent at home, and to 
afford a pretext for raising a fresh body, which 
he might, as less obliged to them, assume greater 
authority over, and modeton principles more con* 
sonant to the usurpation. The neighbourhood of 
France rendered it formidable in any conjunction 
with the cavaliers; but, besides the distance of 
Spain, there was another reason for apprehending 
less danger from her. The only party in the Bri- 
tish empire attached to the Spaniards were the 
papists, and it was of importance to Cromwell to 
force the exiled family into a union with that court, 
as the measure seemed to evince to Englishmen 
by what religious feelings they were actuated. He 
had, however, another grand object, to obtain 
possession of Dunkirk, and the Spanish West In- 
dia colonies. A squadron was fitted out to subdue 
the Spanish force in the latter ♦. 

 Thurloe's State Papers, vol. i. p. 759, et seq, Le Siede de Louis 
XIV. par Volt. ch. v. 


ExpediHon Havinfi^ taken his measures, and formed his aIU« 

to the West ^^ . . 

indiet; ance, he sent a squadron to the West India islands, 
Hi^lda, under the command of Penn and Venables. His- 
rfjS^SSu P*n^^^^ '^ow, from the name of the capital, called 
St Domingo^ was, as the largest of the islands^ 
the object of his ambition. The squadron accord- 
ingly directed itsdf thither; but, great as had 
been the ability shewn by the commanders at sea, 
they did not display much talen]; on land. The 
conduct of the soldiers was entrusted to Venables 
on this occasion, between whom and Penn a 
misunderstanding existed. The troops were ill 
provided, and he, landing at an improper place, 
and destitute of guides, marched his small army^ 
in a rude country, under an arid sun, and without 
provisions, or even water, while they were exposed 
to an ambuscade from the Spaniards. They reach- 
ed St. Domingo, however ; but, having been de- 
coyed into a defile, they found it necessary to de* 
sist from the enterprise ; and, exhausted by hun- 
ger, thirst, and fatigue, to retreat with loss to 
their ships. From Hispaniola, they directed them- 
selves to Jamaica, which surrendered without a 
struggle, but never was regarded by the protector 
as a compensation for the loss of the larger island ; 
and deeply did he resent the mismanagement of 
the expedition *. 

* Clar. vol. vi. p. 578. Thurloe's State Papers^ vol. iii. p. 504> 
et seq. Carte's Let. vol. ii. p. 4S, et seq. Harrises Life of Cromwell^ 
p. 386, et seg, Whitelocke, p. 621, ei seq- 


The Spaniards were dreadfully alarmed at these 
proceedings^ which came unexpectedly upon thenit 
thangfa they complained with little justice of a 
breach of treaty^ considering the perfidious part 
they had acted in regard to Ireland. They imme^ 
diately declared var, and seized all the ships and 
goods belonging to the English, while they were 
so fortunate as to secure a rich fleet from Blake* 
This war, as it multiplied the necessities of Crom* 
well, seemed to afibrd a fit opportunity for calUng 
a parliament, he conceiving that the people would 
be inclined to fiupp<Ht him dgainst a foreign enemy, 
and that, in doijsg so, they would confirm his 
power *. 

Stable as seemed bis authority when viewed atstate of the 
a distance, be was fully sensiWe of the faithless °*^"*°' 
basis on which his power rested. With the aliena-* 
tion of the republicans, be lost that very charac-^ 
ter of popularity which bad raised him, and he 
could not be ignorant that^ though by balancing 
interests, he had hitherto sustained himself, it was 
impossible for him to act against the united wishes 
of the nation ; but the clashing interests were, in 
the progress of time, likely to be subordinate to 
the desire of overturning him ; and then certain 
was his destructioUf The soldiery might be sup* 
pressed by the nation, and could not even be de* 

* Harrises Life of Cromwell, p. 352, et seq. for a proof of the 
rei^ect paid to CramweU at th£ French oourt, &c apd the canAmfta-^ 
^ tion of the facts in the text. Thurloe's State Papers, vol. It. p. 4.4, 
W seq» 


pended on ; for though^ in the bustle of action, 
they might adhere to their general, it could not 
be expected that, in peace, they could remain an- 
aflfected by the common sentiments of the people 
at large; while, if they did render themselves 
mere tools for the support of ah individual, they 
would excite universal execration against them- 
selves, which they would endeavour to compen- 
sate, by demanding a share of the protector's 
power; and", scorning subordination, ultimately 
fail into a licentiousness, which would prove fatal 
to them alL The major-generals whom he had 
appointed over the twelve districts, deeming it 
absurd to exercise illegal authority, merely for the 
behoof of another, became so formidable to their 
employer, that he was tio less anxious than any of 
the people to have them recalled. As he durst 
not of himself, however, enter on the invidious 
task, he required a parliament to perform it for 
him, and yet knew that he could not arrest that 
assembly at any definite line. His coffers, too. 
were empty ; and a plan which he had formed, to 
grant, for a sum of money, an asylum in England 
to the foreign Jews, with a toleration ' of their re- 
ligion, had been so abhorrent to the principles of 
the majority of the clergy, and the religious feel- 
ings of the nation, that he was obliged to aban- 
don it *. 

* VtThitelocke, p. 631. Thurloe's Stete Fapers, rd. ir. p. 308. 
321, Onne*B Life of Dr. Owen, p. 159-60. 


Sach was his situation when he found it neces- 
saiy to convene a parliament ; but as a free assiem- xhiid p«r. 
biy could not be trusted, he was obliged to have ^"^*" 
recourse to all undue means to carry elections ; 
and such a complicated game was he constrained to 
play, that, though one main object of the parlia- 
ment was to reduce the major-generals, he wag 
obliged to employ them to exert all their influence 
to have fit instrum^ts, under the name of repre- 
sentatives, sent to Westminster. Even these - un- 
warrantable measures failed ; and he fell upon a 
new device, which struck at the very basis of free- 
dom in that assembly. According to the preten- 
sions of James, he, alleging that the writs being 
issued by chancery, and returnable to it,. could 
only be judged of by that court, issued an order 
that none but such as carried a ticket from it, au- 
thorizing his seat, should be admitted to the house, 
and about a hundred were, in this way, rejected 
before the meeting *. 

On the 17th of September, 1656, the assembly Meeti, 
met, and chose Sir Thomas. Witherington as their i656. 
speaker ; but the excluded members having com- 
plained to the house, the derk of chancery was 
ordered to attend, and give an explanation of the 
proceeding in regard to them. The clerk justi- 
fied himself by the order of the council ; and the 
councillors having been summoned to answer for 
their conduct, they alleged that, as, by a clause in 

* Ludlow^ vol. ii. p. ^56, et seq. 
VOL. IV. 2d 


.theioBtruineiit ofgoyerDinent>»<MieweretQ»b6 attow* 
ed to serve in parliamcodt but peisoDs of knovo in- 
tegrity, who feared God and were of good eo&ver- 
sattODs they had discharged thdjr duty in rdiising 
to approve of those who did not appear to answer 
the description, but that they had mer^ disap- 
proved (^ thenif and his highness had excluded 
them* Considering how that assembly had be^i 
packed, it is not wonderfid that, in the ab* 
sence of the hundred already excluded, a majority 
should have been found to pass a resolution, rei*er- 
ring the case of the excluded members to the 
council ; but it affords a noble proof of the spirk <^ 
Bilglishmen, that even this measure wd& only car* 
ried by a majority, and that sixty members instantly 
absented themselves, and joined those who bad 
been excluded, when they published a remon* 
strance against the present arbitrary government, 
nnd a protestation against the illq;al assembly at 

AA^ these puigations, the house was calculat- 
ed for the business io hand : it passed a fresh act 
against the title of the exiled fiunily, and another 
agreeable to CromwelPs ordinance, which made 
it high treason to attempt his life, while they 
unanimously resolved that the war with Spain had 
been undertaken on just and necessary grounds, 
and that they wocdd support his highness in the 
prosecution of hostilities. On a motion, too, by 

* Old ParL Hist. v<^. xxi. p. I, et seq. Cob. do. vol. iii; p. H7S^ et seq. 


hia nephew Bjmty, and lua aQiMQ-law Cl»ypQ}» 
the p^wer ^f the majoiwgeBemte was annihUajb^d. 
There was stiU, however^ one ^t^p to be attained, d^'^ 
which he flattered himself would eover his usur*- 
patioq, aad secure him aad his family. Could be 
once reach the title of king» he had fondly im$r 
gined that the various parties, excepting those of 
the royalifSts who, having already so severely sufiTer* 
ed, founded all tl^eir hopes on the restoration pf 
the StUearts^ would submit to his authority ; that 
matters having been thrown out of their usual 
channel by the attempt of the late Icing to over^- 
turn the constitution, and the exiled family hav- 
ing r^idered themselves obnoxious by following 
their father's footstepa, against the rights and lives 
of Englishmen, the people would readily submit 
to a restoration of the old constitution under a 
new family, which, as it owed its power to public 
opinion, would be obliged to govern according to 
the national sentiment. In this view, however, it 
soon appeared that he was grossly deceived. Co* 
lonel Jephson, one of his creatures, first sounded 
the house, and then Alderman Pack, another of 
his €»*eatures, presented a new instrument ofHumUe 
government, by which the chief magistrate was 5^ *"* 
to be invested with all the royal prerogatives; 
A blank w^ indeed left for the title of the latcDtum to 
chief magistrate, but men easily perceived thatiSI!lukb^' 
that of king was intended ) and such was the 
temper of the nation, that even this packed as- 
sembly was at first so enraged at the proposal, 



that Pack was borne down tumultuously to the bar«. 
this storm of resentment, however, having sub- 
sided, the majority, who were mere tools, enter- 
tained the motion. But other enemies arose': the 
major-generals, whoresented their own loss of power, 
declaimed against conferring new honour on Crom- 
well, and were particularly enraged at the idea q£ 
perpetuating the authority in his family. Many 
other officers, even Lambert and Fleetwood, who 
had been so instrumental in raising him, joined 
them : the first had expected to be his successor, 
and naturally felt indignant at a measure which 
blasted all his hopes. The majority in the parlia- 
ment, however, was disposed to humour Cromwell, 
and Lord Broghill, with some of the great lawyers, 
as Glynn, supported the debate in support of the 
measure. '■ The instrument of government, there- 
fore, called the humble petition and advice, was 
assented to with little alteration. The title had 
yet been left blank ; and a second question arose 
on that head, when it was carried by the majority 
in favour of that of king. 

When the offer of a diadem was made to Crom- 
well, he had too much policy to appear willing to 
accept of it, and he therefore pretended many 
scruples. But, in the meantime, he laboured to 
no purpose, to prevail with Lambert, Fleetwood, 
and the other chief officers, to support him in his 
pretensions. As he affected to refuse the crown, 
however, a committee was appointed to remove 
his scruples, and the lawyers, as best qualified for 
the office, were the individuals on whom the duty 


of convincingc him was chiefly devolved. They 
ai|[ued that the nation, having been for. so many 
centuries under monarchical government, could not 
easily accommodate itself to the form of a republic ; 
that it had, indeed, been necessary to opposeithe 
unhallowed pretensions of the exiled family, and 
banish them as unworthy of the throne ; but that 
there thence arose no reason for departing entirely 
from that constitution, under which, for so long a 
period, the people had enjoyed many invaluable 
privileges: That a restoration of monarchy ap- 
peared the most advisable way to compose the dif- 
ferences in the community, and to secure the gene- 
ral rights of the citizen ; and that, as the only 
question which remained regarded the. person, 
there could be little difficulty in the choice. 
Cromwell was fully aware of the ad vantages, which 
seemed feasibly to flow from the arrangement ; but 
he was also alive to the danger, and he wanted 
farther, time to sound and gain instruments. . If he 
accepted of the profiered crown, or evinced un- 
equivocally a desire of it, a powerful party, which 
he depended on, at once fell ofi^; if he decidedly 
refused, he might be, by the same men, taken at 
his word. In this predicament, where he . was 
obliged to speaks and yet durst not commit him- 
self either way by words, the speech he uttered is 
in a manner unintelligible ; but though it was his 
object not to be understood, it was easy to disco- 
ver his meaning, and many took the alarm ; while 
Desborough, and his son-in-law Fleetwood, endea-> 



voured to rouse his ftars by assurhig bn^ that the 
tender of a crown, as it was to event desirable by 
the exited family, so it Was probably in part ^oiitri* 
Ted by them, to ensnare him to his rwa^ Crooi^ 
well pretended to droll with them, aB if he were 
only anxious to gratify others and not htts^* 
^ It & but a feather in a man's cap/' said he, ** and 
let them enjoy their tattle." The officers, percei* 
ving that he was bent on the measure, took a more 
decided step : They presented a petition to the 
house in the name of the military, in which they 
set folth> that they had hazarded their lives in 
fighting agiunst monarchy, and were still ready to 
expose them for the public liberty : That in spite, 
however, of all that had been done, they had lat^y 
observed some men anxious to restore the old ser- 
vitude, by uiiging their general to assume both the 
government and title of king;' and that, as this 
course was equally fraught with his own ruin, and 
that of the supporters of public freedom, they pray* 
ed the house to discountenance all such measures^ 
and the autliors of them, as prejudicial to that cause 
for which they had undergone such danger, and 
were still willing to hazard their lives^*-^The peti- 
tion appalled the usurper, and he instantly s^it for 
hk son-inJaw, Fleetwood, whose opposition on this 
head was decided, and affected to expostulate with 
hitii for allowing such a petition to be presented, 
when he knew his previous determination to do 
nothing without the consent of the army ; begging, 
at the same time, that he would use hiis influence 

ttlffrOItV OP TfiB BRItlBH BMPIRE. 407 

to pnefrent the petitioii ftom beoooiiiif a topic of 
debate. Hik being exactly what the other want- 
ed^ he fbiihwith went to the hausC) and informed 
them that, as they waited for the protector's an** 
S9fet to their message^ there was no occasion to 
take the petition yet into consideration. A mes*ciomwflii 
sage from CromweU opportunely followed this, de^oown. 
siring the house to meet him at Whitehall, where 
he quieted men^s fears on that ground, by ikclining 
the crown with every shew of humility. 

Though foiled in regard to the title, he obtain** 
ed the power of king) yet not without great 
opposition, particularly from Lambert and Syd« 
Dey» According to the new settlement, the ie« 
gtslative power was vested in the parliament, and 
the power of excluding any member withdrawn 
from the protector $ but d revenue of L.60,€00 a« 
month, for three months, was yoted for the expense 
of the government ; and he wa» authoriseed to esta- 
blish an upper house of parliament,on the same prin* 
ciples with that abolished, and to nominate his own 
successor. According to this new instrument of go- 
vernment, he was, in Westminster*hall, inaugurated 
in the most pompous manner j when the parlia« 
ment was for a season adjourned. 

During the adjournment, he, in monarchical k^w 
style, issued out writs for the upper house j but he 2^ ^ 
was much embarrassed in his choice. On the one 
hand it was necessary to have men who, as devcAed 
to him, could promote his views; and, on the 
other, his only chance of securing the good- will of 
those who carried weight with llietn in the lower 


house, was by flattering their vanity by the distinc<* 
tion of sitting in the upper, and then he lost their 
services where they were most required. Seventy 
writs only were issued, for he durst not send more, 
and of these, eight (the Earls of Manchester, Mul* 
grave, and Warwick, Lord Say and SeaU Tewkes- 
bury, Wharton, Howard, and Sir Arthur Haz^erig) 
refused to attend ; but the most serious injury which 
he sustained was in the loss of the chief members^ 
whom he had necessarily withdrawn from the 
lower house, where they were most needed. 

When the parliament re-^assembled, the exclud- 
ed members, availing themselves of a clause in 
the instrument of government, against the pro- 
tector's assumed right of excluding any representa- 
tive of the people, took their seats, and expelled 
some who had been unjustly admitted : and now 
were a great majority, composed of talent and reso- 
lution, arrayed against the usurper. They brought 
the late settlement, as the work of a mutilated as- 
sembly under force, into question, and at once de- 
clared directly against the lawfulness of the Up- 
per house. In vain did he tell them that they 
should regard the upper house as a branch of the 
legislature, and give it the denomination of a house 
of peers: They treated his remonstrances with 
scorn, while a petition was carried through the 
city for parliament to resume the power of the 
sword. The timid were backward in signing the 
petition, from a dread of the soldiery ; but, as they 
were assured that the military were similarly dis- 
posed, they every day became more decided. 


Many piota were at this time formed against the 
protector. Harrison was busy, aqd the royalists^ 
caballed. The republicans could not properly act 
with the latter ; but/ as they did not apprehend 
much danger from them, they were willing that 
they should gather such strength as to form such 
a counterpoise to Cromwell as might afford them- 
selves an opportunity to assert their own cause. 
But the cavaliers were, by habits of intemper- 
ance, partly the result of hope deferred, unfitted 
for any undertaking of importance, and their silly 
cabals, formed in taverns, and while they were un- 
der intoxication, being regularly announced to the 
executive, were easily crushed, and only served to 
strengthen it. 

There was now a party ready to recal the Stuarts 
on terms, and prepared to act on certain condi- 
tions with the royalists ; and it is singular that 
these were designated levellers. Sir Harry Valne 
had been imprisoned in Carisbrooke-castle for 
writing against the usurpation, and had only been 
liberated to be exposed to another mode of oppres- 
sion, — that of having his title to part of his estate 
called in question — for the purpose of forcing him 
to compliance with the new system ; but his ac- 
tive mind was still busied in the public cause. 
Martin, Sydney, and others, assisted by Harring- 
ton and the like, were intent on planning a form of 
commonwealth, which should be calculated to col- 
lect the voice of the people, and yet control the 
power of magistrates ; and it is even said that 
some individuals had conspired to assassinate the 


protector. His vary guards vmn swpMtedi mnI 
be tecredy kept watdi faimsclf. Such wen tim 
parties against hitn, and the commons in padia* 
menti yffho were violent agaiiM the vifff^et hoiue^ 
wddd most probably have proceeded fartbaragaioet 
the uaurpationy had oot he pre^ttited tbcii by n 
hasty diasolutioti *« 
iMiimeiit Some of his fri^ds^ as Wbitelockie and Fleet- 
tS!r^. ''food^ sti«niK>nsly di8siia4ied faim from this pur- 
^^^ pose, remindi&g hin that the lata monarch bad 
o^vted bk fate to &eqaesrt bresiehes with parlisr* 
ment: But be bad probably hitnsebP Ibraied the 
jwtest estknate of hb <mn sikuatioQ* Wben^tfaer^- 
fiire* Fleetwood coaj ured h»& mot to adopt that mea- 
sure, he swore by the living God that they dMMsld 
sit no tongeiv-^Jfloiguflkge similar to that osed by the 
late king at the beginning of* ids reign, and a me- 

uq* LudloWj vot ii. p^ 57^, et sejg. Hutehiafloi^ voL ik p. B81. 
Cliur. vol vi. p. 587^ etseq, Thurloe's State Papers^ vol. v. p. Sll. 
vdL vM. p. ^199. fia»i«\( Life ai 'Ctota'n^y p. 480, ef neq. iloimndik 
WhMmske,^^^^€taeq. leviusdidbgtfaefintjAbstocriliupMw 
liament that the case of James JNiayltw^ the'Juiatic ^uakei^ occurred^ 
and was taken i^ by the house. Whitdocke infonns us that he was 
iJiou^t by Ws^y tb be too severely prosecuted Iby sOtte r^d men. 
Thfrewas, l0«<evtr> tbiii^stuM Jto tboi^ ikat^heir mw m ar ie s «re»s 
ever zeady to^wellon aay extranQ^g^Oioe^f a f^sMdc, to brisg odium od 
thor whole proceedings; and to predict & universal inundation <ji 
fidhito^ blluqphtsmy, &c. ice. from l!he principles of toleration. It has 
fattni!iemark0i, tlstib, bad Mr. Htmie«ee& some of tiie aooounts of this 
angular bdng^ he uAg^t have eur^hed his ludicrous descriptioB. In 
some respects, however, he is mistaken. Ni^ylor did not believe him- 
self to Ve Ohit^, but imaged that Christ moved him to what he said 
or did. He wasa itack of «ome education, b«t tuevef hied foHowers, ex* 
c^t amongst a small pDrflkm of the lowest ajnd most iUitente of the 
people. See this case in HowelPs State Trials. See Neal. 


lancholj proof of tho pronenefls <rf* men tnamour- 
ed of unjust power^ to fall into the same langui^e. 
On dissirivuig the atssetnUy^ he loaded it with the 
itoiputation of prodM>ting the interests of Charles 
Stuart against the settlementof the commonwealth, 
and often appealed to God for the purity of his 

The dissolution oecuifred on the 4th of Febru-Steteoftiie 
ary, 1658; and^ as he died on the third of Sep- ^nh? pro. 
tembw fdlowing, it bap^eaed just seven months ^*^^* ' 
before his deathb Thiis^ to the credit of* England^ 
though the usurpation continued only £ve years, 
the usurper was obliged to call tliree successive 
assembliesi-^which, bonsidering the mode of eljsc-^ 
tion> it was a prostftiition oftiie wolrd to call parlia- 
ments-^HEuid yet he bad odt been able to prevail mih 
one of these to sanction his assuaaed powen He, 
however^ aimed <^y at establishing himself and his 
fankily in regal authority^ according toconstitu- 
ttooal {^nbiples $ 4nd| exO^ \inder the common^ 
wealthy the general laws in civil affiurs had nott 
m the memory of man^ been so equitably adbni- 
tiistered^ The usurpation wis in itself illegal} but 
Cromwell owed his continuance so long in power* 
not so much to the stem instrument of an armyf 
as to the disunicm of parties, and his dexterity in 
balancing them against each other ; to the equal 
administration of the kwB^ to whidi the pei^le 
were indebted for greater security in their persons 
and prc^perty, than under the Stuarts ( and to his 
having overreached even wise men, in regard to 
his purpose of assistmg them in the constitution 


'4^12 HISTORY OP THE dftlTISH £Ml^Ift£. 

of a better government. Ail his expedients, how- 
ever, were now nearly exhausted, and it is not 
iroiH*obable that, had his life been prolonged, he 
would have seen himself reduced from all his 
grandeur. Some eininent individuals had even 
refused to pay customs, and sued the collectors at 
common law for taking their goods in default of 
ipayment Some c^ the judges were iniquitously 
displaced for deciding according to law; but 
though St. John,^ who had entwined his interest 
with the protector's, decided against the ^rose* 
eutorsr the public spirit, far from being subdued, 
' daily roee higher, and all men w^e fully persuad- 
ed that the protector could not govern without 
parliaments. Fully aware of this, some of those 
who had been excluded in the ]ate elections de- 
termined to prosecute the sherifis for coitiiption ; 
and one staunch republican, Henry Nevil, raised 
his action against the sheriff of Berkshire. When 
the trial came on, Nevil, who had employed some 
of the most eminent counsel, as Seijeant Maynard, 
(they were not afraid to plead a cause against the 
existing authority *,) judiciously summoned some of 
the most eminent assertors of public liberty to at- 
tend the trial. The cause came before Chief Jus- 
tice St. John, and every objection that could be 
devised was started against the action ; but they 
were all overruled, and the cause brought before 
a jury. The evidence having been adduced, the 
chief justice, in his address to the jury, expatiated 

* Maynard and some others had^ however^ been imprisoned for 
pleading against Cromwell's usurped powers. 


on the heinousness of the offence in a sheriff, the 
servant of his country, to presume to impose upon 
them such members as he pleased, to represent the 
people in parliament, the bulwark of public liber- 
ty ; i^marking that, if such practices prevailed, 
the people would be deprived of the hope of re- 
lief from grievances. The jury brought in a ver- 
diet of fit leen' hundred pounds damages, and a hun- 
dred pounds fine to the commonwealth. An arrest 
of. judgment was, however, afterwards: granted till 
the next term ; and, in the meantime, every art 
was used to prevail upon Nevil to abandon his ac^ 
tion; but he remained inflexibleV and the sheriff, 
to save his property, availed himself of the time 
granted by the arrest, to convey it out of the 
country. Nevil, however, had the judgment re- 
corded as an example, and resolved to prosecute 
for the damage in every possible shape *. 

Such was the state of the public mind in gene- 
ral ; but even the military were not to be trusted; 
and his removing experienced officers and soldiers 
for others who, as not having felt their strength, 
were less formidable, only tended to diffuse through- 
out the country a body of men who, conscious of 
their aptitude for war, and consequently intrepid, 
were not only bolder in expressing their sentiments, 
but ready to join in measures against the power 
which offended them. Lambert was forced to re- 
tire on a pension of L.2000 a-year. Even his own 
regiment evinced a spirit that brought home to his 

* Ludlow^ vol. ii. p. 600, et seq. 


bosom the instability of his fortune. Immediate- 
ly after the dissolution of the late parliament, be 
summoned the officers before him, and draaaaded 
of them whether they would promise fidelity to tb^ 
present govemmentf and %ht against its adversa* 
ries: They answered; that theywould fight against 
Charles Stuart, and that interest ; but that they 
would not engage to fight against they knew not 
whom, and for they knew not what In conse^ 
quence of this answer, he new-modelled the re-^ 
giment. '< By this, and other means,'' says Lud* 
low, ** he lost the affections of great numbers of 
men, that would have been useful and faithfiil to 
htm against the family of the late king V 
Conipim. New dangers also arose : A body of what were 
called fifth monarchy men, to the number of about 
three hundred, raised a standard against him, 
with a lion couchant, and a motto, <^ who shall 
rouse him ?" Such a petty insurrection, composed 
of tradesmen, was, however, only indicative of the 
general spirit of disaffection* They were appre- 
hended, and confined for a considerable time. A 
party of commonwealth's men in London were also 
seized by the mayor^s officers ; but little could be 
proved against them, except the use of secret asso« 
ciations to deplore the apostacy of the times, par- 
ticularly at Whitehall. Am(»)gst these was a cor* 
net Day, who was accused of having called Crom- 
well a rogue and a traitor. The prisoner, far from 
denying, boldly acknowledged the words, and of-^ 

* Ludlow^ vol. ii. p. 603^ et seq. 



f€xe4 ta prove» in bis vlndicatioii^ that he acted 
by the authority of the protector bifiMelf» as his 
highness bad (toclared tbat» should he <^ress the 
cooficientioiist or betray the libertiea of the peo- 
ple^ or iK)t taike away titles* they should have li- 
berty to call him by these opprobrious epithets. 
Hie coniet desired to adduce witnesses to prove 
the fact ; but he and his associates were fined and 
imprisoned for their alleged misdemeanour. There 
bad been another plot by some royalists* who were 
accused of a purpose to levy war f^ainst the go- 
vernment, to fire the city, and raise their adhef- 
eats during the confusion* and to debauch the gar- 
rison at Hull by commissioners from Charles Stu- 
art. The ringleaders* Dr« Huet* Mr. Mordaunt* 
and Sir Henry SUngsby, were tried by a high com- 
mission* authcorized by the late parliament Huet* 
insisting on a trial by jury, re&sed to plead, and 
was held as confessed ; Mordaunt pleaded, and 
was acquitted by a casting voice; Sir Henry Slings- 
by was tried and condemned. The fate of the 
latter was lamented even by the republicans, who 
held that* as he was confined at the time* and 
a declared enemy to government, he oug^t not to 
have sufifered for treason hatched in prison. It 
was farther alleged, that the very persons whom 
he was accused of attempting to corrupt, had 
trepanned him, by a promise to render Hull to the 
exiled king* provided Slingsby could procure a 
commission in his majesty's name ; and that the 
one issued was an old one that had lain long about 


him. On these grounds, though they could not 
be maintained in a court of law, it was thought 
that his life ought, in equity, to have been saved. 
But, in vindication of Cromwell, it may be argued, 
that he could have been condemned for the former 
insurrection. Both he and Huet were beheaded. 
It is said that Cromwell^s daughter, Mrs. Claypole, 
pleaded earnestly with her father to save the lite of 
Dr. Huet, and that his inexorableness on the oc- 
casion hastened her dissolution, which occurred 
soon afterwards. Some of the meaner conspirators 
were hanged *. 

Cromwell still continued his system of courting 
and balancing the different parties : Some of the 
presbyterians he gratified with favours, and some 
of the old nobility he zealously courted. The Earl 
of Warwick's grandson was admitted a suitor to 
his youngest daughter ; but the alliance not being 
agreeable to some of the persons about the court, 
the protector interdicted it. As, however, it was 
equally desired by the protector, the earl, and the 
young couple. Sir Edward Sydenham removed 
every difficulty by a clandestine marriage : For this 
he was forbid the court j but the service was too 
acceptable to admit of a lasting difference t. 

* Ludlow^ vol. ii. p. 604, et seq» Clar. vol. vi. p. 618, et seq. Thur- 
locf's State Papers, vol. vi. p. 781. vi. p. 13, et seq. vii. p. 3, et seq. 
Whitelocke, p. 673. This story, in r^;ard to Mrs. Claypole, is denied 
on pretty plausible grounds by Mr. Cromwell in his memoirs of the 
protector. Whitelocke tells us that Huet behaved very imprudent* 
ly at the trial. 

•♦* Ludlow, vol. ii. p. 603-4. 


Affairs in Ireland were not in a more prosper^ ijiiaie ofte 
t>us conditfon for him, the sormy bdng as javtrse to|2!^2^ 

his becoming kingas thehrcomfMmions'in arms att^ 
home. His son Heniy, th^rc^ore, who had fo^ 
merly courted the sectarian party, now e^tedvouiv 
ed to gain the presbyteriatis. When, however, he 
desired them to join in an address to Ms father, to 
stand by and defend hfm i^nst his enemieisi, they 
remarked that, if they knew who w^re meant by 
his enemies, tbey would return an answer ^ but as 
they knew neithei!' whd were his enemies, nor the 
prineipte ^n which he wished to engage them, 
'they could not consent to his proposal. Consider- 
ing the small dependence that is to be placed on 
adulatory addresses, such language was truly alarm- 
ing *. Hie common council of Loudon, however, 
ill their addresses, gratified Cromwell to his utmost 
wishes, and they continued the same style of adu- 
lation to his son. When the restoration took place, 
tfaey addressed similar language to Charles IL, 
'denouncing alt that had been done, from the first 
meeting of the long parliament,''viilany and rebel- 
lion. Many causes contributed to bring about a 
change in public opinion, but the fact also proves 
'that Cromwell and his successors had been expert 
'in taking advantage of some defect in the consti* 
^tution of the common council*. 

The protector was no less attentive to secure the siake'i es. 
fleet; and, aware of the unshaken firmness . of |^||j^, ana 
Blake's republican principles, he was anxiou3 to^*^ 

* Ludlow^ vol. ii. p. 60d. 

VOL. ir. 2 e 


4iiif«9^^ jw w4mw oTfivm snpfiisfi^e him. For 

xilm W^^pat^ Colo9s)9 Mont^gMe and De;ibof<«igfa 

jV9^ joined 10 itba my immtoiaiuioo. The ft^iDifit- 
mSf^ i«f tibe Jat^tjeor W49 Qo^EmaJ, ^ h€ tEymtiuued at 
hom^ im ^ihe AQotpuHHoa^y lor ^mvy. But 

M9P^«gw i¥^ «i3nt tp n»i 90dj4f(be wwsQtirefy 
tSulM»rm9iit :to. ^9 pnteetor, «fs« pe^ieived Oat 
jbbe ojs^t i9rg9 to hikm^ tib^ iatvest of Blaise in 
jtbe affectioQs.Qf U»0 aaSoK?. 3%ede|ilib oflhatnaYal 
hexo qpiet^4 jthe prc(t9ctc»r^9^i]9 ^ni^dy jsia]iBJiad- 
|o]¥ «9jrc^siticiaHy, ^'.tl^e 1^39 of tdMit gre»t xoao was 
l^n^eipted by QrQOiwett jpni^ i» l^e mni9 maoner 
j^ tit^ftt qf Ireton ^p4 j^gp^ra^ 3J|§a|i jbad te«f/ 
.Thj8 gi^ntion o^ Jj^l^ke l^jd^ mtqlk^j^sta^ of^ 
Ja9t exploiti? of bis lif^, 

Ilgving yisite/1 the cpasjt jof I?or|i]^ to. w^ter 

a|i4 yictujd his ^leet, hp b^gqrd of * wi .^aniah 

.fleet betp^ op a how^w^ffd Yoy^age, ^nd be fiailed 

^to the C^pfffips tP «iiiei:c»pt i;t. The Sfigpiwda took 

jrefug^ in tbq bay »f $9»ta CjTUj?, jin tbe i^apd of 
TenqrifFp. Th? b^y w^ protected by a #ro»g castle 
and ^even forts, .upji|:e.d by a land c^mow^ioatioD ; 
>and the Spanish ^dppiiral drew along the mouth of 
ihe hacbow a strong bponu while he placed aix 
galleons in readiness to pour a bxoadside on lim as- 
«ailftnj:s, m^ the ^walkr y.egsels directly ^nd^ the 
forts. This situation wfw d^ewed perfectly ^soemie > 
but Slake v*9 »Pt to bq intiniidated* Wt*b one 
squadron be himself attacked the gaUeoBs,-wi¥te 
Stayner, >yith Jigbte^r vesaelsi entered &e harbour. 

Hiaaroft^ m f «« ]%iiiTiw VHPtuu 4JL9 

Hue Spami^ yit][M wfte buriN^ the hfttteiin si- 
Imced; mAf tli^ ^iad: praviog feyoundble, the 
English oaioe off with the hmB of onty fiMri^-^igia; 
tireGL It was on i^iiui ^€&&Am dkaifc the senark wm 
made, that therBagiidiL^eie devils mA men. This 
imB the last qiqpldlfcaf Bbke^ wbQi^d».on his.voa^» 
age liome^ of a ac^rbuiw i»bmphiiiti»-To iUnstrate 
his^ ch^miQtcri We e^iall h^ce idata a eiloiimsrtaiiee 
iphiek QpciHarad oq tfad Sfwntrii* aoast antev|(»r to 
the var« Some of iJm aailorff haj^hog geoe afifaone 
at Mgbga^hady mt^ the IdtoiigHtlcssne^ peculiar to 
their class, laughed at the veneration paid ta the 
feost, wbem the muteitiida^ ii^tigatod by one of the 
pijesti^ iM lipoQ them wd l)6at them sevecelj^ Qa 
theiif return ta tN ship, thejs immedsatdly' omb* 
ptained to thetr adodva]!, wha demanded reparation 
of the vioeray* He aii^uaeved thsd, ^. ha^* no powder 
<iver the prieste ; Bla^e repl|sd that he wouM not 
trouble hiraaelf w4th ipi((}urie8 on that s^bjectt but 
intimated ta l^kn, as^the temporal authority, that if 
«atisi&otieii Vfeee not instantly made he wcndd burn 
the town. The threat was efifeetual f the trembtiiig 
pf lest ifiraa sent te apologise fe« bis eonduet. He 
excused himself oa the groui^ that the sailors bad 
provoked them by insulting the religion of a coun- 
try tfaf y bad e«tere4 Jlkk^ wm top wise and just 
to approve of their conduct, but be toM the priest 
4lwt tUe complaint Qught to Ijav^ been wade to 
hfia^ wh^a he w^^uUi have severely cbai^^d the of* 
fenders i but he would have him and ail the worl^ 
h^m^ XhjsA ^om should punish ^n Engli§hai2in but 
^u Englishman* When this was reported ta the 



protector and his council^ he, with that disposition 
which men at the head of affairs generally evince, 
to arrogate all the exploits of the age — ^a disposi- 
tion in which they have been too generally supported 
by historians-— exclaimed, that he would have the of an EngUshman as much respected as that 
of a Roman had ever been. Blake was magnifi- 
cently buried in Henry Vllth's chapel; but 
though his character has been justly eulogized by 
the royalists, his body was not permitted to repose 
in the tomb, having been taken up and flung into 
a pit*. 
i>uiiiuik Cromwell having agreed with Cardinal Mazarin^ 
to assist the French government on land, 6000 
men were sent to the Continent ; and in a battle 
Sit Dunkirk^ which led to the surrender of the 
town, they fully' supported the English character. 
Dunkirk was given up to England, and was regard- 
ed by the protector, who appears to have indulged 
mighty ideas, as a most valuable acquisition t. 
CromweU'g; We now return to a more particular account of 
and deaA. CiTom wcU, whosc health daily declined.— When, busy^ 
in his career of ambition, he had sought his present 
lofty preeminence, he had been blind to the dangers 

* Clar. vol. vi. p. 600-2. Harris's Life of Cromwell^ p. 396-9. 
Biog. Brit. See Siede de Louis XIV. ch. ▼• 

+ Ludlow vol. ii. p. 560-2. Clar. vol. vi. p. 640, et seq. White- 
locke, p. 673. " Thurloe's State Papers, vol. vii, et seq. Harris's Life 
of Cromwell, p* 400, et seq. From the gallantry of the English troops 
on this occasion, I have no douht that had Cromwell's army, with that 
intrepid leader at their head, been pitched against Turenne and Conde 
together, these captains would quickly have been deprived of their 



that must necessarily attend his eleyation. The em 
thusiasinthat,in his better days — for it is to be hoped 
that he was corrupted by success, and not inhereht- 
}y vicious — ^had kindled the ardour of his own spi- 
rit, and diffused itself around him, making him 
brave every danger, was now stifled; becalise he 
found himself in a state of ien vied greatness,- cut off 
from sympathy with his former comrades, tormentr 
ed with jealousy of those he had trusted, detested 
by those who had started with him for the attain- 
ment of an honourable purpose, beset with dangers 
which threatened not only to degrade him from his 
unworthy situation, but to humble him and his fa« 
mily to destruction," and load hi3 very memory with 
infamy, and bereft of expedients to conduct the 
machine of government much longer, while his hy- 
pocrisy stood unveiled, and he could neither ad«' 
vance nor retreat with safety. He had reason also 
to apprehend assassination, a species of danger to 
which the human nerve$ are least commensurate. 
The hazards of the field, where there is a call upon 
one's honour, every courageous' mind caii meet j but 
never to repose one's head without dread of the 
poignard, must appal the stoutesft heart i and Crdm- 
well's, with all its fortitude and bi'avery, was so 
far from being superior to it, that he is alleged to 
have worn conceded armour sometime before his 
death, and, for a short period also, never to have 
slept for two nights successively in the same cham- 
ber. Domestic afflictions hastened his dissolution. 
Amid all the active bustle of life, the fortunes of 
the field, and the dreams of ambition, Cromwell's 


4Ae ttt^dtORt 01^ tkg Bftt^istf fti^ite. 

iiiections centered in IJhe bt»om of hii» family, atid 
from afflictioii tbtre fcntun^ c6ald !^t MdUre hitn. 
Hts motb^r^ Ttrboni he toved Witli the teild6t-ei»t filial 
pietj, died suteftquefitly tdbis mur|)iirtion» ftttd Mil ft- 
Touiite daughl^efi MrSiCk^ote^ wafi^ taken iloM hitji 
this sufHtner, while the tuMinet df bet desttfa h 
said to have added infinitely ta hits disftfiefts j hk 
inexorable nefasal ef the life of thi Huet having, it 
is alteged, b^oi:^ her spifft. £te never eeuld over^ 
C0f»e his grfdf at isueh a loss |; &ikd a coiiitiH<^iotl 
of disotde^Si %ith o^re and di»tre^ of mind, teiwi^ 
nated in bis death cm tbelli^ird of September, iGSS^ 
the day of the year wlfieb, as the anmvers£^ tif 
Punbar aad Worcester, be had evii fieci^unted 
fortimate^ A^ to bis prayers, the conduct of hh 
cbapiaim, and tbe MM^MI- of his de^b, ^tef ^r6 
iitde to be rel^ on^. There is sotoe truth, iieW* 
erer, in tbe following passages by Ludlow, that h6 
«« iMnifested m Httle remorse Ibr hiavmg beti^^ 
tlitt publia eaus^ and snerifieed it to hiil dwn attA>ib 
tioB> tihttt some of his last words rathef because a 
inediAtor than a sinner, as he recbinniended td 
God the cofftdltion of tbe nation which he had so 
in&mou^y dieated, and exp^esised great care of ^ 
people whom he liad so manifestly despisedf.'^ A 
great hui^rican^ d^urried on tbe dtoy of his deaihi 
wliii^ hisi adfiiiiisi^ iMei^reted Mo i iigrt StatA 
hea^ei^ that it e&nlA no« fiake awtty so ^eait a utan 
without waxtmig the nation ^ the )6ss it had m»^ 

 Otmfe's Life of Dir. O^eii^ p. «42. 

ttI2itOll¥ of tm BRIYISH BMPinE* 


tained^ and the royalists maintained to be a proof 
of heaven's wrath at so great a sinnen 

He formally named no successor, aware that, in 
the event of bis surviving, it would be injurious to 
his interest, since he could no longer delude his 
followers with the hope of being each the happy 
object of his choice * j but his secretary, Thurloe, 
his chaplain, Df« Jo&n Gobdwhi, stated, that 
wh^o, in his last moments, he was asked, whether 
he wished his eldest son to gactieed bim ? he an^ 
swefed in the affirmative. 

«L t» 647, ei^ seq. Handuif t Life of OromweU. Thurloe's 8me Pa^ 
pert^ vol* Til. p^ 36$^ et seq. 

Cromwelf 8 mterpositiouinbe&aff of thtrVaudoistyWho, as protestiftis, 
were oruelly p^h^ieA By tbe tHAe cit Ski(rf> l»n g^neralfybeeit'ex* 

424 HirrmiT or ths bbitish EMPiiffi. 


* • - - 

Sichard Cromwell^ OUver^s eldest Son, acknowledged Pro^ 
tector. — Summons a Partiament-^Caial of WaOmgfifri 
House.'^Pafrliament dissolved. — Richard deposed.'-^ 
Long Parliament restored.'-^onspiracy (^the Rtydlisis. 
f-^Insurtecihm suppressed.'-^ParlUimeni easpdlei Ikr 

* House. — Conduct of Moncke. — Parliament redored,^^ 
Resolutions of the City.'-^Mcncke sent against tt. — fin* 
ters London a second time^ and declaresjor afreePqrlia* 
fnent.-^Seduded Members restored. — Long Parliament 
diss6lved.^^New Parliammt.'^The Restoration. 

Aidtttd There were, at the time Cromwell usurped the 
govemmenty about half a million in the treasuiyf 
and the value of seven hundred thousand pounds in 
the magazines, while the customs and excise yield- 
ed near a million annually : at his death the pay 
of the troops was in arrears, and a public debt con- 
tracted of about three millions. All his expedients 
of government having been exhausted, and his fi- 
nances in such a state, even he could not have long 
continued at the head of afiairs. Little, therefor^ 
was it to be expected that a feebler hand, unsup- 
ported by that glory which, after so many exploits* 
raised him to such estimation in the minds of men. 


•— sho^Id have been able to manage the reins which 
himself could not much. longer have held. He had 
formally named no successor ; but, as it was said that; 
he hadt when almost speechless, given an afihrnfa-^ 
tive to a. question, whether he wished his eldest son 
to succeed him, and as no other party was prepa- 
red to assume the power, Richard was proclaimed. 
JPor such a situation he was particularly unqudi- 
iied : his abilities were slender ; his knowledge of 
business extremely limited ; and, never having 
been a soldier, he was incapable of controlling the 
military, .while the splendour of his father's ta- 
lents, which dazzled mankind, had shed no fay 
upon his son. Yet his succession to the protectorate 
was hailed with all the adulatory addresses usual 
on such occasions. Foreign ambassadors also 
paid him the respect which they had given to his 
father. The corpse of Oliver was magnificently 
entombed in the dormitory of kings* no less than 
about L.6p,opO having been expended on the fu« 
ner^. But his body was not long permitted to 
rest in peace : with pitiful malignity, it was, at 
the Restoration, dug from the grave, exposed 
tiiumphahtly.on a gibbet, and buried under the 
gallows. Atthisperi^, however, a day of fast* 
ing and humiliation was appointed by the council, 
and afterwards ordered to be solemnized throi^-. 
out the three nations, for the public calamity sus- 
tained by his death. Genius was racked for ful- 
some panegyrics on his memory ; history, sacred 
and pro&ne, ransacked for parallels of his greatness. 
He was compared to Moses, Jembabet, Joshua, 

4^ tftirf ORT er tub munsn sMPtktv 

GidMity '&ijnh David, Sbldriioii, Hes^k^y Ccnr: 
ittfttitihfe tfi^ Grealv &c. } biit some of htd pl^rib^y^ 
flM^/iiMfii of high {Mifetiedi geaiM^ tor tlM tikgteee 
of Cf{>lMdid tttlent^ wete ifotesi Midy lAef wiftls to 
^ulo^d hiii ed^uiksi who mcoeaded M hfttf^ jMd 
thfett trudtict! hi^nftine^ ttif thoy hsMibetaiititibAJ 
to testify thait tliMr powers w<$re dt die ^ehdde of 
tke tuliiig aifiihorityi dnd thdt, in pr^iAtkg ^ pet- 
son OT party eaipdble of' tewstrding tfaem» ikey Vftti 
merely l^lbdiifing in their vo4»tion ** 

The ifttd protector hdd Altered into it tei^e 

With the kin^ df Sweden^ to ftsi^ bim i^anuK thtf 

kit% 0f Dentoaf k ; and^ as the aid ooidd oMy pre^ 

perly be given by dea, a lafge siioi iraar ieqa^d 

for the fleet. This multiplied the necesattie^ of ^ 

ternmenty and as money could tibt be ridsed #id^ 

out k parliainenty it was focfnd nebe^ry to snuff* 

mon one for January AiltMitig. The late ar* 

fangement ih regaM to the representation, b^n^ 

t>6ttef csdduiated to bollfeet tlM g^eral voiee dt 

the inition, iraa foiind to bef unmahageable aa aft 

engine of i^tate ; and it was thferefere dcieinfid ex-* 

pedidht to reVert to the 6ld MMe df the repres^n* 

taiioti, that, in the bc^e which the eJtfeiitiVe en* 

tertain^jd of iMiienee over rotten Jborotiighs^ iHtont-^ 

hm thight be returhed 6S»pMtid to prbntaite its 

vi^m^i Tiiiit Was ^amdt thef iiistranient of gOM 

vernriieht ; biit a pretext i^ eter reikiy : there waa 

* did Pari. Hist vol. xxi. p. ^^, et seq. karris'i^ Life ol Crom- 
i^etl, p. 498; it ieq. Ludlow^ ytdL. H. p. tiii ei ieq, Wlntdddce^ pJ 
tll^ 67«. Q]xt, Vdt. fi p. 6d5, €t Hq. Onk^'fi hik of OwoB^ jp. Ito/ 



A dMiM iti HMe httiiMe ]^1^ and tuMM HMt 
«f eor^lii^ sbDttld be doiife AdcMding td !&# $ t»^ 
th6 ^^tedot^l ilfgtil adViMAI ttai ttred hkU tinifc H 
watMufted hiik Mbtttihg tb6 iHA hmt ^t timtUp^ 
t/eamSbHk Writs «f«l« Hceor^iii^y iMUiid eti thM 
giraiiftid, Md till A«Bffl3 tWtibi to pttM^ite (lie te* 
ttith of fit iittiliAiCttits f^ hta pcu^ouef butt in 
fljiite <if €rv«t^ Aza^ntat o€ tifldtte i!^tt6ik66 iftXid eveft 

w(ii^ ciledtid^ As ^« ilieidMIA j^ SoiHiMd «d 
lydaAd nl9f^ b^ anid «6lMnre b«eti raa&k At Wkfte^ 
bfdl, th6 nibilttbetis ^oiii thote ebuixtiites fbtdaid k 
vaHi^ ii^!c«9riott to Oie ]^#oted»r's i^eretits *. 

1%6 pMfiatiifeiit met 6tk ihe 27th «f 3kaimtf,Aj^ 
(1659) i(6d ^^chatd addressed them iti a 8t^e~ 
^vdrich did d^dit either to hianeK' or {^<iefe Whodi 
lie had emi^yed to fhtme tibe speech. Oft tii^ 
1st of February, a bill was brought in fbr ti^ ii^ 
coghitio^ ti his power* and here the temper of the 
«isem%^ttatiifestedi the humbte petitiott and 
itMlvice^the faasiil of thili bSft of recogtiitioif'^^aiB 
itSsbiM bjr the tepuUieiui polity a* «be ^odhetiotk 
«f Apadtc^ meetiii^, wh^ the Stftfcch iHid Msh 
4iK»mbleH, profxtid^d by the prbtebtdii^ hhi6efelfj irtte 
Mtdly Cbe iristhimeiits Of d^n^ Vbt A^iaiaie i h 
HMto d^iiibukieed to be destitK^ve ta the liberty of 
the people* and every way pernicious; and the 
pi^^ikr mAnbiM ttfj^liM Aril, w it wto AtHi df no 
fore^oY v^diQT M itsefiT, It 6bnld^ve ^e late pro- 
tector no power to nominate a successor j but that. 


jprd&tii^.he ^bad therpower, it was- evident that h^ 
1j^ ;iievpr jexefcised it in such ^ way. as qould be 
0cknowledge4 by a kgiglatiye ass^oably. The de- 
bate Isalt^d sev^n days, when that part of the billr- 
that Richard should, be acknowledged proteptor, 
was finally carried ; after which it was committed, in 
order that such additipnal^clauses as might secure 
the liberties of the people might be devised. It 
was al^p resolved that no part of the bill should be 
;obligatoiy, until, with all the amendn^ents» it should 
.be parsed as a whole. Many of the cavaliers, who 
had been r elected , through Richard's influence, 
were expelled, apd the right of the Scotch and 

. Irish members was also calle4 in question, but ul- 
timately carried in their favour. The authority of 
;the upper house was likewise impugned in themost 
powierful manner ; but that point was fdso carried 
against the. popular party*. , 

: Richard was, in the meantime, sappipg the very 

.foundation of his own power. Instead of cleaving 
to his ^kinsman, Desborough, and all that party^ as 

rwell as encouraging the popular side, while, like 
his father,, he should promote the interests of re- 
ligion, and thus g^n the great body of the dejgy, 
and with them a great portion of the people^ he;, 
assuming die feelings of a hereditary sovereign 

seq^ See Cl^r. State Papers^ yoL iii. p. 41S^ etseq. Royalists wereeiw 
cotiraged by Hyde and ether counseUors to get themselYes elected^ 
that they might promote the king's interest. See pavticolarly p. 43G« 


prince, atid imagining that, as the influence of tlie 
I'^ublicans was immediately opposed to his, he 
had most to a^ipribbettd' from them, arid Httle com- 
paratively from the cavaliers, whom, he tfatteretf 
himself, the united interests of the protectorate 
party/ the pi^esbyterians^ and republicans, teoiild 
ti^Vet allow ttf restore the old dynasty-^he courted 
the royalists as carrying farthest the principle 6t 
obedience to the chief magistrate, and affected t6 
scoff at that zeal for religion to which his fathei' 
had been indebted for sd touch of his success^ 
" Would you,'* isaid he publicly, i6 ah oflifcef who 
Complained of his cdriferring commands in the 
army on cavaliers, « prefer none but those tvho are 
godly? Here is Dick Ingofeby, who can neither 
pray nor preachy and yet I will trust him before 
you aH ♦/' His brother Henry had likewise fallen 
under the displeasure of the protestants in Ireland 
for similar conduct. This, however, was not the 
only source of jealousy arid discontent to the army 
and the protector*s chief counsellors. Moncke 
had recommended, by a letter to -Oliver, to new- 
modet the army, and change the council: bat Oli- 
ver had too much good s^rise to divulge a scheme 
which ought never to have been suspected till it 
was put in execution : Richard, however, ignorant 
of the world, could not keep so important a secret, 
audit necessarily diffused the utmost discontent 
and jealousy amongst those bodies. He soon found 

^Ludlow, vol 11, p.fr33; 

. ^ I 

CriMiM xiie ine^res of tl^e (iarliw4f«it »l«F«>e4 Mm i th« 

^»U«4» from l)i» pl^c^ of ^9^4911091^ tl^ <»«biil «t 

fuzea tip9lale to his pf9|l;iB;vHQA>* Ia ovfkv it^ FWr 
««ry§ tk)^ 4e|»ep4f iw^ of t^P vi^itfuyt Q^m^ Im4 
)(ept tliem in deWiW^ fiofiims tlireiigbeiifc Ibe 

4cipf:;)i|e4 1^ tt^ft p^rU^fipt, |^ etnly yii^lded to «n 
f^v|c9> hy tbe l¥aJ|iqgfQr4-h<)4«& pa^ t« «Uow a 
^eral t^oiwcil pf o£6[<^f« ta he tuioiiieiM(i« Mo 
^oqr 4id wfich » epi)^^ moet t)i49 il lelt its o«« 
«treng<^i) »p4 «f>toi?f4 tntso r«i9li)tiQQft vith tb« 
«Q^gf 9^'^ pi;gyiii;^4 b^ I Thftt tb« good «I4 
Cftwi)» lEM h^^yf4& th%t tbft «»v^en wme oo 
«lip0miig^d that 1^ StvwBty vmM be int^itaUgi 
hrought hapk i,^ 9j)4 th^^ th^r^for^k tb« m^«t» 
i^^d be «q^wi:^4 tP AQim« lrtdiyi(lu«l ia vboim 
tjb^y ccivld jR^ iKw94«v A p<^an to thia eflsct 
ii»9 4(^wi) Wt 9a4 B?99$Dt»4 to Ri<^bavd, hjr fdwrn 
i^ ^^$ ^mm^fo^s^^ t« ti^ pa^^iaiaeBt. ' Thci 
igJiitf^ iwp»4i^^\y hegm to c^acm measmm fov 
reduoiag ^ i^fny i^) ohedience, when ihj^ oouoctl^ 
still %ther ^nae^, md yet tniating to their omm 
str^tqgthy insi«ite4 thftt Ridiaidi sfacHiU immediate)^ 
clifsol^ t^e p2H:)iwpaent> as the only way to prevent 
^i^&fetiiom c^ the loUitary* a& well as. procee<|lngs 
iSS^hnS!* hostile to himself and his family, by that assembly 
>^A|ri]. itsel£ Surrounded ov^ every skie with difficulties. 

HiaiuiBY OF THIS m>wiiH immw* 481 

Bicbard Allowed t^e advice by diasdiviDg the 
piii?liam@nt t. 

^ Some c£ the leadkig. oAoei9 ^0m at firat ^pcs^ nidiud'f 
ed to aiqppoirt Bichard in bis office, ^iofidfd the^^^^^' 
power n^ere sbaced with thepa ; biit the nptdiiiGiit^^^^ 
inei^bers x>f tbe army, ^o were 8tlU coDsiderable> i>a<»«nt i^ 
strenaously insisted i^^pon the establishment ^f aMayr. 
cotnmonwealtli, an^, fer that purpos9» upon the 
restoration of tbe old parliament, wbioh, aa by law 
it could only be dissdved by its own consent, stili 
mamtaiixed that it was in existence. Petitions 
from various quarters were presented in favour of 
^at laBasure ; and many of the mendier^ them* 
selves were exceedin^y aqtive. A list of abouf; a 
hundred ai|d sixty of dii^m was prep^ed by Lfidlow, 
lliat they might be immediately assembled ; and 
the measure was so strenuously urged that It could 
no longer be resisted.^-7-Ricbard, hqw peri^eiving 
bis utter inability to continue his government, re- 
signed hid office and retired to tha|; private station 
&om which he ought never to have been raised. 
This was the natursd catastrophe j and Cromwell, 
for the sake of individual aggrandizement, which, 
had he not been blinded by ambition, he ought 
to have foreseen could never be perpetuated in his 
fiimily, incurred all the guilt of losing a grand op- 
|»orjtunity for promoting the interests of his coun- 
try tr 

1^. 6Slf€^se^. Old ^arl. Hist. vol. xxi. p. 339. 

+ Lud. vol. ii. p. 633, et seq. Whitelocke, p. 667. Clar. voL vi, 
|t 660, ti seq. Pari. Hist. yoL xxi. p* 367. 

4p33 history of the British empire. 

In justice to his memory, however, it must 
be admitted, that the commonwealth party, with 
whom he so long acted, had never contemplat- 
ed any scheme of government which could, in 
the nature of things, be attended either with 
stability, or sufficient security for the liberty of 
the people. That form of government can alone 
be relied on, where, by the very nature of the con- 
stitution, there exists such a control over those 
entrusted with the administration of affiurs, as to 
oblige them to co-operate for the public good, or 
leave their office. Now, as the utmost which was 
contemplated by the popular men of that age was 
to govern by successive parliaments, so elected that 
the deputies might be really returned by the peo- 
ple, and of such limited duration that the metnbers 
might not be induced to forfeit a character for po- 
pularity by neglecting the public, for their private, 
interest, it will be found that, however plausible 
the scheme may appear at first sight, it cannot 
bear the test of examination. Once elected, the 
parliament found itself invested not only with the 
supreme power, but with the disposal of all the 
offices. Short as might be the period assigned it, 
the members had yet an interest to aspire to office, 
and provide for their friends ; for, though many 
might spurn at the idea of abusing their trust, yet 
as the experience of mankind in all ages has prov- 
ed that bodies of men are no less capable of dere- 
liction of duty than individuals, and as good laws 
provide against what men may, and not what ihey 
actually, do, we must assume the most unfavourable 


view of things as* the basis of our reasoning. The 
assembly might be rent into factions for place and 
preeminence^ and each try tostreng 'then his in- 
terest with the public against a new election. All 
who obtained^ or expected office from the party 
that, having the superiority, may be called the mi- 
nisterial faction, would labour for them on the one 
side ; while the friends of the defeated party would 
be no less loud on the other. The country would 
therefore be agitated by the factions in parliament ; 
and in a short period there would be found some 
excuse> in the uproar at elections, in a foreign war, 
the vigorous prosecution of which requiricd a eon* 
tinuance, without prospect of change, of the pen 
who had already performed such meritorious ser- 
vices for their country— in the dread of an insurrec- 
tion at home, or in some other cause— for prolong- 
ing the parliament, which, as the supreme power, 
such an assembly would assume the right to ac- 
complish. It would not even prevent this, that a 
Jaw had been provided for periodical elections, and 
that the new members might, by force of such a 
law, supersede the old. The assembly in existence 
having prohibited this by a new statute, and or- 
ganised the military and all the offices as subser- 
vient to them^ while they had necessarily, by all 
the influence of government, obtained the support 
of a powerful party throughout the nation, could 
easily take effisctual means for the obstruction of 
an act which was now repealed by another likewise 
made by the supreme power. 

VOL. IV. 2 F 


This T73S wdl expressed by Oliver himself^ in 
favour of his own usurpation^ and^ as it presents a 
fresh specimen of his oratory, we shall give it in 
his own words. *< In every government there must 
be something fundamental, somewhat like a fMg- 
na ch^rta^ that shotdd be standing and be un^ter- 
able. That parliaments should not make them* 
selves perpetual, is a fundamental. Of what as* 
surance is a law to prevent so great an evil, if it 
lie in one or the same legislature to unlaw it again ? 
Is this like to be lasting ? It wiU be a rope of 
sand : it wfll give no security $ for the same men 
may unbuild what they have built •/* It is true 
tiiat public ' opinion would have a great influMce 
over the parliament ; but this would be counts- 
acted by the emissaries of the party in power, and 
by the plausibility of their pretexts for allowing 
the present necessity to induce them to vibmit to 
a temporary deviation from the established rule \ 
while the only oppositicm that could be brought 
would be attended with a national convulsi<m. 
The rule once deviated from would no longer be 
regarded as a fundamental principle of the govenu 
metit; and then the members would be left at 
large to pursue their own plans of ambition } Ac- 
tions would git)W, each aiming at tho supremacy ; 
open disgraceful broils wo«dd eosiie} the defeated 
faction would denounce the r^st as combined 
against the public interest, m^ violating all tbe 
constitutional principles j each would strive to ob- 

; Old Pari. HiBt. vol. 3a, p. 362-8* 


ifiiii th^ eommand df all tiie citil Hikd mShaiy de^ 

f^artmento ; the puUic tvmiid beccnne geitrwally dt»t 

gii^^d» ^EOid fti^ fiisme fkctioni would preb^^ly bc^ 

expelled for a vtolefiit and oVen itielxicusabk oj^ 

pMition to tlr^ i*€^» this numbet left Mfovld ti^ ul- 

tiintttely m diminutive stnd hated^ that «t would bi^ 

no diffidult matter for the chief military <loimkitind« 

er to petmiade ^n indign^t pMpte tiiat, in did^ 

sol^kig such all Mseoibly 5 hg Was otilyovertlxrowii^ 

n set of udurp^iis^ wlio^ ^^ntrusted for a limited pe« 

rii:^ With tibe itmnagem^M ^f ^l&irs^ bad abused 

the pubiic ^^(y^detttie by |^rpetM.t&ig thm power^ 

Mid wh^m it wafi^ neees^ry tb^etf^a^e to imertom : 

ThAt hd <[id^ld tK>t b^ accused of destroying thi 

pcrn^t From which hiis own authority had emanated^ 

silled th6 ad^mbly ought to be the orgto of th^ 

{>ufolic voice, aiid hot pretend to asct fw its own 

beliioof j^^^Hsif^ce he obtaitiedhis comniand&otn tbenfti 

ka trustees fbr the people, and he had only over*> 

turned that body when they forgot th^r cbarsicter^ 

aand converted the trust to their ow» b^efh $*^-a m^ 

fiijdt which caUed upon him^ a^ tb^ mere servant •(^ 

tke puMk^ and not of the parliaments who were 

factors for the people, to obey the voi&e of the na« 

tion out of doors, when it was no longei: to be heard 

withkik Such was the natural course of tsrvent^ 

utid thus might power centre in an individual ttaok 

whom it could not easily be wrested when once 

obtained* The long parliament, with all its talent 

and. virtue, had incurred the reproach^ and with it 

the catastrophe ; and though CromweU's dissimu*- 

lation and hypocrisy were palpable, some excuse 




may be formed for him, while a great part of the 
piecple, who were attached to liberal principles, 
had lost confidence in the parliament, as a body 
which sought its own aggrandisement. 
fltnte of Cromwell's usurpation alienated from the repub- 
lican cause, and prepared for the restoration of 
the Stuarts, many . who saw that power in an in- 
dividual would be established* Obliged to in- 
dulge his soldiery, too, he had not been able to 
restrain them from the licentiousness incident to 
troops who feel their own strength ; and the coun- 
try, vexed with their petty oppression, began to 
desire any anrangement which might free them 
from the present evil.. The presbyterian party, 
flattering itself that, in the event of the Stuarts 
being restored, they would find it necessary to en- 
trust them with the power, in order to prevent 
them from forming a coalition with the repub- 
licans, and thus enable them to bear the whole 
sway, . strenuously urged it on*. Strong, there- 
fore, was the party of the people which the re- 
stored parliament must have had to contend with ; 
and, Lenthall, the old speaker, who apprehend- 
ed that the parliament never could recover its 
power, and was unwilling to part with the honour 
conferred upon him by the late protector, of a seat 
in the upper house, pretended many scruples to 

* See Clar. Papers^ vol. iiL The reader will there find that the 
party called levellers proposed to be satisfied with ft limited mo- 
narchy. See also Hist< vol. vi. p. 63$. 


taking his place as prolocutor of this ' asseit^bly. 
Driven to his last shifts, he ^ated that he- was 
obUged to prepare for a matter of greater import-' 
ance to him than all others put together; and; 
when pressed to explain the nature of the business/ 
he reluctantly answered, that it was the sacra-' 
ment ; but he was told, that mercy was better 
than sacrifice, and obliged to resume his func* 
It cannot be denied that the parliament, under Meararwrf 

• thel<Migpftr- 

the most appdling circumstances, evinced its for->iiftment 
mer vigour in the conduct of affairs* But the first 
cause of fear was from the army, which it was 
therefore necessary to reduce to obedience without ^ 
provoking its leaders* A cpuncil of jstate was im- 
mediately nominated, in the constitution of which 
care was taken to gratify the chief officers with 
seats, and yet to give to the civilians the superiori- 
ty of votes. AIJ commissions to the army were 
ordered to run in the name of the house ; and a 
committee of gfeven was nominated to fill up the 
vacancies in the commands, when Fleetwood was 
appointed lieutenant-general, but only during the 
pleasure of the house. The resolutions against the 
dominion of an individual were resumed ; the old 
seal was restored, and committed to Bradshaw, 
Tyrrel, and Fountain j while all the writs were or- 
dered to run in the name of the keepers of the 
liberties of England. The army every where pro- 
fessed obedience, and addresses poured in encou- 

* Ludlow; val. ii. p. 644^ et seq* 


438 muo9ix or hub British emfiuu 

mg^ tbe pvliwtient in the proisirution of tjhe 
W9^^ Ludlow WIS sent to Irdand to tak^ tha 
jCi^miiifioc) K^^om Qeniy Cromwelh nA ptiake tmk 
a i&PQSttioii in tfaeoffieeuM night aocure the anny 
tjsm'9 i UkA tbis ardent piofesaiQM oi' Maojcke Md 
jtlM troops under bim wen sufficiwt jto remove 
wspioioii of Scotkiod ; tbejr declared ^ th»t the 
festoratiop^ ta one day^ of thai: glonous cauae» 
whose interest was laid low^ even in the du^t, and 

wkm the esseptors of it had so pianifeskly de- 
joUeed it hy « dmii^tioii of many jw9f could iiot 
Im in»piited to lesa thaji the gf eat^t 99^ mcMrt 
poyerfid mapifeatotion of the s^m <^ G>od that 
oy«r they or former ge»eratioas heard of« In the 
s^nsA (xf thitia^ say tiiey» ^ the greatest of ourt^n* 
l^gral sMr^Sjt W!0 Qow comj^ to address your hoor 
evKS as tikK^Q ^hose presence we have so long 
H^wteda thati had you stayed but a little Iqagw, 
it might hay^ bew left to be inquired wh»t £n^ 
|ia«d w»s^ w« noeen^ what waa become of* that peo- 
idf by ^hofls God» for ao many years» fitted, the 
WQf}A with so much admiration and tenor V^ 
Monqj^e'a c^aplaios and panegyrists^ who> tlmre is 
ffason to heJ^ve^ assisted in drawing this vesy 
fidd^ess^ labour to voslke it appear fiu: the ^ry of 
M(m<^?k that he was favourably inclined tow^urds 
the in9un:ection yjptder Sir George Booth and his 
]^1^ in England^ for the overthrow of the object 

* Ifhitekcke^ p. 678-9. Pari. Hist vol. xxi. p. 4U> et seqi See 
the most canting letter ever penned^ by Moncke and his officers^ in 
Thurloe*8 State Piyperfii» voL vi|. p. 6!^. 


which he thus mocked the Deity by pi;eteouiUog to 
have so deeply at heart*. 

The parliament also made a peace with the^^^^be- 
northern powers, Swedei^ by. the alliaiice withatnand 
Cromwell, threatened the sul^jugaUoncf DeiuDark,^^^^ 
when Richard's p^rliaptieiit interposed to mediate 
a peaces But| as the mediation was. nqt impersk 
tive» it was neglected^ and the Swedish king^ her 
sieged Cop^hagen itself. The long parliament, 
now restored^ however, assumed a higher ground^ 
and co>-operatiflg with the Dutch, sent Montague 
with a fleet, attended with Col. Algernon Sydpey, 
Sir Robert Honeywood, and a Mr. Boon, as comr 
missioners. The terms of peace previously agreed 
on by the two republics were imposed chi the 
u^wiUing Swede,' ^^ who complained that common^ 
'we0lths should form conations to be imposed on 
er&wned heads i.*^ 

While matters were in this train, the army at ^^^ "^ 
home was agitated with that factious spirit which 
was from past transactions to have been anticipate 
ed» Fleetwood is said to have been reproached 
by his wife with the overthrow of her family, and 
instigated to amend the fault by assuming autho- 
rity in his own person. Lambert, who had for 

* Prioe^ p. 4> ei seq. Gumbk^ p. 104^ ti seq^ See LudloW> vol. ii. 
p. 691-2. 

t Carte's Let vol. ii. p. 187^ et seq. Whitelocke^ p. 680^ et seq. 
Thnloe'B State Papers^ vol. vii. Ludlow, vol. iL p. 667-8. Clar. 
State Papers, voL iii. p. 606, et seq. I am not aware of Mr. Hume's 
authority for the speech attributed by him to the Swedish king> that 
parricides and pedlars prescribed terms to hun, nor does it do the mo« 
Tiarch muqh credit. Carte's Let. vol. ii. p. 157^ ei seq. 


some time lived in retirement, now came from bis 
retreat, in hopes of obtaining that power which he 
bad originally looked to. A new enemy also 
^ A?S? ^^^^®* '^® cavaliers, during the life of Cromwell, 
vaiioi. had fondly flattered themselves that his reign pre- 
sented the only barrier to the restoration of the 
Stuarts ; but, when they perceived that the old 
parliament was resuming its functions, they infer- 
red that, unless by some preventive stroke they re- 
covered the power before the commonwealth was 
established, the opportunity would be for ever lost 
In their measures they were encouraged by some 
of the presby terians, who imagined that they might 
use them as instruments, and cast them off in the 
hour c^ triumph. The conspirators had resolved 
to rise in various quarters at once : Lord Willough. 
by of Parham, and Sir Horatio Townsend, under- 
took to seize Lynhe ; Lord Newport to secure 
Shrewsbury ; Arundel and others, Plymouth and 
Exeter j Massey, Gloucester ; Sir George Booth, 
Chester; Sir Thomas Middleton, North Wales. 
The king, along with the Duke of York, having 
received a promise of a small force from the Rench 
coiirt, secretly went to Calais in order to be pre- 
pared to transport himself into England, on the 
first favourable opportunity. The design, however, 
was betrayed by Sir Richard Willis, and many of 
the chief conspirator? were immediately appre- 
hie,nded. The treason of l?(^illis to his fellow-con*' 
spirdtors, with the prompt measures of parliament, 
bereaved the great body of confidence in eacK 
other, and ^truck them with despair. Many therCf 


fore availed themselves of the pretext afibrded by 
the state of the weather, which, though it was the 
month of July, was extremely tempestuous, for not 
attending the rendezvous, and the party under Sir 
George Booth was alone enabled to take the field. in«»»f««- 

uon unaer 

Booth seized Chester ; Middleton joined him with fioothsup- 
some troops from North Wales, and the Earl of '^"*"*^ 
Derby, Lord Herbert of Cherbury, and others, 
were partly leagued in the enterprise. Booth was 
a presby terian ; and it is remarkable that he did 
not proclaim the king, but merely called for a free 
parliament duly elected. This was alleged by the 
parliamentary party to be a mere device to rouse 
the presbyterians ; but it evinces the feelings of 
the times. 

Against the insurgents parliament sent Lambert, 
whose celerity was worthy of his military character. 
His adversaries did not stand the first shock. 
Their horse, consisting of seventeen or eighteen 
hundred, of whom one-half are reported to have 
been gentlemen, fled before they were charged, 
and left the foot to be cut to pieces. Such a result 
put an end to all the hopes of the royalists to 
succeed by arms, particularly as the militia had 
been remarkably active against them ; but divi- 
sions among the victors efiected what could not 
otherwise have been accomplished % 

* Ludlow^ Tol. ii. p. 684^ ^^69. Whitelocke^p. 681^ e^jeg. Clar. 
voL vL p. 667, et seq. State Papers^ vol. iii. Pari. Hist. vol. xxi. p. 
iA5,€tseq* Bramhall^ £x-bishop of Derby^ whom a certain eccle- 
siastical party held up to the admiration of men^ though another party 
represented him in a verydiffbrent lights (SeeBaillie's answer to the fair 
'waming,)did notentirelylose hopeon this catastrophe. He confesses that 


I^Mdmt Of Lambert the parliameat bad just cause to be 
jealoua; bot it conceived that the most likely 
mode to retain him in obedience was kindness 
imd» therefore, voted him a thousand pounda to 
buy a ring, as a reward for his present services : 
Buty intoxicated with success^ he resolved to lose 
no time in promoting his own designs. Instead of 
i^nployiog the money on tho object for which it 
was bestowed, he distributed it among the soldiers 

lielMdhM^ adiftned to walk the street (of Biuieeis) or losoimtoeoap 
paRy after it^ " but,'* says he^ ^' it is the duty of good dtizens never to 
despair of the commonwealth ; no^ not after as great a blow as that of 
CaniMS.'* He then alludes to thepeaee ccmeluded by the Nopthem powofi^ 
and {veroeeda thii» : '^ The other relation is of a child born in London, 
about three months since^ with a double tongue, or divided tonguiB> 
which the third day after it was bom cried, a king, a kin^, and bid 
ihem kring it U ih^ king. The mother of the child saith it fold her 
of all that bapfQ]^ in England ainee, and much more, whifiK dibe 
dare not utter. This my lady of Inchiqjoin writeth to hei aunt^ iks 
Brow van MiUeawardey living in this dty, who shewed me the letter. 
My Lady writeth, that she herself was as ineredulous as any penmi, 
uiKkil she both saw and heard it ^eak hevselfj very lal^y, aadsstinctiy 
m she herself could do, and so loud, that all the room heard it. That 
which she heard was this: A gentleman in the company took the 
child in his arms, and gave it money; and asked what it would do 
with It J to which it answered aloud, that it would give it to the klii^. 
If my lady were so foolish to be deceivedj or had not bees an eyie or 
ear witness herself, I might have disputed it: But giving credit to 
her, I cannot esteem it less than a miraele." Carte's Let vol. S. p. 
S07-B» Price leUs of many predictioiis announced to Moncke regard- 
ing the glorious work he was to perform, which I believe as much as 
great part of his, and the stetements of the other bu^graphers of 
MoDcke. But these are all better attested than the strangp talea whidi 
are narrated by Hume, of the wonderful effects which were produced 
on people first by the execution of Charles I. and then by the restora- 
tion of his son. Men, forsooth, particularly a mathematician^ ((me 
would expect philosophical calmness from such a pers<m,) expired 
with joy at the restoration, as some had done with grief at the execu- 
tion of the father. — Id. p. 194, et seq. 

tQiWCttr»ib<w intQf^st, Cotlejigiiing akto with the 
other ojfieet^ h^ i^ cMl &Qt 9k petition to the. pu- 
liaaient m the tmme of the soldiery, de$iiiog that 
]Plee^o0d should be iippotated general* Umadf 
QiaJQ]>{!ttiienl» Pesbwou^, lieutenaat^geMiaL of 
lAtt horse, i^jbA Moncke major-general of the foot >^ 
that corpcorations* which had abetted the late de^ 
;3igns, should be puQisbed» wd the conatitutioi) of 
their magiatraey be changed into a fonn becoming 
a Gommonwealtb ; and that the government of the 
sMe siu^ild be entrusted to a new representative 
aad a ^ect ^nate> by which last they meant a 
body who sihoi^ld Qot be removeable, and of which 
doubtl^sa tliem^elves ahpuld be the leadeirs.. "When 
thk petjsticm w^ preeentedt the parliament waa in 
a flame^ audi Sir Arthur Ha:derig, who was now 
one of the pi:incipal members and naturally of an 
^npetuow tempert while he relied much en the 
Siaottish army under MonQke, proposed to impeach 
^[^ambert of high treason^ The hou^e, however^ 
did not deem it prudent to proceed so iar «yt auch 
a junctwe^ though a purpose waa formed of ap- 
preh^;^pg that individual^ and sending hhn to the 
jtowe^ : It yet resolved, that it was useless^ charge*' 
nUe^ and dangerous to the cominonwealth» to have 
any more gjeneral officers than those already settled 
Iqy the psM*liamei>t> and that tibe militia should be 
transferred to the command of a committee of 
jieven : It also voted it to be high treason to levy 
money without an act of parrKament. But resolu- 
tions were feeble when opposed to the sword. 
Lambert collected fof qeS|» determined to expel the 
members from the house, and they in vain tried to 


The puriu. fonn a counterpoise. Two regiments, indeed, pro*- 
pen«d. ' posed to support the parliament, and stationed 
isthSept. thgjjQg^iy^ foj. that purpose, in palace-yard j but 

Lambert having lined the streets with a superior 
body, intercepted the speaker and the members, 
and respectfully turned back their coaches. The 
two regiments found that they had occupied their 
station in vain, and quietly marched off *^. 

The government was thus again transferred to 
the military, and the people's hopes of obtaining 
a lasting settlement under the parliament«-^hopes 
which the late events had encouraged — ^were now 
for ever blighted. The officers, while they ap- 
pointed a committee of safety, spoke of calling 
a parliament ; but it is said that, under the name 
of a parliament, they only intended to congre- 
gate an assembly of officers to promote their usur- 
pation. Their folly was egregious. They them- 
selves were not united ; the soldiers, feeling that 
the army had fairly obtained the superiority, 
became still more licentious, and provoked the 
people into a belief that no change which could 
free them from the insolence of such a body was 
to be deprecated. A change, however, was not 
far distant, and it proceeded from Moncke, who 
had the command of the army in Scotland. 
Mimckc. This individual was descended of a good family, but 

* Carte's Let. vol. ii. p. 22S, et seq. See Clar. State Papers^ vol. 
iii. p. 579^ et seq. It would appear that Fleetwood was carried by 
the current against his own will^ as he really desired to oppose Lam- 
bert. Hist. vol. vi. p. 691, etseq, Whitelocke, p. 683, etseq. Lud-* 
low, vol. ii. p. 698, et seq. Pari. Hist. vol. X3d. p. 460, et seq. 


of reduced circuinstances, in Devonshire. He had 
served as a private in the expedition to Cadiz, and 
aim accompanied the Duke of Buckingham in the 
expedition to the isle of Rh6e. England, after 
thiSf remained in profound peace for many years, 
and Moncke sought employment in the Low Coun« 
tries,( as ensign in a small regiment, which Lord 
Yere transferred the command of to Colonel Gor^ 
ing. Some misunderstanding, however, took place 
betwixt him and the Dutch, and he returned to 
his native country about the time of the breaking 
out of the Scotch troubles, in order that he might 
obtain, employ mait in the expedition against that 
part of the -British dominions^ When troops were 
sent agaimst the Irish rebels, Moncke was, by the 
parliament, appointed to the command of a regi- 
ment ; but he soon became one of those who, for- 
getting the principles, oil which they were entrust- 
ed with command, entered into the project of as« 
sistiiig the king -against the parliament and liber- 
ties of Britain. His conduct, however, was so 
equivocal to the party for whose sake he was now 
ready to betray the authority that had appointed 
him, and the principles on which he had embarked 
in the expedition, that the Marquis of Ormonde 
himself suspected that he intended a second 
treachery, and, having secured the other officers 
fast to the royal interest, he divested Moncke of 
his command. On this he went to the king, who 
was then at Oxford, to vindicate his conduct, 
and so removed suspicion that he was again em- 
ployed. Nothing memorable, however, was per- 

forCDed b]r him then : indeed, the misenible a|M 
pearante which those regiments made at Niaiit^ 
wich» where the whole body were at once romted 
by Fairfax^ would Induce us to believe that 
Moncke was indebted to CromweU for his aubse*- 
quent abilities as a general officer*. Tdfeen a 
prisoner on that occasion, he was s^Qt to the 
tower, where he lay for two years. After the ter- 
mination of the war, he was, by L^d Liidte, lieu- 
tenant of Ireland, employed in the parliament ser^ 
vibe against the rebels there. This led to his ap- 
pointment by the parliament to the comm^d <tf' 
the forces in the north of that idand. But a oessa«i 
tion of hostilities, which he made wttli Owen 
Rowe ONeale, and attributed to necessity in con- 
sequence of the desartion of the Scottish regiments^ 
provoked fresh displeasure agiunst him. Ctoa^ 
well, however, who found excuses for withheld- 
iog commands to such as Algernon Sidney, si^port^ 
ed Moncke. When Charles 11. entered Scojbland^ 
and the English parliament sent Cromwdl gainst 
him^ Moncke, who now pretended to be isHnitten 
with an ardour for liberty, volunteered bis services^ 
Scmie excuse might be formed^ though, under 
all circumstances, it must be confessed, that it 
would be an inadequate one, for a royalist who^ 
bred to the profession of arms, and depending 
on a military life for subsistence, accepted <^ 

* Moncke was, properly peaking, an excellent soldi^. But lie 
never exhibited the talents of a great generaL His abilities were 
lOost signally displayed at sea; but even there he was a snccessftil 
iiaitator> not an inventive genins. The in^ndenoe of his dmplain, 
Gumble, in ascribing to hun the victory at Dunbar, is extreme. See 
p. 39. 

JHI8T0BY OF THE B^l'Idll fiMI^IItfi. 44^ 

einplq>^meiit from the parliament, against the 
Irish ^ but, unless he had changed his principles, 
it 19 impossible to figure an - apology ft»r bin vo- 
liotteeriiig faia services agaimt the fion of his late 
ki9g» tvfaom, upon such principles, be WaM bound 
to assist in recovering the throne. Cronlwell car^ 
ried him y^ith him to Scotland, and appmnted 
him one of his colonels | yet it was not wiUiout di& 
ficulty that the soldiery, who remembered his foiv 
mer history, could be reconciled to his nomina- 
tion *. But he was a good soldier, and Cromwell> 
who knew that he would be fkithful so long as he 
believed it to be for his own intereM, continued 
him in the command, While he took care to ba^ 
lance his influence by men of a diffei^nt descrip- 
tion, that one might be a spy upon the proceed- 
ings of the other. Having few of the sympathies 
of humanity, the disposition cf Monke was reserv- 
ed, cool, calculating, avaricious, and, on occasion!^, 
cruel and unrelenting, without those passions of re- 
venge and mdignation that commonly transport men 
into excesses. Of this, some of his exploits in Scot- 
land, particularly at Dundee, afford a melancholy 
proof. In certain respects be did not act with thsft 
regard to decency which distinguished the other 
officers* He married a worthless woman of low 
rank, who had a family to him, in order to legiti- 
mate the children f ; and, it is alleged, that he en- 

* See Hodgson's Memoirs as to this. 

t Thurloe's State Papera^ voL i. p. 470. The writer of the letter 
says^ '' our Admiral Moncke hath lately declared an ugly common 
-whore his wife> and Intimated three or four bastards he hath had by 
her during his growth in grace and saintship." 


deavoured to rouse a naturally phl^g^matic temper 
by wine •. 

After the death of Oliver he professed attach- 
ment to his son f , though he listened with no dis- 
pleasure to the remarks of his ofiScers^ that he was 
fitter for the office than Dick Cromwell i but no 
sooner was the long parliament restored^ than, with 
the most solemn imprecations, he declared his en- 
tire obedience to it and attachment to its cause ; 
yet there is some reason to believe that he was at 
]east not displeased with the insurrection of Sir 
George Booth, and had some latent purpose of 
decladng for the presbyterian interest : But there 
is no ground for presuming that he had the ^gfat* 
est intention to restore the exiled family. When 
Booth was taken, and the whole design failed, he 
abandoned all thought of promoting that interest, 
and threatened the ruin of one of the king's emis- 
saries if he dared to impute his ever having fa- 
voured it. When the parliament was a second 
time expelled, he determined no longer to be idle, 
but he continued his professions to the members 
on the one hand, while he tried to gain the pres- 
byterians on the other. To no man did he ever 
express his intention of restoring the exiled fami- 
ly, nor, from all his conduct, are we entitled to 
infer that he ever entertained it till the course of 

* Clar. Papers^ vol. iii. p. (>22. 

t Thurloe's Stete Pftpera, voL vii. p. S87. 404. 411. 4S5. Let any 
one read his lettens, &c*, and he will find that he could cant with any 
man liying. 


events naturally led him into such a measiire* 
But he had originally served the king» and suffer- 
ed as one of his adherents ; many of his relations 
had been of that party, and as he was known to 
have had a rivalship with Lambert, great of* 
fers had been repeatedly made to him, if he 
would bring over his army to the royal interest. 
This, however, he felt to be altogether beyond his 
power during the life of Cromwell : great part of 
the soldiery, and almost all the officers, being of 
an opposite interest, would have spurned at the 
idea ; the others who were associated with him in 
the administration of Scottish affairs would have 
hailed the opportunity of humbling him ; and, as 
Cromwell could not have been many days igno- 
rant of the. attempt, he would probably have been 
sent a prisoner to England. Now, however, he 
determined to oppose Lambert; and the cava* 
Hers, since the divisions of their enemies were 
the most desirable event, were naturally inspir. 
ed with hope from such an occurrence. The 
presbyterians in Scotland, as well as in England, 
could not fail also to be pleased at such an event, 
and aS) while, on the one hand, Lambert and his 
coadjutors enraged part of his officers, by attempt- 
ing to displace them, he not only retained those, 
but began to new^model bis army, by dismissing 
as many of the sectarian officers and soldiery as he 
conveniently could, and encouraged the presby- 
terians,— «a general idea prevailed amongst that 
body, not only in Scotland, but throughout Eug* 
land, that he meant to favour their interest. The 

VOL. IV. 2 G 

. I 


party who hti^d obtained the power in Englaod^ 
jealiMis of' hiin» sent doirn Colonel Cobbett to ieotin- 
teraot bis influence y^ilh the troops, but die had 
prepared matters so well as to be wimbled to take 
advantage of the authority which had been devcrf^ed 
upon him by parliament, to arrest Cobbett iii the 
execution of his scheme, while he daily organized 
the army to qualify it for the part which he in^ 
tended it to act, and at tiiie same time continued 
hts protestations that he meant nothmg more 
than to restore the parliament, that it might esta* 
blish VL pure republic. He also sent letters to 
Fleetwood, Lambert, and LenthaU, in which he 
condemned the conduct of the army, and pro- 
fessed a resolution to stand by the parUament, 
and, wkh the last drop of his blood, prosecute 
their just cause which God had particularly own- 
ed,«-^calling heaven to witness that he had no ^r- 
ther ends than the establishment of parlisunentaiy 
authority, the settlement of the nation in a free 
commonwealth, and the defence of godliness and 
godly men, though of different opinions. Every 
day he strengthened his power, each party believ* 
ing that he would be instrumental in promoting 
thieir views ; hut, while he declared he had received 
a odl from heaven and earth to settle the govern- 
ment, he, with solemn imprecations, continued his 
Lambert profcs^ous to the parliament and the common- 
^e'boXV^^&lth. Alarmed by his measiiu*es, Lambert de* 
to suppress termincd to march against him ; and could that of- 

MoDcke. o ' 

fioer have raised the necessary supplies, he might 
at' once have reduced him to dbedience ; but the 


jbr^a^ury ^as exhausted, the pay of the aimy was 
iq great arrear ; the people, disgusted at the lawless 
proceedings of the military, d^termiqpd to obey 
the injuQctioxi of parliament not to pay taxec^ aj(id 
: were roused to stfll grea;ter iiidignation by the at* 
ten^t to levy impositions by force, and to live at 
free quarters : The soldiers themselves, acting up- 
om the principle taught them, to disobey au^hpi^* 
ty, fell afF from their leaders : Lawson, who had 
been sent by the parliament to 3upersede Monta- 
gue (who was suspected of favouring Booth's en- 
terprise) in the command of the fleet, steadily de- 
clared for the power that appointed him, and eoAter- 
ed the Thames : Hazlerig and Morley obtaw^d 
possession of Portsmouth; mid when I^ambert 
marched with an airmy in which he could qot cpg- 
fide, towards Scotland, the jegiments in the city re- 
turned to their obedience to Uie parliament, and 
Desborough's, which was sent against them, jpin- 
.ed those it was ordered to oppose. The same part 
was acted by the troops that were dispatdied 
against Hazlerig and Morley, mho m^ched into 
the capital *. 

Moncke, afi:aid of being unable to cope with Moncke't 
the army in £ngland, dispatched three of his pffi- with Lim- 
cers, Cloberry, Wilkes, and Knight, to compro^ ''"^ **^' 
mise matters with them: These entered into an 
agreement, that the government shpuld be settled 

• Oumble 8 Life «f Moncke^ Price^ Clar. yoL yi. p. 696^ $iiid parti- 
cularly State Papers^ yol. ill, Ludlow^ yoL ii. p. 728, et seq. Skin- 
ner^s Life of Moncke, Pari. Hist yol. xxii. p. 14, et seq. MS. Brit. 
Mu8. Ays. 1519, No. 178, 4A47, No. 201. 

2g 2 


in a commonwealth, without a king, or other sin- 
gle person, or a house of lords : That a parlia- 
ment should be called as speedily as possible, and, 
in the meantime, that the military officers should 
determine on the qualifications of the electors ; 
that there should be a general indemnity for the 
past ; and that he should have part of the money 
which had been destined for the troops, and be 
himself appointed one of the committee for nomi- 
nating military officers* But, ere the terms could 
be announced to him, the aspect of afiairs had be- 
come so favourable to his views, that, alleging his 
commissioners had exceeded their powers, he re- 
fused to confirm the treaty. It was now the depth 
of winter, and Lambert, with an army indignant 
at want of pay, and destitute of supplies, advanced 
towards Newcastle. It has been thought that, 
had he resolutely continued his march, he might 
still have crushed Moncke ; but,' in a falling cause, 
every step is condemned as injudicious. Lambert 
had seen the effect of a campaign in Scotland un- 
der Cromwell ; the Scots, he knew, were ready to 
join with any side against the sectaries, and the 
disaffection of the troops was such, that probably, 
had he proposed to transport them to that coun- 
try at such a season, they would have revolted. 
Fairfax had raised a party against him in York- 
shire, and thus interposed between him and the 
south, whence, as matters were there in a still 
more unpromising situation, he could not with 
prudence be long absents Under these circum- 
stances he negociated, and Moncke, whose object 


was to gain time, amused him with the hope of 
an amicable adjustment of their differences. That 
general, too, continued his troops at the borders^ 
and having, by his deep dissimulation, raised high 
the hopes of the Scots, a convention of estates, 
which he summoned, granted him a timely. supply, 
of money, and proposed to assist him with ^0,000 
men $ but he, having a different game to play, 
declined the ojffer as yet uncalled for by the exi*. 
gencies of the times ; though he intimated that, in 
the event of necessity, he would accept of it, and 
that, if overpowered by numbers, he would retreat 
to Stirling. 

Lambert's army, in the meantime, destitute of i^mbert's 
pay and the necessaries of life, became perfectly hlSJf 
unruly: part deserted, and, on the approach of^a«hM 
Moncke, the remainder left him in a body."°^*- 
Moncke carried .with him about 7000 horse and 
foot, having left a part of his troops in Scotland 
to keep that country in subjection—^ striking 
proof of the deep nature of his designs, since that 
country was now generally disposed to restore the 
king on terms. As Lambert's force now declared 
for the parliament, and joined Moncke, he proceed- 
ed south at the head of a considerable army, mak- 
ing at every step the most solemn professions for 
the commonwealth. Hazlerig was his great en- 
courager, and he is severely censured by his own 
party for having been so easily deceived : but 
whoever will attend to the imprecations which 
Moncke made on himself and his family if he' did 
not prove true to the cause of the republic, will 



not be so much surprised at Hazleri^s simple 

Faiite. Lord Fairfax now desired tbe restbratibn of th^ 
exiled king ; but he had not, ori that account, alto*^ 
gether forgotten his principles. No plan of gdvern- 
m^'that had yet been suggested, in the form of a 
dcntetMmweaith, could promise stability or securi* 
ty, and amid so many clashing interei^ts, and the 
Usurpations of the military, such a constitution 
was ndt likely to be established. The restoration 
of the Stuarts, therefore, might justly appear to 
be the only practicable way, in the present pos- 
ture of affitirs, of obtaining a permanent siettle- 
ihent : And it might naturally be supposed, that 
if Charles were restored upon concHtions requirefd 
by the public safety, he would be deterred by the 
example of his father from similar attempts to vio- 
late the laws. Fairfax was now attached to the 
jiresbyterian intereiit j though, from hiii past con- 
duct^ (he was formerly an independent,) we Aiscy 
fairly presume, that he desired it to be accompa^ 

* Clar. State Papers, yoi. iil. p. 62S, €t teq. In a letter to Hazlerig, 
dated 14th February, 1659-60, Mon(&e aays, ^^ As for a common- 
wealtii, believe me. Sir, Jbr / speak it in the presence of God, it is the 
desire of my soul, a&d shaU (the Lord asldstmg) bcf witnessed by the, 
actions of my life, that these nations be so settled in a free state with- 
out a king, dngle person, or house of peers, that they may be govern- 
ed by theit representatives successively ; and seeing tfiis is your prin- 
ciples also, or at least so held fbrth by you, I hope there will be 
no chshing betwixt us." Ibid. p. 678-9. Hist. voL vi. p. 702, 
et seq. Baillie's Let. vol. ii. p. 437, et seq. NidioFs Diary, Ma 
Mce. GuinWe. Skinner. Whitfelocke, p. 686. Ludlow, vol. ii. p. 
792, et seq. Carte's Let. vol. ii. p. 245, et seq. 


HIOTOR'i 09 THE BBlTlSffil fiMPIRt^. 4fS5 

msA vi^h toierari^ion. It id not ustikely^ howerer^ 
thtt pctvate iotereste operated ia no^incomide^B^ 
Ue degree upon: bis mindL The Duke df Budtitig- 
ham, one of the royal favourites had lately maiv 
ried Mb daughter^ a»di the iin^isomiieDt of that 
individual by the parliament^ on suspicion^ was 
expected by the noyaiistsi to exasperate th^ £atker- 
ii^law^ whom the alliance was supposed to incline 
t0 the interest of his son->ia-law *. 
. Such wasf the cosduct of Fair&x; aoid had 
Moncke poroposed to restore the Stuarts^ upo» any 
conditkms compatible with the safety of bis forniet 
associates^ wtA regard to the interests of the king* 
doiUi he would have deserved the thanks of his 
countrymen and of posterity : but^ instead of this, 
he continued ardent professions for a common*^ 
wealth, with an apparent view of usurping the go- 
vermnent ; and when, in the course of events, he 
found himself foiled in that, and perceived the insta* 
bility of his own fortune, he, to raise himself by 
the sfflsistance of the exiled family and their ad- 
herents, surrendered the kingdom uncondition- 
ally, and not only sacrificed his former friends, 
whose priiK^iples he had professed, with imprecaticms 
of divine vengeance if he deserted them, but coolly 
jsBt as a judge upon his late associates, for conduct 
which he had affected so zealously to admire. Fair- 
fax, conceiving Uiat he meant to restore the monar- 
^chy, had an interview with him in Yorkshire. Moncke 
did not wish to lose that interest, and tried to 

* Clar. State Papers, vol. iii. see particularly, p. 66(f, 


shelter himself behind his usual reserve ; but when 
Fairfax discovered him to be a person so very dif" 
ferent from what he had anticipated bim to be, 
he left him in disgust ^. 
^*^>>>t^Mk« At this critical juncture the desi^ of Moncke^ 
woodtoi»- in spite of all his oaths and protestations, was, by 
{STuogT' Whitelocke and men of his stamp, who perceived 
that that general could not otherwise make his for- 
tune, believed to be the restoration of the exiled 
family without conditions. Lord Willoughby, Al- 
derman Robinson, Major-General Browne, Mr. 
Loe, and others, went to Whitelocke, and while 
they confirmed his suspicion, proposed to him to 
go to Fleetwood, and advise him to send imme- 
diately to the king at Breda, with an offer to re- 
store him upon good terms, and thereby anticipate 
Moncke. Whitelocke went directly to Fleetwood, 
and having stated by whose recommendation he 
came, strenuously urged that general not to lose 
the moment of action. He argued, that it was 
more than evident that Moncke's design was to 
bring in the king, without any terms for the par- 
liament party, whereby all their lives and fortunes 
would be at the mercy of the monarch and his ad- 
herents, who were incensed against them, ^< and in 
need of repairing their broken fortunel^." That as 
the inclinations of the presbyterian party gene- 
rally, and of the city, were for the restoration, as 
the incensed lords, and excluded members of the 

* See livee of Moncke^ Clar. vol. vi. p. 709. Moncke also wrote 
(0 the West with protestations. PtoL Hist vol. xxii. 


parliament were exceedingly active for that mea- 
auret and as Moncke would easily delude Hazle^ 
rig and the rest of the old parliament men, the 
coming << in of the king was unavoidable, and that 
it was more prudent for Meetwood and his friends 
to be the instrument of bringing him in, than to 
leave it to Moncke : That by this means Fleet- 
wood might make terms with the king, for preser* 
vation of himself and his friends, and of that cause, 
in a good measure, in which they had been en- 
gaged ; but if it were left to Moncke, they, and 
all that had been done, would be left to the dan- 
ger of destruction." Whitelocke, therefore, pro- 
posed one of two things — ^that Fleetwood should 
either muster what strength he could, and, having 
taken possession of the Tower, send to the lord 
.mayor and common council, desiring them to join 
with him in declaring for a free parliament, when 
the city would advance him money, and thus en- 
able him to collect a greater army ; or, as the next 
best, instantly dispatch a person of trust to the 
king at Breda, to treat for his restoration. White- 
locke declared his readiness to go with Fleetwood 
to the field or to the tower, or, if he chose, set off 
instantly to Breda. Fleetwood readily accepted of 
his offer to go to Breda ; and matters appeared to 
be concluded, when Whitelocke, as he was going 
away, met Vane, Desborough, and Berry, in the 
next room, coming to speak with the general, who 
desired him to stay a little, " and," says he, " I 
suspected what would be the issue of their consult- 
ation ; and within a quarter of an hour, Fleetwood 


(tttne to me, and in muck passion said to m^ ^ I 
emmet do itf I cannot do it/* I desked his reason 
why he could not do it ? He answeFed, ** These 
gentlemen haoe remembered me, and it is true, timt I 
am engaged not to do any such Mng ^Ihautmy 
Lord Lamberfs consent/* I replied, '< that Lam* 
bert was at too great a distance ijo have his cen- 
sent to this business, which must be instantly aet- 
ed.'^ Fleetwood again said, ^ I eatmot do it mih- 
out him/* Then said I, " you mU ruin yourself 
and your friends/* He said, ^ I cannot help it/* 
So Whitelocke left him ♦. Thus^ by a principle 
of honesty, to which Moncke was an utter stranger 
•--^no false oaths or protestations were scrupled at 
by him — ^was Fleetwood prevented from at Ifeast 
embarking in a measure which, while it would, 
if successful, have secured his party, and eveiib the 
cause, would have procured for him all the glory 
which was so unworthily lavished on the instru- 
ment that brought about the Restoration, with the 
ruin of every principle which he had with such 
apparent zeal professed-^-of all the men whom he 
had so long acted in concert with, and pretended 
to admire. To a feeling of integrity, joined to a 
thorough conviction of the ruinous consequences 
to which it propelled htm, must we ascribe the 
despair that now bore down Fleetwood to the 
earth, as cast off by heaven, and made him vent, 
in womanish lamentation, the anguish which his 
sense of the approaching ruin of his family, friends, 

* Whitelocke, p. 690-1. 

a«d prindplessi, so deefrfjr in&q^ri^d^ Jj^^ uifthtit^ 
then, pretend to desj|iiise hif dddpftir, ^^d [iteture 
to oarseAved a weAk fanatic^ whd, ddted with tem- 
porary prosperity, was yet overwhelmed by a 
change of fortune^ It in noE unlikely^ however, 
that he^ tww littquillfieff fdi< ^ |^6at pan : For 
meh who are the t>est calculated to act in a sub- 
wdinate situatioii^ are generally the worst qualified 
tot^ethe }^d^ So lotig sA the poxtrerfiil baind 
that uses them directs tlie helm, they imagine that 
the course is not above their oWn pon^ers^ and that 
they, as the itistiftitnent*, really perforin the busi- 
li^iSiS ; but when the head is removed^ they feel 
their own imbeoility, while men who h«tb been 
long accustomed to behold them as satellites of 
^rdatness, are hot inclined to transfer to them the 
respect which they paid to the deceased^ and' tiieii^ 
o*rtt ittinds ^e iiaapressfed M^ith want 6t cbhfi- 

dence in theit powers, now that they have lost the 
directing genius which nevet in^erpoised but with 
eflfeet; Ingoldsby and somie others, it the same 
time, proposed to Whitelocke to restore the king 
as a change that would Aiost probably happen t 
h«i however, declined to act with them. But, 
SayS he, " no quiet was enjoyed by any party, all 
were at work, and the king's party were active, 
and every man was guided by his own fancy and 
interest ; those in employment were most obnox- 
ious to trouble *." 

The parliament on its reassembling shewed a Parliament 

* Whitelocke, p. 691. See Carte's Let. vol. ii. Lambert Was 
expected^ on probable grounds^ to declare for the long, as well as Fleet- 


disposition to act with vigour. But it may be ques- 
tioned whether it exhibited commensurate pru- 
dence. Vane *, who had ever been steady to his 

• Home's character of Haderig and Vane is worthy of him and 
of Clarendon^ whom he partfy follows. As to the idea ascribed to Vane 
of his imagining that he was inspired^ and tihat he belieyed himself 
the person deputed by God to reign oyer the saints a thousand years — 
it rests only on his lordship's authority^ which^ on such a subject^ is^ 
as we have sufficiently proved^ the worst imaginable; and is directly 
refuted by the conduct of Vane in his last moments. Hume says^ 
'' he deemed himself^ to speak the language of the /tmej^"— where did 
he learn that such was the language of the times ?— ^' to be a man 
above ordinances, and by reason of his perfection^ to be unlimited and 
unrestrained by any rules which govern inferior mortals." Whence 
did Mr. Hume extract his information regarding this illustrious char- 
acter ?-— Was it from his own logical deduction from his own princi- 
ples ?— as thus— t^e king's will is law^ and, therefore, his ordinances 
ought to be implicitly obeyed ; but Vane disputed and spumed at 
such ordinances; ergo, he was a man above ordinances. But, says 
the same author, in r^ard to Moncke, '^ upon the whole, it seems 
hard to interpret that conduct, which ought to exalt our idea of his 
prudence, as a disparagement of his probity." Ought then, the most 
solemn protestations and oaths to Grod, made and repeated in every 
possible way, with, as Hume labours to prove, the purpose of imposing 
on those to whom they were addressed, to exalt our idea of the man's 
prudence, not disparage his probity ? I, for my part^*— and sorry am I 
to be obliged to speak it,*— cannot divine what idea an author had of 
ordinance*, who could make such a defence of conduct which set every 
moral obligation at defiance. Even the authors of the Parliamentary 
history, high tories as they are, say, in regard to the attempt by Price 
to prove Aat Moncke. had early intended the restoration — " AUow 
this assertion to be true, yet the method Moncke took to bring about 
this restoration was by no means justifiable, since 'tis certain it was 
effected by the breach of some oaths," {many,^ " and the deepest dis- 
simulation." Vol. xxii. p. 8. Gumble says, that Moncke was known 
amongst the soldiers as honest George Moncke. The reader will judge 
how far he deserved the appellation ; but I should like a better au- 
thority for the fact ; and the feelings of the soldiery, as described by 
Hodgson, were very different indeed. Clarendon b^ns with telling 
us that Moncke had been noted for sincerity, and then proceeds to 



principles, had latterly, as the only chance of set- 
tling affairs, acted in some things along with the 

give as strong a picture of hypocrisy as the pen could draw. l*he first 
he probahly conceived incumbent on him to please his party ; the 
latter was consonant to his own knowledge of the man whom he cor- 
dially believed to have been actuated by a desire of raising himself to 
the place that had been held by Cromwell^ till he found that it was 

Considering who his wife was^ the following account of her conduct 
by Ludlow is not to be wondered at. " Moncke's wife took special 
tare to treat the wives of the members that came to visit her^ running 
herself to fetch the sweatmeats^ and filling out the wine for them ; 
not forgetting to talk mightHy of self-denial^ and how much it was 
upon her husband's hearty that the government might be settled in 
the way of a commonwealth." Vol. ii. p. 893. See Clar. State Papers^ 
vol iii. Price has shewn himself to be a true trencher chaplain in his 
praises of that Lady for her loyalty^ and the use she made of it over 
her husband. * 

In a note upon the death of Moncke> Hume eulogizes him still far- 
ther^ while he abuses Burnet for faction and malignity^ as inahifest^ 
in his character of him. He there declares that Moncke " may be said 
to be the subject who^ since the beginning of time, rendered the most 
durable and essential services to his native country. The means also 
by which he achieved his great undertakings were almost entirely un- 
exceptionable"— Then integrity is a bubble. — "His temporary dissl'^ 
mulation being absolutely necessary, could scarcely be blamable."— ^ 
So the deepest protestations, the most solemn oaths, are scarcely 
blamable. — " He had received no trust from that mongrel, pretend- 
ed, usurping parliament, whom he dethroned; therefore, could betray 
none.''— *What ! did he not receive an appointment to the command 
over the forces from the parliament, though not exactiy so much as 
he desired? Did he not accept of a place in the council, &c. &c. ? and 
must he not have been crushed had he not imposed on the parliament 
by oaths and imprecations ? — '^ He even refused to carry his dissimu- 
lation so far as to take the oath of abjuration against the king."— 
Now, the fact is, that he could never scruple at an oiEith against the 
king, since he volunteered oath above oath against the Stuarts; but 
there was something in the oath against a single person, which, as it 
might afibct his officers, who, in Scotland, had declared their wish 
to see him protector, he probably stumbled at, and he assigned rea<« 


4HMinci] of oflScecs ; but ibkzlmgf who, trusted lip 
the protestations of Moncke» cumi <a resoliiition 
for not only excluding Vane, Lambert, and Salo- 
way, with spipe ethers b^t eyejx qr4^mg th^n^to 
be ooDfiaed to tbeir houses. This* mM' ei^actly the 
course which Mopcke, who continuegd his prote3ta- 
tioQs for the parliwaent and t^ powmpxwesJjJj, 
wished him to pursue. The parliament invited liim 
to the city, and ^Iso to the house itself, to recpivp 
their thanks by liie mcwth of tlie ^p^k#r. ^ Ja b^ 
answer, he declared that, among the flaiuiy mefdes 
pf (jrod to these poor nations, he accoytnted their 
restvr^n npt the least j ths^t the glpry of it/miis 
due to the Deity alone, whose goodness had been 
peculiarly n^antfested to himself in ma^ng j^iim, 

am» to the coupcUi forootpxeasuig the oath. <9iiAnypen9Qnjth^tM^ti^ 
fiedthem. &ee Gumhle, p. 299. '^ I ocmfeis^ however/^|(l$^«ds 1^^ 
Home, *^ tliat ,tl^e B^y. Dr. Doaglas lias sheim m> fcm. theCl^HP^- 
^(^ Papers^ an originAl lette of J^ to.Sir Azthyr Hazlang, pfi^f^kiu]^ 
ipg Yery ean)e9t^ and.certaiiUyJGfttae^ prpt^statiotiA of his z^ fox* 
^^^pupmyreaXili, It is to be Ji^in^nted that so Tvprthy a.iniin, and fpf 
sudi plain inaoners^ shQi4d ever haye Sound it iMceMwry tocmry his 
.^simiila^on tp such a height." The letter to Hiudeng has ahres^ 
been quoted by i}s« >But what works had Mr. Hume coosnlted when 
he ccHuposed his. history^ that he should ^unk a remark on that lett^ 
.pece68ary> while the other documents to which we^aye aPnded, ^md 
whlch> as th^y ^e in the Parliamentary History qften lekaned to l^ 
■}upi> it is utterly inconceiyable he should have.overloG^ed^ areeT€ii 
stronger P yet I do believe that he inspected very few authontiesy 
Carte beipg his text book. 

£v^ Monck^'s chaplains not only admit his hypqcriisy^ but kudit 
in the highest terms as beyond the rules of Machiavel hiii^salf. 
Oumble^ p. 2^46. Whatever men may think of an unconditional re- 
storation^ it is utterly astonishing that they should praise the instru- 
ment,, who merely sought his own aggrandizement, p^Jw ei nefaf, 
and appears to have only restored the Stuarts when he could not 
usurp the government himself. See Hutcheson, vol. ii. p. S55, et seq. 
for a picture of Moncke*s baseness. 


tbeugli unworthy, a humble instrument for so glo* 
f ious 41 fkurpose. That in his march south, the peo* 
pie had every where flocked to him, professing their 
desire of a firee parliament, the restoration ^ the 
members excluded in 1648, the encouragaaent 6f the 
umversities, and of learning, and likewise of a pious 
ministry : But that he had assured them that the 
parliament was now free, and resolved to fill up llie 
vacancies of the house, while it bad determined to 
put an end to its sitting: That the ministry and uni- 
venuties woulddoubtless be sufficiently enccHiraged, 
but that, as fortheexiHilsionof the members inl648,' 
it ought to he acquiesced in ; and that no one coald 
in miy estate he admitted into such an assembly 
before be had taken an engagement to the govecn- 
jafient. He aiutd that be mentioned these things to 
3hewthe disposition of the people at large to assist 
tj;iem in their grand work, which should include as 
many interests, excepting those of ihe cavalieis 
•and fanatics, as possiUe ; ami that, for his part, he 
ccmceivad that, provided regard were had for the 
49ia&iy of the comsnonwealtb, the fewer engage- 
ments exacted the better. He concluded with re* 
jmarking, that he had no doubt of the afiection both 
0f Scotland and Ireland *• 

The common council of London, in the mean- Common 
tiJDQe, having lost confidence in the parliament, and ^Lmdon. 
become inflamed against the army for killing some 
of the .citizens in suppressing a tumult by the ap- 


Old ParL Hist vol. xxii. p, S8^ et seq, Whitelocke^ p. 691^ et 
Ludlow^ vol. ii. p« 776^ et seq. 


prentices, declared their resolution not to pay taxes 
till they should be imposed by a free parliament 
duly elected ; and as if it had itself constituted the 
supreme power of the nation/ it received petitions 
on that subject from the adjacent counties, while 
it proceeded to fortify the city. Every way sur* 
rounded with difficulties, the council of state, 
which could not regard this in any other light than 
as a defiance of the existing authority, sent for 
Moncke, who had just been admitted as one of 
their number, that they might employ him on seiz- 
ing twelve of the refractory citizens, and in destroy* 
ing the new works. Far from declining this ser- 
vice, Moncke instigated the council, as one of its 
number, to still harsher measures, declaring that 
the city would never be quiet till some of the citi- 
zens were hanged. Marching into the city, he li- 
terally performed the work enjoined him ; but 
scarcely had he accomplished it when some of the 
leading presby terian party came to lament the mea- 
sure, and to convince him of its impolicy. They 
succeeded in making him a convert to their saati* 
ments, more probably from the light which they 
gave, him regarding the force of public opinion, 
than from the potency of their argument in other 
respects. But other circumstances operated power- 
fully on his mind. The parliament, though it had 
trusted to the protestations of Moncke, had suffer- 
ed too much already from aspiring gener^, to de- 
volve willingly on him the power of the state ; and 
it had lately become jealous of his designs. En- 
deavours were therefore used to conciliate the 




soldiery ; a new militia was determined on^ and 
the parliament, therefore, received with sufficient 
marks of respect, a representation and address, pre- 
sented by Mr. Praise God Barebone, from a great 
body who called themselves the well-afFected inha- 
bitants of the cities of London and Westminst^, and 
places adjacent; in which they prayed, first, that no 
person orpersonsshoi^ild beallowedtositin thisorany 
iuture parliament, or hold any official situation, who 
jdidnot abJAure the pretended titl^ or titles of Charles 
Stuart and the whole line of the late king James, 
and of every other individual who pretended to the 
crown or government of the three nations, or any 
x)f its territories, co-ordinate with the people's re^ 
presentatives, as well as a house of peers ; and. 
Secondly, that, whoever propounded such a thing 
in any meeting, even in the parliament itself^ 
should be deemed and adjudged guilty of high 
Ixeason *^ This petition was presented at the very 

* The petition presented by Barebone is called by Hume a long 
fanatical one, and stigmatized with every opprobrious epithet by Cla» 
rendon ; the reader may^ therefore^ be gradfied with the original^ as 
it will shew Hume's idea of fanaticism. 

'^ Whereas the good old cause was for dvil and Christian liberty^ 
against oppression and persecution. The oppressors and persecutors 
"were •chiefty^ the long, his lords and dergy^ and their adherents ; 
who^ to efifect their designs^ raised war against the parliament. 
Whereupon, the parliament, in defence of dvil and Christian liberty^ 
- call the oppressed and persecuted to their aid ; by whose assistance 
* the (pressors and persecutors have been subdued, kingship and peer- 
age abdished, and persecution chedced, by which the number of con- 
' Bdentious friends to the parliament har^ :been so exceedingly increas- 
ed, that they are now, by God's assistance, in a far more able capad- 
ty of keeping down their enemies, than they were in those times when 
4hey subdued them. Nevertheless, so watchful hath the restless ens* 

VOL. IV. 2 H 


time Mondce was ordered into the city ; and, as ib 
wasreeeived with great aj^obation by the house, 
kid phtef officers open-^mouthed inveighed to him 
flg^nst it as a '^ mark of ingratitude and indignity 

mj been to make ad?l|iitage/'that what^ time after time> he hath lost 
in the fields he hath endeavoured to regain even in the parliament's 
oooncfl ; where, because they had not the face openly to bring in th^ 
Idngy ifkh the fonner oppresstons and peisecutiQiiB, they shrouded 
atnd veiled thenaselveSy one while under a personal treaty, another 
while under a doak or zeal against blasphemy and heresy ; their en«> 
deavouTS being to bring in the king upon any terms ; to dierlsh the 
peneeuting party, and to browbeat their most coinoientious pppoters. 
Upon which pretenoes, they have, nevertheless, through tract of time, 
and the unsettledness of government, prevailed so far, under the no- 
tion of a moderate party, to get the subtilest of their friends into 
tnany places of trust and oommand, both dvil and. military ; tiooug^ 
whose countenance and encour^inent^ albeit the parliament, upon 
good grounds^ voted the government by kings and lords useless, bur- 
thensome^ and'dangeroVis,* and deda:fe ver^ laig^fbi uKerty of icon- 
iKsence; yet, of lait^; a2 gdneilil baldifeA'haUthaeittaktnito.iileadii 
Beoeasity of returning to the government {f king sofd Joijds^ a takh^ 
in of the king's son ; or, which is all one, for a return gf the justly 
secluded members, or a free parliament without due Salifications ; 
whereby the good old cause of liberty and freedom, (so long contend- 
ed for against re^ intarests wi& the expense of much blood and 
treasure,) and the ass^tors th^eof, will be prostituted to satisfy the 
hurts of the enemies of the commoDwealtb ; wherein they have pcf- 
vailed so far, that, imless all conficsbaritious persons in parliament, a?- 
my, navy, and ccminonwealth, do speedily unite and watchfully look 
about them, the sword will certainly, though secretly and silently, be 
. stden out of their hands ; so also indU they find all civil authority fill! 
inxddenly into the hands of their enraged enemies, and a return of all 
liiQBe violeBces, oppresBtons, and persecutions, which have eost so mueh 
lilood and treasure to extirpate. The seriouis eppreh^fflon whopeof 
hath stirred v^ your oordiftl Mends to deisire you to uae all posatNe 
endeavours to prevent the commonwealth's adversaries in this tbBir 
fttost dangerous stratagem ; and as the most eflfeetoal means thereun- 
to, we pray," &c. Old Pari. Hist. vol. xxii. p. ^i. The substance of 
the two points prayed for being embodied in tlie text, we shall not 
ri^nell out this note farther. The reader will see in this the cause of 
Moticke's api^rehensions; and, likewise, in the industry and influence of 


oifered to hiiDB^ ; d^clmog^ thai tlie parUammfe 
would never have admitted auoh an itifiimQW ad^^ 
dress with approbations ex<^c|>t tbey had. ^nt n* 
solved upon his ruin and deatru^on i which he^ 
was assuredly to look foTf if^he did not pcevciat ifr 
by his wisdom and sagacity/' << and thereupon, told 
him of the under-hand endeavours which wera 
made to work upon the afSsictions of the soldiers \*\ 
He now changed his tone^ and| in a letter which h# 
addressed to parliament* though he sliU talked of 
the wonderful goodness of God in allowing tha 
members to return to the house for the discharge 
of their duty^ he pretended to lament the sad o& 
fice which had been imposed upon him fay tb« 
council, of marching into the city ; reminded then 
that the ground of their undertaking had been tha 
vindication of the liberties of the people, a ground 
from which,*~as he had declared it before the Lordg 
nngelsy and men, in the day of their extremity,-^he 

Barebone to procure such a petition^ the cause of the ridicule thrown 
on him by Qlmmdixm and otibcri. His imli^rtmKaisr C%iisti«n nmae 
barbed the stiog* But the langw^ of thepetitioa Im Qoae of the 
cant of MonckeV 

'^ Moncke^" says a Mr. Bbam, whose letter Is preserved amongst 
the Ckreodan Fspefi, «« is vevjr impaiieitt for the dissehitiou of litdM 
parhament, and b^bu to discover a dislike of some of th^ actfonsy 
peculiarly that of settling a militia of their own throughout the na^ 
tion^ which th^ are doing in very safe hands^ but declares he wilt po» 
«ilMFal|r aequiesce in the determinationa of a fice parliament." VoL iji 
p. 600. N.B. The letter is dated Sith Febniary/ld59'*60. Inecder 
IX) shew the masterly dissimulation of Moncke^ Price, — who, with his 
other biographers, praise? erery set of perfi^ as deep policy, and 
^ worthy mean to t pieua eQd>-«-«i7s» that Moncke fold h^ the 
inarching into the dty was " a trick he knew not, but without which 
- the business could not have been done." 
« Oar* voL vL p. 71i-16. 



could not depart : That the army must trouble the 
house with their fears, arising from their not having 
actually disqualified Vane and the others from sit- 
ting in parliament^ and allowing that statesman to 
reside about town : And that as he found the whole 
nation was bent upon a free parliament^ he trust- 
ed tiie parliament would immediately determine 
on the qualifications of electors-— qualifications 
which should exclude all those who had borne 
arms against, or had shewn dissatisfaction at, the 
parliament. He particularly reflected on the peti- 
tion presented byBarebone; and — aware that some 
petitions from counties had been favourably re- 
ceived by some members, though the majority de- 
clared against them, for the payment of the clergy 
by some other mode than by tithes, which had 
inflamed that body—^he afiected great zeal for the 
preservation of the ministry against the pretend- 
ed designs of the petitioners, who concurred with 

Soon after his letter to the house, Moncke went 

into the city, where he lamented to them the 

duty which had been imposed on him by the 

council, of adopting the Iftte oflensive measures, 

and declared his desire for a free parliament ; while, 

leaving got his letter to the parliament printed, he 

Monefce had it liberally dispersed. The late act had com- 

^ tiJ^ pleted the alienation of the city, where the presby- 

^ *J^ terian interest preponderated j and now that the 

inhabitants found themselves supported by the 

* Pari. Hist. vol. xxii. p. 98. Price. Ludlow^ vol. iii. p. 751. 823> 


chief military force, cavalier andpresbyterian.tjou- 
curred in maniiesting every species of contempt for 
tbe parliament. In ridicule of that assembly, as 
if wasted away to that part which., usually termi- 
nates the animal, economy^ they, sent fbf rumps 
from all quartent, and when these failed, they cut 
pieces of flesh into the. resemblance, and xoaated 


them publicly atbqnefires ,*.** 

In the mean|ime. Lord Broghill, and Sir Charles inund. 
Coote in Ireland, who . had maintained a corres- 
pondence with Moncke, entered into one with the , 
exiled monarch, promising, that if he landed on 
that island, they would endeavour to join him. 
Assisted too, by Sir Theophilus Jones and othei* 
officers, Coote surprised Dublin, and having seized 
Colonel John Jones, apd the commissioners, im- 
mediately coUected^a large body of horse, and as- 
sumed the reins of government* Ludlow, who had 
flattered himsdf that, when he Jefl Ireland.on the 
second expulsion of the parliament, he, had reduc- , 
ed it; to a state of tranquillity, was*again at Chester, 
on the eve of embarking for that island, when news 
of this event reached him ; but, having written to 
Hazlerig to take care of matters at home, he pro- 
secuted his voyage. On his arrival in Ireland, he 
was invited by Coote and his. party to negotqiate 
with them ; but, as he perceived that their object 
was to get him withip their power, he kept beyond 

* Ckr. vol. vi. p. 715-16. State Papers^ vol. iii. p. 691, ii seq, 
Frioe. Gumble. Wliitelocke, p. 695, saya^Monckehaidlygay^thiQ 
aame account to two men. 

2 h3 

470 aintoBY o9 thb bbitish hupihe* 

«h«ir mdu In iheie procMdingB, though not in 
the cQgfespondcnoe with Cbaiies, BrogbSI and 
CoQte acted in perfect accoifdaiice with the views 
ti Mbneka» who was early anxious to get power in 
Ittslaady and perceived that all his declarations in 
Mga^d to bk tatentionft of ettabHMng a repisblic 
luid neftr been able to impose upon Lu<flow. 
BrogbilU Coote» and hfs party, flading that they 
coidd net secure I^idlow^a person, adopted a dif- 
ferent CDVfBa against him. Having displaced lA 
tlie oonaMNiwtaltlk's pfficers, and substituted their 
4nvn creatures, tiiey ti*ws«itlted to Engknd a 
cduM-ge 9gsatisfc him, of having too mueh ikvomed 
the WaiUng&rdUlionse party, while they, at the 
aaan time, sent an impeachment of high treason 
agiaiiist the commissieDenu They also deckured far 
« new padnment, and cidted a convention in Dnh- 
lin to advance them money *• 
Perikiiiait The pnaliamept, jealous of Monoke's rand^iee 
So^ ja the eity, sent two of i^tir membevs to veqaest 
^ that he would kav# in, and retnmto his oM qaar- 
tem« But he was otherwise employed. Having 
succeeded in eonvind^g the city that he had, m 
the taeatu occasion^ acted reluctmidy against it, 
he nvnrted from himself the odium of the feransae^ 
tiiNvtumiogitaliagsinsttiiepQu^liacnent} andeb- 
taiiuid the authority of the city fog raising a new 
militia tbase. At thiEf time, the paifiament was 
busily engaged in devising rules for the new dec- 

« Lucanv^ yoL iL p. 7^1, it lef Price, Pirl. Hist. vA xadi. ft S$, 

ti seq* 

Hf^KAKT dr THB Binnsii eih piyp^ 47]; 

tion. ^By fhese, ill wbo bad been engaged m pfots 
far bribing in the 9taart family vafiMe to b^ ex^ 
claded, while aft engftgemeiit w aa to be exacted of 
eveiy voter^ againM the exiled moAarcb and th^ 
dominion of an indlvidaaL The presby terian part j 
bow^ver, were tibw, generally spe^kio^^ more than 
^er disposed to restore monarchy on conditionSf 
and the city had formed that resolutbD. The ex* 
eluded members therefore conceived, that now 
was the time to demand their admisi^on to the 
house ; and, whatev^ had been Moncke'a inten- 
tion, he now found it necessary to yield to the 
current. All his protestations fix* a ccmimoiiwealth 
did not prevail with the parliament to form the 
resolution of intrusting him with milimited power 
over the army; and instead of being invested 
with full authority to diqpose of oommissions» be 
was only nominated one of Ave for th^ purpose { 
ii^-H)ther intentions, wbieb ivtyuld have aaoibir 
lated hia power were^'efitei^aitiFM s I£a troops ber 
gan to be dissafibc^, -ffSih a eus^oicioii of his iur 
tentions in regard to a republic ; and his influence 
ov^ tbem would have been altogether inadequate 
to raise him to the chief, o^gistracy, while he had 
reason to think, that part of them might revolt t^ 
their old commander3 :; The new militia of Ixm* 
don, tboi^lk it might ferm some counterpoise to 
titd old inolitifar^, waa too much affected witbihe 
principles of tbe cit^ to be made an instrmnent 
in the hands cxf the general ^. - 

• FarL Hist voL xxiL f. tOS. Price. Gumhle.] Clar^ Sjbate T^pers^ 
YiAi iii. Whitelocke, p. 695. 


The secluded members having insisted on being 
restored to their seats, Moncke pretended that, for 
lecof ^ their satisfaction, he would, at his own house, hear 
what they had to say on the subject ; and he in- 
vited some of the pariiamentary leaders to attend 
a conference. The discussion^ according to the 
natural course of events, widened the breach, and 
the deputies from the parliament abruptly lefl the 
meeting in disgust. After this, the parliament ha- 
ving received notice that the secluded members 
meant to intrude themselves, sent intelligence of it 
to the general, who answered that it was impossi- 
ble they could entertain such a purpose, but that 
he would send a guard to prevent the possibility 
of such a proceeding; To the disappointment of 
that assembly, however, the secluded members, ac- 
companied with a part of his officers^ took their 
places i yet, on the very same day, Moncke sent 
a declaration to the parliament, in which he calls 
on the divine attestation that his only object was 
the establishment of a tree r^ublic *« 

 ParL Hist. vol. xxii. p. 132, et seq. iiVLdlo% vol. ii.|>. 888, et $ef. 
MHiitelocke, p. 696.« Price. GuinUe. Clar. voL vi p. 718, et se^ 
Moncke, in a {laper which he presented at the meeting, between the 
excluded members and the others, says, " I thought good to assure 
you, and that in the presence of Crod, that I have nothing before my 
eyes but Grod*s glory, and the settlement of these nations upon eonn 
monwealth foundations. In pursuit whereof, I shall think nothing 
too dear ; and for my ovm particular, I shall throw myself down at 
your feet to be any thing or nothing to these great ends. As to the 
way of future settlement, far be it f5rom me to impose any thing • i 
desure you may be in perfect freedom ; only give me leave to remind 
you, that the old foundations are, by God*s providence, so broken, that. 


When the secluded members returned to the 
house, many, of the others left it, conceiving that 
they should degrade themselves by continuing to 
sit in the same assembly with those whom they 
had previously expelled. This completed the tri- 
umph of the Presbyterian party, as the secluded 
members might, it is said, have been outvoted ; 
and they lost no time in ordering all the resolu- 
tions by which they had been expelled, to be 
expunged from the journals ; in appointing a 
new council of state, and nominating Moncke cap- 
tain-gjg^ner^il of 9II the forces in the British domi- 
nioni^ and Montague and Lawson, (the first of 
whom was justly suspected of having been secretly 
engaged with Sir George Booth,) commanders of 
the fleet. Yet they were not forgetful of their old 
principles. They revived the solemn league and 
covenant, and ordered it not only to be printed 
and put up in the house, but read in every 
parish church. Some of them, too, were for re- 
taining their authority till they bad .fuUy set- 
in the eye of reason, they cannot be restored but upon the ruins of the 
people i^ these nations, that have engaged for then* rights in defence of 
the ]^liament, and the great and main ends of the covenant ; for unit* 
ing the iKurd's name one in three nations ; and also the liberty of the 
people's representatiyes in parliament, will certainly be lost ; for if the 
P^ple find that, after so long and bloody a war against the king for 
breaking in upon theirlibertks, yet at last he.must be taken in again^ 
it will be out of question, and is most manifest, he may for the future 
Igoyem by his will, dispose of parliaments and parliament men as, he 
pleasejth, and yet^the people will never more rise for assistance." This 
is taken from the copy in Clarendon's history, vol. vL p. 31S, of which 
Mr. Hume had no apology for not being acquainted with. I will there- 
fore say, that if this could, as excusable hypocrisy, be justified, there 
is no such tiiiing as a right or wrong in human actions. 


lied Jlid nalfiori ; but Moncke, whose hinto Were 

* * * I 

i!oiAitiancId, reminded them that they had been on^ 

If f^Atbred dn condition of their calling a new 

j^arKament ; and th^, finding it vain to resist, en« 

tered into some nesddtions regarding the qualifi^ 

cations of electors^ in particular, that they i^ould 

take the covenant^ and having voted thart the^ fHM^ 

fhl should give no commissions to aUy wbtf did fict 

previously declare that th^ w&i* lindielitakett agldfist 

the late king was just and iawfiil, apjpointc^ Utio^ 

Par. tber parliament at a short date, and then passed 

loived, 6th the abt of dissolution, which put a final period to 
M«. 1000. jjj jg f jjju^ujj assembly ♦. 

iM^^'t What were Moncke*s views, even at this time, it 
is impossible to ascertain. He still declined €^^ 
t^spondence, not only with the cavaliers, but-with 
emissaries from the exiled family, and ^oiildlilo^ 
to his most confidential fViends, make khy dcfclltfa^ 
tion In favour of the Stuarts t : butt rAib. IhifoUgl^ 
out the eimpire were tired of revolutitfiis, ^tiid* fM 
majodt^ ^dispaired of repose "undir'^Ch^ dpmjnal 
form of a republic. The ^rand kruggle in former 
times had been b^twe^6n' tKe'prince and thenar- 
IkjmnU which, wppQrted by the popular voic^ 
Kta^in^ined the pffviteges erf* the pecqrfe. Bat when 
the contest terminated in favour of that leglsla^ 
live assemblyy people beheld that it^ jjivested 

i I 

* l^itelocke, p. 696. Ludlow^ vol. ii. p. S31, et seq. SeeLitdbw's 
libiBral i^otions about Religion ;aiid Moncke's Hypocrwy. Carte's 
let. vdf. if.^*^.;^0f8, ef seq^ Clar.; l^apers, vol. iii. HutchinBOD, vol. il. 
p. 244, ifi^y.'. The treachery of Jidily Cooper was like himself. • 

t Olto^. flfete^apers, vol. iii.^ 


wkh'the whole legislative power and the disposal 
of offices^ niight convert the public trust into a fee 
for the members: That however judiciotic^ly £^- 
lectedy when deputed by the people, they oould 
not be depended on when they were no longer 
under atiy control flrom those who had the nomi- 
nation ; and that it was to be anticipated that a 
new representation would be again split into fac- 
tions for superiority, and the nation again convul- 
sed with their growing contentions. The licen- 
tiousness of the army had every where disgusted 
the people ; and one revolution seemed only to be 
tiie ^precursor o( another usuipatlon. A change 
which threw down those who had long stood ait 
the helm was grateful to the ambitious: The 
Stuarts were loud in their professions of regard for 
the liberty of the pec^le and the authority of pai^- 
Imment ) and too many were deluded by such lan- 
guage into the belief that the fate of the father 
uronld have such a salutary efibct upon the son, as 
to dd:er him from tbosf unconstitutional courses 
vhieb had brou^t a weigbt of affliction upon the 
family,^ as well as so mueb mkery upon the people. 
So infatuated were the presbyterian^ that they 
£nidly flattered themselves that now the vietoi^ 
was theirs j that the cavaliers could easily be re^ 
^trained by the united voice of the people, of 
vhose support they Md not doubt ; and that the 
called family never eeuld be restored oir terms 
short of those tendered to the l&te king at the 
Isle of Wight. 


Slate of The republican party was still strong, but it 
r«t«% Ac. could not resist the united efforts of the cavaliers 
and presbyterians, and it was depressed by the pre- 
sent posture of afiairs. The cavaliers were ineligible 
by the late act, but there was no provision to en- 
force it ; and as the presbyterians, in their jealou&y 
of the republicans, favoured them, many were 
elected: but many of those who had resolved to 
espouse the . presby terian interest sought the. ad- 
vancement of their individual views, by affecting 
zeal for an unconditional restoration^ when they 
perceived it could not be avoided. Large sums 
were expended for seats, — some giving one thou- 
sand pounds, and others two *. 

There is reason to suppose that Moncke con- 
nived at the election of cavaliers, that, on the 
one hand, if the restoration should be the most ad- 
visable course, he might use them as instruments 
for promoting it ; and, on ihe other, if he found 
himself in a situation to usurp the government, he 
might have a plausible pretext for dissolving an 
assembly elected on principles prohibited by the 
very act which authorized it. He had now begun 
to entertain some emissaries from the king, . and 
gave obscure hints of an intention to restore the 
family : But even these were contradicted by viom 
lent declarations to the same individuals. One day 
he declared that he would acquiesce in the judg« 
ment of the parliament, both . in relation to the 
king and the house of lords ; another day he told 

* Carte's Let vol. ii. p. 39& 


the same person, *• in great passion, he would spend 
the last drop of his blood rather than the Stuarts 
should ever come into England**— though " he 
was in good temper again the same night/' Yet 
** he still persisted to protest, and wish bis right 
hand might rot off if he had the least design for 
the king, or if he did not oppose it to the last 
drop of his blood if attempted by any.'* It is even 
alleged that he had entered into a correspondence 
with Mazarine, to help him to the place which 
had been occupied by Cromwell : But every day 
developed to him the impracticability of the at- 
tempt. His late measures had forfeited for ever 
the confidence of the popular party ; and in spite 
of all his arrangements in the commands, it was 
only by keeping the army in various stations, to 
cut off mutual communication between the differ- 
ent detachments, that he could expect to preserve 
it in obedience. If the popular party regained 
the ascendency, he was at once thrown down from 
his preeminence, and the command of the mill- 
tary consigned to otliers : If the presbyterian in- 
terest prevailed, then it restored the Stuarts with- 
out him, and exposed him to all the consequences 
of resisting the measure. He had thus no party 
to act with to raise hini to individual power, with- 
out recalling the exiled family ; and the military 
which gave him such influence could not be re* 
lied on. The city militia^ too, which he had or- 
ganized as a counterpoise to the old army, felt with 
their fellow-citizens: the fleet under Montague 
was ready to declare for the king, and the party at 


the head of affiurs in Ireland had been negociat* 
ing with Charles IL Moncke must have been 
conscious, besides, that he was destitute of those 
great Qualities which in Oliver Cromwell had so 
dazzled mankind, shedding a lustre even on usur« 
pation, but which would not have preserved even 
that individual much longer in his guilty great- 
ness* When these circumstances are considered, 
there will no longer be room for wonder, that he 
should have at last intimated to Sir John Grad- 
ville, who had been sent over by the exiled king, 
that he was anxious to promote bis majesty's ser- 
vice, and advised that Charles should leave the 
Spanish territories, lest he should be detained as 
a hostage for Dunkirk and Jamaica. On this re« 
turn of good fortune, Charles instantly removed 
to Breda ; and now it may be necessary to give 
some account of his situation *. 

* Mr, Hume had not the benefit of the third volume of the Cla^. 
rendon Papery which is an invaluable record ; and that afiords a con- 
dderable apology for his misconception of the itate of things, and Ae 
views of the leading men. The rising of Fakfai^ on Moa^s manb 
south, for instance, was viewed by the royalists with alarm^ p. 654. 
656. 669. See p. 660, et seg. See also about Manchester, Hollis, and 
the rest, who began instantly to cabal, not only against the repu blicaii 
party, but against the power of the crown, &c. But our dd^Tbul 
fiiness is now with Moncke. Hume lays hold of a statement by 
Gumble, that Moncke had asserted CromweU could not long have- 
maintained his usurpation : But from all circumstanees, we never can 
believe that the assertion had been made relative to an individiud he 
was so deeply engaged with, till after the Bestoration. HumedweUa 
on '^ the natural tranquillity and moderation of Moncke's temper^ the 
calmness and solidity of his genius, not to mention his age now tipon 
the decline" Let us begin with his age : I would ask at what age « 
ijpan is beyond ambition. But what was Moncke's age .^-^Fifty-two t 


. The war between France and Spain^ which, toPcaccbc 
gratify the ambition of two or three individaaTs, 'France and 


or two years younger than Cromwell was when he usurped the govem- 
noent ! As to the natural tranquillity and moderi^tion of his temjper^ 
I know not what is meant, since he never could safely skew mpre^ifl'T 
bition than he did* See what Hyde ^Clarendon) ^ys^ in a letter Uf 
Sir Henry Rennet, (14th Fehruary, 1659-60,) " of kis ambUicm 
and avaricious Tiature/' p. 679. ^^ If J hear hi|3 charaeter righ^/' 
(says Lord. Mordaunt . to the Ung. in a letter^ dated 17th Fe* 
bruary^ 1659, ^i666/\^^^^)ieJs^covetQj(s<^ surly , and proud,^* p, 683» 
iSee page 661, regarding ihis^fear of l^ambert. See how he was 
watched by Scott and Robinson, p. 662, See pi 666, about St. Jolm 
and others, whose conduct influenced Moncke» a^<|p the ^bjuii^g thf 
king, p. 667-68. '' Moncke," says Lord Mordaynl^ 5th February, 
1659-60, '' hath already pulled ofi'the mask, a3a^i» deaijly republica]^ 
and certainly hath acted the weakest part that ever ji^l^ 4i^; he hath 
lost all parties, and now runs with the giddy me^ib^s into illegal and 
irregular actions," p. 70. See p. 672. 67^^675, cj[ se^j *^, Th^re is so 
insolent a spirit amongst, spme of the uobi]^y,".wr|fe£f j|Jir. Qaron, 
(Febfuary) '^ tibiat J rea^jr |par 'tjvill turn to an|urj^t4^cFa<^^, JVIoncke 
inciimnythat wiiy^tpo. .,My opjpion4^qlear tb^t tbe kij|g QVIgbt not 
to part with the church, crown, or friends' lands, lest he make m^r 
lord of N(»rthumberland his equal, nay, perhaps bis superior," p. 6B0, 
esi. Regarding Moncke's conduct to the dty, p* 682. J^ord Mor-* 
daunt, founding his reasoning upon the c^vetoas, «urly, proi)d temper 
of Moncke, says, " If this be his nature he will prove .malleable, 
tliere being none of those humours, how peccant soever, but may be 
rectiBed. The visible inclination of the people ; the danger he for^ 
sees from so many enemies; his particular pique to Lambert; t^e 
provocation of the anabaptists and sectaries, with whom J may no^ 
Join the catholios; the want of money to continue £tai^ding arpiie^; 
the divisions of the chief officers in those respective armies; the |td-« 
vices of those near him, I mean Cloberry and Knight^ whoin I heiM^ 
'as well of as of the former; the admonitions dai]y given him h(y Mr* 
^Ai^iedey and Alderman Robinson,, unless God has iM ^"9 ^^ ^ 
slaughter, canpot but move him to return to assist fte .gQYqnmwt 
he was borq under, qai4 which he dttowed to he the ^^.^un^V thfi 
greatest tyravi,'' i^ 633. See about Monqke's ^' bitter .iq[^eeoh«gi4i^t 
monarchy," to the secluded members, p. 688. See Lady WiQoi^- 
hy's Letter to Hyde^ about the approaching elections, p. ^^9f 4l(t«d 



had, for about thirty years, cost a prodigal waste 
of lives and treasure, was, soon afler the late 
protector's death, terminated by the peace of the 

IMtfa February. '' The discontented persons here/' writes Mr. Dixon 
on die same day^ after the return of the secluded members^ *' (such as 
Haaderigy Scott^ Robinson^ and others,) are not without their deagns 
to interrupt the proceedings of our new governors, and to that end 
haye ahready joined with die officers of the old army, and intend this 
Very night to make proposals to Moncke for re-establishing of the 
protector again, as being the only expedient they can find to save 
themselves from ruhi, &c. p. 689, 690. See also Moncke's desire to 
^liBsolve the parliament, because it was for establishing a new mHitia. 
See about Moncke^s supposed designs, p. 691. See also the temper 
txf his officers, p. 698. See also about his designs, p. 693. Lambert 
petitioned for leave to transport himself beyond seas : '^ yet, after all 
this, many believe that he wiH be able to make a bustle, and that 
the romp love Mm much better, and will trust him more than they 
will do Moncke. Every day produces some manifesto sent up to 
Moncke for a full and free pailiament," &c. p. 695. ^ All I can say 
of Mondce," writes Mr. Barwick to the king, March 10, is, '' that 
no means are left unattempted which come within ibe power of my 
friend; for, notwithstanding his former resolution only to move along 
with Mondce, about the beginning of this week he pressed him with 
all the arguments he could, both from necessity, honour, and in- 
terest; and he put him to sudh a stand widi them, as he only re- 
plied he would condder of it, and tell more of his mind hereafter. 
And again, on Wednesday, upon occasion of the remonstrance, he 
declared himself to my friend, liiat he would acquiesce in the judg- 
ment of die parliament, both in relation to your majesty and the 
house of lords ; and yet yesterday he told him in great passion, he 
would spend the last drop of his blood rather ^um the Stuarts should ever 
tome into England. Though I hear from other hands he was in a good 
temper again the same night,'* p. 695. See p. 698, about the army, 
&C. and Moncke. See what Moncke intended by a free parliament, 
and how Hyde only relied on his declaring for the king even on 
March 17th, in consequence of Fairfax and Rossiter having risen, 
p. 701. See following page, about parties, &c. One of the king's 
friends, under the feigned name of Mr. Harrison, writes to the king, on 
the 19th March, that Montague had declared for him, as the only 
^ayto settle the nation ; and then ^ys, " Moncke still persists to pro- 


Pyrenees, i^ain, by tile united effiirts of France 
and England, was at last reduced so Ic^ that the 
French minister did not escape censure for sacdp- 
ficing his master's interest to the importunity '<^ 
the queen mother: But the death of Cromwell 
had materially altered the aspect of alBPairs : As it 
was he who had entered into the war, so the parlia- 
ment might conclude a peace and adopt measures 
for comipelling France to concur. By the posses- 
sion of Dunkirk, the. road was open into the 
French territory, and a co-operation with the Hu- 
guenots, or protestants of that country, might soon 
paralyze the French government. Charles went 
to the treaty, to ask the assistance of the potei^ 
tates in recovering his throne, as the cause of 
kings: But, as his prospect of regaining it wad, 
by the defeat of Booth's insurrection, xieemed 
hopeless, his reception was cold, while that of 
Lockhart, the English ambassador, was attended 

test^ and wish his right hand may rot otf if he has the least design 
for the king> or if he do not oppose it to the last drop of his bloody If 
attempted by any/' p. 703. See p. 704^ et^eq. particidarly p. 7^B, 739. 
See also Thurloe's State Papers^ vol. vii. Upon the whole, I con- 
ceive that there can be no great doubt that Moncke was carried by 
the stream, and only determined on the Restoration when he coukL 
not raise himself to the chief power. Manchester, and others of the 
presbyterian party, who professed much for the king, intended to 
bind him down so fast, that he should not be permitted to write a 
letter, or appoint a kitchen boy, without their consent, p. 705. See 
.also p. 728, and elsewhere, for Fairfax. The truth is, that in the 
temper of the nation, the restoration could not be avoided ; but it 
miglit have been effected on certain conditions. See Price, as to 
Moncke*s continued protestations for a commonwealth, and the views 
of the presbyterian party; and as to Moncke, Clar. Hist. vol. vi. 
p. 733, et seq. See Note xxi. to vol. i. of Laing's History relative to 
the story told by Locke of Moncke*s intrigue with Mazarine. 

VOL. IV, 2 I 


ivith a nesjiect which had nemer hwa shewn to tihe 
repnesentative of jaay noiiard). ISiough the Pope 
liad talked of the deep concern which it gave jitm 
lio see the death of the kte kiJig unreveoged, 
and dedared that be wtould use Ua fatiieriy inte- 
jiest in unitii^ the different tnonaidis to 0e-*aaseit 
•the light of the exiled family, as in a cause v^bkkf 
4being jdirected against a auccestfol exaaipfe of w- 
^{At m subjects^ it becatne all sovereigns to nain- 
tain ^,-«^o little symfttthy did. tiie fiite of thai 
^Guaily excite, thai; the qneen^mother of £ng^ 
laud, ao nearly allied in blood to the Fiench king^ 
was scarcely supplied with the necesKtries of l^i 
and is reported to have been on one occasion obll- 
^d to keep her bed from want of filetl to warm 
,her apartment i Even the catholic king him* 
«el^ it is believed, would, to accomplish his own 
«jnds in regard to Dunkirk and Jamaica, have de- 
tained as a prisoner a bcoHier prince who had 
sought an asylum in his territories. Wheo^ how-^ 
,ever» there was a prospect of his re^xiration, and 
nothing coidd be gained by any attempt to detain 
him, they were all sufficiently loud in expressing 
their joy and in proffering him their services t. 
Ptetbyteri^ Some of the presby terians took the alarm at the 
^ * idea of a restoration^ and the great body were 
still zfsalous for rigorous tetms ; but, as in one 
thing they all concurred^ hatred of the secturiesi 
on this was founded the hope of the cavaliers* 

* Cltr. vol. ri. p. 548* 

t Clar, voL vi. p. 675, et seq. State Papers^ vol. iii. Le Siede de 
Louis XIV* 



ms^rosLY OF the bbitish empibsu 48S 

The ]:^bU<iiiiif3^ (m: sie<^ti0s, perceiving ths^t all 

would be lost if Ijiey did npt iipinddiatciljr aeti 

were in the Jbigbest state of commotioa ; and the 

troo{>s began to be every wiie^e eiSected with the 

i^iiit of mutiny, when Lambeirt, having escikpqd Xfmbett 

from the Tower, to which he bad been con^mitted j^t^^'' 

in conseqpence of having siirrendered himself, in-^**^*^ 

stantly endeq^voured to set hiniielf at their head. 

Prompt measures alone sated Moncke. Ingoilds* 

by, who seems to have been latterly tneated coldly 

by Cromwell *, and was ever ready to affect the 

uttnost zeal for the party that was uppermoSftt 

was sent against him» and overtook him before hi 

could rais6 more than four trocqis. Perceiving 

themselves to be ovelpowered with great superiof- 

ity in numbers, one of the troops deaertedt and 

ikmbert^ along with Okey, Axtle, and Creed, waa 

taken prisoner. Overton^ partly &om the aetivity 

of Fairfax^ found it necessary, owing to the di^^'^ 

fection among his troops, to surrender the com-^ 

mand of Hull f • 

When the parliament met^ the lords were> in^ewPtt. 
spite of a promise made by Moncke to ejs^cludemee^W 
them, alleged to take their seats in the npper^^l* 
bouse, when they chose the llarl of Mapchesta' as 
tbeir speaker : The commons chose Sir Harbottle 
Grinstone. Both houses confirmed Moncke's 
commission of captain-general, and the members 

• Thurloe's State t*apers> trol. vii. p. S6J?. 

t Clar. vol. yL p. 7S6^ et seq. Ludlow^ vol. ii. p. 858-69. 875> Wf^ 
Price, Gumble, Skinaer. 

2l 2 


emulated each other in expressing abhorrence at 
the execution of the late king, and in reflecting 
on the memory of Cromwell. This was a prelude 
to the Restoration, though nothing was said about 
it } and there is reason to believe that there was a 
strong party who were inclined to restore monar- 
chy on rigorous terms only ; but Moncke, who was 
determined to make his own fortune^ without re- 
gard to any party, and who well knew that con- 
ditions for himself would expose him to jealousy 
from the king and his immediate advisers, while 
leaving all to the gratitude of the prince would 
bind him to his interest, had already concluded 
matters with Charles, without ^ specifying con- 
ditions either for his country or himself. He 
therefore intimated to the house of commons that 
Sir John Grenville was at the door, desirous to 
deliver a letter from the king, when orders were 
given for his immediate admission. Grenville de-* 
livered^ along with the letter, a declaration from 
ijrtto and Charles, in which he professed great regard for 
br Charles the privileges of parliament and the rights of the 
people; professed a general amnesty to all per- 
sons but such as should be excepted by parlia- 
ment itself; promised liberty of conscience, and 
his consent to any act that parliament might deem 
necessary to secure it ; and assured them that he 
would leave it to parliament to determine about 
the sale and the alienation of the church lands ; 
while he promised to the soldiers not only all their 
arrears, but a continuance of their pay. To quicken 
their motions^ he also intimated what was unfound- 


ed^ that he had assurances of aid from foreign 
princes ( but that he wiaa disposed to decline it in 
confidence of their afiections. This assembly^ 
however, was not so carried away by the occasion 
as not to think of conditions ; and the great Sir 
Matthew Hale himself moved the commons to 
take them into consideration : But Moncke inter- 
posed, telling them the troops could not be depend- 
ed on during the delay of a treaty ; and as they 
dreaded the second ascendency of the republicans 
on the one hand, and perceived, on the other, that 
Moncke would, in all probability, succeed in re« 
storing the king without them, while they were 
alsio apprised that he was intimating to the king 
what fell from individual members, and each ap- 
pjehended not only the loss of favour, but possi- 
bly the royal vengeance--*they dropped the oppo« 
sition. Charles was therefore proclaimed, and ar- 
rangements were instantly made for his uncondi- 
tional restoration *. 

Montague was despatched to bring him over, chwies* re. 
and returned to England annid a general de-p^^^^^ 
mpnstration of joy : but the presbyterians were ^^' ^•y 
ere long taught, by oppression, not to rejoice 
over the humiliation of the republicans. No idea 
was ever more erroneous than that Charles and 
his friends acted mercifully towards their adver- 
saries, as they proceeded as far as they durst. 

f Pari. Hifit. toI. ipLii. p. SIO^ et seq» Clar. State Papers^ toI. iii. 
Hist, yd. vi. p. 732^ et seq, Ludlow^ yol. ii. p. %1$, Price. Gumble. 
Skinner. Carte's Xiet. vol. il. Burnetts Hist, of his Own Times. 



and even pursued by assnestns soikie of those who 
had sought r^ige in foreign climra *• His owq 
open encouragement of every species of profligacy 
reflects di^ace on thi age that could tolerate it 
His violation of the law, and designs agaim^ 
religtmi, evince that he had not profited by expe* 

* Ludlow^ vol. ill. See in txiee a proof of hypocritieid cant by 
Moncke after the restoration^ p. 161. ^' When I came to him^" 
•ays Tnoe, '' I kneeled to him, and kissed his hands, (Had he been 
'^amanof sttchplainmaimera'* asHnaie repreemtB Mn^ would his 
chaplain have used this ceiemoiiy ?) ^' He tool^ me np^ and was pUmoi 
to speak some kind wdrds to me; hvtt, in speakings broke into tears, 
saying these words: 'No> Mr. Price, it was noli that did t^; yea 
know the Jealousies that were had of me;,' (how could it be otherwise^ 
considering his false protestations?) ^ and the oppositions against 
me^ It was God alone who did it ; to him be the glory^ whose is the 
kingdom and the power, over this and^aK goyemments*"* GompsN 
this with his blasphemotts addresses ^ the hon$ fs^i^vBXfSktf 


I N 1: X. 

Abssbeem, cruel titntment of the town of. By Modtioft, Si SSi. 

Act, trietinial, liL 437. 

Adulteiy Act, !▼. 32S. 

Airly, Earl of, and His sons, join MbntkoR, ili; ItiS* 

Allan, Aldennan, iy. 347. 

Aliflon and Bobins, case of, xi.!R3% 

Alva, Duke of, i. 211. 

Anhalt, Prince of, ii. 9. 

Annus MinMUt, L 221. 

Antrim, Marquis of, receives a conmusndtt Coraisean ttlnydf iiatiye IIIA» 
ill. 160— dedaratbn of, ib« 185. 

Apprentices threaten to attack the Tower to drive oat Iiunsfozd, iSL ttUm 
proffer their services to the parliament, wfi&U are declined, ib. 29^. 

Argyle, Marquis of, given the lie to by Sydseift, it 482"— Attdy accused of 
an intention to cut off Charles, iiL 146— ineffectual attempt to gain him 
over, ib. 399— advances in pursuit of the Irish, ib. 531— strange conduct 
and defeat of, ib. 536. ; iv. 29. 126, 127, 128, 129. 299. 304. S14L 

Aristocracy, English, power of dimixdshed, L 1«^— dismiss lUdr petty UsatAU 
ryt and let their lands in large tracts to individuals, ib. 19— enriched by dti^' 
Beformation, ib. 79— woridly motives of, regarding the Beftrmatiou, ib; tff^ 
—subjected to the laws, ib. 830 alsrmed at the popular s^t ilL ,25t. 

Aristocracy^ Scottish, cupidity of, whetted by the plnnder of the Eflglifth 
church, i. 387. 

Army, English, ruin of the, u. 39. 531— routed, ib. 535— plot; acoon&rof, Hit 
108— farther particulars, ib. 137. 

Army, Scottish, passes the Tweed*, ii: 534— eonthiues in Bn^d*, iii; ¥%»^ 
enters England, ib. 473— retreats agam to Westmoreland, iv. 4— indBden^ 
ib. 54, «< seq. 61', et «ef.— poritiim of, on Down -Hill; ib. 289iii«tM»rEta|^ 
land, ib. 305— divisions of, ib. SO^-cabals in, ib. 439; 

488 INDEX. 

Anny, Itiih, Popiab. primMfljr niied tat Hib lobjugMioo of SeoUand, iii. 

SO— puipow to employ the, agaiDit Rnghmd, ib. Mu-the puUament m- 

att on tho diaUndmoit of, 'A. IST—lt^gnn to be dkbonded, ib. 140— 

•hnott diibuided, ib. 17a 
Aimks, sojal ud patlimaitaiy, dUftrait ampontioa of, iii. 30S. 
Anofy pariMUMPtaiy, loeet opportnidtiot, iii 36g—<li«potition of* ib. 381— 

new model of, ib. 550— elate of, hr. 1. 62— appointa a4|ttlatoie» ib. 87— 

takee poeMMioa of the lciiig*e penon, &k Oa OS, 93, Oiiffliitiny of, ib. 100 

— qudled, ib. lOS— lemonitiaiiee of, ib* 151 » efl^c te of nme, ib. 153— de- 

dantion of, lb. 155— maichee to Loiidoii, and pmgei tbe pariiament, ib. 

Anmdel, Earl of, case of, iL 128.«Ji0id fl%b Stevaid of £i^s3and ol Uie 

trial of Strafibrde, iiL 45. 
Anmdd, Mr. John, iiL 410. 

Articles, Lords of the, i 429.; ii. 4lO«Jnititiitioii of the, abolidwd, iii. 220. 
Aacham, assassination of, ir. 264. 
Ashbumham, deeply engaged in the aimy plot, iiL 137 ; iv. 65i 90. 97. 10^. 

103. Ill, 112. 120. 
Ashley, Sir Jacob, conoeined in the army plot, iiL 108 Mfnaminttinn of, ib. 

590, iy. 5. 28. 
AflNmUy of the Kirk of SeoOand, enactment of, i 393— «t Glaigow, ii. 492 

—acts of, ib. 494. 510— general dedantion of commimioners of. It. 

Athens, senators of, how chosen, iiL 555. 
Attainder, bill of. See Wentworth. 
Axtle, iv. 483. 
A^lmer, account of the EngUih oonstitution by, L 313— contrast of the stat^ 

of the English and French by, ib. 314. 
Aysene, iv. 316. 320. 333, 334. 


Babington conq^aracy, L 221. 

Bacon, Lord, iv. 358— oote xegaiding, ib. 359, 360. 

Badley, iv. 333. 

Baillie, Lieut-General, vr. 29, 30. 33. 

BaiUie (Scottish divine) accomplishments of, IL 506.; iiL 41— letter oi, ib. 

143. 147* 
Balfour, Sir William, reftises to connive at the escape of Strafibrde, iiL 122«-- 

diwniwfd fiom the lieutenancy of the Tower, ib. 246— examination of, ib. 

Ballard, Lieut.»Cdk>nel, examination of, iiL 592. 
Balle, John, L 52. 

Bahnerino, case of, iL 420— trial and sentence of, ib. 426, 427* 
Bampton, Kat. case of; iL 349. 

INDEX. 489 

BiDcraft meets the lectarieB by asmting the divine instattttkm of bidnpe, i. 

Baiebone, Mr. Ffeue^-Giocl, iy. SOimmfKamta an addMM to pwltoeiiti ib. 

Bams, case of, iii* 75. 
Barrow, Sermons of, i 405. 
BartUy, Mr. vL 566. 

Basilioon Doom, 1 39T««4e?eii copies of only printed, ib. 419« 
Basing House, ir. 21. 

Bastwick and otbeis, esse of, ii. 834— cnid senlenee on, ib. 340. 
Bavaria, Duke of, head of the Catholie league, ii. 9. 
Beckington, case of chureh watdens of, iL 375. 
Bedfbrd, Earl of, military proceedings of, iii* 409. 
Beggars, country swarmed with, L 33. 
BeUasis, Cdbnel, defeated by the Faizfexes. iiL 475. 
Beaboe shot, iv. 31& 

Beach, King's, fotmerfy ambulatoiy, i 169. 
Benevolences, account of, u 253; ii. ISO. 
Berkeley Castle, iv. 21. 

Berkeley arrested on the bench on a charge of high treason, iii 33* 
Berkeley, Sir John, deeply engaged in the army plot, iiL 137. 409u»j^U the 

king while be waa wiA the army, iv. 97. 101. 111. 114^ 115, 116, 
Bemaid, Mr. case of, ii. 374. 
Berry, iv. 457. 

Benrick, pacificarion of, iL 504. 
Bigotiy, effects of, on the heart, L 129. 
Bidiops, Scottish, L 416. 
Bishops, £n(^, bill to restndn firom secular offices, iii. 134— psotestation of, 

ib. 252— hnpeadmDCBt of, ib. 254 
Bishops, deans, and chapteis, Deering's bill for the extirpatiflii dl ilL 135. 
Blackstone, statement ci, regarding torture, L 237. 
BhMk, second dedinatuie of, L 398. 
Blair, Scottish deigyman, iiL 41. 
Blake, Admiral, defends Lyme, iiL 522— exodUent eondoet o^ pu s e r v M 

Taunton, iv. 2— appointed to the command of the fleei along widi Dean, 

&& ib. 316— diaracter of, ib. 317. 319. 332, 333, 334, SSS-ezploits of, 

in the Mediterranean, ib. 390, 391— death of, ib. 418. 
Bohemia, origui of war in* vu 2.— queen of, sends letters to Laud, ib. 396. 
Boon, Mr. iv. 439. 
Booth, Sir Geoige, iv. 438. 441. 

Boriace, Six John, appohited one of the h»df justioes of IielaDd» iiL 163. 
BothweU, Earl of, L 391. 
Boume, iv. 333. 
Boyers, case of, iL 348. 

400 IN0EX. 

JB«ydv Mr. Zidkwfft k* 3001 

Bndick Down, battle of, ui. 411. 

BfMddbiw. MWU6M, dMMMttt oi; i«^ IHr SOS. S48^ 3»l^ 4S7. 

BfCDtfoid, attack of, iii. 380. 

Bnreton, Sir Wmiam, iii 411. 

Bridgewater, town of, situation of, iv. 15-«-«nrrente#f, ihr Itt, 

Bristol, Earl of, conducts the treaty with Spain, ii. ll--i«ae of, ik WS^ 

impeachment of, ib. I07--fi>efeift artidv agaikac Loid^ Conwaf, Vk im. 
Bristol, town of, capture of, by Rupert, iii. 432— ^unendto o^ iv^ IS. 
Broghill, Lord, i^ S8&r 401. 4f», iUV 
Brooke and Sey, dedaiatiili «f, ^ ^^' 
Brooke, command of, iii. 413— ^«di «f, Ib* 414^ 
Brown, Sir John, iy. 87. 

Buckingham, Duke of, jealous of Bristol, iL ll-Jlistoijr and dnaacte o^ 
lb. 12— insolence of, to ti» priMo, Sk- tl-«M»iirti and gaito ibe pvaee's 
c(»fidence, ib. 28— advises him to make a journey to Spain, ih. an mleiHc 
and jealousy of, prevent the Spaaidk matKby ib. SOi^^dsparts with the piiaeft 
from Madrid, and returns to F.nglimJ, ik 34» 8S > it K phiM the iMasoass 
pursued there by him, ib. 78— impeached by Bristol, 3i. lOQU-ibipeieliai' 
by the ooDunoBSr ib» lit slwHildBmodieg «tf Gaarila^r ^ li7.^.4aisfmf 
0^ fta-UritopeachmcBt, ib. Il^Su-eftsewatiMtt on tiw impcadnnait orf^ ib; 
120— ansveir im- ih» impeachauat ^ ^cvmt by Sir N^Hydt,: ibi 180^. 
expedition of, to the French coast, ib. 147— attacks, th^ isfe o€ ILhAa,. ibb 
149— abandons his deagn, ib. 150 ■HBgnsfiinBtion o^ ib. ?f*TT pmllnilnri 
regarding, ib. 208; iv. 309. 455. 
Buckinghamshire, petition of freeholdefs ^ to klB§^ anil parii j > Mtt t» iii. 896^ 
Buckner, Abbot's chaplain, diarged as an accessary fo llreitring' PryaneV 

Bull affixed to the Bishop of London's gafta, L SObOufMrftea ^ iU VLQ»>m 

anonnft, ft. 86A* 
Buller, Sir Richard, m, 409* 
Burchet, case of, i 817. 
Burdit, Mr. case of, iL 375. 
Bte ' gws es sumnaoncdi t* pttStanKnl, i> &• 
Bm^kfey» ptopiMil of, fa cNat» a^Mw oMD^. I, SOtfk 
Bi»%r C^tMBy i¥. 119^ 
Burnet, Bishop, (note> ^ Wt*^ 
BurtotrandlotlwiiyCMoo^, fi^ a»4 . mual mtetfceon^ Ui liOn ■■■mMiiBiirf 

ib. 345. 
Byron, Lord, (Sir John) appointed successor td JLuMftidi a» gOMHos of llitf 
Towtv, iiii 247 I e lc ii c s tbsi qqpsriiAiBioB of pM^iianQBt, ibi 8W. athrf 
obeys the summons of both houses, ib. 308. 
Byron, Sir John, and his brother, unable to restrain the tioepe- under i^lA^ 
command, iii. 378— army of, completely defeated, iW471. 

INDEX. 491 


CaUcrwood, lennrk of» i 395, 417* 

Ctdvin, addrcsMd £«rl of Hutfxrd, &c. i. 104. 

CamdeDy ia&maatioa by, i 10&— irfened to by Mr. Home on maftU bw» 
ib. 215--ttoeoimt of £Uzabeth*t inttontion towards BmAet by* ib. 217. 

CanoD* Scotch, ii. 438. 559; 

Oipel, Loid, i?. lOa 

Cuew, Sir Alegomdev, Hi. 409. 

CttletoD, Sir DucUey, gpcodi of, & 1 1 4. 

Caiiisk, CottHteBS of, It. 105. 

Carte, InooanMeneies of, ni 212. 

Caemarvito, £arl of, iu. 431. 

CfttholicB, fioaliiigB of, inMary't reiga, L lll«»to improve their adfBBtages 
did not oppose stretehes of the pierogaitive, ib. 123— .feeUngi o^ under Eli- 
zabeth, ib. 12»^ever formed jOois ageinst llie hlb of EUubedi^ ib. 158— 
demands of Iiidi, iiL 18a 

Cavendish, Mr. takes GranAim, iii« 408. 

CavaEers, iv. 440, 476. 

Cedl, manisler of £KaabeUi| tte first to broach Ike pifeciples of toleiatioD, i. 130. 

CeciL See Wioibletea. 

Chaloner, conspirtitor, hasgod^ in* 422. 

ChambetSy Ma case of, n, 275*ifWlth otfaeis^ appeals m. vais against the tax of 
diip-money, it. 388. 

Cbyiedkir, duty of, by 28 Ed. L c. 5. L 161. 

ChsBoeiy, iOegsl cgmuiusiieii by Elizabeth not Branded in, u 154; hr. 357, 

Charter, Great, L 160. 

Charta Magna* i 205-HaBerely eenfirined by eanaaon kw, ib. 266. 

Chades I. alters the patent of judges, L 193i«whe& Fimoe, obtahis his folte's 
consent to go to Spain, il. 23— wi&BuefciBi^Mai airim ki Madrid, ik 29 
— ^xmse^pienees of the journey of, ib. SO— and Buckmgham quit Madrid, 
ibb 34«Mmd Buckingham retnm to Engbmd, ib. 35 accsesioft of, ib. 45 
nuoriage o^ IK 49— puHBues with fiiry the purpose of * Spanish war, fib. 52 
-.conduct oi; inregalrdtoihecaseefMenlagaB, Ak 66— eo wnat en of, ib. 
87— addresses a leltar to the speaker of the house el coomMBS, fb* 91— 
message to the commons, ib. 8  fc c tnies Ike ce m noBs at IVhitshdi, 9k 99 
eouBsdsadopledby,ibb ISCKMsreasen* of, fev eneoosagfaq^ kigfa ehoBch 
», ib. 137— condsRt of, ih. 157— eentmieMs dkpkyed ^, ki his ad- 
dtess to paiBamcnl, ib. 162— conduct oi, regasding Manwaring, fib. 181, 
182— peremptory message to the eooraon^ ib. 18 3 ano i ksi raesssge to 
do. ib. 186— returns Uie proper answer to the petition of ri^t, ib. IST.— 
attempt of, to save Buekinghamy fib. 191— conduct of, in tef^ to prikithig 
the petitwn of ri^f ib. 195— leguding the preiogatiye of, m infiiecnig a 

492 INDEX. 

tomi]«» ib. 208«-con(Iact of, regarding the assassination of Buckingham, 
iL 900— eondoct of, regarding the Kochellers, ib. 214— resolutions of , in re- 
gard to pwliamcDt) ib. 815— address of, to parliament, \b> 81d— rq;ieated 
messages of, to parliament, to hasten the bin of tonnage and poundage, Ac. 
ib. 285— extraordinary proeeedings of, in regard to the imprisoned members* 
ib> 8S1— 'proclamation of, forbidding the mention of another parliament, ib' 
836— neutrality obsenred by, considered, ib. 878— conduct of, in regard to 
tonnage and poundage, 875— arbitrary and capricious system of government 
of, reached departments where he seems to have intruded fir the purpose of 
proving the plenitude of his power, ib. 87d— conduct of r^rdiDg new build- 

\ ings in the metropolis, ib. 880'— proclamation of, enjoining the residenoe of 
the aristeeiacy in the country, ib. 881— resorts to knigbthoodas a mean of 
raising money, ib. 883— selfishness of, discovered particularly in a pro. 
jected forest for deer,) ib. 884— proceedings of, in regard to forests, &c. ib. 
885— in his annotations to lands annual accounts, talks of commanding his 

. judges to act, though contrary to law, ib. 887— ^rpose of returning to the 
Komish church serioudy intended by, ib. 899— conduct of, in regard to Sir 
David Foulis and his son, ib. 319..-conduct of with regard to Williams, ib. 
359— did not even eonceal a determination to dispense with the very forais 
of the constitatiott, ib. 397— severe proclamation of, agunst recusants, ib, 
413— visits Scotland, ib. 41 5   c onduct of, regarding the Scotdi church, ib^ 
435. 457, et seg.— conduct of, regarding the canons and liturgy, and vio- 
lent proclamations of, ib. 467— opinion of, of the covenant, ib. 473— sends 
Hamilton as his commissbner to Scotland,' ib. 474-^ondQct of, and letter 
from, ib. 481— agrees to an assembly of the Scotch church under oonditioos, 
lb. 487— determines to commence war, for whidi he had been preparing, ib* 
495— marches with an army to subdue the Scots, ib. 498— military opera- 
tions of, ib. 499— proclamations of, to the Scots, ib. 501— opens a nego« 
dation, ib. 503— consequences of expedition of, ib. 505— insincerity of, ib. 
508— secret inteiitions, ib. 510— treatment of the commissioners sent by 
the covenanters, ib. 515 — state of affinrs, ib. 517— unconstitutional mea- 
sures of, ib. 583— dissolves the j^liament, ib. 585— projects of, to raise 
money, ib. 531, 538— troops of, begin to mutiny, ib. 533— in vain tries an 
array at the expense of the inhabitants^ ib. 534— situation of, ib. 537— 

. misfortunes of, to what iipproperly attributed, ib. 541, 548, 543— dqiknaUe 

. situation of, ib. 544— purpo^ the pacification of Berwick as the basis of 
the treaty, ib. 545— orders Straffinde to attend him on a promise of safety, 
ill. 14— general conduct of, ib. 6, et stfjr.— 4neasures of, to save Stnifibrde, ib. 

. 44 obliged reluctantly to yield to a demand of the oonmions to relieve the 
councillors ikom their oath of secrecy, that they might be examined, ib. 76— 
had eariy thoughts of introducing foreign troops to carry through his arbi- 

. trary designs, ib. 98 — proceedings of, in regard to Strafibrde, ib. 106, tts§q. 
— 4)b8tinate refusal of, to disband the Irish army, &c. ib. 117— passes the 
bill of ^ttainder^ and that for continuiDg the pailiame&t, ib« 119f-rreinot6e 

INDEX. 493 

for having given bis etmsent to the execution of Strafibide, ib* 12t— «o&daet 
of» regarding the Irish army, and army plot, iii. 137— intention of» to virit 
Scotland, ib« 138— eccret piolicy of, ib. 142-^motive8 of journey to Soot- 
land, ib. 149— conduct of^ in regard to the incident^ ib. 1^0— conduct of, 
on being apprised by the Hamiltons and Aigyle of their reasons for quiU 
ting Edinburgh, ib. 153— proceedings of, after the flight of the Hamiltons 
and Argyle, ib. 154— grants a commission to the £arl of Antiim to raise an 
army of native Irish, ib. 160— nomination of, for Ireland, opposed by the 
Irish committee, ib. 163— warns the Lord Justices of Irdand to watch the 
proceedings of the natives, ib. 165— conduct of^ in relation to Ireland, ex- 
cites alarm, ib. 166— strange proposal of, regarding (he disposal of the Irish 
army,ib. 167-^reflectioo8 en conduct of, as to whether he encouraged the Irish 
insunection, ib. 173-«condnct of towards the Scottish presbyterians, ib. 175-^ 
plotsof,ib. 175— -reflections on conductof, regarding the Irish catholics, ihi 181 
—seems to have.oonceived that^ with an army, his power would have been iri^- 
sistible, ib. 183— reflection on the real or supposed commission of, to the 
Irish, ib. 190— receives information of the Irish rebellion, and conduct of, 
ib. 216-.-proceedings of, to condliate the Scotsi ib. 222, 223— .conduct of, 
regarding the parliament, ib. 227— message of, to parliament, recommending 
Irish affiurs to their care, ib. 229— journey of, to London, and proceedings, 
ib. 237— proceedings of, to the parliament, ib. 238— conduct of, regarding 
one remonstrance, ib. 239-^-Gommits a breach of parliamentary privil^es 
regarding the pressing bill, ib. 243— 4mswer of, to the remonstrance of par- 
liament against the breach of privilege, ib. 245-i.-publishe8 a proclamation 
for conformity to the established church worship, ib. 245— equivocates as to 
what had been said by him, ib* 246.*— answer to the remonsttances of the 
commons as to the state of the nation, ib. 249«-4ipproves of the protestation 
of the bishops, ib. 252— ddays an answer to the petition of the commons 
for a guard, ib. 255— returns an answer at a remarkable time, ib. 257-^ 
forms a band of deqieradoes, and purpose of, ib. 260— marches at the head 
of his armed followers into the house of conmions to demand the ^ire im- 
peached members, ib. 261— .enters the city, and proceeding there, ib. 264^ 
to please the city, dines with one of the sheriffi, ib. 266— 4mswer of, to the 
petition of the city of London, ib. 271— Jeaves London, ib. 272— policy of, 
ib. 273^ et i^.^-6iti9ation of, according to Hume, with remarks on, ib* 
284— eends Newcastle to Hull, to take possession of the town and magazine, 
ib. 286— ^tuation and feelings of, with reflections on, ib. 291, et «^.— the 
instant he heard of the Irish rebellion, sent a commission to Ormonde to 
take command of the army, ib. 296 ans wer to the petition of the freehold. 
ers of Buckinghamshire, ib. 299— .ofl&rs a guard to parliament under the 
command of Earl Lindsay, ib. 300— conduct of, regarding the Tower, ib. 
303— sends a message to the house regarding the seizure of Lord Eimbolton 
and five members, ib. 304— answer of, regarding Hull, ib. 305— lefuses the 
petition of the commons to have all officers of forts, &c. nominated with the 
approbation of parliament, ib. 308— accompanies the Queen to Dover, ib. 

494 rapKx. 

SIQ p>>tct tte baflf ftr impreflmoit, andfor icmovfaigbiilMiM firom Ihe «^ 
|ier houie, liL 81t ■nitwgr of, ng^icUng the asilttiay ib. SlS-pditplaoei Bjfioa 
and mhtAtaimSaJdtuikCfmywMntatBOMtti^TQi^ 
lity of, in paMing the bills icgarding the hppuwwcnt, Ac ih. 8l5— -granta a 
IMomue to Hanrietta to do nothing without herprifitjr and eonaent, ibb 816 
t—ncTCt anaogemcDt of, with ClaitndiA, ib. Slf-«4Ui8«er of, to die petitioa 
of paEliameat, ib. Sid, «e ««f.«-aKtNMiidiaa>y ewfamatifm of, on hearhigiaad 
the dfldarairion of pariJaimnt, and amweK of, ib. 3S3» etteq^^^nfsuea to pa« a 
baiflfTindicatiottoftheiB[ipeadiadmambeii,ib.S8fil 'iiiwwwaof»totheEails 
txf HoUand and PcmbiolDe, ib. 8^ 5 iMge angworo^ ib. 820^— ineatores cif pie- 
pafatory for war, ib. SSt— attanpta to aooth te kadiBg mea in Soodaody 
while he centiniies hia intrigues with Montsose, ib. 8t8— sospieione against, ixi 
scgurd to the Iiish iebcilion,ib.32A— .proceedings towaxdslielaad, ib. 389u^ 
dtmands admission into Hull,ib. 330— pseftsses regaid for the liberties, Soe. 
but aigues that die militiB and forts had been eatnisted to htm and hie heiia 
for eYcr,ib.883.i dmies his purpose to levy War, &e. when aims hadbesneent 
ham Holland, ib. 385.  declaration of eetosellon of^ lb. M5— pBoelainatinn 
6f, ib. S37-.-fmitkss design on Hull, lb. SS^-Miominates Sir John Pei^igton 
todieoommand of the fleet, ib. 88ft— entices Xjttdeton to any the great seal 
toTorfc, jb- 841— unsacoessfblly endeavours to shew, that, die proportion of 
the peers having joined him, the parliament had lost its charaeter, ib. 843 
^—readily took engagements without die intention of keeping them, ib, 344— 
answers of, to^tiie pmpo^ons of parliament, ib. 34d— 4tbeiaHy suppliM with 
money ^ bis alBierents, ib. 350*^eteets his standard at Kottingjham^ ib. 361 
^^atal principle of, ib. 363— unsuccessftdly tries to array troops, ib. 364^-^^ 
is prevailed on to send prepositions to parliament, ib. 365— answer of, to the 
dfidaratien of parliament, ib. 'S6&i--bri8kiy carries on levies, ftc; ib. 36T— 
establisfaes a nunt ib. 86 8 p rotestations of, to hie troops, ib. 368— eo- 
> lemnly denies that he employed or eountenanoed catholics, ib. S7&— army 
^, BMiish tewarde Condon, ib, 872^^— hazards a batde, ib. 3TS— gaine 
Banbury Castle, ib. 876— proceedings of, daring a supposed treaty, ib. 379 
«-4akeB Bfeotferd, ib. 380— returns to Oxford, ib. 383— defence of himself^ 
ib. 883— bad cadse to be ebUed, ib. 385— answer of, to the city pethion, ib. 
387— «ttempts to a^^m the courts from Westminster to Oxford, ib. 387—* 
propositions of, to pariiament, ib. 889^— assisted by die Prince of Orange, ib. 
88(U.peUoy of, ib. 8dl-.'flouridiing situation of, ib. 393— dissimulation of, 
ib. 306— conduct of, towards die Scottish commissioners, ib. 399— declara- 
tions i^ folding the employment of Catholics, lb. 406— proclamation o^ ib. 
483-<-Mongrel parliament of, ib. 423— undertakes the siege of Gloucester, ib. 
438— eondttct of, towards Irdand, ib. 457— letters of^ ib. 459, et teq pe- 
culiar siraation of, widi his counsdiors, ib. 463— grants fresh powers to Antrim 
to seduce Monro, ib. 472-^i«ends Rupert to the relief of York, ib. 477— 
takes the Held, ib. 521— military movements of, ib. 523— sends messages for 
peace, ib. 566— conduct ofjtowards the commissioners from parliament, ib. 566 
^.determined not to concede points of militia and religion, ib. 569— proceeding 

Cif, towsitds IreUmd and letters ofj to Ocmonde/ Mi; ^W^-^JMeit t^^ ib* SMf 
w4iad.tafcai L«oc8i«r%if «tanD,'ir. ^ diginyHiMiiU ruMiuumdg llie eentre 
attbeteMk«f XMdiy,4b. £-»ixuigiMnDO» efibrts-of, la tlie Iwide, ib. 7 
*^ieti«at8 into ^ales^-^prfvate cabinet of, fell into the bands of the Ticton, ib. 
8— cbrrespondenoeibind « dbinti if, ill!. 9, e^ ^Mf.— mMitites 0f, -Sot letreat^ 
ing iMto Wakt, lb. l^2--«lintiiii 4^; Ok. 10.<-i^^ 
lUtdlifieU, A. «S-^psooeacfagi of, «iid de£aat, ib. ii-^lengosef, devdoped 
by fatten widfi^en, ib. t6— 'tnnMBtions^f, witfi Glamorgan, %. 36, etteq* 
^^-negociations of, with the parliament, ib» 40. ^8. OB-^-^oes to the Scotd^ 
camp, ib* 68«MiKniir6vfiiy nff ivi4b|H[eiidersMi) Ib* 65>— orders Oxfbrd, &c* to 
ibeti^vered iqi } peKoy In M^aid to Zreflanfd, 9b. <6, 97, «< ifi?.^— propositions 
from parliameht, ib. 7d— delivered up by -the Scots, ib. 7SM.4akeniTomHal- 
lletiby by Joyee^ ib. <00, -dl-HMtuaiSon of, with the parliabientary army, and 
negoeiatSens m¥h <Ciotfiwe]t and Ireton, ib. 96. llO-uescapes fh>m Hampton 
Court, ib. lU-.-eeeB to4ie lak of Wis^,a>. lif^ 113— «ends BeAeley tol 
4he army, ib. il4<-«dTised by Beticeley to malee hie escape, ib. 116 — ^treaty 
ef, wkh^ie paiiiaracnt, lb. ifO. H*0— 'feies to escape fhmi the Isle of W^ht^ 
ib* 119, lf«u.fetei)f ho mere addresses, ib. VtH, 199, lS3«-s^seeretof, with 
imitk ^le fiteottadi eemntisiioMrs, ft>. It4-£4iifterest in Seotla&d, ib. ilS6— po^ 
^licy'Of Chailes, ib. 138— treaty of Newport, ib. 140->-]ud disifigenuoas con- 
duet, Ib. 14^ 146>— sitnetioii i^, ib. Ir W ^^ T cmonstraace of -^ army t^iibst, 
IM, et f0;.-— ^aben to Hurst Casde,%i 167— «artied by Harrison to Wind- 
<or, ib. If9— -sltaatien of, at Windsor, ib. 177'*-'diai^ against, m ponniance 
«f a design to bimgliim to4nal, lb. 18S-*ordkiance fer ^e tiiid of, ib. 186^ 
187— commissioneis for €ie trial, lb. 188»'-«tate preaerTCd by (Siaiies at 
Windsor, ib. l98-«eeiemony txrdered to be withdrawn, ib. 193-arid b^;in8 
20th January, 1648, ib. 194 — olver head of his cane fidls off, ib. 196j see dsd 
note^^refUses to plead to the charge, ib. 197— .insulted by the rabble, and his 
eandttot on Ihat oeeanon, lb. 198, 1^, and nete-«4till reftises to plead, ib. 
I^OOl— trial proceeds, ib. 203, 804— sentence pronounced, ib. 204-i-oondact<i 
«d to^t. Jame^a, ib.205— chooses br. Juacten as his splrttoid director, odiers 
elfer, ib. 205, 206-v6iendfli«ad ^ildren of, sdced, 207— warrant for die aze- 
eutien of, ib. -297— conduct of, 208-pi«xecution of, ib.'21&i— retnarksonthe 
laat speech 4^, ib. 2lt-^e Icon, ib. 219— the wodc of Dr. Gauden* ib* 
922 — die talents of Charles, ib. 223Ai>i«ppe9rattee, ftc. of, ib. 224* 
C3iade8 II. prodiimed king by the Sdots, tv. 262— proceedings of, Ib. 263,264— 
agrees with At €kottiA commissioners, and saHs for ScqUand, ib. t73— lands 
in Soothmdy and treatment of Acre, ib. 276— removed to a distance ftom the 
Camp, ib. 281-.-«grees to « declaration, Ib. 28S— pleased at thedefbat of the 
Scots, ib. 295— ^engages in a Conspiracy, ib. 298— orders General Massey to 
suppress the declarations of the Presbyterians, ib. 306— .escape of, ib. 311. 
394, 395. 446— iaccouot of situation of, ib. 481— .letter and dedaration of, 
ib. 484— -proclaimed king, ib. 485. 
Cheney, Sir John, prolocutor of the commons, L 58. 



496 INDEX. 

Ghiiltriiiait pnieaiftioii of» it 342. 

Chudldgb, Miyor Jain«» aoeoimtd; and miliittry pneetdiiigi, vL 4S7— 
tffetdwij of, ib. 421> OTnmimtinB of, ib. 589— Moond eztmiBatiQB of, ib. 

ChuKfa» pvetbylitijui* fbuadod on poxitjr in tiio pMl»i% L 394. 

Cbuicfa, pretbyteriflo, gofommcnt, fully ottabliihfd in Scotland, i. 39£L 

Chinch, pretbytery» asNmbly of, L 415— Mt of wfocation of lands and ti^hesy 
ii. 406 .fwicfced anemUy, ib. 4 85  pi tOKta Ibr innovations in, ib. 496. 

Chuidi, £ng^sh, affiuis of, iL 5a 

Cidsens of l^udon and Wcstminstor» tmnultaaiy ptooetdings of, iii. 246. 

City zealously takes up the case of JLunifod's iqppointmsnt, iiL 847«— ped- 
tioDS the king ibr peace, ib. 386. 

CUrendon, Loid, (Mr. Hyde,) addiess of, ii 294— iiemarics of, on the coiut of 
high commisnon, ib. 376— -conduct of, dunng the discmitUMiance of padia- 
ment, and at the commencement of the long pailiament, iii. 8— inconsistent 
conduct of, ib. 26— account of the pieadiing of the Scottiih clergy in Lon- 
don by, ib. 41— pioposes a piotcstationJn the house of conunoos, ih. 232— 
the secret author of the answer to the zemonstrance of the commons, ib. 249 
—becomes one of the principal advisers of the king, ib. 2T 9 statement s of, 
regarding Charles, and his advissis, ib. 2^0— aoeonnt of the seciet pur- 
poses of Chades by, ib. 287- Be c iet arrangement with the king, ib. 317— 
juitftd proceeding o^ to aid him, ib. 319— contradictory statementi of, ib. 
334— remaiks on statements of, ib. 391— remad» on arguments of, ib. 403 
^«ocount of the parliamentaiy fbsce by, ib. 412— remarks on statement 
of, ib. 438— advises Charles against an airangemont, iv» 139-i.4iofce xe- 
garding, ib. 176. 233— advice of, to Charles, ib. 263. 

Claypole, Mrs. iv. 416. 

Clotworthy, Sir John, iv. 84. 92. 

Clexgy, non»oonfoiming, pietaiskMis of part of the^ L 138— •piiociples of others 
of, ib, 145. 

Clen^, Scottish presbyterian, omduct of, i 333— demand restitution of cfanreh 
fmyperty, ib. 393— policy of, ib. 409— 4neffi»tual opposition of, to die fivear« 
tides of Perth, ib. 420— means adopted to advance, iL 431— «oiiduct of, ib. 
433 awmrne various legisUtive, and other pow^n, iiL 5— an London, and 
preaching of, ib. 41— feelings of, on return of the commissioners, iv. 127, 
128— ifeelings of, exemplified in a letter of Baillie, ib. 136 conduct of, im the 
death of the king, ib. 232— unjust aspersion of, ib. 277— ^if^oint a &8t, ib. 
284— disputes of with Cromwell, ib. 300, et teq. 

Clergy, £ngliah, conduct of, in regard to Frynne, iL 325. 

Cbberry, iv. 451. 

Clubmen, iv. 14. 18. 

Cobbett, CoL iv. 450. 

Cochran, CoL ooncemed hi the inddent, iiL 150^ 

Coke, Sir Edwaid, on th« star-chamber, L tS&. 163— on certain statutes, ib. 
175. 1 79— on the 8tar»chamber^ ib. 185— enamoured of sta^chamber, ib. 191 
—on grants of Elizabeth, ib. 198«-on martial law, ib. 20-fiM-abhorrance pf, 
of torture, ib. 237— on the power of the crown, to dispense with law or com- 
pound for forfeiture, ib. 283— on the supremacy, as not always y^ted in the 
crown, ib. 298— mfitioa of* it 58*-.4p«ech of, ib. 18& 

Coke, Lord, cases of, in star-chamber, i. 178* 180. 185» 

Coke, Sir John, «xpeation by, iL 74. 

Coke, Mr. Clement, obs. of, in House of Commons, iL 95. 

Colebester town, auifeader of, iv. 146. 

Colepejqper, Sir John, one of principal advisers of king, iii^ 279«-«ne of mes- 
sengers sent to the commons, ib. 365. 

Commission, High Court of, orig. of, i. 137— summary of the powers of, ib. 
154— parliament, account of, ib. 196— lost all decency in reign of Charles^ 
ib. 200— two courts of united, erected, in Scotland, ib. 414. "-proceedings 
of, u. 373. 

Commissioners sent by covenanters to £^g1and, ii. 514— ^treatment of, £b. 515. 

Common recovery. See Recovery. 

Conmions, at what period admitted into parliament, i. 5««intention of to aid the 
crown against great aristocracy ib. 6««on what consulted, ib. 6— power to eiect 

• their own sheriffi withdrawn, ib. S^propose that the church lands go. to the 
crown, ib. 58— members of, sent abroad on frivolous pretences, ib. 248— pri- 
vil^es o^ vmdieated, ib. 342— proceedings of, ii. 60— answer to the message 
from the throne, ib. 94— message to, from the king, ib. 98— summoned to 
Whitehall, ib. 99-«Jmpeach Buckingham, ib. 112— the remonstrance of, ib. 
120 — 4mfortunate in choice of speaker, ib. 163— enter on the state of the king- 
dom, ib. 163— second messi^ to, ib. 183— remonstrance of, ib. 190l— indig* 
nant at interference of lords, ib. 52S— message brought to, by Sir H. .Vane, 
ib. 523— members of, imprisoned, ib. 527— fomiliar remonstrance of, iii. 230 
—print remonstrance i^inst breadi of privilege, ib. 245— resolutions of, that 
there had been a second attempt to debauch the army, ib. 246<-^petitlons 
presented to, against appeals of Lunsford, as lieutenant of the tower, and 
proceedings of, ib. 247— ofl^ded at the appearance of a guard, and mea- 
sures for its removal, ib. 247— •petiution for a guard, ib. 255— defend privi- 
leges of parliament, ib. 259.— proceedings of, on a sexjeant at arms being 
sent to the house to demand members, ib. 259— House of, forcibly entered 
by Charles, ib. 261-«impeached members of, take re^ige in the city, ib. 263 
—evidence before a committee of, r^arding breadi of privOege, ib. 267— 
impeached members of, proceed from the city to Westminster, ib. 298— send 
the Hothams to take possession of Hull, ib. 300— vote that the kinjgdom 
shall be put in a state of defence, ib. 302— .publish result of evidence re- 
garding violent intrusion into their bouse, ib. 303— invigorated by petitions 
to put the nation in a state of defence, ib. 306— present petition to Charles 
to havp all officers nominated with approbation of parliament, ib. 307— it. 

2 K 


498 i^B£x« 

tmidllMt nffiMge of, to tbi JLoidfi, m. SOS^votje agMiiM kings going to 
Inknd, ib* SMM-tfjeet propoMOf; of Loidi] for petoe, ib^ 43^-Hipp(nnt 
neMttttHlM to pMpare the daofe agntut ChArieii if. 163  lamme the 
title of 0oiiimonir«iilli of EaglMidt lb* MS. 

OMiiiiioiiweftlth ugwA upen, !▼• MOl 

Gonfedaacy with Fnace, Holfimdy ad Dnimaity ii. 53. 

Constable, High, Office o^ i t»T. 

ConstittttioD, L 1-- eentiments TCgarding, ti eerly timef, ib* Slh 

CooYocatioQ and pzeeeedingt itf, iL 527^ 

Conway, Lord» statement of, ii. 74M-aili^ pitftnU agnnBt* by Bfistd, 
fb. l09-^*-wiiiei to Laud, lb. H^  roiniminde fte fingHifa aany, ib. ^34. 

Conyen, Sir John, appointed lieutenant of tower, liL 31^  turmnination of, 
ib. 69 T *> « c m d examination of, ib, 598. 

Codky John, SoUdtet General, chmcter bf, iv. 191» 

Cooper, Sir Antofay Ashley, iv. 37d. 

Copley, Colonel, iy. 26. 

Coote, Sir ChaKteH, iv. 4«l>. 470. 

Cottington, Sir Francis, proposed by Budkng^nnn to aboompany the Frioce 
and him to Spain, ii» 2(>»--«opponlion o^ rriguding Spanish cxpedttien, ih. 27- 

CottmgtOB, LofdydeciriOD of, <m Pryoae^ tnal, iL 329. 

Cotton, Sk Robert, considted by Cfaaries, iL 154-«-depriTiBd of his peters, 

Coiy&eil, privy^ L 159)— ptovace of, ib. 159--'«ni;m o^ ib^ l^OM^eoppeeed botes 
of, fiL 9l->^«eAsetions on auppossd holes o^ ib. 92. 

Cabinet, faeM at Windsor, and detenninatiiipu of, iiL 309^ 

QmncH, Seoech, act of, IL 456^ 

Cotmeil of State, fiv. t«8. 375. 

Cottrts, arbittary, j«risdktkiii of ealaiged, and new eieeted, iL 267. 

Covenant, Seottidi, aecoont of, iL 4tOL-^AtgyJe dedaies to the, ib. 493. 

Comuffitmg Lords, peroeeeffings b^ iL 491. 

Gcuvenanters stnd commissidneta to Kaglaad, iL 514A-.TreatDiient of com- 
nusdOBtts 6f ihe, ib. 515.*-send n JsmoDd depatatioD Co Cbarles, iv. 26^ 

CoweU, Msjor, iv. 16. 

Cozens and Others, ia^eachmeiit eif, i|L $5. 

Cvanmer, letter of, L 410. 

Crawibrd, Earl of, concerned in the incident, iii. 15Q. 

Cromwell, Lord, L 104— -letter of, to BuddBgham, iL 83. 

Cromwell, 0)ivet^ appears as a spei^^ in padiameat, ii. 225— life associ^ 
tion of eastern oonnties, liL 415— military {ttooeeda^ of« ^ 450 — exer- 
tions of, to save the allied army, ib. 479— diaracter.'and account of, ib. 490— r 
accuses Manchester, ib. 540— .accused by Man<^e8ter, ib. 541.— re0e<^ons 
on charges against, ib. 542— speech of, in parliament, ib. 548 — supposed 
motives examined^ ib. 560— ordered to join Ba Wm. Waller, and dispensi^r 

INJDEX. 499 

tion in favour of, iiL 561— receives a dispensation from parliament, &c iv. 2. 
—nominated lieutenant-general of ifae horse, ib. 4. 6. 13— gains Devizes, 
Winchester, &c ib. 20, 21. 56. 80. 87, 88, 89. 96— joins t)ui ;»{ipj «q4 
negodates with Charles, ib. 103. 106— suspected by the army <|l^ Mlf^niQ 
them by a piiviflf ^afgain with the jkin^ Mntiay cif l^ aiiny i^ wm^ 
quence, quelled by him apd Fap^y i?« 106« 110. 1 14 Ijl^^hnp^i^ 9BW4i 
ing, ib. 123 — accused by Major Huntingdon, ib^ l^l^-^iicfff^ fhgxulUV^ 

aaddChen, ibb 13i» 135-««CBteif I^oo0aiid> ib. ISA-rscn^liito lMlift4« •il4 
success of, ib. 255, et #fg.— recalled and sent into Scotland, ib, $67. 
273, 274— measures of, for dissipating the Oms of i^Ji^kls, ib, 979f«« 
candid answer Af, to the SwttSsh* dflelM»tJatt» ib» f93«ir-pBkilitMy .i^fOeM? 
ings of, ib. 285, et iejf.-i^Mtreiito 4o Djonhar, ih. gfi Ti n efa l i /af vioKvy 
of, ib. 294— disputes of, with the Scottish clergy, ib. SQflniiiitoiiiHiWf 
dispositions of, against the Scotftisli izinyt ib. 895-nanibiiion and Ma- 
duct of, ib. 312— dismisses the militia, that it might sot pfostnict faii 
designs, ib. 312— remarks M Huj^ J^eters in j«gMd to his ^mk9 of 
making himsdf a king^ ib. 313— appamt modesty -of, and fnagnifiomt n- 
o^tion In Loadeta, ib. SlS^liberal giaiitio, ib. 315. Sift » Aiie^of,toiwurp 
AbegovenmaDtt ib. SS8, ei «$.<-<disaolve8 the pediaaQCBt, ih. 345 ngit oif in 
balancing parties, ib. 351, f^i^g.— .summons Barebone^s pariiament^ ]b« 854 
addresses it, &c ib. 355.— determines to put an end to it, ib. 260. S63«-Dew 
fom of ^nrctnneot, ib. 3fi7*>.^pQinted proieetor, lb. 390««^eBice9 to be 
Jdng, ib. 371— makes peace with Holland, ib. 3T3, SHAfmJus administra- 
4ioB, ib. 37T, 378— calls a second iiailiqnent, ib. 879, gt jagu.p..difiSolnes the 
■parliament, ib. 385. 388— overturned in his coach, ib. 388, 389, 39K>. 398— 
appoinie ni^ei-gpnerBls, ib. 3M— allianee vith Franct, and war «i(h 
Spain, ib. 39^, et «e^— his domestic situation, 390, 400-*.cdis a iSait^ pir*' 
liament, ib. 401— his design to be made king, ib. 403-w>blig^ to xcfiiae d>e 
4>ffer of the crown, ib. 407-^7calls a houae of X4>rds, ih. 407i idiMoUet the par- 
liament, ib. 410 — ^his administaatSon BndcaiMliti«in,ib. 411, €t teq^,mtHMtt,o( 
power of, in Ireland, ib. 417— addais to, by the common council of Xioa* 
don, ib. 417'— attempt of, to diminish the inifamnre of filake, ib. 418 lesniiti 
the French, ib. 420L-.ilhiess and death of, ib. 421, 422-.*fimei!al af^ ib. 425 
—specimen of oratory of, ib. 434. 

CMnwtfi, lUdmd, protector. If. 425-.*8ununons * padiament, ib. 427"w 
conduct of, ib. 429— resignation of, ib; 431. 

CiomweU, Henry, iv. 386. 417. 429. 438. 

Cropredy-bridge, affair of, iii. 523. 

jOrowtt, more dependeftt on padiamentaiy lud, u 831. 

Curriton committed to the tower, iL 239. 

^Customs, no attempt to impose from time of Edward III. till the 4di of Mary 
.(200 years,) i. 26€«-jfenners of, compound for (heir extortions, iii^ 34. 

2 K 2 


500 INDEX. 


Dterts, iY« 84. 

DalUer, iy. 2. 

Davoiaat, Sir WiDiani, poet, deeply engaged in the anoy plots, iiL 421* 

Davies, Sir John, tieatifie of, oa impoeitioD, i« 270. 

Day, comet, iv. 414, 415. 

Deiin, appeinted with Blaise, Ac to the command of the fleet, 17. 316. 334> 

Deering, Sir £dwaid. See Bishops. 
Denbighfl eail of, sent with propositions to Charles, iiL 560, 
Denmark, Idng of, defeated, &c ii. 132— «▼. 373. 
Depopulations, ii. 285. 

Doby, earl of, iiL 411 ; iv. S09— ^ot, tb. 313. 
Desboroogh, iv. 340. 370. 416. 457. 
Devises, town suriendeied to Cromwell, iv. 20. 
Dixon, Mr. Letter of, in note, iv. 467. 
pigby, Lord, conduct of, iiL 104— one of the principal advisers of Charles, 

ib. 279.— appears in a warlike manner at Kingston on Thames, &c ib. 801 

-.iv. 26, 27, 58, 59. 
Digby, Sir Kenelm, iv. 36. 
Diggs, Sir D. remarks of, on laws of England, L S75«-««oinmitted to the 

Tower, iL 114*.,liberated, ib. 116. 
Dillon, Loid, receives a commission as one of the Lords Justices of Irebtod^ 

ui. 163. 
Discipline, first book of, subscribed by mtoy of the pobility and barons, L 3@9, 
Dives, Sir Lewis, iv. 1Q5, 
D*Oiley, Capt. iv. 7. 
Donity Stat, de^ L 16.-defeated, ib. 17. 
Doridaus, Dr« iv. 191— ^ssassinatbn, ib. 264. 
Dorset, £ad, remark of, on Prjmoe's case, iL 329» 
Dmmmood, Lord, treachery of, iiL 532. 
Dunbar, battle of, iv. 293, et teq, 
Duugarvon, Lord, iii. 388. 
Dutch, origin of war with, iy. 326. 330, ei seq. 365, 366<^-4Uake peace with 

^gland, ib. 373. 386, 


Earl, Sir Walter, remarks or^ conjunction between matters of state and re<» 

ligion, iL 223. 
EdgehiU, battle of, iii. 373. 

Edinburgh, immense crowds resort to, iL 462-.-in a state of alarm, iii. 154« 
^ward I, regarding chancellor iind justices of the King^s Bench, L 161, 

INDEX. 501 , 

BdWBrd III. MtB and rdgn of, u 16— statutes passed in rdgn of, ib. 55. 

Edward IV. proceeding of, towards the nobles, &c. i. 13— policy of, ib. 16— 
administndon of justice in reign of, ib. 34. 

Edward VI. succeeds a minor, i. 100—- death and different characters of, ib. 
103— conduct of towairds his sister Mary and sects of reformers, ib. 107. 

Egyptians, number of, in England, voL L 33. 

Elcho, Lord, employed against Montrose, iii. 531— affords advantage by his 
tashness, ib. 532. 

Elizabeth, daughter of James, married to the elector Palatine, iL 1. 

Elizabeth, Queen* L ] 7— establishes the protestant religion, ib. 129 — ^policy of* 
towards catholics, ib. 130— appoints a committee of divines to review the 
Utuigy, ib. 132i-»couldnot be^revailedon to revive the law authorizing the 
marriage of ecclesiastics, ib. 132— reasons fbr the commanding influence of, in 
public aflbiiB) ib. 135-i4nfluenceof, increased by the intentions ascribed to the 
aectaries, ib. 150^— regarded throughout Chrbtehdom as bulwark of protestant 
cause, ib. 152— cultivated popularity, ib. 153— proceedings in high court of 
commission, ib. 154— illegal commissions of, not ilecorded in chancery, ib. 155 
<— society improved in reign of, ib. 1 56— issued various commissions, ib. 197— • 
letter of, with remarks on, ib. 201— heroism, displayed by, ib. 221^procIa- 
mation of, used merely In terrorem^ ib. 223— act of, regarding the riotous 
persons in London, ib. 224— always declared against forcing the consciences 
ef men, ib. 239— borrowed money, 14 per cent, ib. 250 — ^proceedings of, in 
regard to loao% ib. 250— said to have imposed ship-money, ib. 277— charge 
against, in regard to Baleigh, examined, ib. 281 — ^proclamations of, consider* 
ed» ib. 286— powers conferred on» in regard to religion, ib. 317— proceedings 
of, in regard to religion, ib. 

Elliot, Six J. committed to the Tower, iL 114— liberated, ib. 116— remark of, 
in parliament, ib. 173— speech of, particularly against Weston, ib. 227— 
committed to the tower» ib« 22&— died in jail, ib. 233. 

Embaiegos on merchandize^ with instances of, in the reign of Mary, i. 271. 

Empson and Dudley, fate of, i. 23. 

Engagement, Lords of, resort to Charles It. it. 262. 

Engagers, conduct and spirit of, ib. 279. 

England, middle dass of, L 10— security of people of, ib. 10— .early distin- 
guished for freedom, ib. 11.— state of great body of people of, ib. 11— dis- 
ordered state of society of, ib. 46— tame in submitting to ecclesiastical tyranny, 
ib. 54— society of, improved in the reign of Elizabeth, ib. 157— State of 
society of, at the accession of the Stuarts, ib. 327 — state of, on the death of 
Charles, iv. 230. 234— thoughts of people of, occupied with the ideas of a 
new government, ib. 237, et «e^.— 4tate of parties in, 436. 

English, condition of, contrasted with that of the French, L 10— affiurs, ef- 
fiects of Scottish on, iL 497— commisdoners, return of, to Scotland, and feel- 
ings of the people, iv. 127— government, proceedings on hearing of the as- 




502 INDEX. 

•• • 

mtihatioii 6f Dorislaus, ib. Sdi^fteltogs of Mwiidk tfett SMttiih limtesr 
ib. 307. 

Entails rendered nugatory, L SO. 

£pucopacj, petition against, ilL 37— cry against duly inereased) ib. ^6% 

Episcopal government, dDnstmetidii and eSfeets of, I. 180 spiscspa dMgy 
pretend to principles of passive obedlenee, lb. IdO. 

Ersklne, Sir Charles, i!L 560. 

Essex, Earl of, conunission to, liL 139— commission to, expired, ibi g88«Tde ' 
dines accompanying the king to tiamptob Coort, and commanded by ^ 
Lords to attend his duty ih parOament, lb. 3()S— appoihied geneMl t€ ikt 
parliamentary army, ib. 371 — instru6tion8 to, fb. ^1— follows Cfaikrle8,llk373 
—marches to Coventry, ib. d77 — ^military protecdings of, ib. 41 >  wwm - 
mends peace, ib. 433— sent to the relief of Gloucester, ib. 441''«-4ttteneft in 
%ht of, ib. 524— inabmty of, ib. 538— fiesigns hts oemttisaiBnt fU «A0 ; 
iv. 55. 

Evangelists, principles and proceedings of, IL 3. 

Everard, a fanatic, iv. 352. 

Excise, commission for, ii. 187— commission for camndled, ib. 199^ 

Fairfax, Lord, appointed general of the north, HL S85^toD mueh n i^ihslu l by 
parliament, ib. 407 — defeated and pursued imoHuB, ib. 48(X 

I^aiifax, Sir Thomas, carries Leeds, iii. 386 — fhntless ^lerdOBsoi^ rieang mith 
his father. Lord D^urfat, ib. 407— raises an army, ^d defeats Ncfiroi«le» 
ib. 451^4efeat8 fiyron, ib. 471 — appointed geirer^, lb. SJ^^M-^pltftiMdar 
account of, ib. 5^S*-sent to join parliamentary army, fv. '8L«-4nfiitMy 
ments of, ib. 3 — posture of^ ib. 4— activity sbd itaitow tscflpe ti, ib. 
with Skippon, commands the mun body at i^e battle of NstM^by, flk 
proceedings of, after the batile df^Naseby, ib. iS^^^-^diefieats GMftg, fk 
takes BridgewBter, ib. 16— proceedings of, ib. 18— 'gains Biftitol, tbi. 
56. 59. 91. 93, 94, 95, 96. 104. 113, 114. 13t— letter of, ib. M4...fa 
consistent conduct ofr ib. 188, 189— declines the comxmmd of tbe {Seots, ib. 
274— heads a regiment of Sc6ts, ib. 307. 446. 452— desires tb^ naotiMdb; 
of the Stuarts, ib. 454— interview of with Monck^, ib. 45& 483* 

t'aUdand, Sir R. iii. 409. 

3PaIkland, Lord, advice of to commons regarding Aie imp^saehsiflbt'Of 9ta£^ 
forde, iii. 26— speech of in delivfeiring articles against Finch, ib. S l tid eath ' 
and character oi, ib. 445. 

Felton, John (Papist) affixes a bull to the Bishop of London's gates, i. 2191 

Felton, John, character of, ii. 201— .assassinates Buckingham, ib. gt8   O Wte- 
the murder, ib. 206— trial and execution of, xb. 208. 

Feofiees for buying in impropriatioins, case of, ii. 382. • 

INDEX. 503 

Feudal system, atate of the oountiy under, L 2— f|;»dua]]y subverted by the 

rise of towns, ib. 3. 
Fiennes, Cdonel Nathaniel, disgraoeftil surrender of Bristol, iiL 432. 
Finances, state of, iiL 118. 
Findi, Lord Keeper, speech of, ii. 519— impeachment of^ hi* 30-«flig^t of^ 

ib. 31. 
Fleetwood, iv. 870. 386. 404. 406, 407. 410. 448. 450. 456. 4M. 
Fleming, Sir William, sent, with others, to seal up the trunks, Jbe» of the 

impeached members, iii. 259— orders for the apprehension of, ib* 
Forest laws, pretended, proceedings upon, ii. 284. 
Fortescue, Sir John, work of *' De Laudibus Legum Anglias," i. g .. mnfrfw no 

mention of star-chamber, ib. 18S— panegyric on English laws, lb. 236-« 

work of, when printed, ib. 312— trandation published alone, ib. 8i3-*-ex* 

tracts from work of, ib. 451, et teq, 
Fortescue, Sir John, (Counsellor) case of, i 345. 
Fountain, iv. 437. 

Foxley, Mr. harsh treatment of, ii. 382. 
Fowkes, cruel treatment of, iL 349. 

Fowlis, Sir D. and Son, fines and other punishments of, ii. 319. 
France, state of, contrasted with that of England, i. 10— war with, and eauses 

of, ii. 139— peace with, ib. 269, iv. 895, 396, 397. 
Frederick, see Palsgrave. 
Frier, Sir Thomas, ii. 203. 


Galea, Yao, iv. 833* 

G^iuoigpe, Sir Bonaid, iv. 14€* 

Gask» traadkerottf oondttct of, vl 532* 

Gaunt, John of, fiivourer of Vrickliffe, L 5fl. 

Gayre, Loid Mi^or of London, iv. 96. 

GeU, Sir John, iv. 8. 

George L statute of 1st of, L 226. 

Gerard, iv. 378. 

Gcnoai^, ooinmolions in various puts of, L 17 ; iv. 395^ 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, speedi of, i. 823. 

Giles, Sir Edward, caeeof in pusUaavnt, ii* 73. 

GMlespie, iii. 41. 

Glamorgan, see Herbert. 

Glasgow, tumult in, iL 460. 

Gloucester, riege of, iii. 438— fl^ of raMI, ib. 442. 

Glyo, iv. 92. 96. 

Goodman, the Jesuit, case of, Uu 48. 

Goodwin, Sir Frauds, case of, i. 845. 

Goodwin, Dr John, iv. 423. 


504 INDEX. 

Gordon of Haddo, eondemned on a chaige of high tretson, iii. S29. 

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, u. 71. 

Goring, Colond, son of Lord Gordon, oonoemed in the army plot, iiL 10&^ 

had bng agreed to hetray his trust as governor of Portsmouth, ib« 364^ 

lands with the qncen*t standard, fHx 385— examination oi; ih. 583— tv. ^ 

Goring, Loid« Earl of Korwidi» insurrection of, iv. 132. 
Grantham, taken by a detachment of Newcastle's army, iii. 408^ 
Gray of Grooby, iv. 381. 

GrenTiQe, Sir Bevil, with others, raises regiments of Tolunteers, iii. 410» 
Gienvilk, Sir John, iv. 478, 484. 
Grey, Lady Jane, L 110. 
Grey, Lord of Wark, counties associated under, for the poiliament, iii. 386— 

other counties associated under for parliament, ib. 413. 
Grenville, Sir Richard, iv. 2. 

Grievances compliuned of, ii. 58— ^letailed by Pym and others, iiL 16. 
Grimston dwelt at great length on various grievances, iL 521— chosen speaker 

of the commons, iv. 483. . 
Guernsey delivered to the parliament, iv. 316. 
Guiton, Mayor of Rochelle, high spirited reply of, iL 213. 
Gustavus Adolphus, splendid career of, ii. 270— death of, ib. 271. 


Hamilton, Marquis of, sent to Scotland as the king's commissioner, iL 474— 
proceedings of, ib. 476— determines to publish a proclamation, ib. 480— po- 
licy of, ib. 481— second journey to London of, ib. 488— ^return of, to ScoC 
land, with powers, ib. 489— falsely accused c^ an intention to dqnse 
Charles, iii. 146— gained over by the king, ib. 399— Attends the queen, and 
holds out flattering prospects, ib. 400. 

Hamiltons fail in their object of receiving Charles unshaded, iv. 126— 
and party make requisitions to the English parliament, ib. 129— jnvade 
England, and defeated, ib. 134. 

Hammond, iv. 6. Ill, 112, 113. 121. 

Hampden, John, case of regarding ship money, iL 389— eifect of ja^^nent 
against, ib. 391^^aracter of, iiL 19— impeached of high treason, ib. 259 
—constituents of, petition kbg and parliament, ib. 299— enters the parlia- 
ment service as colonel, ib. 371— advice to Essex, lb. 376— gallant conduct 
of, ib. 3B0— death of, ib. 424. 

Hailey, iv. 92. 

Harrison, account by, of the state of England, L 38. 4L 41— deserqition by^ 
of the parliament, ib. 316— character of. It. 169. 171, et seg.— parti- 
cular account of in note, ib. 179— account of trial of, in note, ib. 216— eent 
with Richard to collect militia to obstruct the maich of the Soots, ib. 304. 
345. 348. 376. 409. 


INDEX. 505 

Hastings, Colondf son of Eail of Huntington^ tluMB forces for the king» iiL 

Hayman, Sir Peter, statement of, by himself in padjameat, ii« 172«»femark» 
of, on the speaker^s obnduet, ib, 82& 

Haywaid, Sir John, lonarlci of» on the state of Fiance, i. 9^remarks on case 
of, by Mr. Hmne, ib. 243. 

Hazlerig, bill of, r^aiding the army, militia, &e. ixi. 174— 4mpeached of h^ 
treason, i\). 857. !▼. 348. 408. 443. 451. 454. 462. 

Henderson, Alexander, celebrated divine, iL 470— oigan of the Scottish p»s< 
byterians, ib. 507. iii. 41. 223. it. 6S^ 66. 

Henrietta, Q. marriage of, to Charles I. iL 49— .character of, ib. 237 
—proceeds to Dover with intention of raising supplies abroad, iii. 310— 
exacts a promise from Charles to do nothing without her privity and consent, 
ib. 316->]ands at Burlington bay, ib. 390— impeached— gives supplies to 
Newcastle, ib. 406— success of, ib. 407— joins the king at Oxford, ib. 433 
—Advice of, to Charles, iv. 139. 

Henry III. promises protection to the people, u 4. 

Henry IV. laws in reign of, egainst heretics, L 57. 

Henry Vljt. situation and policy of, i. 13— proceeding in reign of, ib. 17— i 
improperly pronounced illiterate, ib. 2 2 sa id by Hudsoi) to have presided 
frequently in the star-chamber, ib. 181— » new court erected by, ib. 184. 

Henry VIII. policy of, i. 17— courted by both parties, ib. 21— .possessed of 
learning, ib.— executions during the reign of, ib. 41— .kept up a good 
oonespondeace with parliament, ib. 47— attempted to violate the constitution* 
i b— dis av owed the measure, ib. 48— early distinguished by his polemical 
writings, ib. 73— ^remarks on acts of the legislature of, ib. 90— >poweTs con- 
ferred on, ib.^4upreme^ead of the church, ib. 93.— statute rq^aiding the 
use of the Bible, ib. 95   s tate of religion in reign of, ib. 96— extraor- 
dinary powers devolved on, ib.— consequence of ^death of, will of, ib. 100 
-^reasims of, for renouncing the papal yoke, ib. 109— impressment of Al- 
derman Bad in reign of, ib. 247— relieved by parliament from the pay- 
ment of his loans, ib. 250. 

Henry, Dr. judicious remark of, L 163. 

Herbert, tttomey-general, impeaches five members of the commons, iiL 257— 
impeached, ib. 305; iv. 120. 124, note. 

Herbert, liord, afterwards Earl of Gloucester, besieges Gloucester, iiL 416— 
created Earl of Glamoigan, iv. 37, H teq. ib. 59. 

Hertford, Marquis of, ordered by parliament not to allow the young prince to 
Tisit his mother, iiL 310— forced to retreat into Wales, ib. 409— engaged by 
Waller, ib. 430. 

Heylin, remarks of, on the condemnation of Manwaung, iL 183— pxooeediag 
of, in rq^ard to Pr3mne's work, ib. 325. 

Heywood, stabbed by James, a paj^.iii. 115. 


506 INDEX. 

a bdy, caM oi; ill. 49, 
Hieiarchy, injudicious conduct of, i. 146-*dn8inuationB of, to the aristocvacy, 

ib. 147««4tt«npl t» MHiih tha, ill. I9ti. 
Hi£^er classes in reign of Elizabeth imbised milk ie%ioo, L 137««-fealings otf 

towaids die ology and aon-confiMiniilSy UN 14T msny of^ favour the pim^ 

tans, ib. 151. 
HiUyaids, eaw oi, li. 277. 

Hippesley, Sir J<^n, informs of the assaaiaatloii of BucUngham, ii 909. 
Hodgson, Captidn, iv. 279. 
Holland, Earl of, declines to aoconpuiy Charles to house of eommons, ili. 303 

—reads the declaration of parliament to Charles, ib. Si3-«iasurreedon of, 

ir. ISS. 
Holland, Sir John, ill 388. 
Holland, secret treaty against independenee of, iL 273— arms arriTe from, iii, 

Hollis reads certain articles as the protestation of the oommonsj ii. 228— com* 

mitted to the tower, ib. 220u-4mpeaehed of high trenson, tb. 931— eptars as 

colonel in the pailiamentaiy amy, iiL S71«^j<Rns the piesbyterians, 8>. SIS 

—remark on statonent of, ib. £64. ^60. iv. 6S, 80. 83. 89. iR3. 99. 106. 

106, note. ISlt' 145. 149. 
Honeywood, Sir Robert, It. 439. 
Hopton, Sir Balph, (Lord) iiL 409^ 410. 427-^4efiBats Siflnfovd, ib^ 429— 

defeated, ib. 521. iv. 72. 
Horton, Colonel, iv. ISO. 
Hotham, Sir John, and son, sent to take pessessioii of Hull, ill. 300— lefuse 

to deliver it to Qiatles, ib. 330. 
Howes, OB prodamatton of Elizabeth, i. 288. 
Hudson on the star-chamber, i. 159. 162. 182. 109, note. iv. 65. 
Huet, Dr. iv. 415, 416, 422. 
Hull, attempt to surprise magazme of, liL 286-i-^eserved ta parliament, ib. 

330 — fruitless attempt on, ib. 339. 
Humble petition and advice, iv. 403. 
Hume, Lieutenant-.Colonel, concerned In the incident, sL 150. 
Hume, Mr. corrected, i.6. 69. 192. 197. 201. 207. 209,210. 219.214. 218. 

224. 226. 232. 236. 240. 243.-245. 249. 253. 266. 271. 275. 277. 279. 

281. 285. 293, 294. 298. 303. 307. 809, note. 311. 323. 395, note. 348, 

note. 347. 365, iL487, et seq. 193, note. 209, note. 935. 292, note. ^7, note. 

iii. 7. 11. la 22.' 55. 86. 175. 984. 306. 310. 318. 352. 439. 459. 499. 

551. 576. iv. 40. 72. 120. 123. 164. 1^. 199, €t tcf. 212, et te^. 225, 

et seq. 323. 325. 362, 363, note, et teq. 460. 
Hunks, Sir F. examination of, iii. 600. 
Huntingdon, Carl of, iv. 96. 
Huntingdon, Major, iv. 104, 131. 
Hurry, gives information concerning the army plot, iii. 153. iv. 31, 32. 

Muss, Johfl, huttitA as ft hettde. i. t6; 

Hotchiikson, Mrg. teroafks of, iv, t75. 305, note. 

Hutton, Mr. Justice, Hi. 87. 

Hyde, see darendob. 

Hyde, David, first gives the tenn of loiind-head, iiL 248. !v. 72. 886, 337. 


Jkmes 1. anogates right to fudge in causes, i. 193— bates jpresbyterian estab- 
lishment, lb. 833 — speech of, lb. 334, note— dvfl government of, ib. 336— 
Inodamation of, f regarding parliamentary privileges, ib. 845. 3J»D. 852—. 
strange^deluaon of, ib. 355 — ^foreign policy* of» lb. 856^t)retenfllon8 of, ib. 
872— insincerity of, ib. 396, 397— new models the Scottfsh chuhih, ib. 407 
it— meanness of, in regard to the Bas. Dor. ib. 412— proceedinjp of; agahist 
Scottish chmrch— establishes episcopacy in Scotland, ib. 416— 'v^^Seofiand, 
ib. 416— oflbnded with Laud, lb. 417— spiridess conduct of; flf 3— Intent 
on the Spanish match, ib. II— ttembles at the idea of Somerset divulging 
eecrets, ib. 14^— conduct of, regarding the l^rince*s journey to Spain, ib. 23, 
24— resentment against Buckingham, ib. 31— duplicity of^ lb. 35 — ^resent- 
ment oit at Buckingham, ib. 36— jealous of his son and Buckingham, ib^ 
42— policy of, towards the Irish, iiL 16Q. 

Jamaica, iv, 398. 

James (Papist) stabs Mr. Hey wood, iii. 115. 

loon Banlike, iv. 219. 

Jersey surrendered to the Parliament, it. SVS, 

Jewel, Bishop, L 78— his works suppressed by Laud, ii. 297. 

Jews, proposal for toleratkm of, iv. 400. 

Impressments, L 245. 

Imprisonment, L 232. ii. 138* 

Inddent, iii. 150« 

Independents, iii. 501. 515. 517. 

Inglefidd, Sie Francis, L 122. 

Ingoldsby, iv. 845. 429. 483. 

Jones, Cobnel, iv. 25. 469, 

Jones, Sir Theophilus, iv. 469. 

Joyce, Comety seizes the person of the king^ iv. 90. 

Ireland, account o^ i. 441« et,etaXe of, ii. 497 ; iii. 156— all ^rtles 

of, disgusted at liaud, iK 162r-con8titational government of. Sir. W. 

Parsons and Sir J. Borlace, ib» 163>^t]ie lords justices warned to watch 

proceedings of natives, ib. 165— British troops in, ib. 171— discovery of 

the conspiracy to lords justices of, ib. 200— measures concerning the iusur* 

rection, ib« 212-.-transactions of Glamorgan in, iv. 36» et *e^» 73. 111. 118 

—state of, ib. 253, et seq. 380. 

InUmf Colonel, iv. 6. 88— proposab to be presented to Chailes, drawn by, ib. 




508 INOBX. 

97* IOI9 102. 104. 106— -WgiMS for only deposing Charte and {iladag titf 
crown on the Dnke of York* ib. lift^-^per of piqposiog a form of govern- 
ment, tb. 159— character of* ib. 160— commands the Irish army under the 
title of deputy, socoeM and death of, ib. 257, ti teq^t^^oSA dismterestedness, 

Irish, see aimy«»-feelingii ot, towards the English setders, iiL 158— officers 
abroad, oorrsspondence of, ib. 161— committee, proceedings of, ib. 16S— in- 
sunection, reflections on, ib. 173-.«committee, conduct of, ib. 177— 4nsor- 
lection, ib. 179— catholics, demands of, 180. 182— rebellion breaks out, ib. 
191 co n sp iracy» extent of, &c ib. 199^con8piracy discovered to the knds 
justices, ib. 200— brutality of, during insurrection, ib. 203. iv. 123. 

Judges, ib 279, 385. 

Jury, L 10. 

Juries, L 164. 

Justice, warrants ibr stopping the course of, i. 290— Courts of, removed horn 
Westminster, iii. 341 — high court o^^ created for the trial of Hamilton, 
Norwich, HoUand, and Capin, iv. 247, €t teq* 

Justices of the king's Bench, i 161. 

Kilvert, iL S62, 363. 

KimbdUm, Lord, ui. 257. 

Kildaro, Earl of, treatment of by Stafibrde, iii. 49^ 

Knight, iv. 451« 

Knights of shires, L 5. 

Knighthood, fees of, iL 282^ 

Knigfady, Sir R. i. 148« 

Knox, John, L 386. 

Lung, Mr. remarlu oil statement of^ iL 433. 4^7, note« 

lamb, Sir John, ii. 360, note* 

Lombard, L 159. et seq, 

Lambert, iv. 305. 307* 348— prepares an instrument of goveilnmenty ib. 369 
— «pp(Mnted one of the couocil, ib. 370. 404. 407. 413. 441— proceedings 
of, against the parliament, 442. 449. 451— n^godates with Mondce, and 
deserted by his army, 452. 458. 462. 483. 

Langdale, iv. 134. 

Lansdowne, battle of, liL 430. 

Lanyon, John, iii. 602. 

Land, u. 279. 

INDEX. 509 

Latimer, bishop, i. 31, note. 105. 

Laud, fuchbisfaop, i. 416; iL 92. n&. tdS. 291. 297. 313. 319.327« 332. 

343. 346. 395. 545. liL 3. 9. 17. 28. 63. 162. 580. 
Lauderdale, character of, iv. 124. 
Law, archbishop of Glasgow, ii. 435. 

Laws, L 166.— measures projected by parliament to reform, iv. 320. 
Lawson, iv. 365. 366. 473. 

League and covenant, solemn, iii. 452<«»Tevived by parliamoit, iv. 473. 
Legge, Captain, iiL 300. 593. 595 ; iv. 111. 120. 
Leicester, town of, taken by Charles^ and sacked, iv. 4^ 
Leicester, Earl of, i. 151. 
Leicester, £arl of, iiL 163. 
Ldghton, trial of, u, 308*.4entenee o^ ib. 313* 
XiCinster, insurreeticm in, iiL 207. 
LenthaU, iiL 15. iv. 360. 382. 436. 450. 
Leslie, General, (Earl Leven,) iL 535. iiL 457. 517. 
Leslie, Genenl David, iiL 515. iv. 23. 27. 35. 128— appointed to the command 

of the Sootjtieh army, ib. 278«.-takes up a position betwixt Edinburgh and 

Leith, and proceedings of, ib. 284, et tefi^^ntakasd in command, ib. 29&» 
L^ock House, iv. 21. 
Leven, Earl of, iv. 23. 127. 
liewis, iv. 92. 

liibels on the dissolution of parliament, iL 230. 
LUbum, CdoneK John, iL 347 ; iv. 104. 253. 377. 
Xincob, iv. 96^ 

Lmdsay, Earl of, iiL 300. 361. iv. 5* 
lions, Bkhard, L 284. 
Lisle, Sir George, iv. 5. 
Usle, Philip, Lord, iv. 370. 446. 
Litchfield, Earl of, iv. 5. 25. 
Littleton, L. Keep. iiL 341* 
Litton, SUr William, uL 388. 
Liturgy, i 103. iL 297. 445. 449. 559. 
Loans, forced, L 249. 
Loan, compulsory, ii« 84^ 
Lockhart, English ambassador, iv. 481. 
Loe, Mr. iv. 456. 

Lioftus, Lord, Chancellor of Ireland, case of, iiL 50. 
Lollards, L 57. 66. 
X^ndon, city of, iiL 178. 270. 421. 441. iv. 91. 94— .common council of, iv. 

417. 463 — ^new militia of, iv. 470<— principles of new militia of, ib. 471. 
Long, iv. 92. 
l^tif^e, Sir Marmaduke ; iv. 26, 27, 

^10 INDEX. 

liOids, Uoiue of, iii. 120— refiue to join the ombdioiis, ib. dOi^^^^t^ilbm 
vo^ammmm the petition, &• 806* .cowm n petitum, ib. ^i09*.*,tmuak»m 
state of, by Clarendon and Hvme« ib. 341, nole— propoiitioiMof, Ibr jpeao^, 
iU 433— Abolished, iv. 242. 

JLothian, Adjutant, i?. 25. 

Loodon, ChiantUBC, w. 124. 130. 

Lucas, Sir Charles, iv. 146. 

Ludlow, IT. 88. 121. 1^ 37ii, 376. 438. 

Lunsford, iii. 246, 247, 248. 

Luther, L 74. 

Lutherans, L 127. 

Lyme, siege of, iiL 522. 


Maodonalds, iiL 401. 

Macdonald, Alester, it. 31. 

maaOun, Hug^ Qse, iiL fOO. 

MaitJand, Lord, iiL 666. 

Maliga, oondnct of Blake at, iv. 419. 

Man, Isle of, suirendered to the parliament by the Counten of Derby> iy. 3^6. 

Manchester, Earl of. iiL 476. 540. ^46. iv. 408. 483. 

Mawfield, Lord, L 162. 

Mansfeld, ii. 9. 

Manwaring, iL 180. 

Manwood, Serjeant, i. 320. 

Marriage of the nobility, restraint on, L 2i94. 

Marshall, Earl, office of, 1. 227— court of, iL 380, 

Marshal of the household, L 228. 

Marston Moor, battle of, iiL 481. 489. 

Martial law, i. 204. 

Martm, Henry, iv. 346. 

Mary, Queen of England, her hatred of the Refin9&aliOQ> L iW — ^visbes to 
restore church property, ib. 112 — endeovouxlo coaoliate tb^ ]^p]«, ib. 116 
—parliament of, not all compliance, ib. 120— ^nembeil, iUQ$vi»r<9f canfagiil 
of, ib. 122— government of, ib. 209. 

Mary, Queen of Scots, i. 391. 

Mary of Medids Queen Mother, iii. 115. 

Massey, iiL 440. iv. 14. 92- 94. 3m^ 

Maurice, Prince, iii. 361. 522. iv. 5. 320. 

Mayteid* LokU itt. ^60, iv. 92. 96. 

Melvittea, L 411, note. 

Middlesex, Eari of, iL 36. iv. 96. 

Middleton, expedition of, to Scotland, and de&aied, ^v. 386, 387* 

INDBX. 511 

Mflitary operations, ii. 499. 

Milton, ii. 45, note. 

Mob of citizens, iii. 109. 

Monasteries, L 84. 

Moncke, General, iv. 305. 314^take^ Sthfirig, Set. ib. 314. 334 3(tSI. 3B7. 
438. 443. 44Jf, 446. 451. 455, 456. 461 464-uordtted to enter thie 
city, ib. 466— letter of, to parliament, ib. 467'«-entry into the dty, smd con- 
duct of, ib. 469— obtains the authority of the city Tor raising new knililia, ib. 
470— declaration of, to parliament, ib. 473— appointed toptain-g^ehil of 
all the forces, ib. 473, 474. 476— had concluded with Chatles il. ib. 464. 

Money, bill, clause inserted in, L 7— project for raising, ii. 39. 

MonopoUes, i. 292; ii. 276. 

Monopolists, iiL 18. 

Monro, Lieut-General, iii. 400. 472 ; iv. 134. 

Montague, case of^ ii. 61— book of, ib. 62— case of, resumed by parliament, ib. 
T3; iv.370. 

Montague, Mr. W. iiL 310, note. 

Montague, Colonel, iy. 418--appointed one of the commander^ of £he iteet, ib. 
473— fleet under, declared for the king, ib. 477— sent to bring oyer Charles, 
ib. 485. 

Mountnorris, proceedings against, formed articles against SlrafFolde, iii. 49. 

Montreyille, iy. 61. 

Montrose, Marquis of, iiL 144. 146. 148, 149. 393. 400. 4t)4. 529. 532. 
534. 537 ; iy. 24H-action8 of, ib. 28. 32. 34, 35— complete defeat of at 
Fhiliphaugh, ib. 35— adyice of, to Charl^ II. ib. 263 — stains his charac* 
ter with the assassination of Dorislaus, ib. 264— proceedings of, ib. 266^- 
lands in Scotiand, ib. 267— defeated, ib. 268— treatment and sentence of^ 
ib. 269— execution of, ib. 270. 

Morely, iy. 451. 

Morgan, Colonel, iy. 26. 

Morgan, iy. 28. 

Moore, Boger, iii. 172. 180. 

Mounson, Mr. L 320. 


Naseby, arrangements for batde of, iy. 5— battie of, ib. 6, et seq. 

Nation, state and feelings of, iL 161— 4tate of at the meeting of the long pAt- 

liament, iiL 1. 
Nayigation act, iv. 328. 

Nayy, iy. 316, ei seq, — commissioners of, ib. 349. 
Naylor. Kote, iv. 410. 

512 INDEX. 

Neal, Mr. L 197. 199. 

Kcgodatioii, fruitlcM attempts at, iii. 467. 

Neva, It. 412, 41S. 

Newark, town of, iti. 408. 

Newboiy, bfttae of, lU. 444. Second battle of, ib. 627. 

Kewcasae, Earl of, Maiquis, uL 300. 386. 407, 408. 45Q, 451, 452. ir73. 

478. 486. 
Newport, tireaty of, iv. 140. 
NewpGr^ Lord, Sit 245. 
New-year's gifts, i. 279. 
Nicholas, It. 336. 
NobiUty, it 512. 
Northampton, Earl of, iv. 25. 
Northern rebellion, L 211. 

Northumberland, Earl of, i. 211 ; ill 2. 83. 321. 339. 388. 
Nottingham, town of, iiL 361. 
Noy, Attomey-General, iL 266. 383. 
Nnitt, EUzabetfa, iii. 603. 

0*C(mnaUy, ill 20a 
Officers of state, resignation of, iiL 131. 
Qlivarez, Conde, iL 30. 
O'Neal, Daniel, iiL 137. 246. 
O'NeU, Sir Fhdim, iiL 161. 184. 
0*Neale, Owen Rowe, iv. 446. 
Onslow, Mr. L 318. 
Orange, Prince of, IiL 390. 
Ordeal, trial by, L 164. 
Ordinance, self-denying, iiL 547. 559. 
Ormonde, Earl of, iii. 163. 296. 393. 401. 457— transactions of, with the 

Irish rebels, 17. 36. 59. 73. 100. 118, 
OsbaUUstone, Mr. iL 370. 372. 
Osbum, L 245. 247. 
Overbury, Sir Thomas, iL 14. 
Overman, iL 317. 
Owen, Sir Roger, L 373. 
Oxford deliTered up, iv« 66, 

Pack, Alderman, iv. 403. 
Palsgrave, iL 9. 

INDEX. 51 3 


P**«» AP**|J8hop> ^ **«• , .. ..,. . .; ,, . 

fafker, Mil ii. 18.7- . .. ^ /•:../, ,..;s«~-J :t .-ii /i, 

ParliameDt, commons fint sammooed to, L 5r— lower J^pi^ (^ ^^o.^TTira^' 

|o .t|i^ JEUnnifU see, u^4 jtestkiij^ «f .church ]9Qpe|:t^,.ri^, l^^-^^^l^ei^ 
Heoiir yill< irom repnym^t of .h» loans, ib. 2^%M:9?i^:^..i^^^^ 
of ti^clr p^vik^esf ib. 317«r-writ» (Oiancery, ^^337i jlj^i^. 
^4. ^. $7. 73. 80. 89, .$Ou.-Speaker pf^ xecdwa a letter: £rom^(;:i^^ 
ib. 91. lOa 119. 156. 161. 174. 195. 216. 230.,519» 5?l/5ia.^ 525. 
528— Long, state of the nation at meeting of, lii.. 1— 4DeetH)g of, ^b* 
15— feeUngsof, in regard tq Strafibcde, ib. 117-^iUfor the oontin}ianoeiQf| 
ib. 118, 119 — ^recess of, ib. 141— r«ensared for opposing the nfgocifttipn 
with France and Spain regarding the transference of thelii^ fvmjr^ lb. 
168— reassembles, ib. 225— proceedings, ib. 228— pvooeedingf .of, in. s^ 
gaid to Ireknd, ib. 240— remonstrance of, against breach of privilege, ib. 24& 
—adjourn, ib. 267— call upon the sheriffs of London and Middlesex, to xsise 
the potse comUatut as a guard for the king and parliament, ib. 297— lycspt^ 
of services of captains of vessds and mariners tendered to them, ib. 297^ 
. resolve to appoint a guard, ib. 300— transmit instructions to Goring, as gfh, 
vemor of Portsmouth, ib. 301 — ^proceedings of> regv^ing the Tower, ib« 
301— meisities of, to disperse Digby's band, ibb 301'^TOte the king's advi- 
sers enemies to the state, ib. 314— resohitions regarding military, &c. piait- 
cd, ib. 314— resolve that the kingdom be put in a posture of defence, ib. 820 
— 4end a message to Northumberland to put the fleet in immediatf readi- 
ness, ib. 321— contents of declaration of, transmitted to the king, lb. 321«i« 
measures of, regarding Ireland, ib. 327— 4aiswer to the king's dedaraftion 
rqpuding Hptham, ib. 331— vote enemies to the state, who lend money on 
the crown, jewels, &c. ib. 334— successfully nominate Warwick to the com* 
mand of the fleet, ib. 339— vigorously prepare for war, ib. 340— order a new 
seal, andtrther measures, ib. 341— vindicate their character of a free ^assem- 
bly, ib. 342-*-«upported by the towns, ib. 347— send prepositions to the kii^ 
ib. 348— effectual measures of, to raise money, ib. 350— dechoation and peti- 
tion of, to Charles, ib. 366 — dedaiation of, to the kingdom, ib. 366— ordi- 
nances ofj ib. 384— committee of, attend the Common Coundl of London, ib. 
387— English, iv. 42, note— abolishes ejnscopacy, ib. 79. state o^ ib. 81, 82. 
93, 94, 95, 96. 116— ]^ropo8itions sent by, to Charles, ib. ll6-«-votesno more 
addresses to the king, and publishes a dedaration, ib. 120, 121, 122, 123— 
revolt of part of fleet of, ib. 137— «tate of, ib. 138— purged by t^e army, 
ib. 158— determined to carry hostilities into Scotland, ib. 273— ^vigour and 
dispositions of, ib. 307— unites ScotUud to Enghmd, ib. 814— success of, 
lb. 337— Barebones, ib. 354 to 363— second, of Cromwell, ib. 379— dissol. 
▼ed, ib. 385— Cromwell's third, ib. 401 — summoned by Richard Crom- 
well, ibi 427— dissolved, ib. 431— ^^g^, restored, ib. 431— vigour and mea- 
VOL. IV. , 2 L 

514 INDEX. 

fuiet of* ib. 437— expulsion of, ih. i44~mtoiation and pfoceedings of, ib« 
159 cngigftd in devising rules for the new decdoni, ib. 470 ecdtided 
members return to the house, and proceedings of, ib. 473— act of dissdution 
of, ib. 474N-4iev, election of, ib. 476— proceedings of, ib. 483— restoration 

' of Charles agreed to by, ib. 485 

i>arliament, SoottiA, constitution of, i. 4«8— acts passed by, iL 417— icfleetioiM 
on acts passed by, and slate of, ib. 418. 611— prorogued, 513— acts of, ib. 
529— infonned by fhe king of the Irish insurrection, iiL 213— proceedings 
of regardbg Ireland, ib. 217— zeal of, to reduce Irish insurgents, ib. 218. 

Parliament, Irish, remonstrance of, reported to the Engfish eommons, iii 23. 

Parma, Duke of, i. 221. 

Parsons, Sir Willlamj ill 163. 

Pairties, state of at the commencement of civil wars, iii. 343— particuhnr ac- 
count of, ib. 353— feeUngs of, iv. 252. 

Paulet, Lord Treasurer, i. 122. 

Peers, oouncU of, at York, ii. 588. 540. 

Pembroke, Earl of, iii. 388. 

Penn, iv. 333. 365. 398. 

Pennington, Admird, ti 69. 71. 

Pennington i Alderman,' it!. 380. 

Penmd^k, Sir George?, insurrection of, iv. 392. 

Penry and Udal, cases of, i. 301. 

People, cause of attachment of, to the throne, i. 4— great body of, had none ot 

' the feeKtogs ascribed to them by the hierarchy, ib. 149— lowest ranks flatta- 

ed with the hope of temporal benefits from a change of religious system, ib. 

Pereie, Master, iii. 586. 
Perth, five attides of, i. 418. 
Peters, Hugh, iv. 114. 313. 
Petitions to Parliament, iii. 306. 
Petre, Sir WiUiam, i. 122. 
Pettager, ii. 349, note. 
Philip de Commines, L 11. 
Philip, husband of Mary, i. 11 1. 
Philips, Sir Robert, ii. 165— speech of, ib. 183. 
Pickering, Mr. Gilbert, iv. 370. 
Pierce, Wren, and Cozens, iii. 35. 
Picrpoint, Mr. iii. 388. 566. 
Plot. See Army. 
Plowden, L 190. 
Pointz, iv. 24. 
Pole, Cardinal, i. 121 
Ponet, Dr. John, i. 316, note. 

INDEX. 515 

Pope, .Gregory, letters of, iL 549. ; iv. 3&«-inteiference of, in ftrour of 

Charles, ib. 482. 
Popham, Attorney-General, L 148. 
Popham, Colonel, iv. 316. Sid. 
Porter, Mr. Humphreys H* 375. 
Portland, Earl of, u. 267. 
Portugal, iv. 319. 
Power to impoae customs, i. 266. 
Powers assumed over foreign trades, &e. L 275. 
Power of dispensing with the laws, i. 281. 
Poyer, iv. 131. 

Poynings, Sir John, law of, i. 449. 
Practice of Piety suppressed by Laud, iL 297. 
Premly, John, ii. 375. 
Prerogative, i. 6, 7. 47. 
Presbyterian government, i. 138. ; iii. 221. 
Presbyterians, L 306. ; iii 511. 515. ; iv. 436. 456. 471. 482. 
Presbyterians, Scottish, feelings and declaration ot^ iv. 306. 
Pressbg bill, iii. 242. 
Proceedings, arbitrary, iL 197. 274b 
Proclamations, L 285 ; iL 276. 462. 468, 469. 
Pride, iv. 6. 
Protestants, L 124. 127, 128; principles and proceedings of, iL2; iiL 206. 

Protests, ii. 469, 480. 

Prynne, William, L 177 ; iL 223. 328. 333, 334. 340 ; iii. 17. 
Puckering, L 306. 
Pudsey, Serjeant -Major, iiL 440. 
Pulpt, iL 134. 
Pursmvants, L 155. 
Purveyance, L 297. 
Pye, Sir Robert, (note) iv. 97* 
Pym, iL 521. ; iiL 16. 21. 26. 43. 59. 90. 257. 387. 460. 


Queen-Mother. See Mary of Medicis. 
Queen, {Scottish, L 153. 
Queen. See Henrietta. 

Rack, ii. 207. 209, note. 

Rainsborough, iv. 6. 20, 21. 104—appointed Vice-Admiral of the fleets «nd 
Stationed near the Isle of Wight, ib. 119— assassination of, ib. 137. ! 

2l2 I 

516 INJ>£X. 

JUldgliy Sir Walter, i. 296. 35.5, note. 377, note. 

lUlttfln. Richaid, iiL i9. 

Batdiife, Sir George, iii S3. 

BcB and othot, ii. 318. 

Read, AUennan, i. 847* 

Beading* eiege and a^ture of, iii. 419. 

Beooveiy, eonunon, 1. 16. 

Kelbnnation, L 37. 48. 

Befomere, L 1S4, 115. 189. 136. 

B^genti, L 101. 

Begimenti, £nglith, iiL 470. 

Beligion, oonodered by parliament, iL 220--4i^O!Faftions in^ ib. 2|^j|--fitate of, 
ib. g97i citablirhed, sabverted for ibe pageantry of the Bcunifh sopersti- 
tion» iiL 5— « grand eauae of the contest in a civil Tievr, ib. 11.^4ne grand 
point of the treaty of Uzbridge, ib. 569. 

Bdigioiu feeling in the reign of £li9al^, L 139^— establishment, ir« 94^ 

Bcmonstianoe fiunons, i^ 9S0b 83S^ 239, 

Bepublican party, iv* 476. 483* 

Berdutiou in the state of society, L 19— on manners, ib. S^M-efiecta of, ib. 43. 

Bhte, isle oif iL 151. 

Bicb, Nathaniel, ii. 185. 

Bicfa, Major-General, iv. 305. 345. 376. 

Biflbard II. L 55^ 250. 

Bicbardson, Seijeant, L 190. 

Bichardson, Mr. Justice, iL 329. 331. 

Bichmond, Duke of, in. 308. 

Bight, petition of, iL 173. 179. 187. 

Binucdni, John fiaptista, iv. 36. 

Bippon, iL 540, 541, 542. 

Bobins and Alison, case of, ii. 333. 

Bobinson, Alderman, iv. 456. 

Bocbelle, iL 212, 213. 

Bochester, Sir B. L |22. 

Bolls, Mr. iL 217. 

Borne, ii. 395. 

Bossiter, iv. 24. 

Bothes, Loid, iL 467. 496. ; iii. 41. 143. 146. 

Bound-head, iiL 248. 

Bound-way Down, battle of, iiL 431. 

Bouse, Mr. iL 220. 

Bowe, Sir Thomas, L 375^ 

Boyalists rent into factions, iv. 233, 

Bupert, Prince, iii. 361. 378. 389. 432. 477. ; voL iv. 5, 6. 19. 318, 319, 

INDEX. 517 

Rutfaven, iii. 410, 411. 
De Ruyter, iv. 333. 365. 

Sa, Don Pantoleon, case of, iv. 378, 379. 

Sabbath, or Lofd's-day, ii 378. 

St. John, iiL 22. 98. 105. ; iv. 327, 328. 345. 412. 

Salisbuiy, Earl of, iiL 388. 

Saloway Major, iv* 354. 

Sampson, iL 349, note. 

Sanderson, li 181. 

Sandford, Bills, Web, and others, iu 349. 

Sands, Sir Edward, i. 375. 

Santa Crux, attack of, iv. 418. 

Savage, iL 349. 

Saville, iL 250. 259. 

Say, Lord, ii. 497. ; iiL 386. 

Sdlly delivered to the parliament, iv. 316. 

Scotland, state of, L 382— opinions of Wickliffe bad penetrated into, ib. 386 
— ^vemment of, ib. 425— state of society of, ib. 432— .state of Highlands 
of, ib. 436— state of isles of, ib. 438— state of borders of, ib. 439— situa* 
tion of, after union of crowns, iL 403— ecclesiastical ai&irs of, ib. 411— 
visited by Charles, ib. 4l5^prodamations in, ib. 462— erection of the four 
tables in, ib. 465— violent proclamations in, ib. 468— Hamilton sent as com* 
missioner to, ib. 474— consequence of rojral expedition to, ib. 505— griev- 
ances of, iiL 6— intention of the king again to visit, ib. 138— >presbyterian go- 
vernment fully confirmed in, ib. 221— -Charles desires to conciliate, ib. 223 
— fitates of, pss from the trial of the incendiaries and Montrose, ib. 224^— 
affairs of, preparatory to the invasion of England under Hamilton, iv. 124— 
state of parties in, ib. 125— rupture of, with EngUnd,ib. 259— state of par- 
ties in, ib. 259, et ^jr— Charles II. proclaimed in, and commissioners sent 
to, ib. 261, 262— feelings of parties in, after the batUe of Dunbar, ib. 296, 
et M^.— military affiurs in, ib. 303— subdued, ib. 314— iUnited to England, 
ib. 314, 315. 380. 386, et seq. 

Scots, effect of reli^on on, L 434— prepare for a second war, ii. 517— inarched 
to the borders, ib. 534— >pas8 the Tweed, ib. 534 — rout of the English, ib. 
535— takf Newcastle and other towns, ib. 536— deliver up the king to 
the English, ib. 75, 118. 121. 123. 
Scott, Mr. iv. 348. 382. 

Scottish affiiirs, effects of, on English, iL 497, 529— deigy, accomplishments of, 
iv. 506— conunissioners, Kothes excepted, proof against the arts of the court, 
iii. 143— affairs, settlement of, ib. 220— commissioners, iv. 110— the en- 
gagement with the commissioners, ib. 116, 117, 118— protest of the com- 
missioners against the trial of Charles, ib. 187. 


518 INDEX. 

Scroopi Colonel Adrian, iv. 388. 

Seal, new, iv. 848. 

Secteriet, L 151. 

SeMen, ii. 888. 376. 

Service Book, u. 458. 

Seymour, Sir F. u. 163. 

Shaketpeaie, L 363, 405, note. 

Sberfield, iL 316. 

Ship-money, i. 877. ; ii. 130. 383. 397.; iii. 33. 

Ships, loan of, to France, iL 68. 

Sibthorpe, u. 360, note. 

Sigionund, i. 77. 

Skippon, Major-Gencral, iii. 898. 301. 586. 559—bring8 the mutinous sol- 
diers to order, iv. 8— draws the plan of the battle of Naseby, ib. 5— gal- 
lantry of, ib. 8. 85. 370. 

Slingsby, Sir Henry, iv. 398. 415. 

Smart, Sir Peter, u. 375. 

Smith, Sir Thomas, i* 187. 804. 836. 

Somerset, Duke of, (Hartford) i. 46, 47. 101. 104. 179.. 

Somerset, Earl of, (Car) ii. 14, et seq. 

Soul^eze, ii. 146. 803. 

South, actions in the, ilL 580. 

Southampton, Earl, iii. 365. 

Spain, it 84. 869, 873. ; iv. 395. 399. 

Spanish ambassador, ii. 40. 

Spanish coast, ii. 85. 87. 

Sparks* Michael, ii. 387. 

Spenser, Lord, ii. 45, note. 

Spinola, ii* 9. 

Spiritual peers, i. 14. 

Sports, Book of, iu 377. 

Stamford, Earl of, iii. 487. 429. 

Stanning, Sir Nich. iii. 410. 

Star-chamber, origin of, i. 15— avowed object of, ib. 44, et seq — ^must have 
gratified the lower ranks, ib. 44— particular account of, ib. 159. 163, rf 
seq. 175— cases in support of antiquity of, ib. 176— main argument in sup- 
port of antiquity of, ib. 187— cautious procedure of, at first, ib. 188— judg- 
ment of, ii. 197— proceedings in, ib. 881— case of Leighton in, ib. 308— 
abolition of, iii. 134~aUu8ion to case in, ib. 178. 

Statute regarding farmhouses, i. 35— bloody, ib. 91— persecuting, ib. 898. 

Sydenham, Mr. Edward, iv. 370. 416. 

Sydney, Algernon, iv. 407. 409. 439, 

Steward of the household, i. 888. 

Stewart, Mr. iii. 147. 

INDEX. 519 

Stewart, Colmel, iii. 160. 

Stnt^Oc, Earl of, (Sir Thomas Wentworth,) ii. 96, note, et teq. 169. 198. 

249, 2S0. 290. 321. 49T. ^8, iii. 14. 23. 26. 43. 45. 47. 53. 73. 76. 79. 

80. 83. 86, etseq. 98. 119. 121-^zectttion of. 123. 125. 162, et sef. 
Sfcrntton, Batde of, iii. 429« 
Strictland, it. 327. 328. 370. 
Strode, member of commons, iii. 257. 
Struthers, Mr. iL 435. 
StiicUa&d, L 320. 
Strype, L 148. 215. 288, note. 

Stuarts, Dynasty of, opened a new era in the government, i. 331. 
Saffi)lk, Earl of, iv. 96. 
Supplication, iL 459. 

Tables, erection of the, ii; 465. 

Tait, Mr. L 191, note. 

Tait, Mr. Zoudi, iii. 550. 

Taunton, town of, besieged, iv. 2«*4i<^e of raised, ib. 14^ 

Taxes, arbitrary, iL 274. 

Thomhaugh, Cdbnel, iv. 134. 

Throne, powers transferred to the, L 98. 

Thurloe, John, iv. 423. 

Thume, iL 9. 

Tonnage and poundage, ii. 192 ; iii. 136. 

Torture, L 236. 

Towns, effects of, on manners and the feudal system, L 3. 45. 329. 

Traquair, Earl of, ii. 428. 514. 

Trevannion, Mr. John, liL 410. ' 

Tromp, Van, iv. 331, et teq. 365, 366. 

Troops begin to mutiny, iL 533. 

Tudors, institutions under, L 158. 

Tumult, iL 452. 460 ; iiu 436. 

Turner, Dr. iL 95. 

Tyler, Wat, L $2. 

Tyrrel, iv. 437. 

Tythes, iL 408. 


Udal and Penry, cases of, L 301. 
Ulster, insurrection in, iiL 303. 
Uvedale, Sir William, iii. 365. 
Uxbridge, treaty of, iii. 569. 578. 

5^ lOTJtx. 

.... y 

VaM» Sir ftoify, fi. 523 ; iii 245. 

Vsiie, Sir Heniy, the jounger, iu. 22. 90. 92. 660; iV. SO— integrity of, ib. 

SiSf 816. 347. 409. 467. 460. 468. 
Vauglian, Sir W. it. 27. 
Vmvator, Cofeod, iiL 594. 
Venableg, iv. 396. 
Vornon* Mr. Jnstke, ii. 290. 
Vowel, IT. 378. 


Wadfwortli, James, iiL 602. 

Wagit«ff, iY. 392. 

Walei, Si. 413— South, riring in, and defeated, iv. 130. 

Walker, Heniy, iii. 265. 

Waller, Edmund, (Poet,) ii. 521 ; iiL 388. 393. 42i; 4^3; 

Waller, Sir William, iii. 415; 43b; 43t. 517. 521. 5^ ; iv. ^4. 92. 

WaUingfindJioiifle, cabal at, !▼. 430. 

Walnngham, Sir F. i 151, note. 

Waidahip, L 294 

War, effiscti of, betwixt the houses of York and Lancaster, 1 12— with SpaiQ, 

iL 84— with France, ib. 139^— betwixt king and parliament, iii. 364— ciTil^ 

mildness of, &c IT. 234, ^ j0Sf. 
Warwick, Earl of, iiL 339; iy. 316. 408. 
Watson, Scout MastferGeocral, iv. 114 
Wdldon,iL 349. 
Wmman, Lord, iiL 388. S69, 
Wentwortfa, Peter, L 321, 322. 324 ; ir. 346. 
Wentworth, Mr. Thomas, iL 96, ef m^ 
Wentworih, Sir Thomas, see Strafioidc^ 
Weston. See Portlaud. 
Westmoreland, Earl of, L 211. 
Whaley, iv. 91. 
Wharton, John, ii. 347. 
WMte, Dr. Francb, iL 63. 
Whitelocke, iiL 378. 390. 554, etteq.^iY. 147, in note— conversatioo of, with 

Archbishop of Upsale, ib. 241, in note*-conference of, with Christina 

of Sweden, ib. 246, et ««;.— advice of, to Ciomwe]], ib. 343. 349. 36a 410 

..urges Fleetwood to recal the Stuarts, il^ 456. 
Wickli^ John, L 49. 69. 74 
Widrington, iv. 360. 401. 


INDEX. 521 

Wight, Ide of. It. 111.113. 

Wadinaii, Major, iv. 392. 

Wilfoid, Sb Thomas, eommksioii of piovott marshal granted to, t 226, 

Wilkes, IT. 451. 

Williams, Loid Keeper and Bidiop of Lincoln, ii. 39. 72. 80. 34a SQ7. 

370.372; iii. 119.246. 
Willoiighby, Paifaam, Lord of, vr. 93. 96. 456. 
Wihnot, Lord, iii. 137. 
WimMeton, Visoount, ii. 86. 
Winciiester towns surrender to Cromwell, iv. 21. 
Windhank, m. 28. 83. 86. 
Winton Castle, iv. 21. 
De Wit, iv. 365. 374. 
Wdlsey, Cardinal, I 80. 186. 
Wolsley, Sur Charles, iv. S70. 
Wool allowed to be aborted, i. 27. 
Worcester, Marquis of, liL 114. 416. 
Worcester, battle of, iv. 310. 
WoikmaB, Mr. ii; 374. 
Wotton, Sir H. L 374. 
Wren, Pieree, and Cozens, case of, iii. 35. 
Wrtght and Yoemans, iL 349, note. 
Wyat andfoltowers, i. 215, et teq. 

Ydverfton, Mr. L 321. 

Voemans and Wrifl^t, iL 349. 

Yolk, Conncfl of peers at, H. 5 40 s ie ge of, JsL 475— suncnder of» ib. 519. 


Yorkists, i. 13. 


PitDtcd by Balfour and Clarke, 
Edinburgh, 183f. 


1 i 




Pi^eSS. line 19. ^ idea fMd k 

9i» Jhr royal cabinet opened, && as a vefeienoe, read LikUow, voL i. 

p. 156. 
100. line 17. dele not 

108. line SO. fir Lend Goring read Cokneli eon of Losd Gorii^. 
126. note, line 2. jfbr ooDeet read eoDate. 

line S, 4. ze^ifytbe punctuation tfana, '^uiged byhim then, used,** 
137. line 12. fir Queen Afaiy, should, read Queen Maiy, ikey dioald. 
165* note, line 7. fir princes risad prince. 
178. line 19. /r should entirely, rnd Ihey should entiidy. 
174b line 20. fir bill in fiivour of, iviui conanisrion to. 
811- note, line 22. dele not. 
S86. line 20. fir Qiester read Chidiester. 
392* line 8. fir puisuen read supporten. 
411* note, line 4. fir wzath read wealth. 
440« line 17. fir was read were. 
445. line 2. in punctuation, make a comma after men. 
458. line 20. fir Charles be read him Charles. 

498. line 20, fir appointments read appobtment. 

499. note, line 10. fir vigour read rigour. 
642. line 6. dde nAo. 

MS. note, line 17. fir difficult read difecnt. 







This book is under no eironmstflnoes to be 
taken from the Building 

UG 2 9 liU 


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